Writing, teachers, and students in Graeco-Roman Egypt 9780788502774

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WRITING, TEACHERS, AND STUDENTS IN GRAECO-ROMAN EGYPT

by RAFFAELLA CRIBIORE

SCHOLARS PRESS ATLANTA, GEORGIA

WRITING, TEACHERS, AND STUDENTS IN GRAECO-ROMAN EGYPT by

RAFFAELLA CRIBIORE

© 1996 The American Society of Papyrologists The publication of this book was assisted by a grant from the Stanwood Cockey Lodge Foundation of Columbia University

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Cribiore, Raffaella. Writing, teachers, and students in Graeco-Roman Egypt / by Raffaella Cribiore.

p. cm. — (American studies in papyrology ; no. 36) Includes bibliographical references and indexes. ISBN 0-7885-0277-8 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Written communication—Study and teaching—Egypt. 2. Literacy— Egypt—History. 3. Paleography—Egypt. I. Title. II. Series: American studies in papyrology ; v. 36. P211.3.E8C75 1996

302.2'244'07062—dc20 96-8012

CIP

Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper

WRITING, TEACHERS, AND STUDENTS IN GRAECO-ROMAN EGYPT

AMERICAN STUDIES IN PAPYROLOGY Series Editor Ann Ellis Hanson

Number 36 }

WRITING, TEACHERS, AND STUDENTS IN GRAECO-ROMAN EGYPT

by Raffaella Cribiore

For Alberto

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Contents

List of Tables and Graphs Vill List of Plates ix Abbreviations Xl Preface xill

Part One Introduction 1

1 Writing in Graeco-Roman Egypt 3

2 Evidence for Schools and Teachers 13

3. The School Exercises 27 Part Two Identifying School Exercises 35

4 Types of Textual Material 37 5 Writing Materials Used in Schools 57

6 Distinguishing Characteristics of School Exercises 75

7 Palaeography: Teachers’ and Students’ Hands 97

Part Three Writing in Graeco-Roman Schools 119

8 The Teachers’ Models 121 9 Writing and Levels of Education 129

10 Learning to Write 139

Conclusion 153

List of 161 21 List of Teachers Students 171

Appendices

1 Introduction 173 2 Catalogue 175

Catalogue

Bibliography 289 Concordances 298

3 Items Excluded from the Catalogue 285

Index 313

vill

List of Tables and Graphs

Tables

Table 1 73 Table 2 73 Table 3 74 Graphs

Fig. 1 130 Fig. 2 130 Fig. 3 132 Fig. 4 132 Fig. 5 134 Fig. 6 134 | Fig. 7 136

1X

List of Plates

Plate Exercises

|Il1 38 16 34 36 39

lll 37 41 42 50 51 52

IV 56 57 62 V 59 64 71 73 VI 72 74 127 Vil 83 Vill 65 93 96

IX 97 xX 98 109 111

XI 99 108 110 123 XII 112 113 126 XI 114 115 128 XIV 132 140 XV129133

XVI 131 173 XVII 137 143 146

XVIII 161 162 179 181 198

XIX 182 183 187 XxX 184 185 204 208 214 XXI 193 201 221

XXII 213 234

XXIII 235 XXIV 212 233 249 XXV 237 242 XXVI 241 XX VII 254 XX VIII 240 256 258 XXIX 262 XXX 259 270 XXXI 263 XXXII 261 273 275

XXXII 280 281 284 XXXIV 291 316 XXXV 292 XXXVI 293 294 296

XXXVII 297 XXXVI 298 XX XIX 299

X

XL 315 XLI 315

XLHU 315 XLII 315 317 XLIV 319

XLV 326 XLVI 326

XLVI XLVI 327 329 XLIX 330 L 332 336 LI 333 Lil 334 341 337 LI 339

LIV 343 LV 343 LVI 344 LVI 347 LVI 346 350 LIX 361 LX 363. LX] 364 LXIl 366

LXIII 372 LXIV 372 LXV 374 378 LXVI 376 LXVII 380 LXVIIIl 380 LXIX 380 LXX LXXI 385 385 LXxil 385 LXXIll 389 LXXIV 389 LXXV 403 LXXVI 403

LXXVII 404 LXXVIl 404 405

LXXIX 406

LXXX 410

XI

Abbreviations

Abbreviations for editions of papyri, ostraca, and tablets follow J.F. Oates et al., Checklist of Editions of Greek and Latin Papyri, Ostraca and Tablets, 4th ed. (BASP Suppl. 7, 1992). Journals and standard works are abbreviated as in L’ Année Philologique and the American Journal of Archaeology. Modern works cited more than once (and some cited only once) appear in the Bibliography and are indicated everywhere else by author’s name and date of publication; those cited only once are given in full. In addition, the following will be used: CA = Powell, Johannes U, Collectanea Alexandrina (Oxford 1925). CGFP = Austin, Colin, Comicorum Graecorum Fragmenta in Papyris Reperta (Berlin 1973). CO = Crum, Walter Ewig, Coptic Ostraca (London 1902). CPF = Corpus dei papiri filosofici Greci e Latini vol. I (Firenze 1989); vol. II (1992). D = Debut, Janine, "Les documents scolaires," ZPE 63 (1986) 251-78. Kock = Kock, Theodor, Comicorum Atticorum Fragmenta (Leipzig 1880-88). Nauck = Nauck, August, 7ragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta (Leipzig 1889).

P? = Pack, Roger A., The Greek and Latin Literary Texts from Greco-Roman Egypt (Ann Arbor 1965). PCG = Kassel, R., and C. Austin, Poetae Comici Graeci (Berlin and New York 1983-). PGB = Schubart, Wilhelm, Papyri Graecae Berolinenses (Bonn 1911). SH = Lloyd-Jones, Hugh, and Peter Parsons, Supplementum Hellenisticum (Berlin and New York 1983).

SLG = Norsa, Medea, La scrittura letteraria greca dal sec. IV a.C. all’VII d.C. (Florence, 1939).

TrGF = Kannicht, Richard, and Bruno Snell, Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta (Gottingen 1981); Radt, $.L., Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta (Gottingen 19835). Z = Zalateo, Giorgio, "Papiri scolastici," Aegyptus 41 (1961) 160-235.

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Preface

Years ago, when I was looking for a topic for my dissertation, Orsolina Montevecchi reminded

me of the interest in education and school exercises I had when I was an undergraduate in Milan. I am grateful to her for this as well as for introducing me to the secrets of papyrology. Dissertations, and books in general, have a way of taking a scholar by the hand and leading him. This project started with a general interest in Homeric papyri and higher education, but grew into different directions when I realized that basic work in this field still needed to be done. Scrutinizing school work of ancient students, either directly or in photographs, gives one the curious feeling of standing behind that student, praising or scolding him, and sometimes holding his hand. Moreover, examining the direct writing of the ancients, how it was taught, learned, and developed, gives a peculiar pleasure in an age of computerized skills, from which this book certainly benefited. The help of Roger Bagnall was determinant in defining and shaping this project. Roger’s vision of papyrology as a tool for a deeper and more concrete understanding of ancient society, his rigorous methodology and his enthusiasm at every stage of this project were fundamental

for its completion. Another scholar to whom I am deeply grateful is Dirk Obbink. I was fortunate enough to be able to take advantage of his profound knowledge of ancient culture as well as of his strenuous criticism and constant advice to aim higher. In the initial phase of this

project, when it became imperative to examine the school exercises directly, at least in photograph, the photographic archive assembled by Paul Mertens and Odette Bouquiaux-Simon at the Cedopal of the University of Liége proved immensely useful. I thank Paul Mertens for making my staying in Liége painless and fruitful as well as for responding to all my enquiries with unfailing promptness. I also thank Guglielmo Cavallo, who, through his illuminating writings and advice, helped shape and direct the knowledge of palaeography that would prove fundamental to my project. Putting together all the photographs of the school exercises that were either unpublished or published very long ago was a project in itself. I thank all the Universities, institutions, and scholars that made it possible. The list of the persons to whom I am indebted for information and for other help concerning this book would be too long to supply here. I am very grateful to all, especially to the following scholars and institutions for supplying photographs for free, or

for providing special assistance: Guido Bastianini of the Universita degli Studi di Milano, Alain Blanchard of the Université de Paris-Sorbonne, Bernard Boyaval of the Université de Lille, Adam Biilow-Jacobson of the Institut for Graesk og Latin in Copenhagen, Jean Gascou of the Université de Strasbourg, M. Landfester of Justus Liebig Universitét Giessen, Anna Lenzuni e Rosario Pintaudi of the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Hermann Harrauer of the Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Manfredo Manfredi and Giovanna Menci of the Istituto Papirologico Vitelli, Klaus Maresch of the Institut fir Altertumskunde der Universitat zu K6ln,

Livia Migliardi Zingale of the Universita di Genova, Peter Parsons of Christ Church in Oxford, G. Poethke of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, and the Musée de la Vieille Charité in Marseille.

XIV

I am also extremely grateful to Columbia University, which I consider my true Alma Mater, for supporting me during the years of graduate studies and for contributing financially to the publication of this book through a subvention from the Lodge Fund. During all these years Columbia’s excellent faculty provided marvellous instruction. I feel especially indebted to Alan Cameron, William Harris, Leonardo Taran, and James Zetzel for being there when I needed them.

The camera-ready copy of this book was prepared using Nota Bene 4.2 on a HewlettPackard LaserJet SMP. In the last phase of preparation my sincere thanks go to Tim Renner who read through the final draft and provided further advice, as well as to Lucia Parri who helped me check the references. Finally I would like to express my gratitude to Ann Hanson who provided invaluable and painstaking assistance and precious encouragement in all the phases of this project. The remaining errors and omissions are all mine. S:Ao7dvet.

Raffaella Cribiore

PART ONE

Introduction

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1 Writing in Graeco-Roman Egypt

I have long had an interest in the processes by which the ancients learned to write. This work sets forth the result of several years spent in examining the papyri that document the teaching and learning of writing in Graeco-Roman Egypt. Scholars who study literacy, and writing in particular, have long recognized that concentrating on a specific society yields more secure results than attempting to create grand theories about writing.! Such an approach securely locates the results within the target society and limits the dangers of technological determinism. Literacy and writing were not indispensable skills in the ancient Mediterranean world, and they neither determined nor limited socio-economic success. Writing was rather a useful, enabling technology that people cared to exhibit even when they possessed it only to a limited degree. Greek and Roman men and women were proud to be numbered among the literates, but esteem for writing was not enough to spread the skill itself to the mass of the population. Writing depended on need, but those who lacked the skill could resort to various strategies to cope with the demands that need imposed on them. At the same time, case-studies often yield limited results because without some employment of comparative materials it is easy to focus on modes of literacy and usages, considering

them as typical of or even exclusive to a certain society and period. It is important to go beyond the specific area of inquiry and ask questions about the commonness of certain habits and modes of learning and teaching writing. Although my investigation targets the acquisition

of writing in Graeco-Roman Egypt, the pharaonic background must play some role, even though during the latter period writing was the patrimony of exclusive groups within the society. Further, the apparent changes in the literate mentality in late Byzantine and medieval society also offer attractive comparanda.? My study, then, focuses primarily on Egypt during Ptolemaic, Roman, and early Byzantine times, from the introduction of Greek as the language of administration, education, and the upper strata of society, as a result of the conquest by Alexander of Macedon, to the time of the Arab conquest. The native Egyptian language continued to be spoken throughout all periods, and its written literary form, Demotic, continued to be used by a specialized and confined minority for several centuries. Greek, however, became the primary language of Egypt for administrative and official purposes and spread among the upper levels of the population, for knowledge of Greek was one of the keys to social and economic betterment. The conquest of Egypt by the Romans did nothing to change this, although under Roman domination Demotic virtually disappeared. The Coptic script gradually developed thereafter. A uniform Coptic alphabet was created in the course of the third century AD to translate the Old and New Testaments and other religious texts into the language of the Egyptian population. It used the Greek lFor a survey of current views of literacy, see Thomas 1992, 15-28 and Bowman and Woolf 1994, 2-5. 2For a definition of literate mentality, see Clanchy 1993, 186. Using this term does not involve prejudging the question of whether a literate mentality exists as a separate philosophical entity and whether literacy basically shapes people’s ways of thinking.

4 INTRODUCTION letters with a number of additional signs imported from Demotic. But much before the official invention of the Coptic script, and starting from at least the third century BC, proper names of men and gods, epithets, and toponyms were transliterated using the Greek letters.? A further stage in the formation of the Coptic alphabet is represented by those texts usually called “Old

Coptic,” which are written with the Greek letters and some Demotic signs used in a nonsystematic way. The Coptic script once again gave Egyptians the means to write their own language. Through Coptic many Egyptians were able to express themselves in their own language

for the first time. Coptic, which was born in bilingual milieus, in its beginning stages was probably taught in conjunction with Greek. Within a few generations after the Arab conquest of Egypt, Greek disappeared as a spoken language and the process of Arabization began. Bureaucracy already characterized the government of the Pharaohs, and governmental control relies heavily on the keeping of written records. The level of bureaucracy grew under the Ptolemies, and after the Roman takeover the volume of writing increased still more. The government documented all its activities, overseeing and controlling the daily lives of individuals and their communities. The random chances that determine which texts survive limit our knowledge of the spread of the Greek language in certain areas, but do not obscure the significance of the picture as a whole.* Under the Ptolemies, and even more so under the Romans, Egyptian society was profoundly literate in the sense that most people were familiar with literate modes in some way. Written documents proved ownership of property, tax receipts guaranteed that a tax had been paid, petitions provided a means for redress of grievances, and the sending of letters kept channels of communication open. Although literacy and writing penetrated to most circles, most of the population was still illiterate or semi-literate. Those who lacked the skill had many options for coping with what was essentially a literate system.° The pool of literates was extensive enough to help the illiterates respond to official demands for Greek documents and for their everyday writing needs. Professional scribes with specialized training were respected and important figures. Private networks were also relied upon: relatives, friends, neighbors, the village school teacher® were trusted to write a short family letter, a subscription to a document, or to append a signature to a contract. Illiterates were not confined to dysfunctional, segregated circles, but engaged in the same activities and performed in the company of the literates without prejudice. It is not always easy to draw a sharp line between those who could read and write for themselves and those who deputed others, and it is not always necessary to do so. When the body of a letter is written in a different hand than the final greeting, we assume that the parties directly interested asked someone else to perform for them.’ Those who had some ability to write usually appended greetings, often revealing that writing was not a daily activity for them. It is difficult to be sure whether these people were incapable of writing the whole of the letter. The habit of adding greetings in one’s own hand was so widespread in the ancient world that it 3See Quaegebeur 1982 and Jan Quaegebeur, “The Study of Egyptian Proper Names in Greek Transcription. Problems and Perspectives,” Onoma 18, 3 (1974) 403-20. 4Cf£. the observations of Thompson 1994, 67-83 especially for Ptolemaic Egypt. The paucity of papyri from Alexandria and the region of the Nile Delta produces a conspicuous lacuna. 5See Hanson 1991, 162 and Bowman 1991, 119-31. On teachers engaged in scribal activities, see below p. 22. 70n the final greeting added to a letter, see Parsons 1980-81, 4.

WRITING IN GRAECO-ROMAN EGYPT 5 appears to have been a common epistolary courtesy, without any necessary relation to the actual writing ability of the sender.® There were many levels of writing and scripts, the choice of which was determined by the function of the text. Graeco-Roman Egypt does not show the existence of segregated literacies to the extent that pharaonic Egypt does. Different people engaged in different types of writing not only according to their ability but also according to the task that the writing was intended

to fulfill. Professional scribes usually copied books, often using formal and highly stylized scripts that were controlled by precise norms. At other times they used more ligatured hands at higher speed. Literary texts are usually recognizable by the regular, legible, and impersonal qualities of the hand that copied them. But sometimes literate people, the readers themselves, copied their own books. Their hands display the same varying degrees of formality observed in scribal writing. Scholars sometimes wrote notes and commentaries in blank spaces and margins

of their texts with small, clear, and regular hands. They tended to write more quickly than book hands, but articulation of letters was still observed. While no sharp distinction exists between the writing of books and documents for much of Graeco-Roman antiquity, documents are written in more cursive and less formal hands that tend not to form individual letters with a full articulation. Gradations appear as a result of the speed with which the text is written and the care expended in its execution. Cursive writing is often at its most swift in the writing of expected formulae, such as titulature of Ptolemies or Roman emperors. When the writing is very fast, it is impossible to distinguish the characters individually, but the letters appear as a series of symbols and acquire meaning from the overall

context. Documentary hands are not easy to read now and probably were not immediately legible even in antiquity, for documents were not written to be read by the general public. Taxcollectors and scribes in the government bureaus, trained to do this kind of writing and reading, were the recipients of such texts. Document owners knew the message of the receipts and

contracts they preserved. They presented their documents on demand, saved and collected them, sometimes reused them, but had no real need to read them. In contrast, a high degree of legibility characterized the official documents that scribes wrote in the chancery offices of imperial administration. The most formal examples display

elaborate letters, of conspicuous size, gracefully linked by few ligatures. The regular and precise formulation of individual letters and the verticality of the letter-shapes confer on the documents a peculiar elegance that also appears, if to a lesser degree, in the less stylized examples that scribes wrote outside of the main chancery offices of Alexandria. Prime characteristics of chancery hands are uniformity and attractive clarity, and in these qualities they resemble book hands.

Legibility is also a distinctive feature of many hands used for private letters, whether penned by the senders or by scribes and slaves employed for the purpose. Letters aimed primarily at communication, and although they used formulaic expressions and stock phrases, their purpose was to transmit information, orders, and requests over a distance. Scholars have remarked the presence of more gossipy details in Greek letters than in Demotic epistles.? More 8Thus the same letter closures in personal hands appear not only in Greek letters written in Egypt but also in the Vindolanda Latin letters. See Bowman 1994, 122-25. This usage can be compared with the modern convention of personally signing a letter typed by a secretary. See Ray 1994, 59-60. Coptic letters, however, are similar to Greek ones in gossipy details.

6 INTRODUCTION often than Egyptian epistles, Greek letters ended up in the actual hands of the recipient and aimed at being understood by him. Epistolary hands tend to exhibit relatively large characters with fewer ligatures than documents. In addition, letters display greater variety in types of hands, from the idiosyncratic and personal hand to the regular writing of the professional writer. Not rarely do they show disjointed hands writing laborious and irregularly-formed characters. Such hands never develop their complete potential; the lack of a regular rhythm is conspicuous in their belabored characters that they copy from a model, or have painfully learned by heart. These are the same types of hands seen in subscriptions and signatures on documents, where the writer is labeled a “slow writer.”!° The “slow writers,” although proba-

bly often on the verge of illiteracy, were nevertheless proud of a skill they had probably acquired in their youth and they preferred to exhibit their minimal degree of ability, rather than be dismissed as illiterates, “those who do not know letters.”!! All writers, both the professionals and those barely capable of tracing a few characters,

had once known a time of uncertainty in using pen or stylus. Whatever their final level of achievement, they went through virtually identical writing exercises, progressing from the copying of individual letters of the alphabet to more extensive passages, and they did so in a setting I shall refer to as “school.” Ido not intend “school” in a strict sense, but I do mean to imply that learning to write requires a more authoritarian situation and a more rigid set of procedures than learning the spoken language.!* Children learn to talk with little or no formal instruction, usually in a familial setting, and they do so a number of years before attempting to learn writing. While I accept the concept of language acquisition that subsumes “vocal” writing and “graphic” writing as subspecies of a single phenomenon,!? communication through graphic writing is less critical to the human condition than speech, and nowhere is this more evident than in the ancient Mediterranean world, with its masses of illiterates. Being able to write, even to a limited extent, implies some degree of instruction. I therefore define “school” on the basis of the activity carried on, rather than in terms of the identity of the person teaching, the student-teacher relationship, or the premises where teaching takes place. The teacher could be a friend, a parent, a priest, or someone hired to teach, and the classroom a room in a private house, the shaded porch of a temple, or the dusty ground under a tree. Speaking of school strictu sensu is often meaningless in the ancient world and prevents us from seeing the reality of alternative systems of learning and communication that were developed to overcome the deficiencies of formal schooling. My study of the ways in which the skill of writing was acquired traces the path ancient learners followed before becoming accomplished writers, or, in the case of the less accomplished, before they abandoned their studies. Its aim is to identify the elements that characterize each step along the way to the various levels of accomplishment individuals attained.

Accomplished writers knew a variety of writing styles and knew when and where each was appropriate. For example, in the third century AD Timaios, who worked in the central 10They are called Boadéws yoaduwy and Bpadéws yeddovow in the documents. 11+ Aypdépporot, those who cannot even sign their names. 12See Goody 1987, 287. 13Thus speech would be understood as a form of writing in the nature of linguistic unity. For a general over-

view of Derrida’s idea of the primacy of writing, see Jonathan Culler, On Deconstruction: Theory and Criticism after Structuralism (Ithaca 1982) 89-110.

WRITING IN GRAECO-ROMAN EGYPT 7 administrative office of a wealthy estate owner, writes a letter to Heroninos, manager of one of these estates.!4 Timaios tells Heroninos that he needs to take care of a certain matter in a hurry and to emphasize this, he writes in the margin two verses from the beginning of Jliad 2: “All the other gods and men, lords of chariots, were sleeping the whole night through, but Zeus could not have sweet sleep.” Although Timaios writes the body of his letter in a relatively fast cursive, he employs well-separated, upright, and bilinear letters for the Homeric quotation. By using a book hand for his Homer, in contrast to the rest of his letter, he signals his awareness of the different kinds of scripts and their various function. The same phenomenon can be seen in different types of exercises practiced in schools. As a general rule, both teachers and students reserve more formal and stylized hands for the copying of literary texts. For example, Aurelius Papnouthis!> employs a semi-cursive hand in his notebook for various exercises and an even more informal and individualized script to write out mathematical problems. When he is copying verses by the dramatist Menander from the model his teacher supplies, he tries to imitate the teacher’s, knowing that such a hand is more appropriate for literary material.!° The model was influenced by the chancery style and by a Strict set of conventions that aimed at regularity and pleasing appearance. In the high Middle Ages scribes were exposed first to a kind of simplified script, of elementary type, after mastering which they learned more complicated scripts, either by copying models on their own or by following directions from the teacher in the scriptorium.'’ Learning to write in the GraecoRoman world seems to have followed a somewhat similar path, with all people who learned to write sharing a common, graphic substratum that did not vary according to the economic or social class of the learner. In what follows I shall trace the training teachers gave their students and distinguish the ways in which they imparted the foundations of writing in teaching literary and cursive hands. It is clear that formal hands of different types and styles, well known to readers of ancient literary manuscripts, follow precise criteria to achieve symmetry, regularity, and impersonal elegance. Much practice, together with innate ability, good coordination, and the desire to excel, was needed to attain the highest levels of penmanship. I shall inquire whether learners always went through a period of training to acquire a basic foundation, or whether they sometimes were taught calligraphic and formal writing right at the start. Documents and private letters, moreover, reveal that, although people often dictated a text to a scribe or a slave, they sometimes wrote themselves subscriptions and signatures at the bottom of documents, closing greetings or, more rarely, even the whole body of letters. A fundamental task of schools was to enable people to function among the literates in everyday life. It is thus very important to take into account the precise details of palaeography and the minutiae of students’ writing. Only the accumulation of small details will suffice to build a picture of how schools and teaching proceeded in antiquity. School hands have played a very l4See P.Flor. 11 259. Many of Heroninos’ business papers survive, see Dominic Rathbone, Economic Rationalism and Rural Society in Third-Century AD Egypt (Cambridge 1991) 12-13.

15Tp transliterating names, generally Latin names are latinized and Greek, Egyptian, and Semitic names are transliterated from Greek. I will maintain the latinized forms for the honorific titles Flavius and Aurelius and for names of literary authors, to respect traditional usage. 16See 396 and tablet MND 552L side A for the more formal copy of Menander. See also 383. 17 See Petrucci 1995 , 61-72.

8 INTRODUCTION small role in the history of palaeography, and attention has invariably focused on the skillful hands.!8 But the hands of beginners reveal much about how writing was taught. My purpose is not only to refine the terminology for learners’ hands but also to establish a typology of school hands that will be sensitive to the various degrees of attainment students achieved in their efforts to master the technique of writing. I shall correlate types of hands and the different levels of proficiency they reveal with what we know about the ancient curriculum from secondary sources and the Graeco-Roman anecdotal tradition. I hope, as well, to clarify the educational steps through which ancient students passed as they achieved the eye-hand coordination sufficient to permit them to advance to more difficult tasks. Palaeography is also an invaluable tool in distinguishing students’ writing from teachers’ writing within the school context. Teachers’ hands stand out for the fluid gracefulness of the handwriting samples they produced for their students, although the content of teachers’ models was likewise that of students’ exercises. I am the first to identify and exploit the distinction between teachers’ hands and students’ hands, markedly different in their levels of ability, as well as in format and layout. The distinction is a crucial one since it aids in separating the activities of teachers and learners. It is also important to investigate whether it is possible to recognize and define the common, unchanging characteristics of a “teacher’s hand” in all periods, although teachers’ hands followed contemporary notions of what was clear and elegant writing and changed as fashion changed. Teachers’ models played a fundamental role in the classroom. They were made of sturdy materials in order to withstand handling by students in the informal circumstances of the ancient school. Sometimes the models were intended to facilitate reading and provide students with less complicated and clearer texts. In these examples the ends of words or of syllables were marked. Other models functioned as exemplars for copying, and from them students learned different scripts, producing their own books. The Graeco-Roman sources discussing education place considerable emphasis on reading, insisting on the completion of mandatory steps before a student advanced to a subsequent stage and paying little attention to a student’s capacities. Success was strictly dependent on the inflexible order of the sequence. Each step built on the previous one, with an apparent concomitant increase in difficulty from letters and syllables to words and sentences. Mastery of

monosyllabic words preceded the introduction to disyllabic ones, for, because they were shorter, the teachers deemed them easier. The mechanical building up of syllables appears to have been a fundamental precept among ancient teachers, who disregarded the difficulty many monosyllabic words presented, even showing a predilection for obscure terms that most students were not likely to encounter again.!? Content was of secondary importance, and new words were even fabricated in order to exemplify all the syllabic combinations, with disregard for the reality of the Greek language. In his Confessions St. Augustine recalls his first years of learning and reflects on the antipathy he felt for school with a sense of guilt that brings a smile to modern readers. While he never questions the merit of the didactic systems of the time, he sees his hatred of learning as part of his own sinfulness. With reflection, however, he characterizes his earliest instructions as more valuable than what he learned later, because these pro18] call “school hands” only the hands of the students, and not the hands of their teachers. 19See for instance the list of monosyllables of 379, lines 27-37. Even ancient grammarians were unsure about the nature and meaning of some of them.

WRITING IN GRAECO-ROMAN EGYPT 9 vided him with basic tools for all further study.2° In spite of plenty of memory and capacity (memoria vel ingenium), learning for him was a painful experience. Reading was no doubt difficult for many ancient students to master.*! First of all, most students, at least in Egypt, Rome, and elsewhere in the empire, had to come to terms with more than one language. According to Quintilian, it was better for Roman students to learn Greek first in their schooling, since they were exposed to Latin at home.” Some students even concentrated all their efforts on the Greek language to the detriment of Latin, in which their knowledge of grammar and authors was incomplete. Native speakers of the Egyptian language, like many other provincials in the eastern Mediterranean who first learned to speak the language indigenous to their region, had to learn Greek as a second language. Although it is difficult to assess the extent to which Egyptian was spoken in homes,?? it is likely to have been the dominant language in the villages and in the countryside. Before the invention of the Coptic script, many Egyptians were unable to read and write what was their native tongue. But comparative evidence strongly suggests that when in a particular society the written and oral registers use different languages, the interaction between them becomes complex.** Writtenoral diglossia continues to hamper students’ progress in reading in modern times and surely posed difficulties for ancient learners in a far more rigid educational milieu. Reading in all periods is a mental accomplishment, an intellectual process in which the eyes are driven forward by the mind. Written Greek offered particular obstacles: elements of the text were seldom distinguished and individual words were not separated by spaces—scriptio continua.*> This feature of ancient writing must have presented a formidable challenge to the beginner, although

with practice the mature reader learned to overcome the impediments it presented. The systematic process that beginning readers had to go through was a practical approach to solve the difficulties reading presented. The ancient sources show an awareness of the length of time

required to learn to read, since students were expected to know syllabic quantities and accentuation of words before being able to read.*®

I shall argue that learning to write in the ancient school was not governed by the same rigid rules that regulated the process of learning to read and that a limited ability in writing usually preceded extensive training in reading. The ancient sources devote much attention to reading-acquisition, or they speak in general terms of an “education in letters,” paying scant attention to the skill of writing in isolation. Nonetheless, the assumption that the two skills

were attained at the same time and according to the same pedagogical principles is unwarranted, and more sophisticated studies of literacy now tend to distinguish between literacy’s necessary components—reading and writing. Not only in the Middle Ages and in early modern Europe but also in antiquity, the ability to read and the ability to write were not necessarily interdependent.2’ To be sure, both skills belong in school contexts, yet only the priv20 Confess. 1 13, nam utique meliores, quia certiores, erant primae illae litterae. 21 About this, see below pp. 148-49. 22S ee Quintilian Jnst.Or. 11 12. 23See Bagnall 1993, 240-41. 24See Goody 1987, 282. 25 About this see below, pp. 47-48 and 148-49. 26See, for instance, below on p. 149 how Dionysius of Halicarnassus regards the whole process. 27See the general observations of Lane Fox 1994, 128-30.

10 INTRODUCTION ileged few progressed through all educational levels. Since the majority who had any education at all attained only minimal ability from limited schooling, it is meaningful to know which constituent of literacy they approached first, for their initial training had repercussions on how they handled literacy as adults. As a term, literate mentality is ambiguous, but I use it to refer

to the cluster of attitudes literate or semiliterate people shared. There can be no doubt that inhabitants of Graeco-Roman Egypt preferred to sign documents and letters in their clumsy, belabored characters rather than be considered among illiterates. It was better to possess and exhibit the skill in limited and imperfect degree, however difficult and unpleasant to the eye their efforts were. By contrast, in medieval England people shared a general distrust toward writing.28 Writing was a necessary activity, but, as a manual task, became increasingly specialized and was entrusted to a class of technicians. Even those in the upper classes, who read the Scriptures extensively, did not write out their own signatures. I hope to account for some of the differences among earlier literate mentalities. Writing is a multifaceted activity, involving many levels of competence ranging from the ability to trace a few characters or copy a text to the capacity to engage in literary composition. Four definitions of writing are in common use:2° (1) writing as handwriting, the physical act of

tracing characters or words; (2) writing as copying and taking dictation, the recording of others’ words; (3) writing as crafting lexical, syntactical, and rhetorical units of discourse into meaningful patterns; (4) writing as authoring, or producing an independent and original text

for a specific audience and purpose. Useful for the present purposes is to underscore the dichotomy in the second definition, articulating the different levels of competence required, on the one hand, for mere copying, and, on the other, for writing from dictation. In ancient Egyptian and Mesopotamian schools, copying was an activity in its own right in which students engaged for many years. I shall investigate whether copying was pursued only as a marginal activity in the Graeco-Roman schools or whether students were supposed to dedicate much effort to achieving good standards in it. Writing from dictation was more challenging in many respects, because to reproduce a text from dictation with reasonable accuracy, a student needed to have mastered the formation of syllables and words. In what follows I am concerned mainly with writing as handwriting, copying, and taking dictation, that is, with the first two definitions cited above. Occasionally, I will speak of the challenges students faced when composing and of the mistakes revealing the personal effort involved in rewriting and paraphrasing.

Professional scribes also copied texts from exemplars and from dictation, and the two kinds of activity already existed in pharaonic Egypt, at least for the writing of documents. It is still debated whether in the Graeco-Roman world several scribes simultaneously copied a text from an oral reading in order to produce books on a commercial scale.3° While multiplication of copies was the regular work of scribes, drafting a text ex nihilo was a specialized task that only a few could perform. The distinction between copying and composing is spelled out in a contract of Roman Egypt for the hire of scribes to work in a government bureau for the pur-

pose of drafting population lists on the basis of records of preceding years.7! Those who 28See in Clanchy 1993, 185-318, the discussion of the whole question. 29See Janet Emig, “Writing, composition, and rhetoric,” in Mercer 1988, 210-23. 30Sce Skeat 1956, 179-208. 31 See P.Mich. XI 603, especially lines 5-13 and note ad 7.

WRITING IN GRAECO-ROMAN EGYPT 1] drafted new texts were paid at a higher rate than those who merely copied. Both kinds of scribes were employed in the duplication of literary texts for the commercial market, and when Cornelius Nepos describes the household of Atticus, he notes a large staff of copyists (plurimi librarii) and a smaller number of specialists who had more advanced training (pueri litteratis-

simi).32 Because copying was easier than composing, it is inevitable that there were more copiers. Even later in the Middle Ages, drafting a text remained the task of the better educated in the scriptorium, while the less well educated were relegated to copying.??

32Cornelius Nepos, Atticus 13, 3.

33See the practice of Ekkehardus I in St. Gallus who guos ad literarum studia tardiores vidisset, ad scribendum occupaverat et lineandum, Petrucci 1995, 99.

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2 Evidence for Schools and Teachers

Modern histories of ancient education report that a full course of literary instruction was divided into three levels, each supervised by a different teacher.! A student started learning letters, grammata, under the care of an instructor who was called grammatodidaskalos, grammatistes, or didaskalos (ypappaTodida@aKaros, ypappaTioThc, dt6coKxadoc), and the curriculum focused upon learning to read and write, as well as some arithmetic. The student later passed

under the supervision of a grammatikos (ypappatix6c), who was in charge of teaching language and literature, the study of Homer, the poets, and, beginning in the first century AD, grammar. In the last stage the student pursued rhetoric and public speaking with a sophistes or a rhetor (ood.oThc, /ATwp).* This tiered system of education originated in the Hellenistic age and was adopted by the Romans. Students entered the different levels of schooling at ages that were not aS uniform as in modern educational systems, because not calendar age but ability was the criterion for promotion. In Rome schooling commenced at about age seven; the student graduated to a grammarian at age twelve, while study in the schools of rhetoric—the ancient

equivalent of higher education—began when he was about fifteen, or even a bit younger. I shall be concerned for the most part with the levels of education supervised by elementary teachers and grammarians. Yet, because it is difficult to draw sharp distinctions among the three levels, I will at times consider advanced education. The papyri contain few references to teachers,* and, like many other professionals in antiquity, they usually appear engaged in everyday activities, rather than in pursuit of their profession. That is, individuals designated “teachers” appear in documents as they pay taxes,

write petitions to high officials, or are buyers, sellers, borrowers, and lenders, but they are seldom seen when they are teaching. Further, since the professions were never monitored, either by the government or by their members, no standards existed for distinguishing the skilled from the unskilled. Nonetheless, the very fact that “teacher” was recognized as a professional title sets the men, and a lesser number of women,°> apart from their fellows. The term grammatistes, which was often used elsewhere in the empire for a primary school teacher,

and sometimes for the grammarian at a secondary level,® does not appear in the papyri. Instead, papyri show grammatodidaskalos, or simply didaskalos. When didaskalos is used without further specifications referring to different arts and occupations, it indicated a teacher involved in formal education in letters. Another term, chamaididaskalos (xapoatdt6a@oKxadoc), literally “a teacher sitting on the ground,” appears in only one papyrus of the seventh century AD and occurs in copies of Diocletian’s Edict of Prices in the fourth century AD and in later See Marrou 1975, 218, 241-42, 295; Bonner 1977, 48-49, 250-51. 2See Clarke 1971. 3See Kleijwegt 1991, 90 and 117-18.

4See Appendix 1 for a list of teachers of different levels appearing in papyri. All the references below with numbers in parentheses relate to this list.

Cf. below pp. 22-24. See in this respect Kaster 1988, 447-52, Appendix 2.

14 INTRODUCTION writers.” It was used to designate elementary school teachers, for it provides graphic evidence that primary schoolmasters were not then endowed with the imposing chair that usually serves to identify them.® Bilingual Latin-Greek glossaries equate chamaididaskalos with the Latin ludi magister, “schoolmaster.”? In papyri teachers are also called kathegetai (xadyyynrai), a term that seems to apply to private tutors who taught at different levels of education. Professors at a higher stage of education, sophistai, are sometimes mentioned in papyri and in a private letter an older student studying in Alexandria complains to his father back home about the shortage

of skilled professors.!° This letter employs not only the term philologos to designate the scholar the student intends to employ as private tutor,!! but also refers to distinguished professors whose lectures he will attend (oi émudecxvipevor). Although the educational system recognized a series of steps through which a student

must proceed and a hierarchy of instructors, the lack of centralized educational authority worked against the creation of uniformity in curriculum or among the personnel. The picture projected by various references is multifarious and incomplete at best. Recently scholars have started to question whether the framework of primary and secondary education was really as uniform as was believed in the past.!2 The two-track system, such as prevailed in Rome during the first century AD, may have been operative in the large urban centers of Egypt, with some

elementary schools providing a basic, craft literacy to the lower classes, while “liberal schools” addressed the privileged classes.!3 Privileged students probably learned the first elements at home or directly under the tutelage of a grammarian. A wooden tablet from Antinoe, 160 in the catalogue that follows, has been dated to the fifth century AD, and several of its features tell us about the social level of a teacher. On one side a teacher, Flavius Kollouthos, appends his signature to the maxim he writes as a model. His proficient penmanship marks him as a teacher, and the name Flavius indicates that he is an adult of high station. This honorific name distinguished those who had served in the imperial, military, and civil service from those who were simply called Aurelii.!'4 Although no elementary teacher is known to have possessed this title, grammarians were sometimes so honored.!> And this suggests that Flavius Kol7See Edict.Diocl. 7.66 ed. Lauffer pp. 124-25; anecdote 61 in the Philogelos ed. Thierfelder; Macarius, Sermones 20.3.6.1 and 23.125.29; Troilus, Proleg.Rhet. (Waltz, Rhetores, Graeci VI, UI.23); Scholia in Eccles. ed. Dibner 809.2; Scholia in Demosth. ed. M.R. Dilts 18.228.1; Scholia in Nubes, ed. Koster 770c alpha 2. See also P.Sorb. I1 69 p. 63 note 63. 8The identity of a teacher is usually indicated by the presence of a chair in vases from the fifth century BC and

later. See, e.g., the Douris vase, which portrays a typical school scene, Beck 1975, pl. 10, 53-54; or a cup of the Antikenmuseum of Basel, Beck 1975, Ch. II note 7(m). See also Libanius, Progymn. VIII.

2See Goetz and Gundermann 1888, II 475.16. The term is preceded by yapaudixaoric, pedaneus iudex arbiter. l0See in Appendix 1 the reference to xaOynyntat (1-2-3-4). The word xpi7ixdg, which sometimes designated

grammarians or even more advanced teachers, is used in P.Bub. I 4.60.10, but the papyrus is extremely fragmentary, and the context is completely unclear. l1See P.Oxy. 2190. 7 and 25, Rea 1993, 80 note 7; the word ¢iAd6Aoyog was applied to the members of the Alexandrian Museum.

I2See Booth 1979, 1-14 and “The Schooling of Slaves in First-Century Rome,” TAPA 109 (1979) 11-19; Kaster 1983, 223-46. 13See Booth 1979, 19. Contra Harris 1989, 307, note 106. The two-track system appears only in sources from or about the great cities of the empire, see Kaster 1983, 241. 14See James G. Keenan, “The Names Flavius and Aurelius as Status Designations in Later Roman Egypt,” ZPE 11 (1973) 33-63 and 13 (1974) 283-304. l5See Kaster 1988, 109-11, and cf. below, p. 22 and note 78.

EVIDENCE FOR SCHOOLS AND TEACHERS 15 louthos was a grammarian who also taught some privileged children at the elementary level in this provincial capital. In the villages of the Egyptian countryside educational opportunities were more various and haphazard. In some cases the first elements of reading and writing must have been taught at home.!6 Some fathers at Rome thought it was their personal responsibility to participate in

the teaching of their sons.!’ The papyri suggest that parents in Graeco-Roman Egypt, especially those who were themselves educated, were interested in their children’s education and worried over their progress. In Oxyrhynchos a mother!® recorded among the expenses for her children (bread, milk, a cake, and toys) money for wax and a stylus. Letters are particularly revealing: one mother’s fragmentary letter reports, “Thank God also that the little one liked the

town. He attends school and he learns with enthusiasm.”!? Dios, a student away at school, reassures his anxious father, “Do not worry, father, about my studies,”2° while another father urges his son: “Pay attention only to your books, devoting yourself to learning, and they will bring you profit.”*! A mother wants to know from her son’s tutor, kathegetes (9 in the list), which book of Homer her son is reading, and she is distressed by the departure of an instructor She trusted.

Parental participation in education is more difficult to document, but nonetheless hometaught literacy did exist, when it attempted to compensate for the deficiencies of formal schooling. A Hellenistic terracotta shows a young girl sitting on a woman’s lap. The two are reading

together from a roll on the girl’s knee.22 The scene may portray a mother teaching her daughter to read. Aurelia Charite, who lived in the town of Hermopolis in the early fourth century AD, left several samples of her own writing among her papers.23 Her writing is very similar to that of her mother, Demetria, making it quite plausible that Demetria taught her daugher to write. Many motives might induce a child to imitate a parent’s style of writing, some psychological, others economic, and in the case of the imperial family, even political. Suetonius tell us that Augustus taught his grandsons writing, swimming, and other elementary notions, “taking special pains to train them to imitate his own handwriting.”2* Instruction at home by the parents was probably limited to the first elements.?° In the third century BC an old man complains that his ungrateful son refuses to help him in his old age. He includes among l6Harris 1989, 307, admits such a possibility. He then adds that, “direct evidence for this is, however, quite thin, and the extent of such teaching is largely a matter of guesswork.” 170n the Romans’ conviction that a father’s proper role was to supervise his children’s education, see Thomas Wiedemann, Adults and Children in the Roman Empire (New Haven and London 1989) 87 and 143; Kaster 1988, 66-68. 18Sce P. Oxy. IV 736.16. Préaux 1929, 778 calls her a housewife, a ménagére.

I9ps71 94: rpooedpever ic ra pabipata. (nrot yap Thy waOnow. 20P Oxy. X 1296.5-7. 21 P Oxy. 11 531.10-12. 22Daremberg-Saglio, s.v. “Educatio,” 477, figure 2605. 23See P. Charite 8, 27, 36, 37, and probably 41, while text 38 represents her mother’s handwriting. 24Suetonius, Aug. 64.5, nepotes et litteras et natare aliaque rudimenta per se plerumque docuit, ac nihil aeque elaboravit quam ut imitarentur chirographum suum.

25Cf. Horsfall 1991, 63. Speaking of alternatives to orthodox schooling and particularly about learning at home he says, “Neither teaching nor learning was necessarily a full-time activity, nor one carried on beyond the bare minimum.”

16 INTRODUCTION the benefits he gave his son the grammar he taught him—or, at the least, the grammar he had his son taught, since the Greek verb “teach” can be used in a causative sense.”® Elementary instruction at home may have been given by the pedagogue (matdaywydc). He is a prominent figure on the vases and in the literature of classical Greece, from which it appears that his job consisted of accompanying students to school and monitoring their behavior. In the absence of other teachers, the pedagogue may have been in charge of the children’s elementary instruction in the home.’ The lad Ptolemaios, child of a wealthy family and currently residing in Oxyrhynchos in order to pursue studies, was taught by an itinerant tutor, kathegetes (9 in the list). Once this tutor departed, presumably to seek his fortune in Alexandria, the slave Eros, who was also Ptolemaios’ paidagogos and clearly respected by the boy’s mother, was put in charge of finding a new teacher. Ptolemaios was at a secondary level of instruction, since he was reading Jliad 6 with his tutor, but his early education may have taken place at home, with the very capable Eros shouldering that responsibility.

The kathegetes was in a number of instances an itinerant teacher, ever moving in search of more advantageous positions in new households.28 Didymos (Kathegetes 4 in the list), originally taught in the countryside, but he had higher ambitions and decided to compete with

the instructors in an urban setting, perhaps in Alexandria. According to the student Neilos, Didymos was better suited to the “country bumpkins.” Neilos, however, could not find a better teacher because only bad teachers were available, “trash, in whose hands most students have

taken the straight road to having their talent spoiled,” who also charged enormous and unwarranted fees. To judge from other texts, however, the rates of pay of these teachers do not seem at all exorbitant. Teachers’ salaries were paid at least partly in kind with pigeons and other birds, grapes, oil or wine,2? since it was common for workers in many fields to receive part of their compensation in kind. A grammatodidaskalos (6 in the list) received portions of wheat and barley, and Libanius mentions an elementary teacher who was paid with two loaves and other related foodstuffs.3° A letter from the early second century AD mentions leftovers from the table that are to be sent to the kathegetes (7 in the list) of the young girl Heraidous to encourage him to pay attention to her. Even at higher educational levels payment in kind was frequent and the grammatikos Lollianos (3 in the list) complains that he received only cheap

wine and grain full of weevils. Despite compensation that seemed ever inadequate, the 26P Ent. 25.2: {énod yap dildcEavrog avrov rH [...K]ae THY yoaup[pariKHy] (sc. réxvyv). The editor, as a matter of fact, translates: je lui ai fait enseigner. Kaster 1988, 67, speaks of personal involvement of the father. 27 Although Marrou 1975, I 217-18 and II 65-66, insists on the moral quality of the teaching of the pedagogue, he cites an inscription (Dessau 4999) with an epitaph from a student to a man who had been his pedagogue and kathegetes. For the pedagogue in charge of some instruction at home, see Schubart 1918, 382; Bonner 1977, 39-40; and Booth 1979, 3. About classical terracottas presenting the figure of an old man leading a boy to school or teaching him how to read and write, see Beck 1975, plate 12 fig. 65, 66, 67; plate 13 fig. 71, 73, 74; plate 15 fig. 81, 82, 83. 28Nilsson 1955, 50 describes wandering teachers, especially grammarians and rhetors. 2°See kathegetai 6-7 and 8 in the list. Préaux 1929, 780 believes that these are gifts sent to win the favor of the teacher, but there is no indication of this. 30Libanius, Or. XLII 26.4-7, hv Tic Onreroc ypoppaTayv duddoKkadoc, 0c Kai Ackwriy Tov Taida TadTa edidaoKxev aT Svoiv MpTow Kai TG AAANS TOOdS H TOUTOLIG OUVEeTEUKTAL.

EVIDENCE FOR SCHOOLS AND TEACHERS 17 kathegetai were versatile instructors who taught at different levels of education, some tutoring their charges in material associated with grammarians, or even rhetoricians.?! The instructors considered up to this point—parents, pedagogues, private tutors—generally taught in the home. It is nonetheless appropriate to consider the lessons they gave as part of the school setting, because of the formality inherent in the process of teaching and learning.32 On three occasions the papyri employ the word didaskaleion, “school,” to designate the

location where instruction took place: Tothes (didaskalos 11 in the list) had a school in Memphis that the twin friends of Ptolemaios and Apollonios attended. Melankomas, grammatodidaskalos (3), taught in a grammatodidaskaleion in an unnamed town in the Arsinoite nome,?3 and in this school a much-needed geometry book could be found. The third mention of a didaskaleion occurs in a text that purports to be the speech of an advocate, although the speech may represent an assignment in composition for the classroom (P. Oxy. III 471). In the papyrus a certain Maximus is accused, among other things, of maintaining an illicit relationship with a seventeen-year-old boy, distracting the young man from his normal activities and keeping him from going “to the schools and exercises proper for the young.” In such a context “schools,” the didaskaleia, represent places where a young man ought to spend his day— localities in a large town set aside specifically for educational purposes at a relatively high level of education.34 The word scholion, which is used only once in the papyri in connection

with grammatodidaskalos (8), also refers to premises where teaching takes place. This reference to the South School in Oxyrhynchos is particularly interesting because it shows that there was at least another elementary school in the city from which this one had to be distinguished. The term schole, on the other hand, refers to the activity of learning, the instruction imparted, and even to a group of students attending lectures.>> Thus, the young girl Heraidous needs “material suitable for a school (schole), such as a reading book” (P. Giss. I 85), while the grammarian Flavius Horapollon (10 in the list) has a schole in Alexandria, a group of pupils who received an advanced education from him. Likewise, Didymos, kathegetes (4), has a schole, that is, a group of rather advanced students following his lessons.¢ A few Hellenistic terracottas of Alexandrian provenance represent young girls on their way to school, carrying book rolls and tablets in their arms and wearing coats for walking out of doors; one girl wears a hat.3” Once a teacher became available, a group of children apparently congregated at someone’s home for lessons. A building or a room was seldom reserved 3! Kathegetai 6-7 in the list taught at elementary levels, but references 1-5 relate to tutors at higher levels. The Colloquia of the Hermeneumata Pseudodositheana (Goetz 1892, e.g., 225.16 and 226.44) and the colloquies preserved in the fifteenth-century manuscript of Celtes (see Dionisotti 1982, 98 lines 12 and 19) refer to teachers or assistant teachers at different levels of education.

32See above p. 6. Cf. also Maristella Pandolfini and Aldo L. Prosdocimi, Alfabetari e insegnamento della scrittura nell’Italia antica (Firenze 1990) 158. 33The name of the town is not mentioned. Sarapion knew where the person carrying the letter was going and it was enough to direct him to the “school of Melankomas.” 34Cf, Libanius, Or. I, e.g., R 52 F 119, where the rhetor repeatedly calls his rhetorical school a didaskaleion. 35Qnly in the school colloquies is schole used as a synonym for didaskaleion, a place of learning, see, e.g., Goetz 1892, 225.16, 226.44. 36The editor translates the expression oxodRy Exovra “he has time to spare,” but I agree with Rea 1993, 83 note 21, that the term refers to a group of students. The phrase éxe.v oyoAyny with the meaning “to keep school” is used €. 8. in Arrianus, Epict.Diss. 3.21.11. 3’See Pomeroy 1984, 60 and plate 7, and Anita Klein, Child Life in Greek Art (New York 1932) pl. XXX C.

18 INTRODUCTION for educational purposes when pupils were at the lowest levels. To be sure, rich people's houses accommodated many activities we would now regard as public: even the household's father did not leave his home to “go to the office,” but rather used the reception hall of the family’s dwelling for receiving associates and clients.38 Some of these reception spaces in great houses could have been used for teaching. A Ptolemaic papyrus refers to a school, perhaps a school of medicine, in the house of a doctor, where Greek slaves were educated to write in Demotic.39 Comparative evidence often points to schools kept in private houses.4° Nonetheless, the private houses of all but the wealthy inhabitants of the villages and hamlets of the Egyptian countryside during Ptolemaic and Roman times display narrow and badly lit rooms, which were not ideal for reading and writing.*! “I lament for Diotimos who sits on stones repeating Alpha and Beta to the children of Gargara,” says a Hellenistic epigram.** Many elementary school teachers may have likewise set up school in the open air with a large tree providing the necessary shade and children sitting amid dogs and goats. The vases of classical Athens, in fact, use a tree to symbolize an open-air classroom.*? The British papyrologist J.G. Milne, on finding a group of ostraca all discolored in an unusual way, imagined that a schoolmaster of Thebes “had taught his classes in the open air near a rubbish heap, on which material for writ-

ing exercises might be obtained in plenty, to be thrown away again as soon as used.”*4 Although this image is fanciful, there can be no doubt that teaching was organized in a simple way, aS teachers and students sat on the ground holding their writing materials on their laps. The term chamaididaskalos “a teacher sitting on the ground,” which only appears in late papyri, seems an appropriate designation not only for the teachers of Graeco-Roman Egypt, but also for those elsewhere in the Mediterranean world. In Pompeii the elementary teacher Sema taught pupils in the portico of the Forum, and another teacher kept classes on the porch of the Campus, both outdoor public areas.4° Dio Chrysostom not only noted that flutists and dancing teachers instructed their students in the city at the street corners, but also described “the most extreme case of all, for elementary teachers sit with the children in the streets and nothing keeps them from teaching and learning in the midst of the crowd.”4° A similar scene was easy to find in Rome,*’ and probably also in Alexandria.

38Sce Yvon Thébert, “Private and Public Spaces: The Components of the Domus,” in A History of Private Life vol I, Paul Veyne ed. (Cambridge, Mass. 1987) 353-81. 39UPZ 148. See R. Rémondon, “Problémes du bilinguisme dans l’Egypte Lagide,” CdE 39 (1964) 126-46. 49Several thousand years earlier, parents in Mesopotamia sent their children to a teacher who held classes in a private house. The private character of their lesson is underscored by the fact that the teacher was called “father,” or “big brother.” See Nissen, Damerow, and Englund 1993, 108. About cuneiform tablets containing school texts that were found in domestic quarters, see Gadd 1956, 25-26. Millennia later, the children of the Jewish community in medieval Cairo also took their lessons in the synagogue or in their teacher’s home. See Reif 1990, 152. 41 See, e.g., the houses in Karanis, Elaine K. Gazda (ed.) Karanis: An Egyptian Town in Roman Times (Ann Arbor 1983) 19-21. 42 ant.Pal. XI 437. Gargara, moreover, was at the edge of the world. 43See, e.g. Beck 1975, plate 16, 84. 44See Milne 1908, 121. Such supposition is not strictly necessary, since the teacher may have provided his pupils with sherds that he had found all in one spot. 45See Della Corte 1959, 622-24. 46 See Dio, XX 9-10, of yap TOv ypappadrwv SiddéoKedo. pera TaV maidwy év taic Sb0ic KaOnYTAL, Kol

47See Bonner 1977, 116-17. ,

ovdey avroic éprodav got év ToooUTY TWANGEr TOV SiddoxKew TE Kai pavOdvery.

EVIDENCE FOR SCHOOLS AND TEACHERS 19 Most students received only a few years of formal schooling, and without continued practice in writing, they soon forgot many essential points.*® Nonetheless, there is some evidence of a strong bond between a student and a first teacher, maturing at times into a longlasting friendship. Korax went to the temple of Isis on the island of Philae along with his old instructor Kabatas (didaskalos 13), and he wrote a dedication to the goddess on behalf of his teacher, the son of his teacher, and his own son. The nostalgic letter that young Thonis wrote to his father continues the same motif, for interspersed among complaints about his father’s

absence and about missing the doves he left at home come greetings for his old teachers (didaskaloi 22-23). Thonis’ situation is unusual in that he had more than a single teacher to supervise what was presumably his elementary education. Nonetheless, even small communities did on occasion possess more than a single teacher.*? The primitive organization of the open-air school is unheard-of at the higher levels of education. If the advanced teacher could afford it, he rented a room to hold his classes; otherwise he used his home or any other accommodation. Libanius says that he held his classes in the baths in Nicomedeia,*° but also instructed in his home the fifteen pupils he had brought to Antioch from Constantinople.*! Eventually he thought it to his advantage to move to a room near the square.** Later on, when his academic appointment became an official one, he transferred his class to the City Hall, arousing the envy of his competitors, some of whom met stu-

dents in temples or in the Museum. Libanius himself had so many students that he could not get through them all before sunset.°? In Egypt Flavius Horapollon, grammarian (10), had a school in the vicinity of the gymnasium or other sanctuaries.*4 Gymnasia were founded everywhere in the Hellenistic world and they existed in Egypt not only in the Greek cities of Alexandria or Naucratis but wherever Greeks established communities of sufficient size, including the larger villages.°> Although scholars in the past have associated the Athenian ephebic schools of the classical period and the Hellenistic and Roman

SY Bly Pp

mnasia with education,*® it has become increasingly clear that no evidence supports the notion that the Egyptian gymnasia were academic institutions.°’ Gymmnasia did contain areas 48 About “slow writers,” see above p. 6 and below, pp. 150-52. Of course, some of them could have learned in alternative ways. See Horsfall 1991, 63-64. But see the opinion of Youtie 1973, 642: “None stayed at school long enough to develop firm habits of writing.” See also Youtie 1971b, 623. 49Sce references to didaskaloi (17), (27), (28), and (31), and Kaster 1983, 134. See also references to didaskaloi 4-5-6 and 7-8-9 that show three teachers in the villages of Tricomia and Lagis, even though it is possible in this case that not all those designated as “teachers” were involved in education. About this, see below, p. 21. SOL ibanius I, 55 F 110.

>1Libanius I, 101 F 132. 52] ibanius I, 102 F 133. 53Libanius I, 104 F 134.

, 54The expression Flavius Horapollon uses saying that he had a school epi rac éxe[ice] &xadnpiac is slightly

oposcure.

55For gymnasia in the Hellenistic period even in small villages as centers of Greek life, see Wilhelm Schubart,

Die Griechen in Agypten, Beih. zum Alten Orient 10 (1927) 19-20 and Jean Delorme, Gymnasion. Etude sur les monuments consacrés a@ l'éducation en Gréce (Paris 1960) 139, 199-201, 220. S6Nilsson 1955, 1-29, rightly claimed that Athenian ephebes did not receive any public education but merely military training. Regarding the Hellenistic gymnasion, however, and in particular the gymnasion in Egypt, he concluded that it was academically a respectable institution. 57See Harris 1989, 134-35.

20 INTRODUCTION reserved for occasional conferences and lectures and they served as centers for the social, athletic, and religious life of a Greek town; evidence for the presence of libraries within their perimeters, however, is lacking.>® In the documents gymnasia per se do not appear, but the gymnasiarchs, their leaders, are often mentioned in petitions and official documents.°? As in the case of the teachers and other professionals, however, their title is given to identify them, and almost nothing is known about the specific duties gymnasiarchs performed within the context of the gymnasium. It was the larger urban centers that offered the greater educational opportunities, and the greater variety of specialized teachers. The typical progression, namely from the rudiments taught by the grammatodidaskalos to the study of language and literature directed by the grammarian, might not always have been operative. Some privileged youngsters living in villages

were sent to urban centers to continue their studies, and ambitious (and wealthy) parents packed off even their small offspring to the city so that they might join an older brother, already studying there, or be watched over by a friend or relative. One family in Oxyrhynchos not only sent an older brother to the rhetorical schools in Alexandria and a younger brother to

the classes of a grammarian,© but the brothers expected the arrival of a third brother who would also begin his higher education under the tutelage of a grammarian.®! Back in the villages, the local didaskalos catered to a diverse clientele, from those who would attend classes for only a year or two, or those who would complete the course but not pursue secondary studies, to students who would some day study in the city and were eager to advance as far as the schoolmaster could take them. In such a situation, it is unlikely that the levels of teaching were sharply distinguished. Papyrus 379, Livre d’écolier, gives a graphic demonstration of the encroachment of one level upon the next.©2 The papyrus presents the first rudiments up to two short passages of Euripides in which the words were divided into syllables and a passage from the Odyssey that seems to function as a transitional item to more difficult material. The anthol-

ogy after that becomes demanding, especially two epigrams and a passage of Straton that presuppose a sophisticated knowledge of the language. The passages, intricate and rich in obscure glosses, would have suited the classes of a grammarian or the advanced pupils of a grammatodidaskalos.°> That teachers in the larger villages did bring their pupils to rather high levels of instruction is made clear by the school exercises containing grammar and Scholia Minora to Homer® found in such villages as Karanis and Theadelphia. Since the presence of 58See what Nilsson 1955, 95 and, more recently, Kruger 1990, 153 say. See also Roberto Nicolai, “Le biblioteche dei ginnasi,” Nuovi Annali della Scuola Speciale per Archivisti e Bibliotecari 1 (1987) 17-48, 22-23, 27 and M. Serena Funghi and Gabriella Messeri Savorelli, “Lo scriba di Pindaro e le biblioteche di Ossirinco,” SCO 42 (1992) 59-61.

SIA recent assessment of such documents is contained in Wolfgang Orth, “Zum Gymnasium im romerzeitlichen Agypten,” Festschrift H. Bengtson, Historia Einzelschriften Heft 40 (Wiesbaden 1983) 223-32. See also Bagnall 1993, 100.

8°See references to kathegetai (1-2-3-4). Diogas is said to be learning literature, yokppara pavédvew. For this expression’s reference to literature and not to letters of the alphabet, see Kaster 1988, 39 note 26 and 43, referring to Jean Bingen, “Note,” CdE 45 (1970) 356 and P. J. Sijpesteijn, “Some Remarks,” CdE 51 (1976) 141-45. See Rea 1993, 85-86 note 54-55. 6lRea 1993, 75 thinks that the younger brother was coming up to university, but it seems unlikely. 62Speaking in general terms Marrou 1975 often describes this phenomenon, see e.g., I p. 257. 63See Maehler 1983, 200. 64 bout the provenance of school papyri, see below pp. 57-58 and exercises 330, 345, 359, and 362.

EVIDENCE FOR SCHOOLS AND TEACHERS 21 grammarians outside of cities like Alexandria, Oxyrhynchos, and Hermopolis® is extremely unlikely, either the grammatodidaskaloi or the private tutors, kathegetai, were responsible for the production of these exercises. A private letter provides further evidence for the existence of elementary schools in which some advanced subjects were taught.® In this letter Sarapion, an advanced student studying geometry,°’ asks his old friend Ptolemaios to provide him with a certain papyrus containing geometric explanations. The letter is addressed to the school of the local grammatodidaskalos, which Ptolemaios is presumably still attending. Despite some evidence for considerable proficiency, teachers, and particularly elementary teachers, were not highly esteemed in the social hierarchy, as their relatively low pay®® and the open contempt awarded them by their contemporaries suggest.®? In the last years of Ptolemy Philadelphos, about 248 BC, the elementary teachers were exempt from the salt tax together with teachers of gymnastics, priests of Dionysos, and victors in the public contests.” What these classes had in common was their involvement with Greek institutions, and through this benefit the king was manifesting his philhellenism. In my list of didaskaloi, nos. (4-6) and (7-9) received the king’s benefit. In the village of Trikomia one among 110 adults was called “teacher,” while in Lagis three out of 323 adults were identified as “teachers”—a woman and two men. The Ptolemaic bureaucracy, however, probably extended exemption from the salt tax to all members of a teacher’s family—wife, children, and slaves—and designated them as “teachers” in the tax records.’! Thus there is no guarantee that all those called “teachers” in salt-tax records were involved in education. Two teachers, a man and a woman, were exempted from the salt tax in the village of Perhemer;’2 this village belonged to a larger area, probably a “toparchy,” with a population of 10,876, 24 of whom, all labeled in the Demotic as “Greek teachers,”’3 were exempted from the same tax.’4 Fifteen of the 24 were males.” Although royal benefactions enhanced the prestige of schoolmasters, as a group they belonged to a lower socio-economic category than grammarians. Diocletian’s Edict on Prices underscores the distinction by fixing a grammarian’s fee at four times that of an elementary 65“The search for grammarians in the empire leads one to regional centers,” Kaster 1988, 106. See also p. 20, and note 26 for the geographic distribution of grammarians in the earlier empire.

See ypapparodidcoKadoc (3). 67For geometry traditionally associated with secondary schooling, see Petron. Satyricon 58.7. This discipline is associated with liberal studies (specifically the poets and especially Homer and the pay “AxiAjoc), while it is distinguished from basic arithmetic. For geometry taught in secondary schools, see Marrou 1975, II 84-85 and M.L. Clarke, Higher Education in the Ancient World, (London 1971) 45-52. The well-written subscription that Sarapion adds at the bottom of the letter further identifies him as an advanced student. 68Cf. Kaster 1988, 99-134, chapter 3, “Social Status of Grammarians.” For the economic difficulties of schoolmasters see Bonner 1977, 146-53. 6°See Harris 1989, 237-38 and Alan D. Booth, “Some Suspect Schoolmasters,” Florilegium 3 (1981) 1-20. 70See the edict of the king (mpooréypa) in P.Hal. 1 260-265. 7IC£. the restoration [oixetouc], P.Hal. 1.265, Tony Reekmans, “Parerga papyrologica,” CdE 54 (1952) 406. T2See P.dem.Lille WI 99, verso, col. ii.15.

?3Dorothy Thompson (per litteras 10-19-1992) indicated that she was working on a piece (P.Sorb. inv. 212) from the same Demotic roll where one of the five divisions appearing in P.dem.Lille I] 99 verso is broken down in

Greek. Here, in col. 2.1, the word didaox_ at 6 appears. It is unclear if it designated female teachers or, more likely, the wives of the teachers who were exempted from the tax. 74See col. iv.1-7. See Thompson 1992. 73Thompson 1992, 325, considers at least the 15 males real teachers. She sees reflected in the considerable number of Greek instructors the policy of Ptolemy Philadelphus to promote Greek education to serve the needs of the new Greek administration.

22 INTRODUCTION teacher (7.66). Grammarians might own two or three slaves,’® while the grammarian Palladas, who complained bitterly about his poverty, nonetheless possessed at least one.’’ Other grammatikoi were land-owners, and some enjoyed not only wealth, but also high rank and status.”

At the same time the range of income and social status possessed by grammarians was diverse.79 Even elementary teachers, who were in a less privileged position than grammarians, sometimes owned a slave,8° houses and land,®! and a not uncommon source of income for them

stemmed from their ability to read and write. In the midst of a largely illiterate population, some schoolmasters performed these tasks for others, acting as scribes and notaries.** The cycle of Demotic tales of Setne Khamwas, where the schoolteacher acts as scribe in drawing up a deed, shows that helping out as scribes was a natural function of teachers not only in Greek-

speaking Egypt.83 At the other end of the Mediterranean, a Latin inscription on a funeral monument has the teacher remembering how he in life wrote out wills for others, performing the service for free when his clients could not afford to pay.*4 The evidence suggests that in Egypt education was not exclusively in the hands of men. Among the mummy portrait-heads of the Roman period found in the Arsinoite, the grammatike Hermione stands out with her big, inquisitive eyes and fine and delicate features.8° We know nothing of Hermione’s academic accomplishments, but more is known about several women

scholars who worked in Alexandria: under the Ptolemies Agallis, daughter of Agallias and Hestiaea;®® and in late antiquity the philosopher and mathematician Hypatia, who followed in the footsteps of her scholarly father.’ In comparison with women in the classical city-states of mainland Greece, some women in the Hellenistic age participated more openly in community affairs and tried to make a name for themselves in various professions.88 Nonetheless, women who taught at high levels of education remained the exception. Women were accepted among the ranks of the didaskaloi, although this fact has received little attention from scholars. For example, a papyrus letter of Christian provenance of the fourth century AD®? mentions the 76Cf{. Libanius, Or. 31.11 and grammatikos (2). 71Cf. Cameron 1965, 257-58. BSee grammatikoi (13), (6), (7), and (10). Cf. Kaster 1988, 109-11. Grammatikos (10) possessed in addition to the Flaviate the title of clarissimus, N\apapdotatocg, which belonged to persons of senatorial rank. 9Cf. the difficulties experienced by grammarian (3). 80S¢e didaskalos (20). 81 See didaskaloi (10), (27), (28), and (31). 82See didaskaloi (2), (18), (19), (26), and (29); see also grammatodidaskaloi (1) and (2) whom Maehler 1983, 196-97 considers Egyptian scribes tied to the temple.

83See Miriam Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature Wl The Late Period (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London 1980) 133-36. Cf. Thompson 1989, 77-78. 84 demque testamenta scripsit cum fide, nec quoiquam pernegavit, see CIL X.3969, Dessau 7763. Cf. Bonner 1977, 150 and T.E. Kinsey, “A Poor Schoolmaster?” Mnemosyne 32 (1979) 381. 85Hermione is no. 1 in the list. W. M. Flinders Petrie, Roman Portraits and Memphis, (London 1911) pl.2. Klaus Parlasca, Mumienportrdts und Verwandte Denkmdler, (Wiesbaden 1966) 81 and 101-103, with description and tafel 15. Turner 1980, 77 wonders whether yopappa7ixy meant “literary lady” rather than “teacher of letters,” but this is unlikely since the expression, with that meaning, would be odd. 86Sarah B. Pomeroy, Women in Hellenistic Egypt (New York 1984) 61. 870n Hypatia, see Edward Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (New York 1946) vol. II p.

1562, chapter XLVII; Alan Cameron, “Isidore of Miletus and Hypatia: On the Editing of Mathematical Texts” GRBS 31 (1990) 103-27; Alan Cameron and Jacqueline Long, Barbarians and Politics at the Court of Arcadius (Berkeley 1993) 39-62; Maria Dzielska, Hypathia of Alexandria (tr. F. Lyra, Cambridge, Mass. 1995). 88sarah B. Pomeroy, “Technikai kai Mousikai,” AJAH 2 (1977) 51-68. 8°See references to dudd&oKador (29-30).

EVIDENCE FOR SCHOOLS AND TEACHERS 23 teacher Kyria, greeting her as a “lady didaskalos” (rnv 6udcoxadov). The first editor of the letter concluded that the letter derived from a Christian milieu and that the title of didaskalos referred to a woman entrusted with the teaching of the religious doctrine. Because the Church did not admit women to the teaching of the Christian doctrine, the editor connected the letter with a circle of Gnostics, even though he could point to no gnostic texts of the fourth century awarding women the title of didaskalos. His refusal to see Kyria simply as a teacher of letters stems, in large part, from what he considered the lack of evidence for the existence of women teachers at lower levels of education. A few papyri from the first to the sixth century AD do testify that women could and did fill the position. Not all these women were called didaskalos, but rather deskale or deskalos: the spelling of didaskalos modulated to dideskalos and then deskalos without reduplication.”° In time reduplication tended to be reduced, and even reduplicated substantives were reduced to

their thematic roots. Deskalos was still used at the beginning of this century in the Greek spoken in the Pontus of Asia Minor;?! in modern Greek the word daskalos designates the schoolmaster, and daskala the schoolmistress. Thus, in a letter Apollonous writes to her husband Terentianos, who is a soldier in service, and tells him, “Do not worry about the children; they are well and attend classes with a teacher.”?* Although the editor of this text recognized that deskale was used instead of didaskalos in the sense of “teacher,” he failed to ask whether the deskale was a woman—a suggestion that becomes very likely indeed through an investigation of the other occurrences of deskalos and deskale, for every one refers to a woman. First there is Sarapias deskalos whose very name guarantees that she is a woman.?? The same is true for Athenais deskalos, mentioned in a mother’s affectionate letter to her children.?4 A third letter from Horigenes closes with his greetings for family members and friends, including a deskalos, apparently his teacher in the primary years who has remained in contact with the family.95 A late Christian letter of the fifth-sixth century AD provides a more ambiguous example, for instead of deskalos the letter says dekale, and although this individual is twice addressed with words of affection, no gendered article accompanies the designation to put the matter beyond doubt.”° It would seem, therefore, that a male teacher in the Roman and early Byzantine periods was still designated with the full word didaskalos, the word that had been used for “teacher” WM Ardcoxadoc became did€oxadoc, and then d€axaAocg. About this common phenomenon, see A.N. Jannaris, An Historical Greek Grammar, Chiefly of the Attic Dialect, (London 1897) 737.

7 See Stylianos G. Kapsomenakis, Voruntersuchungen zu einer Grammatik der Papyri der nachchristlichen Zeit (Minchen 1938) 121-22. 22See Sidc@oKadoc (15). Apollonous’ words, ei¢ deoxaAnv mapedpetvoun recall the expression mpocedpever ic

T& padjipaTra “attends classes” of another letter, PSJ. 194, in which a woman describes the enthusiasm of her son for school. Cf. above pp. 22-23. 93See didaskalos (14) in the list.

24See didaskalos (16). Athenais, who was the village teacher or a slave teacher, is mentioned among the people who greet Sarapias’ children, together with ‘EppavotBic n Tp0¢6c¢, perhaps the woman who had raised them.

5See didaskalos (21), where the editor translates d€oxadocg “the governess.” 26The expression appearing in the letter (didaskalos 35) is kip. pov dex&dn. The term dexa&An shows the drop-

ping of sigma, a not uncommon phenomenon even in the middle of a word, for which see Stylianos G. Kapsomenakis, “P.land. VI 101,8,” Athena 73-74 (1973) 571. The final alpha of xupia may have dropped out, as it is sometimes elided in nominal forms, see Gignac 1976, 317 and 1981, 4; see also P.Mich. V 331.4 and P.Mich. XIII 666.30.

24 INTRODUCTION over the centuries, but the noun deskalos (deskale) was reserved for female teachers. Although theirs was neither a prestigious position nor one monetarily rewarding, the teachers, both male and female, often gained the trust and affection of their young charges and their families. A woman teacher may have seemed especially appropriate as an instructor to young girls,” and since women were the most easily available teachers for their own small children, the expansion of the role to embrace other young students may have seemed a natural one.”8 The methods that prevailed in the schools throughout antiquity were less than gentle. Using the strap, or “caning,” seems to have been routine among schoolmasters, and references in literature to corporal punishment are not infrequent in Greek and Roman authors of all periods.99 St. Augustine recalls all the supplications he made to God not to be beaten in school when he was a small child and wonders at the cruelty of that system, about which his parents used to laugh. “Racks, claws and such varieties of torments...we schoolboys suffered from our masters.”!00 Were these punishments right, he wonders—for he is quick to admit that play got in the way of his learning—or was the harsh discipline maintained only because it was com-

mended by the ancestors? The school colloquies, presumably contemporary in origin with Augustine, note that if someone reads well he is praised, but if he does not he is whipped.!! The younger a pupil was, the more likely he would become a victim of the wrathful schoolmaster, a magister iracundissimus as Seneca dubs him.!°2 Grammarians were reputed to be milder than the didaskalos, more violent than the rhetor.!° At times children became impatient with the severity, for during the famine in Cappadocia, according to St. Basilius, the children happily left their tablets in school and flocked to the church to join in the prayers, glad to be free from their burdensome teacher.!°4 Libanius presents a superb portrait of a didaskalos (this time surely a grammarian or a rhetor). He is developing into a more elaborate composition the saying “Isocrates said that the roots of education are bitter, but the fruits are sweet.” To demonstrate how bitter are the methods used in education, he has the teacher sitting on a high chair and venting all his anger on his trembling pupils. If they do not perform well, they receive “anger and insults, beating and threats. “!®

Corporal punishment characterized the educational system of pharaonic Egypt,!° as well as persisted into later times. A school exercise from Graeco-Roman times (134) required a 97CF. pedagogue (3), a woman who was in charge of a young slave girl.

°8Cf. p. 23. Indeed, one wonders if the terracotta described on note 25, which has traditionally been interpreted as a mother teaching her daughter, might not instead depict a female teacher.

See, e.g., Aristophanes, Clouds 972; Herodas, Mim. III; Plautus, Bacchides 434; Quintilian, Inst.Or. | 3.14-17. 100 Confess. I IX, eculeos et ungulas atque huiuscemodi varia tormenta...quibus pueri a magistris affligebamur. 101 See Dionisotti 1982, 101 line 39 (emended version), ef Tic KaABS dvyyopevoev, Emauvetrar, ek TLC KAKQC, b€pETAL.

102Seneca, Ep. 94.9.

103See Horace, Epist. 2.1.70-71 (but Orbilius plagosus, a grammarian, was Horace’s teacher from the beginning) and Luxorius, Epigr. 8.

104Rasilius, Hom.Famis Sicc. 64 C Migne PG 309: rig éxaxGeiag Tod madevrod. |

1051 ibanius, Progymn. ed. Foerster, VIII, pp. 84-85. Other references to punishment in education are collected by Alan D. Booth, “Punishment, Discipline, and Riot in the Schools in Antiquity,” EMC 17 (1973) 107-14 and “The Image of the Professor in Ancient Society,” EMC 20 (1976) 1-10. 106Cf. Papyrus Anastasi V 3.9 (“The ears of a youth are on his back: he listens when he is beaten”) and IV 8.7, translated by Adolf Erman, Die Literatur der Aegypter (Leipzig 1923) 243 and 267, Eng.trans. by A.H. Blackman, The Ancient Egyptians (London 1927).

EVIDENCE FOR SCHOOLS AND TEACHERS 25 beginner to copy four times a teacher’s model with a fearful warning: “Work hard, boy, lest you be thrashed.” In another exercise, 257, a more advanced student writes about the same subject: “He who is not thrashed cannot be educated.”!°’ A Byzantine letter is also concerned with “the physical side of education.”!°8 In the letter a father writes to someone, presumably! a teacher, announcing his intention to withdraw his son Anastasios from his class, he says:!!° You have written to me about little Anastasios, and since I owe you money, be sure you will be paid in full. Nothing of what has been told you is true except that he is stupid and a child and foolish. He wrote me a letter himself quite in keeping with his appearance and his empty wits. And since he is a child and stupid then I will bring him home. I am keeping his letter to show you when I come. Chastise him, for ever since he left his father he has had no other beatings, and he wants to get a few, his back has got accustomed to them and needs its daily dose.

However young and immature Anastasios was, he was able to write a letter that his father considered a masterpiece of stupidity. The father mercilessly makes fun of his son, but showing the letter to the teacher seems a veiled gesture of reproach for the schoolmaster, since in all ages parents have held teachers responsible for their children’s failure. The letter apparently demonstrated that the boy did not learn anything. The father alludes to some money he owes the teacher, probably the tuition. He assures the instructor that, although he intends to withdraw the child, he will be paid in full. The teacher was probably apprehensive about this, since teachers did not always receive their due payment. An inscription from Pompeii exhibits similar unease, for an elementary teacher wrote on the porch of the Campus, “May the person who pays me receive what he wishes for from the gods.”!!! Some parents withdrew their children from school prematurely to avoid paying what they had promised. The grammarian Palladas knew of pupils who changed schools after eleven months without making the year’s payment.!!2 Anastasios, we understand, was regularly beaten at home, and his father gives the teacher official permission to continue beating the boy in his stead; the images of teacher and disciplinarian father blend.!!3 Doubts about the efficacy of corporal punishment in the schools became more common in the late Roman period, as milder forms of discipline gained ground 10l'C ph dapeic &VOpwroc ob madebeTa, Cf. Monost. 573 and Menander, Dyskolos 699-700.

108Sce SB V 7655: C.H. Roberts, “Two Letters of the Byzantine Period,” JEA 21 (1935) 52. The hand is dated to VI AD.

109Claire Préaux, reviewing Roberts’ article in CdE 11 (1936) 565-66, thinks Anastasios was apprenticed to a trade. His father, who owed someone money, had offered the boy as a compensation. Roberts himself, however, had entertained this possibility, concluding that it was more likely that Anastasios was studying with someone. I believe that he was right. 1104 translation of the same lines is published by W. Schubart, Die Papyri als Zeugen antiker Kultur (Berlin 1925) 80.

I Oyj mihi docendi dederit mercedem (h)abeat quod petit a superis, see Della Corte 1959, 62. 1124P IX 174.9-12, see Cameron 1965, 257. 113 or the many ways the two roles were blending, see Kaster 1988, 67-69. For cruel teachers being the substitutes for fathers in all ages see Christiane Klapisch-Zuber, “Le chiavi fiorentine di Barbablu: l’apprendimento della lettura a Firenze nel XV secolo,” Quaderni Storici 57 (1984) 773-74. At Macerata (Italy) in 1391 a teacher was supposed to instruct children, but also to punish them, like a father: et ipsos instruere, docere, monere, corrigere et castigare scolastice et paterne. See L. Colini Baldeschi, “L’insegnamento pubblico a Macerata nel Trecento e Quattrocento,” Rivista delle Biblioteche e degli Archivi 11 (1900) 23.

26 INTRODUCTION in the home as well.!!4 In the seventh century the physician and medical writer Paulus Aegineta thought it best if boys and girls from the age of seven were entrusted to nice, gentle teachers who would teach them with joy.!!5 Evidence from the papyri on teachers and schools has been useful in creating this general pic-

ture of the people and places devoted to educating children. The private letters and the anecdotal tradition offer some specific examples, and afford a glimpse into people’s mentality, habits, and assumptions with regard to education. Usually anecdotal evidence can clarify generalizations and it is especially welcome when the data are unverifiable. But this is not the case with education in GraecoRoman Egypt, where the school exercises themselves reveal the content of ancient lessons and the pedagogical methods used to impart instruction, documenting the reality of ancient education. 114See Marrou 1975, II 72. See also Pierre Riché, Ecole et enseignement dans le Haut Moyen Age (Paris 1979) 208-10 with examples of gentler methods of teaching used in the Middle Ages.

115Panius Aegineta, Corpus Medicorum Graecorum 911.14: YOapmaTioTaig wapadddvar mpaéo. Kai drravOpdmo’ ovTor yap peTa aveoEews Kal xapac Sddoxovor.

3 The School Exercises

The school exercises of Graeco-Roman Egypt have attracted limited attention and have never been thoroughly examined in their own right. Modern scholars researching ancient education regard the exercises as a source of illustrative material confirming information from the ancient authors about education.! They consider the actual testimonies of the school work of teachers and students not only to be an endless repetition of certain patterns but also to be straightforward evidence that does not deserve to be closely investigated. School exercises do not often attract unreserved attention, even by papyrologists, and so remain in the gray area that lies between literary and documentary papyrology: documentary papyrologists consider the exercises to belong to areas of interest and capacity beyond their own, while scholars who study literary papyri look at school work with some suspicion and disdain.’ The lack of attention school exercises have attracted also derives from the difficulty of gaining access to them, since

they have often appeared, especially in the past, in obscure journals, reviews, and Festschriften. Although a complete and reliable catalogue of exercises, listed by educational typologies, would be a necessary tool for researchers of ancient education, all of the few existing lists of school exercises present notable shortcomings.

Paul Collart was the first to compile a catalogue of exercises, which is less objectionable than those published later on.* A quarter-century later, Giorgio Zalateo attempted to complete Collart’s list, cataloguing not only the school exercises but also the school texts—that

is, texts produced for the use of students.> The resulting list is a haphazard collection of material, some of which does not offer any guarantee of having been used in a school context.® More recently Janine Debut updated Zalateo’s catalogue, but her list is the most problematic of all: texts and exercises are classified according to levels of difficulty and by genre; the material

ISee, e.g., Beudel 1911. 2See for instance Harvey 1978, 64: “Very little will be said about the papyrological and epigraphic evidence, which is comparatively straightforward.” 3School exercises are generally dismissed as being unable to provide reliable information about the state and tradition of a certain text. 4Collart 1937 only included the exercises in his list, not the school texts, listing them according to general typologies corresponding to the growing difficulty of educational levels. Before him, Ziebarth 1913 made a valuable selection of exercises.

See Zalateo 1961. ©According to Zalateo, students at every level used a remarkable number of texts and dictionaries. Judging from the list and the related notes, one has the impression that this scholar considered schools in antiquity in terms of the same standard applied to schools in nineteenth and twentieth-century Italy. This list is definitely too inclusive,

as noted by Turner 1980, 190, note 42. See in “Items Excluded from the Catalogue,” pp. 285-88, a detailed explanation of the items excluded with reasons for the exclusion.

28 INTRODUCTION is not well distributed in the different categories;’ identical items appear several times;* and there is a large number of mistakes and inconsistencies throughout the work.? The various and not completely successful attempts of scholars to classify both school texts and school exercises make it necessary to formulate a clear distinction between texts and exercises. While exercises represent both the work that students did for and in school as well as the models that teachers prepared for their pupils, school texts are books professionally produced to circulate in class and be used by students. Since it is problematic to identify sufficient and objective marks distinguishing texts used in schools from texts circulating among the general public, it is difficult to be sure about the school provenance of texts, aside from a few that are manuals presenting very elementary material.!° I decided to concentrate my attention on the exercises, both because my primary interest is to investigate the acquisition of the skill of writing, and because elementary students did not use many texts, but relied heavily on copies, dictations, and teachers’ models. As a rule I have not taken into consideration the products of higher education—that is, the exercises that originated in rhetorical schools—even though it is not always feasible to draw a sharp line between educational levels. In general, I have considered exercises whose content

appears to be typically rhetorical when the hand of the student seems still to be a “school hand”—that is, not completely developed. In addition, I include the few rhetorical exercises that exhibit specific features that are common to other less advanced exercises, since these can be useful to outline and identify the essential distinguishing characteristics of an exercise. I also do not study bilingual glossaries, because they are written by well-developed and sometimes completely professional hands. It is doubtful that any of them were produced in schools, nor it is certain that they were produced for learners rather than as specialized reference works for the proficient.1! Since my principal aim is to investigate the acquisition of writing by beginners, I will not specifically treat the activity of scribes. It is generally assumed that scribes needed technical training in scribal schools to acquire professional ability in one or more scripts and to master the complex vocabulary and syntax of legal and bureaucratic writing.!2 Nonetheless, the modalities and timing of a specialized scribal education are unclear: it is difficult to know for certain whether technical training started after the completion of a few years of regular schooling or during those years of general education. I decided to take into 7See Debut 1986: the section Les Textes includes many exercises (e.g. Debut 231 and 308), and conversely many texts are classified as exercises in the relevant section (e.g., Debut 325 and 329). Equally, the section dedicated to the learning of handwriting, where one could expect to find the poorly written exercises, lists many perfectly written texts (see e.g., Debut 150, 151, 155, 156.) 8See, for instance, 379, which appears up to 11 times; in addition, simpler exercises, and not only notebooks, are listed many times when they contain exercises of different kinds and levels. The splitting of the exercises reaches paradoxical proportions in the syllabaries and the lists of words, which are further divided according to the number of syllables.

Descriptions of the different items often do not correspond (see e.g., Debut 131, 133); some items are impossible to find, probably because they are listed incorrectly (see e.g., Debut 138, 162, 198, 279, 281); and some are listed twice by mistake (see e.g., Debut 120 and 121 bis). 10These are included in the Catalogue, see 81, 84, 97, 120. \For bilingual glossaries, see Johannes Kramer, Glossaria Bilinguia in Papyris et Membranis Reperta (Bonn 1983).

12See Ulrich Wilcken, Urkunden der Ptolemderzeit (dltere Funde). I, Papyri aus Unterdgypten (Berlin and Leipzig 1927) 474-75 and Thompson 1994, 76-77.

THE SCHOOL EXERCISES 29 consideration elementary scribal exercises such as the writing of letters, alphabets, and simple repeated words, since they probably represent the work of apprentice scribes and have in common the learning of the script. Even though in these exercises the characters are not always completely skilled, they do not resemble real beginners’ letters and are elaborately executed.’ I consider more advanced scribal exercises that presuppose specific notarial training or display professional book hands to be outside my area of inquiry. !¢ I also include in my consideration the elementary Greek and Coptic school exercises, when they cover letters of the alphabet, alphabets, and syllabaries—that is, the learning of the Coptic script and alphabet, and not the Coptic language—and when they were produced in or before the eighth century AD.!° Maintaining the strict traditional division between Greek and Coptic material, with exclusion of any item containing Coptic letters, involved deep conceptual problems. Coptic developed in bilingual milieus and its ties not only with the Greek script but also with the Greek language are multiple, involving the importation of Greek religious terms as well as a permeation of the Greek vocabulary of everyday life and Greek constructions and methods of word-formation.!© Much is unclear about the teaching of the Greek and Coptic alphabets, their relationship in centuries before the eighth, and the structure and organization of Coptic education. It is essential to distinguish between Coptic language and Coptic script, since not everything is clear about the correspondence of written and spoken Coptic. Exercises at the first elementary level traditionally considered as Coptic!’ do not yet involve the Coptic language itself but only the Coptic alphabet. They show four types of occurrences: (1) series of letters of the alphabet that do not display the specific Coptic signs imported from Demotic; (2) Coptic alphabets where the special Coptic signs are separated from the Greek letters and are listed in a distinct section of the exercise; (3) exercises displaying Greek and Coptic letters together; (4) exercises containing Coptic proper names, where students practiced their own names or wrote lists of names. When the exercises do not appear to have been written after the eighth century AD and only evidence a knowledge of the letters of the Coptic alphabet, it is problematic to draw a sharp line between Greek and Coptic education. !8 For methodological reasons I did not classify and study Latin and mathematical texts and exercises, because the relative expertise of the script in the majority of them makes it difficult to identify those specifically deriving from a school.!? Latin texts that were used to learn the Latin language appear similar to those employed in Greek education: alphabets, writing 13] call scribal exercises presenting these characteristics scribes’ trials. 14] did not include in my study scribal exercises containing formulas, dates, beginnings of epistles, or whole documents. In this respect, I do not share with the editors of MPER NS XV their idea of school, which seems too inclusive. For the same reason I did not consider proficient scribal exercises in book hand or in chancery style, such

as P.Ryl. 1 59 or P.Hawara 24. I also excluded the tachygraphic commentaries and exercises, which seemed to address a specific area of specialization. ISThis is the likely date of the disappearance of Greek as a spoken language in Egypt, see above p. 4. 16See Ray 1994, 60. I7Ror Coptic school exercises, see Hasitzka 1990. 181 did not cover the bilingual Greek-Coptic lists of words that Hasitzka 1990 includes in section VIlIc since, as far as I could check plates and originals, they appear to be written by professional or advanced hands, and it is doubtful whether they were school exercises. See, e.g., no. 256, written by Dioscoros of Aphrodito. 190nly Zalateo listed both Latin and mathematical texts, while Collart included a category for mathematical exercises only.

30 INTRODUCTION exercises, glossaries, fables, maxims, passages of authors,2° and grammatical treatises. Although traditionally scholars regarded these texts as always originating from ancient schools,2! they are all written by experienced hands and show that students at an advanced level studied Latin as a second or third language.” It is difficult, moreover, to exclude the possibility that many of these texts might have served adults who needed to learn the Latin language for business reasons.23 The majority of tablets, papyri, and ostraca containing mathematical material are also written in expert hands. Although some texts certainly were used for instruction,24 the purpose of other texts, such as multiplication tables and tables of fractions, cannot be determined exactly, since some of them might have been employed in a lawyer’s, businessman’s, or bureaucrat’s office as an aid to reckoning.?° An essential prerequisite to making a catalogue of school exercises is sifting all the material to ascertain its provenance and place in a school context on the base of clear and trustworthy criteria.2© Although the criteria that I adopted in identifying school material will be treated in more detail in the course of the work,”’ it is important to state them at the beginning in unequivocal terms. They are the following: (1) types of textual material contained, (2) writing materials and their use, (3) special distinguishing characteristics of an exercise, (4) mistakes, and (5) evaluation of the hand. While sometimes the application of one criterion is sufficient to determine that a given text is a school exercise, more often it is necessary to combine different criteria. The content of an exercise is in direct relation to the educational level of the student especially at an initial stage, but when one confronts the copying or dictation of passages of prose and verses, diverse criteria must come into play. In devising the different categories, and especially for the first seven levels,”* I have kept in mind above all the amount of writing they required and have considered a traditional student’s progress from easiest to most difficult. In the Catalogue, exercises are grouped according to the categories below. I will show in later chapters, however, that at least in Roman and Byzantine times levels 5 and 6 followed after level 2 when a student was learning how to write. After a basic exposure to the alphabet, students had to copy a limited amount of writing letter by letter, without yet being able to read, merely to strengthen their hand. I chose to maintain in the Catalogue the traditional order of educational levels that the ancient literary sources hand down2? for several 200nly the passages that are translated into Greek or contain Greek explanations and glosses can safely be regarded as addressing the needs of someone wanting to learn Latin. 21 See among others Clifford H. Moore, “Latin Exercises from a Greek Schoolroom,” CP 19 (1924) 316-28. 22See Dionisotti 1982, 91. 23William Brashear, “A Greek-Latin Vocabulary,” Proceed.XVI Congr. (Chico 1981) 34, says, “Soon after the battle of Actium someone very eager to learn the language of the new rulers set out to study Latin even before he could properly read it. The economic and social advantages it would bring him were strong incentives.” 24See, e.g., SB 11527, MPER NS XV 143, 147, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 179, Pap.Flor. XVIII 71-78, P.IFAO 88, P. Michael. 62, P.Akhmim 5, P.Harr. 50. 2514 distinction entre un exercice scolaire et une copie professionnelle est loin d’étre toujours aisée,” says Bernard Boyaval, “Tablettes mathématiques du Musée du Louvre,” RA 2 (1973) 243. Cf. also the doubts expressed by Frank Egleston Robbins, “A Greco-Egyptian Mathematical Papyrus,” CP 18 (1923) 329-30. 26A difficulty that one encounters when using the three existing lists of exercises and texts is that the authors did not sufficiently explain the criteria for selection that they followed. 27The description of the items of the Catalogue will often reiterate the relevant criteria for inclusion. 28See below, p. 31. 22See below p. 139.

THE SCHOOL EXERCISES 31 reasons, but chiefly because this was certainly the order followed in teaching reading and was perhaps the order followed in teaching writing in the Classical and Ptolemaic periods.*° The different educational levels and categories used in studying the exercises are: 1. Letters of the Alphabet 2. Alphabets 3. Syllabaries 4. Lists of Words 5. Writing Exercises 6. Short Passages: Maxims, Sayings, and Limited Amount of Verses 7. Longer Passages: Copies or Dictations 8. Scholia Minora 9. Compositions, Paraphrases, Summaries 10. Grammatical Exercises 11. Notebooks While the first category comprises the writing of single letters of the alphabet practiced several times, and letters that are joined without following an alphabetical order, the second level includes complete and incomplete alphabets. Syllabaries and lists of words are placed in the third and fourth categories, without being further distinguished according to number of let-

ters or syllables, solely to avoid too many distinctions and to leave all the material in chronological order. The next level, Writing Exercises, comprises the types of exercises that focus on the acquisition of better writing skills, that is, exercises copied from teachers’ models and words or short passages repeated several times.! This level somewhat overlaps with level 6, which generally includes texts not longer than eight lines. Level 7 includes passages of variable length and degree of difficulty, generally longer than eight lines. Scholia Minora, those Homeric commentaries where the Homeric text is divided into lemmata and is accompanied by the corresponding glosses, occupy level 8. I have considered only exercises containing Scholia Minora that appear to be written by students or that display hands which can be designated as “teachers’ hands.” Level 9 comprises paraphrases, compositions on a given subject, summaries of Homeric episodes or of whole books, and dialogues, while Grammatical Exercises make up category 10.32 I considered it necessary to include grammatical material in a special category, although most texts were probably copied and could be regarded as Longer Passages; this is an area in which it is preferable to make a useful and operating distinction in the mass of the Longer Passages. Finally, I have decided to include in a category by themselves what I call Notebooks—that is, collections of exercises of multifarious content that sometimes were compiled by more than one student.

30] realize that my choice could be somewhat controversial, but, because of the lack of evidence for teaching

writing in the Classical and Ptolemaic periods, I prefer to respect the traditional order of stages in a general Catalogue of exercises that were used to teach both reading and writing.

3lIn this category appear also a few single words, written only once, simply because it was hard to find a more suitable placement for them.

32The order followed for levels 8-10 is not dictated by any particular reason, since all the exercises in question were practiced in the class of the grammarian.

32 INTRODUCTION The process of selection and identification of school exercises must take into account the different writing materials on which the exercises appear and their usage in schools.33 I shall try to ascertain when and under what conditions a particular writing material is per se a sufficient guarantee that something was written in a school context. The particular ways in which students and teachers used and selected the most appropriate writing materials for their needs are worth noticing, since an investigation of the conditions of writing will contribute to a more realistic idea of the modalities of teaching and learning in ancient classrooms. Setting out the distinguishing features of exercises is also of fundamental relevance.34 Since the exercises as a group have never before been examined from this point of view, this promises interesting results. Some of the distinguishing characteristics concern the layout of an exercise and are mostly motivated by the desire to display it in an attractive and efficient manner. Other characteristics, such as the presence and types of dates included in some exercises, or punctuation and lectional signs, are related more to the content. I hope that the consideration of special features, such as the division of words into syllables or the separation of words from one another to facilitate reading, will elucidate how students worked and learned, and how their instructors taught reading and writing. Mistakes in writing down a particular text are also of crucial importance for the identification of an exercise. Since most of the exercises I consider are copies or dictations, mistakes are most frequently orthographic, while morphological and syntactical errors are more unusual. A direct evaluation of the hands of teachers and students must be at the base of the process of selecting the material.3> Palaeographical criteria and our standards for the beauty or ugliness of a hand change with time, above all because of the discovery of new texts. Thus, for instance, what was considered in the past the ungainly hand of a student may appear to be the informal hand of a scribe on a more balanced view. In addition, the palaeographical descriptions of the hands of exercises are often quite superficial and can lead to gross mistakes. One example will suffice. Exercise 284 preserves the short story of King Adrastus and his daughters, which was always considered a composition and thus listed by the different cataloguers.*° But a direct examination of the writing unmistakably reveals the work of a beginner with a quivering, uncertain hand throughout the whole text. The story of Adrastus was not the product of the student’s creativity, but was either copied or written from dictation, as the total lack of mistakes pointing to a composition and the simple and elementary content confirm.?’ Although I will discuss in a later chapter all the palaeographical characteristics of the hands of 33S¢e pp. 57-72. 34See pp. 75-96.

35The previous cataloguers refrained from such procedure, trusting the subjective opinions of the various editors. In Pack? 1965, the exercises are assembled in a separate section, School Exercises and Writing Exercises, and in addition some exercises, which are listed under the different authors, are marked as sch.ex. Pack all but followed the opinion of the editors, with the consequence, for instance, that Scholia Minora published in the past, when it was automatically believed that they were compiled by students, are distinguished as school exercises, while those published more recently do not appear as such. The new catalogue, Mertens-Pack?, which is in preparation, will follow the same method. 36Sce Zalateo no. 188 = Debut no. 376. 37Works such as M.-H. Ibrahim, ‘H EAANVopwpaikn madeia ev AvyoarTw (Athens 1972, 13 Suppl. Athena),

who followed the previous lists in order to study ancient education, inevitably reflect the mistakes of the cataloguers. Thus this scholar considered the story of Adrastus the composition of a student under the guidance of a grammarian, even though he had previously said that at this stage students wrote in a much better way (p. 93).

THE SCHOOL EXERCISES 33 students and teachers,38 it is essential to call attention right now to the types of students’ hands that emerge from the data, in order to establish a conventional way to identify them and to be able to use this terminology throughout the work. School hands can be classified into four different types on the basis of the maturity and ability of the student.°? Hand 1, “the zero-grade

hand,” represents the handwriting of the absolute beginner with lack of coordination and insufficient knowledge of the letter shapes; Hand 2, “the alphabetic hand,” is characterized by an identical clumsiness, but shows that the student has learned the basic shapes of the letters; Hand 3, “the evolving hand,” still exhibits many irregular and clumsy features, but is moder-

ately fluent and does not shy away from writing; Hand 4, “the rapid hand,” is completely fluent, even if not always tidy and even. Since the process of learning writing is a dynamic one, it is unrealistic to keep on speaking in general terms of a “school hand” as if of a frozen state and condition of writing. Palaeography is also a decisive factor pointing to a teacher’s model, and the main aim of a study of teachers’ hands*? will be to establish the principal characteristics they share in order to identify more teachers’ models. I have spoken above*! of the teacher Flavius Kollouthos son of Isakios, apparently a grammarian, who inscribed on tablet 160 the model of a maxim for his pupil: dpxi peyioTn Tov Ppovety TA YoappaTa “Letters are the greatest beginning of understanding”

The student painfully copied the maxim over and over again down the tablet. He tried

to write two distinct columns, perhaps imitating the mise en page of a real book, brutally | dividing the words whenever he started a new line. Since this student does not seem to have been able to read, one can only hope that he knew the meaning of the words he was writing or that he learned it later on, when letters brought him understanding. I hope this study of writing, of how students learned their letters, and how teachers inscribed models with beautiful, exemplary grammata, will lead to a deeper understanding of how schools in antiquity worked and how the letters learned in school affected adult writing.

38See pp. 97-118. 397 will sketch them quickly, but see below, pp. 111-12, for a more accurate description of each hand. 49See below pp. 97-102. 41 See pp. 14-15.

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PART TWO

Identifying School Exercises

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4 Types of Textual Material

In the fourth century AD the grammarian Troilus reflected on a commonly recognized aspect of ancient education: teachers continued to impart the same knowledge without ever deviating

from the usual course.! The general scope of education was rather limited even for the privileged few who pursued a secondary instruction: writing, reading, some formal instruction in the Greek language, and the study of the works of a few writers, almost exclusively poets. The content of education remained unchanged for many centuries, and very little was left to the creativity of teachers. The school exercises of Graeco-Roman Egypt confirm that education

consisted of a set of notions and concepts verified and proved by tradition and imparted according to gradual stages of difficulty. The changes that occurred over the centuries in the content and methods of education were few and of limited range, but I hope to show that they were still significant.* Definite types of textual material emerge from an inspection of the work of students and teachers. I will start from what Quintilian calls sua etiam studiis infantia, the infancy of learning, the first moment in which a student ventured to form the outline of a letter of the alphabet. To justify the significance of this moment it is not necessary to pretend with Quintilian that it is the child Alexander of Macedon who held the reed pen or the stylus.? It was a momentous occasion for any student in Graeco-Roman Egypt who was fortunate enough to receive some education.

Letters, Alphabets, and Exercises on the Alphabet The ancient authors describe different methods used to expose beginners to learning letters: letters were permanently incised in a wooden tablet, and the student had to follow the outlines; the master made the outlines, and the pupil filled them in; the teacher guided the pupil’s fingers through the letter shapes; ivory and wooden letters were given to children, and perhaps even cakes in the shape of letters.4* The school exercises testify only to the existence of models

of alphabets inscribed by the teachers and show that about two-thirds of the alphabets preserved as individual items are models for copying. The data show that teachers did not

write down examples of letters in random order for their students and that the models ISee Troilus, [poXeyépeva ric SnTopixic (C. Waltz, Rhetores Graeci, vol. 6, Ill 23), tapddevypa b& adriic O YPAPLPATLOTHS Hrou 6 xapadidaoKadocg’ wei yap THY didbaoKadiay ToveiTar pHdev pETATPET MY THY EiOLopEeVwY.

2Beudel 1911, 5-6, strongly believed that there had been no development in educational methods and thus did not make any distinction between the different periods: optime intellegitur rationem docendi semper eandem fere iSSé.

M 3Quintilian, Inst.Or. I 1, 21-24. Quintilian reflects on the fact that Philip of Macedon had entrusted the early education of his son to Aristotle for good reasons, and that the best philosopher of those times had accepted because he was aware that the rudiments, those studiorum initia, were fundamental. Thus, as Quintilian describes the first

years of learning, he pretends to have on his lap young Alexander, fingamus igitur Alexandrum dari nobis impositum gremio, dignum tanta cura infantem. 4 About all these methods see Harvey 1978. See also below, pp. 143-44.

38 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES reproduced only whole alphabets.> However, exercises done by students include examples of individual letters of the alphabet written in random order® as well as examples of partial or whole alphabets,” and I have considered these two as separate and sequential stages in the

learning of the alphabet. Although one might object that the two stages could be complementary, since students who were in the process of learning the alphabet and who knew how to write letters in alphabetical order might need to practice individual letters, two considerations make the separation of the two stages desirable. First of all, the texts in which mere beginners write letters not in alphabetical order show more untrained hands than the texts where entire or partial alphabets are written;® secondly, examples that exhibit individual letters written by beginners belong exclusively to the Byzantine period.? Even though, as always, the random nature of the texts that have survived may be partially responsible for the finding that in the Ptolemaic and Roman periods students did not practice letters outside of the alphabetical sequence, another explanation needs at least to be taken into consideration. Practicing individual letters appears to have been a favorite scribal exercise, and about half of the examples of exercises in this category were written by more or less proficient and advanced scribes.!° One can venture to say that this scribal trial, which has something in common with the practicing of scales by a musician, influenced the process of teaching letters in Byzantine schools, where teachers required students to practice the letters they had just learned or that gave them some trouble. Examination of the various hands is of crucial importance in distinguishing exercises in which scribes practiced letters from those of beginner students, since the relative proficiency and the elaborate traits of a scribal hand are usually evident.!! It appears that scribes did not practice whole rows of alphabets, one after the other, as students did.!* Conversely,!? when students were able to write letters without assistance, they did not persist in the practice of whole rows of identical letters in turn, since they were not required to strive toward that fluency and perfection in writing that was the evident goal of a scribe. !4

A student had to acquire real familiarity not only with the name, the sound, and the appearance of the letters of the alphabet but also with their place in the alphabetic sequence and out of the regular sequence, since this enabled him to recognize the letters when part of words. SExercises 5 and 38 are only apparent exceptions, since the look of the script, and the repeating of the exercise by the more proficient hand, makes more likely a scenario of students’ cooperation and work on the same piece.

See nos. 1 to 40 in the Catalogue. 7See nos. 41 to 77. 8 About this, see p. 131. °The fragmentary exercises 1, 2, and 3, which belong to the Ptolemaic period, are too ambiguous to be taken into account, since the letters seem to be followed by faint traces of other letters and could thus be the initial letters of a list of words. 10Many more examples, not included in the Catalogue, testify to this scribal practice: sometimes scribes practicing writing in scribal schools interrupted what they were writing, for instance formulas or documents, to practice identical letters in rows. 11Debut 1986, 251 complains of the tremendous difficulty in distinguishing students’ and scribal hands, but her problems derived mainly from a lack of direct examination of the hands.

I2Se¢, e.g., 160. |

\3 According to Bonner 1977, 168, students practiced this kind of exercise, but then the examples that he cites in note 19 are all written by scribes.

14An exception is 404, where it is unclear whether the student of tablet 5 was imitating a typical scribal exercise of was an apprentice scribe at the very beginning.

TYPES OF TEXTUAL MATERIAL 39 The most common exercise concerning the alphabet that a student was required to practice was the writing of letters in horizontal rows in reversed order,!> an exercise in which mistakes and erasures testify to pupils’ struggle to remember the correct sequence. A more difficult exercise consisted of pairing the letters, the first with the last, the second with the last but one, and so

on, an exercise that supposedly forced students to recall the exact order of a letter in the sequence. At times some cheating came into play, as ostracon 44 shows: the student had to write down two alphabets, one in regular and one in reversed order, coupling the letters and setting them side by side in vertical columns. But an examination of the letters and of the ink reveals that, instead of writing alpha next to omega at the start, continuing to pair the letters in this fashion down the column, he wrote the first alphabet in its entirety and then wrote the second starting from the bottom of the column up, proceeding therefore again in regular, ascending order. Students were not asked to write down more difficult exercises, which consisted of regularly skipping a fixed number of letters, as in writing alpha, epsilon, iota, and so on to the end of the alphabet, and then going back to beta, zeta and continuing in this fashion.!© These exercises only appear in teachers’ models, sometimes in conjunction with syllabaries: the letters were supposed to be recognized and perhaps pronounced aloud by the pupils. Quintilian alludes to this kind of exercise when he says that the instructors should write letters in various orders so that the students can learn to recognize them by their appearance and not by their place in the alphabet (varia permutatione turbent donec litteras qui instituuntur facie norint, non ordine).'7 Another exercise used in the Greek and Roman schools to reinforce knowledge of the alphabet consisted of the so-called chalinoi (xavoi).!® These were alphabets in scrambled order which joined together sequences of letters that were difficult to pronounce. In spite of the ancients’ attempts to attribute some meaning to these strings of letters, they did not form real words. The chalinos most popular in papyri is nva&[B6ix, GuaTnc, drAeypo, dow, which was also used in the training of scribes!? and appears twice in the school exercises.2° Clement of

Alexandria testifies to the existence of two more chalinoi used in schools and calls them “models of copying for children.”*! According to Clement, Apollodorus of Corcyra referred to a magical usage of these alphabetical formulas: children and the common people sang them together to heal Miletus from the plague.”* Clement quotes in addition the fourth lamb of Callimachus, who knew of the same usage of this formula.*> Parts of the formula also appear in a fragment attributed to Thespis, the description of a sacrifice to Pan consisting of milk, cheese, 13See, e.g., 43 and 83. l6See, e.g., 60 (verso). l7See Inst.Or. 11, 25. 18See Quintilian, Inst.Or. 11, 37. \9See P.Kdin IV 175, where an accomplished scribe also practices parts of Psalms and tachygraphy, and the exercise repeated on the back of a Coptic letter: F. Wisse, “Language Mysticism in the Nag Hammadi Texts and in Early Coptic Monasticism,” Enchoria 9 (1979) 110 no. 9. 20See 60 and 79. 21Scee Clement, Strom. V 8 48.4-9; 49.1; 359.1-9; 360.3 Stahlin-Friichtel: broyoappoi radixol. 22Clement, in Strom. 8 48.8-9 and 359-360, also gives a Christian explanation of the various “words” of our chalinos. According to Cornelia Romer, P. Koln. IV 175, Porphyry had explained the words in a different way, as reported by Richard Bentley, Epistula ad Millium (Introduction by G.P. Goold, Toronto 1962) 301-304 (the fragment has not yet been published). 23See Callimachus fr. 194, 28-31, Pfeiffer 1 179.

40 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES and wine, in which the different “words” are glossed with made-up meanings apparently intended to make fun of school practices.*4 It is bizarre that from here they found their way to Hesychius’ Lexicon, acquiring the status of real words.”> In traditional education scribes and students used these formulas as writing exercises. Quintilian also remarks that all these difficult sounds together helped students to improve their pronunciation, and tablet 60 testifies to that, since both exercises of this teacher’s model were supposed to be read aloud. It is interesting that cvaé, a word glossed by Hesychius as “white milk” (yc&Aa@ Aevxév), already appears in the early Ptolemaic 379 (line 36) as part of a list of words that contains several rare terms, which

were probably all chosen because of their challenging sound combinations. It is likely that Quintilian, who describes chalinoi as “words and verses of studied difficulty, formed of many syllables that go badly together and are harsh and rugged in sound,”2° also classifies under this term those pseudo-epic hexameters containing all the letters of the alphabet, which were part of traditional scribes’ training.2” Verses such as “he kindled the altar for the gods, and the fire flame gushed forth very strongly” (GBwpév 6 y’HWe Beoig Sapevt 68 Tupdcg KExvTO PASE) were

used as writing and pronunciation exercises and appear in both teachers’ models and students’ work.28 They continued to be popular in medieval times, as evidenced by their presence in various manuscripts,2? and correspond to analogous Latin verses containing all the letters of the

alphabet that were used in education until the Middle Ages.>° | Even though it is never mentioned by modern histories of ancient education, the evidence from Roman and Byzantine school exercises proves that the most immediate goal of a student learning the letters of the alphabet was to be able to inscribe his own name. I shall consider this question in a later chapter,?! but for now it will suffice to say that exercises showing individual letters and alphabets exhibit at times the name of the student who wrote them. Apakire, for instance, the student of 40, had clearly just learned to hold a reed pen when he traces his name on a tiny piece of papyrus, adding beneath it a few more letters that are barely recognizable. We can only hope that his education continued beyond this first attempt.

Syllabaries One of the elementary stages of education was combining the letters of the alphabet into syllables and mastering a syllabary. The school exercises show that syllabaries could come in different forms. Usually they exhibit the series of vowels written vertically in a column, with the consonants running horizontally, combining with the vowels in turn, and with the different 24Sce TrGF 833 fr. 4, Snell 1 F 4.66. The fragment was probably falsely attributed to Thespis. 25See Reinhold Merkelbach, “Weisse KNAZZBI-Milch,” ZPE 61 (1985) 293-96. 26See Inst.Or. 1 1, 37: nomina quaedam versusque adfectatae difficultatis ex pluribus et asperrime coéuntibus inter se syllabis catenatos et velut confragosos quam citatissime volvant. 27See PSI XII 1293.

28See 48, 61, 66, 287. Particularly interesting is exercise 253, which preserves several examples of verses starting and ending with the same letter as well as verses that could also be read starting from the end (xapxivon). Unfortunately the section with the verses containing all the letters of the alphabet is extremely fragmentary. 29See Dieter Hagedorn, “Zwei Spielverse,” ZPE 2 (1968) 65-69. 30Bischoff 1966, 79-86 discusses several examples of this kind of verse. 31See pp. 146-48. 32See nos. 78 to 97 in the Catalogue.

TYPES OF TEXTUAL MATERIAL 41 sets separated by vertical and horizontal lines.33 At times, however, the consonants were written in a vertical series (82), and the various sets ran horizontally without much separation between them (93). Although generally syllabaries started with a consonant followed by the various vowels in turn, sometimes vowels came first.34 In triliteral series the same consonant or a different one followed the changing vowel, while two consonants preceded the vowel and one followed it in quadriliteral sets.3° Especially in quadriliteral series the combinations of sounds were sometimes harsh and unusual, and this is probably why some teachers’ models occasionally skip a series, a mistake done quite on purpose.3® Mistakes of various kinds abound in syllabaries written by students,?’ which are approximately half of the syllabaries considered. Since this kind of exercise generated a great deal of boredom, after the first sets the student started to tire and lose concentration. The syllabary of Apollonios, 78, provides a

good example. Even though Apollonios starts by writing tiny and careful capitals that deteriorate and become more cursive as he goes along, nonetheless the general appearance of his exercise is neat enough. An examination of the content, however, reveals mistakes, omissions, whole series skipped, and some series reintroduced on second thought. Among the mistakes committed by students, three are interesting in so far as they show that students at this level often could not distinguish vowels and consonants: iota and omicron were treated both as vowels and consonants and combined with all the vowels in turn.3° The result was that bizarre sets were produced, which consist of two or three iota’s or omicron’s side by side.3? In addition to seven teachers’ models, three schoolbooks containing syllabaries are included in the Catalogue.*° They are pages of codices with page numbers and are made of fine papyrus. In each case the hand writes fluently in the so-called “Alexandrian majuscule” style.*! Although these schoolbooks were professionally produced, the type of elementary exercise they contain undoubtedly points to a school product. Syllabaries were fundamental in teaching reading, and books of this kind continued to be produced in the Middle Ages to help children acquire a rapid command of this skill.4 Quintilian stresses that all the syllables had to be learned, there were no shortcuts, and a pupil had to gain command of the most difficult and unusual combinations.*3 According to 33Sce, e.g., 78 and 83. 34S ee, e.g., 86 and 96. 33See 79, 80, 91, 379.

36See, e.g., 379 lines 9-20, p. 4. 37See the various mistakes in 78, 79, 80, 82, 83, 96. 38See iota treated as a consonant in 83 and 96, and omicron also combined with all the vowels in turn in 82, line 9.

3°Thus, for instance, in 83 after the theta series (@x0-0€0-06-0.0 and so on) the iota series begins: ca-vét-uneiu.

40See 81, 84, 97. 41 This is a style already attested in the second century AD, but it reached its peak in the fifth-sixth centuries.

Starting from the ninth century, it was used exclusively for Coptic texts. See Guglielmo Cavallo, “Grammata Alexandrina,” JOBG 24 (1975) 23-54 and Antonietta Porro, “Manoscritti in maiuscola alessandrina di contenuto profano. Aspetti grafici, codicologici, filologici,” Scrittura e Civilta 9 (1985) 169-215. 42Sce the examples from the fifteenth century cited by Bischoff 1966, 75 note 12. The introduction of one of these syllabaries, called tabula coniunctionum litterarum (Cotton Titus D. XVIII foll. 5-6), stresses that the aim of the exercise was to help children to learn to read quickly, tabula alphabeti quae multum valet ad instruendum pueros ut citissime bene ubique legant. 43See Inst.Or. 11, 30: syllabis nullum compendium est; perdiscendae omnes nec, ut fit plerumque, difficillima quaeque earum differenda.

42 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES Plato, children were exposed to the easiest syllables first and learned with time to recognize the most complicated by comparison.*4 Teachers needed to keep syllabaries handy for their stu-

dents and most of the time wrote them on models that provided the basis for the recitation aloud of the different combinations. Athenaeus relates that in the fifth century BC the Athenian poet Callias had composed a play, an “Alphabet Show” (ypappatixn Gewpia), in which the 24 women of the chorus, who represented the letters of the alphabet, were paired and came on the Stage singing the different sets.4° On one of the models, 92, a teacher writes out only the initial and final columns of a syllabary. The sets in between are left blank after the first two combinations so that the students had to make them up themselves, either writing them down or pronouncing them aloud. It was one of those “hateful songs,” odiosa cantio, frequently used in elementary education in antiquity.*®

Lists of Words

According to the ancient Greek and Roman festimonia, after the syllabaries students were exposed to words (6véyuaTa).4’ The school exercises present a considerable number of lists of

words of various content, length, and accuracy, and organized according to various principles.48 But long before entering into Greek and Roman education, lists of words were an integral part of ancient Mesopotamian and Egyptian education. In Mesopotamia, where such lists were continuously copied throughout the third millennium, the entries formed semantic groups: trees, animals, toponyms, titles and professions, and so on.*? Didactic texts, termed Onomastica and entitled “Teachings,” were also a fundamental part of the school syllabus of ancient Egypt, where their scope was to present and organize everything in creation.°° These lists were supposed to be learned by heart and copied, as passages from them written by students on writing boards and ostraca show. Like the Mesopotamian lists, the Egyptian lists covered the most various and extensive material: gods and their shrines, parts of the human body, features of nature and of everyday life. The aim of these lists was to learn the graphic signs of the writing system, achieve an elementary vocabulary, and categorize the surrounding world, helping archaic societies understand themselves. A similar aim was claimed for the lists of words used in Graeco-Roman schools: students were supposed to learn them by heart, receiving from them a good general education.>! But although memory played a great role in ancient education, and Quintilian regarded it as a sign of intelligence in young learners, to be carefully cultivated,5? none of the ancient sources 44Sece Polit. 278 B.

45 Athenaeus X 453 d-f. See Svenbro 1993, 183-86.

4651. Augustine, Conf. I 13, applies the words to songs used to learn number additions, one and one makes two and so on, and declares his total dislike for them. 47 Sec, e.g., the account of Gregory of Nyssa, De beneficentia IX 12-13. 48See nos. 98 to 128 in the Catalogue. 49Se6 Nissen, Damerow, and Englund 1993, 105-106. 50See H. Brunner, Altaégyptische Erziehung (Wiesbaden 1957) 93-98 and Eyre-Baines, 1989, 94-95. 51§ee Janine Debut, “De l’usage des listes de mots comme fondement de la pédagogie dans |’antiquité,” REA 85 (1983) 261-74; J. Debut, “La didactique du grec aprés la conquéte de l’Egypte par Alexandre,” IL 37 (1985) 21-27.

52st. Or. I 3, 1: ingenii signum in parvis praecipuum memoria est. Memory should be trained from the beginning, not to lose precious time, Inst.Or. 11, 19: non ergo perdamus primus statim tempus, atque eo minus, quod initia litterarum sola memoria constant. For the importance of training children’s memory see also Plutarch,

Ilepi tardav aywyic 9 E.

TYPES OF TEXTUAL MATERIAL 43 speaks of such use of lists of words,°? while they regard the introduction of whole words as a mandatory step in teaching reading and writing. Undoubtedly this was how most of the lists in the exercises were used. About three-fourths of the lists present either words divided into syllables or words arranged in groups according to the number of syllables—that is, lists of bisyllables, trisyllables, and so on. Starting from the Roman period most of these lists follow an alphabetical order or are organized in sets starting with an identical letter. While about half of the lists were copied by students, the other examples appear in teachers’ models, mostly on tablets, which were passed around in class or used to teach reading individually.5+ Some of these lists seem a curious and extreme application of the principles that governed syllabaries. On model 124, for instance, where a teacher inscribed names from history, geography, and the Bible with many spelling mistakes, in the columns of words starting with a consonant, the consonant is followed by each of the vowels in turn, in the same order as in the syllabaries. One cannot but suspect that, when the teacher could not produce a suitable word but still wanted to follow the correct vowel sequence, he simply made one up.*> The same scenario applies to exercise 100, in which many of the common nouns copied by a student appear to have been totally fabricated for the occasion. Since this rather immature student was probably incapable of devising independently such an organized list, one must conclude that a teacher made up this bizarre hodge-podge with total disregard for the reality of the Greek language.°®

The remainder fourth of the lists, which were organized by subject and consisted of names from history and mythology, names of gods, proper names, and months and days of the week, were not used specifically to teach reading. These lists, particularly those that were of limited extension and presented items of general knowledge, might have been drawn up by stu-

dents as an aid to memory.°’ Finally, it is likely that a few longer lists were compiled by teachers as an aid to teaching. Thus the long list of the papyrus codex 390 was probably written by a teacher who wanted to jot down the words that he intended to use.°8 Likewise, in ostracon 113, which was originally quite large, appear three incomplete lists of names, which were inscribed by a hand fluent but not completely even because of the irregular surface. It is likely that a teacher inscribed the big sherd and kept it at hand to draw from it the names that he intended to dictate to his class: the ostracon functioned as a reference book.

Writing Exercises The aim of writing exercises was improvement of the handwriting: beginners practiced letter shapes imitating teachers’ hands in the models, while older students attempted to acquire more fluent hands or to learn more elaborate styles, going beyond the basic kind of script that they 3Janine Debut, “L’apprentissage du grec en Egypte ou le changement dans la continuité,” STCI 25 (1987) 12 admits that this is a difficulty, but ignores it in her other articles (cited in note 52). In elementary education memory was trained by learning maxims, sayings, and chosen passages from the poets, see Quintilian, Inst.Or. 1 1, 36 and Seneca, Ep. 33, 7. 4In addition to the models containing lists that appear in the section Lists of Words, other models presenting lists are 308, 379, 380, 390, 395, 400, 411. S5See, e.g., in col II line 2, the strange word (7) deXedavTa. 56This is the opinion of Jean Bingen, “L’exercice scolaire PUG II 53,” CdE 113 (1982) 107-10. 57See 108, 110, 117, 118, 119, 122, 150. See also the more specialized lists of birds in 116 and 123. 58The fluent hand influenced by the chancery style, the professional look of the decorative paragraphoi, and the remarkable lack of mistakes point to writing done by a teacher. See also 99, 380.

44 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES had practiced in the first years. Writing exercises consist either of the repetition of an identical example or of the imitation of a teacher’s model inscribed on the same papyrus or tablet or on a different tablet of the same notebook.» It is in this category of exercises that the most homo-

geneous group of teachers’ models can be found: about half of the writing exercises were penned by teachers on models together with the student’s copy.® A consistent group of trials of scribes, which exhibit the repetition of very simple patterns, generally conjunctions or isolated words, are also included.®! About half of the writing exercises consist of maxims, mostly taken from the poets: the practice of “making a selection from the leading poets of the maxims into which they have put their best thought” was very widespread.©* The gnome (yvmpn, sententia) was a basic part of

students’ education from the first to the later years. While Seneca relates that young adults continued to memorize them even later, to the detriment of a more complete education, he approves of an early use of maxims in elementary instruction, “for single maxims sink in more easily when they are marked off and bounded like a line of verse...they can be comprehended by the young mind that cannot as yet hold more.”® It was only necessary to enter a school to see maxims of important philosophers inscribed on teachers’ models. Quintilian too speaks of verses set for practice in writing and advocates the use of maxims of moral value, which could convey some useful exhortations.©° Children were supposed to learn maxims by heart, for they could form their character and would be remembered till old age. “This is why,” says Aeschines “we memorize as children the maxims of the poets, so that we can make use of them when we are adults.”®”? Elementary schoolmasters were known to indulge in the use of maxims.

Galen relates that Chrysippus filled his treatises with quotations from famous poets, from whom gnomai were drawn to illustrate every point, and that he was criticized for being guilty of “the garrulity of an old woman, or perhaps of a school master who wishes to list as many verses as possible under the same thought.” In later years, under the tutelage of the grammarian and the rhetorician, students were still supposed to collect maxims to study and develop in compositions. ©? 59As was explained above on p. 31, note 31, a few exercises that do not follow these patterns are included in this category. See 131, 140, 143, 173. 6OBut notice 139. In this case the pupil’s copy was probably lost. 61Twelve exercises are likely to have been penned by apprentice scribes. 62See Isocrates, Ad Nic. 44: ef ric éxdekee TOY Tp0EX6YTWY ToLNTaY T&S KAdOVLEVAS yvouac, ed’ alc EKELVOL pedor’ EoTovdaoay.

63For the use of maxims in education and compilations known as gnomologia, see John Barns, “A new

gnomologium: with some remarks on gnomic anthologies,” CQ 44 (1950) 126-37 and CQ NS 1 (1951) 1-19. 64Sce Seneca, Ep. 33.6: facilius enim singula insidunt circumscripta et carminis modo inclusa...quia complecti illas puerilis animus potest, qui plus adhuc non capit. 65See Seneca Ep. 94.9: si ludum litterarium intraveris scies ista, quae ingenti supercilio philosophi iactant, in puerili esse praescripto. 66See Quintilian, Inst.Or. 1 1, 35: ii quoque versus, qui ad imitationem scribendi proponentur, non otiosas velim sententias habeant, sed honestum aliquid monentes. ©7Ctesiph. 135: di& rodTo yap oipon Taidac SvTAS Huds TAS TOY ToInTaY yrouac éxnavOdvery, iv’ &vdpec Syrec avrTaic xoee@peba. For the use of maxims in early education, see also Lucian, Anach. 21.

dravonpa THE. |

68See Galen, De placitis Hippocratis et Platonis, CMG V 4,1,2 281 p. 196 De Lacy: rau7i pév dHoova

d&doX\Eoxiay elvan youddn, Tuxdv 6€ Kai yoappatov didaoxddov Bovdopévov orixoug 67. wAEioTouG bd Td AdTO

6°F or the use of maxims in more advanced education, see Plato, Prot. 338 E and Xenophon, Memor. 1 2.56;

42.1; 6.14.

TYPES OF TEXTUAL MATERIAL 45 Maxims are often found among exercises of the following category, which covers the writing of short passages in prose and poetry: the two categories often overlap, since they represent two complementary aspects of the same stage. Through maxims teachers tried to inculcate in their students basic values: be modest, love and respect your parents, stay away from women, benefit your friends, give to poor people. Filial piety was a favorite,’° and when Apion echoes such sentiments in a famous letter he wrote to his father,’! one wonders whether he had been at least a little “inspired” by the many gnomai copied in school.’* Not all of the maxims contained in the exercises belong to the transmitted sententiae, since it is in the maxims that teachers could take some initiative and manifest some originality: they could make them up, adapting conventional themes, or they could modify the traditional maxims when they wanted to develop a particular theme.’? Menander’s sententiae in Greek and in Coptic translation are preserved by two texts that may have been used in schools.’4 Several of these maxims

do not appear among the Monostichoi: while some are variations following the same basic themes, others have been composed around the subject of learning grammata, probably by a teacher, who had some trouble in working with iambic trimeters. None of the latter gnomai, in fact, is metrically correct, although just a few changes are sufficient to emend them. These maxims hardly stand out for their originality: they promise that he who learns letters has brains, good hopes, a good beginning in life, a life, a sure understanding, a gift of the gods. They also say that without a good beating nobody learns letters,’> and that no stick awaits him who learns them. ’°

Writing exercises often display names written over and over.’’ In most cases these are likely to have been the personal names of the students, which they had to learn to write proficiently. Names often appear in conjunction with letters of the alphabet and alphabets,’® and it

is significant that they again show up in writing exercises that the student had to practice immediately after learning his letters.’

See e.g., 255 and 257. IBGU II 423, (I century AD), moooxuvjow ri xépay, bri we Ewaidevoac Kadac. 72Préaux 1929, 793, does not doubt that his feelings are sincere. I merely suggest that Apion had probably practiced a lot on the topic of love and respect towards one’s parents. /3This is the opinion of Peter Parsons regarding No. 195. At least the first 7 lines of the collection of gnomai develop the theme of filial love. Of 14 lines only 3 correspond to Menander’s Monostichoi. 4See Dieter Hagedorn and M. Weber, “Die griechisch-koptische Rezension der Menandersentenzen,” ZPE 3 (1968) 15-45. I did not include them in the Catalogue, since they are proficiently written and are likely to have been

professionally produced books (which may have been used in schools, but not necessarily). The first is a page of a codex, P.Lond. VIII 1a and 3b, which was assigned to V-VI AD. The second is no. 1583 in Pack. It consists of eight leaves from a papyrus codex, which was dated to VI-VII AD. It was published by O. Marucchi, I/ Museo Egizio Vaticano descritto ed illustrato (Rome 1899) 296-303 and by E. Sarti and V. Puntoni, Gnomologii acrostichi fragmentum Graece una cum metaphrasi Copto-Sahidica (Pisa 1883). Both codices were reedited in MPER NS XVIII 269. 793§ee P.Lond. VIII 1a.8-9 and fol. 1b.25-26: &vev 6é TANYHAG ovdeic pavOadver Ta yoappara. 7See fol. VIII b.200-201 of the codex: Sdmadoc 5é oddeic (for AémaXOV OdSEY) TOIC padovor Ta yokppara.

T]§ee 109, 137, 147, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 172, 174. ?8See above p. 40. The question of the importance of learning to write one’s name will be discussed below, pp. 146-48. 79 About this, see below, p. 137.

46 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES Short Passages: Maxims, Sayings, and Limited Amounts of Verses According to Plato, after learning their grammata students were exposed to the works of good poets that offered teachings of moral value.®° Besides writing and memorizing carefully selected sententiae, students were assigned passages of poetry to learn and copy. Short passages in verse are the most represented among the exercises at this stage and show that Homer was the favorite author. Although the first books of the Jliad are represented most of the time, Other exercises also testify to the basic role Homer played in education. The latter include short epigrams about this poet’s place of birth®! or that maxim painfully copied by an “alphabetic” hand: “Not a man, but a god was Homer.”82 Euripides and Menander were the next most valued authors.

About a third of the exercises at this level consists of maxims and sayings of famous men, those dicta clarorum virorum that Quintilian thought children could learn with profit, together with excerpts from poetry, electos ex poetis maxime locos .83 Seneca already had con-

sidered the study of sayings appropriate for this level: ideo pueris et sententias ediscendas damus et has quas Graeci Chrias vocant.®4 The chria (xpeica) consisted of a short prose maxim accompanied by an anecdote such as: “Diogenes, seeing a woman learning her letters, said, ‘She sharpens herself like a sword.’”®> The sayings were often misogynistic, with an evident derivation from Euripidean thought. Diogenes the Cynic was a favorite author of such sayings, and Diogenes Laertius notes that this philosopher used his own writings in teaching the sons of Xeniades: “The children used to learn by heart many passages from poets, historians, and the writings of Diogenes himself.”®® Like maxims, sayings accompanied a student through his education:8” with the grammarian he learned the declension of a chria by passing the subject of the sentence through all the numbers and cases, adapting the grammar of the rest,88 and in rhetorical schools he used and developed sayings in compositions.®?

Sayings were not the only exercises exposing students to prose, as the presemce of riddles,°° short passages from educational works such as Isocrates’ Ad Demonicum,®! and fables testifies. In the early Byzantine period a favorite was the story of the son who runs to the desert after murdering his father, and is then killed by a snake on the tree that he climbs to

escape from a lion.” Aesop related two different versions of this story, which are less gruesome, introduce more animals, and curiously have more of an Egyptian flavor than the 80See Prot. 325 e. 81Sce 177, 198. 82Sce 200. Other exercises concerning Homer are 175, 183, 191, 216. 83See Inst.Or. I 1, 36. 84 Seneca, Ep. 33.7. 85See 393 vi.2. Quintilian, Inst.Or. 19, 4, recognizes three main types of sayings.

86Diogenes Laertius VI 31: xaretxov 6€ ot maideg wodkdAd ToinTav Kai ovyypadeéwy Kal Tav adbrod Avoyévous.

87Quintilian, Inst.Or. 19, speaks of the different ways grammarians used maxims and sayings in their classes.

88See the rules of a xXpeiag KXioig set out in 385 and 388 (5b). An actual chria about the philosopher Phythagoras advising his pupils to abstain from red meat is declined in 364. 8 See, e.g., Hermogenes, Prog. 3 or Theon, Prog. 5.

See 176, 187, and 205. 71See 204, 229.

2See 230, 231, 232, 314, 323, 409, 412.

TYPES OF TEXTUAL MATERIAL 47 fable appearing in the exercises.?3 Although one would suppose that the details of the river Nile and the presence of crocodiles originally dictated the use of this specific fable in Egyptian schoolrooms, in the exercises they were eliminated and the background of the story became less localized, perhaps more Greek.**

Longer Passages: Copies and Dictations As a Student progressed, he was asked to write down and learn longer passages of poetry and prose. This category of exercises is the most problematic for many reasons. First of all, it includes relatively short texts together with long ones, since a minimum amount of eight lines of writing was considered the essential prerequisite for belonging to the level of the longer passages.°5 Also included at this level are texts that appear relatively short, sometimes shorter than eight lines, only because of their fragmentary state. Very frequently, moreover, the use and function of these passages of literature cannot be determined with a reasonable degree of certainty.9© Although sometimes there is a clue to the instructional function of a certain passage—as, for instance, when the presence of mistakes showing that the student lost the sense of the passage points to a dictation®’—generally one is left to guesswork.”® Since it is at this level that the two classes of students, those of the grammatodidaskalos and those of the grammarian, meet, this category displays a variety of hands, some of which already appear advanced. The teachers’ models included at this level constitute only a little over one-tenth of all the exercises in this category. Models were still very much needed at this stage, but distinguishing them with reasonable certainty is often problematic. Advanced students of grammarians were not only able to take dictations but were also capable of using models written rapidly and with fewer special characteristics. Nonetheless, when a student was still uncertain about reading and writing, models with syllabic separation or word separation were essential tools of learning. Although lists of words often appear in models with the syllables separated, only in one case are the words of a short passage divided into syllables, because short passages were copied when students had not been yet exposed to a knowledge of syllables.?? After students had learned and practiced syllabaries, they were ready for systematic reading and writing, and yet they still needed specially prepared texts. Even though the effort of children in antiquity to learn their syllables can easily be confused with the modern process of teaching syllabic combinations to children learning to read and write a language based on phonetic principles, one must recognize the tremendous effort required of a beginner in ancient times to dis3 See Aesop 32 I-II Hausrath. The Aesopic fable is not about a parricide, but concerns a man who murders another man. 4 About the traditional character of education in Egypt and the limited influence of a popular culture, see Raffaella Cribiore, "Gli esercizi scolastici dell’Egitto greco-romano: cultura letteraria e cultura popolare nella scuola," in La letteratura di consumo nel mondo greco-latino. Atti del convegno internazionale (Cassino 1994) forthcoming.

954 maximum length of eight lines suits most of the short passages placed in the previous level and covers most of the maxims and sayings. Of course, length of line could make a difference, and I generally refer to lines that correspond roughly to hexameters. 26Cf. the hesitations expressed by Collart 1937, 70. 97See more on this problem on pp. 92-93. 281 refrained from making distinctions inside this group because they seemed unwarranted. Zalateo 1961, had to rely constantly on question marks to indicate his doubts.

See 229. Cf. below, pp. 133 and 137.

48 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES tinguish words written in continuous blocks (scriptio continua).!°° According to Quintilian, people usually advised the beginner to keep looking to the right when starting to read, to try see what was coming after, but that was easier said than done, and a lot of practice was needed.!°! A passage illuminating the process of starting to read is found in The Shepherd of Hermas.'°2 After the second vision, Hermas sees the old lady who represented the Church coming to him and reading aloud from a little book. When she asks him to take the message of the book to men, Hermas replies that he will need to copy the book. In order to do that, he takes the book, withdraws into the fields, and starts transcribing each word letter by letter, since he could not find the syllables (EAaBov éya, Kai ei¢ Teva TOMOV TOD HypOv AvAXWEHOAS PETEYPAWA NY TAVTA TPdS YORppa’ ovxX nvpLoKov yap TAC ovAAaBbdc). The editor’s explana-

tion is only partly correct: Hermas’ words meant that the book was written in scriptio continua.!°3 He was like a child in front of an unknown piece of writing, full of letters that needed to be combined into syllables. The syllable was the recognizable entity in a series of letters that did not make any sense. Once a student had practiced enough with words divided into syllables, in theory he was ready for more serious and challenging reading. The continuous blocks of writing, however,

made word divisions necessary as a further aid for the pupil.!°4 Later on in his education accents would offer such aid, but at this point he was not yet ready for them, and they would have complicated an already cumbersome process.1!°° Although in Latin word division appears regularly until the end of the first century AD,!°° it is rarely present in Greek texts other than

exercises. Sometimes in magical texts crucial and obscure magical terms are separated by dots,!°7 and in a few literary papyri spaces mark off groups of words or individual words. !® 100The description of the learning process in the ancient sources is extensive enough to give an impression of the effort and time involved. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, De Comp.Verb XXV says that the forms of the words are finally implanted firmly in the children’s minds after the lapse of a considerable time (xp6vocg a&&vbAoyoc).

101Quintilian, Inst.Or. I 1, 34. The Romans, who had originally divided words by spaces or by a dot, as inscriptions show, began adopting scriptio continua in the imperial period, see Rawson 1985, 124-25. Roman children of a certain class, moreover, were often bilingual. 102See Kirsopp Lake, The Apostolic Fathers. The Shepherd of Hermas (Cambridge 1976), Vision 2, 4. 103See below p. 149. Gardthausen 1913, 395, cites the passage as a demonstration that the words were written in continuous blocks. 104Frederic G. Kenyon, Books and Readers in Ancient Greece and Rome, 2nd ed. (Oxford 1951) 69, claims that “with a little practice it is not so difficult to read an undivided text as might be supposed,” but he is referring to the literate adult. When a beginner faced every other kind of obstacle as well, the undivided words constituted a serious problem, and the models with their words separated were a necessity. 105 About accents see p. 85.

106Interpunction was exclusively a Latin practice. For examples of Latin texts in which words are separated

by dots see the Gallus fragment, R.D. Anderson, P.J. Parsons and R.G. Nisbet, “Elegiacs by Gallus from Qasr Ibrim” JRS 69 (1979) 125-55, especially 131 and note 43; cf. the poem De Bello Actiaco, Richard Seider, Paldographie der Lateinischen Papyri, Il,1 (Stuttgart 1978) 35-36, Nr. 4 (where each verse is also marked by a sign of distinctio) and generally in Seider Nr.1-14, texts in prose and poetry where words are separated by dots. See also Parkes 1993, 10 and plate 57; Desbordes 1990, 228; E. Otha Wingo, Latin Punctuation in the Classical Age (The Hague 1972). Seneca, Ep. 40.11 regards interpunctio as the norm in his time, in contrast to Greek practice. But there were exceptions. The Vindolanda tablets, which date from the beginning of the second century, reflect a transitional stage: a few tablets show interpunct and word division by space. 107See Schubart 1921, 80. 108See Turner 1987, 7 and note 28. Further on p. 144 (plate 86) this scholar discusses texts in which oblique strokes mark clause endings, as, for example, dramatic texts, in which the strokes were used as a help to delivery, and Biblical texts, where they facilitated the preacher’s reading. In documentary papyri, as in literary texts, spacing is usually intended to facilitate understanding.

TYPES OF TEXTUAL MATERIAL 49 When the words or word groups (article and noun, preposition and noun, enclitics together with nearby words, for instance) in a well written text are consistently separated, usually by oblique dashes, it is very likely that the text in question was a book used in school for reading.!09 Among the exercises, only two display words divided into syllables and separated from

each other at the same time: usually only one kind of division occurs in the same text.!!° Exercises that display word divisions are mostly teachers’ models,!!! while only two exercises of this kind have been compiled by students. !!2

According to Plato, as soon as students were able to understand the written word in addition to the spoken, they were provided with works of good poets to read as they sat in class: they found in these verses admonitions, descriptions, and praises and eulogies of good men of the past.!!3 The content of most passages included at this level displays a limited number of authors. As at the previous level, the authority of Homer as educator par excellence was not challenged, because since classical times Homer had always had a primary role in Greek paideia.'14 But not all of Homer’s poetry had the same impact: the /liad, and particularly its first books, was definitely privileged by comparison with the Odyssey.!!> It is likely that students in their first years of serious reading and writing—what Quintilian calls discere serio!!®— were exposed to selections from the first, second, and sixth books of the /iad, but later on their range of reading increased. Besides Homer, only a few authors were studied. Among the tragedians Euripides was much more popular than Sophocles and Aeschylus,!!’ and of his plays the Phoenissae was the most read, since teachers’ choices of authors mirrored the tastes of the general public.!!8 Among authors of prose, Isocrates seems to have had considerable importance in the classroom, and two of his works, Ad Demonicum and To Nicocles, were preferred for their moralistic content.!!° Only rarely was the auctoritas of the classical authors challenged: very few exercises demonstrate the influence of that Egyptian world and its literature, which were generally ignored in schools. !2°

109Thus, in addition to the texts cited by Turner 1987, 7 note 28, MPER NS Ill 3, which preserved Iliad 20.205-15 and 234-43 with words divided by oblique dashes, was a codex probably used in school. Unfortunately,

since its whereabouts are unknown, it is impossible to check on the hand. Three more Homeric texts with word divisions have been published by Herwig Maehler, “Fragmente antiker Homer-Handschriften,” Festschrift zum 150 Jahrigen Bestehen des Berliner Agyptischen Museums. Mitteilungen aus des Agyptischen Sammlung, VIII (1974) Nr.7, 23, 26, all fragments of codices of the sixth century AD. 110see 229 and 292, both teachers’ models. l11g¢¢ 286, 292, 296, 313, 321, 342 (probably student and teacher). 112¢¢ 276 and 310. \13See Plato, Prot. 325 e: kai émedav ad ypappaTa pdOwow Kai pédAd\Awow ovvhoew Te VEY PQ PULEVa Somep TOTE THY duviv, TapaTHEan avToig Emi TOY BaBpwWY avayryVmoKEelY ToLnTaY ayabGy ToujfpaTa Kai

Expavdcve avayKatovar, év oi¢ TodAal pév voveTHoerg Everow, TodAal bé di€Eodar Kai Emauvor Kai EyKo pre raraay avdpav &yabGy, va 6 Taig (nAGy pipyro Kat opeyyrat To.odTo¢ yeveoOar. 114S¢e Robb 1994, especially 159-82. 115 About reading Homer in schools, the passages selected, and the reasons behind them, see Cribiore 1994. 116S¢e Inst. Or. 12, 1. 117Sophocles appears only in 219, Aeschylus in 244, 250, and 277.

118See JM. Bremer, “The Popularity of Euripides’ Phoenissae in Late Antiquity,” Actes VII Congr. (Budapest 1983) 281-88. 19See Paola Pruneti, “L’Ad Demonicum nella scuola antica: esempi di utilizzazione,” Munus Amicitiae: Scritti in memoria di A. Ronconi (Firenze 1986) 211-19. 120Sce ¢.g., the Hymn to the Nile in 394.

50 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES Scholia Minora This term applies to those Homeric commentaries where the Homeric text is divided into lem-

mata and is accompanied by the corresponding glosses, a very ancient form of Homeric exegesis that can be traced back to at least the fifth century Bc.’*! The glosses, which usually appear in a column parallel to that of the lemmata and only occasionally in a continuous succession, provide a kind of translation of single Homeric words or short expressions into an easier and more current form of Greek. Scholia Minora are considerably more numerous for the Iliad than for the Odyssey. Iliad 1, where the glosses sometimes cover even the whole Homeric text in a kind of paraphrase, is the book most frequently represented.!?? Although the close relationship between the Scholia Minora and the so-called Scholia D, a Byzantine compilation, has often been noticed,!?? no papyrus fragment shows exactly the same text as the Scholia D. The papyri preserve the ancient precursors of those Scholia, and each papyrus and Byzantine compilation represents a particular version of the commentary and a single phase of its transmission. !24

Even though in the past Scholia Minora were automatically considered school compilations written by students, it is clear that such commentaries do not always originate in the schoolroom. As the Homeric text became more difficult to understand with the passing of time, it was not only students who needed help in reading it. During the imperial age this stream of Homeric scholarship enjoyed some autonomy and was widespread at several different levels. Some of the texts that are written quickly on the backs of rolls in informal hands are private copies,!25 while others, which are more luxurious products and are inscribed in formal capitals, were professionally produced books. !26 Only 19 tablets and papyri preserving Scholia Minora, dated from the first to the fifth century AD, are included in the Catalogue. They are the only texts containing Scholia Minora that appear to have been compiled by students, to judge either on the basis of the quality of the hand, from mistakes, or from the material employed. Undoubtedly many more papyri containing Scholia Minora were used in schools or were inscribed directly by students, but there is no sure way to distinguish them from the rest.!2”7 Among the exercises 339 is especially interest121Sc¢e Montanari 1979; 1984, 125-38. Texts containing Scholia minora have been labeled, especially in the past but even nowadays, with the most various and confusing terminology, such as “glossary,” “school preparation,” or “paraphrasis.” In studying Scholia minora | did not attempt to assess their tradition. 122S¢e Raffaelli 1984, 146-47 and 160-61. Calderini 1921, 314 says the phenomenon results from the fact that in school Homer was read starting from the beginning. At first every word was explained, then the commentary became more sparse. Albert Henrichs, “Scholia Minora zu Homer,” I ZPE 7 (1971) 104-105, notices that it is also a general tendency of scholia to start commenting on an author in a very detailed way, thinning out the explanations as the text goes on. 123 Hartmut Erbse’s edition of the Scholia vetera to the Iliad, Scholia Graeca in Homeri Iliadem (Berlin 1969),

does not include the corpus of the Scholia D that are the most widespread scholia in Byzantine manuscripts. No modern critical edition has so far been produced, but Franco Montanari is working on one. 124For Calderini 1921, 326, therefore, each text represents the commentary as it forms itself, il commento nel suo lento divenire.

125They belonged to educated adults, who occasionally left some annotations, see Kathleen McNamee, “Annotated Papyri of Homer,” Papiri Letterari Greci e Latini, Papirologica Lupiensia (Lecce 1992) 15-51. 126For instance, P.Freib. I 1c was not written by a student, and the same should be true for P.Schub. 2 or P.Ryl. 125. 127) et us remember that when Calderini in 1921 studied these texts, there were only 11. In 1971, when Henrichs examined them, they amounted to 42. In the Repertorio of Raffaelli (1984) 69 texts appear.

TYPES OF TEXTUAL MATERIAL 51 ing, because it demonstrates that, even after reaching the level of the Scholia Minora, a pupil could still see words not as existing by themselves, but as essentially made of syllables. Thus on this papyrus, after copying the /emmata, the student started copying the glosses to the first five words syllable by syllable, writing only the first syllable of each and then interrupting his work. Sometimes the exercises preserve the text of the Scholia Minora of a certain Homeric book together with the hypothesis—that is, the summary—of that book.!28 This arrangement is particularly interesting because of the tight connection of scholia and hypotheseis in the Byzantine Scholia D. In exercise 333 the Homeric text and the related Scholia Minora are inscribed on the same tablet together with a paraphrase of a previous passage of Iliad 4. This kind of paraphrase, where each verse is paraphrased in a single and separated line of prose, !2? is different from the paraphrase appearing in a notebook of tablets, 388, which present an elaborate rhetorical retelling of Iliad 1.1-21. Quintilian himself draws the distinction between the two different kinds of paraphrase, calling the close version interpretatio, and the rhetorical retelling certamen atque aemulatio.'*°

Compositions, Paraphrases, and Summaries This category includes paraphrases, compositions on a given subject, summaries of Homeric episodes or of whole books, and dialogues. I tried to be very selective and I included at this level only 14 exercises, with, in addition, a summary of the causes of the Trojan War that appears in a notebook, 406.'*! At this stage the usual difficulty in discriminating exercises compiled by students from professional copies is compounded by the problem of distinguishing composition exercises from others that were copied. When they are present, general unevenness, mistakes in morphology and syntax, and clumsy turns of phrase are determinants pointing to work where the student had some freedom to express himself.!32 A Ptolemaic exercise, 345, which contains a mixture of verses from //iad 18 that alternate with brief prose summaries of short episodes, was included in this category after careful consideration. Although the hand inscribing the papyrus is capable of writing fluent and serifed letters, it is nevertheless a “rapid” school hand. The papyrus has been considered an example of a category of homerica, Homeric anthologies, in which some problematic fragments could be classified.133 I am convinced, however, that the whole theory of the existence of Homeric anthologies is unsupported by facts. Exercise 382 was considered an example of this kind of text, but it was later better 128See 335 and 336. Papyri show either this arrangement or collections of hypotheseis, or, more rarely, isolated hypotheseis. An exercise appearing in the next level, 352, presents the hypothesis of Iliad 1, an original retelling of the summary of that book. 129For this kind of paraphrase see the introduction to PSI XII 1276, a text of Iliad 2 with an interlinear vers$10Nn.

130See Quintilian, Inst.Or. X 5, 5: neque ego paraphrasin esse interpretationem tantum volo, sed circa eosdem sensus certamen atque aemulationem. 131 At this level the classification of Debut 1986 is extremely confusing, since it includes professional paraphrases and collections of hypothesis, and elementary exercises that were only copied. 132Where some doubts remain, that is indicated in the Catalogue, while uncertain cases were included among exercises copied or dictated. 133See Montanari 1984, 128-29, who welcomes the category in which alcuni frammenti rimasti in precedenza

piuttosto mistertosi can be included, and the editio princeps. The existence of Homeric anthologies was postulated by Georges Nachtergael in “Fragments d’anthologies homériques,” CdE 46 (1971) 344-51.

52 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES interpreted by Sijpesteijn and Worp as an excerpt from Homer followed by mathematical problems. The other two texts on which the theory rests, P.Stras.inv. 2374 and P.Hamb. II 136, both Ptolemaic, are written quickly by experienced and informal hands and could represent exercises written by teachers for their class.

Another exercise included in this level, 355, is a rhetorical exercise of ethopoiia (nPowovia) consisting of five very mediocre epigrams, each introduced by a line of prose, that present imaginary conversations of various mythological figures. This kind of exercise was part of the progymnasmata (nxpoyupyé&opara), exercises taught by grammarians or rhetors.!34

The characteristics of the hand of 355, an “evolving” hand that shows unevenness and immaturity, together with the presence of lines of separation, recommend a consideration of the piece, even though other exercises of the same kind are not included.

Grammar The learning of grammar, which became a separate branch of study in the Roman period, was characteristic of a particular educational level and was done under the tutelage of the grammarian. In the Hellenistic period especially, and probably even later, the study of grammar was done in conjunction with the reading and interpretation of literary texts. The exercises have transmitted examples of several grammatical manuals, technai grammatikai (réxvou ypappamxai), which treated the classification and definition of the various parts of speech.!35 In the exercises there also appear morphological paradigms: declensions and conjugations. Although _ there is evidence of the use and influence of technai on school education from the first century AD onward, the exercises show that no individual, standard manual was adopted in schools. !36 Only later, in the fifth century, is there clear evidence of the adoption of the Techne (Téxvn Tpapparixn) of Dionysius Thrax.!3’ The question of the authenticity of this grammatical manual—allegedly written by a disciple of Aristarchus in the second-first century BC—was already debated in antiquity. !3* In the third-fourth century AD appeared four Supplements to this Techne whose aim was

to establish elementary grammatical rules for the purpose of instruction.!39 At the end of the fourth century the Canons (Kavovec) of the famous grammarian Theodosius, a collection of rules for the declension of nouns and the conjugation of verbs, were also written. Morphological paradigms, however, appear in the exercises starting from the first-second century AD. Morphological tables were adopted by teachers to supplement the technai, and the school exercises show a prevalence of verb paradigms—contract verbs of the three classes and con134For this kind of exercise, see José-Antonio Fernandez Delgado, “Hexametrische-Ethopoiiai auf Papyrus und anderen Materialien,” Proceed.XX Int.Congr. (Copenhagen 1992) 299-305; see also Jean-Luc Fournet, “Une éthopée de Cain dans le Codex des Visions de la Fondation Bodmer,” ZPE 92 (1992) 253-66. 135 About these, see especially Wouters 1979, 33-212. 136On grammatical school exercises, see Weems 1981.

137See 405, PSI1 18, which gives part of the supplement Ilepi WoSay and the beginning of the Techne of Dionysius with the title of the work.

138Di Benedetto 1958; 1959; 1973; and, “At the origins of Greek grammar,” Glotta 68 (1990) 19-39, recently argued that the techne was compiled in the third-fourth century AD, but the question is still open. For a his-

tory of the discussion see A. Kemp, “The emergence of autonomous Greek grammar,” in Peter Schmitter (ed.), Geschichte der Sprachtheorie, vol. 2 of Sprachtheorie der abendlandischen Antike (Tubingen 1991) 302-333. 139See Di Benedetto 1959, 117-18.

TYPES OF TEXTUAL MATERIAL 53 sonant stems—with no evidence of a preferred usage of the verb 7éa7w, which was employed

in the Canons. An interesting feature of the declensions and conjugations in some of the exercises!4° is that teachers looked at completeness and regularity rather than at the living language, conjugating, for instance, tenses of the optative according to theoretical models. They seem to have completely disregarded the evolution of the Greek language, so that students were asked to practice forms that they had never heard or encountered even in literature. The grammarians’ desire for correct usage of Greek led them to the use of artificial, archaizing formations and sometimes to bizarre constructions and a proliferation of nonexistent forms. !4!

The selection of the exercises—that is, grammatical texts written by students or teachers—was made on the basis of the confused treatment of parts of the treatises, lack of symmetry and homogeneity, mistakes, clumsy erasures, and palaeographical features. In some cases an examination of the hand was the determinant. For example, although the grammatical manual of 358 was in the past considered to have been written by a schoolteacher and, more recently, by a scribe more at home at writing documents,!42 a comparison with other school hands in this category, the very poor orthography, and the presence of a large blank space at the end, show that the copyist was a student.

Notebooks I have decided to include in a category by themselves what I call “notebooks”—that is, collections of exercises of multifarious content that were sometimes compiled by more than one stu-

dent. At times, their composite and heterogeneous nature is particularly evident, as, for instance, in the Livre d’écolier, which addressed the needs of a student as he was growing up, covering the different educational levels from elementary to more advanced.!43 At other times, however, notebooks are more restricted in content. Some of them display only one type of exercise repeated or a passage so long that it had to be written on more than one tablet or leaf of papyrus.'44 Others present a maximum of two types of exercise that usually are characteristic of similar educational levels.!4° I resolved not to mix the different exercises contained in a notebook with the rest, because I found this way of organizing the material quite confusing. !46 Another consideration that led me to group the notebooks together is that by far the majority of them are written on distinctive materials, especially waxed and wooden tablets with several leaves. I believe that it is better to have a comprehensive view of the notebooks and the ways in which they were used. !47

The types of exercises present in notebooks are all found in use at the educational levels previously discussed. I would like to examine more thoroughly, however, the question-and140 See 361, 364, 372.

141 One can also regard in this way the declension in the dual and plural of the two proper names, Priam and Hecabe, in 372. 142S¢e Wouters 1979, 47-48. 143See 379 and 393. Notebooks with different kinds of exercises are also 395, 396, 400, 404, 406, 409. 144These refer to only one level of learning. See, e.g., 381, 387, 399, and 411. l45See, e.g., 322, 323, 342. 146The consultation of Collart 1937 and Debut 1986 is cumbersome because of this way of organizing the material.

147}, goes without saying that, when it was necesary, I separately considered the different kinds of exercise or the different hands of a single notebook.

54 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES answer form of a few exercises that appear almost exclusively in notebooks. A single rhetorical question that leads to an etymological explanation of the term grammata was formulated in a

grammatical papyrus of the second century AD, 362, which was included at the previous level.!48 Although modern scholars usually regard the systematic use of the question-andanswer form, especially in grammatical manuals (€9w7améxptoic, per interrogationem et responsionem), as a late development, since it is evident in many treatises of Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages,!*#9 a thorough study of this literary form is still a desideratum.'°° It is likely that this format represented an adaptation of grammatical, gnomological, and mythological material to school use. In a notebook of the third century!*! are found gnomic questions and answers that look like an adaptation of corresponding maxims that were learned by heart,

while, in a different tablet, the procedure is used for grammatical conjunctions.!52 Two Byzantine notebooks present catechismal questions and answers on the Trojan War, asking for

instance about the names of kings, heralds, captains, and seers of the Greeks and the Trojans.!°3 The formulation of questions and answers must have originated in schools: it was a very effective didactic procedure that from teachers passed to textbooks in different versions and which, under the influence of Christian literature, was used in the medieval period. In the second century AD Arrian in the Epicteti Dissertationes evokes a typical picture of school life in which the questions that a grammarian asks about the names of Hector’s father, mother, and brothers!*4 are very similar to those appearing in the exercises. One intriguing problem presented by some of the notebooks made of tablets is the question of their ownership. In most of the notebooks one or two hands are distinguishable: the main hand, which belongs to the student, is joined at times by another, the teacher’s. Although sometimes previous activity of a student could be responsible for the remains of an exercise at

a lower level,!°° more often it is certain that different individuals must have worked on a notebook much at the same time. In 385, 396, and 407 at least two students used the notebook for different kinds of activity, and in 388, 400, and 408 many hands are found at work, often even on the same tablet.!°° Although it seems likely that such notebooks were not the property of a single pupil, a scenario of joint ownership seems a little unrealistic (unless of course one is referring to children of the same family). I believe that notebooks made of tablets were most 148Sce P. Oslo II 13 lines 45-47.

149Sce A. Pertusi, “’Eowriuara. Per la storia e le fonti delle prime grammatiche greche a stampa,” Italia Medioevale e Umanistica 5 (1962) 321-51.

15009n the question-and-answer form, see H. Doerrie and H. Doerries, “Erotapokriseis,” Reallexicon fiir Antike und Christentum 6 (1966) cols. 342-370. 151 See 385, side H. 132See 385 side O.

133See 405 and 406. Very similar questions appear in the Prolegomena of a tenth century codex, together with a Vita Homeri and the hypothesis and Scholia minora of Iliad 1. See cod.Rom.Bibl.Naz.GR. 6 (C), Montanari

1979, 43-64. ,

I34See Arrian, Epict.Diss. Il 19.6-7: di Toto obdéy dvadépw Tod ypappaticod. -Tic Hv 6 Tod “Exropoc mathp;- -Hpiapocg.- -Tiveg adedpoi;- ~’AdéEavdpog kai AnigoBog.- -Mitnp 8’ abray tic;- -Ex&By. Tlapeiinga TavTHY THY LoTopiayv.- -Ilap& Tivoc;- -Ilap’‘Opjpov.-

155S¢e for instance No. 394, where the remains of an alphabet are visible on the wooden border. The student who wrote the poem perhaps traced the letters himself, when learning to write. 156See for instance side 39 of 400 and 56 of 408, where different students seem to have used part of a tablet for their activities.

TYPES OF TEXTUAL MATERIAL 55 often the property of a teacher or of a school,!°’ and perhaps the ownership of tablets was one of the prerequisites for a teacher to set up school. Thus the tablets were passed around in class and different students were able to use them. The testimony of St. Basil of Caesarea, so far unnoticed, is helpful in this respect. Basil admonishes men not to imitate the behavior of children who, when reproached by their teacher, break Ais tablets in anger (um mote. Ta TOY avontwv waidwv ot, Twapa& dibaoxcdov éemitipnOévtTes, Taco bé&ATOVCG Exkeivov KaTAppTTyVi-

ovot).198 The scene unmistakably refers to teachers owning the tablets on which students did their work. Breaking the teacher’s tablets meant taking away the instruments of his trade, preventing him from teaching. Basil’s paradigm shows how customary it was for teachers to own the tablets upon which their pupils practiced and upon which they vented their anger. 157 Although Weems 1981, 218, already raised this question, observing that two of the notebooks she studied had been worked by more than one hand, she did not examine all the school exercises and did not find any literary testimony in support of this hypothesis. | See Hom.Famis Sicc. 67 C, Migne PG p. 317.

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5 Writing Materials Used in Schools

A thorough examination of the writing materials used for school exercises is necessary for many reasons. In handbooks of palaeography and papyrology the question is handled as an extension of the general topic of the use of writing materials in antiquity: it does not earn enough specific attention and it is not carefully researched.! Modern histories of ancient education, which do not base their study on a direct analysis of the whole corpus of exercises, suffer from the same clichés and abstractions. Imprecisions and generalizations also characterize the cursory discussion of the question in introductions to lists of school exercises, where one finds categoric statements about texts written on the backs of papyrus, ostraca, and tablets having an a priori probability of coming from a school environment.* A more precise knowledge of the materials used by teachers and students not only will contribute a great deal to the problem of the identification of school exercises but will clarify the testimony of the literary and anecdotal tradition, while precious insights into the functioning of the ancient classroom will be gained.

Papyrus Papyrus was the material most frequently used by students and teachers in schools. In spite of common assertions that ostraca and tablets generally contained the exercises compiled by pupils, and that papyrus was used primarily for school textbooks,? in fact papyrus was the single most common writing material for exercises. Almost 50 percent of the school exercises were inscribed on this material.4 This figure includes single papyrus sheets, rolls, and sheets written on both sides, whether or not they belong to codices. The Ptolemaic exercises represent

less than 10 percent of the exercises on papyrus, with the rest being divided between the Roman and the early Byzantine age.> The data reflect the general figures for survival of Ptolemaic papyri.

We know with a reasonable degree of certainty the provenance of about 30 percent of the papyri containing school exercises. As usually happens with literary and documentary papyri, the discoveries of school papyri were not spread uniformly throughout the country, but rather were concentrated in particular areas. Thus only a small minority of them are said to have come from Upper Egypt, although this region was plentiful in ostraca.® The rest of school papyri come from Middle Egypt: about half of them from the relatively small area of the ISee, e.g., Gardthausen 1913, 45-162; Montevecchi 1988, 11-29. 2See Collart 1937, 70 note 2. Zalateo 1961, quoted and implicitly approved Collart’s argument. Although he never expanded on the subject, it seems that quite often some texts were included in his list exclusively because they appeared on papyrus versos. 3See, e.g., Montevecchi 1988, 395. 4See Table 1. 5From Table 1 it appears that the number of Byzantine papyri is slightly larger.

°The percentage of school texts on papyrus from Upper Egypt is not much higher than the percentage of literary texts on this material from the same region. See Mertens 1975-76, 404.

58 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES Arsinoite—from this region in general or from specific villages’—and the remaining papyri from Memphis, Hibeh, the Heracleopolite, Hermopolis and the Hermopolite nome, Oxyrhynchos, and Antinoopolis. Although the majority of texts come from nome capitals, where it can be expected that schools of different levels existed, about 40 percent of them come from villages. The majority of school exercises found in villages belong to the Roman period, but the Ptolemaic and the Byzantine periods are also represented. In the past the existence of schools in villages was considered a given,® but it has recently been argued that no school papyrus of Ptolemaic date came from a village.? The same pessimistic view has been upheld with regard to schools in the Roman and Byzantine periods: they were supposed to exist almost exclusively in large towns. It is not surprising that education of an elementary level was available in these villages, and the majority of the papyri do refer to such a level. There are, however, exceptions: one must admit the presence of a grammarian or a private tutor teaching at a comparable level in villages such as Karanis (in the Ptolemaic and Roman periods) and Theadelphia (in the second century AD).!°

Exterior Appearance, Quality, and Characteristics of School Papyri A student did not have much chance of getting his hands on good-quality papyrus. Editors have

often remarked on the coarse look of school papyri, their roughness, their mediocre, if not definitely poor, quality.!! School papyri described as thick, rough, and allowing a ready distinction between recto and verso seem to belong especially to the Byzantine age and testify, therefore, to the more general problem of the rapid deterioration of papyrus quality after the third century AD.!2 But low-quality papyrus was used often enough even in the Roman period.!3 Sometimes a strip of fibers is missing from one or both surfaces, and this appears to be a blemish of production, a mark of poor quality.!4 More often missing fiber sections, and in general defects of the surface, are evidence of previous wear and damage and testify that a papyrus

was reused for a school exercise.!5 In a grammatical piece, 368, a blank is often visible between the letters of a word, showing that the student attempted to avoid damaged sections. At times papyri were repaired and show ancient patchings, as in 102, where the student wrote 7See, however, the remarks of Hermann Harrauer and Klaas A. Worp about the incorrect provenance of literary texts supposedly coming from Soknopaiou Nesos as well as from other locations in “Literarische Papyri aus Soknopaiu Nesos” Tyche 8 (1993) 36-40.

Marrou 1975, I 218, believes in the existence of schools jusque dans les plus petits centres ruraux even in

the Hellenistic period. *See Harris 1989, 134-35 and 241, criticizing Marrou’s view, but considering insufficient data. 10From these towns come 330, 345, 359, and 362, which preserve grammatical exercises and Scholia minora. See above p. 20 and note 64.

11This happens in about 50 cases, but probably such remarks would be more frequent if editors in the past had had the contemporary habit of commenting in detail on the external characteristics of papyri. On the poor quality of papyrus used for Coptic school exercises see Husselman 1947, 130. See moreover Collart’s almost “pathetic” description of the miserable piece given by his parents to un petit écolier copte to practice a syllabary, 96. 2See Turner 1980, 2-3. See also MPER NS XV, p. 13 about late school exercises. I3See, ¢. g., the school exercises published by H. Oellacher in MPER NS III, all belonging to the first or second century AD, most of them done on poor-quality reused papyrus (and especially 256, 257, 258, 261, 262). Perhaps irregulars or defectives were sold at a cut rate and used as scratch paper. 14In these cases the writing runs across one such loss and shows it to have been ancient, see e.g. No. 156. \5See e.g. Nos. 289, 358, 369.

WRITING MATERIALS USED IN SCHOOLS 59 the third column of a list of names on a dark patch of papyrus of different fabric, whose fibers were perpendicular to the others. The same problem was encountered by the writer of 379, whose roll showed, in addition to fibers of different colors, one such clumsy patch. The practice of washing off a previous text, which in general was relatively uncommon,!® is seen in a few school papyri, where the washed-off text appears to have been Demotic, a Greek letter, an old exercise, or even a literary text.!’ Each time this practice was motivated by the desire to write along the fibers of a nice piece of papyrus, because, although the back of the same piece was available, the student chose not to use it. Cutting a previously used papyrus was also a way to make it fit one’s needs, as 412 shows: the unwritten papyrus of an old codex was used to make a neat little book. Although it was possible to get a used papyrus with some unused space and write one’s exercise right there, without cutting off the piece, this was not the usual choice, because generally a student preferred to have his own papyrus fragment, small though it might be.!® Thus the pupil who wrote 240 cut a papyrus and then tried to fit in a chorus of Euripides: the letter that is missing at the end of line 5 was probably omitted because of the lack of space. Although it is not always possible to assess exactly the original size of a papyrus scrap,!? it is still possible to determine that about 10 percent of papyri inscribed by students along the fibers preserved texts longer than one column and that a student who wanted to write an exercise along the fibers was likely to be able to get hold of only a small scrap.2° Once a student had a piece of papyrus in his hands—no matter what size, or which side was to be written on—he was not concerned with using the space at his disposal economically; on the contrary, he often left some areas blank (@ypadov). The frequent presence of unwritten areas is another demonstration of the wasteful manner in which papyrus was sometimes used in antiquity and, even though in school contexts reused material is very common, this may be another indication that papyrus was not very costly.7! In a papyrus, as Turner says,22 “the unwritten areas may be as important as the written,” but often editors do not make any remarks about the unwritten areas, or define them imprecisely.2? Most instances of blank spaces in literary papyri written outside of school contexts are at the end of a roll, when the scribe had finished copying a certain work or book,”4 while occurrences of spaces left blank in other areas 16On the reasons for the infrequency of this practice, see Montevecchi 1988, 21: it was difficult to wash and reuse papyrus with good results. TSee 78, 248, 250, 341, 346, 370, and 382. 18Clearly Apollonios did not mind sharing his papyrus, see 244 and 246, but he is unlikely to have been in a formal school. See also 25, 131, where letters and parts of words were practiced underneath a petition (and also on the back), and 63. To these we must add three more examples of apprentice scribes practicing letters: Nos. 7, 10, and 11.

19But see, e.g., 207, 231, 255, and 302. No. 304 was not complete at the bottom, but, since a red border seems to have surrounded it, it was probably not a very big piece.

20There are, of course, doubtful cases, namely 123, 211, 238, 253, 270, 271, 344, and 354. Even if we do not know the size of these exercises, still it is possible - or even likely—that the majority of them preserved short texts.

2lLewis 1974, 130 especially, but for this problem cf. below, p. 62 and note 47. 22Turner 1987, vii. 23Thus, e.g., Gallo 1980, 349 in describing 211 defines the unwritten space as an unusually large margin.

24Thus the &ypador is present at the end of several Herculaneum rolls (38 cm. in P.Herc. 1675), see Guglielmo Cavallo, Libri scritture scribi a Ercolano, | suppl. Cronache Ercolanesi 13 (1983) 19.

60 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES are very rare.25 Blank spaces are a conspicuous characteristic of school exercises on papyri and

they can be observed, usually at the end of an exercise, also on tablets and on ostraca.6 In some school papyri, as in 343, the unwritten areas are distributed here and there, while in

others there is usually one blank area somewhere, which often consists of an unusually large | lateral margin, as if the exercise was written without any regard for symmetry.2” Much more common is a blank area located at the end of the exercise. Scraps of papyrus were written, starting at the top, by inexperienced writers who were not adept at estimating how much space their writing would take: when the exercise was completed, the remaining empty space was not used for anything else. Although writers’ inexperience is the usual reason for the presence of unwritten areas, sometimes blank spaces are caused by the sudden interruption of an exercise, for no apparent reason.28 Unwritten spaces appear in exercises of different levels and often in Scholia Minora. For example, in 336 the hypothesis of Iliad 7, which is preserved in the seven lines of the first column, is followed by an extensive blank area, while the Scholia Minora to the book start in the second column. In this case the existence of the blank space is a helpful indication that the text is an exercise, since such spaces do not occur in professional copies.

Papyrus Front and Back The existence of the practice of writing on the back of papyri, across the fibers, in school con-

texts was debated in the past. C.H. Oldfather adopted the position of F.G. Kenyon, who asserted that literary texts written on the verso were never intended for sale.2? Oldfather further claimed that the vast majority of such texts were school texts and postulated a regular issue of public documents from the archives to the local schools for reuse.2° Turner argued against Oldfather’s view, asserting that many of the texts in question were likely to be private copies, while others were professionally produced books.3! Examining the texts written on versos in order to see what types of literature and what authors were used in schools, Oldfather tried cursorily—and unsuccessfully—to prove that all these texts had been produced under school conditions, even though the content of some of them did not seem at all suitable. More 25Instances of this practice known to me are: P.Oxy. VI 923, a prayer; P.Col. VIII 204, Isocrates, In Soph. (Or. 13) 1-3, suddenly interrupted; PS7 XII 1275, a medical definition, P.Oxy. XLII 3002, 26 hexameters of an ethopoiia; PSI XIII 1303, a composition representing a scene of the Phoenissae of Euripides, PUG I 4, Homer, the Odyssey 8.168-176, suddenly interrupted; P.Harr. 4, an epitaph for the dead Patroclus; MPER NS XV 135, the sketch of a composition. Most of these literary texts with blank spaces could, in fact, be exercises of rhetorical schools. For palaeographical reasons they have not been included in my list. 26There are not many ostraca showing blank spaces, for usually an ostracon of appropriate shape and size was chosen for an exercise, see below, p. 64. Ostraca with evident blank spaces are: 54, 205, and especially 273. 27Examples of exercises of this kind are: 8, 29, 238, and 357. 28Sce 288, 320, 348, 349, and 358. 29K enyon 1899, 20. In response to that, see, for instance, note 1 in the introduction to P.Oxy. 223 and the introduction to P. Mert. I1 53. 30Qldfather 1923, 68, “Nothing is more natural than that the public documents in the government archives after serving their time and purpose should be relegated to the exercises of students in the schools of the metropolis and neighboring villages.” 3lSee Turner 1980, 89-90. According to this scholar there was no reason to postulate a governmental issue of documents unwritten on the back, since the schools after all were private schools.

WRITING MATERIALS USED IN SCHOOLS 61 recently Julian Kriiger, in a book about Oxyrhynchos,*? inquired into the origin of the literary texts. From the fact that about three quarters of the papyri found in that city and containing literary texts had been written on only one side, he concluded that these came from public and scholars’ libraries, and that the rest, inscribed on both sides, came from private and school environments.>? Only eight of these, however, come demonstrably from schools.34 Most of these texts written in Oxyrhynchos on a papyrus verso were probably private copies.35 Writing on the backs of papyri was a practice commonly followed in schools. Speaking of recto and verso is for many of these papyri completely inappropriate, and sometimes even the terms “front” and “back” proposed by Turner are inadequate.3® Although in some cases it is reasonable to suppose that a student used the back of a document, but rotated the sheet 90

degrees in order to be able to write with the fibers,3” sometimes it is extremely difficult to decide which side was the front and which was the back. In many cases common sense is not of much help:38 it is often impossible to establish the order of the sides—front to back—of a small piece of papyrus written along the fibers on both sides. One can only say that a student rotated a papyrus to write along the fibers, as many students chose to do.79 When a scrap was instead written across the fibers—even when the other side is blank—it is reasonable to suppose

that the back of a sheet was reused for the exercise, since students did not like and did not choose to write across the fibers and would therefore rotate the sheet 90 degrees.4° Very rarely was a papyrus written on both sides across the fibers,*! and in these cases the writer seems to have been an apprentice scribe, who was already at home with writing.

Students did not write on the backs of papyri at every level of education.42 To find a substantial number of papyri with writing on the back one must turn to pieces at the level of the Longer Passages, since about half of them are written across the fibers. Moreover, while 32 Julian Kruger, Oxyrhynchos in der Kaiserzeit (Europaische Hochschulschriften II, Frankfurt 1990). In view of the importance of this city among places of provenance of papyri, it is necessary to examine and correct his conclusions. In a recent article “Aspetti di tecnica libraria ad Ossirinco” Aegyptus 71 (1991) 55-120, Mariachiara Lama considered very briefly school texts and exercises written on versos, without reaching new conclusions.

33In the discussion of the data relative to texts written on both sides, however, Kriiger did not distinguish between 1) papyri with a literary text on the recto and a document on the verso, 2) papyri with a literary text on the recto and a literary or school text on the verso, and 3) papyri with a document on the recto and a literary or school text on the verso. These distinctions are essential if one is going to accurately determine the origin of the texts. In addition, most of the data Kruger reports regarding texts written on both sides is wrong. 34When I speak of school I refer to the classes of the grammatistes and the grammatikos up to the point where the hand or the mistakes cease to offer a reasonable indication that they were the work of a student or teacher. It is

true that the content of some of the texts could point to schools of rhetoric. Many of the papyri considered by Kriger, however, are medical, astrological, and magical. 35}t is true that the percentage of school texts coming from Oxyrhynchos appears exaggeratedly low. Peter Parsons (per litteras April 19, 1992) confirms that this represents editorial choice. 36Turner 1978, 11-12 and 63 especially. See also p. 13: “This did not settle the ambiguities posed by the case of the single sheet, on both sides of which the writing ran with or across the fibers.” 37See, e.g., 180, 208, 210.

38Turner 1978, 55-56: “Common sense would suggest that draft petitions...writing exercises etc. would normally be written on scrap paper. But enough difficult cases can be found to prevent erection of a common sense standard.”

°See 8, 11, 18, 89, 156, 180, 208, 210, and 356. 40}t is important to insist on this point, since editors show considerable confusion, see e. g., the editors of 276. 41 See 28 and 149. 42See Table 3: exercises written by students.

62 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES only a quarter of these papyri written on the back were less than one whole column, and the rest were or could have been considerably longer, the other half of papyri in the category of the Longer Passages, those that were written along the fibers, show that rarely did a student write pieces of a considerable length on the front of a papyrus.* It is clear that when a pupil had to write a relatively long piece, he had a good chance of ending up with a back. Beginners, on the other hand, preferred to write on the front of a papyrus: first of all, they had at their disposal small blank scraps cut from bigger papyri, which were probably easy to come across, and, moreover, they were apparently more comfortable writing along the fibers. They needed ruled lines guiding their letters in the first writing exercises on tablets** and they probably found it easier to use the horizontal fibers as guides,* seeing that they often turned a papyrus to write along the fibers. The front of the papyrus was also smoother and their uncertain pens did not have to fight with the surface.4° When writing became less difficult, the back of the papyrus did not present as many problems, and, since it was necessary to copy more extensive pieces, a student, who rarely had at his disposal a fresh roll for his exercises, did not have many choices. It was not exclusively a problem of cost.4” Most school exercises ended up being thrown away, and it is not surprising that they were written on reused papyrus. Even nowadays a student would not use the fine paper of the notebook where he keeps his poetry or diary for his homework. Only infrequently, then, did a student have the privilege of writing his Homer or his conjugations on the front of a nice piece of roll; usually, if the exercise was long, the back would do just fine.**

The practice of writing school exercises on the back of a papyrus roll was not equally common in all periods, but it was especially frequent in the Roman age.*? Martial speaks of children furrowing the backs of poems, inversa pueris arande charta.*° While in the Roman period more than half of the exercises on papyrus were written on the back, in the Byzantine age the percentage declines considerably. Although the decline may be explained by the large amount of school work which could be written in a codex, or the fact that most of the exercises written along the fibers were quite short and were written on small papyrus scraps, perhaps one must also conclude that the practice of writing school exercises on the back of a used papyrus was coming to an end.

43Nos. 245, 264 and 288. 44F or this see below, pp. 126-27. 45For the question whether scribes ever ruled their lines on papyrus, see Turner 1987, 4-5. 46Turner 1978, 17 speaks of scribes choosing the side of the papyrus with horizontal fibers not because it was necessarily smoother, but because it was more protected. For beginners, though, the situation was different because they needed every kind of help.

47For the cost of papyrus see Lewis 1974 and Papyrus in Classical Antiquity: a Supplement (Papyrologica Bruxellensia 23, Bruxelles 1989). One must also take into account the fact that some students of limited means might have learned the first rudiments: for them the price of papyrus was a problem.

48In P.Mich. VIII 468 a soldier writes to his father telling him that he is going to send, among other things, chartas scholares duas inside a chicken coop, together with ink wrapped in them and five reed pens. See Turner 1954, 103 note 4, and Turner 1980, 89. Since it is unlikely that he was sending just two papyrus scraps he was probably referring to rolls unwritten on the back. 49Sce Table 1.

9Sce Martial IV 86.

WRITING MATERIALS USED IN SCHOOLS 63 Ostraca Ostraca—sherds of broken pottery that could be found in any household or rubbish heap,”! or, more rarely, flat pieces of limestone—were used extensively in schools.°2 Although not an ideal material for literary exercises and texts,°? they were extremely cheap and readily available. The episode handed down by Diogenes Laertius*4 of the philosopher Cleanthes being too poor to buy papyrus and writing on sherds, may be responsible for a frequent misapprehension of the use of ostraca in education. I discussed above how habit, and not primarily cost, was the salient reason for the use of small scraps of papyrus or the backs of larger pieces. In the same way, although low cost was the major reason for their employment, ostraca were not used only by poor students,>° but probably by all students at a certain level and for particular types of exercises. Although one can imagine circumstances under which literary fragments preserved on potsherds came from sources other than schools, Oldfather thought that “such circumstances are so improbable that we can scarcely err if we conclude that all such texts were used in the schools.”5® For instance, it is unlikely that scholars wrote verses on potsherds, since papyrus was usually readily available and not expensive for the wealthier classes. On the other hand, it is enough to examine the literary ostraca in Pack’s catalogue or in the list drawn by Mertens?’ to realize that, although most of the ostraca originated in contexts of organized education, a good number must have come from different milieus.>* Ostraca make up 34 percent of all school exercises. The percentages of exercises on this material distributed throughout the different periods closely resemble those of exercises on papyrus: about 10 percent are Ptolemaic and the rest are almost equally divided between the Roman and Byzantine periods.*? It has recently been argued that in the Byzantine age there was a decisive decline in the use of ostraca, but this is not corroborated by the school evidence. In regard to the provenance of school ostraca, one should keep in mind, as for papyrus, both the random occurrence of the finds and the fact that the sites fall into recognizable clusters. That ostraca were found particularly in Upper Egypt is well known. It is debatable whether chance is responsible or whether they were actually used more frequently in that region.®! SICf. p. 18. 52Very often also Coptic school exercises are preserved on ostraca, see Hasitzka 1990, 16. 530n this see Mertens 1975-76, 398. >4Diogenes Laertius VII 174. 55Bonner 1977, 165 declares on the contrary that potsherds were mainly used by schoolchildren in the poorest circles. 6Qldfather 1923, 63. 57Mertens 1975-76, 397-403.

58Thus in Mertens’ list of literary ostraca appear many medical prescriptions, a few astrological and astronomical pieces, and several very dubious fragments whose form is neither clearly prose or verse. In addition there are a few literary pieces that can hardly belong in school, such as p2 1771 épitaphe humoristique, which is obscene. A few other sherds were described by their editors as “scholastic” because the content was baffling and obscure. 59See Table 1. 60 About the view that ostraca were much less used in Byzantine than in Roman times, see Cavallo and Mahler

1987, 3. This view, moreover, is untenable even in regard to documentary ostraca. Byzantine ostraca in large quantity have been found, for instance, during the excavations at Abu Mina and they are currently being studied by Georgina Fantoni. 614 brief sketch of the problem in Montevecchi 1988, 22.

64 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES About two thirds of school ostraca come from Upper Egypt—from that region in general or from specific locations. Ostraca were selected for school work on the basis of their size, shape, and the length of

the exercise to be inscribed. When one inspects the ostraca with Short Passages: Maxims, Sayings, and Limited Amount of Verses—that is, level 6, which shows the largest number of ostraca—it is clear that there was a definite relationship between the size of an ostracon and the length of the exercise. Although the dozen complete examples in this category show that a sherd of appropriate size was chosen, sometimes a student was not accurate in estimating and

had to squeeze the exercise in.®* Usually there was no need to define the exercise’s conclusion—for example with a paragraphos—because the shape of the sherd itself made it evident, but when additional space remained, as in 187, an elaborately decorated line was traced to indicate the text’s end. Although students chose ostraca for exercises of limited length, teachers at times did not mind inscribing long texts on them. Ostracon 91 consists of two fragments of the same amphora, which were not contiguous and were already detached in antiquity. A teacher inscribed on them a syllabary, in which the two fragments were part of a unit and were supposed to be read

one after the other, as the different pages of a book.®? Other ostraca used by teachers as models, all belonging to the Byzantine period, were equally large.©* They contained texts of considerable length—three lists of words one after the other, gnomic anthologies, and Homeric verses—and were inscribed in legible, even hands. Such imposing models were probably supposed to stand in one place in the classroom to be consulted by students who had to copy different gnomai and verses from them. Ostraca had acquired the status of reference books. A curious problem concerns the rare presence on ostraca of poetic verses, especially

Homeric ones. The interest aroused by Homer in school, even at an elementary level, is reflected also in this material: two epigrams, 177 and 198, concern Homer’s birthplace,® and two ostraca, 273 and 274, contain part of a Homeric theme and a partial paraphrase of Iliad 20, with a catalogue of deities. Ostraca inscribed by students with the verses themselves, however, are extremely rare: ostracon 315 was a model; 193 and 201 contain just the initial words of several sections of the catalogue of ships of Iliad 2, notes jotted down in a hurry; and 237 presents rare glosses of Homer. Other ostraca preserve one or two verses of Iliad 1, but appear to be scribes’ writing exercises. Sherds were used for specific tasks: very short exercises, notes, and memoranda. Although poetic verses in general do not appear very frequently in ostraca, Homer was certainly the least represented among poets. Maybe an ostracon can provide an answer: exercise 209, a list of names, shows at the end a maxim alluding to the divine cult of this poet: “Not a man, but a god was Homer.”®’ Were Homeric verses generally too divine for a rough sherd? 62See especially 177 and 186.

63The same probably happened with 285 and 286. About letters occupying two different ostraca, see W.E. Crum, The Monastery of Epiphanius at Thebes (New York 1926) Part I, p. 189 and note 10.

64Sce 113, 311, 315, 319. Only a description of 312, whose whereabouts are unknown, is available. It appears that the passage was extensive. It is likely that this ostracon also contained a model. 650n 191 only the poet’s name can be deciphered. 66See 224, 225, 226, 227.

67The same words appear on a waxed tablet, No. 176. For the cult Homer inspired see C.O. Brink, “Ennius and the Hellenistic Worship of Homer,” APP 93 (1972) 547-67.

WRITING MATERIALS USED IN SCHOOLS 65 Tablets Tablets functioned in Egypt as writing material for different kinds of texts. Some preserved important documents such as contracts, certificates, and wills, usually intended to be kept for a long time, and were rarely or never erased. Others contained shorter, ephemeral texts that were effaced as soon as they had discharged their function: lists, accounts, inventories, and school exercises.8 In general, two kinds of tablets were employed in school: wooden and waxed tablets. I will maintain these two traditional terms,°? which are clearer and more comprehensive than others that have been recently proposed, such as “stylus tablet” and “wooden leaf tablet.”7° Both wooden and waxed tablets were made of wood. Different types of wood were used, some imported, others local, but all very expensive, considering that the country did not produce much wood.’! Although both kinds of tablets were erasable and their surfaces could be used several times, the cost was still considerable.’* Inevitably school tablets had to be particularly costly compared with the other cheap and reused materials that students almost always employed.

Wooden tablets were made with a smooth surface, and they were supposed to be used with ink and pen. The surface was sometimes kept plain, sometimes covered with a white or ochre-colored coating, which made writing smoother and, perhaps, also made erasing easier. Such a tablet was called an album or leucoma (Aeibxwpa). Wooden tablets, which were traditionally used in pharaonic Egypt, were supposedly used in schools in nineteenth-century Egypt and apparently are still used today.’* They could be joined together’ to form a notebook.”5 Waxed tablets were hollowed out in the centre, filled with wax, and were inscribed with a metal stylus and smoothed with its flat end. Sometimes’® the wax came off and the stylus 68For lists of tablets: Brashear and Hoogendijk 1990, 21-54; Patrice Cauderlier, “Les tablettes grecques d'Egypte: inventaire,” Bibliologia 12 (1992) 63-94. See, e.g., Schubart 1918, 41; 1921, 17: Holztafel and Wachstafel; and Robert Marichal, “L’écriture Latine du I au VII siécle: les sources. b. Tablettes de cire. c. Tablettes de bois”, Scriptorium 4 (1950) 131-33. 70Bowman and Thomas 1983, 36. See also pp. 32-33 for a comprehensive discussion of writing materials and terminology. The terms they propose seem to be an especially convenient designation for the Vindolanda tablets, the majority of which were thin slivers of wood.

On wood being scarce in Egypt, see Bagnall 1993, 41. A technical survey of the different kinds of woods used in the Vatican tablets of Pap. Flor. XVIII, provided with illuminating photographs and drawings, is given in the

appendix to that volume, pp. 201-42. In the same volume, pp.100-01, Patrice Cauderlier discusses the beech wood—imported—of which the 4 notebooks he edits are made, the references to Roman citizens, and the possibility that the use of beech tablets came directly from Italy. Cf. the technical observations in Pap.Lugd.Bat. XXV, pp. 8788.

72See recently Brashear and Hoogendijk 1990, 22, who relate the cost to the limited durability of the text. Contra, John Lee White, Light from Ancient Letters (Philadelphia 1986) 213, who asserts that tablets were as inexpensive as potsherds. 73See Brashear and Hoogendijk 1990, 26 and 33, note 37 with bibliography cited. 74There are only two sets of wooden school tablets, both of the Roman period, 385 and 388. In both binding

holes are bored in one of the long sides. The thongs of 388, which originally joined the tablets together, have not survived. The 8 tablets of the second set, instead, were fastened by silk cords.

73] prefer not to use the term codex, which was traditionally used in Latin, especially when waxed tablets were bound together; see Bowman and Thomas 1983, 42-43 with note 75 (they strive to demonstrate that the ancient sources referred also to sets of wooden tablets) and van Haelst 1989, 15-16. Of course the papyrus or parchment codex is said to have originated from a bound set of tablets—for this problem, see, e.g., Schubart 1918, 41;

Turner 1980, 7; van Haelst 1989, 14. | 78Sec, e.g., notebook 386, where letters scratched on the wood are still visible, and 391, made of 5 waxed tablets, some of which have lost the wax almost entirely and show traces on the wood.

66 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES scratched the wooden surface underneath: the tablets needed to be recoated.’” When the tablets were hinged or tied together in a notebook, the outer sides of the first and last tablets functioned as covers and were not coated with wax.’® Often these covers do not show any writ-

ing,’ but at times letters of the alphabet, numbers, or the name of the possessor-user are inscribed on them.®° Sometimes the user of a tablet would inscribe his name or letters on the wooden border.3! Waxed tablets originally came from Greece,®* where another kind of tablet, of slatelike stone, was also used in schools.83 Waxed tablets are said to have been the most frequently used tablet in antiquity,®+ but, as we will see, wooden tablets were extremely popular in schools. When wooden or waxed tablets were joined together—up to a maximum of 10 tablets8°— their sides were rarely numbered.®© To keep them in sequence, notches were provided along one of the edges so that, when the set was ordered in the right way, the notches formed continous oblique lines. Tablets usually had binding holes, from one to six, ordered in groups of two, bored into the top border.®’ At times tablets were also provided with nicks or notches cut into the edges corresponding to the binding holes, probably to keep the strings in place and to prevent them from damaging the wood.88 Sometimes a notebook shows binding holes also in the lower margin, to bind it shut on two opposite sides, when it contained legal documents.8? Many individual tablets have been preserved, together with a good number of wooden and waxed schoolbooks. Although it is usually assumed that these individual tablets were part of notebooks, since they have holes in their borders,*° some of the wooden tablets may have been single tablets, owned by students who could not afford or did not need a whole notebook.?! Moreover, many of the single tablets are teachers’ models and display texts that had to be copied and then were erased and replaced. The holes and strings could serve to hang them, although most likely the models were passed from hand to hand, seeing that the writing is not large enough to be read from a distance. Waxed tablets were preferred for notebooks. The wax TT Herodas’ Didask. line 15, shows that tablets were recoated once a month. 78But see 395, where one of the covers is not hollowed, but is coated with a thin layer of wax. 792Sece, e.g., Nos. 391 and 395.

80See 381 with letters and numbers on the covers, 394 with a name, 408 with a name, a nomen sacrum, a sacred monogram, and concentric circles. 81 See 394, with an alphabet clearly visible on the top part of the border, and 398 with a name: Paulus. 82schubart 1918, 41. 83Sce Turner 1980, 6 and note 26; Eugene Vanderpool, “News letter from Greece”, AJA 63 (1959) 279-80, reports about the finding in Athens of a hundred inscribed school slabs and slab fragments that date from the fifth century BC. These have a hole for suspension and contain letters, lists, and names scratched with a sharp instrument. On these tablets, see Lynch 1983. 84Sce, e.g., Montevecchi 1988, 23 and van Haelst 1989, 14-15. 85Cf. 408. 86Only the “pages” of one school wooden notebook, 385, were numbered. 87400 and 407 are provided with 6 binding holes. Brashear and Hoogendijk 1990, 25, state instead that tablets had at the most 4 binding holes. 88See, e.g., 395 and 408. 89Sce 408. In 394 the lower holes have instead been added by someone who utilized the book at a later time.

20See Boyaval 1977, 223, “nombreuses tablettes isolées, percées de trous de suspension qui témoignent encore qu’elles ont sirement fait partie, elles aussi, de cahiers.” 91] fully agree in this regard with Brashear and Hoogendijk 1990, 25. They point out that tablets of this kind,

suspended by a cord from the hand of a scribe, were used in pharaonic Egypt. See, moreover, a tablet that was clearly used by itself, Cribiore 1993, 145-46.

WRITING MATERIALS USED IN SCHOOLS 67 was protected by the protruding borders, which came into contact with the border of the adjacent tablet when the book was closed.” School tablets were usually written parallel to the long dimension, with the long sides forming the upper and lower edge of the book. Since the binding holes stood close to the upper

edge, the book did not open to the left of the writer, but away from him. Of course, if the tablet was a long one, and particularly if the student wanted to make line and verse coincide, he had to divide the writing surface vertically into two or more columns.” In the second tablet of 320 a vertical line, partitioning the surface in two, allows the pupil to write two different kinds of exercises, arithmetic and word divisions.?4 Since fiscal documents in notebooks are written across the short dimension, scholars have tried to establish a clear distinction between school use—writing parallel to the long sides—and documentary use—parallel to the short sides.9> Nevertheless, in several school tablets—even if a minority—the writing runs parallel to the shorter dimension,”© and sometimes alternate sides of a notebook were inscribed along different axes.?’ It is impossible to establish a universally followed rule: although generally students and teachers preferred to write across the long dimension because they could write along the grain of the wood, occasionally they decided for no apparent reason to go the other way. Both wooden and waxed tablets were often ruled, and the lines were drawn without a ruler, even if they belonged to a model. Occasionally, in students’ tablets, these lines were so

crooked that they did not adequately serve their function.°® Some students had trouble “resting” their letters on the line, and they ended up writing across the lines or even making the letters hang down from what was supposed to be a bottom line.”? Generally single lines were ruled across the tablet, and students strove to keep their letters low so that they did not touch the top limit. Lines of this kind are used not only in beginners’ exercises but also by older students for Scholia Minora or grammar.!°° Occasionally sets of pairs of lines were ruled for inexperienced beginners.!°! The teacher wrote the model text on the top part of the tablet on a single line, then underneath he ruled parallel sets of horizontal lines at a good distance from each other so that the pupil could copy the exercise within these lines. Sometimes, probably to save space, the sets of pairs of lines were very close so that they almost appear to be one 22Some waxed tablets apparently had a little raised "knob" in the middle so that the two sides did not touch, see P.Fouad 74.10-12 and note to line 12. I have not noticed it in school tablets. I am only aware of the presence of

amounts of resin in the corners of the tablets to protect the surface in Pap.Flor. 14. See also Mario Capasso, "L’instrumentum scriptorium in un ritratto conservato al museo egizio" Rudiae 5 (1993) 69-72.

?3This is what happens in 381 and 333, where the writing is divided into two columns, and in 303, with four columns.

24This is a rather common situation, see e. g. side IV A of 395 and sides 2 and 17 of 404. See in addition 296 for an Homeric model written in two columns. 95See Patrice Cauderlier, Pap.Flor. XVIII, p.101 and note 8. *6Tablets 326, 327, 328, 328 with Scholia Minora; 142 and 160 contained writing exercises; 118, inscribed across the long dimension with mathematical exercises, was turned around to write a list on the other side. °71n 386 only two tablets are written across the long dimension; and in 404 side 6 was the only one written parallel to the short sides; the same is true for tablets MND 552 I, H, L of 396.

8See Nos. 202, 333, 364, 397. See, e.g., 107 and 386. Hanging the letters from a top line could sometimes be a deliberate style—it is typical of Ptolemaic hands—but especially in 386 it seems to be an accident. 100Se¢ 333 and 364. In the latter tablet the exercise is also framed by single and double lines. 101See 134 and the first tablet of 383.

, 68 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES , line.!°2 Another strategy for keeping letters from coming into contact with adjacent letters was

to trace a very thick ruled line that could function as divider.!°3 Ruled lines, which for the most part are a characteristic of students’ work, appear occasionally in models, probably when teachers thought the example was going to be more effective. 1° Wooden and waxed tablets were not used without distinction, but their employment was determined by certain factors: while waxed tablets and notebooks were used at many different levels, but most often for exercises of an elementary character,!°5 wooden tablets and notebooks were used by teachers and older students for calligraphic exercises and grammar, and occasionally by scribes. Beginners rarely used wooden tablets,!°° and when they did the tablets

were always covered with a white coating, which allowed the writing to be washed off easily.!°7 In any case, wooden tablets were treated in this way quite often! and at every level, both by students and teachers, since the coating made the pen move smoothly. Tablets carry 20 percent of all school exercises, although the figures lose some significance when one considers that 22 items consist of notebooks, each made up of several leaves:1°9 2 wooden notebooks and 20 made of waxed tablets.!!° There are also 60 isolated tablets: 11 waxed and 49 wooden. Thus the notebooks found up to now are comprised mostly of waxed tablets, while isolated tablets are simply made of wood. No tablets dating to the Ptolemaic period have been found. Among the notebooks, eight waxed and the two wooden books were dated—on a palaeographical basis—to the Roman period, together with 19 isolated tablets (11 wooden and eight waxed). Twelve notebooks made of waxed tablets were dated to the Byzantine age together with 41 individual tablets (38 wooden and three waxed). Thus it is evident that many more tablets and notebooks have been found that belong to the Byzantine age than to the Roman period. The data regarding school tablets contradict Cavallo and Maehler’s observation of a decline in the use of tablets in this period:!!! not only did tablets continue to be used in school but individual tablets were employed with more frequency. The number of the notebooks increased slightly, but a notable increase can be observed in the number of iso-

102Such double lines, which almost make up a single line, appear only in 202 and 386. 103The hexameter poem of 394 is written on such lines. 104Sce tablet 37.473E of notebook No. 391 and tablet MND of No. 396. It is curious that in the last notebook the student’s copy is not ruled. 105 About 60 percent of the exercises on waxed tablets are of elementary nature.

l06See, ¢.g., 83, 148, 150.

107See, ¢.g., 83, 160. Sometimes it is difficult to ascertain the presence of the light coating from a photograph. Moreover editors, especially in the past, often did not mention it. O8For texts other than school exercises (e.g., liturgical texts) that were written on wood prepared in such a way, see Brashear and Hoogendijk 1990, 24-25. 10°Four of the notebooks were made of 2 tablets, 2 of 3 tablets, 3 of 4 tablets, 6 of 5 tablets, 2 of 7 tablets, 3 of 8 tablets, 1 of 9 tablets, and 1 of 10 tablets. 110When Zalateo 1961, 201-202 listed the notebooks, he tried to distinguish between quaderni and manuali. Since he did not look at the hands, but only at the mistakes, the data is far from accurate. He listed 12 notebooks, 7 of which were made of tablets: 4 waxed and 3 wooden notebooks. Afterwards, Boyaval 1977, 215-29 again listed the notebooks. Of 18 cahiers 10 are constituted of tablets: 2 wooden notebooks and 8 waxed. Since then many more notebooks have been discovered. 1111987) 3: “Compared with other periods, in particular with the first centuries of the Roman Empire which produced a much greater and more varied output of all forms of written material, Late Antiquity is characterized by a decline in the number of other kinds of inscribed objects, such as ostraca, wooden tablets and graffiti.”

WRITING MATERIALS USED IN SCHOOLS 69 lated tablets and, among these, especially in the wooden ones.!!* The provenance of less than a quarter of tablets is known, and not only is this percentage too low to allow any conclusions but apparently only a few locations (e.g., Antinoopolis) are represented.!!3 This is especially unfortunate since the notebooks with their varied and rich content could tell much about education in certain areas.

Parchment A brief discussion of parchment is necessary, since six school exercises!!* and a fragment of a school manual, 120, were written on this material. The percentage of school exercises on parchment is very low, and it remains so even for exercises dating from after the fourth to the sixth centuries AD, even though in this period parchment competes with papyrus as the favorite material for literary texts.!!5 Even at this late date papyrus was the favorite material for exercises, with parchment containing only 5 percent of them. Most of the time small pieces of parchment—probably cut from bigger leaves—were employed for exercises, and even 406 and 410, the only parchment notebooks, were small. Only for 373 was a piece of considerable size used, probably part of a codex.!!© Since the text is grammatical and was thus written at an advanced school level, it is less surprising that parchment was used, for at this level students started to have access to more valuable material for their work.

Use of Writing Materials at Different Educational Levels An investigation of how the various writing materials were used at specific levels of education reveals definite and characteristic preferences: even though students were exposed to all the different materials during their years in school, they did not employ them uniformly and with the same frequency, while teachers preferred specific materials for the models since their goal

was durability and easy handling.!!’ A consideration of the first two levels, Letters of the Alphabet and Alphabets, already reveals typical patterns. About two-thirds of the exercises at the first level, all Byzantine, were written on small pieces of papyrus, and one third on ostraca. Most of the examples on ostraca belong to the centuries between the sixth and the eighth. Perhaps it is not too hazardous to suppose that at the beginning of the Byzantine period students mostly used papyrus scraps to scribble letters, but later they also turned to ostraca for this 112practically all the tablets included in R. Pintaudi and P.J. Sijpesteijn, Tavolette lignee e cerate da varie col-

lezioni, Papyrologica Florentina vol. XVIII (Firenze 1989), belong to a single find in recent years. The same is probably true also for 125, 320, 402, and 411. Not taking into account all these tablets would alter significantly the balance of the findings in the Roman and Byzantine periods. The Byzantine tablets, however, would still be more numerous than those of the Roman period, and the number of the individual wooden tablets from the Byzantine period is particularly significant. 1131f one considers also other types of tablets (e.g., tablets written by scribes or carrying mathematics) the recent finds seem to indicate mostly a Middle Egypt provenance (Oxyrhynchus and Antinoopolis especially). 114s ce 88, 230, 232, 373, 406 and 410. 115For papyrus and parchment both in use see Lewis 1974, 90-91 and note 8. 116The back had also been written and had probably been erased. See Wouters 1979, 204-205. 117Table 2 presents the correlation of writing materials and levels of exercises: it considers all the exercises, that is, exercises written by students, teachers, and scribes. Table 3 again presents the correlation between levels and writing surface, but considers only exercises written by students.

70 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES exercise, even though this material was not ideal for a very inexperienced beginner. Ostracon 5 is especially interesting because it is shared by two students practicing letters at unequal levels of ability: while the more advanced student writes his confident letters randomly, the letters of the inexperienced one rest on three horizontal grooves etched on the surface. This is the only example of grooves on a sherd made expressly to guide the tracing of letters, not unlike the lines commonly traced on tablets.1!8 It is likely that this novice, who usually practiced on wax tablets, tried to reproduce the same ideal conditions on a potsherd. This supposition is supported by the data from the next level, Alphabets, where exam-

ples from the Ptolemaic and Roman periods are also available, which show that beginners learned how to write alphabets on wax tablets. Alphabets on ostraca make up more than half of the total number of alphabets, but most of them were inscribed by teachers. One cannot avoid

recalling by contrast the words of Paul Collart, who remarked on the touching and fragile aspect of alphabets: “Toute une collection d’alphabets, touchants a voir...avec des grandes lettres inégales, en équilibre instable.”!!? But when we examine the series of alphabets we are struck by the fact that the majority are very well written, with confident and decorated letters. Since writing an alphabet demands such limited space, ostraca were the ideal material when the

writer did not have any problems with a surface that offered resistence to the pen. But for beginners it was a different question. As a rule, the ostraca that contain alphabets actually written by beginners!2° do not preserve those first awkward attempts at practicing the letters. Most of the time the exercises consist either of the pupil’s name written along with a partial alphabet or of alphabets inscribed in reverse order or with the letters paired according to a prearranged sequence. What seems to be common to all these ostraca is that the letters are not completely unpracticed, and that these exercises are well-defined and complete in themselves and perhaps

contain the students’ homework. At this stage of learning papyrus is not very much represented—fewer than 15 percent of alphabets appear on this material. Alphabets on tablets of notebooks not only are more numerous but also include examples that evidence the painstaking work of the beginner practicing his first alphabet.!2! Many of the alphabets appearing in notebooks are striking for their frailty and uncertainty. In tablet 4 (side B) of 402, for instance, the painful struggle of a beginner is still apparent in the hardened wax: the letters, made of a multitude of minute quivering strokes, are huge and of various size, and they seem to float in different directions. When a student was just a novice and needed endless practice, waxed and wooden tablets that could be smoothed and washed were ideal. Thus, in the school Colloquies a student arrives at school, sits at his desk, take out stylus and tablet, and, as his first action of the day, smoothes out the tablet to erase the exercises of the previous day. !2

Syllabaries (level 3), which needed lots of writing space, were preferably written on papyrus: about half of syllabaries are written on this material, and in addition syllabaries are written in three professional schoolbooks on papyrus codices.!23 The few examples of students’

118 About this cf. above p. 67 and below p. 76. 119Collart 1936, 497. 120S¢¢, e.g., 43, 44, 51, 55, 65.

121gee 135, 160, 200, 394, 399, 400, 402, 407, and 408. See also a beginner’s alphabets on an individual tablet: 83. An equally significant example of alphabets practiced by a beginner on papyrus is 79. 122S¢e Goetz 1892, 225: 7a Eng Témy KaOHpevoc, Newivw. 123See p. 41.

WRITING MATERIALS USED IN SCHOOLS TI syllabaries on ostraca show that when using this material pupils customarily practiced a limited number of syllabic combinations. Syllabaries, moreover, were characterized by a certain permanence, since they were not supposed to be continuously erased and rewritten, and papyrus therefore was a suitable material for them. There are no examples of syllabaries on waxed tablets and most of the syllabaries inscribed on wooden tablets are teachers’ models. By the time a student had reached the next level (4), Lists of Words, he had done enough writing so as not to be intimidated by ostraca: a third of the lists are written on this material, and it appears that ostraca were chosen for writing lists of limited length. Papyrus and tablets are equally well represented among word lists, but often contain the longer models. Papyrus and tablets are equally represented at level (5), Writing Exercises, with ostraca constituting fewer than a quarter of the examples. At this level, however, the data require a careful interpretation. First of all, scribes’ trials are frequently found among writing exercises, as well as in the practice of individual letters, and in both instances it is clear that papyrus was the material scribes almost invariably chose to practice on. If we exclude scribes’ trials on papyrus at this level and include only exercises done by beginners and teachers, more than half

of them were written on tablets. Exercises that include the pupil’s copy together with the teacher’s model appear almost exclusively in individual tablets or in tablets that are part of notebooks: !24 very few of them are inscribed on papyrus,!2° and none on ostraca or parchment. Although tablets were also used by intermediate students for calligraphic exercises to improve the hand,!26 they were considered ideal for beginners’ exercises. When the copying was done by a novice, a lot of erasing and repeating was involved, and many such exercises were needed to master the art. The very nature of potsherds and limestone pieces precluded their employ-

ment for calligraphic exercises, since the unevenness of the surface discouraged the best attempts. An examination of writing exercises on ostraca shows that most of them either were written by a few apprentice scribes or were notes jotted down in class.

Ostraca were the preferred material for level (6), Short Passages: more than half of exercises of this kind appear to be inscribed on ostraca, with papyrus accounting for ca. a fourth of them. As students’ educational levels progressed, however, ostraca were destined to lose their preeminence: with the exception perhaps of the Ptolemaic period, ostraca were used only at an elementary level, maybe up to the very first years under a grammarian. About a quarter of Longer Passages are preserved on ostraca and among them a cluster of 12 Ptolemaic sherds,!27 often characterized by more difficult, scholarly passages, seems to have been used at an advanced school level. It is uncertain whether many of the sherds, which were written by skilled, even hands, represent a teacher’s or an advanced student’s work. Most of the Roman ostraca in this category, on the other hand, preserve exercises at the lower limit of length for inclusion at this level—eight lines—and of an elementary nature. About half of exercises at the same level (7) were done on papyrus, while some tablets were used for models. It was the length of the texts to be written down that caused the prevalence of papyrus at all the following stages of learning. For Scholia Minora a roll, the page of a papyrus codex, or an isolated sheet 124Sce, e.g., 136, 160, 383, 386, 391, and 396. 1258ee, e.g., 133 and 138. 126See 146 and 395.

127S¢¢ 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 239, 241, 242, 243, 247, 249, and 252.

72 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES of papyrus was used most of the time, and papyrus still was by far the favorite material for compositions and grammatical exercises. At these higher levels of learning ostraca almost disappear, and tablets were used infrequently. A little surprising, however, is the existence of seven tablets containing Scholia Minora, mostly written by students. Their use at this level was motivated by the good amount of rewriting that the exercise involved. Some work at an advanced level, moreover, appeared in notebooks made of tablets. !28

Although the preceding discussion took into consideration the exercises contained in notebooks, a brief survey of the materials from which notebooks were made is needed. While about two-thirds of notebooks were made of tablets, mostly waxed, papyrus accounted for the other third, with in addition two late examples of parchment codices. Although papyrus rolls were used only in three Ptolemaic instances,!2? later on papyrus was the favorite material for school codices. The size of these codices written by students deserves some attention: these notebooks were often of diminutive size—with the longest side of a page being about 10 centimeters and sometimes even less. Knowledge of the typical format of a papyrus school book can aid in the identification of school notebooks. Thus, for instance, the nature of notebook 387 was a matter of dispute: an amulet? A toy book made for a child? It is instead a tiny schoolbook originally composed of two double pages bound by thread. A student wrote a prayer on it with an uncertain hand, and typically interrupted his work, leaving a wide blank space in the last page. Even later on, in fourteenth century Florence, the typical format of school notebooks was similar to this, with the book size evidently correlated with the “size” of the writer.!3°

128See 383, 385, 388, and 401. 129Sce 379, 380, and 382. 130See Gehl 1989, 392.

TABLE 1 1B Ptolemaic Roman Byzantine Und. Total %5 #76% %182 #% Papyrus:#21 18 # 82d 44 Writing Materials

Front 15 445 2611 6 46 11 87 21 Back 4 1 17 4 66 16 Both sides 2 - =0 32 1016 19 25 Notebook 6 24 10

Ostracon 19 5 63 i 58 14 +,.| 441 34

Wax: ~ 16 a. Ww 4 BED 8 Tablet - -- ~8 8223121311 35 Notebook 20 Wood: ~ ~ 13 3 38 GY 12

Tablet 11 3 38 9 49 12 Notebook - - 2 0 ~ - 2 0 Parchment: ~-~— ~ ~~ | -752 27 57 2 2 Parchment Notebook - = ~ - 2 0 2 0

Total 40 10% 168 41% 203 49% 1 412 100% TABLE 2 Exercises of Students, Teachers and Scribes

Papyrus Ostr. Wax Wood Parchment Total

front back both Tablet Tablet

Letters 15 l843-13 --33~- 42 Alphabets 28 36 Syllabaries 3 5--55 |132 20 Lists 10 14-215

Writing Ex. 71453- 335113l313—- 53 45 Short Pass. Long Pass. 23 22 97 Scholia min. 2 83231- 34 13 3 ~2 19

Compositions 8 53 1 ] I- -111- 20 14 Grammar 2 10 Notebooks 3 = 7 - 20 2 2 34 Total 88 66 28 141 31 51 7 412

74 TABLE 3

Exercises of Students

Papyrus Ostr. Wax Wax Wood Wood Parchment Total front back both Tablet Notebk. Tablet Notebk.

Letters 6 2 l 7 - 4 1 - - 21

Alphabets 1 2 - 10 - 3 ] = - 17 Syllabaries 4 2 - 2 = = 2 - ] 11 Lists 7 1 1 6 - 3 2 - - 20 Writing Ex. 8 2 J 6 - 7 9 - ~ 33 Short Pass. 2 5 - 16 2 l - - ~ 26 Long Pass. 20 19 4 11 3 6 5 - 2 70 Scholia min. 2 8 ] = 4 - - = - 15 Compositions 8 3 1 l - - 1 - - 14 Grammar 3 9 4 - = 2 1 2 1 22

Total aT ee ee Ce ee 26 2 #2 4 249°

6 Distinguishing Characteristics of School Exercises

Various characteristics of school exercises help identify what a school exercise is and in what respects, besides palaeographical characteristics, teachers’ and students’ work differed. This chapter will consider features of various kinds. Some, such as lines, borders, drawings, and decorations, involve the external appearance and layout of an exercise. Many of these features had practical purposes: they could help a student to keep his lines and columns straight and evenly spaced, make some information more easily intelligible, emphasize examples, set off titles, and separate different texts that appeared on the same writing surface and might otherwise cause confusion. Some of these features are typical of specific kinds of exercises such as syllabaries, in which clarity of presentation was extremely important. Mere decorative purposes, on the other hand, also come into play: at very early educational levels students cared

about the aesthetic quality of their work. Since an exercise was also considered a thing of beauty, and embellishing its presentation was highly valued, even beginners aimed to give their writing an attractive appearance. Other characteristics of exercises that I will consider relate to the presentation of content. I will examine punctuation and lectional signs as well as accents, breathings, and marks of quantity to see whether scholastic practice differed from normal usage and to ascertain at what level a student learned to use diacritical signs. The accepted practice of writing words without

separation, in continuous blocks—scriptio continua—rendered necessary some _lectional assistance for students beginning to read. For this purpose teachers prepared models that gave students special aid in the form of spaces, dots, or oblique strokes that divided syllables and words. In addition, since the practice of writing poetry in continuous lines, without observing colometry, was widespread in schools in every period, it will be relevant to study the specific marks that were adopted to distinguish poetic lines. This chapter will also study the practice of dating school work that ancient students and teachers sometimes followed. Dates—often incomplete, only consisting of the day of the week or the month—appear in a few exercises. These occurrences will serve to determine whether such practice was totally erratic or depended on particular circumstances. Lastly I will discuss

the mistakes that show up in exercises, their different kinds and frequency, and the various ways in which mistakes in school work were corrected. Not only can the presence of errors be a decisive factor in detecting a school exercise, but the import and gravity of mistakes need to be evaluated in order to dispel some widespread and deep-rooted convictions. Mistakes of certain kinds, which reflect the phonetic pronunciation and spelling of the times, cannot be considered exclusive indications of students’ work and hence of faulty literacy, since they also appear in the writing of people belonging to cultivated social strata and occur very frequently in the work of teachers.

76 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES Layout and Decorations Horizontal Rulings and Lines Horizontal rulings are very common in school tablets written by beginners and advanced students alike, even if beginners benefited most from them.! Pupils were not always able or willing to follow these rulings, and advanced students preferred to follow the grain of the wood or their own sense of direction.2 Horizontal guidelines, which never appear on literary papyri from Egypt but were used quite often in hieratic and demotic papyri in the Roman period,? are never visible on school exercises done on papyrus. It is likely that on this material students tried to follow the horizontal fibers as a guide.* Horizontal lines often appear in grammatical exercises to separate different sections of declensions and conjugations.> At times they are

accompanied by marginal abbreviations: A (to indicate the singular number), A for dual (Sux), and II for plural (wAnOvv7ixd).© The lines were not a requirement and in fact they are not a constant feature of grammatical exercises. As happens with morphological labels, they can also be found in tables of declensions and conjugations written by scribes. What distinguishes scribal copies from students’ and teachers’ copies is rather the difference in the execu-

tion and the variety of the lines: while these are simple and regular horizontals in professionally produced manuals, in school exercises they can vary a great deal and may be crudely drawn.’ Short horizontal supralineations may emphasize grammatical terms and exemplifications in grammatical exercises,® but are not an exclusive feature of these texts: irregularity of such strokes indicates a student’s copy. The same short lines mark some words in the second leaf of 405: the student probably used the same technique he had used in the grammatical part,

with the supralineations being almost the equivalent of modern highlighting. In 229 it is a teacher who uses the same method to draw his students’ attention to two important words of the text of Isocrates that appears in the model. In 380 the titles of the different sections in the list of names have the first letter underlined as a way to draw attention to them.

1For ruled lines on tablets, their different kinds, and their irregularity, see p. 67. A horizontal ruling appears only once in an ostracon, 5, see p. 70. 2For disregard of the horizontal rulings by advanced pupils, see 333 and especially 364. 3Sece Turner (1987) 5. For hieratic and demotic texts penned by professional scribes where these guidelines appear, see Tait 1986, especially p. 5-6, where he considers the possible influence on demotic texts of the lines designed for the teaching of Greek beginners. His conclusions are, however, negative, since there are no demotic beginner exercises where the lines are used. 4See pp. 61-62. In rejecting the possibility that scribes relied upon the fibers and for this reason wrote first on the front of a papyrus, Tait 1986, 68 claims that the horizontal fibers were visible on each side of the sheet, especially in good quality papyrus. Students, however, often wrote on thick, dark pieces, where the fibers belonging to the opposite side could not be detected. See 363, 364, 366, 372, 374 (a manual or a model), 376, 377, 378. ®See e.g., 363 and 377. 7Cf. the variety of lines in 363, 364, and 378. 8See 359, 362, 369, 370, and the first page of 405. ?Probably the same thing happened in 369, where the supralineations appear not only on top of exempla, but also above some numerals that were nevertheless written in full.

DISTINGUISHING CHARACTERISTICS 77 Vertical Rulings Vertical rulings, which never appear in literary papyri, but sometimes are visible in astrological tables,!° are found very frequently in exercises. The purpose of such lines was to provide separation between columns whether adjacent columns contained the same text or different

exercises. Usually students place their columns very close to each other so that the space between them is almost nonexistent: a vertical ruling distinguishes the letters belonging to each column and in addition saves writing space. Occasionally a pupil drew a vertical ruling at the

beginning of the first column on his tablet, indicating the initial point of each line,!! but usually such a precaution was unnecessary, since students could take advantage of the left vertical limit of a tablet or piece of papyrus. The vertical ruling between columns was very useful in giving students the proper beginning of each line so that the phenomenon called “Maas’s Law” is rarely visible in school exercises, and then only in copies of advanced students.!2 Vertical ruling can appear in tablets,!3 in papyrus,!4 and in ostraca,!> in exercises at every educational level, and sometimes it is of fundamental importance in pointing to school work.!6 Some specific types of exercises required an elaborate system of vertical or horizontal lines, or both. Thus in a syllabary the various sets may all be underlined as in 83 and 88, may be written successively in different columns separated by long vertical rulings (79), or may be inserted in rectangular boxes, as in 81 and 89. In lists!” horizontal lines may divide the groups (120), vertical and horizontal lines may be combined to separate the different items (121 and

127), or a grid of rectangular spaces where whole words or syllables are inserted may be formed, as in 100 and 383. Vertical and horizontal lines are also found frequently in mathematical exercises.!8 In addition, single, short lines may be drawn in a text specifically in order l0See Turner 1978, 5, and see below, note 18, for the different kinds of rulings on mathematical exercises. The horoscope on the front of the papyrus that carries on the back 283 shows vertical rulings. lI See e.g., 333. 12 According to “Maas’s Law” scribes in writing a column started each line a little more to the left so that the bottom lines contained more letters than the top lines. For the phenomenon to manifest itself it is necessary that a text be of considerable extent and, of course, lack ruling. If both conditions are met, a student finds it hard to keep his lines vertically defined. This is seen for instance in 317, 362, 368, and especially in 358, which shows complete convergence of the two columns. I incline to consider the slant to the column as the consequence of the writer’s position combined with the speed of writing. I do not agree with William A. Johnson, “Column Layout in Oxyrhynchus Literary papyri: Maas’s Law, Ruling and Alignment Dots,” ZPE 96 (1993) 211-15, who considers the slope a deliberate aesthetic effect. 13See 121, 303, 308, 333, 381, and 383. The vertical lines appearing in 404 (tablets 1 and 9) and 395 (tablet 4) are wavy and serve to separate the different exercises. 14See 100, 283, 291, 348 and 349. In 352 the lines are double and separated. 15See 34, 72, and 127. On this material the lines, which are usually drawn carelessly, function only as separators. lOSe¢ e. g., 283. Also in 352 the presence of the double, vertical lines eliminates the possibility that the text is a manual, even before examination of the content confirms that this is an exercise. 17 Approximately the same manner of organizing the material is found in many Coptic school exercises (e.g., MPER NS XVIII 226, 229, 244). As in syllabaries, the ruling was perhaps a feature adopted from Egyptian school practice. 138Thus in tablet VIII of 400 the different mathematical operations are separated by long horizontal lines on the

side that was written by a student, while short paragraphoi appear in the teacher’s side. The example may be instructive in tracing the origin of such lines. In 407 long rectangles appear in several tablets with mathematical tables. The lines in mathematical exercises may be simple, double (as in MPER NS XV 152), or decorated (e.g., in MPER NS XV 161). They may appear on any material, even ostraca: e.g., O.Mich. inv. 9733 published by Herbert Youtie in ZPE 18 (1975) 283-84, with tables of fractions in 3 columns, separated by rough vertical lines. They also show up in advanced exercises (e.g., Pap.Flor. XVIII 71-78, a set of waxed tablets with geometrical problems divided by long horizontal lines).

78 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES to divide two parts,!9 to separate two columns that are in contact,”° or to insert something into the text that had been forgotten or could not fit into a regular position in the line.?!

Line Fillers Line fillers—strokes set at the end of lines—help to maintain a vertically defined right margin. They take many different sizes and shapes in exercises: in 34522 and 283 there is a wedgeshaped filler,23 which in the latter papyrus is sometimes followed by a short, slanting, horizontal or perpendicular stroke. In the same papyrus the characters at the end of the line may be smaller, the last letter may be written above the line, or a long horizontal stroke may conclude

the line. Similar horizontal strokes of various lengths are used in 285, an acrostic of moral maxims written by a teacher—the only ostracon displaying line fillers. In 373 (line 13) the filler consists of two oblique dashes; in 250 a single oblique stroke concludes the line; and in 257, 403, and 394 two short horizontal dashes appear.7* In 394, when the verse ends in midline the last word is written with huge characters. A peculiar sign, almost in the shape of an H with two short hastae, is used to conclude some lines in 393.2> It is noteworthy that line fillers

do not show up only in advanced students’ exercises but were known and used by some beginners, who learned from the start to care about the presentation of their texts.

Borders

Borders were used almost exclusively for decorative purposes. The most elaborate is the system of arcades visible in 379, in which the vertical sides are formed by columns variously decorated and joined by horizontal, single or double lines. These arcades, where the color red predominates, frame only the elementary and mathematical exercises, while the more advanced texts are disposed in columns that are defined at the end by a long horizontal line. The thick border that surrounds the text of 304 is also painted in dark red. The border that frames the text of 323 is heavily decorated with designs of lozenges, especially on the top. Borders appear particularly frequently in tablets, and they appear with equal frequency in the work of students and teachers.2© In 398 a rectangle was drawn with two panels, on top and below, where letters of the alphabet were inserted.27

19See 395 and 403, where an oblique line is used to separate the date, and 127, where a wiggling oblique dash is used to set apart a word appearing in a list in a confused position. 20Sce 369, where the line follows the contour of the trespassing part of the text. 21 See 340, where the teacher originally forgot to write on the model a few lemmas and glosses; 321; and 406, side IV verso, line 100. 22The filler is considered by the text’s editor, Timothy Renner, to be “a mark of a certain pretentiousness.” 23In Turner 1987, 5 note 12, bibliography for this end filler appears. Ulrich Wilcken, “Aus der Strassburger Sammlung,” Archiv 4 (1907) 135, remarks on the presence of line fillers in this shape in a documentary roll (Graec. 87 recto) that was written almost calligraphically.

24For these fillers visible in a literary text, see F.G. Kenyon, Classical Texts from Papyri in the British Museum (London, 1891) 42 and Kenyon 1899, 31. Two long lines, which are almost horizontal, are found at the end of 305, and one (or two) lines appear at the conclusion of 276. 25The sign is probably made of two diplai against each other. The diple is used quite a lot in the notebook. 26See 148, 158, 160, 303, 321, 333, 364 and 398.

27Probably the remainder of the tablet was supposed to be ruled so that the pupil could continue resting the letters on a base. On the whole the border is not as unusual as the editors believe.

DISTINGUISHING CHARACTERISTICS 79 Ornamented Lines and Decorations Horizontal decorated lines and more elaborate decorative motifs tend to appear either at the end of an exercise, to indicate its conclusion, or in the middle to separate different parts.28 A few examples of the first kind might represent a school transformation of the paragraphos,*? except that in 207 the final ornamented line appears together with the paragraphos. The second kind of decoration, which was used to separate different parts, shows up in tablets to set off the teacher’s model?° and once in the body of a student’s exercise.>!

Initials In a series of exercises of the seventh century AD decorated initials appear.>* These range from the clumsily enlarged omicron of an inexperienced beginner in 231 to more heavily decorated designs drawn around the initials. In 412 the heavily ornamented initial becomes an elaborate design with a life of its own. Titles

In 405 (first leaf of the notebook) a student seems to imitate the layout of a title: before copying Dionysius’s famous definition of grammar, which started the 7echne, he places the title, Tept Tpapparixjc,?? in a prominent position. In the exercise the title is put at the beginning of the work, probably in conformity with prevailing usage,*4 the wording is extremely simple, with even the name of the author omitted,> and the student tries to reproduce a plain decora-

tive fashion of title.3° In 183 the number of the Homeric book preceding the passage is inscribed within a circle. In 385 (tablet 5, side iota), before starting to write the set of formulae for the declension of a chria, the student wanted to graphically express his satisfaction?’ 28Van Groningen 1955, 49, calls these motifs “vignettes.” 29See 187, 207, 232, 314, and 405. 30See 70, 136, 142, and 160. 311m 406 (side IV, line 77).

32S¢e 231, 232, 323, 409, and 412. Schubart 1921, 141, claims that ornamented initials appear in Greek and Coptic books as early as the fourth century AD. For initials, see also B.A. Van Groningen, Short Manual of Greek Palaeography (Leiden 1955) 49. 33Because of the disagreement in the textual tradition and in the testimonia, scholars are uncertain whether this was the title of the entire work of Dionysius Thrax. Wouters 1979, 124 claims that this was only the heading of the first section.

34Cf in Turner 1987, 13-14, the controversial discussion of the placement of titles at the end or at the beginning of a work, the latter practice usually being related to a late date. Since the notebook was dated to the fifth century AD, the student was likely to be imitating an already established practice.

SFor the omission of the name of the author on some occasions, see Revilo P. Oliver, “The First Medicean

MS of Tacitus and the Titulature of Ancient Books,” TAPA 82 (1951) 247. 36Only Gardthausen 1913, 410 writes very briefly of decorative marks that sometimes accompany titles. The short strokes above and below the title at the end of the “Bankes Homer” (P.Lond.Lit. 28, I] AD), in P.Oxy. X 1231

(plate 17b of Turner 1987, 47, II AD) and in P.Haun. III 48 (I-II AD) are similar to the decorative lines of our exercise. In the exercise the student simply repeated the decoration. Patterns of horizontal strokes that set off the end-title are found also in P.Oxy. V 843 and XLII 3000. A more elaborate border of angular marks is visible in P. Oxy. VI 850 (IV AD). Sometimes the layout becomes more complicated, with flourishes and different ornamented motifs, as in P.Bodm. XXV (III AD), in the two P.Morgan (U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff and G. Plaumann, in SKPAW [1912] 38 and 62), and in P.Oxy. VII 1011 (see the plates of the last three papyri in Lameere [1960] 195, Fig. 12, 13, 14. They are dated to the fourth century AD.) 37Qne can compare the similar cry of triumph evident in the words scribbled on the book cover 216.

80 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES at concluding a section of his work. Scribes often added similar colophons at the conclusion of their endeavor.?8

Drawings A few exercises display drawings of an elementary kind,*? some of which relate to the content

of the exercise and some of which are simply decorative.4° Although modern histories of ancient education usually complain of the rigidity of the ancient school system and point to the lack of drawing and painting in primary schools as a sign of indifference to the personality and preferences of the child,*! the exercises of Graeco-Roman Egypt allow a different scenario to

emerge. The evidence for the existence of professionally produced illustrated books for elementary students is limited to P.Oxy. XXII 2331, which preserves part of three columns of

an elementary text regarding the labours of Heracles, with corresponding illustrations.’ Exercises 13, 36, and 37 display drawings together with letters of the alphabet: the decorated body of an animal, two animal sketches, and a stick figure. Two rough drawings that represent ships containing nomina sacra appear in the front of a teacher’s model with alphabets, 70.* The least advanced student who inscribed notebook 403 also made a drawing of a stick figure with a tiny body and disproportionate hands, and two stick figures are visible on the right side of a tablet containing a list of names, 118. Two more elementary drawings appear in notebook 412: they are related to the text and represent the head of a very friendly-looking lion. More interesting are the drawings made by the pupils of 210 and 245. The student of 210 intends to illustrate a maxim about the luck of rich people: he draws a crude stick figure with long ears and, on the left, what appears to be an abacus.*4 In 245 Apollonios interrupts the copying of the Dream of Nektanebos to draw a human figure with a thin body wrapped in cloth, from which legs and feet protrude. The arms, which are not visible, were probably bound alongside the body. If we turn the papyrus upside down, the head looks almost the same, but is pro38Sec, e.g., the “Harris Homer,” P.Lond.Lit. 5, plate 14 in Turner 1987, 41. 39Drawings, when part of school exercises, are usually dismissed quickly. Naturally they command more respect when they are more elaborate and are part of illuminated rolls and codexes. K. Weitzmann, Ancient Book Illumination (Cambridge 1959) 128, considered neither these simple drawings, nor magical or astrological ones,

even though they might be interesting from other points of view, because they were generally “unartistic and crude.” For book illustrations, see also Schubart 1921, 108-09 and 140-42; K. Weitzmann, Illustrations in Roll and Codex (Princeton 1947); Nicholas Horsfall, “The Origins of the Illustrated Book” Aegyptus 62 (1982) 199-216; and U. Horak, Illuminierte Papyri, Pergamente und Papiere | (Vienna 1992). 40For drawings in schoolbooks of the fourteenth century, see Gehl 1989, 398. In these books as well some of the drawings illustrate the text, while others are completely extraneous to it. 41See Bonner 1977, 329. Marrou 1975, I 201 speaks of the artistic education of students of the Hellenistic period. He confesses that we know very little of the first years. When he says that a new discipline, fwypadia, was part of the regular curriculum in the third century BC, he refers to students of higher levels than the ones discussed here. 421 did not include this text in the Catalogue since it was certainly penned by a very capable scribe and was not an exercise. 43The ship was often used in graffiti as a symbol for the Christian church; see William Brashear, “Holz- und Wachstafeln der Sammlung Kiseleff. 2 Teil” Enchoria 14 (1986) 15. 44The editor refers to the opinion of Herbert Youtie that a town-plan was here represented, but this seems unlikely: it is difficult to see what would be the connection to the sententia in this case. 45Thompson 1988, 262 calls it a head, but it seems beyond doubt that a whole figure is portrayed here.

DISTINGUISHING CHARACTERISTICS 81 vided with a beard and perhaps shows a grin. The pious king Nectanebo was a famous magician, and the mischievous little figure seems to reflect that aspect of his personality.*°

Punctuation Most of the time the aim of punctuation in a school exercise is the separation of different parts of the text,4”7 while less often it serves to indicate the conclusion of a text. The paragraphos generally filled these two functions, and both teachers and students used it commonly.*® This sign was at times replaced by a more elaborate form, the diple obelismene, and more rarely a space in the line or a more extensive space between lines was used. The dicolon and the high and middle dots were more elaborate systems of punctuation, and were apparently used by teachers and advanced students.

Paragraphos The paragraphos—a horizontal stroke written at the left margin—appears frequently in exercises at all levels: it was not a learned sign typical of books.*? Although a few exercises of elementary level from the Ptolemaic age onward already display it,*° the paragraphos was used even more often at intermediate and advanced levels of education. In exercises, however, this sign took on different sizes and shapes. In literary texts it was described as “a short, horizontal stroke below the beginning of the line in which the break occurs,”>! and this is how it appears in many exercises.°2 In others, however, paragraphoi in the same text have different dimensions, some of them looking considerably longer than usual,°*3 or long horizontal lines are

visible, which occupy the whole column.°4 Are they paragraphoi? Turner on one occasion calls them quasi-paragraphoi,*> for they seem conceptually related to the paragraphos and discharge more or less the same functions: separation and, more rarely, conclusion of the exercise. At times these longer lines mark stronger breaks, especially in texts such as 355, where they are used in conjunction with real paragraphoi. In a school exercise, moreover, one was 4©Three other designs are practically impossible to see in photographs: Frederic G. Kenyon, “Two Greek School-Tablets,” JHS 29 (1909) 39, relates that a drawing is visible in 401; Gallo 1980, 396, speaks of some kind of ornamented motif in 288; and Weems 1981, 86-87, describes a badly faded, crude pinwheel or swastika-like design in 385.

47For punctuation as separation, see Turner 1987, 8-9. Emphatic punctuation in our sense, which is rare in literary texts, does not appear in school exercises. 480n punctuation being indispensable for scriptio continua from the earliest time, see Pfeiffer 1968, 179-80. Aristophanes of Byzantium should not be considered the “inventor” of punctuation. He may have systematized or regularized the tradition, and he probably established a set of agreed-upon signs. 49Thus G. Nachtergael, “Fragments d’anthologies homériques,” CdE 46 (1971) 344-51, convinced that the student of 382 could not possibly have used this sign on his own initiative, strives to demonstrate that he borrowed it from a Homeric anthology. See above p. 98 and note 144.

See 118, 188, 207, 238, 273, and 403. In 393 the paragraphos is used very often. 5lKenyon 1899, 27. 52See, e.g., 102, 177, 235, and 355. 3Consider for instance 248, where the sign was generally used to separate the various parts of the anthology. The hexameters of the Homeric excerpt were then divided in two at the caesura and copied in two separate lines. The paragraphoi are all of different length, but there does not seem to be a relation between length and function. 54See 188, 400 (tablet 2), 403, 274, 379, 326, 327, 328, 329. S5Turner 1987, 86, Plate 48, B.M.Pap. 825, receipt for payment of rents, with long guasi-paragraphus at foot

of column. Similar lines are visible occasionally in other documentary papyri, e.g., P.Oxy. XLVII 3340, P.Vindob.G. 2079b (plate 48 in Seider 1967), and P.Heid. 235 (plate 32 in Seider 1967).

82 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES freer to experiment and to be creative: thus the paragraphos—at least the sign is so called by the editors of these texts— twice appears as a series of short horizontal dashes.*® The extensive use of the paragraphos in school work was primarily due to the nature of

the exercises themselves: a sign to indicate separation and organize different sections was necessary, since many of them consist of small anthologies, collections of maxims or sayings, or collections of texts of different types. Some exercises were very short, and again a sign of some sort was needed to mark their conclusion. It is also likely that the frequent use of the paragraphos in school work is to be related to reading: it was an aid to the inexperienced reader who lost his place while reading aloud.°’ The paragraphos was not used exclusively on papyrus, but also on tablets and ostraca. Sometimes students show a certain confusion about the placement of the line, which may even appear flush with the right, not the left, margin.>8 When the paragraphos is marked for no apparent reason or under the wrong line, it is likely that the student copied the sign without understanding it and without considering that perhaps the width of his columns was different from the width of the columns of the text copied.°? Diple Obelismene The diple obelismene, as Turner noted, is a sign that often goes unrecognized, and its proper name®! is rarely used. At times it is not distinguished from the linear paragraphos, and editors often call it a decorative, forked, or hooked paragraphos. In literary texts it is almost a transi-

tion sign between the paragraphos and the coronis,®* and it is sometimes regarded as the origin of the latter sign. The diple obelismene appears in a few school exercises dating from the third to the seventh century AD.® Its shape may vary slightly depending on whether this sign is traced slowly or without lifting the pen. When it appears together with the paragraphos, it is clear that there was no apparent difference in function between the two. When only the diple obelismene is present, its function is to separate different sections or verses, or to indicate an exercise’s conclusion. It should be noted that five of the eight exercises where this sign appears are teachers’ models: the sign with its graceful shape offered more possibilities for ornamentation than a regular paragraphos.®©©° 56See 257, where the pause is reinforced by a large unwritten space, and 124, where the series of lines appears at the end of a teacher’s model. 57tn this regard, see William A. Johnson, “The Function of the Paragraphus in Greek Literary Prose Texts,” ZPE 100 (1994) 65-68. 581n 349 and 355 (under line 10) the sign is placed next to the right margin, a very peculiar mistake.

59See 244, 253, and 283. Uncertainty in using the paragraphos is also found in scribes’ work, see Kenyon 1899, 27, and Turner 1987, 44. 60Turner 1987, 12, note 60. 61 The name occurs in the Anecdotum Parisinum discovered by Theodore Mommsen, see Gardthausen 1913, 412. The shape which appears in this text, almost a T with an oblique hasta, is the same as in 340. 62Turner 1987, 13, considers its effect “less decisive than that of the asteriscus or the coronis.” ©3Gwendolen M. Stephen, “The Coronis,” Scriptorium 13 (1959) 4. 64Sce 121, 122, 296, 333, 340, 380, 390, and 393. 65See 390 and 393 where the diple obelismene is generally used, at times alternating with the paragraphos. In 380 the diple separates the larger sections, while the paragraphos distinguishes the smaller sections. Gallo 1986,

91, claims that the function of the two signs is identical. In literary texts, however, their function is sometimes clearly distinguished: the paragraphos has a syntactical function, whereas the diple marks organizational, contextual divisions. See e.g., P.Hercul. 1428, where each time a new philosopher is mentioned, the transition is marked by a combination of diple and obelos in the left margin, GRBS 13 (1972) 95, note 96. 66See especially the teacher of 296, who used the sign frequently.

DISTINGUISHING CHARACTERISTICS 83 Coronis The coronis, which originated as a strengthened form of the paragraphos and later developed into an independent sign, appears only once in the school exercises, in 379.°7 It is unclear whether this notebook was penned by a scribe or by a teacher, and the presence of the coronis, a book sign, may be an indication that it was professionally produced, even though the sign is

used quite capriciously. In this notebook the sign has not yet attained its final and more elaborate shape: it starts from a paragraphos and attains a kind of a hook-like shape with a few flourishes underneath.®°

Blank Spaces Blank spaces can be used as punctuation. They are used either in conjunction with the paragraphos®® or by themselves, to indicate a break between two different sections or to point to some kind of a pause.’? In an ostracon used as a teacher’s model, 286, clarity and easy legibility have been attained by leaving spaces between the single words and larger spaces between the various maxims.

Dots Dots may also be used for punctuation, especially for the separation of different entries. Thus single and double dots distinguish lemmata and glosses in Scholia minora or maxims in a collection.7! Sometimes, and not very consistently, dots are used for emphatic punctuation.’ Generally dots were used by advanced students or teachers. They were probably taught systematically only at an advanced level, as tablet 340 shows.

Lectional Signs

Diaeresis Diaeresis is frequently indicated in school exercises, starting approximately from the second century AD.”3 It is necessary to make a distinction between the proper use of diaeresis—two dots (less often one) placed over a vowel to indicate that it is pronounced as a separate syllable—and a secondary use—diaeresis placed on initial or final vowels, most often on upsilon and iota.“ Diaeresis proper does not occur very frequently: while teachers tended to mark it 67In the margin of 370 a coronis is visible, but it belongs to a previous literary text, which was washed off. 68For a history of the development of the coronis, see Lameere 1960, 190-204.

69See 188 and 257, where a quasi-paragraphos appears. See also 258. In 349 space and paragraphos are used to indicate change of speakers. In 388—tablets 1b and 4a, in the Homeric paraphrase—the space is sometimes used together with a mark similar to a percentage sign to indicate a pause. 7Sece 252, 368, and 283. In Scholia minora, moreover, they are used quite often between the lemmata and the glosses.

See 326, 327, 328, 329, 334, and 341, all containing Scholia minora, where most often the high point is used. In 311 and 318 the double dot divides maxims and riddles. 72See 252, 283, 306, 355, 368, and 369. In 314 three vertical dots are used to mark pauses. ?3For diaeresis appearing often in papyri from the second century AD onward, see Schubart 1921, 85. Turner 1987, 10, note 46, draws attention to early examples.

74Turner 1987, 10, calls these the “organic” and “inorganic” use of diaeresis. In the first case diaeresis is essential to the phonetic identity of the word, indicating that an iota or upsilon does not form a diphthong with the preceding or following vowel. In the second case diaeresis is only an addition.

84 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES on texts of Homer that were supposed to be used for reading,’> students did not use it much in their own writing.76 The second, “inorganic” use of diaeresis was much more popular: upsilon and iota were usually marked at the beginning of a word, less often at the end or in the middle of a compound word.77 Abuses were committed: the sign could be marked on the ending of a word,’8 in the middle,7° or here and there inconsistently on any vowel.®° Although most of the examples of diaeresis appear in teachers’ models, in exercises of advanced level, or in long passages copied by rather experienced hands,*! not infrequently the sign is marked by intermediate or beginning students in the Byzantine period.’* Two teachers’ models may provide an interesting explanation of the phenomenon, showing that it is not unlikely that in the Byzantine period the letters iota and upsilon were automatically provided with a diaeresis from the very start, when students learned these letters. In the alphabet written by the teacher of 63, in fact,

iota is shown with a diaeresis, and both iota and upsilon are provided with diaeresis in the alphabets of tablet 92.

Apostrophe In literary texts sometimes the words were written in full (scriptio plena), or, when elision occurred, it was not signaled with apostrophe.®? Although, as a rule, school exercises reflect the general usage, with scriptio plena occurring occasionally,®* and most of the time unmarked elision, apostrophe is found more often in school work than in literary texts. The student who copied the grammatical manual 368 and used apostrophe a few times calls it dmooTp0@%, a

term that does not appear in the rest of the grammatical literature, where this sign is always called &aécTpodoc.®> The form of the sign he uses, a high comma, is the usual but not the only form appearing in the exercises: apostrophe may resemble a circumflex accent, a grave accent, or a tiny dot.8© While apostrophe is marked occasionally in a few school exercises, usually not of elementary level,®’ more interesting is the consistent use of apostrophe in a group of teachers’ models with Homeric passages.** On the models the words are separated by oblique strokes, and apostrophe is the only lectional sign consistently used. The visible pres7 See 294 (a teacher or an advanced student), 296, 340, and 342.

See 206, 303, 355, and 396. 77] See thus éxxaTiéay (line 1 of 313), diiypocg, and a few examples in 385 (e.g., ovvicrapat). 78See, e.g., vopotc in 230.

See e.g., yiverar in 304 or yovtuou in 207. 80See 314 where a single dot appears on many vowels.

8lSee, e.g., 283, 304, 306, and 385. 82See, ¢.g., 123, 127, 230, 231, 280, and 393. 83Sece Gallo 1986, 90 and Turner 1987, 8. The way in which both scholars, especially Gallo, express their thoughts about scriptio plena is slightly ambiguous. The practice occurred, but not very frequently. Usually elision was effected, even if it was rarely marked. For examples of texts in which both silent elision and scriptio plena occured, see Turner 1987, 173 under scriptio plena. For examples of Homeric texts where words are occasionally written in full, see Nancy Priest, “Michigan Homeric Papyni, I: Iliad A-P,” ZPE 46 (1982) 51-94, e.g., P.Mich.inv.

6055, p70.

4Words are written in full in 135, 159, 244, 246, 250, 306, and 386. 85 See, e.g., P.Oxy. XLIX 3453 and 3454. It is uncertain whether the word azoorpo¢% designated the elision itself or was an older term still in use in the fourth century AD. About this, see Wouters 1979, 193. 86See 292, 296, and 333. For a few examples of apostrophe in the shape of a dot see Gardthausen 1913, 39899,

87See, e.g., 290, 354, 368, and 393, of elementary level. 88see 292, 296, 303, 310, 313, 333, 340, and 342. See also 297, written on papyrus.

DISTINGUISHING CHARACTERISTICS 85 ence of the apostrophe when letters had been elided according to the metrical rules meant that a word had been truncated. Thus the student was becoming visually conscious of the words, and the verses of Homer were not being learned by ear. At later stages, when a student understood what a word was and what elision meant, the sign was used only occasionally.

Diastole In exercise 368 the student calls this sign d:a07T0A7 Kaé’idiav. He was perhaps distinguishing the diastole proper, or the separation between words (sometimes syllables of a word), from the bxoduacorody, the mark used to indicate it.8? This sign, that looks like a comma, is used in only one other exercise, 335, again the work of an advanced student.

Hyphen

This sign also is not very common in school exercises: it appears once in the grammatical exercise 368—with definition, example, and graphic sign—and twice in 340. It was used only at an advanced level. While the diastole separates, the v@éy joins parts of compound words. Accents In literary papyri accents were generally marked in ambiguous places that might otherwise lead to doubts in reading. They were a help to the reader who was going through a text in scriptio continua, and grave accents, which were marked on the syllable that preceded the syllable with the tonic accent, were used for this purpose.?! Accents often were not written by the original scribe, but were added by the corrector or by a reader, who did not want to encounter the same

difficulties during the second reading of a book.” When at the beginning of the Byzantine period the Greek accent changed from melodic to dynamic,?? a need arose to reconstruct accents in texts. It 1s not by chance, thus, that accents appear in school exercises from the late Roman period onward,** and especially in Byzantine exercises. The accent that is marked most frequently in school work is the circumflex, because the difference between acute and circumflex was no longer perceived.” Students who started to read Homer and other poets had at their disposal teachers’ models with the words separated and did not need accents that, in fact, are not written in exercises that feature word division. Accents are marked sometimes, but not consistently, in more advanced work:7° they are a regular feature only in exercise 340, where grave accents are also visible on the syllables preceding that with the tonic accent. At a certain

point in the curriculum grammarians initiated a more profound study of the accentuation system, and the students were encouraged to use accents frequently and to mark them for practice on texts. Thus Homeric texts where every word—or almost every word—bears an accent may have been written for students or used as books in schools.%7 8°Wouters 1979, 194. *0See Gardthausen 1913, 400 for different forms of this sign. ?1See Mazzucchi 1979, 146. 2Schubart 1921, 82. 73See W. Sidney Allen, Accents and Rhythm (Cambridge 1973) 268-71. ?4Gallo 1986, 90 claims that in the Ptolemaic period accents are rare, “though they are sometimes used in school exercises.” I do not know of any Ptolemaic exercise that contains accents. 95On this problem and exercise 310, see Cribiore 1993, 150-51. ?©One or two accents are visible, e.g., in 293, 333, 342, 353, 355, 368, and 376. ?7For texts with very abundant accentuation likely to have been used in school, see Turner 1980, 90-91 and 1987 11, note 53; Mazzucchi 1979, 164.

86 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES Breathings Breathings are sometimes marked in school exercises, particularly rough breathings.°% For interaspiratio a rough breathing can be marked also on an internal vowel.”? In exercises rough breathings take on many shapes: in addition to the usual angular and curved forms used in literary papyri,!° they could have a round shape, like a mark for short quantity,!°! and the shape of a small s placed horizontally.!°2 Usually breathings tend to show up in intermediate and advanced exercises!®3 and only occasionally in elementary work.!0%

Marks of Quantity Marks of quantity are rare in school exercises.!°5 In 368 a student lists among the marks indicating differences in pronunciation two marks of short and long quantity, but he does not use the signs in the grammar he is copying, except in the appropriate exempla.

Other Signs A few other signs are visible: in 250 an arrow in the left margin may indicate the beginning of the strophe,!°® and the same arrow is used in 264, for unknown purposes. In the same papyrus a sign that looks like an antisigma is visible, but, since the level of the text and the hand are very poor, the sign probably just resembled the critical sign.

Abbreviations Abbreviations are uncommon in exercises. Only in 362 are many of them used, mainly at the end of the lines, with different systems: superposition, suspension, and superposition and suspension together. The rest of the abbreviations occurring in exercises consist of abbreviation of a final yp represented by a horizontal dash on top of the last letter in advanced school work of the Byzantine period.!°’ Contractions of nomina sacra cannot be considered real abbreviations, since they are not used to save space and time, but rather to mark off sacral words from the rest of the text.!°8 When nomina sacra occur in school exercises they are usually contracted.!°? Many exercises of the Byzantine period contain a cross!!° or a chrism,'"! the Christ ?8The smooth breathing is rare, see 340 and 283. The rough breathing, which was no longer pronounced, had to be learned and was marked. This is true generally for literary papyri, see Gardthausen 1913, 383 and Schubart 1921, 84. 99See 340 (col. I line 16 and col. II line 4) and 313 (line 5). 100For these see Gardthausen 1913, 384 and 386. 101 See, e.g., 393 (where this breathing appears also in the usual angular form) and 313. 102This occurs only in 393, where altogether there are 11 breathings of different shapes. 103See, e.g., 296, 310, 340, and 342. 104Sc¢ 123, 154 and 393. 105See 310 and 335. 1061] col. next to line 4. It is inserted in an obtuse angle. 107See, e.g., 304, 305, and 356.

108A HR.E. Paap, “Nomina Sacra in the Greek papyri of the first five centuries AD. The sources and some deductions,” Pap.Lugd.Bat. VIII (1959) 126. See also C.H. Roberts, Manuscript, Society and Belief in Early Christian Egypt (London 1979) 26-27. 109Se¢, e.g., 70, 321, 396, and 403. In the invocations 167 and 170 the names are not abbreviated, but this is not uncommon. 110See, e.g., 8, 11, 125, and 404.

lIsee, e.g., 92, 169, 314, and 357.

DISTINGUISHING CHARACTERISTICS 87 monogram similar to a cross, which was originally an abbreviated nomen sacrum.'!2 The two signs are often found also at the beginning of documents, lists, or private letters.1!3 It is not always easy to distinguish between the two, and apparently there are no differences in the treatment of the two symbols in school exercises. The two symbols occur in students’ exercises, teachers’ models,!!4 and scribes’ trials. Usually!!> they occur in elementary exercises, such as alphabets, writing exercises, stories copied by mere beginners, and in some tablets of elementary notebooks. It is difficult to find a reason for this: was religious education limited to the first years or was the Christian sign simply omitted from the advanced exercises?

Syllabic Division, Word Separation, and Verse Distinction Besides the syllabaries, many exercises show how the division of words into syllables was a fundamental step in education.!!® One of the practical effects of the syllabic method of instruc-

tion was to teach how to break words at line end, and the extreme consistency of scribes in literary and documentary papyri shows that education succeeded at this. Students and especially teachers wrote lists of words divided into their components that were frequently inscribed on tablets.!!7 Usually blank spaces separate the syllables, but a student could also insert them into some kind of a grid made with lines (383) or mark the divisions with dots (114). The educational step immediately following this is represented by individual verses (222) and texts of prose and poetry in which the words were again divided into syllables.!!8 Although spaces still separated the syllables at times, more often one or two dots were used,!!9 and once, in 292, small grave accents. After a student had practiced enough with words divided into syllables and was ready for more challenging reading, separation between words was still necessary. Among exercises that display words separated, teachers’ models are extremely common:!7° although in most cases oblique strokes are used for separation, at times, as in 296, the words were already separated by blank spaces, and oblique dashes were added to make the model more intelligible. In 286, the only model on an ostracon with word divisions, only blank spaces were left between the words, and in notebook 393 a different system of word division was developed: the words of Diogenes’ sayings were transcribed in very narrow columns, one word per line, with a clear and effective presentation. The practice of inscribing poetic texts in continuous lines that did not coincide with the verse-units is noteworthy in school exercises. Although in the early period professional scribes did not observe very strict norms in copying verses, from the third century BC they generally 112S¢e Mario Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto (Firenze 1968) 26. 113Fo¢ the different shapes that the cross could take and the various documents where it can be found see Karl Wessely, “Das Kreuz und seine Formen,” Stud. Pal. VIII (1908) 225 and also III (1904) 288-546, pp.75-119. L14gee, e.g., 92, 124, and 357. l15They are rarely found in exercises above the elementary level: 303, 310, and 357.

116See above, pp. 43 and 47-48. Coptic school exercises also show words divided into syllables, see e.g., MPER NS XVIII 243, 244.

l17gee, e.g., 101, 124, 125, 391, and 404. l18sce, e.g., 182, 291, 294, and 298. 119g 66 294, 295, and 297, 298 (medial dot), and 379 (space and colon). 12066, e. g., 286, 292, 296, and 342 (probably student and teacher). Only two exercises with these characteristics were entirely compiled by students: 276 and 310.

88 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES inscribed poetic texts in verse-form,!2! especially hexameters and iambics.!*? It was not uncommon for texts of lyric poets and choral parts in tragedy and comedy to be transcribed in continuous lines, without regard for colometry. A good number of school exercises of the Ptolemaic period are written in continuous lines.!?3 Even though generally in the Ptolemaic exercises the distinction between verses is not marked, in 246 Apollonios writes the prologue of the Telephus of Euripides in two columns: the first is a narrow column written in continuous lines, where the verses are separated by blank spaces, while in the second column the verseunit coincides with the written line. The practice of writing verses as prose was common in schools in the Roman period and in the early Byzantine period until the fourth-fifth centuries AD. In most of the exercises the verses were not separated from each other and were just written one after the other, as in the early period.!24 Many exercises, however, display marks of separation between verses that generally consist of single or double oblique or horizontal strokes.!25 In 394 the oblique dashes are sometimes accompanied by two dots, producing something resembling a percent sign. Although students had no need for dividing marks when they wrote verses one per line, a few exercises show curious signs at the conclusion of each line, by the right margin.!2© A possible explanation is that signs at the end of each verse reminded students to pause or that they were specific marks for poetry and indicated that a line was poetic.!2’ In 257 and 261 students used a mark in the shape of a percent sign: %, a sign that is often visible in literary texts with various unclear meanings!2® and appears a few other times in the exercises as a mark of separation or pause.!2? In school exercises this sign is the exact equivalent of the oblique stroke and appears by the right margin.

Dates School exercises are not as impersonal as literary texts. While scribes of literary works did not indicate their names or the date on which they copied the manuscript,!3° in exercises students sometimes wrote their personal names!3! and started their work with a date, and their instructors added a date at the conclusion of the models they prepared.!32 Unfortunately such dates are often incomplete: most of the time they only indicate the day of the week or of the 121See Schubart 1918, 49 and 1921, 66-69. 122See Turner 1987, 12 and note 57. See also Cribiore 1992, 259 note 29. 123See 175, 177, 178, 235, 236, 240, 241, 242, 246, 248, 250, and 345. 124Sce 199, 206, 207, 221, 267, 268, 287, 300, 304, 391, and 392. 125See 135, 139, 142, 203, 208, 305, 394, 396, 397, and 305.

126See 270, where oblique strokes appear at the conclusion of two lines; the editor thinks that each line terminated in this way; 257, where the sign % ends each line of verse as in 262; and 353, in which signs resembling crosses conclude each line. 127For the whole question of verse separation in exercises, see Cribiore 1992. 128See Turner 1987 14 and note 75. 129Se¢ 261, 388 in the rhetorical paraphrase, and 385 in the classification of the nouns. 130R oberts 1955, xii says, “There was no interest, as there was at times in the Middle Ages, in when the manuscript was written or in who copied it.” 13lFor a list of students’ names, see Appendix 2. See also 160, which bears the teacher’s name. 132 Although John Lee White, Light from Ancient Letters (Philadelphia 1986) 5 and 8 claims that letters were usually dateless, private letters not infrequently include dates by day and month, see, e.g., PSI 1 94, P.Giss. I 80, 85, and P. Oxy. VI 930, XVIII 2190. In the Roman world it seems that Atticus wrote meticulous dates in his letters, see Rawson 1985, 102, note 16.

DISTINGUISHING CHARACTERISTICS 89 month when the exercise was written; only occasionally do they point to the exact year. School life was—and still is—regulated by the week or, at most, by the month, and dating school work served to document progress. It is noteworthy that school exercises of the pharaonic period sometimes contained a date.!33 Some exercises of the Graeco-Roman period display dates: on a

wooden book cover, 216, two dates are inscribed by different hands and may refer to the beginning and the end of the work of the scribes or to subsequent uses of the book; partial dates appear in 408 and 16; and on ostracon 266 a student indicated the date by the regnal year of the present ruler. Other exercises are even more interesting, because they show the existence of two dif-

ferent practices of dating, depending on whether students or teachers inscribed them. The dating systems constitute therefore an important cross-check on palaeographical characteristics, confirming the distinction of students’ from teachers’ hands. Some exercises show that students learned and used the planetary names for the days of the week.!34 In the planetary week each day was named after a planet and had its ruler, that is, the planet that governed the first hour of the day (xiptoc Tio &Spac).!3> Thus on Saturday, which was the first day of the week, the first hour was allotted to Saturn. The planetary names (Saturn=Kronos, Sun= Helios, Moon=

Selene, Mars=Ares, Mercury=Hermes, Jupiter= Zeus, Venus=Aphrodite) had a wonderful literary ring for pupils who were learning classical mythology. Cassius Dio contends that this use was instituted by the Egyptians: “The dedication of the days to the stars called planets originated in Egypt, but is now universal, though its origin is comparatively recent.”!36 Some scholars nowadays agree with him in considering that this usage originated in Hellenistic Egypt, probably in Alexandria.!3’ The use of the planetary week was probably well established in the East by the first century BC and then arrived in the Roman world under Augustus. !38

The first mention of it occurs in the writings of Tibullus, who speaks of Saturday, the day sacred to Saturn.!3? A fresco in Pompeii represents the divinities presiding over each day of the week,!4° and a few inscriptions in the same town list days of the planetary week and might represent attempts by schoolboys to memorize the days of the week.!4! The school colloquies show that students were supposed to know the names of the days of the planetary week: in the Hermeneumata Pseudodositheana the days of the seven planets are listed in an order beginning with Saturday—Saturn, Sunday—Sun, Monday—Moon, Tuesday—Mars, Wednesday—Mercu133S¢¢ Eyre and Baines 1989, 94. 134Sce 146, 210, 386 (tablet VII), 389, and 395 (tablet I). 1351n the magical papyri the planets are called wpoyeveic. See W. Gundel, RE XX (1950) 2143. L36pio XXXVII 18: Td 6& 5% é¢ Todo dorépac Todo éxT& TodS TAEYHTAC WvoLaopévoug TAS HuEepac avaKeioban KaTéoTyn pév um’ Aiyuntiov, mdpeort O€ Kal Ext MaVTAG aVOpadTOUG, Ov T&A TOTE HC hoy ElTeEly apEdmevor.

137See W. Gundel, RE XX (1950) 2143. Not all scholars, however, agree. See, e.g., Schiirer 1905, 16-18, who claims that the use started among the Babylonians. 138K J, Bickermann, Chronology of the Ancient World, (rev. ed. London, 1980) 61. 139S¢e Tibullus I 3.18: Saturnive sacra me tenuisse diem. Cf. also Horace, Sat. 11 3.291, illo mane die quo tu indicis ieiunia, “on the morning of the day in which you are holding a fast,” that is, Thursday.

140see Schiirer 1905, 27-28, where he also lists the inscriptions in Pompeii and Puteoli referring to the planetary week. 141 This is the opinion of F.H. Colson, The Week (Cambridge 1926) 32 note 2.

90 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES ry, Thursday—Jupiter, Friday—Venus. Except in schools, reckoning by this system was almost unheard of in Egypt. !42

Dating work by the day of the week suits a young student’s psychology well: some of these pupils may not have been able to go much beyond the week in calculating time. All the exercises in which the planetary date appears have an elementary character. Exercise 210 is written on the back of a taxation report of 229-230 AD, and on the papyrus the pupil indicates, besides the planetary day, the day of the month (12 Phamenoth) and the year (the sixth).!43 The planetary date also appears in the upper edge of three tablets written by a student, M. Aurelius Theodoros!*#4 who, some time later, to judge from the more fluent handwriting, inscribes on another tablet, 146, the story of Agamemnon and Iphigeneia. On this tablet he again uses the planetary date, but he also dates his exercise by the consuls:!4> the more complete and elaborate date confirms that some time had passed between the writing of the two tablets. On tablet I of 395, moreover, a pupil uses only the planetary dating system, while the student of 386 copies automatically the name of the month, Dius, from the teacher’s model, but then adds on his own initiative “the day of Ares” (nugoa “Apews), Tuesday. In addition to the few students’ exercises that are dated by this system, a late exercise, 122, is a further proof that the names of the planetary week were taught in school. On one side of this ostracon the student lists the names for the days, from Monday to Friday, according to the Jewish week and the planetary week, and then repeats the planetary names on the other side.

Students seem to have dated only according to the planetary week and they did so infrequently. By contrast, teachers’ models made more frequent use of dating formulae, employing systems in use among the general population.!4 Teachers usually dated their models at the end of the exercise,!4’ underneath or on one side, if there was some empty space. Models bearing a date always appear in tablets, either in individual tablets or in leaves, which were part of notebooks. If a chrism was inscribed at the beginning of the exercise, sometimes it was repeated just before the date.!48 The dates teachers wrote on the models often consisted of day and month, which were sometimes abbreviated.!4? At other times teachers took care to be 142Sce P.Oxy. XLIV 3174 (210) note 17. Apparently reference to the planetary week is found only in a Christian letter of late Byzantine date, PSJ VII 843.

143 according to the editor, if this year date refers to the reign of Gordian, the date would be March 8, 243 AD. The use of the sophisticated date confirms that the student was copying from a model, as the hand indicates. 144N otebook 389, tablets 1564, 1565, 1566. 145 See Bagnall and Worp 1980, 17, who remark that the pupil probably made a mistake in marking the date.

146See 60, 85, 90 (on both sides of the tablet), 95, 121, 124, 125, 229, 292, 296, 308, 386 (Tablet I), 395 (tablet IV A), 389 (tablet no. 1567), and 400 (tablet VII). On the first side of tablet 292 there may be a date by month and day, although it is difficult to read it clearly. 147 There is only one exception, 308, where it is difficult to know exactly what is going on. At the beginning

of side A the date by day, month, and perhaps the indiction, is clearly written by the same hand of the exercise, a teacher’s. On the other side again the teacher writes a name with a formula that also appears in 146 and 389, written by pupils: I Aurelios Theodoros son of Iustos wrote.... The editors consider this to be the name of the student, but it might be the teacher’s name, with the teacher imitating a typical formula for the students to copy, substituting their Own names.

148Sce, ¢.g., 60 and 85.

149The date appearing in 400 consists only of the day’s number, but the indication of the month probably shows up in the following mathematical tablet of the same notebook.

DISTINGUISHING CHARACTERISTICS 91 more precise and inscribed on their tablets the indiction as well.!°° On both sides of tablet 121 the editor reads the indication of the Era of Diocletian together with the indiction year, but the reading is very uncertain.!>! Mathematical exercises written by teachers were dated in the same way.!52 The reason for the use of dates in models is unclear: only once, and in a mathematical tablet,!53 is the date by day, month, and indiction preceded by the word egraphe (éypadn, “it was written”), indicating that the tablet was inscribed on that specific day. One also wonders whether the date may have sometimes indicated when an assignment was due. It would seem reasonable that the simple dates by day and month, which were added at the bottom of so many models, could have such a purpose. In any case, teachers did not intend that the dates should be copied by students along with the rest of models, since such short dates do not appear in pupils’ copies.

Mistakes Ninety percent of the exercises consist of texts that were either copied from a model or dictated. There is evidence that a very small percentage of these were written from memory. In any case, all the texts were already established, having been composed by a poet, chosen by a teacher from a gnomic anthology or another school text, or written by the teachers themselves. Students’ mistakes consisted, therefore, of orthographic errors that were caused by lack of attention or phonetic spelling. The remaining ten percent of the exercises consist of grammatical texts and compositions. While the former include declensions and conjugations that show morphological changes and abnormalities, the latter at times reflect difficulties with syntax.

Slips of the Pen Orthographic mistakes caused by haste and lack of care are found in every kind of papyrological text and are often made by scribes also. They abound in school exercises, and their frequency is often a good indication of the school origin of a text.!54 These errors consist of incorrect spelling of words that cannot be explained through morphological errors or current pronunciation.!°> Haplography and dittography, visual errors that often point to texts that were

copied from models and not dictated,!°® are particularly frequent, and at times verses are repeated.!57 Careless mistakes are unavoidable when a text is copied mechanically, as in 339. 150See 95, 121, 124, and 125. On 60 and 85 the indiction may have been indicated, but only numbers appear,

and the editor is very uncertain. For the dating by indiction as serving essentially the fiscal administration, see Roger S. Bagnall and Klaas A. Worp, The Chronological Systems of Byzantine Egypt, Stud.Amst. VIII (Zutphen 1978) 17.

151 The models on both sides of the tablet have been written by the same teacher, and it is very unlikely that a year clapsed between the two.

152For mathematical models dated by day, month, and indiction year, see, e.g., Pap.Flor. XVUlI 4.49 and 5.38. See Brashear, 1984, 1-6. 153Tablet Wurzburg K 1024, edited by Brashear 1984. 154 Although I kept a record of the mistakes, I did not tabulate all the occurrences of a particular phenomenon in this category and in phonology.

155Gipnac 1976, 59 classifies slips of the pen into five categories according to the way in which they originate.

156Of course there is always the possibility that students, copying from dictation, reproduced visual errors of the person dictating. 157See, ¢. g., 382 in which the student writing—perhaps from memory—the second half of Iliad 6.398 repeats incorrectly line 395, and 199 in which two lines are written twice.

92 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES Slips of the pen—or of the mind—are numerous at every level of instruction. Thus, they are indicative of the school origin of some grammatical texts of superior level that show a careless appearance.!°8 Mistakes of a particular kind occur in texts written down from memory: they are mostly caused by lapses of memory, so that verses are omitted or are cited at the wrong place.!5? That teachers could sometimes meet with the same mishaps is shown by 298.

Phonetic errors Phonetic errors reflect developments that are inherent in the Greek language itself and are typical of the koine as well as other developments due to bilingual interference. It is important to recognize their very frequent occurrence in school exercises, since scholars have at times considered them rather as a feature of private documents.!®° On the contrary, phonetic errors are

especially abundant not only in students’ exercises at every educational level but also in teachers’ models.!©! Among them itacistic errors are the most frequent: they are evidence of a widespread confusion not only of the sounds represented by 7, +, and ec, but also of v and o— that is, of the interchange of the sounds /i/ and /y/.'®* An interchange of 7 and e¢ is also present, probably under the influence of bilingual interference.!©3 The interchange of 7 and e is also a sign of that loss of quantitative distinction that is present in Egypt in the Roman and

Byzantine periods. The interchange of w with o, the most frequent phonetic error, is a manifestation of the same phenomenon. At times it is impossible to avoid the suspicion that conflation of omega and omicron was also caused by confusion of case endings. The interchange of e and au is also frequent.!6+ The most common interchange of consonants is that between 7 and 6.!© This is probably due to bilingual interference, since the phenomenon does not appear outside Egypt, and a few Egyptian dialects did not distinguish between voiced and voiceless stops.'°* The conflation of « and y is less frequent.!®” Other phenomena that sometimes occur in the school exercises are the interchange of the aspirated and voiceless stops x and x, which is also attested outside Egypt;!©8 the confusion of the liquids \ and p;!5 and the omission of final y.!7°

A problem usually connected with the presence of phonetic mistakes is the question of dictation. Most editors who encounter phonetic errors in a school exercise are very anxious to proclaim it a dictation: the student misheard the text, and the mistakes are the proof of that. At IS8Cf,, ¢.g., 358, 362, 366, and 368. 159Such errors appear for instance in 254 and 291. The wrong ending of 264 at line 138 may be a mistake of this kind. The student, who was writing the Homeric passage from memory, had forgotten the ending of line 136. He then inserted it at the wrong place. 160Sce for instance Gallo 1980, 396 and 413 in regard to 288.

16lsee, ¢.g., 99, 121, 124, 125, 135 and 319.

162Sce, e.g., 386, 396, and 397. 163Sce Gignac 1976, 242. 164F or this, see Gignac 1976, 191-93. The interchange is particularly frequent, e.g., in 187, 288, 320 and 398.

165Random examples of this phenomenon are 122, 187, 317, and 320. 166See for this Gignac 1976, 57 and 85 especially, and Kramer 1986, 251-52 167 See, e.g., 178, 382 and 412. 168Se¢ for this Gignac 1976, 86, and, e.g., 288 and 382.

16°This only appears three times, in 147, 382, and 396. Only one of these texts comes from the Fayum. According to Gignac 1976, 102 the phenomenon is especially evident in this region. 170See, e.g., 201 and 353.

DISTINGUISHING CHARACTERISTICS 93 times not even the existence of the model from which the text was copied and the student’s obvious imitation of the teacher’s hand are able to refute the dictation theory.!”! It is important, however, to take into account the fact that a student reproducing a text from a model read it either aloud or silently to himself.!’* He therefore dictated to himself, and, in doing so, made errors of pronunciation.!73 When visual mistakes (slips of the pen) and audible errors (phonetic mistakes) occur, it is difficult to be sure what kind of copying caused them: both kinds of copying—from external dictation and from self-dictation—were liable to both kinds of mistakes. But there are cases when we are certain that a text was indeed dictated, when some errors show an evident lack of understanding between the dictating teacher and the pupil: the student not only misheard, but lost the sense of the dictated text and reproduced it as he thought he heard it, most of the time making a meaningless jumble.!’4 Of course one expects dictation to be widely used in schools, not only as a useful exercise but also to create the texts

that the students were supposed to study. On the other hand, the noteworthy number of teachers’ models and their presence at every school level demonstrate that visual copying was also widely used, or at least that it was used in simultaneous conjunction with aural copying.!75

Morphological errors Morphological errors occur almost exclusively in the grammatical exercises, when students were expected to generate forms. At times completely erroneous formations in declensions or conjugations demonstrate an uncertain knowledge of the language in pupils who were still learning it or whose first language was not Greek.!’© Other mistakes are less serious, such as errors that prove students’ lack of familiarity with certain forms that were used rarely or were obsolete. Mistakes of this kind are extremely useful in distinguishing school exercises from works of grammarians: confusions in the use of the pluperfect, perfect, and active participles, the dual number, and the optative are particularly frequent in students’ work. In 363 the third person plural of the pluperfect in -ec- is used (€yeypadderoay), the same form that often occurs in the documentary papyri,'’’ and this uncertainty is explained by the rare use of this tense. 171Thus Boyaval 1975, 231 insists on considering the text that Aurelios Papnouthis wrote on tablet MND 552 L side A (part of 396) a dictation. In this case only one phonetic mistake (€7aipov for é7épov) is enough to trigger the dictation theory. The student, moreover, clearly imitated the teacher’s hand and produced a script that is much more vertical and stylized than that on the other tablets.

172 About interior dictation, see Dain 1975, 44-46. The basic article on the theory that the ancients read literary texts aloud is Balogh 1927. Objections to an indiscriminate extension of this theory are found in E.G. Turner, Athenian Books in the Fifth and Fourth Centuries BC, (London, 1952) 14 note 4 and especially in Knox 1968. About silent reading, see p. 150 and note 65. 173Consider what Skeat 1956, 179-208, writes about the practice of dictating to scribes reproducing books: scribes copying a book in a hurry were likely to make phonetic mistakes. Students were even more liable to such errors. Moreover, the comparison of a copy with the teacher’s model shows that pupils did not often reproduce a text faithfully.

174Clear examples of texts copied from dictation are 179, 241, 265, 317, and tablet MNDL 552 L side 2 (part of 396).

175Bonner 1977, 127 considers as reasons for the widespread use of dictation in school the shortage of texts and the difficulty of copying a passage from a roll. Most of the teachers’ models, however, were written on tablets or on ostraca that were very handy to use. 176See for instance the erroneous formation of the aorist and generally of the past tenses in 364. Cf. also 368 and 373, which at times display completely wrong forms that are probably not slips of the pen. The same is also true for the declensions of tablet 363. 177Mandilaras 1973, 231 records four cases of -er, six of -n and one of -e.

94 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES Exercises 375 and 377178 demonstrate a clear confusion between the formation of the aorist and

perfect tenses, which was widespread. Minor mistakes in the declension of the active participle, as in 364, are not too surprising, since the inflection of the participle had begun to fade from contemporary usage,!79 and perplexity in the use of dual verb forms, which had disappeared from the spoken language, can be easily pardoned as well.!®° Several mistakes in the

exercises involve the optative mood: in 364 the confusion in the formation also reflects uncertainty in the conjugation of contract verbs in -aw, and in the same tablet and in 377 nonperiphrastic forms are used for the optative perfect active and middle-passive. Since this mood was almost extinct by the third century AD, the errors can be easily explained. One should not be too surprised to find such forms included in a school paradigm, because the aim of learning Greek was not only to master current forms but also to understand literary usage. Grammar

necessarily clings to tradition.'*! “The grammarian was fundamentally a man of distinctions” !82 who liked to define and separate, and at times even invented forms, respecting of course all the theoretical rules. This is what appears in 361: although, according to the editor, the proliferation of nonexistent future imperatives should be attributed to the student who materially wrote them, I prefer to think of a teacher delighting in his artificial formations.

Syntactical errors Mistakes in syntax are the most revealing of students’ work: they usually occur in compositions, although some errors of case usage can be found in passages that were probably copied. Such mistakes are misleading: the numerous interchanges of dative and genitive of the second declension in 381 can also be explained phonetically,!83 and the fact that final nasals were frequently added to words ending in vowels makes it difficult to classify as synctactical the error in owtnpiav (subject, 304 line 5).!84 Sometimes, however, it is clear that a student did not understand a passage correctly and therefore mistook the roles of nouns or adjectives in the sentence.!85 Perhaps this is what happened in 320, although the apparent confusion of formulae makes it possible that the passage was not copied, but that the apprentice scribe was practicing

writing his own loan contract. In students’ compositions one sometimes perceives the awkwardness of a sentence, without knowing exactly what is wrong and whether or not the student had finished working on it.!8© Syntactical mistakes often consist of omissions of parts of a sentence that were considered superfluous: the subject or the direct object can be left out when 178 Perhaps the form éoxvyjvy of 320 reflects the same confusion. 179See Mandilaras 1973, 352-53 especially. Cf. Weems 1981, 71. 180363, 364, and 388 (tablet 7a) show uncertainty between historical and principal endings. In 363, 364, and 376 the very rare dual forms for the first person -ye@ov are used. They are a manifestation of the tendency toward displaying obsolete forms that is typical of the grammatical papyri. 181 Thus 364 and 376 give the aorist optative forms in -oapu which, although grammatically correct according to classical usage, were by then completely obsolete. 182k aster 1988, 19. 183S¢¢ Gignac 1976, 208.

184s¢¢ Gignac 1976, 111-14. I incline, however, to consider the mistake a syntactical confusion between direct object and subject. 185See for instance 199 line 2. The Homeric verse was not properly understood, and the word éraipy agreed with the genitive close by. In 241 the mistakes of case usage are many and suggest that the passage of the Phoenissae was completely misunderstood. Most of them consist of interchanges between nominatives and accusatives.

186This is what happens for instance in 353. The first and last line are difficult to comprehend, and, moreover, the repetitions and corrections speak of unfinished work.

DISTINGUISHING CHARACTERISTICS 95 they are well known to the writer, even if the resulting sentence is obscure.!8’ At times the subject is omitted when it is most necessary—that is, when it changes suddenly in a string of short clauses,!88 or a student may omit a verb either for emphasis or because he simply forgot.!8? A series of infinitive clauses may suddenly appear in a composition: such lapses into oratio obliqua can mean that, in writing his paraphrase, the student had in the back of his mind “the poet says” (Aéyer 6 wounryc),!% or that, in referring to someone’s speech, he forgot to express the main verb of saying. The main verb of a sentence gives students much trouble: it is not rare to find clauses with a verb in the indicative even though the resulting immediacy and vividness break every rule, as in 352; or the student, as in 335, may use the present indicative instead of the future after a protasis, because he is comfortable with this tense and anticipates the action in the happening. In writing the paraphrase of a story or the summary of the content of a book of the Hiad or Odyssey, a common mistake is the lack of proportion of the different parts. For example, in 406 a student narrates the story of Paris’ judgment at a generally slow pace, with many main verbs and a few repetitions, then suddenly, perhaps aware of the need to accelerate, he skips the rape of Helen and with the adverb ové, “after a long time” (lines 4647), passes to the narration of the conflict.!?! In the same schoolbook there are a few signs of another problem: the incorrect use of relative pronouns and their agreement. A few centuries earlier the pupil who wrote the story of Philoktetes on ostracon 351 also found them difficult.

Corrections and erasures

Corrections appear in school exercises much more frequently than in texts written by scribes.!92 Although most of the time the hand that wrote the exercise makes the corrections, at

times a different ink or pen and a neater execution show that another hand, presumably the teacher’s, intervenes. Both types of correction can be present in the same student’s exercise.!% Teachers’ models also bear corrections, especially when texts were written down from memory and then checked before being displayed. Students and teachers used various methods of correction: they might erase words with a sponge and then rewrite them, or delete letters by drawing a stroke through them or simply by writing the correct letter over the wrong one. Particu-

larly clumsy corrections arouse the suspicion that pupils at times used less orthodox methods.194 Rarely, but never in elementary work, students used expunging dots above the errors,!95 and sometimes they used a combination of the different methods.!9 Naturally certain exercises, such as compositions, present an unusual number of corrections.!9’ Corrections and 187Cf, 351. In 335, in the rush of writing his paraphrase of Odyssey 2, the pupil omits the direct object “the suitors,” probably because of the obviousness of the story. 188This mistake is evident several times in 406. 189 See 266 (lines 7-8). 190See 344.

191 See also in 335 the summary of Odyssey 2, which at first proceeds quickly, covering hundreds of verses, and then slows down (lines 19-22) becoming a close paraphrase of the Homeric line 223. The student is interested in interpreting the line and explaining the nuptial custom of the time. 192S¢¢, e.g., 100, 368, and 369, which bears a large number of corrections. 193S¢e, e. g., 254 and 369, which contain corrections made by two different hands. 194Sce the extensive erasure of 363, in which the instrument was probably a wet finger. 195Sce 283, 353, and 368. 196See, e.g., 368. 197See thus 350 and 353.

96 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES erasures, when particularly extensive or clumsy in the execution, are often conclusive in identifying a school exercise. !%8

The layout and presentation of an exercise are useful in identifying work produced by a teacher and distinguishing it from work produced by a student. Learning how pupils and their instructors used lectional signs and punctuation not only gives a concrete and accurate idea of the educational level of a particular school context, but also eliminates the danger of considering certain signs too “literary” and sophisticated for a student. The different characteristics of exercises discussed above, far from being mere technical and external details, of interest only

to papyrologists, help us to obtain a realistic idea of what a school exercise is. By now it should be more clear how instructors such as Flavius Kollouthos son of Isakios worked, and what challenges students such as Aurelius Antonios son of Nemesion had to confront.!99 In the following chapter I will look at their hands and examine their way of writing.

198Very clumsy deletions can be found in 98, 210, 238, 290, 293, 363, 366, and 367. 199Sce 160 and 395.

7 Palaeography: Teachers’ and Students’ Hands

“Teachers write letters of great beauty for the children in order that they imitate them, even if

at an inferior level,”! says John Chrysostom, describing an important part of a teacher’s activity in antiquity. In the first part of this chapter I will look at the hands teachers used to inscribe the models. Striving to make their message clear and easy to imitate, teachers stripped their script of its most idiosyncratic characteristics. The purpose of examining these hands will be to define the unique set of features they share and to see whether one is fully justified in speaking of a teacher’s hand. The second part of the chapter will consider the students’ way of writing in order to clarify the concept of school hand, the first hand anyone learning to write acquired. Some never moved beyond it; for others it was the point of departure on their way to becoming fast writers or professional scribes.

Teachers’ Hands Although some rapid writing was already in use in the fourth century,” at the beginning of the Ptolemaic period “book hands” and “cursive hands” were extremely similar, and only later did their distinct characteristics become more perceptible. While “book hands” use mostly separated letters and aim at clarity and legibility, “cursive hands” employ ligatures and abbreviations so as to save time. Between them there is an almost infinite range of different levels, and sometimes it is difficult to decide whether a hand belongs to one or the other category. Thus it is unclear how to define a formally written chancery hand,’ which is not completely unligatured but whose ligatures are very few.* Moreover a chancery hand is clear, legible, and possesses a high degree of calligraphic beauty. But this is dangerous ground: aesthetic principles are too volatile and subjective to serve as criteria of distinction, and some documentary hands look undeniably beautiful—if only relatively so.> Often it is function that provides the best distinguishing characteristic, with book hands being used for literary works and documentary hands for official, business, and private documents. Since the content of the exercises is not always literary, function is not always helpful in deciding whether teachers’ hands are “book hands” or “cursive hands.” The general character-

istics of the hands also offer little help, because teachers’ hands associate uniformity and legibility with the presence of some ligatures. Most of these hands possess characteristics lying

between those of “book hands,” which are more rigid and formal, and of “documentary IMPG 59.385.56, Kai yap ot dudcoKador ToiS TaLoi Ta yokppaTa peTa ToANOD Tod KaAAOUS yoadovar, iva KaY Tpdc TO KaTAbE€OTEPOY EMGwor THG pLpyoews. John Chrysostom is comparing students’ imperfect imitation of

the letters of their teachers to men’s imperfect imitation of Christ’s example.

2See Plato, Laws 810 b interpreted by Eric G. Turner, Athenian Books in the Fifth and Fourth Centuries BC (London 1952) 7 ff. and Turner 1987, 2. 3See, for instance, P.Berol. 11532, Schubart 1911, plate 35. 4Gardthausen 1913, 183, is uncertain in which category to place this hand. SSee Turner 1987, 3-4.

98 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES hands,” which are usually less regular and more cursive. To use the words of Pintaudi, in these hands “strictly literary trends and specifically cursive trends seem to blend.”® Although in the view of Pintaudi the fluid, confident hand of tablet 319 is a completely accidental outcome, my task in what follows will be to demonstrate that the hands of the models share a unique set of distinctive features.

Even though I questioned above the value of beauty as a criterion in distinguishing teachers’ hands, beauty is nonetheless one of the most evident characteristics these hands have in common, in marked contrast to the ungainly quality of pupils’ hands. Pupils were told to write kala grammata and to imitate the letters of their teachers.’ The beauty of teachers’ hands should not be considered an objective, aesthetic quality, but consists of an attractive and even regularity and a precise consciousness of the strokes. The ancients were well aware that on certain occasions a text needed to be written in an attractive way. For example, Heliodoros in a postscript of his letter to Sarapion, P.Sarap. 84a ii 5-8, tells Sarapion that he is returning to him a letter addressed to the prefect because it is written badly, so that he can rewrite it well.® In the models beauty is attained through the evenness and fluency of the strokes and is far from diminished by ligatures and linking strokes. Since teachers’ hands possess a different kind of beauty than that of “book hand” (Schdnschrift), where each letter is inscribed in isolated perfection, scholars seem reluctant to recognize their attractiveness.? Another evident feature of the hands of the models is the fluency, strength, and facility of the writing. The uniformity and regularity is maintained throughout an entire model without deterioration, although at times the hand seems to become slightly more cursive toward the end. This uniformity represents a notable difference from students’ writing, which, at its best, is good at the beginning, but quickly deteriorates as the hand tires. The regular and consistent hands of the models also differ from the hands of apprentice scribes, which show improvement as the work progresses.!° Although the fluency of the writing is mentioned by scholars,!! there is sometimes disagreement in the identification of the writer of an exercise: editors often jump

to the conclusion that the writer must be a student, even if a capable one,!2 or, if the hand looks too practiced, they may formulate the most fanciful hypotheses. !3

Since most models aimed at being copied by inexperienced students, teachers’ hands were characterized by excellent legibility, which was attained by writing clear, regular letters Rosario Pintaudi about 319: “Una tavoletta lignea della biblioteca Vaticana,” ZPE 48 (1982) 101. 7See 136 and 222. 8Heliodoros speaks of a letter xaxG¢ yeypappuévny, which needs to be rewritten xaddc. Although the editor

inclines to think that he is referring to a new version rather than to a more attractive handwriting, I believe Heliodoros was referring to both. "It is significant that scholars often note the attactiveness of teachers’ hands by litotes. See Boyaval 1975, 229, “La main professorale...ne manque pas d’élégance,” or Ann Ellis Hanson, Pap.Flor. XVIII 79, p. 170, “the hand is a large and not ungraceful one.” 10Sce Petrucci 1995 , 85 and 91. Il See Rosario Pintaudi and P.J. Sijpesteijn, Pap.Flor. XVIII 6, p.38, and J. Lenaerts, “La tablette isocratique T.Brux.E 8507,” CdE 64 (1989) 211.

I2cf, William Brashear, Enchoria 14 (1986) 3-5, who identified the hand that wrote the syllabary and the alphabet of 90 as belonging to a very advanced student who was surprisingly at such low level.

13Cf., e.g., in Spinelli 1988, 50, the hypothesis that the collection of gnomai inscribed on the ostracon 311 had been written by a rhetor, who wanted to create a personal collection—but why on an ostracon?—to consult in moments of need.

PALAEOGRAPHY 99 that were often linked together, without their shape being affected. In teachers’ hands it is uncommon to find true ligatures that modify the basic letter form, even though the final stroke of a letter—especially in alpha, epsilon, or mu—is carried on to the next one. When letters are completely separate from each other, legibility is less than when they are provided with a few ligatures and linking strokes, which ease the combination of the letters into syllables and then into whole words. In a few of the models, however, the letters are mostly separate from each other.!4 These latter models are accompanied by the copy made underneath by the pupil. They were meant to be copied slowly by students who had been already exposed to a great deal of writing and had to learn a “book hand,” or at least a better hand.!° Clarity and legibility also depend on the size of the script. Plutarch speaks of Cato writing for his son his History of Rome in large letters.'° All teachers’ hands stand out for their large size. In this respect the models probably resembled the documents through which the central government communicated with the people, such as the royal ordinances of the Ptolemies, and, later on, official letters or edicts of the emperor and his representatives. These documents were posted up to be read by the population and were usually written on wooden boards in let-

ters variously described as “clear and legible” (davepoi¢ Kai evavayvaotocg or ebdHdotc youppcaot).!7 About half of the models are inscribed in a large hand, where the average letter is .5 cm. high, and about a third are written in very large hands, where the average letter is | cm. high.!8 A small percentage of hands display extra-large letters, larger than 1 cm., and sometimes close to 2 cm. Particularly large letters are used in the group of models that were supposed to be copied by the student underneath or on a different tablet. In only one of these models, 138, which is also the only one written in cursives, do the letters not reach .5 cm. In this model, however, another phenomenon appears: the initial letter of each line is enlarged. Enlargement of initial letters is to be observed in more than ten models, either for the initials of each line or of most of the lines. This practice is seldom found in literary papyri, but is quite common in documentary texts and in Christian papyri.!? Where it appears, it makes models even more conspicuous and draws attention to each line. Teachers enhanced the legibility

and clarity of the models with regular interlinear spacing. This usually equals at least the height of the letters, but often is more generous.*? Generally the models were not written at a fast pace, and those that are accompanied by the student’s copy were written at a slow pace. All the constituent strokes of each letter had to be shown both to the learning novice and to the 14Sce 134, 142, 383, 386, 391, and 396. l5The only exception is 134, copied by a beginner.

l6See Plutarch, Marcus Cato XX, 5: xai Tac ioropiacg 5€ ovyypawar dno adric idiw xeipi Kal peyadac VOALPAOLW.

I7See SB XIV 12144.13-14 (=P. Coll. Youtie 1 30); P.Oxy. VIII 1100.2; P.Hib. 129; P.Oxy. XXXIV 2705.10. See Hanson 1991, 179-80. 13] take as a term of comparison the hand of Dioscoros in P.Lond.Lit. 98, which is about .5 cm. high and is

defined as large by Cavallo and Maehler 1987, plate 32a. In measuring the individual letters I do not take into account those with long ascenders or descenders, or those that are enlarged while the rest of the script is smaller. Therefore, I do not consider the height of 6, ¢, y, v, t, o, which in most cases are not confined within the two notional parallels.

19See C.H. Roberts, Manuscript, Society and Belief in Early Christian Egypt (London 1979) 16-17 and Turner 1987, 7 and note 25. 20Stanley Morison, Politics and Script (Oxford 1972) 11, considers economic—that is, on the ungenerous side—an interlinear spacing in papyri that amounts to half the height of the letter.

100 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES student who was trying to improve his calligraphy. The speed of execution of a given model is often directly proportional to the ability and the educational level of the students it addresses. Teachers’ hands have something in common with epistolary hands. Epistles written by their senders as well as those penned by slaves or scribes are characterized by greater clarity and legibility than documents.?! The body of the letter is generally written in characters that

are larger than usual and not infrequently separated. When ligatures are present, they are executed carefully so as not to conceal the basic form of the character. Only the final salutations, which were often added by the sender himself, were scribbled in a hurry. Teachers’ hands also have much in common with the hands of hypomnemata, scholarly commentaries on ancient authors. Usually hypomnemata are written competently and quickly in neat hands that sometimes link some of the letters. Although in hypomnemata the letters’ size and spacing vary, and the script is less regular than in models, clarity and legibility are good. The most distinguishing feature of hypomnemata in comparison to models is the size of the script, which

in the commentaries is small and often tiny. The hand of a well-known teacher, the grammarian Lollianos, provides a good example.2* A short roll, P.Oxy. XLVII 3366, contains three documents, written in different hands: A and C are drafts of the same petition of Lollianos, and B is a letter. B uses the typical small hand of hypomnemata, which “reveals the professional”; according to Peter Parsons, this should be Lollianos’ hand.?? A shows a larger and

more formal hand than the others, with some ligatures and excellent legibility: it is very similar to a “teacher’s hand.” I incline to think that A also represents the hand of Lollianos in a situation that required a more formal performance. Most teachers’ hands are definitely informal.24 Only in a very small group of models, which appear together with a pupil’s copy, do the hands seem to follow closely enough the dictates of a formal round style.2° From the students’ copies it is clear that probably only one was a real beginner, while the others were more advanced pupils. Judging from the use of finials, it seems likely that these students were learning “book hands.” The remaining teachers’ hands can be arranged roughly in four groups: first there is a class of informal round hands that are coeval with a second group of hands that had clear connections with the chancery style. The Byzantine scripts can then be divided into two groups of informally written pointed majuscule: sloping hands and hands written mostly upright. The first group consists of informal round scripts that are written neatly and fluently, but without observing strictly the characteristics of a style.2° They can be dated to the second, 21To verify this, examination of the plates of letters in the major collections of papyri suffices. I will cite as examples a few letters that were written in particularly clear characters: P.Flor. I] 202, 208, 218, 234, 259; P. Mert. I 28, 11 80, 93, II 114; P.Mich. XIV 679; P.Oxy. XVIII 2191, XXXI 2601, XLIII 3106; PGB plate 147; Montevec-

chi 1988, tav. 35, 44, 76, 91. Clarity and easy legibility seem to have been characteristics of epistles in every period. The most beautiful and elegantly executed teachers’ hands have much in common with formally written epistles such as P.Herm.Rees 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. Cf. also above pp. 5-6. 228 grammatikos (3) in Appendix 1. 23Document C, with its incorrect spelling and cursive script, was probably written by a different hand on Lollianos’ dictation. See P. Coll. Youtie 66 pp. 411-12.

241 consider “formal” hands that are absolutely regular and embody real “styles.” For the difference between “formal” and “informal” hands, see Turner 1987, 20-22. 25See 49, 134, 383, 386, and to a certain extent also 142, where all the characteristics of the style appear, except a strict bilinearity. The formal round hand is called by Cavallo 1967, 209-20 “onciale romana.” I prefer to adopt the term used by Turner 1987, 21. 26Sece, e.g., 204, 285, 286, and 389.

PALAEOGRAPHY 10] third, and the beginning of the fourth century AD. In these hands bilinearity is not always maintained, and ligatures do not impair the exemplary clarity. At times the letters even approximate cursive forms, but, when they do, they are written separately. A second group of hands from the third and fourth centuries AD consists of scripts that show to different degrees the influence of the chancery style.2” What these hands have in com-

mon is that they are mostly upright, tall, and narrow, and show what Schubart calls the “railings” (Gitter) effect.28 Letters such as v, , and a are narrow and emphasize the verticality of the whole script. Although in the most stylized scripts, such as 296 and 297, these letters contrast with others—o, w, and w—that are written small and above the baseline, generally the chancery style is not observed so formally. The circlets and hooks with which a typical chancery hand starts are kept to a minimum in these hands,?? perhaps because teachers were afraid they might impair the clarity of the script; they most often appear inv, x, and ¢. Frequently the descending diagonal of 6 starts with a crest. In these hands cursive elements abound. Epsilon is rarely written in the two superimposed movements of formal chancery, and sometimes it appears plainly cursive. Beta, however, is a typical chancery letter: it is tall, and a continuous line defines the two protruding parts.

The hands of these models evidence a less pretentious and elaborate style than that appearing in the official chancery documents. Even the most formal examples are far from the degree of formality of a P.Berol. 11532, which was the product of the high chancery of Alexandria.3° These hands are closer to those more modest and less stylized chancery hands that were used for copies and official documents circulating in the countryside. At the same time, the chancery hand was not only used to write official documents but also for letters and private documents.?! Although these less stylized chancery hands do not show uniform elements, but present various ductus, different ligatures, and variable letter shapes, they have something in common that distinguishes them from other graphic phenomena of the same period: the chancery style. The similarity between chancery style and some teachers’ hands may be explained by the

fact that some teachers supplemented their earnings by working as scribes or notaries.32 Teachers who wrote stylized chancery hands may have been working part-time in offices, where such script was used. The texts written in a formal style may have been inscribed by employees of chancery offices who conversely functioned as teachers or tutors for part of the day. The connections with chancery offices are less probable, or at least not necessary to posit, 27See 141, 296, 297, 298, 365, 391, 396, and 400. 28Schubart 1925, 73 calls this script Gitterschrift. 29wWith the exception of 297.

30The fundamental article regarding the chancery style is Cavallo 1965. Chancery elements in Byzantine hands are studied by the same scholar in “La xo. scrittoria greco-romana nella prassi documentale di eta bizantina,” JOBG 19 (1970) 5-31. Since then more documents written in chancery hands have been published. Without claiming comprehensiveness, I can cite P.Oxy. XXXIV 2707, XXXVIII 2847, XLIII 3110, 3123, 3124,

3129, XLV 3243, L 3577, 3578, 3579, 3593, 3594, LI 3611, LII 3694; CPR V 9, 20, VI 12, 14, VII 13, 48; P.Kéln. 155; P.Laur. W 157, P. Wisc. 11 58, 59; P.Med. 52 (Montevecchi 1988, tav. 79); P.Harr. Il 203, 227: P.Amst. 1 46, P.Col. VIII 227, 236; P.Lugd.Bat. XXV 56. The hands of these documents show various degrees of formality. 31 See Cavallo (1965) 239. 32S¢¢ p. 22.

1Q2 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES when the hands have only a general chancery look, reflecting /’air du temps. It is not surpris-

ing that some teachers saw the hand as well suited to models: letter size was larger than ordinary, and the elegant script possessed in a high degree the clarity and legibility that were indispensable in models. The last two groups of Byzantine teachers’ hands are differentiated by the inclination of the letters. Formal scripts such as “Biblical majuscule” are not represented. “Pointed majuscule,”33 a type of script that seems to derive directly from second century hands, appears in the models in the sloping type?4 and in the upright type.7> All these hands are characterized by a more or less pronounced informality and show some cursive elements, especially in the way the last stroke of a word is carried out. E, 6, 0, o are narrow or very narrow, while letters such as pn, v, 7, ™ may vary in width. These hands vary in the degree to which rounder or more angular elements predominate. Generally they do not show any contrast in thickness of the strokes, and the very late hands display some decorative elements. It is surprising to find several teachers’ hands in upright “pointed majuscule,” since this hand appears very rarely in the centuries between the fourth and the eighth AD.3© These informal teachers’ hands seem to vary from the sloping types only because of the inclination of the letters, which was probably dictated by the teachers’ preference for a slower and basic hand. Teachers always kept their audience in mind, striving for clarity: they needed to transcend the different features of their scripts in order to provide students with simple and comprehensible exemplars. Even when they followed a definite style, they adjusted and simplified its features, and this is what confers a common appearance on the models. The teachers’ models are fascinating because they show the same class of people over the centuries using a script or different scripts in a common way and for a common purpose. There are some parallels with the use of the chancery style by a rigid class of technicians who employed a script that conformed to fixed norms for at least two centuries. Although teachers did not all use an identical script, their hands show many common elements for a longer period of time.

School Hands School hands are usually dismissed with adjectives ranging from “rough,” “rude,” “clumsy,” “untutored,” “ungainly,” and “unformed” to “cramped and ugly”?’ or simply “quite hideous.”38 Such hasty descriptions are not only quite subjective but also refer inclusively to students’ hands of various levels, as if no distinctions were discernible.2? Since in a school hand the characteristics that derive from imperfect skill and coordination are fully evident, I shall

33] am adopting the term used by Cavallo and Maehler 1987. The script is also sometimes called “oval style.” 34See, e.g., 85, 306, 313, 315, and 357. 35See, e.g., 60, 121, 308, 404, and 411.

36See Edoardo Crisci, “La maiuscola ogivale diritta. Origini, tipologie, dislocazioni,” Scrittura e Civilta 9 (1985) 103-145. 37Peter J. Parsons describing 255. 38C_ Bradford Welles with regard to the hand of 358. 3°The last two descriptions, for instance, refer to hands that still showed a distinctive lack of uniformity, but were not unpracticed on the whole.

PALAEOGRAPHY 103 examine these first. Most features appear to be caused by defective uniformity and continuity in the handwriting movement and by excessively low speed. I shall then consider the way in which students formed the individual letters to elucidate the stroke-sequence they followed. An examination of the characteristics of school hands that derive from deficient coordination and skill will permit me to distinguish different types of hands in relation to ability and maturity. Afterwards I shall examine the relationship of school hands to cursive and book hands, as well as the connection between the hands of students and of “slow writers.” Lastly I shall address the problems school hands present with respect to dating.

Uniformity of Writing Uniformity of writing is a product of practice and skill: an inexperienced writer betrays a variable writing movement in the irregularity of alignment and margins and in letter spacing, inclination, and form. Irregular alignment is widespread in school hands, since most of them did not have the benefit of guidelines, which appear in a few tablets and never in papyrus.* Difficulties with alignment are visible in the work of students at all levels and are not directly proportional to ability in forming individual letters.4! Uneven top and bottom margins are a direct consequence of inability to maintain good alignment.** Often the lateral margins are also irregular and wavering. In general students did not follow a common practice with regard to margins in exercises: margins may be practically nonexistent, but they may be particularly wide and reach up to 4 cm.*3 Marginal space is a conscious artifice that is positively correlated with experience in writing. Variable letter spacing and inclination are directly proportional to the ability of the writer and are characteristic of beginners’ work. From the Ptolemaic to the Byzantine periods school hands are generally upright. A regular inclination to the right can be observed only in a few Byzantine exercises of advanced students and depends on the speed of writing. Letter form is affected by lack of uniformity of speed and pressure in the strokes, particularly in those let-

ters that are made by repetition of identical strokes, such as Y, w, or even the easy a. In exercises Of beginners two or more instances of the same letter may show a completely different appearance.** Since inexperienced writers tend to tire out and lose concentration, their hands show a marked lack of consistency, deteriorating as the writing proceeds.* Writing Continuity Maturity of coordination is responsible for continuity in the writing movement. Interrupted continuity in the strokes is evident in the hands of beginners and, occasionally, in more ad40 About guidelines, see p. 67. About the fact that inexperienced students preferred to write along the fibers,

~ Pal see, e.g., the faulty alignment in advanced exercises such as 352, 362, 368, and 405. 42Se6, . g., the exercise of an advanced student, 383. 43No standard practice for margins was observed even in literary works, but of course greater variations in margin size appear in exercises. Turner 1987, considers margins of 4-5 cm. especially wide. These margins were more common in sumptuous manuscripts such as Turner 1987, 34, plate 11. With regard to margins I am considering only the evidence of exercises on papyrus, since in ostraca the shape of the sherd dictates the amount of space left on the sides, and on tablets students either did not leave margins or marked them with vertical rulings (cf. pp.

0 4 An extreme example of this phenomenon is 100. 45Sce, e.g., 78 and 133.

104 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES vanced school hands as well: letters are not formed as units, but as assemblages of separate strokes. The inexperienced writer also makes long pauses between strokes: this is conspicuous in the round letters that appear broken. In letters such as v or 6 the strokes often do not meet at an angle, but cross each other.4¢ Because each movement is made at a very low speed and without continuity, the number of constituent strokes for each letter is increased.4’ Lack of continuity in the writing movement has repercussions on the ductus—that is, on the flow and speed of the hand along the surface.

Speed of Writing It is necessary to distinguish between the low speed required for calligraphic writing and the slow tentativeness evident in beginners’ work. The first clearly aimed at perfection: it is conspicuous in teachers’ models, in which all the constituent strokes of a letter can be clearly perceived, and in the calligraphic writing of students who had already learned their letters well.* Beginners’ exercises were also done at an extremely slow pace, but the consequences were not equally attractive.

The Greeks themselves were aware of the importance of speed in writing. “Is it preferable in schools to copy the model’s letters quickly or slowly? Quickly,” says Plato, who is speaking of students copying from models.*? From the adverb he is using, x&AdoTop, it appears that he is aware of the ungainly appearance of beginners’ slow writing. Plato in another passage prescribes three years as the period necessary for a ten-year-old child to learn how to write.°° During this period students must work at letters until they are able to read and write, but one should not demand speed and calligraphic beauty from those who do not seem naturally inclined to achieve them.>! Plato’s words show that after three years many pupils were still writing relatively slowly. Some who did not progress further in their schooling remained slow writers for the rest of their lives. The Romans too were aware of the necessity of learning to write quickly. Quintilian calls the skill that good teachers try to impart “the task of writing well and quickly” (cura bene ac velociter scribendi).°* Immediately after, he describes the consequences of slow writing: the writer’s thinking is also slowed down, and legibility is hampered (tardior stilus cogitationem moratur, rudis et confusus intellectu caret). Writing speed is directly dependent on skill and tends to improve as a writer progresses. The greatest speed of writing was achieved by advanced students writing on waxed tablets.*3 This is also what Quintilian observes when he recommends writing on wax since it involved no delay in dipping the pen into the ink.>+ After some time spent at writing, the hand of some stu-

46Sce especially 79. 47Cf., e.g., sigma made in three or more movements in 182. 48Sce, e.g., 142 and 395. 49 Charmides 159 c: wérepov ody K&A\LOTOY Ev YpappaTioTod 7& Suorm yodppaTa yoabew Taxd } hovxa;

"0p ato, Laws VII 810 a. 51Plato, Laws VII 810 b: yodmpara pév Toivuy xp} Td wexp. TOD yoaWou Te Kal dveryvaven duvaroy elvan duamovety’ mpdc T&xXOG 5é HF K&AAOS ArEKpIBGCOai Tio oic ph dbaig Exé€oTwEvaEV ev TOIC TETAYpEVOIG ETEOI

xaipew eav. 52Inst.Or. U1. 28. 53Sece, e.g., 325 and 329.

54Quintilian, Inst.Or. X 3.31, intinguntur calami, morantur manum et cogitationis impetum frangunt. Writing on wax was difficult only for people with bad eyesight.

PALAEOGRAPHY 105 dents still displays many of the characteristics of a school hand, although they have acquired a relatively fast writing pace. At the very beginning, when speed is excessively low, the letters look tentative and quivering. St. Jerome calls trementi manu the quivering hand of beginners going through the letter shapes.>> I shall call a hand where this phenomenon appears multistroke. Although hands that are prevalently multistroke are found in the lower stages of education,°® occasionally multistroke letters appear in exercises copied by relatively advanced students who were following formal styles of writing.*’ A true multistroke hand splits each writing movement into infinitesimal strokes, which reveal the painful concentration of the writer. Every letter can be affected, but the phenomenon is especially visible in round letters—that is, these letters tend to be made up of very short, straight lines at varying angles to one another.

Size of a School Hand School hands are often described as particularly large. The size of a hand varies quite a lot as a student progresses and has to fulfill more difficult tasks.°8 In the first two stages, Letters and Alphabets, hands are on average very large, approaching 1 cm.°9 The size then decreases to large and reaches about .5 cm in Syllabaries, Lists, Writing Exercises, and Short Passages. Although at these stages there are insignificant variations, the hands of calligraphic writing exercises always reach a very large size. In the Long Passages the size diminishes further, to about .3 cm.: the hand is medium-sized, as are the majority of literary hands. Letters remain medium-sized in Compositions and in Grammatical Exercises. Only in Scholia Minora do the letters at times reach .2 cm; on average they are written in a hand that is medium to small. School hands do not reach the extra large size seen in certain models, and only at the first stages of education do they approximate the size of a model. Perhaps a student was asked to progressively reduce his hand’s size, without sacrificing legibility. In tablet 383 the teacher, after writing his model, ruled the rest of the space with four sets of double guidelines for the pupil. These are drawn progressively closer so that the student, who had started with a letter size of .8 cm., identical to the teacher’s, was forced to reduce it to .4 cm. Great variations in the size of a hand may be observed in the same exercise in immature hands, generally at the elementary level,©° and more rarely in advanced students’ work.6! A comparison of exercises done by students of equivalent ability reveals that especially at the first levels exercises on waxed tablets are inscribed in considerably larger letters than those appearing on papyrus or S5See St. Jerome, Letter 107.4.

56See, e.g., 63, 79, 167, and 170. 97See, e.g., 262, where the student was writing in an elaborate and formal round hand. See also 254 and 276. 58 According to J. De Ajuriaguerra, M. Auzias, A. Denner, L’Ecriture de | ‘enfant II, La rééducation de l’écriture (Neuchatel 1964) 130, except for the very beginning, the size of a school hand at the stage of writing sentences reaches about .3 cm.—not counting letters with long descenders and long ascenders—while a size of .4 cm. is maintained when the student has problems in writing. Probably this was the letter size of a generation ago in Europe. Judging from the rulings on notebook paper designed for elementary school students nowadays, at least in the United States, pupils are taught to maintain letters of a much bigger size during the first years of education. >? About large and very large hands, cf. what I have said above about the hands of models on p. 99 and note 18. I consider a hand medium-sized when it approximates .3 cm (Turner 1987, plate 15 and 41), small when it is about .2 cm (Turner 1987, plate 16) and tiny when it is about .1 cm or less (Turner 1987 plate 33). 60The second hand of 403 varies the size of the letters three times with disastrous consequences, especially on page VII of the little notebook. The size oscillates between .7 and .3 cm. 6l\ etter size varies considerably in the grammatical exercise 362.

106 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES ostraca. Students probably took advantage of the space at their disposal, because the material was easily erasable.

Degree of Difficulty in Writing Letter-Shapes The school exercises indicate that the letters of the Greek alphabet that were written with the most confidence and the best results were those that were constructed with verticals and horizontals, alone or combined.®* Therefore y, 7, t, a,and 7 are always recognizable, even though in letters such as a problems of symmetry arise at the very beginning, and the two verticals are often of unequal length or inclination.®? The two single letters that are most interchanged are w and 6, especially if the bottom stroke of 5 was drawn a little too high.°* Two other letters that sometimes look similar in beginners’ exercises are \ and 7 when the horizontal stroke of 7 appears oblique. The two most difficult letters are likely to have been y and £.

Some beginners tended to do the vertical stroke of y first and then tried to arrange the two obliques on the side, so that the three top elements were not in line.© Toward the end of the Roman period this letter was drawn like a cross and was much simplified. In 6 the difficulty consisted of combining the vertical with the two half circles: when a beginner drew more than one 8, all of them looked radically different.°© When a student was not satisfied with the appearance of a letter, he tried to correct it by going over the strokes again: corrections of malformed letters are frequent and greatly contribute to the untidy look of some exercises.®’

Stroke-Sequence By the term stroke-sequence | mean the number, sequence, and direction of the strokes used to construct a letter—that is, what Bataille calls construction,® Pratesi and Cavallo call tratteggio,®? and Bischoff calls the structure of a letter.?° An investigation of the stroke-sequence followed in schools will attempt to determine whether teachers always taught the letters of the alphabet according to a fixed sequence of strokes, or if there were changes over time. Since it is advantageous to consider whenever possible the teachers’ models together with the students’ exercises, the time span of this research will be somewhat limited, covering the Roman period starting from the second century AD and the beginning of the Byzantine period.’! It seems that 621t is an accepted norm that children learn to construct verticals and horizontals at an early age, see K. Beery and N.A. Buktenica, Developmental Test of Visual-Motor Integration (Chicago 1967) 18. 63Note especially the difficulty encountered by a raw beginner in practicing this letter in 24. 64S ce, e.g., 207 and 232. 65See, e.g., 79 and 182. 66An extreme example of this is the row of 8’s in 26. The U-shaped 6 appears very rarely, see, e.g., 231. 67See, e. g., 207 and 276. This kind of correction almost never appears in the work of a scribe. 68See André Bataille, Pour une terminologie en paléographie grecque (Paris 1954) 33. He calls séquence (pp. 19-20) the stroke, from the point where the pen starts to write up to where it is lifted, even for an instant. 69See Alessandro Pratesi’s Prefazione to Guglielmo Cavallo, Ricerche sulla maiuscola biblica (Florence 1967) ix, and Cavallo, “Metodi di descrizione della scrittura in paleografia greca,” Scrittura e Civilta 15 (1991) 28. 79Cf. Bernhard Bischoff, Latin Palaeography (Cambridge 1990) 51. The term Struktur was used first with this meaning by J. P. Gumbert, Die utrechter Kartduser und thre Biicher (Leiden 1974) 216 and note 7. TI} will not consider 379, since I am not sure whether it was compiled by a teacher or copied by a scribe. The only Ptolemaic model left would therefore be 380. It is often difficult to determine the stroke-sequence by relying on a photograph alone. The most difficult cases will be settled only by autopsy.

PALAEOGRAPHY 107 students, regardless of the period, learned to form the constitutive strokes of most of their letters in almost the same way. An examination of the individual letters will make this clear.’

A: was formed in three movements when the model addressed the needs of real beginners or intended to show the features of a formal style. Often, however, the movements were made in two sequences and very rarely in one. The direction of the strokes was always the same.

, \ OO | | LS —> 1

B: was formed in four movements, which could become three and rarely two. The sequence and direction of the strokes was always basically the same. —s ;

SS I’: was drawn in two movements, but the direction of the strokes is not always clear.

| —> 2 | ——> 2 A: was formed in three movements, which could become two.

—2 E: was usually formed in three separate movements that could be made in two sequences, but even when’? the teacher’s hand in the model combines the first two movements, the student’s copy shows unmistakably that the letter was taught in three separate movements at the very beginning.

3 IN —f > 3

721n considering the single letters I will point to their basic shape and show how the stroke-sequence changed with the passing of time, taking into limited account those individual features dictated by different scripts and styles.

3See, e.g., 383.

108 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES Z: was drawn in three movements, generally made separately. —_—»> 6 f7

A,

—_ H: was formed either in three separate strokes or by combining the last two movements.

‘ ——— 2 3 ‘

2 ‘’

©: was formed in three separate strokes. At times teachers’ hands combine the first two movements so well that they are hardly distinguishable, but students’ work shows that the letter was taught in this way.

“(_% | — 27 3

I: was drawn in one stroke, from top to bottom.

||

K: was formed in three strokes, the first of which always went from top to bottom. It is more difficult to determine the sequence and direction of the last two strokes. In every period the last two strokes of x usually started from the middle of the vertical stroke departing in opposite directions, toward the top and then toward the bottom. Students, however, seem at

times to have followed a different sequence: a downward second stroke followed by the

~, \} SS,3

3 lL} 4 17a3 Ll |Zz

upward one.74 Sometimes one even has the impression that the second stroke may be drawn from top to bottom.’

74Sece, e.g., 142, and in 391 the student’s copy. In the models the letter is clearly made in three movements, but it is impossible to ascertain the stroke-sequence.

73§ee e.g., the last line of the student’s copy in 320. It is impossible to determine the stroke-sequence followed in the model.

,

PALAEOGRAPHY 109

A: was always formed in two separate movements.

M: was drawn in three movements. Although it is often difficult to ascertain the direction of the first stroke, one has the impression that it was usually drawn from the bottom toward the top, especially when the first stroke is joined in a loop to the second.’®

a7) m4

N: was always formed in a three-stroke sequence. It seems that the last stroke was drawn from top to bottom, at least in the work of beginners. When students had become more familiar with writing, they sometimes joined the last two strokes into a loop so that the final stroke proceeded toward the top.’7 It is practically impossible to tell the direction of the last stroke.

: | 2+3 IN f‘ rays , a

“=: was drawn in several strokes, as many as five. L1

>)

4

—>5

O: As with @, the letter o was always drawn in a two-stroke sequence that began on the top.’8 Sometimes, especially in the formal models, the point of juncture of the two half-circles is hardly visible, but the students’ copies make it very clear that the letter was taught that way.

()

II: The letter was taught in a three-stroke sequence. —~>y 2

76See e.g., the student’s copy of 333 and the model 92. 77 See, e.g., 136. BOn this, see the observations in Schubart 1925, 13-14.

110 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES P: The letter was formed in two strokes, first the vertical stroke and then the semicircle. Starting from the Byzantine period, however, the half circle was drawn first and ligatured to the previous letter.

i

>: was drawn in two movements, which are less evident in the formal models.

i ™) '

T: was usually formed in two movements, first the horizontal and then the vertical. One cannot be absolutely certain, however, that this order was always followed. ——» |

J: it 2 2

Y: the three constitutive movements of this letter could be drawn either separately, in a two-stroke sequence or in one sequence. It is not always easy to determine the direction of the strokes. The sketches below represent what were the most usual ways to draw this letter.

®: was drawn in three movements. In the Roman period it is clear that the vertical stroke was drawn first and then the two semicircles were arranged around that. Later on it seems that teachers preferred to draw the two semicircles first and the vertical line afterward.

L

‘/ L yVv 3 :i*\y 5 P)

X: was drawn in two movements, but it is not always clear which stroke was made first. It seems that sometimes a first stroke was traced from top right to bottom left,’? but that espe-

See, e.g., 390.

PALAEOGRAPHY 11] cially in the Byzantine period it was more usual to start the stroke from the top left toward the bottom right, so that the letter could be ligatured to the previous one.®°

2

( LZ

Y: was formed in two movements, but it is difficult to be sure about the stroke-sequence that was taught to students, since this letter does not appear very often, and there are also some ambiguous indications. At times, and especially when the letter was drawn rapidly and ligatured to the previous one, the horizontal stroke was made first.8! Beginners, who made the letter slowly, sometimes made the vertical stroke first.®2

l N\A

Q: was usually drawn in two movements, rarely in three.8? The first semicircle was always smaller than the second that came up all the way, but in the formal models the two strokes were fused in such a way that this was hardly noticeable.

It is not a problem to determine the number of strokes forming a letter: in any period students learned to form letter shapes with a specific and predetermined number of strokes. For some letters, however—especially x, pw, v, x, and y —it is uncertain what sequence and direction of strokes was followed. Perhaps there was no real systematic approach to the problem, but the stroke-sequence depended on the style of writing the teacher himself had been taught and on his degree of professionality.

Typology of School Hands The distinctive characteristics school hands exhibit with respect to experience in writing permit one to isolate four definite types.84 Although all the four types are represented in the school exercises, “the evolving hand” appears more frequently than the first two types. The first two hands did not last for long: hand | is so temporary that to find it is almost a miracle, and hand 2 was also quickly superseded, if the student continued to attend school. Hand 3, however, persisted for years and changed into hand 4 only after much practice and longer education.

80See, e.g., 124 and 321. 81 See, e.g., 294 and 321. 82See 79. 83Sce, e.g., 313. 84See above p. 33.

112 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES Hand 1: “The zero-grade hand” Hand 1 is the least skilled of the school hands, the hand of the total novice who does not yet

know the letters and sometimes confuses them or writes them in peculiar ways. To use Quintilian’s words, this is the hand of a student who “was at a loss about the shapes of the letters” (haesit circa formas litterarum).8> Thus a @ may acquire a vertical bar®® and a p may be written as in a mirror image, with the loop on the left and the vertical on the top.8’ This kind

of hand usually does not attempt to write more than a few lines. It is often severely multistroke, and one sees in it learning at its tender beginning. Hand 2: “The alphabetic hand”

This is the hand of a learner, of someone who may be relied upon to write the alphabet accurately and without hesitation but who has not yet developed hand-eye coordination. Sometimes he still writes multistroke letters, and he always seems to proceed at a slow pace. This kind of hand is not trusted to do a lot of writing, and it obtains poor overall effects. Hand 3: “The evolving hand” This is the hand of a pupil who uses it every day and does a conspicuous amount of writing with it.88 The clumsy and uneven look and the difficulty in maintaining an alignment are still present, but the hand can be moderately fluent and proceeds at a good pace.®? I also consider as belonging in this category the group of hands writing in formal style.?? They have a rather unformed look and some multistroke letters, but they attempt to draw each letter in elaborate ways and they can write long passages.

Hand 4. “The rapid hand” Hand 4 is the hand of the advanced student. It is fluent and can be trusted to do lots of writing. Often it cannot be distinguished from a personal and well-developed hand, for instance the hand of a teacher writing informal notes or of a person copying a passage for his own use. While sometimes hand 4 by itself can point to an exercise penned by a student, usually other indications are needed, such as mistakes or the writing material used.

School Hands and Cursive Writing The main characteristics of a school hand may be inferred from the typical features of teachers’ hands, since the models were placed before students, proposita,?! so that they might imitate

them. Clarity and legibility were as important for a student as for a teacher: a pupil had to 85 Inst. Or. 11.21. 86Sce 63. 87See 154.

88y outie 1971a, 165 spotted this kind of hand in the documents. It was different from the hand of the “slow writers,” but still it was not totally practiced and he called it the retarded hand: “The latter are hands which became stabilized at an early stage of development and so resemble slow hands in their awkward appearance, but are used freely and for compositions of any length.” Undoubtedly the retarded hand is our “evolving hand.” I am not going to use Youtie’s terminology, however, because I find it somewhat infelicitous. In addition we should notice that, unlike the retarded hand, which was somewhat fossilized in that state, our hand is still in development and capable of growing into a “rapid hand.” 891 consider “evolving” the hand of Theon, the boy who wrote to his father asking to be taken to Alexandria in P.Oxy. 1119. The individual letters are not unpracticed, but the whole looks rather coarse. 20Thus, for instance, 257, 258, and 262. I will speak of this group below, on pp. 114-116.

lo. Quintilian, Inst.Orat. X.2.2 and Seneca, Epist.Moral. 94.51.

PALAEOGRAPHY 113 develop a clear handwriting to meet his future needs in study and in life. “A handwriting which is rough and unclear cannot be understood; therefore it follows that one must strive to dictate what has to be copied again,” says Quintilian.?* The models proposed scripts in which the letters were individually formed, without being strictly separated, and even if a few letters were linked, the shape of each remained unchanged. The same characteristic is evident in most students’ handwriting, with very few exceptions determined either by total lack of experience or by the attempt of a student to make the formal copy of a literary text. In most exercises the letter that is almost always linked to the following one is epsilon, and this is already evident in Ptolemaic school work.?3 When epsilon is not linked, its crossbar is at least stretched out and lengthened so as almost to touch the next letter. Alpha is the next letter most frequently linked, and mu follows. School hands of the Byzantine period very often show the crossbar of theta linked to the next letter. The exercises show not only that students linked some letters such as epsilon and theta when they were parts of words but that beginners learned these letters with the crossbar outstretched and ready to be ligatured, even when they wrote them as separate characters in alphabets. Although the phenomenon is less evident in Roman alphabets, the Byzantine exercises where pupils and teachers drew both letters in this way are numerous.”* Even though the exercises show that most school hands did not make separate capitals,” but linked some letters, students did not employ real ligatures, which would have impaired legibility. The similarity between the script taught in schools and the scripts used in private epistles is undeniable. Quintilian correlated the clarity and legibility that were necessary for students and for writers of epistles. After speaking of the necessity of learning a clear readable script from the very beginning, he continues, “one should take care not to overlook this, especially in the intimate, private letters.”°© Education was geared to give students who attended school for only a few years the ability to write a private letter or a subscription to a document in their own hand. Students who continued their education acquired a quick, clear, and welldeveloped hand, which was the most suitable for writing notes and observations and resembled a scholar’s hand and the hand of hypomnemata. Modern histories of ancient education state categorically that schoolchildren learned separate capitals first.” Even though the school exercises show that students in general practiced a kind of semi-cursive writing, it is a problem to understand whether they learned to link a few of their letters from the very beginning or whether they were first introduced to separate, almost epigraphic letters. The literary evidence is practically silent in this respect, besides the testimony of a Byzantine Coptic text containing the Passio of the monks and martyrs Panine and Paneu who were persecuted under Diocletian.?8 The text speaks of the early education of 92 Imst.Or. 1 1 28: stilus...rudis et confusus intellectu caret; unde sequitur alter dictandi, quae transferenda sunt, labor. 23See, e.g., 78, the syllabary of Apollonios, son of Glaukias. For a few columns epsilon is very neatly and regularly written, then its crossbar is outstretched. In the last columns it is ligatured to the next letter. 94Sce, e.g., 5, 13, 14, 24, 33, 63, 402, 121, and 124. ?51t is generally maintained that in school exercises the letters are made in completely separate capitals, see, e.g., Turner 1980, 88-89 and Bernard Boyaval, “Psaume 92 sur deux tablettes scolaires,” ZPE 17 (1975) 145-46. 26Inst.Or. 1129: quare cum semper et ubique tum praecipue in epistolis secretis et familiaribus delectabit ne hoc quidem neglectum reliquisse. ?7See, e.g., Bonner 1977, 168, “In writing the capitals were naturally taught first.” 98See Orlandi 1978, 98-99. Cf. below, p. 149.

114 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES the child Synphronios, who is first introduced to some kind of cursive writing in the school of Silvanos, the village teacher. When after a month Synphronios has learned the cursive letters, he approaches the capitals. In this respect the evidence of the school exercises is neither completely clear nor consistent. Thus, although most novices connected the letters at least when they attempted to write their own names, a few of them, such as Kametis in 51, used separate characters. It is difficult to be sure whether the model given to Kametis was in completely separate letters or whether Kametis, who placed the characters forming his name almost touching each other, was only unable to link some of them. It is often assumed that separate letters would have been easier for a beginner, but it is difficult not to be influenced on this matter by the ongoing discussion as to whether or not script writing—also called printscript and manuscript writing—is preferred to cursive writing when learning to write.?? Since our models and school hands did not use real cursive writing, but only linked a few letters, the resulting script did not present more challenges than completely separate capitals. Although it is sometimes maintained that in antiquity children were introduced to cursives soon after learning separate capitals,!°° the only example cited to support this idea is 141, a papyrus in which the “capitals” consist of block decorated letters, which are unique among the exercises, and the “cursives” are semi-cursive letters written by a teacher. Examples of real cursives are very rare in the school exercises and can be found only at advanced levels. With more experience in writing, students learned a way to form their letters quickly by joining the constitutive movements in a looped sequence, but generally refrained from using such script in school. For example, Apollonios son of Glaukias writes in cursives underneath his copy of the Telephus of Euripides, 246, which is written in linked capitals, and the student who wrote 381 resorts to real cursives only in the second half of his tablet for lack of space. Even at advanced levels, students still felt the need to have a clear and understandable handwriting: their hands were often minute and faster than before, but they still tried to form all the constituent strokes of each letter. !°!

School Hands and Styles of Writing The type of script school hands used was an informal round script. Attempts to write in different styles are extremely few, besides the examples in formal round discussed below.! Although one would expect to find examples of school hands following the chancery style of some of the models, the lack of school hands that can be identified as chancery derives from the fact that they are copies of teachers’ hands written in an informal chancery style. Usually most students did not follow the models closely and derived from them only a general idea of a script. In the models the chancery style consisted of a vertical, narrow look together with ~ few other subtle characteristics that tended to get lost in the copies. For example, when in notebook 396 Aurelius Papnouthis copies his teacher’s hand, which is influenced by the chancery style, his copy resembles the model only in so far as Papnouthis’ script is less round and more vertical in this particular tablet than in the rest of his writing.

See Gray 1956, 194-96, where the advantages and disadvantages of both scripts are considered. 100Sce, .g., Bonner 1977, 168. 101 See, e.g., 361, 364, 368, and 385. 102g 66 | e.g., 210 and 290, both written in a script of mixed style, which emphasized narrow and broad letters.

PALAEOGRAPHY 115 A considerable number of school hands adopted an elaborate, self-conscious, and affec-

tedly decorated style of writing: about ten percent of students used serifs—small strokes decorating the top and bottom of verticals—and five percent attempted to imitate a formal round style decorated by serifs.!°° The hands that are decorated by serifs occur during a large time span, from approximately the second century BC to the third century AD, while there are

only occasional examples of Byzantine hands with serifs or decorated roundels.!°4 In the Ptolemaic period the hands used serifs aiming at elegant effects, because in this period calligraphic writing usually employed finials.!°> Between the first and third centuries AD, a large group of school hands used serifs together with all the characteristics of a formal and heavily

decorated round style!9—that is, the style that Schubart called Zierstil!°’ and Hunger! Héakchenstil.'°? These hands tend to be strictly bilinear and employ round letters that are decorated by serifs at the extremity of verticals and obliques. They always form the letter mu in four rigid movements and apparently do not know the soft mu of the Onciale romana, with

the second and third movements fused in a round curve.!!° Many of these hands betray inexperience and lack of skill, which is visible even in the prominent serifs.!!! These large and coarse serifs'!? indicate that students considered this style attractive and were ready to go to extremes to demonstrate that they were mastering it.!}3 Since it is unclear how long students who wished to pursue a scribal career attended regular schools, and at which level and age scribal schools started, it is difficult to be sure whether these exercises in formal style represent the work of regular schools or of schools specializing in scribal training. When the exercises do not show extreme flaws in the hand, there are doubts regarding the setting that produced them. Some exercises, on the other hand, display the work of students who encountered considerable difficulties, and whose hand trembled from the effort of writing.!!4 It is reasonable to suppose that students who showed serious difficulties with writing were attending regular schools and had teachers who particularly valued efforts at writing in style.!!? Students were encouraged to improve their handwriting and to make their hand really beautiful. In 136 and 222 two pupils had to work on a hexameter that 103There are also some isolated attempts at writing a round, calligraphic hand that employed a p with soft central movement and without serifs, as, e.g., 323 and 328: 104See 122, 147, and 314. 105See 129, 175, 179, 238 (erratic use of serifs), 253, 344, and 345. 10©See 131, 132, 142, 184, 256, 257, 258, 261, 262, 263, 287, 304, 345, 346, 347, 348, 349, 382, and 391. The following exercises, which seem to have followed a more informal round style, employ finials more sporadically: 133, 259, 276, 280, and 284. About teachers’ models in formal round style, see above p. 100. 107See Schubart 1925, 112. 108See Hunger 1961, 79-80. lO9Turner 1987, 21 objected to recognizing a real “decorated style” in which finials were the most prominent feature. 110See Cavallo 1967, 210.

111Giovanna Menci, “Scritture greche librarie con apici ornamentali,” Scrittura e Civilté 3 (1979) 49, notes that in book hands there is an aesthetic relationship between the size of the letter and the serifs.

112s, e.g., 131 and 346. 113Thus the copy of 142 displays a much higher number of serifs than the model. 114gee, e.g., 257, 258, 261, and 263. 115Gray 1956, 188-89 says, “Even as late as the nineteenth century a superior quality of handwriting was so

greatly prized in many countries that schools devoted much time and effort to attaining high standards in this respect.”

116 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES said, “Good hand, begin with beautiful letters and a straight line” (Gofau xeip ayadH Kare yooppaTa Koi oTixov 6p06v). Contests for the best hand even existed, as an epigram for a child who won for his kala grammata tells us: Nixjoac Tovc Taibac, émei KAA yodppaT’ Eypaver, Kévvapoc bybaxKovtT’ &aTpayadous EhaBer, Kopé, xepv Modbaouc, Tov Kwutxdv we Xd&pnta apeoBiTnvy BoptBw OjKaTo Tadapiwv

“Winning the boys’ contest, since he wrote a beautiful hand,

Connaros received eighty knucklebones, | and in gratitude to the Muses he hung me up there, the comic mask of old Chares, amid the applause of the other boys.”!!®

School Hands and Slow Writers’ Hands School hands and slow writers’ hands, which are both at one extremity of literacy, are so similar in many respects that they are often treated as if they were the same. Schubart called Schulschrift a script showing coarse and unligatured letters: he found examples of it in private letters and in subscriptions to documents written by people who formed their letters slowly, as they had learned them in school.!!” According to Schubart, these hands had to be distinguished from “book hands” (Schénschrift) and cursive hands (Geschdftsschrift): a papyrus such as the Curse of Artemisia was written in neither script, but showed the unmistakable features of a Schulschrift.118 Turner went further and considered together in one category—that of “the slow writers”—school hands and the hands of adults on the verge of illiteracy who could barely form their name and a few painful lines.!!? Youtie protested against this: to confuse schoolboys

and slow writers was not permissible, since schoolboys were starting their lives and were expected to learn and progress, while slow writers were grown men and women with limited and faded writing capabilities.‘2° Although this protest was legitimate, it addressed only the identities of school boys and slow writers, considering their hands virtually indistinguishable. Let me clarify. The hands of slow writers—that is, the hands of people designated as bradeos graphontes, together with hands that are similar but lack the designation!2!—come in two varieties: severely multistroke hands that, if they belonged in a school context, would be called “zero-grade hands,” and “alphabetic hands,” which had at least learned the letter shapes. Slow writers’ hands resemble the hands of those beginners in school who could copy a limited amount of text, but not the hands of students functioning at other levels. In addition, while school hands generally learned from the beginning to link some of their letters, slow writers’ hands trace each letter separately and often separate the individual characters by large spaces. 1164 P VI 308.

117§ee Schubart 1925, 13-14.

118sce Schubart 1925, 23. The same terminology was maintained by later palaecographers. Thus Hunger 1961, 74 considers the Curse of Artemisia an example of the rather primitive and schulmdssigen Schrift of a woman

inexperienced in writing, and the same is true for Seider 1990, III,1, pp. 141-45, Abb.8, for whom the letters of Artemisia show the basic forms learned in school. 119S¢e Turner 1980, 88-92. 120Sce Youtie (1971) 251. 121 For people not called slow, but whose writing is very ill-formed, see Youtie 1971, 256-58.

PALAEOGRAPHY 117 Slow writers had probably attended school for one or two years, attaining a minimal literacy:

they had learned to copy from models, but never proceeded to a stage where they were required to write quickly. After leaving school, when they had to write their names and a few

lines of a subscription, they did not go back exactly to the forms learned in school, but regressed to a stage of minimum discomfort and maximum legibility.

Dating School Hands Both teachers’ and students’ hands are difficult to date: the former because teachers consciously eschewed cursive scripts in favor of easy legibility, and the latter because students were unable to follow the fashions in penmanship that changed century by century.!2# A school hand, which is idiosyncratic, is at the opposite extreme from an impersonal “book hand.”!#3 A student does not achieve his own personal script at an elementary level and, even though he

traces the letters in the same way, the end results may differ greatly in the same exercise. While documentary hands follow in their variations the passing of time, and even “book hands” show subtle but still identifiable changes, school hands remain unchanged for centuries.

At times it is possible to single out in the hand of a student elements that are datable: an epsilon whose crossbar is detached from the main arch (as in 100), a slanted delta whose base extends on both sides,!24 a v-shaped upsilon.!2> Nevertheless, in a school exercise single elements only point very roughly to a date: it is difficult to know how long certain details of a script might persist in a school hand. It is likely that teachers were conservative in this respect and introduced new characteristics of a script only after they had been sufficiently tested. Since it is very rare for a school exercise to bear a complete date,!?° it is necessary to find reference points to provide a framework for dating. Occasionally some cursive writing by the student (246) or by someone else (302) comes together with the exercise, or school work may appear on the back of a document that is more or less precisely datable (294). Since it is difficult to find a sufficient number of chronological indicators for a framework of dates, one lacks the means to place the study of school hands on a sound and objective basis. The relatively few exercises of the Ptolemaic period are particularly challenging in this respect, because the lack of an adequate number of literary texts from this period renders it difficult to make a classification of types and styles. !27

Evaluating the papyrus that contains the Funeral Oration of Hyperides, 283, F.G. Kenyon noted its literary importance, in spite of its many blunders and the appearance of its hand. He added, however, that the papyrus “for the humbler purposes of palaeography is not very useful. A schoolboy’s exercise can throw little light on the writing of trained literary scribes, and holds no place in the history of palaeography.”!28 Nevertheless, one of the main duties of 122For similar difficulties in dating Coptic school exercises, see Husselman 1947, 131 and MPER NS XVIII,

PT 123g¢6 Roberts 1955, xi 124Sce, e.g., 86 and 88. 125 See, e.g., 83.

126On this matter, see pp. 88-89. 127See, however, Eric G. Turner, “Ptolemaic Bookhands and Lille Stesichorus,” Scrittura e Civilta 4 (1980) ~40.

© 128k enyon 1899, 103-04.

118 IDENTIFYING SCHOOL EXERCISES palaeographical science is, as the same scholar recognized, to reconstruct from a consideration

of all graphic phenomena “the history of the evolution of Greek writing.”!2° A thorough knowledge of school hands is essential, and is vital for the foundations of palaeography.

12°F rederick G. Kenyon, “The Palaeography of the Herculaneum Papyri,” Festschrift Theodor Gomperz (Wien 1902) 380.

PART THREE

Writing in Graeco-Roman Schools

BLANK PAGE

8 The Teachers’ Models

Teaching in ancient schools was organized in a simple, primitive way, especially at the elementary level. There were no desks, no teaching aids such as blackboards, and a limited supply of writing materials, which impelled students to reuse sherds and the blank backs of papyri that already bore writing on the front. It is unlikely that textbooks, written by professionals on rolls of papyrus or on codices, were widely used, because they were too fragile for a large number of students to handle.! Very little is known about the individual lesson preparation of teachers in their own homes or in libraries. In a well-known passage of Plutarch, Alcibiades, as he is leaving boyhood, accosts a school teacher to demand a book of Homer. When the teacher says that he has nothing of Homer, Alcibiades becomes enraged to the point of striking the teacher with his fist.* It is likely that teachers had to confront a shortage of books even in Graeco-Roman Egypt. Even supposing that sometimes they had any books at all, it is improbable that they entrusted them to their pupils to be circulated in class. Thus already Marrou remarked that 379 was likely to have been a teacher’s book used for class preparation, rather than a livre d’écolier.? Textbooks inscribed by professionals to be used in schools are difficult to identify, with the exception of a few books whose content and presentation are so elementary that it is unlikely that they addressed a general public. Thus, 81, 84, and 97, which are fragments of syllabaries inscribed by professional scribal hands on fine papyrus codices, were elementary school books.* Similarly, school textbooks include 120, a parchment codex presenting rare words divided into syllables, and probably 295, which preserves the fragments of a roll inscribed by a proficient “Biblical majuscule” hand and containing a Psalm with the words divided into syllables by middle dots. When one moves to higher levels of learning, however, it is necessary to rely on external characteristics, such as separation of words by spaces or bars and an unusual number of accents and lectional signs.> Texts presenting such features are more

likely to have addressed students or, at least, readers who had some need for lectional assistance in decoding words. Nevertheless, a margin of uncertainty concerning their use in schools always remains. Models inscribed by teachers, on the other hand, provide unquestionable examples of books made for the use of students. I shall now consider these models as a group in order to assess their physical characteristics, the writing materials they favored, and the levels and needs of education they specifically addressed.

IScholars, however, usually refer to books used in elementary classrooms; see, for instance, Bonner 1977, 116.

2See Plutarch, Alc. VII 1: Thy 6€ mardixny nrixiay Tapadddoowy Er€oTn youppaToddacxary Kai Br3diov HTnoev Opnpixdy. eiwovrog dé rod ddaoxcdAov pndév Exew ‘Opjpov, xovdbdw KaOixdpevoc abrod rapHOev. 3See Marrou 1975, I 233.

4Ch p. 41. See above p. 49 note 109 and p. 85 note 97.

122 WRITING IN GRAECO-ROMAN SCHOOLS Literary Evidence for the Use of Models The ancient sources testify to the existence of teachers’ models used in schools. Clement of Alexandria calls models hypogrammoi paidikoi (vmoypappot mavéexot), but refers only to models containing the so-called chalinoi (xavoi), alphabets in scrambled order.® In the school colloquies of the Hermeneumata Pseudodositheana models are also called hypogrammoi:’ a student in school erases the exercises of the previous day from his tablet and then copies some writing from a model (meprypadw Tpdc¢ Tov VToypappov). In this text the term hypogrammos is glossed with the Latin exemplar. A very similar school scene is preserved in the Celtes colloquies, where a student copies from a model (mapaypagdw mpd¢ TOV énvypappov.)® The word epigrammos is glossed as superpostum, and immediately above, in a list of school implements,

as superpositum.? In the same list the term hypogrammos is also quoted and is glossed as praescriptum. Perhaps we can surmise that hypogrammos was the model that the teacher wrote for students, but that the term epigrammos indicated the teacher’s model of writing when it was

inscribed on the same tablet or piece of papyrus to be copied by the pupil immediately

underneath. The school exercises show numerous examples of both kinds. Seneca says that children learned to write following a model: pueri ad praescriptum discunt.'© He calls by the name praescriptum a model that the pupils try to imitate as their parent or master guides their fingers. Then, according to Seneca, after learning the letters, students were supposed to improve their handwriting by imitating more complicated models: deinde imitari iubentur proposita et ad illa reformare chirographum. Seneca alludes to the content of these models in a different passage, when he says that one need only go to an elementary school to find maxims emanating from highbrow philosophers on students’ models: in puerili esse praescripto.}! With the same term, praescriptum, Quintilian indicates the very first models from which a Student learned his letters: wooden models, where the letters were carved so that students

could trace them by themselves without needing an adult’s hand to guide their fingers. Quintilian says that on models of this kind pupils were forced to write within the outlines of the letters, and did not make mistakes as they did when following models inscribed in wax, presumably those described above: namque neque errabit, quemadmodum in ceris, continebitur enim utrimque marginibus neque extra praescriptum egredi poterit.'* In a different passage Quintilian speaks in general of children learning to write by imitating models, praescripta, but

he does not describe them, sic litterarum ductus, ut scribendi fiat usus, pueri sequuntur...omnis denique disciplinae initia ad propositum sibi prescriptum formari videmus.'3 Earlier in his work he speaks of the value of setting maxims of moral import as writing samples

See Clement, Strom. V 8 48.4-9; 49.1; 359.1-9; 360.3 Stahlin—-Friichtel. Clement knew of three different xad.vot used as models of writing. See above p. 39. See Goetz 1892, 225. 8See Dionisotti 1982, 83-125, and especially p. 99 line 27.

See line 24. lOgeneca, Epist.Mor. 94.51.

\Seneca Ep. 94.9. See p. 44 note 67 and p. 143. 12See Inst. Or. I 1, 27.

\3See Inst.Or. X 2, 2.

THE TEACHERS’ MODELS 123 for students to copy: ii quoque versus qui ad imitationem scribendi proponentur non otiosas velim sententias habeant sed honestum aliquid monentes.'4 A different term for models, protypium, is mentioned by Cassian in reference to an early

activity of students: the imitation of characters inscribed in models and wax exemplars, protypiis quibusdam et formulis cerae diligenter impressis.'> This is the only literary attestation of the term protypium, but in Sophocles’ Greek Lexicon the word protypon (npé7TvTo0v) is listed with the meaning “model, pattern.”

The existence of models that teachers wrote for their students may also be attested on Athenian vases of the fifth century Bc. A typical school scene with instruction in poetry, writing, and music is represented in every detail on the famous vase of Douris, dating from about 480 Bc.!® In addition to flute and lyre instructors, there is a teacher holding an open roll. On one side is represented another teacher with a notebook of tablets in his lap: he is writing something on it, while a student is standing in front of him. A similar scene is visible in a cup in the Antikenmuseum of Basel: again a teacher is portrayed sitting and writing on a tablet.!’ The student facing the teacher is perhaps waiting for the model to be finished. 18

List of the Models in the Exercises

379 Cairo, Journal d’entrée 65445. III Bc. 380 =P.Berol.inv. 13044 r. IBC. 383. BM inv.Add.MS. 34186. II AD. 48 0O.Claud.inv. 50. II AD.

49 O.Mich.inv. 4544. Roman. 134 P.Berol. 13234. Roman. 285 OMM inv. 779. II-III AD. 286 OMM inv. 1197. II-IIf AD. 136 T.Hearst Museum 6-21416. II-III AD.

204 O.Berol. 10747. I-III AD. 135 P.Ross.Georg. 112. U-Ill AD. 139 P.Ross.Georg. 113. UI AD. 141 P.Vindob.G. 26011k. III AD. 138 P.Mich.inv. 4953. III AD. 292 T.BL Add.MS. 33293. III AD. 386 T.Leid.BPG 109. III AD. 365 P.Vindob.G. 40382. III AD. 142 T.Brooklyn 37.1724e IH-IV Ab.

296 T.Berol.inv. 13839. IfI-IV ap. 297 P.BL inv. 230 (recto). III-IV AD.

l4Sece Inst.Or. 11, 35. See p. 44 note 66 and p. 142. l3See Cassian, Conlatio X.5. 16See Beck 1975, pl. 10, 53-54. 17See Beck 1975, ch. II Note 7 (m). I8Both scenes have traditionally been interpreted as portraying teachers in the act of correcting students’ writing.

124 WRITING IN GRAECO-ROMAN SCHOOLS 298 P.BL inv. 230 (verso). I-IV AD. 390 P.Chester Beatty. III-IV AD. 391 T.Brooklyn 37.473E. IV AD. 392 T.Brooklyn 37.1912E. IV AD. 389 T.Borely inv. 1567. IV AD. 395 T.Leid.Pap.inst.inv. V 16-20. IV AD. 396 T.Louvre inv. MND. IV AD. 112 O.UC 31896. IV AD. 220 O.Périgord inv. 2382. IV AD. 113 O.UC DIS. IV AD. 400 T.Louvre inv. MNE-912. II-V AD. 404 T.Berol. 14000 (side B tab. 4). IV-V AD. 306 T.Brux.E 8507. IV-V AD. 148 T.Wiirzburg K 1023. IV-V AD. 150 T.Wiirzburg K 1020. IV-V AD. 308 T.K6ln. V AD. 160 T.Louvre inv. AF 1195. V AD. 85 T.Louvre inv. MND 552c. V-VI AD. 313 Fordham inv. T 1/82. V-VI AD. 158 T.Mich.inv. 29974. V-VI AD. 311 O.Petr. 449. V-VI AD. 315 O Petr. 399-404, 406-08, 471-72. V-VI AD. 60 T.Louvre inv. AF 1193-2, 1193-3. V-VI AD. 121. T.Ashm.inv. 1982.1119. VI AD.

316 P.Ryl. 141. VI AD. 63 P.Wash.inv. 235v. VI AD? 319 O.MMA 11.1.210. VI-VII AD. 67 O.MMA 12.180.107. VI-VII AD. 90 T.Wirzburg K 1017. VI-VII Ab. 91 O.Deir el Gizaz 14. VI-VII AD. 92 T.Paris BN inv. y 19 920. VII AD. 124 P.Vat.Gr. 54. VII AD. 125. HT Moen5. VII AD. 321 P.Vat.Gr. 56. VII AD. 70 T.Wirzburg K 1027. VII AD. 229 T.Moen inv. 78. VII AD. 357 =P.Vindob.G. 26186. VII AD. 411 WT Barbara. VII AD.

General Characteristics of the Models There are about 60 exercises that I consider teachers’ models: either they are accompanied by a copied version of a student or they present characteristics typical of models. Although in the catalogue I have included a few more items as possible models, I prefer to consider now only

THE TEACHERS’ MODELS 125 those whose attribution to teachers is relatively secure because of the material used, the quality of the hand, and, sometimes, the presence of external characteristics such as word separation and syllabic division. Consequently I will not discuss many of the well-written alphabets on

ostraca, since it is unclear whether they were written by regular teachers, by scribes, or by teachers in scribal schools. Knowledge of a typical teacher’s hand does not help much in this case because in alphabets all the letters are separated. Almost two-thirds of the models were inscribed on wooden and waxed tablets. There are 34 models on tablets in all, both individual and belonging to notebooks: 11 on waxed tablets and 23 on wooden tablets. Columella speaks of teachers’ models on waxed tablets carrying letters of the alphabet: “the plant with the Greek name like the letter coming after the first (beta, the beet), which the skillful teacher imprints in the wax with the point of the stylus” (littera proxima primae, pangitur in cera docti mucrone magistri). Among the tablets, in any case, there is a definite preponderance of wooden tablets of Byzantine date.!° Tablets were ideal as models for several reasons: first of all, they could be erased and used many times; tablets could also be passed around easily and without great risk of damage, unlike papyrus. Tablets were the favored material of beginners copying their first writing exercises, and the smoothed surface of waxed tablets was especially well-suited for calligraphic exercises. Although tablets of unusually large size were probably used for classroom display,*° generally the models were used by students at close range: even the large size of the letters was not sufficient to permit a model to be read and copied from a distance. Teachers also used ostraca for models, though not as often as tablets. At least 13 models

were inscribed on sherds. None of the models on ostraca contains the student’s copy underneath: the uneven surface of ostraca discouraged the attempts of beginners or advanced students working on calligraphy. Ostraca were useful to teachers for writing model alphabets, however. The limited length of the exercise compensated for the coarse texture of the sherds, and alphabets on ostraca could also be easily handled. More intriguing is the presence among the models of a few heavy ostraca of large size containing selections of moral maxims, long lists of words, or Homeric verses.?!

Papyrus as a medium for models is represented by 11 items: at least 5 are scraps of modest size, 4 are long rolls, and one is a codex. Generally models are written along the fibers

on the rectos of papyri, with the exception of three pieces, which are inscribed across the fibers.22 Because of their fragility, the majority of the models on papyrus were not meant to be copied by beginners. Only one of them, moreover, was accompanied by the copy that the student made, since tablets were preferred for that. Some of the examples written by teachers may have been intended for individual use and consultation by the instructor himself rather than for

use by students.23 Although it is unclear whether 379, a Livre d’écolier, was written by a teacher or by a professional scribe, it is interesting that the hand displays characteristics very similar to teachers’ hands, with large letter size, remarkable clarity, and a few linking strokes.

\9See above pp. 68-69. 20See, e.g., 292 and 313. 21 About these, see p. 64. 22See 138, 298, 365. 23See, e.g., 390.

126 WRITING IN GRAECO-ROMAN SCHOOLS In this roll the presentation of the exercises also shows similarities to the presentation in teachers’ models.

Models were particularly useful to beginners when they copied their first maxims and tried to imitate faithfully the master’s letters inscribed at the top of the same tablet or on a separate tablet. In the same way, more advanced students, who still needed practice and may have wanted to learn a particular style, found it useful to have the master’s letters to guide them.24 To all these writing exercises, which usually consisted of short maxims, one should add the models which present maxims, sayings, and limited amounts of verse that were preserved without the pupils’ copies.2> Another kind of exercise that often appears on models is a list of words.26 Usually the words are divided into syllables by blank spaces. Since such lists appear frequently on models and more rarely on students’ copies, one may assume that, unless pure chance is responsible, these models were used primarily for reading. Other exercises that teachers often inscribed on models were alphabets and syllabaries.?7 Teachers’ models often display longer passages.2® A few of them present maxims or Ho-

meric verses that the students may have used for reference,”? and some reproduce passages written in scriptio continua.2*° However, in most of the models preserving long passages the syllables are distinguished by spaces, dots, or bars, or the words are separated by spaces or oblique strokes, or both.3! Passages presenting word divisions were infrequently written by students. It seems likely that models in which the syllables or the words are separated fulfilled the function of books for readers in need of assistance: such models were extremely convenient when students practiced reading. Only a few models seem to have addressed more advanced students, who copied from them titles for compositions and some grammar. At this level, in fact, students had already mastered writing and often wrote from dictation:*? the models were no longer essential tools for learning. Incomplete dates by day, month, and sometimes indiction year appear on some models. *3

One model, 121, is dated by the indiction year and the Era of Diocletian, but the suggested dates (544-545 AD) are not very secure, especially because a year seems to have elapsed between the writing of the texts on the front and on the back of the tablet, which are clearly inscribed by the same hand. Dates are usually assigned to models only on a palaeographical basis. Assigned dates are very approximate and are often indicated by the editors within a range of more than one century. It is not easy to specify the date of a model: the neat hand of such texts is the result of a discipline that a teacher has achieved in order to obtain regularity 24Models that show underneath the student’s copy or were copied on a different tablet include 63, 134, 135, 136, 141, 142, 148, 150, 160, 383, 386, 389, 391, 392, 396 and 138 (on papyrus). In addition, in 158, which displays the maxim inscribed in the first three lines of the tablet while the rest is left empty, it is possible to see the guidelines that were traced underneath for the student. 25See 139, 204, 220, 229, 285, 286, and 404. 26See 112, 113, 121, 124, 125, 380, 390, 395, 112, 113, 308, 400, and 411. 27§c¢ 48, 49, 60, 67, 70, 85, 90, 91, and 92. 28See 292, 296, 297, 298, 306, 308, 311, 313, 315, 316, 319, 321, 379, and 380. 29Sce 311, 315, 316, and 319. 39S¢ce the last part of 379, 306 and 380: these addressed older students. 31 See above pp. 47-49 and 87. 32On dictation, see above pp. 175-76. 33See pp. 88 and 90-91.

THE TEACHERS’ MODELS 127 | and good legibility. The cursive elements are too few to help much in dating, while the hand does not possess the finished look of a real “book hand” and remains only in the peripheral regions of a style. A teacher’s hand is even less subject to changes in fashion than a literary hand and shows great resistance to modifications. Occasionally it is possible to base the dating on more objective evidence. Thus in 379 internal elements regarding the composition of an epigram of the anthology in honor of Ptolemy Philopator suggest a date between 217 and not long after 203 Bc. A few more models are more easily datable, because either they were inscribed on the front or back of documents written in cursive,?4 or are ostraca found at the same site as documentary ostraca.?>

Teachers’ models sometimes display an interesting expression: philoponei (d:d0T vet, “be diligent, pay attention”). On tablet 134 a teacher warns a student to be diligent, unless he wants to be thrashed. The same expression appears in other exercises, either appended to a maxim or as part of the maxim itself.3° In 106 the exhortation is expanded: “since you are young, pay attention” (véo¢g @v dtAoméver). A variation is visible in the exercise of a scribe of the first century AD who practices several documentary formulae with an already proficient hand, repeating a few times: “pay attention as you write” (¢iAoT6vEer yoa&dwv).3’ Contrary to the opinion of some scholars,’ I believe that the expression is only an exhortation that teachers

incorporated into the writing exercises and had the students copy for salutary practice, not unlike what happened in modern schoolrooms quite recently.3? @:Aowéver or diAoTOvEel cannot

be viewed either as a negative evaluation (you did not do well, pay attention), or as a positive mark (the student is diligent). First of all it is preferable to consider the verb form an imperative rather than a third person indicative. An examination of the hands, moreover, reveals that this expression was part of the model and that it was obediently copied by students as part of the writing exercise. The expression philoponei is similar to another that appears in model 136,

where the teacher appends to his maxim the exhortation “imitate it.” In this case too the recommendation was unfailingly copied by the student. As in the apprentice scribe’s exercise, where philoponei was an admonition to write with care, in students’ exercises the expression should also be considered an encouragement to write diligently and well. The word philoponia (¢tAomovia) often appears in Hellenistic inscriptions. In the gymnasia of the Hellenistic world students were required to compete not only in contests involving physical training but also in competitions of academic performance. Together with lists of vic-

tors in athletic agones there are lists of victors in “good behavior” (ettaéia), “academic achievement” (aoAvpodia), and “good effort” (dAo7ovia). Among the inscriptions one found 34See, e.g., 138, 306, and 365. 3°See 285 and 286.

36See 106 (a very well written ostracon, perhaps a model), 139 (a teacher’s model), 392 (written on several tablets by the student), and 389 (tablet with teacher’s model which is then copied by one or more students on three other tablets), and 220. 37The exercise, MPER NS XV 97, is not included in the catalogue, since it presupposes specialized scribal

av Froehner, the editor of 389, views the expression giAoréver or diAoTOVE! as a teacher’s mark added later to the exercises. The same opinion has Ziebarth 1914, 129. 39Cf. what W.A. Alcott, On Ti eaching Penmanship (Boston 1833) 7, says, “Perhaps we write over the top of the second page in letters of monstrous size: ‘Amend your hand,’ or some other equally sage precept; and having done so, require the pupil to imitate it.”

128 WRITING IN GRAECO-ROMAN SCHOOLS at Eretria is particularly interesting: it consists of a small crown that surrounds the words “Paramonos son of Dorotheos, for the good effort of the children” (gtAomoviag Taidwr Tlapc&povoc Awpobgov).*® Paramonos was likely to have been a teacher who obtained a prize for helping his students do well or whose students collectively won a contest. The verb philoponein appears a few times in papyri in personal letters from the second to the fourth century AD.*! It is used transitively and intransitively as an admonition to a slave,

a young mother, a sister, and a brother. In three of these letters the verb can be related to school. In P. Mil. Vogl. I 24 Patron seems to be a young child making every effort in school. In

P. Oxy. X 1296* a son writes to his worried father, “Do not worry about my studies. I am trying hard and taking relaxation. I will be all right” (dtAoTwovotpev Kai cvaytxopev). The two

verbs almost seem to be in antithesis, but perhaps this student, Aurelius Dios, had found the formula of success. In P.Giss. I 80 a father, sending leftovers from his table to kathegetes (7), wishes that the teacher would “show some diligence, pay attention” to his daughter (¢tAo70-

vyon cic avriv). The writer in using the verb may have alluded to the usual practice of teachers asking students to philoponein. The expression seems ironic, almost like a student’s revenge: finally it was the teacher’s turn to “pay attention.” The teachers’ models are particularly fascinating because they are the most tangible and conspicuous sign of the work and the pedagogical methods of teachers in Graeco-Roman Egypt. Teachers confronted the shortage of professionally produced school books by creating their own books. The models had various functions: they served as copy-books geared to improving handwriting, exemplars for students making their own books, and reading books affording students special assistance. Since their content continued to change as they were periodically replaced and rewritten, the models could follow the growth and progress of students as real books. To use the expression coined by an eminent palaeographer with regard to the set of conventions by which professional scribes from the seventh century onward tried to improve

the intelligibility of minuscule scripts, the models relied heavily on a “grammar of legibility.”43 Medieval scribes attempted to use clear and legible scripts and adopted special conventions to distinguish words, sentences, and clauses. Not unlike these scribes, teachers made an effort to create texts that were less challenging to inexperienced readers. 40See Ziebarth 1914, 144-45. The inscription is visible on the book’s cover. 41See the reference to kathegetes (7) and P.Mil. Vogl. 1 24.58, P.Mil. Il 74.6, P.land. V1 97.6, P.Oxy. VII 1069.20 and X 1296.7, P.Nag.Hamm. 70.16. In school exercises the expression appears from the end of the first to the fourth century. 42The letter was already mentioned on p. 15. 43See M.B. Parkes, Scribes, Scripts, and Readers (London 1991) 2.

9 Writing and Levels of Education

Teachers’ models addressed the needs of students at various educational levels, from the time when writing consisted merely of blind imitation of the master’s letters to the time when students were able to copy whole columns with understanding, thus sometimes making their own books. At this more advanced stage students learned to take demanding texts from dictation and approached writing as composition, from crafting summaries and paraphrases to producing original texts. The hand of a student underwent dramatic changes from the days of tracing its first letters to the time when writing became easy and self-confident. An “evolving hand” was still uneven, but was a serviceable tool, capable of writing down columns in succession. A “rapid hand” might not be easily distinguished from the well-developed hand of a scholar writing notes and commentaries, or from the confident hand of an adult copying a book for his

own use. The observation that students’ hands matured as they progressed may seem a platitude, but it needs to be emphasized: sometimes scholars seem to consider the state of being a student quite fixed and fossilized with respect to writing proficiency.! It is necessary to survey the hands of students to see how ready they were to fulfill the demands writing imposed upon them at the different levels of education. This investigation will also help to clarify the question of how writing was introduced in schools. It is customary to view the teaching and acquisition of writing in Graeco-Roman times as indistinguishable from the instruction in and mastery of reading. Modern histories of ancient education state that the teaching of writing and reading developed along parallel lines, and that the stages of difficulty through which reading and writing progressed were correlated with the quantity of material to master. I have maintained throughout this study the same sequence of progressive steps that was followed when a student learned to read: the ancient testimonia do

not put the same emphasis on the various stages of learning to write, but appear to refer to reading when describing the exposure of students to grammata.* A study of school hands at the various educational levels provides a complete set of verifiable data on which it is now possible to base a sound investigation of the methods followed in teaching writing .?

'Thus H.J.M. Milne asserts about 241, an ostracon of the Phoenissae that has many mistakes but is well written, “Perhaps for use in school, but certainly not written by a schoolboy.” And Peter J. Parsons, about hand A and

C of 388, “Neither A nor C can be called a schoolboy hand: they are not people to whom writing was a new accomplishment.” Despite the mistakes, then, Parsons prefers to see the work of schoolmasters in the writing of the tablets, which is irregular and uneven, but practiced. 2See chapter pp. 139-43. 3The number of school hands taken into consideration for this discussion is different from that of the hands examined in Table 3 of chapter 5 because I have included in the graphs only the hands that I could inspect directly from a photograph or autopsy. I maintain the separation of the data into the Ptolemaic, Roman, and Byzantine periods in order to test whether education experienced any changes at all.

130 Letters (fig. 1) 16

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11

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WRITING AND LEVELS OF EDUCATION 131

| Letters and Alphabets I have considered the initial stage of learning the letters of the alphabet to be divided into two complementary levels: practicing individual letters in no apparent order, and writing partial or

| whole alphabets with some knowledge of the alphabetical sequence.* The first level, Letters, | shows mostly type 1 hands, “zero-grade hands” together with some type 2 hands, “alphabetic hands,” which were in the process of learning the letters’ shapes. Exercises consisting of prac-

ticing single letters in random order are preserved almost exclusively from the Byzantine period, with no examples from the Roman period. Unless the incomplete and random preservation of the evidence is entirely responsible for this fact, it appears that Roman teachers found it more useful to start from the complete alphabet. I am not including an individual graph for Alphabets.6 The data regarding school hands at the level of Alphabets show examples from both the Roman and Byzantine periods: this fact is sufficient justification for splitting the initial stage into two levels. At the level of Alphabets, moreover, in addition to mostly type 1 hands, “zero-grade” and type 2, “alphabetic” hands, there are also some hands of type 3, “evolving hands.”’ The presence of the latter can be variously explained: by the better coordination of individual student, by the need of a more advanced student to practice the alphabet, or by the

fact that some of these alphabets, accompanied by the students’ names, may have been demonstrations that they gave of their recently acquired knowledge of the letters.®

Syllabaries There are only 13 examples of syllabaries written by students: not only was this exercise often performed orally, but almost half of the extant syllabaries were the work of teachers or professional scribes. The evidence from syllabaries is also impaired by the fact that ten of the examples written by students belong to the Byzantine period, while only two come from the Roman and one from the Ptolemaic period. The preserved texts reveal that unskilled beginners penned only three syllabaries—one hand of type 1, “zero-grade,” and two hands of type 2, “alphabetic”—with the rest of the examples being written by type 3 hands, “evolving,” and even hands of type 4, “rapid hands.”? Since it is usually maintained that students were exposed to syllabaries immediately after learning the letters of the alphabet, these data are a little surprising. One would expect to find more very inexpert hands engaged in this kind of exercise. Is it unlikely that at the level of Sy/labaries the hand of a student could be fluent already, if he had only been exposed to the writing of letters of the alphabet.

Lists of words From the graph showing the correlation between school hands and the writing of lists of words (fig. 2), one learns that the hand by far most represented is the “evolving hand,” while exam-

4See pp. 31 and 37-38.

SAs we said above on p. 38 and note 9, it is better not to take into account the three Ptolemaic exercises because it is far from certain that they represented only letters and not, for instance, the initials of names. 6The comprehensive graph on p. 136 is sufficiently clear for that. They are three and belong to the Byzantine period. 8 See, e.g., 55.

?There are four Byzantine syllabaries penned by uneven but rather skilled hands. Again, the situation is clarified by the general graph on p. 136.

132 Writing Exercises (fig. 3) 13

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WRITING AND LEVELS OF EDUCATION 133 ples of hands of type 4, “rapid hands,” are also present and balance the extant hands of type 2, “alphabetic hands.” Hand 1, the hand of the total novice, has disappeared. It seems that most students engaged in writing words showed a considerable fluency in writing, even though their hand had not lost all of its clumsy characteristics. This general picture is in agreement with that presented by syllabaries. In addition, the large number of lists that display words divided into syllables!° proves that this level came immediately after the level of Syllabaries. It is surprising that comparatively speaking so few very unskilled hands practiced this kind of exercise.

Writing Exercises and Short Passages Students at different levels of ability engaged in Writing Exercises to improve their hand and copied Short Passages: Maxims, Sayings, and Limited Amount of verse.'! In many respects the two stages overlap and are complementary: this is confirmed by examination of the students’ hands at both stages. It is likely that beginners writing short passages copied them from models that have not been preserved. Older students did the same when they needed to improve the

quality of their hands or to learn a different style. The latter students are represented by the numerous hands of type 3, “evolving hands,” and especially by “rapid hands.” At the other end of the spectrum, one is somewhat surprised to find so many students who had not been exposed to much writing before. Their strokes are tentative and quiver with uncertainty and effort. They seem to have been incapable of writing much more than appears in a given exercise. This is the first time that a consistent group of such deficient hands is seen

above the level of Alphabets. The solid groups of hands of types 1 and 2, “zero-grade” and “alphabetic hands,” are striking. The “zero-grade” and “alphabetic” hands, which were hardly present at the latter levels, are struggling to keep up, copying blindly from models that they often could not comprehend. Beginners moved directly from writing alphabets to copying passages of limited extent, and the two stages of Writing Exercises and Short Passages often interrupted and preceded the sequence Sy/labaries and Lists. But all this seems to go against that ordo docendi—from the simple to the more complex—that according to literary sources teachers in antiquity followed.

Longer Passages At the level of Longer Passages hand 3, “the evolving hand,” is the most represented, together with a substantial number of type 4 hands, “rapid hands.” The “evolving hands” still show some clumsy characteristics, but they also demonstrate confidence and the ability to handle large amounts of writing. Comparatively very few type 2 hands, “alphabetic hands,” are still present.!2 At times!? these “alphabetic hands,” now responsible for extensive writing, seem to have been the same kind of hands that Plato considered ultimately hopeless when he advised against insisting on strict standards of speed and beauty from students who were not gifted in

l0gee p. 43. \1gee pp. 43-44. 121m most cases these hands are penning relatively short passages, which are nevertheless longer than 7-8 lines and because of that have been included at this stage. 13S¢e ¢.g., 264 and 287.

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WRITING AND LEVELS OF EDUCATION 135 writing.!4 Hand 1, “the zero-grade hand,” has disappeared at this stage: the task of writing long passages was beyond its capacity. Scholia Minora, Compositions, and Grammar

At the level of Scholia Minora only 19 hands, the only ones that appear to be students’ hands, are taken into consideration. Undoubtedly many more papyri preserving Scholia Minora were written by students, but they cannot be distinguished from papyri preserving private copies because of the overall proficiency of the writing. I will not show an individual graph for this and the following level for two reasons: the restricted number of exercises considered and the evident similarity to the picture presented at the level Grammar (fig. 6), where more exercises are included.!> At the level of Scholia Minora students wrote relatively well. Only five type 3

hands, “evolving hands,” are visible, while the remaining are “rapid hands.” The former represent the work of students who had not yet reached the fluency of most of their classmates: they show irregular alignment and heavy and coarse strokes. At this level hand 2, “the alphabetic hand,” has all but disappeared, because students had already spent a considerable number

of years in school. Thirteen students’ hands penned Compositions, Paraphrases, and Summaries. They are mostly “rapid hands,” together with five “evolving hands.” The final level Grammar includes conjugations, declensions, and grammatical rules written down by students. As with Scholia Minora, Ptolemaic samples are not present: grammar was taught in schools only from the Roman period on. The graph shows the prevalence of type 4 hands, “rapid hands,” accompanied by some “evolving hands,” which can be identified by a certain heaviness of the strokes and a tendency to degenerate in the course of a considerable amount of writing. As in the two previous stages “zero-grade,” and “alphabetic hands” have totally disappeared. In conclusion, while hand 1, the “zero-grade hand,” is active especially at the levels of Letters and Alphabets, after that, aside from a few isolated cases, its presence is only noticeable in Writing Exercises and Short Passages. The hand of the total novice vanishes at the following level, where a student was required to write considerable amounts of text. Hand 2, “the alphabetic hand,” is first visible with Letters, is conspicuous writing Alphabets and then fades away to emerge again strongly in Writing Exercises and Short Passages. A few “alphabetic hands” are still visible copying long passages, but at more advanced levels this hand cannot be found. Hand 3, “the evolving hand,” is prevalent at the levels of Syllabaries, Lists of Words, and especially Long Passages. It begins to fade_away at more advanced stages to be supplanted by hand 4. “The rapid hand,” which is typical of intermediate and especially advanced students, is prominent in Long Passages and becomes prevalent from the level of Scholia Minora on. Strictly speaking, hand 4 should not be considered a “school hand,” since this term usually refers to deficient hands at an imperfect stage of development. However, it is important to note its appearance and prevalence at specific levels of education in order to be able to identify students’ work even after their handwriting acquires some fluency.

l4See above p. 104 and note 51. lSThe overall picture is visible in the general graph, cf. p. 136.

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WRITING AND LEVELS OF EDUCATION 137 The correlation of types of students’ hands and levels of education allows interesting insights about how students learned to write. It is generally assumed that in the Graeco-Roman world students learned to write as they were learning to read, and by an identical method. The evidence from the school exercises, however, unmistakably points to a progression of stages different from the traditional sequence—from letters to syllables, words, and sentences—that was certainly observed in teaching reading. Apparently, students who learned to write progressed from Letters and Alphabets to Writing Exercises and Short Passages and only then proceeded to Syllabaries, Lists of Words, and Long Passages. After learning the alphabet and before being introduced to a systematic study of syllables—that is, before reading—students copied sentences and verses from models in order to improve the quality of their hand. In addition to the very poor quality of the handwriting, the meaningless jumble these students often produced in copying blindly from models is a further proof that this kind of writing was introduced very early, immediately after learning the letters of the alphabet.!° It is now necessary to examine in detail the various ancient testimonia about the teaching of grammata and to verify what they say specifically about learning to read and write, in order to ascertain whether the

testimony of the ancient authors about education openly contradicts the evidence of the exercises of Graeco-Roman Egypt.

l6See, e.g., 136.

10 Learning to Write

Literary Evidence for Teaching Writing

The ancient literary sources are particularly effusive with respect to learning grammata. According to them the process of learning the rudiments was divided into well-defined stages.

While the traditional interpretation of the literary evidence considers learning to read and learning to write as parts of an undifferentiated process that followed an identical method,! | believe that the literary evidence has been misinterpreted and confused. All the literary sources agree on the existence of a gradual sequence of stages in learning grammata. According to St. Augustine, teaching was supposed to respect a certain sequence, and an ordo docendi had to be maintained: “If we heard of a teacher trying to teach syllables to a boy who did not already know his letters, we would not just laugh at him and consider him

foolish, we would think that he was totally out of his mind, because he did not follow the sequence of teaching (tamen si quempiam ludimagistrum audiremus, conantem docere puerum syllabas, quem prius litteras nemo docuisset; non dico ridendum tamquam stultum, sed vinciendum tamquam furiosum putaremus, non ob aliud, opinor, nisi quod docendi ordinem non teneret).”* Similarly St. Ambrose speaks of teaching letters per ordinem with mandatory stages represented by syllables, words, and sentences (a syllabis ad nomina orationemque).* Manilius too stresses that it is important to master each step in order, for if the teacher hurries to give his explanations out of order the instruction will be in vain (quae nisi constiterint primis fundata elementis, effluat in vanum rerum praeposterus ordo versaque quae propere dederint praecepta magistri).4 Ancient students had to follow an orderly sequence of stages when they learned to read, proceeding from letters to syllables and then to whole words and sentences. They learned how to read by the so-called synthetic method, which started from the basic elements, the letters, and built on them to construct words and sentences. Synthetic methods have been widely used in all periods, and only relatively recently have efforts been made to begin with whole words according to the “see-and-say” method.> The same sequence was followed when a student learned how to write a word consciously and knowingly, syllable by syllable—that is, when he really learned how to write and to express himself, advancing beyond simple copying. But must we believe that students always had to learn and master their syllables before writing down—that is, copying down—their first words and sentences? It is important to find out whether the relevant statements in the various literary sources refer only to learning to read or to both reading and writing. lSee, e.g., Marrou 1975, 234 and Harvey 1978. 28t Augustine, De Ord. I 7 (24). 3De Abraham | 30. 44Astronom. Il 762-764, “For unless they are based upon underlying principles, the order of teaching and the precepts that the teachers expounded too hurriedly will be lost and ill-arranged.”

See Gray 1956, 83-84. See also Douglas Pidgeon, “Theory and practice in learning to read,” in Mercer 1988, 126-39.

140 WRITING IN GRAECO-ROMAN SCHOOLS Dionysius of Halicarnassus describes in detail the process of teaching the letters: : T& yYoCppaTa oTav woudevopeba, To@rov pév TH OvdpaTa avTaV ExpavOcdvoper, ExetTa Tov¢ TiMoUCG Kal Tao buVcpetc, et0” oUTwW Tao GvANABaS Kai TH EY TObTOLC mcadn, Kai peT& TovTO Hdn TAS AEEELC Kat TA GUpBEBNKOTA AUTAIC, ExT&OELC TE NEY

Kai OVOTOAAC Kai TeOGWOiAaCG Kat TA TapandAHowm TovTac’ OTav b& THY TOvTWY éentoTHpnv AcBwpev, T6TE ApKXdpEeha yodmetv TE Kat AvayryvwoKEey, KATH OVANABHY Kai Boadewe Td TO@Tov.®

When we are taught letters, first we learn their names, then their forms and values, then in due course syllables and their modifications, and after that words and their properties, viz. lengthenings and shortenings, accents, and the like. After acquiring the knowledge of these things, we begin to write and read, syllable by syllable and slowly at first.

It seems that at the beginning of the passage Dionysius is mainly describing the process of learning how to read.’ Only later does he speak of writing. According to Dionysius, writing was approached not only after the learning of the syllables and names but also when the student had learned accents, quantities of the syllables, breathings, and so on. Mastering all these concepts certainly took time: it is unreasonable to assume that students were not required in the meantime to practice their letters and to improve their handwriting. The practice of copying words and sentences from a model is not at variance with the account that Dionysius gives of the learning of grammata. It is clear from other sources as well that the ancients referred especially to reading when describing the progression from letters to syllables to words. Gregory of Nyssa compares the gradual teaching by the Church of religious concepts to the teaching of the grammatistai. Receiving from their fathers very young children who still speak inarticulately, the grammatistai guide them gradually from the initial to the more advanced concepts, teaching them first the names of the letters and their shapes to trace in the wax, then exposing the children to syllables and to the pronunciation of words (peta b& TovTO Taig GuAAABaic T0GLiBafovat Kai Tav dvopatwr &&ASG Toudebovor THY éexpwvyowv).8 Gregory’s use of the term ekphonesis clearly indicates that he has reading aloud in mind. Manilius in his account of the beginning of education shows that he refers to reading:

ut rudibus pueris monstratur littera primum per faciem nomenque suum, tum ponitur usus tum coniuncta suis formatur syllaba nodis hinc verbi structura venit per membra legendi, tunc rerum vires atque artis traditur usus perque pedes proprios nascentia carmina surgunt, singulaque in summam prodest didicisse priora.?

6De Comp. Verb. 211 (XXV ad fin.).

7W.R. Roberts, Dionysius of Halicarnassus. On Literary Composition (London 1910) 269, translates, “when we are taught to read, first we learn the names of the letters.” 8De Benefic. 5-13.

2 Astronom. Il 755-61. |

LEARNING TO WRITE 141 “Thus the shape and name of a letter is shown to beginners and then its value is explained, then a syllable is formed by the linking of letters, then comes the building up of the word to read through the component syllables, then the meaning of expressions and the rules of grammar are taught, and verses arise in their own metres, and to reach the final goal it is useful to have mastered each of the earlier steps.” Manilius clearly points to reading as the object of the whole learning progression, particularly in the line hinc verbi structura venit per membra legendi. St. Ambrose, in the short passage about elementary education where he mentions the traditional learning process, refers generically to instruction and does not point specifically to writing. The expression he uses, ut si puerulum litteris imbuas,'° “to introduce a child to letters,” is rather vague and probably refers to a method that at the beginning was rigidly used in teaching reading. The evidence provided by the passages of St. Jerome concerning the education of little Paula and Pacatula is equally uncertain.!! St. Jerome does not allude directly to learning to write. Since he seems to repeat exactly what his predecessors say about learning letters, it is plausible that he is also referring to learning to read. In his account Pacatula is supposed to learn her alphabet, connect the letters into syllables, and then proceed to words and sentences: “interim modo litterularum elementa cognoscat, iungat syllabas, discat nomina, verba consociet.” It is the same progression that Paula will follow. The expression syllabas iungat, “let her link syllables,” which occurs in both letters, might refer to reading; the same is true for similar expressions such as ipsa nomina, per quae consuescet verba contexere, non sint fortuita by which St. Jerome wishes that Paula could be exposed to meaningful words and names, such as those of the prophets and the apostles and the whole list of patriarchs. !2 Quintilian, who is the most explicit source for the Roman world, was greatly influenced by Greek practices. Quintilian starts by expounding a particular method for teaching a child the shapes of the letters; immediately afterward, and before specifically discussing the teaching of reading through the syllables, he speaks of the care teachers should devote to teaching writing, cura bene ac velociter scribendi.'3 Scribere ipsum, “writing one’s self,” !4 he says, is of the utmost importance, and its foundations must be laid in the first years, since personal writing is so necessary for the advanced student. After that Quintilian expounds at length the method of teaching reading, /ectio, through syllabic combinations. As usual, he warns against

proceeding in a hurry and skipping passages, since reading can thus be greatly delayed, incredibile est quantum morae lectioni festinatione adiiciatur.!> Only after lingering for some

time over the dangers of an improper method for teaching reading and on the wisdom of making children read slowly at first does Quintilian move to writing:

illud non poenitebit curasse, cum scribere nomina puer, quemadmodum moris est, coeperit, ne hanc operam in vocabulis vulgaribus et forte occurrentibus perdat.

lODe Abraham | 30. lL enters 107.4 and 128.1. l2See Letter 107.4: “The names from which she will get into the way of connecting words should not be taken at haphazard.”

13nst.Or. 11, 28. l4cf. F.H. Colson, M. Fabii Quintiliani Institutionis Oratoriae Liber I (Cambridge 1924) 20-21.

1Snst.Or. 11, 32.

142 WRITING IN GRAECO-ROMAN SCHOOLS Protinus enim potest interpretationem linguae secretioris, quas Graeci yhwoous vocant, dum aliud agitur, ediscere et inter prima elementa consequi rem postea proprium tempus desideraturam. Et quonian circa res adhuc tenues moramur, ii quoque versus, qui ad imitationem scribendi proponentur, non otiosas velim sententias habeant sed honestum aliquid monentis.'®

“It will be worthwhile, when the boy begins to write words as usual, to see that he does not waste time writing common words of everyday occurrence. For he can readily learn the explanations or glosses, as the Greeks call them, of the more obscure words by the way and, while he is still engaged in the first rudiments, acquire what would otherwise demand special time. And since we are still discussing minor subjects, I wish also that those verses which are written as models of writing do not contain maxims of no significance, but convey some useful exhortations.”

He advises teachers to make children write meaningful words and even glossae. After that Quintilian seems to make an important distinction between the writing of words that the children did at that stage and the simple copying of verses. He wishes that even when children were made to copy verses to improve their hand, these could be meaningful. He is not alluding to a more advanced exercise,!’ but he is returning to what he had said earlier about the importance of improving a beginner’s hand and about exercises that were geared to that purpose. The very way he starts the sentence shows that he is not simply proceeding to the next stage, but that he is somehow interrupting what he was saying. Important evidence with regard to early copying as a method used in schools is also provided by Seneca. He speaks of a practice of teaching writing according to which the teacher held the child’s fingers and guided them through the letters’ shapes:

pueri ad praescriptum discunt; digiti illorum tenentur et aliena manu per litterarum

simulacra ducuntur, deinde imitari iubentur proposita et ad illa reformare chirographum.}8

“Children learn following a model; their fingers are held and guided by someone else’s hand through the forms of the letters, then they are told to copy what is put in front of them and improve their handwriting by comparison with it.” After teaching students the letters’ shapes, teachers challenged them further with more complicated models, which presumably contained sentences and verses and which they were supposed

to copy to improve their hand. Immediately after stage one, the copying of letters, Seneca speaks of what was interpreted as stage four, the writing of sentences.!? The fact that he places the copying of sentences right after the learning of letters shows that he is speaking not of the real ability to write, in the sense of composition, which the student was supposed to acquire later, but of simple copying.

16Inst.Or. I 1, 34-35. 17 However, this is the traditional interpretation. Even Harvey 1978, 73, who carefully examines Greek and Roman writing practices, believes that this is a more advanced stage, the copying of sentences, but simple copying was not at the same level as real writing in the sense of expressing oneself. 18 Fnist.Moral. 94.51. Cf. above p. 122. 19See Harvey (1978) 72-73. Of course syllables and words represent for him stages two and three.

LEARNING TO WRITE 143 In a different passage Seneca explains what teachers’ models geared to improve students’ handwriting contained. Speaking of the wide use of maxims in early education, he says: Si ludum litterarium intraveris, scies ista, quae ingenti supercilio philosophi iactant, in puerili esse praescripto.*®

“On entering any elementary school you will learn that just such pronouncements coming from high-browed philosophers are written on models for children.”

Thus the testimonies of Quintilian and Seneca confirm the actual practice of teaching writing that was followed in schools of Graeco-Roman Egypt. The existence of such practice, moreover, is not disproved by the other testimonia. The frequent allusions to a rigid system of learning by well-defined stages—letters, syllables, words, and sentences—that are found in many authors seem to refer to teaching reading and not specifically to writing. After introducing students to the letters of the alphabet and before teaching them formally to read through the syllabaries, teachers found it useful to make them practice their handwriting. For this purpose they made them copy, rather passively, sentences and verses from models. Before considering the full implications of this method and returning to the evidence of the school exercises, it is useful to examine closely the actual mechanics of teaching beginners to write, according to the ancient evidence.*!

We have mentioned that Quintilian and Seneca refer to two different methods.2* While Quintilian speaks of letters carved into a wooden tablet so that children could follow their outlines by themselves, Seneca speaks of beginners practicing the letters with the help of adults, parents or teachers, holding their hands and guiding their fingers through the letter shapes. Both these methods were mentioned by St. Jerome, who seems especially familiar with Quintilian’s passage, since he echoes a few words of it. When Paula starts writing her first letters with quivering hand Jerome suggests either method: the hand of an adult guiding her little fin-

gers or letters incised into a wooden tablet (vel alterius superposita manu teneri regantur articuli vel in tabella sculpantur elementa ut per eosdem sulcos inclusa marginibus trahantur vestigia et foras non queant evagari).?> It is plausible that the method mentioned by Seneca was sometimes followed in antiquity, as it is still practiced today. Archaeological and papyrological evidence does not support Quintilian’s claim, and there is no way to ascertain whether letters were often incised into wood for the use of beginners. A third method, consisting of having the student copy the master’s model between parallel lines, is well attested in the school exercises and is mentioned in a well-known passage of Plato’s Protagoras 326 c-e: émeday 68 &x didaoKcrdwy aTadrAay@ov, 7 TOC aD TobC TE Vvépoug evayKateEL

pavedvery Kat KaT& ToUTOUS (hy KaTa Tapdderypa, va py avToi &f’avTav eixh TMPQTTWOL, AA’ ATEXVPHS WOMEN OL YOAPPATLOTAL TOiG pATW dELvoic yoadew Tov

Taidwyv vroypayavTes yoappaso TH yoadids ovTw TO yoappaTteiov duddamor Kai avayKkatovo. yoadew KaTa Thy borynow Tov yoappav, Bo b& Kai h TéALC Vépouc

20Seneca, Ep. 94.9. See above pp. 83 and 228. 21 For a detailed examination of the following passages, see Harvey 1978, 69-73. 22See pp. 141-42. 23Sce Letter 107.4.

144 WRITING IN GRAECO-ROMAN SCHOOLS iroypavaca, &yabay Kai Tadoaiwy vopobeTa@v evpnpata, KATH TOUTOVG dvayKateL Kai S&pxew Kat &pxecbar, o¢ O’av éxt6¢ Baivy TobTwv, Koc fer’ Kai Ovopa TH Kohdoet TAOTH Kai Tap’ vbpiv Kai &\dAo0O Toddaxod, WS EevGuvotbans THC dixns, evedvar.

“When the students leave their teachers, the city again compels them to learn the laws and live after the example these laws provide, and not after their own fancies; and just as teachers draw lines with the stylus for children who are learning to write and give them the tablet and make them write along the guide-lines, so the city draws the laws invented by good lawgivers in the old times and compels the young man to rule and be ruled according to them; he who transgresses them is punished, and the term used for

the punishment in our country and in many others is putting his account straight, seeing that justice guides men straight.”

Turner rightly revived an old interpretation of this passage according to which the grammai were not the outlines of letters, but sets of pairs of parallel lines between which pupils had to copy the example written by the master.2* The former interpretation was made to accommodate

Plato’s testimony to the words of Seneca, Quintilian, and Jerome. But the passage from the Protagoras, which was written around 390 BC, is extremely interesting in showing that a practice commonly followed in Graeco-Roman Egypt can be traced back at least to the fourth century BC. Turner mentioned a few school exercises showing sets of pairs of parallel lines: 383, 202, and 134, and to these one should now also add 386. Sets of pairs of lines apparently were not drawn very frequently on tablets. Much more common are single parallel lines on which the student was supposed to rest his letters, but even in this case the pupil’s writing was always included between the top and bottom lines. It seems reasonable to extend the interpretation of the Protagoras passage to single lines ruled by the master, since the passage does not specifically mention double lines. This kind of guide-line was extremely common on tablets, but is not visible on papyrus, probably because beginners followed the fibers as guide.2> A recently published tablet, 158, provides the exact parallel to the example mentioned in Plato.

On the top part of this tablet a teacher wrote a maxim as model for copying and then ruled the , remaining space with 20 lines. This is the condition in which the tablet was recovered, with those guide-lines still awaiting a pupil to copy the example between them. As in the passage from the Protagoras, a teacher had just finished ruling the tablet for the use of a student.

Learning to Write According to the School Exercises The practice of exposing beginners to the mechanical copying of verses and sentences as soon as they had learned the letters of the alphabet originated at least as early as the Roman period. Unfortunately the insignificant number of Ptolemaic school exercises does not allow a crosscheck of the educational writing practices of that period. It is not unlikely that in the Roman period some students were exposed at the same time to both methods—that is, learning the syll-

ables and passively copying passages that they were not yet able to read. In the Byzantine period, however, students proceeded directly from the letters of the alphabet to the mechanical

24Sce Turner 1965. Turner’s interpretation is further elaborated by Harvey 1978, 64-69. 25See pp. 62 and 76. Guidelines are visible in one ostracon, 5.

LEARNING TO WRITE 145 copying of short passages in order to practice their hand, and learned the syllabaries at a later stage. An examination of the texts in which very deficient hands copy Writing Exercises and Short Passages shows that the number of Byzantine examples only slightly exceeds the number of Roman examples, and that the practice of mechanical copying without much understanding was probably very widespread even in Roman times. There are, however, other aspects of the school exercises that are not shown in the graphs but still deserve consideration.2® Some of the Roman evidence for the existence of a method that called upon students to write sentences or verses when they could not yet read is as clear as the Byzantine evidence, showing “zero-grade” and “alphabetic hands” that copied passively and painfully what they were told. At other times, however, very immature hands of the Roman period copied passages divided into syllables.2’ It is plausible that the practice of making a beginner copy sentences coexisted with the traditional practice of dividing words into syllables. Thus in notebook 383 on one tablet a student copied two gnomai underneath the teacher’s model and on another the same student wrote five disyllabic words divided into syllables. The student, who was just Starting to work with disyllabic words in theta, was probably not capable of reading the maxims he had to copy, which were much more complicated. In copying the beginning of the first maxim he omitted the first letter, and he continued to leave that letter out since he was probably following what he had written previously as a model.?8 This student who was learning how to write by the syllabic method at the same time, continued copying maxims he could hardly read in order to strengthen and improve his hand. In Byzantine times, moreover, occasionally the format and presentation of beginners’ exercises constitute a further proof that the stage of writing verses and sentences followed immediately the initial stage of learning the letters. Thus some Byzantine exercises display letters of the alphabet together with a maxim or short story written by the unskillful hand of a beginner.2? A small piece of parchment, 232, provides a ready example. In this exercise a student writes with such difficulty that the letters are barely recognizable. On the left of the parchment he practices a few letters of the alphabet and on the right he writes a short story that is interrupted after a few lines. Many of the letters of the story are totally illegible, among them an unformed beta. The student was therefore told to continue practicing this letter in the space underneath the story. He traces horizontal and vertical guidelines to form a grid, where he inserts at least twenty beta’s. Even though the editors of the exercise do not recognize them as letters and interpret them as a decorative design, they are clearly a repetition of the same letter. The assumption that in schools of the Byzantine period the syllabic method was confronted only after a student had done much copying is also supported by the evidence of the syllabaries. As was said above,°° the vast majority of syllabaries penned by students belong to the Byzantine period. It is clear that most of these students had practiced writing extensively before beginning to learn to read: their hands already appear well developed, even though they are not completely uniform. It is also worthwhile to consider one of the three syllabaries writ-

261t is essential, as always, to keep in mind that random chance determined the survival of the texts, and thus

some Hey ‘ needed before making precise assertions about changes in the Roman and Byzantine periods.

or P. Petaus 121.5-12, about which see below, pp. 150-52. 29See 160, 232, and 403. 30See p. 131.

146 WRITING IN GRAECO-ROMAN SCHOOLS ten by students before the Byzantine period, and the only Ptolemaic example, 78, since this pupil, Apollonios son of Glaukias, is well known. Although Apollonios’ hand seems confident, a papyrus he copies, 344, shows that he probably did not yet know either how to read well or how to really express himself in writing, and he still needed to practice a syllabary. The school exercises shed light upon another area that is ignored by modern histories of ancient education: the practice of teaching a beginner to write his own name. Since modern handbooks of Greek and Roman education rigidly follow with regard to learning writing the traditional sequence of educational stages that was advocated by the ancients for learning reading, they do not even mention the practice of teaching a novice to write his own name.*! Hence a student, after learning the letters of the alphabet and practicing endlessly with syllables, presumably had to wait for the introduction of nouns, again in strict syllabic order, to finally learn how to trace his own name. Such delay in acquiring this skill seems rather unreasonable in the light of modern pedagogical methods that enforce the teaching of one’s name as the first step in literacy and the first application of instruction in letters.32 More importantly, it appears that in antiquity learning to write one’s personal name at a very early stage of education was even more crucial than it is today. Since only a few privileged individuals completed their education, and many of the students who started school remained there for a limited period,*3 it would have been desirable to teach students to write their name at the very beginning. Even

though professional scribes and literate friends and neighbors were available for help, innumerable subscriptions display the signatures of slow writers who chose to engage in this painful exercise rather than ask someone else to sign for them.74 While illiteracy carried no real stigma, being able to append one’s signature to a transaction was highly desirable. Thus, semiliterates could engage directly in the same activities as the literates and appear literate. Signature literates functioned only as copiers and memorizers: their limited schooling had at least left them this precious heritage. In the Old Babylonian period personal names were one of the most common vehicles of writing instruction in schools. Students had to copy their name over and over from a teacher’s

model. A tablet found at Ur presents a scene in which a senior student, who is acting as assistant teacher, reproaches a younger student for not even being able to write his own name.6 In the Greek world a student learned how to write his own name in school. Plato in Charmides seems to consider it a rather obvious achievement: “Does the schoolmaster, in your opinion, write and read his own name only, and teach you children to do the same with yours, or did you write your enemies’ names just as much as your own and your friends’?”3’ On some of the so-called “Academy tablets,”3® which were discovered in the Athenian agora and supposedly 31Cf., for instance, Marrou 1975, I 234, who says that writing was taught in the same way as reading with the same indifference to psychology and the real needs of the student.

32Nowadays generally a beginner is taught to write his name in preschool, even before learning the whole alphabet. The teaching of one’s name is used to stimulate the desire to learn to read and write. Gray 1956, 193, speaks of pupils learning to trace their names in the sand. 33See pp. 19-20. 34Sece pp. 6 and 116-17. 35See Youtie 1973, 629-51. 36See Gadd 1956, 11 and 29-33: tablet U. 17900 J. 37Plato, Charm. 161.d.3: Aoxel ody co. 76 adTOD Svopa pbvov ypadery 6 ypayparioTic Kal dvoryyyvdoxew, 9 ovdéy HTTov TA TOV ExOpav Eypadete Hh TH VwEeTEpaA Kai Ta TOY ditwy dvépaTa;

38SEG XIX, No. 37.

LEARNING TO WRITE 147 belong to the fifth century BC,*? letters and lists of names are followed by the name of the student who scratched them on the slatelike schist. In the Roman world at least one child knew how to sign his name at five years of age: the son of Constantinus is complimented for this by the panegyrist Nazarius, since he was able to validate important decisions with his signature (iam maturato studio litteris habilis, iam felix dextera fructuosa subscriptione laetatur) .*° Some of the school exercises of Graeco-Roman Egypt show that teaching a student to write his own name was part of the first elementary lessons. These exercises date from the second to the eighth century AD: in them beginners wrote their names in letters quivering with uncertainty, and completed the exercise by writing letters of the alphabet in regular or random order, or whole series of alphabets.4*! Generally** different treatments were reserved for writing the personal name and the letters of the alphabet. While in alphabets the single letters are not only separated but are sometimes even written in epigraphical characters, when writing his name a student strove to link some of the characters, or at least prolonged the last stroke of the final letter to give it an appearance of cursive fluency. Exercise 23 is particularly interesting in

this respect. Two hands appear to have contributed to write the words “Makarios son of Soter.”43 A teacher started the name in confident, cursive letters, and a student continued. The latter was evidently unable to imitate closely the elaborate, cursive example and so positioned his spidery characters separately from one another. Practicing the writing of one’s name continued at the stage of Writing exercises, which followed immediately the initial level of the alphabet.*4 Repetition of a name—presumably the personal name of the student—is a common writing exercise:*> this is a further proof that the two stages Alphabets and Writing Exercises were closely linked. Students continued writing their names on school work even at later stages.4© Generally personal names do not appear on advanced exercises: only once does a pupil write his name on the first line of a grammatical exercise.4’ At intermediate levels students inscribed their personal names on exercises to identify the school work rather than for practice. Sometimes the name appears almost as a signature appended to the bottom of the writing.*® At other times, 39See Lynch 1983, who would rather date the tablets to the second century AD or even later. His argument that the tablets did not belong to schoolboys, but were discarded material on which some graffiti were scratched, seems to be untenable. On the only published example the clumsily written names of three deities are followed by the name of the student, Demosthenes. Lynch believes rather absurdly that this is the name of “the famous orator, wittily imagined to have completed a lesson involving the names of three deities.” 40SEG XIX, No. 37.

41 See 12, 23, 40, 51, 55, 57, 400 (tablets 4 and 5), and 407 (tablet 4). Perhaps the personal name of the student also appears in 61. 42Sce pp. 113-14. 43The editors of the exercise do not recognize that this is the personal name of the student, followed by the patronymic. 4See p. 137.

45Sce 109, 137, 147, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 172, and 174. sce a list of students compiled according to the names they inscribed on their exercises in Appendix 2. See 385.

48See 229, 230, 246, and 250 (where the name appears on the back of the small piece of parchment). In 250 the name Maron underneath the second column certainly served to distinguish this student from the other pupil who wrote in the adjacent column. I do not agree with the claim of J.S. Rusten, “Maron in School” ZPE 60 (1985) 2122, that this was not the personal name of the schoolboy, but a name written for practice. Although Rusten finds that the name Maron occurs in Herodas’ Didask. 24 and in two school lists, he does not explain why the schoolboy wrote it after a passage, if it was not his name. This name, moreover, was very common.

148 WRITING IN GRAECO-ROMAN SCHOOLS but only on tablets, the name is traced on the first line of the tablet, with or without a partial date.4? If the exercise was continued on several tablets, the name of the student was repeated on each, perhaps as a mark of ownership.*° Indication of ownership was the purpose of engraving a personal name on the border or cover of some notebooks made of tablets.>!

Writing and Reading An investigation into learning to write and read in Graeco-Roman Egypt must take into account these two constituents of literacy as separate entities. In modern education there is considerable evidence of the dynamic relation between writing and reading: each influences the other in the course of development, and reading is integrally involved when a student writes.52 Although a similar interaction partially characterized the acquisition of literacy in antiquity, it is essential to keep in mind not only the different challenges that reading offered to ancient students but also the fact that the limited length of schooling influenced teaching methods. Various factors contributed to delay the process of reading. Bilingualism hampered the acquisition of reading, especially when literacy was taught via the student’s weaker language.*? Most students in Egypt were more familiar with spoken Egyptian than with Greek, while in the Roman culture children of the privileged classes learned Greek in schools before Latin, but encountered the Greek language first in the written form. St. Augustine gives voice to the utter frustration of the student exposed to more than one language, revealing that he hated Homer and Greek literature as a child, for “the difficulty of having to learn from the start a foreign language did sprinkle as it were with gall all the pleasures of those fabulous narrations, for I

understood not a word of it” (videlicet difficultas, difficultas omnino ediscendae linguae peregrinae quasi felle aspergebat omnes suavitates graecas fabulosarum narrationum; nulla enim verba illa noveram).%4

In addition, the texts did not have spaces between words, and pauses within major sections were not indicated.°> Reading a text in scriptio continua required careful preparation. A reader was supposed to proceed from identification of the different elements—that is, letters, syllables, and words—to comprehension of the whole text. Lack of punctuation signs required him to examine the nature of each sentence and to recognize and identify words and linguistic markers.°© Grammatical and literary training were necessary to properly read aloud a text. Readers in antiquity who could not rely on word separation and punctuation had to interpret a text before reading it. Reading a text aloud with expression and appropriate pronunciation was not a simple matter, and without careful practice a person could easily fall into an embarassing 49See 146, 308, 385, 389, 394, and 396. S9Cf. in Gehl 1989, 395-97 the marks and colophons of ownership appearing on Latin primers of the fourteenth century. SISee 307, 342, 394, and 408. For the names of students incised on mathematical tablets, see H. Thompson, “A Byzantine Table of Fractions,” Ancient Egypt 1 (1914) 54; Bernard Boyaval, “Tablettes arithmétiques du Musée du Louvre,” RA (1973) 251, Plate 1 and 3. 52See W.H. Teale and E. Sulzby, “Emergent literacy as a perspective for examining how young children become writers and readers,” in Mercer 1988, I 256-62. 53See B. Mayor, “What does it mean to be bilingual?” in Mercer 1988, I 113-25. Cf. also above p. 9. 54St Augustine, Confess. 1 14.

55See pp. 47-48. 56See Parkes 1993, 10-11.

LEARNING TO WRITE 149 situation, as a well-known passage in Gellius shows. While Gellius refused to read aloud a passage he did not know, someone else made himself utterly ridiculous reading the passage with the clumsiness of a total novice.>’ Lack of word separation and punctuation were formidable hurdles, especially for beginners. One of the purposes of teachers’ models was to present texts that offered reading assistance, particularly in the form of word separation.>® The precision and

discipline of the syllabic method that was followed in teaching reading were the only guarantees of success. Reading was the accomplishment of the intermediate student who dedicated much time to penmanship in the process of learning. Writing preceded reading at the school level. It was this initial form of writing that consisted of copying a text without much understanding. Ancient students at this stage were very much in the same condition as Hermas in a passage quoted above.°? While the passage shows that Hermas was copying a text without word separation and was desperately trying to distin-

guish the various syllables, it also points to an activity to which ancient students were accustomed when they had just learned the alphabet: copying blindly from a text and writing everything letter by letter, as Hermas says (weteypayapny TavTa Tpd¢ yoedppa). It is difficult to come across ancient literary evidence indicating a separation of the activities of learning

writing and reading and a precedence of one with respect to the other. When Lucian in Anacharsis 21 mentions that children learn to write the letters and then to read them clearly (yoappaTa ypaYvaobot Kai Top&>o avTa EemiAEEoGat), he is probably only alluding to the fact that students learned to trace the single characters first. It is the same practice that Gregory of Nyssa describes when he says that “children first are taught to trace alpha and the other letters in wax and then learn their names” (ap&tov év T@ xno® 76 GAda xapdéavrTec Kai Ta EEC TOV OTOLXELWY TH TE OVOUATA AUTOY eidéva didcoxovar). These testimonies point to the same

precedence of writing over reading that Corbier claims as part of the experience of those who were at the very initial stage of learning, when they first drew the letters of the alphabet.®© But an early Byzantine Coptic text seems to go a few steps further in claiming a priority of writing over reading in school practice. The text purports to describe events of the emperor Diocletian’s persecution of two monks and martyrs, Paneu and Panine. The fragments of the

Passio of these monks are preserved by two ninth century manuscripts of the White Monastery.°! The first part of the Coptic text concerns the childhood of the two monks, who attend the school of the teacher Silvanos in Antinoe until an unfortunate incident involving Synphronios, one of their classmates, forces them to run away. Synphronios, who is exceptionally good at writing, arouses the envy of an older student, who breaks his thumbs. From the first moment that “little” Synphronios starts attending school he is described as a fast learner. The Coptic text clearly indicates that he is exposed to writing first, and shows that reading belonged to a higher level of competence: “He learned the art of writing quickly and started to surpass the older students who had already began reading.” © 57Gellius XII 31.5: puert in ludo rudes, si eum librum accepissent, non hi magis in legendo deridiculi fuisent.

— 38 Goody 1987, 227, points to the difficulties the Vai people in Africa have in separating words because they use syllabic writing without word division.

>See p. 48. 60See Corbier 1991, 105-106. 61 See Orlandi 1978, 95-115. Cf. pp. 113-14.

62See Orlandi 1978, 98 line 10-11. Part of the word indicating “reading, sounding out” is contained in a lacuna but Orlandi’s restoration is certain.

150 WRITING IN GRAECO-ROMAN SCHOOLS Marrou alludes to a method used to teach reading in Christian schools of medieval type that was different from the traditional one.®? After practicing the letters of the alphabet, stu-

dents learned by heart a Psalm or a passage from the Sacred Scriptures. They were then handed the written text of the work and learned to read it by going over it many times, without

embarking on the practice of the syllabaries. The evidence of the early Byzantine school exercises, however, shows that the method of learning the syllables was not completely discarded but only postponed. A school exercise of the fourth-fifth century AD, 403, shows the work of a novice who, after tracing the letters of the alphabet, attempted to write the beginning of a Psalm when he was not ready for a continuous text.°* There is no way to tell whether he was writing from memory—following a method analogous to the one described by Marrou for reading—or whether he was copying. The occasional nonsense he wrote shows that he did it without understanding much of it. The existence of the pedagogic practice of exposing students to lots of copying before teaching them how to read has implications for the question of silent writing and reading in antiquity. Joseph Balogh in his well-known article of 1927 maintained that not only reading but also writing was as a rule done aloud in antiquity.® This aspect of the problem is usually overlooked. Although Balogh purports to refer to writing in general, at every level, he cites evidence that mainly refers to writing as an act of composition. Moreover, Balogh recognizes that

only later on, in medieval monasteries, was writing done in silence, because it consisted mainly of copying.®© But, as was shown, copying was an important school activity at the very beginning for the ancient student, and there are no indications that it was done aloud. The practice of introducing students to writing by assigning them texts to copy also has implications for reading and silent reading. It is an educational approach that placed emphasis on larger units at the beginning. Even though students often failed to recognize the units as words, since to them they were only strings of discrete letters, nevertheless it is likely that at

least some students who continued to copy simple maxims whose meaning was explained started associating meaning and words. It was an initial form of reading that was not yet associated with pronouncing every syllable aloud. There is no reason to think that it was done aloud, at least at this very elementary stage. Copying blindly from partly unintelligible models was not exclusively the work of beginners in school. In the real world some people resorted to the same method just to cope with circumstances. The example of Petaus is well known.°” He was town clerk (xwpoypappareic) of Ptolemais Hormou and other small villages at the end of the second century AD. The signature that he appends to a few documents is written in an “alphabetic hand” with rigid, multistroke letters of varying size. A sheet of papyrus, moreover, contains his repeated attempts to 63See Marrou 1975, II 160. 64Sce the third hand, “zero-grade,” of 403. ®5See Balogh 1927. On the question of silent reading and reading aloud, see G.L. Hendrickson, “Ancient

Reading,” CJ 25 (1929) 182-96; W.P. Clark, “Ancient Reading,” CJ 26 (1931) 698-700; Knox 1968; Dirk M. Schenkeveld, “Prose usages of AKOTEIN ‘to read’” CQ 42 (1992) 129-41; Svenbro 1993; cf. p. 93, note 172. 66See Balogh 1927, 233. On silent reading in the Middle Ages, see Paul Saenger, “Silent Reading: Its Impact on Late Medieval Script and Society,” Viator 13 (1982) 367-414. 670n Petaus, see Herbert C. Youtie, “Pétaus, fils de Pétaus, ou le scribe qui ne savait pas écrire,” CdE 41 (1966) 127-43 = Scriptiunculae I] 677-95; Youtie 1971a, 629-33; E.G. Turner, The Papyrologist at Work (Durham 1973) 36-47; Hanson 1991, 171-74.

LEARNING TO WRITE [51 reproduce his signature, his title, and a verb, “I have submitted”—that is, the formulaic expression he used to sign documents in his official capacity.°* The papyrus shows that at the fifth attempt Petaus omitted the initial vowel of the verb and from that time on he continued to leave the vowel out, writing the formula another seven times. He could not reproduce the formula correctly by heart, but constantly needed to have a model in front of his eyes, and in writing each line he copied the line immediately above. Petaus’ cover for his severely limited ability as a writer is interesting because it indicates that he used his knowledge of the codes of the literate population to pass himself off as literate. He knew where and how to sign and was thus able to cope with the demands of his office since he could probably rely on professional scribes in his employ. Petaus as an adult walked the same path as students who moved from barely wielding a pen to reproducing the letters of the alphabet, from clumsy copying to skillful copying, from blind writing to partial comprehension of the written word, from the ability to reproduce a text from dictation to drafting their own text. Although he could pass himself out of the category of “those who did not know letters,” he had just started to walk the path of literacy. His performance is curiously similar to that of many students: thus, the two students who write on tablet 136 copy a text letter by letter with varying degrees of success. The less able student of side B, an “alphabetic hand,” is able to avoid Petaus’ mistakes because he proceeds with total regularity as if he had divided the tablet into squares that could contain each letter. The student of side A, whose hand is more skillful, omits or distorts many words he copies, because he tries to reproduce blindly the text of the line immediately above. His copy deteriorates markedly as he proceeds down the tablet. These students were not able to read, as Petaus was not properly reading the formula he was reproducing. Their mechanical way of copying and their inability to correct themselves once they make a mistake speak against it. Youtie believed that Petaus was unable to read, and that slow writers, who were only nominally literate, generally could not read.©? To this end he produced the example of a papyrus in which a slow-writer who adds a subscription in tortured letters is described as unable to read.’ One must remember, on the other hand, that there are varying degrees of competence in reading as in writing: reading ability can range from the recognition of one or more words to the comprehension of a whole text. Petaus himself was able to recognize and read his name, since he corrected himself when he misspelled it at the ninth try./! The learning process of students in school and of people who took advantage of life’s circumstances to obtain something of an education were not identical.’2 Once school was left behind, and people had to respond to the demands of a society that relied on the written word, an initial and much needed form of reading consisted of the ability to verify the format 68See P. Petaus 121.

6°See Youtie 1971a, 254. Contra, Harris 1989, 278, who thinks that is very possible that Petaus was able to

rene See P.Lond. II 1164k. See P. Petaus 121.9. 72Corbier 1991, 107, who argues for a precedence of writing with respect to reading, noted however that Hermeros, who in Petronius Satyricon 58.7 declares that he knows lapidarias litteras, does not boast of being able to write. People like Hermeros learned how to read from inscriptions, signs, posters, and the like. On literacy in the Satyricon, see Nicholas Horsfall, “The Uses of Literacy and the Cena Trimalchionis,” Greece & Rome 36 (1989) 74-89 and 194-209.

152 WRITING IN GRAECO-ROMAN SCHOOLS of a document and understand that it was the correct kind of text, or to recognize one’s signature appearing at the proper place within the document. It is possible that a number of people resorted to these expedients in order to defend their interests and could thus be regarded as readers in the narrowest possible definition of the word.” Since most individuals in Graeco-Roman Egypt had access to education only for a few years, teaching was structured to make them functional members of the society, once they reached the adult stage. A minimal level of direct involvement in a culture that was thoroughly penetrated by the written word was represented by the ability to sign one’s name and reproduce a subscription. When teachers stressed penmanship among students, assigning them writing practice at a very early stage, they intended to take best advantage of the time at their disposal to make them part of the class of those who “did know letters.” Thus basic copying skills and the ability to produce a signature were probably considered more desirable in the first place than the ability to read properly, especially when balanced against the time and effort needed to produce such result.

The student Aurelius Antonios, son of Nemesion, lived in the middle of the fourth century AD, and the notebook (395) he used in a later stage of his studies has been preserved. After learning his letters, Aurelius Antonios probably wrote an endless series of alphabets,

sometimes in backward order or skipping a letter in between. From the beginning he had become accustomed to using a waxed tablet: he was probably fortunate enough to own one. At first the teacher allowed him to trace huge characters, identical to the ones on the model, but he was soon told that he should gradually reduce their size and that eventually, as an advanced

student, he would feel at ease writing small and quick letters. Very soon he had learned to write his name: his letters may have resembled the signature of his father, if the latter had not remained in school for long. Antonios’ teacher frequently encouraged him to write attractive and regular characters and, as soon as he had learned his alphabet, gave him harder models to copy, with sentences or verses that the teacher read to him, because he could not yet read them himself. Writing a syllabary was the next task: Aurelius Antonios held his piece of papyrus or a big sherd on his lap. Even if he sat in the shade of a big tree with his classmates, the air was still and burning, and the consonants were too many. It was easy to forget a series, even if the teacher insisted that they had to be accurate and that the moment had come to learn how to read and write properly. To this purpose the teacher wrote for Antonios a series of names divided into syllables and asked him to copy passages that were longer and harder than before. It is at this point in his academic career that Aurelius Antonios is known: his name appears on the first line of each tablet of his notebook. He was still learning to read and write well, but his hand was already quite developed, and his teacher had asked him to copy a model in a formal round hand. He copied a sententia of Isocrates several times, each time beautifully. His letters were still large, and his hand proceeded slowly and cautiously, as at the beginning, but finally these were kala grammata.

73Hanson 1991, 179-81, argues that there were more readers than writers among the adult population of Graeco-Roman Egypt, and she may be right. There is now no way, however, to test the reading ability among adults, while the samples of writing left by the slow-writers attest that they performed as writers at this minimal level of ability.

Conclusion

EluTUX@>o TH

E|XovTt KaL TH

QvlayiyvooKovTt

uar|rov 68 TH volovvtt

writes a student at the end of his notebook.! His hand is fairly fluent, approaching an advanced hand. This formal conclusion imitates the colophons that scribes often appended to literary papyri: lucky was the student who owned the notebook and could read it, especially if he understood it. It is hard to say whether this student was lucky enough to be able to read his own words. In the notebook the exercises seem especially geared to teach reading and were written according to progressive difficulty. Perhaps this student was able to go through the lists of words, the gnomai and the chreiai with relative ease, but at the end he was in trouble with the prologue to Babrius’ Fables and like Cottalos let his syllables fall away drop by drop, as if from a sieve (€x Tetpnpévnc).> Judging from the mistakes he made copying the piece (especially diAov airi¢ instead of ¢iAw vadbry), at this point he had some trouble understanding. Undoubtedly, though, this student was lucky because he had acquired an almost fluent hand after lots of practicing and possessed a papyrus booklet he had written himself. The handwriting of the student who owned this notebook displays the confidence he had developed after much copying. Although it is likely that his letters had evolved considerably from the days of his initial struggle with writing, comparison with exercises of mere beginners shows that he maintained the characteristics of the script that he had originally learned. As teachers’ models also show, students learned a slightly ligatured script that evidenced all the constituent strokes of each letter. This is the foundation or basic script that appears in the writing samples of students, semiliterates, and individuals who occasionally used writing. This basic script could evolve in different directions with frequent use or following the dictates of a formal style. Some of the school exercises display the process by which students, departing from a basic script that was in the background, learned to imitate more formal “book hands.” Thus in notebook 395 the performance of the student in a formal style is accompanied by a signature and date written in a more basic hand, and in 381 the student, who is making every effort to maintain the regularity of a formal script, gives up altogether in the second tablet, reverting to less disciplined writing. It is useful to compare procedures followed to learn different scripts in the high Middle Ages. While in antiquity the processes of teaching and imitaSee 393: “Good luck to whoever owns it, reads it, and especially to whoever understands it.” 2Cf. especially P.Ryl. 158 204-206, the end of Demosthenes De Corona, which was copied as an exercise by a very proficient apprentice scribe. See also in Gehl (1989) 396-97, the many colophons expressing pride of ownership at the end of Latin readers copied by children in fourteenth-century Florence. 3See Herodas’ Didask. 33.

154 CONCLUSION tion in learning a script are inextricably related, it is possible to make a distinction between medieval “taught scripts,” which originated through a process of learning, from a writing master, hands that were currently in use, and “imitated scripts,” which developed by the direct imitation of models of ancient scripts that were not in use any more.’ In any case, as in Graeco-Roman Egypt, so also in the Middle Ages, all scripts took as their point of departure foundation or elementary scripts learned in schools which were then used as a basis for more elaborate scripts. The evidence of the school exercises of Graeco-Roman Egypt shows the importance of copying at initial levels of education. Copying was fundamental in ancient schools not only to

learn a script but also so that students could make their own books. Together with copying, memorization played a very important role in ancient education. According to the traditional

rhetorical division, verbatim memory was distinguished from general recall: there was a memory of things (memoria rerum) and a memory of words (memoria verborum).> Quintilian had doubts about the use of mnemonics for the orator who had to learn a text by heart: it was preferable to memorize a text that had been previously written on a tablet.© Thus Quintilian understood that verbatim memory consisted essentially of writing. Plato in the Phaedrus had leveled a strong critique against writing as an activity harmful to memory, since the mind quickly forgot a text that had been consigned to writing.’ Although Quintilian knew and quoted his criticism, he disagreed with Plato and was able to appreciate the different and important functions of both writing and memory in education.® In spite of Plato’s critique, writing and memory had common roots in the eyes of the ancients, as demonstrated by the tradition of the invention of the ars memoriae, attributed to Simonides, who traditionally had also “invented” some letters of the alphabet.? Verbatim memory flourishes in literate societies and is the equivalent of exact copying. Memorization and copying were fundamental in the initial stages of learning.!9 Although in principle, with the advent of writing and the creation of schools, memory could be dispensed with for certain purposes, nevertheless exact recall continued to play a major role. Learning consisted of storing written texts in one’s mind, internalizing them in precise form, and copying their content word by word. School practices in pharaonic Egypt and in Mesopotamia offer suitable comparanda. In ancient Egypt, where there is evidence of schools at the end of the third millennium, reading and writing were learned by copying and memorizing traditional works. A passage was copied phrase by phrase.!! Education used the informal style typical of many craft apprenticeships, with students copying and emulating their master. These activities became even more necessary

as spoken and written language continued to diverge and literate culture was limited to 4See Petrucci 1995, 61-62. The didactic tradition of the latter scripts was interrupted centuries before. SMemory and mnemonics are considered especially by Cicero, Ad Herenn. III 28-40 and De Or. II 350-360; and Quintilian Inst.Or. XI 2, 1-26. On memory and mnemonics, see Blum 1969. SInst.Or. X1 2,32. 7Plato, Phaedrus 275 a, see Desbordes 1990, 82-87. 8Sce Inst.Or. XI 2,9. "See especially Cicero, De Orat. 352-353. Callimachus, fr. 64 Pfeiffer, attributed the invention of mnemonics to Simonides. The various ancient testimonies about Simonides as inventor are reported in Blum 1969, 42 note 21; see also p. 44 on Simonides as the inventor of certain letters. 10See Goody 1987, 234-41. \1§ee Eyre and Baines 1989, 94-95.

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CONCLUSION 155 restricted classes of the elite. Copying was also a fundamental basis of learning in Mesopotamian schools, where an intensive copying activity went on: students copied the same texts

over a period of more than a thousand years.'!* Thus traditional lists of words were painstakingly copied by apprentice scribes even when the language and the script had evolved to such an extent that they were barely understood. }3 The activity of exact copying is fundamental to the transmission of manuscript cultures, and the preeminence of copying continued in Graeco-Roman education. The function of copying in schools has generally been overlooked, and much emphasis has been placed on the role of the syllabic method in reading and writing and on dictation. It may be that dictation was paramount at advanced levels of education, but certainly copying was the principal way to

reproduce texts at elementary and intermediate levels. In this respect the evidence of the teachers’ models also comes into play. Not only did the models represent the main textbooks used for reading, but students relied on them heavily, initially to practice a basic script and later to learn different styles of writing and to copy from them the literary texts they needed to study, thus, making their own books. Stress on good penmanship and on copying was preeminent at initial levels of learning, while systematic attempts to learn reading with the aid of a syllabary were pursued at later Stages: students who started to read already possessed a fairly confident hand. Although scholars who study literacy and writing nowadays usually recognize a distinction between reading and writing as separate ingredients of literacy, sometimes they have claimed a priority of reading with respect to writing in early Christianity as well as in the Middle Ages. Thus R. Lane Fox claims that people employed as Readers in the early Church often could not write. !4 Although two epitaphs attest cases of boys who acted as Readers and died at five years of age without a deep knowledge of letters,!> not only it is still possible that they knew some writing but it is even more likely that either they were cantors,!® or recited the Scriptures by heart. The Carthaginian confessor Aurelius in Cyprian’s Letter 38 was probably in the same situation: he was enrolled as lector, but unable to write personally certificates of forgiveness. Aurelius’ incompetence, moreover, is only a proof that he did not know how to compose in writing. A more complicated scenario must be brought into play in the case of Ammonios, the apparently illiterate lector of the village of Chysis in 304 AD, who appears in P. Oxy. XXXIII 2673. It is more likely that Ammonios was illiterate only in Greek or that he declared himself illiterate for religious reasons,!’ than that he was able to read but totally unable to write. If Ammonios really knew how to read fluently and did not simply recite by heart, he could have at least signed his name and copied the subscription like many other “slow writers” of his time. I2See A. Leo Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia: Portrait of a Dead Civilization (Chicago 1977) 235-49. 13S¢e Nissen, Damerow, and Englund 1993, 106. 14See Lane Fox 1994, 144; He is arguing to extremes the evidence cited by G.W. Clarke, “An Illiterate Lector?” ZPE 57 (1984) 103-104.

ISSee CIL XI 1709 (= ILCV 1277A) and CIL VII453 (=ILCV 1285). See E. Peterson, “Das jugendliche Alter der Lectoren,” Ephemerides Liturgicae 48 (1934) 437-42. lOThese boys, therefore, perhaps did not do the actual reading, which was taken over by higher clergy. About young boys employed as cantors, see Johannes Quasten, Music & Worship in Pagan & Christian Antiquity (Trans. Boniface Ramsey, Washington 1983) 90-91. 17See Colin Roberts, Manuscript, Society, and Belief (London 1979) 65; Eva Wipszycka, “Un lecteur qui ne sait pas écrire ou un chrétien qui ne veut pas se souiller? P.Oxy. XXXII 2673)” ZPE 50 (1983) 117-21.

156 CONCLUSION Although there can be a disparity in the ability to read and write, or a priority in learning one or the other, a complete unbalance between these two constituents of literacy is not very likely in the fourth century AD. In Egypt people lived in constant contact with the written word and had to become familiar with literate modes of thinking and functioning. When they could not operate directly in the

literate world, they relied on the help of others, not only professional scribes but also a network of family and friends who could write a whole document or at least reproduce a subscription. When people could perform directly even at a minimal level of competence they usually chose to do so. With an undeniable sense of pride they wrote their signatures and copied subscriptions as direct responders to the codes of the literate population. Penmanship immediately demonstrated schooling and marked the “slow writer” as “once schooled,” at least through a beginner level. Handwriting pointed to the probable length of such schooling and demonstrated whether or not it extended to the point when copying began to mesh with some degree of comprehension. In Graeco-Roman Egypt sometimes people wrote their own letters. Although it was very common to dictate a letter to a scribe or to one’s Secretary, literate people cared to add personal greetings even if they had to display disjointed hands with a limited degree of expertise. In Plautus’ Pseudolus the letter written by the courtesan Phoenicium exhibits such handwriting,

with “letters that climb on top of each other” (alia aliam scandit), hen’s scratches in the opinion of Pseudolus (habent quas gallinae manus? Nam has quidem gallina scripsit).'* Not only had Phoenicium written her name at full length on the tablet, but she had written the whole text herself. At Vindolanda at the close of the first and beginning of the second century AD the letter of Claudia Severa was written by a scribe, but then showed in the closure Severa’s own handwriting, as clumsy as Phoenicium’s.!? Aurelia Charite, a woman living in Hermopolis in the early fourth century AD, resembles Phoenicium in that she could write in a variety of situations, being able not only to copy but also to draft a whole text.2° Her hand is not very inexperienced, but it displays the lack of fluency and the unevenness of people for whom writing was not a frequent occupation. In the Graeco-Roman world people did not mind engaging in this activity occasionally, even when the results of their efforts were far from perfect. It is useful to compare the different situation in early medieval civilization in order to fully understand the significance of writing in Graeco-Roman Egypt. Medieval attitudes to literacy differed in a variety of ways from the literate mentality of Graeco-Roman Egypt. In early medieval England writing with a practical function was very rare.2! As in Roman Judea, where writing in Hebrew was much less common than reading because it was confined to the specialized task of producing religious texts,2* the skills of the early medieval scribes were primarily applied to acts of worship. The aim was to produce liturgical works: lots of time and ability were dedicated to creating impersonal book scripts and illuminations. Books of imposing size

with lavish miniatures were to be displayed or read aloud in monasteries. When after the 18sce Plautus, Pseud. 28-29: “Have hens got any hands? For surely it was a hen that wrote this.” 19Sce Bowman 1994, 124. 20See P. Charite 27 and 36. Cf. p. 15 and note 23. 21Clanchy 1993, intends to show the gradual growth of literacy for practical purposes in medieval England. 22See M.D. Goodman, “Texts, scribes and power in Roman Judaea,” in Bowman and Woolf 1994, 99-100.

CONCLUSION 157 twelfth century religious books started to become smaller, they were still works of art, and writing was considered an art in itself. In early medieval England there was a distrust for the written word that is not unlike the suspicion manifested by Socrates in the Phaedrus. It was preferable to depend on memory rather than on a written text. Documentary proof was not considered better than existing methods that relied on memory and words uttered in oaths and pub-

lic ceremonies. Even literate people in the early Middle Ages, moreover, did not use documents in ways as effective as those used in antiquity to make them valid proofs. Most charters in the twelfth century did not have dates or signatures, and medieval people warranted documents by their seals or a notary’s mark.?3 In twelfth- and thirteenth-century England the personal signature was not accepted as a symbol of authentication. Christians signed with a cross Or using a Seal.

Some continuity, but also much change, characterizes the functions of writing from the late Roman to the Carolingian period. It has been recently argued that Frankish society was far from being illiterate and that the written word was used by the Carolingians not only in the production of religious books, but also in government, administration, and law.*4 Nevertheless, there is almost no evidence that writing was performed by common people. Evidence of private legal transactions involving writing is lacking?> and the names of the witnesses on charters were written by scribes as in medieval England. The ability to read and the ability to write were not coupled in early medieval civilization. Writing was a skill that was left to a small class of scribes and clerical workers. Even when writing did not aim at magnificent standards with the production of lavish books of devotion, it was regarded as a manual task that was left to professionals, who aimed to make it as uniform and impersonal as possible. Writing was one of the manual and visual arts. It was a necessary activity, but it was not practiced or learned by common people. Reading consisted mainly of going over the sacred Scriptures and the related illuminations many times, at different levels of understanding and appreciation. Reading was not usually coupled with writing, but with dictation. Writing and composing were completely different skills. Although dictation was widely practiced, writing was considered a specialized skill. In medieval times a letter was “written” in the sense of “composed” and then dictated without the author doing any material writing. In early medieval civilization the common distrust of writing as a personal skill was also involved with the difficulties inherent in the act of writing, since, especially in the West, the reed pen was superseded by the quill.2° Putting a quill to parchment became an art in itself.

Medieval writing techniques were intimidating to the inexperienced, and mastering them became the exclusive task of specialized groups: monks using mostly book hands and local scribes employing more cursive scripts. Although the average medieval reader probably learned during youth to trace the letters of the alphabet with a stylus on a tablet, he completely refrained from using writing in later life and relied on professionals.

By contrast, the more confident attitude toward writing in Graeco-Roman times depended on the fact that students and common people took advantage of what was available in

23See Clanchy 1993, 294. 24Rosamond McKitterick, The Carolingians and the Written Word (Cambridge 1989).

25 Almost all the surviving charters are either royal diplomas or charters relating to a particular institution, such as a monastery. 26See Bischoff 1990, 18-19.

158 CONCLUSION terms of writing materials. Papyrus was not only used to inscribe books and documents: pieces of limited size were employed for personal letters, and smaller, irregular pieces that had been discarded functioned as modern scrap paper for notes or schoolwork. While students frequently relied on sherds for exercises of limited length, common people also used ostraca for specific purposes or when papyrus was not available. Although the backs of pieces of papyrus, ostraca, and tablets are writing materials traditionally associated with school contexts, and although all

were used in education, students did not employ the various materials indiscriminately. Materials were selected according to the kind of writing a student was required to do and the proficiency of the exercise. As a student progressed, he gained access to different materials and was exposed to a variety of them in the course of his academic career. It was probably this early school exposure to writing on materials of various kind that determined the familiarity with different materials that people showed in their later years and the casualness with which they used them. Even though in Graeco-Roman Egypt students learned very early that writing had to be a thing of beauty and were taught to care about the presentation and ornamentation of their exercises, aesthetic preoccupations did not prove impediments. Teachers themselves wrote the books that offered special assistance to beginners and that were used for reading in the early years. These models also served as exemplars for learning and improving writing skills. From the first days of their schooling students were encouraged to write and imitate teachers’ models that displayed fluency and attractive regularity. Teachers’ hands looked their best on tablets: slow, graceful, and almost easy to imitate, with an exemplary clarity and smoothness. It does not seem, however, that the superior quality of teachers’ scripts intimidated students to a great extent or radically conditioned their performances. Students copied the models with a certain easy and careless attitude. It is no wonder that Aurelia Charite in adult life—and many other people with her—did not show any self-consciousness in appending their signatures and subscriptions to documents written by scribal pens that flowed on papyrus much more swiftly than did theirs.27 In the Graeco-Roman world education was paramount in promoting not only the writing

skills of a class of people embarking on highly rewarding public careers and on specialized professions but also the more limited competence in writing that was needed to care for one’s

interests in everyday life. Students were exposed to writing in their first school days and acquired through education that attitude of trust toward writing that they were going to maintain in their adult years. Even though only a small minority continued in their academic careers and learned to master the complexities of writing, such as composing and authoring a text, the early stages of education to which more people were exposed were fundamental in creating a literate mentality. In early medieval Europe, on the other hand, classical education was more and more isolated and the financial advantages it had once promoted became questionable, if not illusory. At that time even the average elite parents ceased believing in the necessity of shouldering education’s financial burden. As “bureaucrats became warrior aristocrats”2® and Opportunities for secular careers became rare,*? students’ skills were no longer recognized as 27See, e.g., P.Charite 8. 28See Peter Heather, “Literacy and Power in the Migration Period,” in Bowman and Woolf 1994, 196. 29 About traditional culture yielding to Christianity, see Kaster 1988, 70-95.

CONCLUSION 159 the key to advancement in the imperial administration. When in medieval Europe traditional education and much of its substance became less highly regarded and ceased to be a powerful motivation, all the familiar institutions of the traditional culture lost their customers, and writing at every level—from copying to composing—lost its promoters.

Appendix I

List of Teachers

Teachers Named in School Exercises I will consider first the only two teachers we get to know by name in the school exercises.

(1) 244 [II Bc Memphis]: After copying the last piece of his personal anthology, Apollonios, the son of Glaukias, describes the texts as “the lessons of Ariston, the philosopher,” (Apiorwy did6o0go0c, pabjpara.)! Ariston may have been a real teacher who went up to the Serapeum to give regular lessons to the boy or he may have been just a learned friend who helped him occasionally.

(2) 160 [V AD Antinoopolis]: Underneath the model of a maxim a teacher writes his own name, PAaiioc KéAdovboc son of "lodxioc. We do not know of any elementary school teacher who possessed the Flaviate, although some grammarians did.* The student, however, was certainly a beginner, and the exercise itself is very elementary.

Tlatéayuryot The references from here on are to teachers known from documents and letters, starting from noudaryuryoi.2 They are usually thought to have been children’s attendants.

(1) P.Lond. Vil 2042.11 [III Bc]: Fragmentary letter of an Alexandrian employee of Apollonios regarding money he had deposited with a third party for the use of a younger brother. The name of the tavdaywydc, LTipaé, appears without further information. (2) P.Tebt. 1112 vi [112 BC]: ‘Eopiac watda(ywydc¢?) is mentioned in an account. (3) P. Oxy. L 3555.13-15 [I-II AD]: the woman Evxcéprov is mentioned in a petition; she was the attendant of a young slave girl (tada@ywyotans avTHv) who was on her way to a lesson in music and other skills when she had an accident.

(4) O.Edfu 1 150 [October 24 104 AD]: Kuzpaitc mad(aywydc?) of Antipater pays the Jewish tax in Apollinopolis. The term, however, is abbreviated and perhaps could be expanded as waudcptov, since slaves also had to pay the tax.

(5) P. Oxy. VI 930.17.19-20.27-28 [II-III AD]: Letter to Ptolemaios from his mother, who is concerned because his xaxyyn7jc has departed. The instructor in question spoke to

INote, however, the nominative instead of the genitive. K. Gaiser, “Ein Lob Athens in der Komodie,” Gymnasium 75 (1968) 205-206, thinks that perhaps Apollonios meant to say: “for lovers of wisdom the best thing is learning.”

2See above pp. 14-15 and 22. 3] am not including SB VI 9050, col. IV.10, since the term appears in a comparison and does not refer to a historical person.

162 APPENDIX 1 her very well of the youngster’s pedagogue, the slave “Eow¢, (Euapriper 6&8 TOAAG TeEpi Tov moudayuryod cov.) “Now, my son,” says the mother, “I urge both you and your pedagogue to take care that you go to a suitable xa@nyn7ic.”

(6) Stud. Pal. XX 85.11v [320-21 AD]:4+ Payment of 8 talents to a pedagogue named *AxtAAedc, for six months. It is unclear to what transaction it referred.

(7) PSI VII 809.8 [IV-V AD]: Payment to a pedagogue named Makarios, probably for the dyeing of a cloak.

TpapparodtdaoKnador They were traditionally the elementary school instructors. The first two references are somewhat unclear.

(1) P.Ryl. IV 572.1.10 [II Bc]: Instructions regarding the selection of scribes (called yeapparobidcaxadot), Who were permitted to draw up Demotic contracts. They were perhaps scribes’ teachers or regular elementary teachers who performed some scribal functions.

(2) BGU VI 1214.4 [II Bc]: Related to the previous papyrus. The text concerns the transmission of the list of scribes.

(3) SB Tl 7268.4 [I AD]: Private letter written in Heracleopolis from Sarapion to a friend, Ptolemaios, whom he has left in the Arsinoite. Sarapion is distressed because he is unable to solve some geometry problems. For the sake of their long friendship he asks Ptolemaios to give the person who will carry the letter a certain xa&prn, which will help in the problems’ solution. Sarapion will be extremely grateful to his friend. The letter is addressed to the yopappatodudacKkadetov of MeXavaopac.

(4) SB I 680 [108 AD]: Inscription in which the schoolteacher Iletevedwrnc says that he built a wall for the goddess Leto out of piety.

(5) P.Mert. UI 113.8 [II Ap]: Private letter to Lucia. The letter, which is fragmentary, seems to consist only of a list of goods, which were sent by different people. A teacher is also sending something, but we do not know what.

(6) P.Oxy. XXIV 2421.2.48 [ca. 312-323]:> Account of payments in kind. The schoolmaster Sarapion receives some wheat and barley, the cash value of which is indicated. Neither the period covered nor the purpose of the account is included.® (7) Stud. Pal. XX 117.18 [411 AD]: The schoolmaster AvojdAtoc Ovpcevoidioc wrote a subscription in a sale contract for someone who did not know how to write.

(8) P.Oxy. LVII 3952.11-12, 40, 54 [before 29 August 610]: the teacher of the South School (rod Notivov Lxodiov), son of the late Justus, acts as guarantor in a steward’s work contract.

4Dated by Bagnall 1985, 15 note 10. 5For the date see Bagnall 1985, 57. References (6) and (7) are included by Kaster 1988, in the Prosopography, as nos. 133 and 112.

APPENDIX 1 163 Xaparddaokadot This term appears only in a late tax codex from Hermopolis.

(1) P.Sorb. I 69 [VII AD]: the schoolmaster Gennadios is listed as intermediary for his wife in 58.37 and pays directly in 84 E 12.

(2) P.Sorb. Il 69 [VII AD]: in 93.3 the schoolmaster Kollouthos is listed as intermediary. He is also mentioned in BM 1077, f.i.31 and iii. 13 and 30. AtédaoKanhot

Before listing the references, it is necessary to remark that the term dsdd@oKxadoc is widely used in documentary papyri,’ and that only certain kinds of references will be considered. It is necessary to evaluate the appearance of the term in the various documents to see whether, when used alone and without further specifications, it refers to someone giving an education in ypdppara. On two occasions (SB VIII 10113.3 and BGU XIV 2430.1) di6c&oKxadoc is used together with words that help define it, and it does not refer to school.* The word is also used directly in some of the contracts of apprenticeship (apprenticeship will not be considered here, because the teaching involved different arts and occupations). Sometimes in the contracts the student-master relationship is only implied by terms such as padetv, uckOnoc, or éxdtdcoxery. In 16 contracts out of 21, the situation is one of the following: either the word d6coxadoc is not used directly or it is

accompanied by a defining term, such as yépduo¢ (weaver), xaAxdtumoc¢ (Coppersmith), xtevioTnc (wool carder or hairdresser).? In P.Lond. VII 2017 (which is not included) the word didcoKadoc is used by itself even though it probably refers to a teacher in the nOapwdtxy TéxvN.

Here, however, the term is not employed as a title, but rather to express a relationship (6 didcoKaddc pov). Only in two apprenticeship contracts, P.Mich. III 170.10 and P.Mich. III 172.12, both concerning the yepduaxn Téxvn, does dtdchoaKxadoc seem to be used as a title without a further specifying term. It therefore seems safe to conclude that, when dué6c@oxadoc is employed

as a title by itself, it usually refers to a teacher involved in formal education. I do not list here two papyri, P.Ant. III 156 and P.Cair.Masp. 1 67089 recto B.7, where the word dddoxadoc is either unclear or does not seem to refer to a real person.!° We should notice, moreover, that in a few instances (all included in the references) the term d:6a@oxaXoc appears in an abbreviated form as d€oxadoc or deoxcAn.!! A further difficulty is created by a few documents appearing in 7A list of all the references to duséoxedoc in papyri appears in CPR XIII, Einleitung D, pp. 65-68.

8In the first papyrus the word refers to a military officer who had the honorific title of d:ddé0xadoc 700 Baowéweo Tay TaxTiKav. In BGU XIV 2430.1 it refers to someone in charge of wine (7o7#puov) in a religious association, which had its own wine and a specific person to mix it.

7In two contracts, P.Tebt. Il 442 and SB XII 10946, the word appears alone, but the documents are fragmentary. The exact meaning of x7evoT%H¢ is unclear, see P.Oxy. XLI 2977.

10The front of the first papyrus is written in a good scribal hand. The small fragment shows only five lines of writing and in the last one can read Jw dudaoxedAy. We do not know if we are dealing with an apprenticeship contract or not. Since the elaborate hand does not resemble a teacher’s hand, the fact that a school exercise—299, written in a different, clumsy hand—appears on the back is not very indicative. P.Cair.Masp. 1 67089 r.B.7 is the draft of a petition addressed to an official. Here 6:6&@o0xaAog is used in a sentence that seems to be a proverb: “one is a teacher to oneself,” therefore he learns his lesson. L1Cf, pp. 23-24.

164 APPENDIX 1 the list in which the word d:d&éo0xaAoc, used without further indications, seems to designate someone acting in the capacity of scribe or notary.!?

(1) P.Cair.Zen. 1 59098 [257 or 256 BC]: Fragmentary letter of Hierocles to Zenon (?). It regards the education of Pyrrhos,!? who is going to be sent to another didcoxaAoc.

(2) Pap.Lugd. Bat. XX 20.9 [May 1, 252 Bc]: Loan of money by Zenon to Asklepiades, which is an advance of the rent Zenon owes the cleruch. *Ap[......]n¢o dt6a@aKxado¢ wrote the document. He was acting as scribe.

(3) P.Mich. 1 77.5 [Ill Bc]: Letter with a distinctly literary flavor from Apollonios to Zenon concerning a slave (mawd&ptov) who was introduced to him by ®iAwy drdcoxadocg and

whom Zenon had found older than he expected: “if in years he exceeds your expectations, until (as the saying goes) he has grey hairs and the rest, you can have nothing to reproach him with.”

(4-5-6) CPR XIII 1.12 and 18, 2.13 [III Bc]: Among the 331 residents of the village of Trikomia (in the Qepiorov Mepic) three teachers are exempt from the salt tax of one drachma. The same teachers are also exempt from the obolos tax, which women did not have to pay.

(7-8-9) CPR XIII 2.30 [III Bc]: Of the 322 citizens of Lagis (also in the Qepiorov Mepic) three are teachers. Two of these did not have to pay the salt tax. In cases of exemption, only the males in the household were exempt (v76Aoyor) and the people were listed by families. One “teacher,” therefore, was a woman, perhaps the wife of a real teacher.

(10) P.Tebt. IV 1139 col. VII.92 [113 Bc]: List of names of Crown tenants (GaoXcxoi yewpyot), followed by amounts due. Among them the teacher ‘Apydoi¢ son of “Appivotc.

(11) UPZ178.9-14 [Memphis II Bc]: Letter of Ptolemaios reporting two dreams. In the first Ptolemaios finds his friends, the twin daugthers of Nephoris, in the school of the teacher Tothes, év 7 d:6aoxadAjw Tod TobA70¢, who brings the twins out to him. (12) BGU X 1992 fr. B.7 [II BC]: a ds6c&o0Kadoc pays a certain amount in an account.

(13) SBI 4099.5!4 [II-I Bc]: Inscription on a column of the temple of Isis on the island of Philae, with the dedication to the goddess (apooxtvnua) made by Korax for his teacher KaBat&c, the teacher’s son, and his own son. For this act of adoration Korax probably expected wealth and health for these people, who were thus put under the god’s protection. The following inscription (Bernand 1969, 294-95, No. 49) was probably made 12See below Nos. (2), (18), (19), (26) and (29). References (14), (17), (21), (31), and P.Berl.Bork. 1.18, part of (28), were not mentioned in the list of CPR XIII, pp. 65-68. The following references correspond to entries in the Prosopography of Kaster 1988: (17) = Kaster 243, (18) = 228, (19) = 278, (27) = 214, (25) = 277, (26) = 248, (29) = 260+279, (30) = 187, (28) = 198, (31) = 267, (34) = 280. \3See also P. Cair.Zen. 1 59060 and 59061, which concern the physical training and the education in yedéppara of this young slave who was protected by Zenon. 14Ftienne Bernand, Les Inscriptions grecques de Philae. I. Epoque Ptolémaique (Paris 1969) 291-94, No. 48.

APPENDIX 1 165 by the teacher himself, who inscribed his act of adoration to Isis for his wife and somebody else next to the mpooxtvnya of his old pupil.

(14) P.Mich. II 123 recto col. xxi.9 [45-47 AD]: grapheion register of Tebtunis with amounts paid by different people for the writing of different kinds of documents. Lapamidc 5éaxadoc paid 4 drachmae. The teacher is one of a list of 12 names under vxopynpatwv évxuxdiov. The fees paid are for the grammatika (writer’s fees) and not for encyclic taxes. The “notations” may have concerned the éyxtxdov tax, and they were drawn up in the grapheion. (15) P.Mich. VII 464 [Karanis 99AD]: Private letter of Apollonous to Terentianos (probably her husband), who is a soldier in service. Among other things she says that the children are well and regularly see a teacher, deoxcAny. (16) BGU I 332 [II-III AD]: Private letter found in the Fayum, written by a mother, Sarapias, to her children. At the end she says that several people greet them and among them is mentioned "A@nvaic 4 d€axadoc.

(17) C.Etig.Mom. 900 [256 AD, Panopolis?]: Mummy label of five-year-old Tamouthes, daughter of the schoolteacher Ilavioxoc.

(18) P.Cair Isid. 3.41 and 4.21 [Karanis 299 AD]: Two declarations of land situated in different parts of Karanis and addressed to the censitor by Aurelius [sidoros and his mother. Both documents were drawn up before the dudaoaxaXdog Avpr\toc “Howdnc, who was acting as notary.

(19) P.Cair Isid. 5.45 = SB V 7672.20 [Karanis 299 AD]: Declarations of land made by Aurelius Isidoros and drawn up before a schoolmaster (called apeof8trepoc, “the elder”). This is probably not the same teacher as in the preceding text, because the land lay in different parts of Karanis. Probably the same man, Aurelius... the elder, appears as signatory in P.NYU I 1.15, a copy of a declaration of land.

(20) P.Leipz. 11.12 [Memphis III AD]: The teacher Antisthenes is mentioned as having a Slave.

(21) P.Oxy. XXXI 2595 [III AD]: Private letter of Origenes to Serenos, inviting him to visit

for a few days. At the end Origenes greets members of the family and also rip d€aKadov.

(22-23) SB Ill 6262 [III AD]: Private letter from Thonis to his father. Thonis, who is studying in a different town, urges his father to visit him to see if his éu6a@oxaXdoc pays him adequate attention. Also, the teacher is asking when the father will come. “Come quickly,” says

Thonis, “so that he can start teaching me, as he is willing to do. If you had come together with me I would have received my education already a long time ago. When you come, remember what I wrote to you often. Come quickly then, before (the teacher) leaves for Upper Egypt.” In the closing Thonis, after greeting members of his family, greets his old teachers, totc¢ dudaoxcdous pov.

166 APPENDIX 1 (24) O.Wilck. II 1188.7!5 [Roman]: An account with a list of names followed by unspecified amounts. Among them ’Aptepidwpoc dudcoxadoc. (25) P.Oxy. XXIV 2425 11.16 [III-IV AD]: Private account, 7@ didaoxddAw «8. No further specifications.

(26) P.Ryl. IV 656.23 = P.Sakaon 3 [Philoteris, Arsinoite 300 AD]: Declaration of land addressed to the censitor made by Aurelios Kamoutis and signed by the ddc@o0xadoc Adbpnrtoc TlXovtiwv.

(27) SB VIII 9902 = PBerlBork. A II.2 and 14 [Panopolis early IV AD]: Topographical list of properties. Two houses are registered, one belonging to the daughter-in-law, and the other to the sons of Eirtuxc¢ the teacher, who was probably dead by that time. (28) P.Berl.Bork. 1.18 and SB XII 10981.25 [Panopolis early [IV AD]: Two documents that almost certainly both concern the teacher K&Bprac.'© The first is a topographical listing of properties drawn up at the beginning of the century. A house appears to be the joint possession of the sons and brothers of the teacher, who at the time was probably dead. In the second, a contemporary list of properties, the teacher’s wife (i.e., widow) appears as the owner of some land.

(29) SB VI 9191.24 = SB VI 9270.40 (two different readings) [337 AD]: Loan agreement written in the Arsinoite. A teacher acted as notary.

(30) P.Ant. Il 93.36-37 [IV AD]: Private letter written by a bridegroom to his future motherin-law concerning wedding preparations. It seems that "Ape@ovotoc, a teacher, had given the gift of a pearl.

(31) P. Berl. Bork. 12.34 [Panopolis IV AD]: Topographical listing of properties. O¢wy the teacher is registered as the owner of a new house. (32-33)SB XIV 11532 [IV AD]: Fragmentary Christian letter addressed to Philoxenos éidcoxadoc and mentioning twice Kuria, 77 dudc@oKadov.

(34) O.Petr. 450.7 [IV AD?]: Account, 7@ dudaoxcdAw 6. The rest is unspecified.

(35) P.Jand. V1 101 [V-VI AD]: Fragmentary Christian letter addressed with warm words to a xvpt pov O&Kane.

(36) P.Grenf. 1 67.2 [VI-VII AD]: In a receipt for 6 and 3/4 xepa7ia the dudcdkaKxadoc of the sons of count Zacharias is mentioned.

(37) P.Lond. IV 1419.87 and 638 [716 AD]: Tax list. Among the subdivisions of the general dnudora there is a piece of land belonging to a teacher (X@poc did6a@oxcdov), which was probably so called after a teacher who originally owned it.

I5The ostracon is not mentioned by Kaster 1988. 16See Robert A. Kaster, “P.Panop. 14.25” ZPE 51 (1983) 132-34.

APPENDIX 1 167 Kadyynrat Private teachers who taught at various levels of education seem to be designated by this name.!’

(1-2-3-4)P. Oxy. XVIII 2190.7-8, 15, 24, 26, 31 [I AD]: Private letter from Neilos to his father.!8 Neilos is studying in a different town with a younger brother and will soon be joined by an even younger brother. He has just dismissed his old xa@1yyn7H¢, Theon, of whom he had formed a bad opinion. He is looking for a tutor (called @sAdAoyoc) and finds it hard to get good lectures and meet clever teachers (aéiov¢ Adyou KabryynTac) who can offer something besides high fees (ua&7nv puobovc wAeiovac Tedetv). There is a shortage of professors (called here oogto7ai). At first he had looked for two xadyynrai,

Chaeremon and Didymos, the son of Aristocles, but with no success. The only one available seems to be a certain Didymos. Some of Neilos’ friends attend Didymos’ lessons, but Neilos considers him inadequate. “If only I had found some decent teachers (xaOnyntai) I would pray never to set eyes on Didymos, even from a distance. I am so distressed because he, who taught in the country, thinks he can compete with the other

teachers (fotev eic otyKptoty Toic &Adolic] Koxeobar obto¢ Oo én Tio xdpac xaOryeiro).” At present Neilos is trying to study by himself and he intends to hear the lecturers (Tv émtdecxvupévewv), “of whom Posidonios is one.”

(5) P. Oxy. LV 3808 [I-II AD]: Private letter. The addressee is urged to supervise the work in the fields and a business matter involving jars. He is invited to report to a teacher, with whom the sender is also in correspondence.

(6-7) P.Giss. 1 80 [II AD]: Private letter written by someone in the circle of the strategus Apol-

lonios. The sender asks the recipient to send the leftover pigeons and birds to the xabyyntic of Heraidous and the leftover food to the xa@ryyn7H¢ of his own daughter, so that he will pay attention to her (@:Aomovyon ei¢ avTHY).

(8) P.Osio Il 156 {II AD]: Private letter. The addressee is Theon, the cadyynrne of a girl, who is paid in kind with a jar of wine or oil and with a basket of grapes.

(9) P.Oxy. VI 930!9 [II-III AD]: Private letter. A mother is anxious because her son’s kabnynTic, Diogenes, has left. She trusted him and had previously asked what the boy was reading and was told he was reading book 6 (of the /liad’?) A new, suitable teacher (xabHKxovrTe KaOryNTH) iS needed.

(10) P.Tebt. 11 591 [II-III AD]: Conclusion of a letter to Maron xa@yyn7Hc from his brother regarding some private affairs and some fodder to be brought.

Toapparixot A list of the grammarians known from the papyri is added for the sake of completeness, although only the first two do not appear in Kaster 1988, Prosopography.*? Among the gram17 doubtful kathegetes is registered in P. Kellis 1 69 no. 53. 18see Rea 1993, 75-88. 19The text was already cited as reference (3) of pedagogue.

20They exceed the chronological limits of his work, which are 253-566 AD. The following references correspond to entries in Kaster 1988, Prosopography: (3) = Kaster 90, (4) = K 150, (5) = K 69, (6) = K68, (7) = K 128, (8) = K 173, (9) = K 17, (10) = K 78, (11) K 174, (13) = K 41, (15) = K 175. About a third of the grammarians appearing in the Prosopography are known from papyri.

168 APPENDIX 1 marians listed here only Asklepiades (9) and Flavius Horapollon (10) are not actually called yooapporikot in the papyri, but are known to have taught at this level in other sources. In the others the term ypappartikéc actually occurs in the papyrus. (1) SB I 5753.3 [Arsinoite I AD]: Painted inscription, “Eppi6vn ypaypaTixhn, on a Mummy portrait of a young woman.

(2) SB I 5808.6 [Arsinoe March 23, 124 AD]: A notification by the grammarian Asklepiades, son of Neilos and grandson of Neilos, who was registered in a quarter of Arsinoe, that he wanted to sell to a certain clothes-dealer a slave he had previously acquired and registered.

(3) P. Oxy. XLVII 3366 [Oxyrhynchos 253-260 AD]: Two drafts of a petition and a letter of Lollianos, dnudorog yoapparTiKéc, elected by the city council of Oxyrhynchos. The three

documents all concern the same problem: Lollianos complains of rarely seeing his salary. “If paid at all, it is in sour wine and worm-eaten grain.” He and his family are in need. He addresses his appeal not to the BovAy, but directly to the emperors. He proposes that the city assign him an orchard, instead of the salary. The unknown addressee of the letter is supposed to secure the success of the petition. The grammarian calls himself a scholar (oxoAa@oTiK6c).2!

(4) P.Lips. 56.6.23 [Hermopolis 398 AD]: Aurelios Theodoros son of Periodos acts as guarantor for his brother. He is called oxoXAaoTtKod Kai ypappaTixod, therefore grammarian and advocate, since oxoAao7iKéc seems to be used here to indicate his occupation.

(5) P.Ross.Georg. V 60 [Hermopolis IV-V AD]: The grammarian Heraclammon is registered as receiving 20 artabae of wheat in an account of payments for six months made to

many people. It is not clear if the payments came from a public or private source or what kind of services were paid.

(6-7) BGU XII 2152 [Hermopolis V AD]: The first of three witnesses to a lease is A(autoc) ‘Ep[... ]@iAov yoal[..]. The editor suggests the restoration ypa[yu(ariKxdc)|. The third witness is the grammarian Flavius Pythiodoros. If the restoration is right, it would be evidence of the presence of two grammarians at the same time in Egypt in a city outside Alexandria.

(8) SB XII 11084 [V Hermopolis ?]: Letter that Victor sends from Hermopolis to Theognostos to ask him to return certain rhetorical books. The slave of “our master the grammarian,” 6 KipLoc 6 ypappaTiKoc, is mentioned as the one who will act as courier. If the slave had been sent from Hermopolis, his master the grammarian might possibly be one of the previous two, (6) or (7).

(9-10) P.Cair.Masp. UI 67295 [end V AD]: Four different documents. In the first (especially lines 15-19), Asklepiades, who is deceased, is said by his son Horapollon to have lived and taught in Alexandria. He is also said to have been linked to his brother by the Muse

21The meaning of this word developed from “scholar” to “lawyer” in Byzantine times, see PSI XIII 1337.2223: oxoAMorTiKdc Kai diAdG0goG.

APPENDIX 1 169 of philosophy. “He dedicated all his life to the Muses, teaching young men the old maudeia.” He was a grammarian or philosopher (or both). His son was Flavius Horapollon, who calls himself (line 1) Aapapédtato¢g and who is known from other sources to have been a grammarian in Alexandria. In line 13 Horapollon says that he had a school in that city, oxoAnv mEepi Tao éxelioe] c&Kadnpiac, where he taught 7Hv dtAdcodoy mroudeiav.*2

(11) PST VIII 891 [V-VI AD]: Account whose purpose and source are not specified, mentioning “one solidus to the grammarian.”

(12) SB 15941 [509 AD]: Extract of a contract on a wooden tablet mentioning the grammarian Flavius, wawdeuTic “EAAnuiKa@v Adywr.

(13) P.Cair.Masp. II 67134, 67135, 67139, Ill 67326, 67327 [Aphrodito init. VI AD]: Series of receipts in which Aurelius (?) Kyros appears, who is probably the same as Aurelius Kyros decurion (mwoNTevdpevoc) of Antaeopolis and perhaps the poet Cyrus of Antaeopolis. In 67326 his heirs refer to him by the phrase 77¢ paxapiacg pynynco Kipov YOO UATLKOD.

(14) P.Miinch. 1 14.29-30, 39 [Syene 15 February 594 AD]: Contract in which the grammarian IIweiwy is mentioned as giving a judgement in writing.

(15) P.Cair.Masp. 1 67077 [Aphrodito VI AD]: A letter to an unknown recipient from an unknown sender who declares that he has spoken about a certain accident to his master, the grammarian, 7@ deoTd6TH MoV TH YOApPpaTLKy.

(16) P.Sorb. 11 69, 115 B 3 [Hermopolis VII AD]: Antoninos, or his son, appears as intermediary in a tax codex.

(17) P.Sorb. 11 69, 48 B 13 and 18: Theophilos is listed twice as intermediary in tax account.

(18) P.Sorb. 11 69, 89 G1 and 91 B 1: Metrodoros is listed as name of tax account. (19) P.Sorb. 1169: A grammarian is listed as intermedary and pays for his wife in 14.11. PyTwo

There is only one mention of a professor of rhetoric:

(1) SB XVII 13758 i.11 [Hermopolis VII AD]: A rhetor is listed as a tax payer. LogouoTat

Sophistai are probably teachers of rhetoric.23 22K aster (1988) 295 concludes that, since Horapollon is known to have been a grammarian by the end of the V century, either he uses the word “philosopher” in the sense of “lover of learning” or he became a philosopher later on. On the family cf. O. Masson, “A propos d’Horapollon, l’auteur des Hieroglyphica,” REG 105 (1992/1) 231-36. 23Cf. references (1-2-3-4) to xaOnynrai.

170 APPENDIX 1 (1) P.Sorb. 11 69 [Hermopolis VII AD]: The sophistes Heliodoros is listed as intermediary in a tax account and appears as paying for his wife in 38 E 9 and for himself in 48 A 7 and 128 B 6.

(2) P.Lond. I 866b [Hermopolis VII AD]: Official letter in which is mentioned the sophistes Theodosios.24

24Sce G.M. Parassoglou, “Nineteen Papyri from the British Library,” Hellenika 38 (1987) 23-45.

Appendix 2

List of Students Appearing in the Exercises

"AtroAAwrtoc (son of TAadbKiac) (I1 BC) 246 (78, 244, 245)

Madpwrv (II-I Bc) 250

“Hoakdnco (II-III AD) 55

"Eradpobitoc (Ill AD) 385 Etruxiéne (son of K&Aotroc) UIT AD) 138

Kapnzttc (Roman) 51 “Avrw@mi(oc) (III-IV AD) 57

Avprnartoc Geddwpoc (son of "AvovGiwy) (April 24, 327 AD) 146, 389

"Appavioc (IV AD) 394 Atpyrtoc “Aniwv (son of “Iwot@mco) (IV AD) 392 Oed6dtAdoc (son Of Maptiptoc) (IV AD) 391 Avpndoc ‘AvtTaviocg (son of Nepeoiwyv) (IV AD) 395

IIlavAoc (IV AD) 398 Avprroc Tlanvotétc (son of ‘IG6t¢) (Memphis, IV AD) 396

Lappatoc (III-V AD) 400 (side 40) “Avovun (III-V AD) 400 (side 41)

Kadduvicog (IV-V AD) 342 ‘loxvpiwy (IV-VI AD) 307 Avpndtoc Beddwpoc (son of ‘lobatoc) (V AD) 308 “Adam “A@avalotoc] (V AD) 12 Makaptoc (son of Lwryp) (VI AD) 23 Océdwooc (Kerkeeris, end VI AD) 408 Ilamvotric (son of LikBcvoc) (end VI AD) 407 (side 49) Liwy (VIL AD) 230 Abpnrtoc [[.e]]AAT[a..]Japwv [[a..Jlawvioc (VIL AD) 229 "Ataxipe (VIIT AD) 40

BLANK PAGE

Catalogue of School Exercises

Introduction The Catalogue mainly lists school exercises—that is, students’ school work, teachers’ models, and teachers’ notes used for preparing classes. An exception was made for four texts inscribed by professional scribes for school use, since the very elementary level of the exercises they contain indicates beyond any doubt that they addressed students.! Exercises written by scribes or apprentice scribes have been considered only when their level is very elementary.” I did not include scribal exercises of higher levels that seemed to presuppose practice in schools specializing in scribal training. Advanced scribal exercises are included in the two volumes of Greek and Coptic school exercises, MPER NS XV and XVIII. The editors of both collections follow a similar principle of inclusion for their collection of school exercises—namely, exercises of every type indicate practice and the will to learn, and are therefore from a school milieu. I have consciously defined the notion of “school,” and therefore “school exercises,” more narrowly, because my intention is to study how writing was taught at the elementary and intermediate levels. Likewise, as a rule I did not consider exercises performed in rhetorical schools. As was said above,’ the Catalogue does not include mathematical and Latin school exercises, and lists Coptic exercises only when they involve a knowledge and practice of the Greek and Coptic letters of the alphabet—that is, exercises geared to the learning of the Coptic script, not the Coptic language. The criteria I employed for the inclusion of exercises in this Catalogue have been mentioned not only in chapter 3, but elsewhere. The arrangement of the exercises in the Catalogue is a chronological ranging of texts within ten different categories of exercises whose difficulty increase from one category to the next.4 The eleventh category are notebooks, the majority of which are composite, with exercises of more than a single type. The entry for each exercise includes the inventory number of the collection where it is preserved, the editio princeps, where it is illustrated*, and the relevant bibliography after the publication of the second edition of the catalogue of Pack.® Also included are the respective numbers in Zalateo’s and Debut’s lists. Provenance and date of the exercise is given as precisely as possible.’ Usually I have maintained the dates of the editio princeps, but I have also specified when I disagree with it. ISee 81, 84, 97, and 120. The professional origin of 295 and 379 is uncertain. 2See above pp. 28-29. 3See pp. 29-30. 4Cf. the distinction of the different levels that is introduced on p. 31 and see pp. 37-55. >Roman numbers in bold characters refer to the plates at the end of this book. ©] did not list articles that only mention the individual exercises. In the bibliographic entry Z and D stand for Zalateo and Debut.

’See on p. 117 the observations about the difficulty in dating school exercises. When a date is given for instance in the form II-III AD, it means that the exercise was written either in the second or in the third century, and no further specifications are possible.

174 CATALOGUE Sometimes accompanying the indication of the material are observations about its quality, the preservation of a given piece when it is noteworthy, its state of completeness, and the size, when it is known.

When the back of a piece has not been written on, this is indicated along with the information about the writing material. Otherwise the content of the exercise is divided between “front” and “back,” when it is possible to determine which part was written first, or “sides” 1 and 2, when no such indication is possible. The rubric “content” contains a brief description of the exercise, the characteristics of its layout and presentation, and a notation of lectional and punctuation signs. It also indicates any dates marked on the exercise, whether the mistakes are particularly numerous or noteworthy, and clues to the origin of a text from copying, dictation, or composition. This rubric occasionally contains some textual corrections.

Palaeographical characteristics come last in the description of each item. They are divided according to hands. Students’ hands are first distinguished by type, using the terminology devised for edch one.’ When necessary, the terms designating each hand are accompanied

by further observations such as remarks on ligatures, speed of execution, and the writing instrument used. Teachers’ hands are usually described at length since, being products of a finished maturation and embodying certain styles, they offer a firmer basis for dating than school hands can provide. The eleven sections in which the Catalogue is divided include the following exercises:

Letters of the Alphabet nos. 1-40

Alphabets nos. 41-77 Syllabaries nos. 78-97 Lists of Words nos. 98-128

Writing Exercises nos. 129-174

Short Passages nos. 175-232 Long Passages nos. 233-324 Scholia Minora nos. 325-343 Compositions, Paraphrases, Summaries nos. 344-357

Grammar Notebooksnos. nos. 358-378 379-412

8See p. 33 and 111-12.

CATALOGUE 175 Letters of the Alphabet 1

Ed.pr.: B. Boyaval, CRIPEL 10 (1982) 108-109 P.Lille inv. 66

Prov.: Ghoran Date: Ptolemaic

Photo: I

Mat.: Cartonnage papyrus, 6 x 15 cm. Cont.: Front: - Perhaps literary. Back: t Two cols. of nu’s, in the second nu is followed by faint traces of letters. Hand: “Alphabetic,” thick-nubbed pen. 2

Ed.pr.: B. Boyaval, CRIPEL 10 (1982) 108-109 P. Lille inv. 110/B

Prov.: Ghoran Date: Ptolemaic Photo: Planche 19

Mat.: Cartonnage papyrus, 8 x 8 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Perhaps mathematical. Back: ? Two cols. of omicron’s, in the second omicron is followed by traces of letters. Hand: “Zero-grade,” with a thick pen. 3

Ed.pr.: B. Boyaval, CRIPEL 10 (1982) 108-109 P.Lille inv. 110/A

Prov.: Ghoran Date : Ptolemaic

Photo: Planche 19

Mat.: Very worn cartonnage papyrus, 7 x 7 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Perhaps mathematical. Back: t Short col. of omicron’s. Hand: “Zero-grade.” 4

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 28 O.Vindob.G. 339

Prov.: Unknown Date: INI-I'V AD Photo: Tafel 6

Mat.: Ostracon, incomplete, 9.3 x 9.5 cm.; other side blank. Cont.: Many letters of the alphabet are practiced in seven lines, with epsilon and eta alone covering about half of the total. Hand: “Alphabetic,” alpha in epigraphic and cursive form, ligatured, epsilon always in cursive form with cross stroke detached and ligatured to the next letter. 5

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 27 O.Vindob.G. 593 Photo: Tafel 6

176 LETTERS OF THE ALPHABET

Prov.: Unknown IV AD (ed.pr.), probably later Mat.: Ostracon, incomplete, 6 x 8 cm.; other side blank. Cont.: Individual letters practiced by two hands. Hand 1: “Zero-grade,” practices capital and cursive letters, trying unsuccessfully to place them between parallel grooves. One large letter is traced underneath in the blank space. Hand 2: “Rapid,” uses finer pen than Hand 1 and traces also some pen trials. 6

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 11 P.Vindob.G. 23624

Prov.: Arsinoite Date: [TV AD Photo: Tafel 2

Mat.: Papyrus, 7.5 x 5 cm.; back blank. Cont.: > A series of beta’s. Hand: Experienced, probably an apprentice scribe. 7

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 14 P.Vindob.G. 15709 Photo: Tafel 4

Prov.: Hermopolite Date: IV-V AD

Mat.: Papyrus strip, 27 x 4.5 cm. Cont.: Front: -> Document and writing by several hands. One hand turns the papyrus to write. A few rows of epsilon’s are practiced by a fourth hand. Back: t Hardly legible, perhaps an exercise. Hand: Fluent, but some letters are drawn incorrectly: probably an apprentice scribe. 8

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 21 P. Vindob.G. 3763

Prov.: Unknown Date: IV-V AD Photo: Tafel 5

Mat.: Scrap of papyrus, 10 x 12.5 cm. Cont.: Front: > Remains of an account. Back: > A row of letters after what is probably a cross. Rest of space unocccupied. Hand: Fluent, probably an apprentice scribe. 9

Ed.pr.: B. Boyaval, CRIPEL 2 (1974) 270-71 T.Louvre MND 552 C Photo: Pap.Flor. XIX Tav. X Bibl.: D 6; Pap.Flor. XIX pp.134-35

Prov.: Unknown Date: V AD Mat.: Fragment of wooden tablet, 35 x 4 x 0.6 cm. Cont.: Rows of identical letters in three cols., practiced on both sides.

Hand: Fluent, even if the letters are not perfect. There is a contrast between thin and thick strokes. Thickenings or roundels at the foot of verticals. Probably an apprentice scribe.

LETTERS OF THE ALPHABET 177 10

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 13 P.Vindob.G. 944 Photo: Tafel 3

Prov.: Heracleopolite Date: V AD Mat.: Papyrus scrap, 4.9 x 11.5 cm. Cont.: Side 1: tf Account. A different hand practices a series of epsilon’s. Side 2: Some epsilon’s, more are written and erased. Hand: Fluent, probably an apprentice scribe. 11

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 16 P.Vindob.G. 7426

Prov.: Unknown Date: V AD Photo: Tafel 4

Mat.: Papyrus scrap, 7.2 x 2.4 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Traces of writing. Back: t A cross and a tau. Then some eta’s were practiced along the fibers, the papyrus being turned 90 degrees. Hand: Moderately fluent, probably an apprentice scribe. 12

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XVIII 98 P.Vindob.K 18271

Prov.: Unknown Date: V AD Photo: Tafel 36

Mat.: Papyrus fragment, 3 x 4.5 cm.; back blank. Cont.: Pupil’s name and some letters (especially epsilon). Hand: “Alphabetic,” with some difficulty of alignment. 13

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 23 P.Vindob.G. 25685

Prov.: Unknown Date: V AD? Photo: Tafel 5

Mat.: Coarse papyrus, 7.5 x 2.7 cm.; back blank. Cont.: > Six letters are practiced at all angles, at random. Underneath there is a drawing, perhaps an animal. Hand: “Zero-grade,” epsilon with cross bar elongated. 14

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 26 P.Vindob.G. 26122

Prov.: Arsinoite Date: V AD? Photo: Tafel 6

Mat.: Papyrus scrap, 8.5 x 8.4 cm.; back blank.

Cont.: — Letters written randomly in two lines; the rest of the sheet is blank. Perhaps originally the whole alphabet was written. Zeta in line 2 has a supralinear stroke (to in-

178 LETTERS OF THE ALPHABET dicate a number?) and is preceded by a letter before pi (iota?). Hand: “Zero-grade.” 15

Ed.pr.: C. Wessely, Stud. Pal. Il, p. XLIV 1 P.Vindob.G. 26011la

Photo: Tafel 5 Bibl.: P? 2735, Z 20, D 1; MPER NS XV 22

Prov.: Arsinoite/Heracleopolite Date: V-VI AD Mat.: Coarse papyrus, 2.7 x 11 cm.; back blank. Cont.: -> A few letters and especially the combination epsilon lambda. Hand: Fluent, even if showing some hesitation. An apprentice scribe?

Photo: I Bibl.: D5 Prov.: Antinoopolis Date: V-VI AD 16

Ed.pr.: B. Boyaval, RA (1971) f. 1, p. 61 T.Louvre inv. AF 6713 Mat.: Partial wooden tablet, 23 x 5 cm. Cont.: Side 1: Letters written randomly, some upside down. A date. Side 2: Various letters. Hand: Fluent, probably a scribe. 17

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 15 P.Vindob.G. 36534a

Prov.: Unknown Date: V-VI AD

Photo: Tafel 4

Mat.: Scrap of papyrus, 7.5 x 4 cm.; other side blank. Cont.: t Series of epsilon’s. Hand: Fairly fluent, uses a thick pen; probably an apprentice scribe. 18

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 19 P.Vindob.G. 40380

Prov.: Unknown Date V-VI AD

Photo: Tafel 5

Mat.: Papyrus scrap, 6 x 7 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Part of a word, written by a hand different from Hand 1. Back: — Series of phi’s and chi’s, many inkblots. Large blank space underneath. Hand 1: Fluent, probably an apprentice scribe. 19

Ed.pr.: Phoebammon II p. 124 no. 34 Not found Photo: None published Bibl.: MPER NS XVIII 45

Prov.: Thebaid Date: Byzantine Mat.: Ostracon, stone, 7 x 10 cm.

LETTERS OF THE ALPHABET 179 Cont.: Greek and Coptic letters of the alphabet, especially mu, written on both sides and in different directions. Hand: Not described. 20

Ed.pr.: Phoebammon II p. 137 no. 75 Not found Photo: None published Bibl.: MPER NS XVIII 47

Proy.: Thebaid Date: Byzantine Mat.: Ostracon, 9 x 6 cm. Cont.: Some letters, which do not seem to form words. Probably an exercise. Hand: Not described. 21

Ed.pr.: Phoebammon II p. 137 no. 77 Not found Photo: None published Bibl.: MPER NS XVIII 49

Prov.: Thebaid Date: Byzantine

Mat.: Ostracon, 8 x 12 cm. Cont.: Some letters, probably an exercise. Hand: Large, but not described further.

22

Ed.pr.: Phoebammon II p. 136 no. 72 Not found Photo: None published Bibl.: MPER NS XVIII 50

Prov.: Thebaid Date: Byzantine

Mat.: Ostracon, 10 x 8.5 cm. Cont.: Some letters, no word can be recognized; probably an exercise. Hand: Very large, but not described further. 23

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 58 P.Vindob.G. 36500

Prov.: Unknown Date: VI AD Photo: Tafel 15

Mat.: Coarse papyrus, 8 x 10.5 cm Cont.: Front: ~ Pen trials and the letter chi practiced four times.

Back: t The name Maxapioc Lotipoc is written by two hands. A few letters of the alphabet are also practiced several times. On the top left corner a chrism. Hand 1: Practiced, perhaps the teacher guiding the student. Hand 2: “Zero-grade,” very multistroke and uncertain about letter shapes. 24

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 29 O.Vindob.G. 565

Prov.: Unknown Date: VI AD Photo: Tafel 6

25 .

180 LETTERS OF THE ALPHABET Mat.: Ostracon, 5.3 x 4.7 cm. Cont.: Some letters, especially pi, are traced in several lines. Hand: “Zero-grade,” identical letters always appear different.

Ed.pr.: P.J. Sijpesteijn, Hermeneus 42 (1971) 255 no. 2 P.Amst.inv. 90

Prov.: Unknown Date: VI AD Photo: Plate

Mat.: Papyrus, 16.14 x 9.6 cm.; back blank. Cont.: > Some letters and the combination govx are practiced underneath an account. Hand: “Alphabetic,” size varies considerably. 26

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 12 P.Vindob.G. 41103 Photo: Tafel 2

Prov.: Unknown Date: VI-VII AD Mat.: Cheap, coarse papyrus, 1.8 x 8.2 cm.; back blank. Cont.: > Beta is practiced five times, then the whole is crossed out. Hand: “Zero-grade,” writes with extreme difficulty. 27

Ed.pr.: P.J. Sijpesteijn, Hermeneus 42 (1971) 255 no. 3 P.Amst.inv. 93

Prov.: Unknown Date: VI-VII AD Photo: Plate

Mat.: Papyrus strip, 31.5 x 3 cm.; back blank. Cont.: ~ Xi is traced several times. Hand: Somewhat fluent, probably a beginner scribe.

, 28

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 17 P.Vindob.G. 10022

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII AD Photo: Tafel 4

Mat.: Papyrus scrap, 3.5 x 6.5 cm. Cont.: Side 1: f A letter and a chrism. Side 2: t A cross and some phi’s. Blank space on the left. Hand: Fluent, probably an apprentice scribe. 29

Ed.pr.: C. Wessely, Stud. Pal. Il, p. LHI 10 P.Vindob.G. 26011) Photo: MPER XV 24, Tafel 5 Bibl.: P* 2735, Z 22, D 3; MPER NS XV 24

Prov.: Arsinoite/Heracleopolite Date: VII AD Mat.: Coarse papyrus scrap, 8 x 10.5 cm.; back blank.

LETTERS OF THE ALPHABET 181 Cont.: ~ Rows of letters in random order. Hand: Fluent, a practicing scribe, the same as in 30. 30

Ed.pr.: C. Wessely, Stud. Pal. II, p. LUI 9 P.Vindob.G. 260111 Photo: MPER XV 25, Tafel 6 Bibl.: P? 2735, D 3, Z 22; MPER NS XV 25

Prov.: Arsinoite/Heracleopolite Date: VII AD Mat.: Complete papyrus scrap, 8.5 x 10.5 cm. Cont: Front: Cross and letters practiced at random. Back: More letters, then a large blank space. Hand: Same as in 29. 31

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XVIII 10 P.Vindob.K. 698

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII AD Photo: Tafel 5

Mat.: Papyrus piece, broken at bottom and right, 10.8 x 7.2 cm.; other side blank. Cont.: Traces of a text previously written and washed out. f Letters of the alphabet, mainly alpha and zeta, are practiced several times. Hand: “Zero-grade,” has particular trouble with zeta. 32

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XVIII 20 P.Vindob.K. 14850 Photo: Tafel 11

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII-VIII AD Mat.: Papyrus fragment, 4 x 7.7 cm. Cont.: Side 1 - Coptic documentary text. Side 2 ~ The letter zeta is practiced several times. Hand: Fluent, probably an apprentice scribe. 33

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 20 P. Vindob.G. 40940

Photo: Tafel 5

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII-VIUI Ap

Mat.: Papyrus scrap, 11 x 5.7 cm. Cont.: Front: - Letters traced randomly, especially epsilon, theta, upsiion. Hand: “Zero-grade,” multistroke and very uncertain. Cross bar of epsilon very extended. 34

Ed.pr.: H.R. Hall, CGT pl. 29 no. 2 O.BM inv. 19082, 18816, 18798, 18972

Photo: I Bibl.: P? 2695, Z 34, 99, D 7; MPER NS XVIII 39 Prov.: Unknown Date: VII-VIII ap

Mat.: Fragments of ostracon, 6.5 x 6 + 4.5 x 10.2 cm.

182 LETTERS OF THE ALPHABET Cont.: Beta is practiced in several rows. There are also two cursive alpha’s and a gamma. Sometimes vertical lines separate cols. of rows. Hand: Fluent enough, probably an apprentice scribe. 35

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 18 P.Vindob.G. 19575 Photo: Tafel 4

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII-VIII AD

, 36

Mat.: Papyrus scrap, 6.8 x 21.3 cm. Cont.: Front: > The letter omega is practiced, one line in Arabic. Back: More Arabic. Hand: Very fluent.

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XVIII 37 O.BM inv. 21291

Photo: I Bibl.: H.R. Hall, CGT pl. 24 no. 3

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII-VIII AD Mat.: Ostracon, 15.3 x 11.2 cm. Cont.: Random Greek and Coptic letters, a chrism, a cross, and two animal drawings. Hand: “Zero-grade,” now faded. 37

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XVIII 38 O.BM 21295 Photo: III Bibl.: H.R. Hall, CGT pl. 30 no.5

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII-VUI Ab Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 24 x 20.2 cm. Cont.: Greek and Coptic letters written randomly and a drawing of a stick figure. Hand: “Alphabetic,” very faded now. 38

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XVIII 40 O.BM 21379 Photo: II Bibl.: H.R. Hall, CGT pl. 28 no.1 Prov.: Unknown Date: VII-VIII AD Mat.: Ostracon written on both sides, 12.2 cm. x 9.7 cm. Cont.: Greek and Coptic letters written by two hands. The first writes random letters in four lines, of which the last two are identical on one side of the ostracon. There is a chrism at the beginning. A decorative line separates this from the following exercise. A sec-

ond very unskilled hand practices a few letters underneath the model, especially upsilon. On the back the first hand traces more letters, of a larger size. Hand 1: Skilled, fluent, and even: perhaps a teacher, but more likely an advanced student. Hand 2: “Zero-grade,” the upsilon’s are all different.

LETTERS OF THE ALPHABET 183 39

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XVIII 42 O.BM 33166 Photo: I Bibl.: H.R. Hall, CGT pl.26 no.5

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII-VUI AD Mat.: Incomplete ostracon written on both sides, 7.2 x 6.4 cm. Cont.: Many Greek and Coptic letters written randomly. Hand: “Zero-grade,” with very uncertain letter shapes and varying size. 40

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XVIII 96 P. Vindob.K 8562

Prov.: Unknown Date: VIII AD? Photo: Tafel 35

Mat.: Papyrus, 3.3 x 6.4 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Writing by a different hand, difficult to see. Back: tf A name and a few letters in different lines. Hand: “Zero-grade,” so uncertain that it is hard to identify the letters.

Alphabets 41

Ed.pr.: P.Mich. VIII 1099 O.Mich.inv. 9598

Photo: Unknown III Bibl.: P?Date: 2745,Ptolemaic Z 1, D 17 Prov.:

Mat.: Ostracon, complete, 11.7 x 9.8 cm. Cont.: Alphabet written in three lines, two-thirds of the space blank. Hand: Fluent, the letters are calligraphic and some are serifed. Probably a model. 42

Ed.pr.: O. Bodl. II 2191 O.Bod1.Gk.Inscr. 1975 Photo: III, courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford Bibl.: P? 2674, Z 2, D 18

Prov.: Unknown Date: I Bc-I AD

Mat.: Ostracon, 8.4 x 6.6 cm. Cont.: Alphabet in four lines. Hand: Fluent; draws slow, serifed letters. Ends of lines 3 and 4 difficult to see. Omega can be recognized when the ostracon is turned 90 degrees. Probably a teacher’s model. 43

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 5 O.Vindob.G. 285 Photo: Tafel 2

Prov.: Unknown Date: I-III AD

Mat.: Ostracon, 4.5 x 7.5 cm.

184 ALPHABETS Cont.: Alphabet in three lines and alphabet in reverse order from omega to alpha written in four lines 90 degrees from the first alphabet. Hand: “Alphabetic,” uncertain about letter order. There are some erasures and corrections. 44

Ed.pr.: J.G. Milne, JHS 28 (1908) 121 O.ROM inv. 906.8.522 Photo: Plate O.Rom. 65 Bibl.: P2 2715, Z 5, D 34; O.Rom. 165; Pap.Colon. XVI.1, Suppl.Magicum p. xv

Prov.: Upper Egypt Date: II AD Mat.: Ostracon, 8 x 6.2 cm. Cont.: Exercise on the alphabet, the first letter coupled with the last, the second with the second to last, and so on (cf. 79 and 83). Unusual disposition in vertical cols. owing to the shape of the ostracon. No need to think of magical or cypher codes (See ed.pr.). Hand: “Alphabetic,” capable enough, but some hesitation and multistroke letters. 45

Ed.pr.: O. Claud. 1 179 O.Claud.inv. 574 Photo: Pl. XXXI

Prov.: Mons Claudianus Date: II AD Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 5.8 x 6.2 cm. Cont.: At least two alphabets, one in reverse order. Hand: “Alphabetic,” with a thick pen. It has difficulty with psi. 46

Ed.pr.: O. Claud. 1 180 O.Claud.inv. 3883 | Photo: Pl. XXXI

Prov.: Mons Claudianus Date: II AD Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 3.5 x 8 cm. Cont.: Partial alphabet. Hand: Fluent and confident, probably a model. 47

Ed.pr.: O. Claud. I 181 O.Claud.inv. 4121 Photo: Pl. XXXI

Prov.: Mons Claudianus Date: II AD Mat.: Ostracon, 6.5 x 9 cm. Cont.: Some letters in alphabetical order. Hand: “Alphabetic.” 48

Ed.pr.: O. Claud. 1 182 O.Claud.inv. 50 Photo: Pl. XXXI

, Prov.: Mons Claudianus Date: II AD

ALPHABETS 185 Mat.: Ostracon, 11.5 x 7.5 cm. Cont.: Hexameter with all the letters of the alphabet (cf. 56, 61, 66, and 287). Hand: Teacher’s, with initials enlarged and some letters ligatured. 49

Ed.pr.: O.Mich. 1672 O.Mich.inv. 4544 Photo: Plate Bibl.: P2 2690, Z 18, D9

Prov.: Karanis Date: Roman

Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 6.4 x 5 cm. Cont.: Partial alphabet in random order. Hand: The letters are very well executed; probably a teacher’s model. 50

Ed.pr.: 806 O.Stras.inv.Gr. Photo: O.Stras. II Bibl.:1 P*? 2702, Z 10, D210 11

Prov.: Upper Egypt Date: Roman

Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 10.7 x 9.5 cm. Cont.: Partial alphabet. Hand: Fluent letters, sometimes decorated by roundels, but a peculiar disposition with some crowding and much blank space. Perhaps a scribe’s trial. 51

Ed.pr.: P.M. Meyer (1916) 203, No.83 O.MU 2309 Photo: HW

Prov.: Thebes Date: Roman Bibl.: P* 2740, Z 8, D 10; H.C. Youtie, TAPA 72 (1941) 456

Mat.: Ostracon, complete, 7 x 5.5 cm. Cont.: The student Kametis wrote his name followed by the first four letters of the alphabet in regular order and then in reverse order, exchanging two by mistake. Hand: “Zero-grade,” large clumsy capitals of varying size and shape. In the name some of the letters touch each other. 52

Ed.pr.: O.Stras. 1 805 O.Stras.inv.D.Gr.r. 60

Photo: Tl Bibl.: P? 2701, Z 9, D 20 Prov.: Upper Egypt Date: Roman

Mat.: Hexagonal ostracon, 9.8 x 9.2 cm. Cont.: Alphabet Hand: Proficient, with big roundels at the end of certain strokes. The extended cross bar of epsilon ends in a big blob. Model or scribe’s trial.

186 ALPHABETS 53

Ed.pr.: G. Wagner, C. LeBlanc, G. Lecuyot, A. Loyrette, BIFAO 90 (1990) 376 OEA 314 Photo: Pl. XXVIII-C

Prov.: Thebes Date: Roman

Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 7 x 6 cm. Cont.: Two alphabets, one Greek and one with phonetic transcription in Latin, written in red ink. In the Latin alphabet the order of the letters is not respected. Hand: Very proficient, with some serifs, probably a model. 54

Ed.pr.: R. Pintaudi, P.J. Sijpesteijn, ZPE 76 (1989) 86 no. 1 OMM inv. 1158

Photo: Tafel IX Bibl.: OGN I 126 Prov.: Narmouthis Date: II-III AD Mat.: Ribbed ostracon, probably incomplete, 5.4 x 5.6 cm. Cont.: Beginning of the alphabet traced in the upper part, then blank space underneath. Hand: Teacher’s, accurate and proficient serifed letters; epsilon’s crossbar is lengthened. 55

Ed.pr.: O.Leid. 332 O.Rijksmusum Van Oudheden inv. Ae.s.59 Photo: Plate 85 Bibl.: D 21; P.J. Sijpesteijn, Oudheidkundige Medelinger 45 (1964) 56 no. 24

Prov.: Unknown Date: II-III AD

Mat.: Ostracon, 13.7 x 11.1 cm. Cont.: The student wrote his name and the alphabet (or part of it) underneath. Hand: “Alphabetic,” in the name some of the letters are connected, alpha is cursive. 56

Ed.pr.: P. Oxy. XXXI 2604 Ashmolean Museum Photo: IV, courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford

Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: III AD Mat.: Papyrus, 24 x 30 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Remains of document. Back: ft Hexameter with all the letters of the alphabet written three times (cf. 48, 61, 66, and 287). Hand: Apprentice scribe’s, writes twice in chancery style and once in Roman capitals. 57

Ed.pr.: O.Mich. 1 659 O.Mich.inv. 9105 Photo: IV Bibl.: P? 2687, Z 85, D 32; H.C. Youtie, TAPA 72 (1941) 453-56 = 1973 pp. 119-22 and add. p. 128.

Prov.: Karanis Date: III-IV AD

ALPHABETS 187 Mat.: Complete ostracon, 12.7 x 7.4 cm. Cont.: The student wrote his name and the first five letters of the alphabet in reverse order underneath. Hand: “Alphabetic,” alpha epigraphic and serifed. 58

Ed.pr.: S. Donadoni, Studi Calderini Paribeni II (Milano 1957) 481 Not found Photo: None published

Prov.: Antinoopolis Date: III-IV AD Mat.: Fragment of grey marble. Cont.: The first seven letters of the alphabet traced in ink. Hand: From the sketch it appears that gamma had an exaggerated horizontal bar and delta was upside down. 59

Ed.pr.: O. Petr. 412 O.London UC. 31902 Photo: V, courtesy of the Petrie Museum, University College London Bibl.: P? 2671; Z 7; D 13

Prov.: Unknown Date: IV AD?

Mat.: Red ostracon, 6.5 x 4 cm. Cont.: Alphabet up to pi. Hand: Fluent enough, with a thick pen. Perhaps an apprentice scribe. 60

Ed.pr.: B. Boyaval, RA (1971) f. 1, pp. 60-61 no. 2 T.Louvre inv. AF11932 + 11933 Photo: Pl. 2a, 2b Bibl.: D 5; W. Brashear, ZPE 50 (1983) 98-99

Prov.: Antinoopolis Date: V-VI AD

Mat.: Wooden tablet, across long dimension, 25 x 9 cm. Cont.: Side 1: Exercises on the alphabet (chalinos, cf. 79). Letters written in three rows, to be read from top to bottom, from alpha to phi, from beta to chi, and so on. Side 2: Exercises on the alphabet, to be read vertically. Two chrisms and a date. Hand: Teacher’s, with letters larger than 1 cm. and contrast in thickness of the strokes. 61

Ed.pr.: Phoebammon II p. 126 no. 40 Not found

Prov.: Thebaid Date: Byzantine Photo: None published

Mat.: Ostracon, stone, 11.5 x 19.5 cm. Cont.: A hexameter verse containing all the letters of the alphabet is partially repeated a few times with many mistakes (cf. 48, 56, 66, and 287). In the corrupt version not all the letters are represented. In line 4 the name Moses is written. Hand: Not described.

188 ALPHABETS 62

Ed.pr: O.Ashm. 105 O.Ashm.inv. 778 Photo: IV, courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford Bibl.: P2 2669, Z 23

Prov.: Unknown Date: Byzantine?

Mat.: Ostracon, 13.9 x 10.3 cm. Cont.: Two lines of writing: letters and a partial alphabet. Hand: “Evolving,” letters a little uneven. 63

Ed.pr.: 61 P.Wash.inv. Photo:P.Wash. Plate1 XV Bibl.: D235 12v

Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: VI AD? Mat.: Papyrus, 5.9 x 14.3 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Receipt. Back: t Amounts of wheat and barley. A row of letters from alpha to lambda, each with a supralineation (numbers?), but iota with diaeresis, copied then by a pupil. Hand 1: Teacher’s, competent. Hand 2: “Zero-grade,” very shaky, with basic doubts about letter shapes. 64

Ed.pr.: O. Stras. 1 807 O.Stras.inv.Gr. 958

Photo: V Bibl.: P? 2703, Z 13, D 33 Prov.: Upper Egypt Date: VI-VII AD Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 8.5 x 7.3 cm. Cont.: Cross and alphabet in reverse order in two cols. partially preserved. Hand: Competent, letters lean to the right. Could be a model. 65

Ed.pr.: O. Stras. 1 808 O.Stras.inv.Gr. 955

Photo: VIII Bibl.: P? 2704, Z 14, D 15 Prov.: Upper Egypt Date: VI-VII AD Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 111 x 11.4 cm. Cont.: Two partial alphabets, separated by a line. The second is preceded by a cross. Hand: “Evolving,” uses a thick pen. There is some contrast between narrow and broad shapes. 66

Ed.pr: Mon. Epiph. II 616 T.MMA. 14.1.219 Photo: Pl. VII and Bellet, Plate 1 Bibl.: P* 1597, Z 98

Prov.: Thebes Date: VI-VII AD Mat.: Wooden tablet, 15 x 5 cm.

Cont.: Ant.Graeca 9.538 (Stadtmiiller), a meaningless verse containing all letters of the alphabet (cf. 48, 56, 61, and 287), followed by a cypher alphabet. There are phonetic errors and omissions.

ALPHABETS 189 Hand: Fairly proficient, probably an apprentice scribe’s trial. 67

Ed.pr.: Mon. Epiph. II 620 O.MMA.12.180.107

Photo: Pl. XIV Bibl.: P? 2743, Z 12, D 26

Prov.: Thebes Date: VI-VII AD

Mat.: Ostracon, 11 x 11.3 cm. Cont.: An alphabet in a few lines and the phrase “Monks most beloved of God.” Hand: Proficient, writing in clear, exemplary cursives. A model. 68

Ed.pr.: P.Lugd. Bat. XXV 11 O.Leiden inv. 0.2 + O.Deir el Gizaz inv. 41 Photo: Plate V. Partial photos, Hermeneus 52 (1980) 334, Aegyptus 68 Tav. 1. Bibl.: D 8; Pap.Lugd. Bat. XIII 25 IV; A. Di Bitonto Kasser, Aegyptus 68 (1988) 167-68

Prov.: Deir el Gizaz (Thebes) Date: VI-VII AD

Mat.: Two fragments of ostracon, 10.9 x 8.9; 12.5 x 11.2 cm. Cont.: Letters from alpha to theta practiced several times in alphabetical order with the intrusion of a mu and a Coptic letter. Hand: Fluent, practicing “Biblical Majuscule” with a thick pen. Some letters are traced a little incorrectly. Probably a monk or an apprentice scribe of the monastery school. 69

Ed.pr.: Pap. Flor. XIX pp. 132-33 no. 8 T.Louvre MND 552A + 551E +MNE 924 Photo: Tavv. VITI-Ix

Prov.: Antinoopolis? Date: VII AD Mat.: Wooden tablet written on both sides, washed previously, 45 x 19.5 cm. Cont.: Side 1: Traces of words, impossible to distinguish on the photo. Side 2: Fourteen partially preserved alphabets. Traces of previously written alphabets. Hand: The few visible letters seem to point to a beginner’s hand. 70

Ed.pr.: W. Brashear, Enchoria 14 (1986) 14-16 T.Wirzburg K 1027

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII AD Photo: Tafel 10

Mat.: Two fragments of wooden board, ochre-color coating, 28 x 22.5 cm. Cont.: Side 1: A chrism and an exercise on the alphabet, writing a letter every four. At the end a series of short strokes. Underneath two drawings with contracted nomina sacra. Side 2: Exercise on the alphabet in Coptic. Hand: Teacher’s, with extra-large sized letters, slightly sloping to the right. 71

Ed.pr.: A. Kraft and A. Tripolitis, BJRL 51 (1968) 162-63 P.RL box4.106

190 ALPHABETS Prov.: Unknown Date: VII AD ?

Photo: V Bibl.: D 27 Mat.: Papyrus, 8.75 x 11.5 cm. Cont.: Front.: ~ Document. Back: t The Greek alphabet is written in cursives and is then repeated in capitals, with, in addition, the six Coptic letters. Hand: Sure and proficient, a teacher or a scribe. 72

Ed.pr.: H.R. Hall, CGT pl. 28 no.4 O.BM inv. 31663

Photo: VI Bibl.: P? 2694, Z 35, D 30; MPER NS XVIII 64 Prov.: Unknown Date: VII-VIII AD Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 10.4 x 7 cm. Cont.: Alphabet in six vertical cols. Separated by a horizontal line there are the six Coptic letters. A vertical line on the right side. Hand: Proficient enough. A model? 73

Ed.pr.: H.R. Hall, CGT pl. 29 no.1 O.BM inv. 26739

Photo: V Bibl.: P? 2697, Z 38, D 14; MPER NS XVIII 65

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII-VIUI ab Mat.: Ostracon, 10.4 x 7.2 cm. Cont.: Alphabet in two rows, a row of Coptic letters repeated and two more lines of various letters. Underneath there is a line of phi’s probably by a second hand. Hand 1: Capable and proficient, attempting letters of different shape. A model perhaps. Hand 2: “Alphabetic,” big letters traced with some hesitation with a thick pen. 74

Ed.pr.: H.R. Hall, CGT pl. 29 no.4 O.BM inv. 21247

Photo: VI Bibl.: P? 2696, Z 15, D 25; MPER NS XVIII 66

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII-VIII AD Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 12.4 x 10 cm. Cont.: Alphabet. Hand: “Evolving,” fluent enough in spite of the ribbed ostracon. Xi is traced horizontally. 75

Ed.pr.: Aegyptus 65 (1985) 96-97 P.Med. Copto inv. 76.24

Photo: Tav. XIII Bibl.: MPER NS XVIII 70

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII-VIII AD Mat.: Papyrus strip, cut for the exercise, 20.2 x 6.4 cm. Cont.: Front: — Personal letter. Back: t Two more lines of the personal letter and three partial alphabets with Greek and Coptic letters, one written turning the papyrus 90 degrees and two preceeded by chrisms. A last line contains some random letters. Much of the space is unwritten.

ALPHABETS 19] Hand: “Zero-grade,” uses a thick pen and has difficulty with some letters (e.g., xi). 76

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XVIII 57 P.Vindob.K 19609 Photo: Tafel 25

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII-VIII AD Mat.: Papyrus broken on every side, 3 x 7.5 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Incomplete alphabet written by two hands with Greek and Coptic letters. Back: f Traces of writing in darker ink. Hand 1: Capable and regular, a teacher’s or an older student’s. Hand 2: “Zero-grade,” some letters (e.g. phi) are formed very badly.

77

Ed.pr.: J. Schwartz, Fouilles Fr.-Suiss. I, p. 115 no.4 O.IFAO, Not found Photo: None published Bibl.: D 16 Prov.: Dionysias Date: ?

Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 11 x 15 cm. Cont.: Alphabet in three rows. Hand: Very large letters (2 to 4 cm. high), perhaps a model.

Syllabaries 78

Ed.pr.: UPZ 1 147 P.Leiden, Rijksmuseum Van Oudheden Photo: Boswinkel and Sijpesteijn, Plate 1 Bibl.: P? 2742, Z 24, D 41, 66; E. Boswinkel and P.J. Sijpesteijn, Greek Papyri (Amsterdam 1968); Nardelli, 1986, 179-88; Thompson, 1988, 245-46

Prov.: Memphis Date: II Bc

Mat.: Papyrus cut into a strip, 90 x 9 cm. Cont.: Syllabary written by Apollonios son of Glaukias after washing off a previous Demotic text. He skips the zefa’s col. (and adds it later) and the triliteral series. There are some omissions.

Hand: “Evolving,” (same as in 244, 245, and 246), starts with neat capitals that deteriorate into bigger, clumsier letters. 79

Ed.pr.: C. Wessely, Stud. Pal. I] pp. XLV 2, XLVI-XLVII 3-4, XLVIII-XLIX 5 P.Vindob.G. 26011 b,e,c,d Photo: MPER XV, Tafel 3

Bibl.: P* 2735; Z 3, 28, 26; D 19, 31, 43, 71, 55, 54, 67; MPER NS XV 7, 8, 10; Th.K.

Prov.: Hermopolis? Date: I AD Stephanopoulos, ZPE 66 (1986) 71-72

192 SYLLABARIES Mat.: Fragments of papyrus roll, 14 x 10.5 cm.; 13.7 x 15 cm.; 13.5 x 11.3 cm. Cont.: Front: > Text hardly visible, perhaps washed; includes mathematical problem. Back: t Alphabet in usual and reverse order, then combinations of vowels and consonants (all letters in scrambled order, chalinos, cf. 60), and paired letters. The whole number system follows and then a formal syllabary: biliteral and triliteral combinations, then quadriliteral with two fixed consonants. Vertical lines separate cols. Probably written by at least two pupils. The second commits many errors in the series. Hand 1: “Alphabetic.” Both hands form identical letter shapes with some serifs. Letters mostly separated, still multistroke, but the student (or students) knows their basic forms. Hand 2: “Zero-grade.” Finds it diffficult to write phi’s and theta’s. Most letters touch. 80

Ed.pr.: Chrest. Wilck. no. 139 Leipzig UL

Photo: None published Bibl.: P? 2734, Z 30, D 42

Prov.: Unknown Date: I AD Mat.: Ostracon Cont.: Traces of previous writing. Then a syllabary up to YO. The exercise was not finished for lack of space. Some mistakes and omissions. Hand: Described as starting well, but writing then more hurriedly and cursively. 81

Ed.pr.: K. McNamee, ZPE 46 (1982) 124-26 P.Mich.inv. 2816 Photo: Tafel [IV

Prov.: Karanis Date: (ed.pr.) V-VI AD, but IV AD Mat.: Fragment from papyrus codex, 9.7 x 10.4 cm.

Cont.: Syllabary. Each side of the page was divided by horizontal and vertical lines into irregular rectangles. Only the triliteral sets are preserved. Hand: Proficient, rounded, and uniform “Coptic Uncial,” the hand of a teacher or a scribe. 82

Ed.pr.: J.G. Milne, JHS 28 (1908) 123 III and 43 (1923) 43 O.Bodl. Not found

Photo: Beck 1975, plate 7 II 37 Bibl.: P* 2717, Z 31, D 50 Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: IV-V AD Mat.: Ostracon Cont.: Biliteral syllabary. In addition to combinations of consonants and vowels, there are also

combinations of vowels (omicron and upsilon) with vowels. Corrects one mistake (epsilon instead of eta in the rho series), but commits another three lines below. Hand: “Evolving,” the letters are crowded and of different size. 83

Ed.pr.: A.E.R. Boak, CP 16 (1921) 189-91 no.1 T.Mich.inv. 763

Photo: VII Bibl.: P? 2708, Z 6, D 35, 63

Prov.: Unknown Date: IV AD? (ed.pr.), probably later

SYLLABARIES 193 Mat.: Wooden tablet, 35.7 x 10.2 cm. Cont.: Side 1: Syllabary, first a col. of vowels, then combinations with consonants, each one underlined. In col. 7 iota functions both as consonant and as vowel. Side 2: Alphabet in regular and reverse order, then the letters are paired. Hand: “Alphabetic,” confusion between delta and alpha. Letters of various size. 84

Ed.pr.: E. Bresciani, Ann. Ist. Univ. Or. Napoli NS 15 (1965) 285-87 P.Vindob.K 11373

Photo: Tav. 1 A, B; MPER XVIII Tafel 28 Bibl.: MPER NS XVIII 76 Prov.: Unknown Date: V AD

Mat.: Fragment of codex page written both sides, very fine papyrus, 20 x 12 cm. Cont.: Biliteral syllabary with Greek and Coptic letters, vowel and consonant in the first page

and consonant and vowel in the second. Each page is numbered and has ample margins. Hand: Formal and well executed in “Alexandrian Majuscule” style: a page from a book. 85

Ed.pr.: B. Boyaval, RA (1971) f. 1, pp. 58-60 T.Louvre inv. MND 552c Photo: Pl. 1 and Cauderlier (1991) pl. F, G Bibl.: D 56, 62; P. Cauderlier, Mél. Bernand (Besancon 1991) 148-53.

Prov.: Antinoopolis Date: V-VI AD Mat.: Right corner of wooden tablet, 23 x 14 cm.

Cont.: Side 1: Syllabary, triliteral sets in lambda where vowel and final consonant change. Dated by month, with two chrisms. Remains of letters from a previous exercise. Side 2: Syllabary with changing beginning consonant. Remains of previous letters. Hand: Teacher’s, with very large letters slightly sloping. Lambda, with second diagonal below the baseline, and delta, with left stroke fused with the base into a curve, point to the sixth century AD. 86

Ed.pr.: P.J. Sijpesteijn, Hermeneus 42 (1971) 253-55 P.Amst.inv. 89

Photo: P.Amst. Tafel VII Bibl.: D 48; P.Amst. 14

Prov.: Unknown Date: V-VI AD

Mat.: Papyrus scrap, 11.6 x 6.5 cm.; other side blank. Cont.: f Variation of the common syllabary with vowels followed by each consonant. Hand: “Rapid,” fluent, but with some irregularities. Sometimes the letters are ligatured. 87

Ed.pr.: O.Amst. 1 O.Amst.inv. 50 Photo: Plate I Bibl.: D 46

Prov.: Unknown Date: No date (ed.pr.), Byzantine Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 4 x 6.5 cm.

194 SYLLABARIES Cont.: Part of a syllabary with biliteral sets. Hand: “Rapid,” a few irregularities. 88

Ed.pr.: C. Wessely, Stud. Pal. Ul, p. LV, 12 P.Vindob.G. 26011m Photo: MPER XV, Tafel 2 Bibl.: P2 2735, Z 33, D 64; MPER NS XV 9

Prov.: Arsinoite Date: VI AD Mat.: Piece of parchment, flesh side, 9 x 7.5 cm. Cont.: Syllabary, triliteral sets, only middle vowel changes. Groups separated by short lines. Hand: “Evolving,” irregular but capable. The sets are crowded. 89

Ed.pr.: P.J. Sijpesteijn, ZPE 40 (1980) 96-97 P.Vindob.G. 36016

Photo: MPER XV, Tafel 2 Bibl.: D 49; MPER NS XV 6

Prov.: Unknown Date: VI AD Mat.: Papyrus, 9.5 x 8.6 cm. Cont.: Side 1: > Isolated letters Side 2: Syllabary, vowels alone first, then vowels followed by consonants. The sets are inscribed in roughly drawn rectangles. Hand: “Evolving,” the letters are traced slowly and carefully. A few irregularities. 90

Ed.pr.: W. Brashear, Enchoria 14 (1986) 3-5 T.Wirzburg K 1017 Photo: Tafel 4

Prov.: Unknown Date: VI-VII AD Mat.: Wooden tablet, grey coating, 16.5 x 27 cm. Cont.: Side 1: Chrism, triliteral syllabary, alphabet in six rows, dated by day and month. Side 2: Chrism, triliteral syllabary, alphabet and date, five days later than other side. Hand: Teacher’s, large letters, some further enlarged, mostly separated except epsilon. Beta has a rounded base and the first diagonal of chi goes well below the line. 91

Ed.pr.: A. Di Bitonto Kasser, Aegyptus 68 (1988) 169-75 O.Deir el Gizaz 14

Photo: Tavv. 3-4 Bibl.: MPER NS XVIII 82

Prov.: Deir el Gizaz Date: VI-VII AD Mat.: Two fragments of ostracon already separated, written on both sides, 13 x 14,5 x 10 cm. Cont.: Syllabary with triliteral and quadriliteral sets with Greek and Coptic letters. Cols. separated by dots in vertical alignment. Hand: Teacher’s, fluent with small capable letters at times decorated by roundels.

SYLLABARIES 195 92

Ed.pr.: P. Cauderlier, Mél. Bernand (Besangon 1991) 143-48 T.BN Paris inv. y 19 920

Prov.: Arsinoite Date: VII AD Photo: Planches C, D

Mat.: Wooden tablet with bronze handle, 24.5 x 9.5 cm. Cont.: On both sides a chrism, a syllabary (some cols. are incomplete, probably the student was supposed to copy and complete the model), a Greek reversed alphabet and the additional Coptic letters. In the alphabet upsilon and iota bear a diaeresis. Vertical lines separate some of the exercises, and the different cols. end with a paragraphos. Hand: Teacher’s; fluent, proficient, and clear, with some ligatures. 93

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XVIII 77 O.BM inv. 31387

Photo: VIII Bibl.: P? 2693, Z 36, Dd 58; H.R. Hall, CGT pl. 28 no. 3

Prov.: Unknown Date: VU-VIII ap

Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 7.7 x 9 cm. Cont.: Syllabary with triliteral groups. Hand: “Rapid,” written clearly and fluently. Possibly a model. 94

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XVIII 73 P.Vindob.K 2030

Photo: Tafel 27

Prov.: Unknown Date: VU-VIII AD? Mat.: Coarse papyrus broken on three sides, 11.5 x 8.5 cm. Cont.: Front: f Triliteral syllabary, a Coptic consonant followed by a vowel and by a Greek consonant. The sets are separated by horizontal and vertical lines. Back: - Continuation of the syllabary. Hand: “Evolving,” some uncertainties, but also fluency. Letters of different size. 95

P. van Minnen, ZPE 106 (1995) 175-78. T.Duk.inv. 7 Photo: Tafel III, IV.

Prov.: Unknown Date: VIJ-VIII Ap Mat.: Wooden tablet covered with white slip, 11.2 x 26.6 cm. Cont.: Written on both sides with a syllabary (trisyllabic combinations with beta and gamma), and, in addition, the letters of the alphabet in random combinations on one side and in the regular order on the other. On both sides appear the six Sahidic Coptic letters and a chrism. Side B also carries the date (month and indiction, abbreviated) and the number of the syllabic sets. Vertical and horizontal lines divide the exercises. Diaeresis is used over iota, sometimes in the form of 3 dots. Hand 1: Teacher’s, on side B. Beta has a round enlarged base and delta an elongated base. The amateurish look derives from the very crooked lines of separation.

196 SYLLABARIES Hand 2: “Rapid,” very similar to the teacher’s, but with a different inclination. 96

Ed.pr.: P. Collart, BIFAO 30 (1930) 417-23 = Mél.Loret pp. 417-19 = P. Rein. Il 90 P.Sorb.inv. 2074, cliché Kagan-IRHT

Photo: VIII Bibl.: D 44, 47; MPER NS XVIII 75

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII-VIII ap Mat.: Very worn papyrus patched in the back, 20 x 12 cm. Cont.: Greek and Coptic biliteral syllabary, cols. separated by vertical lines. Some horizontal lines divide the sets. As in 61, iota also functions as a consonant. Hand: “Evolving,”not completely even, but showing confidence in some letters. 97

Descriptum: W.E. Crum, Coptic Mss. British Mus. (London 1905) no. 1215 BL. P.Lond or 4721 (25) recto and verso Photo: IX, by permission of The British Library Bibl.: MPER NS XVIII 80

Prov.: Unknown Date: VIII AD

Mat.: Papyrus, 11.6 x 8.1 cm. Cont.: Two incomplete pages from a Coptic syllabary, a professionally written schoolbook. There are triliteral combinations defined by horizontal and vertical lines. Page numbers (25 and 26) appear on top of the pages. Hand: Professionally executed “Alexandrian Majuscule” of square type.

Lists of Words 98

Ed.pr.: P. Par. 4 P.Louvre inv. N 2328

Photo: X Bibl.: P2 2332, Z 272; W. Clarysse, Studia Hellenistica 27 (1982) 58

Prov.: Memphis Date: II Bc Mat.: Papyrus scrap, 8.5 x 5.5 cm. Cont.: — List of Attic and Macedonian months in two uneven cols. On the right a third col. in Demotic was written by another hand. Several misspellings. Hand: “Evolving,” with letters all separated and of varying size, written by ApoHonios. 99

Ed.pr.: P. Tebt. II 278 P.UC inv. 1355 Photo: XI Bibl.: P? 2654, Z 353, D 103, 389

Prov.: Tebtunis Date: I AD Mat.: Papyrus written with the fibers, 29 x 16.9 cm.; Back blank.

LISTS OF WORDS 197 Cont.: Two cols., alphabetic acrostic with a list of occupations and alphabetic acrostic narration of a tale about a stolen garment. Considered a composition (ed.pr. and Debut), it is not certain that it is so. Orthography: many of the usual phonetic mistakes. Hand: Well-developed cursives, quick and ligatured, perhaps a teacher’s notes. 100

Ed.pr.: P. Genova II 53

Prov.: Unknown Date: I AD

Photo: Tav. Il Bibl.: D 74; J. Bingen, CdE 57 (1982) 107-10 Mat.: Papyrus, 24 x 18 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Account

Back: t List of bisyllabic words from alpha to omega, in 24 groups of four. Many names fabricated for the occasion, probably by a teacher. The sets are separated by horizontal and vertical lines. Half of the sheet is blank. Hand: “Alphabetic,” uses a thick pen. Many corrections. 101

Ed.pr.: O.Edfu I 307 G 263, not found Photo: None published Bibl.: P2 2682, Z 25, D 73

Prov.: Apollinopolis Date: I AD

Mat.: Incomplete ostracon

Cont.: List of words in two cols. divided into syllables, proper and common names. In the right col. all the words start with kappa. Hand: Not described 102

Ed.pr.: J. O’Callaghan, Stud. Pap. 6 (1967) 99-107 P. Palau Rib.inv. 121 Photo: Plate p. 102 Bibl.: D 81; O’Callaghan, Papiros literarios griegos del Fondo Palau Ribes (P.Lit Palau Rib.) (Barcelona 1993) 37

Prov.: Unknown Date: II AD

Mat.: Coarse, patched papyrus, 8.7 x 3.6 cm.; back blank. Cont.: ~ List of words with several phonological mistakes. Groups separated by paragraphoi. Hand: “Rapid,” letters of varying size and spacing. 103

Ed.pr.: J.G. Milne, JHS 28 (1908) 124 IV O.Bodl. Not found

Photo: None published Bibl.: P? 2718, Z 56, D 331

Prov.: Upper Egypt Date: II AD

Mat.: Ostracon, 25.6 x 13.1 cm. Cont.: col. of words, each starting with a different letter, written by the teacher, then the word is completed by the student. The exercise consisted of writing monosyllables in -ouc, but the student ended up writing accusative plurals of polysyllables in -ouc.

198 LISTS OF WORDS 104

Ed.pr.: J.G. Milne, JHS, 28 (1908) 124 V O.Bodl.Gk.Inscr. 2934 Photo: None published, hardly visible Bibl.: P? 2718, Z 57, D 331

Prov.: Upper Egypt Date: II AD Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 11.8 x 7.3 cm. Cont.: Remains of a col. of words not in alphabetical order, only two letters for each line are preserved at most. Large blank space at the left. Hand: Probably “evolving,” but the remains are very scanty. 105

Ed.pr.: J.G. Milne, JHS 28 (1908) 122 Il O.Bodl.Gk.Inscr. 2933 Photo: None published, hardly visible Bibl.: P? 2716, Z 55, D 75

Prov.: Upper Egypt Date: II AD Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 8 x 9.6 cm. Cont.: List of proper nouns in alphabetical order, some current Greek or Roman names, some taken from history or mythology. Hand: “Rapid,” round and regular capitals that are now hardly visible. 106

Ed.pr.: N. Lewis, Et. Pap. 3 (1936) 105 O.Cairo, Journal d’entrée no. 64847 Photo: None published Bibl.: P? 2729, Z 67, D 117; SB V 8062; A.N. Oikonomides, CB 63 (1987) 124

Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: II AD

Mat.: Ostracon, 8.5 x 11 cm. Cont.: List of a few proper names; in the third line “Since you are young, work (¢@Ao76vet).” Hand: Fluent, with tall narrow letters of exemplary clarity. It could be a model (though the last line is crooked) or the exercise of an apprentice scribe. 107

Ed.pr.: W. Brunsch, Orientalia Suecana 31 (1982) 38-39, 6 T.BM 21615-21617

Prov.: Unknown Date: Roman Photo: Tafel 6

Mat.: Two fragments of wooden tablet, 15 x 3 cm. and 14x 5 cm. Cont.: Side 1: Words of difficult interpretation (from a comedy?). The surface is ruled. Side 2: Letters of the alphabet are practiced. Hand: Perhaps an apprentice scribe, the letters are elaborate and well-written. 108

Ed.pr.: O.Mich. 1 656 O.Mich.inv. 4609 Photo: XI

Prov.: Karanis Date: III AD

Bibl: P? 2685, Z 73, D 90; H. Youtie, CP 37 (1942) 148-49

LISTS OF WORDS 199 Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 6.1 x 10.4 cm. Cont.: List of seven Egyptian deities, all in the genitive case (cf. 119). In line 6 Youtie read the genitive of the name of a deity, MeoraotTw60¢, known from Tebtunis papyri. Hand: Fluent and sure, teacher’s or older student’s, with cursive alpha, epsilon, and pi. 109

Descriptum: P.Ryl. Il 443 P.Rylands UL Photo: X, courtesy of the Director and University Librarian, the John Rylands University Library of Manchester Bibl.: P2 2663, Z 80, D 197

Prov.: Unknown Date: II AD

Mat.: Papyrus scrap, 7.3 x 7.8 cm. Cont.: Four lines of writing, partially preserved, with some personal names. Another line is written 90 degrees and contains two names of numbers. Hand.: “Alphabetic,” the letters are heavy and are sometimes traced twice. 110

Ed.pr.: O.Mich. 1 657 O.Mich.inv. 9010

Photo: XI

Bibl.: P2 2686, Z 84, D 188; V. Tcherikover, Scripta Hierosolymitana 1 (1954) 85, 88-93, and CPJ III (1964) no. 496 and pp. 47, 50-52; K. Latte, Festschr. Zucker (1955) 24550; H. Youtie, 1973, 467-77

Prov.: Karanis Date: Late IIl-early IV AD Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 11.7 x 12.6 cm. Cont.: List of Greek deities which opens with an oriental goddess, Sambathis. Hand: Capable and even, with epigraphic letters, perhaps a teacher’s, but a few erasures. 111

Ed.pr.:XP.Lund VI2744, 11 P.Lund inv. 9 Photo: Bibl.: P? Z 190, D 94 Prov.: Unknown Date: III-ITV AD Mat.: Coarse, dark papyrus, 5.5 x 15.3 cm.; Back blank. Cont.: - Unusual list of fifteen nouns, arranged without any apparent order, which concern mainly religion and geography. Eight of them represent abstract ideas. Hand: “Evolving,” writes with a thick pen that makes it appear clumsier. Epsilon and alpha are cursive. 112

Ed.pr.: W.E. Crum, CO nr. 435 O. London UC 31896 Photo: XII, courtesy of the Petrie Museum, University College London Bibl.: D 85; MPER NS XVII 104

Prov.: Unknown Date: IV AD

Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 19.3 x 10.6 cm.

200 LISTS OF WORDS Cont.: List of incomplete names, beginning with zeta in lines 3-7 (and probably in epsilon before and in eta after them), divided into syllables by dashes. The different groups are separated by horizontal lines. Hand: Capable and fluent, “rapid” or teacher’s hand, with large upright letters all separated. 113

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XVIII 238 O.London UC D 15 Photo: Bibl.: Crum, 525 Prov.: XII Unknown Date: CO IV AD

Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 23 x 11.5 cm.; originally quite large. Cont.: Lists of mythological names mostly separated by double dots. Most of them come from the Iliad. They are in alphabetical order and three lists can be distinguished, one after the other. Diaeresis is used. Hand: Probably teacher’s, fluent and proficient even if a little rough because of the material. 114

Ed.pr.: O.Bodl. 11 2193 O.Bodl.Gk.Inscr. 2925 Photo: XIII, courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford Bibl.: P? 2676, Z 32, D 78

Prov.: Unknown Date: IV-V AD Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 5.9 x 6.5 cm. Cont.: List of words in alpha, beta, theta in two cols., divided into syllables by dots.

Hand: Capable and fluent in spite of the rough surface, perhaps a teacher’s. | 115

Ed.pr.: O.Theb. iv 48 Ashmolean Museum, Coptic Inscr. 207 Photo: XIII, courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford Bibl.: MPER NS XVIII 232

Prov.: Unknown Date: IV-VI AD

Mat.: Ostracon, 13.5 x 8.2 cm. Cont.: List of Greek words written on both sides: on one side nouns in beta, gamma, and delta, divided into syllables. More letters appear on the recto on the right, in a space divided by a vertical line. In the other side names in mu, some unknown. Hand: “Alphabetic,” with letters of various size and shape. 116

Ed.pr.: P.Amst. 13 P.Amsterdam U. Photo: Tafel VI Bibl.: D 102

Prov.: Unknown Date: V AD

Mat.: Papyrus, 7.2 x 13.1 cm.; back blank. Cont.: > List of birds, mostly unknown, in two cols. not in alphabetical order. Hand: Proficient, slanting to the right, with letters mostly separated, perhaps a teacher’s.

LISTS OF WORDS 201 117

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 115 P.Vindob.G. 1090

Prov.: Unknown Date: V AD

Photo: Tafel 53

Mat.: Papyrus, 6 x 6.2 cm.; back blank. Cont.: — List of months out of order, six names are preserved. Ample margin on the left. Hand: “Evolving,” with difficulty in alignment, but fluent enough. 118

Ed.pr.: A.E.R. Boak, CP 16 (1921) 191-92 T.Mich.inv. 764

Photo: None published, faded Bibl.: P? 2709, Z 17, D 4

Prov.: Unknown Date: IV AD (ed.pr.); but V-VI AD Mat.: Wooden tablet, 36.6 x 15 cm. Cont.: Side 1: Across short dimension, list of proper names in one col. The writing is very faded. There are two drawings of stick figures on the right side. A paragraphos at the end of the writing. Side 2: Across long dimension, numbers from 1 to 10,000. Hand: “Evolving,” some irregularities, but at times very fluent. 119

Ed.pr.: C. Pasqual, Lanx Satura (Genova 1963) 310-14 PUG inv. 1111

Photo: Tav. VI Bibl.: D 120, 121; P. Genova 19; SB 9894

Prov.: Unknown Date: Byzantine Mat.: Papyrus scrap, 9.2 x 6.2 cm.

Cont.: Front: - Four proper names, ample margins on every side. Corrections: in line 1 "Axtr€oc (for “AxtAéwo), 2 Lodiac, 4 perhaps the name meant Aivéa with nu repeated

twice, which appears sometimes as genitive of Aivéac. TaSi¢ is indeclinable. This was perhaps an exercise of declension in the genitive (cf. 108). Hand.: “Evolving,” slightly leaning to the right, forms some letters fluently, others clumsily. 120

Ed.pr.: G. Ioannidou, ZPE 72 (1988) 263-66 P.Berol. 21293

Prov.: Hermopolis? Date: VI AD Photo: Tafel VII b, c

Mat.: Fragment of parchment codex, brown ink, 3.9 x 4.5 cm. Cont.: List of words of five syllables, sets divided by horizontal lines and words divided into syllables by blank spaces. The words are somewhat rare. Hand: Formal round bookhand, thin and thick strokes. A school manual. 121

Ed.pr.: Pap.Flor. XVIII 22 Ashmolean Museum inv. 1982.1119 Photo: Tav. XXXT-XXXIII

Prov.: Unknown Date: 544-545 AD

202 LISTS OF WORDS Mat.: Wooden tablet, written on both sides, 43.3 x 21.4 cm. Cont.: Tables of multiplication and lists of words (bisyllables on one side, trisyllables on the

other) divided into syllables. Vertical and horizontal lines divide the groups; diple obelismene. The dates are not completely sure. There are many phonetic errors. Hand: Proficient and fluent, a teacher’s, written in very large letters. Many of the initials are enlarged. A few ligatures, especially after alpha and epsilon. Some features, as lambda

, with well developed second diagonal, the high crossbar of epsilon met by the semicircular top, and delta in a slanting position, point to a date in the sixth century. 122

Ed.pr.: Mon.Ephiph. Il 618 O.MMA.14.1.214

Photo: Plate XIV Bibl.: P? 2334, Z 275, D 100; MPER NS XVIII 252

Prov.: Thebes Date: VI-VII AD Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 6.3 x 11.1 cm.

Cont.: Front: Divided in two by a diple obelismene. On top days of the week starting with Saturday and ending with the “Preparation.” Below, days from Monday to Friday with equivalents from the planetary week. Mistakes of every kind, e.g., genitive Zuéc.

Back: Planetary days from Monday to Friday. Hand: “Evolving,” pretentious with separated capitals decorated by serifs or roundels. Sometimes cursive elements intrude. 123

Ed.pr.: Mon. Epiph. U 621 , P.MMA 14.1.549

Photo: XI Bibl.: P? 2134, Z 276, D 102; MPER NS XVIII 247 Prov.: Thebes Date: VI-VII AD

Mat.: Coarse papyrus fragment, 6.5 x 2.8 cm.

Cont.: ft List of bird names. There are some phonetic mistakes. A rough breathing and diaeresis in line 11. An exercise, not a glossary (as in ed.pr. and MPER XVIII). Hand: “Alphabetic,” with some multistroke letters whose size varies (see kappa and tau). 124

Ed.pr.: Pap.Flor. XVIII 6 P.Vat.Gr. 54

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII AD

Photo: Tav. VII

Mat.: Wooden tablet, 45 x 14 cm. Cont.: On both sides lists of words divided into syllables, many Biblical names. They look like an extension of a syllabary, consonant followed by each of the vowels in turn. Many

mistakes of every kind, crosses, and a date. Short horizontal dashes define the exercise.

Hand: A teacher’s; the letters are very large and written in an informal sloping majuscule. Some ligatures or some strokes are drawn out. Beta is particularly large with a round base. Eta, theta, sigma are very narrow and show tapered, pointed lower ends.

LISTS OF WORDS 203 125

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 60 HT Moen 5

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII AD Photo: Tafel 16

Mat.: Wooden tablet, 13.5 x 38 cm. Cont.: Trisyllabic words beginning in delta and gamma divided into syllables on both sides. Crosses. Dates on the right. Questionable spelling of some words. Faulty division in line 13. Hand: A teacher’s, with very large letters that slope slightly. Contrast in the width of the letters. The base of delta is quite drawn out, /ambda with trailing tail and the very wide mu are typical of the VII century. Epsilon, sigma, theta are narrow, with tapered ends. 126

Ed.pr.: H.R. Hall, CGT pl. 12 no. 3, 13 no. 1 O.BM inv. 27432

Photo: XII Bibl.: P2 2692, Z 101, D 106 Prov.: Unknown Date: VII-VIII ap Mat.: Stone ostracon, 12.8 x 9 cm.

Cont.: On both sides a list of words in upsilon, phi, and chi in alphabetical order. All the words are rare and unusual, with many errors. Some words seem coined for the occasion.

Hand: “Rapid,” bilinear except for phi, writes well-formed, separated letters with a thick pen. 127

Ed.pr.: H.R. Hall, CGT pl. 32 no. 1 O.BM inv. 26210, 26211, 26215

Photo:Unknown VI Bibl.:Date: P2 2699, Z 373 Prov.: VII-VIII Ab Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 21.6 x 10.8 cm. Cont.: On both sides lists of words, not in alphabetical order, in many cols. separated by vertical lines. In the convex part some horizontal lines separate groups. Nouns are either Biblical or geographical or rare words concerning anatomy. Diaeresis and mistakes of every kind. Hand: “Rapid,” writes with a thick pen in mostly separated capital letters. 128

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XVIII 231 O.BM 33110

Photo:Unknown XIII Bibl.: Crum, CO 432v Prov.: Date: VII-VIII AD Mat.: Incomplete ostracon Cont.: Side 1: List of Coptic verbs Side 2: List of names (mostly proper names) in alpha and beta divided into syllables.

Hand: Perhaps a teacher’s, writing both sides, fluent and bent to the right. It shows some irregularities that may be due to the rough surface.

204

Writing and Copying Exercises 129

Descriptum, P.Tebt. Il.2P* 901384, P.UCZ2078 Photo: XIV Bibl.: 62

Prov.: Tebtunis Date: II Bc? Mat.: Four papyrus fragments, 6 x 3, 6.1 x 3.5, 3.7 x 1.6, 5 x 6 cm. Cont.: First half of Euripides’ Bacchae line 1, repeated five times in all. Hand 1: Traces the line once rather elegantly with some serifs and a ligatured alpha. Hand 2: “Evolving,” in the other fragments, with a poorly sharpened pen. 130

Ed.pr.: G. Manteuffel, JJP 3 (1949) 102-103 Not found Photo: Pl. L Bibl.: P? 1934; O. Edfu Ill 326; TrGF II F 279f; M.W. Haslam, GRBS 16 (1975) 149-74; W. Peek, Philologus 121 (1977) 306; M.L. West ZPE 32 (1978) 1-5 and ZPE 91 (1992) 8-9; SH 989

Prov.: Apollinopolis Date: II-I Bc

Mat.: Ostracon

Cont.: Two or three fragments of poetry (Euripides? and fragment of a narrative from an Archilochean epode?) together with Euripides’ Phoin. 3 repeated twice. It was previously considered a hymn to the sun or to the king. Hand: “Evolving,” with the last line written with larger letters, perhaps by a second hand. 131

Ed.pr.: P. Oxy. II 285 BL. P.Lond. 796 r + v Photo: XVI, by permission of The British Library Bibl.: P2 2748, Z 49

Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: I AD

Mat.: Papyrus, 24 x 9.6 cm. Cont.: Front: Three lines at the bottom of a petition of 50 AD, some words and letters. Back: Two more lines and one upside down. Hand: “Zero-grade,” hesitant; many of the letters are serifed. 132

Ed.pr.: W.G. Waddell, Et. Pap. 1 (1932) 17 P.Cairo, Journal d’entrée no. 56225

Photo: XIV Bibl.: P? 556, Z 71, D 107

Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: I-III AD

Mat.: Papyrus, 8 x 6 cm.; back blank. Cont.: — Part of the first line of the //iad written twice. Much space is left unused. Hand: “Rapid,” elegant, and serifed, maybe an advanced student practicing “book hand.”

| 133

WRITING EXERCISES 205

Ed.pr.: P. Fay. 19 P.Chicago O.1. 8349

Photo: XV, courtesy of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago Bibl.: P? 2116, Z 60, D 314

Prov.: Bacchias Date: II AD

Mat.: Papyrus, 22 x 10.3 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Tax list Back: t Fifteen lines of an unknown letter of the emperor Hadrian to Antoninus, five

lines are then copied by another hand. The subject is death and the way Hadrian intends to meet it (cf. 350). Hand |: Clear and cursive, different from the usual hand of a model. Hand 2: “Alphabetic,” mostly separate, serifed letters, which degenerate toward the end. 134

Ed.pr.: A. Erman, F. Krebs, Aus den Papyrus der Koniglichen Museen (Berlin 1899) 233 T.Berol.inv. 13234 Photo: Bonner, 1977, 61 fig. 10; W. Schubart, Das Buch 3rd ed. (Heidelberg 1962) 41 fig.; Miiller 1977, 87 Bibl.: P? 2736, Z 113, D 115

Prov.: Unknown Date: No date (ed.pr.), Roman

Mat.: Waxed tablet Cont: Maxim written by the teacher and copied four times underneath between ruled lines. Hand 1: Model, large-sized letters in formal round with the loop of phi lozenge-shaped and with no finials. Omicron, sigma, and epsilon could be inscribed in a square. Hand 2: “Alphabetic,” variable letter size, trouble with omega. The student already knew cursive letters and found it hard to imitate the model. Mu is formed in four movements. 135

Ed.pr.: P.Ross.Georg. 112 T.Hermitage Museum, not found

Photo: None published Bibl.: P* 1610, Z 70, D 110, 143: CGFP 315 Prov.: Unknown Date: II-III AD

Mat.: Wooden tablet, 31 x 17.5 cm. Cont.: Two maxims in iambic trimeters written as a model (two oblique lines as verse division), then copied three times underneath. Words transcribed in scriptio plena. The student has difficulty understanding the colometry. Phonetic mistakes. Hand 1: Described as regular and proficient. Hand 2: Described as uncertain about letter shape, size, and inclination. 136

Ed.pr.: R. Cribiore, ZPE 107 (1995) 263-70 T.Phoebe Hearst Museum 6-21416 Photo: Tafeln VIT-IX

Prov.: Tebtunis, Roman cemetery Date: II-III AD Mat.: Wooden tablet, 14.4 x 30.7 cm.

206 WRITING EXERCISES Cont.: Side 1: Ruled with 23 guide-lines, written parallel to the short dimension. On the first four lines a teacher wrote a model consisting of a hexameter on the necessity of using a beautiful hand (cf. 222) and an exhortation to imitate the writing. The model is defined by oblique dashes at the beginning and what appear to be line fillers at the end. A pupil then copied the model five times with increasing mistakes and omissions that indicate that he could not read it. Side 2: Written by a different student, parallel to the long dimension. Maxim repeated ten times. Only the beginning corresponds to Menander Monost. 487 Jaekel. The maxim is in choliambic verse. Hand 1: Teacher’s, affected and artificial, without the gracefulness of other teachers’ hands. The hand is slow and elaborate with well differentiated strokes. The letters tend to be tall and narrow with angular alpha, delta with the third diagonal stroke prolonged in a crest, and kappa with the terminal part of the first stroke bent. Hand 2: “Evolving,” becoming less beautiful and regular and more crowded as it proceeds. Hand 3: “Alphabetic,” with some multistroke letters. On each line the letters are bigger and better written in the first half, then become smaller with some confusion between nu and mu. 137

Ed.pr.: O.Bodl. 11 2190 O.Bodl.Gk.Inscr. 911 Photo: XVII, courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford Bibl.: P? 2673, Z 109, D 124

Prov.: Unknown Date: No date (ed.pr.), U-III AD

Mat.: Ostracon, 6.8 x 5.5 cm. Cont.: Three proper names written twice, the third means “son of Lolous.” Hand: “Alphabetic,” epsilon with elongated crossbar. 138

Ed.pr.: R.W. Daniel, ZPE 49 (1982) 43-44 P.Mich.inv. 4953

Prov.: Unknown Date: II] AD Photo: Tafel 1

Mat.: Papyrus, 11.5, x 9.3 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Account Back: — Three mythological hexameters. The first is then copied by another hand which signs at the bottom. Hand 1: Teacher’s, fluent and semicursive with adequate legibility. Letters are medium to large and slope slightly to the right. The initials of every line are enlarged. Hand 2: “Evolving,” attempts to imitate everything in the model, even size and ductus. 139

Ed.pr.: P.Ross. Georg. 1 13 T.Hermitage Museum, not found

Prov.: Unknown Date: III AD

Photo: None published Bibl.: P? 1882, Z 79, D 11, 143; CGFP 316

WRITING EXERCISES 207 Mat.: Waxed tablet, 15 x 17.7 cm. Cont.: Two maxims of moralistic content, separated by oblique strokes, then @:AoTévet. Hand: Described as teacher’s, clear and fluent. 140

Ed.pr.: XIV O.Mich. 1 661 O.Mich.inv. Photo: Bibl.: P2 2688, Z 74, D9249 118

Prov.: Karanis Date: III AD

Mat.: Ostracon, 6.3 x 9.9 cm. Cont.: A name, probably “Babylonians” rather than the genitive of Babylon. Hand: “Rapid,” quick, fluent, cursive letters. Probably an older student. 141

Ed.pr.: C. Wessely, Stud. Pal. II p. LIV, 11 P.Vindob.G. 26011k

Photo: MPER XV, Tafel 9 Bibl.: P2 2735, Z 92, D 121; MPER NS XV 43

Prov.: Arsinoite / Heracleopolite Date: III AD Mat.: Two fragments of coarse papyrus, 7 x 23.5 and 3.5 x 7 cm.

Cont.: One fragment ~ and the other t with two mythological names, Evpamn and aoc, written several times.

Hand: The names are first in block, versal letters (pupil or teacher?), and then in fluent, upright semicursives with few ligatures, written by a teacher who knew the chancery style. 142

Ed.pr.: E.J. Goodspeed, Mé/. Nicole (Géneve 1905) 181-82 T. Brooklyn 37.1724e Photo: Pap.Flor. XXII p. XX Bibl.: P* 1884, Z 106, D 128; G. Kaibel, Epigrammata Graeca ex Lapidibus Conlecta (Berlin 1878) xxiii no. 1117b; J.M. Edmonds, The Fragments of Attic Comedy (Leiden 1961) 416; CGFP 314; Pap.Flor. XXII 27.

Prov.: Abousir Date: IY? MI-IV in Pap. Flor. Mat.: Wooden tablet, 13.5 x 30 cm. Cont.: Written across short dimension, two unidentified gnomic iambic trimeters written in four lines, separated by an oblique stroke. Then a decorative design and the pupil’s copy, interrupted the fourth time around. Two oblique strokes separate the copies. Hand 1: Teacher’s, with informal, round, serifed letters of very large size, all separated. Hand 2: “Evolving,” calligraphic, epsilon with elongated crossbar, many erasures, and deficient alignment. Letters more serifed than the model’s and sometimes with roundels. 143

Ed.pr.: O.Mich. 1 662 O.Mich.inv. 9067 Photo: XVII Bibl.: P? 2689, Z 75, D 119

Prov.: Karanis Date: III-IV AD

Mat.: Ostracon, 5.7 x 4.8 cm.

208 WRITING EXERCISES Cont.: Two names of populations with misspellings. The rest is empty. Hand: “Rapid,” well-developed cursives. Probably an older student. 144

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 32 P.Vindob.G 28930 Photo: Tafel 7

Prov.: Heracleopolite? Date: IfI-IV AD Mat.: Papyrus fragment, 7.4 x 20 cm. Cont.: Series of xai on both sides. Hand: Practiced, probably an apprentice scribe. 145

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 39 P.Vindob.G 13804 Photo: Tafel 8

Prov.: Hermopolite Date: IIJ-IV AD Mat.: Papyrus, 10.5 x 6.5 cm., only bottom margin preserved; back blank Cont.: ~ A few words are repeated in five lines. Horizontal line at the end. Hand: Fluent and practiced, probably a scribe in training. 146

Ed.pr.: M. Froehner, Annales Société Francaise Numismat.Archéol. 3 (1868) 76-77 T.Borelly inv. 1568 Photo: XVII

Bibl.: P2 2731, Z 189, D 370; T7rGF 2 734e; R.S. Bagnall and K.A. Worp, BASP 17.1-2 (1980) 17

Prov.: Unknown Date: April 24 327 AD Mat.: Wooden tablet, 18 x 31 cm. Cont.: The story of Agamemnon and Iphigenia in four lines repeated three times (neither a dictation nor a paraphrase). In the first line the name of the student, Aurelius Theodoros son of Anoubion (cf. 389), and a planetary date. On the second line the consular date. Hand: “Rapid,” small, capable, leaning to the right. The letters touch most of the time. 147

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 73 P.Vindob.G 15574 Photo: Tafel 20

Prov.: Hermopolite Date: I[V-V AD Mat.: Coarse papyrus, 10.5 x 13.4 cm.; back blank. Cont.: - Two students: one practices the beginning of a letter to a brother, the other a name over and over. Many phonological mistakes. Hand 1: “Zero-grade,” with letters mostly separated. Hand 2: “Alphabetic,” sometimes with serifs at the end of the vertical strokes.

WRITING EXERCISES 209 148

Ed.pr.: W. Brashear, Enchoria 14 (1986) 11-12 T.Wiirzburg K 1023

Prov.: Unknown Date: IV-V AD Photo: None published, the writing is too faint

Mat.: Wooden tablet broken lengthwise, covered by coating, 12 x 29 cm. Cont.: Defined by horizontal and vertical lines all around. Horizontal guidelines. A maxim

written by the teacher is then copied by the student (cf. 158, 160, line 1 of 319 and 393). Hand 1: Described as experienced.

Hand 2: Described as not too clumsy. 149

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 33 P.Vindob.G 40381

Prov.: Unknown Date: IV-V AD

Photo: Tafel 7

Mat.: Papyrus, 8.6 x 13.2 cm. Cont.: Side 1: t Traces of writing by a different hand. Side 2: t A series of kai. Hand : Fluent, an apprentice scribe. 150

Ed.pr.: W. Brashear, Enchoria 14 (1986) 8-9 T.Wirzburg K 1020

Prov.: Unknown Date: IV-V AD

Photo: Tafel 6

Mat.: Fragment of wooden tablet covered with grey coating, 29.2 x 7 cm. Cont.: A maxim, Jaekel 269 (cf. 393, p. VIII) written by the teacher and copied by the student on guidelines. Underneath another student wrote a list of months. On the back three rows of a syllabary, barely visible. Hand 1: Teacher’s, leaning to the right. Beta with rounded bottom and kappa enlarged. Hand 2: “Zero-grade,” very large letters, severely multistroke, does not follow the model. Hand 3: (writes the list), “Evolving.” 151

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 34 P.Vindob.G 40579

Prov.: Unknown Date: V AD Photo: Tafel 7

Mat.: Papyrus, 5.5 x 12.5 cm.; other side blank. Cont.: t Two words, cai and vod, are repeated over and over. Hand: Fluent, an apprentice scribe. 152

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 37 P.Vindob.G 26274 Photo: Tafel 8

210 WRITING EXERCISES

Prov.: Arsinoite-Heracleopolite Date: V AD Mat.: Papyrus, 13.5 x 6 cm.; back blank. Cont.: ~ A word is repeated several times, together with other writing. Hand: Practiced, probably an apprentice scribe. 153

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 41 H.T.Vindob.G 5

Prov.: Unknown Date: V AD Photo: Tafel 8

Mat.: Fragment of wooden tablet, 15.8 x 1.7 cm. Cont.: Parts of six lines, the same words are repeated in the first five. Then blank space. Hand: Fluent, probably an apprentice scribe. 154

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 45a P.Vindob.G 38722

Prov.: Unknown Date: V AD? Photo: Tafel 85

Mat.: Papyrus, 5.2 x 10 cm. Cont.: — Difficult to say if the student copied just letters or words. Two rough breathings. Hand: “Zero-grade,” poor eye-hand coordination, distorted image of alpha, rho, and Zeta. 155

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 38 P.Vindob.G 15645 Photo: Tafel 8

Prov.: Hermopolite Date: V-VI AD

Mat.: Papyrus, 7.5 x 11.5 cm. Cont.: Side 1: ~ Two words repeated many times. Side 2: f Accomplished scribe’s writing exercise. Hand: Overall clumsy appearance, but most letters are fluent, perhaps an apprentice scribe. 156

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 31 P.Vindob.G 3860 Photo: Tafel 7

Prov.: Arsinoite-Heracleopolite Date: V-VI AD Mat.: Papyrus of bad quality, 4.x 5.5 cm. Cont.: Side 1: - Account. Side 2: ~ A word and a letter a few times. Hand: Probably an apprentice scribe. 157

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 35 P.Vindob.G 39585 Photo: Tafel 7

Prov.: Heracleopolite? Date: V-VI AD

WRITING EXERCISES 211 Mat.: Strip of papyrus, two pieces glued against each other, 3.5 x 17.8 cm. Cont.: — On both sides, letters and words repeated. Cross. Hand: Apprentice scribe, probably. 158

Ed.pr.: P. van Minnen, ZPE 93 (1992) 209-11 T.Mich.inv. 29974 Photo: Tafel IX

Bibl.: M.L. Allen and T.K. Dix, The Beginning of Understanding. Writing in the Ancient

Prov.: Unknown Date: V-VI AD World (Ann Arbor 1991) 56-57, no. 10, fig.1.

Mat.: Wooden tablet, white coating, 17 x 32 cm. Cont.: Side 1: Mathematical tables Side 2: Across short dimension, framing lines, a maxim (cf. 148, 160, line 1 of 319 and

393). Then the leftover space is ruled with 20 horizontal lines. . Hand: Teacher’s, fluent, upright with a few ligatures. Upsilon is v-shaped and alpha has the loop open at the top. Eta has an ascending middle bar linked to the top of the vertical. 159

Ed.pr.: P.Jouguet, G. Lefebvre, BCH 28 (1904) 208-209 T. Cairo, Not found Photo: None published Bibl.: P? 1341, 1843; Z 102, 196; D 131, 371; Jaekel, 1964, Pap. XV

Prov.: Unknown Date: Byzantine

Mat.: Tablet written on both sides. Cont.: Side 1: Menander’s maxim copied four times. Side 2: Seven epic hexameters, in the style of Nonnus: a speech of Achilles’ shade. Scriptio plena. Hand: Not described, but considered a student’s hand. 160

Photo: Pl. 6, 7 Bibl.: D 114 Ed.pr.: P. Cauderlier, RA (1983) f. 2, pp. 276-79 T.Louvre inv. AF 1195

Prov.: Antinoopolis Date: Byzantine (not earlier than V AD) Mat.: Wooden tablet, 27 x 16 cm. Cont.: Side 1: Across the short dimension, a maxim (cf. 148, 158, line 1 of 319, line 1 of 393) written by the teacher and followed by his name, Flavius Collouthos son of Isakios, is then copied several times in two cols. by the pupil. Side 2: Across the long dimension, series of incomplete alphabets. Traces of previous writing: letters of the alphabet. Hand 1: Teacher’s, proficient, semicursive, extra-large letters, close to the upright pointed majuscule. The letters’ size is not uniform, and there is a contrast in their width. Some letters are bent backward and some are ligatured. Hand 2: “Alphabetic,” gamma and iota copied as eta (not pi as in ed.pr.), mu and nu hardly can be identified on both sides. Imitates teacher’s inclination.

|

212 WRITING EXERCISES 161

Ed.pr.: O. Petr. 413 O.London UC. 31900 Photo: XVIII, courtesy of the Petrie Museum, University College London Bibl.:P2 2672, Z 104, D 127

Prov.: Unknown Date: Byzantine

Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 9.2 x 8.4 cm. Cont.: “Apoevxéy repeated three times, perhaps a pensum for a mistake in the gender. Hand: “Rapid,” somewhat fluent, even though the exercise is not neat. 162

Ed.pr.: O. Petr. 411 O.London UC. 31903 Photo: XVIII, courtesy of the Petrie Museum, University College London Bibl.: P* 2670, Z 103, D 126

Prov.: Unknown Date: Byzantine (V or later)

Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 10.9 x 10.7 cm. Cont.: A name written seven times. Hand: “Rapid,” cursive alpha and epsilon with extended crossbar. 163

Ed.pr.: Phoebammon II p. 124 no. 33 Not found

Prov.: Thebaid Date: Byzantine Photo: None published

Mat.: Ostracon, 12.5 x 14 cm. Cont.: A name, "Avépéac. The rest of the space is empty. Hand: Described as being “large, unskilled.” 164

Ed.pr.: Phoebammon II p. 149 no.122 Not found

Prov.: Thebaid Date: Byzantine Photo: None published

Mat.: Ostracon of white stone, 5.5 x 7.5 cm. Cont.: A name, Lipapxoc. Hand: Large, not described further.

165

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 45 P.Vindob.G 40213

Prov.: Unknown Date: VI AD Photo: Tafel 11

Mat.: Papyrus, 6 x 8.5 cm. Cont.: - A name repeated twice. Hand: “Zero-grade,” nu appears four times, always different.

: 166

| WRITING EXERCISES 213 Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 40 P.Vindob.G 40217 Photo: Tafel 8

Prov.: Unknown Date: VI-VII AD

Mat.: Papyrus, 7.9 x 5.3 cm. Cont.: ~ A date is repeated eight times. Hand: “Evolving,” alpha cursive and ligatured. Letter size varies. 167

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 71 P.Vindob.G 22401

: Photo: Tafel 20

Prov.: Arsinoite Date: VI-VII AD

Mat.: Papyrus of bad quality, 3.5 x 15.5 cm. Cont.: — Blasphemous invocation to Jesus Christ and Apa Ol, with phonetic mistakes. The nomen sacrum is not abbreviated. Hand: “Alphabetic,” bad alignment. 168

Ed.pr.: Mon.Epiph. TI 611 O.MMA 14.1.140, not found

Photo: Plate XIV Bibl.: P? 555, Z 94, D 134 Prov.: Thebes Date: VI-VII AD

Mat.: Ostracon Cont.: /liad 1.1 partially repeated four times. Then Coptic text by different hand. Hand: Very proficient, a scribe. 169

Ed.pr.: C. Préaux, CdE 10 (1935) 361-70 T. Brux. Musées Royaux E. 6801 Photo: Plate Bibl.: van Haelst 129 Prov.: Unknown Date: VI-VII AD Mat.: Wooden tablet, white coating, 30 x 12 cm. Cont.: Side 1: Horizontal guidelines and blank space in correspondence to the holes. Verse 3 of Psalm 28 (29) written six times. A chrism, diaeresis, and two accents. Side 2: Greek alphabet followed by the vowels written six times and the Coptic letters. An amulet (ed.pr.). The repeated writing and the tablet’s size point to an exercise. Hand: Experienced, practicing Alexandrian majuscule. 170

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 70 P.Vindob.G 40408

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII AD Photo: Tafel 20

Mat.: Papyrus, 8.5 x 5.5 cm. Cont.: ~ Partial invocation, then blank space. The nomen sacrum is not abbreviated. Hand: “Alphabetic,” cursive and very multistroke.

214 WRITING EXERCISES 171

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 36 P.Vindob.G 12042

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII AD

Photo: Tafel 8

Mat.: Papyrus, 4 x 11.3 cm. Cont.: — Letter and part of a word repeated, on the back a few crosses. Hand: Fluent, probably an apprentice scribe. 172

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XVIII 95 O.Vindob.K 772

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII AD Photo: Tafel 35

Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 6.8 x 6 cm. Cont.: A name (four times with the sign of abbreviation) is practiced five times. Hand: “Evolving,” with letters that sometimes touch. 173

Ed.pr.: H.R. Hall, CGT pl. 34 no. 2 O.BM inv. 33187

Photo: XVI Bibl.: P2 2700, Z 100, D 123 Prov.: Deir-el-Bahari Date: VII-VUI Ab Mat.: Ostracon, 11.2 x 10.5 cm. Cont.: The name *Ayapépvwy without final nu written in two lines. Hand: “Rapid,” alpha and mu with cursive appearance, but separated. 174

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XVIII 107 O.Berol.inv. P.19699

Prov.: Unknown Date: VIII AD? Photo: Tafel 38

Mat.: Ostracon, 9.2 x 6.8 cm. Cont.: A few Greek and Coptic letters on the first line, then two names are repeated several times. Hand: “Alphabetic,” with a thick pen, uneven letters of varying size.

Short Passages: Maxims, Sayings, and Limited Amount of Verses 175

Ed.pr.: P. Cair.Zen. TV 59535 P.Cairo, Jounal d’entrée no. 51534

Photo: Pl. Il Bibl.: P2 1794, D 175 Prov.: Philadelphia Date: II BC Mat.: Papyrus, 8.5 x 6 cm. Cont.: Playful hexameter on Achilles and the words & &vépec¢ dixao7ai underneath.

SHORT PASSAGES 215 Hand: “Rapid,” first in a plain literary hand, then in epigraphic, serifed letters. An advanced student. 176

Ed.pr.: O. Edfu I 305 Not found Photo: Pl. XLIX Bibl.: P? 2681, Z 364, D 116

Prov.: Apollinopolis Date: Ptolemaic Mat.: Incomplete ostracon Cont.: Six lines of writing, perhaps an obscure riddle. Probably omega at the beginning of line 5 is part of the previous word: ‘Aé@nvaiy. Hand: Accurate, proficient letters. 177

Ed.pr.: BKT V.1 pp. 78-79 O.Berol. Photo: Schubart, PGB, 8a Bibl.: P? 1758, Z 42, D 177; SH 973 b

Prov.: Thebes Date: II BC Mat.: Ostracon Cont.: Epigram on towns’ rivalry to be Homer’s birthplace, written in continuous lines. Paragraphos under the last line. Hand: “Rapid,” fluent, but not very uniform. 178

Ed.pr.: O.Bodl. Il 2172 O.Bodl. Not found

Prov.: Unknown Date: I BC

Photo: None published Bibl.: P? 1759, Z 45, D 179, 387; SH 971 Mat.: Ostracon

Cont.: Epigram on a lame, proud Spartan soldier written in continuous lines. Mistakes of every kind. Hand: Described as “large, rude, uncial.” 179

Ed.pr.: O.Bodl. II 2173 O.Bodl.Gk.Inscr. 1205 Photo: XVIII, courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford Bibl.: P2 1760, Z 46, D 179, 387; SH 971

Prov.: Unknown Date: I BC Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 12.5 x 8.5 cm. Cont.: Beginning of epigram on Spartan soldier. Many mistakes. Hand: “Rapid,” serifed and fluent, but clumsy erasures. 180

Ed.pr.: R. Cribiore, Tyche 9 (1994) 1-8 P.Harvard Houghton SM 4371 Photo: Tafel | Bibl.: P2 780, Z 48, D 149; P. Oxy. IV 761

216 SHORT PASSAGES

Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: I BC Mat.: Papyrus, 21 x 11 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Traces of document. Back: — Iliad 6.147, 148, then 147 and the first half of 149 repeated twice. Hand: “Evolving,” varying in size. The letters are all separated except epsilon and alpha. 181

Ed.pr.: O.Bodl. 1 280 O.Bod1.Gk.Inscr. 643 Photo: XVIII, courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford Bibl.: P2 2668, Z 47, D 195

Prov.: Thebes? Date: Late Ptolemaic

Mat.: Ostracon, 14.4 x 11.8 cm. Cont.: Words traced with care. Hand: Epigraphic, with finials and roundels, perhaps a model. 182

Ed.pr.: BKT V.2 XVII no. 6 T.Berol.inv. AM 17651 Photo: XIX Bibl.: P2 430, Z 44, D 180; M.W. Haslam, ZPE 20 (1976) 55-57

Prov.: Unknown Date: I AD Mat.: Wax tablet Cont.: Side 1: Euripides, Troades 876-79, each verse divided between two lines at the caesura, words separated into syllables. Side 2: Random letters of the alphabet, especially chi and xi. Hand: “Zero-grade,” very slow, with letters varying in size and inclination, and sometimes in shape (e.g., omega). Some confusion between alpha and delta. 183

Ed.pr.: PST VIII 1000 O.Biblioteca Laurenziana Photo: XIX Bibl.: P? 2463; L. Salvadori, Civilté Classica e Cristiana 9 (1988) 259-62

Prov.: Thebes Date: IV AD (ed.pr.); I-II Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 17 x 13.9 cm. Cont.: Iliad 13.217, with the beginning of a comment (Mythographus Homericus) that is interrupted: a writing exercise, a note, or a model.

Hand: Proficient book hand, with finials and letters mostly separated. A teacher or an advanced student. 184

Ed.pr.: W.G. Waddell, Et. Pap. 1 (1932) 17 P.Cairo, Journal d’entrée no. 56226

Photo: XX Bibl.: P2 1340, Z 72, D 139; CGFP 208

Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: I-III AD Mat.: Rough papyrus, 6.7 x 6.6 cm.; back blank.

SHORT PASSAGES 217 Cont.: ~ Philemon PCG 93.1, then blank space. Hand: “Evolving,” with serifed letters of variable size almost all separated. 185

Ed.pr.: W.G. Waddell, Et. Pap. 1 (1932) 16 P.Cairo, Journal d’entrée no. 56227

Photo: XX Bibl.: P? 1887, Z 252, D 140

Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: I-III AD

Mat.: Papyrus, 9 x 8.3 cm. Cont: Side 1: ~ A maxim with a fusion of Christian and pagan moralizing (TrGF 2 F 476). At the end of line 2 there is a misdivision, but then the writer tried to erase omicron. Side 2: f Fragmentary account Hand: “Alphabetic,” with a thick pen, letters all separated, but epsilon has a long crossbar. 186

Ed.pr.: A. Henrichs, ZPE 1 (1967) 45-53 O.K6ln.inv. 0.4

Photo: P.K6éln 66, Tafel [a Bibl.: P.Kd/n Il 66; CPF 18, 1T

Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: II AD

Mat.: Ostracon, 10 x 7.5 cm. Cont.: Two maxims about education, the first adespoton, the second attributed to Antisthenes. Hand: “Evolving,” fluent, with varying letter size. Only epsilon iota are ligatured. 187

Ed.pr.: P.Rein. II 84 O.Rein.inv. 2188 Photo: XIX Bibl.: P* 2653, Z 61, D 183 Prov.: Unknown Date: II AD

Mat.: Ostracon, 8.5 x 8.5 cm. Cont.: A riddle about the bat with a few phonetic mistakes. At the end a decorated line. Hand: “Rapid,” mostly cursive and fluent enough. 188

Ed.pr.: P. Mil. Vogl. VI 263 P.Mil.N.cat. 261 verso

Prov.: Tebtunis Date: II AD Photo: Tav. I

Mat.: Papyrus, 8.6 x 9.9 cm. Cont.: Front: - Accounts. Back: t Two sayings, one about Demosthenes and the other about Epaminondas, divided by space and an extended paragraphos. Many phonetic mistakes, but they do not guarantee a dictation. Aeschines’ death is wrongly put before Demosthenes’. This either represents a mistake by the teacher or testifies to a different tradition. Hand: “Evolving,” informal, round with some letters ligatured and varying size. 189

Ed.pr.: J.G. Milne, JAS 28 (1908) 126 no. VII O.Bod!.Gk.Inscr. 2935

218 SHORT PASSAGES Photo: None published, too dark Bibl.: P? 2720, Z 58, D 136; Jaekel 1964, XVII

Prov.: Upper Egypt Date: II AD Mat.: Ostracon, 6.6 x 9.8 cm. Cont.: Maxim, Antiphanes 281 PGC written in three lines. Hand: “Evolving,” irregular letters decorated with roundels and a few corrections. 190

Ed.pr.: P.Collart, CRAT (1945) 249-58 O. Clermont-Ganneau, not found

Photo: None published Bibl.: P? 2656, Z 201, D 202

Prov.: Elephantine Date: IJ AD Mat.: Ostracon, 8 x 7 cm. Cont.: Saying of Chaeremon on Tyche, wrongly attributed to Euripides, with phonetic mistakes (7rGF 1 F 2). Hand: Described as uneven and clumsy. 191

Ed.pr.: O.Bodl. If 2179 O.Bodl.Gk.Inscr. 163

Photo: None published, almost illegible now Bibl.: P2 1230

Prov.: Unknown Date: II AD

Mat.: Ostracon, 9.4 x 6.2 cm. Cont.: It mentions “the poet Homer.” Hand: “Rapid;” it seems fluent, but uneven.

192

Ed.pr.: MPER NS III 32 P.Vindob.G. 19766 Photo: Gallo 1980, Tav. XIII no. 1 Bibl.: P? 1989, Z 59, D 313; G. Bastianini, W. Luppe, Analecta Papirologica 1 (1989) 31-36

Prov.: Unknown Date: II AD

Mat.: Papyrus, 8 x 6 cm. Cont.: Front: -~ Document. Back: t A saying of Diogenes and the beginning of the hypothesis of a satyr play of Euripides, the Av7é6Xuxocg Tlpa@toc.

Hand: “Alphabetic,” only epsilon ligatured. Variable space between letters and lines. 193

Ed.pr.: O.Bodl. If 2170 O.Bodl.Gk.Inscr. 2454 Photo: XXI, courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford Bibl.: P? 657, Z 371, D 152

Prov.: Unknown Date: II AD? Mat.: Ostracon, 6.8 x 6.7 cm. Cont.: Beginnings of Iliad 2.527, 536, 546, 581, 557, 591, 559, 569, 484; probably an aid to the memory (cf. 201 and 291). There are many phonetic mistakes. Hand: “Alphabetic,” written with a thick pen, uneven and irregular.

SHORT PASSAGES 219 194

Ed.pr.: O. Claud. 1 184 O.Claud.inv. 236 Photo: Pl. XXXII

Prov.: Mons Claudianus Date: II AD Mat.: Ostracon, 6.7 x 4.5 cm. Cont.: Menander’s sententia (Jaekel IV 1). Hand: Clear, practiced, and elaborate, probably the same apprentice scribe of 195. 195

Ed.pr.: O. Claud. 1185 O.Claud.inv. 948

Photo: Pl. XXXII

Prov.: Mons Claudianus Date: II AD Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 5.1 x 7.6 cm. Cont: Menander’s sententia (Jaekel IV 1). Hand: Probably same apprentice scribe of 194. 196

Ed.pr.: O. Claud. 1 186 O.Claud.inv. 234

Photo: Pl. XXXIII

Prov.: Mons Claudianus Date: II AD Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 5 x 2.4 cm. Cont.: Menander’s maxim (Jaekel IV 1). Hand: Confident, but with some flaws; probably an apprentice scribe. 197

Ed.pr.: O. Claud. 1 187 O.Claud.inv. 80 Photo: None published, writing is smudged.

Prov.: Mons Claudianus Date: II AD Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 5 x 4.5 cm. Cont.: Menander’s maxim (Jaekel [V 1). Hand: Not described 198

Ed.pr.: O.Bodl. 11 2174 O.Bod1.Gk.Inscr. 2105 Photo: XVIII, courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford Bibl.: P2 1946; SH 972

Prov.: Unknown Date: II AD

Mat.: Ostracon, 7.9 x 7.7 cm. Cont.: Fragment of epigram on the fatherland of Homer: three very corrupted verses written continuously, without separation, by a student, without much understanding. Hand: “Alphabetic,” with some ligatures. The alignment is bad and there are a few erasures.

220 SHORT PASSAGES 199

Ed.pr.: P. Jouguet, G. Lefebvre, BCH 28 (1904) 207-208 T.IFAO, not found

Photo: None published Bibl.: P? 834, Z 154, D 157

Prov.: Unknown Date: Roman

Mat.: Wooden tablet Cont: Side 1: A few Coptic words Side 2: Iliad 9.1-7; lines 4 and 5 are written twice, therefore not a dictation. Hand: Not described 200

Ed.pr.: D.C. Hesseling, JHS 13 (1892-93) 296 T.Bodl.Ms.Gr.class.d159 (p)

Photo: None published, hardly visible Bibl.: P2 2710, D 193

Prov.: Unknown Date: No date (ed.pr.), Roman Mat.: Wax tablet in bad condition, 12.3 x 16.5 cm. Cont.: Maxim, difficult to see (cf. 209),“Homer was a god, not a man,” and some letters.

Hand: “Alphabetic.” | 201

Ed.pr.: O.Bodl. Il 2169 O.Bodl.Gk.Inscr. 1506 Photo: XXI, courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford Bibl.: P? 656

Prov.: Unknown Date: II AD? Mat.: Ostracon, 11.4 x 8.3 cm. Cont.: Beginnings of Iliad 2.483, 494, 511, 517 (cf. 193 and 291). Four other lines, smudged and illegible, are written perpendicularly to the first. Many phonetic mistakes. Hand: “Evolving,” quick with some cursive elements. Epsilon with lengthened crossbar. 202

Ed.pr.: H. Diels, Sitz. Berl. Akad. (1898) 857-58 = P.Lond.Lit. 63 T.BM 29527

Photo: Tafel I'V Bibl.: P? 1765, Z 68, D 182

Prov.: Unknown Date: II-III AD Mat.: Wax tablet, 22.5 x 12 cm. Cont.: Adespoton epigram: a riddle. Some of the verses are divided in two at the caesura. At times they are written continuously. Traces of letters of previous writing. Hand: “Zero-grade,” shaky strokes, letter size and spacing vary considerably. 203

Photo: Tafel X Bibl.: OGN I 131 Prov.: Narmouthis Date: II-III AD Ed.pr.: R. Pintaudi, P.J. Sijpesteijn, ZPE 76 (1989) 91-92 no. 7 OMM inv. 625

Mat.: Ostracon, 7.2 x 9 cm. Cont.: Two unknown iambic trimeters about Tyche, separated by oblique stroke (cf. 221). Large margin left blank.

SHORT PASSAGES 221 Hand: Proficient, clear cursive letters, a model perhaps. 204

Ed.pr.: J. Lenaerts, CdE 50 (1975) 195-96 O.Berol.inv. 10747 Photo: XX Bibl.: D 189; M. Gronewald, ZPE 22 (1976) 19-20

Prov.: Elephantine Date: II-III AD Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 7.8 x 10.2 cm. Cont.: Five lines of Isocrates, Ad Demonicum I, 28, about how wealth is not to be prized.

Hand: Teacher’s with informal, round, medium to large letters. Initials greatly enlarged. Sometimes letters with cursive forms, but still exemplary clarity. Margins visible only on top and left. Perhaps this was a large model which contained a long passage. 205

Ed.pr.: R. Pintaudi, P.J. Sijpesteijn, ZPE 76 (1989) 88 no. 4 OMM inv. 956

Photo:Narmouthis Tafel IX Bibl.: OGN Prov.: Date: II-IIII 128 AD Mat.: Ostracon, 9.6 x 10.5 cm. Cont.: Five lines of writing, probably a riddle. Large blank space. Hand: “Rapid,” cursive and fluent. Probably an advanced student. 206

Ed.pr.: H. Henne, BIFAO 27 (1927) 79-82 O.Wadie Hanna, not found

Photo: None published Bibl.: P* 680, Z 146, D 154

Prov.: Unknown Date: [I-III AD

Mat.: Ostracon, 12 x 13 cm. Cont.: Iliad 3.1-5, part of a simile, in two uneven cols. Verses cut at the caesura. Diaeresis. The oblique strokes described by the editor probably served for a metrical reading. Hand: Described as fluent. 207

Ed.pr.: P. Oxy. IT 425 P.Brux. Musées Royaux inv. 5928 Photo: Turner, 1987, Plate 5 Bibl.: P? 1927, Z 69, D 184

Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: II-III AD

Mat.: Papyrus scrap, 9.5 x 11.4 cm. Cont.: Unknown lyric, a song of boatmen written out without distinction into cola. At the end a paragraphos and some decorations. Then a large blank space. Hand: “Zero-grade,” some difficulty with upsilon, alpha, delta, and pi. 208

Descriptum: P.Oxy. VI 966 P.Cairo, Journal d’entrée no.47419

Photo: XX Bibl.: P? 1879, Z 78, D 144; CGFP 307 Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: III AD Mat.: Papyrus scrap, 12.7 x 10.5 cm.

222 SHORT PASSAGES Cont.: Front: > Official document. Back: > A line and the beginning of another, separated by an oblique dash. Probably corrupt gnomic iambics. Hand: “Zero-grade,” mostly separated letters, except epsilon. 209

Ed.pr.: P.Mich. VIII 1100 P.Mich.inv. 9353 Photo: Plate XIa Bibl.: P* 2746, D 118 bis

Prov.: Karanis Date: III AD Mat.: Ostracon, 6.6 x 7.8 cm.

Cont.: Some words, mostly proper names. Underneath a maxim: “A god, not a man was Homer” (cf. 200). Hand: “Evolving,” only epsifon is ligatured. 210

Ed.pr.: P. Oxy XLIV 3174 Ashmolean Museum Photo: Plate IV J. Bingen, CdE 51 (1976) 314

Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: 8 March 243 AD Mat.: Papyrus, 5.5 x 15 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Tax document.

Back: ~ Unknown iambic trimeter, date, and two drawings (abacus and a figure, Midas?). The date is by year, month, and planetary week. Hand: “Zero-grade,” seems to imitate a model written in a formal mixed hand, with broad and narrow letters. Many inkblots. Epsilon ligatured or with crossbar lengthened. 211

Ed.pr.: P. Rein. I 85 P.Sorb.inv. 2150 Prov.: Unknown Date: End of III AD Photo: Gallo, 1980, Tav. XIII no. 2 Bibl.: P? 1990, Z 251; Gallo, 1980, 349-54

Mat.: Papyrus scrap, 7 x 4 cm. Cont.: Four lines of writing and then a large empty space. One or two sayings, the first from Diogenes, then perhaps a saying of Aristotle (CPF 24 62T). Hand: “Alphabetic,” with a thick pen. Epsilon ligatured or with crossbar lengthened. 212

Ed.pr.: P.Lund VI 12 P.Lund inv. 45 Photo: XXIV Bibl.: P2 704

Prov.: Unknown Date: III-IV Ap Mat.: Papyrus scrap, 15 x 9.8 cm.; back blank. Cont.: — Iliad 3.407, divided in two lines at the caesura. Then large blank space. Hand: “Rapid,” with elaborate, unattractive letters.

SHORT PASSAGES 223 213

Ed.pr.: O.Mich. 1 693 O.Mich.inv. 9222 Photo: XXII Bibl.: P? 2691, Z 86 Prov.: Karanis Date: I-IV AD

Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 6.2 x 6.8 cm. Cont.: A few words can be read in four lines. Hand: “Evolving,” very large, with a badly sharpened pen. 214

Ed.pr.: O.Mich. 1 658 O.Mich.inv. 9011 Photo: XX Bibl.: P? 2686, Z 84, D 188; Youtie 1973, 467-77.

Prov.: Karanis Date: Late IlIl- early IV AD

Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 10 x 9.4 cm. Cont.: A common phrase, “For the good of all.” Hand: Capable, same as 110, perhaps a model. 215

Ed.pr.: H. Thompson, Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch. 34 (1912) 97 = SB 15730 O. property of H. Thompson Photo: Plate XXII Bibl.: P* 1988, Z 255, D 205; Gallo 1980, 369-75

Prov.: Thebes Date: III-IV Ap

Mat.: Ostracon Cont.: Two sayings of Diogenes the Cynic. The first also appears in notebook 393, VII; the second concerns education. Hand: “Rapid,” with quick, semicursive letters. 216

Ed.pr.: L. Koenen, ZPE 13 (1974) 97-103 T.Colon. 21 Photo: Taf. VI Bibl.: D 145; G.B. Philipp, ZPE 24 (1977) 54 and Gymnasium 85 (1978) 151-59.

Prov.: Unknown Date: III-IV AD

Mat.: Wooden tablet, originally a book cover, 16.7 x 27.8 cm. Cont.: Side 1: Two dates by different hands, referring to subsequent uses or to the scribe’s activity in writing the book. Side 2: The line 7réA0¢ Exer ‘IArckd0¢ X repeated entirely or partially in regular or block letters. Then the name ‘Hpaxdns written twice by a different, capable hand. Then a gnome (Jaekel 9) with some mistakes and a frequently occurring Homeric formula. Hand: “Rapid,” an older student, who had already reached the end of Iliad 22. 217

Ed.pr.: O. Wilck. II 1226 Formerly Wilcken’s, not found

224 SHORT PASSAGES Photo: None published Bibl.: P? 2076, Z 155, D 203

Prov.: Unknown Date: Late Roman Mat.: Ostracon with traces of color Cont.: Saying of Aesop not completely deciphered. Hand: Described as being written by two hands, one smaller and more fluent than the other. 218

Ed.pr.: O. Wilck. If 1310 Not found Photo: None published Bibl.: P? 2081, Z 194, D 204 Prov.: Unknown Date: Late Roman Mat.: Incomplete ostracon Cont.: The beginning of a saying of Isocrates. Hand: Not described 219

Ed.pr.: BGU VII 1688 P.Berol.inv. 11609, not found Photo: None published Bibl.: P? 2741, Z 87, D 192

Prov.: Philadelphia Date: IV AD

Mat.: Papyrus Cont.: Fragment with parts of four lines, the second possibly Sophocles’ (7rGF 2 F 715 and 4 F 833) Hand: Described as clumsy and crude. 220

Ed.pr.: G. Nachtergael, CdE 66 (1991) 221-25 O.Musée du Périgord inv. 2382 Photo: Fig. |

Prov.: Hermopolis Date: IV AD (ed.pr.), but probably later Mat.: Ostracon, 5.2 x 12.7 cm. Cont: Menander’s maxim (Jaekel 455). The text helps emend the manuscript tradition. On the last line the exhortation ¢:Aomévec surrounded by lines. Hand: Teacher’s, elaborate, accentuates thick and thin strokes, with wedge-shaped finials. 221

Ed.pr.: PST IV 280 P. Biblioteca Laurenziana Photo: XXI Bibl.: P? 1881, Z 146; CGFP 298

Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: IV-V AD Mat.: Papyrus, 9 x 13 cm. Cont.: - Three unidentified iambic trimeters on Tyche (cf. 203), written without distinction of the verses (7rGF 2 F 717). Three very short and obscure lines are added by the same hand turning the papyrus 90 degrees. Hand: Fluent and practiced, perhaps a teacher’s.

SHORT PASSAGES 225 222

Ed.pr.: P.Bad. IV 111 T.Heidelberg UL, not found Photo: None published Bibl.: P* 2733, Z 125, D 148

Prov.: Unknown Date: No date (ed.pr.), but after TV AD Mat.: Fragment of wooden tablet, 9.6 x 51.5 cm Cont.: In the left part, which is framed by lines, there are small crosses. In the right part a hexameter, an exhortation to write well (cf. 136), divided into syllables, and then the same words are written in a different order, surrounded by crosses. The pupil had to fit the words into the hexameter. Hand: Not described. 223

Ed.pr.: O.Bodl. II 2565 O.Bodl.Gk.Inscr.inv. 82

Photo: None published, too faint now Bibl.: P? 2679, Z 112, D 201 Prov.: Unknown Date: Byzantine

Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 5.6 x 7.8 cm. Cont.: Part of a verse with iambic rhythm (7rGF 2 F 719), practically invisible now. 224

Ed.pr.: O. Wilck. II 1149 O.Louvre 8741, not found Photo: None published Bibl.: P? 587, Z 157, D 172

Prov.: Unknown Date: VI AD

Mat.: Incomplete ostracon Cont.: Hiad 1.206 partially preserved. Hand: Described as competent and slanting to the right. 225

Ed.pr.: Mon.Epiph. I 612 O.MMA.14.1.139 Photo: Plate XIV Bibl.: P? 557, Z 95, D 173

Prov.: Thebes Date: VI-VII AD

Mat.: Incomplete ostracon Cont.: /liad 1.1 and 2, beginning. Hand: “Rapid,” competent and well developed cursive letters. 226

Ed.pr.: Mon. Epiph. U 613 O.MMA, not found

Photo: None published Bibl.: P? 586, Z 96, D 174

Prov.: Thebes Date: VI-VII AD

Mat.: Ostracon Cont.: fliad 1.201 (formulaic verse) and “passim” (according to ed.pr.). Hand: Described as cursive and fluent.

226 SHORT PASSAGES 227

Ed.pr.: Mon. Epiph. II 614 O.MMA, not found Photo: None published | Bibl.: P* 563, Z 97, D 174 bis

Prov.: Thebes Date: VI-VII AD

Mat.: Ostracon Cont.: Iliad 1.22 and “passim” (ed.pr.). Hand: Described as written in a cursive hand.

228

Ed.pr.: Crum 1921, no. 403 O.Vindob.K. 674 Photo: MPER XVIII Taf. 94 Bibl.: P? 1322; W.C. Till, Die koptischen Ostraka der Papyrussammlung der Osterreichischen

Nationalbibliothek (1960) 4 no. 9; Jaekel, 1964, Pap. XII; D. Hagedorn, M. Weber, ZPE 3 (1968) 15-50; A. Grilli, Paideia 24 (1969) 185-94; MPER NS XVIII 268

Prov.: Unknown Date: VI-VII AD Mat.: Ostracon, 13.2 x 17 cm. Cont.: Menander’s maxim (Jaekel Pap. XII), translated then into Coptic by the same scribe. Hand: Teacher’s or older student’s, with a thick pen and letters mostly separated. 229

Ed.pr.: P.J. Sijpesteijn, ZPE 52 (1983) 291-92 T.Moen inv. 78

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII AD Photo: Tafel X a

Mat.: Wooden tablet, 37.5 x 14 cm. Cont.: Side 1: Part of Isocrates, Ad Demonicum 9, with words divided into syllables. Some words are also separated by strokes: a model for reading, followed by the date. Side 2: Menander’s maxim (Jaekel Pap. II and VIII), probably copied, and not very successfully, from a model. Then the pupil signs. There are some erasures. Hand 1: A teacher’s, extra-large, capable, informal sloping letters with prominent ornamental circlets and roundels. The letters are often ligatured and some are made cursively. Hand 2: “Alphabetic,” even if elaborate and serifed. The first letters are more careful, but then the hand deteriorates. The name is less formal. 230

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 118 P.Vindob.G. 16778

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII AD

Photo: Tafel 54

Mat.: Piece of parchment, 8.3 x 5.3 cm. Cont.: Side 1: One col. on the hair side. Part of the story of the son who murdered his father (cf. 231, 232, 314, 323, 409, and 412), which perhaps was not continued. Full of mistakes of every kind. Diaeresis. Side 2: A chrism and probably the name of the pupil, Liwyp.

SHORT PASSAGES 227 Hand: “Alphabetic,” round and irregular with cursive delta and letter size strikingly uneven. 231

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 121 P.Vindob.G. 41265

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII AD

Photo: Tafel 55

Mat.: Scrap of papyrus cut from a bigger piece, 10.5 x 8 cm. Cont.: Front: > Beginning of the story of the son who murdered his father (cf. 230, 232, 314, 323, 409, and 412). Decorated initial. Diaeresis. Remains of a decorative design. Back: * Continuation of the story by a different hand. Hand 1: “Zero-grade,” difficulty with letter shape and variable inclination. Many inkblots. Hand 2: “Alphabetic,” letter size and spacing leaves much to be desired. 232

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 132 P.Heid.inv. G 565

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII AD Photo: Tafel 55

Mat.: Parchment on the flesh side, 6.7 x 13.4 cm. Cont.: On the left, letters are practiced. Then the beginning of the story of the father’s murderer (cf. 230, 231, 314, 323, 409, and 412), with decorated initial. At the bottom not a decorative design (ed.pr.), but a series of beta’s inserted in a grid. Bad orthography. Hand: “Zero-grade,” with some letters too similar (e.g., alpha and delta). Difficulty with letter size, orientation, and alignment.

Long Passages: Copies or Dictations 233

Ed.pr.: E. Kithn, Ber. Berl.Mus. 42 (1921) 101-104 P.Berol.inv. 12318 Photo: XXIV Bibl.: P? 2603, Z 241, D 380; Miller 1977, 70-71

Prov.: Philadelphia Date: III Bc

Mat.: Ostracon, found together with the three following, 20 x 16 cm.

Cont.: Unknown passage honoring parents, divided into several parts by paragraphoi and almost free of mistakes. Impossible to determine if it was an original composition. Hand: Fluent and regular (same as in 234, 235, and 236) with some cursive elements, like the literary hands of the period. A teacher or an older student. 234

Ed.pr.: U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, Sitz. Berl. Akad. (1918) 742-43 P.Berol.inv. 12319

Photo: XXII Bibl.: P2 1567, Z 250, 261, D 213 Prov.: Philadelphia Date: III Bc

Mat.: Ostracon

228 LONG PASSAGES Cont.: Anthology of literary passages generally about wisdom: Ps.-Epicharmus CA pp. 222-23 fr. 5-6; three unidentified comic fragments CGFP 306 a-b-c; Euripides, Electra 388-

89, Hecuba 354-56; Theognis, lines 25 (end) and 26 West JEG; Homer, Odyssey 18.79; Hesiod, Works and Days 287; two prose maxims. Hand: Same as in 233, 235, and 236: a teacher or an older student. 235

Ed.pr.: P. Viereck, Raccolta di Scritti in Onore di G. Lumbroso (Milano 1925) 254-55 P.Berol.inv. 12310

Photo: Bibl.: P?Date: 1498,III 1697 Prov.: XXIII Philadelphia Bc

Mat.: Ostracon Cont.: Two passsages separated by paragraphos: Theognis lines 434-438 West JEG and verses

from unknown comedy CGFP 317, all written continuously without observing the colometry. Hand: Same as in 233, 234, and 236. 236

Ed.pr.: P. Viereck, Racc.Lumbroso pp. 255-37 P.Berol.inv. 12311

Photo: Gallo, 1980, Tav. Ix Bibl.: P? 1575, Z 127, D 207

Prov.: Philadelphia Date: III Bc Mat.: Ostracon Cont.: Remains of previous accounts, and an anthology: Euripides, Aegeus fr. 11 Nauck, the

paraphrase of a sententia of Socrates, and two comic fragments, CGFP 318 1-2, in continuous lines. Hand: Same as in 233, 234, and 235. 237

Ed.pr.: U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, Sitz. Berl. Akad. (1918) 739-42 P.Berol. 12605 Photo: XXV Bibl.: P* 2131, Z 277, D 276; S. West, The Ptolemaic Papyri of Homer (K6ln 1965) 260-63

Prov.: Arsinoite Date: III Bc Mat.: Incomplete ostracon Cont.: Several glosses. The texts quoted are: Antimachus, Lyde 6, vi p. 250 CA, Hipponax fr. 49 West JEG, Homer Odyssey 11.311 and 21.390-91. Hand: Even, practiced literary hand, a teacher or an older student. 238

Ed.pr.: M.G. Tsoukalas, “Avéxdoro. dtAoAoyiKOL Kat idiwrixot Ta&TUpa (Diss. University of

Athens 1962) P. Athen. Univ.Bibl. 2782

Photo: Oikonomides, 1987, Fig. 2 Bibl.: A.N. Oikonomides, ZPE 37 (1980) 179-83, CB 63 (1987) 66-76

Prov.: Unknown Date: III Bc (perhaps later)

, LONG PASSAGES 229 Mat.: Coarse papyrus, 8 x 12 cm. Cont.: > Col. of writing with two paragraphoi, some of the Delphic commandments, 7 max-

ims (Stobaeus 3.1.173 Wachsmuth-Hense) with one more unknown (cf. 239, 285, 286). Large blank space. Hand: “Alphabetic,” with a badly sharpened pen and a few erasures. Letters formed separately and slowly with inclination and interlinear space varying. 239

Ed.pr.: U. Wilcken, Festschrift G. Ebers (Leipzig 1897) 142-46 Egypt Exploration Fund, not found Photo: None published Bibl.: M. Totti, Ausgewdhite Texte der Isis und Serapis—Religion, Subsidia Epigraphica XII (Hildesheim 1985) nr. 46.

Prov.: Deir el Bahri Date: III Bc

Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, probably originally of large size.

Cont.: One incomplete col. with “the commandments of Amenotes”; 3 maxims (Stobaeus 3.1.173 Wachsmuth-Hense) and others unknown (cf. 238, 285, and 286). The maxims are separated by horizontal lines and there are some paragraphoi. Hand: Only described as an informal bookhand. It was perhaps a teacher’s model. 240

Ed.pr.: P. Yale I 20 P. Yale inv. 2191 Photo: XXVIII Bibl.: P2 378; Rees, AJP 82 (1961) 176

Prov.: Hibeh Date: Ca. 250 BC Mat.: Papyrus scrap from mummy cartonnage, cut for the exercise, 8 x 5.7 cm.; back blank.

Cont.: — Closing chorus of Euripides, Alcestis 1159-63, Andromache 1284-88, Bacchae 1388-92, Helen 1688-92, and Medea 1416-19 (but the first line is different), written in continuous lines. Hand: “Evolving,” varying in letter size, crudely bilinear, untrained, and coarse. 241

Ed.pr.: H.R. Hall, CR 18 (1904) 2 = P.Lond.Lit. 75 O.BM inv. 18711 Photo: XXVI Bibl.: P? 416; D.J. Mastronarde, ZPE 49 (1982) 7-14

Prov.: Unknown Date: IT BC

Mat.: Ostracon written on both sides, 13 x 9.5 cm. Cont.: Euripides, Phoenissae 106-118 and 128-140, a mixture of trimeters and lyric verses. Interesting variant in line 132. Text written from dictation in continuous lines, full of mistakes, not only phonetic. There is confusion about case endings and some lines are irremediably garbled. Hand: “Rapid,” fluent and smooth, similar to some of the literary hands of the period. 242

Ed.pr.: O. Wilck. I 1147 P.Berol.inv. 4758

230 LONG PASSAGES

Prov.: Thebes Date: II BC Photo: Front too faint; XXV of the back Bibl.: P? 396, Z 130, D 296 Mat.: Ostracon written on both sides. Cont.: Euripides, Hippolytus 616-624, the beginning of Hippolytus’ speech against the feminine sex, written as if in prose. Hand: “Rapid,” fluent with epsilon and alpha in cursive form, but very faint now. 243

Ed.pr.: O. Wilck. II 1488 BL, O.Lond. inv. 25736, not found

Prov.: Thebes Date: II Bc

Photo: None published Bibl.: P? 1596, Z 43, D 130, 227; SH 976 Mat.: Ostracon Cont.: 12 lines of writing by two different hands on both sides: Leonidas, Ant.Gr. XXV and XLVI Gow-Page HE (incipit) with some unidentified epigrams. Hand: Fluent on the side called verso with variation in letter size. The text on the recto is very hard to see. 244

Ed.pr.: P.Didot. pp. 16-28 P.Louvre inv. E 7172 Photo: Plate in ed.pr. Bibl.: P* 31, 401, 1320; M.M. Kokolakis, Athena 66 (1962) 9-114; L. Koenen, ZPE 3 (1968)

138; D. Del Corno, CB 9 (1980) 69-77; Nardelli 1986, 179-88; Thompson 1988, 259-60

Prov.: Memphis Date: II Bc Mat.: Papyrus roll, 16.5 x 108 cm. Cont.: > After the first 3 cols., which contain 44 verses of new comedy copied by a scribe, Apollonios son of Glaukias, who was not more than fifteen years old, copies a personal

anthology that occupies the fourth and fifth cols., and a few lines of the sixth: Euripides, Medea 5-12; a fragment from Aeschylus Ka&pec¢ 7) Evoaan, TrGF 3 99, 123; and a fragment from a comedy of Menander, Koerte I p. 145, b. There are several paragraphoi, sometimes arbitrarily placed. Apollonios presents the pieces at the end as “the lessons of Aristhon the philosopher.” The Medea fragment does not start at the beginning of the speech and ends abruptly. Words are in scriptio plena. There are mistakes of every kind, which occasionally betray a lack of understanding. Hand: “Evolving,” rather fluent, but with letters of varying size that sometimes touch each other and are occasionally ligatured (same hand as 78, 245, and 246). Epsilon and alpha appear in three different forms. 245

Ed.pr.: C. Leemans, Papyri Graeci (Lugduni Batavorum 1843) 122-29 P.Leid. Photo: Boswinkel and Sijpesteijn 1968, plates 6a, 6b; Raven 1982, pl. 48 Bibl.: P? 2476; U. Wilcken, Mél. Nicole pp. 579-96, UPZ I 81; B. Perry, TAPA 97 (1966)

327-33; K. Gaiser, Gymnasium 75 (1968) 193-219, T. xxiv; M.J. Raven, Papyrus

LONG PASSAGES 231 (Terra, Zutphen 1982) 58-59; W. Clarysse, Schrijvend Verleden (Leiden 1983) 36771; L. Koenen, BASP 22 (1985) 171-94; Nardelli 1986, 179-88; D.J. Thompson, 1988, 262-63.

Prov.: Memphis Date: II Bc

Mat.: Papyrus roll, 17 x 80 cm. Cont.: -> Remains of 6 lines of documentary notes by another hand, then Apollonios son of Glaukias copies “The dream of Nectanebos,” or, better, according to the first line, the defense of Petesis before the king, of which only the part about the dream 1s copied. He copies from a Greek translation of an Egyptian exemplar. The story, part of the Egyptian literary genre of the Kénigsnovelle, is pro-Greek. There are many mistakes, which occasionally betray a lack of understanding. It is impossible to know if the story was copied at the suggestion of a teacher or on Apollonios’ initiative. At the end there is a drawing of a head of a man. Hand: “Evolving,” same as in 78, 244, and 246. 246

Ed.pr.: A. Calderini, Aegyptus 15 (1935) 239-45 P.Mil. UC Photo: P.Mil. II Tav. II, Montevecchi, 1988, tav. 20

Bibl.: P2 447; P.Mil. II 15; Nardelli 1986, 179-88; M. Heath, CQ NS 37 (1987) 272-80;

Prov.: Memphis Date: II Bc Thompson 1988, 261

Mat.: Papyrus, 51 x 19 cm. Cont: Front: - Accounts by Ptolemaios son of Glaukias on the right (P. Mil. II 27); on the left the beginning of the Prologue of Euripides’ Telephus (Fr. 102 Austin NFEP) copied by Apollonios in two cols. of different width: in the right he writes one verse per line, but in the left col. he writes the verses in continuous, shorter lines separated by spaces. Words are in scriptio plena. There are mistakes of every kind. On line 10 of the sec-

ond col. Apollonios writes in minute cursives, “Apollonios the Macedonian....a Macedonian, I mean.” Back: t Letter by Apollonios, P. Mil. II 28. Hand: “Evolving” (same as in 78, 244, and 245), with a badly sharpened pen and a general look of clumsiness. 247

Ed.pr.: M. Norsa, Ann. Pisa Ser. I, 6 (1937) 8-15 O.Biblioteca Laurenziana Photo: Tav. II; PSI XIII Tav. II; Norsa, SLG tav. 5b Bibl.: P? 1439; M. Norsa, La scrittura letteraria greca dal secolo IV a.c. all’VII d.c. (Firenze 1939) 11-12; PSY XIII 1300; E. Voigt, Sappho et Alcaeus (Amsterdam 1971) 2; A. Malnati, Analecta Papirologica 5 (1993) 21-22

Prov.: Unknown Date: II Bc

Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 11.5 x 16 cm. Cont.: Sappho, book 1 Voigt 2, written as in prose. A few new verses and a true reading at the beginning of the fourth strophe. A grave accent to indicate the recessive accent; spaces

232 LONG PASSAGES between strophes. There are considerable mistakes and some omissions. Some of the mistakes (e.g.,line 7 dudvoxwv) point to a dictation. Hand: “Rapid,” careful initially, then more cursive. 248

Ed.pr.: P.Freib. I 1b P.Freib.inv. 12

Photo: Tafel A Bibl.: P? 1577, Z 352, D 228; E. Fraenkel, Ki. Betr. 1 489; H.J. Mette, Lustrum 10 (1965) 10; D. Hagedorn, ZPE 32 (1978) 35; G. Huxley, GRBS 10 (1969) 25-26

Prov.: Unknown Date: II-I Bc Cont.: Front: ~ Remains of some mathematical operations; these were washed out and then an anthology was copied: 8 comic trimeters copied in continuous lines (CGFP 297); an epic simile in hexameters with the verses divided half per line; Certamen Homeri et Hesiodi 205-206 Rzach; Iliad.5.387-91, divided half per line. Many paragraphoi. Back: t Lexicon. Hand: “Evolving,” irregular, roughly bilinear, quick. Letters often touch, sometimes cursive. 249

Ed.pr.: D.L. Page, JHS 67 (1947) 134-35 Ashmolean Museum GO 546 Photo: XXIV, courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford Bibl.: P2 1982

Prov.: Naucratis Date: II-I Bc

Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 5 x 4.3 cm. Cont.: Four partially preserved lines with a few very rare words: literary text, probably poetic.

Hand: “Rapid,” fluent, with round and well-formed letters, usually separated, except for epsilon.

250

Ed.pr.: P.K6ln TIT 125 P.K6ln inv. 7963 Photo: Tafel I

Prov.: Oxyrhynchite? Date: II-I Bc Mat.: Fragment of papyrus roll washed and erased, 40 x 12 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Traces of previous writing. Then two cols. written by different students followed by a large blank space. Col. 1: Iliad 10.305-306 (interesting variant) and three unidentified iambic trimeters, with the verses written one per line. Col. 2: anapestic

dimeters from a chorus of Aeschylus’ Wuyaywyot (fr. 273a TrGF lines 1-13), a necromantic sacrifice and invocation in the underworld, written like prose. Line filler and a critical sign, probably at the beginning of a new strophe. Diaeresis and scriptio plena. Underneath, there is the name of the pupil: Ma&pw». Back: Two names, part of an address by a different hand. Hand 1: “Alphabetic,” problems of alignment and letter size, a few ligatures. Hand 2: “Evolving,” larger and more careful, separate letters. Only epsilon with crossbar drawn out. Problems with alignment.

LONG PASSAGES 233 251

Ed.pr.: A. Hurst, Proceed. XX Int. Congr. Pap. (Copenhagen 1992) 317-21 P.Gen. 432 Photo: Plate 27 Bibl.: P.Gen. If 118, pl. I

Prov.: Heracleopolite Date: II-I Bc

Mat.: Papyrus fragment, part of mummy cartonnage, 15.5 x 12.5 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Part of the first Homeric Hymn to Dionysus: lines 2-9 correspond to what is known from the indirect tradition; lines 1 and 10-23, which are new, are gravely mutilated. Line 4 of the hymn does not appear in our text and the order of a few verses is different. Probably written down from memory by a student. Testifies to the Ptolemies’ interest in Dionysos. Back: t Multiplication table. Hand: “Evolving,” serifed, not consistent, but sometimes writes well. 252

Ed.pr.: P.Rein. I, pp. 5-12 O.Sorb. Inst. Pap. Photo: Planche I Bibl.: P? 1746; CA 3.14

Prov.: Thebes Date: II-I Bc

Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 14 x 12 cm. Cont.: Dialogue between a man in love and another trying to bring him to reason, a mixture of prose and verse. Double and single dots, and spaces are used to separate parts. Hand: Fluent and graceful with some ligatures, perhaps a teacher’s. 253

Ed.pr.: PSI XI Congr. 3 P. Istituto Vitelli

Prov.: Tebtunis Date: I Bc Photo: Tav. | Bibl.: D. Hagedorn, ZPE 2 (1968) 68; PS7 XV 1481; SH 996

Mat.: Papyrus, 19 x 11.5 cm.; back blank.

Cont.: — Mutilated col. with 17 lines: 7 iambic trimeters and 2 hexameters, each verse preceded by some kind of title. The trimeters start and end with the same letter. Some were perhaps composed for the occasion. There is a paragraphos without apparent reason. The hexameters can be read also starting from the end. The second was wellknown in antiquity (Ant.Gr. XVI 387c Beckby). Hand: “Evolving,” fluent enough, with a heavy pen and letters generally separated and serifed. 254

Ed.pr.: P.K6in II 70 P.KGln inv. 5138

Prov.: Unknown Date: I Bc Photo: XX VII

Mat.: Papyrus, fr. abc 12 x 14, fr. de 8.6 x 8 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Document.

Back: t Iliad 1. 108-117, 119-131, 137-152, 154, transcribed from memory (3 half lines are replaced with other formulaic verses). Diaeresis. At the end of line 120 the teacher added a few missing words.

234 LONG PASSAGES Hand: “Evolving,” writes fast enough, but overall effect is poor. Imitates teacher’s hand where also characteristic cursive, and angular epsilon appears. When possible, every letter is angular and pointed. Some contrast between narrow and wide letters. 255

Ed.pr.: P. Oxy. XLII 3004 Ashmolean Museum

Photo: Plate I Bibl.: D 210 Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: I AD Mat.: Papyrus scrap, 9.5 x 7 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Gnomic acrostic from alpha to nu in iambic trimeters, Jaekel 337, 362, 468 and other maxims (lines 1-7, 10-11, 13) put together by a teacher or a student. A few mistakes and an obscure line (13). Back: t Another maxim not related to the series. Hand: “Evolving,” round, bilinear. Epsilon with crossbar detached. Some clumsy erasures. 256

Ed.pr.: MPER NS Ill 31 P.Vindob.G. 29812

Photo: XXVIII Bibl.: P* 2494, Z 368 Prov.: Unknown Date: I AD Mat.: Papyrus scrap, 12 x 8 cm.; other side blank. 4

Cont.: tf Obscure text that mentions Souchos, Helios, Hermes, and Tyche. Large blank space at the bottom. Hand: “Evolving;” writes slowly serifed, multistroke letters. Difficulty with alignment. 257

Ed.pr.: MPER NS III 25 P.Vindob.G. 19999 B Photo: Tafel I Bibl.: P? 1590, Z 246; S. Jaekel, Eos 73 (1985) 247-51

Prov.: Soknopaiou Nesos (?) Date: I AD Mat.: Fragment of papyrus roll already worn out, 38 x 23 cm. Cont.: Front: > Document

Back: t Three cols.: Menander’s maxims (Jaekel Pap. V); then prose, perhaps a historical piece. Space and quasi-paragraphos to separate the different parts. The badly abraded surface sometimes makes the reading difficult. The message of the maxim selection is contradictory.

Hand 1: First col. “evolving,” perhaps the same as in 262. Calligraphic and formal, it shows at the end of the vertical strokes heavy blobs or left-oriented serifs. Hand 2: “Evolving,” similar, but worse than the other, writes with a poorly sharpened pen. 258

Ed.pr.: MPER NS III 27 P.Vindob.G. 29248 A

Photo: XXVIII Bibl.: P? 2863, Z 50, 196 Prov.: Soknopaiou Nesos(?) Date: I AD Mat.: Strip of coarse papyrus, 15 x 5 cm.; other side blank

LONG PASSAGES 235 Cont.: t Prose text. Space and paragraphos define a new section. Hand: “Evolving,” close to hand 2 of 257. Large round letters occasionally serifed. 259

Ed.pr.: P. Oslo Ill 66 P.Oslo University Photo: XXX, courtesy of the University of Oslo Library, The Papyrus Collection Bibl.: P? 646, Z 366

Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: I AD

Mat.: Strip of papyrus, 10.7 x 3.1 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Account Back: * Iliad 2.299-312, the beginning of a col. The exercise could start here. Hand: “Evolving,” irregular, round, epsilon ligatured. Some letters are serifed. 260

Ed.pr.: O.Edfu II 306 Not found Prov.: Apollinopolis Date: I AD

Photo: Planche XLIX Bibl.: Pack? 2647, Z 173, D 384; D. Hagedorn, ZPE 13 (1974) 110-11 Mat.: Incomplete ostracon

Cont.: A passage from the novel of Ninus or a progymnasma based on it, containing a letter (probably not a documentary letter, as Hagedorn argues). Cf. 281. Hand: Proficient, a teacher’s or an advanced student’s, but certainly not a documentary hand. 261

Ed.pr.: MPER NS Ill 28 P.Vindob.G. 29248 B

Photo: Unknown XXXII Bibl.: P? 1935, 51 Prov.: Date: Late IZAD Mat.: Papyrus scrap of bad quality, 13 x 10 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Accounts. Back: ~ Hymn to Bacchus and Sarapis in lyric meter. At the end of lines 4 and 9 there is the sign %, probably to indicate a pause. Hand: “Evolving,” large, serifed letters. 262

Ed.pr.: MPER NS II 24 P.Vindob.G. 19999 A Photo: XXIX Bibl.: P* 1584, Z 245; Jaekel, 1964, Pap. IV; A. Borgogno, Hermes (1971) 374-75; S. Jaekel, Eos 73 (1985) 247-51

Prov.: Soknopaiou Nesos(?) Date: Late I AD

Mat.: Coarse and rough papyrus, 28 x 25.5 cm. Cont.: Front: - Account. Back: ft Acrostic from omega to alpha of Menander’s yr@pat povdotixor. Phonetic mistakes. At the end of each line the sign % to show clearly the division into kola.

236 LONG PASSAGES Hand: “Evolving” (perhaps the same as in 257), heavily serifed, multistroke, problems with alignment and proportion. 263

Ed.pr.: MPER NS III 30 P.Vindob.G. 29813, 29814

Photo: XXXI Bibl.: P? 2652, Z 175, D 223, 390

Prov.: Unknown Date: Late I AD Mat.: Papyrus fragments, 10 x 6; 12 x 5; 10 x 4; 9 x 1 cm.; other side blank Cont.: t Fragmentary dialogue between a mouse and a weasel. Hand: “Evolving,” large serifed letters, thick strokes, variable space between letters and lines. 264

Ed.pr.: F. Montanari, SCO 22 (1973) 41-43 = Pap.Lett.Gr. (Pisa 1978) 37-40 P.Gen.inv. 249

Photo: Tav. I nr.2 Date: Bibl.: P? Prov.: Unknown I-II1030 AD Mat.: Papyrus fragment, 17.5 x 9.7 cm.; on the back traces of writing. Cont.: -> Odyssey 2.127-140 and 152-166. Some phonetic mistakes. Two omitted words are mistakenly added to line 136. In the margin two critical signs (an antisigma and an ancora?) are visible. Hand: “Alphabetic,” uses a thick pen and leaves inkblots everywhere. Problems with alignment, letter size, space between letters. Some lines protrude more than others. 265

Ed.pr.: P. Oxy. II 213 P. Yale inv. 34 Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: Early II AD

Photo: Plate IV Bibl.: P? 1700, Z 141, D 298; E. Keuls, ZPE 30 (1978) 41-68

Mat.: Papyrus fragments, 8 x 11.3; 7.8 x 8 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Account

Back: ft A tragic speech of someone, probably the father Tantalus, lamenting the destiny of Niobe (7rGF 2 Fr. 700). Originally at least three cols. Many mistakes, some

phonetic, some due to unfamiliarity with difficult poetic words. Line 5 with its misunderstandings makes it likely that the text was dictated. Hand: “Evolving,” round, informal, with some cursive elements. Diaeresis indicated twice. 266

Ed.pr.: P. Jouguet, G. Lefebvre, BCH 28 (1904) 201-205

Photo: Pl. X Bibl.: P? 1876, Z 54, D 378

Prov.: Thebes Date: 140-141 AD

Mat.: Ostracon, almost complete, 20 x 10 cm. Cont.: A short story of a young man and his father consulting the philosopher Anacharsis, not brought to conclusion. The response of the philosopher is not given. After an empty space a date. Perhaps a composition.

LONG PASSAGES 237 Hand: “Evolving,” with a thick pen and many inkblots. Informal round hand, very strictly bilinear. Alignment is well observed. The last two lines are more cursive. 267

Ed.pr.: J.G. Milne, JHS 28 (1908) 126, VIII, 130-31, XV; JHS 43 (1923) 40-42 O.Bodl.Gk.Inscr. 2941 + 2942 Photo: None published, too dark Bibl.: P* 2721, Z 287, D 308; E. Fraenkel, Hermes 59 (1924) 362-68 = Ki. Betr. I 511-17;

Prov.: Thebes Date: II AD CGFP 296

Mat.: Almost complete ostracon, 20.7 x 13.14 cm. Cont.: Part of a speech of New Comedy (Philemon, maybe). Same text as 268. According to the editor a composition, but more likely a text copied from a teacher’s model that did not reproduce the entire original text, but merely what the teacher remembered. This would explain the omissions. The metre is faulty. Some corrections. Hand: “Evolving,” not entirely even, only epsilon is ligatured. 268

Ed.pr.: J.G. Milne, JHS 43 (1923) 40-43 O.Bodl. Not found

Photo: None published Bibl.: P* 2721, Z 288, D 308 Prov.: Thebes Date: II AD

Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 14.2 x 8.8 cm. Cont.: A copy of the same text as 267. Hand: Described as more even than the hand of 267, round and strictly bilinear. 269

Ed.pr.: J.G. Milne, JHS 28 (1908) 127, IX O.Bodl.Gk.Inscr. 2936

Photo: None published, too dark. Bibl.: P? 2722, Z 177, D 181

Prov.: Upper Egypt Date: II AD

Mat.: Largely incomplete ostracon, badly stained, 10.6 x 6.9 cm. Cont.: Unidentified prose text. Hand: “Evolving,” round, bilinear. 270

Ed.pr.: P. Oxy. LIT 3712 Ashmolean Museum

Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: IT AD Photo: XXX, courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford

Mat.: Strip of papyrus of inferior quality, 5.5 x 17.5 cm.; back blank.

Cont.: - Col. with Euripides, Phoenissae 50-69, part of the prologue. Oblique line, which seems to have to do with colometry, at the end of 56 and 68 (misdivision between 56 and 57). Hand: “Evolving,” heavy and irregular, variable letter size, epsilon often ligatured.

238 LONG PASSAGES 271

Ed.pr.: P.Haun. III 46 P.Haun.inv. 323 b

Prov.: Unknown Date: II AD

Photo: Pl. II

Mat.: Scrap of papyrus, 7.5 x 6.5 cm.; back covered, presumably blank. Cont.: > Bottom of a very narrow col. with a variation of the Aesopic fable Turvy Ma&yoc. Hand: “Alphabetic,” variable letter size and stance, only epsilon sometimes ligatured. 272

Ed.pr.: J.G. Milne, JEA 8 (1922) 156-57 O.Bodl. Not found

Prov.: Thebes Date: II AD

Photo: None published Bibl.: P2 1586, Z 247, D 211

Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 18 x 27 cm.

Cont.: Gnomic acrostic, 12 lines that can be supplemented with the help of the Menander Monostichoi (Jaekel 1964, Pap. VIII). It is not an original composition. There are two minor mistakes. Hand: Described as fairly proficient. It was probably a model. 273

Ed.pr.: J.G. Milne, JHS 28 (1908) 129, XI O.Bodl.Gk.Inscr. 2937 Photo: XXXII, courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford Bibl.: P2 2724, Z 178, D 363

Prov.: Upper Egypt Date: II AD

Mat.: Very incomplete ostracon, 12.2 x 8.2 cm. Cont.: Homeric theme in prose, 7 very fragmentary lines, underneath the text a long horizontal line. Then large blank space. Hand.: “Rapid,” round and bilinear, only epsilon is ligatured. 274

Ed.pr.: J.G. Milne, JAS 28 (1908) 129 XII, XIII; 43 (1923)42-43 OQ.Bodl. not found, formerly Toronto, Royal Ontario Museum

Photo: None published Bibl.: P* 2725, Z 179, D 93

Prov.: Upper Egypt Date: II AD Mat.: Incomplete ostracon Cont : Prose paraphrase of the argument of Jliad 20 with a catalogue of deities. It is impossible to determine if it was an original paraphrase or a text copied or dictated. Hand: “Evolving,” capable of writing very even lines, but fluctuating in letter size. 275

Ed.pr.: J.G. Milne, JHS 28 (1908) 130 XIV O.Bodl.Gk.Inscr. 2938 Photo: XXXII, courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford Bibl.: P* 2726, Z 180, D 393

Prov.: Upper Egypt Date: II AD

LONG PASSAGES 239 Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 13.5 x 14 cm. Cont.: Letter of Alexander to the Carthaginians. There is no way to tell if it was really a composition, as the editor claims. Hand: “Evolving,” irregular, round with letters all separated. 276

Ed.pr.: Pap.Lugd. Bat. XXV 5 P.Leiden inv. 17

Prov.: Unknown Date: II AD Photo: Plate II

Mat.: Incomplete papyrus scrap of bad quality, 6.5 x 4.5 cm.; other side blank. Cont.: * Part of the prose version of a fable that appears also in Babrius and in Phaedrus with some variations. On the first line is the motto “with good fortune” (cf. the subscription at the end of 393). Oblique strokes mark off the words and indicate that the exercise was used for reading. It was probably not an original paraphrase, but was copied from a teacher’s model that also carried the strokes to divide the words. Diaeresis is used. Hand: “Evolving,” some letters well-formed and others coarse and retraced. Some finials. 277

Ed.pr.: O. Claud. 1 183 O.Claud.inv. 2979 Photo: Pl. XXXII

Prov.: Mons Claudianus Date: II AD Mat.: Ostracon, 11.5 x 10.5 cm. Cont.: Trimeters; line 9 reflects a phrase in Aeschylus, Persae 483 or Euripides, Hypsipyle fr. 60,i,60; and line 11 is similar to Sophocles, Antigone 166. The rest of the lines resemble Menander Monostichoi. Two paragraphoi and blank spaces between some verses. Hand: Upright, regular, round hand that is fairly proficient. A teacher or an older student. 278

Ed.pr.: O. Claud. I 188 O.Claud.inv. 4180

Photo: Pl. XXXIII

Prov.: Mons Claudianus Date: II AD Mat.: Ostracon, 13 x 13 cm. Cont.: Elegiac couplets, 13 lines (cf. 396, t. 552L). Lines 4-7 are deleted. There are blank Spaces between the verses. Hand: Proficient, with quick, clear, ligatured letters. A teacher or an older student. 279

Ed.pr.: O. Claud. 1 189 O.Claud.inv. 718

Photo: Pl. XXXII

Prov.: Mons Claudianus Date: II AD Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 8.5 x 4 cm. Cont.: Three lines of trochaics or iambics, “Carmen Populare”? Hand: Fairly proficient and cursive.

240 LONG PASSAGES 280

Ed.pr.: J. Schwartz, BIFAO 61 (1962) 174 P.Stras.inv. 1352

Photo: XXXIII Bibl.: P2 2651, D 284 Prov.: Unknown Date: Roman Mat.: Papyrus scrap written on both sides, page of a small codex, 4 x 5 cm. Cont.: Narration of an unidentified episode of the Trojan war with a few mistakes. Diaeresis. Hand 1: “Alphabetic,” writes the recto and the last three lines of the verso with a badly sharpened pen. Problems with alignment and regular letter size and spacing.

Hand 2: “Evolving,” writes the first three lines of the verso and accentuates the contrast between narrow and large letters. Epsilon is always ligatured. 281

Ed.pr.: O.Bodl. If 2175 O.Bodl.Gk.Inscr. 2722 Photo: XXXIII, courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford Bibl.: P? 2782; M. Gronewald, ZPE 24 (1977) 21-22; S.A. Stephens and J.J. Winkler, Ancient

Prov.: Unknown Date: Roman : Greek Novels: The Fragments (Princeton 1995) 93-94

Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 7.5 x 10.8 cm. Cont.: Part of the novel of Methiochos and Parthenope, perhaps from a soliloquy, or a rhetorical exercise based on the novel (cf. 260). Hand: “Rapid,” with some finials. The alignment is bad. An older student. 282

Ed.pr.: P.Mert. Il 54 P.Chester Beatty Library Photo: Plate Bibl.: P? 422, D 294 Prov.: Arsinoite? Date: Late II AD Mat.: Papyrus fragments, 9.5 x 15.2, 3.1 x 5.3, 2.8 x 1.9, 2.9 x 5.9, 5.3 x 14.6 cm. Cont.: Front: > List of names concerning villages in the Arsinoite. Back: ft Euripides, Phoenissae 768-89, 793-806, part of a speech of Eteocles and chorus. Some phonetic mistakes.

Hand: “Evolving,” slow and accurate, generally upright, except for some letters. Strictly bilinear and adorned by finials. Alpha has the epigraphic form and twice the cursive. 283

Ed.pr.: C. Babington, The Funeral Oration of Hyperides (Cambridge 1858) P.BM inv. 98 Photo: Cat.Anc.Mss. British Museum pl. 4 Bibl.: P? 1236; P.Lond.Lit. 133; C.C. Jensen, Hyperides Epitaphios (Leipzig 1917); E.J. Bick-

erman, Athenaeum N.S. 41 (1963) 70-85; L. Braccesi, Athenaeum N.S. 48 (1970)

Prov.: Thebes Date: IIT AD? 276-301

Mat.: Papyrus roll of mediocre quality, 23 x 102 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Horoscope and prognostication of fortune with date between 95 and 150 AD.

LONG PASSAGES 241 Back: tf The text claims to be the Epitaphios of Hyperides. Vertical lines separate the 13 cols. of text. Line fillers are used (angular and horizontal lines), diaeresis, paragraphoi (often placed wrongly). Punctuation by paragraphos and space in the line with high point or a short oblique stroke. Rough breathings and two smooth breathings added by a second hand.

Hand: “Evolving,” lacks evenness. The letters are usually separated, but epsilon has the crossbar extended. As the writing proceeds, the letters become more cramped and irregular. Problems with alignment. An apprentice scribe or a student copying a text. 284

Ed.pr.: P. Oxy. [124 P.Winchester College Library Photo: XXXIII, by permission of the Warden and Scholars of Winchester College Bibl.: P? 2649, Z 188, D 376

Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: II-III Ap

Mat.: Papyrus slip, 8 x 13.7 cm. Cont.: Front.: ~ Account. Back: t Short narration about King Adrastus and his daughters. It is unclear whether the exercise was complete or continued on another col. It is not a composition. Hand: “Alphabetic,” letters are shaky and spidery and drawn very slowly. Epsilon is ligatured. Some serifs. Problems with alignment and even spacing between letters. 285

Photo:Narmouthis Tafel X Bibl.: OGN Prov.: Date: II-IIII 129 AD Ed.pr.: R. Pintaudi, P.J. Sijpesteijn, ZPE 76 (1989) 88-90 no. 5 OMM inv. 779

Mat.: Ostracon, 4.5 x 11.8 cm.

Cont.: Short moral maxims in acrostic from alpha to iota (but not in epsilon). Many correspond to the sententiae of the Seven Sages (cf. 238, 239, and 286). Some horizontal lines are used as fillers. Diaeresis. Hand: A teacher’s, same as in 286, with rounded capitals of informal type. Size approximates to large. Some of the letters are formed cursively, but maintain an exemplary clarity. 286

Photo:Narmouthis Tafel X Bibl.: OGN Prov.: Date: II-IIII 130 AD Ed.pr.: R. Pintaudi, P.J. Sijpesteijn, ZPE 76 (1989) 88-91 no. 6 OMM inv. 1197

Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 7 x 3.5 cm. Cont.: Maxims in alphabetical order (cf. 238, 239, and 285). The maxims and the words are separated by spaces. Hand: A teacher’s, same as in 285. 287

Ed.pr.: G.M. Parassoglou, Hellenika 27 (1974) 242-43 P. Yale inv. 1253

242 LONG PASSAGES

Photo: Plate 8 Bibl.: P. Yale If 135 Prov.: Aboutig Date: II-III AD Mat.: Coarse papyrus of bad quality, 12 x 11 cm. Cont.: Front.: ~ Accounts. Back: t Remains of a col. and traces of a second one. Three small passages separated

by spaces: Demosthenes, Olynthiac 1,1; Ant.Gr. 9, 538 Stadtmiller (cf. 48, 56, 61,

and 66); Odyssey 8.1-2; and the beginning of another citation. Apostrophe is occasionally marked. There are a few spelling mistakes, not enough to consider the text a dictation (as in ed.pr.). Hand: “Evolving,” round, formal, bilinear, serifed, unsure about the basic form of the letters. 288

Ed.pr.: A.F.C. Tischendorf, Notitia editionis codicis bibliorum Sinaitici auspiciis imperatoris Alexandri susceptae (Lipsiae 1860) 69-73 P.Hermitage Museum Photo: Gallo 1980, Tavola XV1

Bibl.: P2 2083, Z 267; P.Ross.Georg. I 17; I. Gallo, Quaderni istituto Filologia Classica

Prov.: Unknown Date: II-III AD Université di Salerno 1 (1979) 5-43; Gallo 1980, 395-429

Mat.: Fragment of a papyrus roll, 17 x 52 cm.; back presumably blank. Cont.: > Three irregular cols. with uneven intercolumniations: part of the Bio¢ Lexobvdéov

gtAoo6gov up to the encounter with the emperor Hadrian. The story then stops abruptly leaving a large blank space. There are many phonetic spelling mistakes and sometimes it seems that the writer did not understand well what was dictated (see e.g. line 30). Two mysterious signs are perhaps only decorative elements. Hand: “Evolving,” informal round with uneven letter size and spacing. The letters are much bigger and clumsier in the third col. because the writer was getting tired. 289

Ed.pr.: L. Feinberg, BASP 8 (1971) 27-28 P.Col.inv. 178g

Photo: Pl. 2 in P.Col. VIU Bibl.: P.Col. VIII 193 Prov.: Unknown Date: I-III AD Mat.: Papyrus scrap in bad condition, 6.2 x 7 cm. | Cont.: Front: ~ One line written by a documentary hand.

Back: ft Iliad 1.159-167, part of Achilles’ speech. The col. begins in mid-sentence. Perhaps there was a previous col. Hand: “Evolving,” with a thick pen and some ligatures. Problems with alignment. 290

Ed.pr.: B. Boyaval, ZPE 6 (1970) 1-5 P.IFAO inv. 89 Photo: Tafel I Bibl.: E.G. Handley, ZPE 6 (1970) 97-98 and ZPE 8 (1971) 198; L. Koenen, ZPE 6 (1970) 99-104, 283-84 and ZPE 8 (1971) 141-42; A. Borgogno, Riv.FC 99 (1971) 410-17; W. Kraus, RAM 114 (1971) 285-86; Turner, 1973, 15-21; CGFP 147

LONG PASSAGES 243

Prov.: Unknown Date: I] AD

Mat.: Papyrus scrap, 7.4 x 10 cm. Cont.: -> Documentary register * Parts of 16 lines of the beginning of the prologue of Menander’s Misoumenos (lines Al-A16 P.Oxy. XLVIII pp. 9-10), the opening monologue of Thrasonides the soldier and the entrance of Getas. Some mistakes, corrections, and clumsy erasures. The two superlatives in lines 4 and 5 should be comparatives. Diaeresis, apostrophe, and wrong elision in line 11. Hand: “Evolving,” in the so-called “mixed style.” Sigma is particularly small. 291

Ed.pr.: P.Ryl. W545 P.Rylands UL Photo: XXXIV, courtesy of the Director and University Librarian, the John Rylands University Library of Manchester

Prov.: Unknown Date: II AD Bibl.: P* 1078, Z 151, D 246

Mat.: Papyrus scrap, 12.4 x 9 cm.; back blank. Cont.: ~ Two crowded cols. separated by a thick wavy line. Another line on the extreme right.

At the end of the second col. a large blank space. Odyssey 9.122-150, first half of lines. According to ed.pr. an exercise in the use of caesura, but the lines are not exactly divided at that point. Perhaps the student had to write down from memory the half-verses, and the beginning of the second part of the verse proved that he remembered the whole line (cf. 193 and 201, and see the words and lines that the student introduced). Before line 130 there is a line that does not appear in the Mss. Hand: “Evolving,” informal, round, bilinear with a thick pen. 292

Descriptum: F.G. Kenyon, JHS 29 (1909) 39 BL, T.Lond. Add.Ms. 33293 Photo: XXXV, by permission of The British Library Bibl.: P* 694, Z 115, D 159

Prov.: Unknown Date: [If AD

Mat.: Wooden board painted white, written on both sides, 33 x 17.7 cm. Cont.: Written across the long dimension, on one side Iliad 3.273-277, with the words separated by oblique lines. On the other [liad 3.278-285, with words and syllables distinguished with small markings, then large blank space. There are a few insignificant variations from the Mss. Apostrophe is always marked. Hand: A teacher’s, with large letters and some of the initials further enlarged. Slightly slanting to the right, a mixture of large, angular letters and small, round ones. Some ligatures (especially epsilon, theta, alpha, tau) and cursive elements at the end of lines. 293

Ed.pr.: P.Lund 13Bibl.: P.Lund 11 Photo: XXXVI P*Inv. 1243

244 LONG PASSAGES

Prov.: Unknown Date: III AD

Mat.: Papyrus fragment, 9 x 8 cm. Cont.: Front: = Document.

Back: t Bottoms of two cols., Isocrates, Ad Demonicum 12.14, moral precepts of behavior towards gods and parents. Twice a word is wrongly divided at the end of a line. There are several corrections, a particularly clumsy erasure in line 7, and a circumflex accent added by a second hand.

Hand: “Rapid,” small, round, uneven. Many of the letters are coarsely formed. The hand of the second col. seems slightly different, with larger, more graceful letters. 294

Ed.pr.: A. Bataille, P. Collart, Aegyptus 11 (1931) 169-70 P.Sorb.inv. 2089

Photo: XXXVI Bibl.: P? 558, Z 116, D 232; P. Rein. Il 65 Prov.: Unknown Date: III

Mat.: Papyrus, 6 x 9.5 cm. Cont.: Front: > Official letter. Back: ft Iliad 1.1-8, the ends of the verses. Diaeresis once. The syllables are separated with one or two dots placed either between or above the lines, vertically or obliquely. Hand: Probably a teacher’s. Informal round hand with a few cursive elements, fluent, grace-

ful, and very legible. Mostly separated capitals, sometimes decorated by finials. Epsilon is always ligatured. 295

Ed.pr.: R. Pintaudi, ZPE 38 (1980) 259-60 PL Il/34 Photo: Tafel XII Bibl.: P.Laur. TV 140

Prov.: Unknown Date: III AD?

Mat.: Fragment of papyrus roll, 4.6 x 3.9 cm.; back blank. Cont.: > Remains of five lines of writing preserving part of Psalm 1.1-2 in the LXX version. The words are divided into syllables by middle dots and observe scriptio plena. The nomina sacra are contracted. Hand: Proficient book hand, an example of Biblical Majuscule; probably a school book. 296

Descriptum: BKT V 1.6 + Schubart, 1918, 508 T.Berol.inv. AM 13839 Photo: Schubart, 1918, Tafel III of side B, XXXVI for side A Bibl.: P* 636, 637; Z 120, 117; D 239, 158

Prov.: Unknown Date: III-IV AD

Mat.: Wooden tablet written on both sides, 30.7 x 15.8 cm. Cont.: On both sides written across the long dimension, and with two unequal cols. of writing,

the one on the right with only two verses written in four lines. On one side of the tablet Iliad 2.132-146, on the other the continuation of the passage, 2.147-162. Oblique strokes and sometimes spaces divide the words. There are occasional apostrophes and breathings, and diaeresis. Jota adscript is normally added. There is a profusion of

LONG PASSAGES 245 diplai obelismenai dividing the two verses of the second cols.: at the end of each verse, and many at the end of the passage. A few minor mistakes and variants. Hand: A teacher’s, with large letters and initials further enlarged. On the front the model is

written in a more stylized chancery hand, vertical and elegant. Some letters show decorative hooks and circlets. Delta is crested, omicron is sometimes tiny, and omega is high above the baseline. Serifs often decorate the letters’ feet. The same teacher wrote the back of the tablet much faster and in a more cursive style. The hand is not so stylized and often slopes to the right. 297

Ed.pr.: Athenaeum Sept. 8 1894, pp. 319-21 BL. P.Lond. inv. 230 r Photo: Plate; F.G. Kenyon, Facsimiles of Biblical Manuscripts in the British Museum (London

1900) pl. 1. Bibl.: D 185; P.Lond.Lit. 207; van Haelst 109 Prov.: Arsinoite Date: IIJ-ITV AD Mat.: Papyrus fragment, 25.7 x 24.5 cm. Cont.: ~ On the front of 298. Two cols. of writing each of 37 lines, Psalm XI 7-XIV 4. The text is not very accurate. Diaeresis appears often and also apostrophe to divide double letters. The nomina sacra are abbreviated. Dots appear over the lines to mark the syllables up to Psalm XIII. They were written after the text was completed, perhaps by the same writer or by someone who used the text to teach reading. Hand: Writes in a large chancery hand, with omicron and alpha very small and omega written over the line. Beta and kappa are tall and elaborate, and delta displays a crest. The letters are all upright and some are especially narrow. Some of the initials are enlarged. A teacher may have been the writer, or the text was in any case used as a model. 298

Ed.pr.: P.Lond.Lit. 255 BL, P.Lond. inv. 230 v Photo: XXXVIII, by permission of The British Library Bibl.: P 2 1245, Z 118, D 315

Prov.: Arsinoite Date: HI-IV AbD

Mat.: Papyrus, 25.7 x 245 cm. Cont.: f On the back of 297. Two incomplete cols.; the second contains only six lines. After that a large blank space. Isocrates, Ad Demonicum 26-28 with words divided into syllables by medial dots. Several corrupted lines make it likely that the writer was jotting it down from memory and had in mind other passages of the Ad Demonicum as well. Generally he could render the sense and the result was acceptable (see lines 2-8). Hand: A teacher’s, with large letters and some influence of the chancery style. It is upright and vertical with some letters narrow. Beta is typically chancery and delta is crested. Some letters present roundels and hooks, but the hand is much less elaborate than 297. 299

Descriptum: P.Ant. Il 156 Ashmolean Museum Photo: XXXIX, courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford Bibl.: D 237

246 LONG PASSAGES

Prov.: Antinoopolis Date: INI-IV AD

Mat.: Papyrus fragments already in bad condition, 3 x 2.5, 2.2.x 5, 8 x 11 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Remains of 5 lines, one reads é:da@oxceAw.

Back: t Iliad 2.1-3, 7-15, 21-40. Hand: “Evolving,” small, heavy, and unpracticed. Epsilon is ligatured. 300

Ed.pr.: P.Schub. 20 Not found Prov.: Unknown Date: I-IV AD

Photo: None published Bibl.: P? 1691, Z 152, D 305; TrGF 2 F 713; CGFP 299

Mat.: Papyrus Cont.: Front: ~ Document of III AD Back: t At the top the remains of 12 lines, perhaps of literary content. Underneath part of Iliad 9.1 and some unidentified iambic trimeters of gnomic character. The juxtaposition of the texts confirms that this is a school exercise. Hand: Described as upright, but later becoming more inclined to the right and looser. 301

Ed.pr.: Pap.Lugd. Bat. XVII 18 P.Mich.inv. 1319 Photo: Plate XI-XIII and Luppe, 1977, Tafel If Bibl.: W. Luppe, ZPE 27 (1977) 89-99 and 89 (1991) 18; A. Harder, ZPE 35 (1979) 7-14; J.S. Rusten, ZPE 40 (1980) 39-42

Prov.: Unknown Date: III-IV AD Mat.: Papyrus, 10.4 x 16 cm.

Cont.: Front: ~ The same narration on both sides, part of the hypothesis of Euripides, Temenos or Temenidae (see P.Oxy. XXVII 2455 fr. 107, Austin, NFEP Appendix, pp. 23-24). Two cols. with several mistakes of phonetic spelling, at the end of the second the word mpeofiTaToc seems to trigger a repetition.

Back: t The same, with more spelling errors and omissions. The title is written by a third hand. It is likely that on both sides the students wrote from memory. Hand 1: “Evolving,” graceful and leaning to the right with contrast between narrow and broad letters. Letter size and spacing fluctuate and alignment is irregular. Hand 2: “Alphabetic,” slower and full of hesitations. Contrast in letter width. Hand 3: “Alphabetic.” 302

Ed.pr.: P. Oxy. II 209 P. Harvard, Semitic Museum inv. 2218 Photo: Plate II Bibl.: van Haelst 490; Cavallo and Maehler, 1987, Plate la

Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: Early IV AD Mat.: Single sheet of papyrus, 25.1 x 19.9 cm. Cont.: The first seven verses of St. Paul’s Epistle to the Romans in 11 lines. After a space two unrelated lines in cursive by a different hand. Hand | wrote also a few words on the

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LONG PASSAGES 247 other side. The papyrus was found tied with a document of 316 AD. There are several spelling errors and omissions. The nomina sacra are abbreviated. Hand: “Evolving,” with letters almost always separated. Difficulties of alignment. 303

Ed.pr.: MPER V pp. 74-77 and VI 1-8 Photo: Tafeln I-II; Lloyd-Jones and Rea, 1968, Plates Bibl.: P2 227, 425; Z 167, D 295; R. Kassel, RhMus. 106 (1963) 301-302; H. Lloyd-Jones and J. Rea, HSCP 72 (1968) 125-45 = H. Lloyd-Jones, Greek Comedy. Hellenistic Literature. Greek Religion and Miscellanea: the Academic Papers of Sir Hugh LloydJones (Oxford 1990) 131-51; C. Meillier, Rev. Et.Anc. 72 (1970) 12-21; J.M. Bremer, Mnemosyne 36 (1983) 293-305; SH 288

Prov.: Unknown Date: IV-V AD Mat.: Incomplete wooden tablet, 52 x 10 cm.

Cont.: Side 1: Callimachus, Hecale fr. 260 lines 1-43, 55-68 Pfeiffer (Hollis fr. 69, 70, 73, 74 lines 14-28) written in 4 cols. separated by vertical lines. Lines also make a border. Some errors, mostly due to phonetic spelling. Diaeresis and apostrophe. Written by one hand only, not two (as in ed.pr.). Side 2: Euripides, Phoenissae 1097-1107 and 1126-1137, by a different hand. Hand 1: “Evolving,” changing pen or just sharpening it in the second and third cols. The letters’ shape, size, and spacing are uneven. Hand 2: “Evolving,” with a thick pen enlarging some letters. 304

Ed.pr.: M. Papathomopoulos, Rech. Pap. 2 (1962) 113-16 P.IFAO inv. PSP 172

Prov.: Unknown Date: IV AD Photo: Plate

Mat.: Coarse papyrus of bad quality, 6.4 x 12 cm.; back blank. Cont.: Probably a single sheet, with a red border around it. Three iambic distichs of gnomic character. The second almost reproduces Euripides, Medea 14-15, but the negative particle makes it misogynistic. Diaeresis and an abbreviation. Hand: “Evolving,” irregular, round, strictly bilinear, with serifs and roundels. Writes slowly and with care, but with much hesitation. Some letters are multistroke. 305

Ed.pr.: Pap.Lugd. Bat. XXV 16 P.Leiden Pap.Inst.inv. V 11

Prov.: Unknown Date: IV AD Photo: Plate XV Bibl.: F.A.J. Hoogendijk, Bibliologia 12 (1992) 159-61

Mat.: Tablet with one side coated with wax, 15.3 x 17.7 cm. Cont.: On the wooden surface only some kind of decorations formed by concentric circles. On the other side 12 lines of Greek, an alphabetic acrostic (cf. 99) on Prometheus’ creation of mortals. This myth appears also in 184, 267, and 268, but here it is expanded. The story is split into nine verses (perhaps anapestic tetrameters catalectic) written con-

248 LONG PASSAGES tinuously, but separated by oblique lines. The text cannot be entirely deciphered, but there seem to be many mistakes of every kind. Hand: “Rapid,” experienced cursives, but a little uneven, without the fluency of a model. 306

Ed.pr.: J. Lenaerts, CdaE 64 (1989) 210-15 T.Brux. E. 8507

Prov.: Unknown Date: IV-V AD Photo: Fig. I

Mat.: Wooden tablet, 28.8 x 13.8 cm. Cont.: On one side hardly visible traces of two texts and on the other ten lines of Isocrates, To Nicocles 15-16. Twice high dots are used and twice diaeresis. The text observes scriptio plena. A few phonetic spelling errors. At the end a subscription, c6A(Anpa) 57. Hand: A teacher’s, running large hand sloping to the right. Jota, rho, and upsilon escape the

rough bilinearity. The ligatures are many, but the model is also extremely clear because of the large interlinear space. Some letters are formed cursively. 307

Ed.pr.: P.Mich. Ul 134 T.Mich.inv. 768 Photo: None published, too faint Bibl.: van Haelst 255

Prov.: Unknown Date: IV-VI AD Mat.: Wax tablet, 18 x 17 cm. Cont.: On one side a name, Ischyrion and other illegible letters. On the other there is a passage from Proverbs VII 3-13, the warning against the harlot, written with many omissions and errors. The tablet had been used before and the previous writing was erased many times. Hand: “Rapid,” but deteriorates toward the end. Difficulty with alignment. Some letters are linked, but most are separated. 308

Ed.pr.: F. Maltomini and C. Rémer, ZPE 75 (1988) 297-300 T.K6ln, private property

Prov.: Arsinoite Date: V AD Photo: Tafel X

Mat.: Fragment of wooden tablet, 27 x 6 cm. Cont.: Side 1: Part of Isocrates, Ad Demonicum 24, with an incomplete date above. Then an exercise with numbers, separated by vertical lines. Side 2: Pairs of mostly proper names for each letter from iota to xi (maybe originally

more than two names). On top a name, Aurelius Theodoros son of Ioustos, written rather fluently in what seems to be the hand of the exercise. Hand: A teacher making a writing model, large and flexible. The letters, upright or slightly

slanting, are ligatured, but they are more rigid on side 1. Lambda has the second diagonal protruding below the baseline. Some letters are made cursively.

LONG PASSAGES 249 309

Ed.pr.: W. Brashear, Enchoria 14 (1986) 12-13 T.Wirzburg K 1025

Prov.: Unknown Date: ca. V AD Photo: Tafel 8

Mat.: Wooden board broken lengthwise, 36.5 x 10.7 cm. Cont.: The back (unwritten) and the unwritten part of the front are partitioned by single and double lines that form rough rectangles. On the front are the remains of 9 lines of writing inscribed across the short dimension. Except in the last line, the words were writ-

ten in lighter ink by one hand and then traced again in darker ink by another. The nomina sacra are contracted. Hand: “Rapid,” the writing that is visible appears practiced, with letters formed individually and sometimes linked. 310

Ed.pr.: R. Cribiore, CdE 68 (1993) 145-54 T.BM GR 1906.10-20.2

Photo: Fig. 1 Bibl.: P? 611, Z 124, D 161 Prov.: Unknown Date: V AD

Mat.: Incomplete wooden board with iron handle, 41.3 x 10.8 cm. Cont.: /liad 1.468-473, with the right part of the lines damaged. The words are separated by

oblique dashes. There are apostrophes, signs of quantity, two accents, and a rough breathing. The passage is mostly correct. Hand: “Evolving,” difficult alignment, letters mostly separated and at times quite clumsy. 311

Ed.pr.: O. Petr. 449 O.London UC

Photo: Spinelli, 1988, Tav. I-II Bibl.: P? 1685, Z 260, D 218; Jaekel, 1964, Pap. X; E. Spinelli, Studi Acc. Tosc. XCI (1988) 49-57; W. Luppe, ZPE 75 (1988) 51-52

Prov.: Unknown Date: V-VI AD Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 14.6 x 10 cm. Cont.: On one side, the remains of 9 gnomai monostichoi in theta, iota, and kappa, and on the other, ends of lines of 7 monostichoi in lambda. On both sides traces of other lines that

do not correspond to the gnomai left by tradition. Two dots separate the different entries. They were probably part of a larger collection. Hand: A teacher’s, with very large letters, confident and graceful, upright or slightly slanting to the right. Alpha, high above the baseline, has the loop open at the top. Beta is tall with an horizontal base and delta has the left diagonal joined to the base. The different features point to the end of the fifth century or the beginning of the following one. 312

Ed.pr.: O. Petr. 405 O.London UC, not found

Photo: None published Bibl.: P2 1587, Z 259, D 217; Jaekel, 1964, Pap. IX

Prov.: Unknown Date: V-VI AD

250 LONG PASSAGES Mat.: Incomplete ostracon Cont.: Remains of 13 gnomai monostichoi written on both sides. Hand: Not described 313

Ed.pr.: Pap.Flor. XVII 79-80 Fordham inv. T 1/82

Prov.: Unknown Date: V-VI AD Photo: Tav. XCII-XCHI

Mat.: Wooden board painted an ochre color, 50.5 x 24.4 cm. Cont.: Side 1: Iliad 7.21-28, with the words separated by oblique lines. The Homeric passage starts in the middle of a sentence and ends with some suspension. There are some corrections and erasures, but at the end the text was correct. It was probably a model written from memory. Diaeresis, rough breathing, apostrophe, and interaspiratio (line 5). On the right side a long line, forked like an ornate paragraphos, runs all the way down and then, becoming a broken line, horizontally across. Side 2: Across the short dimension, Iliad 2.244 repeated 19 times, with the same vertical line on the right. Written by a student. Hand 1: A teacher’s, with an informal sloping script and extremely large letters (some reach 23 cm.). Delta with the left-hand diagonal fused with the base and the large beta written in four movements point to the end of the fifth century or the beginning of the sixth.

Hand 2: “Evolving,” deteriorates visibly as it goes on, problems with letter size, spacing, alignment, and general unevenness. 314

Ed.pr.:P. Grenf. II 84 P.Bodl.Gk.class.e.72 (P) Photo: MPER XV Tafel 53; Cavallo-Maehler, Plate 36b

Bibl.: P? 51, Z 195, D 395; TrGF 2 F 498; MPER NS XV 117; J. Kramer, ZPE 64 (1986) 246-52; Cavallo and Maehler, 1987, 80

Prov.: Arsinoite Date: V-VI (ed.pr.), end of VI (Cavallo-Maehler) Mat.: Piece of coarse papyrus, 19 x 7.4 cm. Cont.: Story of the son who murdered his father, a modification of Aesop, Fable 48 (cf. 230, 231, 232, 323, 409, and 412). The story occupies the first 17 lines, and the last 5 are taken by the moral, two iambic trimeters. A chrism starts and ends the exercise. A few

orthographic mistakes. Three dots are used for punctuation and sometimes a dot appears over vowels. Hand: “Evolving,” with some letters drawn with fluency. Difficulty with alignment and with even letter size and spacing. Sometimes the letters are decorated with serifs. 315

Ed.pr.: Crum, CO 523-524; O. Petr. 399-404, 406-408, 471-472 O.London UC 31893-94-95, 3220-21; and 472 not found Photo: XL~XLI-XLII-XLIII, courtesy of the Petrie Museum, University College London Bibl.: P? 561, Z 158-166, D 163-171

LONG PASSAGES 251

Prov.: Unknown Date: Byzantine

Mat.: Series of ostraca probably belonging together.

Cont.: Iliad 1.1-36, 49-52, 58-60, 69-82, 89-127 Hand: Teacher’s or advanced student’s, with a thick pen, fluent and regular. Equal space is left between the lines. 316

Ed.pr.: P.Ryl. 1 41 P.Rylands UL Photo: XXXIV, courtesy of the Director and University Librarian, the John Rylands University Library of Manchester Bibl.: P? 2662, Z 93, D 220; Jaekel, 1964, Pap. XVI

Prov.: Unknown Date: VI AD

Mat.: Papyrus fragment, 8.5 x 9.5 cm.

Cont.: Front: ~ Beginnings of four lines starting with the last four letters of the alphabet, probably part of an originally complete gnomic acrostic. Back: t Some lines in Coptic. Hand: A teacher’s, with large letters all separated. The hand further enlarges the first letter of each line. A few letters (e.g., phi and rho) send down long, pointed descenders, which suggests a late date. 317

Ed.pr.: BKT VIII 10 T.Berol.inv. 10501

Photo: XLII Bibl.: van Haelst 155 Prov.: Unknown Date: VI AD

Mat.: Wooden tablet, 14 x 35 cm.

Cont.: Written on both sides. On one side traces of cursives that were not deciphered. The writing, moreover, is at times difficult to see. Psalm 50, 14-20 with many errors (some orthographic, but some indicating a lack of sensitivity to case and gender). Sometimes there is a total lack of understanding, which makes it likely that this was a dictation. The nomina sacra are contracted.

Hand: “Rapid,” fluent and practiced, revealing a long familiarity with writing. Roundels at the end of horizontal and vertical strokes. Many letters project below the line. The lines keep on starting a little more to the left as the writing proceeds. 318

Ed.pr.:MPER NS XV 133 P.Vindob.G. 25733 Photo: Tafel 60 Bibl.: T.K. Stephanopoulos, ZPE 66 (1986) 72-76; J. Diethart, Tyche 6 (1991) 45

Prov.: Unknown Date: 582—602 a

Mat.: Two papyrus fragments, 11.5 x 10, 8 x 10 cm. Cont.: - Series of short sentences in alphabetical order separated by double dots. They could be short riddles, and many are not hard to solve. The text was probably dictated by the

teacher without the answer. According to the ed.pr. the lines 12-13 allude to the

252 LONG PASSAGES emperor Maurikios (582-602 AD), but the hand looks later (late seventh or eighth century AD).

Hand: “Rapid,” cursive and proficient. 319

Ed.pr.: Mon.Epiph. I 615 O.MMA.11.1.210 Photo: XLIV Bibl.: P? 1582, Z 285, D 221; Jaekel, 1964, Pap. XIII

Prov.: Thebes Date: VI—VII AD Mat.: Incomplete ostracon in bad condition, 20.7 x 23 cm.

Cont.: 27 monostichoi, often separated by a space. Some spelling mistakes. From alpha to epsilon several maxims appear under each letter, but only one from zeta to rho. Hand: Probably a teacher’s, with large letters sloping to the right, usually separated except for epsilon and sometimes alpha and mu. Kappa has the diagonals detached from the vertical and mu has a particularly ample central curve. 320

Ed.pr.: P.J. Sijpesteijn, Stud. Pap. 21 (1982) 11-14 T.Moen inv. 601 Photo: Plates

Prov.: Cheikh Fadl Date: VI—VII AD Mat.: Wax tablet, 21.5 x 11.5 cm. Cont.: Side 1: Contract of loan, with real names, but unfinished and with many errors. Perhaps the writer was composing it, as some confusion of formulae seems to indicate. Side 2: Exercises of multiplication separated by vertical lines and, turning the tablet 90 degrees, another exercise, writing words in kappa or simply practicing letters. Hand: “Evolving,” perhaps an apprentice scribe’s. Fluent enough in tracing single letters, but still shows some problems of alignment and varying letter size. 321

Ed.pr.: R. Pintaudi, ZPE 48 (1982) 97-104 P.Vat.gr. 56 Photo: Tafel III, Pap. Flor. Tavv. X-XI Bibl.: Pap.Flor. XVIII 9

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII AD Mat.: Wooden tablet written on both sides, painted a light color, 28.5 x 16.3 cm. Cont.: Psalm 28 and the first seven verses of 29 in the LXX translation with a few minor mis-

takes. Short oblique strokes separate the words: a text for reading prepared by the teacher. Diaeresis. On side B the text is framed by lines. Vertical and horizontal lines mark insertions. The numerals at the end of both sides perhaps indicate a date. Hand: A teacher’s, with large letters, informal, pointed majuscule with a pronounced and artificial contrast in the thickness of the strokes. Upsilon is V-shaped or has its left arm slightly curved, a feature that does not appear before the second half of VI AD. 322

Ed.pr.: A. Passoni Dell’Acqua, Aegyptus 60 (1980) 107-109 T.Louvre MND 552B Photo: Tavv. 4, 5

LONG PASSAGES 253 Bibl.: S. De Ricci, REG 15 (1902) 452-53; van Haelst 349

Prov.: Antinoopolis Date: VII AD Mat.: Fragment of wooden tablet, perhaps part of a notebook (see holes), 15.5 x 1.8 cm. Cont.: Beginning of Our Father (Matthew 6,9) which was presumably continued on the rest of the tablet. There is a chrism at the start. On the back there are a few words that are difficult to read. There are a few phonetic mistakes. Hand: “Rapid,” in “Alexandrian Majuscule,” not completely even and with faulty alignment. 323

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 120 P.Vindob.G. 26127

Prov.: Unknown Date: VI-VII AD Photo: Tafel 54

Mat.: Papyrus of bad quality, 19.5 x 10 cm.; back blank. Cont.: Story of the son who murdered his father (cf. 314, 230, 231, 232, 409, and 412), 13 lines of text, probably framed on all sides by a decorative design of which there are only remains. The initial letter is much enlarged and decorated. The words are all written as they are pronounced. Hand: Proficient and fluent, not in keeping with the orthography. Narrow and broad letters. Probably someone who knew the Coptic script and was learning Greek. 324

Ed.pr.: W. Brashear, Enchoria 17 (1990) 1-8 T.Wiirzburg K 1019 Photo: Tafel 2

Prov.: Unknown Date: VUI-IX AbD Mat.: Incomplete wooden board, yellowish coating, broken in antiquity, 53 x 12.5 cm. Cont.: Side 1: The end of a hymn to Christ and a hymn to Mary in Greek, many mistakes. Side 2: Coptic version of the two hymns written by a different hand. Hand: "Rapid," writes quickly and seems rather experienced.

Scholia Minora 325

Ed.pr.: T. Renner, ASCP 83 (1979) 313-21 P.Mich.inv. 1588

Photo: Fig. I Bibl.: Raffaelli 1984, 002 Prov.: Unknown Date: I-II AD Mat.: Papyrus, 17.7 x 15 cm. Cont.: Front: - Two cols. (the second incomplete) of lemmata and glosses to Iliad 1.1-9, separated by spaces. The glosses are very detailed, as usually happens at the beginning of the poem. A few minor mistakes. Back: t Grammatical text, 359. Hand: “Rapid," small, careful documentary hand that separates many letters.

254 SCHOLIA MINORA 326

Ed.pr.: A. Calderini, Aegyptus 2 (1921) 306-307 T.Berol.inv. 10508 Photo: XLV-XLVI Bibl.: P2 1198, Z 283, D 254; descript. BKT V.1.6; Raffaelli 1984, 053

Prov.: Unknown Date: I] AD Mat.: Waxed tablet written on both sides. Cont.: Written across the short dimension. Scholia Minora to Iliad 14.227-521. Lemmata and interpretations separated by high dots. More than one lemma is written on the same line, and the different sets are divided by short horizontal or oblique lines. Very few mistakes. At the end a forked paragraphos and a blank space. Hand: “Rapid,” fluent but irregular, with many cursive elements and variable letter size. 327

Ed.pr.: A. Calderini, Aegyptus 2 (1921) 307-308 T.Berol.inv. 10509 Photo: XLVIT

Prov.: Unknown Date: II AD

Bibl.: P? 1199, Z 284, D 255; descr. BKT V.1.6; Raffaelli 1984, 054

Mat.: Waxed tablet written on both sides. Cont.: Written across the short dimension. Scholia Minora to Hiad 15.17-180 separated by high dots. A long horizontal line marks the end of the exercise and then more than one fourth of the space is left unwritten. Hand: “Rapid,” more cursive and irregular than 326, but still quite practiced. 328

Descriptum: BKT V.1.6 T.Berol.inv. 10510 Photo: None published Bibl.: P? 1196, Z 285, D 256; Raffaelli 1984, 052

Prov.: Unknown Date: IT AD Mat.: Fragment of waxed tablet. Cont.: Written on both sides across the short dimension. Scholia Minora to Iliad 13.634f. On side 1 a long horizontal line may separate different parts. Hand: “Rapid,” fluent, but uneven letter size, spacing, and alignment. 329

Ed.pr.: A. Calderini, Aegyptus 2 (1921) 308-309 T.Berol.inv. 10511 + 10512 Photo: XLVIII Bibl.: P? 1191, Z 286, D 257; Descr. BKT V.1.6; C. Gallazzi, ZPE 56 (1984) 27; Raffaelli 1984, 048

Prov.: Unknown Date: II AD

Mat.: Waxed tablet.

Cont.: Written across the short dimension. Scholia Minora to Iliad 11.136-263. A long horizontal line divides the exercise. Hand: “Rapid,” fluent, but with crowded lines and variable letter size and spacing.

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SCHOLIA MINORA 255 330

Ed.pr.: P. Oslo If 12 O.QOslo University Photo: XLIX, courtesy of the University of Oslo Library, The Papyrus Collection Bibl.: P2 1160, Z 289, D 248; Raffaelli 1984, 005

Prov.: Theadelphia Date: II AD

Mat.: Fragment of papyrus roll, 31.5 x 15 cm.

Cont.: Front: - Four cols., the first and the last very fragmentary. Scholia Minora to Iliad 1.5-24. The Homeric text is quoted in full. The exercise is called “Ovoyaorixdv ‘Opfpov. Back: t Grammatical text copied by a student (See 362).

Hand: “Rapid,” (a teacher in ed.pr.): there are definite problems with alignment and letter size, even though the letters indicate a long familiarity with writing. 331

Ed.pr.: T. Vlachodimitris, ZPE 11 (1973) 65-68 T.Hamb.inv. 736

Photo: Tafel Ib Bibl.: D 247; Raffaelli 1984, 023

Prov.: Unknown Date: II AD

Mat.: Papyrus, 12 x 4 cm. Cont.: Front: - Unidentified text Back: t Scholia Minora to Iliad 2.61-222. Hand: “Evolving,” heavy and irregular, with separated letters except for alpha and epsilon. 332

Ed.pr.: P. Mil. Vogl. III 120 P.Mil.N.cat. 613 Photo: L Bibl.: P* 1168; A. Henrichs, ZPE 7 (1971) 255-57; Raffaelli 1984, 020; A. Moretti, Tyche 8

Prov.: Narmouthis Date: II AD? (1993) 96-97

Mat.: Two papyrus fragments, 5 x 1.6, 7.5 x 2.6 cm. Cont.: Front: -~ Document Back: t Scholia Minora to IHiad 1.525-530 and 536-551. The end of the lemmata and sometimes the beginnings of the glosses are preserved. Hand: “Evolving,” heavy and irregular with letter size, spacing, and alignment not uniform. 333

Ed.pr.: M. Hombert and C. Préaux, Mél. Grégoire (1951) 161-68 T.Bodl.Gk.Inscr. 3017 Photo: LI, courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford Bibl.: P? 1176, Z 291, D 262; Raffaelli 1984, 031

Prov.: Unknown Date: II-III AD

Mat.: Wooden tablet painted white, written on both sides, 36.5 x 13.5 cm. Cont.: Side 1: On both sides surface ruled, vertical lines to define margins, and two parallel lines dividing each side. Close paraphrase of /liad 4.349-363, each verse is rendered

256 SCHOLIA MINORA with slightly different words and occupies one line. Only rarely do the Homeric terms occur. A few mistakes, not only phonetic ones. Accent and diple obelismene. Side 2: Guidelines traced more carelessly and disregarded. Iliad 4.364-373 and on the right col. the Scholia Minora to the passage. Interesting mistake: ¢dipa¢ (yepipac) defended and even explained in the glosses. Apostrophe is indicated several times as an oblique stroke. Diple obelismene at the end and then a large blank space. Hand: “Rapid,” with fast letters sometimes separated, still maintaining their cursive form. 334

Photo: LII Bibl.: D 261 Prov.: Unknown Date: II-III AD

Ed.pr.: A. Henrichs, ZPE 7 (1971) 259-60 P.Mich.inv. 6619 Mat.: Papyrus fragment, 5.5 x 9 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Document Back: t End of a col. with the lemmata to Jliad 21.163-186. Sometimes the Homeric words and the glosses are separated by high dots. Hand: “Rapid,” with a heavy pen. Hand of the mixed type, particularly heavy and with letters that are not well formed. 335

Ed.pr.: J. Schwartz, ZPE 4 (1969) 175-76 + P.Oxy. XLIV 3160 P.Stras.inv.gr. 1401 Photo: Luppe, 1977, Tafel IV Bibl.: D 288; W. Luppe, ZPE 27 (1977) 101-107; F. Montanari, Pap. Flor. VII pp. 273-79

Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: II-III AD

Mat.: Two fragmentary papyri, 4.6 x 3.7, 16 x 17 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Register

Back: t Remains of Scholia Minora to Odyssey 1.441-444, hypothesis and some Scholia Minora of 2, and part of the hypothesis of 3. Paragraphoi are used, diaeresis, diastole twice, and marks of long quantity. Considerable problems with clarity and syntax (see, e.g., line 8 with the omission of the subject or the too detailed paraphrase of Telemachus’ speech). Hand: “Rapid,” gives the impression of being cursive, but the letters are usually separated. 336

Ed.pr.: P.Oxy. XLIV 3159 Ashmolean Museum

Photo: L Bibl.: D 267; Raffaelli 1984, 041

Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: III AD Mat.: Papyrus fragment, 13 x 12.5 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Accounts Back: t Two cols.: part of the hypothesis of Iliad 7 and of Scholia Minora that do not follow immediately, but start in the second col. A few mistakes. The hypothesis does not agree with that transmitted by the manuscript tradition. Hand: “Rapid,” capital letters with many cursive elements. It is possible that the hand of the second col. is different or that the exercise was done at a different time.

SCHOLIA MINORA 257 337

Ed.pr.: P.Haun. 13 P.Haun.inv. 314

Photo: Lil Bibl.: P? 1182, Z 294, D 266; Raffaelli 1984, 040

Prov.: Arsinoite? Date: III AD

Mat.: Papyrus fragment, 11.5 x 7.2 cm. Cont.: Front: -~ Document Back: t Two cols. of Scholia Minora to liad 6.1-48. The glosses correspond to the D Scholia except in lines 3 and 21. Hand: “Evolving,” heavy and unpracticed with capitals usually separated. The letter size and inclination varies considerably. 338

Ed.pr.: A. Henrichs, ZPE 7 (1971) 257-58 P.K6lIn inv. 53

Photo: Tafel XII c Bibl.: Raffaelli 1984, 024 Prov.: Unknown Date: HI AD? Mat.: Papyrus, 5.5 x 15 cm. Cont.: Front: - Document

Back: * Partially preserved col. with Scholia Minora to Iliad 2.93-104 difficult to read, especially in the bottom part. The bottom margin of 5.5 cm. (ed.pr.) is a blank space, left after the exercise was finished. Hand: “Evolving,” with careless, ill-formed letters and variable line spacing. 339

Ed.pr.: P. Yale If 125 P. Yale inv. 1245 Photo: LIT

Prov.: Unknown Date: Late [I-early IV AD Mat.: Papyrus, 5.5 x 8.3 cm. Cont.: Front: - Account Back: t Scholia Minora to liad 1.66-74. The lemmata and what is there of the glosses were copied by a student, syllable by syllable, only up to line 5. Then the exercise was interrupted, leaving the second col. incomplete. Many mistakes in the first col., probably because of lack of attention. Sometimes the lemmata invade the adjacent space. Corrections: in the col. of the glosses the first letter is probably eta and not alpha-tau. Hand: “Evolving,” with fluctuating letter size and alignment and letters mostly separated. 340

Ed.pr.: G. Plaumann, Ber. Berl.Mus. 34 (1913) 219-20 T.Berol.inv. 11636 Photo: Abb. 101 (one side) and Raffaelli 1990, Abb. 1-2 Bibl.: P? 742, 1180; Z 297; D 238, 263, 297; L. Raffaelli, Archiv 36 (1990) 5-12

Prov.: Unknown Date: II-IV Ap

Mat.: Wooden tablet painted white, 21 x 46 cm.

258 SCHOLIA MINORA Cont.: Written on both sides: Iliad 5.265-289, followed by Scholia Minora to lines 265-286.

On the other side Iliad 5.287-317 and then the rest of the tablet is blank. All remarkably correct, with accents, smooth and rough breathings, hyphen, apostrophes, diaeresis, and some signs of quantity. Diple obelismene. In the Scholia three more forgotten lemmata and glosses are added by a second hand, probably the teacher’s. Hand: “Rapid,” smooth and somewhat graceful, with letters separated or touching each other. 341

Ed.pr.: P.Ryl. U1 537 P.Rylands UL

Photo: LIII, courtesy of the Director and University Librarian, the John Rylands University Library of Manchester Bibl.: P? 1178, Z 299; Raffaelli 1984, 033

Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: IV AD Mat.: Papyrus, probably an isolated sheet and not part of a codex (ed.pr.), 9 x 6 cm. Cont.: Side 1: t Scholia Minora to Iliad 5.5-11 then large blank space. Side 2: ~ Scholia Minora to Hiad 5.37-53. A previous text was washed off. On both sides lemmata and glosses separated by dots. Often the glosses do not correspond with others of the same kind. Hand: “Rapid,” clear and easily readable, with initial letters slightly enlarged. 342

Ed.pr.: H. Riad and J. Schwartz, CdE 43 (1968) 114-21 T.Alexandria, G.R. 28759

Photo: None published, unclear photo Bibl.: D 242; Raffaelli 1984, 047

Prov.: Unknown Date: IV-V AD

Mat.: Wooden tablet broken along the width, 52 x 12 cm. Cont.: Side 1: Four cols.: Ziad 11.10-23, 35-47, then Scholia Minora to lines 31-46 and 4648 with two fragmentary lines. Rest of the space blank. On the top edge a name.

Side 2: Lines 49-60 and 71-81. On both sides various errors of transcription. Apostrophe, diaeresis, twice the rough breathing, and once a circumflex accent. Words sep-arated by oblique strokes. Many hands (ed.pr.), but only two with certainty. Hand 1: “Rapid,” at times sloppy and careless, although capable of writing fairly well. Hand 2: A teacher’s or a proficient student’s, leaning to the right and completely fluent. 343

Ed.pr.: U. Wilcken, Sitz.Berl. Akad. (1887) 818-19 P.Berol.inv. 5014 Photo: LIV-LV Bibl.: P? 1158, Z 301, D 268, 272; Raffaelli 1984, 001

Prov.: Panopolis? Date: V AD Mat.: Isolated sheet of papyrus, 23.9 x 16.8 cm. Cont.: Side 1: ~ Scholia Minora to Iliad 1.1-6 Side 2: t Scholia Minora to Miad 1.8-12. On both sides an uneconomical use of space, with large areas blank. A few mistakes mostly due to phonetic spelling. Hand: “Rapid,” with mostly separated letters and fluent enough. At times it becomes crude and awkward with some multistroke letters (see, e.g., delta in line 19, side 1).

259

Compositions, Paraphrases, Summaries 344

Ed.pr.: J.W.B. Barns, CQ 43 (1949) 1-3 no. 1 Ashmolean Museum

Photo: LVI Bibl.: P? 2655, Z 169, D 373

Prov.: Arsinoite Date: II Bc

Mat.: Papyrus, 14.2 x 13.7 cm. Cont.: ~ Two incomplete cols. with a narration about the labors of Hercules. Several episodes are mentioned. A paraphrase of an epic poem (ed.pr.), but perhaps a dur7ynatc of a lost drama or a paraphrase of a drama composed for school. Hand: “Rapid,” with capable letters decorated by finials and roundels, although letter size and spacing varies considerably and the whole text lacks uniformity. 345

Ed.pr.: T. Renner, HSCP 83 (1979) 331-37 P.Mich.inv. 4832c

Prov.: Karanis Date: H-I BC Photo: Fig. 3

Mat.: Papyrus fragment, 11.5 x 8.6 cm.; back blank. Cont.: ~ Two incomplete cols.: Iliad 18.45~49 followed by a prose summary of Thetis’ visit to her son and her departure to get the arms, then in col. 2 two verses from 19.38-39, followed by a summary of the assembly, a quotation of line 19.176, and prose with the lament of Briseis. The verses quoted are written continuously as prose. Nothing indicates the transition from prose to verse. Sometimes blank spaces are used to mark a break in sense. Twice (col. 2 lines 4-5 and 11-13) it is possible that the Homeric text that the student used had eccentric verses. A line filler, col. 1 line 14. Hand: “Rapid,” with well-formed letters adorned by finials and roundels. Letter size, spacing, alignment, and intercolumniations vary greatly. A thicker pen in col. 2. 346

Ed.pr.: MPER NS 118 P.Vindob.G. 29790 Photo: LVIII Bibl.: P*? 2650, Z 171, D 283

Prov.: Hermopolis Date: I AD

Mat.: Papyrus, 9.5 x 9.5 cm.; back blank. Cont.: — Previous text washed. Prose narration about the antecedents of the Trojan war, the war itself, and the gods who are on the side of the Trojans. Hand: “Evolving,” with slow letters decorated by finials, roundels, and crude thickenings at the bottom of the vertical strokes. Uneven alignment and letter spacing. 347

Ed.pr.: MPER NS III 29 P.Vindob.G. 26747 + 29747

Photo: LVII Bibl.: P? 2509, Z 172, D 377 Prov.: Soknopaiou Nesos (7?) Date: I AD Mat.: Two papyrus fragments with surface badly rubbed, 14 x 14,6 x5 cm.

260 COMPOSITIONS Cont.: Front: - Prose concerning Alexander, perhaps a speech pronounced by one of the generals. It is not certain that the text was not simply copied. Back: t A few lines probably written by the same hand. Hand: “Rapid,” large letters, sometimes very clumsy, adorned by finials. 348

Ed.pr.: P.Freib. 2a P.Freib.inv. 8v Photo: None published

Prov.: Unknown Date: II AD

Bibl.: P? 2101, Z 181, D 392; TrGF 2 F 733 = FGrHist 153 F7

Mat.: Papyrus, 32 x 16 cm. Cont.: Front: > List of objects in Latin Back: f remains of two cols. defined by vertical lines. A prose dialogue between different personages about Alexander’s succession and his divinity. Larger space between the lines when the speaker changes. The mistakes do not support the theory of a dictation (ed.pr.). The text is suddenly interrupted, leaving a large blank space. Perhaps the student who was copying or better composing (given the unevenness of the piece), lost interest.

Hand: “Evolving,” informal round with a general lack of uniformity and individual letters coarsely formed. It is possible that two hands were at work since up to line 12 the letters are bigger and the writer seems to know only capital angular alpha and the same hand writes in col. 3. The rest of the text is written with more compressed letters, also using the round loop alpha. 349

Ed.pr.: P.Freib. 2b P.Freib.inv. 7v Photo: Tafel 2 Bibl.: P* 2101, Z 182, D 392

Prov.: Unknown Date: II AD Mat.: Papyrus, 14 x 29 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Traces of writing Back: ft Remains of 3 cols. defined by vertical lines (the third is interrupted, leaving a

large blank space). Dialogue about the situation after Alexander’s death and his divinity. A copy or a composition, less successful and duller than the previous one. Space in the line for pause and space and paragraphos (wrongly placed on the right in col. 1) for a change of speaker. Hand: “Evolving,” with an appearance of speed and fluency, but the individual letters are coarsely formed and uneven. They touch and at times are decorated by serifs. 350

Ed.pr.: P. Oxy. 179 BL. P.Lond. 756 verso Photo: LVIII, by permission of the British Library Bibl.: P? 2588, Z 187, D 379

Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: Ill AD

COMPOSITIONS 261 Mat.: Papyrus, very worn when inscribed, 13 x 7 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Declaration of death, dated between 181 and 192 AD.

Back: t Draft of some kind of composition alluding to the death of a regal figure (Alexander the Great? Cf. 133). Corrections, erasures, words added above the line. Hand: “Rapid,” large, irregular, with cursive elements and varying letter size. 351

Ed.pr.: J.G. Milne, JAS 28 (1908) 128, X O.Bodl. Not found Photo: None published Bibl.; P? 2723, Z 186, D 375; TrGF 2 734d

Prov.: Upper Egypt Date: III AD

Mat.: Ostracon, 9.5 x 13.3 cm. Cont.: Composition on the events after Achilles’ death when Philoctetes was brought to Troy. Faulty grammar in line 4 (relative pronoun wrongly used) and 5 (lack of subject). Hand: Not described. 352

Ed.pr.: P.Bon. 1 6 P. Bologna B.U.inv. 122820 Photo: Montanari, 1982, Tav. III Bibl.: P? 1157, Z 207, D 286; F. Montanari, Anagennesis 2 (1982) 273-84

Prov.: Unknown Date: III-IV AD

Mat.: Papyrus fragment, 5 x 7 cm.; back blank. Cont.: - One incomplete col. framed by coarsely drawn lines. Hypothesis of Iliad 1, probably an original summary made with awkwardness and lack of clarity (See lines 5~6). Hand: “Evolving,” irregular and round, sometimes separating all the letters. Letter size, spacing, and alignment vary. The letters are often coarsely formed. 353

Ed.pr.: G. Parthey, AbhBerl, 1865, 139-40 T.Staatsbibl.Preuss. Ms.graec.qu. 36 Photo: Turner 1987, suppl.pl. He; Cribiore 1992, Plate 1 Bibl.: P? 1883, Z 192, D 394; R. Cribiore, GRBS 33 (1992) 247-63

Prov.: Athribis Date: IV? Close to V AD (Cribiore)

Mat.: Wooden tablet Cont.: Composition on farmers’ joys and miseries, with many poetic words but only a vague iambic rhythm. A cross sign at the end of each line, probably to emphasize the end of the poetic cola. Two accents and an expunging dot. Hand: “Rapid,” round, flattened, slanting to the right. Fluctuating letter size and spacing. 354

Ed.pr.: G. Vitelli, SZFC 12 (1904) 320 P.Biblioteca Laurenziana Photo: P.Laur. Il Tav. XLIX Bibl.: P? 1945: P.Laur. II 49; A. Saya, Papyrologica Lupiensia | (1992) 309-17

Prov.: Hermopolis Magna Date: V AD

262 COMPOSITIONS Mat.: Papyrus fragment, 11.4 x 9.8 cm.; back blank. Cont.: Remains of 15 lines of a schoolboy’s poem in anacreontics, perhaps for the feast at the end of the year. A paragraphos divides the composition. Apostrophe is used once. Hand: “Rapid,” irregular, enlarging some letters and making others much smaller. 355

Ed.pr.: O. Crusius, Mél. Nicole (Géneve 1905) 615-24 P.Heid.inv. 1271 v Photo: Seider, 1967, Taf. XXXIV

Bibl.: P2 1611, Z 273, D 302; R. Keydell, Jahresber. Bursian 272 (1941) 49; Seider 1967,

Prov.: Unknown Date: V-VI AD 162-64

Mat.: Papyrus, probably part of a codex, 28.5 x 20 cm. Cont.: Front: - Text still undeciphered. Back: t Mythological hexameters making up five mediocre epigrams, each introduced

by a line of prose, a rhetorical exercise of ethopoiia. Diaeresis, middle dot for punctuation, some accents. Long paragraphos separates each scene, a paragraphos then marks the division of prose and poetry and underlines a pause. Hand: “Evolving,” careless capitals occasionally ligatured, varying alignment and line spacing. 356

Ed.pr.: M. Lallai, Nuovi Papiri Letterari Fiorentini presentati al “XIH Intern. Papyrologen-

kongress” (Pisa 1971) 27-28. P.Pis.inv. 1 (A. Carlini)

Photo: Montanari, 1982, Tav. Il Bibl.: A. Carlini, Papiri Letterari Greci (Pisa 1978) 163-64; F. Montanari, Anagennesis 2 (1982) 273-84

Prov.: Unknown Date: VI AD Mat.: Papyrus fragment, 12.8 x 7.9 cm. Cont.: Side 1: - Document Side 2: - Hypothesis of Iliad 3: Agamemnon asks the Trojans to return Helen and her treasures. Two marks of abbreviation. In the last line the éarypadn in the accusative, perhaps depending on a preposition. Isolated hypothesis, without Scholia Minora. Hand: Fluent, large and inclined to the right, an advanced student or a teacher. 357

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 134 P.Vindob.G. 26186

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII AD

Photo: Tafel 60

Mat.: Papyrus, 14.2 x 9 cm.; back blank. Cont.: ~ Two titles for essays, a comparison between Heracles and the emperor and some kind of cosmogonic theme, starting with a chrism and followed by a large blank space. Hand: Perhaps a teacher’s, leaning to the right, with some oversized letters.

263

Grammar 358

Ed.pr.: H.M. Hubbell, CP 28 (1933) 189-98 P. Yale inv. 446 v Photo: Plate Ill Bibl.: P? 2138, Z 209; P. Yale 1 25; A. Wouters, Orbis 24 (1975) 217-23, Handelingen XXX

der koninklijke Zuidnederlandse Maatschappig voor Taal-en Letterkunde en Ges-

Prov.: Arsinoite? Date: Mid-I AD chiedenis (1976) 291-307, and Wouters 1979, 47-60

Mat.: Papyrus, considerably worn before use, 19 x 22 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ List of tax-payers mentioning the years from 9 to 12; it was cut before the back was used. Back: ft Grammatical manual that shows considerable discrepancies from the Techne of

Dionysius. At the end a sudden interruption in mid-sentence, leaving a blank space. Mistakes due to lack of care and phonetic spelling. Hand: “Evolving,” with intercolumnar space almost totally occupied by writing and with some cursive elements and ligatures (especially epsilon). Not completely inexperienced, but certainly not a teacher’s. The overall impression is quite poor. 359

Descriptum: T. Renner, HSCP 83 (1979) 313 P.Mich.inv. 1588 v

Prov.: Karanis Date: I-II AD Photo: None published

Mat.: Worn papyrus, 17.7 x 15 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ 325. Back: t Remains of 3 cols., probably a grammatical treatise drawing examples from poetic texts. Short horizontal supralineations on some terms. Hand: “Evolving,” fluent with occasional calligraphic pretensions, but varying letter size and spacing. After the first, all the lines slant increasingly downward. 360

Ed.pr.: P. Haun. 48 P.Haun.inv. 323 c

Prov.: Unknown Date: I-II AD Photo: Plate II

Mat.: End of papyrus roll, 6.5 x 10.1 cm.; back covered Cont.: Front: ~ A student writes two participles with the corresponding morphological labels

in the space between the end of a col. and the title (Logoi of Isocrates). A long horizontal line separates the verbs from the title. Hand: “Rapid,” with a few ligatures. 361

Ed.pr.: MPER NS Ill 33 B P.Vindob.G. 29815 B Photo: LIX

264 GRAMMAR

prov.: Arsinoite Date: Il AD

Bibl.: P2 2167, Z 53, D 338; Wouters 1979, 242-43 note 10

Mat.: Papyrus, 11 x 10 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Accounts from the late first-early second centuries.

Back: t Middle-passive imperatives of 7éa7w with a proliferation of nonexistent forms, a whole series of future imperatives, perhaps devised by a teacher in search of symmetry and order. Similarities and differences with the Kavévec of Theodosius, as one would expect at such early date. Hand: “Rapid,” irregular, but fluent enough with few ligatures. 362

Ed.pr.: P. Oslo Il 13 P.Oslo University

Photo: Plate

Bibl.: P2 2148, Z 215, D 318; Di Benedetto 1958, 189-90 and 1959, 88-89; G. Morelli, Ricerche sulla tradizione grammaticale latina (Roma 1970) 112-30; Wouters 1979, 141-55

Prov.: Theadelphia? Date: II AD Mat.: Papyrus, 15 x 31.5 cm. Cont.: Front: > 330. Back: t Remains of 5 cols. of a grammatical manual: definitions and etymological explanations of o7orxetov and yecppa, vowels and consonants defined and divided. The general treatment is less technical and more literary than in the Dionysian treatise. Paragraphoi, horizontal supralineations on some words, abbreviations. Hand: “Evolving,” with problems with alignment and letter proportions and spacing. The phenomenon called Maas’s Law is visible. Uneven bottom margins and cols. Written by one hand only, sometimes with a poorly sharpened pen. 363

Ed.pr.: G. Zalateo, Aegyptus 20 (1940) 8-11 Istituto Vitelli PSI inv. 204

Photo: LX Bibl.: P? 2162, Z 220, D 339

Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: III AD

Mat.: Coarse papyrus sheet, maybe part of codex, 7.7 x 12.8 cm. Cont.: On both sides, ~ f, conjugation of yoddw in the indicative; all the forms are labeled. Marginal abbreviations to indicate singular, dual, plural. Horizontal lines of demarcation (sometimes curls or barbed dashes), a little irregular. Spelling irregularities and minor morphological mistakes especially in the dual, confusion about the principal and historical tense endings. General lack of symmetry and some clumsy erasures. Hand: “Rapid,” irregular, but fluent with letters separated except for epsilon. 364

Ed.pr.: F.G. Kenyon, JHS 29 (1909) 29-31 T.BM.add.MS. 37516

Photo: XLI Bibl.: P? 2711, Z 222, 223, D 336, 342

Prov.: Unknown Date: III AD

GRAMMAR 265 Mat.: Wooden tablet with white coating written on both sides, 41.5 x 13.5 cm. Cont.: Side 1: Ruled with uneven lines that are disregarded, vertical lines on one side. Opta-

tives and participles of mxd&w in all moods, with some forms morphologically incorrect. Sometimes there are purely artificial formations. Side 2: Declension of a chria on the philosopher Pythagoras with minor errors and corrections (cf. 385 and 388). Hand: “Rapid,” irregular, of small size, with many ligatured letters. 365

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 136 P.Vindob.G. 40382

Prov.: Unknown Date: II AD Photo: Tafel 60

Mat.: Two papyrus fragments, 4.3 x 4, 4.3 x 3.6 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Document Back: ? Partial conjugations of GAémw and BaaTw with omission of lambda in BrA€xw (according to ed.pr.). It is preferable to think of /ambda being omitted in both cases (thus also GA@17T).

Hand: Probably a teacher’s (although the mistakes are considerable), large, fluent, and regular,

influenced by the chancery style. The letters are tall and narrow, and in beta one single, sinuous line defines the two protruding parts. 366

Ed.pr.: P.Ryl. Tl 533 P.Rylands UL

Photo: LXII, courtesy of the Director and University Librarian, the John Rylands University Library of Manchester Bibl.: P? 2166, Z 227, D 346

Prov.: Unknown Date: II-IV AD

Mat.: Papyrus of poor quality written on both sides, 6.3 x 13.3 cm. Cont.: Partial conjugation of wovéw with the double tense labels used in Theodosius’ Kavévec. Some clumsy erasures, dittography, and some abbreviations (see especially line 11). Horizontal lines divide the sections.

Hand: “Rapid,” larger on the front, but probably the same throughout. Sprawling uneven lines, variable spacing, general coarse thick look. 367

Ed.pr.: P.Col. VIII 206 P.Col.inv. 492c

Prov.: Unknown Date: I-IV AD Photo: Pl. 15

Mat.: Papyrus fragment, 5.3 x 6.2 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Two fragmentary cols. of middle-passive participles of movéw. Extensive can-

cellation of an intrusive word, possibly a mistake, and a lack of symmetry and homogeneity in the forms point to student’s work. Back: t Traces of an account and the word 67jyaTe with the syllable on below, written in a good book hand.

266 GRAMMAR Hand: “Rapid,” letter orientation varies, mostly separated letters with only a few ligatures. Many letters touch. Sometimes there are cursive letter forms. Overall a sloppy look. 368

Ed.pr.: P.Amh. II 21 Pierpont Morgan Library, P.Greek 21 Photo: Wouters 1979, Plate VIII Bibl.: P? 2142, Z 225, D 321; Wouters 1979, 188-97

Prov.: Hermopolis Magna Date: II-IV AD Mat.: Papyrus roll fragment, 22.7 x 12.5 cm. Cont.: Front.: - Copy of an official letter of 288-289 AD. Back: t Grammatical manual treating the mpoowdiar, the parts of speech and the noun. The treatment of some parts is very confused. The definitions of the different genders of the nouns are noteworthy, since they are elementary. Dicolon is used, apostrophe, diaeresis, and two curved strokes to separate a section. There are many mistakes due to phonetic spelling, dittography, and haplography (many are corrected, some hastily). There is a large blank space before the treatment of the parts of speech. Hand: “Evolving,” irregular and round, capable of forming individual letters, but unable to produce an attractive text. Uneven letter size and spacing, and difficult alignment. 369

Ed.pr.: P.Ant. II 68 Ashmolean Museum Photo: Wouters 1979, Pl. IX a, b Bibl.: P? 2140; Wouters 1979, 198-203

Prov.: Antinoopolis Date: IV AD Mat.: Fragment of papyrus codex written on both sides, 15.8 x 8.8 cm.

Cont.: Brief outline of grammatical terms without an apparent order. The corrections are many, some by another hand. Double dot indicates emphatic punctuation. Rough horizontal supralineations randomly mark some words and numbers. Hand: “Rapid,” irregular, clear, and round, with letters written quickly, but usually separated. On both sides there are two very uneven cols. which, on one side, are separated by a wavering line. 370

Ed.pr.: P.Kéln IV 176 P.K6ln.inv. 5128 Photo: Tafel IX

Prov.: Unknown Date: IV AD

Mat.: Worn papyrus sheet, 8 x 10.5 cm. Cont.: Written by two different students. A previous literary text was washed off. Commentary on the Techne of Dionysius Thrax with some variations explained in ed.pr. as students’ notes and comments (but perhaps Dionysius’ manual was not the leading text in the fourth century). Diaeresis, horizontal lines above examples. On the back the text is abruptly interrupted. Hand 1: “Evolving,” slow, with variable space between letters and lines. Hand 2: “Evolving,” with such a thick pen that the outline of some letters is smudged off.

GRAMMAR 267 371

Ed.pr.: P.K6lIn IV 177 P.K6In inv. 36v

Prov.: Unknown Date: IV AD Photo: Tafel Xa

Mat.: Papyrus, 7.2 x 12.4 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Business letter Back: t Part of a grammatical treatise on vowels and consonants, more detailed than the Dionysian Téxvn, with poetic exempla, copied by a student. The text is interrupted

before it gets to the address of the letter written on the same side. There are a few spelling mistakes. Hand: “Rapid,” leaning slightly to the right, with letters separated except epsilon and alpha. 372

Ed.pr.: G. Zalateo, Aegyptus 20 (1940) 12-14 Istituto Vitelli PSI inv. 479

Photo: LXITI-LXIV Bibl.: P* 2706, Z 232, D 327

Prov.: Antinoopolis Date: V-VI AD

Mat.: Papyrus of poor quality, possibly part of a codex, 21 x 7.2 cm. Cont.: Side 1: ~ Declensions of the nouns 6 IIpiapoc, 7 ‘Ex&@n in all numbers. Side 2: tf Declension of the adjective co@éc in all genders and numbers. In both sides there are no mistakes and horizontal lines separate the different parts. Hand: “Rapid,” careful and clear, but still with a coarse look and letters mostly separated. 373

Ed.pr.: PSZ VII 761 P. Biblioteca Laurenziana Photo: Wouters 1979, Plate X Bibl.: P* 2139, Z 234, D 324; Di Benedetto 1959, 109-11; Wouters 1979, 204-10

Prov.: Oxyrhynchos Date: V-VI AD

Mat.: Worn-out parchment fragment, presumably part of a codex, 14 x 12 cm.

Cont.: Written on both sides. Definition of noun, verb, participle, article, pronoun, and preposition. Evidence of the influence of Apollonius Dyscolus and Dionysius Thrax. Many mistakes, not all due to phonetic spelling, mostly corrected by a second hand. Hand: “Rapid,” with variable inclination and letter size (see especially line 11). 374

Ed.pr.: G. Zalateo, Aegyptus 20 (1940) 7 Istituto Vitelli PSI inv. 2052

Photo: LXV Bibl.: P2 2705, Z 323, D 328

Prov.: Antinoopolis Date: V-VI AD

Mat.: Papyrus fragment of inferior quality written on both sides, 6.2 x 5.3 cm. Cont.: Side 1: ~ Declension of 6 mac. Side 2: tf Declension of 6 xadéc. Hand: Proficient and clear: a school manual or a teacher’s model.

268 GRAMMAR 375

Ed.pr.: C. Wessely, Stud. Pal. Wf pp. LVIt P.Vindob.G. 2318 Photo: MPER XV Tafel 61 Bibl.: P? 2735, Z 237, D 340; MPER NS XV 137

Prov.: Unknown Date: VI AD Mat.: Fragment of coarse papyrus, 8.5 x 15 cm.; other side blank Cont.: ? Partial conjugation of yecdw in the aorist passive, with many mistakes that betray a confusion between the aorist and the perfect forms. Hand: “Rapid,” cursive, fluent, and regular. 376

Ed.pr.: P.Hamb. II 166 P.Hamb.inv. 175 Photo: LXVI, courtesy of Staats-und Universitatsbibliothek Hamburg Bibl.: P2 356, 2165, Z 235, D 347

Prov.: Unknown Date: VI AD Mat.: Papyrus, 31 x 74 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Document Back: — Three very long cols. written lengthwise with the papyrus turned 90 degrees, an almost complete conjugation of wovéw. At the end a large blank space. According to ed.pr. it was meant to be hung on the wall. There are minor scribal and phonological mistakes, many rough breathings, and one accent. Horizontal lines of demarcation. Hand: “Rapid,” quick semicursive with some irregularities, probably a student’s. It cannot be ruled out that the papyrus was the property of a scholar who used it for reference. 377

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 139 P.Berol.inv. 22141

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII AD

Photo: Tafel 64

Mat.: Papyrus, 22 x 30.5 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ Coptic letter Back: f Partial paradigm of the verb xopvodéw. Mistakes were made in the dual of the perfect imperative (still practiced in school), in the perfect optative (with the nonperiphrastic forms), and especially in the aorist optative. Horizontal lines of demarcation with marginal abbreviations to indicate singular, dual, and plural. Hand: “Rapid,” practiced and clear, probably a student still unsure of his conjugations. 378

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XVIII 280 O.BM inv. 14222

Photo: LXV Bibl.: P? 2698, Z 238, D 341

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII-VIII Ap Mat.: Incomplete ostracon, 13.5 x 11 cm. Cont.: Reverse: Coptic letter of religious content

GRAMMAR 269 Obverse: The only ostracon with grammatical material, the verb és6c@oxw conjugated in the present indicative singular and plural and in the aorist indicative singular, with its Coptic equivalents. On the left the Greek present indicative was repeated, but only the Coptic equivalents are preserved. The different sections are neatly separated by continuous or broken horizontal lines. Hand: Uniform, practiced capitals slanting to the right. Perhaps a teacher’s model.

Notebooks 379

Ed.pr.: O. Guéraud and P. Jouguet, Un livre d’écolier (Cairo 1938) Cairo, Journal d’entrée no. 65445 Photo: Plates I-X

Bibl.: P* 2642, Z 351, D 40, 53, 57, 65, 68, 80, 86, 89, 95, 98, 226; H. Grégoire and R. Goossens, Byzantion 13 (1938) 396-400; B. Schweitzer, Ein Nymphdum des friiheren Hellenismus (Festgabe z.Winckelmannsfeier d.arch.Seminars d.Universitat, Leipzig 1938) 1-4; S. Settis, SCO 14 (1965) 247-57; A. Barigazzi, Atti XI Congr. Pap. (Milano 1966) 69-85; I. Cazzaniga, La Parola del Passato 21 (1966) 487-93; G. Ronchi, SCO 17 (1968) 56-75; W.G. Arnott, BICS 16 (1969) 67-69; Fraser, 1972, I 609 ff.; G. Giangrande, Eranos 71 (1973) 68-83; E. Livrea, ZPE 40 (1980) 27-31; B. Boyaval, CdE 57 (1982) 105-106; Th.K. Stephanopoulos, ZPE 62 (1986) 41; SH 978, 979; CGFP 219, 289 a, b; PCG fr. 1.4-50

Prov.: Arsinoite? Date: III Bc Mat.: Bottom half of cheap papyrus roll, fr. a, 66 cm. long + b, 176 cm. long. Cont.: Book of school exercises that served a schoolmaster teaching different levels, since the second part of the anthology is geared to students of a higher level. It starts with a syl-

labary (probably preceded originally by an alphabet), then a list of Macedonian months, a series of numbers, a list of monosyllables, names of divinities, and polysyllabic nouns. A short poetic anthology follows: Euripides, Phoenissae 529-534 and Ino fr. 420 Nauck? (with some variants in comparison with the citation of Stobaeus) with words divided into syllables. Then Odyssey 5.116-124 (variant at line 22, probably the right reading), which forms the transition to harder material: two epigrams (SH 978-

979), the first on a fountain, the second for a monument dedicated to Homer by Philopator, and 3 fragments in elegiac distichs (CGFP 289 a, b and 219). The first two are monologues of cooks, probably from new comedy, and the third is a fragment of Straton’s Phoinicides ridiculing the language used by a cook (PCG fr. 1.4-50), which differs significantly from the citation of Athenaeus, Deipn. IX 382c ff. The handbook ends with some mathematical exercises. Hand: Clear and legible, with very few ligatures at the beginning, then showing many linking strokes: a teacher’s or a professional scribe’s. It shows characteristics very similar to

later teachers’ hands. Letter size is large, up to the anthology, where it becomes medium-sized. Still influenced by the Alexandrian chancery hand of III BC, it is not developed horizontally as much, and resembles well-written documentary hands.

270 NOTEBOOKS 380

Ed.pr.: U. Wilcken, Sitz. Berl. Akad. (1923) 160-83 + H. Diels, Abh. Berl. Akad. (1904) If 3-16 P.Berol.inv. 13044 recto

Photo: Abh. Berl Akad. and LXVIT-LX VII-LXIX Bibl.: P* 2099, 2068

Prov.: Abousir Date: II-I Bc (probably I Bc) Mat.: Cartonnage papyrus

Cont.:> The beginning of the papyrus is missing. Cols. 1 to 6.9 contain the Dialogue of Alexander with the Gymnosophists (cf. Plutarch, Alex. 64 and Hermeneumata Stephani, CGL Ill 385-86, Responsa Sapientium). Presumably the beginning of the story with the capture of the wise men is missing. The papyrus seems to contain the oldest version of the story, a copy of an ancient Greek exemplar. Cols. 6.10 to 12 preserve the so-called

Laterculi Alexandrini, a list of famous men, the Seven Wonders, largest islands, highest mountains, rivers, and springs. The titles of the different sections have the first letter underlined. Within the largest sections, which are separated by dipie, there are small sections divided by paragraphoi. The names in the list are generally separated by spaces.

Hand: Perhaps a teacher’s, regular and graceful with a few ligatures that do not impair the legibility. Horizontal finials at the end of the vertical strokes and sometimes thickenings. The hand is upright, but the vertical stroke of rho is bent to the left. The central strokes of mu are joined in a curve. 381

Ed.pr.: H. Diels, Sitz. Berl. Akad. (1898) 847-56 T.Berol.inv. 14283 Photo: Schubart 1911, Plate 17, Lloyd-Jones 1963, Pl. IV-V Bibl.: P2 1436; W. Schubart, Symbolae Philologicae O.A. Danielsson Dicatae (Uppsala 1932) 290-98; H. Lloyd-Jones, JHS 83 (1963) 75-99 = Greek Comedy. Hellenistic Literature. Greek Religion and Miscellanea: The Academic Papers of Sir Hugh Lloyd-Jones (Oxford 1990) 158-95; A. Barigazzi, Hermes 96 (1968) 190-216; D.L. Page, Further Greek Epigrams: Epigrams before AD 50 from the Greek Anthology and other Sources (Cambridge 1981) 116; SH 705; T. Dorandi, ZPE 87 (1991) 21

Prov.: Unknown Date: I AD Mat.: Two waxed tablets, now in disastrous condition, 24 x 10 cm. Cont.: The first cover shows only some letters and the second some barely legible numbers.

The two inner sides of the tablets contain an elegy of 25 verses, probably by Posidippus of Pella, about the hardships of old age. In the first the surface is divided in two unequal parts by a vertical line. The writer struggles in the left smaller half, sometimes writing on the border. After line 15 he switches to cursives, which intrude also in the second side. The text of the tablets is crossed by lines traced randomly. There are several mistakes. Some are omissions or are due to confusion of cases. Some are

phonological mistakes caused by the Egyptian pronunciation (this rules out Page’s hypothesis, also inconceivable on chronological grounds, that the poet Posidippus himself wrote the poem). There are no compelling reasons for thinking that the poem was

NOTEBOOKS 27) composed at the moment of writing. All the corrections can have been made later on. No serious poet would make such mistakes. The poem is likely to be Posidippus’, and an advanced student had learned it by heart and then transcribed it. Hand: "Rapid," capital letters written quickly and in a capable way; the cursives are more careless, and alignment leaves much to be desired. The work of an advanced student. 382

Ed.pr.: H. Oellacher, Et. Pap. 4 (1938) 133-35 P.Vindob.G. 26740 Photo: MPER NS XV Tafel 81 Bibl.: P2 791, Z 137, D 231; G. Nachtergael, CdE 46 (1971) 344-51; P.J. Sijpesteijn and K.A. Worp, CdE 49 (1974) 309-31; for mathematical exercise, MPER NS XV 178

Prov.: Soknopaiou Nesos(?) Date: II AD

Mat.: Dark brown papyrus roll, perhaps complete, 13.8 x 124.5 cm. Cont.: Front: ~ A previous text was washed off. Five mathematical problems, /liad 6.373-410, and two conversion problems. On the ed.pr. Oellacher misinterpreted the conversion

problems and argued that the Homeric text was followed by a paraphrase. In the Homeric text Andromache’s speech is truncated abruptly at line 410, followed by a paragraphos. The mistakes are many: some phonetic spellings, some omissions of words or parts of words, and simple spelling errors. The text was not dictated, but probably copied or written from memory (see line 398 whose second half is like 395). Hand: "Evolving," with slow, careful letters decorated by serifs and very few ligatures. Alignment, line spacing, and letter size and stance leave much to be desired. 383

Ed.pr.: P.Lond.Lit. 253 + W. Brashear, ZPE 86 (1991) 231-32 BL. T.Lond. Add.MS. 34186 Photo: Pattie and Turner 1974, PI. 9; Bonner 1977, fig. 20-21; Hengstl 1978, Abb. 6; Erler 1983, pl. 1; Tait 1986, Pl. 3; Turner 1987, Pl. 4; O.A.W. Dilke, Mathematics and Measurement (London 1987) PI. 7.

Bibl.: P? 2713, Z 354, D 108, 142; Jaekel, 1964, Pap. XI; E.G. Turner, BICS 12 (1965) 6769; T.S. Pattie and E.G. Turner, The Written Word on Papyrus (London 1974) no. 21; Bonner, 1977, 175-76; J. Hengstl, G. Hage, H. Kiuhnert, Griechische Papyri aus Aegypten (Miinchen 1978) no. 96; Harvey, 1978, 64-69; M. Erler, Hermes 111 (1983)

Prov.: Unknown Date: II AD 221-26

Mat.: Two waxed tablets, 17.8 x 26 cm. Cont.: Tablet 1: A teacher wrote two gnomai on two ruled lines. A student copied them twice between ruled lines, always omitting the sigma that starts the first sententia. The last two lines are written in a very narrow space.

Tablet 2: Divided in two by a vertical line. A proficient hand, which could be the teacher’s, writes multiplications in the left portion. Apparently the same student of the previous tablet writes five words divided into syllables after dividing the right part of the tablet into rectangular spaces by means of horizontal and vertical lines.

272 NOTEBOOKS Hand 1: A teacher’s, large, formal, round, and strictly bilinear, with all the letters separated. The loop of phi is round and there are no finials. If the same hand wrote the multiplication tables, it is much quicker, informal, and with some cursive elements. Hand 2: "Alphabetic," hesitant. The student was already exposed to cursives, gets only a general idea of the model’s style, and continues to form the letters his own way. He tries to ligature especially alpha and epsilon. 384

Ed.pr.: G. Plaumann, Ber. Berl.Mus. 34 (1913) 219 Tablets Blanckertz, not found

Photo: None published Bibl.: P2 2738, Z 355, D 326

Prov.: Unknown Date: [I-III AD Mat.: Four waxed tablets, 13 x 16.5 cm. Cont.: Declension of the singular, dual, and plural of 6 xpnoTég TaTHp, n &yabn Tapaivede, To diravepwrov Ooo with a few mistakes that point to a student’s work. Some sides did not contain writing. Hand: Not described 385

Ed.pr.: F.G. Kenyon, JHS 29 (1909) 32-39 T.BM Add.MS. 37533 Photo: Plate VI of last side, LXX-LXXI-LXXII Bibl.: P* 2712, Z 358, D 222, 319, 322, 360; A. Brinkmann, RAM 65 (1910) 149-55; K. Painter, Brit.Mus. Quart. 31 (1966-67) 101-10; A. Wouters, CdE 68 (1993) 168-77

Prov.: Unknown Date: III AD Mat.: Notebook made of 8 tablets, 9.5 x 27 cm. Cont.: The tablets are numbered on each side in the left-hand margin from A to II. Only 7 of the sides are written on (A-A and H, @, I). On the cover only traces of writing appear. The first four sides contain a long list of verbs usually followed by forms of the pronoun ov7oc¢ to indicate the case they govern. Paragraphoi separate the different groups, usually divided according to meaning. Diaeresis is used. On side A the name of the owner or user of the notebook, Epaphroditos, appears. On side H a phonetic classification of the letters of the alphabet (see P.Os/o II 13) and some gnomic questions in the form of riddles with their respective answers. These continue on side © and a paragraphos separates them from some notes on conjunctions in the form of questions and answers. On the same side a classification of the 6vouaTa (nouns, adjectives, interrogative and indefinite pronouns), which at times are separated by the sign %. At the end of the section there is a colophon inscribed in a rectangle and rules for the declension of a chria (cf. 388 and 364).

Hand 1: "Rapid," writes the first 3 tablets rather hastily and fluently, more neatly at the beginning, then becoming more careless and drawing crooked paragraphoi but showing the same characteristics, the large chi’s, and the frequent ligatures. Hand 2: “Rapid," in tablets 4 and 5, ligaturing the letters less.

NOTEBOOKS 273 386

Ed.pr.: D.C. Hesseling, JHS 13 (1893) 293-314 T.Leiden University Libr.Ms. BPG 109 Photo: Plates, XIII-X1X

Bibl.: P* 174 and 491, Z 357, D 113, 176, 224; M.J. Luzzatto and A. La Penna, Babrii

Prov.: Palmyra Date: III AD Mythiambi Aesopei (Leipzig 1986); Pap.Lugd. Bat. XXV, pp. 91-92

Mat.: Seven waxed tablets, 14.5 x 12 cm. Cont.: Traces of previous writing. Then tablets I (verso) and VII (verso) contain the same text as model and student’s copy: Hesiod, Works and Days 347. The name of the month

(Dios) appears on the master’s tablet to which is added the date (Tuesday) on the pupil’s copy. Probably the same pupil copied on ruled lines 14 fables of Babrius (136, 137, 78, 97, 138, 117, 91, 103, 107, 143, 139, 43, 123, 121 Luzzatto-La Penna), all in choliambics except three in prose. Spelling and meter are faulty and in the text there are quite a few omissions and additions. Scriptio plena is used. Hand |: A teacher’s, on unruled tablet, bilinear, formal round with some letters decorated by

finials. The letters are very large and are all separated. The round ones can be inscribed in a square. Mu starts with a little hook and has a central stroke reaching the baseline.

Hand 2: "Evolving," disregarding the ruled lines, trying to imitate the model with careful flattened capital letters, larger than they are tall, in the Hesiodic text. The hand is quicker

and more cursive in the rest of the tablets. The difference in the hand of tablet III (recto), a repetition in cursives of II (verso) according to ed.pr., is due to the fact that the tablet is not ruled and therefore the writing was more challenging. 387

Ed.pr.: P.Ant. 11 54 Ashmolean Museum

Photo: Plate IV (verso) Bibl.: van Haelst 347 Prov.: Antinoopolis Date: III AD

Mat.: Papyrus double leaf of miniature notebook, 5.2 x 4 cm.

Cont.: Part of the Paternoster, Mt. vi 9-13. The codex probably consisted originally of two double pages. The prayer is left unfinished, breaking off in the middle of a word and leaving a blank space. Hand: "Evolving," with letters of different size, some of which are muiltistroke, and a few ligatures. Epsilon has a straight back and phi a triangular middle part. 388

Ed.pr.: P.J. Parsons, ZPE 6 (1970) 133-49 T.Bod!.Gk.Inscr. 3019

Photo: Tafel VIII Bibl.: P? 2732, D 186, 333, 335, 345, 366 Prov.: Unknown Date: End IIT AD Mat.: Notebook of seven wooden tablets, 11 x 23.8 cm. (cover 11 x 8.3 cm.; one missing) Cont.: The writing is always across the long dimension. Traces of previous writing. On side la a declension of pronouns in the singular, interrupted after two of the plural forms. It is the only school exercise with a declension of pronouns. On side 1b and 4a a rhetorical

274 NOTEBOOKS paraphrase of Iliad 1.1-21 that is four times as long as the original. The copying of the paraphrase is interrupted after line 57, to be taken up again from the beginning for only three lines. There are a few mistakes and omissions. The sign % marks pauses, alone or in conjuction with space and paragraphos. Tablets 2 and 6 contain a Coptic text (Psalm 46.3-10 and writing exercises), and tablets 5a and 3 carry tables of fractions, written by a different, third hand. In 5b there is a set of formulae for the declension of a chria (cf. 385 and 364), and a paragraphos indicates that the exercise was complete. Side 7a carries the conjugation of zovety in the indicative active. Hand 1: "Evolving," writing the conjugation, with varying letter size, stance, and spacing, and mostly separated letters. Hand 2: "Rapid," fluent, writing everything else, also the Coptic, but not the fractions. It is irregular, with erasures and inkblots. 389

Ed.pr.: M. Froehner, Annales Société Francaise Numismat.Archéol. 3 (1868) 69-77 T.Borely inv. 1564, 1565, 1566, 1567 Photo: LXXITI-LXXIV Bibl.: P? 2731, Z 82, D 132; Kaibel 1878, 1119; Edmonds 1961, 500; CGFP 312

Prov.: Unknown Date: III-IV AD, perhaps later

Mat.: Notebook of four waxed tablets, 15.6 x 19 cm. Cont.: Unknown maxim in two iambic trimeters repeated several times. On tablet 1567, which is the only one not ruled, the maxim appears only once, followed by the exhortation gtAoTm Over, written as a model. On the right, separated by an oblique line, there are traces of writing, perhaps the date. On the other three tablets the maxim is copied 3 times, each followed by ¢:Aomé6ver. On top of each tablet there is the name of the owner (or user) followed by the planetary date. Perhaps the maxim was written by the same pupil, but his hand appears different each time. Hand 1: A teacher’s, fluent, clear, and extra-large, written in an informal round style. Some of

the letters appear in cursive form and many are ligatured. Sometimes connecting strokes are drawn and the letters are broken up into their constitutive elements. Hand 2: "Evolving," more fluent in 1565, slanting to the right. In the other tablets letter size varies considerably and sometimes the letters are very large and are less even. 390

Ed.pr.: A. Wouters, Anc. Soc. 1 (1970) 201-35 P.Chester Beatty

Photo: Plates VI-X Bibl.: D 76, 83,ap 87 Prov.: Unknown Date: I-IV Mat.: Three fragments of papyrus codex, 14.5 x 9, 14.5 x 12.5, 14.5 x 9.5 cm.; originally at least 3 folded sheets.

Cont.: End of a list of disyllabic words and a list of words of three and four syllables in alphabetical order, divided into syllables. A diple obelismene separates the. different sections. The writer wrote the initial letter of the words in advance and then expanded them into words, but he was forced sometimes to add others, or to leave some lines

NOTEBOOKS 275 blank. The minor spelling mistakes are very few and certainly do not support the dictation theory (as in ed.pr.). The list was probably written by a teacher who copied all the words of which he wanted to make use.

Hand: A teacher’s, large, flexible, influenced by cursive writing. It is mostly upright and developed vertically and is slightly influenced by the chancery style. Hooks and roundels decorate a few letters and beta is tall. 391

E.J. Goodspeed, Mél. Nicole (Géneve 1905) 182 + Pap.Flor. XXII 28-29 T.Brooklyn 37.473E, 37.1910E, 37.909E, 37.474E, 37.1908E Photo: Pap. Flor. XXII Plates XXI-XXII Bibl.: P? 1885, Z 107, D 129, 135; F.G. Welcker, RhM 15 (1860) 155-58; Kaibel 1878, xxiii

no. 1117a; E. Cougny, Appendix Nova Epigrammatum (Paris 1890) no. 57; Kock 1888, fr.adesp. 346; Edmonds 1961, 412-14; CGFP 313

Prov.: Abousir Date: IV AD (III Goodspeed)

Mat.: Notebook of five waxed tablets, 12.5 x 16 cm. Cont.: The two covers do not contain writing, some sides show only faint traces or are totally illegible. One tablet, 37.473E, is ruled and carries the model of a moral maxim (same as in 392) of 3 iambic trimeters written continuously, which are copied by the student on the following ruled tablet (only partly visible, the right part being obliterated). The next tablet, 37.909E, presents on one side (the other is illegible) quadrisyllabic words starting with eta divided into syllables, which a teacher inscribed as a model after writing on the first line the name of the pupil for whom the model was prepared. Hand 1: A teacher’s, strictly bilinear, with very large, separated letters sometimes decorated by serifs; the vertical dimension is accentuated showing some influence of the chancery style with a few hooks and circlets in iota and nu. The first initial is greatly enlarged. The hand is more cursive and quick in the list of words, but still displays great clarity. Hand 2: "Evolving," probably, and imitating carefully the model (see pi with serifed verticals). Fluctuating letter size. It is difficult to be sure of the level of ability of the pupil. 392

Ed.pr.: E.J. Goodspeed, Mél. Nicole (Géneve 1905) 182-83 + Pap.Flor. XXII 30-31 T.Brooklyn 37.1912E, 37.1911E, 37.1913E Photo: Pap.Flor. XXII plate XXIII Bibl.: P? 1886, Z 108, D 129; CGFP 313

Prov.: Abousir Date: IV AD (III Goodspeed)

Mat.: Notebook of 3 waxed tablets, 11 x 17.5 cm. Cont.: On the first tablet there is a teacher’s model of the same maxim of 391 with slight variations and by a different hand, which is then copied on side 2 by a pupil who wrote his name on the first line. On tablet 37.1913E, side 1, which is greatly damaged, only the words 0 mp@ro¢ spay can be made out. Side 2 contains a short story about Achilles and his vulnerable feet. Hand |: A teacher’s, with very large letters in a formal round style with no finials.

276 NOTEBOOKS Hand 2: "Alphabetic," with striking variety in letter size and spacing, round and bilinear. 393

Ed.pr.: P. Jouguet and P. Perdrizet, Stud. Pal. 6 (1906) 148-61 P.Bour. 1 = P.Sorbonne 826 Photo: Plates of IV.1, V.2, X.1, XI; Gallo 1980, Tav. XIV.

Bibl.: P2 2643, Z 359, D 69, 77, 84, 88, 206, 214, 225; Lanowski 1950, 44; Jaekel 1964, Pap. II; H. Léon, L’Antiquité Classique 35 (1966) 436-38; J. Vaio, CP 64 (1969) 15461: G. Strohmaier, Archiv 22-23 (1974) 285-88; Gallo 1980, 377-90; A. Blanchard,

Prov.: Unknown Date: IV AD CdE 66 (1991) 211-20; CGFP 107

Mat.: Papyrus codex of 11 leaves, probably incomplete, 9 x 8 cm. Cont.: Alphabetical lists of monosyllables, bisyllables, trisyllables, and quadrisyllables; five chreiai of Diogenes, written one word per line; 24 gnomai monostichoi each divided by a paragraphos; verses of the first Prologue to Babrius’ Fables (lines 1-12 LuzzattoLa Penna) each in two lines, divided by a paragraphos. The notebook, which bears on the first page the word @edc, ends with a subscription imitating the colophon of many literary papyri (cf. the beginning of 276). The mistakes are very few considering the length of the text, and are mostly due to phonetic spelling. On leaf X, line 9-10, the error is not enough to prove that the notebook was dictated. An unusual quantity of critical signs, considering the elementary level: diaeresis, rough breathings of different shapes, accents, apostrophes, one abbreviation, and filler signs. Simple and forked paragraphoi divide sections and verses, and a chrism starts each page. Hand: "Rapid," of a mixed type, slanting to the right, with some awkwardness that points to a student’s copy. At the end it is less careful, but still fluent. 394

Ed.pr.: Pap.Flor. XVIII 23-32 T.Louvre inv. MNE-911 Photo: Tavv. XXXIV-XLII Bibl.: R. Cribiore, ZPE 106 (1995) 97-106; L. Battezzato, ZPE 111 (1996) 40

Prov.: Theadelphia? Date: IV AD Mat.: Notebook of 5 waxed tablets, 17 x 13 cm. Cont.: On the first cover only pen trials. On tablets I and II a poem in hexameters praising and invoking the river Nile. It is not very original, and its interest lies mainly in the subject. The hypothesis (ed.pr.) of a dictation is not supported by the mistakes, especially since the editor did not completely understand the text. The student succeeds in making

line and verse coincide up to line 11 by various expedients. Then he writes the hexameters in continuous verses, separating them with oblique strokes or with a sign such as %. On the top part of the wooden border of the tablet with the first part of the poem there is the end of an alphabet by a different hand. On the rest of the tablets are mathematical exercises and a list of contributors that has nothing to do with school (cf.

399 and 402). The second cover shows only a name, “Appavioc, in large letters, maybe by the same hand as the alphabet.

NOTEBOOKS 277 Hand 1: (Poem) "Rapid," irregular, but fluent, with some letters ligatured. Hand 2: (Alphabet) "Alphabetic," with large, clumsy letters. 395

Ed.pr.: E. Boswinkel, Actes XIV Congr. (1975) 25-28 T.Leiden Pap.inst.inv. V 16-20

Photo: Pap.Lugd.Bat. XXV Plates XI-XIV Bibl.: D 82; Pap.Lugd. Bat. XXV 15 Prov.: Unknown Date: ca. AD 350 Mat.: Notebook of 5 waxed tablets, 13 x 18 cm. Cont.: No writing on the two covers. Some traces of previous writing remain. On all tablets,

except no. 4, a maxim appears, Isocrates, Ad Demonicum 1, copied 7 times. The tablets are ruled and in the first line the pupil wrote his name, Aurelius Antonios son of Nemesion. In tablet 1 the name appears also at the end of the exercise, together with other names, probably schoolmates, and the planetary date. The tablet seems to have been written by the same pupil (not the teacher, as in ed.pr., because the writing is not very even: the letters start and end very large, but are considerably smaller in the middie). Tablet 4 is not ruled and contains a col. of 7 nouns starting in nu, divided into syllables, and multiplications, separated by a wavy line. On the bottom right corner

appears the date of the exercise. It is the only tablet without the pupil’s name and appears to have been written as a model by the teacher. Hand 1: "Rapid," formal round, strictly bilinear, only epsilon is often ligatured. The name is written more freely and sloppily.

Hand 2: A teacher’s, rather quick with cursive elements and less stiff than the pupil’s. Generally upright, it follows an informal round style. The writing maintains throughout a perfect legibility. 396

Ed.pr.: B. Boyaval, ZPE 17 (1975) 225-35 Louvre MND, MND 552 L-K-I-H Photo: Tafel VII-VIII; Boyaval 1974, Tafel XI Bibl.: P2 1619, Z 83, D 112, 191, 160, 216; B. Boyaval, ZPE 14 (1974) 241-47; RA 2 (1977) 215-29; van Haelst 239

Prov.: Memphis Date: IV AD

Mat.: Incomplete notebook of 5 waxed tablets, 18 x 13.5 cm. Cont.: MND and MND 552L, side A, contain the model and Aurelius Papnouthis’ copy (he signs and dates some of the tablets) of five verses of Menander (already known from Comp.Menan. Philist. 11.105-108, IV.39-40 and Menandri Sententiae, Jaekel p. 133 line 7) and of some metrological signs. Tablet 552L (side B) contains ten distichs in iambic trimeters on figures from history and mythology in acrostic, which were continued on a lost tablet. Tablets 552K and I (side A) preserve exercises on fractions and measures (by a third hand). Tablets 5521 (side B) and 552H carry Psalm 146.1-11, followed by some iambic trimeters. All the verses were written continuously, separated

only by single or double oblique or horizontal strokes. Diaeresis is marked. The nomina sacra are mostly abbreviated with carelessly drawn supralineations. The mistakes show that Menander’s verses were copied from the model, the Psalm perhaps

278 NOTEBOOKS was written from memory, while the ten distichs were probably dictated because sometimes the pupil seems to have completely lost the sense of the text. Hand 1: A teacher’s, with very large letters all separated, clearly influenced by the chancery style. It is simple and elegant, and developed vertically; occasionally embellishments such as loops and roundels decorate the letters. It slopes very lightly to the right. Hand 2: "Evolving," quick, not very even, appears much more cursive than the model even though the letters touch and are not truly ligatured. In tablet MND 552L the hand was clearly influenced by the model’s style, but in the other tablets it is generally rounder. 397

Ed.pr.: B. Boyaval, ZPE 17 (1975) 145-50 T.Louvre MND 552 E, F

Photo: Planche V b Bibl.: D 190; van Haelst 205

Prov.: Antinoopolis Date: IV AD

Mat.: Two waxed tablets partially preserved, 19 x 7.5 cm. Cont.: Psalm 92 written on badly ruled tablets with unevenly spaced lines. There are many phonological mistakes, but not enough to prove a dictation. The verses are transcribed continuously and are divided by two oblique lines, sometimes forgotten. The nomina sacra are abbreviated with supralineations drawn carelessly. Hand: "Alphabetic," with contrast between narrow and wide letters. Epsilon, mu, and alpha are almost always ligatured. Some letters are drawn with a certain fluency. 398

Ed.pr.: Pap.Lugd. Bat. XXV 17 T.Leiden Pap. Inst.inv. V 12-13-14 Photo: Plate XVI Bibl.: F.A.J. Hoogendijk, Bibliologia 12 (Brepols 1992) 159-61

Prov.: Unknown Date: Mid IV AD

Mat.: Two incomplete waxed tablets, 13.5 x 14.1, 14.1 x 17.7 cm.

Cont.: Written across the long dimension, all the sides bear writing, if only traces. On the wooden border there is a name, Paulos. On tablet IB there is the outline of a rectangle and a top panel in which nine letters are written, probably the exercise of a beginner (see, however, the hypothesis of the ed.pr.: archaic Greek letters, symbols, cryptograms). On side IIA there is a fictitious contract written by a second hand, the loan of a hundred myriads of denarii with the names of two fictitious parties. The way in which the amount of the loan is stated and the large amount place the document in the second quarter of the fourth century. Hand 1: "Zero-grade," with large, uncertain, multistroke letters. Hand 2: "Rapid," leaning to the right, with mostly separated letters and some unevenness. 399

Ed.pr.: F. Lenormant, RA 8 (1852) 461-70 Not found Photo: None published Bibl.: P2 2730, Z 360, D 23

Prov.: Memphis Date: IV AD? Mat.: Notebook of 8 waxed tablets

NOTEBOOKS 279 Cont.: Only two of the tablets, nos. 2 and 3, have a scholastic content: alphabets. The rest of the writing consists of accounts, written by a different hand (cf. 402 and 394). Hand: Described as a beginner’s, with very similar delta’s and alpha’s. 400

Ed.pr.: Pap. Flor. XVIII 33-42 T.Louvre inv. MNE-912

Prov.: Unknown Date: III-V AD

Photo: Tavv. XLHI-LY

Mat.: Complete notebook of 5 waxed tablets, 22 x 15.5 cm. Cont.: Notebook used by different individuals who took advantage of the space without erasing the previous writing. The general level of the exercises is elementary. Some consist of mathematical operations. On tablet 1 some kind of writing exercise (different formulas, still partly visible) was written on top of divisions by a not completely fluent hand, perhaps an apprentice scribe. On tablet 2 there is a teacher's model with 5 trisyllabic nouns divided into syllables (in line 3 one must read IlaAAaderc). The exercise was terminated with a long guasi-paragraphos and a date. On tablet 4 there are different levels of writing: letters practiced over and over, the word vmareia traced in experienced cursives and by a less fluent hand. Then, turning the tablet, one sees other words

or partial words in crude capitals. On the other side the alphabet is written several times and the name Lé&ppatoc appears inscribed rather clumsily. Tablet 5 displays pen trials, letters of the alphabet, and a proper name in clumsy letters, hard to see. Hand 1: A teacher’s, with clear, well-spaced, large letters. The hand is vertical, upright, and influenced by the chancery style. Delta is crested and upsilon is drawn in one looped sequence. The initial pi’s seem slightly enlarged. There are a few ligatures and alpha is formed cursively. Hand 2: "Alphabetic" on tablets 4B and 5; there are other hands, more or less practiced. 401

Descriptum: F.G. Kenyon, JHS 9 (1909) 39 T.BM Add.Ms. 33368 Photo: None published, photos illegible Bibl.: P? 2714, Z 229, D 323

Prov.: Unknown Date: IV-V AD Mat.: Notebook made of 8 small waxed tablets Cont.: Some of the tablets contained grammatical material, such as the names of the cases, and a drawing appears on one of them. Hand: Not described. 402

Ed.pr.: W. Brashear, Enchoria 13 (1985) 16-17 T.Wtrzburg K 1013

Prov.: Unknown Date: IV-V AD Photo: Tafel 5-7

Mat.: Five waxed tablets, all broken except one, 15 x 20 and 7.5 x 20 cm. Cont.: Another example of a school notebook later used for more practical purposes (cf. 399 and 394). Tablets 2-4 contain mathematical exercises, divisions of words into syllables

280 NOTEBOOKS by spaces (words in tau in 3A and in upsilon in 4), and alphabets (4B). The text of tablet 5 consists of a record of properties written in cursives. Hand 1: "Evolving," writing the list of words, with alpha and epsilon ligatured. Hand 2: "Zero-grade" in the alphabet, with huge, tentative letters of varying size. 403

Ed.pr.: MPER NS IV 24 P.Vindob.G. 29274

Photo: LXXV-LXXVI Bibl.: D 24; van Haelst 136

Prov.: Arsinoite Date: IV-V AD Mat.: Complete notebook made of 4 double papyrus sheets of bad quality, 5 x 9.5 cm. Cont.: The first 5 pages are numbered in order (from alpha to epsilon) by the first hand, which writes Psalm 32. 9-15 on pages 1-8. Then, turning the booklet around, a different hand

writes what could be a citation from the Bible in Coptic on page 16. A third hand writes pages 15-10: an alphabet and exercises on the alphabet consisting of writing the

letters backwards, every other four, the first and the last, and other combinations without an apparent system. This hand also starts copying Psalm 32 on the bottom part of page 5 (lines 4-6) and on the empty page 9, and draws a stick figure on page 10. There is a chrism at the start of each page. Long quasi-paragraphoi mark some kind of pause. There are some line fillers or a word may be enlarged to fill the space. Hand 1: "Evolving," in fairly even capitals of varying size. The letters, except in a few cases,

are not ligatured, but they often touch. The hand is more careful in the first pages, with some kind of bilinearity trying to obtain a continuous middle horizontal line. Hand 3: “Zero-grade," uncertain about the shape of some letters. Spidery and multistroke, it often ligatures some letters, of which certain parts are elongated even in the alphabet. 404

Ed.pr.: G.Plaumann, Ber. Berl.Mus. 34 (1913) 214-19 T.Berol. 14000 Photo: Abb. 98, 99, 100 for tablets 1,4,8; Schubart 1921, 31 Plate 8; Widmann 1967, Abb. 8; E.G. Turner, The Papyrologist at Work (Durham 1973) Plate 6 A; LXXVIT-LXXVIII Bibl.: P? 2737, Z 361, D 2, 79, 147; Widmann 1967, 545-640; K. Gaiser, Gymnasium 75 (1968) 205-206; Miiller 1977, 95-96; CGFP 319

Prov.: Unknown Date: IV-V AD (ed.pr.), but probably later Mat.: Incomplete notebook made of 9 waxed tablets, 17.5 x 9.5 cm. Cont.: On the first tablet bisyllabic words divided into syllables on the left, with additions and multiplications on the right separated by a curved line. On tablet 2 and on side A of 3 there are only confused traces, while side B exhibits a combination of letters between two crosses followed by the words ¢&c¢ and {07 and by letters placed in the shape of a

cross forming the word eppavond. Only side B of tablet 4 is written with a maxim inscribed as a teacher’s model. Tablet 5 shows rows of letters practiced by the pupil, tablets 6, 7, and 8 contain numbers, and tablet 9 a list of words in theta divided into syllables and more numbers. Many vertical lines separate the exercises. The spelling of the words in theta is made to fit the pattern of combinations with the different vowels. Hand 1: "Evolving," with letters formed with confidence, but always unevenly.

NOTEBOOKS 281 Hand 2: A teacher’s, probably a calligraphic model, with very large letters almost all separated. The letters are mostly tall and narrow and most of the time they are upright and decorated with serifs. The shape of chi, mu with the first stroke starting well below the baseline, and the V-shaped upsilon point to a late date. 405

Ed.pr.: PS7118 + PSII 19 P. Biblioteca Laurenziana Photo: Wouters 1979, Plate V of PS7 18 and LXXVIII

Bibl.: P2 344, 1207; Z 230, 271; D 311, 290; Di Benedetto 1958, 191; F. Montanari, Actes XVII Congr.Grande Gréce (1977) 280-81, SCO 29 (1979) 175-76 and Montanari 1979, 57-64; Wouters 1979, 120-24

Prov.: Unknown Date: V AD

Mat.: Two sheets of papyrus written on both sides, part of a codex, 9.3 x 6.5 cm. Cont.: On the first sheet part of the supplement De Pedibus and the beginning of the Techne of Dionysius, with the title of the whole work or more probably the first section, [epi

Toapparixnc, surrounded by double short pen strokes. A few abbreviations and horizontal strokes over two words. There are traces of decorations on the recto in the left margin. The second sheet contains catechismal questions and answers on the Trojan War. Horizontal supralineations are drawn carelessly on some words, maybe to mark the most important notions. At the end of the recto there are elaborate decorations. In general the text contains a few mistakes. Hand: "Rapid,” with an overall impression of fluency, particularly in the first sheet. It is more careless in the second, which probably contained notes of the pupil. There is some influence of the chancery style, with some letters oversized and others tiny. 406

Ed.pr.: J. Schwartz, Et. Pap. 7 (1948) 93-109 P.IFAO inv. 320 Photo: LX XIX

Bibl.: P* 2644, Z 362, D 289; F. Montanari, Actes XVII Congr.Grande Gréce (1977) 280-87, SCO 29 (1979) 175 no. 11 and Montanari 1979, 57-64.

Prov.: Unknown Date: Byzantine (V-VI AD) Mat.: Fragments of parchment notebook with 7 leaves, 10 x 6 cm. Cont.: General considerations on the Trojan War, then catechismal questions on the Greeks and the Trojans followed by a summary of the causes of the war with the judgment of Paris. At the conclusion some brief rules of metrics about disyllabic nouns (as in the Ilepi Woéda@v of Dionysius Thrax) and a phonological classification of the letters of the alphabet. The personal work of the pupil is evident in the summary, which goes back ultimately to the Kypria, but reveals syntactical problems and many oddities. There are some phonetic mistakes. In side IV a vertical line is used to insert something.

Hand: "Rapid," informal round capitals, roughly bilinear with only a few ligatures. Written with a heavy pen. Some letters are smudged and there are a few inkblots.

282 NOTEBOOKS 407

Ed.pr.: Pap.Flor. XVIII 43-50 T.Louvre inv. MNE-913 Photo: Tav. LUI-LX

Prov.: Unknown Date: End of VI AD Mat.: Incomplete notebook of 4 waxed tablets, 16.5 x 14.5 cm. Cont.: Mostly arithmetical exercises. On the cover a cross and a few letters. On tablet 4 there are some letters of the alphabet (especially gamma) and on the top a name, Papnoutis son of Silvanos, not written completely fluently. Hand: "Evolving," with semicursive letters; perhaps an apprentice scribe. 408

Ed.pr.: Pap.Flor. XVIII 51-70 T.Louvre inv. MNE-914 Photo: Tavv. LXI-LXXXI

Prov.: Kerkeeris Date: End of VI AD Mat.: Complete notebook of 10 waxed tablets, 21.5 x 13.5 cm. Cont.: On the two covers there are a nomen sacrum and a name between ornamented crosses and two concentric circles and a sacred monogram. On many of the tablets there are mathematical operations or accounts. On tablet 2, side 2, which contains fractions, a different hand wrote, "Jesus Christ victor." At least two different hands worked on tablet 3: a date, an invocation, and alphabets written by a practiced hand. On tablet 6, side 1 a Christian invocation was repeated 3 times. On side 2 there is an alphabet written with a certain fluency and remains of prayers. On tablet 7, side 1 a practiced hand wrote exercises starting with chrisms and parts of prayers on the other side. Toward the bottom of side 1 of tablet 8 a less experienced hand wrote an invocation to Christ in large letters. Hands: Several, probably apprentice scribes at different levels of ability. 409

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 119 P.Vindob.G. 26152 Photo: Tafel 54

Prov.: Unknown Date: VI-VII AD

Mat.: Small papyrus codex of poor quality made of one double sheet, 4.6 x 8.2 cm.

Cont.: The first two pages are written across the fibers and the third with the fibers, but to write the last the pupil turned the booklet 90 degrees, maybe to obtain longer lines. The codex contains the story of the son who murdered his father (cf. 230, 231, 232, 314, 323, and 412). The orthography is very poor. Hand 1: "Alphabetic," crude and hesitant, showing many problems with alignment and letter size and inclination. Hand 2: "Evolving" only on page 3, with letters better formed and always slanting to the right. It cannot be ruled out, however, that the improvement was only due to the better writing surface and that only one hand was responsible for the work.

NOTEBOOKS 283 410

Ed.pr.: K. Treu, Archiv 18 (1966) 36 P.Berol. 3605 Photo: LXXX Bibl.: van Haelst 531 Prov.: Arsinoite Date: VI-VII AD Mat.: Incomplete double parchment leaves, part of a notebook, 18 x 6 cm. Cont.: Top part of the front and back of a leaf (the other is blank) inscribed with the first letter

of Paul to Timothy 1, 4-5, 6-7. In three places double oblique strokes are used. The text of the page starts in the middle of a word and is the continuation of another page which carried probably the beginning of the letter. A nomen sacrum is abbreviated. Hand: "Evolving," uneven with varying letter size and only a few ligatures. 411

Ed.pr.: B. Rom and H. Harrauer, CdE 57 (1982) 303-308 WT Barbara

Photo: Fig. 1 Bibl.: MPER NS XV 171 for tablet 1 Prov.: Unknown Date: VII AD

Mat.: Notebook of 3 waxed tablets, 27 x 16.5 cm. Cont.: On tablet 1 mathematical operations. On the second a list of proper names written in four cols. and on the back traces of numbers. The third tablet is blank. The list of names is divided into 3 groups in alphabetical order. Hand: A teacher’s, practiced with a few ligatures. The letters are upright, neat, and elegant. A few letters are narrow, and the omicron’s are tiny. Delta has a long, drawn-out base. 412

Ed.pr.: MPER NS XV 122-131 P.Heid.inv.G. 321 d-e-c-b-a-f

Prov.: Unknown Date: VII AD Photo: Tafel 56-58

Mat.: Papyrus notebook of 5 double and 2 single sheets cut from a bigger codex (see ink traces

in the margin of page 2), with stitching holes, 5.7 x 15, 6.7 x 15, 6.3 x 7.2, 6.4 x 14.5, 6.1 x 14.5, 6.7 x 7.1 cm. Cont.: The story of the son who murders his father (cf. 230, 231, 232, 314, 323, and 409), usually only the beginning of it, repeated several times by at least four different hands (according to ed.pr., but it is difficult to recognize exactly the work of each hand). There are two sketches of a lion and the initials are sometimes elaborately decorated. The mistakes due to phonetic spelling are extremely numerous and betray the great influence of the Egyptian pronunciation. The hypothesis of the ed.pr. of a dictation is difficult, because there are repetitions of lines and sometimes the text is very brief. Perhaps the story, which was well known, was memorized in each case. Hand 1: "Alphabetic" (probably from page 5 to 8), becoming more confused as it proceeds. Hand 2: "Zero-grade" (probably page 9 and 17). It actually seems better than it is, but has great difficulty in forming clear, individual letters. Hand 3: "Alphabetic" (page 13), the general look is not too bad, but the single letters are practically unintelligible.

Hand 4: “Zero-grade" (probably page 21, 23, 26), extremely confused. Generally all these hands betray the work of beginners who had just learned the basic letter shapes and

284 NOTEBOOKS were making their first attempts to put them together. Sometimes the most daring ligatures are created, rendering the letters hardly recognizable. Some letters (e.g., eta, mu, nu) are mixed up, others (e.g., phi, beta) are traced with extreme difficulty, and others are so tentative that they cannot possibly be identified.

Items Excluded from the Catalogue

A brief discussion of the items of Debut’s list! that I excluded from this catalogue is necessary.

Although I often refer to Zalateo’s list,” I do not discuss it systematically. Debut’s list was intended to be not only a continuation of Zalateo’s but also a revision and correction of that list. My catalogue includes almost exclusively school exercises.? As a rule, professionally produced school texts are excluded, but it is still necessary to give some reasons for this choice and to indicate when a professionally produced text was likely to have been used in a school context. Among the items included by Debut as exercises there are also many whose identifica-

tion is not entirely secure and others that have been misinterpreted. In addition, some items originated in rhetorical schools, or they have been written by scribes at an advanced stage of their training, or for various reasons cannot be securely considered school exercises.*

Items Misjudged The items belonging to this category have been wrongly considered Greek school exercises.° Some of them were identified in publications that appeared either before or after Debut’s list. I identified others of these texts during the course of this study.® Debut 29: “an alphabet in two columns.” It is, however, an exercise in multiplication. ’ D. 51 and 61: Late Coptic school exercise (MPER NS XVIII 79). D. 97, 356, 357, 361: “lists and grammatical exercises.” Identified as tachygraphic commentary by D. Hagedorn, ZPE 42 (1981) 127-30.8 D. 105: list. The list of words is accompanied by tachygraphic signs (G. Menci, PS/ XVII Congr. 17).

D. 109: from the description it seems Debut did not refer to P. Vars. 8, but to 7. Both are considered school exercises by Zalateo.? They are both fragments of documents, written by uncertain hands. !°

D. 122: according to Debut, a schoolboy wrote the names of his classmates, but it appears that the text contains a documentary list of names, which were very well written. lSec Debut 1986. 2See Zalateo 1961. 3See, however, 81, 84, 97, and 120. 4There are errors in Debut’s list. I note here only those mistakes that are likely to cause problems for users of

her list. The following items are impossible to find (Debut nos. 22, 133, 138, 111, 162, 198, 279, 281, 355); other items have been listed twice in the same section, but the duplication 1s hidden by the fact that the texts are cited in a

different manner (Debut nos. 120 = 121 bis, 143 = 110, 272 = 268, 263 = 273 = 238, 382 = 301, 386 = 308). SOne was an exercise, but mathematical. They are generally considered school exercises by Zalateo and Pack?. See Raffaella Cribiore, “A Table of Squares (P.Tebt. II 683 verso),” BASP 30 (1993) 23-25. 8See also Patrice Cauderlier, Pap. Flor. XIX, pp. 123-29. 9See Zalateo nos. 63 and 64. 10See Raffaella Cribiore, “P. Vars. 7: Not a School Exercise,” BASP 30 (1993) 83-86.

286 EXERCISES AND TEXTS EXCLUDED D. 287: “a school summary.” In actuality part of a collection of hypotheses of the Odyssey (W. Luppe, Archiv 27 [1980] 33-35). D. 300: poetic exercise (verses in the style of Pindar), written carelessly. Identified by

B. Snell, in Hermes 67 (1932) 1-13, as a Paean of Bacchylides. From the photo the hand appears informal, but fast and quite experienced. D. 303: arguments of two plays of Menander from a collection of hypotheses written by an informal, but quite experienced hand. D. 358: “grammatical exercises.” Identified by D. Hagedorn, in ZPE 41 (1981) 287-88, as part of a tachygraphic commentary. D. 362: “paraphrase.” Identified by F. Montanari, in Rivista di Filologia e Istruzione Classica 115 (1987) 24-32, as a fragment from Euripides, Hecuba 216-31. The hand is experienced.

D. 364: “paraphrase of Iliad 11 written by a student.” Identified in ZPE 48 (1982) 8992 as part of a formal collection of hypotheses. D. 388: “student’s composition.” It appears to have been a magical ostracon, containing a race course curse. Books

The items listed below are books that were produced by professional scribes, although they have on occasion been cited by Zalateo and Debut as exercises or as texts used in school contexts.!! Only in very few cases!* are there any indications that such books might have been used in schools at all. Books such as these were copied by professional scribes and sold to private people, scholars, libraries, and of course sometimes to students and teachers. They contain at times stichometric \etters that indicate that they were the work of a paid scribe. They are often copied on the back of a papyrus, and this must be the main reason why they were included in Zalateo’s and Debut’s lists at all. They contain poetry, especially Homer and Menander, works of mythography, grammatical treatises, and gnomic anthologies. The gnomic anthologies in particular may have been used at times by teachers to select maxims and sayings to dictate. I do not believe they were used and handled by students at an elementary level as copy books. The following items appearing as school books in Debut’s list are thus questionable:

D. 92, 106 bis, 151, 208,!3 209, 212, 215, 219, 240,14 245, 252,15 274, 275, 278, 280, 287, 299, 301 = 382, 309, 312, 317, 329, 330 = 359, 334, 337, 343, 349, 350, 352, 369. \1See, e.g., in section 5 of Zalateo’s list the many grammatical treatises that do not offer any guarantees that they were used in schools. The same is true in section 6 (12) for gnomic anthologies. In section 6 (13) at least nos.

able. |

262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 268, 269, and 273 do not provide any compelling indication that they were used in

cea! will indicate when this happens.

\3This anthology of gnomai of Chares of Lampsacus perhaps was used in elementary school (see rai, [a] 1.3). Certainly the collection does not seem suited to giving help with rhetorical compositions. 14MPER NS Ill 3 (inv. 26469) was perhaps a book used in school, since the text presented many accents and breathings and sometimes word separation. Unfortunately its whereabouts is unknown and a photograph is not avail1SThis Homeric text contains many accents. It is difficult to say whether they were marked by the same hand or by another.

EXERCISES AND TEXTS EXCLUDED 287 Indistinguishable Items These items share the characteristic that they were written in fast hands, which were more or less informal. In general Zalateo and Debut considered them school exercises. In most cases it was the editor’s description of the hand and the fact that they were written on the back of a papyrus that triggered a definition of school exercise. Some of these texts might be cheap books or private copies, while the informally written passages out of grammatical treatises might have been copied by scholars for their own use.

Among the items that I consider uncertain and therefore did not include in this catalogue, there is a group of papyri containing Scholia Minora. These have been included by Debut!® because she based her choices on the editors’ opinion, and especially in the past, Scholia Minora were always considered students’ compilations. Nowadays scholars are more cautious, since it is clear that not only students needed the kind of help in reading Homer that these commentaries provided. I consider indistinguishable the following items in Debut’s list:

D. 96, 104, 150, 153 = 234, 155, 187, 194, 229, 230, 233, 235, 236, 243, 244. 249, 250, 253, 258, 259, 260, 264, 265, 269, 270, 271, 274, 275, 277, 278, 282, 304, 306, 307, 325, 334, 343, 344, 348, 351, 353, 385.!7

Rhetorical and Scribal Exercises Debut included in her list some rhetorical exercises that are very well written and do not present particular mistakes or graphic characteristics that might justify the inclusion.!8 The same items also appear in Zalateo who had included even more, in spite of his statement that he was going to consider only elementary education. Rhetorical exercises of this kind in Debut are: D. 251 = 374, 292, 316, 365, 367, 368, 383. In Debut’s list also appear some advanced scribal exercises that represent the work of scribes with a considerable ability. Such items are: D. 70, 101, 125, 156, 316.

Miscellaneous Items

Other items that appear in Debut’s list have been excluded from this catalogue for various | reasons: two originated in classical Greece (D. 28 and 52), some regard the learning of the Latin language, which Debut intended to exclude from her study (D. 38, 99, 137, 332, 354). For some items either it is not at all clear of what they consist, or their description is insufficient and a photograph is not available. Such items are: D. 57, 133, 141, 194, 199, 200. 16Zalateo included even more of them. 17 This papyrus fragment was also included by Zalateo as a composition. It 1s proficiently written, even if the

hand is informal and contains the description of a temple, which can hardly belong among exercises of the elementary school.

134 few rhetorical exercises appear also in my catalogue on account of the hand, the mistakes, or graphic characteristics which generally are typical of exercises and are interesting to follow in their development, e.g., the many horizontal lines of various length in No. 294. A collection of rhetorical exercises can be found in K. Jander, Oratorum et Rhetorum Graecorum Fragmenta Nuper Reperta, Kleine Texte 118 (Bonn, 1913).

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Bibliography

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 291 Crum, Walter Ewig 1902 Coptic Ostraca (London). 1921 Short Texts from Coptic Ostraca and Papyri (London). Dain, A. 1975 Les manuscrits (3 ed. Paris). Davison, J.A. 1955 “The study of Homer in Graeco-Roman Egypt,” Akten VII Congr. Pap. 51-58. Debut, Janine 1986 “Les documents scolaires,” ZPE 63: 251-78. Della Corte, Matteo 1959 “Scuole e maestri in Pompei antica,” Studi Romani 6: 621-34. Desbordes, Francoise 1990 Idées romaines sur l’écriture (Lille). Di Benedetto, Vincenzo 1958 “Dionisio Trace e la Techne a lui attribuita,” Ann. Pisa ser. 2, 27: 169-210. 1959 “Dionisio Trace e la Techne a lui attribuita,” Ann. Pisa ser.2, 28: 87-118. 1973 “La Techne spuria,” Ann. Pisa ser. 3, 3: 797-814. Dionisotti, A.C. 1982 “Fram Ausonius’ Schooldays? A Schoolbook and its Relatives,” JRS 72: 83-125. Eyre, Christopher, and John Baines 1989 “Interactions between Orality and Literacy in Ancient Egypt,” in Karen Schousboe and Mogens Trolle Larsen eds. Literacy and Society (Copenhagen). Fraser, Peter Marshall 1972 Ptolemaic Alexandria (Oxford). Gadd, C.J. 1956 Teachers and Students in the Oldest Schools (London). Galé, J.M. 1961 Las escuelas del antiguo Egypto a través de los papiros griegos (Madrid). Gallo, Italo 1980 Frammenti biografici da papiri (II, Roma). 1986 Greek and Latin Papyrology (London). Gardthausen, Viktor E. 1913 Griechische Palaeographie (II, Leipzig). Gehl, Paul F. 1989 “Latin Readers in Fourteenth-Century Florence. Schoolkids and Their Books,” Scrittura e Civilta 13: 387-440. Gignac, Francis T. 1976-1981 A Grammar of the Greek Papyri of the Roman and Byzantine Periods (I -Il, Milano). Goetz, Georg 1892 CGL Ill, Hermeneumata Pseudodositheana (Leipzig). Goetz, Georg, and Gottohold Gundermann 1888 CGL II (Leipzig).

292 BIBLIOGRAPHY Goody, Jack 1987 The Interface between the Written and the Oral (Cambridge). Gray, William S. 1956 The Teaching of Reading and Writing (Switzerland). Guéraud O., and P. Jouguet 1938 Un livre d’écolier du Ile siécle avant J. C. (Cairo). Hagedorn D., and M. Weber 1968 “Die griechisch-koptische Rezension der Menandersentenzen,” ZPE 3: 15-50. Hall, H.R.

1905 Coptic and Greek Texts of the Christian Period from Ostraka, Stelae etc. in the British Museum (London). Hanson, Ann Ellis 1991 “Ancient Illiteracy,” in Humphrey 1991: 159-198. Harris, William V. 1989 Ancient Literacy (Cambridge, Mass.). Harvey, F. David 1978 “Greeks and Romans Learn to Write,” Communication Arts in the Ancient World (New York) 63-78. Hasitzka, Monika R.M. 1990 Neue Texte und Documentation zum Koptisch-Unterricht, MPER NS XVIII (Wien). Horsfall, Nicholas 1991 “Statistics or States of Mind,” in Humphrey 1991: 59-76. Humphrey, J.H., ed. 1991 Literacy in the Roman World (JRA Suppl.3, Ann Arbor). Hunger, H.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 293 Kleijwegt, Marc 1991 Ancient Youth (Amsterdam). Knox, Bernard M.W. 1968 “Silent Reading in Antiquity,” GRBS 9: 421-35. Kock, Theodor 1880-88 Comicorum Atticorum Fragmenta (Leipzig). Kramer, Johannes 1986 “Sprachliche Beobachtungen an Schuldiktaten,” ZPE 64: 246-52. Kriiger, Julian 1990 Oxyrhynchos in der Kaisezeit (Europaische Hochschulschriften II, Frankfurt). Lalou, Elisabeth ed. 1992 Les tablettes a écrire de l’antiquité a l’époque moderne (Bibliologia 12, Brepols). Lameere, William 1960 Apercus de paléographie homérique (Bruxelles). Lane Fox, Robin

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294 BIBLIOGRAPHY Mercer, Neil ed. 1988 Language and Literacy from an Educational Perspective. I: Language Studies. I: In Schools (Philadelphia). Mertens, Paul 1975-76 “Les ostraca littéraires grecs,” Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica 6-7. 398-409. Milne, J.G. 1908 “Relics of Graeco-Egyptian Schools,” JHS 28: 121-32. Montanari, Franco 1979 Studi di filologia omerica antica | (Pisa).

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1977 Leben in Agyptischen Altertum: Literatur, Urkunden, Briefe aus vier Jahrtausenden (Berlin). Nardelli, Maria Luisa 1986 “Testi letterari dell’archivio del Serapeo di Memfi: ipotesi di una biblioteca,” Proceed.XVIII Congr. Pap. (Athens) 179-88. Nauck, August 1889 Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta (Leipzig). Nilsson, Martin P. 1955 Die hellenistische Schule (Munchen). Nissen Hans J., Peter Damerow, and Robert K. Englund 1993 Archaic Bookkeeping: Early Writing and Techniques of Economic Administration in the Ancient Near East (Chicago). Oldfather, Charles H. 1923 The Greek Literary Texts from Graeco-Roman Egypt (Madison). Orlandi, Tito 1978 Il dossier copto del martire Psote (Milano). Pack, Roger A. 1965 The Greek and Latin Literary Texts from Greco-Roman Egypt (Ann Arbor).

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1970 Select Papyri II: Literary Papyri, Poetry (London). 1981 Further Greek Epigrams: Epigrams before A.D. 50 from the Greek Anthology and Other Sources, not Included in Hellenistic Epigrams or the Garland of Philip

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296 BIBLIOGRAPHY Spinelli, Emidio 1988 “Sentenze menandree. O. Petrie 449: letture nuove ed inedite,” Studi 91: 49-57. Svenbro, Jesper

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Tait, W.J. 1986 “Guidelines and Borders in Demotic Papyri,” in Papyrus: Structure and Usage (British Museum Occasional Papers no. 60, ed. M.L. Bierbrier, London) 63-85. Teitler, H.C. 1985 Notarii and Excerptores (Amsterdam). Thomas, Rosalind 1992 Literacy and Orality in Ancient Greece (Cambridge). Thompson, Dorothy J. 1988 Memphis under the Ptolemies (Princeton). 1989 “Literacy in Early Ptolemaic Egypt,” Proceed. XIX Int.Congr. Pap. (Cairo) 77-90. 1992 “Literacy and the Administration in Early Ptolemaic Egypt,” in Janet H. Johnson ed., Life in a Multi-Cultural Society: Egypt from Cambyses to Constantine and Beyond (SAOC, Chicago) 323-26. 1994 “Literacy and Power in Ptolemaic Egypt,” in Bowman and Woolf eds. 1994: 6783.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 297 Youtie, Herbert C. 1942 “Critical Notes on Michigan Ostraca,” CP 37: 148-49. 1971a“Boadéwo ypa&owv: Between Literacy and Illiteracy,” GRBS 12: 239-261 = Scriptiunculae IJ (Amsterdam, 1973) 629-651.

1971b“’Aypd&ppatoc: An Aspect of Greek Society in Egypt,” HSCP 75: 161-76 = Scriptiunculae I: 611-27. 1973 Scriptiunculae | (Amsterdam). Zalateo, Giorgio 1961 “Papiri scolastici,” Aegyptus 41: 160-235. Ziebarth, Erich 1913 Aus der antiken Schule (Bonn). 1914 Aus dem griechischen Schulwesen, Eudemos vom Milet und Verwandtes (2 ed. Leipzig and Berlin).

Concordances Table of Concordance Zalateo - Cribiore

Z C Z C Z C Z C Z C 1 4] 56 =: 1103 107 391 179 274 261 234

2 42 57 104 108 392 180 275 267 288 3 79 58 189 109 137 181 348 271 405 5 44 59 192 112 223 182 349 272 98 6 83 60 ~=133 113 134 186 351 273 355 7 59 61 187 115 292 187 350 275 122 8 51 62 129 116 294 188 284 276 8123 9 52 67 #8106 117 296 189 146 277 237 10 50 68 202 118 298 190 111 283 326 12 67 69 207 120 296 192 353 284 327

13s «64 70 ~=135 124 310 194 218 285 228 14. +65 71 132 125. 222 195 314 286 329 15 74 72 ~~ ~=184 127 236 196 159 288 267

20 14 73 108 129 241 201 190 289 330 22 26 74 140 130 242 207 352 291 333 22 27 75 = 1143 137 382 209 358 294 337 23 62 78 208 141 265 215 362 297 340 24 78 79 139 146 206 220 363 299 341 25 10] 80 104 151 291 222 364 301 343

30 =— 80 82 389 152 300 223 364 323 374 31 82 83 = 3396 154 199 225 368 351 379 32 =6£114 84 ~=110 155 217 227 366 352 248 33 —«88 84 214 157 224 229 401 353-99

34 34 85 3657 158 315 230 405 354 383

35 = =72 86 0=—s-_- 213 159 315 232 372 355 384

360—ss«é67 87 §6219 160 315 234 373 357 386

38 = 73 92 =141 161 315 235 376 358 385

42 177 93 316 162 315 237 375 359 393 43 243 94 168 163 315 238 378 360 399 44 182 95 = 225 164 315 241 233 361 404 45 178 96 226 165 315 245 262 362 406 46 179 97 = 227 166 315 246 257 364 176 47 =181 98 66 167 303 247 272 366 259 48 180 99 34 169 344 250 234 368 256 49 131 100 173 171 346 251 211 371 193 50 =. 258 101 126 172 347 252 185 373 127 51 261 102 159 173 260 255 215 53 36. 361 103 162 175 263 258 319 54 266 104 161 177 269 259 312 55 105 106 142 178 273 260 311

299

Table of Concordance Debut - Cribiore

D CDCDCDCDC l 15 48 86 102 116 146 221 192 219 2 404 49 89 102 123 147 404 193 200 3 26 50 3682 103 99 148 222 195 181 3 27 53 = 379 106 126 149 180 196 258 4 118 54 79 107 132 152 193 197 109 5 60 55 79 108 383 154 206 201 223 5 16 56 85 110 135 157 +199 202 190 6 9 57 ~=6379 111 139 158 296 203 217 7 34 58 93 112 396 159 292 204 218 8 68 62 85 113 386 160 396 205 215 9 49 63 ~=83 114 160 161 310 206 393 10 51 64 88 115 134 163 315 207 236 11 50 65 379 116 176 164 315 210 255 12 63 66 78 117 106 165 315 211 272 13 59 67 79 118 140 166 315 213 234

14 73 68 379 118b 209 167 315 214 393 15 38665 69 393 119 143 168 315 216 396 16 77 73 101 120 119 169 315 217 312 17 4] 74 100 121 141 172 224 218 311 18 42 75 105 121b 119 173 225 220 316 19 79 76 = =©390 123 173 174 226 221 319 20 52 77 393 124 137 174b 227 222 385 23 8399 78 114 126 162 175 175 223 263 24 403 79 #404 127 161 176 386 224 386 25 74 80 379 128 142 177 «#177 225 393 26 67 81 102 129 39] 178 250 226 379

27 ~=6o7] 82 395 129 392 179 179 227 8243

30 0 3=—772 83 =. 390 130 243 179 178 228 248

31 79 84 393 131 159 180 182 231 382 32 08657 85 112 132 389 181 269 232 294 33 64 86 379 134 168 182 202 237 299 34 44 87 390 135 391 183 187 238 340 35 — «83 88 393 136 189 184 207 239 296 40 379 89 379 139 184 185 297 242 342 4] 78 90 108 140 185 186 388 246 291 42 80 93 274 142 383 188 110 247 331 43 79 94 iii 143 139 188 214 248 267 44 6 95 379 143 135 189 204 254 326 46 87 98 379 144 208 190 397 255 327 47 96 100 122 145 216 191 396 256 328

300 CONCORDANCE DEBUT - CRIBIORE

D CDC 257 329 340 375

261 334 341 378 262 333 342 364 263 340 345 388 266 337 346 366 267 336 347 376 268 343 356 376 272 343 360 385 276 237 363 273 283 346 366 8388 284 280 370 146 286 352 371 159 288 335 373 344 289 406 375 351 290 405 376 284 293 241 377 =—347 294 282 378 266 295 303 380 396233 296 242 384 260 297 340 387 179 298 265 387 6178 302 355 389 99 305 300 390 263 308 267 392 349 311 405 392 348 313. 192 393 275 314 133 394 353 315 298 395 314 318 362 379 350

319 385 321 368 322 385 323 ©6401

324 373 326 384 327 372 328 374 331 103 331 104 333 ©6388

335 388 336 364 338 361 339 363

301

Table of Concordance Pack? - Cribiore

Pp C P C Pp C Pp C P C 31 244 1160 330 1760 179 2334 122 2693 93

51 314 1168 332 1765 202 2476 245 2694 72 174 386 1176 333 1794 175 2494 256 2695 34 227 =303 1178 341 1843 159 2509 347 2696 74 344 405 1180 340 1876 266 2588 350 2697 73 378 240 1182 337 1879 208 2603 233 2698 378

384 129 1191 329 1881 221] 2642 379 2699 127 396 6242 1196 328 1882 139 2643 393 2700 173 401 244 1198 326 1883 353 2644 406 2701 52 416 241 1199 327 1884 142 2647 260 2702 50 422 282 1207 405 1885 391 2649 284 2703 64 425 303 1230 191 1886 392 2650 346 2704 65 430 182 1236 283 1887 185 2651 280 2705 374 447 246 1243 293 1927 207 2652 263 2706 372 491 386 1245 298 1935 261 2653 187 2708 83 555 168 1320 244 1945 354 2654 99 2709 118 556 =: 132 1322 228 1982 249 2655 344 2710 200 557-225 1340 184 1988 215 2656 190 2711 364 558 294 1341 159 1989 192 2662 316 2712 385 561 315 1436 381 1990 211 2663 109 2713 383 563 227 1498 235 2068 380 2668 181 2714 401 586 226 1567 234 2076 217 2669 62 2715 44 587 224 1575 236 2081 218 2670 162 2716 105 611 310 1577 248 2083 288 2671 59 2717 82 636 296 1582 319 2099 380 2672 161 2718 103 637 296 1584 262 2101 348 2673 137 2718 104 646 259 1585 311 2101 349 2674 42 2720 189 656 201 1586 272 2116 133 2676 114 2721 267 657 193 1587 312 2131 237 2679 223 2721 268 680 206 1590 257 2134 123 2681 176 2722 269 694 292 1596 243 2138 358 2682 101 2723 351 704 212 1597 66 2139 373 2685 108 2724 273 742 340 1610 135 2140 369 2686 110 2725 274 780 180 1611 355 2142 368 2686 214 2726 275 791 382 1619 396 2148 362 2687 57 2729 106 834 199 1691 300 2162 363 2688 140 2730 399 1030 264 1697 235 2165 376 2689 143 2731 389 1078 291 1700 265 2166 366 2690 49 2731 146 1157 352 1758 177 2167 361 2691 213 2732 388 1158 343 1759 178 2332 98 2692 126 2733 222

302 CONCORDANCE PACK - CRIBIORE

P Cc 2734 80 2735 375 2735 29 2735 30 2735 88 2735 141 2735 15 2735 79 2736 134 2737 404 2738 384 2740 51 2741 219 2742 78 2743 67 2744 111 2745 41 2746 209 2748 131 2863 258

303

Table of Concordance Publication - Catalogue

AbhBerl (1865) 139-40 353 AbhBerl (1904) I 3-16 380 Actes XIV Congr. (1975) 25-28 395

Aegyptus 22 (1921) (1921) 307-308 306-307 327 326 Aegyptus Aegyptus 2 (1921) 308-309 329 Aegyptus 11 (1931) 169-70 294 Aegyptus 15 (1935) 239-45 246

Aegyptus 20 (1940) 7 374 Aegyptus 20 (1940) 8-11 363

Aegyptus 20 (1940) 12-14 372 Aegyptus 60 (1980) 107-109 322 Aegyptus 68 65(1988) (1985)169-75 96-97 75 Aegyptus 91 Anc. Soc. 1 (1970) 201-35 390 Ann. Numism.Arch. 3 (1868) 76-7 146 Ann. Numism.Arch. 3 (1868) 69-77 389 Ann. Ist. Univ. Or. Napoli NS 15 (1965) 285-87 84

Ann. Pisa Ser. II 6 (1937) 8-15 247

Archiv 18 (1966) 36 410 Athenaeum Sept. 8 1894 pp. 319-21 297 Aus Pap. Koén.Mus. 233 134 BASP 8 (1971) 27-28 289

BCH 28 28 (1904) (1904) 207-08 201-05 199 266 BCH BCH 28 (1904) 208-09 159 Ber. Berl.Mus. 34 (1913) 214-19 404

Ber. Berl.Mus. 34 (1913) 219 384

Ber. Berl.Mus. 34 (1913) 219-20 340 Ber. Berl.Mus. 42 (1921) 101-104 233

BGU VII 1688 219 BIFAO 27 (1927) 79-82 206

BIFAO 61 (1962) 174 280 BIFAO 90 (1990) 376 53 BJRL 51 (1968) 162-63177 71 BKT V.1. pp. 78-79

BKT No.6317 182 BKTV.2.XVII VIII 10

CdE 10 (1935) 361-70 169 CdE 43 (1968) 114-21 342

304 TABLE OF CONCORDANCE

CdE 50 (1982) (1975)303-308 195-96 204 CdE 57 411 CdE 64 (1989) 210-15 306 CdE CdE 66 68 (1991) (1993) 221-25 145-54 220 310

CGT pl. 29 inv.19082, 18816, 18798, 18972 34.

CGT inv.31663 27432 126 CGTpl. pl.12-13 28 inv. 72

CGT pl. 29 inv. 21247 714 CGT pl. 29 inv. 26739 73 CGT pl. 32 inv. 26210, 26211, 26215 127 CGT pl.Wilck. 34 inv.No.139 33187 173 Chrest. 80

CO nr. 435 112 CP 16 (1921) 189-91 83

CP 16 (1921) 191-92 118 CP 28 (1933) 189-98 358 CQ 43 (1949) 1-3 No.1 344

CR 18 (1904) 2 241 CRAI 1945, pp.249-58 190

CRIPEL 2 (1974) 270-71 9 CRIPEL 10 (1982) 108-109 1

CRIPEL 10 10 (1982) (1982) 108-109 108-109 23 CRIPEL Enchoria 13 (1985) 16-17 402 Enchoria 14 14(1986) (1986)8-9 3-5150 90 Enchoria Enchoria 14 (1986) 11-12 148 Enchoria 14 (1986) 12-13 309 Enchoria 14 (1986) 14-16 70 Enchoria 17 (1990) 1-8 324 Et. Pap. 1 (1932) 17 No.2 184 Et. Pap. 1 (1932) 17 No.8 132 Et. Pap. 13 (1932) 18 No.10 185 Et. Pap. (1936) 105 106 Et. Pap. 4 (1938) 133-35 382 Et. Pap. 7 (1948) 93-109 406 Festsch.Ebers pp. 142-46 239 Fouilles Fr-Suisses II p. 115 no. 4 77 Hellenika 27 (1974) 242-43 287 Hermeneus 42 (1971) 255 25 Hermeneus 42 (1971) 255 27 Hermeneus 42 (1971) 253-55325 86 HSCP 83 (1979) 313-21

TABLE OF CONCORDANCE 305

HSCP883 (1979)156-57 331-37 272 345 JEA (1922) JHS 13 (1893) 296 200

JHS 13 (1893) 293-314 386 JHS 28 (1908) 121 44 JHS 28 (1908) 127 269 JHS 28 (1908) 122 No. 105 JHS 28 (1908) 123, 43 (1923) 43 82 JHS 28 (1908) 124 No.IV 103 JHS 28(1908) (1908)126 124No. No.V JHS 28 VII 104 189

JHS 28 (1908) 128 No.X 351 JHS 28 (1908) 129, 43 (1923) 42-43 274

JHS 28 (1908) 129 273 JHS 28 (1908) 130 275 JHS 28 (1908) 126, 130-31; 43 (1923) 40-42 267

JHS 29 (1909) 29-31 364 JHS 29 (1909) 32-39 385 JHS 29 (1909) 39 292 JHS 29 (1909) 39 401 JHS 43 (1947) (1923)134-35 40-43 268 JHS 67 249 JJIP (1949) pp. 102-103 Mél. 3Bernand 143-48130 92 Mél. Grégoire, pp. 161-68 333 Mél. Nicole, pp. 181-82 142

Mél. Nicole, p. 182-83 392 Mél. Nicole, pp. 615-24 355 Mél. Nicole, p. 182 391

Mon.Epiph. ll 611 168 Mon. Epiph. MI 612 225 Mon. Epiph. II 613 226 Mon. Epiph. 614 227 Mon. Epiph. I 615 319 Mon. Epiph.II618 616122 66 Mon. Epiph. Mon. Epiph. Epiph.IlI621 620123 67 Mon. MPER V, pp.74-77, VI, pp.1-8 303

MPER NS 1 18 346 MPER NS Ill 24 262 MPER NS Ml Ill 25 257 MPER NS 27 258 MPER NS Ill 28 261

306 TABLE OF CONCORDANCE

MPER NS Ill 29 347 MPER NS III 30 263 MPER NS Ill 31 192 256 MPER NS Il 32 MPER NS III 33 B 361 MPER NS IV 245403 MPER NS XV 43 MPER NS XV 11 6 MPER NS XV 12 26 MPER NS XV 13 10 MPER NSXV XV15 14177 MPER NS MPER NS XV 16 11 MPER NS XV 17 28 MPER NS XV 19 18 MPER NS XV 20 33 MPER NSXV XV23 21138 MPER NS MPER NS XV 26 145 MPER NS XV 27 MPER NS XV 28 4 MPER NSXV XV31 29156 24 MPER NS

MPER NS XV 32 144 MPER NS XV 33 149 MPER NS XV 34 151 MPER NS NS XV XV 36 35 171 157 MPER MPER NS XV 37 152 MPER NS XV 38 155 MPER NS XV 39 145 MPER NS XV 40 166 MPER NS XV 41 153 MPER NS NS XV XV45a 45 165 MPER 154 MPER NS XV 58 23 MPER NS XV 60 125 MPER NS XV 70 170 MPER NS XV 71 167 MPER NSXV XV115 73 147 MPER NS 117 MPER NS XV 118 230 MPER MPER NS NS XV XV 119 120 409 323

TABLE OF CONCORDANCE 307

MPER NS XV 121 231 MPER NS XV 122-131 412 MPER NS XV 132 232 MPER NS XV 133 318 MPER NS XV XV 136 134 365 357 MPER NS MPER NS XV 139 377 MPER NS NS XVIII XVIII 10 98 31 12 MPER MPER NS XVIII 20 32 MPER NS XVIII 37 36 MPER NS XVIII 38 37 MPER NS XVIII 40 38 MPER NS XVIII 42 39 MPER NS XVIII 96 40 MPER NS XVIII 57 93 76 MPER NS XVII 77 MPER NS XVIII 73 94 MPER NS XVIII 238 128 113 MPER NS XVII 231 MPER NS XVIII 95 172 MPER NS XVIII 107 174 MPER NS XVIII 280 378 Orientalia Suecana 31 (1982) 38-39 107

O.Amst. 1 87 O.Ashm. 105 62 O.Bodl. 1 280 181

O. Bodl. II Il 2169 201 O. Bodl. 2170 193 O. Bodl. II 2172 178 O. Bodl. 11 If 2173 179 O. Boal. 2175 281 O. Bodl. I 2179 191 O. Bodl. If 2190 137 O.Bodl. IJ 2191 42 O.Bodl. O. Bodl. II 112193 2565 114 223

O. Claud. 1 179 45 O. Claud. 11 180 46 O. Claud. 181 47 O. Claud. 1 182 48 O. Claud. 1 184 194

O. O. Claud. Claud. 11 185 186 195 196

308 TABLE OF CONCORDANCE

O. Claud. Claud. 11 183 187 277 197 O. O. Claud. Claud. 11 189 188 279 278 O. O. Edfou Il 305 176 O. Edfou IU 306 260 O. Edfou 11332 307 101 O.Leid. 55 O.Mich. 11 656 108 O. Mich. 657 110 O.Mich. 1 658 214

O. Mich.11661 659140 57 O.Mich. O.Mich. 11662 143 O.Mich. 672 49 O.Mich. 1 693 213 O. Petr. 399-404, 406-08, 471-72 315

O. Petr. 405 312 O. Petr. 411 162 O. Petr. 412 59 O. Petr. 413 161 O. Petr. 1449 O.Stras. 805311 52 O. Stras. 1 806 50 O. Stras. Stras. 11 808 807 65 64 O. O.Theb. iv 48 115 O. Wilck. II 1147 242

O. Wilck. 11 1149 224 O. Wilck. II 1226 217 O. Wilck. If 1310 218 O. Wilck. II 1488 243 Pap.Flor. XVIII 6 124 Pap. Flor. XVIII 22 121

Pap.Flor. XVII 23-32 394 Pap.Flor. XVIII 33-42 400 Pap.Flor. XVIII XVM 43-50 407 Pap.Flor. 51-70 408 Pap.Flor. XVII 79-80 313 Pap.Flor. XIX pp. 132-33 no. 8 69 Pap.Flor. XXIV 28-29 391 Pap. Flor. XXII 30-31 392 Pap.Lugd. 301 Pap.Lugd. Bat. Bat.XVII XXV18 5 276

TABLE OF CONCORDANCE 309

Pap.Lugd. Bat. XXV 11 68 Pap.Lugd.Bat. XXV 16 305 Pap.Lugd. Bat. XXV 17 398 Phoebammon II p. 124 no. 34 19 Phoebammon II p. 137 no. 75 20 Phoebammon I p. 137 no. 77 21 Phoebammon II p. 136 no. 72 22 Phoebammon II p. 126 no. 40 61

Phoebammon II p. 124 no. 33 163 Phoebammon II p. 149 no. 122 164

Proceed.XX Int.Congr. Pap. pp. 317-21 251

PSI1 18, 19 405 PSI TV 280 221 PSI VII 1000 761 373 PSI Vill 183 PSI XI Congr. 3 368 253 P.Amh., If 21 P.Amst. 13 116 P. Ant. If II 54 68 387 369 P.Ant. P. Ant. Ill 156 299

Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch. 34 (1912) 97 215

P. Bad. IV16 111352 222 P.Bon. P.Cair.Zen. IV 59535 175 P.Col. VIII 206 367 P.Didot. pp. 16-28 244

P. Fay. 19 133 P.Freib. 1b 248 P.Freib. 2a 348

P.Freib. P. Genova1II2b 53349 100

P.Grenf. II 84 314 P.Hamb. II 13 166337 376 P. Haun. P. Haun. Mil 46 254 271 P.K6éln. I1 70 P. Koln. WY 125 250

P. Koln. TV IV 176 370 P.K6éln. 177 371 Lanx Satura pp. 310-14 119 P.Lond.Lit. 253 383 P.Lond.Lit. 255 298 P.Lund. 13 293

310 TABLE OF CONCORDANCE

P.Lund. V1 12 212 P. Mich. Mert. Ill I1 134 54 282 P. 307 P. Mich. VIII 1099 41 P. Mil. Mich. VIIITl1100 P. Vogl. 120 209 332

P. Mil. Vogl. 188 P.Oslo 11V112263330

P. Oslo II 13 362 P. Oslo Ill 66 259 P. Oxy.1124 179 350 P. Oxy. 284 P. Oxy. II 209 302 P. Oxy. II 213 265 P. Oxy. If 285 131 P. Oxy. VI Ill 425 P. Oxy. 966 207 208

P. Oxy. XXXI 2604255 56 P. Oxy. XLII 3004 P. Oxy. XLIV 3159 336 P.Oxy. XLIV 3160 335 P. Oxy. XLIV 3174 210 P. Oxy. LIT 3712 270

P.Par. 4 98 P.Rein. I pp. 252 P. Rein. Il 5-12 84 187 P. Rein. II 85 211 P.Rein. II 90 96

P.Ross. Georg. 113 112 139 135 P.Ross.Georg. P.Ross. 288 P.Ryl.Georg. 1 41117316

P.Ryl. II 443 109 P.Ryl. WI Wl 533 366 P.Ryl. 537 341 P.Ryl. 11 545 291 P.Schub. 20 300 P.Tebt. 1 278 99 P.Tebt. Ti1.2 901 129 P.Wash. 120 61240 63 P. Yale 1 P. Yale II 125 339 RA 8 (1852) 461-70 399 RA (1971) f. 1, pp. 58-60 85

TABLE OF CONCORDANCE 311

RA (1971) f. 1, pp. 60-61 60 RA (1971) f. 1, pp. 61 16

RA (1983) f. 2, pp. 276-79 160 Racc.Lumbroso, pp. 254-55 235 Racc.Lumbroso, pp. 255-57 236

SB 1 5730 215 SCO 22 264 SIFC 12(1973) (1904)41-43 320 354 Sitz. Berl. Akad. (1887) 818-19 343 Sitz. Berl. Akad. (1898) 847-56 381 Sitz. Berl. Akad. (1898) 857-58 202 Sitz. Berl. Akad. (1918) 739-42 237 Sitz. Berl. Akad. (1918) 742-43 234 Sitz. Berl. Akad. (1923) 160-83 380

Stud. Pal. I p. xliv 1 15 Stud. Pal. Il pp. xlv 2, xlvi-xlvii 3-4, xlviii-xlix 5 79 Stud. Pal. II p. iii 10 29 Stud. Pal.II Ip.p.liviii119 141 30 Stud. Pal. Stud. Pal. II Il p. p. Iviti lv 12375 88 Stud. Pal. Stud. Pal. 6 (1906) 148-61 393 Stud. Pap. 621(1967) 99-107 102 Stud. Pap. (1982) 11-14 320 Stud. Calderini Paribeni UI, p.481 58

Tyche 9 (1994) 1-8 180 ZPE 1 (1967) 45-53 186 ZPE 46(1969) 175-76 335 ZPE (1970) 1-5 290 ZPE 7 (1971) 257-58 338 ZPE 7 (1971) 259-60 334

ZPE 11 (1973) 65-68 331 ZPE 13 (1974) 97-103 216 ZPE 17 (1975) 145-50 397 ZPE 17 (1975) 225-35 396 ZPE 37 (1980) 179-83 238 ZPE 38 (1980) 259-60 295 ZPE 40 (1980) 96-97 89 ZPE 46 (1982) (1982) 97-104 124-26321 81 ZPE 48 ZPE 49 (1983) (1982)291-92 43-44 138 ZPE 52 229 ZPE 72 (1988) 263-66 120 ZPE 75 (1988) 297-300 308

312 TABLE OF CONCORDANCE

ZPE 76 (1989) (1989)88 86205 54 ZPE 76

ZPE 76 (1989) 88-90 285 ZPE 76 (1989) 88-91 286 ZPE 76 (1989) 91-92 203 ZPE ZPE 86 93 (1991) (1992) 231-32 209-11 383 158 ZPE 106 (1995) 175-78 95 ZPE 107 (1995) 263-70 136

Index

abbreviations 86-87 Coptic: exercises 29; script 3-4

accents 48, 85 copying 10-11, 143-45, 154-55; in

Adrastus, story of 32 Egyptian, Mesopotamian schools

Aeschines 44 154-55

Aesop 46, 47 coronis 83

alphabets 37-40, 70; hands writing corrections 95-96 131; letters of 37-39; hands writing criteria of identification 30 letters of 131

alphabetical order 43 dates 88-91; planetary 89-90; written

Ambrose, St. 139, 141 by teachers 90-91, 126

Ammonios (lector) 155 dating: models 126-27; school hands

Anastasios (student) 25 117

Antonios, Aurelius (student) 152 Debut, Janine 27-28, 285-88

Apakire (student) 40 Demotic 3-4

Apion 45 deskalos 23-24 Apollonios, son of Glaukias 41, 80-81, diaeresis 83-84

114, 146 diastole 85 apostrophe 84-85 dictation 92-93

Arrian 54 didaskaleion 17

Augustine, St. 8-9, 24, 139, 148 didaskalos 21, 163-66 Didymos (teacher) 16-17

Basil, St. 24, 55 Dio Chrysostom 18

bilingualism 9, 148 Diocletian, edict of 21-22 blank spaces 59-60; as punctuation 83 Diogenes, the Cynic 46

book hands, see hands, book Dionysius of Halicarnassus 140 books, school, see school, texts Dionysius Thrax 52, 79

borders 78 Dios (student) 15, 128

breathings 86 diple obelismene 82 dots 83

Callias 42 drawing 80-81 Canons, see Theodosius

Cato 99 education, unchanged 37

chalinoi 39-40 educational levels 30-31 chamaididaskalos 13-14, 18, 163 erasures 95-96 chancery hands, see hands, chancery error, see mistake

Charite, Aurelia 15, 156, 158 ethopoiia 52

chria, see saying Euripides 46, 49

chrism 86-87 exercises: Coptic 29; distinguishing Chrysippus 44 features of 32, 75-96; definition of

Clement of Alexandria 39 28; Latin 29-30; mathematical 29-

Collart, Paul 27, 70 30; rhetorical 28, 44, 52, 287-88 Colloquies, school 14, 17, 24, 89

composition 51-52; hands writing 135 fables 46-47

314 INDEX finial, see serif Kollouthos, Flavius 14-15, 33

Galen 44 Latin, exercises, see exercises, Latin glossaries 28 lectional signs 83-88 gnome, see maxim lemma 50-51 grammar 52-53; hands writing 135; Libanius 19, 24 grammarian 20-22, 58, 147, 167-69 lines: horizontal 76; ornamented 79;

grammatodidaskaleion 17 vertical 77-78 grammatodidaskalos 162 line fillers 78

Gregory of Nyssa 140, 149 lists of words 42-43; hands writing guidelines 62, 67-68, 143-44 131, 133; in Mesopotamia and

gymnasia 19-20 ancient Egypt 42

literate, mentality: in Egypt 4-5, 10,

hands: book 5, 97-98; chancery 5, 156, 157-59; in Middle Ages 10,

101-102; cursive 5, 97-98; 157-57

documentary 5; epistolary 4-5, 100, Livre d’écolier 20, 53, 125-26

156 ; of hypomnemata 100 Lollianos 16, 100 hands, school: characteristics of 102- Lucian 149 18; in notebooks 54; multistroke

105; types of 33, 111-112; relation- Maas’ Law 77 ship with cursives 112-14, and with Makarios (student) 147

styles 114-16 Manilius 139, 140, 141

hands, teachers’: chancery 5, 101-102; margins 103, n. 43 characteristics of 8, 97-102; formal mathematical, exercises, see exercises,

round 100; informal round 100- mathematical

99 hands writing 133

101; pointed majuscule 102; size of maxim 44-45; Greek and Coptic 45;

Heraidous 16, 17 memorization 42, 44, 154 Hermione, grammarian 22 Menander 46; monostikoi 45

Heroninos 7 mentality, literate, see literate,

Homer 46, 49, 50, 64 mentality

Homeric: anthology 51-52; hypothesis Mesopotamia 146, 154-55

51; paraphrase 51 mistakes 32, 91-95; in syllabaries 41;

Horapollon, Flavius 17, 19 morphological 93-94; synctactical

Hypatia 22 94-95; phonological 92-93; slips of

hyphen 85 the pen 91-92

hypogrammos 122 models 8, 47, 121-128; characteristics of 124-27; list of 123-24; literary

initials 79, 99 evidence for 122-23; Isocrates 46, 49

name, writing 40, 45, 146-48

Jerome, St. 141 Neilos (student) 16

nomina sacra 86-87

Kametis (student) 114 notebooks 53-55; ownership of 54-55;

kathegetes 14, 16, 167 size of 72

INDEX 315 Oldfather 60 Quintilian 37, 39, 40, 41, 44, 48, 51,

Onomastica 42 113, 122-23, 141-43, 154

ostraca 18, 63-64, 70; containing

models 64, 125; low cost of 63; reading 8-10, 148-52, 157; in provenance of 63-64; Ptolemaic Christian schools 150; silent 150 Oxyrhynchos, schools 17; school reading and writing, interdependent 9-

papyri 61 10, 148, 157

recto, see papyrus, front

Pacatula 141 rhetor 13, 169

palaeography 7-8, 32, 97-118 rhetorical, exercises, see exercises,

Palladas, grammarian 22, 25 rhetorical

Paneu and Panine, Passio 149 ruling, see lines Papnouthis, Aurelius 7, 114

papyrus, school 57-62; back 60-62; salt tax 21 characteristics of 58-60; cost of 59- Sarapion (student) 21

62; cutting 59; for models 125-26; saying 46 front 60-62; poor quality of 58-59; schole 17 provenance of 57-58; rotating 61- Scholia D 50-51, 77

62; washing 59 Scholia minora 20, 50-51, 71-72, 287;

paradigm 52-53 hands writing 135 paragraphos 81-82 scholion 17

paraphrase 51 school: age 13; definition of 6; parchment 69 premises 6, 17-20; text 28, 41, 85,

parents 15-16 121, 286-87

passage: long 47-49, 71; hands writing scribes 10-11; education of 28-29,

133, 135; short 46-47; hands writ- 115; exercises of 287-88; trials of

ing 133 29 n. 13, 38, 44, 71 Passio, see Paneu and Panine script, basic 153-54

Paula 141, 143 scriptio continua 9, 48, 75, 148 pedagogue 16, 161-62 scriptio plena 84 Petaus 150-151 Seneca 44, 122, 142-43 philoponei 127-28 sententia, see maxim Plato 42, 46, 49, 104, 146, 154; serif 115

Protagoras 143-44 Shepherd of Hermas 48, 149

Pompeii, teachers 18, 25 slow writers 6, 150-52; hands 116-17

praescriptum 122-23 sophistes 14, 169-70 progymnasma 52 stroke-sequence 106-11 Psalms 150 syllabary 40-42, 70-71; hands writing Ptolemaios (student) 16 131; on ostracon 64 Ptolemy Philadelphos, edict of 21 syllabic: method 8-9, 144-46; sepa-

punctuation 81-83 ration 43, 47, 87, 126 punishment, corporal 24-26 syllable 47-48

Synphronios (student) 149 quantity, marks 86

question-and-answer form 53-54 tablets 65-69; Academy 146-47; cost

316 INDEX of 65; for models 125; individual 66; notebook of 65-66, 68-69; provenance of 69; ruled 67-68 teachers 13-26, 161-70; acting as scribes 22; hands of, see hands, teachers; income of 16; more than one 19, 21; Ptolemaic 21; women 22-24 teaching, levels 13-14, 20 techne grammatike 52-53 Theodosius, grammarian 52-53 Thespis 39-40 Thonis (student) 19 Timaios 6-7 titles 79-80

lines 87-88 |

verse: distinction 88; in continuous verso, see papyrus, back

word division 48-49, 87 word list, see list of words writing: calligraphic 115-16; continuity 103-104; definitions of 10; difficulties in 106; in Middle Ages 7, 15354, 156-57; in silence 150; learning 137, 144-48; methods of learning 143-44; preceding reading 148-50; speed of 104-105; stages in learning 137; uniformity 103 writing exercises 43-45; hands in 133 writing materials 32, 57-72, 158; use of 69-72

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