Yhwh Fights for Them! the Divine Warrior in the Exodus Narrative 9781463202712, 2014016082, 1463202717

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“YHWH Fights for Them!”

Gorgias Biblical Studies

58

In this series Gorgias publishes monographs on the history, theology, redaction and literary criticism of the biblical texts. Gorgias particularly welcomes proposals from younger scholars whose dissertations have made an important contribution to the field of Biblical Studies. Studies of language and linguistics, the archaeology and cultures of the Ancient Near East, Judaism and religion in general each have their own series and will not be included in this series.

“YHWH Fights for Them!”

The Divine Warrior in the Exodus Narrative

Charlie Trimm

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34 2014

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2014 by Gorgias Press LLC

All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC. 2014

‫ܘ‬

9

ISBN 978-1-4632-0271-2

ISSN 1935-6870

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Trimm, Charlie, 1977YHWH fights for them! : the divine warrior in the Exodus narrative / by Charlie Trimm. pages cm. -- (Gorgias biblical studies, ISSN 1935-6870) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-4632-0271-2 1. Bible. Exodus I-XIV--Criticism, interpretation, etc. 2. Exodus, The. 3. War--Biblical teaching. 4. God (Christianity)--Attributes. I. Title. BS1245.52T75 2014 222’.1206--dc23 2014016082 Printed in the United States of America

TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents ..................................................................................... v Acknowledgments ................................................................................... ix List of Figures .......................................................................................... xi Abbreviations ......................................................................................... xiii Introduction .............................................................................................. 1 The Divine Warrior in the Old Testament......................................... 11 Poetic Texts .................................................................................... 11 Embedded Divine Warrior Texts: Exodus 15:1–18 .......... 11 Psalmic Divine Warrior Texts: Psalm 18//2 Samuel 22 ......................................................................... 25 Prophetic Divine Warrior Texts: Habakkuk 3 .................... 29 Definition of Divine Warrior ...................................................... 35 Prose Texts ..................................................................................... 41 Conclusion ...................................................................................... 42 The Divine Warrior Motif in Exodus 1–14 ....................................... 43 Terminology ................................................................................... 43 Nature Weapons ............................................................................ 47 Psychological Attacks ................................................................... 53 Panic .......................................................................................... 54 The Exaltation of the Human Attacker ............................... 58 Supernatural Envoys and Disease............................................... 62 YHWH’s Relationship with His People..................................... 67 YHWH’s Desire for a Relationship with Israel .................. 68 Israelite Trust in YHWH........................................................ 72 Conclusion ...................................................................................... 74 The Narrative Expansion of the Divine Warrior Motif ................... 77 Casus Belli......................................................................................... 77 The Most Favored Guests: Egypt in Genesis ..................... 77 The Most Feared Threat: Egypt in Exodus ........................ 84 The Role of Human Army and Leaders .................................... 97 The Israelite Army................................................................... 97 v

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Moses and Aaron...................................................................101 The Identification of the Enemy ..............................................107 The Egyptian People.............................................................108 The Magicians ........................................................................111 The Military ............................................................................114 The Innocent Victims ...........................................................117 The Salvation of Israel ................................................................118 Israel’s Separation from Egypt ............................................119 Israel’s Departure from Egypt.............................................121 YHWH’s Rescue of Israel from Egypt ..............................124 YHWH’s Guidance of Israel from Egypt..........................127 The Praise of the Divine Warrior .............................................129 The Acknowledgement of YHWH ....................................133 The Acknowledgement of YHWH’s Power .....................143 The Acknowledgement of YHWH’s Name ......................144 The Acknowledgement of YHWH’s Glory ......................148 Conclusion ....................................................................................148 The Martial Expansion of the Divine Warrior Motif .....................151 A Broader Selection of Nature Weapons ................................151 Broader Psychological Attacks ..................................................156 Lack of Control......................................................................156 Ignorance ................................................................................159 The Employment of Cosmic Enemies ....................................166 The Defeat of Enemy Gods ......................................................173 Conclusion ....................................................................................179 The Relational Expansion of the Divine Warrior Motif ................181 A National Narrative...................................................................181 YHWH’s Complex Relationship with His People .................186 Israelite Ignorance of YHWH .............................................186 Israelite Vacillation ................................................................189 A Warning for Israel .............................................................190 Conclusion ....................................................................................199 The Divine Control of Pharoah .........................................................201 A Lexical Study of Hardening of the Heart ............................201 The Divine Control in the Exodus Narrative .........................206 The Purpose of the Divine Control .........................................215 Conclusion .............................................................................................223 The Exodus in the Old Testament ...........................................225 Reading Poetic Texts ..................................................................230

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Further Exploration of the Motif .............................................233 Monergism and Synergism ...................................................233 YHWH against His People ..................................................236 YHWH for the Nations........................................................238 Jesus the Divine Warrior ......................................................240 Bibliography ..........................................................................................243 Figures ....................................................................................................279 Index .......................................................................................................283 Biblical References ......................................................................283 Subjects .........................................................................................308

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My greatest thanks are for my mentor at Wheaton College, Daniel Block. He has been an excellent example of a scholar who cares for his students, and I will be forever grateful for my time with him. The frequent cafeteria lunches with him and his other doctoral students over the years (Chris Ansberry, Jerry Hwang, Jason Gile, Rahel Schafer, Matt Newkirk, Matthew Patton, Daniel Owens, Austin Surls, and Carmen Imes) have nourished my love for the Bible. Daniel Master and Jim Hoffmeier have offered guidance at many points along the way. I am thankful for the Dr. Mina Marie Johnson Fellowship Endowment, which allowed to me participate in the doctoral program full time. I am also thankful to my previous teachers, especially Hermann Austel, Jack Willsey and Russell Glessner of Northwest Baptist Seminary and Darrel Amundsen and Diane Johnson of Western Washington University. Finally, I thank Gorgias Press for the opportunity to publish my dissertation and finish this project. Above all, my thanks go to my wife Mariah, who deserves much more than a sentence as thanks for all she has done and her influence on my life.

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Aššur armed with a bow from a relief by Ashurnasirpal II. British Museum 124551. Photo courtesy of British Museum. Figure 2: Baal holding lightning bolts and a club. Relief from Ugarit and displayed in the Louvre. Photo courtesy of MarieLan Nguyen/Wikimedia Commons. Figure 3: The storm god Adad holding lightning bolts. Relief from Arslan Tash and displayed in the Louvre. Photo courtesy of Rama/Wikimedia Commons. Figure 4: Ninurta holding lightning bolts and chasing Anzu in a relief by Ashurnasirpal II. British Museum 124571. Photo courtesy of the British Museum. Figure 5: Pharaoh Narmer from the 1st dynasty smites an enemy. British Museum EA35714 (copy of the original in the Cairo Musuem). Photo courtesy of the British Museum. Figure 6: Pharaoh Den from the 1st dynasty smites an enemy. British Museum EA55586. Photo courtesy of the British Museum. Figure 7: A Pharaoh from the 18 th dynasty smites an enemy in the presence of Ptah. British Museum EA69154. Photo courtesy of the British Museum. Figure 8: Ashurnasirpal II attacks the enemy in the same stance as the god Aššur above him in the clouds. The king’s chariot also tramples one of the enemy. British Museum 124540. Photo courtesy of the British Museum.

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ABBREVIATIONS AB

Anchor Bible

ABD

Anchor Bible Dictionary. Edited by D. N. Freedman. 6 vols. New York, 1992

ACCS

Ancient Christian Commentary on Scripture

AEL

Ancient Egyptian Literature. M. Lichtheim. 3 vols. Berkeley, 1971–1980

AGJU

Arbeiten zur Geschichte des antiken Judentums und des Urchristentums

ANET

Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament. Edited by J. B. Pritchard. 3d ed. Princeton, 1969

Ant.

Jewish Antiquities. Josephus

AOAT

Alter Orient und Altes Testament

ARAB

Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia. Daniel David Luckenbill. 2 vols. Chicago, 1926–1927

ARE

Ancient Records of Egypt. Edited by J. H. Breasted. 5 vols. Chicago, 1905–1907. Reprint, Urbana: University of Illinois: 2001

Artap.

Artapanus

ASOR

American Schools of Oriental Research

AUSS

Andrews University Seminary Studies

b. Sanh.

(Babylonian) Talmud Sanhedrin

b. Sotah

(Babylonian) Talmud Sotah

BA

Biblical Archaeologist

BASOR

Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research xiii

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BBR

Bulletin for Biblical Research

BETL

Bibliotheca iensium

BHQ

Biblia Hebraica Quinta

Bib

Biblica

BibInt

Biblical Interpretation

BibInt

Biblical Interpretation

BibOr

Biblica et orientalia

BJS

Brown Judaic Studies

BM

Beit Mikra

BN

Biblische Notizen

BRev

Bible Review

BSac

Bibliotheca sacra

BT

The Bible Translator

BWANT

Beiträge zur Wissenschaft vom Alten (und Neuen) Testament

BZAW

Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft

CAD

The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. Chicago, 1956–2011

CBQ

Catholic Biblical Quarterly

CBQMS

Catholic Biblical Quarterly Monograph Series

CBR

Currents in Biblical Research

CHANE

Culture and History of the Ancient Near East

COS

The Context of Scripture. Edited by W. W. Hallo. 3 vols. Leiden, 1997–2003

CTJ

Calvin Theological Journal

ephemeridum

theologicarum

lovan-

ABBREVIATIONS

xv

DDD

Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible. Edited by K. van der Toorn, B. Becking, and P. W. van der Horst. 2d edition. Leiden, 1999

EA

El-Amarna tablets. According to the edition of J. A. Knudtzon. Die el-Amarna-Tafeln. Leipzig, 1908–1915. Reprint, Aalen, 1964. Continued in A. F. Rainey, ElAmarna Tablets, 359–379. 2d revised ed. Kevelaer, 1978

ECC

Eerdmans Critical Commentary

ETL

Ephemerides theologicae lovanienses

Exod. Rab.

Exodus Rabbah

ExpTim

Expository Times

Ezek. Trag. Ezekiel the Tragedian FAT

Forschungen zum Alten Testament

FB

Forschung zur Bibel

HALOT

Koehler, L., W. Baumgartner, and J. J. Stamm, The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament. Translated and edited under the supervision of M. E. J. Richardson. 4 vols. Leiden, 1994–1999

Hist.

The Histories. Herodotus

HSM

Harvard Semitic Monographs

HSS

Harvard Semitic Studies

HTR

Harvard Theological Review

IBHS

An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax. B. K. Waltke and M. O’Connor. Winona Lake, Indiana, 1990

ICC

International Critical Commentary

Int

Interpretation

Int

Interpretation

ISBE

International Standard Bible Encyclopedia. Edited by G. W. Bromiley. 4 vols. Grand Rapids, 1979–1988

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JANER

Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions

JANES

The Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society

JAOS

The Journal of the American Oriental Society

JBL

Journal of Biblical Literature

JBQ

Jewish Bible Quarterly

JM

Joüon, Paul, and T. Muraoka. A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew. Translated by T. Muraoka. 2 vols. Subsidia Biblica 14/1–14/2. Roma: Editrice Pontificio Istituto Biblio, 1991.

JNES

Journal of Near Eastern Studies

JNSL

Journal of Northwest Semitic Languages

JQR

Jewish Quarterly Review

JSem

Journal of Semitics

JSNTSup

Journal for the Study of the New Testament: Supplement Series

JSOT

Journal for the Study of the Old Testament

JSOTSup

Journal for the Study of the Old Testament: Supplement Series

Jub.

Jubilees

KTU

Die keilalphabetischen Texte aus Ugarit. Edited by M. Dietrich, O. Loretz, and J. Sanmartín. AOAT 24/1. Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1976. 2d enlarged ed. of KTU: The Cuneiform Alphabetic Texts from Ugarit, Ras Ibn Hani, and Other Places. Edited by M. Dietrich, O. Loretz, and J. Sanmartín. Münster, 1995 (= CTU)

LCL

Loeb Classical Library

LD

Lectio divina

LHB/OTS Library of Hebrew Bible/Old Testament Studies LXX

Septuagint

Mek.

Mekilta

ABBREVIATIONS

xvii

MT

Masoretic Text

NAC

New American Commentary

NCB

New Century Bible

NICOT

New International Commentary on the Old Testament

NIGTC

New International Greek Text Commentary

NIVAC

NIV Application Commentary

NPNF1

The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Series 1. Edited by Philip Schaff. 1886–1889. 14 vols. Repr. Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1994.

OBO

Orbis biblicus et orientalis

OBT

Overtures to Biblical Theology

Or

Orientalia (NS)

OTE

Old Testament Essays

OTL

Old Testament Library

RB

Revue biblique

RIMA

The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Assyrian Periods

RINAP

The Royal Inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian Period

SAA

State Archives of Assyria

SBLMS

Society of Biblical Literature Monograph Series

SBLSymS

Society of Biblical Literature Symposium Series

SBLWAW

Society of Biblical Literature Writings from the Ancient World

SJOT

Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament

SP

Samaritan Pentateuch

TDOT

Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament. Edited by G. J. Botterweck and H. Ringgren. Translated by J. T. Wil-

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“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!” lis, G. W. Bromiley, and D. E. Green. 15 vols. Grand Rapids, 1974–

Tg. Neof

Targum Neofiti

Tg. Onq.

Targum Onqelos

Tg. Ps.-J.

Targum Pseudo-Jonathan

TJ

Trinity Journal

TLOT

Theological Lexicon of the Old Testament. Edited by E. Jenni, with assistance from C. Westermann. Translated by M. E. Biddle. 3 vols. Peabody, MA, 1997

TynBul

Tyndale Bulletin

VCSup

Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae

VT

Vetus Testamentum

VTSup

Supplements to Vetus Testamentum

WBC

Word Biblical Commentary

WMANT

Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten und Neuen Testament

ZABR

Zeitschrift für altorientalische und biblische Rechtgeschichte

ZAW

Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft

INTRODUCTION The idea of a god fighting for his people has been popular for millennia, as many throughout history have believed that God was fighting for them in battle, including the Maccabees, Constantine, and the Crusaders. Even in modern times some have followed this pattern, prominent among them being German scholars who supported the war effort in World War One.1 Many of these soldiers Rudolf Kittel, Das Alte Testament und unser Krieg (Leipzig: Dörffling & Franke, 1916); Hermann Gunkel, Israelitisches Heldentum und Kriegsfrömmigkeit im Alten Testament (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1916); Otto Eissfeldt, Krieg und Bibel (Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbücher für die Deutsche Christliche Gegenwart V; Tübingen: Mohr, 1915). For studies of these books, see Gordon Mitchell, “War, Folklore and the Mystery of a Disappearing Book,” JSOT 68 (1995): 113–19; H. C. Washington, “Violence and the Construction of Gender in the Hebrew Bible: A New Historical Approach,” BibInt 5 (1997): 334–40; Rüdiger Schmitt, Der “Heilige Krieg” im Pentateuch und im Deuteronomistischen Geschichtswerk: Studien zur Forschungs-, Rezeptions- und Religionsgschichte von Krieg und Bann im Alten Testament (AOAT 381; Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 2011), 195–201. For other modern examples, see Ferdinand E. Deist, “The Dangers of Deuteronomy: A Page from the Reception History of the Book,” in Studies in Deuteronomy: In Honour of C. J. Labuschagne on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday (ed. F. García Martínez et al.; VTSup 53; Leiden: Brill, 1994), 13–29; Schmitt, Der “Heilige Krieg” im Pentateuch und im Deuteronomistischen Geschichtswerk, 171–207; Moshe Greenberg, “On the Political Use of the Bible in Modern Israel: An Engaged Critique,” in Pomegranates and Golden Bells: Studies in Biblical Jewish, and Near Eastern Ritual, Law, and Literature in Honor of Jacob Milgrom (ed. D. P. Wright, David Noel Freedman, and Avi Hurvitz; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1995), 461–71; L. Daniel Hawk, 1

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looked to the warrior God in the Old Testament as a model of how they expected their God to act for them. However, belief in a warrior god has not been unanimous. Marcion rejected the Old Testament partly because of its portrayal of YHWH as a warrior god,2 and various contemporary scholars have argued that moderns should discard the idea, either because the New Testament God rejected this aspect of the Old Testament3 or its violent nature does not fit the modern world.4 For others, God’s involvement in warfare leads to their rejection of him entirely.5 The diverse and emotional reactions to YHWH as a divine warrior indicate the importance of continued study of the motif in the Bible. In this work I will extend recent research on the divine warrior by focusing on a section of text that has not yet been mined from the perspective of this motif to contribute to the un-

“Conquest Reconfigured: Recasting Warfare in the Redaction of Joshua,” in Writing and Reading War: Rhetoric, Gender, and Ethics in Biblical and Modern Contexts (ed. Brad E. Kelle and Frank Ritchel Ames; Society of Biblical Literature Symposium Series 42; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2008), 73–78. 2 Heikki Räisänen, “Marcion,” in A Companion to Second-Century Christian “Heretics” (ed. Antti Marjanen and Petri Luomanen; VCSup 76; Leiden: Brill, 2005), 108. 3 Jack Miles, “The Disarmament of God,” in The Destructive Power of Religion: Violence in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam (ed. J. Harold Ellens; 4 vols.; Westport, Conn: Praeger, 2004), 1:123–68; C. S. Cowles, “The Case for Radical Discontinuity,” in Show Them No Mercy: Four Views on God and Canaanite Genocide (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2003), 11–46. 4 Dianne Bergant, “Yahweh: A Warrior God?,” in The Church’s Peace Witness (ed. Marlin E. Miller and Barbara Nelson Gingerich; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1994), 89–103; Carol P. Christ, “Feminist Liberation Theology and Yahweh as Holy Warrior: An Analysis of Symbol,” in Women’s Spirit Bonding (ed. Janet Kalven and Mary I. Buckley; New York: Pilgrim, 1984), 202–12. 5 Hector Avalos, Fighting Words: The Origins of Religious Violence (Amherst: Prometheus, 2005), 382; Richard Dawkins, The God Delusion (Boston: Mariner, 2006), 51.

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derstanding of the motif in the Bible and provide a better foundation for modern thought on God as a warrior. Although many have studied warfare in the Old Testament, 6 the motif of the divine warrior has received less attention. Even the works that claim to address the motif sometimes focus more on warfare in general than on the divine warrior.7 Studies on the divine warrior broadly fall into three approaches. First, some have looked at the divine warrior with a wide angle lens, examining the motif in the entire Old Testament. Other studies had touched on the topic of the divine warrior,8 but Henning Fredriksson produced the first major study of the divine warrior in the Old Testament.9 He defined God as warrior as follows: “Kriegsgott ist Jahwe, wenn er in kriegerische Konflikte eingreift.”10 Although he helpfully gathers much of the relevant material under his two headings (YHWH as the Heerführer and as the Einzelkämpfer), his work is mainly a list of data with little interpretation of the material. Other scholars have developed the motif of the divine warrior as an overarching theme of biblical theology. Tremper Longman III and Daniel Reid offer a general description For broad surveys of the history of research of warfare in the Old Testament, see Ben C. Ollenburger, “Gerhard von Rad’s Theory of Holy War,” in Holy War in Ancient Israel (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1991), 1–33; Jacques Vermeylen, “‘Sacred War’ and ‘Divine War’ in Ancient Israel: Its Reception and the Present State of the Question,” in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2010: Visions of Peace and Tales of War (ed. Jan Liesen and Pancratius Beentjes; Berlin: De Gruyter, 2010), 1–34; Charlie Trimm, “Recent Research on Warfare in the Old Testament,” CBR 10 (2012): 1–46. 7 For an example of this, see Richard D. Nelson, “Divine Warrior Theology in Deuteronomy,” in A God So Near: Essays on Old Testament Theology in Honor of Patrick D. Miller (ed. Brent A. Strawn and Nancy R. Bowen; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2003), 241–59. 8 For example, see Friedrich Schwally, Der Heilige Krieg im Alten Israel (Semitische Kriegsaltertümer 1; Leipzig: Dieterich, 1901). 9 Henning Fredriksson, Jahwe als Krieger: Studien Zum Alttestamentlichen Gottesbild (Lund: C. W. K. Gleerup, 1945). 10 Ibid., 1. 6

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of the motif: the “central principle is that God is present in the battle with his people as a warrior.”11 This description, coupled with the topics discussed in the book, indicate that God acts as the divine warrior whenever he acts antagonistically against someone, not necessarily in a traditional battle.12 Another group of scholars studying the divine warrior has focused on the similarities between ancient Near Eastern divine warriors and YHWH. Many have suggested that the actions of the divine warrior intervening in battle were later theological additions to battle narratives,13 but these scholars working with comparative data have shown that the divine warrior motif was common and early in the ancient Near East. Although Gerhard von Rad never employed the term “divine warrior,” Manfred Weippert critiqued his thesis of the uniqueness of Israelite holy war in an influential article by showing the similarities between sacred aspects of Israelite and Assyrian wars.14 Frank Moore Cross’ and Patrick Miller Jr.’s monographs employed the Ugaritic model of the divine warrior as a framework within which to understand YHWH’s role as a divine Tremper Longman III and Daniel G. Reid, God Is a Warrior (Studies in Old Testament Biblical Theology; Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1995), 47. 12 For another work that sees the theme of the divine warrior as important for Old Testament theology, see Millard C. Lind, Yahweh Is a Warrior: The Theology of Warfare in Ancient Israel (Christian Peace Shelf; Scottdale: Herald Press, 1980). 13 Gerhard von Rad, Holy War in Ancient Israel (trans. Marva J. Dawn; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1991), 74–93; Anton van der Lingen, Les Guerres de Yahvé: L’implication de YHWH dans les guerres d’Israël selon les livres Historiques de l’Ancien Testament (LD 139; Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1990); Antony F. Campbell, S. J., “The Growth of Joshua 1–12 and the Theology of Extermination,” in Reading the Hebrew Bible for a New Millennium: Form, Concept, and Theological Perspective (ed. Wonil Kim et al.; 2 vols.; Studies in Antiquity & Christianity; Harrisburg: Trinity, 2000), 2:72–88; Gwilym H. Jones, “Holy War or Yahweh War,” VT 25 (1975): 642–58. 14 Manfred Weippert, “‘Heiliger Krieg’ in Israel und Assyrien: Kritische Anmerkungen zu Gerhard von Rads Konzept des ‘Heiligen Krieges im Alten Israel,’” ZAW 84 (1972): 460–93. 11

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warrior,15 while Moshe Weinfeld and Sa-Moon Kang incorporated ancient Near Eastern materials as a heuristic lens through which to interpret the divine warrior motif in the Old Testament.16 The third approach to study of the divine warrior focuses on poetic texts, especially the Psalms. Although Cross, Miller, and others had investigated the motif in the Psalter, Marc Brettler critiques these studies for insufficiently studying the context of the divine warrior in Israel to determine if the motif might function differently there from the other parts of the ancient Near East. 17 Brettler’s article on the divine warrior in Psalm 4, 46, 83, and 144 examines how the motif of the divine warrior motif operated in Israel. Harold Ballard Jr. extends Brettler’s investigation to the entire Psalter.18 He concludes that YHWH the divine warrior acts as judge of the nations and of evil (7:10–12[9–11]; 110:6), king (44:5), protector of his people (7:2[1]; 144:2), and peacemaker through war (46:10; 76:4).19 The most recent monograph on the divine warrior in the Psalms is Martin Klingbeil’s Yahweh Fighting from Heaven, which Frank Moore Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic: Essays in the History of the Religion of Israel (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973); Patrick D. Miller Jr., The Divine Warrior in Early Israel (HSM 5; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973). 16 Moshe Weinfeld, “Divine Intervention in War in Ancient Israel and in the Ancient Near East,” in History, Historiography and Interpretation: Studies in Biblical and Cuneiform Literatures (ed. Hayim Tadmor and Moshe Weinfeld; Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1983), 121–47; Moshe Weinfeld, “Divine War in Ancient Israel and in the Ancient Near East (Hebrew),” in Studies in Bible and the Ancient Near East Presented to Samuel E. Loewenstamm on His Seventieth Birthday (ed. Yitschak Avishur and Joshua Blau; 2 vols.; Jerusalem: E. Rubinstein’s, 1978), 2:171–81; Moshe Weinfeld, “They Fought from Heaven (Hebrew),” ErIsr 14 (1978): 23–30; Sa-Moon Kang, Divine War in the Old Testament and in the Ancient Near East (BZAW 177; Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1989). 17 Marc Zvi Brettler, “Images of YHWH the Warrior in Psalms,” Semeia 61 (1993): 135–36. 18 Harold Ballard Jr., The Divine Warrior Motif in the Psalms (BIBAL Dissertation Series 6; Richland Hills, Tex.: BIBAL, 1999). 19 Ibid., 84–88. 15

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studies the metaphors of Warrior and God of Heaven in the Psalms as well as ancient Near Eastern iconography. Klingbeil concludes that the psalmists used ancient Near Eastern images to describe YHWH, although they adapted those images to emphasize the sovereignty and unique character of YHWH.20 As profitable as these studies have been, each approach exhibits its own limitations. The broad picture of the divine warrior is the strength of the first group, but also its weakness, as it can potentially lead to false summarizing statements.21 The second approach has helpfully synthesized features of divine warriors in the ancient Near East, but the temptation has been to force the biblical data into these ancient Near Eastern models.22 The third approach has paid close attention to specific texts, but has been limited by its focus on poetic material. The poetic genre permits the study of rich metaphorical descriptions of YHWH as a divine warrior, but also restricts the study because of the lack of a sustained plot. Martin Klingbeil, Yahweh Fighting from Heaven: God as Warrior and as God of Heaven in the Hebrew Psalter and Ancient Near Eastern Iconography (OBO 169; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1999), 305–6. For another iconographic study of the divine warrior, see Othmar Keel, The Symbolism of the Biblical World: Ancient Near Eastern Iconography and the Book of Psalms (trans. Timothy J. Hallett; New York: Seabury, 1978), 219–30. For other shorter studies of the divine warrior in poetry, see Tremper Longman III, “Psalm 98: A Divine Warrior Victory Song,” JETS 27 (1984): 267–74; Ee Kon Kim, “Holy War Ideology and the Rapid Shift of Mood in Psalm 3,” in On the Way to Nineveh: Studies in Honor of George M. Landes (ed. Stephen L. Cook and S. C. Winter; vol. 4; ASOR Books; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1999), 77–93; Harm van Grol, “War and Peace in the Psalms: Some Compositional Explorations,” in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2010: Visions of Peace and Tales of War (ed. Jan Liesen and Pancratius Beentjes; Berlin: De Gruyter, 2010), 173–206. 21 For example, see the claim that early Israelite warfare was always synergistic in Miller, The Divine Warrior in Early Israel, 156. 22 For this critique, see Brettler, “Images of YHWH the Warrior in Psalms,” 135–36. As an example, see the claim that divine war only began in Israel with David because it is found in the beginning of kingdoms in the ancient Near East in Kang, Divine War, 193–222. 20

INTRODUCTION

7

In this investigation I continue the research on the divine warrior by closely examining the motif in a specific narrative text, the exodus narrative (Exod 1:1–15:21), even though this choice may strike some as unusual because of key differences from texts usually associated with the divine warrior.23 Most prominently, YHWH does not act through the Israelite army, which remains passive throughout the narrative. He also does not target the Egyptian army until the very end of the narrative, sending the plagues against the Egyptian people rather than the army. In light of these important differences, part of the purpose of this work is to determine the relevance of the divine warrior motif as a heuristic model for understanding the exodus narrative. Although diachronic study of the text has dominated the study of the exodus narrative in the last hundred years,24 many recent works have studied various topics in Exodus from a synchronic perspective that sets aside the discussion of the pre-history of the text and focuses on its final form.25 By assuming the final form, the For a summary of some of the differences of this narrative from “holy war” texts, see Jean Louis Ska, “Exode 14 contient-il un récit de ‘guerre sainte’ de style deutéronomistique,” VT 33 (1983): 455–58. 24 For an example of a recent discussion of the sources in Exod 14– 15, see Vermeylen, “‘Sacred War’ and ‘Divine War’ in Ancient Israel,” 14– 18; Schmitt, Der “Heilige Krieg” im Pentateuch und im Deuteronomistischen Geschichtswerk, 81–84, 149–50. For the sources in the entire exodus narrative, see William H. Propp, Exodus 1–18: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 2; New York: Doubleday, 1999); Thomas B. Dozeman, Exodus (ECC; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2009). 25 R. W. L. Moberly, At the Mountain of God: Story and Theology in Exodus 32–34 (JSOTSup 22; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1983); John A. Davies, A Royal Priesthood: Literary and Intertextual Perspectives on an Image of Israel in Exodus 19.6 (JSOTSup 395; London: T&T Clark, 2004); Joe M. Sprinkle, The Book of the Covenant: A Literary Approach (JSOTSup 174; Sheffield: Sheffield, 1994); Gordon F. Davies, Israel in Egypt: Reading Exodus 1–2 (JSOTSup 135; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1992); William A. Ford, God, Pharaoh and Moses: Explaining the Lord’s Actions in the Exodus Plagues Narrative (Paternoster Biblical Monographs; Eugene, Ore.: Wipf & Stock, 2007); Dennis T. Olson, “Literary and Rhetorical Criticism,” in Methods for Exo23

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“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

synchronic perspective enables greater focus on the topic and appeals to a wider audience, as those in religious communities tend to value the final form more highly than the prehistory of the text. Following the model of the synchronic works listed above, I will undertake a synchronic reading of the exodus narrative to study the divine warrior motif. Before we examine the exodus narrative, we must determine the limits of the narrative. Although the beginning of the Sinai narrative (Exod 19:1) signals an important division in the book, it is more likely that the major division in the book comes after the Song of the Sea (Exod 15:22), since it marks the end of the material dealing with the Egyptians and introduces the wilderness wandering.26 Since a more detailed structure of the exodus narrative is difficult to establish, the outline in Table 1 is proposed only for heuristic purposes. It is based on discourse markers (waw+X+qatal and ‫)ויהי‬,27 genre changes, and content changes. Table 1: An Outline of the Exodus Narrative 1.

Introduction (1–2)

dus (ed. Thomas B. Dozeman; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 13–54. 26 This interpretation is supported by the structure of the Song of the Sea, as the first half of the song (Exod 15:1–12) looks back at YHWH’s power shown in the defeat of the Egyptians, while the second half (Exod 15:13–18) looks forward to YHWH’s presence with the Israelites on their journey to Sinai and beyond. For a helpful study of this, see Mark S. Smith, The Pilgrimage Pattern in Exodus (JSOTSup 239; Sheffield: Sheffield, 1997), 205–26. For a similar structure, see Dozeman, Exodus, 44–47; Propp, Exodus 1–18, 37–38. 27 On these discourse markers, see Jason Shane DeRouchie, A Call to Covenant Love: Text Grammar and Literary Structure in Deuteronomy 5–11 (Gorgias Dissertations 30; Piscataway, N.J.: Gorgias Press, 2007), 212–15; Tarsee Li, “‫ ויהי‬as a Discourse Marker in Kings,” AUSS 44 (2006): 221– 39; Roy L. Heller, Narrative Structure and Discourse Constellations: An Analysis of Clause Function in Biblical Hebrew Prose (HSS 55; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2004), 433–39.

INTRODUCTION 2.

3. 4. 5. 6.

28

9

Moses’ First Calling (3–4)28 The Initial Failure and Renewed Calling (5:1–6:27)29 The Plague Narrative (6:28/7:8–11:10)30 The Passover (12:1–13:16)31 The Red Sea Narrative (13:17–15:21)32

The second section begins with a disjunctive waw+X+qatal (Exod

3:1). The transition to the third section is marked by another disjunctive waw+X+qatal (Exod 5:1). A chain of wayyiqtols connects YHWH’s second call of Moses to the section, whose end is marked with Moses’ and Aaron’s genealogy. 30 The most likely beginning point is the ‫ ויהי‬after the genealogy (Exod 6:28), although the verbless clause indicating the age of Moses and Aaron (Exod 7:7) could also mark its beginning. The content of 6:26–7:7 acts as a bridge between YHWH’s calling of Moses and his attack against the Egyptians, so it would fit appropriately in either section. The end of the plague narrative is also difficult to determine because Exodus 11 operates as a bridge between the first nine plagues and the tenth plague. Syntactically, it is better to include the chapter with the plague narrative because the waw-X-qatal of Exod 11:10 summarizes the plague narrative and marks its conclusion. For a helpful survey of the scholarship on the boundaries of the plague narrative, see Bénédicte Lemmelijn, “Setting and Function of Exod 11,1–10 in the Exodus Narrative,” in Studies in the Book of Exodus: Redaction-Reception-Interpretation (ed. Marc Vervenne; BETL 126; Leiden: Brill, 1996), 443–44. 31 Although it contains the tenth plague, the Passover narrative focuses on the Passover and rituals associated with the festival, marking a genre change with the surrounding material. 32 The Red Sea narrative begins with a return to narrative genre and a ‫ ויהי‬clause summarizing Pharaoh’s actions in the previous section (Exod 13:17). The Song of the Sea is closely connected with the prose account in chapter 14 through several lexical links, including ‫( ישע‬14:13, 30; 15:2), ‫( לחם‬14:14, 25; 15:3), ‫( כסה‬14:28; 15:5, 10), ‫( רוח‬14:21; 15:8, 10), ‫( רדף‬14:4, 8–9, 23; 15:9), ‫( רכב‬14:25; 15:4), and ‫( שליש‬14:7; 15:4). On these, see Konrad Schmid, Genesis and the Moses Story: Israel’s Dual Origins in the Hebrew Bible (trans. James D. Nogalski; Siphrut 3; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2010), 223. The poetic genre of Song of the Sea and Miriam’s song, as 29

10

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

In keeping with the purpose, contribution, and method of the work delineated above, chapter two will explore the motif of the divine warrior throughout the Old Testament and offer a definition of the motif. The following chapters will examine the exodus in more detail from a variety of perspectives. Chapter three will look at the clear descriptions of YHWH acting as a divine warrior in the exodus narrative, while the next three chapters will investigate the narrative (chapter four), martial (chapter five), and relational (chapter six) expansions of the motif. The seventh chapter will examine a possible connection of the motif to the divine control of Pharaoh, while the final chapter will conclude the study by studying how the other parts of the Old Testament refer to the exodus, returning to the poetic description of the exodus narrative in light of the conclusions of this work, and exploring further adaptations of the divine warrior in the context of the exodus narrative throughout the Old and New Testaments.

well as the change in focus from the Israelites’ interaction with the Egyptians, mark the end of the section.

THE DIVINE WARRIOR IN THE OLD TESTAMENT Since the divine warrior appears throughout the Old Testament, I will begin this work by studying the motif in other parts of the Old Testament to provide with a working model of the divine warrior before examining the question of the presence of the divine warrior motif in the exodus narrative. Since most scholars recognize that the clearest manifestations of the motif appear in poetic texts, I will begin by looking at several of these poetic texts in detail before I compose my own definition of the divine warrior.

POETIC TEXTS Many poetic texts in the Old Testament are infused with the divine warrior motif, making them the most beneficial place to begin a study of the divine warrior. I will start by examining three key texts that scholars have widely accepted as divine warrior texts to provide a helpful foundation for defining the divine warrior. I will also briefly look at a few other texts to ensure that the choice of the key texts has not distorted the definition. This chapter divides the divine warrior texts into three categories, including embedded poetic texts, psalmic texts, and prophetic texts. Embedded Divine Warrior Texts: Exodus 15:1–18 Several of the most prominent divine warrior poetic texts are embedded in narrative contexts.1 The Old Testament contains a varieFor more on embedded poetic texts in the Old Testament, see James W. Watts, Psalm and Story: Inset Hymns in Hebrew Narrative (JSOTSup 139; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1992). 1

11

12

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

ty of poetic texts embedded within narrative settings to arrange large texts, to focus the readers’ attention on God, and to encourage the reader to participate in the worship of YHWH.2 The inclusion of victory songs in narrative may even have been the original inspiration for embedding poetic material in prose.3 The Song of the Sea is one of the most relevant divine warrior poetic texts for this project, since it concludes the exodus narrative. The song praises YHWH for his martial actions against the Egyptians and is universally recognized as a divine warrior hymn. 4 Following the destruction of the Egyptian army by YHWH at the Red Sea, the people “believed in YHWH and in his servant Moses” (Exod 14:31) and expressed that faith by singing with Moses this hymn of praise.5 The song contains many references to the divine warrior. The clearest reference is the epithet, “man of war” (‫ ;איש מלחמה‬Exod 15:3),6 though the phrase is rendered variously in the versions. The SP reads “hero of war” (‫ ;במלחמה גבור‬see also Tg. Ps.-J.), while Tg. Onq. removes the anthropomorphism by translating “The Lord is the Lord of victory in battles.” The LXX translation (“The Lord shatters wars”) has caused some scholarly debate, as some have understood it as an anti-war statement in which God shatters the idea of war.7 However, based on the context, parallel occurrences Ibid., 197. Ibid., 196. 4 For discussion of YHWH as a divine warrior in Exodus 14–15, see Miller, The Divine Warrior in Early Israel, 113–17; Lind, Yahweh Is a Warrior, 47–60; Kang, Divine War, 114–25; Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic, 112–44. 5 Schmid, Genesis and the Moses Story, 221. 6 Elsewhere the phrase refers to human warriors (Num 31:28, 49; Deut 2:14, 16; Josh 5:4, 6; 1 Sam 17:33) and once to YHWH (Isa 42:13). 7 J. Lust, Messianism and the Septuagint: Collected Essays (ed. K. Hauspie; BETL 178; Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2004), 140, 168; Dozeman, Exodus, 322; Barbara Schmitz, “War, Violence and Tyrannicide in the Book of Judith,” in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2010: Visions of Peace and Tales of War (ed. Jan Liesen and Pancratius Beentjes; Berlin: De Gruyter, 2010), 106. 2 3

THE DIVINE WARRIOR IN THE OLD TESTAMENT

13

of the phrase, and the frequent desire in the LXX to avoid anthropomorphisms, the phrase in the LXX most likely means that YHWH always defeats his enemies.8 Along with the divine warrior epithet, the song also praises YHWH for being Israel’s strength and salvation (Exod 15:2). Although the phrase is difficult to translate,9 it at least refers to their praise of YHWH’s power as the divine warrior. YHWH’s actions in the hymn correspond to those of a divine warrior. YHWH threw the horse and rider into the sea (Exod 15:1), along with Pharaoh’s chariots and his army (Exod 15:4).10 The elite Egyptian officers drowned (Exod 15:4), the deep waters and the sea covered them (Exod 15:5, 10), and they sank like a stone and like lead (Exod 15:5, 10).11 Although interpreters have usually understood Exod 15:8 to refer to Israel’s safe passage through the

Larry Perkins, “‘The Lord Is a Warrior’—‘The Lord Who Shatters Wars’: Exod 15:3 and Jdt 9:7; 16:2,” BIOSCS 40 (2007): 121–38; Johann Maier, “‘Der HERR ist Kriegsmann’-‘Kyrios Schlägt Schlachten’: Zu Textvorlage und Textverständnis von LXX Ex 15,3 und Jes 42,13,” in Juda und Jerusalem in Der Seleukidenzeit: Herrschaft-Widerstand-Identität: Festschrift für Heinz-Josef Fabry (ed. Ulrich Dahmen and Johannes Schnocks; Bonner Biblische Beiträge 159; Bonn: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,, 2010), 281–96. 9 For further discussion see Samuel E. Loewenstamm, “The Lord Is My Strength and My Glory,” VT 19 (1969): 464–70; Simon B. Parker, “Exodus 15:2 Again,” VT 21 (1971): 373–79; Edwin Marshall Good, “Exodus 15:2,” VT 20 (1970): 358–59; Michael L. Barré, “‘My Strength and My Song’ in Exodus 15:2,” CBQ 54 (1992): 623–37. 10 The verb ‫ ירה‬usually refers to casting lots (Josh 18:6) and shooting a bow (e.g., 1 Sam 20:36; Pro 26:18). The reference to the Egyptians sinking like stones (Exod 15:5) might portray the Egyptians as slingstones. See Propp, Exodus 1–18, 511. 11 The Iliad also describes the gods throwing people with their hands. When Aineias was fighting Achilleus, Poseidon picked up Aineias and hurled him into the air, knocking over many rows of Trojan soldiers (Iliad 20.318–327). 8

14

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

water,12 some have interpreted it exclusively as a reference to the destruction of the Egyptians through the rising and falling of the seas.13 The statement probably refers to the two walls of water, highlighting the destruction of the Egyptians from the collapse of these walls rather than the safe passage they afforded to the Israelites.14 Since military defeats are often described metaphorically with water, some have interpreted the aqueous imagery of the Song of the Sea as a land military battle,15 but juxtaposed with the prose account, the aqueous imagery should be given more weight. The Song of the Sea describes the distress, trembling, anguish,16 dismay, melting away,17 terror, and dread that would be experienced by the nations when they heard what YHWH had done (Exod 15:14–16).18 These psychological effects19 culminated in YHWH’s arm causing the watching nations to be petrified (still as a stone)20 so they would not interfere with Israel as they jour-

E.g., Samuel E. Loewenstamm, The Evolution of the Exodus Tradition (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1992), 261. 13 Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic, 128–29; Albert M. Wolters, “Not Rescue but Destruction: Rereading Exodus 15:8,” CBQ 52 (1990): 223–40. 14 Marc Vervenne, “Metaphors for Destruction in Exodus 15,” JNSL 24 (1998): 179–94. 15 Brian D. Russell, The Song of the Sea: The Date of Composition and Influence of Exodus 15:1–21 (Studies in Biblical Literature 101; New York: Peter Lang, 2007), 162–76; Lewis Scott Hay, “What Really Happened at the Sea of Reeds,” JBL 83 (1964): 397–403. 16 This expresses terror at the prospect of a battle that cannot be won (Jer 6:24; 22:23; 50:43). 17 Fulfilled in Josh 2:9, 24. 18 One of the ways that the nations would hear is through this song, as noted in Propp, Exodus 1–18, 533. 19 These expressions are similar to Akkadian expressions of fear. See Nahum Waldman, “Comparative Note on Exodus 15:14–16,” JQR 66 (1976): 189–92. 20 The verb most likely derives from ‫דמם‬. For a discussion of the possibilities, see Propp, Exodus 1–18, 536–37. 12

THE DIVINE WARRIOR IN THE OLD TESTAMENT

15

neyed to their destination (Exod 15:16).21 Like the splendor of the Assyrian god who went before the Assyrian king and caused his enemies to surrender, YHWH’s guidance caused the nations to be silent.22 Although the expression, “the greatness of your arm” ( ‫גדל‬ ‫)זרוע‬, appears to signify that the nations would hear what YHWH’s arm did to Egypt, it may also refer to YHWH’s direct actions against the nations to terrify them. The anthropomorphic descriptions of YHWH’s actions against the Egyptians imply a military context, since those terms frequently refer to military action.23 I will examine the vehicle and tenor of each of the anthropomorphisms below to understand the metaphor, as well as the narratival effect of the metaphor, by which is meant the direct effect of the tenor on YHWH’s enemies.24 The most frequent anthropomorphic term in the exodus narrative is YHWH’s hand (‫)יד‬.25 The vehicle of the metaphor inSee the similar reaction of desert nomads to Thutmose III’s army on his return from a campaign in “The Gebel Barkal Stela of Thutmose III,” translated by James K. Hoffmeier (COS 2.2B:15). On the physiological effects of fear in the Old Testament, see Paul A. Kruger, “A Cognitive Interpretation of the Emotion of Fear in the Hebrew Bible,” JNSL 27 (2001): 77–89. 22 For an example of this, see Tiglath-pileser I Inscription, A.0.87.1 ii (RIMA 2:15). 23 Since anthropomorphism involves metaphorical language, it will be helpful to define metaphor; for our purposes, a metaphor is “that figure of speech whereby we speak about one thing [often called the tenor] in terms which are seen to be suggestive of another [commonly referred to as the vehicle].” See Janet Martin Soskice, Metaphor and Religious Language (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985), 15. See also George Lakoff and Mark Johnson, Metaphors We Live By (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980), 5. 24 For example, the strength of YHWH (tenor) is spoken of in terms of his arm (vehicle), whose direct effect on the Egyptians is the plagues. 25 For studies of YHWH’s hand in the exodus narrative, see David Rolph Seely, “The Image of the Hand of God in the Book of Exodus,” in God’s Word for Our World: Biblical Studies in Honor of Simon John De Vries (ed. J. Harold Ellens et al.; 2 vols.; JSOTSup 388–389; London: T&T Clark, 21

16

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

volved warriors’ hands, which held their weapons. The strong hand was a common anthropomorphism in the ancient Near East, as illustrated by the extensive iconographic record of deities holding weapons in their hands (see figures 1–4 at the end of the book).26 The tenor of the metaphor signifies power, as the strong hand of a king often represented armies and military power. In the Amarna correspondence, when seeking military assistance, the Canaanite king Šuwardata asked that Pharaoh “send forth his powerful hand.”27 Sennacherib inscribed “the might of my conquering hand” upon a stela, describing his military conquests.28 In the Old Testament, the hand often represented armies (Num 20:20; Judg 3:8; 6:1–2; 1 Sam 12:9). The hands of ancient Near Eastern gods also caused disease,29 as did YHWH’s hand in the Old Testament (1 Sam 6:9; Jer 21:5–6). Finally, the divine hand could stop rain and cause a famine.30 The tenor of the metaphor of YHWH’s hand in the exodus narrative is his power.31 Although YHWH’s hand could

2004), 1:38–54; David Rolph Seely, “The Image of the Hand of God in the Exodus Traditions” (Ph. D. diss., University of Michigan, 1990); Karen Martens, “‘With a Strong Hand and an Outstretched Arm’: The Meaning of the Expression ‫ביד חזקה ובזרוע נטויה‬,” SJOT 15 (2001): 123–41; J. J. M. Roberts, “The Hand of Yahweh,” VT 21 (1971): 244–51. 26 Keel, The Symbolism of the Biblical World, 218–22; Klingbeil, Yahweh Fighting from Heaven, 168–88. 27 William L. Moran, ed., The Amarna Letters (trans. William L. Moran; Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), 324. 28 ARAB, 2:118. 29 Roberts, “The Hand of Yahweh,” 246–48; W. G. Lambert, Babylonian Wisdom Literature (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1960), 48–49; W. G. Lambert and A. R. Millard, Atra-Hasis: The Babylonian Story of the Flood (Oxford: Clarendon, 1969), 66–71; Moran, The Amarna Letters, 107–9; M. Stol, Epilepsy in Babylonia (Cuneiform Monographs 2; Groningen: Styx, 1993), 33–38. 30 Lambert and Millard, Atra-Hasis, 72–77. 31 YHWH’s hand became a common part of summaries of the exodus (Exod 32:11; Deut 4:34; 5:15; 6:21; 7:8, 19; 9:26; 11:2; 26:8; Neh 1:10; Ps 136:12; Jer 32:21; Dan 9:15).

THE DIVINE WARRIOR IN THE OLD TESTAMENT

17

act for peaceful purposes (Isa 45:12), in the song YHWH’s hand brought the military defeat of the Egyptian army (Exod 15:6, 12). The second anthropomorphism in the exodus narrative involves YHWH’s outstretched arm (‫)זרוע נטויה‬.32 Like the hand, the vehicle of the metaphor involves the arm of the human warrior and signifies power.33 Sinuhe proclaimed that Pharaoh Sesostris was “a champion who acts with his arm, A fighter who has no equal.”34 Thutmose III described himself as “the good god who captures with his powerful arm, smiting southerners and beheading northerners.”35 Sargon II boasted that he had captured an enemy king with his “strong arm.”36 In the Old Testament, the arm symbolized primarily strength (1 Sam 2:31; Job 22:8; Pss 71:18; 79:11), although it could refer more concretely to military forces (Dan 11:15, 22, 31). YHWH’s arm made the heavens and the earth (Jer 32:17), saved Israel (Isa 33:2),37 broke the arm of Pharaoh (Ezek 30:21– For more on YHWH’s arm, see M. C. A. Korpel, A Rift in the Clouds: Ugaritic and Hebrew Descriptions of the Divine (Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 1990), 108–15; Brent A. Strawn, “Yahweh’s Outstretched Arm Revisited Iconographically,” in Iconography and Biblical Studies: Proceedings of the Iconography Sessions at the Joint EABS/SBL Conference, 22–26 July 2007, Vienna, Austria (ed. Izaak J. de Hulster and Rüdiger Schmitt; AOAT 361; Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 2009), 163–211; James K. Hoffmeier, “The Arm of God Versus the Arm of Pharaoh in the Exodus Narratives,” Bib 67 (1986): 378–87; Manfred Görg, “‘Der Starke Arm Pharaos’: Beobachtungen zum Belegspektrum einer Metapher in Palästina und Ägypten,” in Hommages À Francois Daumas (2 vols.; Montpellier: Université de Montpellier, 1986), 1: 323–30. 33 Hoffmeier, “The Arm of God”; Daniel I. Block, Ezekiel 25–48 (NICOT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1998), 175–76; Strawn, “Yahweh’s Outstretched Arm,” 171–74. 34 “Sinuhe,” translated by Miriam Lichteim (COS 1.38:78). 35 “The Gebel Barkal Stela of Thutmose III,” translated by James K. Hoffmeier (COS 2.2B:14). 36 ARAB, 2.51. 37 For a possible parallel to YHWH’s non-military uses of his arm in the iconography of Akhenaten, see Strawn, “Yahweh’s Outstretched Arm,” 174–92. 32

18

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

25), and was manifested in various meteorological phenomenon, including fire, heavy rain, and hail (Isa 30:30). The Song of the Sea proclaims that the arm of YHWH caused the nations to be still as a stone before the Israelites (Exod 15:14–16). The third anthropomorphism involves YHWH’s nose and breath. In contrast to the abstract tenors of the previous anthropomorphisms, the tenor of this metaphor is the wind. The divine warrior often used the breath of his nose (wind) to display his power or to judge his enemies (2 Sam 22:16 // Ps 18:16[15]; Job 4:9). In the prose account of the crossing of the Red Sea, YHWH drove back the waters of the Red Sea with a strong east wind ( ‫רוח‬ ‫ ;קדים‬Exod 14:21). The Song of the Sea describes the wind as the breath of YHWH’s nose (‫ ;רוח אף‬Exod 15:8) and YHWH breathing (‫ ;נשף ברוח‬Exod 15:10). In another version of the metaphor the tenor is YHWH’s anger and the vehicle is a fire-breathing creature.38 David proclaimed that “smoke came up from YHWH’s nose, fire from his mouth devoured, and glowing coals blazed out of it” (2 Sam 22:9=Ps 18:9[8]).39 The Song of the Sea describes YHWH sending his ‫חרון‬, which is often associated with his nose (Exod 32:12; Num 25:4), against his enemies to consume them (Exod 15:7). While human nostrils become hot when they are angry, when YHWH became angry his nose breathed out fire. The song connects YHWH’s role as the divine warrior with his role as king. The first half (Exod 15:1–12) recounts YHWH’s defeat of the Egyptian army at the Red Sea, while the second half (Exod 15:13–18) describes the results of the battle, as YHWH took his people safely through hostile territory to their final destination, where YHWH would reign as king on his mountain. This narrative pattern follows the general plot of other ancient Near Eastern diKorpel, A Rift in the Clouds, 105. For more on the connection of nose and anger, see Mayer I. Gruber, Aspects of Nonverbal Communication in the Ancient Near East (Studia Pohl 12; Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1980), 480–553; Ellen van Wolde, “Sentiments as Culturally Constructed Emotions: Anger and Love in the Hebrew Bible,” Biblical Interpretation 16 (2008): 7–14; Paul A. Kruger, “A Cognitive Interpretation of the Emotion of Anger in the Hebrew Bible,” JNSL 26 (2000): 181–93. 39 See also Job 4:9; Ps 74:1; Isa 30:33. 38

THE DIVINE WARRIOR IN THE OLD TESTAMENT

19

vine warrior texts, such as the Baal Cycle and Enuma Elish, where Baal and Marduk defeated their enemies, built houses for themselves, and reigned as kings. YHWH’s military victory permits him to be the king, since it demonstrates his worthiness to be the king. The song also connects YHWH’s role as the divine warrior with the salvation of Israel. His role as patron demanded that he act as the divine warrior to rescue his people from their bondage. Although the Song of the Sea emphasizes the destruction of the Egyptians in the sea rather than the rescue of the Israelites from the Egyptians,40 the second half of the song portrays YHWH’s safe guidance of Israel through the midst of hostile nations on their way to their final destinations. The song offers two descriptions of Israel’s destination, but it is unclear if they referred to the same location or if they even referred to a specific location. YHWH would guide them to his “pasture of holiness” (Exod 15:13), the place where YHWH could shepherd his people in the context of his holiness.41 Second, he would bring (‫בוא‬, hifil) them and plant them in the mountain of his property (Exod 15:17),42 further described as the place for YHWH’s dwelling,43 YHWH’s sanctuary, and the place that YHWH’s hands established.44 Although scholars have suggested a variety of locations, including Sinai, Zion, Shiloh, Gilgal, Canaan, and Israel’s northern highlands, the description is sufficiently general that the poet may not have intended a specific lo-

The reference to the safe passage of the Israelites in Exod 15:19 is part of a resumptive repetition to signal the return to the main line of the narrative (cf. Exod 14:28–29). 41 A ‫ נוה‬was the place of shepherding sheep (2 Sam 7:8; Ps 23:2; Isa 65:10; Jer 33:12; 50:19) or an abode (Job 5:3; Ps 68:13[12]; Pro 3:33). 42 The Ugaritic cognate to the phrase ‫ הר נחלה‬occurs in the Baal Cycle to describe Baal’s home on Mount Zaphon (KTU 1.3.III.25–28). 43 A ‫ מכון‬is a place of stability, as in the foundation for YHWH’s throne (Ps 89:15[14]; 97:2) or the foundation of the earth (Ps 104:5). 44 The verb ‫ כון‬is often used for both cosmological contexts (Ps 8:4[3]; 24:2) and enthronement contexts (2 Sam 7:12–13). See K. Koch, “‫כון‬,” TDOT 7:97–101. 40

20

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

cation.45 Whatever the answer to the question, the Israelites were going to a place where YHWH dwelled in holiness as their king. YHWH’s power as the divine warrior also leads the song to highlight YHWH’s incomparability in the center of the song (Exod 15:11). YHWH’s actions in the exodus against the Egyptians act as the foundation for his incomparability throughout the Old Testament.46 Other gods might act as divine warriors in the ancient Near East, but no other deity compares with YHWH in terms of power. The song identifies the enemy army as that of Pharaoh (Exod 15:4), though he himself is absent from the song. It describes the Egyptian army with a variety of terms. The broadest military term is “army” (‫חיל‬, Exod 15:4), a common term for a large military unit.47 The use of this word alongside chariots and horsemen suggests that these were footmen rather than mounted troops. 48 The narrator also uses several more specific terms, the most common of which is chariot (‫מרכבת‬, Exod 15:4). Chariots symbolized military strength and served in battle as a mobile firing platform 49 as In a canonical context the reader understands this place to be Zion. For further discussion about the specific location intended, see E. Lipiński, “‫נחל‬,” TDOT 9:333; Propp, Exodus 1–18, 563–71; Daniel I. Block, The Gods of the Nations: Studies in Ancient Near Eastern National Theology (2nd ed.; Evangelical Theological Society Studies; Grand Rapids: Baker Books, 2000), 77–79. 46 C. J. Labuschagne, The Incomparability of Yahweh in the Old Testament (Pretoria Oriental Series 5; Leiden: Brill, 1966), 92–98. However, Labuschagne gives too much credence to the uniqueness of YHWH’s intervention in history compared to the other ancient Near Eastern gods. 47 It refers mainly to foreign armies (2 Sam 8:9; 2 Kings 6:14) or Israelite armies during the monarchy (1 Sam 17:20; 1 Kings 20:19). 48 Exod 14:9; 17; 28; Deut 11:4; 1 Kings 20:1, 25; 2 Kings 6:14; Ezra 8:22. See H. Eising, “‫חיל‬,” TDOT 4:352. 49 Alan R. Schulman, “Military Organization in Pharaonic Egypt,” in Civilizations of the Ancient Near East (ed. J. Sasson; 4 vols.; Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1995), 1:295–97; F. De Backer, “Evolution of War Chariot Tactics in the Ancient Near East,” UF 41 (2010): 29–46; Yigael Yadin, The Art of Warfare in Biblical Lands: In the Light of Archaeological Study (trans. M. Pearlman; 2 vols.; New York: McGraw-Hill, 1963), 86–90; M. A. Littauer 45

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well as causing great psychological trauma for the enemy (Deut 20:1; Josh 17:16, 18; Judg 1:19).50 In addition to chariots, Pharaoh’s army was equipped with battle horses (‫סוסים‬, Exod 14:9, 23; 15:1, 19, 21).51 The word ‫ סוס‬followed by ‫ רכב‬and ‫( פרש‬Exod 14:9, 23; 15:19) may refer broadly to an equestrian troop consisting of chariots and their horses,52 but it most likely refers solely to the horses, its most common meaning. In the second millennium mounted horsemen served largely as mounted scouts rather than troops who fought from horseback.53 Since they were faster, more versatile, and cheaper, the cavalry eventually surpassed the chariot as the primary mounted wing of the Egyptian army. 54 The final equine term is the participle of ‫רכב‬, employed in the Song of the Sea (Exod 15:1, 21). Although this could denote charioteers (Jer 17:25; 22:4; 51:21; Hag 2:22), most commonly the verb denotes riding horses or other animals (Gen 49:17; Num 22:22; Judg 5:10). The last military term, ‫שלשים‬, has mystified interpreters for centuries (Exod 15:4). The apparent connection to the root ‫שלש‬ has led to the speculation that it denotes the third person in the and J. H. Crouwel, Wheeled Vehicles and Ridden Animals in the Ancient Near East (HO; Leiden: Brill, 1979), 90–96; Anthony J. Spalinger, War in Ancient Egypt: The New Kingdom (Ancient World at War; Malden: Blackwell, 2005), 12–15. 50 They might also have played a greater role in close combat, as argued in Deborah Cantrell, The Horsemen of Israel: Horses and Chariotry in Monarchic Israel (History, Archaeology, and Culture of the Levant 1; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2011), 27–31. 51 For battle horses in the Old Testament, see F. J. Stendebach, “‫סוס‬,” TDOT 10:183–85. 52 Stendebach, “‫סוס‬,” TDOT 10:183. 53 Schulman, “Military Organization in Pharaonic Egypt,” 1:291; Littauer and Crouwel, Wheeled Vehicles and Ridden Animals, 96–97; A. R. Schulman, “Egyptian Representations of Horsemen and Riding in the New Kingdom,” JNES 16 (1957): 263–71; Spalinger, War in Ancient Egypt, 8–12. 54 Schulman, “Military Organization in Pharaonic Egypt,” 1:297–98; Littauer and Crouwel, Wheeled Vehicles and Ridden Animals, 137–39. Cavalry also began to be used in warfare by the Assyrians in the first millennium.

22

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chariot.55 However, the Egyptians not only did not use three men in their chariots,56 but the word also appears in contexts entirely dissociated from chariots (2 Kgs 7:2; 10:25; 15:25; Ezek 23:23). Most likely the word denotes “officer,” as suggested by phrase “over all of them” (Exod 14:7). The LXX translation and the use of the word elsewhere to designate an officer (2 Kgs 7:2; 15:25; Ezek 23:15, 23) also supports this translation.57 The ‫ שלשים‬were the officers who led Pharaoh’s army into battle. The Old Testament contains several other divine warrior hymns embedded in narrative contexts. One of the closest parallels to the Song of the Sea is the song of Deborah (Judges 5), which also accompanies a prose account of the same battle (Judges 4).58 In the song Deborah and Barak praise YHWH for his martial action against their enemies,59 though the divine warrior motif is not as prominent in this song as the Song of the Sea. 60 The song in-

Martin Noth, Exodus: A Commentary (OTL; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1962), 112; U. Cassuto, A Commentary on the Book of Genesis (trans. Israel Abrahams; 2 vols.; Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1964), 162. Tg. Ps.-J. translates “to each chariot he added a third mule to pull and to pursue in haste.” 56 The Hittite and neo-Assyrian chariots employed three riders occasionally, but not the Egyptians. See Littauer and Crouwel, Wheeled Vehicles and Ridden Animals, 77, 103. 57 LXX; Ibn Ezra, Commentary on the Pentateuch: Exodus (trans. H. Norman Strickman and Arthur M Silver; New York: Menorah, 1996), 276; J. Philip Hyatt, Exodus (NCB; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1980), 152; B. A. Mastin, “Was the Šālîš the Third Man in the Chariot?,” in Studies in the Historical Books of the Old Testament (ed. J. A. Emerton; VTSup 30; Leiden: Brill, 1979), 125–54; Peter C. Craigie, “Egyptian Expression in the Song of the Sea (Exodus 15:4),” VT 20 (1970): 83–86. 58 For a chart comparing the two accounts, see Daniel I. Block, Judges, Ruth (NAC 6; Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 1999), 178–81. 59 For more on the divine warrior in this text, see Miller, The Divine Warrior in Early Israel, 87–102. 60 For the argument that the original version of the song was a secular victory song, see Charles L. Echols, “Tell Me, O Muse”: The Song of Debo55

THE DIVINE WARRIOR IN THE OLD TESTAMENT

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cludes the divine warrior’s march from the south also found in the Song of the Sea, as YHWH came from the south (Seir and the land of Edom) and nature was convulsed before the divine warrior on the warpath, as the earth trembled, the clouds rained water, and the mountains quaked (Judg 5:4–5). The people at the watering hole sang of the “victories” (‫ )צדקה‬of YHWH (Judg 5:11).61 Most prominently, the stars fought from heaven against the Canaanites and the Kishon river swept away the enemy (5:20–21).62 Finally, the supernatural envoy of YHWH uttered a curse against the city of Meroz (5:22).63 Unlike the Song of the Sea, the song gives much more attention to the involvement of the Israelites in battle. The people offered themselves willingly (5:2, 9) and marched out to battle (5:12– 15), while Jael killed the enemy commander (5:24–27). However, the song does not describe any Israelite actually involved in the battle.64 The song also follows the plot of its prose counterpoint more closely than the Song of the Sea, identifying the Israelites’ enemy as the “kings of Canaan” (5:19) and Sisera (5:26, 28). Two other shorter embedded divine warrior hymns also deserve brief reflection. In the midst of the account of the battle against the Canaanite kings who had attacked Gibeon, the narrator embeds Joshua’s prayer to YHWH that the sun and the moon take part in the battle by standing still (Joshua 10:12–13).65 Whatever the

rah (Judges 5) in the Light of Heroic Poetry (LHB/OTS 487; New York: T&T Clark, 2008). 61 For this translation, see Block, Judges, Ruth, 229. 62 An Ugaritic text viewed the stars as the source of rain. See KTU 1.3.II.41; cited in ibid., 237. 63 For the identification of the messenger as a supernatural envoy, see ibid., 238–39. 64 K. Lawson Younger Jr., Judges/Ruth (NIV Application Commentary; Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2002), 153. 65 For the view that the event actually refers to darkness during the day, see Baruch Margalit, “The Day the Sun Did Not Stand Still: A New Look at Joshua X 8–15,” VT 42 (1992): 466–91.

24

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meaning of the expression, 66 the celestial bodies are called on to play a role in YHWH’s battle67 and the narrator declares that YHWH fought (‫לחם‬, nifal) for Israel (Josh 10:14).68 Finally, Moses’ blessing of the tribes in Deuteronomy 33 is framed by two accounts of the divine warrior (Deut 33:2–5, 26– 29)69 that emphasize the unity of the tribes receiving the blessings by displaying the divine warrior’s actions on behalf of all the tribes.70 YHWH marched from the south accompanied by supernatural envoys, called “holy ones,”71 with fire or lightning in his right hand (33:2).72 The narrator also says that he shone brightly, employing solar imagery to describe YHWH’s march (33:2). YHWH gave his people instruction, and became king of Israel (33:3–5). In the second half of the frame, his actions as the divine warrior and savior of Israel mark him as incomparable among the gods (33:26). YHWH both cast out the enemy before Israel and commanded their destruction (33:27).73 Israel would be safe because YHWH acted as their shield and sword, while his enemies For a detailed study of the various options, see Hennie Kruger, “Sun and Moon Marking Time: A Cursory Survey of Exegetical Possibilities in Joshua 10:9–14,” JNSL 26 (2000): 137–52. 67 Miller, The Divine Warrior in Early Israel, 126–27. 68 For the unlikely suggestion that the sun is YHWH here, see J. Glen Taylor, Yahweh and the Sun: Biblical and Archaeological Evidence for Sun Worship in Ancient Israel (JSOTSup 111; Sheffield: JSOT, 1993), 114–18. 69 For more on the divine warrior here, see Miller, The Divine Warrior in Early Israel, 75–87. 70 Jeffrey H. Tigay, Deuteronomy (The JPS Torah Commentary; Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1996), 318. 71 For the suggestion that ‫ מרבבת קדש‬should be translated as a place name (from Ribeboth-kodesh), see ibid., 320. However, this should be rejected, as argued in Carmel McCarthy, Deuteronomy (Biblia Hebraica Quinta 5; Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2007), 155. 72 The word(s) ‫ אשדת‬is difficult to understand, but it seems to refer to some kind of fire. For discussion, see Tigay, Deuteronomy, 320; McCarthy, Deuteronomy, 155*–56*. 73 The recipient of the command is not identified, but it most naturally refers to Israel. 66

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25

would recognize his sovereignty (33:28–29). Unlike the other embedded divine warrior texts, the enemy is not identified. Psalmic Divine Warrior Texts: Psalm 18//2 Samuel 22 The majority of the divine warrior poetic texts are found in the psalms. Although I will present below a more detailed comparison of the psalmic and embedded divine warrior texts, these psalmic divine warrior texts broadly exhibit many of the same features as the embedded divine warrior texts. The presence of David’s song both embedded in 2 Samuel as well as in the Psalms (Psalm 18//2 Samuel 22) is the clearest illustration of the similarity between the two types of texts and will serve as our example for closer study.74 David’s song begins with praise to YHWH, who has been his rock and savior from the threat of violent men (Ps 18:3–4[2–3]).75 In spite of this, David finds himself in distress once again and calls out to YHWH (Ps 18:5–7[4–6]). YHWH appears to the psalmist in a theophany, which begins with the trembling of the earth before him (Ps 18:8[7]). YHWH departs from the heavens, riding the cherubim and the wind to earth, where he employs the atmospheric elements as weapons (darkness, rain clouds, lightning, and thunder) and lays bare the earth by his wind (Ps 18:10–16[9–15]). After this theophanic vision, the psalmist describes how YHWH saves him and destroys his enemies (Ps 18:17–20[16–19]). He concludes by asserting his own blamelessness (Ps 18:21–25[20–24]), praising YHWH for his compassion, strength, and salvation (Ps 18:26– 49[25–48]), and promising to extol YHWH among the nations (Ps 18:50–51[49–50]).

For more detail on the minor differences between the two texts, see Theron Young, “Psalm 18 and 2 Samuel 22: Two Versions of the Same Song,” in Seeking Out the Wisdom of the Ancients: Essays Offered to Honor Michael V. Fox on the Occasion of His Sixty-Fifth Birthday (ed. Ronald L. Troxel, Kelvin G. Friebel, and Dennis R. Magary; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2005), 53–69. 75 For more on the divine warrior in this psalm, see Klingbeil, Yahweh Fighting from Heaven, 57–74; Miller, The Divine Warrior in Early Israel, 121–23. 74

26

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

Although the text does not describe YHWH with a warrior epithet, his actions and the anthropomorphisms clearly portray him taking on the role of a warrior. Darkness and thick clouds are associated with his movement to earth (Ps 18:10, 12[9, 11]). He thundered against his enemies, sent hail, fire, and lightning against them (Ps 18:14–15[13–14]), and defeated the sea with his breath (Ps 18:16[15]). One prominent part of his attack involves breathing fire in his anger against his enemies (Ps 18:9[8]), recalling the power and fearsomeness of fire-breathing monsters and deities in the ancient Near East. As with other theriomorphic images of YHWH in the Hebrew Bible (as a lion, bear, or leopard), 76 the metaphor of YHWH as a fire-breathing beast portrays his ferocity against his enemies. Here the image underscores the intensity of his anger,77 which is mentioned in the previous verse and illustrated by the subsequent description of his movement from heaven to earth to act as the divine warrior. His fire breathing shows that he is not a god who can be domesticated and demonstrates his supreme power over the entire world. More broadly, YHWH’s status and actions as the divine warrior in the song lead to the proclamation that he is incomparable: “who is God, except YHWH?” (Ps 18:32[31]). YHWH acts as the divine warrior for the sake of the psalmist. He rescues David from his enemies (Ps 18:3–7[2–6]) because he was the shield and stronghold of David (Ps 18:3[2]). Like the song of Deborah, the song emphasizes the human role in the battle as YHWH trained David for battle and allowed him to pursue and

E.g., Job 10:16; Jer 49:19; Hos 5:14; 13:7–8; Amos 3:4–5. See M. C. A. Korpel, A Rift in the Clouds: Ugaritic and Hebrew Descriptions of the Divine (Münster: Ugarit Verlag, 1990), 538–40; Brent A Strawn, What Is Stronger than a Lion?: Leonine Image and Metaphor in the Hebrew Bible and the Ancient Near East (OBO 212; Fribourg: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2005), 58–65. 77 John Goldingay, Psalm 1–41 (Baker Commentary on the Old Testament Wisdom and Psalms; Baker: Grand Rapids, 2006), 261; Robert P. Gordon, 1 & 2 Samuel (Exeter: Paternoster, 1986), 305. 76

THE DIVINE WARRIOR IN THE OLD TESTAMENT

27

destroy his enemies (Ps 18:35–43[34–42]).78 Because of the military power granted to him by YHWH, David ruled many nations, who were terrified of him (Ps 18:44–46[43–45]). Although many other psalmic divine warrior texts could be cited, I will briefly survey a few here. Psalm 24 is a liturgy of instruction that teaches the people how to act by describing what YHWH requires of those who enter the temple. 79 The second half of the psalm describes the entry of YHWH into the temple, referring to him as the king and “champion of battle” (‫)גבור מלחמה‬.80 This follows the general pattern of several other divine warrior hymns in which the divine warrior returns from battle, enters his house, and is declared king. However, the psalm lacks any further description of the divine warrior. In Psalm 68, the psalmist calls for YHWH to arise and defeat the wicked (Ps 68:2–3[1–2]), recalling the song of the Ark (Num 10:35–36).81 After praising YHWH the cloud rider for rescuing the oppressed (Ps 68:5–7[4–6]), the psalmist recounts the earth shaking in response to YHWH’s march through the desert to bring rain to the land of Canaan (Ps 68:8–11[7–10]). This pattern is similar to the description in Judg 5:4–5, except that here the rain brings blessings for his people rather than destruction for his enemies. YHWH was accompanied by his chariots, referring to heavenly troops, 82 when he came from Sinai to the temple, led captives, and received gifts from the rebellious (Ps 68:18–19[17–18]). When YHWH entered the temple as the king, other kings would bring gifts to him (Ps 68:25–32[24–31]). The psalm concludes with YHWH giving For ancient Near Eastern iconography that depicts gods helping the kings fight battles, see Keel, The Symbolism of the Biblical World, 265. Cited in Peter C. Craigie, Psalm 1–50 (WBC 19; Waco: Word, 1983), 176. 79 Daniel Owens, The “Entrance Liturgies”: A Form-Critical Tradition Reconsidered, unpublished manuscript, 1–35. 80 This expression never appears elsewhere in the Old Testament. 81 For more on the divine warrior in this psalm, see Ballard, The Divine Warrior Motif in the Psalms, 55–61; Klingbeil, Yahweh Fighting from Heaven, 121–35; Miller, The Divine Warrior in Early Israel, 102–13; Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic, 91–99. 82 Miller, The Divine Warrior in Early Israel, 109. 78

28

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

power and strength to his people so they could defeat their enemies (Ps 68:36[35]). In Psalm 89, the psalmist proclaims the incomparability of YHWH among the sons of the gods, since he is mighty (‫ )חסין‬and has defeated the sea and Rahab (Ps 89:7–11[6–10]). YHWH possesses an “arm with power” (‫)זרוע עם גבורה‬, a strong hand, and an upraised right hand (Ps 89:14[13]). He would be with David and defeat his enemies, placing David’s hand over the sea and the rivers, giving his anointed the same power over chaos that YHWH exercised (Ps 89:21–25[20–24]). The psalm ends with a call to YHWH to show favor again to his people whom he had cast off (Ps 89:39–52[38–51]). The kingship of YHWH is a key theme in Psalm 97. Clouds and darkness surround YHWH, while fire and lightning destroy his enemies, causing the earth and the mountains to tremble before him (Ps 97:2–5). All the peoples see his glory, and the other gods are called to worship YHWH (Ps 97:6–7). Zion rejoices because YHWH saves his people from the wicked (Ps 97:8–12). The psalmist of Psalm 144 blesses YHWH for training him for battle, acting as his fortress, and defeating his enemies (Ps 144:1–2).83 He then calls on YHWH to come down from the heavens, make the mountains tremble, and scatter the foreigners with his lightning and his arrows (Ps 144:5–6). He summarizes his request when he calls on YHWH to rescue him from evildoers by reaching down his hand (Ps 144:7–8). In response, the psalmist composes a new song in praise of YHWH, who rescues his kings from their enemies (Ps 144:9–10). The psalmic divine warrior texts often praise YHWH for his salvation of the psalmist from his enemies through his mighty power. YHWH the divine warrior causes nature to tremble before him at a mere glance, proceeds to battle with his supernatural envoys at his side, and defeats his enemies with the forces of nature. Along with his direct actions against the enemies, he trains the psalmist for battle and helps the Israelites to defeat their enemies. For more on the divine warrior in this text, see Ballard, The Divine Warrior Motif in the Psalms, 73–77; Klingbeil, Yahweh Fighting from Heaven, 143–51; Brettler, “Images of YHWH the Warrior in Psalms,” 151–57. 83

THE DIVINE WARRIOR IN THE OLD TESTAMENT

29

This brief survey of psalmic divine warrior texts demonstrates that the differences between the embedded and psalmic divine warrior texts are minor. The embedded texts tend to have more historical allusions, both directly in the songs themselves as well as indirectly through their prose context, while the psalmic divine warrior texts describe the enemy and historical situation more generically. Although some have suggested that these psalmic texts are not victory songs because of their lack of detail,84 the difference derives from their context as part of a liturgical tradition, as the enemies are described only generically to make the texts usable by future generations.85 Prophetic Divine Warrior Texts: Habakkuk 3 The other major group of poetic divine warrior texts is those found in the prophetic corpus. In a certain sense, all the war oracles come from the divine warrior and could be considered as divine warrior texts,86 but we will examine here the texts that speak more clearly of the divine warrior fighting against his enemy. In particular, we will focus on the prayer of Habakkuk 3. Habakkuk 3 is a divine warrior hymn proclaiming the power of YHWH. When Habakkuk complained to YHWH about evil and violence in Judah, he responded by promising to send the Babylonians to punish Judah. Not satisfied with this answer, Habakkuk reminded YHWH that he was required to hate evil, not endure it. YHWH commanded him to wait and to live righteously until he destroyed the Babylonians. The book ends with Habakkuk’s prayer praising YHWH for acting as the divine warrior and expressing his trust in YHWH. In the prayer Habakkuk appeals to the common patterns of the ancient Near Eastern theomachy myths, emphasizing not just the power of the divine warrior (Habakkuk already believed that YHWH was powerful), but also the restoration of order Craigie, Psalm 1–50, 171; Donald K. Berry, The Psalms and Their Readers: Interpretive Strategies for Psalm 18 (JSOTSup 153; Sheffield: JSOT, 1993), 70. 85 For more on the dehistoricization of divine warrior texts, see Longman III, “Psalm 98,” 272–74. 86 Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic, 229. 84

30

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

and the defeat of chaos (Babylonians) with which these myths conclude. In spite of the current situation, Habakkuk expresses his trust that YHWH would make all things right in the future.87 The prayer appears similar to the embedded divine warrior texts examined earlier, except that it appears in a prophetic context rather than a narrative context. 88 It opens with YHWH’s march from the south (Teman and Mount Paran) in great glory. His splendor was as overpowering as the sun and rays flashed from his hand (Hab 3:2–4).89 He was accompanied by the personified figures of plague (‫ )דבר‬and pestilence (‫( )רשף‬Hab 3:5). Reshef was a minor

Eric Ortlund, Theophany and Chaoskampf: The Interpretation of Theophanic Imagery in the Baal Epic, Isaiah, and the Twelve (Gorgias Ugaritic Studies 5; Piscataway, N.J.: Gorgias, 2010), 226–28. For a contrary opinion concerning the employment of ancient Near Eastern theomachy myths, see David Toshio Tsumura, Creation and Destruction: A Reappraisal of the Chaoskampf Theory in the Old Testament (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2005), 164–81. However, see a critique of this position in Ortlund, Theophany and Chaoskampf, 68–71. 88 On Habakkuk 3 as an embedded text, see James W. Watts, “Psalmody in Prophecy: Habakkuk 3 in Context,” in Forming Prophetic Literature: Essays on Isaiah and the Twelve in Honor of John D. W. Watts (ed. James W. Watts and Paul R. House; JSOTSup 235; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic, 1996), 209–23. 89 On the translation issues in the clause, see Francis I. Andersen, Habakkuk (AB 25; New York: Doubleday, 2001), 297–98; Nili Shupak, “The God Who Comes from Teman and the Egyptian Sun God: A Renewed Investigation of Hab 3:3–7 (Hebrew),” in Homage to Shmuel: Studies in the World of the Bible (ed. Zipora Talshir, Shamir Yona, and Daniel Sivan; Jerusalem: Bialik, 2001), 412–14. For YHWH’s connections to the sun in other texts, see Taylor, Yahweh and the Sun: Biblical and Archaeological Evidence for Sun Worship in Ancient Israel; Mark S. Smith, The Early History of God: Yahweh and Other Deities in Ancient Israel (2nd ed.; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2002), 148–59. The rays might also refer to lightning, but in this part of the hymn solar imagery fits better. Another possibility might be that the rays of the sun are the hands of YHWH, as argued in Shupak, “The God Who Comes from Teman and the Egyptian Sun God,” 418. 87

THE DIVINE WARRIOR IN THE OLD TESTAMENT

31

deity known from elsewhere in the ancient Near East, 90 but in this text Reshef and Dever are obedient members of YHWH’s army.91 When YHWH stood, the earth shook, the mountains trembled, and the enemy (Cushan and Midian) was in distress (Hab 3:6–7).92 He defeated the rivers and the sea, alluding to the theomachy myths of the ancient Near East (Hab 3:8–10, 15). YHWH’s weapons against his enemies included horses (Hab 3:8, 15), his bow and arrows (Hab 3:9, 11), his mace (Hab 3:9), 93 and his spear (Hab For more on Reshef, see William J. Fulco, The Canaanite God Rešep (AOS 8; New Haven: American Oriental Society, 1976); Edward Lipiński, Resheph: A Syro-Canaanite Deity (Studia Phoenicia 19; Walpole, MA: Peeters, 2009); Judit M. Blair, De-Demonising the Old Testament: An Investigation of Azazel, Lilith, Deber, Qeteb and Reshef in the Hebrew Bible (FAT2 37; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2009), 41–53, 194–212; Henrike Frey-Anthes, Unheilsmächte und Schutzgenien, Antiwesen und Grenzgänger: Vorstellungen von “Dämonen” im Alten Israel (OBO 227; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2007), 110–43. 91 Miller, The Divine Warrior in Early Israel, 119; Blair, De-Demonising the Old Testament, 104–9. For more on the spatial locations of the members of YHWH’s army in other texts, see Andersen, Habakkuk, 300–6. Deber and Reshef should not be considered demons. See Frey-Anthes, Unheilsmächte und Schutzgenien, Antiwesen und Grenz- Gänger, 110–43; Blair, De-Demonising the Old Testament, 96–176, 194–212. 92 For the unlikely theory that Cushan and Midian are intended to be servants of YHWH in the passage, see Theodore Hiebert, God of My Victory: The Ancient Hymn in Habakkuk 3 (HSM 38; Atlanta: Scholars, 1986), 96–97. 93 For the translation “mace,” see D. T. Tsumura, “The ‘Word Pair’ *qst and *mt in Habakkuk 3:9 in the Light of Ugaritic and Akkadian,” in “Go to the Land I Will Show You”: Studies in Honor of Dwight W. Young (ed. Joseph E. Coleson and Victor H. Matthew; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1996), 353–62; Andersen, Habakkuk, 324–25. Another possibility is that the arrows have been poisoned (reading ‫ אמר‬as ‫[ תמר‬from ‫)]מרר‬, as argued in Michael L. Barré, “Yahweh Gears Up for Battle: Habakkuk 3,9a,” Bib 87 (2006): 75–84. Finally, it is possible that the verse describes YHWH’s bow as a composite bow with seven straps like the rainbow, as proposed in Aron Pinker, “The Lord’s Bow in Habakkuk 3,9a,” Bib 84 (2003): 417– 20. 90

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3:11). The sun and the moon, operating as part of YHWH’s army,94 stood still when he sent out his arrows and lightning (Hab 3:11– 14).95 He walked through the earth in wrath to defeat his enemies and save his people. Even though he was afraid and experiencing times of distress, Habakkuk declared his trust in YHWH. The earth might shake when YHWH appeared, but his people would walk steadily on firm ground (Hab 3:16–19). Other divine warrior texts in the prophetic corpus also contribute to the image of the divine warrior. The oracle against Babylon in Isaiah 13 depicts YHWH acting as a divine warrior against the Babylonian empire.96 YHWH commanded his consecrated ones (‫קדש‬, pual) and his mighty warriors (‫ )גבור‬to attack Babylon (Isa 13:3), referring to supernatural envoys.97 YHWH also gathered a great host for battle (Isa 13:4–5), using terminology (‫המון‬, ‫)שאון‬ associated elsewhere with the chaotic sea (Ps 65:8[7]; Isa 17:12).98 The day of YHWH was coming, causing all to be feeble and melt in fear (Isa 13:6–8). In the day of his wrath nature would act abnormally: the stars, the sun, and the moon would not shine (Isa 13:10) and the heavens and the earth would tremble (Isa 13:13). The end of the oracle describes the rising of the Medes to destroy the Babylonians (Isa 13:17–22). The short divine warrior text in Isaiah 42:13–16 describes YHWH as a mighty man (‫ )גבור‬and a man of war (‫)איש מלחמה‬, who shows himself to be more powerful (‫גבר‬, hitpael) than his enemies.99 The author calls his audience to sing a new song to YHWH and exhorts all inhabitants of the earth to praise YHWH (Isa 42:10–12). The divine warrior has been patient, but he would Ortlund, Theophany and Chaoskampf, 219. It is also possible that the sun and moon are cowed enemies of YHWH, as argued in Andersen, Habakkuk, 330–32. 95 The reference to the sun and moon standing most likely refer back to Joshua 10:12–13. See Hiebert, God of My Victory, 99–100. 96 For more on the divine warrior in this text, see Ortlund, Theophany and Chaoskampf, 138–44; Miller, The Divine Warrior in Early Israel, 136–37. 97 Miller, The Divine Warrior in Early Israel, 136. 98 Ortlund, Theophany and Chaoskampf, 141. 99 For more on the divine warrior in this text, see ibid., 172–76. 94

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33

now act by destroying the mountains and vegetation and drying up the rivers of his enemies (Isa 42:14–15). In the final chapter of Joel, he called the nations to assemble for battle. However, this would not be an ordinary battle, since he also called for YHWH to bring down his mighty men (‫ ;גבורים‬Joel 4:9–11[3:9–11]).100 Although the versions differ here,101 most likely these mighty men are YHWH’s supernatural envoys.102 The nations will advance to the Valley of Jehoshaphat, where YHWH will sit to judge the nations and defeat them like one harvesting crops or trampling grapes (Joel 4:12–13[3:12–13]). The day of the Lord will come to the valley of decision, when the sun, moon, and stars would be darkened (Joel 4:14–15[3:14–15]). Finally, YHWH would roar like a lion from Zion, thunder against his enemies, and cause the earth to tremble. In the midst of this martial activity, he would be a refuge for his people (4:16[3:16]). I will conclude this brief study of prophetic texts with Zechariah 14.103 The book of Zechariah calls the postexilic inhabitants of Judah to repent and renew their relationship with YHWH.104 The second half of the book concludes with a glorious picture of the coming day of YHWH and his defeat of Jerusalem’s enemies. The nations will gather against Jerusalem to besiege it, but YHWH will fight (‫לחם‬, nifal) for them as “he fights on the day of battle” (Zech 14:3). He will stand on the Mount of Olives and split it into two when he comes with his holy ones (‫ ;קדש‬Zech 14:4–5), recalling Ezekiel’s description of the departure of YHWH from Jerusalem to For more on the divine warrior here, see Miller, The Divine Warrior in Early Israel, 137–39; Ortlund, Theophany and Chaoskampf, 189–96. 101 The LXX reads “let the lowly become a warrior.” For a discussion of the textual problem, see Anthony Gelston, The Twelve Minor Prophets (BHQ 13; Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2010), 77*–78*. 102 Miller, The Divine Warrior in Early Israel, 138. 103 For more on the divine warrior in this text, see Ortlund, Theophany and Chaoskampf, 234–40; Miller, The Divine Warrior in Early Israel, 140–41. 104 On this theme, see Heiko Wenzel, Reading Zechariah with Zechariah 1:1–6 as the Introduction to the Entire Book (Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology 59; Leuven: Peeters, 2011). 100

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stand “on the mountain that is to the east of the city” (Ezek 11:23) and his prophecy that YHWH would return from the east in the future (Ezek 43:2).105 The natural disturbances continue with the lack of cold or frost (Zech 14:6).106 The coming of YHWH will cause living water to flow from Jerusalem and bring life to the surrounding lands (Zech 14:8).107 YHWH will reign as king over the earth, and all nations will recognize that he alone is god (Zech 14:9), a reference to the Shema (Deut 6:4). A decree of ‫ חרם‬will never be declared over the land, as no Canaanite will live in the land. Unlike the time of the judges, the people would no longer act like Canaanites but would follow YHWH (Zech 14:11, 21).108 YHWH would strike the enemies of Jerusalem with a plague and throw them into a panic (‫)מהומה‬, causing them to bring their wealth to Jerusalem (Zech 14:12–14). All the nations that had fought Jerusalem would now come to worship YHWH the king at Jerusalem; those who do not will die by the plague (Zech 14:16– 19). Horses, the symbol of human military strength, would become holy, visibly put under YHWH’s power when his name was written on their bells (Zech 14:20).109

Rex Mason, “The Use of Earlier Biblical Material in Zechariah 9– 14: A Study in Inner Biblical Exegesis,” in Bringing out the Treasure: Inner Biblical Allusion in Zechariah 9–14 (ed. Mark J. Boda and Michael H. Floyd; JSOTSup 370; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic, 2004), 177. 106 For a discussion of the interpretation of this difficult verse, see Thomas McComiskey, “Zechariah,” in The Minor Prophets: An Exegetical and Expository Commentary (ed. Thomas McComiskey; Grand Rapids: Baker, 1998), 1233; Carol L. Meyers and Eric M. Meyers, Zechariah 9–14 (AB 25C; New York: Doubleday, 1993), 431–32; Gelston, The Twelve Minor Prophets, 147*. 107 On the links with the river of Ezek 47:12 and the rivers of Eden, see Mason, “The Use of Earlier Biblical Material in Zechariah 9–14,” 185–86. 108 On the Canaanization of Israel in the book of Judges, see Block, Judges, Ruth. 109 Meyers and Meyers, Zechariah 9–14, 480; Mason, “The Use of Earlier Biblical Material in Zechariah 9–14,” 195. 105

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The prophetic divine warrior texts parallel closely the main themes and motifs of the embedded and psalmic divine warrior texts. In particular, the prayer of Habakkuk 3 appears very similar in form to the psalmic texts, while all these texts are embedded in a broader context. However, like the embedded texts, the prophetic texts tend to define the enemy more explicitly than the psalmic texts. The prophetic texts also usually portray the divine warrior acting in the distant future rather than praising him for a past victory or supplicating his help for a contemporary battle.

DEFINITION OF DIVINE WARRIOR This brief study of poetic divine warrior texts allows us to define more closely the motif of the divine warrior. As noted above, many scholars studying the motif employ a very broad definition: YHWH is identified as a divine warrior whenever he fights for or against his people. This is most evident in Longman and Reid’s study,110 as well as Klingbeil’s definition: “The presence in the biblical texts of descriptions of hostile activities, implements of warfare, semantic domains of warfare, etc., are indicative of the utilization of the metaphor of God as warrior.”111 Fredriksson’s definition is similarly broad: “Kriegsgott ist Jahwe, wenn er in kriegerische Konflikte eingreift.”112 This broad definition is also relevant when these scholars identify references to the divine warrior in non-battle contexts, such as references to divine strength (as the studies in the Psalms indicate) or at a theophany (Cross and Miller). Although these broad definitions offer a good starting point for recognizing the presence of the motif, here I will define the key elements of the motif so as to identify the central texts employing the motif, separating them from other texts where the divine warrior appears but is not the central focus. Cross and Miller have defined the motif of the divine warrior more narrowly based on the ancient Near Eastern model, restricting it more closely to the pat-

Longman III and Reid, God Is a Warrior, 47. Klingbeil, Yahweh Fighting from Heaven, 2–3. 112 Fredriksson, Jahwe als Krieger, 1. 110 111

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tern found in the Baal Cycle.113 However, since the ultimate goal of this work is to examine the presence of the divine warrior in the exodus narrative, I will define the specifics of the divine warrior based on the Old Testament texts examined above rather than the more distant ancient Near Eastern texts. The study of the divine warrior texts above indicates several trends in the motif of the divine warrior. The clearest sign of the motif involves martial epithets, such as “man of war” (Exod 15:3; Isa 42:13) and “hero” (Ps 24:8). However, since these epithets are not common, they cannot operate as the primary criterion. Likewise, the scarcity of the statement that YHWH fights (‫לחם‬, nifal) his enemies (Josh 10:14; Zech 14:3) prevents it from being used as the primary criterion. A more helpful way forward will be to compile a list of common features of the divine warrior texts, which can be used to help identify more clearly other divine warrior texts. A common part of the divine warrior texts surveyed above involves the narrative pattern of YHWH’s march from a southern territory, the trembling of the earth and mountains, and his entrance into his house, where he is proclaimed as king (Exod 15:1– 18; Deut 33:2–5; Pss 24; 68:7–10[6–9]; Hab 3:3–7).114 Another shared element of the texts is the presence of a heavenly army accompanying YHWH to battle (Deut 33:2; Ps 68:18[17]; 104:3–4; Zech 14:5; Isa 13:3; Hab 3:5). In many texts the heavenly entities (Josh 10:12–13; Judg 5:20–21; Isa 13:10; Joel 4:14–15[3:14–15]) or atmospheric forces (2 Sam 22:10–16; Ps 97:2–5; 104:3–4; Hab 3:11) play a role in the battle, usually as YHWH’s allies and weapons. Common military terminology, such as “arrows” (Ps 18:15[14]; Hab 3:11) also identify YHWH as a divine warrior, as well as the anthropomorphic descriptions of his powerful hand, arm, and breath (Exod 15:6, 10, 12, 16; Pss 18:9[8]; 89:14[13]). The divine warrior texts often affirm that YHWH’s actions and status as the divine warrior display his incomparability among the gods (Exod

Miller, The Divine Warrior in Early Israel; Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic, 91–144. 114 This feature follows the narrative pattern of several ancient Near Eastern divine warrior texts, including the Baal Cycle and Enuma Elish. 113

THE DIVINE WARRIOR IN THE OLD TESTAMENT

37

15:11; Deut 33:26; 2 Sam 22:32; Ps 89:7[6])115 and lead to the entire world recognizing his power (Deut 33:28–29; 2 Sam 22:50–51; Ps 68:25–32[24–31]; 97:6–7; Zech 14:9, 16–19). In all the texts YHWH acts as the divine warrior to rescue his people from oppression. An essential aspect of a definition of the divine warrior involves the nature of YHWH’s martial actions. YHWH’s martial actions might have been ad hoc responses to unusual situations rather than a permanent role as a divine warrior. If they were the former, it might be similar to what some conjecture happened to Shamgar: a farmer by occupation who acted temporarily like a warrior when he was attacked. However, the biblical evidence indicates that YHWH did not act temporarily as a divine warrior, but permanently took on the role of the divine warrior. On several occasions the Old Testament uses martial epithets to describe his role, like “man of war” and “hero.” The clearest evidence that he was a divine warrior is the large number of divine warrior texts distributed throughout the Old Testament, demonstrating that YHWH’s actions as a divine warrior were a common part of his portrayal. Finally, the people assumed that he would act in his role as a divine warrior when they called on him to fight for them like he had fought for them in the past. YHWH’s role as a divine warrior can be further clarified by examining the links between it and his other roles, including king, judge, father, and redeemer. The kings of the ancient Near East frequently portrayed themselves as powerful warriors to legitimate their status as kings. New kings often went on military campaigns in their first year to demonstrate to their people that the gods had chosen them to be the king. In the Old Testament, strength was a necessary quality of a king, who was a warrior and led the people in battle (Ps 45:4[3]; 89:20[19]). The royal chronicles often recorded

For more on the connection between YHWH’s role as a divine warrior and his incomparability, see Labuschagne, The Incomparability of Yahweh in the Old Testament, 97–99. 115

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the “might” (‫ )גבורה‬of kings (1 Kgs 15:23; 2 Kgs 20:20).116 Another key martial role of the king was to lead the troops into battle (2 Sam 11:1; 1 Kgs 22:29–36). The divine warrior texts show a strong connection between YHWH’s roles as king and as divine warrior.117 As noted above, a common part of the divine warrior motifs is the march of the victorious divine warrior from battle, the entrance into his house, and his proclamation as king (Exod 15:1–18; Deut 33:2–5; Ps 24; 68:25[24]). In the narrative pattern of the divine warrior hymn, YHWH’s action as the victorious warrior led to his enthronement as king over Israel and his recognition by the entire world (Zech 14:9, 16). In the two most extensive divine warrior myths in the ancient Near East, Enuma Elish and the Baal Cycle, Marduk and Baal respectively were proclaimed as kings after the defeat of their enemies as divine warriors. Most likely, the role of the divine warrior is to be viewed as a subset of the role of divine king. The god’s role as king includes his duty to defend his people and bring order to the world, which necessitated taking on the role of a warrior. Another role connected with warriors is that of judge, though the connection is not made as frequently as with king.118 The Hebrew root ‫ שפט‬usually refers to judging, but at root it involves leading or governing.119 In external affairs, leading involved delivering the people and directing the military, while in internal affairs judges were responsible for arbitrating between two people or groups.120 The paradigmatic example was YHWH, who as the governor of all the earth judges justly (Gen 18:25) and executes judgOn the connection of strength with human and divine kings, see Marc Zvi Brettler, God Is King: Understanding an Israelite Metaphor (JSOTSup 76; Sheffield: JSOT, 1989), 57–68. 117 On this connection, see Miller, The Divine Warrior in Early Israel, 174; Klaus-Peter Adam, Der Königliche Held: Die Entsprechung von Kämpfendem Gott und Kämpfendem König in Psalm 18 (WMANT 91; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener, 2001), 221–22. 118 On this connection, see Miller, The Divine Warrior in Early Israel, 173–74; Brettler, “Images of YHWH the Warrior in Psalms,” 156. 119 Block, Judges, Ruth, 23–25. 120 Gen 16:5; 31:53; Judg 11:27; 1 Sam 24:13, 16 [12, 15]; Isa 2:4. 116

THE DIVINE WARRIOR IN THE OLD TESTAMENT

39

ment in the midst of the gods (Ps 82:1). The role of judge was often connected with the role of king.121 The people told Samuel that they wanted a king who would govern them (‫ )שפט‬and fight their battles for them (1 Sam 8:20). An element of Absalom’s coup was his self-appointment as a judge in Israel (2 Sam 15:4–6), while the people were amazed at Solomon’s ability to judge justly (1 Kings 3). In the divine warrior texts examined above, the attribute of justice (‫ )משפט‬is associated with the divine warrior in Ps 97:2. The divine warrior as described in Joel 4:12[3:12] calls for the nations to gather so he can pronounce judgment (‫ )שפט‬upon them. Other texts also connect YHWH’s role as judge with his role as warrior. In Psalm 7, the psalmist combines legal and martial imagery when he called on YHWH to rescue him from his enemies. YHWH has appointed a judgment (Ps 7:7[6]), judges the people (Ps 7:9[8]), and acts as a righteous judge (Ps 7:12[11]). The psalmist calls on YHWH to judge him if he was guilty; if he was not guilty, he exhorts YHWH to judge his enemies. However, the psalmist also calls on YHWH the divine warrior, who saves the psalmist from his pursuer (Ps 7:2[1]), sharpens his sword, bends his bow, prepares other deadly weapons, and sets his arrows on fire (Ps 7:13–14[12– 13]). Elsewhere, the one who crushes kings on the “day of his wrath” will judge (‫ )דין‬the nations (Ps 110:6).122 YHWH acts as a divine warrior against his enemies to execute the punishment that he has declared against them as a judge. Less commonly associated with the divine warrior is the role of the redeemer (‫)גאל‬.The root is used in three primary ways, each of which is related to family (Lev 25:25, 48–49; Num 5:8; Ruth 2:20)123 and protection.124 First, a redeemer could free a relative out of slavery or the property of a relative that has been sold (Lev 25:25–26, 49; 27:15). Second, blood redeemers (‫ )גאל דם‬were to kill Brettler, God Is King, 44–45, 109–16. Jeremiah 25:31 also combines the legal and martial terminology when it describes YHWH bringing judgment against the world and killing the wicked with the sword. 123 The root appears once simply denoting “relative” (1 Kgs 16:11). 124 A. R. Johnson, “The Primary Meaning of √‫גאל‬,” in Congress Volume: Copenhagen 1953 (VTSup 1; Leiden: Brill, 1953), 67–77. 121 122

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the persons who murdered their relatives (Num 35:19–27; Deut 19:6; Joshua 20; 2 Sam 14:11). Third, with YHWH as subject, the root was often used synonymously with “save” (‫)ישע‬, with no reference to a price being paid (Pss 72:14; 106:10; 107:2; Jer 33:11; Mic 4:10). YHWH’s role as a redeemer is described in divine warrior terms when the psalmist describes YHWH’s redemption of his people in the exodus with terminology, like the defeat of the waters, the employment of arrows and thunder, and the trembling of the earth (Ps 77:16–20[15–19]). Likewise, he redeemed Israel from the hand of their enemies when he defeated their oppressors by covering them with water (Ps 106:10–11). YHWH’s role as a redeemer fits naturally with his role as the divine warrior. Like the blood redeemer who was responsible for bringing a punishment on those who had hurt their families, YHWH was responsible for judging those who had attacked his people and for saving them from further harm. Finally, YHWH’s role as father appears only rarely in the Old Testament and is not often associated with his role as warrior.125 However, the role of warrior fits with the role of the father, especially his responsibility to protect his family from harm. 126 In covenant contexts, the son (the vassal) could call to his father (the sovereign) to protect him against enemies. When Rezin and Pekah attacked Ahaz, he called to Tiglath-pileser for help because he was the Assyrian king’s son (2 Kings 16:7). As the father of Israel, YHWH would also be responsible for protecting his people from danger and rescuing them from oppression. The connections demonstrated in this brief survey of YHWH’s roles indicate that each of the other roles that YHWH assumed relates to some extent to his role as the divine warrior.

For more on the fatherhood of YHWH in the Old Testament, see Helmer Ringgren, “‫אב‬,” TDOT 1:16–19. 126 For more on the father’s responsibilities, see Daniel I. Block, “Marriage and Family in Ancient Israel,” in Marriage and Family in the Biblical World (ed. Ken M. Campbell; Downers Grove: InterVarsity, 2003), 47– 61. 125

THE DIVINE WARRIOR IN THE OLD TESTAMENT

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Acting as the divine warrior did not preclude other roles for him, but was a natural part of his other roles.

PROSE TEXTS Having examined the divine warrior motif in several poetic texts, we can now ask whether the divine warrior motif also appears in prose texts. Scholars have highlighted several such texts, including some that refer only marginally to the divine warrior. Genesis 32:2– 3[1–2] describes how the angels of God met Jacob, leading him to name the place Mahanaim because it was the “God’s camp” (‫מחנה‬ ‫)אלהים‬. Although no combat (or even an enemy) is recorded in this text, the camp of God has martial overtones.127 Likewise, Cross describes the theophany at Sinai as founded upon the return of the divine warrior from battle (Exod 19–20).128 Many aspects of the divine warrior in the poetic texts are also found in prose text, but the clearest references to the divine warrior in prose texts involve YHWH’s employment of nature or supernatural envoys against an envoy. When Joshua approached Jericho, the “general of the army of YHWH” (‫ )שר צבא־ יהוה‬affirmed YHWH’s presence in the upcoming battle (Josh 5:13–15).129 In the campaign against the kings who attacked Gibeon, YHWH hurled “large stones from heaven” down on the Amorite armies (Josh 10:11). Samuel experienced the help of the divine warrior when YHWH thundered (‫ )רעם‬from heaven and threw the Philistines into a panic (‫( )המם‬1 Sam 7:10). In one of David’s battles against the Philistines, YHWH commanded him to go around the back of the Philistine camp and attack them when they heard the “sound of marching” in the trees because YHWH was going ahead of them, most likely referring to a heavenly army going ahead of David’s army (2 Sam 5:22–25).130 The heavenly armies also appear in two stories related to Elisha. When the Aramean king surrounded Dothan, Elisha prayed that his servant would see the heavenly arMiller, The Divine Warrior in Early Israel, 131–32. Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic, 163–69. 129 Miller, The Divine Warrior in Early Israel, 128–31. 130 Ibid., 132. 127 128

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my of chariots and horses of fire surrounding the city (2 Kgs 6:15– 19).131 In a later Aramean attack on Samaria, the besiegers fled because YHWH had caused them to hear the sound of approaching horses and chariots, presumably referring to a heavenly army (2 Kgs 7:6).132 Although most studies of the divine warrior in the Old Testament focus on poetic texts, these prose texts illustrate that the divine warrior motif appears clearly in non-poetic texts. Like the poetic texts, YHWH fights against his enemies by sending supernatural envoys and employing atmospheric forces to defeat his enemies and rescue his people. Although the motif is not as prominent in these prose texts, the narrative still portrays YHWH acting as a divine warrior and encourages the examination of YHWH’s actions in the exodus narrative not only at the level examined here (employment of supernatural envoys and natural elements against the enemy), but also the whole range of elements associated with the divine warrior in the poetic texts.

CONCLUSION YHWH’s role as the divine warrior is an important motif in the Old Testament. Through the texts surveyed in this chapter I have identified several common characteristics of poetic divine warrior texts, including the march from the south, the accompaniment of supernatural envoys, the employment of atmospheric forces, and YHWH’s incomparability. The motif also appears in various prose texts, which justifies exploring whether or not YHWH’s acts in the exodus narrative were those of a divine warrior. In the rest of this work I will test this thesis to show that YHWH acts as a divine warrior in the exodus narrative.

131 132

Ibid., 133–34. Ibid., 134–35.

THE DIVINE WARRIOR MOTIF IN EXODUS 1–14 Having examined the descriptions of the divine warrior throughout the Old Testament, I now turn to focus on the primary account of the exodus in the book of Exodus. Since I studied the Song of the Sea in chapter two, the following chapters will focus on Exodus 1– 14 to show how the portrayal of YHWH in this narrative matches that of the divine warrior. In this chapter we will look at the elements of the text that correspond to the definition of the divine warrior given in chapter two, including terminology, the employment of various elements against Egypt, and YHWH’s harmonious relationship with Israel.

TERMINOLOGY Although the clearest markers of the presence of the divine warrior are epithets and martial verbs, they cannot serve as the primary criteria because of their scarcity. Outside of Exod 15:3, the exodus narrative does not employ any martial epithets to describe YHWH, but it refers to YHWH’s actions against the Egyptians with strong martial verbs. The verb “fight” appears twice in the Red Sea narrative, as Moses promised the Israelites that YHWH would fight (‫לחם‬, nifal) for them (Exod 14:14) and the Egyptians recognized that YHWH was fighting (‫לחם‬, nifal) for the Israelites when he threw them into a panic and caused them difficulty driving their chariots (Exod 14:25). Another strong martial verb used to describe YHWH’s actions is the verb “strike” (‫נכה‬, hifil), which appears frequently in warfare contexts (Num 14:45; Josh 10:10), and is an action of the divine warrior (Pss 78:66; 135:10; 136:17). In the exodus narrative, YHWH struck (‫נכה‬, hifil) the Egyptians with wonders (Exod 3:20), threatened to strike them with pestilence (Exod 9:15), and struck 43

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the Egyptian first-born (Exod 12:12, 29). The narrator summarizes the final plague by saying that YHWH struck the land of Egypt (Exod 12:13). The terminology that describes the plagues appears most frequently in martial contexts. The English translations of three separate Hebrew roots as “plague” has caused confusion, as two of them (‫ נגף‬and ‫ )נגע‬refer broadly to YHWH’s attacks, while the third (‫ )דבר‬denotes pestilence specifically. The verbal form of the root ‫ נגף‬commonly has a military connotation, denoting striking someone,1 defeating an enemy,2 or the attack of the divine warrior.3 When the Israelites were defeated by the Philistines, they questioned why YHWH had struck them (1 Sam 4:3). The divine warrior promised to strike the enemies of David (Ps 89:24[23]) and the nations that would not come to worship in Jerusalem (Zech 14:12, 18). The nominal forms ‫ מגפה‬and ‫ נגף‬most frequently refer to divine blows, including the spies who brought back a bad report (Num 14:37), the Philistines who captured the Ark of the Covenant (1 Sam 6:4), Jehoram (2 Chr 21:14), Ezekiel’s wife (Ezek 24:16), and the nations that refuse to worship in Jerusalem (Zech 14:12, 15, 18). The divine blows could involve a disease4 or something

Exod 21:22, 35. Lev 26:17; Num 14:42; Deut 1:42; 28:7, 25; Judg 20:32, 35, 36, 39; 1 Sam 4:2–3, 10; 7:10; 2 Sam 2:17; 10:15, 19; 1 Kgs 8:33; 2 Kgs 14:12; 1 Chr 19:16, 19; 2 Chr 6:24; 25:22. 3 It refers to a divine blow against Israel (Exod 32:35), Benjamin (Jdg 20:35), Nabal (1 Sam 25:38), Bathsheba’s infant (2 Sam 12:15), Jeroboam’s army (2 Chr 13:15), Jeroboam (2 Chr 13:20), the Ethiopians (2 Chr 14:11[12]), and Jehoram (2 Chr 21:18). 4 The plague among the Philistines is associated with tumors and appears to be closer to a disease (1 Samuel 4–6), while pestilence (‫ )דבר‬is equated with a divine blow (‫ ;מגפה‬2 Sam 24:13, 21). Zechariah describes a divine blow (‫ )מגפה‬as a plague, with flesh, eyes, and tongues rotting (Zech 14:12). 1 2

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45

that acted more quickly than disease.5 The nominal forms also refer to a great defeat in battle (1 Sam 4:17; 2 Sam 17:9; 18:7). In the exodus narrative, YHWH said he would strike (‫)נגף‬ Egypt with frogs (Exod 7:27[8:2]) and threatened to send all his plagues (‫ )מגפה‬against Egypt (Exod 9:14). YHWH prevented an attack (‫ )נגף‬upon the Israelite houses with blood on the doorpost when he struck Egypt (Exod 12:13). YHWH promised that he would strike the Egyptians, but he would not allow the destroyer to strike the Israelites’ houses with blood on the doorways (Exod 12:23, 27). Joshua summarized the plagues by saying that YHWH struck (‫ )נגף‬Egypt (Josh 24:5). The other root used to describe the plagues is ‫נגע‬, which usually denotes touching, but also often means “to strike” (2 Sam 14:10; Isa 53:4) or reflects military defeat (Josh 8:15). The nominal form can refer to disease (Leviticus 13–14; Deut 24:8) or an assault (Deut 17:8; 21:5; 2 Sam 7:14). In the exodus narrative, YHWH said he would bring only one more plague (‫ )נגע‬on Egypt: the death of the first-born (Exod 11:1). Another translation, like “blows” or “assaults,” might be preferable for these terms to show their common martial connotation. YHWH’s actions in the exodus narrative are frequently described in anthropomorphic terms. YHWH’s hand brought pestilence (Exod 9:3, 15), the plagues (Exod 3:20; 7:4–5; 13:3, 9, 14, 16),6 and the defeat of the Egyptian army (Exod 14:31; 15:6, 12). YHWH promised to redeem Israel with “an outstretched arm (‫זרוע‬ ‫ )נטויה‬and great acts of judgment” (Exod 6:6).7 As described in Aaron’s urgent action when YHWH struck Israel implies that the divine blow was something that acted more quickly than pestilence (Num 17:10–15[16:45–50]). See also Phinehas’ action to stop a divine blow (Num 25:1–9) and the divine blow that killed Ezekiel’s wife (Ezek 24:16). 6 The Targums consistently avoid the anthropomorphism “hand” (e.g., Tg. Neof. Exod 3:20 translates the hand of YHWH with the “plague of punishment”). 7 The connection of YHWH’s arm with the Exodus became a common motif (Deut 4:34; 5:15; 7:19; 9:29; 11:2; 26:8; 2 Kgs 17:36; Pss 77:16[15]; 136:12). Jeremiah reversed the expression (outstretched hand and strong arm) to indicate YHWH’s action against Israel (Jer 21:5). 5

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chapter two, these anthropomorphisms were often associated with the divine warrior. Another anthropomorphism not connected with the divine warrior elsewhere involves YHWH’s finger.8 The sole occurrence of the expression in the exodus narrative appears in the Egyptian magician’s recognition that the plagues were the finger of God (‫( )אצבע אלהים‬Exod 8:15[19]).9 The clear connection between the finger of God and the plagues identifies the practical expression of the finger, but the tenor of the metaphor remains unclear. The work of the finger of God in the Old Testament does not help to explicate its tenor here. The finger could signify YHWH’s power (see the finger of YHWH creating the heavens in Ps 8:4[3]),10 or that YHWH’s power was so great that just one of his fingers was sufficient to defeat his enemy. 11 The term might also derive from the magicians’ perception of Moses and Aaron as magicians and signify that the power of YHWH was stronger than the magic of Egypt, since Egyptian magicians used a pointed figure in some spells.12 Finally, the Egyptians could be referring to Aaron’s staff13 or to Moses speaking for YHWH.14 In any case, the Egyptian ma-

Summaries of the exodus never refer to YHWH’s finger. For studies of YHWH’s finger, see B. Couroyer, “Le ‘Doight de Dieu’ (Exode, VIII, 15),” RB 63 (1956): 481–95; Gerald A. Klingbeil, “The Finger of God in the Old Testament,” ZAW 112 (2000): 409–15. 9 Tg. Onq. translates the phrase as “the plague of YHWH.” 10 The only other action of the divine finger in the Old Testament is the writing of the two tablets of testimony (Exod 31:18; Deut 9:10). 11 Seely, “The Image of the Hand of God in the Book of Exodus,” 43. For a parallel thought in the New Testament, see Matt 23:4; Luke 11:46. 12 Scott B. Noegel, “Moses and Magic: Notes on the Book of Exodus,” JANES 24 (1996): 52–53; Robert Kriech Ritner, The Mechanics of Ancient Egyptian Magical Practice (Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization 54; Chicago: Oriental Institute of University of Chicago, 1993), 229. 13 Couroyer, “Le ‘Doight de Dieu’ (Exode, VIII, 15),” 490–95. 14 Michaela Bauks, “Das Dämonische im Menschen: Einige Anmerkungen zur Priesterschriftlichen Theologie (Ex 7–14),” in 8

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47

gicians recognized that a powerful foreign deity who could control creation had arrived in Egypt.

NATURE WEAPONS One of the key characteristics of the divine warrior was his employment of natural elements against his enemies. The elements of the seventh plague (hail, thunder, and lightning) were among the most common divine weapons in the ancient Near East, especially by those gods identified as storm-gods.15 The importance of this aspect of YHWH’s power is reflected in the status of the seventh plague as a secondary climax in the series of plagues, since Pharaoh’s willingness to negotiate in the eighth plague after the threat (rather than after the plague) indicates that Pharaoh and his officials were more cowed by the seventh plague than the other plagues (Exod 10:1–11).16

Dämonen/Demons (ed. Armin Lange, Hermann Lichtenberger, and K. F. Diethard Römheld; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003), 251. 15 For more on YHWH as a storm-god and storm-gods in the ancient Near East, see Daniel Schwemer, Die Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der Keilschriftkulturen: Materialien und Studien nach den Schriftlichen Quellen (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2001); Daniel Schwemer, “The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies: Part I,” JANER 7 (2007): 121–68; Daniel Schwemer, “The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies: Part II,” JANER 8 (2008): 1–44; Paul E. Dion, “YHWH as StormGod and Sun-God: The Double Legacy of Egypt and Canaan as Reflected in Psalm 104,” ZAW 103 (1991): 43–71; Alberto R. W. Green, The StormGod in the Ancient Near East (Biblical and Judaic Studies 8; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2003); Reinhard Müller, Jahwe als Wettergott: Studien zur Althebräischen Kultlyrik Anhand Ausgewählter Psalmen (BZAW 387; Berlin: De Gruyter, 2008). 16 The large amount of space dedicated to it, the long divine monologue (the longest in the plague narrative), and its depiction of the first repentance of Pharaoh for his sin also highlights its importance. See Scott B. Noegel, “The Significance of the Seventh Plague,” Bib 76 (1995): 532– 39.

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One of the most prominent among the atmospheric weapons is hail,17 which only appears in the Old Testament as the divine warrior’s weapon.18 As noted in chapter two, YHWH sent hail against the Amorites during the conquest of Canaan (Josh 10:11) and asked Job if he had seen his storehouses of hail which he kept for the day of battle (Job 38:22–23). In the theophany in 2 Sam 22/Ps 18, YHWH’s descent to earth was announced by hail (Ps 18:13–14[12–13]). Several prophetic texts describe YHWH employing hail against his enemies and against Israel (Isa 28:2, 17; 30:30; Hag 2:17). Other ancient Near Eastern divine warriors also used hail against their enemies. Sargon declared, “Adad, the violent, the powerful son of Anu, let loose his fierce tempest against them and, with bursting cloud and thunderbolt (lit. stones of heaven), totally annihilated them.”19 Shalmaneser III boasted that he “rained down upon them [the western kings] destruction (lit. “flood”) as the god Adad would.”20 The Sefire treaty also included hail among the curses, depicting the attacks that the divine warrior would send against those who broke the treaty. 21 In the seventh plague, YHWH sent hail against the Egyptians that was worse than any hail they had ever seen (Exod 9:13–32). Lightning and thunder were quintessential tools of a stormgod (see figures 2–4 at the end of the book). Thunder provided rain for crops (KTU 1.5 v.64–73), but often served as a weapon. While Baal used thunder and lightning to wage war and to proclaim his coronation (KTU 1.4 vii 30–31), Marduk employed thunderbolts in his battle against Tiamat (Enuma Elish iv.39). The Egyptian Dozeman, Exodus, 235; Weinfeld, “Divine Intervention,” 140. For more on hail in the Old Testament, see Philippe Reymond, L’eau, sa vie, et sa signification dans l’Ancien Testament (VTSup 6; Leiden: Brill, 1958), 24–25; Fredriksson, Jahwe als Krieger, 49. 19 ARAB, 2:83. 20 Shalmaneser III Inscription A.0.102.2.ii.98 in A. Kirk Grayson, Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC II (858–745 BC) (RIMA 3; Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996), 23–24. 21 Joseph A. Fitzmyer, The Aramaic Inscriptions of Sefire (BibOr 19A; Rome: Editrice Pontificio Istituto Biblico, 1995), 44–45. 17 18

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god Seth was associated with the use of thunder and rainstorms in war.22 The Hittite storm-god struck a city with a lightning bolt and caused the enemy king to stop fighting.23 Herodotus ascribed to the gods a storm that destroyed many Persian ships (Histories 8.13). Thunder and lightning were also common divine weapons in the Hebrew Bible and often denoted the presence of YHWH.24 Many of the divine warrior texts described in chapter two depict YHWH sending thunder and lightning to earth (2 Sam 22:14; Ps 97:4; 1 Sam 7:10). Lightning is described as YHWH’s arrows (2 Sam 22:15; Ps 77:18[17]; 144:6) and offers a “strong indication for the presence of the warrior imagery.”25 Along with the hail in the seventh plague, YHWH sent thunder and lightning against Egypt (Exod 9:23–24, 28). Although the common word for thunder was ‫( רעם‬see 1 Sam 2:10; 7:10; 2 Sam 22:14; Job 37:4–5; Pss 18:14[13]; 77:19[18]; Isa 29:6) and for lightning was ‫( בקר‬Deut 32:41; 2 Sam 22:15; Pss 18:15[14]; 144:6), the plague narrative refers to thunder as the voice of YHWH26 and lightning as fire (Exod 9:23–24).27 Fire was another natural element commonly employed by and associated with the divine warrior (2 Sam 22:9, 13; Ps 97:3). As just noted, the plague narrative describes lightning as fire (Exod 9:23– 24). Although early Jewish commentators added that YHWH threw fire and hailstones upon the Egyptians when he looked down on them (Exod 14:24),28 fire does not appear elsewhere in the Red Sea narrative except in the pillar of fire, which never left the people H. Te Velde, Seth, God of Confusion: A Study of His Role in Egyptian Mythology and Religion (Probleme der Ägyptologie 6; Leiden: Brill, 1977), 24–25, 102–3, 128–29. 23 “The Ten Year Annals of Great King Muršili II of Hatti,” translated by Richard H. Beal (COS 2.16:85). 24 Exodus 19–20; Ezek 1:13; Hab 3:11; Zech 9:14. 25 Klingbeil, Yahweh Fighting from Heaven, 73. 26 Exod 9:28; see also 1 Sam 12:17; 2 Sam 22:14; Job 38:33–35; Isa 30:30–31; Jer 10:13; Joel 2:11; 4:16[3:16]; Amos 1:2. 27 See Propp, Exodus 1–18, 334; Ortlund, Theophany and Chaoskampf, 101–2. 28 See Tgs. Neof.; Ps.-J.; Wis 19:20; Artap. 3:37. Ps 18:14[13] may refer to this incident. 22

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(see also Neh 9:12, 19; Ps 78:14).29 Like fire and clouds more generally (Exod 40:38; Num 9:15–16; Deut 1:33; 4:11), the pillars of fire and cloud30 symbolized YHWH’s presence, especially when they appear with the tent of meeting in the wilderness (Exod 33:9– 10; Num 12:5; Deut 31:5; Ps 99:7). As in Canaanite mythology, fire and cloud were symbols of the storm-god’s presence, representing both divine guidance, often through a messenger (Exod 23:20, 23; 32:34; 33:2), and the weapons of the divine warrior.31 Like fire and cloud more generally, the pillars both guided the Israelites (Exod 13:21–22; Num 14:14; Neh 9:12, 19) and played a role in divine warfare (Exod 14:19, 24). Divine warriors of the ancient Near East, including Baal (KTU 1.3, II, 2) and Marduk (Enuma Elish IV, 45–48, 96–100), are frequently depicted employing the wind. During Esarhaddon’s siege of Shubria, he claimed that Marduk changed the wind to protect his troops from fire, directing the fire from his siege ramp to the city itself.32 Homer portrays Athene blowing away Hektor’s spear to protect Achilles in the Iliad (20.438–440). In contrast to these accounts, YHWH used the wind only as an intermediate

The pillar recalls the melammu of the Assyrian king that always goes with him into battle and causes his enemy to surrender. See George E. Mendenhall, The Tenth Generation: The Origins of the Biblical Tradition (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973), 32–66. For an unconvincing naturalistic explanation of the pillar of fire based on Alexander’s use of fire to communicate with his army, see Richard A. Gabriel, The Military History of Ancient Israel (Westport: Praeger, 2003), 75. 30 They seem to be two separate pillars, although they may be the same pillar that appears as a cloud during the day and as fire at night. Exod 14:24 uniquely describes it as the “pillar of cloud and fire.” 31 Thomas W. Mann, “Pillar of Cloud in the Reed Sea Narrative,” JBL 90 (1971): 15–30; Weinfeld, “Divine Intervention,” 131–36. 32 Esarhaddon 33.ii.5–10 in Erle Leichty, The Royal Inscriptions of Esarhaddon, King of Assyria (680–669 BC) (RINAP 4; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2011), 82–83. See also §68 Gbr. II in Riekele Borger, Die Inschriften Asarhaddons Königs von Assyrien (Archiv für Orientforschung 9; Osnabrück: Biblio-Verlag, 1956), 104. 29

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weapon (Exod 10:13, 19).33 Like a sirocco that dried up water (Hos 13:15) and withered vegetation (Ezek 17:10; 19:12), a strong east wind drove back the sea so the Israelites could pass (Exod 14:21). The Song of the Sea speaks poetically of the wind as the “wind of YHWH’s nose” (‫ ;רוח אף‬Exod 15:8) and attributes it to YHWH blowing (‫ ;נשף ברוח‬Exod 15:10). The consumption of YHWH’s enemies by his anger (‫ ;חרון‬Exod 15:7) recalls the scorching effects of the sirocco. Although darkness could symbolize YHWH’s absence (Job 3:4–5; 10:21; Ps 49:20[19]), it was also one of the weapons of the storm-god (Joel 2:2; Zeph 1:15) and could denote YHWH’s presence (Gen 15:12; Deut 4:11; 5:23). Many of the divine warrior texts described earlier include reference to darkness in association with YHWH the divine warrior (2 Sam 22:10, 12; Ps 97:2; Isa 13:10). Darkness was not as common in the ancient Near East as weapon, but one of the annals of Ashurbanipal describes Sin the moon god “planning evil signs” for the Elamite king Teumman by bringing darkness for three days to signal the end of the Elamite dynasty. 34 In the ninth plague, YHWH struck Egypt with darkness so intense people could not see or leave their homes for three days. The darkness acted in some ways like a black hole (Exod 10:21–23).35 The darkness plunged the world back into the primeval chaos because darkness symbolized YHWH’s judgment of the world (Isa 13:10; Joel 4:15[3:15]; Nah 2:8).36 In the Egyptian context the darkness had extra potency because the Egyptians considered the sun For more on YHWH’s use of the wind as a weapon, see Aloysius Fitzgerald, The Lord of the East Wind (CBQMS 34; Washington, D.C: Catholic Biblical Association of America, 2002); David W. Baker, “The Wind and the Waves: Biblical Theology in Protology and Eschatology,” ATJ 34 (2002): 13–37; Steve A. Wiggins, “Tempestuous Wind Doing YHWH’s Will: Perceptions of the Wind in the Psalms,” SJOT 13 (1999): 3–23. 34 ARAB, 2.330–31; B.v.1–12 in Arthur Carl Piepkorn, Historical Prism Inscriptions of Ashurbanipal I (The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago Assyriological Studies 5; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1933), 62–63. 35 Dozeman, Exodus, 220. 36 Ortlund, Theophany and Chaoskampf, 140–44, 195–96. 33

52

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to be a god37 and in light of the Egyptian version of the theomachy myth the three days of darkness proclaimed that chaos had won and defeated the sun god. YHWH’s control of nature extended even to the sun.38 Another natural element that appears in the divine warrior texts is water, though it is not as common. In the Song of Deborah, the river Kishon swept away the enemy (Judg 5:21). Water appears frequently as an agent of destruction in ancient Near Eastern texts and the Old Testament,39 including the description of victorious campaigns with flood terminology 40 and Marduk’s use of the deluge as his great weapon.41 Esarhaddon describes how Marduk destroyed the city of Babylon with the river Arahtu, which “turned into an angry wave, a raging tide, a huge flood like the deluge. It swept (its) waters destructively across the city (and) its dwellings and turned (them) into ruins.”42 The psalmist spoke of suffering in terms of drowning (Pss 32:6; 88:8[7]; 124:4–5; 144:7), and Nahum declared that YHWH would destroy his enemies by a flood, referring clearly to a military defeat (Nah 1:8). Most dramatically, YHWH used the Red Sea against the Egyptian military. Although the sea often symbolized chaos, it plays a very different role in the exodus narrative, serving as an inanimate obstacle to Israel’s departure from Egypt and an instrument of death to the Egyptians.43 YHWH led Israel to the edge of the Red Gary A. Rendsburg, “The Egyptian Sun-God Ra in the Pentateuch,” Henoch 10 (1988): 3–15. 38 For more on YHWH’s utilization of the theomachy myths, see chapter six. 39 For more on this, see Stephen C. Russell, Images of Egypt in Early Biblical Literature: Cisjordan-Israelite, Transjordan-Israelite, and Judahite Portrayals (BZAW 403; Berlin: de Gruyter, 2009), 163–70; Tsumura, Creation and Destruction, 184–90. 40 E.g., Tiglath-pileser I Inscription A.0.87.1 i (RIMA 2:13). 41 Enuma Elish, iv.49, 75; vi.125. 42 Esarhaddon 104.i.34–ii.9 in Leichty, The Royal Inscriptions of Esarhaddon, 196. 43 See also the attack by the river Skamandros against Achilleus and the river’s subsequent pursuit of the fleeing warrior. The river was an37

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Sea so it blocked their path away from Egypt (Exod 14:2–4). When the Egyptian army arrived, he parted44 the Red Sea by means of a strong east wind that blew throughout the night, turning it into dry land and allowing the Israelites to pass (Exod 14:21–22).45 After the Egyptians decided to flee back to Egypt (Exod 14:25),46 YHWH instructed Moses to stretch his hand over the sea to return it to its natural place, and YHWH shook the Egyptians into the sea (Exod 14:26–27; see also Ps 136:15). The piel stem of ‫ נער‬refers to rejecting something unwanted.47 YHWH had finally tired of the Egyptians, and threw their army into the onrushing flood of water, where they all perished.

PSYCHOLOGICAL ATTACKS YHWH’s attacks on his enemies in the divine warrior texts involved not just physical harm, but also damage to their psychological health that caused them to flee. Two common means he employed were the causation of panic and the exaltation of the attacker.

gered by the many corpses Achilleus was putting into the river (Iliad 21.211–382). 44 Although the splitting (‫ )בקע‬of the sea recalls the splitting of the sea in the Chaoskampf myth, here the sea is not portrayed as antagonistic. 45 For a recent study of some of the approaches to the study of the historicity of the parting of the waters, see Mark J. Harris, “How Did Moses Part the Red Sea? Science as Salvation in the Exodus Tradition,” in Moses in Biblical and Extra-Biblical Traditions (ed. Axel Graupner and Michael Wolter; Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2007), 5–31. 46 The SP reads ‫ נסע‬rather than ‫נוס‬, removing the motif of flight from the Egyptian’s movement. If this reading is correct, then the Egyptians were traveling into the sea towards the Israelites rather than returning into it after crossing it. 47 E.g., a tree shaking to rid itself of leaves (Isa 33:9), Samson shaking himself to remove his bonds (Judg 16:20), or shaking off a locust (Ps 109:23).

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Panic Many of the attacks involving nature discussed above would have induced panic in a general sense, but the panic described here was a special type directly imposed by YHWH on his enemies. The divine warrior texts describe many cases of panic caused by YHWH against his enemies (2 Sam 22:15; Pss 18:15[14]; 144:6). After Samuel prayed for help, YHWH thundered against the Philistines and “threw them into a panic” (‫ )המם‬to cause them to rout (1 Sam 7:10). In a future battle, YHWH will strike the enemies with a panic so they fight each other (Zech 14:13). Since the ancient empires preferred to avoid a military engagement, they employed a variety of psychological methods to reduce the morale of the enemy and cause them to submit without a battle. In Egypt the enemy felt the awe of the god and the king, which led them to surrender.48 The fear of Pharaoh “penetrated the limbs” of his enemies.49 Amenhotep II took a captured king, brought him to Nubia, and hanged him on a wall to show “the victories of his majesty.”50 A hymn to Sesostris III proclaimed that he “instills the tribesmen in their lands with terror and slays the Nine Peoples by means of fear.” 51 According to another hymn, even the mountains would be terrified before the approach of Merneptah. 52 The iconography of the Egyptian kings demonstrates routinely the power of the king over his defeated enemy, showing him stepping

“The Annals of Thutmose III,” translated by James K. Hoffmeier (COS 2.2A:12). 49 “The Annals of Thutmose III” (COS 2.2A:11). 50 “The Asiatic Campaigning of Amen-hotep II,” translated by John A. Wilson (ANET, 248); “The Asiatic Campaign” (ARE 2:313 [§797]); Barbara Cumming, Egyptian Historical Records of the Later Eighteenth Dynasty: Fascicle 1 (Warminster, England: Aris & Phillips, 1982), 27. 51 John L. Foster, Hymns, Prayers, and Songs: An Anthology of Ancient Egyptian Lyric Poetry (ed. Susan Tower Hollis; SBLWAW 8; Atlanta: Scholars, 1995), 135. 52 Ibid., 142. 48

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on his enemies, receiving their supplication, and smiting them while grasping their hair (see figures 5–7 at the end of the book).53 The Assyrian kings spoke of their splendor or fear overcoming enemies and causing them to surrender or flee. Concerning the land of Šubartu, Tiglath-pileser I said that the “splendor (melammu) of my valour overwhelmed them” and they submitted to him.54 Ashurbanipal claimed that when the Elamite king “heard of the advance of my army, fear (ḫātû) overcame him, so that he returned to his land.”55 They also spoke of the terrifying effect of hearing what the Assyrian divine warrior had done in the past through the Assyrian king. Esarhaddon records that when the rebellious Elamites and Gutians “heard of what the might of the god Aššur, my lord, had done among all of (my) enemies,” then “fear (ḫātu) and terror (puluḫtu) poured over them,” they sent messengers of peace to the Assyrians, and submitted to Esarhaddon.56 However, more frequently they ascribed the psychological effects to the direct actions of their gods. Concerning the inhabitants of Urraṭinaš, Tiglath-pileser I declared that the “terror (pulḫu), fear (adīru), (and) splendor (melammu) of the god Aššur, my lord, overwhelmed them” and they fled to the mountains.57 The people of the land of Adauš were frightened by Tiglath-pileser I and fled to

Keel, The Symbolism of the Biblical World, 102–3, 105, 293–7; Emma Swan Hall, The Pharaoh Smites His Enemies: A Comparative Study (Münchner Ägyptologische Studien 44; München: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1986); James Bennett Pritchard, The Ancient Near East in Pictures Relating to the Old Testament (2nd ed.; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969), 138 (#393); Harold Haydon Nelson, ed., Later Historical Records of Ramses III (Medinet Habu 2; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1932), Plates 68, 70, 72, 73, 85, 88. 54 Tiglath-pileser I Inscription, A.0.87.1 iii (RIMA 2:17). 55 B.iv.51–52 in Piepkorn, Historical Prism Inscriptions of Ashurbanipal I, 58–59. 56 Esarhaddon 1.v.26–33 in Leichty, The Royal Inscriptions of Esarhaddon, 22. 57 Tiglath-pileser I Inscription, A.0.87.1 ii (RIMA 2:15). 53

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the mountains, but when the melammu of Aššur overwhelmed them they returned and submitted to the Assyrians.58 The divine warriors could also cause enemy kings to change their minds. Ashurbanipal says that Aššur revealed “the honored name of my majesty” in a dream to Gyges, the king of Lydia, and commanded him to submit to the Assyrian king.59 Ashurbanipal records concerning Uaite, a rebellious king of Arabia, that “Assur, king of the gods, the great mountain, changed his (Uaite’s) mind, and he came into my presence,” where the Assyrian king put him in a kennel to show the majesty of Aššur.60 Along with the common military and political solutions, the Assyrian annals record episodes in which the deity influenced events directly. The gods could cause a rebellion in a foreign land that was opposed to the Assyrian king. Ashurbanipal records such an event when a Mannean king rebelled against him. Ahshêri, who did not fear my sovereignty, at the command of Ishtar, dwelling in Arbela, which she had spoken from the beginning, saying: “I will bring about the death of Ahshêri, king of the Manneans, according as I have spoken,” — she delivered (lit., counted) him into the hands of his servants, and the people of the land started a rebellion against him. Into the street of his city they cast his body, leaving his corpse (there).61

The gods sometimes even caused enemy kings to commit suicide. Sargon II boasted that “Ursâ of Urartu, — the splendor of Assur,

Tiglath-pileser I Inscription, A.0.87.1 iii (RIMA 2:18). ARAB, 2.352, see also ARAB, 2.326; B.ii.93–99 in Piepkorn, Historical Prism Inscriptions of Ashurbanipal I, 46–47. 60 ARAB, 2.314. 61 ARAB, 2.299, 328. See also B.iii.82–85 in Piepkorn, Historical Prism Inscriptions of Ashurbanipal I, 54–55. The annals of Sargon II record a similar event. “As for the king of Meluhha, the fear of the splendor of Assur, my lord, overwhelmed him, they cast him into iron fetters — (binding) his hands and feet, and brought him to Assyria into my presence.” See ARAB, 2.40. 58 59

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my lord, overwhelmed him and with his own iron dagger he stabbed himself through the heart, like a pig, and ended his life.”62 In the exodus narrative, when the Egyptians followed the Israelites into the Sea, YHWH looked in anger at them and threw them into confusion (Exod 14:24). The narrative does not indicate the means by which they were thrown into confusion, although the cause could have been either thunder (2 Sam 22:15; Pss 18:15[14]; 77:19[18])63 or his binding of the chariots (Exod 14:25).64 The word ‫ ויסר‬derives from the root ‫אסר‬,65 meaning that YHWH bound or locked the chariot wheels and caused them to drive with difficulty (‫וינהגהו בכבדת‬, Exod 14:25).66 This could mean that reeds or mud clogged the wheels and caused them to lock since it occurred in an aquatic setting.67 However, since the narrative lacks any reference to agents, the immediate Egyptian recognition that YHWH was fighting for Israel (Exod 14:25) implies a supernatural or hypernatural event in which YHWH directly acted on the chariots. Pharaoh began the battle by confidently harnessing (‫ )אסר‬his chariot ARAB, 2.10. Ibn Ezra, Commentary on the Pentateuch: Exodus, 288–89. 64 For a curse that reflects a similar action, see the Assyrian curse that the gods would make the enemy chariots run backwards in Simo Parpola and Kazuko Watanabe, Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths (State Archives of Assyria 2; Helsinki: Helsinki University Press, 1988), 53. 65 Either the ‫ א‬was elided or it should be corrected to ‫ויאסר‬. Although the verb could also be derived from ‫סור‬, a derivation from ‫ אסר‬is better attested in the versions (SP and LXX) and makes better sense in the context. If the wheels were removed (‫)סור‬, the statement that they were “driving with difficulty” would be an overstatement. For a defense of reading it as the hifil of ‫סור‬, see Tg. Onq.; Jean Louis Ska, Le Passage de la Mer: tude de la Construction, du Style et de la Symbolique d’ x 14, 1–31 (2nd ed.; Analecta Biblica 109; Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1997), 19. For reading it as the qal of ‫סור‬, see Thomas B. Dozeman, God at War: Power in the Exodus Tradition (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 38. 66 Here, the wayyiqtol form (‫ )וינהגהו‬denotes epexegesis, not succession. See IBHS §33.2.2. 67 Hay, “What Really Happened”; John H. Stek, “What Happened to the Chariot Wheels of Exodus 14:25,” JBL 105 (1986): 293–302. 62 63

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(Exod 14:6), but YHWH finished it by binding (‫ )אסר‬the Egyptian chariots and throwing the Egyptians into a panic.68 The Exaltation of the Human Attacker Kings have frequently praised their own power to convince the enemy to surrender. In the divine warrior texts YHWH sometimes praised the Israelite armies and described how the enemy would cower before them. The psalmist claims he can advance against a troop and jump over a wall (Ps 18:30[29]). Several texts describe YHWH himself teaching his leaders to fight (Pss 18:33, 40[32, 39]; 144:1). YHWH promised to give David power over even the sea and the rivers (Ps 89:26[25]). Moses proclaimed that Israel’s enemies would cringe before them (Deut 33:29; see also Ps 18:40[39]). The praise of the attacker is ubiquitous in ancient Near Eastern warfare narratives, such as the Egyptians quoting conquered kings praising Pharaoh.69 Together with the frequent praise of YHWH, the narrator in Exodus also describes how YHWH caused the Egyptians to show favor to the Israelites and Moses (Exod 3:21; 11:3; 12:36) by giving their goods to the Israelites (commonly called the plundering of the Egyptians).70 According to the narrative, centuries earlier Abraham had refused to take any of the possessions (‫ )רכש‬of the king of Sodom (Gen 14:21–24), but YHWH promised Abraham that his descendants would leave the land of their oppression with great possessions (‫ ;גדול רכש‬Gen 15:14).71 Although Abraham’s peaceful departure from Egypt with increased wealth might foreshadow a later acquisition of goods, the promise did not indicate the means Propp, Exodus 1–18, 500. For example, see the praise of Ramses III by two conquered chiefs in “Medinet Habu: The Syrian War” (ARE 4:75 [§128]). 70 The third-person expression (“give favor in the eyes of …”), in which one person causes another person to find favor with another person, is rare, appearing only here and in Gen 39:21. The more common second-person expression is “find favor in the eyes of …” (e.g., Gen 6:8; 18:3; 19:19). 71 The word ‫ רכש‬is a general term for moveable possessions (Gen 12:5; 13:6; 31:18), but does not appear in Exodus. 68 69

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by which those possessions would be acquired. YHWH instructed the Israelite women to ask (‫ )שאל‬their neighbors for silver and gold articles and clothes for their children (Exod 3:22; 11:2).72 After the tenth plague, the people did as Moses instructed and the Egyptians gave them what they asked for (Exod 12:35–36). However, the justification behind the plundering is never explained.73 Some interpret taking Egyptian goods as part of the Israelite deception of Egypt, since the Israelites requested to borrow items from the Egyptians apparently with no intention of returning them (Exod. Rab. 14:3; 21:5)74 — Gen. Rab. 61:7 even records that some Egyptians came later to retrieve the stolen items. 75 This approach understands ‫ שאל‬as “borrow” rather than “ask.” Although in a few cases the requested item was borrowed (Exod 22:13[14]; 2 Kgs 4:3; 6:5), more commonly a person asked for an item with no intention of returning it.76 In this case, the question of deceptive borrowing depends upon whether or not the Israelites deceived the Egyptians with their request to take a three-day journey into the wilderness. As I will argue below, by the end of the negotiations Pharaoh and the Egyptians knew the Israelites’ true intentions when they asked for their goods. Furthermore, YHWH’s involvement in causing the Egyptians to show favor to the Israelites sugThey were to ask the Egyptians in their house, possibly referring to slaves or co-inhabitants but most likely referring to their masters (see Gen 39:2). 73 For a helpful study of the early interpretations that set the stage for modern interpretations, see Joel S. Allen, The Despoliation of Egypt in Pre-Rabbinic, Rabbinic and Patristic Traditions (VCSup 92; Leiden: Brill, 2008). 74 George W. Coats, “Despoiling the Egyptians,” VT 18 (1968): 453. 75 The LXX added “secretly” to the Israelite asking for the Egyptian goods (Exod 11:2), perhaps implying this interpretation. For a discussion of the significance of the LXX addition for the tradition history of the passage, see Allen, The Despoliation of Egypt, 26–28; Nina L. Collins, “Evidence in the Septuagint of a Tradition in Which the Israelites Left Egypt without Pharaoh’s Consent,” CBQ 56 (1994): 442–48. 76 These items included a field or town (Josh 15:18; 19:10; Judg 1:14), water (Judg 5:25), jewelry (Judg 8:24, 26), food (2 Sam 12:20; Prov 20:4; Lam 4:4), a wife (1 Kgs 2:22; 2 Chr 11:23), and a son (2 Kgs 4:28). 72

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gests the request involved more than borrowing; divine involvement would be needed only to convince the Egyptians to give away their goods permanently. Others have interpreted the action as the Israelites plundering the Egyptians like victors after a battle.77 The account of the battle between Jehoshaphat and the Transjordanian nations in 2 Chronicles 20 was modeled on the Exodus account,78 including taking plunder after battle (2 Chr 20:25), while the items received from the Egyptians (gold, silver, and clothing) reflect items commonly found in plunder lists.79 However, determining the meaning of the piel of ‫ נצל‬is difficult because the only other references are either dependent upon the Exodus account (2 Chr 20:25) or are equally difficult to understand (Ezek 14:14).80 The piel might involve an intensification of the qal (“take away”),81 denoting confiscation, LXX; 2 Chr 20:25; Philo, Moses, 1.140–142; Clement (Stromata 1.23). See also John Van Seters, The Life of Moses: The Yahwist as Historian in Exodus-Numbers (Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1994), 98; Propp, Exodus 1–18, 208; Dozeman, Exodus, 139; Dozeman, God at War, 47–48. 78 For more on these parallels, see Gary N. Knoppers, “Jerusalem at War in Chronicles,” in Zion, City of Our God (ed. Richard S. Hess and Gordon J. Wenham; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1999), 55–76; Pancratius C. Beentjes, “Tradition and Transformation: Aspects of Innerbiblical Interpretation in 2 Chronicles 20,” Bib 74 (1993): 258–68; Andreas Ruffing, Jahwekrieg als Weltmetapher: Studien zu Jahwekriegstexten des Chronistischen Sondergutes (Stuttgarter Biblische Beiträge 24; Stuttgart: Verlag Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1993), 203–94. 79 For gold, see Num 31:50; Josh 6:24; Judg 8:26; 2 Sam 8:11; 2 Kgs 7:8. For silver, see Josh 6:24; 2 Sam 8:11; 2 Kgs 7:8. For clothing, see Num 31:20; Judg 5:30; 8:26; 1 Sam 27:9; 2 Kgs 7:8. 80 The three hifil forms of the verb in the chapter (Ezek 14:16, 18, 20) lead some to read this as a nifal (LXX) or a hifil. See F. L. Hossfeld and B. Kalthoff, “‫נצל‬,” TDOT 9:539; G. A. Cooke, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of Ezekiel (ICC; New York: Scribner, 1937), 156; Ruffing, Jahwekrieg als Weltmetapher, 282. More likely, the piel here is similar to the hifil form, denoting rescue or deliver. 81 Hossfeld and Kalthoff, “‫נצל‬,” TDOT 9:536. However, since grammarians are moving away from the idea of the piel as the intensifica77

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taking away from a person of inferior social position, which fits with the idea of plundering. Others have viewed the goods as back payment for the years of Israelite labor: just as a master was not to release a slave emptyhanded (‫ ;ריקם‬Deut 15:13), the Israelites would not leave Egypt empty-handed (‫ ;ריקם‬Exod 3:21).82 The transfer of items might also correspond to an Egyptian custom of giving expensive items to show a rise in status, such as the gifts Pharaoh gave to Joseph. When enslaved Israel became a free people, the people of Egypt gave them a gift to signal the rise in status.83 However, the emancipation of slaves in Egypt was virtually unknown,84 rendering this comparison unlikely. None of these interpretations can be ruled out. Although Pharaoh probably knew that Israel was leaving permanently, the Egyptian people may not have known and consequently were deceived by the Israelite request. The action also strongly resembles plundering a defeated enemy or confiscating goods that belonged to them. Finally, the goods represent the items given to a slave when freed and the Israelite’s back payment of wages. Whichever of these interpretations is primary, YHWH caused the Egyptians to show favor to the Israelites.

tion of the qal, this argument may not be valid. For more on the meaning of the piel, see IBHS 396–417. 82 Jub. 48:18–19; Wis 10:17, 20; Philo, Moses, 1.140–142; Gen. Rab. 61:7; b. Sanh. 91a; Iranaeus (Against Heresies 4.30.1–4); Tertullian (Against Marcion 2.20.1–3; 4.24); Augustine, Eighty-Three Different Questions (Fathers of the Church 70; Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1982), 90–95. See also Umberto Cassuto, A Commentary on the Book of Exodus (trans. Israel Abrahams; Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1997), 44; Roland Gradwohl, “Nissal and Hissîl als Rechtsbegriffe im Sklavenrecht,” ZAW 111 (1999): 187–95. 83 Penina Galpaz-Feller, “Silver and Gold, Exodus 3:22,” RB 109 (2002): 197–209. 84 See Abd El-Mohsen Bakir, Slavery in Pharaonic Egypt (2nd ed.; Supplément aux annales du service des Antiquités de L’Égypte 18; Cairo: L’Organisation Égyptienne Generale du Livre, 1978), 122–23.

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SUPERNATURAL ENVOYS AND DISEASE Another common feature of the divine warrior was his association with supernatural envoys and disease. YHWH came from Sinai with his many chariots (Ps 68:18[17]) and his holy ones (Deut 33:2), and he made his messengers to be flaming fire (Ps 104:4). The divine warrior employed plagues against the nations who would not come to worship at Jerusalem (Zech 14:12), while Habakkuk’s hymn personalizes disease as a supernatural envoy following YHWH on the march from the south (Hab 3:5). Supernatural envoys were also active among the ancient Near East divine warriors. Sometimes divine warriors would directly kill an enemy king in his homeland, without reference to military action against the country.85 When Nabû-zēr-kitti-līšir, the son of Merodach-baladan and governor of the Sealand (Babylon), stopped serving Assyria, Esarhaddon reports that “[b]ecause of the oath of the great gods which he had transgressed, the great gods Aššur, Sîn, Šamaš, Bēl, and Nabû imposed a grievous punishment on him and they killed him with the sword in the midst of the land Elam.”86 Ashurbanipal says of Taharka that “the terror (rašubbatu) of the weapon of Ashur, my lord, overcame him, and he died.”87 However, major deities were often perceived as surrounded by supernatural envoys who would execute their desires, especially those relating to warfare.88 In the Old Testament supernatural envoys (‫)מלאכים‬89 usually delivered messages to specific audiences,90 or went before people

When an ally died in the same situation, it was called “an (untimely) fate.” See ARAB, 2.27. 86 Esarhaddon 1.ii.55–57 in Leichty, The Royal Inscriptions of Esarhaddon, 16. 87 B.ii.8 in Piepkorn, Historical Prism Inscriptions of Ashurbanipal I, 36– 37. See also ARAB, 2.295, 324. 88 Miller, The Divine Warrior in Early Israel, 12–23. 89 Although these beings are most commonly referred to as angels, the term envoy more clearly represents the nature of their mission. 90 Envoys of YHWH addressed Hagar (Gen 16:7–12; 21:17–18), Lot (Gen 19:15), Abraham (Gen 22:11–12, 16–18), and Jacob (Gen 31:11–13). 85

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to protect them91 and destroy or threaten the enemies of YHWH.92 In the exodus narrative, envoys of YHWH appear several times. First, an envoy appeared to Moses at Sinai to speak YHWH’s words to him (Exod 3:2). This envoy played no military role, but revealed YHWH to Moses. Second, a destroyer (‫ )משחית‬assisted YHWH during the tenth plague, fulfilling an earlier threat to kill the first-born son of Pharaoh (Exod 4:23). Unlike the previous plagues, YHWH took on the task of killing the first-born of Egypt by going through Egypt (11:4; 12:12, 23) and striking and killing the Egyptian first-born (12:12, 23, 27, 29; 13:15), but he promised to protect from the destroyer the Israelites who had put blood on their doorframes (Exod 12:23). Even though YHWH executed this task through the destroyer, his close identification with the supernatural envoy allows him to describe these actions with first person verbs.93 The narrator does not describe the destroyer. Since the word ‫ משחית‬usually denotes destruction in the abstract,94 it could denote the tenth plague in general.95 Although an earlier use of the word to mean destruction (Exod 12:13) supports this interpretation,96 the word probably refers to a personal being. Demons in the ancient Gen 24:7, 40; Exod 23:20, 23; 32:34; 33:2; 1 Kgs 19:5–8; Pss 34:8[7]; 91:11; Isa 63:9. 92 Num 22:22; 2 Sam 24:16; 2 Kgs 19:35; 1 Chr 21:15; Ps 35:5–6. 93 However, it may be significant that the destroyer threatens action only against the Israelites, while YHWH attacked the Egyptians. If this is the case, then the destroyer does not actually perform any actions in the narrative. See Propp, Exodus 1–18, 409. 94 2 Kgs 23:13; 2 Chr 20:23; 22:4; Jer 51:25; Ezek 5:16; 9:6; 21:36[31]; 25:15. 95 Peter Enns, Exodus (NIVAC; Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2000), 254. 96 However, the interpretation of the word ‫ משחית‬in Exod 12:13 is not certain. Although it fits best with a lamed of purpose (“there will not be on you a plague to destroy you”), which would support the meaning of destruction in the abstract, a lamed of possession would denote a personal being (“there will not be a plague belonging to the destroyer”). See IBHS §11.2.10d (208–9). 91

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Near East killed people without regard to the identity of their victim,97 implying that the ‫ משחית‬who acts this way is also a personal being. The word ‫ משחית‬also refers to a personal being elsewhere in 2 Sam 24:13–16, where YHWH offered David three choices (famine, military defeat, and pestilence), from which David chose the three days of pestilence. YHWH sent the pestilence upon Israel through an envoy (‫ )מלאך‬who was “destroying (‫ )משחית‬among the people,” but when the envoy reached Jerusalem, YHWH relented. As in the exodus narrative, this divine attack came from both YHWH and his envoy.98 Although the destructive nature of the ‫ משחית‬could suggest an evil force,99 the narrator portrays him as an agent of YHWH.100 The death of all the first-born in one night

Karel van der Toorn, “The Theology of Demons in Mesopotamia and Israel: Popular Belief and Scholarly Speculation,” in Dämonen/Demons (ed. Armin Lange, Hermann Lichtenberger, and K. F. Diethard Römheld; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003), 76–81. See also S. A. Meier, “Destroyer,” DDD 241. 98 Further support for viewing the ‫ משחית‬as a personal being is found in the texts where ‫ משחית‬denotes a military unit (1 Sam 13:17; 14:15). See J. Conrad, “‫שחת‬,” TDOT 14:593; Jon Douglas Levenson, The Death and Resurrection of the Beloved Son: The Transformation of Child Sacrifice in Judaism and Christianity (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), 45–46; Propp, Exodus 1–18, 408–9. Since the human military unit contains many warriors, it is possible that an angelic army is in view here. See Tg. Ps.-J. 12:12–13; Ibid., 409. Jub. 49:2–3 portrays it as an evil angelic host. See also the angelic army in Ps 78:49. 99 See Jub. 49:2–3; Dozeman, Exodus, 274. For a survey of early interpretations of the destroyer, see Loewenstamm, The Evolution of the Exodus Tradition, 208–16. 100 Nahum M. Sarna, Exodus: The Traditional Hebrew Text with the New JPS Translation (The JPS Torah Commentary; Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1991), 60; John I. Durham, Exodus (WBC 3; Waco: Word, 1987), 163; C. Houtman, Exodus (trans. Sierd Woudstra; 3 vols.; Historical Commentary on the Old Testament; Kampen: Kok, 1993), 2:193–94. 97

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suggests that pestilence did not cause their death,101 but was a direct strike from the destroyer. Third, the narrator records that at the Red Sea an envoy (‫ )מלאך‬of God moved from his position in front of the Israelites to a location behind the Israelites (Exod 14:19), perhaps reflecting the all-encompassing protection of Israel by the representative of YHWH. Since the pillar of cloud moved in the same direction (Exod 14:19), the envoy and the pillar are probably connected, informing us about the function of the envoy: to represent the presence of YHWH and provide protection for Israel.102 Although the reference to the envoy is abrupt, it personalizes the protection YHWH gave his people through the cloud and calls to mind prior appearances of the supernatural envoy: the envoy that supported Hagar the Egyptian in the wilderness (Gen 16:7–12) now would protect Israel from the Egyptians.103 Although modern westerners might find this an unusual location to discuss disease, in the ancient Near East it was often thought that divine envoys or gods caused disease, which led them to describe it as caused by the hand of the gods or ghosts (KTU 1.14 i:18–19).104 Therefore, diseases were counteracted through

The pestilence that struck Israel after David’s sin took three days to kill 70,000 people from Dan to Beersheba (2 Sam 24:15), a portion of land much smaller than Egypt. Pestilence also would not have targeted the first-born. 102 For more on the protection YHWH gave Israel through the pillar, see chapter five. 103 Although the narrator does not use the same description, it might also call to mind the destroyer who killed the Egyptians in the tenth plague. 104 P. Xella, “Resheph,” DDD 700–3; JoAnn Scurlock and Burton R. Andersen, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine: Ancient Sources, Translations, and Modern Medical Analyses (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2005), 11; JoAnn Scurlock, Magico-Medical Means of Treating GhostInduced Illnesses in Ancient Mesopotamia (Ancient Magic and Divination 3; Leiden: Brill, 2006), 73–83; Paul Ghalioungui, Magic and Medical Science in Ancient Egypt (New York: Barnes & Noble, 1963), 30–43. 101

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rituals and doctors employed by the temples.105 The first disease mentioned in the exodus narrative was ‫ מצרע‬on Moses’ hand followed by its immediate removal (Exod 4:6–7). Although this is commonly translated leprosy, the word may refer to a variety of skin diseases; in this case it was a condition that turned Moses’ skin white.106 Unlike the other two signs, YHWH did not send this sign against the Egyptians. It is not possible to define the disease more precisely than as some kind of infectious disease, but the first disease YHWH sent against Egypt was pestilence (‫)דבר‬.107 In the Old Testament pestilence always came from YHWH as a punishment or a curse (Lev 26:25; Deut 28:21; 1 Kgs 8:37; 1 Chr 21:12) and is sometimes portrayed as a supernatural being bringing destruction at YHWH’s command (Hab 3:5).108 In the exodus narrative pestilence was not connected to a supernatural envoy, but since the pestilence came from the hand of YHWH and killed the Egyptian livestock in the field (Exod 9:1–7), an envoy most likely caused it. Even though the pestilence killed many of the livestock, targeting animals rather than the Egyptian people suggests a moderate plague. The second disease sent against Egypt was the boils of the sixth plague that afflicted both humans and animals (Exod 9:8–

“Uḫḫamuwa’s Ritual against Plague,” translated by Billie Jean Collins (COS 1.63:162). For more on the early physicians, see Scurlock and Andersen, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, 8–10; Ghalioungui, Magic and Medical Science in Ancient Egypt, 105–17. 106 For more on leprosy, see Max Sussman, “Sickness and Disease,” ABD 6.10–11. Although some have denied that Hanson’s disease was known in the ancient world, Mesopotamian medical texts reveal its existence, as shown in Scurlock and Andersen, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, 70–73. 107 On pestilence, see G. Mayer, “‫דבר‬,” TDOT 3:125–127; Max Sussman, “Sickness and Disease,” ABD 6.9; Blair, De-Demonising the Old Testament, 96–176. 108 On deber as a demon in the ancient Near East, see ibid., 32–34; G. del Olmo Lette, “Deber,” DDD 231–32. 105

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12).109 While the exact cause of the boils is unclear, it could be the result of either the bubonic plague110 or tuberculosis.111 After the exodus, YHWH promised that he would not put on Israel any of the diseases (‫ )מחלה‬he put on the Egyptians, most likely referring to the boils (Exod 15:26).

YHWH’S RELATIONSHIP WITH HIS PEOPLE Along with their salvation, the divine warrior expresses a desire to enter into relationship with his people. YHWH was not a mercenary who rescued Israel for a fee, but one who desired to enter into relationship with the people of Israel. YHWH the divine warrior loved and taught his people (Deut 33:3–5; Ps 18:51[50]). The psalmist frequently expressed their adoration (Ps 18:2[1]; 89:2[1]) and trust in YHWH (Ps 18:3[2]; 144:2; Hab 3:16–18), while proclaiming their delight in his laws (Ps 18:21–25[20–24]) and judgment (Ps 97:8). Ancient Near Eastern warfare texts also highlight a relationship between the king and the divine warrior. The kings built temples for their gods in gratitude for their victories in warfare. For their part, the gods chose and loved the kings. Aššur and Ninurta loved Tiglath-pileser I112 and guided him.113 Re loved Thutmose III,114 Aššur chose Tukultī-Ninurta I “to worship him,”115 and Sargon II noted that he “carefully observes the law of Shamash.”116

Boils later also afflicted Hezekiah and Job (2 Kgs 20:7; Job 2:7) and those whom YHWH cursed (Deut 28:35). 110 Margaret Barker, “Hezekiah’s Boil,” JSOT 95 (2001): 31–42. 111 Schneir Levin, “Hezekiah’s Boil,” Judaism 42 (1993): 214–17. 112 Tiglath-pileser I Inscription, A.0.87.1 vi (RIMA 2:26). 113 Tiglath-pileser I Inscription, A.0.87.1 vii (RIMA 2:27). 114 “The Annals of Thutmose III,” translated by James K. Hoffmeier (COS 2.2A:9). 115 Tukultī-Ninurta I Inscription, A.0.78.1 i (RIMA 1:234). 116 ARAB, 2.80. 109

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YHWH’s Desire for a Relationship with Israel After the Israelites’ cry for help, the narrator described YHWH’s reaction with a rich series of clauses (Exod 2:24–25). Although the narrator still did not use the name YHWH, each of the clauses in these two verses uses the redundant subject ‫אלהים‬, emphasizing God’s actions: he heard their groaning and he remembered his covenant with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. The opening of the book contains many lexical links back to the covenant promises to the patriarchs but this is the first direct reference to YHWH’s covenant with Israel (Gen 17:7), which included the promise of the return of Abraham’s descendants from a land of oppression (now clearly identified as Egypt) to the land of Canaan and the judgment of the oppressors (Gen 15:14–16). YHWH saw the sons of Israel, recognizing that action needed to be taken.117 Seeing also often denotes personal encounter and relationship.118 When YHWH saw the Israelites, he did not only learn something, but began his personal encounter with the Israelites and perhaps even a divine sharing in their suffering by entering into relationship with them and empathizing with their pain.119 Finally, YHWH knew (‫)ידע‬, a clause that ends abruptly and lacks the expected direct object. The qal could be emended to a nifal, following the LXX: “made himself known to them.” 120 However, the phrase seems to refer to a divine knowing of the situation, including both a renewal of relationship with Israel and especially the knowledge that it was time to act on his promise to bring them out Seeing often denoted that one recognized action needed to be taken, including the action Sarah took after she saw the son of Hagar playing (Gen 21:9), and Moses’ killing of the Egyptian after he saw the Israelite oppression (Exod 2:11–12). 118 When Dinah desired to go see the women of the region (Gen 34:1), she was interested in forming relationships with those women, not staring at them from a distance. On seeing, see H. F. Fuhs, “‫ראה‬,” TDOT 13:216–22, 233–34. 119 Terence E. Fretheim, The Suffering of God: An Old Testament Perspective (OBT 14; Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1984), 127–28. 120 Douglas K. Stuart, Exodus (NAC 2; Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 2006), 104; Propp, Exodus 1–18, 178. 117

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of the land of oppression (Gen 15:13–14).121 YHWH’s knowledge could also be of the sufferings of Israel, since YHWH later proclaimed to Moses that he knew the sufferings of Israel (Exod 3:7). The narrator began with a man in a divine office (Pharaoh) who did not know (Exod 1:8), but now he introduces a deity who truly knows.122 YHWH called Moses at the burning bush in the wilderness. After emphasizing his holiness, YHWH began by reaffirming his identity as “the God of your father, the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob” (Exod 3:6), and recognized the suffering of the Israelites: he had seen their affliction and oppression (Exod 3:7, 9; 4:31), heard their cry (Exod 3:7, 9), and knew their sufferings (Exod 3:7). This recognition would lead to YHWH coming to Egypt to rescue his people from the hand of the Egyptians and bring them to the land of Canaan (Exod 3:7–8; 16–17). YHWH intended to conduct his relationship with Israel through Moses, the first human that YHWH had “sent.”123 Moses was skeptical that the Israelites would accept him as an agent of YHWH, so he raised potential Israelite protests to YHWH. When Moses asked what he should tell the Israelites when they would inquire about YHWH’s name, YHWH instructed him to tell them that he was “YHWH, the God of your fathers, the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob” (Exod 3:15; see also 3:16; 4:5), that he had been concerned about Israel (Exod 3:16; 4:31), that he promised to bring them up to Canaan (Exod 3:17), and that he would strike the Egyptians (Exod 3:20). When Moses Brevard S. Childs, The Book of Exodus: A Critical, Theological Commentary (OTL; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1974), 28. Tgs. Onq. and Neof. understand the phrase to mean that YHWH determined to redeem Israel. Genesis 18:21 contains a similar divine absolute use of “know” that follows an outcry. 122 Charles Isbell, “Exodus 1–2 in the Context of Exodus 1–14: Story Lines and Key Words,” in Art and Meaning: Rhetoric in Biblical Literature (ed. David J. A. Clines, David M. Gunn, and Alan J. Hauser; JSOTSup 19; Sheffield: JSOT, 1982), 52. 123 Cornelis G. den Hertog, “The Prophetic Dimension of the Divine Name: On Exodus 3:14a and Its Context,” CBQ 64 (2002): 222–23. 121

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continued to doubt that the people would listen to him, YHWH gave him three signs to perform in front of Israel so they would believe that YHWH, the God of their fathers, had appeared to Moses (Exod 4:1–9). On Moses’ journey back to Egypt, YHWH appeared to him again and informed him that, though he would harden Pharaoh’s heart so he would not release Israel (Exod 4:21–23), Moses was to tell Pharaoh that Israel was YHWH’s first-born (‫)בכור‬. Since Pharaoh would refuse to allow YHWH’s first-born to go worship him, YHWH would kill Pharaoh’s first-born. The motif of Israel as firstborn is unexpected here as Genesis consistently focused on the second born rather than the first-born (Isaac vs. Ishmael, Jacob vs. Esau, Ephraim vs. Manasseh).124 However, the word refers primarily to a statement of rank or favor rather than chronology. 125 Israel’s status as YHWH’s first-born involved YHWH’s love for Israel (Deut 1:31; Jer 3:19) and Israel’s obligation to obey YHWH (Deut 8:5; 32:5).126 The filial relationship also implies that YHWH was required to redeem his kinsman from slavery (Lev 25:39–43). Most importantly, the declaration of Israel as YHWH’s first-born expressed YHWH’s claim concerning them as his people. After Pharaoh rejected YHWH, Moses asked YHWH why he had sent him (Exod 5:22–23). YHWH responded with two speeches to Moses. In the first he repeated his promise that he would force Pharaoh to release Israel (Exod 6:1; see also 3:20), while in the second he repeated his earlier promises.127 He began with the self-identification clause, “I am YHWH” (Exod 6:2), reminding Moses of his power and his devotion to Israel. He also reminded See M. Tsevat, “‫בכור‬,” TDOT 2:127. For other references to the fatherhood of God, see Hos 11:1–8; Jer 31:9. 125 Frederick E. Greenspahn, When Brothers Dwell Together: The Preeminence of Younger Siblings in the Hebrew Bible (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 59–69; Block, “Marriage and Family in Ancient Israel,” 82– 84. 126 Propp, Exodus 1–18, 217. 127 For a work that bases an Old Testament theology around these verses, see Elmer A. Martens, God’s Design: A Focus on Old Testament Theology (3rd ed.; Grand Rapids: Baker, 1994). 124

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Moses of his promises to the patriarchs and proclaimed that he heard the groaning of the Israelites (Exod 6:3–5). YHWH then instructed Moses to speak to the Israelites, again beginning with the self-identification clause, “I am YHWH” (Exod 6:6). Although he promised he would take them out of Egypt and bring them to the land he had promised (Exod 6:8), the high point of the speech involves YHWH’s relationship with Israel as expressed in the covenant formula: YHWH would take them to be his people and be their God (Exod 6:7).128 The covenant formula was based on both marriage and adoption formulas, highlighting the intimate relationship YHWH was entering into with Israel (see also the previous clause that YHWH took [‫ ]לקח‬Israel, another marriage term).129 The covenant formula is often connected with the exodus,130 although it was also connected to YHWH’s history with the patriarchs.131 YHWH had promised Abraham that he would be a God for him and his descendants (Gen 17:7–8), but this is the first appearance of the formula that combines this promise with the promise that Israel would be his people (Exod 6:7). The expansion of the formula indicates that Israel was about to enter into a new relationship with YHWH as a people rather than as an individual. Finally, the Israelites would know that “I am YHWH your God, who brought you out of Egypt.”132 As I will note below, the For more on the covenant formula, see Rolf Rendtorff, The Covenant Formula: An Exegetical and Theological Investigation (trans. Margaret Kohl; Old Testament Studies; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1998). 129 Seock-Tae Sohn, “‘I Will Be Your God and You Will Be My People’: The Origin and Background of the Covenant Formula,” in Ki Baruch Hu: Ancient Near Eastern, Biblical, and Judaic Studies in Honor of Baruch A. Levine (ed. Robert Chazan, William W. Hallo, and Lawrence H. Schiffman; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1999), 355–72. 130 Exod 6:6; 29:45–46; Lev 22:33; 25:38; 26:12–13, 45; Deut 4:20; 2 Sam 7:23; Jer 11:4. 131 Rendtorff, The Covenant Formula, 45–46. 132 For more on this formula in relation to Israel, see Daniel I. Block, Old Testament Theology 2011 Lecture Notes, unpublished manuscript, 80–82. 128

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recognition formula appears frequently in the exodus narrative with the Egyptians as the subject, but only twice with the Israelites as the subject (Exod 6:7; 10:2). Although YHWH only desired the Egyptians to acknowledge him, based on the context of deliverance he desired that the Israelite’s knowledge of him based on his deliverance of them be both noetic and relational.133 Over the course of the plague narrative YHWH’s relationship with Israel fades into the background. However, YHWH describes the Israelites as his people and his hosts (Exod 7:4) and hardened Pharaoh’s heart so the Israelites could tell their children how YHWH had humiliated Egypt and how he had performed his signs (Exod 10:1–2). The ultimate goal was that Israel would know that “I am YHWH,” signifying the relationship Israel was to enter into with YHWH, recognizing his power and his special care for Israel. The people of Israel come back into focus in the tenth plague, when YHWH commanded them to follow him by celebrating the first Passover and provided regulations for future celebrations of Passover. YHWH repeated many of his prior appeals to Israel, including the promise to bring them to the land (Exod 12:25; 13:5, 11) and their connection to the promise made to the patriarchs (Exod 13:5; 11). Israelite Trust in YHWH The early chapters of Exodus include two stories of trust in YHWH. First, the midwives saved the newborn males because they feared (‫ )ירא‬God, though the narrator does not use the name YHWH and the midwives might not even have been Israelite (Exod 1:15–21).134 Second, Moses’ parents endangered themselves to John Frederick Evans, “An Inner-Biblical Interpretation and Intertextual Reading of Ezekiel’s Recognition Formulae with the Book of Exodus” (Ph. D. diss., University of Stellenbosch, 2006), 260–317. 134 If the word ‫ עברית‬is an objective genitive, it would denote that they were midwives for the Israelites, but not necessarily Israelites themselves. See LXX; Josephus, Ant. 2.9.2; Houtman, Exodus, 1:251–52. However, their Hebrew names suggest that they are Israelite, a position taken in Propp, Exodus 1–18, 137; Stuart, Exodus, 74. The narrator could also have purposely blurred the ethnicity of the midwives, as argued in 133

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protect him, but the narrator does not use religious terminology to describe either their actions or motivations (Exod 2:1–10). The first statement of broad Israelite trust in YHWH occurs when Moses and Aaron returned to Egypt. Although the object of their faith is not specified, when Aaron performed the signs YHWH had shown to Moses, the Israelites believed (‫אמן‬, hifil; Exod 4:31). Frequently YHWH is the object of faith or disbelief (Gen 15:6; Exod 14:31; Num 14:11), but the context here in Exod 4:31 indicates that this belief might be directed at Moses rather than YHWH. When Moses expressed concern that Israel would not trust (‫אמן‬, hifil) him (Exod 4:1), YHWH responded by giving Moses three signs so they would believe (‫אמן‬, hifil) that YHWH had appeared to him and sent him (Exod 4:5, 8, 9). Since the narrator records Israel’s faith immediately after the performance of these three signs by Aaron (Exod 4:30), their faith is more about trust in Moses, the man YHWH chose, than belief in YHWH himself (although the two cannot be entirely separated).135 Alongside their trust in Moses, they also entered into relationship with YHWH. When the Israelites heard136 that YHWH cared for them (Exod 3:16), they bowed down (‫ )קדד‬and worshipped (‫חוה‬, hishtaphel), a common formula denoting submission and homage to a powerful human or deity (Gen 24:26; 43:28; Exod 34:8).137 The second statement of Israelite trust in YHWH occurs in the midst of the tenth plague. As noted above, The Israelites obeyed the commands that YHWH had given to them for their protection during the final plague (Exod 12:1–27a). As they had done earlier, the people bowed down (‫)קדד‬, worshipped (‫חוה‬, hishtaphel) YHWH, and did exactly what YHWH had commanded (Exod 12:27b–28). Israel’s obedience continued after their deparDozeman, Exodus, 74–75; F. V. Greifenhagen, Egypt on the Pentateuch’s Ideological Map: Constructing Biblical Israel’s Identity (JSOTSup 361; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2002), 57–58. 135 Israelite trust in Moses is also mentioned elsewhere (Exod 14:31; 19:9). 136 LXX reads “rejoiced” rather than “heard.” 137 See M. J. Mulder, “‫קדד‬,” TDOT 12:499–501; H. D. Preuss, “‫חוה‬,” TDOT 4:248–56.

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ture from Egypt when they followed YHWH to the wilderness (Exod 13:17–22) and Moses brought the bones of Joseph with him from Egypt (Exod 13:19; see the command in Gen 50:25). The third expression of Israelite trust comes after the Red Sea event. They had feared (‫ )ירא‬the Egyptians (Exod 14:10), but after seeing YHWH’s destruction of the Egyptian army, the Israelites began to fear YHWH (Exod 14:30–31). Their fear of YHWH was not a servile terror, but a healthy respect and recognition of YHWH’s power combined with the knowledge that he had used this power against their enemy.138 Earlier they had trusted Moses (Exod 4:31), but now they trusted (‫אמן‬, hifil) both YHWH and his servant Moses.139 As described in chapter two, the narrative ends with Moses and the Israelites praising YHWH together in the Song of the Sea (Exod 15:1), a psalm expressing the Israelite faith described in 14:30–31.

CONCLUSION This chapter has demonstrated that in many ways YHWH’s portrayal in the exodus narrative matches his image in the divine warrior texts. Several aspects of the terminology employed in the narrative describe him in martial terms, while many of the natural elements employed as weapons by the divine warrior elsewhere are employed against the Egyptians in the narrative. The presence of The expression becomes almost synonymous with trusting YHWH, although it continues to have a threatening tone, since YHWH’s power could be used against his people as well as his enemies. For a proposal to translate ‘fear of God’ as ‘trust in God’ in Ben Sira, see Renate Egger-Wenzel, “‘Faith in God’ Rather Than ‘Fear of God’ in Ben Sira and Job: A Necessary Adjustment in Terminology and Understanding,” in Intertextual Studies in Ben Sira and Tobit (ed. Jeremy Corley and Vincent Skemp; CBQMS 38; Washington, D.C.: The Catholic Biblical Association, 2005), 211–26. For more on the fear of God, see H. F. Fuhs, “‫ירא‬,” TDOT 6:297–314; Ska, Le Passage de la Mer, 136–45; John Goldingay, Israel’s Life (vol. 3 of Old Testament Theology; Downers Grove: InterVarsity, 2009), 75–99. 139 See also the trust of the Judean army in YHWH and in his prophets (2 Chr 20:20). 138

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panic, supernatural envoys, and disease in the narrative further conforms to the image of the divine warrior. All these themes together help to identify YHWH’s actions as those of a divine warrior in the exodus narrative. However, other aspects of YHWH’s actions in Egypt differ from the more common poetic divine warrior texts. We will analyze these differences in the next three chapters to see if these differences preclude identifying YHWH as a divine warrior in the exodus narrative.

THE NARRATIVE EXPANSION OF THE DIVINE WARRIOR MOTIF The first set of differences between the divine warrior poetic texts and the exodus narrative I will examine is those relating to the difference of genre. Since the divine warrior texts I analyzed in chapter two are primarily poetic texts that were used for liturgical purposes, many of the details about YHWH’s enemies and other aspects of YHWH’s actions were not included. The prose nature of the exodus narrative allows the narrator more opportunity to expand the level of detail in several areas related to the divine warrior. Although the perspective of each of the categories discussed in this chapter (YHWH’s casus belli, the role of the human army in the battle, the identification of the enemy, the salvation of Israel from their enemies, and the praise of the divine warrior) align fundamentally with the perspectives of the poetic divine warrior texts, the level of detail concerning these items is much higher in the exodus narrative. Therefore, these differences do not invalidate YHWH’s identity as a divine warrior in the exodus narrative, but simply reflect a genre change.

CASUS BELLI Determining whether a provocation is serious enough to be a casus belli, a cause for war, is one of the most difficult decisions concerning warfare. This section will explore the differing attitudes of YHWH toward Egypt in Genesis and Exodus to ascertain what caused YHWH to engage the Egyptians in warfare in Exodus. The Most Favored Guests: Egypt in Genesis In Genesis, YHWH’s interaction with the Egyptians is striking in several ways. Though various texts speak of Egypt, we will give particular attention to YHWH’s relationship with the foreign na77

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tion: (1) Abraham in Egypt (Gen 12:10–20); (2) the Hagar episodes (Gen 16; 21:8–21); (3) Joseph (Gen 37–50). Together, these three texts illuminate the patriarchal attitude toward Egyptians, Egyptian actions toward the patriarchs, and YHWH’s disposition to the Egyptians and they provide invaluable information about the basis of YHWH’s actions toward the Egyptians.1 We begin by looking at the Asiatics from an Egyptian perspective. In Egyptian literature Asiatics were viewed as the “other,” often recording an aversion to them because of the damage that they caused in Egypt. This perspective is apparent in several texts. Sinuhe tells of the walls that “were made to repel the Asiatics.”2 The Prophecies of Neferti portray chaos as the coming of the Asiatics: “The land is burdened with misfortune because of those looking (?) for food, Asiatics roaming the land. Foes have arisen in the east, Asiatics have descended into Egypt. The fortifications are destroyed …”3 The Instructions of Merikare describe the Asiatics as follows: Lo, the miserable Asiatic, He is wretched because of the place he’s in: Short of water, bare of wood, Its paths are many and painful because of mountains. He does not dwell in one place, Food propels his leg, He fights since the time of Horus, Not

Despite the importance of Egypt within the narratives of Genesis, scholarly study of the literary role of Egypt in the book has been minimal. One exception is F. V. Greifenhagen, who argues that the Pentateuch betrays two sources that compilers combined in the Persian period to convince their fellow Jews that all Jews should live in Palestine rather than Egypt. They knew that they would antagonize a significant part of their audience if they removed pro-Egyptian material, so they subverted it by including it in an anti-Egyptian framework, making the final form of the Pentateuch “overwhelmingly” anti-Egyptian. See Greifenhagen, Egypt on the Pentateuch’s Ideological Map. 2 “Sinuhe,” translated by Miriam Lichteim (COS 1.38:77). 3 “The Prophecies of Neferti,” translated by Nili Shupak (COS 1.45:108). 1

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conquering or being conquered, He does not announce the day of combat, Like a thief who darts about a group.4

But this aversion to Asiatics did not prevent Semites from entering Egypt, as Egyptian texts record many examples of people with Semitic names dwelling there.5 A frontier official in the thirteenthcentury BCE reported that he allowed Edomites to enter Egypt in order to “keep them alive and to keep their cattle alive.”6 Sinuhe was adopted by an Asiatic leader who recognized him from his time in Egypt.7 The Egyptians probably welcomed the wealthier Asiatics for the trade they brought to Egypt and for the possible political advantages they might gain.8 Egypt’s first action in Genesis involved giving safe refuge to Abram during a severe famine in Canaan (Gen 12:10–20). However, Abram deceived the Egyptians about the status of his relationship to his wife Sarai and his relationship with the Egyptians soured after YHWH struck Pharaoh’s house with plagues. The narrator does not record Pharaoh interacting with YHWH directly, but when YHWH struck his house with plagues, Pharaoh understood YHWH’s displeasure, gave Sarai back to Abram, and sent them away from Egypt. YHWH’s attack on Egypt derived from Egyptian misconduct (taking another man’s wife), but that misconduct was precipitated by Abram’s deceit. Although the narrator does not directly condemn him, the similarity of Pharaoh’s rebuke (“What have you done?”) to God’s rebuke of Eve (“What have you “Instructions of Merikare,” translated by Miriam Lichtheim (COS 1.35:64). 5 See “Semitic Slaves on a Middle Kingdom Estate,” translated by Robert K. Ritner (COS 3.11:35–37); “Semitic Functionaries in Egypt,” translated by Robert K. Ritner (COS 3.12:37); “Middle Kingdom Egyptian Contacts with Asia,” translated by John A. Wilson (ANET, 228–29). 6 “The Report of a Frontier Official,” translated by John A. Wilson (ANET, 259). 7 “Sinuhe,” translated by Miriam Lichteim (COS 1:78). 8 For a helpful survey of Egypt serving as a place of refuge from ancient Near Eastern texts as well as first-millennium biblical texts, see Garrett Galvin, Egypt as a Place of Refuge (FAT 2.51; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2011). 4

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done?”) in the garden (Gen 3:13),9 as well as Abram’s silence in the face of the rebuke indicates the narrator’s acceptance of the truth of Pharaoh’s rebuke.10 This remarkable text invites the reader to sympathize with the Egyptians and to repudiate the actions and intentions of the patriarch. The story also provides a model for how Egypt should have responded in Exodus: when YHWH instructed Pharaoh to dismiss their Asiatic visitors by sending a plague (‫ ;נגע‬see Exod 11:1), Pharaoh immediately commanded Abram to take his wife (‫ ;לקח‬see Exod 12:32) and sent them away (‫שלח‬, piel; see Exod 3:20).11 The next appearance of Egyptians in Genesis has them in Canaan (Gen 16; 21:9–14). The childless Sarai advised Abram to conceive a child for her through her Egyptian maid-servant. However, when Hagar conceived, “her mistress lost status in her eyes” (Gen 16:4)12 and Sarai oppressed (‫ )ענה‬her (Gen 16:6).13 After Hagar’s

Greifenhagen, Egypt on the Pentateuch’s Ideological Map, 29. Claus Westermann, Genesis 12–36 (trans. John J. Scullion; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1995), 166–67; Gordon J. Wenham, Genesis 1–15 (WBC 1; Waco: Word, 1987), 288. 11 See also the fear that the Egyptians would kill (‫ )הרג‬them (Gen 12:12; Exod 5:21). For parallels with the exodus, see Thomas Römer, “Exodusmotive und Exoduspolemik in den Erzvätererzählungen,” in Berührungspunkte: Studien zur Sozial- und Religionsgeschichte Israels und seiner Umwelt: Festschrift für Rainer Albertz zu seinem 65. Geburtstag (ed. Ingo Kottsieper, Rüdiger Schmitt, and Jakob Wöhrle; AOAT 350; Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 2008), 7–8. 12 The strong translations of the phrase, such as the NIV’s “she began to despise her mistress,” or NRSV’s “she looked with contempt on her mistress,” portray Hagar in a more negative light than the milder translation offered here. The stronger translation would be appropriate if the verb was in the piel stem rather than the qal stem of ‫קלל‬. See Westermann, Genesis 12–36, 240; Victor P. Hamilton, The Book of Genesis Chapters 1–17 (NICOT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1990), 442. 13 The narrative emphasizes the oppression of Hagar by recording Hagar’s dialogue only when she is in the wilderness, away from her oppressors. 9

10

NARRATIVE EXPANSION

81

son Ishmael had matured, Sarah saw Ishmael playing (‫צחק‬, piel),14 which some have interpreted as mocking Isaac or performing some other negative action toward him (Gen 21:9).15 The verb ‫ צחק‬refers to mocking elsewhere, but in those contexts uses the qal16 or the hifil stem.17 The piel stem refers to more light-hearted scenes, such as children playing in a street (Zech 8:5), celebrating (1 Sam 18:7; 2 Sam 6:5), or wild animals playing (Job 40:20; Ps 104:26),18 suggesting that Ishmael’s activities were innocuous.19 Sarah requested that Abraham drive out Hagar and Ishmael, not because of Ishmael’s harmful activities, but because Ishmael might usurp Isaac’s role. Although in an initial reading of the narrative it appears that YHWH took Sarah’s side against the Egyptian, especially since YHWH gave Abraham permission to send Hagar and Ishmael away, a close reading shows the narrator’s disapproval. Biblical law did not address this specific issue, but its general tenor prohibited this kind of oppression, as the Covenant Code forbade mistreating foreigners and the oppression (‫ )ענה‬of widows, because YHWH would hear their cry (Exod 22:20–22[21–23]).20 Not only did Sarah LXX adds “with Isaac.” NLT; Gordon J. Wenham, Genesis 16–50 (WBC 2; Dallas: Word, 1994), 82; Kenneth A. Mathews, Genesis 11:27–50:26 (NAC 1B; Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 2005), 268–69. For several interesting rabbinic interpretations, see Rambam, Commentary on the Torah: Genesis (trans. Charles B. Chavel; New York: Shilo, 1971), 269–71. 16 Job 5:22; 30:1; 39:22; Ps 2:4; Lam 1:7; Hab 1:10. 17 2 Chr 30:10. 18 Even the negative uses of the piel stem, such as the “playing” at the golden calf incident (Exod 32:6), or the deceit of a neighbor through jesting (Prov 26:19) depict a light-hearted atmosphere, though the narrator disapproves of them. 19 Westermann, Genesis 12–36, 339. The verb lacks a sense of superiority, thus R. Bartelmus, “‫שחק‬/‫צחק‬,” TDOT 14:61–63. 20 Gershon Hepner, “The Affliction and Divorce of Hagar Involves Violations of the Covenant and Deuteronomic Codes,” ZABR 8 (2002): 173–74. For a possible parallel from Mesopotamia to this situation, see Hammurabi #171 in Martha T. Roth, Law Collections from Mesopotamia and Asia Minor (2nd ed.; SBLWAW 6; Atlanta: Scholars, 1997), 114. 14

15NIV;

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oppress (‫ענה‬, piel) Hagar (Gen 16:6), but YHWH also heard Ishmael’s voice in the wilderness (Gen 21:17) and Hagar’s name (‫)הגר‬ is a play on words of “foreigner” (‫)גר‬. The disapproval of Sarah’s actions is also highlighted by the similarity between Hagar and Israel in Egypt in Exodus.21 The ruling power (Pharaoh, Sarah) oppressed (‫ענה‬, piel; Gen 16:6; Exod 1:11–12) the weaker power (Israel, Hagar) and banished them (‫גרש‬, piel [Gen 21:10; Exod 6:1] and ‫שלח‬, piel [Gen 21:14; Exod 14:5]). Hagar’s name sounds like “the foreigner” (‫)גר‬, the term used to describe Israel in Egypt (Exod 22:20[21]; 23:9; Lev 19:34; Deut 10:19).22 But YHWH took note of their affliction (‫ ;עני‬Gen 16:11; Exod 3:7; 4:31) and met them in the wilderness, where he made them into a nation (see also Amos 9:7).23 YHWH also cared for Hagar in the wilderness. His promise to her paralleled the Abrahamic promise: to multiply her descendants into a great nation, making them too numerous to count (Gen 16:10; 21:18). In a touching scene, Hagar not only recognizes YHWH’s power, but also named God, “El Roi” (‫ ;אל ראי‬Gen 16:13). Remarkably, she is the only character in the Old Testament to give God a name. Hagar seems to have understood YHWH better than Sarah. Far from striking the Egyptian, YHWH blessed her and disapproved of Sarah’s oppression of her Egyptian maidservant. Egypt plays a key role in the Joseph narrative. The portrayal of Egypt begins negatively when Joseph arrived as a slave and called the land of Egypt the land of “his affliction” (Gen 41:52),24 but the narrative mitigates this portrayal by showing how this affliction began with a betrayal by Joseph’s brothers. Although he was a Thomas Römer, “Typologie exodique dans les récits patriarcaux,” in Typologie biblique: De quelques figures vives (ed. Raymond Kuntzmann; LD; Paris: Cerf, 2002), 65–69; Phyllis Trible, Texts of Terror: Literary-Feminist Readings of Biblical Narratives (OBT 13; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1984), 9–35; Pamela Tamarkin Reis, “Hagar Requited,” JSOT 87 (2000): 75–109. 22 Römer, “Typologie exodique dans les récits patriarcaux,” 65. 23 Ibid., 67–69. 24 The same word (‫ )עני‬describes the affliction of the Egyptian Hagar (Gen 16:11) and the Israelites in Egypt (Exod 3:7, 17; 4:31; Deut 26:7). 21

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slave, each of his masters (Potiphar, the prison warden, and Pharaoh) recognized his skills and gave him authority and responsibility: Potiphar recognized YHWH’s role in Joseph’s life (Gen 39:3–4), the prison warden gave Joseph responsibility because of the prosperity that the narrator attributes to YHWH (Gen 39:21–23), and Pharaoh recognized both a divine spirit in Joseph (Gen 41:38) and God as the source of his dream interpretation (Gen 41:39). When Joseph’s family descended to Egypt, the only Egyptian to treat them harshly was Joseph, the Israelite Egyptian. Pharaoh welcomed them warmly by giving them “the best of the land” and seeking overseers for his livestock from among the sons of Jacob (Gen 47:6–12). The Egyptians embalmed Jacob after his death and wept for him for seventy days (Gen 50:3). So many Egyptians accompanied Joseph on his trip to bury his father in Hebron that the Canaanites thought that it was a national Egyptian tragedy (Gen 50:4– 14).25 As they had been consistently throughout Genesis, Egypt was a gracious host for Israel, giving them a place to prosper and multiply (Gen 47:27). The Egyptians recognized the work of YHWH in the life of Joseph and gave him great responsibility because of YHWH’s influence. Far from keeping Israel away from Egypt, YHWH guided Israel to Egypt (Gen 45:4–8; 46:3–4; 50:20) through a variety of means: Joseph’s dreams (Gen 37:5–11),26 the prosperity of Joseph in Egypt (Gen 39:2, 21, 23), the interpretations of the dreams of the butler and the baker to Joseph to facilitate his passage into the presence of Pharaoh (Genesis 40), the dreams of Pharaoh to give Joseph the opportunity to prepare Egypt to receive Jacob’s family (Genesis 41), and the famine that caused Jacob’s family to come to

However, the Israelite children, flocks, and herds all stayed in Goshen (Gen 50:8), bringing to the mind of the reader the future negotiations between Pharaoh and Moses. 26 Dreams were a common method of communication from God (Gen 20:3, 6; 28:12; 31:24; Judg 7:13; Joel 3:1[2:28]). On dreams as divine communication in the Old Testament, see Robert Karl Gnuse, Dreams and Dream Reports in the Writings of Josephus: A Traditio-Historical Analysis (AGJU 36; Leiden: Brill, 1996), 68–101. 25

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Egypt for help (Genesis 42–45).27 Joseph testified that YHWH had sent him to Egypt to preserve a remnant for Israel (Gen 45:7). When Israel was in Egypt, YHWH blessed Egypt. Indirectly, he blessed them through Joseph’s work in Potiphar’s house (Gen 39:3–5), in the dungeon (Gen 39:23), and under Pharaoh (Genesis 41). More directly, Jacob blessed Pharaoh (Gen 47:7, 10), fulfilling the divine promise that Abraham would be a blessing to the nations (Gen 12:2–3). Although Egypt would not be Israel’s permanent home and would not be the ancestor of the nation of Israel, Egypt played the role of a gracious host to Israel during times of distress and consistently recognized the power of YHWH. In accordance with the Abrahamic covenant, in which YHWH promised to bless those nations who blessed Israel, YHWH blessed Egypt through the work of Joseph and the words of Jacob. YHWH the divine warrior kept his sword sheathed when interacting with the Egyptians in Genesis.28 These narratives portray Egypt in a positive light. Although Israel was to be differentiated from Egypt (they were not to settle down permanently in Egypt, or intermarry with Egyptians), YHWH also intended to bless the nations, like Egypt, through Israel (Gen 12:1–3).29 God’s plan placed Israel in a primary place, but it included all the nations of the world. Egypt would be blessed by YHWH when it blessed Israel. The Most Feared Threat: Egypt in Exodus Having determined Egypt’s relationship with the patriarchs and YHWH and YHWH’s response to Pharaohs in Genesis, we now address the same dynamic in Exodus. Since Exodus is at the heart Block, Old Testament Theology 2011 Lecture Notes, 83–84. Cf. YHWH’s declaration that Abram’s descendants would be oppressed in a foreign land (Gen 15:13–15). However, while readers of the Torah know that this country is Egypt, it is significant that the text does not name the country or even give any hints about its identity. 29 Later texts even show how “the nations will be included in Israel’s identity” (Ps 47:9; Isa 19:16–25; 56:3–8; Amos 9:11–12; Zech 2:10–11), thus Christopher J. H. Wright, The Mission of God: Unlocking the Bible’s Grand Narrative (Downers Grove: InterVarsity, 2006), 489–500. 27 28

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of this investigation, I will separate these two relationships into different chapters. This section will focus on Pharaoh’s response to YHWH and Israel in Exodus 1 and 5, while chapter seven will treat YHWH’s response to Pharaoh. Exodus 1: The First Pharaoh of Exodus Although the initial waw30 and the theme of Israelite growth in Egypt (Exod 1:1–7) suggests continuity with Genesis, the portrayal of Egypt in Exodus stands in sharpest contrast to the previous narrative. YHWH had promised that Israel would become a great nation in Egypt (Gen 46:3), and they had begun to be fruitful (‫)פרה‬31 and multiply (‫ ;רבה‬Gen 47:27).32 But the exodus narrative speaks of the Israelite growth in even grander terms (Exod 1:7). Not only did they become fruitful, and multiply, but they also swarmed (‫)שרץ‬, a term usually reserved for animals.33 Although the versions changed the verb because of its common association with animals, 34 it connects the growth of the Israelites with the divine command to Noah to be fruitful, multiply, and increase (Gen 9:7), the only other place the verb refers to humans. The Israelites became very

However, the LXX does not begin with a conjunction. Associated with sea creatures (Gen 1:22), humans in the Garden of Eden (Gen 1:28), land animals after the flood (Gen 8:17), humans after the flood (Gen 9:1, 7), Abraham (Gen 17:6), Ishmael (Gen 17:20), Isaac (Gen 26:22), Jacob (Gen 28:3; 35:11; 48:4), Joseph (Gen 41:52; 49:22), and Israel as a group (Gen 47:27). 32 Associated with the sea creatures (Gen 1:22), humans in the Garden of Eden (Gen 1:28), land animals after the flood (Gen 8:17), humans after the flood (Gen 9:1, 7), Ishmael (Gen 16:10; 17:20), Abraham (Gen 17:2; 22:17), Isaac (Gen 26:4, 24), Jacob (Gen 28:3; 35:11; 48:4), and Israel as a group (Gen 47:27). 33 Water creatures (Gen 1:20–21; Ezek 47:9), land creatures (Gen 7:21; 8:17; Lev 11:29, 41–43, 46), and frogs (Exod 7:28 [Eng. 8:3]; Ps 105:30). 34 The Targums use the root ‫ ילד‬and the LXX changes to “became common.” 30 31

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strong,35 which could indicate greater military strength.36 Finally, they also filled the land, recalling the commands to fill the earth (Gen 1:28; 9:1). The dense use of these terms in Exodus 1:7 portrays the Israelite population explosion as the fulfillment of the creation mandate and the promise to the patriarchs as Israel finally progressed past the barren matriarch and troubled birth stories of Genesis.37 Even though YHWH is not mentioned, an informed reader realizes that he has orchestrated these events, as Ps 105:24 makes explicit: “YHWH made his people fruitful and made them stronger than their enemies.” This continuity leads the reader to expect a similar portrayal of Egypt. Since the Pharaoh of Genesis had recognized the divine origin of Joseph’s knowledge (Gen 41:38–39), appointed him a ruler over the people of Egypt (Gen 41:40–45), and warmly welcomed Jacob and his family to Egypt (Gen 45:16–20; 47:1–12), readers expect that the Egyptians would also welcome the Israelite growth brought about by YHWH. But the narrator quickly notes that the Egyptian disposition toward Israel would be very different.38 Although the psalmist attributes to YHWH the change in The only use of this verb (‫ )עצם‬in Genesis reflects Abimelech’s concern that Isaac would be too powerful (‫ )עצםת‬for him (Gen 26:16). The adverbial phrase ‫ במאד מאד‬appears only six times in the Old Testament, three of which are in Genesis, modifying the multiplication of Abraham (Gen 17:2), the fruitfulness of Abraham (Gen 17:6), and the multiplication of Ishmael (Gen 17:20). 36 The word more commonly refers to a large amount, but can refer to military strength (Ps 38:20[19]; 69:5[4]; Isa 31:1). In Ps 105:24 the psalmist employs the verb in the hifil, resulting in the more ominous claim that YHWH made them “stronger than their enemies” (‫)ויעצמהו מצריו‬. 37 Davies, Israel in Egypt, 36–38; G. K. Beale, The Temple and the Church’s Mission: A Biblical Theology of the Dwelling Place of God (New Studies in Biblical Theology; Downers Grove: InterVarsity, 2004), 95; Andrew J. Schmutzer, Be Fruitful and Multiply: A Crux of Thematic Repetition in Genesis 1–11 (Eugene: Wipf & Stock, 2009), 198–201. 38 This is not the first time that blessing from the Abrahamic covenant had brought strife. The multiplication of Abraham’s flock brought 35

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Egyptian attitude toward Israel (Ps 105:25),39 the exodus narrative keeps YHWH in the background until the very end of Exodus 2.40 The exodus narrative presents Pharaoh’s ignorance of YHWH as the reason for Egypt’s change of disposition toward Israel, stating that the new Pharaoh did not know Joseph. The word ‫ידע‬ could refer to intellectual knowledge, meaning that Pharaoh was ignorant of Joseph’s identity or what he did for Egypt.41 Other stories in the Old Testament begin with the ignorance of foreign kings about the good deeds of Israelites and end with the king blessing the Israelite after his ignorance was corrected (Xerxes’ ignorance of Mordecai’s actions [Esth 2:21–23; 6:1–11]). Pharaoh’s ignorance could have begun a similar plot: he was not aware of the identity of Joseph and his work for Egypt centuries earlier, and when he learned of Joseph’s deeds he would help Israel for the sake of their ancestor. Genesis’ positive portrayal of Egypt leads readers to expect this outcome. But this story differs sharply from the Genesis narrative. The word ‫ ידע‬in the Exodus narrative often denotes having a relationship with someone,42 suggesting that Pharaoh knew intellectually his shepherds into conflict with Lot’s shepherds (Gen 13:2–7), as perceptively noted in Joel S. Kaminsky, Yet I Loved Jacob: Reclaiming the Biblical Concept of Election (Nashville: Abingdon, 2007), 30. 39 The order of events in the psalm places this event before the plagues, although the use of ‫ הפך‬connects it with Pharaoh’s change of heart (‫ )ויהפך לבב פרעה‬after the plague and his decision to pursue Israel (Exod 14:5). See John Goldingay, Psalms 90–150 (Baker Commentary on the Old Testament Wisdom and Psalms; Grand Rapids: Baker, 2008), 212; Robert B. Chisholm, “Divine Hardening in the Old Testament,” BSac 153 (1996): 414. 40 For more on YHWH’s role in the origin of the conflict, see chapter four. 41 G. J. Botterweck, “‫ידע‬,” TDOT 5:463. The word ‫ ידע‬in the exodus narrative can refer to intellectual knowledge (Exod 2:4, 14; 3:19; 4:14; 9:30; 10:7, 26). 42 Exod 2:25; 5:2; 6:3; 6:7; 7:5, 17; 8:6, 18[10, 22]; 9:14, 29; 10:2; 11:7; 14:4, 18. The Targums record that Pharaoh did not follow the laws of Joseph.

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about Joseph and his work, but rejected any relationship with Joseph and his god, as well as any responsibility to provide a safe haven for the descendants of Joseph. Pharaoh’s oppressive actions (Exod 1:9–14), as well as the continuing theme of Pharaoh’s willful ignorance (Exod 5:2; 10:7) also support this interpretation. Pharaoh’s first speech removes any ambiguity. Reminiscent of stories of conferences Pharaohs held to help come to decisions in Egyptian literature,43 Pharaoh addressed his people to convince them of his plan (Exod 1:9–10). His first speech betrays him as a tyrant opposed to the people of God.44 Pharaoh’s fears surface in his claim that the Israelites have become more numerous and stronger than the Egyptians (Exod 1:9). Strangely, Pharaoh was not concerned about Israel taking over the nation, like the Hyksos and Nubians;45 rather, he was concerned that they would join outsiders who hated Egypt and leave Egypt, a fear that unintentionally prophesied what would happen in the future.46 Egypt was naturally determined to keep their slaves from escaping,47 but since the Israelites apparently were not slaves at this point it is difficult to understand Pharaoh’s concern from an Egyptian viewpoint. He could have expelled the Israelites from Egypt, like a previous Pharaoh had expelled Abraham from Egypt (Gen 12:20). But the ruler’s inexplicable concern is part of the characterization of the Exodus Pharaohs, who strove to keep Israel in Egypt, no matter what their officials advised about the power of YHWH and without regard to E.g., “The Annals of Thutmose III,” translated by James K. Hoffmeier (COS 2.2A:9–10). 44 On the importance of the first words of a character, see Robert Alter, The Art of Biblical Narrative (New York: Basic Books, 1981), 74. 45 See Nicolas Grimal, A History of Ancient Egypt (trans. Ian Shaw; Oxford: Blackwell, 1988), 185–87, 334–41. 46 Schmid, Genesis and the Moses Story, 217. Pharaoh even described the departure of the Israelites as “ascending from the land” (‫)עלה‬, a common term for the Exodus (Judg 11:13; 19:30; 1 Sam 15:2, 6; Isa 11:16; Hos 2:17[15]). 47 “A Report of Escaped Laborers,” translated by James P. Allen (COS 3.4:16); Edward Wente, Letters from Ancient Egypt (SBLWAW 1; Atlanta: Scholars, 1990), 83; Bakir, Slavery in Pharaonic Egypt, 79. 43

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the actual benefits for Egypt. Ironically, Pharaoh’s call to the Egyptians to “act wisely” (‫חכם‬, hitpael; Exod 1:10) highlights literarily his foolishness.48 At the outset the Egyptian hostility appears to have been onesided, as the text does not give any hints that the Israelites would fight against Egypt. 49 YHWH had promised to bring them up from Egypt (Gen 46:4; 50:24), but, like the ascents of Abraham and Joseph (Gen 13:1; 50:5–9), there have been few hints that this would be anything but a peaceful return. Besides introducing a martial tone to the Israelite-Egyptian relationship, this first reference to battle in the book of Exodus also sets a pattern that victory or defeat in warfare is more about spatial movement (leaving Egypt) than about conquest or spoils. Although Pharaoh’s willful ignorance of Joseph would have been offensive to YHWH, his provocation of YHWH did not stop there. Pharaoh’s first move was to enslave Israel. The Egyptians had already been enslaving Asiatic prisoners of war, so it would not have been difficult to conceive of enslaving a group of Asiatics already living in Egypt.50 Since the most common way to acquire large numbers of slaves was through victory in war,51 the Egyptian enslavement of Israel was effectively equivalent to a declaration of war. Oppression (‫ ;ענה‬piel; Exod 1:12) refers broadly to the lowering of the social status of the victim;52 in this case, the Egyptians J. Edward Owens, “‘Come, Let Us Be Wise’: Qoheleth and Ben Sira on True Wisdom, with an Ear to Pharaoh’s Folly,” in Intertextual Studies in Ben Sira and Tobit (ed. Jeremy Corley and Vincent Skemp; CBQMS 38; Washington, D.C.: The Catholic Biblical Association, 2005), 227–40. 49 Ironically, while Pharaoh was concerned that war would allow Israel to leave the land, YHWH was later concerned that war would force Israel to return to Egypt (Exod 13:17). See Isbell, “Exodus 1–2 in the Context of Exodus 1–14,” 45–46. 50 James K. Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt: The Evidence for the Authenticity of the Exodus Tradition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 112–14; Bakir, Slavery in Pharaonic Egypt, 109–15. 51 Bakir, Slavery in Pharaonic Egypt, 122. 52 Examples include the debasing of Dinah by Shechem (Gen 34:2) and the humiliation of the captive wife (Deut 21:14). See E. Gersten48

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reduced Israel from a free group to slaves (Gen 15:13; Deut 26:6), implying that the Israelites had been living freely in Egypt until just a few decades before they left Egypt.53 Pharaoh oppressed Israel by putting them under taskmasters54 to perform hard labor building storage facilities for Pharaoh (Exod 1:11). Whereas previously the storage facilities had brought salvation to the Israelites and Egyptians (Gen 41:35–36, 48–49, 56), now they became a sign of oppression for Israel.55 The goal of the Egyptian enslavement of Israel was not cheap labor, but the reduction of the Israelite population, the effectiveness of which is illustrated by Herodotus, who reported that 120,000 people died while making an Egyptian canal for Neco leading from the Nile to the Gulf of Suez (Hist. 2.158). The Pharaonic oppression includes the first hint of Pharaoh’s attack on nature: though YHWH intended work as a positive means of fulfilling his purposes, Pharaoh used work to thwart his purposes.56 However, the enslavement was a catastrophic failure: the more the Egyptians oppressed the Israelites, the more 57 the Israelites multiplied and spread (Exod 1:12), recalling YHWH’s promise to Jacob that his descendants would spread (Gen 28:14). Pharaoh had been concerned that if the Egyptians did not act decisively against the Israelites they would multiply (Exod 1:10), but ironically his greatest fear was realized through his own action. He refused to retract his plan, but continued Israelite growth resulted in the

berger, “‫ ענה‬II,” TDOT 11:237; Ellen van Wolde, “Does Innâ Denote Rape?: A Semantic Analysis of a Controversial Word,” VT 52 (2002): 528–44. 53 Contra Josephus, who claimed that Israel spent four hundred years in servitude to Egypt (Ant. 2.9.1). 54 For images of Egyptian taskmasters, see Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt, Figures 8, 9. 55 Greifenhagen, Egypt on the Pentateuch’s Ideological Map, 54. 56 John Goldingay, Israel’s Gospel (vol. 1 of Old Testament Theology; Downers Grove: InterVarsity, 2003), 329. 57 The construction ‫ כן‬. . . ‫ כאשר‬indicates exact correspondence (Gen 41:13; Lev 24:19).

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Egyptians loathing the Israelites (Exod 1:12).58 The Egyptians treated the Israelites ruthlessly,59 forcing them to make bricks and work in the fields (Exod 1:13–14).60 Reminiscent of the terms heaped up to describe the population explosion of the Israelites, the narrator multiplies terms to describe their oppression. When the scheme to reduce Israelite growth through enslavement failed, Pharaoh changed his tactics (Exod 1:15–21).61 Like the other phases of oppression (Exod 1:9–10, 22), this one opened with a speech by Pharaoh, commanding the Hebrew midwives to kill all male Hebrew children (Exod 1:15–16). The command has martial overtones, as conquering armies sometimes killed the men but kept the women for themselves (Num 31:7–18; Deut 20:13–14).62 Pharaoh went against the purpose of nature by ordaining that birth, the beginning of new life, would instead be the end of life. Since later the first-born of Israel were declared to be the special property of YHWH (Exod 13:1–2), Pharaoh had usurped YHWH’s role.63 However, Pharaoh’s scheme failed because the midwives feared God and refused to follow his instructions (Exod

This loathing indicated their fear (cf. Num 22:3; Isa 7:16) and their hatred of the Israelites (cf. Gen 27:46; Lev 20:23; 1 Kings 11:25). 59 The Torah prohibited treating slaves harshly (‫ ;רדה בפרך‬Lev 25:43, 46, 53). 60 For pictures of Semitic prisoners of war making bricks in the tomb of Rekhmire and evidence of other Semites doing agricultural work in Egypt, see Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt, Figures 8, 9. For the Egyptian background of making bricks, see Kenneth A. Kitchen, “From the Brickfields of Egypt,” TynBul 27 (1976): 137–43. 61 For an unconvincing suggestion that a second Pharaoh initiated these measures, based on the time implied in the ‫ כאשר‬clause (Exod 1:12) and the drastic increase in severity from slavery to infanticide, see Eugene H. Merrill, “Rameses II and the Exodus: A Case of Mistaken Identity,” in Homeland and Exile: Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Honour of Bustenay Oded (ed. Gershon Galil, Mark Geller, and Alan Millard; VTSup 130; Leiden: Brill, 2009), 538–39. 62 Propp, Exodus 1–18, 141. 63 Enns, Exodus, 256. 58

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1:17–21). Because of the faith of female saviors,64 the people of Israel continued to multiply and become strong (Exod 1:20), exactly what Pharaoh wanted to avoid (Exod 1:10). Not only did his plot fail, but the later killing of the Egyptian first-born in the final plague would be a response to Pharaoh’s attempted destruction of the Israelites. But even after two failures, Pharaoh remained adamant and initiated a third phase of oppression, commanding all his people to throw the male Hebrew newborns into the Nile (Exod 1:22).65 He turned the Nile, the source of life for ancient Egypt, into a place of death.66 However, if Pharaoh intended to decimate the Israelite population, it would have been wiser to kill the female children, who would grow up to bear Israelite children (Exod Rab. 1.14). Although the birth narrative of Moses assumes Egyptian compliance to the command (Exod 2:1–10), the narrator does not indicate whether or not the Egyptians followed Pharaoh’s command. Remarkably, the only Egyptian mentioned in relation to this command is Pharaoh’s daughter, who explicitly disobeyed her father’s command by keeping a Hebrew boy alive. Unlike the first two phases (1:12, 20), the narrative does not end with a statement of Israelite growth.67 The Pharaoh of Exodus differs sharply from the Pharaohs of Genesis. Readers of Genesis expect kings of Egypt to provide refuge for Israel, recognize the hand of God in Israelite growth, and For more on the female role in Exodus 1–2, see Jopie SiebertHommes, Let the Daughters Live!: The Literary Architecture of Exodus 1–2 as a Key for Interpretation (BibInt 37; Leiden: Brill, 1998), 110–34. 65 Pharaoh appears to command his people also to kill their own baby boys, but presumably he meant only Hebrew males, as the LXX, Jub. 47:2, Tgs, and Josephus, Ant 2.9.2 make explicit. However, some rabbinic sources speculated that Pharaoh also intended the Egyptians to kill their boys, because he did not know the nationality of the savior of the Hebrews (b. Sotah 12a; Exod. Rab. 1:18). 66 YHWH would later turn the Nile against Pharaoh by changing it to blood (Exod 7:14–19). 67 However, the birth of Moses in the following narrative points toward continued Israelite growth (2:1–10). 64

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send them back to Canaan. Instead, the new Pharaoh rejected YHWH by ignoring his work through Joseph and oppressed his people. In so doing he transformed Egypt from a place of refuge to an iron furnace (Deut 4:20). Exodus 5: The Second Pharaoh of Exodus The arrival of a new Pharaoh after the death of the first Pharaoh of Exodus (Exod 2:23) gave Egypt a second chance to recognize the power of YHWH and to fulfill its role as safe haven for Israel. But this Pharaoh spurned YHWH and acted in the same manner as the first Pharaoh. The instigation of the conflict does not come from YHWH’s work in multiplying Israel (Exod 1:1–7), but rather from YHWH’s word to Pharaoh through Moses, requesting that Pharaoh release Israel to celebrate a feast in the wilderness (Exod 5:1). However, Pharaoh’s response was the same. The first Pharaoh did not know Joseph’s work for Egypt (Exod 1:8), and this Pharaoh stubbornly proclaimed “I do not know YHWH” (Exod 5:2). This episode intensifies the first rejection. Present in the first narrative only in allusions, YHWH now sent his verbal message directly to Pharaoh through his messenger Moses, strengthening his appeal to Egypt’s leader. However, Pharaoh intensified his response by rejecting not only Joseph, a follower of YHWH, but YHWH himself. Pharaoh’s ignorance of YHWH indicated his rejection of a proper relationship with YHWH. Asking the identity of a person was not a request for information about their identity, but a rhetorical method of dismissing their importance (Judg 9:28; 1 Sam 17:26; 18:18; 25:10). The proper relationship between YHWH and Pharaoh, based on YHWH’s ownership of the entire world, was as suzerain and vassal.68 Ancient Near Eastern treaties required vassal kings to “know” their overlord, that is, to recognize them and to submit to them.69 Pharaoh’s rejection of YHWH was a rejection of Walter Brueggemann, “Pharaoh as Vassal: A Study of Political Metaphor,” CBQ 57 (1995): 27–51. 69 Herbert B. Huffmon, “The Treaty Background of Hebrew Yada,” BASOR 181 (1966): 31–37; Herbert B. Huffmon and Simon B. Parker, “A Further Note on the Treaty Background of Hebrew Yada,” BASOR 184 68

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his divine suzerain. Such a blatant rejection of YHWH by kings had not occurred in Genesis, where foreign kings were quick to send away God’s people and to listen to God (Gen 12:17–20; 20). But Pharaoh showed no such openness to YHWH.70 Pharaoh also increased the amount of work for the Israelites by commanding them to make the same number of bricks, but forcing them to gather straw for their brick making (Exod 5:6–8).71 Ironically, the strengthened oppression caused Israel to lose any desire to leave the service of Pharaoh, and everyone (except for Moses and YHWH) believed that it would be better to continue to serve Egypt. The intensified oppression fractured Israelite unity and turned the Israelites against Moses. Continuing the warfare terminology, the Israelite foremen called for judgment upon Moses and Aaron from YHWH because they had given a sword to Pharaoh to strike them (Exod 5:21). In the initial oppression, the Israelites had spread (‫)פרץ‬, a positive term denoting abundance (Exod 1:12). But under the second Pharaoh they scattered (‫פוץ‬, hifil) in defeat and disorganization (Exod 5:12), like the scattering after the Tower of Babel (Gen 11:9) or after a battle (Num 10:35). In contrast to the initial oppression, this oppression appeared to break Israel. Significantly, this episode did not end with Israel’s continued growth or the boldness of female saviors, but with Israel’s rejection of Moses and Aaron. Egypt’s attitude toward Israel changed dramatically between Genesis and Exodus. In Genesis, Egypt served as an agent of divine providence and a gracious host for Abram and for Jacob and (1966): 36–38; Gary Beckman, Hittite Diplomatic Texts (2nd ed.; SBLWAW 7; Atlanta: Scholars, 1999), 27. 70 Dorian Coover Cox, “The Hardening of Pharaoh’s Heart in Its Literary and Cultural Contexts,” BSac 163 (2006): 294–96. 71 The straw was used in Egyptian brick production to make the bricks stronger. For more on brick-making technology, see Charles F. Nims, “Bricks Without Straw?,” BA 13 (1950): 22–28. For a complaint of an Egyptian official about his post because “there are neither men to make bricks nor straw in the neighbourhood,” see Ricardo A. Caminos, Late-Egyptian Miscellanies (Brown Egyptological Studies 1; London: Oxford University Press, 1954), 188.

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his family, allowing them a place to live and grow during famines. The Egyptians consistently recognized the work of YHWH. The only oppression between the two groups in Genesis involved the Egyptian Hagar by Sarah, and animosity between the two groups originated with the Israelites, not the Egyptians. Although he did not permit Israel to live in Egypt permanently or allow the chosen line to go through Egyptian blood, YHWH ordained Egypt to serve as a place of refuge. He did not consider Egypt an enemy or attack them, but he blessed them through Jacob and Joseph. However, the Pharaohs of Exodus reacted to Israel differently. When YHWH blessed Israel and caused their population to increase, the first Pharaoh rejected YHWH’s previous work through Joseph and began to oppress his people. He employed nature to reduce Israel’s large population that had come about as a fulfillment of YHWH’s covenant with Israel. The second Pharaoh of Exodus also rejected YHWH. When YHWH strengthened his call to Pharaoh by sending a verbal message through Moses, Pharaoh intensified his response by rejecting YHWH directly and increasing the Israelite work load. In reply to the provocations, YHWH declared war on Egypt. His casus belli against Egypt was not xenophobia, but Egypt’s willful rejection of YHWH and oppression of his people Israel. Pharaoh’s hubris brought the wrath of the divine warrior on himself. Egypt’s role as a safe haven for Israel in Genesis was similar to that of a vassal seeking refuge under the protection of a great king. Although Egypt never served another king and expected to be obeyed rather than listening to the commands of others, the vassal-ruler relationship illustrates what YHWH expected from Egypt. A treaty from Alalakh stipulated that during a famine help was required. “[If people of my land] enter your land to preserve themselves from starvation, you must protect them and you must feed them like (citizens of) your land. Whenever they want to come to my land, you must gather and return them t[o my land.] You shall not detain a single family in your land.”72 Although he was the great king, Ashurbanipal records how he sent food to Elam when “The Agreement between Ir-Addu and Niqmepa (AT 2),” translated by Richard S. Hess (COS 2.128:330). 72

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“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

they suffered a famine, supported Elamites in Assyria who sought refuge from the famine, and sent them back home when the famine ended, thereby contrasting his graciousness with their rebellion.73 More broadly, nations were to treat expatriates kindly. Muršili II of Hatti commanded a vassal concerning garrison troops left in the vassal’s country that he should “sustain them and treat them well.”74 The actions of the Egyptians in Exodus are similar to those of other nations who provoked divine warriors to go to war. Ancient Near Eastern treaties often demanded that other nations could not keep their people (especially if they were fugitives), but would facilitate their return to their homeland. Failure to do so would lead to breaking the treaty and war. 75 The care of foreigners during a time of famine was meant to be temporary and the vassal was required to send them home after the famine. Regarding a migrating population or fugitive that desired to move to Hatti, Muršili II of Hatti commanded a vassal: “If some population or fugitive sets out, travels toward Hatti, and passes through your land, set them well on their way and point out the road to Hatti. Speak favorable words to them. You shall not direct them to anyone else.”76 The parallel between these stipulations and the Israelite sojourn in Egypt is not exact, since YHWH desired that Israel stay in Egypt for several centuries as an incubator away from the Canaanites who desired to be one people with them (Gen 34:21–23; Deut 10:22) rather than return immediately to Canaan. However, the principle that Egypt should allow Israel to leave whenever they desired is valid, as any vassal that enslaved the people of their suzerain would have risked open war. Since Pharaoh rejected YHWH as his suzerain, he would also have rejected any idea that he was required to send the people of YHWH out his land. However, in B.iv. 22–26 in Piepkorn, Historical Prism Inscriptions of Ashurbanipal I, 58–59. 74 Beckman, Hittite Diplomatic Texts, 70. 75 “The Agreement between Ir-Addu and Niqmepa (AT 2)” (COS 2.128:330); Fitzmyer, The Aramaic Inscriptions of Sefire, 136–37; Beckman, Hittite Diplomatic Texts, 71, 80, 83, 98–99. 76 Beckman, Hittite Diplomatic Texts, 62. 73

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the narrator’s view, YHWH was the sovereign of the world who demanded kings like Pharaoh to obey him.

THE ROLE OF HUMAN ARMY AND LEADERS The divine warrior texts of the Old Testament present different views on YHWH’s relationship to the Israelite army. Several texts glorify the human armies as they fought to “help YHWH” (Judg 5:23) and fought having been taught by YHWH (Ps 144:1), but many texts do not refer to any human armies. The narrative genre of the exodus narrative permits greater clarity on the role of the human army in YHWH’s battles. Throughout the ancient Near East, the primary weapons of divine warriors were armies of kings, a pattern that YHWH later often followed when he sent Israel to punish his enemies (Numbers 31; Deut 7:1–5; 1 Samuel 15). Occasionally, divine warriors would employ the army of another nation to achieve their goals. When Gyges, the king of Lydia, stopped sending his messenger to Ashurbanipal, the Assyrian king prayed to Aššur and Ištar: “May his body be cast before his enemy, may (his foes) carry off his limbs.” The very next event recorded is the defeat of Gyges by the Cimmerians.77 YHWH often employed foreign armies to judge both non-Israelite nations (Deut 2:10–12, 20–23; Nahum 2–3) and Israel (2 Kgs 17; Isa 10:5–19). However, in the exodus narrative he neither sent a large foreign army to Egypt to destroy Pharaoh, nor employed an Israelite army to achieve his goal. In this section we will examine the nature of the Israelite army, YHWH’s orders to his army, and the role of its leaders, Moses and Aaron. The Israelite Army The narrator identifies the nation of Israel with two militaristic terms. First, YHWH referred to Israel as “my hosts” (‫ ;צבאתי‬Exod

ARAB, 2.298. See also the employment of Israel by Chemosh in “The Inscription of King Mesha,” translated by K. A. D. Smelik (COS 2.23:137–38). 77

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7:4; see also Exod 6:26; 12:17, 41, 51).78 Although the word could refer only to organization (they went out orderly and arranged in groups),79 the common use of the word in military contexts (Gen 21:22; Deut 20:9; Josh 4:13) and the LXX translation reinforces the military connotation of the word and portrays YHWH as preparing the entire nation for a military campaign against Canaan.80 After their departure from Egypt a more traditional army, consisting of a select group of warriors, was called out from among the people to fight the battles (Exod 17:9). The Israelites also went up from Egypt ‫( חמשים‬Exod 13:18). Many ancient translations connected this difficult word with the number five (‫)חמש‬,81 but these make little sense in the other contexts in which the word appears (Josh 1:14; 4:12; Judg 7:11). The meaning that fits all its appearances best is “armed,”82 since it appears with other expressions denoting armament in the description of the Transjordanian tribes (Josh 1:14; 4:12).83 This military characterization leads the reader to expect an epic battle between the Israelites and the Egyptians. The statement that Israel left Egypt The book of Numbers uses the same term to describe the Israelites preparing to attack Canaan (e.g., 1:3, 52; 2:3, 4; 10:14; 33:1). For a possible connection between ‫ צבא‬and the divine name, see Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic, 69–71. 79 Houtman, Exodus, 1:520. Although this interpretation could be supported by the use of the root to describe Israelite cultic service (Exod 38:8; Num 4:3), even this context plausibly has a military tone to it as argued by John R. Spencer, “The Tasks of the Levites: šmr and ṣb’,” ZAW 96 (1984): 267–71. 80 Tgs.; Stuart, Exodus, 179; Dozeman, Exodus, 161, 286. 81 See the LXX’s “in the fifth generation” and Tg. Ps.-J.’s “with five little ones.” 82 Tg. Onq.; Sarna, Exodus, 69; Durham, Exodus, 185; Dozeman, God at War, 125; Loewenstamm, The Evolution of the Exodus Tradition, 226. For more detail on the history of interpretation and other proposed meanings, see Propp, Exodus 1–18, 487–88; Ska, Le Passage de la Mer, 14–17. 83 For a speculative attempt at combining the two ideas by speculating that it refers to the five parts of an army (vanguard, lead, body, and two wings), see Dozeman, Exodus, 305. 78

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with a raised hand (‫ביד רמה‬, Exod 14:8; see also Num 33:3) might suggest they expected to fight the Egyptians, since a raised hand indicated willful activity of some kind.84 However, the divine warrior’s orders for his troops are quite different from what readers (and perhaps Israel) expect, because YHWH’s first command after the Israelites left Egypt was to direct Israel away from war, so they would not become fearful and return to Egypt (Exod 13:17). YHWH might have described Israel as an army, but they did not act like one when they later became terrified at the sight of the Egyptian army approaching (Exod 14:10–12). Without doubt the Egyptian forts they would have encountered were formidable,85 but they would have been far less intimidating than the elite Egyptian army they would shortly encounter at the Red Sea. When Israel encountered the Egyptian army at the Red Sea, YHWH exhorted the terrified Israelites not to fear (‫)אל־תיראו‬, a common command in warfare settings (Exod 14:13).86 The Assyri-

These activities included rebellion (1 Kgs 11:26–27), defiance (Num 15:30), statement of victory (Deut 32:27; Mic 5:8[9]), or proclamation of power (Ps 89:14[13]). See C. J. Labuschagne, “The Meaning of Beyad Rama in the Old Testament,” in Von Kanaan Bis Kerala: Festschrift Für J. P. M. van Der Ploeg (ed. W. C. Delsman et al.; AOAT 211; Leiden: Brill, 1982), 146. The expression might also be associated with the common ancient Near Eastern iconography of a deity holding a weapon, as suggested in Sarna, Exodus, 72; Labuschagne, “The Meaning of Beyad Rama in the Old Testament,” 146. 85 For more detail on the strong military fortification along the path in northern Sinai, see Eliezer D. Oren, “The ‘Ways of Horus’ in North Sinai,” in Egypt, Israel, Sinai: Archaeological and Historical Relationships in the Biblical Period (ed. Anson F. Rainey; Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University, 1987), 69–120. 86 For more on this phrase, see Edgar W. Conrad, Fear Not Warrior: A Study of “Al Tîra” Pericopes in the Hebrew Scriptures (BJS 75; Chico: Scholars, 1985); Paul-Eugène Dion, “‘Fear Not’ Formula and Holy War,” CBQ 32 (1970): 565–70; Martti Nissinen, “Fear Not: A Study on an Ancient Near Eastern Phrase,” in The Changing Face of Form Criticism for the Twenty84

100

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an equivalent (la tapallaḫ) was often spoken to a king.87 In the Old Testament the command was given to both royal figures and the people collectively.88 YHWH also commanded the Israelite army to stand firm (‫יצב‬, hitpael), denoting taking up a position (Exod 2:4; 19:17) and “standing against” an enemy (Deut 7:24; 9:2; 11:25; 1 Sam 17:16; 2 Sam 23:12). Finally, YHWH commanded the people to keep silent (‫חרש‬, hifil; Exod 14:14). Since the root denotes refraining from speech (Gen 24:21; 34:5; 2 Kgs 18:36; Neh 5:8; Pro 17:28),89 a literal meaning might be appropriate here in Exod 14:14, as the command could be understood as a rebuke to the people for their complaints against Moses (Exod 14:11–12). However, the command to be silent is often metonymic, either for inaction (2 Sam 19:11; Est 4:14; 7:4; Ps 28:1; Hab 1:13) or offering no resistance to an assault or rebuke (Gen 34:5; 1 Sam 10:27; 2 Sam 13:20; Neh 5:8). Here, Moses commanded the Israelites not just to stop talking, but to offer no resistance to the Egyptians. 90 The fronted subjects contrast the actors: YHWH would fight, while Israel was to stand by passively.91 Since the exodus narrative never speaks of Israel’s weapons, many ancient interpreters resisted the notion of an armed Israel and argued that they left Egypt unarmed (Ezek. Trag. 1.210; Philo, First Century (ed. M. A. Sweeney and E. Ben Zvi; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2003), 122–61. 87 However, this might be an accident of discovery, since the majority of extant documents are royal. 88 Nissinen, “Fear Not: A Study on an Ancient Near Eastern Phrase,” 158–60. 89 See in particular its appearance in parallel with “put your hand on your mouth” (Judg 18:19). 90 For an attempt to connect the literal command to inaction by means of the war cry (when they did not give the war cry, they did not attack), see A. Baumann “‫דמה‬,” TDOT 3:262. 91 The Song of the Sea ignores any contribution at all from Moses and the Israelites. See Claudia Rakel, “Die Feier der Errettung im Alten Testament als Einspruch gegen den Krieg,” in Das Fest: Jenseits des Alltags (Jahrbuch für Biblische Theologie 18; Germany: Neukirchener, 2004), 171–77.

NARRATIVE EXPANSION

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Life of Moses 1.170; Josephus, Ant. 2.15.3; 2.16.6).92 These interpreters were also convinced that the Israelites would have fought if they had been armed. However, this concern raises an important issue: the defeat of the Egyptians may not be credited to an Israelite military force that helped YHWH in the battle. Theoretically, as he would later do in many battles, YHWH could have strengthened the Israelites to defeat the Egyptians in battle (Exod 17:8–16; Num 21:1–3; Deut 2:24–3:11), but he fought Egypt singlehandedly. YHWH was not merely a warrior God who strengthened his troops; he was the sovereign God of the universe who could defeat his enemy without any support from his people. Moses and Aaron Unlike the Israelite army, Moses and Aaron were active in YHWH’s attack against Egypt, though scarcely as generals. Genesis portrays YHWH communicating directly with foreign kings through dreams (Gen 20:6–7; 41:1–7), but in the exodus narrative he always spoke to Pharaoh through his prophet Moses, who acted as the mouth of YHWH.93 Moses and Aaron not only spoke for YHWH, but also acted as the intermediary for most of his attacks against Egypt.94 Although YHWH brought some of the plagues on Egypt directly, the majority involved the mediation of Moses and Aaron, who performed a divinely commanded action, usually involving either their hand or their staff. As noted above, the hand For a helpful survey of these interpretations, see Loewenstamm, The Evolution of the Exodus Tradition, 229–32. Most commonly, the ancient interpreters speculated that Israel was able to take the weapons of the Egyptians after they floated up to the shore (Josephus, Ant. 2.16.6), although it is also possible that the Israelites acquired weapons from the Egyptians when they asked for goods on their departure (Exod 12:36). 93 The identification of Aaron’s mouth with Moses’ mouth (Exod 4:10–16; 7:1) implies that Moses’ mouth was identified with YHWH’s mouth. YHWH’s words came to Pharaoh either from the mouth of YHWH (Exod 7:14–18, 26–29[8:1–4]) or Moses (Exod 10:3–6), but not both, further identifying the mouth of Moses with YHWH. 94 Moses was also the intermediary for removing several plagues (Exod 8:4–8, 24–26[8–12, 28–30]; 9:28–33; 10:17–18). 92

102

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

symbolized the power that a god could bring against his enemies. In the Old Testament, the staff (‫ )מטה‬served several functions, each of which is significant for the exodus. The staff was often used as a weapon,95 making Moses’ staff a concrete image of YHWH’s power in his battle against YHWH. Since the staff also functioned as a symbol of royalty,96 it presented a visible challenge to Pharaoh’s authority (seen most dramatically when Aaron’s staff swallowed the staffs of the magicians [Exod 7:8–13]). Finally, the staff operated as a means of identification.97 When the narrator identified Moses’ staff as the “staff of God” (Exod 4:20), it identified the attacks on Egypt that came through the staff as manifestations of YHWH’s power. Moses’ and Aaron’s staffs were identified with the staff of YHWH. When Moses went to Egypt, YHWH commanded him to take the staff of God in his hand (Exod 4:17, 20; see also Exod 17:9), thereby identifying himself with Moses’ shepherd staff.98 Before the first plague, YHWH commanded Moses to go to Pharaoh with his shepherd staff and report to him YHWH’s declaration: “I will strike the water that is in the Nile with the staff that is in my hand” (Exod 7:15–17), identifying YHWH with the staff that was in Moses’ hand. YHWH also identified his hand with Moses’ hand. After YHWH promised to stretch out his hand to strike Egypt with mir1 Sam 14:27, 43; Isa 10:5, 15, 24; Hab 3:14. Isaiah said that YHWH himself used his staff against Egypt (Isa 10:26). Marduk crushed the head of Tiamat with a staff (Enuma Elish iv.130). For other staffs as divine weapons, see Propp, Exodus 1–18, 228; Loewenstamm, The Evolution of the Exodus Tradition, 149. 96 Ps 110:2; Isa 14:5; Jer 48:17; Ezek 19:11–14. For the use of the staff as a symbol of royalty in Egypt, see Erik Hornung, “Ancient Egyptian Religious Iconography,” in Civilizations of the Ancient Near East (ed. J. Sasson; 4 vols; Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1995), 3:1726; Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt, 154–55. 97 See the staff of Judah (Gen 38:18, 25) and the staffs identifying the tribes (Num 17:16–26[1–11]) 98 YHWH demonstrated his control of Moses’ staff by turning it into a snake (Exod 4:2–5). 95

NARRATIVE EXPANSION

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acles (Exod 3:20), he “put wonders in the hand of Moses” to perform before Pharaoh (Exod 4:21).99 Moses’ quotation of YHWH’s words to Pharaoh in the first plague noted above also identified YHWH’s hand with Moses’ hand (Exod 7:17). Finally, YHWH threatened to stretch out (‫ )נטה‬his hand on Egypt (Exod 7:5), while Moses and Aaron also stretched out (‫ )נטה‬their hands (Exod 7:19; 8:2[6]; 9:22; 10:12, 21). Although Moses and Aaron played a prominent role in YHWH’s attack against Egypt, their presence sharpens rather than diminishes the centrality of YHWH’s role in the battle. So far as the records show, when other ancient Near Eastern divine warriors acted directly against their enemies, it was never announced beforehand by prophets.100 However, Moses and Aaron made clear that the mighty acts in Egypt were to be attributed to YHWH by announcing beforehand what would happen or when the plague would end (Exod 7:17–18; 27–29[8:2–4]; 8:17[21]; 9:2–3, 18; 10:4– 6; 11:4–8) and marking the beginning of the plagues with a specific action. Remarkably, YHWH’s commands matched the execution exactly in only two plagues,101 suggesting that Moses and Aaron were only required to follow the general idea of the command to indicate that the upcoming events were caused by YHWH. Table 2 illustrates this pattern by listing YHWH’s command next to the execution of that command by Moses and Aaron. The portrayal of the divine weapon differed from common ancient Near Eastern portraits. Assyrian kings frequently spoke of the gods giving them divine weapons with which to attack their

YHWH demonstrated his control over Moses’ hand by making it leprous and then restoring it to health (Exod 4:6–8). 100 The ancient Near Eastern prophetic texts spoke of future victories of the kings only in general terms. Divine action against the enemies other than through the armies of the kings is lacking in these texts. 101 However the versions frequently sought to harmonize the differences. For example, the LXX reads “stretched out hand” (Exod 9:23) to match the command to stretch out his hand (Exod 9:22). 99

104

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

enemies,102 as illustrated by the images of the divine winged figure hovering over the Assyrian king and holding the same style of weapon as the king (see figure 8 at the end of the book).103

However, see a letter to Esarhaddon: “The king, my lord, should not advance [to the b]attle. [Just a]s your royal fathers have done, st[ay] on the hill, and [let] your [ma]gnates [do] the bat[tle].” See Mikko Luukko and Greta Van Buylaere, The Political Correspondence of Esarhaddon (SAA 16; Helsinki: Helsinki University Press, 2002), 74. 103 For more on the Assyrian winged god and examples of the images, see Tallay Ornan, “The Winged Disc: A Symbol of Major Deities in the Neo-Assyrian Period (Hebrew),” in Royal Assyrian Inscriptions: History, Historiography and Ideology: A Conference in Honour of Haym Tadmor on the Occasion of His Eightieth Birthday 20 November 2003 (ed. Israel Eph’al and Nadav Na’aman; Jerusalem: The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 2009), 70–96; Steven Shnider, “Psalm xviii: Theophany, Epiphany, Empowerment,” VT 56 (2006): 390–93; Mendenhall, The Tenth Generation: The Origins of the Biblical Tradition, 44–54; Stephanie Dalley, “The God Salmu and the Winged Disk,” Iraq 48 (1986): 85–101. 102

NARRATIVE EXPANSION

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Table 2: The Execution of the Plagues Event Snake (7:9–10)

Actor Aaron

Divine Command Take staff and throw it down Take staff and stretch out hand Stretch out hand with staff Stretch out staff and strike dust

Human Action Threw staff down Raised staff and struck water Stretched out hand Stretched out hand with staff and struck the dust

Blood (7:19–21)

Aaron

Frogs (8:1–2[5–6])

Aaron

Gnats (8:12– 13[16–17])

Aaron

Flies (8:19–20[23– 24]) Pestilence (9:6) Boils (9:8–11)

YHWH

Take handfuls of soot and Moses will throw it Stretch out hand

Took soot and Moses threw it

Hail (9:22–23)

YHWH Moses and Aaron Moses

Locusts (10:12–13)

Moses

Stretch out hand

Darkness (10:21– 22) Death of Firstborn (12:29) Parting of Sea (14:16, 21) Return of Sea (14:26–27) Water from the Rock (17:5–6)

Moses

Stretch out hand

Water from the Rock (Num 20:8– 10)

Moses

Stretched out staff Stretched out staff Stretched out hand

YHWH Moses Moses Moses

Raise staff and stretch out hand Stretch out hand Take staff in your hand and strike the rock Take staff and speak to rock

Stretched out hand Stretched out hand Moses did so

Struck rock twice

106

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

However, while Assyrian kings portrayed themselves using these divine weapons in battle, Moses’ and Aaron’s staff acted solely as a symbol for the power of God working through Moses. Further, YHWH was not restricted to using his staff, as the variety of the commands and their executions by Moses and Aaron shows that YHWH could act directly against the Egyptians without the staff or use other actions. The presence of Moses and Aaron in the battle acted primarily to highlight the power of YHWH in his attack against Egypt. In the event of the exodus, YHWH did not employ a human army against his enemies. Ancient Near Eastern kings often downplayed the role of their army in battles by referring to their troops only when describing the preparation for battle; when the battle actually started, the troops disappeared and the king described his victory in the first person singular. Sargon II even said that when his troops were too tired to fight, he fought the enemy with only his horsemen at his side.104 Egyptian kings also speak this way. In great detail the Gebel Barkal Stela described how Thutmose III fought alone against many enemies.105 Emphasizing his own heroic role in the battle, Ramses II berated his troops for fleeing in the face of the Hittite attack and declared, “Amun I found more help to me than millions of troops, than hundred-thousands of chariotry, than ten-thousands of men, whether brothers or offspring, (even) if united in one will.”106 However, YHWH’s attack against Israel surpassed even these tendencies to downplay the role of the army. Ramses II fought alone only because his troops deserted him, not because he had planned his attack in this way. The contrast between YHWH and the other divine warriors is illustrated by examining a prophecy to Ashurbanipal from Ištar. When the Elamite king Teumman declared war against Ashurbanipal, he pleaded with Ištar to defeat the Elamite king. After admonishing him not to fear, she appeared in a ARAB, 2.82. “The Gebel Barkal Stela of Thutmose III,” translated by James K. Hoffmeier (COS 2.2B:14). 106 “The Battle of Qadesh—The Poem,” translated by K. A. Kitchen (COS 2.5A:35–37). 104 105

NARRATIVE EXPANSION

107

dream dressed as a warrior and commanded him: “You stay here in your place! Eat food, drink beer, make merry and praise my godhead, until I go to accomplish that task, making you attain your heart’s desire.”107 Although this command resembles that which YHWH gave to Israel when he told them to stand and be quiet before the Egyptians (Exod 14:13–14), the following actions differ. Ashurbanipal trusted in the message of Ištar, mobilized his troops, and defeated the Elamite king in battle.108 Ashurbanipal regarded the words of Ištar as hyperbole and understood them to mean that she would support him in his battle. But when YHWH spoke similar words to Moses and Israel, he meant it as a literal command for Israel to step back and watch YHWH fight for them, without getting involved themselves. Although he could have sent the army of another nation (as he would do later when he sent the Assyrians against Israel) or killed Pharaoh directly, this would not have accomplished as clearly his goal of displaying his power and glory to the world. Therefore, YHWH attacked his enemy directly and displayed his control over all creation. The full range of this intervention discredited Pharaoh’s ability to bring maat to the country and humiliated the king while displaying to the world that YHWH was the greatest divine warrior, and he was to be feared by all.

THE IDENTIFICATION OF THE ENEMY Although the embedded divine warrior texts often describe the enemy with more detail or assume their identity from the context, many details relating to the enemy are left out, while the poetic divine warrior texts frequently do not identify the enemy in any way. In contrast, the narrator of the exodus narrative describes the enemy much more exactly. The primary description of the enemy involves the ones who caused the conflict, namely, Pharaoh and Egyptian gods. I will discuss these entities further in the following Prism B v.64–67 in Martti Nissinen, Prophets and Prophecy in the Ancient Near East (SBLWAW 12; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2003), 148. 108 Prism B v.77–99 in ibid. 107

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“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

chapter on the martial expansion of the divine warrior motif, while this chapter will examine the other parts of Egypt affected by YHWH. The Egyptian People The largest group affected by YHWH’s plagues was the Egyptian people. McCarthy has condemned YHWH for this aspect of the plagues: since Pharaoh rejected YHWH and oppressed his people, he should be the object of punishment, not the Egyptians.109 In particular, although YHWH threatened Pharaoh with the death of his first-born (Exod 4:22–23), in the tenth plague he killed all the first-born, an unwarranted expansion for a god of justice. However, the narrator emphasizes that the Egyptians supported Pharaoh in his rejection of YHWH. Pharaoh convinced his people that the Israelites were a danger, and they followed his command to oppress the Israelites and eventually kill their newborn males (Exod 1:8–22). In the second round of oppression, the Egyptians willingly oppressed the Israelites (Exodus 5). The Egyptians were not forced into oppressing the Israelites, but readily joined their leader and were complicit in his guilt, even though they did not initiate the attack on YHWH. Although one could doubt whether not following Pharaoh was a real option, several Egyptians later questioned Pharaoh’s commands and decisions (Exod 8:15[19]; 10:7). Even if the Egyptians were not complicit in Pharaoh’s guilt, they were legitimate targets because of the principle of corporate responsibility. In the ancient Near East the leader represented the people and was responsible for their well-being. The people benefited from the king’s good decisions and were hurt by his poor decisions. One of the primary biblical examples of this is Manasseh, Brian R. McCarthy, “The Characterization of YHWH, the God of Israel, in Exodus 1–15,” in God’s Word for Our World: Biblical Studies in Honor of Simon John De Vries (ed. J. Harold Ellens et al.; 2 vols.; JSOTSup 388; London: T&T Clark, 2004), 1:6–20. See also Nancy C. Lee, “Genocide’s Lament: Moses, Pharaoh’s Daughter, and the Former Yugoslavia,” in God in the Fray: A Tribute to Walter Brueggemann (ed. Tod Linafelt and Timothy K. Beal; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1998), 66–82. 109

NARRATIVE EXPANSION

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as 2 Kings 21:9–15 assigns him the blame for the exile, but then describes the fate of the nation. 110 In the case of Egypt, the people could not be separated from their leader and followed him in his actions.111 The suffering of the Egyptians in all the plagues confirms the inseparability of the people and their leader. The first plague forced them to dig for water (Exod 7:24), while in subsequent plagues frogs, gnats, and flies invaded their homes and land (Exod 7:28[8:3]; 8:14, 17[18, 21]). The loss of their servants to hail (Exod 9:21, 25), their livestock to pestilence and hail (Exod 9:6, 21, 25), and their crops to hail and locusts (Exod 9:25; 10:13–15) hurt them economically. They suffered physically from boils (Exod 9:10) and the darkness that could be felt (Exod 10:21–23).112 The ultimate attack on the Egyptians involved the death of all the first-born of Egypt (Exod 12:29–30). Although the people were inseparably connected to Pharaoh, YHWH’s attacks also caused tension between Pharaoh and his people. Pharaoh acted as the mediator between the Egyptian people and the Egyptian gods, but if the people were separated from their leader, they would also be separated from their gods because their only access to them came through the king.113 The priests and However, even in this case the people were still partially responsible, as Manasseh caused them to do evil as well (2 Kgs 21:11). 111 For another biblical example, see the plague following David’s census (2 Samuel 24). For more on corporate responsibility, especially of a leader for his people, see Joel S. Kaminsky, Corporate Responsibility in the Hebrew Bible (JSOTSup 196; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995), 30–54. 112 The destruction of the linen might have signified a direct attack on the political and religious hierarchy, who only wore linen clothing. See Herodotus, Hist 2.37; Noegel, “The Significance of the Seventh Plague,” 536. 113 This is the official stance on access to the gods, but records of popular religion illustrates that the people believed they had access to the gods more directly. On Egyptian popular religion, see Ashraf Iskander Sadek, Popular Religion in Egypt during the New Kingdom (Hildesheimer Ägyptologische Beiträge 27; Hildesheim: Gerstenberg, 1987). 110

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other officials could perform rituals to connect the people to the gods, but this was done only through the delegation of the king.114 The Egyptian unity disintegrated when the Egyptian people bore the brunt of the suffering caused by the plagues. In contrast to the more extensive suffering of the people as described above, only half of the plagues specifically affected Pharaoh: the frogs (Exod 7:28–29[8:3–4]), the flies (Exod 8:17[21]), the hail (Exod 9:13–21), the locusts (Exod 10:6), and the death of the first-born (Exod 12:29–30). Furthermore, several of Pharaoh’s actions went against the well-being of the Egyptian people. In the first plague the Egyptians were forced to dig along the Nile for water, but Pharaoh simply returned to his house (Exod 7:23–24). Pharaoh requested that Moses stop only the plagues that the narrator specifically notes affected him: frogs (Exod 8:4[8]), flies (Exod 8:21– 27[25–31]), hail (Exod 9:27–28), locusts (Exod 10:16–17), and the death of the first-born (Exod 12:31–32).115 The rift between Pharaoh and his people manifested itself in their attitude toward the Israelites. While Pharaoh refused to honor Moses or the Israelites, in the end YHWH gave the Israelites favor in the eyes of the Egyptians (Exod 11:3; 12:36). In fact, Pharaoh’s officials and the people held Moses in high esteem (Exod 11:3). However, the estrangement between Pharaoh and the people is most apparent in the changes in his relationship with his officials (‫)עבדים‬, who ruled over Israel (Exod 5:21), stood before Pharaoh (Exod 7:10, 20; 10:7), were differentiated from the people,116 and owned slaves (Exod 9:20–21). The officials initially supported Pharaoh’s oppression of Israel (Exod 5:21), but the narrator’s comment that some feared the word of YHWH provides the first Herman te Velde, “Theology, Priests, and Worship in Ancient Egypt,” in Civilizations of the Ancient Near East (ed. J. Sasson; 4 vols; Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1995), 3:1731–32. 115 There are two exceptions. The plague on the livestock affected the livestock of Pharaoh (Exod 9:3), but Pharaoh did not request to remove that plague. The darkness was also not specifically directed at Pharaoh, but he requested it be removed (Exod 10:24). 116 Exod 7:28–29[8:3–4]; 8:5, 7, 17, 20, 25, 27[9, 11, 21, 24, 29, 31]; 9:14; 10:6; 11:3; 12:30 114

NARRATIVE EXPANSION

111

hint of a breakdown in their relationship (Exod 9:20–21).117 But when Moses threatened to bring locusts upon Egypt, and designated the houses of Pharaoh and his officials as targets, his officials persuaded him to allow Israel to go. They could not believe that Pharaoh still did not know that Egypt was ruined (Exod 10:1–7). The tenth plague changed the mind of Pharaoh and restored Egyptian unity. Moses had predicted that Pharaoh’s officials would bow before him and request that Israel leave Egypt (Exod 11:8), which they did after the death of the first-born (Exod 12:33). But this time, Pharaoh agreed with his officials and demanded that Israel leave (Exod 12:31–32).118 After the Israelites departed, Pharaoh and his officials together regretted allowing them to leave (Exod 14:5). The Egyptian people suffered at the hands of YHWH because of the actions of their leader and their complicity in his guilt. The Magicians Pharaoh’s magicians represent another distinct secondary target within the narrative. While the major battle raged between YHWH and Pharaoh, Aaron and the Egyptian magicians acted as the champions for each side and fought their own battle.119 This portrayal of the magicians strongly reflects Egyptian culture, where the magicians protected the king.120 In Egypt magic served diverse purposes but often centered on defense. To cure an ailment, the magician, assuming that an attacker was causing the ailment, would However, many of Pharaoh’s officials continued to follow Pharaoh by not fearing YHWH (Exod 9:30) and possessing hearts as hard as Pharaoh (Exod 9:34; 10:1). 118 Although Philo, Moses 1.138 said that the Egyptians rushed to the palace and blamed Pharaoh after the tenth plague. 119 Jub. 48:9 adds that Satan (Mastema) helped the Egyptian sorcerers. 120 On the identity and role of magicians in Egypt, see Ritner, The Mechanics of Ancient Egyptian Magical Practice, 220–33; Geraldine Pinch, Magic in Ancient Egypt (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1994), 47–60. For translations of Egyptian magical spells, see J. F. Borghouts, trans., Ancient Egyptian Magical Texts (Religious Texts Translation Series: NISABA 9; Leiden: Brill, 1978). 117

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identify the attacker and halt its effects by transposing the situation into the divine plane to identify with a divine figure for help, who would neutralize the attacker and bring relief to the victim.121 The magicians are referred to by three terms, the first two of which appear only in the opening description of the magicians.122 Wise men (‫ ;חכמים‬Exod 7:11) were frequently called on by foreign rulers to help them (Gen 41:8; Est 1:13; 6:13).123 Earlier in the narrative, Pharaoh had charged his people to deal wisely (‫חכם‬, hitpael) with the Israelites (Exod 1:10), and now he desired more wisdom. In the Old Testament sorcerers (‫ ;מכשפים‬Exod 7:11) are connected with foreign practices.124 Nebuchadnezzar called for his sorcerers to solve a problem (Dan 2:2). However, the Old Testament overwhelmingly condemned those who practiced sorcery. 125 Finally, the Hebrew term for magicians (‫ ;חרטמים‬Exod 7:11, 22; 8:3, 14, 15[7, 18, 19]; 9:11126) derives from the Egyptian word

J. F. Borghouts, “Witchcraft, Magic, and Divination in Ancient Egypt,” in Civilizations of the Ancient Near East (ed. J. Sasson; 4 vols; Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1995), 3:1777–79. 122 It is possible that Pharaoh summoned three separate groups to defend him: the wise men, the sorcerers, and the magicians. However, since the first two disappear from the narrative the three terms are most likely synonyms for the same group. The syntax supports this interpretation, as the third term appears in the following clause to replace the first two terms. 123 For more on the connection between these wise men and magic, see Ann Jeffers, Magic and Divination in Ancient Palestine and Syria (Studies in the History and Culture of the Ancient Near East 8; Leiden: Brill, 1996), 40–44. 124 Ibid., 65–70. 125 Exod 22:17[18]; Deut 18:10; 2 Kings 9:22; 2 Chr 33:6; Isa 47:9, 12. 126 Later tradition named the magicians Jannes and Jambres (e.g., CD 5:18–19; Pliny, Natural History 30.2.11; 2 Tim 3:8; Tg. Ps.-J.). For an extensive list of these references, see Jerome D. Quinn and William C. Wacker, The First and Second Letters to Timothy: A New Translation with Notes and Commentary (ECC; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2000), 727–30. 121

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ḥrj-tp, meaning chief ritualist or lector-priest.127 Although Pharaoh was theoretically the only one who could perform rituals and approach the gods, he delegated much of the actual activity to officials such as the magicians, among whom the most highly trained were the chief ritualists.128 The Pharaoh of the Joseph narrative (Gen 41:8, 24) and Nebuchadnezzar (Dan 1:20; 2:2) summoned magicians to help them interpret their dreams, while in the exodus narrative the magicians pursued their craft with “secret arts” (‫;לטים‬ Exod 7:11,129 22; 8:3, 14[7, 18]), denoting the secret arts of the magicians.130 After the first sign before Pharaoh, turning the staff into a tannin,131 Pharaoh summoned the magicians, who replicated the act by their secret arts (Exod 7:11). The magicians used their staffs, a common tool of Egyptian magicians, to match Aaron’s sign,132 but Aaron’s staff swallowed up their staffs. Swallowing in an Egyptian magical context sometimes depicted destruction, but could also signify the absorption of power, showing not only that YHWH had defeated the magicians, but also that he had taken their power.133 Since the snake was a sign of the protection of Egyptian royal

Jan Quaegebeur, “On the Egyptian Equivalent of Biblical Ḥarṭummîm,” in Pharaonic Egypt: The Bible and Christianity (ed. Sarah IsraelitGroll; Jerusalem: Magnes, 1985), 162–72; Rüdiger Schmitt, Magie im Alten Testament (AOAT 313; Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 2004), 113–14. 128 Borghouts, “Witchcraft, Magic, and Divination in Ancient Egypt,” 3:1784; Velde, “Theology, Priests, and Worship in Ancient Egypt,” 3:1731–32. 129 The MT reads ‫ להטיהם‬here, but this is probably an alloform of the word ‫לטים‬. See HALOT 2:521. 130 Elsewhere in the Old Testament the word suggests secrecy (Judg 4:21; Ruth 3:7; 1 Sam 18:22; 24:5[4]). 131 For more on the tannin, see chapter five. 132 John D. Currid, “The Rod of Moses,” Buried History 33 (1997): 111. 133 Ritner, The Mechanics of Ancient Egyptian Magical Practice, 102–10; Noegel, “Moses and Magic: Notes on the Book of Exodus,” 49–50. 127

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power, the destruction of the snake also symbolized the end of Pharaoh’s protection.134 The magicians were able to replicate the first plague, turning water into blood (Exod 7:22), though it is unclear which water the magicians turned into blood.135 The magicians also duplicated the second plague, bringing more frogs to the land of Egypt (Exod 8:3[7]), even though for Egypt’s sake it would have been more helpful to remove the frogs rather than add to their number. YHWH might also have appropriated the Egyptian perception of a defeated enemy as a subjected opponent, according to which the defeated enemy was still adversarial, but did the will of the conqueror. Therefore, although the magicians were still opposed to YHWH, the signs they performed were done according to the will of their conqueror, YHWH.136 Although the magicians reproduced the initial two plagues, they were unable to duplicate the appearance of gnats from dust in the third plague. They interpreted this as the finger of God (Exod 8:14–15[18–19]).137 The magicians disappear from the narrative until Aaron reappears in the sixth plague (9:8), when the boils on the magicians forced them to flee from the presence of Moses (Exod 9:11). The magicians attempted to defend Pharaoh against chaos and the disruption of maat, but YHWH showed that Pharaoh’s professional defenders were powerless to ward off his attack. Indeed, they only furthered his attack against Egypt. The Military YHWH’s final secondary target was the Egyptian military. The military played no role in the plague narrative, but Pharaoh summoned his armed forces to pursue Israel after their departure from Egypt. John D. Currid, “The Egyptian Setting of the ‘Serpent’: Confrontation in Exodus 7, 8–13,” BZ 39 (1995): 208–14. 135 Tg. Ps.-J. suggests they turned the water of Goshen into blood. 136 Ritner, The Mechanics of Ancient Egyptian Magical Practice, 128; Noegel, “Moses and Magic: Notes on the Book of Exodus,” 48–49. 137 On the role of sand as a tool for constructive magic in Egyptian magic, see Ritner, The Mechanics of Ancient Egyptian Magical Practice, 155–57; Noegel, “Moses and Magic: Notes on the Book of Exodus,” 52. 134

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Instead of focusing on the size of the army, 138 the narrator emphasized the diversity of the group by employing a series of general and specific terms to describe the military.139 The most general and nondescript term is “the Egyptians,”140 which operates as an umbrella term for the entire military force pursuing the Israelites, although it may also denote the entire Egyptian nation (Exod 14:4, 12).141 The “people” (‫ )עם‬whom Pharaoh took with him (Exod 14:6) was a general term for the armed forces (Judg 8:5; Josh 10:7; 11:7; 2 Kgs 13:7),142 while the camp (‫;מחנה‬ Exod 14:20, 24) frequently denoted a war camp (Josh 8:13; 10:5; 11:4).143 An “army” (‫חיל‬, Exod 14:4, 9, 17, 28; 15:4; Deut 11:4) commonly referred to a large military unit. The narrator also uses several more specific terms, the most common of which is chariot.144 Alongside regular chariots, Pharaoh also had specialty chariots (‫רכב בחור‬, Exod 14:7), which were either specially crafted chariots or were manned by more experienced chariot troops. Another equine term is “horsemen” (‫פרשים‬, Exod 14:9, 17, 18, 23, 26, 28; 15:19), which may refer either to the war horse (2 Sam 1:6) or its rider (Ezek 23:6). Since the poet refers to horses (‫ )סוס‬elsewhere, ‫ פרש‬most likely refers to horsemen.145

Even though the only number recorded is the six hundred select chariots (Exod 14:7), early interpreters emphasized the large size of the army. For example, Ezek. Trag. claims that the Egyptian army was a million men (1.203). 139 For more information on several of these words, see the discussion about the Song of the Sea in chapter two. 140 Exod 14:4, 9–10, 12–13, 17–18, 23, 25–27, 30–31. 141 However, the Egyptian army also included non-Egyptians, such as the Sherden. See Spalinger, War in Ancient Egypt, 7–8. 142 D. I. Block, “People,” ISBE 3:759; Propp, Exodus 1–18, 492. 143 On ‫ מחנה‬as a war camp, see F. J. Helfmeyer, “‫חנה‬,” TDOT 5:8–9. 144 ‫רכב‬, Exod 14:6, 7, 9, 17, 18, 23, 26, 28; 15:19; ‫מרכבת‬, Exod 14:25; 15:4. 145 H. Niehr, “‫פרש‬,” TDOT 12:124–28. If ‫ סוס‬denotes horse troops in general (including both chariots and cavalry), then the ‫ פרש‬could be the cavalry. 138

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Some have suggested the word refers to mares specifically,146 but the masculine ending ‫ים‬- is a problem for this interpretation. The final equine term is the participle of ‫רכב‬, employed in the Song of the Sea (Exod 15:1, 21). Although this could denote charioteers (Jer 17:25; 22:4; 51:21; Hag 2:22), most commonly the verb denotes riding horses or other animals (Gen 49:17; Num 22:22; Judg 5:10). The last military term, ‫שלשים‬, most likely denotes “officer.” Pharaoh employed the army to act aggressively against Israel, using several expressions to describe the army’s pursuit of Israel. The Egyptians traveled (‫ )נסע‬towards Israel (Exod 14:10), drew near (‫קרב‬, hifil) to Israel,147 pursued (‫ )רדף‬the Israelites (Exod 14:4, 8, 9, 23; 15:9), and overtook (‫נשג‬, hifil) Israel at the Red Sea (Exod 14:9; 15:9). The Egyptian army’s aggressive pursuit of Israel demonstrated their oppression of Israel and made them a target for YHWH’s attack. The extensive vocabulary used to describe the Egyptian military and their pursuit of Israel reflects their significance as YHWH’s opponent in his final interaction with Egypt. Although the military was not involved in the plagues, YHWH the divine warrior employed several of his most dreadful weapons against the Egyptian army to show that he could also defeat the primary symbol of an empire’s strength. He sent an angel to separate the Egyptians from the Israelites (Exod 14:19–20), he threw them into confusion (Exod 14:24–25), and used the sea to destroy them (Exod 14:27–28). The narrator declares that not one Egyptian was left alive after the battle (Exod 14:28), a common motif for describing the extent of victory in the ancient Near East.148 YHWH’s defeat of D. R. Ap-Thomas, “All the King’s Horses?,” in Proclamation and Presence: Old Testament Essays in Honour of Gwynne Henton Davies (ed. John I. Durham and J. R. Porter; Richmond: John Knox, 1970), 135–51. 147 The expression here is also unusual because the subject and object are identical. See IBHS, 441. The reader who knows the end of the story could playfully understand the unusual expression as referring to Pharaoh presenting himself to the Israelites as tribute or as a sacrifice. 148 See the battles with Og (Num 21:35; Deut 3:3), Sihon (Deut 2:34) and the Canaanites (Josh 8:17, 22; 10:28, 30, 33, 37, 39, 40; 11:8, 14; Judg 4:16). For ancient Near Eastern examples, see “The Gebel Barkal Stela of 146

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the Egyptian military, the greatest biblical expression of Egyptian power, was the final demonstration of his superiority over Egypt. The Innocent Victims In addition to the primary and secondary targets, the plagues affected innocent victims who did not join in the attack against the Israelites, but represented areas of Egyptian life for which Pharaoh was responsible and which suffered along with their overlord. These innocent victims included the animals and land of Egypt. When YHWH sent the plagues to show that Pharaoh had lost control of his realm, the land and animals of Egypt suffered. The Egyptians who did not fear YHWH left their livestock in the fields to die in the hail (Exod 9:20–21). The state of the land acted as a barometer of the faithfulness of the Israelites (Hos 4:1–3; Amos 4:9),149 since the gods were closely connected to the land and the people in the ancient Near East. Even though animals and forces of creation were among YHWH’s weapons, the animals and land also suffered greatly as victims during the other plagues. The cattle were afflicted by the gnats (Exod 8:13[17]) and boils (Exod 9:10), while the fish in the Nile (Exod 7:18, 21), the frogs (Exod 8:9[13]), and the cattle died (Exod 9:6, 25). The flies ruined the land (Exod 8:20[24]), the hail shattered trees (Exod 9:25), and the locust ate all the crops and the Thutmose III,” translated by James K. Hoffmeier (COS 2.2B:15); “The (Israel) Stela of Merneptah,” translated by James K. Hoffmeier (COS 2.6:41); “The Inscription of King Mesha,” translated by K. A. D. Smelik (COS 2.23:137). However, the use of this phrase represents hyperbole that was a common part of ancient conquest narratives, as noted in K. Lawson Younger Jr., Ancient Conquest Accounts: A Study in Ancient Near Eastern and Biblical History Writing (JSOTSup 98; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1990), 227–28. In particular, see the combination of total destruction and survivors in Josh 10:20. 149 Block, The Gods of the Nations, 101–9; Propp, Exodus 1–18, 356– 47; Henri Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods: A Study of Ancient Near Eastern Religion as the Integration of Society and Nature (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948), 310–12. See the triangle indicating this relationship in Block, The Gods of the Nations, 93.

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fruit of the trees (Exod 10:15). When Pharaoh’s officials expressed concern that Pharaoh did not recognize that Egypt was destroyed (Exod 10:7), they were not speaking hyperbolically.

THE SALVATION OF ISRAEL The most common feature of the divine warrior texts surveyed in chapter two was that YHWH took on the divine warrior role to rescue his people. When the king (Ps 18//2 Sam 22), the general (Josh 10:12–14) or the people (Judges 5) were attacked by enemies, they called out to YHWH the divine warrior, who rescued them from their attackers and brought them prosperity after the battle (Deut 33:27–28; Ps 144:12–14; Isa 42:16; Joel 4:18[3:18]). In the ancient Near East, divine warriors rescued their people and vassals when they were in danger. Tiglath-pileser I attacked the Hattians after they assaulted Šubartu, a vassal of the Assyrians.150 The divine warriors also guided and protected their kings. AmunRe went ahead to “blaze the trail” for Thutmose III,151 while the annals of Muršili II record that “The Sungoddess of Arinna, my lady, the victorious Stormgod, my lord, Mezzulla and all the gods ran before me” 152 and the author of the Tel Dan stele says that “Hadad went before me.”153 When the Hittite king Muršili II attacked Malazziya, the god hid the king and his troops with mist so the enemy could not see them. 154 Most importantly, the divine warriors brought prosperity to their lands. Marduk became the shepherd of the people of his land (Enuma Elish VI.107) and facilitated agricultural wealth (Enuma Tiglath-pileser I Inscription, A.0.87.1 ii-iii (RIMA 2:17). “The Annals of Thutmose III,” translated by James K. Hoffmeier (COS 2.2A:10). 152 “The Ten Year Annals of Great King Muršili II of Hatti,” translated by Richard H. Beal (COS 2.16:82–90). 153 “The Tell Dan Stele,” translated by Alan Millard (COS 2.39:161). 154 Philo H. J. Houwink ten Cate, “Mursilis’ Northwestern Campaigns—Additional Fragments of His Comprehensive Annals Concerning the Nerik Region,” in Florilegium Anatolicum: Mélanges Offerts À Emannuel Laroche (Paris: Editions E. De Boccard, 1979), 163–64. See also stories in the Iliad in which the gods hid someone in mist (3.381; 20.444). 150 151

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Elish VII.64–69, 78–79) when he defeated Tiamat. Baal brought life to his people through rain (KTU 1.4.v.64–73, 1.6.iii.1–21); his absence meant dry fields (KTU 1.6.i.6–8; iv.1–3). In the annals, divine warriors enriched the people through the order brought by the king.155 Tiglath-pileser I caused “plows to be hitched up all over Assyria and (thereby) piled up more grain than my forefathers”156 and “brought contentment to my people (and) provided them with a secure abode.”157 He spread his wings like an eagle over Assyria and faithfully tended the people of Assyria.158 In YHWH’s conflict with Egypt his most obvious goal for Israel was their salvation from bondage in Egypt. In this section we will study YHWH’s salvation by examining his separation of Israel from Egypt while they were still in Egypt, Israel’s departure from Egypt, Israel’s rescue from Egypt, and YHWH’s guidance of Israel from Egypt. Israel’s Separation from Egypt YHWH’s salvation of Israel did not commence with their departure from Egypt, but began with his providential work in isolating his people from the Egyptians while they were living in Egypt. One of the dangers Israel faced when Jacob descended to Egypt was assimilation into the Egyptian population. In many ways, Joseph became an Egyptian: he shaved his head (Gen 41:14),159 married the daughter of an Egyptian priest (Gen 41:45, 50), dressed and acted like an Egyptian so his brothers were unable to distinguish him from the Egyptians (Genesis 42–45), and possessed a diviner’s goblet (Gen 44:5, 15). The integration was so thorough that when Jacob’s family mourned his death in Canaan, the Canaanites For an enlightening study of this “heightened order” in the domestic achievements in the annals, see Douglas J. Green, “I Undertook Great Works”: The Ideology of Domestic Achievements in West Semitic Royal Inscriptions (FAT 2.41; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2010). 156 Tiglath-pileser I Inscription, A.0.87.1 vi (RIMA 2:26). 157 Tiglath-pileser I Inscription, A.0.87.1 vii (RIMA 2:27). 158 Tiglath-pileser I Inscription, A.0.87.1 vii (RIMA 2:28). 159 See the shaving of Sinuhe’s hair when he returned to Egyptian culture in “Sinuhe,” translated by Miriam Lichteim (COS 1.38:82). 155

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thought it was an Egyptian tragedy (Gen 50:11). If all of Jacob’s sons had been so integrated into Egyptian culture, Israel might have dissolved within the larger Egyptian population.160 However, several features within the Joseph novella and the initial chapters of Exodus suggest that YHWH prevented this form of social adaptation. The Joseph novella refers to specific customs that insulated the Israelites from acculturation. The Israelites could not eat with the Egyptians (Gen 43:32), and were separated by language (Gen 42:23) and vocation (Gen 46:34). They were geographically removed from the Egyptians, forming their own community in Goshen (Gen 46:34–47:12). In contrast to Joseph’s integration into Egyptian culture, Jacob and Joseph’s brothers apparently did not embrace Egyptian customs.161 The book of Exodus continues this emphasis on separation between Egypt and Israel in three respects.162 First, it appears the Israelites were distinguished from the Egyptians racially, which explains why Pharaoh’s daughter recognized that Moses was an Israelite when she saw him (Exod 2:6).163 Second, the Israelites were isolated by Egypt’s oppression. Third, the plagues highlighted YHWH’s distinction of Israel from Egypt. YHWH promised that For the view that Moses is an anti-Joseph figure because he did not assimilate in Egypt, see Aaron Wildavsky, Assimilation versus Separation: Joseph the Administrator and the Politics of Religion in Biblical Israel (New Brunswick: Transaction, 1993), 191–208. However, his view that Joseph’s actions to support Pharaoh were mistaken and that he should have immediately taken Israel out of Egypt does not take sufficient account of YHWH’s guidance of Joseph. 161 See Joshua Berman, “Identity Politics and the Burial of Jacob (Genesis 50:1–14),” CBQ 68 (2006): 11–31. 162 Although this topic is important, it is not the central theme of the narrative, contra Greifenhagen, Egypt on the Pentateuch’s Ideological Map, 46– 137; Diana Lipton, Longing for Egypt and Other Unexpected Biblical Tales (Hebrew Bible Monographs 15; Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix, 2008), 13–49. 163 For speculation on what these physical differences might have been, see Greifenhagen, Egypt on the Pentateuch’s Ideological Map, 61–62. The difference might also relate to the time of circumcision rather than a difference in physical appearance. 160

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he would “distinguish” (‫פלה‬, hifil) between the land of Goshen and the rest of Egypt (Exod 8:18[22]) and between the livestock of the Israelites and the livestock of Egypt (Exod 9:4; see also Exod 11:7).164 Beginning with the fourth plague (flies), YHWH protected his people from the plagues (flies: 8:18–19[22–23]; livestock: 9:4, 7; hail: 9:26; darkness: 10:23).165 In addition, YHWH distinguished between the Egyptians and Israelites in the final plague through his provision of specific rites to ensure his people’s protection. The plagues reinforced the distinction between the two peoples and should have removed some of the attraction of Egypt for Israel, although the Israelites did not learn this.166 Israel’s Departure from Egypt The most crucial element of his salvation of Israel involved the removal of his people from Egypt. Israel’s geographical departure from Egypt is expressed through two terms: ‫ עלה‬and ‫בוא‬.167 The designation “to go up” (‫ )עלה‬reflected the geography of the region and denoted moving from Egypt to Canaan (Gen 13:1; 44:34; 45:9, 25),168 while “going down” (‫ )ירד‬denoted movement in the opposite direction (Gen 12:10; 37:25; 39:1). The hifil stem of ‫ עלה‬would be frequently used to denote the exodus (Num 14:13; Deut 20:1; Josh 24:17; Judg 2:1).169 In Genesis, YHWH had promised that he would bring Jacob and Joseph’s brothers up (‫עלה‬, hifil) from Egypt 164

The hifil stem of ‫ פלה‬occurs only in the exodus narrative and Ps

4:4[3]. Early commentators assumed that YHWH protected the Israelites from all of the plagues (Philo, Moses 1.143–146), but the narrator makes no comment about whether the Israelites suffered the effects of the first three plagues, the boils and the locusts. 166 Hanna Liss, “Die Funktion der ‘Verstockung’ Pharaos in der Erzählung vom Auszug aus Ägypten (Ex 7–14),” BN 93 (1998): 56–76. 167 The term ‫ יצא‬will be discussed below. 168 See also “The Journal of a Frontier Official,” translated by John A. Wilson (ANET, 258). 169 On this verb in relation to the exodus, see H. F. Fuhs, “‫עלה‬,” TDOT 11:85–89. For a chart listing all the occurrences, see J. Wijngaards, “‫ הוציא‬and ‫העלה‬: A Twofold Approach to the Exodus,” VT 15 (1965): 98. 165

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after their descent to Egypt (Gen 46:4; 50:24). However, in Exodus, Pharaoh was concerned that Israel might go up from Egypt if war broke out (Exod 1:10), and YHWH promised to bring Israel up (‫עלה‬, hifil) from Egypt (Exod 3:8, 17). After Pharaoh released the Israelites, they went up (‫עלה‬, qal) from Egypt (Exod 12:38; 13:18) and brought up (‫עלה‬, hifil) Joseph’s bones with them (Exod 13:19; see also Gen 50:25). Together with ‫עלה‬, the root ‫ בוא‬focuses on spatial movement within the narrative: YHWH promised that he would bring Israel (‫בוא‬, hifil) to the land (Exod 6:8; 13:5, 11; 15:17) and, in the future, Israel would enter (‫בוא‬, qal) the land (Exod 12:25). This movement toward the land of Canaan is reiterated in other texts outside the exodus narrative that describe Israel going to the land (Lev 14:34; Deut 7:1; 9:5; 11:10) and YHWH bringing them to the land (Deut 7:1; 11:29; Jer 2:7; Ezek 20:28).170 The contexts of these geographical designations within the narratives of Genesis and Exodus focus not primarily on Israel’s deliverance from Egyptian bondage but on their destination, Canaan, as all references to the land of Canaan in the exodus narrative occur with ‫ עלה‬and ‫בוא‬. YHWH had promised the land of Canaan to the patriarchs (Gen 12:7; 13:14–17; 15:7; 26:1–5; 28:13–14), but the only territory they had gained in Canaan was the burial place of Sarah (Gen 23:4, 9, 20; 49:30; 50:13). The book of Exodus describes the land of Canaan with several familiar clauses: this was the land that YHWH swore to give to the patriarchs (Exod 13:5, 11); it was a good (‫ )טוב‬land (Exod 3:8), reflecting its agricultural potential;171 the land was spacious (‫)רחב‬, allowing for growth (Exod 3:8);172 the land flowed with milk and honey (‫;ארץ זבת חלב ודבש‬ Exod 3:8, 17; 13:5), an expression of collective wealth and abun170On

this verb in relation to the Exodus, see H. D. Preuss, “‫בוא‬,” TDOT 2:27–30. 171 This is also seen in the fruit brought back by the scouts (Num 13:23; Deut 1:25) and Deuteronomy’s description of the land as full of water and food (Deut 8:7–10). 172 Hamor convinced the people of Shechem to ally with Jacob’s family because the land was broad enough to contain both groups (Gen 34:21).

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dance;173 and the land was the home of the Canaanite nations, including the Hittites, Amorites, Perizzites, Hivites, and Jebusites (Exod 3:8, 17; 13:5, 11).174 The patriarchs sojourned peacefully with the Canaanites, though the events at Shechem (Genesis 34) and Jacob’s battle with the Amorites (Gen 48:22) suggest that such cohabitation would not last indefinitely. In Genesis, YHWH withheld instructions for their relationship with the Canaanites.175 The Song of the Sea offers two descriptions of Israel’s destination, but it is unclear if they referred to the same location or if they even referred to a specific location. YHWH would guide them See also Exod 33:3; Lev 20:24; Num 13:27; 14:8; 16:13, 14; Deut 6:3; 11:9; 26:9, 15; 27:3; 31:20; Josh 5:6; Jer 11:5; 32:22; Ezek 20:6, 15. For more on the expression, see Philip D. Stern, “The Origin and Significance of ‘The Land Flowing with Milk and Honey,’” VT 42 (1992): 554–57; Burkhard R. Knipping, “Die Wortkombination ‘Land, Fliessend Milch und Honig,’” BN 98 (1999): 55–71; Etan Levine, “The Land of Milk and Honey,” JSOT 87 (2000): 43–57. For Egyptian sources that also refer to the richness of Canaan, see “Sinuhe,” translated by Miriam Lichteim (COS 1.38:79); “The Annals of Thutmose III,” translated by James K. Hoffmeier (COS 2.2A:12). 174 On these lists of Canaanite nations, see E. Hostetter, Nations Mightier and More Numerous: The Biblical View of Palestine’s Pre-Israelite Peoples (BIBAL Dissertation Series 3; Richmond Hills, Tex.: BIBAL Press, 1995); T. Ishida, “The Structure and Historical Implications of the Lists of the Pre-Israelite Nations,” Bib 60 (1979): 461–90; Kevin G. O’Connell, “The List of Seven People in Canaan: A Fresh Analysis,” in The Answers Lie Below: Essays in Honor of Lawrence Edmund Toombs (ed. Henry O. Thompson; Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1984), 221–41. 175 For helpful surveys on the development of YHWH’s commands concerning the Canaanites, see Moshe Weinfeld, “The Ban on the Canaanites in the Biblical Codes and Its Historical Development,” in History and Traditions of Early Israel: Studies Presented to Eduard Nelson, May 8th, 1993 (ed. Andre Lemaire and Benedikt Otzen; VTSup 50; Leiden: Brill, 1993), 142–60; Baruch J. Schwartz, “Reexamining the Fate of the ‘Canaanites’ in the Torah Traditions,” in Sefer Moshe: The Moshe Weinfeld Jubilee Volume: Studies in the Bible and the Ancient Near East, Qumran, and Post-Biblical Judaism (ed. Chaim Cohen, Avi Hurvitz, and Shalom M. Paul; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2004), 151–70. 173

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to his “pasture of holiness” (Exod 15:13), the place where YHWH could shepherd his people in the context of his holiness. 176 Second, he would bring (‫בוא‬, hifil) them and plant them in the mountain of his property (Exod 15:17),177 further described as the place for YHWH’s dwelling,178 YHWH’s sanctuary, and the place that YHWH’s hands established.179 Although scholars have suggested a variety of locations, including Sinai, Zion, Shiloh, Gilgal, Canaan, and Israel’s northern highlands, the description is sufficiently general that a specific location may not have been intended.180 Whatever the answer to the question, the Israelites were going to a place where YHWH dwelled in holiness as their king. YHWH’s Rescue of Israel from Egypt The narrator also describes the Israelite departure from Egypt with the designations “rescue” and “redeem,” giving a theological interpretation to the Israelite departure from Egypt. One of the most common roots used to describe the Israelite departure from Egypt was ‫( יצא‬Num 20:16; 23:22; Deut 5:6; Josh 24:5).181 YHWH commissioned Moses to bring Israel out (‫יצא‬, hifil) of Egypt (Exod 3:10–12; 6:13, 26–27) and promised to do so himself (‫יצא‬, hifil; Exod 6:6–7; 7:4–5; 12:17, 42, 51; 13:3, 9, 14, 16). Pharaoh comA ‫ נוה‬was the place of shepherding sheep (2 Sam 7:8; Ps 23:2; Isa 65:10; Jer 33:12; 50:19) or an abode (Job 5:3; Ps 68:13[12]; Pro 3:33). 177 The Ugaritic cognate to the phrase ‫ הר נחלה‬occurs in the Baal Cycle to describe Baal’s home on Mount Zaphon (KTU 1.3.III.25–28). 178 A ‫ מכון‬is a place of stability, as in the foundation for YHWH’s throne (Ps 89:15[14]; 97:2) or the foundation of the earth (Ps 104:5). 179 The verb ‫ כון‬is often used for both cosmological contexts (Ps 8:4[3]; 24:2) and enthronement contexts (2 Sam 7:12–13). See K. Koch, “‫כון‬,” TDOT 7:97–101. 180 In a canonical context the reader understands this place to be Zion. For further discussion about the specific location intended, see E. Lipiński, “‫נחל‬,” TDOT 9:333; Propp, Exodus 1–18, 563–71; Block, The Gods of the Nations, 77–79. 181 For a helpful chart listing all of the uses of the verb ‫ יצא‬to refer to the Exodus, see Wijngaards, “‫ הוציא‬and ‫העלה‬: A Twofold Approach to the Exodus,” 92. 176

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125

manded Israel to go out of Egypt (Exod 12:31), which they did after the final plague (‫יצא‬, qal; Exod 13:3–4, 8; 14:8). Although the root commonly indicates spatial movement (Exod 2:11, 13; 5:20), the legal material of the Torah frequently uses the root ‫ יצא‬to mean “to go free,” as in a slave released in the seventh year (Exod 21:2, 4, 5, 7, 11; Lev 25:54) or property going free in the year of Jubilee (Lev 25:28). The psalmist speaks of YHWH releasing him from oppression (Ps 25:17; 107:28; 143:11) and from the net (Ps 25:15; 31:5[4]).182 The denotation of “release” fits well in the context of the root in the exodus narrative.183 The focus of this root is the oppression of burdens of Egypt and the house of slavery they left behind (Exod 6:6, 7; 13:3, 14),184 rather than their destination, which is never mentioned in connection with this verb. Another root used to describe YHWH’s rescue of Israel is ‫נצל‬. YHWH declared that he would rescue (‫נצל‬, hifil) Israel from the power of the Egyptians (Exod 3:8) and from bondage (Exod 6:6).185 Deliverance involved removing persons from danger, frequently a military or physical danger (Exod 2:19; Josh 2:13; Judg 6:9; 8:34; 9:17).186 Israel’s departure from Egypt was not simply a spatial move, but YHWH’s rescue of his people from danger (Exod 20:2). Together with ‫ יצא‬and ‫נצל‬, the root ‫ ישע‬plays an important role in the narrative (Exod 14:13, 30; 15:2). The root frequently An Amarna letter uses the root to gloss the phrase “rescue me,” as cited in Russell, Images of Egypt in Early Biblical Literature, 106–7. 183 Wijngaards, “‫ הוציא‬and ‫העלה‬: A Twofold Approach to the Exodus,” 91–98; Kang, Divine War, 124; Russell, Images of Egypt in Early Biblical Literature, 104–13. 184 Most commonly, they are said to be taken out of Egypt (Exod 3:10, 11, 12; 6:13, 26, 27; 7:4, 5; 12:17, 41, 42, 51; 13:3, 8, 9, 14, 16; 14:11). 185 YHWH also delivered the Israelite houses during the final plague (Exod 12:27). 186 Delivering could also have a legal tone and denote the acquisition of properly owned property (Gen 31:9; Judg 11:26), as argued by Isaac B. Gottlieb, “Law, Love, and Redemption: Legal Connotations in the Language of Exodus 6:6–8,” JANES 26 (1998): 50–51. 182

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“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

appears in military contexts, especially defensive battles.187 It could sometimes be translated “give victory” as easily as “save” when it is used for offensive battles (2 Sam 8:6, 14), since the latter translation makes more sense in defensive rather than offensive contexts. In the exodus narrative it appears only in the Red Sea narrative.188 Moses promised the people that they would see the salvation of YHWH (‫ )ישועת יהוה‬at the Red Sea, where the narrator summarized YHWH’s action with the statement, “Thus YHWH saved (‫ )ישע‬Israel that day from the hand of the Egyptians” (Exod 14:30). The designation ‫ גאל‬is also used of YHWH’s rescue of Israel (Exod 6:6; 15:13; Pss 74:2; 77:16[15]; 78:35; 106:7–13).189 As described in chapter two, the root is used in three primary ways, including freeing a relative out of slavery or the property of a relative that has been sold (Lev 25:25–26, 49; 27:15), referring to the duty of a blood redeemer (Num 35:19–27; Deut 19:6; Joshua 20; 2 Sam 14:11), and YHWH’s salvation of his people with no reference to a price being paid (Pss 72:14; 106:10; 107:2; Jer 33:11; Mic 4:10). The root appears twice in the exodus narrative: YHWH promised he would “redeem Israel with an outstretched arm and great judgments” (Exod 6:6), while the Song of the Sea praises YHWH for redeeming his people (Exod 15:13). Defining the nature of YHWH’s redemption more precisely is difficult, as it could reflect any one of the three main uses of the root. First, since enslaved Israel is described as the first-born of YHWH (Exod 4:23), YHWH’s redemption of Israel could reflect his purchase of his people out of slavery. Second, YHWH could be acting as a reNum 10:9; Deut 20:4; Josh 10:6; Judg 2:16, 18; 3:9, 15, 31; 1 Sam 14:45; 2 Sam 10:11; 2 Chr 20:17. 188 Earlier, Moses saved the daughters of priests of Midian from the shepherds (Exod 2:17). 189 The Song of the Sea also uses ‫ קנה‬as a parallel term to ‫ גאל‬to describe YHWH’s salvation (Exod 15:16; see also Deut 32:6; Isa 11:11, Ps 74:2). For more on ‫גאל‬, see Donald A. Leggett, The Levirate and Goel Institutions in the Old Testament: With Special Attention to the Book of Ruth (Cherry Hill, N.J: Mack Pub. Co, 1974); Robert L. Hubbard, “The Go’el in Ancient Israel: Theological Reflections on an Israelite Institution,” BBR 1 (1991): 3–19; Johnson, “The Primary Meaning of √‫גאל‬.” 187

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127

deemer of blood against the murderer of a family member because Pharaoh had murdered Israelite children (Exod 1:22). Third, YHWH’s redemption could simply be a metaphor for his salvation of Israel from an enemy. Most likely, since no price is mentioned, the third usage was the intended meaning, but hints of the first two are in the background.190 The use of these verbs denoting rescue and redemption shows that Israel’s departure from Egypt was not a simple return to Canaan after an extended vacation. YHWH’s rescue of Israel resulted in his identification as the savior of Israel from their despair in Egypt, leading to the conclusion that the future Israelite desire to return to Egypt was a statement of rebellion against YHWH (Num 14:2–4). YHWH’s Guidance of Israel from Egypt YHWH’s rescue of Israel from Egypt also included guiding them in the wilderness. First, YHWH guided Israel immediately after their departure from Egypt (Exod 13:17–22). The quickest route from Egypt to Canaan would have been the coastal route, which the Egyptians called the “Ways of Horus,”191 but YHWH did not lead (‫נחה‬, qal) them by the “way of the Philistines,” where they would have encountered Egyptian border guards stationed in forts along this way, because the Israelites would turn back if they saw battle. The root ‫( נחה‬qal) broadly denotes helping someone arrive at a specific destination (2 Kgs 18:11), and frequently refers to YHWH’s guidance.192 Instead of leading the Israelites towards the land of the Philistines, YHWH led them around (‫סבב‬, hifil) in the desert toward the Red Sea (Exod 13:17–18). Here the narrator uses

Perhaps YHWH’s effort is the purchase price from slavery (Exod 6:6). See also YHWH’s redemption of his people by power (Ps 77:16[15]). 191 Oren, “The ‘Ways of Horus’ in North Sinai”; James K. Hoffmeier, Ancient Israel in Sinai: The Evidence for the Authenticity of the Wilderness Tradition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 90–94. 192 Gen 24:27; Deut 32:12; Pss 5:9[8]; 27:11; 60:11[9]; 108:11[10]; 139:24. 190

128

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

the hifil stem of ‫ סבב‬to describe a circuitous route instead of a direct route.193 Exodus 13:21–22 indicates that YHWH’s general pattern was to guide (‫נחה‬, hifil194) them by going in front of them in the pillar of fire and cloud,195 which both guided the Israelites (Exod 13:21– 22; Num 14:14; Neh 9:12, 19) and played a role in divine warfare (Exod 14:19, 24). The pillar’s dual purpose of guidance and warfare also corresponds to the function of the description of YHWH “going ahead” of them (‫ ;הלך לפניהם‬Exod 13:21; Num 14:14; Deut 1:30, 33; 31:8).196 The one going ahead sometimes acted as a guide (Josh 3:6), but more often appeared in warfare contexts as a shield bearer (1 Sam 17:7).197 This sense was extended to the gods going before kings in battle to protect them (Exod 23:23; 32:34; Isa 52:12). YHWH guided the Israelites away from the Egyptian forts toward the Red Sea by means of the pillar of fire and cloud, providing them both direction and military protection. Second, YHWH guided Israel in the Red Sea narrative (Exodus 14; see also Ps 77:21[20]). YHWH guided the people through the commands of Moses (Exod 14:2, 15) and the pillar of cloud. The pillar moved from its location in front of them to stand behind them, separating them from the Egyptians (Exod 14:19).198 In the presence of a cloud and darkness, the pillar protected the Israelites by lighting (‫ )ויאר‬the night (Exod 14:20), although the combination of light and darkness is difficult to understand. The combination could reflect nightfall, when the pillar was half cloud and half The root ‫ סבב‬denotes “turning” or “surrounding,” with the hifil stem denoting “causing to turn.” For example, YHWH commanded David to go around to the rear of the Philistine camp (2 Sam 5:23). 194 The hifil stem of ‫ נחה‬appears to be parallel to the qal stem (see the parallel uses in Gen 24:27, 48). 195 For more on the pillar of fire and cloud, see chapter four. 196 The envoy of God also walked in front of Israel (Exod 14:19). 197 See also the statement that “He who goes in front saves his companion” in Tablet 3.5 of Benjamin R. Foster, ed., The Epic of Gilgamesh: A New Translation, Analogues, Criticism (New York: Norton, 2001), 23. 198 Tg. Ps.-J. says that the Egyptians were throwing arrows and stones at the Israelites. 193

NARRATIVE EXPANSION

129

fire.199 Other possible interpretations include a recollection of the creation of light in Genesis 1200 or the lightning as part of a theophany.201 The most likely explanation is the traditional exegesis that understood the cloud as giving light to the Israelites but darkness to the Egyptians, following Joshua’s statement that YHWH put darkness between Israel and Egypt (Josh 24:7).202 YHWH’s guidance of Israel served a double function. On the one hand, he directed them geographically away from Egypt and kept them from a battle with the Egyptian border guards, but ensured a confrontation with the entire Egyptian army because he desired a final battle between himself and the full military might of Egypt (Exod 14:4). On the other hand, he walked in front of them in the pillars of cloud and fire as an advance force to protect them on their journey and bring them victory in their battles.

THE PRAISE OF THE DIVINE WARRIOR One of the key outcomes of the divine warrior activity in the divine warrior texts is that the nations would praise YHWH because of his martial activity. When YHWH went on the warpath, all the nations would see his glory (Ps 97:6). The psalmist calls on the kingdoms of the earth to proclaim YHWH’s power and majesty (Ps 68:35[34]), while the Egyptians would send envoys and raise their hands to beseech mercy from God (Ps 68:32[31]). The nations who had fought against Israel will go to Jerusalem to worship YHWH Propp, Exodus 1–18, 498. Georg Steins, “Exodus 14,20 – Ein Neuer Blick auf ein Altes Problem,” ZAW 121 (2009): 273–76. 201 Michael Segal, “‫( ויאר את הלילה‬Exodus 14,20): New Light on an Old Problem,” ZAW 120 (2008): 254–60. Others have also attempted to derive the word from the root ‫ארר‬. See E. A. Speiser, “An Angelic ‘Curse’: Exodus 14:20,” in Oriental and Biblical Studies: Collected Writings of E. A. Speiser (ed. J. J. Finkelstein and M. Greenberg; Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1967), 108–12. 202 Tg. Neof.; St. Ephrem the Syrian, Selected Prose Works (ed. Kathleen McVey; trans. Edward G. Mathews Jr. and Joseph P. Amar; The Fathers of the Church 91; Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1994), 250. See also Ska, Le Passage de la Mer, 17–18. 199 200

130

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

annually (Zech 14:16) because YHWH will be king over all the earth, and all will worship only his name (Zech 14:9). Kings and rulers were to listen to the glorification of YHWH in the Song of Deborah (Judg 5:3). The psalmist promised to sing the praises of YHWH among the nations (Ps 18:50[49]). YHWH desired that all the nations of the world would recognize his power. Ancient Near Eastern kings expressed a similar grand scope for their goals in war. The chieftains at Megiddo kissed the ground before Thutmose III because of the “awe of his majesty” and the “vastness of the awe [of Amu]n over every foreign land.”203 The shooting star caused the horses to bolt so “all foreigners might see the awe of my [Thutmose III’s] majesty.”204 Tiglath-pileser I’s god Enlil was “king of all the Anunnaku gods, father of the gods, lord of the lands” and granted that the king “had complete authority over the people, subjects of the god Enlil.”205 YHWH’s goals also resembled those of other divine warriors. The Assyrian prophecies exhibited the pattern of a mighty deed done by a divine warrior for the purpose of the enemy recognizing his power. Aššur destroyed the enemy so they would praise him: “I slaughtered your enemies and filled the river with their blood. Let them see (it) and praise me, (knowing) that I am Aššur, lord of the gods.”206 The Hittite storm-god showed his divine power by sending a lightning bolt against the enemy. 207 Other gods in the ancient

“The Annals of Thutmose III,” translated by James K. Hoffmeier (COS 2.2A:12). 204 “The Gebel Barkal Stela of Thutmose III,” translated by James K. Hoffmeier (COS 2.2B:17). 205 Tiglath-pileser I Inscription, A.0.87.1 i (RIMA 2:12–13). 206 SAA 9.3.3 in Simo Parpola, Assyrian Prophecies (SAA 9; Helsinki: Helsinki University Press, 1997), 23–25. Also translated in Nissinen, Prophets and Prophecy in the Ancient Near East, 120. See Edgar Kellenberger, Die Verstockung Pharaos: Exegetische und Auslegungsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zu Exodus 1–15 (BWANT 9:11; Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2006), 113–15. 207 “The Ten Year Annals of Great King Muršili II of Hatti,” translated by Richard H. Beal (COS 2.16:85). 203

NARRATIVE EXPANSION

131

Near East also used the “I am” formula to denote their power.208 Ištar told Esarhaddon in a prophecy that “I am the great lady, I am Ištar of Arbela who throws your enemies before your feet.”209 Ancient Near Eastern kings would often proclaim their names by erecting stela, telling of their names and their conquests at the farthest reaches of their conquests,210 as well as naming cities after themselves211 and recounting the times when the gods magnified the name of the king.212 However, YHWH did not share all the goals of other divine warriors, who commonly directed their kings to control enemy territory either through developing them into vassal states or incorporating them into the empire. The great gods commanded Tiglathpileser I to “extend the border of their land”213 and Amun-Re ordained that Thutmose III “expand the borders of Egypt.”214 In contrast, though he was sovereign of the entire world, YHWH did not expect his people to rule the entire world, or even to conquer Egypt. Among the many other restrictions placed upon Israelite rulers (Deut 17:14–20), YHWH limited the amount of direct political influence they would exert in other nations. Rather than taking control of other nations and expanding the Israelite empire, Moshe Greenberg, Understanding Exodus (New York: Behrman, 1969), 130–31; Propp, Exodus 1–18, 271. 209 SAA 9 1.1, # 68 in Nissinen, Prophets and Prophecy in the Ancient Near East, 102. 210 Shalmaneser III Inscription, A.0.102.2 ii (RIMA 3:17); Sandra Lynn Richter, The Deuteronomistic History and the Name Theology: Lešakkēn Šemô Šām in the Bible and the Ancient Near East (BZAW 318; Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2002), 153–84. 211 “The Azatiwada Inscription,” translated by K. Lawson Younger Jr. (COS 2.31:150); Ashurnasirpal II Inscription A.0.101.1 i (RIMA 2:198); Kenneth A. Kitchen, On the Reliability of the Old Testament (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2003), 102, 524. 212 “Apology of Hattušili III,” translated by Th. P. J. van den Hout (COS 1.77:201); ARAB, 2:25, 324. 213 Tiglath-pileser I Inscription, A.0.87.1 i (RIMA 2:13). 214 “The Annals of Thutmose III,” translated by James K. Hoffmeier (COS 2.2A:9). 208

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“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

YHWH’s primary goals lay with showing his glory to other nations and to his own people. YHWH’s goals in the exodus narrative concerning his enemy Pharaoh were similar to those described above in the poetic divine warrior texts. Before studying the nature of these goals, we will examine their scope. Although YHWH’s primary target was Pharaoh, several are directed at all Egyptians (Exod 7:5, 11:7, 14:4, 18) and on two occasions the knowledge formula is directed at the Egyptians rather than Pharaoh (Exod 7:5; 14:18).215 The Egyptians, along with Pharaoh, were to acknowledge YHWH’s power and his special relationship with Israel. YHWH also sought to have his name proclaimed in “all the earth.” In the book of Exodus, the word ‫ ארץ‬usually refers to the ground (Exod 4:3; 8:12[16]) or a specific land.216 But in Exodus 9:14–16 the word seems to have a broader meaning, referring to the entire known earth.217 Restricting YHWH’s vision to the land of Egypt in this context makes his declaration anticlimactic, especially since the defeat of Egypt would reach the ears of those outside of Egypt (Exod 15:14–16; Josh 2:10) and YHWH declared later that he took Israel out of Egypt before the eyes of the nations (Lev 26:45). The powerful works of YHWH were intended not only for Israel and Egypt, but for the entire world to acknowledge the power and characteristics of YHWH. Having established the worldwide scope of his goals, the specific nature of his goals can now be examined.

In 9:16, the LXX expands the audience from Pharaoh to a broader group by reading “so that I might show my power in you” rather than the MT’s “so that I might show my power to you.” 216 Egypt (1:7, 10; 4:20; 5:12; 6:1, 11, 13, passim), Midian (Exod 2:15, 22), Canaan (Exod 3:8, 17; 6:4, 8), or Goshen (8:18[22]; 9:26). 217 Propp, Exodus 1–18, 333; Stuart, Exodus, 232; Houtman, Exodus, 1:10. 215

NARRATIVE EXPANSION

133

The Acknowledgement of YHWH Knowledge is a key theme both in the exodus narrative and the entire book of Exodus.218 The early chapters of the book focus on the contrast between the knowledge of YHWH and the ignorance of the Egyptians, as YHWH knew Israel’s situation219 (Exod 2:25) and sufferings (Exod 3:7), and that Pharaoh would not release Israel (Exod 3:19) and did not fear him (Exod 9:30). However, the Pharaohs did not know Joseph (Exod 1:8) and expressed willful ignorance of YHWH (Exod 5:2). It was this ignorance that YHWH endeavored to correct. The recognition formula “that you (or they) might know that I am YHWH,” along with several variants, is the key expression of YHWH’s goal for Egypt. It appears over seventy times in Ezekiel but rarely elsewhere in the Old Testament. 220 In Ezekiel the nations would know that “I am YHWH” when YHWH punished them (25:5, 7, 11; 26:6) and delivered Israel (32:23; 39:7), while Israel would know that “I am YHWH” when YHWH punished the nations (28:26; 39:22), punished Israel (6:7, 10, 13, 14), and delivered Israel (16:62; 20:42). Table 3 illustrates the number of occurrences for each.221 Table 3: The Recognition Formula in Ezekiel The nations will know that “I am YHWH” when…

Israel will know that “I am YHWH” when…

T. Desmond Alexander, From Paradise to the Promised Land: An Introduction to the Main Themes of the Pentateuch (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1995), 63–64. 219 Literally, “he knew” (‫)וידע‬. 220 Deut 29:5[6]; 1 Kgs 20:13, 28; Isa 49:23, 26; 60:16; Joel 4:17[3:17]. For complete lists of the occurrences of the formula in the Old Testament, see Evans, “An Inner-Biblical Interpretation,” 139–44, 167–74. 221 For a full list of citations see Paul Joyce, Divine Initiative and Human Response in Ezekiel (JSOTSup 51; Sheffield: JSOT, 1989), 91; Evans, “An Inner-Biblical Interpretation,” 121. 218

134

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

YHWH punishes the nations

21x

2x

YHWH delivers the nations

0x

0

YHWH punishes Israel

0x

30x

YHWH delivers Israel

5x

15x

The recognition formula follows a character’s action that leads others to acknowledge something about the character. In Gen 42:34, Joseph recognized that his brothers were not spies only after they performed the action he required. In Ezekiel the formula usually occurs after a mighty action of YHWH (or the announcement of the mighty deed), founding the knowledge of YHWH not upon rational thought or human introspection, but upon the action of YHWH.222 The recognition formula in Exodus follows the same pattern. The formula always follows a divine action, and the close connection between the two is often indicated explicitly with a purpose clause introduced by ‫ למען‬to link the divine action with the intended knowing (Exod 8:6, 18[10, 22]; 9:29; 11:7). The knowledge of YHWH was not added to the deed as an afterthought, but was the very goal of the deed.223 Although YHWH desired to teach the Israelites about himself (Exod 6:7; 10:2), his primary student was Pharaoh, whose education began after his proclaimed ignorance and rejection of YHWH (5:2). 224 In contrast to the hardening formula, almost every occurrence of the recognition formula involved Pharaoh, either in a speech YHWH commanded Moses to deliver to Pharaoh or in Moses’ words to Pharaoh.225 As indicated in Table 4, the content of Pharaoh’s education revolves around two central Walther Zimmerli, I Am Yahweh (ed. Walter Brueggemann; trans. Douglas W. Stott; Atlanta: John Knox, 1982), 64; Evans, “An InnerBiblical Interpretation,” 285–91. 223 Zimmerli, I Am Yahweh, 50. 224 Ford, God, Pharaoh and Moses, 46–49. 225 The exceptions include Exod 7:5; 14:4, 18. 222

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135

issues, both of which relate to YHWH’s casus belli: YHWH’s special relationship with Israel and his destructive power against Egypt.226 Both issues are connected to the most common content of the knowledge, the self introduction formula, “I am YHWH” (Exod 7:5, 17; 14:4, 18), which can function in its most basic sense of introducing someone into a context (Exod 6:2). However, frequently the phrase moves beyond identifying the speaker to emphasizing the characteristics of the speaker.227 Evans describes the phrase as a “signature seal,”228 a function that is apparent in its use in Leviticus when it occurs immediately after laws (Lev 11:44; 18:4, 30). Among the characteristics of the speaker, the formula often focuses on the power of the protagonist. When Pharaoh told Joseph “I am Pharaoh, without you no man will raise his arm” (Gen 41:44), he included the self-identification formula as a statement of his power and authority.229 The self-introduction formula indicates YHWH’s devotion to Israel. Suzerain-vassal covenants in the ancient Near East typically began by identifying the superior member of the covenant. 230 The use of the self-identification formula in this context acts pars pro toto for the entire covenant.231 The book of Exodus links YHWH’s Ezekiel uses a third theme that does not appear in Egypt: the destructive power of YHWH against Israel. The chart is limited to the texts in which YHWH declares that Pharaoh would know (‫ )ידע‬something. 227 However, this expansion does not mean that the knowledge is solely of an attribute of YHWH and not YHWH himself. See Zimmerli, I Am Yahweh, 83–85. 228 Evans, “An Inner-Biblical Interpretation,” 315. 229 Greenberg, Understanding Exodus, 130–33; Propp, Exodus 1–18, 270. The self-identification clause is also equivalent to the oath formula “by the life of a deity.” The phrase “I am YHWH” and the oath “as I [YHWH] live” are not interchangeable, but often have the same force (see the clustering together in Ezek 14:4–20; 17:16–24), thus ibid., 270–71. For a helpful study of the syntax of this oath, see Moshe Greenberg, “The Hebrew Oath Particle Hay/he,” JBL 76 (1957): 34–39. 230 For examples, see Beckman, Hittite Diplomatic Texts, 27, 34, 37; Parpola and Watanabe, Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths, 28, 68. 231 Stuart, Exodus, 173. 226

136

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

name and the self-identification formula with the covenant, as illustrated by the second calling of Moses, which uses the formula four times to emphasize YHWH’s covenant faithfulness and power (Exod 6:2, 6, 7, 8). For Israel, “I am YHWH” meant their rescue from Egypt, their formation as the people of God, and the receipt of the land promised to the patriarchs (Exod 6:6–8). The selfintroduction is also commonly expanded to include YHWH’s special care for Israel, as in the prologue to the Decalogue: “I am YHWH your God who brought you out of the land of Egypt, out of the land of slavery” (Exod 20:2).232 The employment of the self-introduction formula also highlights the destruction of YHWH’s enemies. Ezekiel frequently spoke of YHWH’s destruction of the enemy so they would know that “I am YHWH” (Ezek 25:5, 7, 11, 17; 26:6). In Exodus the self-introduction formula confronts Egypt with YHWH’s power as expressed by stretching out his arm against Egypt (Exod 7:5), turning the Nile into blood (Exod 7:17), and destroying the Egyptian army at the Red Sea (Exod 14:4, 18).233 YHWH also used the selfintroduction formula after proclaiming his judgment on the Egyptian gods (Exod 12:12). Table 4: YHWH’s Teaching of Pharaoh Content

Prior Divine Action

Speaker234

7:5

“I am YHWH”

Stretched hand against Egypt; Brought Israel out of Egypt

Y to M

7:17

“I am YHWH”

Turned Nile into blood

Y to M to P

The formula frequently appears elsewhere in the Old Testament in contexts that emphasize YHWH’s special relationship with YHWH (Gen 28:13; Deut 29:5[6]; Isa 27:3; 41:17; Jer 24:7; Joel 4:17[3:17]; Zech 10:6). 233 Dozeman, Exodus, 197; Durham, Exodus, 76. 234 For the sake of space the names have been abbreviated to Y (YHWH), M (Moses), and P (Pharaoh). 232

NARRATIVE EXPANSION

137

8:6[10]

“There is no one like YHWH”

Caused departure of frogs

M to P

8:18[22]

“I am YHWH in the midst of the land”

Protected Goshen from flies

Y to M to P

9:14

“There is no one like me in all the earth”

Sent all the plagues

Y to M to P

9:29

“The earth is YHWH’s”

Caused hail and thunder to cease

M to P

“YHWH distinguishes between Egypt and Israel”

Protected Israel from tenth plague

M to P

14:4

“I am YHWH”

Gained glory through Pharaoh and his army

Y to M

14:18

“I am YHWH”

Gained glory through Pharaoh, his chariots, and his horsemen

Y to M

11:7235

YHWH also intended to teach Pharaoh a variety of other characteristics about himself which make explicit ideas latent in the basic self-introduction formula. YHWH emphasized his incomparability to Pharaoh twice: he removed the frogs so Pharaoh would know that “there was no one like YHWH” (Exod 8:6[10]) and he told Pharaoh that he would send all the remaining plagues against Egypt so Pharaoh would know that there was “no one like me in all the earth” (Exod 9:14).236 The use of ‫ ידע אשר‬is unusual, but appears to be equivalent to ‫ידע‬ ‫( כי‬2 Chr 2:7[8]; Est 4:11; Ezek 20:26). See Ford, God, Pharaoh and Moses, 235

49; Evans, “An Inner-Biblical Interpretation,” 145. 236 Ancient Near Eastern kings often expressed their superiority over previous kings. See “The Gebel Barkal Stela of Thutmose III,” translated by James K. Hoffmeier (COS 2.2B:15–16); “The Kulamuwa Inscription,” translated by K. Lawson Younger Jr. (COS 2.30:147).

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As the second occurrence declares, the entire world was to recognize YHWH’s incomparability. YHWH’s incomparability is implied in the use of the self-introduction formula after YHWH’s judgment of the Egyptian gods: YHWH is the supreme god and can pass judgment over the Egyptian gods, who do not have the same level of power (Exod 12:12). The Song of the Sea also highlights YHWH’s incomparability in the center of the song (Exod 15:11). YHWH’s actions in the exodus against the Egyptians act as the foundation for his incomparability throughout the Old Testament.237 YHWH also taught Pharaoh about his special relationship with Israel by protecting Israel in the land of Goshen from the flies so Pharaoh would know that “I am YHWH in the midst of the land” (Exod 8:18[22]). The plagues would not touch the Israelites because YHWH was with them in Goshen to protect them. The separation of Israel from Egypt also highlights YHWH’s power, as he can direct large numbers of flies to specific locations but prevent them from going elsewhere. The effect of YHWH’s presence in the midst of Goshen is similar to the lesson in the final plague that “YHWH distinguishes between Egypt and Israel” (Exod 11:7). The final lesson about YHWH was his ownership of the earth. The cessation of the thunder and the hail would show Pharaoh that “the earth is YHWH’s” (Exod 9:29).238 As the king of Egypt, Pharaoh was the acknowledged controller of nature in Egypt, but YHWH showed him that he was the true ruler of creation in Egypt.239 In sum, YHWH intended to teach Pharaoh about his power over Egypt and his special relationship with his people through his mighty deeds, consisting of the destructive plagues against Egypt and the protection he granted to Israel in the midst of the plagues. Labuschagne, The Incomparability of Yahweh in the Old Testament, 92– 98. However, he gives too much credence to the uniqueness of YHWH’s intervention in history compared to the other ancient Near Eastern gods. 238 It might also refer specifically to the land of Egypt, but the point remains the same. See Dozeman, Exodus, 237. 239 See chapter five for a discussion of Pharaoh’s role in caring for creation in Egypt. 237

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Despite the prominence of the self-identification formula and the goals associated with it, the exact nature of the desired knowledge is unclear. Some scholars have argued that the formula in Ezekiel called the nations to know YHWH in a relational manner because the same wording is used to call Israel to knowledge of YHWH as the nations.240 If Israel was to trust YHWH as their god, then the parallel leads readers to expect the same for the nations. The salvation of the nations in other prophets also supports this idea; for example, Isaiah states that Egypt will know YHWH and worship him (Isa 19:21). Some have seen a similar function of the recognition formula in Exodus, since the narrator identifies several Egyptians who recognize aspects of YHWH’s power (8:15[19]; 9:20; 10:7; 14:25) and Moses repeatedly told Pharaoh about the goal of YHWH’s actions, giving Pharaoh the opportunity to respond.241 On the other hand, the call to the nations in Ezekiel may simply be a demand to acknowledge YHWH as sovereign.242 The events through which the nations were to learn of YHWH (the punishment of the nations or the deliverance of Israel at the expense of the nations) offered them no hope of relationship with Zimmerli, I Am Yahweh, 88; Gerhard von Rad, Old Testament Theology (trans. D. M. G. Stalker; Peabody: Prince, 2005), 2:237; Peter R. Ackroyd, Exile and Restoration: A Study of Hebrew Thought of the Sixth Century B.C. (OTL; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1968), 115–17; Henning Reventlow, “Die Völker als Jahwes Zeugen bei Ezechiel,” ZAW 71 (1959): 33– 43; Elmer A. Martens, “Ezekiel’s Contribution to a Biblical Theology of Mission,” Direction 28 (1999): 75–87. 241 Victor P. Hamilton, Handbook on the Pentateuch: Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy (2nd ed.; Grand Rapids: Baker, 2005), 159; John D. Currid, A Study Commentary on Exodus (Auburn, MA: Evangelical Press, 2000), 156; Bradley P. Roderick, “God’s Mission to Egypt in the Exodus,” Theological Educator 52 (1995): 21–26. 242 J. Strong, “Ezekiel’s Use of the Recognition Formula in His Oracles against the Nations,” Perspectives in Religious Studies 22 (1995): 115–33; Joyce, Divine Initiative and Human Response in Ezekiel, 94–95; Katheryn Pfisterer Darr, “The Wall around Paradise: Ezekielian Ideas About the Future,” VT 37 (1987): 271–79. 240

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him, but only judgment. Ezekiel never called the nations to repentance or gave them a choice to know YHWH; rather, he declared that as spectators of the divine actions they would know YHWH. The preponderance of the formula ‫ ידע כי‬rather than ‫ ידע‬further implies acknowledgement rather than conversion. 243 Nor does the parallel between the nations and Israel both being called to know that “I am YHWH” prove a real call to the nations, since the Israelite relational knowledge of YHWH was based on the knowledge following the salvation oracles rather than the judgment oracles.244 The nations would recognize the YHWH the divine warrior under duress.245 The situation with Egypt in Exodus is similar. Even though the call to know YHWH was more directly pointed at Pharaoh, YHWH’s aim was not that Pharaoh would come to faith in YHWH (as the Israelites did [Exod 14:31]), but that he would acknowledge YHWH’s power over creation and history.246 Since YHWH intended to teach Pharaoh about himself to rectify Pharaoh’s rejection of YHWH (Exod 5:2), he called Pharaoh not to a saving knowledge, but a vassal king’s knowledge of his master.247 Although the exodus narrative does not include any record that Pharaoh recognized YHWH, the Egyptian soldiers recognized that YHWH was fighting for Israel (Exod 14:25). It is also possible that some Egyptians saw the power of YHWH and became followers of the Israelite god. Several Egyptians joined the Israelites (Lev 24:10; Num 12:1). The Torah has many laws relating to the sojourner who lived among the Israelites (Lev 19:33–34; 25:47; Num 9:14; 15:14; Deut 24:17; 27:19), perhaps referring to Egyptians who

See the use of ‫ ידע‬rather than ‫ ידע כי‬in Isa 19:21, where the nations worship YHWH. 244 Evans, “An Inner-Biblical Interpretation,” 275–79. 245 Ibid., 279; Darr, “The Wall Around Paradise,” 275; Strong, “Ezekiel’s Use of the Recognition Formula.” 246 Evans, “An Inner-Biblical Interpretation,” 273–75; Ford, God, Pharaoh and Moses, 52–53; Stuart, Exodus, 182; Kellenberger, Die Verstockung Pharaos, 161–62. 247 Brueggemann, “Pharaoh as Vassal,” 35–37. 243

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had joined them. The “mixed multitude” (‫ ;ערב רב‬Exod 12:38)248 that left Egypt with Israel might have been Egyptians who became followers of YHWH, including those Egyptians who married Israelites.249 The use of the root elsewhere indicates that this is a group of foreigners.250 The Torah records that a few Egyptians joined the Israelites, such as the son of an Israelite woman and an Egyptian man who was killed for blasphemy (Lev 24:10) and Moses’ Cushite wife (Num 12:1).251 Since some of the Egyptians had recognized the power of YHWH, it would be natural for them to join Israel, as several early interpreters believed.252 However, the mixed multitude could refer to other groups of people. Shaul Bar argues that the mixed multitude were armed mercenaries who intermarried with the Israelites and provided them with weapons (Exod 13:18), based on understanding the

248

This is most likely a reduplicated word rather than two words. See Shaul Bar, “Who Were the ‘Mixed Multitude’?,” Hebrew Studies 49 (2008): 28. 249 The number of the mixed multitude is not recorded. The Mekilta says that there were 120,000 people among the mixed multitude (Tractate Pisha 14). 250 Nehemiah used the shortened form of the word (‫ )ערב‬to refer to the “foreigners” who would be separated from Israel (Neh 13:3). A similar word (with a segol under the first letter rather than a tsere) also refers to foreigners (Jer 25:20, 24; 50:37; Ezek 30:5). The stem appears in the hithpael to describe the mixing of Israel with foreigners (Ezra 9:2; Ps 106:35). See H.-J. Fabry and H. Lamberty-Zielinski, “‫ ערב‬II/III,” TDOT 11:331– 334. 251 Daniel J. Hays, “Moses: The Private Man Behind the Public Leader,” BR 16, no. 4 (2000): 61. The “woman who lives in her house” (Exod 3:22) could also be Egyptians who left Egypt with Israel. 252 Wisdom 18:13 says that the Egyptians “acknowledge your people to be God’s child” after the tenth plague. See also Chrysostom, Homilies on the Gospel of Saint Matthew 4.2 (NPNF1 10:20–21). Exodus Rabbah says that the virtuous among the Egyptians celebrated the Passover with Israel, left Egypt with them, and did not lose their first-born (Exod. Rab.18:10).

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word as mercenary in the prophets (Jer 25:20; 50:37; Ezek 30:5), 253 the need to explain the origin of the Israelites’ weapons, and the presence of mercenaries in ancient Israel.254 Another suggestion is that these were other enslaved nations who took advantage of Egyptian weakness to leave Egypt.255 Israel adopted certain groups into the nation later in their history, such as the descendants of Rahab (Josh 4:25) and the Kenites (Judg 1:16), so it is possible that they adopted other slave groups into their new nation, although the Torah records no mention of this. Whoever the mixed multitude was, they appear to represent non-Israelite people who saw the power of YHWH and decided to travel with Israel out of Egypt. Regardless of whether Pharaoh or any Egyptians became followers of YHWH, YHWH repeatedly ordered his vassal Pharaoh to obey, but he never called him to repent or to worship him as a devotee of YHWH. Like the nations in the Song of the Sea, the Egyptians were to be “awed but unconverted”256 as they acknowledged the power, name, and glory of YHWH.

253

Block, Ezekiel 25–48, 159; Leslie C. Allen, Ezekiel 20–48 (WBC 29; Dallas: Word, 1990), 115; Moshe Greenberg, Ezekiel 21–37 (AB 22A; New York: Doubleday, 1997), 621–622; William McKane, Jeremiah (ICC; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1996), 1289. However, others disagree with this translation. See H.-J. Fabry and H. Lamberty-Zielinski, “‫ ערב‬II/III,” TDOT 11:332; William L. Holladay, Jeremiah 1 (Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1986), 674; Jack R. Lundbom, Jeremiah 21–36 (AB 21B; New York: Doubleday, 2004), 261; Peter C. Craigie, Page H. Kelley, and Joel F. Drinkard, Jr., Jeremiah 1–25 (WBC 26; Dallas: Word, 1991), 369. 254 Bar, “Who Were the ‘Mixed Multitude’?,” 27–39. 255 Noth, Exodus: A Commentary, 99; Sarna, Exodus, 62; Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt, 114. 256 Evans, “An Inner-Biblical Interpretation,” 274. However, some among the nations did worship YHWH, such as Jethro and Rahab (Exod 18:9–12; Josh 2:9–13). For more on YHWH’s relationship with the nations in the Torah, see Charlie Trimm, “Did YHWH Condemn the Nations When He Elected Israel? YHWH’s Disposition toward NonIsraelites in the Torah,” JETS 55 (2012): 521–36.

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The Acknowledgement of YHWH’s Power YHWH’s demonstration of power is related directly to the revelation of his character. After the boils, YHWH instructed Moses to tell Pharaoh that although he could have sent a plague to destroy all the Egyptians, he had preserved Pharaoh through the plagues in order to show him his power (‫ ;כח‬Exod 9:16).257 The basic meaning of “power” is “vital energy,” resembling Egyptian ka.258 However, the exact meaning of YHWH’s power in this context is unclear, as it would seem that a plague to destroy all the Egyptians would show YHWH’s power more effectively than preserving Pharaoh. Indeed, Pharaoh appears to have taken this view, for he continued to reject YHWH even after many plagues (Exod 9:17).259 YHWH’s power could refer broadly to the variety of plagues or

This is the only time power is used with this verb, although elsewhere YHWH showed his glory (Exod 33:18–19), his greatness and his mighty hand (Deut 3:24), his works and wonders (Ps 78:11), and his wonders (Mic 7:15). 258 H. Ringgren, “‫כח‬,” TDOT 7:123–24. The Old Testament frequently refers to YHWH’s power in the Exodus (Exod 32:11; Num 14:13; Deut 4:37; 9:29; 2 Kgs 17:36), in the creation of the world (Jer 10:12; 27:5; 32:17; 51:15), over nature (Isa 40:26), and over the nations (1 Chr 29:12; 2 Chr 20:6; 25:8). 259 It could also be argued that YHWH’s power was evident in his restraint from totally destroying Pharaoh and his people, since he should have destroyed an insubordinate vassal, similar to Moses’ request that YHWH’s power would be great in forgiving his people even though they were deserving of a plague (Num 14:17). See Ford, God, Pharaoh and Moses, 65–67. Ashurbanipal also connected glory and preservation in his claim that he kept an enemy alive (after humiliating him) in order to “extol the glory of Assur, Ishtar, and the great gods.” See ARAB, 2:319. However, connecting YHWH’s power with his grace in Exod 9:16 is improbable because YHWH preserved Pharaoh not to show his grace (as he would later with the Israelites), but to preserve him as an audience and means for showing his power. 257

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“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

more specifically to the thunder and hail of the following plague,260 but most likely simply refers to the plagues in general. The Acknowledgement of YHWH’s Name YHWH also said he preserved Pharaoh to proclaim (‫ספר‬, piel) his name (‫ )שם‬throughout all the earth (Exod 9:16). The piel stem of the word ‫ ספר‬often refers to recounting an experience to urge someone to action, such as when Moses told Jethro what YHWH had done against Egypt and what he had done for Israel, leading Jethro to rejoice and praise YHWH (Exod 18:8–10).261 The presence and absence of proper names plays an important rhetorical role in the narrative. The narrator frequently names Israelites,262 but never names an Egyptian or an Egyptian god, referring to them only by their title. However, the most important name in the narrative is YHWH (appearing almost 200 times). Although its etymology is uncertain,263 the usage of the Dozeman, Exodus, 236. See the connection between thunder and strength in Ps 29:4. 261 J. Conrad, “‫ספר‬,” TDOT 10:312. See also Rahab’s testimony (Josh 2:9–13) and the psalmists’ frequent recounting of their experiences with YHWH to Israel (Ps 22:23[22]; cf. 71:15; 78:2–4; Jer 51:10). 262 Including the sons of Jacob (Exod 1:1–4), the midwives (Exod 1:15), Moses (Exod 2:10), the son of Moses (Exod 2:22), and the sons of Levi (Exod 6:15–27). 263 Some have connected the word with an Arabic root meaning “to blow,” emphasizing YHWH as a storm-god (K. van der Toorn, “Yahweh,” DDD 915–16). However, it is based on the root ‫היה‬, although it is still uncertain whether it is a hifil or a qal. The hifil would denote YHWH “calling into being” or “creating,” although the lack of the verb elsewhere in the Old Testament in the hifil and the assumption of the qal form in the discussion of the name in Exod 3:14 make this option unlikely. The most commonly accepted option is that the verb is in the qal and means YHWH is the one “who is,” or “who is present,” although this etymology is far from certain. See D. N. Freedman, “‫יהוה‬,” TDOT 5:513–14; E. Jenni, “‫יהוה‬,” TLOT 2:523; Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic, 60–71; Josef Tropper, “Der Gottesname Yahwa,” VT 51 (2001): 81–106; Johannes Cornelis de Moor, The Rise of Yahwism: The Roots of Israelite Monotheism 260

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name is more important for understanding the meaning of YHWH’s name.264 In the exodus narrative the name of YHWH is often connected with his special relationship with Israel, especially in two central passages. The first involves the burning bush episode. When Moses asked YHWH by which name he should introduce him to the Israelites, YHWH gave him three answers. First, he said ‫( אהיה אשר אהיה‬Exod 3:14), an enigmatic phrase that has attracted much scholarly attention because of the surprise it brings to the reader.265 The phrase is an idem per idem construction, in which the same word appears in the main clause and the subordinate clause to express indeterminateness.266 Commentators have suggested a variety of proposals for the meaning of this phrase,267 (2nd ed.; BETL 91; Leuven: University Press, 1997), 325–26; Barry J. Beitzel, “Exodus 3:14 and the Divine Name: A Case of Biblical Paronomasia,” TJ 1 (1980): 12–20. 264 On the role of etymology, see James Barr, The Semantics of Biblical Language (London: Oxford University Press, 1961), 107–60. 265 For an insightful study of this surprise, see Jean-Pierre Sonnet, “Ehyeh Asher Ehyeh (Exodus 3:14): God’s ‘Narrative Identity’ among Suspense, Curiosity, and Surprise,” Poetics Today 31 (2010): 340–46. 266 See 2 Kgs 8:1; 1 Sam 23:13; 2 Sam 15:20; JM §158o; Graham I. Davies, “The Exegesis of the Divine Name in Exodus,” in The God of Israel (ed. Robert P. Gordon; University of Cambridge Oriental Publications 64; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 150–51; Hertog, “The Prophetic Dimension of the Divine Name,” 223–24; G. S. Ogden, “Idem per Idem: Its Use and Meaning,” JSOT 53 (1992): 107–20; Jack R. Lundbom, “God’s Use of the Idem per Idem to Terminate Debate,” HTR 71 (1978): 193–201. 267 For a few recent examples, see Randall J. Pannell, “I Would Be Who I Would Be! A Proposal for Reading Exodus 3:11–14,” BBR 16 (2006): 351–53; Reinhard Achenbach, “‘Ich Bin, Der Ich Bin!’ (Exodus 3,14): Zum Wandel der Gottesvorstellungen in der Geschichte Israels und zur Theologischen Bedeutung seiner Kanonisierung im Pentateuch,” in Berührungspunkte: Studien zur Sozial- und Religionsgeschichte Israels und seiner Umwelt: Festschrift für Rainer Albertz zu Seinem 65. Geburtstag (ed. Ingo Kottsieper, Rüdiger Schmitt, and Jakob Wöhrle; AOAT 350; Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 2008), 73–95; Hertog, “The Prophetic Dimension of the Divine Name”; Andrea M. Ulshöfer, “Zur Übersetzung von Ex 3,14,”

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“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

but a likely option connects it to the use of ‫ אהיה‬a few verses earlier (Exod 3:12) in which YHWH promises to be with Moses in his return to Egypt. If this connection illuminates the obscure phrase, then it means that YHWH would always be present with Israel and Moses.268 However, the indeterminacy in the divine name, as indicated by the idem per idem construction, reflects unpredictability and YHWH’s refusal to be trapped in a box constructed by humans.269 The second answer was that Moses was to tell them that “‫אהיה‬ sent me” (Exod 3:14), emphasizing YHWH’s presence with the people through Moses. The third answer was that Moses was to tell Israel that “YHWH, the god of your fathers, the god of Abraham, the god of Isaac, and the god of Jacob sent me to you” (Exod 3:15), connecting YHWH with the patriarchs and with the covenant that YHWH had made with them. The second important passage involves YHWH’s second calling of Moses after Pharaoh’s rejection of YHWH (Exod 6:1–8). YHWH began his overview of Israel’s past and his plans for their future with the statement “I am YHWH” (Exod 6:2). YHWH’s statement that he had not appeared to the patriarchs as YHWH but as El Shaddai probably does not mean that he had never used the name YHWH before,270 but that he had not acted toward them in his capacity as YHWH. Now that he would fulfill his promises, they would fully (covenantally) know him as YHWH. 271 The rest of Wort und Dienst 25 (1999): 41–59; Sonnet, “Ehyeh Asher Ehyeh (Exodus 3:14).” 268 Greenberg, Understanding Exodus, 81–82; Davies, “The Exegesis of the Divine Name in Exodus,” 150–51; Sonnet, “Ehyeh Asher Ehyeh (Exodus 3:14),” 342. 269 Sonnet, “Ehyeh Asher Ehyeh (Exodus 3:14),” 335–37. 270 As argued by R. W. L. Moberly, The Old Testament of the Old Testament: Patriachal Narratives and Mosaic Yahwism (OBT; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1992). 271 IBHS 198; James K. Hoffmeier, “Moses,” ISBE 3:419; Allen P. Ross, “Did the Patriarchs Know the Name of the LORD?,” in Giving the Sense: Understanding and Using Old Testament Historical Texts (ed. David M. Howard Jr. and Michael A. Grisanti; Grand Rapids: Kregel, 2003), 336– 38; Christopher Seitz, “The Call of Moses and the ‘Revelation’ of the Di-

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the speech recounts YHWH’s covenant with the patriarchs, his hearing of the Israelite’s groaning, his remembrance of the covenant, and his plans to rescue them from Egypt to be his people and to live in the land of Canaan (Exod 6:4–8). Although it is not as prevalent as the link with the covenant, the exodus narrative also associates YHWH’s name with his role as the divine warrior by juxtaposing the name YHWH with a martial description: “YHWH is a man of war, YHWH is his name” (Exod 15:3). The following verses demonstrate this by describing YHWH’s defeat of his enemy (Exod 15:4–10).272 The name can often be used in a dynamic sense to characterize the bearer of the name. Therefore, proclaiming his name is equivalent to declaring his glory, fame, and might as revealed in vine Name: Source-Critical Logic and Its Legacy,” in Theological Exegesis: Essays in Honor of Brevard S. Childs (ed. Christopher Seitz and Kathryn Greene-McCreight; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1999), 157–58; W. Randall Garr, “The Grammar and Interpretation of Exodus 6:3,” JBL 111 (1992): 385–408. The verse has also generated intense discussion about the prehistory of the text. For recent discussion of the issue, see Achenbach, “`Ich Bin, Der Ich Bin!’ (Exodus 3,14)”; Thomas B. Dozeman, “The Commission of Moses and the Book of Genesis,” in A Farewell to the Yahwist? The Composition of the Pentateuch in Recent European Interpretation (ed. Thomas B. Dozeman and Konrad Schmid; SBLSymS 34; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2006), 107–29; Ross, “Did the Patriarchs Know the Name of the LORD?”; Seitz, “The Call of Moses and the `Revelation’ of the Divine Name”; John Van Seters, “The Patriarchs and the Exodus: Bridging the Gap between the Two Origin Traditions,” in The Interpretation of Exodus: Studies in Honor of Cornelis Houtman (ed. Riemer Roukema; Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology 44; Leuven: Peeters, 2006), 1–15; Thomas Römer, “Exodus 3–4 und die Aktuelle Pentateuch Diskussion,” in The Interpretation of Exodus: Studies in Honor of Cornelis Houtman (ed. Riemer Roukema; Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology 44; Leuven: Peeters, 2006), 65–79. 272 The connection between the name of YHWH and warfare would be strengthened if the epithet ‫ יהוה צבאות‬related to the causative form of ‫ היה‬and was originally the sentence “YHWH who creates the heavenly armies.” See Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic, 69–71.

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history in his devotion to his people Israel.273 The ‫ שם‬of YHWH appears with the piel of ‫ ספר‬only three times: Ps 22:23[22] and 102:21[20], both of which also speak of YHWH’s glory.274 ‫ שם‬can appear in parallel with glory (Isa 59:19; Ps 102:16[15]), praise (Isa 48:9; Ps 102:22[21]; 106:47; 145:21), and majesty (Ps 8:2[1]; 148:13). In Exod 9:16 proclaiming the name of YHWH refers to spreading the fame of YHWH achieved through his great power on behalf of his people Israel. This is similar to the desire of Merneptah that “he make his Name victorious throughout the world.”275 The Acknowledgement of YHWH’s Glory References to YHWH’s own glory as a goal of his actions against Pharaoh appear only after Israel had left Egypt. YHWH told Moses that he would harden Pharaoh’s heart so he would pursue Israel, and he would be glorified (‫כבד‬, nifal) through Pharaoh and his host (Exod 14:4, 17, 18). The Old Testament frequently recounts YHWH’s glorification after mighty deeds (Lev 10:3; Ezek 28:22; 39:13). YHWH’s glory was linked with his other goals for Pharaoh elsewhere in the Old Testament. Glory was often connected with the name to demonstrate divine power (Pss 29:2; 66:2; 79:9; 96:8; Isa 59:19; 63:12; 66:19),276 while proclaiming YHWH’s name appears parallel to proclaiming God’s glory (Isa 66:19). Ezekiel tied together the theme of YHWH’s glorification (‫כבד‬, nifal) with executing judgments (‫ )שפטים‬and the nations knowing that “I am YHWH” (Ezek 28:22).

CONCLUSION Each of these areas I have examined in this chapter correspond to the much briefer poetic descriptions of YHWH the divine warrior, but the prose genre and extended length of the exodus narrative provide readers of the text with a more extended description of YHWH the divine warrior. Although this image of YHWH acting A. S. van der Woude, “‫שם‬,” TLOT 3:1363. F. V. Reiterer, “‫שם‬,” TDOT 15:144. 275 Foster, Hymns, Prayers, and Songs, 140. 276 M. Weinfeld, “‫כבוד‬,” TDOT 7:37. 273 274

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as the divine warrior may not always become normative (in particular, the role of the human army), my study of this narrative text provides much more data in the compilation of a broad picture of the divine warrior. The following chapters will examine further differences between the poetic texts and the exodus narrative that do not correspond to changes in genre.

THE MARTIAL EXPANSION OF THE DIVINE WARRIOR MOTIF As I noted in chapter three, many aspects of YHWH’s interaction with the Egyptians are similar to the poetic portrayals of YHWH acting as a divine warrior. However, other aspects of his relationship with Egypt differ from the more common images of the divine warrior. Since several of these aspects portray YHWH acting antagonistically against the Egyptians, I categorize these as martial expansions of the divine warrior motif in which YHWH attacks his enemy in exceptional ways.1 Each of these areas builds on the more common description of the divine weapons by expanding the selection of tools YHWH employs in battle or the enemies he targets.

A BROADER SELECTION OF NATURE WEAPONS In chapter three I described a variety of natural elements that YHWH employed in both the divine warrior texts and the exodus narrative. However, the latter account includes several natural elements that do not appear in other divine warrior texts. Although the divine warrior was associated with water, the turning of water into blood (Exod 7:14–24) was not a common motif.2 Elsewhere, Even though YHWH attacked Pharaoh with a variety of weapons, he did not appear to have killed the Egyptian king. Pharaoh went with his army to attack the Israelites (Exod 14:10), but he disappears from the narrative after the Egyptian army approached the Israelites and only appears thereafter as the owner of chariots and an army (Exod 14:23, 28). 2 The only occurrence elsewhere of the motif of turning water into blood occurred when YHWH caused water to appear like blood and deceived the enemy kings into thinking that the Judeans had begun fighting amongst themselves (2 Kgs 3:22–24). 1

151

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the gods prevented people from using water by stopping the rain, which led to crop failure and famine (Lev 26:19–20; Amos 4:7–8; see also Lev 26:4–5; Deut 28:12, 23–24).3 In contrast, when Herodotus said Egypt was the gift of the Nile (Histories 2.2.5), he recognized that the Egyptians’ primary source of water was the Nile rather than the rain. To deny water to the Egyptians, YHWH could have caused high or low inundation, leading either to submersion of the crops and destruction of temples or a drought.4 However, since such an act would not have demonstrated YHWH’s power sufficiently, he employed an unusual tactic to deny the Egyptians access to their water. Responding to Moses’ doubts that Israel would believe that YHWH had sent him, at the burning bush YHWH provided several signs to demonstrate to the people that Moses spoke the truth. The third of these signs involved pouring water from the Nile on the ground, where it would turn to blood (Exod 4:8–9). YHWH amplified this sign and used it against Egypt by turning all the water of Egypt into blood, with the result that the fish in the river died, the river stank, and the Egyptians could not drink its water (Exod 7:17–24).5 Although the first plague denied the Egyptians access to water, it also served an ideological function. Several Egyptian texts associate chaos with the Nile turning to blood, including Ipuwer 2:10 and a late demotic story describing a magician telling his mother that if Pharaoh defeated him “the water will take on the For curses that call for the stopping of the storms to prevent access to water, see Parpola and Watanabe, Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths, 11, 51. Adad also stopped the rain as punishment for the humans’ noise in the Atra-Hasis myth. See Lambert and Millard, Atra-Hasis, 72–77. 4 For more on the high and low inundations in Egypt, see John R. Huddlestun, “‘Who Is This That Rises Like the Nile?’: Some Egyptian Texts on the Inundation and a Prophetic Trope,” in Fortunate the Eyes That See: Essays in Honor of David Noel Freedman in Celebration of His Seventieth Birthday (ed. Astrid B. Beck et al.; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995), 348– 58. 5 For a possible connection between this plague and the negative view of blood and the color red in Egyptian magic, see Noegel, “Moses and Magic: Notes on the Book of Exodus,” 51. 3

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color of blood before you, the food before you the color of meat, and the sky will have the color of blood before.” 6 The involvement of magicians reinforces the ideological function of the plague, since they increased the misery of Egypt by turning more water into blood instead of restoring order to Egypt by removing the blood (Exod 7:22). Even when they were successful, the magicians contributed to YHWH’s use of chaos in Egypt.7 YHWH also employed many animals in his attacks against Egypt. In the second plague against Egypt he sent a horde of frogs, a most unusual agent.8 YHWH included them among the plagues because frogs were an attack on the Nile, which dominated every aspect of life in Egypt.9 For all the distress they caused the Egyp-

6 AEL 3:138. The motif was also known in Mesopotamian literature in a Sumerian myth about Inanna, who turned all the water of the land to blood as a punishment upon humans. The slaves drank nothing but blood. See Walter Beyerlin, ed., Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament (OTL; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1978), 97–98. 7 YHWH also used bodies of water in a secondary role. Seven days after he struck the Nile, YHWH brought frogs out of the water of Egypt (Exod 7:25–8:3[7]) as the Nile, normally viewed as the source of life, became the source of pests. In the eighth plague, he threw the locusts into the Red Sea with a strong west wind (Exod 10:19). 8 They never appear in the Old Testament apart from references to the Exodus. Note the following quotation from Heracleides of Lembos, although it is most likely influenced by the LXX since Heracleides lived in Egypt in the second century BCE:

“Around Paeonia and Dardania it rained frogs, and there were so many of them that they filled the houses and the streets. For the first few days the people coped by killing them and keeping the doors of their houses shut. But this got them nowhere: their pots and jars were full of frogs; they found frogs being stewed and roasted along with their food; on top of this, it became impossible to drink the water, or even to put their feet on the ground, because of the heaps of frogs; and since the stench of the dead ones was making them miserable, they abandoned the place” (Athenaeus, The Learned Banqueters 8.333b [Olson, LCL]).

John Van Seters, “The Plagues of Egypt: Ancient Tradition or Literary Invention?,” ZAW 98 (1986): 36. 9

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tians when they were still alive, and the stink they caused when they died,10 they did not harm them physically. In the third and fourth plagues YHWH sent insects against the Egyptians. Although ancient Near Easteners did not use them in warfare, insects appear elsewhere in the Old Testament as divine weapons.11 The third plague involved gnats (‫ )כן‬that covered both humans and animals throughout Egypt (Exod 8:12–15[16–19]),12 while in the fourth plague, flies (‫ )ערב‬came upon Egypt, entered into houses, and destroyed the land (Exod 8:16–28[20–32]). Although later Jewish tradition rendered ‫“ ערב‬beasts of prey” (Lev 26:22),13 their non-lethal bite (Ps 78:45) suggests insects.14

Origen plausibly suggests that another aspect of the frogs’ attack might have been the noise produced: “For that animal is useless except that it produces an inferior harsh sound.” See Origen, Homilies on Genesis and Exodus (trans. Ronald E. Heine; The Fathers of the Church 71; Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1981), 268–69. 11 See E. Neufeld, “Insects as Warfare Agents in the Ancient Near East,” Or 49 (1980): 30–57. YHWH promised that a hornet would go ahead of Israel and drive out the Canaanites (Exod 23:28; Deut 7:20; Josh 24:12), though the identity of the hornet is disputed. For a discussion of the word, see William H. Propp, Exodus 19–40: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 2A; New York: Doubleday, 2006), 290; Oded Borowski, “The Identity of the Biblical Sir’â,” in The Word of the Lord Shall Go Forth: Essays in Honor of David Noel Freedman in Celebration of His Sixtieth Birthday (ed. Carol L. Meyers and M. O’Connor; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1983), 315–19. 12 The word ‫ כנים‬denotes some type of biting insect, although the exact species is unclear. The translation “gnats” has been used throughout this chapter, following standard English translations. 13 Tgs. Onq. and Ps.-J.; Exod. Rab. 11.3. 14 Propp, Exodus 1–18, 328; Gary A. Rendsburg, “Beasts or Bugs?,” BR 19, no. 2 (2003): 18–23. This chapter uses the translation “flies” to match common English translations. Since the plagues appear in pairs, the insects also connect well with the previous plague. See Cassuto, A Commentary on the Book of Exodus, 93. 10

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In the eighth plague YHWH sent locusts against Egypt,15 which were not only a part of curse lists (Deut 28:38; 1 Kgs 8:37; 2 Chr 6:28; Joel 2),16 but also became a metaphor for massive destroying armies (Judg 6:5; 7:12; Jer 46:23).17 Ramses II compares his enemy to a “locust-swarm in their multitude.”18 In the exodus narrative, locusts devoured the vegetation that survived the hail; when Pharaoh asked YHWH to remove them, he drove them into the Red Sea with a strong west wind (Exod 10:1–20). Prior to the tenth plague YHWH promised that dogs would not bark among the Israelites (Exod 11:7).19 This could denote protection from dogs acting as scavengers (1 Kgs 14:11; 16:4; 21:19– 24, 38; 2 Kgs 9:36).20 However, it seems more likely that the noise of the dogs contrasts with the previous verse (Exod 11:6): while loud wailing arose among the Egyptians, even wild dogs would be quiet among the Israelites.21

On locusts, see John A. Thompson, “Joel’s Locusts in the Light of Near Eastern Parallels,” JNES 14 (1955): 52–55; John A. Thompson, “Translation of the Words for Locust,” BT 25 (1974): 405–11; Oded Borowski, Agriculture in Iron Age Israel (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1987), 153– 56. 16 See also Fitzmyer, The Aramaic Inscriptions of Sefire, 44–45. 17 KTU 1.14 II 50; IV 29; ARAB, 2.30, 85, 89; 18 “The Battle of Qadesh—The Poem,” translated by K. A. Kitchen (COS 2.5A:34). 19 For more on dogs in the Old Testament and the ancient Near East, see Alec Basson, “Dog Imagery in Ancient Israel and the Ancient Near East,” JSem 15 (2006): 92–106; Geoffrey David Miller, “Attitudes toward Dogs in Ancient Israel: A Reassessment,” JSOT 32 (2008): 487– 500; John Crawford, “Caleb the Dog: How a Biblical Good Guy Got a Bad Name,” BR 20, no. 2 (2004): 20–27, 45. 20 F. Charles Fensham, “The Dog in Ex 11:7,” VT 16 (1966): 504–7. 21 Edward L. Greenstein, “A Literary Solution to a Philological Crux: The Case of Exodus 11:7 (Hebrew),” in The Bible in the Light of Its Interpreters: Sarah Kamin Memorial Volume (ed. Sara Japhet; Jerusalem: Magnes, 1994), 587–600. Jub. 49:4 suggests that this verse involves the protection of Israelite dogs from the plague. 15

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BROADER PSYCHOLOGICAL ATTACKS The divine warrior texts describe how YHWH employed a psychological attack when he threw his enemies into a panic. The exodus narrative has expanded this psychological attack in its description of YHWH’s relationship with Pharaoh by describing how YHWH humiliated the enemy leader through demonstrating his lack of control and his ignorance. 22 Lack of Control Although YHWH hardened Pharaoh’s heart primarily to create a strong opponent,23 his goal was also to show that Pharaoh lacked control over himself.24 The heart was the seat of understanding, meaning that when YHWH hardened Pharaoh’s heart, he lost his ability to understand situations and to change plans. The divine ruler of Egypt was shown to be powerless before an Asiatic god not only by means of the plagues, but also by his inability to change course when it had become apparent to everyone that he had made a wrong decision.25 Another aspect of YHWH’s attack on Pharaoh through the hardening of his heart might be related to the Book of the Dead and its portrayal of Pharaoh’s lack of control over his own afterlife. In spells 30B and 125 the heart was weighed against the feather of maat. If the feather was heavier, the person would continue in the The narrator joins in the attack on Pharaoh. All the Egyptians in the exodus narrative are nameless, perhaps reflecting the Egyptian practice of speaking of their enemies with anonymous titles, erasing even the identity of their defeated enemies. The exodus narrative has turned that tactic against Pharaoh: the reader learns about YHWH and his name, but never learns Pharaoh’s name (or any other Egyptian’s name). See Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt, 109–12. The anonymity of the Pharaohs also blurs the Pharaohs of Exodus into one coherent force opposed to YHWH. 23 For more on this, see chapter seven. 24 Gershon Hepner’s suggestion that the hardening was an attack on Pharaoh because it made his heart into feces is unlikely. See “Scatology in the Bible,” SJOT 18 (2004): 279–80. 25 Brian P. Irwin, “Yahweh’s Suspension of Free Will in the Old Testament: Divine Immorality or Sign-Act?,” TynBul 54 (2003): 55–62. 22

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afterlife; if the heart was heavier, the devourer would eat the heart.26 Therefore, when YHWH hardened Pharaoh’s heart, he put Pharaoh’s entrance into the afterlife into doubt by making his heart too heavy to pass the test and threatened him with the devourer.27 However, since the text does not include the phrase, “heavy heart,” and it is unclear how well-known the text was, this connection is tenuous.28 Finally, YHWH also demonstrated Pharaoh’s lack of control over Egypt through the introduction of chaos into Egypt. Pharaoh’s primary role as monarch involved maintaining order (maat) in the land and repelling chaos (isft).29 The Admonitions of Ipuwer Leonard H. Lesko, “Death and the Afterlife in Ancient Egyptian Thought,” in Civilizations of the Ancient Near East (ed. J. Sasson; 4 vols; Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1995), 3:1768; Hornung, “Ancient Egyptian Religious Iconography,” 3:1721; Sarah Ben-Reuven, “Pharaoh’s Heart Was Hardened (Hebrew),” BM 29 (1983): 112–13. The text of spell 30B describes the weighing of the heart through the words of a charm: “Outweigh me not before the keeper of the balance.” The text of spell 125 does not refer to the weighing, but an accompanying picture depicts the heart and the feather on a scale. For the iconographic portrayals and the text of the spells, see Raymond Oliver Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead (New York: Macmillan, 1985), 27–35; Thomas George Allen, trans., The Book of the Dead or Going Forth by Day: Ideas of the Ancient Egyptians Concerning the Hereafter as Expressed in Their Own Terms (Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization 37; Chicago: University of Chicago, 1974), 40, 97–101. 27 Ben-Reuven, “Pharaoh’s Heart Was Hardened (Hebrew).” 28 Huddlestun, “`Who Is This That Rises Like the Nile?’,” 347; Nili Shupak, “Hzq, Kbd, Qšh Leb: The Hardening of Pharaoh’s Heart in Exodus 4:1–15:21—Seen Negatively in the Bible but Favorably in Egyptian Sources,” in Egypt, Israel, and the Ancient Mediterranean World: Studies in Honor of Donald B. Redford (ed. Gary N. Knoppers and Antoine Hirsch; Probleme der Ägyptologie; Leiden: Brill, 2004), 400–1; Kellenberger, Die Verstockung Pharaos, 160. 29 Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, 51–60; John Baines, “Ancient Egyptian Kingship: Official Forms, Rhetoric, Context,” in King and Messiah in Israel and the Ancient Near East: Proceedings of the Oxford Old Testament 26

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and the Prophecies of Neferti declared that chaos would come when foreigners were in the land and the land lacked a king (Ipuwer 3:1; Neferti 29–38).30 Chaos included social disorder, reflected in the poor taking advantage of the rich (Ipuwer 2:4–5; 3:1– 5; 7:9–10:1; Neferti 54–57), widespread death (Ipuwer 2:6–9; 13:4– 5; Neferti 40–45), and theft (Ipuwer 5:10–15; 13:5). Chaos also included natural disorder, such as the Nile becoming blood (Ipuwer 2:10), water washing away roads (Ipuwer 13:4–5), the sun not shining (Neferti 25; 52–54), and the emptying of the Nile (Neferti 27). The answer to this chaos was a king who would come and restore maat to Egypt, banishing chaos (Neferti 58–71). The king’s responsibility for maat extended even to the proper inundation of the Nile, as demonstrated by Pharaoh’s statement in the Instruction of Amenehmet that “I was grain-maker, beloved of Nepri, Hapy honored me on every field. None hungered in my years, None thirsted in them.”31 The clearest text illustrating this responsibility comes from the accession of Merneptah to the throne: Be joyful the entire land! Good times have come. The lord (l.p.h. = life, prosperity, and health) has ascended in all lands, and orderliness (mty) has gone down to its throne. The king of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of millions of years, great in kingship just like Horus, Ba-en-Re Mery-Amun (l.p.h.), who overwhelms Egypt with festivals, the Son of Re who is more excellent than any king, Merneptah hetep-hir-maat (l.p.h.). Every truthful one (m3’t) come and see. Truth (m3’t) has subdued falsehood. Evil ones have been thrown [on] their faces. All the greedy are ignored. The flood arises and does not subside, the inundation (ḥ‘py) crests. The days are extended, the

Seminar (ed. John Day; JSOTSup 270; Sheffield: Sheffield, 1998), 41–46; Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt, 151–53. 30 “The Admonitions of Ipuwer,” AEL 1:149–63; “The Prophecies of Neferti,” AEL 1:139–45. 31 “The Instruction of King Amenemhet I for his Son Sesostris I,” AEL 1:137.

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night have hours, and the moon comes precisely (i.e., at the right time). The gods are satisfied and content.32

Pharaoh had attempted to use the Nile to destroy Israel (Exod 1:22), but YHWH brought chaos to Egypt by means of the Nile and other aspects of creation. The descent of chaos on Egypt challenged Pharaoh’s legitimacy to rule and effectively threw Egypt back into the Second Intermediate period, a time when they were humiliated by foreigners. The plagues demonstrated that YHWH, not Pharaoh, controlled maat in Egypt.33 Ignorance Knowledge and ignorance are important motifs in the exodus narrative. Pharaoh rejected both Joseph (Exod 1:8) and YHWH (Exod 5:2) by declaring his ignorance of them, while later the Egyptian officials were shocked that Pharaoh still did not know that Egypt was ruined (Exod 10:7). However, the primary method that YHWH employed to show Pharaoh’s ignorance involved deception. Prominent examples of divine deception in the Old Testament include YHWH’s instruction to Joshua to deceive the city of Ai (Josh 8:2), Samuel’s deception of Saul by hiding the true reason for his visit to Bethlehem (1 Sam 16:1–5), and YHWH’s deception of the Arameans, whom he caused to hear approaching (nonexistent) troops (2 Kgs 7:6).34 Scholars have suggested a variety of Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt, 153. See also Caminos, Late-Egyptian Miscellanies, 324. 33 Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt, 149–55. Even if the Israelites were unaware of the texts cited above, rulers throughout the ancient Near East recognized that they were responsible for order in their kingdom and the removal of social and natural chaos. For example, when Ashurbanipal came to the throne, nature responded with fertility. See ARAB, 2.292; Piepkorn, Historical Prism Inscriptions of Ashurbanipal I, 28–29. For a west Semitic parallel, see “The Panamuwa Inscription,” translated by K. Lawson Younger (COS 2.37:158–60). 34 For recent studies on divine deception, see John E. Anderson, “Jacob, Laban, and a Divine Trickster? The Covenantal Framework of God’s Deception in the Theology of the Jacob Cycle,” Perspectives in Reli32

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reasons for YHWH’s deception, including that he was fighting a war,35 he was judging evildoers,36 or he was keeping his covenant promises.37 Although all three reasons are relevant for the exodus narrative, a more helpful all-encompassing reason for divine deception in the Old Testament relates to upholding justice and preventing harm.38 After Pharaoh rejected the Israelite god, YHWH deceived him concerning the reason Israel desired to go into the wilderness.39 At the burning bush, YHWH told Moses to tell the Israelites that he would remove them from Egypt so he could bring them to Canaan (Exod 3:16–17), but he commanded Moses to ask Pharaoh for a three-day journey into the desert to sacrifice to YHWH, implying a temporary rather than a permanent departure (Exod 3:18). The precedents of slave workers taking temporary journeys into the wilderness for religious purposes support this interpretation.40 gious Studies 36 (2009): 3–23; Robert B. Chisholm, “Does God Deceive?,” BSac 155 (1998): 11–28; Ken Esau, “Divine Deception in the Exodus Event?,” Direction 35 (2006): 4–17; Dean Andrew Nicholas, The Trickster Revisited (Studies in Biblical Literature 117; New York: Peter Lang, 2009); J. J. M. Roberts, “Does God Lie: Divine Deceit as a Theological Problem in Israelite Prophetic Literature,” in Congress Volume: Jerusalem (VTSup 40; Leiden: Brill, 1988), 211–20; Yael Shemesh, “Lies by Prophets and Other Lies in the Hebrew Bible,” JANES 29 (2002): 81–95; Michael James Williams, Deception in Genesis: An Investigation into the Morality of a Unique Biblical Phenomenon (Studies in Biblical Literature 32; New York: Peter Lang, 2001). 35 Esau, “Divine Deception in the Exodus Event?” 36 Chisholm, “Does God Deceive?” 37 Anderson, “Jacob, Laban, and a Divine Trickster?” 38 Matt Newkirk, private conversation. 39 Exod. Rab. 11.3; Propp, Exodus 1–18, 492. YHWH also deceived Pharaoh about the possible escape route of the Israelites after their departure from Egypt when he led Israel to camp in front of the Red Sea so Pharaoh would think they were trapped and had nowhere to go (Exod 14:1–4). 40 Sadek, Popular Religion in Egypt during the New Kingdom, 176; Kitchen, On the Reliability of the Old Testament, 248–49, 553.

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However, many interpreters have been troubled by the supposedly trustworthy YHWH deceiving someone. Some have suggested that “three days” was a common expression for an extended journey and that Pharaoh would have understood that the Israelites would be leaving permanently.41 Others have proposed that if Pharaoh had agreed to this demand, the Israelites would have been obligated to return after their three-day journey in the wilderness.42 In addition, YHWH’s goal for Pharaoh to recognize his power makes it unlikely that YHWH intended to deceive Pharaoh into allowing Israel to flee because underdogs employed deception when faced with a more powerful opponent, not the supreme god YHWH.43 However, the Egyptians’ surprise at hearing the news that the Israelites had departed (Exod 14:5) implies that they were deceived about the Israelites’ intentions. YHWH’s demands and the negotiations between him and Pharaoh must be studied more closely to appreciate the true reason for the deception and how it fit into YHWH’s attack against Pharaoh. The long negotiations between YHWH and Pharaoh revolved around two key issues. The first was service: Pharaoh had enslaved (‫עבד‬, hifil) the Israelites (Exod 1:13; 6:5) in the house of slavery (Exod 13:3, 14; 20:2; Deut 5:6; 6:12), and the Israelites described themselves as the slaves (‫ )עבדים‬of Pharaoh (Exod 5:15–16). In fact, the people wanted to return to slavery after they left Egypt (Exod 14:12). However, YHWH sought to bring them out of slavery in Egypt to serve (‫ )עבד‬him,44 which could refer to a cultic service, in which the Israelites would offer sacrifices to YHWH (2 Enns, Exodus, 107; Stuart, Exodus, 124–25. Walter C. Kaiser, Toward Old Testament Ethics (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1983), 264–65. 43 Isbell, “Exodus 1–2 in the Context of Exodus 1–14,” 78. For more on the tactics of the underdog, see Susan Niditch, War in the Hebrew Bible: A Study in the Ethics of Violence (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 106–22; Susan Niditch, Underdogs and Tricksters: A Prelude to Biblical Folklore (New Voices in Biblical Studies; San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1987). 44 Exod 3:12; 4:23; 7:16, 26[8:1]; 8:16[20]; 9:1, 13; 10:3, 7, 8, 11, 24, 26; 12:31. 41 42

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Sam 15:8; Isa 19:21; Ezek 20:40; Zeph 3:9), or vassaldom, taking on a new master (YHWH) and renouncing their prior master (Pharaoh). This ambiguity would only be cleared up as negotiations continued. The second issue was YHWH’s demand that Pharaoh release (‫שלח‬, piel) Israel from Egypt.45 Although the qal of ‫ שלח‬frequently refers to commissioning a person for a specific task (e.g., Exod 3:10, 12–15, 4:13, 28; 5:22; 7:16), the piel refers to separation or divorce (Gen 3:23; Deut 22:19, 29; 24:1–4). When a slave owner sent away (‫שלח‬, piel) a slave, he repudiated his claim to the ownership of the slave (Gen 21:14; 30:25; Exod 21:26; Deut 15:12–18). YHWH demanded that Pharaoh give up his claim to the people of Israel and send them away permanently, as an earlier Pharaoh had sent away (‫שלח‬, piel) Abram (Gen 12:20). The parallel use of the piel of ‫( גרש‬Exod 6:1) and the contrast with the hifil of ‫( חזק‬Exod 9:2) support the motif of a strong separation implied in the piel of ‫שלח‬. However, even this term is vague, since when the Egyptians heard that the Israelites had fled, they asked themselves “What is this that we have done, that we sent away (‫שלח‬, piel) the Israelites from serving us?” (Exod 14:5), as if they did not realize that the Israelites would leave permanently. The negotiations began when Moses returned to Egypt. Moses asked Pharaoh to send Israel away so they could celebrate a festival in the wilderness (Exod 5:1), but at Pharaoh’s rebuff, Moses requested more politely (cohortative + ‫ )נא‬that Israel be allowed to go to the desert for a three-day journey to offer sacrifices to YHWH (Exod 5:3). However, Pharaoh rejected even this minimal request. In the opening round of negotiations the only hint that Israel would leave permanently was the use of “release” (‫שלח‬, piel). The second round of negotiations began with the announcement of the first plague. Moses commanded Pharaoh to release Israel from Egypt so they could serve him (Exod 7:16). This is the first reference in the negotiations to Israelite service of YHWH— the previous appeal to offer sacrifices in the desert implied that this Exod 5:1–2; 6:11; 7:2, 16, 26[8:1]; 8:4, 16, 24, 28[8, 20, 28, 32]; 9:1, 7, 13, 28, 35; 10:3, 10, 20, 27; 11:10. 45

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service would be cultic. The negotiations prior to the second plague continued in a similar vein (Exod 7:26[8:1]). After the arrival of the frogs, Pharaoh agreed to release Israel so they could sacrifice in the desert (Exod 8:4[8]), but the wording of Pharaoh’s permission suggests he expected Israel to return and that Israel would leave only temporarily. After the fourth plague, Pharaoh countered with an offer to allow Israel to sacrifice to YHWH in Egypt (Exod 8:21[25]), perhaps basing this proposal on Moses’ claim that YHWH was in the midst of the land (Exod 8:18[22]).46 Moses rejected his offer because the sacrifices of the Israelites would be abominable to the Egyptians (Exod 8:22–23[26–27]). Pharaoh yielded and allowed them to go into the desert, provided they did not go very far (Exod 8:24[28]). This round of negotiations provides the first hints that Moses and Pharaoh were less than serious. Contrary to the usual pattern of negotiating, Pharaoh’s proposal was less generous than his previous offer. Further, Pharaoh’s offer to have them sacrifice in Egypt would have been meaningless if Moses’ claim was true that the Israelites could not sacrifice in Egypt. Moses’ request that Pharaoh not act deceitfully this time shows that he doubted Pharaoh’s sincerity. The negotiations began to break down at this point, since the two sides did not trust each other.47 Before the seventh plague, Moses reiterated his demand to Pharaoh (Exod 9:13), with the threat that YHWH could have destroyed the Egyptians if he had not wished to show his power through Pharaoh (Exod 9:15–16). After the hail, Pharaoh improved his offer, proposing to release the Israelites so they no longer had to stay (‫ )עמד‬in Egypt (Exod 9:28)—his first offer to lack any reference to sacrifice. His use of ‫ עמד‬is ambiguous, since it may refer either to a brief stay (Exod 3:5), implying permission for only a temporary departure from Egypt, or to permanent residence (Exod 8:18[22]), implying his consent to leave Egypt permanently. However, Moses did not trust Pharaoh, for he did not fear YHWH (Exod 9:30), and Pharaoh again refused to let Israel go (Exod 9:35).

46 47

Ford, God, Pharaoh and Moses, 147. Ibid., 146–49.

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Before the eighth plague (locusts), Moses repeated his common demand (Exod 10:3). Cowed by the threat of locusts and swayed by his officials, Pharaoh commanded the Israelites to go and serve YHWH. However, he also asked who would be going. When he learned that all the people and all their animals were going, he accused Moses of plotting an evil deed, and allowed only the men to go and serve YHWH (Exod 10:8–11).48 The seriousness of Pharaoh’s offer depends partly on the presence or absence of women and children at Egyptian festivals. Some texts refer to all the people participating in processions behind divine images, but limited data make it difficult to determine whether this was a common practice.49 Pharaoh’s offer matched later Israelite laws that commanded all men to appear before YHWH three times a year at the three major festivals (Exod 23:17; 34:23; Deut 16:16), though Deuteronomy also invited the entire family to celebrate Shavuot and Sukkot (Deut 16:11, 14). Whether or not Pharaoh was sincere, he clearly expressed his distrust of Moses and Aaron and drove them out (‫גרש‬, piel) of his presence (although not out of the country). After the ninth plague, Pharaoh ordered the entire nation of Israel to go and worship YHWH, but required them to leave their animals behind (Exod 10:24). In reply, Moses demanded that Pharaoh allow them to bring all their animals because they would not See also the officials’ request that Pharaoh send away the men (Exod 10:7), rather than the standard description “the people.” See ibid., 160. 49 For the public aspects of the procession and the Opet-festival at Luxor, see Lanny Bell, “The New Kingdom ‘Divine’ Temple: The Example of Luxor,” in Temples of Ancient Egypt (ed. Byron E. Shafer; Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997), 127–84. Feasts organized by individuals sometimes included female family members or were even for a female family member. However, the festivals celebrated by larger groups do not record the gender of those participating, largely because most of the information concerning them is found in records detailing work given off for attending festivals, which would deal only with males, although one record includes a note that a guardian and a slave girl celebrated a festival. See Sadek, Popular Religion in Egypt during the New Kingdom, 169–82, 192–96. 48

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know how many YHWH would require them to sacrifice until they arrived in the wilderness (Exod 10:25–26). The irrational proposals from both sides reflect the complete breakdown of negotiations. Pharaoh’s permission to go without their livestock was a worthless concession, since their desire was to sacrifice, while Moses’ demand to bring all their livestock shows that Israel was not interested in a three-day journey into the wilderness to sacrifice a few animals to YHWH. Both sides continued the negotiations, but it was only a façade.50 It is now clear that serving YHWH involves a permanent break with their previous master. After the final plague, Pharaoh commanded Israel to leave Egypt and to worship YHWH with all their people and all their animals (Exod 12:31–32). However, Pharaoh again withdrew his offer when he heard that the Israelites had fled and the Egyptians asked themselves what they had done by releasing Israel from serving them (Exod 14:5). Although the description of Israel fleeing could imply the success of the Israelite deceit, it seems more likely that the Egyptians had only now fully comprehended the long-term implications of the Israelites’ departure, based on the negotiations and Pharaoh’s suspicion of Moses. If Israel had fled from Egypt after YHWH deceived Pharaoh, it would have conflicted with YHWH’s desire to show his power to Pharaoh. Rather, the deception was part of YHWH’s attack on Pharaoh, confirming him as an ignorant character. YHWH knew Israel’s situation (Exod 2:25; 3:7), what Pharaoh would do (Exod 3:19), and Aaron’s fluency (Exod 4:14), but Pharaoh did not know Joseph (Exod 1:8), YHWH (Exod 5:2), or Egypt’s ruin (Exod 10:7). The deception was part of YHWH’s plan to demonstrate Pharaoh’s ignorance, to unsettle him in his relationship with Israel, and to limit further his effectiveness as a leader. The deception also highlighted Pharaoh as the oppressor of YHWH’s people, since he allowed other slaves to worship in the wilderness.

50

Ford, God, Pharaoh and Moses, 162–63.

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THE EMPLOYMENT OF COSMIC ENEMIES As noted above, the chaos caused by the plagues cast doubt on Pharaoh as the preserver of maat. However, beyond the general chaos brought through natural forces, YHWH also employed elements against Pharaoh that the theomachy myths of the ancient Near East associated with cosmic enemies. In the Egyptian version of the theomachy myth, the serpent Apophis attempted to stop the sun from rising, but was defeated with the help of Seth and prayers from the Egyptian temples. 51 In the exodus narrative, YHWH did not defeat chaos by ensuring the orderly rising and setting of the sun, but employed the chaos of darkness—implying the defeat of the sun god—as one of his tactics against Pharaoh. Whereas in most days Seth fought on behalf of the sun god and prevented any disturbances in his path, for these three days of the ninth plague it appeared that YHWH had defeated Seth and prohibited the sun god from continuing on his normal course. The confinement of the Egyptians to their homes could also recall the anti-social nature of Apophis.52 The presence of the tannin in YHWH’s service (Exod 7:9–12) may also recall the serpent in the myth. Alongside the terror caused by three days of darkness, the darkness would have caused extra panic among the Egyptians whose central deity had apparently been defeated. The non-Egyptian versions of the theomachy myths may also be relevant to the exodus narrative. Some scholars have downplayed any influence from these theomachy myths in the Old Testament,53 but many find significant traces of it in the Old Testa-

See “The Repulsing of the Dragon (Coffin Text 160),” translated by Robert K. Ritner (COS 1.21:32); Velde, Seth, God of Confusion, 99–108. For more on Apophis, see Ludwig D. Morenz, “Apophis: On the Origin, Name, and Nature of an Ancient Egyptian Anti-God,” JNES 63 (2004): 201–5. 52 Morenz, “Apophis,” 204–5. 53 Tsumura, Creation and Destruction, 143–95; Rebecca Sally Watson, Chaos Uncreated: A Reassessment of the Theme of “Chaos” in the Hebrew Bible (BZAW 341; Berlin: de Gruyter, 2005). 51

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ment, especially in poetry. 54 The sea appears as an antagonist to YHWH,55 along with a sea monster (‫ ;תנין‬Ps 74:13; Isa 27:1; 51:9), who is sometimes named Leviathan (Job 3:8; 40:25[41:1]; Ps 74:14; 104:26; Isa 27:1) or Rahab (Job 9:13; 26:12; Ps 89:11[10]; Isa 30:7; 51:9). The Song of the Sea offers the clearest parallel in the Old Testament with its portrayal of YHWH defeating his chaotic enemy, creating his people, dwelling in a palace, and reigning as king. However, other parts of the Old Testament do not follow the narrative pattern of the theomachy myths, but modify it to fit into For the classic work on the topic, see Hermann Gunkel, Creation and Chaos in the Primeval Era and the Eschaton: A Religio-Historical Study of Genesis 1 and Revelation 12 (trans. K. William Whitney Jr.; The Biblical Resource Series; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2006). For more recent discussion, see Umberto Cassuto, Biblical and Oriental Studies (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, Hebrew University, 1973), 80–102; John Day, God’s Conflict with the Dragon and the Sea: Echoes of a Canaanite Myth in the Old Testament (University of Cambridge Oriental Publications 35; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Carola Kloos, Yhwh’s Combat with the Sea: A Canaanite Tradition in the Religion of Ancient Israel (Amsterdam: G.A. van Oorschot, 1986); Ortlund, Theophany and Chaoskampf; B. W. Anderson, “The Slaying of the Fleeing, Twisting Serpent: Isaiah 27:1 in Context,” in Uncovering Ancient Stones: Essays in Memory of H. Neil Richardson (ed. Lewis M. Hopfe; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1994), 3–15; N. Wyatt, “Arms and the King: The Earliest Allusions to the Chaoskampf Motif and Their Implications for the Interpretation of the Ugaritic and Biblical Traditions,” in “Und Mose Schrieb dieses Lied auf”: Studien zum Alten Testament und zum Alten Orient (ed. Manfried Dietrich and Ingo Kottsieper; AOAT 250; Münster: UgaritVerlag, 1998), 833–82; Richard E. Averbeck, “Ancient Near Eastern Mythography as It Relates to Historiography in the Hebrew Bible: Genesis 3 and the Cosmic Battle,” in The Future of Biblical Archaeology: Reassessing Methodologies and Assumptions (ed. James K. Hoffmeier and Alan Millard; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2004), 328–56; T. L. Fenton, “Differing Approaches to the Theomachy Myth in Old Testament Writers (Hebrew),” in Studies in Bible and the Ancient Near East Presented to Samuel E. Loewenstamm on His Seventieth Birthday (ed. Yitschak Avishur and Joshua Blau; Jerusalem: E. Rubinstein’s, 1978), 2:337–81. 55 Job 26:12; Pss 18:15–16[14–15]; 24:1–2; 29:10; 74:12–17; Isa 27:1; Nah 1:4. 54

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the Israelite monotheistic worldview. For example, the creation account of Genesis 1 does not record any combat against YHWH’s enemies; YHWH created the great sea monsters to play in the water (Gen 1:21; Ps 104:26). In a similar fashion, the narrator of the exodus narrative modified the narrative pattern of the myths by domesticating chaos, portraying YHWH using the traditional symbols of cosmic enemies as weapons against Egypt rather than as the enemies he defeated. As noted above, YHWH did not defeat the cosmic enemies by ensuring the safe passage of the sun, but employed darkness as a weapon against Pharaoh. Likewise, he also used weapons associated with cosmic enemies from other theomachy myths against Pharaoh. However, it is unknown if the non-Egyptian theomachy myths were known in Egypt. Since Canaanite religion influenced Egypt, most likely they would have been aware of the Ugaritic or Canaanite myths in the second millennium.56 If the Canaanite myths were connected to the Mesopotamian myths, then knowledge of the latter might have been mediated to the Egyptians by the Canaanites.57 Although it was not a prominent theme, the motif of the ruling god defeating the chaotic sea creature was known in Egypt, as shown in the Instruction addressed to King Merikare: “He made sky and earth for their sake, He subdued the water monster.” 58 Even if Pharaoh might not have understood YHWH’s challenge from the theomachy myths, later educated readers of Exodus could be expected to notice these allusions. The sea, the central cosmic enemy, was often surrounded by other chaos creatures. In Enuma Elish, Mother Ḫubur formed various creatures to fight for Tiamat, including serpentine monsters, For more on some of the details of this influence, see Donald B. Redford, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient Times (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 43–48, 116–18, 231–236. 57 For the argument that the Babylonian myths originated in the land near the Mediterranean, see T. Jacobsen, “The Battle between Marduk and Tiamat,” JAOS 88 (1968): 104–8. 58 “The Instruction addressed to King Merikare,” AEL 1.106. For other references to the defeat of the sea in Egyptian literature, see Velde, Seth, God of Confusion, 122–23. 56

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dragons, lion monsters, and various half-men creatures (Enuma Elish I.134–144), while in the Baal Cycle, Anat claims to have defeated Tunnan (tnn; KTU 1.3 III).59 The Old Testament equivalent to these monsters were the tannin (‫)תנין‬, who are depicted both as an obedient part of YHWH’s creation and as YHWH’s opponents. The tannin appeared in various forms, including a sea monster (Gen 1:21; Job 7:12; Pss 74:13; 148:7; Isa 27:1; 51:9), a serpent (Deut 32:33; Isa 27:1; Ps 91:13), and a crocodile (Ezek 29:3–4; 32:2). At the burning bush, YHWH had changed Moses’ staff into a snake (‫ )נחש‬to demonstrate to the people of Israel that YHWH had sent Moses (Exod 4:2–5; see also 4:29–31). When Pharaoh asked for a sign, YHWH commanded Aaron to repeat the sign before Pharaoh, but this time the staff turned into a tannin rather than a snake (Exod 7:9). The form of the tannin is unclear; it could have been a snake, a dragon (LXX)60 or a crocodile.61 When Pharaoh summoned his magicians, they turned their staffs into tannin, but Aaron’s tannin-staff swallowed the magicians’ tannin-staffs (Exod The other reference to Tunnan in the Baal Cycle is difficult to interpret (KTU 1.6 VI 51–53). In the magical literature of Ugarit, Tunnan represented an evil demon bringing illness and chaos to individuals (KTU 1.16.vi.51; KTU 1.82). For KTU 1.82, see A. Caquot, “Un recueil ougaritique de formules magiques: KTU 1.82,” Studi Epigraphici E Linguistici 5 (1988): 31–43. See also the reference to the defeat of Tunnan in Wayne T. Pitard, “The Binding of Yamm: A New Edition of the Ugaritic Text KTU 1.83,” JNES 57 (1998): 261–80. 60 The LXX translation “dragon,” commonly used to translate Leviathan (Job 40:25 [41:1]; Pss 74:14; 104:26; Isa 27:1), suggests a chaos creature. See Andrew R. Angel, Chaos and the Son of Man: The Hebrew Chaoskampf Tradition in the Period 515 BCE to 200 CE (Library of Second Temple Studies 60; London: T&T Clark, 2006), 210–212; Nicolas K. Kiessling, “Antecedents of the Medieval Dragon in Sacred History,” JBL 89 (1970): 169–70. 61 For the chaos associations of a crocodile in Egypt, see Penina Galpaz-Feller, “Egyptological Motifs in the Sign of the Serpent (Exod 4:2–5; 7:8–14) (Hebrew),” BM 47 (2002): 329–32. For a discussion of the options, see Cassuto, A Commentary on the Book of Exodus, 94; Propp, Exodus 1–18, 322. 59

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7:9–12). The magicians’ action indicated that Pharaoh could control chaos to some extent, but the swallowing of the magician’s tannin-staffs by Aaron’s declared that YHWH exercised greater power over chaos than Pharaoh.62 Even if the tannin was similar in appearance to a snake,63 the narrator’s use of tannin, as well as the action of swallowing (Jer 51:34; Enuma Elish iv:97), infuses the text with mythic overtones.64 The central cosmic enemy was the sea (‫)ים‬.65 Although the sea was sometimes portrayed as antagonistic to YHWH (Job 9:8; Isa 50:2; Nah 1:4; Hab 3:15), in the exodus narrative the sea appears only as his agent.66 YHWH did not need to defeat the ultimate symbol of chaos and dysfunction, but exploited the sea as an escape route for Israel and as a weapon to destroy the Egyptian army. Although the narratives of Exodus 5–14 hint at the theomachy myths, the closest allusions to the myth are seen in the Song of the Sea, especially the sea and deep waters (‫ )תהום‬that drowned the Egyptians. The primary antagonist in Enuma Elish is Tiamat (tiamat), associated by many with the ‫ תהום‬of the creation account (Gen 1:2).67 In the Song of the Sea, YHWH used the ‫ תהום‬to cover

Schmitt, Magie im Alten Testament, 97–100. However, the snake (‫ )נחש‬also had monster or mythic overtones sometimes, including the serpent in the garden (Genesis 3), and the serpent at the bottom of the sea (Amos 9:3). See also Job 26:12–13 (snake parallel with Rahab) and Isa 27:1 (Leviathan described as a snake). For more on the snake as the chaos creature, see Mary K. Wakeman, God’s Battle with the Monster: A Study in Biblical Imagery (Leiden: Brill, 1973), 84–86; Averbeck, “Ancient Near Eastern Mythography.” 64 Noegel, “Moses and Magic: Notes on the Book of Exodus,” 47– 48; Schmitt, Magie im Alten Testament, 93–100. 65 For more on the sea in the Old Testament, see Reymond, L’eau, sa vie, et sa signification dans l’Ancien Testament, 163–98. 66 The only hint of the sea being antagonistic is YHWH’s splitting of the sea, similar to Marduk’s splitting of Tiamat (Enuma Elish iv.136–137). 67 Gunkel, Creation and Chaos in the Primeval Era and the Eschaton, 75– 76. 62 63

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the enemy and destroy them (Exod 15:5).68 Although it is unlikely that the word ‫ תהום‬derives from the Akkadian word Tiamat,69 its assonance with Tiamat could call to mind its chaotic associates for the informed reader, especially in the context of other allusions to the myths in the Song of the Sea.70 The earth that swallowed the enemy (Exod 15:12) might also refer to the underworld. 71 The Akkadian cognate erṣetu sometimes refers to the underworld: Ištar descended into the earth, the place of the dead,72 and the spirit of Enkidu ascended from the underworld through a hole in the earth. 73 In the Ugaritic texts, El proclaimed in mourning that he would go down to the “underworld” (arṣ; KTU 1.5.VI.25).74 The Old Testament usually describes the underworld with an adjectival modifier,75 but the absolute use of ‫ ארץ‬may also refer to the underworld. In the context of the dead coming back to life, Isa 26:19 says that “the earth (‫ )ארץ‬will give birth to the Rephaim.”76 Further support for viewing ‫ ארץ‬as the underworld in Exod 15:12 include the connection of the underworld with the sea in other texts 77 and the motif of death swallowing the living in the Old Testament (Job 18:13; Prov 1:12; Isa 5:14;

The ‫ תהום‬was also congealed in the heart of the sea (Exod 15:8). For more detail on this verse, see above. 69 Tsumura, Creation and Destruction, 9–57. 70 Wakeman, God’s Battle with the Monster, 86–87; Day, God’s Conflict with the Dragon and the Sea, 7. 71 Wakeman, God’s Battle with the Monster, 108–9. 72 “The Descent of Ishtar to the Underworld,” translated by Stephanie Dalley (COS 1.108:382). 73 “The Gilgamesh Epic,” translated by E. A. Speiser (ANET, 98). 74 See also KTU 1.4 VIII.9; 1.5.V.6, V.16, VI.6. 75 The under land (‫ ;ארץ תחתית‬Ezek 31:14, 16, 18; 32:18, 24), the depths of the earth (‫ ;תחתיות הארץ‬Ps 63:10; Isa 44:23), or the deep waters of the earth (‫ ;תהמות הארץ‬Ps 71:20). 76 See also 1 Sam 28:13; Isa 29:4. 77 2 Sam 22:5; Pss 71:20; 88:8[7]; Ezek 26:19–20. See Propp, Exodus 1–18, 530. 68

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Hab 2:5) and the Baal Cycle (KTU 1.5.ii.2–3).78 YHWH not only used the chaotic sea as an agent against Pharaoh, but he also used Mot, Baal’s other primary opponent, as an agent against Pharaoh’s soldiers when the underworld swallowed them.79 Finally, in the plague narrative the anti-creation theme contrasts with Enuma Elish. After Marduk defeated Tiamat, he created the world from her body and fashioned humans from the body of her defeated general, Qingu (Enuma Elish v.1–62; vi.1–44). In contrast to this creation motif, YHWH reversed the narrative of the theomachy myths by undoing creation through the plagues. Although the Baal cycle lacks the creation motif, Baal’s death disrupted the seasonal cycle (KTU 1.4.v.6–9; vii.25–31; 1.6.iii.6–7, 12–13; iv.1–3, 12–14). The plagues disrupted nature in Egypt similarly, preventing the natural system from working and working against creation.80 YHWH not only used traditional weapons employed by the divine warriors, but he also usurped weapons associated with cosmic enemies to employ them against Pharaoh. It might even be said that he took on the role of chaos/Yam/Mot/Tiamat/serpent in the theomachy myths, bringing chaos to Egypt and challenging Pharaoh to restore order to Egypt like Baal/Marduk/Seth. Even if they only knew the Egyptian versions of the myths, the Egyptians would have been disheartened when they realized that they faced a god who not only could control cosmic enemies but could also employ them as a weapon against his enemies. Ibid., 529–31; Wakeman, God’s Battle with the Monster, 106–8. See also the focus on the large size of Mot’s throat in RS 24.293 in Dennis Pardee, Ritual and Cult at Ugarit (ed. Theodore J. Lewis; SBLWAW 10; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2002), 212–13. 79 Some have argued that the name ‫ ים סוף‬is a mythic term denoting “the sea of End/Extinction.” See Bernard F. Batto, “The Reed Sea: Requiescat in Pace,” JBL 102 (1983): 27–35. However, most scholars reject such an interpretation. See Propp, Exodus 1–18, 487; Kloos, Yhwh’s Combat with the Sea, 154–57. 80 For the idea of the plagues as forces of anti-creation, see Terence E. Fretheim, “The Plagues as Ecological Signs of Historical Disaster,” JBL 110 (1991): 385–96. 78

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YHWH did not fight against the traditional enemies of order, but produced chaos through natural means and employed the stereotypical forces of cosmic enemies as part of his own weaponry. Although other divine warriors used imagery derived from chaos creatures to describe their own power, 81 YHWH controlled the chaos creatures and employed them as weapons.

THE DEFEAT OF ENEMY GODS The primary enemies of YHWH in the divine warrior texts were either human armies or forces of chaos.82 However, within the exodus narrative, the primary targets were Pharaoh and the gods of Egypt, the centers of power who had started the conflict between YHWH and Egypt. Given the intimate relationship between Pharaoh and the gods within the conceptual world of ancient Egypt, the Egyptian gods naturally represented a central target of YHWH’s offensive (Exod 12:12; see also Num 33:4; 2 Sam 7:23). Although warfare among the gods was common in the ancient Near Eastern worldview, descriptions of gods fighting each other were restricted to mythic material. In historical texts, kings throughout the ancient Near East frequently spoke of divine warriors fighting on their behalf against their human enemies, but not against the gods of their enemies. The taking of the foreign gods illustrated the foreign gods’ abandonment of their people in the face of an attack rather than their defeat at the hands of Aššur.83 In fact, like other nations For several old Mesopotamian examples of divine warriors conquering dragons and also describing themselves with dragon imagery, see T. J. Lewis, “CT 13.33–34 and Ezekiel 32: Lion-Dragon Myths,” JAOS 116 (1996): 41–45. 82 However, see the judgment that YHWH would bring on the Egyptian gods in Jer 46:25. 83 Morton Cogan, Imperialism and Religion: Assyria, Judah and Israel in the Eighth and Seventh Centuries B.C.E. (SBLMS 19; Missoula: Society of Biblical Literature, 1974), 22–41; Mordechai Cogan, “Judah under Assyrian Hegemony: A Reexamination of Imperialism and Religion,” JBL 112 (1993): 403–14; Steven W. Holloway, Aššur Is King! Aššur Is King!: Religion in the Exercise of Power in the Neo-Assyrian Empire (CHANE 10; Leiden: Brill, 2002), 123–51. 81

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in the ancient Near East, the Assyrians often protected the images of the foreign gods, provided for their rituals, and returned the images to their home to gain the support of the conquered deities.84 However, divine warfare in the exodus narrative differs from that of other battle narratives in the ancient Near East, as it describes both a battle between the gods (like the mythic texts) as well as a battle in a historical setting (like the historical texts). Although the warfare between YHWH and the Egyptian gods is not mentioned frequently, the narrator refers explicitly to it in the context of the death of the first-born, where YHWH declared his intention to execute judgments (‫)עשה שפטים‬85 on the gods of Egypt (Exod 12:12; Num 33:4).86 The Hebrew root ‫ שפט‬usually refers to leading or governing.87 Leading in external affairs involved delivering the people and leading the military, while in internal affairs judges were responsible for arbitrating between two people or groups. 88 The paradigmatic example is YHWH, who as the governor of all the earth judges justly (Gen 18:25). He also judges in the midst of the gods (Ps 82:1). The word ‫שפטים‬, denoting acts of judgment rather than adjudication,

Cogan, Imperialism and Religion, 22–41; Holloway, Aššur Is King! Aššur Is King!, 320–425. For other examples of protection of captured images by kings, see “Deeds of Šuppiluliuma,” translated by Harry A. Hoffner (COS 1.74:190); “The Victory Stela of King Piye (Piankhy),” translated by Miriam Lichtheim (COS 2.7:48). 85 The phrase is often found in martial contexts, such as the “execution of judgment” (‫ )עשה שפטים‬against Joash by the Aramean army (2 Chr 24:24). See also Ezek 5:10, 15; 11:9; 14:21. 86 See also 2 Sam 7:23, where David praised YHWH for redeeming Israel from Egypt and its gods. 87 Block, Judges, Ruth, 23–25. 88 Gen 16:5; 31:53; Judg 11:27; 1 Sam 24:13, 16 [12, 15]; Isa 2:4. For more on judges in the ancient Near East, their connection with the religious realm, and YHWH’s role as judge, see Arnold Gamper, Gott als Richter in Mesopotamien und im Alten Testament: Zum Verftändnis einer Gebetsbitte (Innsburck: Universitätsverlag Wagner, 1966). 84

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always occurs in the plural and appears frequently in Ezekiel.89 The cognate Akkadian word šiptu had a negative tone and was often used to refer to divine judgment90 or a severe punishment on those who were insubordinate.91 ‫שפטים‬, which might have acquired its negative connotation from šiptu, in contrast to the other more positive uses of the root ‫( שפט‬such as ‫)משפט‬,92 usually denotes divine judgment against an enemy of YHWH who acted against him or his people.93 The content of the divine judgment in Ezekiel was broadly similar to YHWH’s attack on Egypt: the sword (Ezek 14:21; 28:22–23), famine (Ezek 14:21), wild beasts (Ezek 14:21), pestilence (Ezekiel 14:21; 28:22–23), and military defeat (Ezek 5:10, 15; 11:9; 16:41; 25:11; 30:14, 19; see also 2 Chr 24:23). The specific identity of the Egyptian gods is unclear. Many ancient interpreters believed that the statement refers to the destruction of divine images94 or temples.95 According to Exod. Rab. 15.15, “One which was of wood, rotted; of stone, melted; those of silver, gold, and brass, He reduced to their original molten state.” Ironically, the only request for justice in the exodus narrative was the Israelite request for YHWH to judge Moses for his part in causing Israel more work (Exod 5:21). Jub. 48:5–7 calls the plagues the “ten judgments” against Egypt. 90 CAD š3, 91–92. 91 Temba L. J. Mafico, Yahweh’s mergence as “Judge” Among the Gods: A Study of the Hebrew Root Špt (Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 2006), 50– 63. 92 Herbert Niehr, Herrschen und Richten: Die Wurzel Špt im Alten Orient und im Alten Testament (FB 54; Wurzburg: Echter, 1986), 307–12. 93 E.g., Egypt (Exod 6:6; 7:4; 12:12; Num 33:4; Ezek 30:19), Moab (Ezek 25:11), and Sidon (Ezek 28:22). 94 1QM 14:1; Jub. 48:5; Tgs; Pesikta De-Rab Kahana 5.9; Mek. Tractate Pisha 7.51–59; Tractate Shirata 8. Mek. also attributes the despoiling of the Egyptians to the melting of their images (Tractate Pisha, 13.142– 143). 95 Jerome, Epist ad Fabiolem (PL 22.70); Isidore of Serville in Joseph T. Lienhard and Ronnie J. Rombs, eds., Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy (ACCS 3; Downers Grove: InterVarsity, 2001), 63. Artapanus said that some temples were destroyed by earthquakes. 89

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The connection between the gods of Egypt and divine images and temples elsewhere in the Old Testament supports this interpretation (Isa 19:1; Ezek 30:13).96 A secondary attack on the gods through their images and temples might be implied, but it is not the focus of the judgment, since the exodus narrative lacks any reference to divine images or temples.97 A second suggestion is that YHWH judged the Egyptian gods by killing the first-born of the animals, who represented the gods. Pharaoh let Israel go because of personal tragedy (the death of his son), but when the Egyptians learned that all the first-born of the animals had died, they became furious and pursued Israel. The Israelites went out with a high hand when they heard that YHWH had discredited the Egyptian gods.98 However, this interpretation misunderstands Egyptian religion because the Egyptians did not believe that every single animal represented a god, but only certain animals who had been designated to be a symbol of the gods.99

However, the exact expression “the gods of Egypt” (‫)אלהי מצרים‬ appears elsewhere in the Old Testament only in Jeremiah’s condemnation of “the temples of the gods of Egypt” (Jer 43:12–13), differentiating the gods from the temples. 97 For the unlikely idea that the blood in the first plague extends even to divine images because the wood and stone (‫ )ובעצים ובאבנים‬containing the blood were divine images (Exod 7:19), see Bénédicte Lemmelijn, “The Phrase ‫ ובעצים ובאבנים‬in Exodus 7,19,” Bib 80 (1999): 264–68. However, all the references to divine images with the roots ‫ עץ‬and ‫ אבן‬use the singular form of the nouns (Deut 4:28; 28:36, 64; 29:16[17]; 2 Kgs 19:18; Isa 37:19; Jer 2:27; 3:9; Ezek 20:32; Hab 2:19), while Exod 7:19 uses the plural form, which is commonly used when referring to building materials (Lev 14:45; 1 Kgs 5:32[18]; 15:22; 18:38; 2 Kgs 12:13[12]; 22:6; 1 Chr 22:14; 29:2; 2 Chr 2:13[14]; 16:6; 34:11; Ecc 10:9). 98 Shubert Spero, “‘And Against All the Gods of Egypt I Will Execute Judgments...,’” JBQ 27 (1999): 83–88. See also Cassuto, A Commentary on the Book of Exodus, 133. 99 Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt, 150. 96

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Another common suggestion is that the individual plagues attacked specific gods.100 Supposedly, YHWH struck the Nile because the Egyptians worshipped it101 and brought the darkness on the land as an attack against the sun god Ra.102 Although some of the parallels between a plague and the corresponding Egyptian god are strong, others are weak. For example, the god Hapy was not the god of the Nile, but the god of the inundation of the Nile. 103 Hekat might have been represented by a frog, but not every frog symbolized the goddess.104 Furthermore, the Egyptians also worshipped more than ten gods, leaving many untouched by the plagues. In order to account for this discrepancy, Robert Kilpatrick has suggested that each pair of the ten plagues brought judgment on a region of creation, not a single god.105 However, the Egyptian gods were not organized according to these categories and understanding the tenth plague as an attack on the moon 106 misses the main point of the plague. The final suggestion understands the plagues as an attack against Pharaoh, who served as the representative of the Egyptian Nahum M. Sarna, Exploring Exodus: The Heritage of Biblical Israel (New York: Schocken, 1986), 78–80; Dozeman, Exodus, 216, 247; John D. Currid, Ancient Egypt and the Old Testament (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1997), 108–13; Ziony Zevit, “Three Ways to Look at the Ten Plagues,” BRev 6, no. 3 (1990): 21. 101 Exod. Rab. 9:9; Sarna, Exploring Exodus, 78–79. 102 Rendsburg, “The Egyptian Sun-God Ra in the Pentateuch,” 7–8. 103 Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt, 149; Huddlestun, “‘Who Is This That Rises Like the Nile?’,” 338–63. 104 Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt, 150. 105 The five pairs are waters (blood into water and frogs from water), dry land (gnats and flies come from the dry land), creatures of the dry land (the livestock are affected by the pestilence and boils), vegetation (the vegetation is affected by the hail and the locusts), and the heavens (the sun and moon were attacked). See Robert Kirk Kilpatrick, “Against the Gods of Egypt: An Examination of the Narrative of the Ten Plagues in the Light of Exodus 12:12” (Ph. D. Diss., Mid-America Baptist Theological Seminary, 1995), 84–98. 106 Ibid., 95–98. 100

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gods.107 Pharaoh represented both humans and gods: Pharaoh was a “being” (who was formerly human) and an “office” (which was always divine).108 Pharaoh was often referred to as divine,109 even though he remained human, came from human stock, and suffered from human failings.110 Because Pharaoh was a human perceived as occupying the divine throne, he was the foremost link between the people of Egypt and the Egyptian gods.111 YHWH attacked the Egyptian gods by sending chaos into Egypt through the plagues, thereby nullifying Pharaoh’s role as guardian of order (maat) and showing the gods whom he represented to be powerless. The consistent focus of the exodus narrative on the battle between YHWH and Pharaoh supports this interpretation,112 as well as the relevance of the standard goal of the ‫( שפטים‬to give the recipient of the Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt, 151–55; Rolf Rendtorff, The Canonical Hebrew Bible: A Theology of the Old Testament (trans. David E. Orton; Tools for Biblical Study 7; Leiden: Deo Pub, 2005), 45. 108 Ronald J. Leprohon, “Royal Ideology and State Administration in Pharaonic Egypt,” in Civilizations of the Ancient Near East (ed. J. Sasson; 4 vols; Peabody, Mass.:Hendrickson, 1995), 1:275; David P. Silverman, “Divinity and Deities in Ancient Egypt,” in Religion in Ancient Egypt: Gods, Myths, and Personal Practice (ed. Byron E. Shafer; Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991), 58–87; Baines, “Ancient Egyptian Kingship,” 16–53; Jan Assmann, The Search for God in Ancient Egypt (trans. David Lorton; Ithaca: Cornell, 2001), 111–60. 109 For example, see “Sinuhe,” translated by Miriam Lichteim (COS 1.38:78). 110 Ancient Egyptians recognized flaws in Pharaoh and sometimes critiqued him. See John Baines, “Kingship, Definition of Culture, and Legitimation,” in Ancient Egyptian Kingship (ed. David O’Connor and David P. Silverman; Probleme der Ägyptologie; Leiden: Brill, 1995), 19–21; David P. Silverman, “The Nature of Egyptian Kingship,” in Ancient Egyptian Kingship (ed. David O’Connor and David P. Silverman; Probleme der Ägyptologie; Leiden: Brill, 1995), 51–61. 111 Velde, “Theology, Priests, and Worship in Ancient Egypt,” 3:1731–32; Baines, “Ancient Egyptian Kingship,” 17. 112 The prophetic condemnation of Egypt and their gods was also usually directed at Pharaoh specifically (Jer 25:19; 44:30; 46; Ezek 29; 30:20–26; 31; 32). 107

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judgment a “lesson he would never forget”113) to YHWH’s goal for Pharaoh that he would acknowledge YHWH’s sovereignty over Egypt. While this interpretation accounts for the fundamental features of the narrative, it raises several questions. First, although the Old Testament never refers to Pharaoh as a deity,114 it is doubtful Israel would have been ignorant of such a basic feature of the Egyptian worldview.115 Second, the use of the plural noun, “gods,” rather than the singular noun, “god,” does not fit well if it denotes Pharaoh (Exod 12:12). However, the judgments were directed at the gods through Pharaoh, the divine mediator. When YHWH exposed the incompetence of Pharaoh, he also showed the incompetence of the gods of Pharaoh. The focus on Pharaoh in the exodus narrative supports the view that YHWH was judging the Egyptian gods by showing that their representative on earth was powerless, although secondary judgments on specific gods (especially in the ninth plague) cannot be ruled out.

CONCLUSION The exodus narrative does not portray YHWH acting as a divine warrior exactly as he did elsewhere, but expands the martial aspects of YHWH’s attack on the Egyptians. I have argued in this chapter that these differences do not invalidate viewing YHWH as a divine warrior, but represent a martial expansion of his actions as a divine warrior. YHWH employed different natural elements as weapons, employed cosmic enemies as tools against Egypt, discredited the Mafico, Yahweh’s Emergence as “Judge” Among the Gods, 169. As noted in Edward L. Greenstein, “The Firstborn Plague and the Reading Process,” in Pomegranates and Golden Bells: Studies in Biblical Jewish, and Near Eastern Ritual, Law, and Literature in Honor of Jacob Milgrom (ed. David P. Wright, David Noel Freedman, and Avi Hurvitz; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1995), 563. 115 Ezekiel’s quotation of Pharaoh’s claim that the Nile belonged to him and that he made it (Ezek 29:3) might imply Pharaoh’s divinity. See Block, Ezekiel 25–48, 137–38. Early interpreters knew of Pharaoh’s divine claims (Mek. Tractate Shirata 8). 113 114

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enemy gods, and focused several of his attacks on Pharaoh himself. YHWH the divine warrior was not restricted to a limited set of tools, but could contextualize his interactions by employing unusual weapons or tactics to achieve his goals more effectively.

THE RELATIONAL EXPANSION OF THE DIVINE WARRIOR MOTIF Along with YHWH’s actions in the exodus narrative that expand the martial aspects of the divine warrior motif, other aspects in the exodus narrative that differ from the poetic accounts of the divine warrior relate to YHWH’s relationship with his people. In this chapter I will study both the connection between the activities of the divine warrior and the national narrative as well as the divine warrior’s relationship with his people when they are disobedient to show that these differences do not prevent us from seeing YHWH as a divine warrior in the exodus narrative, but reflect further expansions of the motif.

A NATIONAL NARRATIVE The liturgical nature of many divine warrior texts shows that YHWH’s victories were remembered long after the event and became an accepted part of the Israelite liturgical tradition. However, the exodus narrative had a far greater impact when it formed the basis of a national narrative that persists to this day through the annual celebration of Passover. The ancient Near Eastern theomachy myths created a similar national narrative. When Marduk defeated Tiamat, he became the sovereign god (Enuma Elish VI.113–120) and all people were to heed, exalt and praise him (Enuma Elish VI.136; VII.18, 24) because his strength was incomparable (Enuma Elish VII.88). All people would tell of his victories and ways in the future (Enuma Elish V.73–76; VI.108), as demonstrated by the reading of Enuma Elish during the Akitu festival. No record exists of a similar function for the Baal Cycle, but it most likely operated similarly. Although Israel’s national story began in Genesis, one of YHWH’s goals in Exodus for Israel was the extension of their his181

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torical narrative to bind them together as a religious community in remembrance of what the divine warrior had done for them in Egypt. This narrative would be based both on the plagues in general as well as on the final plague in particular. YHWH’s speeches about hardening Pharaoh’s heart usually focused on the Egyptians, but in Exod 10:1–2 he turned his attention to the Israelites, when he declared that he performed these signs so the Israelites could tell their children how YHWH had humiliated Pharaoh and performed signs among the Egyptians, which would lead the Israelites to know that “I am YHWH.” YHWH’s attacks on Pharaoh and Egypt would provide them with stories of his power and greatness to pass along to the next generation. Although the individual plagues provided the building blocks of the extension of Israel’s historical narrative, the final plague served as its capstone. YHWH highlighted the significance of this plague by instituting the festival of Passover (‫ ;פסח‬Exod 12:11, 43, 48),1 giving the Israelites a special time every year to remember what YHWH had done for them in Egypt. 2 YHWH instructed IsExodus 12 derives the name from the root ‫( פסח‬Exod 12:13, 23, 27). Traditionally the root has been understood to mean “pass over,” but various other definitions have been proposed, including “limp,” “protect,” and “strike.” However, given the scarcity of the verb in the Old Testament (2 Sam 4:4; 1 Kgs 18:21, 26; Isa 31:5) and the possibility of Passover themes influencing its usage elsewhere, the meaning remains uncertain. See E. Otto, “‫פסח‬,” TDOT 12:2–9; Stuart, Exodus, 278; Durham, Exodus, 155; Loewenstamm, The Evolution of the Exodus Tradition, 197–202. 2 Although the exodus narrative locates the origin of Passover in the exodus, scholars have often argued that it originated in an apotropaic ritualized slaughter. See Baruch M. Bokser, “Unleavened Bread and Passover, Feasts of,” ABD 6:756–60; B. M. Levinson, Deuteronomy and the Hermeneutics of Legal Innovation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 57–62; Loewenstamm, The Evolution of the Exodus Tradition, 189–221; Tamara Prosic, The Development and Symbolism of Passover until 70 CE (JSOTSup 414; London: T&T Clark, 2004), 19–32; Judah Benzion Segal, The Hebrew Passover, from the Earliest Times to A.D. 70 (London Oriental Series 12; London: 1

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rael on both how to observe the first Passover in Egypt (Exod 12:1–13, 21–23) and how to celebrate it in the future (Exod 12:14– 20, 24–28, 43–51; 13:1–16). The heart of Passover was the sacrifice. Each family was to take a year-old lamb or kid and kill it on the fourteenth of the month (Exod 12:3–6, 21), when they were to daub the blood of the sacrifice with hyssop on the doorframes of their houses (Exod 12:7, 22).3 They were to eat the meat with bitter herbs and unleavened bread in preparation for a quick departure (Exod 12:8–11).4 The sacrifice and the blood on the doorposts were intended to protect Israel. When YHWH passed over (‫ )עבר‬Egypt in judgment, he would pass over (or protect; ‫ )פסח‬the houses with the blood and not strike the first-born (Exod 12:13, 23). In contrast to the earlier plagues, in which YHWH protected the Israelites without any action on their part, YHWH required the people to prepare in the final plague. The Israelites did not need the extra protection from this plague due to their geographical presence in the midst of the attack; if this was the case, they would have needed protection from the earlier plagues as well. Instead, the final plague is closely connected to the important issue of the ownership of the first-born.5 YHWH had claimed Isra-

Oxford University Press, 1963), 78–113. Since the narrative assumes knowledge of the Feast of Unleavened Bread, it might have already existed as an agricultural festival and been incorporated into the Passover celebration. See Baruch M. Bokser, “Unleavened Bread and Passover, Feasts of,” ABD 6:760; Sarna, Exodus, 55. 3 The commands for the future celebration do not include any reference to putting the blood on the doorposts. 4 In the future, the focus shifts from the meat to the bread. They were to remove yeast from their house and eat bread without yeast for seven days, from the fourteenth to the twenty-first day (Exod 12:15, 18– 20; 13:3, 6–7). For further speculation about the symbolism of the bread without the yeast, see Bokser, “Unleavened Bread and Passover, Feasts of,” ABD 6:757; Sarna, Exploring Exodus, 89–91. 5 Although chapter 13 never explicitly connects the consecration of the first-born with Passover, the final form of the exodus narrative as-

184

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el as his first-born son, and if Egypt would not let them go, YHWH would kill Pharaoh’s first-born son (Exod 4:22–23), which leads to the final plague as the fulfillment of this threat (Exod 11:4–7). Since Israel’s first-born, both humans and animals, belonged to YHWH (Exod 13:1–2), they were to give each first-born to YHWH (Exod 13:12).6 The father was to explain to the son why they offered their first-born to YHWH, but the reason is not clear (Exod 13:14–15). If the “therefore” (Exod 13:15) refers to the immediately preceding clauses, the Israelites offered their first-born because YHWH killed all the first-born in Egypt during the Exodus, perhaps implying that the Egyptian children were the redemption price for the Israelite first-born.7 On the other hand, if the “therefore” refers to the previous verse (Exod 13:14), the Israelites would offer their children to YHWH in gratitude for his salvation.8 A further nuance might be associated with YHWH’s ownership of all things, since as Creator YHWH could demand the first-born of all nations.9 The Israelites needed to offer their first-born as a statement of obedience to and trust in YHWH, following the example of their father Abraham (Genesis 22). The final plague reminded the Israelites that their ethnic identity did not guarantee automatic protection. sumes such a conjunction by placing it immediately after the Passover regulations. 6 However, donkeys and humans could be redeemed (‫ ;פדה‬Exod 13:13; see also Exod 34:20; Num 3:11–51; 18:15–17). Redemption (‫)פדה‬ involved paying a price to release a person from an obligation (Exod 21:8; Lev 19:20), and became a root used to describe the exodus (Deut 7:8; 9:26). 7 Terence E. Fretheim, Exodus (Int; Louisville: John Knox Press, 1991), 149; Enns, Exodus, 254–57; Levenson, The Death and Resurrection of the Beloved Son, 38. 8 Perhaps the Israelite first-born were required as a payment for YHWH’s redemption of them from Egypt. See Eugene H. Merrill, Everlasting Dominion: A Theology of the Old Testament (Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 2006), 257. 9 Fretheim, Exodus, 148; Enns, Exodus, 253; Greenstein, “The Firstborn Plague and the Reading Process.”

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YHWH added several regulations concerning the Passover to govern its future observation. First, the Israelite calendar would be based on the exodus event. The month in which the exodus occurred would be the first month of the year in the new Israelite calendar, named Abib (Exod 12:2; 13:5).10 Not only would Israel celebrate the Passover in the first month every year (Exod 12:18; 13:5), but since their calendar was based on the Passover, it would also theoretically remind them of YHWH fighting for them throughout the year. Second, in the future the Israelites were to celebrate two sacred assemblies. They were not to do any work on these two days except for food preparation (Exod 12:16; 13:6–7). The prohibition of work on these days might have reminded them about their passivity in YHWH’s battle against the Egyptians and the Israelite freedom from their labor under Pharaoh. Third, they were to inform their children about the significance of the celebration. When their children would ask about the Passover sacrifice, they were to explain that it was a sacrifice to YHWH, who had passed over their houses in Egypt when he had struck the Egyptian first-born (Exod 12:26–27; 13:8, 14–15), focusing the Israelites’ attention upon YHWH and his attack on Egypt to rescue them. Fourth, the festival would serve as a sign and a memorial for Israel on their hand and forehead (Exod 13:9, 16).11 This would lead them to remember that the Torah of YHWH should be on their lips (Exod 13:9) and that YHWH had brought them out of Egypt (Exod 13:9, 16). Since the signs and memorials on the hands and foreheads in later Judaism became a year-long practice, the Israelites would remember YHWH’s rescue of them from Egypt throughout the year.

For more on the Israelite calendar, see James C. VanderKam, “Calendars, Ancient Israelite and Early Jewish,” ABD 1:814–20; Sarna, Exploring Exodus, 81–85. 11 The use of the sign on the hands and the ‫ טוטפת‬between the eyes developed extensively in later Judaism. See Ruth Satinover Fagen, “Phylacteries,” ABD 5:368–88. 10

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“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

YHWH’s actions as a divine warrior not only provided the basis for those seeking YHWH’s assistance, but in the exodus narrative his martial actions became the foundation for a major part of Israel’s national narrative. Every year the people of Israel would remember together that YHWH had fought for them, rescuing them from oppression and bringing them to their land.

YHWH’S COMPLEX RELATIONSHIP WITH HIS PEOPLE The divine warrior texts frequently portray a harmonious relationship between YHWH and his people. As noted above, the exodus narrative portrays the Israelites’ trust in YHWH and YHWH’s devotion to his people. However, alongside this the narrative also describes Israelite ignorance of YHWH and vacillation about following him. Exploring these aspects of their relationship with him and YHWH’s response will clarify the divine warrior’s relationship with a people who occasionally forget YHWH and who vacillate in their trust in YHWH. Israelite Ignorance of YHWH The book of Exodus begins with Israel unaware of its god. Although YHWH’s work is evident, the narrator keeps YHWH and Israel’s relationship with him in the background in the beginning of Exodus.12 The Israelite ignorance is reflected in the wording of their call for help (Exod 2:23). When they groaned and cried out in their dark hour, they seem not to have directed their call to YHWH, but to anyone who would listen. Other Old Testament texts even portray Israel worshipping other gods in Egypt (Josh 24:14; Ezek 20:7–8). Moses was also ignorant of what YHWH desired. In describing his birth, the narrator produced one of the most detailed birth

Moses’ parents might have acted out of a fear of YHWH, but the narrator does not ascribe any religious motivation to their actions. The only characters who recognize YHWH in the first two chapters are the midwives (Exod 1:17), who may not even have been Israelite. See chapter four. 12

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narratives in the Old Testament. 13 When Moses’ parents could no longer keep him in their house, they put Moses in an ark (‫ )תבה‬and placed him in the Nile, where Pharaoh’s daughter found him (Exod 2:3–10). Pharaoh might have intended the Nile to be the source of death for the male Hebrew babies (Exod 1:22), but the Nile saved Moses. Although references to YHWH are lacking in this story, the apparently “fortuitous” rescue of Moses by Pharaoh’s daughter and the intertextual links with the flood narrative indicate the presence of YHWH working in the background.14 Moses’ birth narrative exhibits local Egyptian coloring,15 but stories of an exposed child were well-known in the ancient world.16 They tended to include seven common components: explanation of abandonment, infant of noble birth, preparations for exposure, For other extended birth narratives, see the birth of Isaac (Gen 17:15–22; 18:1–15; 21:1–7), Jacob and Esau (Gen 25:19–26), Samson (Judg 13), and Samuel (1 Sam 1). However, these other Old Testament birth narratives are quite different from that of Moses, as they focus on the divine announcement of the birth rather than the protection of the child. 14 The only other occurrences of the word ‫ תבה‬are in the flood narrative, where God kept Noah safe in the midst of water that brought destruction to others (Gen 6–9, passim), similar to the ark that kept Moses safe in the water that brought death to other Israelite children. 15 See Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt, 138–40. 16 For a list of other stories that involve an exposed infant, see Brian Lewis, The Sargon Legend: A Study of the Akkadian Text and the Tale of the Hero Who Was Exposed at Birth (American Schools of Oriental Research Dissertation Series 4; Cambridge, Mass.: American Schools of Oriental Research, 1980), 149–95; Donald B. Redford, “The Literary Motif of the Exposed Child,” Numen 14 (1967): 209–28. Although it was from Mesopotamia rather than Egypt, one of the oldest parallels to Moses’ birth narrative is the Sargon Birth Legend, in which a priestess conceived Sargon in secret and placed him in a reed basket in a river, where he was found by Aqqi, who adopted him. The legend concludes with an account of his rule as king and his conquests. See “The Birth Legend of Sargon of Akkad,” translated by Benjamin R. Foster (COS 1.133:461); Lewis, The Sargon Legend; Tremper Longman III, Fictional Akkadian Autobiography (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1991), 53–60. 13

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“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

exposure, a protected infant, discovery and adoption, and ascent of the hero.17 The final component is particularly important, since out of the 72 occurrences of the motif Lewis lists, only ten do not record the accomplishments of the hero. A king is the main character in over half of the stories.18 Several aspects of Moses’ birth narrative fit the general pattern of the genre: to protect him from Egyptian violence, Moses’ mother put him in a basket in a river, where he was found and adopted by Pharaoh’s daughter. These parallels lead readers who are aware of other accounts to expect that one day Moses will return to his people (perhaps as their king) and lead them out of Egypt by force. The story fulfills this expectation by recording Moses’ first great deed of rescuing an Israelite from an Egyptian by killing the oppressor. But when he went back the next day, two Israelites were quarreling and his rebuke of the man in the wrong only led to their rejection of the leadership of Moses. Spurned by Israel and pursued by Pharaoh, Moses fled to Midian (Exod 2:11–15). The birth narrative of Moses and his failure to act as an effective military hero is a broken form of the exposed infant form. The narrator employed the genre not to glorify Moses, but to reverse the story and show how Moses was not to become a military leader or a king.19 In contrast to the ancient Near Eastern kings who forced their will upon others, Moses was not to lead his people out of Israel by military force. Moses struck (‫נכה‬, hifil) a man (Exod 2:12), but it Lewis, The Sargon Legend, 211–20. Ibid., 214. 19 Eckart Otto, “Mose und das Gesetz: Die Mose-Figur als Gegenentwurf Politischer Theologie zur Neuassyrischen Königsideologie im 7.Jh. v. Chr.,” in Mose: Ägypten und das Alte Testament (ed. Eckart Otto; Stuttgarter Bibelstudien 189; Stuttgart: Verlag Katholisches Bibelwerk, 2000), 47–67. The differences with the Sargon birth legend illustrate the broken form. Sargon’s mother put him in the river apparently because of her shame at bearing a child, while Moses’ mother did so because of persecution. Sargon went from a high class situation to living with a commoner, while Moses went in the reverse direction. Most importantly, the narrator does not follow the birth narrative of Moses with a story of his accomplishments, but of his failure. 17 18

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was YHWH’s prerogative to strike (‫נכה‬, hifil) Egypt (Exod 3:20). Early Jewish and Christian writers portrayed Moses as an experienced general and war hero, 20 but the narrator actually casts him in a different light. The people were not to respond to the Egyptians with armed resistance, leaving readers to wonder how YHWH would rescue the Israelites. Israelite Vacillation Although the exodus narrative tells of Israel’s trust in YHWH, it also includes many cases of Israelite vacillation in their disposition toward YHWH. When Pharaoh rejected Moses and Aaron’s initial demand and increased the Israelites’ workload, YHWH seemed absent. The Israelite foremen rejected Moses and Aaron, asking YHWH to judge them because they had made life miserable for the Israelites and had given Egypt cause to start a war against Israel (Exod 5:20–21). By invoking a curse with YHWH’s name, the foremen assumed a relationship with YHWH, but they rejected his messenger Moses. Pharaoh’s harsh treatment of the Israelites had immediately broken the Israelite’s new relationship with their God. YHWH reaffirmed his promises to Moses, who attempted to encourage the people to follow YHWH, but when Moses delivered YHWH’s speech to the Israelites, they refused to listen to him because of their broken spirit and harsh labor (Exod 6:9). Moses was left to carry on his mission alone. Even after their recent worship of YHWH (Exod 12:27), the approach of the Egyptian army at the sea caused them to panic. They were terrified (‫)ירא‬, cried out (‫ )צעק‬to YHWH, and complained about the pursuit of the Egyptians to Moses (Exod 14:10– 12). In contrast to their earlier vague cry for help (Exod 2:23), the Israelites called out to YHWH specifically. However, since crying out (‫ )צעק‬can have a bitter (Gen 27:34) or complaining tone (Exod 5:8; 17:4) and they immediately complained to YHWH, Israel’s cry reflects their bitterness. The Israelites complained that Moses had

20

Josephus, Ant. 2.10.1–2; Artap.; Clement, Stromata, 1.24.

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“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

brought them into the wilderness to die.21 They determined to return to Egypt and demanded that Moses not interfere with their lives (Exod 14:11–12). The Israelites interpreted YHWH’s plan of salvation as a malicious plot. Once again, at the first sign of trouble Israel’s relationship with YHWH was tested. The Israelite rejection of YHWH foreshadowed what would happen in the wilderness, where they would repeatedly grumble against YHWH and Moses (see their claim that Moses brought them into the desert to starve [Exod 16:3]).22 However, the frequent Israelite rejection of YHWH ironically provided hope for Israel in the future. If they had consistently followed YHWH in the exodus, questions might have arisen about YHWH’s response when Israel failed to follow him in the future. The Israelite ignorance and rejection of YHWH (Exod 1–2; 6:9; 14:11–12), followed by the work of YHWH the divine warrior to bring them back into relationship with him, would inspire the future Israelites to hope even after they had failed to follow YHWH. Such a hope would soon be needed by this generation. A Warning for Israel Along with YHWH’s devotion to his people, the exodus narrative also depicts YHWH warning his people that he could act the same way toward them that he was currently acting against the Egyptians. Although this theme of the divine warrior attacking his own people is developed at greater length in other parts of the Old Testament, formative aspects of it appear in the exodus narrative. Several hints in the exodus narrative should have warned Israel that YHWH could treat them like he treated Pharaoh. First, Tg. Ps.-J.and other early Jewish interpreters believed that the complaint originated from only a small portion of the Israelites because they portrayed the Israelites in four groups: those who wanted to go down to the sea, those who wanted to return to Egypt, those who wanted to fight Egypt, and those who wanted to shout against Egypt. Each of Moses’ comments was then directed at one of these groups. 22 Marc Vervenne, “The Protest Motif in the Sea Narrative (Ex 14,11–12): Form and Structure of a Pentateuchal Pattern,” ETL 63 (1987): 257–71. 21

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YHWH’s attack on Pharaoh was not based in their ethnic identity. Egypt played a positive role in Genesis by providing a place of refuge for the patriarchs. In Deuteronomy, YHWH commanded Israel not to abhor the Egyptians because they sojourned in Egypt (Deut 23:8[7]). In the exodus narrative, the ethnic identity of the Egyptians did not prevent several of them from recognizing the power of YHWH in the plagues (Exod 8:15[19]) and at the Red Sea (Exod 14:25). YHWH did not strike Pharaoh because he was Egyptian, but because he rejected YHWH and oppressed his people, suggesting thereby that Israel’s ethnicity would not protect them from YHWH’s attack against them if they acted like Pharaoh. Second, YHWH brought Israel out of Egypt without any action or merit on their part against the Egyptians. He was under no obligation to protect them because of the work that they had done for him. Third, the nature of the plagues should have served as a warning for Israel. Although other accounts of the plagues in the Old Testament list fewer plagues,23 the exodus narrative arranges the plagues in three cycles of three plagues each, with the final plague set apart from the others. Table 5 details the time and agent of each plague, as well as the presence or absence of a warning for Pharaoh. Each of the three cycles began with a plague in the morning (blood, insects, and hail) and ended with a plague without warning (gnats, boils, and darkness). The agent of the plague shifted from Aaron in the first three plagues to Moses in the final cycle. The severity of the plagues also increased, from relatively minor annoyances (blood, frogs, gnats, and insects), to death for the animals (pestilence), to physical pain for the humans (boils and hail), to agricultural disaster that would lead to human death (hail and locust), to cosmic chaos (darkness), and finally to the death of the first-born.

23

See Pss 78:43–51; 105:26–38.

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“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!” Table 5: The Three Cycles of Plagues

Number

Plague

Warning

Time

Agent

1 2 3

Blood Frogs Gnats

Yes Yes No

Morning

Aaron Aaron Aaron

4 5 6

Insects Pestilence Boils

Yes Yes No

Morning

God God Moses

7 8 9

Hail Locust Darkness

Yes Yes No

Morning

Moses Moses Moses

10

First-born

Yes

God

However, scholars have debated the reason for these patterns. Some have suggested that YHWH directed each of the plagues at a specific Egyptian deity,24 which might explain a few of the plagues (such as the plague of darkness), though others are left inexplicable (such as the plague of frogs).25 Others have speculated that each plague had a natural explanation and led naturally to the following plague.26 For example, the first plague involved a high level of the Sarna, Exploring Exodus, 78–80; Dozeman, Exodus, 216, 247; Currid, Ancient Egypt and the Old Testament, 108–13; Zevit, “Three Ways to Look at the Ten Plagues,” 21. 25 For a critique of this view, see James K. Hoffmeier, “Egypt, Plagues in,” ABD 2:374–78. 26 Greta Hort, “The Plagues of Egypt,” ZAW 69 (1957): 84–103; Greta Hort, “The Plagues of Egypt,” ZAW 70 (1958): 48–59; H. M. Duncan Hoyte, “The Plagues of Egypt: What Killed the Animals and the Firstborn?,” Medical Journal of Australia 158 (1993): 706–8. For an extensive bibliography on naturalistic explanations, see Bénédicte Lemmelijn, “Historicity versus Theology in the ‘Plague Narrative’ (Ex 7–11),” OTE 20 (2007): 396–404. 24

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Nile that brought a large amount of flagellates, killing the fish, making the water appear red, and causing frogs to exit the water and later to die of anthrax. After this a large number of mosquitoes and flies infested Egypt and pestilence came to the livestock. Although a naturalistic explanation might account for some of the connections between the plagues, it cannot connect the first two cycles of plagues with the third cycle or the tenth plague with any of the previous plagues. This interpretation also minimizes YHWH’s power behind the plagues. As recognized by the Egyptian magicians (Exod 8:15[19]), the plagues demonstrated that YHWH performed wonders in Egypt that could not be explained by natural occurrences or countered by the Egyptian magicians. The plagues could serve as a sign of the Egyptians’ future judgment in the tenth plague and their defeat at the Red Sea.27 The swallowing (‫ )בלע‬of the magicians’ staffs (Exod 7:12) foreshadows the swallowing (‫ )בלע‬of Egypt in the Red Sea (Exod 15:12) and the death of the locusts in the Red Sea (Exod 10:19) prefigured the Egyptians death in the same sea. 28 However, these links are tangential and only relate to a few of the plagues. Others have suggested that the plagues showed YHWH was the lord of creation. The plagues returned Egypt to a state of “uncreation” not only to show YHWH’s power over it, but also as retaliation for Pharaoh’s attempt to use the natural order in his oppression of Israel.29 The plagues represented extreme phenomena, such as the hail storm being the worst Egypt had ever seen (Exod 9:18, 24) and house invasions by the locust swarms, which the Egyptians had never seen before (Exod 10:6). More specifically, Fretheim, “The Plagues as Ecological Signs of Historical Disaster,” 385–96. 28 Other signs include blood in the Nile (Exod 7:17) foreshadowing the death of the Egyptians in water (Exod 14) and YHWH’s striking (‫)נגף‬ of Egypt with the frogs (Exod 7:27[8:2]) that portends the more significant striking of the first-born (Exod 12:13, 23, 27). 29 Ziony Zevit, “The Priestly Redaction and Interpretation of the Plague Narrative in Exodus,” JQR 66 (1975): 198. See also Fretheim, “The Plagues as Ecological Signs of Historical Disaster,” 385–96; Zevit, “Three Ways to Look at the Ten Plagues,” 22–23. 27

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some scholars have seen the plagues as a reversal of the creation account.30 For example, YHWH called the gathering (‫ )מקוה‬of water the sea (Gen 1:10) but turned the water of the reservoirs (‫)מקוה‬ of Egypt into blood (Exod 7:19). Like the ground that brought forth living creatures (Gen 1:24), the dust brought forth gnats (Exod 8:12[16]). The darkness (Exod 10:21) was a reversal of the light in creation account (Gen 1:2–4). The plague narrative ends with Egypt lacking people, vegetation and light. However, many of these parallels are not convincing because the ideas are too broad (such as the death of the livestock preventing them from benefiting humans) or they are based on words that are too common to support a deliberate allusion (such as the filling of the land with animals). Further, several plagues lack any creation parallels (such as the boils).31 Although the general idea of the plagues as the reversal or destruction of creation is legitimate, this interpretation does not explain all of them. Finally, the plagues could reflect stereotypical curses.32 Various inscriptions in the ancient Near East declared that curses would come upon those who performed certain actions, including moving boundary stones (kudurru), defacing an inscription, and breaking a treaty.33 Most of the plagues resemble curses found in Zevit, “The Priestly Redaction and Interpretation of the Plague Narrative in Exodus,” 199–211. 31 For critiques of the creation reversal view, see Propp, Exodus 1– 18, 345–46; Bénédicte Lemmelijn, “Genesis’ Creation Narrative: The Literary Model for the So-Called Plague-Tradition?,” in Studies in the Book of Genesis: Literature, Redaction and History (ed. A. Wénin; BETL 155; Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2001), 416–17. 32 Van Seters, “The Plagues of Egypt”; Van Seters, The Life of Moses, 81–82. 33 For more on curses in the ancient Near East, see F. Charles Fensham, “Common Trends in Curses of the Near Eastern Treaties and Kudurru-Inscriptions Compared with Maledictions of Amos and Isaiah,” ZAW 75 (1963): 155–75; Kevin J. Cathcart, “The Curses in Old Aramaic Inscriptions,” in Targumic and Cognate Studies: Essays in Honour of Martin McNamara (Sheffield: Sheffield, 1996), 140–52; Timothy G Crawford, Blessing and Curse in Syro-Palestinian Inscriptions of the Iron Age (American Uni30

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the Old Testament and the ancient Near East.34 The first two plagues (blood and frogs) are lacking elsewhere, but they represent unique attacks on the Nile, the center of Egyptian life, similar to other curse lists that direct curses at the central aspect of the target’s life. For example, rather than invoking the curse that Adad, the canal inspector of heaven and earth, would cause flooding in Tyre (a city that did not employ canals),35 in the curses Esarhaddon focused on the most important part of Phoenician life, its ships (Ezekiel 27).36 The first plague also represents the Egyptian equivalent to stopping rain in the Levant, a common curse (Lev 26:19–20; Amos 4:7–8; see also Lev 26:4–5; Deut 28:12, 23–24),37 part of the local coloring that scholars see throughout the exodus narrative.38 Gnats and flies also do not appear in curse lists,39 but they represent wild animals, a common curse (Lev 26:22; see also Lev versity Studies 120; New York: P. Lang, 1992); Jeff S. Anderson, “The Social Function of Curses in the Hebrew Bible,” ZAW 110 (1998): 223– 37; Delbert R Hillers, Treaty-Curses and the Old Testament Prophets (BibOr 16; Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1964). 34 For the most important biblical curse lists, see Leviticus 26; Deuteronomy 28. For ancient Near Eastern treaties, see “Inscriptions of Amenhotep” (ARE 2:378–79 [§925]); Beckman, Hittite Diplomatic Texts, 11–124; Parpola and Watanabe, Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths; Cathcart, “The Curses in Old Aramaic Inscriptions”; Fitzmyer, The Aramaic Inscriptions of Sefire. 35 E.g., see Parpola and Watanabe, Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths, 5, 46. 36 “May Baal Shamaim, Baal Malagê and Baal Saphon raise an evil wind against your ships to undo their moorings and tear out their mooring pole, may a strong wave sink them in the sea and a violent tide [rise] against you.” See ibid., 27. An Assyrian treaty with the Aramean city of Arpad also lacked a curse of seasonal flooding. See ibid., 11. 37 See also Parpola and Watanabe, Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths, 11, 51. See also Esarhaddon’s curse that Ea give deadly water to drink in Ibid., 51; Hillers, Treaty-Curses and the Old Testament Prophets, 63–64. 38 Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt, 135–63. 39 Although the Sefire curse list includes a moth and louse performing an unknown action in Fitzmyer, The Aramaic Inscriptions of Sefire, 44–45.

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26:6).40 The location of these plagues early in the plague narrative, when YHWH was only beginning his attack against Pharaoh, explains the presence of weaker animals rather than more dangerous wild animals.41 The pestilence (Lev 26:25) and boils (Deut 28:21, 27, 35) both commonly occur in curse lists and represented disease (Lev 26:16; Deut 28:21–22, 27–28, 59–60).42 Locusts are among the most frequent items in curse lists (Deut 28:38, 42; Amos 4:9),43 while hail represented the destruction of the land (Lev 26:32–33).44 The darkness relates to the curse of blindness and causing the enemy to walk in darkness (Deut 28:28–29).45 Adad-nārārī III proclaimed a curse over a future prince who would destroy his statue, saying that “Šamaš, judge of heaven and underworld, cause there to be darkness in the land so that people cannot see each other.”46 Finally, the death of the first-born recalls the common curse of a king losing his progeny if he broke the treaty. Esarhaddon’s succession treaty includes the curse that “Just as a mule has no offspring, may your name, your seed, and the seed of your sons and daughters disappear from the land.”47 For the curse of wild animals attacking, see Parpola and Watanabe, Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths, 27, 49; Fitzmyer, The Aramaic Inscriptions of Sefire, 44–45, 122–23; Hillers, Treaty-Curses and the Old Testament Prophets, 54–56. 41 However, as noted in chapter seven, the translation of ‫ ערב‬is unclear and might refer to wild animals. 42 Parpola and Watanabe, Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths, 45, 48; Fensham, “Common Trends in Curses,” 160–61; Cathcart, “The Curses in Old Aramaic Inscriptions,” 147. 43 Parpola and Watanabe, Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths, 46, 55; Fitzmyer, The Aramaic Inscriptions of Sefire, 44–45. 44 Fitzmyer, The Aramaic Inscriptions of Sefire, 44–45. 45 Parpola and Watanabe, Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths, 45, 49, 67; Fitzmyer, The Aramaic Inscriptions of Sefire, 46–47; Fensham, “Common Trends in Curses,” 170–71. 46 Adad-nārārī III Inscription A.0.104.6 in Grayson, Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC II (858–745 BC), 209. 47 Parpola and Watanabe, Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths, 51. For other examples, see Fitzmyer, The Aramaic Inscriptions of Sefire, 54–55; 40

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The plagues also exhibited links with the biblical curse lists. Several of these included incremental opportunities for repentance (Lev 26:18–45; Deut 4:30–31; Amos 4:6–12), resembling YHWH’s repeated demands that Pharaoh obey him.48 YHWH threatened to “strike” (‫נכה‬, hifil) the target of the curses (Lev 26:24; Deut 28:22, 27, 28, 35) and described the curses as “blows” (‫ ;מכה‬Lev 26:21; Deut 28:59, 61), similar to YHWH “striking” (‫נכה‬, hifil) Egypt by means of the plagues (Exod 3:20; 9:15; 12:12–13, 29). Finally, the curse lists refer directly to the plagues of Egypt when YHWH promised to bring upon Israel the diseases of Egypt (Deut 28:60; see also Deut 7:15). Although these could refer to diseases common to Egypt,49 they could also refer to the diseases (boils and pestilence) that YHWH brought against Egypt in the plagues (Exod 15:26) and that were characterized as the “boils of Egypt” (Deut 28:27). Most clearly, Amos proclaimed that YHWH sent pestilence against Israel like that which he sent against Egypt in his attempt to convince Israel to return to him (Amos 4:10). Although the interpretation of the plagues as curses is complicated by several factors,50 each of these can be explained. As noted above, several curses do not have exact parallels in the curse lists, but represent general curse categories. Several common curses are lacking from the plagues, but the missing curses are out of place in the narrative of the exodus. For example, the common curses of foreign armies defeating a nation (Lev 26:36–39; see also Lev 26:6– 8; Deut 28:7, 25) and causing cannibalism during a siege (Lev 26:29; Deut 28:53–57) were not available to YHWH since the exodus focused on the power of YHWH without any help from a human army. Finally, although the exodus narrative lacks the clear lexical references to a treaty (‫)ברית‬, Pharaoh’s refusal to recognize YHWH (Exod 5:2) employs treaty terminology and the form of

Beckman, Hittite Diplomatic Texts, 33, 48, 92, 112; Fensham, “Common Trends in Curses,” 158–60. 48 Van Seters, “The Plagues of Egypt,” 37–38. 49 For examples of these, see Pliny, Natural History 26.1.5. 50 For a critique of the plagues as curses view, see Zevit, “Three Ways to Look at the Ten Plagues,” 18–19.

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YHWH’s initial words to Pharaoh as imperatives indicate that he expected to be obeyed by Pharaoh.51 This interpretation implies that the plagues were a punishment against Pharaoh for disobeying and rejecting his sovereign lord YHWH (Exod 5:2).52 Viewing the plagues as stereotypical curses reflects YHWH’s claim to rule the world and all the nations throughout the Old Testament (Gen 18:25; Isa 7:18; 10:5). Although elements of the other views are also applicable, curses best explains the content of the plagues and their background. The plagues were naturalistic to the extent that they were at home in the local Egyptian ecosystem. They also portended the later judgment to come upon Egypt and showed a reversal of creation. However, most importantly, the plagues acted as stereotypical curses to convince Pharaoh to acknowledge YHWH and to warn Israel. Authorities included curses as incentives to prevent someone from performing a certain action, such as breaking the clauses of a treaty or defacing a monument. For Assyrian treaties, breaking a covenant brought the curses upon the treaty-breaker as the treaty itself overcame the enemy with the curses included in it.53 In the biblical curse lists, the curses were designed to keep people committed to YHWH. When they refused to listen to YHWH, he executed the curses not only for punishment, but to induce treatybreakers to restore their relationship with YHWH. Leviticus 26 emphasizes that the curses will lead to the Israelites returning to YHWH (Lev 26:14, 18, 21, 23, 27, 40–45; see also Amos 4:6–13). Likewise, YHWH designed the plagues to correct Pharaoh and bring him to acknowledge YHWH. These plagues also served as a warning to Israel. As YHWH demonstrated Pharaoh’s inability to withstand YHWH’s attacks when he rejected him, Israel as a nation would be powerless when they stopped trusting in YHWH and

Brueggemann, “Pharaoh as Vassal,” 34–35. However, Van Seters does not refer to this implication of the interpretation. 53 Parpola and Watanabe, Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths, xxii– xxiii. For examples, see ARAB, 2.318, 329–30; B.viii.27–30 in Piepkorn, Historical Prism Inscriptions of Ashurbanipal I, 84–85. 51 52

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would experience their own plagues (Num 14:37; 31:16; Pss 38:12[11]; 39:11[10]). Although ancient Near Easterners often invoked the motif of divine abandonment to explain defeats by the conquered, ancient Near Eastern warfare narratives did not operate as warnings of what the divine warrior might do to his people.54 These were retrospective texts explaining what went wrong in the past rather than warnings that the deity might punish his people in the future. Mesha employed the motif to explain oppression at the hands of the Israelites, but he did not explain why Chemosh was upset and did not give any hints that Chemosh would act this way again. The motif was not developed among the Assyrians, who used it as a tool to explain the defeat of their enemies. Divine abandonment served as a warning only for the enemies of the Assyrians, not the Assyrians themselves.

CONCLUSION As I demonstrated in the previous chapter how the exodus narrative contextualized the divine warrior’s assault on Egypt, I also showed in this chapter the way that the narrator expanded motif to include the relationship to the national narrative and the divine warrior’s relationship with the ignorant and disobedient people. The integral nature of the exodus narrative in the national narrative illustrates that YHWH’s role as a divine warrior was to be foundational for the history of the nation, while the warning YHWH gave to Israel over their unfaithfulness in the exodus looks forward to the near future when the divine warrior would act against his own people.

For a summary of the motif, see Daniel I. Block, “Divine Abandonment: Ezekiel’s Adaptation of an Ancient Near Eastern Motif,” in The Book of Ezekiel: Theological and Anthropological Perspectives (ed. Margaret S. Odell and John T. Strong; SBLSymS; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2000), 15–42; Block, The Gods of the Nations, 113–47. 54

THE DIVINE CONTROL OF PHAROAH The poetic divine warrior texts describe the enemies fearing YHWH, but they lack references to YHWH’s direct control of their affairs such as is found in the exodus narrative. The divine control of the Egyptians in the exodus narrative does not benefit Pharaoh or his country, leading to the possibility that it was part of the actions of YHWH taking on the role of the divine warrior. After learning of Pharaoh’s oppression of Israel and YHWH’s desire to help his people, readers expect YHWH to rescue his people and humble Pharaoh. But surprisingly, instead of immediately rescuing Israel from their oppression like we expect a divine warrior to do, YHWH hardened Pharaoh’s heart and prolonged the Israelite oppression. Even though it goes against the common image of the divine warrior hurrying to rescue his people, I will argue in this chapter than the divine control of Pharaoh in the exodus narrative is part of the divine warrior motif through a study of the lexicography of the hardening of Pharaoh’s heart, the flow of divine control in the exodus narrative, and the purposes of the divine control of Pharaoh.

A LEXICAL STUDY OF HARDENING OF THE HEART The hardening of Pharaoh’s heart is the most important motif related to divine control in the exodus narrative. The heart (‫)לב‬ played an important role in Israelite thought. Although ‫ לב‬had a variety of meanings, including the center of life (Prov 4:23; Judg 19:5; Ps 22:27[26]), the center of the will (Exod 25:2; 1 Chr 29:9), and the center of emotions, such as sadness (1 Sam 1:8), happiness (Exod 4:14), and discouragement (Num 32:7), most commonly it represents the center of understanding (Gen 6:5; Deut 29:3[4];

201

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“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

Prov 22:17).1 The heart determined a person’s direction in life: those who “took something to heart” paid attention and changed their course,2 while those who hardened their heart (in contrast to those who feared YHWH) would fall into calamity (Prov 28:14). In addition, the heart played an important role in determining a person’s attitude toward YHWH. When the Israelites’ hearts were unresponsive, they listened without understanding and saw without knowing (Isa 6:10), while those who had a soft heart humbled themselves before YHWH (2 Kgs 22:19). However, YHWH could give a new heart to obey him (Ezek 11:19) or a clean heart free from sin (Ps 51:12[10]). The heart also played an important role in the Egyptian worldview. As in Hebrew, the heart could refer to the mind, understanding, will, or desire3 and was connected with hearing: Ptahhotep declared “the heart makes of its owner a hearer or nonhearer.”4 The heart determined the direction of a person’s life, since the bodily members transmitted information to the heart, which then weighed all the data and determined the best course of action: “Sight, hearing, breathing—they report to the heart, and it makes every understanding come forth.”5 The gods resided in the heart and used it to guide the human,6 while following maat (the idea of order and right action) was described as “acting according

1

H.-J. Fabry, “‫לב‬,” TDOT 7:399–437; “F. Stolz, “‫לב‬,” TLOT 2:638–

42. Exod 9:20–21; Deut. 11:18; 32:46; Job 22:22; 1 Sam. 21:12; Isa. 41:22; Ezek. 14:4; 44:5 3 Fabry, “‫לב‬,” TDOT 7:401–2; Siegfried Morenz, Egyptian Religion (trans. Ann E. Keep; Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell University Press, 1973), 58, 63– 64. 4 “The Instruction of Ptahhotep,” AEL 1:74. 5 “The Memphite Theology, AEL 1:54. See Nili Shupak, Where Can Wisdom Be Found?: The Sage’s Language in the Bible and in Ancient Egyptian Literature (OBO 130; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993), 405. 6 Nili Shupak, “Some Idioms Connected with the Concept of ‘Heart’ in Egypt and the Bible,” in Pharaonic Egypt: The Bible and Christianity (ed. Sarah Israelit-Groll; Jerusalem: Magnes, 1985), 208–9. 2

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to one’s heart.”7 However, unlike the biblical metaphor, a hard heart in Egyptian thought was a positive trait, indicating firmness, control of one’s senses, and resoluteness.8 For example, Amenemope told his son “Keep firm your heart, steady your heart.”9 The hardening theme in Exodus always uses the same word for heart (‫)לב‬, but employs three different terms for hardening. Table 6 displays this variety by listing the actor, the root, the object of the action, and the result or purpose in all the occurrences of the motif in Exodus. The most common root for the hardening is ‫חזק‬, appearing in both the qal and piel stems. The qal verb usually means “to be strong,” and is used often adjectivally to denote strength (Gen 41:56; 2 Sam 10:11), while the factititive piel stem denotes making something strong (Deut 1:38; Judg 3:12; 2 Kings 12:6[5]). In general, the stem describes the encouraging or strengthening of someone to follow a certain path: the Jews strengthened their hands to rebuild the city wall (Neh 2:18), while the enemies of YHWH strengthened others to do an evil deed (Ps 64:6[5]; Jer 23:14; Ezek 13:22). The meaning of the idiom can be best understood by observing the use of component parts elsewhere.

Francoise Dunand and Christiane Zivie-Coche, Gods and Men in Egypt: 3000 BCE to 395 CE (trans. David Lorton; Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2004), 12, 158. 8 Shupak, “Some Idioms Connected with the Concept of ‘Heart,’” 206–7; Shupak, “Hzq, Kbd, Qšh Leb,” 395–98. 9 “Instruction of Amenemope,” translated by Miriam Lichtheim (COS 1.47:120). 7

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“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!” Table 6: The Hardening of Pharaoh’s Heart

4:21

Root ‫( חזק‬piel)

Actor YHWH

7:3

‫( קשה‬hifil)

YHWH

7:13

‫( חזק‬qal)

7:14

‫( כבד‬adj)

7:22

‫( חזק‬qal)

8:11 [15]

‫( כבד‬hifil)

8:15 [19]

‫( חזק‬qal)

8:28 [32]

‫( כבד‬hifil)

9:7

‫( כבד‬qal)

9:12

‫( חזק‬piel)

YHWH

9:34

‫( כבד‬hifil)

Pharaoh and his servants

9:35

‫( חזק‬qal)

10:1

‫( כבד‬hifil)

YHWH

10:20

‫( חזק‬piel)

YHWH

10:27

‫( חזק‬piel)

YHWH

11:10

‫( חזק‬piel)

YHWH

14:4

‫( חזק‬piel)

YHWH

14:8

‫( חזק‬piel)

YHWH

14:17

‫( חזק‬piel)

YHWH

Pharaoh

Pharaoh

Object Pharaoh’s heart Pharaoh’s heart Pharaoh’s heart Pharaoh’s heart Pharaoh’s heart Pharaoh’s heart Pharaoh’s heart Pharaoh’s heart Pharaoh’s heart Pharaoh’s heart Pharaoh’s heart

Result/Purpose Refused to let Israel go

Pharaoh’s heart Pharaoh’s and officials’ hearts Pharaoh’s heart Pharaoh’s heart Pharaoh’s heart Pharaoh’s heart Pharaoh’s heart Egyptians’ hearts

Refused to let Israel go

Multiplied signs and wonders Refused to listen Refused to let Israel go Refused to listen Refused to listen Refused to listen Refused to let Israel go Refused to let Israel go Refused to listen

Showed signs Refused to let Israel go Refused to let Israel go Refused to let Israel go Pursued Israel; YHWH received glory Pursued Israel Went after Israel; YHWH honored

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205

Since the heart was the center of decision making, when YHWH strengthened Pharaoh’s heart he encouraged him to proceed with the plan upon which he had previously decided.10 In fact, the phrase could even be translated “be brave” or “resolute” (qal) and “make brave” (hifil), since the word usually has a positive connotation.11 The second root used to describe the hardening of Pharaoh’s heart is the hifil of ‫קשה‬, meaning “to make difficult.” Those who hardened their hearts (in contrast to those who feared YHWH) would fall into calamity (Prov 28:14), while those who hardened their necks were stubborn.12 Like the verb, the adjective refers to difficult experiences or events (Exod 6:9; 18:26; 32:9). In contrast to ‫חזק‬, the word usually has a negative connotation. 13 Although ‫ קשה‬appears only once in the exodus narrative to refer to the hardening of Pharaoh’s heart (Exod 7:3), based on the frequent use of the word for stubbornness (Exod 32:9; 33:3, 5; 34:9; Deut 9:6, 13; Judg 2:19) and the connection of the root with the heart elsewhere to refer to stubbornness (Ezek 3:7), in the exodus narrative the idiom speaks of YHWH making Pharaoh stubborn and unwilling to change his mind. In this case, ‫ קשה‬is comparable to ‫חזק‬. The third root used to describe the hardening of Pharaoh’s heart is ‫כבד‬, which occurs in the qal and hifil stems.14 The qal stem and the adjective denotes being heavy, either literally (1 Sam 4:18) The only reference to hardening (‫ )חזק‬a heart outside of Exodus involves YHWH’s hardening the hearts of the Canaanite kings (Josh 11:20). However, despite the verbal correspondence, this text does not clarify the meaning of the phrase in Exodus. 11 Kellenberger, Die Verstockung Pharaos, 34–37, 46; Matthew McAffee, “The Heart of Pharaoh in Exodus 4–15,” BBR 20 (2010): 333– 37. 12 Deut 10:16; 2 Kings 17:14; 2 Chr 30:8; 36:13; Neh 9:16–17, 29; Prov 29:1; Jer 7:26; 17:23; 19:15. 13 Kellenberger, Die Verstockung Pharaos, 38. This negative nuance is apparent in YHWH’s hardening of Sihon’s heart (Deut 2:30) and Israel’s hardening of their hearts at Massah (Ps 95:8). 14 The piel stem of the verb describes the hardening of Pharaoh’s heart in Josh 6:6, but does not appear in the exodus narrative. 10

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“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

or metaphorically (Gen 18:20; Exod 5:9; Judg 20:34), while the hifil stem means to make something heavy or severe (1 Kings 12:10, 14; Isa 47:6; Lam 3:7). The focus of this idiom differs slightly from the previous two stems. Here, a heavy body part does not function correctly: heavy mouths and tongues cannot speak well (Exod 4:10), heaviness of a tongue is a hard language (Ezek 3:5–6), heavy eyes cannot see (Gen 48:10), and heavy ears do not hear (Isa 6:10; 59:1; Zech 7:11).15 Applied to Pharaoh’s heart, the collocation involves YHWH rendering Pharaoh’s center of understanding inoperative and unable to adjust to changing circumstances.16 In sum, the hardening of Pharaoh’s heart expresses two ideas. On the one hand, the roots ‫ חזק‬and ‫ קשה‬indicate the strength or stubbornness to adhere to a plan. On the other hand, the root ‫כבד‬ indicates an inability of the heart to function correctly, causing the person to make poor decisions. This lexical summary indicates that hardening Pharaoh’s heart led to a strict adherence to his preconceived plan and an inability to perceive that changed circumstances should cause him to change that plan.

THE DIVINE CONTROL IN THE EXODUS NARRATIVE Although the hardening of the heart is a significant motif within the exodus narrative, it represents only part of the narrator’s portrayal of YHWH’s control of the enemy. This section will look briefly at YHWH’s and Pharaoh’s relationship within Exodus 1–15 to determine the nature of the divine control and trends related to it. It is clear from a broader reading that YHWH is at work in Exodus 1–2. The lexical links between the Israelite population explosion (Exod 1:7) and the patriarchal promises (Gen 17:6; 28:3; 35:11), as well as the rescues of Moses (Exod 2:1–10) and Noah However, a heavy hand usually reflects greater strength (Judg 1:35; 1 Sam 5:6, 11; Ps 32:4). 16 For the possible translation “YHWH gave the heart its own weight,” that is, let it do what it wanted, see Kellenberger, Die Verstockung Pharaos, 46–47. Since the heart is portrayed negatively so often in the Old Testament (Gen 8:21; Jer 17:9), evil will result from permitting the heart to do what it wants. 15

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(Gen 6–8) point toward YHWH as the cause of those events.17 YHWH’s promise to Abram that his descendants would be oppressed in a foreign land (Gen 15:13) and the psalmist’s statement that YHWH was ultimately responsible for the change in the Egyptian attitude toward Israel (Ps 105:25) also provide evidence of divine control. Moreover, the oppression of Israel was necessary to remove Israel from Egypt and relocate them in the land of Canaan.18 In spite of this evidence for YHWH’s involvement, Exodus 1–2 does not mention this divine involvement until the very end of chapter two and never uses YHWH’s name. Although YHWH’s absence emphasizes Israel’s ignorance of their own God and YHWH’s need to teach his people about himself, it also plays a role in his relationship with Pharaoh, giving space to Pharaoh to show his true nature at the beginning of the narrative apart from divine control. The absence of YHWH rhetorically demonstrates that Pharaoh was responsible for his actions. However, YHWH’s absence from the narrative was only temporary. Even though technically Israel did not cry out to YHWH— the narrator only notes that they “cried out”—YHWH heard their plea and remembered his covenant with the patriarchs (Exod 2:23– 25). Readers expect this divine remembrance to be ominous for the Egyptians, but these verses lack any reference to the Egyptians or even a promise to rescue Israel from their oppression. Like much of the divine control recorded in the narrative, the narrator tells readers information that is unknown to the characters in the story. God might “know” (Exod 2:25), but Pharaoh was unaware that anything had changed in regard to his slaves, and Israel continued to wait for their rescue, without any assurance that YHWH (or anyone) had heard them. The first step in YHWH’s plan to rescue Israel involved calling Moses. Although most of their conversation focused on persuading Moses to be Israel’s leader, YHWH also imparted to MoLyle Eslinger, “Freedom or Knowledge?: Perspective and Purpose in the Exodus Narrative (Exodus 1–15),” JSOT 52 (1991): 53. 18 Rolf P. Knierim, The Task of Old Testament Theology: Substances, Method, and Cases (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995), 131. 17

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ses his plan concerning Israel and Egypt, making him the first character in the story to know what would happen: YHWH would rescue Israel from the Egyptians (Exod 3:8) and bring them out of the land of Egypt (Exod 3:10, 12). YHWH foreknew that Pharaoh would be obstinate and would not let Israel go until someone struck Egypt with a strong hand (Exod 3:19).19 However, the narrator does not mention any kind of divine control besides the power of the divine hand that would strike Egypt (Exod 3:20) and the promise that he would grant favor to the Israelites in the eyes of the Egyptians (Exod 3:20–22). YHWH recognized that Pharaoh was strong-willed and would not release Israel easily. After Moses departed from Jethro and began his return to Egypt, YHWH spoke to him again. He commanded Moses to perform signs before Pharaoh, even though he would not respond to them in the way the Israelites had (Exod 4:1–9, 29–31). Instead, YHWH declared to Moses that he would harden (‫חזק‬, piel) Pharaoh’s heart (Exod 4:21). At the point when Pharaoh might think about releasing his slaves to their powerful master who could perform such signs, YHWH would strengthen his resolve to keep his valuable work force. Although the narrative begins with the apparent absence of YHWH (Exod 1:1–2:22), the narrator introduces YHWH gradually into the narrative as one who was concerned for Israel (Exod 2:23–25), who would strike Egypt (Exod 3:1–4:17), and who would ultimately harden Pharaoh’s heart (Exod 4:18–23). Moses’ arrival in Egypt precipitated the long-awaited confrontation between Pharaoh and YHWH. Based on YHWH’s most recent statements, readers expect Moses (or Aaron [Exod 4:30]) to For a defense of the idea that the verse was written from Pharaoh’s perspective and means that he would not let Israel go even if someone attempted to force him with a strong hand (cf. Zech 4:6), see Peter Addinall, “Exodus iii 19b and the Interpretation of Biblical Narrative,” VT 49 (1999): 289–300. For a defense of the understanding of the word as “except with a strong hand,” as assumed above, see Jean Louis Ska, “Note sur la traduction de welo’ en Exode iii 19b,” VT 44 (1994): 60–65; Martens, “`With a Strong Hand and an Outstretched Arm’,” 133–35. The LXX (“except”), 4QExodb (‫)כי אם‬, and 1 Sam 20:2 support the traditional reading. 19

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perform signs before Pharaoh, YHWH to harden Pharaoh’s heart, Aaron (or Moses) to identify Israel as YHWH’s first-born, and YHWH to kill Pharaoh’s first-born (Exod 4:21–23). However, none of these events happened. Instead, Moses and Aaron communicated to Pharaoh YHWH’s demand that he release the people of Israel to celebrate a feast in the wilderness (Exod 5:1).20 But Pharaoh rejected YHWH’s demand and intensified his oppression of Israel (Exod 5:1–9). Except for Moses’ initial communication of YHWH’s words to Pharaoh, YHWH is absent from the narrative until Moses asked him why he had brought this trouble on him (Exod 5:22–23). Because of YHWH’s recent prediction that YHWH would harden Pharaoh’s heart, readers anticipate divine control of Pharaoh’s actions here. However, a close reading indicates that the narrator was pointing in a different direction.21 First, the narrative never mentions hardening Pharaoh’s heart, even when Moses asked YHWH why he had sent him to Pharaoh. Second, the discourse sequence of imperative plus yiqtol/jussive in YHWH’s promise of hardening (Exod 4:21) indicates that the hardening was a result of the signs,22 with the yiqtol/jussive occurring temporally after the imperative (Exod 2:9, 20; 3:10). Therefore, the hardening (yiqtol) would happen after Moses performed the signs before Pharaoh (imperative). Since the narrator does not report Moses performing any signs before Pharaoh until a later interview, when he attributes However, these events correlate with an earlier divine promise, in which YHWH had instructed Moses to ask for a three-day journey, but since Pharaoh would not let them go unless compelled, he would strike Egypt with miracles (Exod 3:18–20). 21 For a defense of the connection of divine hardening and Pharaoh’s rejection of YHWH in Exodus 5, see G. K. Beale, “An Exegetical and Theological Consideration of the Hardening of Pharaoh’s Heart in Exodus 4–14 and Romans 9,” TJ 5 (1984): 135–36. For a helpful refutation of his arguments, see Chisholm, “Divine Hardening in the Old Testament,” 416–17; Ford, God, Pharaoh and Moses, 87–88. 22 See IBHS, 577–78; Thomas O. Lambdin, Introduction to Biblical Hebrew (New York: Scribner, 1971), 118–19. The weqatal after the imperative acts as another imperative (IBHS, 529–30). 20

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Pharaoh’s rejection of YHWH to YHWH’s hardening of his heart (Exod 7:1–13), the lack of signs in the initial interview indicates a lack of divine hardening.23 Third, the first Pharaoh had already proved to be an oppressor of YHWH’s people, before YHWH had even spoken of hardening Pharaoh’s heart (Exod 1–2). Even though YHWH had recently promised to harden Pharaoh’s heart, the narrator appears to give the second Pharaoh an opportunity to prove himself an opponent of YHWH before the hardening begins. In certain respects, Exodus 5 marks a step backwards. To this point the level of divine control and notice of YHWH’s attack on Egypt had been gradually intensifying, but this chapter lacks both. The relationship between Moses and the Israelites, forged at the end of chapter four, was also broken by Pharaoh’s renewed oppression. YHWH’s attack on Pharaoh appeared to be stalling before it even began. However, this step backwards continued to serve the narrator’s purpose. For several chapters, the narrator focused on the life of Moses in the wilderness and ignored events in Egypt, leaving the reader to wonder whether the situation had changed in Moses’ absence, particularly since the Pharaoh of Exodus 1 had died (Exod 2:23). To answer this question, the narrator reestablished his characterization of Pharaoh from Exodus 1 by allowing Pharaoh to act without divine control. After the disappointments of Pharaoh’s rejection of YHWH and Israel’s rejection of Moses, YHWH called Moses a second time (Exod 6:1–27). He promised Moses that Pharaoh would drive out Israel under compulsion (Exod 6:1) and that YHWH would lead Israel to the land he had promised the patriarchs (Exod 6:2–8). In this speech, YHWH reaffirmed his intent to attack Pharaoh so he would release Israel, but any reference to divine control is lacking. YHWH’s attack on Pharaoh began in earnest with the first five plagues. YHWH allowed Pharaoh several opportunities to reconsider before sending a plague (Exod 7:26–29[8:1–4]; 8:16– 19[20–23]; 9:1–5), but even though hardening is not mentioned before the individual plagues, Pharaoh resisted YHWH’s call to release Israel. Surprisingly, the hardening terminology employed 23

Chisholm, “Divine Hardening in the Old Testament,” 416–17.

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after these plagues also highlights Pharaoh’s strength of will. Both of YHWH’s promises to harden Pharaoh’s heart (‫חזק‬, piel [Exod 4:21]; ‫קשה‬, hifil [Exod 7:3]) emphasize YHWH as the explicit agent of the hardening. However, in the first occurrence of hardening, the narrator uses ‫ חזק‬in the qal stem without an explicit agent. The narrator continues this pattern throughout the first five plagues, where five of the hardening references lack any mention of the agent (7:13, 14, 22; 8:15[19]; 9:7) and in two Pharaoh himself was the agent (8:11, 28[15, 32]). In the face of YHWH’s initial attacks Pharaoh was brave and fortified himself against changing his mind to release the Israelites.24 However, even in Pharaoh’s moment of strength the divine control of Pharaoh steadily increased. Although formally ambiguous, the hardening expressions without reference to an explicit agent point back to the divine promise of hardening (Exod 4:21) in several ways. First, immediately before the hardening, YHWH reaffirmed that he would harden (‫קשה‬, hifil) Pharaoh’s heart (Exod 7:3). Second, the narrator notes that the hardening was “just as YHWH had said” (Exod 7:13, 22; 8:11, 15 [15, 19]). Third, even though it is in the qal stem, the use of ‫( חזק‬Exod 7:13, 22; 8:15[19]), links back to YHWH’s earlier promise to harden (‫חזק‬, piel) Pharaoh’s heart (Exod 4:21).25 Fourth, the plot follows YHWH’s earlier promise of the sequence “signs—hardening— refusal to listen” (Exod 4:21). When Moses and Aaron came before Pharaoh, Aaron performed the signs, his heart was hard, and he refused to listen to Moses and Aaron (Exod 7:10–13). The introduction of hardening into the narrative of the first five plagues correlates with cracks beginning to develop in PharThe stative form of the verb here and the lack of an object indicate that the hardening was not a specific action on his part, but the reflection of the state of his heart. See IBHS § 22.2.2; McAffee, “The Heart of Pharaoh in Exodus 4–15,” 340–43. 25 Chisholm, “Divine Hardening in the Old Testament,” 418–19. For various arguments that the hardening of Pharaoh’s heart did not originate in YHWH’s action, see Pierre Gilbert, “Human Free Will and Divine Determinism: Pharaoh, a Case Study,” Direction 30 (2001): 81–82; Fretheim, Exodus, 91–98. 24

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aoh’s resolve. He remained strong during the signs and the first plague, but already in the second plague he asked Moses to pray to YHWH to take away the frogs and made an initial offer of acceptance to YHWH’s demands (8:4[8]), acknowledging implicitly YHWH’s power. After the flies, Pharaoh permitted Israel to sacrifice in their land, and then expanded that offer to allow them to go three days journey into the wilderness if Moses would pray for him (Exod 8:21–25[25–29]). However, each time Pharaoh remained resolute and he refused to release Israel. Although he ultimately adhered stubbornly to his original desire to keep Israel, the narrative shows him vacillating between desiring to let Israel go and keeping them. However, the events do not yet match the full promise that YHWH made to Moses (Exod 4:21), and we expect further intensification of divine control of Pharaoh, which happens in the last five plagues and the crossing of the Red Sea. The sixth plague signals the next step, as YHWH himself hardened (‫חזק‬, piel) Pharaoh’s heart. While the ambiguous clause, “Pharaoh’s heart was hard,” appears twice after this (9:34–35), YHWH was the agent of the majority of the hardenings from this point (9:12; 10:1, 20, 27; 11:10; 14:4, 8, 17). The extent of divine control also expanded by means of the object of divine hardening. The primary target had been and continued to be Pharaoh, but Pharaoh’s officials became increasingly affected by the divine hardening, as they hardened their own heart (Exod 9:34) and YHWH hardened their hearts (Exod 10:1). However, they quickly recognized the futility of opposing YHWH (Exod 10:7). In the final reference to hardening, YHWH hardened the hearts of the Egyptian army without even mentioning Pharaoh (Exod 14:17). The terminology for divine control also expands. YHWH informed Pharaoh that he could have sent a plague to destroy the Egyptians completely, but had not done so because he wanted to preserve Pharaoh (Exod 9:15–16).26 In contrast to the magicians The hifil of ‫ עמד‬frequently means to “cause to stand” or “appoint” (Gen 47:7; Num 5:16, 18, 30; 8:13), which would mean that YHWH brought Pharaoh to his current position as Pharaoh. However, it can also mean “preserve” (1 Kgs 15:4), implying continuing in a position rather 26

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who could not stand (‫עמד‬, qal) before Moses (Exod 9:11) and who quickly recognized YHWH’s power (Exod 8:15[19]), YHWH made Pharaoh stand (‫עמד‬, hifil) through the plagues (Exod 9:16). YHWH also said that he would humiliate Pharaoh (Exod 10:2), though ‫ עלל‬is difficult to define (Exod 10:2).27 Although the strong treatment in several of these stories leads some scholars to define the word as “abuse,”28 broadly speaking, the word means “humiliate,” with the severity of the humiliation depending on the circumstance.29 Another common aspect in these stories is the control that the actor exercised over the humiliated. In Child’s translation, YHWH would “toy” with Pharaoh so Israel might know that “I am YHWH.30 Another aspect of YHWH’s divine control involves the favor or positive disposition he caused the Egyptians to have towards the Israelites. Earlier he had told Moses that he would grant the Israelites favor (‫ )נתן חן‬in the eyes of the Egyptians (Exod 3:21). The expression is rare (Gen 39:21, Prov 3:34; 13:15), compared to the more common expression “find favor” (‫ ;מצא חן‬Gen 6:8; 18:13; 19:19; 30:27). Whereas the former describes God causing someone to show favor to someone, the latter describes someone finding favor. Following his promise (Exod 3:21), YHWH moved the Egyptians to show favor to the Israelites (Exod 11:3; 12:36). The intensification of the divine control correlates with Pharaoh’s increasing weakness. This may be attributed in part to the than placing into a position. Since ‫ אולם‬indicates a contrast with the previous verse, the latter meaning fits the context better: YHWH could have totally destroyed the Egyptians, but he decided to preserve Pharaoh. See Ford, God, Pharaoh and Moses, 60–63. 27 The root appears in the hitpael seven times. Twice it refers to the exodus (Exod 10:2; 1 Sam 6:6), while the other five occurrences involved the abuse of the Levite’s concubine (Judg 19:25), the mockery of which Balaam accuses his donkey (Num 22:29), and mistreatment that defeated kings try to avoid (1 Sam 31:4; 1 Chr 10:4; Jer 38:19). 28 W. Roth, “‫אלל‬,” TDOT 11:141. 29 Stuart, Exodus, 244; Ford, God, Pharaoh and Moses, 107. The action of the donkey toward Balaam would be difficult to qualify as “abuse.” 30 Childs, The Book of Exodus, 126.

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influence of his servants. His magicians were struck helpless by boils (Exod 9:11) and his officials begged him to release Israel (Exod 10:7–11). However, Pharaoh himself also became progressively weaker. He admitted to Moses that he had sinned in resisting God (Exod 9:27; 10:16),31 repeatedly negotiated with Moses (Exod 9:28; 10:8–11, 24–29), and weakened at the threat of a plague rather than the plague itself (Exod 10:3–11). Finally, after the tenth plague, he sent away all the Israelites (Exod 12:31–33). However, even with this increase in divine control Pharaoh still exhibited moments of strength. As noted above, weaker forms of the hardening formula appear twice (Exod 9:34–35). YHWH gave Pharaoh several opportunities to reconsider before sending a plague without any mention of hardening (Exod 9:13–19; 10:4–6).32 Although Pharaoh did not pursue the Israelites until YHWH had strengthened his heart (‫חזק‬, piel), he began mobilizing his forces after he and his soldiers “changed their hearts” (‫ ;ויהפך לבב‬Exod 14:5). The Song of the Sea portrays YHWH’s divine control extending beyond the reaches of Egypt and the Egyptians to the other nations. The fear of the nations is attributed in part to hearing about YHWH’s action in the exodus (Exod 15:14), but some measure of direct divine control is implied in the statement: “by the greatness of your arm they are as silent as a stone” (Exod 15:16). As with other aspects that intensified during the course of the narrative, YHWH’s control over Pharaoh became progressively stronger and more marked. 33 The absence of the divine control at the beginning allowed both the original Pharaoh and his successor to confirm their rejection of YHWH, setting the trajectory for the References to sins of non-Israelites against YHWH are rare in the Old Testament (Gen 13:13; Jer 50:14). See Kellenberger, Die Verstockung Pharaos, 131. 32 Chisholm, “Divine Hardening in the Old Testament,” 426–29. 33 For a helpful discussion of increasing divine control among the hardening texts, see David M. Gunn, “The ‘Hardening of Pharaoh’s Heart’: Plot, Character and Theology in Exodus 1–14,” in Art and Meaning: Rhetoric in Biblical Literature (ed. David J. A. Clines, David M. Gunn, and Alan J. Hauser; JSOTSup 19; Sheffield: JSOT, 1982), 72–96. 31

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rest of the narrative. Had Pharaoh not hardened his heart, he would still have rejected YHWH and oppressed his people, but he would have let Israel go sooner and undergone fewer plagues.34 However, the question of the purpose of the divine control remains unanswered.

THE PURPOSE OF THE DIVINE CONTROL Scholars have suggested a variety of purposes for the divine hardening. Some view the hardening as a judgment of Pharaoh, since a heavy heart endangered the entrance to the afterlife according to the iconography of the Book of the Dead. 35 From another perspective, the hardening of Pharaoh’s heart represented judgment for his sins by taking away the free will of the god-man Pharaoh and showing his inability to control himself.36 Although these might be secondary purposes of the hardening, neither reason is mentioned in the narrative. Basing her view in particular on Exod 7:1–5, Hanna Liss suggests that the primary purpose for the hardening was to divide Israel from Egypt. The hardening brought the signs and separated Israel from Egypt, and the victory at the Red Sea separated Egypt from Israel.37 Although she highlights a key part of the hardening, the separation of Israel from Egypt was not the ultimate goal. Another possible reason might lie in the need to show Pharaoh his sin: if YHWH had not hardened Pharaoh’s resolve, he would not have learned the depth of his evil, which had to be seen in its extremes before it could be broken.38 Although this view finds support in Pharaoh’s increasing tendency to characterize his actions as “sin” over the course of the plagues (Exod 9:27; 10:16),

Cox, “The Hardening of Pharaoh’s Heart in Its Literary and Cultural Contexts,” 311. 35 Ben-Reuven, “Pharaoh’s Heart Was Hardened (Hebrew),” 112– 13. 36 Irwin, “Yahweh’s Suspension of Free Will,” 56–59. 37 Liss, “Die Funktion,” 56–76. 38 Goldingay, Israel’s Gospel, 352–53. 34

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the observation that Moses never told Pharaoh about the hardening of his heart raises doubts.39 Although these proposals identify several purposes for the hardening, they are peripheral to the ultimate purpose of the divine control, which is revealed in a series of speeches. Throughout the exodus narrative, the hardening clauses are followed immediately by either the purpose or the result, which is generally connected to the hardening clause with a waw (Exod 7:14 is an exception). 40 Most of the hardening references occur in the narrator’s voice and include an immediate result of the hardening. However, several of the references to hardening occur in YHWH’s speeches and indicate the ultimate purpose for the hardening (Exod 7:1–5; 9:15–16; 10:1–2; 14:4, 17). Table 7: The Purpose of Hardening Exod 7:1–5 Hardening of Pharaoh’s Heart Multiplying signs Pharaoh not listening Laying of YHWH’s hand on Egypt Taking Israel out of Egypt Egyptians knowing that “I am YHWH”

Exod 9:15–16 Preservation of Pharaoh

Exod 10:1–2 Hardening of Pharaoh’s Heart

Exod 14:4, 17 Hardening of Pharaoh’s Heart

Performing Signs Pharaoh pursuing Israel

Show power and proclaim name

Israelites knowing that “I am YHWH”

YHWH glorified through Pharaoh

Ford, God, Pharaoh and Moses, 83–124. See also the context of the hardening of the heart in Isaiah 6 in the divine council, rather than in a speech to the people, as noted by Christopher Seitz, Isaiah 1–39 (Int; Louisville: John Knox, 1993), 56. 40 Exod 9:34 is the only hardening clause not to be followed by a purpose/result. 39

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The first reference to hardening precedes Moses’ second interview with Pharaoh (Exod 7:1–5), when YHWH told Moses that he would harden Pharaoh’s heart and that Pharaoh would not listen to him. However, YHWH expanded the common form by adding that he would lay his hand on Egypt and take Israel out of Egypt with great judgments (Exod 7:4) so the Egyptians would know that “I am YHWH” (Exod 7:5). The mainline clauses in Exod 7:3–5a are tightly bound together grammatically, as the initial waw+X+qatal is followed by a chain of weqatals (with one waw+‫לא‬+yiqtol), which usually indicates logical consequence and temporal sequence.41 Even though the hardening itself does not cause the knowing, it begins the sequence and culminates in the knowing, as illustrated in Table 7. The identification of YHWH’s actions as signs, wonders, and miracles supports the interpretation that connects closely the hardening with YHWH’s actions and the acknowledgement of YHWH. Each of these descriptions of YHWH’s actions focuses on the necessity of the viewers to act on the knowledge gained from seeing the action. YHWH gave Moses signs (‫ )אות‬so Israel would listen to him (Exod 4:1–8, 17, 28, 30), and the plagues acted as signs to Pharaoh to show that “I am YHWH,” and that Pharaoh was subordinate to YHWH (Exod 7:3; 8:19[23]; 10:1–2).42 YHWH’s signs also pointed to his future judgments.43 A wonder (‫ )מופת‬was a supernatural sign designed to persuade people to believe something. 44 IBHS, 526–27. People gave signs to show their word was true (Josh 2:12), a practice YHWH also followed (1 Sam 2:34; 2 Kings 19:29; 20:8). The Old Testament frequently refers to the signs YHWH did in Egypt (Num 14:11, 22; Deut 4:34; 6:22; 7:19; 11:3; 26:8; 29:2[3]; 34:11 [signs by Moses]; Josh 24:17; Neh 9:10; Pss 78:43; 105:27 (signs by Moses and Aaron); 135:9; Jer 32:20–21). 43 Fretheim, “The Plagues as Ecological Signs of Historical Disaster,” 387. 44 S. Wagner, “‫מופת‬,” TDOT 8:175. However, sometimes the signs do not have a supernatural side to them (Isa 20:1–5). Prophets would perform a sign or wonder so that people would listen to them (Deut 13:2– 3[1–2]; 1 Kgs 13:1–5). 41 42

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The only event specifically referred to as a wonder involved turning the staff into a serpent (Exod 7:8–13), but YHWH’s promise that he would multiply his wonders before Pharaoh (Exod 7:3; 11:9–10) implied that all the plagues were wonders.45 A miracle (‫פלא‬, nifal) was an unusual event, like the crossing of the Jordan (Josh 3:5).46 In the book of Psalms the miracles of YHWH were the cause of praise for the worshippers of YHWH (Ps 72:18; 75:2[1]; 86:10; 96:3), but in Exodus they compelled the enemies of YHWH to act according to YHWH’ instructions.47 YHWH’s actions in Egypt functioned as signs, wonders, and miracles to lead observers to acknowledge YHWH. The second extended hardening reference (9:15–16) differs from the rest in that it employs distinctive terminology and is included in a speech to Pharaoh. YHWH told Pharaoh that he could have sent a plague against Egypt that would have destroyed them (Exod 9:15),48 but YHWH had preserved Pharaoh for a reason. The divine control is expressed here in YHWH’s preservation of Pharaoh through the plagues rather than the hardening of Pharaoh’s heart. YHWH exercised divine control to show his power and spread his name throughout the earth.

The rest of the Old Testament refers to wonders in the Exodus (Deut 4:34; 6:22; 7:19; 26:8; 29:2[3]; Neh 9:10; Pss 78:43; 105:27; 135:9; Jer 32:20–21). 46 YHWH told Moses that he would strike Egypt with miracles, after which Pharaoh would send out Israel (Exod 3:20; see also Judg 6:13; Neh 9:17; Pss 78:11–12; 106:7, 22). 47 J. Conrad, “‫פלא‬,” TDOT 11:541. See also the nations learning from miracles in Exod 34:10; Ps 96:3. 48 Propp, Exodus 1–18, 333. On the use of the qatal to express a hypothetical past, see GKC 106p; IBHS 493–95. Although the context lacks any grammatical indicators of contingency, the opening word of the following verse (‫ )אולם‬demands a contrast between the two verses, making a non-hypothetical meaning of 9:15 illogical: “I will destroy you, but for this I have sustained you.” See Ford, God, Pharaoh and Moses, 61–63. For a defense of the translation without a hypothetical aspect “I will let loose my power,” see Durham, Exodus, 127. 45

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The third extended hardening reference came in YHWH’s speech to Moses before the locust plague (Exod 10:1–2). He said that he hardened Pharaoh’s heart for two reasons: the hardening would lead to YHWH performing signs in the midst of Egypt (Exod 10:1) and would produce a narrative for Israel, who could recount to their descendants YHWH’s humiliation of Egypt and the signs he had put on Egypt. The recitation of this narrative would lead to Israel knowing that “I am YHWH (Exod 10:2). The hardening references in Exod 14:4, 7 differ from the previous references in two ways, as Pharaoh chased after Israel rather than keeping them in Egypt and YHWH’s ultimate goal was his glorification rather than the knowledge of YHWH. However, the basic outline was the same, as the hardening would lead to an activity that focused on YHWH. In sum, the immediate goals of the divine control were either to multiply signs in Egypt (Exod 7:1–5; 10:1–2) or to cause Pharaoh to pursue Israel (Exod 14:4, 17), while the ultimate goals were revelatory (Exod 7:1–5; 10:1–2) and the proclamation of his power, name, and glory (Exod 9:15–16; 14:4, 17). As I discussed in chapter four, these were common goals of YHWH acting as the divine warrior and other divine warriors in the ancient Near East. The hardening prolonged Israel’s suffering, but provided YHWH with greater opportunities to demonstrate his power to the world. The purpose of the hardening of the heart as creating greater opportunity to display YHWH’s glory and power is also supported by the strong verbal parallels between the ascent of Israel from Egypt (Exod 14:5–8) and Laban’s pursuit of Jacob (Gen 31:22–25), as illustrated in Table 8. However, after the pursuit the similarities cease, because in contrast to strengthening Laban’s resolve to pursue Jacob (see Exod 14:4), YHWH appeared in a dream to Laban to warn him not to harm Jacob (Gen 31:24). Although Jacob’s culpability may have accounted for the different type of divine intervention, the most likely reason lies with YHWH’s grand plan for the world. The defeat of a small chieftain would not demonstrate to the world his military prowess, but the dramatic conquest of a powerful emperor would give YHWH more opportunities to achieve his greater goal: knowledge of YHWH by Pharaoh and the

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world, the demonstration of his power, telling his name in all the earth, and his glorification.49 Table 8: Comparison of Egypt’s and Laban’s Pursuit Announcement of Flight

And it was told (‫נגד‬, hophal) to Laban on the third day that Jacob had fled (‫( )ברח‬Gen 31:22) And it was told (‫נגד‬, hophal) to the king of Egypt that the people had fled (‫( )ברח‬Exod 14:5)

Fellow Pursuers

And he took (‫ )לקח‬his brothers with him (Gen 31:23) And he took (‫ )לקח‬his people with him (Exod 14:6)

Pursuit

And he pursued (‫ )רדף‬after him (Gen 31:23) And he pursued (‫ )רדף‬after the sons of Israel (Exod 14:8)

Overtaking

And Laban overtook (‫נשג‬, hifil) Jacob (Gen 31:25) And they overtook (‫נשג‬, hifil) them (Exod 14:8)

Since the divine control of Pharaoh and his officials resulted in great harm to the Egyptians and the purpose of the hardening to bring the Egyptians to recognize YHWH’s sovereignty is parallel to the goals of the divine warrior, it is appropriate to examine whether it was part of the divine warrior motif in the exodus narrative. Although hardening an opponents’ heart is not associated with other divine warriors in the ancient Near East,50 the common practice of kings in the ancient world to highlight the strength of their defeated enemies might be relevant. Ramses II recounted the large number of kings who allied with his enemy: “Their rulers were there with him, each man with his forces; their chariotry was vast in extent, unequalled; they covered hill and valley, they were like the

For more on these goals, see chapter five. Although Ashurbanipal said that Gyges, the king of Lydia, hardened his heart and did not listen to the word of Aššur. See ARAB, 2:298. 49 50

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221

locust-swarm in their multitude.”51 Tiglath-pileser I described the Qumānu as mustering “their entire territory” so they could fight him with their “20,000 extensive troops” and a “mighty force.”52 He also took every opportunity to describe the treacherous terrain he overcame to reach his enemy, including “rugged paths and perilous passes, the interior of which no king had previously known, blocked trails (and) unopened remote regions.”53 He even described the animals he killed in grandiose terms: “four extraordinarily strong wild virile bulls,” “ten strong bull elephants,” and “every kind of wild beast and winged bird of the heavens.”54 Ancient emperors praised the power of their enemies to display their own power and declared that no one could challenge them: “I have neither rival in strife nor equal in conflict.”55 These attitudes might provide a parallel to YHWH’s divine control in the exodus narrative. Like these warriors, YHWH encountered in Pharaoh the most powerful enemy imaginable to display his power. However, even though the Pharaohs were among the mightiest kings of the entire world, they would not have been sufficiently powerful to compete effectively with YHWH, as demonstrated by Pharaoh’s quick inclination to accede to YHWH’s demands. For YHWH, rhetorically glorifying an enemy was not sufficient to demonstrate the extent of his power. YHWH’s solution was to strengthen an opponent before and during combat to prevent him from surrendering. The hardening did not convert Pharaoh from a friend or a neutral character into an opponent. Nor did the divine control transform him from being a weak king to a powerful king, as YHWH already recognized Pharaoh’s strength of will before his promise to harden his heart (Exod 3:19). But the divine control gave Pharaoh supernatural strength to continue to “The Battle of Qadesh—The Poem,” translated by K. A. Kitchen (COS 2.5A:34). 52 Tiglath-pileser I Inscription, A.0.87.1 v (RIMA 2:24). 53 Tiglath-pileser I Inscription, A.0.87.1 iv (RIMA 2:21). 54 Tiglath-pileser I Inscription, A.0.87.1 vi (RIMA 2:26). See also Hattušili III’s description of his enemy in “Apology of Hattušili III,” translated by Th. P. J. van den Hout (COS 1.77:201). 55 Tiglath-pileser I Inscription, A.0.87.1 i (RIMA 2:13). 51

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oppose YHWH to the bitter end. The hardening of Pharaoh’s heart solved one of the dilemma’s facing ancient emperors, who saw themselves both as powerful fighters and as awe-inspiring figures who caused their enemies to flee from before them. Hardening Pharaoh’s heart allowed YHWH to fulfill both of these roles without the logical inconsistency found in the Egyptian and Assyrian annals.

CONCLUSION The motif of the divine warrior plays an important role in the characterization of YHWH in the Old Testament. Although further study of the subject is still needed, especially in the area of YHWH’s role in the conquest of Canaan, David’s wars, the wars of the monarchy, and the prophetic texts, in this work I have focused on the motif in the exodus narrative to expand our understanding of the motif. I began this work by surveying the major poetic texts in the Old Testament that described YHWH as a divine warrior, concluding that common characteristics included the march from the south, his proclamation as king, the employment of supernatural beings and atmospheric elements against his enemies, the anthropomorphic description of YHWH as a warrior, YHWH’s incomparability, the nations’ recognition of his sovereignty, and the rescue of his people. YHWH often took on the role of a divine warrior to rescue his people and to demonstrate his power to the world. Against the backdrop of the Old Testament motif of divine warfare, the heart of my work explored the possibility of understanding YHWH’s actions in the exodus narrative as those of a divine warrior. In the exodus narrative, I found several areas that connected YHWH’s actions to those found in the descriptions of the divine warrior in the Old Testament, including martial terminology, the employment of natural elements against his enemies, psychological attacks, the presence of supernatural envoys and disease, and the harmonious relationship of YHWH with his people. Although many aspects of YHWH’s actions in the exodus narrative include aspects that differ from the poetic divine warrior texts, I argued that these differences were expansions of the divine motif rather than deviations. One set of expansions related to the narrative genre of the exodus narrative. Since most of the divine warrior texts in the Old Testament are poetic, the prose genre of 223

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the exodus narrative allows greater room for the narrator to provide details about YHWH acting as a divine warrior. YHWH went to war against Pharaoh not because of his ethnicity, as he had blessed the Egyptians in Genesis when they treated Israel kindly, but because of their oppression of Israel. YHWH did not employ a human army against Egypt, but attacked Egypt directly. Moses and Aaron played an important role to identify visibly and verbally the attacks as those of YHWH. The assault on Egypt affected not only Pharaoh and the Egyptian gods, but also the Egyptian people, the magicians, the military, and several innocent victims. YHWH saved Israel from their oppression by keeping them distinct from the Egyptians, bringing Israel geographically out of Egypt, removing them from their oppressors, and guiding them in the wilderness. Finally, YHWH sought to bring Pharaoh and the Egyptians to acknowledge his identity as YHWH, Israel’s god and defender. All these topics cohere with the motif of the divine warrior, but include a considerably more detailed picture of the divine warrior. In the area of martial expansions, I demonstrated that YHWH could contextualize his attack as a divine warrior to fit each enemy. YHWH employed a broader selection of natural elements by utilizing various items associated with the Nile and a variety of animals, while his psychological attacks focused on Pharaoh’s role as the defender of maat in Egypt and his responsibility to recognize truth. YHWH’s attack also included the employment of cosmic enemies against Pharaoh, rather than their defeat. Finally, YHWH also executed judgment on the Egyptian gods by targeting Pharaoh, the representative of the gods on earth. Other differences I ascribed to a relationsl expansion of the divine warrior motif as the narrator was allowed more room to describe the way that the divine warrior related to his people. Although other divine warrior texts served as the basis for liturgy, YHWH’s actions in the exodus narrative became an essential part of Israel’s national narrative. YHWH also experienced a more complex relationship with his people and warned them that he could act as a divine warrior against them, laying the foundation for many of his later actions. Finally, I argued that YHWH’s divine control of Pharaoh might also relate to his role as the divine warrior. Like other ancient Near Eastern divine warriors who emphasized the strength of their enemies to glorify even more their own victory, YHWH sought to

CONCLUSION

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encourage Pharaoh to fight to the end to demonstrate the full extent of his power. Even one of the greatest empires in the ancient Near East was not sufficient to oppose YHWH without quickly backing down in fear.

THE EXODUS IN THE OLD TESTAMENT The exodus was the foundational event in the history of Israel, as evidenced by references to it throughout the rest of the Old Testament. In this section I will briefly survey some of the references to the exodus outside of Exodus 1–14 to determine whether they provide any support for viewing YHWH as a divine warrior in the exodus. Many of the references to the exodus focus on YHWH’s salvation of the Israelites, highlighting Israel’s need to follow YHWH (Exod 20:2; Lev 11:45).1 The prophets frequently recalled the exodus when they contrasted YHWH’s good deeds for Israel in the past with their rejection of him (Amos 2:10; Mic 6:4). YHWH’s actions in the exodus also served as the foundation reason for Israel’s care for the oppressed, such as the alien, widows, and orphans (Exod 22:20[21]; 23:9; Lev 19:34).2 In many of these references, YHWH’s relationship with the Egyptians is ignored. Although the theme of the salvation of YHWH’s people in the exodus fits the motif of the divine warrior who rescues his people, it is not sufficient by itself to establish that YHWH was acting as a divine warrior in the exodus. However, other texts referring only to the Israelites imply that YHWH acted as a divine warrior in the exodus. Moses’ report to the Edomites of YHWH’s rescue of Israel from oppression in Egypt by a supernatural envoy 3 may have been a veiled threat that YHWH would do the same against Edom if they oppressed Israel For more on the didactic use of the exodus, see Loewenstamm, The Evolution of the Exodus Tradition, 53–68. 2 Christiana van Houten, The Alien in Israelite Law (JSOTSup 107; Sheffield: Sheffield, 1991), 92. 3 On the identity of the ‫ מלאך‬here as a supernatural envoy, see Baruch A. Levine, Numbers 1–20: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 4A; New York: Doubleday, 1993), 491; Stuart, Exodus, 335. 1

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(Num 20:14–16). Balaam described YHWH as the one who took Israel out of Egypt and was for them “like the horns of a wild ox,” defeating all the nations (Num 24:8). In his instructions on warfare, Moses commanded Israel not to be afraid when they went to war because YHWH was with them (Deut 20:1). That he brought them out of Egypt implies that his actions in the exodus were related to success in war. The account of Jehoshaphat’s battle with the Moabites, Ammonites, and Meunites (2 Chronicles 20) refers repeatedly to the exodus.4 In particular, it depicts the plundering of the Egyptians as a military event (2 Chr 20:25; see also Exod 3:22; 12:36). Centuries later, while the Babylonians were besieging Jerusalem, Zedekiah requested that Jeremiah intercede for Judah, hoping that YHWH would perform wonders for them against the Babylonian army as he had done in the exodus against the Egyptians (Jer 21:1– 2). Although Zedekiah referred only to the wonders YHWH did in the exodus without mentioning the Egyptians, he hoped that YHWH would act martially in his time as he had done earlier. YHWH’s actions in the exodus are implicitly equated with his actions as a divine warrior in the book of Psalms when the psalmists describe YHWH’s actions against Egypt with the same termi-

The parallels include asking YHWH to judge the enemies (‫;שפט‬ Exod 6:6; 7:14; 12:12; 2 Chr 20:12), YHWH’s call not to fear (‫;אל־תיראו‬ Exod 14:13; 2 Chr 20:15, 17), the fighting of YHWH for Israel (‫לחם‬, nifal; Exod 14:14, 25; 2 Chr 20:17), YHWH’s call to stand firm (‫יצב‬, hitpael; Exod 14:13; 2 Chr 20:17), the salvation of YHWH (‫ ;ישועת יהוה‬Exod 14:13; 2 Chr 20:17), belief in YHWH and his appointed men (‫אמן‬, hifil; Exod 14:31; 2 Chr 20:20), the active presence of YHWH in battle (Exod 14:24–25, 2 Chr 20:22), seeing the dead bodies of their enemies by the Israelites (Exod 14:30; 2 Chr 20:24), the lack of enemy survivors (Exod 14:28; 2 Chr 20:24), singing after the battle (Exod 15:1; 2 Chr 20:28), the focus on the house of YHWH after the battle (Exod 15:13, 17; 2 Chr 20:28), and the fear of God among the neighboring countries (‫ ;פחד‬Exod 15:14–16; 2 Chr 20:29). For more on these parallels, see Knoppers, “Jerusalem at War in Chronicles”; Beentjes, “Tradition and Transformation”; Ruffing, Jahwekrieg als Weltmetapher, 203–94. 4

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nology employed to portray the divine warrior.5 Speaking of the exodus, Psalm 77 incorporates many aspects of the divine warrior, including YHWH’s incomparability (Ps 77:14[13]), his mighty arm that redeemed Israel (Ps 77:15[14]), the trembling of the water and the earth before him, and his employment of arrows, lightning, and thunder (Ps 77:14–20[13–19]).6 Psalm 114 calls for the earth to follow the example of the sea that fled before YHWH by trembling at the presence of YHWH (Ps 114:3–7), matching the trembling of nature before the divine warrior. Several psalms contain lengthier accounts of YHWH’s actions in the exodus.7 Psalm 78 recounts many episodes of Israelite history to teach his audience about the praiseworthy deeds, the power, and the wonders of YHWH (Ps 78:4). These deeds included the wonders and miracles YHWH did for Israel in Egypt, the splitting of the sea, and guiding them with the cloud and fire (Ps 78:12–14). In the wilderness, the Israelites forgot the power of YHWH displayed when he redeemed them, including turning the river to blood, sending flies, frogs, grasshoppers, and locusts against them, and striking Egypt with hail, frost, and lightning (Ps 78:42–48). When he let loose his wrath, he sent “destroying angels” ( ‫מלאכי‬ ‫ )רעים‬against Egypt, handed them over to the plague (‫)דבר‬, and struck down the first-born of Egypt (Ps 78:49–51). The psalm ends with the building of YHWH’s sanctuary on Mount Zion and the appointment of David as the shepherd of the people (Ps 78:69–72), an interesting adaptation of the motif in the divine warrior texts.

Grol notes that the divine warrior terminology often appears in the psalms that describe the exodus from Egypt in “War and Peace in the Psalms,” 185. 6 Brettler identifies this psalm as a divine warrior text in “Images of YHWH the Warrior in Psalms,” 149. 7 They are often identified as divine warrior psalms because the plagues are part of the arsenal of the divine warrior. See Ballard, The Divine Warrior Motif in the Psalms, 41, 67, 70; Brettler, “Images of YHWH the Warrior in Psalms,” 136. 5

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Psalm 105 follows a similar pattern, but focuses more on YHWH’s deeds and power than the people’s failures.8 The psalmist describes both how YHWH made the people fruitful in Egypt and how he turned the Egyptians against Israel (Ps 105:24–25). He sent Moses and Aaron to perform his signs and wonders in Egypt, including darkening the land, turning the water into blood, sending frogs, flies, and gnats against Egypt, striking Egypt with hail and lightning, calling locusts to eat their crops, and striking down the first-born in Egypt (Ps 105:26–36). Israel left Egypt carrying silver and gold, while Egypt was happy to see them depart because the fear of Israel had fallen on them (Ps 105:37–38). With its constant refrain of ‫כי לעולם חסדו‬, Psalm 136 highlights YHWH’s care for his people. The historical review includes the striking down of the first-born of Egypt, the removal of Israel from Egypt with a strong hand and an outstretched arm, the dividing of the Red Sea, the salvation of Israel through the split Red Sea, and the sweeping of the Egyptian military into the sea (Ps 136:10– 15). In these psalmic recollections of the exodus, the natural elements and supernatural envoys YHWH employed against the Egyptians, the fear he caused among them, the trembling before his presence, his incomparability, and the statements of his power parallel the poetic descriptions of the divine warrior.9 Outside the psalms, several references to the exodus include the Egyptians. In some texts, the terminology describing YHWH’s actions is ambiguous. Moses recounted to Jethro all that YHWH had “done” (‫ )עשה‬to Pharaoh and Egypt and how YHWH had rescued (‫נצל‬, hifil) them (Exod 18:8). In Judges 6:8–10, a prophet described YHWH taking Israel out of Egypt and rescuing (‫נצל‬, hiFor more on the rhetorical role of the plagues in Psalm 105, see Theodore Mascarenhas, “Psalm 105: The Plagues: Darkness and Its Significance,” in Führe mein Volk heraus: Zur innerbiblischen Rezeption der Exodusthematik: Festschrift für Georg Fischer (ed. Simone Paganini, Claudia Paganini, and Dominik Markl; Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2004), 79–93; W. Dennis Tucker, “Revisiting the plagues in Psalm cv,” VT 55 (2005): 401–11. 9 For other examples of the exodus in the psalms, see Psalm 106:7– 12; 135:8–9, 15–18 8

CONCLUSION

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fil) them from Egypt. Nehemiah recalls the signs and wonders that YHWH did against Pharaoh, his officials, and all the people of the land when the Egyptians oppressed them, as well as how YHWH split the sea before them and guided them in the wilderness (Neh 9:9–12). However, other texts referring to the Egyptians more clearly highlight YHWH’s martial actions in the exodus. The most prominent witness comes from Deuteronomy, where Moses describes the exodus as war (‫ ;מלחמה‬Deut 4:34) and recounts YHWH’s promise that he would fight (‫לחם‬, nifal) for Israel against their enemies as he had done against the Egyptians in Egypt (Deut 1:30). Moses called on Israel to remember the signs that YHWH did (‫ )עשה‬in Egypt to Pharaoh and the Egyptian army, how he made the waters of the Red Sea flow over their army, and how he destroyed their army (Deut 11:2–4). Joshua recounts how YHWH “plagued” (‫ )נגף‬Egypt, brought Israel out of Egypt, put darkness between Israel and Egypt, and brought the sea upon Egypt (Josh 24:5–7). In the days of Samuel, when the Philistines heard that the Israelites had brought the ark of the covenant into the war camp, they become terrified because they recognized that no one could rescue someone from the hand of “these great gods” who had struck Egypt with plagues (‫( )מכה‬1 Sam 4:8).10 We also find such references to YHWH’s military action in the prophets. The author in Isaiah 51:9–11 calls for the arm of YHWH to awake and act like it had in the past when it defeated Rahab and the tannin, dried up the sea, and made a road for Israel to cross. Some have suggested that this defeat of Rahab should be identified as the original act of creation, based on the defeat of chaos in the Babylonian myth, Enuma Elish.11 However, since creation is only rarely included in theomachy myths in the ancient Near

The phrase “struck a blow” also describes the divine warrior’s actions against the Canaanites (Joshua 10:10) and Israel (1 Sam 6:19). 11 Claus Westermann, Isaiah 40–66: A Commentary (OTL; Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1969), 241–42; John Goldingay, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Isaiah 40–55 (ICC; London: T&T Clark, 2006), 236– 37. 10

230

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

East,12 and Egypt is identified elsewhere as a tannin (Ezek 29:3; 32:2) it is preferable to understand the exodus as the topic of both verses 9 and 10.13 YHWH the warrior cut Rahab (personified Egypt) into pieces, leading to the hope of a second exodus, in which through YHWH’s military actions the people will return from exile to Israel (Isa 51:11).14 Although the majority of the references to the exodus in the Old Testament do not include explicit military vocabulary, biblical authors occasionally describe YHWH’s actions in the exodus as those of a divine warrior.15 The evidence is not strong, but later references to the exodus reinforce my conclusion that the primary exodus narrative has portrayed YHWH as a divine warrior.

READING POETIC TEXTS One of the reasons for basing this investigation into the divine warrior motif in the exodus narrative was the presence of both prose and poetic texts. Now that we have drawn a fuller picture of YHWH as a divine warrior in the exodus narrative, we may compare the divine warrior in the Song of the Sea with the prose material of the exodus narrative. In many ways, the picture of the divine warrior in the prose and poetic sections of the exodus narrative is similar. Like the Enuma Elish and Merikare are the only examples that connect creation with theomachy; see John H. Walton, “Creation in Genesis 1:1–2:3 and the Ancient Near East: Order out of Disorder after Chaoskampf,” CTJ 43 (2008): 50–51. 13 John N. Oswalt, The Book of Isaiah: Chapters 40–66 (NICOT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1998), 341–42. 14 See also Isaiah 63:11–14, which recounts YHWH’s actions in the exodus to encourage YHWH to act for them. YHWH set his holy spirit among them, sent his “arm of power” to be with Moses’ hand, and divided the waters for them for the sake of his name. 15 This conclusion is complicated by the possibility that the description of YHWH’s martial activity in the exodus relates strictly to the Red Sea event rather than the plagues. However, most of the references are ambiguous, and several include the plagues in their descriptions (Josh 24:5–7; 1 Sam 4:8; Pss 77; 78; 105). 12

CONCLUSION

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prose portrayal, YHWH attacked the enemy with the goal of having the world see his power against the Egyptians (Exod 15:14–16). Although the Song does not describe the Israelites passing through the sea, the second half tells of YHWH’s care for them on their journey through hostile territory to their new home where he would reign over them (Exod 15:13–18). Pharaoh and the gods of Egypt do not compare to YHWH’s greatness (Exod 15:11) or the variety of weapons at his disposal, including the sea (Exod 15:1, 4– 5, 10), the wind (Exod 15:8, 10), and the underworld (Exod 15:12). Therefore, it is not surprising that the Song declares “YHWH is a warrior” (Exod 15:3). The song bears some resemblances to a victory song, sung in praise of human warriors after a battle (see Judges 5; 1 Sam 18:6– 7).16 However, it does not praise human warriors, but the divine warrior YHWH, suggesting the genre is rather classified as a divine warrior victory song.17 In these victory songs, the author suppresses the historical context so the song can be more easily appropriated by future generations.18 The Song of the Sea still includes many details of the battle: the identity of Pharaoh as the enemy (Exod 15:4), the use of water as a weapon, and the strength of the enemy’s chariots.19 The juxtaposition of the poem next to the prose material invites the reader to understand the poem in light of the prose. However, despite the links between the prose and poetic accounts, the poem does not present a full picture of the exodus narrative. It never mentions YHWH’s hardening Pharaoh’s heart, the specifics of the Egyptian oppression of Israel and their rejection of YHWH, the plagues, and the reason the battle happened near water. In addition, the account of the battle in the song does not follow the normal order of battle. It begins without any reference to a casus belli, but immediately declares that YHWH had thrown the Egyptian military forces into the water (Exod 15:1, 4–5). When the 16

For more on the form of a victory song, see Echols, “Tell Me, O

Muse.” Longman III, “Psalm 98,” 274. Ibid., 272–73. 19 Watts, Psalm and Story, 45–47. 17 18

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“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

two accounts of the battle are placed in parallel columns, it is striking that the poetic account does not retell the story. The second half (Exod 15:13–18) lacks a parallel in the prose account, while the first half (Exod 15:1–12) is concerned only about the destruction of the Egyptians in the sea (Exod 14:27–28). If we had only the song, it would be impossible to reconstruct what happened at the Red Sea. The poem proclaims YHWH’s greatness through general statements that announce that YHWH defeated the Egyptians (Exod 15:1, 4–7, 10, 12). The generalization of historical material in poetry accounts for this lack of detail as the poet enables later generations to apply it to their situation more easily. Divine warrior victory songs generally downplay human intervention in the battle. Even in the exodus narrative, where YHWH did not use any human armies against the Egyptians, the prose account narrates how YHWH employed Moses and Aaron as mediators of his words and actions. However, Moses and Aaron are absent from the poetic account. Furthermore, the song says nothing of the Israelites being rescued from the Egyptians. The poem focuses strictly on YHWH. While the prose account included the role of Moses and Aaron to show that YHWH was the source of the wonders being done in Egypt, the hymn assumes those who sing it are followers of YHWH and need no reminders that the signs came from YHWH. The juxtaposition of the poetic and prose elements helps us read other divine warrior poetic texts that lack a parallel prose text. Although these guidelines are based on a single text and will not necessarily be true elsewhere, they may serve as a general blueprint for exploring poetic texts that include the divine warrior motif. First, limited historical references in a poem and the inability to construct a narrative from it do not imply that the texts were only imaginative poetic descriptions of YHWH as a divine warrior without any basis in history. Second, the limited roles of humans in the poems do not suggest the lack of human involvement in the historical battle, but reflect the desire of the poet to focus attention on YHWH, the central character in the poem. The overpowering role of YHWH and the minimization of Israel’s army in the exodus narrative illustrates that the common image of YHWH acting as a divine warrior without reference to a human army was not restricted to poetic texts. Third, the metaphors employed in the song may be appropriated by later readers reading the song in a different con-

CONCLUSION

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text, but the original source of the metaphor may have a more literal background, as they did in the Song of the Sea.

FURTHER EXPLORATION OF THE MOTIF Having explored YHWH the divine warrior in the context of the exodus narrative, I will conclude this work by reflecting briefly on the development of the motif in the Christian canon. Each of these areas should be studied in more detail, but the following represents a preliminary summary. Contrary to Marcion, the divine warrior theme continues throughout the New Testament. The clearest allusion to YHWH’s attack on Pharaoh in the New Testament comes in the book of Revelation, where YHWH sends numerous attacks against those who resist his will. In particular, several of the trumpets recall the plagues of hail and fire, water becoming blood, darkness, and locusts.20 The divine warrior still possessed his weapons and could strike any enemy just as he attacked Egypt. However, in other places the biblical authors have further modified the divine warrior motif, several of which I will explore below. Monergism and Synergism One of the major points of the exodus narrative’s portrayal of YHWH’s battle against the Egyptians was that he acted monergisticly, without any human support. Deuteronomy affirms this portrayal of YHWH in the exodus and promises in a variety of ways that YHWH would continue to fight for his people (Deut 1:30; 3:22; 20:4). He would go ahead of the Israelites in battle (Deut 9:3; 31:8) and be in their midst in battle (Deut 7:21). YHWH would fight the enemies of Israel with his flashing sword and arrows (Deut 32:41–43), causing their enemies to cower before them (Deut 33:26–29).21 Millard Lind has argued that the monergism of For full details on the exodus background of these plagues in Revelation, see L. Gallus, “The Exodus Motif in Revelation 15–16: Its Background and Nature,” AUSS 46 (2008): 21–43; G. K. Beale, The Book of Revelation (NIGTC; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1998), 465–67. 21 See also the reference to YHWH hardening Sihon’s heart (Deut 2:30). 20

234

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

the exodus narrative was paradigmatic for YHWH’s relationship to warfare in the Old Testament: YHWH fought against the enemy by himself, and any fighting by the Israelites consisted only of “mopping up operations” after the battle was over.22 However, Deuteronomy also emphasizes Israel’s involvement in battle. Israel was armed for battle (Deut 3:18–20) and must fight against (Deut 20:10, 19) and strike their enemies (Deut 7:2; 20:13). YHWH installed a general over the Israelites23 and an army that was distinct from the people.24 In Deuteronomy 20 Moses presented a series of fundamental principles that were to govern Israel’s combat, including the role of the priest before battle, the exemptions from battle, the guidelines for accepting surrender, and the treatment of trees during a siege. Deuteronomy carefully presents a balanced synergistic perspective. First, divine and human actions often appear in the same texts. YHWH would drive out the Canaanites so Israel could destroy them (Deut 7:22); he would go ahead of Israel as a consuming fire and subdue the enemy so Israel could drive them out and destroy them (Deut 9:3).25 Second, divine and human actors perform the same actions, including dispossessing (‫ירש‬, hifil) the Canaanites (divine: Deut 4:38; 9:4, 5; 11:23; 18:12; human: Deut 9:3), causing the enemy to perish (‫אבד‬, hifil; divine: Deut 8:20; human: Deut 7:24; 9:3), and destroying (‫שמד‬, hifil) the Canaanites (divine: Deut 9:3; 31:3; human: Deut 7:24). Lind, Yahweh Is a Warrior. In particular, see page 119 for the quoted phrase. 23 Along with the divine warrior who would pass ahead of Israel (Deut 9:3; 31:3), Joshua would pass ahead (‫ )עבר לפני‬of the Israelites (Deut 3:28; 31:3) and go with the Israelites to battle (Deut 31:7). 24 The warriors of Reuben and Gad could return home to their tribes after all Israel had been given rest from the nations (Deut 3:18–20). Deuteronomy provided exemptions that allowed a warrior to stay home rather than go with the army (Deut 20:5–8; 24:5) and guidelines for life in the military camp (Deut 23:10–15[9–14]). 25 See also Deut 11:23; 12:29; 19:1; 20:3–4. This form of synergism also appears with the fighting of other nations: YHWH destroyed the Rephaites, while the Ammonites dispossessed them (Deut 2:21). 22

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Third, because the Canaanite nations were stronger than Israel (Deut 4:38; 7:1–2; 9:1; 11:23), YHWH gave their enemies to them as expressed in the committal formula. The idiom occurs in two forms: YHWH gave (‫ )נתן‬their enemies before (‫ )לפני‬them (Deut 2:31, 33; 7:2, 23; 23:15[14]; 31:5) and into their hands (Deut 2:24, 30; 3:2, 3; 7:24; 20:13; 21:10). Israel could succeed only because YHWH had given them control over their enemies. Fourth, YHWH had given them this power and could take it away again. If YHWH gave their enemies into their hands (Deut 7:2, 23), this would not be because of Israel’s strength or moral superiority (Deut 9:4–6). Israel was not to be proud of the strength of their hand (Deut 8:17) because their hand would lose strength if they disobeyed YHWH (Deut 28:32; see also 32:36). Fifth, Deuteronomy describes YHWH using human weapons: arrows (Deut 32:23, 42), sword (Deut 28:22; 32:25, 41, 42; 33:29), and shield (Deut 33:29). As noted by Brettler, 26 ascribing these weapons to YHWH implies his use of human armies (Isa 10:5, 15). This focus on Israelite fighting demonstrates that the monergism of the exodus was not paradigmatic for future Israelite warfare, but YHWH and Israel would fight together. The pattern of monergism followed by synergism is also demonstrated by the question of slavery and service in Exodus and Deuteronomy. In the exodus narrative, Pharaoh had enslaved (‫עבד‬, hifil) the Israelites (Exod 1:13; 6:5) in the house of slavery (Exod 13:3, 14; 20:2; Deut 5:6; 6:12), but YHWH brought them out of slavery in Egypt to serve (‫ )עבד‬him as their new master.27 Although Deuteronomy emphatically proclaims that YHWH had rescued Israel from Pharaoh’s service, service remains central in Deuteronomy. Israel was to serve YHWH alone (Deut 6:13; 10:12, 20; 11:13; 13:5[4]) and not to worship (‫ )עבד‬foreign gods28 because he had brought them out of slavery to Pharaoh (Deut 6:12–13; 10:20–21). If Israel served other gods, then YHWH would bring the curses Brettler, “Images of YHWH the Warrior in Psalms,” 158–60. Exod 3:12; 4:23; 7:16, 26[8:1]; 8:16[20]; 9:1, 13; 10:3, 7, 8, 11, 24, 26; 12:31. 28 Deut 4:19; 5:6–9; 7:16; 8:19; 11:16; 12:30; 13:2–19[1–18]; 17:3; 28:14; 29:17[18]; 30:17–18. 26 27

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upon them (Deut 29:23–28[24–29]; 31:20–21) and the Israelites would serve foreign peoples again in a reversal of the exodus (Deut 28:47–48). YHWH would even punish Israel by scattering them to other lands where they would serve foreign gods (Deut 4:28; 28:36, 64). However, in the future YHWH would have compassion on his servants (Deut 32:36) and avenge their blood (Deut 32:43). Deuteronomy has shifted the question of service from the battle between YHWH and Pharaoh concerning Israel’s service to Israel’s choice of serving YHWH or other gods: serving other gods would be like serving Pharaoh once again. Following the monergism of Exodus, Deuteronomy establishes a pattern of synergism in the areas of warfare and relationship with foreign gods. YHWH fought Israel’s enemies in the exodus to show his people that he would fight for them, but in the future they would need to participate in the fray. Likewise, YHWH had dealt with the Egyptian gods himself, but now he demanded that Israel reject any foreign gods they might encounter. Although Lind has recognized the importance of YHWH’s martial role in the exodus narrative, he has not accounted for the modification of the motif in later battles toward a more synergistic attitude in Israel’s battles. Israel could not expect their divine warrior would defeat all their enemies for them if they simply stood idly by as spectators. YHWH against His People As the exodus narrative had already hinted, biblical authors frequently declared that YHWH would fight against his own people. In Deuteronomy, YHWH often threatened Israel that if they did not follow him he would act as a divine warrior against them (Deut 4:26; 6:15; 7:4; 8:19–20; 11:17). The hand that had fought for them and had thrown their enemies into confusion threw the Israelite men of war into a panic in the wilderness because they had refused to enter the land of Canaan (Deut 2:14–16; see also Exod 14:24).29 In the curses YHWH threatened to attack Israel with pestilence, famine, boils, and blindness if they rejected him (Deut 28:15–68; William L. Moran, “End of the Unholy War and the AntiExodus,” Bib 44 (1963): 333–42. 29

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see also Lev 26:14–45). Since the plagues were based on stereotypical curses, YHWH would fight against Israel primarily through the means he used against Egypt. Israel’s national anthem also describes how YHWH would attack his own people with fire, disasters, arrows, famine, plague, bitter pestilence, wild beasts, and the sword (Deut 32:22–26).30 The theme of YHWH fighting against his own people continued in the rest of the Old Testament. Most dramatically, in Jeremiah 21:5 YHWH declared that he would fight against Israel with “an outstretched hand and a strong arm,” interchanging the adjectives to indicate the change of target from Egypt to Israel. Even the exodus itself could be reversed. YHWH prohibited the king from returning to Egypt (Deut 17:16), perhaps referring to YHWH’s promise that the Israelites would not see the Egyptians again (Exod 14:13).31 YHWH threatened that he would reverse the exodus and return Israel to Egypt as slaves if they broke the covenant, but no one would buy them (Deut 28:68). YHWH, the divine warrior, had brought them to the land of Canaan, but he required faithful vassal service if they desired to continue to enjoy its blessings. This development of the divine warrior motif shows that the identity of his human enemies was not the main point of his attack. Like other divine warriors, YHWH often fought to defend his people as he had promised in the covenant. However, he also fought against nations based on their actions (even when those actions were not directed at Israel [Amos 1–2]) and their attitude toward him. When these two reasons for war conflicted, that is, On Deuteronomy 32 as a national anthem, see Daniel I. Block, “The Power of Song: Reflections on Ancient Israel’s National Anthem, Deuteronomy 32,” in How I Love Your Torah, O LORD!: Studies in the Book of Deuteronomy (Eugene: Cascade, 2011), 163–90. 31 For more on the possible source of the quotation, see D. J. Reimer, “Concerning Return to Egypt: Deuteronomy xvii 16 and xxviii 68 Reconsidered,” in Studies in the Pentateuch (ed. J. A. Emerton; VTSup 41; Leiden: Brill, 1990), 231–42; Donald G. Schley, “‘Yahweh Will Cause You to Return to Egypt in Ships’ (Deuteronomy xxviii 68),” VT 35 (1985): 369–72. 30

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when his people acted in ways that displeased YHWH, he attacked his people because of their sin. Their status as the elect people of YHWH did not protect them from YHWH’s wrath when they sinned. YHWH’s ultimate target in warfare was sin, because he desired to neutralize and punish wrongdoing, regardless of who was sinning. In the light of the canonical presentation of the motif Pharaoh serves as a paradigmatic example of YHWH’s reaction to a powerful and sinful human being. YHWH for the Nations YHWH fighting against his people is not the only surprising development of the divine warrior motif in the Old Testament. Although Genesis portrays Egypt favorably, in Exodus they are the enemy par excellence. YHWH’s goals for Pharaoh were restricted to his recognition of YHWH’s sovereignty; they lack a desire for Pharaoh to worship him. It would have been inconceivable that YHWH would fight for Egypt, rather than against them. However, elsewhere the Old Testament describes YHWH fighting as a divine warrior for other nations. In the midst of an attack against Israel, Amos proclaimed that YHWH’s involvement in Israel’s exodus from Egypt was not unique (Amos 9:7), though no more details are given about these events. Most surprisingly, Isa 19:16–25 describes YHWH fighting for Egypt against their enemies in the future. The section begins by describing how the Egyptians would be terrified because the hand of YHWH was against them; even the mention of the land of Judah would cause fear. However, the people of Egypt would become more hospitable to the Judeans, as five cities in Egypt would speak the language of Canaan and an altar and a monument to YHWH would be found in Egypt (Isa 19:16–19). When Egypt would cry out (‫צעק‬, Exod 3:7, 9) to YHWH because of their oppressors (‫לחץ‬, Exod 3:9), he would send them a savior and defender and rescue them (‫נצל‬, hifil; Exod 3:8). The Egyptians would know YHWH and worship him (Isa 19:21). However, then YHWH would send a plague against them (‫ ;נגף‬Exod 7:27[8:2]; 12:23, 27), and they would turn to YHWH (Isa 19:22). Finally, Israel, Egypt, and Assyria would all

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worship YHWH together, and Egypt would be called YHWH’s people (Isa 19:23–25). The Egyptians’ knowledge of YHWH is equivalent to full worship of YHWH.32 Although Moses had declared that the Israelites’ sacrifices were an abomination in Egypt (Exod 8:22[26]), the Egyptians would offer sacrifices to YHWH (Isa 19:21).33 This text exhibits many parallels with the exodus narrative, as Israel again caused concern for Egypt (Isa 19:17; see also Exod 1:8–10)34 and YHWH struck Egypt with a plague (Isa 19:22) and brought his hand against Egypt (Isa 19:16; see also Exod 3:20). However, other parallels identify Egypt with Israel’s role in the exodus. Egypt would call out to YHWH because of their oppression, and he would rescue them (Isa 19:20; see also Exod 3:7–9). Previously, YHWH had stopped the plagues when Moses prayed, but now he would hear Egypt and stop the plague (Isa 19:22; see also Exod 8:4–5[8–9]).35 Egypt would know YHWH and worship him (Isa 19:21; see also Exod 12:27), while YHWH would call Egypt his people (Isa 19:25; see also Exod 15:16). These parallels indicate that the divine warrior had not only fought for his people, but would also fight for other nations and free them from their oppressors. Even an enemy like Egypt, who had oppressed Israel so severely, could experience YHWH’s grace through his activity as a divine warrior on their behalf. YHWH as It appears that the Egyptian conversion was gradual because five cities swore allegiance to YHWH before the nation as a whole was called YHWH’s people. See Bernard Wodecki, “The Heights of the Religious Universalism in Is XIX:16–25,” in “Lasset uns Brücken Bauen...”: Collected Communications to the XVth Congress of the International Organization for the Study of the Old Testament, Cambridge 1995 (ed. Klaus-Dietrich Schunck and Matthias Augustin; Beiträge zur Erforschung des Alten Testaments und des Antiken Judentums 42; Berlin: Peter Lang, 1998), 181, 184. 33 Michael A. Fishbane, Biblical Interpretation in Ancient Israel (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985), 367. 34 Hallvard Hagelia, “A Crescendo of Universalism: An Exegesis of Isa 19:16–25,” Svensk Exegetisk Årsbok 70 (2005): 79. 35 Wodecki, “The Heights of the Religious Universalism in Is XIX:16–25,” 184–85. 32

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the divine warrior fought sin among both his own people and for other nations. Jesus the Divine Warrior The motif of the divine warrior continued through the intertestamental period into the New Testament, where it is further developed in the person of Jesus. In his time, many Jews expected the Messiah to fight against their enemies and free them from their oppressors (Pss. Sol. 17:21–46), just as YHWH had rescued Israel from their oppressors in Egypt. However, he did not attack the Romans or free Israel from their imperial overlords. In spite of this, Jesus is still portrayed as a divine warrior in the pattern of YHWH in the exodus. The story of Jesus walking on the water reflects YHWH’s control of the sea in the exodus.36 Jesus exhorted the disciples not to be afraid and to take heart when they were afraid (Mark 6:50; see also Exod 14:10, 13). Jesus’ statement reassuring the disciples (literally, “I am”) recalls YHWH’s goal that the Egyptians would know that “I am YHWH” (Mark 6:50; see also Exod 14:18). YHWH looked down from the pillar to see the Israelites in distress in the sea, while Jesus looked down from the mountain to see the disciples in the sea in the middle of the storm (Mark 6:48; see also Exod 14). Both events happened in the evening (Mark 6:48; see also Exod 14:24). Jesus saved the disciples from the severe storm like YHWH saved Israel from the oncoming Egyptian army. Jesus identifies with YHWH the divine warrior by conquering the chaos that threatened his people and demonstrating his control over the sea and other natural elements. However, Jesus’ most visible battles involved demons. In one instance, some in the crowd accused Jesus of casting out the demon by Beelzebub (Luke 11:14–26). Jesus answered that Satan could not be divided against himself and asked by whom the Jews The following parallels are based on William Richard Stegner, “Jesus’ Walking on Water: Mark 6.45–52,” in The Gospels and the Scriptures of Israel (ed. Craig A. Evans and W. Richard Stegner; JSNTSup 104; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic, 1994), 212–34. See also Rikki E. Watts, Isaiah’s New Exodus in Mark (Grand Rapids: Baker, 2000), 160–69. 36

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cast out demons if he cast out demons by Satan? Instead of Satan, he said that he cast out demons by the finger of God, an allusion to the statement of the Egyptian magicians that the plagues were done by the finger of God (Exod 8:15[19]).37 Jesus continued by telling the story of a strong man guarding a house: the spoils could not be taken from the house until the strong man was defeated, referring to his defeat of Satan and the demons.38 The connection with the exodus indicates that the same God who defeated the Egyptians now defeated demons and Satan. Although Jesus would not fight the Romans, the earthly oppressors of the Jews, he would act as a divine warrior and defeat his enemies, who were now identified as evil spiritual beings who cause harm to his people. Second Temple Judaism also identified YHWH’s enemies as evil spiritual beings in the exodus, as the Prince Mastema (Satan) plays an important role supporting Egypt against Israel in the account of the exodus in the book of Jubilees. Mastema “stood up before you [Moses] and desired to make you fall into the hand of Pharaoh” (Jub. 48:9). He also attempted to kill Moses (Jub. 48:2–4; see also Exod 4:24–26), assisted the Egyptian magicians (Jub. 48:9), and caused the Egyptians to pursue Israel after they left Egypt (Jub 48:12, 15–17). These additions transform the story from a battle between YHWH and Pharaoh to a battle between YHWH and Satan.39 This change reflects another shift in the divine warrior motif. In the ancient Near East, divine warriors fought other gods only in the mythic material, while in historical texts, the divine warriors Longman III and Reid, God Is a Warrior, 109–10; Larry Perkins, “Why the ‘Finger of God’ in Luke 11:20,” ExpTim 115, no. 8 (2004): 261– 62. 38 The narrative in which the demons who were cast out went into the pigs and drowned in the sea like Pharaoh (Mark 5:13) might be another story of casting out demons connected to the exodus. See Longman III and Reid, God Is a Warrior, 116; Watts, Isaiah’s New Exodus in Mark, 159– 60. 39 James C. VanderKam, “The Demons in the Book of Jubilees,” in Dämonen/Demons (ed. Armin Lange, Hermann Lichtenberger, and K. F. Diethard Römheld; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003), 339–64. 37

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fought human enemies. Enemy gods appear only in descriptions of their abandonment of their people. In contrast, although this theme is not developed beyond this verse, the exodus narrative describes YHWH’s victory as “passing judgment” on the Egyptian gods (Exod 12:12). As described in chapter five, this judgment against the Egyptian gods comes primarily through the defeat of Pharaoh, their representative on earth. The motif of YHWH as a divine warrior in the exodus narrative, which is a modification of the ancient Near Eastern divine warrior motif, continues to be modified by means of viewing Satan and the demons as the primary opponents of Jesus. The human enemies are no longer a target for the divine warrior, who instead defeats the demonic enemy in order to save his people who have been afflicted by them. He does not cast demons out of Roman soldiers, but from his own people. Although much work remains to be done, my study of the divine warrior has yielded fascinating results. The study of a narrative text has furthered our understanding of the divine warrior motif in the Old Testament, without which one can neither understand fully YHWH’s character and actions, nor grasp fully his portrayal in poetic texts.

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Edited by Joseph E. Coleson and Victor H. Matthew. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1996. ———. Creation and Destruction: A Reappraisal of the Chaoskampf Theory in the Old Testament. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2005. Tucker, W. Dennis. “Revisiting the Plagues in Psalm cv.” Vetus Testamentum 55 (2005): 401–11. Ulshöfer, Andrea M. “Zur Übersetzung von Ex 3,14.” Wort Und Dienst 25 (1999): 41–59. VanderKam, James C. “The Demons in the Book of Jubilees.” Pages 339–64 in Dämonen/Demons. Edited by Armin Lange, Hermann Lichtenberger, and K. F. Diethard Römheld. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003. Velde, H. Te. Seth, God of Confusion: A Study of His Role in Egyptian Mythology and Religion. Probleme der Ägyptologie 6. Leiden: Brill, 1977. Vermeylen, Jacques. “‘Sacred War’ and ‘Divine War’ in Ancient Israel: Its Reception and the Present State of the Question.” Pages 1–34 in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2010: Visions of Peace and Tales of War. Edited by Jan Liesen and Pancratius Beentjes. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2010. Vervenne, Marc. “Metaphors for Destruction in Exodus 15.” Journal of Northwest Semitic Languages 24 (1998): 179–94. ———. “The Protest Motif in the Sea Narrative (Ex 14,11–12): Form and Structure of a Pentateuchal Pattern.” Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses 63 (1987): 257–71. Wakeman, Mary K. God’s Battle with the Monster: A Study in Biblical Imagery. Leiden: Brill, 1973. Waldman, Nahum. “Comparative Note on Exodus 15:14–16.” Jewish Quarterly Review 66 (1976): 189–92. Walton, John H. “Creation in Genesis 1:1–2:3 and the Ancient Near East: Order out of Disorder after Chaoskampf.” Calvin Theological Journal 43 (2008): 48–63. Washington, H. C. “Violence and the Construction of Gender in the Hebrew Bible: A New Historical Approach.” Biblical Interpretation 5 (1997): 324–63. Watson, Rebecca Sally. Chaos Uncreated: A Reassessment of the Theme of “Chaos” in the Hebrew Bible. BZAW 341. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2005. Watts, James W. Psalm and Story: Inset Hymns in Hebrew Narrative. JSOTSup 139. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1992.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

275

———. “Psalmody in Prophecy: Habakkuk 3 in Context.” Pages 209–23 in Forming Prophetic Literature: Essays on Isaiah and the Twelve in Honor of John D. W. Watts. Edited by James W. Watts and Paul R. House. JSOTSup 235. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic, 1996. Watts, Rikki E. Isaiah’s New Exodus in Mark. Grand Rapids: Baker, 2000. Weinfeld, Moshe. “Divine Intervention in War in Ancient Israel and in the Ancient Near East.” Pages 121–47 in History, Historiography and Interpretation: Studies in Biblical and Cuneiform Literatures. Edited by Hayim Tadmor and Moshe Weinfeld. Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1983. ———. “Divine War in Ancient Israel and in the Ancient Near East (Hebrew).” Pages 2:171–81 in Studies in Bible and the Ancient Near East Presented to Samuel E. Loewenstamm on His Seventieth Birthday. Edited by Yitschak Avishur and Joshua Blau. 2 vols. Jerusalem: E. Rubinstein’s, 1978. ———. “The Ban on the Canaanites in the Biblical Codes and Its Historical Development.” Pages 142–60 in History and Traditions of Early Israel: Studies Presented to Eduard Nelson, May 8th, 1993. Edited by Andre Lemaire and Benedikt Otzen. VTSup 50. Leiden: Brill, 1993. ———. “They Fought from Heaven (Hebrew).” Eretz Israel 14 (1978): 23–30. Weippert, Manfred. “‘Heiliger Krieg’ in Israel und Assyrien: Kritische Anmerkungen zu Gerhard von Rads Konzept des ‘Heiligen Krieges im Alten Israel.’” Zeitschrift Für Die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 84 (1972): 460–93. Wenham, Gordon J. Genesis 1–15. WBC 1. Waco: Word, 1987. ———. Genesis 16–50. WBC 2. Dallas: Word, 1994. Wente, Edward. Letters from Ancient Egypt. SBLWAW 1. Atlanta: Scholars, 1990. Wenzel, Heiko. Reading Zechariah with Zechariah 1:1–6 as the Introduction to the Entire Book. Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology 59. Leuven: Peeters, 2011. Westermann, Claus. Genesis 12–36. Translated by John J. Scullion. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1995. ———. Isaiah 40–66: A Commentary. OTL. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1969.

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Wiggins, Steve A. “Tempestuous Wind Doing YHWH’s Will: Perceptions of the Wind in the Psalms.” Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament 13 (1999): 3–23. Wijngaards, J. “‫ הוציא‬and ‫העלה‬: A Twofold Approach to the Exodus.” Vetus Testamentum 15 (1965): 91–102. Wildavsky, Aaron. Assimilation versus Separation: Joseph the Administrator and the Politics of Religion in Biblical Israel. New Brunswick: Transaction, 1993. Williams, Michael James. Deception in Genesis: An Investigation into the Morality of a Unique Biblical Phenomenon. Studies in Biblical Literature 32. New York: Peter Lang, 2001. Wodecki, Bernard. “The Heights of the Religious Universalism in Is XIX:16–25.” Pages 171–91 in “Lasset uns Brücken Bauen...”: Collected Communications to the XVth Congress of the International Organization for the Study of the Old Testament, Cambridge 1995. Edited by Klaus-Dietrich Schunck and Matthias Augustin. Beiträge zur Erforschung des Alten Testaments und des Antiken Judentums 42. Berlin: Peter Lang, 1998. Wolde, Ellen van. “Does Innâ Denote Rape?: A Semantic Analysis of a Controversial Word.” Vetus Testamentum 52 (2002): 528– 44. ———. “Sentiments as Culturally Constructed Emotions: Anger and Love in the Hebrew Bible.” Biblical Interpretation 16 (2008): 1–24. Wolters, Albert M. “Not Rescue but Destruction: Rereading Exodus 15:8.” Catholic Biblical Quarterly 52 (1990): 223–40. Wright, Christopher J. H. The Mission of God: Unlocking the Bible’s Grand Narrative. Downers Grove: InterVarsity, 2006. Wyatt, N. “Arms and the King: The Earliest Allusions to the Chaoskampf Motif and Their Implications for the Interpretation of the Ugaritic and Biblical Traditions.” Pages 833–82 in “Und Mose Schrieb Dieses Lied Auf”: Studien Zum Alten Testament Und Zum Alten Orient. Edited by Manfried Dietrich and Ingo Kottsieper. AOAT 250. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 1998. Yadin, Yigael. The Art of Warfare in Biblical Lands: In the Light of Archaeological Study. Translated by M. Pearlman. 2 vols. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1963. Young, Theron. “Psalm 18 and 2 Samuel 22: Two Versions of the Same Song.” Pages 53–69 in Seeking Out the Wisdom of the Ancients: Essays Offered to Honor Michael V. Fox on the Occasion of His

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Sixty-Fifth Birthday. Edited by Ronald L. Troxel, Kelvin G. Friebel, and Dennis R. Magary. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2005. Younger, K. Lawson, Jr. Ancient Conquest Accounts: A Study in Ancient Near Eastern and Biblical History Writing. JSOTSup 98. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1990. ———. Judges/Ruth. NIV Application Commentary. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2002. Zevit, Ziony. “The Priestly Redaction and Interpretation of the Plague Narrative in Exodus.” Jewish Quarterly Review 66 (1975): 193–211. ———. “Three Ways to Look at the Ten Plagues.” Bible Review 6, no. 3 (1990): 16–23, 42, 44. Zimmerli, Walther. I Am Yahweh. Edited by Walter Brueggemann. Translated by Douglas W. Stott. Atlanta: John Knox, 1982.

FIGURES

Fig 1 (above): Aššur armed with a bow from a relief by Ashurnasirpal II. British Museum 124551. Photo courtesy of British Museum. Fig 2 (below left): Baal holding lightning bolts and a club. Relief from Ugarit and displayed in the Louvre. Photo courtesy of Marie-Lan Nguyen/Wikimedia Commons. Fig 3 (below right): The storm god Adad holding lightning bolts. Relief from Arslan Tash and displayed in the Louvre. Photo courtesy of Rama/Wikimedia Commons.

279

280

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

Fig 4 (above): Ninurta holding lightning bolts and chasing Anzu in a relief by Ashurnasirpal II. British Museum 124571. Photo courtesy of the British Museum. Fig 5 (below): Pharaoh Narmer from the 1 st dynasty smites an enemy. British Museum EA35714 (copy of the original in the Cairo Musuem). Photo courtesy of the British Museum.

FIGURES

281

Fig 6 (left): Pharaoh Den from the 1st dynasty smites an enemy. British Museum EA55586. Photo courtesy of the British Museum.

Fig 7 (right): A Pharaoh from the 18th dynasty smites an enemy in the presence of Ptah. British Museum EA69154. Photo courtesy of the British Museum. Fig 8 (below): Ashurnasirpal II attacks the enemy in the same stance as the god Aššur above him in the clouds. The king’s chariot also tramples one of the enemy. British Museum 124540. Photo courtesy of the British Museum.

INDEX BIBLICAL REFERENCES Genesis 1 1:2–4 1:2 1:10 1:20–21 1:21 1:22 1:24 1:28 3 3:13 3:23 6–9 6–8 6:5 6:8 7:21 8:17 8:21 9:1 9:7 11:9 12:1–3 12:2–3 12:5 12:7 12:10–20 12:10 12:12 12:17–20 12:20

13:1 13:2–7 13:6 13:13 13:14–17 14:21–24 15:6 15:7 15:12 15:13–15 15:13–14 15:13 15:14–16 15:14 16 16:4 16:5 16:6 16:7–12 16:10 16:11 16:13 17:2 17:6 17:7–8 17:7 17:15–22 17:20 18:1–15 18:3 18:13 18:20

129 194 170 194 85 168, 169 85 194 85, 86 170 80 162 187 207 201 58, 213 85 85 206 85, 86 85 94 84 84 58 122 78, 79 121 80 94 88, 162

283

89, 121 87 58 214 122 58 73 122 51 84 69 90, 207 68 58 78, 80 80 38, 174 80, 82 62, 65 85 82 82 85, 86 85, 86, 206 71 68 187 85, 86 187 58 213 206

284 18:21 18:25 19:15 19:19 20 20:3 20:6–7 20:6 21:1–7 21:8–21 21:9–14 21:9 21:10 21:14 21:17–18 21:17 21:18 21:22 22 22:11–12 22:16–18 22:17 23:4 23:9 23:20 24:7 24:21 24:26 24:27 24:40 24:48 25:19–26 26:1–5 26:4 26:16 26:22 26:24 27:34 27:46 28:3 28:12 28:13–14 28:13

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!” 69 38, 174, 198 62 58, 213 94 83 101 83 187 78 80 68, 81 82 82, 162 62 82 82 98 184 62 62 85 122 122 122 63 100 73 127, 128 63 128 187 122 85 86 85 85 189 91 85, 206 83 122 137

28:14 30:25 30:27 31:9 31:11–13 31:18 31:22–25 31:22 31:23 31:24 31:25 31:53 32:2–3[1–2] 34 34:1 34:2 34:5 34:21–23 34:21 35:11 37:5–11 37:25 37:50 38:18 38:25 39:1 39:2 39:3–5 39:3–4 39:21–23 39:21 39:23 40 41 41:1–7 41:8 41:13 41:14 41:24 41:35–36 41:38–39 41:38 41:39 41:40–45

90 162 213 125 62 58 219 220 220 83, 219 220 38, 174 41 123 68 89 100 96 122 85, 206 83 121 78 102 102 121 83 84 83 83 58, 83, 213 83, 84 83 83, 84 101 112, 113 90 119 113 90 86 83 83 86

INDEX 41:44 41:45 41:48–49 41:50 41:52 41:56 42–45 42:23 42:34 43:28 43:32 44:5 44:15 44:34 45:4–8 45:7 45:9 45:16–20 45:25 46:3–4 46:3 46:4 46:34–47:12 46:34 47:1–12 47:6–12 47:7 47:10 47:27 48:4 48:10 48:22 49:17 49:22 49:30 50:3 50:4–14 50:5–9 50:8 50:11 50:13 50:20 50:24 50:25

135 119 90 119 82, 85 90, 203 84, 119 120 134 73 120 119 119 121 83 84 121 86 121 83 85 89, 122 120 120 86 83 84, 212 84 83, 85 85 206 123 21, 116 85 122 83 83 89 83 120 122 74, 83 89, 122 122

285 Exodus 1:1–15:21 1–2 1:1–2:22 1 1:1–7 1:1–4 1:7 1:8–22 1:8–10 1:8 1:9–14 1:9–10 1:9 1:10 1:11–12 1:11 1:12 1:13–14 1:13 1:15–21 1:15–16 1:15 1:17–21 1:17 1:20 1:22 2:1–10 2:3–10 2:4 2:6 2:9 2:10 2:11–15 2:11–12 2:11 2:12

7 8, 92, 190, 206, 210 208 85–93 85, 93 144 85, 86, 132, 206 108 239 69, 93, 133, 159, 165 88 88, 91 88 89, 90, 92, 112, 122, 132 82 90 89, 90, 91, 92, 94 91 161, 235 72, 91 91 144 91–92 186 92 91, 92, 127, 159, 187 73, 92, 206 187 87, 100 120 209 144 188 68 125 188

286 2:13 2:14 2:15 2:17 2:19 2:20 2:22 2:23–25 2:23 2:24–25 2:25 3–4 3:1–4:17 3:2 3:5 3:6 3:7–9 3:7 3:8 3:9 3:10–12 3:10 3:11 3:12–15 3:12 3:14 3:15 3:16–17 3:16 3:17 3:18–20 3:18 3:19 3:20–22

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!” 125 87 132 126 125 209 132, 144 207, 208 93, 186, 189, 210 68–69 87, 133, 165, 207 9 208 63 163 69 239 69, 82, 133, 165, 238 122, 123, 132, 208, 238 69, 238 124 125, 162, 208, 209 125 162 125, 146, 161, 208, 235 145, 146 69, 146 69, 160 69, 73 69, 82, 122, 123, 132 209 160 87, 133, 165, 208 208

3:20

3:21 3:22 4:1–9 4:1–8 4:1 4:2–5 4:3 4:5 4:6–8 4:6–7 4:8–9 4:8 4:9 4:10–16 4:10 4:13 4:14 4:17 4:18–23 4:20 4:21–23 4:21 4:22–23 4:23 4:24–26 4:28 4:29–31 4:30 4:31 5:1–6:27 5 5:1–9 5:1–2

43, 45, 69, 70, 80, 103, 189, 197, 208, 218, 239 58, 61, 213 59, 141, 226 70, 208 217 73 102, 169 132 69, 73 103 66 152 73 73 101 206 162 87, 165, 201 102, 217 208 102, 132 70, 209 103, 204, 208, 209, 211, 212 108, 184 63, 126, 161, 235 241 162, 217 169, 208 73, 217 69, 73, 74, 82 9 93–97, 108 209 162

INDEX 5:1 5:2

5:3 5:6–8 5:8 5:9 5:12 5:15–16 5:20–21 5:20 5:21 5:22–23 5:22 6:1–27 6:1–8 6:1 6:2–8 6:2 6:3–5 6:3 6:4–8 6:4 6:5 6:6–8 6:6–7 6:6

6:7 6:8 6:9 6:11

9, 93, 162, 209 87, 88, 93, 133, 135, 141, 159, 165, 197, 198 162 94 189 206 94, 132 161 189 125 80, 94, 110 70, 209 162 210 146 70, 82, 132, 162, 210 210 70, 135, 137, 146 71 87 147 132 161, 235 137 124 45, 71, 125, 126, 127, 137, 175, 226 71, 72, 87, 125, 134, 137 71, 122, 132, 137 189, 190, 205 132, 162

287 6:13 6:15–27 6:26–7:7 6:26–27 6:26 6:27 6:28–11:10 6:28 7:1–13 7:1–5 7:1 7:2 7:3–5a 7:3 7:4–5 7:4 7:5–17 7:5

7:7 7:8–13 7:9–12 7:9–10 7:9 7:10–13 7:10 7:11 7:12 7:13 7:14–24 7:14–19 7:14–18 7:14 7:16

124, 125, 132 144 9 124 98, 125 125 9 9 210 215, 216, 217, 219 101 162 217 204, 205, 211, 217, 218 45, 124 72, 97–98, 125, 175, 217 102 87, 103, 125, 132, 135, 136, 137, 217 9 102, 218 166, 169– 70 105 169 211 110 112, 113 193 204, 211 151 92 101 204, 211, 216, 226 161, 162,

288

7:17–24 7:17–18 7:17 7:18 7:19–21 7:19 7:20 7:21 7:22 7:23–24 7:24 7:25–8:3[7] 7:26–29[8:1–4] 7:26[8:1] 7:27–29[8:2–4] 7:27[8:2] 7:28–29[8:3–4] 7:28[8:3] 8:1–2[5–6] 8:2[6] 8:3[7] 8:4–8[8–12] 8:4–5[8–9] 8:4[8] 8:5[9] 8:6[10] 8:7[11] 8:9[13] 8:11[15] 8:12–15[16–19] 8:12–13[16–17] 8:12[16] 8:13[17]

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!” 235 152 103 87, 103, 135, 136, 137, 193 117 105 103, 176, 194 110 117 112, 113, 114, 153, 204, 211 110 109 153 101, 210 161, 162, 163, 235 103 45, 193, 238 110 85, 109 105 103 112, 113, 114 101 239 110, 162, 163, 212 110 87, 134, 136, 138 110 117 204, 211 154 105 132, 194 117

8:14–15[18–19] 8:14[18] 8:15[19]

8:16–28[20–32] 8:16–19[20–23] 8:16[20] 8:17[21] 8:18–19[22–23] 8:18[22]

8:19–20[34–24] 8:19[23] 8:20[24] 8:21–27[25–31] 8:21–25[25–29] 8:21[25] 8:22–23[26–27] 8:22[26] 8:24[28] 8:25[29] 8:27[31] 8:28[32] 9:1–7 9:1–5 9:1 9:2–3 9:2 9:3 9:4 9:6 9:7

114 109, 112, 113 46, 108, 112, 139, 191, 193, 204, 211, 213, 241 154 210 161, 162, 235 103, 109, 110 121 87, 121, 132, 134, 136, 138, 163 105 217 110, 117 110 212 163 163 239 162, 163 110 110 162, 204, 211 66 210 161, 162, 235 103 162 34, 110 121 105, 109, 117 121, 162, 204, 211

INDEX 9:8–12 9:8–11 9:8 9:10 9:11 9:12 9:13–32 9:13–21 9:13–19 9:13 9:14–16 9:14 9:15–16 9:15 9:16 9:17 9:18 9:20–21 9:20 9:21 9:22–23 9:22 9:23 9:23–24 9:24 9:25 9:26 9:27–28 9:27 9:28–33 9:28 9:29 9:30

66–67 105 114 109, 117 112, 114, 213, 214 204, 212 48 110 214 161, 162, 163, 235 132 45, 87, 110, 136, 138 163, 212, 216, 218, 219 43, 45, 197, 218 132, 143, 144, 148, 216 143 103, 193 110, 111, 117, 202 139 109 105 103 103 49 193 109, 117 121, 132 110 214, 215 101 49, 162, 163, 214 87, 134, 136, 138 87, 111,

289

9:34–35 9:34 9:35 10:1–20 10:1–11 10:1–7 10:1–2 10:1 10:2 10:3–11 10:3–6 10:3 10:4–6 10:6 10:7–11 10:7

10:8–11 10:8 10:10 10:11 10:12–13 10:12 10:13–15 10:13 10:15 10:16–17 10:16 10:17–18 10:19 10:20

133, 163 212, 214 111, 204, 212, 216 162, 163, 204 155 47 111 72, 182, 216, 217, 219 111, 204, 212, 219 72, 87, 134, 213, 219 214 101 161, 162, 164, 235 103, 214 110, 193 214 87, 88, 108, 110, 118, 139, 159, 161, 164, 165, 212, 235 164, 214 161, 235 162 161, 235 105 103 109 51 118 110 214, 215 101 51, 153, 193 162, 204,

290

10:21–23 10:21–22 10:21 10:23 10:24–29 10:24 10:25–26 10:26 10:27 11 11:1 11:2 11:3 11:4–8 11:4–7 11:4 11:6 11:7

11:8 11:9–10 11:10 12:1–13:16 12:1–27a 12:1–13 12:2 12:3–6 12:7 12:8–11 12:11 12:12–13 12:12

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!” 212 51, 109 105 103 121 214 161, 164, 235 165 87, 161, 235 162, 204, 212 9 45, 80 59 58, 110, 213 103 184 63 155 87, 121, 132, 134, 136, 138, 155 111 218 9, 162, 204, 212 9 73 183 185 183 183 183 182 197 44, 63, 137, 138, 173, 174, 175, 179, 226, 242

12:13 12:14–20 12:15 12:16 12:17 12:18–20 12:18 12:21–23 12:21 12:22 12:23 12:24–28 12:25 12:26–27 12:27b–28 12:27

12:29–30 12:29 12:30 12:31–33 12:31–32 12:31 12:32 12:33 12:35–36 12:36 12:38 12:41 12:42 12:43–51 12:43

44, 45, 63, 182, 183, 193 183 183 185 98, 124, 125 183 185 183 183 183 45, 63, 182, 183, 193, 238 183 72, 122 185 73 45, 63, 125, 182, 189, 193, 238, 239 109, 110 44, 63, 105, 197 110 214 110, 111, 165 125, 161, 235 80 111 59 58, 101, 110, 213, 226 122, 141 98, 125 124, 125 183 182

INDEX 12:48 12:51 13:1–16 13:1–2 13:3–4 13:3 13:5 13:6–7 13:8 13:9 13:11 13:12 13:13 13:14–15 13:14 13:15 13:16 13:17–15:21 13:17–22 13:17–18 13:17 13:18 13:19 13:21–22 13:21 14 14:2–4 14:2 14:4–20 14:4

182 98, 124, 125 183 91, 184 125 45, 124, 125, 161, 183, 235 72, 122, 123, 185 183, 185 125, 185 45, 124, 125, 185 72, 122, 123 184 184 184, 185 45, 124, 125, 161, 184, 235 63, 184 45, 124, 125, 185 9 74, 127 127 9, 89, 99 98, 122, 142 74, 122 50, 128 128 128, 193 53 128 135 9, 87, 115, 116, 129, 132, 135, 136, 137, 148, 204,

291

14:5–8 14:5

14:6 14:7 14:8 14:9 14:9–10 14:10–12 14:10 14:11–12 14:11 14:12–13 14:12 14:13–14 14:13 14:14 14:15 14:16 14:17–18 14:17

14:18

14:19–20 14:19 14:20 14:21–22

212, 216, 219 219 82, 87, 111, 161, 162, 165, 214, 220 58, 115, 220 9, 22, 115 9, 99, 116, 125, 204, 212, 220 9, 20, 21, 115, 116 115 99, 189 74, 116, 151, 240 100, 190 125 115 115, 161 107 9, 99, 125, 226, 237, 240 9, 43, 100, 226 128 105 115 20, 115, 148, 204, 212, 216, 219 87, 115, 132, 135, 136, 137, 148, 240 116 50, 65, 128 115, 128 53

292 14:21 14:23 14:24–25 14:24 14:25–27 14:25

14:26 14:26–27 14:27–28 14:28–29 14:28 14:30–31 14:30 14:31 15:1–18 15:1–12 15:1 15:2 15:3 15:4–10 15:4–7 15:4 15:5 15:6 15:7

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!” 9, 18, 51, 105 9, 21, 115, 116, 151 116, 226 49, 50, 57, 115, 128, 236, 240 115 9, 43, 52, 57, 115, 139, 141, 191 115 53, 105 116, 232 19 9, 20, 115, 116, 151, 226 74, 115 9, 125, 126, 226 12, 45, 73, 140, 226 11–22, 36, 38 8, 18, 232 13, 21, 74, 116, 226, 231, 232 9, 13, 125 9, 12, 36, 43, 148, 231 148 232 9, 13, 20, 21, 115, 231 9, 13, 171, 231 17, 36, 45 18, 51

15:8 15:9 15:10 15:11 15:12 15:13–18 15:13 15:14–16 15:14 15:16 15:17 15:19 15:21 15:22 15:26 16:3 17:4 17:5–6 17:9 17:10 17:8–16 17:16–24 18:8–10 18:8 18:9–12 18:26 19–20 19:1 19:9 19:12 19:17 20:2

9, 13, 18, 51, 171, 231 9, 116 9, 13, 18, 36, 51, 231, 232 20, 36–37, 138, 231 17, 36, 45, 171, 193, 231, 232 8, 18, 231, 232 19, 124, 126, 226 14, 18, 132, 226, 231 214 15, 36, 126, 214, 239 19, 122, 124, 226 19, 21, 115 21, 116 8 67, 197 190 189 105 98, 102 51 101 135 144 228 143 205 41, 49 8 73 51 100 125, 137,

INDEX

21:2 21:4 21:5 21:7 21:8 21:11 21:22 21:26 21:35 22:13[14] 22:17[18] 22:20–22[21–23] 22:20[21] 23:9 23:17 23:20 23:23 23:28 25:2 29:45–46 31:8 31:18 32:6 32:9 32:11 32:12 32:34 32:35 33:2 33:3 33:5 33:9–10 33:18–19 34:8 34:9 34:10 34:20 34:23 38:8 40:38

161, 225, 235 125 125 125 125 184 125 44 162 44 59 112 81 82, 225 82, 225 164 50, 63 50, 63, 128 154 201 71 128 46 81 205 16, 143 18 50, 63, 128 44 50, 63 123, 205 205 50 143 73 205 218 184 164 98 50

293 Leviticus 10:3 11:29 11:41–43 11:44 11:45 11:46 13–14 14:34 14:45 18:4 18:30 19:20 19:33–34 19:34 20:23 20:24 22:33 24:10 24:19 25:25–26 25:25 25:38 25:39–43 25:43 25:46 25:47 25:48–49 25:49 25:53 25:54 26 26:4–5 26:6–8 26:6 26:12–13 26:14 26:14–45 26:16 26:17 26:18–45 26:18 26:19–20 26:21

148 85 85 135 225 85 45 122 176 135 135 184 141 82, 225 91 123 71 141 90 39, 126 39 71, 125 70 91 91 141 39 126 91 125 195, 198 152, 195 197 195–96 71 198 237 196 44 197 198 152, 195 197, 198

294

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

26:22 26:23 26:24 26:25 26:27 26:29 26:32–33 26:36–39 26:40–45 26:45 27:15

154, 195 198 197 66, 196 198 197 196 197 198 71, 132 39, 126

Numbers 1:3 1:52 2:3 2:4 3:11–51 4:3 5:8 5:16 5:18 5:30 8:13 9:14 9:15–16 10:9 10:14 10:35–36 10:35 12:1 12:5 13:23 13:27 14:2–4 14:8 14:11 14:13 14:14 14:17 14:22 14:37 14:42 14:45

98 98 98 98 184 98 39 212 212 212 212 141 50 126 98 27 94 141 50 122 123 127 123 73, 217 121, 143 50, 128 143 217 44, 199 44 43

15:14 15:30 16:13 16:14 17:10–15[16:45–50] 17:16–26[1–11] 18:15–17 20:8–10 20:14–16 20:16 20:20 21:1–3 21:35 22:3 22:22 22:29 23:22 24:8 25:1–9 25:4 31 31:16 31:17–18 31:20 31:28 31:49 31:50 32:7 33:1 33:3 33:4 35:19–27 Deuteronomy 1:25 1:30 1:31 1:33 1:38 1:42 2:10–12 2:14–16

141 99 123 123 45 102 184 105 226 124 16 101 116 91 21, 63, 116 213 124 226 45 18 97 199 91 60 12 12 60 201 98 99 173, 174, 175 40, 126 122 128, 229, 233 70 50, 128 203 44 97 236

INDEX 2:14 2:16 2:20–23 2:21 2:24–3:11 2:24 2:30 2:31 2:33 2:34 3:2 3:3 3:18–20 3:22 3:24 3:28 4:11 4:19 4:20 4:26 4:28 4:30–31 4:34 4:37 4:38 5:6–9 5:6 5:15 5:23 6:3 6:4 6:12–13 6:12 6:13 6:15 6:21 6:22 7:1–5 7:1–2 7:1 7:2

12 12 97 234 101 235 205, 233, 235 235 235 116 235 116, 235 234 233 143 234 49, 51 235 71, 93 236 176, 236 197 16, 45, 217, 218, 229 143 234, 235 235 124, 161, 235 16, 45 51 123 34 235 161, 235 235 236 16 217, 218 97 235 122 234, 235

295 7:4 7:8 7:11 7:15 7:16 7:19 7:20 7:21 7:22 7:23 7:24 8:5 8:7–10 8:17 8:19–20 8:19 8:20 9:1 9:2 9:3 9:4–6 9:4 9:5 9:6 9:10 9:13 9:26 9:29 10:12 10:16 10:19 10:20–21 10:20 10:22 11:2–4 11:2 11:3 11:4 11:9 11:10 11:13 11:16

236 16, 184 122 197 235 16, 45, 217, 218 154 233 234 235 100, 234, 235 70 122 235 236 235 234 235 100 233, 234 235 234 122, 234 205 46 205 16, 184 45, 143 235 205 82 235 235 96 229 16, 45 217 20, 115 123 122 235 235

296 11:17 11:18 11:23 11:25 11:29 12:29 12:30 13:2–19[1–18] 13:2–3[1–2] 13:5[4] 15:12–18 15:13 16:11 16:14 16:16 17:3 17:8 17:16 17:14–20 18:10 18:12 19:1 19:6 20:1 20:3–4 20:4 20:5–8 20:9 20:10 20:13–14 20:13 20:19 21:5 21:10 21:14 22:19 22:29 23:8[7] 23:10–15[9–14] 23:15[14] 24:1–4 24:5 24:8

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!” 236 202 234, 235 100 122 234 235 235 217 235 162 61 164 164 164 235 45 237 131 112 234 234 40, 126 21, 121, 226 234 126, 233 234 98 234 91 234, 235 234 45 235 89 162 162 191 234 235 162 234 45

24:17 26:6 26:7 26:8 26:9 26:15 27:3 27:19 28 28:7 28:12 28:14 28:15–68 28:21–22 28:21 28:22 28:23–24 28:25 28:27–28 28:27 28:28–29 28:28 28:32 28:35 28:36 28:38 28:42 28:47–48 28:53–57 28:59–60 28:59 28:60 28:61 28:64 28:68 29:2[3] 29:3[4] 29:5[6] 29:16[17] 29:17[18] 29:23–28[24–29] 30:17–18 31:3

141 90 82 16, 45, 217, 218 123 123 123 141 195 44, 197 152, 195 235 236 196 66, 196 197, 235 152, 195 44, 197 196 197 196 197 235 67 176, 236 155, 196 196 236 197 196 197 197 197 176, 236 237 217, 218 201 133, 137 176 23 236 235 234

INDEX 31:5 31:7 31:8 31:20–21 31:20 32:5 32:6 32:12 32:22–26 32:23 32:25 32:27 32:33 32:36 32:41–43 32:41 32:42 32:43 32:46 33 33:2–5 33:2 33:3–5 33:26–29 33:26 33:27–28 33:27 33:28–29 33:29 34:11

50, 235 234 233 236 123 70 126 127 237 235 235 99 169 235, 236 233 49, 235 235 236 202 24 24, 36, 38 24, 36, 62 24, 67 24, 233 24, 37 118 24 25, 37 58, 235 217

Joshua 1:14 2:9–13 2:9 2:10 2:12 2:13 2:24 3:5 3:6 4:12 4:13 4:25

98 143, 144 14 132 217 125 14 218 128 98 98 142

297 5:4 5:6 5:13–15 6:6 6:24 8:2 8:13 8:15 8:17 8:22 10:5 10:6 10:7 10:10 10:11 10:12–14 10:12–13 10:14 10:20 10:28 10:30 10:33 10:37 10:39 10:40 11:4 11:7 11:8 11:14 11:20 15:18 17:16 17:18 18:6 19:10 20 24:5–7 24:5 24:7 24:12 24:14 24:17

12 12, 123 41 205 60 159 115 45 116 116 115 126 115 43, 229 41, 48 118 23, 36 24, 36 117 116 116 116 116 116 116 115 115 116 116 205 59 21 21 13 59 40, 126 229, 230 45, 124 129 154 186 121, 217

298 Judges 1:14 1:16 1:19 1:35 2:1 2:16 2:18 2:19 3:8 3:9 3:12 3:15 3:31 4 4:16 4:21 5 5:2 5:3 5:4–5 5:9 5:10 5:11 5:12–15 5:19 5:20–21 5:21 5:22 5:23 5:24–27 5:25 5:26 5:28 5:30 6:1–2 6:5 6:8–10 6:9 6:13 7:11 7:12 7:13

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

59 142 21 206 121 126 126 205 16 126 203 126 126 22 116 113 22, 118, 231 23 130 23, 27 23 21, 116 23 23 23 23, 36 52 23 97 23 59 23 23 60 16 155 228 125 218 98 155 83

8:5 8:24 8:26 8:34 9:17 9:28 11:13 11:26 11:27 13 16:20 18:19 19:5 19:25 19:30 20:32 20:34 20:35 20:36 20:39

115 59 59, 60 125 125 93 88 125 38, 174 187 53 100 201 213 88 44 206 44 44 44

Ruth 2:20 3:7

39 113

1 Samuel 1 1:8 2:10 2:31 2:34 4–6 4:2–3 4:3 4:8 4:10 4:17 4:18 5:6 5:11 6:4 6:6 6:9 6:19

187 201 49 17 217 44 44 44 229, 230 44 45 205 206 206 44 213 16 229

INDEX 7:10 8:20 10:27 12:9 12:17 13:17 14:15 14:27 14:43 14:45 15 15:2 15:6 16:1–5 17:7 17:16 17:20 17:26 17:33 18:6–7 18:7 18:18 18:22 20:36 21:12 23:13 24:5[4] 24:13[12] 24:16[15] 25:10 27:9 28:13 31:4

41, 44, 49, 54 39 100 16 49 64 64 102 102 126 97 88 88 159 128 100 20 93 12 231 81 93 113 13 202 145 113 38, 174 38, 174 93 60 171 213

2 Samuel 1:6 2:17 4:4 5:22–25 5:23 6:5 7:8 7:12–13

115 44 182 41 128 81 19, 124 19, 124

299 7:14 7:23 8:6 8:9 8:11 8:14 10:11 10:15 10:19 11:1 12:15 12:20 13:20 14:10 14:11 15:4–6 15:8 15:20 17:9 18:7 19:11 22 22:5 22:9 22:10–16 22:10 22:12 22:13 22:14 22:15 22:16 22:32 22:50–51 23:12 24 24:13–16 24:13 24:15 24:16 24:21

45 71, 173, 174 126 20 60 126 126, 203 44 44 38 44 59 100 45 40, 126 39 161–62 145 45 45 100 25–27, 118 171 18, 49 36 51 51 49 49 49, 54, 57 18 37 37 100 109 64 44 65 63 44

1 Kings 2:22

59

300

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

3 5:32[18] 8:33 8:37 11:25 11:26–27 12:10 12:14 13:1–5 14:11 15:4 15:22 15:23 16:4 16:11 18:21 18:26 18:38 19:5–8 20:1 20:13 20:19 20:25 21:19–24 22:29–36

39 176 44 66, 155 91 99 206 206 217 155 212 176 38 155 39 182 182 176 63 20 133 20 20 155 38

2 Kings 3:22–24 4:3 4:28 6:5 6:14 6:15–19 7:2 7:6 7:8 8:1 9:22 9:36 10:25 12:6[5] 12:13[12] 13:7 14:12

151 59 59 59 20 42 22 42, 159 60 145 112 155 22 203 176 115 44

15:25 16:7 17 17:14 17:36 18:11 18:36 19:18 19:29 19:35 20:7 20:8 20:20 21:9–15 21:11 22:6 22:19 23:13

22 40 97 205 45, 143 127 100 176 217 63 67 217 38 109 109 176 202 63

1 Chronicles 10:4 19:16 19:19 21:12 21:15 22:14 29:2 29:9 29:12

213 44 44 66 63 176 176 201 143

2 Chronicles 2:7[8] 2:13[14] 6:24 6:28 11:23 13:15 14:11[12] 16:6 20 20:6 20:12 20:15 20:17

136 176 44 155 59 44 44 176 60–61, 226 143 226 226 126, 226

INDEX 20:20 20:22 20:23 20:24 20:25 20:28 20:29 21:14 21:18 22:4 24:23 24:24 25:8 25:22 30:8 30:10 33:6 34:11 36:13

74, 226 226 63 226 60, 226 226 226 44 44 63 175 174 143 44 205 81 112 176 205

Ezra 8:22 9:2

20 141

Nehemiah 1:10 2:18 5:8 9:9–12 9:10 9:12 9:16–17 9:17 9:19 9:29 13:3

16 203 100 229 217, 218 50, 128 205 218 50, 128 205 141

Esther 1:13 2:21–23 4:11 4:14 6:1–11 6:13

112 87 136 100 87 112

301 7:4

100

Job 2:7 3:4–5 3:8 4:9 5:3 5:22 7:12 9:8 9:13 10:16 10:21 18:13 22:8 22:22 26:12–13 26:12 30:1 37:4–5 38:22–23 38:33–35 39:22 40:20 40:25[41:1]

67 51 167 18 19, 124 81 169 170 167 26 51 171 17 202 170 167 81 49 48 49 81 81 167, 169

Psalms 2:4 4 4:4[3] 5:9[8] 7:2[1] 7:7[6] 7:9[8] 7:10–12[9–11] 7:12[11] 7:13–14[12–13] 8:2[1] 8:4[3] 18 18:2[1] 18:3–7[2–6] 18:3–4[2–3]

81 5 121 127 5, 39 39 39 5 39 39 148 19, 46, 124 25–27, 118 67 26 25

302 18:3[2] 18:5–7[4–6] 18:8[7] 18:9[8] 18:10–16[9–15] 18:10[9] 18:12[11] 18:13–14[12–13] 18:14–15[13–14] 18:14[13] 18:15–16[14–15] 18:15[14] 18:16[15] 18:17–20[16–19] 18:21–25[20–24] 18:26–49[25–48] 18:30[29] 18:32[31] 18:33[32] 18:35–43[34–42] 18:40[39] 18:44–46[43–45] 18:50–51[49–50] 18:50[49] 18:51[50] 22:23[22] 22:27[26] 23:2 24 24:1–2 24:2 24:8 25:15 25:17 27:11 28:1 29:2 29:10 31:5[4] 32:4 32:6 34:8[7] 35:5–6

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!” 26, 67 25 25 18, 26, 36 25 26 26 48 26 49 167 36, 49, 54, 57 18, 26 25 25, 67 25 58 26 58 27 58 27 25 130 67 144, 148 201 19, 124 27, 36, 38 167 19, 124 36 125 125 127 100 148 167 125 206 52 63 63

38:12[11] 38:20[19] 39:11[10] 44:5 45:4[3] 46 46:10 47:9 49:20[19] 51:12[10] 60:11[9] 63:10 64:6[5] 65:8[7] 66:2 68 68:2–3[1–2] 68:5–7[4–6] 68:7–10[6–9] 68:8–11[7–10] 68:13[12] 68:18–19[17–18] 68:18[17] 68:23–30[22–29] 68:25–32[24–31] 68:25[24] 68:32[31] 68:35[34] 68:36[35] 69:5[4] 71:15 71:18 71:20 71:23 72:14 74:1 74:2 74:12–17 74:13 74:14 75:2[1] 76:4 77 77:14–20[13–19]

199 86 199 5 37 5 5 84 51 202 127 171 203 32 148 27–28 27 27 36 27 19, 124 27 36, 62 37 27, 37 38 129 129 28 86 144 17, 218 171 171 40, 126 18 126 167 167, 169 167, 169 218 5 230 227

INDEX 77:14[13] 77:15[14] 77:16–20[15–19] 77:16[15] 77:18[17] 77:19[18] 77:21[20] 78 78:2–4 78:4 78:11–12 78:11 78:12–14 78:14 78:35 78:42–48 78:43–51 78:43 78:45 78:49–51 78:49 78:66 78:69–72 79:9 79:11 82:1 83 86:10 88:8[7] 89 89:2[1] 89:7–11[6–10] 89:7[6] 89:11[10] 89:14[13] 89:15[14] 89:20[19] 89:21–25[20–24] 89:24[23] 89:26[25] 89:39–51[38–50] 91:11 91:13

227 227 40 45, 126, 127 49 49, 57 128 230 144 227 218 143 227 50 126 227 191 217, 218 154 227 64 43 227 148 17 39, 174 5 218 52, 171 28 67 28 37 167 28, 36, 99 19, 124 37 28 44 58 28 63 169

303 95:8 96:3 96:8 97 97:2–5 97:2 97:3 97:4 97:6–7 97:6 97:8–12 97:8 99:7 102:16[15] 102:21[20] 102:22[21] 104:3–4 104:4 104:5 104:26 105 105:24–25 105:24 105:25 105:26–38 105:26–37 105:27 105:30 105:37–38 106:7–13 106:7–12 106:7 106:10–11 106:10 106:22 106:35 106:47 107:2 107:28 108:11[10] 109:23 110:2

205 218 148 28 28, 36 19, 39, 51, 124 49 49 28, 37 129 28 67 50 148 148 148 36 62 19, 124 81, 167, 168, 169 230 228 86 87, 207 191 228 217, 218 85 228 126 228 218 40 40, 126 218 141 148 40, 126 125 127 53 102

304

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

110:6 114:3–7 124:4–5 135:8–9 135:9 135:10 135:15–18 136:10–15 136:12 136:15 136:17 139:24 143:11 144 144:1–2 144:1 144:2 144:5–6 144:6 144:7–8 144:7 144:9–10 144:12–14 145:21 148:7 148:13

5, 39 227 52 228 217, 218 43 228 228 16, 45 53 43 127 125 5, 28 28 58, 97 5, 67 28 49, 54 28 52 28 118 148 169 148

Proverbs 1:12 3:33 3:34 4:23 13:15 17:28 20:4 22:17 26:18 26:19 28:14 29:1

171 19, 124 213 201 213 100 59 202 13 81 202, 205 205

Ecclesiastes 10:9

176

Isaiah 2:4 5:14 6 6:10 7:16 7:18 10:5–19 10:5 10:15 10:24 10:26 11:11 11:16 13 13:3 13:4–5 13:6–8 13:10 13:13 13:17–22 14:5 17:12 19:1 19:16–25 19:16–19 19:16 19:17 19:20 19:21 19:22 19:23–25 19:25 20:1–5 26:19 27:1 27:3 28:2 28:17 29:4 29:6

38, 174 171 216 202, 206 91 198 97 102, 235 102, 235 102 102 126 88 32 32, 36 32 32 32, 36, 51 32 32 102 32 176 84, 238 238 239 239 239 139, 140, 162, 238, 239 238, 239 239 239 217 171 167, 169, 170 137 48 48 171 49

INDEX 30:7 30:30–31 30:33 30:39 31:1 31:5 33:2 33:9 37:19 40:26 41:17 41:22 42:10–12 42:13–16 42:13 42:14–15 42:16 44:23 45:12 47:6 47:9 47:12 48:9 49:23 49:26 50:2 51:9–11 51:9 51:10 51:11 52:12 53:4 56:3–8 59:1 59:19 60:16 63:9 63:11–14 63:12 65:10 66:19

167 49 18, 48 18 86 182 17 53 176 143 137 202 32 32 12, 36 33 118 171 17 206 112 112 148 133 133 170 229 167, 169, 230 230 230 128 45 84 206 148 133 63 230 148 19, 124 148

305 Jeremiah 2:7 2:27 3:9 3:19 6:24 7:26 10:5 10:12 10:13 11:4 11:5 17:9 17:23 17:25 19:15 21:1–2 21:5–6 21:5 22:4 22:23 23:14 24:7 25:19 25:20 25:24 25:31 27:5 31:9 32:17 32:20–21 32:21 32:22 33:11 33:12 38:19 43:12–13 44:30 44:46 46:23 48:17 49:19 50:14 50:19

122 176 176 70 14 205 198 143 49 71 123 206 205 21, 116 205 226 16 45, 237 21, 116 14 203 137 178 141, 142 141 39 143 70 17, 143 217, 218 16 123 40, 126 19, 124 213 176 178 178 155, 173 102 26 214 19, 124

306

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!”

50:37 50:43 51:10 51:15 51:21 51:25 51:34

141, 142 14 144 143 21, 116 63 170

Lamentations 1:7 3:7 4:4

81 206 59

Ezekiel 1:13 3:5–6 3:7 5:10 5:15 5:16 6:7 6:10 6:13 6:14 9:6 11:9 11:19 11:23 13:22 14:4 14:14 14:16 14:18 14:20 14:21 16:41 16:62 19:11–14 20:6 20:7–8 20:15 20:26 20:28 20:32

49 206 205 174, 175 174, 175 63 133 133 133 133 63 174, 175 202 34 203 202 60 60 60 60 174, 175 175 133 102 123 186 123 136 122 176

20:40 20:42 21:36[31] 23:6 23:15 23:23 24:16 25:5 25:7 25:11 25:15 25:17 26:6 26:19–20 27 28:22–23 28:22 28:26 29 29:3–4 29:3 30:5 30:13 30:14 30:19 30:20–26 30:21–25 31 31:14 31:16 31:18 32 32:2 32:18 32:23 32:24 39:7 39:13 39:22 43:2 44:5 47:9 47:12

162 133 63 115 22 22 44, 45 133, 137 133, 137 133, 137, 175 63 137 133, 137 171 195 175 148, 149 133 178 169 179, 230 141, 142 176 175 175 178 17–18 178 171 171 171 178 169, 230 171 133 171 133 148 133 34 202 85 34

INDEX Daniel 1:20 2:2 9:15 11:15 11:22 11:31

113 112, 113 16 17 17 17

Hosea 2:17[15] 4:1–3 5:14 11:1–8 13:7–8 13:15

88 117 26 70 26 51

Joel 2 2:2 2:11 3:1[2:28] 4:9–11[3:9–11] 4:12–13[3:12–13] 4:12[3:12] 4:14–15[3:14–15] 4:15[3:15] 4:16[3:16] 4:17[3:17] 4:18[3:18]

155 51 49 83 33 33 39 33, 36 51 33, 49 133, 137 118

Amos 1–2 1:2 2:10 3:4–5 4:6–13 4:6–12 4:7–8 4:9 4:10 9:3 9:7 9:11–12

237 49 225 26 198 197 152, 195 117, 196 197 170 82, 238 84

307 Micah 4:10 5:8[9] 6:4 7:15

40, 126 99 225 143

Nahum 1:4 1:8 2–3 2:8

167, 170 52 97 51

Habakkuk 1:10 1:13 2:5 2:19 3 3:2–4 3:3–7 3:5

3:14 3:15 3:16–19 3:16–18

81 100 172 176 29–32 30 36 30, 36, 62, 66 31 31 31 31 32 31–32, 36, 49 102 31, 170 32 67

Zepheniah 1:15 3:9

51 162

Haggai 2:17 2:22

48 21, 116

Zechariah 2:10–11

84

3:6–7 3:8–10 3:8 3:9 3:11–14 3:11

308 4:6 7:11 8:5 9:14 10:6 14 14:3 14:4–5 14:5 14:6 14:8 14:9 14:11 14:12–14 14:12 14:13 14:15 14:16–19 14:16

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!” 208 206 81 49 137 33–34 33, 36 33 36 34 34 34, 37, 38, 130 34 34 44, 62 54 44 34, 37 38, 130

14:18 14:20 14:21

44 34 34

Matthew 23:4

46

Mark 5:13 6:48 6:50

241 240 240

Luke 11:14–16 11:46

240 46

2 Timothy 3:8

112

SUBJECTS A Apophis Arm of YHWH Arrows B Baal Cycle Boils Book of the Dead Bow Breath of YHWH C Casus Belli

Chaos 166 17–18, 28, 45 28, 31, 36, 39, 49, 223 19, 36, 38, 48, 50, 169, 172, 181 66–67, 194, 196–97, 236 156–57 31, 39 18, 26

77–97, 135

Chariot Cosmic Enemies Covenant formula Curses D Darkness Deception Definition of divine warrior Disease

28, 30, 51–52, 78, 114, 152, 157–59, 191, 229, 240 20–22, 27, 42, 57–58, 62, 115–16 166–73 71 48, 189, 194– 99, 236–37 26, 32, 33, 51– 52, 166, 196 159–65 35–41 16, 44–45, 65– 67, 197

INDEX Dogs E Earthquake Embedded poetic texts Enuma Elish F Father Finger of YHWH Fire

155 27, 28, 31 11–25

41 46

M Mace Magicians

I Incomparability Insects J Judge K Kingship Knowledge

26, 28, 30, 32, 48–49, 129–30 155, 196

March from the south Mixed multitude Monergism

31 46, 111–14, 152–53, 169– 70, 193, 212– 13, 241 19–20, 23, 24, 27, 30, 36 141–42 233–36

127–29

N Nose of YHWH

18

26, 41, 48, 193, 196, 233 15–17, 45, 102–3 156–57, 182, 201–22 21, 31, 34, 42, 115–16

P Panic

20, 24, 26, 28, 36–37 154, 195–96

Plundering the Egyptians

G Guidance

Hardening of the heart Horses

L Lightning Locusts

First-born Frogs

Hand of YHWH

88–89, 133–49, 159–65, 186– 89

19, 38, 48, 50, 168–72, 181

18, 26, 39, 49– 50, 128–29, 233 70 153–54, 195

H Hail

309

38–39, 174–75 18–19, 28, 37– 38 68–69, 71–72,

Passover Pestilence Pillar Plague

R Recognition Formula Redeem S Salvation Spear

34, 41, 54–58, 236 182–86 30–31, 64–66, 196 50, 65, 128–29, 240 30–31, 34, 44– 45, 80, 239 58–61

133–43 39–40, 124–27 19–20, 118–29 31

310 Staff Supernatural envoys Synergism T Ten Plagues

Third person

“YHWH FIGHTS FOR THEM!” 46, 101–6, 113, 169–70, 193, 218 27, 32, 33, 36, 41, 62–67 233–36 44–46, 101–14, 117–18, 151– 80, 191–99, 233 21–22

Thunder Trust

26, 41, 48–49 72–74

U Underworld

171–72

W Water Wind

52–53, 151–53, 167, 170–71, 195 18, 50–51