Zakon Sudnyj Ljudem (Court Law for the People)

Citation preview

Michigan Slavic Materials ZAKON SUDNYJ LJUDEM (COURT LAW FOR THE PEOPLE)

Translated with Commentaries and Introduction

by

H. W. DEWEY A. M. KLEIMOLA

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No. 14 DEPARTMENT OF SLAVIC LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES ANN ARBOR

MICHIGAN SLAVIC PUBLICATIONS

EDITORIAL BOARD

L. Matejka, J. Mersereau, Jr. and D. Welsh General Editor: Ladislav Matejka

Copyright (9 1977 by The University of Michigan

This book was set in IBM Composer Press Roman by Peter Dale

Michigan Slavic Materials No. 14

Michigan Slavic Materials ZAKON SUDNYJ LJUDEM (COURT LAW FOR THE PEOPLE)

Translated with Commentaries and Introduction

by

H. W. DEWEY A. M. KLEIMOLA

Jtr•••llr~"•.•n,~~~

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No. 14 DEPARTMENT OF SLAVIC LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES ANN ARBOR

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction ............................................. v COURT LAW FOR THE PEOPLE A Short Redaction According to the Novgorodskij spisok (1 280) . .... 1 Notes .................................................. 27 EXPANDED COURT LAW According to the Pu~kinskij spisok in M. N. Tixomirov's Edition ............................... .30 Notes to Expanded Version ...................... •::· ......... 52 Facsimile of the Pu~kinskij spisok . ............... . -: ..........54

v

INTRODUCTION

Scholars, primarily historians and linguists from Slavic countries, have now been studying the Zakon sudnyj ljudem for one hundred and fifty years. They are generally agreed that there were three redactions of the Zakon sudnyj ljudem-a short redaction, an expanded redaction, and a "concordance version," with the short redaction the earliest.! And many are further agreed that this short redaction is derived from a ninth-century protograph. That postulated protograph is regarded as "one of the oldest monuments of Slavic juridical thought,"2 perhaps even "the first offspring of all Slavic literature."3 Beyond these general areas of agreement, however, scholarly consensus breaks down. Where was the Zakon sudnyj /judem (hereafter ZSL) originally put together: in Bulgaria? Great Moravia? Macedonia? Who compiled it, and why? In what alphabet did the earliest text appear: Glagolitic? Cyrillic? Greek? Was it an official document or some person's private project? What principles of selection guided its compiler-e.g., how can one account for its failure to deal with certain offenses, such as murder, which must have concerned ninth-century lawmakers? And what do some ZSL passages-with their obscure terms and copyists' errors-really mean? To these questions, different scholars have given highly divergent answers. Much of the difficulty stems from the fact that the oldest surviving manuscript of the so-called short redaction-the text from the Novgorod Kormcaja-dates from the late thirteenth century, 4 at least four hundred years after the ZSL is believed to have been first drawn up. This difficulty is aggravated by the lack of information on the historical circumstances surrounding the ZSL 's compilation-or on its fate in the four centuries that elapsed before the appearance of the oldest extant copy in Russia.5 The various texts of the short version contain from thirty to thirty-six "chapters," depending on the system of numeration in a given manuscript copy. 6 A few of the chapters derive from Mosaic law and other sources, but most are based upon the Byzantine Ecloga, lone scholar is not fully convinced that the short redaction came rust; P. I. the Chief Code of Russian Canon Low (Rome, 1964; Orientalia Christiana Analecta,

Zu!ek, Konn'taja Kniga: Studies on no. 168), p. 121. Another specialist suggested that the expanded text may have appeared first-or that, in any case, the two versions were not interdependent; A. S. Pavlov, Pervonaeal'nyj slavjano-russkij nomokanon (Kazan', 1869; UCenye zapiski lmperatorskogo Kazanskogo Universiteta, vol. IV), pp. 98-99. For an extended analysis and bibliography,see H.Oroschakoff, "Ein Denkmal des bulgarischen Rechts (Zakon sudnij ljudem)," Zeitschrift fUr vergleichende RechtswisseniJChaft, Bd.33 (Stuttgart, 1916), pp. 154 ff. 2M. N. Tixomirov (ed.), Zakon sudnyj ljudem kratkoj redakcii koj); V. Ganev, Zakon" soudnyj ljud'm"(Sor.a, 1959), pp. 23-25.

(Moscow, 1961), p. 3 (hereafter cited asZSL krat-

3s. V. Troicldj, "Sv. Mefodij kale slavjanskij zakonodatel'," Bogoslovskie trudy II (1961), p. 115. 4For the textual history of the short redaction, see Tixomirov, ZSL kratkoj, pp. 7-21; for manuscript descriptions, see ZSL kratkoj, pp. 29-34, 55-57, 65-67, 87-88. 5Tixomirov, ZSL kratkoj, p. 14. 6N. S. Suvorov, Sledy zapadno-kato/i~eskago cerkovnago prava v pamjatnikax drevnjago russkago prava (Jaroslavl', 1888; Vremennik Demidovskago juridiceskago liceja, kn. 48 and 49), p. 6. References here are to chapters of the short redaction as numbered in the earliest surviving Russian copy of the text, that from the Novgorod Kormcaja, translated below.

vi

the eight-century code of the lsaurian emperors. 7 By modem standards the contents add up to a judicial text of decidedly heterogeneous character. After the first chapter, which proclaims the supremacy of God's justice and prescribes penalties for pagans, the code takes up the testimony of witnesses (chapters 2, 20, 22), distribution of war booty (chapter 3), sexual morality and marital relations, including divorce (chapters 4-15, 33), arson (chapter 21 ), how to deal with repatriated prisoners of war who have renounced the Christian faith while in captivity (chapter 23), offenses involving horses and livestock (chapters 24, 25, 28), types of theft and a master's responsibility for theft by his slave (chapters 26, 27, 29, 30), illegal enslavement (chapter 31), and enticement and concealment of another's slave (chapter 32). Several chapters (e.g., 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 15) impose as punishment for offenses against morality fines or corporal punishment and penance. Chapter 7, for example, decrees that anyone who fornicates with a nun shall have his nose cut off, in accordance with civil law, as well as be given a fast of fifteeen years, in accordance with ecclesiastical law. Some chapters deal with matters-such as the division of war booty-that appear to be purely secular; others deal with questions that fell within church jurisdiction (e.g., sexual mores, marital relations, and provisions for fasting and penance); still others set forth regulations which could be applicable in both civil and church courts (e.g., injunctions against perjury, prohibitions against hearsay evidence, or requirements for witnesses). Thus, there are elements of canon law, military Jaw, civil law, and criminal law, private and public law, substantive norms and procedural guidelines, all combined in one short code. 8 Most of the writing about the short redaction of the ZSL has focused on the question of the national origins of the ninth--century protograph. Scholars have come up with three main theories of origin-the Bulgarian, Moravian, and Macedonian. The first serious student of the ZSL, a Baron Rozenkampf, writing in Russia in 1829, argued that the ninth-century protograph of the code was drawn up in Bulgaria, for Bulgarians. Rozenkampf concluded that Methodius, the Byzantine missionary and older brother of Constantine-Cyril, had compiled the ZSL for Bulgarian laymen, thus producing the first Slavic collection of ecclesiastical canons and secular legislation.9 Although not accepting

7Ganev, Zolcon" soudnyj ljud'm", pp. 51!-IH. For the text of the Ecloga, see K. E. Zachana a Lingenthal, Collectio librorum juris graeco-romani ineditorum (Lipsiae, 1852). An English translation of the Ecloga appears in E. H. Freshfield, A Manual of Later Roman Law: the Ecloga (Cambridge, 1926), and a Russian translation in E. E. Lipsic, Ekl?ga: Vizantijskij zakonodatel'nyj svod VIII veka (Moscow, 1965). For a translation of the ZSL into German, alongsic!.e the Greek text of the Ecloga articles which served as sources for the ZSL, see Oroschakoff, "Ein Denkmal," pp. 197-254. On the sources of the ZSL's chapters, see Zuiek, Kormcaia Kniga, pp. 1!6-1!7; Pavlov, Pervonoeal'nyj, pp. 96-97, and T. Satumik, Prisp~ky k h"'fenl byzantskeho prava u Slovanu (Prague, 1922; Rozpravy ceske Akademie vM a umeni, fffda I, no. 64 ), pp. 143-154. Besides the Ecloga, the following other sources have been at least tentatively identified: for Chapter 1, a decree of Constantine V, passed in 751! or 759; Troicldj, "Sv. Mefodij kak slavjansldj zakonodatel'," Bogoslovskie trudy II, pp. 1!7-31!. Satumik (p. 143) holds another source of this chapter to have been the Procheiron (XXXIV, 30). Troicldj believes the sources of Chapter 2 to have been the Bible and Slavic customary law; "Sv. Mefodij," p. 108. l!lsuvorov points out that the Ecloga contained primarily civil law, whereas most of the ZSL consists of criminal law, as a translation and adaptation of Title XVII of the Ecloga; Sledy, p. 4.

9a. A. Rozenkampf, Obozrenie korm~ej knigi v istori~eskom vide (Moscow, 11!29), p. 133; Oroschakoff, "Ein Denkmal," p. 183.

vii

Methodius' authorship, most subsequent nineteenth-century writers accepted the idea of the Bulgarian origins of the ZS£.10 As late as the early twentieth century, the Russian historian Florinskij still insisted that the ZSL was "the only genuine monument of Old Bulgarian law" to survive until modem times.ll And the theory still flourishes today. Its most articulate contemporary defenders are Bulgarians, and their arguments rely heavily upon so-called "historical necessity" to explain both the origin of the code and what went intoit.l 2 · According to the Bulgarian theory as it has developed, the ZSL was compiled in Bulgaria in 866-868 to serve the needs of a newly Christianized society which was fighting to eliminate the vestiges of paganism and bring old practices into conformity with Christian principles. Bulgaria's ruler, Tsar Boris, had embraced Christianity in 864 or 865 and wanted the entire country to follow his example. Yet many of his compatriots found the old pagan ways more to their liking, and fifty-two boyars staged an uprising in opposition to the new faith. In drawing up a new code of laws in line with Christian principles, the compilers of the ZSL relied upon the byzantine Ecloga as their principal source. At the same time, however, Boris, mistrustful of Byzantium's efforts to extend its political influence in Bulgaria, also turned to Rome for help, requesting a "civil law" and addressing a series of questions to Pope Nicholas I. Boris's lawmakers drew upon the Roman responsethe "answers of Pope Nicholas" -as a guide in selecting and modifying passages from the Ecloga. At least twelve of the ZSL 's chapters allegedly show the influence of the papal "answers"; that influence was most apparent in the softening of the Ecloga's harsher prescriptions. Proponents of the Bulgarian theory claim that this "Bulgarian document" served as a model for later law codes in other Slavic countries-most notably for the Kievan Russkaja Pravda. While accepting the theory of its Bulgarian origins, the Russian scholar Suvorov put his major emphasis upon Western influences in the drafting of the ZSL. He argued that the code included many "non-Byzantine" features similar to those found in Latin and German law. He pointed out, for example, that the ZSL 's provisions for separate ecclesiastical and lay penalties for the same crime were rarely found in Byzantine legislation, whereas such "juxtaposition" of ecclesistical and secular provisions commonly appeared in Western law.l 3 Western codes often regarded arson as a crime punishable by either secular or religious authorities,l 4 and the ZSL 's seventeenth chapter prescribes either death (the secular !Osee, inter alia, Suvorov, Sledy, pp, 3-5, 9, 139-140; Pavlov, Pervona'tal'nyj, pp. 12, 24, 94; V. Vasil'evskij, "Zakonodatel'stvo ikonoborcev," Zumal ministentva narodnago prowe'Renija 199 (October 1878), p. 304; Mixail Benemanskij, Zakon gradskij: Znaeenie ego v russkom prove (Moscow, 1917), pp. 18-19. 11 T. Florinskij, "Drevnejsij pamjatnik bolgarskago prava," Sbomik statej po istorii prava posvja'Rennyj M. F. Vladimirskomu-Budanovu (Kiev, 1904), p. 406. 12M. Andreev, "Javljaetsja li 'zakon soudnyj ljud'm"' drevnebolgarskim juridieeskim pamjatnikom?" Slavjanskij arxiv (1959), pp. 17-18, and "Sur I'origine du 'Zakon sudnyj ljudem' (loi pour juger les gens)," Revuedesetudessud-est europeennes I, no. 3-4 (1963), pp. 335-337; Ganev, Zakon" soudnyj ljud'm", pp. 613-614; L. V. Milov, "Novoe issledovanie o Zakone sudnom ljudem, " Slavjanskij ar.xiv (1961), p. 53. For a comprehensive bibliography on the Bulgarian theory, see Oroschakoff, "Ein Denkmal," pp. 178-197, and VI. Proch8zka, "Le Zakon" sudnyj' ljud'm" et Ia Grande Moravie," Byzantinoslavica 28, no. 2 (1967), p. 360, notes 4 and 5. 13suvorov, Sledy, pp. 18-21, 25-26. 14Jbid., p. 22, note 35.

viii

penalty) or extended penance for setting fire to dwellings. The ZSL 's ecclesiastical penalties similarly reflect Western more than Byzantine influence. In the Orthodox world, the "multi-stage" or "step-by-step" penance prescribed by the ZSL had begun to die out in the fifth century, whereas it was still widely practiced in Roman Catholic countries until the tenth century.l5 Significantly, Suvorov found a Slavic translation of a Latin penitential text in the same "pilot book" (Korml!aja kniga) that contains a text of the ZS£.16 And Suvorov further argued that the ZSL 's clauses on the number and function of witnesses (posluxi) reflected Western (Germanic) more than Slavic or Byzantine practices.l7 The Western influences identified by Suvorov were seized on by another group of specialists as evidence that the ZSL was originally compiled in Moravia for Moravians. Proponents of the Moravian theory (who tend to be Czechs) view the Bulgarian hypothesis as "primitive"18 and deny Pope Nicholas' answers any role in the code's compilation.19 They point to a passage in the vita of Constantine-cyril, to the effect that the ruler of Great Moravia, Prince Rastislav, sent emissaries to Constantinople in 862, requesting among other things a "good law." "Good laws" of that era, the Moravian theory argues, were the Byzantine Ecloga and the Farmer's I.aw.20 The Byzantine emperor sent Cyril and Methodius to Great Moravia, where one of them translated selected passages from the Ecloga and other sources into Slavonic for local use. The earlier adherents of this theory suggested that Constantine-Cyril was the author of the ZSL, but more recent studies favor Methodius. 21 Even though the surviving manuscripts all are in Cyrillic, scholars who argue that the ZSL is a "literary monument of Great Moravia•• insist that the original ZSL was in Glagolitic.22 This code came to Bulgaria sometime after 885, following Methodius' death and the expulsion of his associates from Moravia. Still later the code made its way to Russia.23 The Moravian theorists rely most heavily upon linguistic analysis of the text in support of their views. They claim that the ZSL is ftlled with West Slavic words and phrases.24 15 Ibid., pp. 9-11. For a discussion of public penance as prescribed in the ZSL, see (St. Petersburg, 1876), pp. 174-176.

Suvorov,

0 cerkovnyx na-

du plus ancien code slave dit 'Zalcon sudnyj ljudem,"'

Byzantinoslavica

N.

kazanijax

16suvorov, Sledy, p. 7. 11[bid.,

pp. 73-88.

18J. Va&ica, "Origine 12 (1951), p. 156.

cyrillo-m~thodienne

19Vl. Prochazka, "Le Zalcon"sudnyj'ljud'm" et la Grande Moravie," Byzantinosllrvica 29, no. 1 (1968), pp. 148150. See also VaSica's article on Old Moravian penitential practices in ''Cirkevneslovansky penitenciai ceskeho puvodu," Slavia XXIX, no. 1 (1960), pp. 3148. 20vasica, "Origine," pp. 166-168. 21J. V&Sica, "Kirillo-mefodievskie juridiceskie pamjatniki," see also Prochazka, "Le Zakon" sudnyj'" (1968), pp. 146-148.

Voprozy sllrvjanskogo jazykoznanija

7 (1963), p. 33;

22vaSica, "Kirillo-mefodievskie juridiCeskie pamjatniki," pp. 23-30; Prochazka, "Le Zalcon" sudnyj'" (1968), pp. 142-146. 23yaJica, "Origine," pp. 169-172; see also Fr. Dvornik, (1956), pp. 77-78.

Oaks Papers IX-X

24Prochlizka, "Le Zalcon" sudnyj'" (1968), pp. 126-128.

"Byzantine

Political Ideas in Kievan Russia," Dumbarton

ix

These elements, misunderstood and miscopied by later Russian scribes, account for some of the obscure passages that have confounded students of the ZSL. The earliest surviving ZSL text is also linked to Great Moravia by numerous passages paralleling those found in other written works connected with ninth-century Great Moravia: the vita of Methodius, the Kiev Leaflets, the Freising Fragments, Methodius' translation of the Nomocanon, and the second homily in the Glagolita Clozianus. 2S On the other hand, the champions of the Moravian school argue, there is not a single "typically Bulgarian feature" in the extant texts of the ZSL. 26 The third theory on the origins of the ZSL, offered by S. V. Troickij of Belgrade, may be called the "Macedonian" theory. Troickij contends that Methodius drafted the ZSL for Constantinople's Slavic border guards or militiamen in Strimon (Macedonia), probably between 830 and 840, when Methodius was serving as military govemer there. He allegedly put together his code to regulate the conduct of the Slavic warriors who formed Byzantium's first line of defense against attacks from neighboring Bulgaria. The Slavic frontier forces excelled in combat but often proved wild and unmanageable in times of peace, so Methodius drew up the code in an attempt to control them. The supposedly haphazard and incomplete contents of the ZSL, Troickij argues, make sense when read as a "warrior code" whose provisions applied only to males, especially to young males of fighting age. Indeed, the term ljudi, in the code's title as well as text, should be translated as "warrior. "27 And since the code was drafted in the decade 830-840, before Glagolitic or Cyrillic had been devised, it must have been written in the Greek alphabet-the practice followed by other writers of that period.28 Certain anomalies in surviving ZSL manuscripts, Troickij explains, occurred because the copyists misread the Greek letters (especially when those letters were used as numerals) while rewriting the code in Cyrillic.29 At least three other, less-convincing theories on the origins of the ZSL have appeared in different times and places. They are the Russian, Serbian, and Pannonian theories. 30 25Jbid., pp. 128-130; VaSica, "Kirillo-mefodievskie juridiceskie pamjatniki," pp. 22-25; L. Matejka, "Moravian Codification of the First Slavic Literary Language," The Czechoslovak Contribution to World Culture (s'Gravenhage, 1963), p. 108; J. VaSica, "Anonymruhomilie rukopisu Oozova po strance pravnf," Slavill XXV, no. 1 (1956), p. 225.

26va8ica, "Kirillo-mefodievskie juridiceskie pamjatniki," p. 30. 27Troickij, "Sv. Mefodij kak slavjanskij zakonodatel'," Bogollovskie trudy II, pp. 96, 100-111; see also his shorter article with the same title in Zumal Moako11skoj potriorxii, 1961, no. 1, pp. 51,54-56, and his "Svjatoj Mefodij ill bolgarskij lcnjaz' Boris sostavil Zalcon sudnyj ljudem?" Bogoalovskie trudy IV (1968), pp. 120-121. A good summary of the Macedonian theory may be found in the same author's "Zalcon sudnyj ljudem kak pamjatnik vizantijskogo prava," Actes du XIJe Congr~s international d'etudes byztu~tines (Beograd, 1964), II, pp. 525-529. 28Troickij, "Svjatoj Mefodij ill bolgarskij knjaz'," pp. 121-122. 29Troickij, "Sv. Mefodij kak slavjanskij zakonodatel'," Bogoslovrlcie trudy

II,

pp. 112-113.

30The principal proponent of the Russian theory was I. D. Beljaev; see his ukcii po istorii IUsskogo zokonodotel'stllo (Moscow, 1879), pp. 209-217. Beljaev saw the ZSL as a code compiled by Greeks forRussiansduring the reign of Vladimir I, shortly after that ruler's conversion to Ouistianity. Others have pointod out that Beljaev seemed unaware of earlier scholarship on the ZSL; see Oroschakoff, "Ei.n Denkmal," pp. 185-186. The chief spokesman for the Pannonian theory is H. F. Schmid, "La legislazione bizantica e Ia pratica giudizaria occidentale nel piu antico codice slavo," Atti del congrtsso intemozionale di diritto Romtu~o e di storio del diritto (Milan, 19 • r"...,

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COURT LAW FOR THE PEOPLE

to act as his own avenger, and being such, let him make restitution to the one from whom he took [the object in question]. Chapter 20

Parents and children who testify concerning each other shall not be given credence [as witnesses] ;neither for the master nor against the master may a slave or freedman serve as a witnessP

Chapter 21

If anyone buys a captive and all his belongings28 from foreigners, if [the captive] has the price which was paid for him, having given [it to his purchaser] for himself, let him go free. And if he does not have [the necessary amount], let him earn his redemption as a hired laborer until he has worked off the price agreed upon, his wages being designated before witnesses as three gold coins (st'liazia)

19

per year, and when he has thus finished [making payments], thus he shall be set free. Let witnesses give no testimony based on hearsay, saying, [for example,] "We heard from someone that this person is a debtor" 29 or giving some other testimony on the basis of hearsay, even if those testifying are tribal leaders. 30

Chapter 22

If anyone has been taken [into captivity] by the enemy and has renounced our holy Christian faith, [then] returns to his own land and city (law?), let him be handed over to the church.

Chapter 23

If anyone borrows a horse [to go] to a designated place or sends it [there] and [the horse] happens to get hurt or dies,

Chapter 24

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COURT LAW FOR THE PEOPLE

25

asunder except for reason

him, and if she becomes a

of unchastity." And following this we, as faithful pu-

leper.

pils of Christ [our] God,

And in turn a wife may

dare not ordain otherwise,

be separated from her hus-

but since because of the

band if he plots any evil

devil's [deception] hatred

against her or, knowing of

arises (lit. falls) between

other [evil intentions] , does

man and wife because of accusations or fleshly [desires]

not tell her, and if he be-

or other evil, therefore in

may also be separated] if

the number of matters de-

something happens to one

clared by law on account of

of them, if before entering

which a husband and wife

[the marriage one of them] contracts an evil illness.37

may be separated [are included the following rea-

comes a leper; and [they

sons:] a man may be sepa-

And judges must examine all these [matters] with wit-

rated

his wife for

nesses, as we have written;

these sins, if it is found that

everywhere it is commanded

she has been plotting against his life or, knowing of 36

that all human licentiousness

other evil intentions against

God's great judgment.

from

her husband, does not tell

shall be judged at

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£ -tr If. M 1'1 AM H If f, ' : And because of this they must not shun anyone, but instruct everyone each day in God's law, hoping in Christ [our] God that on judgment day we shall hear the blessed voice [saying] : "Come, blessed and faithful servants, I shall prepare many things for you, enter into the joy of the Lord your God, rejoicing with the angels forever and ever." Alnen.

27

NOTES

l.

Other translations of the title: "Gesetz zum Richten der Leute," H. Oroschakoff, "Ein Denkmal des bulgarischen Rechts (Zakon Sudni Ljudem)," Zeitschrift far vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft, Bd. 33 (Stuttgart, 1916), 150; "Court Manual for Warriors," S. V. Troickij, "Sv. Mefodij kak slavjanskij zakonodatel'," Bogoslovskie trudy II (1961), 105; "Judicial Law for Laymen," J. Vdica, "Origine cyrillo-methodienne du plus ancien code slave dit 'Zakon sudnyj ljudem,' "Byzantinoslavica XII (1951), 154; "Penal Code for Laymen," P. I. Zufek, Komzcaja kniga: Studies on the Chief Code of Russian Canon Law (Rome, 1964; Orientalia Christiana Analecta, no. 168), 18; "Juridical Law for Laymen," Francis Dvornik, "Byzantine Political Ideas in Kievan Russia," Dumbarton Oaks Papers IX-X (1956), 77.

2.

The "law of God" may be a term for the Mosaic law; J. VaSica, "Kirillo-mefodievskie juridiceskie pamjatniki," Voprosy slavjanskogo jazykoznanija 7 (1963), 32-33.

3.

1n many MSS this passage appears later, as chapter 7a; cf. Oroschakoff, "Ein Denkmal," 218-219, and V. M. Koreckij (ed.), Xrestomatija pamjatnikov feodal'nogo gosudarstva i prava stran Evropy (Moscow, 1961 ), 682.

4.

Troickij, "Sv. Mefodij," Bogoslovskie trudy II, 108; cf. Koreckij, Xrestomatija, 682.

5.

Another scholar suggests the meaning eeskie pamjatniki," 31.

6.

S. V. Troickij, "Svjatoj Mefodij kak slavjanskij zakonodatel', "ZumalMoskovskoj patriarxii, no. 12 (1961), 56; VI. Prochazka, "Le zakon" sudnyj' ljud'm" et la Grande Moravie," Byzantinoslavica 29, no. 1 (1968), 140.

7.

The term ljudskoj obrok is translated as "soldiers' pay" by Troickij; "Svjatoj Mefodij," 1urnal Moskovskoj patriarxii, 52.

8.

Prochazka, "Le zakon" sudnyj', "Byzantinoslavica 29, 140-141 ("chefs de village"); cf. Troickij, "Sv. Mefodij," Bogoslovskie trudy II, 108.

9.

Troickij, "Sv. Mefodij," Bogoslovskie trudy II, 95; S. V. Troickij, "Svjatoj Mefodij ill bolgarskij knjaz' Boris sostavil Zakon sudnyj ljudem?" Bogoslovskie trudy IV (1968), 121.

10.

Troickij, "Svjatoj Mefodij," Bogoslovslde trudy IV, 119; but see Oroschakoff, "Ein Denkmal," 209, and Koreckij,Xrestomatija, 681.

11.

VaSica, "Origine," 163-164.

12.

One variant omits "their"; M. N. Tixomirov (ed.), Zakon sudnyj ljudem kratkoj redakcii (Moscow, 1961), 48 n. 37.

"irresponsi~le";

VaSica, "Kirillo-mefodievskie juridi-

28

COURT LAW FOR THE PEOPLE

13.

Cf. Oroschakoff, "Ein Denkmal," 212: "Die [Sklavin] soU nicht verkauft werden."

14.

Cf. Koreckij,Xrestomatija, 682; Oroschakoff, "Ein Denkmal," 212.

15 .

See the corresponding passage in the expanded version (M. N. Tixomirov (ed. ), Zakon sudnyj ljudem prostrannoj i svodnoj redakcii (Moscow, 1961), 140), the Ekloga (XVII:23), and article 15 of Jaroslav's church statute (Pamjatniki russkogo prava I, 260), but cf. Oroschakoff, "Ein Denkmal," 212-214, and Koreckij, Xrestomatija, 682.

16.

VaSica, "Kirillo-mefodievskie juridiceskie pamjatniki," 24; Prochazka, "Le zakon" sudnyj' ," Byzantinoslavica 29, 136.

17.

Vasica, "Origine," 163-164.

18.

See Tixomirov, ZSL kratkoj, 49, and ZSL prostrannoj, 140, as well as Ekloga XVII:29. But cf. Oroschakoff, "Ein Denkmal," 221.

19.

Perhaps this should read "if either party resists the idea of marriage"; see Oroschakoff, "Ein Denkmal," 221, and Ekloga XVII:29.

20.

Cf. Ekloga XVII:29.

21.

Apparently the age should be thirteen, not twenty. For an interesting explanation of the scribe's error, see Troickij, "Svjatoj Mefodij," Zumal Moskovskoj patriarxii, 58. The expanded version restores the thirteen-year age criterion; Tixomirov, ZSL prostrannoj, 35.

22.

_Koreckij, Xrestomatija, 683; Oroschakoff, "Ein Denkmal," 229; Troickij believes the legis· lator equated vra'Zdebnik with "murderer"; "Sv. Mefodij," Bogoslovskie trudy II, 92.

23.

VaSica, "Origine," 159-160, and "Kirillo-mefodievskie juridiceskie pamjatniki," 26.

24.

Cf. Koreckij,Xrestomatija, 683; Oroschakoff, "Ein Denkmal," 229.

25.

The word "not" is clearly out of place here: see Ekloga XVII: 1 and Tixomirov, ZSL prostrannoj, 36.

26.

In Tixomirov, ZSL prostrannoj, 142, the passage is "his offense." See also Ekloga XVII:l.

27.

Oroschakoff, "Ein Denkmal," 233, and Ekloga XIV: 4-5, but see Koreckij, X restomatija, 683.

28.

This may be another scribal error: Va~ca, "Origine," 161. The words ves' stroj ego have been translated as "all his equipment" in Koreckij,Xrestomatija, 683, and as "all his armor" in Oroschakoff, "Ein Denkmal," 235.

Lip~c.

Ekloga, 153, and

COURT LAW FOR THE PEOPLE

29

29.

Cf. Koreckij, Xrestomatija, 684.

30.

Troickij sees the tjupany acting here as bailiffs or constables (pristavy); "Sv. Mefodij," Bogoslovskie trudy II, 91.

31.

The scribe obviously erred in omitting the word "not" here: Tixomirov, ZSL kratkoj, 81, ZSL prostrannoj, 143, Ekloga XVII:12.

32.

Cf. Troickij, "Sv. Mefodij," Bogoslovskie trudy II, 90-91.

33.

a. Oroschakoff, "Ein Denkmal," 246, and Koreckij, Xrestomatija, 684.

34.

This astonishingly mild provision may be the result of a scribal omission. See, for example, Ekloga XVII: 17, which requires the return of the stolen &lave and , in addition, one more slave or the price of another slave.

35.

Troickij, "Sv. Mefodij," Bogoslovskie trudy II, 86.

36.

The scribe appears to have replaced otjuSl:ju with ol:isl:ju: see Ekloga 11:14,and Tixomirov, ZSL kratkoj, 53 n. 36.

37.

Troickij sees this passage as meaning "before the wife goes over to the husband's home'; "Sv. Mefodij," Bogoslovskie trudy II, 92, and "Svjatoj Mefodij," Zumal Moskovskoj patriarxii, 57. Or does it mean "before consummation," with impotence implied? See Va§ica, "Kirillo-mefodievskie juridi~eskie pamjatniki," 31, and Prochazka, "Le zakon" sudnyj'," Byzantinoslavica 29, 137. Cf. Ekloga 11:15.

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---- -

EXPANDED COURT LAW

33

God alone and [offer] prayers and vows to the saints, and wage war with [divine] guidance. For the help of God is given to [spiritually] enlightened hearts, [and] the battle is not [won] through many [forces] but through strength given from God. When God has given victory, the princes shall take a sixth part of the booty and all the remaining amount shall be divided among all the people in equal share, from the small to the great. For the princely share suffices for the princes, and the surplus shall go to the people. If certain of those servitors, either high-ranking warriors or rank-and-file, are found performing great deeds and acts of bravery, let the prince or military commander present at that time give [an additional reward] from the designated princely allotment [to each man who thus distinguished himself] as befits [his valor), and let [the booty] be taken by shares; let him who participates in battle have a share, and let there be a share also for those who remain in camp, and let it be thus. For thus it is said and written, decreed by the king and prophet David. {Chapter4

J

Concerning fornication.

{Chapter 5 J Concerning a nun.

{Chapter 6} Concerning a godmother.

{Chapter 7 J Concerning a daughter [by christening].

{Chapter 8 J Concerning a wife.

{Chapter 9} Concerning the judge and witnesses.

If anyone has a wife of his own and fornicates with a female slave, let that man be flogged, and the prince of that land shall sell that female slave, [sendit:tg her] from that land to another land, and that price [received for her] shall be given to the poor. Also, according to God's law, let the male libertine be handed over to God's slaves (i.e. the clergy) [for punishment]. If anyone has fornicated with another's female slave, let him be flogged and pay 30 pieces of gold (zlati~') to the master of the female slave, as we have declared; and if he is poor, then he shall give [recompense] according to his means to the master of the female slave.

If anyone fornicates with a nun, he shall have his nose cut off in accordance with the civil law. If anyone takes his godmother as his wife, both shall have their noses cut off in accordance with the civil law and they shall be separated.

If anyone takes his goddaughter [as his wife], the judgment shall be the same according to the civil law as we have said earlier for godparents, and the punishment shall be the same. If anyone is found with a married woman, both shall have their noses cut off, and let them be flogged. If the husband himself seizes them, let him beat them both and deal with him like a dog.2 In all these [matters] the prince or judge must conduct an investigation with interrogation and patience, [and] he is not to hear the case without witnesses, but ask for true witnesses who fear God, not being inimical [to anyone] nor having cause for revenge against him concerning whom he is testifying nor having either a conflict or any sort of dispute, but [who will testify truthfully] because of fear of God and [His] justice. And the number of witnesses to be presented in major lawsuits is from one (? eleven)3 to 18

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38-

o6_

EXPANDED COURT LAW

47

cannot [make full restitution] , let him be sold into slavery in place of what was stolen. If the stolen property remains in his hand alive, from asses to sheep, he shall restore double [what he stole]. [Chapter 73] Concerning baihnent.

[Chapter 74 j Concerning a brother.

[Chapter 75] Concerning an ass.

{Chapter 761 Concerning a son.

[Chapter 77] Concerning hanging.

[Chapter 781 Concerning a sheep. 35

If anyone gives a friend silver or something else to keep for him, and someone steals it from his house, if the thief is found, let him make double restitution.2 9 If the thief is not found, let the master of the house come before God and take an oath that he himself did not deceitfully misappropriate all that which his friend entrusted to him; 30there shall be a trial of both according to the entire report of the injustice and the entire loss, and let the one who stole [as determined before] God pay the other double [the amount of the loss] . If you give your brother, a poor man, a loan, do not cause him loss or charge interest. If you take your friend's outer garment in pledge, return it to him before sunset, for this is his only outer garment [to cover] his shame, in what [else] shall he sleep? If he cries out to me, I shall hear him, for I am merciful. 31

If you see the ass of your brother fall with a heavy load, do not punish

it but raise it up or [do] anything [else the situation requires]. And do [not] 32 pervert the judgment of the poor in his cause, and keep away from all [false] 33 words, and do not kill the pure and the righteous, and do not give judgment in favor of the impious because of a reward. And do not take bribes, for a bribe blinds the eyes of those who see, and disperses 34the words of the righteous. If anyone has a disobedient son, a destructive person who does not listen to the words of his father or mother, and they admonish [him] and he does not listen, his father shall lead him out qefore the city gates and before the elders of that city, saying: "Our son is disobedient and destructive, not listening to our words, a glutton and a drunkard," and let the men of that city stone him to death, that they may remove the evil from themselves and that others, having seen [this], shall become afraid. If anyone is to be put to death for any crime (lit. sin) and is hanged on a tree, let his body not remain on the tree, but bury him in a grave on [the same] day. If you see your brother's sheep 36 or some other [animal] wandering about in a field, do not pass it by but return it to your brother. If your brother is not (at home], take it to your own home until your brother seeks [it], and give [it] back to him; and act in like manner regarding anything he has lost, if you fmd [it], do not pass it by, but take [it], you may not hide lest you sin against God.

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