Zechariah 9-14 9783170216518

Citation preview

Paul L. Redditt

Zechariah 9-14

w. Kohlhammer

Kohlhammer

International Exegetical Commentary on the Old Testament (lECOT)

Edited by Walter Dietrich, David M. Carr, Adele Berlin, Erhard Blum, Irmtraud Fischer, Shimon Gesundheit, Walter GroB, Gary Knoppers, Bernard M. Levinson, Ed Noort, Helmut Utzschneider and Beate Ego (Apocrypha/Deuterocanonical books)

Cover: Top: Panel from a four-part relief on the "Black Obelisk of shalmaneser III" (859-824 BCE)

depicting the Israelite king Jehu (845-817 BCE; 2 Kings 9f) paying obeisance to the Assyrian "King of Kings:' The vassal has thrown himself to the ground in front of his overlord. Royal servants are standing behind the Assyrian king whereas Assyrian officers are standing behind Jehu. The remaining picture panels portray thirteen Israelite tribute bearers carrying heavy and precious gifts. photo © Z.Radovan/BibleLandPictures.com Bottom left: One of ten reliefs on the bronze doors that constitute the eastern portal (the so-called "Gates of Paradise") of the Baptistery of St. John of Florence, created 1424-1452 by Lorenzo Ghiberti (c. 1378-1455). Detail from the picture "Adam and Eve"; in the center is the creation of Eve: "And the rib that the LORD God had taken from the man he made into a woman and brought her to the man." (Gen 2:22) Photograph by George Reader

Bottom right: Detail of the Menorah in front of the Knesset in Jerusalem, created by Benno Elkan (1877-1960): Ezra reads the Law of Moses to the assembled nation (Neh 8). The bronze Menorah was created in London in 1956 and in the same year was given by the British as a gift to the State of Israel. A total of 29 reliefs portray scenes from the Hebrew bible and the history of the Jewish people.

All rights reserved ~ 2012 W. Kohlhammer GmbH Stuttgart Production: W. Kohlhammer Druckerei GmbH + Co. KG, Stuttgart Printed in Germany ISBN: 978-3-17-021651-8

Contents

Editors' Forward ......................................................

9

Author's Preface.......................................................

11

Introduction...........................................................

13

The Relationship of Zechariah 9-14 to Zechariah 1-8 .................. A Synchronic Analysis of Zechariah 9-14 ............................. The Structure of Zechariah 9-14 ..................................... A Diachronic Reading of Zechariah 9-14 .............................. The Date and Historical Background of Zechariah 9-14 ................ The Identity of the Shepherds and Merchants in Zechariah 11 ........... Zechariah 9-14 and the Book of the Twelve... ... ... ...... ... ... ...... Conclusion .........................................................

13 15 18 20 26 30 30 31

Zechariah 9. God's Future Kingdom and Earthly King...................

33

9:1-17.................................................................. Notes on Text and Translation ....................................... Synchronic Analysis .......................... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Title Kiur.l •••..•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••..• 9:1-6a. Yhwh works to re-establish the New Kingdom............. 9:6b-8. Yhwh speaks of Yhwh's redemptive work .................. 9:9-10. Yhwh presents Jerusalem its new king..................... 9:11-13. Yhwh speaks of Yhwh's redemptive work. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9:14-17. Yhwh protects the restored kingdom..................... Diachronic Analysis ................................................. 9:9-10. The oldest section. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9:1-8,11-17. The remaining sections............................. Concluding Integrative Summary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

33 34 36 37 38 42 43 45 47 50 50 52 55

Zechariah 10. Judah, Ephraim, and the Exiles ..........................

57

10:1-12 .... ... ... ... .......... ......... ... ... ........................... Notes on Text and Translation ....................................... Synchronic Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10:1-5. Hope for Judah .......................................... 10:6-12. Hope for Israel. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Diachronic Analysis ................................................. Concluding Integrative Summary . . . . . . .. .. . . .. . .. . .. .. .. .. . .. .. .. .. . .

57 58 59 60 65 69

zechariah 11. The Shepherd Narrative .................................

75

11:1-17................................................................. Notes on Text and Translation ....................................... Synchronic Analysis .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

75 76 77

72

6

Contents

11:1-3. A Taunt Song; Against the Shepherds...................... 11:4-16. Shepherd Sign-Enactment Report ........................ 11:17. The Denouement.......................................... Diachronic Analysis ................................................. 11:1-3. A Taunt Song Against the Shepherds...................... 11:4-16. A Shepherd Sign-Enactment Report .... , ......... , .. ,.... Concluding Integrative Summary ........... , ... , .. . .. .. . . . .. . .. .. .. ..

78 80 88 88 88 89 91

zechariah 12-13. The Future of Jerusalem and Judah, 1 ....... , ...... ,.

93

12:1-13:9 ....... , .............. , .. , .... , ... , .. "., .. , ..........•..... ". 12:2-9. The Future War. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Notes on Text and Translation ....................................... Synchronic Analysis ................... , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . . . 12:1a. KlDI::l, Superscription, and Hymn Fragment. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12:2-9. The Future War ................... , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Diachronic Analysis ......................... , .. ,.................... Concluding Integrative Summary..................................... 12:10-13:6. The Future of the Davidides, Levites, and False Prophets .... , .. , Notes on Text and Translation ....................................... Synchronic Analysis , , , , , . , ..... , .. , ....................... , .. , , , .. ,. 12:10-13:1. Davidides and Levites ., , .. , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 13:2-6. False Prophets ........................................... Diachronic Analysis ................................................. 12:10-13:1. Davidides and Levites ................................. 13:2-6. False Prophets ........................................... Concluding Integrative Summary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 13:7-9. The Final Shepherd Passage...................................... Notes on Text and Translation................. ... ... ....... ... ...... Synchronic Analysis ....................... ,...... ... ... ....... ... ... Diachronic Analysis ................................................. Concluding Integrative Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

93 94 95 95 95 96 102 105 106 107 108 108 113 116 116 117 118 119 119 119 122 124

zechariah 14. The Future of Jerusalem andJudah, 2 .. , ............. ,... 125 14:1-21 .............. , ..... , .. , .................. ,.. ...... ....•......... Notes on Text and Translation ...................... ,................ Synchronic Analysis .......................................... , , . , .. , 14:1-3. Yhwh Fights against the Nations.......................... 14:4-5. Yhwh Provides Escape for People in Jerusalem ............. 14:6-8. The Land is Transformed: 1 ............................... 14:9. Yhwh Rules the Whole Land as King ........................ 14:10-11. The Land is Transformed: 2 ..................... , . . . . . .. 14:12-15. Yhwh Protects Jerusalem in the Future War ..... ,....... 14:16-21. The Nations Worship Yhwh ............................. Diachronic Analysis , ..... , .. ,."............................ ......... The Rise of Zechariah 14 .................... , ................ ,., The Kingship and Oneness of Yhwh .............................. The Redactor of Zechariah 14 ....................................

125 126 127 128 130 131 132 133 135 138 140 140 142 144

Contents

7

Concluding Integrative Summary..................................... 145 Conclusion..................................... .•....................... 147 Summary of Findings. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. How Did Zechariah 9-14 Become attached to Zechariah 1-8? ............. who Compiled These Chapters? ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Is Such a Program for the Future Viable? . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. .. .. .. .. . .. ... ]s Zechariah 9-14 an Apocalypse, in Whole or in Part? ................

147 148 149 150 150

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 153 Indexes ................................................................ 158 Index Index Index Index

of Hebrew Words ................................................. of Key Words ..................................................... of Citations ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. of Other Sources ..................................................

158 159 160 164

Abbreviations.......................................................... 165

Editors' Forward The International Exegetical Commentary on the old Testament (IECOT) offers a multi-perspectival interpretation of the books of the old Testament to a broad, international audience of scholars, laypeople and pastors. Biblical commentaries too often reflect the fragmented character of contemporary biblical scholarship, where different geographical or methodological sub-groups of scholars pursue specific methodologies and/or theories with little engagement of alternative approaches. This series, published in English and German editions, brings together editors and authors from North America, Europe, and Israel with multiple exegetical perspectives. From the outset the goal has been to publish a series that was "international, ecumenical and contemporary:' The international character is reflected in the composition of an editorial board with members from six countries and commentators representing a yet broader diversity of scholarly contexts. The ecumenical dimension is reflected in at least two ways. First, both the editorial board and the list of authors includes scholars with a variety of religious perspectives, both Christian and Jewish. Second, the commentary series not only includes volumes on books in the Jewish Tanach/Protestant old Testament, but also other books recognized as canonical parts of the Old Testament by diverse Christian confessions (thus including the Deuterocanonical old Testament books). When it comes to "contemporary;' one central distinguishing feature of this series is its attempt to bring together two broad families of perspectives in analysis of biblical books, perspectives often described as "synchronic" and "diachronic" and all too often understood as incompatible with each other. Historically, diachronic studies arose in Europe, while some of the better known early synchronic studies originated in North America and Israel. Nevertheless, historical studies have continued to be pursued around the world, and focused synchronic work has been done in an ever greater variety of settings. Building on these developments, we aim in this series to bring synchronic and diachronic methods into closer alignment, allowing these approaches to work in a complementary and mutually-informative rather than antagonistic manner. Since these terms are used in varying ways within biblical studies, it makes sense to specify how they are understood in this series. Within IECOT we understand "synchronic" to embrace a variety of types of study of a biblical text in one given stage of its development, particularly its final stage(s) of development in existing manuscripts. "Synchronic" studies embrace non-historical narratological, reader-response and other approaches along with historically-informed exegesis of a particular stage of a biblical text. In contrast, we understand "diachronic" to embrace the full variety of modes of study of a biblical text over time. This diachronic analysis may include use of manuscript evidence (where available) to identify documented pre-stages of a biblical text, judicious use of clues within the biblical text to reconstruct its formation over time, and also an examination of the ways in which a biblical text may be in dialogue with earlier biblical (and non-biblical) motifs, traditions, themes, etc. In other words, diachronic study focuses on what might be termed a "depth dimension" of a given text - how a

10

Editors' Forward

text (and its parts) has journeyed over time up to its present form, making the text part of a broader history of traditions, motifs and/or prior compositions. Synchronic analysis focuses on a particular moment (or moments) of that journey, with a particular focus on the final, canonized form (or forms) of the text. Together they represent, in our view, complementary ways of building a textual interpretation. of course, each biblical book is different, and each author or team of authors has different ideas of how to incorporate these perspectives into the commentary. The authors will present their ideas in the introduction to each volume. In addition, each author or team of authors will highlight specific contemporary methodological and hermeneutical perspectives - e.g. gender-critical, liberation-theological, reception-historical, social-historical - appropriate to their own strengths and to the biblical book being interpreted. The result, we hope and expect, will be a series of volumes that display a range of ways that various methodologies and discourses can be integrated into the interpretation of the diverse books of the old Testament. Fall 2012

The Editors

Author's Preface My first article on Zechariah 9-14 appeared in 1989 as "Israel's Shepherds: Hope and Pessimism in Zechariah 9-14."1 That study employed insights from the field of anthropology to define the milieu from which and for which those chapters emerged. I defined the group as basically, but not uncritically "pro-Judean, with a place for a purified Jerusalem, and antiestablishment." In addition, I described it as "antipriestly, nonmessianic, and opposed to [false] prophets of its own time." I argued that "its hope for the future rested squarely on a pessimistic reading of Israel's past, and it radically revised its received tradition." I see little to revise in those sentences today. What has transpired in research on those chapters over those intervening decades, however, is an ever-increasing emphasis on their location in the Hebrew Bible, in particular their place and role in the formation of the Book of the Twelve. Two scholars have contributed the most to my own understanding of the place of Zechariah 9-14 within the Twelve: James Nogalski and Aaron Schart. Whether one agrees with them (and I surely do) that the Book of the Twelve was intentionally edited over years to form a single work with deliberate internal dialogue and plot or one disagrees (as does Ehud Ben Zvi2) and argues that the Twelve is simply an anthology containing the work of twelve named prophets, it is or should be possible to agree that Zechariah 9-14 is a highly literary work that draws deliberately and skillfully on much of what is now held to be the old Testament/Hebrew Bible, both agreeing with and correcting those writings. I will pay careful attention to a number of those sources and their reuse and modification in Zechariah 9-14. I will attempt to extend the conversation about those chapters and their sources without making that the dominant issue. Indeed, by the design of the International Exegetical Commentary on the old Testament series, the growth of the Twelve will be dealt with by Aaron Schart. I wish to thank a number of people whose insights and encouragement have been helpful to me. Nogalski and Schart have already been mentioned, but I would like to add the names of others. The first is that of Robert R. Wilson, who taught me how to apply insights from anthropology to the Old Testament. The second is Trent C. Butler, a decades-long friend who listened to the thinking that went into early articles on Zechariah 9-14 and helped me probe my thoughts, and who has advised and supported me in the years since. Third, is John D. W. Watts, who invited me to join (and ultimately serve on the steering committee of) the SBL consultation of the Book of the Twelve in the early 1990'S. Other scholars to whom I am particularly indebted in this commentary include Paul D. Hanson, David L. Petersen, Carol L. Meyers, and Eric M. Meyers, all of whose work over the years has provided the bedrock on which I have tried to build. More recently I would point to Mark J. Boda. Byron G. Curtis, and Marvin A. Sweeney as scholars whose

1

2

Redditt, "Israel's Shepherds," 631-642. See Ben Zvi and Nogalski (Two Sides) for an excellent summary and defense of each of the two approaches.

12

Author's Preface

work on Zechariah 9-14 and the Persian period has been very helpful in (re)shaping my thinking. I am indebted to pastor/professor William J. Bryan and to my Georgetown College colleague Vince Sizemore in Information Technology Services for their help with computer software. of course, I also wish to thank editor Helmut utzschneider for inviting me to undertake this project and Aaron Schart for his role in that invitation, as well as the American editor David Carr for his patience in working with me. I do not know, but owe a great debt to editors and others at Kohlhammer GmbH for their work on this volume. finally, I want to thank my wife Bonnie, whose patience and support was unfailing. She listened as I talked about what I have been thinking, and she helped proof read the early drafts this work underwent. To her this volume is dedicated. Paul L. Redditt Georgetown, Kentucky September, 2012

Introduction The book of Zechariah contains visions and other sayings ascribed to zechariah ben Berechiah ben Iddo. The name Zechariah means "Yhwh has remembered." It is a common name in the Hebrew Bible, which perhaps explains why the name of his father and grandfather are added to identify the zechariah intended. The name appears in 1:1,1:7, and 7:1, each time followed by a date in 520 or 518 BCE. Zechariah flourished, therefore, in the early post-exilic or Persian period. Modern scholars, however, have long noted the differences between the preponderantly visionary accounts in chapters 1-8 and the more oracular messages of zechariah 9-14, and many have concluded that those last six chapters derived from a different hand than the first eight. That issue will be the starting point for this introduction to Zechariah 9-14. Next, these pages will also offer an overview of synchronic and diachronic readings of those chapters. Throughout this book, and not merely this introduction, the designation "synchronic analysis" will focus on the text as it stands, and the designation "diachronic analysis" on how the text came to its present state. Finally, this introduction will examine the issues of the date and historical background of Zechariah 9-14, the identities of the mysterious "shepherds" and "merchants" who playa prominent role in chapter 11, the structure of Zechariah 9-14, and the relationship of Zechariah 9-14 to the rest of the Book of the Twelve.

The Relationship of Zechariah 9-14 to Zechariah 1-8 The book of Zechariah stands eleventh in the Book of the Twelve. The prophet Review of Zechariah is the titular author of the whole book, the accuracy of which attribu- Scholarship. tion continues to have its proponents among traditional scholars including E. J. Young and R. K. Harrison. l Joyce G. Baldwin agrees with P. R. Ackroyd's conclusion that the linking of the fourteen chapters proves "some recognition of common ideas or interests" between Zechariah 1-8 and 9-14, as does Anthony R. Petterson. 2 That comment, though true, does not eliminate the possibility that a later author wrote to correct or update something Zechariah had written. Recently, several critical scholars have taken positions similar to Baldwin's. Byran G. Curtis, for example, has argued on the basis of "social location trajectory analysis" that the whole book of Zechariah was produced within a single generation, and might well have had one author: zechariah himselP Ronald W. Pierce recognizes the stylistic and other differences that distinguish Zechariah 9-14 from 1-8, but questions that the two sections of Zechariah arose from different hands. He sees the "vivid picture of a flock doomed for slaughter (Zechariah 11)" as the focal point of the

2

E. J. Young, An Introduction to the Old Testament (London: Tyndale, 1949), 271-273; R. K. Harrison, Introduction to the old Testament {London: Tyndale, 1970}, 956. Baldwin, Zechariah, 70, citing Ackroyd, "Zechariah," 51. Petterson, Your King, 3.

3

Curtis, Stony Road, 36.

1

14

Differences between Zechariah 1-8 and 9-14.

Introduction

entire Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi corpus, and dates it between 520 and 480. 4 Edgar W. Conrad reminds readers that what is accessible to them is a literary work whose purported author is Zechariah. He proposes, then, to read Zechariah as one collection, without ignoring differences between the two parts.5 A reading dependent on Conrad and like-minded scholars might run as follows. The primary indication of authorship in the book is the threefold use of the date formula in Zech 1:1, 1:7, and 7:1, dividing the book into three sections. The first, Zech 1:1-6, reminds readers of the "former prophets:' The second, Zech 1:7-6:15, contains visions and exhortations concerning the rebuilding of the temple. The third, Zech 7:1-8:23, admits that things have not turned out as expected, but concludes by holding out hope for the future Jerusalem as the place where people from many nations will come to worship God. Two additional oracles CZech 9-11 and 12-14}, with no attribution to another author, continue working with that hope. Each is introduced with the word KVlJ {often translated "oracle"}. Continuing in this vein, R. David Moseman adds that the use of KVlJ creates both discord and continuity between chapters 1-8 and 9-14.6 It "contrasts what might have been (chapters 1-8) and what, alas, actually transpired (chapters 9-14}."7 Also he notes that the last chapter in the second oracle (Le., Zechariah 14) returns to the hope for a restored Jerusalem, to which many peoples will come to worship God. More recently Marvin A. Sweeney has argued that Zechariah 9-11 and 12-14, though written later and independently, function to explain how Yhwh's statements concerning the restoration of Zion envisioned in Zech 1:7-8:21 would be realized.8 Zech 7:14 begins the last word of God to the prophet in chapters 1-8. Sweeney reads Zechariah 9-11 and 12-14 as a lengthy continuation of that speech. He writes: "the pronouncements in Zechariah 9-11 and 12-14 elaborate on the brief oracle concerning the nations' recognition ofYhwh in Zech 8:18-23 by pointing to Yhwh's intentions to punish the nations (Zechariah 9-11) and bring about restoration of Jerusalem during the course of their defeat {Zechariah 12-14}."9 While his observations are correct, there is much variation within chapters 9-14. Possibly the two high points for Jerusalem are Zech 9:9-10 (where God presents the city its new king) and Zech 14:16-21 (where all the nations come to it to worship God). In between, Jerusalem sins and suffers in Zech 11:4-17 and 12:1014:2. Thus Sweeney's analysis provides a useful perspective for the overall thrust of Zechariah 9-14 and offers a reading strategy for the book as a whole, but it does not account for the bitter criticism of Jerusalem in much of those chapters. There are yet other obvious differences between Zechariah 1-8 and 9-14. First, there is a difference in genre. Zechariah 1-8 contains eight visions in the first six chapters; Zechariah 9-14 contains none. Second, Zechariah 1-8 is carefully dated in the second and fourth years of the reign of Darius, while Zechariah 9-14 contains no dates at all. It mentions neither Babylon nor Persia by name, while Zecha-

4 5 6 7 8 9

Ronald W. Pierce, "Literary Connections and a Haggai/Zechariah/Malachi Corpus;' Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 27 (1984): 277-89, here p. 289. Conrad, "Forming the Twelve;' 494. Moseman, ''Two Zechariahs;' 494. Ibid., 575. Sweeney, Twelve Prophets, 2.574. Ibid., 2.642.

A Synchronic Analysis of zechariah 9-14

15

riah 1-8 speaks openly of the Exile and dates the messages of Zechariah in the second and fourth years of Darius, King of Persia. Finally, the superscriptions in Zech 1:1, 1:7, and 7:1 follow the same pattern as those in Hag 1:1; 1:1Sb-2:1, 2:10, and 2:20. Not only are these superscriptions alike, but also there are no others that follow this pattern elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible. Moreover, the superscriptions in Zech 9:1 and 12:1 resemble Mal 1:1 and actually point more toward continuity with Malachi than with Haggai and Zechariah 1-8. For these reasons and others, generations of scholars have argued that Zechariah 9-14 constitutes an additionperhaps two or more according to Wilhelm Rudolph and Magne SaebI?J 1°-to Zechariah 1-8, a conclusion I will adopt. Nevertheless, one can and should discern connections between Zechariah 1-8 and 9-14.

A Synchronic Analysis of Zechariah 9-14 Like most of the prophetic corpus, Zechariah 9-14 has been studied pericope by pericope, dating the chapters anywhere between the eighth and third centuries, and setting them against one background or another. Such readings often pay more attention to parallels with other texts, however, than with the flow of the discussion in Zechariah 9-14. It is appropriate, therefore, to give a brief synchronic reading that pays attention to the narrative of all six chapters together. This reading mostly employs the structure of Zechariah 9-14 from my earlier commentary on Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi,l1 but also draws in places upon Curtis 12 who notes the alteration of longer and shorter passages. Even so, I see Zech 12:2-13:6 and Zechariah 14 in particular as passages redacted from a number of shorter passages woven together into new wholes. Zechariah 9 opens with the word lCiDlJ (oracle), thereby connecting it to Haggai and Zechariah 1-8 and commencing three short collections (Zechariah 9-11, Zechariah 12-14, and Malachi) focused on post-exilic Jerusalem and its environs. Zechariah 8 closes on a note of optimism, predicting that "many peoples and strong nations will come to Jerusalem to entreat Yhwh." Zechariah 9 may be read as a description of how that new kingdom will come about. The verbs in Zechariah 9 shift back and forth between descriptions of Yhwh's work in the third person and words spoken by Yhwh in the first person singular. These changes provide a key to the chiastic structure of the chapter as it stands. 9:1-6a. Yhwh will work to re-establish the kingdom. 9:6b-s. Yhwh speaks of Yhwh's redemptive work. 9:9-10. Yhwh presents a king to govern from Jerusalem. 9:11-13. Yhwh speaks again ofYhwh's redemptive work. 9:14-17. Yhwh protects the restored kingdom.

10

E. g., Rudolph (Sacharja 9-14, 161-164) sees three separate collections (9:1-11:3, 11:413:9, and 14:1-21), while SaebfIJ (Sacharja 9-14, 313) argues for four (chapters 9-10, 11, 12-13, and 14).

11

Redditt, Hagga~ Zechariah, Malach~ 102-103. Curtis, St019' Road, 163.

12

Zechariah 9. God's Future Kingdom and Earthly King.

16

Introduction

Specifically, the chapter offers a prediction of God's preparing a new kingdom with borders that would stretch from Hadrach and Hamath in the north, Damascus to the east, and include not only the tribes of Israel, but the Mediterranean coast on the west as far as the River of Egypt in the south (w. 1-8). According to Rachel Havrelock, once God restores that kingdom and returns to "God's house," God will present to Jerusalem a new, peaceful king to rule over it (w. 9-10). His kingdom will reach "from sea to sea, and from the River to the ends of the earth."l3 Its population will include people recently returned from exile (w. 11-12) addressed by the phrase "As for you also" (v. 11). The chapter also foresees a reunion between Judah and Ephraim (v. 13). Verse 13 specifically takes up the battle motif sounded in v. 10, and repeats the reference to Ephraim, rounding off the thinking of w. In concerning "all the tribes of Israel:' Verses 14-17 continue the discussion of the new kingdom, focusing particularly on Yahweh's protection of it. God is portrayed both as a warrior (w. 14-15) and as a shepherd in v. 16, which calls the people Yhwh's flock. The chapter concludes on a note of praise for the goodness and beauty of God (v. 17). Despite the prominence in v. 10 of the new king, presumably Davidic, there is no further mention of a Davidic king in the rest of Zechariah 9-14. The house of David, but no king, is mentioned in Zech 12:7, 8, 10, 12, and 13:1. Whatever v. 10 might mean about the future of the Davidic family, the hope is clearly limited. Zech 12:8, however, says that the feeblest future inhabitants of Jerusalem will be "like David;' presumably in military prowess. It continues that the house of David itself will be "like God," as it leads the future Jerusalem and Judah against all enemies. Since leading in warfare was a function of kings, this verse can be said to envision a future role for Davidides. Provided they repent (12:17) and are cleansed (13:1), there will be a place of leadership in battle for them. Thus, one cannot say that the Davidic family is overlooked in Zechariah 12 and 13, but nothing is said about a Davidic king. That sentiment, however, stands in marked contrast with the "peaceful" king in Zech 9:9-10. Zechariah 10. Zechariah 10 continues the positive hopes of Zechariah 9 by further discussing Judah, the future of the reunited Judah and Israel. The use of the names Joseph (v. 6) and Ephraim, and Ephraim (v. 10; see also 9:13) makes it clear that the hopes expressed include the the Exiles. former northern kingdom, and w. 6-12 are replete with images of the return of northern exiles. Zechariah 10 offers a somewhat different hope for the post-exilic period than did Zechariah 9 in that it mentions neither a king nor Jerusalem. This statement is true even though the obscure v. 4 (concerning a cornerstone, a tent peg, and the battle bow) is sometimes understood as a reference to a king. (See, for example Carol M. Meyers and Eric M. Meyers. 14) That interpretation, however, is a stretch. Any hint of hope for a king in 10:4 simply pales into obscurity when placed beside the clarity of Zech 9:9-10. One is left instead with this conclusion: Zechariah 9 announces God's future united kingdom and an earthly king, while Zechariah 10 concentrates on a future, reunited Judah and Ephraim. Zech 10:2-3a, moreover, anticipates the concern with "shepherds" that dominates Zechariah 11.

13 See Havrelock ("Two Maps," 649-667) for a discussion of this description. 14 Meyers and Meyers, Zechariah 9-14, 200-202. See Nogalski, Micah-Malachi, 918.

A Synchronic Analysis of Zechariah 9-14

17

A new and negative note is sounded in Zechariah 11. If Zechariah 9 and 10 depicted Zechariah 11. a glorious future for Judah and Ephraim, they nevertheless admitted the failures The Shepherd of persons who consulted the teraphim, practiced divination, and interpreted Narrative. dreams in an attempt to discern the future (see 10:2-3a). Zechariah 11 takes up that negative theme, and has nothing positive to say about the leaders in Jerusalem in his time or the immediate future. It opens with a taunt song that charges Lebanon with dropping her defenses, calls cypress and oak trees to wail (vv. 1-2), and calls people (unspecified) to listen to and learn from the wail of shepherds and the roar of lions (v. 3). Those verses introduce a lengthy, remarkable report about shepherds and merchants (vv. 4-16), and the chapter concludes by pronouncing a curse against a "worthless shepherd" (v. 17). The plot within the report consists of the imagined actions of a narrator (writing in the first person Singular) and two groups of people designated as shepherds (probably the priests in Jerusalem) and merchants (probably the Persian officials and others protecting Persian interests in post-eXilic Yehud, including some Jews).lS At least part of the action is set in the "house of God;' i.e., the temple in Jerusalem. The redactional heading >eirn:l also opens the next chapter (12:1), signaling a Zechariah 12new beginning. In contrast with Zechariah 9-10 which expresses hope for both 14 and the NaJudah and Ephraim, zechariah 12-14 expresses hope only for Jerusalem and Judah. tions. The northern tribes are not mentioned anywhere, even though 12:1 uses the name "Israel" for Judah. (The same use of the name "Israel" also appears in Mal 1:1, which also was directed to Judah only.) Like chapter 11, chapters 12-14 are concerned with leading groups in Judah: specifically the house of David, Levites, and (false) prophets. Because those three chapters twice (Zechariah 12-13 and zechariah 14) describe future warfare that the nations will conduct against Jerusalem and Judah, each presentation will be described briefly. Zech 12:1-9 introduces the motif of the war of the nations against Judah. God Zechariah 12declares that during the war God will protect both Jerusalem and Judah. The warri- 13. The Future ors of Jerusalem and Judah will fight bravely, but the decisive warrior will be of Jerusalem Yhwh. Thus, this future battle will constitute a "holy war." Subsequent to this war, and Judah, and as a consequence of sin, will come the ritual cleansing of the Davidides and Version 1. the Levites (12:10-13:1) and the elimination of false prophets (13:2-6). Tying these two chapters to zechariah 11, Zech 13:7-9 addresses the worthless shepherd whom God had cursed in 11:17, cursing him yet again. Zechariah 14 repeats the motif of "holy war" against the nations, but offers Zechariah 14. additional positive aspects of that war, including the place of foreigners in the The Future of future of Jerusalem and Judah. In its portrait the geography in and around Jerusa- Jerusalem and lem will be changed, as will the climate of the area. Jerusalem will serve as the Judah, Version axis mundi to which God will expect foreigners to journey to acknowledge God as 2. their king and to observe the Feast of Tabernacles. They will come in such numbers, in fact, that the whole of Jerusalem and Judah will become a holy place for worship.

15

On the interpretation of the shepherds and merchants, see the comments on chapter 11 and literature cited there.

Introduction

18

The Structure of Zechariah 9-14 Zechariah 9-14 is divided into two main divisions, 9-11 and 12-14, each of which begins with the heading "An oracle." Zechariah 9-10 anticipates a new king (Zech 9:9-10) and a new, reunited kingdom (Zech 9:1-8; 10:1, 3b-12). Zechariah 12-14 offers two scenarios of future wars (Zech 12:1-9 and 14:1-21) connected by diverse materials addreSSing issues in post-exilic Yehud. Zechariah 11 connects the hopeful Zechariah 9 and 10 with the more troubled and strife-filled Zechariah 12-14, and in the process names those who were responsible for the postponement of the future new kingdom: "shepherds" and "merchants." Four repreOther scholars analyze the chapters differently. Four will demonstrate those sentative differences. Ernst Sellin sees three major divisions in chapters 9-14. The first divianalyses. sian is 9:1-11:3, with a break at the end of chap. 9 in the first division. That chapter describes the coming rulers hip of God, the assembling of Israel, and the defeat of the world powers. Zech 10:1-11:3, he argues, offers variations on the same themes. The second division consists of 11:4-13:9, beginning and ending with materials about shepherds, and discussing war against Jerusalem. The third division consists of Zechariah 14, and describes the last war of the peoples against JUdah. 16 Danielle Ellul also sees a threefold structure: 9:1-11:3, 11:4-17, and 12:1-14:21 underlying the chapters, all identified as speeches of Yhwh. Both the first and the third describe the coming holy war and are subdivided into two sequences each, with 9:1-11:3 dividing at 10:3a and 12:1-14:21 dividing between chapters 13 and 14.)17

A third scholar, David J. Clark, analyzes Zechariah 9-14, partly on the basis of built-in markers such as the phrase "The Word ofYhwh" in 9:1 and 12:1 and partly on the basis of other phrases like "Thus says Yhwh Elohim," "behold," and "on that day." In addition, he divides each chapter on the basis of grammatical features, such as the use of imperatives. IS A fourth analysis of the structure of Zechariah 9-14 is that of Curtis. He sees the chapters as composites of longer and shorter discussions arising out of the events of the years of the sixth century B.C.E., a time of social foment that brought about rapid changes in expectations - from joy over the rebuilding of the temple and expectations for a better future (especially 9:9-10) to the pessimism reflected in Zech11:4-17 and 13:7-9 especially. His analysis depicts a combination of short and long units, ranging from one verse (11:17) or two (10:1-2) to relatively long eschatological narratives (12:2-13:6 and 14:1-21).19 Even so, his longer narratives look more like composites than unities. Zechariah 9, for example, combines first and third person narratives alternatively. Zechariah 10 combines hopes for Judah (10:1, 3b-s) and hopes for northern Israel (10:6a~-12) with a denunciation of prophets (10:2-3a). Zechariah 12:1-9 combines two earlier predictions about warfare.

16 17 18 19

Seliin, Zwolfprophetenbuch, 536-537. Eliul, "Variations sur Ie theme de la guerre sainte dans Ie Deutero-Zecharie;' Etudes thelogiques et religiuses 56 (1981): 55-71; here p. 56. Clark, "Discourse Structure;' 64-80. Curtis, Stony Road, 163.

The Structure of Zechariah 9-14

19

Zech 12:10-13:6 looks like a combination of sayings about Davidides, Levites, and prophets, while Zech 13:7-9 clearly refers to and builds on Zechariah 11. Finally, Zechariah 14 contains a number of different hopes centered on Jerusalem. Analyses by other scholars differ from those mentioned above, with no real consensus. Consequently, I offer my own, based on the recognition that Zech 11:416 is the pivotal passage, standing between chapters of hope for a reunited Israel and Judah (and even a new king in 9:9-10) and depictions of future wars against Jerusalem and Judah (in 12:1-9 and 14:1-21), resulting ultimately in God's direct rulership not only over the city and Judah, but also the peoples of the rest of the world. God's Future Kingdom and Earthly King 9:1-17. 9:1a Title: N:i!1n 9:1b-8 First Judgment-Salvation Oracle Call to Rejoicing: The New King 9:9-10 Judgment-Salvation oracle: God Fights for God's 9:11-17 People 10:1-12. Judah, Ephraim, and the Exiles 10:1-6aa Judgment-Salvation Oracle: Judah 10:6a~-12 Salvation Oracle: Israel The Shepherd Narrative 11:1-17. Taunt Song: Against the Shepherds 11:1-3 Shepherd Sign-Enactment Report 11:4-16 Curse on the Foolish Shepherd 11:17 The Future of Jerusalem and Judah, 1 12:1-13:9. Title: N:i!1T.l (plus two more superscriptions and an incipit) 12:1 The Future of Jerusalem and Judah 12:2-13:6 Shepherd Oracle: His Demise 13:7-9 The future of Jerusalem and Judah, 2 Yhwh Fights against the Nations Yhwh Provides Escape for the People in Jerusalem The transformation of the Land, 1 14:6-8. Yhwh as King of the Whole Land 14:9. The transformation of the Land, 2 14:10-11. Yhwh Protects Jerusalem in the Future War 14:12-15. The Worship of the Nations and the Holiness of 14:16-21 Jerusalem and Judah

14:1-2l. 14:1-3. 14:4-5.

Introduction

20

A Diachronic Reading of Zechariah 9-14 The Hope for a New King.

How and when did this multi-chapter addition to Zechariah 1-8 arise? The place to begin is with the hope for a new ruler in Jerusalem, expressed in Zech 9:9-10. In a paper entitled "The King in Haggai-Zechariah 1-8," I accepted the argument of others that Amos, Hosea, Micah, and Habakkuk were joined as a Book of the Four sometime after the fall of ]erusalem. 20 (See the excursus following this paragraph.) Hopes for a future king appear in the Four in a pro-Davidic addition in Has 3:5a~ and similar sentiments in Hos 1:7, 11, 15; in the prediction of the restitution of the Davidic dynasty in Amos 9:11-15; and in the picture of the new ruler from Bethlehem in Mic 5:1-4a (Eng. 5:2-5a).21 Excursus on the Book of the Four and Book of the Twelve The view that there was a Book of the Four was developed recently by Nogalski ZZ and Schart,23 based partly on the work of Dale Schneider,24 who hypothesized a "Book of the Three" comprised of the eighth century prophets Hosea, Amos, and Micah. It has been widely accepted on both sides of the Atlantic by a number of scholars, including, for example, Rainer Albertz and Marvin A. Sweeney.25 The view is not, however, without its detractors. Recently, for example, Christoph Levin has challenged it even though he grants that it is a "Forschungskonsensus:,z6 He argues that (1) Hosea, Micah, and Zephaniah (like loel) were originally transmitted without dates; (2) that when the dates were added they were done so in conformity with the book of Isaiah; and (3) that the dating system was part of a theological concept developed in late post-exilic timesP Levin's evidence is slimmer than he lets on. Very little is actually common to the four superscriptions. Isa 1:1 reads: The vision of Isaiah, which he saw ... in the days of uzziah, lotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Judah. Hos 1:1 begins: The word of YHWH that came to Hosea ... in the days of kings Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah of Judah, and in the days of King Jeroboam son of Joash of Israel. Joel 1:1 reads in its entirety: The word of God that came to Joel son of Pethuel. zeph 1:1 says: The word of God that came to zephaniah son of ... son of Gedaliah, etc. (There is no mention of "in the days ....") All Levin actually can point to is the common practice in Isaiah, Hosea, and Zephaniah of dating something in the days of a king. The phrase "in the days of king x;' however, appears often in samuel and Kings. In addition, dating prophets in terms of the reign of an Israelite or Judean king would necessarily exclude Haggai, zechariah, Malachi. The first two, however, were dated in terms of the year of the Persian King Darius

20 21 22 23 24

Redditt, "King;' 76. See Nogalski, Literary Precursors, 278-280; Schart, Entstehung, 156233; Albertz, "Exile as Purification, 232-251. Redditt, "King," 76. Nogalski, Literary Precursors, 58-215. Schart, Entstehung, 156-233. Dale Allen Schneider, The Unity of the Book of the Twelve (Ph.D. diss., Yale University), 1979.

Albertz, "Exile as Purification," 232-251; Sweeney, Twelve Prophets, xxxvii. Christoph Levin, "Das 'Vierprophetenbuch': Ein exegetischer Nachruf," Zeitschrift fiir die Alttestatementliche Wissenschaft 123 (2011), 221. 27 Ibid., 232-234. 25 26

A Diachronic Reading of zechariah 9-14

21

with very precise dates: e.g., "In the second year of King Darius, in the sixth month, and the first day of the month ..." (Hag 1:1). The practice of dating materials in the Twelve, therefore, is not late post-exilic. Whereas Levin thinks the superscripts for Hosea, Joel, and zephaniah draw on Isaiah, Nogalski arid Schart think the works drew on Deuteronomy. Nogalski and Schart, moreover, have led in the development of a view of the Twelve as a redactional whole. Vestiges of the stages along the way allow its possible reconstruction. The Book of the four and Haggai-Zechariah 1-8 are two early collections. Nahum/ Habakkuk appears to have been a third. 28 Other collections and additions were added as well. Ben Zvi has been a leading opponent of treating the Twelve as a deliberately edited unity, first because the work presents itself as a collection of different voices, unlike the book of Isaiah which grew up around one prophet (p. 58).That objection, however, can be met by responding that the name of Isaiah appears relatively seldom in the book. It appears in 1:1, 2:1, and 13:1, which are redactional superscriptions and presumably entered near the end of the development of Isaiah 1-39. It appears also in 7:3 and 20:2-3, which are third person texts in which God addresses the prophet. Finally, it appears ten times in Isaiah 37-39, all of which occurrences derive from 2 Kgs 19:120:11. Clearly later redactors at some point began to associate chapters 1-39 with the one prophet named Isaiah, but the book itself actually is overwhelmingly anonymous. That is true of the entirety of Isaiah 40-66, which nowhere names an author. As those chapters stand in Isaiah, however, they may be seen as pseudonymous. still, scholars have shown clear dependence of various sections of Isaiah on one another, and at some point the name Isaiah was attached to the collection, perhaps when Isaiah 3639 was added. Ben Zvi argues that twelve proper names point to different collections, and that is true. Still, modem scholars have shown that those collections grew in dialogue with each other. One can show, for example, that Zechariah 9-14 is in significant dialogue with Amos, Hosea, Zechariah 1-8, Malachi, as well as Isa 40:2 and 61:7, and Ezek 37:1523, to name only major examples from the prophetic cannon. The crucial point, then, is that the Twelve is not a collection of the sayings of twelve individual prophets, but is a composite work that over time shows more and more internal dialogue among collections.

In returning to Zechariah 9, one could ask when the expectations for a king in Zech 9:9-10 might have arisen? Hope for a new David surely lingered among exiles in Babylon, as 2 Kgs 25:26-30 shows. Those verses skip from the death of Gedaliah in 582 at the hands of Judean assassins (v. 26) to the release from prison of King Jehoiachin in 560 (v. 27) by King Evil-Merodach of Babylon. The significance of the mention of Jehoiachin's release is that the tradition bearers responsible for Kings held out hope for the renewal of the Davidic king. The exiled priest/prophet Ezekiel, or at least the book named for him, also retained a limited role for the Davidic king (Ezek 37:24-25), whom, however, he usually called "prince" (Ezek 34:23-24. See also 44:3; 45:7, 16, 22; 46:2, 4, 8, 10, 12, 16, 17, 18; 48:21-22). His thinking carefully describes (and limits) the roles and prerogatives of the prince in the temple.

28

Duane A. Christensen, "The Book of Nahum: A History of Interpretation;' forming Prophetic Literature (eds. James W. Watts and Paul R. House; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic press, 1996), 193.

22

Introduction

Hope for the king also lingered in the book of Jeremiah, whose hero chose to remain in Jerusalem rather than go to Babylon Oer 39:11-14), and who was taken to Egypt by refugees Oer 43:1-7). Though the book recalls the prophet himself criticizing/condemning Jehoahaz Oer 22:10-12), Jehoiakim Oer 22:13-23), Jehoiachin Oer 22:24-30), and Zedekiah Oer 21:1-7), it still expresses hope for a future David Oer 33:15-26). If elsewhere Oer 13:13; 17:25; 22:2, 30; 29:16 [missing in the LXX], and 36:30) the book speaks of descendants of David who had occupied the throne, the true branch of David's line will come in the future Oer 22:4; 23:5; 33:15 [missing in the LXX]). Hoop argues that the hope expressed in Jer 22:4 and 23:5 is early enough to be part of the Vorlage of both MT and LXX. By contrast, Jer 33:1426 appears only in the MT, and appears to be a later addition to the MT Vorlage after the LXX Vorlage split Off.29 It anticipates a continuing line of Davidic rulers. Albertz, moreover, notes that the release from Babylonian prison of King Jehoiachin in about 560 would have encouraged the exiles to hope for a future king because his release meant that if the exiles were ever allowed to go home Jehoiachin would be free to accompany them. 30 There is no record that he made such a return, but a descendent did in the person of Zerubbabel. Curiously, while Ezra 1-6 discusses the period around 520-515 BCE, and even though Ezra 3:2, 8; 4:2, 3 and 5:2 mention the Davidide zerubbabel, they attribute to him no royal status or function. Joshua, by contrast, is specifically identified as a priest (3:2) and the text discusses the rebuilding of the temple. Ezra 4:3-7 calls Cyrus, Darius, Ahasueras, and Artaxerxes each "king of Persia," and the implication is clear: each is also king of Judah. Even the authorization to build the temple was given not to zerubbabel, who is given no title, but to Sheshbazzar, who was called a K'il1l, "prince" or "chief" (Ezra 1:8, 11), and "a man" (Ezra 5:14, 16). It is rather clear, then, that for whatever reason the text of Ezra downplayed the royal descent of zerubbabel and that of Sheshbazzar too (if he actually was a Davidide}.31 By contrast, an explicit hope for the Davidide zerubbabel to become king appears in Hag 2:20-23, and Zech 4:6b-lOa anticipates Zerubbabel's "founding" the new temple, a symbolic act associated with royalty. Scholars often say that Zech 4:14 anticipates a dyad of king and high priest as the leaders of post-exilic Judah, and some think that the crown mentioned in Zech 6:11 was intended originally for zerubbabel, not Joshua. 32 Regardless of whether that speculation is correct, the early years of the Persian period, perhaps down to approximately 500 or slightly later, would be an excellent time to suggest as the date for the hopes for a new king expressed in Zech 9:9-10. Curtis, in fact, argues that the entirety of the book of Zechariah was written between 520 and S10?3 His argument is not persuasive, but one of its strengths is the recognition that Zech 9:9-10 fits well in

Raymond de Hoop, "Perspective after the Exile: The King, "::w, 'My Servant' in Jeremiah-Some Reflections on MT and LXX," Exile and Suffering (ed. Bob Becking, Dirk Human; Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2009), 108-113. 30 Albertz, £Xi/suit, 164-167. 31 1 Chr 3:19 lists Zerubbabel among the descendants of David and a man called Shenazzar in 1 Chr 3:18. If the latter was the same man as Sheshbazzar, as many scholars think, he too was a Davidide and Zerubbabel's uncle. . 32 See the discussion by Paul L. Redditt, "Zerubbabel, Joshua, and the Night Visions of Zechariah;' Catholic Biblical Quarter!>' 54 (1992): 249-259. 33 Curtis, Stony Road, 275-280. 29

A Diachronic Reading of Zechariah 9-14

23

the time of Joshua and Zechariah. MarkJ. Boda makes the more modest suggestion that zech 9 and Zech 10:3b-12 "arose in the late sixth century B.C. (515-510) from the prophet Zechariah or at least from the prophetic movement he spawned:'34 Moreover, Haggai-Zechariah 1-8 was the perfect composition to which one could add such sentiments as those in Zech 9:9-10. Zechariah 9 also anticipates a reunited Judah and Israel as one kingdom. Zech The Hope for 9:1-8 sketches the kingdom for the king announced in vv. 9-10. Those boundaries a Reunited are described in v. 10 as reaching from "sea to sea and from the River to the ends Kingdom. of the earth." Verse 13 employs the image of Judah as God's bow and Ephraim as its arrow, Le. the two as interdependent, each one limited without the other. Also, vv. 14-17 can be read as describing a reunited Israel and Judah, though neither name is mentioned. The hope also appears in Zech 10:1-12, where vv. 6 a~-12 specifically mention the house of Joseph in v. 6a~ and the people of Ephraim in v. 7, and probably presuppose the northern kingdom throughout. Also germane to this issue is v. 12, which echoes Isaiah 40:1-2, 9-10 and 61:7. Isaiah 40 is exilic, and Isa 61:7 appears in what is generally considered the earliest part of Third Isaiah: chapters 60-62 (which also may well date around the end of the sixth century). Modern readers may assume, therefore, that the idea of a reunited kingdom was current among some people in the sixth and early fifth centuries. How much later the idea had its proponents is unclear, but in Zechariah 9-14 the idea simply evaporates after chapter 10. In other words, in the history of the growth of Deutero-Zechariah, the tradition bearers abandoned the idea of a reunited country and concentrated their hopes on Jerusalem and Judah from chapter 11 on. The mention of Israel is rare in Zechariah 1-8 as well, appearing only two places. The first is in Zech 1:19, which speaks of the peoples who "scattered Judah, Israel, and Jerusalem." The mention of Israel in that verse separates Judah from Jerusalem, which one might expect to stand side by side. The second verse is Zech 8:13, which addresses Judah and Israel as entities that had been "a cursing" among peoples in the past. In v. 13, however, God promises to make both peoples a "blessing" in the future. Those two verses might have no relationship to Zechariah 914, though the mention of Israel in the verses might have been a later redactional anticipation of the hopes expressed in Zech 9:10, 13, 14-15 and 10:6a~-12. Neither 1:19 nor 8:13, however, says anything about political union, one way or the other. In addition to the mention of Israel in Zech 9:1, Zech 12:1 announces that what follows is "the word of God concerning Israel." Nowhere else in chapters 1214, however, is a political entity called "Israel" ever mentioned. The focus of all three chapters is on Jerusalem, Judah, and their population. Since the term "Israel" is often used in the Bible of the political entity Judah, one should conclude that its use in 12:1 has in view only post-exilic Yehud Oerusalem and its environs, including some territory of the former Benjamin). Thus, while the hope for a Davidic ruler in Judah is clear in Haggai and Zechariah 1-8, the hope for a reunited Judah and Israel actually does not appear anywhere else in Haggai through Malachi than in Zech 9:1-10:12.

34

Bocia, Zechariah, 410.

Introduction

24

The Rise of Eibert Tigchelar argues that the author of Zech 10:3-12 was also the redactor Zechariah 10. responsible for constructing 9:17 + 10:1-2 + 11:1-4 + 11:17?5 He bases this conclusion on the use of the catchwords "Lebanon" (10:10 and 11:1) and "majesty" (10:11 and 11:4) and a common use of the words of Jeremiah, but that is slim evidence for such a far-reaching proposal. One may grant that 9:17 + 10:1-2 + 11:1-3 + 11:17 all constitute editorial transitions from one passage or image to another, but the conclusion that the author of 10:3-12 is responsible for all them is not warranted by Tigchelar's evidence .. One of those verses, however, should be discussed here, namely 10:1. It opens with a verb to be read either as a Qal third masculine plural indicative ("They ask rain from the Lord") or as a Qal imperative ("Ask rain from the Lord"). The sentence is enigmatic, but it becomes somewhat clear if one reads the verb as an indicative. The antecedents for the plural verb "they" are apparently the young men and women mentioned at the end of 9:17. In other words, 10:1 presupposes 9:16-17 and, thus, the rest of chapter 9 as well. In 10:1 the men and women are portrayed as asking for the rain needed for the grain and wine promised in 9:17. The continuation of v. 1, however, is found in v. 3b, which employs the motif of God the divine provider from 10:1. Zech 10:2-3a, Zech 10:2-3a is quite different. Verse 2a demonstrates that the day ofYhwh's a redactional rescue had not come and offers an explanation. In doing so it mentions teraphim, addition. diviners, and dreamers, agents the people might expect to help them through their difficulties. The reality was, however, that the "seers" saw only "iniquitous dreams" and "falsehood." Their dreams gave "fleeting," not lasting hope. Verse 2b concludes: "Therefore they [the people] wander like sheep; they suffer for lack of a shepherd."

This sentence employs the image of a wandering herd of sheep with no real shepherd as a metaphor for a people with no direction and no king. zech 10:3a announces God's judgment upon the shepherds they had, rounding off the redactional insertion that is 10:2-3a. Zech 10:3b, which uses the motif of the shepherd in a positive vein, now stands in tension or at least in dialogue with vv. 2-3a. Verse 3b argues that the people did indeed have a shepherd: Yhwh, who would bless Judah (v. 3b) and strengthen him (v. 6aa), as well as save the house of Joseph (Ephraim: 6a~-12).

It is clear, then, that vv. 2-3a disrupt the flow of Zechariah 10. A later redactor, most likely the one responsible for tying Zechariah 9-14 together, seized on the word "flock" in v. 3b as an opportunity to insert {in v. 2) a note of disharmony because of the lack of a good shepherd, followed (in v. 3a) with a reference to shepherds/leaders with whom God was angry. As the final text of Zechariah 10 stands, therefore, vv. 2-3a anticipate the shepherd materials in 11:4-16(17) and 13:7-9. The third masculine plural verb opening Zech 10:1 looks back to 9:17 and introduces 10:3b-12. It is the unexpected reference to shepherd(s} in 10:2-3a that ties the whole of Zechariah 9-10 to the gloomy portrayal of Judah and its shepherds in 11:4-16(17) and 13:7-9.

35

Tigchelar, "Observations," 267-268.

A Diachronic Reading of Zechariah 9-14

25

Moving ahead briefly to Zech 12:1-9 and 14:1-21, readers will note that the chapters concern themselves with warfare over and the future restitution of the city of Jerusalem and the nation of Judah. They might be called "War Description ]" and "War Description II." The first description, however, is followed by an attached discussion (12:10-13:6) apparently designed to explain why the glorious restitution of the Davidic monarchy, the elevation of the city of Jerusalem, and the reestablishment of the kingdom of Judah promised in Zechariah 9 had not yet come to fruition. That explanation is constructed by means of a series of charges against the Davidic family and the Levites (12:10-14), a prediction of their future cleansing (13:1), and a discussion of false prophets (13:2-6). Interestingly, the unity of Judah and Ephraim does not receive even a single mention, suggesting that such a union was no longer an issue by the time of the writing of those verses. Finally, what is the glue that holds all of Zechariah 9-14 together? The answer lies with the last block to be isolated: the Shepherd Narrative of Zech 11:4-16 with its introductory transition in vv. 1-3 and God's threatening response in v. 17. ]t concerns leaders or "shepherds" and "merchants" in the community, and their failure to fulfill their task. ]t stands at the center of Zechariah 9-14, as the following outline will show. 9:1-17. God's Future Kingdom and Earthly King 10:1-12. Judah, Ephraim and the Exiles 11:1-17. The Shepherd Narrative 12:1-13:9. The Future of Jerusalem and Judah, 1 14:1-21. The Future of Jerusalem and Judah, 2 Not only does the Shepherd Narrative stand in the middle of this structure, but much of the redactional material holding these passages together mentions shepherds: Zech 10:2-3a; 11:1-3, 17; and 13:7-9; . There are other such redactional bridges and frames in Zechariah 12-14 as well. The first bridge appears in Zech 12:7-8. As will be seen in the comments on Zechariah 12-13, Zech 12:2-6 + 9 constitutes a depiction of the future restoration of Jerusalem supplemented by hopes for the future Judah. Zech 12:7-8, however, stands out. ]n a section (12:1-13:9) where God otherwise speaks in the first person singular, Zech 12:7-8 speaks about God in the third person singular. Moreover, the two verses mention "the house of David;' which is one of the subjects of zech 12:10-13:1. That phrase does not appear otherwise in Zechariah 9-14. It seems clear, therefore, that Zech 12:7-8 serves as a bridge connecting 12:1-6 + 9 to 12:1013:6. ]t is appropriate, then, to ascribe vv. 7-8 to the same redactor who supplied the other bridges in 10:2-3a, 11:1-3, and 13:7-9 concerning the shepherds. Zech 12:10-13:6 itself constitutes a lengthy discussion designed to explain why the new day promised to Jerusalem in Zech 12:1-9 had not come to pass: the Davidic and the Levitical families had failed in their exercise of their responsibilities, and some prophets uttered false messages. Additional redactional creations also appear in Zechariah 14. Specifically, vv. 12 and 15 are used to frame vv. 13-14 and to connect those verses to vv. 16-21. Verses 18-19 form a bridge to vv. 20-21, picking up on the supposition that some of the families of the earth might not worship God,

War and Jerusalem in Zechariah 12:1-9 and 14:1-21 and the Function of 12:1013:6.

The Role of Zech 11: 1-17 in the Redaction of Zechariah 9-14.

Introduction

26

specifying Egypt in particular. Finally, 14:21b glances back to 11:4-16(17) and announces that there would be no more "merchants" in the house of God. 36 This analysis of the composition of Zechariah 9-14 shows that a redactor The Import of this Analysis. stitched together these six chapters largely using previously existing traditions, which, however, arose during different times from different hands. That growth process began in the late sixth century during the time of hope for Zerubbabel or some other Davidide to restore the monarchy (Zech 9:9-10). Hope for the reunion of Judah and Ephraim/Israel also arose, and Zechariah 9-10 (except 10:2-3a) was combined in anticipation of a new united kingdom. Events of the Persian Period did not bear out those hopes, however. Expectations of a glorious reunion under a Davidic king did not come to fruition, and tensions also arose between Judah and Ephraim/Israel, as is clear from Ezra 1-6. Part of the Yehudite community must have looked to Persia for political and other leadership. safety would have lain in cooperating with the Persians, but for the final redactor of Zechariah 9-14, who combined and attached chapters 11-14 to chapters 9-10, the hopes for the restoration of Jerusalem and Judah were still valid. The delay of that restoration had to be explained, and according to 12:10-13:6 the Davidides, Levites, and prophets, i.e., the power structure of both pre- and post-exilic Judean community life, had failed. The priests were singled out as bad "shepherds" in Zech 11:4-17 + 10:3a, 11:1-3, and 13:7-9.37 In the end, however, God would rescue God's people, sending a plague on those who wage war against Jerusalem (14:12,15), banishing the "merchants" from the temple itself (14:21b), and ruling God's people from Jerusalem.

The Date and Historical Background of Zechariah 9-14 Dates based The date of zechariah 9-14 has been broached in the previous paragraphs, but on perceived needs to be discussed more systematically here. If Zechariah ben Berechiah, the allusions. prophet of Zechariah 1-8, did not write these words, the author's identity is unknown and the date must be inferred from information within the chapters.38 That task has been daunting. Some scholars, from as early as Joseph Mede in 1653 and Archbishop Benedict Flugge in 1784, argued that Zechariah 9-14, all or in part, stemmed from the pre-exilic period. Similarly, among modern scholars F. Horst argued that the mention of Hadrach points to a date before 738, when that city lost its independent status. 39 Abraham Malamat argued instead that 9:1-8 alludes to the defeat in 720 of a coalition of states including Hamath, Damascus, and Samaria by Sargon II, king of Assyria. 40 Benedict Otzen sees allusions to dateable

36 See Redditt, "Redactional Connectors;' 207, and the discussion that follows on pp. 208-222.

37 Identification of the shepherds has proved difficult and thus controversial, so that topic will be addressed after an examination of the date and historical background of Zechariah 9-14. 38 The follOWing discussion of the date of Zechariah 9-14 draws upon Redditt, "Nehemiah's First Mission," 664-678, but updates its survey of secondary literature. 39 Horst, Nahum bis Maleachi, 245. 40 Abraham Malamat, "The Historical Setting of Two Biblical Prophecies on the Nations." Israel Exploration joumal1(1950-51): 149-59.

The Date and Historical Background of zechariah 9-14

27

people and events and dates Zech 9:1-8 in the time of Josiah, the remainder of chapter 9 and chapter 10 at the same time, 11:4-17 in the time of zedekiah, 12:213:1 in the early exilic period (with 13:2-6, 7-9 adde~), and 14:1-21 in the postexilic period. 41 Hanson, by contrast, dates 9:1-8 in the mid sixth century and 10:112 slightly later. He dates 11:4-16 in the post-exilic period, at the turn of the sixth century to the fifth, 12:1-13:6 about 475, and 14:1-21 between 475 and 425.42 Many scholars have opted instead for a post-exilic date for all six chapters. Paul Lamarche dates the work to the time of Zechariah,43 Henning Graf Reventlow settles on the first decade of the fifth century,44 while Douglas Rawlinson Jones argues that Zechariah 9-11 derives from the first half of the fifth century.45 Petersen sets the six chapters generally in the Persian period on the basis of allusions to sixth century biblical texts, the character of the language, and allusions to Archaemenid imperial structures in Zech 9:1-8.46 Pamela Scalise sets the date of the six chapters any time between the last dated message of Zechariah (Le., 518) and the ministry of Malachi (the mid fifth century).47 Karl Elliger and a large number of scholars assign chapters 9-11 to the time of Alexander the Great, in particular soon after his passage through Canaan to Egypt, and date chapters 12-14 later. 48 H.G.T. Mitchell sees 9:1-10 arising soon after the battle of Issus in 333 BeE, 9:11-11:3 in the time of ptolemy III (247-222 BCE), and 11:4-14:21 about the same time. 49 The truth is, however, that while a few features of Zech 9:1-8 may fit more or less one military invasion or another, the passage taken as a whole fits no single campaign.50 Besides, Zech 9:1-8 portrays Yhwh as the conqueror, not some foreign (or domestic) warrior. Also, while the identification of three "shepherds" in Zech 11:4-17 has yielded dates for that chapter ranging over many centuries, its genre as a reuse of and a response to Ezekiel 38-39 eliminates any earlier date. Yet another verse, Zech 12:10, has been used in the dating of Zechariah 9-14. It mentions "the one whom they have pierced." Two factors in particular obscure this verse. First, the speaker is clearly God, but the MT reads: "They will look upon me, whom they have pierced." This reading is theologically so challenging that readers ancient and modern have emended it routinely. A simple emendation, consisting of adding the letter waw to the Hebrew word ';1( ("on me"), resulting in the word 1"/C ("on him"), makes much sense. Thus the verse would read: "They will look on him, whom they have pierced." Second, the text is sometimes said to

Otzen, DeuteroSQcharja, 117-118, 145, 165, 212. Hanson, Dawn, 324, 334, 353. 368, 400. Paul Lamarche, Zecharie ix-xiv: Structure litteraire et Messianisme (Etudes Biblique; Paris: Gabalda. 1961), 121. See also Petterson, Your King, 2-3. 44 Reventlow, Sacharja, 88. 45 Douglas Rawlinson Jones, "A fresh Interpretation of Zechariah ix-xi;' Vetus Testamentum 12 (1962): 241-59. 46 Petersen, Zechariah 9-14, 5. 47 Scalise, Minor Prophets II, 182. 48 See Elliger, Kleine Propheten, 2.143; see also Deicor, "Allusions," 110-124; Horst, Nahum bis Maleachi, 247; Rudolph, Sacharja 9-14, 162-164. Willi-Plein (Prophetie am Ende, 107121; and Sacharja, 152) argues for dates in the second half of the fourth century. 49 Mitchell, Zechariah, 1912, 258-259. See also Tai, Prophetie, 154. 50 Redditt, "Nehemiah's first Mission;' 667. 41 42 43

28

Introduction

be reminiscent of the Suffering Servant in Isaiah 53. Scholars have often suggested, therefore, that the verse has in view someone who was killed or wounded. The identification of that person includes people from King Josiah (in the seventh century BeE) down to the priests Onias III (in the first half of second century BCE) or even Simon Maccabeus {142-134).51 Still other factors have resulted in various dates for the chapters. One is the date of the so-called Samaritan split. It draws attention because the reunion of Judah and Ephraim was a' major motif in Zechariah 9 and 10, but then is repudiated in Zech 11:14. On the one hand, A. S. van der woude argues that the split was well advanced by the end of the fifth century and that the allegory of the shepherds predated that split and constituted a last warning to Samaria. 52 Rudolph also argues that the chapters predate the Samaritan split, but he dates that split between 350 and 200, thus allowing time for the chapters to arise during the Ptolemaic period. 53 Otto Pl6ger suggests that Zech 9:1-8 has in view the Persian defeat of Egypt in 343/2, shortly after which he dates 9:11-17, 10:3-12, and 11:417 (which he calls an eschatological interpretation of these same events). He also suggests a connection between the wailing over someone who had been slain and remorse over the assassination by the High Priest Johannes (411-408) of his brother Jesus in the temple as the background for Zech 12:10-11, and assigns the whole of Zech 12-14 to the time of the Samaritan split (350-300).54 Dates based Since attempts to date Zechariah 9-14 on the basis of historical allusions have on other con- led to such diverse results, scholars have turned to other means. Sellin, for examsiderations. pIe, thinks part of Zechariah 9-14 is apocalyptic; therefore it must be late. 55 Hanson, while agreeing that Zechariah 14 is apocalyptic, dates it during the Persian period (between 475 and 425). He does so on the basis of a typology of literary styles he finds in Trito Isaiah and Zechariah 9-14, arguing that the chapters emerged successively between the mid-sixth century and 420. 56 There is such a marked difference in hope through the course of the six chapters that they probably did emerge over some time, though Curtis thinks that under sufficient social pressure no more than one to a few decades need to have passed.57 Hill dates Zechariah 9-14 on the basis of a typology of biblical Hebrew prose devised by R. Polzin. He finds considerable homogeneity among Haggai, Zechariah 1-8, Zechariah 10-14, and Malachi, and dates them all prior to the emergence of the Priestly source of the Pentateuch. Specifically, he dates Zechariah 10-14 between the time of Zechariah 1-8 (ca. 520) and 475.58 Raymond A. Person also dates Zechariah 9-14 during the Persian period, but with this different suggestion: it was redacted by the Deuteronomic school respon-

So B. Stade, according to Hanson, Dawn, 358. Woude, "Hirtenallegorie;' 148. Rudolph. Sacharja 9-14, 163. Ploger, Theocracy, 78-94. Sellin, ZwOlfprophetenbuch, 561. See also H. Gese, "Anfang und Ende der Apokalyptik, dargestellt am Sacharjabuch." Zeit.5chri[t fiirTheolo9ie und Kirche 70 (1973): 41-49. 56 Hanson,Dwwn. 324, 333, 353, 368, 400. 57 Curtis, Stony Road, 270. 58 See Andrew E. Hill, "Dating Second zechariah: A Linguistic Reexamination," Hebrew Annual Review 6 (1982): 128-129. Hill omits Zechariah 9 from the study, which contains much poetry. since he was working with prose writings. 51 52 53 54 55

The Date and Historical Background of Zechariah 9-14

29

sible for Deuteronomy through Kings and Jeremiah. When the rebuilding of the temple did not produce full restoration of the state and monarchy, the Deuteronomists became disenchanted and added chapters 9-14 ~o Zechariah 1-8.59 A canonical approach to the issue also has appeared recently, particularly in the work of O. H.· Steck (and Erich Bosshard). Steck argues that late additions to the book of Isaiah and late materials in the Twelve convey similar theological and temporal perspectives. Specifically, he argues that Zech 9:1-10:2 was added to the Twelve between 332 and 323 (about the same time, he says, that Isaiah 24-27 was added to that corpus), that 10:3-11:3 entered between 320 and 315 (contemporaneously with much of Third Isaiah), 11:4-13:9 somewhat later still (but about the time of the last two chapters of Isaiah), and Zechariah 14 between 240 and 220 {about the time of parts of Malachi).60 This approach seems to deny much overall continuity within Zechariah 9-14, contrary to Curtis's case for more internal consistency.61 Despite some disagreements, a number of American scholars (e.g., Ben C. 01- Date: late lenburger) now agree that Zechariah 9-14 emerged during the Persian period, sixth to late many suggesting the fifth century.62 Walter Harrelson observes simply that he sees fifth centuries. no reason to date the chapters later than about 400 B.C.E.63 Meyers and Meyers argue that Zechariah 10-14 was edited in the early to mid-fifth century, and they set Zech 9:12-13 within the context of Persia's tightening of control over the Levant in the mid-fifth century.64 In an earlier study I reached a similar conclusion on other grounds for the final date of zechariah 9-14,65 though it will be argued here that Zech 9:1-17 would fit better in the late sixth century while hopes for Zerubbabel or some other Davidide to rule over Jerusalem., Judah, and Ephraim were alive. Also much of Zechariah 10 perhaps arose in the early fifth century when hope for a reunited Israel and Judah seemed possible. Through the rest of the fifth century the restricted (and changing) expectations that make up Zechariah 11-14 found expression.

59

60 61

62

63 64 65

Person, Deuteronomic School, 202-205. Clearly Zechariah 9-14 drew upon some Deuteronomistic literature, but those chapters utilized a wide variety of other old Testament texts as well. It is also not clear that the Deuteronomistic School survived as long as Person argues. Steck, Abschluss, 196-197. Also Bosshard, "zwolfprophetenbuch;' 30-62. See Curtis, Stony Road, 22-23. To be sure Curtis combines this conSistency with a short time-span I cannot accept, though I agree that Zechariah 9 arose in the late sixth century. Ollenburger ("Zechariah," 742) thinks that chapters 12-14 "are related to changes in Persian policy toward Judah and Jerusalem in the time of Nehemiah, just after the middle of the fifth century BCE." Harrelson, "Zechariah xiv 16-21, 88. Meyers and Meyers, Zechariah 9-14, 54-55,142-148. Redditt, "Nehemiah's first Mission;' 675-677.

30

Introduction

The Identity of the Shepherds and Merchants in Zechariah 11 One of the crucial issues in the interpretation of zechariah 9-14 is the identity of the shepherds who are mentioned in 10:2-3a; 11:3, 4-16(17); and 13:7. Sweeney suggested that the shepherds were not heroic figures like Moses or the prophets and not kings like Antiochus III, Seleucus IV, and Heliodorus. He observes rather that sheep at the temple were doomed to slaughter and that the priests were the ones who supervised or cared for the sheep at the temple, and who sold them to worshipers to sacrifice to God. 66 While Sweeney does not identify the shepherds of Zech 11:4-17 with the priests of the temple, Hanson does. 67 Specifically, he interprets them as the hierocratic, priestly rulers of the temple. 68 In my comments on Zechariah 11, I will build on Hanson by arguing that the "shepherds" were indeed the priests in Jerusalem, but that the "merchants" were their Persianbacked overlords.

Zechariah 9-14 and the Book of the Twelve Scholars researching the growth of the Book of the Twelve have observed what appear to be redactional connections between Zechariah 9-14 and other prophetic collections in the Twelve. Within Zechariah itself note has already been taken of the connection between Zech 8:22 and Zech 9:9-10, i.e. between "First" and "Second" zechariah, with regard to the future of Jerusalem. That theme is greatly expanded in Zech 12:1-9 and 14:1-21. In addition, Zech 14:16 picks up the motif of the peoples going up to Jerusalem to worship found in Zech 2:11 and 8:22-23. One should also note the pro-monarchy motif in both Zech 4:6 and Zech 9:9. Another obvious connection is formed between the redactional Zech 13:9 and Mal 3:3, both of which work with the motif of God's refining Jerusalem as one refines silver and gold. References to the house of the Lord in Zech 14:20-21 anticipate the concern with the temple in Malachi. Equally clear is the shared motif of the kingship of Yahweh, which appears in Haggai-Malachi only in Mal 1:14 and Zech 14:9, 16-17. Zech 14:10 also agrees with Mal 2:10, 15 concerning the oneness of Yahweh. Looking elsewhere in the Twelve, Zech 13:9 echoes Hos 2:21-23, and both passages depict God as saying God's people are once again God's and both have the people confess that "Yahweh is our God:' Another motif shared with Hosea is the pairing of Assyria and Egypt as lands from which God would bring exiles (Hos 11:5 and Zech 10:10-11). These examples are sufficient to suggest that the redactor responsible for Zechariah 9-14 had in view a collection containing at least Hosea (and probably the hypothesized "Book of the Four") and Haggai, Zechariah 1-8, and Malachi, if not most of the Twelve. It is in fact possible that Zechariah

66 Sweeney, Twelve Prophets, 2.678. 67 Hanson, Dawn, 35I. 68 Hanson, Dawn, 345-354.

Conclusion

31

9-14 was the last piece to be added to the Twelve, coming in after the narrative ofJonah. 69

Conclusion The breadth of sharing between Zechariah 9-14 and other old Testament books reveals two things crucial about the authors/editors of Zechariah 9-14. First, they were acquainted with other materials that eventually made their way into the old Testament. Second, by attaching chapters 9-14 to the book carrying the name of Zechariah, the editors deliberately hid their identity behind that of Zechariah instead of stepping out under their own names. They were, however, no less "prophets" than the sixth century Zechariah for doing so. The transition from oral to written prophecy can be seen in other prophetic books. In Ezekiel the prophet's individual messages may well have been written down for the purpose of reading them in public. Those messages then underwent a process of editing, resulting in the book that bears Ezekiel's name. The book of Jeremiah is replete with narratives of the redaction process. The presumably oral messages of the prophets Haggai and Zechariah also underwent a redaction common to them both. Although the temple was rebuilt, the hope for the restitution of the monarchy did not pan out. Nevertheless, six more chapters (Zechariah 914), perhaps containing the hopes of several prophets, enlarged and updated the redacted collection of Haggai/zechariah 1-8, as it was joined to Malachi and the rest of the Twelve. Modern readers have been accustomed to seeing the prophets as courageous loners, people who bravely opposed kings and condemned others among their contemporaries. Some of them (e.g., Amos and Micah) may have done exactly that. Their words were kept alive and relevant, however, by a less glamorous group of scribes. These scribes continued and preserved the prophetic word for later generations of readers.

69 See Redditt, "Capstone;' 305-332. Schart ("Eschatological Visions;' 339), by contrast, argues that Malachi was last and was attached to Zech 1-14.

Zechariah 9. God's Future Kingdom and ~arthly King 9:1-17 1 Oracle. The word of Yhwh [is] upon the land of Hadrach, and Damascus [is] its resting place, for to Yhwh [belong] the city of Aram a and all the tribes of Israel. 2 Likewise Hamath-she borders on it[and] Tyre and Sidon, for they are exceedingly wise. 3 Tyre has built a rampart for herself, and piled up silver like dust and gold like dirt of the streets. 4 Behold, Adonai a will dispossess her and smite her wealth into the sea,b and she will be consumed with fire. S Ashkelon will see and be afraid, and Gaza [will see and] will writhe exceedingly; and Ekron [too], because her hope will wither. The king will be destroyed from Gaza, and Ashkelon will not be ruled. a 6 A villain will rule Ashdod; thus I shall cut off the majesty of the Philistines. 7 I shall take away itsa blood from its mouth and its abominations from between its teeth; And it also will become a remnant before our God. It will be like a c1an b in Judah, and Ekron [will be] like a Jebusite [city]. 8 Then I shall defend my house, a garrison aagainst any who departs and returns,a No oppressor will overcome them again, for now I have seen with my eyes. 9 Exult greatly, 0 daughter Zion, Shout, 0 daughter Jerusalem. Behold, your king is coming to you; Righteous a and liberated b is he; Humblec and riding on a colt,

9:1-17

34

indeed on a jack, the son of jennies.d 10 Then la will cut off the chariot from Ephraim and the horse from Jerusalem, and the bow of battle will be cut off. Then he will speak peace to all the nations, his dominion will be from sea to sea, and from the River to the ends of the earth. 11 Also as for you on account of the blood of your covenant, I shall send your prisoners forth from the pit, in which is no water. 12 Return to a stronghold, 0 prisoners of hope, afor today I am declaring," "1 shall return to you double:' 13 For I shall bend a Judah to me, and fill Ephraim [like] a bow, I shall arouse your sons, 0 Zion, b against your sons, 0 Javan,b and I shall wield you like the sword of a warrior:' 14 Then Yhwh will appear over them, and his arrow will go forth like lightning; and Adonai Yhwh will blow on the shophar, and march" in the whirlwinds of the south. 15 Yhwh of hosts will protect them, so they will devour and tread down the sling stones; they will drink and roara as with wine, and be full like a bowl, like corners of an altar. 16 Yhwh their God will save them. On that day his people will be like a flock, for [like) jewels they will shine upon his land. 17 For how good is he and how beautiful! Grain will cause the young men to thrive, and new wine the young women.

Notes on Text and Translation 1a

The Hebrew words ell( l'V appear from the context to constitute a place name, but one that is unattested elsewhere. Several different suggestions for reading the two words have been made. NRSV translates the phrase "the capital of Aram;' a translation involving two emendations. The first is to read ,'v (city) for the MT's l'V (eye, spring). The second is to read O'l( (Aram) for 01l( (Edom). These emendations fit the context and are accepted here. Many other scholars want to read the word ,'v ("city") as ''v ("cities"), and translate "the cities of Aram."

Notes on Text and Translation

35

4a

Various mss read Yhwh instead of Adonai. To be sure the name Yhwh appears almost forty times in Zechariah 9-14, but Adonai appears in 9:14 also. There is no convincing reason to emend the text to read Yhwh. 4b It is also possible to translate this phrase "upon the :rea," suggesting God would end Tyre's maritime activities, which became particularly important during the Assyrian empire. 5a The Hebrew word used here :l1V' can mean "sit," "remain;' "dwell;' or even "inhabit:' Meyers and Meyers (Zechariah 9-14, 109-111) point out that in connection with the word "king" the verb can also mean "rule;' and suggest that it has that meaning here and in the beginning of v. 6. Their translation is accepted. 7a The antecedent for this pronoun is probably the city Ashdod, though it could possibly be the Philistines despite the disagreement in number between the noun "philistines" and the ms pronoun Kl". The third masculine singular of the pronoun may have been suggested by the reference to the ruler as the "illegitimate son:' 7b The Hebrew word '1'K can be pointed either as '1~1:.( (oallup) to designate an intimate friend, or as '1'?~ (oelep) to mean a "thousand." Meyers and Meyers (Zechariah 9-14, 116) follow the MT, but translate '1~~ (oalltlp) with a collective force they deem warranted by the context, viz. "dan." Their translation has been adopted here. 8a-a The phrase seems to refer to everyone who passes by the city, i.e. all who come and go. BHS says to delete, but there is no compelling reason to do so. 9a BOB (843) gives "victorious" as the meaning of i'"'1lC in Zech 9:9, and cites 2 Sam 23:3 and Jer 23:5 as other places where the word carries the same meaning. That suggestion seems to mean that the king would be the one through whom God would conquer the surrounding world. Meyers and Meyers (Zechariah 9-14, 88, 125) prefer instead to translate P'"l:l/ as "righteous," its overwhelming meaning in the Hebrew Bible. Their understanding of the word is adopted here. 9b P1li1l can also be translated "saved" Both "saved" and "liberated" suggest a different meaning than the translation "victorious," where the king is thought to defeat all comers. Rather, the future king will be liberated by God. Meyers and Meyers (Zechariah 9-14, 126-127) point to Deut 33:29 and Ps 33:16, both of which employ the Niphal of the root - as here. In Deut 33:29 Israel is a people "saved by Yhwh;' and in Ps 33:16 a king is not saved by his army, but by God. The fighting in Zech 9:1-8 had been done by Yhwh, not a Judean king. Indeed, while other verses in Zechariah 914 speak of fighting, such fighting is never done by a Judean king. 9c The word means "humble" in the sense of "afflicted" or "poor." 9d GK 1240 notes that the plural rlll11K sometimes denotes an indefinite Singular, but here the verse may instead insist that the colt that the king would ride was a "pure bred jackass." See Way, "Donkey Domain;' esp. p.1l4. lOa Reading with the MT. The LXX reads "He;' a reading often preferred by modern translators because the second half of the verse dearly refers to "his," i.e., the king's dominion. The speaker, however, has been God since v. 6a (where the same first person verb is used), who continues to speak through v. 13. 12a-a Literally the clause could read: "also the day is announcing;' but the entirety of vv. 11-13 suggests that God is speaking in the sentence. Hence, scholars often infer from that phrase a first person speaker from the rest of the sentence, as is done here. 13a The verb 1" (translated "bend") more generally means "tread" or "march." BOB, 202, offers "bend" as the meaning with "bow;' as here. 13b-b Sometimes this clause is considered textually suspect on the basis of meter. See the discussion in the comments below. 14a The basic meaning of the verb is "walk," but it is as rich a verb in Hebrew as in English. The translation "march" is an attempt to catch the military flavor of the context.

1'"

36 15a

~1-17

BHS suggests reading C1 or Ol:l1 for IT.l;'l. NRSV translates the whole clause "they shall drink their blood like wine;' a gruesome picture indeed. The translation offered here follows Meyers and Meyers (Zechariah 9-14, 154-155), who read IT.li1 as a third-person plural of the verb i1lli1 (growl, roar, be boisterous), originally prefixed by a waw, which they suggest fell out due to haplography.

Synchronic Analysis Following the introductory word Kim (oracle), Zechariah 9 takes the form of a chiasmus with five parts. 9:1-6a. Yhwh works to re-establish the kingdom. Yhwh speaks of Yhwh's redemptive work. 9:6b-s. 9:9-10. Yhwh presents Jerusalem its king. Yhwh speaks of Yhwh's redemptive work. 9:11-13. 9:14-17. Yhwh works to protect the restored kingdom. l Yhwh is the principal actor and main speaker in Zechariah 9. The first and last divisions, w. 1-6a and 14-17, describe God's future actions on behalf of God's people in the third person, while w. 6b-13 have God describe the divine efforts in the first person singular, speaking of God's house in v. S and addressing Jerusalem directly in w. 9-10. Zechariah 9 portrays Yhwh acting in three bold strokes. First (vv. 1-6a, 6b-s), God captures the ideal territory of Israel from the land of Hadrach in the north, the city of Damascus in the east, adding them to the tribal lands of Israel, and then campaigns against Tyre, Sidon, and the philistine cities along the Mediterranean coast. At the end God moves to defend God's "house:' That "house," presumably, was the temple in Jerusalem, but the word ,:l'jl (temple) was never used in Zechariah 9-14. By contrast, it was used seven times in Haggai/zechariah I-S and twice in Malachi. Second (in 9:9-10), God presents a new king to Jerusalem, and third (in vv. 11-13, 14-17) God defends the whole land, both Judah and Ephraim, against enemy attacks. These three strokes do not coincide with changes in person of the verbs in the chapter. As shown above, whereas w. 1-6a speak of God in the third person, in w. 6b-13 God speaks in the first person, and w. 14-17 return the third person. The effect of the first person voice in the middle of the chapter is to place God's words of assurance to and about Jerusalem directly upon the lips of God. Those verses are not just a threat about what God will do outside Jerusalem; they also make promises about what God will do for Jerusalem and its inhabitants.

1

This diagram of the chapter follows that of Curtis given above, but subdivides his first and last oracles to reflect the change in number in the verbs within vv. 1-8 and 11-17.

Synchronic Analysis

The Title

37

NW

The title for Zechariah 9, indeed for the whole of Zechariah 9-11, is the word KiDtI (oracle). What follows immediately in v. 1 ("The word ofYhwh is upon [:1] the land of Hadrach") is an incipit, the first sentence of the author's message. The word xiDtI probably was placed at the head of Zech 9:1-10 or 9:1-17 when those verses were attached to Zechariah 8. xiDtI appears in 12:1 also, but there it is followed by a second superscription: "the word of YWHW concerning (?v) Israel." Since Zechariah 12-14 never mentions the northern kingdom, the word "Israel" in 12:1 was chosen most likely with a glance back at 9:1, where it appears as the last word in the verse. Mal. 1:1 likewise opens with a double superscription: "An oracle. The word of the Lord to (;x) Israel by Malachi:' This threefold use of xw followed by the phrase "the word of Yhwh" has caused a number of scholars to conclude that Zechariah 9-11, 12-14, and the book of Malachi are three separate collections added to Zechariah 1-8 by the same hand, but that statement oversimplifies the superscriptions. Specifically, as noted above, Zech 12:1 contains not only the word xw, but also a second superscription, the phrase "the word of the Lord concerning Israel;' and a third as well: "Thus says Yhwh:' That third superscription may have been the original heading for Zech 12:1-9. The word "Israel" in 12:1 does not refer to the northern kingdom, but was used genetically for Judah, perhaps polemically, since Zechariah 12-14 expresses no hope for the northern kingdom. Moreover, Mal 1:1 originally may have begun "The word of the Lord to (?l() Israel by Malachi;' a name derived from Mal 3:1 and affixed to give the collection a name-quite possibly when it was connected to Haggai, Zechariah. Thus, the word KiD):) in Zech 12:1 and Mal 1:1 appears to have been used in imitation of Zech 9:1, and the phrase "the word of the Lord (concerning) Israel" in Zech 12:1 was borrowed from Mal 1:1. The word KiDtI derives from a root meaning "to lift up, bear, carry;' and it designates a burden. Secondarily, it is used to refer to prophetic utterances. The phrase "the word of Yhwh" appears as the superscription in Hos 1:1, Joel 1:1, Mic 1:1, and Zeph 1:1, though in those cases the name of the prophet follows: e.g.: "the word of the Lord that came to Hosea:' Various passages in Jeremiah likewise name him as the one to whom the word of God had come (e.g., Jer 7:1; 11:1; 14:1), and other texts, written in the first person singular say the word came to "me" (e.g., Jer 1:4; 2:1).2 Unlike these other passages, however, the phrase "the word ofYhwh" in Zech 9:1 is not followed by a preposition saying to whom the word came. Instead, the phrase "the word of God" actually begins the first sentence of the prophetic message. 3

2 3

For a discussion of other ways of introducing prophetic books, see conrad, "Forming the Twelve," 96-101. See Beth Glazier-McDonald. Malachi: The Divine Messenger (Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series 98; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1987), 26. She argues that the word Ki1.IT.l alone constitutes the superscription in 9:1, that the entire first half of 12:1 serves that role in Zechariah 12, and that Mal1:l was similar to other prophetic passages where the addressee was named.

9:1-17

~8

Richard D. Weis has argued that l(Tpn designates a "prophetic exposition of a divine revelation:'4 He says that a X10lJ responds to a question concerning a lack of clarity about divine intention or else some aspect of the human events through which the intention will be fulfilled. In pre-exilic texts the message needing further explication lies within the passage headed by the word X1olJ, but in the case of Zech 9:1, the texts needing further explication are Haggai 1-2 and Zechariah 1-8. In the case of Zech 12:1 and Mal 1:1, the text to be explicated is Zech 11:4-17. One question underlying Zechariah 9 would seem to be this: when will the new king begin his reign in Jerusalem? (zerubbabel had been promised in Hag 2:20-23, Zech 4:6b-l0a, and perhaps an earlier version of Zech 6:9-15, but he is not named here.) A second question for the whole chapter might have been this: when will the reunion of Judah and Israel occur? (To be sure Israel is mentioned only twice in Haggai/zechariah 1-8, namely in Zech 1:19 and 8:13. In both verses the references to Israel look like additions, and perhaps were read back into Zechariah 1-8 from Zechariah 9 and 10.5 ) Zechariah 9 answers both questions, and Zechariah 10 answers the second.

9: 1-60. Yhwh works to re-establish the New Kingdom Defeat of Verses 1-6a have a specific objective in view: to sketch the borders of the coming Hadrach. new kingdom of God. They open by affirming Yhwh's attention to the land of Hadrach. The word of God is said to be "in;' "among;' "with;' or "against" Hadrach, depending on how one translates the Hebrew preposition :1. One question, therefore, is whether God's action toward Hadrach is positive or negative. No conclusive answer is possible, though translators have typically opted for the meaning "against." Meyers and Meyers, by contrast, have argued that "in" is a better translation, fitting well the peaceful aura of the reference to Damascus. 6 It is not clear, however, that the verse envisions peace on Damascus despite the reference to God's word being at "rest:' His "word" might have arrived on Damascus with force and then rested there. Nor would the term preclude previous conflict before the time of rest. In any case, a negative meaning fits the militaristic overtones of w. 2-8. The second issue is the identity and location of Hadrach. This issue is complicated by the fact that it is mentioned nowhere else in the Hebrew Bible. It is often, but not conclusively, identified with the "city of Hatarikka" mentioned by the Assyrian king Tiglath-pileser (r. 745-727) in his annals, naming it as the capital of a king named Zakir. 7 In another stele Zakir himself claims that Be'elshamayn had made him king over Hatarikka as well. 8 Apparently, therefore, "Hadrach" was a

4 5 6 7 8

Weis, "Oracle;' 28-29. Still, the name "Ephraim" occurs in 9:14 and 10:7, and the name "Joseph" (progenitor of Ephraim and Manasseh) appears in 10:6a~. Both chapters seem to envision some kind of reunion of north and south. Meyers and Meyers, Zechariah 9-14, 90, 93. Michael H. Floyd "Hadrach," NlDB, 2. 217. The Assyrian text is from Tiglath-pileser: "Campaigns in Syria and Palestine," ANET," 283. "Zakir of Hamat and Lu'ath;' ANET, 655.

Synchronic Analysis

39

city, a city state, or a district located in the general vicinity of Hamath. 9 More specifically, it seems to have lain south of the Euphrates, but north of the land of Israel, which traditionally extended "from Dan to Beersheba." Next, v. 1 names Damascus. It was, of course, the capital of the Arameans. The verse calls it the resting place of the word of Yhwh. The word mnlT.l {translated "resting place"} means "rest" or "qUietness," as well as a place to rest. The verse portrays Damascus as a place where God's hand already rested, perhaps after coming down on the city and its environs. The overall tenor of the opening sentence is that God is in charge of matters on the northern edge of Israel's territory. That meaning is reinforced by the next sentence, which says that the city of Aram {Le. Damascus} as well as all the tribes of Israel belong to Yhwh. Thus, v. 1 seems to be a description of a future politico-spiritual reality that was not yet obvious to all, but which the prophet could see. He could argue that the cities of northern Israel belonged to God {regardless of whether all their inhabitants or their neighbors thought so}, and his view that Damascus did also stakes a claim to additional territory for Israel outside of the traditional boundaries. The ensuing verses continue to broaden the borders of that land. The verbal map specifically includes Hamath, a city or city-state on the Orontes River in northern phoenicia, located almost due north of Damascus, roughly 200 kilometers {about 125 miles}. Verses 1-2a in effect claim that the future land of Israel will include Damascus and Hamath, in addition to "all the tribes of Israel." These tribes presumably included not only the northern kingdom of Israel, but also Judah in the south. After Hamath the passage next mentions Tyre and Sidon. These two cities lay on the Mediterranean coast, Sidon about 40 kilometers {about 25 miles} north of Tyre. They co-existed as independent kingdoms until about the eighth century, when Sidon came under the control of Tyre. At that time the Assyrians turned the area into an Assyrian province, and Tyre and Sidon gradually separated again. Though Sidon became an Assyrian province, Tyre fluctuated back and forth between independence and submission. The Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar changed that situation with his successful siege of the city. Later under the Persians both cities flourished, though Sidon became the more important. In Zech 9:2b-4 the pair functions to establish the northwestern border of God's new kingdom. Thus, the whole northern border would stretch from the edge of the Arabian Desert on the east at Damascus to Hamath in the north to the Mediterranean at Tyre and Sidon. Nowhere else in the Hebrew Bible were Tyre and Sidon seen as belonging to Israel. Here their wisdom is mentioned, but it will not help them hold off God's advance. Tyre comes in for special condemnation. The text speaks of its accomplishments and wealth and specifically of its rampart. The defenses ofTyre indeed were remarkable, situated as the city was on a rocky island just off the phoenician coast. Neither the Assyrians {who attacked in 671 and 663} nor the Babylonians destroyed it, though the Assyrians exacted tribute and the Babylonians (under Nebuchadnez-

9

On the location of Hadrach as an area, see the map by Anson F. Rainey and R. Steven Notley, Carta's New Century Handbook and Atlas of the Bible Oerusalem: Carta, 2007), 125. Ray L Roth ("Hadrach;' ABD, 3.17) calls it a city state, a suggestion that might resolve the ambiguity of whether Hadrach was a city or a district.

Defeat of Damascus.

Defeat of Tyre and Sidon.

40

9:1-17

zar) removed its monarch. The text seems to suggest that Tyre's defenses had been sufficient to prevent its destruction up to the author's time. lo Also, v. 3 says, Tyre had "piled up silver ... and gold," a reference to its wealth. It is not accused of harming Judah in either process, though such harm might be implied. Regardless, Tyre was due for a change of fortunes. Adonai (a name for God meaning "my Lord" that appears frequently in the MT) would "dispossess" her, and "smite her wealth into the sea." Her defense would be insufficient before God's onslaught. The city itself would be ','consumed with fire." Defeat of the Thus far the text has delineated the eastern border (Damascus and the Arabian Philistines. Desert), the northern border (Hadrach and Hamath), and the western border (the Mediterranean Sea) of Israel's future land. What is left is the southern border. The new kingdom will reach, says v. 5, as far south as the old Philistine cities of Ashkelon and Gaza (the latter of which was the southernmost, where the coastal plain was at its widest). The southern border of Judah/Israel elsewhere is said to be the "wadi [il;m]of Egypt" in Num 34:5; see also the word ;m in Josh 15:4, 47; 1 Kgs 8:65; and Isa 27:12. The southern border also is indicated by the phrase "the river [1m] of Egypt;' mentioned in Gen 15:18, in which verse God tells Abram the borders of his land will stretch "from the river of Egypt to the great river," i.e. the Euphrates. While the exact meaning of the phrase "river of Egypt" is unclear, the point of Zech 9:5-6a was that the renewed Israel would stretch all the way to the border of Egypt. In Egyptian records the philistines were first mentioned by name during the reign of Pharaoh Ramses III (r. ca. 1198-1166), who clashed with them in their cities of Ashdod, Ashkelon, and Gaza. l l The Philistines drove out the Egyptians and added the towns of Ekron and Gath, to form a Philistine pentapolisY They dominated the region until about 1000, expanding their territory up the Mediterranean coast, through the Jezreel Valley to Beth-shan near the Jordan River, and they established hegemony over the Israelite tribes in the hill country.13 1 Samuel 9-31 records the career of Saul and his death at the hands of the philistines, and 2 Sam 5:17-25; 8:1 credits David with their defeat. They are mentioned from time to time in 1 and 2 Kings, both as a neighboring people (in 1 Kgs 15:27; 2 Kgs 8:2) and as those who paid tribute to Israelite kings (in 1 Kgs 4:21) or warred against Judah (2 Kgs 18:8). 2 Chronicles adds to the picture with details not paralleled in 2 Kings. First, it reports (in 2 Chr 17:11) that the Philistines paid tribute to King Jehoshaphat of Judah (r. 873-849). Also (according to 2 Chr 26:6) they attacked Jehoram king of Israel (r. 849-843). Third (2 Chr 28:18), the philistines raided the Shephelah 14 and southern Judah during the reign of Ahaz, king of Judah (second half of the eighth century). Assyrian literature corroborates this picture.

10

11 12 13 14

Ezek 26:1-28:24 predicts that Tyre would fall to Babylon, but Ezek 29:18-20 concedes that the Babylonian siege failed, with the new prediction that Nebuchadnezzar would take enough booty from Egypt to make up for what he failed to take from Tyre. Ramses III: ''The War Against the Peoples of the Sea," ANET, 262. The philistines are also mentioned in "The Journey of Wen-Amon to Phoenicia," ANET, 26. W. S. LaSor, "philistines," ISBE, 3.842. H. J. Katzenstein, "philistines: History," ABD, 5.327. The Shephelah was the "low country" between the coast of southern Judah and the hill country.

Synchronic Analysis

41

The Philistines proved less successful against Mesopotamian powers than they had against Egypt and local powers. The five city states paid tribute to Assyria for a while, specifically to Tiglath-pileser III, who captured Ashkelon. 15 Then Sargon II Cr. 722-705) led his army to victory over a Syro-Palestinian rebellion and over Egypt. In the proc:ess he defeated Gaza and Ekron, and attached Ashdod to his sphere of influence. 16 He claimed to have defeated Gath (not mentioned in Zech 9:5-7) as wellY His successor Sennacherib had to reassert control over those cities. Subsequently, both Babylon and Persia maintained control over philistine territory. Verse 5 moves from Ashkelon to Gaza to Ekron, where it reverses the names of the first two cities, naming Gaza, then Ashkelon. One should note the structure of v. 5. Basically, it consists of a chiasmus built around Ekron. Ashkelon will see and be afraid, and Gaza will writhe exceedingly; and Ekron [too], because her hope will wither. The king will be destroyed from Gaza, and Ashkelon will not be ruled. The verse begins by predicting that Ashkelon, the finest port on the southern Mediterranean coast, would see God's destruction of Tyre, and would experience fear (of undergoing a similar fate?). It ends by predicting that Ashkelon would be "uninhabited;' as most translations read. Meyers and Meyers, however, argue that the Hebrew root .:lV' often means "ruler" when pointed as a participle, and that the verbal form used here carries the meaning "ruled" (following as it does fairly closely the word "king").ls So the verse means that Ashkelon would lose its king as a result of God's actions. In lines 2 and 4, the verse predicts the same loss for Gaza, which would suffer as a consequence. The defeat of these kings would be a necessary precursor to God's rulership over the area. The middle line of the verse simply says that Ekron would lose hope, perhaps after losing its king too. The fourth and last philistine city mentioned 19 was Ashdod (v. 6a), also a coastal city, lying about as far north of Ashkelon as Gaza lay south. The city seems to have been a provincial capital under the Persians. Verse 6 envisions a "villain" or "contemptible person" ruling the city. It may have been clear to the original readers whom the author had in mind-if indeed he intended a certain individual. Regardless, the phrase is loaded with sarcasm. Which cities would be worse off: Ashkelon, Gaza, and Ekron, which had no king, or Ashdod, which had a base man for a king? It did not matter. He would suffer the same fate as the other kings: God would remove him too. God would cut off all the Philistine "kings;' i.e., "the majesty of the philistines." Alternatively, one can translate this phrase "the pride

15 Tiglath-Pileser: "Campaigns in Syria and Palestine," ANET, 282-283. Sargon II: "The fall of Samaria, Analistic Reports," ANET, 284-285. 17 Ibid., 286. 18 Meyers and Meyers, Zechariah 9-14, 109-111. 19 Gath, the fifth Philistine city, is not mentioned. Archaeological digs have found massive destruction at a level dateable to the late ninth century BCE, explaining why the city is rarely mentioned in later texts. See Carl S. Ehrlich, "Gath;' NIDB, 2.524-525. 16

9:1-17

42

of the philistines," i.e., as a reference to their pride in their own efforts and accomplishments.

9:6b-8. Yhwh speaks of Yhwh's redemptive work

Defeat of Philistia continued.

God's house a garrison.

The second section of Zechariah 9 appears in vv. 6b-8. At this point the verbs in the chapter change voice to the first person singular, and continue in that voice through v. 13. God says: "I shall cut off [mJ] the majesty of the Philistines." Verse 10 also employs that same verb in connection with God's cutting off the war horse from Jerusalem, creating a nice connection between those two sections of the chapter. The result for the philistines will be more or less positive. Here God promises to put an end to the "pride of philistia" mentioned in v. 6a, but does not threaten the destruction of philistia. The verse seems to anticipate its continuation within the boundaries of the future Israel/Judah. Verse 7 continues to develop the motif of loss by philistia, adding that its people would be reduced in importance as the Jebusites had been. The Jebusites were listed among the traditional inhabitants of Canaan (see Gen 10:16; 15:21; Exod 3:8; 3:17; 13:5; 23:23; 33:2; 34:11), and they inhabited Jerusalem and its environs (see Josh 18:28; Judg 19:10). David brought the city under Israelite control after he became king (2 Sam 5:6-10). Verse 7, therefore, concludes with a prediction of Ekron coming under the control of God as Jerusalem had come under the control of Israel's great king David. God promises to take away the blood/food from the mouths of the people of Ashdod. This promise is sometimes said to have in mind all the Philistines rather than Ashdod alone, and it certainly might. The pronoun associated with the noun "blood," however, is masculine singular and might fit the single city better than the plural noun "philistines." Thus, Ashdod alone seems to be the referent for the pronoun "his." The passage continues by saying that Ashdod would be like a "clan" (oj"K) inJudah. The basic meaning of the word is "thousand," so it is used of groups, in 1 Sam 10:19 of a subdivision within a tribe. 20 In Zech 9:7 likewise the word seems to refer to a subgroup within Judah. The motif of the reduction of Ashdod's power and the city's concomitant inclusion within the Judah of the future suggests its subordination to Judah. Finally, in v. 8 God promises to defend God's house, making it a garrison against enemies. In late sixth-century Yehud, there was not much to the city of Jerusalem, but the verse insists that God would defend it against any further intrusions like the Babylonian attack. The passage employs two descriptions for enemies. The first is the phrase "all who depart and return." It seems to have in view enemy armies marching back and forth through Judah and Jerusalem, especially the Babylonian army in the years leading up to the fall of Jerusalem and the

20

In 1 Sam 10:19 Samuel commands the people of Israel to present themselves by tribes and by clans. The word appears again in Zech 12:5-6, where the NRSV translates it as "clans." i1Tl!lVt.l, the more typical word for "clan," is not used here.

Synchronic Analysis

43

destruction of the temple (see 2 Kgs 24:1-21.)21 The verse promises that no armies will do so again. The second description employs the participle i!1~1 (oppressor). The term is much more general in meaning than "conqueror;' and perhaps has in view a wider referent than Babylon, maybe even inclutling Persia. The elimination of invading armies and oppressors would usher in a time devoid of war. God's concluding clause "now I have seen with my own eyes" perhaps strikes modern readers as curious, since they typically work with a concept of God as all seeing. The Old Testament, by contrast, does not hold such a Greek-like concept of the perfections of God, but works with the idea of a God who acts and even changes in light of the actions and reactions of human beings. What God had apparently "seen" was that the time to act on behalf of Israel/Judah had come. The time of exile had run its course; Haggai and Zechariah 1-8 had announced as much. Now God would again "defend" the house as God had defended it in the past before Judah's sin had driven God away. (See Ezek 11:22-23 for depiction of God's leaving the temple and the city for the Mount of Olives, rendering it defenseless against the Babylonian army, and Ezek 43:1-5, which predicted God's return.) To conclude the first two sections of Zechariah 9, one may examine the territory these verses stake out for the future Judah/Israel. Havrelock argues that the old Testament works with two conceptions of the ideal land of Israel, one that specifically includes Transjordan (see the account of Israel's capturing Transjordan in Deut 3:8-17) and one that ranged from the River (Le., the Euphrates) to the River of Egypt (either the Nile or the "Brook of Egypt" just south of Gaza; see also Gen 15:18, Deut 11:24, and the extent of solomon's kingdom in 1 Kgs 5:1). She argues that the map including Transjordan grew out of a desire to define Israel vis-a-vis Egypt, while the other map grew out of a desire to define Israel vis-a-vis Mesopotamian powers.22 This passage clearly employs the "Euphrates" map.23 The land will reach from Hadrach near the Euphrates to Gaza near the Brook of Egypt. Verse 10 will eliminate any doubt about that map by predicting that the new king will reign "from sea to sea, and from the River to the ends of the earth." There is nothing strange about the choice of maps. Assyria and Babylon were traditional conquerors, and Persia constituted the dominant power against whom God would continue to defend God's people. These verses promised God's people control of the whole area.

9:9-10. Yhwh presents Jerusalem its new king The next two verses, Zech 9:9-10, are possibly the most famous in the book of Zechariah, both for their importance in their own right, and also-for Christian thought-because of the role they play hi the NT accounts of Palm Sunday. The previous eight verses make it clear that the establishment of the new Kingdom of

21 The defeat of Jerusalem was not Babylon's last incursion into the lands under discussion in Zechariah 9. It also besieged Tyre and invaded Egypt in 568/567; see Jer 46. See D. J. Wiseman, "Babylonia;' lSBE. 1.395. 22 Havrelock, "Two Maps," 656-658. 23 Zech 9:1-8, however, does specifically include "all the tribes of Israel" (v. 1), but the map in use is the "Euphrates" map.

44

9:1-17

Israel would be the work of God, but these two verses envision a role for a new ruler in Jerusalem. That ruler, however, would be a person of peace, not a warrior. Karl Elliger appropriately calls the two verses a Heroldsruf (a herald's cry).24 They provide the earliest anchor for the reading of Sweeney, who argues that Zechariah 9-11 and 12-14, though written later and independently, function to explain how Yhwh's statements concerning the restoration of Zion envisioned in Zech 1:7-8:21 would be realized. 25 God continues to sp~ak in these verses, addressing the city of Jerusalem as "daughter Zion," calling upon it to exult over the coming of its new king. Verses 1-8, of course, presented God as the conqueror of the surrounding lands and the real king of the city, and they went to some length to detail God's coming to make a garrison of God's house. Beginning in v. 9, though, attention shifts to an earthly king, God's representative. That king is not a military figure, however, but a man of peace, described with three adjectives: righteous, liberated, and humble. The new King. The word for "righteous;' i"1:lC, designated those who were "just" in their causes, their business transactions, and in the case of kings who were fair-minded in judgments or rulings. often in the aT justice focused on championing the causes of the disadvantaged (Le., widows, orphans, resident aliens, and other poor people; see Exod 22:22; Deut 14:29; 24:19-21; Isa 1:7; Zech 7:10). The term suggests, therefore, that this king would be upright, honest, and fair in his dealings with others, and even vindicated by God before God's people and perhaps before foreign kings. The word i"1:lC can also mean "legitimate." Jer 23:5 speaks of the future "Branch" (or king) as a legitimate son of David. 26 The future king would be someone who had himself been "liberated" or "uplifted" by God. If typical conceptions of the messiah featured a royal figure who fought bravely against enemies and defeated them, the king in v. 9 instead would be the beneficiary of God's fighting for the new kingdom. As the beneficiary, the king would be "humble;' not proud or arrogant. Meyers and Meyers note that the term is paired with the term "poor" in Jer 22:16, Ezek 16:49 and 18:12, and with the term for "stranger" in Zech 7:10,27 Both the KJV and the ASV translate the word "lowly." Further evidence of his peacefulness would be the animal he rides: a donkey, the son of jennies. A donkey is not a war animal. Perhaps this animal was specified to make clear the non-military role and demeanor of this future king. That the donkey was pure bred and not a mule is stressed, so that point was probably important. In Amorite treaties in Mari also hybrid animals were seen as unfit for ceremonial use. 28 The verb in the first sentence in v. 10 in the MT is a first person singular imperfect, translated "I shall bring them back," making it clear that God, the speaker in vv. 7-8, is still the speaker in vv. 9-10. (See the translation note lOa.) God promises to cut off both the chariot from Ephraim (the northern kingdom) and the war horse from Jerusalem. One might have expected to read the name "Judah" to balance the name "Ephraim;' but the name "Jerusalem" emphasizes

24 Elliger, Kleine Propheten, 149. 25 Sweeney, Twelve Prophets, 2.574. 26 Ollenburger, "Zechariah," 807. 27 Contra NRSV. Meyers and Meyers (Zechariah 9-14, 127) also follow the LXX. 28 Way, "Donkey Domain," 114.

Synchronic Analysis

45

the residence of the new king. In 9:13, however, the text does speak of Judah. Continuing, the new king will speak peacefully to all the nations. That is, he will not be an aggressive warrior, but a peacemaker. In the thin/'0 deSignates tempests and storm-winds, sometimes designating passionate acts or the instrument of God's wrath. It is the term used of the wind in the narrative of Elijah's translation (2 Kgs 2:1, 11) and in the vision of God's appearance to Ezekiel (1:4).

Yhwh appears as a warrior.

48

9:1-17

thought the armies of Judah/Ephraim would play. What mattered was the action of God, the warrior-king fighting for the people. The Hebrew word lIJU, the area from. which Yhwh will come, can designate either the direction "south" or the geographic name "Ternan;' situated in the northern part of Edom. 39 Either way it seems to echo the tradition that God dwelled in the south. Earlier in the chapter God was said to be at rest in Damascus (v. 1) and then to defend Jerusalem (v. 8). Verses 14-16, therefore, draw on a different tradition than the earlier verses. The language resembles theophanies elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible (e.g., Deut 33:2; Judg 5:4; Hab 3:3-4). In Hab 3:3-4, for example, Ternan stands in parallelism with Mount Paran, which was a mountain in the Sinai Peninsula. Deut 33:2 uses Paran in parallelism with Mount Sinai, but the term is probably not that specific in Zech 9:14. Verse 15 makes the point explicitly that God would protect Israel. God is called Yhwh of hosts, i.e. Yhwh of armies. Which armies are in view is unclear. The word "hosts" often designated the heavenly bodies (I.e., stars) or God's council gathered about him, but it also could signify a military group, e.g. the army of Judah. The role for Like v. 13, but unlike v. 14, v. 15 also envisions a role for the sons of Zion in the sons of the future battle. The verse is difficult to understand. It draws strained analogies Zion. between battles and banquets. The first clause says that the sons of Zion would "devour" the enemies. The verb ?:JJ( basically means "eat;' but can mean "devour;' "consume;' or even "destroy." Here it is turned into a metaphor for a rousing military victory. The next clause says that the sons will "tread down the stones of a slinger." A comparison of translations reveals a varied understanding of the syntax of the sentence. For example, the NRSV emends the text and translates: "Tread down the slingers;' but one would more likely think of treading down stones than slingers. The NIV translates: "They will destroy and overcome with sling stones;' a translation that requires adding the preposition ::1.40 Regardless, the general sense is clear, viz. that the "sons" will defeat their enemies. The next clause, "they will drink and roar as with wine," continues the theme of a triumphant banquet and draws another analogy between a boisterous drinking bout and the battle cry of victory. In their celebration, the text adds, they would be as full of wine as the corners of an altar. The reference here probably is not to the projections atop the four corners of altars themselves, but to basins that rest upon them in which blood drawn from sacrificial victims was collected (see Exod 24:6; 27:3; 38:3; Num 4:14).41 The Similarity between the color of wine and of blood perhaps led to the comparison. Matthias DeIcor contends that the text has in view drinking blood and cites Ezek 39:18-19 as a source for the image of gorging on the blood of the enemy.42 He is probably wrong. Though such a practice was known in Israel (see 1 Sam 14:31-35), Israelites were commanded to avoid it and specifically to drain the blood of a sacrificial animal before eating it (see Deut 12:1623; 15:23).

39 See Ernst Axel Knauf, "Ternan;' 6.347-348 in ABD. 40 Boda (Zechariah, 422) suggests that the reference to the "lowly sling" alludes to David's victory over Goliath (1 Sam 17:40, 50), an enticing suggestion. 41 Petersen, Zechariah 9-14, 65. 42 Matthias Deicor, "Un problem de critique textuelle et d'exegese;' Revue biblique 58 (1951), 189-199, here 190.

Synchronic Analysis

49

Verse 16 opens with a summary of w. 11-15: Yhwh the God of Judah and Ephraim The role of will save them. This phrase looks back to God's promise to "send your prisoners Yhwh. forth" in v. 11, and involves not only freeing the people from the waterless pit, but defending and protecting them as well. What follows in v. 16 is the redactional phrase "on that day." The phrase appears often in the Hebrew Bible with differing functions. Here, Simon J. Vries argues that it functions as a "futuristic epitome," Le. it is used with a phrase that summarizes or "epitomizes" the foregoing passage (w. 11-15) that discussed a future event. 43 Moreover, the phrase functions as a redactional segue to further thinking about God's deliverance of God's people. First, the verse offers another image, one also found elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible: "his people will be like a flock" (Ezek 34:17). God, then, would be their Shepherd (Ps 23:1; 80:1; Isa 40:11; Ezek 34:15). This phrase may actually have had Ezekiel 34 in its background, but if so it makes no comment on that chapter per se. In describing the flock, the verse compares the future citizens of the kingdom to "stones of a crown" (see Isa 62:3). Second, their new status and condition will be quite different from their present one: "they will be conspicuous on his [Le., God's] land:' In the past they had been scattered abroad (see Ezek 34:5-6,12-13), but in the future God would restore them to their homeland in the sight of their neighbors. Petersen unpacks this simile as follows: the "people are like a flock; the flock can in turn be viewed as numerous jewels on a crown, jewels that bedeck the landscape."44 The motif changes in v. 17, which sounds like a psalm extolling the goodness of Yhwh. The nouns "goodness" and "beauty" used here appear together in Ps 133:1, which expresses the exquisiteness of harmony in a family. Here in Zechariah 9 it is God that is praised as exquisite. Following as the phrase does the comparison in v. 16 of the restored people and their land to the jewels on a crown, it anticipates the people's glorifying God for restoring them. God's goodness includes granting new fertility to the land. Grain and new wine epitomize that fertility.45 Continuing, the grain will make the "young men thrive;' and the new wine will do the same for the "young women." Their youth symbolizes the newness of all things to be brought about by God. In a loose sense w. 11-17 may recapitulate Israel's life before God from the time of the exodus to the establishment of the monarchy and project that recapitulation into the future as what God intended to do again. The first indication of that progression is the reference in v. 11 to the blood of God's covenant with Israel through Moses and the elders on Mount Sinai (Exod 24:5). This exodus motif is further intimated in v. 12 by comparing the captivity in Babylon to the exodus. Verse 13 speaks of God's using Judah and Ephraim as God's weapons. Next, God's

De Vries, old Revelation to New, 40, and Simon J. De Vries "Futurism in the Preexilic Minor Prophets Compared with That of the Postexilic Minor Prophets." Pages 252-272 in Thematic Threads in the Book of the Twelve. Edited by Paul L. Redditt and Aaron Schart; Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fUr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 325; Berlin, New York: de Gruyter, 2003; here p. 267. 44 Petersen, Zechariah 9-14, 66. 45 Compare "seed" and "vine" in the longer list in Hag 2:19. Meyers and Meyers (zechariah 9-14, 160) note that Hag 1:11 adds "fresh oil" to the two, but the poetic structure of v. 17 has room for only two words. 43

9:1-17

50

appearance over the people and God's marching in the whirlwinds of the south in v. 14 calls to mind God's leading Israel out of the desert. Verses 16 and 17 may perhaps intimate a once and future people settled on the land God had given them. Regardless, v. 17 completes chapter 9 on a high note, with God and God's renewed people and kingdom in blissful harmony. It is an idyllic picture, predicated on an eschatological reversal of the fortunes of Israel. This reversal is not eschatological in the sense that it is beyond history or is otherworldly, but in the sense that it envisions a radically improved world order. This new world order will not simply work itself out in history through the strivings of human beings, but must be initiated by God. A human king in Jerusalem would then lead the new order, but he would be a man of peace. God would protect the people in warfare.

Diachronic Analysis

9:9-10. The oldest section Hope for a The diachronic analysis can begin with vv. 9-10, the hope for a new Davidic king. new King. Despite the attempt of Otzen to understand these verses as pre-exilic and the prediction of a new day surrounding Josiah,46 their placement within a clearly post-exilic document shows that in their present context they express a post-exilic hope for the restoration of the monarchy. Indeed, unlike pre-exilic monarchs who were charged, among other things, with the military protection of the nation, God presents the new king of vv. 9-10 to Jerusalem as a man of peace: "righteous and liberated, humble and riding on a donkey:' The defense of the city and nation is left to the divine monarch, God. When might such hopes have arisen? They might have arisen at any time in the history of the monarchy or in the post-exilic period, but their use here follows directly upon the hopes of Haggai and Zechariah 1-8. The sayings of these two prophets are tied together redactionally by means of a common introduction following this basic pattern: "in the x year of King Darius, in the y month, on the z day, the word of the Lord came by/to the prophet Haggai/zechariah son of Shealtiel" (Hag 1:1; 1:15b-2:1; 2:10; 2:20; Zech 1:1; 1:7; 7:1). Haggai had announced (2:2023) that God would overthrow kingdoms and make Zerubbabel, governor of Judah, God's "signet ring:' i.e., one who would rule over Judah. Nothing in Zechariah 18 is that explicit, but as the chapters stand they anticipated a new high priest Joshua (zech 3:1-8) and a new king Zerubbabel (Zech 4:6b-l0a). What is not known, however, is what happened to Zerubbabel. That he was present in Jerusalem is quite clear (Hag 2:1; Zech 4:6b-l0a; compare Ezra 3:2, 8; 4:2-3; 5:2), and Ezra 5:2 says that he played a role in the building of the temple. What exactly he did, however, is unknown. That he himself envisioned or desired a leadership role in Jerusalem is even less clear. It is possible that he went to Jerusalem as a representative of the Persian king for ceremonial and other purposes having to do with the rebuilding of the temple. He may then have returned

46

otzen, Deuterosacharja, 117-118.

Diachronic Analysis

51

"home" to Babylon. (His name, after all, meant "seed of Babylon:'47) He might not have shared Haggai's hope that he would become the new king, and the Persians probably would not have so willed. As near as one can judge, the Persians ruled through local priests and/or local governors. Loyalty to Persia was presumably an essential consideration. Still, Haggai arid Zechariah tried to flame the hopes of Judeans for a new king in Jerusalem. That hope also stands front and center in Zech 9:9-10. It is not articulated anywhere else in Zechariah 9-14, however, though a number of scholars have attempted to show that such hopes reemerged elsewhere, particularly in 10:4 and 12:10-13:1. Zech 10:4, however, only mentions a leader, whose kingly function is nowhere mentioned. Zech 12:10-13:1 predicts the eventual repentance and cleansing of the houses of David and Levi for their sins, but it says nothing about a Davidic king. In fact, the only passage other than 9:9-10 that mentions a "king" for Judah is Zech 14:9 + 16-17, where Yhwh is king. Zech 9:9-10, moreover, presents to Jerusalem a peaceful earthly king, while leaving the defense of Jerusalem and the new kingdom to the divine king Yhwh. What hopes for a human king did other exilic and post-exilic books of the old Testament express? The book of Jeremiah uses the term "king" or "kings" 253 times, six times in reference to God Oer 8:19; 10:7,10; 46:18; 48:15; and 51:57) and only twice in reference to a future king. In Jer 23:5 God promises to "raise up for David a righteous Branch" [NRSV] , and Jer 30:9 speaks of the future Israel and Judah both serving Yhwh "and David [their] king, whom [God] will raise up for them." Deutero and Trito Isaiah articulate no hope for a Judean king, though Isa 44:28 calls the Persian king Cyrus a "shepherd;' and Isa 45:1 calls him God's "anointed." It would be quite a stretch to suppose that Zech 9:9-10 envisioned God's presenting Cyrus to Jerusalem. Ezek 37:22 envisions a time when "One king shall rule over them all" (Le., the inhabitants of Israel and Judah resettled in their homeland). Verse 24 calls him "my [Le., God's] servant David;' but v. 25 calls him "prince:' Within the Twelve, only Hos 3:5a~, Amos 9:11-15, and Mic 5:1-4a (Engl. 5:2-5a) have a positive view of a future king, and Hab 3:13 speaks of God's rescuing God's anointed one (Le., king). Looking at other post-exilic literature outside of the prophetic corpus, one notes that Lamentations expressed no hope for a future king, and Ezra-Nehemiah never mentions a Judean king. Retelling the narratives of the kings of pre-exilic Israel and Judah in Chronicles might have had the effect of keeping hope for a future king alive among some people in Persian and Greek period Judah, but neither Chronicles nor other post-exilic, non-prophetic texts contain anything that can be shown definitely to express belief in a post-exilic king, Davidic or otherwise. So, the hopes for Zerubbabel in Hag 2:20-22 and Zech 4:6b-10a, along with the hopes expressed in Hos 3:5a~, Amos 9:11-15, and Mic 5:1-4 (all probably early post-exilic additions to the Twelve), are the closest texts thought-wise in the old Testament to Zech 9:9-10, and may well have originated around the same time. 48 It would appear appropriate, therefore, to conclude that Zech 9:9-10 arose in The rise of the aftermath of the unfulfilled hope for Zerubbabel and anticipated another king, Zech 9:9-10.

47

Tamara J. Eskenazi, "Zerubbabel;' NIDB. 5. 980-81.

48 See Redditt, "King," 65-75.

9:1-17

52

one who would not be a warrior. The xil10 announcing the coming of that king CZech 9:9-10) was attached to Zechariah 1-8 to say that the hope for a king was not dead. It makes sense for still-hopeful scribes to have done so sooner rather than later after the hopes generated around Zerubbabel proved unfounded. Thus a date for Zech 9:9-10, about the end of the sixth century BCE seems warranted. 49

9:1-8, 77-77. The remaining sections Zechariah 9 as a whole seems to have grown up around 9:9-10 and the motif of a kingdom that stretched "from sea to sea and from the River to the ends of the earth." Verses 1-8 layout the parameters of that kingdom, and v. 10 states the motif. Verses 11-13 then apply the idea of covenant to the political hopes for reuniting Judah and Israel, beginning by addressing the captives still in Babylon. Verses 14-17 appear to combine two different conceptions of Yhwh, which work together well. The first is the motif of the Divine Warrior, articulated throughout 9:1-10 and re-articulated in the image of God as Archer in v. 13 and God as Yhwh of Hosts in vv. 14-15. The second motif is that of God as the Divine Shepherd, articulated in v. 16. 9:2b-4. Many of the verses in the chapter point to other old Testament texts, which may have been the sources for ideas/concepts in Zechariah 9. First is Zech 9:2b-4. Nicholas Ho Fai Tai points to Ezek 28:2b-4, 18, with its emphasis on the wisdom of Tyre, as a source upon which these verses drew, and that seems plausible. 50 In 9:4, the last phrase (she will be consumed with fire) is possibly dependent on Amos 1:10, where God threatens to burn Tyre with fire, but the idea is too common to be certain. other prophetic passages promising God's punishment upon the cities ofTyre, Sidon, and the cities of the Philistines (Zech 9:5-7) abound. For the punishment of Tyre, see Isaiah 23; Ezek 26:1-28:19; and Joel 3:4-8 (MT 4:4-8); for Sidon, see Ezek 28:20-26; Joel 3:4-8 (MT 4:4-8); for the cities of philistia in general, see Isa 14:29-31; Jer 47:1-18; Ezek 25:15-17; Joel 3:4-8 (MT 4:4-8); Amos 1:6-8; and Zeph 2:4-7. The most extended discussion is in Ezek 26:1-28:24, perhaps to be dated before 571,51 and perhaps the latest is in Joel 3:4-8 (MT 4:4-8). Both Ezekiel and Joel envision God's future dealings with those cities as punishment. Apparently such traditions were ready at hand in the post-exilic period. It may have been the case, then, that vv. 2b-4 were composed in their entirety from a variety of traditions at the disposal of the redactor. 52 9:5-6a. The third person discourse continues in Zech 9:5-6a. In this verse and a half, the philistine cities of Ashkelon, Gaza, and Ekron will see the punishment that falls on Tyre, and fear and lose hope about their own future. Ashdod is mentioned separately (v. 6a). Its fate will be that it will be settled by a mongrel people, suggesting that first it would suffer depopulation. Archaeological evidence shows

49 50 51 52

See the discussion of the date of Zechariah 9-14 in the Introduction. Tai, Prophetie, 14, 23-25; also Nurmela, Dialogue, lOS-lOS. Walther Zimmerli, Ezekiel 2 (Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1983), 42, 56, 76. See also Curtis, Stony, 169: "Zechariah 9:1-S's city list ... Involves an appeal to ancient tradition, and does not provide evidential value for a specific time setting for its origin. It suits the Persian period as well as any other in the mid-first millennium B.C."

Diachronic Analysis

53

that the city was destroyed four times. Freedman attributes the four to Uzziah of Judah (stratum 4), Sargon II of Assyria (stratum 3b), Psamtik of Egypt (stratum 3a); and Nebuchadnezzar (stratum 2). Written sources attest to .its importance in the Persian period, and excavations reveal a substantial public building.53 what this information shows is that Ashdod continued on in the Persian period as a viable city. Verses 5-6a concern a future invasion, not something in the . past. The important point, in any case, is that the philistine lands are envisioned as part of the territory over which God will rule. That motif is reinforced in Zech 9:10, which promises spacious boundaries for the new Judah/Israel ("the River to the ends of the earth"). Verse 6b appears to be a redactional transition to vv. 7-8. Some scholars have 9:7-8. suggested that the reference to "removing abominations from between its teeth" in v. 7 might mean that its inhabitants would henceforth observe the Jewish dietary laws (which may be found in Lev 11:2-47; Deut 14:3-21), but those laws do not deal with eating/drinking blood. Two other texts do, however. Gen 9:4 has God tell Noah that henceforth humans were not to consume blood. Lev 7:26 also prohibits absolutely the eating of blood, applying to Israel the prohibition to humanity in general that appears in God's directions to Noah. Whether the prohibition in Zech 9:7 concerning "abominations" refers only to blood (which is mentioned) or also to flesh (which is not mentioned) is unclear and in the final analysis probably unimportant. While it is possible that the text means that Ashdod will be held to some kind of dietary regulations, the context suggests that the phrase is condemnatory and means that the city would suffer the loss of its food. The allusion to dietary rules, then, is sarcastic, as if to say losing their food would not be much of a loss since the food should have been taboo anyway. The mention of "the pride of philistia" is the only place philistines are blamed for pride. Moab was more commonly accused: see Isa 19:6; Isa 25:10b-12; Jer 48:29. Assyria is accused in Zech 10:11, Samaria (called sodom) in Ezek 16:49. Israel and Judah also are condemned for pride. Specifically, v. 6 says the philistine city Ashdod would "become a remnant." The concept of remnant was one of long standing among the prophets.54 Ashdod's inclusion within God's future kingdom may have had more to do in the prophet's mind with God's power to conquer than with God's forgiveness. In v. 8 God will make God's house a garrison, but against whom? The verse uses the phrase :::IviD, ,:::IllT.l, which consists of two participles joined by the conjunction "and." A fairly literal translation reads "from one departing and from one returning," The phrase appears to refer to armies traveling back and forth through the land. It also appears in Zech 7:14, which says that when God sent Judeans into exile, the land was left desolate with no one to depart and return, i.e., no one to conduct the normal affairs of life. While the phrase is the same, it may well have been a common phrase, and thus does not prove that 9:8 deliberately drew on 7:14, though that is possible.

53 D. N. Freedman, "Ashdod;' 158E, 314-316. 54 The concept appears already in Isa 1:9, where the remnant (term not used) is simply the survivors after God punished the nation for its sin.

54 9:11-13.

9:1-17

Moving ahead to the last two sections of Zechariah 9, one notes that v.11 apparently has in view the old covenant passage in Exod 24:3-8, where Moses sprinkled blood on those who accompanied him up Mt. Sinai to confirm the covenant God had entered into with IsraeI.S5 In that verse Moses says: "Behold, the blood of the covenant that Yhwh cut with you according to all of these words." Nowhere else in the old Testament, however, is that act repeated, and only the phrase is borrowed here. Mason, therefore, suggests that the phrase also might draw on Ezek 16:61, where jerusalem is threatened with the same judgment as her sisters sodom and Samaria. That verse promises renewal for all three cities. 56 In any case, in Zech 9:11 God reminds the people of God's role in the covenant and promises to honor it. How so? By redeeming or rescuing God's wayward people, depicted here as prisoners in a pit in which there was no water. The word "pit," or "cistern," captures the confining, hapless, nature of exile as separation from God, which would soon come to an end. Two other passages employing the word "pit" also come to mind. The first is Gen 37:24, a part of the account of joseph's brothers casting him into a pit. According to its narrator, Reuben intended to save joseph and suggested throwing him into it. The narrator adds: "the pit was empty; there was no water in it." Similarly, jer 38:1-13 tells ofJeremiah's being lowered into a cistern. Again the narrator adds that there was no water in it, only mud, into which the prophet sank. Perhaps the author of Zech 9:11 had these two narratives in mind. Next (in v.12), the promise to restore to the prisoners double what they had lost is reminiscent of Exod 22:7 and especially of both Isa 40:2 and 61:7. Exod 22:7 established the principle that thieves should pay double the value of what they had stolen, at least if what they stole was in the keeping of one other than its owner. Isa 40:2 applies the principle of repaying double to the exiles in Babylon. There, jerusalem had suffered double what she deserved for her sins, a penalty exacted by none other than God. In verse 3, however, a voice cries out to unnamed workers to prepare a path straight through the desert between Babylon and jerusalem, upon which God would travel to Babylon to rescue and deliver the exiles back to jerusalem. Even more to the point, however, is Isa 61:7, which said that since jerusalem had suffered double what she had deserved she would now receive double what she had lost. That verse belongs to Isaiah 60-62, widely regarded as the oldest part of Trito Isaiah. Also within Zech 9:11-13, a reader encounters God's intention to renew God's covenant. In v. 11, God appeals to the "blood of your covenant," an apparent reference to the covenant on Mt. Sinai. Within the Twelve the concept of "covenant" appears first in Hos 2:10, 6:7, 8:1, 10:4, 12:2, then in Amos 1:9 and in Obad 7, and is used again towards the end in Zech 9:11, Zech 11:10 and Mal 2:4, 8, 10, 14; 3:1. Schart notes that the distribution falls especially at the beginning and the end of

55

Exod 24:8 appears in a text linking the Covenant Code (Exod 20:22-23:33) to the larger Sinai narrative. Martin Noth (Exodus [Philadelphia: Westminster, 1962J, 198-199; trans. of Das Zweite Buch Mose, Exodus [Das Alte Testament Deutsch 5; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1959] ) argues that the Code was older than 24:1-2, perhaps serving originally as an introduction to it, and is, therefore, not late. Konrad Schmid (Literaturgeschichte, 102) treats the Code itself as a product of the Assyrian Period. 56 Mason, "Earlier Biblical Material," 51.

Concluding Integrative Summary

55

the Twelve, and suggests that "covenant" should be seen as one of a number of concepts that help form a hermeneutical frame around the Twelve.57 Another motif connecting vv. 11-13 and 14-17 is that of the Divine Warrior, 9:14-17. which appeared as early as v. 4. In vv. 11-13 + 14-15. the Warrior will free the exiles (v. 11) and then use Judah as a how, Ephraim as an arrow, and then use whirlwinds, all to protect God's people in the future (v. 14). Following the Divine Warrior they will defeat their enemies (v. 15). In v. 16, however, the image shifts to one of God as the Divine Shepherd. That image is found in multiple places in the Old Testament, most famously, perhaps, in Ps 23:1-4. The image calls to mind the sheep's absolute dependence on the shepherd, given the notorious tendency of sheep to wander off into harm. The term "shepherd/shepherds" is not used in Zech 9:17, but it does appear again in 10:zb-3a, and it will become a crucial term in 11:1-17 and 13:7-9, though with an ironic twist. Elsewhere within the prophetic corpus, Jer 31:10-13 utilizes the image of God's caring for God's sheep to depict the return of the exiles. That passage emphasizes that the same God who sent Judah into exile would also rescue Judah. The emphasis in Zech 9:16 is on their radiance when they return. The ideas are similar, but there is no evidence in v. 16 of borrowing from Jeremiah 31. The chapter concludes (v. 17) with traditional language about flourishing agriculture (v. 12; see also Amos 9:13-14; Joel 3:8 [MT 4:8]), which could date from any period.

Concluding Integrative Summary These comments have been designed to show a redactional unity in Zechariah 9 that presents God as the Divine Warrior and Shepherd, who intended to restore Judah and Ephraim under a peaceful king. That conception of the king is quite different from the conception in Ps 2:1-11. There, God announces to conspiring, hostile nations that God has set God's king on Zion, God's holy hill, and adopted the king as God's "begotten" son (v. 7). That son will ..... break [the nations] with an iron rod, and dash them in pieces like a potter's vessel" (v. 9). The conception of God and the king in Zechariah 9, however, shares much with Psalm 21. There the king is said to rejoice in the strength of the Lord, and to exult in God's help (Ps 21:2 MT; v. 1 NRSV). Ps 21:9-14 (MT; 21:8-13 NRSV), in a cacophony of metaphors, anticipates God's hand finding God's enemies, God's swallowing them in divine wrath, destroying enemy offspring, and putting to flight any who plan evil against God. Zechariah 9 re--