World Press Encyclopedia: A Survey of Press Systems Worldwide Vol. 2 [2 ed.] 9780787655822, 0-7876-5582-1

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WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA a survey of press systems worldwide SECOND EDITION

VOLUME 2 N–Z

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA a survey of press systems worldwide SECOND EDITION

VOLUME 2 N–Z

AMANDA C. QUICK, PROJECT EDITOR

World Press Encyclopedia, Second Edition A Survey of Press Systems Worldwide Project Editor Amanda C. Quick

Permissions Lori Hines

Product Design Michael Logusz, Jennifer Wahi

Editorial Mary Alampi, Erin E. Braun, Dawn Conzett DesJardins, Kristen A. Dorsch, Grant Eldridge, Andrew J. Homburg, Eric Hoss, Sarah Knox, Paul Lewon, Chris Lopez, Kristin B. Mallegg, Jane A. Malonis, Rebecca Marlow-Ferguson, Erin Nagel, Terry Peck, Tyra Y. Phillips, Chrystal Rozsa, Kathy Sauer, Jennifer Smith, Jeff Sumner, Valerie Webster, Courtney Young, Margaret Zellers

Imaging and Multimedia Christine O’Bryan

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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA Quick, Amanda C. World press encyclopedia : a survey of press systems worldwide / Amanda C. Quick.-- 2nd ed. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-7876-5582-1 (set) -- ISBN 0-7876-5583-X (v. 1) -- ISBN 0-7876-5584-8 (v. 2) 1. Press--Encyclopedias. 2. Mass media--Encyclopedias. I. Title. PN4728 .Q53 2002 070'.03--dc21 2002152063

Printed in the United States of America 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

NAMIBIA BASIC DATA Official Country Name: Region (Map name): Population: Language(s): Literacy rate: Area: GDP: Number of Television Stations: Number of Television Sets: Television Sets per 1,000: Number of Radio Stations: Number of Radio Receivers: Radio Receivers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Computers: Computers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Internet Access: Internet Access per 1,000:

Republic of Namibia Africa 1,797,677 English (official), Afrikaans, German 38.0% 825,418 sq km 3,479 (US$ millions) 8 60,000 33.4 41 232,000 129.1 60,000 33.4 30,000 16.7

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Namibia, formerly called South West Africa, is a mostly desert or semi-desert country just off the Atlantic WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Ocean in the southern part of Africa. It is a vast country that is sparsely populated with about 1.79 million people, but its population is expected to reach 2.30 million by 2025 and 3.75 million by 2050. Namibia is bordered by Angola and Zambia (north), the Atlantic Ocean (west), South Africa (south and southeast) and Botswana (east). Walvis Bay, which covers 434 square miles, is Namibia’s main port for imports and exports. At one time, South Africa tried to take over Walvis Bay and make it a part of South Africa. Most of Namibia’s adult population is made up of indigenous Africans, mostly from the Ovambo, Damara, and Herero groups. There are also more than 50,000 Coloureds (people of mixed racial descent), more than 40,000 Afrikaners (people of South African descent), and more than 25,000 people of German descent. Namibia had a troubled history. Initially, Hottentots (a short, racially mixed, brown-skinned people) invaded the country from South Africa; since they had guns, they conquered Herero and Damara territory. They were followed, in 1883, by the Germans who laid claim to what came to be called South West Africa. When Europeans met for what was called the ‘‘Scramble for Africa,’’ Namibia was ceded to German control. With their superior firepower, German merchants, soldiers, and missionaries, established forts and settlements. They conquered or took over everything in their path, except for Walvis Bay, which the British had occupied and annexed to Cape Colony, one of the four provinces of South Africa. Using brute force, the Germans took land and cattle from the indigenous people. It is estimated that 65,000 Hereros were killed by the Germans, but German occupation did not last long. History During World War I, South Africa invaded German West Africa, intending to make the large country a part of South Africa. The League of Nations blocked that move, instead giving South Africa a mandate to look after the territory. However, South Africa ignored the 637

NAMIBIA

League of Nation’s wishes and, from 1920 to 1946, treated Namibia as if it were a part of South Africa. When World War II ended and the United Nations (UN) emerged as a successor to the League of Nations, South Africa refused to acknowledge that the UN had jurisdiction over Namibia. Instead it tried to engage in creeping annexation, treating Namibia as one of its provinces (states) and actually allowing legislators from the future Namibia to be chosen to represent their country in the South African Parliament. Under increasing pressure from newly independent African countries and other countries that wanted to end colonialism, the UN took South Africa to the International Court of Justice, which issued unclear verdicts in 1962 and 1966. However, in 1972 the court finally declared that South African occupation of Namibia was illegal. Two years later, the UN Security Council nullified South Africa’s attempts to annex Walvis Bay, the main Namibian port. Despite the court ruling and the Security Council’s actions, the apartheid government—a system of legalized racial segregation that left control of the country in the hands of the white minority while the black majority was voteless and powerless—in South Africa continued to act as if nothing had changed. The situation indeed was changing; black South Africans were organizing themselves in an effort to end South African rule and to stop the creeping annexation that saw apartheid being exported to Namibia. In 1960 the South West African People’s Organization (SWAPO) was born as a black nationalist movement to agitate for change in Namibia, including majority rule and independence. These ideas were anathema to South Africa’s rulers who were doing their best to suppress the African National Congress and the Pan-Africanist Congress, the country’s domestic black nationalist movements. South African pressure forced African nationalist leaders to flee Namibia and flee into exile in Zambia and Tanzania. By 1966 SWAPO had turned to guerrilla war as the only way to drive South Africans out of Namibia. South Africa responded by escalating its efforts to suppress SWAPO and its allies. SWAPO leaders in the country were arrested and some were detained or jailed in South Africa proper, away from their supporters. As SWAPO increased military pressure against South Africa, the United Nations continued to insist that Namibia was a trust territory being temporarily controlled by South Africa until one day its people would exercise their right to self-determination and independence. South Africa tried numerous strategies and subterfuges to remain in control over Namibia. After neighboring Angola won independence from Portuguese rule on November 11, 1975, the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) decided 638

to support its SWAPO allies by providing them with bases for guerrilla training and weapons with which to fight South African occupiers. South Africa chose to support the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA). As South African soldiers and their UNITA allies tried to take over Angola, the MPLA appealed for support from its socialist allies. Cuba’s Fidel Castro sent in soldiers to support the MPLA government, leading to a decisive defeat for South Africa and the expulsion of its soldiers from Angolan soil. That forced South Africa to return to the negotiating table again, where she insisted that her troops would not leave Namibia until Cuban troops left Angola. South Africa finally agreed to Namibian independence, giving up her dreams of absorbing Namibia and using it as a buffer zone to keep Africans from the north outside Pretoria’s boundaries. When South Africa agreed to end its illegal occupation of Namibia, the SWAPO returned home to contest the country’s elections. SWAPO won a majority in the 75-member National Assembly in the 1990 elections, dashing South Africa’s hopes that a government more friendly to South Africa would emerge. On March 21, 1990, the country became independent and officially changed its name from South West Africa to Namibia. Sam Nujoma, who was born in 1929 and became SWAPO leader in 1962, became Namibia’s first democratically elected president in 1990. Media History The Namibian constitution guarantees and protects press freedom. Generally, the media in Namibia is freer than in many other African countries, although clashes have increased between the SWAPO government and the Fourth Estate. Namibia boasts four daily newspapers: The Namibian, an independent English and Ovambo newspaper based in Windhoek, with a circulation between 10,000 and 25,000, whose editor, Gwen Lister, is also active in press freedom issues in Southern Africa; the Namibian News, a government newspaper published by the Ministry of Finance in Windhoek; the Namibia Economist; and the Allgemeine Zeitung, a German newspaper published in Windhoek, established in 1916 (Editor-in-Chief Eberhard Hofmann). Other Namibian newspapers include Die Republikein (The Republican), a daily Afrikaans, English, and German language newspaper, established in 1977 in Windhoek (Proprietor Democratic Media Holdings), with a circulation between 10,000 and 25,000; Tempo, a German and English language newspaper, established in 1992, published in Windhoek on Sundays (Proprietor Democratic Media Holdings, Editor Des Erasmus), with a circulation in the 10,000 to 25,000 range; and the Windoek Advertiser, a daily English language newspaper established in 1919 in Windhoek (Proprietor John Meinert (Pty.) Ltd. with some Democratic Media Holdings shareWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

NAMIBIA

holding), with a circulation of less than 10,000. The privately owned Allgemeine Zeitung and the governmentowned Namibian News are the country’s most influential newspapers. Other publications include Namibia Review, a monthly English magazine published by the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, with a circulation of 10,000; and Abacus, a weekly, free English newspaper with a circulation of 30,000. A major player in the country’s print media is Democratic Media Holdings, a business enterprise run by the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA), the country’s official opposition party. DTA is a grouping of whites and others opposed to SWAPO. South Africa would have preferred to see the DTA win Namibian’s independence elections because DTA was more compliant and more willing to do Pretoria’s bidding. The government-owned Namibia Press Agency (NAMPA) is the country’s leading domestic news agency. It also works with the Pan African News Agency for receiving and distributing news and information within the country.

PRESS LAWS The print media in Namibia is far freer in the 2000s than it has been in the past. During the days of South African control, all forms of media were restricted. Various laws, including those governing defense, prisons, the police, the ubiquitous Internal Security Act, as well as emergency regulations, severely restricted what journalists could report, publish, photograph, or record. They could not report prison, police, or military stories or anything about unrest or guerrilla activities or SWAPO. Anything considered likely to undermine the Pretoria regime was also untouchable as far as journalists were concerned. The Pretoria regime deliberately tried to use the print media, just as it did with radio and television, as part of a total onslaught campaign against SWAPO. The media was ruthlessly muzzled. Everything changed with Namibia’s independence. Its constitution guaranteed press freedom, including the ownership and publication of privately owned newspapers. There is an explicit guarantee, under Article 21, that freedom of speech and expression includes the press and other media. However, the government has the power to restrict these freedoms in the interests of public order, decency, morality, national security, contempt of court, or defamation. Generally, Namibians have had far more press freedom than many of their neighbors, although there have been some clashes between the government and the private media. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK By African and Third World standards, Namibia is relatively well off. Its gross national product (GNP) per capita was U.S. $2,030 in 1994. The national currency is the Namibian dollar. The national languages are English, used for all official purposes and business, Afrikaans, Damara, Herero, German, Ovambo, and Kavango. Windhoek, with a population of about 150,000 people, is Namibia’s capital and largest city. Namibia is a semi-arid and semi-desert country, with rainfall ranging from 2 inches to 19.8 inches per year. The agricultural basis of its economy depends on cattle, fish, sheep, corn, millet, fruit, and sorghum. Mining also anchors the economy. Namibia has diamonds, uranium, lead, gold, copper, zinc, tin, silver, tantalite, pyrites, vanadium, cadmium, tungsten, and germanium. Life expectancy in Namibia is 60 years for women and 58 years for men, which is higher than normal for most Africans. However, this relatively high longevity is now under attack by HIV/AIDS, which is also decimating other African countries. Another serious problem facing Namibia is illiteracy. Although education has been free, universal, and compulsory to age 16 since 1990, illiteracy is still high because South Africa neglected the education of black children. Illiteracy is 38 percent, most of it among the indigenous people, thus affecting their ability to read and understand newspapers. In 1998 Namibia had 400,325 students in primary schools, 115,147 students in secondary schools, and 90 students in vocational institutions. Newspaper readership will likely increase as literacy rises.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS Although it has not always been happy with how the written media has covered it, the Namibian government has generally been tolerant. There have been few restrictions, although libel laws can be used to deter the media. The constitution protects press freedom, so there have been no arrests or torture of journalists. When it comes to radio and television, however, the Namibia Broadcasting Corporation (NBC) is the sole provider of all electronic media services, a state-owned national broadcaster. Owners of radio or television sets are required to buy an annual listeners’ license. These fees go to the Namibia Broadcasting Corporation, which is subsidized by the government.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA When it was under South African control, foreign media was not allowed into South Africa. The only media given access was South African newspapers, especially 639

NAMIBIA

the pro-apartheid publications. The media that operated in Namibia was subjected to the same restrictions and obstacles faced by their counterparts in South Africa. At that time, being found in possession of foreign publications, especially those from communist countries, could result in a prison sentence.

out the country.’’ His call was for the media to become a partner in development, to be the Fourth Estate, and to hold the government accountable to its people—a role too few African media outlets are permitted or encouraged to play.

Since independence, the media in Namibia has enjoyed much more freedom. Foreign publications and journalists are now welcome, as are media and journalists from neighboring countries. The government, however, discourages foreign ownership of the media. The Voice of America, South Africa radio, and the British Broadcasting Corporation are among listeners’ favorites.

EDUCATION & TRAINING

BROADCAST MEDIA When it comes to electronic media, the Namibian government has been tighter. According to the latest figures, there were 215,000 radio receivers in 1995 and 232,000 in 1997. During the same period, television receivers went up from 39,000 to 60,000. The Ministry of Information and Broadcasting is responsible for formulating guidelines on how the media should act. It also runs the NBC, the successor to the South African Broadcasting Corporation; the NBC is responsible for radio and television services. Desert TV is a privately owned station in Windhoek. Although NBC is also the national radio broadcaster, the government has allowed the emergence of privatelyrun stations such as Radio Kudu, which specializes in music; Radio Wave, a private contemporary music station; Radio Energy, another music outlet; Radio 99, another private music station; Channel 7, a private religious station based in Windhoek; and Katutura Community Radio, also based in Windhoek, which rebroadcasts some British Broadcasting Corporation programs. The pre-independence media in Namibia was used to propagate and prop up the apartheid policies of the Pretoria regime. News was used to demonize those seeking to bring about a more democratic society, and penalties were in place to punish those who violated the minefield of laws designed to protect those in power and to shield them from the spotlight of relentless media scrutiny. Under the new political dispensation, the media has become a major player in institution building and in the dissemination of news and information. The press has taken on more of a watchdog role. Perhaps the change in the new order of things was best summed up by Hidipo Hamutenya, then Namibia’s minister of information and broadcasting, when he said: ‘‘Our media must also provide a feedback channel to the government by timely and adequately reporting on development countrywide. They must. . .closely monitor the implementation of the various economic development projects and programs through640

Before independence, journalists were trained in various African countries, especially Zimbabwe, Zambia, and Tanzania. There were no domestic training opportunities during the days of minority rule. Now such opportunities exist, as well as courses instituted by Britons and Canadians. Short courses, training seminars, and workshops are also regularly offered in Namibia and in the surrounding countries for the common training of Southern African journalists. Other Namibians go overseas or to South Africa for advanced training, some of which has been underwritten by UNESCO and the United States Information Agency.

SUMMARY Under apartheid, on all issues concerning prisons or national security, the media deferred to the government. No stories could be reported on those issues without first getting a government comment or denial. This is no longer the case; the media reports freely, for the most part. The future looks bright for Namibian journalists, except those in the electronic media who remain under government control. It’s common throughout most of Africa that radio and television remains under strict government control. Namibia is not yet an exception.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ‘‘Africa.’’ Worldmark Encyclopedia of the Nations, 7th edition. Worldmark Press, 1988. Africa South of the Sahara, 31st edition. Europa Publications, 2002. British Broadcasting Corporation. ‘‘Country Profile: Namibia.’’ Encyclopedia of Africa South of the Sahara, 2002. Merrill, John C., ed. Global Journalism: Survey of International Communication, 2nd edition, New York & London: Longman, 1991. Shivute, Mocks. ‘‘The Media in Post-Independent Namibia.’’ In Communication & The Transformation of Society, eds. Peter Nwosu, Chuka Onwumechili, and Ritchard M’Bayo. Lanham, New York: University Press of America, Inc., 1997. —Tendayi S. Kumbula WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

NEPAL

‘‘Nauru,’’ CIA World Fact Book (2001). Available from http://www.cia.gov.

NAURU

‘‘Nauru,’’ Freedom House (2000). Available from http:// www.freedomhouse.org.

BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Republic of Nauru

Region (Map name):

Oceania

Population:

11,845

Language(s):

Nauruan, English

Literacy rate:

N/A

This Oceanic island, located south of the Marshall Islands, became the world’s smallest independent republic when it achieved independence from Australia in 1968. It joined the United Nations in 1999. The President holds dual roles as chief of state and head of government, heading a unicameral, 18-seat Parliament. The official language is Nauruan, a distinct Pacific Island language, but English is widely spoken and often used in government and business. The population is approximately 12,000. Nauru is one of the three great phosphate rocks of the Pacific. Accordingly, the country’s economy has been dependent on phosphate mining for nearly 100 years. The industry has given Nauruans a high standard of living, but reserves are quickly dwindling, demand is waning, and the extraction process has severely damaged the land, stripping as much as four-fifths of the country’s total area. In an effort to replace mining, the government is encouraging the development of the offshore banking industry. The government of Nauru respects freedom of speech and the press. There is no daily newspaper. The most widely read newspaper is The Nauru Bulletin, which appears weekly every Friday. A publication of the Department of Island Development and Industry, it focuses on government news and information and has a circulation of 700. It was founded in 1965. The Central Star News, founded in 1991, appears fortnightly on Saturday and publishes in both Nauran and English. There is only one radio station, which is AM, one television station, and one Internet service provider, CenpacNet, Inc. There are 7,000 radios and 500 televisions.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

—Jenny B. Davis

NEPAL BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Kingdom of Nepal

Region (Map name):

East & South Asia

Population:

25,284,463

Language(s):

Nepali (official), English

Literacy rate:

27.5%

Area:

140,800 sq km

GDP:

5,497 (US$ millions)

Number of Television Stations:

1

Number of Television Sets:

130,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

5.1

Number of Cable Subscribers:

66,700

Cable Subscribers per 1,000:

2.9

Number of Radio Stations:

12

Number of Radio Receivers:

840,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

33.2

Number of Individuals with Computers:

70,000

Computers per 1,000:

2.8

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

50,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

2.0

CenpacNet, Inc. (n.d.) Home Page. Available from http:// www.cenpac.net. ‘‘CocoNET Wireless,’’ The University of Queensland, Australia (1997). Available from http://www.uq.edu.au.

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS

‘‘General Information,’’ Worldtravelguide.net (2002). Available from http://www.travel-guide.com.

The Nepalese government rigidly controls the press. Laws regulate press activity and copyright stipulations,

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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NEPAL

which are specific to the kingdom of Nepal because it did not sign the international Berne Convention regarding copyright. By the twenty-first century, Nepal had 2048 Constitutional provisions dictating how the press should publish news and information. Media often presents conflicting perspectives because of the varied policies and agendas constraining journalists. In the early twenty-first century, the Department of Information said that Nepal has approximately 1,550 news publications of which 185 are published on a regular basis. Half of the publications are based in Kathmandu. Approximately 60 daily newspapers are published in Nepal; about 80 percent of Nepalese newspapers are weeklies. The Rastriya Samachar Samiti (RSS) National News Agency posts a reporter in each of Nepal’s seventyfive districts in addition to a main office in Kathmandu and releases mostly government speeches. Two-thirds of the districts of the kingdom have newspapers and journals, which have low circulation rates. Although 85 percent of Nepalis live in rural areas, most mainstream Nepalese media published in the Kathmandu Valley ignores issues specific to those areas. Fifty-five percent of Nepal’s 24 million population are illiterate, and poor roads and infrastructure limit print media distribution. In 1898, Sudhasagar was the first newspaper published in Nepal. Gorkhapatra (Nepalese), published in Kathmandu since 1901, is Nepal’s oldest newspaper still in circulation. Founder Maharaja Dev Shamsher Rana intended this newspaper to voice the Nepalese people’s opinions and concerns. Instead, this government-owned periodical prints mostly speech texts and official pronouncements. Gorkhapatra became a daily in 1960 and had the largest circulation in Nepal with an estimated 75,000 copies. The language used in this newspaper is a complex version of Nepalese that is often difficult even for natives to comprehend. The contents of Gorkhapatra are similar to Rising Nepal, an English daily published by the government’s Gorkhapatra Corporation that is intended for a tourist and expatriate readership. A Nepalese edition of Rising Nepal is also issued. Some news obtained from foreign press agencies is translated into Nepalese. The Nepal media frequently features the royal family and palace events. King Birenda contributed a daily saying for editorial pages. Attempts to privatize the Gorkhapatra Publication Corporation have been unsuccessful. In the early 1980s, journalists became more vocal against government involvement with the media. Keshab Raj Pindali founded the influential independent Saptahik Bimarsha (Weekly Review) in 1982. Prime Minister Surya Bahadur Thapa provided funds for Nepalese Awaj (Nepalese Voice) but did not force that newspaper to endorse only his liberal agenda. Nepalese Awaj advocated estab642

lishment of a multi-party government and denounced the politically corrupt bhumigat giroh (underground gang). After the April 1990 pro-democracy revolution, Rising Nepal and other newspapers began carrying news about the new political parties permitted to function in Nepal. Founded in 1993 as the first private morning daily, Kantipur newspaper had the largest circulation by the twentyfirst century. Many Nepalese magazines are printed in English. The Nepal Traveler is designed for distribution to tourists, hotels, and airports and features cultural stories such as events related to festivals and holidays. The weekly Nepal Press Digest was first published in Kathmandu in 1956 and prints news from foreign newspapers as well as political parties’ information which official government papers either refuse to include or discuss with bias. Himal is a bimonthly prepared by the Kathmandu Himal Associates since 1988 that includes environmental essays, book reviews, and news concerning the region around the Himalayas. Alternative media includes Asmita Monthly, a feminist magazine published since 1989 with a circulation of 10,000 and an estimated readership ten times that number, which explores gender and human rights issues and promotes social responsibility.

PRESS LAWS In 1960, after King Mahendra Bir Bikram overthrew Nepal’s parliamentary government and established the non-political party system Panchayat, media conformity was demanded by the dictatorial monarchy. The 1962 RSS Act specified that only the government news agency could exist. The Press and Publication Act of 1965 stated in section 30 that the government could order cessation of media considered harmful to public interests. A Press Advisory Council was established in 1967 as a means to ease relations with frustrated media professionals, but journalists had minimal input. Four years later, the National Communication Plan encouraged improvements of government-sanctioned media for Nepal’s development. The government envisioned using radio to educate rural teachers. In 1975, a second Press and Publication Act forbade criticism of Nepalese royalty and government. King Birenda Bir Bikram perpetuated his father’s press policies until the 1990 democratic revolution, which the private press supported. The ban on political parties was lifted, and a multiparty coalition government was developed. The next year, the Nepalese Congress party won the first democratic election held in thirty-two years. This democratic revolution reduced some of the strict media controls because the new constitution addressed the right to distribute information. However, journalists were still controlled if they attempted to investigate and report on issues the government considered controversial. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

NEPAL

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS Each publication or station in Nepal presents accounts based on their political affiliations. Ninety percent of Nepalese newspapers do not sell advertisements and rely on sponsors, usually politically related. Journalists often are active members of political parties and use the media to advance their political careers. Many editors and publishers gain their positions through political appointments and lack journalistic education and experience. As a result, reports tend to favor partisan agendas. Representatives of independent media are usually unable to convince political parties to share news with them. Reporters risk losing their jobs if they attempt to write or broadcast pieces contrary to government media dictates. Nepal’s constitution includes the right for Nepalis to have access to information, but the Nepalese government resists cooperating with independent media and risking the release of news which might be embarrassing for officials. The lack of credibility of many journalists causes Nepalis to be skeptical about news. Reporters often describe journalism as one of Nepal’s most dangerous professions. Many Nepalese journalists are afraid to report accurately about government corruption, especially concerning judiciary or police abuse of power, because they might be arrested and charged with contempt of court. Targeted journalists often have their offices raided or homes ransacked. In 1994, Harihar Birahi, editor of the weekly Bimarsha Nepalese, was fined and jailed for printing a cartoon depiction of Nepal’s Supreme Court. Journalists Mathbar Singh Basnet and Sarachchandra Osti published a photograph of Princess Shruti Shah posed with an Indian actor in the weekly Punarjagaran Nepalese and were punished for implied criticism of the royal family. Om Sharma was imprisoned for 89 days in 1997 without a trial on charges that he had supported Maoist guerillas. On June 7, 2001, the Kathmandu Post reported that the government had arrested Kantipur’s editor Yubaraj Ghimire and Kantipur Publications directors Kailash Sirohiya and Binod Raj Gyawali. The police officers claimed the journalists were guilty of printing rebel Maoist leader Dr. Baburam Bhattarai’s editorial, which blamed a conspiracy for the June 1, 2001, massacre of King Birendra and his family. High-ranking Nepal authorities refused to answer reporters’ questions concerning the charges. The Nepalese government had previously monitored the Kantipur Publications’ investigative reports that focused on government corruption and scandals. Reporters speculated that media scrutiny and criticism had enraged government officials such as Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala who wanted to eliminate any freedom of the press. Both the Federation of Nepal Journalists Association and the Working Journalists’ AsWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

sociation protested the arrest and noted that Nepalese journalists had long resisted efforts to silence media and resented psychological techniques intended to intimidate reporters, editors, and publishers. The groups also criticized the government for not publicizing facts about the royal killings. Nepalese and international media, human rights groups, and diplomats denounced the arrests and demanded that the prisoners be released. Former Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba supported the media and stressed that freedom of the press was essential for democracy to thrive. Minister for Information and Communication Shiva Raj Joshi justified the government’s actions for intervening as reaction to anti-monarchy essays. At a press conference, Nepal officials requested that the media refrain from issuing material that might instigate national disunity and damage the government’s integrity. The government established a branch for information to transmit approved news releases about the palace massacre to the media. Minister of State for Information and Communication, Puskar Nath Ojha urged the press to not antagonize the government.

BROADCAST MEDIA Most Nepalese have access to information via radio. Established in 1950, the state-owned Radio Nepal broadcasts to all of Nepal except the Himalayas. The Radio Nepal meeting hall is the occasional site of government press conferences. The 1993 Communication Policy Act encouraged independent radio transmissions. By 1995, Radio Nepal began selling airtime to private investors for commercial broadcasts. Three years later, the government began issuing licenses to private FM radio stations. Approximately one dozen stations have been licensed, but they are not permitted to air news and political bulletins. Most stations are concentrated in the Kathmandu Valley, but some are located in other parts of Nepal. Radio Sagarmatha, established in 1998, was the first independent FM station, and operates from the base of Mount Everest. The BBC Nepalese Service has broadcast since 1994. Beginning in December 1985, the state-owned Nepal Television Corporation began airing programs several hours daily. By the twenty-first century, there were 79,000 televisions in Nepal. Viewers often use satellite dishes to receive international broadcasts from CNN and the BBC in addition to Indian and foreign programs. Television is limited because only 15 percent of homes have electricity. Much broadcast media consists of entertainment rather than news. Internet access is Nepal is limited by lack of equipment and related expenses. Journalists do not regularly use the Internet to research. Some sites post articles from 643

NETHERLANDS

Kharel, P., ed. Media Nepal 2000. Kathmandu: Nepal Press Institute, 2000. ——— ed. Media Practices in Nepal. Kathmandu: Published by Nepal Press Institute with the support of DANIDA, 2001. Malla, B.C. ‘‘Mass-media, Tradition and Change (an Overview of Change in Nepal).’’ Contributions to Nepalese Studies, vol. 10, nos. 1-2 (December 1982/June 1983): 69-79. Pokhrel, Gokul Prasad, and Bharat Dutta Koirala, compilers. Mass Media Laws and Regulations in Nepal. Kathmandu: Nepal Press Institute, and Asian Mass Communication Research and Information Centre, Singapore, 1995. —Elizabeth D. Schafer

the Rising Nepal and The Kathmandu Post online. The Nepal Photojournalists Association initiated a digital photograph service to make delivery more efficient.

EDUCATION & TRAINING Some Nepalese journalists are educated at foreign universities because of limited opportunities in Nepal. Journalism courses are offered at Tribhuvan and Purvanchal Universities, which have limited media equipment. The Nepal Association of Media Educators aspires to develop graduate programs for journalists to earn master’s degrees in mass communication at Nepalese colleges. Reporters can also train at the Nepal Press Institute or Media Point, a journalism center in Kathmandu.

NETHERLANDS BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Kingdom of the Netherlands

Region (Map name):

Europe

Population:

15,981,472

Language(s):

Dutch

Literacy rate:

99.0%

Area:

41,526 sq km

Professional media organizations include the Nepal Press Union, Journalism Research and Training Society of Nepal, and Nepal Forum of Environmental Journalists. Those groups present seminars and workshops to encourage professionalism and sponsor investigative journalism competitions.

GDP:

364,766 (US$ millions)

Number of Daily Newspapers:

35

Total Circulation:

4,443,000

Circulation per 1,000:

346

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Number of Nondaily Newspapers:

49

Total Circulation:

317,000

Circulation per 1,000:

25

Newspaper Consumption (minutes per day):

39

Total Newspaper Ad Receipts:

1,771 (Euro millions)

As % of All Ad Expenditures:

48.40

Number of Television Stations:

21

Amatya, Purna P. Cumulative Index to Selected Nepalese Journals. Kathmandu: Centre for Nepal and Asian Studies, 1989. Baral, Lok Raj. ‘‘The Press in Nepal, 1951-1974.’’ Contributions to Nepalese Studies, 2. (February 1975): 169186. Belknap, Bruce J. A Selected Index of Articles from The Rising Nepal from 1969-1976. Kathmandu: Doumentation Centre, Centre for Nepal and Asian Studies, 1978. Karmacharya, Madhav Lal. The Publishing World in Nepal. Kathmandu: Laligurans, 1985. 644

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Number of Television Sets: Television Sets per 1,000: Television Consumption (minutes per day): Number of Cable Subscribers: Cable Subscribers per 1,000: Number of Satellite Subscribers: Satellite Subscribers per 1,000: Number of Radio Stations: Number of Radio Receivers: Radio Receivers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Computers: Computers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Internet Access: Internet Access per 1,000:

8,100,000 506.8 150 6,166,020 387.8 330,000 20.6 65 15,300,000 957.4 6,300,000 394.2 3,900,000 244.0

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Media History Newspapers were introduced in this part of Europe in the early seventeenth century, a few decades after the northern provinces of the Low Countries obtained their independence from Spain in 1579 by the Union of Utrecht and became the Republic of the United Netherlands. While not qualifying as the birthplace of the printed newspaper in Europe, several towns in the Netherlands became important international newspaper centers in the early 1600s and retained this role for more than a century. A number of French language newspapers, which became known collectively as La Gazette de Hollande, were published in Leyden, The Hague, Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and Utrecht, in a free-press environment. French was the most widespread language of politics in the seventeenth century, and Dutch publishers supplied this international market with newspapers that many of their reading public believed to originate in France (Hatin 6). The earliest of these international gazettes were the Tydinghen uyt Verscheyde Quartieren (1618-1670) and the Courante uyt Italien ende Duytschland (1618-1670), both published in Amsterdam and reporting tydinghen (tidings) from abroad. The Dutch word for newspaper, krant, is derived from the French courant (current) and the Spanish corantos, both of which mean ‘‘current’’ (as in current tidings). WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Numerous additional gazettes were founded in Dutch cities in the following decades. The Nouvelles extraordinaires de divers endroit, an international gazette better known as La Gazette de Leyde, was published in Leiden since 1680, and La Gazette d’Amsterdam (also published under other titles such as Nouvelles d’Amsterdam) entered the scene in 1688, the Gazette de Rotterdam was founded in 1695, and La Gazette de La Haye appeared for nearly a half century (1744-1790). Beginning in the mid-seventeenth century, several Dutchlanguage gazettes were also published throughout the northern part of the Low Countries, with titles including the Amsterdamsche Courant (circa 1670), the Oprechte Haerlemse Courant (published in Haarlem, beginning in 1659), and the Ordinaire Leydsche Courant (1686). Although licensing requirements for newspaper publishers were installed as a vehicle for placing them under the control of local city governments from the beginning of the eighteenth century, competition between the cities and the influence of the liberal merchant class ensured a de facto free press. Local Dutch authorities were not concerned about the many journals that were published in the relatively tolerant environment of their cities by refugees from religious intolerance elsewhere in Europe. An independent Dutch newspaper press continued to develop in the eighteenth century, and many additional daily newspapers flourished, including the Gravenhaegsche Courant in The Hague, the Rotterdamsche Courant, the Utrechtsche Courant, the Leeuwarder Courant, and the Oprechte Groninger Courant. The constitution enacted in 1798 by the repressive political regime following the French Revolution, which remained in force for 50 years, severely curtailed freedom of the press, since it literally stated that criticism of the government was equivalent to ‘‘an offense against freedom of the press.’’ Ironically, it was during this repressive period, in 1830, that the first Dutch daily newspaper was published. After enactment of a new and liberal constitution in 1848, which prohibited all forms of censorship, publication of daily newspapers and other periodicals rose rapidly to more than 150 different publications. In the second half of the nineteenth century, further technological progress in mechanical writing and newspaper production increasingly facilitated production of inexpensive editions of daily papers, exemplified by Het Nieuws van den Dag (The Daily News), founded in 1869. Further, journalism and newspaper production in the Netherlands, as in other countries, was given a major boost by the introduction of the typewriter and its successors. The large numbers of newspapers were published under editorial policies that have become known under the term ‘‘pillarization’’ (Verzuiling). Newspapers re645

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flected the combined religious and political views of their editorship, and this remained characteristic for Dutch newspapers until World War II. The main religious tendencies of Roman Catholic and Calvinist-Protestant were combined with a particular political conviction. The Dutch press in the East Indies also played a role in the nineteenth century and early twentieth century. Contrary to the Gazettes de Hollande, which had been a vehicle to promote nationalist views of outside groups in the previous century, it did not foster nationalist sentiment. The editors of the various newspapers, even those published in the Malay and Javanese languages, steered clear of violations of Dutch press laws, which had been amended in 1856 to ensure the public order but were used to suppress criticism of the government (Hagen). The invasion of the traditionally neutral Netherlands by Germany in World War II created upheaval in the Dutch newspaper world. A few papers stopped publication altogether, while others collaborated with the Nazi regime—under effective takeovers by Nazi-appointed editorial trustees. Ever since the Gutenberg revolution, the printed press has served as a vehicle for government propaganda as well as a vehicle for the expression of individual opinions. The Nazi occupation of west European countries provides a set of interesting case studies of officially sanctioned newspapers that published censored material and the simultaneous emergence of an underground press that served the resistance. Establishment of an underground press that stressed the need for individuals and groups to sabotage activities of the occupying forces was accomplished at great risk to both the publishers and distributors. Nevertheless, the underground press achieved very high levels of circulation as the war drew its course. Several of the underground newspapers continued publication after the end of the war, notably the Protestant daily Trouw and the Socialist daily Het Parool. In the 2000s, however, they no longer rank among the top 10 daily newspapers. Daily, Weekly, and Other Periodicals The Dutch are among EU members’ most avid newspaper readers. Almost 5 million newspapers were sold daily to a nation of 15.5 million people in 1995, making for a daily circula646

tion of 307 per 1,000 inhabitants. While not the largest among the west European countries, this ratio ranks among the highest. There are no Sunday newspapers in the Netherlands (a recent attempt to establish one failed), but there is a very high number of non-dailies, most of them regional in scope. The total number of daily newspapers has remained above 80 in the last two decades, and circulation has expanded in tandem with population growth; as population crept up from 14 million to 16 million in 2001, aggregate circulation rose from 4.6 to 5 million (Reddy 661). In 2001, according to Translatin, the four leading daily newspapers were De Telegraaf, with a circulation of 777,000, owned by Telegraaf-Holding; Algemeen Dagblad, with a circulation of 390,000, owned by Dagbladunie (Reed-Elsevier); De Volkskrant, with a circulation of 372,000, owned by Perscombinatie co-operative; and NRC Handelsblad, with a circulation of 276,000, owned by Dagbladunie (Reed-Elsevier). When considering the top 10 newspapers in the most recent decades, the list consistently contains De Telegraaf, Algemeen Dagblad, and De Volkskrant. To illustrate, in 1981 the top 10 newspapers were De Telegraaf (circulation of 601,650), Algemeen Dagblad (357,943); De Volkskrant (214,500), Haagse Courant (194,025), Het Vrije Volk (160,152), De Gelderlander (158,946), Het Parool (158,400), Nieuwsblad van het Noorden (140,678), Courant Nieuws van de Dag (139,060), and NRC Handelsblad (138,112). In 1994 the top ten newspapers were De Telegraaf (circulation of 732,860), Algemeen Dagblad (393,371), De Volkskrant (358,750), NRC Handelsblad (267,172), Nieuwsblad van het Noorden (208,950), Dagblad De Limburger (198,365), De Gelderlander (176,795), Brabants Dagblad (164,435), Dagblad Tubantia (152,697), and Haagse Courant (148,078) (Hendricks 37). Founded in 1890, De Telegraaf is the leading Dutch, nationally distributed, daily newspaper. Its content is aimed at middle-class readership in the Netherlands, as well as abroad. While the editorial political orientation is generally neutral, articles often have flashy headlines, and there is a heavy focus on show business news. De Volkskrant has existed since 1919. For its first 50 years, WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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it can best be described as being outspokenly Catholic, even militantly so. Since 1965, however, the editorial policy has changed, and the paper is since directed at a readership comprised of the well-educated, middle-ofthe-road, young ‘‘Amsterdammers.’’ Its circulation has increased to rival that of Algemeen Dagblad in the mid1990s. The NRC Handelsblad maintains a liberal political orientation, while the two daily papers founded by the resistance, Trouw and Het Parool, no longer rank in the top ten sellers. While Het Financieele Dagblad (not listed in the top 10) has a relatively small circulation of 47,000, it has a very extensive readership in the business world. The Netherlands also has a large number of regional and local papers that place a strong emphasis on general news reporting, including Drentse Courant, Friesch Dagblad, Haarlem’s Dagblad, and Amersfoortse Courant. Several of the regional papers have a large readership, rivaling that of the national dailies. Many of the regional papers are now also available on the Internet. A few weekly news-oriented Dutch periodicals are noteworthy. De Groene Amsterdammer was founded in 1877, and in 2002 it had a circulation of 18,000. It is produced in large color format and specializes in publishing in-depth articles on political, economic, and cultural issues, with a leftist political orientation. The Netherlander, which has a 2002 circulation of 44,500, is reminiscent of the times of La Gazette de Hollande, since it is a Dutch periodical published only in English. It was started as an offshoot of Het Financieele Dagblad in 1992. As its parent newspaper, it focuses on financial and economic news and is directed primarily to the non-Dutch business world. In 1999 two daily tabloid newspapers, Metro and Sp!ts began publication. Both are distributed free of charge to people using public transportation. Metro had first been introduced in Scandinavia and moved to the Netherlands after it had proven its success there. Sp!ts (so named because the morning rush hour is called spits uur, with the exclamation point instead of an ‘‘I’’ signifying the hurried traveller) was published by De Telegraaf, as a competitor to Metro. Although both of these tabloids have a large readership, they tend to undermine the sales of daily papers and threaten to become a profit-invading factor for newspaper producing companies. However, since Sp!ts is also available online, it permits its parent newspaper De Telegraaf to direct readers to profitoriented links.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK The Netherlands is a typical small open economy. More than half of its gross domestic product (GDP) of 429.2 trillion euros in 2001 (expressed in 2002 prices) derived from exports (according to the Centraal Bureau WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

voor de Statistiek 2002). Economic growth is modest, and unemployment is remarkably low at 2.3 percent. The rate of inflation is also rather modest, at 3.5 percent. Despite the fact that government expenditures are still high (burdened by social security transfer payments), the annual budget turned into the black in 1999, for the first time since the oil crisis of the 1970s. The public debt ratio has declined substantially in the past 10 years, from approximately 80 percent of GDP in the late 1980s and early 1990s, to 67 percent in 1998 and 64 percent in 1999. Public spending itself, including social security transfer payments, fell below half of the GDP. The strengthening of the budget position is the result of factors both on the revenue and the expenditure side. First, the Netherlands is rich in petroleum and natural gas (mainly from the Slochteren gasfields), and it ranks among the world’s largest producers and distributors of natural gas. Annual government revenues from the natural gas industry exceed 1 billion euros. Second, the government has gradually reduced its role since the 1980s and has followed a policy of privatization as well as deregulation in the last two decades. Increasing concentration of newspaper ownership is one of several changes that have taken place in the Netherlands’ newspaper industry in the past decade as it adapts to the rapid development of a multimedia environment beyond the traditional triad of print, picture, and sound, in a liberalized government policy environment where cross ownership is now permitted. Dutch newspapers derive half of their revenue from advertising, an additional 20-25 percent from classified advertising, and obtain relatively high single copy prices exceeding 1 euro. Since approximately half of their revenue is derived from actual copy sales, newspaper businesses are not highly vulnerable to changes in the advertising market in the Netherlands (Hendriks 11). There is vivid competi647

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duce newsprint waste; this new technology also makes the production of smaller runs more profitable. Accordingly, newspapers can now be targeted to specific subgroups of users, such as by geographic region. As newspapers become differentiated to satisfy specific customer groups, however, distribution costs may increase somewhat, at least in the short run. In the long run, the steady rise in circulation that is required to meet costs of labor, printing, and distribution will be hard to achieve in the Netherlands’ newspaper industry. It has already moved out of the rapid circulation increases it achieved on the steep part of the S growth curve, and it is now creeping along the relatively flat part of the curve. Moreover, the very rapid development of technology for alternative information media is a threat that can only be met by aggressive participation by traditional newspapers in the new medium and by fostering media conversion. The industry can no longer live in the safe isolation it has enjoyed through much of the twentieth century. tion in the national newspaper market, and competition in local markets is becoming more vivid, although the politically diversity of newspapers provides a niche for existing papers. Production quality is high, and color presses are commonly used. Product development in the printed newspaper is infrequent, however, because of reliance on niche markets. In past decades, average and large daily newspapers have been able to take advantage of economies of scale. Those with circulations exceeding 100,000 copies have achieved before-tax profit rates of about 8-13 percent of gross revenue in the 15-year period spanning the 1980s and early 1990s, while small newspapers were often running a loss and mid-size papers were gradually becoming more profitable (Hendriks 22). The main cost categories where economies of scale are present are printing, editorial, advertising acquisition, and overhead. Newsprint itself, that is the actual paper to which the newsprint is applied, accounts for about 1/10 of the newsstand price, and cost analyses show that the smaller newspapers have much lower average cost per newspaper copy for this raw material than do larger papers. Large papers have the advantage in printing costs, where economies of scale are present, and smaller ones obviously hold the advantage in transportation and delivery (Hendriks 25-29). Accordingly, it can be profitable for large papers to have printing presses at different locations spread throughout their distribution area. NRC Handelsblad for example, which is usually distributed in the evening, is produced largely by using the printing presses of competitors during off-peak hours. Another cost-saving factor is provided by new printing technology. Digital printing is a fast process that eliminates a number of steps, notably plate making. With digital printing, newspapers can both save labor and re648

PRESS LAWS Freedom of expression, including freedom of the press, is protected by three articles (6, 7, and 13) of the Dutch Constitution (Grondwet voor het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden). Article 6 is relevant since it specifies that ‘‘Every person has the right to freely exercise their religion or life conviction (levensovertuiging), individually or in community with others. . . .’’ Article 7 specifically addresses freedom of the press and other communications media, in four consecutive paragraphs. The first states that ‘‘No one needs to seek prior permission to express ideas or feelings through the printed press, within everyone’s individual responsibility with respect to the law.’’ Article 7, Paragraph 2 specifies that ‘‘Radio and television will be regulated by law. The content of a radio- or television broadcast is not subject to prior government clearance’’ (it will not be censored). Paragraph 3 of the article extends the previously stated rights to media other than the traditional triad of print, radio, and television. It also allows for legislation to limit these rights for persons under the age of 16 on grounds of morality. Finally, Article 7, Paragraph 4 excludes commercial advertising from the aforementioned three paragraphs. Article 13 of the Constitution also has implications for freedom of the press, since it guarantees privacy of the content of communications in the form of letters sent by mail, telephone, or telegraph. It does however, provide for exceptions to be made by law. The phrase in Article 7, Paragraph 1, ‘‘within everyone’s individual responsibility with respect to the law’’ limits the freedom of journalists in a number of categories. Journalists cannot commit offenses that violate state WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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security, that insult members of a group of the population or members of the royal family, or that are blasphemous towards individuals. Furthermore, exceptions may be made to the ‘‘no one needs to seek prior permission’’ clause when the country is at war.

CENSORSHIP Even though the Dutch press generally enjoys complete freedom from censorship, there is an occasional minor exception, such as the case of Gra Boomsma, a writer, in the early 1990s. He was charged with defamation in relation to a 1992 interview published in a regional newspaper, in which he likened the actions of Dutch soldiers in Indonesia with those of the SS in Nazi Germany. Although he was originally acquitted in 1994, an appeal was filed, and his final acquittal took place in January 1995. This case is typical for countries with low thresholds for bringing libel actions against the press. In the Netherlands, a plaintiff can bring a libel suit by alleging an attack on personal honor (Wimmer and Rosenthal 3). The European Court of Human Rights, however, is bringing such thresholds up to a higher level, as it deals with cases referred to it and applies Article 10 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Freedoms, which states that the right to freedom of expression includes ‘‘the freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public authorities. . . .’’ Another type of infringement on freedom of the press in the Netherlands comes in the form of sanctions for journalists who refuse to reveal their sources. In a recent case (World Press Freedom Review 2000), Koen Voskuil, a journalist with the daily Sp!ts, was detained by the Amsterdam Court of Justice for refusing to reveal the name of the police officer who told him that the public prosecutor’s office obtained a false search warrant that was used to gather evidence against an arms dealer. The case caused massive criticism in the international press community. All in all, however, freedom of the press in the Netherlands ranks very favorably compared with other nations in Europe and around the world. In a survey of 192 countries, Freedom House (2001) ranked the Netherlands in eighth place, ahead of Germany, the United Kingdom, the United States, Belgium, and France, but not as high as the Scandinavian countries Finland, Norway, Sweden, and Denmark. A concern of a different kind in relation to freedom of the press is the increasing concentration of ownership. Recently, the Anglo-Dutch publishing group ReedElsevier announced that its newspapers and consumer publishing units were to be sold. Reed-Elsevier is thus selling Dagbladunie, the ‘‘absolutely prize Dutch stable WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

of newspapers’’ (World Freedom of the Press Review 74). Dagbladunie includes the national daily newspapers NRC Handelsblad and Algemeen Dagblad, as well as a large range of regional newspapers with a circulation of 300,000. The timing of the announcement came one week after Trinity International Holdings—possibly the biggest buyer in the regional newspaper market—bought a group of competing titles.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS In addition to self-regulation by the newspaper publishers association, the Dutch newspaper industry is potentially affected by revisions in antitrust legislation. From July 1999, price coordination in circulation and in newspaper advertising was prohibited. The press receives tax favors and obtains additional forms of government assistance. The value-added tax for newspaper publishers is only 6.0 percent, compared to 17.5 percent for other businesses. Newspapers can also obtain low-interest government loans under specific provisions that are contained in the budgetary framework of the Netherlands Press Fund; this fund also compensates newspapers for losses due to small circulation and low density of distribution. Cross-ownership regulation limits the control of national television broadcasting organizations by newspaper organizations to those that control less than 25 percent of the circulation market. Local ownership of broadcasting organizations is not regulated by legislation, however. The Dutch Public Prosecutor’s office adopted a new policy relative to the press in the 1990s. While in previous years, the office was ‘‘very passive’’ in keeping the press informed about charges filed against it, under the new policy, the Public Prosecutor’s office actively spreads this information. Jan Renkema and Hans Hoeken (1998) investigated whether the image of the accused party, a corporation for example, may be permanently tainted under this new policy, considering that ‘‘Dutch newspapers have a large audience, and the impact of their articles is strong. . .[and] negative publicity in newspapers has a high damage potential’’ (521). Based on interviews with readers of a regional newspaper, and using a previously published article, they found that readers’ opinions are shaped by the degree of certainty that is conveyed in the article pertaining to the alleged illegal behavior engaged in by the company and that the negative effect of the allegation on the company’s trustworthiness and expertise is retained for a long time in the public’s perception.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA The Netherlands has a generally open attitude toward foreign media. This openness is expressed along 649

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several dimensions: applicability of constitutional rights to individuals who are not Dutch citizens; availability of foreign newsprint to the Dutch public; accessibility to newsworthy events by foreign journalists; availability of Internet newspapers of other countries to the Dutch public; display of the work of foreign journalists and photographers in exhibitions held in the Netherlands; and participation by Dutch journalists in setting international standards on mass media that maintain editorial freedom. All of these dimensions of openness are exhibited in the Netherlands. In principle, members of foreign media active in the Netherlands receive the same treatment as do domestic journalists. The freedom of the press expressed in Article 7 of the constitution makes no distinction between persons who are of Dutch nationality and others. The Nederlandse Vereniging van Journalisten (Netherlands Organization of Journalists) is affiliated with several international organizations, including the International Federation of Journalists and the International Organization of Journalists. The Netherlands’ newspaper publishers association is also affiliated with international organizations. The only infringement on members of the foreign media occur in those rare situations where both foreign and domestic journalists are denied access (by police on the scene) to a scene in the interest of national security. Unfortunately, this is occasionally also the case in a politically sensitive or embarrassing situation, as the following two examples show. The 2001 World Press Freedom Review reported that foreign journalists recently criticized the organizers of the Global Forum on Fighting Corruption and Safeguarding Integrity, held at the Hague in June 2001. According to the PANAFRICAN news agency, its journalists were critical of the lack of transparency in the forum itself. In addition, Bolivian journalist Claudio Rossei questioned why the forum was not open to journalists who were stakeholders in the fight against corruption and safeguarding integrity (World Press Freedom Review 2001). The second example is the highly embarrassing situation that arose during the European Football Championship finals in July 2000, when a group of disabled people were not allowed to enter Feyenoord Stadium in Rotterdam by means of their wheelchairs and were instead carried up into the stadium by police officers. A group of Italian reporters who were filming Dutch police officers carrying Italian disabled people up to the stadium were arrested and released only after intervention by the Italian ambassador to the Netherlands. One of the Italian journalists, Donatella Scarnati, claimed that the police beat up several of the journalists who were taking photographs of disabled persons who were being carried like ‘‘sacks of potatoes.’’ 650

NEWS AGENCIES The ANP (Algemeen Nederlands Persbureau/ General Netherlands Press Bureau) is the primary news agency in the Netherlands. It started in 1934 as a cooperative of the newspaper publishers, which agreed to pay for the Bureau’s information service according to the circulation size of their respective newspapers. Today, the ANP provides information to a number of newspapers, radio and television programs, Internet sites, and even mobile applications such as SMS, MMS, WAP, and I-Mode;ts stated goal is to be fast, objective, trustworthy, and current. Using the work of hundreds of journalists and photographers, ANP can deliver more than 160,000 news articles and 58,000 photographs annually to its subscribers. It is located in The Hague and works closely with international news agencies, notably Reuters, Deutsche Presse Agentur (Germany), Agence France-Presse (France), and Belga (Belgium). A number of additional organizations in the Netherlands refer to themselves as news agencies and serve either commercial or ecclesiastical interests. These include Borger Odoorn Web, based in Odoorn, Drent, which provides news on the Internet, together with a number of other services, such as chat lines, links useful to readers, and local community announcements; and Nieuwsbank, a news agency based in Utrecht and offering the opportunity to its subscribers to both read and post news articles. With the development of multimedia services on the Internet, where audio-visual materials and links to a number of applications and products can be used to attract customers, reliance on news agencies for the traditional text portion of the information becomes increasingly important. The cost of the news agency service to traditional printed newspapers is likely to rise as news agencies provide more and more editorial materials that are directly formatted for online use.

BROADCAST NEWS MEDIA Radio The Netherlands has been one of the pioneer nations in the development of radio broadcasting. Radio communication, including short wave broadcasting, was developed in several nations in the 1920s, with the earliest interest in regular international broadcasting originating in The Netherlands’ southern neighbor, Belgium, where wireless communication with the central African colony in the Belgian Congo was established in 1913 (Haslach 1). The Netherlands was the first nation where a regularly scheduled international short wave broadcasting system was initiated by private enterprises. The early ventures saw opposition from government, political parties, religious groups, and broadcasting organizations. The government’s opposition was rooted in the belief that WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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this development might compromise its policy of neutrality in international conflicts. The intent of early Dutch short wave broadcasting was to provide information in the Dutch language to the Netherlands’ colonies in both the East and West Indies. Interestingly, the motivation for radio broadcasting was directly tied to colonialism in both the Netherlands and Belgium, and the Netherlands’ policy of neutrality did not extend to struggles for independence in the colonies. Another minor exception to the neutrality policy was the multi-lingual ‘‘Happy Station,’’ which was established to gather international goodwill for the Netherlands. In the years following the end of World War I, the Netherlands increasingly came to terms with the fact that neutrality and isolation from the other world powers could not be maintained as long as it continued to have colonial power in the strategically located East Indies—a large, self-governing region (headed by a GovernorGeneral) composed of thousands of islands, which was independent of the Netherlands with the exception of the strategic areas of defense and foreign policy. Dutch was the common official language imposed in this large region of many languages and religious beliefs. In the 1920s, an Islamic liberation movement took hold in the East Indies, under leadership of Sukarno and others, and the Netherlands’ authorities were careful not to add to the rebellious mood among educated natives. Accordingly, NIROM (The Netherlands Indies Radio Broadcasting Company) was created as a tool to communicate a common Dutch policy to the fragmented native population that typically lived far away from Java on remote islands. In 1923 the PTT (Post, Telegraph, and Telephone Company) was linked up to the receiver on Java, giving birth to the first long wave wireless telegraphy connection between the Netherlands and the East Indies colony. In 1928 anyone could make an appointment to make a call to Java at the East Indies booth at the PTT headquarters in The Hague. The first actual radio station in the Netherlands was established in 1919, following experiments with the new medium in the private sector. Meanwhile, the Nederlandse Seintoestellen Fabriek (Dutch Wireless Equipment Company, also known as NSF) forged a licensing agreement with the Marconi Company to install a wireless transmitter for the Amsterdam Stock Exchange, and Philips Radio expanded its activities in radio by purchasing the requisite technology and signing licensing agreements with established companies like RCA and Westinghouse in the United States, Telefunken in Germany, and several others. By 1927 a boom period had developed for short wave broadcasting and, to avoid international interference in the small territory of the Netherlands, no more than a few radio stations could operate simultaneously, and those that did needed to be at a low power. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Since stations were affiliated with many different political parties, religious groups, and life philosophies, political realities dictated that radio stations should no longer be operated solely by private companies and was brought under state control. In this way, the Dutch broadcasting system became a hybrid of a state-run and a commercial venture. Laws relating to media ownership Until 1960, when the offshore radio station Veronica began its pirate transmissions of commercial pop music, broadcasting associations had been the only presence on the Dutch airwaves (Parkes 1999). In 1964 REM (Reclame-televisie Exploitatie Maatschappij, or advertising-television exploitation company) started offshore television and radio broadcasts. These two ventures showed the need for protection of public broadcasting by means of media laws and regulations, which came in the form of the Broadcasting Act of 1969 and 1981, and the Media Act of 1987, 1988, 1990, and 1994. The development of this legislation, specifically allowed for in the constitution, followed the realities of what was happening in the media. In 1965 new organizations were allowed to join the public broadcasting system, and TROS (Televisie en Radio Omroep Stichting/Television and Radio Broadcasting Corporation) entered in 1966, followed by EO (Evangelische Omroep/Evangelical Broadcasting) in 1970. The Broadcasting Act was passed in 1969, establishing the NOS (Nederlandse Omroep Stichting/Dutch Broadcasting Corporation), which was provided with airtime and facilities for groups in society who had no airtime of their own. The act also specifies that broadcasting organizations must be not-for-profit and serve the public interest by providing programming that addresses the population’s cultural, educational, and spiritual needs. NOS was permitted to utilize up to 40 percent of radio and TV airtime with its own programs. Following the Broadcasting Act’s specifications, broadcasting organizations would get access to airtime according to one of three categories: category A for organizations with more than 400,000 subscribers, category B for those between 250,000 and 400,000 subscribers, and category C for those with 100,000 to 250,000 subscribers. Meanwhile, TROS (Televisie en Radio Omroep Stichting/Television and Radio Broadcasting Organization) entered the public system in 1975, and the VOO (Veronica Omroep Organisatie/Veronica Broadcasting Organization) followed suit in 1975, ending its 15 years as a pirate station. By the end of the 1970s, there were eight broadcasting organizations that had a membership exceeding 100,000, which were ‘‘pillarized’’ by political and religious affiliation, as follows: (1) AVRO (neutral), (2) TROS (independent), (3) KRO (Catholic), (4) VARA (socialist), (5) NCRV (Protestant), (6) VOO (indepen651

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dent), (7) VPRO (progressive), and (8) EO (fundamentalist Protestant). The Media Act was passed in 1988, which privatized NOS as part of the government’s global policy move to privatization and deregulation of the economy. The production facilities were reborn as a commercial enterprise, the NOB (Nederlands Omroepsproductie Bedrijf/Dutch Broadcast Production Company). The 1994 amendments to the Media Act introduced a system of airtime concessions. Additional laws regulating the media are the Netherlands Competition Act (Law 242, 1997) and the 1999 Telecommunications Act. The Telecommunications Act (Telecommunicatiewet) was adopted in April 1998 by the Second Chamber of the States General, and it became law in February 1999. It regulates the rights and responsibilities of everyone who is active in today’s liberalized telecommunications market, which welcomes market competition and seeks to attract foreign as well as domestic investments. Television Although television technology was being developed since 1925, and the Telegraph and Telephone Law (T&T Law) was revised in June 1927 to include under broadcasting the new technology of television, actual TV broadcasting was only introduced in the Netherlands on October 2, 1951 (Wieten 1994). The delay was due to a combination of factors, mainly the time needed to improve the technology and the lack of program development to attract the public’s interest in this new medium. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, national television had three channels that were used by more than a dozen public broadcasters, each of whom is assigned a specific channel and time slot for broadcasting. The main national television networks were as follows: AVRO or Algemene Vereniging Radio Omroep, EO or Evangelische Omroep, KRO or Katholieke Radio Omroep, NCRV or Nederlandse Christelijke Radio Vereniging, NOS or Nederlandse Omroep Stichting, NPS or Nederlandse Programma Stichting, TROS or Televisie Radio Omroep Stichting, VARA or Vereniging Arbeiders Raio Amateurs, and VPRO or Vrijzinnig Protestantse Radio Omroep. Regional television networks included Radio-TV Noord Holland, Radio-TV Oost, Radio-TV Rijnmond, TV Noord, Westlandse Omroep Stichting, and several others. The many cable and satellite television broadcasters cover programs that are theme-oriented and provide programs from pay-per-view sport events to children’s programming, news, travel, and music.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA Expansion of new electronic media Electronic news media in the Netherlands now includes the traditional 652

radio and television, as well as a variety of other media, such as newspapers distributed via the Internet, teletext, Acrobat-readable text, and streaming audio and streaming video productions. It remains to be seen whether the new wave of technology innovation taking place in the last decade of the twentieth century will lead to a completely unimpeded flow of knowledge and information among the Dutch people and between them and the global society. Ideally, in the words of Shalini Venturelli: ‘‘A universally networked broadband, interactive, multimedia information society could be the richest source of creative, diverse, empowering, and democratizing communication ever to connect humanity. It may perhaps evolve into the world’s first true mass medium’ by allowing anyone with a few simple tools to communicate ideas to thousands of people at once.’’ (1) While it is too early to see whether the Netherlands will evolve as a leading contributor to such a mass medium, the Dutch have certainly made the move to the introduction of all forms of new communication technology, including personal computers, digital terrestrial television, cinema, cell phones, and conversions of the various electronic media (such as personalized versions of media information). According to the latest figures released by the Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek (CBS, the Netherlands’ Central Bureau of Statistics), Dutch citizens today spend an average of 10 hours weekly at their personal computer. There are substantial variations by region, age, sex, and education level, however (van Mieghem 2002). Persons aged 25-34 spend 16 hours per week, as do persons with higher education; those older than age 65 spend only 1 hour on average, and men’s use of 14 hours is twice that of women’s. The lowest user rates, as expected, are from persons older than the age of 65 (1 hour), persons with only a primary level of education (4 hours), and those living in rural areas (8 hours). Increased use of personal computers has made non-print newspapers popular. Several daily newspapers have established online editions, with subscription rates ranging from 4.75 euros for three weeks to 17 euros for 6 weeks. While many of the online papers are also the well-known printed daily newspapers (Algemeen Dagblad, De Telegraaf, De Volkskrant, Het Financieele Dagblad, Het Parool, Nederlands Dagblad, and NRC Handelsblad), some lesser known titles are also available online (the tabloid newspapers Sp!ts and Reformatorisch Dagblad). The branching out of newspapers to the Internet has caused disputes between the publishers and the journalists’ union concerning intellectual property rights and royalties for journalists who are full-time staff members as well as for freelancers, since newspaper publishers favor the old system in which their work is compensated on a one-time basis. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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EDUCATION & TRAINING Higher education in the Netherlands consists of a two-track system with universities on the one hand and other institutions of higher learning, Hogescholen, on the other. Higher education in journalism is conducted as part of the Hogeschool system. The first journalism school in the Netherlands was founded at the Hogeschool van Utrecht, in 1967, ending the long tradition that the craft is acquired merely with on-the-job training. In Utrecht journalism is taught at the Faculty for Communication and Journalism (Fakulteit Communicatie en Journalistiek) in the School of Journalism (School van Journalistiek en Voorlichting or SvJ). The program is comprised of four years of course work, with students typically taking four or five courses concurrently, with topics covering both the specialty and background knowledge. The academic year has three trimesters, with examinations at the end of each. A number of other Hogescholen now offer journalism programs as well, and students often have the option of choosing between journalism as a fulltime specialty or taking a few courses in journalism and communication as electives. Full-time programs in journalism are offered at the Academy for Journalism (Academie voor Journalistiek en Voorlichting) of the Fontijs Hogescholen in Tilburg (full-time, part-time, or courses taken as electives), the Faculty of Journalism (Faculteit Journalistiek en Communicatie) of the Christelijke Hogeschool Windesheim in Zwolle, and the Evangelical School for Journalism (Evangelische School voor Journalistiek en Voorlichting) of the Christelijke Hogeschool Ede. The typical course of full-time study comprises courses in journalism education and courses in political science, international politics, and intensive language study (English and two additional foreign languages). A portfolio or other capstone experience and an internship are also required. An English-language program is offered at the New School for Information Services in Amsterdam. This four-year program leads to a degree in communication, with elective courses in photojournalism and business journalism. In addition to the full-time degree programs, there are a number of graduate and continuing education programs in journalism education. One such program is the Post-doctoral Education in Journalism (PDOJ, Postdoctorale Opleiding Journalistiek) of the Erasmus Universiteit in Rotterdam. This eight-month training program runs from January to September, with the first five months spent on campus for formal education and practica. The summer months are devoted to an internship with one of the daily newspapers participating in the program. Another program for continuing education in journalism is available at the Institute for Media and Information Management at the Hogeschool van Amsterdam. Here, students take individual courses, in editing for example, WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

to round out their education. Finally, the Media Academie in Hilversum offers continuing education in the form of individual courses on a range of subjects useful to practicing journalists, such as Internet journalism, composition of texts, editing, investigative reporting, and anchoring programs for television and radio. The four largest Dutch newspapers (De Telegraaf, Het Algemeen Dagblad, De Volkskrant, and NRC Handelsblad) offer summer internships to journalism students. Internships are arranged through a coordinator at the university. The approximately 100 available internships are allocated quarterly to the four major institutions of higher learning that offer journalism degrees, in accordance with their enrollments in the program. A few additional internships are offered by smaller national and regional newspapers. It is possible for students to complete their internship with an international newspaper, as long as the goals of the program can be met, and the program coordinator gives approval. There are a number of councils, agencies, and societies supporting Dutch journalists; the Nederlandse Vereniging van Journalisten (NVJ, Netherlands Association of Journalists) is the major professional association. The NVJ was established in 1968 and is physically located in Amsterdam, while also maintaining an Internet presence. The association assumes a number of supporting roles for journalists and other professionals, as well as members of the public at large. It sets fees for freelance work, and it provides safeguards for the protection of intellectual property rights of journalists and authors of non-newsprint materials. It takes an advocacy position for both its members and for the public at large, and it consistently stands for freedom of the press, freedom of 653

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Council can hold hearings and pronounce a verdict, it does not impose sanctions. Its verdicts are published in the professional publication De Journalist, and the history of the verdicts constitutes a set of guidelines for journalism ethics. Even when no specific complaint has been made in relation to an issue involving journalism ethics, the Council may enter the public debate and express an opinion, as in the use of hidden cameras, and thus contributes to the formation of public opinion in media ethics. The Netherlands Audiovisueel Archief (NAA), is a large archive with holdings of 800,000 hours of audiovisual materials that are accessible to the public and provide a valuable database for journalism education and research.

access to information, and responsibility of the media in both the printed press and broadcasting. A special working group deals with issues of migrants and the media. The NVJ also fosters continuing education for journalists and provides specific assistance to those who are on assignment in war zones and disaster areas. Over the years, the NVJ has evolved into an elaborate organization with several divisions of specialized sections. One type of section organizes members according to the medium they are active in (daily newspaper journalists, Internet professionals, freelancers, photojournalists, and regional broadcasters, for example), while other NVJ sections are organized by profession (sports journalists and editorsin-chief) and by region (Central Netherlands, Amsterdam, International). The NVJ is affiliated with ‘‘Reporters Respond,’’ an international association that provides financial and other assistance to journalists, camera operators, and other members of the media who face emergencies, from kidnapping to anonymous phone calls. Together with many other journalists’ unions and organizations, the NFJ is also a member organization of the International Federation of Journalists, the world’s largest organization for journalists. Some organizations specialize in assuming an advocacy role for citizens in an adversarial positions with journalism professionals. In particular, the Journalism Council (Raad voor de Journalistiek) is an independent agency for citizens who wish to file a complaint about journalistic activities and who do not wish to litigate using the court system. The Council is one of the tools of self-regulation of the media. Half of its members are journalists, while the other half is composed of experts in a variety of areas, such as legal studies, academic journalism, editing, and the electronic media. While the 654

Awards for Journalists The European Journalism Center (EJC, a mid-career training facility for European journalists) and Europartner NRW jointly organize the Europartner Journalism Award for ‘‘excellence in reporting cross-border business cooperation.’’ In excess of 1,500 small and medium sized enterprises attended the latest meeting, held at the Europartner conference in Dortmund, Germany, on June 24, 2002. In addition to awards for their written words, journalists can also be recognized for excellence in photography. In May 2001, Lara Jo Regan won the 44th annual World Press Photo 2000 award at a ceremony taking place at the Old Church in Amsterdam. The winning entry was her photograph documenting living conditions of illegal immigrants in the United States.

SUMMARY The Dutch are among the European Union’s most avid newspaper readers. Almost 5 million newspapers were sold daily to a nation of 15.5 inhabitants in 1995. The daily circulation of 307 newspapers per 1,000 inhabitants is one of the highest in Europe. The four leading national newspapers are De Telegraaf, Algemeen Dagblad, De Volkskrant, and NRC Handelsblad; their combined circulation is close to two million copies daily. There is also a substantial local and regional daily press and, in 1999, the tabloid newspaper format became popular with the introduction of the no-charge papers Metro and Sp!ts. The economic framework is set on the one hand by government policies, which have fostered deregulation and liberalization in the past two decades, and the pecularities of costs of production and distribution facing the printed newspaper industry itself. Newspaper ownership has become increasingly concentrated, with three of the four largest newspapers now residing under a single ownership. Dutch newspapers cost more than 1 euro as a rule, and newspaper companies rely on circulation for about WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

NETHERLANDS

half of their revenues. Niche markets provide fairly stable readership, although the industry has definitely moved beyond the steep portion of the S-shaped growth curve. Economies of scale are important in the area of printing, editorial costs, distribution and transportation, where larger papers have the advantage. New technologies, especially digital printing, make possible the production of smaller runs of newspapers that are tailored to specific customer groups. Freedom of the press is constitutionally protected in the Netherlands. Specifically, Article 7, states that ‘‘no one needs to seek prior permission to express ideas or feelings through the printed press, within everyone’s responsibility with respect to the law,’’ that ‘‘radio and television will be regulated by law,’’ and that the content of broadcasts is not subject to ‘‘prior government clearance.’’ A subsequent paragraph extends these rights to include newly developed media. Although the Dutch press generally enjoys complete freedom from censorship, there are minor exceptions to complete freedom of the press, usually in relation to hijacking, matters of national security and, unfortunately, highly embarrassing political situations, such as the incident where journalists were prevented from taking photographs of handicapped persons who were not allowed to take wheelchairs into Feyenoord Stadium. Attitudes towards the foreign media are generally very open. The Netherlands has been one of the pioneer nations in the development of radio broadcasting. Radio communication, including short wave broadcasting, was developed in the 1920s. In 1927 the industry had already reached the stage where no more than a few radio stations could operate simultaneously, at low power, to avoid interference. Eventually, the private stations were brought under partial control, in the form of regulations, by the state. Applicable legislation includes the Broadcasting Act of 1969 and 1981, and the Media Act of 1987, amended in 1988, 1990 and 1994. Television technology was also developed since the 1920s, but the first TV station only became operative in 1951. In 2002 national television has three channels that are used by more than a dozen broadcasters, each of whom is assigned a specific channel and time slot. New electronic media are being rapidly introduced. Many newspapers are available online and offer a number of attractive features to their customers, including audiovisuals as well as links to a number of applications and sites. Education of journalists nowadays takes place at institutions of higher learning, with several Hogescholen offering four year degree programs. The first journalism school in the Netherlands was founded in 1967 at the Hogeschool of Utrecht. Advanced students in journalism WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

take internships at a newspaper that are arranged through the coordinator of their university studies. In the long run, journalists’ activities will be redefined in terms of both paper and multi-media technologies. There are a number of councils, agencies, and societies supporting Dutch journalists, with the NVJ (Nederlandse Vereniging van Journalisten) as the major professional association.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Bakker, P., M. van Doorik, and K. Visser. Kranten in de regio 1993. Amsterdam: Bijlage de Journalist, Nederlandse Vereniging van Journalisten, 1994. Cebuco (Centraal Bureau voor Courantenpubliciteit van de Nederlandse Dagbladpers). Dagbladen Oplage Specificatie (DOS). Amsterdam: Cebuco, 1995. Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek (Central Bureau of Statistics, CBS). Kernindicatoren; and Nationale Rekeningen. Voorburg, Heerlen: Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek, 2002. Dahl, Folke. Dutch Corantos, 1618-1650; a bibliography. The Hague: Konklijke, 1946. European Journalism Centre Home Page, 2002. Available from http://www.ejc.nl. Faulkner, D. W. and A. L. Harmer, eds. Proceedings of the European Conference on Networks and Optical Communications. Amsterdam and Washington: IOS Press, 1998. Freedom House. Press Freedom Survey 2001. New York: Freedom House, 2001. Hagen, James M. ‘‘Read all about it: the press and the rise of national consciousness in early twentieth-century Dutch East Indies society.’’ Anthropological Quarterly 70 (July 1997): 107-26. Haslach, Robert D. Netherlands World Broadcasting. Media PA: L. Miller Pub, 1983. Hatin, Louis Eugene. Les gazettes de Hollande et la presse clandestine aux XVIIeet XVIIIe siecles. Paris: R. Pincebourde, 1865. Hendriks, Patrick. Newspapers, a lost cause?: Strategic management of newspaper firmsin the United States and the Netherlands. Dordrecht and Boston: Kluwer AcademicPublishers, 1999. Hesse, Joachim Jens, and Nevil Jolhnson, eds. Constitutional Policy and Change in Europe. Oxford England and New York: Oxford University Press, 1995. Pelle, Jan. In de staatsrechtgeleerde wereld: de politieke geschiedenis van hoofdstuk 1 van de Grondwet 1983. Rotterdam: Sanders Instituut, 1998. Renkema, Jan, and Hans Hoeken. ‘‘The influence of negative newspaper publicity on corporate image in the Netherlands.’’ Journal of Business Communication 35 (4), 1998: 521-35. 655

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Semetko, Holli A., and Patti M. Valkenburg. ‘‘Framing European politics: a content analysis of pressand television news.’’ Journal of Communication 50 (2), 2000: 93109. Translatin. De nederlandstalige pers: België en Nederland, 2002. Available from http://www.translatin.com/ Nederlan/Kranten.htm. van der Eijk, Cees. ‘‘The Netherlands: media and politics between segmented pluralism and media forces.’’ In. Democracy and the media: a comparative perspective, eds. Richard Gunther and Anthony Mughan. Cambridge England and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Van Mieghem, Frans. ‘‘Average 10 hours weekly spent on a PC.’’ Europemedia.net , 5 August 2002. Venturelli, Shalini. Liberalizing the European Media; Politics, Regulation, and the Public Sphere. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998. Wimmer, Kurt A., and Philip J. Rosenthal. Freedom of the Press and the European Court of Human Rights: A Trend in the Right Direction. Washington, DC: Covington & Burling, 2001. —Brigitte H. Bechtold

NETHERLANDS ANTILLES

Staten. Dutch is the official language of the islands, but most speak Spanish, English or Papiamento, a dialect that combines Spanish, Portuguese, English and Dutch. The collective population is approximately 213,000, and the literacy rate is 98 percent. The economy of all five islands depends largely on tourism, petroleum refining, and offshore finance. The country enjoys freedom of the press and speech as guaranteed under Dutch law. There are numerous daily newspapers published throughout the Netherland Antilles. Eight of them originate from Willemstad, the capital of Curaçao. Amigoe and Algameen Dagblad print in Dutch; Amigoe is available online. Extra, La Prensa, Nobo, Bala, Vigilante, and Ultima Noticia publish in the Papiamento language. Also printed on Curaçao is the Dutch-language newspaper De Curaçaosche Courant, which appears weekly. On Bonaire, the weekly Englishlanguage Bonnaire Reporter is an independent publication focusing on news as it relates to the island’s residents and visitors. It is distributed free on the island and publishes online. On the Leeward islands, Sint-Maarten, Sint-Eustatius, and Saba, there are two English language newspapers, the St. Maarten Guardian and The Daily Herald, both printed on Sint-Maarten. The Daily Herald is available online. There are 13 radio stations, nine AM and four FM, and 217,000 radios, There are three television stations broadcasting to 69,000 televisions. There are six Internet service providers.

BIBLIOGRAPHY BASIC DATA

Amigoe, (2002). Home Page. Available from http:// www.amigoe.com/.

Official Country Name:

Netherlands Antilles

Region (Map name):

Caribbean

Benn’s Media, 1999, Vol. 3, 147th Edition, p. 272.

Population:

210,134

Language(s):

Dutch, Papiamento, English, Spanish

Bonaire Reporter. (n.d.). Home Page. Available from www.bonairereporter.com.

Literacy rate:

98%

The Netherlands Antilles consists of five islands in two separate Caribbean island chains. Bonaire and Curaçao are part of the Windward Islands, which are north of Venezuela, while Saba, Sint Eustatius, and Sint Maarten belong to the Leeward Islands to the east of the Virgin Islands. The country belongs to the Kingdom of the Netherlands, but received full autonomy in internal affairs in 1954. The Dutch Monarch serves as the head of state through a local Governor General, and a Prime Minister manages the government, heading a unicameral, 22-seat 656

The Daily Herald, (2002.) Home Page. Available from http://www.thedailyherald.com/. ‘‘Dutch Language Newspaper: Netherlands Antilles,’’ KrantNet. (2002). Available from http://www. krantnet.f2s.com. ‘‘Netherlands Antilles,’’ CIA World Fact Book (2001). Available from http://www.cia.gov. ‘‘Netherlands Antilles: Papiamento/English.’’ Available from www.krantnet.f2s.com. —Jenny B. Davis WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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NEW CALEDONIA

Les Nouvelles Caledoniennes, (2002) Home Page. Available from http://www.info.lnc.nc/.

BASIC DATA Official Country Name: Region (Map name): Population: Language(s): Literacy rate:

‘‘Country Profile,’’ Worldinformation.com (2002). Available from http://www.worldinformation.com.

New Caledonia Oceania 201,816 French, MelanesianPolynesian 91%

The cluster of islands known as New Caledonia contains one of the largest land masses in the Pacific Ocean, plus the archipelago of IIles Loyaute and a collection of small, sparsely populated islands and atolls. Although it was jointly settled by Britain and France, New Caledonia was completely in French hands by 1853. For 40 years, its primary purpose was as a penal colony. Today, the island remains an oversees territory of France, but it enjoys a large degree of autonomy pursuant to the Nouméa Accord, signed by both countries in 1998. Although the Chief of State remains the President of France (represented locally by a High Commissioner), New Caledonia has a President, who heads a unicameral Territorial Congress with 54 seats. The population is approximately 200,000, and the literacy rate is 91 percent. French is the official language, but most speak a Melanesian-Polynesian dialect—there are 33 of them. New Caledonia boasts more than 20 percent of the world’s nickel resources, and the economy is largely dependent on international demand. Tourism is also an important industry. New Caledonia enjoys freedom of speech and the press under French law. The country’s daily newspaper is Les Nouvelles Caledoniennes. Founded in 1971, the French-language publication enjoys a circulation of 13,000. It is available online. Running as supplements in the newspaper every Thursday are Les Nouvelles Hebdo, a lifestyle and entertaining publication, and Tele 7 Jours, which provides television programming information. Les Quotidien Caledonien, a French-language weekly, appears every Saturday and specializes in local and regional news. Its circulation is also 13,000.

‘‘New Caledonia,’’ CIA World Fact Book (2001). Available from http://www.cia.gov. —Jenny B. Davis

NEW ZEALAND BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

New Zealand

Region (Map name):

Oceania

Population:

3,864,129

Language(s):

English (official), Maori (official)

Literacy rate:

99.0%

Area:

268,680 sq km

GDP:

49,903 (US$ millions)

Number of Daily Newspapers:

26

Total Circulation:

777,000

Circulation per 1,000:

223

Number of Nondaily Newspapers:

10

Total Circulation:

71,000

Circulation per 1,000:

21

Total Newspaper Ad Receipts:

580 (New Zealand $ millions)

As % of All Ad Expenditures:

39.60

Number of Television Stations:

41

There are six radio stations, one AM and five FM, serving 107,000 radios. There are six television stations broadcasting to 52,000 televisions. There is one Internet service provider.

Number of Television Sets:

1,926,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

498.4

Number of Cable Subscribers:

16,720

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Cable Subscribers per 1,000:

4.4

Number of Satellite Subscribers:

53,000

‘‘CocoNET Wireless,’’ The University of Queensland, Australia (1997). Available from http://www.uq.edu.au/ coconet/nc.html. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

657

NEW ZEALAND

Satellite Subscribers per 1,000:

13.7

Number of Radio Stations:

418

Number of Radio Receivers:

3,750,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

970.5

Number of Individuals with Computers:

1,380,000

Computers per 1,000:

357.1

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

830,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

214.8

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS History In 1642 a Dutch expedition led by Abel Tasman made the first European contact with Aotearoa. Tasman named his discovery Staten Land, believing that it might be part of the Staten Landt discovered in 1616 by Le Maire and Schouten off the southeast coast of South America. However, on his 1645 world map, Joannes Blaeu renamed it Zeelandia Nova (New Zealand), perhaps to match New Holland, as Australia was then called. In 1769, on a mission from the British Royal Society to explore the South Pacific, James Cook (1728-79) moored in Poverty Bay, New Zealand. Immediately, Cook and his men had violent encounters with the local Maori, but during the following weeks trading began. Within a month, Cook and his men took possession of New Zealand in the name of George III. In his six months there, Cook charted and wrote notes on New Zealand, which he soon learned consisted of two islands and was not a continent as he had assumed. Cook’s writings formed the basis for reports to the British Crown, and some of the material eventually appeared in London newspapers. In 1840, the founding document of New Zealand was signed. The Treaty of Waitangi was signed by 45 Maori chiefs and representatives of the British Crown, including Captain William Hobson and several English residents. This document extended authority to the Crown over parts of both North and South Island. In the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, the treaty has been increasingly important in terms of the law, politics, and mass media coverage. Past breaches of the treaty have been corrected with restitution, and the treaty has been used successfully to lay claim to intangible assets, such as segments of the broadcast spectrum that as of 2002 had been allocated to Maori groups for their own radio and television services. 658

Nature of the Audience The Maori was the main ethnic group in New Zealand when the Treaty of Waitangi was signed. Population numbers ranged from 200,000 to 250,000, but by the twentieth century swamped by the land hungry British colonists and the outbreak of European diseases, the Maori population had dwindled to 42,000. In the 1990s, the Maori population began to increase and the native language and media outlets were being revived. As of the early 2000s, the literacy rate in New Zealand was very high with 99 percent of total population (3,864,129) over the age of 15 able read and write. English and the aboriginal language Maori are both official languages of New Zealand. The ethnic categories were as follows: New Zealand European, 74.5 percent; Maori, 9.7 percent; other European, 4.6 percent; Pacific Islander, 3.8 percent, and Asian and others 7.4 percent. Approximately 67 percent are Christian (of those, 24 percent are Anglican), and the remaining 33 percent are indigenous or other. As of 2002, about 80 percent of the population lived in urban areas. Government As of the early 2000s, New Zealand had a parliamentary democracy with a judiciary system based on English law. It also had special land legislation and land courts for the aboriginals, the Maoris. New Zealand has no written constitution in the form of a single document but rather uses a number of Basic Laws, one of which is the Treaty of Waitangi. New Zealand has several political parties. As of 2002, they were: the ACT, New Zealand; Alliance (a coalition of the Labor Party, Democratic Party, New Zealand Liberal Party, and Mana Motuhake); the Green Party; the National Party (NP); the New Zealand First Party (NZFP); the New Zealand Labor Party (NZLP); and the United New Zealand (UNZ). History of Journalism In one sense, print culture began in New Zealand when Captain Cook wrote about the islands and sent his reports back to England. Much later, the colonialist Thomas Bracken, a publisher, editor, and author of New Zealand’s national anthem, formed the New Zealand Paper Mills. Like printers in other British colonies, he worked under British government oversight and censorship. As of 2002, New Zealand’s newspaper industry was robust. It included 48 dailies, 10 Sunday papers, 96 regional papers, and 243 free newspapers. Major newspaper groups included the Dublin-controlled company which owned Wilson and Horton, the publisher of the largest paper, the Auckland based New Zealand Herald. Rupert Murdoch’s News Corp controlled the Independent News Limited (INL), which published major dailies WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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in Hamilton, Wellington (New Zealand’s capitol), and Christchurch, two Sunday papers, and many provincial papers. Other allied news monitoring bodies included the Newspaper Publishers Association, the New Zealand Press Association, the Newspaper Advertising Bureau, the Advertising Standards Authority, the New Zealand Press Council, and the New Zealand Journalists Training Organization. Newspapers in Circulation Daily newspapers are numerous in relation to population size. As of the early 2000s, there were 26 daily newspapers, of which 18 were evening papers, nearly all of them published in provincial towns and cities. Of the eight morning dailies, the Auckland-based New Zealand Herald had the largest circulation of about 200,000 copies daily. In provinces the largest paper was Hamilton’s Waikato Times with a circulation of 40,000. Other daily newspapers had circulations ranging from about 2,400 to about 100,000. On a typical day more than 1.7 million New Zealanders over the age of 10 read a newspaper, and New Zealanders spend approximately $4.0 million per week on their daily newspapers (including Sunday papers). Moreover, there are a significant number of a afternoon newspapers, which is against the international trend shifting to morning newspapers in order not to conflict with popular evening newscasts. The two Sunday newspapers, the Sunday Star Times and the Sunday News, were as of 2002 both published by Independent Newspapers Limited (INL) and then distributed nationwide. The Sunday Star Times, a broadsheet, had a 2000 paper circulation of nearly 200,000. In addition, New Zealand had 120 community papers, many of which were tabloid style, and at least 700 magazines published in New Zealand along with about 4,000 imported ones. Ten Largest Newspapers by Circulation The ten largest papers are, in order, the New Zealand Herald (210,000); The Press, owned by INL (91,000); The Dominion, another INL property (68,000); The Evening Post, also INL (56,000); Otago Daily Times, owned by Allied Press (43,000); Waikato Times, owned by INL WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

(41,000); Hawke’s Bay Today a Wilson and Horton property (31,000); The Southland Times, INL (30,000); The Daily News, INL (26,000); and the Bay of Plenty Times, Wilson and Horton (21,000). These papers are all broadsheets with an average cost of US$0.45. The three most influential newspapers are the New Zealand Herald, The Press, and The Dominion.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK Overview of Economic Climate Since 1984 the government has accomplished major economic restructuring, moving an agrarian economy dependent on concessionary British market access toward a more industrialized, free market economy that can compete globally. This dynamic growth boosted real incomes, broadened and deepened the technological capabilities of the industrial sector, and contained inflationary pressures. In the early 2000s, inflation rates remained among the lowest in the industrial world. Per capita gross domestic product (GDP) was moving toward the levels of the big West European economies. However, New Zealand’s heavy dependence on trade leaves its growth prospects vulnerable to economic performance in Asia, Europe, and the United States. With the 2000-2001 budget pushing up pension and other public outlays, the government’s ability to meet fiscal targets depended on sustained economic growth. Over all the New Zealand media industry was healthy and in the process of recovering advertising revenue which dipped following September 11, 2001. Top Publishing Companies In the early 2000s, the majority of New Zealand’s newspapers were owned by two large groups, Independent Newspapers Limited (INL) and Wilson and Horton Limited. INL also controlled the major Sunday papers. Allied Press of Dunedin, which owned six papers, was a distant third. Moreover, almost all metropolitan and provincial newspapers across New Zealand were foreign owned by groups with headquarters in Australia or Ireland. Independent Newspapers Limited (INL) was the largest media company in New Zealand. The company 659

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New Zealand are usually owned by individuals, families, or by small companies. Major Unions In 1909, Sir Harry Britain, the brainchild of the Commonwealth Press Union, successfully organized the first Imperial Press Conference. Soon afterwards, he founded the Empire Press Union, which then later became the Commonwealth Press Union (CPU). As of the early 2000s, membership included over 1,500 newspapers and news agencies from 49 British Commonwealth countries.

emerged from the Wellington Publishing Company (WPC) that was founded in 1906 to publish Wellington’s morning daily, The Dominion. In 1970 WPC made a successful takeover bid for Truth (NZ) Ltd., and the following year it acquired Independent Publishers Ltd., owner of the Waikato Times. In 1972 Independent Publishers Ltd. took over Blundell Bros. Ltd., publisher of Wellington’s Evening Post. Later that year the company changed its name to Independent Newspapers Limited. Over the last two decades of the twentieth century, INL bought up other papers, for example, the Evening Standard, the Southland Times, and the Timaru Herald. It bought Taranaki Newspapers Ltd. and part of NZ News Ltd., which included the Auckland Star (eventually closed), the Sunday Star, and the Suburban Newspapers (Auckland), New Zealand’s largest group of free community newspapers. In 1993, INL acquired the Nelson Evening Mail. By the new millennium, INL owned more than 80 daily, Sunday, community, suburban, and weekly newspaper titles, magazines, and specialist publications and was itself part of News Corporation of Australia. The largest regional newspaper publisher, Wilson and Horton, had 58 percent of the New Zealand newspaper market. It published 8 paid regional newspapers and over 30 free community newspapers. The company operated in four key areas: newspaper publishing; new Internet-based media; specialist publishing (including two leading weekly magazines); and commercial printing under the umbrella of its subsidiary, W&H Print Ltd. Wilson and Horton are part of the global media company, the Irish based Independent News & Media, which operates in Ireland, United Kingdom, South Africa, Australia, Asia and Europe. In addition, community newspapers in 660

CPU’s objectives are to uphold the ideas and values of the Commonwealth and to promote, through the press, understanding and goodwill among members of the Commonwealth. The union also wants to advance the freedom, interests, and welfare of the Commonwealth press and those working within it by the monitoring and opposing all measures and proposals likely to affect the freedom of the press in any part of the Commonwealth. The union also works to improve facilities for reporting and transmitting news and training of media personnel. It is not, however, a bargaining agent on behalf of journalists. In addition, the New Zealand Engineering, Printing and Manufacturing Union (NZEPMU), as of 2002, was New Zealand’s largest union, representing 52,000 workers in 11 industry sectors, including postal and telecommunication workers. This union has a tradition of supporting training and education in related fields.

PRESS LAWS In New Zealand, with its strong traditions of freedom of the press and freedom of speech, there are still several legal areas that influence the mass media. Some of the laws relate to copyright, defamation, contempt of court, breach of trust, regulations on the reporting of Parliament and their committees, and finally laws regarding freedom of information (openness). Many of these areas are also affected by the evolving common law traditions of the nation as they apply to the media and journalists. The New Zealand Bill of Rights contains a brief reference to press freedom in section 14: ‘‘Everyone has the right to freedom of expression, including the freedom to seek, receive, and impart information and opinions of any kind in any form.’’ Also, as of 2002, five pieces of legislation had both direct and indirect bearing on press laws: the Official Information Act 1982; the Local Government Official Information and Meetings Act 1987; the Broadcasting Act 1989; Defamation Act 1992; and the Privacy Act 1993. The Official Information Acts of 1982 and 1987 can force the release of much information held by central and local governments. But a privacy act prohibits the release of personal information about individuals unless prior approval of the individual(s) is obtained. VioWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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lating these laws can lead to civil or criminal penalties, monetary damages, and various injunctions. Also, some of the measures apply to the owners of the media, while others apply to journalists themselves. In New Zealand the Newspapers and Printers Act of 1955 required all newspapers to be registered with an agent of the national government. In addition the media need to take into account the 1962 Copyright Act, the 1963 Indecent Publications Act, the 1986 Commerce Act (that affects mergers), and a series of amendments to these acts. These laws notwithstanding, New Zealand had at the beginning of the twenty-first century one of the most open and free presses in the world. There was no censorship. When people disagreed with the print press they had recourse to the compliant procedures of the New Zealand Press Council. In 2000 this Council heard and reviewed a compliant by the Auckland Jewish Council about some letters to the editor dealing with Judaism and decided against the compliant by endorsing a free press philosophy even when the views are extreme. The Council also ruled on a filing by the Monarchist League against an opinion column that claimed that the very rich royal family was taking money from the public purse. The Council also dismissed this complaint stating the a free country needed to rely on the competition of differing ideas.

CENSORSHIP History From as early as 1858, custom agents regulated the import of ‘‘indecent’’ material. Decisions were based on local whim and legislation that was in force at the time in England. In 1892 New Zealand witnessed the first act specifically aimed at censorship, The Offensive Publications Act of 1892. In 1910 the Indecent Publications Act introduced the possibility that a print publication could be judged as having ‘‘literary, scientific, or artistic merit.’’ A problem arose with the application by government and the interpretation by the courts. This new act remained in force until 1963 when the Indecent Publications Act was passed. This act created New Zealand’s Indecent Publications Tribunal (IPT), which in effect removed censorship from the public service. The five members of the IPT were appointed and then empowered to examine and classify books, magazines, and sound recordings. The IPT was subsequently replaced by other legislation. As of the early 2000s, New Zealand Press Council (NZPC) was completely funded by the publication industry. The five media representatives were appointed by the newspapers (2), the union (2), and the magazines (1). Journalists were appointed by their organization, the New Zealand Engineering, Printing and Manufacturing Union. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

A panel that included the chief ombudsman appointed public members. The Press Council’s main objectives were to consider complaints against newspapers and other publications, to preserve the established freedom of the New Zealand Press, and to maintain the character of the New Zealand press in accordance with the highest professional standards. Press Associations The New Zealand Press Association (NZPA), an organization cooperatively owned by New Zealand’s daily newspapers, provides a wide variety of local and international news through cooperative news-exchange arrangements between newspapers in New Zealand and international agreements with Reuters, Australian Associated Press (AAP) and other news organizations around the world. Members of the Newspaper Publishers Association (NPA) represent all paid and Sunday newspapers in New Zealand. The Association advises members and coordinates their interests in areas such as government affairs, advertising standards, employee relations and human resource management, sponsorship, newsprint purchase and supply.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS While the central government subsidized the national radio and television networks, such as TVNZ, it attempted to distance itself from any type of editorial control by establishing various boards aimed at keeping the networks objective. Also following the 1999 election of a Labor government, a number of laws favoring unions were reintroduced and a number of labor disputes occurred. For example, the New Zealand Herald in Auckland as well as the Wellington-based New Zealand Press Association, its national news agency, experienced work stoppages that eventually led to new collective agreement.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA In the early 2000s, foreign correspondents had free access to New Zealand’s media and the issues concerning the country. The government supported the Western free press position in accord with UNESCO’s mass media declaration. Journalists were welcomed to travel about the country and conduct their work with openness and freedom. Foreign Media Ownership CanWest Global, an international media company based in Canada with extensive holdings print and electronic media across Canada as well as global media investments in New Zealand, Australia, and Ireland, had as of 2002 extensive holdings in New Zealand. The company owned 100 percent of TV 3 and TV 4. With TV 3 the company sought to be the preeminent sports network in New Zealand, providing, for 661

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example, extensive coverage of cricket and rugby. In New Zealand CanWest also controlled all of MORE FM, the top rated commercial network, and RadioWorks NZ, the second largest radio group in New Zealand operating four national radio networks through 27 local radio stations.

NEWS AGENCIES Domestic News Agencies New Zealand’s five metropolitan newspapers joined forces as Met Pak to offer a comprehensive range of package buys. National advertisers used them to achieve nearly any campaign objectives they chose. The five metropolitan newspapers in this agency included the following cities: Auckland, Christchurch, Dunedin, and Wellington (with two papers). As Regional MAX, New Zealand’s regional newspapers banded together to offer advertisers over a million potential regional consumers. The agency offered customers a choice of four packs with the maximum flexibility among their 17 Regional MAX dailies. The service was free, and it provided fast access to planning and costs with only one phone call. The newspapers take advantage of significant savings. There are several newspapers that belong to Regional MAX. Foreign News Bureaus The World Association of Newspapers (WAN) was also located in New Zealand. As of 2002, WAN, which began in 1948, consisted of a group of 71 national newspaper associations, individual newspaper executives in 100 nations, 13 national and international news agencies, a media foundation, and 7 affiliated regional and worldwide press organizations. The Association represents more than 18,000 publications on five continents. Its major goals include promoting freedom of the press and its economic independence. The association also fosters global communication and helps newspapers in developing countries through training and other cooperation projects. Finally, the Association channels legal, material, and humanitarian aid to victimized publishers and journalists.

BROADCAST MEDIA History of Broadcasting and Its Regulation New Zealand’s first radio broadcast was accomplished on November 17, 1921, by Robert Jack of Otago University in Dunedin. Before that point, radio listeners in New Zealand received broadcasts from other countries, notably the United States. The first set of broadcasting regulations was issued in 1923 under the Post and Telegraph Act of 1920. Under these regulations the country was divided into four numerical transmission regions: the North Island as far south as the Bay of Plenty, the rest of North 662

Island and Nelson province in the South Island, South Island down to Timaru, and the rest of South Island. In 1925 the Radio Broadcasting Company (RBC) began to operate. Between 1927 and 1929, the RBC began to set up relay stations in provincial towns and in country districts. In 1932 the New Zealand Broadcasting Board (NZBB) acquired RBC’s assets. The NZBB, a government department, was then put in charge of New Zealand’s broadcasting services. In 1936, newly elected New Zealand prime minister Michael Joseph Savage committed himself to broadcasting and thus the National Broadcasting Service (NBS) was established. A government department, NBS only remained in control until the establishment of an independent body, the New Zealand Broadcasting Corporation (NZBC), in 1962. In 1976, Parliament changed the NZBC’s name to the Broadcasting Corporation of New Zealand (BCNZ). With the name change came other separate entities, the company known in 2002 as Television New Zealand (TV NZ), Radio New Zealand, the New Zealand Symphony Orchestra (NZSO), and the New Zealand Listener (the country’s largest circulation weekly magazine). Then in 1982 came the testing of FM stereo transmission. In 1988 the Broadcasting Corporation of New Zealand was replaced with two state-owned enterprises, Radio New Zealand Limited (RNZ) and the Television New Zealand Limited (TVNZ). The Broadcasting Act of 1989 established the Broadcasting Commission (NZ On Air) and the Broadcasting Standards Authority. It provided for election broadcasting and restricted the scope for political intervention in the management or programming of TVNZ or RNZ. The Broadcasting Act of 1989 also set up standards and objectives that would be overseen by the Broadcasting Standards Authority (BSA). In 1991 the limits on overseas shareholdings in New Zealand broadcasting companies were removed, and then the Broadcasting Amendment Act of 1993 was established to provide funding to promote Maori language and culture through broadcasting. The funding agency, Te Mängai Päho, has primary responsibility for the allocation of public funding for Maori broadcasting. It supports Maori language programming on TVNZ, radio stations and some Maori radio programming available on a networked basis. In 1999, some $8.6 million was allocated to Maori television and an additional $8.1 million was allocated to Maori radio. The money helped fund 20 Maori radio stations and a range of programs. Radio Broadcasting Since the broadcasting reforms of 1988-89, the number of registered radio frequencies increased substantially. The Radio Communications Act of 1989 established a market-based system for spectrum WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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management, with up to 20-year tradable spectrum access rights. Such rights encouraged investment in spectrum use and provided for situations where a number of users were possible. All spectrum access rights are allocated by auction. The registration of licenses following allocation establishes the tradable right, which is recorded in a publicly accessible register. An annual administration fee is payable to the Ministry of Economic Development by all registered license holders. As of 2002, most of the available UHF television, FM radio, and AM sound radio frequencies had been allocated. Additional licenses were created, where technically possible, and allocated when there was demand for them. Public radio Radio New Zealand, the public radio broadcaster, consists of three non-commercial radio networks: National Radio, Concert FM and the AM Network. It also consists of a short-wave service, Radio New Zealand International, and a news service, Radio New Zealand News and Current Affairs. National Radio and Concert FM are funded through New Zealand On Air and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade funds Radio NZ International. Radio New Zealand is a Crown entity. The Radio Network of New Zealand, formerly the government-owned Radio New Zealand Commercial, commenced operations as a private radio broadcaster in 1996. Made up of 52 stations, it is owned by a consortium comprising the radio, newspaper, and outdoor advertising group Australian Provincial Newspapers Holdings Ltd., U.S. radio and television operator Clear Channel Communications Inc., and local newspaper and publishing group Wilson and Horton Limited. As of 2002, the Crown reserved AM and FM radio frequencies and UHF television frequencies throughout the country for use by non-commercial broadcasters. AM frequencies have been reserved in all communities with populations of 10,000 or more. Licenses are allocated to appropriate community organizations, which are responsible for ensuring that all interested groups have access to airtime on the frequencies. Use of reserved frequencies is restricted to non-profit activities. Moreover, access radio stations operate on reserved frequencies, and they provide airtime on a non-profit basis to a range of minority groups in the community. In 1999 there were 11 access radio stations operating in New Zealand. The Radio Broadcasters Association (RBA), based in Auckland, represents the private companies operating independent radio stations in all metropolitan and provincial markets, including locally operated, networks and stations. Television New Zealand (TVNZ) is a state-owned and commercially successful. Its local and international activities include program production, outside broadcast services, multi-media development, merchandising, TeWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

letext, signal distribution, and programming supply. TVNZ is also a transmission consulting service in Australia, southeast Asia, and the Pacific. Since it is stateowned, TVNZ must be socially responsible and provide quality services for its viewers. This responsibility includes providing television programs that reflect and foster New Zealand’s identity and culture and are in the overall national interest. TVNZ broadcasts its services to approximately 1.126 million households and has almost 100 percent coverage of the New Zealand population and 70 percent audience share. Its channels broadcast 24 hours a day and seven days a week. The company operates two national channels, TV1 and TV2. TVNZ also has several subsidiary companies. TV3 Network Services, a privately owned free-to-air network which also operates TV4, is 100 percent owned by CanWest Global Communications. TV3 is a broadbased entertainment channel, which emphasizes current affairs, sport, and local programming. TV4 targets urban New Zealanders in the 15 to 39-year-old age bracket and broadcasts to more than 70 percent of New Zealand. Around 2.3 million people can access the channel. Sky Television, New Zealand’s first pay television network, began broadcasting in 1990. The satellite service provides 22 channels. In August of 1999, SKY had approximately 346,000 residential and 5,000 commercial subscribers. Its terrestrial UHF signal reached over 73 percent of households and virtually all the remaining 325,000 homes were able to receive SKY through a satellite dish. As of 2002 the UHF service provided seven channels over five frequencies: SKY Sport, SKY 1, SKY Movies, Cartoon Network, Discovery, Trackside, and CNN. In addition to these, New Zealand has Prime Tele663

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vision, for British drama and international sports, for example, rugby, soccer and golf; Trackside, for racing and racing results; and cable television, which offers multichannel TV and telephone and high-speed data services via HFC (hybrid fiber co-axial) cable. The government has reserved UHF frequencies nationwide for the provision of non-commercial (community access) television services.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA In 2000 there were 1.34 million Internet users and 36 portal providers. There were 12 national Internet press/ media sites and 9 foreign sites based in New Zealand. The leading news and information site, www.stuff.co.nz., is owned and operated by Independent Newspapers Limited and is a gateway to a wide variety of information as well as their media properties. TVNZ also operates its own web site plus 10 direct or indirect related sites. In 2002 New Zealand had over 110,000 separate Internet domains delegated as their national portion of the Internet DNS. This is up from 242 in 1993 and 47,000 in 2000.

EDUCATION & TRAINING Various universities in New Zealand offer courses in or related to journalism. Auckland University of Technology (AUT), School of Communication Studies and Public Relations, for example, offers degree programs in multimedia, radio, and journalism. Taranaki Polytechnic offers a national certificate in Radio Foundation Skills, national diploma in Journalism, and certificates in Radio (on air or business) and in media studies. University of Canterbury and Victoria University of Wellington both offer programs in journalism, as do Unitec and Waikato Polytechnic. 664

Journalistic Awards and Prizes Reuters-IUCN Media awards for excellence in environmental reporting. This award is presented to six regions: French-speaking Africa, English-speaking Africa and the Middle East, Europe (West, East, and Central), Latin America and Spanish-speaking Caribbean, North America, Oceania (Australia, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea, Pacific Islands), and the English Caribbean, and Asia. It recognizes excellence in professional reporting on environmental and sustainable development issues in order to enhance public awareness and also to foster a dialogue between journalists and environmental and development experts, that will encourage informative and high quality reporting based on sound scientific data. Regarding sports journalism awards, the Sir Terry McLean National Sports Journalism Awards are presented by the Hillary Commission for journalists in New Zealand. The Hillary Commission’s main role is to fund sporting and active leisure organizations and sports clubs in New Zealand. As for awards given only in New Zealand, there is the New Zealand Sports Journalist of the Year Award, the Philips Award for Sports Reporting, Steinlager Award for Feature Writing, the Spalding Award for Best Columnist, and quite a few others.

SUMMARY The New Zealand mass media constitute a wide spectrum of print, radio, television, and Internet activities. In terms of broadcast media there are two fairly distinct systems, the one public, in the tradition of the BBC, and the others are in private hands that depends on advertising revenues. New Zealand also has an active Press Council and a respected free press system. The future for the media looks bright. It has one of the freest presses in the world as well as a strong commercial sector in both the print and electronic areas. As of 2002, Some concern remained about the proper role and place of Maori media within the larger context of the shifting media landscape.

SIGNIFICANT DATES • 1990: Bill of Rights Act passes. • 1996: Former Prime Minister Lange sues political columnist for political defamation. • 1999: Asian monetary crisis has a negative impact on New Zealand economy indicating Asia’s growing economic influence in the region. • 2001: TV New Zealand receives new charter. • 2001: Ministry for Culture and Heritage announces $1 million fund to promote New Zealand authors and literature. • 2002: Television New Zealand bill, to restructure TVNZ as both a public broadcaster and a holding company with two subsidiaries, passes. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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• 2002: Industry and Regional Development Department creates a television and film taskforce to shape an international growth strategy.

Population:

4,918,393

Language(s):

Spanish (official)

Literacy rate:

65.7%

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Area:

129,494 sq km

Burrows, J. F. News Media Law in New Zealand. Oxford University Press, 1990.

GDP:

2,396 (US$ millions)

Number of Television Stations:

3

Number of Television Sets:

320,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

65.1

Number of Cable Subscribers:

55,080

Cable Subscribers per 1,000:

10.8

Number of Radio Stations:

96

Number of Radio Receivers:

1,240,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

252.1

Number of Individuals with Computers:

45,000

Computers per 1,000:

9.1

‘‘New Zealand.’’ World Press Freedom Review IPI Report (Dec-Jan 1996): 66.

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

50,000

Roscoe, Jane. ‘‘Documenting the Immigrant Nation: Tensions and Contradictions in the Representation of Immigrant Communities in a New Zealand Television Documentary Series.’’ Media, Culture & Society 22, i3 (May 2000): 344-363.

Internet Access per 1,000:

10.2

Calder, Peter. ‘‘Commish Turns Org Around.’’ Variety 372, no. 10 (19 Oct. 1998): 66. Day, Patrick. ‘‘American Popular Culture and New Zealand Broadcasting: The Reception of Early Radio Serials.’’ Journal of Popular Culture 30, no. 1 (Summer 1996): 203-215. Ellis, William M. ‘‘New Zealand Perceptions of America: The Teaching of American History/American Studies in New Zealand Universities.’’ The Social Science Journal 35, no. 2 (April 1998): 245-252. Hazell, Robert. ‘‘Freedom of Information in Australia, Canada, and New Zealand.’’ Public Administration 67, no. 2 (Summer 1989): 190-212. McGregor, Judy. Dangerous Democracy: News Media Politics in New Zealand. The Dunmore Press LTD, 1996.

Walker, Peter. ‘‘Maori war.’’ Granta no. 58 (Summer 1997): 197-229. Waller, Gregory A. ‘‘The New Zealand Film Commission: Promoting an Industry, Forgoing a National Identity.’’ Historical Journal of Film, Radio, and Television 16, no. 2 (June 1996): 243-263. World Press Trends. Paris: World Association of Newspapers (WAN), 2001. —Thomas L. McPhail

NICARAGUA BASIC DATA Official Country Name: Region (Map name):

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Republic of Nicaragua North & Central America

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Since the 1970s, war, earthquakes, hurricanes, and famine have taken their toll on Nicaragua. Nicaragua managed to survive the 1980s when the SandinistaContra war polarized the country in a brutal civil war. Peace, however, has been less than kind since it came accompanied with natural disasters, like Hurricane Mitch in 1998 that killed over 2,000 people, made hundreds of thousands homeless, and left the country with billions in damage. Bordered by Costa Rica and Honduras, Nicaragua has about 5 million people most of whom are mestizos (mixed European and indigenous heritage). One out of every five Nicaraguans lives in Managua, the capital city. The largest country in Central America, Nicaragua covers 130,688 square kilometers. The dominant language is Spanish (95 percent) with English Creole and Miskito spoken to some extent in the Caribbean region. Most people are Roman Catholic but evangelical Protestantism is making great headway in the region in general. The country has 36 political parties but most forge alliances with like-minded groups in the political elec665

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tions. The center-right Liberal Alliance has been in power since 1996. The adult illiteracy rate averages 34 percent; in Latin America as a whole, the average is approximately 13 percent. The nation’s gross domestic product makes Nicaragua one of the poorest countries in the western hemisphere—only Haiti ranks lower in terms of per capita gross domestic product. The nation has also suffered from unemployment rates that have reached as high as 80 percent. As these statistics suggest, Nicaragua is a country of extremes with only a very small middle class wedged between the very wealthy and very poor. The United Nations Population Fund estimated that in 1998 about 70 percent of Nicaraguans were living on less than US $1 a day.

After 1840, the newspapers improved in quality and quantity, inserting essays, editorials and verse among the official decrees. At the same time, the elite began publishing broadsides to disseminate information, usually political in nature. Libraries were not common and printed material as well as education remained out of reach for all but the nation’s elite.

Despite the fact that the majority of the population cannot afford to buy a newspaper, the press plays a fundamental role in national affairs and in the formation and expression of elite as well as broader public opinion. Nicaraguan journalism has been intricately bound up with the nation’s political and ideological struggles. Traditionally, politicians have owned the media and use it as an instrument to bestow favors upon their political allies or to attack adversaries. Despite the fact that the nation’s civil war has ended and the country has embarked on the same neo-liberal political and economic programs of the majority of its Latin American neighbors, the press remains polarized between supporters and detractors of the parties who are in power.

In 1855, the liberals of León invited William Walker, a self-styled filibuster intent on taking over Latin American territory, to help seize power from the conservatives based in Granada. Walker and his band of mercenaries took Granada easily, and he proclaimed himself president. He was soon booted out of the country (one of his first acts was to institutionalize slavery) and eventually killed when he tried to come back.

In 1502, the first Europeans came to Nicaragua. In 1522, a Spanish exploratory mission reached the southern shores of Lago de Nicaragua (Lake Nicaragua). A few years later the Spanish colonized the region and founded the cities of Granada and León. The two cities developed into two bitterly opposed political factions. The conservatives who supported the traditional landed classes and the Catholic Church were based in the rich colonial city of Granada while León became a center for the country’s political elite, adherents to political and economic liberalism. Liberals supported the interests of merchants and smaller farmers and the opening up of trade. Nicaragua gained independence from Spain in 1821, along with the rest of Central America. It was part of Mexico for a brief time, then part of the Central American Federation, and finally achieved complete independence in 1838. The first printing press arrived in Granada a few years after independence in 1829, relatively late by Latin American standards. Not to be outdone by their antagonists, a press began operating in León in 1833. Soon after, the next three largest cities had type shops and presses. The first newspaper, Gaceta de Nicaragua, began in August 1830, the second, La Opinión Pública, in 1833. These first newspapers were of small size and few pages, and usually reprinted laws and governmental decrees. 666

After independence, Britain and the United States both became extremely interested in Nicaragua and the strategically important Río San Juan navigable passage from Lake Nicaragua to the Caribbean. In 1848, the British seized the port and renamed it Greytown. It became a major transit point for hordes of hopefuls looking for the quickest route to Californian gold.

Walker foreshadowed continual U.S. intervention in the nation. For example, the U.S. Marines were stationed there between 1912 and 1925, ostensibly to support democracy in the region, but more concerned with U.S. investments that would profit from political stability. In 1926, the contentious divisions between the nation’s conservative and liberal factions were still aflame and the Marines intervened whenever things got too hot. The turbulent 1920s resulted in the political arrival of two men who would leave their legacies on the nation: Augusto Sandino, a Liberal general, and Anastasio Somoza, head of the Nicaraguan National Guard that had been trained by the Marines. Somoza took power and gave the orders to assassinate his enemy, Sandino, on February 21, 1934. The socialist-leaning Sandinistas took their name from Somoza’s martyred opponent. Somoza was assassinated in 1956 but the dynasty continued with his sons who ruled Nicaragua until 1979. They amassed great wealth, including land holdings equal to the size of El Salvador. Many journalists were killed during this time. Somoza had his own newspaper, Novedades, and promoted media owned and controlled by family and friends. There were violent repercussions for any journalists who criticized the National Guard. Somoza’s indefatigable opponent, La Prensa, was often censored and had to dispatch news critical of Somoza from the radio airwaves of Radio Sandino. The beginning of the end for the dictatorship came when a 1972 earthquake devastated the capital city. The Somozas pocketed a good portion of the foreign aid that WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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came in at this time, going so far as to sell for profit the donated blood that was supposed to be given to the quake victims. Clearly, the Somoza era was not a great time for freedom of the press. The number of daily newspapers declined from nine in 1950 to four in 1972. After the earthquake, only two newspapers continued to operate: La Prensa and Novedades. The Somoza’s iron-fist approach to rule inevitably led to the development of a strong opposition. The dynasty’s most powerful media opponent was La Prensa, edited by Pedro Joaquín Chamorro Cardenal. Chamorro came from one of the most prominent families in the country—the Chamorros were known for their intellectual and reformist streak. Many of the family members had worked as journalists and more than one have served as president at some time (Fruto Chamorro was Nicaragua’s first president; three other Chamorros presided over the nation between 1875 and 1923). Needless to say, Pedro Chamorro’s demise at the hands of Somoza’s assassins in 1978 was not an event taken lightly. Rather, Chamorro’s murder turned into the spark that ignited the powder keg of Nicaraguan politics. A bloody revolution followed, and a coalition of Somoza’s opponents placed the Sandinistas in power in 1979. The Sandinistas inherited a poverty-stricken country with high rates of homelessness and illiteracy and insufficient health care. The new government nationalized the lands of the Somozas and established farming cooperatives. They waged a massive education campaign that reduced illiteracy from 50 to 13 percent. They also built up a large state apparatus that closely controlled the media. From the U.S. point of view, the Sandinista victory turned Nicaragua into a teetering domino poised to fall onto the rest of Central America. In this scenario, one communist nation would topple neighboring ‘‘democratic’’ regimes ultimately turning the ‘‘backyard’’ of the United States into one large swath of communism. Seeing red, so to speak, one of Ronald Reagan’s first projects upon taking office in 1981 was to suspend aid to Nicaragua and then to allocate US $10 million for the organization of counter-revolutionary groups known as Contras. The Sandinistas responded by using much of the nation’s resources to defend themselves against the US-funded insurgency. The Contras and Sandinistas engaged in a devastating civil war for many years, and over 50,000 lives were lost. In 1984, elections were held in which Daniel Ortega, the leader of the Sandinistas, won 67 percent of the vote. The following year, the United States imposed a trade embargo that lasted five years and strangled Nicaragua’s economy. Even though the U.S. Congress passed a number of bills that called for an end to the funding, U.S. support for the Contras continued secretly until the so-called WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Irangate scandal revealed that the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency had illegally sold weapons to Iran at inflated prices, and used the profits to fund the Contras. In 1990, Nicaraguans went to the polls and, to the great surprise of many, elected Violeta Chamorro, leader of the opposition party, UNO, and widow of martyred editor Pedro Chamorro. She proclaimed an end to fighting and announced unconditional amnesty for political crimes. Sandinistas still had strong representation in the National Assembly and they continued to control the armed forces and labor unions. During her time in office, Violeta Chamorro worked toward consolidating democratic institutions, greatly reducing the size of the military, privatizing state-owned enterprises, and fortifying the freedom of the press. Apologizing for Sandinista ‘‘excesses’’ and calling himself a centrist, Ortega ran for office in 1996. He was defeated by the ex-mayor of Managua, anticommunist Liberal Alliance candidate, Arnoldo Alemán who took office in 1997. Alemán’s presidency was marked by a bitter relationship with the press. During his rule, journalists complained of constant violations, mistreatment, threats of imprisonment, and verbal repression. Alemán left office amidst charges of corruption in 2001. His vicepresident, Enrique Bolaños, won the 2001 election, defeating his Sandinista opponent, the ubiquitous Ortega. Although they may not hold the presidency, the Sandinistas remain a powerful political party. As the history of the nation suggests, the communications media play a fundamental role in national affairs. Journalists and journalism have been intricately tied to the nation’s power brokers, who often owned the primary media instruments. Thus, media laws and the extent to which they are protected or enforced vary greatly from president to president. The country’s dramatic political and economic shifts, from the dictatorship of the Somoza dynasty to the Marxist Sandinistas to the recent trend of neo-liberalism, have forced the media to rapidly change with the times as well. Nicaragua currently has three daily newspapers, of which La Prensa is the oldest and most established. The paper was founded with a political pedigree beginning as an instrument of the Conservative Party to battle the Liberals headed by the Somozas. Pedro Chamorro, Sr., became editor of the paper in 1930 and bought it in 1932. Pedro Chamorro, Jr., became the editor in 1952 after his father’s death. After the younger Chamorro was assassinated in 1978, the paper continued to be published with a large photo of him appearing on the cover, turning the martyred editor into a powerful symbol of the brutality of the Somoza regime. The National Guard burned down La Prensa’s offices in 1979 but succeeded only in shutting down the paper for a few months. 667

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La Prensa is considered Nicaragua’s leading newspaper. It has been a powerful political instrument that continued its opposition stance even during the Sandinista era. (It originally supported the Sandinistas but soon began opposing them.) Since 1998, the news staff has undertaken more investigative reporting and political cartoons take aim at the entire political spectrum. When Chamorro’s widow, Violeta Chamorro, became president, the paper had to create a new identity from its former role as constant opponent to the ruling party. Coverage during her presidency fluctuated a great deal; sometimes the paper was closely aligned with the government and at other times opposed it. In 1996, it began to be distributed in the morning, ending its run as an afternoon paper. It also revamped its look. Two years later, when the Liberal Alliance took power, the longtime editor, Pablo Antonio Cuadra Cardenal, resigned, and three other editors left to start the newspaper La Noticia, supporting Alemán. La Prensa, as a result, became more critical of the ruling Liberal government. In an attempt to break away from a political affiliation with the Chamorro family, this new La Prensa prohibited the employment of other members of that family. La Prensa is a broadsheet and uses six columns on the front page. It has a series of weekly supplements including La Prensa Literaria, an eight-page tabloid-sized literary supplement. It has a daily features section and a weekly magazine that comprises several pages. It also has a children’s supplement and a popular commentary section that features political cartoons and spoofs of politicians from the entire political spectrum. It averages 36 pages. La Prensa’s most popular topics are government actions, reports, speeches, decrees or rulings and coverage of municipal issues. It also emphasizes economic news. La Noticia de Managua opened on May 3, 1999 backed by the three top editors were from La Prensa. The newspaper attempted to cover more positive news stories than the other primary dailies and also filled a gap as the only afternoon newspaper. La Noticia cost the same as the three other primary papers: La Tribuna, La Prensa, and El Nuevo Diario (3 córdobas). It remains the country’s only afternoon paper. La Noticia’s editors say that the paper is independent and not affiliated with a political party, citing the fact that it has seventy different investors in the enterprise. However, there has been evidence that the paper benefited from Alemán’s presidency since it received a larger portion of governmental advertising than other the other dailies which had much larger circulation rates. La Noticia concentrates its coverage on Managua rather than the nation as a whole. The Chamorro family was by no means monolithic in its political affiliation and their involvement in the 668

press reflects a wide range of ideologies. Early on the family was torn about their support of the Sandinistas. Pedro and Violeta’s four children reflect this. Their son, Pedro Joaquín, led La Prensa in opposition to the Sandinistas. Carlos Chamorro, on the other hand, took over the official Sandinista daily, Barricada. The daughters followed the ideological split of the sons with Cristiana working at La Prensa, whereas Claudia became the Sandinistas’ ambassador to Costa Rica. Pedro Chamorro’s brother, Xavier Chamorro, started El Nuevo Diario at the outset of the Sandinista revolution in 1980. The newspaper attempted to counter the coverage of La Prensa, which Xavier felt was too critical of the Sandinistas. Most of the Sandinista-supporting staff of La Prensa moved to El Nuevo Diario at its inception. El Nuevo Diario remained a Sandinista newspaper although it did criticize the party at times. This newspaper has the highest circulation in the country. It specializes in big headlines, crime stories and government scandals. It has been quite independent from the current liberal government. About 80 percent of its issues are sold on the streets. It has the largest circulation of all of the dailies and this helps the paper remain independent since it does not need to rely on advertising as much as the other papers. The newspaper has a stable staff employing many of the nation’s top reporters and photographers. Overall, however, the paper has a reputation for being sensationalistic although it has undertaken a good deal of investigative reports exposing governmental corruption. The paper eschews too much use of color in its publication saying that the cost would not be recouped in sales. It is a broadsheet and uses five column widths on the front page. Its headlines are about three times larger than La Prensa; it also makes generous use of subheadings, giving it a busy look. In content, it covers the same type of stories covered by La Prensa but has less emphasis on economic matters. It relies more than the others on stories of crime, corruption, and scandal to sell papers. It averages 21 pages. Due to the tight alignment between the press and politics, a change in political leadership can have devastating effects on newspapers. The following two publications, for example, were important publications but have recently closed. La Tribuna was started in 1993 by banker Haroldo Montealegre who ran for president in 1996. La Tribuna suffered from poor circulation and finally closed in 2000. Although the newspaper was independent it, not surprisingly, supported Montealegre’s run for president. La Tribuna had a high rate of employment turnover, making the paper appear questionable to much of the public, who also noticed its shifting political alliance. It began as a black-and-white tabloid but then turned to a broadsWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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heet style in February 1994. In 1997, the paper added new sections, including a culture magazine on Fridays, and stressed its political independence. It averaged 21 pages. Barricada was started by the Sandinistas in 1979 shortly after the revolution. It was the official paper of the Sandinistas. The newspaper got an unintended helping hand from Somoza when his paper Novedades donated its office equipment and supplies to the Sandinista start-up. Barricada’s name referred to the barricades set up in many areas during the revolution to prevent the National Guard from entering. The newspaper was edited by Carlos Fernando Chamorro, son of Pedro and Violeta Chamorro. Barricada was primarily political and represented Sandinista ideas in its first years. However, in the 1990s, the paper became increasingly sensationalistic. In 1994 the Sandinista party replaced Carlos Chamorro with Tomás Borge, the former Nicaraguan Ministry of the Interior. At this point about 80 percent of the journalists left, further damaging the paper’s credibility with the public. An additional problem faced by Barricada was the fact that the ruling Liberal government pulled back state advertisements in an attempt to challenge the newspaper. This resulted in a 75 percent drop in advertising. Barricada closed in January 1998. Two months later it reopened as the official Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) weekly newspaper. Dependent on local party members for its circulation, Barricada’s new incarnation proved brief: the paper closed down in July of 1998. While it existed, it averaged 17 pages in length and like the other papers in the nation was a broadsheet. Borge, the publisher, blamed the paper’s woes largely on the administration of President Alemán, accusing him of instituting a governmental advertising embargo against the newspaper that had slowly strangled it. Alemán denied the charges saying that the paper was poorly managed. The degree to which this small nation can sustain its three dailies is questionable. All newspapers suffer from low circulation. El Diario has the greatest circulation followed by La Prensa, La Tribuna (until it closed), and then La Noticia. Circulation numbers vary from one source to another, ranging from 50,000 to 135,000 papers sold daily. In 1996, UNESCO estimated the circulation of daily newspapers as 32 per 1,000 inhabitants, down from 50 in 1990. Newspaper circulation has decreased for a few reasons. One, the economy is so bad that the majority cannot afford a paper. Two, peace sells fewer newspapers than wartime—circulation rates increase considerably during moments of crisis in Nicaragua. Newspapers, however, had substantial influence on other forms of media as radio and TV stations often took their lead stories from the headlines of the printed press. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Several other weekly newspapers and magazines exist. Bolsa de Noticias is published each weekday. It was founded in 1974. It has brief news items and covers business interests thoroughly. It costs about US $360 a year to subscribe. Confidencial is a weekly newsletter headed by Carlos Chamorro (former Barricada editor). It costs about US $150 a year to subscribe. The readers of these tend to be government officials, business owners, and journalists. Other weeklies include 7 Días and El Semanario. Most print media is centered in Managua. In rural areas, radio is much more important, and the number of radio stations has greatly increased over the last decade or so.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK The prevailing economic ideology, dictated by the likes of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, involves widespread privatization and deregulation. This high-speed ‘‘structural adjustment’’ has reduced inflation, provided ready cash for the business elite and left much of the rest of the country unemployed or in a state of sticker shock. The good news is that throughout this period human rights have largely been respected and the country’s battles are now confined to the political arena. Nicaragua is the biggest country in Central America but its gross domestic products is less than one-ninth of that in neighboring Costa Rica. Lacking substantial mineral resources, the country has traditionally relied on agricultural exports to sustain its economy. The SandinistaContra war took a heavy toll on the nation’s economy. By 1990, when the Sandinistas were defeated in elections held as part of a peace agreement, Nicaragua’s per capita income had fallen by over 33 percent from its 1980 level, its infrastructure was in tatters and its modest tourism industry had all but collapsed. The advent of peace brought some economic growth, lower inflation and lower unemployment. In terms of the media, there have been frequent charges that the government has tried to control the press by selectively doling out governmental advertisements. These charges were especially prolific during Alemán’s administration. Many newspapers that published articles criticizing his government saw a drastic reduction in government advertising, whereas those favorable to his administration received the bulk of it. Alemán’s government was the country’s largest advertiser. La Prensa denounced the government tax agency for placing 6.4 times more advertising with La Noticia than with La Prensa during a six-month period, even though La Prensa’s circulation was almost 10 times that of La Noticia. In 1998, two large governmental agencies did suspend their ads in La Prensa. 669

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The government has also been charged with harassing papers by overzealous taxation. La Prensa decried government attempts to collect more than US $500,000 in tax penalties from the paper. The penalties resulted from a 1999 audit that was conducted shortly after La Prensa published a report on government corruption. Television channels 2 and 8 also complained that they were being fiscally punished by the Alemán government for their negative coverage of his administration. Even Alemán’s attempt to pass a minimum wage law for journalists was controversial. The new bill, passed in 2000, established a special schedule for journalists that is separate from the national minimum wage bill. It is feared that the enforcement of this law could reduce the news flow to the Nicaraguan people because many media organizations would have to reduce their coverage. The recently elected president, Enrique Bolaños, a member of the same party as his predecessor, Alemán, announced that his policies on the media and placement of government advertising would be a departure from Alemán’s. He promised to end the policies of awards and punishments used in placement of government advertising. Instead, government advertising would be placed according to readership surveys and circulation. Bolaños has also promised that the government-owned television and radio stations would be used for cultural purposes and not partisan political programs. Although Bolaños has promised these reforms, as of 2002 it was still too early to see if effective action had been taken. There have already been signs of tension between Bolaños and the press. For example, radio commentator Emilio Núñez was dismissed from a program he ran on Radio Corporación by the stockholder and manger Fabio Gadea Mantilla after Núñez reported an alleged government plan to force the company’s journalists into submission with an economic stranglehold. Bolaños said he had nothing to do with the case and that he would adhere to the Declaration of Chapultepec in placement of government advertising. Bolaños was referring a conference that took place in Mexico in 1994 also known as the ‘‘Hemisphere Conference on Free Speech,’’ sponsored by the Inter-American Press Association. The declaration established 10 principles that should be in place for freedom of the press to exist. One of the principles states: ‘‘There must be a clear distinction between news and advertising.’’ Bolaños had already signed the Declaration of Chapultepec when he was a presidential candidate. Bolaños took advantage of Nicaraguan Journalists Day, March 1, to reiterate that government advertising would be distributed fairly. He also said that he had reviewed the former administration’s advertising policies and noted that he found many irregularities, promising to publish the finalized results. 670

La Noticia has recently alleged that it is discriminated against in the placement of government advertising. The newspaper complained, for example, that on Journalists’ Day of 2002, La Prensa and El Nuevo Diario received ads congratulating journalists that measured 90 column-inches each, whereas La Noticia received the same ad reduced to 30 column-inches. Surveys by the Nicaraguan Advertising Agency Organization, however, show that La Noticia’s circulation is less than 3 percent of that of the other publications. La Noticia complained that, in general, it receives just half a page of ads from the government whereas La Prensa receives two pages each day and El Nuevo Diario receives one page. This, however, may be a case of sour grapes, since in 1999 when La Noticia had only 2 percent of the nation’s total newspaper circulation, it received almost 25 percent of the government ads. There is some skepticism that Bolaños will ultimately not be too far separated from Alemán’s policies since they are from the same political party and Bolaños had served as Alemán’s vice president since 1996. However, Bolaños has sought to distance himself from Alemán’s stained reputation, promising to fight corruption and ensure freedom of the press. Indeed, Bolaños’s treatment of Alemán’s pet, La Noticia, suggests that he is forging his own path. Bolaños’s press secretary disclosed that he was a stockholder in La Noticia and, as such, he believes that La Noticia should be closed because its circulation is low and it is not profitable. The newspaper and other media outlets that support the Liberal Alliance of Alemán reacted to his statements by accusing the Bolaños government of threatening press freedom. Although Alemán is no longer president, he wields considerable power as head of the National Assembly. In March 2002, for example, he accused Octavio Sacasa, news director and general manger of Channel 2 television, of allegedly threatening him with death. Sacasa emphatically denied Alemán’s charge and, in turn, accused the former president of trying to intimidate the media to prevent further reporting on corruption. As of mid-2002, this case was still pending. The Bolaños administration has not turned away from investigating many charges about Alemán’s alleged corruption. Currently, the government is investigating a fraudulent contract through which the state television channel, Channel 6, reportedly lost US $1.35 million. The scheme is said to have included 35 participants, including Alemán and the former Mexican Ambassador to Nicaragua. The case involves a contract for Mexico’s TV Azteca to provide programming to Channel 6 through a newly formed Panamanian company, Servicios Internacionales Casco. The deal was allegedly used to import duty-free equipment into Nicaragua. There were charges WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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that those involved tried to collect on a US $350,000 check that the government’s Nicaraguan Tourism Institute had issued to Channel 6. A former Channel 6 director has also been implicated.

PRESS LAWS The Nicaraguan constitution provides that ‘‘Nicaraguans have the right freely to express their ideas in public or in private, individually or collectively, verbally, in writing or by any other means.’’ However, there are a number of other laws and regulations that chip away at freedom of the press. In 1995, the Constitution of 1987 was reformed and several new articles were added related to the press. For example, Article 68 declared that the media had a social role to fulfill and that its practitioners should have access to all of the nation’s citizenry in order to fulfill their role. This article also exempts media companies from taxes on importing newsprint, machinery, equipment and spare parts intended for use by the print and broadcast media. The constitution also prohibits prior censorship. Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, there have been some small steps both forward and backward in regard to press freedom and legislation. In May 2000, the National Assembly approved a version of the new criminal code that includes a guarantee for the right of information. However, the code also includes individual privacy protection, a provision that may hamper investigative reporting. Journalists are also subject to lawsuits in regard to libel and slander. Many cases finding journalists guilty of slander, however, have been overturned including a 1997 case that found La Prensa president Jaime Chamorro guilty of libeling La Tribuna editor Montealegre. A libel and defamation suit against Tomás Borge, editor of Barricada, was dismissed after he apologized in court and in print to a congressional candidate whom Barricada had said was a shareholder in the firm that prints election ballots. In December 2000, Nicaragua passed an extremely controversial bill requiring the compulsory registration of journalists in the colegio (professional association) of journalists in Nicaragua. In 1985, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in Costa Rica ruled that laws requiring the mandatory licensing of journalists violate the American Convention on Human Rights. These colegio laws have often been controversial in Latin America. The United States and many Latin American news organizations view colegio laws as government attempts to control the press. The laws are regularly condemned during meetings of the Inter American Press Association (IAPA), the major media watchdog group in the Western Hemisphere. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

The law requires all journalists to register as members of the institute and have a journalism diploma and proof of at least five years experience in the profession. The law was first passed on December 13, 2000, after which Alemán introduced amendments providing for jail terms of up to six months for anyone who worked as a journalist without registering with the colegio. The appeal of the constitutionality of this law, brought before the Supreme Court, has not yet been decided. In December 2001, several liberal legislators proposed a Law of Restrictions on Pornographic Publications. Although a law against pornography would not violate press freedom, the proposed law would give governmental committees authority to restrict and punish publication of what it considers pornographic or violent. The law also authorizes the closing of a written publication’s pornography sections if an offense recurs. As of mid-2002, the law was pending approval. In terms of the broadcast media in 1996, a general law of telecommunications and postal services was passed requiring that information transmitted should not be contrary to the customs and moral values of the nation. It also established the conditions for the awarding of technical concessions and operating licenses. The majority of radio stations are operated on a small-scale by volunteers. These radio stations are not regulated.

CENSORSHIP During the late 1990s and early 2000s there were very few incidences of outright censorship in Nicaragua. The IAPA confirmed that freedom of the press had improved dramatically since the days of the Somoza dictatorship and the Sandinista government. The constitution provides for freedom of speech and a free press, and the government, in general, respects these rights in practice. The privately owned print media, the broadcast media, and academic circles freely and openly discussed diverse viewpoints in public discourse without government interference. This was not always the case. The Somozas regularly censored the opposition newspaper La Prensa. During the 1970s, as the press became increasingly critical, censorship was increasingly used to control it. Likewise, the Sandinistas used censorship as a tool in an attempt to restrain an unfavorable press. The Sandinista party declared a state of emergency as a result of the Contra war, giving itself broad power to restrict press rights. It shut down La Prensa many times. The process of getting the newspaper’s content reviewed on a daily basis grew increasingly lengthy (about 7 hours in the mid-1980s). This put the paper at a disadvantage for obvious reasons and also because it forced the paper to hit the stands hours after the Sandinista morning papers, Barricada and El Nuevo Diario. 671

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On several occasions during the 1989-90 electoral campaign, international observer missions expressed their concerns that mud-slinging in the media on both sides threatened to undermine an otherwise orderly and clean election. There have been other intermittent charges of actual censorship cases. For example, former vice-president Sergio Ramirez Mercado sent a letter to President Violeta Chamorro declaring that he had been censored on the state-owned television channel. Ramirez insisted that Chamorro had banned the broadcast of his interview scheduled on the cultural program, ‘‘This is Nicaragua.’’ The presidential media chief denied the charges. In terms of broadcast media, there has not been any official state censorship practiced and journalists say that little self-censorship has occurred.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS The relations between the state and the press fluctuate according to the political climate of the times. Despite charges against the Sandinistas for exercising acts of censorship in the news media, there is evidence that the Sandinistas also made attempts to transform the media institutions as a source of empowerment for the citizens. Such initiatives were based on a democratic model of media structure and access unique in Latin America. Its features included an attempt to balance the ownership of media outlets among public, private, and cooperative forms; to encourage political and ideological pluralism in media content; and to promote popular participation and horizontal communication through the mass media. The underlying philosophy was that the media, instead of serving the narrow interests of a wealthy elite, should become the vehicles for expression of the opinions of the broad majority of society, and that notions of social responsibility should guide the media’s activities as opposed to narrowly defined profit motives. For example, the Sandinistas banned the use of women’s bodies to advertise products. However, many of their experiments in participatory and community radio, popular access to state-owned television, and the birth of dozens of new print publications were cut short by war-related restrictions and economic constraints. Violeta Chamorro’s presidency beginning in 1990 was accompanied by major shakeups in the ownership and content of many of the country’s existing media outlets as well as the creation of dozens of new ones. La Prensa found itself confronted with a serious dilemma. For decades the paper’s mystique had been built upon its image as the ‘‘bastion of opposition.’’ In a political culture that thrived on criticism of those in power and opposition to anything associated with the government, the paper suddenly became the semi-official mouthpiece of 672

the country’s president. For the most part, the newspaper largely avoided excesses of ‘‘officialdom’’, which had been part of the problem with Barricada during the Sandinista’s rule. Perhaps the greatest changes under Chamorro’s presidency had to do with the dramatic transformation of the advertising industry from one that had previously been state-controlled and anti-capitalistic to an unfettered media-based advertising model. Between 1990 and 1994 at least 21 new advertising agencies were launched where only one had existed before. The lack of a mass consumer base, however, meant that these advertisers had to accept the reality of selling to a tiny elite. Advertising expenditures as a result dropped greatly between 1992 and 1995. The Nicaragua media encountered problems in 1994 because every news outlet was somehow linked or openly affiliated with a political party. In this year there were many incidents of physical abuse by police against reporters covering demonstrations or other public disturbances. For example, an internal conflict between radicals and reformers erupted at Barricada. Ortega, the head of the Sandinista party, fired 16 reporters and the editor-in-chief for their alleged support of the reformist politician. The infighting became a media war with Ortega’s side in control of three radio stations and one television channel, and the reformists in control of two dailies and one weekly newspaper. In 1999, two radio stations faced legal orders for the seizure and sale at auction of their equipment. According to a statement by the National Nicaraguan Journalists Union, the radio stations La Primerísima and YA were being threatened by groups linked to then-president Alemán in an attempt to silence any public criticism of the rise in corruption by high-level officials in his regime.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA Since the turn of the twenty-first century, there has been little attempt to restrain foreign journalists in Nicaragua. During the Sandinista-Contra war, Nicaragua was an extremely dangerous place for foreign journalists, although many arrived there as a result of the conflict. For example, in June 1979, ABC news correspondent Bill Stewart was killed when he stopped at a Managua roadblock. With the advent of peace, foreign journalists have not had problems covering the region, and have been welcomed there by a number of national media enterprises attempting to make the press more professional. The passage of the colegio law requiring that all journalists be approved by the national licensing board threatens to change this situation. In general, however, Nicaraguan journalists have looked to foreign journalists as a model for the type of journalism they are striving to follow in their nation, although some are critical of this trend. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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Historically, Nicaraguan newspapers have often received international funding. During the SandinistaContra war, the United States gave financial support to La Prensa. In the 1980s, Barricada received funding from East Germany, a Dutch foundation gave money to El Nuevo Diario, and a West German foundation gave money to La Prensa. In the 1990s, La Tribuna hired a Costa Rican research firm to assess the coverage most wanted by Nicaraguans. Journalist professors from the Florida International University also trained some of La Tribuna’s reporters, reflecting the fact that the paper’s editor was based in Florida. La Prensa hired a U.S. consultant to help modernize the paper in 1998. There is some fear that too many foreign consultants and journalists will take away the historical Nicaraguan approach to journalism, which is more intellectual and political and has a tendency to be more detailed in writing styles than, for example, the U.S. style of journalism. A number of foreign journalist organizations have organized conferences and classes in Nicaragua on investigative journalism and the freedom of the press.

NEWS AGENCIES Agencia Nicaragüense de Noticias is the primary news agency operating in Nicaragua. A recent survey showed that journalists get about 14 percent of their stories from wire services.

BROADCAST MEDIA The 1990s were a boom period for radio. Between 1990 and 1994 the government’s telecommunications frequency authority assigned over 100 frequencies. On these, 60 were on the FM band. Previously, there had been only four FM stations. As of mid-1995, a total of 114 radio stations were broadcasting in Nicaragua. Because station start-up and maintenance costs were minimal, a number of people including aspiring politicians were able to enter into radio broadcasting. Religious programming also expanded. By 1995, there were seven new religious stations in addition to the two that already existed. There is at least one radio station in each of Nicaragua’s 17 departments. Growth centered, however, in Managua, where 46 of the 60 new FM stations and 23 of the 49 new AM stations were launched. In 1999, there were 285 radios for every one thousand inhabitants. Generally speaking, the content of radio programming is much broader than television. FM programming includes a variety of music formats, news, and listener call-in shows, and AM programming often features a mixture of news with music and opinion, traditional newscasts, music, radio dramas, humor shows, sports and listener call-in shows. Independently produced radio news programs were a popular genre before 1979 alWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

though banned in the 1980s. As of the mid-1990s listeners could choose from over 80 such programs. In most cases, these were one-person freelance undertakings where journalists rented air space from the station. Four of the most popular radio stations include the following: • Radio Nicaragua (formerly La Voz de Nicaragua) is the government’s official station. • Radio Corporación has long been a stronghold of the far right. Its broadcasting center was bombed in 1992. It originally defined itself by opposing the Sandinistas. It has strong family links with president Alemán. Almost all of its journalists are employees of the government and depend on state advertising revenue. • Radio Católica belongs to the Catholic Church hierarchy. It is fairly conservative and has a large following among Nicaragua’s devout Catholic majority. • Radio Ya was founded by some 80 percent of the staff from the Voz de Nicaragua when Violeta Chamorro came to power. The station is affiliated with the Sandinistas and is often critical of the ruling government. It is one of the most listened-to stations in the nation. Despite its status as an instrument of the Sandinistas, Radio Ya allows space for a public forum with an open mike to the citizens. The station has a net of volunteers who are not journalists but regular ‘‘civilians,’’ such as hospital orderlies, litigants in courtrooms, and vendors in the markets who report on events as they happen. At present the station is owned by a company named Atarrya, which stands for Association of the Workers of Radio Ya, with 49 percent belonging to stock-holding employees and 51 percent to the Sandinista leadership. Radio Sandino was the Sandinista’s clandestine radio station during the guerrilla war against Somoza, and it continues to be the official voice of the Sandinista Front. La Primerísima was the flagship station of the state-owned network of community stations during the 1980s. It pioneered a series of projects in popular and participatory radio. Radio Mujer went on the air in 1991, the first radio station designed specifically for women. Because of the relatively low expense of radio in comparison to other forms of media in the nation, radio is the dominant way the poorer classes get their information. Radio has also served practical functions especially in times of disaster. When Hurricane Mitch struck, for example, Radio Ya helped individuals locate their family members via their daily broadcasts. Television experienced the most profound changes and the most dynamic growth of all forms of media. The 673

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pers Barricada and La Tribuna also had Web sites. The number of people with computers in Nicaragua remains small, so newspapers were not afraid that Internet sites would adversely affect their circulation. However, access to the Internet is rapidly changing the ways that Nicaraguans can get access to information, and it has become an integral tool for journalists especially. There are many obstacles to its use, however, given the prohibitively high cost of computers for the average citizen. In 1999, it is estimated that there were 50,000 Internet users in Nicaragua.

EDUCATION & TRAINING

explosion in television was propelled by rapid growth in the number of over-the-air channels and in the arrival and rapid diffusion of cable. In 1990, there were only two broadcast television stations, Channels 2 and 6, run by the state monopoly network and no cable stations. By 1995, there were five VHF and two UHF stations. In 1999, there were 190 television sets for every one thousand inhabitants. In 1995, there were thirty small cable companies in the country. Cable is prohibitively expensive for the majority of Nicaraguans but affordable for a middleclass family. It was estimated that in 1999, only four percent of the population had cable. Since 1990 television has also become an important forum for the debate of national issues and politics. There have been many new live broadcast magazine-format programs including Channel 8’s ‘‘Porque Nicaragua Nos Importa’’ (Why Nicaragua Matters to Us), and ‘‘A Fondo’’ (In-Depth). Channel 2 has a popular 90-minute morning program, ‘‘Buenos Días’’ (Good Morning) and a weekly newsmagazine program, ‘‘Esta Semana con Carlos Fernando’’ (This Week with Carlos Fernando) hosted by the former director of Barricada.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA Most of the main newspapers in Nicaragua have Internet sites. La Prensa’s Internet site (www. laprensa.com.ni) has been in operation since October 30, 1997. El Nuevo Diario (www.elnuevodiario.com. ni) began on October 30, 1997. This site is designed to be simple so that it is less costly to maintain and easier to view on older computers. The site had 382,000 hits in 1999. La Prensa has the most popular Web site, registering 1.1 million hits in 1999. Both of the now defunct pa674

The main university offering journalism training is Universidad Centroamericana (UCA) in Managua, which offers a degree entitled Communication and Society that is especially prestigious. Other universities with journalism programs including the Universidad Iberoamericana de Ciencia y Tecnología and the Universidad Autónoma de Nicaragua. In 1998, a new journalism program opened in Matagalpa at the Universidad de Nicaragua Norte. The Universidad Americana de Managua began developing a journalism program in the early 2000s. The UCA program is the largest and the most established, and graduates about 50 students every year. In the 1980s the program emphasized propagandistic journalism, stressing the role of the journalist as leader and organizer. This emphasis changed with the country’s political leadership in the 1990s and there was an emphasis on more democratic and professional investigative reporting. There are an increasing amount of regional scholarships and grants for both practicing journalists and journalism students. The Latin American Center for Journalism, for example, offers the Jorge Ramos scholarship established in 1999 to enable students to finish their last year in a journalism program. A total of 10 scholarships are offered per year, and a few Nicaraguan students have won one. In 1997, the Violeta B. Chamorro foundation was established in Managua to support the growth of democratic institutions in the nation. The foundation gets international financing, primarily from Sweden, for the journalism programs. In 1998, the foundation sponsored a series of workshops on journalistic ethics investigative journalism, focusing on uncovering governmental corruption. The foundation created a national award named after Pedro Joaquín Chamorro Cardenal (Violeta’s martyred husband and former La Prensa editor) to promote a democratic and free press. There are two journalists’ associations: the Association of Nicaraguan Journalists (APN) and the National Union of Journalists (UPN). Both of these organizations present a number of talks focusing on all aspects of the profession. The UPN represents the prorevolutionary facWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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tion of journalists. The two groups are often at odds with one another. For example, the UPN supported the colegio law, which was strongly opposed by the APN. Journalism in Nicaragua is more dangerous than in most countries given that political protests and demonstrations can and do turn violent. In 1999, for example, during a student protest and transportation strike in which one student was killed, a La Prensa vehicle was set on fire. In 1997, Barricada reported a story on journalists and the dangers they face and the article discussed the case of Pablo Emilio Barreto, one of their reporters, who lost his home and belongings when a group of armed men angry at his reporting sprayed gasoline on his house and fired upon it. In 1998, the editor and publisher of the newspaper Novedades declared that a journalist had her arm broken in an assault by a policeman reportedly acting on the orders of an advisor and supporter of the thenpresidential candidate Alemán. The attack was seen as retaliation for criticism in Novedades of Alemán’s candidacy. Journalists also have to contend with street crime (i.e., crime that is not politically or personally motivated). One very significant problem facing journalists in Nicaragua is the low salaries they earn, which usually run between US $150 to $250 a month. Television journalists make about double that on average. The low salaries and high unemployment rates can make journalists susceptible to accepting outright bribes or more subtle forms of influence peddling. For example, journalists can make extra money by giving publicity to businesses or for interviewing certain people on the air for fiscal compensation.

SUMMARY The state of Nicaragua’s press has fluctuated greatly from political system to political system and president to president during the twentieth century. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, despite an antagonistic relationship with former president Alemán, the press is becoming an increasingly active protagonist in the Nicaraguan transition to neo-liberalism. The process has been characterized above all by the drive for political independence among individual journalists and media enterprises, along with the increasing importance of the electronic media, especially television but increas ingly the Internet, as mediators of politics, culture, and ideology. Historically, the press in Nicaragua developed as an instrument to support a specific political agenda. The press retains more than a few remnants of this polarization; however, since the 1990s, the spectrum of views aired in the media has been quite extensive. Nicaraguan newspaper journalism underwent vast changes in the 1990s following a U.S. model of objective and investigative journalism. Perhaps the greatest obstacle to the deWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

velopment of the press in Nicaragua concerns the economic situation of the nation. High illiteracy rates and low per capita income make it difficult for the common Nicaraguan to take advantage of newspapers. In addition, the history of close alliances between the media owners and politicians makes it difficult for a truly independent press to exist. Nonetheless, independent media watchdogs have consistently given high reports to the acceleration of freedom of the press in the nation. In addition, international pressure has focused attention on corrupt administrations and presidential attempts to control the media’s negative coverage of political (and, at times, criminal) activities. President Bolaños has declared that he will not only abide by but also fortify legislation supporting freedom of the press. Overall, the attempts to move from a partisan style of journalism to a more professional and ethical style have been successful, especially given the personally and politically charged history of media ownership in the county. The news media is also gaining more support from the public, ranking second only to the Catholic Church, in terms of its institutional credibility.

SIGNIFICANT DATES • 1990: Violeta Chamorro wins the presidency ending the Sandinista rule and the civil war, and maneuvers the country onto a path of neo-liberal economic policies; she stresses freedom of the press and undertakes a series of reforms to strengthen democratic institutions. • 1995: The Nicaraguan Constitution, promulgated under the Sandinista government, is revised strengthening press freedom. 675

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• 1997: Arnoldo Alemán ascends to the presidency. His relationship to the press is marked by controversy, and he attempts to reign in its freedom; he is accused of using the selective placement of governmental advertising to achieve these ends. • 1998: Hurricane Mitch devastates the country, killing over 2,000 people and causes billions of dollars worth of damage. • 1998: The Sandinista paper Barricada, one of the country’s four dailies, announces that it is closing indefinitely because of a financial crisis; the paper blames its financial woes on President Alemán who allegedly withheld governmental advertising in an attempt to shut the paper down. • 2000: The National Assembly approves a controversial bill calling for the compulsory registration of journalists in the national journalists association; this colegio law violates the principles for freedom of the press outlined by the Chapultepec convention of 1994. • 2002: Enrique Bolaños, a Liberal Alliance candidate, assumes the presidency; despite the fact that he served as vice-president to Alemán who left office amidst a flurry of corruption charges, Bolaños promises to support freedom of the press and end the government’s practice of controlling the media by choosing where to place governmental advertisements based on political preference.

Jones, Adam. Beyond the Barricades: Nicaragua and the Struggle for the Sandinista Press, 1979-1988. Athens: Ohio University Press, 2002. Kodrich, Kris. ‘‘Professionalism vs. Partisanship in Nicaraguan Newsrooms. Journalists Apply New Professional Standards.’’ In Pulso del Periodismo, XXX. Miami: Florida International University International Media Center, 2000. ———. Tradition and Change in the Nicaraguan Press: Newspapers and Journalists in a New Democratic Era. Lanham, NY: University Press of America, 2002. Merrill, John C. (ed.). Global Journalism: Survey of International Communication. New York: Longman, 1991. Norsworthy, Kent W. ‘‘The Mass Media.’’ In Nicaragua without Illusions: Regime Transition and Structural Adjustment in the 1990s, ed. Thomas Walker, XXX. Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 1997. Norsworthy, Kent, and Tom Barry. Nicaragua: A Country Guide. Albuquerque, NM: The Inter-Hemispheric Education Resource Center, 1990. Pastrán Arancibia, Adolfo. ‘‘Periodismo y salario mínimo en Nicaragua.’’ Pulso del periodismo, XXX. Miami: Florida International University International Media Center, 2000. Reporters Without Borders, Annual Report, 2002. World Press Freedom Review, 1998-2001. —Kristin McCleary

BIBLIOGRAPHY Burns, E. Bradford. Patriarch and Folk: The Emergence of Nicaragua, 1798-1858, Cambridge, MA: XXX, 1991. Chamorro, Cristiana ‘‘El Caso de Nicaragua.’’ In Periodismo, Derechos Humanos y Control del Poder Politico en Centroamerica, ed. Jaime Ordóñez, XXX. San José, Costa Rica: Instituto Interamericano de Derechos Humanos, 1994. ———. ‘‘The Challenges for Radio Ya and Radio Corporación.’’ In Pulso del Periodismo, XXX. Miami: Florida International University International Media Center, 2000. Cortés Domínguez, Guillermo. ‘‘Etica periodística contemporánea en Nicaragua.’’ Sala de Prensa: Web para profesionales de la comunicación iberoamericanos 2, 32 (June 2001). Available from http:// www.saladeprensa.org/art237. Index on Censorship. March 1999. IPI Report, 1995. Jiménez, Ruvalcaba, and María del Carmen. El Estado de Emergencia y el Periodismo en Nicaragua. Guadalajara, Mexico: Universidad de Guadalajara, 1987. 676

NIGER BASIC DATA Official Country Name: Region (Map name): Population: Language(s): Literacy rate:

Republic of the Niger Africa 10,075,511 French, Hausa, Djerma 13.6%

The principle of a free press in Niger was established by a 1997 law that states ‘‘the press and audio-visual media, as well as broadcasting and printing, are free; access to information is the citizen’s inalienable right.’’ In practice the authorities remain a significant obstacle and government officials are often behind attempts to mute Niger’s privately owned newspapers, most of which are less than a decade old. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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Most private newspapers are weekly publications. Low advertising revenue and small circulations are common factors prohibiting daily publication. There is a state-owned French-language daily, La Sahel, which has a daily circulation of about 5,000. Among the newspapers that have been publishing since the early 1990s, the weekly Anfani stands out. Its editor, Grémah Boucar, has been imprisoned nine times as of June 2001, yet Anfani, with its circulation of about 3,000, remains committed to impartial and critical reporting. Other weeklies include Le Républicain, which also is distributed in France and the United States, the satirical Canard Dimanche and Le Démocrate. In all there are about 15 privately owned newspapers. Most newspapers are tabloid size and run eight pages. There is a stateowned news agency, Agence Nigérienne de Presse (ANP), founded in 1987. Niger’s private newspaper sector suffers from inadequate resources and its journalists receive poor training. Many newspapers favor analysis over hard news and there is a dearth of investigative journalism. The lack of investigative journalism can be tied to the fear of repercussions from the authorities. With the exception newspapers such as Anfani and Le Républicain, journalists’ salaries often are not paid. In many cases, this leads to journalists taking bribes from government officials to write damaging articles about political rivals. Mounting corruption, widespread poverty, and a low literacy rate—only 23 percent of men over the age of 15 and just 8 percent of women—are the prime reasons for the precarious position of Niger’s privately owned newspapers.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Boluvi, Guy-Michel. ‘‘Media Report: Niger.’’ Research and Technology Exchange Group, Partners for Media in Africa, (January 2001). Available from http:// www.gret.org/mediapartner/uk2/ressource/edm/pdf/ niger.pdf. International Journalists’ Federation. ‘‘Mali Press: Overview,’’ 2001. Available from http://www.ijnet.org/ Profile/Africa/Niger/media.html. International Press Institute. 2001 World Press Freedom Review. Available from http://www.freemedia.at/wpfr/ niger.htm. Neville, Philip. Publishing against the odds. In World Press Review, 42, no. 11 (2000): 16-7. ‘‘Niger.’’ Committee to Protect Journalists, Africa 2001. Available from http://www.cpj.org/attacks01/africa01/ niger.html2. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

‘‘Niger, The Press.’’ In The Europa World Yearbook 2000, 2, no. 41, 2755. London: Europa Publications, 2001. —Denis Fitzgerald

NIGERIA BASIC DATA Official Country Name: Region (Map name): Population: Language(s):

Literacy rate: Area: GDP: Number of Television Stations: Number of Television Sets: Television Sets per 1,000: Number of Radio Stations: Number of Radio Receivers: Radio Receivers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Computers: Computers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Internet Access: Internet Access per 1,000:

Federal Republic of Nigeria Africa 126,635,626 English (official), Hausa, Yoruba, Igbo, Fulani 57.1% 923,768 sq km 41,085 (US$ millions) 2 6,900,000 54.5 128 23,500,000 185.6 750,000 5.9 200,000 1.6

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS A multiplicity of media voices can be found in Nigeria largely because of the diversity of the population of the country and the history preceding its independence. The nation remains unsettled and its constitution is not enforced in all regions equally. This has led to confusion, frustration, and violence resulting in numerous deaths in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Reports of deaths from Islamic fundamentalists are commonplace in media reports particularly in the northern states of Nigeria. 677

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The British reporter Flora Shaw coined the term ‘‘Nigeria’’ which was to become the name of the country. In the 1890s she took the term from the Niger River to apply it to the region during the era of colonial rule. Like other segments of society, media reflects the population of the people. Nigeria has over 250 different ethnic groups. It is nearly twice the size of California, and with a population of approximately 110 million, is the most densely populated country in Africa. Other estimates have the population even higher. One source reports that because tribalism is so sensitive an issue population estimates based on pre-independence data are intentionally inexact so as not to ignite controversy. Hundreds of thousands of Nigerians live in the United States, and nearly 200,000 of them have attained U.S. citizenship. English is the official language of Nigeria. Broadcast stations and print media provide content to audiences in English. Other dominant languages spoken are Hausa, Yoruba, Ibo, and Fulani. Hausa and Fulani are primarily in the north. Yoruba is in the southwest, while Ibos are located in the southeast. The country has had varying degrees of freedom of the press over its tumultuous history. There has generally been a diversity of voices in the media; however, as the government changed hands frequently and in violent circumstances, the media voices that were in support of a leader would find themselves without a voice as a replacement emerged. At some points, newspapers and magazines were proscribed entirely due to their criticism of government authorities. Examples of this form of silencing the press are found in the late 1970s and mid 1980s. Although newspapers and magazines were privately owned, the government prohibited them from expressing their editorial opinions. In 1977 Newbreed was closed down. In 1984 the government closed down the Tribune and four years later in 1988 Newswatch was a victim of government censorship. Also during this time period, government leaders harassed individual journalists. In 1971 Minere Amakiri, a reporter for the Nigerian Observer, was detained and had his hair shaved. Numerous other journalists experienced similar assaults. The cause of violence in the country is sometimes difficult to determine because ethnic and religious differences both enter the mix. The largest religious group is Muslim, making up about 50 percent of the population. Christians account for about 40 percent, while the remaining 10 percent of the people follow traditional beliefs or some combination of the two major groups. Rivalries between various ethnic groups within Nigeria can be traced back for as far as these groups have existed. Tensions flare for a period, then a temporary 678

peace follows. During the waning days of the colonial period these ancestral rivalries played a role in the country’s evolution to independence. In January 1956, Queen Elizabeth II visited Nigeria for a ceremonial tour, which was in part a reaction to anti-colonialism that had taken place in other African nations such as the Mau-Mau uprising in Kenya. The concern in the United Kingdom was that Moslems in northern Nigeria would stir passions of revolt. Two years earlier Nigeria had been granted a degree of autonomy with the aim of solidifying British loyalty, according to a report in the Chronicle of the twentieth Century. The internal conflict has taken its toll on life expectancy. The nation has the 15th highest infant mortality rate in the world, 87 deaths per 1,000 live births. Life expectancy in Nigeria is 56 years, compared to 76 years in the United States. Steps are being taken to improve the plight of the Nigerian people, however. The United States has initiated a series of actions to help provide some stability to the emerging democracy. In 2000 a $19.9 million agreement was signed by USAID to assist Nigeria in reforming its educational policies. The goal was to encourage civic participation on a broad basis. Under the plan six Community Resource Centers would be built that would provide increased Internet access to every region of the nation. The U.S. Education for Development and Democracy Initiative (EDDI) provided $4.5 million to establish the centers. Local educators would receive training at the centers, which would also be used to support distance education to Nigerian universities, provide computer, and targeted vocational educational training to local communities, and support adult literacy and AIDS education. An additional part of the initiative is $500,000 which allowed girls who would otherwise not have access to educational opportunities to attend school from the primary to university level. Although the press was intended to be a ‘‘watchdog’’ for the country, similar to its role in free countries such as the United Kingdom or the United States, it has had difficulty fulfilling that role due to the demands of the various competing special interest groups. The large number of different voices created something of a marketplace of ideas although some of the ideas resulted in violence. At the end of the twentieth century Nigeria had more than thirty national and provincial newspapers. There were more than twenty general interest magazines and journals in circulation, along with more than twenty television and radio stations. Just because media fare was available, that does not necessarily mean the people were reached with its content. In spite of the relatively large number of newspapers and magazines nearly one third of men and half the women are illiterate. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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One of the country’s most respected philosophers, Chinua Achebe, described the tragedy facing the press by writing ‘‘listen to Nigerian leaders and you will frequently hear the phrase ‘this great country of ours.’ Nigeria is not a great country. It is one of the most disorderly nations in the world. It is one of the most corrupt, insensitive, inefficient places under the sun. It is dirty, callous, noisy, ostentatious, dishonest and vulgar. In short it is among the most unpleasant places on earth’’ (Hudgens and Trillo 914). Nigeria is governed under a constitution that was adopted in 1999. It is largely based on an earlier constitution that was written in 1979. Over the course of those two decades violence and turmoil has remained constant. Besides high rates of illiteracy, another one of the many problems faced by media personnel seeking to serve in a watchdog capacity is the constant turnover of the government. Cordelia C. Nwagwu points out that since achieving independence in 1960, Nigeria has experienced a turnover in the government averaging every 3.5 years. Nwagwu describes the havoc this has on an integral part of any society such as the educational system. With the vast majority of the short-term governments being military regimes the consideration for public approval was ignored. There is some indication that some of the earlier restrictions on freedom, which resulted when the constitution was ignored may ending. The Times of India reports that the attorney general declared strict Islamic law unconstitutional in that it discriminates against Nigerians on the basis of religion and sex as it applies only to Muslims, and in some cases, only to women. In its 2000 annual report the United States Department of State expressed concern over the constitutional liberties lost due to the implementation of Sharia law in the northern states of Nigeria. The report said ‘‘although Christians were exempt from the law, the societal ramifications of expanded Sharia law infringed upon the rights of non-Muslims in the north to live in society governed by secular laws.’’ The report went on to add ‘‘plans to implement expanded Sharia laws in Kaduna state, which has a large Christian population, sparked violence in February 2000 that lasted for several days and resulted in an estimated 1,000 to 1,500 deaths.’’ Chief Olusegun Obasanjo was elected president of Nigeria in 1999. He had previously been head of state between 1976 and 79, but voluntarily resigned and handed the reigns of power over to the democratically elected Aljaji Shehu Shagari. The web page of the Consulate General of Nigeria in Atlanta reports that Obasanjo was born in former Western Nigeria, a part of what is now Ogun State in 1937. He was educated in military academies in Nigeria, India, the United Kingdom, and the United WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

States. He reluctantly became the head of state after his military forces defeated Biafran forces in January 1970. He was an outspoken critic of military rule during this time in the nation’s history. Not only is the press faced with political instability and uncertainty, but the infrastructure of the nation is lacking in many basic services too. The internal infrastructure of Nigeria has not been maintained over the years. Portions of the government are not fully functional. Due to political corruption, including bribes and payoffs, oil-rich Nigeria does not have the basic services available to its citizens that other nations provide which have fewer natural resources, but are better managed. It is interesting to note the career track Nigerian journalists have taken historically. In the early 1980s John Merrill noted that newspapers in Nigeria attempted to recruit former broadcast journalists. This runs counter to the career path in many other countries where electronic media managers have sought to recruit print journalists.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK Nigeria is a nation of many mineral resources, but the political uncertainty of the country is such that the assets of the region are not realized by the population. Oilrich Nigeria has been held back by years of political instability, corruption, mismanagement, and lack of direction. The various military leaders neglected to diversify the nation’s economy and as a result the country has found itself in a situation of overdependence on the capital-intensive oil sector. Petroleum products provide about 20 percent of the Gross Domestic Product. Agriculture in Nigeria has failed to keep up with the rapid population growth. At one time in its history, Nigeria exported agricultural products, now it is an importer. In August 2000, following the signing of an IMF standby agreement, Nigeria received a debt-restructuring deal from the Paris Club. Additionally the nation was granted a $1 billion loan from the IMF. Both the restructuring and the loan were contingent on economic reforms. Increases in foreign investment and oil production enhanced economic for the country for a while. Nigeria remains vulnerable to world oil prices. This is one factor over which leadership has no control.

PRESS LAWS & CENSORSHIP Adigun A. B. Agbaje explains the reason the press laws of Nigeria are so difficult to describe is because of the complexity of the ever-changing society in which they are found. He describes myriad competing influences on how the press constructs legitimacy for the Nigerian people. Agbaje describes it as a ‘‘battlefield of representations.’’ Engaged in this battlefield are such segments of society as the educational system, the work environment, 679

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popular culture, the mass media, the languages of the various groups, sports, and other competing forms of entertainment. Agbaje goes on to describe the problem being exacerbated by the colonial heritage and non-Africans trying to explain the realities of the nation’s complex social structure. The lack of enforced freedom of press laws is in part due to the competing power bases. Various cultural, religious, and tribal groups continue to be at odds over how the country should be governed. Even reaching an agreed upon political philosophy is a significant challenge to the various groups within the country. This ongoing battle of ideas can be seen throughout Nigeria’s history. For example, in debating a constitutional draft in the late 1970s, then Head of State, General Muhammed said of ideology: Since the inception of this Administration, and particularly since the announcement of your appointment as members of the Constitution Drafting Committee, there has been a lively debate in the Press urging the introduction of one form of political ideology or another. Past events have, however, shown that we cannot build a future for this country on a rigid political ideology. Such an approach would be unrealistic. The evolution of a doctrinal concept is usually predicated upon the general acceptance by the people of a national political, philosophy and, consequently, until all our people, or a large majority of them, have acknowledged a common ideological motivation, it would be fruitless to proclaim any particular philosophy or ideology in our constitution.

In spite of the framework that has been set in place for press freedom, Nigeria continues to fight to be able to publish opinions freely. Censorship is a recurring problem in Nigeria regardless of the supposed freedoms expressed in the constitution. Both during periods of civilian rule and military dictatorships, the nation has never experienced a complete assurance of a free press. Government philosophy and documents may state press freedoms exist, but in the day to day affairs of life such freedoms fluctuate widely. Among the newspapers and magazines that have been proscribed are: Newbreed in 1977, the Tribune in 1984, and Newswatch in 1988. Four years after Nigerian gained independence from Britain, the Nigerian Federal House of Parliament passed a controversial newspaper law. The Newspapers (Amendment) Act of 1964 imposed restrictions on the press in the new nation’s early development stage. The act stated: (a) Any person who authorises for publication, publishes, reproduces or circulates for sale in a newspaper any statement, rumour or report knowing or having reason to 680

believe that such statement, rumour or report is false shall be guilty of an offense and liable on conviction to a fine of two hundred pounds or to imprisonment for a term of one year. (b) It shall be no defence to a charge under this section that he did not know or did not have reason to believe that the statement, rumour or report was false unless he proves that prior to publication, he took reasonable measures to verify the accuracy of such statement, rumour or report.

Nigerian scholar Luke Uka Uche points out the irony of this act, adopted by the leaders of the nation so soon after gaining independence. He notes, ‘‘if the colonial government had stringently imposed such sanctions, it would have been very doubtful that Nigerian nationalism would have seen light of day through the pages of newspapers. Ironically, we have just seen how Azikiwe, who later became the first Nigerian President, fought a 1948 newspaper ordinance that merely sought for the payment of cash as part of a security deposit prior to the publication of a newspaper.’’

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS Due to the instability of the various governments over the years the relationship between the state and the press has fluctuated, depending upon a number of factors. At times there have been some moderate consideration given to press freedoms, while other times the crackdown on journalists disagreeing with the government has been blatant and violent. In reviewing the history of the nation, the long-term trend has been that of the repression of a free press. The constitutional privileges that are in writing have simply not been experienced in the real world of daily Nigerian life. On the surface it appears there is much diversity of expression due to the large number of media outlets in the nation. However when a closer observation is made, the complex political and social systems of the nation are the context in which these media organizations operate and it is discovered that the ‘‘societal watchdog’’ function of the press does not operate in reality in Nigeria as it does in more free and open societies. The Committee to Protect Journalists, a New York based nonprofit, nonpartisan organization that monitors press freedoms globally, reported serious reservations about Nigeria’s government-press relations following the election of President Obasanjo. CPJ noted that ‘‘although a new constitution was promulgated on May 5 (1999), it was modeled largely after the 1979 constitution and offered the media no specific protection.’’ About 20 anti-media decrees were identified by CPJ in the revised Nigeria constitution. One of the measures was repealed, the one that called for newspapers and magazines to register with the government. Later it was surreptitiously introduced as the Nigerian Press Council (Amendment) Decree Number 60 of 1999. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

NIGERIA

While press attacks decreased significantly after the transition from military to civilian rule, there remained reported abuses. CPJ reported that shortly after the election, police raided the editorial offices of the independent Lagos newspaper, The News and arrested several employees. Around the same time, Lanre Arogundade, chairman of the Lagos Council of the Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ), was arrested on charges that seemed to be politically motivated. Even government owned media employees experienced harassment. Two reporters for the state-owned newspaper The Observer were suspended for publishing statements considered to be critical of the election process made by international observers.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA Nigerians want to interact with foreign news agencies, but they do not want to lose control of the way their nation is presented in the global marketplace of ideas. They generally advocate limited involvement with foreign media. The U.S. Department of State warned of Nigeria: ‘‘permission is required to take photographs of government buildings, airports, bridges or official-looking buildings. these sites are not always clearly marked, and application of these restrictions is subject to interpretation. Permission may be obtained from Nigerian security personnel. Penalties may include confiscation or breaking of the camera, exposure of the film, a demand for payment of a fine or bribe, or a roughing-up.’’

NEWS AGENCIES There are no domestic news agencies in Nigeria. Some news bureaus are maintained by news agencies from other countries in Nigeria. The BBC and CNN are two Western media organizations that continually monitor developments in the nation.

BROADCAST MEDIA Due to the volatile nature of Nigerian politics there is no predictability in the way laws granting free speech will be interpreted at any given time. Broadcasters are vulnerable in such a climate. Violence is one component that has never left Nigeria’s history regardless of the persons in the top elected offices. There were 2 government controlled television broadcast stations in Nigeria in 1999 and 14 licenses to operate private television stations. The nation has 82 AM radio stations and 35 FM stations. There are 11 shortwave stations in Nigeria. Throughout the country there are 23.5 million radios and 6.9 million television sets. In 1992 the National Broadcasting Commission (NBC) was founded to monitor and regulate broadcasting WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

on a national basis. One goal of the organization is to open up the industry to the marketplace paradigm. Both foreign and domestic participation is sought. A total of nine mandates are itemized in the charter of the NBC. Additionally, the agency has the role of arbitrator between the industry and other areas of the government. Education is also a component of the organization’s work. It is charged with ensuring the development of trained personnel through accredited curricula and programs that offer courses in mass communication and broadcasting. And the final mandate is to guarantee the liberty and protection of the broadcasting industry under the constitution. Nigeria’s president appoints the Board of Commission for the NBC based on the advice of the Minister of Information. The Commission consists of a Chairman, the Director-General. Ten other members are also on the board representing law, business, culture, education, social science, broadcasting, public affairs, engineering, and state security service. Members serve on the board on a part-time basis. The Director-General, who occupies the role of chief executive, conducts day-to-day oversight. That position is assisted by the Secretary to the Commission and the Board of Management, which includes the Heads of Directorate and Departments. On July 26, 1999, Mallam Nasir Danladi Bako was named the Director-General.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA Nigerians are active in Internet technology. The Internet country code for Nigeria is.ng. Eleven Internet Service Providers (ISPs) operate in the nation. An estimated 100,000 Nigerians are Internet users. Numerous media 681

NIGERIA

newspapers that have daily updated Internet sites have columnists and editorial writers based in the United States and Europe. Many of these people have been educated in American and British institutions of higher learning. A significant number have graduate degrees.

EDUCATION & TRAINING Nigeria has a long history of interacting with other nations in the pursuit of education and training. Not only are many Nigerian reporters educated in the U.S. and the U.K., but seminars by educators from these countries provide refresher courses for decision makers in Nigerian media organizations. The largest academic department for acquiring a degree in media studies in west Africa is the University of Jos in Nigeria. Over 500 students are enrolled in the program. Although the title of the department is the Theatre and Communication Arts Department, there is a heavy emphasis on mass communication in the curriculum. outlets are available on the Internet. These include specialty media, designed for target audiences to general interest publications. All Nigeria.com is an Internet source for a broader audience. It contains daily news updates, viewpoints, feature articles and essays on Nigeria, Africa and the world at large from a Nigerian perspective. Nigeria Infonet is a site on the Internet that provides a listing of numerous news and media sources available to anyone interested in either niche or general interest publications. An example of international media outlets providing news analysis on Nigeria’s political situation can be found on the websites of both American and British media outlets. The British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) and Cable News Network (CNN) both maintain special websites on events and personalities related to the 1999 election. Nigeriaworld is an example of a state of the art newspaper online. Its URL is www.nigeriaworld.com. The Daily Times is another Nigerian newspaper found online. It serves as a contrast to Nigeriaworld in that it lacks both the content and distribution advantages of its competitor. It is not updated on a consistent basis and it does not have the stable of writers found in the pages of Nigeriaworld. Nigeria Daily is between the other two newspapers in terms of quality. It updates its web page on a consistent basis, yet it does not have the resources Nigeriaworld has to provide content from such a wide number of credentialed sources. The international nature of news flow on the Internet makes it more difficult for the government to control content distributed through this means. Some of the Nigerian 682

A student can study a wide range of media related topics. Both undergraduate and graduate programs are available. In addition to journalism courses, students have the option of taking courses in media management or public relations. Among the problems encountered in Nigeria’s educational systems were: poor funding, inadequate facilities, admission and certificate racketeering, personnel problems, examination malpractice, frequent strikes, lack of discipline, the emergence of secret cults, and a general abandonment of academic standards. Nwagwu sees the solutions as: dedicated teachers, adequate facilities, staff and support personnel in sufficient number, and a democratically elected government.

SUMMARY Nigeria seems to always be in a state of transition. The constitutional framework for an open society is in place. Educational systems encourage the tradition of free speech, as experienced in the U.S. and western Europe. The freedom of the press will be greatly increased when the many ethnic and other conflicts raging in Nigeria are able to be resolved.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ‘‘2000 Annual Report on International Religious Freedom: Nigeria.’’ U. S. Department of State. 16 February 2002. Available from www.state.gov/global/ human_rights/irf/irf_rpt/irf_nigeria.html. Agbaje, Adigun A. B. The Nigerian Press, Hegemony, and the Social Construction of Legitimacy: 1960-1983. Lewiston, NY: The Edwin Mellon Press, 1992. AllAfrica.com. 3 www.allafrica.com.

May

2002.

Available

from

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

NORFOLK ISLAND

The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). World Factbook 2001. Directorate of Intelligence, 2002. Available from www.cia.gov. Constitutional Rights Project. 31 March 2002. Available from www.crp.org/ng/main.htm. Daniel, Clifton, Ed. Chronicle of the Twentieth Century. Mount Kisco, NY: Chronicle Publications, 1987.

‘‘This is NBC.’’ 30 March 2002. Available from www.nbc-org/nbc-ng/org.html. Uche, Luke Uka. Mass Media, People and Politics in Nigeria. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 1989. ‘‘Villagers Kidnap American, Nine Others in Nigeria.’’ Las Vegas Sun. 4 April 2002. Sec. 9A. —William Covington, Jr.

Eribo, Festus. ‘‘Global News Flow in Africa: Nigeria Media Coverage of International News, 1979-1995’’. The Western Journal of Black Studies 23: 154-163. 1999. Frederick, Howard H. Global Communication & International Relations. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1993.

NORFOLK ISLAND

Hudgens, Jim, and Richard Trillo. West Africa: The Rough Guide. 3rd ed. London: Rough Guides Ltd., 1999. Ihenacho, David Asonye. ‘‘Sharia’s Late Nullification A Timely Fight.’’ Nigeriaworld. 24 March 2002. Available from www.nigeriaworld.com.

BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Norfolk Island

Lamb, David. The Africans. New York: Vintage Books, 1987.

Region (Map name):

Oceania

Population:

1,892

Merrill, John C. Global Journalism: A Survey of the World’s Mass Media. White Plains, NY: Longman, 1983.

Language(s):

English, Norfolk

Literacy rate:

N/A

‘‘News and Media.’’ Nigeria Infonet. 23 March 2002. Available from www.nigeriainfonet.com/Directory/ news_media.htm. ‘‘Nigeria Declares Islamic Law Unconstitutional.’’ The Times of India. 22 March 2002. Available from www.timesofindia.com. ‘‘Nigeria-Consular Information Sheet.’’ 19 January 2001. Available from www.travel.state.gov/nigeria/html. ‘‘Nigerian Broadcasters Benefit from a Sales and Management Training Program in the U.S.’’ U.S. Embassy Nigeria. 30 March 2002. Available from www.usembassy.state.gov/nigeria/wwwhdec7.html. ‘‘Nigeria’s Heads of Government: 1960 to Present.’’ Consulate General of Nigeria, Atlanta. 23 March 2002. Available from www.nigeria-consulate-atl.org/ leaders.htm. Nwagwu, Cordelia C. ‘‘The Environment of Crises in the Nigerian Educational System.’’ Comparative Education 33 (1997): 87-96. Onadipe, Abiodun. ‘‘Nigeria and Democracy: Third Time Lucky?’’ Contemporary Review Company Ltd. 30 March 2002. Available from www.findarticles.com. Soyinka, Wole. The Open Sore of A Continent: A Personal Narrative of the Nigerian Crisis. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996. ‘‘Top Blacks: Profiles of People of Color.’’ 22 March 2002. Available from www.topblacks.com. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Named in honor of a duchess, Norfolk Island’s history is far from regal. Claimed by the British in 1774, colonists twice tried to establish a penal colony here with no success. By 1856, the tropical, South Pacific island had become home to mutineers from the infamous Her Majesty’s Armed Vessel Bounty. Their descendants still live on the island today. The official language is English, but many speak a local Norfolk dialect, a mixture of eighteenth century English and ancient Tahitian. The population is approximately 1,900. Norfolk Island is a territory of Australia. Its chief of state is the English monarch, represented locally by an Administer chosen by the Governor General of Australia. An Assembly President and Chief Minister presides over the Legislative Assembly, a nine-member unicameral body. Tourism is the largest segment of the economy, and the island caters to tourists from Australia and New Zealand. Norfolk Island enjoys freedom of speech and press under British and Australian law. There is no daily newspaper. A weekly, The Norfolk Islander, appears every Saturday and prints in English. Founded in 1965, its circulation is 1,250. The Chief Administrative Office also publishes an English-language weekly called the Norfolk Island Government Gazette, which provides government news and information. There are three FM radio stations serving 2,500 radios. One television station broadcasts locally to 1,200 televisions. There are two Internet service providers. 683

NORTH KOREA

BIBLIOGRAPHY ‘‘CocoNET Wireless,’’ The University of Queensland, Australia (1995). Available from http://www.uq.edu.au. ‘‘Country Profile,’’ Worldinformation.com Available from http://www.cia.gov.

(2002).

‘‘Norfolk Island,’’ CIA World Fact Book (2001). Available from http://www.cia.gov. ‘‘Norfolk Island Media,’’ Norfolk Island (2002). Available from http://www.norfolkisland.gov.nf. —Jenny B. Davis

NORTH KOREA BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Democratic People’s Republic of Korea

Region (Map name):

East & South Asia

Population:

21,968,228

Language(s):

Korean

Literacy rate:

99.0%

Area:

120,540 sq km

Number of Television Stations:

38

Number of Television Sets:

1,200,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

54.6

Number of Radio Stations:

42

Number of Radio Receivers:

3,360,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

152.9

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Propaganda comprises most media in the Democratic People’s Republic of North Korea (DPKR), established on September 10, 1948. The communist Korean Workers’ Party (KWP) was organized two years earlier. Since the Korean peninsula was divided at the thirtyeighth parallel after World War II, the communistcontrolled northern half has utilized the press to achieve 684

political control and dominance over the populace of approximately 21 million people, primarily peasants. The North Korean media has also manipulated the press to portray certain images of North Korea to its allies and foes. Circulation statistics and other facts concerning North Korean media are unavailable because the government keeps a tight hold on such statistics. DPKR media is primarily used for indoctrination by the government. Choson Chungyang Tongsinsa, the state-operated Korean Central News Agency (KCNA, http:// www.kcna.co.jp/), collects and distributes officially created and sanctioned information in both Korean and English. Established on December 5, 1946, at P’yongyang, the KCNA prints the daily Choson Chungyang T’ongsin (Korean Central News), Sajin T’ongsin (Photographic News), and Choson Chungyang Yonbo (Korean Central Yearbook), spreading carefully worded news to designated media bureaus. The DPKR’s Central Committee publishes party rhetoric in its official newspaper, Nodong Sinmun (Workers’ Daily), which is estimated to have a circulation of approximately two million readers. Kulloja (The Worker) also distributes Central Committee theory. The official government newspaper is the Minju Choson (Democratic Korea). Other periodicals provide news for specific occupational groups such as railway workers, military personnel, and teachers. The Foreign Languages Press Group issues the monthly magazine Korea Today and weekly newspaper P’yongyang Times (http://www.times.dprkorea.com/) in English, French, and Spanish.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS The communist North Korean government uses media to achieve contrasting domestic and international agendas. When he became prime minister in 1948, Kim Il-sung recognized the power of the press to influence North Koreans and to confuse and alarm South Korea and its western allies. Kim Il-sung insisted that the DPKR was the only valid Korean government and emphasized Juche, his philosophy of self-reliance. He occasionally spoke to reporters and emphasized journalism education to support DPKR goals. Kim Il-sung established his dictatorship by developing a personality cult which encouraged North Koreans to glorify him and his family as mythical super humans. Kim Il-sung’s son Kim Jong-il received similar public adulation when he succeeded his father who died in 1994. The North Korean press insisted that Kim Jong-il’s succession was unanimously supported; foreign media questioned this account and suggested that rivals had unsuccessfully countered Kim Jong-il because he did not assume power until 1997. Government-controlled North Korean media created a biography for Kim Jong-il that WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

NORTHERN MARIANA ISLANDS

insisted he was destined to rule North Korea because natural phenomena, including a double rainbow, had occurred at the time of his birth. In August 2001, KCNA described Russians as being awestruck by Kim Jong-il’s visit. The media claimed that rain stopped and sun shone wherever Kim Jong-il traveled and that the Russians revered his power to control nature. Article 53 of the DPKR constitution grants North Korean citizens freedom of press and speech, but protects those rights only if media expressions are supportive of the government and the KWP. Censorship has been implemented as the basis of public media. All print and broadcast media emphasize the need for North Koreans to accept a collective lifestyle for the good of the country and to reject individualism. Membership in the Korean Journalist Union is mandatory for reporters.

media because it is a sore point in international relations. DKPR press and other media sources often issue conflicting reports regarding the instigation of conflict in this area.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ‘‘The Hungry North.’’ Economist 336. (July 1, 1995): 26. Kim Il-sung. Chongsonyon kyoyang saop e taehayo. Pyongyang: Foreign Languages Pub. House, 1974. Savada, Andrea Matles, ed. North Korea: A Country Study. 4th ed. Washington, D.C.: Federal Research Division Library of Congress, 1994. —Elizabeth D. Schemer

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA Foreign print and broadcast media are forbidden to average North Koreans who risk harsh penalties such as forced labor if they attempt to listen to or read any nonDPKR media. Only senior party officials are permitted access to external news sources. Foreign journalists are discouraged from entering North Korea uninvited.

NORTHERN MARIANA ISLANDS BASIC DATA

North Korean news reports consistently deny that chronic famine conditions exist in North Korea despite evidence that mass starvation and crop failures have occurred. Statistics concerning such natural disasters as floods are not provided or incorrectly reported. Foreign press often obtains facts from defectors.

Official Country Name:

Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands

Region (Map name):

Oceania

Population:

71,912

When U.S. President George W. Bush described North Korea as an ‘‘evil’’ country that posed terrorism threats in early 2002, the DPKR media began daily attacks on Bush’s credibility and denounced the U.S. as trying to provoke another Korean War.

Language(s):

English, Chamorro, Carolinian

Literacy rate:

97%

BROADCAST MEDIA

The Northern Mariana Islands, located in the North Pacific Ocean between Hawaii and the Philippines, were settled by ancestors of the Chamorros Indians around 2000 B.C. In 1521, explorer Ferdinand Magellan claimed the islands for Spain, which ruled them until selling them to Germany in 1899. At the start of World War I, Japan seized the islands until the close of World War II, when they became part of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands administered by the United States via a United Nations mandate. The islands became self-governing in 1975, and in the 1980s, its citizens received both U.S. citizenship and the civil and political rights of the U.S. Constitution. In 1990, the UN terminated the Trust Territory, but the U.S. remains responsible for foreign affairs and defense. Although the official language is English, most of the population speaks another language at home, such as Chamorro or Carolinian. The population is approximately 72,000, and the literacy rate is 97 percent. The U.S. President serves as the Chief of State, but the Head

The KCNA issues broadcasts in Korean, English, French, Spanish, and Russian. Reports estimate 400,000 televisions and almost five million radios are in North Korea. Radios and televisions are set to receive only government broadcasts approved by the DPRK Radio and Television Broadcasting Committee. The Korean Central Television Station in P’yongyang and stations in Ch’ngjin, Kaesng, Hamhng, Haeju, and Siniju air broadcasts. The AM stations P’yongyang Broadcasting Station (Radio P’yongyang) and Joson Jung-ang Pangsong (Korean Central Broadcasting Station) and P’yongyang FM Pangsong (Broadcasting Station) are the main domestic DPKR radio media. Smaller stations air local programming to individual communities. Some large stations exist that issue international broadcasts. North Korea also broadcasts in the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ). The DMZ is a frequent topic in DKPR WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

685

NORWAY

of Government is local. There is a bicameral legislature with a Senate and a House of Representatives. The garment industry is the most important segment of the economy, but tourism, mostly from Japan, also plays a major role, as does agriculture. The media enjoy freedom of the press and speech. Two newspapers print Monday through Friday: the Saipan Tribune and the Marianas Variety. Both are available online. The Saipan Tribune publishes in English. The Marianas Variety print edition features both English and Chamorro, but its online edition is English only. There are five radio stations, two AM and three FM. There is one television station and one Internet service provider.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ‘‘Annual Survey of Freedom Related Territory Scores,’’ Freedom House (2000). Available from http:// www.freedomhouse.org. ‘‘Country Profile,’’ Worldinformation.com (2002). Available from http://www.worldinformation.com. ‘‘Northern Mariana Islands,’’ CIA World Fact Book (2001). Available from http://www.cia.gov. Saipan Tribune, (1998) Home Page. Available from http://www.tribune.com. —Jenny B. Davis

Total Circulation:

365,000

Circulation per 1,000:

102

Total Newspaper Ad Receipts:

5,705 (Kroner millions)

As % of All Ad Expenditures:

44.60

Number of Television Stations:

360

Number of Television Sets:

2,030,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

450.8

Number of Cable Subscribers:

826,200

Cable Subscribers per 1,000:

183.6

Number of Satellite Subscribers:

530,000

Satellite Subscribers per 1,000:

117.7

Number of Radio Stations:

656

Number of Radio Receivers:

4,030,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

894.9

Number of Individuals with Computers:

2,200,000

Computers per 1,000:

488.5

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

2,200,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

488.5

NORWAY BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS

BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Kingdom of Norway

Region (Map name):

Europe

Population:

4,503,440

Language(s):

Norwegian (official)

Literacy rate:

100.0%

Area:

324,220 sq km

GDP:

161,769 (US$ millions)

Number of Daily Newspapers:

82

Total Circulation:

2,578,000

Circulation per 1,000:

720

Number of Nondaily Newspapers:

74

686

Norway is officially known as the Kingdom of Norway and includes a large mainland, a variety of small islands, and other territories totaling 385,155 square kilometers. Norway lies on the Scandinavian Peninsula and is surrounded by three seas to the west and shares most of its eastern border with Sweden. The northern section of Norway experiences cold winters and weeks of continuous darkness, along with weeks of continuous sun in the summer. The country includes large barren and mountainous regions and had a population of just 4.5 million people in 2001. In 1999 it was estimated that 28 percent of Norwegians live in one of the four largest urban areas, and only these four areas have more than 100,000 inhabitants. Oslo, the capital of Norway, has approximately 500,000 inhabitants; the next largest area, Bergen, has 220,000 inhabitants. Just 15 communities have more than 20,000 inhabitants. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

NORWAY

Compared to most countries, Norway’s population is overwhelmingly homogeneous. The vast majority of Norwegians are Nordic in heritage and appearance, and more than 60 percent have blue eyes. About 20 percent of Norwegians are under the age of 15, and 38 percent are married. Approximately 85 percent of Norwegians claim membership in the Lutheran Church of Norway, although most are merely nominal members of the staterun church with less than 3 percent attending regular religious services. Freedom to practice any religion is available to all. The language of Norway is German in origin, and modern Norwegian has several dialects but all are understood across Scandinavian countries. One written language, known as Riksmal, or ‘‘official language,’’ was in place until about 1850. Landsmal, or ‘‘country language,’’ was a written form created out of rural Norwegian dialects. A struggle over these two written forms resulted in both being given equal status. Over 80 percent of schools use Riksmal, now known as Dano-Norwegian (Nynorsk). English is a compulsory subject in school.

papers began to criticize the Danish monarchy and were influential in pushing Norway to declare independence. Denmark had ruled Norway for the previous 400 years, but turned over control to Sweden when Napoleon was defeated. To counter this transfer of control, Norwegians quickly created a constitution that called for the most democratic political structure to date, including a parliamentary system, the abolition of any further hereditary titles, and expanded voting privileges. Although a small elite still ruled Norway, this constitution resulted in the limitation of Sweden’s control and has been maintained, with the addition of amendments, to this day. With independence and a democratically based constitution, modern Norway was designed to be open, a society in which all children have the right to be literate, and all citizens participate in decision making. A free press was thought to be essential for this and to make an informed nation out of such a dispersed population. To this end, the constitution provided for a free press, similar to the one developed earlier in the constitution of the United States.

Norway was an agricultural society just 100 years ago. In 2000, the three largest sectors of employment were public services (40 percent), commerce, hotels, and restaurants (18 percent), and industry (17 percent). Norway is one of the world leaders in the exportation of petroleum. With an abundance of offshore oil and peaceful political and labor relations, Norway’s standard of living is one of the highest in the world. Norwegians also rank among the highest in the world in projected life expectancy. A social democracy, Norway has a parliamentary monarchy with numerous political parties. A strong sense of equality dominates social policy. National health and welfare systems provide for all Norwegians, and include free medical care and full support in retirement or because of disability. Norway offers fully funded education for all Norwegians from 6 years old through a college education, and children are required to attend school for 10 years from the age of 6 until the age of 16. The government attempts to provide a high quality education to all citizens, regardless of geographical location, ethnicity, gender, social class or any other consideration, and is especially concerned that the educational system prepares citizens to compete in a world market. In 2000, among all Norwegians between the ages of 25 and 34 years old, 93 percent had completed at least an upper secondary education. Adult literacy in Norway exceeds 99 percent.

The result was that Norwegian newspapers became important sources of information and commentary about the state of affairs in Norway. With industrialization in the middle of the nineteenth century, the press grew and began to participate in the political debates between liberals and conservatives. In fact, newspapers took sides and became associated with specific political parties. This partisan journalism survived through the 1990s. From 1900 until the start of World War II, some 80 newspapers opened their doors. However, many papers were subsequently eliminated with the Nazi occupation of Norway during the war, and many newspaper editors were imprisoned or murdered. Nonetheless, underground newspapers flourished as Norwegians risked their lives to keep their fellow citizens informed about the war and other international events. This news was obtained from short-wave radio broadcasts by the British. When the occupation ended, Norwegians were adamant about re-establishing a fully active and free press.

The development of Norway’s press began with independence from Denmark in 1814. In the 1300s, clergy distributed handwritten reports of events. Printed reports seem to have begun in the 1600s. Norway’s first full newspaper, Norske Intelligenz Seddeler, was established in Bergen in 1763. Censorship by the ruling Danish monarchy limited the content of early newspapers in Norway. By the end of the eighteenth century though, a few newsWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

In 1999, Norway had 233 newspapers serving 117 different communities. For a country of just 4.5 million people, this is a large number of newspapers, although most are small and distributed less than three times a week. The 78 daily newspapers serve 62 different communities across Norway. Oslo, the capital of Norway, with a population of half a million, has nine daily papers and accounts for 42 percent of all newspaper production in the country. Norway has consistently led the world in per capita newspaper reading with an average household reading 1.65 newspapers a day in 1999. Unlike other countries that have experienced a substantial decrease in circulation at the end of the twentieth century, newspaper circulation remained consistent in Norway across the 1980s and 1990s. In fact, the only documented change in 687

NORWAY

these decades was a decrease in the amount of time spent on newspaper reading. In 1999, this figure stood at just over 30 minutes per day. Even with the blossoming of Internet news and numerous radio and television broadcasts of local news, Norwegians remain devoted to printed newspapers for their information. The large number of small newspapers in this country is attributed to geography and government support. The numerous mountain ranges and fjords mean that the country has many isolated communities that require a unique paper to report on local events. In fact, the local press experienced growth in the 1990s whereas newspapers covering larger areas decreased circulation in that decade. However, in medium-sized cities where a major competitor exists for advertising, smaller, local papers have been challenged. The result is that generally only the larger paper survives, as only 10 communities have two or more local papers competing with one another. The large number of papers in existence is also possible because of economic support from the government. Tax breaks for all papers as well as subsidies for local papers that have small circulation numbers or other competing papers allow many newspapers to survive. This strong support for local presses may also reflect Norwegians distrust of centralized authority. The largest Oslo newspapers include Aftenposten, Dagbladet, and Verdens Gang. Although these newspapers are available to the entire nation, local community papers dominate their individual markets. Bergen has the Bergens Tidende; Trondheim has the Adresseavisen, and Stavanger has the Stavanger Aftenblad. Popular business papers include Dagens Naeringsliv and Finansavisen. Although large headlines with popular appeal and photographs are prominent in Norwegian papers, the quality and extensiveness of the news reporting is considered high. In fact, the Aftenposten is recognized internationally as one of the elite daily newspapers in the world.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK Welfare capitalism flourishes in Norway. The economy features both free market activity and government 688

control of key sectors, such as the management of Norway’s rich natural resources and, in particular, the critical petroleum industry. Norway’s economy is quite dependent on exporting oil. In fact, this small country is second only to Saudi Arabia in the amount of oil exported. Privatization of this industry began in 2000. Although Norway’s economy is fairly robust at the beginning of the twenty-first century, concern over the expected depletion of petroleum resources in the next couple of decades is mounting. To prepare for this economic adversity, the government has invested internationally and, as of 2000, had investments totaling more than U.S. $43 billion. In 2000 the labor force consisted of 2.4 million workers with unemployment estimated at 3 percent. Despite an economic downturn in the late 1990s, Norway remained one of the top countries in the world in standard of living. One substantial source of money for newspapers in Norway has been political parties. The party press developed with the political struggle over creating a parliamentary government in the 1800s. The press was the primary means for political debate and influence among citizens as nationally organized parties did not exist at the time. As parties developed, they subsidized newspapers in exchange for representing their political positions. Opposing parties would then subsidize other papers to present competing positions to the public. The economic role of political parties in the subsidy of newspapers flourished following the Nazi occupation. Because many papers were closed down by the German invasion, start-up money was needed to begin papers again. Political parties, in addition to trade unions, stepped in with substantial financial contributions. The 1950s and 1960s brought a downturn in the number of newspapers in Norway. Although advertising income increased during this time, it was unevenly distributed across papers. Large circulation papers received a disproportionate amount of the advertising money available as advertisers believed that the other competing papers in an area did not represent many additional readers. The economics of the newspaper business then led to a decline in political party involvement in the press as party papers typically had smaller circulations and could not survive. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

NORWAY

The Norwegian government was then asked to subsidize smaller political presses to keep a diversity of political views available to the public. The cost of supporting all party-related presses in such a large multi-party political system was too high. As a consequence, the government chose to economically support only struggling papers, in particular, those with small circulations or stiff competition from other papers. These are intended to be objective criteria so that the government is contributing to a rich and diverse press, as opposed to advocating a particular political position. Quality of the paper is not a factor in these subsidies, and the government asks for nothing in return for the contribution. The goal is simply to maintain a well-informed and political savvy citizenship. These subsidies were authorized in 1969, and in 2000, the government spent 164 million Norwegian krone, the equivalent of 20.5 million Euro, on newspaper support. This support allowed the party presses to survive much longer than they would have been able to otherwise. Nonetheless, party presses became less economically viable as other methods for transmitting news became popular. With the advent of the state broadcasting system and its public service philosophy of including a wide range of political party views in its programming, party papers became obsolete. Those papers then had a journalistic dilemma of whether to continue to cater to those committed to a single political perspective or to become more comprehensive in the positions presented and risk losing their devoted base of readers. As a result news journalism began to develop in Norway at the beginning of the twentieth century; however, it has been slow to progress, not replacing political-party journalism until the start of the twenty-first century. Advertising revenues declined substantially for both newspapers and broadcast media in 2001 and at the start of 2002. Moreover, the size of the subsidies provided by the government to enhance diversity in daily presses has declined substantially since 1990. As a result, some media enterprises have gone out of business or merged. In one medium-sized city, Bodo, two large daily newspapers decided to merge because of the loss of advertising revenue. These economic problems have led to concerns about competition, as large conglomerates are created. Although severely criticized for being ineffective, the Norwegian Media Ownership Authority (NMOA) was established in 1999 to prevent concentrations in ownership of the media. This was deemed especially important in light of the fact that only three groups own most of the daily presses and also have substantial interests in broadcast media.

ated in the nineteenth century. Article 100 of that constitution guarantees ‘‘liberty of the press.’’ Punishment for any writing is strictly prohibited in the article, except where the writing leads to law-breaking activity, ‘‘contempt of religion or morality or constitutional power,’’ or is ‘‘false and defamatory’’ of another person. In addition, the article includes the idea that ‘‘everyone shall be free to speak [his or her] mind frankly on the administration of the State or on any other subject whatsoever.’’ With the exception of the limitations described in article 100, the press is not restrained in any way by the laws of Norway. However, the press is subject to the laws that apply to any other citizen. Although journalists may conceal their sources, a court can compel them to disclose pertinent information with a penalty of imprisonment if their information is deemed necessary.

PRESS LAWS

In 1994, the Norwegian Press Association adopted an Ethical Code of Practice, covering the obligation of the press to protect freedoms of speech and information distribution and the obligation to offer critical commentary and a diversity of views. Although this is not a legally binding obligation, it serves as an important guideline for behavior for the press and is followed with much diligence. The code also addresses integrity and responsibility. For example, offering any sort of favors to advertisers is prohibited, and presenting accurate and truthful information is expected. Relationships with sources of information are also delineated. According to this national association, the press is obligated to use credible sources and to identify them when there is no need to protect them.

The establishment of a free press in Norway was written into the Norwegian Constitution when it was cre-

Press laws have not kept pace with changes in the media. For example, senior editors are held legally ac-

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689

NORWAY

countable for newspaper and broadcast media content, but it is unclear who should be held liable for published materials on the Internet. In 2001, a governmental committee was created to determine this. In support of freedom of the press, the national press associations in Norway oppose holding Internet Service Providers (ISPs) responsible for not removing material immediately that some authority deems unlawful, except in the case where a court has made a determination. In an effort to police themselves, a ‘‘liability label’’ has been created by the national association of editors for Webs sites that adhere to association policies. These policies include having an independent editor and agreeing to the other ethical and legal requirements delineated by the association. Many Web sites display this well-recognized label.

CENSORSHIP Norway prides itself on its free press and does not condone censorship. However, during the Nazi occupation of Norway in World War II, censorship was prevalent. Journalists and editors were murdered, and many newspapers were shut down. The Germans tightly controlled the content of the remaining newspapers. As previously mentioned, Norwegians developed an underground press to combat this kind of censorship, as having informed and politically active citizens is an important value in Norway. Norway offers free access to foreign media and is actively supportive of free press systems around the world. In 1995, 15 major media organizations developed the Norwegian Forum for Freedom of Expression (NFFE) to support and observe Article 19 of the United Nations (UN) Declaration of Human Rights that includes freedom of expression as a human right. The NFFE worked internationally and within Norway to protect and provide for freedom of expression. The NFFE lobbied against media restrictions in Asia, Africa, and Eastern Europe and participated in a variety of UN-organized conferences around the world. Within Norway, the NFFE monitored governmental policies that impact freedom of expression, organized conferences and seminars on the subject, and created cities of asylum in Norway for persecuted writers from around the world. The NFFE disbanded in early 2002. Norway, however, remains one of the most open countries in the world with regard to press freedoms. Even the government looks for ways to expand, not limit, access to information and freedom of expression laws. In 1999, for the first time since the creation of the Norwegian constitution in 1814, a special Constitutional Commission examined and made recommendations for revisions in Norway’s freedom of expression principles. The revisions are intended to empower individuals and the media in terms of freedom of expression. The proposed revision in Article 100 of the constitution provides 690

for the ‘‘right of access to the documents of the State and of the municipal administration, and a right to be present at the sittings of the courts and of administrative bodies.’’ In addition, the state is responsible for creating ‘‘conditions enabling an open and enlightened public debate.’’

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS Among all professions, journalists stand out in their representation in the national assembly or Storting. Journalists seem especially eager to seek out the prestige of political party positions. For example, Nils Honsvald served as editor of the Labour party newspaper in Sarpsborg, the Sarpsborg Arbeiderblad, at the same time that he held a variety of political positions, including Storting representative, government minister, group leader for the Labour Party, and president of the Lagting and the Odelsting, the small and large divisions of the Storting. Helge Seip was also a Storting representative and government minister while he served as the editor of Dagbladet, the third largest newspaper in all of Norway. Many others have served in politics while simultaneously working as editors of powerful newspapers as well. However, since the 1970s the press has become more adversarial with the government. The Freedom of Information Act allowed access to all kinds of governmental activity. In combination with the development of newsjournalism and investigative reporting, the press has become less respectful and more questioning of governmental officials. Despite the shift in relations, the government continues to acknowledge the necessity of a free press for an effective democracy and is supportive of this enhanced access to affairs of the state. The press and the Norwegian government have been involved in collusion about what information should be made available to the public, especially during the Cold War. Journalists and politicians met and decided what information to pass on to the public and what to leave out. This kind of cooperation to suppress information was possible because of the close relationship between journalists and politicians. More specifically, newspaper editors and journalists held many of the key political positions in the country. When revealed, this practice was severely criticized. Many felt that the press had ignored its responsibility to be a watchdog for the public and to protect its own constitutionally guaranteed press-related freedoms. In 2002, with the development of the profession of journalism, politically oriented papers have been replaced with politically neutral papers in which the goal is to represent as many positions on an issue as reasonably possible. This independent version of Norway’s press is expected to be less likely to respond to any kind of censorship effort. In fact, by providing a variety of poWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

NORWAY

litical perspectives on issues, politicians now need to be available to the press to provide them with any information necessary to explain their proposals and policies. Moreover, the press is thought to be responsible at least in part for the demise of political party loyalty. Half of all voters switch party allegiance from election to election, and minority parties are firmly established in the government because they have a voice for their views in this newly established independent press, despite limited membership or funds. The press then actually seems to have more political power and control about what is reported now then during the era of the political party press.

BROADCAST MEDIA Over 650 FM, 5 AM, and 1 short wave radio stations were operating in Norway in 1998. Norwegians own over 4 million radios. Radio was especially popular in the 1950s and 1960s during which time Norwegians would gather to listen to radio theatre. During the Nazi occupation, radio was essential because it was a primary source of information, as Norwegians could receive broadcasts from the British Isles. Although the Nazis banned radios, many families turned in one radio to the Germans but had another hidden in their homes. Radio is not as popular at the start of the twenty-first century because of the prevalence of televisions and Internet connections. Many Norwegians continue to use radio for short periods of time to get updates on news and weather. More than 60 percent of Norwegians used a radio on a daily basis in 1997, yet that represented a decrease of 10 percent since 1991. The state broadcast system was a monopoly until 1981. Two television channels serve all of Norway. The first, the Norwegian broadcasting channel (NRK), has existed the 1960s. Not commercially funded, the channel requires a fee from all who have a television in Norway. The amount of time spent watching this station is irrelevant as all pay the same fee. The second nationwide channel, TV2, began broadcasting in the 1990s and is supported by commercials. Although NRK has been in existence much longer, both channels have about the same number of viewers. Other channels are available to Norwegians through the use of cable or satellite dish connections. These channels include local stations, other nationwide stations, and foreign stations. The Act on Local Broadcasting that passed in 1988 allowed for permanent local broadcasts. Oslo has some 72 different television stations available to viewers. It is notable that Norwegian laws prevent television stations from interrupting shows with commercials, and commercials are limited in their length. Even the shortest of infomercials have been sanctioned. Norwegians have approximately 2 million televisions for a population of 4.5 million. In 1996, TV2 filed a lawsuit against the government arguing that the state had breached its agreement with the WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

station to give it sole right to present advertising-funded television programming nationwide. The case involved TV-Norge’s use of cable systems to broadcast commercial programming across the country. Subsequently, in 1997 an organization representing Norway’s television advertisers called for a boycott of these two channels, TV-Norge and TV2, because TV2 had acquired 49.4 percent of the interest in TV-Norge. Advertisers wondered why TV2 was allowed to acquire such a large interest in its closest competitor, and worried that what had been a market of smaller stations competing with one another was now becoming a monopoly. After leaving Norway because of the availability of national news Web sites, in 2002 CNN reported that they are returning to Norway, among other Scandinavian countries. Although Norway is relatively small in size, it is distinctive in its openness to new innovations in television, such as interactive applications, and Anglo-Saxon channels are well accepted because English is required in schools and subtitles are used instead of dubbing. The result is that much of CNN’s original programming can be used unaltered in Norway. Ten news agencies, all based in Oslo, served Norway in 1999.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA All forms of news are duplicated to some degree on the Internet in Norway. Leading Norwegian newspapers, such as Aftenposten, Dagbladet, VG, Morgenbladet, and Nytt Fra Norge have Internet versions of their papers. The Aftenposten Web site offers a more compact version of its printed daily edition and allows the user to go directly to an overview of the news or to an outline of the paper’s contents. Several regional and local newspapers also have Web sites of their contents. Regional newspa691

NORWAY

the press became more professional and independent. The job market was then open to all based on ability as opposed to party affiliation, and staunch party journalists were able to seek positions with papers that were in direct opposition to their political persuasion. Journalistic methods of analysis and investigation were the qualities now sought in journalists.

pers on the Internet include Bergens Tidende, Bergensavisen, Ostlandets Blad, Moss Avis, and Gudbrandsdolen Lillehammer Tilskuer. In 2002, three local papers were available on the Internet, including News from Tysnes, a paper that covers a group of islands south of Bergen. Many magazines are available on the Internet as well, including political, cultural, science, women’s, and educational publications. Norwegian radio can also be heard on the Internet. Radio Norway International has a Web site that includes information about times and frequencies of Internet broadcasts. Thirteen Internet Service Providers are available, and 2.36 million people were Internet users in Norway in 2000. Norway ranks fourth in the number of Internet connections per capita. The internet code for Norway is.no.

EDUCATION & TRAINING The number of journalists in Norway increased dramatically as advertising income blossomed. Even though the number of newspapers declined substantially beginning in the 1950s, the size of newspapers grew tremendously, as did the number of journalists. The Norwegian Union of Journalists saw its membership double between 1960 and 1975, and then again by 1987 to 4,494 members. This increase sparked meaningful union activity that resulted in increased wages and improved working conditions for journalists. The union also sought input from their members when editors were appointed or promoted. As owners suspected, this was a move to limit owners’ and editors’ ability to present their own particular slant or political position. In addition, with the transition from a party press to a news journalism approach, 692

Education and training of journalists in Norway is varied. Universities in Norway offer journalism and mass communication programs, and internships and apprenticeships allow for on-the-job training. Although anyone can work as a journalist and use the title of journalist, a university education is expected for most professional positions. Higher education programs in journalism are professionally oriented and qualify graduates to work in print or broadcast media. The Volda University is the central institution in Norway for a broadcast journalism education. This small college includes a Faculty of Media and Journalism, which offers bachelor’s programs in journalism, media, and information and communication technology and design. Oslo University College has a Faculty of Journalism, Library and Information Science offering a variety of programs. Two-year programs in journalism and photojournalism are offered. The journalism programs address how to find, evaluate, critique, and convey information. A master’s degree in journalism became available in 2001 in cooperation with the University of Oslo. This degree addresses subjects such as the history of journalism, cross-cultural communication in Norway and abroad, professional journalistic identity, and research in journalism. The University of Oslo offers degrees in journalism through their Journalism and Media and Communication Departments. These professional programs focus on the means and methods of journalists and include scientific and critical analysis of the field of journalism.

SUMMARY Norway enjoys a free press and a large number and rich variety of newspapers covering even some of the smallest and most remote communities. Norway’s press grew from handwritten sheets produced by clergy in the 1400s to a long run for a multitude of newspapers through the start of the twenty-first century. After a press dominated by political party influence with newspapers representing particular political positions, Norway press has come to value independence and the presentation of a range of perspectives on issues. Censorship is virtually nonexistent in Norway, and few laws restrict the press in any manner. Journalism is considered an honorable and important profession. In 2002, broadcast media dominated in Norway, and Norwegians were fully in tune with the most modern means of communication, including an abundance of Internet connections, access to satellite transmissions, and a large percentage of cell phone users. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

NORWAY

SIGNIFICANT DATES • 1814: The Norwegian Constitution is created and establishes a free press. • 1969: The government authorizes subsidies to ensure a diversified press, providing for local and small circulation newspapers.

Constitution to allow for more extensive freedom of expression protections; the Norwegian Media Ownership Authority is established to prevent concentrations in ownership of the media. • 2001: A governmental committee is established to decide on legal liability for publication of materials on the Internet.

• 1981: The state broadcast system is no longer a monopoly.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

• 1988: The Act on Local Broadcasting is passed allowing permanent local television broadcasts.

Hoyer, Svennik. The Norwegian Press. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Available from http://www.odin.dep.no.

• 1994: The Norwegian Press Association is adopted an Ethical Code of Practice. • 1995: Fifteen major media organizations develop the Norwegian Forum for Freedom of Expression to support Article19 of the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights representing freedom of expression as a human right. • 1999: A special Constitutional Commission recommends revisions in article 100 of the Norwegian

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

‘‘Norway.’’ Culture Link. Available from http:// www.culturelink.org. ‘‘Norway.’’ World Press Freedom Review. Available from http://www.freemedia.at. ‘‘Norwegian Media Links.’’ Media Links. Available from http://www.cyberclip.com. —Melanie Moore

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OMAN BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Sultanate of Oman

Region (Map name):

Middle East

Population:

2,533,389

Language(s):

Arabic, English, Baluchi, Urdu

Literacy rate:

80%

Oman (Uman) is situated in the southeastern portion of the Arabian Peninsula next to Yemen, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). It is an independent sultanate (Sultanat Uman) that has considerably upgraded its economic and social situation through various developments since a 1970 peaceful coup established Qaboos bin Said al Said as sultan in place of his father. In light of its interest in technological progress and its historical relationship with Great Britain, Oman utilizes Western advisors in an attempt to provide itself with a buffer against its larger, better funded and historically aggressive neighbors. Freedom of the press is guaranteed by law in Article 31 of Oman’s Basic Statute. However, the exact wording leaves room for interpretations that can be antithetical to a free press, i.e., matter ‘‘leading to discord, harming the State’s security or abusing human dignity or rights is prohibited.’’ There are six daily newspapers, four in Arabic and two in English. Those printed in Arabic are: Khaleej Times, Oman Daily Newspaper (with a circulation of 15,560), Ash-Shabibah, and Al-Watan (The Nation, 32,500). Those published in English are: The Oman Daily Observer (22,000;) and the Times of Oman (15,000). WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

There are approximately 20 periodicals published in the sultanate, a number of them by sections of the government. They include: Jund Oman (Soldiers of Oman, a monthly magazine of the Ministry of Defence), AlGhorfa (Oman Commerce, a bi-monthly with a circulation of 10,500 and published by Oman Chamber of Commerce and Industry), Al-Omaniya (Omani Woman, a monthly with a circulation of 10,500), Oman Today (a bimonthly with a circulation of 20,000 that covers leisure and sports), Al-’Akidah (The Faith, a weekly with a circulation of 10,000 covering politics), Al-Mazari’ (Farms, a weekly journal of the ministries of Agriculture and Fisheries, and of Petroleum and Minerals). Radio and television are overseen by the Ministry of Information. A director general of Radio and Television reports to the Minister of Information. The director general is responsible for complete oversight of operations. Radio and television media are entirely government funded; advertising is prohibited. Radio Sultanate of Oman and Radio Salalah were both founded in 1970. Radio development was especially important to Oman in the 1970s to counteract anti-Omani propaganda being broadcast from Marxist South Yemen. In 2000 there were approximately 1.4 million radios in the country being broadcast to from three AM, nine FM, and two shortwave stations, and typically receiving broadcasts in Arabic, English and Dhofari. While Oman has no particular aspersions to become a broadcasting powerhouse in the region, programming is available in a few ways to outsiders. Those interested can listen to Omani radio utilizing either an Omani satellite channel on ARABSAT or via the Internet. In the future broadcasts may also be available on Egypt’s NILESAT. INTELSAT also is available to Oman. Omani television is as prevalent as radio, with about 1.4 million television sets reported in 2000. There are stations operating in both Muscat and Salalah, with 117 other television transmitters, many of them solar pow695

OMAN

ered, throughout the country. The nodes of this network are connected by satellite. Local programming in Oman has the potential for greater influence than in some of the other Arab region states because the positioning of major cities in the state does not conflict with any other broadcast signals; there is no competition. The competition present comes from home videos and satellite television signals (satellite dish ownership is legally sanctioned). Omani state television imports less Western programming than some other Gulf states and tends to emphasize regionally contextual programming concerning faith, history, politics, social life and the like.

International Press Institute. World Press Review. Available fromhttp://www.freemedia.at/wpfr/world.html.

The British Broadcasting Company utilizes Masirah Island off the coast of Oman for a medium-wave relay station to boost the signal for its Arabic, Farsi, Hindi, Pashtu, English and Urdu programming. The eventual plan is to move the relay station from the island to the Omani mainland. All of this is suggests an historical and continuing relationship between Oman and Great Britain.

‘‘Middle East Archives 2002.’’ Reporters Sans Frontieres. Available from http://www.rsf.fr.

Oman began Internet service in 1997 and recently boasted 50,000 users. Reporters Sans Frontieres notes that while the Internet has been a positive move for Oman, Web sites at times are blocked by OmanTelecommunications (OmanTel) since they are perceived as incompatible with Islam and/or too Westernized. Due to the government’s wish to maintain control over this medium, there remains one Internet service provider for the entire country.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Al-Ghorfa (Oman Commerce). Available from http:// www.omanchamber.org. All the World’s Newspapers. Available from www.webwombat.com.au/intercom/newsprs/index.htm. Allen, Calvin H., and W.L. Rigsbee. Oman under Qaboos: From Coup to Constitution, 1970-1996. London: Frank Cass, 2000. Boyd, Douglas. Broadcasting in the Arab World: A Survey of the Electronic Media in the Middle East, 3rd edition. Ames, IA: Iowa State University Press, 1999. Congressional Quarterly Inc. The Middle East, 9th ed. 2000. Washington, DC. ‘‘Country Index.’’ Atalpedia Online. Available from http://www.atlapedia.com/online/country_index.

Kechichian, J. Oman and the World. Rand, 1997. Kurian, George, ed. World Press Encyclopedia. New York: Facts on File, Inc., 1982. The Library of Congress. Country Studies. Available from http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/. Maher, Joanne, ed. Regional Surveys of the World: The Middle East and North Africa 2002, 48th ed. London: Europa Publications, 2001.

Ministry of Information. www.omanet.com.

Available

from

http://

‘‘Oman.’’ BBC News Country Profiles. Available fromhttp://news.bbc.co.uk/. ‘‘Oman.’’ Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). In The World Factbook 2001. Available: http://www.cia.gov/ cia/publications/factbook/. ‘‘Oman Annual Report 2002.’’ Reporters Sans Frontieres. Available from http://www.rsf.fr. Radio Sultanate of Oman. Available from http:// www.oman-radio.gov.om. Redmon, Clare, ed. Willings Press Guide 2002, vol. 2. Chesham Bucks, UK: Waymaker Ltd, 2002. Russell, Malcom. The Middle East and South Asia 2001, 35th ed. Harpers Ferry, WV: United Book Press, Inc., 2001. Stat-USA International Trade Library: Country Background Notes. Available fromhttp://www.stat-usa.gov. Sumner, Jeff, ed. Gale Directory of Publications and Broadcast Media, Vol. 5, 136th ed. Farmington Hills, MI: Gale Group, 2002. UNESCO Institute for Statistics. Available from http:// www.uis.unesco.org. World Desk Reference. www.travel.dk.com/wdr.

Available

from

http://

Data and Statistics. World Bank. Available from http:// www.worldbank.org/data/countrydata/countrydata.html.

Zahlan, Rosmarie Said, and Roger Owen. The Making of the Modern Gulf States: Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the UAE and Oman. Reading: Ithaca Press, 1997.

Eickelman, Christine. Women and Community in Oman. New York: New York University Press, 1984.

—Clint B. Thomas Baldwin

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WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS

PAKISTAN BASIC DATA Official Country Name: Region (Map name): Population: Language(s):

Literacy rate: Area: GDP: Total Newspaper Ad Receipts: As % of All Ad Expenditures: Number of Television Stations: Number of Television Sets: Television Sets per 1,000: Number of Radio Stations: Number of Radio Receivers: Radio Receivers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Computers: Computers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Internet Access: Internet Access per 1,000:

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Islamic Republic of Pakistan East & South Asia 144,616,639 Punjabi, Sindhi, Siraki, Pashtu, Urdu (official), Balochi, Hindko, Brahui, English 42.7% 803,940 sq km 61,638 (US$ millions) 1,492 (Rupees millions) 22.60 22 3,100,000 21.4 55 13,500,000 93.4 590,000 4.1 133,875 0.9

General Description The Islamic Republic of Pakistan celebrated 50 years of independence in 1997. Those years have often been turbulent ones, given that military rulers have remained heads of state for 28 of those 50 years. This fact has affected the press and laws governing the press in Pakistan. In 1947 when the British agreed to partition British India into the two self-governing countries of India and Pakistan, only four major Muslim-owned newspapers existed in the area now called Pakistan: Pakistan Times, Zamindar, Nawa-i-Waqt, and Civil and Military Gazette, all located in Lahore. However, a number of Muslim papers moved to Pakistan, including Dawn, which began publishing daily in Karachi in 1947. Other publications moving to Pakistan included the Morning News and the Urdulanguage dailies Jang and Anjam. By the early 2000s, 1,500 newspapers and journals exist in Pakistan, including those published in English, Urdu, and in regional languages; and the press remains strong and central to public life in spite of government efforts to control it.

NATURE OF THE AUDIENCE As of July 2001, Pakistan’s estimated population stood at 144,616,639, with men slightly outnumbering women. Ethnic groups within the population include Punjabi, Sindhi, Pashtun (Pathan), Baloch, and Muhajir (immigrants from India at the time of partition and their descendants). Although Urdu is the official language of Pakistan, only about 8 percent of the people speak it. Forty-eight percent speak Punjabi and 8 percent speak English, which is considered the lingua franca of Pakistani elite and most government ministries. Other languages include Sindhi (12 percent), Siraiki (a Punjab variant; 10 percent), Pashtu (8 percent), Balochi (3 per697

PAKISTAN

cent), Hindko (2 percent), Brahui (1 percent), and Burushaski and others (8 percent). Pakistan’s press reflects this language diversity. Newspapers that publish in Urdu, the national language of Pakistan, have a broader reach than the Englishlanguage papers. According to London’s Financial Times, the combined circulation of Pakistan’s entire English-language press is no more than 150,000 in a population one hundred times that size. In terms of distribution, the English-language papers seem to be skewed toward the more liberal elite whereas the Urdu press appeals to the masses and includes scandal sheets as well as respected journals, religious papers, and party organs. Literacy seems to play a part in this distribution pattern. Only 42.7 percent of the Pakistani population (age 15 and over) can read and write. However, many adult literacy centers have been established in recent years; in addition, the People’s Open University was opened at Islamabad to provide mass adult education through correspondence and the communications media. Quality of Journalism: General Comments The press in Pakistan holds significant power and has suffered much under various political leaders, only to emerge resilient and more committed to freedom of speech. The press’s existence is remarkable given the often harsh means used by government officials and military dictators to control it. The press is, in fact, central to public life in Pakistan because it provides a forum for debating issues of national importance. As the national English-language daily The News notes, ‘‘[The press] has in fact replaced what think tanks and political parties in other countries would do. Columnists engage in major debates and discussions on issues ranging from national security to the social sector.’’ The competitive nature of politics helps to ensure press freedom, because the media often serve as a forum for political parties, commercial, religious, and other interests, as well as influential individuals, to compete with and criticize each other publicly. Islamic beliefs, which are taught in the public schools, are widely reflected by the mass media. Although the press does not criticize Islam as such, leaders of religious parties and movements are not exempt from public scrutiny and criticism. The press traditionally has not criticized the military; the Office of Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) closely controls and coordinates the release of military news. In general, the quality of journalism is high. English language newspapers tend to present more foreign news than Pakistani papers in other languages. Physical Characteristics of Newspapers The typical Pakistani newspaper is of regular rather than tabloid size, 698

averaging about 20 pages per issue. Most newspapers have a weekend, midweek, and magazine section. All the leading newspapers, including Jang, Nawa-e-Waqt, Dawn, The Nation, The News International, and Business Recorder, have online editions. Circulation Information The All-Pakistan Newspaper Society (APNS) estimated that the total combined circulation figure for daily newspapers and other periodicals was 3.5 million in 1997. Print media included 424 dailies, 718 weeklies, 107 fortnightlies, and 553 monthlies. Deficient literacy rates, urban orientation of the press, and the high price of newspapers are considered primary factors contributing to low circulation rates. Jang is the top daily newspaper with a circulation of 850,000. Nawa-e-Waqt holds second place with 500,000, followed by Pakistan (279,000), Khabrain (232,000), The News (120,000), Dawn (109,000), and Business Recorder (22,000). The three most influential newspapers in Pakistan are the daily Dawn in English, the daily Jang in Urdu, and the daily Business Recorder in the area of business and finance. The average price of a newspaper varies from Rs 5 to Rs 15. For example, Business Recorder costs Rs 7 per issue.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK Overview of the Economic Climate & Its Influence on Media Pakistan is a poor, heavily populated country, and the welfare of its people is severely affected by internal political disputes, lack of foreign investment, and ongoing problems with neighboring India. The majority of Pakistan’s citizens are heavily dependent on agriculture for employment. Despite steady expansion of industry during the 1990s, Pakistan’s economy remains dominated by agriculture. In 1998, agriculture engaged 47 percent of the labor force and accounted for 24 percent of the gross domestic product as well as close to 70 percent of export revenues. Despite strong performances in the industrial and agricultural sectors, a growing debt-servicing burden, large government expenditures on public enterprises, low tax revenues, and high levels of defense spending contributed to serious financial deficits. Besides a select few major groups, Pakistani media organizations face chronic financial problems. Newspapers are heavily dependent on advertising revenue as income. Revenues from display advertising for all media amounted to US $120 million in 1998. Television held the largest share of media advertising revenues at 40 percent, followed by newspapers at 32 percent, magazines at 10 percent, and radio at 3 percent. Government agencies are the largest advertiser, accounting for 30 percent of all advertising in national newspapers. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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The government has considerable leverage over the press through its substantial budget for advertising and public interest campaigns, its control over newsprint, and its ability to enforce regulations. For example, the country’s leading Urdu daily, Jang, and the English-language daily News, both owned by Shakil Ur-Rehman, were cut off for a time from critical government advertising revenue after publishing articles unflattering to the government. The Jang Group was also served with approximately US $13 million in tax notices, harassed by government inspectors, and pressured not to publish articles. Jang also reportedly had difficulty obtaining sufficient newsprint to publish. Due to pressures from national and international organizations, the trend is toward greater press freedom and democracy. Although the government is the press’s largest advertiser, privatization of major industries and banks is causing the government to lose its control over the press and is attempting to counter this trend by enforcing new restrictions.

NEWSPAPERS IN THE MASS MEDIA MILIEU: PRINT VS. ELECTRONIC Digicom, a private e-mail provider, brought Internet access to Karachi in 1995. Nationwide local access was established within one year, and by 1999 was available to 600,000 computers, 60,000 users by 3,102 Internet hosts. Internet capabilities provided news media with a means for reaching overseas Pakistanis. All leading newspapers, including Jang, Nawa-e-Waqt, Dawn, The Nation, The News International, and Business Recorder, have online editions. In addition, Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation and Pakistan Television Corporation both have web sites accessible to the public. Types of Ownership Three main groups dominate Pakistan: the Jang Group, the Herald Group, and the Nawae-Waqt Group. Jang Publications is the largest media group and holds a virtual monopoly of Urdu readership in Sindh, Rawalpindi-Islamabad federal territory, and major shares in Lahore and Quetta. Jang also publishes the largest circulating weekly magazine in Urdu, Akhbare-Jehan, and two evening papers, the Daily News and Awam. The News, the first Pakistani newspaper to use computers in all steps of production, is also a publication of the Jang Group. Pakistan Herald Publications Ltd. publishes Dawn, which has had a dominant hold over Karachi readership. The Herald Group also publishes the Star (an English evening paper) and The Herald (an influential English monthly). The group also began a monthly that focuses on the Internet, entitled Spider. Publications under the Herald Group target the upper class and the bettereducated segment of Pakistani society and consequently practice a liberal editorial policy. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

The Nawa-e-Waqt Group publishes Nawa-e-Waqt and also started The Nation, an English daily. This group also publishes Family, an Urdu weekly. Several other significant groups and independent publications also exist. The notable daily newspaper chains that have started during the late 1990s and early 2000s include Khabrain, Pakistan, Ausaf, and Din. The Frontier Post, Business Recorder, and Amn are also other important dailies. Political parties own two major newspapers: the Jasarat, controlled by the conservative Jannat-e-Islami, and Mussawat, controlled by the Pakistan People’s Party. From 1964 into the early 1990s, the National Press Trust acted as the government’s front to control the press. The state, however, no longer publishes daily newspapers; the former Press Trust sold or liquidated its newspapers and magazines in the early 1990s. Distribution Networks The majority of Pakistan’s newspapers and magazines strive for national readership. Such major successful dailies are published simultaneously from a number of cities and are produced in different languages to facilitate distribution throughout the country’s various regions. Distribution is through a network of newspaper hawkers; in smaller towns, hawkers also serve as stringers for newspapers. Buses are used for nearby distribution and airfreights are utilized for faraway cities when schedules permit. Newsprint Availability Pakistan’s various governments have used newsprint availability as a means to control the Press. In the recent past, import of newsprint by the print media was subject to issuance of permits by the 699

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views. The effort to ensure that newspapers carry their statements or press releases sometimes leads to undue pressure by local police, political parties, ethnic, sectarian, and religious groups, militant student organizations, and occasionally commercial interests. Such pressure is a common feature of journalism and can include physical violence, sacking of offices, intimidation and beating of journalists, and interference with distribution of newspapers. Journalists working in small provincial towns and villages encounter more difficulties from arbitrary local authorities and influential individuals than their big-city counterparts do. Violence against and intimidation of journalists, however, is a nationwide problem.

Ministry of Information and Broadcasting. This practice allowed the government to patronize sections of the press. In April 1989, Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto’s government decided to end this manipulative practice. By replacing the permit system with a free and open import of newsprint at market prices, the government removed its interventionist dimension in controlling an essential raw material for the press and also ended the corruption that had grown up around the issuance and receipt of the newsprint import permits. In 1991, however, the first government of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif restored the system of issuing permits. The Audit Bureau of Circulation, which functions under the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, was responsible for assessing the circulation and print orders of newspapers and magazines and issuing certificates legitimizing these figures. The bureau certificates became the basis on which journals were able to import proportionate quantities of newsprint and secure governmentcontrolled advertising through the clearance given by the Press Information Department. Corrupt practices have been associated with the ABC operation. The current government of General Musharraf has considerable leverage over the press through its control over newsprint, its substantial budget for advertising and public interest campaigns, and its ability to enforce regulations. Influences on Editorial Policies Privately owned newspapers freely discuss public policy and criticize the government. They report remarks made by opposition politicians, and their editorials reflect a wide range of 700

Government leaks, although not uncommon, are managed carefully; it is common knowledge that journalists, who are routinely underpaid, are on the unofficial payrolls of many competing interests, and the military (or elements within it) is presumed to be no exception. For example, according to the All Pakistan Newspaper Society, favorable press coverage of the Prime Minister’s family compound south of Lahore was widely understood to have been obtained for a price. Rumors of intimidation, heavy-handed surveillance, and even legal action to quiet the unduly curious or nondeferential reporter are common. Special-interest lobbies are not in existence in Pakistan as in the United States and elsewhere, but political pressure groups and leaders include the military, ulema (clergy), landowners, industrialists, and some small merchants. Industrial Relations and Labor Unions Several unions represent Pakistani newspapers and their respective journalists. Editors and other management-level employees belong to the All Pakistan Newspaper Society and/or the Council of Pakistan Newspaper Editors. Other employees, including reporters, belong to the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ) and/or the AllPakistan Newspaper Employees’ Confederation (APNEC). These groups have been actively involved in reviewing the government’s draft of the Press Council of Pakistan Ordinance 2002 and the draft of Press, Newspaper Agencies Registration Ordinance 2002. APNEC and PFUJ and all their affiliated unions and units rejected the proposed setting up of a press council and press regulatory laws that the government decided to introduce to regulate the press. Journalists objected to the inclusion of government representatives and the exclusion of working journalists from what was supposed to be a selfregulating rather than government-directed body. Previous legislation created under Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto included a new wage board under the Newspaper WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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Employees (Conditions of Service) Act 1973. Several years had lapsed since the previous award had been announced. Inflation as well as the preference of certain newspaper publishers to engage staff only on a contract basis meant that wages were no longer reflective of the cost-of-living realities. One media scholar estimated that well over 50 percent of newspaper employees are deliberately employed on a contract basis to avoid the enforcement of relevant industrial relations laws and awards by wage boards. In fact, at a 2002 World Press Freedom Day seminar in Karachi, journalist Sajjad Mir stated that very few newspapers in the country had implemented the Wage Board Award for journalists and employees. Printing Methods Newspapers in Pakistan are mostly printed on offset. Printing and editing technologies have improved newspaper production over the years; however, the impact on circulation has not been significant.

PRESS LAWS Constitutional Provisions & Guarantees The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan provides for its citizens’ fundamental rights, one of which pertains specifically to the Press, Article 19, Freedom of Speech: Every citizen shall have the right to freedom of speech and expression, and there shall be freedom of the press, subject to any reasonable restrictions imposed by law in the interest of the glory of Islam or the integrity, security or defense of Pakistan or any part thereof, friendly relations with foreign states, public order, decency or morality, or in relation to contempt of court, commission of or incitement to an offense.

The Constitution of Pakistan, then, guarantees the freedom of expression and freedom of the press, subject to ‘‘reasonable restrictions’’ that may be imposed by law. It is the responsibility of the judiciary to determine the scope and parameters of the permissible freedoms and the extent of restrictions placed on their enjoyment. The judiciary can play a full and effective role only if it is free and independent of any and every kind or form of control or influence. Although the judiciary has generally been supportive of the freedom of expression and information, and sought to strengthen the mass media, the courts are subject to pressure from the executive branch because the president controls the appointment, transfer, and tenure of judges. The position of the judiciary has been affected by periods of military rule, and a blow was dealt to the judiciary in January 2000 when Musharraf required all judges to take an oath of loyalty to his regime. The Supreme Court Justice and five colleagues refused and were dismissed. This was just one week before the Court was to hear cases challenging the legality of Musharraf’s government. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

The constitution also outlines the power of the president to promulgate ordinances and to suspend fundamental rights during an emergency period. Thus, following Musharraf’s military takeover on October 12, 1999, he suspended Pakistan’s constitution and assumed the additional title of Chief Executive. He appointed an eightmember National Security Council to function as the supreme governing body of Pakistan. He dissolved both the Senate and the National Assembly. New legislation has been drafted for the formation of Press Council, Access to Information Ordinance and Press, Newspapers and Books Registration Act. On May 16, 2002, the Minister of Information, along with the Council of Pakistan Newspaper Editors and the All Pakistan Newspaper Society, released drafts for the legislation for comment and debate. Newspaper editors also urged that the Freedom of Information Act and the amended Registration of Printing Press and Publication Ordinance be promulgated by the government, along with the Press Council Ordinance. The International Press Institute (IPI) identified major concerns including the desire to create a quasi-judicial body without proper procedures in place to provide fairness and equity. The IPI also expressed reservations about the proposed composition, its financing, and the terminology used in describing the ethical code, and made a number of recommendations for improving the draft ordinance. The PFUJ and the APNEC reacted in similar ways to the proposed legislation. In a joint statement issued on the eve of World Press Freedom Day, leaders of the two organizations said they regretted that the Press and Publication Ordinance against which the journalists’ community had striven for almost two decades had once again been revived and newspapers were being closed down under the same black law. The statement said fresh attempts in the shape of the Press Council were being framed by Musharraf’s government to silence the voice of the print media in the country. They said the PFUJ and APNEC had already rejected the idea of setting up the council and that news people were still being subjected to different pressure tactics, including threats to their lives. They demanded that the government repeal more than 16 black laws, including the Press and Publication Ordinance, and to insure implementation of the labor laws by ending exploitation of the working journalists and newspaper workers. They also called for enforcing the Freedom of Information Act to ensure easy access to information. The only other press laws in effect while the current proposed press laws are under review are general ones prohibiting publication of obscene material, inciting religious, parochial, or ethnic provocations, and antidefamation provisions. 701

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Registration and Licensing of Newspapers & Journalists A Print, Press and Publications Ordinance, requiring the registration of printing presses and newspapers, was allowed to lapse in 1997 after several years of waning application. In practice, registering a new publication is a simple administrative act and is not subjected to political or government scrutiny. There are no registration or licensing processes for journalists. New newspapers and presses are required to register themselves with the local administration.

CENSORSHIP Censorship pervades journalism history in Pakistan; certainly, the blackest censorship period came during General Zia’s 10-year military regime. Almost all journalists mention the press advice system as one of the most insidious means of censorship. It specified that whoever ‘‘contravenes any provision of this regulation shall be punished with rigorous imprisonment which may extend to ten years, and shall be liable to fine or stripes [lashes] not to exceed twenty-five.’’ Sharif used additional means to ensure press compliance. He used intelligence operatives to infiltrate newsrooms and press unions. With so many spies doubling as reporters, and journalists moonlighting as government agents, trust became difficult for all. Monitoring of the Press The Ministry of Information and Broadcasting monitors the press. It also controls and manages the country’s primary wire service, the Associated Press of Pakistan (APP). APP is both the Government’s own news agency and the official carrier of international wire service stories to the local media. Foreign books must pass government censors before being reprinted. Books and magazines may be imported freely, but are likewise subject to censorship for objectionable sexual or religious content. English language publications have not been affected by the direct proscription of books and magazines promulgated by the Chief Commissioner in Islamabad, who banned five Sindhi-language publications in the second half of 1997 for ‘‘objectionable material against Pakistan’’ (i.e., expressions of Sindhi nationalism).

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS The press has traditionally experienced the often harsh effects of Pakistan’s political instability. When partition resulted in the establishment of Pakistan as an independent homeland for the Muslims, the Muslim League as a political party struggled with the tasks of leading the new country into stable statehood. Factionalism, however, quickly contributed to instability, internal strife, incompetence, and corruption. The press at this point was 702

largely a remnant of the Moslem press present during the struggle for independence, and it was seen as aggravating the problems being faced by keeping these issues out in front of the people. Thus, the government began its long history of attempting to control the press through arrests, the banning of certain publications, and other punitive measures. Between 1948 and 1956, political turbulence intensified with the assassination of the country’s first prime minister, Quaid-i-Millat Liaquat Ali Khan, in 1951 and the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly in 1954. However, by 1956, the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan was enforced; it contained an article specifically devoted to freedom of speech. The 1956 Constitution lasted less than three years when it was abrogated by the imposition of martial law in October 1958. A new enforcement of the constitution in 1962 occurred with the removal of martial law by President Ayub Khan. Although this constitution continued the recognition of an initial concept of freedom of expression, in reality, a military ruler imposed the constitution, and it contained no separate chapter on fundamental rights. The press and the public commented on the implications of living under a constitution devoid of mention of such basic rights, which resulted in Constitutional Amendment No. 1 to the 1962 Constitution. However, in 1963, just one year after the adoption of the new constitution, the Press and Publications Ordinance (PPO) came into being. This ordinance contained the harshest of laws curtailing freedom of expression and the progressive development of the media and leading to the March 1969 relinquishing of power by President Ayub Khan to General Yahya Khan who imposed martial law. General Khan relied heavily on one of the measures of this ordinance, the system of ‘‘press advice’’ given out by the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting in order to avoid publication of news and reports deemed unsuitable for public consumption. It was also during this period that newspapers and magazines known for their independent and progressive views were first taken over by the government. Eventually the National Press Trust, created in 1964, took over these journals and acted as a front to control a section of the press. In 1960, the Western Pakistan Maintenance of Public Order Ordinance was promulgated. On the outside, the aim was to consolidate into one law different provisions for ‘‘preventive detention of persons’’ and ‘‘control of persons and publications for reasons connected with the maintenance of public order.’’ The real aim was to refine and reinforce the mechanism of repression. With amendments in 1963 and 1964, this law empowered the government to ban the printing of publications, to enter and search premises, and to prohibit import of newspapers, WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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among other measures. These powers have been used by succeeding governments right up until the government of Musharraf. In 1961, the government also took over the principal news agency of the country, the APP, arguing that ‘‘administrative and financial breakdown’’ justified such a move. Instead of allowing private enterprise to improve the quality of the news agency, the government saw this as an opportunity to control what news would be supplied to the print media, to radio, and to the outside world. In spite of such repressive times, the press took a bold stand in providing alternative sources of news through an independent press. It was also during this time that the Press and Publications Ordinance collected under one law a number of excessive regulatory measures and punitive concepts that had previously existed in different laws and were now applied heavily to control the press. This press law (PPO) endured for 25 years before being repealed in September 1988. In December 1971, when the break-up of Pakistan and the birth of Bangladesh occurred, General Yahya Khan handed over power to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto as President and Pakistan’s first civilian Chief Martial Law Administrator who continued to use martial law up to April 1972 when an interim constitution was adopted, prior to the enactment of a new constitution by the National Assembly in August 1973. Bhutto, however, reacting to criticism by various members of the press, imprisoned editors and publishers on the pretext of national security. The next five years, from 1972 to 1977, represented the beginnings of democracy; however, they were marred by repressive actions toward the press. The new constitution, although formulated on the principles of democracy, human rights, and freedom of speech, did not deliver on these promises. The PPO remained, as did the National Press Trust. Furthermore, through coercion and manipulation, the government insured that the only other news agency in the country (aside from the government-owned APP), the Pakistan Press International (PPI), was brought under its authority. In 1977, General Zia ul Haq ousted Bhutto from the prime minister position and once again imposed martial law under which abuse of journalists became public rather than covert. Journalists were flogged in public at Zia’s whim. Although martial law usually ends with a Supreme Court-imposed deadline by which elections must be held, Zia was given no such deadline, and his time in office up to August 1988 had a deleterious effect on the mass media. Not one single law or regulation of any progressive character was created during Zia’s rule. The only positive outcome of Zia’s rule was the restoration of the news agency PPI to its original shareholders. Since then PPI provides a valuable alternative news source to the government-controlled APP. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

In 1985, Prime Minister Mohammad Khan Junejo was elected to the National Assembly, based on nonparty elections, and lifted martial law in December 1985. Even though Junejo was a more democratic political figure, the PPO remained in place under him, and he relied on the old media laws. However, in May 1988 President General Zia ul Haq dissolved the National Assembly and dismissed the Government of Prime Minister Junejo, replacing them with a cabinet of his own and no prime minister. This arrangement only lasted 11 weeks as Haq was killed in a suspicious plane crash in August 1988. This incident resulted in the Chairman of the Senate, Mr. Ghulam Ishaq Khan, succeeding to the office of President as per the constitution. A caretaker government provided transition to a full-fledged democracy, which included repealing the press law that had coerced the media for so long. A new law, known as the Registration of Printing Presses and Publications Ordinance came into effect in 1988. A key change in this law made it mandatory for the District Magistrate to issue a receipt to an applicant for the issuance of a declaration for the keeping of a printing press or the publication of a journal to provide the applicant with proof that would help avoid government interference. The most significant change made in the press law of 1988 was the removal of power from the government and the right of an applicant to be heard in person by the authority before any punitive action was taken, like the closure of a press. Appeals were also now allowed. In addition, newspapers were no longer obligated to publish in full the press notes issued by the government. For a variety of reasons, the press law of 1988 continued to be re-promulgated as an ordinance through 1997, even though the Supreme Court ruled such repromulgation unconstitutional. One key reason for this was the recurring demands by representative bodies of the press to revise the 1988 law even further to remove any executive power to control the press. The November 1988 elections saw Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, the first Muslim woman prime minister of the world, assume office. She brought with her a new phase of liberalism toward the mass media laws and regulations. For example, Bhutto’s government allowed government-controlled radio and television to provide daily and well-balanced coverage of the speeches and statements of its opposition in news bulletins and current affairs programs. Because the print media reaches such a small percentage of the population, this change had a significant impact on the pubic, but was returned to the old, one-sided coverage after only four months because of pressure on Bhutto by her party, the Pakistan People’s Party. 703

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The independent press grew stronger during this phase; the Urdu press and the English press, as well as the regional language press, such as Sindh language newspapers, showed a new energy in reporting the news and in analyzing the issues of the day. In addition, new technology and use of computers and desktop publishing allowed a more timely and in-depth reporting of the news. Bhutto also ended the manipulative government practice of using newsprint as a means of controlling the press. Specifically, the Ministry of Information no longer required issuance of permits to import newsprint and allowed a free and open system of importing newsprint at market prices. In 1990, President Ishaq Khan dismissed Bhutto’s government, charging them with misconduct, and declared a state of emergency. Bhutto and her party lost the October elections, and the new prime minister, Nawaz Sharif, took over. For reasons not apparent to the public, Sharif restored the issuance of permits system for newsprint import. The charges against Bhutto were resolved, and after a bitter campaign, the PPP was returned to power in October 1993, and Bhutto was again named prime minister. She was ousted again in 1996 amid charges of corruption, a caretaker government was installed, and Sharif defeated Bhutto in the February 1997 elections. In Sharif’s two and one-half years in power, he used many heavy-handed methods to deal with journalists who dared to criticize his government. He put tremendous pressure on independent journalists, using both covert and overt means of retribution. His Pakistan Muslim League party (PML) achieved a landslide electoral victory in the National Assembly, which made Sharif believe he had been given a ‘‘heavy mandate’’ to rule the country as he saw fit. He was able to cast aside all democratic checks on his power, except for the press. In the end, the press survived whereas Sharif did not. The press, in fact, through its wide reporting of Sharif’s abuse of power, prepared the Pakistani people for General Pervez Musharraf’s military coup on October 12, 1999. In May 2000 Musharraf’s regime was strengthened by a unanimous decision by the Supreme Court to validate the October 1999 coup as having been necessary; at the same time the Court announced that the Chief Executive should name a date not later than 90 days before the expiry of the three-year period from October 12, 1999 for the holding of elections to the National Assembly, the provincial assemblies, and the Senate. In Pakistan today a cooperative effort appears to be underway between Musharraf’s government and the journalism community. In general, Musharraf’s administration seems to follow a more liberal policy towards the 704

press with fewer restrictions and much less manipulation. However, reports vary widely. Whereas the Pakistan Press Foundation (PPF) reported continued harassment of and dangers to journalists, some journalists currently working for Pakistani newspapers offer another version of the situation. A. R. Khaliq, assistant editor for Business Recorder, reported that ‘‘the press, by and large, is not faced with any coercion or abuse under Musharraf.’’

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA Foreign Correspondents The official Press and Information Departments under the Ministry of Informationhandle accreditation procedures for foreign correspondents. Special visas are required if long stays are intended. Pakistan rarely grants visas to Indian journalists or journalists of Indian origin. The presence of foreign journalists in Pakistan has intensified with the United States’ search for Osama bin Laden after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. Pakistan’s proximity to Afghanistan provides the media with a base from which to operate as they report the news to the world. The killing of American journalist Daniel Pearl by extremists in Pakistan brought much unwanted attention to Musharraf’s government, and the United States has urged Pakistan’s government to place a ban on the publications of as many as 22 magazines that serve as propaganda machines of the different religious and Jihadi organizations, which appear from Karachi, Lahore and Muzaffarabad. The ban is the extension of measures set by the United Nations Security Council Sanction Committee and the United States government against the terrorist individuals and entities. Foreign Ownership of Domestic Media Previous press laws included provisions restricting foreign ownership in the press. The law specified that a non-citizen of Pakistan could hold shares in any newspaper only with the previous approval of the government and only if such participation in ownership did not exceed 25 percent of the entire proprietary interest. Information on foreign ownership provisions in the proposed new press laws is unavailable. Domestic Contacts with International Press Organizations International press organizations are very active in Pakistan, especially in terms of monitoring the freedom of the press. The Pakistan Press Foundation, for example, is a nonprofit media research, documentation and training center committed to promoting freedom of the press in Pakistan and internationally. The foundation produces PPF NewsFlash, a service designed to highlight threats to press freedom in Pakistan. The International Press Institute, a global network of editors, media executives, and leading journalists dediWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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cated to the freedom of the press and improving the standards and practices of journalism, not only sponsors the annual World Press Freedom Day but also provides a World Press Freedom Review on journalism in Pakistan and the other 110 member countries. This organization was instrumental in sponsoring various seminars on World Press Freedom Day that allowed national debate and focus on the proposed new Press Council and press laws. A third organization, Committee to Protect Journalists, is a nonprofit, nonpartisan organization dedicated to the global defense of press freedom. This organization publishes special reports such as its 2000 publication of ‘‘Pakistan: The Press for Change.’’ They also maintain a web site with regional homepages covering each country.

NEWS AGENCIES The Ministry of Information controls and manages the country’s primary wire service, the APP. APP is both the government’s own news agency and the official carrier of international wire service stories to the local media. The launching of a Web site by APP enables readers to browse and download the latest news. The news service is now directly fed into the computers of the subscribers simultaneously throughout Pakistan and overseas. Besides publishing in the English language, APP also issues news items in Urdu. The other primary news agency in Pakistan is the PPI, a private independent news agency. Several other news agencies have also emerged in recent years, some funded by political groups. The few small privately owned wire services are circumspect in their coverage of sensitive domestic news and tend to follow a government line. Foreign news bureaus include Agence France-Presse (France), Agenzia Nazionale Stampa Associata (Italy), Associated Press (United States), Deutsche PresseAgentur (Germany), Inter Press Service (Italy), Reuters (United Kingdom), United Press International (United States), and Xinhua News Agency (People’s Republic of China). All are located in the capital of Islamabad.

BROADCAST MEDIA State Policies Relating to Radio & TV News The broadcast media are government monopolies. The government owns and operates the bulk of radio and television stations through its two official broadcast bureaucracies, the Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation and Pakistan Television. Domestic news coverage and public affairs programming on these broadcast media are closely controlled by the government and traditionally WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

have reflected strongly the views of the party in power. Television reaches 86 percent of the population covering only 37.5 percent of the territory. The privately owned Shalimar Television Network broadcasts foreign programs including CNN and BBC. However, the network censors segments that can be considered socially and sexually offensive by Pakistani standards, and the government censors morally objectionable advertising. All stations must use news bulletins produced by Pakistan Television. The greatest impact on broadcasting so far has been the introduction and popularity of satellite dishes. Satellite enables access to STAR TV, BBC, CNN, as well as other channels providing important news and entertainment. Radio reaches almost 100 percent of the population. Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation broadcasts its external service to 70 countries in 15 languages. Each station broadcasts local news and interests. The majority of the programs pertain to music (48 percent), religion (12.5 percent), and news and current affairs (11 percent). In 1995-96, government grants, advertisements (11 percent), and licensing fees (2.3 percent) funded 85 percent of Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation. The decreasing trend in advertising created an increased dependence on the government for funds. The government is also a major shareholder in the private station, Shalimar Recording.

EDUCATION & TRAINING The Pakistan Press Foundation is actively involved in training of journalists. The foundation regularly organizes workshops and seminars on important issues facing Pakistani media. Along with imparting basic training to rural journalists, the training program aims to raise awareness of rural journalists about their rights and responsibilities. Pakistan Press Foundation’s training activities also include the Rural Journalists Skills Development Program that focuses sessions on press freedom, rights of journalists and journalistic ethics. Plans are underway in the 2000s to create training courses to improve the efficiency of information officers and later to open those courses to the media community. In addition, reference libraries are planned for Karachi and, later, research cells at all information centers in the provinces so that news people would have easy access to background materials in their areas of operation. In addition, accreditation cards would be issued to working journalists to help them perform their duties; these would be issued according to accreditation laws and the opinion of accreditation committees.

SUMMARY Pakistan’s turbulent history, coupled with its ongoing political and economic crises, places the press in the 705

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position of informing the citizenry while also providing a check on the powers in office. Since its founding in 1947, Pakistan has suffered three periods of martial law and two military dictatorships, yet the press endures. The freedoms that insure the existence of the press are contained in Pakistan’s constitution, which remained suspended in 2002, and yet the press endures and continues to safeguard those freedoms. Over the years members of the press have been arrested and jailed, have had their offices raided and ransacked, have been publicly flogged, and severely censored. Yet the press endures and has a stronger voice today than ever before, and yet as recently as 1999, Pakistan’s largest and most influential newspaper, Jang, was raided because it was too critical of the government. Watch groups around the world characterize Pakistan as a ‘‘partly free’’ nation, and efforts appear to be moving in a positive and democratic direction. Members of the Pakistan press must work diligently to have their voices heard in the government’s attempt to create a Press Council and new press laws. As of mid2002, no date had been set for the mandated elections that are to occur at the end of Musharraf’s three-year rule, but former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto is expected to return to Pakistan to participate in the elections. She has asked a number of international news organizations to accompany her back to Pakistan, which will keep Pakistan in the headlines in the future. Problems facing the Pakistan press are not new, nor are there any quick fixes to them. Recent arrests of respected Pakistani journalists have spurred concern. Pakistan is dependent upon foreign aid, however, and is thus vulnerable to international pressures, which should help the plight of journalists being abused. In addition, a new generation of female editors who are sensitive to the abuses otherwise ignored by their male counterparts will undoubtedly help journalists and human rights victims.

SIGNIFICANT DATES • 1997: Nawaz Sharif defeats Benazir Bhutto in the elections and begins a two-and-a half year reign of terror against the press. • 1999: General Pervez Musharraf overthrows Sharif, suspends the constitution, and declares martial law; government agents raid the country’s most influential newspaper, Jang, because it was too critical of the government.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ‘‘About Us.’’ Pakistan Press Foundation. Available from http://www.oneworld.org. Ali, Owais Aslam. Pakistan Press Freedom Report 2000. Available from http://www.oneworld.org. All Pakistan Newspaper Society. Available from http:// www.bol.ucla.edu. Bhatti, Razia. A Profile in Courage: The Newsline Editorials of Razia Bhatti, 1989-1996. Karachhi, Pakistan: OUP, 2001. Blood, Peter R., ed. Pakistan: A Country Study. 6th ed. Washington, DC: Federal Research Division, Library of Congress, 1995. Bonk, Marie Rose, ed. Worldmark Yearbook 2001. Vol. 2. Farmington Hills, Mich.: Gale Group, 2001. ‘‘Country Profile: Pakistan.’’ Facts on File News Services. Available from http://www.2facts.com. Human Rights Commission of Pakistan. Courage in Journalism: The Right to Know. Seminar on the Right to Know and Presentation of the First Nisar Osmani Award. Lahore, Pakistan: Author, 1996. Jabbar, Javed, and Qazi Faez Isa. Mass Media Laws and Regulations in Pakistan and a Commentary from an Historical Perspective. Singapore: Asian Media Information & Communication Centre, 1997. Khaliq, A.R., assistant ed. Business Recorder. Available from [email protected]. Menon, Kavila. Pakistan: The Press for Change: A Special Report. Committee to Protect Journalists, Briefing Index 2000. Available from http://www.cpj.org. Niazi, Zamir. The Web of Censorship. Karachi, Pakistan: OUP, 1994. ———. The Press under Siege. Karachi, Pakistan: Karachi Press Club, 1992. ———. Press in Chains. Delhi: Ajanta Publications, 1987. ‘‘Pakistan.’’ CIA: The World Factbook. Available from http://www.cia.gov. ‘‘Pakistan.’’ UNICEF Statistics (Last updated 1 Feb. 2002). Available from http://www.unicef.org.

• 2001: Government introduces legislation to create a Press Council and new press laws.

‘‘Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation.’’ Available from http://www.radio.gov.pk.

• 2002: Journalists support the reintroduction of the Freedom of Information Ordinance Act allowing access to public records and details of decisions made by superior courts, armed forces, financial institutions, and intelligence agencies.

‘‘Pakistan History.’’ Official Pakistan Government Web site. Available from http:// www.pakistaninformation.com.

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—Bonnie W. Epstein WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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‘‘Palau,’’ CIA World Fact Book (2001). Available from http://www.cia.gov.

PALAU

‘‘Palau Culture and History,’’ Palau. (n.d.). Available from http://www.visit-palau.com.

BASIC DATA Official Country Name: Region (Map name): Population: Language(s):

Literacy rate:

Republic of Palau Oceania 18,766 English, Palauan, Sonsorolese, Tobi, Angaur, Japanese 92%

‘‘Republic of Palau: An Area Study, Federal Emergency Management Agency, Region IX,’’ Pacific Disaster Center (2001). Available from http://www.pdc.org. —Jenny B. Davis

PANAMA Palau, the westernmost archipelago of the Caroline islands chain in the North Pacific Ocean, consists of six island groups of more than 200 islands. Its first inhabitants may have been distant relatives of the Malays of Indonesia, Melanesians of New Guinea, and Polynesians. In 1885, Spain claimed the territory, but later sold it to Germany. When Germany lost World War I, Palau was transferred to Japan under the Treaty of Versailles. In 1922, it became the administrative center for all Japanese possessions in the South Pacific. When Japan lost World War II, the islands joined the United Nations Trust Territories under U.S. administration. Palau gained independence in 1994. English and Palauan are the official languages in all states but three, which recognize English along with their local dialect. The population is approximately 19,000, and the literacy rate is 92 percent. A President serves as chief of state and head of government. The economy is primarily driven by subsistence agriculture and fishing, but the government is making efforts to increase the tourism industry.

BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Republic of Panama

Region (Map name):

North & Central America

Population:

2,845,647

Language(s):

Spanish (official), English

Literacy rate:

90.8%

Area:

78,200 sq km

GDP:

9,889 (US$ millions)

Number of Television Stations:

38

Number of Television Sets:

510,000

Palau media enjoys freedom of speech and press. The country’s primary independent newspaper is The Palau Tribune, and it is printed in Guam. Its format borrows from Guam’s Pacific Daily News, but features local news in a front section. It appears every Friday in English. The Palau Gazette is a monthly newspaper issued by the government. Tia Belau, another independent English-language publication, appears fortnightly on Friday.

Television Sets per 1,000:

179.2

Number of Cable Subscribers:

290

Cable Subscribers per 1,000:

0.1

Number of Radio Stations:

235

Number of Radio Receivers:

815,000

There is one government-operated radio station (AM) serving 12,000 radios. One television station broadcasts to 11,000 televisions. There are no Internet service providers.

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

286.4

Number of Individuals with Computers:

105,000

Computers per 1,000:

36.9

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

90,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

31.6

BIBLIOGRAPHY ‘‘Belau,’’ Asia-Pacific Network (2002). Available fromhttp://www.asiapac.org. ‘‘Country Profile,’’ Worldinformation.com (2002). Available from http://www.worldinformation.com. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Panama has been both blessed and hindered by its geography and geopolitical location. It is home to some of the least densely populated terrain on earth (the Darien rain forest region) but also hosts the busy Panama Canal, which has brought the world to the country’s doorstep. The building and control of the Canal has influenced Panamanian society including the important role the United States has played in Panamanian affairs, population distribution (concentrated in the canal zone), and the economy. In the early 2000s, the capital, Panama City, located on the eastern bank of the Canal, which runs a course almost directly through the middle of the country, hosted a population of 465,000. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the official language was Spanish, while approximately 14 percent of the population claimed English as their first language. According to Goodwin, most of the citizens (70 percent) were considered mestizo (a mix of European and indigenous heritage). Fourteen percent were West Indian (many of whom came to Panama to build the canal in the beginning of the twentieth century), 10 percent were European (Caucasian or White), and 6 percent were Amerindian (indigenous). Panama’s indigenous populations numbered about 194,000 and they had the same political rights as other citizens. Some Amerindians, such as the San Blas Kuna, lived in self-governing districts. In 1992, the Kuna petitioned for the creation of an additional reserve to prohibit incursions by squatters into areas traditionally considered their own. Panama was predominantly Roman Catholic (85 percent), although Protestantism was becoming more popular, as in many Latin American countries. Literacy rates were rather high for a developing country (90.8 percent), and education was compulsory and provided by the State between the ages of 6 and 15. Suffrage was universal at 18 years of age. There were approximately 366,000 main telephone lines serving a population of 2.8 million. Daily newspaper circulation was 62 newspapers per 1,000 persons. There were 13 television sets per 1,000 residents. Panama had six Internet service providers as of the year 2000. President Torrijos died in a plane crash in 1981, but during his administration he elevated the National Guard to a position of supreme power in the state. The 1984 elections appeared to bring to fruition the process of political liberalization initiated in 1978. While civilian rule was officially restored, the armed forces remained the real power in the country. The news that the Defense Forces chief general Manuel Noriega rigged the 1984 elections surfaced in 1987. He was also accused of drug 708

trafficking, gun running, and money laundering. Efforts by then-president Eric Arturo Delvalle and the United States failed to remove Noriega from power. U.S. troops ultimately invaded in 1989 after Noriega called elections to legitimize his government. While there was a new leader in power, Panama was still experiencing the same problems. The country was characterized by extremes of wealth and poverty, and corruption was endemic. The economy was still closely tied to drug-money laundering, which has reached even higher levels than during Noriega’s reign. The 1989 U.S. invasion created anti-U.S. sentiment, which was reflected, for example, in the 1994 elections. Three-quarters of the voters supported politicians who had risen in opposition to the policies and politics (including economic sanctions) imposed on Panama by the U.S. invasion. The elected president, Ernesto Pérez Balladares, an economist and businessman and a former supporter of Noriega, promised ‘‘to close the Noriega chapter’’ in that country’s history (Goodwin 45). He supported privatization, development of the Panama Canal Zone, and restructuring of the foreign debt, and he designed initiatives to enhance tourism. However, he seemed to also have the authoritarian tendencies of Noriega; in 1998 he supported a constitutional change that would have allowed him to run for reelection. However, the Panamanians resoundingly defeated his ideas in 1999. Mireya Moscoso won the 1999 elections, and became Panama’s first woman president. An active and often adversarial press and a broad range of print and electronic media outlets existed, including newspapers, radio and television broadcasts, and domestic and foreign cable stations. Six national newspapers, 4 commercial television stations, 2 educational television stations, and approximately 100 radio stations provided a broad choice of informational sources. All were privately or institutionally owned except for one government-owned television station. A 1999 law prohibited newspapers from holding radio and television concessions, and vice versa. While many media outlets took identifiable editorial positions, the media carried a wide variety of political commentaries and other perspectives, both local and foreign. There was a concentration of control of television outlets in the hands of close relatives and associates of former President Pérez Balladares, who was a member of the largest political opposition party. In July 2000 the Panamanian legislative assembly passed a bill mandating that all school textbooks in Spanish be written by Panamanian authors. However, on August 1, the president vetoed the bill. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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The most read newspapers in Panama were América Panamá, Crítica, La Prensa and El Siglo, all published in Panama City. There were also the weeklies Crítica Libre and La Crónica, as well as the dailies Dario el Universal de Panamá, El Panamá América, and La Estrella de Panamá (see www.escapeartist.com or www.kidon. com for the Internet links). All of these were published in Spanish and based in the capital, Panama City. La Prensa was created in 1980 to fight Panama’s military dictatorship. It later became a thorn in the side of President Pérez Balladares because of its ‘‘take-noprisoners muckraking of his government’s officials,’’ according to CPJ. According to Law 22 from 1978, the publication of printed media was not subject to permits or licenses. It was only required that the Ministry of Government and Justice be notified about the name of the publication, how often it was published, where it would be printed, the names of the owners, and who would edit the paper. Generally speaking, the constitution provided for the right of association, and it generally respected this right in practice. Panama allowed a Journalists’ Union. All citizens had the right to form associations and professional or civic groups. Application for official acknowledgment as an association could be denied (as happened in 2000 with an informal gay rights organization), and might register instead as a nongovernmental organization.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK The Panamanian economy was based on the service industry, concentrated in banking, commerce, and tourism. Activities centered on the Panama Canal were the backbone of the national economy, and the canal was turned over to Panama on December 31, 1999 after U.S. ownership from its completion in 1914. The government relied heavily on the direct and indirect revenues generated by the canal, ignoring other types of national development. Much of Panama’s economic success in the 1980s was the result of a strong service sector associated with the presence of a large number of banks, the Canal, and the Colón Free Zone. While a minority of U.S. citizens and military residing in the Canal Zone enjoyed a high standard of living, the average Panamanian lived in poverty. President Omar Torrijos became a national hero in 1977 when he signed the Panama Canal Treaties with the United States, which provided for full Panamanian control over the canal and its revenues in 1999. The canal treaty provisions led to both optimism and concern. Officials were optimistic because they would inherit military bases, universities, ports, luxury resorts, and retirement communities. Others, however, worried about the estimated $500 million that the U.S. citizens WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

and U.S. troops had poured in the Panamanian economy. By 1995, more than 300 poor, landless people a day were moving in the Canal Zone and were clearing forest for crops. Mireya Elisa Moscoso de Arias, elected president on September 1, 1999, initiated some changes in economic and social policies, which directly affected freedom in the media. Her predecessor, Ernesto Perez Balladares Gonzalez Revilla, developed a rather liberal economic philosophy, attracting foreign capital, privatizing state institutions, establishing fiscal reform, and creating labor laws to stimulate employment. She opposed many of her predecessor’s free-market policies and was critical of plans to further privatize state-owned industries. Her goals included issuing in a new era for Panama’s poor, who constitute one-third of the population. Diversification of the economy was still needed, as Panama was overly dependent on canal revenues and traditional agricultural exports. Panama had a relatively high unemployment rate of 13 percent, which may have resulted from too much emphasis on the Canal Zone. As is the case in most Latin American nations, Panama’s constitution gave the state substantial power. It allowed the state to direct, regulate, replace, or create economic activities designed to increase the nation’s wealth and to distribute the benefits of the economy to the greatest number of people. Moscoso had the constitutional authority to push for social changes, but the opposition dominated the legislature, which probably made the imposition of meaningful changes difficult. Women gained the right to vote in 1940, and were granted equal political rights under the law. They also held a number of important public positions. However, women did not enjoy the same opportunities for advancement as their male counterparts in the domestic sphere. Panamanian law did not recognize community property. Therefore, divorced or deserted women had no protection and could be left destitute, if that were the will of their former spouses.

PRESS LAWS While theoretically free, the press and broadcast media experienced harassment from government officials and businesses. The Supreme Court ruled in 1983 that journalists did not need to be licensed by the government. Nevertheless, both reporters and editors still exercised a calculated self-censorship. Press conduct was regulated by the Commission on Morality and Ethics, whose powers were broad and vague. In 2001, some journalists complained that the government used criminal antidefamation laws to intimidate the press and especially its critics. Gag laws were an infamous element of the journalistic landscape and were a holdover from the military dicta709

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torship. Moscoso repealed some of these gag laws implemented and enforced by Pérez Balladares. The first gag laws were introduced following a 199 coup. After that, a series of laws, decrees, and resolutions were used to stifle independent journalism in Panama. Law 11, for example, that prohibited the publication of false news, facts relating to a person’s private life, or comments, references, and insinuations about a person’s physical handicaps. Laws 67 and 68 gave government the authority to license journalists. (The licensing requirement was subsequently repealed.) Pérez Balladares, who left office in September 1999, promised on several occasions to repeal the laws. Instead, he used those gag laws to prosecute journalists who criticized his administration. The filing of legal actions against journalists remained an issue in the early 2000s. Moscoso was required to submit a bill in 2000 that brought Panama’s press laws up to international standards. One of the more notorious laws to be repealed was Decree 251, which authorized the National Board of Censorship. As of 2002, the pres laws provided for the establishment of a censorship board. The board monitored radio transmissions and had the authority to fine stations that violate norms regarding vulgar, profane, or obscene language. To combat the intensification of prosecution of journalists, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) issued a letter on March 4, 1999, to the president urging him to repeal the laws. A month later, a government ombudsman published a report criticizing the ‘‘systematic and permanent campaign to silence, gag, and persecute journalists.’’ Santiago Canton, the special rapporteur for freedom of expression of the Organization of American States, called the gag laws a ‘‘tool frequently used by public officials to silence their critics.’’ Perhaps in response, Pérez Balladares proposed onerous new provisions that masqueraded as an effort to reform the gag laws. CPJ wrote in a letter addressed to the president ‘‘expanding the legal means for repressing journalists is not a fitting legacy for a president who came to power pledging to strengthen Panamanian democracy.’’ The Inter-American Press Association noted the absence of Panamanian participants at its biannual meeting in March 2001. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) delegation visited Panama in June 2001 and asked the president to eliminate all existing vestiges of them. In addition, the IACHR recommended that the OAS amend its report on the status of freedom of speech in Panama to emphasize the repressive attitude of the country’s judicial system toward the media. Some sources characterized Panama’s press scene as a roller coaster and Moscoso’s administration as a ‘‘one710

two punch’’ where it seemed that one year more freedoms for the press were being granted, while the following year they were being taken away. In July of 2001 Reuters news service reported that the special Rapporteur for freedom of expression from the Organization of American States had concluded a five-day visit to Panama and found ‘‘notable’’ gains in freedom of expression in the country’s 10-year-old democracy. The Rapporteur noted that ‘‘democratic advances in Panama contributed notably to the development of freedom of expression.’’ He praised the abolishment of longstanding gag measures limiting media freedom in 1999. He also expressed concern regarding the ‘‘anachronistic’’ contempt laws that remained on the books more than a decade after the 1989 U.S. invasion ended 21 years of military rule. However, the OAS 2000 report characterized the Moscoso Administration’s approach toward freedom of expression as a setback, while the previous report characterized the country as making progress in this area. One of the most onerous press laws was article 386, which allowed the attorney general of the country to impose prison sentences of up to eight days for attacks against honor. In several cases he filed suit under article 175 of Panama’s Penal Code, which states, ‘‘Whoever publishes or reproduces, in any media, offences to an individual’s good reputation shall be penalized with 18 to 24 months in prison.’’ The regulation had its basis in the Panamanian constitution, which held that ‘‘public servants who exercise authority and jurisdiction. . .can pass sentences without due process. . . according to the law, and impose fines.’’ [emphasis added]. The judiciary system in Panama appears neither independent nor necessarily fair. The involvement of the attorney general in defamation cases indicated that conflicts of interest were not taken into account when the courts reached their decisions. Some of the more notorious censorship cases in the late 1990s involved Attorney General Sossa and the papers El Siglo and La Prensa. In June of 2001, the Technical Judicial Police raided the offices of the daily El Siglo with orders to arrest its editor, Carlos Singares. Sossa ordered the action after the publication of an article whose contents allegedly violated and offended his ‘‘dignity, honor, and decency.’’ On the same day as the raid, El Siglo published an article in which a lawyer accused Sossa of frequenting a Panama City brothel. Sossa said that Singares was to be arrested and imprisoned under article 386 for eight days. The Supreme Court overruled Singares’s appeal and upheld the eight-days sentence. This particular case caused concern among the press and international rights organizations. First, the decision WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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ignored the fact that a lower court had not yet ruled on the veracity of the lawyer’s allegations in the El Siglo article. Secondly, there were fears over the failure to enforce a separation of powers. In this case, Sossa, who allegedly suffered at the hands of Singares, held the ultimate power over whether Singares should serve the sentence. Singares’s problems with the state continued when in August of 2000 the Second Superior Tribunal of Justice upheld a 20-month prison sentence against him for having allegedly defamed former President Pérez Balladares in 1993. The prison sentence was commuted to a US $1,875 fine. In most defamation and libel cases, jail sentences have been commuted to fines. CPJ highlighted a July 2000 decision made by the Tenth Criminal Court, which sentenced journalist Jean Marcel Chery, from the newspaper Panamá América, to 18 months of incarceration. The sentence stemmed from criminal defamation charges due to a 1996 article in El Siglo, in which he reported that a woman accused law enforcement personnel of stealing $33,000 worth of jewelry in the course of a raid on an apartment. The appeal to the conviction for criminal libel and sentence of 18 months in jail or a fine of $1,800 was pending at the end of 2001. Also in July, President Moscoso enacted Law 38 to restrict access to information in the country. Article 70 of the law regulated access to public information and stipulated ‘‘information which may be confidential or restricted for reasons of public or special interest, cannot be distributed, as doing so could cause serious harm to society the state, or the individual in question.’’ This protected information is broad in scope, as it could relate to ‘‘national security, someone’s health, political opinions, legal status, sexual orientation, criminal records, bank accounts and other such data which are of a legal nature.’’ The intention seems to be to prevent information from surfacing that would embarrass public officials. Violence against journalists continued. In one case in October 2000, an editor and photojournalist from the Liberación daily in Lima, were assaulted during an interview. They were interviewing Jaime Alemán, a lawyer for Vladimir Montesinos, the former intelligence officer to President Fujimori of Peru. The attorney threatened the reporters when they arrived. They were then attacked by six individuals who wrestled the camera away from them. The camera was later returned to the journalists. Sometimes the charges of slander and libel were filed and judged without the defendant even knowing. One such case occurred on February 18, 1999, when Judge Raul Olmos held a preliminary hearing on charges of slander and libel filed against José Otero of Panama’s leading daily, La Prensa, even though the journalist had WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

not been notified. The suit was filed by a dentist who was incorrectly identified as being on the Health Ministry list of professionals who relied on false diplomas to practice in the field. La Prensa, Panama’s leading daily, and its associate editor, Goritti, a Peruvian citizen, were the target of other defamation suits brought by the Panamanian government. President Pérez tried to deport the editor in 1997, after La Prensa reported that a drug trafficker had helped finance the president’s campaign. The president backed down under international and domestic pressure. Gorriti and Rolado Rodriguez, a reporter for the paper, were charged on January 20, 1998, with ‘‘falsification of documents, refusal to disclose the source of a story, and libel’’ and ordered to stand trial for alleging that Panama’s attorney general had accepted laundered drug money. Another 1996 article stated that Sossa received a US $5,000 check from a Colombian drug trafficker as a donation to his campaign for re-election to the attorney general’s post. Goritti and Rodriguez refused to reveal their source for that story. Panamanian law protected the confidentiality of journalists’ sources. The editor Gorriti called the move ‘‘an affront by a blatantly abusive prosecutor’s office to try to compel journalists to identify a confidential source.’’ In 1999, an organization called Comité por la Libertad de Expresión en Panamá (Panamanian Committee for Freedom of Expression) posted flyers of Gorriti around Panama City that read (rather ironically), ‘‘Get to know the assassin of press freedom in Panama.’’ He was accused of being a foreign spy. Many Panamanians resented the prize-winning journalist for his revealing and confrontational investigative reports. In 1997, President Pérez Balladeres’s administration tried to keep him out of Panama, refusing the journalist’s application for renewal of a one-year work permit and serving him with deportation orders. However, bowing to international pressure, the government reversed its decision. The defamation campaign appeared to have started after La Prensa published a series of articles in 1999 stating the suspicious links between the Panamanian attorney general, two U.S. drug traffickers, a naturalized Panamanian, and a local lawyer. La Prensa reported that other Panamanian journalists were offered money to write negative articles about the paper. The attorney general accused La Prensa’s editor of waging ‘‘a campaign of loss of prestige and lies’’ against him. The Frente de Abogados Independientes (Independent Lawyers Association) branded the editor a marked person and asked him to leave Panama. The association even claimed that the editor ‘‘is more than journalist. He’s an infiltrated agent disguised as a journalist.’’ 711

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In another defamation case, a columnist and radio journalist was charged with defaming former national police director during a February 4, 1998, broadcast of the news program TVN-Noticias. During the broadcast, Bernal blamed the police for the decapitation of four inmates at the Coiba Island prison. On December 28, 1998, Panamanian police raided the offices of La Prensa and attempted to arrest Herasto Reyes, an investigative reporter, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists. Journalists from around Panama City went to the newspaper’s offices to stand in solidarity with Reyes. The police could not gain entry to the building as protesters blocked it. The police said they had orders to take Reyes to the prosecutors’ office in connection with criminal defamation charges pending against him for defaming President Balladares in an August 1998 article in La Prensa. In the article, a former civilian member of Manuel Noriega’s military dictatorship told Reyes that Pérez Balladares, who was a government official at the time, had tried to force him to cover up major financial woes. One of the results of La Prensa’s investigations into Sossa was that the Supreme Court urged that he be dismissed from his position. Because of these existing cases against investigative journalists, in 2001 the Inter-American Committee on Human Rights recommended that the government change the existing legal process and place libel and slander under civil, rather than criminal, law. In September 2001 an OAS report on the status of freedom of speech in the hemisphere emphasized the repressive attitude of Panama’s judicial system toward the media. In July 2000, Bishop Romulo Emiliani left the Darien region following anonymous death threats; he had criticized publicly Colombian paramilitaries, guerrillas, and drug traffickers. He remained outside Panama. In 2000, there were at least 70 cases of journalists who had been accused of defamation under the criminal justice system. In March 2001, the president of the National Association of Journalists, the secretary general of the Journalists’ Union, and the Editorial director of the daily newspaper El Panama America organized a protest in front of the Supreme Court to protest the Ministry of Justice’s handling of freedom of speech issues. Over 100 journalists participated, maintaining that they were victims of harassment by the national government. In 1998, Miguel Antonio Bernal, a respected journalist and human rights activists, challenged the constitutionality of the Penal Code provisions on which criminal defamation charges were based. The Supreme Court refused to hear his appeal.

CENSORSHIP During the 1999 presidential election, authorities banned the publication of electoral results until technical 712

data had been registered. The daily El Panamá América, for example, was fined US$10,000 because it did not comply in due time with this requirement. The same code also banned the publication of opinion polls ten days before elections. Press censorship has even influenced publication of political poll results. On April 22, 1999, La Prensa printed an opinion poll that showed then-opposition candidate Mireya Moscoso leading for the first time in the race for the May 2 presidential elections. Twenty thousand copies of the paper were purchased en masse by supporters of the government party, who paid distributors more than the sale price in an effort to hinder circulation of that day’s edition, according to the then-editor of La Prensa.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS According to the U.S. Department of State, the government of Panama generally respected the human rights of its citizens in 2001. The media reported that problems continued to exist in several areas, however. The Panamanian National Police (PNP) were suspected in the deaths of two men. Abuse by prison guards was a persistent problem of the prison system, where overall conditions remained harsh, with occasional outbreaks of internal prison violence. Prolonged pretrial detention still existed as did arbitrary detentions. The criminal justice system was considered inefficient and subject to political manipulation. The media were subject to political pressure, libel suits, and punitive action by the government. Violence against women remained a serious problem. Women held some high positions in government, including the presidency; however, discrimination against women persisted. Discrimination also persisted against indigenous people, blacks, and ethnic minorities (such as Chinese). Worker rights were limited in export processing zones (also known as free trade zones). Both child labor and trafficking in persons were problems. Some estimates concluded that one-third of journalists faced criminal defamation prosecutions. Selfcensorship became rampant, and even protests provoked by media stories of government injustice and corruption during the military years became subdued. Domestic and foreign journalists worked and traveled freely throughout the country. The law required directors and deputy directors of media outlets to be citizens. One case presented below concerned a worldrenowned journalist, editor Gottori of La Prensa, was denounced by the Panamanian attorney general who tried to deport him, based in part on his citizenship status. Foreign journalists needed to receive one-year work permits to carry out reporting in Panama. The weekly La Cáscara news had been closed and the three employees denounced for slander and libel. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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The newspapers and radio stations were subjected to various repressive governmental acts. For example, on March 16, 2001, Rainer Tuñón, former journalist at Crítica, and Juan Díaz, from Panamá América, were sentenced to 18 months in prison, which was commuted to a fine of US $400, for a ‘‘crime against honor’’ after they published information about a magistrate. Beyond gag laws, the government continued to use other methods that resulted in media censorship. For example, the government restricted access to information sources that could allege or divulge state secrets. It also prohibited publishing certain news such as the identity of people involved in crimes. The International Journalists’ Network made clear, however, that in Panama there was a combative press, created by journalists dedicated to the advancement of the profession and social change. Consequently, there was in the early 2000s a boom in investigative journalism of high quality in this country, a positive step towards achieving the higher levels of media freedom.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA Foreigners may work in Panama on a one-year work permit, assuming there are no Panamanians available to fill the post. Rescinding work visas has been one way the national government has censored some members of the press.

BROADCAST MEDIA In December 31, 1999, after 58 years, the U.S. military forces withdrew from Panama and the Panama Canal was passed to Panamanian control. As a result, the U.S. military broadcast, the Southern Command Network (SCN), ended its radio and television transmissions. The SCN had provided news, sports, and entertainment to millions of Panamanians and Americans, and gained attention when it remained on the air in December 1989 during the U.S. military invasion of Panama City. Radio and television acquisition require the prior permission of a frequency for which the solicitor must meet a series of technical requirements that vary according to the place where the transmitters and signal strength are located. On July 5, 1999, the Gaceta Oficial de Panamá published a new radio and television law, which in its Article 54 made licensing for the radio and television broadcasters more stringent, thus restricting the freedom of press. After SCN disbanded, those frequencies that had been left without ownership were put up for auction. Later frequencies to be appropriated for commercial uses were the Ente Regulador de los Servicios Públicos WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

(ERSP), which was sold to Channel 7, and the company Telecomunicaciones Nacionales, S.A. (National Telecommunications, Inc.), which won the rights to television Channel 9 in the province of Panama. Several radio stations could be heard through the Internet or have links to their stations through the Internet. These included, among others, Estereo Panamá, La Mega, WAO 97.5. A variety of formats from traditional music to newscasts were provided, primarily in Spanish. Four television stations were linked to the World Wide Web: FE TV Canal 5, RPC TV, Telemetro Panama, and TV Nacional Canal 2. Both RPC TV and Telemetro Panama had Real Player videos on their Internet sites.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA In the early 2000s, the use of personal computers and Internet was becoming available to more and more households considered to be in middle or high socioeconomic classes, as well as in schools, universities, and businesses. There was no law that limited Internet access, and the majority of the newspapers and magazines in Panama had an electronic version. The news agency Panafax also had an Internet site, while the Panama Times was only accessed electronically. Panama News was an English language paper for the expatriate community, tourists, and Panamanians. It was considered a good source for rentals, housing, vacation tips, and related expatriate resources. Panamatravel was an Internet travel magazines about Panama, and many sites existed catering to expatriates living in Panama, business opportunities, and tourism promotion. It should also be noted that many 713

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Sources at the Public Services Regulatory Body told CPJ the government had asked all broadcast media owners to submit a list of all their newsreaders by April 1, 2002. Radio stations faced fines of up to US $500 per day for each unlicensed newsreader that appeared on the air. Television stations could be fined up to US $25,000 per day for the same offense.

indigenous groups were successful at using these media to promote their cultures, tourism in their territories, and their products. There were also various international news channels that had links to information about Panama on the Internet. HeraldLink Panama covered Panamanian news from the Miami Herald newspaper. In addition, Reuters/ Infoseek, BBC online, and the Internet service provider Yahoo! provided information about the country.

EDUCATION & TRAINING Article 40 of Panama’s constitution stated that ‘‘every individual is free to practice any profession or office subject to the regulations established by the law toward morality, social provisions and security, licensing, public health, and obligatory unionization’’ [author’s translation]. The journalist or broadcaster may also possess an equivalent degree from a foreign universities and revalidated at the University of Panama (Law 67 from 1978). They could work in Panama with a work visa. However, Article 7 of Title II, of a law proposed on June 7, 2001, established that a professional journalist must be a ‘‘Panamanian citizen with a degree in journalism, communications, or information sciences, granted by an accredited university and recognized by the University of Panama and registered before the Ministry of Education in the Registration Book of Professional Journalists of the Republic of Panama’’ [author’s translation]. Decree 189 of 1999 imposed mandatory licensing on radio and television newsreaders in Panama. The country’s Public Services Regulatory Body announced that it would start cracking down on violators of the law. 714

After Decree 189 was adopted, newsreader license requirements included attending a six-week seminar open to anyone who had completed at least four semesters of any university degree program. More than 2,000 licenses had been handed out under this system, according to official sources. In the early 2000s, newsreaders had either to hold a university degree in a relevant field or attend an eight-month course at the University of Panama. The course was set to begin around June 2002. The executive director of the CPJ stated that ‘‘A press licensing regime compromises freedom of expression by allowing a limited group to determine who can exercise this universal right and who cannot.’’ In 1985, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights ruled that mandatory licensing of journalists violated the American Convention on Human Rights. The issue of requiring licenses for reporters was a point of contention on the Panamanian press scene, as it was in many countries in the region. The Interamerican Press Agency cited its disagreement with the bill presented by the Panamanian Journalists Union. The law stated that only those with a university degree in communications could engage in journalism. The president of the Commission on Freedom of Press and Information of the IAPA said that this initiative was a step backwards in assuring the freedom of journalists by trying to regulate newspaper activity. If approved, the law would create a Superior Council of Journalism that could impose ‘‘moral sanctions’’ on broadcasters, reporters, and anyone else that committed ethical infractions. Beyond that, the press would have as its purpose the publication of the truth, which would be controlled through a body comprised of journalists and members of government. If the information divulged was found to be false, the reporter would be obligated to publicly acknowledge the source. The council would comprise representatives from local press organizations and include at least one press union official. It would also require identification cards for local journalists and be in charge of accrediting foreign correspondents. The bill also proposed the legal limitation of foreign journalists working in a medium. Foreign journalists could join a staff only when national journalists could not fill a position. The IAPA worried that if this law was approved, it could undermine the accomplishments of the gag law reWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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peals in December 1999. This new bill did not respect the 10 basic freedoms of expression and freedom of the press acknowledged in the Declaration of Chapultepec. Additionally, it contradicted aspects of the Declaration of Rights on Freedom of Expression from the InterAmerican Court on Human Rights. All of these documents rejected mandatory licensing of reporters and the obligation of revealing information sources. The Consejo Supremo de Periodismo de Panamá (Supreme Council of Journalism in Panama) drafted the original text. The president of the Panamanian Commission of Communication and Transportation assured that Law 127 constituted a subsequent effort to eliminate the infamous gag laws. However, not everyone was satisfied with this new law. Interestingly, students from the Faculty of Communications at the University of Panama asked that the law to be vetoed since they considered it harmful to the job market.

SUMMARY

———. Panama: Journalist goes on trial for defamation. http://www.cpj.org/news/2002., May 13, 2002. ———. The Americas 1999: Panama. http:// www.cpj.org/attacks99/americas99/Panama.html., 2002. ———. The Americas 2001: Panama. http:// www.cpj.org/attacks01/ameircas01/panama.html., 2002. Fitzgerald, Mark. ‘‘Panama goes on press law ‘reform’.’’ Editor & Publisher, 132 (31): 6, 10, 1999. Goodwin, Paul. Global Studies: Latin America, Peru. 10th ed. Storrs, CT: University of Connecticut, 2002. Gorriti, Gustavo. ‘‘Tough journalism.’’ New York Times, 146 (50897): A23, 1997. International Journalists’ Network. Country ProfilePanama. http://www.ijnet.org/Profile/LatinAmerica/ Panama/media.html., 2002. ———. ‘‘Aprueban ley de periodismo en Panamá.’’ IJNet http://www.ijnet.org/Archive/2002., June 8, 2002.

Panama has been influenced by U.S. presence since the construction of the Panama Canal in the early twentieth century, as well as authoritarian regimes during the middle and latter parts. Press freedoms in Panama have been characterized as a roller coaster and President Moscoso’s administration as a ‘‘one-two punch.’’ Both of these descriptions came from the fact that the freedom of expression was guaranteed, but the government continued to enforce defamation and libel laws, otherwise known as gag laws. In Panama, contempt and defamation laws have been the favored methods of the state to coerce and pressure journalists. The country still maintained some regulations that were created under dictatorships and, at times, fortified these old laws with an array of new ones. As a consequence, journalists in Panama faced long-term imprisonment for writing articles that exposed the actions and behaviors of those in power, even though Panama was considered a democratic, market-oriented nation. Journalists were subject to licensing and could be jailed for up to two years for defamation. The attorney general still had the right to jail journalists for eight days with no trial if he found cause.

———. ‘‘SIP rechaza proyecto de ley contra la prensa en Panamá.’’ (April 23, 2002).

While investigative journalism was of high quality in Panama, it remained to be seen whether that strength would continue in the face of self-censorship and economic downturns that were affecting much of the print media in Latin America.

Official Country Name: Region (Map name): Population: Language(s):

IPI World Press Freedom Review. Panama. www.freemedia.at/wpfr/panama.htm., 2001, 2000, 1999, 1998. ‘‘Panamanian Insults’’ (August 21, 2000). Editor & Publisher, 133 (34): 16-19, August 21, 2000. U.S. Department of State. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices—2001, Panama. http://www.state.gov, 2002. —Cynthia K. Pope

PAPUA NEW GUINEA BASIC DATA

BIBLIOGRAPHY Committee to Protect Journalists. Attacks on the Press 2001. Panama. http://www.cpj.org/attacks01/ americas01/panama.html., 2002. ———. Panama: Authorities seek strict press licensing regime. http://www.cpj.org/news/2002/, April 11, 2002. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Literacy rate: Area: GDP: Number of Television Stations:

Papua New Guinea Oceania 5,049,055 English, Pidgin English widespread, Motu spoken in Papua region 72.2% 462,840 sq km 3,818 (US$ millions) 3 715

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Number of Television Sets:

42,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

8.3

Number of Radio Stations:

55

Number of Radio Receivers:

410,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

81.2

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

135,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

26.7

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS The independent state of Papua New Guinea enjoys some of the Pacific region’s liveliest media coverage. Though its two daily newspapers are foreign owned, the private press reports vigorously on corruption and political issues. Comprising the eastern half of the Pacific’s largest noncontinental island and over 600 smaller islands, Papua New Guinea is located some 93 miles north of Australia. Its citizens are predominantly Melanesians and Papuan with some Negrito, Micronesians, and Polynesians. Official languages are English, Tok Pisin (the widely spoken Melanesian Pidgin), and Hiri Motu, but 867 indigenous languages are spoken among 1,000 tribes throughout the country. Interaction between regions has been largely restricted due to the topography of the land and the diversity of the languages. Its government is a federal parliamentary system, with periodic free and fair elections, and an independent judiciary.

tional (circulation 23,500), are both in English, with 15 copies per 1,000 people. The two weeklies, Wantok Niuspepa (published in Tok Pisin) and The Independent (English-language), have an aggregate circulation of 24,000. Of these four papers, all but Wantok Niuspepa also publish on the Internet. They compete aggressively in Port Moresby, but have limited circulation in other urban areas. Another English-language newspaper, the biweekly Eastern Star, is published in the city of Alotau, while the monthly, Hiri Nius, prints government news in all three official languages, with a circulation of 5,000. Newspaper circulation has increased steadily. In 1982 aggregate daily newspaper circulation was 39,000; by 1997 it had increased by 53 percent to 60,000. But the number of major daily newspapers has not increased since 1980. In addition to Christian and national radio networks, the National Broadcasting Corporation has three networks: the Karai Service (English), Kalang FM, and the Kundu Service, which includes 19 provincial stations. The latter broadcast in an array of languages spoken in their respective regions. Some 650 of these languages have been identified, yet only 200 are related, and all are grammatically complex. A few hundred to a few thousand people speak each language. One native language, Enga, is spoken by some 130,000 people, and Melanesian Pidgin serves as the lingua franca. The PNG FM company includes two commercial stations Nau FM (English) and Yumi FM (Tok Pisin). In 2000 a Motu-language station, FM Central, was launched. Listeners also receive Radio Australia’s Papua New Guinea service broadcasts in Tok Pisin. There are two cable services with access to overseas channels and one local television station. Satellite broadcasting had become available by 2000.

Since independence Papua New Guinea has enjoyed strong media growth. In 1975 Papua New Guinea’s major media consisted of one daily newspaper and one radio network. There was no television, and universities did not offer journalism training. By 2002, the region boasted two competing daily newspapers, a weekly English language newspaper, a television station, multiple radio stations, cable and satellite service, two university journalism programs, and several independent Web sites devoted to news and media analysis.

The nature of media coverage in Papua New Guinea is strongly linked to the isolation of many of its peoples. The country’s population is divided; some 85 percent live in remote villages, retaining ancient cultures and tongues, with little contact with the modern world. Few publications or televisions signals reach its rugged interior, where a multiplicity of tribal languages fragments communication. In addition to the absence of a common language, Papua New Guinea’s literacy rate complicates the country’s publishing climate; some 50 percent of its citizens cannot read and own no books aside from a Bible or hymnal. At the same time a literate, cosmopolitan culture of Australian expatriates bustles in the capital city of Port Moresby, where nearly all major print media are published. In a nation of geographically disparate peoples the majority of New Guineans count on radio as their primary news source rather than television, print, or online media.

The nation’s two daily newspapers, the Papua New Guinea Post-Courier (circulation 33,500) and The Na-

The limited influence of Papua New Guinea’s print media as a tool of political discourse was demonstrated

Europeans first sighted Papua New Guinea in 1512. The country was divided between the Dutch, Germans, and British towards the end of the nineteenth century. In 1905 Australia took over the British sector naming it ‘‘the territory of Papua’’ and then captured the German sector during World War I. A member of the British Commonwealth, the country became fully independent in 1975.

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during the pre-independence 1964 elections. Although the Australian government donated thousands of pamphlets and hundreds of tape recorders, loudspeakers, drawings, projectors, filmstrips, and flipcharts to local candidates, these materials went largely unused. Political advertising of election coverage and controversial correspondence were absent; not one candidate accepted a newspaper’s offer of free publicity. Most print publications in Papua New Guinea represent expatriates and the military, rather than natives. In 1888 its first newspapers represented white settlers, with the four-page weekly Torres Straits Pilot and New Guinea Gazette, as well as papers launched in 1917 and 1925. When the nation’s three commercial newspapers ceased publication during World War II, mimeographed weekly news sheets appeared. Two tabloids appeared after World War II: The South Pacific Post reported Australian and overseas news from its offices in Port Moresby from 1951, followed by the New Guinea Times in 1959, published in the city of Lae. The two papers merged into the Post-Courier in 1969. Newspapers targeting natives have been published irregularly. In 1962 the South Pacific Post launched the free, weekly Nu Gini Toktok published in Pidgin English with a special writing style explaining every word longer than two syllables. The paper specialized in self-help, health, housing, market reports on current prices for copra (dried coconut meat from which coconut oil is derived) and cocoa, comics, and radio listings; stories and photos were solicited from readers. Nu Gini Toktok carried little international news except for stories about the United Nations or the South Pacific Commission, both of which have responsibilities in Papua New Guinea. Many stories were translations of Australian news inappropriate for the target audience; inconsistencies between readership and management ultimately killed the paper. Nu Gini Toktok’s circulation never exceeded 4,000, and it closed in 1970. The churchowned secularly oriented Wantok, whose circulation of 10,000 includes distribution to all primary schools, replaced it. Since Papua New Guinea’s independence in 1975, several provinces have started their own newspapers. Niugini News, now closed, was started in 1979 and provided national and Australian news in simple English. Produced in Lae and distributed nationwide, Niugini News filled a gap for print media in some remote areas. Wantok Publications branched out to a more urban, educated audience with its 1980 acquisition of The Times of Papua New Guinea. This, plus the launch of the regional Arawa Bulletin, signaled a trend toward more local reporting. In the twenty-first century Papua New Guinea’s Post-Courier targets both native and expatriate populaWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

tions. It features short articles, large sensational headlines, and an abundance of images to compensate for factors of illiteracy and lack of a common language. In 2002 front page news included Queen Elizabeth II’s Golden Jubilee, palm oil pricing, and a measles outbreak, while letters to the editor included an open letter to politically active clergy, a thank-you note to an honest newspaper salesman, and subjects ranging from local food banks to vote-counting debates. As political parties evolved in Papua New Guinea, so did party newspapers. Pangu Nius was launched in 1970 as a monthly in English and Pidgin; the United Party also published a trilingual paper. Both had little success attracting advertisers. In addition to political papers nine church missions publish newspapers, some in three languages. With the country’s largest circulation, the PostCourier is Papua New Guinea’s most influential publication, followed by The Independent, which is distributed to a remote audience the urban Post Courier does not reach. The third most influential newspaper is Wantok, which serves the populace who speak Pidgin. Australian media chains, religious organizations, cultural groups, or the government’s Office of Information operate print publications in Papua New Guinea. For example, an Australian media conglomerate owns the Post-Courier. Papua New Guinea’s Summer Institute of Linguistics publishes education materials in local languages, often developing a periodical geared toward interests of each individual region. In addition, religious denominations in Papua New Guinea operate their own publishing houses.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK Since indigenous peoples settled Papua New Guinea some 50,000 years ago, its population has relied on agriculture for subsistence. In the twenty-first century agriculture accounts for 25 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) and supports more than 80 percent of the population. Generating a GDP of US $10.7 billion in 1996, Papua New Guinea’s workforce numbers 1.941 million. Cash crops include coffee, oil, cocoa, copra, tea, rubber, and sugar. The timber industry was not active in 1998, due to low world prices, but rebounded in 1999. About 40 percent of the country is covered with trees, and a domestic woodworking industry has been slow to develop. Top industries are coconut oil, plywood, wood chips, gold, and silver— the country is rich in copper, gold, silver, and natural gas. Its annual $2.7 billion exports include gold, copper, coffee, palm oil, copra, timber, lobster, while the country imports $1.3 billion in food, machinery, transport equipment, fuels, chemicals, and consumer goods. Papua New Guinea’s major trading 717

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partners are Australia, the United Kingdom, Japan, Singapore, New Zealand, the United States, South Korea, and Germany. Manufacturing is limited, making up 9 percent of the GDP. Small industries produce beer, soap, concrete products, clothing, paper products, matches, ice cream, canned meat, fruit juices, furniture, plywood, and paint. U.S. companies are developing Papua New Guinea’s mining and petroleum sectors; an American-financed oil refinery project estimated to produce 30,000-40,000 barrels-per-day is under development in Port Moresby. Papua New Guinea joined the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Forum in 1993 and the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1996. Australia is the largest aid donor to Papua New Guinea, offering about $200 million per year in assistance. It is followed by Japan, the European Union, the People’s Republic of China, the United Nations, the Asian Development Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Bank. International volunteers provide education, health, and development assistance throughout the country. By 1999 Papua New Guinea’s economy was troubled, as its foreign currency earnings suffered from low world mineral and petroleum prices. The resulting foreign exchange earnings—in tandem with government mismanagement—caused the currency (the kina) to plummet. Economic activity decreased in most sectors; imports of all kinds shrank, and inflation, which had been over 21 percent in 1998, slowed to an estimated annual rate of 8 percent in 1999. Papua New Guinea received emergency assistance from the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Nearly all major media outlets in Papua New Guinea are foreign owned. Although the country enjoys a free press, critics fear the media could become a tool to influence popular support in favor of foreign investment. The largest-circulation South Pacific daily, the Australian-owned Post-Courier, lists Rupert Murdoch’s News, Ltd. as its majority shareholder, though private Papua New Guinea investors own one-third. Its coverage of Papua New Guinea and international news, sports, and business is published Monday through Friday and uses Australian Associated Press (AAP) news feed. The PostCourier’s circulation reached a peak of 41,000 in 1994, but it dropped after a rival daily newspaper, the Malaysian-owned National, was launched. Since 1998 the PostCourier began publishing two magazines targeting the high-income sector; the weekly, general-interest Papua New Guinea (PNG) Magazine and Newagewoman, a monthly women’s magazine mixing fashion with serious issues of domestic violence and sexual health. The PostCourier also publishes the region’s first Braille newspaper, The South Pacific Braille News, with an initial circulation of 400 upon its 2002 launch. 718

The Post-Courier’s competing daily, The National, is owned by a Malaysian logging concern. It publishes little on the controversial subjects of logging and forestry, but is generally independent and unbiased on other issues. The first Pacific region daily to publish an online edition (1996), The National uses wire from Agence France-Presse. Both newspapers have shied away from using a six-day week publishing formula because of doubt that there is sufficient weekend market. The weekly Independent is a product of the churchowned Word Publishing Co., which also prints the monthly PNG Business and the weekly, Tok-Pisinlanguage Wantok Niuspepa, with a circulation of 15,000. The Independent replaced The Times of Papua New Guinea in 1995. The government-owned monthly newspaper Hiri Nius had suspended publication in 2002. Signals from the independently owned television broadcasting company, EM-TV, do not reach far outside Port Moresby. The government-owned National Broadcasting Corporation (NBC) owns two radio networks that potentially could reach the entire country, but the networks are limited by poor funding and outdated equipment. A privately owned radio network in Port Moresby, NAU-FM, is expanding into other areas of the country.

PRESS LAWS The Papua New Guinean Constitution provides for free speech, including freedom of the media, and the government generally respects this freedom in practice. Specific acts of Parliament regarding defamation, commercial advertising, court evidence, and personal correspondence narrow the constitutional press freedom somewhat, while the Printers and Newspapers Act requires printer’s and publisher’s names to appear in the newspaper. The law neither authorizes nor restricts press freedom, but it does support circulation of the news. This is achieved through directives regarding all citizens’ rights to participate in national development and the inclusion of native culture in this process. The media provides independent coverage and analysis of major controversies, including the legal problems of government and opposition politicians. Since freedom of expression includes citizens and non-citizens relaying ideas, opinions, and information and refuting false statements through the press, an act of Parliament may enable access to mass media. In 1994 Parliament approved the National Policy on Information and Communication of Papua New Guinea (NPIC). The comprehensive document regulates traditional media and new technology, including satellite broadcasting, information technology, cable television, print media, audiovisual media, advertising, and a code of ethics. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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CENSORSHIP Papua New Guinea’s Customs Act prohibits the importation of printed matter, film, or slides considered blasphemous, obscene, depraved, or containing contents including sex, violence, or crime. The courts occasionally tried citizens and foreigners under provisions of the Censorship Act banning the import, broadcast, or publication of materials deemed pornographic according to Papua New Guinea’s Censorship Code. The usual sentence for violations is confiscation and destruction of restricted goods, although the courts can legally impose a fine of US $17 or more, or a prison sentence of up to 2 years. Cosmopolitan and Cleo magazines were banned in 1995 for indecency in several of their issues. Radio broadcast operators are required to maintain a high standard of programming. In this regard, radio programs that are morally acceptable to Papua New Guinean audiences are approved, with special attention paid to children’s programs. Additionally, all programs must conform to the standards laid down and specified in the 1989 Censorship Act and administered by the Censorship Board of Papua New Guinea.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS The government has been acutely sensitive to media criticism on several occasions. In 1997 the prime minister attacked as ‘‘totally unfounded’’ and ‘‘damaging to the country’’ a media report—later confirmed—relating to strained meetings between a World Bank team and the government. The prime minister has tried to block journalists from reporting on Parliament. The forestry minister admitted to an unsuccessful attempt in September to convince EM-TV management to stop showing a documentary while it was being broadcast, saying the program was not in the people’s interest. Such government sensitivities have apparently affected reporting. The editor of a Port Moresby newspaper has stated publicly that the media have deliberately chosen not to report on certain areas that would be open subjects in Western societies, such as the private lives of political leaders and allegations of corruption. Foreign-owned news media rather than government are the greater threat to content diversity in the Papua New Guinea press. Both daily newspapers are foreign owned, as is the only television channel. There are three government-owned radio stations and one private locally owned radio outlet. The private press, including weeklies and monthlies, vigorously reports on corruption and other sensitive matters. The state-run radio news is generally balanced. According to the Information Services Review Committee, a developing country’s communications should WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

be given top priority. In Papua New Guinea the Office of Information operates under the prime minister’s department but is responsible to the minister of the media. The Office of Information has five divisions. The Information Division provides national and provincial government news, national and overseas publicity, government public relations, and technical assistance to departments using mass media. The Government Liaison Division implements and evaluates national communication projects. The Policy Secretariat Division formulates national communication policy. There is also a Division of Management Services Staff Development and Training. The Production Division is the largest of the five divisions. It designs artwork for publications and has the capacity to translate materials into two native languages. The division produces films and video, and publishes print materials including a free trilingual national government newspaper. Government intervention with the commercial media started in 1942, when the Australian army closed one newspaper on censorship grounds. After World War II, native riots and other events underscored the need for improved communications between the government and people. In 1997 the Constitutional Review Commission (CRC), a parliamentary body, began a review of ways to make the media ‘‘more accountable’’ and to ensure that persons ‘‘aggrieved by media abuses have accessible redress.’’ However, media and general public representatives reacted strongly, viewing the CRC effort as an attempt to control the media. The CRC initially reported that no new restrictions needed to be enacted and recommended instead that an independent media commission be established charged with self-regulation, an approach that the media representatives supported. However, media representatives again became concerned when the CRC chairman stated in October that the CRC had been directed to draft legislation to make the media more accountable and to establish an independent body, in addition to the media commission, that would look into complaints against the media. The resulting Media Council is composed of representatives from most of Port Moresby’s media outlets. One of its tasks is to regulate the media practice, and receive complaints and concerns raised by the public including the government and any person concerned with the media. Its mission is to develop media professionalism and to ensure Papuan New Guineans are protected by a responsible, active, free media. Papua New Guinea’s Media Council has created a Code of Ethics constructed to maintain public trust, retain their freedom of speech, freedom of press, and do nothing that will erode the credibility of their news media. It cov719

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ers such issues as accuracy and balance, conflict of interest, privacy, children and juveniles, taste and decency, victims of sexual offenses, purchase of information, subterfuge and misinformation. The British High Commission in Port Moresby also funded a complaints tribunal. Still, clashes between government and press occur. In 2001 students at the University of Papua New Guinea in Port Moresby conducted a sit-in outside government offices to protest the privatization of public utilities and foreign influence over the country’s economic policies. After five days, police broke up the peaceful demonstrations by opening fire and killing four protesters. An EM-TV film crew was threatened during the violence, and their car was set on fire. Two Post-Courier reporters were also punched and kicked by protesters while reporting at a hospital. The same year the director of the National Broadcasting Commission (NBC) was fired soon after the prime minister accused NBC of acting irresponsibly in airing ‘‘incorrect and inflammatory statements’’ about the military standoff. Despite his termination, the director told the daily National that ‘‘The government does not control [NBC’s] program and editorial output despite its 100 percent ownership. It is the people’s radio and it must remain that way.’’ Later that year NBC suspended a news director over his coverage of the military and student protests, saying his broadcasts ‘‘threatened national security.’’ At the end of 2001, the government granted autonomy to the island of Bougainville, ending the province’s 10-year struggle for independence, which killed some 20,000 people and has been called the bloodiest conflict in the Pacific since World War II. As part of the peace deal Bougainville is receiving funding to establish and develop local media, currently limited to one radio station broadcasting from Radio Australia.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA Business travel to Papua New Guinea requires a passport valid for one year past entry, a business visa, and proof of an AIDS test to enter the country; and a journalist’s visa for the members of the media. Travel outside of Port Moresby and other major towns at night can be hazardous, as criminals set up roadblocks. In addition, travel to isolated places in Papua New Guinea is possible primarily by small passenger-aircraft to the many small airstrips scattered throughout the country, as roads are scarce. Once in Papua New Guinea, foreign journalists have access to telephone, Internet, and telegraph services. These improved communications networks have dramatically increased the ease of foreign press operations and consequently international press coverage of Papua New 720

Guinea. For example, only 21 articles appeared on Papua New Guinea in the New York Times from 1974 to 1978. But in another four-year period, from 1997 to 2001, the New York Times printed 165 stories on the country. In addition, international access to newspaper and other media Web sites located in Papua New Guinea has increased worldwide understanding and knowledge of the region. Foreign correspondents in Papua New Guinea enjoy a fairly privileged position, with access to key governmental players. Journalism in the Pacific region operates under many pressures, and governments can very effectively limit the scope of local media organizations. Pressure can be applied, funding can be restricted, and individuals can be made to feel threatened. The resident foreign correspondent usually operates beyond the reach of those limits. In addition, local media often lack funding and resources; the work involved in delivering a major story is too much of a drain on the resources of a small broadcaster or newspaper. The foreign correspondent may be able to draw on the abundant resources of an international press service, using the already well established infrastructure of his or her media organization to deliver that story. From that point, local media often pick up the story, passing the blame to the foreign press organization. Reports from foreign journalists indicate that multiple visas are difficult to obtain. In 2001 the Papua New Guinea government denied foreign journalists visas to avoid scrutiny of an asylum-seeker detention center on Manus Island, according to Reporters Without Borders, an international service organization. Some 360 refugees, largely Iraqi citizens, were reported to have been subjected to substandard living quarters and human rights abuses.

NEWS AGENCIES Getting up-to-date reliable information from the Pacific region has always been very difficult, according to David Robie, lecturer in journalism at the University of Papua New Guinea. The combination of orally based societies, limited technology, and unreliable telephone lines has meant the news from Papua New Guinea makes its way slowly to the outside world, if at all. No government news agency exists in Papua New Guinea, but several private agencies operate. Among them are Tifa Papua, Jubi, and Info Papua. Pactok was set up in 1991 as a low-cost electronic mail network, carrying a Papua New Guinea news service or ‘‘niuswire’’ since 1996. Initiated by Pacific region journalist and educator David Robie, the service was created in response to requests from Papua New Guinea expatriates wanting to stay in touch with area news. The Niuswire carries stories from a variety of local sources, including the PostWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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Courier, as well as reports from the Association of Progressive Communication and InterPress Manila sources. Stories carried by the news service usually cover socioeconomic, political, environmental, and media issues.

ries. Foreign correspondents can load their voice report for radio into a laptop computer, compress it using new technologies, attach it to an e-mail, and send it home for broadcast, at the cost of a telephone call.

The Australian Associated Press, Agence FrancePresse, Associated Press, and Reuters are the main foreign news-wire agencies with an interest in the Pacific. Others include Kyodo, the Deutsche Press Association, and Knight-Ridder. Financial wire services also run stories touching on issues affecting trade or stock markets.

Several journalism networks and online media criticism organizations serving Papua New Guinea have sprouted since 1995. The Pacific Islands Media Association (PIMA) was formed in October 2001 to provide a formal network for Pacific Islands media. Although PIMA is headquartered in New Zealand, it represents Papua New Guinea media.

Agence France-Presse (AFP) continues to distinguish itself in the Pacific with a team of local contributors and stringers around the region who feed copy via Auckland into AFP’s worldwide network. This combination of local knowledge, regional experiences, and an ability to translate the Pacific for Western audiences is unparalleled. Most world newspapers and even the Pacific media receive their news via AFP copy. The Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) maintains a resident correspondent in Papua New Guinea, providing radio and television coverage. It also retains a full-time correspondent covering the rest of the Pacific region from Australia. The correspondent coordinates a group of local stringers traveling regularly in the region. The ABC’s international service, Radio Australia, provides specific programming about and for the Pacific region via short-wave radio, the Internet, and broadcasts on Pacific radio stations. These programs are in English and Tok Pisin. The ABC coverage of the Pacific, other than Papua New Guinea, has primarily been on radio, as television has not infiltrated the region. Within the region, Pacnews plays an increasingly important media role. Media organizations around the Pacific send their top stories each day to the Pacnews office in Suva, where it is compiled into three daily dispatches and e-mailed and faxed to the growing number of subscribing news organizations. Pacnews provides access to firsthand reports, written by journalists on the spot—Pacific journalists writing about their own place and events, so they can explain with insight into the culture shaping those events. Though many of its subscribers are broadcast media, Pacnews is a text-only service. The Internet has become a useful tool for media, primarily as another outlet for already established services. Most Western media organizations now operate Web sites that provide another outlet for their core services, allowing people in Papua New Guinea to read American newspapers within minutes of publication, and vice versa. E-mail has become an inexpensive and effective way of communicating, helping journalists to make contact across the vast distances of the Pacific region. The ABC now routinely uses the web and e-mail to file its stoWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pacific Media Watch is an independent, nonprofit, non-government organization of journalists. It supports media freedom, examining issues of ethics, accountability, censorship, media freedom, and media ownership in the Pacific region through its news articles and archives. The Asia-Pacific Network provides independent journalism on social, political, environmental, media, and development issues in the Asia-Pacific region and maintains an archive of Pacific media analysis and news.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA Broadcasting in Papua New Guinea began in 1934 with the radio performance of a native missionary choir. By 1946 the country’s Department of Education began creating programming for the Australian Broadcasting Commission (ABC) station of news, talk shows, sports, information, and entertainment; 40 percent for natives, 30 percent for expatriates, and 30 percent for both populations. By 1961 the government had begun its own broadcasting system, whose programming included music, agricultural features, international news, and local government council meetings. In 1973 the government radio merged with ABC to create the Papua New Guinea Broadcasting Commission. Its educational programming is significant in a country where schooling is not compulsory, and fewer than one-third of its citizens attend school at all. The educational broadcasts decrease isolation, upgrade educational standards, and supplement correspondence school programs. Though the station is government supported, it began broadcasting advertisements in 1977 to cover operating costs. Papua New Guinea’s only television station, EMTV, was launched in 1987. By 2002 the station operated two transmitters in Port Moresby and six others around the country, reaching just under two million people. Its programming includes local shows in English and Tok Pisin as well as Australian programming. Papua New Guinea entered the information age in 1997, when Telikom PNG launched Tiare, the national Internet gateway service. In 2002 there were five com721

PAPUA NEW GUINEA

mercial suppliers. Papua New Guinea’s electronic media has entered the modern age, with improved communication, Internet publishing capability, a new television station, and burgeoning print press distribution. Although the Internet is regarded as a far-reaching method of conveying grassroots, independent information over great distances, it is ineffective within Papua New Guinea. Internet connections rely on a reliable phone system, rare in Papua New Guinea’s interior. Not only are the web servers necessary to establish a Web site inaccessible to most Papua New Guineans, less than one percent of the population has Internet access at all, and few villagers have financial resources to obtain and power computer equipment. Barriers of illiteracy and diverse languages make Web news ineffective. Outside of the urban middle classes, television is a tentative and marginal media source, as barriers to owning televisions hinder access for a large part of the region’ population. Radio remains the primary means of receiving news; a sociologist studying one native village discovered radios in half the homes.

for EM- TV. Students also wrote an in-depth feature on polygamy that was published in an international magazine, and other articles were syndicated by the international agency Inter Press Service (IPS) Asia-Pacific.

EDUCATION AND TRAINING

SIGNIFICANT DATES

Some 68 percent of New Guinean journalists have attended college, and the country is home to two university journalism programs. At the University of Papua New Guinea (UPNG), a journalism program has been in place since 1974. Over 170 UPNG alumni work in key media positions throughout the South Pacific. Its awardwinning student newspaper, Uni Tavua, is partially funded by the Post-Courier, the Dutch Communication Assistance Foundation, and the New Zealand High Commission. UPNG’s journalism program was closed briefly in 1999. Among resources published by journalism students are the fortnightly newspaper Uni Tavur; a media and communications journal, Pacific Journalism Review; a daily Web site and e-mail news service, Niuswire; a quarterly communications newsletter e-mailed to more than 80 subscribers, Media Nius;; and a comprehensive new textbook on mass media in the region: Nius Bilong Pasifik: Mass Media in the Pacific. The University of Papua New Guinea was the first Pacific region university to launch a full online newspaper in 1995. In the city of Madang, the Divine Word University offers a two-year journalism diploma and a bachelor’s degree in journalism. The program was established in 1989. The department operates as a news agency covering the Madang area, and all students are required to undertake coverage of news events and feature writing assignments for national and international media organizations. Students regularly provide the Post-Courier, The National, and The Independent with news stories and features. Reports are provided for radio news bulletins and 722

SUMMARY Since declaring independence in 1975, Papua New Guinea has made enormous progress in media development. It has added television and online publishing to its list of media resources, and expanded circulation and distribution of print publications. With its burgeoning journalism education programs and free-flowing media discourse, Papua New Guinea can expect increased improvement in press objectivity, freedom, and methodology. Most major media is still in foreign hands, but the inclusion of Internet publishing may increase grassroots, independent media. With the continued cooperation of government agencies in maintaining press freedom and developing new ways to reach indigenous peoples, Papua New Guinea’s press looks upon a bright future.

• 1987: EM-TV, Papua New Guinea’s first and only television station, is launched. • 1994: Parliament approves the National Policy on Information and Communication of Papua New Guinea. • 1995: The National replaces Niugini News; in 1996 it is the region’s first online paper.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Asia Pacific Network. www.asiapac.org.

2002.

Available

from

Central Intelligence Agency. ‘‘Papua New Guinea.’’ In CIA World Factbook. Washington, D.C.: 2002. International Press Institute. ‘‘Papua New Guinea.’’ 2000 World Press Freedom Review 2000. Nash, Sorariba. ‘‘UPNG Lecturer Critical Over Lack of Hel,.’’ Pacific Media Watch, 26 Aug. 1999. Paraide, Daniel. ‘‘Papua New Guinea Report: Universal Access to Publications.’’ Office of Libraries and Archives, Secretariat of the Pacific Community. Sept. 2001. Programme in Comparative Law and Media, Wolfson University, Oxford University, and Yeshiva University. ‘‘Papua New Guinea.’’ Communications Law in Transition Newsletter (Sept. 4, 2000). Reporters Sans Frontiers. ‘‘Journalists Prevented From Reporting About Refugee Camp in Papua New Guinea.’’ 15 March 2002. ———. ‘‘Papua New Guinea Annual Report 2002.’’ WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

PARAGUAY

Robertson, Robbie. ‘‘Challenges Over Pacific Free Media.’’ Pacific Journalism Review (November 1995).

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

40,000

Robie, David. ‘‘On the Line: Papua New Guinea’s Media Independence.’’ Reportage Media Bulletin (Aug. 1996).

Internet Access per 1,000:

7.0

———. ‘‘Post-Courier Shrugs off Buy-Out Claims.’’ Asia-Pacific Network (April 11, 1999). ———. ‘‘Press Freedom Ethics and the Constitution.’’ Pacific Journalism Review (Nov. 1996).

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS

U.S. Department of State. ‘‘Country Reports on Human Rights Practices.’’ Washington, D.C.: 1996.

Paraguay is a rather young democratic state continuing its journey toward freedom. The country is noted for its hydroelectric facility, Itaipu, the world’s largest hydroelectric facility. It also is known for being the raison d’etre for the 1980s formation of the international Committee to Protect Journalists. After experiencing one of South America’s longest military dictatorships, which ended in revolt in 1989, a new constitution was widely disseminated in 1992 and in 1993 Paraguay gained its first civilian president in almost 40 years.

———. ‘‘Papua New Guinea.’’ Background Notes. Washington, D.C.: 2000. —Blair Tindall

PARAGUAY BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Republic of Paraguay

Region (Map name):

South America

Population:

5,734,139

Language(s):

Spanish (official), Guarani (official)

Literacy rate:

92.1%

Area:

406,750 sq km

GDP:

7,521 (US$ millions)

Number of Television Stations:

4

Number of Television Sets:

990,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

172.7

Number of Cable Subscribers:

97,900

Cable Subscribers per 1,000:

17.8

Number of Radio Stations:

79

Number of Radio Receivers:

925,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

161.3

Number of Individuals with Computers:

70,000

Computers per 1,000:

12.2

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Paraguay’s nascent democratic government experienced significant turmoil in the late 1990s including an attempted coup in 1996, the assassination of a vice president, and the subsequent resignation of a president in 1999. President Luis Gonzalez Macchi, the former head of Paraguay’s Senate, took office after the previous president resigned due to his suspected involvement in the 1999 assassination of the vice president. President Gonzalez appointed Paraguay’s first coalition government in more than 50 years. Paraguay was a Spanish colony until 1811. From 1811 until the military dictatorship was overthrown in 1989, the country experienced continued periods of military rule and anarchy. The country is landlocked and bordered by Bolivia to the north, Brazil to the east, and Argentina to the south and to the west. The north-to-south flowing Paraguay River diagonally divides Paraguay, and 90 percent of the country’s people live in the southern region within 100 miles of its capital city of Asuncion. One of South America’s most ethnically and religiously homogeneous populations resides in Paraguay. In 2001 an estimated 5.73 million people lived in Paraguay. About 95 percent of the country’s population is mestizo (Amerindian and Spanish mix) and 90 percent are Catholic. About 90 percent of Paraguayans can speak Guarani, one the country’s two official languages. About 75 percent can speak the other official language, Spanish. Spanish is the dominant language in the schools, courts and is used in commerce. Guarani, the language of the indigenous population, is preferred in rural areas. Paraguay’s population is relatively young, with 38.9 percent aged 14 or younger in 2001; 56.4 percent were between the ages of 15 to 64; 4.7 percent were over age 723

PARAGUAY

65. Paraguay has slightly more males (50.2 percent) than females (49.8 percent); 92.5 percent of Paraguay’s females over the age of 15 are literate, and 94.5 percent of its age 15 and older males are literate. Primary schooling has been taught bilingually since the late 1990s. About 89 percent of Paraguay’s children attended primary school in 1994. About 33 percent of Paraguay’s youth go on to secondary schools after age 14. Higher education courses are taught in Spanish. World Bank estimates that Paraguay’s newspaper circulation in 1996 as 43 per 1,000 people. There were 182 radios per thousand residents in 1997, and 101 television per thousand in 1998. Telephone service, while improving, showed about 83 main telephone lines in use per 1,000 adults (age 15 and over) in 2001. The number of mobile telephones was nearly double that of main lines at 145 per 1,000 adults. The metropolitan Asuncion area, with more than 1 million people, is Paraguay’s principal advertising center. Television, radio and newspapers, respectively, are Asuncion’s primary media for advertising. According to the Organization for American States, the television market penetrated 75.4 percent of Paraguay’s 1.2 million homes in 1996; there were 150,000 homes with cable television. Five daily newspapers are published in Asuncion: Diario abc Color, El Diario, Noticias, Dario La Nacion and Diario Ultima Hora. All five papers are published in Spanish. In rural areas where Guarani is the dominant language, radio is the dominant news and advertising media. None of Paraguay’s newspapers has a circulation of more than 50,000. Paraguay’s leading newspaper, ABC Color, began publishing in 1967 and has a weekday circulation of 45,000. Covering national news and published in the mornings, ABC Color’s Sunday edition has a circulation of about 50,000. Ultima Hora, another national newspaper, is published twice daily and has a circulation of about 35,000, while Noticias has a daily circulation of about 30,000. Other notable publications are Aktuelle Rundschau, a weekly German language newspaper, and the Paraguay Ahora, a political magazine published only in Spanish. Circulation rates were not available for either publication.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK Paraguay is a socially and economically developing country. A relatively poor country, Paraguay’s per capita Gross Domestic Product international ranking was 121 out of 226 countries in 2001 at U.S.$3,563. The country’s 724

transportation and communications sector contributed 4.9 percent (U.S.$54.6 million dollars) to Paraguay’s GDP ($1,115.9 billion) in 1999. Value-added in manufacturing attributed to printing and publishing was $9.2 billion or 5.8 percent of the country’s value-added in manufacturing of $159 billion. Paraguay’s economy is agrarian-based with 45 percent of the employed workforce working in agriculture related industries; 31 percent in industry and commerce; 19 percent in services; and 4 percent in government. The country also has a significant underground market economy, primarily in the unregistered sale of computers, sound equipment, cameras, liquor and cigarettes to Argentina and Brazil. According to the U.S. Department of State, the underground market economy may equal the formal economy in size. Losses due to the sale of pirated goods were estimated by the U.S. State Department to have been U.S.$221.3 million in 2000. Agricultural workers in Paraguay usually are subsistence farmers. The slow and steady growth of the agricultural market after the early 1990s has been countered by high population growth (2.6 percent per year in 2001 alone) and forest clearances that have led to dramatic increases in the numbers of landless families. Paraguayan wealth is concentrated. British Broadcasting Company in 2002 estimated that 60 percent of urban, and 80 percent of rural, Paraguayans were living in poverty. Per capita income was U.S.$1,700 in 2002, unemployment in the more urban areas was 7.2 percent and the underemployment rate was 21.4 percent. The Republic of Paraguay is a member of the Rio Group, the Organization of American States, World Bank, International Atomic Energy Agency, the Latin American Integration Association (ALADI), INTELSAT, INTERPOL, and MERCOSUR (Southern Cone Common Market), which has low trade barriers with Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay. Paraguay has high tariffs on all goods and services going into the country from countries outside of MERCOSUR. Although Paraguay’s print and broadcast media are independently owned some have close ties to political parties. For example, the son-in-law of the military general leading the 1989 political coup took possession of Channel 9 and turned it into Sistema National de Television, and a former president has controlling interest in a company called Multimedia that includes a popular radio station and a daily newspaper, El Diario. There are no significant multinational multimedia companies domiciled in Paraguay. The founder’s feuding heirs split up the Red Privada de Communician, which did own the daily Noticias as well as a radio and a television station, in 1999. Since Paraguay is a small country WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

PARAGUAY

with a concentrated population and advertising market, it is possible for media companies to have a national reach, such as it is, without having to own several different types of media companies.

PRESS LAWS Freedom of the press is guaranteed by Paraguay’s constitution. However, journalists are readily subjected to defamation of character lawsuits under the country’s criminal code enacted in 1998. Although journalists are not jailed for their work, penalties range from fines to imprisonment for libel, defamation and slander. In 2001 the parliament passed and the president enacted Law 1728, which was supposed to make pubic records more accessible. In practicality, the law made it more difficult for journalists because it increased the paperwork required to get the information. The law was repealed September 24, 2001, after the media successfully campaigned for its repeal. The Ministry of Education has jurisdiction over Paraguay’s copyright laws.

CENSORSHIP

NEWS AGENCIES

There is no prior censorship of Paraguay’s press. Nonetheless, Paraguay’s criminal code is readily used to claim defamation of character so journalists are effectively restricted from complete freedom of expression.

Media contacts within the Paraguayan government are the responsibility of each ministry. No specific news agencies are readily identifiable. Paraguay.com, through service provided by WorldNews, does provide Internetbased up-to-date news coverage in English.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS

BROADCAST MEDIA

While Paraguay’s constitution guarantees freedom of the press, in 1999 journalists were arrested and Paraguayan police destroyed two radio stations. In 2001 a journalist was murdered and at least eight others were attacked or threatened by police or government officials in the same year. Also in 2001, the managing editor of ABC Color, was fined 470,880,000 guaranis (about U.S.$100,000) for having libeled Colorado Party Senator Juan Carolo Galaverna. In 2002 national police reportedly threatened two journalists after they witnessed the release of two leftist political group members who were allegedly kidnapped by officers of the Paraguayan state security.

In 1998 there was one AM and one FM station, and six shortwave stations. Three of the shortwave stations were inactive. One radio station, Radio Nacional del Paraguay, is state-owned and the remaining are independently owned. In 2002 there were four television stations broadcasting: Teledifusora Paraguaya (Channel 13); Television Cerro Cora (Channel 9, commercial); Televisora Itapua (Channel 7, commercial); and SNT—Sistema Nacional de Television.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA In 1999 a Brazilian journalist was beaten, reportedly by at least one police officer, after photographing a police station near the Brazilian border. There were no reported incidents of violence against foreign media after 1999. U.S. journalists wishing to travel to Paraguay do not need visas for stays of up to three months. Foreign media representatives should have credentials certified and authenticated by either the Paraguayan Embassy or Consulate in the United States. Documents should be translated into Spanish. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ELECTRONIC MEDIA Only the most well educated Paraguayans were likely to use the Internet in 2002. In 1999 there were 9.6 personal computers per 1,000 Paraguayans. In 1999 there were 2.43 Internet hosts per 1,000 residents. In 2000 there were an estimated 20,000 Paraguayan Internet users. Six Internet service providers operated in Paraguay in 2002. They were Highway, Infonet, Itapua Comunicaciones S.R.L, Planet, Quanta Net, and Uninet. Each of the five daily newspapers offers Web sites in Spanish; no Paraguayan news Web sites appeared in English in 2002.

EDUCATION AND TRAINING University educated Paraguayans make up less than 1 percent of the total population. There are two main 725

PARAGUAY

state stabilizes—which will require significant economic recovery—there will be a great deal of room for growth in the mass media sector. None of the media have reached market saturation as yet and as the population becomes better educated, demand for mass media products will undoubtedly increase.

SIGNIFICANT DATES • 1998: Criminal Code enacted pertaining to defamation, libel and slander. • 2001: Law 1728 regarding public record accessibility enacted and later rescinded due to media pressure.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ‘‘2001 Special 301 Report: Paraguay.’’ International Intellectual Property Alliance. higher education institutions, the Catholic-owned Universidat Catolica ‘‘Nuestra Senora de la Asuncion’’ (Catholic University of ‘‘Our Lady of Asuncion’’), and the National University of Asuncion. Total enrollment at both was about 31,000 in 1991. The larger of the two, National University, enrolled about 20,000 students in 1991. Both are located in Asuncion and their instructional programs are in Spanish. Higher education degrees are called licenciado. Catholic University offers degrees in philosophy, history, psychology, sociology, political science, diplomatic studies, accounting, mathematics, business administration, education, nursing and pastoral studies. National University offers degree programs in agricultural studies, architecture, chemistry, dentistry, economics, exact and natural sciences, law and social sciences, medicine, library science, physics and mathematics, polytechnics, veterinary science and philosophy. There were no specific journalism related degree programs for either university. The National University of Asuncion does offer Communication Studies through its Philosophy Department.

SUMMARY Paraguay’s relatively weak economy helps to explain its equally weak communications sector. With 282 televisions and 264 radios per 1,000 adults, it appears Paraguayans rely on the broadcast media for their news rather than upon the written press. Although greater than 90 percent of Paraguayan adults are literate, many were not educated to read and write the Spanish language in which Paraguay’s newspapers are published. Notwithstanding the tenuous relations between Paraguay’s media and the government, when the democratic 726

2002 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers U.S. Trade Representative. Washington, D.C., 2002. Braumann, B., J. C. Jaramillo and E. Jenkner. ‘‘Paraguay: Selected Issues and Statistical Appendix.’’ International Monetary Fund, January 21, 2000. ‘‘Country Reports on Human Rights Practices—2000.’’ U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor,, Washington, DC, February 23, 2001. Country Reports: Paraguay. Committee to Protect Journalists. 1996, 1997, 1998, 1999, 2000, 2001. ‘‘Cultural Industries in the Latin American Economy: Current Status and Outlook in the Context of Globalization.’’ Organization for American States, Office of Cultural Affairs, Washington, DC, 1997. ‘‘Focus on Paraguay.’’ Latin American Forum, London, 2000. ‘‘FY 2001 Country Commercial Guide: Paraguay.’’ U.S. Department of State, Bureau, U.S. Embassy Asuncion, 2000. Hanratty, Dannin M., and Sandra W. Meditz. Paraguay: A Country Study. Federal Research Division, U. S. Library of Congress, Washington, D.C., 1988. Reporters Without Borders. ‘‘Paraguay—Annual report 2002.’’ April 23, 2002. U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). In The World Factbook 2002. Washington, D.C., 2002. —Sandra J. Callaghan WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

PERU

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS

PERU BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Republic of Peru

Region (Map name):

South America

Population:

27,483,864

Language(s):

Spanish (official), Quechua (official), Aymara

Literacy rate:

88.7%

Area:

1,285,220 sq km

GDP:

53,466 (US$ millions)

Number of Daily Newspapers:

57

Total Circulation:

5,700,000

Circulation per 1,000:

342

Total Newspaper Ad Receipts:

367 (Nuevo Soles millions)

As % of All Ad Expenditures:

11.00

Number of Television Stations:

13

Number of Television Sets:

3,060,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

111.3

Number of Cable Subscribers:

349,520

Cable Subscribers per 1,000:

13.6

Number of Radio Stations:

859

Number of Radio Receivers:

6,650,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

242.0

Number of Individuals with Computers:

1,050,000

Computers per 1,000:

38.2

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

2,500,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

91.0

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Like neighboring countries Bolivia and Ecuador, Peru has a large population of indigenous citizens. In fact, in the early 2000s, 45 percent of the population of 27 million was considered indigenous, and many of these spoke Quechua or Aymara. Both Spanish and Quechua were the official languages, although newspapers were published primarily in Spanish. Thirty-seven percent of the population was classified as mestizo (a mixture of European and indigenous blood), 15 percent was white, while the remaining percentage was comprised of other backgrounds, including a strong Japanese influence. This influence was most notably seen during the presidency of Alberto Fujimori during the 1990s. The adult literacy rate was approximately 89 percent with a life expectancy of 68 years (male) and 73 years (female). Education was compulsory from six to eleven years of age. Peru is considered a democratic republic with a multi-party political system. Lima, the capital, lies on the Pacific coast and is the bureaucratic heart of Peru, although it would be appropriate to say that the country’s heart lies in the traditionally indigenous territories of the Andes. Centuries, as well as mountains, divide populations throughout this country. Very few city dwellers know either Quechua or Aymara, the indigenous languages spoken daily by millions of Peruvians. This lack of knowledge about the languages and cultures of the indigenous populations has led to many historically unsuccessful development programs administered by Lima to alleviate poverty in the countryside. The Positivists, for example, sought in vain in the 1920s to Europeanize indigenous groups. On the other hand, other reformers sought to identify with the indigenous peoples. For example, the popular political ideology, Aprismo, embraced the idea of an alliance of Indoamerican territories to recover the Americas for their original inhabitants. Government in the 1960s and 1970s carried out some of the recommendations, such as agrarian reform, which affected the political and social milieu of current times. During the 1960s peasants invaded large haciendas (farms) demanding that the owners return their property to the indigenous inhabitants. Against this background of rural violence, the Peruvian military seized power in 1968. The left-leaning military regime expropriated all the daily newspapers in the capital city of Lima and assigned each one to one of the country’s social forces, such as labor unions and intellectuals. Many newspapers protested the expropriation by the military. Only one paper, El Comercio, supported the new military regime. This paper was one of the oldest and 727

PERU

most prestigious newspapers in Latin America, founded in Lima in 1839. The military closed down two of the most popular newspapers and one radio station for 16 days. Authorities arrested and deported journalists and foreign correspondents critical of their policies and repeatedly closed down the magazine Caretas. Newspaper owners demanded that the government explain the motives behind its censorship and harassment of the mass media. In the late 1960s the military government issued a Statute of Press Freedom, which was generally supported by journalists and attacked by newspaper owners. The statute restricted ownership to native Peruvians; recognized journalism as a profession; regulated the right of reply; and identified and established penalties for the crimes of libel and slander. The press’s right to criticize the government was granted as long as various ideas were upheld: respect for the law, truth and morality, the demands of national security and defense, and personal and family honor and privacy. The military government stepped down in 1980 amid a variety of social problems and population pressure. Civilian rule, however, did not necessarily equal democracy for Peru. The left-wing guerrilla organizations, Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path) and the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA), used violence and terrorism against the government, military, and even villagers to reach their stated goals of social justice. Because of the threat, the government declared repeated states of emergency and lifted civil guarantees throughout the 1980s. Alberto Fujimori was elected democratically during the years of the 1989 reform laws, reflecting a growing will to debureaucratize Peru. However, Fujimori staged an autogolpe (self-coup) in 1992 when Congress hesitated to enact economic and political reforms. He suspended the constitution, arrested a number of opposition leaders, shut down Congress, and openly challenged the power of the judiciary. In 1993, in true dictatorial fashion, he created a constitutional amendment that allowed him to run for a second consecutive term. Even though Fujimori took a repressive stance on opposition and made what appeared to be a crackdown on the press, the Peruvian population re-elected him in 1995. This was probably due to his successful economic policies, which led to a 12 percent growth in the Peruvian economy, the highest in the world for 1994, and the campaign against terrorist organizations. His authoritarian side continued to grow during this time, however, and culminated with a fraudulent election in 2000. Despite a constitutional prohibition against running for three consecutive terms, Fujimori decided to run again in April 2000. Shortly thereafter, Fujimori was forced to resign amid allegations of a fraudulent election, press censor728

ship, massive corruption, human rights abuses, and violence. He resigned as president in November 2000 in a fax sent from Japan, where he chose to remain. The press represented a wide spectrum of opinion including those in favor of and in opposition to the government. Peru’s weekly newsmagazines were the most aggressive of any in the Andean region. In the Lima area alone, there were 20 daily newspapers, 7 television stations, approximately 65 radio stations, and 2 news channels on 2 commercial cable systems. There were numerous provincial newspapers and radio stations. All were privately owned except for one government-owned daily newspaper, one government-owned television network, and two government-owned radio stations, none of which had a particularly large audience, according to the United States Department of State. In the 1990s in Peru, independent journalists played a critical role in bringing down the Fujimori government, often characterized as corrupt and authoritarian. The daily newspaper El Comercio, the newspaper with the highest distribution, and La República, as well as the magazine Caretas could be included in this group of independent publications. Their professionalism and social critique were cited by the Interamerican Press Agency, which honored them with the freedom of expression award for their emblematic labor during difficult times. Other newspapers included Correo Perú, El Tiempo, Gestión, La Encuesta, La Industria, Libero, Ojo, and Todo Sport. Lima Post was an English language newspaper. As far as the ‘‘governmental’’ press, it is important to highlight the official newspaper El Peruano and Expreso, whose ex-editor, Eduardo Calmell del Solar, was placed under house arrest for participating in cases of corruption. La Prensa, one of the most respected newspapers in Latin America, folded during the 1980s as pressure for modernization in the computer age began to take is toll on papers with marginal financial situations.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK Alejandro Toledo was voted in during a new election in June 2001. He was a Stanford-trained economist and has advised the World Bank. Toledo said he intended to eliminate corruption, reform the judiciary, refashion the Fujimori-inspired constitution of 1993, restore freedom of the press and speech, and hold elements in the military accountable for their transgressions. He encouraged the infusion of foreign investments, resumed a policy of privatization, and engaged in renegotiating outstanding agreements with the International Monetary Fund.

PRESS LAWS The Constitution provided for freedom of speech and of the press, and, unlike in earlier years, the government WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

PERU

generally respected this right in practice; however, some problems remained. The government generally tolerated criticism and did not seek to restrict press freedoms. However, fear of legal proceedings and strong popular opinion discouraged public expressions of pro-Fujimori sentiments in the media, the opposite ideological stance from the 1990s when Fujimori was in power. In December 2001 the Toledo administration proposed the Law of Modernization and Transparency of Telecommunications Services, which a congressional subcommittee took under consideration. The bill would create a radio and television commission, comprising government and civil society representatives, to oversee and review the TV licensing process. In 2001 the Ley Orgánica de Elecciones (Election Law) was declared unconstitutional. This law had prohibited the publication of unofficial election results from 4 p.m. until a maximum of six hours from the close of the polls. Libel was a criminal offense and cases were brought frequently by individuals, including political figures, against journalists. One journalist from the political program Entre Lineas concluded that former president Alan García obtained an intelligence officer’s help to make the judiciary decide the prescription of García’s crimes so that García could return to the country and run in the last presidential elections. García accused Valenzuela of libel, a process that continued into 2002. Other libel and defamation suits were filed against journalists. Manuel Ulloa filed a $1 million lawsuit for libel and defamation against the opposition newspaper Liberación, which led to the seizure of the paper’s printing press. Also, a former pro-Fujimori congressman, Miguel Ciccia, filed a libel and defamation suite against Editora Correo. In February 2001 the Inter-American Press Association (IAPA) awarded the Chapultepec Grand Prize to former Human Rights Ombudsman Jorge Santiestevan for his support of freedom of expression in Peru. The Declaration of Chapultepec (Mexico City, 1994) set forth 10 principles on freedom of the press and expression. The IAPA also met with President Paniagua, members of Congress, and Supreme Court justices in an open forum with journalism and law students to discuss issues of press freedom. The IPI Executive Board unanimously agreed on January 26, 2001, to remove Peru from the ‘‘IPI Watch List,’’ a document that places on notice countries that appear to be moving towards suppression or restriction of press freedom. The reason for this action included the return of the television station, Frecuencia Latina-Canal 2, to the Israeli-born businessman Baruch Ivcher, who had WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

been stripped of citizenship and the TV station during Fujimori’s regime and the release of journalists who had been wrongly detained after Fujimori left office. The IPI Board also noted that the cases of five other journalists, who were serving sentences from 12 to 20 years imprisonment for ‘‘terrorism’’ or ‘‘betrayal of the state,’’ were under review by the Ministry of Justice’s new National Human Rights Council. Some of these journalists were still imprisoned as of 2002. Despite more press freedom in 2001, journalists still faced threats, attacks, and legal harassment, particularly at the hands of public officials in the country’s interior. Both government forces and terrorist organizations attacked the press. Members of the Frente Patriótico de Loreto (Loreto Patriotic Front, FPL) physically and verbally attacked journalists in the Iquitos area. FPL also threatened to destroy the Channel 6 television studios if the cable station continued to employ journalists whom they accused of being Fujimori supporters. The television station’s owner was forced to fire the journalists. FPL’s supporters also attacked the studio of La Karibena radio station in Iquitos. The studio suffered damages, and one of the radio station’s employees received death threats. In the first incident, the FPL members threw rocks after they saw posters of a certain presidential candidate. They threatened to return and burn down the radio station if the posters were not taken down. The second time the assailants destroyed the building’s windows, painted its walls black, and tried to enter the studios. Government sympathizers accused journalists of printing untrue information. The reporters were eventually acquitted by a judge who ruled that they were simply exercising their right to impart information of public interest. 729

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Another incident occurred when Peru’s Channel 2 news station was blown up in a terrorist attack. Fujimori’s outrage over Ivcher began when Channel 2 aired in August 1996 a report linking drug traffickers to the Peruvian army. After the broadcast, the military withdrew the soldiers who had provided street security for Frecuencia Latina from the Shining Path guerrillas. In yet another instance, a story aired about ‘‘Plan Emilio,’’ an illegal intelligence operation involving electronic surveillance of opposition politicians and journalists during Fujimori’s reign. After the story, the Peruvian police raided the station. They were enforcing a court order to strip station-owner Baruch Ivcher, born in Israel, of his Peruvian citizenship and turn control of the station, Frecuencia Latina, over to a pair of minority investors. Quijandria, the host of a popular news show called Contrapunto (Counterpoint), resigned in protest. Peru’s Joint Command issued a press release declaring that Ivcher had mounted ‘‘a campaign intended to damage the image and prestige of Peru’s armed forces.’’ However, under Peru’s constitution, the military was barred from publicly expressing opinions on political matters. On July 13, 1996, Contrapunto aired conversations taped by government security forces that were spying on journalists. The same day the immigration office issued its decree invalidating Ivcher’s Peruvian citizenship. Under Peruvian law, noncitizens could not own media outlets. Peruvians demonstrated their support by marching in front of the station. The station, Channel 2, was surrounded by twenty-foot-high cement walls with guard towers and three-inch-thick steel security doors. The journalists resigned. Government officials claimed that the decision to transfer ownership of the station had nothing to do with press freedom. A congressman claimed that it was an issue of national security. Another dark stage for the press during Fujimori’s presidency was characterized by the Vladivideos (videotapes recorded of bribes being paid to key media figures by Vladimiro Montesinos, Fujimori’s intelligence adviser). These tapes confirmed that the Fujimori regime paid five of the six commercial television stations, much of the tabloid press, and at least one major newspaper to print pro-Fujimori articles and editorials. In a video released in February 2001 Montesinos bragged: ‘‘[The broadcast channels] are all lined up. Every day I have a meeting with them and we plan what is going to come out in the nightly news shows’’ (Committee to Protect Journalists, 2002). One of these videos illustrated that Montesinos and Fujimori colluded with television channel owners to ensure Fujimori’s third presidential term in April 2000. One of the owners of Channel 4 admitted to having received US $9 million from Montesinos in exchange for free rein to dictate Channel 4’s programming content to 730

favor Fujimori’s candidacy. The station’s owners became fugitives. Another video showed businessman Delgado Parker, former owner of Red Global de Televisión-Canal 13, negotiating with Montesinos the 1999 dismissal of a Fujimori critic in exchange for Montesinos’s support in several legal disputes over the station’s ownership. In addition to bribes, the corrupt tactics included judicial persecution, manipulation of government advertising, threats, and tax incentives. The defamation campaign that the Fujimori government orchestrated against the independent press and the opposition from 1998 to 2000 was further exposed in 2001. The prensa chica (a group of tabloids that published unsubstantiated allegations about independent journalists and opposition politicians) carried out the campaign. In March 2001, a judge prohibited several tabloid owners from leaving the country after a public prosecutor’s investigation revealed evidence that the government had directly bankrolled the tabloids. A national debate over corruption and media took place in 2001 with the Peruvian writer Mario Vargas Llosa proposing to empower the judiciary to revoke the licenses of TV stations that had supported Fujimori.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS The departure of Fujimori led to a freer and more independent print and broadcast media in Peru, unlike the years during which independent journalists were subjected to a systematic campaign of persecution. After Fujimori, the media in Peru experienced a primavera democrática (democratic spring), which echoed throughout the society in general. The government no longer censored books, publications, films, or plays, and did not limit access to the Internet. The government did not restrict academic freedom during 2001. By the end of 2001 a congressional committee debated a new Telecommunications Law, which proposed the creation of a media regulatory commission. In 2002, governed by Alejandro Toledo, Peru continued to suffer the consequences of almost 10 years of repression imposed by Fujimori. Public confidence in the media, particularly television, had been undermined by news about the depth of media corruption during the Fujimori regime. Rebuilding a democratic society was the new primary goal facing Peru. On July 5, 2001, the Peruvian Congress approved the creation of a Truth Commission, in charge of judging cases of human rights violations for crimes committed during the last 20 years of the twentieth century. Newspapers, television, and radio were becoming increasingly important in the democratization project. The independent press was comprised of journalists known WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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for their high quality and tenacious exercise of freedom of expression, even in the face of on-and-off repression that had included temporary suspensions and even jail time. Congressional committees under the Toledo administration filed criminal complaints against media figures, but even more disconcerting was the idea that fear encouraged self-censorship by journalists wary of drawing unwelcome government attention.

BROADCAST MEDIA The Texto Unico Ordenado de la Ley de Telecomunicaciones (national telecommunications law), published on May 15, 1993, stated that the development and regulation of telecommunications should take place within the framework of a free market economy and that every person had the right to use and loan telecommunication services. The Peruvian Code of Radio Ethics, approved on July 15, 1994, stated that ‘‘the diffusion of private radio is based on freedom, free market and competition, and in its own self control, within a democratic framework.’’ Radio Programas del Perú was the most important private national radio station in the country. One media family in Peru, the Delgado Parkers, established regional networks for radio and television called Sociedad Latinoamericana de Radiodifusión (SOLAR) and Sistema Unido de Retransmición (SUR), respectively. In the early 2000s, however, television was the most popular media source in Peru, as it reached 80 percent of the population. The leading company in the Peruvian communications sector was América Televisión, which owned channels 5 and 2.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA In the early 2000s, the Internet was not censored in Peru and was gaining in popularity throughout the country. Like the rest of Latin America, the Internet was becoming increasingly popular with 10 service providers as of the year 2000. Few people connected to it from their homes, however, since the connection fee was still very expensive for a country in which almost half the population lived in poverty.

degree in communications. The only demand for a professional title was established under Law Number 23.221 for those professional journalists that wanted to be incorporated into a journalism school. The Peruvian Congress passed Law Number 26937 on March 12, 1998, that established that Article 2, Part 4 of the Constitution guaranteed the right to freedom of expression and thought (and thus the freedom to state those ideas), subject to the existing constitutional norms.

SUMMARY In the early 2000s, Peru was in the throes of debureaucratization, anti-terrorism, and pro-democratization movements. It appeared that the Toledo administration had ushered in an era of hope for journalists, reporters, and newsreaders for practicing their professions in relative freedom. The relationship between the government and press appeared to have left behind the former disagreements and threats, but it was unclear if Toledo would continue with his democratic ideals.

To counteract expensive connection fees, Internet kiosks were located throughout Lima. Using these Internet stations for one hour was equivalent to the cost of a postage stamp in the United States. Because of the low cost, many Peruvians preferred to utilize this medium to communicate with family and friends living abroad instead of connecting from home.

Despite the marked improvement in press freedom conditions in 2001, some attacks and threats against journalists continued, particularly in rural areas. It would be difficult for Peru to overcome the corruption and authoritarianism of the military and Fujimori regimes, but various sources seemed to be optimistic about the role of the press being able to bring about positive social change in that country.

EDUCATION & TRAINING

BIBLIOGRAPHY

In 2002, it was not mandatory for journalists or broadcasters to have a license to practice or a university

Chauvin, Lucien. ‘‘Peru probe touches media, shops.’’ Advertising Age, 72 no. 9 (2001): 24-28.

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PHILIPPINES

PHILIPPINES BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Republic of the Philippines

Region (Map name):

Southeast Asia

Population:

82,841,518

Language(s):

two official languages Filipino and English

Literacy rate:

94.6%

Area:

300,000 sq km

GDP:

74,733 (US$ millions)

Number of Daily Newspapers:

42

Total Circulation:

4,711,000

Circulation per 1,000:

99

Committee to Protect Journalists. Attacks on the Press 2001—Peru, 2002. Available at http://www.cpj.org/ attacks01.americas01/peru.html.

Circulation per 1,000:

99

Total Newspaper Ad Receipts:

3,498 (Pesos millions)

Gargúrevich, Juan, and Elizabeth Fox. ‘‘Revolution and the Press in Peru,’’ Media and Politics in Latin America. Ed. Elizabeth Fox. London: Sage Publications, 1988.

As % of All Ad Expenditures:

16.30

Number of Television Stations:

31

Number of Television Sets:

3,700,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

44.7

Number of Cable Subscribers:

990,360

Cable Subscribers per 1,000:

13.1

Number of Radio Stations:

659

Number of Radio Receivers:

11,500,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

138.8

Number of Individuals with Computers:

1,480,000

Computers per 1,000:

17.9

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

2,000,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

24.1

Cole, Richard R., ed. Communication in Latin America: Journalism, Mass Media, and Society. Wilmington, Delaware: Scholarly Resources, Inc., 1996.

Goodwin, Paul. Global Studies: Latin America, Peru. 10th ed. Storrs, CT: University of Connecticut, 2002. Guillermoprieto, Alma. The Heart That Bleeds: Latin America Now. New York: Vintage Books, 1994. International Journalists’ Network (IJNet). Peru: Press Overview, 2001. Available at http://www.ijnet.org/ Profile/LatinAmerica/Peru. IPI World Press Freedom Review. www.freemedia.at/wpfr/peru.htm., 2001.

Peru.

Johnston, Carla Brooks. Global News Access. Westport, CT: Praeger, 1998. Simon, Joel. ‘‘Fujimori stomps a station,’’ Columbia Journalism Review 36, no.4 (1997): 58-60. U.S. Department of State. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices—2001. Uruguay 2002. Available at http://www.state.gov/. —Cynthia K. Pope 732

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BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS

around 85 dialects also spoken. Tagalog, Cebuano and Ilocano are perhaps the most prevalent of the dialects.

The Republic of the Philippines was under Spanish rule begining March 16, 1521, when Ferdinand Magellan landed on the island of Cebu and claimed it for Spain. In 1565 the first permanent Spanish settlement was founded, and later the islands received their name from Philip II of Spain.

The 1987 Constitution sets up a presidential system of government with a bicameral Congress (Kongreso) consisting of a 24-seat Senate (Senado) and a 204-seat House of Representatives (Kapulungan Ng Mga Kinatawan). The president can appoint additional members to the House of Representatives, although the constitution prohibits more than 250 representatives. The president appoints justices to the Supreme Court upon recommendation of the Judicial and Bar Council. The judiciary is independent.

In effect, Spanish rule ended in 1898 when the U.S. Navy’s Commodore George Dewey destroyed the Spanish fleet anchored in Manila Bay. In December 1898 the United States and Spain signed the Treaty of Paris, handing control of the Philippines over to the United States. Although Filipinos revolted against American rule, the United States oversaw the islands until the Philippines was granted its independence on July 4, 1946. The archipelago that is the Republic of the Philippines covers around 300,000 square kilometers, of which 298,170 square kilometers is land. The waters of the South China Sea to the west, Philippine Sea to the east, Luzon Strait to the north and Celebes Sea to the south lap against the nation’s 36,289 kilometers of coastline. The terrain is primarily mountainous, with coastal lowlands varying from narrow to extensive. Natural resources include metals such as gold, silver, copper, nickel and cobalt, plus timber, petroleum and salt. About 46 percent of the land was made up of forests and woodlands, according to 1993 estimates. Manila, the capital, has almost 10 million residents in the metropolitan area and is located on the island of Luzon. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the Philippines had an estimated population of almost 83 million, of which about 40 percent lived below the poverty level, according to 1997 government estimates. The top 10 percent of the population held 39 percent of the income, while the bottom 10 percent held a paltry 1.5 percent. The majority of the 48 million Filipinos in the workforce were employed in agriculture (almost 40 percent), with 19.4 percent working in government and social services, 17.7 percent in service, 9.8 percent in manufacturing, 5.8 percent in construction, and 7.5 percent in other industries, according to 1998 estimates. Life expectancy in 2001 was estimated at about 65 years for men, and 71 years for women. The 1995 estimated literacy rate (defined as those age 15 and over who can read and write) was high, at 95 percent for men; 94 percent for women. The overwhelming majority of Filipinos are Roman Catholic (83 percent), with Protestants (9 percent), Muslim (5 percent), and Buddhists and others making up the remaining 3 percent. English and Filipino, based on the Tagalog dialect, are the two official languages, with WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Media Overview Highs of the media’s history in the islands include the Philippines’ Constitution guaranteeing freedom of the press and the freedom of the press access to official documents. In contrast to these lofty ideals, the Philippines press from the time of its inception has faced American influence, confiscation of assets for those papers not among the ownership of a former leader, and mistrust of reporters due to shoddy reporting. Newspapers were being published on board American ships as they first entered Manila Bay in 1898. The Bounding Billow was published on board Dewey’s flagship, and other on-ship U.S. papers included the American Soldier, Freedom and the American, according to the Philippine Journalism Review. These early papers followed U.S. attempts to ‘‘civilize’’ the Filipinos. American journalists in the Philippines went so far as to characterize the natives as ‘‘little brown soldiers who enjoyed parading before the patient Americans,’’ and as ‘‘a group of warlike tribes who will devour each other when American troops leave.’’ The Americans wasted no time in establishing a press system in the Philippines modeled on that of the one in place in the United States. The Manila Times published its first issue in October 1898, making it the first Englishlanguage newspaper in the islands. Newspapers published in the Philippines were under strong American influence and went so far as to champion the annexation of the islands by the United States. Among the newspapers taking this stance were La Democracia and Consolidacion Nacional. Among the papers holding out for independence were El Renacimiento, Muling Pagsilang, El Debate, La Opinion and Los Obreros. Another influential newspaper was the Bulletin, which originally was established by H.G. Harris and Carson Taylor in 1900 as a shipping journal and to encourage shipping and commerce in the islands. The Bulletin used as its primary sources the news agencies Associated Press, United Press International and the Chicago Tribune Service. For its first three years the Bulletin was published free of charge; it became a full-fledged paper in 1912. 733

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In 1917, Manuel Quezon purchased the Manila Times and held it for four years. Ownership changed hands a few times after that until the Times joined the press holdings of Alejandro Roces Sr. Among Roces’ other newspapers at the time were Taliba, the Tribune and La Vanguardia. Cable News, founded by Israel Putnam, was another renowned daily during the early part of the twentieth century. Later the paper joined with the American, and in 1920 the combined newspaper was purchased by Quezon. Although founded on the principle of freedom of expression, newspapers in the Philippines were subjected to strict censorship by American military authorities, and later by American civilian administrators, according to the Philippine Journalism Review. Under Gen. Arthur McArthur, the military worked to keep propaganda against American forces out of the news as well as prevent communication between those opposing America’s presence in the islands. Stories detailing resistance by Filipinos to American rule were suppressed, as well as stories that would help Filipinos learn what was happening beyond the Philippines’ borders. Journalists were deported or imprisoned for exercising freedom of the press, and papers such as La Justicia, and the Cebuano newspaper El Nueva Dia, were suspended many times for championing nationalistic views. Historians say El Renacimiento was the only true independent newspaper during these dark days, and its light was later extinguished by a libel case brought against the paper by an American official. English-language newspapers dominated the press in the early part of the century until then Senate President Manuel Quezon established the Philippines Herald to represent the Filipino viewpoint in the fight for independence. In August 1920, disgruntled former Manila Times journalists left their jobs and formed the backbone of the Herald. Early staff members included Narciso Ramos, Antonio Escoda, Bernardo Garcia and Jose P. Bautista— names that would become among the most revered in the history of the Philippines’ press. The 1920s also saw the birth of English-language women’s magazines, which were primarily the products of women’s clubs. Women’s Outlook was published 10 times a year and was the official publication of the Women’s Club of Manila, according to the Philippine Journalism Review. Another prominent publication was Woman’s World, the publication of the Philippine Association of University Women. In 1935 Woman’s World joined Woman’s Home Journal to become Woman’s Home Journal World, and the combined magazine featured sections on food, fashion, beauty and gossip. 734

In April 1925, Alejandro Roces, who would also own the Manila Times and other papers, established the Tribune. Under the editorial leadership of Mauro Mendez, the Tribune tackled topics such as the alleged misuse of government funds; a plan to potentially cut the jobs of about 2,000 low-income government employees in order to save money; the merits of English being the language of instruction in schools; and a proposal to hand members of the House of Parliament a large lump sum for travel allowances, postage, stationery and clerical help with no accounting for how the money was spent. Mendez later transferred to the Herald and his journalistic attacks continued, this time venturing into topics such as peasant unrest in the 1930s, women’s suffrage and the threat of Communism. After the Philippines were granted independence, newspapers threw off their shackles and proceeded to write about wrongdoing in high places. Their motives may have been pure, but they tended to use unsubstantiated or one-source stories. As time went on, elite families took over newspaper ownership in Manila. In 1972 then-President Ferdinand Marcos imposed martial law. He confiscated the assets of those newspapers not in his own coalition. Between 1972 and 1986, newspapers were under the rule of Marcos’ friends, family members or others close to him. The press remained under these unfriendly conditions for 14 years. The assassination of presidential hopeful Benigno (‘‘Ninoy’’) Aquino Jr. in August 1983 united Filipinos, and eventually helped spur a return to a freer, more independent press. His growing unpopularity led Marcos to flee the country in 1986. After his departure the Commission on Good Government confiscated newspapers and their assets from Marcos’ allies. The press rejoiced as it regained control; some newspapers were even returned to the families that had owned and operated them prior to Marcos’ takeover. By the early 1990s, there were about 30 daily papers of all sizes, types and political perspectives. News was offered by about a dozen English-language broadsheets, while around 14 tabloids—primarily in Tagalog and Cebuano—featured sensationalism as a staple. Papers were diverse, and four were published in Chinese. At the turn of the twenty-first century, national newspapers numbered eight from a high of 22 in 1986, according to the World Press Review. Slightly more than 400 community newspapers, most weeklies or monthlies in English are found amid the nation’s 7,100 islands. National dailies have circulations of between 10,000 and 400,000 while their provincial cousins have circulations between 500 and 45,000. Grouped by circulation, there are about a dozen newspapers with a circulation between 100,000 and WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

PHILIPPINES

300,000; about a dozen with a circulation between 50,000 and 100,000; three with circulation of between 25,000 and 50,000; one with circulation of between 10,000 and 25,000, and two with circulations below 10,000. Publications are printed in a variety of languages. In English the three top are the Manila Bulletin (circulation of around 320,000), Philippines Star (222,900) and Philippines Inquirer (148,800). In Filipino they are People’s Tonight (320,900), Pilipino Ngayaon (272,000) and Taliba (226,800). In Taglish, the top three are People’s Journal (372,500), Headline Manila (105,100) and News Today (75,000). The top three Chinese papers are the World News (36,000), United Daily News (32,000) and China Times (30,000).

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK The Philippines’ economy is built primarily upon agriculture, light industry and services. About 40 percent of the population was living below the poverty line in 1997, according to U.S. government figures. The Philippines was making headway in growth and poverty reduction until the 1997 simultaneous shocks of an Asian financial crisis and the El Nino weather pattern. Growth domestic products (GDP) growth dropped to about -0.5 percent in 1998 from five percent in 1997, and then recovered to about three percent in 1999 and in 2000 to about four percent. In 2001 the Philippines’ government hoped its GDP growth would hit a little more than three percent. In an effort to keep pace with newly industrialized East Asian countries, the Philippine government has undertaken a strategy of improving infrastructure, boosting tax revenues through an overhauled tax system, a continued move toward deregulation and privatization of the economy, and increasing trade with regional nations. Although estimates indicate poverty may have increased from 25.1 percent in 1997 to 27.8 percent in 1998, a recovery in 1999 is estimated to have reduced the rate to 26.3 percent. Further declines were expected in subsequent years. Many believe the outlook for the future of the Philippine economy is good as recent administrations have opened up the economy through market-based policies and liberalization. Although the economy hit a few bumps amid scandals involving the Philippine Stock Exchange and ties between government officials and business, legislation in electronic commerce, banking reform and securities regulation is expected to improve the business climate.

PRESS LAWS Owing to American influence, much press ideals of the Philippines are based on those of the press in the UnitWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ed States. The Philippine Constitution, Article 3, states ‘‘no law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech, of expression or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble and petition the government for redress of grievances.’’ Section 7 guarantees the right of the people ‘‘to information on matters of public concern shall be recognized. Access to official records, and to documents and papers pertaining to official acts, transactions or decisions, as well as to government research data used as basis for policy development, shall be afforded the citizen, subject to such limitation as may be provided by law.’’ In the wake of terrorist attacks on the United States in September 2001, the United Nations’ Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization hosted a conference on Terrorism and the Media in Manila in May 2002. A resolution crafted by participants said, in part, that any strategy to address the threat of terrorism ‘‘must promote greater respect for freedom of expression and of the media, rather than imposing restrictions on these fundamental rights.’’ In addition, the media has ‘‘both the right and a duty’’ to report on terrorism in the interest of the public’s right to know.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS The Philippines’ press was modeled after that of the United States at the turn of the twentieth century. In its early days, the Filipino press was under the control and censorship of American military authorities, and later, American administrators. In the 1920s and 1930s the press was characterized by a ‘‘high degree of professionalism,’’ according to the Philippine Journalism Review. Journalists analyzed public issues and encouraged open debate. 735

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Despite the law and lofty ideals of total press freedom, the press was repressed during the reign of Ferdinand Marcos, particularly after he declared martial law in 1972 and confiscated newspaper assets. In more recent times the press is subject to pressure from newspaper owners as they try to protect their interests, according to the World Press Review. Community papers face feuding political clans, ‘‘patronage politics,’’ and resistance to change. In an early 2002 report on the state of the press, Professor Luis Teodoro, executive editor of the Philippine Journalism Review, pointed out a lack of government regulation does not necessarily equal a free press, according to the Philippine’s Business World. Teodoro called press laws ‘‘fairly liberal,’’ but pointed out that newspapers are primarily driven by commercial and political interests, which often are tied to government interests. Vital to those interests, Teodoro said, is government favor or disfavor. Despite these things, he said, there still ‘‘exists a core of practitioners who detest the political and ideological limits set by the existing system and who hunger for a relevant journalism that owes its allegiance first— and foremost—to the Filipino people.’’ Debate abounds concerning if a free press and free economy can co-exist with economic growth. In recent years business owners have blamed the Philippines’ slowing economy on the free press and the growing democracy. When one prominent businessman said the press should be gagged ‘‘for the sake of the economy,’’ his view was opposed by President Gloria Arroyo who said ‘‘the cure might be worse than the sickness.’’ Yet even Arroyo has tied the media’s hands. On May 29, 2001, Arroyo slapped a blackout on the media regarding the conflict between the army and Abu Sayyaf rebels in the southwest portion of the Philippines. Using military secrets as her justification, Arroyo said it was important to keep secrets to ‘‘surprise the enemy,’’ according to Reporters Without Borders. She also accused journalists who had interviewed the rebels of ‘‘antipatriotic’’ acts, although an official later said reporters were not forbidden from entering that area of the nation. The Philippines media—perhaps surprisingly so for many journalists—was generally in favor with Arroyo’s decision, as evidenced by editorials. An exception was Mindanao radio network Radio Mindanao Network (RMN), which said it would continue interviews with rebel leaders. On June 6, 2001, the offices of the radio station dyHB were bombed. The blast wounded a guard and two passers-by when a wall around the building collapsed. The RMN station airs reports on organized crime, and the alleged complicity of police officers and soldiers in the area. However, the dyHB’s managing editor said the at736

tack was related to interviews with the rebel group after the government-imposed media blackout, according to Reporters Without Borders. Early police reports after the attack said the bomb used was of military origin. Filipino journalists are not strangers to danger in the recent past. Since 1986 at least 39 journalists have been killed, according to information gathered by the International Press Institute. In 2001 three radio station employees were killed, placing the Philippines second only to Afghanistan for journalist deaths that year. Among those killed in 2001 was Rolando Ureta, program director for dyKR radio station, an affiliate of Radio Mindanao. Ureta was shot on Jan. 3 while riding his motorcycle after airing his nightly program. Press reports after his murder told of his receiving death threats for his coverage of alleged political corruption and drug trafficking. On Feb. 24 DXID Radio commentator and Islamic Radio Broadcasting Network member Mohammad Yusop was shot and killed in the southern Philippines. On May 30 DXXL radio announcer Candelario Cayona was shot and killed. In 2000 he had angered police after airing interviews with members of Muslim extremist group. On May 31, Joy Mortel, a reporter for the Mindoro Guardian, was shot several times and killed after an argument with two unidentified armed men in her home in Barangay Talabanhan, Occidental Mindoro Province. Although the motive for her killing is not clear, the police had not ruled out her journalism, which included the questioning of the finances of local cooperatives she had organized. Another radio journalist was abducted in August 2001 and found blindfolded, dehydrated and badly beaten. The kidnappers allegedly were punishing him for reports on illegal logging, drug trafficking, and other criminal activities. In August 2001, former President Joseph Estrada asked his lawyers sue the Daily Inquirer for publishing an interview with a soldier that implicated him and Senator Panfilo Lacson, chief of the national police, in a money laundering scandal. Before he was ousted from office, Estrada had asked his partisans to no longer buy advertising space in the Inquirer. Yet the Philippines’ press continues to expose wrongdoing. In 1989 nine Filipino journalists founded the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) as they realized that newspapers do not have the time, money or manpower to tackle investigations. PCIJ believes the media plays an important role in examining and strengthening democratic institutions, as well as be a catalyst for debate and consensus. To play its role, the media should provide citizens with the information necessary to make informed decisions. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

PHILIPPINES

PCIJ funds investigative pieces for both print and broadcast journalists, as well as puts out books and publishes an investigative reporting magazine. PCIJ organizes training seminars for journalists and provides training personnel for news organizations at home and in Southeast Asia. Over the past decade PCIJ has published almost 200 articles in Philippines print media, launched more than a dozen books and produced a handful of fulllength documentaries. A 13-person staff runs the PCIJ, and is headed by the executive director, who administers the day-to-day operations. The staff includes five journalists who write investigative reports and oversee components of the center’s work. A researcher and librarian also are employed. Fellowships are offered to train and keep quality journalists in the Philippines, and fellowships are available for investigative reporting to full-time reporters, freelance journalists and academics. PCIJ has gained clout in its less than 20 years of existence. When PCIJ reported on March 11, 1996, that the former health secretary was reportedly skimming off up to 40 percent on government contracts, he was forced to resign two weeks later. When in July 1995 PCIJ reported on the torture of two 12-year-old boys suspected of being involved in a kidnapping by the then-Presidential AntiCrime Commission, the story was followed two days later by a probe of the incident. Charges were later filed against the commission. Other instances of PCIJ clout include a Senate investigation of the former house speaker for unpaid debts, and the resignation of a Supreme Court justice after a faked authorship of a legal decision in favor of a Philippines telecommunications giant. However, the government has fought back. PCIJ wrote on Oct. 11, 1993, about an alleged presidential paramour and her supposed influence on state affairs. Although only one newspaper, the Philippine Daily Inquirer, ran the story, three days later the Securities and Exchange Commission took over a disputed one-third of its shares.

CENSORSHIP Although the Philippines’ Constitution guarantees freedom of the press, that ideal has been subject to various forms of censorship throughout the history of the nation. Perhaps the most glaring example of censorship— although through use of libel laws—took place during the United States’ time in the Philippines. The result of that case was the closing of a newspaper some considered legendary. El Renacimiento was the lone independent newspaper in the early part of the twentieth century, along with its sister publication, Muling Pagsilang. El Renacimiento WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

was sued for libel by then Secretary of the Interior Dean C. Worcester after the paper printed an editorial titled ‘‘Aves de Rapina’’ (Birds of Prey). Although Worcester was not identified by name and his office not mentioned, Worcester was allowed to prove through testimonial evidence that the editorial was aimed at him when it referred to a ‘‘vampire,’’ ‘‘vulture’’ and ‘‘owl.’’ The Taft Commission’s passing of strict libel laws in 1901 were so tightly enforced by the courts that criticizing a public official meant time in prison, and a fine so high (P3,000) it was considered a fortune for the times. When Worcester won his case, El Renacimiento’s publisher and editor were sentenced to jail (although in 1914 before they went to prison they were granted a full pardon by Governor General Francis Harrison) and El Renacimiento was closed. As mentioned earlier, military officials under Gen. Arthur McArthur barred the Filipino press from printing articles against American forces, as well as stories thought to be communication between belligerents and their agents in other Asian countries. That censorship extended to not allowing stories which might alarm Americans on their home soil. It took about two decades under the watchful Americans before Filipinos began to enjoy any sort of press freedom, according to the Philippine Journalism Review. Prior to that, Filipino journalists often were punished for stories seen as un-American. For satirizing Americans, Apolinario Mabini was among those imprisoned or banished, and publications such as La Justicia, and the Cebuano newspaper El Nueva Dia were suspended several times for their nationalistic views. As mentioned earlier, in 2001 President Gloria Arroyo imposed a press blackout on the activities between the army and the rebel group Abu Sayyaf, and in August that same year, former President Joseph Estrada asked his lawyers to file suit against the Daily Inquirer for publishing an interview with a soldier implicating him and the chief of the national police in a money laundering scandal. The United States no longer controls the Philippines, but the threat of censorship has never left.

BROADCAST MEDIA Since the Philippines are spread over a vast area and poverty is prevalent in outlying areas, radio is the more popular medium. Approximately 600 radio stations are found in the Philippines, of which 273 are AM, according to the Worldwide Press Review. Television has cut into the popularity of newspapers, particularly in urban areas. Major television stations include ABS-CBN Broadcasting Corp.; GMA Network Inc.; Radio Philippines Network; Allied Broadcasting Corp.; Interisland Broadcasting Corp.; and People’s Television Network, Inc. 737

PHILIPPINES

Philippines,’’ and Philippines’ first government-owned news agency.

EDUCATION AND TRAINING Established in 1980, the Asian Institute of Journalism and Communication (AIJC) in Manila is a non-stock, non-profit foundation for the management of communication and information for national development. Recently it has joined with other press organizations to present the Child-Friendly Newspaper and Journalist Awards, to honor those who serve as advocates for children’s rights. It also offers graduate studies and online courses. The University of the Philippines in Quezon City offers both bachelors’ and masters’ degrees in journalism and broadcast communication, among other communications offerings. The University of the Philippines Los Baños in Laguna offers degree programs in communications, including journalism.

ELECTRONIC MEDIA The Internet is increasing its role in Philippine journalism, as many print publications offer an online version of their product, including the Philippine Journalism Review (http://www.cmfr.com.ph/pjr/), which is published by the Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility. A partial list of online publications includes the following: Balita News (http://www.balita.org) offers news from the Philippines News Agency, and is the homepage of the long-established Balita-L news digest; Bankaw News (http://www.geocities.com/bankaw), an online weekly featuring stories on Leyte, Samar and Biliran, plus opinions and features; Business World (http://www. bworld.com.ph/current/today.html), the online edition of Business Day; Chinese Online Newspaper (http:// www.siongpo.com), the Philippines’ first Chinese online newspaper; Diaryo Pilipino (http://www.diaryo pilipinon.com), based in Los Angeles, Calif., this is a weekly Filipino-American publication; Malaya (http:// www.malaya.com.ph), the national newspaper covering news, sports, business, entertainment, living, travel and more. Other publications offer news of the Philippines to Filipinos no longer living in their homeland, such as Philippines Today (http://www.philippinestoday.net), which bills itself as the longest running, most widely read newspaper for Filipinos in Japan.

NEWS AGENCIES The Philippines has one news agency, the Philippine News Agency, which was established March 1, 1973, during the Marcos martial-law era. The Philippine News Agency calls itself on its Web site (http://www.pna. ops.gov.ph/) ‘‘The Biggest News Organization in the 738

The Philippines Press Institute (PPI) is a non-stock, nonprofit organization. Its principal aim, according to its Web site, is to promote ethical standards and provide opportunities for professional development of Filipino journalists. The institute was founded in 1964, went out of business for a period of years during the years of martial law, and reinstituted in 1987. It also represents the interests and concerns of the newspaper sector in the Philippines’ media. Members include the major national and provincial daily and weekly newspapers, and news magazines. Membership is granted only by organizations, with individual memberships given only to honorary members and incorporators. PPI organizes training and educational activities for the Filipino journalists, seeks to protect their rights and freedoms in their work, and creates opportunities for the development of journalists. PPI is governed by a 15member Board of Trustees made up of editors and publishers from national and community publications. PPI works in partnership with the Konrad Adenauer Foundation (KAF), and manages KAF’s Annual Community Press Awards program for excellence in community journalism. PPI plans and implements regular seminars and workshops on writing and newspaper management, and coverage of special interest activities such as the environment, business and economy, health, science and technology, children’s rights, women’s issues and ethnic conflicts. PPI also publishes the Press Forum, a quarterly journal that chronicles events pertaining to the Philippines print media. It also publishes books and manuals by Filipino editors for journalists’ use and for student reference. Among its regular features, PPI conducts the ‘‘Newsmakers’ Forum,’’ an interaction between journalWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

PHILIPPINES

ists and journalism students from the print and broadcast disciplines. It also presents ‘‘NewsMovies,’’ full-length features concerning the media, journalists and their profession. PPI also has developed a Code of Professional and Ethical Conduct that sets parameters for journalists and sets the same ethical standards as similar codes for free presses around the world.

SUMMARY The Philippines’ history in terms of a free press is a checkered past. In the beginning, the news was censored by the Americans. Later under the Americans, the Philippines press was open and free-wheeling before being reigned in when martial law was imposed under President Ferdinand Marcos in 1972. After Marcos fled in 1986, the press threw off its shackles and returned to its aggressive reporting methods. While established under the ideals of a free press, the Filipino media has often suffered censorship and pressure from governments. Although many journalists from nearby nations might envy the freedom of the Philippines’ press, as recent as 2001 Filipino journalists were killed for their aggressive stances. As further testimony of the back-and-forth fight for a free press, President Gloria Arroyo has said that a free press is the right of its practitioners and critical to the operation of a democratic society. Later that same year, Arroyo instituted the media blackout on reporting the actions of rebel forces. Clearly the battle for a truly free press continues in the Philippines, although with dozens of publications, radio stations, broadcast entities and their staffs in operation, the Philippines appears to have one of the better media climates in Southeast Asia.

SIGNIFICANT DATES • October 1898: The Manila Times becomes the first continually published, English-language daily newspaper in the Philippines. • December 1898: The Philippines are ceded to the United States by Spain. • 1900: H.G. Harris establishes the Bulletin, first published as a shipping journal. It became a full-fledged newspaper in 1912.

• 1964: The Philippine Press Institute is founded to advance the professional development of the Filipino journalist. • 1965: Ferdinand Marcos comes to power. • 1972: Marcos establishes martial law and confiscates newspapers. • 1986: Marcos’ regime is ousted through the efforts of ‘‘People Power.’’ Marcos flees the country. • 1989: The Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism is founded. • 2001: President Joseph Estrada declared by Supreme Court as ‘‘unfit to rule’’ in the face of mass resignations from his government.. The Supreme Court administers the Oath of Office to Vice President Gloria Arroyo. • January to August 2001: Three broadcast journalists are killed by unidentified gunmen, allegedly due to the fashion in which they approached reports exposing corruption and illegal activities among government agencies.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Code of Professional and Ethical Conduct. The Philippine Press Institute. Available from [email protected].

• August 1920: Disgruntled employees leave the Manila Times because they believe the paper is misrepresenting the view of the Filipino people. They start the Philippines Herald in order to give the Filipino people a more representative voice.

Consular Reports. The U.S. State Department. Available from http://www.state.gov.

• July 4, 1946: The Philippines attain their independence after being occupied by Japan during World War II.

Encanto, Georgina R. ‘‘The Philippine Press Before World War II.’’ In Philippine Journalism Review. Available from http://www.cmfr.com.ph.

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Country Study, the Philippines. The U.S. Library of Congress, 2002. Available from http://memory.loc.gov/frd/ cs/phtoc.html.

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‘‘The Manila Times Editorial Guidelines.’’ In Manila Times. Available from http://www.manilatimes.net. ‘‘The Philippines,’’ 2002. Available from http:// www.asiatravelinfo.com. ‘‘Philippines.’’ Central Intelligence Agency. In The World Fact Book 2001. Available from http:// www.cia.gov. ‘‘The Philippines.’’ In The World Press Freedom Review, 2001. Available from http://www.freemedia.at. ‘‘Philippines annual report 2002.’’ Reporters Without Borders. Available from http://www.rsf.org/ article.php3?id_article=1443. Philippines Journalism Review, June 2002. Available from http://www.cmfr.com.ph. ‘‘Resolution on Terrorism and Media.’’ Southeast Asia Press Alliance, May 2, 2002. Available from http:// www.seapa.org. Sison, Marites N. ‘‘Philippines: Elusive Access to Information.’’ In World Press Review, December 2001, vol. 48, no. 12. Available from http://www.worldpress.org/ specials/press/phil.htm. —Brad Kadrich

The Pitcairn media enjoys freedom of speech and press. The island’s sole publication is the Pitcairn Miscellany, which began publishing in 1957. The monthly English-language newspaper began as a one-page bulletin, but it has since expanded to two, two-sided mimeographed pages and its circulation exceeds 3,000. There is one radio station on Pitcairn, which is AM, and no television stations. The local government runs the sole Internet service provider.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ‘‘Brief History of Pitcairn Newspapers,’’ Pitcairn Island Web site. Available from http://www.lareau.org/ pitcmisc.html. ‘‘CocoNET Wireless,’’ The University of Queensland, Australia (1995). Available from http://www.uq.edu.au. ‘‘Country Profile,’’ Worldinformation.com Available from http://worldinformation.com.

PITCAIRN

(2002).

‘‘Pitcairn,’’ CIA World Fact Book (2001). Available from http://www.cia.gov. ‘‘pn Policies,’’ Pitcairn Islands. Available from http:// www.government.pn.

BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Pitcairn

Region (Map name):

Oceania

Population:

54,000

Language(s):

English, Pitcairnese, Tahitian

Literacy rate:

N/A

Pitcairn is located in the South Pacific, halfway between Peru and New Zealand. The remote island’s place in history was secured in 1790 when Fletcher Christian and the surviving mutinous sailors from the British ship Bounty decided it would make an ideal hideaway. Today, the island’s inhabitants are direct descendants of this notorious bunch. In 1838, Pitcairn became the first Pacific island to become a British colony, and it remains a dependent territory. The chief of state is the British monarch, 740

represented locally by a non-resident Governor, usually the British High Commissioner to New Zealand, who in turn is represented on the island by a Commissioner. The head of government is an Island Magistrate, who chairs a 10-member Island Council. The population is approximately 54 thousand. The official language is English, but Pitcairnese—a mixture of eighteenth century English and a Tahitian dialect—is also spoken. Pitcairn has a small yet diverse economy, including fishing, farming, handicrafts, postage stamps, Internet domain names, phone cards, and honey.

—Jenny B. Davis

POLAND BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Republic of Poland

Region (Map name):

Europe

Population:

38,633,912

Language(s):

Polish

Literacy rate:

99.0%

Area:

312,685 sq km WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

POLAND

GDP: Number of Daily Newspapers: Total Circulation: Circulation per 1,000: Number of Nondaily Newspapers: Total Circulation: Circulation per 1,000: Total Newspaper Ad Receipts: As % of All Ad Expenditures: Number of Television Stations: Number of Television Sets: Television Sets per 1,000: Number of Cable Subscribers: Cable Subscribers per 1,000: Number of Satellite Subscribers: Satellite Subscribers per 1,000: Number of Radio Stations: Number of Radio Receivers: Radio Receivers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Computers: Computers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Internet Access: Internet Access per 1,000:

157,739 (US$ millions) 59 1,157,000 28 460 963,000 23 836 (Zloty millions) 10.80 179 13,050,000 337.8 3,583,620 92.6 2,500,000 64.7 792 20,200,000 522.9 2,670,000 69.1 2,800,000 72.5

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS General Historical Description Poland reached the pinnacle of its influence in the sixteenth century, when it became one of the most important powers in Europe. At that time, Poland’s territories stretched from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea. When the sixteenth century Jagiellonian dynasty came to an end, the Poles introduced the heretoforeuntried governmental strategy of an elected monarchy of kings chosen from royal families. Notable was the Polish introduction of a parliamentary voting system called the liberum veto. In this system any member of parliament could veto a law with a single vote. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

The seventeenth century was a turbulent time in Polish history. The Swedes first invaded Poland, then the nation fought a war with the Turks. Poland also experienced a Cossack rebellion in the southeastern territories. Poland slowly crumbled and eventually, at the end of the eighteenth century, Russia, Austria and Prussia divided Poland into three sections. Poland continued to be occupied during the nineteenth century, despite two uprisings in 1830 and 1863. Independence finally arrived with the end of World War I. Unfortunately, after Poland gained independence it was soon overrun by Germany and the Soviet Union in World War II. Poland’s postwar fate was decided by the Allies at the Yalta Conference held in February 1945. There was no Polish representation at the conference. A Provisional Government of National Unity, made up of members of the pro-Soviet government and émigré politicians was established. Free elections were to be held shortly after the end of the war, but those elections did not occur. A government in exile formed, and Britain and the United States withdrew their support and diplomatic recognition of Poland due to Soviet actions within the country. Polish borders were greatly altered after the Allied conference in Potsdam, Germany, in 1945. The Soviet Union retained control of the territories it had obtained in 1939, while Poland gained large areas of former German territory in the west including the industrial region of Upper Silesia, the ports of Gdansk and Szczecin, and a long Baltic coastline. Political strife and labor turmoil in the 1980s led to the formation of the independent trade union Solidarity. Solidarity soon gained a strong political following and with the advent of glasnost in the Soviet Union, was able to rapidly become a robust political entity. After the collapse of the Soviet empire, Solidarity swept parliamentary elections and the presidency in the 1990 elections. An important role was played by the media in shaping social attitudes that led to the Solidarity movement. Despite censorship and administrative interference, the evolution of the Polish film school in 1956 helped bolster freedom of thought through art. Also of importance to the loosened fetters of censorship was the political, literary and scientific activity pursued by people in exile. Radio Free Europe played a significant role in molding public opinion. Similar roles were played by the Paris-based periodical Kultura and a number of similar publications. In 1988 Poland experienced a large number of strikes. By 1989 roundtable talks between the authorities and the opposition were arranged and were held with the mediation of the Church. The talks were bolstered by a new world politic. Perestroika in the USSR and the sup741

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port of the Western states for reforms in Poland helped Polish negotiators bargain. In June 1988, elections were held that had been agreed upon in the roundtable contract. The Communist Party did not even win the votes of its own members, and retained with difficulty only those offices that had been allocated to it beforehand by the contract with the opposition. The efforts of Lech Walesa and other leaders brought about the first non-communist government in the Soviet bloc. Privatization programs during the early 1990s enabled the country to transform its economy into one of the most vigorous in Central Europe, boosting hopes for acceptance to the EU. Poland joined the NATO alliance in 1999. General Characteristics of the Population About 38 million people live in Poland, and the yearly rate of increase is 4.8 people per 1,000. World War II was cataclysmic to the country as 6 million people—or about onesixth of the population—died, including nearly 3 million Polish Jews in Nazi death camps. Around 60 percent of Poles live in a city. There are a number of large cities, including Warsaw with a population of around 1.7 million. Poland has made significant progress in education. In 1970 about half of the population had a primary education or less. By 1997 that number had dropped to onethird. Also during that time span, the number of collegeeducated people increased from 2 percent to nearly 10 percent. Educational advancement has been genderbased. Men improved their education largely through vocational training while women tended to obtain a general secondary education. As a result, 57 percent of working women now have at least a general secondary education while 43 percent of working men have a basic technical education. Although improvement has taken place, Poland still needs to augment its educational system to meet the needs of the twenty-first century. Poland’s people still lack skills in information technologies, new ways of organizing industry and job elasticity. An Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) Adult Literacy Survey illustrated the gap between Poland and other European countries. The survey revealed that more than 70 percent of Poles did not reach a moderate level of competency, while in all other countries only 32 to 44 percent of respondents failed to do so. The low level of adult literacy in Poland is prevalent for those living in rural areas. Polish farmers had scores 40 percent lower than Polish respondents of other professions. In other OECD countries, farmers’ dis742

advantage was between 9 and 10 percent. Low adult literacy rates in Poland are largely explained by the poor performance of two sizeable groups of Polish respondents, namely farmers and people with basic technical education. These two groups represent about 63 percent of the total working-age (15 to 64) population. Attempting to obtain higher educational standards entails major effort. The school system in Poland seems to be substandard. The country is characterized by qualms on the final shape of educational reform. In addition, ambiguity about its financing and lack of lucidity on the separation between the state, local communities and other educational partners concerning responsibilities remains problematic. Socio-economic disparity between social groups and regions also may create difficulty in achieving elevated educational norms. Media History Transformation in the Polish media sphere began immediately after the collapse of the Communist regime in 1989. On April 11, 1990, Polish parliament passed an anti-censorship act that modified the Press Act of 1984 implemented by the previous communist administration. The structure of Poland’s media also was reformed by the Polish legislature. Economic reforms in the print arena gave journalists who had previously worked for state-owned newspapers the opportunity to take over ownership. In addition, foreign investors were allowed to enter the Polish media market. Electronic media also experienced reformation. First, the transformation of the state-owned broadcasting apparatus into a public company was implemented. Second, policies encouraging commercial radio and television stations were instigated. The Polish government modeled the organizational framework of Poland’s electronic media after the French Conseil National dÁAudiovisuel. Poland enjoys a strong tradition of newspaper publishing. The Press Research Center at Jagiellonian University in Krakow reports that about 5,500 print media periodicals are published in Poland. A menagerie of daily and weekly newspapers of various qualities offers an assortment of opinions to Polish citizens. Generally, periodicals in Poland can be separated into pre- and post-1989 categories. Papers existing before 1989 established under Communist rule have been privatized and sold to investors, often foreign. Publications that came into being during or after the change of the political system often reflect the values of post-communist Poland. A strong characteristic of Polish newspapers is they do not attempt to disguise their political sympathies and readers can expect the opinions of editors to be explicitly expressed. In addition, Polish papers often do not separate news from opinions. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

POLAND

Gazeta Wyborcza is the most widely read newspaper in Poland. It was launched as a venture of the Solidarity movement in 1989. The newspaper was, at conception, owned by the Polish company Agora. Agora was a Polish company founded by the anti-communist movement in Poland. Eventually it was partially purchased by the U.S.based media conglomerate, Cox Communications. The paper has a circulation of around 600,000. Other larger dailies in Poland include: the Rzeczpospolita, Super Express, Dziennik Sportowy, Nasz Dziennik, and Trybuna. Local newspapers in Poland benefit from a circulation of between 7 to 8 percent of the total circulation figures. Poland’s industrial regions serve as the crux of the local press industry. Pomorze’Pomerania; Wielkopolska’Major Poland; and Slask’Silesia operate as hubs for the majority of local newspapers that have circulations between 1,000 and 3,000. Publishers in Poland also distribute 78 regional journals. In addition, a budding magazine sector is gaining readership. Notable, however, is that many major magazines are owned by foreign concerns: Gruner & Jahr/ Bertelsmann, Axel Springer, H. Bauer, Hachette Filipacchi. There are a few local publishers, including: Agencja Wydawniczo-Reklamowa WPROST, Proszynski, S-ka and POLITYKA Spoldzielnia Pracy. Polityka and Wprost are two of the most prestigious news magazines and each has a circulation of around 300,000. Another competitor in the magazine market is the Polish edition of Newsweek. Magazines currently account for about 12 percent of the money spent on advertising, with the European average around 20 percent. Most sales of newspapers, periodicals and magazines occur at kiosks. Subscriptions represent less than 4 percent of total sales. The local media in Poland has expanded at a rapid rate since 1989. Three periods may be noted. The first was founded upon widespread support for Solidarity. The second phase was rooted in the dissolution and disbanding of the anti-communist forces. Finally, local media is now based upon profit rather than political thought. Tendencies in the print media in Poland have been similar to those in other developed countries; however a few differences should be noted. First, there has been a marked drop in the number of readers and circulation of newspapers since 1985. This has been true across Europe with the exception of Portugal, where the starting point for the number of readers was quite low. Magazines have had a different history. The largest difference is the magazine industry’s tendency to address specialized, particular products rather than aiming for a mass audience. The number of titles in Polish magazines has increased draWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

matically—an estimated 200 percent since 1990— however, the circulation rate per magazine has decreased. The specialization of magazines can be expected to continue as new products create new opportunities for creation of magazines. Until 1989 Poland had only one broadcaster ‘Polish Radio and Television’ which was operated by the state. After the fall of the Communist government, television and radio structure changed. First, Polish Radio was separated from Polish Television and both were reconstructed into public service organizations. Commercial interest in radio and television has grown and foreign investment has surged, albeit lower than in print media. This can be explained by legal limitations on Polish media which stipulates that broadcasting companies may not have more than 33 percent foreign ownership.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK Following a period of intense reform efforts in the early 1990s, Poland’s was the initial economy in the region to recover to pre-1989 levels of economic output. Growth in the gross domestic product (GDP) since 1993 historically has been strong, averaging more than 5 percent annually, and making the Polish economy among the most robust in Europe. OECD admitted Poland as a member in 1996. Additionally, Poland has met nearly all of the conditions for European Union membership and is expected to be admitted within a few years. Poland’s economic performance has remained relatively good when compared to other post-transition economies. Poland’s insistence in engaging in a reform strategy has led to the nation becoming one of the most prosperous in the region. Policies allowing privatization of state-owned companies and statutes allowing the establishment of new business have been followed by rapid development in the private sector. 743

POLAND

tional Council of Radio and Television which grants and revokes licenses required for broadcasting radio and television programs. The Broadcasting Act of 1992 establishes the National Council of Radio and Television. This institution is designed as an independent body whose most important tasks are to grant and revoke licenses for broadcasting stations, appoint members of supervisory boards for public radio and television, and control and evaluate practice in the audiovisual field. The National Council is patterned after French Conseil National dÁudiovisuel, and its members are elected for six-year terms. The National Council has granted dozens of licenses both on the national level and the local level. The license procedure is transparent and open to the public. Complaints concerning granting or refusing a license may be brought before the Supreme Administrative Court.

Key industrial areas including coal, steel, railroads, and energy have undergone restructuring and privatization. However, further progress in public finance depends on privatization of Poland’s remaining state sector. Although Poland’s economy is better and more stable than its counterparts in Central and Eastern Europe, the GDP per capita remains inferior when compared to its Western neighbors. Recent analysis indicates that Poland’s GDP is little better than half the level of the poorest European Union members. Also notable is that Poland’s GDP has leveled in recent years. In the first half of 2000 the GDP was 5.4 percent higher than in the previous year, in the second half that had fallen to 2.7 percent, and dropped again to a lowly 1.8 percent in the first half of 2001. Poland’s economic situation has impacted Polish media. The last half of the 1990s witnessed a number of newly established quality newspapers disappearing from the media market due to harsh economic realities. Their situation was significantly worse in comparison to older, pre-existing newspapers that received higher profits from advertisements. Ironically, the public adjusted to placing advertisements in ‘‘old’’ newspapers even when the circulation of new newspapers was similar. Further, Poland’s new government does not subsidize the press, which makes capital from advertising essential to survival.

PRESS LAWS Since the fall of communism, the major legislation in broadcast media is the Broadcasting Act (Radio and Television Act) of 1992, as well as the Regulation of Na744

The primary legislation governing the printed press is still the Press Act of 1984 as amended several times, especially in 1990. The Press Act of 1984 now states that the only requirement necessary to start the publishing of a newspaper is registration by the Regional Court. The act also stipulates that state institutions, economic entities, and organizations must provide the press with information. Only when it is required to keep state secrets may entities refuse to provide information. The Church has attempted to influence broadcast law. Agreements with the government and Polish Radio and Television gave the church favorable access to electronic media as early as mid-1989. The Church pays less than commercial stations for its radio licenses. An illdefined clause enshrining ‘‘respect for Christian values’’ was controversially forced through by the Church’s supporters in parliament as part of the new Radio and Television broadcasting bill passed in December 1992. Poland’s government can therefore revoke licenses according to vague criteria about safeguarding Christian values. In the present absence of state censorship, the Church has to take recourse to the rather sparse provisions provided by the press and penal codes. The Church is concerned with prohibiting pornography and obscenity over the airwaves. In August 1995, Trybuna reported that pressure was being exerted by municipal authorities against newstands to restrict the sale of pornographic magazines.

CENSORSHIP There exists a history of censorship in Poland. Before the pre-1918 liberation censorship of materials was common. After liberation in November 1918, censorship was curtailed. However, the state of emergency prevailing over much of Poland, due to numerous wars waged during the first few years of independence, provided rationalization to suspensions of democratic freedoms of WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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the press. The 1920 war against Soviet Russia also brought about the introduction of censorship in defense of military secrets. Between the two world wars, Poland tended to display little censorship of the press. Legislation in interwar Poland initially granted publishers the ability to print a wide variety of opinion. Furthermore, the 1921 March Constitution codified a variety of press liberties. After 1926 the Sanacja government became increasingly authoritarian and the unified Press Law of 1927 allowed the use of economic sanctions to curtail press independence. By 1935, the Poland’s constitution no longer provided for freedom of the press. The government began to coerce editors to print sympathetic stories and instructed newspapers about what to print. The government and its agents also attempted to dominate the distribution network. In 1928, the government signed an agreement with the Association of Railway Bookshops to exclude publications of a communist nature from its kiosks. In 1934 a press agreement was secretly signed with Nazi Germany. All works critical of Hitler and other leading Nazis were banned and removed from circulation. Hitler’s Mein Kampf was distributed. Further, the Catholic Church occasionally supported repressive measures against specific individuals and works which allegedly offended religious sentiment and public decency. The invasion by Germany in 1939 brought harsh censorship to the Polish press. Production and distribution of papers were deeply affected in the war, but the impact varied between cities depending on German behavior. In Krakow, for example, the early days of occupation were relatively calm and journalists received permission from the local military authority to publish newspapers, albeit subject to censorship. The inhabitants of Krakow went without papers for only a short while. In sharp contrast, in Czestochowa the German occupation was extremely violent. Media was absent from Czestochowa for months and when newspapers slowly reappeared, the Germans completely controlled their content. Early in the war and until early 1943, the Polishlanguage press existed only to communicate German directives. The German occupation government used the press often to remind the Poles of their ‘‘sub-human’’ status. By 1943, recognizing the precarious nature of the war on the eastern front, Joseph Goebbels issued a memorandum recommending that Poles be enlisted in the fight against Soviet Bolshevism. Local government and press leaders were prepared to institute the ‘‘reforms’’ which Goebbels recommended with the hope that this would pacify the Polish population. Examples of the reforms included eliminating malicious statements about Poland WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

and its ‘‘national character.’’ The press was to emphasize the ‘‘good, even friendly relations’’ with the Germans. In spring 1943, Germany finally implemented reforms along the lines suggested by Goebbels. By that time, Polish resistance had grown in power, and with the Russians, was defeating the Germans on the eastern front. After World War II, Russian censorship of the Polish press initially rivaled the Nazi’s authoritarian policies. With the creation of the Soviet-backed Lublin government, communists moved quickly to control key areas of cultural activity. Soon, the state’s control and accumulation of print works, enforcement of publishing plans, and its development of absolute domination over the publishing process allowed for complete censorship of information distributed by the press. The Soviet-backed government’s iron-hand authority—from financing to distribution—would come to determine in every respect the products made available to the public. By 1950 the government had established a near-monopoly in the collection of subscriptions and distribution of periodical publications. This censorship lasted for nearly 40 years. Key differences in censorship between the 1960s and earlier decades were noticeable, particularly in the streamlining of the system. The Censorship Office received ever more precise, and sometimes contradictory, instructions—the ‘‘Black Book’’—on a regular basis in the attempt to guarantee the Communist Party a monopoly on information. Access to information or limited freedom to criticize depended on the individual’s status in the official hierarchy. Lessening government censorship was one of the 21 demands made by Solidarity in the Gdansk Agreement of August 1980. Real reforms were beginning to take shape, and by July 1981 new laws were passed which enabled editors to challenge government censorship decisions in the courts. Tygodnik Solidarnosc mounted the first successful challenge in November 1981 and overturned the government’s decision to confiscate readers’ letters. The 1980 Gdansk agreement reformed much of the censorship process. Certain types of speech and publications, such as orations by deputies at open parliamentary sessions, school-approved textbooks, publications approved by the church and Academy of Sciences publications were no longer subject to government censorship. This legislation partly dismantled the censorship process. However, imposition of martial law in the early 1980s negated these new-found freedoms. Yet, the basic trend during the 1980s leaned toward less censorship, particularly with the advent of glasnost. By 1989 about 25 percent of all newspapers were exempt from preventive control. Change spread quickly upon the fall of communism. Newspapers were soon privatized and although television 745

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has been slower to reform, new technology and Poland’s movement toward the European Union tended to lead to diminishing attempts by the government to retain control over broadcasting. There has been, however, with the election of socialist leaders, a move by the government to regain more control of the media.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS Several present statutes help to outline the Polish government’s relationship with the press. Article 14 of the constitution of 1997 guarantees freedom of the press and of other mass media. In addition, the Broadcasting Act of 1992 privatized state radio and television into joint stock companies that eventually led to private commercial radio and television stations. The act also limits foreign ownership in broadcasting entities to less than 34 percent. The present-day Polish constitution provides for freedom of speech and the press, and the government, for the most part, respects this right. However, there are some marginal restrictions in law and practice. By statute, an individual who ‘‘publicly insults or humiliates a constitutional institution of the Republic of Poland’’ may be fined or even imprisoned for up to two years. In addition, persons who slur a public functionary may receive up to one year in prison. The most famous case tried under this law found President Aleksander Kwasniewski suing the newspaper Zycie for insinuating the president had contacts with ‘‘Russian spies.’’ Additionally, individual citizens and businesses also can use this provision of the Criminal Code. Network Twenty One, which sells Amway products, employed the statute to prevent a broadcast detrimental to its interests. Another case includes talk show host Wojciech Cejrowski, who was charged with publicly insulting Kwasniewski. Eventually Cejrowski lost the case and was fined. The new criminal code also specifies that speech which ‘‘offends’’ religious faith may be punishable by fines or imprisonment for up to three years. In 1997, the Council for the Coordination of the Defense of the Dignity of Poland and Poles filed charges against the leftleaning newspaper Trybuna for its alleged insults of the pope. The Warsaw prosecutor’s office, however, decided to drop the case. Another statute that restricts the press includes The State Secrets Act that allows for the prosecution of people who betray state secrets. Human rights groups have criticized this law as restraining the fundamental right of free speech. Protection of journalistic sources also is addressed in the criminal code. The law grants news sources protection except in cases involving national security, murder, 746

and terrorist acts. Further, if the accused is benefited, statutory provisions may be applied retroactively. Journalists who decline to reveal sources preceding the new code’s ratification may avoid sanctions by invoking journalistic privilege. Up to this point there have been no restrictions placed on the establishment of private papers, journals and magazines. KRRiTV (The National Radio and Television Broadcasting Council) has authority in regulating programming on radio and television. KRRiTV also distributes broadcasting frequencies and licenses and apportions subscription revenues to public media. KRRiTV theoretically is to be a non-partisan, apolitical board. Legally members must be suspended from active participation in political parties or public associations. However, since they are chosen for their political allegiances and nominated by the parliament, serious questions often arise concerning board members’ neutrality. Broadcast law states that broadcasting should not encourage behavior that is illegal or hostile to the morality or welfare of citizens. The law requires that programs respect ‘‘the religious feelings of the audience and Christian system of values.’’ This law has never actually been seriously tested in the courts. The Ministry of Communication selects frequencies for television broadcaster to operate. KRRiTV then auctions the frequencies. The first such auction, held in 1994, gave the Polsat Corporation and a few other local entities licenses to operate. Further licenses were granted in 1997 to TVN and Nasza Telewizja. Two of the three most widely viewed television channels and 17 regional stations, as well as five national radio networks, are owned by the Polish government. Public television tends to be the major source of information. However, satellite television and private cable services are becoming more available. Cable services carry the main public channels, Polsat, local and regional stations, and a variety of foreign stations. Statutes concerning radio and television require public television to provide direct media access to the main state institutions, including the presidency, ‘‘to make presentations or explanations of public policy.’’ Both public and private television provides coverage of a spectrum of political opinion. In 2002, Prime Minister Leszek Miller’s administration earned a reputation as being unfriendly to media. It has taken action to curb the independence and influence of the country’s two most prestigious newspapers, Gazeta Wyborcza and Rzeczpospolita, both of which have attempted to hold government accountable. Shortly after taking office, Miller’s government reopened a legal clash with Rzeczpospolita, whose ownership is split between a WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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Norwegian publishing company and the state. Prosecutors have introduced criminal charges against three of its senior managers and confiscated their passports. The newspaper argues that the government is attempting to gain control of the papers by not allowing the Norwegian interest voting rights and/or forcing the Norwegians to sell. In addition, the company that owns Gazeta Wyborcza, founded by Polish reformers, wants to purchase shares in a Polish television network. The Polish government has since introduced legislation that would halt private media companies from having interest in both television and journalistic companies. The Polish government is exempt from the provision, which means the state would be free to print its own agenda.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA

200,000 subscribers in Poland, while Polish Cable TV (PTK) has 700,000 subscribers. There is room for further growth in the paytelevision market. The pay channel RTL7 was launched in 1997 by the film and television giant CLT-Ufa. It is based outside of Poland and distributed by satellite in order to circumvent Polish restrictions on foreign ownership. However, RTL7 can only muster audience shares in the low single digits. If allowed to broadcast from Poland the share would undoubtedly rise. This is not likely to happen unless the ownership laws that bar foreign companies are changed. The National Broadcast Council is sympathetic to the case and tried without success to raise the maximum foreign ownership stake allowed from 33 percent to 49 percent. This effort failed.

The presence of foreign capital is most visible in the newspapers sector, especially the local/regional market, where a comfortable relationship exists between publishers and foreign investors. Two firms are in the forefront: Passau Neue Presse (PNP, from Germany), and Orkla Media (from Norway).

Foreign investors are waiting for Poland’s entry in to the European Union, scheduled for 2003. As an EU member, Poland will have to conform to European-wide media laws, and all ownership restrictions will be lifted.

Twelve dailies and one weekly are fully owned or controlled by PNP. PNP controls papers in regions where it is present. It is estimated that the company’s economic activity makes up about 15 percent of the total income in the newspaper sector of the Polish media market. PNP is a multinational corporate media entity controlling 40 percent of the Czech local market, and it has sizable holdings in Austria as well as Germany.

Polish press agencies include Polska Agencja Prasowa (PAP, or Polish Press Agency); Polska Agencja Informacyjna (PAI or Polish Information Agency) and Katolicka Agencja Informacyjna (KAI or Catholic Information Agency). There are a number of small information providers, which also offer wire and photo services.

Orkla Media entered the Polish market in 1993 and controls 10 dailies and 18 percent of the Polish newspaper market sector. On each local market, with one exception, the titles owned by Orkla have dominant position. H. Bauer Verlag specializes in popular television, women’s, and teen magazines. Bauer Verlag publishes 11 magazines and controls 12 percent of the magazine market. Bauer also is present on the Czech, Slovak and Hungarian markets. Axel Springer Verlag has eight titles and controls 5 percent of the magazine market. Springer Verlag differentiates from Bauer Verlag due to the fact that nearly 40 percent of its revenues originate from advertising. Springer also is active on the television and radio market and is one of the leading media groups in Germany. Cox Enterprises, a U.S. firm, owns 20 percent of the media company Agora, which radically increased its revenues after selling its shares to Cox. Although Cox doesn’t have a dominant share, it is the biggest partner in the company. Agora invests in radio (Inforadio and six local stations) and television (Canal Plus Poland). In television there are two important firms with foreign capital investments: Canal Plus has more than WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

NEWS AGENCIES

BROADCAST MEDIA Historical Overview of Broadcast Media The Polish United Workers’ Party (PUWP) believed television had a specific function in a socialist society. Communist Party leaders often attempted to use television as a conduit to transmit socialist and communist ideology to the people of Poland. They soon discovered that television presented a host of problems as propaganda tool. First, party leaders were unable to fully control the content of television. Second, and perhaps more importantly, government leaders did not comprehend how the plethora of televisions functions prevented the party from reaching its goals. Some have suggested that the government’s policies regarding television were a contributing factor in the fall of communism in Poland. There exist several limitations when analyzing television as an element of social change in Poland. Significant is the fact that radio, not television, was the media of choice in Poland. Before 1970 there were fewer than 3 million televisions in Poland. In addition, only one channel broadcast for only a few hours each day, and its quality of transmission left much to be desired. Television coverage was incomplete in Poland until after the early 1970s. Despite these shortcomings, the government 747

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still recognized the potential of television as a propaganda tool. Socialist leaders believed that television would bring culture to the masses and would bring village and city closer together. Party leaders enjoyed some success in the beginning. Surveys indicated that the television viewing population was partial to various programs presenting the party line concerning economic and political topics. Television also broadcast celebrations denoting Socialist holidays. The government soon discovered that the persuasive abilities of television tended to decrease over time. People also began to doubt the veracity of television reporting. Perhaps the event that most diminished television’s credibility was Pope John Paul II’s visit in June 1979. The pope’s popularity in Poland was not fully understood by the government. As he worked his way across Poland that summer, he addressed hundreds of thousands of people. Polish television attempted to denigrate the visit, and it censored the coverage, belittled the number of people present at masses, and limited the amount of coverage. Polish viewers were incensed. Characteristics of Broadcast Media Public radio (Polskie Radio S.A.) and public television (TVP S.A.) still rank as most important among broadcast stations. Polish Public Radio provides four national programs: PR 1 and PR3 (for the general public), PR 2 (which features classical music and literature), and education channel Radio Bis. It also incorporates PR 5, which broadcasts abroad on shortwave frequencies, and 17 regional radio stations, each an independent broadcasting company. Public radio also produces programs in ethnic minority languages. Two national public television channels (TVP, SA) and 11 regional channels operate in Poland. Ethnic minority television programs are also produced in minority languages by regional stations. Financing for public radio and television comes through a combination of license fees and advertising. With the fall of the communist system, the National Council for Radio and Television has been created to grant frequencies for broadcasting and new broadcasters. National commercial channels include Polsat TV, TVN (ITI Holdings), and Channel 4. A 24-hour information channel also is operated by TVN. Other channels include Catholic Puls TV, coded RTL 7, Canal Plus, and Wizja TV. About 500 cable television operators exist in Poland with more than 2 million subscribers. The cable operators, by statute, must transmit two public channels. There is access to various satellites from Poland. The most popular satellite channels are MTV, Eurosport, RTL and the Cartoon Network. 748

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA The Polish Internet market is growing, and shopping and banking are becoming popular with well-educated Poles. Numerous local and national government Web sites offer information in an assortment of languages. Most media outlets in Poland have developed Web sites. The electronic database of the Press Research Centre has recorded 1,516 Internet addresses. However, media advertising via the Internet may be difficult. Europemedia reports that only 24 percent of Polish firms consider advertising on the Internet to be better than advertising via traditional media. Further, according to research conducted by the Krakow Academy of Economics, 48 percent of Polish entrepreneurs believe that advertising through traditional media is superior to online advertising. However, while Polish firms are skeptical about online advertising, more than half of the companies surveyed claimed they would ‘‘definitely’’ be using the Internet in the future to promote their products.

EDUCATION AND TRAINING Polish journalists are, for the most part, well educated and competent in their craft. Many hold college degrees but this is not a requirement. The major media employers’ organizations are: the Polish Chamber of Press Publishers, the Association of the Local Press Publishers, the Convent of Local Commercial Radio Stations, the Association of Independent Film and TV Producers and the National Industrial Chamber of Cable Communications, the Polish Journalists Association (SDP), the Journalists Association of the Republic of Poland (SDRP), the Catholic Association of Journalists, the Syndicate of Polish Journalists, the Union of Journalists, the Union of TV and Radio Journalists, the European Club of Journalists, the Local Press Association, the Polish Local Press Association, the Polish Chapter of the Association of European Journalists. A code of ethics was adopted on March 29, 1995, in Warsaw by most of these organizations. The code stated that journalists should perform their craft in accordance with the principles of truth, objectivity, dividing commentary and information, honesty, tolerance, and responsibility.

SUMMARY A multitude of media voices exist in Poland and most are tolerated. Videotapes are available in local stores, and comics, once heavily influenced by government intervention, are free to portray a variety of political stances. Polish law now allows competition for state owned radio and television. Further, several private WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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newspapers have commenced publishing. Privatization has become the hallmark of Polish post-communist culture. In Poland during the first year after the fall of communism, the number of journals and newspapers increased by 600 in five months. More than just creating new publications, the Poles began to provide avenues for publishing. New publishing companies were formed to replace the Robotnicza Spoldzielnia Wydawnicza (RSW, the Workers Cooperative Publishing House), the organization that had control over 80 percent of Polish publications for 40 years. Television growth in Poland has been explosive as well. The total advertising money spent virtually doubled between 1997 and 1999, from 3.7 billion zlotys (U.S. $840 million) to 7.3 billion zlotys (U.S. $1.67 billion). Poland is one of a number of countries in Europe where private stations have to compete for both audiences and advertising revenue with subsidized state-owned channels. The media in Poland remains in an expansionist mode. Polish media is taking on a global dimension with the introduction of digitalization, specialization, concentration of media ownership, and development of local media. The rapid growth of Polish media may also have some detrimental consequences. The media companies now existing in Poland must be willing to work diligently to develop new strategies in order to hold their place in the market. The concentration of media ownership, as big media conglomerates buy weaker publishers and stations, may become problematic. Locally, newcomers to the profession may not be as experienced or well trained. Finally, the demand for sensationalism has grown and may lead to inferior coverage of newsworthy events. Polish media has experienced tremendous change since 1989. Privatization has been leading Poland away from an ideological to a market-driven media model. This could lead to Polish media being dominated by corporate interests as media conglomerates gain a larger share of the media. However, there is a possibility that privatization will cease. The Polish government has become less friendly to foreign investment. The government seems to be giving up and even reversing previous plans for privatization in the media sector. Poland has attracted the largest amount of foreign investment among European Union candidate countries: 36 billion euro. The sale of hundreds of companies has made it possible to substantially change telecommunications. This has enabled an injection of not only capital, but also new technology and management methods of key importance for the process of restructuring Poland’s media industry. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Polish media is sitting upon the threshold of a new era. The path it chooses to tread will be directed by economic and political forces both inside and outside of Poland.

IMPORTANT DATES • 1984: Polish Press Act • 1989: Industrial unrest and economic problems lead to Round Table Talks between the government and the opposition. • 1989: In partly democratic elections, Solidarity wins a landslide victory; Tadeusz Mazowiecki becomes the first non-Communist prime minister. • 1990: The name of the country is changed back to ‘‘Rzeczpospolita Polska’’ or ‘‘The Republic of Poland.’’ • 1990: The Polish Communist Party ceases to exist. • 1990: First democratic presidential elections; Lech Walesa elected president. • 1990: Anti-Censorship Act introduced. • 1992: Radio and Television Broadcasting Act introduced. • 1993: A coalition of leftist parties gains control of the Sejm, the Polish parliament. • 1995: Aleksander Kwasniewski, a leader of the leftist coalition and former communist, is elected president. He promises to continue reforms and integration with free Europe. • 1997: Constitution adopted including Article 14 which guarantees freedom of the press. 749

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Garton Ash, Timothy, ed. Freedom for publishing, publishing for freedom: the Central and East European Publishing Project. Budapest: Central European University Press, 1995. Giorgi, Liana. The Post-Soviet Media: What Power the West? The Changing Media Landscape in Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic. Aldershot, England; Brookfield, Vt. : Avebury, 1995. Kondek, Stanislaw A. Wladza i wydawcy, Warsaw: Biblioteka Narodowa, 1993. Leftwich Curry, J. Poland’s Journalists: Professionalism and Politics, Cambridge, 1990. Loboda, J. Rozwój telewizji w Polsce, Wroc?aw, 1973. ———. The Media and Intra-Elite Communication in Poland (4 volumes), Santa Monica, 1980. Monroe’s Post-Soviet Media Law Review. Available from www.vii.org/monroe.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Bernhard, Michael H., ed., et al. From the Polish Underground: Selections from Krytyka, 1978-1993. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1995. Bates, John M., ‘‘Freedom of the Press in Interwar Poland: The System of Control,’’ Peter D. Stachura (ed.), Poland between the Wars, 1918-1939, Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998, pp. 87-108. ———. The Black Book of Polish Censorship, New York, 1984. Casmir, F. L., ed. Communication in Eastern Europe: The Role of History, Culture, and Media in Contemporary Conflicts. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1995. Central Europe online. Available www.europeaninternet.com/centraleurope.

Notkowski, Andrzej. Prasa w systemie propagandy rzadowej w Polsce 1926-1939, Warsaw-Lodz: PWN, 1987. O’Neil, Patrick, ed. Post-Communism and the Media in Eastern Europe. London: Frank Cass, 1997. OECD. ‘‘Adult Literacy Survey.’’ Available from http:// nces.ed.gov/pubs97/9733.pdf. Pietrkiewicz, Jerzy. ‘‘‘Inner Censorship’ in Polish Literature,’’ SEER, 1957, vol. XXXVI, no. 86, pp. 294-307. Sparks, Colin, and Anna Reading. Communism, Capitalism and the Mass Media. London: Sage Publications, 1998. Szydlowska, Mariola. Cenzura teatralna w dobie autonomicznej 1860-1918, Cracow: Universitas, 1995. —Terry Robertson

from

Choldin, Marianna T. A Fence Around the Empire, Durham, USA: Duke University Press, 1985. Ciecwierz, Mieczyslaw. Polityka prasowa 1944-1948, Warsaw:PWN, 1989.

PORTUGAL

Committee to Protect Journalists. ‘‘Country Report: Poland.’’ Committee to Protect Journalists: 2000. Available from www.cpj.org/attacks99/europe99/Poland.html.

BASIC DATA

Davies, N. God’s Playground, 2 vols, Oxford: OUP, 1981.

Official Country Name:

Portuguese Republic

Region (Map name):

Europe

Population:

10,066,253

Language(s):

Portuguese, Mirandese

Literacy rate:

87.4%

Area:

92,391 sq km

GDP:

105,054 (US$ millions)

Dobroszycki, L. Reptile Journalism: The Official Polish Language Press Under the Nazis, 1939-1945. Yale University Press. New Haven, CT, 1995. Eastern European journalism: before, during and after communism. Cresskill, N.J.: Hampton Press, 1999. 750

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Number of Daily Newspapers: Total Circulation: Circulation per 1,000: Number of Nondaily Newspapers: Total Circulation: Circulation per 1,000: Total Newspaper Ad Receipts: As % of All Ad Expenditures: Number of Television Stations: Number of Television Sets: Television Sets per 1,000: Number of Cable Subscribers: Cable Subscribers per 1,000: Number of Satellite Subscribers: Satellite Subscribers per 1,000: Number of Radio Stations: Number of Radio Receivers: Radio Receivers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Computers: Computers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Internet Access: Internet Access per 1,000:

28 686,000 83 242 1,152,000 139 192 (Euro millions) 11.40 62 3,310,000 328.8 923,000 92.3 369,000 36.7 221 3,000,002 298.0 3,000,000 298.0 2,500,000 248.4

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Despite a slow and steady movement away from government-controlled media and toward privatization throughout Portugal’s business sector, the Portuguese press fights for life on a different battlefield. Print media struggles to gain a market-share in a country where the illiteracy rate is approximately 15 percent. As a result, most people in Portugal get their news from television or radio stations. Daily newspaper circulation is among the lowest in western Europe, at 75 per 1,000 citizens. Among the facWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

tors driving this trend is the strict authoritarian control over the media during a long history of stifling political regimes. The result has been a mundane conformity in the media that led citizens to get their news elsewhere. Beginning with the 1926 nationalist military coup, Portuguese citizens lived under repressive fascist regimes for more than five decades. Even the National Library in Lisboa was affected, as secret police officials reviewed lists of books requested by readers. Foreign magazines were closely examined before being placed on newsstands, with entire stories being blocked out. Later regimes relaxed the rules somewhat, allowing the press to publish thinly disguised ‘‘analysis’’ of elections in other countries, when everyone knew the topic was really the lack of free elections in Portugal. The weekly newspaper Expresso, which is still in print and considered a strong defender of press freedoms, tested the waters virtually every issue, floating stories certain to test the government’s tolerance levels. Still, Portugal’s mass communications industry did not undergo significant change until a radical but bloodless coup in 1974. One of the new government’s first acts was to abolish censorship. Portugal’s current constitution guarantees free speech and absolute freedom of the press. However, a shift to the left soon came, resulting in the closing of the Socialist Party’s Republica newspaper and the Catholic Church’s Radio Ranascenca. Because most banks owned at least one newspaper, government control of the banking industry resulted in the state’s ownership of many media outlets. However, by the beginning of the 1990s, all newspapers were owned by privately held companies. The state did maintain operation of radio and television broadcasting systems, and in the mid-1970s, all stations—except those owned by the Catholic Church— were nationalized. Radio service was provided through Radiodifusao Portugesa (RDP). Only two television channels were maintained by the state-owned Radiotelevisao Portugesa (RTP). Privatization began in the early 1990s; however, in July of 2002, Portuguese President Jorge Sampaio approved a law to give government greater control over state-run television, making it easier to close one of the two public stations. His decision was quite controversial. Sampaio, a Social Democrat, said the move was being made to restructure government television and keep the cap on Portugal’s budget deficit, which cannot exceed three percent of gross domestic product. Sampaio’s party claims the RTP has a multi-million dollar debt, which they blame on the Socialist-appointed board that controls the entity. The change in law would give government the power to appoint an RTP board. It includes more guarantees of impartiality than an earlier version, although critics charge this move will critically impact the RTP’s ability to remain independent. 751

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For their part, Portuguese journalists adhere to a Deontological Code adopted by the Syndicate of Journalists in May, 1993. Translated from the original French, the Code sets forth 10 basic principles that outline a journalist’s duty, from reporting the facts accurately and in an exact manner to an admonition regarding discrimination based on color, race, nationality or sex. Journalists who adhere to the Code agree to fight restrictions in access to information and sources and attempts to limit press freedoms. Also included are conditions regarding the truthfulness and accuracy of information, keeping good faith with sources and respecting citizens’ private lives. As of 1999, only one newspaper, O Correrio da Manha, a Lisboa-based daily considered somewhat sensationalistic, was owned completely by journalists. Director Victor Direito, considered one of the profession’s greatest, serves as director and co-owns the paper with manager Carlos Barbosa. Direito takes regular political shots in a daily column. O Correrio da Manha has the largest circulation in the southern part of the country. Portugal has 28 daily newspapers, the largest of which is the popular Jornal de Noticias, which has a circulation of more than 109,000. The Jornal is in a class by itself; its main rivals fall into the 50,000 to 70,000 circulation category. Others may enjoy a larger circulation, but the Diario do Noticias is considered the country’s most prestigious publication, as it is an official newspaper of record. Most major newspapers are dailies and cover a wide variety of interests, from national and local news to business and sports. Founded in 1990, Publico is an independent news source contains sections dealing with both Lisboa and Porto, making it one of the best sources for national news. Of three afternoon newspapers that were printed in the 1990s, only one—A Capital—has survived, but just barely with a circulation of only about 10,000. Additionally, two news magazines—Expresso and O Independente—serve as the country’s counterparts to Time and Newsweek, published in the United States. Expresso enjoys the largest circulation overall, more than 136,000. 752

Publications with the largest circulation are largely magazines that represent feminine, popular and entertainment interests. By Maria tops the list with more than 314,000 copies in print, but a number of Portuguese magazines have circulations well over 100,000. Portugal’s largest circulation newspapers maintain web sites, and a handful of Internet news outlets have been created over the past several years, including a service that specializes in the Azores. Various local newspapers serve all provinces; not surprisingly, the largest number can be found in Lisboa, Portugal’s capital. All of the major daily newspapers are based in Lisboa, which is served by a total of 15 newspapers. The Azores, located along the western shores of Portugal, has 10 newspapers and one internet-based publication, the Azores News. The province of Portos has the third highest number, eight. Most areas of the country, from the rough terrain in the north to the sweeping plains in the south, are served by at least one newspaper. The majority of newspapers are published in Portuguese, the country’s official language, and have a regional distribution. A minority of the population speaks Mirandese, a Romance language that began to emerge about the middle of the twelfth century. Considered a dialect of Portuguese, the language is spoken primarily in the mountainous northern area of the country amongst a population of fewer than 15,000. It is used in some regional newspapers that serve those areas and special projects have been launched by the government to promote and spread its use in the media and other areas of Portuguese culture. Counting national and regional newspapers, news and specialty magazines, more than 1,300 publications are distributed in Portugal. Every year 552,682,095 copies of those are printed. All in all, Portugal is home to enough newspaper, radio and television outlets to create a number of venues for public discussion of issues and a healthy political dialogue in a country whose 10 million citizens are represented by five political parties— Populist, Communist, Socialist, Democratic and the Left Bloc. However, sports newspapers, with a circulation of WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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up to 100,000 copies per day, lead the market. Portugal’s three sports newspapers have combined sales of 230,000.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK With nearly 40 percent of its land forested, it is no wonder paper products are readily available in Portugal. Wood pulp, paper and cork are among the country’s leading industries, along with textiles and footwear, metal working, oil refining, chemicals, fish canning and wine. Portugal also hosts a healthy influx of tourists through its booming hospitality industry. The country exports $25 billion in clothing and footwear, machinery, chemicals, cork and paper products and animal hides annually. Portugal’s economy grew steadily between 1986 and 2000, about 3.6 percent per year after a rapid expansion in the first few years after joining the European Union as its poorest member. The investment boom driving that expansion slowed in 1999 and continued slower growth is projected in the coming years. However, key investment projects are expected to improve Portugal’s transportation system, including construction of a new airport in Lisboa. Newspapers have a significant effect on Portugal’s economy. Nearly 4,000 companies are involved in the paper/printing/publishing industry, employing 50,000 Portuguese citizens. Despite a relative economic boom and increased wages in other industries, Portuguese journalists are among the most poorly paid in Europe, which tends to weaken independent journalism. Journalism schools in Portugal are said to produce as much as four times the number of reporters needed throughout the country. In 1999, the country’s major investors took an interest in the media. At the end of that year, businessman and speculator Joe Berardo sold a press group and his stake in television station SIC, owned by former Prime Minister Francisco Balsemao. Corfina, the owner of a sports newspaper and a couple of women’s magazines, picked up his SIC shares. Portugal’s two television stations run at a huge loss, and Portuguese President Jorge Sampaio cited a $991 million deficit in July of 2002 as the basis for his approval of a law that would give the government more control over appointments to a board that oversees the State’s two television stations. The privately owned SIC has maintained a healthy financial position, posting profits of as much as $38 million in 1998. As government control has eased, Portugal grows increasingly toward a capitalistic economy, which is dominated by the service industry that comprises 60 percent of the country’s gross domestic product. While Portugal has experienced eight years of economic growth that surpassed the European Community average, investment WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

trends have declined in recent years, leading to a slowing of the economy. Overall, the country enjoys solid economic growth, low inflation and low unemployment. Portugal qualified to join the European Monetary Union in 1998, joining with 10 other countries to launch the Euro on Jan. 1, 1999. The country’s gross domestic production is approximately $151.4 billion, or two-thirds that of the four largest western European economies.

PRESS LAWS After decades under government control, Portugal now has a constitutionally free press. Portugal’s constitution has been amended to include provisions for access to public documents as well as safeguards for a free press, and a body of legislation called The Press Law deals not only with the rights and duties of journalists but also the organization of the companies that employ them. In Portugal, freedom of the press includes the freedom of expression and creativity for journalists, as well as a role for the journalists in giving editorial direction to the mass media. However, the Constitution makes an exception in the latter area with regard to publications owned by the State or which have a ‘‘doctrinal or denominational’’ character. Journalists, along with all Portuguese citizens, are guaranteed the right to access sources of information and government documents. The right to professional independence and secrecy are also constitutionally ensured. The state has provided for freedom of the mass media against both political and economic powers, preventing economic monopolies from controlling a free press. Article 37 of Portugal’s constitution ensures the right to free expression and the right to inform and obtain in753

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cited for obscenity by the High Authority, after showing two of the contestants having sex. The broadcaster, TV1, was heavily criticized by both government and religious leaders; Bishop Januario Torgal Ferreira said, ‘‘I am shocked. People are selling their souls.’’ After another channel, SIC, was also criticized for invading people’s privacy with the show ‘‘O Bar da TV,’’ Portugal’s media took matters into their own hands, forming a selfgoverning board to monitor the contents of their programming. The board is completely separate from the High Authority.

formation and be informed ‘‘without hindrance or discrimination.’’ Offenses committed in the exercise of those freedoms are punishable under the general principles of criminal law, the constitution states. As constitutionally defined, freedom of the press includes freedom of expression and creativeness for journalists, the journalist’s right to access information and protection of their professional independence and secrecy; the right to start newspapers and any other publication without government interference. The structure and operation of the media are to remain in the public sector to ensure independence against public bodies. Additionally, the constitution provides for a High Authority for mass media that secures the right to information, the freedom of the press and an independent media. The High Authority is made up of 13 members, five of whom are elected by the country’s lawmakers, three appointed by government and four representing ‘‘public opinion, mass media and culture.’’

CENSORSHIP Censorship was abolished following a government coup in 1974. Portuguese media are protected by the constitution from interference byeither government or business. The Portuguese media is governed by a High Authority designed to ensure press freedoms and access to information are maintained. The 13-member board includes five members appointed by the legislative Assembly, three appointed by the state and four who represent media and the public. While there is no overt censorship of the press, there have been several related controversies over the past few years. Most recently, in 2001, a furor arose when the Portuguese version of the reality show ‘‘Big Brother’’ was 754

Libel prosecution, which can be a form of censorship, became a cause for concern in 1997. Two journalists were convicted of libel for an article they had written on drug trafficking, and a libel suit was launched against television station SIC based on broadcast reports that Portuguese soccer players had smoked hashish prior to an international match in 1995. Also that year, a series of exposes about the media’s rich and famous published in the weekly Seminario resulted in bomb threats called to the editor, Alvaro de Mendonca, at his Lisboa apartment. While the series’ author was not identified and wrote under a pseudonym, he was suspended by the company’s management, leading critics to claim selfcensorship.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS While relationships between Portugal’s government and press are nowhere near the level of control and suppression as under earlier fascist regimes, critics of the current government claim leaders are trying to exercise more control. Efforts by the Social Democrat party to gain more government control over a board that oversees the state-run television station RTP succeeded in July of 2002. Under the changes, the government has the power to unilaterally appoint a board to run the RTP. Sampaio claimed the move was necessary because the station was running at a multi-million dollar deficit, caused by the Socialist-appointed board. In 1998 and 1999, Portugal was among only 11 countries where no press freedom violations were recorded.

NEWS AGENCIES Only one national news agency, LUSA, serves Portugal. Founded in 1987, the news agency provides home, national, foreign, economic and sports news, as well as home and foreign photos. LUSA employs nearly 300 staffers, the vast majority of whom are reporters. Portugal also has one domestic press agency, Agencia Ecclesia, which is smaller and serves domestic and local news outlets. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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BROADCAST MEDIA Eight national broadcast stations and one foreign station, CNN, serve Portugal. The industry was monopolized until the start of the 1990s by state television broadcasters RTP1 and RTP2. As a result of bringing the country into line with the Economic Union’s views, the privately owned SIC, owned by a prominent Social Democrat, has become the most popular television station in the country. Among radio stations which serve Portugal: ESEC Radio, Radio Comercial, Radio Difusao-Antena 1, Radio Difusao-Antena 2 and TSF news radio.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA Portugal’s major newspapers have electronic versions, and several electronic newspapers are published on the World Wide Web: Euronoticias, Informaça˜o On Line, Jornal Digital and Lusomundo. includes a number of links to information about Portugal, particularly in the area of entertainment. Internet access has expanded to the point where 20 licensed operators provide Internet access. However, only about 10 percent of the population over age 15 had access to those services as of 1998. Increasing competition and an ever-expanding range of services has kept the demand for Internet very high.

EDUCATION & TRAINING Not surprisingly, the stifling dictatorship that governed the media during the Salazar regime (1926-1974) also ended the education of journalists. The government elite felt citizens should only be educated to follow government direction; thus, the education of journalists, who could use what they learned against those in power, was considered contrary to the government’s best interests. Nevertheless, the National Union of Journalists in 1940 developed and planned the first-ever education program for journalists. The two-year course, which could be attended by anyone with nine years of primary and secondary education, never got off the ground due to the absence of governmental support. Because journalism primarily involved the parroting of government press releases, even those in the profession did not consider education important. It took another 30 years for education to become a priority, as the Journalists Union proposed a far more extensive course of study to which a student would commit 24 hours per week. In all, about 60 courses would be offered over a period of five years in the fields of Social Sciences and Journalism/Communications. According to union officials, this program suffered from an overabundance of government intervention, with three separate agencies vying for control over the program. Additionally, a private journalism course was being developed WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

at that time, by an organization that owned several media outlets. Launched in 1973, that program failed when those close to the ousted regime fell out of favor after the coup d’état. Five years after the revolution, the Universidade Nova de Lisboa set up the first university communications program of study, which was quickly duplicated by Universidade da Beira Interior and in the Universidade do Minho. These programs focused on the philosophical aspects of journalism and trained reporters in languages, so they would not be easily deceived or manipulated. Rather than stressing technical expertise, they took a broad-based approached to media and communications. In the 1980s, more technical programs were developed, through Centro de Formaça˜o de Jornalistas (CFJ) and Centro Protocolar de Formaça˜o de Jornalistas (CENJOR), which gives special attention to local and regional media. Currently, 27 programs of education are offered for journalists in Portugal; another 30 are media-related. Only one program is specifically titled Journalism. It has been offered at Universidade de Coimbra since 1993. About 1,500 students begin a course of media studies each year at public and private universities. Even though Portuguese journalists are among the lowest paid in Western Europe, competition for newsroom positions is fierce. As Portugal’s press grows and changes, so does the system for educating its journalists. Though many in the profession still do not have formal training, attitudes toward education are becoming more positive as the benefits of an informed and educated media are seen. 755

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SUMMARY The Portuguese media is making a slow but steady recovery from decades of government-imposed oppression and mediocrity. Competition within the industry has led to improvements in journalistic standards and ethics, as well as an increasingly educated professional base. Although the government owns several media outlets, Portugal’s diverse and active press corps keeps citizens informed and helps maintain an open dialogue about government and politics that was missing for nearly five decades. Some areas still bear watching, such as the government’s move to exercise even greater political control over the state-run television stations. As Portugal’s society becomes more accustomed to a wide variety of broadcast offerings, issues of censorship and selfpolicing media are being debated and addressed. It is worth noting that Portugal’s government has taken a public stand against violence toward journalists and has encouraged other members of the Economic Union and United Nations to explore new ways inspired by technology to bring even more information into the world and bridge the gap between the ‘‘haves’’ and ‘‘have nots.’’

SIGNIFICANT DATES

‘‘Statement to the Twenty-second Session of the UN Committee on Information.’’ WEOG/UE joint-statement, with the agreement of Mr. Sebastia˜o Coelho, representative of Portugal, on behalf of the European Union. Available from www.un.int/portugal. University of Tampere, Finland. European Codes of Ethics: Portugal. Available from www.uta.fi. U.S. Department of Commerce. National Trade Data Bank. November 3, 2000. Available from www.tradeport.org. World Press Freedom Committee. 2002. Available from www.wpfc.org. World Press Freedom Review: Portugal. Reviews for 1997, 1998, 1999, 2000 and 2001. Available from www.freemedia.at. —Joni Hubred

PUERTO RICO

• 1934: The National Journalists Union is established. • 1937: Rádio Renascença (RR) starts broadcasting. • 1940: The first training program for journalists is developed by the National Union of Journalists, even though it is never actually offered.

BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Puerto Rico

• 1974: A bloodless coup d’état leads to the establishment of a free press.

Region (Map name):

Caribbean

Population:

3,915,798

• 1979: The first university program specializing in journalism is established.

Language(s):

Spanish, English

Literacy rate:

89%

BIBLIOGRAPHY The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). World Factbook 2001. Directorate of Intelligence, 2002. Available from www.cia.gov. Committee to Protect Journalists. Country and Regional Reports: Portugal. 2002. Available from www.cpj.org. Country Files: Portugal. British Broadcasting Company, 2002. Available from news.bbc.co.uk. European Media Landscape: Portugal. European Journalism Media Centre, 2001. Available from www.ejc.nl. Obrigado! News and Media. 2002. Available from www.obrigado.com. Pinto, Manuel, and Helena Sousa. ‘‘Universidade do Minho: Journalism education at Universities and Journalism Schools in Portugal.’’ In Journalism Education in Europe and North America: an International Comparision, R. Frolich, ed. Victoria, Australia: Hampton Press, 2002. 756

Puerto Rico is a very fertile island for the media, largely due to its ever-changing political status. The varied opinions of its inhabitants are largely expressed through the print and broadcast media. The first newspaper in Puerto Rico appeared on December 31, 1806, just months after the first printing press arrived on the island. Spanish governor Toribio Montes imported the press and published La Gaceta, a bi-weekly available on Wednesdays and Saturdays. The first school dedicated to the development of literacy and writing opened in 1851. Governor Juan de la Pezuela Cevallos founded the Royal Academy of Belles Letters, an institution that licensed schoolteachers, formulated teaching methods and held writing contests. Independence movements in Puerto Rico gained momentum in the second half of the nineteenth century. The WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

PUERTO RICO

Spanish Government suppressed Eugenio Maria de Hostos’ 1863 book The Pilgrimage of Bayoán because it of its opposition to the Spanish regime. In 1867, the Spanish government tried to regulate the press as well. On August 31, it passed a law that required publishers to have a license and to pay a substantial deposit. Two years later, on January 3, 1869, Governor Laureano Sanz authorized the newspapers to criticize the government and the political system as long as they paid a 500 peso fee. The independence movement culminated in the Grito de Lares revolt, a short-lived revolution that lasted only a few days. The very next year newly appointed Governor Gabriel Baldrich declared that none of these liberal laws applied to Puerto Rico. Despite Baldrich, since 1869 there have been hundreds of periodicals supporting Puerto Rican independence, from Spain prior to 1898 and the United States since then. One of the most notable in the late twentieth century was Claridad. The United States took possession of Puerto Rico as a result of its victory in the Spanish-American War 1898. The American presence in Puerto Rico helped found over one hundred newspapers in the two years following the war. Most of these serials did not last; in fact some of them published only a single edition. Information about these publications is scarce as the facilities of early twentieth century Puerto Rico were not the best for storing copies of old newspapers. There have been hundreds of independent newspapers published in Puerto Rico. These range from Catholic and Protestant papers, such as El Piloto and El Defensor Cristiano, to the Fascist organ Avance. With the growth of journalism came the first Puerto Rican Press Association, founded in 1891 at a meeting in the San Juan restaurant La Aurora. There have been approximately twenty English language papers published in Puerto Rico since 1898. One of the first, The San Juan News, lasted less than a year because the owner, remembered only as Mr. Racklin, was accused of libel three times. Two political rivals, Luis Muñoz Rivera and José Celso Barbosa, founded their own bilingual newspapers to take advantage of the American presence, The Puerto Rico Herald (1901-1904) and El Tiempo, respectively. Muñoz favored a higher degree of self-government for the island, while Barbosa favored statehood. Some of the most important newspapers in Puerto Rico include the now defunct El Mundo, El Nuevo Día,

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

and The San Juan Star. In 1919 Romualdo Real, editor of the magazine Puerto Rico Ilustrado founded El Mundo. El Mundo was a respected, conservative newspaper, and was one of the best sources of news until its collapse in 1990. El Nuevo Día is one of the largest Spanishlanguage papers on the island since the collapse of El Mundo. William Dorvillier, once the Washington correspondent for El Mundo, founded The San Juan Star in 1959. Dorvillier won the Pulitzer Prize for Journalism and Editorial Writing in 1961, for his editorials reflecting on clerical interference in the 1960 gubernatorial elections. Spanish-speakers also read and write in The San Juan Star, long one of Puerto Rico’s most influential papers. Puerto Rico received its first radio station WKAQ in 1922. The first television transmissions took place in January 1954. The first commercial TV station was Telemundo (Channel 4), owned by the same parent company as El Mundo. In the beginning only about 7000 families had televisions. However, by 1997 there were over 1.021 million TVs and twenty-one channels on the island, including the three channels broadcast by the US military.

BIBLIOGRAPHY The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). World Factbook 2001. Directorate of Intelligence, 2002. Available from www.cia.gov/ Mohr, Eugene V. Language, Literature and Journalism in The American Presence in Puerto Rico. Ed. LynnDarrell Bender. Colombia: Publicaciones Puertorriqueñas, Inc., 1998. Mount, Graeme S. Presbyterian Missions to Trinidad and Puerto Rico. Hansport, Nova Scotia: Lancelot Press, 1983. Ribes Tovar, Federico, Historia Cronológica de Puerto Rico. Panama: Editorial Tres Américas, 1973. Scarano, Francisco A. Puerto Rico: Cinco Siglos de Historia. San Juan: McGraw-Hill, 1993. Silen, Juan Angel. Historia de la Nación Puertorriqueña. Rio Piedras: Editorial Edil, Inc., 1980. Tirado de Delucca, Elba M. Historia de Puerto Rico siglo XX. Quebradillas, Puerto Rico: Talleres Gráficos, 1997. —Andy Lefebvre

757

QATAR BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

State of Qatar

Region (Map name):

Middle East

Population:

769,152

Language(s):

Arabic (official), English commonly used as second language

Literacy rate:

79.0%

Area:

11,437 sq km

Number of Television Stations:

2

Number of Television Sets:

230,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

299.0

Number of Radio Stations:

12

Number of Radio Receivers:

256,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

332.8

Number of Individuals with Computers:

90,000

Computers per 1,000:

117.0

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

30,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

39.0

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Qatar, which became independent from British protection in 1971, is located on the east coast of the Arabian WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Peninsula. The territory includes the mainland and a number of small islands. It is bounded by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates to the south and by the Persian Gulf to the north, east and west. Qatar itself is a peninsula that extends northward covering an area of 11,437 square km. Over 600,000 people, who speak primarily Arabic and English as a second language, live within the 114 square miles of its borders. Although Qatar is a member of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), its constitutional monarchy has a more liberal political system than other countries in the Gulf States. The government decreed a ban on media censorship in 1995 and abolished the Ministry of Information (1998), and women in Qatar were granted the right to vote and be elected in Qatar’s first democratic ‘‘municipal elections’’ in 1999. Revenue from oil—first discovered in Qatar in 1939—has transformed it from one of world’s poorest countries to one with a very high per capita income, and has supported the development of an urbanized populace with many media options. Print Media Print media was the first to take hold in Qatar with the governmental publication of an official gazette that contained the laws and Emiri’s decrees in 1961. In 1969, Qatar established the Department of Information, which issued Doha magazine the same year. In 1970 The Ministry of Education issued Education magazine. In 1970, Al Urooba press and Gulf News, a bimonthly English language magazine, were published as the first private press in Qatar. Al Arab newspaper, which began publishing in 1972, was the first political daily, and Al Ahd press was the first political weekly. In 2002, in addition to the governmentowned newspapers, there were seven privately owned publications. The privately owned publications were AlRaya, Al-Sharq, Al-Watan, Arabic language newspapers; The Gulf Times and The Peninsula, English language newspapers; and Qatar Al-Khair and Al-Doha LilJamiah, magazines publishing news, including politics, 759

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business, social, finance, health, art and entertainment. For many years, the Qatari government provided a financial support for local newspapers and press. However, this was stopped in 1995, the same year that media censorship was lifted. This left the press essentially free from government interference and many national and international newspapers an magazines started to appear in the Qatari market such as the New York Times, Time magazine, Financial Times and Alquds Alarabi.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS Government control of the media has varied since the establishment of the monarchy. The Department of Information was established in 1969, and was replaced by the Ministry of Information and Culture in 1972. In 1975, a separate department was added to the ministry— the Qatar News Agency. The press and publication law, the first official censorship from the government to control the media and populations, was issued in Qatar in 1979. It was aimed at regulating the relationship between the state and press establishment, printing, publishing and distributing houses, libraries, bookshops, artistic production sale outlets, and publicity and advertisement agencies. For example, the law banned many newspapers and books from access to the country because they did not agree with the government’s political, economic, or religious perspective. Censorship was lifted in 1995 when a new, much more liberal, Press and Publications law was enacted. The new press and publication law has continued to be updated since 1995. Qatar abolished the Ministry of Information and Culture in October 1998. The ministry’s department and responsibility were first transferred to the number or government bodies.

BROADCAST MEDIA Radio was introduced to the nation on June 25, 1968 when the state-run Qatar Broadcasting Service (QBS) began airing radio programming in Arabic languages. English, Urdu, and French programming were added to the line up in 1971, 1980, and 1985 respectively. Qatar radio includes all programming formats, including music, news, and entertainment. There is no private radio in Qatar—it is all state-run. However, international radio stations such as the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) and Voice of America are available. Radio was followed by the introduction of television, with a single channel that broadcast black and white programming for three to four hours a day in 1970. The channel began color transmissions in 1974. A second, English-language channel was launched in 1982 and the Qatar television satellite channel went on the air in December 1998. Like radio, all television channels were government-owned except Al-Jazeera satellite channel, 760

which was introduced in 1996. Al-Jazeera TV was considered a private entity even though the Qatari government originally financed it. The first wireless cable television system, which was known as Qatar Cablevision (QCV), used state-of-the art technologies to deliver satellite television to homes in Qatar beginning in 1993. QCV provided 31 channels such as CNN, BBC, Fox Sports, and Arab satellite channels. The Qatar Public Telecommunications Corporation (Q-Tel) is the government-owned monopoly provider of telecommunications services and owns the entire IT infrastructure in Qatar. The Internet service was started by Q-Tel in May 1996. The remainder of the users were evenly split between commercial and personal use. Before the service went public, Q-Tel experimented with using a proxy server to preclude access to undesirable material. Today the company is using their routers as firewalls to block access to undesirable sites and protect their network against hackers. The Story of Al-Jazeera Al-Jazeera is perhaps the most well known and most popular Arabic satellite channel. In 1996, Qatar introduced Al-Jazeera as the first Arab all-news and public affairs satellite network. It is the only Arabic news channel in the Middle East offering news coverage 24 hours a day from around the world, with a focus on the hottest regions of conflict. Programming includes a wide selection of political talk shows and documentaries with uncensored debates covering events as they happen. Al-Jazeera provides a forum for freedom of expression in the region by showing free-ranging political debates, including interactive debates with live phone-ins from guests and viewers. Although Al-Jazeera is very popular with the general public, most Arab governments and state-run media do not have as favorable an opinion. The network has been subjected to attacks from almost every newspaper, television and radio station, as well as Internet sites in the majority of Arab countries and the Middle East. Al-Jazeera became popular because it reflected the thirst of Arabs for impartial information, of which they were often deprived through their regimes’ media. It also reflected the eagerness of Arabs to eradicate traditional forms of censored media output. Arab people trust its news and programs. It has stolen Arab television audiences from every one of the big powers in the region with its debates, uncensored news and, lately, online polling. The Qatar government began Al-Jazeera after years of study by the BBC. The BBC was already popular in the Arab World and known for its reliable service. AlJazeera operates on a Western news model, much like CNN and BBC. However, Al-Jazeera does not follow the WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

QATAR

standard measures when recruiting editors and announcers. They have set other rules, which are not accepted by other channels, such as not being employed by a TV channel, the ability to argue, well-versed in the English language, and possessing computer and other technical skills. News submitted by a worldwide pool of correspondents is produced and coordinated by a number of chief editors from different Arab countries. Each is in charge of a group of news bulletins that are scheduled throughout the day, with an emphasis on variety throughout the day. The Impact of Al-Jazeera In the Arab World Even though Al-Jazeera is the most popular television network in Arab media history, it is involved in conflicts with many Arab countries such as Kuwait, Jordan, Libya, Tunisia, and Egypt. All of these countries have attacked the Al-Jazeera channel because if its editorial content. The Jordanian government closed down Al-Jazeera’s news bureau in Amman after a talk show guest accused the late King Hussein of collaborating with Israel. Kuwait’s information minister was sent to Qatar in 1997 to complain about an Al-Jazeera program in which the Kuwaiti ruling family was insulted. Additionally, a Kuwaiti judge tried to force Al-Jazeera to pay damages for a report on the alleged killings of Palestinians, Iraqi and Kuwaiti collaborators after the Persian Gulf War. Palestinian Council President, Yasser Arafat’s, forces closed the network’s office in Ramallah on the West Bank, because of anger over archival footage in a documentary on the Lebanese civil war. Iraq protested Al-Jazeera coverage of the extravagant celebration of Saddam Hussein’s birthday while Iraq claimed that its people were dying from hunger because of United Nation sanctions. Algeria and Morocco have ordered Al-Jazeera correspondents to stop working. The Egyptian government was furious with AlJazeera because of critical coverage of the country’s last elections and because of stories about Egypt allegedly bowing to American pressure over the Palestinian issue. Like any uncensored news channel, the network has its critics inside and outside the station. Al-Jazeera Around the World After September 11, AlJazeera became well-known around the world—and even more important in the Middle East because it was the only station permitted to have a reporter inside the Taliban regime, which controlled Afghanistan. The channel had established a bureau in Kabul in 2000, at a time when no other news organization was interested in that part of the world. Few in the West had heard of Al-Jazeera, which operates from cramped, heavily fortified studios on the outskirts of the Qatar. But when the station started broadcasting video statements by Osama bin Laden and WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

became the only foreign network to broadcast from inside Taliban, its name became familiar throughout the world. CNN, the BBC and other global news leaders relied on video provided by Al-Jazeera TV to compliment their coverage of ‘‘The War on Terror.’’ Al-Jazeera telecast Taliban opinions, anti-war prospective and the bombing of civilian targets inside Afghanistan. Although AlJazeera’s Kabul office was also hit by United States military strikes in Afghanistan, its studios have been visited by major American political figures, including U.S. Secretary of State, Colin Powell, in an attempt by the U.S. to gain Arab support for the U.S. perspective through a channel trusted by the Arab people. Al-Jazeera Website Al-Jazeera launched a companion website (www.aljazeera.net) in Arabic in January of 2001. There are plans in the near future to develop an English language version of the site as well. Al-Jazeera maintains a 60-person, independent staff for the website, 36 of who are editors, journalists and researchers. After September 11, the website’s traffic doubled, jumping from about 700,000 page views a day to about 1.2 million page views with more than 40 percent of them from the U.S. The website covers news, sports, entertainment, technology, health, arts and culture throughout the Middle East and around the world. Moreover, it presents indepth analysis special coverage, book reviews, marketing, and advertising. It also offers user interactivity options like quick vote and discussion forums where the users can express their opinion directly without censorship. The website provides the full script of Al-Jazeera Satellite Channel’s main programs, attached with its 761

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audio file within 24 to 36 hours from the time of the first broadcasting. The Al-Jazeera television and website have provided people worldwide new, alternative perspectives on news and information. As a result, the press of the small nation of Qatar has had a major impact on the media of the world.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Al-Jazeera. 2002. Al-Jazeera Net celebrates its first year. 2 December 2002. Available from www.aljazeera.net. Alterman, J. New Media, New Politics: From Satellite Television to the Internet in the Arab World. Washington, DC: Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1998. AL-Tamimi, E. ‘‘Mass media and development in state of Qatar.’’ Ph.D. diss., Boston University, 1995. Boyd, D.A. Broadcasting in the Arab World: A survey of the electronic media in the Middle East. Ames, IA: Iowa State University Press, 1999. Cable News Network 2001. Al-Jazeera presents Arabic view of war. 6 November 2001. Available from www.cnn.com. Campagna, J. 2001. Between two worlds: Qatar AlJazeera satellite Channel faces conflicting expectation. 12 January 2001. Available from www.cpj.org/Briefings/ 2001/Al-Jazeera_oct01/Al-Jazeera_oct01.html. Department of Information & Researches. The Media in the State of Qatar. Doha: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2001. Dobbs, M. ‘‘Qatar TV station a clear channel to Middle East.’’ The Washington Post, 9 October 2001, p.1. El-Nawawy. M. and Iskandar, A. Al Jazeera: How the Free Arab News Network Scooped the World and Changed the Middle East. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2002.

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Friedman, T. L. ‘‘An Arab TV station nourishes democracy.’ The New York Times, 27 February 2001, p. 23. Ghareeb, E. ‘‘New media and the information revolution in the Arab World: an assessment.’’ Middle East Journal, (Summer 2000). 54, 395-418. Ibish, H., and A. Abunimah. ‘‘The CNN of the Arab World Deserves Our Respect; Al-Jazeera tells the war story unfiltered.’’ Los Angeles Times, 22 October 2001, p.11. Ibramim, M. Qatar Television. Doha, 1980. Khouri, R. ‘‘Arab satellite TV: News without impact.’’ The Jerusalem Post, 13 May 2000. p. 6. Nigel, D. (2000, Aug). Qatar sovereign boosts confidence at a price. Euromoney, 376, 26. Sakr, N. 2000. Optical Illusions: Television and Censorship in the Arab World. Transnational Broadcasting Studies, 2001. 19 January 2001. Available from www.tbsjournal.com/Articles.htm. Shadid, A. and G. Staff. ‘‘Global impact of Arab media.’’ The Boston Globe, 10 October 2001, p.19. Sharon, W. ‘‘Arab TV’s strong signal; The al-Jazeera network offers news the Middle East never had before, and views that are all too common.’’ The Washington Post, 4 December 2001. Soueif, A. ‘‘It provides the one window through which we can breathe.’’ Guardian Newspapers Limited, 9 October 2001, p. 4. Williams, D. ‘‘Al-Jazeera ascends to world stage.’’ The Washington Post, 13 October 2001, p. A22. —Philip J. Auter and Khalid Al-Jaber

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LA RÉUNION BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Department of Réunion

Region (Map name):

Africa

Population:

720,934

Language(s):

French, Creole

Literacy rate:

79%

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Situated in the Indian Ocean, off the southeastern African coast, east of Madagascar, the tropical, volcanic island now known as Réunion, has a long colonial past. When it was discovered in 1513 by the Portuguese, who named it Bourbon Island, there were no inhabitants. Between the seventeenth and nineteenth century, French, Africans, Chinese, Malabar Indians and Malays gradually populated it. In spite of its small size (207 km of coastline), the island became a favorite and strategic stopover on the East Indies trade route. It changed hands several times, first becoming French. After a blockade, it fell into the hands of the English for a brief time and was then handed back to France. It is now an overseas property of France. The capital is Saint-Denis.

sentatives to the French Senate. French is the official language, but Creole is widely used. In the 1970s and until 1981, Albert Ramassamy defended the use of Creole in schools. The controversy surrounding the question of language became important. On one side there were the partisans of integration, on the other the autonomists. The same cultural question continues to have political and ideological implications as the question of power arises. Historical Press The local press dates back to 1773, when the Port Louis Royal Press published the first French-language newspaper. It was launched by Pierre Saunois and Pierre Poivre, who landed in l’Isle de France in 1767. The paper bore the long name of Annonces, affiches et avis divers pour les colonies des Isles de France et de Bourbon (Announcements, Posters and other notices for the Islands of France and Bourbon colonies). It was the official government publication for legal announcements, but it made the creation of an informative newspaper possible. Under constant censorship it disappeared in 1790. A new press was created in 1792. Directed by Abbot Delsuc, Le Vrai Républicain (The True Republican) or Journal Politique et Littéraire de l’Isle Bourbon (Political and Literary paper of Bourbon Island) had a difficult start in 1794. It went through several crises due first to a shortage of paper, then to maintenance and financial problems, and finally a Spanish flu epidemic which took the lives of several critical press workers, before disappearing after only one year. La Patrie Créole lost in the same year its chief editor, its feature writer and two other workers.

It was estimated that some 732,570 inhabitants lived there in 2001 with an estimated population growth of 1.57 percent. Life expectancy is about 73 years. Literacy among people aged 15 and over is about 79 percent.

In 1804, Icery and Boyer created a new successful press and managed to publish La Gazette de l’Isle de La Réunion (The Reunion Island Gazette) It was the ancestor of L’indicateur Colonial (The Colonial Indicator), which later became Le Moniteur (The Monitor).

The French constitution of September 28, 1958, and French law are in effect. La Réunion elects three repre-

News Media In 1831, Nicol de la Serve animated the Francs-Créoles Association and created Le Furet (The

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LA RÉUNION

Ferret), criticizing the administration. In February 1833, de la Serve created an underground paper, Le Salézien. Other legal papers appeared as well, such as Le Glaneur (The Gleaner, 1832), Le Colonial (1833), L’indicateur Colonial (1835), Le Conservateur (1837), and Le Courier de Saint-Paul (1843). Some of the landmarks in the history of the press include Antoine Roussin’s La Semaine (The Week), which brought illustration, caricatures and humor to the island; in 1879, Le Sport Colonial became the first sports newspaper. In 1880, a decree announced that French laws would be applied in La Réunion. This change helped the diffusion of newspapers and put an end to archaic laws applied on the island. In 1887, the first republican newspaper reflected social issues. Le Salazien-moniteur, later called Le Journal des Communes became a big success and a daily. The information came slowly and the colonial press suffered from isolation. This state of affairs lasted until 1906 when the telegraph finally linked La Réunion to the rest of the world. Up to 1906, 189 periodical titles had been printed on La Réunion. However, the modern press was really born between 1914 and 1939, a prolific period when 28 newspapers were started like Le Progrès, Dieu et Patrie (God and Country), and La Démocratie. After the Second World War in 1944, Témoignages (The Witness), a newspaper with communist affiliations, was started, and it became a daily in 1958. The persecution of this paper by the prefet became so bad that in 1961 alone, the paper was confiscated 13 times. Not surprisingly, the revolt against such treatment led to a trial in which the prefet was condemned to pay 25,000 Francs to the newspaper and to return the illegally confiscated papers. The outcome of this trial certainly had a positive influence in respect to the enforcement of law on the island. In 1951 Le Journal de l’Ile de la Réunion, first published in 1899 by Joseph Bertho, was launched again by Fernand Cazal with a highly professional team. It was an anti-government publication, and it competed with the four most powerful papers of the time: Témoignages, Le People, La Démocratie and Le Progrès. By 1976, it faced the added competition of Le Quotidien de la Réunion. Roughly at the same time, in 1972, Antoine Minatchy, interested in theatre and movies, with personal experience in Roger Planchon’s theatre and in a Truffaut’s movie, created the bi-monthly Les Cahiers de la Réunion et de l’Océan Indien. This publication lasted for less than ten years, at which point technology drove several publications out of business.

ECONOMIC BACKGROUND Largely agricultural with sugarcane as the main crop (85 percent of exports), La Réunion is turning to tourism 764

in the hope of relieving the staggeringly high unemployment (42.8 percent of the working age population in 1998). As a result of these economic difficulties there are serious social discrepancies. Caucasians and Indians generally do well but minority groups are particularly poverty stricken, in the manner of many African countries. Strikes are severe and led to rioting in 1991. With an estimated per capita GDP of only US $4,800 (1998 est.), La Réunion depends heavily on French financial aid for its well-being. The Euro replaced the French franc as currency in January 2002, but it remains to be seen what effect, if any, this will have on La Réunion’s economy.

PRESS LAWS AND CENSORSHIP The English blockade of news ended in 1810 when Bourbon became English. La Gazette became The Isle of Bourbon Government Gazette. After the four first editions were published in English, Farquhar decided to publish the fifth and subsequent ones in a bilingual French / English edition and turned the paper into a weekly. The English also decided against censorship, to facilitate their relation with the French until they finally returned the island to France in 1815. La Gazette was at the time the only paper on the island, and it returned to its former name. True freedom of the press did not come until 1848. By 1849, there was a choice of eight newspapers that all had a special agenda in respect to slavery: Le Conservateur (The Conservative) and Le Journal du Commerce with journalist Freslan supported slavery, whereas Démocratie Coloniale (Colonial Democracy) with Auguste Brunet defended the emancipation of slaves. Frightened by the turn of events, the Republic passed the law of August 7, 1850 against ‘‘direct or indirect provocation’’. People who did not comply were condemned to three months to two years jail sentences or fines of 500 to 4,000 francs. A December 2, 1851 coup put an end to what freedom of the press had existed. On February 17 and 23, 1852, laws were passed that stated that newspapers were to be authorized by Napoleon III. His delegate on the island was the Governor. Per an article passed May 11, 1868, the Governor alone could decide whether or not to authorize publication. He moreover had the right to suspend or confiscate a newspaper if he deemed it dangerous. In spite of the conditions, new papers continued to appear, such as Le Travail, (Labor) Le Progrès Colonial (The Colonial Progress), and Le Nouveau Salézien. In 1880, the metropolitan law was applied to La Réunion, which gave freedom to printing and book storekeeper professions. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ROMANIA

BROADCAST MEDIA In 1997, there were some 173,000 radios and 127,000 television sets on the island. There were two AM stations and 55 FM stations broadcast from La Réunion. No short-wave radio was available. Television broadcast stations included 22 stations plus 18 low-power repeaters.

Clicanoo. STOR Informatique, 2000. Available from www.clicanoo.com. Serviable, Mario, and Karine Técher. Histoire de la presse à la Réunion. Available from www.promore union.com. —Danielle Raquidel

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA As early as 1996, Le Journal de l’Ile had launched its web version on a local provider. By early 1998, it already had more than 50,000 connections. Its address, http://www.jir.fr, presently receives 300 to 400 daily connections. Le Quotidien (The Daily) and Presse Économique (Economics Press) also have websites. There are several relatively new websites. La-vague.net is a press agency site and the first structured search tool exclusively dedicated to la Réunion and the Western Indian Ocean area; it lists more than 1200 referenced sites, 3000 qualified contacts already. In 2000 there were approximately 10,000 Internet users on La Réunion.

ROMANIA BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Romania

Region (Map name):

Europe

Population:

22,364,022

Language(s):

Romania, Hungarian, German

Literacy rate:

97.0%

Area:

237,500 sq km

GDP:

36,719 (US$ millions)

Number of Television Stations:

48

Number of Television Sets:

5,250,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

234.8

Number of Cable Subscribers:

3,532,480

Cable Subscribers per 1,000:

157.7

Number of Satellite Subscribers:

320,000

Satellite Subscribers per 1,000:

14.3

SUMMARY

Number of Radio Stations:

245

Because of La Réunion’s strategic location, it developed a network of print media early in its colonial period. Newspapers reflecting varying points of view are published there, and publications are beginning to move towards the Internet as a means of expanding their audiences and accessibility. La Réunion is well prepared for its media to move into the twenty-first century.

Number of Radio Receivers:

7,200,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

321.9

Number of Individuals with Computers:

713,000

Computers per 1,000:

31.9

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

800,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

35.8

EDUCATION & TRAINING Students in journalism have traditionally been trained in France, but the University of La Réunion now offers a degree in Information and Communication Sciences. After 1981, school children turned to radio as their favorite means of expression. Two Radio Télévision Françaises d’Outremer (RFO) programs ‘‘Embrayages’’ (The Clutch) and ‘‘Journal des Jeunes’’ also proved important to this generation. In 1990, encouraged by the National Education Initiative, students returned to newspapers that they had neglected for some time. School newspapers even had judiciary status. In March 1997, students claimed a way of life and demonstrated and proposed a list of candidates for the regional elections. Such publications include Totem-la-Tribu, Le Crieur des Facs and L’Étudiant déchaîné.

The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). World Factbook 2001. Directorate of Intelligence, 2002. Available from www.cia.gov. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Historical Overview Although a new nation, Romania has an ancient history. During the Roman Empire, Romania was the province of Dacia. For centuries, Romania was a battleground between opposing forces, Romans versus Germanic invaders, Christianity against pagan faiths, Magyars battling Teutonic knights, and Mongols fighting native Romanians for the control of the principalities of Walachia, Moldavia and Transylvania. These same principalities were short-lived nation states united briefly during the reign of Michael the Brave (15931601). The more powerful empires of the Ottomans and Habsburgs divided the region with Walachia and Moldavia coming under the control of Constantinople, and Transylvania under Habsburg rule from Vienna. Besides Michael the Brave, only Vlad Tepes, prince of Transylvania and later Walachia, gained international renown as nineteenth-century British author Brom Stoker’s model for the fictional Dracula. During the next 250 years, the region that would become Romania remained divided by its Muslim Ottoman and Roman Catholic German overlords. In the eighteenth century, Ottoman influence was gradually replaced with Russian involvement in Romania politics. With support from Great Britain and France, a united Romania was born in 1861 under the leadership of Alexandru Cuza. Cuza’s reforms quickly lost support among Romania’s nobles, politicians, and clergy. A military coup in 1866 ended Cuza’s reign. The great powers intervened and selected a German prince from the Roman Catholic House of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen to govern Romania. King Carol (Charles) I governed Romania from 1866 until his death in 1914. A constitutional government was established, the Romanian Orthodox Church declared the official state religion, and a reformed legal system adopted. Romania’s 1866 Constitution guaranteed freedom of the press and an end to censorship. King Carol navigated Romania’s conflicting internal demands for land reform, and anti-Semitism and nationalistic desires, to expand Romania at the expense of the Ottoman and Habsburg empires. Successful participation in the Second Balkan War of 1913 added the Black Sea coastal region of Dobruja, captured from Bulgaria, to a Greater Romania. King Carol, a German and a distant cousin of the German Kaiser Wilhelm II, signed a secret alliance with the Central Powers. Declining health found Carol unable to force Romania to join Germany and neighboring Austria-Hungary 766

in World War I. Carol died in 1914 and while Romania suffered four years of invasion and desolation at the hands of Germans, Hungarians and Bulgarians, the defeat of the Central Powers ultimately added to the Romanian kingdom the districts of Bessarabia and Bukovina from the Soviet Union and Transylvania from Hungary. A revised constitution was enacted in 1923 with Articles 5, 25, and 26 devoted to freedom of the press. Censorship and press restrictions were not countenanced and all citizens regardless of rank or status guaranteed the same press and speech freedoms. During the reigns of Ferdinand I (1914-1927) and his successor, grandson, Mihai I (1927-30), the Romanian press flourished and rivaled in number and professionalism those of Western Europe. Romania’s print media numbered more than 1,300 newspapers before 1938 with 140 being daily newspapers. There were more than 2,250 magazines and other specialty publications printed in Romania. The freedom the press enjoyed changed when the young King Mihai was deposed. King Carol II, who ruled from 1930-1940, gradually reduced the freedoms Romanians enjoyed under the 1923 Constitution. In 1938 a royal dictatorship was established in collaboration with Romania’s Fascist Iron Guards that sent the democratic forces into exile or hiding. The brutal destruction of Poland by Hitler, the collapse of France and the menacing troop movements along Romania’s border with the Soviet Union forced King Carol to bring Romania into the Axis Alliance—but at his country’s expense. Large sections of Romania were surrendered to Hungary and Bulgaria. The Soviet Union demanded and got Bessarabia and Bukovnia, in exchange for not invading. Carol II was unable to politically survive these territorial concessions. Iron Guard General Ion Antonescu deposed Carol in 1940 and restored King Mihai to the throne. From 1940 until Antonescu’s overthrow in 1943, Romanians suffered at the hands of a brutal regime. The Antonescu regime suppressed all opposition. The retreat of German forces in 1943 brought Romania’s democratic parties and politicians back into the public arena. They formed an alliance with King Mihai, who fired Prime Minister General Antonescu and restored the 1923 Constitution. Remarkably the overthrow of Antonescu led to a brilliant, though brief, flowering of the Romanian press. New democratic dailies Democratul, Curierul, and Jurnalul de Dimineata each quickly reached circulations of more than 100,000. The newly emerged democratic parties printed their own publications, Dreptatea, Liberalul, and Libertatea. By September 1944, Curierul’s circulation numbered around 350,000. King Mihai’s new government abolished the Iron Guard’s Propaganda WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ROMANIA

Ministry. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs was given responsibility for the news media in order to protect and reassure foreign journalists in Romania. Law No. 462, published in the Official Bulletin (Monitorul Oficial) No. 218/1944, stated that there would be no administrative censorship whatsoever except for the customary war censorship exercised by military personnel. The Allied (Soviet) Control Commission established in Bucharest in 1944 changed everything. Soviet and Romanian Communist authorities began to restrict press freedoms. Article 16 of the Armistice allowed the authorities to regulate the printing, importation, and distribution in Romania of periodicals and other publications as well as radio broadcasts, the postal, telegraph, and telephone communications networks. Annex F of the agreement allowed the Romanian government and its organs to act in accordance with the instructions of the (Soviet dominated) Allied Control Commission. The Control Commission imposed strict censorship on all forms of communication, particularly the press. Soviet occupation forces published their own Romanian language newspaper, Graiul Nou. Romania’s official news agency Rador was increasingly overruled and ignored by directives issued by Graiul Nou. Democratul was suppressed for offending the Soviet Army and its editor jailed. Curierul had part of its operation taken over by the Red Army and Communist Party newspapers. Viitorul was suppressed at the insistence of the Soviet legation in Bucharest. Universul was suspended from publication and purchased by a communist organization. In the provinces, the oldest Romanian language newspaper, Gazeta Tansilvaniei, published in Brashov, was suspended from publication. Only Communist Party media were free to publish. Dispatches from foreign noncommunist correspondents had to clear Soviet censors. The publications of Romania’s political parties were shortened in length and frequently found their text substituted with communist writings. A useful tool of the communists was to gain control over the typesetter’s unions, which refused to print articles or news that was critical of the Soviets. Soviet influence extended to the sale and distribution of newsprint, which was distributed to only Communist propaganda organs. Administrative Order No. 3395, published March 22, 1945, decreed the need to preserve the secrecy of military operations, domestic order, and state security. Supervision of all Romanian and foreign publications distributed and published in Romania were regulated by the Allied Control Commission. Law No. 102 and Order No. 3595, published in the Official Gazette February 12, 1945, emphasized that the Romanian press would be purged of all fascist elements. A purge commission was quickly established. Many jourWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

nalists were arrested and disappeared. Freedom of association ended in Romania. Only communist journalists were published. The Communist government on January 8, 1946, gave assurances that Romania respected freedom of the press. A few political parties continued to publish, primarily the National Peasant Party’s Dreptatea and Patria and the Liberals’ Liberalul and Natiunea Romana. The Social Democrats were denied publication rights. In 1946 just 26 newspapers continued to publish. Only six could be described as independent publications. Both censorship and the high cost of newsprint destroyed the remaining privately owned publications. After the Paris peace treaties were signed in February 1947, Romania’s last two political opposition newspapers, Dreptatea and Liberalul, ceased publication. The independents, Jurnalul de Dimineata, Monentul, Fapta, Finante si Industrie, and Bursa were suppressed and ended publication in January 1948. The combined circulation of all five newspapers had barely numbered 120,000. The death of freedom of the press in Romania corresponded with the forced abdication at gunpoint of King Mihai on December 30, 1947. The king was sent into exile. With the non-communist press all but destroyed, communist publications began to proliferate. The major communist newspapers were Scanateia, Romania Libera, and Viata Sindicala. After the proclamation of the Peoples Republic of Romania in 1948, additional newspapers were added: Glasul Armatei, Contemproanul, Romaniai Magyar Szo, Scanteia Tineretului, Libertatea, Scanteia Pionierului, Neuer Weg, Gazeta Invatamantului, Urzica, Scanteia, and Satelor. Combined circulations numbered more than 2.7 million readers. Romania’s new constitution guaranteed rights, liberties, and full access to the press. Under Romania’s Communist regime, the press was subservient to the Communist Party. The Central Committee and the Political Bureau of the party controlled the media through their propaganda sections. Regional and local presses were given their instructions by local Communist authorities. The Central Committee of the Romanian Workers’ Party proclaimed in March 1951 that all printed materials must conform to the high principals and spirit of the party. Decrees No. 62 and 64 created the Ministry of Arts and Information, which was assigned the responsibility to monitor the Directorate of Press and Printing, state news agencies and the media. During the 1950s and 1960s while under a succession of Romanian Communist leaders, the media served as a propaganda tool for indoctrination and disinformation. The media was controlled by an interlocking group of party and state organizations, supervising bodies, and operating agencies that controlled both print and broadcast media. Romania’s newly revised constitution in 767

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1965 promised freedom for the media, but the media was not permitted to print or broadcast information deemed hostile to the socialist system or the interests of the working people. Romania’s 1965 adoption of a new constitution coincided with the selection of Nicolae Ceausescu as president. Ceausescu found favor with the West for his independent form of nationalistic communism. The Romanian Communist Party had full control over all information agencies including the Council for Socialist Culture and Education, and the Council of Romanian Radio and Television. In 1985, Elena Ceausescu, Nicolae Ceausescu’s wife, chaired the National Council for Science and Education created to establish uniform policies in science, technology, and education. The propaganda and media section of the Central Committee supervised all publications. The Romanian Press Agency, individual publishing houses, printing establishments, book distribution centers, motion picture studios, and radio and television stations were all regulated by the Central Committee’s initiatives. The number of print media publications in Romania dropped under Ceausescu from 51 dailies, 23 weeklies, and two semiweeklies in 1969, to 36 dailies and 24 weeklies in 1985. The daily with the largest circulation was Scinteia, founded in 1931 as the mouthpiece of the Central Committee of the Communist Party. Originally an eight-page daily, it was condensed during the Ceausescu years to a four-page daily and one six-page publication per week. This newspaper’s articles were reprinted in provincial newspapers, shop bulletins, and enterprise newsletters. Romania Libera, founded in 1942 by the Socialist Unity Front, concentrated on local issues although some news stories were about international events. This newspaper was the only one allowed to have advertisements—but just one page. Other major communist newspapers included the weekly Munca, the youth oriented Scinteia Timeretului, the Hungarian daily Elore, and the German daily Neuer Weg. All published official government positions. The number of periodicals also decreased during the Ceausescu period. In 1969, 581 periodicals were printed as compared to 422 in 1985. Periodicals were subjected to the same government control, licensing, and supervision, as were newspapers. Most magazines and journals were party or government entities. Agentia Romana de Presa (Agerpres), created in 1949 as the Romanian Press Agency, was under the control of the Romanian Communist Party. Agerpres collected and distributed all news, pictures, and press items to domestic and foreign media. After 1960, the Communist regime used radio to disseminate propaganda. More broadcast facilities were 768

constructed. Three medium-wave and one FM station broadcast news. An estimated 200 hours of broadcasting was done in 13 languages domestically and to foreign countries by Radio Bucharest. Television came under more scrutiny than did radio broadcasting. In 1984 Ceausescu denounced television as corrupted by Western influences. In 1989 the two national television stations were merged into one with only 22 hours of broadcast time. The Council for Socialist Culture and Education controlled all book publishing. The number of titles published steadily rose from 1955 to 1996 to 9,000 titles, but during the 1980s severe regulations imposed by the Ceausescu regime actually reduced the number of published books to 3,063 titles, with the majority published and written by Ceausescu himself. The Council for Socialist Culture and Education during the Ceausescu era determined publishing guidelines, the number of book distribution centers, the number of books printed, and the prices of books for sale. The number of publishing houses decreased from 25 around 1970 to 18 at the end of the Ceausescu era. As communism collapsed in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, it appeared that Romania’s communist regime would survive. To the surprise of many in the West, a rebellion was started in Timisoara by Hungarian pastor Laszlo Tokes. Tokes was persecuted by the secret police because his sermons attacked Romania’s lack of freedom. Attempts by the Romanian government to evict Tokes from his church were met with resistance. News of the Timisoara rebellion spread rapidly throughout Romania despite of a government-controlled media. Foreign news broadcasts received in Romania kept the flames of rebellion alive. The rebellion spread to Bucharest. Recognizing that the army was deserting him, Ceausescu fled Bucharest only to be captured and executed along with his wife. Although a newly empowered media claimed 70,000 died in the rebellion, the actual total was around 1,000. The deaths of the Ceausescus left a power vacuum quickly filled by former Central Committee member Ion Iliescu. Romania replaced its communist-era constitution with a new one on December 8, 1991. Romania is a parliamentary republic with a president elected by popular vote every four years. A presidential run-off election is held two weeks after the first race if no candidate wins a majority of the vote. The nation’s prime minister is appointed by the president and is advised by a Council of Ministers. Romania’s parliament (Parlament) is a bicameral legislature consisting of a Senate (Senat) with 140 members and a Chamber of Deputies (Adunarea Deputatilor) with 345 members. The membership of both chambers is elected by popular vote on a proportional basis for WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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four-year terms. The Supreme Court of Justice is Romania’s highest judicial court. The president, on the recommendation of the Superior Council of Magistrates, appoints judges. The nation’s legal system is a mixture of the civil law system and communist legal theory. Legal revisions are molded on France’s constitution for the Fifth Republic. Late Twentieth Century Media Figures After the revolution of 1989, the Romanian people indicated their need for information by their increased purchasing of daily newspapers. The daily newspapers Adevarul and Romania Libera each increased circulation to about 1.5 million readers within a year. A number of other Bucharest dailies saw readership soar to around 700,000. Since 1990 circulations have declined because of higher printing costs, a decline in government subsidies, lack of advertising revenue, and the increased cost of the newspapers. A report by the European Journalism Center noted that it is difficult to distinguish between Romanian newspapers printing tabloid stories for newspapers and newspapers, which cover more legitimate stories. The European Institute for the Media reported that Romanian newspapers offered superficial coverage of important political events and seldom probed the activities of government officials. In 2001, there were 15 privately owned national newspapers, including: Evenimentul Zilei, Romana Libera, Ziua, Adevarul, Libertatea, and Sotidianul. Both Vocea Romaniei and Dimineata receive government subsidies. Major minority newspapers are the Hungarian language daily Romaniay Magyar Szo and the German language daily Deutsche Algemeine Zeitung. Romania had an estimated 100 daily newspapers in 1999 and more than 2,200 periodicals, including 200 periodicals published in minority languages. In 1999 Romanian publishing houses printed 8,000 titles. Romania’s major morning dailies, all published in the capital, Bucharest (with 1995 circulations in parentheses) included: Adevarul (150,000), Azi (20,000), Cotidianul (26,000), Cronica Romana (100,000), Curierul National (40,000), Dimineata (40,000), Economistul (35,000), Evenimentul Zilel (350,000), Nine O’Clock (30,000), Romanian Libera (175,000), Tineretul Liber (60,000), Vocea Romaniel (50,000), and Vremea (15,000). The sole major evening newspaper was Libertatea (60,000). Major general interest periodicals are the following weeklies: Cuvintul (1995 circlation of 100,000), Express, (170,000), Flacara, (12,000), and Lumea Magazin (60,000). Special-interest publications include the weekly periodicals Dreptatea (6,700), Tribuna Economica (40,000), and Via Medicala, a health publication (35,000). Monthly periodicals include the women’s magazine Femeia (70,000), Magazine Istoric (110,000), and the Jurists Union publication Palatul de Justitie (75,000). WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK The population of Romania is overwhelmingly Romanian (90 percent). The nation’s remaining population is distributed among ethnic Hungarians (7 percent), Germans (0.5 percent), and Ukrainians (0.3 percent). More than 70 percent of the population belongs to the Romanian Orthodox Church. Other practicing religions in Romania include: Roman Catholic (3 percent), Uniate Catholic (3 percent), and Protestant (6 percent). An estimated 18 percent of Romanians are not affiliated with any religion. Romanian, Hungarian, and German are the nation’s major spoken languages. Although Romania is one of Europe’s poorest nations, the country is rich in natural resources and economic potential. The nation is burdened with an antiquated industrial base from decades of communist mismanagement. Romania’s transition to democracy found Romanians holding the government responsible for questionable business practices, charges of corruption, and the failure to rapidly privatize state-owned industry. During the 1990s, Romanians witnessed a rapid decline in real wages and living standards. Romania’s labor force is distributed between agriculture (40 percent), industry (25 percent), and services (35 percent). The nation’s major industries produce textiles and footwear, light machinery and auto assembly, mining, timber, construction materials, metallurgy, chemicals, food processing, and petroleum refining. The agricultural sector produces for export wheat, corn, sugar beets, sunflower seeds, potatoes, grapes and sheep.

PRESS LAWS The overthrow of the Ceausescus ended decades of media restrictions. Within three years Romanian media proliferated and exercised considerable freedom of expression. There is growing concern that Romania may be limiting the media after changes to the penal code and the 2001 adoption of a new state’s secrets law. The 1996 Penal Code makes it a criminal offense to insult public officials and sets penalties for libel as two years in prison, and for slander, five year in prison. Law No. 40 of the penal code governs irresponsible journalism. The government’s assertion is that the law was not designed to harass journalists; journalists claim the law can be used to intimidate them. The Committee to Protect Journalists is following the parliamentary changes in the penal code. In 1999, a number of journalists were confronted with libel suits, arrested, or physically harmed. Each journalist was reporting on alleged corruption by government officials. In August 2000, parliament debated a freedom of information bill that established procedures to gain access 769

ROMANIA

to information, placed time limits for information disclosure, and included an appeals process. Simultaneously, the Romanian parliament debated a new state secrets law that would limit journalists’ ability to access government information or information from government officials.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS The Ministry of Public Information is under the Department of Communication and Public Image. The ministry’s responsibilities are to elaborate on public policy and apply the national strategy and policy in the fields of pubic information, interethnic relations, and relations with Romanians from abroad. It initiates and promotes specific normative documents and assents the national settlements in the mentioned fields of responsibility. The ministry formulates proposals of harmonization for Romanian legislation in public information and minority protection fields compatible with European legislation. The ministry represents state interests before international bodies and organizations on communication issues, initiates and negotiates agreements, conventions, and other international treaties or proposes continuance of existing ones. During 2001, journalists in Romania found themselves involved in an increasing number of libel lawsuits, which allegedly prevented them from writing news stories. The newspaper Evenimentul Zilei was fighting 100 libel lawsuits. Romanian courts do not hold preliminary hearings; therefore the validity of the lawsuit cannot be quickly evaluated. Twenty journalists were given suspended sentences for libel convictions. For some the fine was higher than their annual income. A European Union Report stated that press freedom in Romania was undermined by the extensive use of legal proceedings against journalists, particularly those investigating alleged government corruption. In January 2002, a former presidential aide was indicted after accusing Romania’s current prime minister with corruption and distributing the report to embassies and foreign nationals in Romania. Members of the Helsinki Committee on Human Rights expressed concern about the security of freedom of expression and the press in Romania.

CENSORSHIP Article 30 of Romania’s 1991 Constitution guarantees freedom of expression is inviolable for thoughts, opinions, beliefs and any creation by words in writing, pictures, by sounds, or means of communication in public. All censorship is prohibited. Freedom of the press involves the free setting up of publications. No publication may be suppressed. The law may impose the obligation of the mass media to identify their sources of income. Freedom of expression is not prejudicial to the dignity, 770

honor, or privacy of the person. Each person has the right to one’s own image. Any defamation of the country and the nation, any instigation to a war of aggression, to national, racial, class, or religious hatred, any incitement to discrimination, territorial separatism, or public violence, as well as any obscene conduct contrary to morality, shall be prohibited by law. Civil liability for any information or creation made public falls upon the publisher or producer, the author, the producer of the artistic performance, the owner of the copying facilities, radio or television station, under the terms laid down by law. Law shall establish indictable offenses of the press. Article 31 gives each person the right of access without restriction to any information of public interest. Public authorities are bound to provide for the correct information of the citizens in public affairs and matters of personal interest. The right to information is not to be prejudiced to protect the young or national security. Public and private media are bound to provide correct information to the public. Public radio and television are autonomous. They must guarantee any important social and political group the exercise of the right to be on the air. The organic law of the state shall regulate the organization of these services and the parliamentary control over their activity.

NEWS AGENCIES Romania is served by three news agencies. The government news agency is Rompres. Private news agencies in Romania are Apres-Romania Libera and Mediafax. All three agencies are based in Bucharest. Romania has three associations of journalists, the Journalists Trade Union (SZR), Professional Journalists Union (UZP), and the Romanian Journalists Association (AZR). The Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs issues Press Cards, an important document of identification for all journalists accredited in Romania. It is a basic condition for access to all public institutions including the Office of the President, government agencies, parliament, and invitations to special events. A card is issued once an applicant has provided documents from the agency the journalist is affiliated with and their conditions of employment, photocopies of their passport, visas, photographs, and detailed curriculum vitae. Cards expire at the end of a year but are renewable provided the journalist had published a relevant number of articles, commentaries, and news items about Romania or provided material relevant to productions broadcast on Romanian television or radio.

BROADCAST MEDIA In 1992 the National Audiovisual Council was authorized to grant broadcasting audiovisual licenses to priWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ROMANIA

vate stations. Between 1992 and 1999, 2,046 cables licenses, 217 television licenses, 341 radio broadcasting licenses, 14 satellite television station licenses, and nine satellite radio station broadcast licenses were granted. Radio and television stations broadcast in Romanian, Hungarian, and German. Romania’s government television station is Televiziunea Romana. Romania’s major private television station is Soti TV. TVR International broadcasts satellite programming. The governmentsponsored radio station is Radiodifuziunea Romana. Public radio stations broadcast three radio programs on medium wave and FM. Under the Ceausescu regime all television was under communist control. Ceausescu talked to Romanians two hours each day. Television reception from satellite television was monitored by the communist regime’s secret police. Since the 1989 revolution, privately owned television broadcasts rapidly filled the needs of information-starved Romanians. Their Western counterparts absorbed many of these Romanian television stations because they lacked sufficient funding, up-to-date technology, and professional expertise. The Americanfinanced Central European Media Enterprises (CME) is Romania’s first national commercial network and offers the nation PRO TV. PRO TV has been criticized for its bias in support of pro-NATO positions and reformminded political parties. Privately owned and operated Antena 1 and Tele 7abc are attacked for their anti-Semitic reporting and nationalistic positions. International funding of Romania’s media runs the risk of shaping pubic opinion in conflict with national interests. Nevertheless, international investment in the media brings the Romanian people into the information world of the European Union nations. Employees of the state-run television network TVR no longer hold secure jobs. State broadcast workers have experienced periods of wages not being paid and extensive layoffs. The lack of government and private Romanian funding for the broadcast media offers the possibility that needed Romanian based programming will be neglected. In 2001 Romania had 50 privately owned television stations and more than 100 privately owned radio stations. State television and radio cover more of the nation, particularly rural areas. Both the Romanian Broadcasting System and the Romanian Television Corporation, now independent and public-service oriented, jointly regulate state run radio and television. All private and public stations are under the jurisdiction of the National Audiovisual Council (NAC), which distributes broadcast licenses and regulates the airwaves. State-owned Television Romania operates three chanWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

nels: TVR1 reaches an estimated audience of 90 percent; TVR2 reaches 60 percent of Romanians; TVR International has five national channels, an international channel, five regional broadcast studios, and its own programming. Major privately owned television stations include: Pro TV, Antena I, Tele 7abc, Dacia Europa Nova, Prima TV, and TV Sigma. Romania’s major private radio stations are Radio Contact, Radio ProFM, Radio Total, Radio Delta, and Radio 2M.

ELECTRONIC MEDIA The Internet is increasingly an important method of communication in Romanian businesses, universities, libraries, and public facilities. Internet cafes are more numerous, although Internet access is limited by the high cost of telephone service. An increasing number of media are offering online publications. Romanian magazines online include: Capital, CSVD, Evenimentul Zilei, Prosport, and Revista 22. Unclassified media online includes: Expres International Review, Nord-Est Publishing House, Romania Revue, Times of Romania, and Tribuna/Press and Publishing. Online news agencies are: Arpress, Mediafax, and Rompres. Daily newspapers online include: Adevarul, Adevarul de Cluj, Bursa, Cotidianul, Curentul, Dialog-Brasov, Erdely Naplo, Expres/ Bucharest, Flagrant Independent, Gazeta de Branesti, Romania, Journal of Sibiu, Journalist, Libertatea, Monitorul, Monitorul de Botosani, National, Observator, Pro Sport, Romania Libre, Szabadsag, Telegraf, TimesRomanian Monitor, Timisoara, Transilvania Express, Viata Libera, Vitorul Romanesc, and Ziua. Online nondaily newspapers are: Clujeanul Weekly, Academia Cata771

ROMANIA

(FJMCS) program at the University of Bucharest was founded in 1990. Its purpose is to train journalists in order to meet the needs of the contemporary media. The program is distinguished by a hands-on style of training in order to create professional journalists. The FJMCS program is the national model used at other Romanian universities. During the 1999/2000 academic year, 24 full-time professors, 14 visiting professors from other Romanian institutions of higher learning, and more than 30 media professionals, public relations personnel, and advertising groups were on the FJMCS staff. Students can earn a master’s degree in either Journalism or Public Communications. There is a doctoral program in Communication Studies. The FJMCS program holds the presidency of the Association of Schools of Journalism in Eastern and Central Europe.

vencu, Brassoi Lapok, Contrast, Romanian Media Company, Valeriu Bargau, and Ziua de Ardeal Newspaper. Radio stations online are: CD Radio Napoca, Radio CLUJ, Radio Cluj, Radio Europa FM, Radio Romania, Radio S.O.S., Radio-Romania, Radio-Romania/Department, Romanian Radio and Television, and Uniplus Radio. Television stations online include: Antena 1, Realitatea TV, Romanian Public Television, Tele 7abc, TV5 Euroope/TV Sigma, and TV Antena 1.

EDUCATION AND TRAINING Founded in 1994, the Center for Independent Journalism (CIJ) is an independent non-governmental, nonprofit organization offering courses and specialized training for journalists and media organizations. It offers courses, seminars, debates, roundtables, and professional assistance focusing on the media’s problems. Specific courses have included: news writing, interview techniques, writing skills, the reporting of political, investigative, economic, and environmental issues, communications, new media, photojournalism, and media legislation. CIJ is an extension of the Independent Journalism Foundation in New York. CIJ provides Romanian journalists the opportunity to meet American journalists with the primary objective of improving the quality of the media in Romania. Foreign trainers include representatives from the New York Times, ABC, CNN, NBC, NPR, the Philadelphia Inquirer, Press Enterprises, Columbia University, the University of Illinois, and Penn State University. The University of Bucharest is regarded as Romania’s most prestigious institution of higher learning. The Faculty of Journalism and Mass Communication Studies 772

Additional Bucharest-based media study programs are offered at Hyperion University, PRO-Media University, University Spiru Haret, and The Superior School of Journalism in Bucharest (Scoala Superioara de Jurnalistica din Bucuresti). The latter university’s program has a specialization in the written press. Degrees in Journalism and Public Relations after four years of study are offered at two universities in Timisoara, the Institutul de Studii si Educatie Permanenta Tibiscus and Banat University in Timisoara (Universitatea Banatullui din Timisoara).

SUMMARY Romania often has been controlled by outside forces—first the Romans and later the Habsburg and Ottoman Empires. During the twentieth century Romania enjoyed short periods of press freedom, most notably after World War I until the reign of Carol II, and very briefly during World War II from 1943-1945. During the decades of Communist control, basic human rights were brutally suppressed. Under the Ceausescu, regime basic human rights did not exist. After the revolution of 1989, Romania is making progress in bringing Western-style democracy and human rights to its people. These strides were sometimes compromised during the first presidential term of President Ion Iliescu. However, since 1996, there have been substantial improvements. Ilescu’s overtures of national reconciliation to Romania’s former leaders and the Romanian Orthodox Church indicate that the nation is moving in the direction of democracy. It will be difficult to quickly eradicate all authoritarianism in government agencies and from all politicians’ habits, but Romania’s desire to become a member of NATO and the European Union depend on the nation’s commitment to multiparty democracy, a free press, and guarantees of human rights. It is clear that Iliescu wants to leave behind a legacy of democratic leadership, imWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

RUSSIAN FEDERATION

provement in the well being of the Romanian people, the consolidation of democracy, and to ensure Romania’s irreversible attachment to the West. A free press can guarantee that legacy.

World Mass Media Handbook, 1995. New York: United Nations Department of Public Information, 1995. —William A. Paquette, Ph.D.

SIGNIFICANT DATES • 1989: The overthrow and execution of Communist President Nicolae Ceausescu. • 1991: Adoption of a new constitution.

RUSSIAN FEDERATION

• 1992: Temporary return from exile of King Mihai I. • 1996: Election of Democratic Front President Emil Constantinescu.

BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Russian Federation

Region (Map name):

Russia

Population:

145,470,197

Language(s):

Russian, other

Literacy rate:

98.0%

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Area:

17,075,200 sq km

Backman, Ronald D., editor. Romania, A Country Study. Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1991.

GDP:

251,106 (US$ millions)

Number of Daily Newspapers:

2,635

Total Newspaper Ad Receipts:

127 (US$ millions)

As % of All Ad Expenditures:

11.40

Number of Television Stations:

7,306

Number of Television Sets:

60,500,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

415.9

Hitchins, Keith. Rumania 1866-1947. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994.

Number of Satellite Subscribers:

11,275,000

Iliescu, Ion. ‘‘Romania’s Return to Its Western Identity. Internal Reforms and International Security Contribution.’’ Speech delivered Woodrow Wilson Center, Washington, DC, February 7, 2002.

Satellite Subscribers per 1,000:

77.5

Number of Radio Stations:

953

Number of Radio Receivers:

61,500,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

422.8

Number of Individuals with Computers:

6,300,000

Computers per 1,000:

43.3

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

3,100,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

21.3

• 2000: Election of Social Democrat Ion Ilescu as president. • 2001: National Reconciliation leads to a government campaign for Romania to join NATO and the European Union.

Constitution of Romania. Available from www.guv.ro/ engleza/romania/constitutia.htm. Cretzianu, Alexandre. Captive Rumania, A Decade of Soviet Rule. New York: Praeger, 1956. Glenny, Misha. The Balkans, Nationalism, War and the Great Powers, 1804-1999. New York: Viking, 1999. Harrington, Joseph F., Edward Karns, Scott Karns. ‘‘American-Romanian Relations, 1989-1994,’’ In East European Quarterly, 06-22-1995, pp 207(29).

International Journalists’s Network. Available from www.ijnet.org. Kaplan, Robert D. Balkan Ghosts. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1993. Lee, Arthur Gould. Crown Against Sickle. London: Hutchinson & Co., 1953. Lovatt, Catherine. ‘‘Surviving on Schlock.’’ In Central European Review, August 6, 1999. Turner, Barry, editor. Statesman’s Yearbook 2002. New York: Palgrave Press, 2001. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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BACKGROUND & CHARACTERISTICS On the eve of its breakup in December, l99l, the Soviet Union had a population of about 291 million, the third largest in the world. Great Russians made up a slight majority of 52 percent. Non-Russian Asians were clearly growing sharply in numbers and as a percentage of the total population. With the collapse of the USSR, the Russian Federation’s population was down to l45 million. Great Russians totaled 82 percent of the entire population. Of much greater significance, the birthrate in Russia was 9 per l,000; the death rate was l4 per l,000. In the early 2000s, Russia was a largely urbanized nation with about 66 percent of the population living in cities. The largest cities in Russia were Moscow with 9 million, St. Petersburg (formerly Leningrad, 5 million), Nizhni Novogorod (l.4 million), Novosibirsk (l.5 million), Yakaterinburg (l.3 million), Samara (1.2 million) and Omsk (1.1 million). Russia has one of the greatest literary traditions in the world. From Pushkin and Gogol to Dostoyevksy and Tolstoi, down to Pasternak and Solyzenitsyn, the Russian people have always enjoyed great literature and poetry. By contrast, the press and modern journalism came relatively late to Russia. The first printing press reached Moscow only in l564. Peter I founded the first newspaper in Moscow, Vedomsti (The Bulletin) in l703, and technically it lasted until l9l7. At the beginning of the twentyfirst century Russian journalists looked forward to celebrating the 300th anniversary of the founding of the paper in 2003. But everyday realities in Russia worked against a mass circulation press. The vast majority of the Russian people were rural, poor, and illiterate. Enormous distances made travel difficult, and production, transportation, and newspaper distribution very expensive. The reign of Alexander II (l855-8l) marked the real beginning of Russia’s popular press age. The Great Emancipation of l86l ended serfdom across Russia, and Alexander’s attempts to promote education vastly expanded literacy. Censorship laws were modified and revised, though censorship in Imperial Russia continued down to l906. In Western Europe the free press co-occurred largely with democracy and the growth of capitalism and the market economy. In Russia, the popular press developed in a far more inhospitable environment. The press emerged either as an arm of the government relying heavily on state subsidies or among opposition thinkers, many of whom were in and out of prison. Russian (and later Soviet) intellectuals often saw themselves as almost a separate priesthood with a sacrosanct knowledge of ‘‘truth.’’ In the nineteenth century many actually were sons of the 774

Russian Orthodox priesthood, in which marriage was a requirement of ordination. They were known as the raznochintsky or classless intellectuals, and they formed the backbone of early dissident and later revolutionary movements. They were often highly intolerant of any but their own beliefs, a characteristic of many Russian intellectuals down to the early 2000s. The first systematic publication of free, popular press occurred abroad, most of all in London and Paris, to avoid Russia’s harsh censorship. I. G. Golovin put out The Catechism for the Russian People in Paris in l849; Alexander Herzen began publishing his works in London in l853. Then in l863 Andrei Kraveski began publication of the first independent Moscow daily, Golos (The Voice). Unlike previous Russian newspapers, it was not dependant on government subsidies and clearly maintained a liberal, reformist perspective. Many young Russian writers got their start writing for the new popular press, most famously Anton Chekhov. In l863 the government removed heavy restrictions on advertising in the press, thus allowing genuine press independence. Then in l880 Russian newspaper circulation actually exceeded that of magazines. Yet the census of l897 revealed that nearly four Russians out of five could not read or write. In l908, St. Petersburg readers saw the launching of the Gazeta Kopeika (The Kopeck Gazette) which rose to a circulation of 250,000 in l909, nearly twice the circulation of the next leading paper, Russkoe Slova (The Russian Word). In the meantime, the Russian book publishing industry, both fiction and non-fiction, expanded tremendously. On the eve of World War I, Russia in publishing 30,079 titles was the second largest book publisher in the world, after Germany. With the onset of World War I, almost all the Russian press rallied to the Czarist cause. Newspapers became vital in news-starved Russia. Russkoe Slova, conservative and semi-official, had a circulation of 325,000 in l9l3 that rose to over one million by l9l7. The free press helped enlighten the Russian masses in that fateful year and also played a vital role in undermining Kerensky’s Provisional Government. It helped make way for a new world in November, l9l7. Vladimir Ulyanov Lenin understood, as few men of his time, the force of ideas and the power of the press. Published in St. Petersburg in l905, the first legal Bolshevik (Communist) newspaper, Novya Zhizn (New Life) was partially initiated by Lenin. Pravda (Truth) was published in Moscow in l9l2 but suppressed in l9l4. On November l0, l9l7 (three days after the Revolution), the new Bolshevik government issue the ‘‘Decree on the Press,’’ and the ‘‘General Regulation of the Press,’’ which essentially eliminated all opposition media WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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(and re-established censorship in Russia, a far tighter and more thorough censorship than the media had ever known under the Czar). During the period 19l7-l8, the Bolshevik government closed down 3l9 bourgeois papers. In l922 Soviet authorities formally created the Glavnit (censorship office). In l925, the state information system of the USSR headed by the Telegraph Agency of the Soviet Union (TASS) was established. Still the Leninist period (l9l7-25) marked a relatively liberal period in the new Soviet age. In July, l922, at the height of the New Economic Policy, the ten-page edition of Izvestia (The News, the official paper of the Soviet state), had over five pages of advertising. In l925, book production in Russia exceeded the l9l3 level, even though Soviet Russia had lost Finland, the Baltic States, and Poland along its western littoral. The Communist regime put tremendous emphasis on education and literacy in the countryside. By l939, the literacy rate was over 8l percent in the Soviet Union, over twice the rate it had been in l9l4. At the same time, there was an enormous increase both in the number and variety of publications, both in Russian and in a host of minority languages. But the Russian people paid a heavy price for this new literacy. Russian literature, especially after l928, was dominated by Stalin’s ‘‘socialist realism,’’ which emphasized the positive achievements of a socialist society. Most newspaper reporting was dull, turgid, and pedantic. Soviet newspapers (led by Pravda and Izvestia) were physically small (usually six to eight pages) and filled with official announcements and the full text speeches of party officials. There were few photos, and these were usually staged and carefully edited (often editing out political ‘‘non-persons’’). But in a society starved for news and information, even these kinds of newspapers played a vital role. During the Great Patriotic War of l94l to l945, Soviet newspapers were critical in informing, propagandizing, and maintaining morale across the country, at the front, and even behind the front, among hundreds of thousands of partisans behind German lines.

of l0.7 million (making it the largest circulation newspaper in the world); Izvetia 7 million, Komsomol’s Kaia Pravda (Komsomol Truth) 10 million, Sel’skaia Zhizn (Rural Life) 9.5 million, Trud (Labor) 12.2 million, Sovietskii Sport (Soviet Sports) 4 million, Literaturnaya Gazeta (Literary Newspaper) 2.6 million, and Krasnaya Zvezda (Red Star) 2.4 million. All of these were heavily subsidized by the Communist Party or the Soviet state and were remarkably cheap and popular—or at least widely read, if not popular in the Western sense. All clearly had teleological and political messages. In l980, newspapers were published in 55 languages of the peoples of the Soviet Union and in ten foreign languages. The collapse of the Soviet Union resulted from many factors including economic failures, inflexible leadership (until Gorbachev when it was too late), and everincreasing amounts of knowledge which first seeped and then flooded in from the West. The quality of Soviet press and media greatly improved by the l980s and so had access and dissemination of information. But the Soviet people’s hunger for knowledge and information had exploded exponentially. The Russian people lived more poorly than people in the West and increasingly, through foreign media and word of mouth, theyrealized it. For a long time, dissidents and others blocked from official press sources had adopted a policy of samizdat (self-publication). Originally these private journals, newspapers, and newsletters were written longhand and circulated privately. Later these papers were often mimeographed. The most famous of all samizdat publications was The Chronicle of Current Events, which was founded in l968 and continued in form or another until l990. In the last years of the USSR, samizdat writings were often Xeroxed—frequently by Soviet or Communist Party officials using state or party facilities and offices at night or in off hours. In the l970s the basic print run of samzidat publications was from 20 to 50; in the early l990s, it was sometimes in the tens of thousands.

After World War II, the Soviet peoples had to endure drastic economic shortages and privations, strict censorship, and a cult of the individual, which glorified Stalin. With his death in l953, Soviet media underwent some liberalization and some qualitative improvement, especially with the arrival of slick, Western style magazines. There was a noticeable improvement in the number and quality of newspapers. Headlines became larger, articles shorter, and photographs were more frequent. The number of newspapers per 100 Soviet citizens over the years grew: there were 2 copies in l9l3; 20 in l940; 32 in l960; and 66 in l980.

Exemplified by George Orwell’s 1984, in the l940s and l950s, mass media, technology, and control of information did not necessarily favor the totalitarian state. The August, l990, Law on the Press of the Gorbachev era laid the legal foundation for print media independent of state direction. New independent, privately owned publications and newspapers were allowed. Former official or party newspapers were often bought or brought together by founders or by independent entrepreneurs who determined the policy and content of the papers. Existing assets of media were often simply claimed by those in charge, without any formal kind of compensation or payment.

The most important newspapers at the height of the Soviet era included Pravda with a single issue circulation

The revelation of the abuses of Stalinism and Communist duplicity and corruption drove newspaper circula-

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775

RUSSIAN FEDERATION

tion to exponential highs. Ogonyoky’s (Flame or Beacon) subscriptions went from 600, 000 to 3 million. Komsomalskaya Pravda nominally a weekly youth magazine, reached a circulation of 20 million. Argumenti I Fakti, another weekly, which a few years before went out to 10,000 party propagandists, now topped 35 million. For a few years it was the most widely circulated periodical in the world. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party on Christmas Day, l99l, opened a tremendous media void, creating enormous opportunities for new sources and entrepreneurs who quickly moved in to fill the vacuum. The result was media anarchy and a general information and entertainment free for all. The Russian Federation that emerged from the old Soviet Union was physically smaller (about 76 percent of the former USSR, though, by far, the largest nation in the world). Almost all the territory that Russia lost in breakaway republics was overwhelmingly non-Russian. In the last days of the Soviet Union, the Great Russians were 52 percent of the population, Ukrainians were l5 percent, and Uzbeks and other Asians were also about l5 percent. Many Russians had commented on the gradual ‘‘yellowing’’ of the population. As of 2002, about 82 percent of Russia was Great Russian with Tatars making up 4 percent of the population. As is common after the fall of dictatorial regimes, the free press moved in, enthusiastically but uncertain of its role. For a while, it saw itself as the key factor in liberating the nation and playing a central role in reforming Russia. The period from l988 to l992 marked what many feel was the ‘‘Golden Age’’ of the Russian press. The press saw itself as an equal partner with the new reformist government. As in the nineteenth century, intellectuals and journalists saw themselves as the ‘‘conscience of Russia.’’ There was an explosion of new publications, representing every imaginable cause and issue, not all responsive or responsible. The new atmosphere allowed journalists to appropriate media outlets, especially those in large cities, and particularly those, which formerly belonged to the Communist Party. One Western author, Scott Shane, cited just a few of the new newspapers in the wide spectrum and the causes which they purportedly championed at the time: Democratic Russia (pro-Yeltsin Reformist coalition), The Alternative (Russian Social Democratic Party), Prologue (Federation of Independent Trade Unions of Russia), Nevsky Courier (Leningrad People’s Front), The Cry of Yaroslavl (a military reform group called Parents of Soldiers), Charity (Soviet Charity and Health Fund), Under One’s Breath (Moscow Organization of the Democratic Union), Christian Politics (Russian ChristianDemocratic Party), Lightning (Communist Initiative), 776

Freedom (Moscow chapter of memorial; all profits go to survivors of the Gulag), and Crossing (veterans of the Afghan War). There were in addition, scores of other, non-party independent political papers, religious newspapers, and papers that took up every conceivable cause and issue, for example, animal rights, the environment, and UFOS. There were also a number of intensely nationalist papers and several Jewish and anti-Semitic publications. Many newspapers lasted but a few issues. Most, in keeping with the Communist tradition, were but a few pages long. Some were polemics. Others were tabloids. The new Russian press thrived on scandals and exposes. The Boris Yeltsin regime provided plenty of material. Many papers and journals accused the government of negligence and corruption, as well as bribetaking and cover-ups. A score of Russian journalists and newsmen were killed in their efforts to expose corruption and government connections to organized crime. Other newspapers and forms of media were themselves accused of being in on the corruption and cover-ups. Papers and other media seemed to be ‘‘journalists for hire.’’ They cranked out favorable publicity for those who paid them or character assassination or the threat of character defamation for those who did not. Some deputies in the Duma actually paid to be shown on television. Paid-for articles, nicknamed dzhinsa, became widespread in both new and traditional Russian media and did much to discredit the veracity of Russian journalism. The ‘‘golden age’’ of the Russia press was predictably short-lived. Economic conditions took a sharp down turn in the early l990s, especially as artificially low prices, were allowed to float in l992 in the privatization of Russia’s economy, and most promptly moved skyward. The Russian print media were caught in a classic economic ldbquo;scissors’’ crisis. On the one hand, with the removal of price controls, costs for all raw materials rose exponentially. From l990 to l99l, the price of newsprint alone increased five to seven times. The same happened to the costs of ink, transportation, and new equipment. Mailing costs tripled, but service noticeably declined. On the other hand, the heavy government subsidies that publications depended upon in the Soviet era practically disappeared. The new regime was unwilling and often unable to replace them. At the same time, advertising in the new Russian economy was far too weak and far too limited to take up the difference. What money was spent on advertising tended to go into the radio and television markets. Wages were appallingly low to begin with and were often paid months behind time or not paid at all. After accounting for inflation, some newspapers were paying their employees ten dollars per month. ReWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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porters and journalists were forced to take second and third jobs. Others simply took bribes. In l992, the Moscow-published newspapers with the largest circulation in the former Soviet Union lost about 18 million subscribers. Pravda, the flagship paper of the Soviet period, shrank from 10.5 million subscribers in l985 to 337,000 in l993. Other, more controversial papers, often focusing on ‘‘investigative journalism’’ and exposing corruption in both the public and private sectors, enjoyed peak circulation in the early l990s and rapidly declined or collapsed. The weekly, Argumenty I Fakty (Arguments and Facts), had over 33 million subscribers in l990, but 5.5 million in l994. Izvestia, which had adopted an independent path after the Soviet collapse, had reached a circulation of l0.4 million in l988 but withered to 435,000 in l994. Komsomol Pravda, had reached 22 million readers in l990, but collapsed to 87l, 000 in l994. Not a single major daily exceeded l.5 million subscribers in l993, and most were under a million. By the summer of l995, only four newspapers could really be called Russian in the sense of having a national circulation: Trud (Labor, the trade union paper), Komsomol Pravda, Argumenty I Fakty, and AIDS-Info, a paper oriented to young people. A number of leading Russian newspapers went bankrupt. Others sought support and financial aid from foreign media conglomerates, though these were often short-term relationships. Some papers became more dependent on local or regional government subsidies or reverted to state ownership. The l998 ruble crash destroyed what remained of the currency and the financial markets. Even more, it cut back or completely ended government support and subsidies to many media and television stations. Even before this, government was able to actually pay out only about 20 percent of the promised amounts they had committed to the media. In l999 there were l5, 836 officially registered newspaper titles published in the Russian Federation. There were also 7,577 periodicals. Argumenty I Fakty remained the most popular magazine in Russia though its circulation plummeted from over 30 million to fewer than 3 million in 2000.Izvestia was down to 4l5, 000 in l999. Komsomolskaya Pravda had a circulation of 763,000 in 2000. Compared to l990, the total national circulation of newspapers by l999 was reduced to one-fifth, magazine circulation in the same period decreased to one-seventh. In less than a decade, and far more rapidly than in the West, Russia evolved from its historic role as a ‘‘reading nation’’ to that of a ‘‘watching nation.’’ In l999 overall audience for the print media was 80 percent while television got 95 percent of all Russian viewers and radio got about 82 percent. Thirty-six percent of all Russians found television as the most reliable medium, while only 13 percent define newspapers as reliable. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

As of the early 2000s there were a number of foreign language newspapers, which mainly catered to the large foreign language communities, primarily in Moscow and St. Petersburg. Going back to 1930, the English language Moscow News was a KGB front paper for English speaking visitors in the city. After l99l it became a legitimate independent newspaper, appealing to tourists and business interests, along with The Moscow Times. Both were widely distributed in foreign hotels and businesses, and they offered a combination of political and business news plus tourist information. Since they carried a wide range of advertisements they were usually given away for free. The St. Petersburg Times performed a similar function in that city. There were also German and French publications, but these were dwarfed by the much larger Anglophone audiences. Moscow News had a Russian language circulation of about l20, 000 and an English language edition of 40,000. Advertising helped support press independence, but it was largely concentrated in the big cities, especially Moscow and St. Petersburg, where most wealth and foreign investment were concentrated. Outside these cities, most newspapers tended to be in the hands of local political forces. With the collapse of the big national dailies, there was an upsurge in local and regional papers, some of which were considered quite good and very professional. But they too tended to be highly vulnerable to financial and political pressures, often from local and regional political forces. Private Russian investors or foreign partners have bought up some Russian newspapers and magazines. But in the late 1990s, the Putin regime seemed to have broken the power of private investors over the media. Even more significant than the economic collapse of newspapers and their subsequent demise was the crumbling of public faith in the Russian media. In l990, a sur777

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vey by the Commission for Freedom of Access to Information, a Russian NGO, found that 70 percent of respondents believed the media’s reports. Six year later, a poll by the same organization found that only 40 percent trusted journalists. In 2000 the commission said the figure was l3 percent.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK Historically Russia lagged behind most of Europe, both in terms of economic development and even more, in individual living standards. The forced draft collectivization and industrialization of the l930s were achieved with staggering losses in life and great human suffering. They allowed Soviet Russia by 1941 to leap ahead in industrial terms to become the second greatest industrial power in the world, at least quantitatively. But devastating human and material losses in World War II, along with a grim determination to rebuild industry and the military first, left the average Russian far behind West Europeans and even further behind Americans. Soviet Russia did manage to perform economic miracles both in terms of industrial production and in terms of keeping pace with the United States in the Cold War arms race. But the Soviet economy failed to deliver civilian consumption goods to satisfy the Soviet peoples. As Marshall Goldman wrote in l983, the Soviet Union largely won Khrushchev’s industrial race with the United States, but it won the ‘‘wrong race.’’ In l987, the Soviet Union produced twice as much steel as the United States, but in that same year there were 200,000 microcomputers in the country compared to 25 million in the United States. Russia produced enormous amounts of raw and finished goods, industrial products to satisfy the planners in Moscow not the Russian consumer. At the same time, the Soviets had developed a first rate education system, a good and almost free medical system, and they provided something of a nation-wide welfare and full employment system, though admittedly there was a lot of ‘‘disguised unemployment.’’ For many years the prices of necessities were kept artificially low and relatively stable in Russia with the countryside clearly subsidizing the urban population. Consumers were obviously starved for higher end quality products, and housing was in desperately short supply. The ubiquitous queues characterized the Russian consumer economy, reflecting both consumer goods scarcity and serious under pricing. According to research carried out in l987, some 83 percent of the population paid extra for goods and services outside the official distribution system; they were doing business on the black market. The assumption in the West was that Yeltsin leadership of the Russian Federation only had to put Russia on the path to capitalism, privatize the enormous resources 778

of the state, and give a push, and Russia would be on its way. This action proved to be a disaster. In the European and U.S. traditions, capitalism and the press grew up almost together. Many of the great fortunes in the West were made when one individual (or a group of individuals) discovered a new product, market, or method of manufacture, iron and steel, oil, automobiles, or microchips. These were the success stories of Rockefeller, Carnegie, Ford, and Gates. In Russia, by contrast, the nation had tremendous wealth already created by the blood, sweat, and sacrifices of the Russian people. With the collapse of the old Soviet Union, Boris Yeltsin and his inner circle largely distributed this wealth, especially natural resources, in the form of legal monopolies and trading privileges to various of his cronies and ‘‘insiders.’’ The old restrictions and protections were simply thrown away without regard to consequences or consumer protection. Many old Communist Party apparatchiki (organization men and operators in the old Communist Party network) became rich and corrupt. Personal connections meant everything. Removing price controls in 199l created inflation in Russia somewhat similar to the hyper-inflation of Weimar Germany in l923. A reckless banking system contributed to the collapse of the Russian ruble in l998. Both of these forces destroyed much of the nascent Russian middle class and impoverished almost all citizens on fixed incomes, that is, almost everyone over 55. The gross national product dropped sharply for most of the first decade of post-Soviet rule. However, a handful of Russians in the post-Soviet era become multi-billionaires, largely because of their personal connections to Yeltsin’s Kremlin inner circle. In doing so, some acquired enormous amounts of wealth from the Soviet state for pennies on the dollar, sometimes not even pennies. The big losers were the Russian people, the vast majority of whom eke out livings in factories, on farms, or, especially women, as small time traders on street corners, selling food, pirated videotapes, often in the harshest weather. Many took second and third jobs just to pay for rent and food. Begging on the streets and in the Metro was a professionalized industry in Moscow. Between l99l and l998 there was an economic revolution and a ‘‘new stratification’’ in Russian society. According to a Finnish source, (Nordenstreung, Russia’s Media Challenge) the employed population dropped from 71 percent to 58 percent; pensioners went from l9 to 28 percent; the unemployed climbed to 10 percent; students from 7 to 3 percent; and housewives rose from 4 to 5 percent of the entire population. In the early 2000s Russia’s gross domestic product was about $3,000 per capita per year while that of the WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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United States was about $32,000 per year and Germany’s (even allowing for the depressed former Eastern zone) was about $23,000. Former Soviet satellites had a noticeably higher income level: the Czech Republic, an average income of $ll,700; Hungary, $7,800; and Poland, $7,200. But these statistics reflect comparative income levels that go back to the nineteenth century. After World War II Russia was not able to substantially improve its living standards in comparison to other countries, for example, Germany, Japan, China, and much of East Asia. Living standards for most Russians dropped sharply. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, there was little sense of authentic free enterprise in modern Russia and little real sense of competition. In the Western world, advertisers spend tens of billions of dollars on ads of every kind, amounting to about $200 per person per year in the United States. They spent about $2 per person per year in Russia. The press tended to be small in size and limited in its number of pages. Advertising played a small role in most newspapers, though in l995 both newspapers and television claimed they derived 30 to 50 percent of their budgets from advertising. While one is aware of advertising in the Russian media, it hardly plays the decisive role it does in media empires of the West. Each media empire tends to have its own corporations and advertisers. The only strict rule is that they do not criticize the media owners or their views or political sponsors. There have been a few high profile, high-spending advertisers. Usually these were for luxury items such as foreign cars, clothes, chocolates, or perfumes. One of the few notable Russian exceptions was the MMM pyramid scheme, which in l993 and l994 was the most frequent advertiser on Russian television, guaranteeing almost instant riches. Millions of naive Russians put their life savings into the stock, which rose from about a dollar to over 50 before the inevitable collapse. Interestingly, the slogan of MMM was ‘‘the government has betrayed you, but MMM never has—and never will!’’ A depressed economy directly affects the media. On the other hand, electronic media in many ways reflects the New Russia. Russian broadcast advertising is slick and sophisticated, certainly a match for its Western counterparts. Russian advertising tends to be concentrated at the beginning and end of most programs, allowing viewers to enjoy most programs with less interruption. At the same time, many Russians, especially those living outside Moscow and St. Petersburg, criticize television with its glitzy advertising, claiming it creates a far higher imagined living standard than most Russians can possibly afford and thus produces what in the West used to be called a ‘‘Revolution of Rising Expectations.’’ This induced hopefulness went a long way towards undercutting WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

the old Soviet system. It had a similar effect on the Yeltsin regime. Consequently, quiz shows and give away shows were immensely popular in Russia, even though prizes (cash, clothes, automobiles) were far more modest than those on Western shows. Russia’s greatest foreign exchange earners were exported oil and natural gas, which earn about 40 percent of all exports. As of the early 2000s, the country was the second largest oil and gas exporter in the world. Though not a member of OPEC, Russia did within limits cooperate and follow OPEC guidelines. Base metals earned another 20 percent. The biggest imports included foreign (luxury) automobiles and electronic goods and machinery of every description. Contrary to the United States, Russia did enjoy a massive mercantile balance of payment surplus (exports of $80 billion; imports of about $50 billion). This surplus enabled Russia to make huge interest payments on its massive foreign debts and to pay for massive imports of new technology from the West. Nonetheless, many factors contributed to Russia’s poverty and economic chaos. In part it resulted from Russian capitalists and insiders whose self-serving actions alienated the new regime. Some of these opportunists lived in safety and luxury in London or Madrid or in the United States. Following allegations of misuse of International Money Fund (IMF) funds and loans, an audit was conducted of the Central Bank. Auditors revealed in February, l999, that the bank had diverted some US $50 billion in hard currency reserves over a five-year period into an ‘‘offshore’’ company, which invested and managed the assets for the personal gain of bank staff provoked outrage. After considerable time of unrestricted capitalism, many Russians were thoroughly disillusioned. Perhaps, 779

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they did not want a return to Soviet style Communism, but they seemed more than willing to return to an autocratic government with less free enterprise and more willingness to provide minimal economic and social needs. To some extent, the Putin regime began to move in the more traditional Russian direction. The economy turned around and began to grow strongly in 2000 and 2001. Total foreign investment grew by 23 percent, mainly in the oil industry. Inflation remained high, about l8 percent per year, but it was far more manageable than earlier. Average wages increased to $l43 (4,294 rubles) per month compared with $89 (2,492 rubles) per month in 2000. Approximately 27 percent of citizens continued to live below official monthly subsistence level of $52 (l,574 rubles) per month. Official unemployment remained at about 10 percent, though the real rate of unemployment is much higher. There was a five-fold increase in tax revenues from an admittedly very low level in l998 to 2002. Part of that increase reflected better incomes, a new flat tax rate of 13 percent, and perhaps much more rigorous tax collection. But above all, it demonstrated far more faith in the country, the new government, and hope for the future. Projections in 20002 forecasted that the Russian economy would grow by about 3.5 percent from 2002 through 2005. In a poll conducted by the Russian Public Opinion Center in 2002, just 5 percent of the respondents chose European society as a model for Russian development and 20 percent favored a return to Communism. Sixty percent said the country should follow its own unique path of development. Another majority, 70 percent, said above all, Russia needed a strong leader. In the l930s and l940s Marxists around the world often explained embarrassing events in Russia by saying that the Soviet Union was not practicing ‘‘real Communism.’’ Western apologists for the Yeltsin years explained the corruption and economic changes in Russia as ‘‘not real capitalism.’’ Still, there seemed to be a feeling that Russia had turned the corner and economic conditions were beginning to improve.

PRESS LAWS On paper, the Russian press and media enjoyed some of the strongest legal protections in the world. Section 5 of Article 29 of the new Russian Constitution of l993 explicitly provides: ‘‘The freedom of the mass media shall be guaranteed. Censorship shall be prohibited.’’ But it is easier to make laws than to interpret or enforce them. Of much greater day-to-day significance is the Law Concerning Mass Media, significantly signed by Boris Yeltsin on December 27, l99l, two days after he took office as president of the Russian Federation. Article I of 780

the law commits itself to ‘‘freedom of mass information.’’ Article 3 expressly prohibits censorship. At the same time, all mass media in Russia must register with the Ministry of Press and Information (Article 8), which implies non-registered media cannot operate in Russia. Sometimes overridden, this law nonetheless has enormous potential for misuse. Courts have authority to prohibit publication or other function of a medium, for violation of Article 4, ‘‘The Abuse of Freedom of a Mass Media.’’ While there is nominal freedom of the press, Russian law leaves courts and government the option to crack down on abuses, to be determined at their own discretion. Elaborate discussion is made of grounds for application and Article l6 explicitly states: The activity of a medium of mass information can be stopped or suspended only by a decision of the founder or by a court acting on the basis of civil legal proceedings in accordance with a suit of the registering organ or the Ministry of Press and Information of the Russian Federation.

The same kinds of laws apply to broadcasting and the license to broadcast. Under Article 32, a broadcast license can be annulled: if it was obtained by deception; if licensing conditions or a rule government dissemination of programs . . . have been repeatedly violated and on the bases of which (two) written warnings have been made; and if the commission for television and radio broadcasting establishes that the license was granted on the basis of a hidden concession. Given the political and economic realities of Russia at the time, virtually every broadcast license granted may have violated one or more of these prohibitions. Still, there is a positive and liberal spirit in the mass media law, which encourages openness. Article 38 provides that ‘‘Citizens have the right to receive timely and authentic information from a medium of mass information about the activity of state organs and organizations; society bodies and official persons.’’ Article 43 offers a ‘‘Right of Refutation,’’ roughly the Russian equivalent of the U.S. Equal Time laws. Article 47 of the Mass Media Act actually provides for a Journalist’s (Bill of) Rights. These include the right to request and receive information and the right to visit state bodies and organizations and to be received by official persons. Newspersons have the right to copy records and to make records. Article 49 lists journalists’ obligations, and Article 50 explicitly states that ‘‘journalists have the right to use ‘hidden’ recordings.’’ Article 58, entitled ‘‘Responsibility for the Limiting of Freedom of Mass Information’’ warns that any government agency which effectively censors mass media ‘‘entails immediate cessation of their funding and liquidation on the basis of the procedure provided by legWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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islation of the Russian Federation.’’ Article 59 again specifies, ‘‘The abuse of a journalist’s rights. . .entails criminal or administrative liability in connection with the legislation of the Russian Federation.’’ Clearly, the Mass Media Law outlines openness and fairness. Its practical application is another matter. A separate Press Law for Russia, published on February 8, l992, paralleled the Mass Media Law. The law gave private individuals and businesses the right to establish media outlets. It anticipated the adoption of a separate law regulating television and radio broadcasting. But this separate law was never adopted, leaving all kinds of legal problems for the actual establishment of the granting of broadcast licenses. Inevitably there was room for political favoritism and bribery. Censorship was again forbidden, but certain kinds of speech are prohibited, especially those calling for changing the existing constitutional structure by force; arousing religious differences, social class, ethnic differences; and disseminating war propaganda. The vagueness of the Press law left room for all kinds of defamation and libel suits by public figures. Famed right-wing, nationalist Vladimir Zhirinovsky alone was reported to have filed nearly one hundred lawsuits from l993 to l995. A number of laws were designed to supplement the Law of Mass Media. The Statute on State Secrets, adopted by the parliament on July 2l, l993, defined a state secret as ‘‘information protected by the state in the area of defense, foreign policy, the economy, intelligence. . .the dissemination of which can damage the security of the Russian Federation.’’ Like similar U.S. laws and the British Official Secrets Act, it made disclosure of state secrets a crime. The l994 Federal Statute on the Coverage of the Activities of State Agencies in the State Media was important because a large portion of the mass media in Russia belongs to the state bodies of different levels. The State Duma on January 20, l995, adopted the Federal Statute on Communications, which established the legal basis for activities in communications and confers upon organs of state power the authority to regulate such activities and determines the rights and obligations of entities involved in communications. Article l5l of the Civil Code and Article 43 of the Statute on the Mass Media placed responsibility for proving the correctness of the information on the defendant (i.e., the journalists or editors of the outlet). This requirement created problems for publications and broadcasters, many of whom had to prove the accuracy of allegations in order to avoid liability. The Federal Statute on the Economic Support of District (Municipal) Newspapers, adopted by the State Duma WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

on November 24, l995, provided subsidies to the newspapers. Again, this law had enormous significance both because of the appalling economic conditions in Russia and because of the general belief that once the government begins to subsidize local papers, it has tremendous leverage over the editorial and news policies of local papers. In January, 2001, the parliament passed a new law which federalized this support and thus gave control (both financial and by implication editorial) directly to Moscow. At the beginning of the 2000s, Russia still lacked a statute on television and radio broadcasting. The statute On the Mass Media did allow for the government to shut down or suspend a media outlet if the state believed it violated the law. According to this statute, the government must issue two written warnings within a given year, and then, if violations persist, it is obliged to go to court for an order to close the outlet. The l998 statute On Licensing of Certain Types of Activity provided for an annulment of a license to broadcast by a court decision without any warnings of the licensing body. The statute allowed the licensing body to suspend for up to six months a license if it believed that there were ‘‘violations of conditions of the license that could be harmful to the rights, lawful interests, morals and health of the citizens, as well as to the defense and security of the state.’’ On July 25, 2000, the Ministry of Communications issued a decree On the Order of Implementation of Technical Means of Providing the Operational-Investigative Measures on Telephone, Mobile and Wireless Communication Networks regulating the Implementation of the socalled System for Operational-Investigative Activity (SORM, by Russian acronym). The technical means enabled security services to collect information from security networks and allowed access to the contents of personal communications of any form including e-mail messages. Ironically, the decree obliged communications service providers to install at their own expense relevant equipment to assist security services in conducting investigations. This legislation understandably upset media groups, civil libertarians, and journalists. Russian authorities and courts chose a flexible interpretation of these laws without the protections for which journalists had hoped. It must be said, however, that many of the media and especially broadcasters got their licenses originally by supporting the Yeltsin government, thus bending Russian media law in the first place. There is no tradition of an independent judiciary in either Soviet Russian history or in the post-Soviet period. Nevertheless, Russia’s Supreme Court in February, 2002, struck down an unpublished l996 military secrecy law that was used to convict of espionage and treason the journalist Grigory Pasko when he exposed to Japanese sources the Soviet-era navy mishandling of nuclear 781

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waste. The implication is of some independence for the Russian judiciary at least in the most blatant cases of injustice.

CENSORSHIP Censorship has a long and honorable tradition in both Russian and Soviet history. An early instance occurred when Alexander Radischev published his pioneering expose of social conditions and injustice in Russia, Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow, in l790. Catherine the Great (1729-96), appalled by the excesses of the French Revolution, saw Radischev as a dangerous radical. She originally sentenced him to execution and later reduced the punishment to ten years in prison. Alexander I (1801-25) favored a ‘‘progressive’’ censorship policy, and Russia passed its first modern censorship law in l804. But the administration of Nicholas I (l825-55) epitomized the harsh, stringent censorship policy of Old Russia. Pushkin got in trouble with Russian censors, as did Dostoyevsky and Turgenev. Ironically, Russian censors approved the writings of Karl Marx, feeling that they were ‘‘too boring to be dangerous.’’ Censorship policy and laws were modified under Alexander II (l855-8l), allowing the birth of Imperial Russia’s popular press not long after it developed in the West and allowing Russian literature to enter its truly golden age. Censorship was almost entirely abolished with the reforms that followed the Revolution of l905. Lenin and the Bolsheviks restored strict censorship after they seized power. The Decree of the Press of October 28 (November 10), l9l7, basically banned all antiCommunist publications. Lenin believed the press ‘‘must serve as an instrument of socialist construction.’’ Originally censorship was to be abolished with the end of the civil war, but in l920 Lenin refused to annul the decree, claiming that unrestricted freedom would ‘‘help monarchists and anarchists’’ and weaken the fragile Bolshevik regime. In l922, Glivat was set up, the Main Administration for Safeguarding State Secrets in the Press (Glavnoye Upravelenie po Okhrane Gosudarstvennykh Tayn v Pechati) under the Council of Ministers. Elaborate controls were established and Glavit functionaries were provided with a manual (affectionately called the Talmud by working censors) containing long, continually updated lists of prohibited materials. Failure on the part of the censor to detect publication of a state secret could lead to eight years in prison. With Stalin’s accession in l928, censorship clamped down even harder and socialist realism became the literary form of the day. Soviet writers tried to go unnoticed, and there was a great deal of ‘‘writing for the drawer,’’ 782

that is, putting manuscripts away in hopes of a future, more tolerant day. Soviet readers, especially the politically astute, developed high skill in translating the euphemistic language of the Soviet press. Though Soviet press censorship eased after the death of Stalin, it remained in place almost to the end of the regime. State security was a prime concern for the Soviets, and its constituent elements were broadly construed. Boris Pasternak (l890-l960), arguably the greatest writer of Soviet Russia, was the most famous victim of its censors. His novel, Dr. Zhivago, was rejected by a leading Moscow monthly in l956 because it ‘‘libeled the October Revolution and socialist construction.’’ The manuscript was smuggled out of Russia, printed by an Italian publisher and became a worldwide best-seller. Pasternak received the Nobel Prize for literature in l958, which he was forced to refuse for political reasons. The Soviet Criminal Code had elaborate provisions to guard against undesirable materials and statements. Article 70 warned against ‘‘Propaganda and agitation, which defame the Soviet state and social system,’’ Article 75 punished ‘‘Divulgence of State Secrets,’’ and Article l30 punished ‘‘circulation of fabrications known to be false which defame another person.’’ The fact that in all, the censorship office employed 70,000 people across the Soviet Union, gives some idea how much importance the Soviets attached to censorship. Until l961, the Soviets practiced an overt policy of pre-publication and pre-broadcast censorship of foreign correspondents’ reports. Everything had to be cleared through the foreign correspondents’ censorship office or it was not transmitted out of Russia. After l96l, and on into the l980s, the Russians adopted a policy of selfcensorship which allowed correspondents to send out almost anything they wished, but with the knowledge that if they stepped over the line, they would be deported immediately. A key part of Mikhail Gorbachev’s program was glasnost (openness). Like his mentor, KGB Chief Yuri Andropov, Gorbachev realized how much the nation was being hurt by its closed society mentality and the resulting hunger for information. Glasnost was essential for his even more fundamental plans for perestroika, the complete restructuring of the entire Soviet economy. Thus, with the passage of Gorbachev’s Press Law of August, l990, Glavit and official censorship came formally to an end. The l993 Media Law expressly prohibited censorship and protected the right ‘‘to gather and distribute information.’’ However, the law had enough nuance to allow politicians, bureaucrats, and media bosses to influence those who articulated the news. Boris Yeltsin was at first a great champion of the free press and free media. He became bitter, however, about WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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those who criticized his administration and later his conduct regarding the war in Chechnya. In September, l993, during his attempt to close down the Duma and the storming of the White House, censorship was reinstated. Based on the state of emergency that Yeltsin had declared, a presidential decree closed down the 10 most important opposition papers (mainly Communist). President Vladimir Putin made known his dissatisfaction with press reporting of the war in Chechnya and other issues. He was embarrassed by the media when it showed him vacationing at a Black Sea resort while the Russian nuclear submarine Kursk sank in the Arctic Ocean with 118 crew aboard. After that, he became more media and public relations conscious. He urged the media people to use more self control in their reporting. After coming to power in January 2000, Putin reined in Russia media and their freewheeling reporting styles. Under Putin, it was more difficult for the press to go into Chechnya than it was in the first war. Terrorist bombings against civilian apartments in Moscow and other places made the Russian public far less tolerant of the Chechens than they were in the first round of fighting. In March of 2000, in his first annual address to members of the Russian Duma, President Putin warned, ‘‘Sometimes . . . media turn into means of mass disinformation and a tool of struggle against the state.’’ In September 2000, he signed the Doctrine of Information Security of the Russian Federation, which offers general language on protecting citizens’ constitutional rights and civil liberties but also includes specific provisions that justify greater state intervention. For example, the doctrine gives much leeway to law enforcement authorities in carrying out SORM (System of Ensuring Investigative Activity) surveillance of telephone, cellular, and wireless communications. The case of Vladimir Gusinsky illustrates the state suppression of the media. In April, 2000, government security officers raided the offices of Media MOST, the flagship media empire of Gusinsky whose spokesmen had been especially anti-state. Media MOST was deeply in debt to a number of other businesses, most of all GASPROM, the huge state-owned natural gas monopoly. At the same time Gusinsky was charged with embezzling funds in a privatization deal. Supposedly Gusinsky was secretly offered a deal by the state prosecutor: if he sold his shares of Media MOST to Gazprom, he would be set free. Gusinsky signed the deal. Claiming later that he signed under duress, Gusinsky subsequently went into exile in Madrid. Spain refused to honor an Interpol warrant for him issued in Russia on fraud charges. Later he moved to New York City. In the meantime, litigation began to determine who should control the Media MOST empire. In early April, WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

2001, Gazprom finally won the litigation and soon appointed its own men to run NTV. Eventually, new managers took over the station. For a while NTV personnel fled to TV-6, controlled by Boris Berezovsky. But when TV-6 personnel refused to break off their connections with the exiled tycoon in London (or at least the Ministry of Press said they did not) government forces closed this station as well. The Media MOST takeover sent a clear message across Russia that political power and the government controlled the media. A large proportion of Russians admitted that they favored tightening government controls and expanding government authority in every sphere. After years of almost unlimited freedom, many Russians seemed eager for a return to authoritarian controls and benefits. As an illustration of this trend, the Glasnost Defense Foundation estimated that government agencies brought several hundred lawsuits and other legal action against journalists and journalistic organizations during 2001, the majority of them in response to unfavorable coverage of government policy or operations. During the year, judges rarely found for the journalists; in the majority of cases, the government succeeded in either intimidating or punishing the journalist. Rulings upholding libel and other lawsuits against journalists served to reinforce the already significant tendency towards self-censorship. Many entry-level journalists in particular practiced self-censorship. For example, in April, 2001, Yuriy Vdovin, a prominent St. Petersburg-based media freedom activist, stated at a Moscow conference: ‘‘young journalists are particularly vulnerable to self-censorship, because they are less protected from mis-treatment by authorities. If a young reporter loses his job for political reasons, his chances of finding a new one are much lower than those of his older, more established colleagues. It is also more difficult for a young, unknown journalist to rally public attention and support.’’ On February 27, 2002, the editor of Russia’s most influential radio station, Echo Moskvy, announced that he and dozens of other journalists were quitting rather than work for a news outlet that was becoming a voice of the state.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS Russian state-press relations almost came full circle in the last two decades of the twentieth century. In the l980s, the press and other media were under the tight control of the Communist Party. Control and supervisions were exercised by two departments: the International Information Department (IID) and the Propaganda Department of the Communist Party Central Committee. Most Soviet media, especially high profile newspapers, such as 783

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Pravda and Izvestia, were understood to be more than mouthpieces for the Communist Party and the Soviet state. The electronic media were administered by the State Committee for Television and Radio and also under the Council of Ministers.

and appointments were not being made. Many of the media empires and independent magazines and television stations began to fold. Several of the media lords and business leaders who lost their shields of Kremlin protection, wisely began to leave Russia.

In the absence of an independent press, dissidents at great personal risk often put out or contributed to privately circulated samizdat publications. Beginning in the late l970s more and more dissidents achieved recognition. In the l980s, they began to gain more respect and enjoy some tolerance. At the same time, some younger establishment journalists began to show more independence. Both elements played a major role in helping discredit and undermine the Communist Party and the Soviet state. While Gorbachev at first favored an independent press, as time went on he felt more and more it was irresponsible, mainly being used by anti-Soviet forces to embarrass the system and question its legitimacy. Far too late, he began to support those conservatives in the regime, who wanted to rein in independent journalists.

The appointment of Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, former head of the Federal Security Service (formerly KGB) on New Year’s Eve Day, 1999, accelerated the deterioration of state-press relations. Putin was clearly upset by the liberalism and irresponsibility (and in his mind, anti-patriotism) of the press and wanted to curb its excesses.

The years l988-92 were seen as something of a ‘‘breakthrough period’’ for the independent Russian press. Scandals were exposed; the dictatorship was undermined. The attempted putsch of August, l99l, was poorly planned and miserably executed. The independent press and the apathetic military played decisive roles in dooming the attempted revolution. At the same time, the television image of Boris Yeltsin standing on a tank, appealing to the Russian people to oppose the coup doomed the Soviet state and made Yeltsin an icon. For the next two years the press and other media in Russia saw themselves as the country’s saviors and decisive instrumentalities of democracy. The economic crisis and collapse reduced support for newspapers and other media. Resentment began to build between the Yeltsin administration and the Russia press over the reporting of corruption and the Chechnyan War. Still overwhelming media support went to Yeltin in the l996 elections, partly because of financial self-interest by various tycoons and media bosses and partly because the media feared a Communist victory would mean a return to censorship and retribution. The media, especially television, played a decisive role in re-electing Yeltsin, against overwhelming odds and economic problems. But soon after the Yeltsin victory, increasing bitterness broke out between the state and the press and electronic media. Part of it was undoubtedly the inevitable disappointment and quarrels over the sharing of the election spoils. As soon as Yeltsin was re-elected, he began to shed some of his old media supporters. A series of media wars broke out between Boris Berenovsky and Gusinski and between both of them and some of the closest assistants to Yeltsin over claims that promised pay offs 784

As of 2001, the government owned nearly one-fifth of the l2,000 registered newspapers and periodicals in the country and exerted significant influence over stateowned publications. The government owned 300 of the 800 television stations in the nation and indirectly influenced private media companies through partial state ownership of the gas monopoly Gazprom and the oil company Lukoil, which in turn owned large shares of media companies. The State owned two of the three national television stations (somewhat akin to networks in the West) outright, Russian Television and Radio (RTR) and a majority of Russian Public Television (ORT). It also maintained ownership or control of the major radio stations Radio Mayak and Radio Rossii and news agencies ITARTASS and RIA-Novosti. The Government owned a 38 percent controlling stake of Gazprom, which in turn had a controlling ownership stake in the privately owned NTV. In April, 2001, Gazprom formally took over NTV because of unpaid debts. At the regional and local levels, local governments operated or controlled a much higher percentage of the media than in Moscow; in many cities and towns across the country, government-run media organizations were the only major source of news and information. As a result in many media markets, citizens received information mainly from unchallenged government sources. In January 2001, Putin signed a law transferring control of government subsidies for regional newspapers from local politicians to the Press Ministry in Moscow. The New York based Committee to Protect Journalists claimed law affects 2,000 subsidized newspapers across Russia and would further centralize Moscow’s control. The committee further stated that this control was especially true in the provinces where papers and broadcast media depended on local administrations for everything from floor space to computers. In April 2001, the majority stockholder won a suit to close down the heavily indebted Segodnya (Today) newspaper, the flagship of the Gusinsky media empire. At the same time, the majority owner replaced the entire management and reporting staff of Itogi (Total) magaWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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zine, which had been owned by Gusinsky and which for several years had had a relationship with Newsweek. In May 2001, procurators raided the offices of the radio station, Ekho Moskvy, the only profitable Media-Most property and the most popular and independent station in Russia. They were supposedly searching for incriminating financial documents. The action frightened away advertisers for a while, which may have been the intention, but Echo Moskvy continued to operate independently for several months. But on February 27, 2002, the editor of the station announced that he was quitting rather than work for a news outlet that was becoming simply another voice of the state. Increasingly, the press and electronic media were seen as mouthpieces for the Putin regime and the more independent press was seen as withering under the pressure of the state. Nonetheless, the situation was still far freer than in Soviet days, but state-press relations had returned almost completely to the conditions of two decades earlier.

ATTITUDES TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA In the Soviet period, most Russians’ attitudes towards the foreign press were a mixture of curiosity, suspicion, and fascination. As time went on, Soviet Russia opened, and more and more foreign press was allowed in, including Western cameramen. By the late l980s, after the Helsinki Accords, the Western media were almost revered and imports, especially electronic equipment (usually made in Japan) were automatically seen as inherently superior to Russian products. Even before Gorbachev’s glasnost campaign, Soviet television began to adopt Western style news formats. Gradually the jargon of the Stalin/Brezhnev era was dropped and many Western terms began to creep into the media vocabulary, especially terms such as skandal. With the breakup of the Soviet Union came a flood of Western products, Western newsmen and Western programs to Russian television and movies. Tourism and foreign media coverage skyrocketed in post-Soviet Russia. Tourist numbers grew from about 5 million in the early l990s to 21 million by 2000. In 2002, the Russian people were far more used to tourists and foreign media than they were just a few years before. In the Soviet period, foreign news and the international situation seemed to be the primary focus for most Russian readers and television viewers. This focus was the result of deliberate Soviet policy, confrontation with the West, and a little sense of the forbidden fruit of the unknown West. When Western programs and information began to flow into Russia they were well received. For a while WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Russians were wildly enthusiastic about the cornucopia of foreign programs and films that flooded the Russian media, especially foreign programs on Russian television. In late l993, the top 10 programs in Russia included Santa Barbara, Field of Miracles, and a Mexican soap opera, Just Maria. Later, enormously popular Mexican soap operas included The Rich Also Cry and Wild Rose were added to the list. Within a week after the movie opened in New York City, one could buy reasonably good tape copies of Titanic for seven U.S. dollars on the streets of Moscow. Almost every Western movie was pirated and dubbed within a few days in Moscow. Russia did pass the l993 Copyright Statute to respond to foreign claims of piracy but seemed to do little to enforce it. In any case, Russian viewers soon got used to these novelties, and as Russian television began to create its own soap operas, focusing on Russian problems, attention switched to them. While foreign correspondents were tolerated, sometimes even respected, the Russians are amazed and bothered that so many foreign correspondents were assigned to Russia who did not speak Russian and who seemed to have not the slightest appreciation of Russian history or Russian culture. Russians also were amazed by how brief foreign visits tended to be and then to see these journalists on television broadcast from the West, claiming to be experts. Russians suspect Westerners who seem satisfied with brief interviews. They are also troubled by the seemingly superficiality and artificial friendliness of many Westerners, especially Americans. Russians tend to be far distant and slower to open to others and more committed in their relationships than foreigners seem to be with them. After the Cold War ended, generally foreign correspondents were well treated and well respected, providing they played by Russian rules. They were forced to get special permits to visit certain areas of Russia, most of all in Chechnya; there the Russian military often suspected them of biased reporting and did not make getting permits easy. If correspondents leave, and they have been too critical of the situation in Russia, they may find it very difficult to return. But the Russian are loathe to carry this policy too far. They are anxious to have Russian correspondents accredited overseas, and journalists and their accreditation are often based on a system of quid pro quo. In April 2002, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty announced it would start broadcasting to the North Caucasus region in Chechen, Avar, and Circassian. Russian officials warned that they would monitor the broadcasts and might take away its license if they showed a proChechen bias. One Russian official warned that ‘‘members of radical Chechen groups’’ might use the radio service to encourage extremism. 785

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NEW AGENCIES The old Soviet Union had two news agencies. Telegrafnoyue Agentstvo Sovietskovo Soyuza: Telegraph Agency of the Soviet Union (TASS) and Agenstvo Pechati Novosti (APN, the News Press Agency). For all practical purposes TASS was the official press agency of the Soviet Union. It was created in l925 and eventually developed into one of the largest international wire services in the world. It had news bureaus and correspondents across the Soviet Union and in over l00 countries around the world. While it was very extensive, it suffered from serious handicaps, as its news was heavily dependent on Moscow’s interpretation of events, and often this dependency involved bitter arguments among editors and even inside the Central Committee of the Communist Party. As a result Soviet news often lagged behind that of Western sources and agencies. Following the break-up of the Soviet Union in l99l, TASS was reorganized into two branches: the Information Telegraph Agency of Russia or ITAR, reporting on news inside Russia itself; and the Telegraph Agency of the countries of the Commonwealth or TASS, reporting on news of the other countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States. In addition, there were a number of newly created agencies including Federal News Service (FNS), Inter-fax, Post factum, and the Russian Information Agency-Vest, which collaborates with foreign press, and publishing organizations in 110 countries around the world. Interestingly while ITAR-TASS maintained a vast international network, almost all foreign news and reporting came from Western sources and networks. Over a 30day period between December, l992 and January, l993, of l98 foreign news items, only 48 were written by Russian correspondents and l50 were translations from Reuters, Associated Press, or France Presse. For foreign correspondents in the Soviet era, Moscow was one of the most frustrating assignments in the world. Conditions were harsh and the weather, especially in the winter, could be bleak. Censorship was frequent and often heavy-handed and the city itself was hard to live in with little outside enjoyment. There was always a real danger that foreign correspondents could run afoul of KGB machinations or worse, would compromise their news sources. As of 2002, however, Moscow was often considered one of the ‘‘plums’’ for foreign correspondents. It was a far more livable and exciting city than it used to be, though winters could still be a challenge. There was certainly far more food, housing, and entertainment than ever before, and there was far more contact with other foreigners and with the Russian citizenry. As of May 2002, there was almost no censorship of any kind on foreign correspondents or on foreign news bureaus. Over 40 786

foreign news bureaus maintain offices in Moscow, from Agence France Press (AFP) to China’s Xinhua (New China) and Korea’s Yonhop agencies.

BROADCAST MEDIA Lenin was one of the great readers of history but he was also one of the first world leaders to recognize the immense potential of radio and film for communication and propaganda. Years of exile in Siberia made him painfully aware of the enormous distances of Russia. In l922 he wrote to Stalin about the possibility of using radio to transmit propaganda over thousands of miles. In l925 the first short-wave station in the world began broadcasting from Moscow’s Sokolniki Park. At the same time ever-greater resources were put into motion pictures, both for home consumption and for foreign export and propaganda. Sergei Eisenstein’s films, Strike (1924), Battleship Potemkin (l925) and October or Ten Days that Shook the World (l928), all showed the artistic and polemical power of the new medium in general and Soviet film in particular. Radio dominated the early Soviet period. Almost all factories, collective farms, and eventually apartments and homes had basic Soviet-made receivers with selectively set tuning so they could only receive prescribed Soviet stations. Over these receivers in June, l94l, a broadcast announced Nazi Germany’s invasion of Russia. Subsequently, it was Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov, not Stalin, who went on the radio to reassure the Soviet peoples. In March, l953, Radio Moscow announced the death of Stalin. Foreign radio broadcasts played an important role in Russian listening habits, even though most Soviet era radios were made only to receive domestic broadcasts. ‘‘Enemy voices’’ (vrazhskie golosa) gave Russian listeners not only far more understanding of what was going on outside Soviet Russia but often inside as well. One survey carried out between l977 and l980 indicated that perhaps as many as one-third of the Soviet adult population ‘‘was exposed to Western radio broadcasts in the course of a year, and about one fifth in the course of a typical week.’’ During the August, l99l coup attempt, when the Communist hard-line Emergency Committee attempted to take control of the press, television and radio, people turned to foreign radio stations for news. Many were surprised to hear that President Gorbachev himself listened to enemy voices when he was in custody in the Crimea. He confided the following in his book, The August Coup: The best reception was from the BBC and Radio Liberty. Later we managed to pick up Voice of America. My sonWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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in-law Anatoli managed to listen to a Western station on his pocket Sony. We started to collect and analyze the way the situation was developing.

Television was first developed in the United States in l928. The Nazis actually broadcast part of the l936 Olympic games over television to the rest of Europe. Experimental television transmission in Soviet Russia began in the l930s. By l950 there were 10,000 television sets in all of the Soviet Union; by l960, there were almost 5 million. (The comparable American figures were 700,000 sets in l948; 50 million sets in l960.) In l960 one of the world’s largest television towers in Moscow’s Ostankino neighborhood went into operation. At the same time television production and accessibility were dramatically increased in the l960s. By l988 there were 8,828 television broadcasting stations in the Soviet Union, covering virtually the entire country. There were 90 million television sets in the USSR. Television had enormous influence on contemporary Russia for three reasons: 1) the enormous distances of Russia made it the only effective communications medium; 2) with the implosion of the Russian economy in the l990s and the decline of printed media, television broadcasts were largely a free commodity and free entertainment, hence supremely important to Russian consumers; and 3) while Russians in general were much more a reading public than Americans, working class Russians remained overwhelmingly dependent on broadcast media and especially television for their news. These patterns were clear even in the Soviet period; hence they brought tremendous emphasis on television production and programming. In spite of the importance the Soviets put on the medium, most Communist programming (like the press) was largely wooden, stilted, and two-dimensional. One of the few exceptions was the evening Nine O’clock News program which even in the Soviet period was professionally done and received enormous attention. It became one of the hallmarks of the Soviet television industry and something of an icon for television watchers across the land who habitually gathered around the television set at night. Gorbachev was clearly the first television secretarygeneral, just as Kennedy had been the United States’s first television president. Undeniably, under Gorbachev, Soviet television programming vastly improved. In l986 and l987, glasnost allowed more liberal and more progressive shows on Soviet television: Give Me the Floor, The World and Youth, Cast of Characters, Twelfth Floor, and above all, Vzglyad (Glance or View) which was something of a Russian version of CBS’s Sixty Minutes, and which specialized in the same kind of exposes, became overwhelmingly popular television shows. In May l989, for the first time in history, the entire Congress of People’s Deputies was broadcast live on WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Russian television so unlike the previously carefully edited wooden shots and sound bites. An enormous number of Soviet citizens watched these broadcasts with rapt attention, perhaps 75 percent a far greater number and percentage than their U.S. counterparts who normally see their national political conventions as unappreciated interference with regular programming. Under Gorbachev and then Yeltsin, Russian television came of age. Many television broadcasters, especially for news programs, became national personalities in their own right. A flood of new programs and ‘‘independent’’ stations came on the air, of widely varying quality, and there were a host of foreign programs that began to fill Russian airtime. Russians newscasters were far more inclined than their Western counterparts to give their personal views and their own personal interpretation on the news they were reporting. Many of the newscasters became celebrated personalities in Russia, which helped some of them launch political careers. On September 2l, l993, President Yeltsin issued Decree No. l400 and suspended the Congress of People’s Deputies and ordered new elections. Parliament in the White House ordered Yeltin removed from office. Their supporters then tried to seize the national broadcasting center and tower at Ostankino and ultimately failed. Eventually pro-Yeltsin military forces attacked and seized the White House. The critical factor here is that both sides recognized the decisive importance of television in modern Russian politics. Over 700 private television stations emerged in Russia after l992. As of 2002, there were 800 television stations in all of Russia, including 300 owned partly or completely by the state and 500 private stations. At the end of l993, there were only two channels with national audiences, Channel One (Ostankino) and Channel Two (Russian Television), both owned and managed by the Russian state. The Yeltsin government decided to allow the de facto privatization of Channel One in l995. The state retained control of 5l percent of its shares while a consortium of banks and industrial groups held the remaining 49 percent. The largest single private shareholder was Boris Berezovsky, a tycoon with Kremlin connections and the head of Logovaz, a conglomerate based on a car dealership. By the end of Yeltsin’s second term, Berezovsky’s media empire included control over television channels ORT (Channel One) and TV-6, newspapers Nezavisimaya, Novye Izvestya, and Kommersant, as well as a number of weekly magazines. Vladimir Gusinksy started off as a theater director in the old Soviet days, who always had an interest in the media. He came to power through his connections with 787

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Boris Yeltsin but from the first he sought to build a vast media empire. He got control of NTV (Russian Public Television) in October, l993, and since it did not have a license to broadcast on a major national channel, Gusinsky avoided the license requirement by getting a presidential decree to broadcast. NTV was an overnight success. It played Western movies and sports and had the most professional and most reliable news coverage, both of events in Russia and the war in Chechnya. Gusinsky clearly supported Yeltsin in the l996 presidential elections, as were all private and state-owned television stations and virtually all printed media. Many believed that without the media support, especially television, Yeltsin would have been defeated in the l996 elections by Zhuganov and the Communists. As a pay off to Gusinsky, the government announced that NTV would be able to pay the same low program transmission rates that official government stations paid. Most other private, independent stations were outraged. Even before the l996 election, Yeltsin had invaded the independence-seeking republic of Chechnya. The operation was a disaster. For the first time free and independent television, most of all National Television, actually got into Chechnya ahead of Russian armed forces and was able to expose the lies of official Russian reporting. Independent Russian reporting in the first Chechnyan War had an effect in Russia similar to the U.S. reporting on the Vietnam War had in the States. The graphic pictures of human suffering on both sides largely cost Russia the war in the Russian hearts and minds at home back in the Russian homeland. More and more Russians asked why their husbands and sons were fighting in Chechnya and if it was worth the price. The shaky alliance supporting Yeltsin soon came apart, especially after the blatant jockeying for power and the BerezovskyGusinsky alliance lost out in bidding for another media group headed by Kremlin insider Panin and supported financially by billionaire George Soros. With the appointment of Putin as president on December 3l, 1999, a series of furious battles broke out to control independent private stations. One after another, former Yeltsin cronies fled Russia for the West, and the remnants of their economic and media empires were either foreclosed or taken over by new governmentcontrolled or government-sympathetic media forces. Practically all Russians received two national channels: ORT (Obshchestvennoe Rossikoe Televidenie, Public Russian Television) available to 98 percent of the whole population, and RTR (Rossiiskoe Televidenie) Russian Television) received by 95 percent of the population. In December, l999, the most popular networks included the following: ORT, NTV, RTR, and TV. Flashy 788

Western television shows long since lost their appeal with most Russians in favor of new and traditional Russian television programs. Reality shows were popular in Russia, though they could be a bit rougher than in the West. Nostalgia Television made a major comeback. Just as many Americans enjoyed old classic television including Lawrence Welk, I Love Lucy and The Honeymooners, many Russians enjoyed some of the old Soviet era movies and old Soviet television programs. They were often well written and well produced, and they clearly reminded many Russians of a more secure and more serene period in the past. As of 2002, some 94 percent of all Russians watch television every day. The average time spent watching television is extremely high, about 3 to 3.5 hours per day, about 30 percent more time than is spent by western Europeans watching television. Because broadcast media in contemporary Russia determined so much, the state wanted to control who gets on the air and who gets to broadcast. While it did not formally censor the airwaves, it recognized that access to and control of the media were all-important. Much of the battle over NTV and then TV-6 was largely over the control of the airwaves. The easiest way for the state to control these was to control the issuance of radio and television licenses, which allow sources to broadcast at given wavelengths. In the United States and in most of the West, this action was largely a bidding process where money was the key determinant. In Russia while licensing was also supposed to be a bidding process, in practice it was largely tied to connections within the administration. Much attention was given to the awarding of a license to a television station under the headline ‘‘Nonstate TV Wins License to Broadcast.’’ But a closer examination of the facts showed clearly that the independent forces wielded one vote in the channel’s management while the public and political figures (largely pro-Kremlin) wielded five. Again, the key to media broadcasting is control of the licensing procedure and here the Russian state was again in full command.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA More than any other country in the world, the Russian Federation is the ideal situs for Internet communications. The huge distances, spanning eleven time zones, the lack of written resources, the difficulty of traditional communications, all make the electronic medium an ideal communications form. The Internet does serve three functions in contemporary Russia. First, it gives access to world-wide sources of information, quite apart from available local and national sources, many of which are tightly controlled. Next, it acts as a market place for locally produced goods WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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and services open to a national and sometimes international market. Finally, it serves as information source for the all of Russia’s Diaspora peoples, Jews, Armenians, Georgians, Chechens and many others, to find out what is going on back in their homelands when most local (and Russian) sources are almost totally silent about them. For a while the Ru-net (the Russian language sector of the Internet) seemed to guarantee free speech and the free market place of ideas. In the early and mid-1990’s, the number of Russian Internet users doubled each year. But even by the year 2001, the total numbers of Internet users was under 10 million. As of 2002, Russia again found itself at a distinct disadvantage in terms of media and information resources. The two most essential elements in the Internet system are personal computers and phone or cable connections to hook them up to each other and the Internet. There is a critical lack of personal computers in Russia (about 32 per l, 000 population as compared to about 450 per l, 000 in the United States), and there is also a chronic shortage of telephone lines (in l997 there were 644 telephone lines per l, 000 people in the United States; l83 lines available per l, 000 in Russia). Cable, outside of Moscow and St. Petersburg, was all but unknown. In May and June 2001, a poll conducted among adults in Russia by the Institute for Comparative Social Research reported that 7 percent of adults have access to the Internet. Predictably, Moscow and St. Petersburg have the highest number of users.

EDUCATION & TRAINING There is no question that in the early years of the Soviet press, party loyalty and ideological commitment meant far more than preparation or journalistic ability. This correspondence began to change in the l950s when a number of major Soviet universities created professional faculties of journalism, with regular five and six-year programs (usually night school for six years) leading to a degree in journalism. The journalism program at Moscow State University was clearly Soviet Russia’s flagship, but there were a number of other excellent departments in Leningrad (later St. Petersburg), Kiev, Tashkent, and Vladivostok. The quality of the young men and women attracted to journalism tended to be high, partly because it gave visibility to individuals who did well and partly because, especially in the early years, journalism was one of the few professions which allowed legitimate exits out of the Soviet Union and a chance to see the magic world of the West. Later, programs were set up in television and radio broadcasting as well as journalism departments, which focused on specialized training for radio and television specialists. Admittedly, Soviet technology, especially in television and videotaping, was clearly behind that of the WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

West. On the other hand, Soviet journalists were usually far better prepared in foreign languages and knowledge of the culture and history of countries to which they were assigned. Usually they were far ahead of Western journalists in these areas who were reporting from Russia. The USSR Union of Journalists (Soyuz Zhurnalistov SSSR), organized in the late l950s, totaled about 65,000 in l980 and was open for at least three years to journalists and media people who ‘‘displayed high professional skill’’. More accomplished journalists or those who had published books became members of the USSR Union of Writers, which put a strong emphasis on party support and ideological purity. With the Press Law of l990, and with the subsequent decline of official journalism, the Union largely disappeared and was replaced by a number of informal, independent unions. The crown jewel of achievement for Soviet-era writers and artists was a state dacha at Peredelkino, the art colony about 25 kilometers west of Moscow. Pasternak and the poet Yevgeny Yevtushenko held two such dachas among many others. They were simple but comfortable. After the Soviet collapse, new era capitalists moved into the community and bought up old dachas and lots and turned them into mansions, to the fury of the old residents. The collapse of the Soviet Union transformed Russia’s education system and caused a general exodus from Russia’s academic and journalism professions. These trained professionals were drawn to lucrative jobs in business and technology. Employment with and connections to foreign corporations were especially valued. Some schools in Russia offered courses computer hacking. In a second exodus, people left Russia for the United 789

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For a few years the press and other media enjoyed uncensored, unrestrained (and some might add, unprecedented) freedom in post-Soviet Russia. But it was shortlived. Just as they had in l9l7, economic problems in l99l first undercut Russian popular faith in the government, then in Russia’s version of capitalism and finally in the entire democratic process. At the same time, economic problems and vulnerability weakened both the free press and undercut its own credibility. Like so many of the Russian people, the press has had to go ‘‘hat in hand,’’ asking for economic support and help. And like so many of the Russian people, they had to pay a very high price for that help and support. Some may question if as of 2002 there really was a genuinely free and independent press in Russia. Certainly, economic realities had done far more to curb and weaken the independent press than any kind of overt government censorship and repression.

States, Western Europe, and to Israel. Professionals were attracted to the better salaries, living conditions, and research facilities. Some of the most famous of Russia’s journalists and media people have joined the most recent Russian Diaspora. Back in Russia, local journalists needed no special training, preparation, or credentials of any kind. Access to Russian media required financial resources and connections, the necessary factors for individuals who sought positions in journalism. The quality of journalism there was, therefore, very uneven at best. The Putin years initiated a turn around in the Russian economy and at least the beginnings of some improvement in Russia’s much troubled education system. By some calculations, Russia was expected to spend more money on education in 2002 than it would on defense, an almost unprecedented feat for any major power. Still, many believed Russian education and Russian journalists’ training had a long way to go to return to their previous Soviet caliber and still further to go to catch up with Western standards.

SUMMARY The media and especially the press have played decisive roles in every major Russian social and political change in the twentieth century. They helped bring down the Czarist government in March, l9l7, and the Kerensky regime in the following November. They were essential in supporting the Soviet state in the 74 years of its existence. As the Soviet state began to break down, the independent press and other media began to play a decisive role in undermining that regime. In the end, they helped sound the death knell that brought down the Communist regime in December, l99l. 790

Contrary to George Kennan’s article and thesis of l947, the Soviet Union was able to deal with containment, confrontation, and crisis. Indeed the country thrived on them. What Communism (and dictatorships in general) could not deal with was normality and prosperity, especially prosperity in other countries when the Russian people knew about that prosperity. In the long run, perhaps the greatest hope for Russia’s press may be prolonged periods of stability and prosperity. Once Russian consumers and enterprises can seize the commanding heights of Russia’s economy, they may be able to create independent economic and financial bases, and these in turn may give the press and media political and editorial independence. It was the belief of nineteenth-century Slavophils that Russia’s mission was to suffer for the rest of Europe and all of mankind. In the twentieth century no nation suffered more in both peace and war than did Russia. Perhaps with a period of stability without the threat of foreign wars and invasions, Russia may finally begin to turn to its own needs and its own problems. The maintenance of a free media is the keys to democracy in Russia. The question is how to maintain a free press. In 1900, many Russian writers and journalists believed the key to the situation was in cutting loose from government support and control. In the early 2000s, the question was how would the Russia media support themselves without government finances and interference.

SIGNIFICANT DATES • December 25, l99l: Dissolution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics ends the 74 year-long Communist dictatorship. Boris Yeltsin becomes president of the New Russian Federation. • December 27, l991: The Statute on Mass Media is adopted by legislation of the Russian Federation. It goes into effect on February 8, l992. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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• September 2l, l993: Yeltsin suspends Congress of People’s Deputies and the Supreme Soviet for their opposition to his reform measures. He also suspends opposition (mainly Communist) newspapers and periodicals. He calls in army tanks to bombard the Parliament building, forcing surrender of rebels, October 4. • December l2, l993: New Russian Constitution formally recognizes freedom of the press and prohibits censorship. • 1994-96: First Chechnyan War. NTV (Media Most empire led by Vladimir Gusinsky) makes it a point to try to show Chechnyan side of war, angering Russians and Boris Yeltsin. • l996: Overwhelming media support for Boris Yeltsin in second presidential campaign. • January, l996: NTV supports Yeltsin. Communications Ministry allows NTV to pay same rates for transmission services as state-owned television stations infuriating other private radio and television channels. • July 3, l996: Boris Yeltsin wins a second presidential election by a narrow margin over the Communists in spite of severe economic problems. • 1997-98: Information Wars occur between various business factions. • July, l997: Bidding for privatization for a stake in telecommunications company Svyazinvest. Media tycoons Gusinsky and Boris Berezovsky lose out in their bid for a stake. Kremlin insider Vladimir Putin wins. Both blame Anatoly Chubais, their former ally and the man responsible for engineering privatization of the Russian economy. • August, l998: Financial meltdown. Collapse of the ruble. Advertising market collapses. Politically connected media giants such as ORT and NTV continue to get state loans. Other media organizations, especially smaller regional ones, simply disappear or are absorbed by official media structures. • August, l999: Vladimir Putin, former head of Federal Security Bureau and political unknown is appointed prime minister of Russia. Presidential campaign for 2000 election begins. After much speculation, Boris Yeltsin chooses Vladimir Putin as his heir. Gusinsky refuses to support Putin and comes out in favor of Moscow Mayor Luzhkov.

a comparative political unknown, as his successor. Kremlin officials make it clear that journalists opposing official Russian position on Chechnyan War will be considered enemies of the state and traitors. • Spring, 2000: Sergei Ivanov, secretary of Russia’s Security Council, states that Russia’s journalists should show patriotism, and ‘‘take part in the information war against Chechen terrorists.’’ • March 26, 2000: Vladimir Putin wins decisive victory in presidential election with 52.9 percent of all votes cast. Communist Zyuganov wins 29.2 percent. • April, 2000: Criminal investigators and tax police raid Media Most offices. They allege tax dodging and ‘‘financial irregularities.’’ Media Most officials say it is because of their independent and sympathetic reporting on Chechnya. • April, 2001: NTV is soon taken over by Gazprom officials who terminate former staff and bring in more sympathetic (to Putin regime) staff and reporters. • November 26, 2001: A Moscow court orders the dissolution of TV-6, the country’s last major independent television station. The station, owned by selfexiled mogul Boris Berzovsky, employs journalists who left television station NTV when state gas company and creditor, Gazprom took control. • January 2l, 2002: Media Minister Mikhail Lesin takes TV-6, the country’s largest independent television station, off the air after its journalists renege on an agreement to cut ties with station owner Berezovsky. Lesin says TV-6 journalists can stay on the air if they ignore direction from Berezovsky who flees to Spain to avoid fraud charges. Of the country’s four major networks, TV-6 provides the most critical reporting about President Putin and the Chechen War. • April 2, 2002: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty announces the beginning of broadcasts to Chechnya. Russian officials voice concerns and issue warnings.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Baker, Peter. ‘‘Blacked Out: A Firsthand Look at the Demise of Russia’s Only Independent Television Network,’’ American Journalism Review (June 2001): 5055. Baker, Peter, and Susan B. Glasser. ‘‘Station Break,’’ New Republic, vol. 224, Issue l7 (23 April 2001): l6.

• Fall, l999: New military campaign begins in Chechyna with more popular support because of terrorist bombings in Moscow and also much tighter control of media coverage.

Blaustein, Albert, and Gisbert H. Flamz. ‘‘The Russian Constitution of December, l993,’’ Comparative Constitutions of the World, Dobbs Ferry, NY: Oceana Publications, l994.

• December 3l, l999: Boris Yeltsin resigns as president of the Russian Federation; appoints Vladimir Putin,

Collings, Anthony. Words of Fire: Independent Journalists Who Challenge Dictatorships, Druglords and Other

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Enemies of a Free Press. New York: New York University Press, 2001.

———. ‘‘Russian High Court Strikes Down Military Secrecy Order,’’ New York Times, 13 February 2002, A13.

Ellis, Frank. From Glasnost to Internet: Russia’s New Infosphere. New York: St. Martin’s Press, l999.

Ruud, Charles A. Fighting Words: Imperial Censorship and the Russian Press, l804-l906. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, l982.

Europe Worldbook, vol II, London: Europa Publications, Ltd., l999, 2001. Fossato, Floriana. ‘‘The Russia Media: From Popularity to Distrust,’’ Current History, vol. 100, no. 648 (October, 2001): 343-48. Gambrey, Jamey. ‘‘Moscow: The Front Page,’’ New York Review of Books (8 October l992): 56-62. Gevorkyan, Natalya, Natalya Timakova, and Andrei Kolesnikov. First Person: An Astonishingly Frank SelfPortrait by Russia’s President Vladimir Putin. London: Hutchison & Random House Group, 2000.

Shane, Scott. Dismantling Utopia: How Information Ended the Soviet Union. Chicago: Ivan R. Day, l994. Tavernise, Sabria. ‘‘Russia Imposes Flat Tax on Income and Its Coffers Swell,’’ New York Times March 23, A3. United States Department of State. ‘‘Country Reports on Human Rights Practices-2001 Russia,’’ Released by Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, Washington, D.C., March 4, 2002. Wines, Michael. ‘‘A Film Clip and Charges of a Kremlin Plot,’’ New York Times, 6 March 2002.

Gorbachev, Mikhail. The August Coup. London: HarperCollins, 1991.

Winters, Paul, ed. The Collapse of the Soviet Union. San Diego, CA: Greenhaven Press, Inc., 1999.

Great Soviet Encyclopedia, 3rd edition. New York: Macmillan, l973. Articles on ‘‘Press,’’ ‘‘Publishing,’’ and ‘‘Censorship’’.

Zassoursky, Y. and E. Vartenova. Changing Media and Communication. Moscow: Faculty of Journalism/ICAR, 1998.

Hoffman, David E. The Oligarchs: Wealth and Power in the New Russia. New York: Public Affairs, 2002.

—Philip D. Supina

Khrushchev, Nikita. Khrushchev Remembers. Edited by Eduard Crankshaw. Boston: Little, Brown, l970. Lipman, Masha. ‘‘Russia’s Free Press Withers Away,’’ New York Review of Books, vol. 48, no. 9 (31 May 2001): 4. Lovell, Stephen. The Russian Reading Revolution: Print Culture in the Soviet and Post Soviet Eras. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2000. McReynolds, Louise. The News Under Russia’s Old Regime: The Development of a Mass Circulation Press. Princeton: Princeton University Press, l991. Mickiewicz, Ellen. Changing Channels: Television and the Struggle for Power in Russia. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, l999. Murray, John. The Russia Press from Brezhnev to Yeltsin: Behind the Paper Curtain. Aldershot: Edward Elgar, l994. ———. ‘‘Nonstate TV Wins License to Broadcast,’’ New York Times, (28 March 2002): A7. Nordenstreung, Kaarle, Elena Vertanova, and Yasson Zassoursky, editors. Russia Media Challenge. Helsinki: Kikimora Publications, 2001. Ricchiarti, Sherry. ‘‘Out of the Past: Russia’s Crackdown on the Media is an Unhappy Echo of the Iron Curtain Era.’’ American Journalism Review (May, 2001): 42-49. 792

RWANDA BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Rwandese Republic

Region (Map name):

Africa

Population:

7,229,129

Language(s):

Kinyarwanda, French, English, Kiswahili (Swahili)

Literacy rate:

60.5%

Approximately the size of the state of Maryland, the Republic of Rwanda is a landlocked country; the nearest harbor is at 1,000 miles. It is located just south of the equator, bordered by Congo (ex-Zaire), Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania, and Burundi. The capital is Kigali. The population amounts to about eight million people (Hutu 84 percent, Tutsi 15 percent, and Twa 1 percent). Religiously, 76 percent are Christians, 10 percent Adventists, 2 percent Muslims, 7 percent indigenous, and 5 percent are not religious. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

RWANDA

Officially, Banyarwanda (the people of Rwanda) speak French and English, but Kinyarwanda and Kiswahili are also used. Since its independence in 1962 from Belgium, Rwanda has lived under internal siege, turmoil, and even genocide. In 1994, in the wake of the president’s plane crash, over 500,000 Banyarwanda died, mostly at the hands of the Hutus. The November 1994 Multiparty Protocol of Understanding has gradually repaired the bloody climate.

daily newspaper. The two monthlies are Inkingi (Kinyarwanda) and La Relève (French). There exists one statecontrolled television and one state-controlled radio systems. Press and media in Rwanda are used as propaganda instruments by both sides in the political and ethnic conflicts. However, recent trends towards democracy and ‘‘interethnicity’’ may eventually lead to a more free press.

Rwanda remains an extremely impoverished nation with a GDP at less than US $1,000 per capita. The HIV infection rate is 12 percent. The economy is largely duocommodity-based (coffee and tea) and is thus extremely susceptible to world commodity price volatility.

The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). World Factbook 2001. Directorate of Intelligence, 2002. Available from www.cia.gov/.

Daily newspaper circulation is one of the lowest in the world at 0.1 per 1000 Banyarwanda. There is one

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

BIBLIOGRAPHY

The Embassy of the Republic of Rwanda. 1999. Available from www.rwandemb.org/. —Samuel Sarri

793

local television stations. There is one Internet service provider.

SAINT HELENA

BIBLIOGRAPHY BASIC DATA Official Country Name: Region (Map name): Population: Language(s): Literacy rate:

Saint Helena Africa 7,212 English 97%

Saint Helena, a group of islands in the South Atlantic Ocean midway between South America and Africa, was uninhabited when they were discovered by the Portuguese in 1502. Its most notorious resident was Napoleon Bonaparte, who was exiled there from 1815 until his death in 1821. Today, it is known for much tamer reasons: one of its islands is the site of a United States Air Force auxiliary airfield and serves as a breeding ground for sea turtles and sooty terns, and the area harbors at least 40 species of plants unknown anywhere else in the world. The official language is English. The population is approximately 7,000, and the literacy rate is 97 percent. The chief of state is the British monarch, and the head of government is a Governor and Commander in Chief, who is appointed by the monarch. There is a 15-seat unicameral Legislative Council. The economy depends largely on financial assistance from Britain—there are few jobs in the islands—but fishing, handicrafts and cattle also play important roles. The media in St. Helena enjoys freedom of press and speech. The country’s only major newspaper is the English-language weekly the St. Helena Herald, which appears on Fridays in print and online. It replaced the government-sponsored weekly St. Helena News in June 2001. There is one radio station, which is AM, for 3,000 radios. There are 2,000 televisions in the country, but no WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

‘‘Annual Survey of Freedom Related Territory Scores,’’ Freedom House (2000). Available from http:// www.freedomhouse.org. ‘‘St. Helena,’’ Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). World Factbook (2001). Available from http://www.cia.gov. ‘‘Country Profile,’’ Worldinformation.com (2002). Available from http://www.worldinformation.com. ‘‘St. Helena Herald,’’ St. Helena News Media (2002). Available from http://www.news.co.sh. —Jenny B. Davis

SAINT KITTS AND NEVIS BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Saint Kitts and Nevis

Region (Map name):

Caribbean

Population:

38,819

Language(s):

English

Literacy rate:

97%

The islands of Saint Kitts and Nevis, located in the Caribbean Sea between Puerto Rico and Trinidad and Tobago, are said to resemble a baseball bat and ball, respectively. Settled by Britain in the early seventeenth century, the country declared independence in 1983. Despite its 795

SAINT LUCIA

independence, the chief of state remains the British monarch, who appoints a local Governor General. Heading the government is a Prime Minister, who presides over a unicameral, 14-seat National Assembly. The official language is English. The population is approximately 39,000, and the literacy rate is 97 percent. The economy, once dependent on sugarcane, has diversified to include tourism, export-oriented manufacturing, and offshore banking. The media enjoys freedom of press and speech. Each major political party sponsors a publication, and the opposition parties freely criticize the government. Radio and television are government-owned, and there are some access restrictions levied on opposition political parties, but the government has pledged to privatize them. There is no daily newspaper. There are two independent weekly newspapers: The Leewards Times and The St. Kitts Nevis Observer. Both appear on Fridays and print in English. The Labour Spokesman, affiliated with the government’s party, publishes twice weekly, on Wednesday and Saturday in English. The Democrat is backed by the opposition party and appears every Saturday, also in English. There are four radio stations, one FM and three AM, for 28,000 radios. There is one local television station, but its antenna was destroyed during Hurricane Georges in 1998, and it is currently broadcasting via cable. There are 10,000 televisions on the island and 16 Internet service providers.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ‘‘Country Profile,’’ Worldinformation.com (2002). Available from http://www.worldinformation.com. ‘‘Saint Kitts and Nevis,’’ CIA World Fact Book (2001). Available from http://www.cia.gov. ‘‘St. Kitts-Nevis,’’ Freedom House (2000). Available from http://www.freedomhouse.org. ‘‘St. Kitts and Nevis Media Survey,’’ UNESCO. (n.d.). Available from http://www.unesco.org. —Jenny B. Davis

Language(s): Literacy rate:

English, French patois 67%

Saint Lucia is located between the Caribbean Sea and the North Atlantic Ocean, north of Trinidad and Tobago. Originally inhabited by the Carib people, Britain and France both claimed the territory as their own. Through the seventeenth and early eighteenth century, it changed possession between the two European nations 14 times. It was finally ceded to Britain in 1814, and in 1979, Saint Lucia declared independence. The population is approximately 160,000, and English is the official language, although French patois is also spoken. The literacy rate is 67 percent. Saint Lucia is an independent state within the Commonwealth of Great Britain, meaning the head of state is the British monarch, represented locally by a Governor General. The Governor General appoints a Prime Minister to act as the Head of Government. There is a bicameral Parliament with an 11member Senate and a 17-member House of Assembly. The mainstay of the economy is bananas, but tourism and construction are gaining in importance as banana production declines. The government is working to develop the country’s manufacturing industry and an offshore financial sector. The Constitution provides for freedom of speech and of the press, but some censorship occurs, most recently involving the ban of certain books. There are five privately owned newspapers, but none publish daily. The St. Lucia Star appears every Wednesday and Saturday. Its print circulation is 3,000, and it is available online. The Voice prints three times a week: Tuesday, Wednesday and Saturday. The Mirror appears on Friday, and One Caribbean and The Crusader publish on Saturday. There are nine radio stations, one AM and seven FM, serving 111,000 radios. There are two commercial television stations and one community antenna broadcasting to 32,000 televisions. There are 15 Internet service providers.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ‘‘About Star Publishing Co.,’’ St. Lucia Star (2002). Available from http://www.stluciastar.com. ‘‘Country Profile,’’ Worldinformation.com (2002). Available from http://www.worldinformation.com.

SAINT LUCIA

Jacinta Raggie, St. Lucia Tourist Board Information Systems Officer, [email protected], April 28, 2002. ‘‘Saint Lucia,’’ CIA World Fact Book (2001). Available from http://www.cia.gov.

BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Saint Lucia

Region (Map name):

Caribbean

Population:

156,260

796

‘‘Saint Lucia,’’ Commission on Human Rights. (n.d.). Available from http://www.humanrights-usa.net. —Jenny B. Davis WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

SAINT VINCENT AND THE GRENADINES

SAINT PIERRE AND MIQUELON

SAINT VINCENT AND THE GRENADINES BASIC DATA

BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Territorial Collectivity of St. Pierre and Miquelon

Official Country Name:

Saint Vincent and the Grenadines

Region (Map name):

Caribbean

Region (Map name):

North & Central America

Population:

115,461

Language(s):

English, French patois

Population:

6,896

Literacy rate:

96%

Language(s):

French

Literacy rate:

99%

First settled by the French in the early seventeenth century, the two islands of Saint Pierre and Miquelon, located in the North Atlantic Ocean south of Canada’s Newfoundland, represent the last vestige of France’s North American empire, which once stretched as far south as Louisiana. It is a self-governing territorial collectivity of France and, as such, the official language is French. Its population is approximately 7,000, and the literacy rate is 99 percent. The French president is the chief of state, represented locally by a Prefect. Heading the government is a President of the General Council, who presides over a unicameral, 19-seat General Council. The economy is driven by fishing, but disputes with Canada over fishing quotas are contributing to the decline of this industry. The government is trying to expand its tourism industry to provide more income to the country. As a territory of France, the media of Saint Pierre and Miquelon enjoys freedom of press and speech. There is no daily newspaper; L’Echo des Caps is a municipal weekly magazine founded in 1982 to cover local policy, history, business, and sports. An Internet publication, L’Echo de I’Internet, appears online occasionally. There are five radio stations, one AM and four FM, serving 4,000 radios. There are 4,000 televisions on the island but no major television stations. There is one Internet service provider.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ‘‘Country Profile,’’ CIA World Fact Book (2001). Available from http://www.odci.gov. ‘‘Pictures and the Local Media,’’ St. Pierre et Miquelon (n.d.). Available from http://www.st-pierre-etmiquelon.com. —Jenny B. Davis WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, located in the Caribbean Sea north of Trinidad and Tobago, is a study in contrasts. The main island, Saint Vincent, is rugged with volcanic mountains and is relatively underdeveloped, while the 30 islands and cays that comprise the Grenadines boast bare coral reefs and cater to well-heeled tourists and yachters. In the eighteenth century, ownership of the islands was disputed between France and Britain, but control finally ceded to Britain in 1783. The country declared independence in 1979, but the administration of the Grenadines is divided between Saint Vincent and Grenada. Heading the state is the British monarch, represented locally by a Governor General. A Prime Minister heads the government. The legislative branch is comprised of a 21-member House of Assembly. The official language is English, but many speak French patois. The population is approximately 116,000, and the literacy rate is 96 percent. Agriculture, especially banana production, dominates the economy, but tourism also plays a major role and represents the country’s best chance to diversify its economy and increase prosperity. The press is independent and free, but there are some restrictions levied on the government-owned radio station—specifically, call-in shows are prohibited. Although equal access to radio broadcasting is mandated, the government in power does not always adhere to this rule. The Herald is the only daily newspaper in the country, and it bills itself as the first. It publishes in print and online. There are six independent weekly newspapers: The Independent Weekly, The News, Searchlight, The Vincentian, The Westindian Crusader, and The Star. Justice, a weekly, is the mouthpiece of the United People’s Movement. The New Democratic Party is affiliated with The New Times, a weekly, and Unity, which appears fortnightly, is supported by the United Labor Party. There are four radio stations, one AM and three FM, serving 77,000 radios. One television station broadcasts to 18,000 televisions. There are 15 Internet service providers. 797

SAMOA

BIBLIOGRAPHY ‘‘Country Profile,’’ BBC (2000). Available from http:// news.bbc.co.uk. The Herald, (2000) Home Page. Available from http:// www.heraldsvg.com. ‘‘St. Vincent and the Grenadines,’’ CIA World Factbook (2001). Available from http://www.cia.gov. ‘‘St. Vincent and the Grenadines,’’ Freedom House (2000). Available from http://www.freedomhouse.org. ‘‘St. Vincent & The Grenadines,’’ Lonely Planet (2002). Available from http://www.lonelyplanet.com. St. Vincent and the Grenadines Broadcasting Corp. Ltd. (2002) Home Page. Available from http://www.svgbc. com/news.htm. —Jenny B. Davis

SAMOA

‘‘Country Profile: Samoa.’’ BBC News. (n.d.). Available from http://news.bbc.co.uk/. Independent State of Western Samoa

Region (Map name):

Oceania

Population:

179,466

Language(s):

Samoan (Polynesian), English

Literacy rate:

97%

Samoa, a group of nine volcanic islands in the South Pacific Ocean midway between Hawaii and New Zealand, was known as Western Samoa until 1997. Formerly governed by Germany, New Zealand took over its administration at the outset of World War II. Samoa declared independence from New Zealand in 1962, becoming the first nation in the region to reestablish independence in the twentieth century. Nevertheless, Samoa is considered to be one of the world’s least developed countries. The official languages are Samoan and English. The population is around 179,000, and the literacy rate is 97 percent. The state is led by a chief, who serves until death. A prime minister heads the government and presides over a 49-seat Legislative Assembly. Samoa’s economy is highly dependent on fishing and agriculture, but is trying to diversify by promoting tourism, offshore banking and light manufacturing. 798

There are four radio stations, one AM and three FM, serving around 178,000 radios. Six television stations broadcast to around 11,000 televisions. There are two Internet service providers.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Media freedom in Samoa is extremely limited. Opposition parties have no access to print media and only limited access to radio and television, which are staterun. The country’s main daily newspaper, the Samoa Observer, is independent, but has been sued repeatedly for reporting on alleged corruption and abuse of public office. Attacks on the newspaper include a suspicious fire that burned its printing press, an assault on the editor by relatives of a government minister, and withdrawal of advertising by local businesses. The Samoa Observer prints every day but Monday, and is available online. The country’s other daily is the Samoa Times. Both dailies publish in English. Le Samoa, a weekly, appears every Tuesday in both English and Samoan. It archives Englishlanguage articles online and is developing its own Web site. Savali, a government-run newspaper, publishes every fortnight in Samoan and English. It is developing a Web page on the government’s Web site.

‘‘Country Report—Samoa.’’ Australian Press Council (n.d.). Available fromhttp://www.presscouncil.org.au/. ‘‘List of Past Publications.’’ Le Samoa. (2000). Available from http://www.samoa.ws/lesamoa/. ‘‘Samoa.’’ Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). In The World Fact Book 2001. Available from http:// www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/ws.html. Savali. (1999). Available from http://www.samoa.ws/ govtsamoapress/savali_newspaper.htm. —Jenny B. Davis

SAN MARINO BASIC DATA Official Country Name: Region (Map name): Population: Language(s): Literacy rate:

Republic of San Marino Europe 26,937 Italian 96%

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

SA˜O TOMÉ AND PRÍNCIPE

The Republic of San Marino, the world’s smallest republic and Europe’s oldest state, is situated entirely within Italy’s borders. There are five daily newspapers within the country’s total area of 61.2 square kilometers. However, due to its location and small size (the entire country is only about one-third the size of Washington, D.C.), it relies on the Italian press for its news coverage. Most regional and Italian national newspapers, particularly Il Resto del Carlino, include San Marino coverage. Daily newspaper circulation is approximately 72 per 1,000 people. The country has one state-owned television station and one state-owned radio station, but San Marino also receives Italian television broadcasts. The country has two Internet service providers as of 2001. The literacy rate in San Marino is extremely high—96 percent—and citizens enjoy a free press. The country’s per capita income was $32,000 in 2000. Nearly all of San Marino’s citizens speak Italian, the official language, and the majority of the country is Roman Catholic. San Marino’s political system is a democracy, with five major political parties.

BIBLIOGRAPHY The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The World Factbook 2002. Available from http://www.cia.gov. The Columbia Encyclopedia, sixth ed. 2001. World Desk Reference, 2002. —Carol Marshall

SA˜O TOMÉ AND PRÍNCIPE BASIC DATA Official Country Name: Region (Map name): Population: Language(s): Literacy rate:

Democratic Republic of Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe Africa 159,883 Portuguese 73%

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe is a small-island nation, made up of two main islands and several small islets. It WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

is located off the western coast of Africa, on the Gulf of Guinea, 125 miles off the coast of Gabon. The islands are of volcanic origin, with rich soil and vegetation. This nation occupies a small area of 386 square miles. It has about 160,000 inhabitants, 95 percent living on Sa˜o Tomé. The population is formed of six ethnic groups: mestiços or mixed-blood descendants of African slaves; angolares, descendants of Angolan slaves; forros, descendants of freed slaves after slavery was abolished; serviçais, contracted laborers who live temporarily on the island; tongas, children from the serviçais; and Europeans, mainly Portuguese. The official language is Portuguese and Lungwa Santomé is the main dialect. The dialects are creole languages based on Portuguese. The major religion is Roman Catholic, but there are Evangelical Protestants and Seventh-Day Adventists as well. Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe was discovered by the Portuguese in 1486. The colony’s aspiration for independence was recognized after the 1974 coup in Portugal. The country gained independence in 1975. At first the Movement for the Liberation of Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe was the country’s sole political party, but in 1990 the constitution created a multiparty democracy. Manuel Pinto da Costa was elected president and served until 1991. Since then the country has struggled to improve the economy and conditions of life. It has had an established market economy since 1991. Miguel dos Anjos da Cunha Lisboa Trovoada became the first democratically elected president and served two five-year terms (1990-2001), the maximum allowed by the constitution. Since 2001, Fradique Melo Bandeira de Menezes was the country’s third president. Fradique de Menezes was a wealthy cacao exporter and was elected with 65 percent of the votes. Among his main plans to assure the country’s economy is the generation of revenues from new offshore oil fields, starting in 2003, that will be used to improve mainly the infrastructure of public services. Cocoa has been the main product, but has declined due to drought and mismanagement. Fuel, most manufactured goods, and food depend on imports. Sa˜o Tomé benefited from US $200 million in debt relief in 2000 under the Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) program. The Press The following weekly newspapers are published in Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe: Revoluça˜o, an official organ of the Ministry of Information, Diário da República and Tribuna, both of which are also online. The Diário da República, with the aid of the Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda of Portugal, is the first official web-newspaper of a country with Portuguese as the official language. Povo is a weekend newspaper and magazine. Tela Non Diario can be accessed online. 799

SAUDI ARABIA

CENSORSHIP The press and media systems are important vehicles for the ongoing economic activities and measures adopted by the government. Freedom of expression is protected constitutionally and respected in practice. Although the state controls a local press agency and radio and television stations, there are no laws forbidding independent broadcasting. Free airtime is granted to opposition parties. In June 1995 the police assumed control of the national radio station due to a strike by the employees of the station for salary increases. Further developments led to a coup attempt on August 15, 1995. The insurgents justified the coup as an alert to the population about corruption and political incompetence. This political situation ended with a ‘‘memorandum of understanding’’ and the promise of president Trovoada to restructure several governmental organizations. Newsletters and pamphlets with governmental criticism can circulate freely.

BROADCAST & ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA The country has a telecommunication infrastructure and full Internet services are being developed by the national telecom, the Companhia Santomense de Telecomunicaço˜es (CST), of which 51 percent is owned by Portugal Telecommunications International (PTI). Tecnologia de Sistemas Informático is the main enterprise of the local computer community and it is jointly administered with Bahnhof Internet AB of Sweden. National radio broadcasting is done by Radio Nacional de Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe, which is a state-operated radio service. There are two AM radio broadcast stations and four FM. There are 38,000 radios in the country and 23,000 television sets (1997 statistics), two Internet service providers with about 670 Internet host sites, and 500 Internet users (2000 statistics). Television broadcasting is done by TVS—Televisa˜o Sa˜otomense, also a stateoperated broadcasting agency.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Ewing, Debra, Robert C. Kelly, and Denise Youngblood, eds. Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe Country Review 1999/2000. CountryWatch.com, 1999. Hodges, Tony. Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1988. Mata, Inocência. Diálogo com as ilhas: sobre cultura e literatura de Sa˜o Tomé e Príncipe. Lisboa: Ediço˜es Colibri, 1998. Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe Country Study Guide (World Foregin Policy and Government Library). International Business Publications, 2nd ed., 2001. Shaw, Caroline S. Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe. Santa Barbara, California: Clio Press, 1995. 800

STPinfo Notícias. June 2002. 212.54.130.168/noticias.htm.

Available

from

Sa˜o Tomé e Príncipe Homepage. 2002. Available from www.stome.com. —Monica Rector

SAUDI ARABIA BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Kingdom of Saudi Arabia

Region (Map name):

Middle East

Population:

22,757,092

Language(s):

Arabic

Literacy rate:

62.8%

Area:

1,960,582 sq km

GDP:

173,287 (US$ millions)

Number of Television Stations:

117

Number of Television Sets:

5,100,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

224.1

Number of Cable Subscribers:

82,800

Cable Subscribers per 1,000:

4.0

Number of Satellite Subscribers:

1,914,000

Satellite Subscribers per 1,000:

84.1

Number of Radio Stations:

76

Number of Radio Receivers:

6,250,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

274.6

Number of Individuals with Computers:

1,300,000

Computers per 1,000:

57.1

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

200,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

8.8

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

SAUDI ARABIA

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Geography A country of significant religious orientation and possessing one-fourth of the world’s oil reserves, Saudi Arabia (Al Arabiyah as Suudiyah) wields substantial political influence. As one of the Gulf States, it is bordered to the north by Jordan, Iraq, and Kuwait, to the south by Yemen and Qatar, and to the southeast by the UAE, Bahrain, and Qatar. At 850,000 square miles it is the largest political actor in the Gulf Region, taking up more than two-thirds of the Arabian Peninsula and besting the next largest state of the region—Iran—by roughly 200,000 square miles. In fact, all of the land area of its bordering neighbors when added together only amounts to approximately 516,000 square miles. Though land alone is not always an indicator of political influence, in this case it does correlate due in large part to the oil reserves it has bequeathed to the country. For Saudi Arabia, oil is the most valuable natural resource it possesses; actually, it is one of the few it possesses. Never colonized or wholly dominated by an outside power, the Saudis in large part have their bleak landscape and harsh climate to thank for this detail. There are no rivers, lakes, or forests in the country and only intermittent streams ever flow and only in certain areas. Less than 1 percent of its land is agriculturally viable for any crop with most of the actual surface area being either rock, gravel, or sand. The limited agriculture that does occur is in the Western mountainous Hijaz province where, with some of the peaks reaching 10,000 feet, enough precipitation falls. In other areas enough scrub brush survives to be used for grazing, but even this is only for about one-third of the land area. Along with the Hijaz, the middle Najd province and the eastern Hasa province are habitable, but in the south, there is a region known as the Rub’al-Khali or the ‘‘Empty Quarter.’’ This area is rainless and hosts the largest area of sand in the world, dunes that can be several hundred feet tall, and a blistering desert wind that eternally shifts it all about. It is uninhabited even by nomadic tribes. History While Saudi Arabia has had a long and colorful history, including being the birthplace of Islam, the origins of the current Kingdom of Saudi Arabia began around 1902 when an exiled 22-year-old Abd al-Aziz ibn Abd ar-Rahman, who later became Abd al-Aziz Al-Saud (also written Abdul Aziz ibn Saud or Abdul Aziz AlSa’ud), launched a daring rescue of his family’s former holdings that had been captured by the Rashid family in 1890. With only about 200 men he captured the walled city of Riyadh and began to restore the power of the House of Sa’ud. The Sa’ud family, as well as historically holding political influence in the area, also popularized WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

the particular sense of Sunni Islam known as the Wahhabi movement currently prevalent in Saudi Arabia. Wahhabism had its beginnings in the seventeenth century when Muhamad ibn Saud—leader of a tribe in the Najd— accepted the teachings of Muhammad ibn Abd alWahhab. After capturing Riyadh, Abd al-Aziz greatly expanded his territory over the next 30 years, including incorporating the all-important Mecca and Medina into his realm. In addition, he consolidated enough power preceding and during World War I (paid $25,000 a year by the British not to side with Turkey) that by September 23, 1932, the Kingdom Saudi Arabia (Al Mamlakah al Arabiyah as Suudiyah) was proclaimed under his rule. He ruled until his death in 1953. Abd al-Aziz was succeeded by his son Saud who ruled through 1964. However, during portions of this time his brother Prince Faisal actually ran government affairs. After a power struggle, Faisal was made King on November 2, 1964. Faisal was a firm supporter of the Palestinians in their struggle against Israel, a critic of communism for any Arab country, often at odds with Egypt over policy, and happened to put the events in motion that created the United States’ oil crisis in the 1970s. He was shot and killed by a nephew in 1975. Faisal’s brother Khalid was then proclaimed King. Khalid ruled until his death in 1982. Khalid’s principle aide and brother, Fahd, succeeded him as King. King Fahd Bin-Abd-al-Aziz Al Sa’ud is a son of the country’s original founder and in addition to being King, in 1986 also declared himself ‘‘Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques’’ to affirm his commitment to Islam. While Fahd remains King after suffering a number of strokes in 1995 his brother, Prince Abdullah, has been the active ruler. Current Social/Political Characteristics As of 2001, Saudi Arabia had a population of more than 22 million people with an average annual income of about eight thousand dollars. The capital Riyadh (population 4.3 million) lies in the Najd province. Other important cities include: Mecca (1.2 million), Medina, Jeddah (2.25 million), and Damman/Khobar/Dhahran (1.6 million). The country is 90 percent Arab and 10 percent AfroAsian in ethnic composition. The official language is Arabic with English also taught in schools. In relation to religion it is almost 100 percent Islamic, the exception being expatriate workers. The country is governed according to traditional Islamic law called Shari’a and also by a set of Basic Laws introduced in 1993 delineating the government’s rights and responsibilities. There is no suffrage in the country. Saudi Arabia is a hereditary monarchy where the King is both the chief of state and the head of government and the crown prince 801

SAUDI ARABIA

is deputy of both state and government. There are also both a Council of Ministers and a Supreme Council of Justice. There are no political pressure groups and political parties are not allowed. The Press In 1908, the country’s first newspaper—al Hijaz—appeared. Up to World War II a few other papers appeared, including Umm al Qura, the official government journal, Sawt al Hijaz, and Madinah al Manawarah. These were shut down, except for Umm al Qura, during WWII due to lack of funding. Publication of these papers was resumed in the late 1940s from Jeddah; Madinah under the same name, and Sawt al Hijaz under the name of Bilad al Sa’udiyah. There are 13 dailies (approximately one major daily is allowed per region) being published in both English and Arabic with Ar-Riyadh, Al-Jazirah, and Riyadh Daily being among the leading papers. As well, Sharq Al Awsat (The Middle East) is a leading Arabic daily and magazine in the region—started in 1978 and published in London under the ownership of Saudi Research and Publishing Company (SRPC), a firm under the umbrella company of Saudi Research and Marketing Group, SRMG). There are approximately 200 non-dailies being published. The overall average circulation for the country is listed as around 59 per 1,000 people. However, because there is no independent audit bureau of circulation in the country, circulation figures are at best estimates with reported figures sometimes fluctuating dramatically form source to source. A good example of this can be seen with the daily, Arab News. The reported circulation figures for this fluctuate between 51,481 and 110,000. The dailies typically available include (estimated circulation figures presented when available; defaulting to recency of report first and secondly to the lowest reported figures): Arab News (circ. 51,481; editor-in-chief, Khaled Al-Maeena), Al-Bilad (The Country; circ. 60,200; editorin-chief, Abdulmajid Al-Shubukshi), Al-Eqtisadiah (circ. 76,928; editor, B. Oweida), Al-Hayat (circ. 168,250; editor, Omar Jastaniyah), Al-Jazirah (The Peninsula; circ. 93,000; ed-in-Chief, Mohammed bin Abbas), Al-Madina al-Munawara (Medina—The Enlightened City; circ. 46,370; editor-in-chief, Usama As-Siba’ie), Al-Watan, An-Nadwah (The Council; circ. 35,000; editor, Mohamed Algaddadi), Okaz (circ. 107,614; editor-in-chief, Khalid Darraj), Al-Riyadh (circ. 91,000; editor-in-chief, Turki A. As-Sudari), Riyadh Daily (circ. 91,000; editor-in-chief, Talaat Wafa), Saudi Gazette (circ. 60,000; editor-inchief, Dr. Ahmad Al-Youssuf), URDU News (circ. 54,712; editor, B. Oweida), Al-Yaum (Today; circ. 34,000; editor-in-chief, Mohammed Al Waeel). Some of the weeklies include: Arrajol (circ. 37,378; editor, B. Oweida), Al-Jamila (circ. 63,799; editor, Sarah 802

Al-Etabi), Laha (circ. 92,000; editor, Nadiah Shiekh), AlMuslimoon (The Muslims; circ. 68,665, ed-in-chief, Dr. Abdullah Ar-Rifa’e), Saudi Arabia Business Week, Saudi Economic Survey (circ. 2,500; general manager, Walid S. Ashour), Sayidati (My Lady; editor-in-chief, MataralAhmadi), and Al-Yamama (circ. 35,000; editor-in-chief, Abdullah Al-Jahlan). A range of other periodicals are published including: Ahlan Wasahlan (Welcome), Majallat al-Iqtisad walIdara (Journal of Economics and Administration), Saudi Review, As-Soqoor (Falcons), At-Tadhamon al-Islami (Islamic Solidarity), and At-Tijarah (Commerce). The topical range of Saudi press has increased considerably in recent years. In large part this is due to an increasing reader base that is the result of an expanding growth in literacy in the country. Literacy figures fluctuate like the circulation figures, but the highest available current statistics suggest 87.9 percent of males and 74.2 percent of females are literate. Compared with an early 1980s estimate of a 15 percent overall literacy rate the logic behind the expansion in print becomes readily apparent. Traditionally, any available positive or general affairs having to do with the royal family are always presented in every newspaper after it is sent to the them by the Saudi Press Agency (SPA), owned by the government. Other than this, newspapers vary in focus along the lines of politics, religion, editorializing, consumer information, local/national/international news emphases, economics, and the like. However, the Ministry of Information does provide guidelines on some issues for the papers to follow.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK The press in Saudi Arabia is privately owned. However, a number of organizations either have close connections with the royal family or actually have various members of the royal family involved in operations. There are approximately 12 publishing companies that control much of the publishing in the country’s dailies, weeklies, and others. While there is some variety due to the number of publishing companies, some of the companies publish multiple titles potentially lessening the overall variety due to similarity in influence. For instance, Saudi Research and Publishing Company oversees the publishing of 17 titles including five of the 13 dailies. Dailies are typically published Saturday-Thursday (Friday being held sacred by Muslims). Advertising is allowed in publications and this helps to subsidize the cost of production lessening the public’s price of newsprint, which is almost all imported. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

SAUDI ARABIA

PRESS LAWS

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS

There is a 1964 press code that gives the government the right to interfere with the press when it feels the general welfare is threatened such as with criticism of Islam, the royal family, or the government. In such cases, publishing of the paper can be curtailed. This is supposed to happen nadiran (rarely). Also included in this code is the right of the Ministry of Information to veto any candidate in any company up for the board of directors. The Ministry also appoints the editor-in-chief and the chairman-ofthe-board in all companies from among candidates chosen by each board. It also has the power to dismiss those chosen for these positions.

As per above, as long as the press remains within the broad guidelines set out by the government there is a cordial relationship between the two. Of course, there is no question of who has the final authority in matters as from time to time harsh sentences are laid upon journalists and/ or publishers who fail to follow guidelines.

Also, despite privatization of ownership for printing and publishing houses, all such organizations are required to be licensed by the Ministry of Information. The terms for licensure include having at least 15 Saudis involved, being headed by a director general, and having at least one hundred thousand Saudi riyals (SAR) available. Licenses can be revoked arbitrarily at any time.

CENSORSHIP In theory, Saudi Arabia’s privately owned publishing companies enjoy relative freedom of expression in the press. However, for all practical purposes they are essentially official newspapers. The press is closely scrutinized by the Director General of Broadcasting, Press and Publications and can be censored on any significant topic or sensitive issue that does not meet with government approval. Additionally, a 1982 royal decree requires journalists to adhere to stringent self-censorship specifically dealing with foreign or national heads of state. While the tendency is for the government to deal quietly with issues of concern, sentencing can be quick and extreme. Also, the press and other media are owned by people who have interests based in maintaining the status quo for economic and political reasons—due especially to the way in which they are licensed and chosen by the government—and therefore are unlikely to go against government desires in general. A further portion of the problem is that press freedom violations are typically not reported to reporting agencies for fear of further repercussions and therefore the extent of the problem remains unknown. Overall, while there is legal freedom of the press there is significant censorship occurring—whether it is self or government imposed. Yet, compared to a decade ago press freedom seems to be increasing except for recent setbacks such as the editor of Al-Madina being deposed on March 18, 2002, after publishing a critical poem by a famous Saudi poet critiquing Saudi judges (the poet was imprisoned on March 16, 2002) and a revocation on March 22, 2002, of a royal decree a year earlier that had allowed Al-Hayat to be distributed without censorship. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA Foreign journalists have a difficult time in Saudi Arabia. There is considerable restriction of movement and information available. Visas are hard to come by and are stringently monitored along with the content they are producing for publication. Journalists walk a fine line in Saudi Arabia between being able to be ethically true to their convictions and being able to stay in the country. Foreign media is available, but it is screened upon entry to the country before being released to the Saudi public. Much of the negative attitude toward the foreign press, especially of Western press, is that it is unethical. It often violates aspects of Islam which the Saudi government and Saudi Imams find offensive. Political content is also censored, but it often times need not even get to that point due to advertising that becomes the immediate negative.

NEWS AGENCIES The Saudi Press Agency (SPA), established in 1971 and owned by the government, is solely responsible for the creation of official news. This is then forwarded to all national papers for inclusion in their publications.

BROADCAST MEDIA Radio has historically been an important fixture. King Saud introduced radio into the country under duress from the Wahhabi ulema (Islamic theologians). He circumvented their arguments against it by replying, ‘‘Can anything be bad which transmits the word of God?’’ Today there are 43 AM, 31 FM, and 2 short-wave broadcast stations in the country broadcasting to 6.25 million radios in approximately 43 languages. For all of the stations available, there is one state-owned service—Saudi Arabian Broadcasting Service—and one privately owned radio service—Saudi ARAMCO FM Radio, with the private service available to employees of Saudi Arabian American Oil Company (ARAMCO). As a partial exception to its policies, since the invasion of Kuwait and the stationing of foreign military personnel in the country, Saudi Arabia has allowed the United States (as well as Britain) to utilize some FM sta803

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that are easily accessible. Satellite dishes are officially banned in the kingdom, but the government rarely enforces the ban. Qatar-based Al-Jazeera provides the most popular satellite programming.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA Through close surveillance by a department of the King Abdul Aziz City for Science and Technology (KASCT), Saudi Arabia maintains strict control over the Internet, censoring any content deemed offensive to Islam or to the government. As an example of the government’s control, in February 2002, the government shut down over 400 sites without providing explanation. Be that as it may, a number of traditional press publications, publishers, radio stations, and even TV stations maintain a presence on the Internet.

tions, under the rubric the Desert Shield Network, to broadcast programming from ‘‘back home.’’ Much of this programming arrived via satellite from Armed Forces Radio and Television Service (AFRTS) based in Los Angeles. Broadcast service for stationed American personnel continues to operate and provides an interesting variation from the usual local programming and other short-wave programming such as the BBC and VOA. One other relatively recent phenomenon is MBCFM. It is an Saudi-owned, Arabic language service broadcast from London, relayed by satellite to major Saudi cities, and rebroadcast on local FM stations. Its programming provides music, news, and talk shows. It is the only private radio station permitted; this is due to the fact that it is owned by Sheikh Walid Al Ibrahim, brotherin-law of King Fahd. First suggested in 1963 and becoming a reality July 15, 1965, television broadcasting is also a state-run affair overseen by the Ministry of Information, funded by the government and advertising revenue (advertising was allowed as of 1986), and broadcast by Saudi Arabian Government Television Service (Arabic) and Saudi Arabian Government Television Service Channel 2 (English with a news bulletin in French). However, as with radio, ARAMCO Oil Company runs one private service—Dahran HZ-22-TV or ARAMCO TV. Overall there are 117 broadcast stations broadcasting to 5.1 million television sets. Television is strenuously censored, especially as concerns the portrayal of women. The portrayal of women in media is an extremely sensitive issue due to the Islam opinion of the role of women. Working against the censorship of the national television network is the availability of satellite broadcasts 804

As of 2001 there were 400,000 Internet users and 42 Internet service providers (ISPs). Until 1999, there was no Internet public access in Saudi Arabia; use was limited to universities and some public operations. From no public access to 400,000 users in three years is suggestive of the remarkable electronic revolution occurring in the country. As well, unauthorized Internet access is available through Bahrain and the UAE and a purported 26,000 take advantage of this. Of all Internet users, an unofficial estimate is that two-thirds are women (suggested as being related to their restriction of movement).

SUMMARY While ongoing utilization of new technologies continues to open pathways into a traditionally closed society, Saudi Arabia remains resistant to many aspects relating to freedom of the press and to recognition of human rights. Yet, Saudi citizens have access to a fuller repertoire of information than ever before and Saudi government has less control over information flows than they ever have. It remains to be seen how or if this will translate into the creation of a more robust civil society with fuller freedoms for the press, for the media, and for all Saudi citizens.

SIGNIFICANT DATES • February 2002: Saudi government closes 400 Internet sites without explanation. • March 2002: Mohammed al-Mukhtar, editor-inchief of the daily paper Al-Madina dismissed by interior minister Prince Nayef, after printing a poem about judicial corruption. Abdul Mohsen Musalam, the poet, was jailed on March 16 for the offense. • March 2002: information minister Fuad al-Farsi orders the pre-distribution censorship of the pan-Arab daily paper Al-Hayat, revoking a royal decree issued a year earlier allowing it to be distributed without censorship. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

SENEGAL

BIBLIOGRAPHY All the World’s Newspapers. www.webwombat.com.au/.

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Atalpedia Online. Country Index. Available from http:// www.atlapedia.com/. British Broadcast Company. BBC News Country Profiles. Available: http://news.bbc.co.uk/. Boyd, Douglas. Broadcasting in the Arab World: A Survey of the Electronic Media in the Middle East, 3rd ed. Ames, IA: Iowa State University Press, 1999. Central Intelligence Agency. The World Factbook 2001. Available from http://www.cia.gov/cia/. International Press Institute. World Press Review. Available from http://www.freemedia.at/.

The Middle East, 9th ed. Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly Inc., 2000. UNESCO Institute for Statistics. Available from http:// www.uis.unesco.org. Vassiliev, Alexei. The History of Saudi Arabia. New York: New York University Press, 2000. World Bank. Data and Statistics. Available from http:// www.worldbank.org. World Desk Reference. www.travel.dk.com/wdr/.

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Yamani, Mai. Changed Identities: The Challenge of a New Generation in Saudi Arabia. London: Royal Institute of National Affairs, 1999. —Clint B. Thomas Baldwin

Jerichow, Anders. The Saudi File: People, Power, and Politics. Richmond, VA: Curzon Press Ltd., 1998. Kurian, George, ed. World Press Encyclopedia. New York: Facts on File, Inc., 1982. Library of Congress. Country Studies. Available from http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/. Maher, Joanne, ed. Regional Surveys of the World: The Middle East and North Africa 2002, 48th ed. London: Europa Publications, 2001. Redmon, Clare, ed. Willings Press Guide 2002, Vol. 2. Chesham, Bucks., UK: Waymaker Ltd., 2002. Reporters Sans Frontieres. Saudi Arabia Annual Report 2002. Available from http://www.rsf.fr. Reporters Sans Frontieres. Middle East Archives 2002. Available from http://www.rsf.fr. Russell, Malcom. The Middle East and South Asia 2001, 35th ed. Harpers Ferry, WV: United Book Press, Inc., 2001. Saudi Arabian Information Resource. Available from http://www.saudinf.com. Saudi Arabian Oil Company (ARAMCO). Available from http://www.saudiARAMCO.com. Saudi Press Agency. www.spa.gov.sa/html/.

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Saudi Public Relations Company (SPRC). Available from http://www.arab.net/. Stat-USA. International Trade Library: Country Background Notes. Available from http://www.stat-usa.gov. Sumner, Jeff, ed. Gale Directory of Publications and Broadcast Media, Vol. 5, 136th ed. Farmington Hills, MI: Gale Group, 2002. The Gulf/2000 Project. gulf2000.columbia.edu. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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SENEGAL BASIC DATA Official Country Name: Region (Map name): Population: Language(s): Literacy rate:

Republic of Senegal Africa 9,987,494 French, Wolof, Pulaar, Jola, Mandinka 33.1%

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS The westernmost country of Africa, Senegal occupies 531 km of North Atlantic coastline between GuineaBissau and Mauritania. It borders Mali, the Gambia and Guinea. It extends over 196,190 square kilometers of tropical hot and humid land. Its capital is Dakar. Previously a French colony, Senegal gained independence on April 4,1960. French is the official language but Wolof, Pulaar, Serere, Soninke, Jola and Mandinka are also widely used, and TV news is aired daily in all these languages. This diversity further complicates the issue of literacy, which stands at the low rate of 33.1 percent of people over fifteen who could read and write, of which 43 percent were male and only 23.2 percent were female. The Press Senegal has ten dailies, and the government created a four page daily bulletin about its own activities: 805

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Le Quotidien de la République (The Republic’s Daily). At the same time as this bulletin was created, a team of young journalists started work at the newly liberated Le Soleil (The Sun), that had previous government ties, and the Ministère de l’Information et de la Communication was closed. All these events altered and freed the climate of the Senegal press. Three other important newspapers are Le Sud Quotidien (The South Daily), Le Témoin (The Witness) and Walf Fadjri.

BROADCAST MEDIA

Le Soleil, created in spring 1970, succeeded the Société sénégalaise de Presse et de Publications’ (SSPP) Dakar-Matin (Dakar’s Morning, 1961-1970) and was named at the suggestion of writer Léopold Sédar Senghor who was then president of Senegal. Dakar-Matin had followed in the footsteps of Paris-Dakar (1933-1961) that had managed to grow from a weekly to a bi- then a triweekly and finally a daily in 1936. Dakar-Matin became Le Soleil, (the Sun) only one day after the first anniversary of the country’s newly acquired independence. In 2000, Hadj Kasse directed the paper. By 2002, Le Soleil employed 175 persons, published 25,000 copies daily and sold 23,000 copies. A group of regional correspondents is in place and the paper sells throughout Africa, Europe, Asia, the United States, Canada and the rest of the world. The group also has special ties to several foreign country newspapers including El Moudjahid in Algeria, La Presse in Tunisia, L’Union in Gabon, Mweti in Congo, Fraternité-Matin in the Ivory Coast and Le Matin in Morocco.

In 1996, Senegal achieved full Internet connectivity with Enda and Telecom Plus. Since then several ISP and cybercafes have been added, including Metissacana, Arc Information, Africa online, Cyber Business Center and Africa-network, making a total of six Internet providers and 30,000 users. This development stimulated the growth of information technology-based services.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK Senegal’s natural resources include fish, phosphates, and iron ore. The GDP per capita in purchasing power was approximately US $1,600 in the year 2000. The country started a bold economic reform in January 1994, cutting inflation down to 2 percent and diminishing the deficit. There are still problems of urban unemployment, juvenile delinquency and drug addiction.

NEWS AGENCIES The Agence de Presse Sénégalaise (APS, The Senegalese Press Agency) with its headquarters in Dakar, and the Agence de Distribution de Presse (ADP, The Press Distribution Agency) are the most important news agencies. Others include the Agence France Presse (The France Press Agency) with IZF, Afrique Tribune (Africa’s Tribune), Depeches de la Pana (The Pana’s Wire), and Edicom. Like many African countries Senegal is part of the Institut Panos Afrique de l’Ouest, an African organization involved with conflicts, minorities, violence and human rights issues. 806

Broadcasting is under the control of the Haut Conseil de la Radio-Télévision (HCRT) in Dakar. In 1998, there were ten AM radio stations, fourteen FM radio stations and no short wave radio station. The country counted 1.24 million radio sets. There was only one television station in 1997, and 361,000 sets.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA

Since April 1998, Le Soleil has had an Internet version. Edicom and France Link have developed Senegalrelated sites. Africatime.com publishes articles of Panafrican and international nature. AllAfrica and Panapress also offer news online. Seneweb specializes in Senegalese music.

EDUCATION & TRAINING Senegalese journalists used to study in France. For example, Annette Mbaye d’Erneville, a pioneer in the field, went to study journalism and radio in Paris, then returned to launch the magazine Femmes de Soleil in 1957 (which became most successful when was renamed Awa in 1963). She became program director at the Broadcasting Studio in Senegal. There are several local journalism and telecommunications programs operating in Senegal, at the Ecole Supérieure Multinationale des Télécommunications (ESMT) in Dakar, and at the Multinational Higher School of Telecommunications. There are also a number of training programs at the university Cheikh Anta Diop, at the Ecole Supérieure Polytechnique de Dakar (ESP), and at the university Gaston Berger de Saint Louis.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Africatime.com. Africa Internet Network, 2002. Available from africatime.com. AISI Connect Online Database. www2.sn.apc.org/africa/.

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AllAfrica.com. 2002. All Africa Global Media. Available from allafrica.com. Del Bende, J. L. Senegal Online. Available from www.senegal-online.com. Institut Panos Afrique de l’Ouest. 2002. Available from www.panos.sn. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

SERBIA AND MONTENEGRO

Sussman, Leonard R., and Karin Deutsch Karlekar, eds. The Annual Survey of Press Freedom. New York: Freedom House, 2002. —Danielle Raquidel

SERBIA AND MONTENEGRO BASIC DATA Official Country Name: Region (Map name): Population: Language(s): Literacy rate: Area: GDP: Number of Television Stations: Number of Television Sets: Television Sets per 1,000: Number of Radio Stations: Number of Radio Receivers: Radio Receivers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Computers: Computers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Internet Access: Internet Access per 1,000:

Serbia and Montenegro Europe 10,677,290 Serbian, Albanian 93.0% 102,350 sq km 8,449 (US$ millions) 771 2,750,000 257.6 309 3,150,000 295.0 240,000 22.5 400,000 37.5

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Yugoslavia was born the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes on December 1, 1918. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia disintegrated into the independent constituent republics of Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia, Macedonia, and Yugoslavia in 1991. On March 14, 2002, Yugoslavia ceased to exist. What remained of Yugoslavia emerged as the Federal Republic of Serbia and Montenegro. Within three years of that date, Montenegro will decide whether or not to seek complete independence. The Serbian province of Kosovo, with an Albanian majority, threatens to secede from Serbia. What remains of modern Serbia could be much less in territory than Serbia’s pre-1914 boundaries. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Serbia’s history dates to the early history of the Balkan Peninsula. From the eighth to the eleventh centuries, either the Bulgars or the Byzantine Empire controlled the Serbs. Modern Serbia’s sister republic, Montenegro, was incorporated into the first Serbian kingdom during the Middle Ages. Montenegro (or Black Mountain) successfully remained independent of the Ottoman Turks even though Serbia was conquered. The Paris peace treaties ending World War I accepted the emergence of a south Slav state. Roman Catholic Slovenes and Croats were merged with Eastern Orthodox Serbs, Montenegrins, and Muslim Albanians. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes was renamed Yugoslavia (South Slavs) in 1929. In the twentieth century three men, King Alexander II, Marshal Josip Tito, and Serbian Communist Party leader Slobodan Milosevic respectively gave birth to, shaped, and destroyed modern Yugoslavia. The first Serbian newspapers were published in Kragujevac and in Novi Sad: they were Novine Serbske (1834) and Vestnik (1848) respectively. Serbia’s first daily newspaper was published in Novi Sad, the Srbski Dvenik (1852). Montenegro’s first newspaper was Crnogorac (1871). Prizren (1880) was Kosovo’s first newspaper. The number of newspapers in Serbia increased after the promulgation of the 1889 Constitution granting freedom of the press. Obrenovic King Alexander suspended Serbi’s press freedom in 1893. Under Peter I (1903-1921) the 1889 Constitution was replaced with the Constitution of 1903, which restored freedom of the press. In 1905, 20 daily were published in Belgrade, but by 1910 the number of print media numbered over 775 publications. After World War I the newly created Yugoslavia was given a new constitution in 1920. The Constitution of 1920 was in essence the Serbian Constitution of 1903, expanded to include Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia but not in a federal union of states. Serbia remained the dominant power in the governmental structure and in the Parliament that centralized power in Belgrade. Parliamentary representation and religious freedom were written into the Constitution. In spite of the Constitution’s failure to offer adequate protection for individual rights, speech, press, and public meetings, new print media quickly surfaced, spreading rumors about the rise of Communism and revolution. Yugoslavia’s new Parliament responded by issuing a decree banning all print media published by the Communist press, including the newspapers Boda and Kommunist. Radical Party print media continued to publish. Other major Yugoslav political party newspapers included Rec for the Independent Democratic Party and the Croatian Republican Peasant Party’s newspaper Slobodnidom. An estimate of the number of print media 807

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in Yugoslavia between the World Wars varies from over six hundred to over eleven hundred publications. Yugoslavi’s first news agency Avila. The political instability between Yugoslavia’s competing political, religious, and ethnic groups forced King Alexander II to suspend the 1920 Constitution in 1929 and declare a royal dictatorship. The public accepted the political change with blame initially placed on the politicians and the press. The press was perceived as having abused its rights, and its members were placed under police control. Any newspaper expressing a distasteful opinion was confiscated. Editors had to confine themselves to reporting the news. All opinions were submitted to the government for review. Acts of terrorism, sedition, or the dissemination of Communist propaganda were punished with either the death penalty or a long prison sentence. Freedom of the press was eliminated. Political parties based on a regional or religious basis were declared illegal. The king assumed the power to remove judges. Yugoslavia became a virtually one-party state. The press was effectively muzzled. The royal dictatorship ended when Alexander II was assassinated in Marseilles, France, during a state visit in 1934. The late king’s cousin, Paul, governed Yugoslavia as regent until Alexander’s eldest son, Peter II, came of age in 1941. During the regency Yugoslavia published 50 daily newspapers. Most had small circulations. The major Serbian dailies were Politika, Vreme, and Pravada. Many of Alexander’s controversial policies continued, including the banning of political parties. Constitutional reform in Yugoslavia was stalemated over whether or not to give Croatia autonomy. When an agreement was reached on Croatian autonomy, the Slovenes and Serbs vigorously protested because they were still ruled from Belgrade. As the signs of another war grew larger, Yugoslavia found itself more financially dependent on a resurgent Germany. In an attempt to maintain Yugoslav neutrality, Prince Regent Paul signed an alliance with Hitler’s Germany. A mutiny within the Yugoslav military against the German alliance forced the Regent from power, and 17-year-old Peter II was proclaimed of age. Peter II reigned less than two weeks before fleeing Yugoslavia to escape the advancing German military. Yugoslavia quickly surrendered and was reduced in size, with regions given to Italy, Hungary, Bulgaria, and Italian-controlled Albania. Independent republics under Italian control were created in Montenegro and Croatia. What was left of Yugoslavia was divided between Italy and Germany. During World War II King Peter II maintained a government-in-exile in Great Britain. Within Yugoslavia two antifascist organizations emerged fighting the Germans and Italians, the Chetniks under General Draza Mihailovic and the Partisans under Josif Tito. The Chetniks 808

were anti-Communist and supported the king. The Partisans were pro-Communist and directed from Moscow. Borba, long suppressed under royal orders, emerged as the official newspaper for the Partisans. Belgrade’s liberation in 1944 restored many of Yugoslavia’s print media to active publication, among them Politika. The majority of publications were pro-Communist. Yugoslavia’s future was determined by British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, who gave British support to Tito and the Communists, believing that Mihailovic’s Chetniks had not been sufficiently antifascist during the war. In 1945 the monarchy was dissolved in a rigged vote. Yugoslavia became a Communist state. Under Communist rule Yugoslavia was divided into six republics, Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia, Montenegro, and Macedonia, and the Serbian autonomous provinces of Kosovo and Vojvodina. Under the new Federal People’s Republic Constitution, private ownership of the media and business was ended. Press organizations were nationalized along with printing houses, paper mills, and radio transmitters. The press was placed under the Ministry of Information and served as a propaganda tool of the Communist state. A 1946 press law limited the right of political parties to publish, but allowed the government to supply newsprint, equipment, and other materials to the print media. Any publication encouraging revolt, spreading false information, and the threat to harm the socialist state was to be closed and the authors punished. When Tito broke with Moscow in 1948, some of the harsher aspects of press restrictions were loosened. The Communist party in Yugoslavia oversaw the print and broadcast media, but after 1948 allowed more latitude in what was published and broadcast. During the Tito regime it was estimated that Yugoslavia published over 2,500 newspapers and 1,500 periodicals. Each republic and autonomous province was allowed the right to print its own newspapers and have its own broadcast stations. Yugoslavia’s newspapers with the largest circulation during the Communist era were the Belgradepublished Vecernje Novosti, Politika, Politika Ekspres, and Sport. Major Croatian-published newspapers were Vecernjji List, Sportske Novosti, and Vjesnik. Other major Yugoslav newspapers included the Slovenian Delo, the Bosnian Oslobodenje, and the Dalmatian Slobodna Dalmatija. In 1974 Yugoslavia adopted a new constitution, which guaranteed freedom and the rights of man and citizens, limited only by the equal freedom and rights of others and the community. The criminal code allowed the punishment of counterrevolutionary activity (Article 114), for hostile propaganda (Article 118), and association to promote hostile activity (Article 136). The 1974 Law on the Cinema banned films whose human, cultural, and educational aims were contrary to a socialist state. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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Some argue that freedom of expression was evident in Tito’s Yugoslavia, as long as it did not enter print or was broadcast. In the 1970s student newspapers were the print media most often denied the right to publish by government decree. In the late 1980s the newspapers of Slovenia challenged Yugoslavia’s conventional media norms about self-censorship and published discussions about the future of the Yugoslav and Slovenian republics, and interviews with former Communist official and exiled writer Milovan Djilas. By 1987 Yugoslavia had 2,825 newspapers with a circulation of 2.7 million. Only five newspapers had a circulation of over 100,000, among them, Borba, printed in both Latin and Cyrillic script, and Politika, printed in Cyrillic, but primarily a Belgrade newspaper. Yugoslavia’s major newspapers published under the influence and guidance of the pro-Communist Socialist Alliance and the Association of Journalists. Self-censorship was the norm. In 1987 changes were underway, as Serbia came under the increasing authoritarian nationalism of Serbia Communist Party chief Slobodan Milosevic, first as the president of Serbia (1989-1997) and later as the president of Yugoslavia (1997-2000). TV Belgrade installed its own news network in Kosovo rather than rely on Kosovo’s television station. Newspaper editors for Duga, NIN, Intervju, Politika, and Svet were replaced on Milosevic’s orders. The increasing cost of print media forced Yugoslavs to turn to electronic media for information. Federal Yugoslav media by 1989 included only Borba and Tanjung (news agency). In 1990 Croatia established its own state media. In the same year a new press law abolished press censorship and permitted private ownership of the press and the right of foreign journalists to enter Yugoslavia. As each Yugoslav republic severed ties with Belgrade, new constitutions offered press and speech freedoms except in Serbia. With Tito’s death in 1980, it was clear that the republics of Yugoslavia lacked sufficient reasons to stay united in a federal state. Centuries of cultural, ethnic, and religious differences were not resolved during the royal dictatorship of Alexander II or the Communist rule of Marshal Tito. The institution of monarchy might have served as a unifying force for Yugoslavia’s diverse populations except for the fact that Tito had discredited it, and Yugoslavia’s last king, Peter II, died in exile at 49 in less than dignified circumstances. Peter II’s son, Crown Prince Alexander, resided in London and seemed undecided about his role in a rapidly changing Yugoslavia. In Milosevic controlled Serbia, Belgrade denied frequency broadcast rights to television and radio stations. High licensing fees forced many broadcast media to close or forced new entrants to reconsider. The high cost of print media allowed the Milosevic controlled airwaves to spread propaganda by appealing to Serbian national interWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ests. Attempts to close anti-Milosevic newspapers witnessed the emergence of new newspapers to counter government influence and regulation. The NATO intervention in Bosnia and Kosovo, and NATO’s destructive bombing of Serbia ultimately contributed to Milosevic’s downfall. Milosevic’s election defeat to Vojislav Kostunica in 2000 was a shock to the president of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. This time Milosevic misunderstood the will of the Yugoslav people. Kostunica’s assumption of the Federal Yugoslav presidency provided the opportunity to restructure the remaining Yugoslav republics and autonomous provinces within the context of a multiparty democracy. The desire of Montenegro to declare its independence was discouraged by the United States and the European Union, once Milosevic was gone from power and transported to The Hague for trial as a war criminal. Based on the March 14, 2002, accord signed by representatives of the Yugoslav republics of Serbia and Montenegro, the two republics are semi-independent states that share a common defense and foreign policy but maintain separate economies, currencies, and customs services. Serbia’s population is over 10 million people, while Montenegro’s population numbers only 650,000 citizens. Serbia and Montenegro will jointly share the United Nations seat of the former Yugoslavia with their United Nation’s representative alternatively between a Serb and a Montenegrin. Serbia has two autonomous provinces, Kosovo in the southwest and Vojvodina in the north. The Federal Republic of Serbia and Montenegro share a chief of state, prime minister, cabinet, and a court. Article 36 of Yugoslavia’s Constitution guarantees freedom of the press and other forms of public information. Citizens have the right to express and publish their opinions in the mass media. The publication of newspapers and public dissemination of information by other media shall be accessible to all, without prior approval, after registration with the competent authorities. Radio and television stations shall be set up in accordance with the law. Under Article 37 the right to publish false information, which violates someone’s rights or interests must be corrected with damage compensation and entitlement. The right to reply in the public media is guaranteed. Article 38 prohibits censorship of the press and other forms of public information. No one may prevent the distribution of the press or dissemination of other publications, unless it has been determined by a court decision that they call for the violent overthrow of the constitutional order or violation of the territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, violate the guaranteed rights and liberties of man and the citizen, or foment national, racial, or religious intolerance and hatred. Freedom of speech and public appearance is guaranteed in Article 39. A citi809

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zen’s right to publicly criticize the work of the government and other agencies and officials, to submit representations, petitions, and proposals, and receive an answer is guaranteed in Article 44. Article 45 offers freedom of expression of national sentiments and culture, and the use of one’s mother tongue. The existing bicameral federal assembly (Savezna Skupstina) consists of a Chamber of Republics with 40 seats evenly divided between Serbs and Montenegrins serving four-year terms. The lower house or Chamber of Deputies has 138 seats with 108 allocated to Serbs and 30 to Montenegrins. Under the 2002 arrangement the Savezna Skupstina will be replaced with a unicameral legislature. A president of Serbia and Montenegro will be chosen by the Parliament of Serbia and Montenegro who will propose a council of ministers of five: foreign affairs, defense, international economic affairs, internal economic affairs, and protection of human and minority rights. A Court of Serbia and Montenegro has constitutional and judicial functions reviewing the actions of the Council of Ministers and bringing the judicial systems into accord. In addition to the federal assembly, each republic has its own president, prime minister, and popularly elected legislature. There are over 2,650 publications in the Federal Republic of Serbia and Montenegro—2,511 in Serbia and 165 in Montenegro. Daily newspapers printed in Serbia (with 1995 circulations in parentheses) are the Federal/ Serbian daily Borba (85,000) and the Serbian morning dailies Narodne Novine (7,000), Politika (260,000), Politika Ekspres (130,000), and Privredni Pregled (7,000). Vcernje Novosti (300,000) is an evening daily published in Serbia. Koha is an Albanian language morning daily with a circulation of 4,000. The Hungarian language daily Magyar Szo has a circulation of 12,500. Four newspapers are associated with political parties, Srpska Rec (Serbian Renewal Movement), Velika Srbija and Istok (Serbian Radical Party), and Bujku (Democratic Alliance of Kosovo). Politika, Ekspres, and Novosti are considered close to the government but are frequent critics of it. During the Milosevic era the newspapers Borba, Jedinstvo, Dnevnik, and Pobjeda were considered to be under the direct influence of the Communist government. Montenegro’s leading newspaper is Pobjeda with a circulation of 25,000. Major general interest periodicals all published in Serbia (with 1995 circulations in parentheses) are the fortnightlies Duga (160,000) and Srpska Rec (19,000), and the weeklies Intervju (25,000), Nin (35,000), and Vreme (35,000). Montenegro’s major general interest periodical is Monitor (7,000). Special interest periodicals are the fortnightly women’s magazine Bazar (60,000), the weeklies Ekonomska Politika (8,000), Illustrovanna 810

Politika (65,000), and the children’s publication Politikin Zabavnik (40,000). The Journalists Federation publishes the fortnightly magazine Madjunarodna Politika (3,000). The International Economic Institute publishes the quarterly Medjunarodni Problemi (1,000). The labor publication Rad (10,000) is published monthly. The Tanjung News Agency publishes the monthly Yugoslav Life (30,000). The bimonthly illustrated Vojska has a circulation of 50,000, and the biweekly student published magazine Student has 10,000 readers. Additional weekly periodicals include Nedeljni Telegraf, Intervju, Svedok, Svet, Profil, Student, DT Pecat, Polis, Liberal, Onogost Standard, Argument, Novi komunist, Nedeljni Dnevnik, Revija 92, and Stop. There are over 150 newspapers and magazines published in the minority languages of Albanian, Hungarian, Slovak, Romanian, Ruthann, Turkish, Bulgarian, and Romani (Gypsy). Fifty-two are printed in Albanian. The Republic of Serbia and the autonomous province of Vojvodina fund 16 minority publications. Article 35 of the Constitution of Montenegro guarantees freedom of the press and public information. The media are free to provide uncensored information to the people without government consent. However, during the elections of 2000, the Montenegrin government forbade the state-run media from covering the elections. In 1998 Serbia and Montenegro had 27 dailies with a circulation of 830,000. Six hundred and forty-three other newspapers published with a circulation of 3,880,000. The print media included 647 periodicals, and 4,777 book titles were published with 958 of them by foreign authors. In Serbia the print media does not have the same influence as the broadcast media. There are 13 major dailies printed in Serbia, 7 of which are privately owned, Blic, Nasa Bora, Democratija, Dnevni Telegraf, Danas, 24 Casa, and Gradjanin. Three Serbian newspapers have strong ties to the government, Politika, Ekspres, and Novosti. Major Serbian weekly newspapers are Vreme, Nin, and Nedeljni Telegraf. There are 7 daily newspapers publishing in the province of Kosovo. With the end of the Milosevic era the nation’s leading 15 newspapers are Borba, Politika, Vecernje Novosti, Politika Ekspres, Pobjeda, Dnevnik, Nasa Borba, Blic, Demokratija, Gradjanin, Dnevni Telegraf, 24 Casa, Danas, Vijesti, and NT Plus. Magyar Szo and Magyarsag are the autonomous province of Vojvodina’s Hungarian dailies. Kosovo’s leading newspapers are Jedinstvo (Serbian) and the Albanian language’s Bujku and Koha Ditore. Major regional newspapers are Narodne Novine, Lid, and Puls. In Montenegro the print media were allowed greater freedom to publish as part of the Montenegrin government’s overtures to the European Union and the United States in a strategic plan to become independent of Serbia WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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(Yugoslavia). In 2000 Montenegro had 135 print publications. Montenegro has 3 major dailies, Probjeda, considered a pro-government newspaper, Vijesti, a privately owned publication, and the Socialist People’s Party newspaper Dan. Two major weeklies in Montenegro are the Monitor and Grafiti. Foreign publications and foreign broadcasting are freely available to Montenegrins.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK The Republics of Serbia and Montenegro are comprised of Serbs (62.6 percent), Albanians (16.5 percent), Montenegrins (5 percent), Hungarians (3.3 percent), and a variety of ethnic groups comprise the remaining 12.6 percent of the population. Serbs and Montenegrins are practicing Christians of the Eastern Orthodox rite (65 percent). Albanians are members of the Muslim faith (19 percent), and Hungarians are usually practicing Roman Catholics (4 percent). One percent of the population is Protestant, and the remainder of the population (11 percent) either does not follow a religion or worships in another faith. The death of President Tito in 1980 is regarded as a watershed event in Yugoslav history because he was perceived as the firm hand that could keep Yugoslavia’s diverse ethnic and religious groups together. Instead Tito failed to create institutions that could adapt to the changing needs of Yugoslavia and Yugoslavia’s changing place in the European and world contexts. By 1983 Tito’s successors and the Yugoslav people discovered the huge financial debt the nation had acquired in maintaining its unique brand of Communism. With the increasing likelihood of Communism’s collapse, Yugoslavia was no longer an important nation that the West offered financial credits. In the decade after Tito’s death, Yugoslav living standards declined, state industry was highly inefficient, and unemployment kept rising. The failure of the federal government of Yugoslavia to resolve economic crises led to ethnic, religious, and regional disagreements. A Yugoslavia governed by its Serb politicians was unable to adjust to a rapidly changing world and the imminent breakup of the republic into its constituent members. Slovenia prospered from manufacturing and food processing. Croatia drew large numbers of tourists and tourists’ dollars to its medieval cities and Adriatic beaches. Serbia feared the loss of economic clout should the Yugoslav state be restructured financially and politically. Should ethnicity define the republics of Yugoslavia, Serbs living in Croatia and Bosnia would be seriously affected if not directly discriminated against. Slobodan Milosevic began the symbol of Serbian nationalism and Serbian political and economic supremacy. In 1991Yugoslav military attacks to keep Slovenia within the Yugoslav federation were repulsed within two weeks. Slovenia WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

declared its independence and suffered the least of the former Yugoslav republics. Protecting Serbs and Serb interests in Croatia and Bosnia led to war first between Croatia and Serbia, and when Croatia successfully became independent, between Bosnia and Serbia. Almost half of the territory and population in Bosnia was Serbian. A Serbian republic was created and still exists, but in union with the Bosnian state of Croats and Muslims. The war between the Yugoslav republics led to considerable devastation in Bosnia and parts of Croatia. The war eventually came to Serbia when the Yugoslav Army began to suppress the Albanian population of Serbia’s former autonomous province of Kosovo, and NATO forces retaliated. Much of Serbia’s infrastructure was destroyed in the war over Kosovo. Montenegro remained outside the conflict and refused to support repeated Yugoslav (Serbian) requests for assistance. The collapse of the Yugoslav federation in 1991 and a decade of war leading to the creation of the independent nations of Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia, and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and civil war in Kosovo destroyed Yugoslavia’s perceived economic prosperity of the previous three decades. The breakup of the Yugoslav republics resulted in significant losses for Serbia and Montenegro in mineral resources, technology support, industry, trade links, and markets. A decade of war further reduced the economic viability of Serbia. Before the devastation of war, Serbia and Montenegro manufactured aircraft, trucks and automobiles, tanks and weapons, electrical equipment, agricultural machinery, and steel. Serbia and Montenegro exported raw materials including coal, bauxite, nonferrous ore, iron ore, and limestone, and food and animals. Serbia sustained considerable destructive damage from NATO bombings of the capital Belgrade, the nation’s factories, and transportation networks. Montenegro’s increasing autonomy from Serbia was sanctioned by the European Union and NATO nations to weaken Serbia. Serbia continues to use the dinar as its currency, while Montenegro used first the German deutsche mark and now the Euro. Montenegro escaped the ravages of war and did not need its infrastructure rebuilt. With former President Milosevic on trial for war crimes, the West has offered a variety of economic packages to rebuild Serbia, provided suspected Serbian war criminals still-at-large are captured and turned over to NATO forces.

PRESS LAWS & CENSORSHIP The overthrow of the repressive Milosevic regime ended much of the press and media censorship that burdened the Yugoslav nation. Media closures, government takeovers, and the arrest of journalists and broadcast media personnel were drastically reduced. The 1998 Law on Public Information, restricting the type of information 811

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printed or broadcast, remains in effect and was approved while Yugoslavia was under attack by NATO forces. The law made it permissible for citizens and organizations to bring legal action against the media for printing or broadcasting material considered unpatriotic or against the territorial integrity, sovereignty, and independence of the country. All foreign broadcasts were banned in Yugoslavia. Under the Milosevic regime journalists were beaten, equipment destroyed, and foreign journalists detained. Under the Public Information Act, the Milosevic government frequently fined the independent media. The fines amounted to almost 2 million dollars. In 1999 the Yugoslav government issued new laws determining how the media could report the NATO attacks and the Albanian rebels fighting the Yugoslav army in Kosovo. Information about military movements and casualty reports could not be reported. All independent media were eventually shut down during the 1999 NATO bombings. After the war only 20 of the 33 independent radio and television stations went back on the air. The Yugoslav Minister of Telecommunications temporarily suspended the reallocation of broadcast frequencies and allocation of new ones until new regulations were approved. The many crises facing the republics of Serbia and Montenegro delayed a proper review of the existing media laws. It is assumed that the old laws are unlikely to be enforced.

foreign radio stations 24 hours a day. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has over 350 permanently accredited foreign correspondents from 40 countries working at 29 news agencies, 77 newspapers, and 59 radio and television stations.

The Ministry of Information for the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has been dissolved. The Ministry of Justice and Local Government assumed responsibility for media registration. The Bureau of Communications is responsible for: informing the public of government policies and the work of individual ministries, communications support for events of consequence in Serbia, coordination of the public relations operations of individual ministries, organizing and conducting media campaigns for important governmental programs, and the preparation of reviews and analyses of domestic and foreign media reporting.

Tanjung is Serbia and Montenegro’s federal government news agency, although there are plans to privatize it. There are four other news agencies serving Serbia, Beta, Fonet, Bina, and Tiker. Montenegro’s only news agency is the state-owned Montena Fax. There are an increasing number of major press associations serving Serbia and Montenegro, the International Press Centre (MPC), Journalists Federation (SNJ), Publishers and Booksellers Association, Independent Journalists’ Association for Serbia and Montenegro, the Association of Private Owners of the Media, Media Center, and Right for Picture and Word.

The print media in Serbia is regarded as less influential than the broadcast media and therefore has made a faster transition to more independent news reporting. Newspapers previously loyal to the Milosevic regime switched their loyalties and announced journalistic independence. Serbia’s most reliable newspapers during the Milosevic era and after are the dailies Danas, Blic, and Glas Javnosti and the weekly newspapers Vreme and NIN. Beta News Agency remains the most respected private independent news agency.

BROADCAST MEDIA

With the end of the Milosevic era Yugoslavia has adopted very liberal regulations and simplified the procedure to allow the foreign press to enter the nation. Radio and television broadcasts from other nations are beamed to Yugoslavian receivers with short-wave broadcasts of 812

On April 4, 2002, the Serbian government adopted a new draft law for broadcasting prepared by the Association of Serbian Journalists and the Independent Association of Lawmakers working with the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and the Council of Europe to bring all Yugoslav media in line with European Union standards. The new law regulates the situation in the broadcasting field by creating a 15-member Broadcasting Agency to oversee all broadcast media for radio and television programming, issuing and revoking licenses, and levying fines. The state-run Radio Television of Serbia (RTS) becomes a public company to both serve and be financed by the people of Serbia. RTS will be operated outside any government controls and will not have a single Serb or foreign owner to avoid conflicts of interest. The Law of Telecommunications will allow RTS to keep at least two but no more than four national frequencies. The existing Law on Information is being reviewed for revision in the summer of 2002.

NEWS AGENCIES

In the Federal Republic of Serbia and Montenegro twenty-three television stations (19 in Serbia and 4 in Montenegro) are fully licensed. The other television stations and all the radio stations are in the process of applying for the right to broadcast. Jugoslovenksa RadioTelevizija is Yugoslavia’s state information station. Major Serbian radio stations are Radio Belgrade, and Radio Novi Sad. Radio Podgorica is Montenegro’s leading radio station, while Radio Pristina serves the province of Kosovo. State-run broadcast media include the Serbian Radio, the Serbian Television, and the Montenegrin Radio stations. Radio stations in Vojvodina broadcast in eight languages. In 1996, 2 independent radio stations were closed on orders of the Milosevic government. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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Major television stations serving the Serb population are Belgrade TV, Radio-TV Srbije, and TV Novi Sad. Pristina TV broadcasts to Kosovo’s Albanian population, while Podgorica TV serves the Montenegrin population. The largest opposition television station, Studio B, was closed by President Milosevic in 2000 but reopened after his overthrow. Prior to 2000, six private television stations broadcast, BK, TV Studio Spectrum Cacak, Kanal 9 Kragujevac, Pink, Palma, and Art Kanal. The Politika Publishing Company owns Politika, and the Municipal Government of Belgrade owns Studio B. The state-run Kosovar Radio and Kosovar Television broadcast a few hours a week in Albanian. TV Novi Sad broadcasts programs in five languages, Hungarian, Slovak, Romanian, and Ruthann. The collapse of the Milosevic regime returned independent broadcast media to the airwaves with the proMilosevic broadcast media rapidly distancing itself from the government. Radio B92, broadcast via satellite and the Internet after repeated shutdowns during the 1990s, has resumed broadcasting within Serbia and is regarded as Serbia’s most reliable independent news outlet. Radio Index and Radio Television Pancevo are increasingly regarded as reliable sources for news reporting. The majority of Serbia’s radio stations were regarded as proMilosevic and currently attempt to be both neutral and supportive of the government. Unbiased broadcasting is compromised by the state’s licensing of broadcast frequencies and the Serbian government’s tendency to direct financial support toward traditionally pro-government stations. The federal government is reorganizing the state-run Radio Television Serbia (RTS), once regarded as a Milosevic propaganda tool. The European Institute for Media has recorded a sharp increase in the number of television viewers in Serbia to 75 percent of the population (2000). There are an estimated 120 television stations and 400 radio stations in Serbia with foreign broadcasts from the BBC and CNN now permissible. Foreign investment is influencing a number of former pro-Milosevic television stations including TV Pink. Montenegro has 14 radio stations in addition to the state-run radio. Ten radio stations are privately owned and include Antena M, Gorica, Free Montenegro, Radio Elmag, and Mir, an Albanian language station. Besides the state-run television station, Montenegro had privately owned stations including NTO Montena, TV Blue Moon, TV Elmag, broadcast from Podgorica, and the Herceg Novi station TV Sky Sat. Because the Montenegrin government sought independence from Serbia, the republic’s broadcast media were decidedly anti-Milosevic in tone but sought the support of the Montenegrin state government, which may compromise their objectivity. Independent Serbian broadcast media closed by Milosevic were able to broadcast over Montenegrin stations Montena, WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Mir, and Radio Kotor. During the war Montenegrin stations Montena, Antena M, Boje, and Free Montenegro broadcast news transmitted by Radio Free Europe, Deutsche Welle, BBC, and The Voice of America. The Serbian province of Kosovo lacked broadcast media until the arrival of NATO troops. Radio Television Kosovo (RTK) went on the air in 1999 as a public service station, which now broadcasts at least four hours a day. There are an estimated 35 unlicensed broadcast stations on the air in Kosovo. The United Nations has established a temporary set of regulations governing broadcasting in Kosovo, requiring media professionals to follow the rules of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the European Convention on Human Rights. There are some restrictions on information involving military personnel. There are 5 radio stations and 3 television stations now licensed to broadcast in Kosovo.

ELECTRONIC MEDIA An increase in the number of computers will put more Serbians online. During the Milosevic era, filters were placed on computers at the universities to prevent students from accessing satellite transmissions. Ironically, the Internet contributed to keeping the media free and in bringing down the Milosevic regime. There are four Internet providers for the Serbian province of Kosovo: Pronet, Eunet, Co.yu, and PTT. Pronet is Albanian owned and operated. Anonymizer.com, part of the Kosovo Privacy Project, offers anonymous e-mail to both Serbs and Montenegrins. Internet Yugoslavia is under the Federal Public Institution Radio-Television Yugoslavia entrusted with the responsibility to create web presentations for the needs of the government and Parliament, monitor the In813

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ports and invited to return to live in Yugoslavia along with the extended Karadjordje family. Crown Prince Alexander was returned the keys to the royal palace located in downtown Belgrade and the White Palace in the suburbs. While there is renewed interest in the monarchy, it is not clear if the concept of monarchy will be used or can unite a fractious population of what is left of the former Yugoslavia. Since the downfall of Milosevic, Serbia has made dramatic changes in the laws and government policies affecting the media. The Federal Republic of Serbia and Montenegro has every intention of conforming to European Union standards for the communications industry. Redevelopment of an economy devastated by a decade of war will take time to rebuild, even with substantial foreign aid grants. Serbian banks have a combined debt of over $1.6 billion created by suspected Milosevic manipulations within the banking system.

ternet, and seek developing trends and other information of interest for the republic. Internet Yugoslavia works with government institutions to develop the Internet and serves in an advisory capacity in discussions about legal regulations pertaining to computer communications.

EDUCATION & TRAINING

Industrial production remains low, unemployment high, and there are large numbers of refugees to resettle and financially support. Success will depend on the skills of the politicians, the stability of a multiparty democracy, and how long the people of Serbia are willing to wait for the reforms to be made and become effective. The people of the former Yugoslavia once enjoyed one of the highest standards of living in Eastern Europe. They are not used to being perceived as international pariahs, but it is clear that the people of Serbia and Montenegro are working hard to get beyond the Milosevic era and becoming integrated into the Europe of the European Union.

The University of Belgrade is Serbia’s leading institution for the study of media and communications at the undergraduate and graduate levels. Founded in 1905 with 3 faculties (philosophy, law, and engineering) it grew to 7 colleges by 1941. The University of Belgrade currently consists of 30 colleges and 8 scientific institutes enrolling 65,000 undergraduate students and 2,500 students in graduate programs. Over 40 percent of the students are enrolled in the social sciences, with 28 percent in engineering, and 15 percent in medicine. There 5 branches of the University of Belgrade in Novi Sad (1960), Nis (1965), Pristina (1970), Podgorica in Montenegro (1974), and Kargujevac (1976).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

SUMMARY

Allcock, John B. Explaining Yugoslavia. New York: Columbia University Press, 2000.

The Albanian majority in Kosovo seeks independence from Serbia. The NATO and European Union nations are reluctant to sanction another republic from the former Yugoslavia. Serbia’s political and religious historic sites from the Middle Ages are located in Kosovo. Serbian desire to hold on to Kosovo risks conflict with the Albanian majority in the province. The Serbian and Albanian ethnic rivalry inside Serbia affects its relationships with the neighboring states of the Former Republic of Macedonia and Albania. In 2002 Crown Prince Alexander, his wife, and three sons were given Yugoslav pass814

SIGNIFICANT DATES • 1999: Kosovo crisis and NATO military intervention. • 2000: Milosevic defeated in a free election. • 2001: Milosevic taken to The Hague for trial as a war criminal. • 2002: Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is replaced by the Federal Republics of Serbia and Montenegro.

Dragnich, Alex N. Serbia, Nikola Pasic, and Yugoslavia. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1974. Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Available from http:// www.gov.yu. Glenny, Misha. The Balkans, Nationalism, War and the Great Powers, 1804-1999. New York: Viking, 1999. Graham, Stephen. Alexander of Yugoslavia. Hamden, CT: Archon Press, 1972. International Journalists’ Network. Available from http:// www.ijnet.org. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

SEYCHELLES

Judah, Tim. The Serbs, History, Myth and the Destruction of Yugoslavia. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997. Kaplan, Robert D. Balkan Ghosts. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1993. Martin, David. The Web of Disinformation, Churchill’s Yugoslav Blunder. San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1990. The Media in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Novi Beograd, Yugoslavia: Federal Secretariat of Information, 1997. Own, David. Balkan Odyssey. New York: Harcourt Brace & Company, 1995. Turner, Barry, ed. Statesman’s Yearbook 2002. New York: Palgrave Press, 2001. United States Institute of Peace. Special Report: Serbia Still at the Crossroads. March 15, 2002. World Mass Media Handbook, 1995 Edition. New York: United Nations Department of Public Information, 1995. —William A. Paquette

tive body is a 34-seat National Assembly. The most important sector of the economy is tourism, followed by tuna fishing. The government is trying to diversify into farming, fishing and light manufacturing because of the instability of the tourism industry. The Seychelles’ constitution guarantees press freedom on the condition that the reputation, rights, and liberties of privacy are protected in the interest of national defense, public security, public morality and health. As a result of this caveat, the government has been called the most repressive regime for press freedom. For example, a newspaper affiliated with the opposition political party has been forced to pay the president and other government officials more than 3,000 Euros—a huge fine for such a small publication—for criticizing the vice president’s purchase of a luxury home, allegedly with public funds. The state also has a de facto monopoly on radio and television stations. The country’s only daily is Seychelles Nation, which publishes Monday through Friday in print and online. The print version appears in English and Creole, but online content is primarily English. The People and Regar, published weekly by opposing political parties, print in English, French and Creole. Regar appears on Friday, and its headlines appear online. There are three radio stations, one AM and two FM, serving around 42,000 radios. Two television stations broadcast to about 11,000 televisions. There is one Internet service provider.

SEYCHELLES

BIBLIOGRAPHY BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Republic of Seychelles

Region (Map name):

Africa

Population:

79,326

Language(s):

English, French, Creole

Literacy rate:

58%

The Seychelles, located in the Indian Ocean northeast of Madagascar, served as a home base for pirates in the early seventeenth century. Claimed by France in 1754, in 1770 the first boats of settlers began to arrive. Britain soon took an interest in the islands, and ownership changed hands 12 times before Britain took over for good after the Napoleonic Wars. The country declared independence in 1976. English and French are the official languages, but Creole also is spoken. The population is around 80,000, and the literacy rate is 58 percent. A president serves as both chief of state and head of government. The legislaWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). ‘‘Seychelles.’’ In The World Fact Book 2001. Available from http:// www.cia.gov/cia/. News Headlines from REGAR. ATLAS Seychelles, Ltd. (n.d.). Available from http://www.seychelles.net/snp/ pages/news.htm. ‘‘Seychelles History.’’ Lonely Planet. (2002.). Available from http://www.lonelyplanet.com/destinations/africa/ seychelles/history.htm. Seychelles: Independent newspaper to pay exorbitant damages. Human Rights Education Association. (n.d.). Available from http://www.hrea.org/lists/hr-media/ markup/msg00003.html. Seychelles NATION. (n.d.). Available from http:// www.seychelles-online.com.sc/. Small Islands Voice. UNESCO. (n.d.). Available from http://www.unesco.org/csi/smis/siv/iosurvey.htm. —Jenny B. Davis 815

SIERRA LEONE

SIERRA LEONE BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Republic of Sierra Leone

Region (Map name):

Africa

Population:

5,426,618

Language(s):

English (official, regular use limited to literate minority), Mende, Temne, Krio

Literacy rate:

31.4%

Area:

71,740 sq km

GDP:

636 (US$ millions)

Number of Television Stations:

2

Number of Television Sets:

53,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

9.8

Number of Radio Stations:

11

Number of Radio Receivers:

1,120,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

206.4

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

5,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

0.9

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS The last decade of the twentieth century was the most difficult period for the press in Sierra Leone. This period was also characterized by deteriorating economic conditions, military coups d’état, violent political upheavals, and widespread illiteracy (approximately 70 percent). According to the Corporate Council on Africa study released in 2002, 88 percent of the country’s rural population and 74 percent of the urban population lived in poverty. In 1991, civil war broke out and lasted for 10 years. By the time the war ended in January 2001, the country was in total ruin economically with a gross national product per capita of US $140 and nearly 1 million people classified either as refugees or internally displaced. By 2000, Sierra Leone was not only considered the poorest country in the world, it was also the most dangerous place for journalistic practice. Between 1999 and 816

2000, 10 journalists, including 2 foreign reporters, were killed and the United States-based Committee for the Protection of Journalists (CPJ) named Corporal Foday Sankoh, the leader of the rebel group Revolutionary United Front (RUF), one of the 10 worst enemies of the press in the world. Yet, strangely, it was during this same period that the press survived against the worst odds and flourished dramatically. In 1990, for example, there were fewer than 10 regular newspapers in the country, and only the government operated Sierra Leone Broadcasting Service (SLBS-TV and Radio) dominated the airwaves. In 2002, despite the previous decade’s difficulties, there were over 60 newspapers and about 12 radio stations catering to audiences across the country. Although government still operates the only television station in the country, Sierra Leonean viewers seem to have unfettered access to international television programs from giant broadcasters such as the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), the Voice of America (VOA), International Television Network (ITN) and Cable News Network (CNN), which beam their programs into the country via a network of satellite systems. However, one of the most enduring and intractable problems for the local media lies in the ethnic and religious diversities of this West African country of some 5 million people with more than 15 different dialects and languages. Sixty percent of the population is Muslim, 30 percent hold on to indigenous beliefs, and the remaining 10 percent practice Christianity. Without exception, Sierra Leonean newspapers are published in English, yet only approximately 30 percent of the population are fluent in this language. Even today, radio and television programs are mainly in English, although some stations are making serious efforts to address this linguistic divide by increasing the number of hours of programming in the local languages. The net effect of this is that media practitioners generally are forced to direct their messages to a national audience without regard for ethnicity. The end of the civil war was officially declared in January 2001, and democratic elections were conducted in the country in March 2002. With an improved security environment and the unfolding democratization processes, media practitioners now revel in their newfound freedoms, especially the unprecedented freedom to publish or to broadcast without much fear. Historical Background of the Press The first newspaper in West Africa, the Sierra Leone Gazette, was established in Sierra Leone in 1801. For over 50 years after the founding of the Sierra Leone Gazette, European settlers controlled and dominated the newspaper business in Sierra Leone. In 1855, William Drape established the WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

SIERRA LEONE

New Era, the first indigenous African newspaper in Sierra Leone, and perhaps in West Africa. Drape did not only set the tone and standard for journalism in West Africa, but also helped redefine government-press relationship during the 1850s and onward. His legal troubles with the colonial government set a major precedent in defining the limits of political power over newspapers, first in Sierra Leone, and then in the West African subregion. In the dawn of political independence, political activity intensified, and political parties started to emerge. This new era gave rise to a new kind of journalism and a new genre of the newspaper establishments—the political party newspapers. The first such newspaper established in 1945 by the Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP) was the Bo Observer; the United Progressive Party (UPP) established Shekpendeh in 1954; and the All People’s Congress (APC) established We Yone in 1963.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK Throughout the 1990s Sierra Leone was classified as one of the poorest countries in the world, and by the end of the twentieth century it was classified as the poorest for three consecutive years. This depressing economic condition had a severe impact on the press and media activities in the country. Advertising revenues could not adequately support newspapers, and dilapidated printing equipment, poor infrastructure, and extremely limited distribution systems hampered the spread of media activities in the country. Hence, although the number of media outlets multiplied, the newspaper industry was dominated by sole proprietorships and establishments run by a handful of individuals. In 2002, there were no daily newspapers in Sierra Leone due to financial constraints. With limited resources and sometimes because of stringent foreign exchange problems, newspaper proprietors find the cost of newsprint highly prohibitive. Faced with this kind of financial constraint, the average publication consists of an 8-page tabloid with circulation limited primarily to Freetown, the capital city. The average circulation is about 6,000, and there is intense competition among the various papers as they vie for the attention of the same limited pool of urban elite readers mainly residing in Freetown. Although most of the papers are privately owned, a number are either political party publications or have some political leanings. Despite these limitations, newspapers remain a force to be reckoned with in shaping the climate of public opinion in Sierra Leone.

PRESS LAWS Between 1980 and 2000, numerous measures designed to place strict controls on the press were formulated, especially when state governance was based on oneparty dictatorial principles. These measures included WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

state monopoly, prosecutions for libel or seditious libel, taxation, and bonding. The extant press regulations in Sierra Leone are either remnants of colonial policy or inspired by discarded British colonial libel laws of the early twentieth century, such as the Newspapers Ordinance of 1924 and the Undesirable Publications Ordinance of 1939. Until recently, the broadcast media (i.e., radio and television broadcasting) were state monopolies in Sierra Leone. Private citizens were prohibited from owning or operating any form of the electronic media. State monopoly over radio and television broadcasting remained until 2000 when the Independent Media Commission (IMC) was established and provisions were made for the privatization of the broadcast media. During the war years of the 1990s, an astounding number of journalists encountered trouble with the government. Many journalists affiliated with independent newspapers were frequently detained, harassed, or imprisoned on charges of libel or seditious libel. In Sierra Leone, no special tax is levied on newspaper proprietors, but they are required to ensure that media workers pay taxes on their income. Although this applies to all business enterprises in the country, the tax requirement has been a bone of contention between government authorities and newspaper proprietors who interpret the regulation as a veiled attempt to stifle their activities. Bonding required proprietors of newspapers to post large sums of money before they were permitted to publish their papers. Besides registration fees, newspapers were required to post a collateral of US $4,000. With persistent public complaints against newspapers, government authorities claimed that the main aim of this stipulation was to ensure that if charges of libel were brought against a newspaper, the collateral would provide some relief for the plaintiff.

CENSORSHIP The press in Sierra Leone has enjoyed at the beginning of the twenty-first century what is perhaps the highest degree of freedom since political independence in 1961. Ownership of the electronic media is open to private citizens who have the means to undertake such operations, and newspaper publishing has become a cottage industry of sorts in Sierra Leone, open to all. Throughout the 1980s and especially during the war years, intimidation, incarceration, death threats, and the murder of journalists occurred frequently. Although journalists still occasionally find themselves at odds with certain elements in society, the atmosphere in 2002 proved more conducive for the practice of journalism than ever before. Government authorities assert that the newly formed 817

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main beyond the scope of their local counterparts. In the war years, most of the major stories and serious investigative reports were done by foreign correspondents that brought the Sierra Leone crisis to the attention of the international community. Foreign correspondents had numerous exclusive interviews with government officials as well as with rebel leaders and other key players. Few Sierra Leonean journalists were granted such opportunities. In addition, most foreign correspondents come from aid donor countries such as Britain, United States, and Canada and are often associated with international press organizations such as the CPJ and Canada-based International Freedom of Expression Exchange (IFEX).

NEWS AGENCIES

IMC is charged with the responsibility of promoting a free and pluralistic media throughout Sierra Leone and to ensure that media institutions achieve the highest level of efficiency in providing media services.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS The relationship between the state and the press in Sierra Leone has seldom been amicable as media practitioners and political power holders harbor mutual suspicion. Reports about rampart corruption and mismanagement in government are the staple content of the media in Sierra Leone. On the other hand, government officials often react to such reports by using public outcry against journalists for professional misconduct and the lack of professional training as warrants for the formulation of restrictive press laws and regulations The relationship fell to its lowest in the 1990s when various warring factions blacklisted and systematically targeted certain journalists. During this period many journalists were killed or incarcerated, and at least one died in government custody. But multiparty politics and the democratization processes have brought about renewed hopes for the press as government authorities no longer insist upon enforcing these press regulations to the letter.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA Local journalists often complain that their government gives better treatment to foreign journalists than they receive. To some extent, that may be true. What is also true is that foreign correspondents come with more clout and generally have well-established reputations than local journalists. But most important, they also have more resources that allow them to go to places that re818

The Sierra Leone News Agency (SLENA) was established in 1987 as a means of facilitating greater circulation of information and news within the country and with the outside world. SLENA has four branches around the country, and it is sometimes linked via satellite with other international news agencies such as Agence France Presse, the Pan African News Agency, Xhinua (China News Agency), Associated Press, and Reuters. The agency also publishes a twice-weekly newspaper, Sierra News, for its subscribers and public readership. Although a government agency, SLENA enjoys a level of independence in carrying out its mandate as a national news agency.

BROADCAST MEDIA Radio and television broadcasting operated under a state monopoly from the time radio broadcasting started in 1934 and television in 1964 until the late 1990s. With the establishment of the IMC, radio and television broadcasting were opened to private ownership. Thus, the airwaves now carry a diversity of voices including government, private citizens, and religious groups as well as programming from international broadcast organizations such as the BBC and the VOA. As a result of privatization, there are now some 12 radio stations in the country compared to the one or two that existed during the 1980s.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA The Internet is still at a very low level of development in Sierra Leone, and it is not as widespread as it is in some other African countries. Only 5 of the nearly 60 newspapers or so have established an Internet or World Wide Web presence. These include the Concord Times (http://www.oe-pages.com/BEZ/Homebiz/tod/), Expo Times (http://www.expotimes.net/), Pool Newspaper (http://www.poolnewspaper.tripod.com/hompage.html), and Sierra News (http://www.sierra-leone.gov.sl/ slnewspages.htm). WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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EDUCATION & TRAINING Sierra Leone, the pioneer country of West African journalism, did not have a program for training media practitioners until 1993. The Ministry of Information trained government public information officers, but others seeking to become media practitioners went to other African countries, North America, or Europe. In 1993, following numerous and persistent requests from both media practitioners and the public, the University of Sierra Leone established a Mass Communications Unit at Fourah Bay College to train journalists and other media personnel in the fundamentals of mass communication. Within the first nine years of its existence, the program produced over 30 graduates, who are now employed by local newspapers, radio and television stations.

M’Bayo, Ritchard T., and M. Mogekwu. ‘‘Political Authority and the Transformation of the Sierra Leone Press.’’ In Press and Politics in Africa, ed. R. M’Bayo, C. Onwumechili, and R. Nwanko, 107-28. New York: Mellen Press, 2000. Omu, Fred I. A. Press and Politics in Nigeria 1880-1937. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press, 1978. —Ritchard Tamba M’Bayo

SINGAPORE

SUMMARY Major factors that will continue to influence the press and the growth of the media in general include the democratization processes, civil society, technological innovations, improved economic conditions, peace, and stability. With the civil war over and a seemingly improved security environment prevailing, the number of media outlets including newspapers and radio stations will continue to rise, and media activities are bound to spread to other parts of the country in the years ahead.

SIGNIFICANT DATES

BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Republic of Singapore

Region (Map name):

Southeast Asia

Population:

4,300,419

Language(s):

Chinese (official), Malay (official and national), Tamil, English

Literacy rate:

93.5%

Area:

647.5 sq km

• 1993: Fourah Bay College, the University of Sierra Leone, established a Mass Communication program for the training of journalists as part of its curriculum.

GDP:

92,252 (US$ millions)

Number of Daily Newspapers:

9

• 1998: Five journalists are sentenced to death for collaborating with the military junta that overthrew the government of President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah.

Total Circulation:

1,096,000

Circulation per 1,000:

366

Number of Nondaily Newspapers:

3

Total Circulation:

115,000

Circulation per 1,000:

38

• 1999: Associated Press reporter Myles Tierney is shot to death in Freetown by Revolutionary United Front (RUF) rebels; the five imprisoned journalists are freed by RUF rebels. • 2000: The Independent Media Commission is established with provisions for the privatization of the broadcast media; Corporal Foday Sankoh is named one of the world’s 10 worst enemies of the press; Reuters War Correspondent Kurt Schork is shot and killed in Sierra Leone.

Total Newspaper Ad Receipts:

731 (Singapore $ millions)

As % of All Ad Expenditures:

49.90

Number of Television Stations:

6

Corporate Council on Africa. Africa 2002. New Canaan, Connecticut: Business Books International, 2002.

Number of Television Sets:

1,330,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

309.3

Holmes, Patricia A. Broadcasting in Sierra Leone. Lanham: University Press of America, 1999.

Number of Cable Subscribers:

254,000

Kaplan, I. et al. Area Handbook for Sierra Leone. Washington, DC: American University Press, 1976.

Cable Subscribers per 1,000:

63.5

BIBLIOGRAPHY

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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SINGAPORE

Number of Radio Stations:

18

Number of Radio Receivers:

2,600,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

604.6

Number of Individuals with Computers:

1,941,000

Computers per 1,000:

451.4

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

1,200,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

279.0

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS The Republic of Singapore consists of a 240-squaremile island and several other surrounding smaller ones located in Southeast Asia. The main island (whose territory also includes some land reclaimed from the sea) is connected to Johor, the southernmost state of peninsular Malaysia, by a causeway. Close by and directly south are the many islands that make up the Republic of Indonesia. Singapore is a multiethnic, cosmopolitan state with a population consisting overwhelmingly of Chinese (77 percent), followed by Malays (15 percent) and Indians (6 percent); Eurasians and others constitute the rest. Singapore is city-state with a highly concentrated urbanized population and no rural areas or peasant population to speak of. Most Singaporeans live in government controlled, though individually owned, apartments (through the Housing and Development Board, a statutory agency) in multi-story high rise buildings that dot the urban landscape. Singapore originated as a small Malay fishing village that belonged to the Sultan of Johor. A British colonialist, Stamford Raffles, purchased it on behalf of the East India Company and began the course of its contemporary development. Raffles saw potential for setting up a trading post on the island given Singapore’s deep, natural harbor. Following increased immigration (primarily from China, and India) and the expansion of trade, Singapore became a Crown Colony, administered directly by the British government. It was occupied briefly by the Japanese following the surrender of British forces in Southeast Asia during World War II. After the British returned there were increasing calls for local selfgovernment. In 1959, an elected government led by the People’s Action Party (PAP) and its leader, Lee Kuan Yew, achieved internal power, although external affairs and defense continued to rest with the British Government. Singapore joined the newly formed Federation of 820

Malaysia in 1963 along with former British colonies Sabah and Sarawak on the island of Borneo. After a brief and rocky association it left the Federation in 1965 through a mutual agreement to become an independent country. The emergence of Singapore from an obscure Southeast Asian island dependent on entrepot trade derived from its neighbors (primarily, Malaysia and Indonesia) to an internationally known hub for the global economy in the short span of three decades has been nothing short of spectacular. Geoffrey Murray and Audrey Perera in their book, Singapore: The Global City-State trace what is often described as Singapore’s economic miracle to ‘‘a five pronged policy—free trade, high savings, full employment and an equitable wage policy, a foreigninvestment friendly environment and a developmentoriented government.’’ Beginning with rapid industrialization in the late 1960s and early 1970s, Singapore successfully moved its infrastructure and population into various highly skilled business and financial services, the high technology, as well as information technology sectors of the international economy; the hallmarks, arguably, of a flourishing post-industrial economy. Its major trading partners range from all over the world and are led by the United States, followed by Japan, Malaysia, Hong Kong, Thailand, Australia and Germany. Singapore is therefore almost always classified in international economic and human development rankings as having achieved the status of an affluent developed country (e.g., per capita gross national product for the year 2000 is estimated at US$21,828). Singapore has four official languages, namely English, Mandarin Chinese, Malay and Tamil. These principal languages are used in all governmental communication with members of the public, imprinted on national currency, taught in government-run or recognized primary and secondary schools, and allowed to be used in radio and television broadcasts. However, English is predominant in all legislative, bureaucratic and judicial matters, tertiary education institutions, and major commercial transactions. It is considered the language of national integration. English is spoken by 20.3 percent of the population and even more widely understood; Mandarin is spoken by 26 percent while 36.7 percent are conversant in other Chinese dialects (e.g., Hokkien, Cantonese etc). The linguistic minorities consist of 13.4 percent of the population who speak Malay and 2.9 percent who speak Tamil. In school, following an official policy of bilingualism, all students are required to study and take public examinations that include tests in English and their respective mother tongues. Although the Chinese speak many dialects, and Indians different languages, it is assumed that the ‘‘mother tongues’’ they will be learning in school are Mandarin Chinese and Tamil, respectively. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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This policy which effectively ensures that all Singaporeans (regardless of ethnic background) will learn English, along with the nation’s increasing participation in the international economy, accounts for the continued predominance of English on the island.

sumably make it difficult for them to peruse weightier newspapers leisurely.

Modern Press Given its high rates of affluence and literacy, it is no surprise that Singapore has had and continues to enjoy equally high rates of newspaper readership for its technically well laid out and attractive newspapers. It is estimated that in 1998, total newspaper circulation stood at 1,056,000. The press in Singapore publishes in all four of its official languages. The English press has captured almost half (49.1 percent) of the total circulation, with Chinese newspapers (43.9 percent) following closely behind. Malay (6.2 percent) and Tamil (0.8 percent) newspapers rank far below. The most important players in the Singapore press scene are therefore, the English and Chinese newspapers. The major newspapers and their 1998 circulations in rank order are as follows: The Straits Times, an English daily morning newspaper that was founded in 1845, had a circulation of 369,773. The Lianhe Zaobao (United Morning News), a Chinese morning daily with a circulation of 202,063 and its afternoon counterpart the Lianhe Wamboa (United Evening News) with a circulation of 129,715, are next in rank order. Both of these newspapers were established in 1983 as a result of the government-influenced merger of two other competing older Chinese newspapers (the Nanyang Siang Pau and the Sin Chew Jit Poh). In fourth place is a slightly older (established in 1967) Chinese newspaper, the Shin Min Daily, an afternoon newspaper with a circulation of 112,497. Fifth is an afternoon English daily established in 1988, The New Paper, with a circulation of 107,080. Other smaller published newspapers include a Malay morning daily, Berita Harian (1957; Daily News), a trade and commerce-oriented English daily, Business Times, and a Tamil morning daily, Tamil Murasu (1935; Tamil Herald). A recent entrant is the English morning newspaper Today, which is said to be distributed to nearly 100,000 homes and offices, and as far as can be determined, free of charge. It provides shorter and pithier articles for individual readers whose busy schedules pre-

In general, the morning newspapers are thought to constitute the elite or quality press. Newspapers published in the afternoon are more popular or sensationoriented, catering less to long-term subscribers and more to those buying on a whim. However, in the Singaporean context, sensationalism (primarily using large, bold headlines and photographs combined with news and features that focus on sports, movies, personalities, ‘‘human interest,’’ and sex) has a much tamer and more restrictive definition in comparison to similarly oriented publications in Japan, India or the West.

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As may be expected, the Sunday editions of all of the newspapers mentioned above generally enjoy somewhat higher circulation numbers than their daily counterparts.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK Until the early 2000s all of the local daily newspapers that circulated on the island of Singapore were owned and operated by one entity, the publicly owned Singapore Press Holdings (SPH). While the company’s stocks are publicly traded, there are two types of shares whose monetary value is similar: ordinary and management shares. SPH monopolizes the daily newspaper market with a combined circulation of more than one million copies in the various languages, morning and afternoon. SPH also publishes several periodicals such as Home and Decor (English; focuses on home design and interior decoration), Her World (English; intended for women) and You Weekly (Chinese; entertainment, lifestyle and television). In addition, it has diversified and become involved in other businesses: these include other communicationrelated areas such as cable television, cellular phone and Internet services, as well as in other sectors such as commercial real estate property investments. Eddie Kuo and Peng Hwa Ang declare that SPH is a highly profitable company that employs 3,000 workers. If SPH’s publication patterns are examined closely, it will be noticed that with minor exceptions, newspapers in their stable do not necessarily compete with each other in terms of language 821

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of publication and time of day. The sole exception to this is the competition in the afternoon for Chinese readers between the Lianhe Wambao and the Shin Min. In an effort to provide a modicum of competition to various publications belonging to the SPH, the government has licensed the entry of a newspaper (Today) from the newly formed Media Corporation of Singapore (MCS). This corporation is the result of the conversion of Singapore’s previously government-owned organization (originally formed as a government department) that runs all of its television channels and radio stations into a private corporation. Both groups will continue to retain their near monopoly over their core businesses (print publications for SPH and broadcast outlets in the case of MCS). However, in return for facing the new competition in the newspaper sector, SPH is being allowed to own and operate two direct to air television channels and two radio stations. Both companies were also expected to expand their presence on the Internet and into multimedia content delivery. It is assumed that the resulting competition between the two groups in the various forms of mass communication will be beneficial in two ways. First, it would help raise the overall quality of locally produced content and second, ensure that Singaporeans continue to retain their preference for news, features and other content that focuses on their immediate environment as delivered to them by locally owned organizations. In 2002, the Minister of Information, Communications and the Arts announced that a new agency, the Media Development Authority (MDA) would supervise all forms of media operating in Singapore, including newspapers. In addition to helping develop local media content and encouraging investment, the MDA would ensure that communication outlets pay attention to the twin national goals of maintaining social harmony and furthering economic growth. Further, this agency will help enhance competition between, and the maintenance of quality by, the two major media groups, the SPH and the MCS. Similar to newspapers in other countries, the bulk of newspaper earnings in Singapore come from advertising and not from the sale of papers either individually or by subscription. Unlike other countries, however, newspapers in the republic continue to dominate other media in terms of advertising revenue earnings. This can be contrasted to the experience of countries such as the US, where over time, television in its various forms surged to become the main forum by which advertisers reach consumers. It is estimated that half the total advertising dollars (US $689 million in 1998) spent in Singapore are for advertising in newspapers, as opposed to slightly more than a third for television advertising. Until recently advertising in The Straits Times, the English newspaper of 822

record, was so popular that it found itself in the enviable position of turning away advertisers for lack of space in its daily and Sunday editions. Other forms of media (radio, magazines, and movies) typically score percentages of advertising dollars in the single digits. The distribution of newspapers in Singapore is carried out by both traditional and contemporary means. Traditional means include the extensive use of vendors (these are usually contractors, although attempts are being made to convert them to employee status) who distribute newspapers to home subscribers in specified territories. Reputedly, some of these areas were demarcated in the past with the help of criminal gangs or secret societies. Typically, a vendor would distribute around 1,000 copies of all newspapers belonging to SPH to homes in the multistory apartment buildings of a given area. This is complemented by sales at newsstands, mainly for impulse buyers (there is overlap between these two methods, i.e., vendors may be associated with running a particular newsstand). This existing network has been supplemented by more contemporary means of distributing newspapers that include selling them at gasoline filling stations, neighborhood convenience stores, supermarkets, and pharmacies. Interestingly, SPH has also experimented with selling newspapers using solar powered vending machines in the busier parts of Singapore.

PRESS LAWS The press in Singapore, in addition to functioning on the basis of the expectation that it help foster national interests as defined by the government, is also under the latter’s strict supervision, as it has to operate within a number of legal constraints. The principal and most comprehensive piece of legislation that affects print publications is the Newspaper and Printing Presses Act (1974) or NPPA. This legislation (derived from the colonial Printing Presses Act of 1920) allows the Singapore government to wield a three-pronged strategy in controlling the press, its ownership, personnel and ultimately, published content. First, it requires that all publications (local and foreign), printers, and the primary personnel associated with those publications, to be registered with and licensed by the government and to have those permits renewed every year. Thus, it would not be difficult for the government to deny licenses to particular individuals or groups, or to refuse to renew permits for those publications that were deemed to have overstepped their bounds in terms of critical or offensive content. Second, any given individual or group can only own three percent or less of the total stock of a newspaper company. This was a way of breaking up the family-owned newspapers that had existed earlier and ensuring that such concentrations of ownership does not return. Third, the NPPA envisages two types of shareholders. Only persons approved by the WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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government are allowed to buy what are referred to as ‘‘management shares’’ while others may buy ordinary shares. The difference between the two is in terms of voting power, specifically on editorial policy and personnel decisions. Each ‘‘management share’’ vote is worth two hundred times the vote of an ordinary share. By possessing the power of approval over who may own or buy these ‘‘management shares’’ the Singapore government indirectly exercises control and direction over those allowed to have a say in the editorial governance of all local newspapers and magazines. A 1986 amendment to the NPPA allows the government’s Ministry of Communication to reduce the number of copies circulated in Singapore of any foreign publication that was labeled as engaging in domestic politics. This gives the government broad latitude in terms of reducing the availability of a particular publication within the republic without seeming to suppress or eliminate it completely. It is also an effective mechanism for hitting a publication where it hurts, its circulation figures and consequently, its advertising revenues. Over the years several international and regional newsweeklies such as Time, Asian Wall Street Journal, The Economist, Far Eastern Economic Review, and the now defunct Asiaweek, have fallen victim to this provision of the NPPA. Typically, the charge of interfering in domestic politics followed that publication’s critical coverage of the government’s political actions (e.g., alleged unfair treatment of the miniscule opposition parties or its members) or business news defined as negative. This usually went along with the refusal or reluctance of the concerned publication to publish letters on the disputed matter from government officials in their entirety and without editing. In some instances, following conciliatory actions, the circulations of some affected publications were partially or completely restored. Although not enforced in every case, foreign publications are also required to post a bond of nearly $500,000 (Singapore) ‘‘in case of future journalistic indiscretions.’’ In addition to specific laws that deal with libel and defamation (over the years, many Singapore leaders have gone to court on these grounds and won several judgments and large financial damages against publications and journalists) and copyright infringement, there are a few other important laws that affects press operations. One is the Undesirable Publications Act that prohibits the sale, importation or dissemination of foreign publications defined as contrary to the public interest. Although broadly defined, the specific targets of this law have often been publications construed as publishing obscene, pornographic material or seen as advocating alternative sexual lifestyles. An earlier piece of legislation from before Singapore’s independence, the Internal Security Act, has rarely been used against the press in recent times; howevWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

er, it allows the government to detain journalists without judicial review in the interests of national security, broadly defined. In contrast and rather unexpectedly, the Official Secrets Act that generally targets espionage has been used against financial journalists belonging to the Business Times who reported on economic growth figures before the numbers were officially released by the government. In addition to these legal weapons, it should be understood that the likelihood of winning cases in court in which the government is the opposing party is generally slim in Singapore. As a result, it is fair to say that local newspapers have adapted themselves to their specified functions of providing education and information within the existing setup in Singapore. They are therefore, not likely to challenge continuing restrictions on the basis of the need for greater freedom of the press. Foreign publications that may do so face consequences such as suffering circulation cuts that that are almost equivalent to an outright ban and strictures on the entry and work of their correspondents. Consequently, some foreign publications have withdrawn from active, continuous coverage of Singapore.

CENSORSHIP It is important to note that censorship in its most blatant form, prior screening of the content of publications by a designated government or statutory agency, does not exist in Singapore, although radio, television and movies have historically been subject to such censorship. However, as noted earlier, the government exerts a variety of means of control over newspaper personnel, functioning and distribution. These include, among others, official 823

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criticism (hectoring and scolding newspapers for the nature, style and tone of certain content along with the insistence of an automatic right of reply) as well as administrative and managerial (e.g., a senior and long standing government intelligence official was placed in charge of a major newspaper), commercial (management shares can only be owned by government approved individuals) and legal (licensing; the threat of libel lawsuits) weapons. Both former Prime Minister Lee and current Prime Minister Goh Chok Thong, many ministries and ministers, government departments, statutory bodies and their senior officials have not hesitated to comment and criticize newspapers for various ‘‘lapses.’’ Given the range of powers that these government entities and representatives command, newspapers and journalists on their own do not generally engage in published criticism of national leaders or their actions. Two additional factors need to be taken into account. First, surveys of Singaporeans have shown repeatedly that a large majority is happy with the current content and coverage of their country by the local press, and do not necessarily want aggressive, combative or crusading journalism. Next, the government alone is seen (by both journalists and ruling politicians alike) as having the right to set the national agenda and priorities, by virtue of having won elections and repeatedly received a mandate for its policies from the people. A relatively new, though important, anti-censorship force is the rise of the Internet and electronic communication. Singapore became the second country (after Malaysia) in Asia to provide Internet service access to its citizens in mid-1994 and subscriptions are said to have grown to around 670,000 users in mid-1999. The major 824

newspapers belonging to SPH have developed their own separate news-oriented websites, partly in response to reports that newspaper readership among those below 30 is declining. Singapore’s officially expressed desire to move forward to become a wired, knowledge-based economy or what is often called an ‘‘intelligent island’’ drives the dilemma faced by those who may wish to restrict the flow of ‘‘undesirable’’ information and content from elsewhere. This means that unlike earlier times and with other media, given the global structure, libertarian culture and democratic ethos of the Internet, censorship would be difficult, if not impossible. While official guidelines and filtering systems are in place, Singapore’s leaders have begun to acknowledge that education of, and self-regulation by, the individual subscriber may be the only answer to this dilemma. Already, government officials have begun discussing the difficulties of formulating and deploying top down, stringent controls over the far-flung and variegated information and education sources that characterize the information age. For example, they have decided to review the ban on satellite dishes which are currently available only to foreign embassies, financial institutions and other selected agencies and not to the public. This ban is particularly ironic in that several regional satellite television companies have located themselves in Singapore, but can only broadcast to other countries. They have also made suggestions that, unlike the past, attempting to block the publication of what it does not like by targeting a particular newspaper or magazine may not be productive. Instead, government may be better served by insisting strenuously to the newspaper or other content provider that the former’s views and versions of events be also carried and given equal weight. Under this scenario, the newspaper subscriber reads and learns the facts and arguments from both viewpoints and decides on his or her own what to believe.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS Politically, the government continues to be dominated by the People’s Action Party (PAP), which has won every election since independence, and which generally espouses highly interventionist governmental policies and an iron grip over various spheres of Singapore’s social and cultural life (including mass communication media). In its earlier days, the party campaigned as a socialist entity. However, in the 1970s and later, it generally abandoned socialism in order to embrace ‘‘free trade’’ and to spur investments by foreign multinational corporations. Although the PAP’s proportionate share of total votes cast in regularly held elections has declined somewhat (the high point being 76 percent in 1980) it has generally enjoyed supermajorities in Parliament, usually holding 90 to 100 percent of the seats. During election WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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campaigns, it is not uncommon for the PAP to suggest or state that given the impossibility of the small opposition coming to power, constituencies that elected members of the latter would not be allotted government funded improvements. Critics have also decried the PAP and its leaders for their authoritarian and paternalistic tendencies. However, unlike many other developing countries dominated or controlled by a single party, the PAP’s governance of Singapore has also earned kudos and respect for its stability, farsightedness, efficiency, competence, and the general absence of corruption. For more than three decades, the PAP-led government of Singapore has played an active role in controlling and directing the mass communication media of the country by making sure that they did not become focal points for criticism and opposition. Radio and television in the early years of Singapore’s independence were already under direct government control, although newspapers were privately owned (often by families). Two English language daily newspapers, Eastern Sun (accused of being backed by Communists) and Singapore Herald (accused of being overly critical of various government policies such as compulsory national service) were closed down. Personnel associated with the Chinese language daily Nanyang Siang Pau were detained for stirring up racial prejudice. Later, pressure was brought to bear on local newspapers against covering or publicizing the tiny opposition parties and their leaders. Some newspapers were required to merge, and some to cease publication while new ones were created. Foreign publications regarded as meddling in local politics were targeted for reductions in circulation, sued for libel and their correspondents not given work visas. The general approach to the press by the Singapore government can be seen to embody features of what many observers characterize as its customary and unapologetic ‘‘soft authoritarianism’’ on all sectors of, and matters pertaining to, the republic. To justify such an approach, Singaporeans are often reminded of riots and disturbances that took place in the past as a result of alleged adverse or chauvinistic newspaper coverage and interpretation of inter-ethnic matters. In recent times, several Singaporean leaders and intellectuals have attempted to articulate a formal rationale for the continued existence of strict political control and legal constraints over constitutionally guaranteed freedoms of association, assembly, speech and expression. Allowing members of the public and the press the unfettered exercise of these rights, they have argued, is inimical to the interests of maintaining order in a highly sensitive multiethnic Singaporean society that possesses only a fragile and recently acquired sense of nationhood. In particular, they have proposed that in contrast to the highly individualistic Western democracies that are the WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

source of these ‘‘individualistic’’ ideas, Singapore needs to be guided by ‘‘Asian values,’’ defined by Michael Haas as: ‘‘(1) community before self, (2) the family as the basic unit of society, (3) consensus rather than competition to resolve conflicts, (4) racial and religious tolerance and harmony, and (5) community support for the individual.’’ Members of Singapore’s ruling elite often use these identified values (said to be derived from Confucianism and also shared by other Asian cultures) to distance Singaporean society from the ‘‘decadence’’ of, and to proclaim its superiority to, the West, where these values do not hold sway. Thus, open and forceful criticism of the government as well as any portrayal of its members in a negative light are seen as luxuries that Singapore (and, by implication, other Asian societies) cannot afford to indulge in. This not only because these pursuits fritter away energies better spent fostering government-led economic development, but also because such criticism violates the important values of consensus, harmony, and communitarianism. However, critics are quick to point out that these arguments are clearly self-serving for those in power and serve more to reinforce the existing status quo. The constant harping on Asian values and the denigration of individual rights and freedoms is used, according to Haas, to ‘‘persuade the public that any deviation from PAP rule would bring economic disaster to Singapore,’’ and for ‘‘telling the people what to think.’’ Singapore media are regularly placed by Freedom House’s annual international rankings of press freedom in the category ‘‘not free.’’ For the republic’s media, the concept of Asian values, as promoted by the government translates as follows. The press and other communication outlets are expected to function as responsible team players putting national and governmental interests over the freedom to disseminate anything and everything that they may wish to publish or broadcast. In contrast to the Western notion of the press as an active watchdog over the government and its officials, in Singapore its progovernment role is to faithfully communicate national plans, priorities and pronouncements to the public and ‘‘to promote numerous campaigns, initiated and managed by the government.’’ Thus, casual visitors to the country are likely to be struck by the notable absence of political controversy, criticism and bickering in the pages of Singapore’s newspapers, and their uniform toeing of the governmental line in terms of viewpoints on almost all national and international issues.

BROADCAST MEDIA For a variety of reasons, the broadcast media (radio and television) have historically been under government control in Singapore. In 1994, the government’s broadcast holdings were spun off as a corporation, Singapore International Media, whose name was changed in 1999 825

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to Media Corporation of Singapore (MCS). As noted previously, MCS has recently entered the newspaper market to compete with SPH, which previously monopolized this sector. MCS currently runs four core direct-to-air television stations (broadcasting programs in the four official languages), a regional news channel (Channel News Asia), a teletext service, an outdoor television channel for commuters and public areas, and is in the process of introducing digital broadcasting. In terms of its radio holdings, it controls 11 core stations (programming in all official languages), another that broadcasts specifically to certain groups within Singapore’s expatriate population (Japanese, German, and French programming) and a foreign service, Radio Singapore International. Further, it is expanding into digital audio broadcasting. The earlier broadcasting monopoly of MCS is also being challenged by the entry of SPH into the television market in 2001 with two news channels in English and Chinese.

SLOVAKIA BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Slovak Republic

Region (Map name):

Europe

Population:

5,414,937

Language(s):

Slovak (official), Hungarian

Literacy rate:

100%

Area:

48,845 sq km

GDP:

19,121 (US$ millions)

Number of Daily Newspapers:

29

Total Circulation:

541,000

Circulation per 1,000:

126

Number of Nondaily Newspapers:

2

Total Circulation:

6,000

Circulation per 1,000:

2

As % of All Ad Expenditures:

11.00

Number of Television Stations:

38

Number of Television Sets:

2,620,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

483.8

Number of Cable Subscribers:

754,380

Cable Subscribers per 1,000:

139.7

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Number of Satellite Subscribers:

620,000

Haas, Michael, ed. The Singapore Puzzle. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 1999.

Satellite Subscribers per 1,000:

114.5

Number of Radio Stations:

95

Number of Radio Receivers:

3,120,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

576.2

Number of Individuals with Computers:

740,000

Computers per 1,000:

136.7

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

650,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

120.0

SUMMARY The press in Singapore has a history that is more than 150 years old. Similar to the republic’s population, it is both modern and efficient in its setup, operations, and layout. At the same time, it continues to be subject to strict government policies and legal restraints that have served to constrain it in the interests of national development and communal harmony. Given the expansion of sources and options for Singaporeans to be informed, educated, and entertained, today, the press can be characterized accurately as being in the throes of transition and change. This change process encompasses both Singapore’s media (e.g., managed competition between multimedia companies that were previously protected sectoral monopolies) and its government (e.g., rethinking of official policies designed historically to curb the flow of ‘‘undesirable’’ information).

Kuo, Eddie C. Y. ‘‘The role of the media in the management of ethnic relations.’’ In Goonasekera, Anura and Youichi Ito, eds., Mass Media and Cultural Identity: Ethnic Reporting in Asia. London: Pluto Press, 1999. Kuo, Eddie C. Y., and Peng Hwa Ang. ‘‘Singapore’’ Pp. 402-428 In Gunaratne, Shelton A., ed. Handbook of the Media in Asia. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2000. Murray, Geoffrey, and Audrey Perera. Singapore: The Global City-State. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1996. —N. Prabha Unnithan 826

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BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS A member of the European Union, Slovakia— officially the Slovak Republic—broke from Czechoslovakia in 1993 to become an independent republic. Originally settled by Illyrian, Celtic, and Germanic peoples, Slovakia was part of Great Moravia in the ninth century, then Hungary in the eleventh century. After World War I, the Slovaks joined the Czechs of Bohemia, forming the Republic of Czechoslovakia in 1918. Under Communism from 1948, Czechoslovakia moved toward democracy through the 1989 ‘‘Velvet Revolution,’’ when the Communist government resigned. The Slovak Republic’s population of 5.4 million is a diverse mix of Eastern European ethnicities; 86 percent Slovak, 11 percent Hungarian, with Gypsy, Czech, Moravian, Silesian, Ruthenian, German, Polish, and Ukrainian minorities making up the remaining 3 percent. Religion is predominantly Roman Catholic (60 percent), with many people speaking both Slovak and Hungarian. Education is compulsory from age 6 to 14, and the country enjoys a 100 percent literacy rate. Slovakia’s landlocked terrain features rugged mountains in the central and northern part with lowlands in the south; 57 percent of its inhabitants are city dwellers. After the fall of Communism, Slovakia’s media has struggled to transform from a restrictive state-controlled climate to a dual system of public, state media and diverse, independent publications and broadcasting. Soon after independence, private broadcast venues were launched alongside a cornucopia of special-interest newspapers and magazines. In the twenty-first century, Slovak media—with a large, educated audience and little commercial capital—continues to be an attractive market for foreign interests and new technology media. Yet an oppressive environment was instigated by the regime of Prime Minister Vladimír Mec˘iar from 1992 to 1998. Press freedom improved dramatically after 1998 elections replaced Mec˘iar and his Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (HZDS) with Prime Minister Mikulás˘ Dzurinda of the Slovak Democratic Coalition (SDK). Mec˘iar, who served three times as prime minister, battled with President Michal Kovác˘ over executive and government powers, opposed direct presidential elections, resisted economic liberalization, and disregarded the rule of law and a free press, bullying state-run media outlets into pro-government coverage. Under the new coalition government of Dzurinda, Parliament dismissed the directors of state-supported Slovak broadcast outlets for failure to guarantee objectivity. Since 1999 there have been no reports of government interference. A parliamentary democracy, Slovakia elected President Rudolf Schuster by a 57 percent popular vote in 1999. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

The social and political changes brought about by the Slovak independence and the fall of Communism resulted in large increases in the number and diversity of print publications. Since 1989 the number of periodicals tripled—from 326 to the 1,034 recorded in 1998. The majority of Slovakian national newspapers are broadsheet, publishing detailed information on a wide range of news and current affairs. Though most strive for objectivity, each tends to express strong opinion for or against the government, or a certain party or policy in its editorial columns. Weekend editions include colorful special sections with features on sports, economics, finance, technology, travel, style, and analysis. The highest-selling daily is the Novy Cas (The New Times), with a circulation of 230,000. The tabloid is read by two-thirds of the population under 45, and women make up over half its readership. Slovakia’s second largest paper is Pravda (Truth), once the Communist Party’s mouthpiece. Its readership is primarily older urban residents. Praca (Labor) is the trade unions’ paper, largely distributed in the West Slovak region. Two competing dailies—Sme and Slovenska Republika—attract a similar share of Slovak readers. Other dailies include Sport and Uj Szo. With 365 regional and local periodicals, most Slovak towns and cities have their own regional and local newspapers—4 daily morning papers, 4 evening papers, 94 regional papers, 167 municipal and local papers, 72 inhouse papers, and 37 consumer publications. Covering local, national, and international news, these papers provide a significant audience for local advertising. In addition, businesses, societies, public bodies, and universities publish specialty publications. Slovak magazines and periodicals include over 560 titles with a circulation of at least 17.2 million. Since 1989 the number of titles in this market has increased 168 percent, with at least half as much in circulation. Slovenka, the highest-circulation weekly magazine at 230,000 copies, leads the market of some 17 women’s periodicals in Slovakia with an aggregate circulation of 1.2 million. Opinion journals include Nedel’na Pravda and Plus 7 dni, both weeklies reviewing social issues, politics arts, and literature, as well as Trend, a weekly focusing on economics. The number of church and religious periodicals has nearly tripled since 1989; Katolicke Noviny is among Slovakia’s top 10 magazines, with a circulation of 100,000 and a readership of 300,000. Bravo leads the list of some 34 youth publications, with a circulation of 90,000 covering pop music and other teen interests, while at least 235 scientific and professional journals count an aggregate circulation in excess of 1 million. Over 46 free advertising papers are distributed to some 3.5 million Slovaks weekly. Over 40 newspapers 827

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and magazines cater to ethnic minorities, including the daily Uj Szo, the weekly Szbad Ujsah Vasarnap, and Jang-Kep representing Hungarians, while other Romanics, Ruthenians, and Germans have their own publications.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK The reintroduction of a post-Communist, free market economy has been a long and difficult process in Slovakia. Before 1989 many Slovak industries were inefficient and not competitive in the world market. The foreign investment needed to modernize these industries has been elusive because of the country’s erstwhile political instability. However, direct foreign investment totaled $1.5 billion in 2000. The Slovak economy has improved since the country’s 1993 independence. From 1993 to 1994, the Gross Domestic Product grew 4.3 percent, and inflation fell from 20 percent to 12 percent. Foreign trade is important to Slovakia’s economy; in 1994 imports and exports each totaled about $6 billion. Over 50 percent of its trade is with European Union countries, and Germany is Slovakia’s largest trading partner, followed by the Czech Republic, Austria, Russia, and Italy. Imports include natural gas, oil, machinery, and transportation equipment, while exports include machinery, fuels, weapons, chemicals, and steel. Slovak press distribution is privately controlled. However, secondary government influence is present in Danubiapress, the nation’s largest private company with links to the political party, HZDS. In 1998 a government agency distributing 30 dailies and 650 magazines sold 97 percent of its shares to Danubiapress, despite protests by Slovak journalists’ organizations.

PRESS LAWS Since its 1993 formation, the Slovak Republic has made a steady, if indirect, advance toward a free press. Print media are uncensored, exhibiting a wide variety of opinions. Slovakia’s Constitution provides for freedom of the press. Media are subject to the 1966 Law on Mass 828

Media Communications, which was amended in 1990. Individuals may freely criticize the government without fear of reprisal, and threats against journalists are rare. Constitutional provisions include a limitation on press freedom only to necessitate freedoms of others, state security, law and order, health, and morality; and the government must provide reasonable access to documents and information. In addition, the state’s legislation includes the Charter on the Human Rights and Freedoms, based on the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Slovakia’s Law on Public Information Media regulates the rights and obligations of the media operators and their relations to government authorities, local selfgoverning bodies, public institutions, and individuals. To discourage cross-ownership and media monopoly, the bill restricts owners of national media outlets—dailies, national radio, or television—to 20 percent capital share in other media. The Council of the Slovak Government regulates information policy and media legislation for Mass Media, an advisory group, which prepares government viewpoints on proposed legislation concerning media policy. As of 2002 an independent press council was being organized. This body was conceived by three media organizations: the Syndicate of Slovak Journalists (SSN), the Association of Slovak Journalists (ZSN), and the Association of Slovak Press Publishers. It will receive, consider, and adjudicate complaints of breaches in media code and comprises nine members appointed by core organizations representing journalists and publishers. Slovak broadcast media is subject to Czechoslovakia’s Broadcast Act, the first of its kind in a postCommunist country. The Act was created to give legal existence to an emerging dual system of public and private radio and television in the region. The Broadcasting Act states terms and conditions of allowable broadcasting and standards of advertising and sponsorship, with penalties for noncompliance. The Act also provides for editorial independence and freedom of expression within guidelines of impartiality and objectivity. It also prohibits WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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broadcasting material, which might incite violence or ethnic hatred, instigate war, or promote indecency. Practical issues addressed by the Broadcasting Act include the planning of frequencies and granting of licenses. Under the Broadcast Act, the Slovak Parliament can recall any member of radio and television authorities, if the recall motion is supported by at least 10 percent of Parliament. The Slovak National Broadcasting Council, established in 1992 to safeguard freedom of speech while introducing a more flexible operating environment, regulates supervision of broadcast laws. Its responsibilities include design of the national information policy, control over broadcasting franchises, development of local broadcasting, and submitting an annual report on the state of broadcasting to the Slovak Parliament. Within the Slovak Broadcasting Council, the Slovak Radio Council and Slovak Television Council approve longterm programming concepts budgets, their own statutes, and the election of general directors for the two public broadcasters.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS The road to a post-Communist/Slovak free press has been difficult. Although government influence lessened considerably with the fall of Communism in 1989, policies of Prime Minister Vladimír Mec˘iar earned Slovakia the label, ‘‘a totalitarian island in a sea of democracy.’’ Mec˘iar, in office from 1992 until his defeat in 1998, was reported to have manipulated the press to promote his party, the Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (HZDS). This was accomplished by threatening journalists, limiting access, cutting off broadcast stations’ electricity, and proposing a prohibitive newspaper tax that would have suffocated small publications. Prior to the 1998 election, Slovakia’s Election Law was amended to prohibit independent media from providing campaign coverage, publishing the results of preelection polls or for 48-hours before the election, or reporting on any political developments whatsoever. Statecontrolled broadcast stations were largely exempt from these regulations. In 1997 then-president Michael Kovác˘—whose political leanings opposed Prime Minister Mec˘iar—was prevented three times from appearing on camera to urge Slovaks to vote in favor of entry into NATO. Although government has reduced its attempts to use economic pressure to control the press, defamation laws still exist. In March 2000 a Slovak deputy prime minister accused the editor of an extremist weekly of defamation. The editor—who had criticized governmental permission to use Slovak airspace for Kosovar bombing raids—was found guilty, receiving a four-month suspended sentence and two months probation. In 2001 President Rudolf WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Schuster of Slovakia filed a defamation suit against a Novy Cas commentator who wrote a column critical of Schuster’s state of the nation address. During Mec˘iar’s rule, even privatization was used as a tool to manipulate journalists. In 1996 Tatiana Repkova was forced out of her job as editor and publisher of a Slovak national daily when Mec˘iar’s government pressured a friendly company to buy the paper and then dismiss her. Both the purchase of the paper and her firing were legal. In 1997 the Slovak government proposed increased taxation in an effort to muzzle the press. Its failed attempt to increase the value-added tax on newspapers by nearly 400 percent would have eliminated many independent papers. However, the proposal was withdrawn in the wake of criticism by international media organizations and dissenting government officials. Under former Slovak Prime Minister Vladimír Mec˘iar (voted out in 1998), journalists were often barred from the monthly meeting of the ruling party and from Parliament sessions. In addition, reporters rarely gained access to Prime Minister Mec˘iar at press conferences. In 2001 Parliament passed Slovakia’s first Freedom of Information Act, granting citizens access to virtually all unclassified information from national and local government offices, the president’s office, and the Parliament.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA Suddenly open to privatization, Slovak media is attracting foreign investment. The market is ripe for innovation and development; it is somewhat undeveloped, the existing press underserves consumers, and emerging free-market businesses need advertising venues. Foreign 829

SLOVAKIA

ownership is permitted, although licensing preference is given to foreign applicants planning to contribute to original domestic programming. The Slovak government offers substantial tax breaks to foreign investors and plans to privatize many state-run institutions, including telecommunications. Two foreign radio stations have been awarded broadcasting licenses and are on the air. BBC World Service delivers short-wave broadcasts around the clock from Bratislava, Banská Bystrica, and Kos˘ice in English, Slovak, and Czech. Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty broadcasts Slovak and Czech programming from Prague 13 hours each day; its editorial offices in Bratislava oversee reporters operating through Slovakia. In addition, a Slovak company and the London-based American firm, Central European Media Enterprises, jointly own the country’s first private television station, TV Markiza.

NEWS AGENCIES Slovakia is home to the only state-controlled press agency in Europe, the Press Agency of the Slovak Republic (TASR). Until 1992 it was part of the federal Czechoslovak Press Agency (CTK) but has operated independently since then. A private, competing news agency, the Slovak News Agency (SITA) was established in 1997. Since then Slovak journalists have regarded SITA as an unbiased information source. The two agencies have repeatedly challenged one another legally. In 2000 SITA sued TASR over copyright infringement when the government agency allegedly plagiarized a SITA story. TASR responded by suing SITA for 92 million Slovak koruna (SK) in damages, accusing SITA of stealing customer passwords to access TASR. The state press agency’s 72 million SK government subsidy has been challenged by Parliament, suggesting that the agency may redefine its policies to avoid accusations of political influence. TASR has over 250 employees, including 170 editors and journalists. A modern press agency with foreign correspondents in Washington, Bonn, Moscow, Brussels, Budapest, Warsaw, and Prague, TASR is connected via wire and satellite with other world and national news agencies, generating 400 to 450 reports and 60 photographs daily for some 240 customers. Its documentary department provides research and cutting services, an archive of 250,000 items, and the Daily News Monitor, a brief review of Slovak and Czech media. A smaller agency, SITA is staffed by 30 trained professionals specializing in financial and business news, though it also covers political, social, and regional Slovak events. SITA also provides its clients with a daily news digest and an information service of traffic and weather. Founded in 1991, the Slovak Union of Press Publishers (ZVPT) includes over 50 newspaper and magazine 830

publishers. A member of the Paris-based World Association of Newspapers (WAN), ZVPT offers professional training seminars and participates in advising and consulting on media laws. Slovakia’s Association of Independent Radio and TV Stations (ANRS) represents its 18 member stations in discussions with government bodies, with authors’ rights protection, organizations with telecommunication companies, and other subjects. The Slovak Society for Cable Television (SSKT) unites equipment engineers, manufacturers, suppliers, creators, and operators of the state’s rapidly developing cable television sector. Other groups include the Association of Slovak Periodical Publishers, the Association of Independent Radio and Television Stations, and the Union of Slovak Television Creators. The major association of Slovak journalists is the 2,000-member Slovak Syndicate of Journalists (SSN), which includes 80 percent of Slovak journalists. A member of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), its mission is to safeguard free press and journalists’ rights and working conditions. The SSN provides unemployment support, maternity leave pay, represents its members in international relations with foreign journalists’ organizations, produces the magazine Forum, and organizes press conferences. A pro-government group, the 1,000-member Association of Slovak Journalists (ZSN) broke from the SSN in 1992, but some journalists are members of both groups. Its membership has declined since the defeat of former Prime Minister Mec˘iar in 1998.

BROADCAST MEDIA Slovakia’s broadcast media includes two state-run television stations, three state-run radio stations, 20 private radio stations, and a number of private television stations. Some parts of the country also receive Czech and Hungarian television signals. Since 1991 Slovak Radio and Television have been public institutions supervised by parliamentaryappointed councils. Prior to 1998, privately owned television could not officially carry political news, and public television served as a mouthpiece for Prime Minister Mec˘iar and the HZDS party. A 1998 monitoring survey showed that STV devoted 47 percent of its news coverage to the ruling party, 17 percent to coalition parties, and only 13 percent to the opposition, which received overwhelmingly negative coverage. Government and ruling parties receive 62 percent of overall airtime; the opposition only 15 percent. In the same pre-1998 period, Slovak Radio operated more objectively than STV. Devoting no airtime to editorials, Slovak Radio allotted 55 percent of its time to the government; parliamentary and other central bodies got 36 percent, and the opposition received slightly less than 10 percent. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

SLOVAKIA

The nonprofit, public service Slovak Radio has broadcast since 1926. Financed by an annual license fee from each household with a radio receiver as well as by advertising, Slovak Radio also receives government support. Slovak Radio broadcasts 23,000 hours per week on three national networks—each specializing in news, classical music, or rock—reaching 3.5 million across Slovakia. Regional radio (also called Regina) includes ethnic minority broadcasting. In this category, the Hungarian community receives some 40 hours of programming, with 15 hours for Ukrainian and Ruthenian listeners, and half an hour each for Romanic and German minorities. Established in the wake of independence, the Slovak World Service is geared to expatriate Slovak listeners living abroad wishing to maintain their national identity and proficiency in the Slovak language. Private radio was launched in 1990 and reaches some one-third of the Slovak population each day through 19 stations. Its first and most popular outlet, FUN Radio, broadcasts rock music and reaches 3 million people daily in 70 percent of Slovakia’s territory. RadioTwist broadcasts a wider range of music programs and an objective political program competing with public service broadcasting. Radio Koliba’s four transmitters reach a fair share of radio audiences in central and eastern Slovakia, while other private broadcasters serve specific regions, reaching no more than 5 percent of the total population. Other stations include RMC Radio, FM Radio DCA, Radio Ragtime, and Radio Tatry. Television reaches most Slovak citizens; over 98 percent of the population owns at least one television. Some 60 percent watch television daily, while 27 percent watch several programs each week. Slovakia’s public broadcaster, Slovak Television (STV), was chartered in tandem with Slovak Radio. STV broadcasts 8,600 hours on 2 channels from its studios in Bratislava, Kos˘ice, and Banská Bystrica, and is financed by license fees, ad sales, and government support. Although public television is popular, private television is providing significant competition. Launched in 1996, the commercial TV Markiza broadcasts 19.5 hours daily. Its light entertainment format includes the first Slovak soap opera and game shows in addition to news and current affairs. It has enjoyed top place in viewer listings since its first day of broadcasting; 65 percent of Slovak adults watch it daily. Slovakia began installing cable facilities in 1989, and by 2002 dozens of networks were accessible by 27 percent of its population. Slovakia’s largest cable operator, SKT Bratislava, serves 70 percent of the capital’s population.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA By 1998 some 10 percent of all Slovak citizens and public schools had Internet access through 10 Slovak InWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ternet providers. When the Internet was first introduced in Slovakia, the interest was predominantly focused on foreign countries. Later, domestic sources began to play a more important role. In 1999 Central Europe Online introduced Slovakia Today, a site featuring daily news, business, and entertainment coverage, as well as various personal services. In 2002 at least 14 print publications also maintained online news sites. A new media portal, Markiza Portal (www.markiza.sk), affiliated with the popular TV station, was due to launch in 2002. Many newspapers and magazines in Slovakia have embraced new technology, writing and editing their stories on computers; Pravda had introduced a computer system before 1989. All journalism education programs in Slovakia include courses, workshops, and facilities to develop new media.

EDUCATION & TRAINING Over 1,400 students have graduated from the journalism program of Comenius University since its founding in 1952. Its curriculum offers four areas of concentration: theory and history of journalism, press and agency news, radio and television journalism, and advertising. In Trnava, the University of St. Cyril began a dual graduate program of mass media communication and marketing communication in 1997. The Centre for Independent Journalism in Bratislava is one of four schools established by the Independent Journalism Foundation (IJF) to offer tuition-free training for journalists in Eastern and Central Europe. Funded privately it is operated by veteran journalists from the United States and Europe. The Centre is equipped with stateof-the-art facilities provided by the Freedom Forum, an international free speech organization. 831

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• 2001: Slovakia’s first Freedom of Information Act is passed.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Brecka, Samuel. ‘‘A Report on the Slovak Media.’’ Bratislava: National Centre for Media Communication, 2002. Dragomir, Marius. ‘‘Slovakia’s Twenty-first Century Journalism School.’’ Central Europe Review (Sept. 21, 2001). International Journalists Network. ‘‘Access to Information Law Adopted in Slovakia.’’ Washington, D.C. (June 1, 2000). International Press Institute. ‘‘Slovakia: 2001 World Press Freedom Review.’’ ———. ‘‘Slovakia: 2000 World Press Freedom Review.’’

SUMMARY Since 1989 the media climate in Slovakia has changed from a restrictive, state-run system to a dual system of state and independent media. Between 1990 and 1992, there were more than 15 significant new statutes or modifications of old laws regarding the media. This legislation ensured free speech and set guidelines for the development of private and commercial press enterprises. With a truly democratic government in place by 1998, Slovakia enjoys a free press climate and a burgeoning media industry. The array of commercial broadcast and print outlets appearing after the fall of Communism have been augmented by the growth of online media, cable, and satellite communication. Since Slovakia’s government and economy stabilized in the late 1990s, the country has attracted and encouraged foreign investment, much of it geared toward media outlets. With these resources and a demanding, educated audience, Slovakia can expect rapid growth in the number, diversity, and types of media available. In the early twenty-first century, Slovakia may narrow the small gap between its media environment and that of western Europe.

SIGNIFICANT DATES • 1998: Prime Minister Mec˘iar is ousted by Mikulás˘ Dzurinda of the Slovak Democratic Coalition (SDK). • 2000: Slovakia joins The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), an international organization of 30 industrialized, marketeconomy countries. 832

Karatnycky, Adrian, Motyl Alexander, and Charles Graybow. ‘‘Nations in Transit: Slovakia.’’ Freedom House, 1998. Lipton, Rhoda. ‘‘Final Report: Slovakia.’’ International Center for Journalists, July 1998. ‘‘New Online Publications Offer News on Six CEE Nations’’ Embassy of the Slovak Republic Newsletter. Bratislava: n.d. Skolkay, Anrej. ‘‘An Analysis of Media Legislation: The Case of Slovakia.’’ International Journal of Media Law and Communications (Winter 1998/1999). U.S. Department of State. ‘‘Country Commercial Guide: Slovakia.’’ Washington, D.C.: 2000. ———. ‘‘Slovak Republic Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2000.’’ Washington, D.C. Vystavil, Martin. ‘‘Internet: Supporting Democratic Changes in the Post-Communist Slovak Republic.’’ Reston, VA: The Internet Society, 1995. —Blair Tindall

SLOVENIA BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Republic of Slovenia

Region (Map name):

Europe

Population:

1,930,132 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

SLOVENIA

Language(s):

Slovene, Serbo-Croatian

Literacy rate:

99.0%

Area:

20,253 sq km

GDP:

18,129 (US$ millions)

Number of Daily Newspapers:

5

Total Circulation:

341,000

Circulation per 1,000:

215

Number of Nondaily Newspapers:

14

Total Circulation:

424,000

Circulation per 1,000:

267

Total Newspaper Ad Receipts:

4,935 (Tolar millions)

As % of All Ad Expenditures:

12.10

Number of Television Stations:

48

Number of Television Sets:

710,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

367.9

Number of Cable Subscribers:

322,200

Cable Subscribers per 1,000:

161.1

Number of Satellite Subscribers:

270,000

Satellite Subscribers per 1,000:

139.9

Number of Radio Stations:

177

Number of Radio Receivers:

805,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

417.1

Number of Individuals with Computers:

548,000

Computers per 1,000:

283.9

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

300,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

155.4

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Slovenia is a democratic state in the former Yugoslavia that has fostered a liberal and diverse press. ComWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

pared to neighbors to the south, Croatia and BosniaHerzegovina, the Slovenian press has for centuries been fairly uncensored and unrestricted by government. During the period in which Slovenia was under communist rule, the press was still the most liberal among easternEuropean nations. Since the country adopted its Constitution in 1994, the press has been guaranteed freedoms like those in Western democracies, although perhaps out of habit and tradition, media professionals continue to censor themselves. Slovenia is a country of readers. In a population of nearly 2 million citizens, circulation for all printed media is around 6 million. Nature of Audience Slovenia’s proximity to Italy, Hungary, and Austria make for a diverse population with many ethnic and linguistic influences. The official language is Slovene, which is spoken almost strictly by those who live in Slovenia, with the exception of pocket communities in Italy along the Slovenia border. During times when Slovenia was occupied by the Turks in the 15th century, the Austro-Hungarian monarchy in the 19th century, and the Serbs in the 20th century, early newspaper pioneers established news presses strictly for the purpose of maintaining the Slovene language and culture. For a time in the 20th century, Austria annexed a large part of Slovenia, and the region joined the Kingdom of Yugoslavia during the Second World War. In 1941 the Liberation Front of the Slovene Nation was founded and began armed resistance against the German occupying forces. The Communist Party soon adopted the leading role within the Liberation Front, and at the end of the war the ethnic Slovenians were liberated. In 1943 the nation joined the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and Slovenia was known as the Socialist Republic of Slovenia. Slovenia gained its independence late in the 20th century. The movement for independence was first made in 1987 by a small group of intellectuals. The group made demands for democratization and resisted the Yugoslavian government after the arrest of three journalists from the Mladina, a political weekly. In 1988 and 1989 Slovenia produced its first political opposition parties, and in 1989 demanded a sovereign state. In 1990 the first elections in Slovenia took place, and more than 88 percent of the electorate voted for independence. The country adopted its declaration of independence in June 1991, and the very next day the country was attacked by the Yugoslav Army. After a brief 10-day war, a truce was negotiated. In November of that year a law on denationalization was adopted, followed by a new Constitution in December. The country’s liberal and relatively free press was credited as much for the successful 833

SLOVENIA

dized heavily by the government and by political parties. But capitalism has established the standard that media outlets become financially viable or fail. This move to privatization has created problems the government and the media professionals had not anticipated. Government ownership ended in 1991 and, following the media laws that were established in 1994, in most cases the media professionals became stockholders in their own companies. This policy eventually created a conflict of interest in journalistic ethics. At the same time, the quality of journalism began to suffer without subsidies because very few publications could survive and compete with the existing government owned media and the already well-established publications such as Delo.

transition as were the country’s economic stability and unification through language. Slovenia is an educated, financially stable, and literate country. This is good for the newspaper industry as a whole. Slovenians are not only literate, but are well read and tend to get their news from more than one print source. In the 1980s Slovenia published more new titles per capita than any other European country. While Slovenia no longer boasts holding the record in publishing, its root of diverse publishing and avid readership are still strong. Nearly one-third of Slovenian households are connected to the Internet, and 450,000 citizens are regular users of the Internet. The country underwent a massive reorganization of its public school system in the 1990s to ensure its citizens could exercise their rights to free education. The average number of years Slovenians attend school is 9.6 and compared to similar nations ranked behind Austria, Switzerland, Belgium, Denmark, Israel and Hungary. The country’s stable economy and government has enabled Slovenia to successfully transition from communism to a capitalist democracy easier than the other former Hungarian states, Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina. This strong economy has also enabled the print and broadcast media to stay afloat financially, as domestic and foreign advertisers view the Slovenian market as attractive. Quality of Journalism A free press has come at a price to Slovenian journalism. Prior to the nation gaining sovereignty, many newspapers and other media were subsi834

Some observers believe the decline in the quality of Slovenian media began before the nation gained sovereignty, and declined further when the press lost government subsidies. Print media was instrumental in the country’s first free elections in 1990, and some newspapers suffered government scorn following the elections, depending upon which political ideology and party it endorsed. The media was so accustomed to close relationships with the established government it began censoring itself. Today the press is legally free from government control, but the Slovenian government owns stock in several large newspapers, creating an environment in which publishers are potentially fearful of provoking its stockholders in government. The arrangement has a chilling effect on the media’s coverage of its parliament. Following the country’s success in gaining independence, the mood of the country was generally Xenophobic—fearful of strangers and foreigners. Following the country’s short battle for independence, masses of legal and illegal immigrants as well as refugees from nearby Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina were deported. Even those non-Slovenians who had lived in Slovenia their entire lives were suddenly and unexpectedly deported. In an environment where nationalism is so pervasive, criticizing the government often creates backlash from readers and advertisers, deepening the chilling effects that prevent scrutinizing the country’s leadership. In general relations with foreign press correspondents are poor, but relations with the press in the former Yugoslavian states are especially poor. Slovenian news tends to center around Slovenian issues, and these are presented predominately with nationalist and ethnocentric perspectives. This environment stands in sharp contrast to the 1980s, when alternative and student presses launched the revolution that led to independence. Journalism training is both fragmented and inadequate at most Slovenian colleges and universities. Journalist trade unions are also weak and unorganized. The WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

SLOVENIA

Union of Slovenian Journalists, the Coordinating Center for Independent Media, the Slovenian Open Society Institute, and the International Federation of Journalist Balkan Coordinating Centre for Independent Media, however, have made strides in improving unions and education. Historical Traditions Slovenia’s press dates back to the Reformation era of the fifteenth century. Following a number of Reformation papers and German newspapers, the first Slovenian paper, the Lublanske novice (The Ljubljana News), was published from 1797 to 1900. The reign of the Lublanske novice is considered Slovenia’s period of enlightenment, which was shaped in part by the paper’s founder, Lanentin Vodnik, who is today considered one of the most influential newsmen in the country’s history. The period’s second most influential newspaper, published from 1843 to 1902, the Kmetijske in rokodelske novice (The Farmer’s and Craftsman’s News), was founded by Janez Bleiweis. The paper was the catalyst for other publishers to distribute newspapers during the 60-year period. Of the 292 newspapers published during the Second World War, 48 of these were launched during this earlier period. Furthermore, the newspapers published between the Second World War and the 1980s were instrumental in laying the groundwork and setting the tone for a country which would break free from communist leadership and establish a democratic parliament. Slovenia has a handful of major daily newspapers and two major weekly political magazines Mag and Mladina, all of which are published in the Slovene language. The largest of the Slovene dailies is Delo, which claims a readership of about half of all print newspapers distributed. The second largest is the Slovenske novice, originally published as a supplement to Delo. Another major daily, Dnevnik, is independently owned. Vecer is the fourth largest daily in Slovenia. All the current major news dailies were the largest papers before the country gained independence, and held their market shares in the post-communist society. The major papers have enjoyed little competition from upstart papers. In 1997 two dailies were launched— Slovenec and Republika—but both quickly collapsed. This led critics to point to the necessity of increased government subsidy of newspapers in order to offer citizens a more diverse media landscape. Delo is the largest Slovene daily, with 150 reporters and 10 foreign correspondents. It is also one of the oldest newspapers in Slovenia, existing for more than 50 years. It covers Slovenian affairs in what it calls a ‘‘nonpartisan manner,’’ although observers maintain it has not strayed far from its communist beginnings. The paper is typical because it’s employees are the primary shareholders, WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

owning more than half of the paper’s shares. The government owns the maximum amount of shares allowed by law, 20 percent. Foreign publications and broadcasts are there for the recognized minorities in Slovenia. Hungarians and Italians operate broadcasting stations that are financially supported by the state. The Roma minority has two programs on local broadcast stations. The migrants from the former Yugoslav republics, however, have only small bulletins which are produced and distributed in individual communities.

PRESS LAWS The Slovenian Constitution provides for a free and open press. The law drafted in 1994 protects media independence, but allows lawsuits from those who perceive harmed from the media similar to the United States’ libel laws. The law also offers journalists some protection when they have been accused of slander or libel. The new laws also address copyright, protection of personal data, and the degree to which government may be a stakeholder in the media. Journalists do not, however, have the expressed right to protect their sources, and journalists have been sued to convince them to reveal their sources. The International Press Institute noted the law narrows the scope of individual journalists. The political elite and the communists generally still carry a great deal of influence over the media. Coverage of political agendas and events outside of the established governmental powers is largely left to the tiny segment of alternative media, which continue to struggle among the major publishing powerhouses. Antitrust laws provide for pluralism of the media while other laws limit government ownership of shares, 835

SOLOMON ISLANDS

ownership of foreign capital, and connections between printed and broadcast media. Tax laws provide for lower rates for media entities. The government also subsidizes printing costs for newspapers and magazines.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA

was founded in 1928. According to the government of Slovenia, in 2001 Slovenians listened to the radio an average of more than three hours daily. The most-listenedto station is Val 202. Second is Radio Slovenia, which boasts more than 500,000 listeners.

SUMMARY

Foreign interests in Slovenian media have been somewhat limited. POP TV is financed by the Central European Media Enterprise, an international investor which is active in Estonia, Romania and Hungary. Channel A is owned by the Scandinavian Broadcasting Systems. Beyond these two examples, Slovenian public and commercial media is based and financed in Slovenia.

The Slovenian media has, by law, the right to journalistic freedom. In practice however the habits and fears which accumulated over the 40 years prior to 1991 will fade at a slow pace. The Slovenian press could flourish and become one of the freest and most diverse in the world with further improvements to the media unions, communications education, and communications law.

NEWS AGENCIES

BIBLIOGRAPHY

The Slovenian national press agency, Slovenska Tiskovna Agencija (STA) was started in 1991. There are also several smaller press agencies.

BROADCAST MEDIA After Slovenia gained independence, the number of electronic and broadcast media establishments tripled. National channels are Radio Television Slovenia stations and Radio Television Koper-Capodistria, for the Italian minority. Slovenia’s first national television channel began transmission in 1958. After 1986 national television developed programming with more national identity and more clearly became a reflection of Slovenian culture. More than half the country has access to three commercial stations, TV3, POP TV, and Kanal A. POP TV and Kanal A are both owned by Super Plus Inc. but each channel has independent programming. Kanal A was Slovenia’s first commercial television station and began broadcasting in 1989, immediately after Slovenia gained sovereignty. The other commercial stations obtained licenses in 1993. Kanal A was bought by Super Plus Inc. in October 2000. When POP TV began broadcasting in 1998, its presence was felt immediately, and it quickly became the nation’s most popular station, knocking First Television Slovenia out of its prime position. POP TV garnered more than 60 percent of viewers between ages 10 and 75, while the First Television Slovenia Channel had 42 percent in 2001. Kanal A attracts 27 percent and Second Television Slovenia Channel had 15 percent. The evolution of cable in Slovenia led to the formation of local television stations. Currently, about 100 cable operators manage the country’s cable television broadcasts. Slovenia has 89 non-stop radio stations; 38 of these are commercial; 26 are local, regional and noncommercial; 15 are for Slovenes abroad; 2 are student stations; and 8 are public radio services. Radio Slovenia 836

‘‘Media Policy: What is That?’’ AIM Press, 28 Dec. 1999. Available from www.aimpress.org. Mekina, Igor. ‘‘Traps of a Small Market’’ AIM Press. 2001. Available from www.aimpress.org. Moenik, Rastko and Brankica Petkovic. ‘‘Country Reports on Media,’’ Education and Media in Southeast Europe. 9 May 2000. Slovene Government www.sigov.si.

Web

site.

Available

from

The State Department, U.S. Bureau of Democracy. ‘‘Country Reports on Human Rights Practices,’’ 25 Feb. 2000. —Carol Marshall

SOLOMON ISLANDS BASIC DATA Official Country Name: Region (Map name): Population: Language(s): Literacy rate:

Solomon Islands Oceania 466,194 Melanesian pidgin, English N/A

The Solomon Islands is located in the South Pacific, east of Papua New Guinea. Far from being remote, the islands lie along the sea routes of the South Pacific Ocean, the Solomon Sea and the Coral Sea, a strategic position bitterly fought over in World War II. A British protectorate since the 1890s, Solomon Islands declared independence in 1978. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

SOMALIA

Despite the British influence, only 1 to 2 percent of the population speaks English. Most speak a Melanesian pidgin dialect, and there are around 120 indigenous languages. The chief of state is the British monarch, represented locally by an appointed governor general. Heading the government is a prime minister elected by the unicameral National Parliament. The country’s economy depends on agriculture, fishing and forestry. Ethnic violence and financial problems prevent the country from capitalizing on its natural resources, which include lead, zinc, nickel and gold. The press in Solomon Islands is free, and recent governments have acknowledged the importance of a free press to democracy. There is one daily newspaper, The Solomon Star, which has been publishing since 1982. The Solomon Star publishes weekdays in English and has a circulation of around 5,000. The country’s other newspaper, the Solomon Express, appears on Friday and its circulation ranges between 1,000 and 2,000. It is sold primarily in the capital city of Honiara. Between 1997 and 1998, three new private weekly papers debuted only to fold for lack of financing. There are three AM stations serving around 57,000 radios. There are no television stations on the islands, but there are about 3,000 televisions. There is one Internet service provider.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Australian Press Council. ‘‘Country Report—Solomon Islands.’’ (2002). Available from http:// www.presscouncil.org.au/pcsite/meetings/ solomons.html. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). ‘‘Solomon Islands.’’ The World Fact Book 2001. Available from http:// www.cia.gov/cia/. CocoNET Wireless. ‘‘Solomon Islands.’’ The University of Queensland, Australia. (1995). Available from http:// www.uq.edu.au/coconet/si.html. —Jenny B. Davis

BASIC DATA

Region (Map name): Population: WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Literacy rate:

Somali, Arabic, Italian, English 24%

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Newspapers Most press activity in Somalia is centered in Mogadishu. Newspapers and magazines are published in English, Somali, and Italian. Different sources claim two to nine daily newspapers operating in Somalia; unfortunately, each report may be accurate depending upon the day figures were gathered and the political situation. These newspapers have limited readership—most under 10,000—and inconsistent circulations due to the conflicts. The Ministry of Information and National Guidance publishes a variety of weekly and monthly publications, and Xiddigta Oktobar (October Star), a daily Somali language paper. One privately owned newspaper managed to open in 1991, Al Majlis (The Council) and several others have opened between 1997 and 2002. There are many factional papers that are photocopied and have small distributions. Audience and Language Though Somali is the official language of the state, Arabic, Italian, and English are also spoken. According to the U.S. Department of State, most of Somalia’s 7 million citizens (85 percent) are ethnic Somali; 15 percent are Bantu and Arab. Ninety-nine percent of the population is Sunni Muslim. The work force is 3.7 million: 60 percent pastoral nomads and forty percent agriculture, government, trading, fishing, industry-related to agricultural production, handicrafts, and other areas. The 1973 introduction of an official Somali orthography based on the Latin alphabet, replacing several older systems, allows the Somali language, with three main dialects and standard usage of Common Somali, to be used throughout the nation. Where language-based prejudice and economic injustice were prevalent prior to 1973, the adoption of an official language allows for wider economic and educational access.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK

SOMALIA

Official Country Name:

Language(s):

Somali Democratic Republic Africa 7,253,137

Somalia is one of the poorest, least developed countries in the world. Agriculture is the most important segment of the economy. A majority of the population is nomadic or semi-nomadic and dependent on livestock. A small sector of the economy processes agricultural products such as sugar, corn, and sorghum; however, the civil war has forced the closing of many of these facilities. There is a small fishing industry on the coast. Livestock and bananas are the main exports. 837

SOMALIA

The advancement and development of Somalia’s economy is largely dependent on international assistance because of the internal problems and a significant lack of skilled, literate, and educated workers.

PRESS LAWS Somalia’s Transitional National Government (TNG) had yet to adopt a constitution as of June 2002. The effort to establish a strong federal government is supported by various groups and clans in Somalia, Djibouti, Eritrea, and Arab states; the TNG is opposed by Somalia Reconciliation and Restoration Council (SRRC). The Somali Republic has adopted through referendum a constitution based on Islamic Shari’a (law), which means the citizens and government must abide by Islamic law found in the Quran. The constitution implies freedom of expression; however, Section 3 of Article 32 shows the conflict and contradiction: ‘‘. . .All acts to subjugate them [media] are prohibited, and a law shall determine their regulation.’’ This regulation of the media undoes any attempts at a free press, and the acts of violence and censorship against journalists are clear examples of how the leadership of the State of Puntland does not support a free press. According to Amnesty International’s 2000 Report, Somaliland and Puntland, which have some stable government systems, are not recognized in the international community because of poorly functioning judicial systems, primarily based on clan courts, that do not meet international standards. These courts tend to rubber-stamp whatever charges are made against citizens; these are the courts trying journalists.

CENSORSHIP While Somalia enjoyed a brief period when the country’s press was free, the press has been heavily censored or under government control since 1969. The poverty and refugee status of most Somalis has left the issue of freedom of expression to be argued by a small few who often face harassment, attacks, beatings, abductions, and other forms of interference with their work. The Barre government commonly shut down newspapers, confiscated copies, and was responsible for arresting and imprisoning journalists. In 1991, the short-lived provisional government lifts all bans and censorship; by mid 1991, however, journalists are facing a return to the problems of censorship as well as physical harassment from warlords and political groups. The 2000 establishment of the TNG at peace talks in Djibouti offers a glimmer of hope for freedom of expression and the press. The Republic of Somaliland and the State of Puntland have been the biggest twenty-first 838

century problems for reporters committed to the journalistic ethic of exposing the truth, including wrongdoings by authorities. Journalists working in these regions are arrested and imprisoned for criticizing the government or presenting a negative view of any issue facing the country: military actions, attacks on free press, food distribution, desertification, and environmental degradation have all resulted in censorship or harassment of some kind for journalists. In fact, several journalists have been prosecuted for saying the Somaliland and Puntland governments do not support press freedom.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS While newspapers were previously representative of political parties, all independent publications were closed after Mohamed Siad Barre took power in 1969. For 22 years, most media outlets were government owned and censorship is commonplace. The 1991 bloodless coup forced Barre and his supporters to flee Mogadishu, and left Somalia with no central government and many political and clan-based militia groups battling for power. The civil war left most Somalis uneducated and illiterate, living in poverty, and struggling for survival on a daily basis. According to the United States Committee for Refugees (USCR), many Somalis are still internally displaced or refugees in 2001. These numbers are a marked improvement over 1992, the height of the violence. Along with the human costs of war come the destruction of Somalia’s telecommunications infrastructure, educational institutions, and libraries. In 2000, the TNG was given three years to hold election, ratify a constitution, and unite southern Somalia and the breakaway Republic of Somaliland and State of Puntland. Somalia’s press system has struggled under this political legacy.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA One of the major issues for all Somalis is the way Somalia is presented in the international community as a wasteland and failure. Somali journalists, literary scholars and writers cite a long oral tradition and a sense of pride in the nation’s culture that leaves them feeling protective of Somalia’s image; simultaneously, these intellectuals are trying to present the truth of their nation’s struggles. All journalists, foreign and local, face danger and censorship.

NEWS AGENCIES The Somali National News Agency (SONNA) reports the government’s point of view on the country to foreign news bureaus. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

SOMALIA

BROADCAST MEDIA Before the fall of the central government, two radio stations—Radio Mogadishu and Radio Hargeysa— offered a variety of news and entertainment in several languages. The provisional government had no control of Radio Hargeysa, and in May 1991, the SNM-run station was renamed Voice of the Republic of Somaliland. There were three radio stations in 2002, including one in Galkayo; estimates for 1997 show 470,000 radios. In 1983, the first Somali television station, which is state-run, began broadcasting two hours per day from Mogadishu (‘‘Somalia: Mass Media’’). This television service was disrupted in the 1990s. In 2002 two stations broadcast, in Mogadishu and Hargeisa, broadcasting to 135,000 televisions by 1997 estimates.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA There is one Internet Service Provider (ISP) in Somalia and approximately 200 Internet users. Many Somali newspapers are available online.

country as a whole. International support for Somalia is necessary for significant growth in the economy, educational institutions, and media outlets. If the groups desiring an Islamic state are victorious, it can be assumed that the media will continue to be measured by Islamic Shari’a, and limits and censorship will continue to dominate the press. Perhaps as more Somali journalists are trained and able to take a leadership role in the press system, these individuals will become advocates to improve the literacy and economic situation of the general population.

SIGNIFICANT DATES • 2000: Peace talks establish the Transitional National Government (TNG); radio commentator Ahmed Kafi Awale is shot by thieves while covering Mogadishu’s Bakara Market (freemedia.at). • 2001: In June the first privately owned radio station began broadcasting in Puntland.

BIBLIOGRAPHY EDUCATION & TRAINING Formerly a nation with a free, compulsory education system, the 1991 coup and subsequent civil war has led to the destruction of educational institutions and infrastructures. According to UNICEF, only 14 percent of school-age children attended college in 2001 (USCR). Most children born since 1985 have grown up with no formal education, and literacy rates have plummeted with an estimated 24 percent of the population able to read and write at age 15 or older in 2002. No university-level journalism programs existed in 2002. However, in 2001 the BBC sponsored training programs throughout Somalia. The BBC also published a book, So What’s Your View, in English and Somali. This first basic handbook for sahafi (journalists) fills a void where no journalistic training materials exist in Somali and only limited texts are available in English or Arabic. Maria Frauenrath and Yonis Ali Nur based the text on 21 months of journalism experience in Somalia. In 2001 UNESCO funded the establishment of a Web site for the East Africa Media Women’s Association (EAMWA), an organization sponsored by Open Society Institute and Freedom Forum. EAMWA seeks to educate and support the efforts of women working in the media in East Africa.

SUMMARY As long as Somalia lacks a unified federal government and civil war continues, it seems that only incremental growth and change will occur in the press, or the WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Amnesty International. Annual Report 2000: Somalia. 4 June 2002. Available from http://www.web.amnesty.org. ArabNet. Somalia: Overview. Available from http:// www.arab.net/. BBC Somali Service. News Bulletins. Available at: http:// www.bbc.co.uk/. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). World Factbook 2001. 2002. Available at http://www.cia.gov/. Frauenrath, Maria, and Yonis Ali Nur. What’s Your View. Available at: http://www.wstraining.demon.co.uk/. International Journalists’ Network. Somalia. Available at: www.ijnet.org/. United States Committee for Refugees. ‘‘Current Country Update: Somalia,’’ Worldwide Refugee Information. Available from http://preview.refugees.org/. United States Library of Congress. Somalia: Communications. Available from http://memory.loc.gov. United States Library of Congress. Somalia: Language and Education. Available from http://memory.loc.gov. United States Library of Congress. Somalia: Mass Media. Available from http://memory.loc.gov. World Press Freedom Review. Somalia: 2001. Available from www.freemedia.at/. —Suzanne Drapeau Morley 839

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BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS

SOUTH KOREA BASIC DATA Official Country Name: Region (Map name): Population: Language(s): Literacy rate: Area: GDP: Number of Daily Newspapers: Newspaper Consumption (minutes per day): Total Newspaper Ad Receipts: As % of All Ad Expenditures: Magazine Consumption (minutes per day): Number of Television Stations: Number of Television Sets: Television Sets per 1,000: Television Consumption (minutes per day): Number of Cable Subscribers: Cable Subscribers per 1,000: Number of Radio Stations: Number of Radio Receivers: Radio Receivers per 1,000: Radio Consumption (minutes per day): Number of Individuals with Computers: Computers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Internet Access: Internet Access per 1,000: Internet Consumption (minutes per day):

840

Republic of Korea East & South Asia 47,904,370 Korean, English 98.0% 98,480 sq km 457,219 (US$ millions) 116 35 3,639,291 (Won millions) 48.10 10 121 15,900,000 331.9 174 8,391,020 177.4 209 47,500,000 991.6 61 11,255,000 234.9 19,040,000 397.5 42

South Korea is, by all measures, a media-rich country. As of 2002, this country of over forty-seven million people had as many as 116 daily newspapers, with the top three of its national dailies boasting circulation of more than two million copies each. Television is ubiquitous, too, with two national networks, over forty cable channels, and a digital satellite broadcasting service offering seventy-four channels. Additionally, some 6,500 periodicals—2,000 weeklies, 3,300 monthlies and 1,200 quarterlies—bombard the media market, each targeting its own share in the general as well as segmented audiences. Koreans are avid users of new communication technologies as well. The availability and adoption of new communication devices in South Korea is on a par with the world’s most industrialized countries. In a market of free economy and electoral democracy, Korea’s mass media and its press fiercely compete among themselves while benefiting from a high degree of freedom from formal constraint. Yet such a rosy picture of South Korea’s media also has an undertone of anomaly in an odd mix of today’s modernity and yesterday’s traditional society. The anomaly surfaces in the form of instability, contradictions, irregularity, and cohabitation of old and new values and practices, especially in the present transitional phase of Korea’s rapid industrialization. Press freedom is a case in point. The press enjoys a constitutionally guaranteed freedom, but often it behaves as if it doesn’t have much freedom in its coverage of certain sensitive subjects such as the powerful military or the incumbent president. This anomaly goes beyond the press circles, and is rather societal in scope, as Korea exhibited it, or tried to conceal it, for instance, during soccer’s 2002 FIFA World Cup competition. On May 31, 2002, South Korea (as cohost of the games) had it officially declared open by the country’s president, Nobel Peace laureate Kim Dae-jung. The opening event, a high-tech showcase plus traditional dances, was colorful and festive, but Kim himself was not a happy man at the time. The youngest of his three sons was in jail under influence-peddling charges, while his second son also was being investigated by the national prosecution for similar accusations. His political opponents declared a sort of truce for the month-long World Cup period as a ‘‘national face-saving’’ gesture. For the sake of national pride, even the President’s opponents felt the need to keep ‘‘dirty clothes’’ in the closet while throngs of foreign soccer tourists were visiting the country. The press of South Korea is a noisy, vibrant and powerful entity. This power, often elitist, is a legacy from WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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the history of its press. The modern press in Korea began as weeklies in the 1890s during the waning days of the Chosun Dynasty (1392 to 1910). The hermit kingdom wanted to awaken their subjects to the rapidly modernizing world outside by offering a modern press. Enlightening the public was the primary objective of the press. When Japan colonized Korea in 1910, weeklies turned dailies, and privately owned dailies began to play the role of educators and independence fighters. Many of the then reporters and editors themselves conceived of their role in that way. For survival the press learned to compromise with the colonial ruling powers during the years between 1910 and 1945. This legacy served the Korean press very well after Korea’s independence in 1948 and during the subsequent despotic and military regimes in the 1960s through the 1980s. The same tradition thrives in today’s Korean press. There is a healthy dose of skepticism toward the powerful in the civilian rule, balanced with a certain degree of compromise with the ruling power if necessary for business interests or survival. While the press is commercially sponsored and motivated to maximize profits, it often is considered an institution of public good or as a part of the ruling elite. A rising number of civil-society groups find this press behavior hypocritical, and demands the press be reformed from inside out by observing fair practices in competition and by honoring editorial independence that the press claims it practices. Press freedom for the people, not for the owners of the press, is a rallying cry of such civic groups. The South Korean press benefits from the availability of a highly literate audience. The adult literacy rate is estimated to be over 97 percent; since literacy is not a national concern anymore, the Ministry of Education has stopped estimating it. Further, all Koreans speak the same language and Korea is a single-race society, although they have regional dialects and regionally based prejudices and rivalries. There are some negative consequences of this unidimensional character but, for the press, it is a wonderfully convenient market of audiences. Koreans practice various religions—52 percent Christian and 46 percent Buddhist—but Confucianism as Korea’s prevailing credo unifies them all as one national community. The South Korean territory is one contiguous lot, hence the convenience in reaching all corners daily at the same time. The subscription fees to dailies, about $8 monthly, are an affordable rate given the rising affluence in the Korean economy. Therefore it is no wonder that all dailies, especially the national papers, fiercely compete to capture the largest possible share of the same general audience. All major media groups are based in Seoul, the capital city. Seoul is more than a center of politics; it is the hub of Korea’s WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

business, economy, education, culture and arts, transportation, and most other areas of culture. It is a huge metropolitan area of some eleven million people, almost one quarter of Korea’s population. Another 24 percent resides in the province adjacent to, and surrounding, the capital city. Korea’s ten national general-interest dailies, mostly morning papers, are all based in Seoul. These national dailies set the pace of news and national agendas together with the increasing power of national television networks. The circulation of the national dailies is truly nationwide; some of the big dailies run locally based printing facilities to serve the readers in the provincial areas more efficiently. The national papers publish 44 to 52 standard-sized pages daily. They all use the Korean language Hangeul. Until late 1990s, some of them printed editorial texts in vertical lines, progressing from right to left, also intermixing the Korean text with a limited number of Chinese characters. In the early twenty-first century the sole use of Hangeul is universal, and the text lines are horizontal as in the Western press. One physical difference in the look of the Korean press is the prominent display of some major advertising on the bottom half of the front pages because it is the most expensive ad space. Although all the ten national dailies strive to be quality papers that stress hard news, their news stories tend to be relatively short, which in turn is an indication that in-depth reporting is the exception not the rule. Besides the general-interest national dailies, there are five business-financial dailies, two English-language dailies (The Korea Times and The Korea Herald), three children’s dailies, a couple of electronic industry news dailies, and four sports dailies. These sports dailies are more like the popular press of the West. They are openly sensational with gossipy stories and revealing photos of popular entertainment figures on the front pages. In content and emphasis, they are more like entertainment dailies. Sometimes the sports sections of the national dailies are more informative than the so-called sports dailies. Indeed, the national dailies often dispatch more of their sports staff to major international sports events like the Olympic games than the sports dailies do. It is not an understatement to say that these sports dailies operate primarily to make money by sensationalizing news. The English-language dailies serve the non-Korean community, especially the U.S. military contingent. There are about 37,000 U.S. troops stationed in South Korea. The nation’s economy and foreign trade is ever expanding so there are increasing number of visiting business people who find the English-language dailies useful. The Korea Times (www.koreatimes.co.kr) is an independently owned paper, while The Korea Herald (www.koreaherald.co.kr) grew as a government841

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subsidized outlet. In recent years, a growing number of college students subscribe to the English-language papers for their interest in learning English. To many Koreans, and the younger generation in particular, learning English is a sort of obsession. Competency in English is a must to landing a good job at many institutions in Korea. One prominent multinational corporation based in Korea now requires its employees to communicate solely in English in their offices. Some colleges and universities began to offer a certain number of their non-language courses in English. There are thirty-nine local daily papers in Korea, published in nine provinces; they are mostly based in provincial capital cities and other urban centers. Their daily issues range between 24-36 pages long. Compared to the national dailies, their circulation is quite small—25,000 to 50,000 copies at most. Most Koreans residing in provincial areas take the national dailies as must reading while treating their local dailies as a supplementary source of news. However, most local papers try to be comprehensive papers by treating national news as prominently as the national dailies do, and then they strive to compete against the national dailies on their own turf. To make their business more difficult, most national dailies insert a few pages of local coverage in their provincially targeting editions. Only two of the local dailies are known to be successful as the leading dailies in their respective city: the Busan Ilbo and the Daegu Maeil Daily. Their base cities, Busan and Daegu, are large: 3.5 million and 2.7 million residents respectively. They are the next politically and economically vibrant metropolitan areas, after Seoul. These two papers look like the prosperous metropolitan papers in the United States. Except for these two, the majority of Korean local dailies are weak in assets, heavily indebted, small in circulation, and relatively ineffective as news media. Even among the ten national dailies, only five are known to generate profits, with the other five only surviving with heavy loans for debt and budget shortfall. Such papers generally serve the interest of their owners as a shield for their businesses, as a tool for the owners’ influence, and sometimes as a base of their political power in their respective region. Nominally, local papers may also serve as a symbol of civic pride in moderately sized cities. As indicated above, the general-interest national dailies are the principal players of news in Korea. The day’s top stories on their front pages, quite often identical across the ten different papers, make the entire nation talk and debate about them as priority concerns of the time. Of the ten, three leading papers—Chosun Ilbo, Joongang Ilbo, and Dong-a Ilbo—are truly the biggest; their combined circulation of 6.9 million copies constitutes 74 842

percent of Korea’s total daily circulation of 9.4 million, as of May 2002. These three papers constitute a monopoly, and they engage themselves in cutthroat competitions for hegemony. The Chosun Ilbo, arguably the largest-circulation daily, is also the most influential in Korea. Like other leading dailies, this paper is a mammoth media complex, publishing not only the main vernacular paper but a weekly newsmagazine, a monthly magazine, a women’s monthly, a children’s daily, and a sports daily. The company owns an art gallery and a tourist hotel, too. It also sponsors a variety of promotional programs like an annual literary debut award, arts and cultural presentations, sports events, and special lecture series on salient social issues. It is a family-owned media group like other leading dailies; its owner publisher, Bang Sang-hoon, serves as a vice chairman of the Executive Board of the International Press Institute. Its editorial direction is independent and conservative, hence the voice of Korea’s traditionally conservative mainstream power structure. Its politics coverage is a must reading in the political circles. To President Kim, a left-of-center politician, Chosun Ilbo is an archenemy. Being the most influential and prestigious paper in Korea, the Chosun Ilbo draws plenty of top talents to its newsroom and taps well-known intellectuals as contributors. It enjoys an upper hand in the competitive newspaper market. The Joong-ang Ilbo, the second-largest circulation daily, used to be owned by Korea’s leading multinational business conglomerate Samsung Group. It is now independent and family owned but most Koreans suspect the tie with Samsung is still there in the operation of the paper. A relative latecomer, the paper is generally conservative in editorial leaning, but progressive and innovative in its management and editorial design. For this, it appeals to the career-minded professional class of the population. It publishes the Korean edition of the Newsweek magazine besides a general-interest monthly magazine and a women’s monthly. A staunch supporter of freemarket practices, it attracts a large number of readers for its business and financial news coverage. In the 1997 presidential elections, it unabashedly endorsed President Kim’s opponent. For this, the paper’s readership paid dearly. In 1999, President Kim’s government arrested the paper’s owner publisher Hong Seok-hyun under tax evasion charges; Mr. Hong was tried, found guilty, jailed briefly and later released on bail. Aside from the legality, jailing a prominent publisher was an unprecedented happening even the previous military rulers had not resorted to. In spite of the ordeal Mr. Hong had suffered on his own home turf, he was elected to presidency of the World Association of Newspapers in 2002. The last of the top three, Dong-a Ilbo, used to be the pre-eminent critic of Korea’s previous military or dictatoWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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rial regimes. During the civilian rule now, this paper still exerts its critical approach to uncovering ills and irregularities in all sectors from government to business. Since the scandal-ridden government of President Kim being the paper’s frequent target, the relationship between the two is frosty and antagonistic. This paper also is family owned and is a media group of its own with a very prestigious monthly, a weekly newsmagazine, a children’s daily, and other publications. In 2001 the publisher of this paper, together with the publisher of the Chosun Ilbo, was arrested and briefly jailed under charges of accounting irregularities and tax evasion. The case is still pending as of 2002, but the damage was done to both parties— credibility of the media and image of the incumbent president as a democratic leader. Another paper, the Hankook Ilbo, used to be a bigleague player with the other three, but it slipped from that club in the 1990s after the passing of its legendary and energetic founder-publisher Chang Key-young. The next generation of the Chang family did not do very well in managing the media complex the elder Chang had founded. Suffering from a huge debt, this paper survives on loans, and for that many observers speculate that its demise is a certainty and the only question is when. Its sister papers include the English-language daily The Korea Times, a children’s daily, and a business daily. This paper has a reputation for playing soft-subject news such as entertainment, arts and culture, sports, and interesting foreign news. It has been the primary sponsor of Miss Korea beauty pageants. With such editorial emphasis, it had a huge appeal to the younger generation who did not particularly like the hard-news orientation and ostensibly elitist approach taken by other leading papers. Besides the four above, there are six other national dailies that belong in a minor league in terms of their circulation sizes. The Kyunghyang Shinmun is unique for its own employees owning the paper. The Hankyoreh Shinmun is noted for its progressive editorial emphasis. Founded in early 1980s after the death of Korea’s first military ruler Park Chung-hee, this paper serves as the voice of center-left politics in Korea, hence an ally to President Kim Dae-jung, and the origin of its birth resembles Spain’s El País. It was founded by a group of sympathizers who all contributed to the paper in the form of stock ownership. One of its standing editorial concerns is criticism of Korea’s conservative newspapers, especially the big three and in particular The Chosun Ilbo. It also strongly supports South’s reconciliation policy toward the North Korean regime. There is a paper serving as a government organ, Korea Daily News. Formerly named Seoul Shinmun, it is functional in at least one respect—good for deciphering the intent of the ruling regime on salient issues or governmental policies. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

There are two national dailies founded by religious organizations: Kukmin Daily and Segye Times. The former is run by a locally prominent Christian group and the latter by the Rev. Sun Myung Moon’s Unification Church. Their coverage of news is not in general religiously tilted, but their primary readership comes from their own religious following. There is one more national daily, Munhwa Ilbo, a paper founded by Korea’s other multinational business conglomerate Hyundai Group, better known for its Hyundai cars. Munhwa in Korean means culture; there was an intent to carve a niche in arts and culture as its specialization. But over time, it has rather been seen as a front for the founding business group, especially for its founder’s politics at the beginning. Hyundai’s founder Chung Ju-yung once entertained a political ambition to run the country himself. In fact, he ran as a minor-party candidate in the 1992 presidential elections. At that time, many Koreans who admired his business acumen rather wished that he had better devote his life to the things he did very well, that is, making Hyundai cars and promoting them. All these dailies, national and local combined, publish some 9.4 million copies for a population of fortyseven million people. That averages to 213 copies per 1,000 people. A national readership survey, conducted in December 2000 by the Media Today, a weekly journalism review, showed that 51.3 percent of the nation’s households subscribe to daily newspapers. Subscription figures in Korea are best estimates by external parties of interest like the advertising sponsors’ organization. Traditionally, Korean dailies do not reveal their circulations or participate in the Korea Audit Bureau of Circulations programs. They all exaggerate their circulation sizes. To make the matter worse, they all distribute a large number of promotional copies—31 percent of their circulations in one estimate—as a way of baiting readers and beating competitions. A best estimate from an advertising sponsors’ group in November 2001 shows the circulation figures listed below for all national dailies and a few prominent local dailies: Daily Circulations (as of November 2001): National dailies (all in Seoul): • Chosun Ilbo (2,450,000) • Joong-ang Ilbo (2,350,000) • Dong-a Ilbo (2,100,000) • Hankook Ilbo (700,000) • Kyunghyang Shinmun (450,000) • Hankyoreh Shinmun (450,000) • Korea Daily News (400,000) • Kukmin Daily (350,000) 843

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the Korea Press Foundation, a 1999 national sample survey of media personnel shows that media employees consider advertisers’ pressure and their own media’s internal interference as the two highest sources of threat to press freedom: 9.03 and 8.59, respectively, on a 15-point scale where 15 is the highest degree of threat. They rate the threats coming from governmental sources and legal constraint at the scores of 7.69 and 6.41, respectively.

• Munhwa Ilbo (300,000) • Segye Times (200,000) Select local dailies: • Busan Ilbo (400,000) • Daegu Maeil Shinmun (170,000) • Kookje Daily News (of Busan)(100,000)

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK During the period from 1997 to 1999, South Korea suffered a serious setback in its national economy because of the financial crisis that had also engulfed a few other Asian countries. This was a serious blow to the Korean self-esteem since by that time Korea had been continuing a highly successful rapid economic development for three consecutive decades. The International Monetary Fund stepped in, pressuring Korea to do a massive restructuring of its management of the financial institutions, liberalizing of regulatory mechanisms, and improving on the transparency in the accounting and administration of business operations. Owing to a nationwide rally, its economy bounced back in 2000. During the setback period, the media sector as a whole also incurred a sharp downturn in advertising revenues, but since 2000 the business has begun to regain its vitality. The South Korean press draws almost 80 percent of its revenue from advertising, with the remaining 20 percent coming from subscription fees. The high rate of dependence on advertising means potential power of advertising sponsors, media owners’ special care about the news that touches on such sponsors, and the need to drive up circulations, the base of ad rates. According to 844

Survey results like these are being touted by the government as evidence of the need for press reform to be done from inside. Indeed, a major report on the Korean press compiled in 2000 by the Kwanhun Club, a society of career journalists, concurred by concluding that any further progress of the Korean press depends on the press industry’s willingness to tackle its own issues. Press unions and civic groups champion this cause. They specifically demand that the ‘‘rights to editorial independence’’ be guaranteed by an internal mechanism like editorial board so that the management cannot interfere with editorial decision-making processes. They further demand that a formal regulation be instituted to limit the proportion of the press owners’ stocks to 30 percent of total assets. A bill to this effect has been pending in the National Assembly, Korea’s parliament, for a couple of years, but supporters of the bill are a minority and many politicians are not willing to antagonize the powerful press moguls with such legislation. Even the government administration finds the bill problematic in terms of freemarket ideals. The so-called ‘‘rights to editorial independence’’ is a uniquely Korean concept. It doesn’t refer to the concept of independent press free from political or ideological affiliations. It is a concept that tells the press owners to take their hands off from the decision-making processes in the newsroom. And it is based on the assessment that press owners are readily susceptible to governmental and ad sponsors’ pressure because of their business interest. Owners of the press institutions hold a different view, of course. They suspect that such a demand is a ploy by the activist unions and the progressive subgroup of the newsroom staff to shape the press along the lines of their political and ideological objectives. Press unions are gaining influences in the management of their institutions. About 17,000 of Korea’s 38,500 media employees are union members; employees at most major media institutions are unionized. The total of 38,500 media employees includes: print media personnel numbering 15,000; electronic media, 14,900; and press agencies, 640. Media employees are a dominated market at 85 percent male. The unions at television networks are especially strong, and their relationships with the management are often confrontational and acrimonious. Press unions are keenly interested in expanding WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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newsroom prerogatives against management interference over editorial matters. On the other hand, such unions tend to go along with the management on measures related to the profit maximization of their media. Many of the local dailies are known to pressure their reporters to recruit ad sponsors for the well-being of their companies. Korea’s advertising is a $4.2 billion market as of 2001, according to statistics available from the Korea Press Foundation. Of this total 44.5 percent goes to electronic media outlets; 36.3 percent to print media outlets; and the remaining 19.2 percent to a host of other outlets such as billboards or events. Daily papers’ struggle to capture the ad market is fierce, to say the least. It is especially so because the top three dailies monopolize 74 percent of the nation’s total circulation. The top three compete for a bigger share of ad revenues to remain on the top ladder; the other national dailies do the same not to fall behind; and the majority local dailies just to survive. Their competition is akin to circulation wars. One daily is known to have distributed bicycles and mobile phone sets to lure new subscribers. Most other dailies hand out a variety of gifts as incentives for new subscriptions. A national survey conducted in 2001 revealed that about 10 percent of the nation’s households read the papers delivered to their homes without paying for them. Many of these practices are violations of the Korea Fair Trade Commission rules, but somehow nobody in Korea seems to have the will to enforce the law. Such shady business practices get worse with the majority of Korea’s local dailies. Some of them are known to pay only nominal salaries to their newsroom personnel, asking them to collect commissions from new ad revenues they steer to the dailies. In this course, various unethical and illegal dealings do often occur, such as some reporters bartering publicity articles for new ad sponsorships or some others playing down negative stories involving some institutions if these places promise placing ad pieces. Local dailies are notorious for their dogged pressure toward institutions, public or private, for subscriptions. Many of Korea’s public offices and business institutions tend to subscribe to a large number of dailies because of such pressure even though they really do not need multiple copies of papers at work places. In a sense, the government is to blame for the beginning of this practice since it traditionally has pressured public offices to subscribe to government-supported papers and display such papers to visitors to their places. By tradition, there is no chain ownership of the press in Korea. Instead, a few families separately own the leading papers, with each one competitively developing its sister publications from its own mammoth press complex. Cross-media ownership existed until 1980 when the then military-turned-civilian government forcefully terWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

minated it. That government also forcefully shut down a large number of local dailies, allowing only one viable local daily per province, of which there are nine. The method the government used at that time was certainly undemocratic, dictatorial and anti-free market. But there were a certain number of sympathizers in favor of the governmental actions on local dailies for their belief that something had to be done with corruption and illegalities attributable to the local dailies. The one-paper-perprovince rule was lifted in 1987, the year when Korea began an era of truly free press and liberalization in politics. After this, the number of local dailies mushroomed, many of them with shaky assets not enough to run the press in a fiscally responsible manner. For the newsroom personnel in the major national dailies, their pay is fairly high compared to Korea’s $9,000-level per-capita GNP. A beginning reporter’s annual pay is about $22,500; a five-year career reporter collects somewhere around $32,000; and, after ten years on the job, they command $40,000. This pay scale is comparable to the compensation at Korea’s major multinational corporations. This relatively high pay scale is not without its critics from among those who view journalism as a service to the average person. These critics claim that today’s journalists, because of their ‘‘comfortable’’ pay, increasingly identify themselves as members of the privileged sector and develop news and editorial matters accordingly with the tilted perspectives of the ‘‘have’’ class. Entering the newsrooms of such major dailies, however, is extremely competitive with thousands of applicants rushing to the annual recruitment for a dozen or so openings per paper. However, the pay scale at other national dailies and many of the local dailies is a lot lower than at major dailies. Some local dailies are even known to pay their reporters just nominally.

PRESS LAWS There is neither formal constraint of the press nor licensing of the journalists in Korea. The Korean judiciary is generally recognized to be independent, especially since the 1987 liberalization in politics. Still a divided country, South Korea faces the Stalinist North Korea on the northern half of the peninsula. Therefore, it still retains the controversial National Security Law, which has been termed by the UN Human Rights Committee as ‘‘a major obstacle to the full realization of the rights enshrined in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.’’ If invoked vigorously, this law could pose a devastating threat to press freedom. But, in practice, it is rarely invoked against the press, especially since the regime of President Kim Dae-jung (1998-2003) who pursues a ‘‘reconciliation’’ policy toward North Korea as his primary national agenda. However, some leading journalists often suspect that their private phone lines are 845

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being wiretapped by intelligence agencies. They claim they often hear some strange noises on their lines, especially on days when they work on some sensitive news subjects. On such occasions, they use several different cell phones alternately.

operation, to 641 in 1999. Of these 641 cases in 1999, 244 cases got resolved amicably and 237 cases were withdrawn later. The rest eventually reached the court, where some cases got dismissed and some others are still pending.

The Law on Assembly and Demonstrations is leniently enforced in favor of civic groups voicing their particular views or demands. The riot police eschew hurting demonstrators in an effort to rid themselves of the previous image of brutality from the 1960s through 1980s despotic regimes. The Trade Union Law also is enforced flexibly honoring the rights of average workers, especially under the center-left President Kim’s rule. The Government Censorship Board functions only as a moviescreening and rating device that is primarily concerned about violence and sex, not politics.

On paper the operation of this arbitration commission sounds admirable and desirable in view of the rising civil-society concerns about the public’s right to reply or right to access as a counter-balance against the press freedom that is mainly enjoyed by the established press institutions. In practice, it sometimes becomes the legally sanctioned method by which the powerful can wield threat against the press or give chilling effects. For instance, a government ministry once filed a complaint against several papers over their news coverage. On a few occasions, even Korea’s influential national prosecutors resorted to this avenue to publicize their discontent with the press and demanded hefty sums of compensation. The use of the commission by public figures, especially the powerful officials, undermines the well-intentioned original rationale of the device. Public figures’ effective use of this arbitration commission runs against a recent trend with the Korean court’s willingness to consider actual malice as the requirement for libel cases involving public figures.

Press laws, press freedom, and all other legal provisions relevant to the media stem from the Korean Constitution, which is somewhat unique in its stipulation of basic principles on press freedom. Article 21 of the Constitution clearly specifies that all citizens shall have the rights to free press and free speech and that censorship or prior approval of such rights shall not be practiced. However, the same article contains a couple of additional clauses that puts a limit to the scope of press freedom. The third clause states that standards for press, broadcasting, and press agencies’ facilities shall be stipulated by law. The fourth clause specifies that the press and publications shall not encroach upon individuals’ honor or rights nor shall they violate the prevailing public morality or societal ethical norms. This clause further states that citizens may request remedy to the damages inflicted upon their refutation and rights by the press or publications. In other words, the press freedom in Korea is not an absolute freedom; it is a freedom to be practiced ‘‘responsibly,’’ or the press should pay for its ‘‘irresponsible’’ practices under a constitutional provision. This constitutional stipulation is noted for its specificity in legislating the scope of press freedom and in codifying the concept of social responsibility of the press. In line with this constitutional mandate, various procedural laws have been enacted, the most prominent of such laws are the Registration of Periodicals Act and the Integrated Broadcasting Act. The Fourth Clause provision above has been implemented with the establishment of a ‘‘press arbitration commission’’ which is the first stop for filing complaints against the press before proceeding to the court. Owing to the mechanism of the Press Arbitration Commission, a growing number of individuals and sometimes institutions have been taking their complaints against the press for remedy. The number of cases filed rose from 44 in 1981, the first year of the commission’s 846

What makes the existence of the arbitration commission more awkward in Korea is the fact that it functionally duplicates and actually undermines the already existing Korean Press Ethics Commission. As Korea’s press council, this ethics commission has been doing the job of journalism’s ethical self-control ever since 1961 under the guideline of the Standard of Practices for the Code of Press Ethics. Being voluntary in nature, this ethics commission had not enjoyed sufficient funding and the clout of judicial-sounding sanctioning power. Nevertheless, during the year 1999, for comparison, it drew as many as 230 cases of complaints against the press. Not having a legal, and hence official, status was its own blessing because the ethics commission has been free from governmental interference, whereas the arbitration commission is subject to ruling regime’s influences in the staffing of its members. Korea’s ruling powers and the press are jointly to blame for the constitutional stipulation on the social responsibility of the press. This legislation simply means ‘‘abuses’’ by the press are not to be tolerated, whereas the press as a whole has not been aggressive in its voluntary ethical self-control. To make the matter problematic, such ‘‘abuses’’ often included ‘‘dissatisfaction with the press’’ on the part of the powerful. The Code of Press Ethics, first adopted in 1957, is jointly endorsed by three of the nation’s major professional associations: Korean Newspapers Association, Korea News Editors’ AssociaWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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tion, and Journalists Association of Korea. Revised and expanded in 1996, the code and its Standard of Practices are a meticulously detailed statement on ethical issues, running over 13 pages in length as printed in the Korea Press 2001 annual. Here is an example of the Standard of Practices provisions on ‘‘Bribery and Entertainment’’ in the article on ‘‘Dignity of Journalists’’: ‘‘News media and journalists, in relation to their news gathering, reports, commentary, and editing, should not receive economic advantages from the parties of vested interest in such forms as monetary offerings, entertainment, free trips, expenses for news-gathering trips, commercial goods, coupons, and expensive mementos. . . .’’ The irony of it all is that it is exactly what a large number of Korean journalists routinely violate. The envelope of cash changing hands from news sources to reporters is called Chonji in Korean, literally meaning ‘‘a small consideration.’’ Such a small consideration in cash may range from $25 to $100, depending on the weight of the news item involved. Chonji has been a chronic ill of the Korean press. In the 1990s, a progressive sector of the journalist circles staged a reform campaign against this shady practice with some success. But now, it is not being talked about much, while the practice continues surreptitiously in a low-key mode. The Report on the Korean Press 2000, of Kwanhun Club, resignedly concludes by saying that ‘‘Chonji by now has set in as a routine practice in the Korean journalism.’’ A 1999 national sample survey of journalists revealed some interesting results on Chonji. ‘‘Are you aware of Chonji practices?’’ (yes, 73.8 percent; no, 26.0 percent). ‘‘What’s your attitude toward taking Chonji?’’ (absolutely no, 29.1 percent; if possible avoid it, 60.2 percent; accept it if not for seeking favor, 10.7 percent). ‘‘Reasons for delivering Chonji?’’ (for playing up news, 29.3 percent; for playing down news, 15.3 percent; customarily without any particular purpose, 51.8 percent). ‘‘Chonji delivery methods?’’ (directly by news sources, 79.5 percent; via press corps, 17.1 percent). An American journalist, David E. Halvorsen, had a culture shock over Chonji in Korea during his brief visit there under a Fulbright grant in early 1990s. After learning Chonji practices, he asked a Korean colleague about this blatant violation of press ethics. The Korean colleague explained that Chonji is but an expression of the ‘‘good old Korean custom of exchanging gifts between friends.’’ He rhetorically retorted by asking ‘‘if it is such a virtue, why do you not publicize it in your paper?’’ Ethical lapses continue to undermine credibility of the Korean journalism. Early in 2002, about ten journalWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ists, mainly of sports and business dailies, were indicted allegedly for taking bribes from movie industries and high-tech companies for publicity reporting. The Media Today, a weekly journalism review, frequently exposes press corps members of certain news beats taking junkets while accompanying high-ranking officials’ overseas trips. The most notorious of this practice was the 1999 junket to Mt. Kumgang-san Resort, a scenic spot in North Korea developed by the gigantic Hyundai Group. Many publishers and CEOs of media institutions, together with their spouses, took free trips to the resort under Hyundai’s promotional sponsorships. A Hyundai official once revealed that as many as 1,500 journalists might have taken such trips free while the tourism project itself had been a political issue of pros and cons all along in South Korea. A failure in business terms, the project survives with hefty subsidies from the government of President Kim who takes it as a showcase of his controversial reconciliation policy toward North Korea.

CENSORSHIP There’s no censorship of the press and there’s no government agency doing media control per se. Yet, in Korea, the will of the president, often termed ‘‘imperial,’’ permeates the culture of the newsroom in one way or another. In President Kim’s case, his reconciliation policy toward North Korea is a case in point. For this, no media in Korea call North Korea communist. It is just North Korea. Its leader, Kim Jong-il, is not called a dictator; instead he is called ‘‘chairman.’’ Refugees from North Korea, increasing in number in the 2000s, are being treated somewhat lightly in the Korean press; for one, President Kim’s government doesn’t want to make a big deal about it for fear of offending the North Korean leadership. Dr. Norbert Vollertsen, a member of the German medical group Cap Anamur, is prominent in the Western press for his dogged effort in exposing sub-human conditions in North Korea. One has to read Reuters dispatches out of Beijing to learn about refugee problems, or for that matter ABC’s Nightline program or news from U.S. congressional hearings. President Kim’s administration has repeatedly barred the Dalai Lama from visiting Korea; it is a baffling case of one Nobel Peace laureate not allowed to visit the country headed by another laureate. Kim’s government doesn’t want to offend China over the Dalai Lama case, and the Korean press in general treats it accordingly. North Korea’s famine, human-rights violations, or weapons of mass destruction are not exactly taboos, but not many journalists in South Korea cover them in an enterprising or in-depth manner. If there were such reporters, they would be seen as obstructing the government’s reconciliation endeavor. In July 2000, the North Korean regime verbally threatened that the Chosun Ilbo is a paper 847

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that needs to be ‘‘destroyed by explosion.’’ Against this threat, the Korean government did not air any serious rebuke at all. In the same year, South Korea marked the 50th anniversary of the Korean War (1950 to 1953), but the press in general refrained from mentioning the North’s invasion of the South as the beginning of the war. The absence of formal censorship doesn’t mean the Korean press functions as an independent agent of a free flow of information. Self-censorship is chronic and pervasive when the press has to deal with issues involving the so-called ‘‘sacred region.’’ Such a region includes the Blue House, the presidential executive mansion, and a few agencies of power such as the National Intelligence Service (formerly KCIA), National Tax Service, Defense Security Command, and the National Prosecutors Office. On the other hand, the press resorts to an extensive coverage of such agencies by taking an ‘‘other-directed’’ approach, a variant of reactive journalism. For instance, if a National Assembly member raises an issue with some suspected corruption in the National Prosecutors Office, the press plays up the ‘‘who said what’’ mode of reporting that often turns out to be quite successful in forcing the government to do investigation and clarify the suspicion. However, the press’ initiative or affirmative approach to uncovering some issues often triggers libel threats by the powerful.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS Generally speaking, the South Korean press enjoys a high degree of freedom. The New York-based Freedom House, in its latest Freedom in the World 2001-2002 report, certified South Korea as one of the free countries of liberal democracy. South Korea also received a favorable review of its political rights and civil liberties from the U.S. Department of State’s latest Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2001. The era of illegal oppression of the press and journalists was ended in 1987 when there was a massive, nationwide popular rally for liberalization in politics. The ruling power at the time, a military-turned-civilian government, chose the course of liberal democracy under pressure and perhaps in consideration of the upcoming hosting of the 1988 Olympic Games in Seoul. But a careful observation of the press-government relations also exposes a lot of loose ends in the implementation of the rule of law involving the press. To some extent, it is the making of the press itself for its laxity in ethics and habitual lapses in business practices. As causes for this trend, some critics cite dysfunctional legacies of Confucianism alive in the Westernized social systems that characterize today’s Korea. For this viewpoint, recall the discrepancy between what the Korean press’ Code of Ethics says and what many journalists routinely do with 848

Chonji. During the 2000-2002 period, South Korea exposed its weakness in the press-government relations in a spectacular way by jailing the powerful publishers of all the Top Three national dailies under tax evasion charges. Early in 1999 President Kim’s administration humiliated the owner publisher of the Joong-ang Ilbo by indicting and trying him under tax evasion and embezzlement charges. For similar charges, the government continued to expand its investigation to twenty-three other media companies in 2001; thirteen executives, including heads of the two other top three dailies, have been indicted and briefly detained. Their cases are pending in the court as of 2002. In the meantime, the National Tax Service found them delinquent in tax payment in the amount of $380 million including fines. The Korea Fair Trade Commission has begun to tighten implementation of its rules with the media industry. In this organized and well-planned assault on the press, Kim’s government deployed the powerful national Prosecutor’s Office skillfully. In the wake of this government-press confrontation, the International Press Institute placed South Korea on its roll of infamy, the IPI Watch List, in 2001. This watch list has four other countries as of 2002: Russia, Sri Lanka, Venezuela, and Zimbabwe. In September 2001, while blacklisting South Korea, the IPI concluded that the massive tax probe was politically motivated and that the ‘‘exorbitant fines threaten the very survival of most of the media companies.’’ Joining in this condemnation were seven other international press groups: the Committee to Protect Journalists, Commonwealth Press Union, InterAmerican Press Association, International Association of Broadcasting, International Federation of the Periodical Press, World Association of Newspapers, and the World Press Freedom Committee. The Reporters Without Borders, in its annual report for 2002, also took a critical view of the Korean development by saying that the ‘‘arrest of three press bosses. . .cast a doubt on the government’s intentions concerning the opposition press.’’ The press-government duel in early 2000s is, of course, a case of selective applications of the law by the ruling power. And, at the same time, it was retaliation by President Kim who felt he needed to cower the press moguls who all along had severely criticized his administration and in particular many of the specific measures of his reconciliation policy toward North Korea. It turns out that President Kim did not succeed in muzzling the conservative press since all the accused media companies continue to relentlessly criticize his administration and policies. As of early 2002, the wheel of fortune turned against the incumbent president himself, with the nation’s media having their feast with salacious stories on alleged misconducts committed by two of the president’s WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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three sons and also involving a foundation founded by the president himself. The Executive Board of the IPI, in its meeting in May 2002, reaffirmed the five countries on the watch list. However, President Kim, too, is not without an ally in the international circles. The International Federation of Journalists, which held its world congress in Seoul in June 2001, has endorsed Korea’s trade union views that the tax probe against the media tycoons is not related to with press freedom. In fact, President Kim has his backing from a variety of civic groups in Korea, mostly of progressive orientations, the most prominent of which is the People’s Coalition for Media Reform. It is a coalition of forty-three civil-society groups and NGOs, whose primary contentions are that a limited number of media moguls manipulate national agendas and that more avenues for access to the media have to be accorded to the citizenry at large. The civic coalition has done a convenient proxy job of public relations on behalf of President Kim by stressing the need to clean up media complexes. Indeed, some of the coalition groups have received some subsidies from governmental agencies for their civic and NGO objectives. Some others were known to be politically active supporters of the causes of President Kim’s ideological orientation, one that is quite different from Korea’s traditional mainstream conservatism. Several of the coalition groups have been very active in staging what is known as ‘‘anti-Chosun’’ campaign, a boycott movement against the most influential newspaper of Korea. This campaign boasted a half-a-million subscription drops as its objective. Within the government President Kim has relied heavily on a group of hard-core supporters who mostly came from his birth province. The cronyism of this sort has been endemic across all Korean regimes, but the degree has been extreme in President Kim’s administration. The two most important posts for the government’s press relations are the Press Secretary at the presidential office and the Minister of Culture and Tourism, a public relations office in effect. These two positions have invariably been filled by men of President Kim’s native province. Further, the government has subtly pressured major media companies to place the men and women of President Kim’s regional origin at key newsroom posts ‘‘for smoother relations’’ with the government. At one time, all the politics editors at major dailies and television networks were such employees. Making the press-government relations more intriguing in Korea is the pervasive trend of many practicing journalists readily changing their hats to press-related governmental jobs. Such government functionaries are known to be very effective in managing news in the govWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ernment’s favor since they have a wide network of friends in the media sector from their previous careers. It is not uncommon to see a politics editor or chief editor of a major daily suddenly emerge as a government official whose job is to deal with the press. Many concerned scholars argue that this trend undermines credibility of the Korean press. At election times, political parties talk about recruiting candidates from the media circles for their name recognitions and electability. In the 2002 National Assembly, Korea’s parliament, 13 percent or thirty-nine of the 299 members are journalists-turnedpoliticians. Journalism was a stepping-stone to their political careers. The press corps system in Korea is also a problematic institution. On all major government news beats there are press corps that have exclusive memberships. Only major media representatives are accepted as regular members, and those who are not regular members are often barred from attending press functions. Press corps not only facilitate news development at the beats, but can also facilitate standardizing of news. An effective press secretary can work out news management with the corps, too. Making the press corps members happy is one of the press secretary’s main duties, and conceivably there may be many different ways of achieving that objective. Since the mid-1990s, the rigid press corps at central government offices began to recognize and tolerate their news sources’ need to work with the representatives from nonmember media institutions.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA In as much as Korea’s economy is a trade-intensive structure, Korea’s interactions with the external world are extensive and expansive. Millions of Koreans travel abroad annually and a large number of Korean students pursue advanced studies abroad. Since there is no censorship or restriction against foreign news, the country as a whole is generally well-informed. Seoul itself is covered by foreign resident correspondents or Korean stringers for eighty-five media institutions of twelve countries, many of them from the United States and Japan. Some foreign media cover Korea from their Tokyo bureaus. Many of these foreign correspondents have offices either in the Korea Press Center or in the major media complexes of their connections. They run their own Seoul Foreign Correspondents’ Club. Foreign correspondents in Seoul need to be accredited by the government, but this requirement is a mere formality since there is not any particular restriction other than some cultural barriers they all need to overcome themselves. Besides the usual language barrier, one particular difficulty that bothers foreign correspondents is the nationalistic attitude some government sources exhibit 849

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when the foreign media attempt to cover negative news about Korea. Up until the 1980s the Korean press presented international news extensively, particularly about the United States and other major countries of the world. For instance, on the occasion of U.S. presidential elections, major dailies used to devote several full pages exclusively to the U.S. elections. But an attention to international news began to decrease in the 1990s although newspapers’ total number of pages per issue increased. The way they cover major news today began to be presented in the Korean conceptual frame and relevance. Though understandable and even desirable, such an orientation to foreign news sometimes results in distortion of the broader context of the news. An example of this was evident in the Korean press’ coverage of America’s war on terrorism in the fall of 2001. Most of the Korean papers treated it merely as America’s ‘‘retaliatory’’ war; to them, global terrorism as a threat to humanity was not much of an issue at all, despite the fact that South Koreans themselves had been victims of North Korean terrorism. The most fantastic case was the explosion and downing of a Korean Airline passenger plane by suspected North Korean agents right before the 1988 Seoul Olympics. In 1983 a presidential entourage of as many as 17 highranking Korean officials was killed in Myanmar by North Korean agents. North Korea kidnapped several Japanese citizens in the past and still keeps them in the North. For Japan, this is a major hang-up in its relations with North Korea, but most of the Korean media do not take an issue like this seriously. The particular way the Korean press covers international news is attributable to Korea’s remarkable success in its industrialization and democratization. These two fronts of advance, in economy and political life, brought with them a similarly remarkable expansion of the domestic market for the media, as news sources and news consumers as well. It also meant a rise in Korea’s selfesteem as a nation, confidence in things Korean, and increasingly sophisticated consumer interest on the part of the audience for their daily lives. A parallel example is evident in the average American’s relative indifference to international news while the media tend to be selective in covering the world with an America-centered worldview. In the Korean case, the inner-directed mode of reporting on the world works as a limiting factor that further worsens its already non-global socio-cultural characteristics. Koreans are one single homogeneous race, breeding ethnocentrism. Their language is only used in Korea, but many Koreans believe Korean is the world’s most scientifically structured language. They all inherit one identical history and an identical set of cus850

toms, mores, rituals, and traditions. The media fare produced for such a homogeneous audience is bound to be for the Korean market primarily, and not as popular outside. The Korean press, in its coverage of foreign news, is relatively indifferent to Africa and South America, reflecting Koreans’ general orientation to the world. During the World Cup soccer coverage in June 2002, Korean television habitually called Africa the ‘‘black continent’’ and the Senegalese team the ‘‘black lions.’’ A strong current in the South Korean attitude toward the communist North Korea is a sentimental one—‘‘still my brothers.’’ With the United States and Japan, Korea has a special love-hate relationship. Both countries are critical of Korea’s trade and geopolitical necessities, but at the same time, Koreans resent America’s unilateral, heavy-handed approach to matters of Korean concerns. In their dealings with Japan, most Koreans always recall Japan’s colonial rule between 1910 and 1945. Therefore, most Korean media are very selective and careful in their use of Japanese cultural and media programs.

NEWS AGENCIES There is only one organized supplier of foreign news in Korea, the Yonhap News Agency. In the 1980 restructuring of media systems, the government forcefully consolidated several existing wire services into this one agency and put it under ownership by two leading broadcasting networks. Since these two broadcasting networks are public, hence government controlled, Yonhap News Agency is in effect under government control. Its top management is usually appointed with the government’s blessing, and often with the President’s. Because of this governmental control, Yonhap’s news coverage is less than independent on nationally sensitive issues. During the 2001-2002 period, Korea’s major media had to deal with continually evolving scandals of one sort or another involving the ruling party, the president’s secretariat, and more significantly many of the president’s relatives. Yonhap has been relatively weak in such coverage. Yet Yonhap has been aggressive in reporting on America’s domestic criticism of President Bush’s remark on the North Korean regime as a part of an ‘‘axis of evil.’’ Yonhap, like most other Korean media, did not choose to examine if the Stalinist North Korean regime is an evil or not; it is rather concerned about the remark’s impact on President Kim’s reconciliation policy toward the North. Yonhap, as the sole news-supplying wire agency, distributes international news to the nation’s media with translations accompanying the original foreign wire feeds from such majors as AP, AFP, Itar-Tass, Kyodo, and Xinhua. Yonhap stations its own correspondents abroad, WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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eighteen as of 2002, in major locations like New York City, Paris, Tokyo, Beijing, and Moscow. Yonhap also serves as a domestic-news supplier, whose service is critical to the smaller media in provincial areas that can’t afford their own correspondents in other places within the country. For major media in Korea, Yonhap is not the only provider of foreign news. For one, they themselves have their own correspondents, mostly a one-person bureau, in a select number of strategically located cities of the world. As of 2002, the Chosun Ilbo, for example, had one correspondent each in New York City, Paris, Moscow, and Beijing and two correspondents each in Washington, D.C., and Tokyo. Additionally, most of the major media have supplementary lines of additional news and syndicated material from the world’s better-known media. For instance, the Joong-ang Ilbo has exclusive newsexchange programs with the International Herald Tribune, Newsweek magazine, and the Wall Street Journal. In the 2000s, the Internet-based websites of foreign media began to emerge as an additional source of fastbreaking foreign news, thus posing competition against the traditional wire service.

BROADCAST MEDIA Korea’s broadcasting media enjoy a lively and lucrative market. As in many other countries, television is the primary medium of news to most Koreans. Major networks’ news programs play equals to the major national dailies as pace-setting and agenda-setting agents. In politics and at election times, their coverage is a sought-after avenue of exposure and impact. A media use survey by the Korea Press Foundation showed that, in 2000, an average adult Korean watched television as much as 174 minutes daily, while reading newspapers 34 minutes, listening to radio 61 minutes, reading magazines 11 minutes, and using the PC/Internet 42 minutes. Serial dramas are extremely popular on television. Popular subjects include court intrigues of the Chosun Dynasty and complex human relations or generational conflicts in the changing Korean family. Two national networks, both public, dominate Korea’s television market. The Korean Broadcasting System (KBS), with twenty-five local stations, covers the entire country, while the Munhwa Broadcasting Corporation (MBC) does the same with nineteen local stations. KBS runs two channels. KBS 1TV is supposed to be a main public channel and 2TV a home service and entertainment channel, but in reality the difference between the two is often blurred. KBS 2TV carries commercials as MBC does; MBC, public in ownership and mandate, actually operates as a commercial broadcasting medium. KBS collects license fees from all television set ownWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ers—about $48 annually per set. A regional station, Seoul Broadcasting System (SBS), has its own niche in the Seoul metropolitan area. Additionally, Korea has one educational broadcasting system (EBS) and a number of small-scale cable television channels. Cable television has not gained a foothold yet, with new ones popping up and some old ones collapsing intermittently. Yonhap Television News (YTN) is emerging as an all-news channel, a subsidiary of the Yonhap News Agency. Younger Koreans watch the American Forces Korea Network (AFKN) television channel—some to polish their English and others for trendy American programs. In March 2002, an ambitious digital satellite broadcasting system, SkyLife, began its operation, offering seventy-four channels. It is heavily financed with public-sector investment as a showcase project of President Kim’s administration. As a brand-new system, it is struggling with a very small share of subscribers at the beginning phase. Commercialism and independence are two strong opposing forces in with television, especially with KBS and MBC. Both are public and both have their own boards of directors, but the government has its final say on the manning of the top management of the two systems. Successive governments used to pledge independence of the public broadcasting but once installed, they invariably resorted to cronyism. They simply did not want to risk the popular television run by independentminded management. Ratings competition between the two public broadcasting networks often resembles a competition for sensationalism. Professor Yu Jae-cheon, principal writer of the Report on the Korean Press 2000, loudly lamented this sensationalism in 2001 by asking: ‘‘Who in the world will call the KBS 2TV or MBC TV a public broadcasting?’’ The government control of public broadcasting remains a main issue of protest by trade unions and various civic groups. In 2002 the political opposition lodged protest against MBC’s election campaign coverage as being tilted in favor of the ruling party. The International Press Institute (IPI) at its 2001 annual General Assembly, had condemned politicization of public broadcasting as growing in ‘‘various regions of the world, including countries in transition.’’ The Ministry of Culture and Tourism insisted South Korea is not named in this IPI resolution; the IPI later confirmed South Korea was indeed part of the target. KBS is a gigantic system with some 6,000 employees. Its facilities and equipment are state of the art. It benefited from its role as the host broadcaster for the 1988 Seoul Olympics, yet it remains an underachiever in terms of quality productions for the global market. Conceivably, KBS could develop some joint productions with such other public broadcasting institutions as Japan’s 851

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and 29.9 million in the United Kingdom. In Korea among media websites, Chosun Ilbo’s site (chosun.com) had 2.9 million visits per week, making it the most popular. Of some 100 news sites in operation, more than half are run by the establishment media. However, news sites being offered by groups of special interest are increasing in number. This trend raises the vexing questions such as how to define the journalist, news media, and the legality of applying procedural laws governing the conventional media to new media. In the meantime, such websites are beginning to draw public’s attention for their occasional scoops in exposing some sensational news. They emerge as alternative media, fostering their own specialty and followers. During the 2002 World Cup fervor, several of such alternative sites posted live video segments and fastbreaking news sometimes faster than did the mainstream media.

NHK, Britain’s BBC or America’s PBS. It has the manpower and skilled staff, and it has the revenue collected from the compulsory license fees, but its primary interest seems rested in the domestic market. In early 2000s, a limited number of Korean television programs, mostly soap-opera variety, began to be aired in some Asian countries like Vietnam and China.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA The adoption and use of the Internet and online versions of the press are extensive in South Korea. Most of the nation’s media offer online versions with news and other editorial contents. The websites of major media— daily newspapers and television networks—are highly graphic in presentation, speedy in delivering breaking news, and interactive for a variety of services like instant polls. They are all accessible free of charge. Often they offer truncated English versions, too. The established media’s websites can be readily accessed through links provided by the Korea Press Foundation (www. kpf.co.kr). The online press is very popular among the younger generation and in particular college students. Since such online press has news for tomorrow morning the night before, Korean Americans in the United States because of the time difference can read Korean news half a day before their relatives in Korea, who are still in bed. The use of the Internet in Korea has passed the mark of majority: 58 percent or 27.8 million among the population as of March 2002. The Nielsen/NetRatings ranked Korea sixth largest in the world for Internet users in a survey of twenty-nine countries. The same survey showed 166 million users in the United States, 56.6 million in China, 51.3 million in Japan, 32.2 million in Germany, 852

One of the alternative news sites, ‘‘OhMyNews’’ (www.ohmynews.co.kr), only two years old as of 2002, had a following numbering around 350,000 users, and page views reached 700,000 daily. Founded by a former journalist, this particular news site relied on as many as 1,300 volunteer reporters who practiced the site’s catchphrase, ‘‘All citizens are reporters.’’ In one poll, this site was rated as one of the nation’s top ten news media of influence. Another site, ‘‘INews24’’ (www.inews24.com), specializes in Internet-related information technology news. ‘‘EDaily’’ (www. edaily.co.kr) specializes in economic and business news analysis, so does ‘‘MoneyToday’’ (www.moneytoday. co.kr). A survey conducted in June 2000 by Cheil Communication, a Samsung subsidiary ad agency, revealed that, at least in major cities, the online press is being taken as the third most important medium of news after television and newspapers, more important than radio, magazines, and cable television. There is no particular restriction on the online news supply. Yet the legal status of the Internet-based online press is unclear; it is neither considered a print media nor treated as broadcast media. Some website operators, however, complain that the government’s concern about online privacy or pornographic materials is becoming a press freedom issue. The Constitutional Court ruled in June 2002 that the online press is a medium that enjoys constitutionally guaranteed press freedom. If there is another concern with the Internet-based media, it is the language barrier working as a digital divide for those who are not proficient in English, hence not fully utilizing an increasing number of useful sites available from the English-speaking world. The spread of Internet users in Korea is rather implosive, not necessarily tapping the treasure abroad. Yet the Korean government encourages international information technology firms to use Korea as a test market for new products. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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EDUCATION & TRAINING The field of journalism and mass communication studies, together with advertising and public relations, has been one of the most popular college majors ever since the 1970s when Korea began its industrialization drive. University degrees are not a formal requirement to journalism, but without one, aspiring journalists do not stand any chance of entering the field. Curriculum is generally theoretic, combining little hands-on orientation or practical experiences. American-educated professors constitute a large bloc of the teaching staff, with those from European education increasing in recent years.Reporting jobs at major national media groups are a highly coveted positions. They generally have a dozen or so openings a year, and it is not uncommon to have thousands of applicants swarming the recruitment desks. A number of graduates find jobs at service industries and other corporate communication avenues. Many employers find journalism majors useful and productive for their competency in communication skills. As of 2000, sixtyseven colleges and universities offered majors in journalism or mass communication studies, while twenty of them also offered advertising or public relations majors. Compared to 1990 it was a rapid expansion: from twentyseven to sixty-seven and from three to twenty, respectively. Each department admits twenty-five to forty new students per year. The International Communication Association (ICA), the world’s largest academic society in the field, held its 2002 biennial conference in Seoul, in part as recognition of the vitality of the field in Korea. In 1994 another major group, the International Association for Media and Communication Research (IAMCR) convened its annual world congress in Seoul, too. The host for these international events was the Korean counterpart, Korean Society for Journalism and Communication Studies (KSJCS). Besides press unions, journalists and other mediasector employees have a variety of professional associations. These groups frequently conduct seminars and workshops for in-service education and debates on salient occupational concerns. The powerful among these include the Korean Newspapers Association, Korea News Editors’ Association, and the Journalists Association of Korea. Press unions also are very active; about 50 percent of all media-sector workers are affiliated with unions, having chapters at sixty-nine media institutions, including all the majors. They are very vocal for their own welfare, but they also deal with a variety of professional concerns, too. Several press foundations, including Samsung, LG, and Sungkok, actively promote and provide support for in-service education of journalists at home and abroad. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

One press group, the Kwanhun Club, is noted for its public affairs participation. A society of mid-career journalists, this group often conducts nationally televised presidential debates. Kwanhun Club initiated a comprehensive examination of the Korean press by organizing a team named ‘‘The 2000 Committee on the Korean Press’’ in 1995. This committee was patterned after Britain’s Royal Commission on the Press and America’s ‘‘Hutchins Commission,’’ the Commission on Freedom of the Press. After five years of deliberation and study, the club released the committee’s report, Report on the Korean Press 2000, the first ever of its kind in Korea. This report generally stresses the import of strengthening professionalism in the Korean journalism and the need for voluntary press reform from inside of its institutions.

SUMMARY The Korean press and other media industries have been one major beneficiary of Korea’s rapid industrialization and liberalization in politics. The domestic market with a highly literate population has expanded and diversified extensively, thus providing a rich base of news sources and economic support for the media. There is not any direct and formal control of the press, nor is there any censorship or physical threat against the journalists. The free press of Korea now enters an era to grow and prosper as one of responsible and accountable institutions. As a social system of the Korean culture, the press cannot be expected to be entirely independent and free from the general mores, norms, customs, and traditional values inherited from Korea’s time-honored history. Yet the press as a modern institution has to deal with some antiquated legacies that do not fit well with modern sensi853

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bilities and universal standards. Chonji and ethical laxity are but one example. Owners of major media complexes are desired to be more attentive to the societal call for editorial independence and integrity in the newsroom. They are desired to be known as ones with certain philosophies of journalism as much as they are as business executives. Well-intentioned media critics look to the US press dynasties of the Graham family’s Washington Post or the Ochs family’s New York Times as models Korea lacks. Korea as a member of the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), is becoming a global player and its press could afford to break its cocoon and be more global in its outlooks and coverage. The Seoul metropolitan area has too many redundant general-interest newspapers competing for the same audience without offering different fare. Almost one half of the ten national dailies do not seem to show any sensible reason for existence. It is time for the government to take their hands off the publicly run media: KBS, MBC, Korea Daily News, Yonhap News Agency, and Yonhap Television News. Korea’s democracy is vibrant enough to do away this antiquated practice of state-run media. With freedom, competition bloomed, but too many local dailies compete for nothing but their own owners’ dubious objectives, thus breeding corruption of journalism. Failing papers need to fail for the good of the rest. In early 2000s, the government of President Kim Dae-jung initiated a needless confrontation with the nation’s major news media groups. Jailing the owners of the top three national dailies only brought shame to Korea in the form of an induction onto the IPI Watch List. Though a genuinely civilian government, his administration resorted to a variety of shady practices to indirectly control the press while he himself had been a free-press champion as an opposition politician during the previous military rules. The Korean press is strong enough not to be capriciously controlled by such harassment. As an institution, the press has survived the harsh military rules of the previous era. Now, under civilian rule, the press learns to cope with the whim of rule of law, its twists and bents.

SIGNIFICANT DATES • 1997: Kwanhun Club conducted the first televised presidential debates.

• 2000: About fifty media executives visited North Korea at invitation by its leader Kim Jong-il; Heads of the Chosun Ilbo and Dong-a Ilbo boycotted it; North Korea aired a verbal threat against the Chosun Ilbo as a paper deserving ‘‘destruction by explosion’’ for its critical coverage of the regime. • 2001: Owner-publishers of the Chosun Ilbo and Dong-a Ilbo were indicted and tried for tax evasion charges in the wake of massive tax audits of major media groups; the International Press Institute put South Korea on its IPI Watch List; various confidential draft documents designed to control the press were exposed. They were prepared by inner circles of the ruling power; ‘‘anti-Chosun’’ campaign staged by a coalition of activist groups against the paper’s editorial stance.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Auh, Taik Sup. ‘‘Language Divide and Knowledge Gap in Cyberspace: Beyond Digital Divide.’’ A paper presented at the Language Diversity in the Information Society colloquium, sponsored by the French Commission for the UNESCO, Paris, France, March 2001. Freedom House. Freedom in the World 2001-2002: The Democracy Gap (‘‘Country Report on South Korea’’). New York: Freedom House, 2002. Halvorsen, David E. ‘‘Confucianism Defies the Computer: The Conflict within the Korean Press.’’ In Elite Media amidst Mass Culture: A Critical Look at Mass Communication in Korea, ed. Chie-woon Kim & Jae-won Lee, 215-271. Seoul: Nanam, 1994. Kim, Chie-woon, and Jae-won Lee, eds. Elite Media amidst Mass Culture: A Critical Look at Mass Communication in Korea. Seoul: Nanam, 1994. Korean Federation of Press Unions. Media Today (weekly journalism review in Seoul, in Korean). Korean Newspapers Association, Korea News Editors’ Association, & Journalists Association of Korea. ‘‘Code of Press Ethics & The Standard of Practices.’’ In The Korea Press 2001, ed. Korea Press Foundation, 151-164. Seoul: KPF, 2001. Korea Press Foundation. Journalism & Broadcasting (monthly media review in Seoul).

• 1998: President Kim Dae-jung’s administration began confrontational relations with mainstream media groups; a professor serving as chief of the president’s Policy Planning Committee resigned from the post after the Monthly Chosun questioned his views on the origin of the Korean War.

Kwanhun Club, The 2000 Committee on the Korean Press. Report on the Korean Press 2000 (in Korean). Seoul: Kwanhun Club, 2000.

• 1999: The government indicted and tried the ownerpublisher of the Joong-ang Ilbo for tax evasion and embezzlement.

Lee, Jae-won. ‘‘The Free and Unfree Press of South Korea: A Primer on Internal and Indirect Control.’’ Global Media News, 3 (Fall 2001): 1&16-21.

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———. The Korea Press 2001. Seoul: KPF, 2001.

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———. ‘‘The Press of South Korea.’’ World Press Encyclopedia, 1st edition, ed. George Kurian, 579-594. New York: Facts on File Publications, 1982. Masterton, Murray, ed. Asian Values in Journalism. Singapore: Asian Media Information and Communication Centre, 1996. Park, Kee-soon, Jae-won Lee, and Chie-woon Kim. ‘‘Elite Pressmen and their Dubious Roles in the Repressive Regimes’’. Elite Media amidst Mass Culture: A Critical Look at Mass Communication in Korea, ed. Chiewoon Kim&Jae-won Lee, 273-295. Seoul: Nanam, 1994. U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2001. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2002. Youm, Kyu Ho. Press Law in South Korea. Ames, Iowa: Iowa State University Press, 1996. —Jae-won Lee

SOUTH AFRICA BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Republic of South Africa

Region (Map name):

Africa

Population:

43,586,097

Language(s):

Afrikaans, English, Ndebele, Pedi, Sotho, Swazi, Tsonga, Tswana, Venda, Xhosa, Zulu

Literacy rate:

81.8%

Area:

1,219,912 sq km

GDP:

125,887 (US$ millions)

Number of Daily Newspapers:

16

Circulation per 1,000:

40

Number of Nondaily Newspapers:

101

Total Newspaper Ad Receipts:

2,240 (Rand millions)

As % of All Ad Expenditures:

28.40

Number of Television Stations:

556

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Number of Television Sets: Television Sets per 1,000: Number of Satellite Subscribers: Satellite Subscribers per 1,000: Number of Radio Stations: Number of Radio Receivers: Radio Receivers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Computers: Computers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Internet Access: Internet Access per 1,000:

5,200,000 119.3 390,000 8.9 362 13,750,000 315.5 2,700,000 61.9 2,400,000 55.1

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS South Africa, which covers 470,462 square miles of the southern tip of the African continent, is home to more than 43 million people. It is bordered by Namibia in the northwest, Zimbabwe and Botswana in the north, Mozambique in the northeast, Swaziland in the east, and the Indian and Atlantic oceans in the south, southeast, and southwest. The small Kingdom of Lesotho is completely surrounded by South Africa. South Africa is probably the only country in the world to boast four capital cities. Johannesburg, the country’s largest city, is the commercial capital. It is located in the midst of the country’s gold and diamond mining industry. Nearby Pretoria is the country’s administrative capital. Cape Town is the legislative capital, where the South African Parliament meets. Bloemfontein is the country’s judicial capital. South Africa is considered one of the most developed countries in Africa. According to the 2001 Global Competitiveness Report, South Africa was ranked number 34 in the world in terms of national economic growth prospects, placing it in the upper echelons of world countries. This also made it the highest ranked African country in that category. Some have said white South Africans belonged in the Second World in terms of economic growth, industrialization, and prospects, while the country’s African majority pulled the country into Third World membership. Literacy is more than 90 percent for whites and about 60 percent for blacks, directly affecting newspaper readership. The average annual income is US$3,170, but this figure is somewhat misleading because whites make up to 10 times more than their black counterparts. 855

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South Africa has a varied racial and ethnic makeup. For much of its recent history, whites dominated its political, economic, and military setup. Coloreds (mulattoes or those of racial mixed descent), Asians (mostly Indians, Pakistanis, and Chinese), and some Arabs, served as a buffer between the whites who occupied the top rungs of the ladder and the black majority, which was exiled to the lowest rungs of the ladder. Today, South Africa’s population is 75 percent black Africans, 14 percent whites, 9 percent coloreds, and 2 percent Indians and other races. English is the official language. Most whites speak English or Afrikaans. Many Africans speak English, some speak Afrikaans, and all of them speak African languages, especially Zulu, Xhosa, Ndebele, Pedi, Tsonga, Sotho, Swazi, and Tswana. South Africa has 11 recognized languages, including English and Afrikaans. South African radio and television broadcast in the 11 recognized languages. Most newspapers, however, are published in English and Afrikaans. Those that cater to the African majority are almost entirely in English, since many Africans refuse to speak Afrikaans, which they regard as the language of their former oppressors. History South Africa is an old country, but its modern, recorded history is sometimes traced to the trade between European sailors who were plying the route to India. Under white rule, it was claimed that Portuguese navigators Bartolomeu Dias, in 1488, and Vasco da Gama, in 1497, were among the first European sailors to sail around the southern tip of South Africa. The Portuguese, therefore, were the first Europeans to establish a presence at what would become known as the Cape of Good Hope, which was central to the route between Europe and India. They were followed by the Dutch, who were also on their way to the east, when they decided to establish a presence at the cape. Unlike the Portuguese, who remained on the coast, the Dutch began to move inland. More Europeans followed, establishing the Cape as an integral part of trade with the East. French Huguenots, fleeing religious persecution in Europe, arrived at the Cape and began to establish settlements, all without consulting with the indigenous Africans in the surrounding communities, which would lay the seeds for future conflicts. By the 1770s, the northward expansion of the white colonialists began to produce clashes with the indigenous Africans. For a while, the British controlled the Cape and Natal provinces, while those of Dutch and French Huguenot descent occupied what became known as Transvaal and Orange Free State. As diamonds and gold were discovered in South Africa, the white population continued to rise. War was inevitable, as English immigrants and their Dutch counterparts clashed. Britain was victorious, leading to the creation of the Union of South Africa, as a white-ruled self-governing entity. Also at this time, in 856

1912, the South African Native National Congress was formed to champion the views and interests of the African majority, whose presence was ignored as the whites fought among themselves. By 1923 the South African Native National Congress was transformed into the African National Congress (ANC), which is today’s ruling party. In the early years of the struggle, however, the fight was between English-speaking and Afrikaans-speaking whites. Afrikaans was the guttural language founded by whites from the Netherlands, Germany, and the French Huguenots. It was distinctly different from English. It also served to separate Afrikaans speakers from their English-speaking counterparts. Until World War II, the United Party was dominated by English speakers, who were also better educated and were running the government, commerce, and industry. Although they had no clear policy over what to do about the black majority, by South African standards the United Party was considered moderate in its treatment and views of the African problem. United Party domination of South African politics ended in 1948 when the National Party won that year’s elections. Voting then was limited to whites. Blacks had no political role within the whitedominated system. The National Party was dominated by Afrikaners, who were mostly farmers and miners. They wanted to create a white-dominated country in which blacks had no part. They named their system apartheid, which meant separate racial development. Under apartheid, South Africa was divided into separate and unequal communities. Under apartheid, blacks were denied South African citizenship. All political, economic, industrial, agricultural, military, and social power resided in the hands of the white minority. Blacks working as miners, domestic workers, factory, and farm hands were regarded as immigrants who were available as temporary workers, who could stay in the white areas as long as their labor was needed. They could not vote, could not organize or strike, could not build homes in the urban areas, and could not compete for jobs set aside by law for whites. The National Party’s agenda was to force all blacks to become citizens of what came to be known as ‘‘Black Homelands.’’ These were largely barren pieces of land, with no cities, often no electricity, no industry, and no mines that were randomly established in remote parts of the country. These homelands would one day become ‘‘Independent States’’ where Africans who collaborated with apartheid could rule their own people. Most black South Africans, including Nelson Mandela of the African National Congress, rejected apartheid and independent homelands and instead demanded a unitary South Africa that accepted all South Africa, regardless of race, color, WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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ethnicity, creed, or national origin. Most blacks, led by the ANC, its rival, the Pan-Africanist Congress, and other militant groups categorically and unconditionally rejected the homeland solution, insisting instead on their South African citizenship. These were the conditions South Africa faced as the 1980s ended. South Africa was confident that with its strong and well trained military, police, and undercover forces, it could hold on to power indefinitely and keep the black majority oppressed. There was no immediate fear that the ANC and its allies could militarily overthrow the apartheid regime, at that time led by P.W. Botha and his National Party. It was also equally clear that the ANC, although banned, enjoyed massive support among black South Africans and that it was capable of continuing indefinitely its low-level campaign of guerrilla warfare and sabotage. The South African economy was suffering, Mandela had been transformed into an international icon, and foreign governments were pressuring Pretoria to end apartheid. With Zimbabwe independent and Namibia following suit, South Africa faced increasing international isolation, while the ANC was gaining more allies and more territory from which to operate. Some of South Africa’s leaders were beginning to warn South Africa that unless it scrapped apartheid, there was no chance of the country ever gaining international acceptance and recognition, that its economic plight would worsen as multinational companies were forced to leave the country and banks became more reluctant to lend money to South Africa. It was clear the ANC was winning the battle for the minds of black South Africans, as well as economic, diplomatic, and political support from the international community. Botha had been replaced as ANC and South African president by F.W. de Klerk, who proved to be a much more pragmatic leader. In 1989 De Klerk stunned South Africa and the world, by unconditionally releasing many senior ANC leaders; Nelson Mandela, by then the world’s best-known political prisoner, left prison on February 11, 1990—27 years after he had been incarcerated. A new South Africa was dawning. In September 1989, the South African government announced that the banned African National Congress, the Pan-Africanist Congress, and the South African Communist Party and other antiapartheid groups were no longer banned, almost 30 years after they had been initially banned. De Klerk proposed a new political dispensation in which blacks and whites would be treated as equals, with equal political rights for all. He scrapped all apartheid rules, laws, and policies, and ended the political chasm between the ruling white minority and the black majority. He dared to negotiate with Mandela and others to bring WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

about a democratic, multiracial South Africa. Mandela and De Klerk jointly won the Nobel Peace Prize for their efforts in bringing about a new South Africa that was no longer a prisoner to its apartheid past. Mandela and De Klerk became the country’s co-leaders until the country’s first democratic and multiracial elections in April 1994. As expected, the ANC won with 62.7 percent of the vote, followed by the National Party at 20.4 percent; the Inkatha Freedom Party won 10.5 percent. The radical PanAfricanist Congress and other smaller white and black groups shared the remaining votes. During elections held June 1999, the ANC again swept the field. Mandela’s deputy, Thabo Mbeki, became the country’s second democratically elected president. Mbeki is expected to serve until 2004, when he is likely to run for a second and final term as South African president. In less than 10 years, South Africa has been transformed from an exile nation to one that is internationally accepted and looked upon as a beacon of democratic hope and opportunities. Media History The media history of South Africa can be divided into two main phases: during apartheid and after apartheid. These two categories define the fundamental changes that have reshaped South Africa since it was reaccepted into the international community of nations. South Africa is also different from other countries in Africa because of its long tradition of newspaper journalism that dates back to when the whites arrived at the Cape of Good Hope. It is also worth noting that South Africa and Nigeria are the only two African countries with a history of competing newspapers under multiple ownerships. Almost all South African newspapers are published in English or Afrikaans. The English newspapers generally tend to be more influential and are read by more people. Radio and television, through the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) is in English, Afrikaans, and the country’s nine African languages. English is the official language and the language of business and commerce. South Africa wants to be sure that its SABC electronic services reach those who are fluent in many of the country’s non-white languages. The media changes that occurred in South Africa were so dizzying that even some of the editors and journalists had a hard time adapting to the changes. Under apartheid, the media operated in a minefield of laws designed to make it almost impossible to publish any information without authorization from the government, especially on political and national security issues. Newspapers were prevented from publishing the names of banned people, who included almost all the antiapartheid leaders. Names and pictures of people such as 857

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Nelson Mandela disappeared from news pages, as did the names of banned organizations and groups. When South Africa rejoined the community of nations after the end of apartheid, it had a new constitution that protected freedom of expression and of the press. South Africa had moved from having one of the most oppressive media systems in the world to one where the media could publish almost anything, without fear of punishment from the government. The press in South Africa today is free to criticize the government and to publish articles about opposition groups, even when those views are harshly critical of the ANC and its government. The earliest South African newspapers can be traced to the days of the earliest white settlements in South Africa, especially around the Cape of Good Hope, around the mid-1600s. Those early papers were written and edited by whites for whites; they included stories from England, the Netherlands, France, and Germany—the home countries of the whites who settled in Africa. There was virtually nothing in those early newspapers about the indigenous people. Therefore, it was not surprising that virtually all the early South African newspapers were in English or Afrikaans, the two languages spoken by the dominant white groups in the country. Over time, the number of newspapers rose to 12 in English and 4 in Afrikaans, reflecting the dominance of English and Englishspeaking whites in early South Africa, even though in terms of population there were more Afrikaners than their English counterparts. Even some of the Afrikaners also preferred to read the English language press. The first newspaper published in sub-Saharan Africa appeared in Cape Town in 1800. The Cape Town Gazette and African Advertiser, which carried English and Dutch news, began appearing almost 150 years after the first Dutch settlers had arrived in South Africa. It was the arrival of British settlers, however, that seems to have resulted in the publication of the country’s first newspaper. Despite initial opposition from colonial authorities, eventually the paper began to enjoy a measure of freedom and autonomy. This was followed by the appearance, in 1869, of another newspaper in the Cape area, when diamonds were discovered in the region. Not to be outdone, in 1876 Afrikaners began publishing their own newspaper, called Di Patriot. Die Zuid Afrikaan, a Dutch language newspaper, began publishing in Cape Town in 1828. The continuing political problems between those of English and Dutch descent spilled over into the media arena. Those of Dutch descent were unhappy about being under British influence and control. When the Dutch moved north, they also decided to establish newspapers in the areas that fell under their control. To promote and protect their interests in the mining areas, the Dutch descendants two more newspapers, De Staats Courant in 1857 and De Volksten in 1873. 858

As the number of white settlers in South Africa increased, chain newspapers arrived in South Africa with the launch of the Cape Argus in 1857 and Cape Times in 1876. As relations between the Dutch and the English speakers worsened, the press became more partisan, taking sides in the disputes between the two groups. But after the 1889-1902 Anglo-Boer ended, with the English victorious, the Union of South Africa was born, which brought together English-speaking Natal and Cape Town on one side with the Dutch republics of Transvaal and Orange Free State. By the time this came about, English-language and Dutch language newspapers were pretty much in place. On the English side were the Eastern Province Herald, first published in 1845; the Natal Witness, 1846; the Natal Mercury, 1852; the Daily News, 1854; The Argus, 1857; Daily Dispatch, 1872; Cape Times, 1876; Diamond Fields Advertiser, 1878; and The Star, 1887. The first non-English and non-Dutch newspapers also emerged at this time, with Indian Opinion in 1904; and two African newspapers, Imvo Zabantsundu in 1884 and Ilanga Losa in 1904. Although aimed at English-speaking merchants, professionals, and civil servants, the English press also found some ardent readers among the Dutch. This was also the time that the English press established its dominance in many of South Africa’s largest cities. Among such newspapers was the Rand Daily Mail, which was founded in 1902. For a while it became one of the most influential newspapers in South Africa. The South African Associated Press, now Times Media, became the biggest chain of Sunday and daily morning newspapers in the country. Meanwhile, there was a parallel movement among the Dutch descendants, who founded newspapers to promote their political, economic, and cultural interests. The Dutch felt oppressed by the English, after losing the Anglo-Boer war, so they started Die Burger in 1915 to promote their interests. Die Burger was a different kind of newspaper because it depended on support from numerous small shareholders. It had links to political interests, especially to the National Party, which ruled South Africa from 1948 until apartheid was dismantled. Die Burger also was influential in the founding of National Pers, which is now South Africa’s second largest newspaper chain. Perskor, a second Afrikaans newspaper chain, appeared in Transvaal in 1937. It also supported the National Party and promoted its political agenda, language, and culture. During the days of apartheid and since that time, alternative newspapers have made their appearance in South Africa to challenge the country’s emergency, cenWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

SOUTH AFRICA

sorship, and national security regulations. They often frequently challenged the government of the day by carrying stories that challenged or contradicted the official view, especially on controversial issues. Although the banned ANC and some of its allies and rivals often published underground publications to spread their version of events among their followers, many of the alternative newspapers did not have a partisan political agenda. Instead, they tended to produce and publish stories that were at variance with the official version and would often include details not available in the mainstream media, which were usually reluctant to go too far in challenging the apartheid regime.

newspapers in sub-Saharan Africa and is South Africa’s largest and most influential newspaper. It is, by far, the most influential newspaper in South Africa. The Star is part of the Argus Group, the biggest publishing company in South Africa and, indeed, in all of Africa. It has publishing interests in other African countries. At one time, it owned the single largest stable of daily, weekly, and Sunday newspapers in Zimbabwe, although these were later sold to the government-controlled Zimbabwe Mass Media Trust. Another influential newspaper in South Africa is the Sowetan, an English language black newspaper that circulates primarily in Soweto, a sprawling Johannesburg township, and in Johannesburg proper. The Sowetan, established in 1981, has a daily circulation in the 200,000 to 250,000 range. Most of its readers are blacks. Despite that, it has not been afraid to take on and challenge the ANC government led by Mbeki.

Among the more prominent such publications were the English language Weekly Mail and Sunday Nation and the Afrikaans language Vrye Weekblad and South. The Weekly Mail had a circulation between 25,000 and 50,000. These alternative publications played a crucial role in the waning days of apartheid because they provided an alternative point of view and were a source of information on the thinking and activities of those groups that sought to dismantle apartheid and everything it stood for. They also played another equally important role, by showing blacks and other anti-apartheid groups that not all whites were monolithic and unquestioning supporters of the idea of forced racial segregation and separate racial development.

Other influential South African newspapers include Beeld, a daily Afrikaans language newspaper published in Johannesburg, and Die Burger, an Afrikaans daily published in Cape Town. Both Beeld and Die Burger have daily circulations in the 100,000 to 125,000 range. They are the two largest and most influential Afrikaans newspapers in South Africa.

However, the end of apartheid was not good news for such publications. Foreign funding largely dried up. Such publications could no longer sell themselves or attract attention because of their anti-apartheid views. Among the survivors, however, is the Weekly Mail, which now calls itself the Weekly Mail and Guardian. It is still an alternative to the mainstream media with criticisms of the ANC government

The Sunday Times, an English language newspaper published in Johannesburg, has a circulation in the 450,000 to 500,000 range. It is the largest and most influential weekly paper in South Africa, and it is also the largest Sunday paper in sub-Saharan Africa. Behind it in Sunday circulation and influence is the Sunday Tribune, published since 1937 with a circulation in the 100,000 to 125,000 range.

Influential Newspapers It is estimated that more than 5,000 newspapers, journals, and periodicals are produced regularly, almost all of them using the most modern technology and equipment. The Johannesburg Star, an English language daily paper, has a circulation in the 200,000 to 250,000 range. It is one of the best circulating

The City Press, an English language weekly established in 1983 in Johannesburg, has a circulation in the 250,000 to 300,000 range, while the Rapport, a weekly Afrikaans language paper established in 1970 in Johannesburg, circulates 250,000 to 300,000 newspapers. Both of these are considered influential among Afrikaners.

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percent of all daily South African newspaper sales, especially in the major cities. Its properties include its flagship property, The Johannesburg Star, The Argus, The Cape Times, the Daily News and Natal Mercury, and the Pretoria News and the Sunday Tribune. Next, in terms of size and influence, is Times Media, formerly South African Associated Newspapers, the country’s second largest English language newspaper chain. Its other properties include Business Day, the Eastern Province Herald, and the Evening Post in Port Elizabeth. The Sunday Times is also part of the Times Media stable. Times Media is ultimately owned by the giant Anglo-American Corporation, the country’s largest company.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK South Africa is a rich country. It is one of the world’s major producers of gold, industrial, and gem diamonds, and it has the world’s largest-known gold reserves. De Beers, a South African-based company, has a monopoly on the global sale of gold and diamonds. About 80 percent of the world’s known manganese reserves are in South Africa. South Africa also has a well-developed agricultural sector that includes corn production and cattle ranching. Agriculture is also a major employer, although both it and farming have employed workers from neighboring African countries, especially Mozambique, Malawi, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. Chemicals, food, textiles, clothing, metals, transportation, communications, roads, and railways are also important to the South African economy and labor force. As a result, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) became politically and economically muscular. It is allied with the ANC, which operated through COSATU during apartheid days to pressure the Pretoria regime through strikes and other labor actions. Even today, COSATU has not hesitated to use its power to wring concessions from its ruling ANC allies. In June 1988 COSATU and its allies had defied the apartheid regime and staged a massive strike, supported by more than 2 million black workers, which brought the country to a standstill. Soon after that, P.W. Botha resigned as president of South Africa and the National Party. Newspaper Chains South Africa has four major newspaper chains: Argus Newspapers, which accounts for 45 860

The two Afrikaans language chains are Nasionale Pers (Naspers, whose properties include Beeld, Die Burger, and Die Volksblad. Naspers also has a 50 percent share in Rapport and also owns City Press, a large Sunday paper that targets black readers. Meanwhile, Perskor the second largest Afrikaans chain, also has a 50 percent interest in Rapport, and it owns The Citizen, a politically conservative English language.

CENSORSHIP The National Party used censorship freely to control what the media published. The Publications Act of 1974 gave the South African government the power to censor movies, plays, books, and other entertainment programs, as well as the right to decide what South Africans could or could not view. Books critical of apartheid or racial discrimination were routinely barred. Movies showing interracial relationships were banned from television and from the movies. The National Party government had appointed itself as the guardian of public morals and behavior. The new constitution did away with these old behaviors. Censorship laws, policies, and regulations from the apartheid era were scrapped. South Africa, which had become notorious because of its prudish standards, was now open to all types of media, movies, and entertainment. Writers and producers no longer have to worry about censorship or how to beat it. The government has basically left it to the public to decide what it wants to see or read. Because the new South African constitution protects freedom of expression and of the media, South African Broadcasting Corporation employees are finally free from the strictures and controls imposed on them during the apartheid days. Although the South African government appoints the SABC board of directors, it has not tried to choose only those who support its policies and programs. This has produced an ironic situation where the ANC has allowed and tolerated the use of SABC for the airing and exchange of various views, including those whose views are anathema to the ANC government. So WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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far, South Africa has escaped a problem afflicting many African countries—where presidents and their governments have taken over radio and television and used them as propaganda agencies, often denying opposition groups, parties, and critics access to the airwaves, even when the broadcast media are subsidized by license fees and public funds. So far, the ANC government has resisted the temptation to interfere with the running and programming of SABC television and radio.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS Under apartheid, the government controlled the media. The government decided what was news. For example, if a journalist witnessed a shootout between security forces and guerrilla fighters, that story could not be reported until it was verified or confirmed by official sources. If the journalist saw bodies of slain soldiers or police officers, he or she could not report that information until it came from official sources. If the police or army denied that any security force personnel had been killed or wounded or that the skirmish had occurred, then such news, regardless of how much information the journalist had, could never be published or broadcast. During apartheid, foreign and domestic journalists operating in South Africa had to walk through a minefield of legislation designed to prevent the independent publication of information that might embarrass the government. It was the job of journalists and editors to check the laws before deciding what information could be published. Many journalists were reduced to self-policing and self-censorship to avoid breaking the law. Fines, imprisonment, even banning awaited those publications that dared break or challenge these laws. Under the new constitution, South African media and journalists are enjoying unparalleled freedoms. Except for libel laws, they are free to publish any type of news, without having to worry about what laws they may be violating. In most other African countries, the government has instituted a domestic news agency to serve as the procurer or disseminator of news from other parts of Africa and/or the world. The South African Press Association (SAPA), the country’s domestic news agency, transmits about 100,000 words of domestic and foreign news daily to its members. Additionally, the Associated Press (American), Reuters (British), Agence-France Presse (French), and Deutsche Presse-Agentur (German) operate from South Africa. SAPA also cooperates with the Pan African News Agency (PANA), an organization that receives news from all over the continent to distribute within the country. SAPA also sends South African stories to PANA for distribution to other African countries. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA South Africa always has welcomed the foreign media, except when articles critical of apartheid (during the days of apartheid rule) were published. At the height of the apartheid era, many African, American, and European journalists and editors were placed on a prohibited list. Those who had written or published articles critical of apartheid and what it stood for often found themselves unable to obtain visas to visit South Africa. In the 1980s and 1990s, apartheid was a major story. Many American newspapers, including The New York Times, Christian Science Monitor, the Los Angeles Times and the Washington Post, had correspondents permanently stationed in South Africa. Many European journalists were also in South Africa. The major American television networks(ABC, CBS, and NBC) also had correspondents stationed in South Africa or in nearby countries. Time and Newsweek also sold their magazines in South Africa. South Africans could listen to news broadcasts from the Voice of America, the British Broadcasting Corporation, and other Western short wave radio outlets. The ANC and its allies also had access to radio waves in Zambia, Zimbabwe, Ghana, Tanzania, and other countries from which they broadcast messages to their colleagues in South Africa. Although it was illegal to listen to such broadcasts, many people tuned in to them. The Mbeki government has allowed the Voice of America, the British Broadcasting Corporation, and other international broadcast media, as well as journalists from the world’s print media, to come to South Africa and to operate freely, even when they sometimes highlight embarrassing stories—such as the one about the govern861

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ment’s failure or reluctance to confront the HIV/AIDS pandemic that has ravaged that country. Laws from the apartheid era, which controlled, censored, and intimidated journalists, have disappeared. Foreign journalists and media are freely welcomed in South Africa today and given access to government officials. They are also able, without licensing or accreditation, to roam freely around the country, interviewing whomever they want.

BROADCAST MEDIA Radio and television remain the main means of getting news and information in South Africa. Radio started in South Africa in 1923. Since then, it has spread throughout the country. The South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) was established in 1936 to handle the country’s broadcast needs. Over the years, radio was used as a propaganda instrument to force South Africans to accept apartheid and everything it stood for. For a long time, until the 1990s, blacks and others who opposed apartheid were regularly denied access to the country’s public airwaves. After the 1960s, the ANC, the PAC, the Communist Party, and other groups that opposed apartheid could not be mentioned, except derogatorily, on South African radio. They were banned from ever being mentioned, as SABC became more and more part of the government’s propaganda machinery. Even though anybody who owned a radio or television outlet in South Africa was required to obtain an annual listening license, the apartheid rulers saw nothing wrong with using the airwaves to support their National Party and to air nothing but apartheid propaganda. South African Radio today tries to cater to the various interests of its diverse population. It broadcasts in English, Afrikaans, and many of the major African languages. Radio stations reach virtually every corner of the country. About 12 percent of airtime is set aside for news. In addition to the broadcasts in English, Afrikaans and selected African languages, there is a youth-oriented commercial station and Radio RSA (Republic of South Africa), also called the Voice of South Africa. Radio RSA externally broadcasts 177 hours a week in English, French, Swahili, Tsonga, Lozi, Chichewa, and Portuguese to audiences in other parts of Africa. South Africa is one of the few African countries to allow privatelyowned commercial radio broadcasts. Radio 702 and Capital Radio 604 operate outside of the confines of the SABC and, in fact, compete with it. There are also plans to offer more privately owned outlets. Television came late to South Africa because of the government’s fears over what were seen as its corrupting influences. The first TV broadcast was in 1976, long after it had reached many developing African countries. Like radio, television is under the South African Broadcasting 862

Corporation (SABC), which collects license fees from viewers and listeners. There are three major channels: TV1, which broadcasts daily in English and Afrikaans; Contemporary Community Values Television (CCV), which has programs in African, Asian, and European languages; and National Network Television (NNTV), which specializes in sports and public service programming. SABC television fare comes from local programming, as well as programs coming from the United States and Britain. Many of its programs, especially the talk show variety, are borrowed from similar series in the United States.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA South Africa is among the best African countries in providing its citizens with Internet access. As of 2000, there were 44 Internet service providers.

EDUCATION & TRAINING South African colleges and universities, newspapers, and American and British foundations have been the main sources for the training of future journalists. Many of the leading universities do offer journalism programs and degrees. Workshops and seminars have also been held in South Africa, Zimbabwe, Zambia, and other African countries to offer training in environmental, economic, and investigative reporting.

SUMMARY The future looks very bright for the South African media. A new constitution protects a Bill of Rights and also guarantees freedom of expression and of the media. Although the Mbeki government has been unhappy about how it has sometimes been treated by the media and how the president has been caricatured, there has been no attempt to censor or punish the media or to pass laws to regulate the media or to prevent them from doing their job of making the government accountable for its actions. The South African media are emerging from their days of battling and suffering under apartheid laws to become true defenders of media freedom in a democratic society. Today’s South African journalists now operate in a country where they are free to criticize the government, scrutinize its actions, and even make fun of the country’s political leaders—without the prospect of prison and hefty fines hanging over their heads. South Africa has emerged from being a journalistic pariah to one of the freest and most democratic countries in the world. The experience has been dizzying for the media, the public, and the new government. The public seems to have become more accommodating to the idea that journalists have a duty to be responsible, without betraying their values, training, and commitment to being the purveyors of inforWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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mation and news, to a public that needs to be informed, educated, and entertained.

Total Circulation:

4,300,000

Circulation per 1,000:

129

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Number of Nondaily Newspapers:

10

Total Circulation:

5,827,000

Circulation per 1,000:

175

Newspaper Consumption (minutes per day):

18

Total Newspaper Ad Receipts:

1,692 (Euro millions)

As % of All Ad Expenditures:

30.20

Magazine Consumption (minutes per day):

5

Number of Television Stations:

224

Number of Television Sets:

16,200,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

404.6

Television Consumption (minutes per day):

222

Number of Cable Subscribers:

466,100

Cable Subscribers per 1,000:

11.8

Number of Satellite Subscribers:

1,840,000

Satellite Subscribers per 1,000:

46.0

Number of Radio Stations:

924

Number of Radio Receivers:

13,100,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

327.2

Radio Consumption (minutes per day):

95

Number of Individuals with Computers:

5,800,000

Computers per 1,000:

144.9

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

5,388,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

134.6

Internet Consumption (minutes per day):

6

‘‘Africa South of the Sahara.’’ Europa World Survey, 2002. British Broadcasting Corporation. Country Profile: South Africa, 2002. Davis, Stephen M. Apartheid’s Rebels: Inside South Africa’s Hidden War. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987. Faringer, Gunilla L. Press Freedom in Africa. New York: Praeger, 1991. Frederiske, Julie. A Different Kind of War. Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, n.d. Hachten, William A. The World News Prism: Changing Media, Clashing Ideologies. Ames, IA: The Iowa University Press, n.d. Jeter, Phillip, Kuldip R. Rampal, Vibert C. Cambridge, and Vornelius B. Pratt. International Afro Mass Media. Westport, CN: Greenwood Press, 1996. Merril, John C., ed. Global Journalism: Survey of International Communication, Second Ed. New York: Longman, 1991. Ungar, Sanford J. Africa. Simon & Schuster, 1985. World Geography Encyclopedia, Vol. 1. McGraw-Hill, Inc., 2002. —Tendayi S. Kumbula

SPAIN BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Kingdom of Spain

Region (Map name):

Europe

Population:

40,037,995

Language(s):

Castilian Spanish (official), Catalán, Galician, Basque

Literacy rate:

97.0%

Area:

504,782 sq km

GDP:

558,558 (US$ millions)

Number of Daily Newspapers:

136

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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SPAIN

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS As of the early 2000s, the press of Spain, like its contemporary culture and politics, is coming out of a period of transition. Salient characteristics of this press are low circulation and equally low per capita readership, at least in comparison to presses in other modern European countries. During the twentieth century the press became decentralized, and newspapers were established that focus more on the concerns of Spain’s regions and autonomous communities often publishing in regional languages such as Catalán, Basque and Galician. In addition, newspapers have evolved from traditional print media to electronic versions published on the Internet. Another significant feature is the fact that most Spaniards rely on television rather than newspapers as their primary source of news. Only since the death of Francisco Franco in 1975 has political and cultural expression been unfettered. And only with the coming of the so-called transition to democracy in the 1980s has there been anything that approaches a critique of the government and prominent Spanish cultural institutions. Located on the Iberian Peninsula in southwestern Europe, the Kingdom of Spain is made up of 504,782 square kilometers. It borders Portugal to the west and France to the north. It borders the Bay of Biscay and the North Atlantic, the Pyrenees Mountains, the southwest of France, and the Mediterranean Sea. Spain is made up of a high central plateau, which is broken up by many mountains and rivers. In addition to the landmass of the peninsula, Spain also includes the Balearic Islands (Majorca, Minorca, Cabrera, Ibiza, and Fomentra), the Canary Islands (Tenerife, Palma, Gomera, Hierro, Grand Canary, Fuerteventura, and Lanzarote) and five territories of sovereignty on and off the coast of Morocco (Ceuta, Melilla, the Chafarinas Islands, the Peñón of Alhucemas, and the Peñón of Vélez de Gomora. Transportation improved a great deal in the twentieth century. With public or private transportation methods, travel is available to all parts of Spain. Spain has many harbors and ports along with an extensive train network. Spain has over 100 airports that accommodate both national and international flights. In addition, Spain has many bus companies, which reach all parts of the country. This wide and diverse transportation network is important for the distribution of the press. Population Distribution As of the early 2000s, the population of Spain is estimated to be approximately 40 million, with a 0.11 percent population growth. There are three major cities: Madrid (4 million), Barcelona (2 million), and Valencia (754,000). Since the 1980s there has been a rise in immigration to Spain from northern Africa, 864

Asia, and Latin America. During the 1990s, in fact, Spain has become a country of immigration, although the number of legal resident foreigners is still low by comparison to other European countries. Frequently these immigrants are the targets of discrimination. In terms of religion, Spain is known to be 66.7 percent Roman Catholic, 1.2 percent Muslim, 0.8 percent Protestant, and 31.3 percent other. Language Distribution There are four recognized languages: Castilian Spanish, the official language, spoken by 74 percent of the population, as well as three regional languages: Catalán, (17 percent), Galician (7 percent) and Basque (2 percent). Spanish (Castellano, Castilian) is spoken throughout all of Spain and was, during the Franco period, the only Spanish language permitted. The Spanish population has a literacy rate of 97 percent (approx. 1 percent of men and 2 percent of women are illiterate). As in other European countries, literacy in Spain is high and virtually everyone speaks Spanish. However, since the death of Franco speakers of regional languages, such as Catalán, Basque (Eusquera or Euskara), and Galician (Gallego, Galego). The growth of these languages is closely tied to the growth of newspapers published in these languages. Catalán belongs to the group of western neo-Latin or Romance languages, which are spoken in the East of Spain (Catalonia or Catalunya), the Baleric Islands, Valencia, the Franja region, and the border area of Murcia and Valencia. The legal framework for the Cataán language in Spain is found in Article 3 of the 1978 Spanish Constitution and in the Statutes of Autonomy of Catalonia, Valencia the Baleric Islands (Mallorca, Minorca and Ibiza) and Aragón. In 1990 the European Parliament recognized the identity, validity and use of the Cataán language in the contexts of European Union affairs. During the first part of the twentieth century Cataán went through a period of growth and importance associated with the political power of the government of Catalonia, especially during the 1930s. This period of importance culminated during the Second Republic when Cataán was restored to its official language status. However, this situation changed dramatically as a consequence of the Civil War when the Franco regime forbade the use of the Cataán language. After the death of Franco and during the period of transition to democracy, the use of Cataán was restored, and it is flourishing in both print and electronic media. The Cataán language is the cultural language of the upscale, highly educated audience of the Barcelona area. Valenciano or Valencian, a linguistic cousin of Cataán, some might say, a ‘‘dialect’’ of Cataán is the ‘‘language’’ of the autonomous community of Valencia. As with Cataán, Valenciano has witnessed a period of growth since the death of Franco that can be seen in the press and especially the broadcast media. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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The Basque language, a non-Indo-European language, is spoken at the western side of the Pyrenees and along the Bay of Biscay in Spain and France. The language is spoken in the Spanish provinces of Vizcaya and Guipuzcoa, in northern Navarre, in part of Alava, and in the traditional French provinces of Labourd, BasseNavarre, and Soule that now form part of the department of Pyrenees-Atlantique. The Basque country, El País Vasco in Spanish or Euskadi or Euskal Herria in Basque, is populated by a people whose culture and language is not related to any known European language or culture. Basque customs, sports, and cuisine are distinctive and form an important part of the culture. As of the early 2000s, more than 600,000 people speak the Basque language. While not a written language until the sixteenth century, Basque has a rich oral tradition. For centuries there was no standard orthography, and during the Franco years it could only be studied in a series of underground schools. In 1964 Euskalzaindia (Royal Basque Language Academy) set forth new grammatical standards for the language, thus beginning what would later be the process for the subsequent program of language normalization. Language planners have focused on the media, both print and electronic, in order to increase the knowledge of the Basque language. Television, radio, and the press have been used in order to improve competence in the language. In the Basque Country, given the low levels of literacy and the higher levels of oral use, the press has obviously played a smaller role in this process. One of the most salient aspects of Basque culture, Basque nationalism, has its roots in the writings and thought of Sabino de Arana y Goiri (1865-1903) who founded the Basque Nationalist Party in 1985. This party focused on the importance and uniqueness of the Basque language and race as unifying principles of Basque culture and politics. In the late 1950s the organization Euskadi ta Askatasuna (The Basque Country and Land, ETA) was founded as a political movement for the independence of the Basque homeland. Some ten years later, this organization began a terrorist campaign to carry out its political objectives. From 1996 to 2002 many terrorist attacks were attributed to ETA. Many journalists, politicians, and tourists died in these attacks. In the early 2000s, a day does not go by that Spanish people are not confronted in one way or another with the problems of Basque separatist terrorism and violence. ETA terrorist threats are frequently published in Basque newspapers such as Gara and Euskaldunom Egunkaria. One of the Basque newspapers closely associated with ETA is the ultranationalist and radical Egin (To Do) which has been called a mouthpiece of the terrorist organization. In the 1980s, Egin came under the control of the Basque coaliWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

tion Herri Batasuna that was closely tied to ETA. Finally in 1998 the Spanish courts closed the newspaper. In addition to Basques, Cataáns, and Galicians, another important minority are the Spanish Gypsies who refer to themselves as Rom and to their language as Romany. Gypsies in Spain are usually divided into two groups: Gitanos (Gypsies) and Hungaros (Hungarians). Historically, Gitanos live in the Southwest and central regions of Spain. Traditionally, many worked as street vendors and entertainers. Hungaros are Kalderash, poorer and more nomadic. Historic Trends While the tradition of the press in Spain truly dates back to the eighteenth century, its roots are to be found in the seventeenth century. The first periodical publications in Spain belong to the so-called gazette tradition. Among these, the first gazettes to circulate in Spain were those from France: La Gazette, Le Journal des Savantes and Le Mercure Galan. The first gazette to be published in Spain the weekly Gaceta Semanal de Barcelona appeared in 1641. The second and more important gazette, the Gaceta de Madrid, known as Gazeta Nueva and Relación, was published in 1661. This political and military news source appeared annually until in 1667 it became a weekly. Later it was published biweekly and in 1808 it became a daily. The eighteenth-century press was strongly influenced by the periodical press of France. The eighteenth century saw a proliferation of news in Spain. The majority was dedicated to literary content and information dealing with the arts and sciences. This press also contained articles on the improvement of the national economy. One of the earliest Spanish newspapers was the eighteenth-century El Diario de Los Literatos, which was published in 1737 and focused primarily on literary content and survived until 1742. The paper espoused and defended the ideas and philosophy of eighteenth-century Spanish thinkers and writers, such as Feijoo and Luzan. It was one of the first papers to carry the title Diario (daily). However it was not published daily. The first daily was the Diario Noticioso, Curioso, Erudito, Comercial y Politico was published in February of 1758 by Francisco Mariano Nipho (1719-1803), the founder of journalism in Spain. This paper, later called the Diario de Madrid, became the first daily newspaper published in Spain. King Fernando VI granted this paper a special privilege to publish ‘‘moral and political discourses,’’ announcements, and literature. A success, it led to the proliferation of other similar newspapers throughout other cities in Spain. However, some thirty years later, the monarchy limited the publication of newspapers. These decrees, especially those by Carlos IV, were short-lived, and in 1792, the press regained the right to appear. Other important newspapers of this period were El Seminario 865

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Económico (1765), El Correo de los Ciegos (1786) and El Correo de Madrid (1787). Newspapers in Spain continued to proliferate in the nineteenth century. Readers were attracted by general and political news as well as by articles by well-known writers such as Mesonero Romanos, Mariano José Lara, and others. A whole literary movement, known as Costumbrismo, based on character sketches and articles on Spanish customs and manners, arose out of the press of Spain during the nineteenth century. By 1878, there were already some 380 newspapers in Spain. By 1882, this number had grown to 917. In 1920 there were more than two thousand. With respect to dailies, in 1900 there were around 300 papers. However, this number dropped to 290 in 1920. The most important papers of the early nineteenth century were ABC (1861), El Debate de Madrid, La Vanguardia (Barcelona 1881)), Heraldo de Aragón (Zaragoza ), La Gaceta del Norte and Euzkadi, both published in Bilbao and El Mercantil (Valencia). During the early part of the next century, especially around 1913, the most influential papers were La Correspondencia de España, Heraldo de Aragón, El Imparcial, (all from Madrid) and La Vanguardia from Barcelona. In the nineteenth century, Spain’s newspapers faced difficulties. Spain’s transportation system and railway network were unreliable. Coupled with its rough terrain, the underdeveloped transportation system limited the distribution of the press. Also, the literacy rate was low, about 25 percent of a population of 16 million. Perhaps the most important obstacle was the issue of freedom of the press. In Spain, full freedom of the press was not achieved until the revolution of 1868 and the First Republic (1871). It should be noted that the political developments, which brought about this freedom, were short lived. Moreover, during the nineteenth century, newspapers became closely affiliated with specific political groups and also linked to particular business interests. This was departure from the earlier part of the century when writers and other intellectuals controlled the press. During the later part of the century, the press became a for-profit enterprise. Political Effects on the Media Three important political events helped shape the press of twentieth century Spain: the rise of the Second Republic; the Spanish Civil War and subsequent triumph of General Francisco Franco; and the death of Franco and the transition to democracy. During the forty years of the Franco dictatorship, the government had complete control of all forms of the press and media. Censorship was exercised and dissent was not tolerated. After the death of Franco, the press gained free866

dom and with it the ability to take on the role of a modern European democracy. In the early 2000s the press and other forms of the media have complete freedom to comment on all political, cultural, and social issues. During the twentieth century, ABC was one of the most important Spanish newspapers. Founded in 1903 (1905 as a daily) by the Luca de Tena family, it continues to have strong ties to the monarchy and the Catholic Church. It espouses conservative viewpoints and is highly critical of both Cataán and Basque nationalism. Before and during the Spanish Civil War (19361939), ABC was instrumental in attacking the governments of the Second Republic (1931-1936), specifically with respect to Cataán and Basque nationalism and any political manifestations of labor and radical ideologies, especially socialism. After the war, ABC was closely tied to the Franco government but it always maintained its monarchist stance. After the Civil War, the state became the principal newspaper publisher in Spain. All papers were subsumed into what was then called Prensa del Movimiento, an organization with close ties to the Spanish Falange. In 1948 there was an official media that controlled all the nation’s press. This time it controlled some 38 newspapers (dailies) and 8 weeklies, in addition to several important national magazines. Until the late 1960s, the government, subsidized this state-run propaganda tool. With the victory of Franco and the destruction of the Second Republic at the end of the Civil War in 1939, all newspapers were placed under the control of the government’s press agency, the Delegación Nacional de Prensa y Propaganda (National Press and Propaganda Agency). This agency controlled 30 morning dailies, six afternoon papers, and five Monday papers as well as weekly and monthly magazines. In 1962, the number of dailies grew to 39. While some privately owned papers did exist, they had to accept directives and administration imposed by the Franco regime. In the 1970s, the press declined. The only papers during this time to maintain circulation rates of 200,000 were ABC and La Vanguardia. Circulation rates continued to fall well into the late 1970s. However there was a small increase in 1981 and 1982. Distribution of Readership, Content, and Areas of Income In 2002 there were 91 newspapers in Spain with a total daily circulation of 4 million. The circulation to population ratio was 103 copies per 1,000 people. The highest of these averages was in the region of Navarre with 175 copies per 1,000,and the lowest was in the region of Castile with an average of 44 copies per 1,000. Regarding subject matter and circulation, there was a cirWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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culation of 3,219,152 copies with general content information: 787,307 copies with sports content and 104,965 copies with financial information content. Newspapers reached 12.6 million readers in 2000. Readership was the highest in the North: Navarre (57 percent) and the Basque Country (56 percent). Historically, most Spaniards only read one newspaper (57 percent read one title) and newspapers were frequently passed around to more than one reader. Some 29.4 percent of all Spaniards read two papers daily and only 13.1 percent of the population read more than two papers. In terms of gender, 63.3 percent of the readership of newspapers were male and only 36.7 percent were female. The largest segment of the readership was between the ages of 25 and 35, and most belonged to the middle class. In general terms, the reach of newspapers in Spain grew in the 1990s, and the sports press influenced readers, especially middle-aged men. Regarding income areas, the press got 54 percent of its income from advertising, 41 percent from sales, and 5 percent from other factors. Ten advertisers spent 9.19 percent of the total expenditure on advertising in newspapers. Geographical Distribution and Ownership The press in Spain is divided into national and regional newspapers. There are three important newspapers: El País, El Mundo and ABC. Most newspapers and a lot of the electronic media are owned by the major media groups: PRISA, Grupo Correo Prensa Española, UNEDISA, and Grupo Godó. Other important media concerns include: the Spanish Statistical Institute (INE), which is publicly owned; The Telecommunications Market (CMT); and private sources such as Telefónica, Retevisión, and SEDISI. Among the most significant agencies which maintain statistical data on the media are the Oficina de Justificacion de la Difusión (Audit Office of the Press, OJD) and the Association of Media Research (ACMC). Ten Largest Newspapers With regard to circulation, the top ten newspapers in Spain are: El País (436, 0000); Marca (403,049); ABC (291,950), El Mundo (291,950); La Vanguardia (191,673); El Periódico (184,251); As WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

(158,780); El Correo Español (132,113); La Voz de Galicia (107,850); and Sport (106,504). Three of these papers, El País, ABC and El Mundo, are national newspapers. Four are regional: La Vanguardia, El Periódico; El Correo Español; and La Voz de Galicia. Three of these papers are sporting newspapers: Marca, As and Sport. Without a doubt, El País, published in Madrid, is Spain’s leading newspaper. It has set the tone for serious journalism in Spain, and it played a central role in the country’s transition to democracy. In the early 1970s, a group of investors and journalists sought to begin a truly liberal independent newspaper in Spain. After the dictator’s death in 1975, one of the principal mass communication groups in Spain, PRISA, began the paper. El País: Diario Independiente de la Man´ana first appeared on May 4, 1976. Its publication marked a milestone in the history of Spanish journalism and political and cultural history. PRISA also owns the radio network SER and is part owner of the subscription television channel Canal+(Plus). El País championed liberal democratic views along with pluralist views toward the recently formed autonomous communities. Published in Madrid in a tabloid format of between 80 to 100 pages, it contains many business, educational, travel, and literary supplements. It concentrates on reporting and analysis of all aspects of Spanish life and culture. There is a marked emphasis on international news, indicating the paper’s role in European journalism. For its international coverage, it uses both news agency material as well as overseas correspondents. It also has established close relationships with other European newspapers such as the Independent and La Repubblica. Its Op Ed pieces often set the agenda for public debates. The paper also publishes regional editions (Andalucia and Barcelona). In addition, it publishes an international edition and an Internet edition. El Mundo is one of the major daily newspapers published in Madrid with a national readership. Founded in 1989, its Masthead reads, ‘‘El Mundo del Siglo Veintuno’’ (The World of the Twenty-First Century). In tab867

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as well as Spanish and international news. Its high quality reporting represents the industrial and business sectors of Cataán society. Written in Spanish, the paper contains a great deal of information on Cataán culture and politics. However, it often takes a critical view of Cataán nationalists, especially of the Cataán parliament and the convergence and unity political party. Recently, this paper has received competition from another Barcelona paper, El Periodico. The sporting press of Spain enjoys a huge popularity. The most important sporting newspapers are Marca, As, Sport, El Mundo, Deportivo and Super Deporte. Marca is by far, the most successful. It is one of the most important of all Spanish dailies. It was part of the Punto Editorial and was later bought by Recolectos in 1984. It also receives support from the British Pearson Group. While the paper covers all sports, it is most intensely interested in football-soccer.

loid format with around 80 pages per copy, it contains both international news and in-depth coverage of national news. In addition, it contains business and sports pages with extensive literary and Sunday magazines and supplements. It is also known for its investigative journalism. During the socialist government of Felipe González, it carried out extensive investigative reporting into corruption of governmental officials. ABC is one of a very few conservative, older familyowned newspapers. Published by Prensa Española, and owned by the Luca de Tena family, ABC is part of the Catholic and monarchist press to survive Spain’s transition to democracy. It is a very successful paper with a national readership. It is, however, not as important as El País or El Mundo. ABC is published in a small format of around 130 pages, stapled at the spine, and printed on poor quality paper. It contains few photographs. The newspaper’s articles are printed in difficult-to-read columns. In terms of format, in comparison to El País and El Mundo, it seems ‘‘unmodern.’’ The paper is a constant critic of the socialist PSOE government of Felipe González, and it has been very critical of Cataán and Basque nationalism. Its readership appears to be people who are ‘‘suspicious of change.’’ La Vanguardia is one of the oldest and most prestigious daily newspapers published in Catalonia. It was founded in 1881, by the Cataán industrialists Carlos and Bartolomé Godó, and is still owned by the Godó family. While it is one of the major newspapers in Barcelona, it has a significant readership in other parts of Spain. La Vanguardia is published in a tabloid format of around 100 pages. It is known for its coverage of Cataán 868

Financial Newspapers Newspapers, which concentrate on economic and business content, have had a great success in the 1980s and 1990s. Each of the major newspapers has departments or sections dedicated to economic issues and there are also individual newspapers, which concentrate on this topic. Some of the most important economic papers in Spain are Dinero, Su Dinero (El Mundo), Gaceta de los Negocios (which is published in English and French in addition to Spanish), ABC Economia, Cinco Días, Expansión, La Vanguardia Economia, and Iberbolsa. Sunday Editions and Supplements Spanish newspapers register a marked increase in circulation on weekends, especially on Sundays. This increase in readership is due to the great interest in Sunday supplements. Among the largest circulation of Sunday supplements is El País Semanal, which circulates more than one million copies daily. This represents a milestone in the history of the Spanish press. The supplements of other dailies are Blanco y Negro (ABC) which circulates some 600,000 copies; La Revista (El Mundo) with a circulation of 400,000, and the Sunday supplement of Barcelona’s La Vanguardia which circulates some 300,000 copies. Kiosk Literature Newspapers as well as other periodical press form part of what has been called ‘‘kiosk literature’’ in Spain. This literature dates back to the nineteenth century and is related to the Spanish tradition of buying, selling, and reading. This type of literature usually refers to both serious and popular literature that is sold in kiosks. It is a literature of mass appeal which includes serious newspapers, sports press, economic, and travel magazines as well as what is referred to in Spain as ‘‘prensa del corazón’’ (press of the heart). This periodWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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ical press is primarily a set of magazines containing what might be called ‘‘gossip columns’’. The best example of this press is the popular magazine Holá!, founded by Eduardo Sánchez and Mercedes Junco in 1944. Circulation of the magazine has continued to increase through the years. A print run by is about 800 thousand copies a week. Much of the magazine deals with the Spanish Royal family, European royalty, and international entertainment stars. With respect to format, photographs receive more attention than text, which is minimal for the most part. Holá has been described as escapist, which was fostered by Franco’s ideas of culture and the arts. Other publications also considered to be ‘‘press of the heart’’ includes Pronto, Lecturas, Semanas, Diez Minutos and Qué me dices. Regional Press The Cataán Press and Media The press and other media of Catalonia are divided by language, one in Cataán and the other in Spanish. After a forty year hiatus during the dictatorship, a Cataán language press appeared in 1976. The Cataán paper Avui (Today), published in Barcelona, is the largest Cataán daily paper and also contains a supplement written in Aranés, a local idiom spoken in a sector of the Pyreenes. In general, the late 1970s saw a rise in the number of Cataán papers. In 1978, this press included Regió 7 and Punt Diari in 1979. The latter became El Punt in 1988. The historic Diari de Barcelona (Barcelona Daily) was revived for a short time but is no longer published. While there has been an increase of Cataán press during the later part of the twentieth century, print runs very small. An interesting case in the press of Catalonia can be seen in the establishment of El Periodico (The Paper), a newspaper published in both Cataán and Spanish editions. Since its establishment in 1997, it has increased its circulation and readership. It is the largest daily paper in Cataán with the greatest readership. Another popular paper, Segre, which is published in two editions (Cataán and Spanish), is distributed in the province of Llerida. Cataán and Spanish coexist in print and electronic media just as Cataán newspapers exist along side of Spanish language papers. El Periódico (Spanish edition), La Vanguardia and the El País (Barcelona edition) are the most important papers published in Spanish. The Spanish papers have a circulation of a little more than a million, and the Cataán language papers have a circulation of around 250,000. Press of Galicia Galician, a Romance language closely related to Portuguese, is spoken in North Western Spain, in the autonomous community of Galicia, and in some parts of Asturias, Custillia, and León. Approximately 1.5 million people speak it. Galician has a rich literary tradition, especially during the middle ages and in the nineWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

teenth century, when a rebirth of this literature was initiated by Rosalía de Castro. While it received official status during the second Republic for a brief time, it was not until the Constitution of 1978 and the Language Law of 1983, that it became one of Spain’s official regional languages. The regional government of Galicia, Xunta de Galicia has worked to institutionalize and promote Galician language and culture. Important among these are efforts to expand the Galician language through radio and television (RTVG: Radio and Television Galego) and the publication of texts and periodicals in the language. Publishing in Galician has increased notably and even Spanish-language newspapers published in Galicia often contain sections in Galician. The O Correo Galego is the only newspaper that is entirely published in Galician. It is published in Santiago de Compostela and has played an important role in the linguistic normalization of the Galician language. Important Spanish-language newspapers published in Galicia include La Voz de Galicia, El Ideal Gallego, El Correo Gallego, Faro de Vigo and El Progreso de Lugo. The Basque Press The most important papers of the Basque press are El Correo, El Diario Vasco Euskaldunom Egunkaria, Gara and Tolosaldean Equnero. Euskaldunom Egunkaria published in Andoin, Gipuzkoa, is the only existing daily newspaper written entirely in the Basque language. Gara is written and published in both Basque and Spanish. This paper published in San Sebastian also has an on-line edition. Press of the Canary Islands The Canary Islands off the west coast of Africa constitute an autonomous community (since 1979) with an estimated population of over a million. These islands have a distinctive culture, which 869

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sets them off from the peninsula. The culture has its roots in the Guauches people of Berber origin. The population also was strongly influenced by the presence of indianos (Spanish immigrants from the Americas). The islands became part of Castile’s transatlantic empire. They were the last stop over on the way to the Americas and the first stop on the return from the American colonies. From a political point of view, the islands have made some attempts at self-determination and even independence, especially since the death of Franco. In terms of government, the group of islands are divided into seven island councils, which pursue local island interests. Canarian culture is known for its distinctive literature, music, and cuisine. The press and other forms of media of the Canary Islands have two principal characteristics. The first is a great interest in international news, especially because of the islands’ location. The second is a more ‘‘parochial’’ nature, even more local than is found in Spanish regions. The history of the press of these islands dates back to Correo de Tenerife, which was published between 1808 and 1810. The period between 1875 and 1925 was important for the growth of the islands’ press. The most important papers during this time were: Diario de Las Palmas, a liberal paper, and the Gaceta de Tenerife, which had conservative and Catholic roots. The most popular paper on Tenerife is El Dia, founded in 1910. The 1980s witnessed the publication of one daily on all the islands, Canarias 7.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK During the twentieth century, Spain changed from an agricultural to manufacturing and to a services oriented economy. In 2002, the Spanish economy is based on the services sector, which accounts for 60 percent of the country’s wealth. In 1996, the GDP per capita was estimated to be around $13,660. Much of the services sector is related to the importance of tourism, the most important part of the economy. The industrial sector is motor manufacture. Rapid change and transition have in the twentieth century characterized the modern economy of Spain. During the last years of the Franco government, there was uneven expansion, followed by a period of reform and restructuring. After the 1980s, and well into the 1990s, Spain struggled to modernize its industries. Among the most significant problems are those of energy, inflation, and growing unemployment. Not surprisingly, Spain’s international trade experienced important growth after the country joined the European Union (EU) Trade. As of 2002, the EU accounts for around 70 percent of international trade. 870

Without a doubt, one of Spain’s most serious economic problems is chronic unemployment. In 1996, Spain’s rate of unemployment was 22 percent, one of the worse in the EU. The number unemployed reached over three million in the 1990s. Nonetheless, a large sector of the Spanish population enjoys a standard of living that is comparable to that of other developed European economies, and in many ways, higher. It is certain that the standard of living for most Spaniards has improved in the past 30 years. Using all traditional measures such as life expectancy, literacy, educational enrollments as well as per capital income, Spain enjoys a relatively high standard of living. Salaries and wages in Spain have improved with the economy. With a GNP per capita of $14,070; thus, Spain occupies the twelfth position in the EU. Geography is also an indicator of income. The wealthiest region per capita GDP is the Balearic Island. Next come the areas of Madrid and Catalonia. The poorest regions are Extremadera and Andalusia. According to Schulte, reporters in Spain earn around $1,000 per month, while salaries for experienced newsmen would range up to $2,000 in cities like Madrid and Barcelona. Spain’s national debt is estimated at around 68 percent of its GDP. Although this is a high rate, the government has been somewhat successful in decreasing this percentage in the past years. Privatization of different companies, which proved to be controversial as reported in the press, was helpful in reducing the debt. In the late 1970s, a series of serious economic problems affected the press: paper prices, heavy losses in advertising, and circulation revenue. All of the press suffered the consequences of this economic crisis. The only exception was the Francoist El Alcázar, a right-wing paper that circulated primarily among the Spanish armed forces. Newsprint Historically, the Spanish government has also controlled the import and distribution of newsprint. Of the more than 200 metric tons consumed, more than half is produced in Spain. Professional Organizations Spanish journalists belong to several professional organizations. In order to be a member of a journalist organization, they must be graduates of a recognized school of journalism. Journalists are registered by the government. In addition, there are several journalist unions. Spain’s major labor unions, workers’ commission, and the general workers’ union also have sections for journalists, photographers, and printers. Many individual cities, like Madrid, have their own journalist organization and union. This is also true of particular regions and autonomous communities. Spanish journalists are organized into a national group of Associations of the Press. There is a National WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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Federation of Associations of the Press, as well as regional and local Associations of the Press. Among the most important city associations are those of Madrid and Barcelona. The principal objectives of these organizations are to protect the rights and interests of all journalists as well as to promote the standards and ethics of the profession. According to Schulte, more than 4,000 journalists belong to more than fifty individual associations of the press. Other significant press organizations include Asociación de la Prensa de Cantabria, Asociación de la Prensa de Madrid, Asociación de la Prensa de Sevilla, Asociación de Periodistas de Información Económica, Asociación de la Prensa Profesional, and Organización de Periodistas en Internet, among many others. Unlike the United States, most Spanish newspapers are sold over the counter or in kiosks, rather than through subscriptions. This buying practice is part of a Spanish culture of apartment or flat dwelling rather than living in freestanding homes. Most Spanish newspapers sell for around one Euro.

PRESS LAWS The most important press legislation in Spain in the twentieth century began with the Law of 1938, which Franco decreed during the Spanish Civil War. This law put the press under the direct control of his military forces. The next important piece of press legislation was the 1966 Ley Fraga (Fraga Law) after its principal author, Manuel Fraga Iribarne. This law constituted a form of controlled liberalization with respect to censorship and freedom of the press. While it relaxed some of the repressive aspects of earlier legislation, it still maintained significant aspects of the prior censorship. Because of this law many journalists and some newspapers suffered sanctions, especially fines, suspensions of publications, and closures. Frequently the offending journalists were charged with conspiring against the government and the founding principles of the Franco regime. However, the most important changes came about through the establishment of the Spanish Constitution of 1978, especially Article 20 which gave citizens the right to express their views openly. This article also protects the right to publish in languages other than Spanish.

CENSORSHIP Until the death of Franco, censorship was a main feature of all Spanish culture. The government was intolerant of any political or artistic expression that challenged or seemed to insult the Franco government or military forces. During the Franco years, the press, literature, and the cinema were heavily censored. In addition to governmental censorship, there was also censorship organized by Catholic organizations. The Church’s role was primarWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ily to censor materials that were deemed to be immoral or of a sexually explicit nature. Franco’s Ministry of Information and Tourism was charged with the censoring process. This process, based on the 1938 press law, gave the government the right to regulate the size and number of periodicals. It also stipulated that the government could elect the administration of all periodicals and press. All newspapers were required to submit their copy to the Ministry before publication. In April 1977, the second article of the 1966 press law was abolished. This article listed particular institutions, in this case the National Movement that could not be criticized by the press. The Constitution of 1978 guaranteed the rights of a free press and outlawed prior censorship.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Spain is a parliamentary monarchy ruled by the chief of state, King Juan Carlos I de Borbón y Borbón, and the head of government, President José María Azar, of the Popular Party (PP). The Spanish legislative system is bicameral and made up of Cortes (General Courts) a type of national assembly, which is made up of a Senate whose members are directly elected by popular vote, and 51 others appointed by the Regional Legislatures and the Congress of Deputies, also elected by popular vote. Spain is divided up into seventeen autonomous communities. When Franco died in 1975, Juan Carlos, the grandson of Alfonso XII, became king of Spain. With Juan Carlos on the throne, Spain began to make the transition from dictatorship to a modern European democracy. The first election in Spain in contemporary times was held in 1977, and a new constitution, which had many implications for the press, was drafted in 1978. This constitution made fundamental changes to the legal structure of the Franco regime by allowing Spain to develop into a democratic state. These changes were challenged by a failed military coup in 1981. The most important political pressure groups in Spain include business and land owning interests; the Catholic Church; the Basque group known as Euskal Herrilarok (the people of the Basque Country); free labor unions; the radical independence group known as Basque Fatherland and Liberty (ETA); the Anti Fascist Resistance Group (GRAPO); the Opus Dei, a conservative Catholic organization; the General Union of Workers (UGT); University Students and the Workers Confederation (CCOO). Among the most important political parties are the Popular Party (PP), the Convergence and Union Party of Cataluña, the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE), and the Spanish Communist Party (PCE). In 2002, the main political units with national representation are the governing Partido Popular, the Socialist Workers’ 871

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Party, and the Left United Coalition (IU). Other significant political groupings include parliamentary representations of nationalist parties such as Convergence to Union and the Basque Nationalist Party. Labor Relations The most important journalist strike in the twentieth century were those against Medios de Comunicaciones del Estado in 1975; the strike against the Diario de Barcelona in 1977 and the 1980 strike against Madrid’s Informaciones. In the late 1990s and early 2000s there were no strikes connected to journalists’ issues. However, Spanish journalists frequently get involved around general labor issues affecting workers in Spain. Journalist labor issues are typically divided into three groups. First, those who side with the government and the Partido Popular (Popular Party, Conservative Party of J. M. Aznar) constitute the middle conservative sector, for example, the newspaper El Mundo, the radio station Onda Cero, and the television channel Antena Tres. Those who side with the most conservative sector tend to be associated with the Basque Country, for example, the newspaper chain Prensa Española, and the newspaper ABC. Last, there is the group that is independent and slightly critical of the government. Included in this group are the PRISA Group (the newspaper El País, the television channel Canal+ (Plus), and the radio station Cadena SER. The remaining group is associated with the state run radio and television, Televisión Española (TVE) and Radio Nacional de España (RNE).

NEWS AGENCIES Agencia (EFE) is the oldest and most important of the Spanish media resources. Founded by the Franco government in 1938, it was controlled the flow of news, including news from foreign agencies. After the transition to democracy, this agency remained closely associated with the government. It operates as the official news agency of the state and is one of the largest news agencies in the Spanish-speaking world. In the past the government appointed the administration of the agency. The editorial line of the agency reflects the current government in power. The agency has 1,145 employees worldwide, and it distributes to more than one thousand locations throughout the world. It staffs offices in 137 cities and in 102 countries. More than 2,000 journalists are affiliated with it. Using satellite transmitters, it sends more than 300 reports daily, and it offers 24-hour service to participating journalists. In addition to EFE, there are other important news agencies in Spain. Among these there are Agencia de Comunicaciones, Avantpress, Colpisa, Europa Press, Agencia Cataána de Noticias, and Reuters España. 872

BROADCAST MEDIA Radio Radio has had a profound impact on Spanish media. During and after the Civil War, radio was used primarily as an instrument of government propaganda. After the war, the Franco forces seized republican broadcasting stations. Beginning in 1939, there was prior censorship of all commercial radio broadcasts. During the Franco period, coverage of all news, both national and international was in the hands of an official state network, Radio Nacional de España (RNE). RNE held a monopoly on radio transmission until 1977. Unlike the Spanish print media, radio did not experience a process of liberalization, during which restrictions were eased. In 1997, the number of radios in Spain was 13.1 million. There were 208 AM stations, 715 FM stations, and one short wave station. The RNE ended its monopoly in 1977. Since 1989, the General Bureau regulates radio for Radio Broadcasting and Television. The most important radio networks in Spain are RNE, Cadena de Ondas Populares (COPE), Sociedad Española de Radio Difusión (SER) and Onda Cero. SER is the most popular of all the radio networks. It commands a high audience (9.6 million) and is known for its music (rock and popular) and its news programs. This network, especially ‘‘Hora 25’’ program, played an important role in Spain’s transition to democracy by broadcasting some of the first uncensored news stories. The audience for radio news in Spain is greater than that of print media, but smaller than that of television. As in the case of print media and television, radio has figured prominently in consolidating culture and identity in Spain’s regions and autonomous communities. This is especially true in the Basque country, Galicia and Catalonia. Euskadi Irratia (Basque Radio) broadcasts throughout the Basque region in Basque. Galician Radio, part of RTVG, transmits exclusively in Galician. In Catalonia, Corporació Cataána de Radio Televisio (CCRTV) has contributed to the expansion of Cataán over the airways. Television It is estimated that over 90 percent of the population watches television daily. On average Spaniards watch more than three hours of television per day. They watch television at home but also in bars and cafes; they especially love to watch football matches. In terms of audience size, TVE1 and Antena 3 draw the greatest number of viewers. Like newspapers and radio, television was controlled and censored during the Franco regime. During those years Television de España (TVE), Spain’s first station, founded in 1956, held a state monopoly on television broadcasting. A second channel was introduced in 1965. Even after the death of Franco, Spanish television was WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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under the influence of the government. This lasted into the 1980s, when the first regional televisions appeared, particularly Basque television (ETB) and Cataán television. After 1983 regional television stations began to appear throughout Spain, especially Television de Galicia and Canal Sur in Andalucia (1985), Telemadrid (Madrid), and Canal 9 in Valencia. The later was established in 1989 and broadcasts in Valenciano. The major development in Spanish television after the death of Franco was broadcasting in regional languages and the arrival of commercial national stations. The most important of these was the establishment of Canal+, which is owned by a French company of the same name and the Spanish media group PRISA. Canal+ is a subscription channel, known particularly for its broadcasting of films and high quality programming. Other important Spanish channels are Antena 3 and Tele 5. Antena 3 offers the Spanish viewing public programming dealing with current events, sports, news, sitcoms, and popular game shows. Tele 5 is owned by an Italian company and by the Spanish Organization for the Blind, ONCE. It is known for its game shows and controversial ‘‘reality’’ programs. Its news programs are not high quality. Spanish television has evolved from a state owned institution, which expressed the views of the government and was heavily censored to one that tends to echo the views of particular regions, a more European perspective, and the demands of the public in general. It must also be noted that the majority of the Spanish public receives their news, be it local, regional, national, or international, from television and not the print media. Regarding regional television in regional languages, the most significant are Cataán and Basque. There are two major television stations in Catalonia. Both of these stations broadcast in Cataán. The first of these is TV3, which was founded in 1983, and the second is Canal 33, which began regular broadcasting in 1984. Both TV3 and Canal 33 belong to the publicly-owned Corporació Cataána de Radio i Televisió (Cataán Radio and Television Corporation). The programs on these stations focus on specific aspects of Cataán culture and news, as well other national and international news. It should be further noted, however, that Cataáns also watch Spanishlanguage television such as TVI and Antena 3. But there is no doubt that Cataán television has been an important tool in strengthening Cataán identity and as such has been a key element in the process of language normalization. As with the Cataáns, there are also two important television stations in the Basque country. They are both under the ownership of Euskal Telebista (Basque Television). The first of these is ET1, which broadcasts exclusively in Basque. It began broadcasting in December 1982 and as such was founded outside the traditional WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

structures of Spanish national television and without official permission, thus marshalling in a revolution in the history of Spanish television and the history of the electronic media in general. The second station, ET2, was founded in 1986 and broadcasts only in Spanish. Basque TV has not been able to reach the levels of success as other television stations in Spain, which broadcast in regional languages, such as Cataán. This is due in part to the relatively small numbers of Basque speakers and the lesser use of Basque in public administration and education, in comparison that is to Cataán. One area in which Basque television has shown some success is the production of Basque-language soap operas, which have become very popular.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA Online newspapers in Spain are a recent phenomenon, and they account for 17 percent of the distribution of web traffic. The history of online publications is closely tied to the beginnings of the Internet and computer technology in Spain. This publication history begins with the appearance of the Boletín Oficial del Estrado, a governmental newspaper which was first published on the Internet in 1994. The first general information online newspapers in Spain appeared in 1995. These were the Barcelona papers: El Periódico and La Vanguardia. Later that same year the following papers went online: ABC (Madrid) and El Diario Vasco (San Sebastian). In 1996, two other important papers appeared online: El Mundo (Madrid) and El País (Madrid). From 1997 through 2000, almost all national and regional newspapers went online. In 2002 there are more than 100 editions of printed Spanish newspapers. With the passage of time, Spaniards are reading more and more newspapers 873

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online, especially El País, El Mundo, La Vanguardia and ABC. Ultima Hora Digital publishes local news from the Balearic Islands on line and is owned by Grupo Serra.

EDUCATION & TRAINING There are many schools of journalism throughout Spain, and media and communications studies are popular. Programs in journalism or related studies are offered at the Universidad Complutenese (Madrid); Universidad de La Laguna (Canary Islands); Univerisdad de Navarra and Universidad de Santiago de Compostela (Galicia); Universidad de Sevilla (Seville); Universidad del País Vasco (Basque Country, Universidad); Pontificia de Salamanca; and the Univerisdad de Barcelona. These journalism schools are organized into university faculties (schools) or departments, and they offer both master’s (Licenciatura) and doctorate degrees in journalism. However, the most important schools of journalism are those of the Universidad Complutense de Madrid and the Journalism Faculty of the University of Navarre under the control of the Opus Dei. Under the influence of the EU, some Spaniards take part in what has been called ‘‘transnational European journalism education.’’ They are participating in a master’s program in European Journalism Studies at various EU universities.

SUMMARY One of the significant trends for the press of Spain is the move toward privatization of the media industry whereby many smaller businesses are put in the hands of larger media conglomerates. Over time, the audiovisual media market has overtaken traditional print media. Pictures and color use are used increasingly in the press. After the transition to democracy, the press experienced an increase in publications of all types but especially newspapers. In addition to the historic and important newspapers of the past, such as ABC and La Vanguardia, papers such as El País and El Mundo have come to the forefront and become part of significant media companies. The popularity and growth of this press can be explained in part by articles composed by some of the most prominent writers of the Spanish language, both from Spain and Latin America, such as Jose Camilo Cela, Miguel Delibes, Carlos Fuentes, and Gabriel García Márquez. Among the major issues which will continue to be reflected in the press of Spain are problems associated with Basque and Cataán nationalism and the structure of the Spanish state; the economic consequences of European integration; the impact of immigration from outside of Europe; and the Spanish government’s attempts at immigration reform; the issues associated with guaranteeing of human rights, especially to women, homosexuals and 874

recent immigrants; the continuing impact of scientific and technological developments, especially those associated with information technology; and finally, the ongoing government attempts at university reform and the controversies related to this problem.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Barrera, C. Sin Mordaz. Veinte años de prensa en democracia. Madrid: Temas de hoy, 1995. ———. Periodismo y franquismo. De la censura a la apertura. Pamplona: Ediciones Internacionales Universitarias, 1985. Bernández, A. ‘‘The Mass Media.’’ InSpain Today: In Search of Modernity. Ed. A. Ramos Gascón. Madrid: Catedra, 1991. Deacon, P. The Press as Mirror of the New Spain. Bristol, England: Dept. of Hispanic Studies, 1995. Díaz Noci, Javier. Euskal Kazetaritzaren historia. Donestia: Euska Ikaskuntza, 1999. Available at http:// www.eusko-kaskuntza.org/ephtml. Edo, C. La crisis de la prensa diaria. La línea editorial y la trayectoria de los periodicos de Madrid. Barcelona: Ariel. 1994. EFE. EFE Agencia: History and Organization. Madrid: EFE., S.A., 1980. Gómez Aparecio, P. Historia del periodismo español. De la Revolucion de Septiembre al desastre colonial. Madrid: Editorial nacional, 1971. Gunter, Richard, José Ramón Montero, and José Ignacio Wert. ‘‘The Media and Politics in Spain: From Dictatorship to Democracy.’’ Working Paper no. 176. Barcelona: Institute de Ciencies Politiques i Socials, 1999. Gunter, Richard, and Anthony Mughan, eds. Democracy and the Media: A Comparative Perspective. Cambridge, England: 2000. Holtby, D. V. ‘‘Newspapers.’’ In Historical Dictionary of Modern Spain, 1700-1988. R. W. Kern and M. D. Dodge, eds. New York: Greenwood Press, 1990, pp. 366368. Hooper, S. The New Spaniards. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1995. Iglesias, F. Historia de una empresa periodística: Prensa española, editora de ‘‘ABC’’ y ‘‘Blanco y Negro’’ (18911978). Madrid: Prensa española, 1980. Kim, Soon Jim. EFE: Spain’s World News Agency. New York: 1989. Maxwell, R. The Spectacle of Democracy. Spanish Television, Nationalism and Political Transition. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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Mateo, Rosario. ‘‘The Spanish Media landscape in European Media landscape.’’ Available at http://www.ejc.nl/ jr/emland/spain.html#5. Mateo, R., and J. M. Corbella, ‘‘Spain.’’ In The Media in Western Europe. B. S. Stergaard, ed. London: Sage 1992.

SRI LANKA BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka

Region (Map name):

East & South Asia

Population:

19,408,635

Pedraza Jiménez, F. B., and Milagros Rodriquez Caceres. ‘‘Periodismo.’’ In Manual de Literatura española, VII, Epoca de Realismo. Pamplona: Cenit Ediciones, 1983, pp. 1002-1015.

Language(s):

Sinhala (official and national), Tamil (national language)

Literacy rate:

90.2%

Salaverría, Ramón, and Charo Sádaba. ‘‘Facts and Trends of Offline and Online Newspaper Publication in Spain. The Impact of the Internet on Mass Media in Europe Conference.’’ COST A. 20. Nicosia, Cyprus. March 2002.

Area:

65,610 sq km

GDP:

16,305 (US$ millions)

Number of Daily Newspapers:

12

Total Circulation:

536,000

Circulation per 1,000:

38

Number of Nondaily Newspapers:

36

Total Circulation:

1,322,000

Schulte, Henry F. ‘‘Spain.’’ In World Press Encyclopedia, G. T. Kurian, ed., vol. 2. New York: Facts on File; 1982, pp. 807-820.

Circulation per 1,000:

94

As % of All Ad Expenditures:

27.40

———. The Spanish Press. 1470-1966: Print, Power and Politics. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1968.

Number of Television Stations:

21

Number of Television Sets:

1,530,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

78.8

Number of Cable Subscribers:

5,820

Cable Subscribers per 1,000:

0.3

Tuñon de Lara, Manuel, Anatonio Elorza, and Manuel Perez Ledesma, eds. Prensa y sociedad. en España (1820-1936). Madrid: Cuadrenos para el Dialogo, 1975.

Number of Radio Stations:

72

Number of Radio Receivers:

3,850,000

Una Ojeada a ‘‘El País.’’ Madrid: El País; 1979.

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

198.4

Villagrasa, J. M. ‘‘Spain : The Emergence of Commercial Television.’’ In The New Television in Europe. Ed., A. Silj. London: John Libbey, 1992.

Number of Individuals with Computers:

135,000

Computers per 1,000:

7.0

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

121,500

Internet Access per 1,000:

6.3

Parrondo, Ramón. ‘‘Press.’’ In Encyclopedia of Contemporary Spanish Culture. E. Rodgers, ed. New York: Routledge, 1999, pp. 418-419.

Seoane, M. C., and M. D. Saiz. Historia del periodismo en España. Madrid: Alianza, 1997. Sinova, Justino. La censura de prensa durante el franquismo (1936-1951). Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1989.

Timoteo Alvarez, Jesus. La historia de los medios informativos en España. Barcelona: Ariel Comunicación, 1991. ———. Historia y modelos de comunicación en el siglo XX. Barcelona: Ariel Comunicación, 1987.

Zalbidea, B. ‘‘The Phasing out of the Franco and State Press.’’ Journalism History. 22, 1997, pp. 156-163. —Rafael Chabran WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS General Description The press and media are fairly free in this island nation despite a deadly war between the Sinhalese-dominated government and the separatist Tamils fighting under the aegis of the militant Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Since the mid-1970s, when the conflict started, there have been times of severe media censorship affecting the course of the war. Since 1996, when a new government led by Chandrika Bandaranayake Kumaratunga took office promising to uphold an Election Manifesto that would assure fundamental freedoms—including freedom of the press—conditions improved markedly, although censorship restrictions were re-imposed in June 1998. London-based Amnesty International (AI), whose representatives were specially invited to Sri Lanka in October 1998 by the country’s Attorney General of Sri Lanka to investigate reports of a mass grave in Jaffna, has noted a marked improvement in the human rights situation in Sri Lanka as compared to the ‘‘widespread pattern of gross and systematic violations’’ of the pre-1994 period. There is no room for complacency, however, as AI and other bodies like the Physicians for Human Rights have been concerned about the ‘‘apparent failure’’ of the Sri Lankan government to live up to its international commitment to human rights and its failure to bring the perpetrators of past human rights violations to justice. Historical Traditions The ethnic Sinhala form the overwhelming majority (69 percent) of Sri Lanka’s population, which traces its origin to the migration of an IndoAryan group from North India in the sixth century B.C. In the fourth century B.C., the Sinhala King of Anuradhapura is believed to have adopted Buddhism. After Buddhism split into Mahayana and Theravada sects in India, the Sinhalese adhered to Theravada, which is the faith that endures to this day among the Sinhalese majority. As Buddhism disappeared from most of India, it remained strong in Sri Lanka, where the adherents of that faith from mainland southeast Asia (particularly from Pegu in lower Myanmar) turned for continued guidance. Today, Sri Lanka boasts more than 6,000 Buddhist temples, some of them more than 1,000 years old including the famous Daladwa Maligawa, which houses the Buddha’s Tooth; approximately 55,000 monks live in Sri Lanka as well. And although the country’s constitution proclaims secularism, the government continues to Theravada Buddhism the premier role as Sri Lanka’s national religion. The second most populous ethnic community in Sri Lanka is the Tamils, who trace their ancestry to the influx from Tamilnadu during the British colonial times as plantation laborers. There are other Tamils who trace their ancestry to groups of Dravidians from South India, who 876

invaded the northern and eastern parts of the island, possibly from the eleventh century A.D., forcing the Sinhalese kings to move their capitals to central and southern parts of Sri Lanka. In the colonial era, the southern coastal areas first came under Portuguese control in the beginning of the sixteenth century, a situation that remained in place for a century and a half. Most of the Catholics who live in Sri Lanka trace their ancestry to those who were converted to that faith by the Portuguese. In 1658 the Dutch took over from the Portuguese and maintained colonial control until 1795. At that time, Great Britain realized the strategic importance of the island for the growing British empire and made Sri Lanka (or Ceylon, as it was known then) another piece of the still-expanding British dominion. Britain formalized its possession at the Congress of Vienna in 1815. The British administered Sri Lanka separately from their Indian Empire, relinquishing control over the island nation in 1948, one year after they left the Indian subcontinent. Conflict Between the Sinhalese and the Tamils The government’s relationship with the press in Sri Lanka at various points in the last half a century can be best understood by following the chronological landmarks in the conflict between the island nation’s two principal communities: the Sinhalese majority and the Tamil minority. Since independence, and especially since about 1976, Sri Lanka’s politics have been rocked by a festering, often violent, conflict between those two communities. The conflict has compelled the government to impose a variety of restrictions on constitutionally guaranteed fundamental freedoms, including freedom of the press. At various times, censorship has been imposed on newspapers as well as on the electronic media; journalists have been physically assaulted, a few even killed; and there have been court confrontations between the journalists and the government. A very active Free Media Movement and the Editors Guild, assisted by the New Yorkbased Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) have intervened with the government at various times, with some success. For Tamils, most of whose ancestors who were brought to the country in the nineteenth century by the British to work on the tea estates in the central highlands, the amendment to the Parliamentary Elections (Order in Council) in 1949 eliminating their franchise rights came as a shock. Before independence, many Tamils had played an important role in the government, largely because of their proficiency in English. The Tamils felt further alienated when Prime Minister S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike was elected in 1956 on a platform that promised to make Sinhalese the country’s only official language. When he took office, the Official Language WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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Act made the campaign promise a reality. In 1964 and in 1986, Sri Lanka and India agreed to extend citizenship to some of the Tamils;sapproximately 469,000 obtained Sri Lankan citizenship at that time, while approximately 422,500 chose Indian citizenship. Of the latter, about 85,000 who accepted the Indian offer but still decided to stay in Sri Lanka became ‘‘stateless,’’ without a passport or any official identification; these people were often subject to harassment by the security forces. They could not own land and had no right to vote. Subsequently, as the U.S. State Department Report on Human Rights for 1999 observed, ‘‘the struggle for cultural affirmation, political representation, economic advancement and linguistic parity between Sinhalese and Tamils ended in violence and armed conflict. The demand by some Tamil groups for an independent Tamil state called ‘Eelam’ became the overriding political issue in Sri Lanka.’’ The increasing Tamil discontent gave rise to extremism as the ‘‘Tigers’’ began their antigovernment activities with the murder in 1976 of the Tamil mayor of Jaffna, who had been cooperating with the Sinhalese government. This was followed by scores of murders of police officers, politicians, and bureaucrats. The government made some efforts to meet the Tamil demands. For example, the Constitution of 1978 recognized Tamil as a ‘‘national language’’ for public administration and the courts, but the Tamils remained dissatisfied because their language was still not recognized for university admissions or public office. Also, the government promised to establish regional councils with substantial autonomy, but such councils failed to materialize. By 1983, the conflict assumed ominous proportions with a phenomenal increase in killings on both sides. Over the next two years, nearly 100,000 Tamils fled to South India, where the Tamilnadu government housed them in camps. India’s mediation in the dispute marked the next several years. Then Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi’s 1986 proposals for the devolution of authority in the Tamil areas were rejected by the LTTE leader, V. Prabhakaran, who returned to Jaffna and launched a new offensive. The Indo-Sri Lankan Accord of July 29, 1987, between Sri Lankan President Junius Jayawardene and Rajiv Gandhi included a peace plan providing for the amalgamation of the provincial councils in the north and the east, repatriation of the 100,000 Tamils who had fled to South India after 1983, and an Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) to oversee compliance of the plan in Jaffna. The IPKF’s efforts to disarm the LTTE failed miserably, and it decided to withdraw from Sri Lanka beginning July 28, 1989. Rajiv Gandhi himself became a victim of the LTTE when an LTTE suicide bomber assassinated the Indian leader at an election rally in Tamilnadu on May 21, 1991. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

In the two years following Gandhi’s murder, Sri Lanka lost thousands of people in the continuing violence, including two generals, two admirals, three government ministers and, in April 1993, President Premadasa himself. Despite such a murderous civil war, Sri Lanka maintained its parliamentary democracy and, within reasonable restrictions, the fundamental rights of its citizens and an independent judiciary. In the May 1994 presidential elections, Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga was voted in as president. Her peace talks with the LTTE began in October 1994 and lasted 100 days, but the talks failed and hostilities resumed. This time, the Sri Lanka Security Forces were able to recapture the Jaffna peninsula by December 1995, ending 13 years of LTTE rule there. In 1997, the LTTE mounted a major offensive. In response, the government launched its own campaign called ‘‘Jaya Sikurui’’ or ‘‘Victory Assured,’’ its longest (20 months, from May 13, 1997, to December 4, 1998) and costliest offensive to date. On January 26, 1998, a bomb exploded outside one of Buddhism’s holiest shrines—Daladwa Maligawa, in the hill capital of Kandy—just two days before the first scheduled local government elections in 15 years in the Jaffna peninsula, and only a few days before the fiftieth anniversary celebrations of Sri Lanka’s independence that were planned for Kandy. In the January 1998 elections in the northern areas, five Tamil parties participated, including four which had fought against the Sri Lankan army.The LTTE boycotted the elections. The PA and the UNP, the two principal parties in the country, did not participate because they wanted to leave the field to the Tamil parties. Only 28 percent of registered voters cast their ballot. The Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP) won the largest number of seats. By mid-2000, the LTTE had regained large parts of the Jaffna Peninsula and control over the jungles behind the lagoons in the eastern province. The government was frustrated at the failure of several policy initiatives to subjugate the LTTE, ranging from negotiations and military strikes to getting the United States to declare LTTE a terrorist organization. In July 2001, the world was shocked by the news of the LTTE’s attack on the Bandaranayake International Airport in Colombo and the Air Force Base at Katunayake, destroying 13 air force planes and three Sri Lanka Airlines airbuses. Several other aircraft were damaged. The Eelam wars have caused extremely heavy casualties on both sides and unacceptable economic losses (estimated over $100 million) to the government as well 877

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as to the private sector. By 2002, more than 60,000 people had died in the 20-year civil war; additionally, more than 2,000 soldiers were killed and another 1,500 turned up missing and presumed dead. Although the LTTE lost control over some of its territory, the impunity with which it could strike at the very heart of the governmen’s infrastructure—both civil and military—was shocking. History Traditions The beginnings of the press in Sri Lanka were marked by the publication of the Government Gazette in 1802, within months of Britain’s formal acquisition of the island at the Peace of Amiens. The gazette could not be considered a genuine newspaper as such, since it was the government’s tool to announce official postings, leaves, and retirements as well as to record government’s administrative decisions. The first newspaper, the Colombo Journal appeared in 1832 but lasted only two years. It was almost exclusively meant for the relatively small, cloistered British community of officials and a growing number of businessmen and plantation owners. It was followed by the Observer and Commercial Advertiser and the Ceylon Times (which later became famous as the Times of Ceylon). The ‘‘language’’ press began in 1860 with the publication of Lankaloka in Galle; the first Sinhala weekly newspaper, Lakminapahana, appeared on September 11, 1862. In 1896, the second Sinhala daily, Lakrivikrama (which had been a weekly since 1863), began publication. By the time the legendary H. S. Perera began publishing his well- known daily, Dinamana in 1909, the other two dailies had stopped publication, which made Dinamana the only Sinhala daily until September 1912. At that time, Alexander Welivita started the Sinhala daily, Lakmina, which survived till 1955. Dinamana itself was later acquired by the Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Limited (ANCL). In 1932, the ANCL began publishing a Tamil daily, Thinakaran. At the time of Sri Lanka’s independence from Great Britain in 1948, the island nation’s press was practically a duopoly. The ANCL, popularly called the ‘‘Lake House’’ after the name of the colonial mansion that served as its headquarters, was started in 1918 by a venerable figure in Sri Lanka’s history of the press, D. R. Wijewardene. He founded the chain with its principal newspaper, the Ceylon Daily News, and five years later, in 1923, he acquired the Observer and Commercial Advertiser. The Lake House also published the Daily News, Dinamana (daily in Sinhala) and Janata (another daily in Sinhala). The second component of the ‘‘duopoly’’ was the Times group, whose flagship was, indeed, the Times of Ceylon. It also published the daily Morning News and Lankadipa (daily in Sinhala). To challenge the duopoly, which was not always supportive of government policies, the left-leaning gov878

ernment of S. W. R. D. Bandaranayake and his widow, Sirimavo encouraged the publication of Dawasa, a daily newspaper in Sinhala, that quickly became the second largest daily newspaper, based on circulation. It was published by Independent Newspapers, which was owned by M. D. Gunasena, who was Sri Lanka’s most prominent book publisher. Angry over the consistently antigovernment stance of the Lake House publications, Sirimavo’s government nationalized the group in 1973. As of 2002, it was still government-owned, and it supports whichever party is in power. In addition, it is the only governmentrun newspaper publishing house, as the remaining papers are all privately-owned, many of them linked to political parties, but essentially independent of the government. As of 2002, most newspapers in Sri Lanka were published by three powerful groups: The Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Limited (ANCL), or Lake House; Upali Newspapers Limited (UNL); and Wijeya Newspapers Limited (WNL). At the time of the government’s takeover of the ANCL, that organization’s dailies in all three languages—Sinhala, Tamil, and English— commanded the highest circulation in the country. In 1981, the UNL was founded by Upali Wijewardene, who was related to ANCL’s Wijewardene and was also a cousin of the then president Junius R. Jayawardene. Upali was a very successful businessman who held political ambitions but he perished in a mysterious plane crash in February 1983. Control of his company passed on to his widow, but in reality her father, who was a brother of Sirimavo Bandaranayake, held the power. Though the UNL is thus connected with both the UNP and the SLFP leadership, it claims to be independent of both the UNP and PA and is often critical of both organizations. The third major group, WNL, is owned by Ranjith Wijewardene, a former Chairman of ANCL and son of D. R.Wijewardene.. Politically, Ranjith is close to the UNP. The WNL started the weekend Irida Lankadipa in February 1986, the Sunday Times in June 1987, the daily Lankadipa from September 10, 1991, the Mid-Week Mirror in 1995, and the Daily Mirror from June 1999. Below are the important newspapers in the three languages along with their proprietary affiliation: Sinhalese: The daily Dinamana and Sunday Silumina are owned by the ANCL. They fully support the government’s position on all issues, changing their stand with the shift of political power from one party to the other. The daily Divayina and the Sunday Divayana are owned by the UNL. The Sunday Lankadipa (since 1986) and the daily Lankadipa (since 1991) are owned by the WNL. English: The Daily News, the evening Observer and the Sunday Observer, are all published by the governWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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ment-owned ANCL. The Island and Sunday Island are published by the UNL. The Sunday Times, the Midweek Mirror and the Daily Mirror are owned by the WNL. Outside of the three groups, the Sunday Leader (started in 1994) is published by the Leader Newspapers Limited, while the Weekend Express, a weekly, is published (since 1995) by the Indian Express Newspapers Limited. Tamil: The two major Tamil newspapers published from Colombo are the Thinakaran, owned by the ANCL, and Veerakesari, which is owned by a Tamil businessman and published by the Indian Express Newspapers Limited. It subtly supports Tamil nationalism. There are several tabloids published in the north and the east. Among them, Eelanadu, Eelanadam, and Udayan, which openly support Tamil separatism. Of the 23 important newspapers, 10 are dailies, 4 in Sinhala, and 3 each in Tamil and English; 11 are Sunday editions, 5 in Sinhala, 2 in Tamil, and 4 in English; 1 publication appears only on Wednesdays and another only on Saturdays. Circulation figures are not made public by the newspaper groups because of the acute competition in advertising. Comparing and collating the data given by The Editor and Publisher International Yearbook (1999) and the Paris-based World Association of Newspapers, the total circulation of all newspapers may be estimated at 587,500 for daily newspapers and 1,415,000 for Sunday newspapers with an estimated total readership of about 3.5 times those numbers. Of these, two newspapers have a circulation exceeding 250,000; three between 100,000 and 140,000; two between 80,000 and 90,000; one over 45,000; two over 20,000 and three below 20,000. The highest circulation is in Sinhala newspapers, at 389,000 daily and 901,000 on Sundays, with Lankadipa and Dinamana closely competing with each other, while the Sunday editions of Silumina and Divayana Irida claim the highest honors. The English newspapers come next, with a total circulation estimated at 132,000 daily with the Daily News having the highest circulation and 407,000 on Sundays. The Sunday Observer, Sunday Leader, and Sunday Island compete for the highest circulation among Sunday papers. The Tamil papers have roughly a combined circulation of 66,500 daily and 107,000 on SunWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

days, with Thinakaran and Veerakesari and their Sunday editions competing with each other.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK The persisting ethnic conflict spanning a quarter century has adversely affected the economy of the island nation not only in terms of the fiscal burden of the costly military campaign against the rebels, but also in the way it has paralyzed the agricultural and plantation activities so crucial for the exports and the foreign exchange earnings. One must also note that from 1977, the country shifted its prime dependence on plantation crops, notably tea, to textiles and processed foods, insurance, and banking as foreign exchange leaders. In 2000, tea exports accounted only for one-fifth of the total, while the textiles brought in 65 percent of the exchange. Despite the handicaps imposed by the festering strife, Sri Lanka has retained its second-place among the nations of south Asia (with the exception of the Maldives) for the highest per capita gross national product. The economy maintained a healthy annual 5.5 percent growth throughout the 1990s, except in 1995 and 1996. Sri Lanka is also ahead of the other states of south Asia in another important area: literacy, which stands at more than 90 percent and is at almost 100 percent among children up to the age of 14. Most of the citizens who are illiterate are senior citizens, who did not have the opportunity to go to school. The high literacy has a positive impact on the state of the economy, on the readership of newspapers and magazines, on the size of radio and television audiences, and on the growing number of Internet users.

PRESS LAWS Sri Lanka, the former British colony of Ceylon, attained independence on February 4, 1948, following the British withdrawal from the Indian subcontinent in August 1947. Under the Constitution of 1972, Sri Lanka became a republic, its official title being the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka. The unicameral parliamentary system introduced by the constitution made the prime minister, who belonged to the majority party in the 879

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who was elected president in 1994, generally respected the independence of the judiciary. The Sri Lankan Parliament consists of one chamber with 225 members, elected by a system of modified proportional representation. The country comprises 9 provinces and 24 administrative districts, each with an appointed governor and elected Development Council. In November 1987, an amendment to the Constitution provided for eight provincial councils, with the northern and eastern provinces merged as one administrative unit.

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parliament, the head of the government. Under a new constitution, promulgated on September 7, 1978, the polity changed to a presidential system, with the president directly elected for a term of six years and holding full executive authority. Two major political parties have led the governments since independence: the United National Party (UNP) from 1948 to 1956, 1965 to 1970, and 1977 to 1994. The leftist Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) from 1956 to 1965 and from 1970 to 1977, and then renamed as the People’s Alliance (PA) from 1994 to the early twenty-first century. The constitution guarantees the fundamental rights and freedom of thought, conscience, and worship, as well as equality before the law to all. However, Buddhism has been accorded the foremost place in the national arena, and the State has the duty to protect and foster that religion. Sinhala and Tamil were made the two official languages. By and large, successive governments have shown respect for the constitution and fundamental rights except for some restrictions, at times very severe, during periods of intense civil war between the Sinhalese and the Tamils. The Sri Lankan judiciary holds an excellent reputation for its independence and integrity in relation to upholding fundamental civil rights. Under the Emergency Regulations (ERs) and the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), the government may detain suspects without trial for a maximum of four consecutive three month periods under the ERs, and as long as 18 months under the PTA. Additionally, the government has established a Human Rights Commission, which serves as a watchdog of the observance of the constitutional provisions. The government under Chandrika Bandaranayake Kumaratunga, 880

The government of President Chandrika Bandaranayake Kumaratunga, which was in power at the start of the twenty-first century, came into power on the basis of an Election Manifesto that promised fundamental freedoms, including freedom of the press. Censorship was reimposed on June 5, 1998, when the war against the LTTE heated up and the government felt that ‘‘unfettered freedom’’ for the press resulted in newspapers carrying vital information that provided ‘‘tactical benefits’’ to the LTTE. This time, censorship applied to all reports relating to the war being fought in the north and east sections of the island. Local and international coverage of the war was prohibited, as was any discussion by the media of the actions of police and military officials. All reports, photographs, and videotapes were to pass a military censor, army general Jaliya Nammuni, the first time the government had appointed a such an overseer. Journalists were forbidden from entering the conflict zones, or, in the government’s language, the ‘‘uncleared areas.’’ The censorship continued at the civilian level with the appointment of Ariya Rubasinghe as the chief censor and with the announcement of even tighter restrictions in November 1999. On June 30, 2000, a panel of three judges of the Sri Lankan Supreme Court unanimously nullified the appointment of a government censor or ‘‘competent Authority’’ in response to a fundamental rights petition filed by the newspaper group, Leader Publications, challenging the closure of the Sunday Leader and associated Sinhalese newspapers by the chief censor. The immediate reason for the action was the publication of an article in the Sunday Leader entitled ‘‘War in Fantasyland,’’ which lampooned the government’s censorship policy. More importantly, the Sunday Leader was known to be associated with Gamini Dissanaike, the opposition UNP’s presidential candidate in 1994 before he was murdered during the campaign by a suicide bomber. The chief censor had also closed down the offices of Uthayan, the only Tamil daily published in Jaffna on grounds that the daily was ‘‘maliciously and detrimentally’’ publishing information that was biased in favor of the LTTE. The Supreme Court’s annulment of the appointWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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ment of the chief censor had been based on a technicality that the government had failed to submit the appointment to the parliament for review within seven days as required by law. However, the Court went further than the issue at hand and struck down the decision to close down the newspapers involved as ‘‘a nullity and of no force or avail in law.’’ The Court also ordered the government to pay damages to the Leader Group of Publications. Disturbing to the champions of freedom of the press was the Court’s stipulation that the ‘‘rights and freedoms of the citizens under ordinary laws may be disregarded’’ and that the purposes of the emergency regulations were ‘‘legitimate.’’ Obviously, the Court did not want to destabilize the political situation in the country and thought it judicious not to hamper the ability of the state to fight the war.

However, unlike most countries where the role of such a body is to protect the journalists and publishers, the Press Council in Sri Lanka is charged with the responsibility of protecting individual citizens who may have grievances against the press. Journalists look to their own unions, the most important of them being the Editors’ Guild or the Free Media Movement, for redress of their grievances. The latter organization is linked to the Freedom of Expression Exchange based in Canada. A notable journalists’ organization of a specialty kind is the Sri Lankan Environmentalist Journalists Forum, which has formulated its own Code of Ethics for its members. A good number of journalists show a remarkable degree of sophistication and sense of responsibility, are welltraveled, and remain in touch with their counterparts in India, Great Britain, and the United States.

Even so, the restrictions in 2002 were far better than those under the previous government, when handicaps for practicing journalists were far more severe and when an independent-minded journalist stepping out of line simply disappeared. The most celebrated case was that of the broadcaster Richard de Soyza.

Although the Constitution provides for freedom of speech and expression, the government restricts these rights in practice, often using national security as the rationale; however, it tries to stay within the limits that are prescribed by the parliament. In 1998, following a particularly vicious attack by the LTTE, the government strictly limited the access of domestic and foreign media to information and censored news relating to military and police matters. The government also imposed censorship on all domestic and foreign media reports relating to the ongoing or possible future military and other security operations. International television broadcasts received in the country were also censored, with references to Sri Lanka filtered out of the broadcasts. Foreign and national journalists were and are allowed to go to the conflict areas, but only with prior permission from the Ministry of Defense.

Information controls in 2002 followed more subtle and less obvious methods. Thus, books, magazines, and videos were quietly banned without fanfare or publication of lists of banned materials. In the case of imported materials, the Customs and Excise officials quietly confiscated them on grounds that they were pornographic, offending traditional values or tenets of Theravada Buddhism. Political writings, even if they were critical of government policies, received far more tolerance than those affecting religion or family values. Although the Media Minister Mangala Samaraweera had pledged to the CPJ delegation that the censorship would be lifted before the parliamentary elections were announced, the government made no changes in the policy even after August 18, when the elections were announced for October 10; disappointingly for the press, no changes were made to the censorship policy. In September, the government suspended the additional censorship regulations imposed during the year.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS An important member of the Cabinet is the Minister of Telecommunications, usually someone close to the president. In 2002, the minister was known to believe in the freedom of the press as long as it did not affect the nation’s security.Despite criticism in the press, some of which tended to be personal, the minister refrained from penalizing the press except for an occasional action through the court system. In order to facilitate relations with the press, the government has established the Sri Lanka Press Council. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

The New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) has regularly logged instances of assaults on journalists and photographers and written to Sri Lankan authorities, including the president, from time to time, more often since 1998. The Free Media Movement, The Editors’ Guild of Sri Lanka, Amnesty International, the Sri Lanka Human Rights Commission, and the U.S. State Department’s Division on Human Rights have also helped to highlight incidents when the media have not been able to function normally. In some cases, army officers have themselves been involved in such attacks, for example during a night-time raid on February 12, 1998, by five armed men, including two air force officers, on the residence of Iqbal Athas, a defense correspondent of the Sunday Times who had written a series of exposés on corruption in the armed forces. The attackers threatened the lives of Iqbal and his wife and young daughter at gunpoint. In 1994, Iqbal had received the CPJ’s International Press Freedom Medal for his courageous reporting on Sri Lanka’s civil war. The trial of the two air force officers, H. M. Rukman Herath and D. S. Prasanna Kannangara, 881

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was repeatedly postponed, but it finally began in May 2001, partly in response to the pressure of the several groups, both local and international, that support freedom of the press. In February 2002, a Colombo High Court judge, Sarath Ambepitiyqa, sentenced the two officers to nine years in prison, observing: ‘‘In a democratic country like Sri Lanka, newspapers have a right to expose the corruption of anyone.’’ Noting that violent attacks against journalists undermine press freedom, the judge said in his ruling: ‘‘If crime is used to suppress [this right], then stern action should be taken.’’ Another major incident of media harassment took place on July 15, 1999, when the police fired tear gas and used water cannons and batons to break up a large UNP-led demonstration while unidentified men assaulted protesters and snatched camera equipment from journalists. The Free Media Movement claimed that journalists and photographers had been assaulted so that there would not be any evidence of the action taken against the protesters.

24-hour service in Sinhala. While the SLBC continues to operate in the public sector, there are now eleven private radio stations: Sun FM 99.9, TNL 90/101Radio, Yes FM, 7FM, Capital Radio, and Gold FM 89 (all in English); Sirasa FM (MBC Networks), Savana, Hiru FM 107.9, and Tharu FM 96.7 (all in Sinhala); and FM 99 and Suriyan FM 103.2 (both in Tamil). Even the private radio stations are, however, governed by certain ‘‘guidelines’’ from the government, particularly in regard to materials affecting the country’s security and harmony among the ethnic minorities. The SLBC as well as the private stations have, by and large, operated independently but under the general direction of the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting. The broad mandate for its programming stipulates that nothing be included in the programs ‘‘which offends good taste or decency or is likely to incite to crime or lead to disorder or to attend [sic] any racial or religious susceptibilities or to be offensive to public feelings.’’

BROADCAST MEDIA

Television Just like the radio, television was a government monopoly until the liberalization in 1992 and 1994. The Sri Lanka Rupavahini Act of 1982 established the Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation (SLRC) and the Independent Television Network (ITN) The SLRC is run by a board of six nominees of the government, including one from the SLBC and one representing the National Film Corporation (NFC). Its mandate parallels that of the SLBC in terms of its programming. In September 1986, it established the Copy Code, whereby the SLRC would not accept any advertising copy that was critical of traditions and customs of any community, or would create a feeling of insecurity or disharmony in the community, or could be injurious to the well-being of any community or the devotees of any religion. The code was further revised in November 1995. According to the code, ‘‘unacceptable material’’ is that which makes ‘‘irreverent reference to any time, incident or concept of religious, racial, political or sentimental susceptibilities of the community.’’ Such cautionary language in the codes meant for radio and television broadcasting reflects the ethnic tensions and the civil war between the two principal communities on the island nation over the last quarter century. The government seems eager to establish a delicate balance between upholding the protection of fundamental rights of expression to individuals and to the media that are guaranteed by the constitution, and the supreme need to maintain interethnic harmony in a plural society.

Radio Until the liberalization in 1984, radio was a government monopoly. It was governed by the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Act of 1966, which established the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation (SLBC). It had two services: National Service and Commercial Service, both in three languages: Sinhala, Tamil, and English. In 2002, it had seven home services, three regional services, six community services (Aralangnwila, Girandurukotte, Kotmale, Maha Illuppallama, Jaffna, and Vavuniya) and seven overseas services. The services are named: the Sinhala National Service, the Tamil Commercial Service, the English Commercial Service, the Regional Services, and the Education and Sports Service. The overseas service uses several Indian languages: Hindi, Tamil, Malayalam, Kannada, and Telugu. The overseas service is principally beamed at south and southeast Asia and the Middle East. The rules governing the Conduct of Business of the Commercial Service were framed by the Advertising Department of the SLBC. They took effect May l, 1994. They stipulate that advertising materials that contain statements or suggestions that ‘‘may be considered to be of a political nature or offensive to religious views, racial traits, and sentimental susceptibilities of any section of the community’’ would not be accepted. The SLBC has three major regional stations: North Central, based on Anuradhapura and called Rajarata Sevaya; Southern, based in Matara and called Ruhunu Sevaya; and Central, based in Kandy and called the Kandurata Sevaya. The Colombo-based City FM Service is currently called the SLBC’s Sri Lanka FM. The latest government-owned radio station of the SLBC, which was inaugurated in January 1997, is the popular Lakhanda, a 882

Major changes came in 1992 when the UNP government allowed private television networks. In that year, the Maharaja Television Network (MTV), in collaboration with Singapore Telecom International (SingTel), began its operations as MTV and MTV Newsvision. The Sirasa TV replaced the MTV channel in June 1998 as the WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

SRI LANKA

first private sector nationwide TV channel while MTV Newsvision was renamed MTV. In the following year, the Teleshan Network Limited (TNL) was started; it now operates TNL TV and TNL radio. In 1994, the ExtraTerrestrial Television (ETV) was started; it added a second channel in 1995 called ETV2. The two ETV channels were later replaced by Swarnavahini and ETV in April 1996 when there was a change of ownership. Then in 1996, the Dynavision Broadcasting Coprporation started the Dynavision channel, which became Sri Lanka’s first stereo broadcast station. In 1999, the government’s Telecommunication Authority authorized two more private television channels: Ruhuna 2001 Multivision and Channel 9, the first ‘‘direct-to-home’’ pay television, owned by TV and Radio Private Limited, a private collaboration between Sri Lanka and Australia. Until 1994, there was complete state control over the production and broadcast of news concerning Sri Lanka. All private channels broadcasting—even BBC, CNN, or other foreign channels—were required to delete any items in which Sri Lanka was mentioned. This became a major issue in the 1992 and 1994 elections. The PA’s Election Manifesto in 1994 promised to restore the freedom of expression of the citizens and of the media and to ‘‘create a framework within which the media can function independently and without inhibition.’’ Accordingly, after the elections, the PA allowed private television companies to produce and broadcast local news bulletins. In October 1995, however, the government introduced ‘‘temporary censorship’’ on news concerning ‘‘security matters.’’

Also attacked was Nellai Nadesan, a columnist for the Tamil leading newspaper, Virakesari. Nadesan escaped unhurt though his home was damaged. He had earlier received a telephone death threat for writing about atrocities committed by the People’s Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE), a governmentsupported Tamil militia group operating in the Batticaloa region. The attack occurred despite the fact that Nadesan’s home was located between two checkpoints manned by the government.

SUMMARY

SIGNIFICANT DATES

In reviewing the relationship between the government and the media, the CPJ commented in its annual report for 2000: ‘‘Kumaratunga’s censorship policy is just one manifestation of her basic mistrust for the media.’’. It pointed out that President Kumaratunga had begun the year with a three-hour long interview on government television in which she railed against several media facilities, even pointing her finger at individual journalists: Victor Ivan, editor of the Sinhala tabloid Ravaya, and Lasantha Wickrematunga, and the editor of the English paper, the Sunday Leader, accusing them of attempting to sabotage her reelection in December 1999 through tendentious reporting and corrupt practices. She threatened to crack down on those who were consistently critical of her policies. Within a week, the state media subtly hinted at links between the two editors and the LTTE. Six months later, the government repeated this ‘‘alarming tactic’’ with the state media alleging that four prominent journalists were ‘‘maintaining secret connections’’ with the LTTE. These were: Roy Denish, defense correspondent for the Sunday Leader; D. Sivaram, who wrote under the penname ‘‘Taraki;’’ P.Seevagan, head of WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

the Tamil Media Alliance and BBC’s Tamil Service; and Saman Wagaarachchi, editor of Irida Peramuna. In a joint statement of June 6, 2000, the four journalists countered that the government’s smear campaign ‘‘was very clearly designed and deliberately calculated to instigate extremist elements and contract killers against us and our families’’ Attacks on individual journalists who reported against the government also took place, in one case involving the death of a journalist. On the night of October 19, 2000, unidentified gunmen shot and killed Mylvaganam Nimalarajan, a freelancer who reported from the northern Jaffna peninsula for various organizations, including the BBC’s Tamil and Sinhala language services, the Tamil language daily Virakesari and the Sinhala language weekly Ravaya. He had reported on vote-rigging and intimidation in the recent parliamentary elections in Jaffna. The attack occurred during curfew hours in a high-security zone in a central Jaffna town. The journalist’s parents and 11-year-old nephew were also seriously injured.

• 1994: Kumaratunga government restores fundamental freedom and lifts censorship. • 1998: The government re-imposes censorship.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Asia-Pacific Telecommunity (APT). The APT Yearbook, 2000. Bangkok and Surrey, England: APT & ICOM, 2000. Coomaraswamy, R. ‘‘Regulatory Framework for the Press in Sri Lanka,’’ Marga Quarterly Journal, vol. 6, no. 2 (1991): 66–96. Disanayaka, J. B. ‘‘Ethnic Perceptions and Media Behaviour in Sri Lanka.’’ In Mass Media and Cultural Identity, Ethnic Reporting in Asia, eds. Anura Goonasekera and Youichi Ito, 256–282. London: Pluto Press, 1999. French, D., and M. Richards, eds. Contemporary Television: Eastern Perspectives. New Delhi: Sage, 1996. Gunaratne, S. A. ‘‘Government-Press Conflict in Ceylon: Freedom Versus Responsibility.’’ Journalism Quarterly 47 (1970): 530–543. 883

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———.‘‘Sri Lanka and the Third Communication Revolution.’’ Media Asia 24 (1997): 83–89.

SUDAN

Gunaratne, S.A., M.S. Hasim, and R. Kasenally. ‘‘Small is Beautiful, Information Potential of Three Indian Ocean Rim Countries.’’ Media Asia 24 (1997): 1–205.

BASIC DATA

Hulugalle, H. A. J. The Life and Times of D. R. Wijewardene. Colombo: The Associated Newspapers, 1960. Karunanayake, N. The Press in Sri Lanka: Towards a Sound Policy Framework. Colombo: Media Publishers, 1996. Lent, J. A., ed. Broadcasting in Asia and the Pacific: A Continental Survey of Radio and Television. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1978.

Official Country Name:

Republic of the Sudan

Region (Map name):

Africa

Population:

30,080,373

Language(s):

Arabic (official), Nubian, TaBedawie, diverse dialects of Nilotic, Nilo-Hamitic, Sudanic, English

Literacy rate:

46.1%

Area:

2,505,810 sq km

Merrill, J. C., and H.A. Fisher. The World’s Great Dailies: Profiles of 50 Newspapers. New York: Hastings House, 1980.

GDP:

11,516 (US$ millions)

Number of Television Stations:

3

Neumann, A. I. ‘‘Sri Lanka: Reform’s Key Moment— Journalists’ Face Off with the Military.’’ Columbia Journalism Review 37 (July-August 1998): 59–60.

Number of Television Sets:

2,380,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

79.1

Number of Satellite Subscribers:

56,400

Satellite Subscribers per 1,000:

1.9

Number of Radio Stations:

14

Number of Radio Receivers:

7,550,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

251.0

Number of Individuals with Computers:

100,000

Computers per 1,000:

3.3

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

30,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

1.0

Peiris, G. H., ed. Studies on the Press in Sri Lanka and South Asia. Kandy: International Center for Ethnic Studies, 1997. Ranasinghe, N. E. ‘‘Radio Spectrum Management in Sri Lanka,’’ APT Journal vol. 8, no. 2 (1996): 20–22. Samarajiva, R., ‘‘Institutional Reform of Sri Lankan Telecommunications: The Introduction of Competition and Regulation.’’ In Telecommunications in Western Asia and the Middle East, ed. E. M. Noam, 3–61. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Selvakumaran, N., and R. Edrisinha. Compilers, Mass Media Laws and Regulations in Sri Lanka. Singapore: AMIC, 1995. Statistical Yearbook. Paris: UNESCO, 2000. Udagama, N.D. ‘‘Freedom of Expression and Media Freedom.’’ In Sri Lanka: State of Human Rights, 1995, ed. E. Nissan. Colombo: Law and Society Trust, 1996.

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS

World Radio and TV Handbook. Amsterdam: Billboard Publications, 2001.

In 2002, the Republic of Sudan continued to be embroiled in a civil war—Muslim north versus Christian/ animist south—that began just prior to its independence in 1956. While brief periods of peace and parliamentary rule have resulted in a revived press structure, military flare-ups and revolving dictatorships contribute to a heavily regulated and controlled press.

—Damodar R. SarDesai

By all accounts, this pattern of activity began during the Sudanese parliamentary period prior to the military

World Press Trends. Paris: World Association of Newspapers, 2000.

884

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SUDAN

coup in 1989 that put Islamic fundamentalist Omar Hassan Al-Bashir in power. Most private publications were closed at this time. The Al-Bashir government and its official censors, appointed in 1999, want Sudan portrayed in a positive manner both within the country and internationally. The capital city, Khartoum, is in the mountainous central region where the Blue and White Nile Rivers converge before flowing north as the Nile proper. The city is the center of most press activity. Nature of the Audience Sudan is Africa’s largest country, and the topography varies widely from region to region: the north is arid desert; the south is tropical and prone to flooding; and the central region is mountainous. According to the CIA Factbook, the people of Sudan mirror its diverse landscape: blacks (52 percent), Arab (39 percent), Beja (6 percent), foreigners (2 percent), and others (1 percent). The north is comprised mostly by Arabs (70 percent Sunni Muslim) and by black Africans in the south (indigenous beliefs 25 percent and Christian beliefs 5 percent, mostly around Khartoum). The CIA’s July 2001 estimate of Sudan’s population is 36,080,373, with 45 percent of the population less than fourteen years of age. Arab.net claims a slightly different religious distribution within the population: 73 percent of the population Sunni Muslim, mostly in the north; 17 percent tribal religions; and the remainder Christian, primarily Catholic. The official language of Sudan is Arabic, but English, Nubian, Ta Bedawie, Nilotic, Nilo-Hamitic, and Sudanic languages are also spoken. Given a literacy rate of 46 percent, workforce distribution, and the daily life of the average Sudanese citizen, the print media’s readership is composed of academics, government officials, and economically privileged individuals. Newspapers Prior to Al-Bashir’s coup, over 55 daily and weekly newspapers and magazines were published, many representing political parties’ views. In Khartoum alone, 19 Arabic-language and three English dailies are published. All of these publications are banned by AlBashir’s government, and over 1,000 journalists are dismissed or even arrested. The government in the 1990s licensed few publications, and official censors edited these. In 2001 a presidential directive lifted censorship on twelve of the sixteen daily newspapers, offering a glimmer of hope for those advocating the free expression and growth of print media in Sudan.

the on-going civil war. A 1996 estimate of the labor force of 11 million held that the majority worked in agriculture (80 percent), industry and commerce (10 percent), government (6 percent), and unemployment was at 4 percent (CIA Factbook). Oil production—85,000 barrels per day in 2001— has bolstered the economy since 1999. Seventy percent of the oil is exported, giving Sudan its first recorded trade surplus in 1999–2000; the remaining oil is processed for domestic consumption. Thanks in large part to oil production, the return of regular rains, and irrigation systems, the country experienced economic growth (6 percent) in 2001 (CIA Factbook).

PRESS LAWS Article 25 of the 1998 Sudanese Constitution (authorized English version) explicitly offers Sudanese citizens ‘‘freedom of opinion and expression’’: There shall be guaranteed for citizens the freedom of pursuing any science or adopting any doctrine of opinion or thought withoutcoercion by authority; and there shall be guaranteed the freedom of expression, reception of information, publication and the press withoutprejudice security, order, safety and public morals, all as regulated by law. (The Sudan Foundation)

Article 26 guarantees ‘‘freedom of association and organization.’’ Despite articles 25 and 26, the Sudanese government maintains tight controls on the press. The National Press Council oversees the media and determines who has overstepped the boundaries of the law and offended Islam or the government. Sudan’s court system often supports the government’s position and fines or imprisons journalists.

CENSORSHIP Censorship, both self- and government-imposed, has been strong under President Al Bashir’s leadership. There have been many documented arrests, closings, suspensions, seizures of copy, abductions, and threats, but there is little documentation of physical torture or the death of journalists. Throughout the 1990s, censorship, searches, and fines were well documented, however.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK

Even with a 2001 Sudanese presidential directive suspending censorship for most daily papers, there is no de facto freedom of expression or organization since texts that contradict the government view are considered problematic and do not reach publication because of internal censorship at most papers. Most journalists do not want to risk losing their licenses.

The economy of Sudan is unstable and chronically victim to adverse weather, weak agricultural prices, and

Newspapers taking more independent stances or even challenging the government are often met with ha-

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SUDAN

rassment and legal action. For example, the Englishlanguage daily Khartoum Monitor gave strong voice to southern grievances in 2001 and received retribution in the way of harassment, fines, suspensions, and arrests. The paper then returned with a less critical tone.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS In the 1980s, 1990s, and into the early 2000s, the civil war left more than 1.5 million dead from violence and famine. Many other Sudanese citizens have been homeless or unemployed, and many have escaped the war by fleeing the nation. This internal strife has left a countryside scattered with landmines, refugees, and orphans. In 1999, Al-Bashir declared a state of emergency, invoked constitutional powers allotted in Articles 131 and 132, suspended parts of the constitution, and chose official censors to monitor the press. On November 29, 2001, a presidential directive lifted censorship on twelve of the sixteen daily newspapers. Khartoum Monitor, Alwan, al-Watan, and al-Rai alAkhjeri are still subject to censorship, however, because of controversial articles and multiple suspensions. According to the World Press Freedom Review, for example, on September 11, 2001, the National Press Publications Council ordered a three-day ban on the Khartoum Monitor because of articles published in August and September ‘‘which were judged ‘harmful’ to relations between the country’s north and south.’’ Hassan al-Turabi, leader of the Popular National Congress (PNC), has become a vocal advocate of press freedom. The Bashir-Turabi struggle and the lifting of prepublication censorship in late 2001 are hopeful signs of a movement toward press freedom in Sudan.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA Foreign journalists have been the targets of criticism from both the Sudanese government and from international organizations. Foreign journalists can receive the same treatment as many of their Sudanese counterparts: harassment, fines, detention, arrest, and banishment. When critiqued by the international community, the consequences for foreign journalists can be verbal and written criticism. Both The Daily Telegram (London) and the Washington Post have been criticized for their coverage of Sudan. In June 1998, the Sudan Foundation and the British-Sudanese Public Affairs Council co-authored ‘‘The Daily Telegram and Coverage of Sudan: Islamophobia, Poor Journalism, or Bad Judgment?’’ and ‘‘Taking Sides in Sudan: The Daily Telegraph’s Support for Continuing War and Starvation in Sudan.’’ Both articles take exception to the newspaper’s facts and judgments and offer 886

counterarguments with evidence gathered and conclusions drawn from more reputable sources. These two groups also criticized a 2001 Washington Post article on the same grounds. Overall, media coverage of Sudan has been limited because of drought and wartime conditions, which make travel between the north and the south difficult. Ethnic and religious differences and the difficulty or absence of learning of such differences among both journalists and the Sudanese themselves are another challenge to those in the media industry.

NEWS AGENCIES The Sudan News Agency (SUNA), the official news agency, disseminates information in Arabic, English, and French to both foreign and domestic services.

BROADCAST MEDIA The Sudanese government controls all broadcast media. Radio The Sudan National Radio Corporation provides national and regional programs. According to the CIA Factbook, in 1998 Sudan had 12 AM, 1 FM, and 1 one shortwave station. These stations offer programming in Arabic, English, and several Sudanese languages. In 1997, 7.55 million radios were estimated to be available, which translates to 4.8 listeners per radio and twelve million listeners per station. Television Sudan National Broadcasting Corporation (SNBC) is the official government television broadcaster. Sudan had three television stations in 1997, and the CIA Factbook stated that there are 2.38 million television sets. The television industry has a low saturation rate across the country and is more commonly viewed in urban areas than in rural areas.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA The Internet has extensive resources on Sudan including domestic newspapers on-line, governmental Web sites, and private and public organizations designed to educate and inform the public. One such organization—The Sudan Foundation, based in England—seeks to inform readers, connect relocated Sudanese, and battle erroneous images of Sudan. There is great concern about the Internet in Sudan; hard-line Muslims want a full ban on Internet access because they fear it fills young Sudanese with Western images and ideology. Sudan had one Internet Service Provider (ISP) and approximately 10,000 Internet users in 2002 (CIA Factbook). WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

SUDAN

EDUCATION AND TRAINING Sudan’s institutions of higher education in 2002 include Ahfad University for Women, Bayan Science and Technology College, Canadian University of Sudan, College of Technological Sciences (CTS), ComputerMan College, Neelain University, Sudan University of Science and Technology, and University of Khartoum, which has four campuses, including Central, Shambat, Education, and Medical. These schools have no identified journalism programs; presumably journalists are trained outside of Sudan, likely in England, or learn the trade through apprenticeship. In 2000, the state press council offered Internet training to journalists. International Journalists’ Network offers training in Sudan and sponsors an exchange between Sudanese and Ugandan journalists that began March 28, 2002.

SUMMARY There are several issues to consider when examining the future of the press in Sudan. First, according to 2002 data from the CIA, there is a program of ‘‘Arabization’’ in place whose aim is to limit the number of newspapers available in languages other than Arabic, thus curtailing readership throughout the country and the views of southern Sudan. If the ‘‘Arabization’’ is successful, then northern Sudan’s views will be those prevalent in print and the south will be silenced. If the program is unsuccessful, the south may claim a moral victory and nothing more. Second, according to the Sudanese People Liberation Army (SPLA)—the largest armed opposition group which formed in 1984—the increase in oil production has escalated the civil war by both funding the Bashir government’s attacks on the southern Sudan, forcing its residents off the land surrounding the oil fields in central and southern Sudan (Bergmann). Any increase in violence creates more challenges to those reporting for the media. However, it is the battle over oil revenues that many credit with creation of the third issue to consider, the peace talks. Under the support of the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD), President Al-Bashir and John Garang, southern rebel leader, met face to face for the first time in Kampala, Uganda, in 2001 (Odhiambo); and in July 2002, the two leaders signed the Machakos Protocol in Kenya. The Protocol addresses the two largest political problems facing Sudan: self-determination for the south and separation of church and state. According to the Protocol, the southern states will vote on a referendum on independence after the interim period, and the southern states are exempt from Islamic Sharia’a. Further negotiation is to focus on oil revenue distribution and arWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

rangements for a permanent cease-fire. After six months, the Protocol calls for ceasing all hostilities, establishing institutions and mechanisms, and establishing a constitutional framework. If peace persists as a result of the Machakos Protocol, then the press in the south will likely be less censored and have growth opportunities. Additionally the possibility of the south declaring independence raises questions about the way the press would be viewed and treated in a newly created nation. The dynamic political situation in Sudan is likely to continue and a free, or at least freer, press is a possibility. However, the daily strife of most Sudanese makes this struggle for press freedom a victory or defeat that may never have an impact on the majority.

SIGNIFICANT DATES • 1989: Bashir coup, interim constitution of 1985 suspended, all independent newspapers closed. • 1998: New constitution implemented on June 30. • 1999: President Bashir partially suspends 1998 constitution; Turabi removed as speaker of Parliament; local and foreign news media ordered not to cover political parties that have not registered with the government; official government censors chosen. • 2001: Presidential directive lifts pre-publication censorship on 16 daily newspapers. • 2002: Sudan government and SPLA sign Machakos Protocol on July 20.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Amnesty International. ‘‘Annual Report 2000: Sudan.’’ Available from: http://www.web.amnesty.org. 887

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ArabNet. ‘‘Sudan: Overview.’’ Available from http:// www.arab.net. Bergmann, Kristina. ‘‘Disputed Oil Production in Southern Sudan.rdquo; World Press Review, July 2001. Available from http://www.worldpress.org.

Language(s):

Dutch, English, Sranang Tongo, Surinamese (Taki-Taki), Hindustani, Javanese

Literacy rate:

93%

CIA Factbook. ‘‘Sudan.’’ Available from http:// www.cia.gov. International Journalists’ Network. ‘‘Sudan.’’ Available from www.ijnet.org. IRIN (United Nations Integrated Regional Information Network). ‘‘US, UN Hail Peace Deal.’’ Available from http://allafrica.com. Odhiambo, Luke. ‘‘Regional Summit in Nairobi to relaunch Sudanese peace process,’’ 31 May 2001. Available from http://www.reliefweb.int. POGAR: Programme on Governance in the Arab Region. ‘‘Sudan.’’ Available from http://www.pogar.org. ‘‘Sudan: 2001 World Press Freedom Review.’’ Available from www.freemedia.at. Sudan Foundation. ‘‘The Daily Telegraph and Coverage of Sudan: Islamophobia, Poor Journalism, or Bad Judgement? A statement of Concern by the Sudan Foundation and the British-Sudanese Public Affair Council, June 1998.’’ Available from http://www.sufo.demon.co.uk/. —-—. ‘‘Taking Sides in Sudan: The Daily Telegraph’s Support for Continuing War and Starvation in Sudan. A statement of Concern by the Sudan Foundation and the British-Sudanese Public Affair Council, June 1998.’’ Available from http://www.sufo.demon.co.uk. United States Committee for Refugees. Worldwide Refugee Information. ‘‘Current Country Update: Sudan.’’ Available from http://preview.refugees.org. Williams, Dana G. ‘‘U.S. news media limited in coverage of Sudan’s civil war,’’ 8 August 2001. Available from http://www.freedomforum.org. —Suzanne Drapeau Morley

The population of Suriname is around 431,000 with an estimated 93 percent literacy rate. Dutch is the official language, but other languages are also spoken. The National Assembly is elected by popular vote; the president and vice president are elected by the National Assembly. Bauxite mining provides the largest source of revenue, followed by gold mining. The timber industry also plays a major role in the economy. The constitution and government of Suriname generally respects freedom of the press, but self-censorship by journalists still exists to a limited extent due to the policies of the previous administration, which included harassment and intimidation. There are two privately owned daily newspapers, De Ware Tijd and De West. Both are published in Dutch and maintain independent Web sites. Suriname has 17 radio stations, four AM and 13 FM, of which three are state-owned. The stations reach approximately 300,000 radios. Two state-owned television stations and one privately owned station broadcast to approximately 63,000 televisions. The country has two Internet service providers.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

SURINAME

De Ware Tijd. (2002). Available from http://www. dwt.net/. De West. (2002). dewestonline.com/.

BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Republic of Suriname

Region (Map name):

South America

Population:

431,303

888

Suriname is located on the north coast of South America, on the Atlantic Ocean between Guyana and French Guiana. Originally settled by the English around 1650, they gave the region to the Dutch two decades later in exchange for the land that is now New York. The Dutch maintained colonial rule until 1975, when Suriname was granted full independence. In the last quarter of the twentieth century, the fledging country endured two military coups, one of which lasted seven years and resulted in the creation of a socialist republic. Democratic elections were held in 1987, but a 1990 coup briefly interrupted democratic governance.

Available

from

http://www.

‘‘Suriname.’’ In The World Press Freedom Review. (2001). Available from http://www.freemedia.at/wpfr/ world.html. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

SWAZILAND

‘‘Suriname.’’ Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). In The CIA World Factbook 2001. Available from http:// www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/. —Jenny B. Davis

SWAZILAND BASIC DATA Official Country Name: Region (Map name): Population: Language(s): Literacy rate:

Kingdom of Swaziland Africa 1,083,289 English, siSwati 67%

BACKGROUND— GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Swaziland is landlocked and almost surrounded by South Africa, with Mozambique to the east. Swaziland’s press industry may be characterized as small, struggling, and mostly dominated by the government—a monarchy led by King Mswati III, who has been enthroned since 1986. The press’s growth and size are inhibited by Swaziland’s weak infrastructure with a predominantly rural population of about 1 million. Low per-capita income renders purchasing newspapers, radios, televisions and the Internet unaffordable luxuries to most residents. The situation is compounded by the devastation the HIV/ AIDS prevalence of 25 percent in adults, which is threatening life expectancy, population size and socioeconomic productivity. Swaziland, a dual absolute monarchy, attained independence in 1969 after seven decades as a British protectorate. Enforcing the power of the throne the king suspended the constitution in 1973. Ruling by decree, suppressing freedom of expression and association, the regime historically has precipitated unrest and opposition from progressives. This has taken the form of demonstrations and strikes promoting universal suffrage and modern democracy. Consequently, the government established a Constitutional Commission to develop a new constitution but the government’s delaying tactics, censorship and harassment of the media, police and security forces’ brutality, arrests, and detentions without trial that have been leveled against critics of the monarchy leave the country without a constitution. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Economically, landlocked Swaziland is heavily dependent on South Africa, its major trading partner. The economy is based on subsistence agriculture (involving around 60 percent of the population) contributing around 25 percent to the gross domestic product (GDP). Manufacturing also accounts for about 25 percent of GDP. Mining has declined in importance in recent years. Exports of sugar and forestry products are the main earners of hard currency. Swaziland’s economy is vulnerable to international price fluctuations of its exports, unfavorable cyclic weather conditions and record-high trade deficits. The press generally is based in Mbabane, the capital city. There is only one daily, the Times of Swaziland with a weekly subsidiary, Swazi News, both state-owned. The Swazi Observer group of papers is made up of the Daily Observer, Weekend Observer and Istantsell. The Nation is a monthly independent newsmagazine. Publishers for periodicals, journals and books include: Tikhatsi Temaswati; Apollo Services (Pty) Ltd; BGS Printing and Publishing (Pty) Ltd; Jubilee Printers; Longman Swaziland (Pty) Ltd; Macmillan Boleswa Publishers (Pty) Ltd; Swaziland Printing and Publishing Co. Ltd.; and Whydah Media Publishers Ltd.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS The suspended constitution vests supreme legislative and executive power in the head of state who is the hereditary king, and provides for a bicameral legislature consisting of the Senate and the House of Assembly. The king’s role is primarily advisory. In the absence of a new constitution delineating press laws, monarch’s rule by a 1973 decree is the governing principle. In 1999 antidefamation legislation was passed requiring government licensing of all journalists and threatening reporters with criminal penalties for publishing so-called ‘‘inaccurate stories.’’ According to the colonial era Books and Publication’s Act, the 1968 Proscribed Publications Act reintroduced under the king’s Decree No. 3 of July 23, 2001, the state can ban any publication with neither explanation nor legal proceedings. The most recent Internal Security Bill legislation muzzles free press. This is in contrast with media freedom and the freedom of expression found in the pending constitution’s Bill of Rights the Swaziland’s Constitutional Review Commission is expected to finalize by the end of 2002. King Mswati III’s most recent public statements also uphold freedom of press, but are seemingly confined to issues related to the HIV/AIDS pandemic’s publicity. Government censorship of free press shows a trail of heavy-handed treatment of the press viewed as critical of the monarchy. This is illustrated by various bans on newspapers and attacks on journalists reporting on the government’s ill-treatment of political opponents, includ889

SWAZILAND

ing newspaper editors and media critical of the monarchy. Further, state monopoly in media ownership of major newspapers, and local television and radio stations, is intended to censor information. Thus, freedom of expression is seriously compromised when editors and journalists of independent and government-controlled media such as the Times of Swaziland (intermittently published since 1897), The Nation, and The Guardian of Swaziland have been temporarily banned. Some have resumed production only after court battles. The Swazi Observer, owned by a national trust and controlled by the king, was closed abruptly in February 2000 for allegedly revealing power squabbles within the government, resuming publication in January 2001. State-press relations are rampant with the king’s allegations of the press inciting disloyalty, and degrading or undermining the monarchy through negative reporting. Many journalists have referred to Swaziland’s treatment of journalists as reminiscent of the way the defunct apartheid South Africa government repressed the press. Reporters and journalists have experienced various forms of police brutality, intimidation, killings, retrenchment, arrests, defamation, beatings, destruction of equipment, accusations of being disrespectful to the monarchy, and as being instigators of political turmoil.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA Government attitude toward foreign media is beset with distrust and accusations of foreign media personnel as conspirators and infiltrators inciting instability to destabilize the monarchy. International and local journalists who freelance for international press organizations and who criticize the monarchy for muzzling the press have been harassed, with some being deported.

BROADCAST MEDIA The Swaziland Broadcasting and Information Service, broadcasting in English and Siswazi, and the only television station—with seven hours of daily programming in English—are both state-owned and under the Ministry of Information. The Swaziland Commercial Radio (Pty) Ltd South Africa-based commercial service to southern Africa broadcasts religious programs and music in English and Portuguese. Trans World Radio is a religious broadcast using five transmitters to broadcast in 30 languages to southern, east and central Africa and to the Far East.

ELECTRONIC MEDIA A privileged few urbanites have access to electronic news media through the Internet, fax, posts, telecommunications and a mobile cellular phone network. Swaziland’s posts and telecommunications network was 890

completely automated in 1996, with digitalization in 1998 and optical fiber systems in key areas to increase trunk network capacity and efficiency. Several online news sites cover Swaziland, such as Swaziland Today and Xinhau News.

EDUCATION— TRAINING Swaziland’s journalists and broadcasters have a variety of training background experiences with some being trained locally, and others in South Africa or other African nations and overseas. English, the language used in business, and Siswati are the official languages. Around 67 percent of the population over age 15 is literate. The only university, the University of Swaziland with more than 3,000 students, recently established an Institute of Distance Education.

SUMMARY The monarch’s tiny media press industry continues to face formidable problems. History clearly shows the king’s relentless efforts to prevent freedom of the press under a pretext alleging that differing views and political parties are alien and divisive practices incompatible with Swazi culture. Recent disturbances, upheavals, strikes, and human rights concerns—which have led to the regional and international involvement of several organizations, including Amnesty International—indicate that freedom of media, expression and information are the cornerstone of democracy and fundamental human rights.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Gamble, Paul. ‘‘Swaziland.’’ In Economist Intelligence Unit Country Profile: Botswana and Lesoto (May 2002): 65-90. ‘‘House Endorses Heavy Fines on Journalists.’’ Media Institute of Southern Africa, November 7, 2001. Available from http://www.misanet.org/. Maher, Joanne. ‘‘Swaziland.’’ In The Europa World Year Book. London: Europa Publications, 2, 2453-2465. Nhleko, Timothy. ‘‘Newspaper Group Closes Down.’’ Africa News Service, February 18, 2000. ‘‘Press and Police at Loggerheads.’’ Media Institute of Southern Africa, November 4, 2001. Available from http://www.misanet.org/. Smith, Ron Baxter. ‘‘Journalist Hauled Before Police Following Article.’’ Africa News Service, January 17, 2000. Available from http://www.cpj.org/protests/. ‘‘State Police Warns Journalists to Stop Writing Negatively.’’ Media Institute of Southern Africa, November 7, 2001. Available from http://www.misanet.org/. ‘‘Swaziland.’’ Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). In The World Factbook 2001. Available from http:// www.cia.gov/. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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Titus, Zoe. ‘‘Internal Security Bill Before Parliament by end of Month.’’ Media Institute of Southern Africa, June 6, 2002. Available from http://www.misanet.org/. World Bank, World Development Indicators. Washington, DC, 2002. —Saliwe M. Kawewe, Ph.D.

SWEDEN BASIC DATA

Cable Subscribers per 1,000:

199.3

Number of Satellite Subscribers:

1,050,000

Satellite Subscribers per 1,000:

118.3

Number of Radio Stations:

267

Number of Radio Receivers:

8,250,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

929.6

Radio Consumption (minutes per day):

129

Number of Individuals with Computers:

4,500,000

Official Country Name:

Kingdom of Sweden

Computers per 1,000:

507.0

Region (Map name):

Europe

Population:

8,875,053

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

4,048,000

Language(s):

Swedish

Internet Access per 1,000:

456.1

Literacy rate:

99.0%

Area:

449,964 sq km

Internet Consumption (minutes per day):

21

GDP:

227,319 (US$ millions)

Number of Daily Newspapers:

93

Total Circulation:

3,700,000

Circulation per 1,000:

541

Number of Nondaily Newspapers:

74

Total Circulation:

389,000

Circulation per 1,000:

57

Newspaper Consumption (minutes per day):

31

Total Newspaper Ad Receipts:

9,483 (Swedish Krona millions)

As % of All Ad Expenditures:

55.20

Magazine Consumption (minutes per day):

11

Number of Television Stations:

169

Number of Television Sets:

4,600,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

518.3

Television Consumption (minutes per day):

105

Number of Cable Subscribers:

1,773,770

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Sweden is officially known as the Kingdom of Sweden and is a constitutional monarchy. Located in northern Europe on the Scandinavian Peninsula between Finland and Norway, Sweden is 449,964 square kilometers, about double the size of the United Kingdom. This area includes 39,030 square kilometers of water, and Sweden’s coastline runs 3,218 kilometers. The terrain is flat for the most part with some rolling hills, much forest, and more substantial mountains in western Sweden. The climate is temperate in the South with cold winters and cool summers. The northern part of Sweden experiences a subarctic climate. Average temperatures range from 38 degrees Fahrenheit (3.2 degrees Celsius) to 65 degrees Fahrenheit (18.4 degrees Celsius). Annual rainfall averages 385 millimeters. Modern Sweden is highly industrialized and is known for its progressive social policies. In 2001, the country’s population was estimated at 8,875,053 with 65 percent between the ages of 15 and 64 years old, whereas the rest of the population is equally divided between those 14 years of age and younger and those 65 years of age and older. Life expectancy is approximately 80 years, and Sweden has a near zero population growth rate. The country is remarkably homogeneous with 89 percent of the population having a Swedish heritage. Finnish and 891

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Saami make up the largest ethnic minorities. The common language is Swedish with small Lapp and Finnish speaking groups. Stockholm is the capitol of the country and has a population of over 700,000. The next largest city is Goteborg with a population near 500,000; Malmo is the third largest city with approximately 250,000 people. More than 83 percent of the population lives in an urban area. Generally, the Swedish economy has been successful and is a combination of capitalism and a substantial welfare system. Sweden emphasizes social welfare, and these programs are the largest expense for the government, followed by expenditures for education and then cultural programs. Swedes pay high taxes, but they receive a wide array of public services and social welfare programs, including national health insurance coverage for all citizens. The quality of health care is excellent, and health care centers are available in every community. All are guaranteed a minimum standard of living, and income is redistributed over a person’s lifetime as Sweden is socialistic and seeks to narrow income gaps. In fact, almost all families are middle class, and poverty is practically unknown. Few explicit displays of wealth can be found, and Swedes tend not to drive fancy sports cars or sport utility vehicles; more than half own Volvos. All citizens receive a basic pension beginning at the age of 65. At the start of the twenty-first century, high unemployment, a smaller role in world markets, and increased costs have resulted in some economic uncertainty. Even with this economic adversity, Swedes enjoy one of the highest economic and social standards of living in Europe. The Swedish economy has benefited from its extended period of peace and neutrality. Sweden was a military power during the seventeenth century, yet it has not participated in any major armed conflict since that time. During both World Wars, Sweden maintained armed neutrality. Sweden has a highly skilled workforce and utilizes its natural resources, including timber, hydropower, and iron ore, important to foreign trade. In 2000, services employed 74 percent of the workforce, 24 percent worked in industry, and 2 percent worked in agriculture. Sweden has extremely progressive family policies. Parents get 12 months of paid leave per child that either partner may use before the child turns eight years old, in addition to tax-free allowances. Communities also offer day care centers and activities for youth. Family unity is strong. Sweden is also known for being quite liberal in its social practices. More that 90 percent of those in Sweden engage in premarital sex, and this is the highest known rate in the world. Drugs are also popular, and Sweden consumes more alcohol per capita than most other countries. Rates of sexually transmitted diseases 892

and alcoholism are quite low though, and very little drug abuse occurs in Sweden. Public transportation abounds with subways, bullet trains, and buses, and most towns are created for walking or bicycling, not car travel. Sweden cooperates with and shares many cultural similarities with the other Scandinavian countries and was the founding member of the Nordic Council in 1953. Because Sweden was concerned about its political and economic position in Europe at large, it did not enter the European Union until 1995 and did not introduce the Euro until 1999. Although Sweden maintains a hereditary monarchy as head of state, the King was reduced to a ceremonial role with the adoption of a new constitution in 1975. The Parliament and Prime Minister run the government. The citizenry elects members of Parliament, and then the Parliament elects the Prime Minister. Numerous political parties compete for voters, including Social Democrats, Moderates, Left Party, Christian Democrats, Center Party, Liberal Party, and Greens. Swedes are politically active and well educated. The literacy rate approaches 100 percent, and of those 15 years of age and older, 21.3 percent have completed a higher education degree. The first newspaper published in Sweden is generally considered to be the Ordinari Post Tijender. This paper first appeared in the middle of the seventeenth century. News of the Thirty Years War filled the paper, and the government controlled the content. The press did not become an entity offering information and analysis beyond what the government provided until the next century. The Aftonbladet began publishing in 1830, and was the first newspaper in Sweden to offer news, along with editorial commentary and entertainment. By the beginning of the twenty-first century, Sweden had a wide variety and large number of press publications. More than 10,000 distinct publications exist, including approximately 170 daily newspapers. In fact, Sweden has an especially large number of newspapers available per capita compared to the rest of the world. Some of the largest circulation dailies located in the three largest cities of Stockholm, Malmo and Gothenburg include Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter, Expressen, Kvallsposton, GoteborgsPosten, Metro, Skanska Dagbladet, Sydsvenska Dagbladet, and Svenska Dagbladet. All of these newspapers have easily accessible Web sites. Daily business papers include Dagens Industri and Finanstidningen. The government’s Department of Mass Media Policy is responsible for all press and publishing in Sweden. A major indicator of cultural habits in Sweden is socio-economic status, and years of education, in particular, predict the amount and kind of media use. In 1974, a resolution in Parliament, which was revised in 1996, delineated the goals for cultural policies in Sweden. The WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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thrust of these goals is to provide freedom of expression and the creation of opportunities for all in Sweden to participate in and create their own cultural activities. In addition, cultural pluralism, artistic renewal and artistic quality are national goals. These goals were specifically implemented to counteract negative consequences of commercialism. In fact, Sweden maintained a fairly tightly controlled and state-sponsored broadcast media until the 1990s in order to maintain quality and educational programming. Commercial television was not available in Sweden until an act of Parliament allowed it in 1991, and private commercial radio was not available until 1993. The Swedish broadcast media was originally developed and maintained by the state based on the philosophy that these forms of information dissemination should be a public service to citizens, as opposed to a capitalistic enterprise.

Sweden used the Internet in 2000, and thousands of radio stations and some television channels are available on the Internet. Changes in media use in Sweden have been documented in terms of minutes of use per day from 1970 compared to 1991. For the age group of 9 years old to 79 years old, Swedes spent an average of 50 minutes reading newspapers and magazines in 1970, compared to 44 minutes of reading in 1991. Whereas Swedes listened to the radio an average of 125 minutes each day in 1970, in 1991 they listened to 117 minutes of radio each day. Unlike newspaper reading and radio listening, television viewing increased during this time period. In 1970, Swedes watched an average of 95 minutes of television each day. By 1991, the number of viewing minutes increased to 117 minutes on average.

Sweden also prides itself on its adherence to freedom of the press and freedom of speech principles. In fact, Sweden is considered one of the first countries in the world to adopt a freedom of press provision in its constitution. The Parliament established the Freedom of the Press Act when the constitution was ratified in 1766. This Act only covered the printed press so legislation was later enacted that provided for the same freedom of press principles for broadcast media. Sweden is especially vigilant among industrialized countries in its advocacy for press freedoms and its opposition to censorship. The government though does require that journalists work responsibly and adhere to an elaborate code of conduct established by the state.

Newspapers receive government subsidies in order to provide for a diverse media. The Press Subsidy Board provides grants directly to newspapers. Newspapers and other periodicals also may apply for an exemption from tax, a substantial benefit with the standard tax rate at 25 percent. Newspapers received SK 480 million in 1995. More than 200 cultural periodicals received SK 19 million in 1995. In May of 2002, Bjoern Rosengren, the Minister for Industrial Affairs, recommended that the government develop a subsidy program for Swedes who want broadband connections for high-speed Internet connections. The government had launched a program in 1997 that offered a tax rebate for the purchase of personal computers. Along these lines, Rosengren proposed that a government subsidy would stimulate broadband connections across the country. In particular, he argued that people should not be required to pay more than E 33 each month for broadband so any costs beyond that should be covered by the central government. Broadband connections provided by United Pan-European Communications cost E 30 per month in 2002. Bredbandsbolaget charges E 33 a month, and Telia charges E 38 a month for its broadband service.

As in most countries, media forms expanded rapidly in the last 30 years of the twentieth century. Radio, television, and Internet or electronic forms of information distribution have changed not only the structure of media forms but also the content conveyed in Sweden. After the first television broadcast in 1956, a second national television station began in 1969, and the third did not transmit its first broadcast until 1991. In 1997, 169 broadcast stations were available in Sweden, and many more were accessible from foreign broadcasters through cable and satellite transmissions. Moreover, 4.5 million residents of WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK

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cable companies who, according to the committee, hold a near monopoly. Although competition legislation generally requires constitutional changes, the committee proposed a new clause in radio and television law that would make it illegal to require conditions in connection agreements that restrict rights to install or use different cable television connections or to install a satellite dish. These rules took effect on January of 2000, whereas those requiring constitutional review are to be enacted in January of 2003.

PRESS LAWS

public, so advertising was not permitted. Instead, license fees provided financial support for stations, and these fees still contribute to the support of some stations. Radio also began as a monopoly. Like television, license fees rather than advertising supported it. Local commercial radio in Sweden only began in 1993. Economically, the cultural policy goals created by Parliament in 1996 reflect a desire to decentralize the administration and financing of cultural activities in the country. No regional structure exists for that, but the 24 county councils and 288 municipalities do participate in the funding of cultural activities and are expected to take more control over cultural development in their communities. Additionally, these national cultural goals specifically express a concern about commercialism. Sweden, compared to other industrialized countries, was late to commercial its radio and television broadcasts. Both radio and television have operated under quite traditional values of public service to the community so private broadcasts supported by commercials were not allowed until the 1990s. A major economic concern about media in Sweden is the concentration of ownership. In 1999, the Media Concentration Committee suggested legislation that would counteract the concentration of ownership and power within Swedish media enterprises. Expressing concern for a free and wide distribution of information, ideas, opinions and debate, the committee suggestions included a specific law about the concentration of ownership in the most influential media forms, including newspapers, radio, and television. Public service companies and educational radio would not be included in the legislation. The law would cover private and other public companies, including foreign companies active in Sweden. The committee was especially concerned about 894

The press is subject to Sweden’s Code of Ethics for Press, Radio and Television. The code ensures that the press has as much freedom as possible to disseminate the news and offer critiques of social and governmental policies within the limits of the Freedom of the Press Act and relevant constitutional rights to freedom of speech. The code also exists to ensure that the press behaves responsibly with their power to disseminate information. Accurate and objective reporting is called for in this code as the press needs to be accountable to the general public. Sources should be checked carefully even if facts have been previously published. Pictures need to be authentic, and any retouching or electronic alterations of pictures should be reported next to the image. Graphs, illustrations, and pictures need to be accurate and should not be presented in a misleading manner. Headlines should be supported by the text of the story. Any errors should be corrected in a timely manner, and corrections should be presented in a way that attracts those who were likely to have been exposed to the errors. Those wishing to rebut information presented should be provided with an opportunity to do so. The code protects an individual’s right to privacy and from unwarranted suffering. In this regard, the press is expected not to interfere with an individual’s privacy unless it is clearly in the public interest to do so. Notices of suicide are to be published with great caution. Victims of crimes or accidents should also be considered and respected. Names and pictures need to be checked carefully so as not to cause harm to relatives. When an individual’s race, sex, nationality, occupation, political affiliation or religious persuasion are not important to the story, the press is expected not to emphasize these statuses. Good journalistic practice is primarily the responsibility of the Swedish Press Council and the Press Ombudsman. When the Press Council rules on an infraction, the council produces a brief report that is then published in trade journals, including Pressens Tdining (Press Journal) and Journalisten (The Journalist). Anyone can subscribe to the rulings of the Press Council through the Swedish Newspaper Publishers’ Association (TidningWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

SWEDEN

sutgivarna). Additionally, if a newspaper is censured by the Swedish Press Council, that paper is obligated to report it. The Press Council does not address programming. The Swedish Radio and TV Authority is the government agency that legally regulates broadcast media. The director of the Authority is appointed by the government and has executive powers. A supervisory council appointed by the government oversees the activities of the Authority because it has so much power in the media arena in Sweden. The Authority grants licenses for radio transmissions and registers all who engage in broadcasting based on the provisions of the Radio and TV Act. It approves cable-broadcasting companies and makes proposals to the government about such things as how licenses for digital terrestrial television should be distributed. The Authority also regulates television standards and has the power to sanction media entities that violate Swedish media rules or laws. The Swedish Broadcasting Commission is another governmental agency responsible for enforcing broadcast media laws. This commission is specifically responsible for enforcing radio and television programming policies. Television and radio transmissions are legally regulated by the Fundamental Law on Freedom of Expression of 1991 along with the Radio and Television Act of 1996 and other related legislation. The commission reviews program content for compliance with these laws regulating broadcasts and with the licenses given to broadcasters by the government. All Swedish television and radio broadcasts that serve the public, which includes local, regional or national broadcasts, are regulated. This commission also examines programming in Sweden that is distributed by foreign sources via satellite. These transmissions are regulated by the rules adopted by the European Union member countries. The commission often reviews programming in response to citizen complaints. No fee is charged to lodge a complaint, but the complainant must provide identifying information. Sometimes, the Director of the Commission initiates program reviews. In addition, this commission conducts and reports on research about the content of television and radio broadcasts in Sweden. The public service broadcasters in Sweden are the most regulated. These include Swedish Television (SVT), Swedish Radio (SR), and Swedish Educational Broadcasting (UR). These companies are expected to broadcast accurately and with impartiality. Any impact that programs may have must be carefully considered before being broadcast. Attention to representations of sex, violence, drug use, and to content that discriminates against people on the basis of gender or ethnicity is required. These companies, along with consideration of the form and scheduling of the presentation must carefully WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

evaluate the impact of such programming. In addition, they are expected to respect the privacy of individuals and are obligated to other public service activities, such as offering good quality programming, a large variety of program options, and programming that represents the needs and interests of minority communities or views. Investigative news, art, science, and religious programming are expected from these broadcasters. Programming also must be available for those who are partially deaf or visually impaired. Some of these regulations also apply to TV4, a national commercial broadcaster, and TV4 is also subject to the regulations concerning advertisements and sponsors. SVT, SR, and UR are not allowed to include commercial advertising. Sweden is also fairly unique in its ban on advertising aimed at children under the age of 12. Sweden argues that young children cannot differentiate between programming and advertising. This law came under review by the European Union, and the European Court of Justice ruled that the ban should only be applied to those who actually broadcast from Sweden. In other words, broadcasters from other countries may include advertising directed toward children in their programming that is available in Sweden. Cigarette and alcohol advertising is also illegal in Sweden.

CENSORSHIP Sweden prides itself on it free press and has been a strong advocate for freedom of the press around the world. Most of the Swedish censorship laws concern violence, and presenting some scenes of violence is considered a criminal offense. However, despite the clarity and consistency of Sweden’s policies against censorship, freedom of the press does experience some challenges. For example, conflict and even violence related to press freedoms made 1996 an unusually troubling year for the media in Sweden, the worst since World War II. NeoNazis attempted to intimidate newspaper staff and distributors of Expo, an antiracist newspaper. Newspaper stand windows were broken, and Expo’s printers were stopped from producing the paper. Journalists from other papers rallied around Expo and ensured its survival. Additionally, after the newspaper with the largest circulation in Sweden, Expressen, published an exposé on the criminal activities of a biker gang, the editor and several journalists received death threats and required police protection. In 1996, when another newspaper and magazine received death threats from biker gangs, they stopped their investigative reports on the gangs. Other newspapers have left journalists’ bylines off of biker gang related pieces. Other journalists were intimidated by a gang from covering a trial of a biker charged with attempted murder. Only one of the three news groups threatened chose to press charges against the gang. By 1999, in a concerted effort to combat intimidation by Neo-Nazi groups, the four largest newspapers in the 895

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country, Expressen, Aftonbladet, Svenska Dagbladet, and Dagens Nyheter, published the same article and editorials about Neo-Nazi groups in Sweden and included pictures of 61 people thought to be affiliated with Neo-Nazi organizations. The Prime Minister supported this action and reaffirmed Sweden’s commitment to a free and unencumbered press. Another example of Sweden’s concern about censorship and a free press system occurred in 2000. Sweden was one of only three countries that voted not to classify documents related to the security and defense of the European Union. Newspapers tend not to publish pictures of individuals who have been murdered or killed in accidents to avoid trauma to victims’ families. However, in 2000, the Sydsvenska Dagbladet violated this informal rule by publishing a picture of a man who was shot to death. Although the man’s face was not shown, the Press Ombudsman presented the case to the Swedish Press Council. The council concluded that publishing that picture was a violation of the ethical code of conduct for journalists. However, in 2001 the Supreme Court in Sweden confirmed the importance of freedom of expression in a celebrated case in which an individual published the names and other personal information of bank officials that he claimed stole his company. The court ruled that the individual was acting in a journalistic capacity in that he was offering the information to the public and relating his personal experience, as opposed to violating the privacy of the bank personnel. The court reaffirmed Sweden’s intent to live by the principle supported by the European Court of Human Rights that allows even shocking and offensive materials to be freely expressed. In 1999, the central government initiated a parliamentarybased commission charged with examining basic issues related to freedom of the press and freedom of speech. This commission was deemed necessary because of the many advances in information technology. More specifically, the commission was to explore basic freedom of speech protections that would work across the various methods of transmission or technological developments in information dissemination. The major threat to freedom of the press in Sweden is the concentration of ownership of the major media in the country. Schibsted, a large Norwegian media organization, holds substantial interest in two of the four largest daily newspapers in the country, with 88.6 percent ownership of Svenska Dagbladet and 49.9 percent ownership of Aftonbladet. Bonnier, a large Swedish media organization, owns the other two largest dailies, and also owns GT and Kvallsposten, two additional Swedish dailies.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS The government and public service radio and television companies have agreements that regulate broadcasts 896

and programming. These companies are expected to serve the public interest, and the government requires a certain amount of variety, education, and quality in their programming. Moreover, although the owners of the three public service companies in radio and television are popular movements, such as labor unions, consumer groups, and religious organizations (60 percent), commerce and industry (20 percent), and the press (20 percent), each of these public service companies have regional organizations, and the government nominates members to most of the governing bodies for these companies. In addition, although each company is responsible for programming and production, they are also restricted by governmental broadcasting laws. However, the state is supportive of press freedoms, and the central government has initiated much legislation designed to promote and encourage an open and free press. In fact, the ethical code for journalists in Sweden requires that journalists offer a critical view of governmental legislation and policies. Government records and correspondence are fully available to the media and the general public. The government also offers subsidies to newspapers to encourage competition and the availability of alternative views in as many communities as possible. The philosophy of the state in terms of the press is that it provides society with an efficient means of communication and debate, and both are necessary for an informed citizenry and an effective democratic society. The state then is supportive of the principles of a free press, but it also plays a large role in what is broadcast in Sweden.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA Foreign media are welcomed in Sweden, and several foreign news agencies have bureaus in Stockholm. In fact, the open door policy on governmental records applies to anyone who wants to view them, including foreign media. Foreign media do not need any special licenses or accreditation. News flows freely both in and out of Sweden. Sweden has attempted to limit some foreign cable and satellite stations to the restrictions placed on Swedish broadcasting companies, but even these efforts have not succeeded as the European Council has essentially ruled that broadcast entities housed in Sweden must operate based on Swedish law, but foreign-based broadcasting companies are not subject to Swedish laws, for example those prohibiting advertising targeted to children.

NEWS AGENCIES Several news agencies serve and work out of Sweden. Agence France-Presse has a regional headquarters in Stockholm with additional Nordic branches in Copenhagen, Oslo, Helsinki, and Reykjavic. News from the WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

SWEDEN

Nordic is presented every hour by this group of journalists, located across the region. This news is presented in seven languages and includes stories about economic, health, political, sports and technological developments. News Agency Direkt originated in 1988 and serves financial markets in Sweden. Coverage focuses on market movement, corporate news and earnings, and financial forecasts. FLT Media AB is owned by 67 local and nonpolitical newspapers that serve 86 different presses. The International News Service is a for-profit news agency that provides Swedish business news, including information about new products and business innovations. In 1985, Reuters opened a Nordic and Baltic regional bureau with headquarters located in Stockholm. This bureau represents eight countries and provides regional business and news of international interest. More than 42 journalists work in this bureau. The major Swedish news agency is Tidningarnas Telegrambyra. All broadcast media and newspapers in Sweden patronize this news agency that includes news from Sweden and around the world, along with features and information about business, sports, and economic conditions in Sweden and elsewhere.

censes in 1997. All three, Sveriges Television AB, the Swedish Educational Broadcasting company (Utbildningsradion), and TV4 AB, broadcast nationwide. In 1999, digital transmissions on the terrestrial network began. Applications for licenses for such digital transmissions are prepared by the Swedish Radio and TV Authority with the central government deciding on the distribution of licenses. These digital terrestrial transmissions licenses have been granted to 14 companies. Satellites are used for television transmissions and for telecommunications. The television satellites are geostationary, meaning they stay in a single place on the ground. Satellite television transmissions then occur in one of three ways. Transmissions are carried via satellite between two ground stations, they are carried between a ground station and a cable or broadband network, and they are carried between a ground station and individual subscribers (Direct-To-Home transmissions). Cable networks were upgraded to allow for satellite transmissions beginning in 1984, and this accelerated the growth of the cable industry.

Television Television was first broadcast in Sweden in 1956, as a result of a decision by the Parliament to develop television for the public. A second station was not added until 1969, and a third (TV4) came into existence in 1991. TV4 is an independent entity that is financed commercially. The central antenna system was the basis for cable television in Sweden. In the 1960s and 1970s, many newly constructed apartment buildings had these systems installed. In 1984, a law allowed for the reception of satellite broadcasts through cable. This led to a rapid expansion of the cable television market. Private commercial cable channels have been legal in Sweden since 1992. By the late 1990s, the market for cable stagnated as almost all multi-family residences had cable installed. Some 88 percent of households have access to either cable or satellite television. Tella Kabel TV, Kabelvision, Stjarn-TV and Sweden Online are the four largest cable television operators in the country. There were 4.6 million televisions and 169 distinct broadcast stations in Sweden in1997. Besides the public service stations, Swedes have access to primarily news channels, including STV24 and TV9. Of course, Swedes have access to such channels as pay-per-view, pay movie, Nickelodeon, MTV Scandinavia, and MTV Sweden as well.

In 2000, more than 2.6 million homes were connected to a cable network. The Swedish Radio and TV Authority appoint local cable companies, but no licenses are required. The tremendous growth in the information technology industry has contributed to the services offered by cable television companies. In addition to traditional television transmissions, cable services include video-ondemand and connections to the Internet. Cable networks offer either a further transmission or an original transmission. A further transmission is not altered and occurs simultaneously as it is received from a transmitter on the earth or from a satellite. An original transmission comes directly from the source, a studio for example. Such transmissions may be local, such as from The Open Channel in Gothenburg, Fridhem Folk High School, or the HSB’s Tenant Owners’ Association. TV21 offers original nationwide transmissions. Television consumers have mostly further transmission channels. The legislation associated with cable transmissions is included in the fundamental law on freedom of expression in 1991 and related laws. This fundamental law gives all Swedish citizens the right to transmit programs using cable. Specifics about such cable transmissions are delineated in the Swedish Radio and TV Act of 1996. This act contains regulations for both radio and television programs intended for the general public and received with the use of advanced technology.

Television is distributed through a terrestrial network, a cable network, and satellites. Both analog and digital technologies existed in Sweden in 2002. Analog transmissions require a license from the government, and three companies held analog terrestrial transmission li-

In Sweden, satellites were first used for communications. When satellite capacity increased, television pictures could be shared between national television companies. With increased power in the 1980s, the number of direct satellite broadcasts to the general public in-

BROADCAST MEDIA

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creased substantially. Satellites receive transmissions from the ground and send them back to the ground in a designated area. Transponders are built into the satellite and vary in their capacity or bandwidth. Between 20 and 40 transponders are contained in a single satellite. One transponder may be devoted to an analog channel, whereas a single transponder can transmit 6 to 10 digital channels. A parabolic aerial is needed to receive satellite channels, and digital transmissions require a digital TVbox or decoder. Satellite transmissions are regulated by the 1991 fundamental law on freedom of expression, the Radio and TV Act of 1996, and an ordinance created by the Swedish Radio and TV Authority. The authority specifically addressed standards for television transmission signals, and the Swedish Consumer Agency supervises the standards for consumer television receivers. Digital terrestrial television was introduced in stages in Sweden in order for the government to determine if and how digital transmissions should occur. Digital terrestrial television was first allowed in the spring of 1997 with an act of the Swedish Parliament. Transmissions actually began in April of 1999 with a limited number of areas allowed to receive digital transmissions. These areas included Stockholm, Northern Ostergotland, Gothenburg, and Sundsvall. More than half of all Swedes were capable of receiving digital terrestrial transmissions in 1999, and the Parliament agreed in November of 2000 to extend the coverage to the entire country. By the end of 2002, 98 percent of the population could receive digital transmissions. Digital technology uses combinations of ones and zeros to represent pictures and sound. It allows for more digital channels in the same space as an analog channel, and digital channels are not as sensitive to transmission disturbances as analog channels. Digital technology also requires less energy to distribute and offers more interactive capabilities. Sweden has been targeted for testing of the latest innovations in media, such as interactive television. Radio The first radio transmission in Sweden was in 1921. The Swedish Broadcasting Corporation (Sveriges Radio) and the Swedish Educational Broadcasting Company (Utbildningsradion) are the only nationwide companies that provide radio broadcasts. In 1979, community radio stations were permitted to broadcast within specific geographical areas on a trial basis. Community radio is for local and nonprofit groups and is intended as a public service and an important means of communication. Sixteen locations took advantage of the opportunity to provide community radio during the first three years it was allowed in Sweden. Community radio became permanent in 1986, and the number of licenses given by the Swedish Radio and TV Authority for community radio increased steadily for the next two years. However, since 1988 the 898

number of licenses has declined dramatically. There were 2,200 community radio license holders in 1991, but just 1,160 license holders in 2000. The Radio and TV Act of 1998 included provisions to promote community radio. Provisions included removing the transmission time fees and the requirement that an association have a main activity beyond community radio. The Act also allowed for transmission across larger areas beyond a local municipality. With these changes, community radio is once again expanding. Local commercial radio only began in the 1990s after years of debate in the Swedish Parliament (Riksdagen). In 1993, the Parliament allowed advertisementfinanced local radio broadcasts and required a license from the Swedish Radio and TV Authority to transmit local commercial radio. The first few years of local commercial radio were quite turbulent with numerous changes in format and ownership. Most stations seem to have settled on a primarily music format aimed at specific audiences. Radio Sweden offers broadcasts in nine languages to include minority group listeners. The government approved digital sound radio transmissions, also known as Digital Audio Broadcasting (DAB) in 1995. This is the most recent innovation in radio in Sweden. This radio technology allows for better sound, fewer disturbances, and access to more programs. No simply a new transmission technology, DAB also reduces the distinctions between television and radio and allows for interactivity. DAB is available to about 85 percent of households in Sweden, but very few people have DAB receivers. Transmission of DAB requires a government license. The government has issued DAB licenses to the Swedish Broadcasting Corporation (Sveriges Radio AB) and the Swedish Educational Broadcasting Corporation Company (Utbildningsradion AB). No private broadcasting companies have a DAB license in Sweden, and in fact, when addressing this issue in 1999, the central government decided not to issue DAB licenses to private companies. In terms of DAB, Sweden uses one national frequency block and 19 regional blocks. Radio is usually transmitted with the terrestrial network, but may be distributed through cable and by satellite. Both analog and digital radio technology are used for radio transmissions. Swedes owned 8.25 million radios in 1997, and had 1 AM, 265 FM, and 1 short-wave radio broadcast stations. The Swedish Broadcasting Commission is the central government authority responsible for radio and television programs in the country. This commission reviews program content for compliance with laws regulating broadcasts and with the licenses given to broadcasters by the government. Licensing broadcast media operations is the responsibility of the Swedish Radio and TV Authority. This government authority grants licenses for radio transmissions and registers everyone who engages in WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

SWEDEN

broadcasting. The authority also provides information about new developments in media for the government and any interested parties. The authority analyzes existing statistics about media and surveys the needs of users. It also collects and publishes its own statistics about the media, and obtains and publishes other media related information, regarding such issues as ownership, financial stability, technology in the industry, and the structure of the media. Publications by the authority occur every year and have included Developments in the Media Field 2000 and A Guide to Digital Television. All books are free and can be ordered by simply contacting the authority. Finally, the authority provides a media database that can be accessed through its Web site. Swedish citizens or any interested party can analyze the media related data collected by the authority.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA Internet is the newest form of media in Sweden. Twenty-nine Internet Service Providers operated in Sweden in 2000. More than 4.5 million residents of Sweden used the Internet by 2000. Thousands of Swedish radio stations are available on the Internet. The Swedish Broadcasting Corporation is aired on the Internet, as are local commercial stations. Streaming, a technology that allows the transmission to take place in real time and does not transfer or save the data to the consumers’ computer hard drive, is available in Sweden. The most common streaming formats used in Sweden are RealPlayer (RealNetworks), Media Player (Microsoft) and Quicktime (Apple). Spraydio.com and nighttime radio transmissions of the newspaper aftonbladet are two examples of this. Radio Sweden offers broadcasts in six languages to the rest of the world via the Internet, short wave radio, local relays and satellite. News from Sweden and the entire Nordic region is posted every weekday to Radio Sweden’s Web site. Daily headlines are also available by email and mobile telephones. Special MP3 receivers are available in Sweden that allow the user to download music from radio broadcasts. Television broadcasts are also available on the Internet in real time with streaming technology. The quality of the picture and sound depends on the quality of the receiver’s connection. Theoretically, the quality available to viewers in Sweden with broadband technology is limitless. Many newspapers are published on the Internet in Sweden as well. According to the ‘‘database rule’’ of the Freedom of Expression Act (Chapter 1, article 9), someone acceptable to the government must be assigned responsibility for electronically distributed information.

EDUCATION & TRAINING Higher education in Sweden follows nine years of elementary school (grundskola) and between two and four WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

years of secondary school (gymnasieskola). Since the 1970s, the higher education system in Sweden has been unified. Thirteen universities and some 20 other institutions of higher education exist throughout the country and are considered regional institutions of higher education. The Parliament has established study programs for undergraduate education, and these programs are based on a point system, with one point representing one week of full-time study with an academic year consisting of 40 points. Full programs usually consist of between 120 and 160 points, or between three and four years of study. An advanced degree usually takes an additional four years after the completion of an undergraduate degree. Dissertation research is defended in public and the completion of a graduate program results in a doctor’s degree (doktorsexamen). Stockholm University offers extensive programs in journalism. In 1989, the university’s School of Journalism was combined with the Unit for Media and Cultural Theory to form the new Department of Media and Cultural Theory. The intent was to include all education and research related to journalism, mass communications, and information studies under one unified department. This department offers an undergraduate degree in journalism in addition to an undergraduate degree in media and communication studies. The journalism undergraduate offerings are divided into two programs. One requires 140 points and results in a journalism degree, and the other requires 40 points of study in journalism taken in conjunction with studies for an undergraduate degree in another subject. Both programs are considered professional degrees and qualify recipients to work as journalists in Sweden. Both programs provide journalism skills, critical theory, and knowledge of society. Students study the 899

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department includes research opportunities and development projects related to the practice of journalism. In particular, research explores the impact of rapidly developing technological innovations in media and how these innovations affect the activities of journalists.

history of journalism, mass media rhetoric, visual communication, journalism in society, media studies and law, journalistic research methods, and global electronic journalism. Specific course teachings include using electronic sources and publishing electronically on the Internet. The media and communication studies undergraduate program examines different forms of communication in society and the role of mass media. The program consists of unique courses including a basic course, a continuation course, an advanced course and a master’s course for a total of 80 points. This is a multi-disciplinary program that is theoretical and analytical, and includes the methods and theories of the human and social sciences. Students have the opportunity to concentrate in planned communication, mass communication, or popular culture. Those interested in becoming information workers generally concentrate on planned communication. Each concentration prepares students for a variety of jobs in the media and communication fields. Many types of research occur in the department. One concerns media texts or the content and form of expression used in the media. Among these investigators, texts are viewed as artifacts or cultural expressions. In other research, texts are regarded as journalistic products, and research addresses how media is received by the public, and in particular, what media is used and how the public responds to it. Research in this area may take a variety of approaches, involving such fields as social psychology, cognitive theories, ethnographic analyses, and cultural studies. Several studies address youth culture and how media helps to create and maintain youth subcultures. The history and structure of the media are also researched, including studies of media ownership and the relationship between government and media. Finally, the 900

Two postgraduate communications programs are available at Stockholm University, one in Journalism and the other in Media and Communication Studies. Both programs have similar goals and structure, and in fact, the programs are more integrated with each other at the doctoral level then at the undergraduate level. All qualified students may conduct research in either area, and some of the same courses are required in both programs. Admission to these programs requires a minimum of 120 Swedish university points or the equivalent as recognized by the Swedish Ministry of Education, and a major in journalism or communication studies of at least 80 university points. In addition, a bachelor’s or master’s thesis must have been completed before admittance to these programs. Some applicants with social science or humanities degrees who have attained some proficiency in journalism or communication studies may be deemed qualified for the programs. Both postgraduate programs require 160 university points, with 100 of those points associated with the dissertation and 60 points coming from course work. The primary purpose of the courses is to improve students’ knowledge and understanding of media issues. Media theory and research methods are two of the required courses for both programs and are worth 10 points each. The other 40 points of coursework come from specially arranged courses by the department. The dissertation is an independent study of importance to the journalism or communications fields. It may be a single extensive study or a series of scientific papers. Mid-Sweden University also has extensive undergraduate and graduate programs for journalism training. The university’s Department of Media and Communication was founded in 1990 and serves students with communication and journalism occupational aspirations. The department also conducts research on media and communication concerns. Although journalists are not required to have any specific education or training to engage in journalistic activities, a bachelor’s degree is generally sufficient for the acquisition of a traditional journalist position. A doctoral degree in journalism is primarily intended for those interested in advanced training and research activities in a specific media arena. Working journalists receive continual training provided by the Press Institute. This institute is owned and managed by a combination of journalism employers and actual journalists. Training typically occurs in newsrooms throughout Sweden and usually address recent developments in the field. The Swedish Newspaper WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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Publishers’ Association is a trade organization that provides information and support for publishers and other media companies in Sweden. Journalists are supported and represented by the Swedish Union of Journalists (www.sjf.se). This professional and union organization works with journalists who have a Swedish employer and has over 18,000 members.

SUMMARY Sweden has a press that is as rich and varied as any in the world. This country is well known among the international press for its high quality news and reporting. Sweden has stood out with its highly literate public and a press engaged in world events that is encouraged, even required, to report the whole story along with critical commentary. However, some fear that with the legalization of commercially funded broadcasts, Sweden’s press will become a victim of the global economy. Sweden has lasted longer than most in its effort to maintain a diversity of ideas and competition among its newspapers and in its effort to provide educational and informative radio and television broadcasts to its citizens. Although Sweden charged the public a license fee for television broadcasts, the public received news programs and documentaries of the highest quality in terms of depth of analysis, critical content, and production. However, as commercial stations challenged these license-funded stations for viewers, the public service stations needed to maintain viewers to maintain their funding so they began copying the format of commercial stations. They now offer less analysis and less depth in their news reporting and include more entertainment-oriented information. Thus, even though Sweden maintains many commercial-free stations, they are reflective of popular commercial culture, instead of offering a critique of it. In 2002, the public service broadcasters in Sweden compete with American situation comedies that are subtitled and American talk shows. Even newspapers from America are available in Sweden, including USA Today and the Wall Street Journal’s European edition. Like the availability of Coca-Cola and McDonald’s hamburgers around the world, for better or worse, the media in Sweden is becoming more similar to the media in other industrialized countries. Nonetheless, Sweden is still a forerunner in freedom of the press issues and in its governmental action to limit concentration of ownership in media to provide the people of Sweden with a diversity of perspectives. Finally, international media critics expect that if this globalization of media is halted or reversed anywhere, it is likely to be in Sweden where the government maintains an active role in media and the philosophy that broadcast media should serve the public good. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

SIGNIFICANT DATES • 1776: Parliament establishes the Freedom of the Press Act in the country’s constitution. • 1830: The Aftonbladet begins publishing. It was the first newspaper in the country to offer news, along with editorial commentary and entertainment. • 1921: The first radio transmission is sent. • 1956: Television is broadcast for the first time. • 1991: Parliament allows commercial television. • 1993: Private commercial radio becomes available. • 1999: The Media Concentration Committee advocates counteracting the concentration of ownership and power within Swedish media enterprises. • 2001: In a well-publicized legal case, the Supreme Court confirms the importance of freedom of expression, allowing an individual to use the Internet to publish names and other personal information about bank personnel he contends stole his company.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). ‘‘Sweden Communications 2001.’’ The World Factbook 2001. Available at http://www.cia.gov. Schechter, Danny. ‘‘Sleepless in Stockholm: Dissecting the Media in Sweden.’’ News Dissector. 16 March 2000. Available at http://www.mediachannel.org. ‘‘Sweden: Code of Ethics for Press, Radio and Television.’’ International Journalists’ Network. Available at http://www.ijnet.org. ‘‘Sweden.’’ World Press Freedom Review. Available at http://www.freemedia.at. ‘‘Virtual Sweden: Broadcast Media.’’ Swedish Institute, 21 December 2001. Available at http://www. sweden.se. —Melanie Moore

SWITZERLAND BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Swiss Confederation

Region (Map name):

Europe

Population:

7,283,274 901

SWITZERLAND

Language(s):

German (official) 63.7%, French (official) 19.2%, Italian (official) 7.6%, Romansch 0.6%, other 8.9%

Literacy rate:

99.0%

Area:

41,290 sq km

GDP:

239,764 (US$ millions)

Number of Daily Newspapers:

104

Total Circulation:

2,666,000

Circulation per 1,000:

454

Number of Nondaily Newspapers:

124

Total Circulation:

723,000

Circulation per 1,000:

123

Total Newspaper Ad Receipts:

2,224 (Swiss Franc millions)

As % of All Ad Expenditures:

52.20

Number of Television Stations:

115

Number of Television Sets:

3,310,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

454.5

Number of Cable Subscribers:

2,578,320

Cable Subscribers per 1,000:

358.1

Number of Satellite Subscribers:

295,000

Satellite Subscribers per 1,000:

40.5

Number of Radio Stations:

119

Number of Radio Receivers:

7,100,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

974.8

Number of Individuals with Computers:

3,600,000

Computers per 1,000:

494.3

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

2,134,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

293.0

902

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS General Description Switzerland is a land-locked, Central European, Alpine nation that has enjoyed a remarkably long and continuous tradition of independence and political neutrality. The federal structure grants considerable autonomy to the cantons. With a population of 7.28 million and a total area of 15,940 square miles, Switzerland’s ethnic and linguistic diversity reflects its location relative to three major neighboring countries: Germany, France, and Italy, respectively. Ethnically, the Swiss German-speaking population is in the majority (approximately 65 percent), followed by the Frenchspeaking (18 percent) and Italian-speaking (10 percent) populations. In addition, a small Romansch ethnic and linguistic minority (approximately 1 percent of the population) enjoys the status of an official language. Roman Catholics constitute the largest religious denomination (46 percent), followed closely by Protestants (40 percent). This diversity, coupled with affluence, nearly universal literacy, and direct civic engagement has been fertile ground for a highly competitive and largely independent press. Several additional factors combine to shape Switzerland’s diverse press. First, the mountainous terrain has historically fostered regionalism and a concomitant interest in locally based media. Second, the media landscape is characterized by linguistic plurality, even within a dominant linguistic region. Third, Switzerland’s traditional status as an independent and neutral country in the heart of Europe has made it an attractive site for major international organizations. This host status has, in turn, supported a broad and diverse interest in national and international news. Fourth, the Swiss economy relies in key areas on international trade, a factor that increases interest in news media. Finally, civic literacy on important national and international issues is aided by the important role which regional and national referenda play in Swiss political affairs. Traditionally the Swiss press has enjoyed high respect for its diversity and editorial integrity. The code for journalists is specified in the 1972 Declaration of Duties and Rights of Journalists, adopted by the Swiss Federation of Journalists and revised in 1994. The code emphasizes independence as a prerequisite to responsible journalistic action: ‘‘The right to information, to free speech and criticism is one of the basic human rights. The duties and rights of journalists derive from the public’s right to know facts and opinions. The responsibility of journalists towards the public has priority over any other responsibility, particularly the responsibility to their employers and the state organs.’’ WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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The Nature of the Audience The Swiss press competes for a critical and demanding audience in the balanced delivery of local, regional, national, and international news to a population boasting an adult literacy rate of 99 percent and enjoying a relatively high per capita income, even by Western European standards. Swiss citizens on average spend approximately one-half hour per day reading print media. This figure has remained stable for the period 1985 to 2000. During the same time period TV viewing has increased from two to two and one-half hours per day; radio listening increased during the same period from two and one-half hours to three hours daily. Although the distribution of Swiss newspapers and magazines reflects the linguistic and ethnic composition of the population, the German-language media predominate. There is no discernable religious orientation in the major newspapers and magazines. Special-interest publications represent the interests of various religious groups, including the Jüdische Rundschau. Other special-interest publications include a wide variety of technical and professional publications (e.g. Media Trend Journal), business-oriented newspapers and magazines (e.g. CASH and Handelszeitung), sports and leisure, lifestyle and fashion, art and culture, ecology, politics, and computers. The special-interest publications are almost all in magazine format. Nature of the Journalism Industry Switzerland has historically boasted the greatest number of newspapers published in proportion to its population and geographical size. In 1999 daily newspapers accounted for 2.65 million sales, a slight decline from the high of 2.85 million sold in 1991, but still above the total circulation of 2.61 million for 1980. Whereas circulation has remained relatively constant, both in terms of subscription and single-copy sales, the number of newspaper titles continues to decrease. Increased competition, concentration of ownership, mergers, and economic weakness have led to a steady decline in the number of daily newspaper titles, particularly during the last two decades of the twentieth century. The number of Swiss daily newspapers fell from 143 to 73 during the period from 1980 to 1999. The fact that total circulation has increased while titles have decreased underscores the extent to which diversity has been reduced during a period of continuing readership. Almost all major Swiss cities have at least a local newspaper. In addition, the larger cities like Berne, Basle, Geneva, Lausanne, Zurich, and the other cantonal capitals also have regional, and often national, newspapers. The diversity and regional identification of Switzerland’s population accounts for a relatively large number of newspaper titles, but circulation is often relatively small. For example, the Bischofszeller Nachrichten daily newsWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

paper had a circulation of 829 in 2000. In the same year there were only 15 daily newspapers with a total circulation of more than 50,000. A total of 86 newspapers had a circulation of less than 5,000; 39 from 5,000 to 10,000; and 15 from 10,000 to 15,000. The circulation of the country’s 10 largest newspapers is expected to increase from 1.4 million copies in 1994 to 1.6 million by 2003. For the same time period total circulation of the remaining newspapers is expected to drop from 450,000 to 330,000. Most daily newspapers, which include those appearing at least four times per week, are published for morning delivery and sales. Newspapers generally cover local, national, and international news on a regular basis. Business, opinion-editorials, sports, and cultural sections are often grouped in separate sections for focused reading. German-language newspapers account for 8 of the 10 largest Swiss newspapers by circulation: Blick (314,200), Tages-Anzeiger (279,900), Neue Zürcher Zeitung (169,100), Berner Zeitung (135,700), Neue Luzerner Zeitung (133,500), Aargauer Zeitung (119,700), Basler Zeitung (115,400), and St. Galler Tagblatt (110,500), followed by the French-language 24 Heures (89,600) and Tribune de Genève (78,400). The most influential newspapers continue to be the German-language TagesAnzeiger and Neue Zürcher Zeitung, and the Frenchlanguage Le Temps. In view of the inherent linguistic diversity of the Swiss press, there is an extraordinarily rich diversity in foreign-language publications. This includes publications from the major neighboring countries of Austria, Germany, France, and Italy. In addition major international, English-language newspapers and editions are available. Several Swiss newspapers, information servers, and magazines have online services available in several languages. Swiss newspapers and magazines targeted to foreign-language readers include the Geneva News, and International Report, and the Portuguese-language Gazeta Lusófona.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK The economic climate of the Swiss print media is characterized by keen competition for advertising income. Newspapers are confronting increasing media concentrations in which advertising can reach a larger market segment. The concentration is a result of outright mergers, cooperative ventures, and the elimination of newspaper titles. In addition, electronic media compete with print media and advertising revenues. Most Swiss newspapers are now available online, at least in some summary form. Some titles, like Zürich Online, exist only as an electronic medium. Radio and television are also available as marketing vehicles. 903

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The pressure toward concentration of print media offerings through fewer titles and broader circulation has benefited the advertising industry as revenues have grown in the face of declining placement duplication. Developments during the early 2000s suggest that increases in subscription rates and copy prices are counterproductive. Groupe Edipresse, a French-based conglomerate representing several influential French-language newspapers, including Le Matin, 24 Heures, and Tribune de Geneve, experienced a significant drop in circulation when higher prices were introduced. Publishers increasingly try to offset subscription rate increases by offering discounted subscriptions to additional newspapers and/or magazines held by a media group. These tactics aimed toward mass circulation are aided by the continuing trend toward mergers and concentration of titles. In addition to the challenges posed by increasing competition and concentration of titles, Swiss newspapers have also had to account for new online media technology that has expanded the competition from more traditional electronic media like radio and television. Nonetheless, the Swiss continue to spend more time with print media for information and analysis than with the electronic media. The feeling remains strong that random, independent access to the written word, and the ability to review print media at will, is necessary for comprehension and informed judgment. The principal reason for the trend toward concentration of ownership is the keen competition for decreasing advertising revenues. In addition, mergers and the increasing use of shared editorial, feature, and supplement sections effectively standardize the editorial image in national and international news reporting. At the same time, coverage of regional and local news has become more competitive because these sections remain largely under the editorial control of the smaller newspapers. Although it is difficult to assess accurately the relative size of the media conglomerates that have come to dominate the industry, there are a limited number of top media enterprises. Swiss-based Ringier AG controls Cash, SonntagsBlick, and Blick, the largest mass904

circulation daily, as well as 11 magazines, 10 television programs, and a variety of media-linked web sites. Tamedia owns four newspapers, including the TagesAnzeiger. In addition, Tamedia has a 49 percent share in the Berner Zeitung. Tamedia also controls seven magazines, a publishing company, and six regular newspaper supplements. The Basler Mediengruppe has expanded from its foundational newspaper, the daily Basler Zeitung, to include more than a dozen publishing entities as well as local and smaller regional newspapers. Mediax AG controls seven special-interest magazines. Consolidation of newspaper titles is exemplified by groups such as the Neue Luzerner Zeitung AG, which is in turn controlled by LZ Medien Holding. The Neue Luzerner Zeitung AG not only publishes its flagship newspaper, the Neue Luzerner Zeitung, but also five regional editions. The NZZ-Gruppe has similarly expanded from its original newspaper, the Neue Zürcher Zeitung, to include media holdings in St. Gallen and Berne. Swiss newspapers are represented in all major categories of media publication, including full-featured national and regional daily newspapers, regional and local weekly editions, newspapers published three to five times per week, as well as free newspapers. The latter, principally Metropol and 20 Minuten, are small-format newspapers distributed on public transportation. The remaining free newspapers account for almost 70 percent of the total Swiss titles published in 2001. Together, all types of newspapers accounted for 22.6 percent of the Swiss print market. The remaining titles are distributed among consumer-oriented magazines (2.7 percent), special-interest magazines (38 percent), and trade/ professional publications (36.5 percent). There is no official government newspaper, and political newspapers are confined to informational and policy publications issued by or on behalf of political interest groups, including most prominently environmental protection and agricultural organizations. With the notable exception of the daily mass tabloid Blick and its Sunday edition, SonntagsBlick, newspapers address a largely educated readership with an active interest in information and analysis. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

SWITZERLAND

Advertisers exert no editorial control as such. The economic incentive to concentrate ad placement for maximum geographic and demographic exposure does, however, indirectly affect editorial content and marketing decisions. In this regard the WEMF AG, an advertising media research company, and the VSW, an association of Swiss ad agencies, provide regular industry analyses on the Swiss print and broadcast media. The reliance on analyses rests in part on the fact that Swiss newspapers still account for approximately half of all advertising market. Eighty percent of daily newspapers in Switzerland are sold through subscription. The remaining twenty percent are sold along with large variety of local, national, and international newspapers and magazines at newsstands. The demand for a supply of newsprint has been relatively stable since 1995, when the total consumption of newsprint was 308,000 metric tons. The price of newsprint for June 2002 was set at US $465.00 per ton. The Swiss labor market is characterized by stability, high wages, benefits, and productivity. Strikes are rare, and there have been no organized strikes in the print or broadcast media since 1985. Labor protest generally takes a subtler and less confrontational form. In 1997, for example, journalists for the newspaper Journal de Genève and its rival, le Nouveau Quotidien, protested the proposed merger of the two by withholding their bylines from articles. The labor union Comedia represents approximately 20,000 employees in the media and publishing industry within the Swiss Federation of Trade Unions. Swiss printing technology is world renowned. Prepress, press, and postpress technology uses software extensively for digital data processing, archiving, layout, and design. The Neue Zürcher Zeitung, for example, utilizes Ocè DemandStream printing technology to publish its European editions.

PRESS LAWS Constitutional & Legislative Provisions Swiss legislation traditionally treats the press differently to preserve its diversity. For example, the 1995 Federal Act on Cartels and Other Restraints on Competition requires that the Competition Commission be notified in the event of planned mergers or takeovers that exceed a set turnover limitation. This limit is dramatically lower for businesses involved in print or broadcast media, which affects the ability to expand markets through concentration of media holdings. Swiss press laws are anchored constitutionally and guarantee specifically ‘‘freedom of the press, radio and television, and of other forms of public telecasting of proWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ductions and information.’’ The constitution furthermore prohibits censorship, and guarantees editorial secrecy. The constitution furthermore stipulates that radio and television legislation is a federal matter. Freedom of the press (i.e., the ability to gather and publish information and opinions freely) is also traditionally understood in Switzerland to protect the right to establish newspapers. This reflects historical support for the intrinsic value of a diverse, pluralistic press landscape. In view of changing economic circumstances, the predisposition toward ‘more is better’ may perhaps come under review. Several laws and legislative initiatives have an indirect bearing on press freedom in its economic sense. This includes the restrictive provisions of the 1995 Federal Act on Cartels and Other Restraints on Competition. Also significant is the 1986 Law Against Unfair Competition, which provides for third-party liability in the event of alleged unfair competition. This has led in one notable case to legal suppression of an article on the grounds that the journalist had not reported fairly on supposed health risks associated with microwave ovens. A 1998 ruling by the European Court of Human Rights was issued against Switzerland for its literal and restrictive interpretation of unfair competition. Discussion is ongoing regarding the 1992 Federal Law on Data Protection. At issue is whether journalists may refuse access to confidential information. The debate seeks to reconcile the professional right of the investigative journalist and the right to privacy. The extent to which press plurality and diversity continue to be prized is illustrated by current discussions about draft legislation for a so-called Diversity Law (Vielfaltsgesetz), which is designed to strengthen the economic viability of the press. The draft includes a pro905

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vision for generous postal delivery subsidies in the case of newspapers and magazines. Accreditation In 1979 the Swiss Federal Chancery issued specific guidelines, revised 1990, regarding the accreditation of journalists seeking official status when covering the bicameral legislature. Otherwise, there are no specific licensing or accreditation laws governing newspapers or journalists. Guidelines for editorial and journalistic practice are established by the major national and international professional associations to which the majority of newspapers and professional journalists adhere. These include the liberal Swiss Union of Journalists (Schweizerische Journalistinnen und Journalisten Union), and oldest professional association, the Swiss Federation of Journalists (Schweizer Verband der Journalistinnen und Journalisten), whose members subscribe to a specific ‘‘Declaration of Rights and Duties of Journalists.’’ The Swiss Press Council (Schweizer Presserat) is available to hear private and professional complaints involving journalistic ethics. In all matters of legal adjudication, the Swiss judiciary is independent.

CENSORSHIP The freedom of the press is not infringed upon by censorship. The press takes its role as a critically analytical intermediary between the public and private sectors seriously. The diversity of languages and regions reflected in the Swiss press virtually assures that news cannot be suppressed, even if such an attempt were made. Documented infringement is indirect and extremely rare. When a BBC-produced documentary on the Holocaust criticized Switzerland’s role during World War II, there was strong protest from Switzerland, but in only one case did a right-wing Swiss member of parliament shut down a television channel in response to popular protest.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA Given the relatively great dependence of the Swiss economy on foreign trade, as well as its historical attractiveness for international organizations, the attitude toward foreign media is liberal and characterized by keen interest in European and global affairs. This attitude extends to the ownership of domestic media, which is a matter of economic forces rather than specific legal restriction. Foreign journalists enjoy rights consistent with the exercise of their profession in open, democratic societies. Events following attack on the New York World Trade Center on September 11, 2001, affected the Swiss press. In October 2001, a European-based correspondent for an Arabic newspaper was jailed temporarily as he entered Switzerland to cover an international conference. 906

Upon release the journalist was expelled from Switzerland. Such rare instances of interference must be seen against the background of a generally zealous attitude toward safeguarding the domestic peace, particularly in view of a perceived international terrorist threat. Although Switzerland remains reluctant about full membership in European and international organizations, owing largely to concerns about independence and neutrality, it participates actively in most international organizations and is a signatory to key international treaties and agreements.

NEWS AGENCIES The Swiss Press Agency (Schweizerische Depeschenagentur) is the nonprofit, private national news agency. It issues reports on politics, business, culture, and sports in German, French, and Italian. Almost all Swiss and two dozen foreign media subscribe to its services.

BROADCAST MEDIA The Swiss Broadcasting Corporation (Schweizerische Radio und Fernsehgesellschaft; SBC) is charged with the production and broadcast of radio and television programs. The management and organization of radio and television is based on Article 93 of the Swiss Federal Constitution. In addition, the act mandates independent complaint review. The 1991 Federal Radio and Television Law clarifies the mandate in greater detail. With respect to broadcast media, Article 3 states: Radio and Television shall contribute to education and cultural development, to the free formation of opinion, and to the entertainment of the listeners and viewers. They shall take into account the particularities of the country and the needs of the Cantons. They shall present events factually, and reflect diverse opinions fairly and adequately. . . . The independence of radio and television and the autonomy of their programming are guaranteed. . . . The situation and the role of other media, in particular the press, shall be taken into account. . . . It shall be possible to submit complaints about programs to an independent authority.

The SBC has recently changed its logo to highlight its multilingual and multicultural mission and audience from the rather prosaic SRG to SRG SSR idée suisse. The SBC is legally empowered to issue licenses and to levy license fees, based on radio and television set ownership, for the full financing of radio and partial financing of television. It is also charged with providing all linguistic regions with quality and diverse programming. In 2000 revenues from licensing fees amounted to SF 1.06 billion, whereas television advertising amounted to SF 370 million. Increases in licensing fees are subject to legislative approval. Because the government is relucWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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tant to give the impression of limiting access to broadcast media through excessive licensing fees, the SBC traditionally depends in part on public financing. SBC studios are distributed throughout the various language regions. Radio content is produced in six central and four regional studios, which provide content for nine stations. The program content distribution for 2000 included 56 percent light music, 16 percent classical music, and 10 percent news and current affairs. In addition 49 private, noncommercial FM radio stations broadcast in local and regional markets. The Association of Swiss Private Radios (Verband Schweizer Privatradios) represents 25 private radio broadcasters. International broadcast services are provided in nine languages through swissinfo, an affiliate of the SBC. SBC also owns a controlling stake in Swiss TXT, which provides teletext information and news. Three television studios, located in Geneva, Lugano, and Zurich, produce six independent programs, two for each linguistic region, as well as special programs in the Romansch language. The SBC also maintains partnership and programming relationships with cable television stations, including CNN, 3SAT, Eurosport, TV5, and arte. Access to domestic and foreign broadcasting is broad thanks to a 93 percent cable and satellite penetration rate, giving the average Swiss household access to more than 20 TV channels. The market for private, nationally broadcast television channels is hindered by the relatively small yet highly competitive market. Nonetheless, increasing pressure to deregulate the broadcast media opened opportunities during the late 1990s. One channel, Tele 24, went on the air in 1998 and shut down two years later. Another private cable station, TV3, lost financial backing from the Tamedia concern in the early 2000s, placing its future solvency in question. In part financing difficulties are a result of Swiss demographics. Although Switzerland has high advertising expenditures, the penetration data for television lags behind the print media.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA The Internet as a media infrastructure dramatically impacted the Swiss media landscape during last years of the twentieth century and continues to shape the country’s media into the twenty-first century. Data for 2001 indicated that 59.6 percent of Swiss homes have Internet access. More than a dozen full-service webzines and online journals have established themselves. In addition, most national and the larger regional newspapers are now also available online. Of the top 20 media Web sites in Switzerland, 4 sites (all online editions of newspapers) account for one third of the total hits. These include Edicom, with links to the newspapers Le Matin, Tribune de WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Genève, and 24 heures, as well as an online version of Swiss TXT. Bluewin AG provides full Internet services for residential and small-business customers via its bluewin portal. Internet security concerns are addressed specifically through SecuMedia AG, which coordinates environmental-protection, safety, and security media via its SiLine portal. Media consulting businesses have expanded their services correspondingly, including tracking top Web sites in Switzerland. The sobering economic reality of online media has forced a basic reconsideration of content, marketing, and editorial-policy issues with respect to the press. For service and product providers the Internet represents an opportunity to develop and expand a customer base. However, for the vast majority of media providers, the Internet creates new problems, such as content duplication and further diluted advertising revenues.

EDUCATION & TRAINING Review of Education in Journalism The Swiss educational system is geared, particularly at the secondary level, toward a distinction between vocational education and preparation for post-secondary academic learning. Until recently few secondary courses of vocational study were designed specifically for preparing journalists in the print and broadcasting media. In 1995 a directory of professions was established, which permits registered journalists and editors to designate themselves professionally. Entry into the journalistic professions generally require graduation from a vocational, secondary, or postsecondary school. An internship in an appropriate setting 907

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• Institute for Journalism and Communication at the University of Neuchâtel (Institut de journalisme et communication); • Institute for Publishing and Media Research at the University of Zurich (Institut für Publizistik und Medienforschung); • Institute for Media and Communication Management at the University of St. Gallen (Institut für Medien und Kommunikationsmanagement). The innovative approach to journalism education and the rise of new, electronic media is exemplified by the University of Lugano, which offers a Swiss Master of Public Relations with an emphasis on multimedia and comprehensive competencies in journalistic, technical, and commercial areas.

is also usually required. Additional courses of study are available at several universities, institutes, and technical colleges. The required period of study may be shortened for university-level graduates. In rare cases, direct employment in the print or broadcast media is possible. In view of Switzerland’s federal structure, cantonal universities vary greatly with respect to curricula, requirements for a course of study, and tuition. The technical universities in Zurich and Lausanne are federal institutions. The major courses of journalism and media study available at Swiss universities include: • Institute for Media Studies at the University of Basle (Institut für Medienwissenschaften); • Institute for Media Studies at the University of Berne (Institut für Medienwissenschaft); • Institute for Journalism and Communication Study at the University of Fribourg (Institut für Journalistik und Kommunikationswissenschaft); • Communication and Media Studies at the University of Geneva (Sciences de la communication et des médias); • Institute for Mass Communication Sociology at the University of Lausanne (Institut de sociologie des communications de masse); • Communication Science Department at the University of Lugano (Facoltà di scienze della comunicazione); • Institute for Communication and Culture at the University of Lucern (Institut für Kommunikation und Kultur); 908

In-house training has been a common feature of journalistic education, and the Schweizer Presse (Swiss Press) umbrella organization for newspaper and magazine publishers supports its own training facility, the Medieninstitut (Media Institute), located in Zurich. The media conglomerate Ringier AG has been offering training in its own Journalistenschule (School of Journalism) since 1974. The Medienausbildungszentrum MAZ (Media Training Center), established in 1984 and located near Lucern, is the largest journalism school. Issues of certification and continuing training are also coordinated by the group, Qualität im Journalismus (Quality in Journalism), founded in 1999. The relatively rapid and diverse proliferation of specific educational opportunities for Swiss journalists is explained in part by a historical sense that no particular training is required for journalists and editors. As Andreas Doepfner, editor of the Neue Zürcher Zeitung, wrote in a study for the European Journalism Centre (Bierhoff): ’’In our newsroom, we traditionally have put emphasis on personal responsibility for further orientation and individual development. Nothing is mandatory, but a lot is possible. You now notice that people increasingly start using the opportunities on offer, and especially value seminars which offer in-depth background to existing expertise.’’ Journalistic Awards & Prizes In keeping with the Swiss tradition of diversity, and in view of the need to promote and recognize professionalism and quality, the Swiss offer a comparatively broad spectrum of awards and prizes. Whereas some are distinctly partisan, as indicated by their sponsors, several seek to recognize the impact of new electronic media and thereby to expand the boundaries of quality and professional journalism. It is significant to note that several of the prizes are designed specifically to recognize, and hence promote, the work WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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of young journalists. In this way, the publicity that comes with the awards also acts to stimulate professional development. The awards include: • ALSTOM Journalism Award, sponsored by ALSTOM AG and recognizing reporting on energyrelated topics; • Prix Media SANW, offered by the Swiss Academy of Natural Sciences; • Prix Media SANW, sponsored by the Swiss Academy for the Humanities and Social Sciences; • Forschungsreportagen-Wettbewerb (Research Reporting Competition), sponsored by the University of Berne and honoring reporting on university research; • Nationaler Medienpreis zur Förderung junger Journalisten, sponsored by the Swiss Association of Catholic Journalists to recognize young journalists; • Medienpreis idée suisse, awarded by the SBC; • Qualität im Journalismus sponsors various media awards and prizes; • Weltwoche-Preis für junge Journalisten, awarded to young journalists by the weekly newspaper, Weltwoche; • BZ-Preis für Lokaljournalismus, awarded for local journalism by the Berner Zeitung; • Espace-Media-Preis Swiss Press Photo, awarded for photo journalism by the media conglomerate; • Pharmacia & Upjohn Journalistenpreis, awarded for pharmaceutically oriented reporting; • Medienpreis Aargau/Solothurn, awarded for excellence in regional reporting; • Katholischer Medienpreis, awarded by the Media Commission of the Swiss Bishops Conference; • AgroPreis, sponsored by the Schweizer Bauernverband (Swiss Farmers Association); • Journalistenpreis, awarded by the Emmentalische Mobiliar insurance company; • Aeskulap-Journalistenpreis, awarded for reporting on alternative health care; • Zürcher Journalistenpreis, awarded by the Zurich Press Club; • Von Roll Award, for contributions promoting the relationship between journalism and Swiss industry; Major Journalistic Associations & Organizations The major trade union associations represent primarily WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

the employment interests of journalists. In addition, two distinct trends have emerged in the development of professional organizations. One addresses the professional status of working principally involved with new electronic media (e.g., //syndikat). A second trend addresses the need for quality control and professionalism in the journalistic profession (e.g., Qualität im Journalismus). The major journalistic and media organizations include: • Schweizer Verband der Journalistinnen und Journalisten (Swiss Association of Journalists); • Comedia Mediengewerkschaft (Comedia Media Union), affiliated with the Swiss Trade Union Council; • Schweizer Syndikat Medienschaffender (Swiss Media Employees Union), also a member of the Swiss Trade Union Council; • //syndikat, representing online employees and freelancers; • Verband Schweizer Fachjournalisten (Association of Swiss Specialized Journalists), representing the interests of journalists and editors of trade and professional publications; • Zürcher Presseverein (Zurich Press Club); • Verein Freier Berufsjournalistinnen und journalisten Zürich (Zurich Freelance Journalists Club); • Schweizer Klub für Wissenschaftsjournalismus (Swiss Scientific Journalism Club); • Schweizer Presserat (Swiss Press Council); • Qualität im Journalismus (Quality in Journalism); • Verband Schweizer Presse (Swiss Press Association), representing the interests of publishers.

SUMMARY Given Switzerland’s small geographical size and population, it has a remarkably rich press tradition. Several factors have contributed to this tradition. Switzerland’s neutrality has promoted a stable political, social, and economic system, particularly throughout the 20th century. Its population is well educated and affluent, ranking regularly first in economic and demographic indicators among Western European nations. Switzerland’s location in Central Europe places it at the crossroads of three major ethnic and linguistic groups: German, French, and Italian. Respect for independence and social and political stability help to explain the official status that Switzerland continues to accord the three languages. This intrinsic acknowledgment of ethnic and linguistic diversity extends even to the numerically small Romansch community. The traditional isolation of regions, 909

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based on linguistic differences and the nature of Swiss geography, has also fostered a deep identification with locality. The emphasis on cantonal autonomy in fundamental matters further underscores a strong regional identification, and hence a relative sense of independence from centralized authority. Swiss neutrality has made it both an economic haven in turbulent times (e.g. international banking) and a host site for various transnational organizations (e.g. the International Red Cross). Taken together, these factors help to explain the extraordinary diversity of the Swiss press landscape. A wide spectrum of local, regional, and national newspapers, serving distinct linguistic groups, continues to meet the strong demand from a highly educated, affluent, and independent readership that still relies on printed media for information, analysis, and orientation. The trend toward concentration of ownership and newspaper shutdowns is driven primarily by economic factors rather than by political considerations. Freedom of the press is taken both literally and figuratively in the broadest sense of the term. In contrast to the print media, the Swiss broadcast media has always been under greater control of the federal government, particularly in the areas of financing and licensing. Although the Swiss market is lucrative on a per capita basis for commercial broadcast investors, overall market size and supplemental revenue sources primarily generated by advertising continue to undermine the profitability of private commercial television. In any event, an extensive cable network allows most Swiss access to programming from neighboring countries. Increasing access to electronic media, particularly via the Internet, has further expanded the availability of news and information sources. Here, too, economic factors are largely responsible for the changing fortunes of online service and information providers. Trends & Prospects for the Media The trend in the print media continues to move toward fewer editorially independent newspapers. This will increase pressure on the remaining newspapers to cut costs, increase circulation, or to tailor their content more carefully to a specifically targeted readership. The danger in this approach is the potential sacrifice of journalistic and editorial integrity to increase profitability. The focus on professionalizing journalism through training and adherence to professional guidelines will have a positive impact on the quality of journalism, but it has the potential to further erode the viability of small, local publications. The revelations about Switzerland’s role in World War II (i.e., holding the financial assets of Holocaust victims in Swiss banks) underscores the need for a responsible press that can monitor and guide the public debate on sensitive issues. 910

The broadcast media is moving toward increasing deregulation to address the current disincentives to private commercial radio and television. At the very least, the essentially monopolistic control of the SBC will continue to be debated. Electronic media will continue to grow as a media infrastructure. Given traditional Swiss preoccupation with privacy, it is likely that data protection will play a major role in the national debate about the rights and responsibilities of various media. Finally, access and regulation issues will require increasing coordination with Switzerland’s European neighbors as the debate about Switzerland’s entry into the European Union intensifies. The process of adapting to the changing realities of the various media markets is likely to be slow, fraught with problems of coordinating various cantonal and federal initiatives, but it is likely to be thorough and based upon informed consent. In this sense, the Swiss press will initiate and referee the debate about changing itself.

SIGNIFICANT DATES • 1999: The World Association of Newspapers conference is held in Switzerland; metropol and 20 Minuten, new free newspapers targeting commuters, are introduced to the Swiss market. • 2001: Friedrich Leibacher storms the Swiss parliament building, killing 14 people before committing suicide. • 2002: Switzerland’s new president formally begins his duties with a call for a serious national debate on joining the United Nations; the Swiss national airline, Swissair, ceases operation.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Bellwald, W., et al. Blätterwald Schweiz. Zahlen und Fakten zur Zeitungsstruktur. Zürich: Seminar für Publizistikwissenschaft, 1991. Bierhoff, Jan, et al. Media Innovation, Professional Debate and Media Training: A European Analysis. December 2000. Available from http://www.ejc.nl/hp/mi/ 09.html. Bruderer, H. E. Redaktionelle Zusammenarbeit von Tageszeitungen: Möglichkeiten und Grenzen. Rorschach: Bodenseeverlag Bruderer, 1990. Evolution de la diversité de la presse, 1980-1999 / Entwicklung der Pressevielfalt 1980-1999. Neuchâtel: Office fédáral de la statistique / Bundesamt für Statistik, 2001. Katalog der Schweizer Presse. Zeitungen, Amtsblätter, Anzeiger, Publikums-Zeitschriften / Catalogue de la preWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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sse suisse. Journaux, feuilles officielles, feuilles d’áannonces, périodiques s’áadressant au grand public. Ed. Verband Schweizerischer Werbegesellschaften VSW / Association des sociétés Suisses de Publicité ASSP. Zürich: VSW / ASSP, 1980-1999. Noelle-Neumann, E. et al., eds. Fischer Lexikon Publizistik Massenkommunikation. Frankfurt: Fischer Verlag, 1994. Rathgeb, J. Medienstatistik Schweiz. Strukturdaten der Schweizer Massenmedien. Zürich: Seminar für Publizistikwissenschaft der Universität, 1994. Schulthess-Eberle, H. Impressum-schweizerisches Medien-Handbuch. Leutwil: Medienpublikationen Hildegard Schulthess-Eberle, 1980-1999. WEMF Auflagen-Bulletin / REMP bulletin des tirages. Ed. WEMF AG für Werbemedienforschung / REMP recherches et études des médias publicitaires SA. Zürich: AG für Werbemedienforschung, 1980-1999. —Siegfried Christoph

SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC BASIC DATA Official Country Name: Region (Map name): Population: Language(s):

Syrian Arab Republic Middle East 16,728,808 Arabic (official), Kurdish, Armenian, Aramaic, CirCassian, French, English

Literacy rate:

70.8%

Area:

185,180 sq km

GDP:

16,984 (US$ millions)

Number of Television Stations:

44

Radio Receivers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Computers: Computers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Internet Access: Internet Access per 1,000:

248.1 250,000 14.9 30,000 1.8

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS In June of 2000, the Syrian Arab Republic (Al Jumhuriyah al Arabiyah as Suriyah) inaugurated its first new president in years, Bashar al-Assad, son of long-standing president Hafez al-Assad, who had held power since 1970 and the office of president since 1971. Hafez alAssad died in the same month that his son ascended to office. As with many countries in the region, Syria’s road to modern independence began with the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire after World War I. Following the war, the French administered in Syria under a League of Nations mandate until the state’s independence April 17, 1946. Some monumental aspects of modern Syrian history include their brief, experimental integration into Egypt as the United Arab Republic (UAR; 1958 to 1961), their loss of the Golan Heights to Israel in the 1967 ArabIsraeli war, and their ongoing stationing of troops in Lebanon since 1976. Syria maintains coastal access to the eastern shore of the Mediterranean Sea between Lebanon in the south and Turkey in the north. To its east lies Iraq, Jordan to the south, Israel in the southwest, and except for the positioning of Syria’s coastal region, Lebanon lies to its west. Damascus is the capital.

Number of Television Sets:

1,500,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

89.7

Number of Satellite Subscribers:

435,000

Satellite Subscribers per 1,000:

26.0

Number of Radio Stations:

17

The earliest examples of the Syrian press begin in the early 1900s. Papers were started in Damascus and Aleppo and were published until World War I (1914 to 1918), wherewith they were suppressed. Under Prince Faysal the papers were allowed to print again in 1919 and 1920. The French also emphasized the press, but only provided publishing licenses to Francophiles. However, unlike the Lebanese press, the Syrian press retains few signs of French influence. For 20 years, following Syria’s 1946 independence from France, the press maintained a vigorous and independent nature. However, in 1963, with the Baath Party coup, all independent papers were banned. In 1970, when Hafez al-Assad gained power, he extended the government’s control of the press to complete dominance in all areas.

Number of Radio Receivers:

4,150,000

Thus, since the ascension of the Baath Socialist Party to power, the press has taken on a more socialist struc-

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ture. Organizations—political, religious, or professional associations—and government ministries primarily produce publications. However, in the initial period of Bashar al-Assad’s presidency, an infitah (opening) was begun that allowed for the publishing of the first independent Syrian newspapers in 40 years. These independent publications, as well as the state-run papers, began to engage more substantive and critical issues than had ever been allowed under the rule of Hafez al-Assad, where Syria’s media became one of the most highly censored systems in a region of high censorship. One of the independents, the weekly Ad-Doumari (Lamplighter)— satirical in nature and published by Ali Farzat, one of the Arab world’s preeminent cartoonists—on the first day of publication sold out all of its 25,000 first-run copies in a few hours and had to print a second run. This is suggestive of a broad desire of the Syrian people for engaging journalism. However, since the beginning of 2001, the infitah in Syrian media has been essentially halted and in some areas reversed. The five top daily newspapers are Al-Baath, Tishrin, and Ath-Thawra in Damascus; Al-Jamahir al-Arabia in Aleppo; and Al-Fida’ in Hama. There are also a number of weeklies, fortnightlies, and other periodicals published. The principle dailies include the following: Al-Baath (Renaissance; circ. 40,000; Damascus; founded 1946; Arabic; organ of the Baath Socialist Party; Gen. Dir. and Chief Ed. Turki Saqr; Internet, www.albaath.com), Barq ash-Shimal (The Syrian Telegraph; circ. 6,400; Aleppo; founded 1978; Arabic; Ed. Maurice Djandji), Al-Fida’ (Redemption; circ. 4,000; Damascus; founded 1963; Arabic; political; publishing concession holder Osman Alouini; Ed. A. Aulwani; published by Al-Wihdat Press, Printing and Publishing Organization; Internet, www.thawra.com/alfida/alfida.htm), Al-Jamahir alArabia (The Arab People; circ. 10,000; Damascus; founded 1966; Arabic; political; Chief Ed. Mortada Bakach; published by United Association of Journalists; Internet, www.thawra.com/aljmahir/aljmahir.htm), AlOroubat (circ. 5,000; Damascus; Arabic; published by Al-Wihdat Press, Printing and Publishing Organization; Internet, www.thawra.com/alhoroba/alhoroba.htm), AshShabab (Youth; circ. 9,000; Aleppo; Arabic; Ed. Muhammad Talas), Syria Times (circ. 15,000; Damascus; Arabic, English; Ed. Fouad Mardoud; published by Tishrin Foundation for Press and Publication; Internet, www.teshreen.com/syriatimes), Ath-Thawra (Revolution; circ. 40,000; Damascus; founded 1963; Arabic; political; Ed.-in-Chief Mahmoud Salamah; published by United Association of Journalists; Internet, www.thawra.com), Tishrin (October; circ. 50,000; Damascus; founded 1974; Arabic; Chief Ed. M. Kheir Wadi), and Al-Wihdat (Unity; Latakia; Arabic; published 912

by Al-Wihdat Press, Printing and Publishing Organization). Some of the major weeklies and fortnightlies include the following: Al-Ajoua’ (The Air; Damascus; fortnightly; Arabic; aviation; Ed. Ahmad Allouche), Ad-Doumari (Lamplighter; Damascus; founded 2001; weekly; Arabic; political satire; privately-owned; Publr. Ali Farzat), AlEsbou ar-Riadi (The Sports Week; circ. 14,000; Damascus; weekly; Arabic; sports; Ed. Hasran Al-Bounni), AlFursan (The Cavalry; Damascus; Arabic; political; Ed. Major Rifaat Al-Assad), Homs (Arabic; Homs; literary; Ed. Phillipe Kaba), Jaysh ash-Sha’ ab (The People’s Army; Damascus; founded 1946; fortnightly; Arabic; army; published by the Political Department of the Syrian Army), Kifah al-Oummal al-Ishtiraki (The Socialist Workers’ Struggle; Damascus; weekly; Arabic; labor; Ed. Said Al-Hamami), Al-Masirah (Progress; Damascus; weekly; Arabic; political; published by the Federation of Youth Organizations), Al-Maukef ar-Riadi (Sport Stance; circ. 50,000; Damascus; weekly; Arabic; sports), An-Nas (The People; Aleppo; founded 1953; weekly; Arabic; Publr. Victor Kalous), Nidal al-Fellahin (Peasants’ Struggle; Damascus; weekly; Arabic; peasant workers; Ed. Mansour Abu Al-Hosn), Ar-Riada (Sport; Damascus; weekly; Arabic; sports; Ed. Ourfane Ubari), AsSakafat al-Usbouiya (Weekly Culture; Damascus; weekly; Arabic; cultural; Publr. & Ed. Madhat Akkache), Sawt ash-Shaab (Voice of the People; Damascus; founded 1937, but publication suspended in 1939, 1941, 1947, and 1958, relaunched in 2001; fortnightly; Arabic; organ of the Communist Party of Syria), Tishrin al-Usbouiya (October Weekly; Damascus; weekly), Al-Wehdawi (Unionist; Damascus; founded 2001; weekly; Arabic; organ of the Arab Socialist Unionist Party), and Al-Yanbu al-Jadid (New Spring; Homs; weekly; Arabic; literary; Publr. & Ed. Mamdou Al-Kousseir). There are also over 30 periodicals being published in various increments throughout the year. The largest circulating periodical is Al-Mouhandis al-Arabi (The Arab Engineer) with a circulation of 50,000. One other highly influential publication is Syrie et Monde Arabe. Founded in 1952, it is a monthly economic, political, and statistical survey produced by the Office Arabe de Presse et de Documentation in English and French.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK Syria functions under a rather unstable economic framework. Agriculture is the dominant economic sector utilizing 40 percent of the laborforce, but 80 percent of its land remains dependent on rainfall for appropriate production. Its infrastructure and technological bases are insufficient and outmoded and the educational system, supplying the upcoming workers of the country, is lackWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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ing. Oil production has helped stabilize and subsidize the economy during much of the twentieth century and into the twenty-first, making up 65 percent of Syria’s export commodity base, but production is leveling off. It is clear that state control is holding back the economy in much the same way that its control is hindering freedom of expression in the press. Al-Assad is said to be an advocate of a free-market economy, so there is potential for privatization in the future.

PRESS LAWS Private presses were legalized on September 22, 2001, under Decree 50. However, the restrictive nature of legislation concerning content all but erases any apparent gains in freedom of expression this legalization would normally imply. Interestingly, Decree 50 states that private presses are to be unrestricted in their operations, but then it later states that they have to be licensed and can lose this license and face heavy fines (between 500,000 and 1 million lira or US$9,456 and US$18,913—consider that average per capita income was estimated to be US$1,000 in 2000) and/or up to three years imprisonment if they report on military affairs, incite revolt or in any way threaten the ‘‘national interest,’’ contact foreign nations, accept money from foreign sources, libel or defame, print ‘‘falsehoods,’’ or ‘‘fabricate reports.’’ The prime minister can also reject applications for licenses at any time for the sake of ‘‘public interest.’’ Additionally, journalists are required by law to divulge their sources when requested to do so by authorities, and a 1951 media law prohibits any kind of private broadcasting by radio or by television.

CENSORSHIP & STATE-PRESS RELATIONS As noted by the Committee for the Defense of Democratic Freedoms and Human Rights, since the 1963 imposition of martial law Syrian citizens have not had ‘‘the right to form associations, organizations or political parties in order to express or defend their opinions.’’ Government authorities monitor e-mail. As an example, in December, 2000, a woman was held by security for several months after forwarding an e-mail with an offcolor cartoon of al-Assad and the Lebanese president Emile Lahoud. She was released late in 2001. The government also blocks numerous Internet sites. Foreign publications are routinely censored. They must be preemptively submitted to the Ministry of Information for approval before distribution. In August, 1999, a five-year ban was repealed, once again allowing the entry of Jordanian newspapers into the country. While arbitrary detention and other psychological and physical abuses are perpetrated on journalists, often WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

causing self-imposed censorship even when it is not being explicitly applied by the government, one case in Syria has stood out. Nizar Nayyouf, the previous 43-yearold editor-in-chief of the monthly Sawt al-Democratiyya (The Democratic Vote), was a leading member of the Independent Committees for the Defense of Democratic Freedoms and Human Rights in Syria. He was arrested in January, 1992, due to his writings exposing human rights abuses in Syria. He was not released until May 6, 2001, on the occasion of Pope John Paul II’s visit to the country. Nayyouf suffered over nine years imprisonment for his writings in the monthly Sawt al-Democratiyya. During his time in prison he suffered from Hodgkin’s disease, lymph cancer, liver disease, dermatitis, ulcers, and partial paralyzation; treatment only being offered to him on the contingency that he admit to creating ‘‘false statements’’ about human rights abuses in Syria, reject human rights declarations he made, and pledge to refrain from further political activity. He refused these terms throughout his imprisonment. Nayyouf’s dermatitis stems from the cigarette burns he received from his captors. His ulcers are directly related to hunger strikes that he has undertaken to protest both his captivity and the nature of it and his food being soiled by his jailers. His paralyzation stems from his spine being damaged from being subjected to the ‘‘German Chair’’—a medieval-style rack used to hyperextend a victim’s spine and put extreme pressure on the neck and limbs—and multiple beatings. He was also beaten with an iron pipe, thrown in an electrical bath, hung by his feet for two to three hours a day, and urinated on in a mock ‘‘baptism’’ after refusing to pray before a portrait of Hafez al-Assad. His confinement consisted of a two-anda-half by three-meter solitary cell without sunlight in which it was only possible for him to crawl due to his conditions. Writing of his prison, Nayyouf stated that, ‘‘Between three and five people die here from torture not every year, but every day.’’ After his release Syrian authorities continued to harass Nayyouf and also began to subject members of his family to harassment and intimidation. For his courage, Nayyouf has been awarded numerous international human rights awards from all over the world, including the 1998 Human Rights Prize from Reporters Sans Frontiers, a Hellman-Hammett grant from Human Rights Watch, one of the International Press Institute’s ‘‘50 World Press Freedom Heroes’’ of 2000, the PEN American Center’s Freedom-to-Write Award, and the World Association of Newspapers’ 2000 Golden Pen of Freedom Award. Much of the world took up Nayyouf’s cause and it is likely that he is alive today because of these efforts. 913

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Nayyouf is an extreme example of censorship practices that have to be endured and combated by the national journalists of Syria.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA Syrian attitude toward foreign media ranges from disgruntled toleration to hostile. Toleration is accorded so long as the press/media tend not to publish/broadcast any negative stories concerning anything related to Syria. However, as negative stories are often produced, papers are banned, broadcast signals are jammed, and individual journalists are harassed. As a case in point, the International Press Institute notes in its 2001 World Press Freedom Review that, ‘‘in [August and September] 2001, several foreign media correspondents were regularly threatened by Syrian authorities. The harassment was especially acute when trying to cover the arrests of opposition leaders . . . some foreign journalists were warned not to issue reports.’’ A positive note is that as of July 2001, foreign journalists (non-Syrians and non-Arabs) on assignment in Syria are no longer obliged to report to the Ministry of Information. Previously the intelligence police stamped journalists’ entry cards, which then also required approval from the information ministry. Without following these procedures a journalist would be barred from leaving Syria. All this being the case, there are eight relatively permanent foreign press bureaus located in Syria, as well as other short-term journalists always transitioning in and out of the country—especially those covering Syria from Beirut. The bureaus include: Agencia EFE (Spain), Agence France-Presse [AFP], Agenzia Nazionale Stampa Associata [ANSA] (Italy), Allgemeiner Deutscher Nachrichtendienst [ADN] (Germany), Associated Press [AP] (USA), Deutsche Presse-Agentur [DPA] (Germany), Kuwait News Agency, and Reuters.

NEWS AGENCIES There is one government-operated news agency: Syrian Arab News Agency (SANA). Founded June 24, 1965, as implementation of Decree N.150, it is one of the main sources of news to foreign agencies transmitting in English and French. It has 16 offices abroad (10 in Arab countries) and staffs 18 foreign correspondents. All considered, SANA has 370 employees of whom 200 are journalists. It is available on the Internet at www.sanasyria.com and at www.sana.org.

BROADCAST & ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA Television Approximately 44 broadcast stations are operating in conjunction with 17 repeaters all broadcasting to 1.5 million television sets. 914

Beginning in 1960 the Directorate-General of Radio and Television added ‘‘television’’ to its title and became responsible for all aspects of broadcasting. However, while periodically jamming signals, Syria tends to take a hands-off approach concerning citizens’ reception of regional and international satellite television broadcasts. Satellite broadcasts provide Syrians with significantly increased access to information about the world as well as about their own country. A recent survey covering Damascus and Aleppo concluded that approximately 22 percent of consumers have satellite dishes (and this does not take group viewing of programs into consideration, which can greatly extend the influence of the phenomenon). The London-based Arab News Network (ANN) and Qatar’s Al-Jazeera are two examples of available broadcasts. In 1994 the government threatened to both regulate and seize satellite dishes, but the idea has never been implemented. Radio Radio broadcast is carried out on 14 AM and two FM frequencies and one short-wave frequency broadcasting to approximately 4.15 million radios. The Directorate-General of Radio and Television is responsible for the oversight and production of radio broadcasting. This section of the agency began in 1945. It broadcasts in a number of languages: Arabic, French, English, Russian, German, Spanish, Portuguese, Hebrew, Polish, Turkish, and Bulgarian. Khudr Oman is the Director-General and the director is Safwan Ghanim. Internet The government is the only Internet Service Provider (ISP) in the country servicing 20,000 users as of 2000. There is estimated to be several thousand other Internet users connecting via ISPs in Jordan and Lebanon in order to avoid Syrian censorship regulations. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC

outlook for Syrian media and press remains unpromising. The government’s hold over all areas of the media shows no signs of changing as will thus continue to stifle the civic possibilities of its people and country. A remaining hope is that Bashar al-Assad’s initial attempts at infitah were genuine and that the longer he stays in power, the greater his influence will become and this influence will eventually initiate another wave of infitah. Until then, on behalf of human dignity and the human right of freedom of expression, it remains imperative for human rights organizations to continue supporting the journalists who are courageous enough to write and speak their conscience no matter the cost.

BIBLIOGRAPHY All the World’s Newspapers. Available from www.webwombat.com.au/intercom/newsprs/index.htm.

Public Internet access and use has been expanding in recent years, and as President Bashar al-Assad has been labeled a computer aficionado this is likely to continue. While still remaining short of the goal, in 2000 Reuters reported al-Assad as saying he desired to add 200,000 new Internet connections by 2001. A board member of the Syrian Computer Society [SCS] (of which al-Assad used to be the head) followed up al-Assad’s statement by further noting that the 200,000 connections would be in addition to 7,000 already in existence. Other encouraging words concerning the Internet, given by Assad in an April, 2000, interview with the Washington Post, were, ‘‘as a point of principle I would like everybody to be able to see everything’’ and ‘‘the more you see, the more you improve.’’ Access to international sites remains relatively unencumbered, but sites about Israel, sexual matters, human rights abuses in Syria, free e-mail sites, and some newspapers are routinely blocked by the government. Yet many of the restrictions amount to little more than minor inconveniences as they are easily bypassed through simple navigation. There are some government-licensed Internet cafés in use.

EDUCATION & TRAINING The Communications Institute (founded 1970) located in Damascus offers a two-year course of study and the Ministry of Information provides brief courses for practicing journalists.

BBC News. Country Profiles. Available from http:// news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/middle_east/ country_profiles. Boyd, Douglas. Broadcasting in the Arab World: A Survey of the Electronic Media in theMiddle East, 3rd ed. Ames, IA: Iowa State University Press, 1999. Campagna, Joel. Stop Signs. Committee to Protect Journalists—Press Freedom Reports from Around the World. Available from http://www.cpj.org/Briefings/2001/ Syria_sept01/Syria_sept01.html. Camera—The Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America. Available from http:// world.std.com/ücamera/. Centre for Media Freedom—Middle East and North Africa (CMF MENA). Available from http:// www.cmfmena.org. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The World Factbook 2001. Available from http://www.cia.gov/cia/ publications/factbook/. Columbia Encyclopedia. Syria. 6th ed., 2001. Available from http://www.bartleby.com/65/tu/Turkey.html. Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ). Available from http://www.cpj.org. Freedom House. Freedom in the World. Available fromhttp://www.freedomhouse.org/research/freeworld/2002/ countryratings/syria.html. The Gulf/2000 Project. gulf2000.columbia.edu.

Available

from

http://

SUMMARY

International Press Institute. World Press Freedom Review. Available from http://www.freemedia.at/wpfr/ world.html.

Excepting the hopes fostered during the initial months of Bashar al-Assad’s rise to power in 2000, the

Kurian, George, ed. World Press Encyclopedia. New York: Facts on File, Inc., 1982.

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Library of Congress. Country Studies. Available from http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/. Maher, Joanne, ed. Regional Surveys of the World: The Middle East and North Africa 2002, 48thed. London: Europa Publications, 2001. Middle East Archives 2002. Available from http:// www.rsf.fr.

Sussman, Leonard, and Karin Karlekar, eds. The Annual Survey of Press Freedom 2002. New York: Freedom House, 2002. Syria Chamber of Commerce. About Syria. Available from http://www.fedcommsyr.org/aboutsyria.htm.

The Middle East, 9th ed. Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly Inc., 2000.

SyriaLive.Net. Syrian Papers. Available fromhttp:// www.syrialive.net/Media/Newspapers/national/ NewsPapers.htm.

Redmon, Clare, ed. Willings Press Guide 2002, Vol. 2. Chesham Bucks, UK: Waymaker Ltd, 2002.

UNESCO Institute for Statistics. Available from http:// www.uis.unesco.org.

Reporters Sans Frontieres. Syria Annual Report 2002. Available from http://www.rsf.fr. Russell, Malcom. The Middle East and South Asia 2001, 35th ed. Harpers Ferry, WV: UnitedBook Press, Inc., 2001. Stat-USA International Trade Library: Country Background Notes. Available from http://www.stat-usa.gov. Sumner, Jeff, ed. Gale Directory of Publications and Broadcast Media, Vol. 5, 136th ed. Farmington Hills, MI: Gale Group, 2002.

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U.S. Department of State. Background Note: Syria. Available from http://www.state.gov/r/pa/eo/bgn. World Bank. Data and Statistics. Available from http:// www.worldbank.org/data/countrydata/countrydata.html. Zisser, Eyal. Asad’s Legacy: Syria in Transition. London: C. Hurst & Co., 2000. —Clint B. Thomas Baldwin

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TAIWAN BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Taiwan, Province of China

Region (Map name):

East & South Asia

Population:

22,370,461

Language(s):

Mandarian Chinese, Taiwanese, Hakka

Literacy rate:

94.0%

Area:

35,980 sq km

Number of Daily Newspapers:

170

Total Newspaper Ad Receipts:

19,936 (New Taiwan $ millions)

As % of All Ad Expenditures:

32.00

Number of Television Stations:

29

Number of Television Sets:

8,800,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

393.4

Number of Satellite Subscribers:

30,000

Satellite Subscribers per 1,000:

1.3

Number of Radio Stations:

601

Number of Radio Receivers:

16,000,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

715.2

Number of Individuals with Computers:

4,964,000

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Computers per 1,000:

221.9

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

6,260,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

279.8

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Few were aware of Taiwan until 1949, when the victorious Communists on mainland China pushed the Nationalist Government of China across the Strait to Taiwan. Chiang Kai-shek, the well-known Kuomintang (KMT) leader, led nearly two million civilians and military personnel there. For nearly four decades until the liberalization beginning 1987, the government of Taiwan remained a semidictatorship, governing the people under a martial law and the Emergency Decree. It denied them most freedoms including the freedom of expression, to write and read what they liked. Beginning in 1949, the Taiwanese—or The Republic of China (ROC), as it calls itself—helped bring about economic prosperity and greatly improved the education system, but in an environment that often suppresses individual freedoms. However, between 1987 and 1992, restrictions were gradually lifted, and in 1996 and 2000, free and direct elections were held at all levels, including president. The newfound freedom also manifested itself in the nation’s press, its media, and in the widespread use of the Internet. Historical Traditions Taiwan was settled by MalayoPolynesians before Chinese settlers from the mainland began arriving there in the twelfth century A.D. Classified as Aborigines, the descendants of the MalayoPolynesians numbered about 414,000 in June 2000. More than 70 percent of them are Christian, while the Chinese are predominantly Buddhist or Taoist. The Constitution of Taiwan was amended in 1991 and 1997 to upgrade the 917

TAIWAN

status of the Aborigines and protect their civil and political rights. The ROC allocates funds and operates a host of social welfare programs to facilitate the assimilation of the Aborigines into the dominant community. At the same time, to preserve their ethnic identity, the Ministry of Education has introduced some Aborigine-language classes in primary schools and funded special programs at the university level to preserve their culture, history, and language. In order to promote their economic development, the state subsidizes Aborigines’ university education and requires that government contracts involving at least 100 employees must include at least 2 percent Aborigines or persons with disabilities. The Chinese came to the island in large numbers in the seventeenth century, principally from Fujian and Guangdong. Among the Europeans, the Portuguese were the first to arrive in the sixteenth century. They named the island Ilha Formosa (beautiful island), which is how it was known in the West until well into the twentieth century. In 1622, the Dutch East Indies Company established a military base on the Pescadores Islands. In the following year, when pressured by the Chinese, the Dutch moved to the main island of Formosa and ruled it for the next 38 years. During that period, Taiwan became a transshipment center for goods from Japan, China, Java, and the Netherlands. Most of this sector’s trade was very profitable to the Dutch Company, accounting for 26 percent of the Company’s worldwide profits in 1649. It was during the Dutch rule that a large-scale immigration of Chinese from the mainland took place because of the Manchu invasion of China and the subsequent disruptions, particularly in the coastal and southern regions. An estimated 100,000 people from Fujian and Guangdong migrated across the Taiwan Strait between 1624 and 1644, by which time the Ch’ing (Manchu) dynasty had replaced the Ming dynasty on the mainland. Among those Ming loyalists who fled southward—where they opposed the Manchu’s for 20 years—was Cheng Ch’engkung, who was known as Koxinga. Using Taiwan as his base, Koxinga attempted to restore the Ming dynasty; he expelled the Dutch in 1662 and established his own capital at Anping (the present-day Tainan). Koxinga’s son and grandson ruled Taiwan for 20 years until, in 1683, the Ch’ing rulers of mainland China took over. In 1858, following the Treaty of Tianjan, four Taiwanese ports were forcibly opened for Western trade. A quarter century later in 1895, a militarily strong Japan invaded and annexed Taiwan. During their 50-year rule, the Japanese developed the island, first for agricultural products, then as a market for Japanese manufacturers. After World War I, Japan attempted to transform Taiwan into a stepping stone to launch its southward aggression. It also forced Japanese education and cultural assimilation 918

on the local population. This included adopting Japanese names and a Japanese style of dress, eating Japanese cuisine, and observing Japanese religious rites. During the period, Japan built some 2,500 miles of highway, 2,857 miles of railroad, and modernized the ports. Following World War II, the Japanese were forced to return the island to China in 1945. The Taiwanese Chinese, acculturated under the Japanese rule, did not like their new Chinese leaders, who worked for China’s Nationalist government. Uprisings against Nationalist rule brought a swift and brutal reaction. In 1949, after the Chinese Communists forced nearly two million followers of Chaing Kai-shek to to flee the mainland to Taiwan, the Taiwanese Chinese surrendered. With the outbreak of the Korean War, the United States ordered its Seventh Fleet to protect the ROC against possible attacks by the mainland People’s Republic of China (PRC). The United States also provided the ROC with considerable economic and military assistance. The close relationship between the United States and the Republic of China suffered the first in a series of major setbacks when the ROC lost its membership in the United Nations, including the Security Council, on October 25, 1971. Then came President Nixon’s visit to the PRC in February 1972, which upset ROC leaders. On January 1, 1979, the United States formally recognized the PRC and severed its ties with the ROC; the termination of the Mutual Defense Treaty between the United States and Taiwan followed at the end of the year. Despite all these events, the U.S.-ROC relationship has remained close, thanks to continued military and economic ties. The United States established even closer ties to the PRC after the latter liberalized its economy beginning in 1979. At the same time, it occasionally warned the PRC against any military aggression toward Taiwan. Until 1987, Taiwan was ruled under martial law, proclaimed by the ruling KMT, which held a monopoly over political and military power and did not permit any other political party to function. In 1987, President Chiang Ching-kuo ended the martial law by lifting the Emergency Decree and allowed individual freedoms, including the establishment of political parties. Nongovernmental civilian contacts between Taiwan and mainland China were allowed. Economic prosperity and widespread education in Taiwan had led to an insistent demand for political liberalization. Within a decade, Taiwan boasted 84 political parties, of which three claimed to be national parties: the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), the New Party (NP) and the KMT. Paralleling the process was the sure transition from authoritarian to a democratic rule. Gradually, the ROC reconciled to holding authority only over Taiwan and the surrounding islands, giving up its claim to the mainland. Beijing, however, continued to regard TaiWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

TAIWAN

wan as a renegade province, allowing, however, exchanges with it in the fields of trade, tourism and culture. Newspapers In the 1950s, in the wake of the KMT’s occupation of the island, there was not much industrial growth; most of Taiwan was agricultural, and residents had very little purchasing power. The government restricted the size of newspapers to only 8 pages, ostensibly as an economic measure but in reality to restrict freedom of expression. Despite the increased industrialization of Taiwan, the newspaper industry lagged behind; by the mid-1980s, the size of newspapers was allowed to expand only up to 12 pages. A major landmark in the history of Taiwanese newspaper publishing occurred in January 1988 when newspaper licensing and publishing were liberalized and the newspapers took advantage of the changes to expand to 32 to 40 pages. Television had been a major source of competition with the newspapers since the 1960s, but it was nothing compared to the Internet revolution in the 1990s, which has seriously affected the newspaper industry. Since the mid-1990s, many newspapers have gone online and many have merged with other industries. At the same time, the quality of newspapers and magazines has improved dramatically thanks to the increasing use of color and graphics; Taiwanese papers have even won prestigious awards from the International Society for News Design. Such award winners have included the Liberty Times, Power News and the Taipei Times. There are three important general interest morning newspapers in the Chinese language: The China Times, the United Daily News, and the Liberty Times. Two other recent entrants, The Great News and Power News, both focus on younger readers. The Great News puts out two special morning editions—one on entertainment and lifestyle, the other on sports and recreation. The Power News employs graphics and attractive layouts aimed at urban consumers of all kinds of technical and electronic goods. Four dailies dominate the evening newspaper market: The Independence Evening Post, the China Times Express, the United Evening News, and Power News, which began publishing in 1999. The evening papers focus more on entertainment and the stock market. There are new specialized dailies, such as the 16-page Taipei Express, published by the Independence-Post group and distributed free at the mass rapid transit station in Taipei. Newspapers serving special needs are: Merit News, the first Buddhist newspaper, the Mandarin Daily News, and the Children’s News; the latter two carry fictional stories for elementary school students along with mandarin phonetic symbols that serve as pronunciation guides for Chinese characters. The English-language newspaper market was dominated for a long time by the China Post and the China News, which changed its name to the Taiwan Times. In 1999, the TaiWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

pei Times was launched and experienced great success in a very short time. The Asian Wall Street Journal and The International Herald Tribune issue Taiwanese editions. While these are prized by the foreign population, the Taiwanese readers of the English-language papers patronize them both for the local news and for the excellent learning tools they provide for students of the English language. Almost all the main newspapers come out of the capital city of Taipei. They have correspondents in the main towns and cities on the island, as well as in many important countries. Their news coverage is professional and in-depth, and they specialize in several different areas. Among the dailies with regional interest, those based in Kaohsiung have established an identity with people in the southern region by emphasizing the news of the region as well as local culture and cuisine, literature and history, sports, and business. Among them are the Commons Daily, the Taiwan Times and the Taiwan Shin Wen Daily News, which are also known for wider usage of expressions peculiar to the Taiwanese dialect. Magazines There has been a phenomenal growth of nonpolitical magazines in Taiwan. On the other hand, the political magazines have suffered because of the Internet and cable television. The Global Views Monthly and the China Times Weekly have managed to hold their subscriptions at a profitable level. The weeklies and biweeklies have declined, giving way to monthlies, bimonthlies, and quarterlies. Many of the new magazines such as TVBS Weekly, Cashbox, and Tanhsing are aimed at the younger audience between the ages of 15 and 24. The Reader’s Digest, which translates the original English stories into Chinese and supplements the offerings with 919

TAIWAN

original Chinese-language articles of general interest. The new magazines that have experienced success are in the areas of finance and management, computer science and technology, women’s issues, and health. Thus, PC Home, started in February 1996, has registered a spectacular growth. Others in the field are: The Third Wave, published by the Acer Group; PC Magazine; and Amazing Computer Entertainment, which is a Chinese-language affiliate of the U.S. magazine PC Gamer that carries a free CD-ROM in every to introduce new computer games to its younger readership. Evergreen, Common Health, and Health World, all in Chinese, as well as the Chinese editions of Harper’s Bazaar, Cosmopolitan, and Vogue, dominate the health and fitness magazines. An older yet still very popular magazine is the Chinese-language Commonwealth (started in 1981), which has an attractive layout and graphics, well-written financial stories, and more recently, excellent articles on macroeconomic trends and modern management concepts. It has a wide readership among Chinese communities in Southeast Asia and throughout the entire Chinese world through the Internet. Another magazine, Wealth, is regarded a ‘‘must read’’ both by politicians and business leaders because of its perceptive articles—despite the fact that it looks more like a thick paperback than a magazine.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK During the decades following the KMT takeover of Taiwan in 1949 and more particularly after 1962, the economy witnessed an exponential growth at an annual rate averaging nearly 10 percent between 1962 and 1985. The island was transformed from a reliance on agricultural exports in the 1960s and 1970s to high technology and chemical products in the 1980s and 1990s. By 2000, technology-intensive products comprised more than 50 percent of all exports. With the lifting of the Emergency Decree in 1987 and the subsequent contacts between the people of Taiwan and mainland China, the Taiwanese business community began investing on the mainland. By 1998, such investments exceeded US$13 billion. Exports to China increased phenomenally in the 1990s, reducing Taiwan’s dependence on the U.S. market but increasing concerns over its dependence on the mainland market. The Taiwanese government acknowledges that much of its economic progress is due to the rapid expansion of and improvements in education. Illiteracy on the island dropped from 34.6 percent for those six years and older in 1951, to 15.3 in 1969, to less than 6 percent in 2000, with much of that gain coming in the elderly population. The number of high school students increased from about 34,000 in the early 1950s to more than 400,000 in the 1990s. In the four decades since 1950, the number of university students increased ninety-fold. By 1997, there were 48,619 students in the nation’s 766 graduate pro920

grams with 10,013 students pursuing doctoral programs. Thousands of additional graduate students were enrolled in universities in the United States, Canada, Australia, and Western Europe. The exponential increase in education had a direct effect on the number of publications on the island—newspapers, magazines, and books all increased—and since the mid-1990s, it has also led to a large number of Internet users. Concentration of Ownership Many prominent Taiwanese newspapers and magazines are owned by three important chains. The China Times belongs to the same chain that publishes the Commercial Times, the China Times Express, the China Times Weekly, the Taiwan edition of the French magazine Marie Claire, and Art China. In September 1995, the China Times Web site began making news available through the Internet to Chinese readers all over the world. The United Daily News belongs to the same chain that publishes Economic Daily News, Min Sheng Daily, United Evening News, Star, the literary monthly Unitas, and Historical Monthly. It also publishes the World Journal in New York, the Europe Journal in Paris and the Universal Daily News in Bangkok. The third major newspaper publishing house publishes The Taipei Times in English and the Liberty Times in Taiwan and a U.S. edition in Los Angeles. The adverse economic situation has affected newspapers in general and even more so those owned by the government, the armed forces, and the major political parties. Journalists and allied newspaper staff have suffered considerably, with hundreds receiving severance packages or salary cuts.

PRESS LAWS The constitution of the ROC, drawn up in 1947, applied to Taiwan and mainland China, as Taiwanese leaders in the past always assumed the two nations would one day become one again. In 1987, the ROC finally realized that a reconciliation was unlikely and resigned itself to being the government of just Taiwan and the neighboring islands of Matsu, Quemoy, and Pescadores. The constitution provides for five yuans, or governing bodies: legislative, executive, judicial, control, and examination, with the executive being responsible to the legislature. Beginning in 1950, the people directly elected all representative bodies below the provincial level. In 1951, sixteen county and five city governments and councils were established. In 1959, the first Taiwanese provincial assembly was established, marking the participation of the people in the political process from the county to the provincial level. Full democratization of Taiwan’s politics began after Chiang Ching-kuo, the son of Chiang Kai-shek, was elected President in 1978. (Chiang Kai-shek died in 1975 and was succeeded by Yen Chia-kan for three years.) In WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

TAIWAN

1986, the first major opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) was formally recognized. The most important measure occurred in the following year when the President announced the end of martial law and the Emergency Decree. Although Chiang Ching-kuo died in 1988, his successor, President Lee Teng-hui, continued with the reforms, allowing trade unions, legalizing strikes and demonstrations, and removing restrictions on newspapers. His government guaranteed the freedom of the press. The result was an explosion of growth of newspapers and electronic media in Taiwan on an unprecedented scale. The constitutional amendments of 1997 provide the legislative yuan with the authority to dismiss the Cabinet with a no-confidence vote. The judicial yuan was made constitutionally independent of the other branches of the political system. By and large, the government respects the independence of the judiciary. In 1991 and 1992, the first elections to the National Assembly and the legislative yuan were held. A constitutional amendment in 1992 transformed the control yuan into a semijudicial body. On March 23, 1996, the first direct election of the president or head of state was held. Four years later, on March 18, 2000, the second direct presidential election took place, bringing the DPP to power with Chen Shuibian as president. The multiparty elections held at various levels promoted discussion and often boisterous debates, with the press and the media promoting them and in the process registering the largest number of readers and viewers.

CENSORSHIP There is no official censorship in Taiwan. After the martial law and the Emergency Decree were ended in 1987, the free atmosphere needed for the healthy functioning of the press and the media returned. Multiple political parties were allowed, yet the KMT party remained dominant at the national level until 2000, when the opposition Democratic Progressive Party replaced it. The DPP took measures to safeguard the constitutionally sanctioned civil rights of Taiwan’s citizens. A major setback to such a movement came immediately after Chen’s inauguration on May 20, 2000, with the shocking news that a military court had sentenced Major Liu Chih-chung to nine years in prison for allegedly leaking military secrets to the press. The news rocked Taiwan, and the case attained tremendous sensitivity because the secrets involved Taiwan’s security in relation to mainland China, which has for the last half a century regarded Taiwan as a ‘‘renegade province’’ and desired its integration. In fact, Liu’s disclosure that three warships from mainland China had entered the Taiwan Strait was more an embarrassment to the defense establishment than an actual security threat to the country. The sentence was condemned by several legislators, prompting the WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

newly elected President Chen to appeal to a gathering of journalists to exercise a balance between the needs of reporting and remaining ‘‘alert to disasters, risks and Beijing’s hostility.’’ In November 2000, almost six months after the DPP attained power, a new policy was instituted allowing mainland journalists to be based on the island. The first two correspondents arrived on February 8, 2002. The bonhomie between the mainland press and Taiwan did not last long; reticence set in soon with Taipei’s allegations that the official mainland news agency, Xinhua, had published ‘‘incorrect reports’’ about Taiwanese politics. Beijing, in turn, complained that its journalists were allowed only month-long visits and that Taipei had refused to renew their permits under ‘‘false pretexts.’’ Under the new dispensation (as the New York-based Committee to Protect the Journalists (CPJ) highlighted in its 2001 report), Taiwan’s press has remained independent and lively, providing a bedrock for Taiwan’s democratic society; of course, debates over just how much freedom the press should have still continue. In January, 2001, Vice-President Annette Lu filed a lawsuit against a popular weekly news magazine, The Journalist. The latter had reported that Lu had telephoned the magazine’s editor disclosing President Chen’s romantic involvement with an aide. Lu denied the telephone call and demanded an apology from the editor. Instead of suing the magazine and invoking Taiwan’s legal provisions for criminal penalties for libel, defamation, and insult, Lu opted to pursue the case as a civil matter.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS On March 20, 2002, the public prosecutor’s office of the Taiwan High Court raided the offices and printing facilities of Taiwan Next magazine on grounds that it had endangered the nation’s security by leaking state secrets. The raid occurred after 20,000 issues (out of a total print run of 180,000) of the March 21 issue of the magazine had already entered the distribution chain, notably the capital’s convenience stores. The weekly magazine tabloid owned by Hong Kong media tycoon Jimmy Lai was been known for its risqué coverage of scandals involving celebrities and politicians. It had, in the past, attracted attacks by baseball bat-wielding thugs in August 2001.This time it had committed a double sin—venturing into the forbidden territory of state security and implying political corruption. Taiwan Next was not the only one to question corruption in the state security apparatus. Both China Times and Next magazine reported that during the KMT’s Tenghui administration, the National Security Bureau (NSB) had funded espionage through two secret bank accounts worth about US$100 million that were used to pay spies in mainland China and middlemen who would help in 921

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getting various countries to maintain diplomatic relations with Taiwan. The magazine’s editor, Pei Wei, defended his action on grounds that ‘‘the two secret funds have nothing to do with national secrets, so the search is a violation of press freedom.’’ The entire operation was beyond legislative oversight. The government’s reaction was twofold: to tighten the agencies against future leaks and to devise ways by which the intelligence agencies could be brought under better legislative supervision. Human rights activists condemned the prosecutor’s action, alleging a gross violation of Article 19 of the United Nations International Human Rights Declaration, which states that ‘‘every individual has the right to say what he or she wants to say, as well as to communicate with others by whatever media he or she chooses.’’ They pointed out that while President Chen had promised to sign the Declaration, his Minister of Justice, Chen Dingnan, ‘‘totally broke that Declaration.’’

BROADCAST MEDIA Radio Broadcasting in the first decade of the KMT rule in Taiwan in the 1950s focused on family entertainment and covered mostly cultural, educational, and children’s programs. The next decade witnessed the arrival of television, which revolutionized viewer demands. The 1980s saw big changes in the radio market, as many stations began targeting special audiences interested in news, light music, traffic news, the stock market and finance, or agriculture and weather. Since the 1990s, public interest has focused on radio call-in programs, where the listeners get to express their views on national and international issues, or to question government officials on diverse policies that affect the public. The regular broadcasting in Taiwan includes medium-wave AM and VHF FM stations, medium- and short-wave broadcasts to mainland China, and some specialized programming using short-wave to transmit to Chinese communities in other countries. The national broadcasting is governed by the Central Broadcasting System Establishment Statute of January 1998, which established the present Central Broadcasting System (CBS). The predecessor of the CBS was the Broadcasting Corporation of China (BCC), founded in 1947. Historians point out that the parent of the BCC was the venerable Central Broadcasting Station, founded in Nanking in 1928. After the advent of the KMT in Taiwan, the BCC had begun transmitting as the Voice of Free China over short-wave channels. The BCC started the first FM station in Taiwan in 1968, and stereo broadcasts over AM channels in 1987. The CBS operates a variety network and a news network in Mandarin Chinese and a dialect network that transmits in seven dialects, including Southern Fujianese, Cantonese, Hakka, Mongolian, and 922

Tibetan. The Radio Taipei International broadcasts in 11 foreign languages, and its Voice of Asia broadcasts in English, Mandarin, Thai, and Bahasa Indonesia. Being the national station, the CBS is used for publicizing the government’s policies affecting business and taxation, education and culture, and domestic and foreign politics. The government-run Public Radio System (PRS) operates three networks: a national traffic network giving traffic conditions on the nation’s highways and freeways, a regional traffic network, and a local traffic network comprising five FM and two AM stations; it also covers weather conditions across the island nation. The PRS also has an ‘‘evergreen network’’ covering health and medicine, travel and leisure, and government policies toward social services for the senior citizens, women, and children. The Voice of Han Broadcasting Station operates six stations in Taipei and fifteen transmission sites around Taiwan. It uses its AM and FM channels in Taiwan and has regular broadcasting beamed at mainland China. The UFO Network, established in 1996, suddenly became popular with its seven FM frequencies. Two years later, its broadcasts were known overseas, notably in the United States, Australia, and New Zealand. It allocates 30 percent of its time to news, 50 percent to music, and 20 percent to variety, catering to all age groups and all professions. News98 is an FM station, the only station broadcasting news around the clock with updates every quarter of the hour. The news covers domestic and international politics; finance, medicine, and health; and literary developments. Finally, there is the International Community Radio Taipei (ICRT), which is owned by the International Community Cultural Foundation. It is the most important all-English radio station and is indispensable for the international community in Taiwan and for those who like Western music, English-language talk shows, and international news. ICRT is also available on Internet audio. Radio broadcasting showed spectacular growth between February 1993 and October 2000 when the government released ten batches of frequencies, enabling the rise in radio broadcasting companies from 33 in 1993 to 137 in September 2000. The ninth batch of frequencies released in May 1999 included 42 frequencies for regional stations and 30 for community stations that cater to the needs of various ethnic groups in the island’s different regions. Television Public television has undergone a major reorganization since July 1, 1998, with the establishment of the Public Television Service (PTS) under the provisions of the Public Television law of May 1997. The PTS is an independent, nonprofit station whose aim is ‘‘to serve the interests of the public, raise the standards of WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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Taiwan’s broadcast culture, safeguard the public’s freedom of expression and access to knowledge, and enhance national education and culture.’’ Under the 1997 legislation, the PTS received a government subsidy of NT$1.2 billion (US$37.2 million), which will be reduced by 10 percent every year until it falls to half of the first year subsidy. Since its inception, the PTS has been able to raise its own funds through program sponsorship from business and industry, donations from individuals and corporations, sale of videotaped programs, and the leasing of its studios. The PTS has established an excellent reputation for the wide range and high standards of its programs, suitable for all age groups, minorities, and those with hearing impairment. Its repertoire includes music, dance, and theatrical performances; folk dances; and traditional local operas. Besides news and commentaries on current events, it has special programs on the environment and ecology, history and culture, social and economic change, domestic politics, and foreign policy. It also shows movies and children’s programs. Its programming includes ‘‘in-house productions as well as culturally diverse international programs that promote cultural exchange’’ and expand the horizons of the Taiwanese people. The growth of commercial television has paralleled that of public television beginning in 1962. That same year the Taiwan Television Enterprise (TTV) was born, soon followed by China Television Company (CTV) in 1969 and Chinese Television System (CTS) in 1971. In the 1990s, television in Taiwan took giant strides with increased satellite broadcasting and digital television. The popular Formosa Television (FTV) affiliated with the Democratic Progressive Party was born in 1997 as a part of the liberalization of electronic media. Much like in the United States, Taiwan’s over-theair broadcast television industry suffered greatly at the end of the 1990s at the hands of the cable television industry, which cut into its number of viewers and advertising revenues. Until August 1993, when the Cable Television Law was passed, the illegal cable systems were taking some advertising away from broadcast television, but it would have to be regarded as totally insignificant compared to the substantial and unacceptable losses since the mid-1990s. Cable television is preferred because of the quality of reception in the hilly areas and because of the wide selection of programming.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA Taiwan is also involved in the construction of its ADSL (Asymmetrical Digital Subscriber Line) network, which will increase high-speed data communications for Internet access, video conferencing, and multimedia apWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

plications. Two of Taiwan’s major cable TV facilities have been using high-speed (1.5 Mbps) broadband network services in 1999 through ADSL modems. According to Chunghwa Telecom, almost all of the country’s 10 million-plus local telephone subscribers were on highspeed broadbands by 2000. By that time, all of Taiwan’s 3,272 elementary and junior high schools were connected to TANet (Taiwan Academic Net) by broadband network, with the schools on the main island using the highspeed ADSL system and those on off-shore islands and in mountainous areas using the fiber optic or microwave systems. This level of sophistication placed Taiwan at number three in the world—after Sweden and Canada— for its Internet penetration rate in the schools, which stood at 63 percent in 2000. By mid-2000, Taiwan had 5.57 million active Internet users, a 16 percent increase over the figure for 1999. Its online penetration rate was 25 percent. Between December 1999 and June 2000, the number of cable and ADSL subscribers increased 200 percent and 170 percent, respectively. In January 2000, Taiwan ranked seventh in the world and second (after Japan) in Asia for the number of Internet hosts; its nearly 850,000 hosts was an increase of 25 percent over the July 1999 figure. Taiwan is a member of the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), a nonprofit international organization established in November 1998 to oversee IP address allocation.

SUMMARY In March 2002, the Ministry of Justice published a draft legislation that sought to regulate access to government information. It prohibited the publication of infor923

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BIBLIOGRAPHY APT (Asia-Pacific Telecommunity). The APT Yearbook. Bangkok and Surrey: APT & ICOM, 2000. Chen, J. C. Y. ‘‘Republic of China (Taiwan).’’ In Newspapers in Asia: Contemporary Trends and Problems, ed. J. A. Lent, 54–76. Hong Kong: Heinemann Asia, 1982. French, D. and M. Richards, eds. Contemporary Television: Eastern Perspectives. New Delhi: Sage, 1996. Gunaratne, S.A., ed. Handbook of the Media in Asia. New Delhi: Sage, 2000. Gunaratne, S.A., M.S. Hasim, and R. Kasenally. ‘‘Small is Beautiful, Information Potential of Three Indian Ocean Rim Countries.’’ Media Asia 24 (1997): 1–205. Hsu, C. S. ‘‘Republic of China (Taiwan).’’ In Broadcasting in Asia and the Pacific: A Continental Survey of Radio and Television, ed. J.A. Lent, 12–21. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1978. mation that would hinder criminal investigations or violate individual privacy, professional secrets, business operations, and business records of state-owned enterprises. The New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) wrote to President Chen its concern that the legislation would severely restrict freedom of the press. Chen’s response alluded to his own past when he was ‘‘a prisoner of conscience’’ in 1984 after publishing a magazine article critical of the government. Critics of the raid accused the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) of resorting to the same tactics that Taiwan’s former ruling party KMT used against its opponents, including President Chen. If Chen meant what he said in a public address of March 25, 2002, Taiwan’s press should have no grounds for future complaints. In his reply to CPJ’s letter, Chen discussed the dilemma he faced in protecting the nation’s security while also ensuring the freedom of press: Our resolve is unwavering as we work to disencumber our government infrastructure from the problems we have inherited from the past and to begin to fill the voids by building legal intelligence oversight mechanisms based on the principle of democracy. Such mechanisms include the legislation of our Government Classified Information Protection Act and Government Information Disclosure Act. The essence of democracy should never be quelled under the pretext of national security, nor should the flag of national security be used as a cover for undermining freedom of press. As a democratically elected president, it is my duty to listen carefully to what the media [have] to say.

Therein lies a major change in the attitude of the Taiwan government, which may hold promise of continued freedom of the press and the healthy growth of all media in that country. 924

Kennedy, Brian. ‘‘Take Care of Taiwan’s Freedom of the Press.’’ Taipei Times (March 5, 2001). Lay, Y. J., and J.C. Schweitzer. ‘‘Advertising in Taiwan Newspapers Since the Lifting of the Bans.’’ Journalism Quarterly 67 (1990): 201–206. Lee, Chin-chuan. ‘‘State, Capital and Media.’’ In DeWesternizing Media Studies, eds. James Curran and Myung-jin Park. London: Routledge, 2000. Liu, Y. I. Cable Television Management and Programming Strategies. Taipei: Cheng-chun Publishing, 1994. Lo, V. H., H. Wu, and A. Paddon. ‘‘Front Page Design of Taiwan Daily Newspapers, 1952–1996.’’ Mass Communication Research 59 (1999): 67–90. Lo, V. H., J.C. Cheng, and C.C. Lee. ‘‘Television News is Government News in Taiwan.’’ Asian Journal of Communication, vol. 4, no. 1 (1994): 99–110. Merrill, J. C., and H.A. Fisher. The World’s Great Dailies: Profiles of 50 Newspapers. New York: Hastings House, 1980. Pang, K. F. ‘‘Taiwan.’’ In Walking the Tightrope: Press Freedom and Professional Standards in Asia, ed. A. Latif, 173–182. Singapore: AMIC, 1998. The Republic of China Yearbook 2000. Taipei: Government Information Office, 2001. Statistical Yearbook. Paris: UNESCO, 2000. Vanden Heuvel, J., and E.E. Dennis. The Unfolding Lotus: East Asia and Changing Media. New York: The Freedom Forum, 1993. Wei, R. ‘‘Press Developments in Taiwan and the Changing Coverage of the Taiwan-China Relationship.’’ In Mass Media in Asia Pacific, ed. B. T. McIntyre, 67–71. Clevedon, PA: Multilingual Matters, 1999. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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World Press Trends. Paris: World Association of Newspapers, 2000. World Radio and TV Handbook. Amsterdam: Billboard Publications, 2001. —Damodar R. SarDesai

TAJIKISTAN BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Republic of Tajikistan

Region (Map name):

East & South Asia

Population:

6,578,681

Language(s):

Tajik (official), Russian

Literacy rate:

98.0%

Area:

143,100 sq km

GDP:

991 (US$ millions)

Number of Television Sets:

860,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

130.7

Number of Radio Stations:

20

Number of Radio Receivers:

1,291,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

196.2

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

3,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

0.5

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Tajikistan borders China to the east, Kyrgyzstan to the north, Uzbekistan to the west and Afghanistan on its southern frontier. With a 2001 estimated population of 6,579,000 growing at a 2.1 percent annual rate, 65 percent of its people are ethnic Tajik, about 25 percent are Uzbek, 3.5 percent are Russian, and other groups make up the rest. Russians, who numbered roughly half a million a decade ago, fled the country en masse during the recent civil war. 80 percent of the population is Sunni Muslim, while 5 percent are Shi’a Muslim. Tajik is the official language but Russian is widely used in government and business circles. The long local form of Tajikistan is Jumhurii Tojikiston. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Tajikistan, literally the ‘‘land of the Tajiks,’’ has ancient cultural roots. The people now known as the Tajiks are the Persian speakers of Central Asia, some of whose ancestors inhabited Central Asia at the dawn of history. Despite the long heritage of its indigenous peoples, Tajikistan has existed as a state only since the Soviet Union decreed its existence in 1924. The origin of the name Tajik has been embroiled in twentieth-century political disputes about whether Turkic or Iranian people were the original inhabitants of Central Asia. Until the twentieth century, people in the region used two types of distinction to identify themselves: way of life—either nomadic or sedentary—and place of residence. Most, if not all, of what is today Tajikistan was part of ancient Persia’s Achaemenid Empire which was subdued by Alexander the Great in the fourth century B.C. and then became part of the Greco-Bactrian kingdom. The northern part of what is now Tajikistan was part of Soghdiana. As intermediaries on the Silk Route between China and markets to the west and south, the Soghdians imparted religions such as Buddhism, Netorian Christianity, Zoroastrianism and Manichaeism, as well as their own alphabet and other knowledge, to peoples along the trade routes. Islamic Arabs began the conquest of the region in earnest in the early eighth century. In the development of a modern Tajik national identity, the most important state in Central Asia after the Islamic conquest was the Persian-speaking Samanid principality (875-999). During their reign, the Samanids supported the revival of the written Persian language. Samanid literary patronage played an important role in preserving the culture of pre-Islamic Iran. During the first centuries A.D., Chinese involvement in this region waxed and waned, decreasing sharply after the Islamic conquest but not disappearing completely. As late as the nineteenth century, China attempted to press its claim to the Pamir region of what is now southeastern Tajikistan. Since the breakup of the Soviet Union, China occasionally has revived its claim to part of this region. Beginning in the ninth century, Turkish penetration of the Persian cultural sphere increased in Central Asia. The influx of even greater numbers of Turkic peoples began in the eleventh century. The Turkic peoples who moved into southern Central Asia, including what later became Tajikistan, were influenced to varying degrees by Persian culture. Over the generations, some converted Turks changed from pastoral nomadism to a sedentary way of life, which brought them into closer contact with the sedentary Persian speakers. Until 1991, Tajikistan was part of the former USSR. In Soviet times, the investment in social structures allowed Tajikistan to reach a high level of development within the education system. Up until the beginning of 925

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the 1990s, literacy among the adult population (99 percent according to the 1989 Soviet census) and welleducated labor force was maintained while 77 percent had a secondary education and above. The educational institutions at all levels were accessible to the majority of the population. Despite being one of the poorest of the former Soviet block nations, it still maintains a high literacy rate of 98 percent. Immediately after the war, the government approved a law that made education a right for all. However, this right is yet to be implemented. Prior to independence, the universal language of instruction was Russian, and literacy almost exclusively meant literacy in Russian. Today, education is at least nominally available in five languages throughout the country: Tajik, Russian, Uzbek, Kyrghyz, and Turkmen. In practice, however, the location of schools offering instruction in a family’s preferred language (other than Tajik) may prohibit their children’s attendance. Of the five Central Asian states that declared independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, Tajikistan is the smallest in area and the third largest in population. Landlocked and mountainous, the republic has some valuable natural resources, such as waterpower and minerals, but arable land is scarce, the industrial base is narrow, and the communications and transportation infrastructures are poorly developed. Following independence in 1991, Tajikistan faced a series of crises. Separation from the Soviet Union caused an immediate economic collapse. Non-inclusion in the ruble zone caused a cash crisis that was exacerbated when Russia delayed payments on shipments of cotton because of Tajik debts to Russia. A civil war in 1991-93 resulted in significant loss of life and property and left close to 500,000 people homeless and set back children’s education. General damage is estimated at US$7 billion. As of 2000, Tajikistan ranked among the 20 poorest nations of the world. With an average per capita annual income of some US$130, about 85 percent of Tajiks live below the poverty line. Tajikistan has featured prominently in the recent drive to root out Al Qaeda terrorists and depose the Taliban government in Afghanistan. Despite risks from its own Islamists, the Tajikistan government quickly gave the international forces necessary access for the intervention and its role in the conflict and the supply of humanitarian relief has been essential. Notwithstanding its disadvantages, Tajikistan is successfully, if haltingly, making a transition to normalcy, civil order and democracy. Despite several potentially destabilizing events during 2001, such as the assassination of cabinet officials by unknown assailants, the various parties remain committed to peace even as they struggle for influence within the political landscape. The government continues to work to maintain a balance between various factions, including those from the president’s party and former opposition 926

members integrated into the government following the 1997 Peace Accord. The peace process resulted in a unique coalition government (of Islamists and former Communists), and the Islamists are a vocal opposition. There are no daily newspapers in Tajikistan, although 203 newspapers and 56 magazines are officially registered. Two opposition newspapers started publication again in 1999 following the lifting of a six-year ban on the activities of their parties and movements. With the economy in ruins and much of the population living in poverty, Tajikistan still does not have a viable daily press. The authorities control the presses and publishing, and obtaining a license can take several years. Today, the country relies on small-volume weekly papers, most of them filling news holes with horoscopes and anecdotes from the Russian yellow press. Examples of Tajik newspapers are the following: the Jumhuriyat—governmentowned and published in Tajik three times a week; Khalq Ovozi—government-owned and published in Uzbek three times a week; Narodnaya Gazeta—governmentowned and published in Russian three times a week; Nido-i Ranjbar—Tajik-language weekly and published by the Communist Party; Golos Tajikistana—Russianlanguage weekly and published by the Communist Party; Tojikiston—government-owned Tajik-language weekly; and the Najot—weekly and published by the former opposition Islamic Rebirth Party. The information vacuum in the country can bring about the most undesirable consequences, exerting negative influence on further social and political developments in the region. Ten years after a strong Soviet ideology dissolved, other forces are snatching opportunities to define a new ideology at a crossroad of the European and Asian civilizations. In areas in which the free media cannot operate, and where there is a lack of education, that ideology can grow from fear and violence. The absence of analytical journalism accounts for the fact that motives for frequent reshuffles in power structures and changes in home and foreign political priorities proclaimed by the country’s leadership remain unclear to the broad range of readers, viewers and listeners.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK The economy is a state-controlled system making a difficult transition to a market-based one. Most of the work force (50 percent) is engaged in agriculture (20 percent GDP), part of which remains collectivized. Government revenue depends highly on state-controlled cotton production. The small industrial sector (18 percent GDP) is dominated by aluminum production, another critical source of government revenue, although most Soviet-era factories operate at a minimal level, if at all. Small-scale privatization is over 80 percent complete, but the level of WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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medium to large-scale privatization is much lower (approximately 16 percent) with the heavy industry, wholesale trade, and transport sectors remaining largely under state control. Many, but not all, wages and pensions are paid. The country is poor, with a per capita gross national product of approximately $290, according to World Bank data. While the current growth rate runs at 5.1 percent, inflation is running at 33 percent. Only 28 percent of the population is urban. Tajikistan depends on aid from Russia and Uzbekistan and on international humanitarian assistance for much of its basic subsistence needs. The failure of the Soviet economic system has been accompanied by a rise in narcotics trafficking and other forms of corruption. This development has led to clear disparities of income between the vast majority of the population and a small number of former pro-government and opposition warlords, who control many of the legal and most of the criminal sectors of the economy. World Bank development efforts are focusing on transnational projects for oil and hydroelectric exploitation. With their large reserves of oil and gas, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan are eager to build pipelines and capitalize on potential regional and global markets. The Turkmenistan government broached the possibility of a natural gas pipeline to flow to Afghanistan, Pakistan and India. Water-rich Tajikistan has big hydro potential and could be a source of water for the entire region, yet downstream sharing will be difficult to achieve because of political exigencies and nationalistic tendencies. Tajikistan is ruled by an authoritarian regime that has established some nominally democratic institutions. President Emomali Rahmonov and an inner circle of fellow natives of the Kulyab region continued to dominate the government; however, Rahmonov’s narrow base of support limited his control of the entire territory of the country. Rahmonov won reelection in a November 1999 election that was flawed seriously and was neither free nor fair according to outside observers. As a result of 1997 peace accords that ended the civil war, some former opposition figures continue to hold seats in the government. Rahmonov’s supporters overwhelmingly won. Although February parliamentary elections that were neither free nor fair, they were notable for the fact that several opposition parties were allowed to participate, and that one opposition party won two seats in Parliament. Although the Constitution was adopted in 1994 and amended in September 1999, political decision-making normally takes the form of power plays among the various factions, formerly aligned with the other side during the civil war, that now make up the government. The legacy of civil war continued to affect the government, which still faced the problems of demobilizing and reintegrating former opposition troops and maintaining law and order while rival armed factions competed WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

for power. The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, it is not independent in practice. The Ministries of Interior, Security, and Defense share responsibility for internal security, although the government actually relies on a handful of commanders who use their forces almost as private armies. Some regions of the country remained effectively outside the government’s control, and government control in other areas existed only by day, or at the sufferance of local former opposition commanders. The soldiers of some of these commanders are involved in crime and corruption. The Russian Army’s 201st Motorized Rifle Division, part of a Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) peacekeeping force established in 1993, remained in the country and continued to have a major influence on political developments; however, the division began to transition into a new status on a permanent military base after the peacekeeping mandate ended in September. The number of independent and local newspapers is increasing, but only a handful of them attempt to cover serious news. Several are organs of political parties or blocs. The government exerted pressure on newspapers critical of it. Najot, the new official paper of the Islamic Renaissance Party, which began weekly publication in October 1999, continued to publish during the year. It experienced indirect government censorship in the early summer, apparently in retaliation for publishing a serialized translation of a foreign human rights report critical of the government. It temporarily lost its access to staterun printing presses and has been forced to rely on a small, privately owned printing press to publish its editions. Civil war along with regional clan lines, political violence and state repression has made Tajikistan one of the most dangerous places for journalists. Peace accord between government and United Tajik Opposition (UTO) has never worked out. Absolute anarchy is prevailing in the ranks of both UTO and government troops. Civilian deaths, hostage taking, looting and torching of houses, rape and summary executions have occurred—the country has seen the worse human rights abuses since the height of the 1992-97 war. Human Rights Watch documented numerous cases of extortion, kidnapping, and beating of ordinary civilians by Ministry of Internal Affairs, Ministry of Defense, and Ministry of Emergency situations personnel. Issues high on the agenda in Tajikistan included how to advance progress in the social sectors and the need to push ahead in tackling corruption and governance issues. The most recent Country Assistance Strategy (CAS)—the central vehicle for Board of Directors’ review of the World Bank Group’s assistance strategy for Tajikistan—focuses on four main areas: privatization 927

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(the first Structural Adjustment Credit); farm restructuring and improved agricultural support services (the Farm Privatization Project, the Rural Infrastructure Rehabilitation Project); social services (the Education Learning and Innovation Loan, the Primary Health Care Reform Project); and strengthened institutional capacity for reform implementation at the sector level (the Second Institution Building Technical Assistance Project). USAID’s program to strengthen democratic culture among citizens and targeted institutions seeks to create stronger and more sustainable civic and advocacy organizations; increase the availability of information on civic rights and domestic public issues; and increase opportunities for citizen participation in governance. Despite the difficult travel situation to and within Tajikistan (and the security situation which demands restricted travel), support to Tajikistan’s NGOs led to a marked improvement in NGO advocacy, service provision, and organizational capacity. At the time of independence, Tajikistan had several long-established official newspapers that had been supported by the communist regime. These included newspapers circulated throughout the republic in Tajik, Russian, and Uzbek, as well as papers on the provincial, district, and city levels. Beginning in 1991, changes in newspapers’ names reflected political changes in the republic. For example, the Tajik republican newspaper, long known as Tojikistoni Soveti (Soviet Tajikistan), became first Tojikistoni Shuravi (using the Persian word for ‘‘council’’ or ‘‘soviet’’) and then Jumhuriyat (Republic). The equivalent Russian-language newspaper went from Kommunist Tadzhikistana (Tajikistan Communist) to Narodnaya Gazeta (People’s Newspaper). Under the changing political conditions of the late-Soviet and early independence periods, new newspapers appeared, representing such groups as the journalists’ union, the PersianTajik Language Foundation, cultural and religious groups, and opposition political parties. After antireformists returned to power at the end of 1992, however, the victors cracked down on the press. In the Soviet era, Tajikistan’s magazines included publications specializing in health, educational, rural, and women’s issues, as well as communist party affairs. Several were intended especially for children. Literary magazines were published in both Russian and Tajik. The Academy of Sciences of Tajikistan published five scholarly journals. In the post-independence years, however, Tajikistan’s poverty forced discontinuation of such items. In the early 1990s, Tajikistan had three main publishing houses. After the civil war, the combination of political repression and acute economic problems disrupted many publication activities. In this period, all of the country’s major newspapers were funded fully or in part by the government, and their news coverage followed only the government’s line. The only news agency, Khovar, was 928

a government bureau. Tajikistan drew international criticism for the reported killing and jailing of journalists. Government officials often make it clear to journalists what news should not be covered, and reporters practice consideration self-censorship. There are about 200 periodicals published in Tajikistan. Fifty of them are either independent or partly affiliated. Two new private newspapers began publishing in 1998. One is affiliated with the UTO’s fighters; the other with UTO members of the National Reconciliation Commission. Like most newspapers, both have small circulations. Most private media, however, are not financially viable. Because of low advertising revenues and circulation bases, few papers publish daily. Biznis i Politica, a paper subsidized by a private commodities exchange firm, is one of a few successful papers. State TV and radio are financed from the national budget; revenues from advertising do not allow for financial independence. Politically, the government channels are biased and scrutiny of the authorities is entirely absent. According to sources, there are no independent broadcasters in Tajikistan. However, Internews (the only foreign media assistance organization with an office in Tajikistan) reports that two private TV channels are currently operative. Foreign radio stations broadcasting in Russian and Tajik are the BBC, Voice of America, Radio Liberty and Voice of Free Tajikistan. The latter is in fact the United Tajik Opposition radio station (funded by Iran), broadcasting from Kunduz Province in northern Afghanistan. Combined with the opposition papers smuggled into the republic, such as Charoghi Rooz (Moscow) and Paiki Piruzi (Iran), they provide information to a selected part of the information-hungry population. Salaries for journalists are poor and do normally not exceed the national average. In some cases (independent outlets), earnings may be higher, yet not above $20 per month. Due to the economic chaos, payment is occasionally delayed for months. Combined with the dangers and lack of freedom, few young people are motivated to enter the profession. There are no professional organizations defending the rights of journalists, monitoring violations or trying to improve working conditions. The Journalists’ Union, headed by Mirzokhaet Davlatov, formally represents the interests of journalists, yet in practice is not able to provide substantive support or assistance. In 1995, 24 new publications were registered and in 1996 the total number of registered newspapers amounted to 213. Of these, 24 newspapers are supposedly distributed throughout the republic. However, most of these outlets either appear irregularly or folded. The bulk of the WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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newspapers (over 70 percent) are either official central, regional, city or district papers, or owned by various ministries and state committees. The total circulation of newspapers plummeted eight-fold after January 1991 (when the combined printrun stood at two million). In 2002, the circulation of newspapers rarely exceeded 5,000 copies. Although the state-controlled press is due to receive subsidies, some papers (such as the Russian-language Narodnaya Gazeta or the Tajik-language Dzhumhurriyat (Republic) and Paemi Dushanbe (Evening Dushanbe)) appear irregularly since financial assistance was lowered or virtually ceased. Consequently, several of these papers will most likely fold in the foreseeable future. Other ‘official’ papers (such as Sadoi Mardum (People’s Voice)) continue to receive support from the government. The most important governmental state-supported papers are: • Sadoi Mardum, started in 1991, is printed in the Tajik language, and has a circulation of 5,000. It is published by the Tajik parliament and appears twice a week. Sadoi Mardum publishes predominantly parliamentary documents and pro-governmental articles on political issues. It is distributed nationwide, printed by the Sharqi Ozod publishing house, has a staff of 40 journalists and cooperates with the agency Khovar. • Dzhumhurriyat, established in 1925, is a Tajiklanguage paper with a circulation around 10,000. It is published by the government and appears twice a week. Dzhumhurriyat prints official documents and information from various Ministries, as well as progovernmental articles. It is printed by the Sharqi Ozod publishing house, has a staff of 35 journalists and cooperates with the agency Khovar. • Narodnaya Gazeta, established in 1925, is Russianlanguage and published as a joint edition of the parliament and the government. The circulation totals 2,500 and the paper is supposed to appear twice a week, yet is published with long intervals (in 1996, six issues were published). Besides official documents, Narodnaya Gazeta reprints articles from Russian pro-communist newspapers, and is distributed in Dushanbe, the Leninski district, and partially in the Leninabad region. • Khalk Ovozi has existed since 1929, is Uzbeklanguage, is printed by the parliament, and has a print-run of around 7,000 copies. It appears weekly, has a staff of 56, is printed at Sharqi Ozod (four pages) and also cooperates with Khovar. Nominally independent newspapers are financed by sponsors, political associations or commercial groups. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Generally, these backers determine the editorial policy and content of the publication. However, newspapers do not disclose information regarding their financial sources. The most independent newspaper (as far as possible under the current circumstances) is Vecherniye Novosti (Evening News). It was essentially established in 1968 under the name Vecherni Dushanbe, yet was renamed in 1996. The paper is owned by the editorial staff, and prints articles on city life and political issues, aimed at the intelligentsia. Vecherniye Novosti battles for survival by selling issues on the street and trying to find sponsors without strings attached. The weekly is said to be distributed nation-wide, with a total print-run of 10,000. The paper has a staff of 15 journalists. Biznes i politika (Business and Politics) started in 1992 and is a Russian-language weekly with a circulation of 15,000, distributed nation-wide. It is also formally independent and financed by commercial groups. The newspaper contains a variety of information on political and economic issues, reprints material from Russian editions, has columns on sports, culture, etc. It has a staff of 40 journalists. Both Biznes i politika and Vecherniye Novosti support the government. They are issued weekly, whilst both were daily papers up to 1999. The reasons illustrate the structural difficulties for print media. There is a shortage of printing material (films, ink) and paper. High costs, combined with the extremely low purchasing power of the population ensured insignificant print-runs. Moreover, the ‘‘national’’ editions do not reach the rural areas, which further limits their circulation. The newspaper Charkhi Gardun was established in 1996. It is a private information-cultural newspaper in Tajik with a circulation of around 6,000, distributed in the south of the country. Chas Iks has existed since May 1995 and highlights the activity of the Socio-Ecological Union of Tajikistan. It has a circulation of 2,000 and is privately-owned. The lack of private local broadcasters, combined with the disrupted distribution of ‘‘national’’ newspapers in the regions, makes the state TV and radio the most important source of news outside Dushanbe. Generally, the regions can receive the national TV channel, a local stateowned broadcaster and Russian ORT and RTR. Russian channels are transmitted by satellite. One TV channel, Timur Malik, operates in the region of Leninabad. Prior to 1992, cable TV stations existed, yet they were banned. The official explanation concerned alleged ‘‘pornographic movies and other inadmissible programmes.’’ It is, however, generally accepted that the political advertising carried by the cable TV station prior 929

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to the elections caused their prohibition. Although data are not available, it appears that governmental papers are in low demand, if available. Advertising issues appear more popular.

PRESS LAWS Both the 1991 Law on Press Freedom and the 1994 constitution guarantee freedom of the press. Under the constitution of the Republic of Tajikistan all forms of censorship are outlawed. It also guaranteed citizens access to the media, but practice is far from the words on the text of these documents. Government and armed groups routinely ignore these rights. Instead they use the same bill to limit the freedom of the press in the Republic. For example the provision on libel of the 1991 Law on Press Freedom enables government officials to punish critical viewpoints for ‘‘irresponsible journalism’’ which includes jail terms and fines. Legal rights for both broadcasters and individual journalists in Tajikistan remain tenuous. Journalists, broadcasters, and individual citizens who disagree with government policies are discouraged from speaking freely or critically. The government exercises control over the media both overtly through legislation and indirectly through such mechanisms as ‘‘friendly advice’’ to reporters on what news should not be covered. The government also controls the printing presses and the supply of newsprint and broadcasting facilities and subsidizes virtually all publications and productions. Editors and journalists fearful of reprisals carefully exercise self-censorship. Internews Tajikistan maintains a staff lawyer who tracks changes in legislation and practice in all aspects of media law. Internet advocacy issues currently rank high on their agenda and their lawyer also provides consultation to stations on registration, licensing, libel, freedom of information, and other issues related to the media’s ability to function freely. Tajikistan ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) in 1998. Article 19 of the Covenant states: ‘‘Everyone shall have the right to hold opinions without interference; Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of his choice.’’ The Constitution of Tajikistan upholds freedom of expression and bans censorship: ‘‘Every person is guaranteed freedom of speech, publishing, and the right to use means of mass information. State censorship and prosecution for criticism is prohibited. The list of information constituting a state secret is specified by law.’’ State censorship is forbidden by Tajikistan’s obligations under international and domestic law, covenants it 930

has ratified and the nation’s Constitution. Although censorship is not a systematic practice, in reality prepublication censorship occurs. Generally, journalists choose not to use the courts to defend themselves and stay away from issues sensitive to the authorities. Selfcensorship prevents large-scale pre-publication censorship from occurring, while those incidents that do occur most often go unreported. The government of Tajikistan maintains that certain restrictions on freedom of expression are necessary to protect development, security, and other interests. Many state officials, and even Tajik journalists, hold the view that unrestricted freedom of expression in part spurred the civil war in 1992. They agree that coverage of sensitive topics, such as the negative consequences of the war, must necessarily be limited to preserve national security interests and stability. Although this view is not strictly state policy, little serious discussion of the negative impacts of the civil war appears in the press, because of curbs on the media, censorship and an uncontrolled culture of violence and impunity. The Committee to Protect Journalism (CPJ) also raised concerns about the Tajikistan Penal Code, which makes it a crime to publicly defame or insult a person’s honor or reputation. In addition, Article 137 stipulates that publicly insulting Tajik President Rakhmonov is punishable by up to five years in jail.

CENSORSHIP Journalists working in Tajikistan, one of five Central Asian republics that gained independence when the Soviet Union collapsed, enjoy a very limited version of press freedom. Certain topics are taboo, particularly criticism of President Imomali Rakhmonov and the ruling party. As a result, journalists censor themselves to avoid confrontations with authorities. Indeed, many restrictive measures remain in place since the 1998 decision by the government to extend its power over the media by amending the media law. The amendments gave the official broadcasting committee the right to control the content of any program or material either before or after its production. The government severely restricts freedom of expression. The sole publishing house for publishing newspapers is owned by the state and denies access to government critics. The government monitors and ‘‘counsels’’ all news media, enforces pre-publication censorship, and imposes burdensome licensing procedures. Electronic media is either state-owned or is dominated by the state. Direct censorship, such as the systematic vetting by a censorship office of all articles prior to publication, is not standard practice in Tajikistan. Nonetheless, authorities do on occasion prevent certain material or publicaWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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tions from being printed. More often than not, journalists receive a warning in the form of a telephone call from a governmental ministry, offering ‘‘guidance’’; or printers receive instructions from authorities not to print the publication or article in question. Journalists frequently are subject to harassment, intimidation, and violence. Sometimes the perpetrators are government authorities, as in the case of a reporter for the state-owned newspaper Jumhuriyat, who was beaten severely by militiamen in August, according to the Center for Journalism in Extreme Situations. In other cases, the perpetrators are criminal or terrorist elements who are believed to have narcotics trafficking connections, as in the cases of Ministry of Interior press center chief Jumankhon Hotami, who was shot and killed near Dushanbe in 1999, and Sergei Sitkovskii, a Russian national working for the newspaper Tojikiston, who was killed in a hit-and-run car accident in 1999. Both were investigating narcotics trafficking at the time of their deaths. There were no developments in their cases by year’s end.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS The authorities threaten or harass journalists and editors who publish views directly critical of President Rakhmonov or of certain government policies. A dramatic example was the July 2001 arrest in Moscow of Dodojon Atovullo, exiled editor-in-chief of the independent opposition newspaper, Charogi Ruz (Light of Day). Atovullo has in recent years published articles accusing Tajik authorities of corruption and involvement in narcotics trafficking activities. Threatened with extradition to Tajikistan to face charges of sedition and publicly slandering the president, he was released in six days after pressure from other governments and international organizations. CPJ also cited the case of reporter Khrushed Atovulloev, from the newspaper Dzhavononi Tojikiston, who was questioned and threatened in June 2001 by officials from the State Security Ministry. CPJ said the heavy-handed treatment was in retaliation for an article describing abysmal living conditions endured by university students and bribe-taking by teaching staff. CPJ said these incidents are all in violation of Article 162 of the Tajikistan Penal Code, which makes it illegal to obstruct a journalist’s professional activities. The government’s human rights record remains poor and the government continues to commit serious abuses. The February parliamentary elections represented an improvement in the citizens’ right to change their government; however, this right remains restricted. Some members of the security forces committed extrajudicial killings. There were a number of disappearances. Security forces frequently tortured, beat, and abused detainees. These forces also were responsible for threats, extortion, WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

looting, and abuse of civilians. Certain battalions of nominally government forces operated quasi-independently under their leaders. Impunity remains a problem, and the government prosecuted few of the persons who committed these abuses. Prison conditions remained harsh and life threatening. The government continued to use arbitrary arrest and detention and also arrested persons for political reasons. Lengthy pretrial detention remains a problem. Basic problems of rule of law persist. There are often long delays before trials, and the judiciary is subject to political and paramilitary pressure. The government has continued to severely restrict freedom of speech and the press. The government severely limited opposition access to state-run radio and television; however, an opposition newspaper begun in 1998 continued to publish, and a number of small television stations were operated by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Journalists practice self-censorship. The government restricts freedom of assembly and association by exercising strict control over political organizations; it banned three opposition parties and prevented another from being registered. A number of parliamentary candidates were prevented from registering for the elections. There are some restrictions on freedom of religion and on freedom of movement. The government still has not established a human rights ombudsman position, despite a 1996 pledge to do so. Some members of the government security forces and government-aligned militias committed serious human rights abuses. Journalists regularly risked beatings at the hand of law enforcement authorities (or at least armed individuals dressed as and claiming to be law enforcement authorities). For example, the Center for Journalism in Extreme Situations reported that militiamen seized a reporter for the state-owned newspaper Jumhuriyat in Dushanbe in August, forced him into a car, beat him en route to a militia station, where they beat him so badly that he suffered a concussion and hearing loss in one ear.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA The current Tajikistan government does not welcome the presence of foreign journalists or the information incoming from foreign sources. Official investigations into the murders of journalists have given almost no results. Human Rights Watch report how Khorogbased state radio employee Umed Mamadponoev was detained by police in May and ‘‘disappeared’’ after producing a locally aired program on the army mistreatment of soldiers from Gorno-Badakhshan. Some papers are supported by the Islamic Republic of Iran (e.g. Somon, the newspaper of the Tajik Language Foundation, and the magazine Dare). These publications 931

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do, however, focus exclusively on scientific or cultural issues and are not involved in politics. The New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) sent a letter on May 14, 2002, to the Tajikistan government outlining its concerns about the lack of press freedom in the country. The press watchdog said that government harassment, intimidation, and censorship regularly stifle press freedoms in Tajikistan. CPJ’s program coordinator for Europe and Central Asia, Alex Lupis, said that one of the most important points CPJ wants the Tajik authorities to address is the ongoing intimidation and attack of journalists by government officials. The CPJ has documented eight such cases since 1992. In 1998 and 1999, journalists continued to receive death threats, and the UTO and other armed groups took journalists hostage on several occasions. The government continued to arrest journalists based in the Leninabad region, deny Leninabadi newspapers permission to use government run printing houses and otherwise restrict the coverage of the Leninabadi-based National Revival Movement and sensitive events in the region.

NEWS AGENCIES News agencies that currently exist in Tajikistan are the government-run Khovar news agency and two private agencies, Asia-Plus, which maintains an extensive presence in the Internet, and the Mizon news agency.

BROADCAST MEDIA Television broadcasts first reached Tajikistan in 1959 from Uzbekistan. Subsequently, Tajikistan established its own broadcasting facilities in Dushanbe, under the direction of the government’s Tajikistan Television Administration. Color broadcasts use the European SECAM system. Television programming is relayed from stations in Iran, Russia, and Turkey. In mountainous villages, television viewing is restricted by limited electrical supply and retransmission facilities. In February 1994, President Imomali Rakhmonov took direct control of broadcasting services under the guise of ensuring objectivity. Throughout the years, government dominance has not diminished. The state run Tajik Radio is the major radio service, while the only national television service is the state run Tajik Television. The UTO also operates a radio station. In 1992, 854,000 radios and 860,000 televisions were in use. There are two independent radio stations, one in the north and the other in the south. Eighteen non-governmental television stations have opened in Tajikistan since the USAID-backed Internews started there in 1995. Laws governing the media in Tajikistan protect media freedoms. These include the Law on the Press and Other Mass Media, adopted by the Supreme Soviet of the 932

Tajik Soviet Socialist Republic on December 14, 1990, and the Law on Television and Radio Broadcasting, adopted on December 14, 1996. Under the terms of the 1997 General Agreement, amendments are to be made to current media legislation to bring it into greater conformity with international protections, although after five years there were no signs that such steps had been initiated. Television and radio broadcasting is the monopoly of the State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company of Tajikistan, which is controlled by the Ministry of Communications. In 1995 the radio broadcasting system included thirteen AM stations and three FM stations. Several frequencies offer relayed programming from Iran, Russia, and Turkey. Although radio broadcasting is primarily in Tajik, Russian and Uzbek programming also is offered. In 1988 broadcasting began in German, Kyrgyz, and Crimean Tatar as well. In February 1994, the state broadcasting company came under the direct control of head of state Imomali Rahmonov. There is one government-run television network; its several local stations cover regional and local issues from an official point of view. There are 11 independent television stations, although two have suspended operations due to financial problems. Some of these stations have independent broadcast facilities, but most have to rely on the state studios. According to the U.S. Department of State, the process of obtaining a license for an independent television station is time consuming and requires the payment of high fees and costly bribes. However, authorities have not prevented any station from getting a license. Radio liberty and two other Russian television channels are also available in Tajikistan. There are 36 nongovernmental television stations, not all of which are operating at any one time and only a handful of which can be considered genuinely independent. The Islamic Renaissance Party was able to begin broadcasting a weekly television program on one such station. Some have independent studio facilities. These stations continued to experience administrative and legal harassment. To obtain licenses, independent television stations must work through two government agencies, the Ministry of Communications, and the State Committee on Radio and Television. At every stage of the bureaucratic process, there are high official and unofficial fees. The government continued to prevent independent radio stations from operating by interminably delaying applications for broadcasting licenses. At least two independent radio stations in Dushanbe have had their license applications pending without explanation since the summer of 1998. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

TAJIKISTAN

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA In 1994 Tajikistan’s telephone system remained quite limited. It included 259,600 main lines, an average of one line per twenty-two people—the lowest ratio among former Soviet republics. U.S. based Central Asian Development Agency first introduced the Internet in Tajikistan in 1995. Internet is available mainly in public communication places. While the number of people who use the Internet is questionable, as of 1998 only about 1,500 people in Tajikistan had an e-mail address. An on-line service, Internews Tajikistan produces a weekly news magazine, Nabzeh Zendaghi (The Pulse of Life), which features news stories from fifteen independent stations broadcasting in ten cities, as well as freelance corespondents in other cities without nongovernmental TV. The program brings news from around the country, including regions isolated, by geography and social barriers, to upwards to one million viewers. Access to the Internet is limited partly by state control. The government allowed a handful of Internet provider companies to begin operating during the year, but high fees and limited capacity put access to information over the Internet out of reach for most citizens and essentially controls the electronic media.

EDUCATION & TRAINING Academic expression is limited principally by the complete reliance of scientific institutes upon government funding, and in practical terms by the need to find supplementary employment to generate sufficient income, leaving little time for academic writing. The need for more professional journalism has been highlighted by the recent events in Afghanistan and the lack of Tajikistan presence in international news releases. ‘‘I see two reasons for this,’’ states the prominent Armenian journalist Mark Grigoryan, who is familiar with the Tajikistan press. ‘‘The first one is of purely professional nature. I am afraid that many of my colleagues are not sufficiently professional to be able to analyze the situation. For analyzing a situation implies a hunt for hard-toget evidence, including finding and assessing facts, and having the ability to get outside of realities and facts. Certainly, it is easier to wait for the Russian newspapers to publish material and then copy it. Certainly too, it is much easier to collect material that is just at hand.’’ Last May, the Asia-Plus News Agency launched an UNICEF project to train would-be journalists. Schoolchildren from the Tajik capital passed a thorough screening to receive basic training in journalism. Theory was followed by practical assignments: to write a news item or article, or to conduct an interview. Ms. Natalya Bruker, an assistant professor from the Russo-Tajik Slavonic WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

University, guided the trainees. The curriculum featured particular aspects of the trade such as the basics of how to use the Internet, newspaper management and advertising business, to name but a few. A visit to the editorial office of Asia-Plus gave an insight into the hardships and delights of journalistic work. However, one month is not enough to teach even the news-making fundamentals.

SUMMARY Tajikistan remains the least stable country in Central Asia as the post-war period has been marred by frequent outbreaks of violence. Recently, Tajikistan has been accused by its neighbors of tolerating the presence of training camps for Islamic rebels on its territory, an accusation that it has strongly denied. Owing to the continuing security problems and dire economic situation, Tajikistan relies heavily on Russian assistance. It is the only country in the region that allows a Russian military presence, charged in particular with guarding its border with Afghanistan. Skirmishes between the Russian military and drug smugglers crossing illegally from Afghanistan occur regularly, as Tajikistan is the first stop on the drug route to Russia and the West. As a result, the exercise of investigative reporting in Tajikistan remains extremely hazardous, making it one of the most dangerous areas in the world to report on and carry out normal press and media activities.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Akin, Muriel. The Subtlest Battle: Islam in Soviet Tajikistan. Philadelphia: Foreign Policy Research Institute, 1989. ———. ‘‘The Survival of Islam in Soviet Tajikistan.’’ Middle East Journal, 43, No. 4 (Autumn, 1989): 605-18. 933

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———. ‘‘Tajikistan: Ancient Heritage, New Politics.’’ In Nation and Politics in the Soviet Successor States, eds. Ian Bremmer and Ray Taras, 361-83. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993.

———. Gretsky, Sergei. ‘‘Russia and Tajikistan.’’ In Regional Power Rivalries in the New Eurasia: Russia, Turkey and Iran, eds. A.Z. Rubinstein and O.M. Smolansky, 231-51. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1995.

Akiner, Shirin. Islamic Peoples of the Soviet Union: An Historical and Statistical Handbook. New York: Kegan Paul International, 1986.

The History of Cultural Construction in Tajikistan, 19171977, 2. Dushanbe: Donish, 1983.

Akiner, Shirin, ed. Economic and Political Trends in Central Asia. New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1992. Allworth, Edward, ed. Muslim Communities Reemerge: Historical Perspectives. Durham: Duke University Press, 1994. Amnesty International. ‘‘Tadzhikistan.’’ London, 1993. Andreyev, M.S. ‘‘Po etnografii tadzhikov: Nekotoryye svedeniya.’’ In Tadzhikistan. Tashkent: Obshchestvo dlya izucheniya Tadzhikistana i iranskikh narodnostey za yego predelami, 151-77. 1925. Banuazizi, Ali, and Myron Weiner, eds. The New Geopolitics of Central Asia and Its Borderlands. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994. Blank, Stephen. ‘‘Energy, Economics and Security in Central Asia: Russia and Its Rivals.’’ Central Asian Survey, 14, No. 3 (1995): 373-406. Carrere d’Encausse, Helene. Reforme et Revolution chez les Musulmans de l’Empire russe. Paris: Librarie Armand Colin, 1966. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Handbook of International Economic Statistics 1995. Washington: GPO, 1995. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). ‘‘Tajikistan.’’ The World Factbook. Available from http://www.cia.gov. Dawisha, Karen, and Bruce Parrott. Russia and the New States of Eurasia: The Politics of Upheaval. Port Chester. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Entsiklopediyai sovetii Tojik. Dushanbe: Sarredaktsiyai ilmii entsiklopediyai sovetii Tojik, 1978-1987. Europa World Year Book 1996. London: Europa, 1996. Fedorova, T.I. Goroda Tadzhikistana i problemy rosta i razvitiya. Dushanbe: Irfon, 1981. Ferdinand, Peter. The New States of Central Asia and Their Neighbors. New York: Council on Foreign Relations Press, 1994. Forsythe, Rosemarie. ‘‘The Politics of Oil in the Caucasus and Central Asia,’’ Adelphi Papers, 300, May 1996. Freedom House. ‘‘Tajikistan: Nations in Transit 1998.’’ Available from www.freedomhouse.org. ———. ‘‘Civil War in Tajikistan and Its International Repercussions.’’ Critique (Spring 1995): 3-24. 934

Human Rights Watch, World Report 1999. Available from http://www.hrw.org/hrw/worldreport99. Human Rights Watch, World Report 2000. Available from http://www.hrw.org/hrw/wr2k1/europe/tajikistan. html. IJNet.Country Profile: Tajikistan. Available from http:// www.ijnet.org/Profile/CEENIS/Tajikistan/media.html. Internews. ‘‘Media in the CIS.’’ Available from www.internews.ru/books/media/tajikistan_4.html. Mandelbaum, Michael, ed. Central Asia and the World: Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan. New York: Council on Foreign Relations Press, 1994. Migranyan, Andranik. ‘‘Russia and the Near Abroad,’’ Current Digest of the Post-Soviet Press, 47 (March 1994): 6-11. Naumkin, Vitaly. State, Religion and Society in Central Asia: A Post-Soviet Critique. London: Ithaca Press, 1993. Olcott, Martha Brill. Central Asia’s New States: Independence, Foreign Policy and Regional Security. Washington: United States Institute of Peace Press, 1996. PlanEcon. Review and Outlook for the Former Soviet Republics. Washington, 1995. Rakhimov, Rashed. Tajikistan Human Development Report. United Nations Development Program, 1999. Undeland, Charles, and Nicholas Platt. The Central Asian Republics: Fragments of Empire, Magnets of Wealth. New York: Asia Society, 1994. United Nations Department of Economic and Social Information and Policy Analysis. Demographic Yearbook 1993. New York, 1995. United Nations Development Program. ‘‘Today’s technological transformations—creating the network age.’’ Available from www.undp.org/hdr2001/chaptertwo.pdf. U.S. Department of State. ‘‘Background Notes: Tajikistan’’ www.state.gov/www/background_notes. U.S. Department of State. ‘‘1999 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices.’’ Available from www.state.gov/www/global/human_rights/ 1999_hrp_report/tajikistan.htm. —Virginia Davis Nordin WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

TANZANIA

TANZANIA BASIC DATA Official Country Name: Region (Map name): Population: Language(s):

Literacy rate: Area: GDP: Number of Television Stations: Number of Television Sets: Television Sets per 1,000: Number of Radio Stations: Number of Radio Receivers: Radio Receivers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Computers: Computers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Internet Access: Internet Access per 1,000:

United Republic of Tanzania Africa 36,232,074 Kiswahili of Swahili (official), Kiunguju, English, Arabic, Zanzibar 67.8% 945,087 sq km 9,027 (US$ millions) 3 103,000 2.8 25 8,800,000 242.9 100,000 2.8 115,000 3.2

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Tanzania is one of few countries in sub-Saharan Africa where the press is predominantly presented in the official and national language of the country (which happens to be Kiswahili—hereafter Swahili) where the readership is fully literate in that language. There are reasons for this that are exclusive to Tanzania, as the country has experienced historical events that have not occurred elsewhere. Swahili is a Bantu language with a very large amount of Arabic loan words, which entered the language due to the influence of traders from Yemen and Oman. An understanding of the forces that have brought about these unique circumstances in Tanzania would shed light not only on the country in question but on much of the rest of sub-Saharan Africa, where the press remains very predominantly in the languages of colonial legacy— English, French, or Portuguese. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Social and Historical Circumstances Tanzania is a union of Tanganyika (the mainland) and Zanzibar (known as Unguja in Swahili), which was established in 1964. Each had earlier received its independence from Britain (Tanganyika in 1961, Zanzibar in 1963). The mainland is very typical of sub-Saharan African countries, composed of several major ethnic groups (Wasukuma, Wanyamwezi, Wahaya, and Wachaga) and many smaller ones such as the Wazaramo around Dar-EsSalaam (DSM), the capital. The overall literacy rate is nearly 68 percent with only 57 percent of woman considered literate versus over 79 percent of men. The political capital is now Dodoma, but while the legislative assembly meets there, DSM remains the commercial and educational nerve center of the country as well as the main port of entry. Zanzibar, on the other hand remains far more homogeneous linguistically. The islands are made up of exclusively Swahili speaking communities whose ethnic identities are somewhat ambiguous with subtler distinctions. Swahili as a vehicular language has been present in Tanzania for many centuries. Its strongest presence has been along the coast and adjacent islands due to Arab immigration and traders who went very deep into the interior, as far as the Congo (formerly Zaire) and Malawi. On the mainland 45 percent are of Christian faith with 35 percent being Muslim and the remaining 20 percent having indigenous beliefs. However, on Zanzibar the population is very nearly 100 percent Muslim. The coastal as well as island Swahili communities who had been indoctrinated into Islam acted as interlocutors between the Arab traders and the African populations in the interior. Thus Arab incursion into the African interior from the Tanganyika coast was the first engine for the spread of Swahili. Two events during the period from the late 1800s through the end of the First World War, the period of German colonial occupation of Tanganyika, constituted the second engine for the spread of Swahili. One was the Maji Maji Revolt and the other was the Germans’ language policy for Tanganyika. The Maji Maji Revolt was the first African uprising against colonial rule, in this case German, in which Swahili as a language provided a unifying force. The German colonial policy was to adopt Swahili as a vehicular language for inter-ethnic communication, and communication between the African population and German colonial administrators. The third engine was the union between the islands of Zanzibar and Tanganyika soon after their attainments of independence from Britain, to form what has been known since 1964 as Tanzania. Despite a common name the two have developed somewhat differently, and continue to have different political and economic cultures. In spite of almost perpetual political turmoil in Zanzibar, it has remained economically more affluent, and has guard935

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ed its economic well being rather jealously. Its primary and continuing impact on the union has been its promotion of the Swahili language. President Julius Nyerere was not unaware of the significance of this language to the success of the union.

• Daily News (DSM, Circulation 50,000)

The fourth and perhaps most significant event that cemented Swahili as a bona fide national language was the late President Nyerere’s edict to establish the language as the official as well as the national language. Swahili replaced English as the language of instruction through the secondary school level with a strong Swahili language department at the University of Dar-Es-Salaam and an equally viable Institute of Kiswahili Research (Taasisi ya Uchunguzi wa Kiswahili, TUKI), now incorporated into the university system. This sudden linguistic change was facilitated by two factors. One was the centuries of slow but steady spread of Swahili throughout the country. Swahili was already a national vehicular language at independence. The other was President Nyerere’s and his Party’s (Tanzania African National Union, TANU) absolute commitment to an African cum Tanzanian cultural and economic renaissance distinct from the colonized precedent. An African language, Swahili in this case, was essential. President Nyerere’s thrust was considered a failure economically but a success socially and linguistically.

• Majira (Time) (DSM, Circulation 15,000)

The undercurrents of ethnicity were not eliminated but muted. There was no serious intention to eliminate English. It retains a strong presence at all levels of society. Society at large, including the government, would not want to eliminate the skill and benefit of a world language even if imposed by historical accident. This is true for all Anglophone African countries even as they attempt to undergo a renaissance of their own. A modern Tanzanian generally emerges as at least a trilingual in an ethnic language, Swahili, and English. Tanzania’s literacy rate is fairly high for the region, and typical Tanzanian is very likely to be literate in both Swahili and English. There is therefore a large readership for both these languages. The number and language of the daily newspapers and periodicals confirm this linguistic dichotomy with a noticeable advantage to Swahili language publications. The Press The following titles, places of publication, and circulation numbers where given are taken from Europa Publications 2000, Africa South of the Sahara 2000, 30th Edition, 2001 and The Europa World Year Book 2001 Volume II. The title of the language will indicate whether the publication is in English or Swahili. Daily Newspapers • The African (DSM) • Alasiri (The Afternoon) (DSM) 936

• The Democrat (DSM, Circulation 15,000) • The Guardian (DSM) • Kipanga (The Kite) (Zanzibar) • Nipashe (Inform me/Information) (DSM) • Uhuru (Freedom) (DSM, Circulation 100,000) • Mtanzania (The Tanzanian) (DSM) Weekly Papers • Business Times (DSM, Circulation 15,000) • The Express (DSM, Circulation 20,000) • Government Gazette (Zanzibar, for official announcements) • Kasheshe (Showdown) (DSM) • Mfanyakazi (The Worker) (DSM, Circulation 100,000) • The Family Mirror (DSM) • Mzalendo (The Patriot) (DSM, Circulation 115,000) • Leta Raha (Bring Comfort) (DSM) • Nipashe Jumapili (Sunday Information) (DSM) • Sunday News (DSM, Circulation 50,000) • Sunday Observer (DSM) • Taifa Letu (Our nation) (DSM) • Kweupe (Open Space) (Zanzibar, Published by the Information and Broadcasting Services) Other Periodicals • The African Review (DSM, Twice yearly, Circulation 1,000. A journal of African politics, development and international affairs published by the Political Science department at UDSM) • Eastern African Law Review (DSM, Twice yearly, Circulation 1,000) Taamuli (Thought) (DSM, Twice yearly, Circulation 1,000. A journal of the Political Science published by the Political Science department at UDSM) • Elimu Haina Mwisho (Education has no End/ Perpetual Education) (Mwanza, Monthly, Circulation 45,000) • Habari za Washirika (Union News) (DSM, Monthly, Published by the Co-Operative Union of Tanzania, Circulation 40,000) • Jenga (Build) (DSM, Journal of the National Development Corporation, Circulation 2,000) WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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• Kiongozi (The Leader) (DSM, Fortnightly, Published by the Roman Catholic Church, Circulation 33,500) • Mlezi (The Guardian) (Peramiho, Every two months, Circulation 8,000) • Mwenge (The Torch) (Peramiho, Monthly, Circulation 10,000) • Nchi Yetu (Our Country) (DSM, Monthly, Circulation 50,000) • Nuru (The Light) (Zanzibar, Twice monthly, Official publication of the Zanzibari government, Circulation 8,000) • Safina (The Ship) (DSM, Circulation 10,000) • Sauti ya Jimbo (Voice of the Province) (Dodoma, Quarterly, Published by the Anglican Diocesan) • Sikiliza (Listen) (Morogoro, Quarterly, Published by the Seventh day Adventist Church, Circulation 100,000) • Tantravel (DSM, Quarterly) • Tanzania Trade Currents (DSM, Twice monthly, Circulation 2,000) • Uhuru na Amani (Freedom and Peace) (Arusha, Quarterly, Published by the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Tanzania, Circulation 15,000) • Ukulima wa Kisasa (Modern farming) (DSM, Twice monthly, Published by the Ministry of Agriculture, Circulation 15,000)

PRESS LAWS Article 18 of the Constitution guarantees every Tanzanian the right to freedom of opinion and expression. However, the Newspaper Act of 1976 allows authorities within the government—including the president—the power to prohibit publications that might be deemed to not be in the nation’s best interest. Additionally, the 1993 Broadcasting Services Act provides that private broadcasters are only allowed to send their signals to 25 percent of the country.

CENSORSHIP Freedom House has declared that the media in Tanzania is only partly free. Despite the guarantee of free speech in the constitution, there are examples of the government repressing information. Self-censorship is often practiced as a result of the state’s intimidation of reporters. East African papers, including Tanzanian ones, have been reasonably aggressive in their reporting. Exposure WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

of individuals in government is very measured. Generally papers feel safer complaining about inefficiency than misconduct. They feel quite free to complain about bureaucratic inadequacy, and social conditions. They go so far as to discuss democracy in principle. They are more careful in questioning election outcomes. They might express a preference for one government minister over another. They are more concerned about the frequency of these complaints than they are an occasional exposure of a scandal. The government itself is careful in the manner it interferes with the freedom of the press. They attempt to appear to be within legal boundaries. Neither Europa Publications 2000 nor Europa World Year Book 2001 mention Mtanzania (The Tanzanian). It has been one of the more aggressive Swahili papers. From the government’s point of view it crossed a so-called understood line. They shut the paper down in the summer of 2001 on the grounds that the publisher was not a Tanzanian national. Such things happen with sufficient frequency to remind those still in print to be wary and sensitive.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS Despite censorship issues, many papers still attempt to expose and criticize political events and personalities internal to Zanzibar. This is due to the unresolved friction between the mainland, old Tanganyika, and the Zanzibari islands. It is also due to the fact that most papers of any significance are published in DSM. During President Nyerere’s tenure, religion was off limits. The country was seemingly secular. Changes in the leadership and increasing participation at the highest levels of government by individuals from Zanzibar have resulted in an increased presence of Swahili Muslims on the mainland as well as an increase in numbers of Muslims native to the mainland. The government and indeed society as a whole remains outwardly secular. The friction between the Christian population and the Muslim communities lies in the deeper structures of Tanzanian dynamics. Neither Tanzanian scholars nor Western academics have yet begun to explore this issue. They must wait to take their cue from internal events. However, in the early twentyfirst century, papers have begun to touch the subject. References to the foreign origins of many Muslim clerics have not yet evoked a reaction. Public attempts at conversion to Islam occasionally appear in the papers with a critical bent. Ethnicity is yet another subject papers avoid where possible. President Nyerere’s legacy of a unified and uniform nation remains strongly entrenched in the country. A significant factor pertinent to the press in Tanzania is its readership. The expatriate communities and the educated and westernized elite of the society, and the ‘‘Asian’’ community mostly read English language newspapers and periodicals. ‘‘Asian’’ in the East African 937

TANZANIA

context refers only to those whose heritage emanates from the Indian sub-continent (‘‘Goans’’ are the exception.). The subjects covered by the English and Swahili language papers also differ to a great extent. The former simply report the major events within Tanzania then cover as extensively as space allows international news. The latter report major international events then allocate the largest portion of their papers to local news. English language papers reporting local events and Swahili language papers reporting international events are rarely subjected to any censorship.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA There is no expressed attitude toward the foreign media. English language papers from Britain and the United States are regularly available in every major town. There is a large Asian constituency in Tanzania. This segment of the population remains strongly bilingual in English and Swahili in addition to their fluency in their various ethnic Indian-Pakistani languages such as Gujarati or Urdu. Their reading preferences remain the local English language papers and the British and American papers and journals. Tanzania is a rather large and dynamic country economically as well as politically. It is heavily involved in Eastern, Central, and Southern African affairs. It is an active participant in world affairs. As a result it has a large internationally mobile segment of its population as well as a large presence of expatriates from all parts of the world. In order to sustain its international stature, Tanzania would not interfere with the free flow of foreign media. In any event Internet access would overwhelm any attempt at censorship. There is a ‘‘cyber café’’ on every street in DSM. 938

The International Impact of Tanzania’s Swahili Press Swahili is as extensively used in Kenya as it is Tanzania. Indeed the ‘‘Swahili Coast’’ is in Kenya between the Lamu Archipelago in the north and Mombasa in the south. A corridor of urban centers from Mombasa to Kisumu a major city on the shores of Lake Victoria has facilitated the unplanned expansion of Swahili in Kenya. But for reasons irrelevant to a discussion of the Tanzanian press, Kenya has not developed a substantive Swahili language press. There is one daily paper, Taifa Leo (The Nation Today), published by the English language publisher of The Daily Nation. It is difficult to find copies of this paper because not enough are printed for fear that they would not sell and because there is a much hungrier population for a Swahili paper than the publishers seem to recognize. As a result, Tanzanian Swahili language dailies are on every street corner newspaper vendor. It is easier to find Nipashe, Mtanzania (when it is allowed to appear), and Majira on Nairobi street corners than Nairobi’s own Taifa Leo. They are bought out very quickly even when they are a day or two old by the time they arrive. It is said, mere rumor of course, that until about two decades ago Kenya purposely retarded the expansion and instruction of Swahili in order to prevent President Nyerere’s Tanzanian experiment with his socialist ideology (Ujamaa in Swahili) from taking root in ‘‘capitalist’’ Kenya. As naïve and incredible as this rumor sounds, many in the streets of Nairobi entertained it at the time. It is at least a testament to the potential and real force of the Tanzanian Swahili language press.

BROADCAST MEDIA Tanzania—with 20 private radio stations—has a comparatively well-developed television and radio programming system. However, the only radio transmission which is allowed countrywide is the state-controlled Radio Tanzania and Televisheni ya Taifa. As mentioned previously, only 25 percent of the country receives broadcasts from private stations. Swahili is again strongly promoted but not at the expense of English. The promotion or prominence of Swahili is usually at the expense of Tanzania’s other indigenous ethnic languages. Swahili is not squeezed in between English language programs. There are Swahili language radio stations alongside English language ones. There is a reasonably wide distribution of television sets and almost everyone has a radio. CNN and BBC World News are commonly available on television and eagerly watched. These are the primary sources of international news for the vast majority of Tanzanians.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA With only 25,000 Internet users throughout the country (as of a 2000 estimate according to CIA Factbook) WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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and six providers, access to online resources in Tanzania is clearly in its infancy. However, advances to the infrastructure are being made which enable users to make connectivity less problematic.

Area:

514,000 sq km

GDP:

122,166 (US$ millions)

Number of Daily Newspapers:

34

EDUCATION & TRAINING

Total Circulation:

11,753,000

Although a large percentage of working journalists are either not trained or are only partially trained, the Tanzania School of Journalism offers courses at two universities on the mainland. In 2003, a new journalism school is set to be opened in Zanzibar.

Circulation per 1,000:

253

Circulation per 1,000:

176

Total Newspaper Ad Receipts:

18,212 (Baht millions)

BIBLIOGRAPHY

As % of All Ad Expenditures:

32.10

Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). ‘‘Tanzania.’’ World Factbook. Available at http://www.cia.gov.

Number of Television Stations:

5

Europa Publications 2000. Africa South of the Sahara 2001. London: Taylor and Francis Group, 2001.

Number of Television Sets:

15,190,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

245.8

Europa Publications 2001. The Europa World Year Book 2001. Volume II. London: Taylor and Francis Group, 2001.

Number of Cable Subscribers:

151,750

Cable Subscribers per 1,000:

2.5

Number of Satellite Subscribers:

231,000

Satellite Subscribers per 1,000:

3.7

Number of Radio Receivers:

13,960,000

Moyd, Michelle A. Language and Power: Africans, Europeans, and Language Policy in German Colonial Tanganyika. University of Florida Masters Thesis, 1996.

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

225.9

Number of Individuals with Computers:

1,471,000

UNESCO. African Community Languages and their Use in Literacy and Education. Dakar: UNESCO Regional Office for Education in Africa, 1985.

Computers per 1,000:

23.8

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

2,300,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

37.2

Freedom House. ‘‘Tanzania.’’ Available at http:// www.freedomhouse.org. International Journalists’ Network. ‘‘Tanzania: Press Overview.’’ Available at http://www.ijnet.org. McGarry, Richard G. A Cross-Linguistic Discourse Analysis for Evaluating Interethnic Conflict in the Press. Boone, NC: Parkway Publishers, 1994.

—Haig Der-Houssikian

THAILAND

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS

BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Kingdom of Thailand

Region (Map name):

Southeast Asia

Population:

61,797,751

Language(s):

Thai, English (secondary language of the elite)

Literacy rate:

93.8%

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Thailand, known as Siam until 1932, traces its history back to the thirteenth century to the kingdom of Sukhothai (1257-1378) whose greatest ruler Ramakhamhaeng (1277-1317) united many of the Thai tribes by force of arms, established diplomatic relations with China, and created the Thai alphabet. A series of weak successors and unrest among the vassal states led to the kingdom’s surrender (1378) to the more powerful neighboring state of Aytthaya ruled by King U Thong. Thailand became a federated state under the absolute monarch 939

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of U Thong, or Ramathibodi. The Thai people were governed according to a legal code based on Hindu legal texts and Thai customs but accepting Theravada Buddhism as the Thai people’s official religion. During the Ayutthaya Period (1350-1767), Thailand’s kings came under the influence of the neighboring Khmers (Cambodians). Thai kings remained paternalistic and absolutist rulers, but they adopted the Khmer interpretation of kingship, which witnessed their withdrawal from society behind a wall of taboos and rituals and the assumption of divinity as the incarnated Shiva. Thailand’s Chakkri Dynasty came to power in 1782 when General Chakkri (1782-1809) replaced the executed last ruler of the Ayutthaya kingdom. As King Yot Fa, or Rama I, General Chakkri moved the capital to Bangkok, revived the economy, preserved the artistic culture of the Thai, and maintained the nation’s independence against growing incursions by Cambodia, Burma, and Great Britain. Nineteenth-century monarch King Chulalongkorn (Rama V) was the first Thai ruler educated by western tutors. Chulalongkorn instituted a number of western-style reforms, which included a modern judiciary, the reform of state finances, and the adoption of modern accounting methods. Chulalongkorn ended the ritual of prostration, abolished slavery, created a standing army, and decentralized the bureaucracy by dividing it into departments and local administrative units. King Chulalongkorn’s western-oriented reforms maintained Thai independence against both British and French attempts at imperialistic conquest, making Thailand the only nation in Southeast Asia to escape colonization but at the cost of some Thai territory surrendered to both French Indochina and British India. The themes of modernization and westernization continued under Kings Rama VI and Rama VII. However, in 1932, civil servants and army officers, who were opposed to the actions of the government but not the King, engineered a bloodless takeover of the Thai state. Since the establishment of a constitutional monarchy in 1932, Thailand has witnessed 17 military coups, 53 governments, and 16 constitutions. Throughout these political changes, the position of the Thai King remains revered and respected. The King is accepted as the moral voice of the nation. Missionaries wanting to influence the King started Thailand’s first newspaper in 1844. The role of the print media and freedom of the press in Thailand has historically been affected by the particular monarch in power and after 1932, by the coup leaders and the politicians who assumed governing control. Newspapers sometimes enjoyed more freedom to print under absolute rulers than they were allowed during constitutional regimes. Since 1932 newspapers have been traditionally linked to a political party, and their ability to publish depended on the 940

attitude of the current prime minister who was likely to be a prominent member of the Thai military. During the 1950s and 1960s, Thailand’s press was poorly paid, illregarded, and lacked professional credentials. Many of the newspapers suffered from small circulations and simply served as the personal propaganda instruments of politicians, policemen, or soldiers. Their circulations popularity derived from stories about sex, crime, and mudslinging. The Thai military increasingly regarded the print media’s use of sensational headlines to capture reader interest as immoral. Only two Bangkok dailies, Siam Rath and Siam Nikorn, were regarded as legitimate print media offering critical and balanced coverage. Both newspapers influenced the policies of the nation’s leaders. Faced with increasing threats of communist incursions, a military coup took place in 1951. The constitution was suspended. King Bhumibol returned from the United States where he was completing his academic studies. By 1955 the military government felt secure enough to endorse ‘‘limited democracy’’ and allow the people to criticize the regime. The press responded with severe outspoken criticism and verbal attacks on the government. When elections failed to create stable parliamentary governments, the country’s experiment with democracy ended in 1958. The government outlawed political parties, jailed critics including students, teachers, labor leaders, journalists, and liberal parliamentarians. A least a dozen newspapers were closed. Work began on yet another constitution. Under Prime Minister Sarit Thanarat (1959-1963) the government issued the law Announcement No. 17, which required the licensing of all newspaper publishers. Newspapers displeasing to the government were given warnings, impounded, or destroyed. Frightened, many of the nation’s best writers abandoned their careers. A new constitution was drafted, and Prime Minister Sarit relaxed some of the more stringent controls on the press in an attempt to create the appearance of a more liberal political climate. The increasing political instability in the nations bordering Thailand and deeper involvement by the United States in Vietnam prevented constitutional parliamentary government, or were at the least given as the reasons by military-backed governments for the failure to implement a new constitution. From 1963 to 1973, press restrictions were first strictly enforced and then gradually reduced under Prime Minister Thanom Kittikachorn. New technology generated more newspapers competing for circulation by again running highly sensational news stories. Strict self-censorship was found necessary and imposed by the government. In 1971, press restrictions again were reduced, and the government promised to approve AnWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

THAILAND

nouncement No. 2, which would abolish censorship except for newspapers whose commentary divided the nation. From 1973 to 1976, the Thai press witnessed its freest period for publication. The new prime minister, Sanya Dharmasakti, was a university professor and popular with journalists. The ban was lifted on new newspapers, and a new constitution offered press freedoms, abolished censorship, and restricted press ownership to Thai citizens. Although Announcement No. 17 remained in effect, it was seldom enforced. Newspapers flourished during this brief period, and licensed newspapers and magazines numbered 853, but only an estimated 10 percent ever went to active publication. The emergence of hundreds of new publications combined with the lifting of press restrictions created a series of new tensions between the press and the government. Although the circulations of many newspapers were very small, their antigovernment positions voiced the views of many new small political parties. Some of these newspapers were nothing more than rumor-mill tabloids using extortion and blackmail to gain financing. Even government officials found themselves subjected to false blackmail threats from a segment of the press, which was both vocal and irresponsible in reporting information. Under Prime Minister M. R. Kukrit Pramoj, founder of the newspaper Siam Rath, attempts at responsible journalism were introduced, and a new press law was enacted creating a 17- to 21-member committee to control the press based on ethical considerations. Political tensions within Thailand between political factions of both the right and left, clashes with students, and a too sensationalist and irresponsible press contributed to the conditions that resulted in a violent and bloody coup in 1976. Strict press censorship was once again imposed. Labor unions came under strict regulation, and an anticommunist drive led to purges within the civil service and the education system. For the next 20 years Thailand lurched between military dictatorships and experiments with limited democracy. The prime ministers were usually former generals even during democratic periods of governance. Thailand is a hereditary constitutional monarchy. The Constitution of 1997 governs the Thai nation. The King is the head of the armed forces and the upholder of the religion. The monarch is sacred and inviolable— ‘‘enthroned in a position of revered worship.’’ His powers come from the Thai people. The King exercises legislative power through the parliament and executive power through the cabinet. The King must be consulted and encouraged, and has the right to warn the government when the state is working against the good of the people. Thailand has a bicameral legislature consisting of a 500member House of Representatives popularly elected and WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

a Senate whose members, previously appointed by the King, are since 2000 popularly elected without political party affiliation. The Prime Minister must be a member of Parliament and is advised by a cabinet of 14. Article III of the 1997 Constitution pertains to the Rights and Liberties of the Thai People. Sections 26 through state: In exercising powers of all Courts authorities regard shall be had to human dignity, rights and liberties in accordance with the provisions of the constitution. Rights and liberties recognized by this constitution expressly, by implication or by decisions of the Constitutional Court shall be protected and directly binding on the National Assembly, the Council of Ministers, Courts and other Courts organs in enacting, applying and interpreting laws (Section 27). A person can invoke human dignity or exercise his or her rights and liberties in so far as it is not in violation of rights and liberties of other persons or contrary to this constitution or good morals. A person whose rights and liberties recognized by this constitution are violated can invoke the provisions of this constitution to bring a lawsuit or to defend himself or herself in the court (Section 28). The restriction of such rights and liberties as recognized by the constitution shall not be imposed on a person except by virtue of provisions of the law specifically enacted for the purpose determined by this constitution and only to the extent of necessity and provided that it shall not affect the essential substances of such rights and liberties. (Section 29)

Section 37 guarantees: A person shall enjoy the liberty of communication by lawful means. The censorship, detention or disclosure of communication between persons including any other act disclosing a statement in the communication between persons shall not be made except by virtue of the provisions of the law specifically enacted for security of the Courts or maintaining public or good morals.

Section 39 extends to each Thai the liberty to: . . . express his or her opinion, make speeches, write, print, publicize (sic), and make expression by other means. The restriction on liberty . . . shall not be imposed except by virtue of the provisions of the law specifically enacted for the purpose of maintaining the security of the Courts, safeguarding the rights, liberties, dignity, reputation, family or privacy rights of other person, maintaining public order or good morals or preventing the deterioration of the mind or health of the public. The closure of a pressing house or a radio or television station in deprivation of the liberty under this section shall not be made. The censorship by a competent official or news or articles before their publication in a newspaper, printed matter or radio or television broadcasting shall not be made except during the time when the country is in a state of war or armed conflict; provided that it must be made by virtue of the law enacted under the provisions (in Article II). The owner of a newspaper or other mass 941

THAILAND

media business shall be a Thai national as provided by law. No grant of money or other properties shall be made by the Courts as subsidies to private newspapers or other mass media.

Section 40 of the Thai constitution states: Transmission frequencies for radio and television broadcasting and radio telecommunications are national communication resources for public interest. There shall be an independent regulatory body having the duty to distribute the frequencies . . . and supervise radio or television broadcasting and telecommunication businesses as provided by law . . . regard shall be had to the utmost public benefit at national and local levels in education, culture, Courts, security, and other public interests including fair and free competition.

In Section 41: Officials or employees in a private sector undertaking newspaper or radio or television broadcasting businesses shall enjoy their liberties to present news and express their opinions under the constitutional restrictions without the mandate of any Courts agency, Courts enterprise, or the owner of such businesses; provided that it is not contrary to their professional ethics. Government officials, officials or employees or a Courts agency or Courts enterprise engaging in the radio or television broadcasting business enjoy the same liberties as those enjoyed by officials or employees. . . .

Section 58 guarantees: A person shall have the right to get access to public information in possession of a Courts agency, Courts enterprise or local government organization, unless the disclosure of such information shall affect the security of the Courts, public safety or interests of other persons which shall be protected as provided by law.

ing Thai Rath (800,000). English-language newspapers are all morning papers published in Bangkok. They are the Bangkok Post (60,000), the Business Day (40,000), the Thailand Times (20,000), and The Nation (40,000). Chinese-language newspapers, all morning Bangkok editions, are Sin Sian Yit Pao (40,000), Sirinakorn Daily News (30,000), Tong Hua Yit Pao (40,000), and the Universal Daily News (36,000). General interest periodicals, all published in Bangkok, are the weekly Bangkok Weekly (200,000), the biweekly Koo Sang Koo Som (250,000), the fortnightly Kulla Stri (120,000), and the weekly Skul Thai (120,000). Special interest periodicals published in Bangkok include business magazines, the English-language monthly Business in Thailand (10,000) and the Thai-language monthly Dok Bia (30,000). Popular women’s magazines are the weeklies Kwan Ruen (160,000) and Praew (40,000) and the fortnightly Dichan (60,000). Manager Magazine (5,000) is a monthly publication. Three of Thailand’s radio stations serve each of the branches of the nation’s armed forces: Sor.Tor.Ror (Navy), Tor.Or (Air Force), and Wor.Por.Tor (Army). Thailand’s other major radio stations are Radio Thailand, Tor.Tor.Tor., and the Voice of Free Asia. Thailand’s Bangkok-based television stations are Army HAS-TV-5, Bangkok Broadcasting TV-7, Bangkok Entertainment3, Mass Communications Organization of Thailand (MCOT), and TV-Thailand-11.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK

. . . a person shall have the right to receive information, explanation and reason from a Courts agency, Courts enterprise or local government organization before permission is given for the operation of any project or activity which may affect the quality of the environment, health, and sanitary conditions, the quality of life or any other material interest concerning him or her or a local community and shall have the right to express his or her opinions on such matters in accordance with the public hearing procedure, as provided by law.

From 1985 to 1995, the Kingdom of Thailand enjoyed one of the world’s highest growth rates, averaging 9 percent annually. Since 1995, the Thai currency, the baht, has declined in value because of inherent weaknesses in the financial sector, the slow pace of corporate debt restructuring, and a decline in global demand for Thai goods. The Thai labor force is divided among agriculture (54 percent), service industries (31 percent), and industry (15 percent). Thai industries center on travel and tourism, textiles and garments, agricultural processing, beverages, tobacco, cement, light manufacturing of jewelry, electric appliances and components, computers and parts, furniture, and plastics. Thailand is the world’s second-largest tungsten producer and the third largest producer of tin.

In 1996, Thailand had 30 daily newspapers with the 15 largest newspapers in circulation printed in Bangkok. The Thai-language newspapers, with 1995 circulation figures, are the morning and evening Ban Muang, (100,000), the evening Daily Mirror (50,000), the morning Daily News (400,000), the morning and Sunday Matichon (100,000), the morning Siam Post (50,000), the morning and Sunday Siam Rath (80,000), and the morn-

Economic development has brought ecological problems to Thailand. The water table has been depleted resulting in more frequent droughts. There are increased automobile emissions causing air pollution in Bangkok, the capital, and in other Thai urban areas. The river systems are increasing polluted from organic and factory wastes. Deforestation is changing the geography of the nation and contributing to severe soil erosion. An increas-

Section 59 continues that:

942

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

THAILAND

ing population clearing more forestland for cultivation is threatening the wildlife populations already endangered by illegal hunting. Thailand is a relatively homogeneous nation with 75 percent of the population Thai, 14 percent Chinese, and 11 percent drawn from other Asian ethnic groups. An estimated 95 percent of the Thai people are Buddhists and 4 percent are Muslim. The remaining 1 percent of the population is either Christian or Hindu. Until recently Thailand’s government has been a continuous series of politicians, soldiers, and bureaucrats who ran the nation with little regard for interests of the Thai people. The 1992 attempt by a military strongman to suppress student demonstrations was foiled when the King summoned the general and, in private, gave the general a severe dressing down. Democracy was restored and the immediate result was the Constitution of 1997, an extremely detailed document designed to prevent the types of governments and politicians that have governed Thailand since the 1950s. The winners were the local government and the people. Financial power is returning gradually to the provinces with an estimated 35 percent of the national budget being returned to local governments by 2006. It is the intent of the 1997 Constitution to empower the Thai voter by providing the opportunity to monitor, criticize, and challenge the bureaucracy by presenting petitions, receiving explanations from the government ministry in question, or by law suit. The constitution authorizes the creation of two independent agencies, the Election Commission and the National CounterCorruption Commission, to ensure the integrity of the government and the constitution. By the end of the 1980s the media regained much of its lost independence. All the major daily newspapers were privately owned, but the radio and television stations—although government controlled—were commercially run enterprises. Newspapers were enjoying their best credibility with the public. The exercise of freedom of the press in the decade of the 1980s came with a price: editorial self-censorship. The government by tradition and law does not allow criticism of the monarchy, government affairs, internal security matters, and Thailand’s international image. Thailand’s National Police Department has the authority to revoke or suspend the license of any publication that the government finds offensive to the monarchy’s position. New press bills are pending in parliament to increase press freedom except during war or a state of emergency. Surveys conducted in the 1980s indicated that in Bangkok 65 percent of adults read a daily newspaper whereas only 10 percent of adults in rural areas read a paper. Most of Thailand’s publications are independently owned and financially solvent. Sales and advertising are their major revenue sources. The Thai government is proWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

hibited from financing newspapers. Foreign ownership of newspapers is illegal. Although Thai newspapers have continued to offer sensational news stories to attract readers, Thai journalistic standards have shown significant improvement based on the educational background of reporters, increasing journalistic emphasis on political and economic issues, and well-written coverage about foreign news stories. Radio and television stations, government controlled and supervised by agencies reporting directly to the prime minister’s office, avoid controversial topics and viewpoints. Radio stations in Thailand are commercial enterprises run by the government as part of MCOT, the army, the navy, the air force, the police, the ministries of communications and education, and Courts universities. The broadcast media’s operating hours, programming, advertising, and technical requirements are under the supervision of the Office of the Prime Minister. The Army Signal Corps and MCOT operate Channels 5 and 9. Bangkok Entertainment Company operates Channel 3 and Channel 7 is directed by the Bangkok Television Company. Channel 11 is a government channel dedicated to educational programming. The National Broadcasting Services of Thailand transmits local and international news on all stations.

PRESS LAWS & CENSORSHIP On February 2001, Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra delivered a policy address to the National Assembly of Thailand. Expressed in that address were actions regarding communications policy. The prime minister proposed to promote the development of an infrastructure for a communications and transport network 943

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to improve production, create employment, and to generate income. He requested that the modernization and expansion of the telecommunications system be given the highest priority to enable each Thai citizen to receive and send information and knowledge, share linkages with other nations, and facilitate a liberalization of the telecommunications business. Government policy is designed to foster improvements in the domestic communications network and promote cooperation in building communications networks with Thailand’s neighbors. Under public administration policy, the prime minister argued that improving the utilization of information technology would provide Thai citizens with comprehensive, fast and non-discriminatory information services would improve the public administration. The existing Information Act would be amended to better serve the Thai people. It was also proposed that outdated laws, rules, and regulations be changed to accommodate the nation’s current economic and social conditions in order to make them more flexible to cope with Thailand’s future needs. In 2002 the media was the center of controversy for critical commentary written by the press about the King and the prime minister. The controversy directly affected both the foreign and domestic media in Thailand. In April 2002, a cable station in Bangkok had its transmission interrupted while a domestic critic of the prime minister was speaking. The station, controlled by Nation Group, a major media company in Thailand, accused the government of deliberately interrupting an interview with former foreign minister, Prasong Soonsiri, an opponent of the Prime Minister Thaksin. In 2001 Nation Group began publication of the newspaper Nation, which criticized Prime Minister Thaksin for his attacks on foreign journalists. The prime minister’s office ordered an investigation into money laundering charges against Thai journalists who were also openly critical of the administration’s policies. What was once perceived as a relatively free press in Thailand has thus come under attack by a prime minister who, as a successful businessman, is not used to having his policies questioned. Thailand’s revered King commented in his birthday speech that the disaster facing Thailand was ‘‘from a failure to listen to criticism.’’ Many journalists, government officials, and the Thai people perceived the King’s remark as an oblique attack on Prime Minister Thaksin.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA In 2002, Western journalists in Thailand found themselves under increasing scrutiny by Thailand’s prime minister. The March 30, 2002, issue of Economist, published in the United Kingdom, was blocked from distribution by the Thai government because the government was displeased with commentary about the King in the special 944

section, ‘‘A Survey of Thailand.’’ The government cited the article as ‘‘. . .affecting the highest institution [the monarchy] and tarnishes Thailand’s image.’’ Criticism of the monarchy in Thailand is punishable with up to 15 years in prison. The press restriction placed on the Economist followed an earlier incident with an article published in the Far Eastern Economic Review for making reference to alleged tensions between the King and the prime minister. The two journalists for the Far Eastern Economic Review had their visas temporarily pulled until the magazine apologized for discussing the monarchy in an article that constituted a threat to peace and the morality of the people. Thai journalists have been told not to write anything about the King and the royal family without prior permission. The Foreign Correspondents’ Club of Thailand and the Thai Journalists Association have both vigorously protested to the government. The Thai prime minister told the United States not to get involved with a matter affecting Thailand’s national security. The apology seems to have resolved the problem but western concern about Thailand’s willingness to protect human rights is unlikely to end soon. Thailand’s prime minister, Thaksin Shinawatra, elected in controversy in 2001, is Thailand’s wealthiest citizen. He recently acquired the only non-state-owned broadcaster ITV. Many ITV employees were subsequently fired. The press survivors were expected to take a more pro-government, non-critical position. A Thai radio station that included news broadcasts critical of the prime minister was sanctioned by the government and denied access to Nation Multimedia Group, one of Thailand’s few independent news sources. Economist reporters suspect that Prime Minister Thaksin has used economic leverage against the media when his business empire distributes money for advertising. It is speculated that Prime Minister Thaksin instructs his companies to spend their advertising budgets on only friendly publications. In 2002, a polling agency’s headquarters were raided after publishing a poll indicating a drop in the prime minister’s popularity. Foreign journalists and their accredited publications fear that Thailand is no longer a nation that respects press and speech freedoms even when guaranteed by the constitution. Since taking office Prime Minister Thaksin has been accused of frequent critical commentary against the press, academics, businessmen, and any who criticize him. In October 2001, the Thai parliament approved a law limiting foreign ownership in the telecommunications industry to 25 percent of the company. Under public pressure the law may revert to the previously legal 49 percent allowable for foreign ownership.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS Thailand’s King, Bhumibol Adulyadej (Rama IX), succeeded his brother, King Ananda, in 1946. King AnWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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anda died under mysterious circumstances from a gunshot wound. During his reign of over 55 years, King Bhumibol has twice intervened in politics to avoid bloodshed. The first time was 1973 and most recently in 1992. Each royal intervention preserved the nascent Thai democracy from a military takeover. A televised address to the nation in 1992 strongly indicated the King’s preference for democracy over dictatorship. The King remains a major force for unity among the Thailand’s diverse interest groups, the commercial, industrial, and financial cliques and the military, intellectuals, and the people. Revered by his people, Bhumibol travels Thailand sponsoring projects in agriculture, the environment, public health, occupational promotion, water resources development, social welfare, and communications. Information about Thailand’s King and royal family is strictly controlled by some of the world’s harshest lesemajeste laws, laws that make it a crime to violate the dignity of a ruler. Section 112 of the Penal Code sanctions punishment for lese-majeste: ‘‘Whoever defames, insults, or threatens the King, the Queen, the Heir-apparent or the Regent shall be punished with imprisonment not exceeding seven years.’’ It appears that the interpreter of Thailand’s lese-majeste law is the prime minister. When a U.S. film company decided to do a remake of the film The King and I under the title Anna and the King, the Thai government was approached about an onlocation shooting of the film. Not only did the Thai government ban the film company from coming into the country, but also the film was banned from being shown in Thailand. Lese-majeste was invoked as the reason. The Thai government found the film offensive to suggest that a British governess would have had such influence over King Chulalongkorn and his family. The Thai government found it offensive to suggest that its king would associate so freely with a person not of his rank. In the recent controversy over the planned expulsion of Western journalists from the Far Eastern Economic Review and the Economist, it appears that lese-majeste was also invoked. It was the prime minister who proposed sanctions and who determines when such an offense has occurred. There are 27 anti-press laws. Based on the 1997 Constitution, all 27 should be abolished because they contradict rights guaranteed in the constitution; however, laws are not automatically made obsolete or null and void when in conflict with a constitution. Such laws are legal and can be used to prosecute the media until each one is officially abolished by a vote of parliament.

NEWS AGENCIES There is one news agency in Thailand, the Thai News Agency, headquartered in Bangkok. Five press associations are located in Thailand’s capital city: the ForWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

eign Correspondents Club, the Journalists Association, the Press Association, the Public Relations Association, and the Reporters Association.

BROADCAST & ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA The Radio and Television Executive Committee controls the administrative, legal, technical, and programming features of broadcasting. Representatives of government agencies are selected as members. All radio stations are operated by and under the supervision of government agencies. Radio Thailand broadcasts three national programs, provincial programs, and educational programs with some programming offered in nine different languages. Television Thailand is the state television network. There are three commercial stations and an Army television channel. MCOT, formed in 1978, is a Thai state agency that exists under the prime minister’s office and is overseen by the prime minister’s permanent secretary. It consists of TV Channel 9, MCOT Radio, and the Thai News Agency and employs an estimated 1,428 people. TV Channel 9 has 32 relay stations nationwide and 3 preparing to go on line in the early 2000s. TV Channel 9 reaches 96.5 percent of the Thai population presenting news as well as educational and entertainment programming. The programming is designed to encourage self-improvement skills and knowledge about Thailand in an image that will benefit the people. MCOT is the primary host for broadcasting foreign media and covers both national and international events. MCOT radio had seven FM stations and two AM stations in Bangkok; an additional 53 radio stations broadcast nationwide. Thailand’s children’s radio project is part of MCOT. MCOT radio provides the support for local community radio stations and encourages the population to voice their opinions and promote democracy and cultural conservatism. The Thai News Agency (TNA) is the center of news production with the information disseminated by MCOT television, radio, and the Internet. TNA exchanges information with other members of the Association of South East Asian Nations, the Organization of Asian and Pacific News Agencies, Xinhua News Agency (China), and the Islamic Republic News Agency (Iran). MCOT’s future plans include expansion into international radio and television stations by means of satellite broadcasting, ecommerce, online news and information, and digital broadcasting. MCOT currently uses the online news sites of Headline News, News Digest, Today in Asean, and OANA. Portal links offered by MCOT include banks/ finance houses, e-commerce, phone messages/beepers, search engines, government agencies, job opportunities, free-addresses ISP, learning, tourist information, and 945

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miscellaneous. Other MCOT interest sites include Asianet, Asia Access, Chomanan Worldnet, CS Interest, Data Line Thai, and Internet Thailand.

EDUCATION & TRAINING Thai citizens seeking a career in the media and communications can attend one of three universities in Bangkok: Thammasat University, Bangkok University International College, and Chulalongkorn University as well as Chiang Mai University in northern Thailand. Thammasat University offers a masters degree in mass communication. The graduate program is designed to prepare students to develop communication skills and acquire sufficient experience in both theory and process, which relates to Thai society, to be equipped for future careers with a developed understanding of communication disciplines, to inform students about effective contributions to the development of the communications profession in Thailand, and to inculcate professionalism in the student’s communication’s major. The masters degree program is an interdisciplinary approach offering a general background in the social sciences. Emphasis is placed on critical analysis of concept, theory, and research in the mass media. The program places great emphasis on technical and practical skills. Graduate students select from three specializations: mass communication research, communication policy and planning, and development communication. Thammasat University offers a second masters degree in mass communication administration. The courses in this program of study are designed for administrators who would like to advance and enhance their understanding of the globalization process and the changing political, economic, and social factors affecting mass communication administration. 946

Recognizing that communication is a potent power that creates and affects social change, the Bangkok University International College offers a bachelors degree in communication arts. The undergraduate program is designed to provide students with the basic knowledge and understanding of general socioeconomic situations, prepare students in the fields of communication arts, develop graduates who are able to identify problems occurring in the society and possible solutions, develop graduates of good moral character and a sense of social responsibility, and prepare students for further study in Thailand and overseas. A graduate program in communication arts is also offered at Bangkok University International College. Students study the message and the media; relate the processes of communication to the needs of the communicators, and plan for careers in the media and communication. The graduate course of study is taught from theoretical, critical, ethical, and social science perspectives. The masters program is designed to identify and evaluate trends in social, political, and economic areas and their relevance to the aims of the technologies of communication. Graduate student majors are public relations, advertising, mass communication, and interpersonal communications. Founded by King Rama VI in 1917, Chulalongkorn University is Thailand’s oldest and most prestigious university. Donations from the Thai people erected a monument to King Rama V who offered equal educational opportunities to the Thai people. The university’s basic goals are to break new ground, search for, uphold, and transmit knowledge along with ethical values to university graduates. The university’s philosophy is that knowledge contributes to the prosperity of individuals and society in general and the student body and the university benefit from the diverse academic disciplines. Chulalongkorn University places significant stress on ethical standards teaching graduates self-knowledge, inquisitiveness, constructive initiatives, circumspection, sound reasoning, and a sense of responsibility, far-sightedness, morals and devotion to the common good. The university offers a bachelors degree in communication arts. Graduates of Chulalongkorn University derive benefit and status from the patronage of the Thai Royal Family and every Thai monarch of the twentieth century. Chiang Mai University is northern Thailand’s oldest, largest, and most prestigious university. International cooperation in teaching, research, and professional associations is a cornerstone of the university’s academic programs. The university offers a bachelors degree in mass communication. Chiang Mai’s motto ‘‘The Wise Person Cultivates Himself’’ promotes the university and the nation’s belief that highly trained competent people are the nation’s wealth. Founded in 1964, Chiang Mai’s goals are to contract research, nurture culture, and proWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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vide community service. Thai graduate students may opt to pursue additional courses of study in media and communication overseas in the United States and Europe.

SUMMARY In the twenty-first century the government in power directly affects the degree of freedom in which Thailand’s press can operate. During the last 50 years of the twentieth century there were short periods when the press published whatever it wanted to and the number of publications was large. It is true that the Thai press did not always shown restraint and responsible journalism in the types of stories it printed. There is an increasing hope that the media will show self-restraint. Historically, the print media has always been privately owned. The broadcast media is government-controlled but operated for profit. Politicians, the military, and entrepreneurs have all used the media to present particular perspectives in their attempts to manipulate public opinion. The Constitution of 1997 is a unique document because of the detail it offers the Thai people about rights guaranteed and protected by the government. The degree of specificity was necessary to prevent the reappearance of abuses by previous governments under earlier administrations. All 336 articles in the constitution are thought to represent a mistrust of authority and a desire to spread power. The 1997 Constitution is designed to fight corruption so endemic to Thailand’s political structure and the military. The constitution expresses the need to end the tradition of unstable multiparty coalition governments. By the decentralization of power from Bangkok to the provinces, the constitution’s intent is to reduce the concentration of power in the capital.

However, during the waiting period, the media was very critical of him. This may explain Prime Minister Thaksin’s policies of media regulations in oblique ways, such as directing advertising budgets to friendly, progovernment media and the use of the lese-majeste law.

Two anticorruption agencies were created by the Constitution of 1997: the Election Commission and the National Counter-Corruption Commission. A complex method exists to appoint members to each. The government plays no role in this process. The Election Commission is designed to eliminate vote buying. It seeks to reduce the influence of political parties and the traditional and frequent practice of switching party loyalties. Senators are elected without political party affiliation. The commission’s rulings are final without right of appeal. The National Counter-Corruption Commission reviews the financial public disclosure of assets from elected politicians. Any errors or omissions allow the commission to ban the offender from holding the office for five years. Thailand’s Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra was under investigation for failing to accurately reveal all of his financial assets. Had the commission ruled against the highly popular and newly elected prime minister, he would have been forced to step down. The prime minister was not cited or punished for his financial omissions.

• 1992: Bhumibol Adulate reverses a military coup and restores democracy.

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The media in Thailand is not as free as they are in the Western world. It is believed that over time the Constitution of 1997 will provide the legal framework for reform at all levels of the government and full civil rights protection. Until that time, the voice of Thailand’s revered King Bhumibol remains the nation’s final guarantor for civil rights.

SIGNIFICANT DATES

• 1996: King Bhumibol Adulate celebrates 50 years as Thailand’s monarch. • 1997: Thailand adopts a new Constitution. • 2001: Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra announces a major domestic agenda. • 2002: The Thai government appears to restrict journalistic freedom of the foreign press.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 50 Years of Reign, His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej’s Accession to the Throne. Bangkok: Public Relations Department, 1996. The Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand, 1997. Crossette, Barbara. ‘‘King Bhumibol’s Reign.’’ New York Times Magazine (21 May 1989): 30ff. 947

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Insor, D. Thailand. New York: Praeger, 1963. LePoer, Barbara Leitch. Thailand, A Country Study. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1989. A Memoir of His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej of Thailand. Bangkok: Government Printing Office, 1984. ‘‘A Step Backwards.’’ Economist (9 March 2002): 14. ‘‘A Survey of Thailand.’’ Economist (2 March 2002): 1-16. Turner, Barry, ed. Statesman’s Yearbook 2002. New York: Palgrave, 2001. World Mass Media Handbook, 1995 Edition. New York: United Nations Department of Public Information, 1995. —William A. Paquette

TOGO

Ethnography & Geography To the east of Togo is Benin (previously Dahomey), to the north is Burkina Faso (previously Upper Volta). These two countries are significant because the Éwé speech community extends into coastal Benin in the form of Mina and Fon. Éwé, starting in Ghana and ending as Fon in Benin, belongs to the Kwa language family in the larger Niger-Congo family of languages which incorporates most of sub-Saharan Africa. The Éwé occupy roughly the southern third of the country. To their north are the Tem. To the northeast of the Tem are the Kabiyê. Moré speaking people who have strong linguistic affinity with the majority population of Burkina Faso inhabits the remaining northern tier of the country. The Tem and the groups north of them all the way to Burkina are very predominantly Muslim. The Kabiyê and the Éwé for the most part observe their traditional religions. A significant educated elite segment in both ethnic groups is Christian, mostly Catholic among the Éwé and mostly Protestant among the Kabiyê. In Togo these ethno-religious boundaries are hard.

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS

Literacy and Education The population of Togo is estimated to be slightly more than 5 million. According to UNESCO’s 1999 Statistical Yearbook, illiteracy among those aged 15 and over is approximately 43 percent. Approximately 76.5 percent of the population over 25 years of age have had no schooling. In 1997, 859,574 students were enrolled in primary schools. Some 178,254 students were enrolled in secondary schools. In 1996, 11,462 students were enrolled at Université du Benin in Lomé, the capital of Togo. These statistics present an accurate impression of the rate of literacy and the very steep educational pyramid. The significance of this impression is enhanced when the fact that all formal schooling or education at all levels is presented strictly in French, the language of colonial legacy and the official language. Not surprisingly the reading public reads largely in French.

Socio-political Background Several brief sociopolitical discussions, including ethnography, geography, and literacy are necessary for an appreciation of the press in Togo. Togo was placed under French administration first as a League of Nations ‘‘mandate’’ then as a United Nations ‘‘trust’’ territory at the end of World War I (WWI). Up to and through WWI, the country now known as Togo and a sizeable eastern segment of what is Ghana were one entity under German colonial rule. In the transition from a German colony to a French ‘‘trust’’ territory, a significant western portion of German Togoland was ceded to Britain’s colonial administration of Ghana. In the process, a major speech community, the Éwé, found themselves partitioned in roughly equal numbers into two different political entities, Ghana and Togo.

Language Policy The government, in power since 1969, in the late 1970s and early 1980s adopted two African languages. They are indigenous to Togo, as national languages, Éwé and Kabiyê. In 1977, the government established a pedagogical research institute, Direction de la Formation Permanente de l’Action et de la Recherche Pedagogique (DIFOP) to produce Éwé and Kabiyê textbooks and generally oversee the training and preparation of teachers for these two languages. DIFOP was located on the campus of the University of Benin in Lomé. The ultimate intention was to replace French with the designated two Togolese languages. The one daily newspaper, Togo Press, in French (at the time called La Nouvelle Marche), includes a page in Éwé and another in Kabiyê. Radio and television broadcasts are the only other major

BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Togolese Republic

Region (Map name):

Africa

Population:

5,018,502

Language(s):

French, Éwé, Mina, Kabiyê, Dagomba

Literacy rate:

51.7%

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TOGO

outlets for these and other national languages indigenous to Togo. In the meantime French remains the official language and permeates every formal aspect of Togolese life. The Press As mentioned above, there is one daily newspaper, the Togo Press. The paper is mostly in French with segments in Éwé and Kabiyê. According to Africa South of the Sahara 2001, the circulation of Togo-Press is 8,000. The same source lists a number of other periodicals and their circulation numbers where special political or linguistic interests constitute their respective audiences. • L’Aurore (Lomé, Weekly, Circulation 2,500) • La Conscience (Lomé, Circulation 3,000) • Crocodile (Lomé, Twice weekly, Circulation 5,000) • La Dépêche (Lomé, Bimonthly, Circulation 3,000) • L’Eveil du Travailleur Togolais (Lomé, Quarterly, Circulation 5,000) • Game su/Teu Fema (Lomé, Monthly, in Éwé and Kabiyê, Circulation 3,000) • Politicos (Lomé, Twice monthly, Circulation 2,000) • Le Regard (Lomé, Weekly, Circulation 3,000)

one could consider the ‘‘government,’’ the ‘‘press,’’ the ‘‘economic sector,’’ the ‘‘judiciary,’’ the ‘‘military,’’ and so on as distinct entities. The individual participants in these various sectors for the most part belong to a small French educated elite. There is a great deal of mobility of participants from one sector to the other. A qualification somewhat peculiar to Togo needs to be made here. The President, General Gnasimbe Eyadema, is ethnically a Kabiyé and is a Protestant. He is rightly claimed to have close connections with German economic-agrarian and food distribution interests on the one hand and on the other, British interests with reference to the one oil refinery in the country. He has been president since 1969 with strong support from his own ethnic group, which tends to predominate in the military and bureaucracy. It is not surprising that there is only the Togo Press; it is heavily government controlled. The issue of ‘‘censorship’’ does not really arise directly, however, the influence does exist. A Press and Communication Code passed through the National Assembly in January 1998. ‘‘Articles 90 to 98 make defamation of state institutions or any member of certain classes of persons, including government officials, a crime punishable by imprisonment for up to 3 months and fines of up to $4,000 (2 million CFA francs).’’ Article 89 applies a similar provision to protect the president (U.S. Department of State).

• Tingo Tingo (Lomé, Weekly, Circulation 3,500)

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA

• Togo-Images (Lomé, Monthly, Circulation 5,000)

In addition to the publications within Togo, Lomé and several other major towns in the country provide ample access to French publications such as Le Monde, Jeune Afrique, and Le Nouvel Observateur. These are of special interest to the expatriate communities as well as the university educated Togolese segment of society. Several major countries have cultural centers in Lomé. Their libraries make available promotionally oriented publications in their respective languages. Newsweek, Time, and The Herald Tribune are available through the American Cultural center as well as bookstores and hotel newsstands. There are also a number of English language publications available from neighboring Ghana and Nigeria.

The numbers given the periodicals addressed to special audiences would suggest a total readership in substantial numbers within the literate educated population. The government’s efforts towards the promotion of Éwé and Kabiyê at least through the press are reflected accurately. The vast majority of the literate population is literate in French. Nevertheless a small but a critical mass of citizens has become literate in the national languages. The latter, however, are not sufficient in number to disturb the overwhelming balance of power in favor of the former. More importantly, an overwhelming inclination for French remains intact among the governing elite whatever their political and ideological perspectives might be.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS The newspapers and periodicals listed may not all be available at all times. The number and identity of the periodicals are subject to change from year to year under political and financial stresses. Editors and editorial boards may change. This instability reflects the political and social stresses and strains within which both the press and the body politic at large exist and interact. The sociopolitical status of Togo has not evolved to a point where WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

The governing elite does not seem to have a policy on foreign publications. One major reason is that only the educated elite who can afford these publications would read them. Another reason is that for the most part the expatriate community reads them, and they insist on having them available. A third reason, and likely the most important one, is that criticism within the foreign media is rarely initiated internally. The Ghanaian and Nigerian papers and journals are quite free in comparison, and frequently provide unfavorable information. These are promptly ‘‘corrected’’ by the daily Togo Press and its periodic supplements. 949

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BROADCAST MEDIA Observers would have to turn to radio broadcasts and television transmissions to find some diversity and some recognition of indigenous languages other than Éwé and Kabiyê. Radio and television in sub-Saharan Africa, as elsewhere, form a continuum with print press especially where indigenous African languages are concerned. They provide a window on the relative influence of external and internal forces as well as the relative influence within internal power blocs. Radio Kanal FM broadcasts in French and Mina (a socio-political dialect of Éwé spoken in the southeastern segment of the country centered around the city of Aneho. Radiodiffusion du Togo (National) broadcasts from Kara, the capital of the Kabiyê region to the northeast of the Éwé, and broadcasts in French, Kabiyê, and other languages indigenous to Togo. Télévision Togolaise transmits programs in French and languages indigenous to Togo. The latter is true especially where the news is concerned. Within the country, according to the CIA, there were 940,000 radios and 73,000 televisions in the late 1990s.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The World Factbook—Togo. Available from http://www.cia.gov/cia/ publications/factbook/geos/to.html. Cornevin, Robert. Hiostoire du Togo. Paris: BergerLevrault, 1969. Decalo, Samuel. Historical Dictionary of Togo. 2nd ed. Metuchen, NJ: The Scarecrow Press, 1987. Der-Houssikian, Haig. ‘‘Togo’s Choice’’ In The Linguistic Connection, Ed. Jean Casagrande, 73-82. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, Inc. 1983. Europa Publications 2000. Africa South of the Sahara 2001, 30th Edition. London: Europa Publications, Taylor and Francis Group, 2001. Francois, Yvonne. Le Togo. Paris: Karthala, 1993. UNESCO. African Community Languages and their Use in Literacy and Education. Dakar, 1985. UNESCO. Statistical Yearbook. Lanham, MD: Berman Press, 1999. U.S. Department of State. ‘‘1999 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices.’’ Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor/U.S. Department of State: February 25, 2000. Available from www.state.gov/www/ global/human_rights/1999_hrp_report/togo.html. —Haig Der-Houssikian 950

TOKELAU BASIC DATA Official Country Name: Region (Map name): Population: Language(s): Literacy rate:

Tokelau Oceania 1,458 Tokelauan, English N/A

Tokelau, a group of three low-lying islands in the South Pacific Ocean between Hawaii and New Zealand, is a country in danger. According to a United Nations report, the islands are at risk of disappearing into the ocean if global warming continues to raise sea levels. Formerly known as the Union Islands, Tokelau was a British Protectorate until 1926, when administrative control was transferred to New Zealand. The population is approximately 1,500, and most inhabitants speak English and Tokelauan, a Polynesian dialect. The chief of state is the British monarch, represented in New Zealand by an administrator of Tokelau. Since 1999, Tokelauans have been moving towards selfgovernment by drafting a constitution and developing the necessary administrative infrastructure. Geographic isolation and lack of resources limit economic activity to subsistence agriculture. The country’s main source of income is government aid from New Zealand, but Tokelauans also sell postage stamps, souvenir coins and handicrafts. Freedom of the press and speech are respected. There is no daily newspaper. Tugaki a Nukunonu, a bimonthly free publication, features local news, politics and events. It publishes in English and Tokelauan and enjoys a circulation of around 100. There are television or radio stations on the island, but each atoll periodically uses the radio to broadcast shipping and weather reports. There are 1,000 radios and one Internet service provider.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). ‘‘Tokelau.’’ The World Factbook 2001. Available from http:// www.cia.gov/. CocoNET Wireless. The University of Queensland, Australia. (1995). Available from http://www.uq.edu.au/ coconet/tok.html. ‘‘Country Profile.’’ Worldinformation.com, 2002. Available from http://www.worldinformation.com/World/ Oceania/Tokelau_Islands/. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO

‘‘New Zealand.’’ Freedom House, 2001. Available from http://www.freedomhouse.org/. —Jenny B. Davis

TONGA

There are three radio stations, one AM and one FM, serving 61,000 radios, and there is one television station broadcasting to 2,000 televisions. There is also one Internet service provider.

BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Kingdom of Tonga

Region (Map name):

Oceania

Population:

102,321

Language(s):

Tongan, English

Literacy rate:

98.5%

Tonga, an archipelago of more than 170 islands in the South Pacific Ocean between Hawaii and New Zealand, is the only remaining Polynesian monarchy. Formerly known as the Friendly Islands, the area united as a single kingdom in 1845 but became a British protectorate in 1900. Independence came in 1970. Its population is approximately 104,000. The official languages are English and Tongan, and the literacy rate is 98.5 percent. A monarch serves as the chief of state, and a Prime Minister heads the government, presiding over a unicameral, 30seat Fale Alea, or Legislative Assembly. The position of Prime Minister is a life appointment made by the monarch. Tonga’s small economy is anchored by agriculture, especially squash, coconuts, bananas and vanilla beans. Tourism is the country’s main source of hard currency earnings. Freedom of press and speech are limited. Some privately owned newspapers carry opposition views, but journalists have been harassed and threatened with criminal charges. State-owned radio and television stations often favor government policy, and independent broadcast media offer little independent local coverage. There is no daily newspaper, but there are three weeklies. The Tonga Chronicle (Ko e Kalonikali Tonga) is a government-owned newspaper that appears on Fridays. It publishes two editions, one in Tongan with a circulation of 5,000, and one in English with a circulation of 1,500. The Times of Tonga (Taimi o Tonga) is an independent weekly that publishes on Monday. Most articles are in Tongan, but English is also used. It maintains a news bureau in Tonga, but the newspaper is actually printed in New Zealand. It is available online through its own Web site and WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

the Planet Tonga Web portal. Lao moe Hia highlights sensational court cases involving Tongans at home and abroad. It publishes in Tongan only. The Tonga Star is an independent online news Web site featuring national and international news. Ko e Keléa, also independent, publishes bimonthly in Tongan and English, and enjoys a circulation of 5,000. There are also several monthly newspapers issued by church organizations.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). ‘‘Tonga.’’ World Factbook (2001). Available from http://www.cia.gov. ‘‘CocoNET Wireless,’’ The University of Queensland, Australia (1997). Available from http://www.uq.edu.au. ‘‘Country Profile: Tonga.’’ BBC News. Available from http://news.bbc.co.uk. ‘‘The News Media in the Kingdom of Tonga,’’ Tonga on the ’Net. Available from http://www.tongatapu.net.to/ tonga/news/default.htm. Tonga Star, (2002) Home Page. Available from http:// www.tongastar.com. ‘‘Tonga Times,’’ Planet Tonga (2002). Available from http://www.planet-tonga.com. —Jenny B. Davis

TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO BASIC DATA Official Country Name: Region (Map name): Population: Language(s):

Literacy rate: Area: GDP: Number of Television Stations:

Republic of Trinidad and Tobago Puerto Rico & Lesser Antilles 1,169,682 English (official), Hindi, French, Spanish, Chinese 97.9% 5,128 sq km 7,312 (US$ millions) 4 951

TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO

Number of Television Sets: Television Sets per 1,000: Number of Radio Stations: Number of Radio Receivers: Radio Receivers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Computers: Computers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Internet Access: Internet Access per 1,000:

425,000 363.3 14 680,000 581.4 80,000 68.4 100,000 85.5

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS The Republic of Trinidad and Tobago lies in the Caribbean between the Caribbean Sea and the North Atlantic Ocean. The two islands came under British rule in the nineteenth century, but gained their independence in 1962. Due to the production and processing of the island’s vast amount of petroleum and natural gas, the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago is considered to be one of the most prosperous island groups in all of the Caribbean. The population, as of July 2001, was recorded at nearly 1.2 million, with 69 percent of its residents falling between the ages of 15 and 64. The islands maintain a 97.9 percent literacy rate, with men achieving only a slightly higher rate of literacy than women at 98.8 and 97 percent, respectively. The ethnic makeup of the islands is divided almost evenly between blacks and East Indians (primarily immigrants from northern India) at approximately 40 percent each. The remainder is comprised of mixed (18.4 percent), white (0.6 percent), and Chinese and other (1.2 percent). Trinidad and Tobago maintains a parliamentary democracy with the capital city Port of Spain. The country’s mass media includes one television station with five channels, two major radio stations operating four channels, and several daily and weekly newspapers. The Trinidad Express and The Trinidad Guardian are both updated daily, each with a special Sunday edition and a Web site. The high level of literacy on the islands has fostered the creation of several media outlets across the region. It has also allowed print media to hold an important role in the distribution of information. Trinidad and Tobago has the highest per capita consumption of newsprint in the Caribbean. Additionally, the country’s four major newspapers enjoy a daily circulation of 240,000; the most popular newspapers, The Trinidad Guardian and the Trinidad Express are responsible for 160,000. 952

Making its first print run on June 6, 1967, the Trinidad Express, was formed by a group of Trinidadian journals to compete with the Daily Mirror and The Guardian, both British-owned publications. Relying on the financial support of several of the country’s most influential citizens for start-up expenses, the Express overcame its uphill battle to carve out a niche in the print market and to become one of the islands’ leading publications. The paper eventually came under the ownership of Caribbean Communications Network (CCN), which also owns the islands’ top television station, TV-6. The Express attempts to provide balanced format spread among coverage of news, investigative reporting, and social events, as well as in-depth reports on historical facets of the islands’ rich cultural heritage. The Express, which includes the Daily Express and the Sunday Express, reached a circulation of 80,000 during the 1990s, before leveling off to an average daily print run of 75,000 in 2002. Garnering approximately 40 percent of the reading public, the Sunday Express is the region’s leading weekend publication, selling an average of 8,000 more papers weekly than its nearest competitor. The Express targets both the islands’ community as well as the outlying Caribbean region. In an effort to broaden its reach, the paper launched a Web site in 1997. Offering up-to-date regionally information and news, the Web site averages 10,000 hits every day. Established in 1917, the Trinidad Guardian is the oldest newspaper on the two islands and has played a highly influential role throughout the twentieth century. Although it is officially independent, the newspaper has often been branded as procolonial ‘‘white,’’ and then ‘‘status quo’’ during the independence movement. The Guardian, the only broadsheet newspaper on the local market, continues to enjoy widespread appeal among the people of Trinidad and Tobago, now maintaining readers from every major category of socioeconomic status, location, ethnicity, age, and gender. The Trinidad Guardian continues to hold the status as the most credible newspaper in Trinidad and Tobago. The main focus of the Guardian is to maintain high quality and exclusivity in its editions. The Guardian is preferred by the middle- to high-income group. The Guardian gathers an average daily circulation of 40,000 and a Sunday circulation of 41,000. It reaches a number of niche markets with its special publications and sections, including ‘‘Mid Week Sports’’ (Wednesday), ‘‘Business Guardian’’ (Thursday), ‘‘Rise—Young Adult Weekly’’ (Friday), ‘‘TV Week’’ (Saturday), and ‘‘Sunday Business Guardian’’ (Sunday). Additionally, specialty magazines are published monthly, covering topics such as health, real estate, bridal, education, construction and various other topics. Quarterly cookbook series are also published. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO

The country’s two afternoon newspapers are the Evening News and the Sun, each with a circulation of 40,000; they are owned by the Trinidad Guardian and the Trinidad Express, respectively. Several political weekly newspapers, which tend to be more critical of the government, such as The Bomb and The Punch circulate as well. Catholic News, the weekly newspaper of the Archdiocese of Port of Spain, was founded in 1892. Newsday of Daily News Limited is an English newspaper produced in the capital Port of Spain. Tobago News, produced in Scarborough, has recently joined with the Express and is updated every Friday. Trinidad and Tobago News Network is an Internet publication, which is updated fairly irregularly, about every two weeks. The product of a bruising battle with the government over freedom of the press, the Independent was formed in November 1996. Senior staff members of the Guardian walked off their jobs after a row with Prime Minister Basdeo Panday and pulled their resources together to launch the weekly newspaper. The journalists were determined to maintain a free press; however, five years after it was founded, the weekly Independent folded due to lack of advertising returns.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK The Republic of Trinidad and Tobago is home to one of the most diversified and successful economies in the English-speaking Caribbean. In addition to large reserves of petroleum and natural gas, the islands have successfully developed industry in iron and steel, methanol and nitrogenous fertilizers, and petroleum products. Transportation links such as air, sea, and land are in excellent condition, and the islands also maintain a strong telecommunications link with the Americas and Europe with completely modern capabilities. These factors have lent to the islands’ reputation as an excellent development site for international business. Due to the economic reforms implemented in 1995, foreign investment and trade flourish. The main sectors of development include petrochemical, tourism, food processing, cement, beverage, and cotton textiles. The currency of the island is the Trinidad and Tobago dollar. This climate of a prosperous economy that Trinidad and Tobago enjoys lends to higher levels of education and literacy rates, which in turn boosts sales of the country’s newspapers.

PRESS LAWS An evaluation system designed by Freedom House, a nonprofit nonpartisan organization, is used throughout the world to determine the level of independence a country’s press enjoys. On a scale from 0 to 100, a lower score signifies a freer press system. A score between 31 and 60 indicates a press that is partly free. Trinidad and Tobago WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

has been awarded a rating of 28, indicating that they fall on the freer end of the spectrum. Despite the fact that Trinidad and Tobago enjoys a fairly free press, 10 deaths, 10 kidnappings or disappearances, and 8 arrests of members of the media were reported in 2000. The Trinidad and Tobago constitution guarantees freedom of expression and freedom of the press. However, after the 1995 election of the current administration, the freedom of Trinidad and Tobago’s press came under peril. In April 1996, Guardian journalists enlisted the help of UNESCO to organize a public forum on the role of the media in a democratic society. Journalists stressed the need to safeguard editorial independence, and demanded that the outdated libel laws be repealed. They claimed these laws are used as a backhand method of gagging the media. They also emphasized the need for a Freedom of Information Act to ensure the public’s access to information. A media code of ethics was proposed in 1997 by the Trinidad and Tobago government. It was housed in a government document entitled, ‘‘Toward a Free and Responsible Media.’’ This code required journalists and newspapers to ‘‘endeavor to highlight and promote activities of the state and the public, which aim at national unity and solidarity, integrity of Trinidad and Tobago, and economic and social progress.’’ However, this code came under much scrutiny by the Trinidad and Tobago press and was eventually shelved. Many journalists felt that the ultimate goal of the government’s new code was not to improve the freedom of the press, but rather to place journalists and newspapers under stricter scrutiny of the government. Also in 1997, Prime Minister Panday, who believed the media regularly published lies, rumors, and halftruths, refused to sign the Inter-American Press Association’s Declaration of Chapultepec until it addressed issues concerning the lack of integrity in reporting. In 1999, Panday sent a letter to the President of the InterAmerican Press Association stating that the Declaration of Chapultepec was not in accord with the constitution of Trinidad and Tobago. Panday claimed that it placed journalists above the law of the land. ‘‘The freedoms enshrined in our Constitution, including freedom of the press are all qualified by the caveat except through due process. This would apply for example, to a journalist cited for contempt of court for violating a court order. The Declaration of Chapultepec was also silent on the Constitutional right to privacy.’’ However, Panday was mistaken because the Constitution of Trinidad and Tobago applies the caveat only to the first right and freedom listed in the constitution, ‘‘the right of the individual to life, liberty, security of the person, and enjoyment of property, and the right not to be 953

TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO

a denial of the right to freedom of thought and expression.’’ In 2002, this case was repealed based on the finding that the High Court judge was in error when he found the journalists guilty of contempt of court because insufficient evidence existed to support the charges. According to several practitioners, the finding was a significant victory for freedom, something the press has struggled to maintain through the last decade in Trinidad and Tobago.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS

deprived thereof except by due process of law.’’ No other right or freedom in the constitution contains that phrase. Additionally, the media is not obligated by the constitution to obey a court order. It is, however, part of the common law that is practiced in Commonwealth countries, which includes Trinidad and Tobago. Panday proposed a rival declaration in his letter, which he entitled the Declaration of Port of Spain. This declaration embodied a Code of Practice and Code of Ethics for media practitioners. However, it was in direct opposition of Chapultepec and not well received by the media. The Trinidad Express responded, ‘‘While the solidarity among regional organizations has helped to beat back various challenges to press freedom in the Caribbean, it is becoming clear that governments across the region are also banding together in the attempt to bring the media to heel. In this general liberalizing climate, there seems to be a clear intention by Caricom [Caribbean Community] governments to restrict the limits of what is possible for the news media to cover. But a free, responsible press is infinitely more desirable than having a government decide the boundaries of freedom of information.’’

CENSORSHIP In 1996, a local editor spent five days in prison and a reporter was fined after the court had ruled that they had published too much information about an ongoing murder trial in the islands. The two reporters appealed their conviction and sentence on the claim that there was a denial of justice and a breach of their right to freedom of thought and expression. Their employer, the Independent, also filed a motion arguing that, ‘‘the judge’s decision to prohibit reports on the contempt proceedings was 954

State-press relations became more conflicted when Panday, Trinidad and Tobago’s first prime minister of Indian descent, was elected in 1995. Panday continually feuded with the largely black-owned media, expressing his dislike for journalists and calling on his party supporters to boycott the Trinidad Express, which he claimed was vindictive toward his administration. Although the Express and the Guardian openly criticize the government, the weekly tabloids tend to criticize to a greater extent. It is commonly believed that Panday’s disdain for the media cost his administration a great deal of popularity. However, with the 2000 election, Panday curbed his contempt for the media in order to secure enough votes for re-election.

BROADCAST MEDIA The government-run Trinidad and Tobago Television Company offers over 70 hours of weekly viewing, including many locally produced programs. Television is popular, and television sets are common. The government’s National Broadcasting Service was the most important station, operating on both 610 AM and 100 FM and reaching an estimated 650,000 listeners. Other major stations include Radio Trinidad, operated by a subsidiary of the British firm Rediffusion, and Radio 95 FM, both of which are broadcast over parts of the Windward Islands and Leeward Islands.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA The Republic of Trinidad and Tobago has 17 Internet service providers and approximately 30,000 Internet users (according to the CIA Factbook). Several publications, including the islands’ leading newspapers, are available online.

SUMMARY The thorn in Trinidad and Tobago’s side lies in the battle between the government and the media over the fundamental freedom of the press. Journalists and other members of the press alike have fought an ongoing uphill battle to maintain the freedom that they are legally granted by the country’s constitution. It will remain to be seen what measures the current and subsequent governments WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

TUNISIA

take to curb these freedoms. However, the ruling party faces a very determined group of professionals. The country’s high level of literacy and the popularity of the nation’s newspapers will significantly aid the press’ fight to maintain its freedom.

Region (Map name):

Africa

Population:

9,705,102

Language(s):

Arabic, French

Literacy rate:

66.7%

Area:

163,610 sq km

GDP:

19,462 (US$ millions)

Number of Television Stations:

26

Number of Television Sets:

920,000

Farrell, Sheahan. ‘‘Trinidad and Tobago.’’ The Trinidad Guardian. Available from http://www.guardian.co.tt.

Television Sets per 1,000:

94.8

Number of Radio Stations:

29

‘‘News Sources from Trinidad and Tobago.’’ Kidon Media-Link, 2002. Available from http://www.kidon. com/media-link.

Number of Radio Receivers:

2,600,000

Richards, Peter. ‘‘Regional Media Complain of Censorship.’’ InterPress Service, 30 December 1999. Accession no. 85774. Available from http://www.ips.org.

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

267.9

Number of Individuals with Computers:

219,100

Solomon, Denis. ‘‘Move to Silence Catholic Church.’’ Index on Censorship, 25 June 1999. Available from http:/ /www.indexonline.org.

Computers per 1,000:

22.6

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

100,000

———. ‘‘Panday Shows His Hand.’’ Index on Censorship, 4 June 1999. Available from http:// www.indexonline.org.

Internet Access per 1,000:

10.3

BIBLIOGRAPHY Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). ‘‘Trinidad and Tobago, 2001.’’ The World Factbook. Washington, DC: Office of Public Affairs, 2001. Available from http:// www.cia.gov.

———. ‘‘’Sinister Auguries’ for Free Speech.’’ Index on Censorship, 15 May 1999. Available from http:// www.indexonline.org. ‘‘Trinidad and Tobago: Port of Spain 2002.’’ CCN Group, 2002. Available from http://www.ccngroup.com. ‘‘Welcome to Trinidad and Tobago.’’ Tourism and Industrial Development Company (Trinidad and Tobago) Limited, 2002. Available from http://www.visittnt.com. Williams, Sue. ‘‘Not Negotiable.’’ UNESCO Sources, December 1996. Accession no. 9702230012. Available from MasterFILE Premier. World Press Freedom Review. Vienna, Austria: International Press Institute, 2002. Available from http:// www.freemedia.at. —Mara Iutcovich

TUNISIA BASIC DATA Official Country Name: WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Republic of Tunisia

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Like Algeria and Morocco, Tunisia inherited the structure and characteristics of its press from the French. A protectorate within the former French colonial empire of North Africa between 1881 and 1956, Tunisia absorbed much of the cultural and intellectual traditions imposed upon it over the span of three generations. The colonial Tunisian press began in 1889 with the founding of Le Petit Tunisien and followed the traditional French model: all newspapers were highly editorialized and represented the official position of the government. Independent views were discouraged and nationalistic sentiments muzzled, and in 1933 French officials closed down all newspapers and periodicals suspected of disseminating autonomist views. All that remained were newspapers destined for the colonial residents and the Tunisian cultural elite. When it gained its independence in 1956, Tunisia retained almost the same press structure. For the next 20 years, it made the transition from colony to autonomous statehood under the authoritarian leadership of President Bourguiba, once a journalist with the suppressed nationalist daily La Voix du Tunisien. In 2002 there were seven major daily newspapers in Tunisia, all of them published in Tunis, the capital, and 955

TUNISIA

owned either directly by the state as a public corporation (L’Action, Al Amal, and La Presse) or privately owned but openly pro-government. It is worth noting that Arabic-language dailies have often represented a reforming, nationalistic trend against French language and culture in the former French colonies of North Africa. Nevertheless, most of the Arabic-language dailies published in Tunis (El Horria, Essahafa, Assabah) are the translated versions of French-language newspapers (Le Renouveau, La Presse, and Le Temps) and are owned by them. Ironically, the most widely read daily is now the Arabiclanguage Ach Chourouk, with a circulation of 110,000. The lack of even one major opposition newspaper has been a recurring argument for those who maintain that freedom of the press has not yet become a reality in Tunisia. In terms of circulation, the most important Tunisian newspapers are: • Al Chourouk, in Arabic, circulation 110,000 • L’Action (1932), in French, circulation 50,000 • Al Amal (1934), in Arabic, circulation 50,000 • Assabah (1951), in Arabic, circulation 50,000 • La Presse (1936), in French, circulation 40,000 • Le Temps (1975), in French, circulation 42,000 • Le Renouveau, in French, circulation 23,000 L’Action and its Arabic edition Al Amal are the official newspapers of the largest, pro-government political party in Tunisia, the Rassemblement Constitutionnel Démocratique (RCD). It is the new name for the old Parti Socialiste Destourien (PSD), which holds 148 seats in the house of representatives, the Tunisian Chambre des Députés, against 34 seats belonging to a moderate opposition. For a population of 9,705,102 (2002), a GDP of 62.6 billion (2000), and a literacy rate of 67 percent, Tunisia has an aggregate daily newspaper circulation of 375,000 (circulation per 1,000: 26). It publishes a total of 22 daily newspapers and consumes 12,500 metric tons of newsprint every year. It also publishes over 210 national periodicals (weekly and monthly), with an aggregate circulation of 900,000 and oversees the distribution of more than 700 foreign magazines and newspapers throughout the country.

print. These subsidies are distributed to pro-government and opposition newspapers alike, and a presidential decree (April 10, 1999) stipulated the amount of yearly official subsidies allotted to the newspapers published by the opposition parties. What could be interpreted as an unusual democratic generosity represents in fact a subtle, but effective control of the opposition’s newspapers, as it erodes their ability to provide alternate viewpoints or articulate any real criticism of government policies.

PRESS LAWS Tunisia inherited from its former French colonial occupant a political structure and a cultural environment that permits the censorship of the press for the purpose of preserving public order. The French government instituted the first press codes during its colonial protectorate in Tunisia (1881-1956) and never hesitated to muzzle the press or to shut down nationalistic publications. After Tunisia gained its independence in 1956, similar press codes remained in effect under the 21-year, single-party regime of President Habib Bourguiba. The leader of Tunisia in 2002, President Zine Ben Ali, was once its former chief of military intelligence. After assuming power in 1987 (and being re-elected in 1994 and 1999, Ben Ali took a personal interest in the country’s press code. It was amended twice, in August 1988 and August 1993. Then, on the occasion of the celebration of the International Freedom of the Press Day (May 3, 2000), President Ben Ali convened a meeting with government officials, journalists and newspapers editors for the purpose of developing suggestions and guidelines to reform the press code. According to official sources, the meeting was called by the president to ‘‘improve the performance of the media in general.’’ Ben Ali thus castigated Tunisian editors and journalists: ‘‘Every morning I find your newspapers on my desk. . .and I have to say that I do not find anything interesting to read any more.’’ When his guests explained that the timidity of the Tunisian press was due to the self-imposed censorship and prior restraint required of all newspapers by the Ministry of Information, Ben Ali replied: ‘‘Write as you see fit. Be critical, as long as what you say is true. Please write, and if anyone ever bothers you, just contact me!’’

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK

The president’s encouragement for truth and boldness in the press has failed to impress a number of outside observers. They routinely complain that the Tunisian press walks the party line and dares not criticize government policies or even report instances of corruption or incompetence on the part of public officials.

The majority of Tunisian newspapers rely on government subsidies for their economic survival. The Tunisian government also pays for the publication of official announcements and the purchase of equipment and news-

The latest reform of the press code was officially adopted by the Tunisian House of Representatives on April 30, 2001, by a vote of 176 yes, 6 abstentions, and no dissensions. While the new code still prescribes prison

956

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

TUNISIA

terms and fines for ‘‘sedition and the spreading of false news,’’ it removes the crime of ‘‘slander against the public order,’’ (article 51) which had been used in the past as a vague and standard charge against opposition journalists. It also requires editors to hire at least 50 percent of their staff from candidates holding advanced degrees in journalism and lessens the length of time a newspaper can be suspended from six to three months (article 73). Freedom of the press and freedom of speech were also re-affirmed in the recent constitutional reform adopted by a vast majority of voters in the referendum of May 26, 2002 (article 5).

CENSORSHIP As with other countries of Northern Africa, one should maintain a sense of perspective when dealing with censorship and the freedom of the press, especially when the frame of reference is a Western point of view. According to ‘‘Reporters Without Borders,’’ the ‘‘Committee to Protect Journalists,’’ and the ‘‘Committee for the Defense of Liberties and Human Rights in Tunisia (CRLDH),’’ three watchdog organizations located outside of Tunisia, newspapers and periodicals representing the views of political and religious minorities are routinely suspended, fined, and otherwise prohibited. Journalists have also been harassed and even brutalized by plainclothes Tunisian police. Al Tariq Al Jahid, an opposition newspaper, was seized in March of 2001, while Hamma Hammami, publisher of the Tunisian Communist Workers’ Party newspaper, El Badil, was sentenced on February 3, 2002, to nine years in prison for ‘‘spreading false news, and inciting rebellion.’’ (The sentence was later reduced on appeal to a three-year term.) Still, Tunisia is not a dictatorship where editors are threatened and journalists tortured, as is the case in several countries of the region. Actual censorship of the press is infrequent, since most journalists and editors choose to operate within the guidelines established by the Tunisian government.

NEWS AGENCIES Tunisian newspapers rely on two international press agencies: Agence France-Presse (AFP) and the Associated Press (AP). They also use the Maghreb Arabe Press (MAP), and the state-owned Tunisian press agency Tunis Afrique Presse (TAP), located in Tunis.

BROADCAST & ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA The Internet is operated by a single Internet service provider (ISP), and now reaches over 110,000 users in Tunisia. The government sponsors an official Web site, www.tunisie.com. Radio broadcasting has considerably extended its coverage since it first began to transmit in WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

1936. Today there are 7 AM, 20 FM and 2 short-wave stations in Tunisia, including the national (RT) and international (RTCI) stations, reaching 2.06 million radio sets. In 2001 there were 26 television stations and 920,000 television sets in the country. An increasing number of national newspapers now have an online version available on the Internet (La Presse, Le Renouveau, Essahafa, Al Horria), as do the country’s most prominent monthly magazines (Réalités, L’Economiste Maghrébin, La Tunisie Economique).

EDUCATION & TRAINING The Université de Tunis offers a degree in Journalism through its Institute of Press and Information Sciences (Institut de la Presse et des Sciences de l’Information, or IPSI). Continuing education is offered to professional journalists at the Centre Africain de Perfectionnement des Journalistes et des Communicateurs (CAPJC). The number of professional journalists in Tunisia has increased by a factor of 50 percent in the last 10 years (639 in 1990 and over 1,000 in 2002), and there were 71 foreign correspondents accredited in 2001. A journalist can work legally only if he or she holds the professional journalist card delivered by the government. The profession is controlled by two pro-government organizations: the Association des Journalistes Tunisiens and the Association Tunisienne des Directeurs de Journaux, both dominated by members of the RCD ruling political party.

SUMMARY Tunisia has a growing, modern and professional press. However, it lacks the diversity of opinion neces957

TURKEY

sary to assert itself and make it emerge from the patronizing tutelage of the government. While it is true that Tunisian authorities stifle true freedom of the press, it must also be kept in mind that the country seeks to establish itself as a pro-Western, moderate Islamic nation. The government claims that it must impose guidelines upon the press because of the threat represented by Islamic fundamentalists and radical activists. Most outside observers are not convinced by this argument. They point out that the stifling of free speech in the defense of civil liberties is a rationalization unlikely to reach its intended goals. However, the critics of the Tunisian government also find themselves in a difficult predicament. Democracy, free speech, equality under the law, and freedom of the press are western political concepts. African nations have struggled for decades to free themselves from the constraints of their colonial past. To some, freedom of the press is an imported idea unsuitable to Islamic regimes whose political structures and traditions go back more than a thousand years.

Population:

66,493,970

Language(s):

Turkish (official), Kurdish, Arabic, Armenian, Greek

Literacy rate:

95.0%

Area:

780,580 sq km

GDP:

199,937 (US$ millions)

Number of Daily Newspapers:

45

Total Circulation:

4,047,000

Circulation per 1,000:

95

Newspaper Consumption (minutes per day):

30

BIBLIOGRAPHY

As % of All Ad Expenditures:

35.10

Number of Television Stations:

635

Number of Television Sets:

2,900,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

43.6

Television Consumption (minutes per day):

180

Number of Cable Subscribers:

875,020

The Press in Tunisia. London: Article 19 (International Centre Against Censorship), 1993.

Cable Subscribers per 1,000:

13.4

Tunisia: Attacks on the Press and Government Critics. London: Article 19 (International Centre Against Censorship), 1991.

Number of Satellite Subscribers:

1,836,000

Satellite Subscribers per 1,000:

27.6

Number of Radio Stations:

94

Number of Radio Receivers:

11,300,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

169.9

Number of Individuals with Computers:

2,500,000

Computers per 1,000:

37.6

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

2,000,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

30.1

Abdelmalek, Triki. ‘‘Freedom of the Press in Tunisia.’’ Thesis. University of Missouri-Columbia, 1989. The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). World Factbook 2001. Directorate of Intelligence, 2002. Available from www.cia.gov. Committee to Protect Journalists. Available from www.cpj.org. Lofti M’Timet. ‘‘A Comparative Analysis of Mass Media Systems in the Maghreb: Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco.’’ Thesis. University of Minnesota, 1986.

UNESCO Statistical Yearbook UNESCO Institute for Statistics, 1999. —Eric H. du Plessis

TURKEY BASIC DATA Official Country Name: Region (Map name): 958

Republic of Turkey Middle East

Total Newspaper Ad Receipts:

213,867 (Turkish Lira billions)

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

TURKEY

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS In 1923 Mustafa Kemal (188l-1938) founded the modern Republic of Turkey (Türkiye Cumhuriyeti). Later in his life (1934), for his dedicated service to the state and people of Turkey, Mustafa Kemal was honored with the designation Atatürk (Father Turk) by the Grand National Assembly. The collapse of the Ottoman Empire after World War I, allowed Atatürk to pursue his objectives of freeing and keeping Anatolia whole. Having become an accomplished military officer under the Ottomans, including having earned his military fame at Gallipoli where the Allied forces were halted in their progress, Atatürk maintained enough military savvy to manage the eradication of the remaining Greek occupying forces from the area (1921-1922) in the aftermath of Ottoman dissolution. With his military prowess and political charisma Atatürk outlasted the Sultanate which ended on November 1, 1922—and had advocated the partitioning of Turkey with the Allied forces—and established the Republic of Turkey almost exactly one year later, October 29, 1923. Understanding Atatürk’s leadership is essential for deciphering reasons behind the state of the press and the media that exists in Turkey today. Atatürk’s initial leadership and legal enactments set Turkey on the path it is currently journeying. He provided Turkey with the positive building blocks for creating a strong nation-state, but also negatively allowed for the beginning of some of the repressive practices concerning freedom of the press that are still being suffered. By 1928, Atatürk had implemented the reforms necessary for Turkey to become a secular state; he removed the constitutional provision decreeing Islam as the state religion, abolished the caliphate which was symbolic of the Sultanate’s religious authority, eliminated all other Islamic institutions, introduced a Westernized system of law and dress, and also instituted the use of the Latin calendar and alphabet. As well, by 1934, women obtained the right to vote. All of these reforms, besides fostering the secularization of the state of Turkey, also emphasized Atatürk’s desire to move Turkey toward its European influences. As a result of Atatürk’s massive, sweeping reforms his administration gained the status of an ideology by 1931—Kemalism or Atatürkism. The guiding principles of this ideology, while describing the foundational as well as the sometimes seemingly chaotic and contradictory nature of Atatürk’s tenure, have been labeled as: republicanism, nationalism, populism, statism, secularism, and revolutionism. As was mentioned, though Atatürk’s regime was monumentally important for the founding of Turkey, it also facilitated some long-term, detrimental principles. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

By 1926, through the combined cooperation of landowners, the country’s bourgeoisie, and the civil and military bureaucracies, Atatürk ruled as an autocrat. All opposition had been silenced. Yet, despite the relatively draconian nature of his rule, Atatürk’s policies brought stability to the newly founded country; setting Turkey on a course to United Nations membership in 1945 and NATO membership in 1952 (NATO membership is mentioned as an expression of Atatürk’s Europeanizing principles; it actually contradicts with his stance on neutrality). Kemal Atatürk ruled for a total of 14 years, being reelected in 1927, 1931, and 1935, and died in 1938. From Turkey’s founding until 1946, it was largely a single party operation. In 1946 a multiparty political system was established. Primarily (despite the years 1960, 1961, and 1980-1983 when the military took direct, intervening action to halt coups meant to override the state’s policies of secularism) Turkey has been civilian ruled—at least theoretically. To be accurate, Turkey’s civilian rule is a rather broadly defined notion of the idea. The military in Turkey has always had significant veto power concerning any action of which it did not approve. In many senses, civilian rule in Turkey could be thought of as a legitimizing front for military rule. That being as it is, Turkey is, in the early twenty-first century, a parliamentary democracy as guided by its November 1982 constitution enacted by popular referendum. Under this constitution there is universal suffrage for all citizens over the age of 18. Legislative power rests in the National Assembly (550-member unicameral body directly elected to five-year terms), the head of government is the prime minister (representing the majority party or coalition in parliament and appointed by the president), and the president (chief of state) is chosen by parliament for seven-year terms. Country Geography Turkey is located on the northeastern edge of the Mediterranean Sea and is often thought of as the bridge country between Europe and the Middle East. In fact it fluctuates between being designated as being part of southeastern Europe or as part of northwestern Asia. Literally, the portion of Turkey that lies west of the Bosporus Strait, the strait of the Dardanelles, and the Sea of Marmara (which altogether are known as the Turkish Straits and are extremely strategic as they are the only outlet linking the Black Sea with the Aegean and Mediterranean Seas) is designated as part of Europe. The rest of the country is considered Middle Eastern and/or Asian. This amounts to roughly 3 percent of the land and 8 percent of the population being in Europe. The rest of the land (97 percent) and people (92 percent) are in the Middle East. 959

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To the northwest of Turkey lies Greece and Bulgaria. To the west lies the Aegean Sea. Directly north is the Black Sea. On Turkey’s northeast to its southeast, in descending order, lies Georgia, Armenia, the Azerbaijani exclave of Naxçivan, and the northwestern tip of Iran. South of the country, east to west, lie Iraq and Syria. Also south of the country, but separated by the water of the Mediterranean, lie the islands of Crete and Rhodes belonging to Greece, and the island of Cyprus which, as of 1974, is jointly shared and disputed between Turkey and Greece—Turkey occupies the northern portion with a UN buffer zone lying between the northern and southern sections. In 1983 Turkish controlled Cyprus designated itself the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, but Turkey is the only country recognizing this designation. In contrast, the southern section, controlled by the Greek Cypriot government, is internationally recognized. Turkey’s total land area, depending on the source, is between 780,580 square kilometers and 779,452 square kilometers (301,380 square miles and 300,948 square miles)—somewhat larger than Texas. Mt. Ararat, the legendary location of Noah’s Ark, is in the eastern section of the country. All told, Turkey is divided into 80 iller (provinces) with Ankara being the capital city and Istanbul being the largest. State of the Press The press can be considered semivigorous, semi-independent, and often on the defensive. There are numerous dailies, weeklies, and other publications available, but the government has established numerous laws that stifle freedom of expression. Positively, the press often opposes these laws, being seen as the voice of the conscience of the nation and trying to be a check on the government. This causes numerous government imposed shutdowns of press institutions and also causes many journalists to face state sponsored intimidation, fines, and prison time. Negatively and conversely, the press also often inverts and becomes the mouthpiece of governing political parties and of large corporations in order to receive social, political, and monetary benefits. The use of the press and broadcasting stations as the organ of large corporations is currently a major concern in Turkey. Media centralization/concentration in the hands of ever fewer owners threatens the health of quality journalistic output and quality journalistic practice in the country and is also becoming detrimental to journalists’ ability to maintain employment. In February of 2001 some 4,000 people in the media lost their positions. The International Federation of Journalists blamed the Turkish government for allowing such a state of media concentration where this could happen. The trend continues to worsen with Aydin Dog˘anan and his company Dog˘an Group, one conglomerate, own960

ing 70 percent of all Turkish media. Dog˘an Group owns numerous papers, including Hurriyet and Milliyet, several leading magazines, printing houses, a distribution network, and the Dog˘an News Agency. They own and control the radio stations Radyo D, Radyo Klüp, Foreks, and Hur FM, along with the television stations Kanal D, CNN-Turk, Bravo TV, and Kanal D Europe. All told, as of 2001, Dog˘an Holding possessed more than 31 media oriented organizations, including some of the most influential broadcasting and press companies in the country. While there are cross-sector broadcasting restrictions on media companies and ownership percentage limitations meant to create a greater sense of equability and diversity in the media arena (though even these have been increased; such as individual limitations being raised from a maximum 20 percent stake in a television station to a 50 percent stake), as in many other portions of the world, the larger the conglomerate the easier regulations are side-stepped. Thus, instead of the regulations providing a more equitable playing field they create insurmountable hurdles for everyone except the conglomerate, providing a monopolistic market for the large corporation. Typically, less competition means reporting accuracy falls, simply less is reported, and the greater the likelihood for corruption. For instance, it is likely that with a large concentration of media ownership occurring and the ban on larger media groups bidding for state tenders being lifted fraud will go unreported due to the bidders having inordinate access to those in power because they are themselves in power as well. An example of the potential of this type of scenario was enacted in April 2001 when Dinç Bilgin, the owner of the Sabah group, was arrested and accused of embezzling funds after the Turkish government seized Etibank, a small private bank he owned. Underscoring all of the above is a statement offered by journalist Enis Berberoglu, ‘‘I sometimes wonder who is really my boss. Aydin Dog˘an or the politicians in Ankara?’’ Berberoglu’s statement, as much of the above, implicitly suggests the power orientation that is involved as large corporations buy up media more for economic or social benefits rather than because of a passion for journalism. A final statement from one of the Turkish new media corporate owners, Korkmaz Yigit—quoted in I Am Ashamed but I Am a Journalist—makes the power orientation more explicit. Yigit explains, ‘‘When you grow economically, there will be people attacking at you. But, if you have the media power in your hand, they will think twice before attacking you. This [entering into media] has a defensive aim. They cannot attack you.’’ And therein lies the concern. Dailies Turkey’s dailies are published primarily as morning editions, but there are some evening papers fillWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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ing out the offerings. Dailies are published seven days a week, with some papers printing multiple daily editions. As well, larger circulation dailies include color extras in their Sunday editions, analogous in principle with press traditions in the United States and United Kingdom. The daily foreign language press remains relatively small, but weekly, journal, and quarterly publications bolster this. The English language Turkish Daily News coming out of Ankara holds the largest foreign language circulation at 54,000 and is also available on the Internet. Istanbul houses the Greek language daily Apoyevmatini (circulation 1,200) and the Armenian language Nor Marmara (circulation 2,200). Additionally, other English, French, and German foreign dailies are available in the larger cities. The largest dailies originate from Istanbul and almost all papers from the city are published simultaneously in Ankara and Izmir, and some in Adana. These papers are distributed nationally to even the small towns and are significant competition to papers produced in other various large and small cities throughout Turkey that are circulated only provincially or locally. From at least an electronic perspective though, local newspapers are not being left behind. On the Internet site of the Office of the Prime Minister—Director General of Press and Information (Basin Yayin ve Enfomayson Genel Mürdürlüg˘ü; www.byegm.gov.tr) there are links to 58 local papers above and beyond national dailies. The largest dailies by circulation include: Hürriyet (circulation 542,797), Milliyet (circulation 630,000), Sabah (circulation 550,000), Türkiye (circulation 450,000), and Zaman (circulation 210,000). Furthermore, due to the significant expatriate population of Turkish workers in Germany, Istanbul’s top circulating papers are also published in Munich. Also, as might be imagined, four of the top circulating dailies are also considered as the ‘‘most popular’ in Turkey: Sabah, Hürriyet, Milliyet, and Zaman. Milliyet and Cumhuriyet (circulation 75,000) are considered to be dailies that are among the most serious and influential in the country. Milliyet is a moderateliberal independent and the moderate-liberal pro-RPP Cumhuriyet, one of Turkey’s oldest papers being founded in 1924 to support Atatürk’s revolution, has been referred to as the New York Times of the Turkish Press. Other papers that could be considered for this category could include: Hürriyet, due to its independent nature and large circulation, even though it can be sensationalist and the right-wing, conservative, pro-JP Tercüman (circulation 32,869). Outside of Istanbul and surrounding areas, Yeni Asar (circulation 60,000)—originating in Izmir from the Aegean region and political in focus—is considered to be the best-selling quality daily. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

The oldest running dailies still in publication are Yeni Asir (New Century) out of Izmir, founded in 1895 and Yeni Adana out of Adana, founded in 1918. Prices for dailies averages around US$.25. A listing of principle dailies includes: In Adana • Yeni Adana. Circulation 2,000; founded 1918; political; Proprietor and editor-in-chief, Çetin Remzi Yüüreo˘ir In Ankara • Ankara Ticaret. Circulation 1,351; founded 1954; commercial; Managing editor, Nuray Tüzman; Editor-in-chief, Mummer Solmaz • Belde. Circulation 3,399; founded 1968; Proprietor, Ilhan Is¸bilen • Tasvir. Circulation 3,055; founded 1960; Editor, Ender Yokdar • Turkish Daily News. Circulation 54,500; founded 1961; English; Publisher, Ilhan Çevik; Editor-inchief, Ilnur Çevik; Internet, www.turkishdailynews. com • Türkiye Ticaret Sicili. Founded 1957; commercial; Editor, Yalcin Kaya Aydos • Vakit. Circulation, 3,384; founded 1978; Managing editor, Nali Alan • Yeni Tanin. Circulation 3,123; founded 1964; political; Managing editor, Ahmet Tekes¸ • Yirmidört Saat. Founded 1978; Proprietor, Beyhan Cenkçi 961

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In Eskisehir • Istikbal. Founded 1950; Editor, Vedat Alp In Gaziantep • Olay Manager Erol Maras In Istanbul • Apoyevmatini. Circulation 1,200; founded 1925; Greek; Editor, Istefan Papadopoulos • Bugün. Circulation 184,884; founded 1989; Proprietor, Önay Bilgin • Cumhuriyet. Circulation 75,000; founded 1924; liberal; Managing editor, Hikmet Çetinkaya; Internet, www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/a/w • Dünyald. Circulation 50,000; founded 1952; economic; Editor-in-chief, Nezih Demirkent; Internet, www.dunya.com) • Fotomaç. Circulation 250,000; founded 1991; Chief officer, Ibrahim Seten; Internet, www.fotomac. com.tr • Günaydin-Tan. Founded 1968; Editor-in-chief, Seckin Turesay • Hürriyet. Circulation 542,797; founded 1948; independent political; Proprietor, Aydin Dog˘an; Chief editor, Ertug˘rul Özkök; Internet, www.hurriyet. com.tr • Maydan. Founded 1990; Proprietor, Refik Aras; Editor, Ufuk Guldemir • Milli Gazete. Circulation 51,000; founded 1973; proIslamic, conservative; Editor-in-chief, Ekrem Kiziltas¸; Internet, www.milligazete.com.tr • Milliyet. Circulation 630,000; founded 1950; political; Publisher, Aydin Dog˘an; Editor-in-chief, Derya Sazak; Internet, www.milliyet.com.tr • Nor Mamara. Circulation 2,200; founded 1940; Armenian; Proprietor and Editor-in-chief, Rober Haddeler; General manager, Ari Haddeler • Sabah. Circulation 550,000; Proprietor, Dinç Bilgin; Editor, Zafer Mutlu; Internet, www.sabah.com.tr • Tercüman. Circulation 32, 869; founded 1961; rightwing; Chief editor, Nazif Okumus • Türkiye. Circulation 450,000; founded 1970; Editorin-chief, Kenan Akin; Internet, www.turkiye gazetesi.com • Yeni Nesil. Founded 1970 as Yeni Asya; political; Editor-in-chief, Umit Simsek • Yeniyüzyil. Editor, Kerem Çaliskan 962

• Zaman. Circulation 210, 000; founded 1962; political, independent; Managing editor, Adem Kalac; Internet, www.zaman.com.tr In Izmir • Rapor Circulation 9,000; founded 1949; Owner Dinç Bilgin; Managing editor, Tanju Ates¸er • Ticaret Gazetesi. Circulation 5,009; founded 1942; commercial news; Editor-in-chief, Ahmet Sukûti Tükel; Internet, www.ticaretgazetesi.com • Yeni Asir. Circulation 60,000; founded 1895; political; Managing editor, Aydin Bilgin; Internet, www.yeniasir.com.tr In Konya • Yeni Konya. Circulation 1,657; founded 1945; poitical; Chief editor, Adil Gücüyener • Yeni Merem. Circulation 44,000; founded 1949; political; Proprietor, M. Yalçin Bahçivan; Chief editor, Tufan Bahçivan; Internet, www.yenimerem.com Weeklies and other Periodicals Among the weeklies, Istanbul’s Girgir is the undisputed leader. The paper is well known for its political satire and boasts a circulation of 500,000; outselling any other weekly in publication by hundreds of thousands. Of course, weeklies tend to be more niche oriented in general, Girgir simply exploits a niche that is extremely broad in its appeal and they make it intellectually accessible and aesthetically palatable— socio-political commentary laced with humor. This said to both note Girgir’s singular impact upon Turkish society, but as well to note that circulation statistics are not the sole criterion for judging importance to society; many of the other weeklies provide needed and important socio-intellectual stimulation as well, fulfilling a valuable civic function, despite their circulation numbers (this of course could be echoed for dailies, periodicals, or any other press publication). Turkey’s oldest running periodical currently in publication, as well as what appears to simply be the oldest publication still running overall, is Istanbul Ticaret Odasi Mecmuasi founded 1884. It is the English quarterly journal of the Istanbul Chamber of Commerce (ICOC). A listing of major weeklies includes: In Ankara • EBA Briefing. Founded 1975; published by Ekonomik Basin Ajansi (Economic Press Agency); political and economic survey; Publishers, Yavuz Tolun, Melek Tolun • Ekonomi ve Politika. Founded 1966; economic and political; Publisher, Ziya Tansu WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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• Türkiye Iktisat Gazetesi. Circulation 11,500; founded 1953; commercial; Chief Editor, Mehmet Sag˘lam • Turkish Economic Gazette. Published by UCCET • Turkish Probe. Circulation 2,500; English; Publisher A. Ilhan Çevik; Editor-in-chief, Ilnur Çevik In Antalya • Pulse. Politics and business; Editor-in-chief, Vedat Uras; Internet only, www.ada.net.tr/pulse In Istanbul • Aktüel. Managing editor, Alev Er • Bayrak. Circulation 10,000; founded 1970; political; Editor, Mehmet Güngör • Dog˘ananKardes. Circulation 40,000; founded 1945; illustrated children’s magazine; Editor, S¸evket Rado • Ekonomik Panorama. Founded 1988; General manager, Aydin Demirer • Ekonomist. Founded 1991; General Manager, Adil Özkol • Girgir. Circ. 500,00; satirical; Proprietor and editor, Og˘uz Aral • Istanbul Ticaret. Founded 1958; commercial news; Publisher, Mehmet Yildirim • Nokta. Circulation 60,000; Editor, Arda Uskan • Tempo. Founded 1987; Director, Sedat Simavi; General manager, Mehmet Y. Yilmaz

percent as of 2000) that has plagued the country for years, human rights abuses, drug trafficking, censorship issues, and the military’s continual intervention in politics. Stricter control of economic matters by Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit’s government and IMF-backed support may enhance Turkey’s future economic prospects concerning outside capital inflow as well as better internal creation of capital. However, as of 2001, a number of experts remained skeptical concerning Turkey’s economic potential. Additionally in March 2001, in a populist uprising thousands protested the IMF-backed austerity plan. As of 2000 it was estimated that GDP per capita stood at US$6,800 (677,621 liras to the dollar).

PRESS LAWS Largely, Turkey has not been known for the positive nature of the government’s orientation toward the press. Laws have typically been repressive in nature concerning freedom of expression. However, there has been a recent, encouraging semi-shift in trends due to Turkey’s desire to gain membership into the European Union (EU). The EU has been consistent in requiring improvements in Turkey’s human rights record as well as their economic infrastructure. All of this accords to some loosening in the restrictive laws of the past. Yet, it is by no means a straight road of improvement. Sometimes intermingled with the improvements are offsetting legal enactments that hinder press/broadcast freedoms through new approaches even as the old methods are being abolished.

Turkey can be considered to have both the vital and dynamic economy of a developing/industrializing nation as well as its instability. The country’s major industries include: textiles, food processing, autos, mining (coal, chromite, copper and iron ore, mercury, antimony, boron), steel, petroleum, construction, wine, chemical fertilizer, lumber, and paper. Notwithstanding new forms of commercialization, traditional agriculture, using 4 percent of the land for crops and 16 percent as pastureland, still accounts for 40 percent of employment in the country. The main crops are: tobacco, cotton, wheat, barley, corn, rye, oats, rice, figs, olives, raisins, sugar beets, pulse, and citrus. Primary livestock are cattle, sheep, and goats. Overall, as of 2000, approximately 25 percent of GDP comes from industry, 16 percent from agriculture, and 59 percent from government and private services.

Actions of the 1994 government created Turkish Radio and Television Supreme Council (Radyo Ve Televizyon Üst Kurulu, RTÜK) are a case in point relating current damaging practices of the Turkish government. RTÜK was created to keep firmer regulatory control over television and radio. In 2000, it ordered more than 4,500 days of suspension on media organizations for violations of the country’s broadcast principles. Yet apparently, it was perceived that RTÜK was being hindered in performing its restricting practices, because an early June 2001 legal decision bestowed further constricting, regulatory powers on the RTÜK. This decision was to allow the agency to impose fines ranging from $8,500 to $85,000 if any station seems to threaten ‘‘the indivisible unity of the state with its people or Ataturk’s principles and revolutions. . .(or) the national and moral values of society and the Turkish family structure.’’ Punishment, in this scenario, could also have been levied for broadcasts which cause the population to experience feelings of ‘‘hopelessness and pessimism.’’ This measure was subsequently vetoed by President Ahmed Necdet Sezer on June 18, 2001.

Foreign investment in Turkey remains low, due to any number of factors including double digit inflation (39

A more positive note concerns a 1999 speech given by the chief justice of the constitutional court, Ahmet

• Türk Dünyasi Aras¸tirmalar Dergisi Director, Sedat Simavi; General manager, Mehmet Y. Yilmaz

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK

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Necdet Sezer, who as of May 2000 became the first modern Turkish president without military command experience or an active political background. Sezer, in the 1999 speech, criticized Turkey’s 1982 constitution as restricting democratic rights and freedoms. Criticism is one thing and positive legal enactments are another, but as previously noted, due to Turkey’s desire to gain admittance into the EU there is likelihood for improvement in oppressive laws and practices if for economic rather than humanitarian reasons. Also, while dealing with the heavy-handed RTÜK remains a reality, recent legal decisions enacted in August 2002 seem to be the most promising yet.

CENSORSHIP & STATE-PRESS RELATIONS Censorship in Turkey remains ubiquitous. Especially sensitive issues include the military, political Islam, and the Kurds. Generally, any printed or broadcast issues that are deemed detrimental to national security, disruptive of the peace, contrary to governmental views on secularism, or critical of those in power have the possibility of being censored along with the offending journalist and press/ broadcast organization receiving punishments; which, according to human rights organizations reports, have included arrest, criminal prosecution, imprisonment, and even attacks by the police. One of the largest censorship issues on the ‘‘international radar screen’’ for Turkey remains its treatment of the Kurdish population. The government of Turkey has promoted a campaign of intolerance toward the Kurdish population that has been labeled by human-rights organizations as genocidal at times. As a lesser portion of such actions, even though 20 percent of the population is Kurdish (80 percent being Turkish), teaching in the Kurdish language, all Kurdish-language publications and Kurdish-language broadcasts was strictly forbidden for years. In 1991, the Law Prohibiting Languages Other than Turkish was repealed allowing the public use of oral and written Kurdish, but this did not apply to broadcasting. Due to the Law Concerning the Founding and Broadcasts of Television and Radio (No. 3984, adopted April 13, 1994, especially Article 4[t]), broadcasting in Kurdish remains forbidden. Also, an October 2001 parliamentary vote for 34 revisions in the constitution included the abolishment of capital punishment in all areas except for times of war, acts of terrorism—of which all those currently on death row are convicted, and acts of treason. With the October 2001 ruling Kurdish broadcasting was supposed to be allowed, but such broadcasting had always been seen as an action of treason against the state in the past, and with treason still a provision allowing for the death penalty it was unlikely that anyone 964

would be attempting such broadcasts. Thus, this law was expected to ‘‘look good on the books,’’ but be negligible in reality. However, a recent parliamentary vote in August 2002 has guaranteed the legalization of Kurdish broadcasting and education and the abolishment of the capital punishment except solely in times of war. This vote has been seen as another step being taken by the Turkish government to bolster their possibilities of being accepted for EU membership, but nonetheless it is welcomed news. Despite this promising piece of legislation, the government’s historically repressive actions have underscored the importance of having the option to utilize foreign satellite broadcasting channels on behalf of the Kurdish population in Turkey as one small means to attempt to rectify ongoing injustices. While there seems to be hope available, yet, at the end of 2001, 13 journalists were still imprisoned primarily due to affiliation with pro-Kurdish or leftist publications. Other recent examples of censorship and or other limitations of press/broadcast freedom include: RTÜK banning broadcasting by Ozgür Radio for a period of 180 days in December 2000 for allegedly having slandered Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash on air; 20 attacks on, 30 arrests of, and 18 jailings of journalists while in the line of duty in 2001; the continuing imprisonment of academic Fikret Baskaya since June 2001, sentenced under Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law, for writing an article on the Kurdish issue; the January 2002 charging of the Turkish publisher Abdullah Keskin for violating Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law by publishing a translation of a U.S. journalist’s book about the Kurdish minority in Turkey and Keskin’s subsequent charging and sentencing in April 2002 to a six-month prison sentence that was converted into a $500 fine. Among the plentitude of Turkish laws that have the potential of being used to censor media a couple others include Article 33 of the Radio and Television Law which allows the simple revocation of a broadcasting license or a warning being give with subsequent closure of a broadcasting outlet for up to a year and Article 35 of the same law that also permits the confiscation of equipment if a station continues to broadcast following the imposition of a ban. These sanctions are among the most commonly applied. One final example of restrictive regulation is Article 25 of Law 3984 which states that ‘‘when national security is clearly threatened or when there is a risk of a serious breach of the peace, the prime minister may intervene to prevent a program being broadcast.’’ Despite a relatively bleak picture that has been presented concerning censorship (introducing only the very beginning of the issue) there are also organizations that do encourage and provide social sustenance for Turkish WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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journalists. Aiding and representing these journalists in their struggle against censorship and other abuses in Turkey are various associations including: Basin Konseyi (Press Council), the Turkish Journalists’ Association, the Journalists’ Federation, the Progressive Journalists’ Association, and the Contemporary Journalists’ Association. The Turkish Journalists’ Association (Turkiye Gazeteciler Cemiyeti or Turkiye Gazeteciler Sendikasi (TGS); founded June 10, 1946; more than 2,900 members all from all over Turkey with the majority based in Istanbul; Chair. Nail Gureli; Internet, www.tgs.org.tr) is Turkey’s oldest and largest professional organization. Its Istanbul branch is Çag˘das¸ Gazetciler Derneg˘i (Progressive Journalists’ Association; Internet, www.cgd.org.tr). An example of the work that TGS has recently been doing is the newly drafted Declaration of Rights and Responsibilities accepted by TGS on November, 18, 1998. It is an important document stating the ethical responsibilities of journalists towards society as well as strongly supporting their freedom of expression. It has been signed by over 3,500 journalists and has been accepted as the primary national code of ethical journalistic conduct. Another earlier document that has been important in reaffirming the charge of journalism is the Code of Professional Principles of the Press adopted by the Basin Konseyi (Press Council) in April 1989. However, despite positive moves made on the part of the Turkish government, it must be recognized that Turkey currently imprisons more journalists than any other country in Europe or the Middle East.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA Turkish attitude toward foreign media remains ambivalent. The government is happy to have correspondents and bureaus present in their country disseminating information to the broader world, so long as it is primarily positive. Though somewhat rare, if the government feels that reporting boundaries have been breached correspondents can be (and have been) dismissed from the country. Overall, Turkey has remained focused on analyzing and critiquing the publication and slant of particular articles/issues by foreign media and has remained more akin to Atatürk’s traditional stance of neutrality as concerns boycotting whole countries.

NEWS AGENCIES Eight major national news agencies in Turkey with five of the eight being based in Ankara and the other three in Istanbul include (in alphabetical order): • Anatolian News Agency (founded in 1920; Ankara; Chair. Ali Aydin Dundar; Gen. Dir. Behiç Eks¸i) WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

• ANKA Ajansi (Ankara; Director general Müs¸erref Hekimoglu; www.ankaajansi.com.tr) • Bagimsiz Basin Ajansi [BBA] (Istanbul) • EBA Ekonomik Basin Ajansi (Economic Press Agency; founded 1969; Ankara; private economic news service; Propr. Melek Tolun; Editor, Yavuz Tolun; Internet, www.ebanews.com) • Hürriyet Haber Ajansi (founded 1963; Istanbul; Director general, Ug˘ur Cebeci) • IKA Haber Ajansi (Economic and Commmerical News Agency; founded 1954; Ankara; Director, Ziya Tansu) • Milha News Agency (Istanbul) • Ulusal basin Ajansi (UBA) (Ankara; Managing editor, Og˘uz Seren). There are 10 Foreign Bureaus in the country with seven having representation based in Ankara, five in Istanbul, and one in Izmir. The bureaus are: • Agence France-Presse (AFP), Ankara, Istanbul, Izmir; Correspondent Florence Biedermann • Agenzia Nazionale Stampa Associata (ANSA), Italy; Ankara; Correspondent Romano Damiani • Associated Press (AP), USA, Ankara, Istanbul; Correspondent Emel Anil • Bulgarska Telegrafna Agentsia (BTA), Bulgaria; Ankara; Correspondent Lubomir Gabrovski • Deutsche Presse-Agentur (dpa), Germany; Istanbul; Correspondent Bahadettin Gungor • Informatsionnoye Telegrafnoye Agentstvo Rossii— Telegrafnoye Agentstvo Suverennykh Stran (ITARTASS), Russia; Ankara; Correspondent Andrei Palaria • Reuters, Istanbul; Gen. Man. Sameeh El-Din; Internet, www.reuters.com/turkey • United Press International (UPI), USA; Istanbul; Correspondent Ismet Imset • Xinhua (New China) News Agency, People’s Republic of China; Ankara; Correspondent Wang Qiang • Zhongguo Xinwen She (China News Agency), People’s Republic of China; Ankara; Correspondent Chang Chiliang.

BROADCAST MEDIA Considering all of the hindrances (the common practice of suspending broadcaster’s operating licenses for 965

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airing controversial material for example) and the potential physical and psychological dangers that the Turkish government provides broadcasters, an amazing variety of broadcast organizations are available. Türkiye Radyo ve Televizyon Üst Kurulu [RTÜK] (Turkish Radio and Television Supreme Council; Chair. Sedat Nuri Kayis), created in 1994, is the government agency responsible for supervision of the broadcast media in the country. It allocates channel, frequency, and band assignments; it controls the transmitting facilities of radio stations and television networks; it draws up regulations on related audiovisual concerns; and as it monitors all broadcasting, also issues warnings and assesses punishments when broadcasting laws are violated. Until August 1983 the state possessed a monopoly on radio and television broadcasts guaranteed by Article 133 of the Constitution and also by Law No. 2954, the 1983 Radio and Television Law. In August of 1983, Parliament amended Article 133 and annulled Law No. 2954 opening the door for privately owned broadcasting to proliferate. The state still maintains its original organization founded in 1964, Turkiye Radio ve Televizyon Kurumu [TRT] (Turkish Radio and Television Corporation; Internet, www.trt.net.tr), but is far outpaced by the number of competing options available. TRT’s radio operations consist of four national channels headed by Çetin Tezcan and the Voice of Tukey, its foreign service channel, managed by Danyal Gürdal. As of 2000, the state’s television operations consist of five national channels and two satellite channels broadcasting to Europe. The general head of television operations is Nilgun Artun and directing Ankara TV is Gürkan Elçi. Other anomalies outside of the sphere of private commercial broadcasting are the radio and television services run by the United States’ military forces based in Turkey and the radio operations ran by the Turkish State Meteorological Service. Due to the proliferation of both radio and television stations the South-Eastern European Network of Associations of Private Broadcasters (SEEANPB) reports that it is can be difficult to discern which stations operate legally and which do not. Of course, steep penalties can be levied against any station found operating without a license or in violation of any government set ban. However, both the government and the media often lean on each other as supporting towers and the rule of scratchingbacks can sometimes apply here; a few favors and legal infractions can ‘‘disappear.’’ Conversely, stations that are operating illegally are by nature more difficult for the government to control—many of them originating specifically in opposition to government policies — and often have methods of thwarting government detection of their broadcasting location or causing other interference in their operations. 966

While most of Turkey’s regulatory requirements placed on broadcasting organizations seem to be detrimental to civic life there are a few which appear more supportive. The government requires some public service obligations of private broadcasting companies. Included among these are that anti-smoking, drinking and drugtaking programs must account for at least 25 percent of total weekly airtime and be aired between 9 a.m. and 9 p.m.—children being the target audience, and that educational programs aimed at preventing traffic accidents must be offered. Television According to the Central Intelligence Agency, apart from the state-run TRT, Turkey has approximately 635 broadcast stations and 2,394 repeaters broadcasting to 20.9 million television sets. Also, as in other countries, satellite broadcasting continues to play an ever stronger role. Until 1999 when its license was revoked, MED TV—a United Kingdom-based station founded in 1995—was one of the most recognized (and notorious depending on one’s position) satellite channels broadcasting into Turkey. The station claimed an audience of some 35 million Kurds across Europe and the Middle East. Turkey continually lobbied for its closure and often jammed its signals. MED TV finally lost its license for what was reported to be a continued imbalance in political coverage that was deemed ‘‘likely to encourage or incite to crime or lead to disorder’’ by UK’s Independent Television Commission (ITC). After MED TV’s demise, CTV (Cultural Television) began broadcasting, also targeting Kurdish populations and is available in Turkey. Also available in Turkey is MEDYA-TV. It broadcasts from mainland Europe, but is officially banned by the government because of its sympathies for the Kurdish separatist movement. One other channel that is available by satellite in Turkey and is of interest to the Kurdish population is Kurdistan-TV. It broadcasts from Iraq and, as opposed to MEDYA-TV, is not banned. Radio Beyond the TRT, there are 1044 local, 108 regional, and 36 national privately/corporately owned radio stations. Of the local stations, 229 are considered to be moderate conservative, 211 leftist, 100 extreme right wing, 92 Islamic, 45 liberal, and the remainder neutral or un-categorized. The stations reach an audience in possession of 11.3 million personal radios. An example of the repressive policies that broadcasters have to endure can be illustrated by a statistical example concerning the RTÜK. Between April 1994 and April 2000, 184 warnings were issued to 48 radio stations. Of these, 21 radio stations experienced 6,839 days of cloWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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sure. This equates to nearly 19 years worth of closure in a six-year period. TurkeyUpdate put the closure days at 4,500 levied in 2000 alone, which suggests an upward trend in sanctions. Internet Turkey actively utilizes the Internet both in the public and the private sphere. However, government legislation and bureaucracy will likely significantly hinder the country’s progress in the area. As of 2000, there were 22 Internet service providers (ISPs) in the country and 2 million Internet users.

SUMMARY Amazingly, Turkey has a rather vital press that seems to be the personification of the statement, ‘‘if it doesn’t kill you, it will make you stronger.’’ Though teetering due to corporate consolidation of ownership, there is a diversity of opinion available in the country. However, whether broadly diverse or rather narrowly sectarian, press and media institutions continue to be beset by unacceptable legal regulations stifling freedom of expression. Journalists also remain subject to physical and psychological human rights abuses. Potentially, Turkey’s desire to gain access to EU membership could have a positive effect across all areas and interests in the country. This seems to be the best hope for the press and the people of Turkey in the near future.

EurasiaNet.org. Turkey Media Links. Available from http://www.eurasianet.org. Free Speech TV. freespeech.org. FreedomForum.org. freedomforum.org.

Available Available

from

http://www.

from

http://www.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Freedom House. Freedom in the World. Available from http://www.freedomhouse.org.

All the World’s Newspapers. Available from www. webwombat.com.au.

Hellenic Resources Net. The Consitution of the Republic of Turkey. Available: http://www.hri.org.

Amnesty International. Library—Countries/Turkey. Available from http://web.amnesty.org/ai.nsf/countries/ turkey.

Human Rights Watch. List of Turkish Laws Violating Free Expression. Available http://www.hrw.org.

British Broadcast Company. Country Profiles. Available from http://news.bbc.co.uk. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The World Factbook 2001. Available from http://www.cia.gov. Code of Professional Principles of the Press—Turkey. Available from http://www.uta.fi/ethicnet/turkey.html. Columbia Encyclopedia. Turkey, Country, Asia and Europe. 6th Ed., 2001. Available from http://www. bartleby.com. Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ). 2002 News Alert—Turkey: Publisher Convicted. Available from http://www.cpj.org/news.

Index on Censorship. New Law to Bar ‘‘Pessimistic’ News. Available from http://www.indexonline.org. Index on Censorship. Turkey: Military Up-in-Arms over Paris Protest. Available from http://www.index online.org. Index on Censorship. Turkey: Publisher Escapes Jail— Chomsky Adds Tone to Troubled Debate. Available from http://www.indexonline.org. International Federation of Journalists. IFJ Condemns Turkish Media Panic As Jobs Massacre Follows Cash Crisis. Available from http://www.ifj.org. International Press Institute. World Press Freedom Review. Available from http://www.freemedia.at.

Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ). Middle East and North Africa 2001: Turkey. Available from http:// www.cpj.org.

Jones, Dorian. ‘‘Turkish Internet Clampdown’’, Radio Netherlands Wereldomroep (24 May 2002) Available from http://www.oneworld.net.

Dogan, L. Media Ownership Structure in Turkey, ÇGD Progressive Journalists’ Association. Available from http://www.cgd.org.tr.

Karelmas, Nilay. ‘‘Turks Get Some of the News Not All,’’ World Press Review, Vol. 48, No. 12. (Dec. 2001) Available from http://www.worldpress.org.

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Kurian, George, ed. World Press Encyclopedia. Facts on File Inc., New York: 1982.

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Library of Congress. Country Studies. Available from http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs. Maher, Joanne, ed. Regional Surveys of the World: The Middle East and North Africa 2002, 48th ed. Europa Publications, London: 2001.

BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Turkmenistan

Region (Map name):

East & South Asia

Population:

4,603,244

Language(s):

Turkmen, Russian, Uzbek

Literacy rate:

98.0%

Area:

488,100 sq km

GDP:

4,404 (US$ millions)

Number of Television Stations:

3

Number of Television Sets:

820

Reporters Sans Frontieres. Turkey Annual Report 2002. Available from http://www.rsf.fr.

Television Sets per 1,000:

0.2

Number of Radio Stations:

26

Reporters Sans Frontieres. Middle East Archives 2002. Available from http://www.rsf.fr.

Number of Radio Receivers:

1,225,000

Russell, Malcom. The Middle East and South Asia 2001, 35th ed. United Book Press Inc., Harpers Ferry, WV: 2001.

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

266.1

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

6,000

Stat-USA International Trade Library. Country Background Notes. Available from http://www.stat-usa.gov.

Internet Access per 1,000:

1.3

Office of the Prime Minister, Director General of Press and Information. Available from http://www.byegm. gov.tr. Peterson, Laura. ‘‘CNN Meets the Turkish High Council,’’ Pew International Journalism Program. Available from http://www.pewfellowships.org. Press Wise. National Codes of Conduct: Turkey. Available from http://www.presswise.org.uk. Redmon, Clare, ed. Willings Press Guide 2002, Vol. 2. Waymaker Ltd.,Chesham Bucks, UK: 2002.

South-Eastern European Network of Associations of Private Broadcasters (SEEANPB). Media Legislation: Turkey. Available from http://www.seenapb.org. The Middle East, 9th ed. Congressional Quarterly Inc., Washington, DC: 2000. Tilic, L.D. Utaniyorum Ama Gazeteciyim (I Am Ashamed but I Am a Journalist). Iletisim, Istanbul: 1998. Turkey Update. Available from http://www.turkey update.com. UNESCO Institute for Statistics. Available from http:// www.uis.unesco.org. U.S. Department of State. Background Note: Turkey. Available from http://www.state.gov. World Bank. Data and Statistics. Available from http:// www.worldbank.org. World Desk Reference. www.travel.dk.

Available

from

http://

—Clint B. Thomas Baldwin

968

BACKGROUND AND GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Turkmenistan borders both Iran and Afghanistan on the south and the Caspian Sea on the west, with a total area of 188,456 sq. miles. Mainly a desert country, the Kara Kum, or Black Sand Desert, covers the central part of the republic. The Kopet Dag mountains lie in the south, along the Iranian border. The land has vast reserves of natural gas and oil, and is a leading cotton producer. Of the Central Asian Republics, Turkmenistan remains the most closed and least reformist—essentially a one-man state. It has the longest border with Afghanistan, and its supportive role in supplying humanitarian relief for Afghanistan has been essential, having facilitated more than 30 percent of food aid for Afghanistan. Turkmenistan was known for most of its history as a loosely defined geographic region of independent tribes. Now it is a landlocked, mostly desert nation of about 4.5 million people (the smallest population of the Central Asian republics and the second-largest land WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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mass). The country remains quite isolated on the eastern shore of the Caspian Sea, largely occupied by the Qizilqum (Kyzyl Kum) Desert. Many believe traditional tribal relationships still are a fundamental base of society, and telecommunications service from the outside world has only begun to have an impact. Like the Kazaks and the Kyrgyz, the Turkmen peoples were nomadic herders until the second half of the nineteenth century, when the arrival of Russian settlers began to deprive them of the vast expansion needed for livestock. Today’s Turkmen territory was part of the Ancient Persian Empire till the fourth century B.C. when Alexander of Macedonia took over Parthians gained control after the Macedonian Empire crumbled and established their capital at Nisa. Another Persian dynasty of Sassanids gained control in the third century A.D. It was invaded by the Turks in the fifth century A.D. Mongol invasions took place in the tenth century A.D. and Turkmen trace their history from this time when Islam was first introduced. Seljuk Turks seized control in the 11th century A.D. Mongol ruler Genghis Khan seized power in the thirteenth century A.D. Between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries the whole region was Islamized. Mongols continued to rule until the Uzbek invasion. The Turkmen people exercised opposition to the Czarist forces in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, but were defeated eventually and became part of what was called the Transcaspian Region in 1885. The Bolsheviks attempted to dominate the area but met with much opposition, producing years of political disorder. This ceased in 1924 when the Red Army took control of Ashgabat, the capital of Turkmenistan, and the Turkmen Soviet Socialist Republic was established. During the next 60 years, despite religious and political repression, limited advances were made under the Soviet system, especially in the areas of health and social issues. However, Turkmenistan was a relatively neglected republic in the Soviet block. Very few investments were made in industry and the development of the infrastructure was somewhat neglected. The under-representation of the Turkmenistan republic in the Soviet Communist party and the periodic purging of the Turkmenistan Communist party continued throughout this period. In 1985 Saparamurad Niyazov became the Turkmenistan communist party leader, and in 1991 he became President of newly independent Turkmenistan. Today’s ethnic population is 72 percent Turkmen, 9 percent Russian, 9 percent Uzbek, and 2 percent Kazak. 89 percent of the population is Sunni Muslim. 77 percent speak Turkmen as their native language with another 12 percent speaking Russian. In 1990, Turkmen was declared the official language of the country and the transition from Russian to Turkmen was to be completed by WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

January 1, 1996. However, given the ethnic diversity of the country and the lack of updated technical vocabulary in the Turkmen language, Russian is still commonly used by many people, including Turkmen, in urban areas. In May 1992, it was announced that Turkmenistan would change to a Latin-based Turkish-modified script. This is the third type of script adopted by the country. In 1929 Arabic script was altered to Latin. That was in turn altered to Cyrillic script in 1940 as a result of Soviet influence. Sources put literacy at 98 percent of the population without specifying what form that literacy might take. The post-Soviet government of the Republic of Turkmenistan retains many of the characteristics and the personnel of the communist regime of Soviet Turkmenistan. It is a one-party state dominated by its president and his closest advisers, and, as a nation, it made little progress in moving from a Soviet-era authoritarian style of government to a democratic system. As of 2002 the government had received substantial international criticism as an authoritarian regime centering on the dominant power position of President Saparmurad Niyazov. Saparmurad Niyazov, head of the Turkmen Communist Party from 1985, renamed the Democratic Party in 1992, and President of Turkmenistan since its independence in 1991, legally was permitted to remain in office until 2002. Niyazov, however, announced on 18 February, 2001 that he would be stepping down in 2010 because after 70 ‘‘age takes its toll.’’ Nevertheless, the 1992 constitution does characterize Turkmenistan as a democracy with separation of powers among the executive, legislative, and judicial branches. In May 1992, Turkmenistan became the first newly independent republic in Central Asia to ratify a constitution. It is also termed a ‘‘presidential republic,’’ one that is ‘‘based on the principles of the separation of power, into legislative, executive, and judicial branches, which operate independently, checking and balancing one another.’’ The Law of the Turkmen SR on Language established the Turkmen language as a state language. The Law contains 36 articles dealing with rights of citizens to choose/use language, and guarantees protection of such rights, establishing frameworks for operation of the state language in public authorities, enterprises, institutions, in spheres of education, science and culture, and administration of justice. The law also regulates use of language in names and also in the mass media. There is a special chapter for the protection of the state language. Russian is given the status of ‘‘the language of interethnical communication.’’ Saparmurad Niyazov was unchallenged in the 1992 presidential election. In 1994 the electorate extended his term until 2002, and in 1999 he was declared President 969

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for life, thus confirming, in effect, his complete domination of government. There is no political dissent within Turkmenistan, and most political opponents to Niyazov are in exile, or in prison. The Democratic Party has a monopoly on political power, and parliament (the Mejlis) has no real authority. The judicial branch, unreformed since Soviet times, provides no check on executive power. Turkmenistan is a member of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and does not participate in regional military groupings. The two Turkmen newspapers that were touted as independent, Adalat (Justice) and Galknysh (Revival), are no longer even nominally independent. They were founded by Niyazov’s decree in 1997, and they are censored. The president is the founder of all the country’s newspapers except Ashgabat. Journalists are state employees, and their assignment is to cover Niyazov. Accordingly, the nation’s newspapers and other publications ring with praise for the president and his policies. In addition to employing newspaper staffs the state also controls the distribution of their product. The state-run publishing house has to report directly to the cabinet of ministers since its governing body, the Government Press Committee, was abolished. The top newspapers are the Neytralnyy Turkmenistan, a Russian-language newspaper published six times a week; the Turkmenistan, a Turkmen-language newspaper, published six times a week; the Watan, a Turkmen-language newspaper, published three times a week; the Galkynys, Turkmen-language weekly, mouthpiece of the Democratic Party of Turkmenistan; the Turkmen Dunyasi, a Turkmen-language monthly and mouthpiece of the Ashgabat-based World Turkmens Association; the Adalat (Justice) in Turkmen; and the Edebiyat we Sungat (Literature and the Arts) in Turkmen.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK Turkmenistan is largely a desert with the raising of cattle and sheep, intensive agriculture in irrigated areas, and huge oil and gas reserves. Its economy remains dependent on central planning mechanisms and state control, although the government has taken a number of small steps to make the transition to a market economy. Agriculture, particularly cotton cultivation, accounts for nearly half of total employment. Gas, oil and gas derivatives, and cotton account for almost all of the country’s export revenues. In 2002 the government was proceeding with negotiations on construction of a new gas export pipeline across the Caspian Sea, through Azerbaijan and Georgia to Turkey, and was also considering lines through Iran and Afghanistan. Turkmenistan’s economic growth is heavily reliant on exports, benefiting in 2000 from high global commod970

ity prices and the resumption of gas sales to Russia and Ukraine. Agriculture, the largest sector of the economy, is still unreformed and may actually have declined over the past few years. The limiting factor is the scarcity of water resources. Turkmenistan has large deposits of oil and gas, and is able to finance its economic polices through gas sales, most of which are made to Russia and other NIS countries. Convertibility problems top the list of business-related problems for foreign investors. The official exchange rate, required for foreigners, is roughly a fourth of the black-market rate. Foreign firms convert the local currency, the manat, into hard currency with substantial losses. Official corruption is another obstacle to foreign investment, and is fueled by the double exchange rate. In the late 1990s, the GDP ballooned to 17.6 percent (2000), leveled off to real GDP growth at 9 percent in 2001, and is falling to 7 percent in 2002. During the 75 years of Soviet domination, Turkmenistan was completely dependent on the U.S.S.R. for energy resources, educational materials, banking, postal services, and all major planning and administrative activities. Since declaring its independence, the Republic of Turkmenistan has been working to establish institutional and economic stability. Turkmen nationalism and a reawakening interest in Islam is slowly taking place as traditional beliefs and ways of life are being encouraged and a new national identity is emerging after the dissolution of Communist rule. The introduction of several foreign influences after decades of isolation add to the changing social structure of Turkmenistan. Although living standards have not declined as sharply in Turkmenistan as in many other former Soviet republics, they have dropped in absolute terms for most citizens since 1991. Availability of food and consumer goods also has declined at the same time that prices have generally risen. The difference between living conditions and standards in the city and the village is immense. Aside from material differences such as the prevalence of paved streets, electricity, plumbing, and natural gas in the cities, there are also many disparities in terms of culture and way of life. Thanks to the rebirth of national culture, however, the village has assumed a more prominent role in society as a valuable repository of Turkmen language and traditional culture. Most families in Turkmenistan derive the bulk of their income from state employment of some sort. As they were under the Soviet system, wage differences among various types of employment are relatively small. Industry, construction, transportation, and science have offered the highest wages; health, education, and services, the lowest. Since 1990 direct employment in government administration has offered relatively high wages. Agricultural workers, especially those on collective WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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farms, earn very low salaries, and the standard of living in rural areas is far below that in Turkmen cities, contributing to a widening cultural difference between the two segments of the population. In 1990 nearly half the population earned wages below the official poverty line, which was 100 rubles per month at that time. Only 3.4 percent of the population received more than 300 rubles a month in 1990. In the three years after the onset of inflation in 1991, real wages dropped by 47.6 percent, meaning a decline in the standard of living for most citizens. There is almost no competitive business sector in Turkmenistan, and over-regulation continues to stifle any potential for growth in this sector. Due to the lack of transparency and an unwillingness to share information, precise numbers on Turkmenistan’s per capita GDP and debt are not available, although the International Monetary Fund (IMF) estimates that the GDP per capita income is $652.

PRESS LAWS The Law on the Press and other Mass Media, practically the only document regulating the activities of the media in Turkmenistan, was carried on, before the fall of the Soviet Union, by the Supreme Soviet of the Communist party of the Turkmen Soviet Socialist Republic, and signed by the president, Saparamurad Niyazov. The law prohibits media intrusion into the private lives of citizens or anything that might constitute an attack on their honor and reputation. The republic’s laws place a particular accent on the protection of the honor and reputation of the president. In June 1997 a new Criminal Code was passed by the Medzhilis (parliament) in which any infringement into the life of the president could be punishable by 15 years of imprisonment or capital punishment (although in 1999 capital punishment was dropped). For libel or insult of the president the minimum sentence is five years in prison. Any citizen of Turkmenistan of over 18 years of age has the right to found a media company, as does any association that has been legally registered to operate in the republic. In order to register a periodical publication, it is necessary to submit documentation and if permission is received, the publication can be registered with the advertising-publishing company Metbugat. Then the publication must receive a license to actually publish. All documents submitted for register are forwarded to the personal attention of the vice-premier, the minister of culture. Even though journalists in Turkmenistan tend to censor themselves, the government has an official censor, namely the State Committee for Protection of State Secrets, where even the smallest publications are required to register. Libel is a criminal offense, but in practice it is not an issue because controls on media are more rigid WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

today than in the Soviet era. In order to regulate printing and copying activities, the government ordered in February 1998 that all publishing houses and printing and copying establishments obtain a license and register their equipment. The government prohibits the media from reporting the views of opposition political leaders and critics, and it never allows even the mildest form of criticism of the president in print. The government has threatened and harassed those responsible for critical foreign press items.

CENSORSHIP The Constitution of Turkmenistan provides for the right to hold personal convictions and to express them freely. In practice, however, the government severely restricts freedom of speech and does not permit freedom of the press. Continued criticism of the government can lead to personal hardship, including loss of opportunities for advancement and employment. Freedom House has consistently rated Turkmenistan as ‘‘not free,’’ with the lowest ranking of political rights and civil liberties possible on its scale. A weak judiciary follows the will of the President for Life and is unprepared to protect civil and commercial rights. Civic action is still very risky, though a handful of National Government Offices (NGO), such as water-user associations, has taken up issues at the local level to some effect. Democratic culture in Turkmenistan will require, first and foremost, government receptiveness to reforms and increasing the popular demand for reform among both citizens and governing elites. Registration remains one of the biggest challenges for the development of nascent civic organizations and only a dozen or so organizations have been registered. Most of these are sport clubs or groups organized under quasi-NGOs, holdovers from the Soviet times. Given the registration constraint, Turkmen NGOs must be more innovative in obtaining legal status. Recently, several organizations were registered as cooperatives, which gives them most of the rights and benefits afforded to noncommercial organizations in the country. NGOs face increasing pressure from the government, which is suspicious of and resists civil society development. Government continues to tighten its grip on the Turkmen society, regularly blocking civil society activities, restricting the media, discouraging educational innovation and trampling citizens’ human and religious rights. At present, the Committee for National Security (KNB) actively restricts NGO activity, especially when NGOs’ work attracts the attention and presence of international organizations. This negatively influences the attitudes of regional (velayat) and district (etrap) level officials towards NGOs, making it more difficult than in other countries in Central Asia to increase opportunities for citizen participation in governance. 971

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STATE-PRESS RELATIONS The government completely controls radio and television, and it funds almost all print media. The Government censors newspapers and uses Turkmen language newspapers to attack its critics abroad; the Committee for the Protection of State Secrets must approve prepublication galleys. Russian language newspapers from abroad now are available by subscription and some Russian and other foreign newspapers are also available in several Ashgabat hotels. However, the two nominally independent newspapers established under presidential decree, Adalat and Galkynysh, are no longer even nominally independent. The constitution guarantees ‘‘the right to freedom of thought and to the free expression thereof, and also to obtain information, if it is not a government, service or commercial secret.’’ However, in practice the government severely restricts freedom of speech and does not permit freedom of the press. It completely controls the media, censoring all newspapers and rarely permitting independent criticism of government policy or officials. There are no independent media outlets. All broadcast outlets that do exist are strictly controlled, and nearly all print media receive their funding from the state. The Committee to Protect Journalists has recorded attacks on journalism at a level unabated since 1992. Journalists who represent Radio Liberty, which is the only regularly available non-state source of news, seem particularly vulnerable. In order to regulate printing and copying activities, the government ordered in February that all publishing houses and printing and copying establishments obtain a license and register their equipment. Criticism sanctioned by the President of government officials is commonplace. The government has subjected those responsible for critical foreign press items to threats and harassment. The KNB arrested a former presidential spokesman one day after he criticized the government on Radio Liberty. The former press secretary was released 10 days after the arrest, after he said that he was coerced into making antigovernment statements by the radio service. The government revoked the accreditation of the Ashgabat-based Turkmen-language Radio Liberty correspondent in 1996 because of broadcasts by an opposition politician in exile, but it has not prevented him from continuing to file reports. Following his release from a psychiatric hospital in Geok-Depe in April, dissident Durdymurad Khodzha-Mukhammed was warned by a member of the states internal security apparatus to refrain from political activity, including meeting with foreign diplomats. In August after meeting with the British ambassador in Ashgabat, Khodzha-Mukhammed was abducted and beaten severely by unknown persons; he remains in very poor physical condition. Members of 972

Khodzha-Mukhamedós family also reportedly have been threatened with harm if he resumes political activities. Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty correspondent Yoshan Annakurbanov was released in November 1997 from a KNB prison but remained under investigation for allegedly attempting to smuggle ‘‘military secrets’’ out of the country. He was forbidden to leave his apartment, meet with journalists and foreign officials, or discuss his case. In August he left the country and now lives in the West. In this Central Asian nation, the stamp of the first and only post-Soviet leader, Saparmurad Niyazov, is pervasive. Statues and renamed public buildings honor the ‘‘Turkmenbashi,’’ or ‘‘leader of the Turkmen,’’ add an aftertaste of the Soviet era to contemporary life, a flavor that permeates the news media as well. Niyazov officially gained the title ‘‘founder’’ of the Turkmen media in September 1996. In December 1999, Niyazov was made the country’s president for life in an unopposed vote. Despite earlier objections to the idea, Niyazov reversed himself in response to what he termed the people’s will. In February 2000, Niyazov decreed that the country’s mass media should publish fewer of his pictures. According to the decree, the country’s publications must carry pictures of Niyazov only when they were reporting on official meetings. Meanwhile, the president extended his ‘‘personality cult’’ to his parents. The nation’s only women’s magazine was given the name of his mother. Niyazov’s father was named a ‘‘Hero of Turkmenistan’’ in May 2000 and his mother was named a national heroine in July 2000. The Committee on National Security (KNB) has the responsibilities formerly held by the Soviet Committee for State Security (KGB), namely, to ensure that the regime remains in power through tight control of society and discouragement of dissent. The Ministry of Internal Affairs directs the criminal police, which work closely with the KNB on matters of national security. Both operate with relative impunity.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA According to a law passed in December 1992, all permanent residents of Turkmenistan are accorded citizenship unless they renounce that right in writing. Dual citizenship is held by Turkmenistan’s 400,000 ethnic Russians. Russian-language newspapers from abroad are available by subscription, and some Russian and other foreign newspapers are all available in several Ashgabat hotels. Since 1999, the government has ceased to restrict citizens’ ability to obtain foreign newspapers and a wide variety of Russian and Western newspapers have become available. Prior to that Turkmens who would attempt to obtain their news from other sources abroad were stymied by a ban on subscriptions to foreign newspapers and magazines. The ban, in place since October 1996, applied to individuals and organizations and included Russian publications. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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According to a reporter who managed to visit the country, many people who would usually read the state newspapers are unable to because of the country’s abrupt switch from the Cyrillic to the Roman alphabet. The trilanguage daily Ashgabat dropped its English and Russian sections and is now printed in Turkmen only. The government also ended the publication of Golos Turkmenbashi, the Russian-language daily in the city. Turkmenbashi is the city with the highest concentration of ethnic Russians in the country.

NEWS AGENCIES The only news agency existing is the government run Turkmen State News Service (TSNS), the official news agency of the Turkmen government.

BROADCAST MEDIA Cable television already had begun to take root in Turkmen cities by the late 1980s and by the early 1990s the country boasted commercial television stations in at least three cities. The commercial broadcasters, however, disappeared by 1994, ensnared in official allegations of financial impropriety. The state body, National TV and Radio, controls all broadcasting and operates three stations. The State Commission of Radio Frequencies, which is a division of the Ministry of Communications, manages frequencies. Only two radio stations are run from Turkmenistan. Russian public television, ORT, is available on the airwaves throughout the country, but Russian-language broadcasts into the country provide little deep coverage of Turkmen events. ORT programming is censored by a special commission in Turkmenistan before being aired. Programs that contain nudity or political programs in which Turkmenistan is mentioned negatively are usually subject to censorship. Apart from ORT, two channels broadcast locallyproduced programming, airing mainly official news. Both the content and technical level of television in Turkmenistan has deteriorated since the Soviet era. In August 2000, a new television channel, the ‘‘Epoch of Turkmenbashi’’ was created by the president. The channel features the president for hours daily. Owners of satellite dishes have access to foreign television programming, and Internet access is available as well; however, satellite dishes and Internet access remain so expensive that they are out of reach for the average citizen. In August 2000, the president urged the Turkmen State News Service (TSNS) to increase its contacts with outside news agencies.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA The journalists’ rights group Reports Sans Frontieres (RSF) included Turkmenistan in its list of 20 Internet enWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

emies. The group has named countries that control access, censor Websites or take action against users. Turkmenistan was labeled an information ‘‘black hole’’ by RSF for its restrictions on Internet access. The first connection from Turkmenistan to the global Internet was registered in May 1997 although there had been some earlier irregular contact. In June 2000, Turkmenistan’s communications ministry revoked the licenses of all private Internet and e-mail servers, setting up the government company Turkmentelekon as the sole provider. The ministry referred to ‘‘faults’’ within the private providers’ documents as the reason for the action. No specific violations were cited. IT (Information Technology) is regulated by the ‘‘Laws on Communication,’’ adopted December 20, 1996. A Presidential Decree of February 24, 2000, promulgated under this law established ‘‘Provision 4584’’ relating to licensing activities and gave strong powers to the Ministry of Communication. As a result a number of licenses were repealed. The state provider STC ‘‘Turkmen Telecom’’ has become essentially the only method of access. It is presidential policy reflected in the ‘‘Social and Economic Reforms in Turkmenistan in the Period to 2010’’ decree to develop advanced IT in Turkmenistan. According to IT Forecaster research, Turkmenistan belongs to the category of ‘‘strollers,’’ countries who face more difficulties in catching up since their populations and infrastructures constrain IT expression. Due to a lack of infrastructure, most Internet access center activity provides access to NGO. An Internet Access and Training Project Centre is administered by IREX and is a part of the American Centre. The Centre 973

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provides Internet training, and use of a computer room for alumni of U.S. funded educational programs. In May of 2000 the number of Internet registered users was 1,200, 40 percent of whom were private users. Over 95 percent of Internet and e-mail users are in Ashgabat.

containing nudity or reporting negatively on Turkmenistan are usually subject to censorship. The second blow to individual choice in media was the revocation of Internet provider licenses in 2000.

BIBLIOGRAPHY EDUCATION & TRAINING The government does not tolerate criticism of its policy or the president in academic circles, and it discourages research into areas it considers politically sensitive. The government-controlled Union of Writers has in the past expelled members who have criticized government policy; libraries have removed their works. Similar to programs in other Central Asian countries, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has sponsored training programs in journalism to high school and university level students. Major universities such as the Magtymguty State University in Ashghabat maintain programs in journalism that had originally been designed under the Soviet system, and two institutions have initiated the new program of international journalism. No media programs are currently funded in Turkmenistan because of pervasive government control and lack of commitment to economic and political reforms.

SUMMARY Journalists are state employees and their assignment is to cover the president’s daily activities, which are detailed on television. The constitution guarantees ‘‘the right to freedom of thought and to free expression.’’ However, in practice, the government severely restricts freedom of speech. It completely controls the media, censoring all newspapers and rarely permitting independent criticism of government policy or officials. The country has ‘‘one of the worst records for press freedom in the former Eastern bloc and one of the worst media climates in the world,’’ according to the Canada-based International Freedom of Expression Exchange forum. The Committee to Protect Journalists has recorded attacks at a level unabated since 1992. Journalists who represent the US-funded Radio Liberty, which is the only regularly available non-state source of news, seem particularly vulnerable to harassment. The trend to more oppressive governance and less individual freedom only has intensified over time in Turkmenistan. Since 2000, control of the media has been further impeded by the drastic reduction of Russian produced TV programs, as President Niyazov reduced to a few hours in the evening, relayed from the Russian television channel ORT, which has the biggest audience in the country. ORT programs are censored by a special commission in Turkmenistan before being aired, and those 974

BBC News. ‘‘Country Profiles: Turkmenistan.’’ Available from news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/asia/pacific/ country_profiles.stm. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). World Factbook: Turkmenistan. Available from http://www.cia.gov/cia/ publications/factbook/html. Committee for the Protection of Journalists. ‘‘Attacks on the Press in 1997.’’ Available from www.cpj.org/pubs/ attacks97/europe/turimenistan.html. European Institute for Media. ‘‘Media in the CIS.’’ Internews-Russia. Available from www.internews.ru/ books/media1999/67.html. Freedom House. European Institute for Media ‘‘Turkmenistan,’’ Eds. Adrian Karatnycky, Alexander Motyl and Charles Graybow. Available from www.freedom house.org/nit98. ICFJ-International Journalists’ Network. ‘‘Turkmenistan.’’ Available from IJNet.org. IFEX Communique. ‘‘Turkmenistan: Freedom of Expression Still Lagging.’’ 2 February 1999. Available from www.communique.ifex.org IFEX Communique. ‘‘Turkmenistan: State Control of Media Pervasive.’’ Available from www.communique. ifex.org. IJNet. ‘‘Father of All Turkmens’ renames the women’s magazine’’ August 3, 2000. Available from www. ijnet.org/Archive/2000/8/4-7313.html. IJNet. ‘‘Turkmen leader’s image to appear less in print’’ February 2000. Available from www.ijnet.org/Archive/ 2000/2/3-6592.html. IJNet. ‘‘Turkmen president stars on his own television channel,’’ August 9, 2000. Available from www.ijnet. org/Archive/2000/8/11-7318.html. IJNet. ‘‘Turkmen president urges foreign news contact, but maintains censorship of TV’’ August 3, 2000; Available from www.ijnet.org/Archive/2000/8/4-7311.html. IPI. ‘‘World Press Freedom Review, Turkmenistan,’’ IPI Report, 1999. IPI Report. ‘‘World Press Freedom Review,’’ International Press Institute. (December 1993); p. 64. Reporters Sans Frontieres, ‘‘1997 Report.’’ Available from www.calvacom.fr/rsf/RSVA/RappVA/EuropVA/ TURKA.html. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

TUVALU

RFE/RL ‘‘Turkmenistan: Niyazov Named President for Life,’’ Bruce Pannie, December 20, 1999. Turkmenistan Constitution. Section II, Article 26. Available from www.dc.infi.net/üembassy/constionA. html#constionA1. UNDP. ‘‘Today’s technological transformationsCreating the network age.’’ Available from www.undp.org/hdr2001/chaptertwo.pdf. UNDP. ‘‘Turkmenistan: Education Sector Review.’’ 1997 U.S. Department of State. ‘‘1999 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices.’’ Available from www.state. gov. —Viginia Davis Nordin

and three members of this body are appointed by the governor to sit on the executive council. The economy is based primarily on tourism and offshore financial industries. Freedom of the press is guaranteed under British law. The country’s only newspaper is the weekly Free Press, which appears every Thursday. It is available online through the Turks and Caicos Islands Gateway Web portal. There are four radio stations, three AM and six FM, serving approximately 8,000 radios. There is one television station and 14 Internet service providers.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). ‘‘Turks and Caicos Islands,’’ World Factbook (2001). Available from http:// www.cia.gov. ‘‘Destination Turks and Caicos,’’ Lonely Planet World Guide (2002). Available from http://www.lonely planet.com.

TURKS AND CAICOS ISLANDS

Turks and Caicos Free Press (2002). Home Page. Available from http://www.turksandcaicos.tc. —Jenny B. Davis

BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Turks and Caicos Islands

Region (Map name):

North & Central America

Population:

17,502

BASIC DATA

Language(s):

English

Literacy rate:

98%

Official Country Name: Region (Map name): Population: Language(s): Literacy rate:

The Turks and Caicos Islands includes 30 islands in the North Atlantic Ocean, southeast of the Bahamas and north of Haiti. The islands were settled in the late 1600s by Bermudians, who mined the islands for salt. Over the next 100 years, the French, Spanish and British vied for control of the area, but control eventually went to the government of the Bahamas, which extended its jurisdiction to the islands in 1766. In 1848, residents of the islands chose to become a self-governing unit under the Governor of Jamaica. When Jamaica became an independent state in 1962, the islands returned to Bahamian control until they became a separate crown colony of Britain in 1973. English is the official language. The population is approximately 18,000, and the literacy rate is 98 percent. The head of state is the British monarch, represented locally by a governor who, in turn, appoints a chief administrator. A legislative council is popularly elected, WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

TUVALU

Tuvalu Oceania 10,838 Tuvaluan, English N/A

Tuvalu is a scattered group of nine coral atolls in the South Pacific Ocean between Hawaii and Australia. Formerly a British colony, Tuvalu declared independence in 1978. The population is approximately 11,000, and the official languages are English and Tuvaluan. The chief of state is the British monarch, represented locally by a governor general. The head of state is a prime minister, who presides over a 12-seat House of Assembly. Tuvalu’s economy centers around subsistence farming and fishing. The country’s primary source of revenue comes from a trust fund established in 2000 with fees from the licensing of its Internet country code; this fund could triple the country’s gross national product over the next decade. 975

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Although the media community is small, media freedom is respected. The government publishes the fortnightly newspaper called Tuvalu Echoes (Sikuleo o Tuvalu) in two editions, one in Tuvaluan, the other in English. Its circulation is 260. There is one AM radio station serving 4,000 radios. There are 800 televisions in Tuvalu but no local television station. There is one Internet service provider.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) ‘‘Tuvalu,’’ World Factbook (2001). Available from http://www.cia.gov. ‘‘Country Profile: Tuvalu,’’ BBC News. (n.d.). Available from http://news.bbc.co.uk. ‘‘CocoNET Wireless,’’ The University of Queensland, Australia (1995). Available from http://www.uq.edu.au. —Jenny B. Davis

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of almost 24 million, Uganda is a country with 52 languages spoken by four major people groups: the Bantu, Nilotics, Nilo-Hamitics, and those of Sudanese origin. The country covers 241,000 square Kilometers with 83 percent of the people living in rural areas.

UGANDA BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Republic of Uganda

Region (Map name):

Africa

Population:

23,985,712

Language(s):

English, Ganda or Luganda, other NigroCongo, Nilo-Saharan, Swahili, Arabic

Literacy rate:

61.8%

Area:

236,040 sq km

GDP:

6,170 (US$ millions)

Number of Television Stations:

8

Number of Radio Stations:

28

Number of Radio Receivers:

2,600,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

108.4

Number of Individuals with Computers:

60,000

Computers per 1,000:

2.5

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

40,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

1.7

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Uganda is a landlocked East African country in the Great Lakes region in central Africa. With a population WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Uganda’s people have a relatively short life span— some 48 percent of the people will not live to see their 40th birthday. Half the population does not have access to clean water sources, which leads to a high occurrence of water-borne diseases such as typhoid fever and cholera. Uganda also faces a long battle with AIDS; some 8 percent of the people live with HIV. Hardly a family has gone untouched by the severity of the AIDS plague in Uganda. Uganda is in a state of post-conflict recovery. The dictator Idi Amin is a household name in most parts of the world, although his term as national leader lasted only eight years. He was overthrown by the same person whom Amin himself toppled, Milton Obote, with the help on troops from neighboring Tanzania’ People’s Defence Force. Obote’s second regime endured from 1979 until 1985, when the guerrilla fighter and next president, Yoweri Museveni, successfully concluded his rebellion and took power. The country has enjoyed relative stability under Museveni, and has been welcomed for the most part back into the family of nations. However, northern parts of Uganda still experience military and political insecurity from rebellion promulgated by the Lord’s Resistance Army, a Sudan-based insurgency group active in the Gulu, Kitgum, and Pader districts. Nevertheless, Uganda has made gains in rebuilding important institutions such as a parliament, the police, the army, as well as the judiciary and the executive branches of government. The newspapers and magazines of Uganda have not increased as fast as the radio sector. Moreover, many of the oldest newspapers have ceased publication, such as the Uganda Argus, Weekly Topic, Taifa Empya, Sekanyolya, Musizi, Munansi, Star, Ngabo, and Citizen. 977

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New Vision is the country’s leading daily. Published by the New Vision Printing and Publishing Corporation, the paper has a print run of about 40,000 copies and a readership of 300,000. The New Vision is 15 by 11 inches in size and averages 36 pages per issue, but can also reach as many as 60 pages in an issue. Approximately 70 percent of the paper is news copy, with 30 percent of the space dedicated to advertising. Created in 1986, the corporation is a government-owned company headed by European editor-in-chief, William Pike. The corporation also has several local publications. Bukedde, the Luganda-language daily, distributes 20,000 copies per day; the Luo-language paper, Orumuri, is published weekly in Runyankole; and the Ateso-language paper is called Etop. The government-owned New Vision Publishing Corporation is likely to be privatized in the first decade of the 2000s because the government had placed increasing emphasis on divesting itself of its business activities. In 2002 the New Vision Corporation employed 250 fulltime staff and an additional 250 are contract workers. There are over 400 vendors, who usually offer distribution services to multiple publications, can be considered indirectly employed by New Vision. Another giant in the newspaper industry of Uganda is the Monitor, an independent daily. It was started in 1992 by a group of editors and writers who defected from the Weekly Topic after coming into conflict with management policies. The Monitor grew from humble beginnings to become New Vision’s main rival. The Monitor’s daily print run is 25,000 with a readership of 200,000. With the same 15- by 11-inch format as New Vision, the Monitor averages 31 pages per issue, but can reach up to 50 pages. In an average issue 80 percent of space is committed to news copy, and the remaining 20 percent is sold to advertisers. In 1999 the Nation Media Group of Kenya, owner of Nairobi’s leading paper Nation, bought the Monitor. This brought an influx of capital and expertise to the Monitor as the Nation has been in the news industry for a much longer time. In 2001, the Monitor opened an FM radio station. Some of the print media journalists also work at the FM station. The synergy at work in this new venture is interesting and innovative. Monitor Publications also runs a Business Directory published once a year, has a Luganda newspaper called Ngoma, with a print run of 10,000. The Monitor Publications also publishes several books by local authors, some of which are used as text books in Uganda’s schools. The Monitor publications and its FM station have 300 full-time workers and 150 part-time workers. Other papers and magazines include the Uganda Confidential that does anticorruption investigative. It has weathered several lawsuits in pursuit of its mission. Sunrise, Entatsi, and Message are among other news print choices from the vendors in Uganda. The regional weekly 978

paper, East African, published by the Nation Media Group, circulates widely in Uganda’s elite circles. At the other end of the spectrum, The Red Pepper is a tabloid weekly that focuses on sleaze stories and tends toward the pornographic. Its editors have been charged for publishing obscene pictures. The paper’s editor, Richard Tusiime, has argued that the paper’s stories are factual and should be published to awaken society. All newspapers are published in Kampala and circulate throughout Uganda; no print media is based in the countryside. The Monitor and New Vision have readership in Kenya and Tanzania where copies are taken daily. Challenges for the country and the media remain. The democratic future is still fragile. The current administration in power is a movement, not a political party in the Western sense. Indeed, Uganda does not permit political parties as such, thus there is no room or call for multiparty elections and the kind of political and policy debate that peaceful opposition engenders. This has generated some uncertainty about the country’s future in building democratic institutions. In 2002, parliament enacted into law the Political Organisations Act. The passage of this legislation may help remove uncertainty about which political direction Uganda will take. Parties are not yet allowed to field candidates and hold rallies, but under the new law they can now hold their delegates conferences to elect their leaders, and they can hold seminars at the national level but not the districts. The parties are clearly not happy with the law as it does not open up the political space to the level they want, but there now exists some limited room in which to work for political organization and change. Media of all kinds have been deeply involved in this discussion. In another step toward mapping out its tenuous future, the country has planned a referendum for the middecade of 2000 to determine political system, movement, or multiparties will help determine the country’s future. Another variable is the ongoing Constitution Review Commission that is collecting views from the population around the country. Its eventual report will also influence the future. The quality of journalism is impressive since broadcasting was liberalized in 1994. Entertainment radio and television, vastly different from the previous statecontrolled media, is still something of a novelty in the country. Critics, who come from a strong tradition of state-run media, are strongly critical of FM radio’s overwhelming emphasis on music and advertising at the sacrifice of news reporting and pubic information. Although the government controlled broadcast media until 1994, print media enjoyed relative openness as early as 1986, when several papers were launched. The quality of journalism has improved with the increased WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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competition from the privately owned newspapers, radio, and television stations. Improved training at Makerere University and the Uganda Management Institute’s School of Journalism have also served to provide higher quality journalists for the growing and changing industry.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK Uganda is a developing country with a fragile, largely rural economic base. The total gross domestic product is about US$7 billion with a gross domestic product per capita annually of approximately US$1,167. During the 1990s and early 2000s the economy grew at an annual rate of about 6 percent, one of the highest rates of growth in the world. Yet the World Bank has noted: ‘‘Most people, and almost all the poorest, depend on small holder agriculture for their livelihoods. The scope for sustainable poverty reduction is therefore intimately linked to increases in market participation, agricultural productivity and non-farm employment.’’ The government has put the Plan for the Modernisation of Agriculture in place with the anticipation that rural farming will be provided with the improvements it needs to compete in world—or at least regional—markets. Related to this effort is the Poverty Eradication Action Plan also aimed at alleviating subsistence poverty. According the United Nations Develop Programme’s 2001 Human Development Report, 44.4 percent of Uganda’s population live below the national poverty line. The full economic potential of the country in sectors such as tourism, coffee, tea, cocoa, fish and cotton is yet to be realized. The country’s small industrial sector has grown since the Museveni government welcomed back the skilled Indian community that had been expelled by General Amin in the 1970s. The Africa Growth and Opportunity Act also opened a new door has been opened by allowing countries like Uganda to access the U.S. market with their exports. The challenge is how to add value to Uganda’s cotton, coffee, and other exports so that finished products brings an influx of capital into the Ugandan economy. Furthermore, the economic growth rates would improve if all parts of the country were safe from ambush, terrorist acts, and meaningless violence.

PRESS LAWS Several statutes affect the media industry: the Constitution of 1995, the Press and Journalists Statute (1995), the Electronic Media Statute (1996), the Uganda Communications Act (1997), the Referendum and Other Provisions Act (1999), and the Penal Code Act. The constitution requires that ‘‘all organs and agencies of the State, all citizens, organisations and other bodies and persons in applying or interpreting the Constitution or any law and in taking and implementing any policy decisions WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

for the establishment and promotion of a just, free and democratic society.’’ The media industry is required under this law to follow the principles and objectives of the 1995 constitution. Article 29 (1) of the constitution states: ‘‘Every person shall have the right to freedom of speech and expression which shall include freedom of the press and other media.’’ But this freedom is restricted in Article 41 (1) which states: ‘‘Every citizen has a right of access to information in the possession of the State or any other organ or agency of the State except where the release of the information is likely to prejudice the security or sovereignty of the State or interfere with the right to privacy of any other person.’’ This provision of the law makes investigative journalism very difficult as numerous questions are left unanswered. Whose privacy is protected, and who decides when privacy invasion has occurred? Such lack of clarity directly impedes the factfinding and reporting capabilities of journalists. Finally, the ominous possibility that media investigations might jeopardize the security of the state raises the bar and poses the ever-present possibility that charges of treason, not merely privacy violations, could result. Government officials, who are usually the target of investigative reporting, find this part of the law to be a convenient and flexible tool. The situation is further complicated by the lack of a freedom of information act, which Parliament has yet to put in place. Such legislation would clarify which types of information can be accessed and which cannot under the present constitution. Indeed, the present ambiguity works in favor of political, but not democratic, interests. The Press and Journalist Statute of 1995 created the National Institute of Journalists of Uganda to which all practicing journalists are required to belong. Its aims to establish and maintain professional standards; to foster the spirit of professional fellowship among journalists; to encourage, train, equip and enable journalists to play their part in society; and to establish and maintain mutual relationships with international journalists’ organizations. The statute even prescribes the type of education full members of the institute should have. A full member is required under this statute to be a holder of a university degree in journalism or mass communication. Alternatively a person may be a full member if he or she has a university degree in any other field plus a qualification in journalism or mass communication and has practiced journalism for at least one year. The law stipulates that a practicing certificate valid for one year is required by all who work in journalism, unless the worker possesses the longer-term certificate. The penalty for noncompliance is a fine of US$170 or three months of imprisonment. Nonetheless, many journalists practice without these certifications, and the law in not normally enforced. 979

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It remains a tool of the bureaucracy, though not at this time an active one. The Press and Journalists Statute 1995 provides for a disciplinary committee that hears complaints, allegations of professional misconduct, and other inquiries. As a reference point for responsible practice, the Statute presents in clear language a nine-point code of conduct which addresses such issues as disclosure of sources of information, accepting bribes, denying a person a legitimate claim of right to reply to a statement, separating opinion from factual news, correcting any damage done through factual error, and discouraging the dissemination of information designed to promote or having the effect of promoting tribalism, racism or any other form of discrimination. The Press and Journalist Statute (1995) created a Media Council that is appointed by the Minister of Information. The functions of the council are to regulate the conduct and promote good ethical standards among journalists; to arbitrate disputes between the public and the state and the media; to exercise disciplinary control over journalists, editors, and publishers; to promote the flow of information; to censor films, video tapes, plays and other related media for public consumption; and to do for the press anything that may be authorized or required by any other law. However, the government has often resorted to the courts before engaging the services of the Media Council, which has gone unused. Since the law’s passage, members of the public have sought due process in the courts, without turning to the Council. To be effective, the Media Council must begin asserting itself and define its role in ensuring that journalists are not harassed in freely pursuing their work. Passed in March of 2002, the Anti-Terrorism Act is likely to complicate the life of practicing journalists. Several controversial sections of the law have drawn response from international agencies. Soon after the law was passed, Reporters Without Borders (the French media advocacy group) urged the Uganda government not to implement the new antiterrorism law until clauses which could be used against journalists for ‘‘encouraging terrorism’’—a 10-year prison sentence offense—are removed. The Uganda Journalists Safety Committee helps journalists who are harassed by the state. The committee provides financial support to hire lawyers and sometimes offers support for the family while a journalist is in jail.

CENSORSHIP Officially the Media Council has the role of censoring offensive materials, mainly pornography or racist, sectarian, or tribalistic material. The National Institute of 980

Journalists also carries some responsibility for discipline of this material. In actual practice, however, agents of the state (usually the police) more often investigate and indict journalists before calling on either professional agency. As a result, the Media Council remains weak and ineffective. The arrival of the Internet has complicated every effort to control media content. In most national legal systems, legislation cannot keep up with technology. This is certainly the case in Uganda. The split-court decision in 2002 in the U.S. case Ashcroft vs. Free Speech Coalition concerning virtual child pornography would be seen in Uganda to be hair-splitting to the extreme, yet the Ugandan legal system—no more than the one in such an advanced democracy—cannot maintain pace with the creative technologies of those who would ply the public’s most vulnerable sensitivities.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS Despite the ambiguities of the law and process, the relation between state and press in Uganda continues to improve. Perhaps that improvement is more a comment on the abhorrent conditions under which the press operated during Amin’s rule rather than a statement of current liberal practice and press freedom. During the Amin regime, the working life of a dissident journalist was often cut violently short, and from the state’s point of view, due process was properly hierarchical, fast, and emphatic. Many journalists were killed, a practice not uncommon in the East African region. That executions no longer occur is improvement indeed. That journalists may now appeal their case and cause based on legislation which at least defines the state’s interests (albeit overly broad and with characteristic vagueness) illustrates significant advances over the arbitrary censorship and intimidation of the recent past. The liberalized atmosphere in which licenses to operate are relatively easy to get makes relations between the state and the press easy to manage. In power since the mid-1980s, the National Resistance Movement government has carried out far-reaching reforms in the country. The media has played a vital role in exposing corruption, in the HIV/AIDS campaign, and in the campaign against poverty. Media have been allies with government in this regard. Yet certain tensions remain. The government has criticized the media for concentrating on sensational stories. President Yoweri Museveni is particularly angered at times by the press’ natural tendency to focus on problems and difficulties in Uganda, which Museveni claims drives away international investors. At times he has called such reporting ‘‘enemy action.’’ Nevertheless his government has an open door to the media industry. He WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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is the only president in the region who regularly interacts with the media in lengthy press conferences. His presidential press unit, headed by press secretary Mary Karoro Okurut, holds monthly press briefings. Karoro Okurut contributes articles to both the New Vision and Monitor. Her deputy Onapito Ekomoloit also writes a column for New Vision. This is evidence of the good working relationship that the government has with the media. The same holds true for the electronic media. It is not uncommon for a minister of government to be a guest at a talk show to explain a particular policy to the public.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA Article 30 (1) and (2) of the Press and Journalist Statute states: ‘‘No person being an employee of a foreign mass media organization or working as a freelance for the mass media shall practice journalism in Uganda unless he is in possession of an accreditation card issued by the Council. The accreditation card referred to in this section shall be issued upon payment of fees and upon such terms as may be prescribed by the council.’’ Foreign media are active in Uganda without harassment. The British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), Radio France International, The Financial Times of London, and others have operated in Uganda. Free to report within the country, even foreign journalists in print and electronic media coming for assignments from neighboring Kenya are required to secure accreditation from the Ugandan government. The foreign press’s presence is especially apparent when regional events are taking place in Kampala. The BBC and Radio France International run local FM stations and relay their programs through the country.

NEWS AGENCIES Uganda is host to Reuters, Agence France Press, Associated Press, the Chinese News Agency, and one local agency, the Uganda News Agency, which is part of the Department of Information in the President’s Office. All have a good working relation with the State. Most foreign news agencies employ local journalists to cover the country for them.

BROADCAST MEDIA The Electronic Media Statute of 1996 guides the Broadcast Media. According to the most reliable source for broadcast news, this statute repeals the earlier Cinematography Act and Television Licensing Act. It amends and consolidates previous statutes relating to broadcasting in particular, the Uganda Posts and Telecommunications Corporation Act. The right to broadcast is guaranteed by the statute. The Act states: ‘‘No person WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

shall, on the ground of content of program, take any action not authorized under the statute or any law to prevent the broadcasting of the program.’’ Moral constraints limit what may be broadcast, and according the statute, producers must be at least 18 years old. The Statute created a regulatory authority for electronic media, the Broadcasting Council. This body is responsible for the licensing and operations of radio and television; publishing a code of ethics for broadcasters in consultation with the Media Council; and standardizing, planning and managing the frequency spectrum in the public interest so as to ensure its optimal utilization and the widest possible variety of programming, including incentive payments where appropriate to ensure provision of broadcasting to rural remote areas. The Council is also charged with licensing and operations of cinematography theatres and videotape libraries. The Uganda Communication Commission was established by parliament and is responsible for allocation of frequencies to operators who have been approved licensed by the Broadcasting Council. The leading broadcasters are Uganda Television and Radio Uganda, both government stations. Radio Uganda has other subsidiaries, such as Star FM, Radio Freedom, and the Green Channel. The competition for listeners is stiff in Kampala. But Radio Uganda’s broadcasts reach outside Kampala, where private FM stations cannot reach, offering the government-run station a significant advantage. Within Uganda there are approximately 108 radio receivers for every 1,000 people and 26 television sets for every 1,000 people. The airwaves were liberalized in 1994 when private stations like Capital FM and Sanyu FM started their broadcasts. Capital FM has spread 981

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its wings to other parts of the country and four other towns. It plays a lot of popular Western music, which appeals to a youthful audience. News and some talk shows are also aired. Capital FM dominates morning programs with its popular show ‘‘Alex and Christine in the Morning,’’ which runs from 7:00 am to 10:00 am every Monday to Friday. Another popular program with wide listenership is the ‘‘Capital Gang’’ that runs every Saturday from 10:00 am to 12:00 noon. It usually has government officials, donors, and members of civil society who discuss public policy issues in the news. President Museveni has been to the Capital gang twice. It usually includes a live phone-in opportunities for the public audience. Sanyu FM, another Kampala station, is as old as the Capital FM. It has a strong signal and plays the latest music from around the world. Jazz and classical music lovers are among the station’s listeners as well as the country’s urban-bred youth. These private FM stations operate 24 hours a day. Since privatization in 1994, approximately 70 licenses have been issued, although not all have become operational. Nonetheless, five television stations have begun broadcasting as a result of liberalization. State-owned Uganda Television (UTV) dominates the country’s television broadcasting primarily because its signal covers about 60 percent of the country and provides the best picture and sound quality of all active Ugandan stations. UTV broadcasts 12 hours a day and approximately 40 percent of the programming content is foreign-based. In the early 2000s a new private station, the Wavah Broadcasting Service (WBS), entered the market. Focused on creative news and entertainment programs, some of its content is locally produced, including two of popular shows, Showtime Magazine and Jam Agenda. WBS broadcasts for 18 hours each day and airs Cable News Network every morning. Airing some local religious programming, Lighthouse Television depends mainly on relaying programs from the U.S.-based Trinity Broadcasting Network. Its 24-hour broadcasting format consists of religious programming and 90 minutes of CNN. In general, television reaches its highest level of viewership from 5:00 p.m. to 10:00 p.m. The peak time of viewing is 9:00 p.m. TV Africa, which now airs 24-hours a day in Uganda, has also taken a share of Uganda’s television audience. Broadcasting from South Africa, the station’s signal is not as good as UTV and WBS, but still offers Ugandan’s another choice of stations with quality programming. Pay television also exists in Uganda. Still limited to the country’s small privileged class, Digital Satellite Television is beamed from South Africa into at least 400 Ugandan homes. Private broadcasters complain about the high fees charged by government for the license to operate. 982

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA The Uganda Communication Commission issues the licenses for electronic media operations. Despite being a very new forum for the media, Uganda has 2,000 Internet service providers and 40,000 Internet users. Several newspapers, including New Vision and the Monitor, maintain Web sites.

EDUCATION & TRAINING The level of education for Uganda’s journalists is increasing. Requirements for membership in the National Institute of Journalists of Uganda have pushed several practicing journalists back to school to improve their academic qualifications. Continuous training is also being increasingly emphasized. Specialization is encouraged in fields such as business journalism and environmental reporting. The Mass Communication Program at Makerere University offered the first journalism degree in the country in 1988. The Uganda Management Institute’s School of Journalism also offers a degree program; however, in the 2000s, the school was under threatening to close due to financial difficulties. Other schools, including the Uganda Christian University, also offer journalism programs. Every year at least 150 new journalists enter the job market. The National Institute of Journalists of Uganda, the Uganda Journalists Association, the Uganda Sports Press Association, the Uganda Press Photographers Association, and the Uganda Media Women’s Association all serve to monitor and improve professional journalistic standards. The East Africa Media Institute and the Commonwealth Journalists Association are the newest additions to Uganda’s professional organizations. Yet another global grouping with membership in Uganda is the U.Kbased World Association of Christian Communication. Reporters Without Borders and the Uganda Journalists Safety Committee address concerns regarding journalists’ welfare, including assistance for imprisoned journalists.

SUMMARY Since the process of liberalizing the media industry started in 1994, Uganda has experienced an increase in the number of press and media outlets, especially in the broadcast media. Although print media still experience difficulties in increasing readership, the broadcast media maintains a strong and stable viewer base. Competition is stiff but most media are active and prospering. Because Uganda is a developing country, issues of poverty, HIV/ AIDS, and governance are critical. The media play a crucial role in improving the welfare of the people by highlighting the issues and increasing the level of public debate. The country continues to lack a Freedom of InforWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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mation Act, needed to balance the playing field between the government and the press and to assist the press in fulfilling the role as a watchdog for government corruption. Since the end of Amin’s regime in the mid-1980s, press freedom has improved. Journalists commonly work without harassment; however, occasionally reporters are pressured and even imprisoned. The Media and Broadcast Council, which exists to service and regulate the media industry, has proven weak and ineffective. In general, the 1995 constitution is well written, but advances in press freedoms must continue to provide the country with the full services and potential of the services its media outlets can provide.

Region (Map name):

Europe

Population:

48,760,474

Language(s):

Ukrainian, Russian, Romanian, Polish, Hungarian

Literacy rate:

98.0%

Area:

603,700 sq km

GDP:

31,791 (US$ millions)

Number of Daily Newspapers:

38

Total Circulation:

4,322,000

SIGNIFICANT DATES

Circulation per 1,000:

74

• 1997: Uganda Communications Commission Act is passed.

Number of Nondaily Newspapers:

1,106

• 1999: Nation Group buys Monitor Publications.

Total Circulation:

20,620,000

• 2002: Uganda Television and Radio Uganda are brought under one leadership; Channel Television and TV Africa merge.

Circulation per 1,000:

352

Total Newspaper Ad Receipts:

23 (US$ millions)

As % of All Ad Expenditures:

13.90

Number of Television Sets:

18,500,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

379.4

Number of Cable Subscribers:

2,588,850

Cable Subscribers per 1,000:

52.3

Number of Satellite Subscribers:

130,000

Satellite Subscribers per 1,000:

2.7

Uganda Human Development Report, 2000. New York: Oxford University Press for the United Nations Development Programme, 2000.

Number of Radio Receivers:

45,500,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

933.1

The UNDP Human Development Report 2001. New York: Oxford University Press for the United Nations Development Programme, 2001.

Number of Individuals with Computers:

890,000

Computers per 1,000:

18.3

—Aggrey D. Mugisha and Mark Fackler

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

300,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

6.2

BIBLIOGRAPHY The Constitution of the Republic of Uganda, 1995. Kampala, Uganda: Reproduced by the Law Development Center, 1995. Muthoni, Lynne, ed. Up in the Air: The State of the Broadcasting in Eastern Africa: Analysis and Trends in Five Countries. Panos Institute Eastern Africa, 2000. The Press and Journalist Statute, 1995. Kampala, Uganda: Reproduced by the Law Development Center, 1995. Reinkka, Ritva, and Paul Collier. (eds.). Uganda’s Recovery: The Role of Firms, Farms and Government. World Bank, 2000.

UKRAINE BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS

BASIC DATA Official Country Name: WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Ukraine

Publishing in Ukraine started in 1574 when the first Russian printer I. Federov printed Azbuka (The Primer) 983

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in the city of Lviv. The introduction of printing laid the foundation for the development of printed press. Early periodicals in the western part of the country, which was occupied by the Austro-Hungarian Empire, appeared in foreign languages. In 1776, the first newspaper, Gazette de Leopol, was published in French and in 1811, Gazeta Lwowska appeared in German and later in Polish. The periodicals in eastern Ukraine, which was part of the Russian Empire, came out in the Russian language with Kharkovsky Ezhenedeln´ik (Kharkiv Weekly) in 1812, Kharkovskie Izvestiya (Kharkiv News) in 1817, and the magazine Ukrainsky Vestnik (Ukrainian Herald) in 1816, just to name a few. The first newspaper, Zorya Halitska (Galician Dawn) in the Ukrainian language came out in 1848. In the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century, the further development of printed media included the emergence of new newspapers and magazines and the growth of their circulation. This process was constantly accompanied by the closure and reopening of periodicals in the Ukrainian language depending upon the political situation in AustroHungarian and Russian empires. After 1917, the press became an ideological instrument of the ruling Communist Party. In pursuit of influence on the population and education of the masses in the Communist ideology, it facilitated further growth of the printed press in Ukraine. In 1925, there were 116 newspapers with a total single-issue circulation of 1.33 million copies and 369 magazines and other periodicals with an annual circulation of 14.7 million copies. In 1967, there were 2,564 newspapers, 2,100 of which were published in the Ukrainian language. The most influential newspapers were: Radyanska Ukraiina (Soviet Ukraine), Pravda Ukrainy (Truth of Ukraine), Robitnicha Hazeta (Workers’ Newspaper), Sils´k´i Visti (Rural News), Molod’ Ukraiiny (Ukrainian Youth), Kultura I Zhittya (Culture and Life), Literaturna Ukraiina (Literary Ukraine). The newspapers had a single-issue circulation of 16.9 million a year, and the 323 magazines and other periodicals had an annual circulation of 123.7 million that year. During World War II, from 1941 to 1944, an underground press was organized by the resistance forces in the territories occupied by the Nazi Germany. Radio broadcasting was banned by fascists. As the fascists advanced further into the country, many printing and radio broadcasting facilities had to be evacuated to inside the Soviet Union where publishing houses and radio stations continued their work. Before Ukraine proclaimed its sovereignty in 1991, the Soviet journalists and editors were guided by the principles and instructions of the Communist Party to emphasize the optimistic and the positive and to place prominently reports about economic achievements 984

(which were not necessarily true) and stories about the heroes of Socialist labor and promising initiatives. Anything negative, tragic, or controversial happening in the country or anything positive taking place in the capitalist countries was seldom allowed to be covered by reporters and journalists. The monopoly on information in Ukraine, like in all other former Soviet republics, was executed through banning underground opposition publications, jamming foreign radio stations, and applying legal actions against those who listened to foreign radio. It also included the restrictions on the distribution of foreign press, especially from Western countries, to a limited number of libraries and officials, and even banning Soviet tourists from bring foreign publications into the country. In the last decade of the twentieth century and in the first years of the twenty-first century, the Ukrainian mass media have undergone a drastic transition from the Soviet-style to the democratic and free-market mode of work. Controlled for most of the twentieth century by the conservative Communist system, media have learned to operate in a new democratic, economic, political, ideological, and cultural environment. Learning to work in a new sovereign state with diametrically opposite politico-ideological and socioeconomic environment required tremendous efforts on the part of many professionals involved in media business in reevaluating the legacy of the Communist past, rethinking the old principles of journalism, and adjusting to the novel concepts of the freedom of press and pluralism of opinion. The legacy of the Soviet past, the realities of the new nation-state, and linguistic pluralism make the cultural identity of many Ukrainian media a rather complex and multidimensional phenomenon. The new challenges of the post-Soviet Ukraine have had a great impact upon the quality of journalism. Most of the news, commentaries, articles, television, and radio programs involve their readers and listeners in serious deliberations on democratic, social, economic, political, ideological, educational, and cultural reforms and changes in the country. Media plunged into hot debates and controversies about constructing a new nation-state and in searches for its national Ukrainian identity. Some old-guard journalists stuck to past beliefs and values and continued to glorify the Soviet legacy, whereas others struggled with their Communist stereotypes, clichés, and work ethics. Most of the new generation of journalists have accepted the democratic principles of journalism and are learning how to be unbiased in their evaluations, to present pluralism of opinions, to avoid asymmetrical selectivity of facts, and to withstand prejudice and onesidedness in covering sociopolitical events in a rapidly changing society. The process has not been an easy one. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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Controversy exists about the excessively judgmental nature of the work of many journalists and reporters. Many mass media are accused of overloading their pages with sensational and negative information to attract readers.

Ukraine many blindly believed what the media said, in the times of pluralism people struggle with the idea that they must give meaning to what they read, watch, and hear, rather than dismissing it as propaganda.

In 2002, according to V. Chizh, Chair of the State Committee of Ukraine on Information Policy, TV, and Radio Broadcasting, over 15,000 printed and electronic publications were officially registered in the country, with 5,696 newspapers and magazines among them. However, it is difficult to estimate how many of these publications are still brought out because some of them have never been even produced, or were issued for a short period of time and do not exist any longer.

The larger part of the printed media (72.4 percent) consists of daily newspapers. The majority of the printed and electronic mass media takes place in the capital city of Kyiv. However, 64 percent of printed media circulation occurs at the local level in twenty-six regions.

As democratic Ukraine opens itself to the world, the people receive greater access to international printed publications, some of which are issued in a translated version for larger audiences who do not speak foreign languages. The national printed press is published in Russian, English, German, and many other languages including the languages of indigenous domestic minorities. Due to a considerable number of mixed marriages, many Ukrainians are bilingual, generally speaking Ukrainian and Russian. Because most (62 percent) Russians and Russianspeaking people live in the eastern and southern areas, mass media in these parts of the country predominantly use Russian language, and the Ukrainian language is more often used in central and western Ukrainian media. In 2002, during the parliamentary elections to the country’s highest legislative body, Verkhovna Rada, 84 percent of the population in Kharkiv, the second largest city of Ukraine, responded positively to the question included in their ballots whether they would agree that Russian language should be given the same status as the Ukrainian language. Nevertheless, some nationalists, especially in Lviv region, strongly objected to the use of the Russian language in media. In the 1990s, the democratic developments of the country were accompanied by the fast increase in the number of publications and by the decrease in their circulation. In 1997 newspaper subscriptions dropped to 2.6 million copies and magazines subscriptions to 910,000. These negative occurrences happened because of the rising cost of publishing, printing, and delivery as well as a significant reduction of state subsidies and purchasing possibilities of population. The socioeconomic stratification of the capitalist Ukrainian society based on the wealth led to the emergence of two types of media: one for the small elite and a thin layer of middle class, and a second for low and impoverished masses. In a country that inherited a very well–educated population from the Soviet era (98 percent literacy rate), the interest in printed and broadcast word among peoples of all ages remains very high. Although in the Soviet WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

The newspapers with the most subscriptions in 2002 were: Sils´k´i in Ukrainian (560,340), Golos Ukraiiny (Voice of Ukraine) in Ukrainian and Russian (114,904), Uryadovyi Kuríer (Government Carrier) in Ukrainian (101,904), Komunist (Communist) in Ukrainian and Russian (92,739), Ukraiina Moloda (Young Ukraine) in Ukrainian (84,485), Robitnicha Gazeta (Workers’ Newspaper) in Ukrainian (71,283), Prattsya I Zarplata (Work and Salary) in Ukrainian (49,899), Tovarisch (Comrade) in Ukrainian and Russian (29,821), Rukh (Movement) in Ukrainian (25,855), Osvita Ukraiiny (Ukraine’s Education) in Ukrainian (20,455), Ukraiiksk´i Futbol (Ukraine’s Soccer) in Ukrainian (17,203), and Molod’ Ukraiiny (Youth of Ukraine) in Ukrainian (11,405). Since many people buy newspapers retail, the real number of circulation may be much higher for some publications. For example, during a seven-year period, Uryadovyi Kuríer claimed to have had an annual circulation between 130,000 and 230,000 and Golos Ukraiiny had 170,000 versus 101,904 and 114,904. The most influential national newspapers are: Uryadovyi Kuríer (Government Carrier), Kyiv Post, 6 Kontinentov (6 Continents), AVISO, Argumenty I Fakty v Ukraine (Arguments and Facts in Ukraine), Biznes (Business), Vseukrainskie Vedomosti (All-Ukrainian Official Reports), Golos Ukraiiny (Voice of Ukraine), Den’ (Day), DK-Zvyazok (DK-Communication), Pravda Ukraiiny (Ukraine’s Truth), Osvita Ukraiiny (Ukraine’s Education), Robitnicha Gazeta (Workers’ Gazette), Sils´sk´i Visti (Rural News), Slovo Batk´ivschiny (Word of Fatherland), Stolichnye Novosti (Capital News), Ukraiina Moloda (Young Ukraine), Ukraiinsk´e Slovo (Ukrainian Word), Ukraiinsk´i Futbol (Ukrainian Soccer), and Dzerkalo Nedili (Weekly Mirror). Among the most influential regional and local press are Podils´ka Zorya (Podils´k Dawn) in Vinnitsi; Kochegarka (Furnace-Feeder) in Gorlivki; V Novyi Vek (Into New Century) in Dniprodzerzhinsk´; Prospekt Pravdy (Pravda Avenue) and Litsa (Faces) in Dnipropetrovsk´; Gorod-NN (City NN) and Donbass in Donetsk; Zaporizk´a Pravda, Panorama in Zaporizhzhya; Viln´yi Golos (Free Voice) in Kolomyya; Programa ta Novyny (Program and News) in Kremenchug; Vysokyi Zamok (High Castle) in Lviv; Azovskie Novosti (Azov News) in Mariupol’; 985

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Nikolaevskie Novosti (Mykolaev News) in Mykolaev; Glasnost’ and Odesskie Delovye Novosti (Odesa Business News) in Odesa; Absolyutno Vse (Absolutely Everything) in Sevastopol’; Kharkovsky Kuríer (Kharkiv Carrier) in Kharkiv; and Bukovyna in Chernivtsi. The following case gives an approximate picture of the situation of local mass media in the economically developed Luhansk region, one of the largest among 26 regions in the country with a population of approximately 3 million people. In 2002, there were 283 newspapers and 13 magazines in the region, 26 of them in the Ukrainian language, 55 in the Russian language, and 216 in both languages. Forty-three publications had general political and social information orientation, 15 were affiliated with parties, 36 were established by the industrial enterprises and organizations and reflect their life, and 31 were sponsored by the state bodies. Twenty-three publications addressed entertainment, tourist, and leisure issues. Eleven publications focused on religion, 38 on advertisement, 15 were issued for children and youth, and 29 had general information. Thirty-seven TV and radio companies with various types of ownership functioned in the region. For over 70 years in the twentieth century, the atheistic country excluded religious perspectives from the state mass media and severely restricted the rights of religious organizations to freedom of press. The renaissance of religious printed press as well as the access of clergy to some state television and radio channels became a prominent feature of the post-Soviet Ukraine at the beginning of the twenty-first century. Both state and independent television and radio regularly broadcast services from churches, mainly from the dominant Ukrainian Orthodox Church, during the major religious holidays. In 2000, over 150 printed religious publications, excluding an unidentified number of small publications (generally parish newspapers), were issued in the country. The Moscow and Kyivan Patriarchates of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church have the largest number of publications: Pravoslavnaya Gazeta (Orthodox Gazette), Pravoslavna Volyn’ (Orthodox Volyn), Pravoslavna Tavriya (Orthodox Tavriya), Kharkovskie Eparkhialn´ye Novosti (Kharkiv Eparchial News), and Informatsiinyi Buleten’ (Information Bulletin). Dlya Tebya (For You) of Baptist denomination, Arka (Arch) of the Greek-Unitarian Church, Shabat Shalom, Sholem, and Khadashot Novosti (Khadashot News) of Jewish faith, Nova Zirka (New Star), and Zhiva Voda (Living Water) of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, Islamic Al-Bayan, Arraid, and other newspapers are freely published in the country. Despite the religious pluralism in the post-Soviet Ukraine, the equal representation of all denominations in media, especially on television, remains an issue of debate. Ukraine produces a significant number of magazines addressing social, political, scientific, entertainment, and 986

informational technology issues. A number of them are published in various domestic and foreign languages. Most of them are issued in Kyiv: Motor News, Office, Sobstvennik (Owner), Internet UA, Aviatsiya I Vremya (Aviation and Time), Bankivsk´a Sprava (Bank Information), Viisáo Ukraiiny (Ukrainian Army), Vokrug Sveta (Around the World), Delovaya Zhizn’ (Business Life), Zovnishnya Torgovlya (Foreign Trade), Lyudyna I Politika (People and Politics), Naturalist, Polityka I Kul´tura (Politics and Culture), Svit Nauki (Light of Science), and Ukraiina (Ukraine). There is a substantial growth of magazines devoted to computer technologies and entertainment. Although the country boasts a great variety of magazines, circulation is generally low, except for those on entertainment and sports. The scientific journals published by academic and research institutions reduced their circulation drastically due to the economic constraints. Many universities have their own printed newspapers with an electronic version. Some have large circulations, including Kolega (Colleague) in KyivoMogilyansk´a Academy, Inzhinernyi Rabochii (Engineering Worker) in Zaporizhzhya State Technical University, Politekhnik (Polytechnician) in Kharkiv State Polytechnic University, Donetskii Politekhnik (Donetsk Politechnician) in Donetsk State Technical University, and Zapoizk´yi Universitet (Zaporizk´yi University) in Zaporizk´yi State University. Whereas the Soviet Ukraine issued most of its newspapers on an almost daily basis in 4 pages, in the sovereign country the majority of the newspapers increased the number of pages up to 8 or even 24, but they reduced their appearance to three to five times a week. Once absent, the commercial and classified ads and letters from the readers expressing different opinions have found their way onto the pages of many media.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK The media business in Ukraine operates in an economy that is not recognized by the major world industrial countries as a market leader. Its transitional status from state-planned to supply-and-demand market has a great impact on the orientation, nature, and quality of the work of correspondents, journalists, reporters, and the content of the media. The major watershed for media business in this period lies between the powerful groups, which unofficially in Ukraine are called clans of oligarchs or magnates, and the political parties, some of which are often very closely associated with the big capital. An oligarchy consists of very rich individuals who have a monopoly in certain areas of the market and send their representatives to Verkhovna Rada and to the executive bodies of power. Oligarchs may depend upon those in the state structures that appointed them to their positions and who WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

UKRAINE

can dismiss, charge, or eliminate them. The oligarchic blend of party, business, and state is sometimes called the party of power. Oligarchs do not control the printed press for profit reasons but rather for promoting their political ambitions and businesses as well as their parties’ and clans’ agendas and for creating a positive image. Often uninterested in learning how to do profitable media business, oligarchs’ main revenues come from other businesses, frequently illegal, rather than from selling newspapers, magazines, television and radio programs, or informational services. Journalists find themselves under strict pressure from the oligarchs, which is often covert and is manifested in the form of friendly advice to avoid problems. The covert and overt pressure has a negative impact on the professionalism of journalists and the quality of their work. The picture is somewhat better with private television companies, which strive to gain profit from producing innovative shows, serial films, and entertaining programs. Television companies place more commercial advertising than the printed press. Nonetheless, it is recognized by experts on journalism that Ukraine’s television and radio stations are not exempt from the influence of the oligarchs. One of the powerful clans, Donchane controls mass media in the coal mining Donetsk region as well as the publishing house Segodnya (Today) in Kyiv. Dnipropertovsk´a semýa (Dnipropetrovsk´ family) consists of several small clans in an industrial region, Dnipropetrovsk, which was known during the Soviet times as the homeland of the Communist Party leaders L. Brezhnev and V. Scherbitski and now as the bulwark of the acting President L. Kuchma. V. Pinchuk group owns the biggest cellular phone network, KyivStar GSM, a popular newspaper Fakty (Facts), a local TV channel, and the national channel ICTV. The Dnipropetrovsk´ media has had a pro-presidential orientation and in 2002, during the parliamentary elections it supported the Za Edynu Ukraiinu! (For Unified Ukraine!) block, a party in power. The son-in-law of President Kuchma, Pinchuk is a member of Verkhovna Rada and the owner of local metallurgic plants is the region. A. Derkach’s group owns the holding Ukrainian Press-Group that publishes Ukrainian versions of the popular Russian newspapers Komsomolk´aya Pravda (Komsomol Truth), Moskovskii Komsomolets (Moscow Komsomol Member), Argumenty I Fakty (Arguments and Facts), and Telenedilya (TV Weekly). Since the group purchased the copyrights for their publishing in Ukraine, the influence of Russian media owners on the content of their publications significantly diminished. The group also co-owns Stolichnye Novosti (Capital’s News) and the Web site MIGnews along with A. Rabinovich, the WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

head of the All-Ukrainian Jewish Congress and an influential businessman. Derkach’s press secretary S. Mustafin owns another newspaper Kyivskii Telegraf (Kyiv Telegraph). The company also has a popular Web site called Versii (Versions). As a member of the Board of Ukrainian State TV and Radio Company, Derkach has a significant influence on the policies of broadcasting in the country. The Lviv family controls the media in the western part of the country, and is known for its active participation in the nationalistic movement at the beginning of the 1990s. In 1997, a new governor, M. Gladii, founded a newspaper, Ukraiinski Shlyakh (Ukrainian Road) to which every state employee had to subscribe. The newspaper became a mouthpiece of the Agrarian Party of Ukraine. It also has close connections with the Social Democratic Party headed by V. Medvedchuk, an influential businessmen in the Lviv region who, along with V. Surkis, controls the television channel Inter and the newspapers Kyivski Vedomosti (Kyiv Official Reports) and Biznes (Business). In 2002, Medvedchuk became the Head of the Presidential Staff Office. Kharkiv Magnates Group operates in the city of Kharkiv. Although less influential than Donchane and Dnipropetrovsk´a semýa, the group owns several media in the eastern part of the country. S. Davtyans´ owns the television channel, Simon, which according to the ratings yields among the Kharkiv region inhabitants only to popular national Inter and 1+1 TV channels. He also publishes a weekly Obýektivno (Objectively). His rivalry in hotel and groceries business, NPK Company, possesses the TK TONIS-Tsentr (TONIS Center) and Vechernii Kharkov (Evening Kharkiv) newspaper. 987

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One niche in the media market is filled with the national and regional media owned by the state governing bodies. They are very often co-owned with the employees of the companies. For example, Uryadovyi Kuríer (Government Carrier) belongs to the national bodies of the executive branch of the power structure. It publishes complete texts of laws, decrees, and directives of the President, the Cabinet of Ministers, commentaries and clarifications of experts on legal, scientific, and other issues. Another newspaper, Robitnicha Gazeta, published in Russian, is a cross-ownership of the Cabinet of Ministers and the staff of the newspaper. Kyivsk´a Pravda is sponsored by Kyiv Region Rada and the newspaper staff. Daily Vecherni Visti (Evening News), financed by the Company OOO ‘‘BB,’’ is controlled by the former Prime Minister Timoshenko and the leader of the Verkhovna Rada fraction Batk´ivschina (Fatherland), Turchinov. Many newspapers have strong party affiliation (the fusion of parties with oligarchs should be also kept in mind). It is estimated that in 2002, approximately 75 percent of all national printed media belonged to political parties and political organizations, which provided them with major financial support. The Communist Party of Ukraine, founded in 1993 as a remnant of the former Communist Party of the Soviet Union, inherited a welldeveloped network of media production and distribution infrastructure throughout the country. Along with its national Komunist (Communist), published in Kyiv, the Party issues Kommunist Donbassa (Donbas Communist), Serp I Molot (Hammer and Sickle), Kommunist Kyiivschiny (Kyiv Communist), Radyansk´a (Soviet Luhansk), Vynitsk´a Pravda, Cherkask´a Pravda, Kommunist Podillya, Radyansk´a Volyn’ (Soviet Volyn), Pravda Melitopolya (Melitopol Truth), and many others, which are strongly opposed to the presidential party in power. Other influential newspapers with party affiliation and financial support include the daily Tovarisch (Comrade), published by the Socialist Party of Ukraine, and Nasha Gazeta (Our Newspaper), which belongs to the Social Democratic Party of Ukraine, a close affiliate of the Communist Party of Ukraine. A series of newspapers and magazines are produced by the radical nationalistic organizations and parties, such as the Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists, Narodnyi Rukh Ukraiiny, and Molodijnyi Natsionalistichnyi Kongres. Kievskie Vedomosti (Kyiv Official Reports), 100,000 copies, is owned by the Publishing House ZAO Kievskie Vedomosti and is controlled by the party Yabluko. Sils´k´i Visti (Rural News) is one of the major newspapers (665,000) for people living in rural areas. Until 988

2002, it was oriented toward the left political spectrum, and especially toward Selyanska Partiya (Peasant Party), which expresses mainly the political views and interests of the rural population. During 2000 and 2001, the newspaper received national and international recognition for its bold activities in defense of the freedom of press. Consequently, its circulation and popularity grew considerably. Trade unions traditionally had numerous publications. However, in the 1990s their number significantly declined as the union movement in the country and union membership subsided. A large number of printed media addressing the young audience is heavily subsidized by the government and/or public organizations. These media include Molod’ Ukrainy (Ukrainian Youth), Ukraiina Moloda (Young Ukraine), and Grono (Bunch of Grapes). Much younger populations are served by Aist (Crane), Molodyi Bukovinets’ (Young Bukovinian), Eirika, Peremena (Lesson Break), Barvinok (Evergreen), Malyatko (Kid), Ranok (Morning), Sonyashnyk (Sunflower), and Vesela Pererva (Funny Lesson Break). The last one is published in English, Russian, and Ukrainian languages and enjoys great popularity. Publications for women were always popular among the Ukrainian female population. In the 1990s, they became more Westernized with advertisements and information on feminist movement, Auto-lady, Eva, Vozm ´i Menya (Take Me), and Zhenskoe Zdorovýe (Women’s Health). International publications for women are also available. The independent newspaper Dzirkalo Nedili (Weekly Mirror), published in the Ukrainian language and owned by the editorial staff, belongs to the moderate wing of the press because it tries to balance the publication of articles of various political groups. It also has an electronic version in the Russian and English languages. This newspaper is one of the few that tries to play by the market rules. Some media is financed by international organizations. For example, European Union sponsors a Tacis program for developing free press in Ukraine. It subsidizes KP Publications, which owns the leading Englishlanguage weekly Kyiv Post and the web site Korrespondent.net. The U.S. Department of State provides assistance in developing independent electronic media in Ukraine through its ProMedia web site and sponsoring workshops and seminars for press workers. Because oligarchs do not allocate large investments into printed media business, printing and editing technologies might be characterized as a combination of new Western technologies and obsolete Soviet equipment. Most Ukrainian media grew out of the state-planned Soviet infrastructure of subscription and distribution. The WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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infrastructure and its services are still controlled by the state. Subscription and delivery of printed press is carried out by the state agency UkrPoshta (Ukrainian Post). In 2002, the subscription cost of newspapers per year varied from 19.8 hrivnas (Kyivsk´a Pravda), to 72 hrivnas (Uryadovyi Kuríer), and to 124 hrivnas (Den’). Elite publications, like 2000 and ii cost even more. Due to the frequent downfall of the national currency value and rising cost for the infrastructural services, some companies restrict subscription and sell newspapers and magazines at a ‘‘floating price’’ in private newsstands and kiosks or through part-time sellers. Advertisement, once completely alien to the media, found its place onto the pages of newspapers and magazines; however, it did not play a significant role in oligarch-controlled media business. The price for private or commercial ads varies from one publication to another. Sils´k´i Visti, the newspaper with the biggest circulation offers its services at 264 hrivnas per 20 square centimeters and 27,456 hrivnas for 2,080 square centimeters, which covers the whole page. The services of Golos, an independent newspaper in Donetsk range between 30 and 15,000 hrivnas. It is worth noting that the purchasing power of the population considerably diminished after Ukraine became independent due to the general worsening of the economic situation. In 2002, according to the official data, 56.6 percent of population lived below the poverty line. The average salary in Ukraine was $67 a month, half of that in neighboring Russia or Belarus. Under these circumstances, many people cannot afford to subscribe even to a single publication.

PRESS LAWS The Ukrainian Constitution was adopted by Verkhovna Rada in 1996. Article 34 of the Constitution states: • Everyone is guaranteed the right to freedom of thought and speech, and to the free expression of his or her views and beliefs; • Everyone has the right to freely collect, store, use, and disseminate information by oral, written or other methods at his discretion; • The exercise of these rights may be restricted by law in the interests of national security, territorial indivisibility or public order, with the purpose of preventing disturbances or crimes, protecting the health of the population, the reputation or rights of other persons, preventing the publication of information received confidentially, or supporting the authority and impartiality of justice. For the first time in the twentieth century, the Constitution recognized the supremacy of human rights for the WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Ukrainian citizens, freedom of expression, and the right to have an access to public information. The journalists whose freedoms were restrained in the Soviet Ukraine for most of the twentieth century by the ideological control of the central and local party committees received guarantees for expressing their views and opinions on political, social, economic, and other issues of professional interest. Verkhovna Rada also passed several laws, which determined the governing structure of the mass media and created legal foundations for their work. The laws covered: TV and Radio Broadcasting, National Council of TV and Radio Broadcasting, Information, Advertisement, Printed Information (Press), Radio Frequencies Sources in Ukraine, State Support of Media and Social Security of Journalists, Procedure of Coverage of Activities of the State Power Bodies, and of the Bodies of Local Self-governance, and System of Public TV. Though the laws guarantee the right of journalists and reporters to obtain information open to the public, outline the procedure of the appeal against the officials who deny an access to it, and establish the due process for the defense of citizens’ rights to information, many provisions of the laws are not widely accepted, approved, or observed in the society. Some articles of the laws are considered by journalists controversial and even undemocratic. The registration of printed press and electronic media is performed by the Ministry of Information of Ukraine.

CENSORSHIP The Ukrainian constitution ruled out the censorship for which the former Soviet Union was notorious during the years of Communist rule. The Article 15 of Chapter 1 states: ‘‘Censorship is prohibited.’’ However, journalists in the late 1990s and early 2000s talked about internal censorship that rests in the minds of many journalists who are aware that they may lose their job or be fined, their salary may be reduced, or they may even be killed if they write or speak against those who control media and the media market or against the political party for which they work. Since 1992, some 18 journalists have been killed in Ukraine, and although their cases were never disclosed, it is widely believed among journalists, the political elite, and the citizens alike that their murders were politically motivated. The case of the journalist H. Gongadze, who wrote on corruption in the government structures and was found murdered in 2000, received international attention, but the case was never solved. As a reaction to the Gongadze case and to other similar cases, in 2001 President Kuchma issued the decree ‘‘On Additional Measures to Secure Unlimited Activity of Mass Media and on Further Affirmation of Freedom of 989

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Press in Ukraine,’’ which in particular planned to provide social security to the families of journalists and reporters killed while performing their professional duty. However, a number of independent publishers and journalists expressed a concern that this decree was a mere political act to appease the European Parliament Assembly, which was to debate the issue of freedom of press in the country in 2001. Internal censorship implies that the journalists and editors have to be very careful what they write to create only a positive image of the oligarch or the political leader who controls the newspaper. It undermines the professional ethics of the journalists, which are vital for the development of democracy and a free press. The journalists in Kyiv and other big cities are in a better situation and can afford to criticize state officials due to the presence of international journalists, diplomats, and representatives of human rights organizations, but journalists in remote areas have to think twice what and how to write about local officials or local minioligarchs. The independent press accused the party in power of threatening the opposition newspapers and of waging a repressive campaign against the companies that placed commercial advertisement in them. In 2001, on behalf of 14 independent newspapers of Ukraine, the editor-inchief of the Grani (Sides) newspaper sent a letter to the European Parliament Assembly in which he expressed concern about the state’s repressive actions toward the press that disclosed the criminal actions of state officials. The closure of the independent television channel in the city of Nikopol’, the invasion of the office of the Internet newspaper Obcom.net under the pretext of warrant for search of the bank located in the same building, sanitary inspections for detecting the increase of radioactivity coming from the electronic devices, and threats by telephone are some of the examples of pressure that have been used against journalists by the state and the oligarchs. In 2001, Article 182 was added to the Criminal Law of Ukraine. It made illegal the ‘‘gathering, storing, using, and disseminating [of] confidential information about any person without his consent.’’ The article is viewed by some journalists as a threat to the rights of journalists for independent investigation, whereas their opponents argue that it defends citizens’ right to privacy. Article 32 of the Ukrainian constitution, which states ‘‘the collection, storage, use and dissemination of confidential information about a person without his or her consent shall not be permitted, except in cases determined by law, and only in the interests of national security, economic welfare and human rights,’’ has been used by 990

courts to persecute journalists who tried to investigate corruption cases involving state officials.

STATE-MEDIA RELATIONS The State Committee on Information Policy, TV and Radio Broadcasting plays an important role in the area of information in the country. Its vast responsibilities include legal, technical, technological, and economic assistance and control over state, public, and private media activities in the country. It develops policies pertaining to their operation, reviews legal procedures, drafts proposals for the President and Verkhovna Rada, gathers statistical data, represents the country in international organizations, and conducts negotiations with parties involved in international cooperation. It also grants consent for the appointment to office and the dismissal from office of the Chairman of the National Council of Ukraine on TV and Radio Broadcasting by the President. The National Council of Ukraine on TV and Radio Broadcasting and its branches in the regions oversee on a daily basis the work of television and radio companies; grant, renew, and withhold licenses for broadcasting; and conduct a competition for channel ownership and radio frequencies. The Council oversees companies to be sure that they abide by the laws and other regulating documents. Four of its members are appointed by Verkhovna Rada and the other four by the President. In post-Soviet Ukraine, the state lost its direct ownership over media. Only 9 percent of printed press and 12 percent of the television and radio companies belong directly to the government. The majority, 52.9 percent, of printed press belongs to private citizens. A large portion of media have party, corporate, or cross-ownership. The relations between the state, business, and mass media are far more complex than they might seem. Despite the loss of direct control, state officials have preserved some powerful levers of pressure over the most influential and widely distributed mass media. The oligarchs also play a significant role in state-media relations, often being appointed to the state bodies which oversee media or being elected to the editorial boards or boards of directors of the companies. The relations between the state and the press remain unstable and at times controversial and unclear. On the one hand, the government insists on doing its best to promote the freedom of press, proclaims its commitment to ‘‘European choice,’’ democratic values, and market economy. On the other hand, it does little to ensure that media operate on the basis of the rule of law with courts being the major judge in criminal cases. The work of the National Council encountered extraordinarily negative coverage by media professionals WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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and by members of Verkhovna Rada, who accused its members and staff of manipulating the procedures for granting and revoking licenses of television and radio stations to further their political and economic interests. This was claimed by journalists in 30 lawsuits filed in 2002. The bureaucrats are also often accused by media for creating privileges, extorting bribes, and corrupting the system of free media market. In many cases, it is very difficult to prove their illegal methods because their management of media is based on the notorious Soviet-type ‘‘telephone law,’’ not on the principles of free market. Their arsenal of legal methods included sending commissions from sanitary, electric, fire, or other departments to find a reason for shutting down a rebellious media. In 2002, I. Oleksandrov, the Director of the TV Company in Donetsk, was assassinated. It is not clear whether it resulted from the clandestine war of economic clans in the region or the persecution of state officials for criticism, or both. In 2001, the state revoked the frequency 100.9 from the radio company Kontinent (Continent) and granted it to another radio company Oniks (Onyx). The general director of Kontinent believed the denial followed his criticism of the party in power. He issued a statement in which he claimed that he had received several telephone calls threatening him and his family and advising them to leave the country. The media also expressed their dissatisfaction with limited opportunities to obtain official information and, in particular, with the violation of the law On Procedures of Coverage of the Activities of the State Power Bodies and of the Bodies of Local Self-governance. Their interpretation of the law included the right to have access to the sessions of Verkhovna Rada, meetings of the Cabinet of Ministers and other state bodies, and to broadcast them to public, which they were denied for a long time. Finally in June 2002 the issue was resolved to their satisfaction. Another sensitive issue raised by the media is a law On Mandatory TV Debates During Election Campaign of the President of Ukraine and People’s Deputies of Ukraine, passed by Verkhovna Rada in 2001. The journalists view the law as an opportunity to facilitate the involvement of the people in democratic process of election and to provide them with more complete knowledge about the candidates’ election platforms. However, the law was not signed by the president. Legally, the journalists have freedom to criticize any state official, however, due to the unspoken and unwritten law, they can complain of corruption but not mention specific individuals, criticize the Mafia but not implicate particular persons, criticize national or regional governing bodies but not their specific members, use harsh words to blame oligarchy but not investigate activities of any of them, and criticize the party of power but not mention its key players. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

As Ukraine embarked on the road of free market, many publishing enterprises were not able to start their business without initial support from the state budget. The law On State Support of Mass Media and Social Security of Journalists allows the government to subsidize up to 50 percent of children’s and youth media as well as scientific journals published by universities (above level III), research institutions, and media that promote the development of languages and culture of ethnic minorities. These publications are not to include commercial organizations or private party as sponsors. The State Committee on Information Policy, TV and Radio Broadcasting decides the eligibility of each publication for subsidies. In 2002, the Cabinet of Ministers uplifted restrictions outlined in the law. This step received harsh criticism by many independent journalists who evaluated it as a move toward strengthening the state control over media and creating additional opportunities for corruption and bribery among the state bureaucrats.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA The democratic Ukraine pursues the policy of opening the country to foreign mass media and providing conditions for the work of international correspondents, journalists, and reporters. According to the 1992 Agreement on Visa-Free Migration of the Commonwealth of Independent States Citizens, the correspondents from the former Soviet republics do not need to obtain a visa. The same procedure exists for the members of the European Union, Canada, Slovak Republic, United States, Turkey, Switzerland, and Japan in accordance with the Decrees by Ukraine’s Cabinet of Ministers No. 750 of May 5, 2000, No. 1376 of September 1, 2000, and No. 192 of February 28, 2001. International organizations like Reporters Without Borders, Freedom House, the Committee to Protect Journalists, and Amnesty International implement their watch functions for the observance of journalists’ rights in the country. In 2000 annual report, the U.S.-based Committee to Protect Journalists placed Ukraine sixth on the list of top 10 persecutors of the media. Jammed during the Soviet period, foreign television and radio stations freely broadcast in the country, or their programs are aired by the Ukrainian media. No restrictions on foreign publications exist, except those that promote hatred, racism, pornography, or threaten the security of the country.

NEWS AGENCIES Until 1991, Ukraine had one republican news agency that monopolized all information. The complex state, social, political, economical, and cultural developments of a new country engaged the emergence of diverse infor991

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mation agencies addressing novel demands and challenges. Among the 15 major agencies operating in Ukraine, the largest and most influential of them include: Derzhavne Informatsiine Agentstvo Ukraiiny, DINAU (State Information Agency of Ukraine), the oldest Ukraiinsk´e Natsionaln´e Informatsiine Agentstvo (Ukrainian National Information Agency) founded in 1918 as a part of the TASS media agency of the Soviet Union; the recently created ones Expres-Inform, Iterfax-Ukraine, Rukh Pres, Ukraiinske Nezalezhne Informatsiine Agenstvo Novyn (Ukrainian Independent Information News Agency), Ukraiinsk´a Nezalezhna Informatsiina Agentsiya ‘‘Respublika’’ (Ukrainian Independent Information Agency ‘‘Republic’’), and Ukrainsk´i Novyny (Ukrainian News). These agencies disseminate official and general public information and information services. AvestaUkraiina, Groshi ta Svit (Money and World), Infinservis, Ukraiinsk´yi Finansovyi Server (Ukrainian Financial Server) agencies provide analytical information and services about the conditions of financial markets, Inforbank agency distributes services related to banking and stock exchange matters. Many agencies became members of international alliances of news press agencies and have correspondent bureaus in all 26 regions in Ukraine and in 17 other countries. Along with the domestic information agencies, there are a number of international news bureaus in Ukraine: Associated Press and United Press International (United States), Agence France Presse (France), Reuters (United Kingdom), Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (Canada), ITAR-TASS (Russia), Information Agency Novosti (Russia), Belopan (Belarus), and Polska Agencja Pracowa (Poland).

BROADCAST MEDIA According to the Unified State Register of Enterprises and Organizations of Ukraine, there were 752 TV and radio stations registered in Ukraine in 2001. The independent media estimated that a large number of radio stations broadcast illegally, without licenses. The largest TV and radio network belongs to Derzhavne Tele Radio Ukraiiny (State TV and Radio of Ukraine), which controls the national television channels UT-1 and UT-2, National Radio Company of Ukraine, the Promin radio program, 26 regional state television companies, Sevastopol’ and Kyiv regional state television-radio companies, and the television-radio company Krym (Crimea). The study of Socis-Gallap shows that the largest portion (98 percent) of Ukraine is covered by the television signal of the state UT-1 Channel. It is the most influential in the rural areas with a significant Communist electorate, which has nostalgic sentiments for the Soviet past. The 992

European Institute of Media monitored the parliamentary elections in Ukraine in 2002 and came to the conclusion that the state-controlled television network, especially the state channel UT-1 allocated over 50 percent of news time to the pro-presidential block Za Edynu Ukraiinu! (For Unified Ukraine!). The opposition political block, Nasha Ukraiina (Our Ukraine), and the Timoshenko block were covered mainly in negative terms on this channel. Eighty-five percent of the country’s territory is covered by the state UT-2 Channel. The television broadcast of the UT-3 Channel Inter reaches about 60 percent of the country. Despite its extensive coverage of the territory, UT-1 Channel and UT-2 Channel are less popular and their ratings are lower than those of UT-3 Channel Inter. The Channel Inter, a leader on the media market, was sponsored in 1997 by several companies, organizations, and individuals. The Russian television company ORT was the biggest financial contributor. However, its influence on the policy of Inter became rather limited at the beginning of the 2000s. It is a very modern, wellequipped company with a number of correspondents in Kabul, Moscow, and New York. Many of the employees belong to the Social Democratic Party of Ukraine, and they are criticized for biased coverage of other political parties. Non-governmental television companies include ICTV, tele-radio company Zolotye Vorota (Golden gate), TK TONIS (TV TONIS), and Norma (Norm). Among the most popular TV channels are 1+1, Novyi Kanal (New Channel), and CTB. The largest private channel, 1+1, was initially sponsored in 1996 by the Central European Media Enterprises Ltd., which provided significant financial support to the media of Slovakia, Slovenia, and Romania. In 2002, it owned 30 percent of the channel stock of the 1+1 channel. Novyi Kanal developed fast in the late 1990s and by 2002, it had gained great popularity, especially in the southern region of the country. ICTV enjoys popularity (12 percent of the audience) in the center of Ukraine. Most investments come to the channel from Russian businesses. In the 2002 parliamentary elections, the Novyi Kanal and CTB channels were recognized by the European Institute of Media as the most neutral channels in covering the campaign. ICTV, mostly financed by the U.S. Story First Communication, enjoys recognition among the professionals as the most rapidly developing political TV. TK TONIS, the first national independent television company, founded in 1989, is also a successful company. Its network covers 60 percent of the country. The following independent radio stations enjoy greater popularity among the younger audience due to a WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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strong focus on entertainment, sports, and tourist information: Gala Radio, Music Radio in Kyiv, Slavutich and Bulava radio stations in Kherson, and Donetskie Novosti, Evropa Plyus, and Radio DA! in Donetsk. The non-governmental television and radio companies exceed by several times the amount of broadcasting time by the state companies. For example, in Kyiv, the proportion is one to five in favor of private and collectively owned companies. The greatest number of TV and radio broadcasting companies are concentrated in Kyiv (296), Kharkiv region (181), and in Volyn’ region (11). Most of the people of Ukraine can also receive ORT, RTR, and NTV channels from Russia. Their accessibility to the Ukrainian population diminished because of some restrictive policies and this caused concern among the Russian minority. According to the poll conducted by the Public Opinion Foundation in 2002, only 61 percent (98 percent during the Soviet period) of its respondents had access to Russian television channels. In 2002, Ukraine launched the project Gromandsk´e Movlennya (Municipal Broadcasting) for TransCarpathia, the western part of the country, to facilitate broadcasting in Roma, Rumanian, Hungarian, and other languages to the ethnic minorities of the area. In 2000, Verkhovna Rada passed a law On the Establishment of the System of Public TV and Radio Broadcasting in Ukraine. According to the law, the National TV and Radio Company was to provide assistance in creating independent public television and radio company by the year 2002. However, the law did not go into effect due to the struggle for the influence on television and radio between the oligarchs and state structures. Nearly half of the TV audience (49 percent) prefers to watch news programs produced by the Ukrainian companies, especially the local ones. In 2002, in accordance with polls, TCN, UTN, Panorama, Fakty (Facts), Reportyor (Reporter), and Vikna (Windows) were the most popular news programs. Ukraine has a highly developed system of wire radio broadcasting. However, FM radio stations have received greater development in the recent years. To stop the violation of rights on intellectual property, which became a problem in post-Soviet Ukraine, the Copy Right Agency was established. In 2002, the agency developed a system of monitoring television and radio programs and signed agreements with five television, four radio companies, and 5,000 individuals on protecting their copyrights. It also plans to open its branches in the regional capital cities.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA In 2001, according to some expert evaluations, there were over 300,000 Internet users in Ukraine. The develWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

opment of Ukraine computer networks is dynamic, although its pace is not as fast as in Russia. Fifty percent of the electronic net market is in the capital Kyiv, followed by Donetsk, Dnipropetrovsk´, Kharkiv, and Odesa. More electronic media can be found in the eastern region and less in the western region of the country. Many electronic news media are owned or controlled by the same oligarchs who own or control other mass media. However, electronic media enjoy greater freedom and independence. The Internet media are more professional, mobile, and diverse, and the forum provides more opportunities for creative journalism. Thus some journalists who find it impossible to work in the state-controlled media eagerly accept offers to work in electronic media. The electronic media face many problems similar to those of other media. Due to the cost, less than 2 percent of the population has access to electronic media. Electronic media are also confronted by the government’s attempts to take control over them via licensing. However, authorities realize that if they introduce such control, then the electronic media will abandon the domestic servers for the foreign ones, and the state will lose control. Electronic media have yet to become a major actor on the political arena, especially at the local rural level. The country’s significant Web sites include the Sputnik Media Group (http://sputnikmedia.net), which is a part of the KP Publications company. Sputnik Media owns two electronic newspapers, Korrespondent.net and Bigmir.com, both of which have gained acknowledgment as serious publications. The Internet newspaper, Ukrainsk´a Pravda, (Ukrainian Truth; http://pravda. com.ua) is considered an opposition publication. It became popular after the murder of its first editor H. Gon993

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getting a job as journalist. After Ukraine became sovereign, the University was renamed the T. G. Shevchenko National University, and the College was transformed into the Institute of Journalism. The Institute graduates 140 to 150 new journalists every year. However, 70 percent of them find a job in fields unrelated to media. The graduates of other majors from Ukrainian universities also join the media core.

gadze. The newspaper is sponsored by the U.S. Embassy in Ukraine, Vidrozhdennya Foundation, and Soros Foundation. ForUm (http://www.for-ua.com), UA Today (http://uatoday.net), Mignews (www.mignews.com.ua), Avanport (http://www.avanport.com), Komp-Partiya, Proekt Part.org.ua (www.part.org.ua), ProUA (www. proua.com), and Versii (www.versii.com) also maintain influential Web sites. The online press has received a significant impetus for its development in the 1990s and 2000s with the international assistance. For example, Sapienti, a UkrainianU.S. online journal, sponsored by the U.S. Department of State and IREX in 1998, publishes information on a variety of social, cultural, and educational issues in and out of Ukraine.

EDUCATION & TRAINING Ukrainian institutions of higher learning have developed an effective system of preparing journalists and other professionals for the mass media. Their curricula include the comprehensive study of legal, theoretical, and practical components as well as the study of the current world press. However, despite the impressive changes in the curriculum, some basic features of Soviet journalism and especially economic functioning of media remain unchanged. Like other former Soviet republics, Ukraine struggles with the legacy of the Communist journalism and its ethics. The most popular institutions that train mass media professionals are located in the cities of Kyiv, Kharkiv, and Dnipropetrovsk. In the Soviet Ukraine, most of the journalists received their education at the College of Journalism of the Kiev University. The College was the major venue for 994

There are over 30 organizations that claim to defend the rights of the journalists and other media professionals. The largest is the Natsionaln´a Spivka Zhurnalistiv (National Union of Journalists), which became a member of the International Federation of Journalists in 2002. In 2001, during the parliamentary election campaign, a group of journalists created the Commission on Journalist Ethics. The journalists were disappointed with the way the National Union of Journalists represented and defended their interests in the government and public organizations and were also worried by the lack of professionalism among journalists. The Commission adopted the Code of Journalists for Clean Elections signed by 100 journalists and editors of national and regional press to secure objectivity in covering and informing people about Verkhovna Rada election campaign. However, some members of the commission became candidates for the parliament or joined some political parties’ campaigns, thus making the commission’s work less effective. When voters rejected most of the candidates heavily advertised by media during the 2002 parliamentary elections, the crisis of trust for media on the part of the general public became evident. The members of the commission learned their lesson and resumed their efforts in promoting principles of unbiased coverage of events in the press. They also planned to combat what they called dirty technologies used by some journalists and reporters who intruded into private lives of individuals they wrote about. The Association of Employees of Mass Media unites professionals from other sectors of media business. Ukraine inherited the Soviet traditions of remunerating mass media professionals. The highest of them is The Honored Journalist of Ukraine award granted by the President of the country on the national Journalist Day or the Day of Radio, TV, and Communication Employees holidays. The Ukrainian journalists also celebrate the World Press Freedom Day. Ukraine is a member of the Association of National Information Agencies of the Commonwealth of Independent States.

SUMMARY From 1991 to 2002, Ukraine achieved numerous accomplishments in democratizing mass media by adjusting to the free market rule, introducing electronic press, WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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and educating critically thoughtful journalists. The country adopted the constitution and several laws that guarantee freedom of speech, information, and press, and protection from censorship. The greater variety in state and private media is better equipped to meet the needs and interests of the country’s diverse population. Opposition media came out of hiding or was created to criticize authorities including the President. Journalists became more active in obtaining and delivering information. Themes and topics once forbidden by Communists for public discussion, as well as classified and commercial advertising found its way onto the pages of newspapers, television screens, and radio waves. People also began to receive access to international print, television, and radio sources. Overall, however, the situation with media is sometimes described as ‘‘revolution unfinished.’’ Mass media in Ukraine reflect the perils of the period of transition from Communism to democracy and from state-owned to free market economy, which are typical of many East European countries and former Soviet Union republics. The consequences of the dismantling of Soviet structures and economic recession exposed Ukraine to numerous challenges and problems. The intellectuals express concerns about the decrease of the analytical materials and the disproportionate increase in entertaining and sensational information. The future of mass media and the quality of journalism depend upon the competition among various influential, political, financial, and industrial clans which unfortunately is accompanied by corruption and crime as numerous parties struggle for control over print, television, radio, and electronic media. To be truly free, mass media must gain independence from financial oligarchs, industrial magnates, parties, and state control in order to create structures that will lobby media interests in government and in Verkhovna Rada.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Khrushevsky, Michael. A History of Ukraine. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1970. Kuzio, Taras. Ukraine: State and Nation Building. New York: Routledge, 1998. Nahailo, Bohdan. Ukraine Resurgence. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999. Reid, Anna. Borderland: A Journey Through the History of Ukraine. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1997. ‘‘Soviet Ulkraine.’’ Ukrainian Soviet Encyclopedia. Kiev: Academy of Sciences of the Ukrainian S.S.R., 1969. Szporluk, Roman. National Identity and Ethnicity in Russia and the New States of Eurasia. Vol. 2. New York: M. E. Sharp, 1994. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Tismaneane, Vladimir. Political Culture and Civil Society in the Former Soviet Union. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharp, 1995. Wanner, Catherine. Burden of Dreams: History and Identity in Post-Soviet Ukraine. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998. —Grigory Dmitriyev & Arina Dmitriyeva

UNITED ARAB EMIRATES BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

United Arab Emirates

Region (Map name):

Middle East

Population:

2,369,153

Language(s):

Arabic, Persian, English, Hindi, Urdu

Literacy rate:

79.2%

Previously known as the Trucial States, The United Arab Emirates (Al Imarat al Arabiyah al Muttahidah or UAE) is located just north of Oman and is bordered on the east by the Arabian Sea and on the west by Saudi Arabia. The UAE was formed in 1971 upon gaining its independence from Great Britain; in 1972 the final emirate (imarah) joined creating the current composition of the country. Composed of seven emirates—Abu Zaby (Abu Dhabi), ’Ajman, Al Fujayrah, Ash Shariqah (Sharjah), Dubayy (Dubai), Ra’s al Khaymah, Umm al Qaywayn— each functioning with significant autonomy, the UAE is ruled by a Supreme Council of Rulers composed of one emir from each emirate. The council appoints the prime minister and the cabinet. The president and vice president are elected by the seven council members. The UAE hosts the region’s largest free trade zone in Dubai, seeks to attract tourists, actively tries to diversify its economy, and is considered one of the more liberal/ tolerant countries in the region. Yet there remains much of the rigidity typically found in the Gulf region. For instance, the constitution and a 1996 telecommunications law guarantees freedom of speech, but strong regulatory/ political media content control is practiced. Seeming to contradict the constitution, a 1988 law was implemented requiring the licensing by the Ministry of Education of all publications and also outlines topics of reporting that are allowable. While there are gray areas left open to con995

UNITED ARAB EMIRATES

jecture, journalists practice self-censorship on subjects concerning members of ruling families, government policy, religion/morals, national security, and neighboring states in order to avoid sanctions. The press is subsidized by government funding, but is essentially privately owned. Foreign press is censored at point of entry—as is typical in the Gulf region—again seeming contradictory to free speech laws. Notwithstanding, the press is burgeoning. Newspaper dailies in the country include: Al Bayan (The Official Report, circulation of 68,845), Al Eqtisadiah (75,000), Al Fajr (The Dawn, 28,000), Emirates News (21,150), Gulf News (91,354), The Gulf Today (36,000), Al-Ittihad (Unity, 58,000), Al Khaleej (The Gulf, 114,800), Khaleej Times (66,204), UAE and Abu Dhabi Official Gazette, and Al Wadah (Unity, 20,000). Additionally, there are a plethora of other publications produced spanning the spectrum of commerce (business and consumer), political and religious concerns. In February 2000 an electronic/broadcast free-zone was created and officially inaugurated in 2001 on the outskirts of Dubai. Within this zone are Dubai Media City (DMC) costing U.S. $817 million to build, and two other projects called Dubai Internet City (DIC) and the Dubai Idea Oasis (DIO). All organizations working from within this zone are not subject to the UAE’s press/broadcast laws; they are completely free to practice their trade. This has prompted an enthusiastic response from media organizations. Many are locating an arm of their organization or completely relocating to the area. Included are: Reuters, Microsoft, MasterCard, Oracle, Middle East Broadcasting Center (MBC, a Saudi-owned organization that is the Arab world’s largest satellite television station relocating from London), Sony, Zen TV, Middle East Business News, and the like. A good example of the new freedoms allowed includes Zen TV. Zen TV is being broadcast from the DMC and is one of the most open programs ever to be broadcast in the Arab region. It is aimed at 16- to 35-year-olds and covers topics normally taboo, such as sex, love and politics. The new policies of the DMC are bringing the UAE into competition with Egyptian and Lebanese programs that traditionally have dominated the market. However, outside of the free-zone, all electronic media remain constrained and subject to the UAE’s press laws. Yet, even in traditional UAE space Direct Satellite Broadcasting (DBS) has hampered the government’s efforts to control content. Despite this, satellite dishes are legally allowed, with around 70 percent of the population owning one. Most of the radio (13 AM, seven FM, and two shortwave) and television (15 total) stations available outside 996

the free-zone are owned by the government with a few notable exceptions. These stations broadcast to around 820,000 radios and 310,000 televisions in the country. Internet users in the UAE—estimated at 400,000 or around 17 percent of the population—are the largest number of users by country in the Persian Gulf, but there is only one Internet service provider in the country, the government-operated Etisalat.

BIBLIOGRAPHY All the World’s Newspapers. Available from www.webwombat.com.au/intercom/newsprs/index.htm. BBC News Country Profiles. Available fromhttp:// news.bbc.co.uk/. Boyd, Douglas. Broadcasting in the Arab World: A Survey of the Electronic Media in the Middle East, 3. Ames, IA: Iowa State University Press, 1999. ‘‘Country Index.’’ Atlapedia Online. Available from http://www.atlapedia.com/online/country_index. Country Studies. Library of Congress. Available from http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/. Kurian, George, ed. World Press Encyclopedia. New York: Facts on File, Inc., 1982. Maher, Joanne, ed. Regional Surveys of the World: The Middle East and North Africa 2002, 48. London: Europa Publications, 2001. The Middle East, 9th ed. Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly Inc., 2000. Middle East Archives 2002. Reporters Sans Frontieres. Available from http://www.rsf.fr. Redmon, Clare, ed. Willings Press Guide 2002, Vol. 2. Chesham Bucks, UK: Waymaker Ltd, 2002. Russell, Malcom. The Middle East and South Asia 2001, 35th ed. Harpers Ferry, WV: United Book Press, Inc., 2001. Stat-USA International Trade Library: Country Background Notes. Available from http://www.stat-usa.gov. Sumner, Jeff, ed. Gale Directory of Publications and Broadcast Media, Vol. 5 136th ed. Farmington Hills, MI: Gale Group, 2002. UNESCO Institute for Statistics. Available from http:// www.uis.unesco.org. ‘‘United Arab Emirates.’’ Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). In The World Factbook 2001. Available from http://www.cia.gov/. ‘‘United Arab Emirates Annual Report 2002.’’ Reporters Sans Frontieres. Available from http://www.rsf.fr. World Bank. Data and Statistics. Available from http:// www.worldbank.org/data/countrydata/countrydata.html. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

THE UNITED KINGDOM

World Desk Reference. www.travel.dk.com/wdr.

Available

from

http://

World Press Review. International Press Institute. Available from http://www.freemedia.at/wpfr/world.html. —Clint B. Thomas Baldwin

THE UNITED KINGDOM BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland

Region (Map name):

Europe

Population:

59,647,790

Language(s):

English, Welsh (about 26% of the population of Wales), Scottish

Literacy rate:

99.0%

Area:

244,820 sq km

GDP:

1,414,557 (US$ millions)

Number of Daily Newspapers:

104

Total Circulation:

19,052,000

Circulation per 1,000:

409

Number of Nondaily Newspapers:

467

Total Circulation:

6,246,000

Circulation per 1,000:

134

Total Newspaper Ad Receipts:

4,246 (Pounds millions)

As % of All Ad Expenditures:

40.60

Number of Television Stations:

228

Number of Television Sets:

30,500,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

511.3

Number of Cable Subscribers:

3,396,930

Cable Subscribers per 1,000:

56.9

Number of Satellite Subscribers:

5,200,000

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Satellite Subscribers per 1,000:

87.2

Number of Radio Stations:

653

Number of Radio Receivers:

84,500,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

1,416.6

Number of Individuals with Computers:

20,190,000

Computers per 1,000:

338.5

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

18,000,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

301.8

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS The United Kingdom possesses one of the most universally respected and widely read national presses. According to Brian McNair (1999), 80 percent of adults regularly read at least one national daily newspaper (not necessarily every day), and 75 percent read a Sunday edition. In addition, despite growing fears among many journalists and academics about the consequences increased concentration of ownership and the growing ability of governments to ‘‘spin’’ the media, the British press remains one of the freest and most diverse in the world. Compared to the United States, where papers based in a few large cities exert the most influence, in Britain the local and regional press takes a clear backseat to the London-based national press. The leading papers’ access to a national market makes them among the best-selling newspapers in the world. The main titles in the national daily press appear in the mornings; many local dailies appear in the evening. History England’s first news periodicals, called corantos, circulated in the 1620s. During the next few decades, English notions of the liberty of the press began to develop, and with them visions of the press as the bulwark of freedom against would-be tyrants. This vision helped to inspire more than a century of reform movements that resulted in the gradual elimination of state repression of the press. The most important of these developments include the 1694 act removing pre-publication censorship; Fox’s Libel Act in 1792, which placed the verdict in libel trials squarely in juries’ hands; and the repeal of paper, advertising, and newspaper stamp taxes, the so-called ‘‘Taxes on Knowledge,’’ between 1853 and 1861. This long series of reforms, which came only after numerous popular campaigns, including a ‘‘war of the unstamped’’ (and 997

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hence illegal) press in the 1830s, reflected and reinforced a growing tradition of formal newspaper independence from the state that continues to influence journalists at the beginning of the twenty-first century. Daily newspapers in the nineteenth century typically consisted of four to eight pages of closely typed columns of often-verbatim reports of parliamentary debates or speeches by prominent statesmen. The most influential paper in the mid-century was the London Times. Following the repeal of the ‘‘Taxes on Knowledge,’’ a provincial press flourished, as new titles joined such older papers as the Manchester Guardian and Yorkshire Post. Combined with London papers, such as the Morning Post and the new Daily Telegraph, a sober and editorially diverse press existed that some observers have pointed to as a ‘‘golden age’’ for the British press. These titles coexisted with more popular (and initially less respectable) Sunday papers such as Reynolds News and Lloyd’s Weekly News. During most of the nineteenth century, newspapers wore their partisanship like a badge of honor; this feature was as typical of The Times in the 1850s as it was of the Northern Star, the newspaper of the radical working-class Chartist movement in the 1840s. In the later decades of the century, in an effort to expand circulations and stimulated by changing ownership patterns and growing literacy rates, newspaper editors increasingly incorporated reader-friendly changes such as headlines, illustrations, interviews, and what would now be called human interest stories. ‘‘Views’’ gave way to news. Stories became shorter; columns gave way to paragraphs. These developments had precedents in American journalism. Defenders of these changes argued that they merely recognized the importance of the world beyond parliament; by aiming to satisfy readers’ preferences, they were democratizing the press. Critics bemoaned the demise of the press’s educational role and feared for the social consequences of the ‘‘New Journalism.’’ Alongside newspapers, throughout the nineteenth century, a thriving (and growing) body of periodicals existed, ranging from august titles such as the Edinburgh Review and Fortnightly Review, which spoke to the ‘‘questions of the day’’ to professional journals such as the Lancet (a medical journal) or the English Historical Review; to recreational titles such as the Sporting Magazine; to ‘‘penny dreadfuls’’ whose supposedly harmful effects on working-class readers preoccupied many moralists. As the nineteenth century progressed, it became clear that, under the right circumstances, the press could be very profitable. Particularly with the growth of consumerism in the second half of the nineteenth century, advertising became an important source of revenue for newspapers. This development helped to increase the importance of high circulations. 998

Alfred Harmsworth is often credited with creating the modern popular press, particularly with the creation of the Daily Mail in 1896. Selling for a halfpenny when other papers cost a penny, this paper became, during the Boer War (1899-1902), the first to attain a daily circulation of one million. Harmsworth founded other papers, including the Daily Mirror in 1903. Originally pitched at female readers, it was reinvented in 1904 as a massmarket news pictorial and reached a circulation of 1.2 million by the outbreak of World War I in 1914. Ennobled as Lord Northcliffe in 1905, Harmsworth steadily built his newspaper empire, climaxing in 1908 with his acquisition of The Times. He became the archetypal ‘‘press baron,’’ using his papers to attain influence over the government. For example, he has been widely credited with bringing down the Asquith government in 1916. In addition to his political interests, however, he was the consummate businessman, employing stunts to spike sales. The first three decades of the twentieth century saw the continuing concentration of the press into fewer hands. Following Lord Northcliffe’s death in 1922, the British press was dominated by four men: Lord Beaverbrook, Lord Rothermere (Northcliffe’s brother), William Berry (later Lord Camrose), and Gomer Berry (later Lord Kemsley). The popular press seemed increasingly commercialized, culminating in the ‘‘circulation war’’ of the early 1930s. The Daily Mail and Daily Express had offered insurance to subscribers throughout the 1920s, spending a million pounds per year by 1928. By the early 1930s, even the relatively sober Daily Herald had entered the fray. The three papers employed door-to-door canvassers to entice subscribers with gifts; these canvassers accounted for 40 percent of all press employees by 1934. Gifts included flannel trousers, cameras, kettles, handbags, and tea sets. This method of gaining circulation by bribery reflected the ever-growing importance of advertising as a revenue source; newspapers sought to attract circulation any way they could, in order to impress advertisers. Markets and Readers The twentieth century witnessed the ongoing conflict between lingering nineteenth-century ideals and the press’s increasingly commercial environment. Over the course of the century, the press solidified into three distinct markets in the daily and Sunday national press: quality, middle market, and mass market. The quality press, including The Times, the Guardian (descendant of the Manchester Guardian), the Daily Telegraph, the Independent, and the Financial Times, is published in a broadsheet format, while the middle market (including the Daily Mail and Daily Express) and mass market (including the Daily Mirror and the Sun) are published in tabloid format. A similar distinction WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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exists on Sundays, with qualities (Independent on Sunday, Observer, Sunday Times, and Sunday Telegraph), middle market (Sunday Express and Mail on Sunday), and mass market (News of the World, People, Mirror). These markets split across class lines and produced papers with distinctive qualities. Nearly 90 percent of the upmarket dailies’ readers are considered middle class, compared to only about 30 percent of the downmarket dailies’ readers. In 1995 daily newspaper sales were approximately 20 percent upmarket, 27 percent midmarket, and 53 percent mass market. Corresponding Sunday sales were approximately 17 percent upmarket, 22 percent midmarket, and 61 percent mass market. This distribution represents a dramatic shift during the second half of the twentieth century. In 1937, the daily breakdown was 8 percent upmarket, 72 percent midmarket, and 20 percent mass market; the Sunday breakdown had been 3 percent, 36 percent, and 61 percent (Tunstall). The increase in share for the quality press, at the expense of the middle market, reflects increased educational levels in Britain combined with television’s greater challenge to the middle market. The markets are distinguished not only by readership, but also by price, size, and contents. As of May 2002, the following prices were in effect: • Financial Times: 1 pound • The Guardian: 50 pence • The Independent: 50 pence • The Daily Telegraph: 50 pence • The Times: 40 pence • The Daily Mail: 40 pence • Daily Express: 35 pence • Daily Mirror: 32 pence • Daily Star: 30 pence • The Sun: 20 pence The mass market and broadsheet papers contain approximately the same number of pages, with the middle market papers containing slightly more. According to Seymour-Ure, in 1992 the average number of pages in selected daily papers was as follows: • The Guardian: 44 • The Independent: 37 • The Daily Telegraph: 41 • The Times: 47 • The Daily Mail: 55 • Daily Express: 52 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

• Daily Mirror: 39 • Daily Star: 37 • The Sun: 44 According to Tunstall, however, the broadsheet contains approximately three times as many words as the tabloid, and its stories are longer. General Quality More than size, editorial content distinguishes the markets. A larger number of broadsheets’ stories focus more directly on politics than is the case with tabloids, and many stories in the broadsheets contain more than 800 words. Tunstall provides a vivid description of the downmarket tabloids: [They] focus on light news, the entertaining touch, and human interest; this in practice means focusing on crime, sex, sport, television, showbusiness, and sensational human interest stories. There is an overwhelming emphasis on personalities; such ‘serious’ news as is covered is often presented via one personality attacking another personality. Much material in these papers is ‘look-at’ material—there are many pictures, big headlines, and the advertising also is mainly display, which again involves pictures and big headlines. The remainder of the tabloid is ‘quick read’ material with most stories running to less than 400 words.

Substantial political coverage disappeared from the popular press during the second half of the twentieth century. Many critics argue that the resulting depoliticized popular press promotes escapist attitudes that ultimately reinforce the political status quo. Although sensationalism in the press is not a new phenomenon, many critics have claimed that the tabloids of the 1970s and 1980s, particularly Murdoch’s Sun and News of the World, introduced a qualitatively lower brand. In an effort to increase circulation, the tabloids introduced ‘‘checkbook’’ journalism, i.e., the purchasing of exclusive stories from disturbing sources. For example, the wife of the notorious serial killer, the ‘‘Yorkshire Ripper,’’ was reportedly paid more for her story than the victims’ families received in damages. In addition, shortly after Murdoch purchased the Sun in 1969, it began to use sex to increase circulation, most notably by presenting semi-nude women on page three; other tabloids followed suit. Other recent tabloid characteristics that have attracted criticism include fabrication and intensely invasive reporting (including rooting through celebrities’ and politicians’ garbage cans for evidence of sexual deviance, taking clandestine photographs on private property, and even ‘‘entrapment,’’ for example, with prostitutes). Initially brisk sales encouraged these trends. By the early 1990s, however, many readers were increasingly disturbed by these excesses, a sentiment that was rein999

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forced by the role of paparazzi in Princess Diana’s fatal automobile accident. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, tabloid investigations of celebrities’ private lives seem to have become marginally less aggressive. In addition, the tabloid market has been declining, resulting in cutthroat price wars, with several tabloids selling temporarily for 10p per issue. In 2002, the Mirror appeared to be attempting to reposition itself in the middle market; its coverage of politics, for example, had become more substantial and serious. Despite the professionalization of journalism from the late nineteenth century and increased reliance on news agencies for copy, British newspapers deliberately retain traditions of overt partisanship that would be considered unacceptable in the United States. For much of the period since World War II, most national papers, representing the vast preponderance of circulation, supported the Conservative Party. This ownership was not seen as reflecting readers’ preferences, as the Labour Party won at least 45 percent of the vote throughout the period. After the mid-1990s, most papers (including Murdoch’s) shifted their support to Tony Blair’s Labor Party, though this support seemed conditional. Despite high levels of partisanship, the national press remained editorially independent of the parties, rather than constituting party organs. Britain’s broadsheet papers enjoy worldwide respect, particularly The Times. At the same time, however, critics worry about recent evidence of their ‘‘tabloidization,’’ specifically the disappearance of the parliamentary report and the turn toward more features-oriented stories. Barnett and Gaber cite a study by journalist David McKie, showing that in four broadsheet papers, The Times, the Daily Telegraph, the Guardian, and the Financial Times, the amount of parliamentary reporting dropped by over 70 percent between 1946 and 1996, from a weekly average of 11,443 column inches to 3,222 column inches. The focus of political reporting shifted to sketchwriting, emphasizing personalities as well as the ‘‘machinery of government,’’ especially when ‘‘government incompetence, corruption and plain misguided policies’’ could be exposed (Barnett and Gaber). Defenders of these changes point out that in the early 2000s parliamentary proceedings were televised and that Hansard’s record of the proceedings was available on the Internet, thus obviating the need for newspapers to fill this role. More to the point, it was widely perceived that parliamentary reporting did not aid in the pursuit of circulation. In addition to tabloidization, some critics believe that the British press does not attain as high a standard of accuracy as its U.S. counterparts. George Kennedy wrote in the Columbia Journalism Review that the British press was prone to ‘‘spectacular gaffes,’’ a result of an empha1000

sis on speed and exclusivity. Kennedy pointed out that the U.S. wire service, the Associated Press, is ‘‘particularly hesitant to pick up material from the national newspapers unless it can be independently confirmed.’’ The editor of the British-based digest Web site, Need to Know, stated the case even more strongly. Because of British journalism’s weaker emphasis on professionalism, ‘‘if all the facts are right in a British newspaper article, it’s either because we’re scared of a libel case, or it’s a fluke’’ (Lasica). This reputation for occasional lapses of accuracy may help to account for the finding in the European Commission’s April 2002 Eurobarometer that whereas British trust in television was among the highest in the EU at 71 percent who ‘‘tend to trust the television,’’ trust in the press was the lowest in the EU at only 20 percent. Britain’s low trust in the press compared poorly to an EU average of over 40 percent, but it was more than 5 percentage points higher than Britain’s score of a year before. Three Most Influential Newspapers The Times has, since the early nineteenth century, been the most prestigious British newspaper. During the nineteenth century, and above all during the Crimean War (1854-56), it developed a reputation for independence, truthfulness, and forcefulness that earned it the moniker ‘‘The Thunderer.’’ More than any other paper, it can be considered a national institution, and is for many the ‘‘paper of record.’’ For this reason, its 1981 takeover by Murdoch’s multinational conglomerate (like its 1908 takeover by Northcliffe) alarmed many in Britain. Nonetheless, it retained its high reputation in most quarters, even as it adopted a somewhat lighter tone. Its politics shifted to the right during the 1980s, though in the mid-1990s it became increasingly critical of the Major government. It supported Labour’s Tony Blair in the 1997 election in a move widely believed to be commercially inspired. Founded in 1855 after the repeal of the stamp tax, the Daily Telegraph quickly became Britain’s best-selling paper, with its mix of sport and politics and its peerless news service. Following a decline in the early twentieth century, it emerged in the 1930s as the upmarket leader, a position it retained in the early 2000s. Many believe its heyday was in the 1960s, when its news reporting was unparalleled. Owned by Conrad Black, the paper had broadly conservative politics and it is often called the Torygraph. It was the only British upmarket daily to have attained a circulation above one million, though its readership was aging. The Guardian began as a provincial paper, the Manchester Guardian. During the nineteenth century and particularly under the editorship of C. P. Scott, it became associated with the left wing of the Liberal Party. Its willingness to take unpopular stands, sometimes at great fiWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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nancial cost, earned it many admirers. In particular, opposition to the Boer War and the Suez War cost both sales and advertising in the short-term. Its ownership by a trust, committing it to radical politics, provided it a measure of protection from market forces. Among the national broadsheets, it alone consistently supported the Labour Party during the period of Conservative dominance before the 1990s.

• The Times 711,628

The Provincial Press The provincial press (regional and local) contains mainly local news. Seymore-Ure pointed out that the number of provincial morning papers fell between 1945 and 1995 from 29 to 18, with most closures happening in the 1960s. The number of provincial evening papers, by contrast, remained stable, with 76 titles in 1945 and 72 in 1994. (This apparent stability, however, masks the fact that there were 23 new launches during that period offset by 27 closures.)

• News of the World 3,951,686

Although the London-based national press is dominant, Tunstall showed that in the early 2000s Scotland was the main exception to this trend. The Daily Record, which he calls ‘‘half Scottish Daily Mirror, half a genuinely separate Glasgow paper,’’ is the circulation leader. Owned by the Mirror Group, it emerged victorious in a 1970s circulation war with Beaverbrook’s Scottish Daily Express, and afterwards was read each day by half of the adults in Scotland. In addition, Scotland has a wellrespected daily broadsheet, the Scotsman, which sells more than 100,000 daily copies. To be sure, the Scottish press is not merely regional but Scottish national and reflects Scotland’s separate politics and culture.

• The Sunday Telegraph 788,453

Circulation In the six-month period through April 2002, according to the Audit Bureau of Circulations, the 10 largest-circulation national daily morning newspapers were:

• Daily Star 628,823 • Daily Record 577,321 • Financial Times 491,580 • The Guardian 403,009 The leading Sunday circulations were: • The Mail on Sunday 2,358,819 • Sunday Mirror 1,776,965 • Sunday Times 1,403,201 • Sunday People 1,343,274 • Sunday Express 842,033 • Sunday Mail 680,832 • The Observer 455,410 • Independent on Sunday 231,557 In addition, a London evening, the Evening Standard, had a circulation of 418,052. The top-selling paid local papers (July-December 2001) were: • Sunday Post 596,160 • Sunday Independent 311,260 • Sunday World—All Editions Group 305,019 • Sunday World—Republic of Ireland Edition 234,271 • Express and Star (West Midlands) (M-F) 172,476

• The Sun 3,388,703

• Express and Star (West Midlands) (S) 172,069

• The Daily Mail 2,425,906

• Dublin—Irish Independent—Morning 170,075

• Daily Mirror 2,116,710

• Manchester Evening News (M-F) 164,237

• The Daily Telegraph 1,006,561

• Liverpool Echo (M-F) 146,656

• Daily Express 927,785

• Kent Messenger Weekly Newspaper Group 145,972

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Total newspaper sales slumped between 1950 and 2000, a trend that was especially marked on Sundays. The 1951 average daily sales were 16.62 million copies for the national morning press, 30.59 million for the national Sunday press, 2.94 million for the provincial morning, and 6.84 million for the provincial evening. The corresponding figures for 1994 were 13.58 million, 15.84 million, 1.88 million, and 4.50 million (Seymore-Ure). Britain also contains a lively periodical press. In the early 2000s, the New Statesman on the left and the Spectator on the right were both quite influential within Britain. The Economist enjoyed a global journalistic reputation. The Times Literary Supplement and the London Review of Books were both influential reviews. In addition, British academic journals in many fields had worldwide reputations for excellence. In total, there were over 3000 periodicals in Britain. The top-selling magazines (July-December 2001) were: • What’s On TV 1,652,138 • Radio Times 1,158,138 • Take a Break 1,135,905 • BBC Pre-School Magazines 1,022,537

The most controversial transformation was also the most symbolic. In January 1986, Rupert Murdoch suddenly moved production of his newspapers to Wapping, away from the storied Fleet Street home of most national papers. At the same time, he switched distribution from rail to trucks, taking advantage of the latter’s weaker unionization. The new plant contained modernized equipment, including computer equipment that newspaper unions (mainly the National Graphical Association) had blocked for two decades. The new plant was no secret; however, before the move, union leadership did not realize that the plant was ‘‘already fully equipped and ready to operate without any of the existing printing work-force’’ (Tunstall). In a Thatcherite political atmosphere favorable to management, the subsequent strike was broken, and a power shift away from the unions quickly followed. In the next several months, and continuing into the twenty-first century, newspapers enacted numerous cost-cutting measures to enhance profitability. Murdoch’s move did not occur in isolation. Eddie Shah had already broken union power in his Warrington-based regional freesheet empire, and other newspapers had plans underway before 1986 to take similar modernizing actions.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK

Cost-cutting measures included greater reliance on freelance journalists and short-term contracts. According to Franklin, whereas in 1969 one in 10 journalists freelanced, by 1994 between one-fourth and one-third did so—and not generally by choice. Critics pointed out that this transformation compromised quality. Freelance journalists, paid only when they delivered copy, were rarely inclined to pursue slowly-developing investigative stories, and their reduced job security led to greater complaisance with management.

The economic framework of the British press changed dramatically between 1980 and 2000. As in many other developed nations, in Britain the most salient qualities of the press’s economic framework are concentrated, international, and cross-media ownership patterns and the increased intensity of economic competition that these factors entail. In addition, newspaper finances are organized on what Independent editor Simon Kelner calls an ‘‘uneconomic’’ basis, largely because of circulation wars. Finally, all newspapers, but particularly the broadsheets, heavily depend on advertising revenues.

Post-Wapping newspapers also relied more heavily on news agency reports and ready-made copy (such as syndicated crossword puzzles and television listings) and took advantage of multi-skilling and ‘‘direct inputting.’’ In contrast with the well-delineated division of labor of earlier generations-journalists, sub-editors, photographers, typesetters, printers-journalists were increasingly expected to take on many of these tasks themselves. New technology allowed journalist to enter copy directly into the computer, obviating the need for typesetters.

The Changing Economic Environment In 1980, the industry appeared to be in terminal crisis, and many newspapers appeared unlikely to yield profits in the near future. As of the early 2000s, this was no longer true because newspaper economics were transformed during the 1980s. While critics argued that unfriendly labor practices and the greater reliance on ‘‘newszak’’ were too great a price to pay, others maintained that the economic situation of the early 1980s was not sustainable.

Salary Structure For most of its history, British journalism remained a profession with low wages and insecure working conditions. The success of the National Union of Journalists after World War II helped to produce relatively high salaries for journalists (and four-day workweeks for many) by the 1960s, while the National Graphical Association helped make British printers among the highest-paid in the world. In the aftermath of the Wapping move, salaries languished and working con-

• TV Choice 783,240 • Reader’s Digest 973,383 • T.V. Times 605,289 • That’s Life 578,431 • Saga Magazine 572,229 • Woman 551,994

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ditions deteriorated. Franklin reported in 1997 a median salary of 32,500 pounds for men and 22,500 pounds for women. These figures masked a great disparity between freelance and full-time journalists, as well as between those working on the national press and those on the regional or local press. Outside London, salaries of under 15,000 pounds were common, even for editors. In 1994, freelance journalists, paid piecerate for copy, could earn as little as 4 for a news story in a provincial paper and would earn no more than 10 for even a lead story. That was if they were lucky; newspapers allegedly rewrote freelance contributions on occasion, thereby denying the contributor payment. At the upper end, the ‘‘star’’ journalists that Tunstall called the new journalistic elite could earn very high salaries. Julie Burchill reportedly earned 120,000 pounds for a weekly Mail on Sunday column in the early 1990s, before switching to the Sunday Times. William Rees-Mogg simultaneously earned 60,000 pounds for one weekly column in the Independent and 120,000 pounds for two columns per week in The Times. Tunstall estimated that in the early 1990s the average fee was about 1000 pounds per column, leading to annual salaries typically between 25,000 pounds and 75,000 pounds for weekly columnists. Star interviewers or ‘‘Agony Aunts’’ could earn similar figures. Such high salaries at the upper end were more than offset by the savings in ‘‘newsgathering’’ costs represented by staffing cuts. Influence of Special-Interest Lobbies on Editorial Policy Staffing cuts coincided with the rise of Britain’s public relations industry. This development enhanced the influence of special-interest lobbies on the content of newspapers (as well as other media). It was not that special-interest groups controlled the media but that many of them learned how to manage the news. By taking advantage of the constraints on journalism—especially the time constraints and the fact that journalists need copy— lobbies (as well as corporations and government spokespeople) were able to exert a great deal of influence over how news was presented. As Barnett and Gaber argued, ‘‘journalism which is deprived of investment inevitably becomes journalism which is more reliant on the neverending stream of press releases from PR departments.’’ Indeed, a large percentage of journalistic stories consisted of rewritten press releases. Ownership Neither concentration of ownership nor international ownership is a new development. According to James Curran (1997), the three Harmsworth brothers, Lords Northcliffe and Rothermere and Sir Lester Harmsworth, in 1921 owned among them newspapers attaining more than 6 million in aggregate circulation, including The Times, the Daily Mail, and the Mirror. Another press WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

baron of that era, the Canadian Lord Beaverbrook, exemplified the press’s occasional foreign ownership. The situation in the early 2000s differed from the earlier one in that, increasingly, newspapers were part of a broader business empire that included other media and non-media interests. The archetypal media mogul was Rupert Murdoch, whose News Corporation controlled the prestigious Times and the mass circulation Sun and News of the World. In addition to this impressive concentrated ownership of the British press, News Corporation owned, as of January 2002, the American television networks Fox and Fox News Channel; the National Geographic Channel and TV Guide Channel; the satellite television system BskyB; American publishers HarperCollins and Zondervan (the latter the largest commercial Bible imprint); the film studio Twentieth Century Fox; the American magazines TV Guide and the Weekly Standard; and sports teams the New York Knicks and New York Rangers (as well as the famed Madison Square Garden). (This list is sharply abbreviated). In contrast to earlier press barons such as Lord Northcliffe, Murdoch did not actually ‘‘own’’ this media empire; his family controlled (as of January 2002) 30 percent of News Corporation, with AT&T owning an additional 8 percent (‘‘The Big Ten’’). Aside from the potentially great power this crossownership gave News Corporation in ‘‘setting agendas’’ in the British (and American and Australian) media, critics pointed out at least two additional potentially deleterious effects of this ownership pattern. First, it raised the possibility that a Murdoch newspaper, such as The Times, might be operated not so much in the paper’s own interests as in the interests of the wider corporation. This might entail advertorial ‘‘puffing’’ or suppression of un1003

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favorable stories about the corporation. Second, because of its diversified holdings, News International (the British subsidiary of News Corporation) was able in the 1990s to sell The Times uneconomically, well below cost, including a special Monday price of 10 pence. In doing so, The Times sustained huge losses in the short term, in order to squeeze rivals in a circulation war.

culations (thought by some to be a consequence of the circulation war declared by The Times) forced its sale first to the Mirror Group and then to Irish entrepreneur Tony O’Reilly. McNair (1999) noted that ‘‘regardless of how one explains the failure of the Independent to remain independent. . .the most notable triumphs of the Wapping revolution turned out to be temporary.’’

The remainder of the British press was similarly concentrated. The Mirror Group controlled the Daily Mirror, the Sunday Mirror, and the Sunday People, (and controlled the Independent and Independent on Sunday from 1994 to 1998), as well as interests in Scottish television. Conrad Black, whose Telegraph papers dominated the broadsheet market, also controlled the Jerusalem Post and several Australian newspapers. The Pearson Group controlled the Financial Times, the Economist, several regional and overseas papers, satellite television interests, and publishers including Addison Wesley and Penguin.

The only successful tabloid begun in the aftermath of Murdoch’s Wapping move was the Sunday Sport, launched in 1986 by pornographer David Sullivan. Although some have disputed whether it could truly be called a newspaper, given that many of its stories are fictional and its content ‘‘largely soft-core pornographic,’’ McNair (1999) argued that its difference from the other tabloids was one of degree only. It was followed by the Sport, which by the early 1990s had become a six-day newspaper, attaining a circulation of about 350,000, a figure that (given relatively low production costs) yielded profits.

According to Colin Seymour-Ure, in 1994 the four largest press ownership groups controlled 86 percent of the national daily circulation (38 percent News International, 20 percent Mirror Group, 15 percent United, 13 percent Associated Newspapers). The four largest Sunday ownership groups controlled 91 percent of circulation (38 percent News International, 31 percent Mirror Group, 12 percent Associated Newspapers, 10 percent United). Similar levels of concentration existed in the regional press and periodicals markets. Observers expected that, in the likely absence of increased regulation, such near-monopolistic conditions were likely to prevail into the near future.

Other launches proved unsuccessful, including a left-wing tabloid (without nude women), the News on Sunday, and Robert Maxwell’s attempt in 1987 to break into the London evening market with the London Daily News. These failures reinforced the high concentration of press ownership in contemporary Britain.

Enormous acquisition or start-up costs reinforced these high levels of concentration. For this reason, there were few successful launches in the second half of the twentieth century. Many observers believed that in the post-Wapping environment, with lower labor costs and greater use of advanced technology, new launches would be more feasible. This hope did not materialize. Eddie Shah’s Today, for example, began in 1986 with 18 million in capital and annual running costs of 40 million. Shah found it impossible to break even, and within four months had sold 35 percent of his interest to Lonrho, which at the time owned the Observer, the Glasgow Herald and Evening Times as well. Losses continued, and a year later Today passed to News International, which closed it in 1995 because of its unprofitability. The Independent proved more successful, depending on how one defines success. It was launched in 1987 by former Daily Telegraph City Editor Andreas Whittam Smith, as a quality broadsheet with a mission (stated in its title) of remaining independent of the various media conglomerates. Initially profitable, by 1994 declining cir1004

Most (though not all) media scholars saw danger in this level of ownership concentration, both because it reinforces a difficult commercial environment in which, in the interests of attaining circulation, journalism yields to ‘‘Newszak,’’ or ‘‘news converts into entertainment’’ (Franklin) and because it undermines editorial diversity. Exactly how much an influence contemporary proprietors have over editorial policy is a subject of debate. Newspaper sales often included provisions for editorial independence, but there were prominent examples of proprietors firing editors over policy. Jeremy Tunstall argued that whereas the Press Barons saw their newspapers as vehicles for political influence, media moguls in the early 2000s had a keener interest in their commercial value; it would follow that so long as they attained the desired circulation, the contemporary proprietor would take little interest in the editorial line. Other scholars disagreed. Barnett and Gaber, for example, argued that: It is inconceivable that any newspaper owner would put their complete editorial control in the hands of someone whose view of the world was completely at odds with their own. It is one thing to prioritize business performance and renounce any interest in editorial content; it would be quite another for a proprietor to read every day in their own mass-circulation newspaper opinions or news stories contrary to their own view of the world.

Role of advertising Another important aspect of the economic framework is the role of advertising revenues. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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These revenues became a central part of newspaper finance in the second half of the nineteenth century, and they retained that position at the beginning of the twentyfirst century. By paying a large share of any newspaper’s revenues, advertisements allow newspapers to be sold significantly below cost. This arrangement simultaneously (and paradoxically) offers newspapers a buffer between their direct exposure to the consumer market while it also places a premium on high circulations. In effect, newspaper companies offer two distinct products for sale: the individual copy to readers and circulations to advertisers. Advertisers do not regard all customers equally; they consider ‘‘quality’’ as well as quantity. This distinction gives advertising revenues a different role in broadsheet newspapers’ finance than in the tabloids. Because the ‘‘quality press’’ has a more affluent readership, it is able to charge higher rates per thousand readers. These rates allow broadsheets to rely primarily on advertising revenues. By contrast, the tabloids, despite their higher circulations, charge much lower advertising fees per thousand readers; tabloids remain, for this reason, primarily dependent on sales or circulation revenue. Tunstall contrasted the quality and mass-market leaders, the Daily Telegraph and the Sun respectively. In 1993, the Sun, selling at 25 pence, earned a net advertising income of only 2-3 pence per copy. The Daily Telegraph, by contrast, selling at 48 pence, earned a net advertising income of about 40 pence per copy. Such contrasts allowed the quality press to earn profits with much lower circulations than the tabloids. The importance of advertising revenues to the tabloids should not be understated, of course; in 1993, the Sun drew 30 percent of its revenues from this source. The important financial role of advertisers has attracted criticism. For example, press diversity can be restricted by reliance on advertisements. Taking a broad historical view, James Curran credited the prominence of advertising revenues with undermining the onceflourishing radical press. A newspaper can be forced out of business despite large circulations if the readers are the ‘‘wrong kind’’ of readers or if the content of the newspaper is too inimical to advertisers’ business interests. Lack of advertising revenue doomed, for example, the News Chronicle and Daily Herald in the 1960s, despite robust circulations. At the same time, critics argued that the reliance on advertisers unduly influences editorial policy, effectively leading to censorship or self-censorship. It was widely believed that investigative reports that might embarrass an important advertiser would very rarely see their way into print. In addition, advertisers’ perception that ‘‘happy’’ news was more conducive to sales than ‘‘negativism’’ challenged the longstanding journalistic value of uncovering disturbing facts that ‘‘someone, somewhere does not want uncovered.’’ Other observers WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

countered, however, that the large number of advertisers prevents any one advertiser from exerting a very great control over a newspaper. Moreover, in the long run, companies must advertise in the media that attract the readers (or viewers or listeners). Finally, the broadsheets’ reliance on advertising offers a measure of protection for their news values, for broadsheets cannot pursue increased circulation at the cost of alienating upscale readers. The Local Press The local press exemplifies some of the critics’ worst fears, in terms of both concentration of ownership and reliance on advertising. According to Tunstall, the ‘‘British local press in recent decades has grown ever more local; it has also increasingly become a vehicle whose prime purpose is to deliver classified and retail advertising. The free local weekly has been the prime cause of both these trends.’’ The local paid press is effectively squeezed between the national press and the free local press. In order to attract advertising, the local press has in the late 1990s increasingly dropped all but local news. For the little national or international news that remained, these papers relied on news agency reports. Freesheets, which emerged in the 1970s, contained very little editorial matter; they primarily consisted of advertisements, and much of their ‘‘editorial’’ matter consisted of puffs for the products advertised. Both the paid and free local press were owned by large chains, including Northcliffe Newspapers, United Provincial Newspapers, Westminster Press (Pearson), and Thomson Regional Newspapers. Few cities had competing local paid papers; for those few that did, the ‘‘rivals’’ typically were owned by the same chain. Northcliffe Newspapers, for example, owned two Plymouth papers. In addition, larger companies such as the Northcliffe group had increasingly purchased ‘‘adjacent’’ local newspapers that could be produced with the same equipment. Newspapers in the Mass Media Milieu Newspapers have an ambivalent relationship with other mass media. Newspapers’ position within multi-media empires means access to greater resources. At the same time, however, other media are clearly their rivals. Newspaper owners recognized this early and in the 1920s and 1930s used their political clout to prevent the BBC (radio) from broadcasting the news before 7 p.m. (which would have undermined newspapers’ ability to print scoops) and to prevent the BBC from maintaining its own news service. In the post-war period, television took away advertising revenues (Franklin). Moreover, television was blamed by many for declining newspaper circulations after the 1960s. On the other hand, newspapers enjoy a symbiotic relationship with television; television constitutes a large 1005

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part of newspapers’ subject matter, particularly for tabloids. In addition, many purchasers of newspapers indicate that their primary attraction is the television listings. Tunstall argued that the middle market press suffered most from television’s competition. The broadsheets offer a level of detail and analysis that television news does not match, and the tabloids have been able to position themselves ‘‘below’’ television as a source of gossip and as ‘‘the inside story’’ behind television shows. In addition, evening television news has provided more competition to the evening press (generally local or regional) than it has the morning press.

PRESS LAWS Laws regulating the press are relatively limited, largely because of the traditional hostility of journalists to state interference and the popular belief that any state intervention can lead inevitably to censorship. Because of increasing unhappiness with the tabloids, however, and because of low levels of public trust for journalists, there was a push for regulation at the beginning of the 1990s, particularly in the form of privacy laws. The press escaped state regulation at the time by setting up the Press Complaints Commission (PCC), an agency of press selfregulation. Self-Regulation: The Press Complaints Commission The Press Complaints Commission, created in 1991, took the place of the Press Council, a self-regulating mechanism that had emerged from the 1947 Royal Commission on the Press. The Press Council had been created in response to a prevailing belief in declining standards and monopolistic tendencies in the press. By the late 1980s, it was widely believed that the Press Council was ineffective. Its members, in many cases, had no professional connection to the press, and it had no independent source of funding; editors thus did not take it seriously. With public opinion increasingly upset with press content and intrusive reporting methods, the Conservative Government threatened the press with regulation if it did not exercise greater restraint in its content. The Calcutt Committee was created; its report in June 1990 recognized public concerns, particularly regarding invasion of privacy, but supported ‘‘one final chance’’ at strengthening self-regulation. In this context the Press Complaints Commission was created. The Press Complaints Commission, taking effect in 1991, was patterned after the Broadcasting Complaints Commission. It contained sixteen members, including members from the tabloids. Tabloid editors were involved in creating the Code of Practice that would guide self-regulation. As of June 2002, the Code of Practice listed 16 points, including accuracy, opportunity to reply, respect for privacy, restraint from harassing sources, re1006

fusal of clandestine listening devices, and refusal to pay witnesses or potential witnesses in criminal proceedings. According to McNair (1999), the response to this selfregulatory body was mixed: Championed by its advocates as the ‘‘last chance saloon’’ for the British tabloids, others regarded the Calcutt Committee and the subsequent establishment of the PCC as a cosmetic exercise by the Conservative Government, intended to head off public concern while not antagonising newspapers which were key political allies. Critics pointed out that the PCC was an unelected body, appointed in secret, operating to a Code of Practice drawn up by the very newspapers which it was intended to restrain.

Nonetheless, McNair presented evidence suggesting that it worked reasonably well. At the end of an eighteenmonth period of probation, the PCC had received 2,069 complaints. Nearly a quarter of these were resolved between the complainant and the offending editor; others were determined not to have violated the code or were withdrawn by the complainant. Only about 5 percent, or 107 complaints, were finally heard by the PCC; 51 of these were upheld, and 56 were rejected. The PCC’s Web site underscored the organization’s mission of avoiding legislative regulation: The success of the PCC continues to underline the strength of effective and independent self regulation over any form of legal or statutory control. Legal controls would be useless to those members of the public who could not afford legal action—and would mean protracted delays before complainants received redress. In our system of self regulation, effective redress is free and quick.

Prospects for Statutory Regulation Despite continued resistance by journalists to statutory regulation, there remained a strong measure of public and parliamentary support for such legislation, particularly a privacy law. In 2001 and 2002, a few high-profile court cases brought this issue before the public. The Sunday People published nude pictures of Radio 1 disc jockey Sara Cox on her honeymoon. Cox first complained to the PCC then filed a privacy lawsuit against the paper. According to the Guardian, Sunday People editor Neil Wallis claimed that the photographer misled him and that ‘‘he believed that the island where Cox was holidaying in the Seychelles to be public, although it later emerged it was only open to private paying guests.’’ The PCC code turned on this latter distinction. In March 2002, supermodel Naomi Campbell won a privacy court case against the Mirror, which published pictures of her leaving a drugs counseling session. This ruling surprised many legal and press observers, who fear, according to Lisa O’Carroll, that ‘‘it could establish WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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a privacy law by stealth and restrict freedom of expression.’’ Privacy law specialist Sarah Thomas wrote, however, that Campbell won solely on grounds of breach of confidence because of the publication of specific details of her drug treatment. The judge indeed reaffirmed the Mirror’s right to publish the fact that Campbell was a drug addict. Campbell had ‘‘consistently denied in the press that she had a drugs problem and, as a high profile role model for young woman [sic], this misrepresentation could and should be exposed.’’ Thomas concluded, therefore, that the verdict in Campbell’s favor did not herald a new privacy law. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the state of privacy law remained in flux and its future subject to speculation. As of 2002, however, there was no direct privacy legislation and breach of privacy was regulated by the Press Complaints Commission.

The libel laws are more restrictive for the press than corresponding laws in the United States, often resulting in large payments to plaintiffs. Yet there is some measure of defense for the accused newspaper; for example, truth is a defense against libel, and no one who has consented to publication in advance can be libeled. Still, the unpredictability that comes from jury trials can give an editor pause. In addition, large settlements in the 1980s had the effect of encouraging papers to settle out of court. Unlike in the United States, a plaintiff in a libel case does not need to prove malice. The result, according to George Monbiot, was that the ‘‘rich and powerful must, by law, be handled with the utmost circumspection.’’ Geoffrey Bindman pointed out that the expense of libel cases encourages the strong ‘‘to lie with impunity’’ while deterring the weak, ‘‘(including much of the small-circulation press) from telling the public what it deserves to know.’’

Laws Affecting the Press As Colin Seymore-Ure pointed out, although the press is, for the most part, not directly regulated in Britain, it is subject to a wide ‘‘range of legislation that could effect media contents.’’ Industrial laws affect newspaper production. Libel laws, morality laws, and secrecy laws all could be used against media content. Seymore-Ure argued that in the past 50 years ‘‘uncertainty’’ had characterized the application of such laws, often making editors and journalists very nervous about possible consequences.

In 2000, the European Union’s Human Rights Convention came into effect; Article 10 protects freedom of expression as a fundamental right, although permitting laws restricting this freedom when this is ‘‘necessary in a democratic society’’ in order to protect the rights and freedoms of others. In the early 2000s, it was not clear yet how this Article would affect British libel law, but it might help protect newspapers from frivolous libel actions.

The Obscene Publications Act dates to 1857; its introducer, Lord Campbell, stated that the act was ‘‘intended to apply exclusively to works written for the single purpose of corrupting the morals of youth, and of a nature calculated to shock the common feelings of decency in any well-regulated mind.’’ This Act obviously affects the Internet, videos, and novels more than journalism per se. The most famous twentieth-century prosecution was against Penguin Books for publishing D. H. Lawrence’s Lady Chatterley’s Lover. Defended by several members of the clergy, Penguin was acquitted by a jury. The most recent novel banned under the Act was David Britton’s 1990 novel, Lord Horror; the decision was, however, overturned by the Court of Appeal in 1992. The Blasphemy Act is rarely enforced in Britain. A Christian activist, Mary Whitehouse, used it in 1977 to prosecute the magazine Gay News. The editor had published an erotic poem describing a Roman centurion’s response to the crucifixion of Jesus. The editor was fined 500 pounds and the paper 1,000 pounds. In early 2002, Metropolitan Police Commissioner Sir John Stevens threatened to charge television presenter Joan Bakewell with blasphemous libel for reciting part of this poem during a BBC2 documentary entitled Taboo. In addition, the Broadcasting Standards Commission entertained complaints about this documentary, but in late May 2002, rejected them. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

The Official Secrets Act, created in 1911 and reformed in 1989, can potentially be used by the government to hide embarrassing facts by intimidating journalists or editors into silence. The 1989 Act offered a measure of protection from this abuse, however. It narrowed the range of offenses and put more of the burden on the prosecution to prove that the breaches had caused harm. Britain’s culture of secrecy continued to attract much criticism in the 1990s, and in late 2000, a Freedom of Information Act was passed. This Act, which was to be fully implemented by the end of 2005, placed a burden on various state agencies to make their records available to the public, except under certain defined circumstances, including national security. According to the Lord Chancellor’s Department, this Act would ‘‘enable a fundamental shift towards greater transparency in public administration.’’ Ownership laws In addition, there were monopoly and cross-ownership laws. The Monopolies and Mergers Act of 1965 established that proposed purchases of one press group by another should be referred to the Monopolies Commission, if the group would have a post-merger daily circulation of above 500,000. If the newspaper to be acquired was not deemed ‘‘economic as a going concern,’’ then the merger could be approved without reference to the Monopolies Commission. 1007

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Cross-ownership laws, reinforced in the 1996 Broadcasting Act, prohibit media groups controlling over 20 percent of daily newspaper circulation from expanding into terrestrial television. These laws do not restrict ownership of satellite television that is based outside Britain but marketed to British viewers (such as Murdoch’s Sky TV).

CENSORSHIP With an unwritten constitution, Britain lacks a foundational protection such as the United States’s First Amendment to ensure freedom of the press. As mentioned above, however, the British tradition of the liberty of the press runs deep; journalists guard this tradition jealously, and they generally enjoy public support on this matter. As a matter of daily practice, therefore, the British press is among the freest in the world. It is widely accepted, however, that in circumstances of national emergency, such as during World War I and II, the national interest (including national security) justifies censorship. During World War II, for example, the communist papers, The Daily Worker and the Week, were closed down by ministerial decree for fear that they would damage public morale. These acts of censorship were relatively uncontroversial. Some subsequent acts provoked more criticism, such as restrictions on reporting information during the Falklands War in 1982 and the ban, between 1988 and 1994, on the broadcasting of statements by Sinn Fein representatives. As in other democracies, less formal means exist for governments to secure favorable treatment in the media, as is discussed in the next section. In addition, several critics argued that fear of prosecution under libel laws, obscenity laws, or even blasphemy laws may induce selfcensorship, which George Mondiot called the ‘‘best authoritarian tradition.’’ Yet it is a mark of Britain’s relatively secure liberal traditions that overt censorship in peacetime is rare. Film content is regulated by borough and county councils that, according to the Guardian, ‘‘almost always follow the classifications given to films by the British Board of Film Classification.’’ On rare occasions, a local council deviates from the BBFC’s recommendation; for example, in 1996, Westminster Council refused a license to David Cronenberg’s film Crash, which showed elsewhere in Britain. The BBFC was an autonomous, selfregulatory body, established in 1912, and funded by film distributors. The BBFC judged films according to flexible criteria that took into account government attitudes and public opinion and classifies films according to audience age classifications. BBFC refusal to classify a film would be likely to result in that film’s banning, though, 1008

as indicated above, the final decision rested with local councils. In practice, few films were refused classification, though this threat may encourage self-censorship. The age classifications included U for universal, PG for parental guidance, 12, 15, 18, and 18-restricted (or R18). According to the BBFC’s Web site, the ‘‘‘R18’ category is a special and legally restricted classification primarily for explicit videos of consenting sex between adults.’’ Such videos might not be supplied by mail order and might be purchased only in specially licensed sex shops; as of 2002 there were about 90 such shops in the United Kingdom. The BBFC Web site listed certain categories of violent, ‘‘criminal’’ or ‘‘dehumanizing’’ sex films that could not receive even an R18 classification, including films that depict incest or pedophilia, beastiality, or clearly non-consensual sexual activity.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS The press is formally independent of the state. Various politicians and scholars, mostly from a leftist perspective, have called for government subsidies to the press, in order to ensure diversity. Throughout the twentieth century, however, these proposals were never politically feasible. State subsidies existed in the early nineteenth century, before the repressive taxes were lifted; they remained, for many in the early 2000s, associated with an era of censorship. Although censorship is rare and overt press regulation is limited, relations between the state and press are both symbiotic and adversarial. The longstanding journalistic ideal of the press as a ‘‘watchdog’’ protecting the public from official corruption or abuse of power requires investigative reporting of matters that various governments might prefer remain uncovered. The ideal of providing information to facilitate democracy meant that the broadsheets traditionally provided substantial reports of parliamentary debates. At the same time, newspapers’ access to large audiences and the widespread belief in their influence over readers’ attitudes (and potentially their vote) led politicians to court the press. Indeed, politicians’ desire to secure favorable press coverage accounts for their creating Press Barons in the early twentieth century. In the mass media environment of the early 2000s, of course, politicians courted broadcasters as well. Relations between state and press changed significantly between 1980 and 2000. Despite a greater degree of partisanship than U.S. newspapers, twentieth-century British papers remained largely independent of political parties, so that even a friendly paper was, from a politician’s perspective, unreliable. In the 1980s and 1990s, politicians became increasingly sophisticated in their ability to ‘‘manage’’ the news. In their book, Westminster Tales: The Twenty-First Century Crisis in Political JourWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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nalism, Barnett and Gaber argued that in the latter decades of the twentieth century ‘‘presentation’’ became the ‘‘central philosophy not just of the practice of politics, but of its content as well.’’ In other words, politicians recognized that in the media environment of the early 2000s, perception had become reality and political success thus depended on managing perception. Barnett and Gaber described various practices employed by party leaders in an effort to control media coverage. Political press officers, popularly called ‘‘spin doctors,’’ work to control the news agenda. For example, during the 1990s, parties asserted greater control over which party members could be interviewed, ensuring that those members thought to be ‘‘on message’’ would be interviewed instead of mavericks. Parties issued press releases, which, in the context of journalistic staffing cuts, often became copy. Moreover, press officers try to respond quickly to damaging news, in order to keep unfavorable stories from gaining momentum. In addition to such ‘‘above the line’’ methods, Barnett and Gaber described ‘‘below the line’’ approaches. For example, press officers studiously chose the timing of their press releases, in order to achieve the ideal impact, depending on whether the news was thought to be favorable or unfavorable. One former Whitehall Head of Information ‘‘explained that when a major ‘royal’ story broke, the prime minister’s press secretary would immediately phone all government press offices suggesting that now was a good time to put out any awkward announcements they had been storing up, safe in the knowledge that the media’s attention would be distracted by the latest chapter in the ongoing saga of the Windsors.’’ In addition, press officers would intimidate or exclude reporters who refused to comply, denying them the interviews upon which their careers depended. All of these activities (and others) were aimed at ensuring that media coverage was favorable. Most of these practices characterized the opposition party as well as the party in office. The government enjoys advantages over the opposition, however. Not only does the government have control over state information agencies, but it also makes the decisions about when industrial or secrecy legislation will be enforced. In addition, the government is able to raise the threat of increased regulation, as when Prime Minister Blair in 1999 invoked the possibility of privacy legislation. In addition to such ‘‘sticks,’’ governments also possess ‘‘carrots.’’ For example, various governments have opted not to enforce the Monopolies and Mergers Act, apparently in order to reward or attempt to entice a proprietor’s support. In one instance, Wilson’s Labor government in 1969 and 1970 allowed Murdoch to acquire the Sun and Reed to acquire the International Publishing WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Corporation (IPC), which included the Daily Mirror, Sunday Mirror, and the People. All of these newspapers supported Labour at least in the short-term. Similarly, Thatcher did not refer Murdoch’s purchase of The Times to the Monopolies Commission; in the words of Tunstall, she ‘‘accepted his transparent fiction that both The Times and Sunday Times were loss-making newspapers in danger of dying.’’ The influence works both ways. A rich academic literature assesses the extent to which the mass media influence audience beliefs and behavior. Many scholars dismissed the once fashionable idea of clueless masses helpless before the onslaught of the mass media. In Britain, as in other post-industrial democracies, scholars attributed ‘‘agenda setting’’ functions to the press and other media: the media delineated the narrow range of debate and helped to determine which issues will be the subject of politics. Other scholars emphasized the mass media’s ability to shape one’s thinking about topics about which one is ignorant. Regardless of how these issues are resolved, Brian McNair made the point, in his book, The Sociology of Journalism, that: to the extent that we believe journalism to be important it is important and does have effects on individual and organisational perspectives of the world. The assumption that journalism has effects produces real, empirically observable effects on the communicative behaviour of individuals and organisations.

That is, whether or not journalism changes the beliefs of its audience, politicians’ belief (or fear) that it might helps to account for some of their actions. Many critics thus credited (or blamed) the press for swinging the 1992 election to an incumbent Major government whose popularity had been plummeting, and many attributed Blair’s triumph in 1997 to the transfer of most papers’ allegiances to Labour. On election day in 1992, the Sun front page famously depicted Labour candidate Neil Kinnock’s head in a lightbulb, with the headline in all capitals, ‘‘IF KINNOCK WINS TODAY WILL THE LAST PERSON TO LEAVE BRITAIN PLEASE TURN OUT THE LIGHTS.’’ This headline was the climax following a steady campaign of ridicule and attacks on the Labour candidate. In 1997, although the turn of most papers to the Labour Party may have helped to seal Blair’s victory, perhaps the greater indicator of the press’s influence is that Blair’s embrace of big business may have been largely aimed at improving Labour’s coverage in a mostly conservative press. In addition, however, many believed that the press’s constant emphasis on the ‘‘sleaze’’ factor in Major’s cabinet, spearheaded by the Guardian, helped to undermine public confidence in the Conservative government. 1009

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ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA Foreign media, especially U.S. and European, are widely available in Britain, and the country is open to foreign correspondents with little restriction. Reader’s Digest is among the best-selling magazines in Britain, and foreign newspapers are easy to find. Particularly in London and other major cities, foreign-language films, books, and newspapers are readily available. In certain media, particularly film, the British audience (like many others around the world) is surrendering to U.S. products: Robert McChesney wrote that U.S. films account for 95 percent of Britain’s box office receipts. In both the press and broadcasting, no foreign outlets threaten the predominance of British products, although U.S. television shows are popular. BBC World News is widely preferred to CNN, and all of the best-selling papers are British (as opposed to, say, the USA Today or Le Monde, both of which are easily available). It has already been shown, however, that much of the British press belongs to multinational corporations, with the Australian Rupert Murdoch and the Canadian Conrad Black controlling large press empires. No laws, then, prevent the foreign (or international) ownership of the press. However, non-European companies are limited to owning no more than 20 percent of Channel 5 or an ITV company.

NEWS AGENCIES Even though Britain’s national papers take pride in maintaining their own staffs of correspondents, cutbacks have led all of the newspapers to rely more heavily on news agencies for copy, particularly for international news. Unlike U.S. newspapers, moreover, British newspapers often do not attribute agency material. Reuters, the world’s first news agency, founded in 1851, sold foreign news to various British papers and thus enabled them not to maintain their own costly foreign correspondents. Though Reuters was initiated as a commercial venture, Donald Read argued that it quickly developed into ‘‘the news agency of the British Empire.’’ Members of its senior staff ‘‘began to regard themselves as on a level with senior home and colonial civil servants, doing essential work in support of the British cause worldwide.’’ By the late nineteenth century, Reuters’s resulting expansion made it increasingly unprofitable, and Reuters entered a period in which its collection of news for the press ‘‘was sometimes openly undertaken at a loss.’’ For much of the twentieth century, Reuters thus depended on subsidies from the newspapers. Only in the 1970s did Reuters escape its dependence on newspaper subsidies, and then only by finding revenue-producing ventures outside of media services. Read thus pointed out that media services as of 2002 produced only 5 percent of the total Reuters revenue. Most of Reuters’s income 1010

derived from financial services, mainly the supply of financial information. In a lecture at Cardiff University in 2000, Mark Wood, the director of Reuters Internet services, stated that Reuters produced about 10,000 news stories per day, in twenty-two languages. Reuters also had become the global leading news supplier for the Internet, providing news to 900 Web sites, including Yahoo. Among Reuters’s major competitors, Wood did not list any British company. In financial news, the main competitors were Bloomberg and Dow-Jones. In general world news, the Associated Press and French service Agence FrancePresse were the main competitors. This list underscores that the news agency field is fully international. In addition, though not actually a news agency, the BBC World Service, subsidized by the Foreign Office, often functions as a de facto news agency.

BROADCAST MEDIA History In contrast to the press, broadcasting was regulated from the start. When the British Broadcasting Company was founded as a broadcasting monopoly in 1922, during the infancy of radio and before television, its justification was the scarcity of radio frequencies and the need to protect public service ideals. Accordingly, the BBC was established with secure funding by license fees. The government would appoint the seven governors, set the license fee, and retain general oversight. On more specific matters, the corporation was to remain independent from state control. In the technological environment of the early 2000s, scarcity was no longer an issue, but public service ideals continued to justify state regulation. The BBC’s first director, John Reith, set the tone that would characterize the BBC’s programming for more than a generation, defining the corporation’s mission as ‘‘to inform, educate, and entertain.’’ Accordingly, he emphasized culturally elevating programming over programming that was truly popular (though the latter was never completely lacking). Above all, Reith’s public service mission led him to emphasize universal access and mixed programming. Each network would offer a variety of programs every day, including classical music, sport, news, drama, religion, and other genres. Initially, no program (other than news bulletins) became attached to a specific time slot, which would have allowed listeners to listen selectively to programming. According to Andrew Crisell, the ‘‘high-minded intention was continually to renew the listener’s alertness to the medium, not only to make her listen instead of merely hear but to ‘surprise’ her into an interest in a subject she had previously not known about or disliked, and at all times to give her ‘something a little better than she thought she wanted’.’’ The BBC’s Royal Charter enjoined political impartiality. The corporation’s relatively even-handed reportWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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ing during the general strike of 1926 helped it to build a reputation for authoritative news; this reputation was enhanced during World War II.

Nair (1999), the resulting Peacock Committee, which reported in July 1986, began from the assumption that the ‘‘comfortable duopoly’’ had:

British television, which haltingly began before the war and resumed in 1946, initially fit into the BBC system. Initially, radio remained the senior partner, with television gradually gaining in importance. In 1955, the Churchill government introduced a second television network, to be run on commercial lines. The Independent Television (ITV) would be financed through advertisement rather than by license fee, but it, too, was required by Parliament to ‘‘inform, educate, and entertain,’’ maintaining impartiality and high quality. In order to maintain high journalistic standards, the various stations comprising the ITV network pooled their resources to create the Independent Television News (ITN) as a rival newsgathering organization. Thus began what would be characterized as a ‘‘comfortable duopoly.’’ The ITV and BBC would compete for viewers only; they would not compete for funding, as the BBC’s license fees remained intact. This revenue source would never again be uncontested; the BBC would henceforth face pressure to attract viewers, in order to justify the license fees.

been outpaced by the coming of cable, satellite, video cassette recorders, ‘‘piggyback’’ services such as teletext, and other developments on the technological horizon, such as multi-point distribution services, high definition TV, and new ways of collecting viewer subscriptions. The grounds on which the public service duopoly had been established and maintained were no longer valid, and it was time for a restructuring of the system.

Radio remained a monopoly until the mid-1960s, when the pirate Radio Caroline emerged, illegally broadcasting popular music from the North Sea. At this point, as Seymour-Ure pointed out, the BBC ‘‘reorganized its channels, took the pirate disk jockeys on board the new Radio 1 and entered the 1970s with little of the direct Reith influence remaining.’’ Radio’s fortunes were revived in the 1970s with the development of the transistor, which facilitated Walkmans and car radios. Local radio began in the 1960s, with a BBC monopoly. In the early 1970s, the separate radio license fees were discontinued, so that BBC radio and television were funded from the same income source. In 1972, the Heath government released several BBC medium frequencies, which were then given to commercial stations. Then, in a general atmosphere of deregulation policies across many industries, the 1990 Broadcasting Act made licenses easier to obtain and reduced previous restrictions on content and advertising. By 1995, there were five BBC stations, three national and five regional commercial stations, with local stations; in total there were more than 160 commercial stations and 38 BBC stations. Broadcasting Since the 1980s: Regulation The commercial and regulatory environment was in great flux between 1985 and 2000. By the mid-1980s, there were four television networks: BBC1 and BBC2, ITV, and Channel 4 (also an ITV channel), with plans for a Channel 5. In 1985, Thatcher’s government launched an inquiry into the future of public broadcasting. According to Brian McWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Given the Thatcher government’s hostility to regulation and public monopolies, many observers believed the BBC’s status as a public corporation to be in danger. To the chagrin of the Thatcher government, however, the Peacock Committee refrained from recommending that the BBC switch to advertising as a source of revenue. Moreover, the Peacock Committee accepted the need to safeguard the provision of news and current affairs from the pressures of the market. The Peacock Committee’s recommendations were reinforced by a July 1988 House of Commons Home Affairs Committee report, which similarly defended the concept of public service broadcasting. The threat of radical deregulation staved off for the time being, the resulting 1988 government White Paper on broadcasting restricted itself to proposing significant reform of the ITV network. Henceforth regional franchises would be awarded in a competitive bidding process. In addition to considering the amount of the bid, the overseeing body, the ITC, would judge bids qualitatively. Successful bidders would be required to maintain high quality news and current affairs programs and would have to show a prescribed amount of regional news and current affairs. These reforms were enacted in the 1990 Broadcasting Act. Other results of that Act included a provision for due impartiality, which could be achieved by balancing a biased program with another program with an alternative bias. The ITC would judge whether due impartiality was achieved, as well as the length of the period in which an offsetting program could be shown in order to achieve due impartiality. Broadcast journalists feared the practical censorship that might result from this measure, but the ensuing ITC Programme Code, published in February 1991, was less restrictive than feared. Although the regulations governing the BBC did not change substantially, several internal changes occurred after the appointment of John Birt as the director in March 1987. In the ensuing ‘‘Birtian revolution,’’ first the news and current affairs departments and then television and radio were merged. The BBC’s television news 1011

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format changed, reducing the number of items covered in a typical news bulletin, while increasing the depth of coverage for the top stories. Cost cutting was essential in order to placate the Thatcher government, many of whose members remained hostile to the BBC. The BBC cut some 7,000 jobs between 1986 and 1990, formed partnerships with commercial organizations, and introduced the policy of ‘‘producer choice,’’ under which, in Crisell’s words, ‘‘every programme production becomes an autonomous entity bidding for funding against other productions and buying its resources according to the best deal available, whether within the BBC or from external suppliers.’’ The reforms enacted in the 1990 Broadcasting Act had greater consequences for Independent Television News. According to McNair (1999), the ‘‘main consequence of the Broadcasting act for ITN was greatly to increase the competitive pressures on the organisation: to transform it from the ‘cost-centre’ which it had been for thirty-five years into a profit-making business.’’ ITN’s status as the ‘‘nominated sole provider’’ of news to the Channel 3 companies would disappear after a decade (i.e., by 2001). In addition, Channel 4 became selffinancing, giving it an incentive to shop for the best price for news. This increasingly competitive environment put pressure on ITN to develop itself as a brand, which it did by emphasizing its ‘‘human interest’’ approach to news. In addition, with more pressure to attract viewers, the timing of Channel 3’s News at Ten became awkward, as it broke up the flow of prime time movies. In 1998, the ITC gave permission for Channel 3 to end its 10:00 p.m. news, shifting instead to 6:30 p.m. and 11:00 p.m. This disappearance of a prime time alternative to BBC1’s Nine O’Clock News struck many critics as a departure from a key aspect of the ITV’s public service mission. The 1990 Broadcasting Act, combined with recession, led to a retrenchment in radio news. The Act itself removed public service restrictions from commercial radio that had protected radio journalism; in contrast to its provisions for television, the Act did not mandate a ‘‘quality threshold’’ for radio licenses. In addition, the Independent Radio News (IRN) lost its formerly protected ‘‘virtual monopoly position,’’ as deregulation forced it to compete with other commercial suppliers of news. The 1990 Act also dropped some of the restrictions on advertising and made licenses easier to apply for, thus leading to a dramatic increase in the level of competition. Inevitably, music and non-news talk radio rapidly expanded in the 1990s. From one perspective, at least, the Act was successful: Seymore-Ure noted that in 1994, for the first time, commercial radio surpassed the BBC in audience share. After the BBC combined its radio and television news departments, the former saw a sharp retrenchment 1012

of resources. A similar development occurred in commercial radio, as the IRN merged with the Independent Television News (ITN). Even though the commercial atmosphere of the 1990s and the retreat from regulation threatened radio news, the BBC managed to secure continued funding for its World Service. Convinced that it represented good ‘‘cultural diplomacy,’’ the Foreign Office continued to subsidize this service. Although its audience in Britain was small—approximately 1.5 million in 1991, according to McNair (1999), it had a worldwide audience of well over 100 million regular listeners. It enjoyed a global reputation for independence and truthfulness and was seen by listeners as truly global news, unlike the U.S. CNN, which is often seen to reflect American perceptions. The Broadcasting Act was passed in 1996. Again, the BBC’s license fee was safeguarded. According to Crisell, one of the aims of the 1996 Act was to ‘‘allow the emergence of British commercial broadcasters big enough to hold their own in the international media market.’’ Companies were thus freed from the restriction of holding major shareholdings in just two ITV licenses; subsequently, they were subject to the ‘‘more flexible’’ limit of a 15 percent share of the total audience. In addition, restrictions on cross-media ownership were greatly reduced. Broadcasting Since the 1980s: Changing Technology Cable television developed slowly in Britain and never attained great popularity. In 1989, however, satellite television entered Britain in the form of Rupert Murdoch’s Sky Television, which included channels for sports, movies, news, travel, and soaps. An early rival, BSB, was taken over, resulting in the creation of BSkyB. By 1996, according to Crisell, one in five households were able to receive BSkyB, either directly or via cable. Sky (as the company is still popularly called) began acquiring rights to movies and sporting events. Sporting events are particularly attractive to the satellite company, since they are previously unseen and their appeal to viewers diminishes rapidly, for obvious reasons, after the first showing. In 1996, Sky won exclusive rights to televise the Frank Bruno/ Mike Tyson boxing title match, charging its subscribers an additional 10 pounds surcharge. The 1996 Broadcasting Act prohibited any subscription company from obtaining the exclusive right to broadcast any of eight major British sporting events, yet Crisell argued that the government ‘‘may be trying to stop the unstoppable.’’ As BSkyB obtains more and more exclusive deals on sports and movies, he argued, the ‘‘old-fashioned, terrestrial broadcasters will come to resemble its poor relations.’’ As of 2002, the worst fears had not come to pass. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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Digital television came to Britain in the late 1990s. Crisell provided a concise summary of the advantages of digital television over the analogue technology to which broadcasting was traditionally confined and which is still predominant: Digital technology, which can be used by satellite, cable or traditional broadcasters, reduces transmissions to a stream of data expressed as a series of ones and zeroes and results in a much more efficient use of scarce spectrum space: a single frequency will be able to accommodate several channels, each offering high quality sound and vision.

Digitization allowed, then, a dramatic proliferation of television channels. Potential effects, according to Crisell, included increasing the global tendency of broadcasting, including programs aimed at a global audience and programs aimed at a national audience but available elsewhere. In addition, it encourages channel ‘‘surfing,’’ so that in the future fewer viewers may watch programs in their entirety. The proliferation of channels would dilute any one broadcaster’s share; among other results, this would potentially undermine the BBC’s audience-based claims to public service. Crisell further noted that digitization ‘‘will probably mark the first time in broadcasting that there will be more channels available than content to fill them.’’ Because digitization allowed transmission via cable and telephone lines, it allowed telecommunications and Internet companies, such as AT&T and AOL, to enter the field. The need to find content encouraged carriers to seek content-producing companies. These developments thus explain News Corporation’s purchase of the Twentieth Century Fox film studio, as well as the reverse process, Disney’s purchase of the American television network, ABC. The merger of AOL, Time magazines, Warner studios, and Turner Broadcasting into AOL-Time Warner is another example, combining content, broadcasting, and Internet access. The abundance of U.S. examples above highlighted the United States’s lead in communications technology and raised the prospect of increased preponderance of American-produced content worldwide-and particularly in an English-language market such as Britain. In addition, Crisell invoked the possibility of the BBC delivering programs via television lines or British Telegraph becoming a broadcaster. In May 2002, about 36 percent of British homes had digital television, through satellite, cable, or terrestrial networks. The Blair government planned to convert all British television to digital by 2010; in other words, analogue television would cease to exist. As of June 2002, key obstacles remained. There were questions concerning image quality, the inability of at least half of existing aerial antennae to convert, and political difficulties associWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ated with the unwillingness of a significant portion of the British population to convert. Of the 64 percent who did not then have digital television, 60 percent said that ‘‘nothing’’ would induce them to get it (Maggie Brown). In addition, the expense of converting caused significant financial difficulties for ITV, which resulted in ITV Digital losing its license to broadcast in April 2002. According to Maggie Brown, there was ‘‘no obvious successor waiting in the wings.’’ Current Ownership Laws Although concentrated ownership and cross-ownership were common, laws existed to limit these tendencies. In particular, with respect to television, no single company was permitted to control more than 15 percent of the total television audience share. According to Julia Day, this law prevented the consolidation of ITV into a single company. No single company could own more than a 20 percent stake in ITN. These laws were in effect as of May 2002, but Blair’s government was considering changing both of these laws, by abolishing the former ceiling and raising the latter ceiling to 40 percent. Non-European companies were allowed to own no more than 20 percent of Channel 5 or an ITV company. In addition, newspaper owners controlling 20 percent or more of the national circulation were prohibited from owning more than 20 percent of an ITV or Channel 5 license. According to Day, the Blair government was likely to remove this rule. Finally, local newspaper publishers controlling more than 20 percent of a local market was not allowed to control an ITV regional license in that same area. As for radio, Owen Gibson wrote that as of May 2002, radio ownership laws were based on the 1990 Broadcasting Act (Gibson, ‘‘Current Ownership’’). This Act used a points system to prevent any single company from owning more than 15 percent of the total number of the potential commercial radio listeners, and no company was allowed to own more than one commercial national radio license. A Communications Bill was submitted to Parliament in May 2002. The proposal called for strong measures of deregulation. It would establish the Office of Communications (OFCOM), a single regulating body replacing five existing ones. It would liberalize media ownership laws, for example by ending all restrictions on foreign ownership. Diversity would be protected by the mandate that at least three local commercial radio operators existed in most local communities. The Bill also proposed the introduction of more self-regulation, allowing commercial broadcasters to police themselves (similarly to the press). In addition to opening the way for Rupert Murdoch to acquire a stake in terrestrial commercial television, 1013

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ue to grow but that the rate of growth would slow down, particularly as a significant number of respondents professed to have no interest in going online. Users spent an average of five hours per week online, visiting an average of twelve Web sites. Electronic mail was one of the most popular uses, and half of Internet users had engaged in Internet shopping. Among the affluent and highly educated in Britain, the proportion was much higher than among the population at large. The two leading Internet service providers in the UK were Freeserve and America Online, both of which used the network provided by the Dutch firm KPNQwest. As of the early 2000s, the impending bankruptcy of the latter threatened to disrupt Internet use for up to half of Britain’s users.

John Cassy writes that U.S. firms including AOL-Time Warner, Viacom, Vivendi Universal, Disney, and Microsoft might have an interest in Carlton and Granada, Channel 5, and some radio assets. Germany’s Bertelsmann and Japan’s Sony might also take advantage of the new deregulation. According to Cassy, this proposal called for one of the most liberal regulatory frameworks in the world. On the other hand, despite continued challenges to the BBC’s protected status, the Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport, Tessa Jowell, stated that the ‘‘prospect of the UK without the BBC funded by the license fee is anywhere between improbable to impossible because the BBC is one of the most loved and trusted UK institutions.’’ This comment suggested that there would be no debate about the BBC’s funding structure in advance of the BBC’s charter renewal in 2006 (Gibson, ‘‘Yeo Criticises’’). After the introduction of ITV in 1955, British broadcasting balanced commercial imperatives with public service values. Developments since the Peacock Committee reported in 1986, and especially the debates surrounding the current Bill, indicated that protecting public service values would remain a difficult task in the near future.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA In September 1999, CommerceNet/ Nielsen Media Research found that of the 46 million adult residents in the United Kingdom, 12.5 million, or 27 percent of the population, had used the Internet in the past month. Less than two years later, in June 2001, a Which? Online annual survey reported that 36 percent of the British population, or 16 million people, were now using the Internet. Which? Online predicted that the numbers would contin1014

It became fashionable at the beginning of the twentyfirst century to claim that the emergence of the Internet threatened the long-term existence of the newspaper as a medium. However, although its ability to distribute news instantaneously undermines one of the newspaper’s historical functions (that is, to print what is ‘‘new’’), more sober observers did not expect the Internet to signal the death of the physical newspaper in the near future. The convenience of carrying a newspaper, its suitability for reading in fits and starts over a period of several days, and the limited penetration of Internet access all supported the continued existence of newspapers. In addition, for many newspaper readers, the newspaper’s aesthetic and tactile appeal, even to the extent of newsprint on one’s fingers, support their continued existence. Finally, advertisers remained unsure of the effectiveness of Internet advertising, raising crucial questions about the financial viability of the Internet as a news provider. Most newspapers had, of course, developed online editions. Through the last decades of the twentieth century, the Internet’s role in the gathering and dissemination of news met with a great deal of speculation. It is unwise to make predictions, particularly in such a rapidly changing field as the electronic media. Nonetheless, the development of the Internet has already affected journalism. Writing in 1999 in the British Journalism Review, Peter Hill heralded the growth of the Computer-assisted Reporter (CAR). Writing political profiles that appear on BBC News Online, Hill found the Internet an invaluable resource: No longer do I go to the cuttings library, look up directories . . . to get my biographical information. I can get everything I need, and more, without moving from my office seat. If I want information about an MEP [Member of European Parliament], for instance, I can look him up on his party website, the European Parliament website, the EP register, the EP list of committees, and best of all in the BBC’s new on-line cuttings archive, which proWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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duces on a word-search all references to my MEP going back five years.

In addition, news posted online is freed from the news cycles of newspapers and broadcast journalism; Internet newspapers are updated constantly throughout the day. As Brian McNair put it, the ‘‘speed, interactivity and comprehensiveness of the Internet as an information source are unprecedented in the history of communication media’’ (1999). Many commentators have heralded the Internet as a tool for democratizing the media, specifically by evading the monopolies of the leading conglomerates. The theory is that people who could never afford to launch a newspaper or purchase a television station can maintain their own Web site. This optimism seems misplaced. First, it ignores the question of a Web site’s status. With a surfeit of information available online, many surfers turn to Web sites belonging to established news providers, such as The Times, the Guardian, Reuters, or the BBC. Second, it ignores the question of Internet access, which was unlikely in the early 2000s to become universal within the near future. Third, such optimism ignores the fact that newsgathering remains an expensive and difficult undertaking that is generally well beyond the means of an individual or small group. Much was made, in Britain as elsewhere, of the breaking of the Bill Clinton/ Monica Lewinsky scandal by Matthew Drudge’s Web site. As of 2002, however, Internet news services remained rare and marginal. None was able to compete with the broadsheet newspapers, news agencies, or the BBC, as a news provider. J. D. Lasica of the University of Southern California Annenberg’s Online Journalism Review wrote that, among British papers, the Guardian had ‘‘made the strongest mark in the online medium.’’ Whereas The Times relied ‘‘chiefly on recycled stories from the print edition and on news agencies for breaking news,’’ The Guardian had won an international following for ‘‘original online reports, Web specials, media coverage, multimedia Flash guides to key stories, top-rate weblog and a reasonable range of news audio, nearly unheard of on British newspaper sites.’’ The Guardian’s online edition also remained free for surfers, whereas The Times and Financial Times had made plans to move to a subscription model for their Web sites.

EDUCATION & TRAINING Formal schooling for journalists was historically a contentious matter in Britain, largely because of a widespread sentiment, dating to at least the nineteenth century, that a journalist was ‘‘born, not made.’’ Independent editor Simon Kelner, speaking at Cardiff University in WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

2000, told an embarrassing story about a young, Cambridge University-educated journalist in order to make the point that: a ‘news’ sense cannot be learned. You can learn lots of things about journalism, but above all, you need to feel and want to be a journalist, and probably the greatest asset that a journalist can have is instinct . . . And I think education, instinct and training are the best combinations. But none of that works for the aspiring journalist, without the instinct for a story.

Given these sentiments, no formal educational requirements existed for entry into journalism. The National Union of Journalists (NUJ) mandated that journalists serve what amounts to an ‘‘apprenticeship’’ on the provincial press before going to work on the London press. Tunstall notes that this mandate imposed a certain level of uniformity on journalistic careers in the 1960s; by the 1980s, however, the NUJ was increasingly unable to enforce this career pattern. As of 2002, more journalists, particularly columnists, came straight into the national press from specialist magazines. These journalists also possessed, on the average, higher levels of formal education. New entrants were also more likely to be drawn from a middle-class background than even in the 1980s. According to Franklin, many editors seemed hostile to middle-class graduates who entered journalism, and many trainees observed that editors did not respect any form of training. On the other hand, elite journalists, including political columnists earning six-figure salaries, often possess Oxford or Cambridge degrees. The National Council for the Training of Journalists, created jointly by the NUJ and newspaper managers in the 1960s, offers a National Certificate Examination. In 1015

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the fall of 2001, some 232 trainees sat for the NCE, with 102 passing (a pass rate of 44 percent). Still, this body did not effectively control entry into the profession. The NCTJ’s Web site listed several routes into journalism; option one was ‘‘direct entry.’’ According to the NCTJ, most companies expected the direct entrant to enter a two-year training contract, during which ideally the trainee would attend a course at a college or university. Under the category of ‘‘mature entrants,’’ the NCJT noted simply that ‘‘over the age of 30, training is a matter for arrangement by the editor.’’ This guarded language is indicative of the NCTJ’s role in recommending programs of training rather than serving as gatekeeper to the profession. NCTJ approved journalism courses exist at the community college, undergraduate, and graduate levels. Major organizations included the National Union of Journalists and the Chartered Institute of Journalists, with the NUJ being by far the largest with 34,000 members. Other more specialized organizations included the Guild of British Newspaper Editors, the Newspaper Publishers Association, and the Newspaper Society (representing regional and local proprietors).

SUMMARY At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the media environment was changing rapidly, and some of the specific details of this article, inevitably, may be outdated by the time of its publication. Certain essential characteristics could, however, be discerned. Newspaper readership had been in long-term decline over a 40-year period, but the United Kingdom remained one of the nations with the most avid newspaper readers. The London-based national press predominated. As business concerns, newspapers were locked in an increasingly and intensely competitive commercial environment, as other media competed for the newspapers’ audience and advertising revenues. Ownership remained highly concentrated and had become increasingly global. In addition, cross-media ownership has become more pronounced in the past generation. The British press is one of the most free in the world. In an increasingly competitive commercial environment, however, entailing staffing cuts and circulation wars, regulation might be necessary in order to protect high editorial standards and editorial diversity. Yet, the longstanding British association of any state intervention with censorship, combined with a general atmosphere of deregulation, makes both journalists and their proprietors unlikely to embrace regulation. Thus, the British press remains largely self-regulated. It is not clear, however, that it can avoid statutory regulation in the future, given widespread concerns about invasion of privacy. The press survived and even thrived in competition with broadcasting. As of the early 2000s, it was under 1016

challenge from new information technologies, particularly the Internet. While some individuals warned of the impending death of print, more optimistic observers argued that newspapers’ unique characteristics would ensure their survival. In particular, they mentioned portability, the possibility of reading a few items at a time for several days, and the emotional attachment of many British readers to the traditional medium.

SIGNIFICANT DATES • 1997: Princess Diana’s death stimulates backlash against tabloids. • 1998: ITV abandons primetime television news. • 2000: Freedom of Information Act passed; full implementation is due by the end of 2005. • 2002: ITV Digital collapses; New Communications Bill proposed.

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Engel, Matthew. Tickle the Public: One Hundred Years of the Popular Press. London: Victor Gollancz, 1996.

Hewitt, Patricia, and Tessa Jowell. ‘‘A Summary of Our Proposals.’’ Communications Bill: The Policy. Available at http://www.communicationsbill.gov.uk (10 June 2002).

European Commission. Eurobarometer: Public Opinion in the European Union. Report Number 56. April 2002. Available at http://europa.eu.int/comm/public_opinion/ archives/eb/eb56/eb56_en.pdf (10 June 2002). ‘‘Explained: Film Censorship in the UK.’’ Guardian Unlimited, 13 March 2002. Available at http://www. guardian.co.uk (10 June 2002). Farrell, Nick. ‘‘Internet Black Hole Approaches Britain.’’ vnunet.com, 7 June 2002. Available at http:// www.vnunet.com/News/1132426 (10 June 2002). Franklin, Bob. Newszak and News Media. London: Arnold, 1997. ‘‘Free TV.’’ The Economist, (11 May 2002): 16. Freedom of Information Act 2000. Available at http:// www.legislation.hmso.gov.uk/acts/acts2000/ 20000036.htm (10 June 2002). Gaber, Ivor. ‘‘I Accuse the Press.’’ British Journalism Review, 11, no. 4 (2000). Available at http:// www.bjr.org.uk (10 June 2002). Gibson, Owen. ‘‘Current Ownership Regulations for Radio.’’ GuardianUnlimited, 7 May 2002. Available at http://www.guardian.co.uk (10 June 2002). WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Hill, Peter. ‘‘Newsmen on the Net.’’ British Journalism Review, 10, no. 4 (1999). Available at http:// www.bjr.org.uk (1 June 2002). Hodgson, Jessica. ‘‘People Editor ‘Misled’ Over Nude Cox Pictures.’’ GuardianUnlimited, 20 February 2002. Available at http://media.guardian.co.uk/medialaw/story/ 0,11614,653188,00.html (10 June 2002). Independent Television Commission Home Page. http:// www.itc.org.uk (1 June 2002). ‘‘Industry Statistics: Worldwide Internet Population.’’ CommerceNet. Available at http://www.commerce.net/ research/stats/wwstats.html#europe (10 June 2002). Kelner, Simon. ‘‘The Future of the Broadsheet Press.’’ Rolls Royce Lecture, Centre for Journalism Studies, Cardiff University, spring 2000. Available at http:// www.cf.ac.uk/jomec/reporters2000/woodmain.html (10 June 2002). Kennedy, George. ‘‘Perspectives on War: the British See Things Differently.’’ Columbia Journalism Review, March/ April 2002. Available at http://www.cjr.org/year/ 02/2kennedy.asp (10 June 2002). 1017

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Koss, Stephen. The Rise and Fall of the Political Press in Britain. 2 Vols. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1981-1984. Kung-Shakleman, Lucy. Inside the BBC and CNN: Managing Media Organisations. London and New York: Routledge, 2000. Lassica, J.D. ‘‘The View From Europe.’’ Online Journalism Review, 9 April 2002. Available at http:// www.ojr.org (10 June 2002). ‘‘The Law and the Net.’’ BBC Homepage, 13 June 2002. Available at http://www.bbc.co.uk (10 June 2002). Lee, Alan J. The Origins of the Popular Press in England 1855-1914. London: Croom Helm, 1976. ‘‘Liberate the BBC.’’ The Economist, (18 August 2001): 11-12. The Lord Chancellor’s Department. Freedom of Information and Data Protection. Available at http:// www.lcd.gov.uk (10 June 2002). McChesney, Robert W. Rich Media, Poor Democracy: Communication Politics in Dubious Times. New York: the New Press, 1999.

Seymour-Ure, Colin. The British Press and Broadcasting Since 1945. 2nd ed. London: Blackwell, 1996. Summerskill, Ben. ‘‘TV Joan Faces Jail for Gay Poem.’’ The Observer, 3 March 2002. Available at http:// www.observer.co.uk (10 June 2002). Thomas, Sarah. ‘‘When is a Privacy Case Not a Privacy Case?’’ GuardianUnlimited, 28 March 2002. Available at http://media.guardian.co.uk (10 June 2002). Tunstall, Jeremy. Newspaper Power: The New National Press in Britain. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996. Wells, Matt. ‘‘BBC and BSkyB in Joint Bid for Digital Licenses.’’ GuardianUnlimited, 12 June 2002. Available at http://media.guardian.co.uk (14 June 2002). Wood, Mark. ‘‘News Agencies and the Internet Effect.’’ Rolls Royce Lecture, Centre for Journalism Studies, Cardiff University, spring 2000. Available at http:// www.cf.ac.uk (10 June 2002). WorldAudit.Org. ‘‘World Audit Press Freedom.’’ Available at http://www.worldaudit.org/press.htm (10 June 2002). —Mark Hampton

McNair, Brian. News and Journalism in the UK: A Textbook. 3rd ed. New York: Routledge, 1999. ———. The Sociology of Journalism. London: Arnold, 1998. Monbiot, George. ‘‘Free Speech Comes Dear: Libel Law Means No One Messes with Big, Litigious Companies.’’ The Guardian, 8 October 1998. Available at http:// www.urban75.org/archive/news013.html (12 June 2002). National Council for the Training of Journalists. Journalist Training. Available at http://www.nctj.com (10 June 2002). Negrine, Ralph. Politics and the Mass Media in Britain. 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 1994. ‘‘New Labour, New Chairman.’’ The Economist, (22 September 2001): 49. O’Carroll, Lisa. ‘‘Campbell Wins Privacy Case Against Mirror.’’ GuardianUnlimited, 27 March 2002. Available at http://media.guardian.co.uk (10 June 2002). ‘‘Outgrowing Auntie.’’ The Economist, (18 August 2001): 42-3. ‘‘Picture Perfect?’’ The Economist, (20 October 2001): 75-6. Press Complaints Commission. Code of Practice. Available at http://www.pcc.org.uk (10 June 2002). Riddell, Peter. ‘‘A Shift of Power-and Influence.’’ British Journalism Review, 10, no. 3 (1999). Available at http://www.bjr.org.uk (10 June 2002). 1018

UNITED STATES BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

United States of America

Region (Map name):

North & Central America

Population:

278,058,881

Language(s):

English, Spanish

Literacy rate:

97.0%

Area:

9,629,091 sq km

GDP:

9,837,406 (US$ millions)

Number of Daily Newspapers:

1,476

Total Circulation:

55,945,000

Circulation per 1,000:

264

Total Newspaper Ad Receipts:

48,700 (US$ millions)

As % of All Ad Expenditures:

33.10 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

UNITED STATES

Number of Television Stations:

1,500

Number of Television Sets:

219,000,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

787.6

Number of Cable Subscribers:

70,991,360

Cable Subscribers per 1,000:

252.1

Number of Satellite Subscribers:

16,000,000

Satellite Subscribers per 1,000:

57.5

Number of Radio Stations:

10,322

Number of Radio Receivers:

575,000,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

2,067.9

Number of Individuals with Computers:

161,000,000

Computers per 1,000:

579.0

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

95,354,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

342.9

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS The press in the United States evolved through a long history of freedom and openness, and it operated at the beginning of the twenty-first century within one of the richest and most powerful societies in the world. Press freedom was a crucial factor in the formation of the American republic, and strict protections for the press were added to the United States Constitution just two years after it was ratified. European travelers observed the appetite for newspapers among ordinary American citizens and thought it a distinctive characteristic of the early Republic. Notably, Alexis de Tocqueville devoted large sections of his Democracy in America (1857) to his amazement at the amount of information from newspapers available to a common rural farmer. From its independence from England into the twenty-first century, the U.S. press has operated without fear of prior restraint and with little fear of lawsuits resulting from coverage of governmental issues or public officials. Toward the end of the twentieth century, however, libel suits and libel law for private persons and corporations was less favorable to newspapers. Nonetheless, the press enjoyed broad protection that allowed aggressive reportWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ing, including laws that sometimes mandated cooperation from public officials. The federal government and many state governments have passed freedom of information laws that require public meetings to be open and public documents to be available to citizens, including reporters, simply for the asking. In addition to assisting people in discovering facts, some states have passed laws which shield journalists from being compelled to divulge notes and information about sources, even when ordered to do so by a judge. Nature of the Audience The U.S. public is one of the most literate in the world, with a literacy rate reaching 97 percent. The United States also enjoys an extremely high per capita income and consumes massive amounts of media in all forms—newspapers and magazines, radio and television, and film documentaries. In 2000, 62.5 million newspapers circulated in the United States on any given day. Though the United States has no single official language, most of the population speaks English. There is a large and quickly growing Spanish-speaking minority in the United States, concentrated most visibly in the Southwest, California, and Florida but present in all large cities and in many rural and agricultural areas. Federal and state laws compel most government documents to be published in a variety of languages. There are many nonEnglish-language newspapers in the United States, published in a host of languages, but their quality and distribution vary widely, and their number has declined substantially since their height in the early 1900s. The population of the United States grew steadily at a rate of about one percent per year from 1990 to 2000. The United States includes people who claim nearly every ethnic origin in the world. Although most Americans can claim some European descent, people of Hispanic origin are the fastest-growing minority group in the United States. Between 1990 and 2000, the number of people claiming Hispanic descent grew from 23 million to 32 million. Many legal and illegal Hispanic immigrants, and many citizens of Hispanic descent, speak only Spanish. The number of African Americans in the United States grew from 29 million to 33 million in that same time period. New York City is the country’s media capital and major financial center, although most of the country’s movies and television programming comes from Los Angeles. The Midwest, which includes states in the Mississippi and Ohio River basins, is mainly an agricultural and industrial area. The relatively sparsely populated Great Plains states, most of which share the Missouri River basin, produce most of the country’s food. About 80 percent of the country’s population lived inside metropolitan 1019

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areas in 1998, which comprised about 20 percent of the country’s land. Numbers of Newspapers by Circulation Despite the growing population and affluence of the United States, many newspapers continue to suffer from declining or stagnant circulation. In 2000, daily newspaper circulation reached a low of 0.20 newspapers per capita, down from 0.30 in 1970. Fierce competition from cable channels, network television, radio, and the Internet continues to cut into newspapers’ market share and circulation. Although advertising revenues continue to grow, their growth has generally been slow. The boom years of the 1990s reversed this trend to some extent, but the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the United States accelerated an already-existing economic slowdown and led to major declines in ad lineage and advertising revenues across the country. One positive result of the attacks, and the subsequent military response to the attacks by the United States, has been an increase in circulation, in both long-term subscriptions and daily single-copy sales. However, even this interest-driven increase was slowing as of the summer of 2002. The general trend of the United States press over most of the twentieth century was toward consolidation, chain or corporate ownership, and newspaper monopolies in most towns and cities. In 2001, only 49 U.S. cities had competing daily newspapers. Of those 49 cities, 16 had two nominally competitive newspapers owned by the same company. Another 12 cities had competing newspapers published under joint operating agreements, an exemption to antitrust laws allowing two struggling newspapers to combine all operations outside their respective newsrooms. Only 21 U.S. cities, therefore, had true competition among daily newspapers. Of those cities, five—Tucson, Los Angeles, Chicago, New York and Seattle—had more than two competing daily newspapers, leaving 16 cities with only two competing newspapers. This number represents a massive decline from newspapers’ height in the late nineteenth century, when nearly every rural town and county seat might have had two or three competing daily and weekly papers, and larger cities might have had up to 20 or 30 papers. The number of newspapers in the United States has continued to shrink, even as the country has experienced substantial growth in population, affluence, and literacy. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the country’s population was slowly aging, as a result of the postWorld War II ‘‘baby boom,’’ and older Americans have tended to be more frequent newspaper readers than younger persons. The decline in the number of newspapers and in circulation is thus a dispiriting trend for publishers. In the 1020

last 30 years, the total number of newspapers has fallen from 1,748 to approximately 1,480. Those 1,480 newspapers are divided up into specific groups based on their daily circulation. As of Sept. 30, 2000, there were 9 newspapers that circulated more than 500,000 copies daily; 29 between 250,001 and 500,000; 67 between 100,001 and 250,000; 118 between 50,001 and 100,000; 201 between 25,001 and 50,000; 433 between 10,001 and 25,000; 363 between 5,001 and 10,000; and 260 below 5,000. Tabloid newspapers have never been particularly popular in the United States, and most Americans tend to think of ‘‘tabloids’’ in terms of the supermarket alienabduction genre of papers. However, some serious tabloids have gained a large following in certain cities; New York commuters in particular seem to enjoy the tabloidsized paper for its convenience in subway trains and on buses. As of September 30, 2000, there were a total of 51 tabloid-format papers being published in the United States. Five of those were daily broadsheet papers that published a tabloid edition only one day each week. The city with the most tabloids was New York, with four; Boston and Topeka, Kansas, had two each. Morning, Evening, and Sunday Editions The daily newspaper press is in the midst of a long-term conversion from publishing mostly in the evening to publishing mostly in the morning. In 1970, evening newspapers outnumbered dailies almost 5 to 1, with 1,429 evening newspapers and 334 morning papers being published. In 2000, for the first time, morning newspapers outnumbered evening, 766 to 727. In the same period, Sunday circulation grew from 49.2 million to 59.4 million, while daily circulation fell from 62.1 million to 55.8 million. Although the number of morning and evening newspapers is as of 2002 roughly equal, circulation has shifted dramatically. In 1970, evening circulation outnumbered morning 36.2 million to 25.9 million; in 2000, morning outnumbered evening 46.8 million to 9 million. Publication time roughly follows the size of the city in which a newspaper is published. As of 2002, no evening papers were published in any city larger than 250,000 people, while in towns of 5,000 or fewer, evening newspapers outnumbered morning 209 to 51. The logic of the long-term switch is complex but related essentially to newspapers’ competition with broadcast media and newspapers’ relationships with advertisers. Put simply, newspapers as a printed medium find it increasingly difficult to compete with television news channels on a daily basis, especially since the advent and recent massive proliferation of 24hour cable news channels. While the afternoon or evening paper can at best summarize the events of the morning, a morning newspaper can summarize all the events of the previous day, barring sporting events or city counWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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cil meetings that continue far into the night. Morning papers also are more influential in setting the tone of news discussions for the day; many broadcast reporters still get story ideas from the morning newspaper. The era of the printed newspaper as a viable medium for covering breaking news seems to be ending, although newspapers’ Internet sites can be a way for papers to reclaim some of that market. In extreme circumstances press runs can be, and sometimes are, stopped or slowed, but most newspapers publish only one edition in any news cycle. The role of the afternoon paper, in the smaller communities which it generally serves, is similar to the role of the six o’clock newscast in larger cities—to provide a comprehensive summary of the day’s events. In the early 2000s, the one bright trend in circulation figures was the growth of the Sunday newspaper press. The Sunday paper is a relatively recent phenomenon, showing substantial growth in the 1980s and 1990s. As of 2002, a total of 917 Sunday newspapers were being published, up from only 538 in 1970. Most Sunday papers are published in midsize cities with populations between 10,000 and 100,000, though most Sunday circulation comes from big-city papers. Sunday papers tend to be the largest editions of the week, with papers like The New York Times publishing easily 300 pages on a single day. Sunday editions tend to be highly profitable for many papers, since they constitute a venue for a massive volume of display and classified advertising and many preprinted inserts. The Sunday paper has also traditionally contained expanded sections on science, health, books, performing arts, visual arts, TV listings, business, opinion, and the like. Additionally, many organizations use their Sunday editions for publishing expanded sections on the events of the week or for printing significantly longer stories analyzing events or trends in the public eye. Sunday editions also often provide a place for newspapers to publish magazines, although relatively few newspapers actually produce their own. Many papers buy preprinted magazines, such as the popular Parade magazine, from news services. Many midsize and largercirculation papers also publish a tabloid-style entertainment magazine on Fridays or weekends. Newspaper Size Given the size and variety of the U.S. press, there is no consistent number of pages that U.S. newspapers publish. Most midsize papers, of circulations between 25,000 and 75,000, publish between two and four news sections on any given day, with between 16 and 80 total pages. Added to the news sections can be one or two classified and display advertising sections, with between 4 and 20 total pages. Individual newspapers can even vary widely during the week in terms of their page count; most papers publish larger sections on WednesWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

days, a popular day for grocery advertising, and on Fridays, when papers tend to publish special advertising sections and inserts, and possibly an entertainment magazine or tabloid section. Most morning newspapers are in large cities, and most of the circulation of newspapers comes from the big-city press. The top 50 daily and Sunday papers in the United States all circulate in very large cities. As one would expect, the number of daily newspapers is also largest in states with large populations and large geographic areas. California leads the nation with 92 dailies, and Texas is second with 87. Delaware and the District of Columbia have the fewest dailies, with only two each. Washington, D.C., though, leads the nation in circulation per capita at 1.51 newspapers circulated per person. Of course, many of those papers are bought outside the federal district’s area. Ten Largest Newspapers The ten largest newspapers in the United States in terms of circulation are all daily papers and are all published in large cities or their suburbs. In order of circulation size as of September 30, 2000, they were: The Wall Street Journal (New York); USA Today (Arlington, Virginia); The New York Times; The Los Angeles Times; The Washington (D.C.) Post; the Daily News (New York); The Chicago Tribune; Newsday (Long Island, New York); The Houston Chronicle; and The Dallas Morning News. The top ten Sunday papers vary slightly from this list, due mainly to the fact that neither The Wall Street Journal nor USA Today publishes on Sunday. They are: The New York Times; The Los Angeles Times; The Washington Post; The Chicago Tribune; The Philadelphia Inquirer; the Daily News (New York); The Dallas Morning News; The Detroit News & Free Press; The Houston Chronicle; and The Boston Globe. 1021

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Small & Special Interest Press Weekly newspapers, of course, operate on an entirely different news cycle and tend to be concentrated almost exclusively in rural communities. Some weekly newspapers, such as New York’s Village Voice, circulate within a larger metropolitan area and offer a serious, though sometimes alternative, look at urban news and issues, competing directly with established newspapers and broadcast stations. Most weekly papers, however, circulate in areas with too small a population to support a daily newspaper and offer their readers coverage of areas generally ignored by larger papers and broadcasters.Weekly and semiweekly papers still make up the bulk of the American newspaper press in terms of sheer numbers, although their circulation is only about half that of daily newspapers. In 2001, a total of 6,579 community weekly papers circulated in the United States. Most of those—4,145—were paid for by subscribers, and another 1,065 circulated for free. A total of 1,369 combined paid and free editions. In any given week, 20.6 million paid and 27.4 million free weekly papers circulated in the United States in 2000. An entirely different and more recent phenomenon has been the growth of free ‘‘shopper’’ papers and zoned editions of larger papers. Shoppers are generally papers that are distributed free within a given market, with their production costs paid for entirely through advertising. Zoned editions, on the other hand, are bundled with the regular newspaper and generally comprise special sections that are designed to allow advertising and news departments to produce area-specific content. In other words, a large metropolitan newspaper such as the St. Louis Post-Dispatch might (and does) publish zoned editions for a variety of geographic regions and suburbs that offer coverage of local schools, development, business and other issues that do not make the regular newspaper. In 2001, some 1,399 shopper publications and 3,598 zoned editions were published in the United States. The ethnic and religious press has been affected by the general decline of the mainstream newspaper press. The rise of the one-newspaper town, combined with the general trend towards corporate ownership and shared corporate profits, has made it more difficult for any special-interest newspaper to successfully compete for advertising dollars and subscription revenues. Specialinterest publishers have tended to concentrate in the magazine sector, where narrowly focusing on a specific target market results in an ever-increasing Balkanization of the magazine medium. Not surprisingly, surviving ethnic and foreign-language papers tend to be concentrated in the large cities, where the populations they target live. In some ways, the decline in numbers of ethnic and religious papers reflects a laudable desire on the part of mainstream publishers to include all groups in their com1022

munities; however, there has been loss of unique voices in the newspaper market. In general, the distribution of ethnic newspapers has tracked changes in the general population. The current group attracting most attention from newspaper publishers is the Hispanic market. Many big-city newspapers, and even some small-town papers in areas with large Hispanic populations, have begun publishing Spanishlanguage sections and tabloids, sometimes partnering with existing publications. Other newspapers targeting Hispanics have sprung up on their own in various cities. In 2000, there were 149 Hispanic newspapers published in the United States. African Americans have long been active newspaper publishers in the United States, often because personal preference combined with real or apparent segregation made white newspaper editors reluctant to publish serious news about African Americans. Frederick Douglass, the well-known former slave and abolitionist leader, started publishing the first successful African-American newspaper, the North Star, in 1847. In 2000, some 193 newspapers aimed partially or wholly at African Americans were published in the United States. Religious newspapers have long had a presence in the newspaper world, especially in large cities. In 2000, there were at least 127 Christian papers, mostly Catholic, and at least 75 Jewish newspapers published in the United States. Military newspapers, whether published on land bases or on large ships, make up another significant segment of the special-interest press; at least 127 military papers were published in 2000. Quality of Journalism One unique aspect of U.S. newspapers is their detached stance towards news and especially politics. As newspaper numbers and newspaper competition have declined, so too has the tradition of newspapers supporting a particular political party or ideology. Although most newspapers in foreign countries are generally or explicitly supportive of particular political parties, American newspapers pride themselves on their independence from the political fray. Journalists are trained to seek objectivity in their reporting and are warned against taking stances on issues, persons, or events they cover. Most newspapers, at least in theory, observe a strict separation between the news and editorial pages and maintain a strict separation of powers between the newsroom and business office. This separation of powers is meant to express papers’ editorial independence and to avoid even the appearance of influences on the paper from advertisers or political parties. Reporters and editors find a particular ethical responsibility to be as fair and accurate as possible in reporting news. Many journalists struggle to overcome WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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their own personal biases towards the news, whether in terms of political partisanship or in terms of their own religious or ethnic backgrounds. In particular, when covering political or religious stories, journalists have to consciously remind themselves to treat all sides of an issue fairly. What this means for most journalists is that they are either explicitly prohibited or at least discouraged from holding public office, serving as communications or public relations directors for businesses or nonprofit agencies, and generally placing themselves in the public eye as being in support of political or social issues. The logic behind these prohibitions is that while journalists are citizens and entitled to the rights and responsibilities of any citizen in an open democracy, they should not compromise even the appearance of their media organization’s independence and objectivity. In the early 2000s, however, journalists have become somewhat more visible to the public. Many newspapers consider it acceptable to sponsor public meetings dedicated to discussing an issue of public concern or to sponsor panel discussions or a series of speakers on public issues. A growing minority of journalists argues that a newspaper’s civic responsibilities should be balanced against its desire to be independent and objective. Many journalists are beginning to accept the idea that newspapers should not just report on community problems, but they should be a part of a community decision-making process to fix those problems. At the same time, however, a small but vocal minority of American journalists go so far as to espouse the view that journalists should not even vote, in an attempt to strictly separate themselves from public life. Most American journalists attempt to steer a middle line, observing a strict separation between their personal, political, and spiritual lives on the one hand and their responsibilities towards a mass audience on the other. A particular ethical problem that many newspapers face concerns relations with advertisers. Most American papers earn a large portion of their revenues from display advertising; only a very few specialty newspapers and newsletters are able to sustain themselves mostly or entirely on subscription revenues. Pressure brought against newspapers by advertisers poses particularly tricky ethical decisions at times; the newspaper may desire to be as independent as possible, but if the newspaper is forced to close, its ability to do anything ceases. This problem is particularly acute for newspapers in rural areas and small towns, which cannot rely upon support from national advertisers. Some media critics, however, argue that most U.S. newspapers suffer from inherent biases in coverage, such as an uncritical acceptance of capitalism, free markets, and the basic two-party system, even while claiming to WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

be objective. Corporate consolidation and the fact that as of 2002 most daily newspapers operate as only one part of giant corporations has also led many journalists to worry about the possibility of undue influence being concentrated in relatively few hands. Three Most Influential Newspapers By far the most influential newspaper continues to be The New York Times, which sets a standard for quality journalism unparalleled throughout the country. Although the Times is not the largest-circulation daily in the country, the influence it has on the intellectual and political world is considerable. Over the course of its history, the Times has been the newspaper of record for many Americans. USA Today must make the top three list if for no other reason than its influence on other papers. USA Today has the distinction of being the country’s only truly national newspaper; though some of its editions are zoned by regions of the country, the paper makes an effort to cover news of national importance and includes news from every state in every edition. Founded in 1982, USA Today introduced a style of news writing that emphasized short, easy-to-read stories. The paper also pioneered massive use of color photos and infographics, and it adopted a now-famous and widely copied color weather map. The focus of USA Today has never been New York Times-style investigative journalism or long series on local or national issues. The paper was, however, a success with readers, who enjoyed the use of color and its nature as a ‘‘quick read,’’ and many of its design innovations have silently been adopted by competing papers. In fact, the last two major ‘‘gray’’ newspapers in the United States, the Times and The Wall Street Journal, have begun using color within the last 10 years, and many other papers have adopted some or all of the paper’s innovations, such as a color weather map or daily infographic. Rounding out the top three papers is The Wall Street Journal. A financial newspaper with a generally conservative bent, the Journal is not necessarily representative of most American newspapers, but its influence on Wall Street, and thus the world, is immense. The Journal trades the title of largest-circulation newspaper in the United States with USA Today on a regular basis. The Journal focuses mainly on business news and approaches national news from a business angle. It has, however, won several Pulitzer Prizes for reporting on non-business news. The paper also has the distinction of owning one of the few Internet sites that actually makes money; the site’s content is so unique and valuable that it can successfully charge for subscriptions. The Journal is owned by the Dow Jones corporation, the publisher of the Dow Jones stock index that is used every day to track the performance of the American economy throughout the world. The Journal’s published financial data is also used 1023

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throughout the country for setting a variety of loan rates, foreign currency conversions, and the like. As of 2002, the Journal’s most recent Pulitzer Prize was won for its response to the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. The paper’s offices, across the street from the World Trade Center, were evacuated that morning and were later essentially destroyed when the twin towers collapsed. The employees of the paper evacuated en masse to the paper’s printing offices in New Jersey and were actually able to improvise a paper for the next morning. History of the Press in the United States The first newspaper in what would become the United States appeared in Boston on September 25, 1690. Benjamin Harris published Publick Occurrences, Both Foreign and Domestic, which led with a story about Massachusetts Native Americans celebrating a day of thanksgiving for a successful harvest and went on to mention rumors that the king of France had cuckolded his son. Although Harris, the publisher of the widely-used New England Primer, was a licensed printer, his newspaper only survived one issue. During the next few decades, several papers appeared, most published by local postmasters who had access to European newspapers and the franking privilege. The longest-lived of these early papers was the Boston News-Letter, first printed in 1704 by postmaster John Campbell. Campbell’s paper grew out of a handwritten newsletter that he had distributed to postal customers. Like other papers of the time, the News-Letter consisted generally of news about politics, ship movements, proclamations, speeches, and formal letters. Campbell’s paper also included news about fires, shipwrecks, piracy, accidents, and other more sensational and interesting events. Campbell’s paper survived for 72 years. By 1735, printed material was once again becoming an annoyance to at least one colonial government. The Crown governor of New York, who had been attacked in various issues of John Peter Zenger’s New York Weekly Journal, prosecuted Zenger on charges of seditious libel. Under British law at that time, truth was not a defense to a charge of seditious libel. The judge instructed the jury to find Zenger guilty if they determined he had indeed printed attacks on the governor, which he undoubtedly had. Perhaps swayed by Zenger’s lawyer, Alexander Hamilton, the jury ignored the judge’s instructions and found Zenger innocent and freed him. During the years between Zenger’s trial and the beginning of political unrest in the colonies, the best-known paper published was undoubtedly Benjamin Franklin’s Pennsylvania Gazette. Franklin, a brilliant polymath who consciously presented himself as a rustic farmer, won success with the Gazette and other publications because 1024

of his wry style and self-deprecating writing. Unlike his older brother James, Benjamin Franklin was also able to escape being jailed by the colonial authorities—partly by picking a city friendlier to printers. Franklin is the best-known printer from Revolutionary days, but a host of other editors helped move the colonies closer to rebellion in the years before 1775. In 1765, Parliament passed a Stamp Act specifically aimed at taxing newspapers, legal documents, and other published materials that printers saw as intended to drive them out of business. The short-lived Stamp Act was only the first in a long series of measures designed to tax colonists for supporting British troops in North America that eventually led to rebellion, but it was a significant moment in radicalizing editors against the British government. Newspapers were only one weapon in the general colonial protest against Britain, but they were a surprisingly effective one, being able to carry news of demonstrations, mock funerals of ‘‘Liberty,’’ news of real and perceived abuses against colonists, and perhaps most importantly news from other colonies. The same printer-editors who published newspapers were also responsible for printing and distributing the variety of pamphlets, broadsides, engravings, woodcuts, and other miscellaneous propaganda distributed by revolutionary ‘‘Committees of Correspondence’’ from many of the colonies. During this same period, of course, loyalist printers also published material in support of the British government, and some very conservative editors avoided news of the conflict altogether or swayed back and forth as local political winds dictated. The most well-known colonial protest against the British government, the Boston Tea Party, is an example of how newspapers helped radicals spread their message. The men who participated in the famous party may have planned their raid at the home and office of the printer Benjamin Edes of the Boston Gazette. Edes’ Gazette and other papers printed full accounts of the attack and, more importantly, the rationale behind it, which were clipped and reprinted by other colonial newspapers, spreading the news farther across the colonies at each printing and in a sense recreating the event for each new reader. Without the intervention of the press, the Boston protest, and countless others in the colonies, would have been no more than an example of local hooliganism. During the Revolution itself, printers of all political orientations found themselves even more closely tied to the fortunes of war. Editors often were forced to flee before approaching armies, and presses—especially Tory presses—became the focus of mob violence on more than one occasion. In addition, the British naval blockade and general economic disruption caused by the war made it more difficult for editors to find supplies and to publish on anything approaching a regular basis. But newspapers WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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had done their work; when John Adams wrote that ‘‘The Revolution was effected before the war commenced. . . this radical change in the principles, opinions, sentiments and affections of the people, was the real American Revolution,’’ he referred to the work done not only by the Sons of Liberty and Committees of Correspondence, but also that done by colonial editors. American independence resulted in a reshaping of the press. For a short time, freed of the war-driven impulse to produce patriotic material, printers reverted to the pre-Revolutionary model of commercialism and relative political neutrality. The upcoming Constitutional Convention and the ratification debates attendant to it, however, meant that editors would once again shift into a more public, political role. A new generation of editors would radically transform their newspapers, create new political roles for themselves, and eventually lay the foundations for the American party system in the years between 1790 and 1830. To understand that transformation, it is important first to examine the social role of printers in colonial and Revolutionary times. Franklin’s example notwithstanding, being a printer in colonial days was hardly a road to political power, prestige, or riches. Although printers were valued by their towns, and their business brought them into contact with the local elite, they were still artisans, sharply separated from the colonial gentry by class, manners, refinement, and occupation. Printing was a difficult and often disgusting business. The youngest apprentice in a colonial office would often be given the job of preparing sheepskin balls used to ink the type. The balls had to be soaked in urine, stamped on, and wrung out to add softness before being brought to the press. Ink was often made in the office by boiling soot in varnish. More experienced printers might spend up to sixteen hours setting type, reading copy with one hand while the other selected individual letters and placed them, backwards and reversed, into a typecase. The locked typecase—essentially a solid block of lead type with wood frames—would be carried to the press by hand, the type itself beat with inked sheepskin balls, and the press cranked by hand to bring the plate into contact with a sheet of wetted paper. This process would produce one side of one sheet—one ‘‘impression.’’ The sheet would then be hung to dry, and the inking, wetting, and cranking process repeated. Two experienced printers could produce about 240 sheets an hour at best. Later, they would repeat the entire process, including setting new type, for the other side of the sheet, and later fold the papers by hand. The total process of producing a rural paper with 500 to 600 copies would take at least a day and most of the night. During the years immediately following the Revolution, printers’ status actually declined throughout the WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

country. As the process of creating a newspaper became more specialized, the job of actually printing a newspaper became increasingly divorced from the process of writing and editing the news. During the 1790s, this trend became more distinct as a new breed of editors turned away from the trade-oriented, mostly commercial, goals of their predecessors. Younger men found themselves increasingly drawn to partisan controversies and found their true calling in editing political newspapers. From the late 1790s on, partisan newspapers became increasingly more crucial to politics and politicians in America. Partisan newspapers acted as nodal points in the political system, linking ordinary voters to their official representatives and far-flung party constituencies to one another. Political parties existed without formal organization in the early Republic, and partisan newspapers provided a forum in which like-minded politicians could plan events, plot strategy, argue platforms, and rally voters in the long intervals between campaigns and events. Physical political events like speeches, rallies, and banquets with their attendant toasts could only reach a limited number of voters at any given time, but when accounts of them were printed and reprinted in newspapers their geographic reach was vastly extended. In the days before formal party headquarters, local newspaper offices functioned as places in which politicians and editors could meet and plan strategy. Throughout the nineteenth century, newspapers remained the focal points of political struggles, as parties and factions battled for control of prominent newspapers and regions. Newspapers could also come before formal party organization, as when William Lloyd Garrison’s The Liberator made him the leading figure of the abolitionist movement and predated the founding of his New England Anti-Slavery Society by a year. When black abolitionists wanted a voice in the movement, they attempted several times to found a newspaper, finally succeeding in 1847 with Frederick Douglass’s North Star. Later journalism historians searching for the origins of objectivity and professionalism would often find their origins in the penny press, started by James Gordon Bennett’s New York Sun in 1833. The penny press, which owed its name to the fact that penny papers sold for one or two cents daily, instead of several dollars per year, was more stylistically than substantively different from the partisan newspapers of its day. Bennett and other editors made much out of the fact that they were ‘‘independent’’ in politics, but by independence they meant essentially that they were not dependent upon one party for support. What the penny press actually did was to combine and extend many of the innovations with which other newspapers were beginning to experiment. The penny papers popularized daily copy sales rather than subscrip1025

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tions, relied more upon advertising than subscriptions for support, and broadened the audience for reports on crime, courts, Wall Street, and Broadway. The penny papers also continued a process of specialization that led eventually to the ‘‘beat’’ system for reporters and to changes in the internal organization of newsrooms. But the penny press was a uniquely Eastern and urban phenomenon which was evolutionary rather than revolutionary in press history. In the 1850s and 1860s, sectional politics dominated newspapers, as radical stances began to be taken by all sides on the question of slavery. After the election of Abraham Lincoln in 1860, eleven Southern states decided to leave the Union, making civil war inevitable. During the war years, newspaper editors often found themselves caught between competing sectional and party loyalties, especially in border states like Missouri, Kentucky, and Maryland, while other editors found their papers suppressed by local authorities or by invading armies. Southern editors in particular faced hardship during the war, as the northern blockade dried up the supplies they needed to publish. Other papers, especially in the North, were able to continue their vigorous partisanship; Lincoln wryly noted that even Horace Greeley’s Tribune, a Republican and abolitionist paper, only supported him four days a week. Newspaper correspondents vastly expanded their use of the telegraph and photography in reporting on the war; a new genre of ‘‘illustrated magazines’’ made copious use of both picturesque and horrible war scenes. In the years after the Civil War, the tremendous growth in newspapers that the nineteenth century had seen slowed somewhat. The United States grappled with a deep economic depression throughout the 1870s, and most of the South was still under military occupation. The African-American press was one sector that showed growth in the years after the Civil War, as freed slaves, most of whom had been prevented from learning to read or write, came together to create their own schools, banks, newspapers, and other public institutions. Once again, major new political movements found expression first in partisan newspapers. Editors continued to take strong stands on national political events as well, with the impeachment and trial of Andrew Johnson and the increasingly corrupt administration of Ulysses S. Grant at center stage. During the 1880s, massive changes were underway in the United States that would change the nature of newspapers and of news in the twentieth century. The U.S. economy had recovered from the depression of the 1870s and was beginning to embark on the great decades of industrial expansion that would make it the world’s leading economy by the 1940s. Immigrants once again 1026

began to flood into eastern cities, accelerating an existing trend towards urbanization and creating a huge demand for foreign-language newspapers. The 1890 census for the first time counted more Americans living in cities than in rural areas. The 1890s in general would become known as one of the most flamboyant eras of American journalism, marked by incredible competition among the large urban dailies. The two most famous representatives of the newspaper wars of the 1890s were Joseph Pulitzer and William Randolph Hearst. Pulitzer, a Hungarian who had immigrated to the United States to fight in the Civil War, bought the failing St. Louis Westliche Post, a Germanlanguage Liberal Republican newspaper, at a sheriff’s sale in 1878, later combining it with the St. Louis Dispatch. Pulitzer’s Post-Dispatch, which changed political orientations when Pulitzer himself became a Democrat, became a model for the kind of crusading urban newspaper that he would later run in New York. Attacking political corruption, wealth, and privilege, Pulitzer sought to create and unify a middle-class reform movement in St. Louis. When he bought the New York World in 1883, his goal was again to rescue a failing newspaper by launching it on a progressive political crusade, partly by supporting issues important to the city’s large immigrant population. Hearst, the son of a wealthy California mine owner, actually got his start in journalism working for the World before purchasing the San Francisco Examiner in 1887. When Hearst returned to New York, it was as a direct competitor to Pulitzer. Hearst used his Morning Journal to attack Pulitzer, the city government, and anyone else who caught his eye, and later to encourage the United States to declare war on Spain in 1898. The circulation wars of the 1890s, which led to extremes of sensationalism later called ‘‘yellow journalism,’’ pushed both papers’ circulations above one million at times. The period between 1890 and 1920 is also notable as an era in which individual reporters became more wellknown than ever before. The era of ‘‘muckrakers’’ is difficult to characterize as a unified set of ideas, but most muckrakers shared a general desire for social reform, a faith in the ability of government and society to overcome problems, and a belief that their exposés would result in action. The topics muckrakers tackled ranged from Ida B. Wells’s courageous work to ending lynching in the South to Jacob Riis’s portraits of homeless youths in New York. At the other end of the spectrum rest journalists like Lincoln Steffens, whose ‘‘Shame of the City’’ series is representative of a genre that tended to focus on the personal habits and customs of the new immigrants peopling urban areas, and to blame urban corruption, homelessness, poor sanitation, and other urban problems on the ethnic or racial backgrounds of those immigrants. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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The years leading up to World War I in many ways marked the high point of the newspaper press in the United States. In 1910, the number of daily newspapers in the United States peaked at 2,600; in 1914, the number of foreign-language dailies in the United States reached a high of 160. When the United States entered World War I in 1917, President Woodrow Wilson set up the Committee on Public Information, headed by George Creel, to rally press support for the war effort. Creel’s committee used a newly passed Espionage Act to limit publication of materials that questioned the war effort, mainly by revoking papers’ mailing privileges. Particularly hard-hit was the Socialist press, which in 1913 had counted 323 newspapers with more than two million copies circulated daily, but other non-mainstream newspapers were also attacked by the government. Although the Creel Committee relied more on voluntary compliance than on federal enforcement, the effort put forth by the government to bring media in line with the war effort led many editors to question the veracity of news told in support of a single point of view. This trend, combined with a general postwar disillusionment towards extreme political and social ideas, accelerated an existing trend towards the objective model of newsgathering. Although the ‘‘who, what, when, where, why and how’’ model of reporting had existed since at least the 1890s, the 1920s marked the first widespread acceptance of objectivity as a goal among newspapers. Increasingly fierce economic competition between newspapers and declining readership also contributed to a trend towards objective reporting; the role of corporate advertisers in supporting papers also encouraged nonpartisanship on the front page. The rise of the one-newspaper town coincided with a shift in thinking on the part of editors, who had to begin seeing their readers less as voters and more as news consumers. As always, objectivity became accepted as a news model first among large urban papers, only slowly making its way into the hinterlands. The 1920s saw a continued decline in the number of daily newspapers but also the advent of new technologies that would eventually vastly change the news. The first commercial radio station in the United States, KDKA in Pittsburgh, made its debut broadcasting results of the Harding-Cox presidential election in 1920. By 1922, the number of stations had increased to 576, and over 100,000 radios were bought that year alone. The new technology did not at first massively change newspapers, but its popularity combined with continued declines in newspaper readership foreshadowed trends that would continue throughout the twentieth century. In 1926, when Philo Farnsworth first experimented with television sets, 5.5 million radios were in use in the United States. The 1930s brought the Great Depression to the United States, and newspapers suffered along with the rest of WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

the economy. The American Society of Newspaper Editors led many influential papers in opposing Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal programs. The defining Supreme Court decision concerning newspapers, Near v. Minnesota, was heard in 1931. In Near, the court held that First Amendment protection against prior restraint extended to prohibit state and local governments, as well as the federal government, from prohibiting publication of a newspaper on any but the most unusual circumstances. The Depression resulted in a slowing of growth for radio as a medium, but the 1930s also saw the consolidation of stations into national radio networks and the expansion of those networks across the country. The demand for simple, concise reporting for radio news programs helped to push newspapers in the direction of the inverted-pyramid style of writing and did much to institutionalize the cult of objectivity. In addition, federal courts began to allow radio broadcasts and station licenses to be regulated by the government, holding that the radio broadcast spectrum rightly belonged to the public and could be regulated in the public interest. Roosevelt’s ‘‘fireside chats’’ used the new medium as a way to communicate directly to the people, contributing to a general 1930s trend towards increasing the power of the federal government relative to the states. The end of the 1930s saw the advent of World War II in Europe and a growing strain of isolationism in the United States. Many newspapers initially opposed U.S. involvement in the European war, but that opposition evaporated after the attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941. At the beginning of the war, newspapers agreed to voluntarily censor their content under a Code of Wartime Practices developed by Byron Price, a former Associated Press editor. Many newspapers also printed information distributed by the Office of War Information, headed by Elmer Davis, which was a government body set up to disseminate morale-boosting material. World War II newspapers did not generally suffer from the same constraints as papers did under the Creel Committee in World War I, partly because World War II had significantly more support from the general public and from newspapers, and partly because no World War II counterpart of the Espionage Act was used to attack non-mainstream papers. The general economic dislocation caused by the war did cause, however, many newspapers to suspend publication. By the end of 1944, there were only 1,745 daily newspapers being published in the United States, a loss of 360 from 1937. An important postwar development in newspaper journalism was the Hutchins Commission’s report on ‘‘A Free and Responsible Press.’’ The report, which argued that a free press had a duty to responsibly report news 1027

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without scandalmongering or sensationalism, became an important statement of ethics, putting into words the philosophy that the United States press had been groping toward since the 1920s. On July 1, 1941, two television stations in New York began broadcasting news and programs to tiny audiences in the city. Though television began as a tiny medium and though the war hampered its ability to grow, the new medium expanded rapidly after the war. By 1949, there were more than 100 television stations in the country. The growth of television hurt newspapers, though not as much as was initially predicted. The real victim of the popularity of TV, though, was radio. In the 1950s, many radio stars, including Edward R. Murrow, abandoned radio for television, and radio began to lose its appeal as a mass medium. Radio pioneered the practice of ‘‘narrowcasting’’ starting in the 1950s, as stations abandoned nationally produced content to focus on a specific demographic or ethnic group within its listening area. This early and successful form of target marketing predated and presaged efforts by magazines and some newspapers to do the same. The 1960s were generally a decade of massive change for newspapers. Typesetting changed dramatically as the use of photocomposition and offset presses became widespread. The advent of offset spelled doom not only for the jobs of Linotype operators but also for many other specialized printing trades. The result was a rash of newspaper strikes that continued into the 1970s. Some of the cities struck were Boston, Cleveland, Detroit, New York, Portland, St. Louis, St. Paul, San Jose, and Seattle. The Detroit News and the Detroit Free Press were shut down for 267 days in 1967 and 1968. The 1970s saw one of the most dramatic instances of the power of the United States press when the Washington Post’s coverage of the Watergate burglary started a process that led to the resignation of President Nixon. The 1970s were also notable as the decade in which computers first began to invade U.S. newsrooms. Though slow and balky at first, computers would revolutionize typesetting by the 1990s, with later technology making it possible for type to go directly from computer screen to printing plate. The continued decline in multiplenewspaper cities led Congress to pass the Newspaper Preservation Act of 1970, which allowed competing newspapers to merge essentially all of their operations outside the newsroom if one or both were in financial distress. The 1980s brought more massive changes to the media in the United States. The first all-news TV network, CNN, debuted in 1980, and the first new national newspaper, USA Today, was first published in 1982. Though both were at first derided by the newspaper press, 1028

both survived and prospered. CNN offered the world live coverage of the Gulf War in 1991, and viewers experienced watching U.S. bombs drop on Iraqi targets live and in color. The 1990s will be remembered most as the decade in which the Internet exploded as a major cultural force. Newspapers were quick to build Internet sites and invest in the new technology as part of a ‘‘convergence’’ strategy, although as of the year 2002 profits from the Internet continued to elude most companies. Increasing consolidation of newspaper chains and ever-decreasing competition have been other major trends of the 1980s and 1990s, with newspaper mergers and buyouts continuing unabated. The booming U.S. economy of the 1990s and the over-inflated stock market undoubtedly contributed to this trend. The largest recorded value of deals struck for newspapers in a single year occurred in 2000, with a total of $15 billion changing hands. Between 1990 and 2000, newspaper companies aggressively sought to expand their holdings in both numbers of newspapers and in specific geographic areas, seeking especially to cluster their holdings in and around metropolitan areas. Newspaper companies also aggressively expanded into television, radio, and the Internet, with mixed results. At the end of 2000, the top 25 media corporations controlled 662 U.S. dailies with a combined daily circulation of 40 million.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK Overview of the Economic Climate and its Influence on Media The information industry in the United States is one of the most dynamic and quickly-growing sectors of an economy that was struggling to recover from recession in the middle of 2002. The prior economic census of the United States, taken in 1997, listed 144,000 businesses devoted to information and communications, with more than $623 billion in gross receipts. Of those businesses, 8,800 were newspaper publishers, with total revenues of $117.3 billion. In 1999, newspaperpublishing companies had about 400,000 employees and carried a total payroll of $26 billion. To say the least, communication industries are not an inconsiderable part of the U.S. economy. Since 1997, the United States experienced a massive speculative boom in the stock market, fueled mainly if not entirely by companies that promised to use the limitless potential of the Internet to deliver every possible type of service to the home consumer. That speculative bubble burst in the first half of 2001, shortly after the contested George W. Bush versus Al Gore presidential election was finally decided. Uncertainty over the future course of the country, combined with a growing impatience with seemingly empty promises from Internet companies, caused a massive contraction in equities markets throughout 2001 and sent the U.S. economy into a recession. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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The business climate was still stagnant in September 2001, when terrorists struck at the heart of the U.S. financial system in attacks that killed nearly 3,000 people, devastated the financial district of New York, shut down the U.S. air travel system and the U.S. stock exchanges for days, and caused a massive wave of panic to ripple throughout the country. The economic news was improving somewhat in the summer of 2002, but the long-term outlook remained uncertain. The falling stock market affected not only Internet companies but other corporations as well, including publicly-held media companies and many of their major advertisers. Many media companies were already coming to terms with falling advertising revenues before the terrorist attacks. The aftermath of September 11 caused businesses to rethink capital expenditures and shift comparatively more money into security-related spending and less into advertising. Newspapers were hurt by declining advertising but were helped somewhat by a rise in newspaper circulation since the attacks and subsequent U.S. military campaign in Central Asia. However, as of the summer of 2002, those short-term circulation gains seemed to be evaporating. Newspapers in the Mass Media Milieu: Print Media versus Electronic Media Newspapers make up only one portion of the mass media in the United States, and they make up a declining percentage of the media market. Although the 1997 economic census listed 8,758 newspaper publishers (including daily and weekly papers) and 6,928 periodical publishers, it also listed 6,894 radio broadcasters; 1,895 television broadcasters; 4,679 cable broadcasters; and 14,895 information and data services processing firms. With the recent growth of Internet businesses, print media are taking up an ever smaller share of the media audience. Although both print and broadcast revenues continued to grow throughout 1998 and 1999, the rate at which newspapers grew, 6.8 percent, is only .4 point ahead of television growth (6.4 percent) and is only about half the rate of radio growth (12.5 percent). By comparison, information and data processing services grew 28.2 percent, and online information services grew by 69.5 percent. Although newspapers still outstripped online services in 1999 in total revenues, $48.5 billion to $21.1 billion, the phenomenal growth of online services implies that newspapers’ dominance is limited. Newspapers also had slightly more revenue than TV and radio broadcasters, which had revenues of $47.6 billion in 1999. One bright spot in the comparison of newspapers to broadcasting agencies has been that newspapers are generally retaining readers better than broadcasters are retaining viewers. In the summer of 2002, the news WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

organizations of the three major networks all reported precipitous declines in the number of viewers their news programs were able to capture. Types of Newspaper Ownership Most newspapers in the United States are part of newspaper chains, owned by corporations that control from two to several hundred papers. Although some newspapers are still held privately or controlled by families or trusts, the trend of corporate ownership proliferated in the 1980s and 1990s. A total of only ten companies own newspapers that account for more than half of the United States’ daily circulation, and three of those ten companies are privately held. As of May 2001, the top three newspaper companies—Gannett, Knight-Ridder, and the Tribune Co.—owned oneseventh of all daily newspapers, representing one-fourth of the circulation of U.S. newspapers. In the early 2000s, chain ownership was one of the most hotly debated trends in the United States media. Critics of chains worry about consolidating so much circulation, power, and influence in the hands of a relatively few people, charging that corporate newspapers accept a corporate mentality that substitutes concern for profits and stock prices for journalistic integrity and independence. Another concern is corporate standardization. Recently, Knight-Ridder raised eyebrows across the journalistic world when it converted all of its newspapers’ Internet sites to a standard corporate model, including that of the San Jose Mercury-News, which pioneered Internet newspapers. The newspapers’ ‘‘Real Cities’’ sites, which are at Web addresses such as kansascity.com and charlotte.com, subsume the newspapers’ identities entirely within the context of the corporate, ‘‘Real Cities’’ brand, identifying the papers themselves only vaguely and giving those newsroom teams relatively little credit for the product they produce. One major consequence of corporate buying is that early 2000s sprees inflated the value of newspapers out of proportion to their actual profit margins. With corporate owners increasingly concerned about servicing their debts, cost cutting seems to be the only way to ensure a cash flow great enough to meet obligations to debtors. More often than not, this means staff cuts, since the major cost centers in newspapers are people and newsprint, and newsprint costs are constant and generally rising. Of particular concern to many observers of the media scene is the increasing proportion of publishers and even general managers who come from a background in business, instead of in journalism. There is a prevailing feeling among many editors that an MBA may qualify a person to run a business but that a publisher with a business background may subvert the interests of the newspaper and its editorial independence. Of particular concern 1029

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are the effect of corporate decisions on editorial content and the question of whether editorial matters may be subverted in the interest of or at the request of advertisers and other business interests of the corporation. Some journalists have increasingly insisted on making a ‘‘full disclosure’’ when reporting or commenting on movies, books, or programming produced by another arm of a massive corporation. A good example would be a commentator for Time criticizing a movie produced by Time Warner, Inc., noting in his or her article the corporate ownership of both types of media. This type of disclosure, however, is only helpful in allowing those readers who were not aware of such cross-ownership to find out about it in the act of reading; it does not provide insight into the editorial decisions that produced the article or commentary in the first place, and it leaves the magazine or newspaper open to concerns of undue corporate influence. On the other hand, corporate ownership may actually benefit many small- to medium-sized newspapers by creating a company-wide pool of resources and talent that the company can draw upon to make individual newspapers better. Corporate ownership can mean corporate discounts on newsprint, ink, printing presses, and other supplies, and can mean skilled help from within the corporation when presses break, lawsuits are threatened, or disasters strike newspapers. Corporate ownership combined with public financing can also mean that companies have an available pool of money from which to draw for special projects, better coverage, and the hiring process. Effects of Corporate Ownership The individual effect of corporate ownership undoubtedly varies from company to company and from newspaper to newspaper. Some papers that operated alone at a very high level might find themselves stifled by a corporate mindset that asks publishers to justify any expense to the head office; on the other hand, an infusion of corporate money, talent, and resources is a godsend to any number of struggling papers. However, the experience of being bought and sold invariably leads to a period of uncertainty for employees of a newspaper, as the new company generally makes changes in the management structure, management philosophies, and management personnel, to say nothing of other hirings and firings that may affect jobs and morale in the newsroom and in the rest of the paper. Small changes are magnified at small newspapers, which generally have smaller staffs than larger-circulation papers and are thus more likely to be affected by cuts that could be thought insignificant at larger organizations. Half of the newspapers in the United States have circulations below 1030

13,000 readers, and of those papers fully 47 percent changed hands in the six years between 1994 and 2000. One unique exception to corporate ownership, and one way that some multi-newspaper cities have managed to keep operating, is through joint operating agreements (JOAs). Created in 1970 as an exemption to anti-trust laws, JOAs allow two or three competing papers to merge business and production operations while keeping newsrooms separate and continuing to produce multiple newspapers. There have been 29 JOAs in the United States since the law was passed; 12 still survive. Of the others, all except two ended with one newspaper failing, moving to weekly publication, or merging with the other paper. Press Media and Electronic Media Audiences The U.S. newspaper audience is more affluent, well-educated, older, and better employed than the general population, according to a 2000 Mediamark, Inc. survey that tracked participation in media in a given week. About 79 percent of American adults had looked at a newspaper within the past week at the time of the survey. Of people who had a college degree, 89.7 percent had looked at a newspaper, compared with only 60 percent who were not high school graduates. About 83.5 percent of people age 45 to 54 had read a paper, compared with 73.3 percent of people age 18 to 24. Interestingly, white and black Americans read newspapers at equal levels: 79.3 percent of whites and 79.2 percent of blacks had looked at a newspaper. The same survey found that people who were more poorly educated watched slightly more television; 94 percent of people without a high-school degree watched television in the past week, compared with 91.1 percent of people with college degrees. Income had little effect on television viewing, but it did have a dramatic effect on Internet usage. Only 14.6 percent of people who made less than $10,000 a year had used the Internet within the last month, while 67 percent of people who made more than $50,000 a year had logged on. Interestingly, however, usage dropped precipitously among people making $150,000 a year or more, falling to just 7.6 percent of that population. Education levels made an even more dramatic difference; only 11.6 percent of people with no high school degree had used the Internet, compared with 76.5 percent of people with college degrees. Advertisers’ Influence Advertising revenues remain a major concern for newspaper publishers. In 2001, the last year for which figures were available, newspapers saw a precipitous drop in advertising expenditures on the part of businesses. Retail, national, and classified advertising fell each quarter compared with the same quarter in 2000, which was itself down compared to 1999 spending. Total advertising expenditures fell 4.3 percent in the first quarter, 8.4 percent in the second, 10.3 percent in the third, WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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and 11.9 percent in the fourth, for a total year-to-year decline of 9 percent overall. Classified advertising, which comprises the bulk of most small newspapers’ ad revenues, took the greatest hit, declining 15.2 percent from 2000. National advertising fell by 8.5 percent, while retail advertising fell only 3.4 percent. Total ad revenues, in dollar terms, fell from $48.670 billion to $44.318 billion. The drop in advertising revenues year-to-year has been of great concern to publishers, who rely on advertising for most of their profits. Short-term circulation gains have been evaporating at many newspapers, and many papers continue to face shrinking circulations and the prospect of falling ad revenues as well. Any cuts that come out of papers have to come from within, with employees bearing the brunt of the cuts. Most newspapers still strive to maintain at least a 1:1 news-advertising ratio. This means in general that news and advertising lineage—a somewhat archaic term— should be approximately equal throughout the newspaper in order for the day’s advertising to pay for the daily press run. Ideally, the ad ratio should be skewed slightly farther in the direction of advertising in order to maximize profits and to cost-justify the number of pages appearing in a paper, but most newspapers will generally provide an ‘‘open page’’ when the city desk asks for more space for a certain package of stories or for a long-standing special report. Needless to say, such a ratio is not achieved every day, nor is it achieved through display advertising alone. Weekly inserts and changes in the number of ads placed in the paper day-by-day have a large effect on papers’ ad ratios.

vide newsworthy events on command. Special-interest lobbies command news attention not so much through pressure or coercion as through the nature of various stunts and ‘‘media events’’ they stage. Stories on hotbutton issues, such as abortion and gun control, often are the province of special-interest lobbies because reporters tend to call them for easy quotes and to create ‘‘balance’’ in stories, rather than doing the sometimes more difficult work of talking to people in the community who might have more complex, but possibly more representative, views on the issues.

With a large portion of a newspaper’s revenues coming from advertising, it is no surprise that advertisers sometimes attempt to influence editorial policy, especially with regard to stories that have the potential to adversely affect their businesses. Pressures from individual advertisers can sometimes sway weaker or smaller newspapers to change editorial coverage or even abandon stories entirely. The effect of such pressure, as one might imagine, depends almost entirely upon the portion of a paper’s revenue that an individual advertiser provides; the relative editorial strength and independence of the paper’s owners; and the newspaper’s standing in the community.

Employment and Average Wage Scales Though newspaper audiences tend to be more affluent than the rest of the population, newsroom employees tend not to be particularly well-paid compared to other groups. Exact data for newspaper pay scales can be difficult to come by, given that the Census Bureau does not break down wage data from the communications sector to specific categories or wage levels within individual communications sectors. However, wage data taken from the Economic Census of the United States, taken in 1997, suggest that newspaper workers in general are paid well below the more general communications sector and slightly below the average wage for the rest of the United States.

Influence of Special Interest Lobbies Another collection of groups that may affect newspaper coverage of certain events is the various special-interest lobbies that exist across the country. Lobbying organizations command a disproportionate amount of newspaper coverage compared with their actual power and the amount of the population they represent essentially because of their skill at ‘‘working the media’’ and ensuring that they pro-

According to the Economic Census, the average pay per worker in the entire communications sector is $42,229 per year, with newspaper workers receiving $29,228 per year. This puts newspaper workers below the average for all newspaper, periodical, book, and database publishers, which average $33,753 per employee per year. By comparison, periodical publishers’ workers average $43,500 per year, with book publishers’ employees averaging $40,522 per year. Database workers average

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$38,400 per year, while software publishers’ employees make about $69,000 per year. To expand this view to other forms of media, we find newspaper workers again near the bottom of the pay scale. Motion picture and sound recording workers average $34,000 per year, while television broadcast workers average $50,900 per year. Only radio broadcasters average less than newspaper workers, making about $28,455 per year. The average hourly pay for newspaper employees in 2000 was $14.05 per hour, compared with $13.74 for the entire private sector. However, the average 1999 salary for a full-time worker in the United States was $36,555, placing newspaper employees well below average salary levels. Strikes and Labor Unions Between 1990 and 2002, there were two major newspaper strikes in the United States, in Detroit and in Seattle. There were also minor work stoppages at several newspapers, and as of the summer of 2002, there was a curious ‘‘byline strike’’ ongoing at the Washington Post. The relatively small number of strikes in the 1990s partly reflects the economic boom of the decade and partially reflects the dwindling influence unions have over the press. The major labor unions in the U.S. press have always been somewhat divided between two groups, corresponding roughly to their members’ place in the newsroom. One group of unions represented compositors, typesetters, printers, and other persons who were skilled laborers mainly in charge of actually printing the paper. The other group of unions, of which the Newspaper Guild is the survivor, represented reporters, copy editors, and photographers—once blue-collar, hourly-wage occupations that over the course of the twentieth century gradually became white-collar, professionalized, salaried jobs. Offset technology utterly erased jobs once held by compositors and typesetters, and it took much of the older type of skilled labor out of printing. The elimination of lead type in favor of offset plates means that copy editors and designers can now typeset a page in one computer mouse-click. In the 1990s, newspapers gained the capability to create negatives and even press plates directly from the newsroom, eliminating the legions of skilled workers once needed to make that transition. The new offset presses also brought with them a dramatic fall in labor costs; although Ben Bradlee was wrong when he observed that one man could push a button and a newspaper would be printed, the offset presses do require much less labor to run. Printers’ unions still represent the men and women who run offset presses, but their jobs have become more easily replaceable over time. In addition, the fact that as of 2002 large corporations held most newspapers shifted the balance of power decisively in 1032

favor of management; companies in the early 2000s have large pools of employees and deep pockets whose reserves that they can use to break a strike. The Newspaper Guild also has seen a decline in its relative importance and its membership. The Guild was formed in 1933, and members once identified closely with printers and other hourly-wage workers and against their editors and the newspaper’s management. Ironically, though, increasing job mobility and wage scales for reporters, editors, and photographers have increased class distinctions between the newsroom and the pressroom. In addition, the growing importance newspapers place on individual reporters, and the recent phenomenon of reporters becoming stars in their own right and being promoted as a result of their reporting, has meant that the ranks of management are increasingly filled with those who once were reporters and editors, blurring distinctions even further. The Guild’s membership peaked at 34,800 in 1987 and has been falling ever since. Overall, the percentage of newspaper workers who are union members has dropped from about 17 to 20 percent in 1975 to about 10 percent in 2000. The largest newspaper strike of the 1990s illustrates these trends in dramatic fashion. In 1990, the Detroit Free Press and the Detroit News entered into a joint operating agreement. After the JOA, trumpeted by both papers’ owners as a cost-saving measure, newsroom workers got an average raise of only $30 per week. Tensions in both papers simmered until July 13, 1995, when 2,500 employees of both papers, represented by six unions, walked off the job. Gannett and Knight-Ridder, publishers of the News and Free Press, both vowed to continue publication and did. Strikers encouraged union workers in Detroit, a union-heavy and union-friendly city, to boycott the paper, and they did. The result of the strike was disaster for both sides, as circulation, advertising dollars, newsroom morale, and salaries all fell. The strike lasted for 19 months, or a total of 583 days. By October 1997 some 40 percent of striking workers were back on the job, but the newspapers continued to struggle. The walkout cost the papers about $300 million, mostly on replacement workers, loss of goodwill, and lost advertising revenues. The papers saw a 280,000-paper drop in circulation, which as of 2002 had not been regained. The unions failed to shut the newspapers down, and the papers have been slow to rehire union members, many of whom took jobs elsewhere or moved out of the newspaper business. The lasting result of the strike has been bitterness and acrimony on both sides. Following the Detroit strike, the only other major strike as of 2002 was in Seattle, where employees of the Seattle News walked out over a new contract at the end WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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of 2000. The Seattle strike lasted 49 days, and ended at last when the Guild accepted a contract that was essentially identical to the one it had rejected initially. An interesting development in recent years has been the resurgence of ‘‘byline strikes,’’ whereby reporters, columnists, and sometimes photographers refuse to publish bylines with their stories. The impact on a paper’s credibility is hard to gauge, though readers have reported frustration in their inability to identify writers and thus their inability to effectively complain about stories that they might not like. The concept of a byline strike was resurrected in New Jersey in April of 2001, where Jersey Journal employees began a byline strike after the paper offered them annual raises of $2 per week. Subsequently, on June 5, 2002, Washington Post employees staged a byline strike to protest the Post’s policy that they write stories both for the newspaper and for the Post’s Web site. The Newspaper Guild called on reporters to delete their bylines both from the paper and from the paper’s Web site. The Post was the first newspaper to attempt such a strike, in 1987, and the effect was mixed at best. Many observers have pointed out that most readers tend to ignore bylines in any case, with the obvious exception of syndicated columns. In 2002, the effect of the Post employees’ effort remained to be seen.

11,983,000 metric tons of newsprint, a 1.1 percent increase over 1999. Stocks on hand remained relatively constant, with newspapers keeping an average of 43 days’ supply on hand in 2001 and 2002. Newsprint is one of the two major cost centers in newspaper publishing, with the other being labor costs. To reduce newsprint costs, many papers have been converting to a smaller ‘‘web width’’ to conserve paper, which is priced per ton. The smaller web width—50 inches at most papers, down from 52 or 54 inches—means that papers are getting perceptibly narrower, and is partially responsible for driving redesigns at many newspapers. The major effect of the shorter width that most consumers notice is that the page takes on a substantially more vertical feel, with story packages stripped down the sides of pages instead of being in horizontally boxed formats. The return to verticality of design is in some ways a throwback to the days before offset printing, when stories were confined to a single column by the technology of the lead type case.

Circulation Patterns and Prices Newspapers across the United States are remarkably homogenous in terms of their price. Audit Bureau of Circulations numbers from 2000 show that nearly all U.S. papers charge the same amount for their daily editions, and nearly the same amount for Sunday editions. The median cost of a daily paper has been $.50 since 1996, regardless of the size of the paper or its circulation. Average, or mean, costs tend to vary by circulation groups because a few newspapers charge slightly more or less for daily editions; for all newspapers, the mean cost is $.49. Sunday figures have been stable over the same period, with papers under 25,000 circulation charging a median amount of $1, papers between 25,000 and 50,000 charging $1.25, and papers over 50,000 circulation charging $1.50. The median charge for all Sunday papers is $1.25, and the mean charge is $1.28. Fully 76 percent of the 950 Audit Bureau of Circulations members that release single-copy costs charge 50 cents for their newspapers.

The offset press has also benefited considerably from the revolution in computer technology that newspapers have taken advantage of through the 1980s and 1990s. The advent of the Macintosh computer and the laser printer in 1984 marked the beginning of the desktop publishing revolution and caused newspapers to realize many of the inherent capabilities of the offset press. Computers in many ways have vastly simplified the problems of copy flow throughout newsrooms, forever destroying the position of the copyboy. Copy can now flow relatively seamlessly from the reporter’s laptop through phone lines and directly to the printing plate without any ‘‘hard copy’’ ever being printed. Design programs freed designers from the tyranny of the six- or seven-column front, allowing stories to be stripped across pages, story elements to be horizontal rather than vertical, and graphics technology to be employed to create maps, charts, and other visual elements that draw readers into the page. Offset presses also tend to make it easier for newspapers to print four-color art, including photographs and graphics, and to increase the amount of colored elements on the page. In 2002, The Wall Street Journal, for years the last bastion of strict vertical design in the United States, redesigned to use color in all of its sections and actually broke headlines across two columns on its front page.

Newsprint Availability and Cost The availability and price of newsprint remained relatively volatile through the late 1990s and early 2000s, with newspapers’ desire to maintain a constant stock of paper colliding with supply constraints in the newsprint milling system. Prices per ton continued to fluctuate, reaching a high of $605 per ton in November of 1998 and falling as low as $470 per ton in September 1999. In 2000, newspapers used

Distribution Networks Distribution networks continue to be a problem for many newspapers, especially those in large cities that have a very time-sensitive population and large traffic problems. Interestingly, the shift to morning publication has meant that many newspapers can be somewhat more flexible with distribution times. Afternoon papers, by their nature absolutely have to arrive by a certain time each day, while most people will

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not notice the difference between a 4 a.m. and a 5 a.m. throw for morning papers. In many smaller newspapers, individual carriers, who are independent contractors, are still the preferred method for delivering subscriptions, while the circulation department might own or rent a van or truck to fill up racks across the circulation area. Bigger metropolitan papers, however, usually employ a mixture of carriers, delivery vans, and trucks, and contract with individual commercial companies to distribute newspapers. Recently, many papers have discontinued home delivery for their outlying circulation areas, relying instead on mail services for distribution. At the beginning of 2002, about 44 percent of papers owned their own distribution vehicles; 29 percent contracted; 16.9 percent used employee vehicles; and about 9.7 percent leased vehicles from another company.

PRESS LAWS Constitutional Guarantees—The History of First Amendment Case Law Freedom of the press in the United States rests on a firm constitutional bulwark. The First Amendment to the United States Constitution, ratified in 1791, states: ‘‘Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for redress of grievances.’’ When the First Amendment was written, the federal government was relatively weak but greatly feared by many members of the new United States. The First Amendment, and the other nine amendments that comprise the Bill of Rights, is now generally construed as being intended to provide citizens with specific protections against an aggrandizement of power by the federal government. Most state governments had their own Bills of Rights at the time the Constitution was written, and many had stronger protections than the new federal constitution provided. The United States legal system mixes statute law, common law, and administrative law in what can seem a confusing mishmash of rules. In general, however, most of what we think of as ‘‘First Amendment law’’ comes from U.S. Supreme Court decisions. The court’s decisions have common-law value and are constitutionally unchallengeable. In addition, a long-standing recourse to precedents in the common law in courts of appeals and the Supreme Court means that prior decisions generally hold a great deal of value when deciding present cases. What this means for contemporary observers is that Supreme Court decisions tend to be construed by other lawmaking bodies in terms of general rules, or tests, to 1034

be followed in determining the limits of expression. In fact, many of the court’s decisions are written with a view towards providing, amplifying, correcting or challenging prior decisions and general rules. Although the federal Congress is generally loath to pass laws that obviously restrict free expression or challenge established precedents, it can and does pass new laws that fall into the many gray areas created by a common-law system and which have to be adjudicated by the courts. The federal and state governments, of course, are always at liberty to grant more freedoms to their citizens than are specifically provided for in laws and court decisions. When James Madison was asked to write the First Amendment, he began work in a political climate that was acutely aware of the long history of the suppression of press freedoms by British authorities, dating back to Elizabethan times. Moreover, the amendment was written to satisfy Antifederalist opponents of the Constitution who feared that a strong central government would unavoidably usurp state privileges and encroach upon the rights of the common citizen. Despite Madison’s intentions, the despotic power of the federal government would be given full force during Federalist John Adams’ presidency, when Congress passed a series of Alien and Sedition Acts. The acts, which were generally aimed at Antifederalist printers and suspicious foreigners who were supporters of Thomas Jefferson, succeeded in jailing some 40 Antifederalist editors and deporting several hundred supporters of the French Revolution. They had the somewhat unintended effect of creating a widespread disgust for the Federalist Party and helped Jefferson win the election of 1800. The acts were quietly left to die, never challenged in court; however, the principle of judicial review was not part of the U.S. polity before the Marbury v. Madison case in 1803. Press freedoms would again be suppressed by governments during the nineteenth century, but those acts took place on a much more local scale. For example, Andrew Jackson suppressed presses in New Orleans that were sympathetic to the British during the War of 1812. During the great sectional debates over slavery that led up to the Civil War, the postal service routinely denied abolitionist newspapers delivery in the South, and President Lincoln, Confederate President Jefferson Davis, and a host of generals on both sides attacked and suspended printing presses during the Civil War. However, there were no major Supreme Court decisions concerning the First Amendment during the eighteenth or nineteenth centuries. The country had to wait for the turmoil and agitation surrounding the outbreak of World War I for court decisions to articulate definitive theories of First Amendment freedoms. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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Theories Concerning First Amendment Freedoms The one major question that all observers agree on pertains to the freedom from prior restraint. At its base, the First Amendment was designed to prevent federal government—and, because of later decisions, state and local governments—from stopping newspapers and other media from publishing. This idea is generally construed to mean that a system of prior restraint or press licensing, like the colonies had under British rule, is proscribed. Furthermore, the amendment is construed to ban any governmental action that would have the effect of creating a system of prior restraint or of subjecting the press to any form of censorship. The major prior restraint case, Near v. Minnesota, indicated that the form of government action was less important than its effect on the press. In the single case of federal prior restraint, the Pentagon Papers case, a unanimous Supreme Court decision (New York Times Co. v. United States) found restraint to be unconstitutional. The Near decision also noted that even if expression is unlawful, it is better punished after the fact than by restraining its publication altogether. At a very basic level, then, the major question that arises from this assumption is whether press freedom consists of only freedom from prior restraint, or whether press freedom should be construed to include some protections from after-the-fact litigation related to materials already published. The question was not settled in favor of proscribing government interference through criminal sanctions until Schenck v. United States was handed down in 1919. The original theory of free speech guarantees owes its origins to the publication of John Milton’s Areopagitica. Milton’s theory of press freedom rests upon the concept of a ‘‘marketplace of ideas’’ in which rational debate can take place. In such a marketplace, good and bad ideas can be given full expression and can be freely debated. In such a system, constitutional protection is given to good ideas as well as bad ideas with full confidence in truth eventually emerging. Protection of all ideas is guaranteed because only their eventual death or survival in the marketplace will tell how truthful or false they are. The concept of a marketplace of ideas enjoyed a renaissance in the press around the turn of the twentieth century; immediately before then, of course, newspapers supported individual political parties and tended not to view themselves as open forums for discussion. This theory was espoused most famously in cases such as Abrams v. United States (1919), Gitlow v. New York (1925), and Whitney v. California (1927). Gitlow is especially important as being the first time the First Amendment protections of free speech were held to be binding on state governments; for a variety of reasons, the course of court decisions following the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment meant WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

that each individual amendment had to be applied against the state governments. The next major development in theories of press freedom is the Meiklejohn thesis, named for its author, the philosopher Abraham Meiklejohn. In the early 1960s, Meiklejohn argued that the basis for press freedom rests upon the fact that the United States is a self-governing society. He argued that the First Amendment is designed to protect the specific type of speech by which U.S. citizens govern themselves. In essence, Meiklejohn’s argument rests on the idea that the people delegate certain powers to government but reserve to themselves the right of oversight of government. Meiklejohn would also add to the First Amendment coverage for speech in all aspects of artistic, literary, scientific, educational, and philosophical endeavors because the ability of people to govern themselves effectively depends so heavily on cultivating educated rationality. Cases that have embodied the spirit of Meiklejohn’s argument include New York Times Co. v. Sullivan (1964) and, in a decision that expresses the idea in an earlier form, Near v. Minnesota (1931). Sullivan is the defamation case in which the court set forth a strict standard that public officials must follow to prove libel against them. The court’s rationale in treating with skepticism libel claims by officials is rooted in the belief that public governance relies on full and vigorous criticism of officials performing their duties and that falsehoods ought only be libelous if they are printed with actual malice and a reckless disregard for the truth. Near is best known for being the first time the court found the First Amendment’s freedom of the press clause to be binding on state governments. It also was the case that placed prior restraint of the press beyond the pale of government action. Other theories of the role of the First Amendment exist, though in less well-reasoned forms. One common interpretation is that the First Amendment functions as a ‘‘safety valve’’ through which extreme elements of society can vent their anger in a safer way than revolution. Another argument, which has gained increasing currency with the growing acceptance of psychological theories of development, is that the ability to freely express oneself is fundamental to individual development and growth. This latter interpretation places the First Amendment within the realm of fundamental human rights, rather than simply constitutional rights guaranteed by government. Theories in Practice The Supreme Court has applied these theories to actual cases in a variety of ways. In general, the court has attempted to arrive at decisions which inherently provide observers with a variety of operative tests to use when considering whether some form of speech is permitted or not. Those tests can generally be 1035

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seen as corresponding to any one of a variety of fundamental tests of the First Amendment. The most basic definition of the First Amendment is that it provides a central core of protection for any expression in all circumstances. This is known as the absolutist approach to First Amendment law, and it takes its basic approach from the language of the amendment. Absolutists can believe that no law quite literally means no law, but they express this belief in a variety of ways. Most absolutists, despite the name, do understand that there are conditions under which speech can reasonably be restricted; the famous example of crying ‘‘Fire’’ in a theater is the obvious one. The absolutist approach generally defines ‘‘law’’ as including administrative regulations as well as legislative decisions and tends to argue that restrictions on free expression must be contentneutral. Permissible regulations would focus only on limiting the time, place, and manner of the expression and would be narrowly drawn to restrict the amount of latitude governments would have to restrict speech. The absolutist approach, then, seeks to protect all types of speech, while realizing that communities have a responsibility to protect people’s safety and to ensure that speech does not become a nuisance. The time, place, and manner of restrictions could be drawn to take into account the individual needs of communities—no protests at midnight, on public highways, or on the field during public sporting events, for example—as long as they did not interfere with the substance of the regulation. In essence, time, place, and manner restrictions would have to be entirely incidental to speech to be permissible. Another test of the First Amendment which has claimed a broader following than the absolutist approach is called the ‘‘clear and present danger’’ test. Like the absolutist approach, it is rooted in the ideal of a free market in ideas, but it is more restrictive than the absolutist because it argues that the content of some types of speech can be restricted. The first expression of this test was in the decision of Schenck v. United States (1919). The case focused on a leaflet issued by the American Socialist Party which called on young men to resist the draft in World War I. Schenck, a party officer, was arrested and charged with violating the Espionage Act of 1917 by inciting insubordination in the military. Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, a Civil War veteran, argued that Schenck’s indictment was allowable because the leaflet presented ‘‘a clear and present danger’’ of bringing about insubordination, a problem which Congress had a legitimate right to prevent or about which Congress had at least the right to legislate. The problem with the clear and present danger test, of course, is that how clear and how present the danger is largely subjective. Moreover, the 1036

test’s application would vary according to external circumstances; forms of speech permissible in peacetime might be censored in wartime. Speech might also face different restrictions as a result of the speaker’s proximity to military bases, government institutions, cheering mobs, and the like. And, quite obviously, the test has the effect of allowing government to punish expression under certain conditional circumstances. Another, even less well-organized approach to deciding First Amendment cases can be called an ad hoc balancing of interests approach. This approach takes into account the fact that laws challenged on First Amendment grounds do not exist in a vacuum but rather are the product of a balancing of interests between free speech and other governmental interests, some of which can be other constitutionally guaranteed rights. A good example of this is the tension inherent in a defendant’s right to a ‘‘fair, speedy, and public trial.’’ The guarantee of a public trial was meant to do away with the abuses of the English court system, in which the accused often did not have the right to face his accuser or even to learn the nature of the charges against him. Unfortunately, the amendment drafted in the 1790s has run up against the mass media of the twenty-first century. In many cases, media coverage of a trial can bias or appear to bias its outcome. Especially for defendants caught after a long search or accused of particularly gruesome crimes, the media outcry can bias potential jurors, turn the community against the accused, and generally subvert the ideal that a defendant is innocent until proven guilty. Closed-courtroom cases are almost always decided on an ad hoc basis by the judge or judges involved. A host of cases have used the ad hoc approach, and no consistent direction has been given to the court or lawmakers as a result. In general, the flaw in the ad hoc approach is that each case must be decided on that basis, weighing the government’s interest against the freespeech interest at question. Citizens and journalists can never be sure when their speech may or may not be protected. The last major approach to the First Amendment focuses on definitional balancing of interests, which essentially argues that classes of speech by definition are outside the pale of First Amendment rights. The classic example of a definable class of speech is obscenity, and anti-obscenity laws show both the strengths and the weaknesses of definitional balancing. On the one hand, defining classes of speech as unprotected is a more consistent approach than the ad hoc balancing approach. Every case of obscene speech is illegal. However, the problem in definitional balancing is defining obscenity, not to mention ‘‘fighting words’’ and a host of other classes of speech that might be illegal. Justice Stewart faWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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mously declared that though he could not define obscenity, he knew it when he saw it—an approach that reduces obscenity law to an ad hoc approach.

alizing Freedom of Information laws by mandating that organizations must cooperate within a reasonable amount of time with citizen requests.

The other problem with definitional balancing is that it fails to take into account the circumstances and context of speech, even when that speech can be defined. Speech deemed obscene in a men’s magazine, such as a description of pedophilia, might not be obscene and might even find high literary expression when in a context such as Nabokov’s Lolita. Libel, another definitionally unprotected category of speech, was found to be permissible in certain cases after the New York Times Co. v. Sullivan case in 1964.

Registration and Licensing of Journalists—Print Media Journalists in the United States are generally free from requirements that they be either registered or licensed to do their jobs, and newspapers, magazines, and Internet sites can publish freely at any time without any sort of license or official recognition. Efforts to license journalists have never gained any serious momentum in the United States as a result of First Amendment rules against prior restraint; opponents of licensing argue that it would inherently operate as a form of prior restraint.

These four major approaches have not always been consistently applied, nor have they been consistently argued. They are often in conflict. But they do provide some clues as to the likely future approach of the court to communications law. In general, the court of 2002 has embraced an ad hoc balancing approach, with some individual justices leaning more or less in different directions. Often this ad hoc approach has been more restrictive of First Amendment rights than previous courts have been. This court has often found itself using tests to examine specific facts or instances of the case. In general, the court has more often than not asked governments to prove that their restrictions are narrowly tailored when they relate to speech issues.

The closest that newspaper journalists come to registration is in special situations, such as when covering campaigns, the White House, or legislatures, sporting events, or in other situations where security or space restrict access to the subject of coverage. In those situations, press members are issued ‘‘credentials’’ from any one of a variety of bodies, which they must present to gain access. In other situations, groups of correspondents might form ‘‘pools’’ to cover events or speeches in which only a few members of the press can have access. In such situations, the reporters or photographers who are picked by pools to cover the event have an informal but strong understanding that the information they gather is to be shared with all members of the pool equally and without regard to ‘‘scoops’’ or other inter-media competition.

The current court has used at least three levels of speech when deciding First Amendment cases. The first model of decision-making is based on the actual content of speech; in a definitional-balancing approach, the court has often decided cases on what it perceives as the inherent value of the speech in question. The second model is based on the mode of transmission of speech, with the court often holding that new media, such as the Internet, live by different rules than older forms of media. In two 1997 cases, Turner v. Federal Communications Commission (FCC) and Reno v. ACLU, the court held that ‘‘must-carry’’ channel rules apply to cable companies and that restrictions on indecent material transmitted over the Internet are unconstitutional. The convergence of new and old media forms will likely create major problems for the court if it continues to insist that different media have different First Amendment standards. The court has further recognized that media organizations have a right to publish news only inasmuch as they have the right to gather news. The ‘‘right-to-access’’ rulings that the court has issued in recent years have extended newsgatherers’ unique protections under the umbrella of First Amendment rights. In particular, the court has handed down decisions that have the effect of liberWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Although credentials are often handed out by the public-relations agency responsible for the people or event being covered—such as a football game or a White House press conference—there are informal or formal understandings that govern credentialing. Generally, media outlets are granted roughly equal numbers of credentials for any given event, meaning that no one organization can have a monopoly on a single event. Although the credentialing parties could refuse credentials to reporters in retaliation for something they or their organizations published, such heavy-handed censorship tends not to be tolerated by the rest of the correspondents covering that organization. When credentials are denied or unexpectedly ‘‘pulled’’ from a legitimate media organization in retaliation for a story, the rest of the ‘‘pool’’ of correspondents, or the rest of those organizations credentialed to cover an event, often refuse to cover the event at all. Given the fact that any organization in a position to credential reporters is generally dependent on press coverage, such walkouts are usually successful. In a relatively recent case, efforts by Minnesota governor and former professional wrestler Jesse Ventura to force media members to wear credentials with the legend ‘‘Designated Jackal’’ resulted in a press outcry which quickly persuaded the governor to drop that idea. 1037

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Specific issues with licensing of broadcast stations and broadcast journalists are dealt within the section State Regulation of Broadcast Media. Suffice it to say that broadcast journalists tend to face the same credentialing requirements as print journalists, although the cameras and recording equipment TV and radio journalists use are sometimes a source of dispute, especially over their use in courtrooms. The cameras-in-the-courtroom debate is one that is fought on individual jurisdictional levels and more often than not is mediated between media organizations and individual judges. Libel and Defamation Laws Although libel and defamation laws have a long and complex history, the elements common to both are relatively simple. The three elements of libel are the making of a defamatory statement, publication of a defamatory statement, and identification of the person so defamed. Only a living person or an existing corporation or organization can sue for libel because only the party defamed or libeled can sue for damages. Also, the context of a statement can make a significant difference in deciding whether a statement is actionable; calling a convicted murderer inhuman is a vastly different matter from calling a respected surgeon inhuman. There are at least seven major categories of libelous statements. They are false accusation of a crime; sexual impropriety; mental illness or loathsome disease; business or professional misconduct or incompetence; bankruptcy or fiscal irresponsibility; disgraceful behavior like substance abuse or child molestation; and product disparagement. These categories are not comprehensive. Other statements can be defamatory; indeed, 49 states find a false statement that someone is homosexual or bisexual to be defamatory. Trade libel is a relatively new category of libel, and the case law surrounding it is murky. Many states have passed ‘‘veggie libel’’ laws that seek to protect major agricultural industries from false claims; other states have passed similar statutes with reference to banks or insurance companies. To successfully bring an action for libel, plaintiffs must prove that a defamatory statement has been made against them; that the statement was published to others; that the plaintiff was identified in the statement; and, in certain cases, that they suffered economic loss as a result of the libel. The requirement to show damages leads individuals into the area of distinguishing between libel per se and libel per quod. Very briefly stated, libel per se is any statement that is libelous upon its face, while libel per quod is any statement that could be libelous given what certain people know about the defamed party. For example, incorrectly stating that John Callahan was just married could be libelous per quod if people who knew Callahan is a priest read that statement. For various com1038

plex reasons, libel per se and libel per quod are treated with the same burden of proof in most states, although other states require plaintiffs to show money damages to prove that libel per quod has happened. Defenses against libel actions vary somewhat given the nature of the case. The most basic defense against libel at common law is truth or ‘‘justification.’’ In the United States, truth is for the most part an absolute defense against claims of libel or defamation. However, some states, such as Rhode Island, require that truth bespoken with ‘‘justifiable ends’’ or ‘‘good motive.’’ This exception to truth defenses is essentially designed to protect persons from unsavory truths about themselves being used to defame them. The truth defense is, of course, limited by the ability of a defendant to prove the truth of a statement in a court of law. The scope of the truth defense is also somewhat limited by the fact that the truth or falsity of the charges must be entire; a claim that someone is a compulsive gambler could not be supported by proving one visit to a casino. The second major category of defenses against defamation rests on a specific privilege that confers immunity against libel suits. Privileges can be qualified or absolute: absolute privilege insulates the person who makes the statement against any charge of defamation, while qualified privileges apply only in specific circumstances and can be questioned in court. Some persons enjoying absolute privilege include governmental officials working in executive, legislative, judicial, and administrative offices. Statements made in a legislative forum, ranging from the floor of Congress to a city council meeting, enjoy absolute privilege from libel actions. Similarly, judges, lawyers, witnesses, defendants, and plaintiffs all hold absolute privilege for statements made in a judicial setting. The executive and administrative privileges are somewhat more constrained, given the relative scarcity of debate or open meetings in such branches of government. Nevertheless, statements made in an official context by those officials enjoy absolute privilege. There are also various qualified privileges to make libelous statements, but claims of qualified privilege are always defeated by plaintiffs’ establishing malice on the part of defendants. Proving malice requires plaintiffs to prove that the relevant publication was motivated by some consideration other than that which has the privilege in the first place. Qualified privileges tend to be very specific; they include a privilege for a physician to criticize a pharmacist’s competence; an employer to criticize an employee to a supervisor; a bank officer to make a charge of forgery; and various other privileges. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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The media have qualified privilege based on their function to engage in public oversight of government activity or in order to notify the public of public proceedings. The privilege is based on the idea that if all proceedings were kept secret, potential abuses of power could occur. Journalists must be wary of claiming this privilege, however, because various states can and do construe differently reporters’ claims of privilege. In general, journalists have a qualified privilege to publish accounts of court proceedings or court papers that have been brought before a judge or magistrate but not to publish allegations contained in pretrial papers. Reports of grand jury investigations, district attorneys’ investigations, and police proceedings can be dangerous until some action is taken on them, such as an arrest or an indictment. Reporting that someone has been arrested or indicted, however, is always privileged, as long as the form the report takes does not imply the suspect’s guilt. Reports of legislative proceedings also hold a privilege, as long as those proceedings were part of an authorized public meeting. To prove a qualified privilege, defendants must prove that the report is fair and accurate and is motivated by a sense of duty to disclose the information to those receiving it. The report does not have to be completely accurate, as long as inaccuracies do not affect the essential accuracy of the report. Also, if a defamatory result is made for any purpose other than to inform those people who have a ‘‘need to know’’ the information, it can be found to be malicious. The third major category of defenses against defamation rests on a privilege to fairly comment on news and public events. The fair comment privilege has been rendered somewhat moot concerning public officials by the New York Times Co. v. Sullivan case, since the privilege accorded the media this case is broader than the old ‘‘fair comment’’ privilege. The ‘‘fair comment’’ privilege was construed to allow the media to honestly express a communicator’s opinion on matters of public interest, based upon clearly and fairly stated facts in the communication. The privilege was constrained somewhat by a requirement that the comment had to be free of speculation as to the motives of the person whose conduct was criticized. Before Sullivan, the media was generally made free to comment on political, literary, and artistic matters by the ‘‘fair comment’’ defenses, which were construed very broadly by the courts. In the fourth category of defenses, defamation actions are called ‘‘incomplete defenses,’’ because at best they only mitigate damages that can be collected by the plaintiff; they do not bar liability. An example of an incomplete defense is a complete and unequivocal retraction of a libelous statement made in a place that holds the WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

same prominence as the defamatory statement. The retraction can mitigate damages, but the amount of mitigation is generally dependent upon state statutes. Media organizations can also mitigate damages by allowing a defamed person to reply to the defamation by using the organization’s facilities, but the use of media facilities is not generally enough to establish ‘‘good will’’ on the part of the organization and can leave the organization open to further punitive damages. A reply can, however, mitigate actual damages, since a defamed party has the opportunity to influence those whose good will had presumably been damaged by the libel. Broadcast organizations can even be compelled to allow defendants to reply; however, any attempt to compel print media to allow a reply has been held to violate the First Amendment. In recent years, libel actions have become more perilous for media organizations and for others who seek to express themselves under the First Amendment. The actual and punitive damage awards juries have been granting have skyrocketed, to a high of a jury award of $222.7 million in a 1997 libel action by Money Management Research Group, Inc. (MMAR) against Dow Jones and Co. for a Wall Street Journal article stating that MMAR was under investigation. A district court reduced the damages to $22.7 million, and a 1999 holding set aside the ruling entirely when a judge found that MMAR had withheld evidence that would have bolstered Dow Jones’ defense. However, the cost of litigating the action alone was staggering, and the initial jury award had an immediately chilling effect on media organizations. As corporations and agencies have discovered the cost of litigating suits, they have increasingly turned to filing libel suits against public organizations who criticize proposed developments and circulate petitions or call meetings opposing them. Such suits, called ‘‘Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation’’ (SLAPP), are filed with the specific intention of punishing or harassing anyone critical of the corporation and with the intention of driving poorly-funded citizens’ action groups out of business. Nine states have found SLAPP suits to have a chilling effect on public debate and participation in decisions and have passed laws making such suits illegal or calling for early dismissal of such suits. The anti-SLAPP laws have also been construed to apply to media organizations. Privacy Laws The basic distinction between a public figure and a private person was established by the 1974 Gertz v. Robert Welch, Inc. case and expanded upon in subsequent decisions. Essentially, the court has distinguished between two types of public figures. The first of these types is the all-purpose public figure, such as Michael Jordan, who has such general fame or notoriety that 1039

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his or her name is a household word. The second type of public figure is a limited-purpose public figure. Limitedpurpose public figures are further divided into two categories, based on whether they choose or are thrust into the public eye. Voluntary public figures are those who achieve notoriety by voluntarily thrusting themselves into the ‘‘vortex’’ of a specific public controversy. Ralph Nader would have begun his public life as a voluntary limited-purpose public figure, moving to the status of allpurpose public figure later. Involuntary public figures are those persons who become associated with public events or become placed in the eye of the media by chance, usually related to their involuntary participation in a newsworthy event. Accident survivors often become involuntary limited-purpose public figures. Privacy invasion as a tort has had a relatively short history in the United States, being recognized for the first time only in 1905. However, privacy laws and invasionof-privacy cases have been some of the most contentious areas of law in recent times. As of 2002, all 50 states and the District of Columbia recognized invasion of privacy as an offense, but four states recognized a right to privacy only by statute. Liability for privacy cases is complex because there are at least four distinct branches to invasionof-privacy cases. They include appropriating another’s name or likeness; unreasonable intrusion upon another’s seclusion; publicity which unreasonably places another in a false light before the public; and unreasonable publicity given to another’s personal life.The tort of appropriation seems to be most applicable in the case of celebrities depending on to which application their image or name is put. In essence, modern cases of appropriation have served to create a property right in one’s own image, which for many celebrities is of immense value to companies advertising all manner of products through celebrity endorsements. Appropriation of a celebrity’s image for one’s own use is therefore an offense analogous to a violation of copyright law. The media are relatively seldom sued for such invasions; more often, the victim of a suit is someone who has attempted to appropriate an image for advertising purposes. Media outlets are generally protected by a doctrine of ‘‘incidental use,’’ in which depictions of celebrities which are incidental, not central, to an advertising or news product do not constitute violations of privacy. In some states, even dead celebrities—or their heirs—can have property rights in their image violated, although those rights vary widely. The media have run afoul of intrusion laws much more frequently. The tort of intrusion occurs when one’s sphere of privacy is violated without one’s consent, by either physical or electronic means. When people are in a public zone, they can be recorded or photographed; however, when they are in their own homes or private places, they cannot be. That distinction also applies with1040

out regard to the victim of the intrusion. Reporters and newsgathering organizations have been sued under these statutes for a variety of reasons, ranging from invasion of a voicemail system of the Chiquita company to the use of hidden cameras to investigate a plumber posing as a doctor. Journalists have also been successfully sued for trespass and invasion, most famously in a case involving journalists who applied for jobs at a Food Lion supermarket and used their jobs to illicitly record unsafe foodhandling practices at the store. The upshot of a confusing variety of cases involving intrusion laws is complex. Essentially, journalists should know that misrepresenting themselves to gain entry to private or public property is extremely risky; that unauthorized entry constitutes intrusion and trespass; that permission from public officials is sufficient to gather news in public buildings; and that permission by police or fire officials to enter private property will not necessarily insulate a reporter against damages. False light suits can be another treacherous area for journalists. Essentially, placing someone in a false light consists of creating a false image of that person or placing him or her in a false light through publication, whether or not that false light is defamatory. This can take several forms, from misrepresenting someone’s political views to attributing to them a disease or personality trait that they do not possess. Obviously, false light suits present major problems to news organizations, in which it is often impossible to check every single fact about a person or group. In 1984, the North Carolina Supreme Court recognized that the tension between First Amendment and false light claims is significant, and it decided that false light claims should be rejected as redundant of defamation. Essentially, that means any false claim that causes actual damages can be dealt with through existing libel and defamation laws. By 1999, some 11 states, including North Carolina, had refused to recognize false light claims. The most difficult area for journalists to currently assess is that of public disclosures of private facts. It is unclear what sorts of private facts are protected by these laws and which ones are not. Most media outlets can escape prosecution for public disclosure if the facts they published are newsworthy. In general, courts have deferred to news organizations’ judgment about which facts are newsworthy, meaning that organizations have generally been prosecuted only for publishing facts that are obviously chosen solely because they involve a sensational or prurient issue. The courts have also generally found in favor of news organizations if the facts they described were in the public domain previously, even if they had not been published or broadcast. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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Freedom to Gather News Although the First Amendment protects reporters’ rights to publish news, it includes no inherent protection for the right to gather news. Because of the obvious difficulties presented by the fact that government could exclude the media from access to meetings, files, records, and other information, and because of a growing suspicion on the part of the media that not all government restrictions on information had to do with legitimate ‘‘national security’’ issues, a movement to liberalize rules about access to information began in the 1950s and had great success throughout the 1970s. The 1980s saw a bit of backsliding on the part of government agencies, but rules were liberalized again beginning in 1993. In 1966, Congress passed the federal Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), which requires federal executive and regulatory agencies to publish indexes of documents in the Federal Register and to provide documents on request to citizens. Documents produced by Congress and the White House are exempt from the act. In general, agencies may refuse to release documents for a variety of reasons, including national security and classification, personnel data, trial data, and trade secrets. Agencies that refuse to release documents have the burden of proof if the media or citizens request an administrative hearing. The original effect of the act was mixed; in general, agencies were more forthcoming with documents, and journalists had a legal basis to make their requests. On the other hand, courts generally upheld agencies’ view of exemptions. The act was amended in 1974 and in 1986 to liberalize disclosure rules, establish reasonable searching and copying fees, and include the Office of the President and various other government corporations and independent agencies that had claimed exemptions in the past. In general, FOIA requests are complied with promptly because agencies have an interest in avoiding expensive litigation that can result from delays or denials. Journalists have taken advantage of FOIA disclosures to expose a variety of official secrets, ranging from data on a nuclear accident in New Mexico to military overspending and the CIA’s role in overthrowing governments. Congress extended FOIA protection to electronic records in 1996, requiring agencies to list documents electronically and provide copies of records over the Internet. The act specifies that electronic records, including e-mail messages, are subject to the same disclosure rules as regular paper documents. A corollary to the FOIA has been a proliferation of federal and state ‘‘sunshine’’ laws designed to open meetings to public view. In 1974, Congress passed a federal open meetings law requiring federal boards, commissions, and agencies to conduct their meetings in public and to record even informal conversations between offiWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

cials and subcontractors for public consumption. A variety of state statutes have also been passed, but their expansiveness varies with each state. In general, though, Sunshine laws say that the only reason a meeting may be closed is if a board is discussing personnel issues. The 1970s were also an era in which government agencies and media organizations began to butt heads over the question of access to information about illegal activities gathered in the course of interviews. The question is somewhat thorny because there is no question that access to information about illegal activities would serve a government interest and similarly no question that disclosing such information would make many journalists’ jobs untenable. Beginning in the 1970s, some states have passed ‘‘shield laws’’ that protect journalists from being forced to disclose confidential information gathered during interviews or other proceedings. In some states, those laws include protection from subpoenas for newsrooms and news offices, and some statutes also include terms that allow journalists to refuse to testify at grand jury or other court proceedings. Some journalists claim special privileges based on their ‘‘professional’’ status as journalists, claiming exemptions from subpoenas in the same way that lawyers and doctors might. The problem with the professionalism argument, though, is that because the government does not license journalists, professional status is informal at best. One court case, Branzburg v. Hayes, has shed some light on the question of journalists testifying. Although the decision in Branzburg is complex, the majority of justices seemed to recognize no unique right for newspersons to refuse to testify before grand jury proceedings. The dissenters in the case, however, presented a threepart test to apply to the question that has subsequently been used in federal and state courts. The test would require the government to (1) show that there is probable cause to believe that the newsperson has information clearly related to a specific probable violation of law; (2) show that the information sought cannot be obtained by alternative means less damaging to First Amendment rights; and (3) demonstrate a compelling and overriding interest in that information. Court actions regarding journalists’ claims of privilege have had mixed results. In general, reporters’ success in claiming privilege depends on the context of the court proceeding, and courts will not honor claims made before grand juries and trial courts. Courts will honor claims of privilege when the claim is made during civil pretrial proceedings and when confidential information is being sought by the accused and is not critical to his or her defense. However, in cases where journalists are defendants, courts are more likely to find that information 1041

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is at the heart of the plaintiff’s case and cannot be obtained from alternative sources. If a journalist is a plaintiff and wishes to deny information to the defense through a claim of privilege, the claim will be always be denied.

Secretary of State Colin Powell co-opted the United States press to float the idea of Palestinian statehood in front of world opinion; seeing an overwhelmingly negative response from the West, President Bush quickly denied that he had ever considered Palestinian statehood.

CENSORSHIP & STATE-PRESS RELATIONS

In the face of such attempts to manage the news, journalists have responded in a variety of ways. Journalists are probably most susceptible to management when they are new to a particular beat and desperate for sources; when they are new to the profession altogether; or when they are given little choice about how to gather the news they report, as with late-night briefings while traveling on campaign airplanes. It is fair to say that most journalists quickly develop a reflexive dislike for managed news, even as they depend on it to some extent for stories and leads to stories. In the best journalistic relationships with public officials, there can exist a love-hate dichotomy between official sources and journalists; both realize that the other is necessary for their own survival, and both tend not to like that fact.

Censorship There is no official means for the government to censor newspapers, magazines, broadcast stations or other media in the United States. There is no federal censorship agency, and no way for the government to effectively enjoin a newspaper or magazine from publishing anything it wants to publish. Government Efforts to Manage News In the absence of any official mechanism for censoring the news, the United States substitutes an astonishing variety of informal mechanisms, ranging from official press conferences to whispered tips at cocktail parties, to manage what news journalists print. Recent presidential campaigns, starting with the 1992 Clinton-Gore campaign, have come up with ‘‘rapid response’’ teams to slant the news of the day in a way that is favorable to their candidate, and many public officials boast of their ability and expertise in managing the press. Media consultants are employed by nearly every government agency worth the title, and the amount of time and money spent on ‘‘spin’’ is astonishing. Even official handouts, charts, and graphs at press conferences reek of efforts to manage the news of the day. At the same time that working journalists vie with politicians and news managers every day, there is massive official denial that any efforts are made to manage the press. Government investigators continually bemoan the existence of ‘‘leaks’’ from unnamed sources, while government ‘‘whistle-blowers,’’ hungry to attack other agencies or motivated by a sincere desire for change, eagerly inform the media of instances of official incompetence, poor planning, or malfeasance. Such whistleblowers have been instrumental in journalistic reports ranging from the Pentagon Papers case through Watergate and Iran-Contra to the investigations into the intelligence failure surrounding the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. A common ‘‘unofficial-official’’ method of gauging public support for a particular plan is to have a high government official unofficially ‘‘leak’’ plans to do something to a trusted journalist or alternatively to have an official make a statement at odds with an administration viewpoint. Stories written on such ‘‘trial balloons,’’ and the public and international response to them, provide policy guidance to government officials at very little cost to themselves or their credibility. In the summer of 2002, 1042

Editorial Influence on Government Policies There is a massive but probably unquantifiable editorial influence on government policies at every level of government in the United States. The high point of editorial influence on government was probably reached during the 1970s, when the government pullback from the Vietnam War and the resignation of Richard Nixon could be directly traced to pressure applied by the press against the government. Similarly, media pressure and public opinion expressed through the media forced or encouraged the federal government to call for hearings on the IranContra hostage scandal; effected a dramatic turnaround of events that saw President George H. W. Bush fall from 80 percent approval ratings to losing the 1992 election; forced the government first into and then out of Somalia; emboldened the Congress to impeach President Clinton; and was partially responsible for beginning and ending the Internet stock market boom of the 1990s. A subtler trend evident since the September 11 attacks is the continuing undercurrent of media coverage on human-rights abuses and on nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons programs in Iraq, apparently preparing the way for a United States effort to expel Saddam Hussein. The exact effect the media has had or will have in each of these cases is probably unmeasurable, but to say that the media had no effect on them is ludicrous. The media is also felt in a variety of more subtle ways, generally expressed through some branch of local or state government not doing something because the newspapers would find out. The media also holds great influence over private corporations both large and small; a recent example of this influence can be felt in media coverage of the Enron scandal that encouraged many WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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other public companies to voluntarily disclose auditing errors or questionable auditing practices. It is important here to note, however, that the unique characteristics of the U.S. newspaper system mean that the effects of media pressure make themselves felt in unique ways. Because American newspapers and media organizations are committed to a policy of objectivity and political independence, they inherently lack some of the tools for pressuring government that newspapers linked to political parties possess. In the press system developed in the early days of the American republic and which lasted until the 1920s, partisan newspapers could and did offer politicized solutions to national problems. Movements for the abolition of slavery, for temperance and Prohibition, for and against immigration reform, land tenure reform, education and government reform, and currency reform, to say nothing of the first calls for American independence, found their first reasoned political expression in American newspapers. The political orientation of the newspapers was apparent, and more often than not the solutions offered followed partisan orientation, but they were at least solutions, and many of them found their way into the daily public lives of Americans. The modern press, by contrast, often finds itself constrained to suggesting solutions only on the editorial page, if there, and often is reactive to government solutions, rather than proactive in creating its own solutions. Scholars of the American press, notably Robert M. Entman, have characterized the modern press as having ‘‘power without control’’ and exercising ‘‘pressure without reform.’’ Jeffrey L. Pasley cogently summarizes the arbitrary nature of the modern media in the following passage: Typically, political power involves the ability to exercise control, implying some direction or purpose. However, this is not what the modern news media have, committed as they are to a policy of political value and lacking as they do the direct link that a successful political party forges between public attitudes, partisan elections, and government policies. Rather, the modern political news media is powerful more as the weather is—an awesome force that moves or destroys without purpose, motive, intention or plan, a power that cannot direct itself toward any particular object. Hence, though surveys have always revealed national-level journalists to be heavily Democratic in their personal beliefs, the news media over the years of the late twentieth century have raised up presidencies and candidates, then smote them down again, seemingly without much regard to substantive issues or ideological affinities. (The Tyranny of Printers 3)

Pasley’s point is well taken when one considers the peculiar nature of political reporting and the effect it has had on national campaigns in the late twentieth century. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Candidates from both parties have indeed been raised up and smote down based upon allegations of sexual or financial impropriety or on the basis of their perceived friendliness, intelligence, or trustworthiness, with depressing regularity, rather than with reporting on the basis of any major differences between candidates on public issues. Such horse-race coverage characterized the 2000 presidential campaign, in which third-party candidate Ralph Nader was able to make the statement—and have it credibly reported in serious newspapers—that there were no substantial differences between the major-party candidates. While newspapers and the media certainly influence public life, the constraints of their objective stance mean that they tend not to do so in a consistent or even constructive fashion. Government Control of the Press There is no direct or indirect government control over the newspaper press through subsidies, licensing, labor policies, licenses for printing, or any other official means. The broadcast media, of course, operate under an entirely different set of regulations, given their relationship with the FCC. The controls that government places on the press tend to be in the form of tax laws, workers-rights laws, and occupational safety laws administered by federal and state agencies and to which all businesses operating in a given area are subject.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA Foreign media representatives in the United States are generally treated in the same way as domestic media representatives. Foreign journalists are not subject to any special visa restrictions or restricted in sending news back to their home countries in the form of wires, cables, e-mail, satellite communications and the like. There are no laws specifically prohibiting foreign investment in the U.S. media, except in broadcasting, where the FCC has placed specific ownership rules on broadcast licenses. Foreign companies are still not significant players in the domestic media market, except in certain sectors of the book publishing industry. The United States remains opposed to the UNESCO Declaration of 1978, which was seen at the time by the United States as a Communist-led effort on the part of third-world countries to overthrow Western dominance of the media marketplace by imposing state-run and transnational news organizations. The United States and other Western nations feared that the Soviet-led declaration would mean an effective end to their efforts to set up media organizations in Third World countries and would put official Soviet news agencies on par with independent agencies such as the Associated Press in transnational news organizations. Subsequent to the declaration, 1043

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a number of U.S. and foreign newspapers formed the World Press Freedom Committee to serve as a ‘‘watchdog’’ on issues of press freedom in the Third World and to provide technical expertise, scholarships, and equipment to foreign journalists. The United States withdrew altogether from UNESCO in 1984, during the Reagan administration, citing mismanagement in the agency as well as the agency’s Communication Program as reasons for leaving. As of 2002, the United States had not rejoined UNESCO. The fears of Soviet control over proposed international news organizations died with the end of the Cold War, and early 2000s activities of the World Press Freedom Committee have focused more specifically on fighting censorship in the Third World, publishing journalism manuals other training documents for journalists in lesser-developed countries, and in intervening directly with leaders of Third World nations to fight for journalists’ rights in those countries.

NEWS AGENCIES Newspapers in the United States subscribe to a wide variety of news agencies, depending upon their particular region of the country, group ownership, and general focus. Business newspapers such as The Wall Street Journal, of course, are more likely to subscribe to a variety of business wires, while nearly all U.S. newspapers take the Associated Press (AP). Most large papers have access to a set of wires, including the AP, Reuters, Dow Jones, and Bloomberg financial wires, and some wires associated with their individual newspaper company, such as a New York Times wire or a NYT Regional wire. The Associated Press, founded by a group of New York newspapers in 1848, is the oldest news agency in the world and the leading news agency in the United States. The AP, a nonprofit cooperative funded by members’ subscriptions, operates in 121 countries. About 5,000 broadcast stations and 1,700 newspapers subscribe to the AP in the United States alone. An additional 8,500 news organizations subscribe to the AP overseas. The AP employs about 3,700 people in 242 news bureaus around the world, and transmits more than 20 million words and 1,000 photos to the world every day. It claims to transmit data to up to one billion people every day. ‘‘AP style’’ is the most commonly used form of newspaper writing in the United States, and even those papers with their own stylebooks usually defer to the Associated Press Stylebook in confusing or unclear cases. The AP’s major competitor, Reuters, was founded in 1851 in London, and operates in 150 countries, giving it a slightly more global reach than the AP. Reuters is a publicly held corporation which focuses more on financial and business news than the AP does. It also makes 1044

much of its profit from providing data on companies and business sectors to individual subscribers, rather than being strictly a news bureau like the AP. Reuters has 230 bureaus and claims 53,500 client locations. However, most of these client locations are not the equivalent of the AP’s newspaper and broadcast organizations, but are rather locations in financial markets and businesses that subscribe to its automatic quotations services. Other newswires that stress business and financial news are Bloomberg and Dow Jones. Like Reuters, Bloomberg is a financial news service with most of its subscribers being corporations interested in worldwide financial news. It moves stories on its financial wires and also produces TV and radio programming for broadcast stations worldwide. Bloomberg News employs about 1,200 reporters in 85 bureaus. Dow Jones is Bloomberg’s major U.S. competitor; its worldwide market data and market stories are used mainly by financial newspapers, business editors, and corporate bodies. There are also a variety of news services set up by major newspapers, including the LA Times/Washington Post service, the Chicago Tribune service, and Copley and Gannett services. Newspaper feature syndicates generally deal with rights to non-breaking news content, such as columns, cartoon strips, and the like.

BROADCAST MEDIA Background & Growth Broadcasting, on both radio and television, was pioneered in the United States on both a technological and a theoretical level. Many of the experiments that went into wireless technology started as extensions of newspapers; even before spoken news could be transmitted long distances over the air, newspapers would often set up banks of loudspeakers to ‘‘broadcast’’ election news or sports scores to eager crowds outside their offices. The first commercial use of radio technology in the United States appears to have been a series of broadcasts made by two Woolworth’s department stores to a very limited audience in New York in 1914; the new medium was considered more of a curiosity than a serious alternative to newspapers, and radio receivers were still prohibitively expensive. The U.S. experience in World War I diverted interest from broadcasting and towards more local radio communications for a period of time, and it was not until the 1920s that radio began to gain strength as a medium. In 1920, the Detroit News set up the first newspaper broadcasting station; the Kansas City Star followed the next year. In 1920, KDKA in Pittsburgh set up the first commercial radio station. As radio receivers decreased in both size and price, their commercial availability and attractiveness grew; the new medium reached a WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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‘‘tipping point’’ in the early 1920s, with the number of receivers in use exploding from a few hundred thousand in 1920 to 5.5 million in 1926. During this period, news broadcasts increased enormously both in variety and in sophistication; the advent of professional ‘‘anchormen’’ and an emphasis on spoken-voice performance began to clarify the difference between newspaper and broadcast styles. The Depression slowed the growth of radio, but in the long run the economic climate hurt newspaper advertising more. Radio receipts slumped, but the ability of radio to allow people to escape hard times through broadcast dramas made a major difference in the end. Radio started its long transition from being mainly a news medium to mainly an entertainment medium during this period. The early 1940s moved radio back towards a focus on news as the war in Europe dominated headlines and broadcast stations. The advantage radio had over newspapers—its immediacy and ability for dramatic renditions of the spoken word—was dramatized dramatically in Edward R. Murrow’s broadcasts from London, and scores of lesser-known journalists, who broadcast war news from the fronts and news from home to soldiers and sailors far from home. By the 1950s, most serious observers of the scene would say that radio had peaked; 40 percent of U.S. households had a radio, and listening time had reached a plateau. Some predicted major declines in radio as a new competitor on the broadcast scene—television—was gaining strength. The 1950s were certainly the period in which TV saw its most rapid growth, but by the end of the decade 96 percent of American households owned a radio, and the proliferation of portable and in-car devices meant that the number of listeners was up and likely to stay there. The radio format had changed dramatically, though, as major stars had moved to the new television medium. To some extent, radio had been a victim of its own success; the number of stations grew exponentially faster than spending on advertising; budgets simply would not allow the types of original programming and news shows that the ‘‘golden age’’ of radio had witnessed. Listeners were now treated to a steady diet of single-format music, with occasional ‘‘spot’’ news reports and breezy commentary. The decisive moment in the ascendancy of television over radio and the event that most clearly showed the transformative nature of television was the 1960 NixonKennedy presidential debate. Radio listeners, and those who read the transcript in newspapers, agreed Nixon had won the substantive part of the debate; on television, however, the sweaty, unshaven Californian was overpowered by Kennedy’s charm. Early television anchors WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

became some of the most respected journalists in the United States, and certainly the best-known; Walter Cronkite’s famous and principled stand against the war in Vietnam cost Nixon, as he said, middle America. Cronkite’s stand, though, like Edward Murrow’s principled and fair attacks on Joseph McCarthy, were very much the exception in television and radio. Broadcasting accelerated the transformation of American journalism toward a nonpartisan, objective method of reporting. Radio and TV stations relied exclusively on commercial advertising to cover their costs; subscriptions were not an alternative, and advertisers demanded stability. A Socialist or Communist radio station could exist, but tenuously, and only insofar as its owners and its programming could meet FCC standards. Throughout the 1960s and the 1970s, television slowly expanded its hold on the broadcast media. Radio stations, with the exception of public radio, and a few exceptionally principled stations in large metropolitan areas, or very small stations serving rural areas, simply gave up on being serious news organizations and converted almost entirely to a music format, with prepackaged news bought from UPI or another syndicated service. Television stations, on the other hand, continued to take national news seriously and expanded their broadcasts from 10 to 15 to 30 minutes throughout the period. Serious reporting, combined with spot-news availability, brought such disparate events as the Apollo landings, Jack Ruby killing Lee Harvey Oswald, and the dogs of Birmingham to audiences as they happened. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, though, the three major networks were suffering under the economic crisis that gripped the rest of the United States. As was usual in a recession, advertising revenues were falling, and news programs were coming under increasing fire because they tend to lag behind dramas for revenueproducing value. The time was not ripe—or so it seemed—to launch an all-news, all-the-time cable channel. Nonetheless, 1980 saw the advent of CNN. The initial response to the network was incredulity tempered with wonder: how on earth would anyone find enough news to fill 24 hours of time daily? The new network, however, increasingly caught the attention of busy Americans who did not have the time or patience to wait for a 6 p.m. or 10 p.m. news broadcast. With its repetitive format, simple story content, and a well-earned reputation for fair coverage, CNN caught on quickly. It came before USA Today, but in many ways the two fed on each other’s success; the newspaper arguably learned lessons from CNN about story content, coverage, formats, and topics. The advent of 24-hour cable news, coupled with the increasing availability of cable television to mass audi1045

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ences, was in many ways a troubling development for the major networks. ESPN followed CNN’s lead to launch an all-sports network, with substantial success; in recent years, cable channels have proliferated seemingly beyond reason, with entire channels focused on nothing but fishing, history, various types of shopping, home improvement, and stock-car racing. On the one hand, the multiplication of channels has certainly drained advertising revenue from the major networks; on the other hand, CNN and its subsidiaries have been responsible for recruiting and training a new crop of broadcasters of very high quality. The influence of CNN, with its oft-repeated emphasis on prizing solid journalistic skills above persona appearance or charm, has in the long run been good for cable and broadcast news. The growth in channels, though, combined with the increasing prominence of ‘‘star’’ anchors commanding increasingly inflated salaries, has been less positive for the industry. And the expansion of news stations has resulted in a somewhat diluted talent pool for broadcasters. Many local newscasts still value a demographically broad ‘‘news team’’ over a strongly-skilled one, and many still promote style over substance in reporting. Broadcasting Licenses and Regulations Broadcast stations, both TV and radio, operate under somewhat different rules than print organizations. Although broadcast journalists generally operate under the same rules as print journalists when reporting on stories, the stations they work for operate under licenses from the Federal Communications Commission. The FCC, established by the Communications Act of 1934, has jurisdiction over approximately one-half of the broadcast spectrum, which is considered public, collective property. (The other half is reserved for federal government uses; military and civilian agencies take up this portion.) The FCC has specific and limited powers to regulate its portion of the spectrum. The FCC is prohibited from considering questions of competition, market share, mergers, antitrust issues, truth or falsity of advertising materials, and civil cases between broadcasters. These issues are handled by the relevant agency that would handle them outside broadcasting. For example, advertising issues are handled by the Federal Trade Commission (FTC); the FCC would only step in if a station continued to broadcast an advertisement deemed to be false and misleading by the FTC. The system is set up in this manner because of a long-standing conflict between state regulation of the spectrum and a desire to let the free market decide most of these issues on its own. Possibly the best-known of the powers the FCC has is the power to issue licenses for broadcast stations and to renew them, or refuse to renew them, every eight years. This power grows out of the physical limitations of the 1046

broadcast spectrum; a certain number of available frequencies set by the laws of physics means that the government has to intervene to ensure that interference does not prevent stations from being heard. At the same time, the government considers itself to have a responsibility to ensure that broadcasters operating on a public spectrum operate in the ‘‘public interest.’’ It is important to note that the government’s grant of a license does not imply that the grantee holds any property rights in the frequency granted; moreover, no license can be transferred to another holder without FCC approval. The government can revoke a license before the eight-year period, but only after a notice to the licensee and an administrative hearing, during which the burden of proof rests on the FCC. The FCC’s primary role, and the statutory role from which all its other powers flow, is in granting and administering licenses to broadcast stations. The Communications Act makes it illegal for any person to own or operate a station unless it is licensed by the FCC, and the act also mandates that the FCC grant such a license only if it is in the public interest to do so. The commission also has the power to classify stations, determine the band and frequency they will transmit upon, and to approve the power (wattage) of each station. All applicants for a license must meet certain basic qualifications before the FCC will grant a license, some of which are defined by the FCC and others of which are defined by the Communications Act. The most basic test is citizenship; broadcast licenses cannot be held by noncitizens, foreign corporations, foreign governments, or any company in which non-citizens hold one-fifth of the stock. These requirements are inflexible and can be changed only by Congress, although there are no similar restrictions on foreign ownership of cable systems. There are also ‘‘character’’ qualifications built into licensing which are not precisely spelled out by the Communications Act or by the FCC. In general, applicants and licensees are screened to ensure that they are honest, would perform well as a licensee, and would follow FCC regulations. There are numerous gray areas within the character qualification. Lying to the FCC about some aspect of the licensing procedure results in automatic disqualification, regardless of the nature of the lie or its significance. These types of denials constitute the majority of FCC denials. Violations of criminal law also pose problems for potential licensees, although even felonies do not result in automatic disqualification. In general, the FCC believes that criminal cases not involving fraud are not relevant unless they affect the licensee’s ability or likelihood of being truthful and/or compliant with FCC rules. Even antitrust violations do not always constitute a reason to revoke licenses; in cases involving General WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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Electric and Westinghouse, owners respectively of the NBC and CBS networks, courts found that convictions for violating antitrust law concerned mainly branches of those companies that had little to do with their broadcast networks. Applicants once had to demonstrate financial qualifications for constructing and operating facilities. The FCC has generally considered that licensees must be able to properly administer a scarce public resource, such as a broadcast frequency. The auction process of bidding on licenses has changed this requirement to mean that the licensee must be able to pay the transaction and to meet expenses for three months. Applicants must also demonstrate that they meet technical minimum qualifications before their applications will even be considered for qualification. An application not meeting minimum capacities will not be processed. Applicants for renewal of TV licenses also must undergo certain scrutiny related to the Children’s Television Act (CTA) of 1990. The FCC has never established any minimum rules on programming, despite widespread belief to the contrary, except in the CTA. The CTA requires applicants for renewal to demonstrate that they have ‘‘served the educational and informational needs of children’’ through programming. The FCC did at one time adopt a set of ‘‘guidelines,’’ or unofficial minimum requirements for programming, though it dropped those in 1981 for radio and in 1984 for TV stations. One major change in broadcast rules has had to do with participation of citizens’ committees in the licensing process. Before a 1966 court decision, the public was barred from the licensing process by the FCC, under regulations that limited participation to ‘‘parties in interest’’ of the hearing. Citizens’ groups usually participate in the process by filing petitions to deny the applications. The largest problem often facing the FCC is the need to choose between two competing applicants for a single broadcast frequency. For many years, this process was particularly difficult because the set of criteria the FCC used gave rise to a cumbersome, lengthy process, which did not seem to significantly affect the quality or type of broadcasting in the country. More recently, Congress replaced the entire proceedings with an auction process, in which any applicant meeting the above qualifications can compete. Similarly, questions of renewal of licenses were once considered competitively with new applications, but Congress replaced that proceeding with an automaticrenewal process if the applicant has not violated any of the FCC’s rules and regulations. If the renewal is denied, competition for the license will then begin in the auction proceeding. Cable and Satellite Television Common law in the United States treats cable television, satellite communiWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

cations, and Internet law in different and sometimes contradictory ways from how it treats broadcast law in general. Cable television was the first new technology to pose major problems for the FCC and for the courts in determining whether the FCC had jurisdiction over cable systems. The first cable TV systems were essentially stopgap technologies designed to plug holes in broadcast coverage for persons living in remote, mountainous, or rural areas where broadcast reception was spotty or incomplete. In such regions, communities might pay for a large antenna or receiver at a high point in an area and then transmit the received signals to subscribers via lines strung from the receiver to individual homes. Such systems could also bring in communications from distant cities and thus could eventually offer subscribers access to more stations than the FCC had originally intended to be available for an area when dividing up regions for licensing purposes. The jurisdiction of the FCC over cable systems, however, was not clear, given that the systems were essentially receiving, not transmitting or ‘‘broadcasting,’’ units. The question of jurisdiction became even more murky when state and local agencies began to license local cable operators as businesses. Congress eventually weighed in on the issue with the Cable Communications Policy Act of 1984, which clarified the split between local and national regulation and gave the FCC and local regulators specific jobs or authority in regulating cable communications. This act was amended in 1992 to add regulations improving the competitive position of broadcast television stations and directed the FCC to develop customer service standards for cable TV companies. The act was again amended in 1996 to further open cable systems to competition, allowing telephone companies to obtain franchises and relaxing rate restrictions. The major portions of cable television law that deal directly with the First Amendment are those concerned with content regulation. The Supreme Court has held that indecent expression over cable networks can be suppressed, but the court decisions on the matter have so far been case-specific and provide no clear body of guidance to cable operators. The ability of television to be delivered via communications satellites changed the cable and broadcast marketplace dramatically in the late 1990s. Most court decisions regulating satellite television have dealt with problems of access for local broadcast stations, which was initially unavailable or massively expensive for subscribers to early satellite systems. This was essentially a competitive disadvantage for satellite operators compared to cable systems. As satellite technology has improved, Congress and the courts have allowed satellite 1047

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operators to deliver local broadcast channels and have allowed operators to broadcast network programming even when local stations’ programming is unavailable. Case law concerning ownership of individual satellite dishes is virtually nonexistent, with most of the questions about what a home dish owner can legally receive being decided by administrative regulations.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA Internet Law Internet communications have already been tested in court and are likely to be one of the major areas for case law and decisions well into the twenty-first century. Some of the most difficult questions of communications law concern or are related to Internet communications, including questions of copyright, defamation, and privacy law, as well as new areas of the law that are unique to computers and the Internet. The question of jurisdiction over Internet content is also complex and frustrating. The decentralized nature of Internet communication and the means of transmission of Internet content over a variety of networks means that any law attempting to prohibit a certain type of communication in a specific area can be problematic if sites containing that type of communication located in different jurisdictions are accessible to residents of that area. Thus far, states have generally been prohibited from attempting to regulate Internet content under the Interstate Commerce Clause. Cases concerning indecency, obscenity, and pornography on the Internet have received more media attention than any other area. Most case law in force revolves around the Communications Decency Act (CDA) of 1996, which was designed to prohibit children under the age of 18 from receiving indecent materials. The act criminalized the posting of ‘‘patently offensive’’ materials in a manner that made it accessible to children under 18, as well as criminalizing the knowing transmission of such content to children under 18. The CDA was immediately challenged and was overturned by the Supreme Court for overbreadth and vagueness, as well as for the fact that it was impossible to enforce for sites located outside the United States. Cases concerning ‘‘blocking software’’ have also received First Amendment attention, especially when librarians or other public officials have used blocking software to prohibit access to indecent sites to patrons. Problems with filtering software have been especially egregious, since various programs have been cited as blocking access to many legitimate sites, such as breast cancer forums and free-speech societies, because of limitations in the software’s logic. In one Virginia case, patrons of a county library claimed their First Amendment rights had been violated by the installation of blocking 1048

software on library computers. In that case, the court found that there were less invasive ways to serve the government interest in prohibiting access to indecent material. Conversely, a library in California was sued for not providing blocking software after a patron’s 12-year-old son accessed pornography on the library’s computers. The case was thrown out of court, but a revised complaint was, as of mid-2002, still pending. An area of the Internet that has received considerable government attention since the Oklahoma City bombing is the wide availability of information on bomb-making and on terrorist attacks online. Although the same information is widely available in books and magazines, its availability online caused great concerns to members of Congress. Defamation law has also been a contentious area of Internet law. Early cases on defamation seemed to revolve around whether an online service provider exercised editorial control over the information posted on the service; Cubby, Inc. v. CompuServe and Stratton Oakmont Inc. v. Prodigy Services Co. were cases decided on these merits. The Communications Decency Act clarified the situation somewhat by stating that no provider of content or user of interactive service would be treated as a ‘‘publisher’’ of content provided by another user or content provider. The CDA in this case provided broad protections for individual users. Copyright law on the Internet has been another contentious area, especially in cases dealing with questions of redistributing copyrighted material such as music or movies. Various forms of software have made redistribution of digital video and music easy and generally available, while those who download songs and videos tend to avoid paying royalties to production companies. Congress in 1998 passed the Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA), which made provisions of the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) Copyright Treaty and the WIPO Performances and Phonograms Treaty applicable to the United States. Suits against companies that provide free access to copyrighted materials, as well as companies that provide software to give people free access to copyrighted materials, filed under the DMCA have generally been successful in enjoining those companies and individuals against providing such services. In the future, the type of law that is being hesitantly applied to Internet communications may be more generally applied to the media. The phenomenon of convergence means that media types are becoming less well defined, and the basic distinctions between media based on a medium’s form of publication are becoming less important. To cite just one example question: should a newspaper that defames someone through streaming audio or video on its Internet site be tried as a television WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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or radio broadcaster, a newspaper, or an Internet service provider? The future of media law will increasingly turn on questions of the jurisdiction, regulation, and definition of media types. Internet Sites, News Flow & Revenue Models The United States leads the world both in the number and in the diversity of Internet news sites operated in any country. Online information services saw an estimated 65 percent growth between 1998 and 1999, according to estimates conducted after the 1997 Economic Census of the United States. In 2000, of course, the speculative stock-market frenzy, which was fed by the Internet, burst, and many online sites simply went out of business. The core revenue model of many online sites was called into question in the burst, and many independent news sites went out of business as a result. For more mainstream Internet news sites, the loss of revenue attendant to a concurrent economic slump has often been a major factor in slowing or delaying major changes. Online innovation has sometimes also been slowed by the relatively wide variety of ways that people use to access the Internet. Many newspapers, to say nothing of television and radio stations, operate Internet sites that have the capability of providing streaming video and audio to consumers, but many of those consumers still have Internet access only through a modem, which has a relatively slow connection speed. The growth of broadband connections to the Internet, either through digital subscriber lines or through cable connections, has been slowed by the recession and needs to pick up speed before technical innovations can be used to their full advantage by media organizations. In the early days of the Internet, many newspapers experimented with a revenue model that asked readers to subscribe to a site to get access privileges. For the most part, newspapers quickly dropped that idea when they realized that the same information many people were interested in was available for free on other sites. Particularly with regard to national or breaking news, the existence of even one site offering an Associated Press story for free was enough to draw consumers away from a subscription site, and most newspapers simply cannot offer enough unique local content to justify the price of a subscription. The one major online exception to this trend has been The Wall Street Journal’s Internet site, www. wsj.com. The Interactive Journal has been able to continue charging a subscription fee because of its unique content and the value that it holds for people interested in business and the stock market. The site was also one of the first, and likely still one of the only, online newspaper sites to turn a profit for the company that operates it. It WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

is also worth noting that the site, unlike many so-called ‘‘online newspapers,’’ has its own editorial staff, including reporters, columnists, and editors, who produce unique content for the Internet that sometimes spills over into the printed Journal—unlike most newspaper sites, in which part of the daily paper’s content may get ‘‘shoveled’’ over to the Internet site, but without any extra work or efforts to make the content more suited to the Web. The downfall of the subscription model left newspaper companies somewhat at a loss for ways to create revenue online. Many publishers initially balked at providing stories free online that people had to pay for in the print edition. However, the growth of advertising on the Internet mitigated that concern to an extent. Many publishers came to believe that the model for an online site would end up looking more like a ‘‘shopper’’ newspaper, which is thrown for free and makes its revenue solely from advertising, rather than that of a standard subscription paper. The frustrating complication that papers have confronted is a massive lack of success in coming up with a revenue model for online advertising that takes into account both cost and the number of ‘‘views’’ an advertisement gets. Ordinary papers, of course, charge for ads on a relatively well organized basis, based on the number of subscriptions they can legally claim. The theory is that each paper sold translates into a certain number of people viewing an ad. Online advertisers, by contrast, are unwilling to accept ‘‘page views’’ as evidence that an ad has been viewed and have pushed for a ‘‘click-through’’ model for pricing, for ads that direct a consumer to a company’s Web site. The ultimate end of this debate remains to be seen. 1049

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for papers to make inroads into a much younger audience; only 73 percent of adults between 18 and 24 had read a newspaper, while 59 percent of that group had accessed the Internet in that same survey.

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In addition, the growth of online classified ads has not been as quick or lucrative as some newspapers could have hoped. Online classifieds were immediately trumpeted as the most lucrative source of revenue newspapers could hope to get, and publishers had visions of offering classified ad buyers access to the world, instead of just a single city, with their buy. The problems with online classifieds are partly technical, having to do with searchability issues, and partially cultural—someone who wants to buy a car in the Twin Cities would likely look in the Twin Cities first, rather than online in Boston or anywhere else. However, online classifieds have begun to show some modest growth and have become especially useful for people moving from one city to another. Other online sites, especially sports sites and some magazine sites, have had some success in using a twotiered subscription model. These sites generally give users a certain amount of content for free—basic stories, photo galleries, and breaking news, for example. ‘‘Premuim’’ content, including streaming video and audio, special columns or reports, and archives of columns, is then available by subscription only. Some newspaper sites have applied this model to their online archives, charging consumers a fee for searching and downloading past content. The real problems that Internet newspapers have to overcome in the future are partially technological, as with issues related to making Internet publication an easy and quick process for even small newspapers, and partly cultural. Only about 45 percent of adults had accessed the Internet in the last month in the spring of 2000, compared with 79.3 percent who had read a newspaper within the last week. Internet newspapers, however, could be a way 1050

History of Education The oldest, and most traditional, method of training journalists in the United States reflects the roots of printing in the urban guild system. In colonial times, aspiring editors would enter the profession as apprentices, bound to a master printer with a standard contract that might have replicated those used for apprentice silversmiths or cordwainers. After a few years of sweeping floors, cleaning presses, collecting loose type, and other menial tasks, the apprentice would gradually learn the skills that were necessary for becoming an independent printer. Skills for newspaper editors would differ only marginally from those of a commercial printer; indeed, most bookbinders and almanac-printers engaged in those occupations only as a sideline to their role as editors. The young apprentice would eventually, skills permitting, become a journeyman printer, possessing most of the skills necessary to run an office on his own and, most importantly, being no longer legally bound to the master. Journeymen, as the name suggests, were free to move about looking for work, although many stayed with a master printer for some time. When a journeyman opened up his own office, he finally gained the status of a master printer and would employ his own journeymen and apprentices. The method of learning journalism by doing it, rather than through formal training, reflected the relative lack of status of early editors. Printer-editors were anomalous in terms of status in the early Republic. Still, the basic requirements of the job meant that editors had to learn reading and writing, as well as the basics of grammar, style, and composition. (Although exact statistics are murky, anecdotal evidence suggests that most Americans did know how to read, though ability to write was apparently much less common.) The editor might also acquire what education was possible through reading books and other newspapers, and early editors sometimes show a surprising knowledge of history and politics. Yet editors were not required or even encouraged to go to colleges, and the mere fact that editors worked with their hands meant that they could never really aspire to the status of gentlemen. The men who contributed columns to early newspapers are another matter; especially after newspapers became partisan battlegrounds, the caliber of those writing political tracts increased exponentially. Formal training of journalists began at the height of the partisan press era but was short-lived. Duff Green’s Washington Institute holds the distinction of being the WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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first and possibly shortest-lived journalism education program in U.S. history. Green’s institute, designed to teach aspiring partisan journalists the basics of running a press, setting type, writing stories, and the like, was shut down after just one year after a Washington printer’s union complained that Green was using the school to unfairly compete against union labor. The next attempt at providing aspiring editors formal education was undertaken not long after the Civil War, by former Confederate general Robert E. Lee. In 1869, Lee, then president of Washington College, suggested granting 50 scholarships to bright, aspiring journalists and hiring a full-time faculty member to teach them the basic principles and practice of journalism. Although his suggestion was approved by the college’s governing board, Lee died the next year, and his plan was never put into action. Throughout the 1880s and 1890s, as the urban press began actively and aggressively fight corruption and graft, newsgathering organizations grew in size and scale. Editors began to argue that the older system of learningby-doing produced printers with great technical skill but relatively little real knowledge of the world around them or of major events affecting them. As editors began to envision greater roles for themselves—up to and including the presidency—calls for better education increased. As state press associations grew in size and power, the influence they exerted over state legislatures grew as well. The University of Missouri led other state universities in hiring a working editor to give classes in reporting, writing, and editing during the 1870s. Joseph Pulitzer, the flamboyant St. Louis Post-Dispatch and New York World editor, granted Columbia University a multimilliondollar endowment to found a school of journalism in 1904. Unfortunately, the university’s governing board sat on the endowment and did not get around to founding the school until 1913. The University of Missouri founded the world’s first permanent school of journalism in 1908, after nearly thirty years of agitation from the Missouri Press Association. Students in the journalism sequence produced the weekly University Missourian, which survives today as the daily Columbia Missourian, in between taking classes on reporting, editing, and design, as well as the regular university sequence. The Missourian, which is owned by the Missouri Press Foundation, is operated wholly by the school’s students, with faculty members serving as editors and managers. Over time, the university and Missouri Press Foundation added a radio station and later a television station to their holdings. As of 2002, KBIAFM and KOMU are NPR and NBC affiliates and operate on the same basis as the Missourian, with students producing and editing content and faculty managing operaWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

tions. The ‘‘Missouri method,’’ which combines handson education with a rigorous schedule of classes, has been widely copied. Education in the 2000s Most aspiring journalists enter some sort of collegiate journalism education program. While the most distinguished journalism schools, like Missouri, Columbia, Northwestern University, and the University of Texas, operate separate journalism schools, many future journalists major in schools of communications or in media studies. Most large schools grant degrees in specific sequences, allowing students to specialize in newspapers, magazines, television, radio, photojournalism, or advertising. However, most communications and journalism schools separate public relations (PR) and marketing programs from journalism, placing them instead in business schools. The rationale for such separation is that advertising workers represent a specific newspaper, magazine, or broadcast station, while PR and marketing representatives work for individual businesses. A relatively recent development is the growth of ‘‘new media’’ programs that combine aspects of various sequences, allowing aspiring Internet journalists to learn programming skills as well as combining skills from print and broadcast media. Many schools also offer even more specialized degrees in fields such as agricultural journalism, science journalism, community journalism and visual communications. Statistics on the Status of Journalism Education Data from two major organizations, the Association of Schools of Journalism and Mass Communication (ASJMC) and the Accrediting Council on Education in Journalism and Mass Communications (ACEJMC), provide some overall statistics about the status of journalism education. In all, 109 programs are accredited by ACEJMC, and another 87 are members of ASJMC but not accredited. Another 260 schools are members of neither program but still grant degrees in journalism and mass communications. In 1999, a total of 157,800 students were enrolled in undergraduate and graduate journalism programs. Of those students, 147,887 were undergraduates and 9,913 were graduate students. In 1998-1999, schools granted 31,778 undergraduate degrees, 2,776 master’s degrees, and 177 doctoral degrees. The number of students studying journalism in 1999 was thought to be a new high for the field and reflected five years of steady growth in programs after declines in the early 1990s. Undergraduate enrollments for the year increased only slightly, by just 0.7 percent, after increasing by 5.8 percent in 1998. Graduate enrollments dropped by 10 percent, continuing a four-year trend. Overall, 94 percent of enrolled students were studying for undergrad1051

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uate degrees, and 90 percent of graduate students were seeking a master’s degree. In part, this pattern reflects a general decline in graduate programs that was characteristic of the late 1990s, as the promise of easy money in the stock market and Internet boom lured students out of college earlier. In part, it also reflected the fact that in a country without formal licensing or qualification procedures for journalists, most students see relatively little value in graduate programs unless they wish to be journalism educators. Figures for 1999 also reflected a general trend that more women study journalism than do men. About 60 percent of journalism students in 1999 were women, and only in the number of doctoral degrees earned did men outnumber women. Although statistics about race and ethnicity are difficult to come by, it seems that about 26 percent of students studying journalism are members of minority groups, compared with the 23 percent of the general population classified as being minorities. For the most part, student journalists get practical experience by working at a college newspaper or a campuswide broadcasting station. Many internship opportunities exist for students who want them; most newspapers, advertising, and broadcast stations run programs for summer interns. More formal internship programs exist for students in nearly every possible specialization, run by colleges, professional organizations, and newspaper chains. American colleges increasingly are requiring all of their students to complete some sort of internship or professional experience program as a degree requirement, and many students are eventually hired by the newspaper or organization they worked for as undergraduates. Working journalists can belong to any of hundreds of professional organizations, many of which are organized by specialty. Some of the more distinguished organizations are the American Society of Newspaper Editors, the American Newspaper Publishers Association, the Inland Press Organization, and the Society of Professional Journalists. Smaller specialty organizations exist for reporters, assigning editors, copy editors, publishers, photographers, business writers and editors, investigative reporters, science journalists, AfricanAmerican journalists, and many other groups. Also prominent are state press associations, which represent the rural, community, and suburban press as well as large metro dailies. State press associations are generally active in lobbying local and state governments, providing legal advice and help to smaller papers, holding press competitions, granting awards and other activities. The most distinguished awards in American journalism are the Pulitzer Prizes, given by a committee located at Columbia University. As of 2002, the Pulitzer Prize 1052

Board awards 21 prizes per year, covering excellence in journalism, letters, and music. Journalism awards cover areas such as investigative reporting, local breaking news reporting, explanatory reporting, national affairs reporting, international affairs reporting, beat reporting, feature writing, commentary, criticism, editorial writing, editorial cartooning, spot news photography, and feature photography. Of particular note is the public service award, given each year to a newspaper—never an individual— which performed a significant public service to its community or the nation. Since the awards’ inception, more Pulitzer Prizes have been awarded to the New York Times than any other newspaper.

SUMMARY As the United States press enters the twenty-first century, it faces an uncertain future. Newspapers represent a shrinking portion of the U.S. media dollar, with broadcasting gaining ground daily and the Internet representing a tremendous, unknown factor in the race for the media dollar in the next century. Convergence, the buzzword of media seminars in recent years, offers newspapers both new opportunity and a radically different way of thinking about and covering the news. As the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, proved, the United States media will not stay comfortably isolated from the problems of the rest of the world. The demand for international news is as high in 2002 as it ever has been, and news organizations are facing a new realization that they have an obligation to report compelling stories about the rest of the world—not just to boost readership, but because readers have a need to understand the world around them. The proportion of international news found in newspapers continues to climb, and journalists continue to search for new ways to tell their stories. As the U.S. economy continues to strengthen, advertising dollars will begin to flow back to newspapers, allowing them to spend money on covering national and international events better. A small pause in mergers will likely end, with newspapers and newspaper companies newly flush with cash looking to buy more properties. The economic recession meant that many students who had planned to graduate in 2002 stayed in graduate school for a period of time, meaning that the recent decline in graduate enrollments in journalism may turn around in the near future. Newspapers remain in many ways the same medium they always have been, concerned with providing their readers a mix of local, national, and international news, tempered with light relief in the form of columns, features, and comics. But more and more newspapers are finding it necessary and useful to fulfill their obligations WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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to their communities by becoming more vocal in their editorial columns, calling on their readers for ideas and participation in seminars and other media-run events, and spending more time analyzing and explaining the news, instead of just reporting it. As the world becomes more complex, newspapers face a greater challenge to explain that world and to guide readers through it in an intelligible fashion. Newspapers in the next century will become much more than clearinghouses of information. They will become guides to their communities and once again become strong voices in the leadership of their communities and their nation.

SIGNIFICANT DATES • 1997: The Supreme Court strikes down the federal Communications Decency Act, claiming that it goes too far in attempting to ban pornography and obscene expression online; the Federal Telecommunications Act of 1996 continues to create waves in the broadcasting industry, as telecommunications giants moved into new fields and continued buying led to massive new media empires. • 1998: Congress passes the Digital Millennium Copyright Act, which applies provisions of the World Intellectual Property Organization Treaty and the WIPO Performances and Phonograms treaty to the United States.

between the press and government concerning military affairs; a stagnant economy means fewer mergers and buyouts for media organizations. • 2002: Wall Street Journal reporter Daniel Pearl is killed in Pakistan, while covering the al-Qaeda organization.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Abramsky, Sasha. ‘‘No Degrees of Separation on Sept. 11.’’ Editor & Publisher (15 April 2002): 10. Ahrens, Frank. ‘‘Don’t Write for Web, Post Reporters Urged.’’ Washington Post (15 June 2002): sec. E, 3. Backer, Lee B., Gerald M. Kosicki, Wilson Lowrey, Joelle Prine, and Aswin Punathambekar. ‘‘New Data on Faculty Appointments: Undergrad Enrollments Level Off, Graduate Education Declines.’’ Journalism and Mass Communications Educator (Autumn 2000): 68-80. Bailyn, Bernard. The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1967. Carter, T. Barton, Juliet Lusborough Dee, and Harvey L. Zuckman. Mass Communication Law in a Nutshell. 5th ed. St. Paul, MN, 2000. Editor & Publisher International Year Book: The Encyclopedia of the Newspaper Industry. Parts 1-3. New York, 2001.

• 1999: Two journalists working for the Atlanta Constitution were jailed for contempt of court after refusing to reveal their sources.

Emery, Michael, and Edwin Emery. The Press and America: An Interpretive History of the Mass Media. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1984.

• 2000: A contractual dispute between Time Warner Cable and Walt Disney, owner of the ABC and ESPN networks, led to a 39-hour blackout of ABC stations in some 3.5 million homes; during a raid on the home of relatives of Elian Gonzales, an NBC news crew assigned to cover the event by a pool of reporters was assaulted by Immigration and Naturalization Service representatives; in a contempt-ofcourt case, the editor of the Sacramento Valley Mirror was jailed for five days after he refused to reveal a source; media companies spent more than $15 billion on buying properties, a new record.

Entman, Robert M. Democracy without Citizens: Media and the Decay of American Politics. New York: Oxford University Press, 1989.

• 2001: On September 11, terrorists fly three planes loaded with fuel and people into the World Trade Center towers and the Pentagon. Another plane crashes in Pennsylvania. More than 3,000 people die as a result of the attacks; the Bush administration calls on broadcast stations to stop airing videotapes of Osama bin Laden and his al-Qaeda terrorist group, claiming that they ‘‘aid and abet’’ terrorism. Some stations comply; the U.S. attack on Afghanistan brings to the forefront new iterations of old debates WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Formisano, Ronald P. The Birth of Mass Political Parties: Michigan, 1827-1861. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1971. ———. ‘‘Deferential-Participant Politics: The Early Republic’s Political Culture, 1789-1840.’’ American Political Science Review 68 (1974): 473-87. Franklin, Steve. ‘‘Detroit: Which side are you on?’’ Columbia Journalism Review (November/December 1995): 13. Harwood, Richard. ‘‘Lost Muscle of the Newspaper Guild.’’ Washington Post (15 December 1995), sec. A, 25. ‘‘January 2002 Year-to-Year Newsprint Consumption.’’ Presstime (April 2002): 45. John, Richard R. Spreading the News: The American Postal System from Franklin to Morse. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998. 1053

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Jurkowitz, Mark. ‘‘Giles Named Curator of Nieman Foundation.’’ Boston Globe (26 Jun 2000) sec. D, 4.

Simon, Jim, and Barbara A. Serrano. ‘‘Times Strike Ends,’’ Seattle Times (9 January 2001) sec. A, 1.

———. ‘‘Labor Opposes Nieman Contender.’’ Boston Globe (29 June 2000), sec. E, 3.

Simurda, Stephen J. ‘‘Sticking With the Union?’’ Columbia Journalism Review (March/April 1993): 25.

Kunke, Thomas, and Gene Roberts. ‘‘The Age of Corporate Newspapering: Leaving Readers Behind.’’ American Journalism Review (May 2001): 32.

‘‘Sources of Distribution.’’ Presstime (January 2002): 16.

Kurian, George T., ed. World Press Encyclopedia. 2 vols. New York: Facts on File, 1982. Lallande, Ann. ‘‘The Art of the Deal.’’ Presstime (January 2001): 38. Maguire, Miles. ‘‘Profit Fever Revisited.’’ American Journalism Review (March 2002): 54. Mason, Kim. ‘‘Price vs. Sales.’’ Presstime (November 2000): 37. Menand, Louis. ‘‘Ink: Says Who?’’ New Yorker (17 & 24 June 2002): 52. Mindich, David T. Z. Just the Facts: How ‘‘Objectivity’’ Came to Define American Journalism. New York: New York University Press, 1998.

Stephens, Mitchell. A History of News. Fort Worth, TX, 1997. Strunsky, Steve. ‘‘As Talks Drag On, Newspaper Bylines Vanish.’’ New York Times (1 April 2001). Strupp, Joe. ‘‘As Honolulu Paper Bids ABC Aloha, Execs Account For Losses.’’ Editor & Publisher (13 May 2002): 8. ‘‘2001 News Advertising Expenditures.’’ Presstime (April 2002): 4. Waldstreicher, David. In the Midst of Perpetual Fetes: The Making of American Nationalism, 1776-1820. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina, 1997. Wenner, Kathryn S. ‘‘Whither the Guild?’’ American Journalism Review (April 2001): 46.

Moore, Roy L. Mass Communication Law and Ethics. 2nd ed. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1999.

‘‘What’s Next for Newsprint and Ink.’’ Presstime (September 2000): 48.

Morton, John. ‘‘The Return of the Deal.’’ American Journalism Review (April 2002): 68.

—Robert Weir

Moses, Lucia. ‘‘Alarming numbers: New ABC report will show some circulation gains—but fewer than predicted after the post-9/11 surge.’’ Editor & Publisher (22 April 2002): 18. Mott, Frank Luther. American Journalism. 3rd ed. New York: MacMillan, 1960. Nerone, John C. ‘‘The Mythology of the Penny Press.’’ Critical Studies in Mass Communication 4 (1987): 376422. ———. Violence Against the Press: Policing the Public Sphere in U.S. History. New York: Oxford University Press, 1994. ‘‘News Use.’’ Presstime (April 2002): 28. Pasley, Jeffrey L. ‘‘The Tyranny of Printers’’: Newspaper Politics in the Early American Republic. Charlottesville, VA: 2001. ‘‘Q&A.’’ Columbia Journalism Review (May/June 2002): 50. Schudson, Michael. Discovering the News: A Social History of American Newspapers. New York: Basic Books, 1978. ———. ‘‘Toward a Troubleshooting Manual for Journalism History.’’ Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly 74 (1997): 463-76. 1054

URUGUAY BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Eastern Republic of Uruguay

Region (Map name):

South America

Population:

3,360,105

Language(s):

Spanish, Portunol, or Brazilero

Literacy rate:

97.3%

Area:

176,220 sq km

GDP:

19,715 (US$ millions)

Number of Daily Newspapers:

78

Total Newspaper Ad Receipts:

34 (US$ millions)

As % of All Ad Expenditures:

20.00 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

URUGUAY

Number of Television Stations: Number of Television Sets: Television Sets per 1,000: Number of Cable Subscribers: Cable Subscribers per 1,000: Radio Receivers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Computers: Computers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Internet Access: Internet Access per 1,000:

26 782,000 232.7 415,470 125.9 586.3 350,000 104.2 370,000 110.1

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Generally speaking, Uruguayans enjoy a higher standard of living than people in most other Latin American countries. According to the tenth edition of Global Studies: Latin America, in the early 2000s, Uruguay had the third highest per capita income (US$8,500) in South America after Argentina and Chile. Both the adult literacy rate (97.3 percent) and life expectancy (72 years, male, and 79 years, female) demonstrate a political commitment to education and health care. Extreme poverty is unusual in Uruguay, and most of the population enjoy an adequate diet and at least a minimal standard of living. Health care is within the reach of all citizens, and women are granted equality before the law. This publication claims that high levels of literacy and a large middle class allows Uruguay an intellectual climate that is superior to many much larger nations. Over 90 percent of the population of 3,335,000 live in urban areas (especially the capital city Montevideo, population 1.3 million). The major languages are Spanish, Portunol, and Brazilero. The ethnic makeup is 88 percent white, 8 percent mestizo (European and indigenous ancestry), and 4 percent black. Uruguay emerged from the government censorship of the 1970s into what was generally considered a free press from the mid-1980s into the early 2000s. The World Press Freedom Review considers Uruguay to have a ‘‘vibrant media,’’ citing the more than 100 daily and weekly newspapers, approximately 150 radio stations, 604 radio receivers per 1,000 population, 34 regular and cable television channels. Montevideo supports five daily newspapers and 10 widely read weeklies. The capital city has one governWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ment-affiliated and three commercial television stations. Some 825,000 main telephone lines exist within the country. There are 232 televisions per 1,000 persons, and at least seven primary Internet providers as of the year 2000. The daily newspaper circulation is 241 per 1,000 persons. The newspaper with the largest circulation, El País (founded in 1918), has a circulation of approximately 130,000. Along with other papers and magazines, it has well-developed Internet sites. Most newsprint and broadcasts are in Spanish, but at least two newspapers, Uruguay Post and Penguin News, are in English. This fact is explained by Uruguay’s proximity to the Falkland Islands and thus the British influence it feels. Newspaper & Magazines From the 1970s and continuing into the 2000s, the newspaper industry experienced an economic downturn, and dozens of newspapers and magazines were forced to close as a result. In part, the economic problems were brought about by the reduction in state companies’ spending on advertising. Newspapers and magazines from the interior of Uruguay were affected the most because they had fewer readers and hence less opportunity for profit than publications in Montevideo. Nine newspaper agencies closed in 2001: El Diario, La Mañana, Guambia, the weekly El Día, the evening Primera Plana, Prensa de los Viernes, the weekly Causa Abierta and the weekly magazines Tres and Posdata. The most widely distributed papers in Uruguay are El País followed by El Observador and La República.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK Because of its sweeping social and economic changes in the early twentieth century, Uruguay was 1055

URUGUAY

known as the ‘‘Switzerland of Latin America.’’ The effects could be seen in an evenness of income distribution that is uncommon in developing countries. The 1960s and 1970s were times of social and military upheaval as in many Latin American countries. By 1980, however, there was a return to civilian rule after a national referendum. Uruguay has a unique law regarding change of power: the Constitution states that if 25 percent of the voting population signs a petition, a referendum will appear on the next voting ballot. As of 2002, Uruguay was a multi-party democratic republic and operated within a free-market economic framework. The economy of this small country is integrated with that of larger Argentina, Chile, and Brazil. In March of 2000, Jorge Batlle assumed the presidency of Uruguay, as the country was confronting a serious economic and political crisis after the devaluation of the Brazilian real in January 1999. There had been a move to privatize some sectors of the economy in the late 1990s. The country has a mixture of private and state enterprises and is heavily dependent on agricultural exports and agro industry. Opinion polls, however, show that most Uruguayans support state ownership of critical industries, especially in the face of a sustained recession, a public debt of 45 percent of the gross domestic product, and neighboring Argentina’s existing economic crisis. Batlle planned to leave state-owned firms untouched but allow private companies to compete with them or tender bids to operate their services under contract.

PRESS LAWS In the early 2000s the press was legally free and unrestricted, as was speech. The political process is open, and academic freedom is the norm in the national university. Publishing is generally confined to the private sector. Although legally free, however, Uruguay’s press faces some real limitations. Still, no government censorship exists, and anyone can produce a newspaper by registering before an official at the Ministry of Education and Culture.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS The International Journalists’ Network uses three characteristics to evaluate a press system: 1) state advertising as a means of bargaining; 2) budget and personnel cuts; 3) information of low quality. The politicians and military officers who took control in the 1970s used advertising as a way to leverage for positive media coverage. In 2002, a vicious cycle existed between the state and the press to such an extent that Uruguayan press systems basically depended on the state in order to cope with the high cost of publishing and the overall economic downturn throughout the country. 1056

Newspaper budgets are achieved, more or less, from the 35 percent coming in from sales and the 65 percent from advertising from both public and private sources. The 1997 economic crisis, however, resulted in a 39 percent decline in advertising. The situation worsened after 1997 when the government reduced its advertising budget by 50 percent, contributing to budget cuts and layoffs in the communications sector. One result of the regional economic downturn, according to the Association of the Uruguayan Press (APU), was that the communications sector lost about 300 jobs, and many professionals received salary cuts that in some cases reached 50 percent. Other economic threats are connected to a proposed bill that would levy value-added tax (VAT) on the sale of newspapers and magazines. The bill proposes to broaden the VAT’s scope and lower the existing rate of 23 percent, one of the world’s highest. The resulting effect would be an increase in retail prices, the closure of small publications, and ultimately the restriction of freedom of expression in the country. As of 2002, Uruguay had not developed any legislation regulating radio and television. Most radio stations obtain their ‘‘precarious and easily revocable operating licenses by executive decree’’ (Faraone and Fox 148). Defamation, contempt, and libel continue to be considered criminal offenses, a holdover from the past. Article 173 of the criminal code lists two definitions of desacato (insult), which is considered to be the undermining of official authority. The concept of insult includes ’’offensive words and gestures,’’ which might be punishable by 3 to 18 months in prison. The 1989 Press Law 16.099 also provides for prison sentences of three months to two years for ‘‘knowingly divulging false news that caused a grave disturbance to the public peace or a grave prejudice to economic interests of the State’’ or for ‘‘insulting the nation, the State, or their powers.’’ The authorities did not use this law during 2001. Journalists generally do not feel motivated to engage in investigative journalism in part because of low salaries and low morale. In some of the few instances where reporters do investigative work, they may censor themselves to avoid possible repercussions. The country’s highly secretive banking and tax laws severely hinder coverage of corruption. Many Uruguayans only learn about state-sponsored corruption allegations by watching Argentine cable channels. The Uruguayan Press Association denounced local TV channel 12 in September 2001 for censoring parts of an Argentine show in which an Argentine politician exposed alleged money-laundering involving Uruguayan companies. As of 2002, a right-to-information bill remained stalled in the Uruguayan Congress. Introduced in 1998, WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

URUGUAY

the law would guarantee the right of access to public records kept in government archives and would give preferential treatment to media requests for such information.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA In the early 2000s, Uruguay was receiving more attention from global media giants. The most aggressive participant in Latin American television growth, Murdoch, started a Spanish version of the U.S. network Fox TV. The U.S.-based CBS network bought TeleNoticias in 1996, with service available for cable systems reaching over 20 million homes throughout the United States and Latin America. The primary reason for purchase was expansion into the Latin American market. The U.S. network NBC launched a Spanish language news service in March 1993, Canal de Noticias. It emphasized information from the Americas and was prepared by NBC in New York. CNN began its regular Spanish-language service in January 1997. Reuters has been in the region for decades and continues to be an important player in South American newsgathering.

BROADCAST MEDIA Radio broadcasters have long been divided over the issue of community radio stations. In 2002, more than 20 of them operated without a permit in Uruguay. While commercial stations claim that community stations interfer with their frequencies, community stations argue that they could not afford to buy frequencies, which are at the time granted through auctions. In October 2001, representatives from both sides met with officials from the country’s telecommunications regulatory agency, for preliminary negotiations on creating a legal framework for the operation of community station. Radio and television receive their economic profits exclusively from public and private advertising. It is more difficult to start a radio station than a newspaper. In principle, the National Direction of Communications in Uruguay, an agency to which all electronic media are subject, depend on the Ministry of National Defense for permission to operate. The president grants final permission. The Uruguayan government established the office of radio diffusion (SODRE) as a public communications service. The electronic media dedicate considerable time to music, foreign soap operas, and other entertainment. In the early 1990s cable television evolved in Montevideo. This communications medium has gained popularity in the rural areas before spreading to the capital. The three main companies that provided cable in Montevideo are Bahía Esmeralda, Tractoral, S.A., and Riselco, S.A. The newspaper La República accused the cable companies of trying to impede the spread of satellite services such as DirecTV. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA As of 2002 access to the Internet was available to anyone with a telephone line and enough money for a computer. There is no censorship of Internet sites by the government or other organizations. Several of the primary newspapers, magazines, and even radio stations have Internet sites. Online magazines address a variety of issues, for example, Charoná (the youth culture), Mujeres Prohibidasa (sexual orientation issues), and Tercer Mundo Económico (economics).

EDUCATION & TRAINING In the early 2000s, a college degree was not necessary for journalists. The universities that offer a degree in Communications are Universidad Católica, Universidad ORT, and Universidad de la República Oriental de Uruguay, all located in Montevideo.

SUMMARY In the early twenty-first century, while it was unclear if Uruguay would ever regain its moniker ‘‘Switzerland of Latin America,’’ the healthy media industry there continues to play a role in presenting various viewpoints and voices to a generally literate, urban population. However, Article 173 of the criminal code and the 1989 Law 1.099 that discuss penalties for desacato (insult) to the State constitute a legal threat to freedom of the press and to journalists and broadcasters who address political and social issues. Self-censorship is still practiced by many broadcasters. Print media is experiencing a downturn as advertisers invest less, while the Internet, radio, and television continue to grow and to attract larger audiences. The primary factor in determining the future of Uru1057

UZBEKISTAN

guay’s press system continues to be the country’s and region’s economic condition.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Cole, Richard R., ed. Communication in Latin America: Journalism, Mass Media, and Society. Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, Inc., 1996. Committee to Protect Journalists. Attacks on the Press 2001—Uruguay, 2002. http://www.cpj.org. El País. http://www.elpais.com. Faraone, Roque, and Elizabeth Fox. ‘‘Communication and Politics in Uruguay,’’ Media and Politics in Latin America, ed. Elizabeth Fox. London: Sage Publications, 1988. Goodwin, Paul. Global Studies: Latin America. 10th ed. Storrs, CT: University of Connecticut Press, 2003.

Television Sets per 1,000: Number of Cable Subscribers: Cable Subscribers per 1,000: Number of Satellite Subscribers: Satellite Subscribers per 1,000: Number of Radio Stations: Number of Radio Receivers: Radio Receivers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Internet Access: Internet Access per 1,000:

254.4 74,400 3.0 25,000 1.0 37 10,800,000 429.3 120,000 4.8

International Journalists’ Network (IJNet). Uruguay: Press Overview, 2001. http://www.ijnet.org. IPI World Press Freedom Review, www.freemedia.at/wpfr/uruguay.htm.

2001.

Johnston, Carla Brooks. Global News Access. Westport, CT: Praeger, 1998. U.S. Department of State. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices—2001. Uruguay. http://www.state.gov/ Waisbord, Silvio. Status of Media in Argentina, Uruguay, and Paraguay, n.d. http://www.scils.rutgers.edu/ üwaisbord/ENCYCLOP.html. —Cynthia K. Pope

UZBEKISTAN BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Republic of Uzbekistan

Region (Map name):

East & South Asia

Population:

25,155,064

Language(s):

Uzbek, Russian, Tajik

Literacy rate:

99.0%

Area:

447,400 sq km

GDP:

7,666 (US$ millions)

Number of Television Stations:

4

Number of Television Sets:

6,400,000

1058

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS The state of the press in Uzbekistan has to be viewed in the context of a century old repressive Russian rule, first as a part of the authoritarian Czarist regime and then as a constituent of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). On September 1, 1991, Uzbekistan cut itself loose from the Soviet Union and proclaimed itself a sovereign republic. It has the distinction of being the most authoritarian country in Central Asia, with no real domestic opposition; its media is generally tightly controlled media despite the constitutional provisions for a free press without censorship. The head of Uzbekistan’s authoritarian government, President Abduganiyevich Karimov, is a long-time, high-profile member of the Uzbek Communist Party’s Central Committee and a cabinet minister in the Soviet Uzbek government (most notably as finance minister), He is accustomed to political obedience from one and all including the press. In 1990, Karimov became president of the Soviet Uzbek republic, and in December 1991, following the fall and break-up of the Soviet Union, he became the country’s elected president. When the country first gained its independence. there was a somewhat benign attitude toward the media in keeping with the Birlik movement, the Uzbek equivalent of perestroika. Analysts have noticed that his authoritarianism has worsened since the mid-1990s, perhaps because of his determination to root out the Islamic fundamentalism that has raised its head since the Soviet defeat in neighboring Afghanistan; he wants his government to remain secular. Although President Karimov periodically mouths platitudes espousing the cause of freedom of the press WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

UZBEKISTAN

and asking his ministers and officials to work closely with the media, his numerous legislative measures, administrative fiats, and pressure placed on the judiciary to mete out severe punishments to independent-minded journalists leave no doubt about his policy to streamline the press and make it support his political agenda,, including economic policies. His policies resemble those of China in combining economic liberalization with political repression. Part of the latter includes tightening controls over the press and ending ‘‘intolerance of defiance’’ among journalists and broadcasters. Historical Traditions Uzbekistan, Central Asia’s most populous country, located between Amu Darya and Syr Darya Rivers, has had a long and glorious heritage. Its famous cities—Samarkand, Bukhara, and Khiva—lay on the vital Silk Road, the trading artery of premodern times linking China with the Middle East and the Mediterranean. On his way to India, Alexander the Great stopped near Samarkand long enough to marry Roxana, daughter of a local chieftain. Uzbekistan came under Arab rule in the eighth century A.D. The local Samanid dynasty established an empire in the ninth century. In 1220, the Mongol leader, Genghis Khan conquered the territory. In the fourteenth century, Timur Lane built an empire with Samarkand as his capital, which he adorned with many monuments. The empire then broke into several principalities, some of which joined Persia. In 1865, when Czarist Russia conquered Tashkent, the present capital of Uzbekistan, the major political entities in the present-day Uzbekistan were the Khanates of Kokand, Bukhara, and Khiva. Russia incorporated Kokand in 1876 and allowed the other two to remain as protectorates. Following the formation of the Soviet Union, the Soviet Socialist Republic of Uzbekistan was established in 1924 from the territories of the protectorate Khanates of Bukhara and Khiva, and Ferghana, which constituted a portion of the former Khanate of Kokand. During the Soviet Union’s control, Uzbekistan was developed into one of the largest cotton growing centers thanks to an irrigation system based on the Aral Sea. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, its Central Asian Republics proclaimed their independence; Uzbekistan did so on September 1, 1991, under the leadership of Islam Karimov, the powerful former First Secretary of the Uzbekistan Communist Party. He was elected president of the country in December of the same year. Constitution With the collapse of the Soviet Union, Uzbekistan became independent on September 1, 1991. Under a constitution effective December 8, 1992, it became a republic with a separation of powers. Although the executive consists of the president, prime minister, WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

and the cabinet, in reality, President Islam Karimov holds firm control over the government as President and Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers. He also appoints and dismisses provincial governors, who answer only to him. Under the terms of a referendum held in December 1995, Karimov’s first term was extended by five years; another referendum held on January 27, 2002 extended it to December 2007. The constitution provided for a unicameral legislature, the Olly Majlis, or Supreme Assembly, of 250 members. It meets only a few days each year and has very little power to shape legislation. The referendum of January 2002, proposed a bicameral parliament. The judiciary, consisting of the Supreme Court, constitutional court, and economic court, lacks independence.. The country is divided into 12 villoyatlars, or administrative subdivisions, plus the autonomous region of Karakalpakstan and the city of Tashkent. All those 18 and above have the right to vote ‘‘unless imprisoned or certified as insane.’’ Uzbekistan is theoretically a multiparty democracy. However, government approval is needed for the formation of a party. The prominent parties in the current Supreme Assembly are: Adolat (Justice) Social Democratic Party, which was established in 1995; Democratic National Rebirth Party (Milly Tiklanish Democratic Party, or MTP, established in 1995; Fatherland Progress Party (Vatan Tarakiyoti, or VTP), which merged in April 2000 with the National Democratic Party (Fidokorlar, or Fidokorlar Milly Democratic Partiya); and the People’s Democratic Party, or PDPU (Uzbekistan Halq Democratic Partiya, formerly Communist Party, which was established on November 1, 1991). Newspapers In 1999, there were 471 newspapers and magazines, of which 328 were published by the various ministries and departments of the government, state enterprises, or ‘‘political parties.’’ Almost all newspapers are printed at the state printing facilities, which makes it convenient and not-so-obvious for the print copy to be censored. Of the total number, 66 may be regarded as national, 68 regional (although the government does not accept such a category on grounds that Uzbekistan is not split into regions), and the remaining local. Some 109 were public or organizational, representing trade unions, the military, or other associations. The remaining 34 were in the private sector, which is a growing segment and financially independent of the government. They were mostly commercial or religion-based. Listed below are the principal newspapers of Uzbekistan, the year of their founding, name of the owner, and circulation (wherever available): Uzbek Newspapers: • Uzbekistan Ovozi, June 21, 1918; People’s Democratic Party; 40,000 1059

UZBEKISTAN

• Uzbekistan Adabieti Va Sanati (Literature and Art of Uzbekistan); January 4, 1956; Ministry of Culture &Association of Writers; 6,500 • Marifat (Education), 1931, Ministry of Education, 21,500 • Adolat (Justice); February 22, 1995; ‘‘Adolat’’ Socialist Democratic Party; 5,900

• Tashkentsaya Pravda, February 1954, Tashkent Oblast Administration, 6,400 • Business Partner Uzbekistana • Golos Uzbekistana (Voice of Uzbekistan); June 21, 1918; PDP; 40,000 • Uchitel Uzbekistana (Teacher of Uzbekistan); January 1, 1980; Ministry of Education; 7,000

• Turkiston, 1925, ‘‘Kamolot’’ Youth Foundation, 8,000

• Norodnoe Slovo (People’s Word)

• Toshkent Hakikati (Tashkent Truth), February 1954, Tashkent Oblast Administration, 19,000

• Molodyozh Uzbekistana (Youth of Uzbekistan), November 1926,’’Kamolot’’ Youth Foundation &‘‘Career-Service’’ Agency, 6,000

• Mulkdor (Proprietor); January 10, 1995; Real Estate Exchange & State Committee for Entrepreneurship; 20,000 • Hurriyat, December 1996, Fund for Democratization of Media, 5,000 • Savdagor; August 19, 1992; Uzbeksavdo &Uzbekbirlashuv firms, 17,000 • Fidokor, May 1999, NDP, 32,000 • Sport; June 2, 1932; State Committee for Sport & Physical Training; 8,500 • Respublika; September 1, 1998; UzA Government Wire Service; NA Uzbek/Russian Newspapers:

• Vechernij Tashkent (Evening Tashkent) • Business-vestnik Vostoka, Bvv (Business News of the East) • Novly Vek (formerly Kommercheskij Vestnik, Commercial News), January 1992, State Property Committee, 22,000 • Chastnaya Sobstvennost, May 1994, State Property Committee, 8,000 Russian/English Newspapers: • Delovoy Partner, 1991, Ministry of Foreign Economic Relations, 20,000

• Narodnoe; January 1, 1991; Government; 50,000

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK

• Biznes Vestnik Vostoka (BVV), August 1991, Pravda Vostoka and Uzfininvest Joint Stock Company, 20,000

Uzbekistan has a large agricultural sector and is a leading exporter of cotton. The economy is primarily based on agriculture and processing of agricultural products. The country is a part of the large Central Asian oil and gas fields. Its potential, particularly for the export of natural gas, is immense. Uzbekistan is also a major producer of gold, with the largest open-pit gold mine in the world, and has substantial deposits of copper and strategic minerals.

• Novosti Nedeli, August 1996, National Commodity Exchange, 5,000 • Na postu/Postda; May 12, 1993; Ministry of the Interior; 18,000 • Soliqlar va Bojhona I Tamojennie Vesti, January 1994, State Tax Committee, 45,000 • Vechernly Tashkent/Tashkent Oqshomi; January 1, 1966; City Mayor’s Office, NA English Newspapers: • Good Morning • Uzbekistan Ovozi Times • Business Partner • Business Review Russian Newspapers: • Pravda Vostoka (Truth of the East); April 2, 1917; 20,000 1060

Uzbekistan’s economic performance, however, is mediocre, largely because of the restrictive trade and investment climate that is a hangover of the communist system. Of late, the government has publicly committed itself to a gradual transition to a free market economy. China seems to be the government’s role model, combining economic liberalization and political repression. Yet, it falls far short of the intended liberalization, which is the reason why there is very little foreign direct investment in the country. In 2002, Uzebekistan signed the Staff Monitored Program (SMP) with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to introduce current account convertibility. Thus far, a very restrictive exchange regime is justified on grounds of the need to limit the imports of consumer goods and to channel the foreign exchange to WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

UZBEKISTAN

finance the import of machinery and high technology. If the IMF reforms are implemented, the country would attract much-needed foreign direct investment. Analysts point out that what is really needed to move the economy forward is major structural reform, which should include getting rid of the state controls over the vital agricultural sector. In March 2002, Uzbekistan devalued the exchange booth rate from approximately 920 to about 1,300, much closer to the curb market rate. The aim is to reduce the gap between the official and market rates, with the curb rate not to exceed 20 percent by June 2002. In April, 2002, a new decree allowed the sale of bonds by the Central Bank of Uzbekistan, which utilizes technical advice from the World Bank, the UNDP, and the U.S. Treasury Department’s Office of Technical Assistance. All these measures are expected to pump some momentum in the country’s fiscal and monetary policy to make them truly market-oriented. Uzbekistan’s exports, according to 2000 government statistics, were $3.26 billion, mainly cotton, gold, natural gas, mineral fertilizers, ferrous metals, textiles, and food products. Major export markets are Russia, 16.7 percent; U.K., 7.2 percent; Switzerland, 8.3 percent; South Korea, 3.3 percent; and Kazakhstan, 3.1 percent. The imports were $2.94 billion, mainly machinery and equipment, chemicals and foodstuffs. Major partners were: Russia, 15.8 percent; South Korea, 9.8 percent; United States, 8.7 percent; Germany, 8.7 percent; Kazakhstan, 7.3 percent; and Ukraine, 6.1 percent. Uzbekistan’s external debt in 2001 were estimated at U.S.$ 4.5 billion. Financial Condition of Newspapers In terms of finance, the government subsidizes only a very limited number of newspapers. Most of them sustain themselves on the revenues they receive from advertisements, many of which are in the form of announcements, notices, or calls for tenders from various state agencies. Another source of income indirectly provided by the government is mandatory subscriptions by the various state offices to the state publications, The newspapers do not get much advertising from international companies, which find it difficult to operate because of the laws disallowing currency convertibility.

PRESS LAWS The Constitution of Uzbekistan plainly provides ‘‘freedom of thought, speech and convictions.’’ Article 67 of the Constitution states that ‘‘media are free. . .censorship is impermissible.’’ Yet in reality, the press and the other media experience censorship. Moreover, there are registration requirements that are misused to screen those who want to start a newspaper or magaWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

zine or renew their licenses. The basic law governing the media was adopted on June 14, 1991, three months before Uzbekistan’s independence from the Soviet Union. It was supplemented by several decrees and regulations, including decree number 244, which laid down rules for registration. On November 26, 1996, the Uzbek Parliament promised liberalization of the press, to bring it in line with international standards. The following February, it adopted several laws on the relationship between the government and the media. Article 4 of the Law on Mass Media reiterated: ‘‘In the Republic of Uzbekistan, censorship on mass media is not permitted. No one has the right to request that materials and reports be approved prior to publication, or that any text be altered or completely removed from print (air).’’

CENSORSHIP Although the constitution of Uzbekistan and the Law on Mass Media forbids censorship, the government has ‘‘enforced a virtual censorship.’’ The Committee for the Protection of State Secrets at the State Print Committee acts as an unofficial censor, having the authority to approve the newspaper copy before it goes for printing. Significantly, the Law on Mass Media does not provide for solving the disputes in court; it gives that authority to the State Print Committee, actually placing the latter above appeal or arbitration proceedings. In fact, this committee censors newspapers before publication and radio and TV texts and footage before they are broadcast. Television and radio stations practice self-censorship so well that the Committee, by and large, does not find it necessary to censor the broadcasts on a daily basis. The process of self-censorship is further helped by the fact that most editors and media executives fall under the jurisdiction of the Office of the President, or some minister or the other. Therefore, editors and the top echelons of the media hierarchy put certain types of programs ‘‘off limits’’ by way of self-censorship. The selfcensorship is also encouraged by a number of administrative measures. The government’s ire is manifested through endless delays in registration and license renewals, judicial decrees, or obstacles in purchasing newsprint. Consequently, as a professional organization commented, the ‘‘media landscape is one-sided. There are no opposition media in the country; the independent media in the private sector simply refrain from political reporting. The media appear to compete for the title ‘most loyal to the authorities.’’’ In mid-1996, President Karimov announced he would liberalize the press. Six months later, even while the new law was on the legislature’s anvil, the newspaper Vatan was temporarily closed down for publishing an analytical article on the President’s human rights policy 1061

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agenda. In February 1997, the parliament passed laws on the access to information and the rights of journalists. Although these appear liberal on paper, they have not been implemented, nor has their been qualitative change in the working conditions of journalists or in the subtle standards of censorship imposed through ‘‘self-censorship.’’ The 1991 law prohibiting writing that would ‘‘offend the honor and dignity of the president’’ continues. The new laws hold journalists responsible for the accuracy of their reporting and potentially subjects them to criminal prosecution if the government officials who are under scrutiny disagree with news reports. The new laws also permit closure of any media outlet without court judgments, prohibits incitement of ethnic or religious conflict, and disallow the registration of organizations whose purposes include ‘‘subverting the constitutional order.’’ And although there is no official censorship, no newspaper can be printed (all printing facilities are state-owned) without the prior approval of the Committee for the Control of State Secrets. Even the newspapers and magazines in the private sector are not free from editorial constraints. In fact, ‘‘true’’ opposition papers ceased to exist in 1993, when severe restrictions were imposed on the media. Although the restrictions were relaxed in 1997, the harsh sentence of 11 years meted out to a Samarkand state radio reporter, Shodi Mardiev, in 1998, and the manhandling of two Russian journalists for talking with human rights activists in the same year, were enough proof that the government expected self-censorship of all journalists.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS In practice, the government created a process that effectively compels obedience and loyalty on the part of the press through self-censorship. This was done through the Uzbekistan State Committee on the Press, which was supposed to protect the rights of the press and the journalists. Instead, its chairman, who is close to the president’s office, has been placed in charge of the registration and renewal of licenses to media companies, as well as the accreditation of journalists. The authority is often used to streamline those deemed ‘‘prejudicial to the public good’’. The State Committee on the Press also regulates the availability of newsprint, which is a monopoly held by a state-owned agency. In order to enforce the provisions of the ‘‘law,’’ the committee maintains an Inspectorate. The other laws affecting the media adopted in 1997 includes one guaranteeing freedom of access to information. It lists the various categories of information ‘‘except for the state secrets’’ to which the citizen would have access. Most of the access guaranteed under article 3 of the law was taken away by the limits set in article 9, which 1062

forbid ‘‘state agencies, bodies of citizen self-government, public associations, enterprises, institutions, organizations and officials’’ to provide information containing ‘‘national secrets or other secrets protected by law.’’ Another piece of legislation entitled ‘‘On the Protection of the Professional Work of Journalists’’ defined a journalist and listed his/her basic rights, notably in investigative journalism. It also laid down guidelines for the accreditation of foreign journalists working in Uzbekistan and for Uzbeki journalists working abroad. As for the broadcasting media, they come under the Ministry of Communications for the issue and renewal of licenses. The Uzteleradio, the Television and Radio Company of Uzbekistan, which operates in the capital as well as in the provinces, is directly responsible to the government through the Ministry of Broadcasting for their programming. In sum, although the extensive 1997 legislation concerning the media was in keeping with President Karimov’s promise in mid-1996 that he would improve journalists’ working conditions, in practice, the several laws passed by the Parliament in 1997 have ‘‘not translated into a free and pluralistic media landscape.’’ Besides, the new laws did not invalidate the 1991 law that prohibited any criticism ‘‘offending the honor and dignity of the president.’’ Reviewing the media laws and the bureaucratic structure controlling the media, Roger D. Kangas lamented: ‘‘For organizations that have followed Uzbekistan’s policy of complete media control, such laws might very well be considered empty additions to the litany of legislation that has little substantive meaning. the reality has been a system wherein the media remains completely censored by the government and void of serious debate on current political issues.’’ Can such restrictions, including self-censorship, be viewed differently from the working conditions of journalists in countries where the freedom of the press is truly guaranteed by the courts? Thus, the practice of selfcensorship may rightly be equated with official censorship and condemned in truly democratic countries. However, in societies accustomed to tight government control of many aspects of life, self-censorship may not appear tyrannical. A survey conducted in the year 2000 indicated that 38 percent of journalists in Uzbekistan felt some kind of censorship was necessary to protect against anarchy. A prominent Uzbek TV journalist and station director, Shukhrat Babadjanov, attributed such thinking to ‘‘the absence of democratic thinking in the mentality of the Uzbek journalist.’’ One major exception to such self-censorship is the independent Uzbek-language Hurriyat (The Liberty), which publishes articles and stories critical of government officials in numerous state enterprises but not of the top hierarchy. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

UZBEKISTAN

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA The presence of foreign media in Tashkent is impressive for its comprehensiveness but not for its staffing, which, with the exception of Russian Public Television (ORT), is mostly at the level of local stringers. The foreign media represented are: Reuters, Agence FrancePresse, Russian news agencies (Interfax; ITAR-TASS; Novosti, ORT news bureau), Internews (U.S.), Associated Press, UPI, BBC, VOA, Radio Liberty, and Chinese Economic Daily. The government is polite and helpful to foreign media and though it expects them to follow the same guidelines as the domestic media, in practice, the foreign media, particularly those from Western Europe and the United States, prefer to have a low-profile presence rather than confrontation with the government. Russian Media In the CIS and In Uzbekistan Russian is widely spoken throughout the CIS, including in Uzbekistan. The Moscow- based media, notably the Russian Public Television (ORT), is available everywhere and is almost invariably more popular than the domestic state- controlled TV channel. Russian channel 1, RTR, as well as the private channels TV-6 and NTV, are fairly popular thanks to the greater freedom their news broadcast and current affairs programs, mostly political, show. Another reason for their popularity is that both the ORT and RTR include American soaps in their programming, which makes the channels popular with large audiences. Some CIS members, however, like Uzbekistan, have taken steps to delay and censor the Russian transmission because they fear the impact of the discussions on current affairs unpalatable to the governing regime in Uzbekistan. Russian newspapers and magazines do not have an equally attractive market in Uzbekistan, or for that matter, in the CIS. One major reason is the problem with currency convertibility, which makes the cover price of Russian newspapers prohibitive in Uzbekistan. Even so, prominent newspapers such as Pravda, Izvestya, Argumenti I Facti and Trud are available on newsstands in Tashkent and are regularly read by the political elite and Uzbeki media persons.

NEWS AGENCIES There are three main news agencies. UzA is the national information agency, owned by the state and serving as a channel of information which is carefully screened before its distribution to newspapers. Jahon News Agency is run by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, reporting mostly on the Uzbek presence and activities of its diplomatic establishments abroad. It also assists the flow of information from Uzbekistan to the outside world and, in the process, controls the content. It also serves as a liaison WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

with representatives of the foreign media in the country. Lastly, Turkiston Press Outside World Agency is a new, independent agency established by young, professional journalists. It has so far managed to steer clear of government intervention.

BROADCAST MEDIA Radio Just as in television, there are state-owned and independent radio stations in Uzbekistan. The State Radio has FM, medium-wave and short-wave transmissions. The State Radio has four channels, each with its own specialty: Channel 1 (‘‘Uzbekistan’’) is the most important channel, paralleling Uzbek TV 1 in its programming (frequencies; LW, MW, SW, FM); Radio Channel 2, popularly known as ‘‘Mashal’’ (MW and FM), is directed to the youth and has more entertainment programs than others. Radio Channel 3, known as ‘‘Dostlik’’ (MW and FM) focuses on the minorities in the country; Radio Channel 4, known as ‘‘Yoshlar’’ (MW and FM), is directed toward the youth. Yet another government-owned radio station, ‘‘Radio Tashkent’’ broadcasts on a shortwave to numerous countries in 12 languages. There are seven FM radio stations in the capital city of Tashkent, one independent station that covers the three provinces of Ferghana, Andijan, and Namanghan. Five out of those in Tashkent are independent, Radio Grande (FM-101.5 MHZ) being the most popular among them. It was established in 1999 with substantial assistance from the Konrad Adenauer Foundation in Germany and the International Center for the Training of Journalists. It has one-hour programs in Russian, Uzbek, and English every day and besides music, it broadcasts hourly news— local, national, and international. Among the other private FM stations is radio Sezum, an Uzbek-US joint venture. Television According to the U.S. nongovernmental organization, Internews, there are about 35 independent TV stations in Uzbekistan along with the State TV and Radio Company. It is not designated as a ‘‘state’’ company by a decree of the Uzbek Cabinet, which expects it to be financially fully independent ‘‘as soon as possible.’’ Analysts observe that, given its size and operations and the state of the private sector, it is likely to be state-owned for a long time. The State TV, which was predominantly dependent on Russian programs in the first few years, has reduced the transmission of broadcast hours of Russian channels like ORT and RTR. In order not to deprive people who would like to continue to watch Russian television as well as to cater to the sizeable ethnic Russian population in the cities, the government has encouraged the growth of cable TV, which operate as small stations providing indi1063

UZBEKISTAN

viduals with such a service for a monthly fee. Such cable TV stations often provide international programs with channels such as CNN, TNT, ESPN, and BBC. The largest of the cable TV stations is Kamalak TV, with as many as 10 Russian and international channels.

Russian. Copyright violations are routine in Uzbekistan despite the country’s membership in the International Intellectual Property Organization.

The Uzbek government manages not to allow any ‘‘independent’’ TV stations to operate in the capital city of Tashkent, where political sensitivities matter far more than in smaller cities and towns and the rural areas. The one exception is Channel 30 in Tashkent, which walks a tightrope in terms of self-censorship. It also transmits foreign and Russian licensed programs. The independent stations mostly broadcast to provincial areas. Even so, they practice self-censorship, only less than the State TV. Most independent stations have outmoded equipment and depend on the U.S. Internews, which helps them by providing equipment and training. Because most independent stations do not and cannot afford sophisticated editorial staff, the Internews collects news reports from most of these stations, develops them into a program, and then redistributes the news program to the stations ready for broadcast.

There are several companies that provide paging, cellular phones, and cable TV—all of them based in Tashkent: Kamalak-TV; Radio Page; Kamalak-paging; Orbitel Ltd. Scooner Trading Telecom, U-tel, and Uzdunrobita. In the decade following its independence from the former Soviet Union, Uzbekistan’s telephone services have improved remarkably. So has the demand for telephones despite the increase in the tariff since the mid-1990s. The demand from rural areas has outpaced that from urban centers, with the overall increase in telephone connections totalling 250 per cent since 1991. While it is almost impossible to gauge the numbers of users of the Internet anywhere, the impact of the Internet is far greater than such numbers may indicate. According to Yash Lange, who regularly monitors the media in the CIS, the access to the Internet is so far ‘‘confined to the educated, successful or (often) young’’ limited by the ‘‘obsolete telecommunication infrastructure’’ that inhibits expansion. Thus, a survey conducted in January 1997 placed the number of hosts in Uzbekistan at 122, which compares most unfavorably with Russia: 50,000; Ukraine: 6,966; Kazakhistan: 807; Georgia: 210; and Armenia: 175.

Although all independent stations are, by definition, financially independent, some of them, such as those in Samarkand and Andijan are well-funded and can afford plans for expansion and quality improvement. They have their own news programs at the local level and are not, to that extent, completely dependent on the Internews. Besides, they have their own talk shows, which they broadcast on their own FM radio stations as well. The State TV has four channels, each with a different coverage, language of broadcast, and content. The Uzbek Channel 1 is the primary channel, and bears a resemblance to C-SPAN, with an emphasis on all government activities, speeches, and public events, with a pronounced political and economic bias. It broadcasts in Uzbek (except for news in Russian) and is the most censored of all State TV channels. The Uzbek Channel 2 is called ‘‘Yoshlar,’’ or Youth Channel. It covers one-half of the geographical area of the country. Although the channel is supposed to compete with Channel 1, its coverage, apart from some emphasis on ‘‘entertainment of the youth’’ covers political events such as presidential and parliamentary elections, political events, and talk shows on political and economic issues. The channel uses both Uzbek and Russian in its broadcasts, It is, like Channel 1, subject to strict censorship. Channels 3 and 4 are entertainment-oriented with movies, and sports;Channel 3, also known as TTV because of its coverage focused on Tashkent, sometimes creates its own programs. All four channels retransmit pirated western and Russian movies and other programs by downloading them off satellites and dubbing them into Uzbek and/or 1064

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There are several reasons for such a limited use of the Internet. Only a small minority can afford an IP connection that would enable them to surf the Web or have access to e-mail. It is also not possible to determine the exact number of users since the number of subscribers at the providers gives the number of connections, not the number of users, who pay a small fee to the subscribers for the facility. This is especially true of universities and research institutes where a single connection may be used by several faculty, researchers, and students. While the cost of a connection is prohibitive, even the hourly use charge can be very high, particularly to young people who do not have access to a common academic facility. The impediments to Internet expansion include poor telecommunications infrastructure, the over-loaded, lowspeed international channels which make the use of the Web complicated. This is so in Russia itself; it is many times worse in the CIS including, Uzbekistan. Another problem is the alphabet used by the receiver and the sender in transmitting the data if it is not in Roman script, which is used on the Internet. Moreover, the Internet is predominantly in English. ‘‘As data travels from one system,’’ Lange notes, ‘‘the messages may change (parts of words disappear) because the server where the message travels through on its way to its final destination may not WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

UZBEKISTAN

support the type of coding. . . .When messages are sent from east to West it becomes much more pronounced.’’ Yet, the greatest hurdle in the expansion and use of the Internet would be the will of the government and its desire to link its citizenry with the world, in seeing the inevitability and long-term benefits of such an interaction. Uzbekistan is, in this respect, way behind Russia and Ukraine; its newspapers are not yet on line.

EDUCATION & TRAINING Training in journalism and telecommunications is given at the Electro-technical and Communication Institute, 108 Amir Temur Street, Tashkent (Tel. 35-0934).

SUMMARY The contradiction in President Karimov’s pronouncements on the freedom of the press and the reality of repression was most clearly manifested in the case of Shodi Mardiev, a Uzbek state-run radio reporter sentenced by a Samarkand court on June 11, 1998 to 11 years in prison. He was found guilty of slandering an official in a program satirizing the alleged corruption of the Samarkand deputy prosecutor and of attempting to extort money from him. According to the New York-based Committee for the Protection of Journalists (CPJ), the prosecution and the sentence were ‘‘in reprisal’’ for Mardiev’s generally critical stance toward government officials. In addition to writing to the Uzbekistan president, the CPJ drew attention to the plight of Mardiev and two other imprisoned journalists at hearings on human rights in Washington D.C. in April 2000 and July 2001. It was a matter of great relief and joy to the media community that Shodi Mardiev was released in January 2002, in terms of a presidential amnesty order of August 22, 2001, marking the 10th anniversary of Uzbekistan’s independence from the former Soviet Union. The amnesty was extended to some 18,000 ordinary prisoners including about 700 religious and political detainees. Mardiev was eligible for early release on grounds that he was over 60 (he was 63 at the time of his release). A special circumstance that is advanced by the government as an excuse for ‘‘supervising’’ the media, is the need to contain the insurgency conducted by the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan. Ironically, on June 27, 2001, declared ‘‘Press and Media Workers Day’’ in Uzbekistan, President Karimov warned the journalists that they would suffer serious consequences if they complained about restrictions even where the national security was involved. It is not just the issues related to Islam that provoke the government’s ire. Even expressions of discontent over the government’s economic performance are closely ‘‘monitored’’ by the government, and frequently editors of newspapers and magazines receive calls—they never write—from the State Press Committee or from the President’s office orWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

dering changes. Eurasianet.org and the Central Eurasia Project of the Open Society Institute (New York) have brought to light instances of government’s back-door censorship, although there is no official censorship. As Eurasianet comments: ‘‘The government appears unconcerned by the contradictions between existing legislation and its own actions to restrict media freedom.’’ Such practices have not gone well with all journalists, some of whom have chosen to resist the government’s tight grip over what appears in print. In April 2002, Tashpulat Takhmatullaev, publisher of the weekly independent newspaper, Samarkand, published an article, ‘‘Who loves his Motherland more—the one who praises it, or the one who criticizes it?’’ along with some blank space, which government officials had asked to be cut. The excised portions asked for abolition of censorship in the country. Similar pressures are applied to independent TV stations; those who offer ‘‘alternative point of view’’ are often punished. Thus, Shukhrat Babadjanov, director of the independent ALC- TV in Urgench, received orders closing down his station as many as four times since 1995. In April 2002, the government confiscated its frequency, completely disabling the operation of the TV station. Another extreme case was the death of Imin Usmanov, a well-known Uzbek writer and journalist, in the basement of the Ministry of Internal Affairs on March 10, 2002. The local press was completely silent about the incident, which was widely rumored to have been a ‘‘punishment’’ for incendiary writing.

SIGNIFICANT DATES • 1990: Karimov becomes President of the Soviet Uzbek Republic. 1065

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• 1991, June 14: The Basic Law for the Media approved. • 1991, September 1: Uzbekistan becomes an independent Republic. • 1991, December: Karimov becomes President of the Republic of Uzbekistan. • 1992, December 8: Uzbekistan adopts a constitution. • 1995, December: Referendum held; Karimov’s term as president extended by five years. • 1996, November 26: Parliament promises liberalization of the press. • 1997, February: Parliament approves law on access to information. • 1999: Radio Grande inaugurates its services • 2002, January 27: Referendum held; extends Karimov’s term as president till December 2007.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Bey, Yana. ‘‘When a Free Press Might Aid Terrorists, Getting News in Uzbekistan,’’ World Press Review Online (November 14, 2001).

Kangas, R. D. ‘‘New Media Law in Uzbekistan: Finally Turning the Corner?’’ OMRI Analytical Brief no. 556 (February 24, 1997). Kabirov, Lutfulla. ‘‘Structural Reconstruction of Uzbek Press,’’ Post-Soviet Media Law and Policy Newsletter nos. 4–49 (September 15, 1998). Kabirov is director of the Creative Center for Journalists, Likhom, in Tashkent. Johnson, Eric, with Martha Olcott and Robert Horwitz. ‘‘The Media in Central Asia. An Analysis Conducted by Internews for USAID.’’ April 1994. Lange, Yasha. ‘‘Media In the CIS:Uzbekistan,’’ (May 13, 1997) Available online at www.internews.ru.books. Open Society Institute (New York), Central Eurasia Project. ‘‘Journalists Struggle to Cope with Censorship in Uzbekistan.’’ (July 3, 2001). Available at http:// www.Eurasianet.org. Republic of Uzbekistan. ‘‘Law on the Mass Media.’’ (December 26, 1997) Available on www.internews.uz/ law4e.html.

Internews, Uzbekistan, ‘‘Radio Stations of Uzbekistan,’’ available online at www.internews.uz/uzradio.html

U.S. Department of State. Uzbekistan Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1997. (January 1998) Available online at www.state.gov/.

Internews, Uzbekistan, ‘‘TV Stations of Uzbekistan,’’ available online at www.internews.uz/uztvs.html)

—Damodar R.SarDesai

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VANUATU BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Republic of Vanuatu

Region (Map name):

Oceania

Population:

189,618

Language(s):

English, French, Bislama (Bichelama)

Literacy rate:

53%

Vanuatu is a Y-shaped chain of more than 80 volcanic islands in the South Pacific Ocean between Hawaii and Australia. Seventy of the islands are inhabited, and many boast active volcanoes. Formerly called New Hebrides, Vanuatu was settled by the British and the French in the nineteenth century. In 1906, both countries agreed to a joint administration of the island, which lasted until Vanuatu declared independence in 1980. The population is approximately 190,000. English and French are the official languages, but a pidgin dialect called Bislama or Bichelama is also spoken. The literacy rate is 53 percent. A President serves as chief of state, and a Prime Minister heads the government. The legislature is a unicameral, 52-seat Parliament. Agriculture is the most important sector of the economy, involving 65 percent of the population. Also important are fishing, offshore financial services, and tourism. The media enjoys freedom of speech and press. In January 2001, however, the editor of the country’s largest independent newspaper, the weekly Vanuatu Trading Post, was deported for his investigation of an investment scandal allegedly involving top government officials. In June 2000, the Freedom Telecommunications Law ended the government’s 20-year telecommunications monopoWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ly, but the government still owns most of the country’s media. There is no daily newspaper. In addition to the Vanuatu Trading Post, the other weekly newspaper is the Vanuatu Weekly/Hebdomadaire, which is sponsored by the government. The Post publishes every Sunday in English and in French. Vanuatu Weekly/Hebdomadaire appears every Saturday. It prints in English, French, and Bislama, and has a circulation of 2,000. The Port Vila Presse is a weekly online newspaper founded in 2000. It posts news every Sunday. There are also two Englishlanguage weeklies sponsored by political parties: Golden Express and Viewpoints. There are four radio stations, two AM and two FM, broadcasting to 62,000 radios. There is one television station broadcasting to 2,000 televisions. There is one Internet service provider.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ‘‘CocoNET Wireless,’ The University of Queensland, Australia (1997). Available from http://www.uq.edu.au. ‘‘Country Profile: Vanuatu,’’ BBC News. Available from http://news.bbc.co.uk. Port Vila Presse. Home Page. Available from www.presse.com. ‘‘Vanuatu,’’ CIA World Fact Book (2001). Available from http://www.cia.gov. ‘‘Vanuatu,’’ Freedom House (2001). Available from http://www.freedomhouse.org. —Jenny B. Davis 1067

VATICAN CITY STATE

VATICAN CITY STATE BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Vatican City State (Holy See)

Region (Map name):

Europe

Population:

880

Language(s):

Italian, Latin

Literacy rate:

100%

Upon resolving disputes with Italy, the State of the Vatican City (Stato della Citta del Vaticano) or The Holy See (Santa Sede) was founded February 11, 1929, creating an independent, landlocked entity essentially within Italy’s own capital of Rome. Being the world’s smallest physical state and with a 2001 estimated population of just 890, the ecclesiastical government of the Holy See still wields substantial influence due to the roughly 1 billion people worldwide professing Catholicism. L’Osservatore Romano is the oldest press organization functioning for the Vatican. Founded July 1, 1861, under Pius IX, it became the official newspaper of the Holy See in 1885 under Leo XIII. It publishes weekly editions in French (since 1949), Italian (1950), English (1968), Spanish (1969), Portuguese (1970), and German (1971), with a monthly edition in Polish (1980). As of 1991, the Vatican Information Service (VIS) of the Holy See Press Office publishes (in English, Spanish, French, and Italian) newsworthy content concerning the pope, the Catholic Church, and the state Monday through Friday of all months except August. Daily, before formal transmission, it faxes and e-mails subscribers the current day’s content. Also, the Holy See Press Office daily produces the Holy See Press Office Bulletin (Italian; translations when available) available to all with a version under embargo that is available only to licensed journalists. Vatican Radio began February 12, 1931, under Pope Pius XI and remains the sole radio station of The Holy See. Since its inauguration, the radio has been managed by the Jesuit order. Programs are broadcast in 34 languages and sent on shortwave (two), medium-wave (three), FM (four), satellite frequencies and on the Internet. Personnel from more than 60 nations staff the radio. Vatican Television Center (CTV) began in 1983 and became fully recognized by The Holy See in 1996. Like other Vatican media, CTV is concerned with broadcast1068

ing activities and messages of the pope and related Catholic Church concerns. It conducts around 130 live broadcasts per annum, produces documentaries, creates a weekly magazine program called Octava Dies that is distributed internationally, and serves as an archival facility for all of its footage. On Sundays the station uses Intelsat to broadcast the pope’s Angelus to the United States. Fides and the Missionary News Agency are the citystate’s two news agencies. Along with other media, The Holy See extensively utilizes the Internet to transmit official current and historical information it sees as important for general dissemination. As of 2000, it had 93 Internet service providers located in both the Holy See and in Italy. The homepage of its official English Web site is http://www.vatican.va/phome_en.htm. Depending on perspective, censorship can be seen to be either an insignificant or a major issue with the Holy See. Appropriate officials must approve all material, media organizations cannot function without permission of governing authorities, and dissenting opinions are tolerated only on certain issues and only within certain parameters. For all practical purposes, the state is the press and the press is the state. However, there is an explicitly communicated sense of expected allegiances and adherences deemed necessary to work under the auspices of the Holy See due to its inextricable bind with religion and in all fairness, it would be difficult not to be aware of this before joining. The state’s very existence is based upon what are considered transcendent and eternal principles rather than on solely temporal reasons for governance, but one must question how to deal with such issues when they seem to be exclusionary rather than inclusive. Ethically, this puzzle—along with its concerns—quickly spills into the realm of media and the right to communicate.

BIBLIOGRAPHY All the World’s Newspapers. Available from www.webwombat.com.au/intercom/newsprs/index.htm. BBC News Country Profiles. Available from http:// news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/europe/ country_profiles/. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). In The World Factbook 2001. Available from http://www.cia.gov/cia/ publications/factbook/. Sumner, Jeff, ed. Gale Directory of Publications and Broadcast Media, Vol. 5 136th ed. Farmington Hills, MI: Gale Group, 2002. Stat-USA International Trade Library: Country Background Notes. Available fromhttp://www.stat-usa.gov. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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World Desk Reference. Available from www.travel.dk.com/wdr/VA/mVA_Intr.htm.

http://

—Clint B. Thomas Baldwin

VENEZUELA BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Republic of Venezuela

Region (Map name):

South America

Population:

23,916,810

Language(s):

Spanish

Literacy rate:

91.1%

Area:

912,050 sq km

GDP:

120,484 (US$ millions)

Number of Television Sets:

4,100,000

Television Sets per 1,000:

171.4

Number of Cable Subscribers:

972,840

Cable Subscribers per 1,000:

40.2

Number of Radio Receivers:

10,750,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

449.5

Number of Individuals with Computers:

1,100,000

Computers per 1,000:

46.0

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

950,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

39.7

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS General Description Venezuela is bordered by Colombia, Brazil, and Guyana, and has coastline touching the Caribbean Sea and the Atlantic Ocean. Its population was estimated at 22.8 million in July of 1998. The nation covers an area of 912,050 square kilometers, with the population heavily concentrated in the northern regions near the coast. The official language is Spanish, but a WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

small portion of the population speaks indigenous languages. The ethnic mix of the population is 21 percent Caucasian, 10 percent African, and 2 percent Native American with the remaining 67 percent reported as a mix of two or more of these groups. The Roman Catholic Church claims 96 percent of the population, although church attendance and religious enthusiasm are minimal. Two percent of the population identifies with various Protestant groups, and the remaining two percent with some other religion or no religion. The literacy rate is reported at 91.1 percent. As in much of Latin America, geographic factors play a strong part in dictating demographic patterns. A vast percentage of Venezuela’s population lives within 50 miles of the Caribbean coast, between the sea and the Cord de Mérida mountain range that runs from the southern end of Lake Maracaibo to the capital. The area south of the mountains, comprising the large Orinoco River basin, supports a relatively small population with most of these living north of the river. South of the river is largely rain forest, very sparsely populated by mostly indigenous people although it represents slightly more than half of the land mass of the nation. Venezuela’s economic well being depends largely on the continued success of the petroleum industry. This sector accounts for a third of the nation’s gross national product each year and roughly 80 percent of the revenues from exports. With increases in the price of petroleum, the nation has been experiencing a significant economic recovery in recent years. This combination of oil price increases and the positive economic moves of the Chávez government have helped to move Venezuela’s economy out of the stagnation of the 1990s without bringing on a monetary crisis. Under the requirements of the new constitution, which he largely drafted, Hugo Chávez was reelected as president for a term of six more years. The Nature of the Audience: Literacy, Affluence, Population Distribution, Language Distribution During the oil and industrial boom years of the 1960s through 1980s, the population of Venezuela became increasingly urbanized with thousands of people migrating to the cities of Maracaibo, Coro, and Caracas in search of work. By the mid-1970s, Venezuela had surpassed Argentina as the most urbanized of South American nations. According to the 1995 census, the population of the nation stood at 21.3 million. Of this, 85 percent live in the large cities where population growth is a combined result of high birthrate, migration from rural areas, and immigration from abroad. In 2002, five Venezuelan cities, Caracas (3.5 million), Maracaibo (1.9 million), Valencia (1.7 million), Maracay (1.1 million), and Barquisimeto (1.0 million) boasted urban-area populations over one million and accounted for 43 percent of the nation’s population. 1069

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The result of this urbanization has been an improvement in the ability of print and broadcast media providers to reach a large percentage of the population with their messages. The benefits that urbanization has brought in terms of ease of communication are offset by social problems. Municipal services have not possessed the funding or the expertise to meet the demands placed upon them by the influx of residents and the rapid expansion of their developed areas. Millions of people in the major cities live in large communities of sub-standard housing, while millions more occupy sprawling areas of single-family homes that have sprung up without the benefit of zoning, code enforcement, or planning. These problems and the other social problems that typically follow in the wake of urbanization and poverty have created a growing social awareness both among the people and among the organs of journalism. Race does not play a significant role in Venezuelan life as most of the people are a mix of European, African, and Native American ancestry. The people typically consider themselves to be a single ethnic group despite visible differences that might create rifts elsewhere in the world. This unity derives from a common culture based on the Hispanic history of the region and augmented by African and Native American influences that have been effectively absorbed into the mainstream. Another source for the nation’s sense of ethnic unity is the predominance of the Roman Catholic church, which accounts for 95 percent of the population in identification if not in practice. In recent years, a small but growing number of Protestants, Mormons, and other new religions have begun to influence if not convert the population. Much more divisive than race and ethnicity in Venezuelan culture is the force of economic stratification. The nation’s per capita gross national product stood at $3,020 in 1996, a figure that was declining mostly due to weak oil prices. During that same year, urban households in the bottom quintile earned 5,267 bolivares (approximately US$7.50) per month while those in the top quintile earned 74,261 bolivares (approximately US$106) monthly. The top 20 percent of the working populace accounts for 52 percent of household income. With such a small group of very wealthy persons and a huge mass of chronically and severely poor, Venezuela’s income distribution is similar to that of traditionally wealthy yet politically corrupt nations of Africa and Asia and considerably more skewed than the United States and United Kingdom. For many years, the media has essentially ignored the economic disparities present within the Venezuelan culture, portraying the entire nation as a homogenous, upper-middle class group. While this portrayal appeals to those in the economic levels that advertisers seek to 1070

reach, it leads to chronic dissatisfaction among the poorer classes. Just as the economic disparity creates feelings of resentment, regional biases within the media present a skewed picture of the nation. With most media outlets based in Caracas, the focus of the media falls largely on the capital and to a lesser degree on the other large metropolitan areas, especially Maracaibo. Regional radio stations and daily newspapers provide some coverage of the outlying areas, but the picture presented by both print and broadcast media is overwhelmingly one of Caracas. Literacy in Venezuela stood at 91 percent in 1996, according to a World Bank Human Development Report. This level of literacy, comparable to those of Singapore and Colombia, placed the nation at number 32 among the 98 countries studied. Perhaps more significant, the literacy rate rose by 21.33 percent over the years 1970-1995, indicating that educational efforts of recent decades are creating a more literate populace with greater access to print media. Historical Traditions The first newspaper published in Venezuela appeared more than a decade before the nation achieved independence from Spain. The Gaceta de Caracas appeared in 1808 and established a tradition of relative freedom for the press. Given the area’s distance, both physical and cultural, from the imperial stronghold in Bogotá, Colombia, democratic ideals and press freedom flourished in this region, especially as compared with the levels of freedom achieved in the other parts of Latin America. Despite the long-standing desire of many Venezuelans to achieve the establishment of a truly open and democratic state, a tradition that includes the nation’s pride as the birthplace of Simón Bolivar, Venezuela has, like many South American states, suffered under the rule of a progression of military and civilian authoritarian regimes. After the discovery of oil near Maracaibo, Venezuela quickly became among the world’s largest producers of oil by the 1920s, a condition that has provided an impetus toward both openness and corruption. Following the 1958 overthrow of dictator Marcos Pérez Jiménez, this progression of dictators was broken for nearly four decades. Press freedom came slowly and not without obstacles during the 1960s. Due to both the political instability in Venezuela and the effects wrought by the Castro regime’s attempts to export communism from Cuba throughout the Caribbean basin, the government found itself responding to conflicting stimuli by struggling to create a more open society while at the same time attempting to stem subversive elements. During the early 1960s, the government attacked communists and other political movements deemed to be a threat to the nation’s newfound democratic ideals. In the course of these WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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attacks, the government placed various impediments in the way of opposition publishing organs. In 1963, Betancourt’s government went so far as to outlaw the communist parties and shut down their media outlets. Through the remaining years of that decade and into the 1970s, the government, while relaxing restrictions on mainstream media, continued to attack threatening parties, especially in their capacity to effect media distribution. By the late 1970s, the politically extremist press had been effectively silenced, leaving only a relatively benign opposition expressed in the mainstream press to provide a contrast to government positions. At this point the government began to relax restrictions on communist and other opposition media usage; however, by this time, the democratic state and moderate press tradition had been developed fully enough that the subversive elements had largely ceased to threaten the status quo. The constitution of 1961, ratified three years after the restoration of democratic rule in 1958, provided press freedom in its Article 66, which states that all citizens have the right to express their thoughts through the spoken word and the written word, using all available methods of distribution to spread these thoughts without being subject to prior censorship. However, this same article provides for punishment to be assessed against ‘‘statements that constitute criminal offenses.’’ Also outlawed are materials deemed to be propaganda which serves to incite the public to disobey the law. These exceptions to the press freedom provisions of the constitution allow for a wide amount of latitude in interpretation, a flexibility that provided the governments of the nation’s early democratic period with opportunities to control unwelcome reporting. Even before the ratification of the constitution, early democratic governments used its provisions to restrain free expression in pursuit of what they deemed to be the national interest. The most significant use of this power came in 1961 and 1962 during the prolonged crisis between the elected government of Rómulo Betancourt and the forces of the Young Communists and other communist groups. During this period, Betancourt suspended the constitutional provisions for a period of fourteen months and outlawed the media work of the Communist Party. Even after press restrictions were relaxed in 1962, the government pursued a policy of eliminating extremist—especially leftist—elements from the established press, a process that continued throughout the 1960s. In response to these government moves, the remaining representatives of the press established a tacit agreement on standards, which has allowed them a maximum degree of free expression while at the same time avoiding in most cases the wrath and interference of the government. During the economic prosperity brought about by a major increase in oil revenues and the political stability WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

that characterized the 1970s in Venezuela, press freedom reached a level unparalleled throughout the nation’s history. Even before the advent of democracy in 1958, oil revenue provided the dictatorial regimes with the funds to pursue significant programs expanding the social services infrastructure and attracting industry to the country. Improvements in the educational system raised the literacy rate in Venezuela from 77 percent in 1971 to 91 percent in 1995. This increase is accentuated by the fact that the numbers of illiterate citizens fall largely in older age groups, suggesting that over time, current efforts will see this number rise as the population moves through the school system. The result of these programs was the creation of a pool of better educated, healthier, and more highly skilled workers who eventually formed a larger middle class than might be found in other Latin American nations at that time. This class shift is widely credited with providing an impetus toward democratic rule. In 1979, the government made assurances to the Inter-American Press Association that it would not assert control or regulatory power over the nation’s private press, yet such control and regulation have always been in force to some degree, if only in the form of both legal stipulations and extra-legal practices. While each of the nation’s constitutions has provided for freedom of the press, they have all likewise placed the obligation upon the members of the press to uphold standards agreed upon by the citizens and requiring them to serve as a national resource. Having for many years walked a difficult line between reporting the news and avoiding government censorship and sanctions, the press found that as the economic outlook brightened and the political situation relaxed, their ability to report openly on items unfavorable to those in power improved. In 1980, for the first time, the press began to challenge government positions and criticize policy failures. At the same time, the increase in economic activity diluted the power of government advertisements in the media as more privateindustry advertisements found their way into the media outlets. As in many nations, the influence of the press, especially television, has long been contested in Venezuela. In 1980, the government banned the advertisement of tobacco and alcohol products on television in an effort to counter the perceived message that the use of these substances was essential to social and economic success. These new regulations, which were imposed as part of a package of new policies that accompanied the introduction of color broadcasting to the nation’s television outlets, codified the long-held position that the national media, particularly the broadcast media, bore a public obligation to serve the larger good and to work in coopera1071

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tion with the government to improve social conditions. As a continuation of this policy and attitude, a set of standards for regulating the level of violence and sex in television programs found its way into law in the early 1980s. Since that time, programming that is perceived to run counter to widely accepted national values does not clear the ratings office and thus is not permitted on the air. Perhaps as a result of years of attempting to coexist with the political vagaries and dictatorial regimes of the nation, news reporting in Venezuela has traditionally been characterized by a stiff and unimaginative style. The word most commonly applied to reporters, cronistas, signifies their perceived role much more as relaters of facts than as interpreters of the events of the day. Owing largely to a history that involves the coexistence of governments brought about by the nation’s shifting political landscape, the Venezuelan media can be accurately described as nonpartisan in their handling of news stories. Given their dependence on government licensure for continued existence, the broadcast media are probably the most strictly held to a policy of neutrality. Since the beginning of broadcasting in the country, news programs have been brief and factual. In recent years, more news analysis programming has found its way onto the airwaves, although the volume and the editorial liberty of these programs are not nearly as great as their counterpart programs in the United States and Europe. The print media, forced to abandon the publication of editorial opinions during the dictatorial regimes of the 1950s and before, avoided for many years the resumption of this practice. Although the major news dailies have all reintroduced editorial pages, the tenor of the opinions expressed in these editorials tends to remain restrained by comparison with those of comparable newspapers in other countries. One of the hallmarks of Venezuelan editorial pages is the general absence of journalistic reports. Rather than filling their columns with the work of an editorial board, Venezuelan op-ed editors surrender that space to politicians, academic figures, business leaders, activists, and other guest columnists. Invariably signed and affiliated with political parties or public positions, the authors of these editorials interject a wide variety of opinions into the newspaper without involving the editors of the publication directly. This practice, of course, is not as unbiased as it might appear on the surface. Editors still oversee the tenor and content of their pages through their selection of writers, a practice which allows the El Universal to create an opinion page as right-leaning as that of the Wall Street Journal, while El Nacional creates a page as biased to the left as the New York Times. In October 2000, the International Press Institute included Venezuela on their ‘‘Watch List’’ of nations in 1072

which the freedom of the press stood at risk due to the repressive actions of the government. At that time, the same organization accused President Chávez of failing to oppose hostile actions directed at the press. The press situation in Venezuela has two faces. On the exterior, freedom of expression exists, at least legally. However, on the interior, journalists constantly suffer from government repression aimed at eliminating all reporting critical of the official positions. The publication Press Freedom Survey 2000, created by Freedom House, concluded that the press in Venezuela was only partially free. Their criticism took particular exception with the October 1999 passage of constitutional article 59, which most in the press saw as a license for government censorship. The survey also notes that in November 1999, after reporters at Radio Guadalupana broadcast an editorial that criticized the policies and leadership of President Chávez, government intelligence officers appeared at the station and warned the staff that its further broadcasts would be monitored. That same December, explosive devices were discovered in the building that houses offices for several press organizations including the Associated Press, Agence France Presse, and the daily newspaper El Universal. As critical as the Press Freedom Survey 2000 and other press watchdog groups have been toward Chávez, the situation must be viewed in perspective. The 2000 survey awarded Venezuela a score of 34 out of a possible 100. Nations scoring below 30 are considered to have a free press. Therefore, it was fair to assert at that time that the situation in Venezuela, while not as free as in previous years, was not as yet grave. In 1999, the International Federation of Journalists reported 312 cases of press harassment in Latin America, including 55 cases in Colombia, 126 in Peru, and 21 in Argentina. Venezuela, by contrast, reported only one case. The 2002 Press Freedom Survey, however, reflected a continued downward trend, with the revised score of 44 and mention of various government actions aimed at controlling the reporting of unfavorable news. Newspapers According to the World Bank’s 1994 data, newspaper circulation in Venezuela totals 215 papers per 1,000 people, which ranks the nation 29th among the 106 for which the data are available. This figure places Venezuela just behind the United States (228/ 1,000) and just ahead of Canada (189/1,000) in newspaper circulation. The same data indicated that the nation owns 180 televisions per 1,000 population, a figure which places Venezuela at number 69 among the 127 countries available. The two most influential newspapers in the nation are undoubtedly the two leading Caracas dailies, El UniWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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versal and El Nacional, with Maracaibo’s primary dailies, Panorama and La Verdad placing a close third and fourth in influence. Most observers agree that the most important newspaper in Venezuela is the more conservative and business-oriented El Universal although the difference between this paper and its more liberal rival El Nacional is slight. The product of a creative liaison between poet Andrés Mata and the writer and lawyer Andrés Jorge Vigas, El Universal first appeared in April 1909. In 1914, the newspaper became the first in Venezuela to make use of international services, initially carrying the offerings from Cable Francés and UPI. In later years, Reuters, Wolf, and the Associated Press were added. Published in Caracas and distributed nationally, the newspaper offers editorials and covers national and international news, arts, business, politics, sports, and entertainment in its daily editions. Although published in Caracas, El Universal is a truly national newspaper. Through the mid-1980s, the newspaper published from a single press in Caracas and made use of an extensive and efficient air distribution system to reach a vast majority of the nation’s population in a timely fashion. With the development of less expensive printing facilities and better capability to transmit editions electronically, the air distribution network has been largely superseded by a series of provincial printing installations. The national editions of El Universal are published at 6:30 am each day from 32 regional distribution points and from there carried by truck to final distribution points, placing the paper within reach of more than 90 percent of its potential readership. El Universal maintains a circulation of approximately 150,000. In October 1995, El Universal began to complement its print edition with an Internet-based edition. The nation’s second most important newspaper is El Nacional, which like El Universal is published in Caracas. This newspaper, like its main rival, carries national as well as international news along with editorials, sports coverage, features, lifestyle coverage, political reporting, and obituaries. Outside of the capital, the most influential newspapers are Maracaibo’s twin dailies, Panorama and La Verdad, which both feature politics, local and national news, business, and sports coverage. Panorama, established in 1914, features national and regional news, including politics, economic coverage, and a regular section on the petroleum industry. Rounding out the newspaper are sections for opinion, sports, culture, and lifestyle. Panorama, the more conservative of the two Maracaibobased dailies, has long been considered one of the most prestigious news sources in the nation and serves an elite readership spread throughout the nation. Other regional newspapers of note include two Valencia-based dailies El Carabobeño, a centrist daily, and WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Notitarde. La Nación from San Cristóbal, El Impulso from Barquisimeto, Últimas Noticias, an independent daily based in Caracas, and El Tiempo, a Puerto Cruzbased daily independent round out the list of leading newspapers. The newest significant player in the Venezuelan newspaper market is Tal Cual, a daily tabloid, founded in April 2000 by Teodoro Petkoff, the former director of the daily El Mundo. Tal Cual combines a vigorous writing style with a colorful and informal layout to create a newspaper that is probably the most visually intriguing in the crowded Caracas scene. In recent years, following the lead of North American newspapers, Venezuelan dailies have begun to move away from a strictly text-based format to one in which visual communication is far more important. In 2000, the Maracaibo-based Panorama effected a major design overhaul with the aid of a team of American graphic designers.

PRESS LAWS Constitutional Provisions & Guarantees Relating to Media The current constitution of Venezuela was approved by the Constitutional Assembly on December 15, 1999 by 71 percent of voters. Article 57 of this document guarantees Venezuelans the ‘‘Right to the free expression of thoughts,’’ while Article 59 promises the right to access needful information, true and impartial, without censorship. Article 59 of the constitution decrees that all Venezuelans possess the ‘‘right to timely, truthful, impartial, and uncensored information.’’ Free-press advocates fear that the adjectives, ‘‘timely, truthful, and impartial’’ might be used as a pretext to punish or silence opinion columns and political analysis deemed to be based more on conjecture than on verifiable fact. President Hugh Chávez, the primary author of the new constitution, brought to his office a history of criticism for free-press groups. In the build-up to the referendum campaign on the constitution, he publicly proclaimed the president and executive director of the Paris-based Reporters Without Borders organization as scoundrels, largely as a result of their opposition to Article 59. As of 2002, Article 59 had not been used as a pretext for the application of censorship or restriction upon the nation’s press; however, various other methods, legal and otherwise, had been used by the government in order to assert greater control over the press. One clear example of this repression is seen in the sentence approved by the Tribunal Supremo de Justicia, Venezuela’s highest court, in June 2001. In this decision, the court deprived the right of reply to the journalist Elías Santana of the magazine La Razón as a result of his writings critical of government policies. 1073

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Summary of Press Laws in Force While the most significant legal force concerning journalists is the 1999 constitution, a pre-Chávez law on the practice of journalism remains troubling for many in the press. Since its imposition by the government in December of 1994, the new journalism law has been opposed by most of the publishers in Venezuela. The major effect of this law created additional difficulty for journalists seeking to obtain licenses. The penalties for the illegal and unlicensed practice of journalism under this law included imprisonment. President Rafael Caldera, the principal architect of the legislation, expressed outrage at the criticism leveled against his government from both domestic and international press representatives; however, the hostile reaction from representatives of the press have been nearly universal.

CENSORSHIP Censorship in the strictest sense has been exceptionally rare throughout Venezuelan history. Even under the control of the most repressive regimes, the government tended to take other approaches to media control rather than directly censor its work. In some cases, especially early in the nation’s democratic period, certain journalists with politically extreme positions were essentially run out of their professions, but direct censorship, even during the Chávez years, remains rare. Although many critics point to the inauguration of Hugo Chávez as the point at which press-state relationships began to worsen, tension had actually been mounting throughout the 1990s. In 1923, in response to a perception that it was serving as a conduit to distribute North American propaganda, the Maracaibo-based Panorama newspaper was closed by General Juan Vicente Gómez, the dictator who controlled the nation for 27 years. In a 163-word pronouncement, Gómez closed the daily and sent its editor, Ramón Villasmil, to prison. The paper remained closed for eight years, resuming publication in 1931, four years before the death of Gómez. During the 1970s, the director of the news weekly Resumen continually incurred the wrath of the government when he ran a series of articles that were extremely critical of the president. In 1978, this criticism crossed the line that the government would tolerate when the magazine printed an article that accused the president of enriching himself by accepting bribes and kickbacks. The government acted against Resumen by confiscating the entire run of that issue of the magazine. Article 57 of the 1999 Constitution provides for censorship in certain cases, which include anonymous authorship, war propaganda, and messages that promote discrimination or religious intolerance. This position was upheld by the nation’s Supreme Court in their Decision 1013 on the Santana ‘‘Right of Reply’’ case in June 2001. 1074

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS Since the December 1998 democratic election of Hugo Chávez as president of the República Bolivariana de Venezuela, relations between the government and the press have been strained and are generally considered to be deteriorating. In June 2001, the Venezuelan Supreme Court passed down a decision through which they defined the criteria for the ‘‘timely, truthful and impartial information’’ clause in the 1999 Constitution’s Article 58. The court’s Decision 1013 put an end to the petition of Elías Santana, an activist in an anti-Chávez civic group Queremos Elegir (‘‘We Want to Choose’’), for his right to reply to the attacks leveled by Chávez on his radio show. In their ruling, the justices determined that while the constitution does make provision for a right to reply, this right was intended solely to benefit citizens who do not possess access to regular public forums. The court decreed that those in the media must take pains to avoid spreading ‘‘false news or news that is manipulated by the use of half truths; disinformation that denies the opportunity to know the reality of the news; and speculation or biased information to obtain a specific goal against someone or something.’’ Santana, as a result of his work as a columnist for the national daily El Nacional, as well as other media professionals would not be protected by this provision. The Court also ruled that journalists, while free to express their opinions, may not do so if these opinions include ad hominem attacks or irrelevant or unnecessary information. Publications, the court added, may be found in violation of the law if the majority of their editorials tended toward the same ideological position without that position being publicly stated by the periodical. Press freedom advocates both within Venezuela and overseas criticized the court’s ruling as overly broad and open to manipulation by government officials bent on suppressing unwelcome coverage. Many observers have noted the considerable irony in Chávez’s hostility toward the press, as the President is a creature of the media. Chávez had been completely unknown when, on Feb. 4, 1992, he took the lead in a coup against the detested but popularly elected government of the time. Before the army suppressed the coup, Chávez appeared on national television and attacked the onset of moral and economic decay that he claimed threatened the future of the nation. Although his coup failed, Chávez became an instant hero in the minds of many, especially the poorer classes. When he ran for president in 1998, Chávez could ascribe no small part of his rehabilitation to a wealth of sympathetic interviewers, especially in the broadcast media. The platform that Chávez spelled out for the naWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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tion promised nothing less than a complete revolution, although one made peacefully and by democratic means. The presidential campaign, pitting the gruff and unsophisticated Chávez versus a stunning blond former Miss Universe, proved a perfect televised spectacle. Playing on the visual contrast, Chávez presented himself as the strong and capable leader that the nation required, a strategy that played well in a country with a macho image and a desire for forceful leadership. While the broadcast media helped to create Chávez, the print media remained opposed to him. Part of the explanation for this split lies in the audiences reached by the two media. The press was also put off by the style with which Chávez presented himself. They found him to bring a militaristic mindset to ideas such as education and macroeconomic policy. However, many print journalists had philosophical reasons for their opposition. Many of them stated that it was inappropriate for a coup leader to run for president. In January of 2002, press-state relationships festered into a peculiar series of events that eventually unseated, replaced and then reseated Hugo Chávez as president. The constitutional crisis began simply enough as Chávez visited a poor neighborhood in Caracas. There, the president found himself greeted not as a hero of the poor but as a failed tyrant. The women of that neighborhood employed a traditional form of peaceful protest, the cacerolazo, in which they beat loudly on pots and pans. This same form of protest had been at the heart of the removal from office of Argentina’s President Fernando de la Rua in December 2001. When the highly respected national daily El Nacional published a brief report of this protest the next day, the party of the president acted swiftly. They moved quickly to organize a ‘‘spontaneous’’ demonstration that placed party members and government workers outside the newspaper’s offices for four hours of harassment that included rushing the doors, throwing stones, and shouting at workers. El Nacional Editor Miguel Otero quickly accused the government of inciting the demonstration to ‘‘keep the press from publishing what is going on in the country.’’ The demonstration earned immediate condemnation from the Catholic church, the United States State Department, and the mayor of Caracas. Organization & Functions of Information Ministry/Department The 1961 constitution created the nation’s Ministry of Communications, a department charged with the creation and maintenance of laws pertaining to standards and practices in the broadcast media. This ministry evolved into the Comisión Nacional de Telecomunicaciones (CONATEL). CONATEL maintains oversight over all licensure and standards enforcement for radio and television broadcasting as well as WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

oversight of the nation’s cable television providers. The agency listed well over 700 television stations broadcasting across the country in 2002. This list includes 144 UHF stations with the balance broadcasting on VHF frequencies. In the Federal District that surrounds Caracas, the largest market in the nation, 40 separate stations are listed. The nation’s television signal is distributed by approximately 200 cable television providers. CONATEL’s list named 186 AM and 433 FM radio stations in service in 2002. Managed News On June 17, 1999, six months after taking office, President Chávez announced the creation of a daily newspaper, El Correo del Presidente (The President’s Mail). Prior to the creation of this periodical, the president submitted the majority of his ideas directly to the public press, depending therefore on channels of communications that were increasingly not open to his political leanings. In an effort to counteract what he perceived to be unjust coverage from the media, both domestic and international, Chávez also launched an Englishlanguage version of his newspaper for sale abroad. A year after the creation of his daily newspaper, El Correo del Presidente, President Chávez initiated a television program, De Frente con el Presidente, that airs on the state television channel, Venezolana de Televisión. As a companion piece to his newspaper, De Frente is used by the government for the promotion of various positions and policies that might not be covered favorably in the private press. In addition to the television program, Chávez also hosts a radio program titled Aló Presidente, which is transmitted every Sunday on the Radio Nacional network. One example of Chávez’ use of this radio time is in his constant criticism of the journalist Elías Santana, whose anti-government posture he attacked and whom he marginalized as a representative of the most petty sector of civil society. When Santana, who listened to the program, spoke with representatives of Radio Nacional in order to make use of his right to reply, he was never answered by the station. After various legal attempts, the Venezuelan high court decreed that Santana held no such right. In July 2000, only a few days before the national election, the nation’s National Electoral Council issued a decree barring Chávez from the possible illegal use of his program for the promotion of his electoral campaign. In the end, however, Chávez skirted the order and Venezolana de Televisión broadcast a personal speech by the president in which he attacked his political opponents. Radio Nacional, on the other hand, refused to air three electoral advertisements on behalf of the president.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA The procedure for foreign correspondents wishing to work in Venezuela has long been simple. In order to work 1075

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for foreign publications from within the nation, journalists must simply apply for a visa, a process that is normally automatic. The nation’s Ministry of Work maintains a tight control on the hiring of foreign journalists by Venezuelan press entities. The laws which require all working journalists to belong to the journalists’ colegio apply equally to foreign correspondents. Prior to 1973, no Venezuelan media outlets supported reporters abroad. By 1980, all of the most prestigious dailies had established foreign bureaus, a practice that has expanded in the intervening years. The leading broadcast news outlets similarly either support foreign correspondents or maintain contractual employees from among the freelance press in those nations. In June 2001, President Chávez announced that he had given orders that any foreigners, journalists or others, who made remarks critical of the country, the President, or the armed forces would be expelled from the country for interfering in domestic politics. These remarks came just days after a politician from Peru drew a comparison between Chávez and former Peruvian president Alberto Fujimori. To date, no reports of this order being enforced have been made. Aside from occasional problems with the foreign press, the government generally allows a free flow of information into the country from abroad. Many international newspapers and magazines are available, especially in the capital. Broadcast media are especially saturated with foreign, primarily American, offerings. The programming schedules of all of the television networks feature foreign programs ranging anywhere from 10 percent (in the case of Globovision) to nearly 50 percent (in the case of Televen and RCTV). Foreign Ownership of Domestic Media The government acted in 1974 to force all foreign investors to sell their interests in excess of 20 percent ownership in all Venezuelan broadcast media, an action paralleled in various other business groups. This policy was aimed more at gaining domestic control of Venezuelan business interests than at ensuring domestic control of the media’s output. In recent years, various broadcast entities within the country have created partnerships with international media providers. The most noteworthy example of this is the media empire that has been created by the Cisneros family. Not only does the Cisneros media group of companies provide Venezuelan partnership for such North American entities as AOL-Time Warner and DirectTV, but they have taken immense amounts of capital and invested internationally, becoming key investors in various broadcasting ventures, most notably the North American Spanish-language giant Univision. 1076

NEWS AGENCIES The largest news agency in Venezuela is Venpres. Created in May 1977 in order to serve the Ministry of Information and Tourism, they collect, develop and distribute news from among the many government ministries to the various media. In 1990, Venpres was advanced to the level of a full government agency, the Agency of National and International News reporting to the Central Information Office. The agency maintains 70 reporters and correspondents spread among the principal cities of the nation and charged with projecting the ‘‘true image’’ of Venezuela throughout the world. The services of the agency include daily news summaries, periodic complete news stories, an official newsmagazine, and periodic special features. Moving far beyond their original charge as an agency responsible for the coverage and synthesis of the information generated by the various government agencies, Venpres functions as a fully rounded news provider with coverage of politics, national and international news, economic matters, culture, science, and sports. Given the current strained relationship between press and state in Venezuela, it should not be forgotten that Venpres remains a government organ ultimately answering to the President. While not a completely independent entity, however, Venpres has demonstrated that it is not simply a propaganda organ. For example, the coverage of the activities of April 2002 during which President Hugo Chávez was removed and then restored to office, did not hide the chaos and violence within the streets of Caracas. A gallery of photos displayed on the agency’s website shows the actions of law enforcement as well as wounded civilians receiving medical assistance. It displays loyalists as well as prominent protestors. While it might be argued that Venpres portrayed the military and police who acted against demonstrators in an overly heroic manner, the coverage could not be described as a whitewash in any sense. Despite their generally good reputation, the editors at Venpres have been used by the state for its purposes. In March 2002, an article offered by Venpres to its subscribers and published on its website, accused three journalists (Ibéyise Pacheco, director of the Caracas newspaper Así es la Noticia; Patricia Poleo, director of the daily El Nuevo País; and José Domingo Blanco, an on-air personality for the television news channel Globovisión) of being in the pay of international drug cartels for the purpose of damaging the reputation of the Venezuelan government. While no evidence accompanied the article to prove the connection, all three journalists have a long record of criticizing the president. The director of Venpres, Oscar Navas Tortolero, offered to resign in the wake of the article’s adverse consequences. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

VENEZUELA

Venpres also supports an international service, cooperating with the corresponding agencies in several other countries and with the broader Prensa Latina and International Press Service. The government uses its Venpres services to provide information through its embassies and consulates to governments and media outlets around the world.

BROADCAST MEDIA Television Television services, like radio, are divided among both government and privately operated systems. Two government organizations broadcast nationwide. Venezolana de Television is a government-run station providing programming on channels five and eight. Televisora Nacional is a smaller government-run television service. Several private television services provide programming regionally and nationwide. NCTV, a Maracaibobased private station and Venevision, a private channel served by nineteen relay stations, both provide programming nationwide. Televisora Andina de Merida (TAM) provides another private channel and focuses its coverage on the interior of the nation. Venevision, with RCTV (Radio Caracas Television), the most important broadcasting outlet in Venezuela, began broadcasting in 1953 but took its present place of importance after being purchased by Don Diego Cisneros at the behest of then-president Rómulo Betancourt. The network provides daily news and news analysis programming. The network’s news shows are broadcast on weekdays at 5:45 am, noon, and 11:00 pm and feature national and international news along with coverage of cultural and sports matters. Venevision also is the Venezuelan outlet for BBC World Service programming as well as Univision’s news service. The news analysis and opinion programming on Venevision ranges from a 48 Hoursstyle news magazine, 24 Horas, through interview programs such as Dominio Público and Vox Populi, to an On the Road with Charles Kurralt-style program, Así Son Las Cosas with Oscar Vanes. RCTV, a privately-owned and operated Caracasbased channel, uses 13 relay stations to provide television service to virtually the entire nation. The earliest of the private television outlets, RCTV was created on November 15, 1953 by William H. Phelps, who created a television counterpart for the most influential of Venezuelan radio networks, Radio Caracas Radio. News coverage, led by Francisco Amado Pemía, began on the second day of broadcast from the new network. This first news program, El Observador Creole, continued news coverage over the space of 20 years. As time passed, RCTV prided itself on remaining on the vanguard of broadcast journalWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ism. In 1969, they were the only Venezuelan television outlet capable of broadcasting live the Apollo XI moon landing. Currently, RCTV’s news department provides coverage of national and international news as well as financial markets, art and entertainment, fashion, and sports through their news program, El Observador. Appearing on RCTV weekly is a news magazine program, Ají Picante, that mixes a heavy dose of celebrity personality with topics drawn from sports, society, politics, and entertainment. La Entrevista de El Observador is an interview program appearing six mornings each week. Televen came into existence in 1988 when a group of independent producers and television professionals came together to create a network that would be, in their words, ‘‘dignified, responsible, creative, innovative, and of high quality.’’ From the beginning, Televen attempted to conjoin entertainment and information, although its early years leaned decidedly to the entertainment side of the equation. In 1994, Televen began to provide 24-hour programming, filling much of the new airtime with news and information programming. Currently, the network provides 30-minute news programs twice each weekday, at 8:00 am and 10:30 pm. Two hour-long news analysis programs, La Entrevista and Triángulo, are aired from 6:00 am until 8:00 am. At 10:00 pm every weekday a news opinion and analysis program, 30 Minutes, is aired. Globovision, broadcasting since 1994 from Caracas, serves as the CNN of Venezuela. Throughout the day, Globovision provides a variety of news feeds in 15- and 30-minute increments. Globovision’s news programming includes its own reporting as well as that from TV Española, Euronews, RCN (Colombia), and CNN. The network provides several news opinion programs throughout its broadcast schedule. These include Primera Página, a Nightline-style program focusing on the most important news stories of the day; En Vivo, focusing on the development of national life; Debate, in which various views on pressing issues of the day are argued, allowing the viewer to ‘‘form your own conclusion’’; Yo Prometo, which focuses on the electoral process; Otra Visión, a program discussing the productivity of the nation; Cuentas Claras, an economic affairs program; Sin Máscara, a program that aims to expose events without ‘‘makeup’’; and Reporteros, a Sunday press-review program. PromarTV provides considerably less news programming than the other networks. Broadcasting out of the regional city of Barquisimeto, Promar provides a daily news program, El Gobierno es Noticia, which is most noteworthy for its emphasis on west-central regional news. Sin Barreras, a news opinion program, has experienced considerable success in its short run. The other 1077

VENEZUELA

hour blocks of daily newscasts at 7:00 am, noon, and 5:30 pm, URN provides original programming for another 12 hours each weekday. These programs include call-in public affairs programs and interview shows. On the weekends, the programming becomes considerably lighter with many programs devoted to lifestyle matters, entertainment, and sports. Along with its considerable original programming, URN serves as a source for both the BBC World Service and CNN Radio news. This network has been widely recognized for excellence in broadcasting, including being awarded the Premio Nacional de Periodísmo (National Journalism Prize) in 1997, 1998, and 2000.

regional network, Telecolor, broadcasts from Maracaibo and is a subsidiary of Globovision. Telecolor, like Promar, is distinguished mostly by its attention to regional news coverage. American cable networks such as Warner, Sony, Bravo, and HBO also maintain a strong, although mostly entertainment-oriented, presence in Venezuela. Television services have expanded dramatically over the past several decades. In 1994, owing to the difficult economic times and government takeover of many banks, television suffered a critical period with advertising revenues falling off sharply. The devaluation of the currency by nearly 40 percent has created a very difficult credit market and made the importation of international programming economically unfeasible. With the increasing market for Spanish-language television, Venezuela, long an importer of American programming, has found itself a lucrative export market in the Spanish cable networks that serve North America. In 2001, Spanish-language cable giant Univision closed a contract with Venezuela’s RCTV through which RCTV will provide 800 hours of original programming each year over the 10-year term of the contract. In this same deal, Univision gained access to RCTV’s library of past work that has not yet aired in the United States. Radio Many different radio providers, ranging from large nationwide networks to individual stations serve Venezuela: Circuito Éxitos, Unión Radio Noticias, Z100 FM, Victoria, El Templo, and others. The most important news radio provider in Venezuela is Unión Radio Noticias, which provides 24-hour news and information when it is not broadcasting sporting events. Besides three one1078

Ownership With a beginning at Venevision, Diego Cisneros expanded his media holdings across the Spanish-language broadcast and entertainment industry. At present the Cisneros Group of Companies owns outright or maintains a major interest in broadcasting outlets in Chile and Colombia. They are the major stockholders in the Spanish-language cable giant Univision and are partners with AOL-Time Warner in AOL Latin America. In Venezuela, the Cisneros Group has expanded from the Venevision flagship to a Venevision Continental product designed for sale across South America and Vale TV, a values education project dedicated to the nation’s youth.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA Internet Press Sites Most of the large press organizations in Venezuela support thorough and professionally maintained Internet sites. All of the major Caracas-based television networks provide significant news coverage on their websites, as do the major dailies, except, at the time of this writing, El Nacional. These sites strongly resemble both in design and content the newspaper sites of many dailies in the United States. The Caracas tabloid Tal Cual, a newcomer to the Venezuelan news scene, not only places all of its content online, but allows readers to view page layouts of the print edition of the newspaper over the past week of issues. Tal Cual is also unique in extensively utilizing audio files in their Internet offerings. All of the sites provide access to at least six months of archived stories and allow flexible searching. Venpres, the government-run news agency maintains a similarly thorough Internet site. Restrictions on access to the Internet do not exist within Venezuela. Although the access currently available tends to be rather expensive to the population in general, each year has seen more of the public gaining access to this medium of communication. The nation depends on various Internet providers based both with the nation and abroad. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

VENEZUELA

EDUCATION & TRAINING The Venezuelan journalism colegio requires that practicing journalists hold a degree in journalism. Because of this requirement, journalism education is viewed with increased significance. Many critics complain about the quality of journalism education at the nation’s universities, noting that these schools have not remained current with the shifting world of information-gathering or the introduction of new and changed media. The two most important journalism programs in Venezuela are those at the Universidad Central de Venezuela in Caracas and at the Andrés Bello Catholic University, also in Caracas. The program of study in journalism at these universities spans ten semesters. Typically the first six of these semesters place all students in a common track while the final four allow each student to specialize in one of three areas of emphasis: broadcasting, public relations, and print journalism. This course of study leads to a bachelor’s degree in Social Communication. The two Caracas universities also offer post-graduate education leading to a Specialist degree. Four-year journalism degrees are also offered at two regional universities: the University of Zulia in Maracaibo and the University of the Andes. Tuition at the state schools is free to all qualified students; however, the capacity of the state universities is not sufficient to meet the demand. Major Journalistic Associations & Organizations In 1972, the nation’s Law of Journalism established Venezuela’s colegio, to which all practicing journalists must belong. The law also sets the standards and guidelines according to which journalists should work. Media owners typically oppose the power of the colegio, while working journalists generally support it.

SUMMARY The future of the media in Venezuela depends heavily on the actions and policies of President Hugo Chávez. In April 2002, Chávez was apparently ousted from office by a combined popular-military coup only to be reinstated a few days later. At the time of this writing, the possibility of significant change in relations between press and government in the near future appears quite high. The ‘‘new start’’ promised by Chávez after the failed coup of April 2002 remains too brief to be fairly evaluated at the time of this writing. Venezuela’s government has been given the tools with which to effectively silence opposition voices in the media through legal means. To date, the government has demonstrated restraint in using these tools, probably due to the nation’s strong tradition of free expression. Instead, it has employed extra-legal tactics of intimidation. One of the key trends to observe in the future is the direction that the government takes in controlling information. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

As is so often the case, future conditions in the Venezuelan media depend to a great degree on economic matters. Not only will economic success or failure determine the degree to which the government possesses the popular support necessary to maintain press control, but economic questions will dictate the levels of investment that media outlets will be able to make in exploiting new media and fully funding old ones. The complexity of the influences that the economic future of the nation can have on the openness and quality of the media makes predictions very difficult. Positive economic news might mean both good and bad times for the journalists of Venezuela. With a solid democratic tradition among its people and a long history of solid journalism, most observers see a good deal of hope in the future for the Venezuelan press. Political and economic difficulties have waxed and waned over the past century, and the journalists of Venezuela have shown themselves capable of adapting to whatever situations the times present.

SIGNIFICANT DATES • 1972: First Law of Journalism passed founding the journalism colegio. • 1994: Second Law of Journalism passed by Caldera providing penalties for unlicensed reporting. • 1998: Hugo Chávez Frias elected president. • 1999: New Constitution ratified, including the controversial Article 58, which provides free, uncensored access to information that is necessary, true, and impartial. Press freedom advocates see this provision as an invitation to government censorship. • 2000: Elias Santana, columnist for El Nacional, files suit against President Chávez after being denied a 1079

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right of reply to accusations made on the president’s weekly radio call-in program. • 2001: Ruling 1013 by the Venezuelan Supreme Court denies journalists the right to reply while defining the provisions of constitutional Article 58 in terms very advantageous to the government. • January 2002: Government organizes ‘‘spontaneous’’ demonstration against newspapers critical of the president. • March 2002: Venpres accuses three journalists of accepting money from international drug cartels for the purpose of smearing the reputation of the Venezuelan government. • April 2002: Thousands protest the government’s continued harassment and attacks on media critical of his policies. Chávez is forced from office, replaced, and then returned to office promising a new start.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Annuario Estadistico. Caracas, annually. Arias Cárdenas, Francisco J. La revolución bolivariana: de la guerrilla al militarismo: revelaciones del comandante Arias Cárdenas. Caracas, 2000. Díaz Rangel, Eleazar. Prensa Venezolana en el Siglo XX. Caracas, 1994. El Universal: 80 años de Periodismo en Venezuela, 1909-1989. Caracas, 1989. Freilich, Miriam. Cara a cara con los periodistas. Caracas, 1990. Nweihed, Kaldone G. Venezuela y— los países hemisféricos, ibéricos e hispano hablantes: por los 500 años del encuentro con la tierra de Gracia. Caracas, 2000. Venezuela Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1998. U.S. Department of State. Washington, 1999. —Mark Browning

VIETNAM BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Socialist Republic of Viet Nam

Region (Map name):

Southeast Asia

Population:

78,773,873

1080

Language(s):

Vietnamese, Chinese, English, French, Khmer, Mon-Khmer, MalayoPolynesian

Literacy rate:

93.7%

The Vietnamese government strictly regulates media in that country. The ruling Communist party expects all media to disseminate party doctrines in an effort to educate the population in addition to swaying international perceptions of Vietnam. The Ministry of Culture directs the Vietnamese Communist Party (VCP) Central Committee’s Propaganda and Training Department to shape national and local media. The Vietnam War disrupted media which was restored and expanded after North and South Vietnam were unified in 1976. More than 350 newspapers, magazines, and journals are printed in Vietnam. The Vietnam News Agency (VNA) is the official government wire service that releases and receives news to and from Vietnamese and international media. The daily Vietnam News Agency is an English language press release that contains items the government considers most significant for distribution. The VCP’s primary national newspaper is Nhân Dân (People’s Daily), published at Hanoi. This newspaper was established in 1946 by Ho Chi Minh, and is the official print media of the VCP Central Committee. Each four-page newspaper features transcripts of party speeches and articles written by party leaders that discuss the government and economic and cultural developments. All government and party workers are required to read Nhân Dân, which has a circulation of almost half a million. Tap Chi Cong San (Communist Review) is a monthly government journal discussing political theory which is designed for both domestic and international readership. Originally published from 1955 to 1977 as Hoc Tap (Studies), Tap Chi Cong San contains party news and circulates to several hundred thousand readers. Other nationally distributed newspapers include Nguoi Viet Daily News, Tap Chi Cong Doan (Trade Union Review) and Phu Nu Vietnam (Vietnamese Women). The Quan Doi Nhân Dân (People’s Army) is a four-page periodical circulated daily except Sunday to approximately one million military forces to notify them of training procedures. Trí Tuê Viêt Nam is published in Ho Chi Minh City, and the Federation of Trade Unions’ weekly Lao Dong and Thoi Báo Kihn Tê Viêt Nam are issued at Hanoi. The magazine Quê Huong is published weekly. National periodicals also focus on specific topics such as science, art, business, sports, and technology. In addition to national papers published in Ho Chi Minh City and Hanoi, many local newspapers circulate. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

VIRGIN ISLANDS (BRITISH)

Each of Vietnam’s administrative areas has newspapers which report regional news and local party committee information instead of national accounts. Smaller newspapers are frequently printed in the language of minority tribes. Some newspapers are published in foreign languages for ethnic populations, such as Chinese residents, as well as for international distribution. The Saigon Times Daily (http://www.saigon-news.com/) is an English newspaper published in Ho Chi Minh City. Informado El Vjetnamio (Information on Vietnam) is printed in Esperanto. The Committee for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries produces periodicals to showcase Vietnam globally. Most of these periodicals were established when Vietnam was French Indochina. The cultural monthly Vietnam Courier, created in 1962, and Vietnamese Studies, started in 1965, are published in English and French. Vietnam Pictorial is a monthly publication founded in 1959 that features illustrations depicting Vietnamese life with text in several languages. Ëài Tieng nói Viêt Nam (The Voice of Vietnam) has broadcast internationally from Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City in twelve languages as well as minority dialects since 1986. Hanoi has at least five radio broadcast sites, and AM and FM radio stations are located in other parts of Vietnam, broadcasting to 8 million radios. The Central Television network was established in 1970 and has expanded the number of television stations and channels available in Vietnam. Transmissions are broadcast to 2.5 million televisions. Since the mid-1980s, Vietnamese journalists have sought and achieved more freedom of expression. They especially want to distribute more factual reports based on investigative methods and to include voices representing the diversity of the Vietnamese people. These journalists seek to print accurate public opinion of Vietnamese policies. The Vietnam Journalists’ Association encourages media professionalism. Vietnamese authorities often order the detention of reporters who disobey state rules and print anticommunist, pro-reform, and human rights material, which the government views as reactionary. People are sometimes arrested and jailed without receiving trials. Their writing equipment and files are usually confiscated. Journalist Doan Viet Hoat was imprisoned in labor and re-education camps from 1976 to 1989 and 1990 to 1998 because his underground newsletter Dien Dan Tu Do (Freedom Forum) criticized the Vietnamese government and promoted democracy. Reporters Le Chi Quang and Tran Khue were jailed in March 2002 for publishing internet articles critical of Vietnam’s government. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

BIBLIOGRAPHY Cima, Ronald J., ed. Vietnam: A Country Study. Washington, D.C.: Federal Research Division Library of Congress, 1989. Kudlak, Michael. ‘‘50 Years, 50 Press Freedom Heroes.’’ IPI Report 6 (2000): posted at http://www.freemedia.at/ IPIReport2.00/14doan.htm. Marr, David, ed. Mass Media in Vietnam. Canberra: Department of Political and Social Change, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University, 1998. —Elizabeth D. Schafer

VIRGIN ISLANDS (BRITISH) BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Virgin Islands (British)

Region (Map name):

Caribbean

Population:

19,615

Language(s):

English

Literacy rate:

97.8%

The British Virgin Islands, which lie east of Puerto Rico between the Caribbean Sea and the North Atlantic Ocean, were settled by the Dutch in 1648. Britain annexed them 24 years later. The country is closely tied with the larger and more populous U.S. Virgin Islands, which lie to the west. The population is approximately 20,000. English is the official language, and the literacy rate is approximately 98 percent. The British monarch serves as the chief of state, represented locally by a Governor. The Governor appoints a Chief Minister as head of the government and presides over a unicameral, 13seat Legislative Council. The country’s economy, one of the most stable and prosperous in the area, is heavily dependent on tourism. Offshore incorporation fees also generate a substantial amount of revenue. The media enjoys freedom of the press and speech. There is no daily newspaper, but there are two weeklies. The English-language newspaper Island Sun publishes weekly on Saturday. Its circulation is 3,000. The BVI Beacon, a tabloid-style newspaper, publishes weekly on Thursday. Both newspapers appear in print and online through a dedicated Web sites and a news portal called B-V-I Guide. 1081

VIRGIN ISLANDS (UNITED STATES)

There are five radio stations, one AM and four AM, serving 9,000 radios. One television station broadcasts to 4,000 televisions. There are 16 Internet service providers.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ‘‘Advertising in the Island Sun Island Sun (2001). Available from http://www.islandsun.com. ‘‘British Virgin Islands,’’ CIA World Fact Book (2001). Available from http://www.cia.gov. BVI Beacon, (2002) Home Page. Available from http:// www.bvibeacon.com. ‘‘Newslinks,’’ The B-V-I Guide (2002). Available from http://www.b-v-i.com. —Jenny B. Davis

VIRGIN ISLANDS (UNITED STATES) BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Virgin Islands of the United States

Region (Map name):

Caribbean

Population:

120,917

Language(s):

English, Spanish, Creole

Literacy rate:

N/A

The U.S. Virgin Islands is made up of three islands—St. Croix, St. Thomas and St. John—located between the Caribbean Sea and the North Atlantic Ocean east of Puerto Rico. The islands lie along the Anegada Passage, a key shipping lane for the Panama Canal. The islands were once ruled by the Dutch then sold to the United States in 1917. The population is approximately 121,000. English is the official language, but Spanish and Creole are also spoken. The chief of state is the President

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of the United States. A governor acts as the head of government, presiding over a unicameral, 15-seat Senate. The Virgin Islands also has a non-voting representative in the U.S. House of Representatives. The most important economic sector is tourism, which accounts for more than 70 percent of the gross domestic product. Manufacturing, including petroleum refining, is also important, and the country boasts one of the world’s largest petroleum refineries. The media enjoys freedom of speech and press under the U.S. Constitution. The Virgin Islands Daily News maintains offices on St. Thomas and St. Croix. The St. Croix Avis publishes daily on St. Croix and can also be found on St. Thomas. On St. John, the Tradewinds newspaper appears bi-weekly, with select stories appearing online, and the St. John Times publishes monthly in print and online. The Virgin Islands Business Journal appears on Wednesday in print and online. The Thomas Source, St. Croix Source, St. John Source and the humorous Island Melee are free, alternative online news sources operated by the online publisher One Paper. There are 16 radio stations, five AM and 11 FM, serving 107,000 radios. There are two television stations broadcasting to 68,000 televisions. There are 50 Internet service providers.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ‘‘Facts About the U.S. Virgin Islands,’’ University of the Virgin Islands Library (n.d.). Available from http:// library.uvi.edu. St. Thomas Source (n.d.). Available from http:// new.onepaper.com. St. John Times (2001). www.stjohntimes.com.

Available

from

http://

St. John Tradewinds (2000). Available from http:// www.stjohntradewindsnews.com. ‘‘Virgin Islands,’’ CIA World Fact Book (2001). Available from http://www.cia.gov. Virgin Islands Business Journal (n.d.). Home Page. Available from http://www.vibj.com. —Jenny B. Davis

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

WALLIS AND FUTUNA ISLANDS BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Wallis and Futuna Islands

Region (Map name):

Oceania

Population:

15,283

Language(s):

French, Wallisian

Literacy rate:

50%

Wallis and Futuna Islands are located in the South Pacific Ocean approximately two-thirds of the distance between Hawaii and New Zealand. Although known to the Dutch and British as early as the seventeenth century, the islands were declared protectorates of France in 1842. The residents of the islands voted to become an overseas French territory in 1959. The official language is French, but Wallisian, a Polynesian dialect, is also spoken. The population is approximately 15,000, and the literacy rate is estimated at 50 percent. Although the French President serves as chief of state, the islands are divided into three kingdoms with a king to oversee each. Residents elect a 20-member Territorial Assembly, which recommends three officials to serve on the Council of the Territory with the three kings. The economy of Wallis and Futuna is almost entirely limited to subsistence-based agriculture. Press freedom does not exist in the Wallis and Futuna Islands and, consequently, there is no press. The only newspaper, Te Fenua Fo’ou, published weekly, was shut down in March 2002. The King of Wallis had ordered the editor not to publish an editorial about a scandal in the royal family, but the editor ran the story anyway. When the editor defied the king’s demand to resign and close WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

the paper, the king’s police shut the newspaper down, seizing its computer hard drive and a modem. When the editor moved operations to nearby New Caledonia and published another edition, the phone lines were ripped out of the Wallis office and the headquarters were damaged by police. An appeal has been made with the French government, though no remedy has occurred to date. There are two television stations and one AM radio station. In 1998 the radio and television stations were taken over by a group of irate villagers and kept off the air for seven days. The inciting event was the stations’ response to claims that cultural events and ceremonies were covered unequally among various villages. There is one Internet service provider.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ‘‘Wallis and Futuna,’’ Reporters sans frontiéres (Reporters without Borders) (2002). Available from http:// www.rsf.fr. ‘‘Wallis and Futuna Islands,’’ The CIA World Factbook (2001). Available from http://www.cia.gov. ‘‘Wallis and Futuna paper closes after clash with traditional king,’’ Pacific Islands (April 24, 2002). Available from http://www.pacificislands.cc. —Jenny B. Davis

THE WESTERN SAHARA BASIC DATA Official Country Name: Region (Map name): Population:

Western Sahara Africa 244,943 1083

THE WESTERN SAHARA

Language(s):

Hassaniya Arabic, Moroccan Arabic

Literacy rate:

N/A

The Western Sahara is located at the northwest bend of North Africa, just south of Morocco, west of Algeria, and northwest of Mauritania. Its northwestern border is the Atlantic coast. The Western Sahara is the only United Nations-declared non-self-governing territory remaining in Africa. Formerly known as the Spanish Sahara before independence movements swept the African continent beginning in the late 1950s, the territory became independent of Spain when the former European colonial power withdrew in 1975. Since then, it has been subject to contentious claims by Morocco, Mauritania, and the Frente Polisario (the Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el-Hamra and Rio de Oro). Mauritania dropped its claims in 1979. At that point Morocco, which already had sent troops into the northern two-thirds of the territory, extended its control into the southern part as well. Armed conflict intermittently erupted between Morocco and the Polisario until a ceasefire was declared in 1991. At that time, the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara, known by its French acronym, MINURSO, was established and peacekeeping troops were sent to the region. A UN-sponsored referendum was originally scheduled to take place in 1991 to allow the Sahrawis, the territory’s indigenous peoples, to determine their political future. However, as of mid-2002, this referendum had yet to be held. Significant numbers of prisoners of war continued to be imprisoned by both Morocco and the Polisario. When the referendum does take place, the basic choices apparently will be either independent status for the Western Sahara as a separate country or integration with Morocco in a more permanent, legally sanctioned form. Numerous attempts to schedule the referendum have met with failure, primarily due to lack of agreement between Morocco and the Polisario as to exactly who should be allowed to vote. Because the Moroccan government has waged an active campaign to settle the Western Sahara’s northern two-thirds in hopes of establishing a Moroccan claim, significant numbers of Moroccans now live within the Western Sahara. Additionally, tens of thousands of Sahrawis are living in camps outside the territory in Algeria, and to a lesser extent in Mauritania. The Organization of African Unity (OAU) recognized the Western Sahara as an independent country in 1984, named the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic as the civilian arm of the Polisario. However, the broader international community has not recognized the territory as an independent state, and the United Nations continues to view the region as a non-self-governing territory 1084

awaiting self-determination. Tens of thousands of Sahrawi refugees currently live in camps in Algeria across the border, near Tindouf. The economy of the Western Sahara is extremely poor, as the country, primarily a desert expanse, has no particularly valuable natural resources. The chief export is fish. As the U.S. State Department noted in its human rights report for the Western Sahara for 2001, ‘‘The 15 percent of the territory outside of Moroccan control do not have any major population centers or economic activity beyond nomadic herding.’’ The U.S. State Department also noted, ‘‘Freedom of expression and freedom of peaceful assembly and association remain very restricted in the Western Sahara. According to Amnesty International, Moroccan authorities continue to deny the registration of the independent newspaper Sawt Al-Janoub.’’ As Amnesty International reported concerning media developments in 2001, ‘‘Restrictions on freedom of expression [in Morocco and the Western Sahara] continued to be imposed. Journalists were punished for work deemed to be critical of the authorities. Foreign journalists were expelled from the country, certain editions of foreign and domestic publications were banned and Moroccan journalists were sentenced to prison terms.’’ It is rather unclear to what extent Amnesty International’s comments refer to Morocco more generally and which pertain specifically to the Western Sahara. As Reporters without Borders noted in its annual report on Morocco for events in 2001, ‘‘during the year no fewer than nine newspapers—seven of them foreign—were censored for addressing topics such as the Western Sahara, corruption and especially the king in person.’’ However, the Moroccan government has not restricted Internet sites that criticize the Moroccan position on the Western Sahara. Amnesty International stated that the Polisario, too, had failed to respect freedom of expression in the area of Algeria surrounding the camps where Sahrawis are housed. Regarding journalists operating in the Western Sahara, the U.S. State Department further observed, ‘‘The Moroccan Government limits access to the territory, and international human rights organizations and impartial journalists sometimes have experienced difficulty in securing admission.’’ Moreover, at least one journalist was imprisoned in Morocco in 2001, Noureddine Darif, who had worked for the leftist weekly newspaper Al-Amal al Democrati. Darif had been in Western Sahara when he was arrested by local authorities in November 2001 at a hospital in Smara Province while trying to interview persons injured in demonstrations against the Moroccan government earlier that day. Taken to a police station, Darif allegedly was beaten and accused of ‘‘collusion with a foreign party’’ and instigating violence, then imWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

THE WESTERN SAHARA

prisoned at Ayoun Prison, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists. The British Broadcasting Corporation reported in mid-July 2002 that Moroccan officials had stepped up their attempts to stifle reporting on the issues surrounding the Western Sahara. In its Country Profile on Morocco, the BBC noted, ‘‘Newspaper editions have been confiscated and the top three managers at 2M TV were sacked for reporting an interview with the leader of the Polisario Front. Other outlets have been censored for libel, national security violations or vaguely defined ’offensive reporting.’’’ A radio station known as the National Radio of the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic was set up in 1979 by the Polisario Front and broadcasts in Arabic and Spanish as well as on the Internet. One Arabic-language website regularly posting news about the Western Sahara is http://www.tukatt.org, with contacts located in Amman, Jordan; Beirut, Lebanon; and Tenduf (Algier), and Algeria. Also located in Tindouf, Algeria, is the Sahara Press Service (SPS), which offers information on the Western Sahara and provides contact information for itself through a website at http://www.spsrasd.info/ main6.html. Both websites appear to be associated with the Polisario. Until a referendum is held that will allow the people of the Western Sahara to determine their own political status, it appears unlikely that much of a media presence within the territory itself will be permitted. Once the Western Sahara’s political future is decided, the course of development of the press and broadcast media will be significantly shaped by the choice of whether the territory becomes an independent country or a full-fledged, integrated region of Morocco. It appears likely that considerations of free speech and press freedom will bear heavily on the minds of those entitled to vote in that momentous and long-awaited referendum.

SIGNIFICANT DATES • 1976: Spain relinquishes its colonial claim over the Western Sahara. • 1979: Mauritania drops its claim on the southern portion of the Western Sahara. • 1991: UN Mission for the Referendum in the Western Sahara deploys peacekeeping forces to the region. • 2001: Nourredine Darif is imprisoned after interviewing persons injured in an anti-government demonstration in Smara Province, Western Sahara. • 2002: UN Mandate extended for another six months, keeping MINURSO alive through January 31, 2003 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

in hopes that a solution will be found to finally arrange the referendum by which the territory’s future political status will be determined.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Amnesty International. ‘‘Morocco/Western Sahara.’’ Amnesty International Report 2002. London: Amnesty International, May 28, 2002. Available at http:// web.amnesty.org/web/ar2002.nsf/mde/morocco!Open. BBC Monitoring. ‘‘Country profile: Morocco.’’ Reading, UK: British Broadcasting Corporation, July 17, 2002. Available at http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/ middle_east/country_profiles/791867.stm. BBC News. ‘‘Polisario blasts Morocco’s Sahara claim.’’ British Broadcasting Corporation, March 7, 2002. Available at http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/ 1857421.stm. BBC News. ‘‘UN to stay in Western Sahara.’’ British Broadcasting Corporation, July 31, 2002. Available at http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/2163319.stm. BBC News. ‘‘World: Africa; Background: The forgotten conflict.’’ British Broadcasting Corporation, January 27, 1999. Available at http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/ africa/264052.stm. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State. ‘‘Western Sahara.’’ Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2001. Washington, DC: Bureau of Public Affairs, U.S. Department of State, March 4, 2002. Available at http://www.state.gov/g/drl/ rls/hrrpt/2001/nea/8281.htm. Committee to Protect Journalists. ‘‘Morocco.’’ Attacks on the Press in 2001: Africa 2001. New York, NY: CPJ, 2002. Available at http://www.cpj.org/attacks01/ mideast01/morocco.html. Peace and Security Section, Department of Public Information. ‘‘United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara - MINURSO.’’ United Nations, 2002. Available at http://www.un.org/Depts/DPKO/Missions/ minurso/. Reporters without Borders. ‘‘Morocco annual Report 2002.’’ Paris, France: Reporters sans frontiers, April 24, 2002. Available at http://www.rsf.fr/print.php3?id_ article=1450. UN Integrated Regional Information Networks. ‘‘UN Mission Mandate Extended By Six Months.’’ August 1, 2002. All Africa Global Media (allAfrica.com). Available at http://allafrica.com/stories/printable/ 200208010011.html. UN News Service. ‘‘Annan names new Force Commander for UN’s Western Sahara mission.’’ July 22, 2002. Available at http://www.un.org/apps/news/printnews. asp?nid=4243. 1085

THE WESTERN SAHARA

UN News Service. ‘‘Security Council extends UN’s Western Sahara mission through January 2003.’’ July 30, 2002. Available at http://www0.un.org/apps/news/ printnews.asp?nid=4333. UN News Service. ‘‘Security Council to continue talks on resolution to extend UN’s Western Sahara mission.’’ July 26, 2002. Available at http://www.un.org/apps/ news/printnews.asp?nid=4305. UN News Service. ‘‘Western Sahara: Annan hails release of 100 prisoners of war by Polisario.’’ July 8, 2002. Available at http://www.un.org/apps/news/printnews. asp?nid=4130.

1086

UN Security Council. ‘‘Security Council Extends MINURSO Mandate to 31 January 2003.’’ Press Release SC/7474. Security Council 4594th Meeting (PM). July 30, 2002. Available at http://www.un.org/News/Press/ docs/2002/sc7474.doc.htm. Western Sahara Referendum Support Association. ‘‘Weekly News Update.’’ July 27, 2002. Posted to the Internet on July 27, 2002 by All Africa Global Media (allAfrica.com). Available at http://allafrica.com/stories/ printable/200207270121.html. —Barbara A. Lakeberg-Dridi

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

peting ideologies. The South was particularly helped by Voice of the Arabs and Radio Cairo in those early years and later by the Soviet Union and East European countries. The North received significant aid from the BBC Arabic Service and from Sharq al-Adna based in Cyprus and also operated by the British.

YEMEN BASIC DATA Official Country Name:

Republic of Yemen

Region (Map name):

Middle East

Population:

17,479,206

Language(s):

Arabic

Literacy rate:

38%

In 1990 Southern and Northern Yemen merged to become the Republic of Yemen (Al Jumhuriyah al Yamaniyah), which in size is about about twice the size of the state of Wyoming. While unification has proved difficult, with a secession attempt occurring in 1994, the state has remained relatively cohesive and there are indications that understanding and acceptance of national identity continues to increase. This is in part supported by Yemen’s (Al Yaman) bold moves toward pluralism and democracy (22 registered political parties were reported in 2000) through conducting elections that on the whole continue to be open and fair, despite controversies that have arisen. While economic and technological modernization is occurring in the country, Yemen, remains primarily rural (66 percent). Recent statistics suggest that in a country of almost 18 million people there are per 1,000 people: 283 television sets, 64 radios, 15 daily newspapers, 2 mobile phones, 19 mainline telephones overall with 77 conglomerated in the largest urban areas, and 2 personal computers. As well, approximately 15,000 use the internet. Radio in both North and South Yemen began in the 1950s and was utilized by parties to promote their comWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Today, while illiteracy is decreasing in Yemen— especially among men—radio remains a significant medium by which to communicate to the general populace. Radio is state-controlled through the Ministry of Information with the main broadcasting contact being Yemen Radio and Television Corporation (Dir. Ali Caleh Algamrah). There are two main domestic Arabic stations, one located in San’a and one in Aden, along with local stations in four other areas. Saudi and Omani broadcasts can also be picked up. Short wave and satellite frequencies are utilized on top of other domestic frequencies. North Yemen first saw television in 1965 and the South in 1975. Today there are two channels with Yemen Radio and Television Corporation overseeing these. They broadcast primarily in Arabic with some news available in English. As well, Arabsat is utilized to broadcast to Europe and other regions of the Middle East. The Press of the Republic of Yemen remains under significant state-control despite legislation that was enacted in 1990 guaranteeing its freedom. There are a small number of dailies and quite a number of weeklies/ monthlies operating. Dailies include: • Al-Jumhuriya (circulation 100,000) • Ar Rabi’ ’Ashar Min Uktubar (circulation 20,000; chief editor, Muhammad Hussain Muhammad) • Ash-Sharara (The Spark, circulation 6,000) • Ath-Thawra (The Revolution; govt. owned; circulation 110,000; editor, Muhammad Az-Zorkah) Of the other publications, some of the more largely circulated include: 1087

YEMEN

• Al-Wahda al-Watani (National Unity—formerly AlOmal; circulation 40,000; monthly) • The Yemen Times (circulation 30,000; independent weekly; editor-in-chief, Abdulaziz Al-Saqqaf) • 26 September (circulation 25,000; armed forces weekly) • Al-Fanoon (circulation 15,500; monthly; arts review) • Ash-Shura (circulation 15,000) Other publications without circulation numbers include:

Carapico, Sheila. Civil Society in Yemen: The Political Economy of Activism in Modern Arabia. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge, Mass: 1998. Central Itelligence Agency. The World Factbook 2001. (2002) Available from http://www.cia.gov. International Press Institute. World Press Review. Available from http://www.freemedia.at. International Telecommunications Union (ITU). Available from http://www.itu.int/home/index.html. Kurian, George, ed. World Press Encyclopedia. Facts on File, Inc. New York: 1982. Leveau, R., F. Merimer, and U. Steinbach, Eds. Le Yémen contemporain. Karthala. Paris: 1999.

• Yemeni Women (monthly) • Al-Yemen (weekly; center-right) • Ath-Thawri (weekly; used by the Yemen Socialist Party (YSP)

Maher, Joanne, ed. Regional Surveys of the World: The Middle East and North Africa 2002, 48th ed. Europa Publications. London: 2001.

• At-Ta’awun (Co-operation, weekly, supports cooperative societies)

Redmon, Clare, ed. Willings Press Guide 2002, Vol. 2. Waymaker Ltd. Chesham Bucks, UK: 2002.

• Al-Bilad (weekly; center-right), Attijarah (monthly; trade)

Reporters Sans Frontieres. Middle East Archives 2002. Available from http://www.rsf.fr.

• Ar-Ra’i al-’Am (Public Opinion; weekly; independent)

Reporters Sans Frontieres. Yemen Annual Report 2002. Available from http://www.rsf.fr.

• As-Sahwa (Awakening; weekly; Islamic Fundamentalist)

Russell, Malcom. The Middle East and South Asia 2001, 35th ed. United Book Press Inc. Harpers Ferry, WV: 2001.

• Dar as-Salam (Peace; weekly; political, economic and general essays) There were two news agencies operating in Yemen: Aden News Agency (ANA), which was government owned (Director General Ahmad Muhammad Ibrahim), and SABA News Agency (Editor Husein Al-Awadi). However, recent BBC material suggests that only SABA remains. The Yemeni government maintains an Internet site and a number of other Yemeni publications are accessible via the Internet. SABA’s Internet site has links to eleven other local Yemeni Internet publications—some solely Internet based and others operating both electronically and traditionally.

BIBLIOGRAPHY All the World’s Newspapers. www.webwombat.com.au.

Available

from

Atalpedia Online. Country Index. Available from http:// www.atlapedia.com. British Broadcast Company. News Country Profiles. Available from http://news.bbc.co.uk. Boyd, Douglas. Broadcasting in the Arab World: A Survey of the Electronic Media in the Middle East, 3rd ed. Iowa State University Press. Ames, IA: 1999. 1088

Stat-USA. International Trade Library: Country Background Notes. Available from http://www.stat-usa.gov. Sumner, Jeff, ed. Gale Directory of Publications and Broadcast Media, Vol. 5, 136th ed. Gale Group. Farmington Hills, MI: 2002. The Middle East, 9th ed. Congressional Quarterly Inc. Washington, DC: 2000. UNESCO Institute for Statistics. Available from http:// www.uis.unesco.org. World Bank. Data and Statistics. Available from http:// www.worldbank.org. World Desk Reference. Available from http://www. travel.dk.com/wdr. Yemen Observer. yobserver.com.

Available

from

http://www.

Yemen News Agency (SABA). Available from http:// www.sabanews.gov.ye. Yemen Times. times.com.

Available

from

http://www.yemen

—Clint B. Thomas Baldwin WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS

ZAMBIA BASIC DATA Official Country Name: Region (Map name): Population: Language(s):

Literacy rate: Area: GDP: Number of Television Stations: Number of Television Sets: Television Sets per 1,000:

Republic of Zambia Africa 9,770,199 English (official), Bemba, Kaonda, Lozi, Lunda, Luvale, Nyanja, Tonga, 70 others 78.2% 752,614 sq km 2,911 (US$ millions) 9 277,000 28.4

Number of Satellite Subscribers:

11,000

Satellite Subscribers per 1,000:

1.1

Number of Radio Stations:

28

Number of Radio Receivers:

1,300,000

Radio Receivers per 1,000:

133.1

Number of Individuals with Computers:

70,000

Computers per 1,000:

7.2

Number of Individuals with Internet Access:

20,000

Internet Access per 1,000:

2.0

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Zambia, formerly Northern Rhodesia, is a landlocked Central African country that won its independence from Britain in 1964, at which time it changed its name from Northern Rhodesia to Zambia. It is bordered in the south by Zimbabwe (the two countries share the worldfamous Victoria Falls), Botswana, and Namibia; in the west by Angola; in the north by the Democratic Republic of the Congo (formerly Zaire); on the northeast by Tanzania; on the east by Malawi; and on the southeast by Mozambique. Literacy in Zambia is about 78 percent among the adult population, and primary education is free and compulsory. In 1995 there were more than 1.5 million children in 3,883 primary schools; 199,081 students in 480 secondary schools; 3,313 students in 12 technical and vocational schools; 4,669 students in 14 teacher training institutions; and 5,891 students in two universities. The average annual income is US$300. Literacy affects newspaper readership. The more educated members of the population are more likely to read newspapers. Readership is also affected by the fact that when families need to decide whether to buy newspapers or food, they are more likely to opt for food, which is quite common in Third World countries such as Zambia. Many people engage in subsistence farming, especially corn, cassava, and sorghum. There is also commercial farming, mostly by whites who run large farms that produce corn, sugarcane, tobacco, peanuts, and cotton. Another mainstay of the Zambian economy are minerals. In the 1960s, Zambia was regarded as the world’s third largest producer of copper. Only the United States and the then-Union of Soviet Socialist Republics produced more copper than Zambia. The country is also a major producer of cobalt. History In its early years, what is Zambia today had no recorded history. People moved around freely, establish1089

ZAMBIA

ing settlements where they could under the rule of African chiefs. Today, Zambia boasts some 70 ethnic groups scattered over the sparsely populated country. Arabs and whites, mostly from Britain, also relocated to Zambia over the years. The Arabs came in as traders and merchants, while the whites were missionaries, civil servants, commercial farmers, miners, adventurers, and entrepreneurs. Over time, English became the official language used for business, government, commerce, and schooling. The other major languages are Bemba, Lozi, Tonga, and Nyanja. The British South Africa Company ruled Northern Rhodesia from 1891 until 1923, The country’s large mineral deposits were exploited at this time, boosting the country’s white population and economic prospects. This mineral wealth in Zambia was one of the motivating factors in trying to form the Federation of Rhodesia (combining Southern and Northern Rhodesia) and Nyasaland (now Malawi). Under the federal structure, which came into being in 1953, despite vehement African opposition, the capital would be located in Salisbury (now Harare), the chief city in Southern Rhodesia. The federal legislature and the government would be in white-run Southern Rhodesia. Although whites were a miniscule minority in the Central African federation, they were the political majority in the federal government and federal Parliament. Release of these details galvanized African nationalist leaders in Zambia and Malawi to mobilize to stop the federal idea from being implemented. Opposition from African nationalists in Southern Rhodesia was there, but it was not as vocal or strident as in the two northern territories. Whites in Malawi and Zambia favored federation, as did their Southern Rhodesian counterparts, because it would augment their regional numbers and make it less likely that Zambia and Malawi could be turned over to the black majority. Reluctantly, in 1962, the British government accepted Nyasaland’s desire to opt out of the federation. At the local level, in 1948, two Africans were named to the Northern Rhodesian Legislative Council, which was the beginning of the recognition that blacks needed representation in the legislature. After negotiations among the Africans, the whites, and the British government, a new constitution was agreed upon. It came into effect in 1962 and, for the first time, it was agreed that Africans would form the majority in the new Legislative Council. On December 31, 1963, just 10 years after its founding, the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland was declared dead. African nationalists had triumphed. After that, it was just a question of time before Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland would join most of the rest of Africa in the 1960s in winning majority rule and independence from European colonial rules. Less than a year after the 1090

federation’s dissolution, Northern Rhodesia became the independent country of Zambia on October 24, 1964. The United National Independence Party (UNIP), successor to the banned Zambian African National Congress, won a majority of the seats under the new constitution. UNIP leader Kenneth David Kaunda became Zambia’s democratically elected president. Soon, Kaunda and Zambia moved systematically to eliminate the opposition and turn the country into a one-party state, something that had become fashionable in Africa. Beginning in 1969 and continuing until 1991, Kaunda and UNIP were repeatedly re-elected. Economic turndowns, corruption, drought, food shortages, and a general air of feeling that it was time for change ended Kaunda’s and UNIP’s 27-year grip on power in 1991. The Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), led by former labor union leader Frederick Chiluba, humiliated Kaunda and UNIP with an overwhelming electoral victory. Zambia’s economy and infrastructure had also suffered from sabotage and bombings by Rhodesian and South African air force planes. Zambia’s crime was that it had provided refugee camps, limited training facilities for guerrillas and exile headquarters for Rhodesian and South African groups that were seeking to overthrow white minoritydominated regimes in Salisbury and Pretoria. In the December 2001 election, Chiluba’s handpicked successor, lawyer Levy Mwanawasa, narrowly squeaked to victory by winning 30 percent of the votes against several opposition candidates. The opposition parties claimed the election was marred by fraud, vote rigging, and the government’s misuse of its powers. Despite the more liberalized conditions since the return of multiparty politics, the minister of Information and Broadcasting Services in Zambia still has much control over the country’s broadcasting system. Media History All forms of media are shaped by political, economic, educational, and social conditions, but the media can help shape things as well. For example, Chiluba and the MMD trounced the ruling party and ousted Kaunda, the only leader Zambians had known in their first 27 years of independence, since Kaunda opened up the political process. One of the factors, a relatively new one at that, that helped defeat Kaunda and UNIP was the emergence of privately owned and relatively independent newspapers. The new media voices became partners with those forces that were struggling for democracy in Zambia. The Zambia News Agency (ZANA) is the main provider of domestic news. It gathers and distributes news and information to the country’s media and works with the Pan African News Agency (PANA), which collects and redistributes news from other African countries. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

ZAMBIA

ZANA has not had the resources and personnel to reach its potential as the country’s domestic news agency. In 2002 there were four newspapers in Zambia: the state-owned Zambia Daily Mail and the Times of Zambia; The Post, which is independent; and the UNIP-owned Sunday Times of Zambia. All are published in English and have circulations in the 25,000 to 50,000 range. Each paper also has taken advantage of technology by also publishing an online edition. The Zambia Daily Mail started its life in 1960, when it was called the African Mail. In 1962 its name was changed to Central African Mail. This weekly paper was popular among blacks in the early 1960s because it was not afraid to publish stories that were critical of the federal government, the colonial government, and authorities in Northern and Southern Rhodesia. The paper was coowned by David Astor, then editor of the Sunday Observer in London, and Alexander Scott, a former Scottish doctor. In 1965 the new Kaunda government bought the Central African Mail. Two years later, it had become a semi-weekly called the Zambia Mail. In 1970 the Zambia Mail became the Zambia Daily Mail, a state-owned daily. Its main rival was the Zambian Times, founded in 1962 by a South African named Hans Heinrich. The Zambian Times started its life in Kitwe, one of the country’s mining centers. Heinrich, however, soon sold the paper to a British firm called London and Rhodesia Mining, which owned other newspapers in the region. Meanwhile, the Argus Company, another owner of newspapers in Central and Southern Africa, started the Northern News in Ndola, another mining community. This newspaper, however, was aimed at the white community; it included foreign news from Britain. When Argus chose to leave Zambia to concentrate on its South African business interests, it sold the Northern Times to London and Rhodesia Mining, which shut down the Zambian Times and renamed its new property the daily Times of Zambia. A white Rhodesian civil servant, Richard Hall, became editor of the Times of Zambia. Hall trained African editors and reporters to take over from him; in 1975 Kaunda’s government took over the Times of Zambia and relocated its offices from Ndola to Lusaka, the national capital. In addition to the Zambia Daily Mail and the Times of Zambia, other newspapers emerged. The Weekly Post became popular among those who disagreed with the Chiluba government; it regularly attacked the government, made fun of its leaders, and scrutinized its actions. It started doing to Chiluba and the MMD what Kaunda and UNIP had done to the MMD in the days before multiparty politics became a major political player. But the Weekly Post was not the only paper critical of the new WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

government. The church-owned National Mirror and the privately owned Sun were also critical. They regularly ran stories and columns ridiculing the new government and its leaders, something that could not have happened during the Kaunda days. The Daily Mail and the Times of Zambia did for Chiluba what they used to do for Kaunda: defend the government from attacks in the private media. They have remained pro-government publications, again projecting the viewpoint of the government of the day. They have refused to open up their pages to opposition’s views. Although sometimes irritated by some of the coverage, the Chiluba government and its successor, the Mwanawasa government, were far more tolerant of criticism. They also eschewed censorship, even when the media published articles and photos that some consider of questionable taste. Ironically, some of the tactics that the MMD used to discredit the UNIP government were used against it. In the 1990s, the MMD published ads in the independent media attacking the UNIP government and its policies. Opposition parties used the same ad tactics against the MMD.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS The media has not always had a happy existence in Zambia. As elsewhere in Africa, the earliest newspapers in what was then known as Northern Rhodesia were aimed at the small white community. Africans were ignored, except in so far as they could be depicted as criminals or in other negative ways. When African nationalists started agitating for change in the 1950s and continuing into the 1960s, they could not count on newspapers, radio, or television to tell their story. During federation days, the federal government controlled radio and television outlets, which were used to demonize black nationalists and to tout the views of the federal government. At independence, the Zambia National Broadcasting Corporation (ZNBC) came into being as a single-channel television outlet. It was loosely patterned after the British Broadcasting Corporation, meaning it was supposed to be autonomous, nonpartisan, and objective. In practice, ZNBC quickly followed in the path trodden by other broadcasting outlets in most African countries—it became a state-run institution that tended to report news only from the government’s and ruling party’s perspective. Opposition views were absent from ZNBC radio and television news. Kaunda and the ruling party saw the broadcast media as handmaidens of the government and UNIP, there to propagate and spread, uncritically, progovernment views and policies. In the Kaunda view, which was shared by many African leaders, opposition parties were enemies whose views should never be published or spread by the media. 1091

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The change from Kaunda and UNIP to Chiluba and the MMD was more than symbolic. It seemed to signal a major philosophical change. Kaunda thought the media had one purpose: to serve and propagate his policies and those of the ruling UNIP. Press freedom was an alien concept. At the beginning of UNIP rule, the print media was privately owned. Once in power, Kaunda changed all that. He effectively took over control of radio and television and started after the print media, arguing that the media’s role was to transform society, in line with government policy. Over time, Kaunda appointed the head of the broadcasting facility. He also appointed, promoted, and fired the editors-in-chief at the Zambia Daily Mail and the Times of Zambia. Under those conditions, the print media could not afford to be critical of Kaunda, UNIP, or the government. The MMD took a different stance by promising to restore and respect press freedom. The MMD promised to let journalists do their work without interference, and that those with the means would be able to own print and electronic media outlets. Those interested in starting private radio and television outlets were encouraged to apply for licenses. A Media Reform Committee was even established to chart the way forward. Among the committee’s recommendations were privatizing the Zambia National Broadcasting Corporation, privatizing newspapers, and putting a freedom of the press clause in the Zambian constitution. The print media took advantage of the new freedoms. They criticized the new government and its president, made efforts to be a public watchdog, and tried to hold the government accountable for its actions. There were virtually no restrictions about what the media could not do or publish—a far cry from the autocratic Kaunda days.

BROADCAST MEDIA Even though ZNBC depended on annual license fees to be paid by all television and radio owners and government subsidies, the government co-opted ZNBC for use as a state propaganda unit. In 2002 ZNBC remains the country’s sole television broadcaster and is still seen, despite the change in government from UNIP to the supposedly press-freedom-committed MMD, as a state broadcaster. ZNBC also runs three government-oriented radio stations: Radio 1, which is multilingual and can be heard in Zambia’s major languages; Radio 2, which is an English language service; and Radio 4. There are also two church-owned stations, Radio Icengelo and Yatsani Radio, and privately owned Radio Choice. This is unusual because many African countries do not allow privately owned radio stations, preferring instead to leave broadcast matters in the hands of state-owned outlets for propagating government policies and government programs. 1092

Francis P. Kasoma, a former Zambian print journalist and now a professor in the department of communication at the University of Zambia, started broadcasting in Zambia in 1941 when the British colonial authorities initiated an African radio service. Twenty years later, in 1961, television arrived in the country, courtesy of the privately owned London Rhodesia Company. It was designed to serve the interests of the white community. At independence, the Zambian government purchased the television station, and it became part of ZNBC. From then on, ZNBC became an integral part of the Zambian government’s propaganda machinery. ZNBC dutifully parroted government policies, repeatedly featured UNIP leaders and ignored opposition parties and leaders, except to denigrate them. According to Kasoma, Kaunda became a fixture on ZNBC news, regardless of what he was doing. His speeches, even at political rallies, were repeatedly shown on television, often uncut and unedited. Some of those speeches were repeated a number of times during the broadcast cycle. As president, Kaunda could and did appoint and fire the ZNBC director-general, the person with the responsibility for the daily programming. Opposition ads were not allowed on radio or television, until the opposition successfully sued for the right to have its election ads screened, even though it had to pay for them. While the MMD went to court to force ZNBC to screen its paid ads, Kaunda and UNIP enjoyed unlimited access to the airwaves, including during peak viewing and listening hours. The government and the ruling party did not pay for those ads. ZNBC actually carried an announcement saying it was airing the ads to comply with the court decision. The Press Association of Zambia also went to court to seek the temporary removal of Steven Moyo, then the ZNBC director-general, on the grounds that he was too pro-government and anti-MMD. Although Moyo was temporarily removed, broadcast news rarely covered the election fairly. Stories about the MMD were few or biased. Despite all this help from the media, Kaunda was still defeated; under the MMD and Chiluba, ZNBC television and radio programs were opened up to government and opposition parties, including UNIP. Opposition parties and candidates now had access to the airwaves in this changed political culture. Programs critical of the government of the day were no longer automatically banned. No longer were radio and television programs dominated by the theory that what the president did or said should be the top story of the day, regardless of its insignificance, although the government still carried an unfair advantage over other broadcast media players. While MMD continued government control of ZNBC as a state broadcaster, it did open up the airwaves to other voices, though in a limited context. By 1994, for WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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example, the government announced that those interested in starting private radio and television stations could apply for licenses. Some FM and medium wave frequencies were made available for radio, while a few UHF bands were also made available for television broadcasting. Despite these changes, however, the MMD government was adamant that under the Broadcast Act no broadcast licenses would be granted to political parties. The number of radio receivers in Zambia grew from 760,000 in 1994 to 1,000,000 in 1996. The number of actual listeners is much higher than that because of large numbers of family members who gather around each radio set, plus those who listen to broadcasts in beer halls and other community gathering centers. Radio also attracts more Zambians because it is not affected by literacy and requires no active participation by audiences who can be engaged in other activities while still being able to listen and hear the messages, music, advice, and call-in programs. Radio broadcasts in English and a variety of African languages. Television has grown more slowly, rising from 245,000 receivers in 1994 to 270,000 in 1996. Its broadcasts are also in English and some African languages. There are nine television broadcasting stations.

ELECTRONIC NEWS MEDIA Although far from being totally free, the media in Zambia has been far freer than it was in the 27 years from independence in 1964 to the 1991 electoral defeat of Kaunda and his UNIP. Zambians now have access to competing and opposing voices. The private press has taken upon itself the role of public watchdog and defender of freedom and the truth. Access to the media has improved markedly. Criticism of the government is no longer a crime. However, despite these newfound freedoms, access to the media remains limited because of illiteracy, poverty, inability to afford newspapers, and the costs of radio and television. Moreover, the lack of electricity has kept the electronic media out of the reach of a majority of Zambia’s citizens. The Information Revolution has made the Internet available in Zambia. Poverty, however, has militated against making e-mail and other Internet services available to most Zambians. Computers, simply, are too expensive. Internet sites and cafes are available, but most Zambians cannot afford to log on and off. Many prefer to spend their limited cash on more pressing needs, such as food.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ‘‘Africa.’’ Encyclopedia of the Nations, 7th edition. World Mark Press, 1988. Africa South of the Sahara, 31st edition. Europa Publications, 2002. International Yearbook (The Encyclopedia of the Newspaper Industry), 82nd edition. n.p., 2002. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Kasoma, Francis P. ‘‘Press Freedom in Zambia.’’ In Press Freedom and Communication in Africa, eds. Festus Eribe and William Jong-Ebot. Trenton, N J: Africa World Press Inc., 1997. Merrill, John C., ed. Global Journalism (Survey of International Communication), 2nd edition. New York & London: Longman, 1991. —Tendayi S. Kumbula

ZIMBABWE BASIC DATA Official Country Name: Region (Map name): Population: Language(s): Literacy rate: Area: GDP: Number of Television Stations: Number of Television Sets: Television Sets per 1,000: Number of Satellite Subscribers:

Republic of Zimbabwe Africa 11,365,366 English, Shona, Sindebele 85.0% 390,580 sq km 7,392 (US$ millions) 16 370,000 32.6 32,000 1093

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Satellite Subscribers per 1,000: Number of Radio Stations: Number of Radio Receivers: Radio Receivers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Computers: Computers per 1,000: Number of Individuals with Internet Access: Internet Access per 1,000:

2.8 54 1,140,000 100.3 160,000 14.1 50,000 4.4

BACKGROUND & GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS Zimbabwe is a landlocked country in Southern Africa. It is bordered by Zambia in the north, Mozambique in the east, Botswana in the west, and South Africa in the south. Many of its economic and transportation links are with these countries. Lack of its own ports and harbors forces Zimbabwe to rely on Mozambican and South African facilities; thus, its economy and politics have also been subject to ripple effects from its neighbors, especially South Africa and Mozambique. Outside South Africa, Zimbabwe boasts one of the most highly developed industrial infrastructures in sub-Saharan Africa. Press freedom has had a long, tenuous existence in what today is known as Zimbabwe. The governments in power have often professed their commitment to press freedom. In reality, however, the communication media has suffered from contradictory tendencies, as political self-interest has too often ridden roughshod over the public’s right to free and unfettered news and information. In the turbulent days before and during the Ian Smith regime, pre-publication censorship was commonplace. Since Rhodesia became the independent Zimbabwe on April 18, 1980, there has been no direct censorship. But there has been government control of the print and broadcast media. Editors have also engaged in self-censorship. The Lancaster House Constitution of December 1979 became Zimbabwe’s constitution when the country became independent from Britain in 1980. It is a Westminster-type document designed to promote multi-party democracy. The Declaration of Rights comes under Chapter 111 of the constitution. This section deals with the basic rights and freedoms of the individual, regardless of race, color, sex, political opinion, or place of origin. This includes the right to life, liberty, security of the person and protection under the law, and protection of the privacy of the home and other property. 1094

Section 20 of the constitution guarantees freedom of expression; the right to receive, impart, and hold ideas and information without interference; and freedom from interference with correspondence. It is this part of the constitution that protects freedom of the mass media. Under normal circumstances, this provision seems to be a straightforward guarantee that Zimbabweans can receive, read, discuss, and share ideas, news, and information freely, without government control or interference. But this is not an unqualified right. For example, restrictions may be placed on the media, citizens, or on what is generally called civil society in the interests of defense, public safety, the economic interests of the state, public health, public morality, public order, or to protect the rights, freedoms, and reputations of other people or the private rights of persons involved in legal proceedings. Restrictions may also apply to protect or prevent the disclosure of confidential information or to maintain the authority and independence of the judicial system (courts, tribunals) or the House of Assembly. A state of emergency, imposed in 1965 by the rebel Smith regime, did not lapse until July 25, 1990. It gave Prime Minister Robert Mugabe’s post-independence government and its organs unlimited power to control the media and the citizens. It freely violated human rights. Government could, if it wanted, control what was published or broadcast. There was no appeal against such actions, which left the media largely cowed and controlled. Certain laws on the books, some inherited again from the minority Smith regime, such as the Law and Order (Maintenance) Act, also gave the government unlimited power over the media. Such laws gave the Zimbabwe police the power to allow or permit meetings or rallies. In reality, meetings of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) were always allowed. Opposition meetings were hardly ever permitted, thus violating the spirit of the constitution, which guaranteed freedom of assembly and association. The story of the media in Zimbabwe cannot be separated from the history of the troubled country. When, on November 11, 1965, Smith and his white minority Rhodesian Front party unilaterally declared the country independent (UDI) this was the culmination of a struggle, which started in the late 1800s when white settlers arrived in that part of Africa, to impose permanent white minority rule. UDI was a calculated attempt to ensure perpetual white control at the expense of the black majority. Ironically, this would accelerate the advent of black majority government. Formal white control began in the late 1880s when Cecil John Rhodes, the British adventurer after whom the country was at one time named, sent emissaries north from South Africa. Rhodes became a politician and minWORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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ing magnate in South Africa. His people sought mining rights from local chiefs. They succeeded in tricking King Lobengula of Matabeleland to sign the Rudd Concession, which gave Rhodes exclusive mineral rights to an area that, according to their interpretation, covered Zambia and Zimbabwe (formerly Northern Rhodesia and Southern Rhodesia). This concession eventually was used to make the area part of the British Empire. In 1923 British South Africa Company rule over the country ended. It was replaced by internal selfgovernment for the white minority. Again, Africans were not consulted. Whites controlled the country, however, Britain retained control over foreign affairs and matters dealing with African affairs. In theory Britain could veto any legislation passed by the Rhodesian Legislative Assembly, if it was unfair to the African majority, but this power was never exercised. When successive Rhodesian legislatures steadily whittled away African rights, on land and other issues, there was no British veto. In the 1960s the Southern Rhodesian whites pushed for independence, which would retain control in white hands. But, under mounting pressure by African nationalists, the British backed off. It was under these conditions that Smith undertook UDI, which placed the country under virtual international ostracism, led to economic sanctions and eventually forced the country’s African nationalists to opt for guerrilla warfare as the only way to end minority rule. During this time the country’s media systems suffered unparalleled restrictions, including outright censorship. More than 30,000 people, mostly blacks, would die before Zimbabwe’s birth. In Zimbabwe in the 2000s, the governmentcontrolled media regularly attacked their privately owned counterparts. The foreign media and foreign journalists have not been immune. The government controls the country’s only radio and television stations, using them for partisan political propaganda, while opposition political parties and non-governmental organizations are routinely denied access to the airwaves. They can be attacked on the airwaves but are denied an opportunity to respond. The government controls six newspapers— two daily, two Sunday, and two weekly—all used as part of its arsenal for relentless, unanswered criticism and attacks against those who happen to hold political views differ from those of the ruling clique. In addition, the government introduced a bill that seeks to prevent foreign journalists from being allowed to work in the country, and seeks the licensure and accreditation of domestic journalists for a year at a time, with the minister of information deciding who should/ should not be licensed and the government banning the media from publishing or broadcasting unauthorized Cabinet information. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Media History Zimbabwe has some of the oldest newspapers in Africa. In June 1891, the Mashonaland and Zambesian Times, a hand-written paper described by one journalist as a ‘‘crude but readable cyclostyled sheet,’’ was published. On October 20, 1892, The Rhodesia Herald replaced the Mashonaland and Zambesian Times as the country’s major daily newspaper. The paper, since renamed The Herald, survives today as the country’s oldest and biggest daily newspaper. But it has changed over the years. It was started by the Argus Company of South Africa. On October 12, 1894, the Argus Company chose to start a second newspaper, the Bulawayo Chronicle in Bulawayo, the country’s second largest city. Today, these papers are the oldest in the country. The two papers supported the British South Africa Company in its quest to continue ruling Rhodesia. The media in Rhodesia catered to the needs of the white settlers by ignoring news of interest to the African majority. Much of the early news was about events occurring in the metropolis, from politics to sports, while events on the African continent were ignored. The needs, aspirations, and hopes of the Africans were never published. However, news about crime by blacks was prominently covered. The media had not changed much by the time the country achieved its independence. Coverage was still geared mainly towards white readers and advertisers, which was not surprising since all top Rhodesian printing and publishing newspaper executives in Rhodesia were white, as were all the editors, copy editors, almost all of the reporters, and most of the advertising and circulation executives, which had important implications for the media at independence. The media is important because it informs, educates, and entertains. It also fosters a common culture or propagates the ideas and theories of the country’s political, economic, educated, ruling, cultural, and social elite. The media also allows those in power the ability to control what the media reports or what the masses will or will not now. Under ideal conditions, they can also provide twoway communication between rulers and their subjects. Thus, it seemed almost inevitable that the Mugabe government would move fast and decisively to acquire the means to control the electronic and print media. It was easy to take over the electronic media because under Rhodesian laws the broadcast outlets were already under government control. The Smith regime had been appointing the board of governors who oversaw the broadcast authority. Although in theory the electronic media were autonomous, in reality the Smith regime exercised effective political control, including guidelines that required that the African opposition be denied on-air access. The Rhodesia Broadcasting Corporation (RBC) was part of the Smith regime’s propaganda machinery. After UDI, legislation was passed by the Rhodesian parliament im1095

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posing a fine of up to $1,500 or 2 years in prison on anyone who permitted any hostile broadcast to be heard in public. Pro-apartheid Radio South Africa replaced the British Broadcasting Corporation as the main source of external news. Smith himself admitted that radio was one of the most powerful tools in the ongoing ‘‘war for men’s minds.’’ In a related development, author Julie Frederikse found a confidential RBC memo, dated August 28, 1978, signed by T. W. Louw, RBC’s director of news, which listed a number of organizations that could not be mentioned by Rhodesian radio and television staff. These included, ZAPU (Zimbabwe African People’s Union), ZANU (Zimbabwe African National Union), the Patriotic Front (an alliance of ZAPU and ZANU), the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANU’s guerrilla wing), the Zimbabwe People’s Liberation Army (ZAPU’s military wing), and the Zimbabwe People’s Army. The Mugabe government learned its lesson well. It has continued its control of the electronic media, with the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation, acting as a subsidiary of the government by denying access to the airwaves to opposition political groups, while giving the government and the ruling party unfettered access to the broadcast media. Even access to advertising on the electronic media is controlled. Government activities and pronouncements from the Mugabe (who has been in power since 1980) government are prominently featured on radio and television, while government opponents are hardly featured, except negatively or when being attacked. Pronouncements from President Mugabe usually lead radio and television news broadcasts, even when they involve nothing more than mundane events. In reviewing the results of the 2002 presidential election, the Media Monitoring Project in Zimbabwe concluded that about 90 percent of all election stories carried on Zimbabwe television were about Mugabe or ZANU, or they were pro-government. There was no effort at balance or fairness. Additionally, even after the courts ordered the government to end its monopoly control over the broadcast media, no private individual or company was issued a license to launch radio or television stations that would compete with the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation. Influential Newspapers The state-controlled Herald and Chronicle, the Sunday Mail and Sunday News, and the weekly Manica Post and Kwaedza/Umthunya are used regularly to propagate government and ruling party policies and propaganda and to attack government opponents, both domestic and foreign. Government opponents are rarely featured in the state-controlled print media, ex1096

cept in a negative manner or when reporting news of their arrests or when they are attacked by government officials or their surrogates. During the 2002 election Mugabe was pitted in spirited contests against Morgan Tsangirai, leader of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC); the only publicity for the Mugabe opponent was found in the privately owned Daily News, now the country’s leading daily newspaper; in the weekly, privately owned Independent and Financial Gazette; and in the privately owned Sunday Standard. These publications regularly use their editorial pages to denounce the government and their news pages are often filled with critical stories and comments. The state media regularly returns the fire, but, unlike the state media, the private media also carries some stories critical of opposition groups. The state print and broadcast media never carries anything critical of the government. The Daily News is the most influential newspaper in the country. It boasts a circulation of more than 100,000 and growing, despite having its printing press destroyed. It is seen as the voice of those who oppose Zimbabwe’s government, although it is careful not to be seen as blatantly anti-Mugabe or pro-MDC. It also is under relentless attack by ZANU and its supporters. The Herald, once the most influential newspaper in the country, has seen its circulation drop from a peak of 132,000 to between 50,000 and 100,000. Some advertisers and readers boycott it because of the perception that it is blatantly and slavishly pro-Mugabe and pro-ZANU. The privately owned Financial Gazette has a readership between 50,000 and 100,000. The Independent, The Standard, and The Sunday Mail also carry some weight, the first two among opposition groups and the latter as the government’s chief weekly mouthpiece.

CENSORSHIP Under the colonial regime, there was censorship of the media and the entertainment industry. Movies, books, and newspapers were censored, forcing The Herald to resort to leaving blank spaces in its news columns in the 1960s to indicate where stories had been banned or censored. The present government has not gone that far, but it has appointed editors who follow government prescriptions; those who annoy the government are fired or moved elsewhere. Self-censorship also is commonplace among the state-owned media. Further, the minister of information has inordinate powers to appoint and fire editors and to punish those who violate government policy or fail to use the media to promote government policy and propaganda or who publicize the views of government officials.

STATE-PRESS RELATIONS Under the Smith regime, the broadcast media was under strict government control, but the regime did not WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

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try to take over the news media. Government broadcasters were under directives to refer to Mugabe and his guerrilla counterpart Joshua Nkomo as ‘‘terrorist leaders’’ or ‘‘leaders of terrorist organizations.’’ Their political parties were similarly referred to as ‘‘terrorist’’ movements and their followers, especially the guerrilla fighters, were called ‘‘terrorists.’’ Ironically, after independence, the Mugabe government used similar tactics by referring to its opponents as ‘‘bandits’’ and ‘‘terrorists.’’ The Mugabe government quickly appointed its own board of governors, many of whom had no media backgrounds, to oversee the renamed Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC). In 2002, ZBC ran the country’s television and radio stations. Government funding from the Ministry of Information subsidizes the electronic media, which also depends on annual license fees that must be paid by all Zimbabwe residents who own or rent radio and television sets. The Mugabe government also established the Zimbabwe Mass Media Trust (ZMMT) to set long and shortrange policies for all the Zimbabwe media. Initially, the board set to oversee the ZMMT was a cross-section of Zimbabweans of all political and economic stripes. Over the years, however, the board has become increasingly political—dominated by those with strong ZANU-PF connections.

ATTITUDE TOWARD FOREIGN MEDIA In the past, foreign journalists were welcome to work in Zimbabwe. This, however, has been changing. In early 2002, American journalist Andrew Meldrum, a longtime resident of Zimbabwe, was charged under the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) for publishing a false story about a man who had allegedly been beheaded by government supporters. After he was acquitted, the government moved to deport him. A court stayed the deportation. (Two Daily News journalists face charges under the AIPPA for the same story.) Several journalists have been denied permissions, visas, and work permits. A British Broadcasting Corporation journalist was deported last year. A number of South African journalists have also been arrested and forced to leave the country. Sections of the AIPPA that apply to foreign and domestic journalists do not allow journalists to acquire and disseminate information. The AIPPA is being used to force the foreign media to employ Zimbabweans as journalists. Despite its innocuous sounding name, many independent and foreign journalists see the AIPPA as a thinly disguised attempt to control and intimidate them.

BROADCAST MEDIA Zimbabwe has four main radio channels. Radio 1, broadcasting in English, is a general station that covers WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

news and music, while Radio 2 and 3 are geared more toward African listeners. They also provide a mixture of music, news, and other entertainment. Radio 4 is the most innovative and is also the educational channel. With support and technical support from the German FriedrichEbert Foundation, Radio 4 is making its mark. In February 1992 the Germans handed it over to their Zimbabwean counterparts. It broadcasts 12 hours daily— four hours are for grades one to the sixth year of high school—on FM transmitters scattered across the country. In some areas, it has replaced scarce school materials to become the main source for learning. It has also been creative in seeking listener feedback; Radio 4 personnel venture into rural areas, armed with recorders, to tape and then broadcast listeners’ responses to their programs, which is important in a country with a shortage of phones, even in the urban areas. As of 1997, there were 16 television stations for only 370,000 television sets owned throughout Zimbabwe. Online access has started to bloom with six Internet service providers and 30,000 users as of 1999.

SUMMARY The future is not very bright for Zimbabwe’s media. The government seems determined to retain its stranglehold on the six newspapers in the Zimpapers stable. Without a change of government or ideology, Zimpapers, ZIANA, and ZBC are likely to remain instruments of government propaganda, dependent on government subsidies for their survival. It is unlikely that Mugabe or ZANU would agree to allow the state-owned print and broadcast media to break from state control. The Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) al1097

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lows the government to license and accredit journalists. Those who violate its provisions, mainly in the private media or among foreign journalists, face fines and up to 2 years in prison. So far, 12 journalists have been charged under the AIPPA, many charged with publishing false information. None of them have been from the state media, even though opponents have accused state journalists of publishing false information. The private media has struggled to survive under difficult conditions. Generally, all private forms have been vibrant. They have been critical of the government and the state media. They have tried to play a watchdog role by holding the government accountable for its actions. They have published stories that the state media dare not touch and have also been outlets for the views of those who oppose the Zimbabwe government. Whereas the government media has lost advertising and circulation revenue, the private media has increased circulation and advertising dollars. The AIPPA is, however, likely to make life more difficult for the private media and private journalists, as well as for the foreign media.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Austin, Reginald. Racism and Apartheid in Southern Africa: Rhodesia.Paris: The UNESCO Press, 1975. Faringer, Gunilla L. Press Freedom in Africa. New York: Praeger, 1991. Freedom in the World 1989-1990. New York: Freedom House, 1990. Good, Robert C. U.D.I. The International Politics of the Rhodesian Rebellion. Princeton University Press, 1973. Hachten, William A. Muffled Drums: The News Media in Africa. The Iowa State University Press, 1971. Kumbula, Tendayi. ‘‘Press Freedom in Zimbabwe.’’ In Press Freedom and Communication in Africa, eds. Festus

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Eribo and William Jong-Ebot. Africa World Press, Inc., 1997. Liebenow, J. Gus. African Politics: Crises and Challenges. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1986. Martin, Phyllis M., and Patrick O’Meara, eds. Africa. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986. Merrill, John C. Global Journalism: A Survey of the World’s NewsMedia. New York and London: Longman, 1991. Muzorewa, Abel T. Rise Up & Walk. Nashville: Abingdon, 1978. Mytton, Graham. Mass Communication in Africa. London: Edward Arnold, 1983. Nordenstreng, Kaarle, and Lauri Hannikainen. The Mass Media Declaration of UNESCO. Norwood, New Jersey: Ablex Publishing Corp., 1984. Ochs, Martin. The African Press. The American University in Cairo, 1986. Press Freedom in Zimbabwe. Harare, Zimbabwe: The Willie Musarurwa Memorial Trust, 1993. Rusike, E. T. M. The Politics of the Mass Media. Harare, Zimbabwe: Roblaw Publishers (Pvt) Ltd., 1990. Stevenson, Robert L. Communication, Development and the Third World. New York & London: Longman, 1988. Ungar, Sanford J. Africa. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1985. Wiseman, John A. Democracy in Black Africa. New York: Paragon House Publishers, 1990. Zimbabwe: Wages of War. New York: The Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, 1986. —Tendayi S. Kumbula

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

APPENDIX 2 NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS, AND UNIONS THE WORLD’S 100 GREAT DAILIES

NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD Agencies are listed alphabetically.

Agence Guineenne de Presse

PO Box 3851 Durham, NC 27702 USA Phone: (919) 286-0747 Fax: (919) 286-2614 E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1973. Languages: English

Regional Office Head Kankan Rg, Guinea Phone: (224)712013 Founded: 1960 Languages: French

Agence Benin Presse BP 120 Contonou, Benin Phone: (229) 312655 Founded: 1961 Languages: French Geographic scope: Benin

Agence Congolaise d’Information BP 2144 Brazzaville, Congo Phone: (242)810198 Fax: (242)810198 Founded: 1961 Languages: French

Agence France Presse (AFP) 13, place de la Bourse 75002 Paris, France Phone: 33 1 40414646 Fax: 33 1 40417399 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.afp.com Founded: 1944 Languages: Arabic, English, French, German, Portuguese, Spanish, Russian.

Agence Gabonaise de Presse BP 168 Libreville, Gabon Founded: 1961 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD

Africa News Service

Agence Ivoirienne de Presse (AIP) BP 312 Abidjan 04, Cote D’Ivoire Phone: (225)227189 Fax: (225)217339 E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1961 Languages: French

Agence Khmer de Presse (AKP) No.62, Preah Monivong Blvd. Phnom Penn, Cambodia E-mail: [email protected]

Agence Nationale d’Information ‘‘Taratra’’ (ANTA) 3 rue de RP Callet BP 386 Antananarivo, Madagascar Phone: (261)2221171 Founded: 1962 Languages: French

Agence Parisienne de Presse 16 rue Saint Fiacre F-75002 Paris, France Phone: (33 1)42369559 Founded: 1949 Languages: French

Agence de Presse Senegalaise (APS) 58, Boulevard de Republique BP 117 Dakar, Senegal Phone: (221)823166 1119

Appendix 2: NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD

E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.aps.sn Founded: 1959 Languages: French Geographic scope: Senegal

E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ain.cubaweb.cu Founded: 1974 Languages: Spanish Geographic scope: Cuba

Agence Tchadienne de Presse

Agencia Los Diarios

BP 670 N’djamena, Chad Founded: 1964

Agence Télégraphique Belge de Presse (BELGA) Rue F. Pelletier 8B B-1030 Brussels, Belgium Phone: 3227432311 Fax: 3227351744 E-mail: [email protected] (Management); [email protected] (sales and marketing) URL: http://www.belga.be Founded: 1920

Agence Togolaise de Presse 35, rue de Medic BP 232 Lome, Togo Founded: 1975

Sarmiento 1236 1041 Buenos Aires, Argentina Phone: (54 11)43822728 Fax: (54 11)43828587 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.losdiarios.com.ar Founded: 1910 Languages: Spanish

Agencia Mexicana de Noticias (NOTIMEX) Morena 110 Colonia Del Valle 03100 Mexico City, DF, Mexico Phone: (52)54201100 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.notimex.com.mx Founded: 1968 Languages: Spanish Geographic scope: International

Agentia Nationala de Presa Rompres Agencia Boliviana de Información (ABI) URL: http://www.comunica.gov.bo/abi/indice.html Founded: 1995 Languages: Spanish

Agencia EFE Espronceda, 32 28003 Madrid, Spain Phone: 346 74 00 Fax: 346 71 13 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.efe.es Founded: 1939 Languages: Spanish. Geographic scope: International

Agencia Estado E-mail: http://www.estado.com.br/webmail URL: http://www.estado.com.br/agestado Languages: Spanish.

Agencia Europeia de Imprensa Morada Largo da Rosa 6 P-1149-054 Lisbon, Portugal Phone: (351)210307860 Fax: (351)218875725 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.aei.pt Founded: 1962 Languages: Portuguese

Agencia de Informacion Nacional (AIN) Calle 23 No. 358 Havana, Cuba Phone: (537)8325541 Fax: (537)662049 1120

Piata Presei libere 1 Bucharest-33, Romania Phone: 40 1 222 48 30 Fax: 40 1 223 00 89 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.rompres.ro Founded: 1949

Agenzia Giornalistica Italia (AGI) Rome, Italy E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.agenziaitalia.it/

Agenzia Nazionale Stampa Associata (ANSA) 94, Vial della Dataria I-00187 Rome, Italy Phone: 390 6 6774.1 Fax: 390 6 6791472 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ansa.it Founded: 1945

Albanian Telegraphic Agency (ATA) Boulevard Jeanne d’Arc 23 Tirana, Albania Phone: 355 42244 12 Fax: 355 42342 30 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ata-al.com Founded: 1945

Algemeen Nederlands Persbureau (ANP) Handelskade 49, 228 BA Rijswijk, Postbox 1 NL-2501 The Hague, Netherlands Phone: 31 70 4141160 Fax: 31 70 4140438 URL: http://www.anp.nl Founded: 1934 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD

Algerie Presse Service (APS)

ARMINFO News Agency

2 rue Farid Zouioueche Kouba Alger, Algeria Phone: 213 (0) 21 689443 Fax: 213 (0)21 689066 E-mail:[email protected] URL: http://www.aps.dz/fr/welcome.asp Founded: 1961 Languages: French, English, Arabic

E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.arminfo.am Founded: 2002 Geographic scope: Armenia

Alternativna Informativna Mreza (AIM) URL: http://www.aimpress.ch/index.htm Founded: 1992

Anadolu Agency

Angola Press (ANGOP) Luandu, Angola URL: http://www.angolapress-angop.ao Languages: Portuguese, French, English

ANTARA: Indonesia National News Agency Wisma ANTARA, Level 19-20 Jl. Merdeka Selatan 17 Jakarta 10110 Indonesia Phone: 62-21-3868155 Fax: 62-21-3868155, 3522178 E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] URL: www.antara.co.id Founded: 1937

Asian News International (ANI) 6-G Vandana Bulding 11 Tolstoy Marg New Delhi 110001 India Phone: (91 11) 33127-24 Fax: (91 11) 33108-41 E-mail: [email protected] Languages: English Geographic scope: India, South Asia

Atlantic News Service (ANS) Phone: (36-20) 967-4096 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ansphoto.hu/ Geographic scope: International

ArmenPress 28 Isahakian Street, 4 Fl. Yerevan, 375009 Armenia Phone: 37 41 526-702 Fax: 37 41 525-789 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.armenpress.am Founded: 1920 Languages: Armenian, English, Russian Geographic scope: Armenia WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

50 Rockefeller Plz. New York, NY 10020 USA Phone: (212) 621-1500 Fax: (212) 621-1723 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ap.org Founded: 1848 Languages: English, Danish, French, German, Spanish, Swedish. Geographic scope: International NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD

G.M.K. Bulvari No. 128/C Blok 06570 Ankara, Turkey Phone: 90 312 2317000 Fax: 90 312 2319742 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.anadoluajansi.com.tr Founded: 1920 Geographic scope: Turkey

Associated Press (AP)

Associated Press of Pakistan (APP) 17, Mauve Area, G-7/1, PO Box 1258 Islamabad, Pakistan Phone: 9251 8199814 Fax: 9251 8199867 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.app.com.pk/ Founded: 1947

Athens News Agency (ANA) 36, Tsocha St. 11521, Athens, Greece Phone: 30 1 06400560 Fax: 30 1 06400581 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ana.gr Founded: 1896

Australian Associated Press (AAP) AAP Centre 9 Lang Street Sydney NSW 2000 Australia Phone: 02 9322 8000 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://aap.com/au Founded: 1935 Languages: English Geographic scope: International

Austria Presse Agentur (APA) Gunoldstrasse 14 A-1190 Vienna, Austria Phone: 43-1-360 60-0 Fax: 43-1-360 60-3099 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.apa.at Founded: 1946. Languages: German.

Bakhtar News Agency (BNA) c/o Embassy of the Islamic State of Afghanistan 3/2 Sverchkov per. 101000 Moscow, Russia Phone: 7 095 928 7581 Fax: 7 095 924 0478 Founded: 1939 1121

Appendix 2: NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD

Baltic News Service (BNS) Parnu mnt. 105 15043 Tallinn, Estonia Phone: (372)6108800 Fax: (372)6108811 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.bns.ee/ Languages: Lithuanian

Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS) 68/2, Purana Paltan Dhaka 1000 Bangladesh Phone: 880 2 9555030 Fax: 880 2 9568970 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.bssnews.net Founded: 1972 Geographic scope: Bangladesh

Baobab Press C/o Information Project for Africa (IPFA) 4938 Hampden Ln., No. 192 Bethesda, MD 20814 USA Phone: (301) 613-8195 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.africa2000.com Languages: Arabic, English, French, Portuguese, Spanish. Founded: 1991 Geographic scope: International

BERNAMA: Malaysian National News Agency 28, Jalan 1/65A, Off Jalan Tun Razak, P O Box 10024 50700 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Phone: 603-2694-5233 Fax: 603-2694-1020 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.bernama.com Founded: 1968

Bulgarian News Agency (BTA) [Bulgarska Telegrafitscheka Agentzia] 49 Tzarigradsko Chaussee 1124 Sofia, Bulgaria Phone: 359 2 9881719 Fax: 359 2 988 5463 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.bta.bg Founded: 1898

Canadian Press (CP) 36 King Street East Toronto, Ont. M5C 2L9 Canada Phone: 416-364-0321 Fax: 416-364-0207 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.cp.org Founded: 1917 Languages: English, French Geographic scope: International

Phone: (246) 467-1000 Fax: (246) 429-4355 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.cananews.com Languages: English Geographic scope: English, Caribbean

Catholic News Service (CNS) 3211 4th St. NE Washington, DC 20017 USA Phone: (202) 541-3250 Fax: (202) 541-3255 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.catholicnews.com Founded: 1920. Languages: English.

Central News Agency (CNA) 209 Sungkiang Road, Taipei (104) Taiwan, Republic of China Phone: 886-2-25053641 Fax: 886-2-25017250 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.cna.com.tw Founded: 1924 Languages: Chinese, English, French, Spanish Geographic scope: China

China Internet Information Center 24 Baiwanzhuang Rd. Beijing 100037 China Phone: 86-10-68996217 Fax: 86-10-68997796 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.china.org.cn Geographic scope: China

China News Service (CNS) 12 Baiwanzhuang Nanjie Beijing, 100037 China Phone: (86-10) 6832-9955, 6831-5012 Fax: (86-10) 6831-6637, 6831-6654 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.chinanews.com.cn Founded: 1952 Geographic scope: China, Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan.

College Press Service (CPS) 435 N Michigan Ave., Ste. 1500 Chicago, IL 60611 USA Phone: 800-245-6536 Fax: (312) 222-3459 URL: http://www.tms.tribune.com Founded: 1971. Languages: English.

Colpisa Madrid, Spain URL: http://www.colpisa.com Languages: Spanish

Caribbean Media Corporation (CMC)

CORBIS

Culloden View, Beckles Rd. St. Michael, Barbados W. I.

902 Broadway New York, N.Y. 10010

1122

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD

Phone:(888) 771-6200 URL: http://www.corbisimages.com Founded: 1902 Languages: English Geographic scope: USA

Phone: 9712 - 4454545 Fax: 9712 - 4455959 URL: http://www.wam.org.ae Founded: 1977 Languages: Arabic, English

Croatian News Agency (HINA) [Hrvatska Izvjestajna Novinska Agencija]

Estonian News Agency (ETA) [Eesti Teadeteagentuur]

Marulicev trg 16 HR-10000 Zagreb, Croatia Phone: 385 1 4808700 Fax: 385 1 4808820 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.hina.hr Geographic scope: Croatia

Parnu mnt 142 11317 Tallinn Estonia Phone: 372 630 0800 Fax: 372 630 0816 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://eta.www.ee/ Founded: 1918 Languages: Estonian, English, Russian and Finnish

CubaPress [Nueva Prensa Cubana]

Cyprus News Agency (CNA)

Ethiopian News Agency (ENA) Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Founded: 1941 URL: http://www.telecom.net.et/üena/ Languages: Amharic, English

7, Kastorias St. 2002 Strovolos Cyprus Phone: 357 22319009 Fax: 357 22319006 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.cna.org.cy Founded: 1976 Languages: Turkish, English, Greek

Eurolang.net: European News Agency for Minority Languages

Czech News Agency (CTK) [Ceskoslovenska Tiskova Kancelar]

Europa Press

Opletalova 5 111 44 Prague 1, Czech Republic Phone: 420 2 22098111 Fax: 420 2 24225387 URL: http://www.ctk.cz Founded: 1918 Geographic scope: International

Deutsche Presse-Agentur (DPA) Mittelweg 38 D-20148 Hamburg, Germany Phone: 49 40 41 13-0 Fax: 49 40 41 13-22 19 URL: http://www.dpa.com Founded: 1949 Geographic scope: International

Dow Jones News Service (DJ) 105 Madison Avenue 10th Floor New York, NY 10016 Phone: (800)223-2274 Fax: (201)938-5600 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.djnewswires.com Founded: 1900 Geographic scope: International

Emirates News Agency (WAM) PO Box 3790 Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Rue Saint Josse 49 B-1210 Brussels, Belgium Phone: 32 (0)2 250 31 61 Fax: 32 (0) 2 218 19 74 URL: http://217.136.252.147/webpub/eurolang/

Madrid, Spain Phone: 91 350 76 98 E-mail:[email protected] URL: http://www.europapress.es Languages: Catalan, Spanish, Basque, Gallegan, Valencian Geographic scope: Spain

FoNet News Agency Kapetan Misina 2/a 11000 Beograd Yugoslavia Phone: 381 11/630-881 Fax: 381 11/635-346 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.fonet.co.yu/ Founded: 1994

Gemini News Service 9 White Lion St. London N1 9PD, United Kingdom Phone: 44 207 2781111 Fax: 44 207 2780345 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.gemininewsservice.com Founded: 1963. Languages: English. Geographic scope: International.

Guatemala News and Information Bureau (GNIB) 3181 Mission St., Box 12 San Francisco, CA 94109 USA Phone: (415) 826-3593 Fax: (415) 826-3593 1123

NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD

Havana, Cuba URL: http://www.nuevaprensa.org/scripts/index.html Languages: Spanish

Appendix 2: NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD

E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.nisgua.org/gnib/ Founded: 1977. Languages: Spanish. Geographic scope: Guatemala

Hirondelle News Agency PO Box 6191 Arusha, Tanzania Phone: (255) 741 51 09 77 Fax: 1 212 963 2850 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.hirondelle.org/ Languages: English, French, Swahili and Kinyarwanda. Founded: 1996

Honduras Documentation Center (CEDOH) [Centro de Documentacion de Honduras (CEDOH)] Apartado Postal 1882 Tegucigalpa, Honduras Phone:504 394930 Fax: 504 394930 E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1981. Languages: Spanish. Geographic scope: Honduras

IKA Haber Ajansi (IKA) Ankara, Turkey Founded: 1954 Geographic scope: Turkey

Independent Newspaper Alliance (INA) New York, NY Founded: 1922

Independent Schools Information Service 35-37 Grosvenor Gardens London SW1W 0BS, United Kingdom Phone: 44 207 7981500 Fax: 44 207 7981501 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.iscis.uk.net Founded: 1972. Geographic scope: United Kingdom

InfoQuest Limited 888/178 Ploenchit Rd. 17th Fl., Mahatun Plaza Building Lumpini, Patumwan Bangkok 10330 Phone: 66 (2) 651-4800 Fax: 66 (2) 651-4801 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.infoquest.co.th

Phone: 70 95 2297925 Fax: 70 95 2033180, 2033049 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http: //www.itar-tass.com Founded: 1904 Languages: Russian Geographic scope: Russian Federation and CIS; some international

Inter Press Service International Association (IPS) Via Panisperna 207 I-00184 Rome, Italy Phone: 39 6 485692 Fax: 39 6 4817877 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ipsnews.net Founded: 1964. Languages: Dutch, English, Finnish, French, German, Hungarian, Nepalese, Norwegian, Portuguese, Spanish, and Swahili Geographic scope: Third World countries

Inter Press Service Third World News Agency— Netherlands Prins Hendrikkale US 7 NL-1012 AC Amsterdam, Netherlands Phone: 31 20 4223399 Fax: 31 20 4221612 Founded: 1990. Languages: Dutch, English

Interfax Information Services Denver, CO, USA Phone: (303)368-1421 Fax: (303)368-1458 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.interfax-news.com Geographic scope: International

International Islamic News Agency (IINA) PO Box 5054 Jeddah 21422, Saudi Arabia Phone: 966 2 6652056 Fax: 966 2 6659358 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.islamicnews.org Founded: 1971. Languages: Arabic, English, French. Geographic scope: Islamic states.

Iranian Students’ News Agency (ISNA)

Informaciones Mexicanas (INFORMEX)

Phone: 98-21-6417324 Fax: 98-21-6418938 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.isnagency.com/ Languages: Persian, English

Mexico City, Mexico Founded: 1960

Iraqi News Agency (INA)

Informatsionnoe Telegrafnoe Agentstvo Rossi (ITAR—TASS) 10 Tverskoy Boulevard 103009 Moscow, Russia 1124

Baghdad, Iraq E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.uruklink.net/iraqnews/eindex.htm Founded: 1959 Languages: Arabic, English WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD

Islamic Republic News Agency (IRNA) 873, Vali Asr Ave., PO 15875-4566 Tehran, Iran Phone: 9821 8902050-8/82921 Fax: 9821 8892213 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.irna.com Founded: 1934 Geographic scope: International

Itonut Israel Meougnedet (ITIM)

Jamahiriya News Agency (Jana) PO Box 2303 Tripoli, Libya Phone: 00 218 21 3402606-9 Fax: 00 218 21 3402421 E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1964 Languages: Arabic, English, French

Jewish Telegraphic Agency (JTA) 330 7th Ave., 11th Fl. New York, NY 10001-5010 USA Phone: (212) 643-1890 Fax: (212) 643-8498 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.JTA.org Founded: 1917. Languages: English. Geographic scope: International.

Jiji Press [Jiji Tsushin-Sha] 1-3 Hibiya-koen, Chiyoda-ku Tokyo, Japan Phone: 81 3 3591 1111 Fax: 81 3 3508 1298 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.jiji.co.jp/ Founded: 1945

Jordan News Agency [Petra News Agency] Amman, Jordan E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.petra.gov.jo Founded: 1965 Languages: Arabic, English, French, German, Hebrew.

Kazakh Information Agency (KazAAG) 32a Zhambyl str, Astana, Kazakhstan Phone: (73172) 230283 Fax: (73172) 230286 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Khabar Agency Almaty, Republic of Kazakhstan Phone: 7 3272 638369, 625770 Fax: 7 3272 506345 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.khabar.kz/

Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) [Chung Yang Tong Shin] Pothonggang - dong 1, Pothonggang District, Pyongyang, DPRK Phone: 421-0871 Fax: 381-2421 URL: http://www.kcna.co.jp/ Founded: 1949

NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD

PO Box 2941 Tel Aviv, Israel Phone: 972-3-5601011 Fax: 972-3-5605190 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.itim.co.il/ Founded: 1950 Languages: Hebrew Geographic scope: Israel

E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.kazaag.kz/

Kuwait News Agency (KUNA) PO Box 24063 Safat 13101 Kuwait Phone: 965 4822000 ext. 2338-2379 Fax: 965 4835344 URL: http://www.kuna.net.kw Founded: 1976

Kyodo News 16th Kowa Building, North Wing 1-9-20, Aakasaka, Minato-ku, Tokyo 107-8517, Japan Phone: 03-5572-6103 Fax: 03-5572-6104 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.kyodo.co.jp Founded: 1945 Languages: Japanese, English

Kyrgyz News Agency (Kabar) 175, Sovetskaya Str. Bishkek, Kyrgyz Republic Phone: (00996) 331 22 67 -39 Fax: (00996) 331 66 14 67 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.kabar.kg/

Lao News Agency (KPL) [Khaosan Pathet Lao] 80 Setthathirath Rd. PO Box 3770 Vientiane, Lao PDR Phone: 856 21 212443 Fax: 856 21 212446 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.kplnet.net/ Founded: 1968 Languages: Lao, English, French

LETA [Nacionala Zinu Agentura] Palasta Str. 10 Riga 1502 Latvia Phone: (371) 7220604 1125

Appendix 2: NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD

Fax:(371) 7223850 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.leta2000.com Geographic scope: Latvia

Lithuanian News Agency (ELTA) [Lietuvos naujienu agentura] Gedimino pr. 21/2 2600 Vilnius, Lithuania Phone: (370 2) 628864 Fax: (370 2) 619507 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.elta.lt Languages: Lithuanian

LUSA: Agencia de Noticias de Portugal Rua Dr. Joao Couto, Lote C P-1500 Lisbon, Portugal Phone: 351 1 7116500 Fax: 351 1 7116531/32 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.lusa.pt Languages: Portugese Geographic scope: Portugal

Macedonian Press Agency (MPA) E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.mpa.gr Geographic scope: Macedonia

Maghreb Arabe Presse (MAP)

Phone: 20 21 851 Fax: 20 21 851 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.mediafax.ro Founded: 1991

Mencheta Agency [Agencia Mencheta] Madrid, Spain Founded: 1882

MercoPress News Agency Montevideo, Uruguay E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.falkland-malvinas.com Founded: 1992 Languages: English, Spanish Geographic scope: South Atlantic

Middle East News Agency (MENA) POBox 1165, 17 Hoda Sharawi Street Cairo, Egypt Phone: 3933000 Fax: 3935055 - 3937497 URL: http://www.mena.org.eg/ Founded: 1955 Languages: Arabic, English, French

MONTSAME News Agency [Mongolyn tsakhilgaan medee]

122, Avenue Allal Ben Abdellah B.P. 1049 RP- 10000 Rabat, Morocco Phone: 037 76 40 83 Fax: 037 76 50 05 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.map.co.ma Founded: 1959 Languages: Arabic, English, French, Spanish

Jigjidjav Str. - 8 PO Box - 1514 Ulan Bator, Mongolia Phone: 976 11 314507 Fax: 976 11 327857 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.montsame.mn/ Founded: 1921 Languages: Mongolian, English, Russian

Magyar Tavirati Iroda Reszvenytarsasag (MTI)

Mozambique News Agency (AIM) [Agencia de Informacao de Mocambique]

Naphegy tér 8 H-1016 Budapest, Hungary Phone: 36 1 375-6722 Fax: 36 1 318-8297 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.mti.hu Founded: 1880 Geographic scope: Hungary

Malawi News Agency (MANA) Blantyre p/bag 28 Blantyre 265 Malawi Phone: 622122 Fax: 634867 E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1966 (in Luwinga) Languages: English, Chichewa Geographic scope: Malawi

MediaFax: Romanian Press Agency Piata Presei Libere nr.1, corp A4, et.2, sector 1, Bucharest, Romania 1126

Caixa Postal 896 Maputo, Mozambique Phone: 258 1 430795 Fax: 258 1 421906 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.sortmoz.com/aimnews Founded: 1976. Languages: English, Portuguese. Geographic scope: Mozambique

Myanmar News Agency (MNA) Yangon, Myanmar Phone: 294 159 Languages: Myanmar Geographic scope: Myanmar

National News Agency (NNA) Beirut, Lebanon Phone: 961 1 342290 Fax: 961 1 746031 E-mail: [email protected] Languages: Arabic, English, French WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD

National News Agency of Sri Lanka [Lankapuvath] Transworks House, 54 Chatham St., Colombo 1, Sri Lanka

New Zealand Press Association (NZPA) Newspaper House, 93 Boulcott St. Wellington, New Zealand Phone: 64 4 4987366 Fax: 64 4 4987367 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.nzpa-online.co.nz Founded: 1879 Geographic scope: New Zealand

News Agency of Nigeria (NAN)

News Agency of the Slovak Republic (TASR) [Tlacova Agentura Slovenskej Republiky] Pribinova 23 819 28 Bratislava, Slovakia Phone: 4217 52962578 Fax: 4217 52963405 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.tasr.sk Founded: 1992 Geographic scope: Slovakia

NewsRoom.co.nz c/o MoonBase Media Limited PO Box 27-566 Marion Sq. Wellington, New Zealand Phone: 64 4 471 2066 Fax: 64 4 473 2908 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.newsroom.co.nz/ Founded: 1996 Geographic scope: New Zealand

Norsk Telegrambyra (NTB) Holbergsgate 1-PO Box 6817, St. Olavs plass N-0130 Oslo, Norway Phone: 47 22034400 Fax: 47 22034569 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ntb.no Founded: 1867 Geographic scope: Norway

Noticias Argentinas (NA) Suipacha 570 3 B. CP: C100AAL. Buenos Aires, Argentina Phone: (054) 011- 43947542 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.noticiasargentinas.com/ Founded: 1973 Languages: Spanish Geographic scope: Argentina WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

28 Issahakian Yerevan 375009 Republic of Armenia Phone: (3741) 56-59-65, 56-19-05 Fax: (3741) 52-42-79 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://noyan-tapan.am/news/agency/news.htm

NPS Billedbyra AS A/S Sørkedalsveien 10 B PO Box 5402 Majorstua 0305 Oslo, Norway Phone: 22 99 33 40 Fax: 22 99 33 41 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.nps.no/main.html Founded: 1961 Languages: Norwegian Geographic scope: Norway

NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD

Lagos, Nigeria URL: http://www.nannews.com Founded: 1978 Languages: English Geographic scope: Nigeria

Noyan Tapan News Agency

Oman News Agency (ONA) PO Box 3659 code 1112 Ruwi, Sultanate of Oman Phone: 968 696970 Fax: 968 601677 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.omannews.com/

OPEC News Agency (OPECNA) [Agence de Presse de l’OPEC (APOPEC)] c/o OPEC Secretariat PR & Info Dept. Obere Donaustr. 93 A-1020 Vienna, Austria Phone: 43 1 211120 Fax: 43 1 2149827 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.opec.org Founded: 1980. Languages: English.

Orbis Press Agency 414 W. Flower St. Phoenix, Arizona, 85013 USA Phone: (602) 625-3311 Fax: (419) 821-5046 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.orbispress.com/opina.htm Languages: English, Spanish

Pakistan Press International (PPI) Press Centre, Shahrah Kamal Ataturk Karachi, 74200 Pakistan Phone: (9221) 2628448 Fax: (9221) 2637754 E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] Founded: 1956

Palestine News Agency (WAFA) Phone: 972 8 2824056 Fax: 972 8 2824046 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.wafa.pna.net/ Languages: Arabic, English, French 1127

Appendix 2: NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD

PANAPRESS Marketing Department B. P. 4056 Dakar, Senegal Phone: (221) 869 12 34 Fax: (221) 824 13 90 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.panapress.com Founded: 1997 Languages: Arabic, English, French Geographic scope: Africa

People’s News Agency (PNA) c/o Proutist Universal New York Sector PO Box 56533 Washington, DC 20040 USA Phone: (202) 829-2278 Fax: (202) 829-0462 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.prout.org/pna/ Founded: 1972. Languages: Bengali, Danish, English, French, German, Hindi, Mandarin, Portuguese, Spanish. Geographic scope: International

Philippines News Agency (PNA) Manila, Philippines E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.pna.ops.gov.ph Founded: 1973 Geographic scope: Philippines

Polish Information Agency (PAI) [Polska Agencja Interpress] Al. Stanów Zjednoczonych 53 Warsaw, Poland Phone: (48 22) 813 46 05 Fax: (48 22) 813 53 74 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.pai.pl/ Founded: 1966 Languages: Polish

Polska Agencja Prasowa (PAP) Al. Jerozolimskie 7 PL-00-950 Warsaw, Poland Phone: 48 22 6218518 Fax: 48 22 6213439 URL: http://www.pap.com.pl Founded: 1944 Geographic scope: Poland

Prensa Latina: Agencia Informativa Latinoamericana Havana, Cuba– E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.prensa-latina.org/ Founded: 1959 Languages: Spanish, English, Italian, Portuguese Geographic scope: International

The Press Association Limited (PA) 292 Vauxhall Bridge Rd. London SW1V 1AE United Kingdom 1128

Phone: 44 (0)20 7963 7000 Fax: 44 (0)20 7963 7090 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.pressassociation.press.net Founded: 1868 Languages: English Geographic scope: United Kingdom

Press Trust of India (PTI) PTI Building 4 Parliament Street New Delhi 110001 India Phone: 0091 11 3716622/23/24 Fax: 0091 11 3716527 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ptinews.com Founded: 1947 Languages: English, Hindi

Qatar News Agency (QNA) PO Box 3299 Doha, Qatar Phone: 324723 Fax: 439362 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ips.org/QNA/Index.htm Founded: 1975 Languages: Arabic, English, Portuguese, Spanish

Rastriya Samachar Samati (RSS) Panchyat Plasa Kathmandu, Nepal Phone: 977 1 262550 Fax: 977 1 262998 E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1962

Reuters 85 Fleet St. London, EC4P 4AJ United Kingdom Phone: 44 207 250 11 22 Fax: 44 207 542 5411 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.reuters.com Founded: 1851 Geographic scope: International

Ritzaus Bureau (RB) Store Kongensgade 14 DK-1264 Copenhagen, Denmark Phone: 45 33 300000 Fax: 45 33 300033 (Management); 33 300001 (Newsroom) E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ritzau.dk Founded: 1866 Languages: Danish, English Geographic scope: Denmark

Russian Information Agency-Novosti (RIA-Novosti) URL: http://en.rian.ru/ Founded: 1991 Languages: Russian, Arabic, English, French, German, Portuguese, Serbo-Croatian, and Spanish WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD

Sarke Information Agency David Agmashenebeli 63 Tbilisi 380002, Georgia Phone: 995 (32) 950-659 Fax: 995 (32) 950-837. E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.sarke.com/ Founded: 1992

Saudi Press Agency (SPA)

Schweizerische Depeschenagentur—Agence Telegraphique Suisse (SDA-ATS) Länggassstrasse 7 CH-3001 Bern, Switzerland Phone: 41 31 3093333 Fax: 41 31 3021539 URL: http://www.sda-ats.ch Founded: 1894

Serbian Press Agency (SRNA) [Srpska novinska agencija] Sofke Nikolic bb 75320 Bijeljina, Serbia Phone: 055/401819 Fax: 055/401819 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.srna.co.yu/ Founded: 1992

Sierra Leone News Agency (SLENA) URL: http://www.sierraleone.gov.sl/Slenastuff/ slnewspages.htm Founded: 1979

Slovene Press Agency (STA) [Slovenska Tiskovna Agencija] Cankarjeva 5, POB 145 1101 Ljubljana, Slovenia Phone: 386 1 2410100 Fax: 386 1 4266050 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.sta.si Founded: 1991 Geographic coverage: Slovenia

SNARK News Agency E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.snark.am Founded: 1991 Languages: Armenia, English, and Russian Geographic scope: Armenia

Sofia Press Agency 29 Slavjanska St. 1040 Sofia Bulgaria WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

South African Press Association (SAPA) Cotswold House, Greenacres Office Park, Cnr. Victory & Rustenburg Roads, Victory Park PO BOX 7766 Johannesburg, 2000 South Africa Phone: 27 11 782-1600 Fax: 27 11 782-1587/8 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.sapa.org.za Founded: 1938 Geographic scope: South Africa

NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD

Riyadh, King Fahd Rd. POBox: 7186 Riyadh 11171 Kingdom of Saudi Arabia Phone: 9661 4196422 Fax: 9661 4194094 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.spa.gov.sa/ Founded: 1971 Languages: Arabic, English, French

Phone: 359 2/ 988 58 31 Fax: 359 2/ 987 84 28 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.sofiapress.bg Founded: 1967 Geographic scope: Bulgaria

Sudan News Agency (SUNA) Khartoum, Sudan E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.sunanews.net Founded: 1955 Geographic scope: Sudan

Suomen Tietotoimisto—Finska Notisbyran AB (STT/FNB) Albertinkatu 33 SF-00180 Helsinki, Finland Phone: 358 9 695811 Fax: 358 9 69581203 (Administration); 69581335 (Editor) URL: http://www.stt.fi

Syrian Arab News Agency (SANA) Damascus-Baramka nearby Damascus University PO Box 2661 Damascus, Syria Phone: 96311 2228239 Fax: 96311 2220365 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.sana.org Founded: 1965 Languages: Arabic, English, French Geographic scope: International

Télam: Agencia de Noticias de la República Argentina 531 - Capital Federal Bolívar, Argentina 1066 Phone: 4339-0300 - 4342-2161/9 URL: http://www.telam.com.ar/ Founded: 1945 Languages: Spanish

Telegraphic Agency of New Yugoslavia (Tanjug) Obilicev venac 2 11000 Belgrade, Serbia and Montenegro Phone: 011 3281608 Fax: 011 633550 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.tanjug.co.yu 1129

Appendix 2: NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD

Founded: 1943 Geographic scope: International

Telepress: Agenzia stampa televisiva internazionale via Volta, 7 Milan, Italy Phone: 02 626931 Fax: 02 62693222 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.diesis.it/telepress/index.htm

Thailand News Agency (TNA) 63/1 Rama IX Rd. Bangkok 10320 Thailand Phone: 66-2 2016000-4 Fax: 66-2 2461960-1 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.mcot.org/

Tidningarnas Telegrambyra (TT) Kungsholmstorg 5 3 tr S-105 12 Stockholm, Sweden Phone: 46 8 6922600 Fax: 46 8 6506129 (Management); 6515377 (Newsroom) E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.tt.se Founded: 1921 Geographic scope: Sweden

Tunis Africa Presse (TAP) El Manar 1002 Tunisia Phone: (01) 889.000 Fax: (01) 766.150 Founded: 1961

Turan Information Agency Khagani 33 Azerbaijan Republic, 370000, Baku Phone: (99412) 98-42-26,93-59-67 Fax: (99412) 98-38-17 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.turaninfo.com Founded: 1990 Languages: Azeri, English, Russian

Türk Haberler Ajansi (THA)

United News of Bangladesh (UNB) Cosmos Centre 6911 New Circular Rd. Malibagh 1217 Dhaka, Bangladesh Phone: 880 2 9336163 Fax: 880 2 9345540 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.unb.org

United News of India (UNI) 9, Rafi Marg New Delhi, 110001 India Phone: (91 11) 371 8861 Fax: (91 11) 371 6621 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.uniindia.com/ Founded: 1961 Languages: English, Hindi and Urdu Geographic scope: International

United Press International (UPI) 1510 H. St., NW Washington, DC 20005 USA Phone: (202) 898-8000 Fax: (202) 898-8057 Toll-Free: 800-796-4874 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.upi.com Founded: 1958. Languages: English.

Vietnam News Agency (VNA) [Thong Tim Xa Vietnam (TTXVN)] 5 Ly Thuong Kiet Hanoi, Vietnam Fax: 84- 4 8 252984 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.vnagency.vn/ Founded: 1945 Languages: Vietnamese, English, French, and Spanish

Xinhua News Agency 57, Xuanwumen Xidajie Beijing, 100803 China Phone: (86-10) 6307-1114 URL: http://www.xinhua.org; http://202.84.17.11/en/ Geographic scope: International

Bestekar Sok. No:86/1-2-3-4 Kavaklidere Ankara, Turkey Phone: 312 4678393 Fax: 312 4678426 Founded: 1950

Yemen News Agency (SABA)

Ukranian National News Agency (Ukrinform)

Yonhap News Agency

8/16 Bohdan Khmelnytsky St. Kiev 01001, Ukraine Phone: 380 44 2298152 Fax: 38044 2348366 E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://news.ukrinform.com.ua:8101/frames/ site1eng.html

85-1, Soosong-dong, Chongro-ku, Seoul, Korea E-mail: [email protected]. URL: http://www.yonhapnews.co.kr/ Founded: 1980 Languages: Korean and English Geographic scope: International

1130

Al-Jama’ah Al-Arabia-St. 5-Story Office Bldg. and Printing Plant Sana’a Al-Hasaba, Yemen Phone: 252945 E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1990

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD

Zambia News Agency (ZANA)

ANSA

PO Box 30007 Lusaka, Zambia Phone: 251240 Fax: 251631 E-mail: [email protected] http://www.zana.gov.zm Founded: 1969 Geographic scope: Zambia

Agenzia Nazionale Stampa Associata Rome, Italy

BY ACRONYM

Associated Press New York, NY USA

AAP Australian Associated Press Sydney, Australia

ABI

ANTA Agence Nationale d’Information ‘‘Taratra’’ Antananarivo, Madagascar

AP

APA Austria Presse Agentur Vienna, Austria

APP

AFP

Associated Press of Pakistan Islamabad, Pakistan

Agence France Presse Paris, France

AGI Agenzia Giornalistica Italia Rome, Italy

AIM Alternativna Informativna Mreza

NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD

Agencia Boliviana de Información

APS Agence de Presse Senegalaise Dakar, Senegal

APS Algerie Presse Service Alger, Algeria

ATA AIM Mozambique News Agency Maputo, Mozambique

Albanian Telegraphic Agency Tirana, Albania

BELGA AIN Agencia de Informacion Nacional Havana, Cuba

Agence Télégraphique Belge de Presse Brussels, Belgium

BNA AIP Agence Ivoirienne de Presse Abidjan, Cote D’Ivoire

Bakhtar News Agency Moscow, Russia

BNS AKP Agence Khmer de Presse Phnom Penn, Cambodia

Baltic News Service Tallinn, Estonia

BSS ANA Athens News Agency Athens, Greece

Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha Dhaka, Bangladesh

BTA ANGOP Angola Press Luandu, Angola

Bulgarian News Agency Sofia, Bulgaria

CEDOH ANI Asian News International New Delhi, India

Honduras Documentation Center Tegucigalpa, Honduras

CMC ANP Algemeen Nederlands Persbureau The Hague, Netherlands

Caribbean Media Corporation St. Michael, Barbados W. I.

CNA ANS Atlantic News Service WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Central News Agency Taiwan, Republic of China 1131

Appendix 2: NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD

CNA

INA

Cyprus News Agency Strovolos, Cyprus

Iraqi News Agency Baghdad, Iraq

CNS

INFORMEX

Catholic News Service Washington, DC

Informaciones Mexicanas Mexico City, Mexico

CNS

IPS

China News Service Beijing, China

Inter Press Service International Association Rome, Italy

CP

IRNA

Canadian Press Toronto, Ontario, Canada

Islamic Republic News Agency Tehran, Iran

CP

ISNA

Colombia Press Calle, Colombia

Iranian Students’ News Agency

CPS

Informatsionnoe Telegrafnoe Agentstvo Rossi Moscow, Russia

College Press Service Chicago, IL, USA

CTK

ITAR—TASS

ITIM

Czech News Agency

Itonut Israel Meougnedet Tel Aviv, Israel

DJ

Jana

Dow Jones News Service New York, NY

Jamahiriya News Agency Tripoli, Libya

DPA

JTA

Deutsche Presse-Agentur Hamburg, Germany

Jewish Telegraphic Agency New York, NY

ELTA

Kabar

Lithuanian News Agency Vilnius, Lithuania

Kyrgyz News Agency Bishkek, Kyrgyz Republic

ENA

KazAAG

Ethiopian News Agency Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

Kazakh Information Agency Astana, Kazakhstan

ETA

KCNA

Estonian News Agency Tallinn, Estonia

Korean Central News Agency Pyongyang, DPRK

GNIB

KPL

Guatemala News and Information Bureau San Francisco, CA, USA

Lao News Agency Vientiane, Lao PDR

HINA

KUNA

Croatian News Agency Zagreb, Croatia

Kuwait News Agency Safat, Kuwait

IINA

MANA

International Islamic News Agency Jeddah, Saudi Arabia

Malawi News Agency Blantyre, Malawi

IKA

MAP

IKA Haber Ajansi Ankara, Turkey

Maghreb Arabe Presse Rabat, Morocco

INA

MENA

Independent Newspaper Alliance New York, NY

Middle East News Agency Cairo, Egypt

1132

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD

MNA

PTI

Myanmar News Agency Yangon, Myanmar

Press Trust of India New Delhi, India

MPA

QNA

Macedonian Press Agency

Qatar News Agency Doha, Qatar

MTI Magyar Tavirati Iroda Reszvenytarsasag Budapest, Hungary

NA

RB Ritzaus Bureau Copenhagen, Denmark

Noticias Argentinas Buenos Aires, Argentina

RIA-Novosti

NAN

RSS

Russian Information Agency-Novosti Rastriya Samachar Samati Kathmandu, Nepal

NNA

SABA

National News Agency Beirut, Lebanon

Yemen News Agency Sana’a Al-Hasaba, Yemen

NOTIMEX

SANA

Agencia Mexicana de Noticias Mexico City, DF, Mexico

NTB Norsk Telegrambyra Oslo, Norway

NZPA

NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD

News Agency of Nigeria Lagos, Nigeria

Syrian Arab News Agency Damascus, Syria

SAPA South African Press Association Johannesburg, South Africa

SDA-ATS

New Zealand Press Association Wellington, New Zealand

Schweizerische Depeschenagentur—Agence Telegraphique Suisse Bern, Switzerland

ONA

SLENA

Oman News Agency Ruwi, Sultanate of Oman

OPECNA OPEC News Agency Vienna, Austria

PA The Press Association Limited London, United Kingdom

PAI Polish Information Agency Warsaw, Poland

PAP Polska Agencja Prasowa Warsaw, Poland

PNA People’s News Agency Washington, DC

Sierra Leone News Agency

SPA Saudi Press Agency Riyadh, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia

SRNA Serbian Press Agency Bijeljina, Serbia

STA Slovene Press Agency Ljubljana, Slovenia

STT/FNB Suomen Tietotoimisto—Finska Notisbyran AB Helsinki, Finland

SUNA Sudan News Agency Khartoum, Sudan

Tanjug PNA Philippines News Agency Manila, Philippines

PPI Pakistan Press International Karachi, Pakistan WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Telegraphic Agency of New Yugoslavia Belgrade, Serbia and Montenegro

TAP Tunis Africa Presse El Manar, Tunisia 1133

Appendix 2: NEWS AGENCIES OF THE WORLD

TASR

UNI

News Agency of the Slovak Republic Bratislava, Slovakia

United News of India New Delhi, India

THA

UPI

Türk Haberler Ajansi Ankara, Turkey

United Press International Washington, DC

TNA

VNA

Thailand News Agency Bangkok,Thailand

TT Tidningarnas Telegrambyra Stockholm, Sweden

Ukrinform

Vietnam News Agency Hanoi, Vietnam

WAFA Palestine News Agency

WAM

Ukranian National News Agency Kiev, Ukraine

Emirates News Agency Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates

UNB

ZANA

United News of Bangladesh Dhaka, Bangladesh

Zambia News Agency Lusaka, Zambia

1134

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS, AND UNIONS

Ministerio de Informacion y Turismo Altamira Caracas, Venezuela 68644 Geographic Scope: National Description: Promotes national news exchange networks in Venezuela.

African Bureau for the Defence of the Rights of Writers (ABDRW)

East Africa Educational Publishers PO Box 45315 Nairobi, Kenya Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Book publishers, nonprofit organizations, and educational institutions interested in publishing and the dissemination of information using the printed word. Promotes increased activity among African publishing institutions and authors. Serves as a clearinghouse on African letters and publishing.

African Publishers’ Network—Anglophone Southern Africa (APNASA) New Namibia Books WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Fourth Dimension Publishing Company PMB 01164 Enugu, Nigeria Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Book publishers, nonprofit organizations, and educational institutions interested in publishing and the dissemination of information using the printed word. Promotes increased activity among African publishing institutions and authors. Serves as a clearinghouse on African letters and publishing.

African Publishers’ Network—Francophone Africa (APNFA) Editions Jamana Boite Postale 2043 Bamako, Mali Languages: French Geographic Scope: National Description: Book publishers, nonprofit organizations, and educational institutions interested in publishing and the dissemination of information using the printed word. Promotes increased activity among African publishing institutions and authors. Serves as a clearinghouse on African letters and publishing.

African Publishers’ Network—Lusophone Africa (APNLA) Avenida 24 de Julho no. 1927 R/C 1135

UNIONS

African Publishers’ Network—Anglophone East Africa (APNAEA)

African Publishers’ Network—Anglophone West Africa (APNAWA)

AND

m CAEC HLM Fass Paillote Poste de Fann Dakar, Senegal Founded: 1989 Languages: English, French Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Human rights and authors’ organizations. Promotes respect for the rights of writers; seeks to ensure freedom of the press. Facilitates communication among members; publicizes human rights abuses; makes available legal services. Publications: Le Bulletin du Badle, Magazine Conventions/Meetings: annual Conference of Badle

PO Box 21601 Windhoek, Namibia Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Book publishers, nonprofit organizations, and educational institutions interested in publishing and the dissemination of information using the printed word. Promotes increased activity among African publishing institutions and authors. Serves as a clearinghouse on African letters and publishing.

PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Action for National Information Systems

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Maputo, Mozambique Languages: Portuguese Geographic Scope: National Description: Book publishers, nonprofit organizations, and educational institutions interested in publishing and the dissemination of information using the printed word. Promotes increased activity among African publishing institutions and authors. Serves as a clearinghouse on African letters and publishing.

African Sports Journalists Association (ASJA) PO Box 1007 Brazzaville, Republic of the Congo Languages: English Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Professional journalists covering athletics. Promotes high standards of ethics and practice in the reporting of sports news; encourages ongoing professional development of members. Facilitates communication and cooperation among members; sponsors educational programs.

Agricultural Journalists Association of Armenia 74 Teryan Yerevan, 375009, Armenia E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ifaj.org Geographic Scope: National Description: Promotes agricultural journalism in Armenia.

Alexandra Writers’ Centre Society (AWCS) 922 9th Ave. SE Calgary, Alberta, T2G 0S4, Canada E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.alexandrawriters.org Founded: 1981 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 1, regional; 1, local Description: Individuals. Supports the activities of the Alexandra Writers’ Centre. Facilitates the development of writers of all ages and encourages young people to develop their writing skills. Publications: FreeFall Magazine, Magazine, semiannual

All China Journalists’ Association (ACJA) 50 Xijiaominxiang Beijing, 100031, People’s Republic of China E-mail: [email protected] Languages: Chinese, English Geographic Scope: National Description: Professional journalists. Promotes professionalism among members; seeks to ensure freedom of the press. Facilitates communication among members; represents members’ collective interests.

Alternative Press Center (APC) PO Box 33109 Baltimore, Maryland, 21218, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.altpress.org Founded: 1969 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Independently run on income from subscriptions. Currently indexes over 300 radical and 1136

AND

UNIONS

alternative magazines and newspapers, including numerous English-language foreign publications. Also maintains reading library of about 1,400 books and approximately 400 periodical subscriptions. Also Known As: Radical Research Center Publications: Alternative Press Index, quarterly

American Agricultural Editor’s Association (AAEA) 120 W. Main St. PO Box 156 New Prague, Minnesota, 56071, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ageditors.com Founded: 1921 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Editors and editorial staff members of farm publications; affiliate members are agricultural public relations and advertising personnel, and state and national agricultural officials. Maintains the AAEA Professional Improvement Foundation. Conducts educational programs. Publications: American Agricultural Editors’ Association— Directory of Members, annual; The Byline, Newsletter, monthly Conventions/Meetings: annual Agricultural Publications Summit

American Amateur Press Association (AAPA) m Leslie W. Boyer 535 Kickerillo Dr. Houston, Texas, 77079, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://members.aol.com/aapa96/ Founded: 1936 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 3, regional Description: Amateur writers and printers who publish small, nonprofit journals as a hobby. Encourages and promotes the publication of such journals and maintains central mailing bureau for monthly circulation of members’ works. Strong elements of both old-fashioned letter press printing and desk top publishing. Awards: Laureates, annual Publications: American Amateur Journalist, Journal, bimonthly

American Association of Dental Editors (AADE) 735 N Water St., No. 617 Milwaukee, Wisconsin, 53202, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.dentaleditors.org Founded: 1931 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Seeks to promote and advance dental journalism. Awards: Distinguished Service Award, annual Publications: Editors’ Newsletter, Journal, quarterly Conventions/Meetings: Editors’ Conference

American Association of Independent News Distributors (AAIND) 900 Fox Valley Dr., Ste. 204 Longwood, Florida, 32779-2552, United States E-mail: [email protected] WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

URL: http://aaind.org Founded: 1971 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 8, regional Description: Independent newspaper distributors and dealers. Conducts seminars. Awards: Lifetime Achievement, biennial Publications: American Association of Independent News Distributors—News, Newsletter, bimonthly

American Association of Sunday and Feature Editors (AASFE)

American Center of PEN

m L. Malcolm Rodman, CAE 1828 L Street NW, Ste. 720 Washington, DC, 20036, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ajpa.org Founded: 1943 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Seeks to raise and maintain the standards of professional Jewish journalism; create instruments of information for the American Jewish community; provide a forum for the exchange of ideas and information among Jewish publications and journalists in the U.S. and Canada. Awards: Joseph Polakoff Award, annual; Simon Rockower Memorial Award, annual Also Known As: American Association of English Jewish Newspapers

American Medical Writers Association (AMWA) 40 West Gude Dr., No. 101 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

American News Women’s Club (ANWC) 1607 22nd St. NW Washington, DC, 20008, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.anwc.org Founded: 1932 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Promote professional pursuits and good fellowship among its members; to provide access to newsmakers, to provide a place for members to find helpful assistance and encouragement in their professional development. Awards: American News Women’s Club Newsperson of the Year Award, annual Also Known As: American Newspaper Women’s Club Publications: American News Women’s Club Directory, Directory, annual; Shop Talk, Newsletter, monthly Conventions/Meetings: monthly Program Series; annual Roast & Toast

American Society of Business Publication Editors (ASBPE) 710 E Ogden Ave., Ste. 600 Naperville, Illinois, 60563-8603, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.asbpe.org Founded: 1949 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 5, local; 1, national Description: Editors and writers working for business, trade, and technical magazines and their associated Web sites. Serves as educational forum. Awards: Editorial Excellence, annual; Graphics Excellence, annual; Lifetime Achievement Award; Magazine of the Year, annual; Young Leaders Scholarship Also Known As: Society of Business Magazine Editors; American Society of Business Press Editors Publications: Editor’s Notes, Newsletter; Online Membership Directory, periodic Conventions/Meetings: annual National Awards of Excellence Competition & Banquet; annual National Editorial Conference 1137

UNIONS

American Jewish Press Association (AJPA)

Rockville, Maryland, 20850-1192, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.amwa.org Founded: 1940 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 18, regional Description: Medical writers, editors, audiovisualists, public relations and pharmaceutical personnel, educators, publishers, and others concerned with communication in medicine and allied sciences. Awards: Medical Book Awards, annual Also Known As: Mississippi Valley Medical Editors’ Association Publications: American Medical Writers Association— Freelance Directory, Directory; American Medical Writers Association Journal, Journal, quarterly; American Medical Writers Association—Membership Directory, annual; Biomedical Communication: Selected AMWA Workshops, Book

AND

568 Broadway New York, New York, 10012, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.pen.org Founded: 1922 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Poets, playwrights, essayists, editors, and novelists (P.E.N.) united to: promote mutual understanding and respect among countries; provide for the ‘‘unhampered transmission of thought’’ within and between nations; combat the suppression of freedom of expression; oppose arbitrary censorship and the ‘‘evils’’ which often accompany free press, such as deceptive publication and deliberate falsifications for political or personal gain.

UNIONS

PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

m Penny Bender Fuchs, Exec.Dir. Merrill College of Journalism 1117 Journalism Bldg. College Park, Maryland, 20742-7111, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.aasfe.org Founded: 1947 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Sunday and feature newspaper editors. Awards: Excellence-in-Feature-Writing Contest, annual; Minority Scholarships Conventions/Meetings: Excellence in Feature Writing Contest

AND

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

American Society of Journalists and Authors (ASJA) 1501 Broadway, Ste. 302 New York, New York, 10036, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.asja.org Founded: 1948 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 6, regional Description: Freelance writers of nonfiction magazine articles and books. Seeks to elevate the professional and economic position of nonfiction writers, provide a forum for discussion of common problems among writers and editors, and promote a code of ethics for writers and editors. Operates writer referral Service for individuals, institutions, or companies seeking writers for special projects; sponsors Llewellyn Miller Fund to aid professional writers no longer able to work due to age, disability, or extraordinary professional crisis. Also Known As: Society of Magazine Writers Publications: American Society of Journalists and Authors— Directory of Writers, annual; ASJA Members’ Newsletter, Newsletter, monthly

American Society of Magazine Editors (ASME) 919 3rd Ave. New York, New York, 10022, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://asme.magazine.org Founded: 1963 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Professional organization for magazine editors. Sponsors annual editorial internship program for college juniors and the National Magazine Awards. Awards: National Magazine Award, annual

AND

UNIONS

agencies, and broadcasting companies. Encourages exchange of information and cooperation. Publications: Anglo American, Newsletter, quarterly; Membership, Directory, annual

Arab-American Press Guild (AAPG) 13313 Debell St. Arleta, California, 91331, United States E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1985 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Arab-American members of the press, public relations, and related journalistic services community united to promote Arab-American understanding. Purposes are to: serve Arab-American journalists; coordinate the media of the Arab-American community; bridge the understanding to the Arab world press in America. Operates speakers’ bureau; compiles statistics. Conducts seminars on the role of the Arab-American press in the U.S. and ways to enhance it. Maintains data on all Arab-American presses in the U.S. Awards: for Arab-American students majoring in journalism, annual Publications: Arab-American Press Guide, Directory, biennial; Arab-American Press Guild News Letter, bimonthly

Arab Association for Agricultural Press (AAAP) m GFAJ Haifa St. Al-Dar Al-Turathiya 1 Baghdad, 12605, Iraq Languages: Arabic, English Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Agricultural publishers and other media outlets. Promotes accurate and comprehensive reporting of agricultural developments. Conducts training and continuing professional development courses for journalists and broadcasters; facilitates dissemination of agricultural information.

American Society of Newspaper Editors (ASNE) 11690B Sunrise Valley Dr. Reston, Virginia, 20191-1409, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.asne.org Founded: 1922 Geographic Scope: National Description: Directing editors who determine editorial and news policies of daily newspapers and news gathering operations of daily newspapers. Awards: Distinguished Writing Awards, annual Publications: The American Editor, Magazine, 9/year; ASNE Convention Proceedings, Proceedings, annual

Arab Committee of Sports Journalism—Egypt (ACSJE)

Anglo-American Press Association of Paris (AAPAP)

Arab Committee of Sports Journalism—Iraq (ACSJ)

14, Avenue Des Pavillons Villa Des Ternes Paris, F-75017, France E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://aapa.free.fr Founded: 1907 Languages: English, French Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Correspondents and journalists working in France for American and British newspapers, magazines,

m GFAJ Haifa St. PO Box 6017 Baghdad, Iraq Languages: Arabic, English Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Sports journalists. Promotes excellence in the reporting of sports news. Facilitates communication and cooperation among members; sponsors continuing professional development programs.

1138

m GFAJ Al-Ahram Sharia al-Galaa Cairo, Egypt Languages: Arabic, English Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Sports journalists. Promotes excellence in the reporting of sports news. Facilitates communication and cooperation among members; sponsors continuing professional development programs.

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Arab States News Exchange (ASNE) El Menzah PO Box 65 Tunis, 1004, Tunisia Languages: Arabic, English Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: News agencies and other press and media outlets. Promotes free flow of information on current events within the Arab World. Gathers and disseminates news stories and other information; sponsors current events research programs.

Asia-Pacific Television News Exchange (APTNE)

Asian American Journalists Association (AAJA)

SCC Bldg. Sta Mesa Manila, Philippines E-mail: [email protected] Languages: English, Filipino Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Journalists. Promotes adherence to high standards of ethics and practice among members; seeks to ensure freedom of the press throughout Asia. Facilitates communication and cooperation among members; sponsors exchange programs; makes available continuing professional development courses.

Asian-Pacific News Network (APNN) m Xinhua News Agency 57 Xuanwumen Xidajie WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Asian Sports Press Union (ASPU) 402 Olympic Center Songpa-ku Seoul, 138-749, Republic of Korea E-mail: [email protected] Languages: English, Korean Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Journalists and press outlets covering sporting events. Seeks to advance the practice of sports journalism; promotes free flow of sports information. Serves as a forum for the exchange of information among members; sponsors continuing professional development courses for sports journalists.

Asociacion de Revistas de Informacion (ARI) Plaza del Callao, 4, 10 A Madrid, E-28013, Spain E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.revistas-ari.com Geographic Scope: National Description: Television news agencies and media outlets. Promotes free flow of current events information in Asia and the Pacific. Gathers and disseminates current events information for commercial use by members; sponsors research and news gathering activities.

Associated Press Managing Editors (APME) 50 Rockefeller Plz. New York, New York, 10020, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.apme.com Founded: 1933 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Managing editors or executives on the news or editorial staff of Associated Press newspapers. Purposes are to: advance the journalism profession; examine the news and other services of the Associated Press in order to provide member newspapers with services that best suit their needs; provide a means of cooperation between the management and the editorial representatives of the members of the Associated Press. Maintains committees dealing with newspapers and news services. Awards: Freedom of Information Award; Public Service Award Publications: APME News

Associated Writing Programs (AWP) George Mason University Tallwood House, Mail Stop 1E3 Fairfax, Virginia, 22030, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.awpwriter.org Founded: 1967 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 340, local 1139

UNIONS

Asian Institute of Journalism (AIJ)

Beijing, People’s Republic of China Languages: Chinese, English Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: News agencies and press and media outlets. Promotes free flow of accurate current events information in Asia. Gathers and disseminates news and current information reports; provides news gathering and research services to members.

AND

1182 Market St., Ste. 320 San Francisco, California, 94102, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.aaja.org Founded: 1981 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 17, regional; 17, local Description: Journalists, educator, employees of news organizations, public relations specialists, and students. Seeks to increase employment of Asian Pacific American journalists; provides journalism students with career advice and aid; encourages fair and accurate news coverage of Asian and Asian Pacific American issues; provides support and fellowship for Asian Pacific American journalists. Awards: Award of Excellence, annual; Student Scholarships, annual Publications: Dateline AAJA, Newsletter, bimonthly; Handbook on How to Cover Asian Pacific Americans, ; Project Zinger: A Critical Look at News Media Coverage of Asian Pacific, Conventions/Meetings: Journalism Opportunities Conference

UNIONS

PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

PO Box 1164 Kuala Lumpur, 59700, Malaysia E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.abu.org.my/abu/ Languages: English, Malay Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Television news agencies and media outlets. Promotes free flow of current events information in Asia and the Pacific. Gathers and disseminates current events information for commercial use by members; sponsors research and news gathering activities.

AND

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Description: Writers; students and teachers in creative writing programs in university departments of English; editors, publishers, and freelance creative and professional writers. Fosters literary talent and achievement; advocates the craft of writing as primary to a liberal and humane education; provides services to the makers and readers of contemporary literature. Operates career placement service; sponsors literary competitions. Awards: AWP Award Series, annual Publications: AWP Job List, 7/year; AWP Official Guide to Writing Programs, biennial; The Writer’s Chronicle, Newsletter

Association of Albanian Journalists PO Box 1752 Tirana, Albania E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ifaj.org Geographic Scope: National Description: Promotes agricultural journalism in Albania.

Association of Alternative Newsweeklies (AAN) 1020 16th St. NW, 4th Fl. Washington, DC, 20036-5702, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.aan.org Founded: 1978 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Members include Village Voice, L.A. Weekly, Chicago Reader, Washington City Paper. Provides members with information and communication relevant to the business of publishing an alternative newspaper. Holds annual convention. Compiles financial standards report, publishes monthly newsletter, administers annual editorial awards contest. Awards: AAN Editorial Awards, annual Publications: AAN Annual Directory, Directory, annual; AAN News, Newsletter, monthly

Association of American Correspondents in London (AACL) m Time Magazine Brettenham House Lancaster Pl. London, WC2E 7TL, United Kingdom Founded: 1919 Geographic Scope: National Description: News organizations, such as newspapers, magazines, and television-radio networks, with headquarters in the U.S. and permanent full-time editorial bureaus and staffs or representatives in London, England. Serves the professional interests of members, promote social cooperation among them, and maintain ethical standards of their profession.

Association of American Editorial Cartoonists (AAEC) 1221 Stoneferry Ln. Raleigh, North Carolina, 27606, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.detnews.com/AAEC Founded: 1957 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National 1140

AND

UNIONS

Description: Active and retired editorial cartoonists for newspapers, magazines, and syndicates. Promotes and encourages the art of editorial cartooning nationally. Publications: Association of American Editorial Cartoonists—Notebook, Newsletter, quarterly; Best Editorial Cartoons of the Year, annual

Association of British Science Writers 23 Savile Row London, W1X 2NB, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.absw.org.uk Founded: 1926 Geographic Scope: National Description: Members are medical and scientific journalists. To increase the standard of science journalism in the UK, written and broadcast media. Publications: Science Reporter, Report, monthly

Association of Earth Science Editors (AESE) m Mary Ann Schmidt 554 Chess St. Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, 15205-3212, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.aese.org Founded: 1967 Languages: English Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Editors, managing editors, and others in editorial management positions in the field of earth science publications; interested individuals. Seeks to provide efficient means for cooperation among earth science editors and to promote effective publishing of journals, reviews, monograph series, maps, abstract journals and services, indexes, microcards, and other publications that disseminate information on the earth sciences. Awards: Outstanding Editorial or Publishing Contributions Award, annual; Outstanding Publication Award, annual Publications: AESE Directory, annual; Blueline, Newsletter, quarterly

Association of Educational Publishers 510 Heron Dr., Ste. 309 Logan Township, New Jersey, 08085, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.edpress.org Founded: 1895 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Print and digital publishers, educational foundations and associations, and the education and trade press, schools and school districts who support the growth of publishing. Supports publishing as a positive impact on learning and teaching. Tracks education and industry information and trends, provides professional development, and promotes quality supplemental materials as essential learning resources. Awards: Distinguished Achievement Award, annual; Distinguished Marketer Awards; Golden Lamp Awards; Student Publishing Awards Also Known As: Educational Press Association of America; EdPress—The Association of Educational Publishers Publications: AEP Online; EDPRESS Membership Roster and Freelance Directory, Directory, annual; Magazines for Kids and Teens, Directory WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

AND

UNIONS

Conventions/Meetings: annual EdPress Conference; annual New Media Publishing ‘‘exhibits’’

development of members. Facilitates communication among members; publicizes new works by Italian Canadian authors.

Association of European Journalists (AEJ)

Association of Newspaper and Magazine Wholesalers

Cedaceros 11, 3F Madrid, E-28014, Spain Languages: English, Spanish Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Professional journalists. Promotes freedom of the press throughout Europe; seeks to ensure adherence to high standards of ethics and practice by members. Serves as a forum for the exchange of information among members; sponsors continuing professional development programs.

Association of Food and Agriculture Journalists— Kenya (AFAJ) PO Box 45837 Nairobi, Kenya E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ifaj.org Geographic Scope: National Description: Promotes agricultural journalism in Kenya.

m Mark Garrod 106 Byng Dr. Potters Bar, ENG 1UJ, United Kingdom Founded: 1938 Languages: English Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Journalists covering golf. Seeks to ensure good working conditions at events; gives advice on proper press facilities. Awards: Golfer of the Year Award, annual

Association of Italian-Canadian Writers (AICW) m Jo Pivalto No. 1 University Dr. Athabasca, Alberta, T9S 3A3, Canada URL: http://www.aicw.ca/ Founded: 1986 Languages: English, French, Italian Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 1, national Description: Canadian writers of Italian descent. Promotes commercial success and artistic and professional WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Association of Polish Agricultural Journalists ul. Grazyny Bacewicz 47 Lodz, PL-92-413, Poland E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ifaj.org Geographic Scope: National Description: Promotes agricultural journalism in Poland.

Association of Regional City Editors 1 Fern Dene Ealing London, W13 8AN, United Kingdom Founded: 1975 Geographic Scope: National Description: Promotes regional city editors.

Association of Sports Journalists 1, avenue Pierre de Coubertin Paris, F-75640, France Founded: 1905 Languages: French Geographic Scope: National Description: Sports journalists. Represents members’ interests; facilitates communication and cooperation among members. Conducts charitable programs. Publications: Entre-Nous, Newsletter, 3/year

Association of Ukrainian Journalists of Canada (AUJC) 8 Oak Knolls Crest Scarborough, Ontario, M1B 4V1, Canada Languages: English, French, Ukrainian Geographic Scope: National Description: Canadian journalists of Ukrainian descent. Promotes excellence in journalism; seeks to further members’ professional development. Serves as a forum for the exchange of information among members; conducts research and educational programs. 1141

UNIONS

Association of Golf Writers (AGW)

6th Fl.Hilarion Eslava 52, 30 izg Madrid, E-28015, Spain E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ifaj.org Geographic Scope: National Description: Promotes agricultural journalism in Spain.

AND

m Carol DeMasters 38309 Genesee Lake Rd. Oconomowoc, Wisconsin, 53066, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.afjonline.com Founded: 1974 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 5, regional Description: Individuals employed as food journalists by newspapers, magazines, internet services, and broadcasters; freelance food journalists. Goals are to encourage communication and professional development among food journalists and to increase members’ knowledge of food and food-related issues. Promotes professional ethical standards. Awards: AFJ Awards Competition, annual Also Known As: Newspaper Food Editors and Writers Association

Association de Periodistas y Escritores Agrarios Espanoles (APAE)

PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Association of Food Journalists (AFJ)

289-293 High Holborn,6th Fl. London, WC1V 7HZ, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.anmw.co.uk Founded: 1907 Geographic Scope: National Description: Wholesalers of newspapers, periodicals and magazines situated within the United Kingdom. Represents the wholesale newspaper trade and provides a forum for its membership.

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Association for Women Journalists (AWJ) PO Box 2199 Fort Worth, Texas, 76113, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.awjdfw.org/ Founded: 1988 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Men and women in the print and broadcast media, newsroom support personnel, freelance journalists, and journalism students and academics. Seeks to support women in journalism and promote respectful treatment of women by the news media. Facilitates communication and cooperation among members; conducts educational and continuing professional development programs.

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UNIONS

Description: Professional writers and aspiring authors. Seeks to promote and protect the professional interests of Australian literary creators. Represents members in negotiations and disputes; advises bodies responsible for promulgating and enforcing standards of ethics and practice in the publishing industry. Publications: Australian Author, Magazine, 3/year

Australian Suburban Newspapers Association Level 10, 99 York St. Sydney, NSW, 2000, Australia Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Newspapers serving suburban markets. Promotes continued development of a free press. Represents members’ interests.

Association for Women in Sports Media (AWSM) PO Box 726 Farmington, Connecticut, 06034-0726, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.awsmonline.org Founded: 1987 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Women sportswriters, copy editors, broadcasters and media relations directors; interested men and women. Supports and fosters advancement of women involved in sports media. Sponsors educational programs; awards college journalists summer internships. Maintains job bank. Awards: Broadcasting Scholarship/Internship, annual; Copy Editing Scholarship/Internship, annual; Mary Garber Scholarship/Internship (Sportswriting), annual; Public Relations Scholarship/Internships Publications: Annual Directory, Directory, annual; AWSM Newsletter, Newsletter, quarterly

Australian Council of Agricultural Journalists m ABC Radio GPO Box 9994 Sydney, NSW, 2001, Australia E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ifaj.org Geographic Scope: National Description: Promotes agricultural journalism in Australia.

Australian Press Council 149 Castlereagh St., Ste. 303 Sydney, NSW, 2000, Australia E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.presscouncil.org.au Founded: 1976 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Periodical publishers. Promotes freedom of the press. Represents members’ interests.

Australian Society of Authors PO Box 1566 Redfern, NSW, 2012, Australia E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.asauthors.org/ Founded: 1963 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National 1142

Australian Writers Guild (AWG) 8/50 Reservoir St. Surry Hills, NSW, 2010, Australia E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.awg.com.au Geographic Scope: National Description: Writers for film, television, radio, theatre, video, and new media. Promotes and protects the interests of performance writers. Negotiates standards agreements with producers of performance media. Lobbies government on issues such as copyright protection; provides support for funding bodies.

Austrian Magazines Association Renngasse 12/6 Vienna, A-1010, Austria E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.oezv.or.at Founded: 1946 Languages: English, German Geographic Scope: National Description: Promotes the magazine industry in Austria. Awards: Oesterreichischer Zeitschnften-Preis, annual Publications: Ozv-Autuell Ozv-Information Ozv-Meinnung, Newsletter, monthly

Austrian Newspaper Association Renngasse 12 Schreyvogelgasse 3 Vienna, A-1010, Austria E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.voez.at Geographic Scope: National Description: Represents the interests of daily papers, regional weekly journals, magazines, weekly and monthly periodicals in Austria.

Austrian P.E.N. Centre (APENC) Concordia Haus Bankgasse 8 Vienna, A-1010, Austria E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1924 Languages: English, German Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 6, regional Description: Poets, playwrights, essayists, editors, and novelists (P.E.N.) united to: promote mutual understanding WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

and respect among countries; provide for the ‘‘unhampered transmission of thought’’ within and between nations; combat the supression of freedom of expression; oppose arbitrary censorship and the ‘‘evils’’ which often accompany a free press, such as deceptive publication and deliberate falsifications for political or personal gain. Organizes readings, discussions and workshops. Awards: Franz Theodor Czokor Prize for Drama, annual Publications: PEN-Nachrichten

Authors Guild (AG)

Authors League of America (ALA) 31 E 28th St., Fl. 10 New York, New York, 10016-7923, United States E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1912 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Professional organization of authors of books, magazine material, and plays.

Baltic Center for Writers and Translators

PO Box 37 Bridgetown, Barbados Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Journalists. Seeks to advance the practice of journalism, and to further the professional development of members. Facilitates exchange of information among members. Conducts educational programs.

Baseball Writers Association of America (BBWAA) 78 Olive St. Lake Grove, New York, 11755, United States E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1908 Languages: English WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Belgium Association of Agricultural Journalists Templestraat 24 Linden, B-3210, Belgium E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ifaj.org Geographic Scope: National Description: Promotes agricultural journalism in Belgium.

Black Women Publishing PO Box 6275 FDR Station New York, New York, 10150, United States E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1979 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Works to create, develop, and maintain a network which provides information, encouragement, and support for professionals, students, and others interested in publishing, writing, and marketing books, magazines, newspapers, and new media products. Acts as a support group in relation to career planning and job security. Promotes, enhances, and recognizes the achievements of African Americans in the media; works for a free and responsible press. Awards: Anna Marie Muskelly-Bryan Scholarship, annual Publications: BWIP News, Newsletter, monthly; Interface, Journal Conventions/Meetings: annual Connections

Black Writers Alliance (BWA) m Tia Shabazz PO Box 700065 Dallas, Texas, 75370-0065, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.blackwriters.org/ Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Dedicated to providing resources and support for black writers through the web medium. Publications: Reports, Newsletter

Boating Writers International (BWI) m Bob Black 108 Ninth St. Wilmette, Illinois, 60091, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.bwi.org/ Founded: 1970 Languages: English Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Individuals in 8 countries including newspaper, magazine, radio, and television writers and photographers covering boating, fishing, and outdoor recreation and public relations. Seeks to: cover boating as a competitive as well as recreational sport; promote boating safety; encourage enjoyment of other outdoor water sports. Monitors and reports on boating legislation. Awards: BWI Writing Award, annual Publications: BWI Journal, Bulletin, monthly 1143

UNIONS

Barbados Association of Journalists

Geographic Scope: National Description: Membership restricted to sports writers on direct assignment to major league baseball. Maintains a chapter in each major league city. Convention/Meeting: none.

AND

Uddens grand 3 Visby, S-621 56, Sweden Founded: 1993 Number of Groups: 2, local Description: Poets, playwrights, essayists, editors, and novelists (P.E.N.) united to: promote mutual understanding and respect among countries; provide for the ‘‘unhampered transmission of thought’’ within and between nations; combat the supression of freedom of expression; oppose arbitrary censorship and the ‘‘evils’’ which often accompany a free press, such as deceptive publication and deliberate falsifications for political or personal gain. Organizes readings, discussions and workshops.

UNIONS

PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

31 E 28th St. New York, New York, 10016, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.authorsguild.org Founded: 1912 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Professional book and magazine writers. Maintains legal staff to provide book and magazine contract reviews for members. Group health insurance available. Members of the guild are also members of the Authors League of America. Publications: Authors Guild—Bulletin, Newsletter, quarterly

AND

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Bowling Writers Association of America (BWAA) 217 Argent Pl. Bluffton, South Carolina, 29910-4477, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.bowlingwriters.com Founded: 1937 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 4, regional Description: Reporters of bowling news. Also Known As: National Bowling Writer’s Association Publications: BWAA Newsletter, Newsletter, semiannual

British Guild of Travel Writers 178 Battersea Park Rd. London, SW11 4ND, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.bgtw.org Founded: 1960 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Professional travel journalists (including writers, photographers and broadcasters). Holds regular meetings (about once a month) on subjects of interest to members. Awards: Globe Award, annual; Lifetime Achievement Award, annual; Silver Otter, annual; Silver Unicorn, annual Publications: British Guild of Travel Writers Yearbook, Yearbook, annual; Globetrotter, Newsletter, monthly

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UNIONS

Canadian Community Newspapers Association (CCNA) 90 Eglinton Ave. E, Ste. 206 Toronto, Ontario, K0L 1L0, Canada E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.communitynews.ca Founded: 1919 Languages: English, French Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 7, regional Description: Community newspapers. Promotes growth and development of small newspapers. Represents the interests of community newspapers before labor and industrial organizations, government agencies, and the public. Conducts educational and promotional activities. Awards: Better Newspapers Competition, annual Publications: The Publisher, Newspaper, 10/year

Canadian Farm Writers’ Federation (CFWF) 7486-150A St. Surrey, British Columbia, V3S 6Y8, Canada Founded: 1955 Languages: English Description: Community newspapers. Promotes growth and development of small newspapers. Represents the interests of community newspapers before labor and industrial organizations, government agencies, and the public. Conducts educational and promotional activities.

Canadian Science Writers’ Association (CSWA) Canadian Association of Journalists (CAJ) St. Patrick’s Bldg. Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario, M4N 1Z9, Canada E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.eagle.ca/caj Founded: 1978 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 12, local Description: Professional organization representing the interests of journalists in Canada. Promotes high professional standards. Disseminates information. Also Known As: Centre for Investigative Journalism Publications: Media, Magazine, quarterly

Canadian Authors Association (CAA) 320 S Shores Rd. PO Box 419 Campbellford, Ontario, K1S 5B6, Canada E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.canauthors.org Founded: 1921 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 14, regional Description: Recreational and professional writers. Promotes development of Canadian authors. Represents members in copyright disputes and other commercial and legal issues. Awards: Air Canada Award, annual; Allan Sangster Award, annual; Birks Family Foundation Award for Canadian Biography, annual; Canadian Authors Association Award for Fiction, annual; Canadian Authors Association Awards for Poetry, annual; Jubilee Award for Short Stories, annual; Lela Common Award for Canadian History, annual 1144

PO Box 75, Sta. A Toronto, Ontario, M5W 1A2, Canada E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.interlog.com/ücswa/ Founded: 1971 Languages: English, French Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 1, national Description: Science writers. Promotes excellence in the coverage of scientific topics. Facilitates communication and cooperation among members. Awards: Science in Society Journalism Awards, annual Publications: Science Link, Newsletter, quarterly

Capital Press Club (CPC) PO Box 19403 Washington, DC, 20036-0403, United States E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1944 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Mission is to increase and support the presence and role of African-Americans in communications. Strives to be a networking resource for members, encourage and support entrepreneurship, provide professional opportunities to increase skills and knowledge, expose members to leaders in government, politics, business and communications, create alliances with public and private sector companies and organizations in order to be an employment resource, provide a forum for the discussion and exchange of ideas, experiences and opinions, strenghten relationships with local, regional and national organizations that share the common goals of supporting and increasing the number of African Americans in the communications profession, gather, archive and disseminate communications information and research WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

data for the benefit of members and interested audiences, promote and recognize professional excellence through competitions and award events for outstanding achievements, and provide scholarships and opportunities for internships to African Americans. Publications: CPComm, Newsletter, quarterly Conventions/Meetings: bimonthly NewsMaker Forums

Catholic News Service (CNS)

Chartered Institute of Journalists 2 Dock Offices Surrey Quays Rd. London, SE16 2XU, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ioj.co.uk Founded: 1884 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Print journalists, broadcasters, Internet communications, photographers, and public relations practitioners. Upholds and seeks to improve standards in journalism and also acts as an independent trade union. Awards: Gold Medal, periodic Publications: The Journal, Journal, quarterly; What a Journalist Does, periodic

Chinese Women Writer’s Association 16-5 Lane 61, Linyi St Taipei, Taiwan Founded: 1969 Description: Print journalists, broadcasters, Internet communications, photographers, and public relations practitioners. Upholds and seeks to improve standards in journalism and also acts as an independent trade union.

Christian Writers Guild 65287 Fern St. Hume, California, 93628, United States E-mail: [email protected] WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Circle of Wine Writers 34 Frobisher Court Sydeham Rise London, SE23 3XH, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.circleofwinewriters.org Founded: 1960 Geographic Scope: National Description: Print journalists, broadcasters, Internet communications, photographers, and public relations practitioners. Upholds and seeks to improve standards in journalism and also acts as an independent trade union. Publications: Up-Date, Newsletter, 5/year

College Press Service (CPS) 435 N Michigan Ave., Ste. 1500 Chicago, Illinois, 60611, United States URL: http://www.tms.tribune.com Founded: 1971 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Student news syndicate for newspapers. Coverage includes: events and activities on individual campuses; curricular and educational reform and other campus trends; conferences and activities of national education and student groups; governmental activity and programs affecting higher education and students. Convention/Meeting: none. Awards: Best College Web Site Competition, annual Publications: High School News and Graphics

Columbia Scholastic Press Advisers Association (CSPAA) Mail Code 5711 Columbia University New York, New York, 10027-6902, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.columbia.edu/cu/cspa Founded: 1926 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Teachers who serve as advisers to student publications at all educational levels. Prepares technical aids and other materials for advisers and student staffs in cooperation with Columbia Scholastic Press Association. Maintains national speakers’ bureau. Awards: Honorary Membership, annual Also Known As: Columbia School Press Advisers; Columbia School Press Specialists Publications: Springboard to Journalism, Book

Columbia Scholastic Press Association (CSPA) Mail Code 5711 Columbia University New York, New York, 10027-6902, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.columbia.edu/cu/cspa Founded: 1925 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National 1145

UNIONS

22 Budd St. Morristown, New Jersey, 07960, United States E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1972 Languages: English Description: A division of the United States Catholic Conference. Purpose is to provide information, photographs, and news stories of interest to Catholics, Catholic publications and general interest news organizations.

URL: http://www.christianwritersguild.com/ Geographic Scope: National Description: Program to study writing as an avocation, which will prepare members for a ‘‘lifetime of creative expression.’’

AND

Chess Journalists of America (CJA)

UNIONS

PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

3211 4th St. NE Washington, DC, 20017, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.catholicnews.com Founded: 1920 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: A division of the United States Catholic Conference. Purpose is to provide information, photographs, and news stories of interest to Catholics, Catholic publications and general interest news organizations. Also Known As: National Catholic News Service Publications: Catholic Trends, Newsletter, biweekly; Movie Guide Monthly, Newsletter, monthly; Origins, Magazine, periodic; TV/Movie Guide, Newsletter, weekly

AND

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Description: Newspapers, magazines, and yearbooks issued by schools from junior high school level through college and university, with the majority being from secondary schools. Works to promote student writing through the medium of the school publication; to improve publications in all phases. Offers critiques for each regular member. Compiles statistics. Provides consultation and referral services to student publications. Awards: Gold Circle Awards, annual; Gold Key Award, annual Publications: The Adviser’s Companion, Book; Official CSPA Stylebook, Magazine; Student Press Review, Magazine, quarterly Conventions/Meetings: annual College Media Convention; annual Summer Journalism Workshop; Summer Journalism Workshop

Committee on Scholarly Editions (CSE) m Modern Language Association of America 26 Broadway, 3rd Fl. New York, New York, 10004, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.mla.org Founded: 1976 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 1, national Description: Provides consulting services for editors producing scholarly editions. Presents emblems of approval to completed editions that meet its standards; any editor may apply for advice and information. Formerly acted as coordinating body for Center for Scholarly Editions, which superseded Center for Editions of American Authors (founded 1966). Awards: MLA Prize for a Scholarly Edition, biennial

AND

UNIONS

Description: Journalists and broadcasters. Seeks to advance the practice of journalism, and to further the professional development of members. Facilitates exchange of information among members. Provides travel and legal assistance to journalists. Conducts educational programs.

Commonwealth Journalists Association— Bangladesh 222/4 Malibagh, 1st Fl. Pabna Colony Dhaka, 1217, Bangladesh E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1995 Languages: Bangla, English Geographic Scope: National Description: Journalists and broadcasters. Seeks to advance the practice of journalism, and to further the professional development of members. Facilitates exchange of information among members. Provides travel and legal assistance to journalists. Conducts educational programs. Provides assistance to journalists. Conducts educational and professional training programs.

Commonwealth Journalists Association—Gambia 3 Box Bar Rd. PO Box 334 Banjul, Gambia URL: http://members.ozemail.com.au/üpwessels/cja.html Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Journalists and broadcasters. Seeks to advance the practice of journalism, and to further the professional development of members. Facilitates exchange of information among members. Provides travel and legal assistance to journalists. Conducts educational programs.

Commonwealth Journalists Association (CJA)

Commonwealth Journalists Association—Ghana

m Edna Tweedie 17 Nottingham St. London, W1M 3RD, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ozemail.com.au Founded: 1977 Languages: English Geographic Scope: Multinational Number of Groups: 14, national Description: Print, radio, and television journalists, government information officers, lecturers in journalism, press officers, and others in related professions in 25 countries. Promotes training and exchange opportunities enabling journalists from developing countries to learn their trade and gain a broader understanding of other countries and their problems. Works with other Commonwealth organizations to defend the independence of journalists. Addresses matters of professional concern including ethics, standards, recognition, and information access. Publications: CJA Newsletter, Newsletter, quarterly

m Gambian Times PO Box 2638 Accra, Ghana Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Journalists and broadcasters. Seeks to advance the practice of journalism, and to further the professional development of members. Facilitates exchange of information among members. Provides travel and legal assistance to journalists. Conducts educational programs.

Commonwealth Journalists Association—Australia PO Box 219 Potts Point, NSW, 2011, Australia E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.commonwealthjournalists.org Founded: 1982 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National 1146

Commonwealth Journalists Association—Lesotho PO Box 7234 Maseru, 100, Lesotho Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Journalists and broadcasters. Seeks to advance the practice of journalism, and to further the professional development of members. Facilitates exchange of information among members. Provides travel and legal assistance to journalists. Conducts educational programs.

Commonwealth Journalists Association—Namibia m Namibia Press Agency PO Box 61354 Katutura Windhoek, Namibia Languages: English, German Geographic Scope: National WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Description: Journalists and broadcasters. Seeks to advance the practice of journalism, and to further the professional development of members. Facilitates exchange of information among members. Provides travel and legal assistance to journalists. Conducts educational programs.

Commonwealth Journalists Association—Pakistan m Daily News Al-Rehman Bldg. 1.1 Chundrigar Rd. Karachi, Pakistan Languages: Arabic, English Geographic Scope: National Description: Journalists and broadcasters. Seeks to advance the practice of journalism, and to further the professional development of members. Facilitates exchange of information among members. Provides travel and legal assistance to journalists. Conducts educational programs.

Commonwealth Journalists Association—South Africa

Commonwealth Journalists Association—Uganda

17 Nottingham St. London, WLU 5EW, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://members.ozemail.com.au/ü/pwessels/cja.html Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Journalists and broadcasters. Seeks to advance the practice of journalism, and to further the professional development of members. Facilitates exchange of information among members. Provides travel and legal assistance to journalists. Conducts educational programs.

Commonwealth Journalists Association—Zambia m Zamcom PO Box 50386 Lusaka, 10101, Zambia E-mail: [email protected] WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Commonwealth Press Union—New Zealand Section PO Box 1066 Wellington, New Zealand E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.npa.co.nz/cpunz_01.html Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Press and media outlets. Promotes professional and ethical conduct among members and their staff; seeks to ensure a free and unfettered press. Facilitates communication and cooperation among members; gathers and disseminates information.

Commonwealth Press Union—United Kingdom (CPU) 17 Fleet St. London, EC4Y 1AA, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.compressu.co.uk Founded: 1909 Languages: English Geographic Scope: Multinational Number of Groups: 17, regional Description: Newspapers or periodicals published in Commonwealth countries and news agencies operating in the Commonwealth. Aims to: uphold the ideals and values of the Commonwealth; promote understanding and goodwill within the Commonwealth through the press; advance the welfare of the Commonwealth’s press and its employees; defend freedom of the press; provide training for all branches of the print media. Awards: Astor Award, annual Conventions/Meetings: biennial Commonwealth Press Union ‘‘exhibits’’

Construction Writers Association (CWA) m Sheila Wertz PO Box 5586 Buffalo Grove, Illinois, 60089-5586, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.constructionwriters.org Founded: 1957 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Writers and editors for media, public relations, and marketing in the construction field. Awards: Kneeland Godfrey Award, annual; Marketing Communications Award, annual; Robert F. Boger Award, annual; Silver Hardhat Award, annual; T. Randolph Russell Award, annual; Website Award, annual Publications: CWA News, Newsletter, quarterly

Council for the Advancement of Science Writing (CASW) PO Box 910 Hedgesville, West Virginia, 25427, United States E-mail: [email protected] 1147

UNIONS

Commonwealth Journalists Association—United Kingdom

Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Journalists and broadcasters. Seeks to advance the practice of journalism, and to further the professional development of members. Facilitates exchange of information among members. Provides travel and legal assistance to journalists. Conducts educational programs.

AND

m Uganda News Agency PO Box 7142 Kampala, Uganda URL: http://members.ozemail.com.au/üpwessels/cja.html Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Journalists and broadcasters. Seeks to advance the practice of journalism, and to further the professional development of members. Facilitates exchange of information among members. Provides travel and legal assistance to journalists. Conducts educational programs.

UNIONS

PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

PO Box 6663 Johannesburg, 2000, Republic of South Africa E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://members.ozemail.com.au/ Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Journalists and broadcasters. Seeks to advance the practice of journalism, and to further the professional development of members. Facilitates exchange of information among members. Provides travel and legal assistance to journalists. Conducts educational programs.

AND

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

URL: http://www.nasw.org Founded: 1959 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Operated by a council of 26 science writers, editors, television executives, scientists, and physicians. Works to increase public understanding of science by upgrading the quality and quantity of science writing and improving the relationship between scientists and the press. Conducts seminars, workshops, and conferences; sponsors programs to train minority journalists in science and medical writing. Awards: Rennie Taylor/Alton Blakespee, annual Publications: A Guide to Careers in Science Writing Conventions/Meetings: annual New Horizon Press Briefing

Council of Literary Magazines and Presses (CLMP) 154 Christopher St., Ste. 3-C New York, New York, 10014, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.clmp.org Founded: 1967 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Provides services to noncommercial literary magazines and presses in support of continued publication. Receives funds from the National Endowment for the Arts, the New York State Council on the Arts, foundations, corporations, and individuals. Provides advertising programs and information resources for members. Makes available a bibliography of resource information on publishing noncommercial literary magazines, a list of small press distributors, references for legal assistance for the arts. Publications: CLMPages, Newsletter, triennial; Directory of Literary Magazines, Directory, annual

Council of Photographic News Agencies Boswage Cottage Tregony Truro, TR2 5ST, United Kingdom Founded: 1951 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Members are photographic news picture companies supplying the media with news, sport and stock pictures. Aims to supply all the media with photographic coverage of news and feature events. Also large archives of photographs going back to the early 1900s on news, sport, royalty etc.

AND

UNIONS

Awards: Award for Meritorius Achievement, annual; Distinguished Service Award, annual Also Known As: Conference of Biological Editors; Council of Biology Editors Publications: CBE Views, Newsletter, bimonthly; Council of Biology Editors—Membership Directory, annual; Editorial Forms: A Guide to Journal Management; Ethics and Policy in Scientific Publication; Financial Management of Scientific Journals; Illustrating Science: Standards for Publication; Latin American Research Libraries in Natural History: A Survey, Second ; Peer Review in Scientific Publishing; Scientific Style and Format, 6th edition

Council of Writers Organizations (CWO) 12724 Sagamore Rd. Leawood, Kansas, 66209, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.councilofwriters.com Founded: 1978 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Serves as an umbrella agency for organizations representing writers Provides a means of sharing information among the organizations and their members as well as a voice for professional writers. Promotes and monitors pertinent legislation. Acts as a friend of the court. Offers group insurance and other benefits. Publications: Word Wrap

Country Press Australia 110 Pacific Hwy. Sydney, NSW, 2060, Australia URL: http://www.countrypress.com.au Founded: 1906 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Newspapers serving rural markets. Promotes continued development of the domestic newspaper industry. Represents members’ interests.

Danish Newspaper Publishers’ Association Skindergade 7 Copenhagen, DK-1159, Denmark E-mail: [email protected] Languages: Danish Description: Writers, publishers, agents, and reviewers of crime fiction. Promotes interest in crime fiction. Maintains speakers’ bureau.

Council of Science Editors (CSE)

Danish Writers Association (DWA)

m Drohan Management Group 11250 Roger Bacon Dr., Ste. 8 Reston, Virginia, 20190-5250, United States E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1957 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Active and former editors of primary and secondary journals in the life sciences and those in scientific publishing and editing. Through study and discussion groups, panels, and committees, considers all aspects of communication in the life sciences with emphasis on publication, especially in primary journals and retrieval in secondary media.

Strandade 6, St. Copenhagen, DK-1401, Denmark E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.danskforfatterforening.dk/ Founded: 1894 Geographic Scope: National Description: Published authors and translators in Denmark. Promotes the artistic, economic, professional, and social interests of writers and translators. Provides advice on copyrights, royalties, infringements, abridgements, and censorship; negotiates on behalf of authors; represents writers before government authorities. Offers legal assistance to members. Disseminates information on funds available to writers.

1148

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

AND

UNIONS

Also Known As: Danish Author’s Association; Society of Danish Poets; Society of Danish Authors; Danish Authors’ Society/Danish Writers’ Union Publications: Forfatteren, Magazine, 8/year

URL: http://www.nuv.nl Founded: 1908 Geographic Scope: National Description: Trade organization for Dutch newspapers.

Dansk Journalistforbund

East-West News Bureau

Gammel Strand 46 Copenhagen, DK-1202, Denmark E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.journalistforbundet.dk Founded: 1961 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 9, regional Description: Union of journalists in Denmark. Organizes seminars. Awards: Carsten Nielsen Prize, annual; Cavling Prize, annual

531 Main St., No. 902 El Segundo, California, 90245, United States E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1992 Number of Groups: 6, regional; 2, state; 1, local Description: Persons who write professionally about dogs for magazines, newspapers, or other publications; editors and publishers of magazines devoted to dogs. Promotes interests of dog owners; provides medium for the exchange of ideas, methods, and professional courtesies among members; maintains high standard of ethics in the collection and dissemination of dog news. Sponsors Dog Writers’ Educational Trust.

Deadline Club

Deutscher Journalisten Verband (DJV) Bennauerstrasse 60 Bonn, D-53115, Germany Founded: 1949 Languages: English, German Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 11, local Description: Union of journalists in Germany.

Dog Writers’ Association of America (DWAA)

m Jan Willem Gast Postbus 12040 Atlas Azie Gebouw Hoogoorddreef 5 Amsterdam, NL-100 AA, Netherlands E-mail: [email protected] WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Editors’ Association of Canada (EAC) 502-27 Carlton St. Toronto, Ontario, M5B 1L2, Canada E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.editors.ca Founded: 1978 Languages: English, French Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 5, regional Description: Editors, proofreaders, copy editors, and researchers working on both English and French language printed materials. Promotes advancement of the profession of editing, and of members’ capabilities. Conducts professional development courses for members; makes available to members job hotline services and discount long-term disability, extended health, and dental and life insurance. Sets and enforces editorial standards of practice; establishes payment levels and conditions of employment for editorial work. Cooperates with other organizations pursuing similar goals. Awards: Tom Farley Award for Editorial Excellence, annual Publications: Active Voice, Newsletter, bimonthly; EAC Directory of Editors, Directory, annual; Meeting Editorial Standards, Book

Education Writers Association (EWA) 2122 P St. NW, No. 201 Washington, DC, 20037, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ewa.org/ 1149

UNIONS

Dutch Newspapers’ Association

71 W 23rd St., Ste. 1910 New York, New York, 10010, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.the-efa.org Founded: 1975 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Persons who work full- or part-time as freelance writers or editorial freelancers. Promotes professionalism and facilitates the exchange of information and support. Conducts professional training seminars; offers job phone. Compiles statistics. Also Known As: Freelance Editorial Association Publications: The Freelancer, Newsletter, bimonthly

AND

m Pat Santi 173 Union Rd. Coatesville, Pennsylvania, 19320, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.dwaa.org Founded: 1935 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Persons who write professionally about dogs for magazines, newspapers, or other publications; editors and publishers of magazines devoted to dogs. Promotes interests of dog owners; provides medium for the exchange of ideas, methods, and professional courtesies among members; maintains high standard of ethics in the collection and dissemination of dog news. Sponsors Dog Writers’ Educational Trust. Awards: Dog Writers Contest, annual Publications: DWAA Newsletter, Newsletter, monthly; Members Bulletin, Bulletin, annual Conventions/Meetings: annual Writing Contest

Editorial Freelancers Association (EFA)

PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

15 Gramercy Park South New York, New York, 10003, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.spj.org/deadline Geographic Scope: National Description: New York City chapter of the Society of Professional Journalists. Publications: Deadliner, Magazine, quarterly

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Founded: 1947 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Education writers and reporters of daily and weekly newspapers, national magazines of general circulation, and radio and television stations; associate members are school and college public relations personnel and others with a serious interest in education writing. Improves the quality of education reporting and interpretation; encourages the development of education coverage by the press; to help attract top-notch writers and reporters to the education field. Sponsors regional and special workshops. Provides job referral/bank services. Awards: National Awards for Education Reporting, annual Also Known As: National Council for the Advancement of Education Writing Publications: Covering the Education Beat, Journal

European Alliance of Press Agencies

AND

UNIONS

Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Serves as news agency of the European Baptist Federation. Supplies information and news about European Baptist churches and unions to the Christian and secular press, Christian leaders, and the public. Publications: EBPS Bulletin, semimonthly Conventions/Meetings: periodic Christian Writers’ Conference

European Shipping Press Association Grote Markt 40 Antwerpen, B-2000, Belgium Founded: 1966 Geographic Scope: National Description: Facilitates the journalistic activity of all those concerned with European shipping journalism. Promotes members’ interests. Awards: Maritime Award of the Year, annual

Norrbackagaten 23 Stockholm, S-113 14, Sweden E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.pressalliance.com Founded: 1957 Languages: Dutch, English, French, German Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: National press agencies. Promotes improved professional and technical cooperation among members; represents members’ interests.

European Union of Science Journalists Associations (EUSJA)

European Association of Science Editors (EASE)

Federation of Latin American Journalists

m Mrs. Jennifer Gretton PO Box 426 Guildford, GU4 72H, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ease.org.uk/ Founded: 1982 Languages: English Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Editors of serial and other scientific publications in 49 countries; others responsible for editing or managing such a publication; individuals representing scientific publications or publishing bodies. Aims are to: promote improved communication in science by encouraging cooperation among editors in all disciplines of science; assist in the efficient operation of publications in the field. Encourages discussion on topics including: finding and keeping authors, editors, readers, publishers, and printers; producing publications quickly and economically; keeping up with modern technology in editing and printing; intellectual and practical problems in the transfer of scientific information. Also Known As: European Association of Earth Science Editors; European Life Science Editors Publications: European Science Editing, Journal, quarterly; Science Editors’ Handbook, Conventions/Meetings: periodic Editing and Scientific Truth ‘‘exhibits’’

European Baptist Press Service of the European Baptist Federation (EBPS) Str. 454, B. 19A Sofia, 1126, Bulgaria E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ebf.org/ebps_flash.htm Founded: 1961 Languages: English 1150

1, quai Lezay Marnesia Strasbourg, F-67000, France E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.esf.org/eusja/ Founded: 1981 Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Science journalist associations. Nuevo Leon 144-101 Apartado Postal 11-466 Mexico City, DF, 06100, Mexico Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Represents the interests of journalists throughout Latin America. Promotes the protection of freedom of the press and access to information. Works to defend the rights of persecuted journalists. Publications: Cuardernos de FELAP

Federation of Worker Writers and Community Publishers (FWWCP) Burslem School of Art Queen St. Stoke-On-Trent, ST6 3EJ, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1976 Languages: English Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Independent writers’ groups, community publishers, and adult literacy and literature development organizations. Creates and supports a national community of writers and publishers; offers people greater access to developing skills in participatory writing and publishing activities; encourages people to write and read creatively, especially those who may be socially excluded. Hosts creative writing events and performances; provides training in organizational and management skills; offers advice and information. Conventions/Meetings: annual Festival of Writing

Fellowship of Australian Writers NSW NSW Writers Centre, Rm. 36 PO Box 488 Rozelle, NSW, 2039, Australia WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ozemail.com.au/üfaw/ Founded: 1928 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 15, local Description: Amateur and professional writers. Promotes the growth of Australian writing and the study of Australian literature. Facilitates interchange among members and between members and their counterparts abroad; provides support and assistance to Australian writers and dramatists. Publications: Writers’ Voice, Magazine, bimonthly

Finnish Newspapers Association Lonnrotinkatu 11 PO Box 415 Helsinki, FIN-00121, Finland E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.sanomalehdet.fi/ Geographic Scope: National Description: Promotes the newspaper industry in Finland.

Foreign Correspondents’ Club, Hong Kong

Foreign Correspondents’ Club of South Asia

333 E. 46th St., Apt. 1K New York, New York, 10017-7425, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.foreignpressnewyork.com Founded: 1918 Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Foreign print and broadcast correspondents stationed in the U. S. Awards: FPA Scholarship Award, annual Publications: Foreign Press Association—Directory of Members, annual; FPA News, Newsletter, bimonthly

Foreign Press Association in London 11 Carlton House Terrace London, SW1Y 5AJ, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.foreign-press.org.uk Founded: 1888 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

French Language Press Association (FLPA) 267 rue Dalhousie Ottawa, Ontario, K1N 7E3, Canada E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.apf.ca Languages: English, French Geographic Scope: National Description: French language journalists and broadcasters. Promotes professionalism and adherence to high standards of ethics and practice among Francophone journalists. Represents members’ interests; facilitates exchange of information among members; works to insure recognition of the unique culture of French-speaking Canada.

Friends of American Writers (FAW) m Mrs. John Higginson 3750 N Lake Shore, Apt. 15C Chicago, Illinois, 60613, United States Founded: 1922 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Individuals in the Chicago, IL, area who are interested in the study of American literature and in encouraging and promoting high standards among writers of the Midwest. Also recognizes publishers of award-winning books. Awards: Friends of American Writers Awards, annual Publications: Friends of American Writers Bulletin, Bulletin, monthly; Friends of American Writers Yearbook and Friends of American Writers 75,

Future Age Energy NGO PO Box 56 Kiev, 253192, Ukraine E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.zelenaenergetyka.lviv.ua Founded: 1992 Languages: English, Ukrainian Geographic Scope: National Description: Newspapers and other news media. Promotes accurate and informative reporting of environmental issues, particularly those connected with the meltdown of the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Station in 1993. Serves as a clearinghouse on the public health and environmental effects of the Chernobyl disaster; gathers and disseminates information on environmental issues. Also Known As: Echo Vostok News Agency Publications: Future Age Energy

Gemini News Service 9 White Lion St. London, N1 9PD, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.gemininewsservice.com Founded: 1963 Languages: English Geographic Scope: Multinational 1151

UNIONS

Foreign Press Association (FPA)

Geographic Scope: National Description: Mainly foreign journalists representing overseas media covering UK news. Membership also open to freelance/British press and Embassy press attaches, and PR executives. Facilitates the work of UK based foreign correspondents covering British news. Awards: The Foreign Press Association British Media Award, annual

AND

AB-19 Mathura Rd. New Delhi, Delhi, 110 001, India Languages: English, Hindi Geographic Scope: National Description: Foreign journalists working in India. Encourages timely and accurate reporting of Indian events. Facilitates exchange of information among members.

UNIONS

PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

2 Lower Albert Rd., North Block Central Hong Kong, People’s Republic of China E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.fcchk.org Founded: 1949 Languages: Chinese, English Geographic Scope: National Description: Newspeople covering Hong Kong for overseas media. Facilitates communication and cooperation among members; works to insure members’ access to news in accordance with their rights under local statutes. Awards: Human Rights Press Award, annual Publications: The Correspondent, Magazine, monthly

AND

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Description: Economically developing countries are subscribers. Nonprofit news service focusing on issues in international development. Seeks to produce a greater public understanding of economic development issues, and to inform governments of trends in development program design and implementation. Publications: Gemini News Service, weekly

Georgia Writers Association and Young Georgia Writers (GW) 2633 Foxglove Dr. Marietta, Georgia, 30064, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.georgiawriters.org Founded: 1964 Languages: English, French, Spanish Geographic Scope: National Description: Statewide service and support 501(c)(3) organization for all writers; Writing professionals; new writers—youth group (YGW to 18 yrs) and adults; interested individuals. Promotes high standards in writing; formal critique groups (commitments necessary); encourages interest in writers and their books, and other literary works. Disseminates information, provides opportunity; works to improve library skills. New initiatives: formal Writing In The Schools (WitS) and Young Georgia Writers program; partnered by State Board of PTA, supported by writer/ members and other organizations across the state of Georgia. Awards: Georgia Author of the Year Award, annual; Georgia Writers’ High School Writing Competition, annual Also Known As: Dixie Council of Authors and Journalists; Council of Authors and Journalists; Georgia Writers Publications: ; On My Mind, Book, annual Conventions/Meetings: annual Dwight E. Humphries Memorial Young Poets Competition; annual Georgia Author of the Year Awards ‘‘exhibits’’; annual Nora Deloach Memorial Young Mystery Writers Competition ‘‘exhibits’’; annual Spring Festival ‘‘exhibits’’

Gridiron Club of Washington, DC (GCW) 16th & K Sts. NW, Rm. 402 Washington, DC, 20036, United States Founded: 1885 Geographic Scope: National Description: Daily newspaper reporters, editors, columnists, and cartoonists employed in Washington, DC (60); retired editors, reporters, columnists, and cartoonists are associate members. Social organization sponsoring annual dinner and program of songs and skits that satirize top government officials, celebrities, and current news events. The Washington, DC club is not affiliated with organizations of similar names in other cities.

Guild of Agricultural Journalists 47 Court Meadow Rotherfield Crowborough, TN6 3LQ, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1943 Number of Groups: 2, regional Description: Economically developing countries are subscribers. Nonprofit news service focusing on issues in international development. Seeks to produce a greater public understanding of economic development issues, and to inform governments of trends in development program design and implementation. 1152

AND

UNIONS

Guild of Agricultural Journalists—Ireland m Irish Food Publishers 31 Deansgrange Rd. Blackrock, Ireland E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ifaj.org Geographic Scope: National Description: Promotes agricultural journalism in Ireland.

Guild of Motoring Writers 30 The Cravens Smallfield Horley, RH6 9QS, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.newspress.co.uk/guild Founded: 1944 Geographic Scope: National Description: Members may be of any nationality whose occupation has been for at least two years, that of a journalist, author, artist, photographer, broadcaster or film maker whose work is either wholly concerned with motoring or concerned to a. significant degree with motoring topics. Activities include training days for new journalists and several social functions for members. Publications: Who’s Who in the Motor Industry/The Guild of Motoring Writers Yearbook, Yearbook, annual

Hebrew Writers Association in Israel m Puah Shalev-Toren 19 Shemariahu Levin St. Jerusalem, Israel E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.technion.ac.il/üada Founded: 1929 Languages: English Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Promotes the interests of Hebrew writers in Israel and worldwide. Awards: The Israeli President Award, periodic

Hockey Writers’ Club 37 Orchard Rd. Old Windsor Windsor, SL4 2RZ, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1972 Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: All regular contributors on field hockey to press, television, or radio, whether as writers, broadcasters, or photographers within the United Kingdom as full members and as Associate members if non resident in the UK. To promote increased publicity for field hockey and to advance the interests of writers, broadcasters and photographers in the execution of their duties relating to the game. To seek the provision of satisfactory facilities for press, radio and television when covering the game. Publications: The Hockey Writer, Newsletter, quarterly

Hollywood Foreign Press Association (HFPA) 646 N. Robertson Blvd. West Hollywood, California, 90069-5022, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.hfpa.org Founded: 1942 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Description: Foreign correspondents covering Hollywood and the entertainment industry for newspapers, magazines, and radio and television around the world. To establish favorable relations and cultural ties between foreign countries and the United States through dissemination of information about the U.S. as depicted in motion pictures, television, and other media. Awards: Golden Globe Awards, annual

Hong Kong Chinese Press Association 48 Gage St., 3/F Hong Kong, People’s Republic of China Languages: Chinese, English Geographic Scope: National Description: Chinese-language press outlets. Promotes development of members’ businesses; supports freedom of the press. Represents members’ interests before government agencies and the public.

Hong Kong Journalists Association (HKJA)

Hungarian Agricultural Journalists Association

2729 Mission St., No. 201 San Francisco, California, 94110-1836, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.indypress.org Founded: 1996 Geographic Scope: National Description: Works to promote and support independent publications committed to social justice and a free press. Provides technical assistance to its member publications. Outspoken advocate of the independent press.

Independent Schools Council Information Service (ISCIS) 35-37 Grosvenor Gardens London, SW1W 0BS, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.iscis.uk.net WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Indian Federation of Working Journalists M.S. Apartments, F-101 Kasturba Gandhi Marg New Delhi, Delhi, 110 001, India Founded: 1950 Languages: English, Hindi Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 34, regional Description: Journalists. Seeks to secure more favorable conditions of employment for members. Represents members in negotiations with employers. Arranges professional training courses for members. Publications: Working Journalists, Journal, monthly

Indian Newspaper Society INS Bldgs. Rafi Marg New Delhi, Delhi, 110 001, India E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1939 Languages: English, Hindi Geographic Scope: National Description: Newspaper publishers. Promotes newspapers as a means of conveying in-depth information on current events. Facilitates communication and cooperation among members.

Institute of Scientific and Technical Communicators (ISTC) 17 Church Walk, 1st Fl. St. Neots, PE19 1JH, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.istc.org.uk Founded: 1972 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 4, local Description: Technical authors, technical editors, illustrators, publication managers, freelance and contract technical writers. Maintains professional codes of practice for members, who are employed in all branches of scientific and technical communication throughout industry, commerce, IT, finance, education, and the public sector. It provides a forum for exchange of views and disseminates information through local meetings, publications, an annual conference, and lectures. Publications: Communicator

Inter Press Service International Association (IPS) m Patricia A. Made, Dir.Gen. IPS Headquarters Via Panisperna 207 Rome, I-00184, Italy E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ips.org Founded: 1964 Languages: English, Spanish Geographic Scope: Multinational 1153

UNIONS

Independent Press Association

Founded: 1972 Geographic Scope: National Description: Information and PR and Press services for independent schools. Publications: Choosing Your Independent School, annual; ISIS Magazine, Magazine, quarterly

AND

m Agrar Int. Kozpont Alkotmany u.29 Budapest, H-1054, Hungary E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ifaj.org Geographic Scope: National Description: Promotes agricultural journalism in Hungary.

UNIONS

PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Henfa Comm. Bldg., 15th Fl., Flat A 348-350 Lochkart Rd. Hong Kong, People’s Republic of China E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.hkja.org.hk Founded: 1968 Languages: Chinese, English Geographic Scope: National Description: Trade union representing the rights of journalists, photographers, artists, and others employed in publishing or broadcasting in Hong Kong. Promotes the welfare of members and seeks to improve working conditions and professional standards. Monitors and protects freedom of expression and the press. Sponsors educational and research programs; conducts vocational training workshops for members; organizes recreational activities. Awards: Human Rights Press Awards, annual Publications: Journalist, Journal, quarterly

AND

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Description: Professional journalists and others in the field of communications. Promotes inter-cultural communications; democratic participation in economic, social and political life; the full involvement of the countries of the South in international policy-making; and the full empowerment of women in the development process. Awards: IPS Award, annual

Inter Press Service Third World News Agency— Netherlands Prins Hendrikkale US 7 Amsterdam, NL-1012 AC, Netherlands Founded: 1990 Languages: Dutch, English Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Promotes increased European understanding of the issues faced by developing countries and regions. Gathers and disseminates information on current social, political, and military events affecting developing regions. Awards: IPS Award, annual

International Association of Philatelic Journalists (AIJP) m Fritz E. Baeker Am Osterberg 19 Hankensbuttel, D-29386, Germany Founded: 1962 Languages: English, French, German Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Journalists in 43 countries who contribute to a philatelic publication or a philatelic column to a general publication. Works to defend the integrity of philately against things counter to its interests, including speculation and forgery. Encourages cooperation among the philatelic press in an effort to facilitate the translation and exchange of articles.

International Black Writers (IBW) PO Box 437134 Chicago, Illinois, 60643-7134, United States URL: http://members.tripod.com/üibwa/home.htm Founded: 1970 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 5, regional; 4, state; 1, local Description: Seeks to discover and support new black writers. Conducts research and monthly seminars in poetry, fiction, nonfiction, music, and jazz. Operates a lending library of 500 volumes on black history for members only. Provides writing services and children’s services. Maintains library and speakers’ bureau. Offers referral service. Plans to establish hall of fame, biographical archives, and museum. Awards: Alice Browning Award for Excellence in Writing, annual Also Known As: International Black Writers Conference

International Catholic Union of the Press (UCIP) 37-39, rue de Vermont Case Postale 197 Geneva, CH-1211, Switzerland E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ucip.ch Founded: 1927 Languages: English, French, German, Spanish Geographic Scope: Multinational 1154

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UNIONS

Number of Groups: 8, regional Description: Confederation of journalists, news agencies, church press associations, federations of dailies and periodicals, and the International Catholic Association of Teachers and Research Fellows in the Sciences and Techniques of Information. Purposes are to: link Catholics who influence public opinion through the press and mass media; inspire a high standard of professional conscience; represent the interests of the Catholic press before international organizations; develop Catholic information in the Third World; promote the professional training of Catholic journalists. Sponsors International Network of Young Jounalists program. Awards: International Award of Photojournalism, triennial; International Media Awards, triennial; Titus Brandsma Publications: Communication, Culture, Religion, Book; Freedom of Journalist, Book; Journalism for World Peace and Development, Book; UCIP Information, Newsletter, quarterly Conventions/Meetings: triennial Media and The Challenge of Globalization ‘‘exhibits’’

International Center for Journalists (ICFJ) 1616 H St. NW, 3rd Fl. Washington, DC, 20006, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.icfj.org Founded: 1985 Languages: English, French, Russian, Spanish Geographic Scope: National Description: Conducts training programs for journalists from developed and developing nations. Operates journalism educational center and information and referral services for foreign journalists; provides consulting services to foreign news organizations; offers fellowships and exchange programs for foreign and American journalists. Awards: Arthur F. Burns Fellowship, periodic; Knight International Press Fellowship, semiannual Also Known As: Center for Foreign Journalists Publications: The International Journalist, Newsletter, 3/ year

International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) IPC-Residence Palace Rue delaloi, 155 Brussels, B-1040, Belgium E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ifj.org Founded: 1926 Languages: English, French, German, Spanish Geographic Scope: Multinational Number of Groups: 3, regional Description: National trade unions and professional organizations of journalists in the press, radio, and television fields in 75 countries representing over 320,000 individuals. Works to: safeguard freedom of the press and freedom of journalists according to Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; uphold the IFJ Declaration of Principles, a code of conduct for journalists. Aims to defend and advance the moral and material interests of journalists, especially by providing factual information and model contracts for use and guidance in collective bargaining. Issues protests against acts threatening freedom of expression and trade union freedom including the harassment, persecution, and detention without trial of journalists, and WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

censorship and suppression of mass media. Organizes fact-finding missions of IFJ representatives in countries where press freedom is under pressure or is being suppressed and offers courses in unionism to journalists worldwide, especially in developing countries and Eastern Europe. Conducts surveys and publishes results; makes recommendations on activities common to journalists and not determined by law or practice. Promotes goodwill, assistance, and protection for members traveling and working in other member countries. Assists in professional and trade union training programs. Issues International Press Card certifying the holder as a professional journalist. Participates in activities of the United Nations, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, the Council of Europe, World Intellectual Property Organization, and other international organizations concerned with journalists and the press.

International Federation of Press Cutting Agencies (IFPCA)

International Federation of Science Editors (IFSE)

PO Box 8249 Calabasas, California, 91372, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ifwtwa.org Founded: 1956 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 9, regional Description: Professional food, wine, and travel journalists in 28 countries; broadcasters; associate members are organizations in the travel and hospitality industries. Seeks to bring recognition to those in the food, wine, and travel industry who have met the association’s criteria. Offers scholarships in culinary arts and sciences journalism (food-wine-travel). WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

International Foodservice Editorial Council (IFEC) PO Box 491 Hyde Park, New York, 12538, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ifec-is-us.com Founded: 1956 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Key communicators within the U.S. foodservice industry, including top editors and marketing and public relations personnel for leading food companies and foodservice educational institutions. Organized to sound the marketing directions of the industry on all levels; seeks to improve communications. Awards: IFEC Foodservice Communications Scholarships, annual Also Known As: Institutional Food Editorial Council Publications: News

International Freedom of Expression Exchange Clearinghouse (IFEX) 489 College St., Ste. 403 Toronto, Ontario, M6G 1A5, Canada E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ifex.org Founded: 1992 Languages: English, French, Spanish Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Monitors journalists, writers, and media organizations and disseminates information on threats to freedom of the press. Works to link groups and individuals to form grass roots organizations to defend civil rights and liberties. Publications: IFEX Communique, Newsletter, weekly

International Islamic News Agency (IINA) PO Box 5054 Jeddah, 21422, Saudi Arabia E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.islamicnews.org Founded: 1971 Languages: Arabic, English, French Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: National news agencies of Islamic states. Primary aim is to support the causes of Islamic states by disseminating information to the public concerning their progress and achievements.

International Motor Press Association (IMPA) 4 Park St. Harrington Park, New Jersey, 07640, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.impa.org Founded: 1962 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 1, regional Description: Automotive press members and individuals from 5 countries working in public relations, primarily those concerned with the automotive industry. Awards: Ken Purdy Award, annual 1155

UNIONS

International Food, Wine and Travel Writers Association (IFWTWA)

Publications: International Food, Wine and Travel Writers Association—Membership Roster, annual; Press Pass, Newsletter, monthly

AND

School for Scientific Communication Mario Negri Sud Institute Imbaro, I-66030, Italy E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1978 Languages: English Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Editors of scientific periodicals. Promotes free exchange of scientific information worldwide. Conducts continuing professional development courses for science periodical staff. Also Known As: International Federation of Science Editors’ Associations

UNIONS

PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Streulistrasse 19 Zurich, CH-8030, Switzerland Founded: 1953 Languages: English, French, German Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Press cutting agencies (organizations supplying newspaper clippings to their subscribers). Seeks to: improve the standing of the profession; prevent unfair and illegal practices such as copyright infringement; develop friendly business relations among press cutting bureaus worldwide.

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Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Publications: Impact, Newsletter, monthly; Membership Roster and Contact List, annual

International Newspaper Group (ING) m Marty Donner 4335 NW 36th Ter. Gainesville, Florida, 32605-6017, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.azcentral.com/advert/ing Founded: 1972 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Individuals employed in the newspaper publishing industry; sales representatives of suppliers and manufacturers of newspaper-related products. Seeks to improve efficiency of newspaper production. Offers assistance in solving newspaper production problems; encourages the exchange of information on new techniques and processes.

International P.E.N.—England 9/10 Charterhouse Bldgs. Goswell Rd. London, EC1M 7AT, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.oneworld.org/internatpen Founded: 1921 Languages: English, French, Spanish Geographic Scope: Multinational Number of Groups: 132, national Description: Poets, playwrights, essayists, novelists, editors, translators, radio and television scriptwriters, historians, and other types of writers from 95 countries. (P.E.N. stands for poets, playwrights, essayists, editors, and novelists.) Objectives are to: act as a forum to promote intellectual exchange, friendship, and goodwill among writers internationally; support freedom of expression and promote freedom for the exchange of literature among all countries regardless of political situations; and inform publishers, editors, librarians, and university departments about literature in languages of lesser currency. Encourages translation of contemporary literature in minority languages. Works to defend writers suffering from governmental harassment, imprisonment, or other forms of oppression. Holds special subject conferences and literary sessions. Awards: David T K Wong Prize—Short Story, biennial Also Known As: Federation Internationale des P.E.N. Clubs Publications: Pen International

International P.E.N.—Netherlands (IPENN) Graafseweg 3 Nijmegen, NL-6512 BM, Netherlands Geographic Scope: National Description: Poets, playwrights, essayists, editors, and novelists (P.E.N.) united to: promote mutual understanding and respect among countries; provide for the ‘‘unhampered transmission of thought’’ within and between nations; combat the supression of freedom of expression; oppose arbitrary censorship and the ‘‘evils’’ which often accompany a free press, such as deceptive publication and deliberate falsifications for political or personal gain.

International P.E.N.—Scottish Centre 126 W Princes St. Glasgow, G4 9DB, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] 1156

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UNIONS

URL: http://www.scottishpen.org Founded: 1927 Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Writers and editors united to: encourage and support writing in Scotland, encourage and support among countries; provide for the ‘‘unhampered transmission of thought’’ within and between nations; combat the suppression of freedom of expression; oppose arbitrary censorship and the ‘‘evils’’ which often accompany a free press, such as deceptive publication and deliberate falsifications for political or personal gain.

International P.E.N.—South Africa (IPENSACT) 47 Sandown Rd. Rondebosch, 7700, Republic of South Africa E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1960 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Poets, playwrights, essayists, editors, and novelists (P.E.N.) united to: promote mutual understanding and respect among countries; provide for the ‘‘unhampered transmission of thought’’ within and between nations; combat the supression of freedom of expression; oppose arbitrary censorship and the ‘‘evils’’ which often accompany a free press, such as deceptive publication and deliberate falsifications for political or personal gain. Conducts children’s services; sponsors competitions. Awards: Adele Naude Memorial P.E.N. Prize; Mary Renault Memorial P.E.N. Prize Publications: P.E.N. News, Newsletter, quarterly

International P.E.N. Women Writers’ Committee Apdo. 287 San Miguel de Allende, Guanajuato, 37700, Mexico E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.chicagonetworkjp.org Founded: 1991 Languages: English, French, Spanish Geographic Scope: Multinational Number of Groups: 75, national Description: Facilitates communication among female authors, poets, and playwrights worldwide; promotes appreciation of the work of women writers. Works to overcome social obstacles discouraging women from writing; resists censorship. Conducts literacy campaigns. Publications: Network, Newsletter, annual

International P.E.N. Writers Association Goswell Rd.. London, EC1M 7AT, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.oneworld.org/internatpen/ Founded: 1921 Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Works for international cooperation and the maintenance of the free exchange of ideas between writers of all nations; operates for freedom of expression.

International Pentecostal Press Association (IPPA) m ICFG 1910 W. Sunset Blvd., Ste. 200 PO Box 26902 Los Angeles, California, 90026-0176, United States E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1970 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Editors, writers, publishers, and publishing houses. Goals are to gather and syndicate news of the Pentecostal movement, including books and articles about Pentecostal history, practice, and doctrine; improve the journalistic quality and content of members’ publications. Organizes seminars for editors and writers with the Pentecostal World Conference. Publications: Pentecostal International Report, Report, quarterly; World Directory of Pentecostal Periodicals, Directory, periodic

International Press Institute (IPI)

International Press Institute, American Committee (IPI)

Smithsonian Institution Astrophysical Observatory 60 Garden St. Cambridge, Massachusetts, 02138, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.eurekalert.org/static.php?view=iswa Founded: 1965 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Science writers. Seeks to insure a free press and maximize access to printed scientific information WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

International Ski Writers Association (ISWA) Marktgasse 8 PO Box 409 Basel, CH-4012, Switzerland Founded: 1961 Languages: English, French, German, Italian Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Full-time writers, reporters, and commentators working in all branches of the media, who specialize in writing about ski racing. Purposes are: improvement of the facilities at ski events for the working press and representatives of other media; representation of members of the working press and other media toward the organizers of races and the international federation; development of friendship among members. Awards: Golden Skier Award, annual

International Society for Augmentative and Alternative Communication (ISAAC) 49 The Donway West., Ste. 308 Toronto, Ontario, M3C 3M9, Canada E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.isaac-online.org Founded: 1983 Languages: English, French Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Individuals and organizations promoting increased use of alternative means of communication, including electronic media, for people who are unable to express themselves verbally due to disability.

International Society of Weekly Newspaper Editors (ISWNE) m Dr. Chad Stebbins Missouri Southern State College 3950 S. Newman Rd. Joplin, Missouri, 64801-1595, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.mssc.edu/iswne/ Founded: 1954 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Editors and writers of editorial comment in weekly newspapers. Awards: Eugene Cervi Award, annual; Golden Quill Editorial Award, annual Also Known As: International Conference of Weekly Newspaper Editors Publications: Grassroots Editor, Journal, quarterly; ISWNE Newsletter, Newsletter, monthly

International Sport Press Association m Mr. Togay Bayatli Hold u. 1 Budapest, H-1054, Hungary E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.aips-media.com Founded: 1924 Languages: English, French, Spanish Geographic Scope: Multinational 1157

UNIONS

International Science Writers’ Association (ISWA)

worldwide. Represents members’ interests; conducts continuing professional development courses; gathers and disseminates information.

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m Gene Giancarlo 819 N. Kiowa St. Allentown, Pennsylvania, 18103, United States Founded: 1951 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Editors and editorial directors of newspapers, magazines, and news agencies and broadcasting system staff members who control or contribute to news policy in the press and broadcasting systems; educators, foreign correspondents, and others interested in journalism. Works to improve the flow of news and journalism practices. Seeks to protect freedom of the press and increase contacts and exchanges within the profession. Conducts research on news sources and presentation, foreign news reporting, and flow of news.

UNIONS

PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Spiegelgasse 2 Vienna, A-1010, Austria E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.freemedia.at Founded: 1950 Languages: English, French, German, Spanish Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Journalists. Defend freedoms of expression and of the press worldwide. Organizes media campaigns publicizing violations of press freedom; facilitates cooperation among press organizations and journalists worldwide; works to insure the free flow of news. Sponsors investigative efforts where press freedoms appear to be endangered, and documents abuses of rights; provides protection to journalists whose rights are threatened. Conducts research and educational programs. Awards: Free Media Pioneer, annual Publications: IPI Congress Report, Brochure, annual; IPI Global Journalist, Magazine, quarterly; World Press Freedom Review, Report, annual

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Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

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UNIONS

Description: International sport organization having 143 national sport press associations representing 30,000 sports journalists in press, photography, television, radio, and the Internet. Works for members’ ethical and professional interests. Encourages mutual assistance and solidarity among sports journalists; obtains work facilities for journalists. Conducts seminars; compiles statistics; operates speakers’ bureau. Publications: AIPS News, Newsletter; International Sports Magazine, Magazine, annual

Description: Persons who report or edit in-depth journalism; journalism educators and students. Provides educational services, including computer-assisted reporting through its National Institute for Computer-Assisted Reporting. Awards: FOI Award, annual; IRE Award, annual; Tom Renner Award, annual Publications: Beat Book Series, Handbook, quarterly; The Best of IRE, Vols. 1-6, Journal; IRE Journal, Magazine, bimonthly; IRE Members Directory, Handbook, annual; Reporter’s Handbook, Book; Uplink, Newsletter, monthly

International Union of Francophone Press

IPS Africa

3, cite Bergere Paris, F-75009, France E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.presse-francophone.org Founded: 1950 Languages: French Geographic Scope: Multinational Number of Groups: 10, regional; 110, state Description: Professionals involved in written as well as audiovisual journalism and publishing in the French language. Supports the conservation of the French language; facilitates international communication between editors, directors, and journalists. Works to develop and coordinate liaisons between publications and radio and television stations throughout the world. Fosters universal coordination in technical and informational matters and professional training. Conducts surveys on written and audiovisual French-language press. Maintains Pressotheque de Langue Francaise, a center that regularly receives 1500 French-language periodicals from 70 countries with the objective of recognizing French-language publications published outside of France. Awards: Prix de la Libre Expression, annual Publications: La Gazette de la Presse Francophone, Newspaper, bimonthly

PO Box 6050 Harare, Zimbabwe E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1965 Languages: English Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: News services and other media outlets. Promotes improved coverage of current events in the developing world. Provides information and consulting services to development organizations; sponsors vocational and technical training courses; operates international news wire service. Also Known As: Inter Press Service—Zimbabwe

International Women’s Writing Guild (IWWG) Box 810, Gracie Sta. New York, New York, 10028-0082, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.iwwg.com Founded: 1976 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Women writers in 24 countries interested in expressing themselves through the written word professionally and for personal growth regardless of portfolio. Seeks to empower women personally and professionally through writing. Facilitates manuscript submissions to literary agents and independent presses. Participates in international network. Maintains health insurance program at group rates. Publications: International Women’s Writing Guild— Network, Magazine, bimonthly

Investigative Reporters and Editors (IRE) School of Journalism 138 Neff Annex Columbia, Missouri, 65211, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ire.org Founded: 1975 Languages: English Geographic Scope: Multinational 1158

IPS—Inter Press Service International Association Via Panisperna 207 Rome, I-00184, Italy E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ipsnews.net Founded: 1964 Languages: English, Spanish Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Cooperative nongovernmental news agency of professional journalists in 91 countries. Reports issues and developments in the Third World for the media and other uses in the Third World and in developed countries. Works to facilitate and improve the exchange of information within and the quality of information about the Third World. Produces daily news broadcasts in Dutch, English, Finnish, French, German, Hungarian, Nepalese, Norwegian, Portuguese, Spanish, and Swahili. Provides professional in-house training, and in-field placements for Third World journalists. Conducts research in the field of information exchange; organizes annual training seminar. Compiles statistics. Compiles statistics.

Israel Agricultural and Economical Journalists Association m Beit Gershon Agron PO Box 585 Jerusalem, Israel URL: http://www.ifaj.org Geographic Scope: National Description: Promotes agricultural journalism in Israel.

Japanese Agricultural Journalists Association (JAJA) 1-8-3 Otemachi, Chiyodo-ku Tokyo, 100, Japan E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ifaj.org Geographic Scope: National Description: Promotes agricultural journalism in Japan. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Jerusalem Media and Communications Center (JMCC) PO Box 25047 East Jerusalem, Israel E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.jmcc.org Founded: 1988 Languages: Arabic, English, Hebrew Geographic Scope: National Description: Promotes fair and free media coverage of socioeconomic and human rights issues in the Middle East. Monitors press activities; provides media services; conducts studies on social, economic, and civil rights issues. Conducts public opinion polls on Palestinian attitudes towards politics and other issues. Publications: JMCC Daily Press Summary: Translation of Palestinian Daily News and ; JMCC Press Service: Immediate Coverage and Regular Updates of Breaking ; Palestine Report, weekly

John S. and James L. Knight Foundation

Joint Stock Company International Media Center STB

4, rue du Faubourg Montmartre Paris, F-75009, France E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.europmag.com Founded: 1974 Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Seeks to improve the reporting of European affairs and ‘‘increase the flow of information, an essential element of any democratic system.’’ Fosters first-hand knowledge of European countries, institutions, and policies of the European Union, and inter-state relations among WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Khmer Journalists’ Association 101 boulevard Preah Norodom Phnom Penh, Cambodia Founded: 1979 Languages: English, Khmer Geographic Scope: National Description: Journalists. Promotes professionalism among members; encourages maintenance of a free press. Facilitates communication and cooperation among members.

Korean Newspaper Editors’ Association Korea Press Center, 13th Fl. Chung-ku Seoul, 100-745, Republic of Korea Languages: English, Korean Geographic Scope: National Description: Newspaper editors. Promotes high standards of ethics and practice among members. Facilitates communication and cooperation among members; represents members’ interests.

Korean Newspapers Association Korea Press Center, 13th Fl. Chung-ku Seoul, 110-190, Republic of Korea E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1962 Languages: English, Korean Geographic Scope: National Description: Newspapers. Promotes growth and development of the printed news industry. Represents members’ interests before government agencies, labor and industrial organizations, and the public.

Korean Publishers Association 105-2, Sagan-dong Chongno-gu Seoul, Republic of Korea E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.kpa21.or.kr Founded: 1947 Languages: English, French, German, Japanese, Korean Geographic Scope: National Description: Publishers. Promotes growth and development of the domestic publishing industries. Represents members’ interests before government agencies, labor and industrial organizations, and the public. Awards: Korean Science Technology Book Awards, annual Publications: Culture of Publishing, Magazine, monthly

Latin American Confederation of Touristic Press (CLAPTUR) Apartado Aereo 3139 Medellin, Colombia Founded: 1970 Languages: Spanish Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Travel writers in Latin American countries. Promotes travel in Latin America; encourages cooperation between member countries. Maintains hall of fame. Publications: Directorio de Claptur, annual 1159

UNIONS

Journalists of Europe Fund

journalists. Offers eight-month program of work and study to 30 journalists worldwide. Publications: Europ, Magazine, quarterly

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1 Shevtsova St. Kiev, 03773, Ukraine E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.imc.kiev.ua Founded: 1993 Languages: English, Russian, Ukrainian Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Journalists, media companies, and others with an interest in the press and public access to information. Promotes development of pluralistic mass media in Ukraine; encourages reform of laws governing journalism and freedom of information; seeks to raise national journalistic standards; works to increase the flow of information into and out of Ukraine. Conducts educational and training programs for individuals working in news media; produces television programs covering current events; lends equipment and provides technical assistance to independent television producers. Assisted in the formation of the Ukrainian Independent News Agency Novny. Plans to maintain radio studio for use by independent producers.

UNIONS

PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

One Biscayne Tower, Ste. 3800 2 S Biscayne Blvd. Miami, Florida, 33131-1803, United States URL: http://www.knightfdn.org Founded: 1950 Geographic Scope: National Description: Journalists. Works to support and improve journalism.

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Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Legislative Recording and Broadcast Association (LRBA) Queen’s Park Broadcasting and Record Services, Rm. 453 Toronto, Ontario, M7A 1A2, Canada Founded: 1988 Languages: English, French Geographic Scope: National Description: Individuals recording and reporting on legislative activities in Provincial parliaments. Promotes fair and accurate reporting; seeks to assist in the continuing professional development of members. Facilitates communication and cooperation among members; serves as a clearinghouse on parliamentary recording and broadcasting systems.

The Malta Press Club PO Box 412 Valletta, CMR 01, Malta E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.maltapressclub.org.mt Founded: 1989 Languages: English, French, Italian Geographic Scope: National Description: Full and part-time journalists and free lancers. Promotes journalism as a profession in Malta. Facilitates exchange of information among members. Conducts educational programs. Organizes the BPC Award to Journalists. Awards: BPC Award to Journalists/Gold Award, annual Publications: Maltese Journalism—A Historical Overview

Mauritius Union of Journalists (MUJ) The Nilaya, Safeland Flic en Flac Mauritius, Mauritius E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1983 Languages: English, French, German, Hindi, Russian Geographic Scope: National Description: Trade union for journalists in Mauritius.

Media Society 56 Roseneath Rd. London, SW11 6AQ, United Kingdom Founded: 1973 Geographic Scope: National Description: Editors, journalists, broadcasters, media executives, media lawyers, public relations executives, politicians, academics etc. Provides a forum for the exchange of knowledge and opinion between those in public and political life, the professions, industry and education, mostly in the form of evening lectures and luncheons and dinners in London.

Montenegrin P.E.N. Centre (MPENC) PO Box 117 Predgrade 8 Cetinje, VU-21325, Montenegro URL: http://www.montenegro.org/pen.html Founded: 1990 Languages: English, French Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 1, national Description: Poets, playwrights, essayists, editors, and novelists (P.E.N.) united to: promote mutual understanding 1160

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UNIONS

and respect among countries; provide for the ‘‘unhampered transmission of thought’’ within and between nations; combat the suppression of freedom of expression; oppose arbitrary censorship and the ‘‘evils’’ which often accompany a free press, such as deceptive publication and deliberate falsifications for political or personal gain. Publications: Doclea, Journal, annual

National Academy of Television Journalists (NATJ) m Neil F. Bayne PO Box 31 Salisbury, Maryland, 21803, United States E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1987 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Television journalists who promote professional advancement of members. Makes available employment services; conducts educational programs; sponsors competitions. Awards: Golden Viddy Award, annual Conventions/Meetings: annual Awards Ceremony

National Amateur Press Association (NAPA) 12311 Winding Ln. Bowie, Maryland, 20715, United States URL: http://www.amateurpress.org/ Founded: 1876 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 6, regional Description: Persons with an avocational interest in writing and letterpress printing. Members write for, print, and publish small amateur magazines and papers which are distributed through a central mailing bureau to other members without charge. Promotes the idea of craftsmanship in improving printing and writing techniques. Conducts occasional educational programs in printing craftsmanship. Collections of amateur papers are in the Library of Congress, Washington, DC; American Antiquarian Society (see separate entry), Worcester, MA; New York Historical Society and Special Collection Division, New York University Library. Has participated in the People to People Program and is currently engaged in contributing to displays of the U.S. Information Agency in Europe and Asia. Publications: National Amateur

National Association of Black Journalists (NABJ) 8701A Adelphi Rd. Adelphi, Maryland, 20783-1716, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.nabj.org Founded: 1975 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Persons employed in the production, dissemination, and distribution of news by newspapers, magazines, and radio and television stations. Aims are to: strengthen the ties between blacks in the black media and blacks in the white media; sensitize the white media to the ‘‘institutional racism in its coverage’’; expand the white media’s coverage and ‘‘balanced reporting’’ of the black community; become an exemplary group of professionals that honors excellence and outstanding achievement among black journalists. Works with high schools to identify potential WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

journalists; awards scholarships to journalism programs that especially support minorities. Acts as a nat ional clearinghouse for job information. Maintains biographical archives. Sponsors competitions. Publications: NABJ Journal, Journal, 10/year

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UNIONS

Publications: NAREE News, Newsletter, bimonthly; NAREE Source Book, biennial; NAREE Sourcebook, Directory; National Association of Real Estate Editors—Roster: NAREE Network, annual

National Association of Science Writers (NASW) National Association of Hispanic Journalists (NAHJ)

National Association of Press Agencies

1003 NW 6th Ter. Boca Raton, Florida, 33486, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.naree.org Founded: 1929 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Print and broadcast journalists, and associated publicists specializing in real estate, building design, mortgage finance, and commercial real estate. Sponsors conferences and contests to study common problems and exchange ideas. Reviews prize-winning real estate and home news sections. Awards: Real Estate Journalism Award, annual Also Known As: National Conference of Real Estate Editors WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

National Council for the Training of Journalists Latton Bush Centre Essex Harlow, CM18 7BL, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.nctj.com Founded: 1951 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Representatives of the newspaper employers, Editors Guild, national trade unions throughout UK. Aims to advance the education and training of trainee journalists including press photographers. Publications: NTCJ News, Newsletter, bimonthly

National Elementary Schools Press Association (NESPA) 1345 Hendersonville Rd. Asheville, North Carolina, 28803, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.nespa.org Founded: 1993 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National 1161

UNIONS

National Association of Real Estate Editors (NAREE)

6223 Executive Blvd. Rockville, Maryland, 20852, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ncew.org/ Founded: 1947 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Editorial contributors to newspapers, radio and television stations. Journalism educators at college level and full-time journalism students studying editorial writing. Dedicated to stimulating the conscience and the quality of editorials. Awards: Ida B. Wells Award, annual Also Known As: National Broadcast Editorial Association Publications: Beyond Argument: A Handbook for Editorial Writers, Handbook; The Masthead, Journal, quarterly; NCEWNews, Newsletter, quarterly

AND

41 Lansdowne Crescent Leamington Spa, CV32 4PR, United Kingdom URL: http://www.napa.org.uk Founded: 1983 Geographic Scope: National Description: Members include some of Britain’s major news and picture agencies, established correspondents for all leading newspapers, magazines, TV and broadcasting outlets. Concerned with safeguarding and promoting members’ interests, with agencies covering most of Britain.

National Conference of Editorial Writers (NCEW) PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

1193 National Press Bldg. Washington, DC, 20045-2100, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.nahj.org Founded: 1984 Languages: English, Spanish Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 8, regional Description: Purpose is to organize and support Hispanics involved in news gathering and dissemination. Encourages journalism and communications study and practice by Hispanics. Seeks recognition for Hispanic members of the profession regarding their skills and achievements. Promotes fair and accurate media treatment of Hispanics; opposes job discrimination and demeaning stereotypes. Works to increase educational and career opportunities and development for Hispanics in the field. Seeks to foster greater awareness of members’ cultural identity, interests, and concerns. Provides a united voice for Hispanic journalists with the aim of achieving national visibility. Offers placement services to Hispanic students. Activities include: a census of Hispanic media professionals nationwide; writing contest for Hispanic students. Bestows National Hispanic Journalist Award; offers scholarships, seminars, and training workshops. Awards: Professional Journalism Awards, annual; Ruben Salazar Scholarship Fund, annual Publications: NAHJ Newsletter, Newsletter, quarterly

PO Box 890 Hedgesville, West Virginia, 25427, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.nasw.org Founded: 1934 Languages: English Geographic Scope: Multinational Number of Groups: 5, regional Description: Writers and editors engaged in the preparation and interpretation of science news for the public. Awards: Science in Society Journalism Award, annual Publications: Awards, annual; Communicating Science News, ; Field Guide For Science Writers, ; Guide to Careers in Science Writing, ; Roster of Members, Directory, annual; Science Writer, Newsletter, quarterly

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Description: Elementary and middle schools that produce school newspapers. Promotes effective teaching of journalism and writing skills at the primary and secondary levels. Provides support and assistance to school newspapers and journalism and writing programs. Awards: Exceptional Product Award, annual; Newspaper Rating and Review Award, annual; Student Recognition Award, annual

National Federation of Press Women (NFPW) PO Box 5556 Arlington, Virginia, 22205-0056, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.nfpw.org Founded: 1937 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Federation of state associations of professional women and men in all phases of communications on a full-time or free-lance basis. Purposes are to: encourage the highest standards of professionalism in journalism; provide for exchange of ideas, knowledge, and experience. Offers specialized education programs. Awards: Achievement Award, annual Publications: Agenda, Newsletter, bimonthly; Resource Book, annual Conventions/Meetings: Communications Conference

National Federation of Specialized Press (FNPS) 37, rue de Rome Paris, F-75008, France E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.fnps.fr Founded: 1974 Languages: English, French Geographic Scope: National Description: Promotes and protects the interests of business press publishers in France. Conducts research programs; compiles statistics.

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UNIONS

Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, 19129, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.NationalNewsBureau.com Founded: 1978 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Sells syndicated feature stories to 308 magazines, newspapers, and other periodicals. Conducts internship program for college students. Conventions/Meetings: semiannual Editorial Conference

National Newspaper Association (NNA) 1010 N Glebe Rd. No. 450 Arlington, Virginia, 22201-5761, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.nna.org Founded: 1885 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Representatives of community newspapers. Awards: Better Newspaper Contest, annual Also Known As: National Editorial Association Conventions/Meetings: Government Affairs Conference

National Pre-Press Trade Union (NPPTU) 68, blvd. Saint Marcel Paris, F-75005, France E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.csnp.fr Languages: French Geographic Scope: National Description: Represents the economic and social interests of workers employed by news gathering and publishing concerns.

National Press Club (NPC)

1420 K St., NW, Ste. 910 Washington, DC, 20005, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.nlgja.org Founded: 1990 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 22, regional Description: An organization of journalists, online media professionals, and students that works from within the journalism industry to foster fair and accurate coverage of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender issues. Opposes workplace bias against all minorities and provides professional development for its members. Awards: Award for Journalistic Excellence, annual; Seigenthaler-NLGJA Electronic Media Award, annual Publications: Directory of News Media Companies/Unions with Domestic Partner Benefits, Booklet; National Convention Program Book, Book, annual; NLGJA News: Alternatives, Newsletter, quarterly; Stylebook Addenda Gay/ Lesbian Terminology, Pamphlet

National Press Bldg. 529 14th St. NW, 13th Fl. Washington, DC, 20045, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.press.org Founded: 1908 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Reporters, writers, and newspeople employed by newspapers, wire services, magazines, radio and television stations, and other forms of news media; former newspeople and associates of newspeople are nonvoting members. Sponsors sports, travel, and cultural events, rap sessions with news figures and authors, and newsmaker breakfasts and luncheons. Offers monthly training. Awards: Consumer Journalism Award, annual; Diplomatic Correspondence Award, annual; Environmental Reporting Award, annual; Freedom of the Press Award, annual; Newsletter Journalism Award, annual; Online Journalism Award, annual; Political Journalism Award, annual; Press Criticism Award, annual; Regional Reporting Award, annual; Washington Correspondence Award, annual; Writing on Problems of Geriatrics, annual Also Known As: Washington Press Club Publications: National Press Club Directory, annual; National Press Club—Record, Newsletter, weekly Conventions/Meetings: annual WebFest ‘‘exhibits’’

National News Bureau (NNB)

National Press Foundation (NPF)

PO Box 43039

1211 Connecticut Ave. NW, Ste. 310

National Lesbian and Gay Journalists Association (NLGJA)

1162

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Washington, DC, 20036, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.natpress.org Founded: 1975 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Individuals, corporations, and foundations. Promotes excellence in American journalism. Conducts public forums. Funds the National Press Club Library and Reference Center. Issues the NPC journalism awards. Administers the Washington Journalism Center. Awards: Berryman Award, annual; Distinguished Contributions to Journalism Award, annual; Editor of the Year Award, annual; Sol Taishoff Award, annual Publications: Update Newsletter Conventions/Meetings: Washington Journalism Center Conference

National Scholastic Press Association (NSPA)

National Society of Newspaper Columnists (NSNC)

322 E Innes St. Salisbury, North Carolina, 28144, United States Founded: 1959 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Sportscasters and sportswriters. Pursues matters of common interest to members. Operates National Sportscasters and Sportswriters Hall of Fame and inducts new member annually. Elects charter members to U.S. Olympic Hall of Fame. Awards: Hall of Fame; National Caster Writer, annual; NSSA Sportscasters & Sportswriters, annual Publications: NSSA News, Newsletter, quarterly Conventions/Meetings: annual National Sportscasters and Sportswriters Award Program

National Turf Writers Association (NTWA) 1244 Meadow Lane Frankfort, Kentucky, 40601, United States E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1960 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

National Union of Journalists (India) 7 Jantar Mantar Rd., 2nd Fl. New Delhi, Delhi, 110 001, India E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://education.vsnl.com/nujindia/ Founded: 1972 Languages: English, Hindi Geographic Scope: National Description: Journalists. Seeks to secure optimal conditions of employment for members. Represents members in negotiations with employers. Works for improvement and upgrading professional skills and for upholding press freedom. Publications: Inkworld, Journal

National Union of Journalists—England (NUJ) Hedland House 308 Grays Inn Rd. London, WC1X 8DP, United Kingdom URL: http://media.gn.apc.org/nujone.html Founded: 1907 Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Trade union of journalists in the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland. Defends members’ interests. Publications: Journalist, Journal, 10/year

National Verbatim Reporters Association (NVRA) 2729 Drake St., PMB 130 Fayetteville, Arkansas, 72703, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.nvra.org Geographic Scope: National Description: Voice writers. Strives to educate the public and legal community toward a better understanding of the voice writing system and to assist members to perform their duties more effectively.

National Women Bowling Writers Association (NWBW) 3001 21st St. Lubbock, Texas, 79410, United States E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1948 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Professional (37) and nonprofessional (471) writers. Seeks to promote the sport of bowling; foster communication and exchange of information among members; recognize outstanding publications, articles, and photography by members; examine problems common to members. Operates charitable programs. Publications: Knows for News, Newsletter, 5/year

National Writers Association (ABWA) 3140 S. Peoria St., Ste. 295 Aurora, Colorado, 80014-3155, United States 1163

UNIONS

National Sportscasters and Sportswriters Association (NSSA)

Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Newspaper and magazine writers, sports editors, and columnists who regularly write about or publish news of Thoroughbred horse racing and breeding. Seeks to improve working conditions of its members. Awards: Joe Palmer Award, annual; Mr. Fitz Award, annual; Walter Haight Award, annual

AND

107 N Main St. Farmville, Virginia, 23901, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.columnists.com Geographic Scope: National Description: Professional society for newspaper columnists. Awards: Writing Contest, annual

UNIONS

PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

2221 University Ave. SE, Ste. 121 Univ. of Minnesota Minneapolis, Minnesota, 55414, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.studentpress.org Founded: 1921 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: High school newspapers, yearbooks, and magazines. Offers critical services for newspapers, yearbooks, and magazines. Awards: All-American Awards, annual; Pacemaker Award, annual Publications: Trends in High School Media, quarterly

AND

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

AND

UNIONS

E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.nationalwriters.com Founded: 1945 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Professional full- or part-time freelance writers who specialize in business writing. Objective is to serve as a marketplace whereby business editors can easily locate competent writing talent. Establishes communication among editors and writers. Also Known As: Associated Business Writers of America

Kathmandu, Nepal E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1960 Languages: English, Nepali Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 14, regional; 23, state; 33, local Description: Correspondents, editors, publishers, and reporters in Nepal. Represents and promotes the interests of members. Conducts research; holds semiannual journalism seminars and educational programs. Awards: NJA Awards, annual

National Writers Union (NWU)

Nepal Press Institute (NPI)

113 University Place, 6th Fl. New York, New York, 10003-4527, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.nwu.org Founded: 1983 Languages: English, Spanish Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 19, local Description: Freelance writers; journalists, authors, poets, and technical and public relations writers who are not represented by any existing union. Engages in collective bargaining and provides other services for members such as grievance handling and health insurance. Works to raise rates and improve treatment of freelance writers by magazine and book publishers. Holds conferences on legal, economic, trade, and craft issues affecting writers. Also Known As: Organizing Committee for a National Writers Union Publications: American Writer Conventions/Meetings: annual Delegates Assembly

PO Box 4128 Kathmandu, Nepal E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1984 Languages: English, Nepali Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 2, regional; 7, local Description: Media companies and personnel. Promotes professional advancement of members; monitors development activities. Conducts research on the impact of development programs in Nepal; organizes media support for approved programs; produces educational materials. Sponsors population and development education courses in addition to development of free press and civil society. Awards: Photojournalism Award, semiannual Publications: Media Trends Nepal, Newsletter, quarterly; National News Media Directory,

Native American Journalists Association (NAJA) 3359 36th Ave. S Minneapolis, Minnesota, 55406, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.naja.com/ Founded: 1983 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 1, national Description: Journalists of Native American descent. Seeks to serve and empower Native communicators. Conducts educational programs in areas including journalism, Native American culture, politics, and history, and free speech and expression. Represents members’ professional interests; sponsors lobbying activities. Also Known As: Native American Press Association Publications: NAJA News, Newsletter, bimonthly Conventions/Meetings: annual Journalism without Borders ‘‘exhibits’’

Nederlandse Vereniging van Journalisten (NVJ) J. Vermeerstraat 22 Postbus 75997 Amsterdam, NL-1070 AZ, Netherlands E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.villamedia.nl Geographic Scope: National Description: Union of journalists in the Netherlands.

Nepal Journalists Association (NJA) PO Box 285 Maitighar 1164

New York Financial Writers’ Association (NYFWA) PO Box 338 Ridgewood, New Jersey, 07451-0338, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.nyfwa.org Founded: 1938 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Financial and business editors and writers whose publications are located in metropolitan New York. Maintains speakers’ bureau.

New Zealand Community Newspapers Association PO Box 76571 Manuaku City Auckland, New Zealand E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.cna.org.nz Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Newspapers. Promotes professional and ethical conduct among members and their staff; seeks to ensure a free and unfettered press. Facilitates communication and cooperation among members; gathers and disseminates information.

New Zealand Guild of Agricultural Journalists and Communicators PO Box 4234 Hamilton, New Zealand E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://home.clear.net.nz/pages/samurray/NZGAJ/ Geographic Scope: National Description: Promotes agricultural journalism in New Zealand. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

AND

UNIONS

New Zealand Press Association

Newspaper Features Council (NFC)

m Lincoln Gould, Chief Executive PO Box 1066 Wellington, New Zealand E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.npa.co.nz/ Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: National News Agency. Gathers and disseminates information to newspaper and non-media clients.

PO Box 7421 Greenwich, Connecticut, 06830-3386, United States URL: http://www.nfccouncil.com Founded: 1955 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Newspapers, syndicates, editors, columnists, printers, syndicated cartoonists, and writers. Provides a forum for the exchange of views, problems, and opportunities; strives to improve the content of newspapers for the benefit of the public and the industry. Conducts children’s services and research progrms. Awards: Jester Award, annual Also Known As: Newspaper Comics Council Publications: Comics in the Classroom; Your Career in the Comics, Book, annual

New Zealand Press Council

New Zealand Society of Authors (NZSA) PO Box 67013 Mt. Eden Auckland, 3, New Zealand E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1934 Number of Groups: 6, regional Description: Press and media outlets. Promotes professional and ethical conduct among members and their staff; seeks to ensure a free and unfettered press. Facilitates communication and cooperation among members; gathers and disseminates information. Adjudicates on complaints against newspapers and magazines.

Newspaper Association Managers (NAM) 70 Washington St., Ste. 214 Salem, Massachusetts, 01970, United States URL: http://www.nenews.org Founded: 1923 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Full-time executives of national, state, and regional newspaper associations. Sponsors National Newspaper Week. Publications: The Roundtable, bimonthly WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Newspaper Publishers’ Association of New Zealand Newspaper House 93 Boulcott St. Wellington, New Zealand E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.npa.co.nz Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Trade Association of the daily and Sunday newspaper industry, promoting the collective interests of members in areas such as government affairs, sponsorship and advertising standards.

Newswomen’s Club of New York (NCNY) 15 Gramercy Pk. S New York, New York, 10003, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.newswomensclubnewyork.com Founded: 1922 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Women journalists working full-time or freelancing for New York City and metropolitan daily newspapers, wire services, syndicates, national news and news/feature magazines published in New York City, and radio and television stations or networks whose broadcasts originate in New York City; associate members are former 1165

UNIONS

1/243 Ponsonby Rd. Ponsonby Auckland, New Zealand E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1975 Number of Groups: 3, regional Description: Press and media outlets. Promotes professional and ethical conduct among members and their staff; seeks to ensure a free and unfettered press. Facilitates communication and cooperation among members; gathers and disseminates information. Adjudicates on complaints against newspapers and magazines.

501 3rd St. NW, Ste. 250 Washington, DC, 20001-2760, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.newsguild.org Founded: 1933 Languages: French, Spanish Geographic Scope: National Description: AFL-CIO; Canadian Labour Congress, and International Federation of Journalists. Sponsors Newspaper Guild International Pension Fund that provides retirement benefits to persons employed in the news industry. Awards: David Barr Scholarship Fund, annual; Heywood Broun Award, annual Also Known As: American Newspaper Guild Publications: Constitution, annual; Guild Reporter, Newspaper, monthly; Newspaper Guild—Proceedings, Proceedings, annual Conventions/Meetings: annual Sector Meeting

AND

New Zealand Writers Guild (NZWG)

The Newspaper Guild (TNG-CWA)

PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

PO Box 10879, The Terrace Wellington, New Zealand E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.presscouncil.org.nz Founded: 1972 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Press and media outlets. Promotes professional and ethical conduct among members and their staff; seeks to ensure a free and unfettered press. Facilitates communication and cooperation among members; gathers and disseminates information. Adjudicates on complaints against newspapers and magazines.

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

actives who have left the newspaper business. Sponsors professional, educational, social, and charitable activities; arranges for speeches by news headliners; invites journalism students to various events to learn about the field from professionals. Honors the best work by women journalists in the Metro NY area with its annual front page awards. Gives graduate scholarships to women students at Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism through its Anne O’Hare McCormick Scholarship Fund. Awards: Front Page Awards, annual Also Known As: New York Newspaper Women’s Club; Newspaper Women’s Club of New York Conventions/Meetings: annual Front Page Awards ‘‘exhibits’’

Norsk Journalistlag Storgatan 14 Torggata 5A Oslo, N-0028, Norway E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.nj.no Founded: 1946 Geographic Scope: National Description: Professional organization for journalists in Norway.

North American Case Research Association (NACRA) m Anne T. Lawrence San Jose State University College of Business San Jose, California, 95192-0070, United States Description: Promotes excellence in case research, writing, and teaching in business and other academic disciplines; advances the status of case research and pedagogy within academic institutions and professional associations; disseminates cases in multiple media globally. Publications: Case Review Journal, Journal, quarterly

North American Snow Sports Journalists Association 102 Rogers Pl. Penticton, British Columbia, V2A 8E6, Canada E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.nasja.org Founded: 1963 Languages: English Geographic Scope: Multinational Number of Groups: 5, regional Description: Newspaper, magazine, book, television, radio writers and broadcasters, and photographers who report on skiing and other snowsports. Covers skiing and promotes better communication of facts to the public. Awards: Carson White Golden Quill Award, annual; Harold Hirsch Award, annual; Lifetime Achievement Award, annual; Outstanding Competitor Award, annual Also Known As: United States Ski Writers Association; North American Ski Journalists Association Publications: The Inside Edge, Newsletter, quinquennial; NASJA Directory, Directory, annual

Norwegian Association of Agricultural Journalists GENO Hamar, N-2326, Norway E-mail: [email protected] 1166

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UNIONS

URL: http://www.geno.no Geographic Scope: National Description: Promotes agricultural journalism in Norway.

Norwegian Media Businesses’ Association Tollbugt. 27 Oslo, N-0157, Norway URL: http://www.nal.no/ Founded: 1910 Geographic Scope: National Description: Promotes Norwegian newspapers publishers; advocates on behalf of members in economic and legal framework; influences the market; provides services to members; promotes newspapers to readers and advertisers, as well as the use of newspapers in education.

Organization of News Ombudsmen (ONO) m Gina Lubrano PO Box 120191 San Diego, California, 92112, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.newsombudsmen.org/ Founded: 1980 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Newspaper and broadcast ombudsmen; reader advocates. (An ombudsmen is an individual who investigates reported complaints, reports findings, and assists in settling disagreements.) Seeks to improve communications between the media and their readers and viewers. Provides speakers for community and professional groups. Also Known As: Organization of Newspaper Ombudsmen Publications: News from ONO, Newsletter, monthly

Outdoor Writer’s Guild PO Box 520 Lancashire Preston, PR5 8LA, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.owg.org.uk Founded: 1980 Geographic Scope: National Description: Professional writers and journalists who write, film, photograph, broadcast, etc., about walking, climbing, mountaineering and similar outdoor activities, along with general travel. Aims to promote professional standards among writers specialising in outdoor writing; to represent members’ interests; to provide a forum through meetings and social activities for members to meet colleagues and others in the outdoor leisure industry. Awards: Excellence in Outdoor Writing and Photography, annual Publications: Bootprint, Newsletter, quarterly; OWG Handbook and Directory, Handbook, annual

Outdoor Writers Association of America (OWAA) 121 Hickory St., No. 1 Missoula, Montana, 59801, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.owaa.org Founded: 1927 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Professional organization of newspaper, magazine, radio, television and motion picture writers and WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

photographers (both staff and free-lance) concerned with outdoor recreation and conservation. Conducts surveys for educational and industrial organizations; compiles market data for writer members and offers liaison aid in writer assignments. Awards: Bodie McDowell Scholarship Award, annual; John Matson Fellowship, annual Publications: National Directory of Outdoor Writers, Directory, annual; Outdoors Unlimited, Newsletter, monthly

Overseas Press Club of America (OPC)

Overseas Press and Media Association (OPMA)

2071 National Press Bldg. Washington, DC 20045, United States Founded: 1921 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Accredited members of the press, newspapers, magazines, radio, and television in Washington, DC, who have had overseas experience and who are actively interested and engaged in the reporting, editing, and writing of news and commentary on international affairs and defense policy. Publications: Overseas Writers: A Brief History, Brochure

Pacific Islands News Association 46 Gordon St. Suva, Fiji E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.pinanius.org Languages: English, Fijian Geographic Scope: National Description: Press and media outlets. Promotes free and accurate reporting of current events. Facilitates communication and cooperation among members; represents WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Pakistan Press Foundation Press Centre, 1st Fl. Shahrah Kamal Ataturk Karachi, 74200, Pakistan E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.oneworld.org/ppf Founded: 1992 Languages: English Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Journalists. Seeks to advance the practice of journalism, and to further the professional development of members. Facilitates exchange of information among members. Conducts training programs and campaigns to defend freedom of expression and the rights of journalists. Publications: Pakistan Press Freedom Report, Report, annual; PPF Bulletin, Newsletter, quarterly; PPF Media File, Newsletter, monthly

P.E.N. All-India Centre (PENAIC) Theosophy Hall 40 New Marine Lines Bombay, Maharashtra, 400 020, India E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1933 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 1, regional Description: Poets, playwrights, essayists, editors, and novelists (P.E.N.) united to: promote mutual understanding and respect among countries; provide for the ‘‘unhampered transmission of thought’’ within and between nations; combat the suppression of freedom of expression; oppose arbitrary censorship and the ‘‘evils’’ which often accompany a free press, such as deceptive publication and deliberate falsifications for political or personal gain. Represents Indian literature internationally. Conducts discussions and poetry readings. Publications: Indian P.E.N., Magazine, quarterly; The Indian P.E.N., Books

P.E.N. Club—Poland (IPENP) Krakowskie Przedmiescie 87/89 Warsaw, PL-00-079, Poland E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.penclub.atomnet.pl Founded: 1925 Languages: Polish Geographic Scope: National Description: Poets, playwrights, essayists, editors, and novelists (P.E.N.) united to: promote mutual understanding and respect among countries; provide for the ‘‘unhampered transmission of thought’’ within and between nations; rise against suppression of any form of freedom of expression; oppose arbitrary censorship and the ‘‘evils’’ of a free press such as deceptive publication and deliberate falsifications for political or personal gain. The group was forced by Polish authorities to disband in December 1981 and has recently been reinstated. Awards: Editor’s Award, periodic; Editor’s Award, periodic; Translation Award, periodic

PEN American Center (PEN) 568 Broadway 1167

UNIONS

Overseas Writers (OW)

members’ interests before government agencies and the public; gathers and disseminates information.

AND

m Smyth International Media Archgate Business Center, 825 High Rd. London, NI2 8UB, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.opma.co.uk Founded: 1965 Languages: English Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Represents overseas media to markets in the United Kingdom. Publications: OPMA Guide, Book, annual

UNIONS

PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

40 W 45 St. New York, New York 10036, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.opcofamerica.org Founded: 1939 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Professional society of journalists with overseas experience including correspondents, editors, reporters, photographers, free-lance writers, and authors of published books on foreign affairs. Maintains reciprocal privileges with numerous press clubs in the U.S. and abroad. Awards: Overseas Press Club Awards, annual Publications: Bulletin, Newsletter, monthly; Dateline, Magazine, annual; OPC of America—Directory, periodic Conventions/Meetings: annual OPC Awards Dinner

AND

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

New York, New York, 10012, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.pen.org Founded: 1921 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 5, regional Description: Autonomous American center of international organization which seeks to ‘‘promote and maintain friendship and intellectual cooperation between people of letters in all countries in the interests of literature, freedom of expression, and international goodwill. PEN stands for the principle of unhampered transmission of thought within each nation and between all nations and members pledge themselves to oppose any form of suppression of freedom of expression in the country and community to which they belong.’’ The acronym PEN stands for poets, playwrights, editors, essayists, and novelists. Membership is by invitation to qualified writers, editors, and translators. Approximately 100 such autonomous centers in 60 countries are associated with the international organization. Sponsors writing competitions for prisoners in U.S. prisons. Publications: Grants and Awards Available to American Writers, Directory, biennial; Liberty Denied,

PEN Canada 24 Ryerson Ave., Ste. 214 Toronto, Ontario, M5T 2P3, Canada E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.pencanada.ca Geographic Scope: National Description: Poets, playwrights, essayists, editors, and novelists (P.E.N.) united to: promote mutual understanding and respect among countries; provide for the ‘‘unhampered transmission of thought’’ within and between nations; combat the supression of freedom of expression; oppose arbitrary censorship. Works to protect imprisoned or endangered writers. Publications: Writing Away; Writing Home,

PEN Center U.S.A. West m Gail Christian 672 S Lafayette Park Pl., No. 42 Los Angeles, California, 90057, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.pen-usa-west.org Founded: 1952 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 5, regional; 2, state Description: Poets, playwrights, essayists, editors, and novelists (PEN). Promotes freedom of expression nationally and internationally; works to effect the release of writers imprisoned because of their writings. Encourages awareness of the western U.S. as a vital literary and journalistic community. Conducts educational and charitable programs. Awards: PEN Center West Literary Award, annual Also Known As: International PEN—U.S.A West Publications: Author Access; PEN Center U.S.A. West Membership Directory, annual Conventions/Meetings: annual International Congress

Periodical Writers’ Association of Canada (PWAC) 54 Wolseley St., Ste. 203 Toronto, Ontario, M5T 1A5, Canada E-mail: [email protected] 1168

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UNIONS

URL: http://www.pwac.ca Founded: 1976 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 5, regional; 18, local Description: Periodical writers in Canada. Promotes the interests of members; disseminates information. Awards: Norman Kucharsky Award, annual Publications: PWAC Guide To Business & Contract Practices For Freelance Writers; PWAC Guide To Canadian Markets For Freelance Writers, ; PWAC Guide to Editing as a Sideline for Freelance Writers, ; PWAContact, quarterly

Polish Writer’s Union Krakowskie Przedmiesce St. 87/89 Warsaw, PL-00-079, Poland Founded: 1920 Number of Groups: 18, regional Description: Promotes the professional and creative interests of writers in Poland.

Press Association of Zambia PO Box 50596 Ridgeway Lusaka, Zambia E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1991 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Journalists. Seeks to enhance credibility and professionalism among broadcasters, and to further the professional development of members. Facilitates exchange of information among members. Conducts educational programs. Awards: Financial Journalist of the Year, annual; Most Sporting, annual Publications: Paza Newsletter, Newsletter, quarterly

Press Complaints Commission 1 Salisbury Sq. London, EC4Y 8JB, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.pcc.org.uk Founded: 1991 Languages: Arabic, Bengali, Chinese, English, Somali, Urdu, Welsh Geographic Scope: National Description: Sixteen members drawn from the lay public and the press; includes seven editors of national, regional and local newspapers and magazines. Non-press members are in the majority. Upholds a Code of Practice covering issues such as accuracy, harassment and invasion of privacy; it deals with complaints about the editorial content of British newspapers and magazines and advises editors on journalistic ethics.

Press Council RSS Bldg. PO Box 3077 Kathmandu, Nepal E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1970 Languages: English, Nepali Geographic Scope: National Description: Newspaper and other periodical publishers. Seeks to ensure freedom of the press; promotes ethical and WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

professional conduct among members. Facilitates communication and cooperation among members; represents members’ interests before government agencies and the public. Awards: Gopal das Journalism Award, annual Publications: Press Council Bulletin, Newsletter, quarterly

Professional Association of Newspapers and Magazines of Slovenia (PANMS) Dimiceva 13 Ljubljana, SLO-610001, Slovenia E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1991 Languages: English, Slovene Geographic Scope: National Description: Publishers of newspapers and magazines. Seeks to advance the periodical publication industry. Represents members’ interests.

Professional Hockey Writers’ Association (PHWA)

Regional Newspapers Association of Ireland (RNAI) Sheridan House 33 Parkgate St. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Regional Reporters Association (RRA) 1255 National Press Bldg. Washington, DC, 20045, United States E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1987 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Correspondents for newspapers and electronic media in the United States. Promotes responsible journalism; seeks to ensure freedom of the press. Facilitates exchange of information among members; sponsors educational programs. Publications: Regional Reporter, Newsletter, monthly

Religion News Service (RNS) 1101 Connecticut Ave. NW, No. 350 Washington, DC, 20036, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.religionnews.com Founded: 1934 Languages: English Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Daily newspapers, religious publications of all denominations, radio and television stations, and religious agencies. Disseminates news of interest to the entire religious constituency. Provides daily and weekly news reports, features, and photo service. Also Known As: Religious News Service

Religion Newswriters Association (RNA) PO Box 2037 Westerville, Ohio, 43086-2037, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.religionwriters.com Founded: 1949 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 1, national Description: Provides support and educational services for religion news editors and reporters on secular daily and weekly newspapers, new services, newsmagazines, and broadcasting outlets. Awards: Cassels Award, annual; George W. Cornell Award, annual; Schachern Award, annual; Supple Award, annual; Templeton Award, annual Also Known As: Religious Newswriters Association

Reporters Without Borders—France 5, rue Geoffroy Marie Paris, F-75009, France E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.rsf.org Founded: 1985 Languages: Aramaic, English, French, Spanish Geographic Scope: National 1169

UNIONS

m Mike McFarland 6700 Squibb Rd. Mission, Kansas, 66202, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.nscaa.com Founded: 1976 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Writers, broadcasters, students, and publicity directors for professional soccer in North America. Seeks to foster high quality reporting about soccer. Promotes better working conditions for members. Cooperates with other national soccer reporting groups. Bestows Player of the Week, Player of the Month, and Player of the Year awards in conjunction with the American Indoor Soccer Association and the United Soccer League; sponsors membership writing competition. Publications: PSRA Newsletter, Newsletter, quarterly; PSRA Official Membership Directory, Directory, annual

Dublin, 8, Ireland E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1918 Languages: English, Irish Geographic Scope: National Description: Regional newspapers. Promotes the continued existence of local press outlets outside major metropolitan areas. Facilitates communication and cooperation among members; makes available business services and other support and assistance to regional newspapers.

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Professional Soccer Reporters Association

UNIONS

PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

m Sherry L. Ross 1480 Pleasant Valley Way, No. 44 West Orange, New Jersey, 07052, United States Founded: 1967 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 26, regional Description: Writers who cover member teams of the National Hockey League (see separate entry). Encourages high standards among professional hockey writers. Seeks to assure writers are provided adequate facilities at arenas. Promotes good working relations between writers and club management, especially concerning access to players and coaches. Contributes to the William Masterton Scholarship Fund, based in Bloomington, MN. Nominates members for writers wing of NHL Hall of Fame. Maintains hall of fame. Awards: All-Star Team, annual; Bill Masterton Memorial Trophy, annual; Dick Dillman Press Box and Press Guide Awards, annual; Most Valuable Player of the Year; Rookie of the Year, annual Publications: PHWA Newsletter, Newsletter, quarterly

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Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Description: Individuals interested in freedom of the press and information access worldwide. Seeks to identify and document abuses of freedom of expression globally. Gathers and disseminates information to publicize violations of press freedom; provides legal assistance to detained journalists and their families; facilitates continued existence of free media outlets in troubled areas such as Bosnia and Rwanda. Conducts Annual International Press Freedom Day. Awards: Prix RSF—Fondation of France, annual Publications: 100 Photos for Press Freedom, Magazine, annual; Reporters sans Frontieres, Newsletter, monthly

Reuter Foundation 85 Fleet St. London, EC4P 4AJ, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.foundation.reuters.com Founded: 1982 Languages: English Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Promotes professional development of journalists worldwide. Conducts study and training programs for journalists from the developing world and from central and eastern Europe; sponsors research and educational programs and schools and universities; provides financial and technical support for charitable and cultural organizations. New service launched in 1997 AlertNet—online rapid news and communications service for international disaster relief organizations. Publications: Reuterlink, Newsletter, 3/year; Reuterlink Extra, Magazine, 3/year

Saint Andrew Abby (SWAA) 10510 Buckeye Rd. Cleveland, Ohio, 44104, United States URL: http://www.bocohio.org Founded: 1954 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Persons of Slovak birth or descent, living in the U.S., Canada, South America, and Europe, who are authors, intellectuals, journalists, painters, editors, composers, or musicians. Promotes Christian Slovak culture abroad by publishing the works of Slovak authors and helping them in their creative efforts. Maintains Slovak Institute, which contains library on Slovak history, art, and literature and the cultural achievements of Americans of Slovak ancestry. Publications: Most, quarterly

Schweizer Verband der Journalistinnen und Journalisten (SVJ) BP 316 Fribourg, CH-1701, Switzerland URL: http://www.journalisten.ch Founded: 1883 Languages: English, French, German, Italian Geographic Scope: National Description: Professional organization for journalists in Switzerland. Offers legal protection and assistance in collective bargaining and agreements. Conducts charitable activities. Also Known As: Association de la Presse Suisse; Verband der Schweizer Journalisten Publications: Telex, Journal, bimonthly 1170

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UNIONS

Slovene P.E.N. Centre (SPENC) Tomsiceva 12 Ljubljana, SLO-1000, Slovenia E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1926 Languages: English, French, Slovene Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Poets, playwrights, essayists, editors, and novelists (P.E.N.) united to: promote mutual understanding and respect among countries; provide for the ‘‘unhampered transmission of thought’’ within and between nations; combat the suppression of freedom of expression; oppose arbitrary censorship and the ‘‘evils’’ which often accompany a free press, such as deceptive publication and deliberate falsifications for political or personal gain. Works to provide humanitarian aid to writers from former Yugoslav republics. Publications: Bulletin of Writers for Peace Committee; Litterae Slovenicae, Journal, quarterly Conventions/Meetings: Human Rights and the Writer’s Mission; annual International Writers Conference; Literature as the Eros of the New Era

Societe Civile des Auteurs Multimedia (SCAM) 5 Avenue Velasquez Paris, F-75008, France E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.scam.fr Founded: 1981 Geographic Scope: National Description: Multimedia authors, television and radio screenwriters, and documentary and magazine writers. Defends the material and moral interests of members. Seeks to protect members’ rights concerning the reproduction and representation of their respective works. Awards: Great Award of the Year Publications: La Lettre de la Scan

Society of All Cargo Correspondents Freight Transport Buyer 69-77 Paul St. London, EC1A 4LQ, United Kingdom Founded: 1979 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 1, national Description: Journalists who write about all modes of freight transport (air, road, rail, sea, express). Aims to facilitate communication between the freight industry and journalists who write about it. Awards: SACC Personality of the Year, annual; SACC/ Seahorse Journalist of the Year, annual Publications: The SACC Contacts Book, Booklet, biennial Conventions/Meetings: monthly Press Evening

Society of American Business Editors and Writers (SABEW) m University of Missouri, School of Journalism 76 Gannet Hall Columbia, Missouri, 65211, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.sabew.org Founded: 1964 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Description: Active business, economic, and financial news writers and editors for newspapers, magazines, and other publications; broadcasters of business news; teachers of business or journalism at colleges and universities. Plans periodic seminars on problems and techniques in business news coverage and occasional special meetings with business, financial, government and labor leaders, and other experts. Maintains the Resume Bank, a service which keeps resumes of SABEW members on file. Editors looking for job candidates can request the resumes of candidates that meet their requirements. Awards: Distinguished Achievement Award, annual Also Known As: Society of American Business Writers; Society of American Business and Economic Writers Publications: The Business Journalist, Journal, bimonthly; Membership Directory, Directory, annual

Society of American Travel Writers (SATW)

Society of Authors—England (SOA)

PO Box 10419 Chicago, Illinois, 60610, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.midlandauthors.com/ Geographic scope: National. Description: Provides a forum for radio, television, and print media journalists, freelance writers, authors, magazine and newspapers publishers, and public relations consultants to WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Society for News Design (SND) 1130 Ten Rod Rd., F 104 North Kingstown, Rhode Island, 02852-4177, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.snd.org Founded: 1979 Languages: English Geographic Scope: Multinational Number of Groups: 19, regional Description: Editors, publishers, artists, photographers, copy editors and designers employed by newspapers or related businesses; high school and college journalism educators. Works to improve journalism through good design. Serves as a forum for news professionals interested in visual journalism and web design. Seeks to strengthen journalism design as a profession and newspaper publishing as a business. Offers materials and seminars on newspaper design and graphics. Awards: Best of Newspaper Design Creative Competition, annual Also Known As: Society of Newspaper Design Publications: Best of Newspaper Design, Book, annual; Design, The Journal of the Society for News Design, Magazine, quarterly; SND Update, Newsletter, 8/year; Society of News Design—Membership Directory, annual Conventions/Meetings: SND Quick Course; annual Infographics Workshop ‘‘exhibits’’; New Media Workshop; Ad Design Workshop

Society of Women Writers and Journalists 61 Gainsborough Rd. Suffolk Felixstone, IP11 7HS, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1894 Number of Groups: 2, regional Description: Fiction writers, poets, and essayists writing in Swedish and residing in Finland. Promotes members’ works; represents members’ interests.

Society of Writers to Her Majesty’s Signet Parliament Sq. Edinburgh, EH1 1RF, United Kingdom Founded: 1594 Description: Fiction writers, poets, and essayists writing in Swedish and residing in Finland. Promotes members’ works; represents members’ interests.

South African Agricultural Writers’ Association (SAAWA) 7 Patriot St. Paarl, 7646, Republic of South Africa E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ifaj.org Geographic Scope: National Description: Promotes agricultural journalism in South Africa. 1171

UNIONS

Society of Midland Authors (SMA)

showcase their published books and share unique perspectives. Publications: Literary License, Newsletter; Member Directory Conventions/Meetings: annual banquet; meeting, second Tuesday of each month.

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84 Drayton Gardens London, SW10 9SB, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.societyofauthors.org Founded: 1884 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 3, regional; 2, local Description: Trade union for professional writers. Benefits include individual contract advice and advice on all of the business aspects of writing. Works for improved terms and conditions between authors and publishers. Also lobbies government authorities for legislation which will enhance conditions for writers. Publications: Author, Journal, quarterly; Guides, periodic Conventions/Meetings: bimonthly Management Committee Meeting

UNIONS

PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

1500 Sunday Dr., No. 102 Raleigh, North Carolina, 27607, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.satw.org Founded: 1956 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 5, regional; 5, local Description: Editors, writers, broadcasters, photographers, and public relations representatives. Strives to provide travelers with accurate reports on destinations, facilities, and services; ‘‘seeks to guard the right of freedom to travel’’; encourages preservation of historic sites and conservation of nature. Awards: Phoenix Awards, annual Publications: Society of American Travel Writers—Annual Directory of Members, annual; Travel Writer, Newsletter, 10/ year

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Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

South Asian Journalists Association (SAJA) m Sreenath Sreenivasan Columbia Graduate School of Journalism 2950 Broadway New York, New York, 10027, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.saja.org Founded: 1994 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Journalists of south Asian descent working in the United States and Canada. Fosters personal and professional ties among south Asian journalists in North America. Facilitates exchange of information among members; provides career counseling to journalism students; maintains speakers’ bureau. Awards: SAJA Journalism Awards, annual

Space Coast Writers Guild (SCWG) PO Box 362143 Melbourne, Florida, 32936-2143, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://members.tripod.com/üscwg/ Founded: 1981 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Professional and aspiring writers in all media. Trains, develops, and promotes individuals in the writing professions. Supports and conducts community and educational activities of advancing the literary art of writing. Awards: Distinguished Service, annual; Michael Shaara Writer’s Award, annual Also Known As: Florida Space Coast Writers Conference Publications: Organization, Events, Awards and Membership (SCWG), annual

Sports Writers’ Association of Great Britain m Sport England External Affairs Unit 166 Upper Woburn Pl. London, WC1H 0QP, United Kingdom Founded: 1948 Languages: English Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: All professional sports journalists with newspapers, magazines, television and radio, plus freelancers, photographers and cartoonists. Awards: Sports Feature of the Year, annual; Sports Journalism of the Year, annual; Sports Personalities of the Year (Men; Women; Team), annual; Sports Photographer of the Year, annual

Swedish P.E.N. Centre Wollmar Yxkullsgatan 7 Stockholm, S-11850, Sweden E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.pensweden.org Founded: 1922 Geographic Scope: National Description: Poets, playwrights, essayists, editors, and novelists (P.E.N.) united to: promote mutual understanding and respect among countries; provide for the ‘‘unhampered transmission of thought’’ within and between nations; combat the supression of freedom of expression; oppose arbitrary censorship and the ‘‘evils’’ which often accompany 1172

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UNIONS

a free press, such as deceptive publication and deliberate falsifications for political or personal gain. Awards: Tucholsky Prize, annual

Swedish Writers’ Union Drottninggt 88b Stockholm, S-111 36, Sweden Founded: 1893 Geographic Scope: National Description: Poets, playwrights, essayists, editors, and novelists (P.E.N.) united to: promote mutual understanding and respect among countries; provide for the ‘‘unhampered transmission of thought’’ within and between nations; combat the supression of freedom of expression; oppose arbitrary censorship and the ‘‘evils’’ which often accompany a free press, such as deceptive publication and deliberate falsifications for political or personal gain.

Swiss-German P.E.N. Centre (SGPENC) PB 1329 Zurich, CH-8026, Switzerland E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1979 Languages: German Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 3, national Description: Poets, playwrights, essayists, editors, and novelists (P.E.N.) united to: promote mutual understanding and respect among countries; provide for the ‘‘unhampered transmission of thought’’ within and between nations; combat the suppression of freedom of expression; oppose arbitrary censorship and the ‘‘evils’’ which often accompany a free press, such as deceptive publication and deliberate falsifications for political or personal gain. Publications: Brief Zeitung, Newsletter, semiannual

Swiss Writers Association (SWA) Nordstrasse 9 Postfach Zurich, Switzerland E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ch-s.ch Founded: 1912 Languages: English, French, German, Italian Geographic Scope: National Description: Promotes the works of Swiss literature. Represents members’ interests.

Taipei Chinese Center, International P.E.N. (TCPENC) 4th Fl., 4, Ln. 68 Wen Chou St. Taipei, 106, Taiwan E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1971 Languages: Chinese, English Geographic Scope: Multinational Number of Groups: 120, local Description: Poets, playwrights, essayists, editors, and novelists (P.E.N.) united to: promote mutual understanding and respect among countries; provide for the ‘‘unhampered transmission of thought’’ within and between nations; combat the suppression of freedom of expression; oppose arbitrary censorship and WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

the ‘‘evils’’ which often accompany a free press, such as deceptive publication and deliberate falsifications for political or personal gain. Operates museum. Publications: The Chinese Pen, Journal, quarterly; Index to the Chinese PEN Taiwan 1972-1997, Books, periodic; Winter Plum, Summer Glory: Index to the Chinese P.E.N. 1972-1992,

Tall Grass Writers Guild (TWG)

Text and Academic Authors Association (TAA)

7B-1050 Baxter Rd. Ottawa, K2C 3P1, Ontario, Canada E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1995 Number of Groups: 30, local Description: Poets, playwrights, essayists, editors, and novelists (P.E.N.) united to: promote mutual understanding and respect among countries; provide for the ‘‘unhampered transmission of thought’’ within and between nations; combat the suppression of freedom of expression; oppose arbitrary censorship and the ‘‘evils’’ which often accompany WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Travel Journalists Guild (TJG) PO Box 10643 Chicago, Illinois, 60610, United States URL: http://www.tjgonline.com/ Founded: 1980 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Independent travel writers who earn a substantial portion of their income by writing travel articles or books, selling travel photographs, or by lecturing and presenting travel films. Purpose is to improve working conditions for travel writers with regard to financial compensation for their work, retention of rights to published pieces, and travel opportunities for the purpose of research. Sponsors four to six research and writing trips per year. Publications: Guild Guide, monthly; Roster of Members, Directory, annual

Tu’isoso m The Tonga Chronicle PO Box 197 Nuku’alofa, Tonga Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Tongan branch of the Commonwealth Journalists Association. Journalists and broadcasters. Seeks to advance the practice of journalism, and to further the professional development of members. Facilitates exchange of information among members. Provides travel and legal assistance to journalists. Conducts educational programs.

U.S. Marine Corps Combat Correspondents Association (USMCCCA) 238 Cornwall Circle Chalfont, Pennsylvania, 18914-2318, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.usmccca.org Founded: 1941 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 20, regional; 20, local Description: Active duty, reserve, retired, and former Marines who served or are serving as reporters, still and motion picture photographers, radio and TV newscasters, TV and broadcast production people, artists and illustrators, and public relations and advertising practitioners or have similar civillan occupations in mass communications. Awards: Distinguished Performance Award, annual Publications: CC Membership Directory, annual; CC Newsletter, Newsletter, quarterly; Last to Know, First to Go, Book; U.S. Marine Corps Combat Correspondents Association—Annual Conference, Journal, annual

Ukrainian Guild of Agri-journalists Frunze St. 152, Apt. 146 Kiev, 04073, Ukraine E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ifaj.org Geographic Scope: National Description: Promotes agricultural journalism in Ukraine.

Union of Bulgarian Journalists Graf Ignatiev 4 1173

UNIONS

TNG Canada/CWA

a free press, such as deceptive publication and deliberate falsifications for political or personal gain. Operates museum.

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Univ. of South Florida 140 7th Ave., S St. Petersburg, Florida, 33701, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://taa.winona.msus.edu/TAA/ Founded: 1987 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Authors of text and academic materials as well as software authors, text editors, and other academic authors. Promotes professionalism among textbook authors; seeks to improve working conditions. Awards: Texty Excellence Award, annual; William Holmes McGuffey Longevity Award, annual Also Known As: Textbook Authors Association Publications: Academic Author, Newsletter, quarterly

UNIONS

PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

m Outrider Press 937 Patricia Crete, Illinois, 60417, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.outriderpress.com Founded: 1980 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 1, regional Description: Writers including individuals who write for publication or as a recreational pursuit. Seeks to promote personal and literary development of members. Facilitates communication among members. Sponsors formal readings; makes available leadership training opportunities; conducts writing development courses. Awards: Tall Grass Writers Guild Award, annual Also Known As: Feminist Writers Guild Publications: A Kiss is Still a Kiss, 2001, Book, annual; Alternatives, 1997, Book, annual; Earth Beneath, Sky Beyond—Nature and Our Planet, 2000, Book, annual; Feathers, Fins & Fur, 1999, Book, annual; Freedom’s Just Another Word, 1998, Book, annual; Prairie Hearts-Women View the Midwest, 1996, Book, annual Conventions/Meetings: semiannual Formal Themed Reading; annual Kick-Off Reading; monthly Open Mic Night

AND

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Sofia, BG-1000, Bulgaria Founded: 1955 Languages: English, Russian Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 175, local Description: Promotes and protects members’ professional and social interests.

Union of Bulgarian Writers pl Slaveikov 2A Sofia, BG-1000, Bulgaria Founded: 1913 Geographic Scope: National Description: Represents the interests of Bulgarian authors, dramatists, and critics. Publications: Balgarski Pisatel, weekly; Slaveiche, monthly

Union of Catholic Asian News (UCAN) PO Box 69626 Kwun Tong Hong Kong, People’s Republic of China E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ucanews.com Founded: 1979 Languages: Chinese, English, Indonesian, Japanese, Korean, Tamil, Vietnamese Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Organization of professional editorial staff and news correspondents in 30 countries and territories. Disseminates information about, and of interest to, the Catholic Church in Asia. Conducts training programs for correspondents. Offers computerized services. Awards: UCAN Reporting Awards, annual Publications: Diocesan Profiles Series, Bulletin, periodic

United Amateur Press (UAP) m Leanne Amery Rte. 3, Box 83 Liberty, North Carolina, 27298, United States Founded: 1967 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Serves as a literary society for amateur and professional writers. Provides a channel for writers to have their work published, including noncommercial material. Maintains library; sponsors competitions. Also Known As: United Amateur Press Association; United Amateur Press Association of America

United Nations Correspondents Association (UNCA) UNHQ Rm. 326 New York, New York, 10017, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://unca.com Founded: 1948 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Accredited United Nations press, radio, and television correspondents. Seeks to maintain the freedom and prestige of press, radio, and television correspondents in their relations with the UN. Protects the rights of bona fide correspondents to secure accreditation and unhindered access to the UN headquarters or regional offices, and to their normally available facilities, without discrimination. Awards: Dag Hammarskjold Memorial Scholarship Fund, annual; UNCA Prize for UN Coverage, annual 1174

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UNIONS

Publications: UNCA Membership Directory, annual

United States Harness Writers’ Association (USHWA) PO Box 10 Batavia, New York, 14021, United States E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1947 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 12, local Description: Writers, reporters, editors, broadcasters, columnists, and cartoonists who cover harness racing for the press. Seeks to further the interests of light harness racing. Maintains hall of fame and charitable program. Votes on national awards. Publications: U.S. Harness Writers’ Association— Newsletter, Newsletter, quarterly

West African Journalists Association House No. B816/12 Adom Villa North Ordorkor, Ghana E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.ujao.org Languages: English, French Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Journalists. Promotes freedom of the press; encourages high standards of ethics and practice among members. Represents members’ interests.

White House Correspondents’ Association (WHCA) 1067 National Press Bldg. Washington, DC, 20045, United States URL: http://www.whca.net Founded: 1914 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Washington, DC, newspaper, magazine, and television-radio correspondents engaged exclusively in news work. Awards: Aldo Beckman Award, annual; Edgar A. Poe Award, annual; Merriman Smith Award, annual

Wire Service Guild (WSG) m Local 31222 The Newspaper Guild/Communications Workers of America 1501 Broadway, Rm. 708 New York, New York, 10036, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.wsg.org Geographic Scope: National Description: Newspaper Guild/Communications Workers.

Women’s National Book Association (WNBA) 160 5th Ave. New York, New York, 10010, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.bookbuzz.com/wnba.htm Founded: 1917 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Number of Groups: 10, local Description: Women and men who work with and value books. Exists to promote reading and to support the role of women in the community of the book. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

Awards: Ann Heidbreder Eastman Grant; Lucile Micheels Pannell Award, annual; The WNBA Award, biennial Publications: The Bookwoman, 3/year

World Association of Women Journalists and Writers—Canada

World Bowling Writers (WBW)

m Don Bonhaus One Ballinswood Rd. Atlantic Highlands, New Jersey, 07716-1510, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.fijet.net Founded: 1954 Languages: English, French, Spanish Geographic Scope: Multinational Number of Groups: 40, regional Description: Travel journalists. Promotes professional advancement of members. Represents members’ interests; conducts educational programs; compiles statistics. Awards: Golden Apple, annual Publications: Vue Touristique Conventions/Meetings: annual World Congress and General Assembly

Writers-in-Exile Center, American Branch, International PEN Club m Clara Gyorgyey 42 Derby Ave. WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Writers Guild of America, East, Inc. (WGAE) 555 W. 57th St., Ste. 1230 New York, New York, 10019, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.wgaeast.org Founded: 1954 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Labor union for professional writers in motion pictures, television and radio. Provides script registration service for literary material. Awards: Outstanding Achievement in Broadcast News Graphics, annual; Outstanding Achievement in Television, Radio and Screenwriting Award, annual Publications: Writers Guild of America Membership Directory, Directory, biennial

Writers Guild of America, West (WGA) 7000 West Third St. Los Angeles, California, 90048-4000, United States URL: http://www.wga.org Founded: 1954 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Labor union for writers in the fields of motion pictures, television, cable, radio, and new technologies. Represents members in collective bargaining and other labor matters. Works to obtain adequate domestic and foreign copyright legislation and to promote better copyright relations between U.S. and other countries. Maintains Writers Guild Foundation to promote excellence in writing through seminars and library provisions of scripts and books on the entertainment industry written by guild members. Sponsors research programs; compiles statistics. Awards: Writers Guild, annual Also Known As: Radio Writers Guild; T.V. Writers Guild Publications: Writers Guild Directory, Directory, annual; Written By, Journal, monthly

Writers in Prison Committee of International P.E.N. (WIPC) 9/10 Charterhouse Bldgs. Goswell Rd. London, EC1M 7AT, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1960 Languages: English, French Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: A committee of International P.E.N. Seeks to secure the release from prison, house arrest, or confinement 1175

UNIONS

World Federation of Journalists and Travel Writers (FIJET)

Orange, Connecticut, 06477, United States E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1951 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Writers in exile from their native lands who are now living in the western hemisphere. Goals are global communication among writers and fight for freedom of expression. Activities include recitals and promotion of publishing and translation, especially from lesser known literatures. Publications: Writers-in-Exile Center, American Branch, International PEN, Newsletter, quarterly Conventions/Meetings: Borderless World/Literacy

AND

122 S. Michigan Ave, Ste. 1506 Chicago, Illinois, 60603, United States E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1977 Languages: English Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Individuals involved in the communications media who cover the bowling industry. Seeks to: inform members of developments in the sport of bowling worldwide; improve media coverage of bowling. Maintains hall of fame. Awards: Distinguished Service, annual; Gosta Zellen Golden Quill; Male and Female Bowler of the Year, annual Publications: Worldletter, Newsletter, monthly; Worldletter Plus, Newsletter, periodic

UNIONS

PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

3945 St. Martin Blvd. W Laval, Quebec, H7T 1B7, Canada E-mail: [email protected] Founded: 1969 Languages: English, French, Spanish Geographic Scope: Multinational Number of Groups: 1, regional Description: Journalist, writers, and communicators. Advocates communication and friendship among all the countries of the world. Encourages members to take advantage of opportunities in their professional fields. Supports the exchange of knowledge, ideas, experiences and cultural values. Attempts to enhance the professional status of women through biennial congresses, global and regional seminars and conferences. Works to increase the size of the organization to intensify the network among women communicators. Publications: Newsletter, Newsletter, semiannual

AND

Appendix 2: PRESS-RELATED ASSOCIATIONS, ORGANIZATIONS,

in a psychiatric institution of writers, journalists, translators, and publishers worldwide who have been detained for their writings or opinions. Works to ensure that imprisoned writers are treated well and given prompt, fair trials. Conducts letter-writing campaigns directed at authorities responsible for the imprisonment of writers; sends delegations to visit imprisoned writers; encourages members to ‘‘adopt’’ an imprisoned writer, work for their release, and publish and distribute their works. Conducts research. Publications: Centre to Centre, Newsletter, bimonthly; Writers in Prison Committee Report, semiannual

Writers and Scholars Educational Trust (WSET) Lancaster House 33 Islington High St. London, N1 9LH, United Kingdom Founded: 1971 Languages: English Geographic Scope: Multinational Description: Writers, scholars, journalists, teachers, artists, publishers, and human rights organizations who monitor and report on censorship worldwide. Collects timely information on writers, artists, and others who have been silenced through censorship, persecution, and other forms of repression or assassination. Conducts research and provides funding for the Index on Censorship published by Writers and Scholars International (see separate entry). Operates library and documentation center of books, press cuttings, and graphics; offers lectures, talks, and advice to arts centers; provides newspaper, television, and radio reporters with background information. Formerly part of WSI; became a separate organization in 1974.

AND

UNIONS

Publications: Literary Life, Newsletter, semiannual

Writers’ Union of Canada (TWUC) 40 Wellington St. E, 3rd Fl. Toronto, Ontario, M5E 1C7, Canada E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.writersunion.ca Founded: 1973 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Professional association of Canadian writers who have had a trade book published by a commercial or university press. Awards: Danuta Gleed Literary Award, annual; Postcard Story Competition, annual; Short Prose Competition for Developing Writers, annual; Writing for Children Competition, annual Publications: Anthology Rates and Contracts, Booklet; Contracts Self Help Package, Booklets; Incorporation for Writers, Booklet

Writers’ Union of Iceland (WUI) Gunnarshusi, Dyngjuvegi 8 Reykjavik, IS-104, Iceland E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.rsi.is Founded: 1974 Languages: Danish, English, Icelandic, Swedish Geographic Scope: National Description: Writers, poets, translators. Non-partisan body working to promote and defend the interests and freedom of writers in Iceland. Publications: Frettabref, Newsletter, periodic

Writers’ Trust of Canada 40 Wellington St. E, 3rd Fl. Toronto, Ontario, M5E 1C7, Canada E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.writerstrust.com Founded: 1976 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Canadian authors and supporters of Canadian literature. Aims to increase interest in and encourage the development of Canadian writers. Accepts and administers funds; supports the development of women and native North American writers; aids indigent writers. Collects and disseminates information; sponsors educational programs. Conducts lectures. Bestows awards. Awards: Bronwen Wallace Award, annual; Gordon Montodor Award, annual; Marian Engel Award, annual; Rogers Communications, annual; W.O. Mitchell Prize, annual Also Known As: Writers’ Development Trust

1176

Youth Editors Association of America (YEAA) m Bernadette Garcia 202 E Marcy St. Santa Fe, New Mexico, 87501, United States E-mail: [email protected] URL: http://www.naa.org/foundation/yeaa/index.html Founded: 1996 Languages: English Geographic Scope: National Description: Newspaper professionals engaged in the publishing of sections for or by youth. Promotes youth newspaper readership; seeks to increase interest among young people in journalism. Facilitates communication and cooperation among members; conducts journalism education and training programs for youth; provides support and services to youth editors. Awards: Writing Awards, annual Also Known As: Defunct Conventions/Meetings: annual Teenwork

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

THE WORLD’S 100 GREAT DAILIES This section contains two lists, the first arranged alphabetically and the second arranged by world region and country within the region. Based on readership, all have a circulation of over 500,000.

ALPHABETICAL (COUNTRY OF PUBLICATION IN PARENTHESES)

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

THE WORLD’S 100 GREAT DAILIES

Akhbar El Yom (Egypt) Al Ahram (Egypt) Al Akhbar (Egypt) Al Goumhouriya (Egypt) Asahi Shimbun (Japan) Beijing Wanbao (China) Bild (Germany) Central Daily News (Taiwan) Changjiang Ribao (China) Chicago Tribune (United States) China Times (Taiwan) Chosun Ilbo (South Korea) Chugoku Shimbun (Japan) Chunichi Shimbun (Japan) Clarin (Argentina) Corriere della Sera (Italy) Daily Express (United Kingdom) Daily Mail (United Kingdom) Daily Mirror (United Kingdom) Daily Record (United Kingdom) Daily Telegraph (United Kingdom) De Telegraf (Netherlands) Diario dos Campos (Brazil) Diario Insular (Portugal) Dong-A Ilbo (South Korea) Eleftherotypia (Greece) Gazeta Wyborcza (Poland) Gongren Ribao (China) Granma Internacional (Cuba) Guang Ming Ribao (China) Guangzhou Ribao (China) Hankook Ilbo (South Korea) Herald Sun (Australia)

Hochi Shimbun (Japan) Hokkaido Shimbun (Japan) Holos Ukrainy (Ukraine) Hubei Ribao (China) Hurriyet (Pakistan) Hurriyet (Turkey) Jang (Pakistan) Jang Daily (Pakistan) Jang Lahore (Pakistan) Jie Fang Ribao (China) Jiefangjun Ribao (China) Jingji Ribao (China) Joong-Ang Daily News (South Korea) Jornal da Tarde (Brazil) Kerala Kaumudi (India) Kobe Shimbun (Japan) Komsomolskaja Pravda (Russian Federation) Kyoto Shimbun (Japan) Kyung-Hyang Daily News (South Korea) La Gazzetta dello Sport (Italy) La Nacion (Argentina) La Repubblica (Italy) Los Angeles Times (United States) Mainichi Shimbun (Japan) Malayala Manorama (India) Moskovskiy Komsomolets (Russian Federation) Nanfang Ribao (China) Neue Kronen Zeitung (Austria) New York Daily News (United States) New York Times (United States) Nihon Keizai Shimbun (Japan) Nikkan Sports (Japan) Nishi-Nippon Shimbun (Japan) Nongmin Ribao (China) O Estado de Sao Paulo (Brazil) Oriental Daily News (Hong Kong) 1177

Appendix 2: THE WORLD’S 100 GREAT DAILIES

Ouest-France (France) Renmin Ribao (China) Rodong Sinmun (North Korea) Sabah (Turkey) Sankei Shimbun (Japan) Sankei Sports (Japan) Seoul Shinmun (South Korea) Shizuoka Shimbun (Japan) Sichuan Ribao (China) Sports Nippon (Japan) Sun (United Kingdom) Thai Rath (Thailand) The Daily Star (United Kingdom) The Times (United Kingdom) Times of India (India) Tokyo Shimbun (Japan) Trybuna Slaska (Poland) United Daily News (Taiwan) USA Today (United States) Verdens Gang (Norway) Wall Street Journal (United States) Washington Post (United States) Wen Hui Bao Daily (China) Xin Hua Ribao (China) Xin Min Wan Bao (China) Yangcheng Wanbao (China) Yomiuri Shimbun (Japan) Zeitungsgruppe WAZ (Germany) Zero Hora (Brazil) Zhejiang Ribao (China) Zhongguo Qingnian Ribao (China)

BY REGION Africa Akhbar El Yom (Egypt) Al Ahram (Egypt) Al Akhbar (Egypt) Al Goumhouriya (Egypt)

Yangcheng Wanbao (China) Zhejiang Ribao (China) Zhongguo Qingnian Ribao (China) Oriental Daily News (Hong Kong) Kerala Kaumudi (India) Malayala Manorama (India) Times of India (India) Asahi Shimbun (Japan) Chugoku Shimbun (Japan) Chunichi Shimbun (Japan) Hochi Shimbun (Japan) Hokkaido Shimbun (Japan) Kobe Shimbun (Japan) Kyoto Shimbun (Japan) Mainichi Shimbun (Japan) Nihon Keizai Shimbun (Japan) Nikkan Sports (Japan) Nishi-Nippon Shimbun (Japan) Sankei Shimbun (Japan) Sankei Sports (Japan) Shizuoka Shimbun (Japan) Sports Nippon (Japan) Tokyo Shimbun (Japan) Yomiuri Shimbun (Japan) Rodong Sinmun (North Korea) Chosun Ilbo (South Korea) Dong-A Ilbo (South Korea) Hankook Ilbo (South Korea) Joong-Ang Daily News (South Korea) Kyung-Hyang Daily News (South Korea) Seoul Shinmun (South Korea) Hurriyet (Pakistan) Jang (Pakistan) Jang Daily (Pakistan) Jang Lahore (Pakistan) Central Daily News (Taiwan) China Times (Taiwan) United Daily News (Taiwan)

East & South Asia Beijing Wanbao (China) Changjiang Ribao (China) Gongren Ribao (China) Guang Ming Ribao (China) Guangzhou Ribao (China) Hubei Ribao (China) Jie Fang Ribao (China) Jiefangjun Ribao (China) Jingji Ribao (China) Nanfang Ribao (China) Nongmin Ribao (China) Renmin Ribao (China) Sichuan Ribao (China) Wen Hui Bao Daily (China) Xin Hua Ribao (China) Xin Min Wan Bao (China) 1178

Europe Neue Kronen Zeitung (Austria) Ouest-France (France) Bild (Germany) Zeitungsgruppe WAZ (Germany) Eleftherotypia (Greece) Corriere della Sera (Italy) La Gazzetta dello Sport (Italy) La Repubblica (Italy) De Telegraf (Netherlands) Verdens Gang (Norway) Gazeta Wyborcza (Poland) Trybuna Slaska (Poland) Diario Insular (Portugal) Holos Ukrainy (Ukraine) Daily Express (United Kingdom) WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Appendix 2: THE WORLD’S 100 GREAT DAILIES

Daily Mail (United Kingdom) Daily Mirror (United Kingdom) Daily Record (United Kingdom) Daily Telegraph (United Kingdom) Sun (United Kingdom) The Daily Star (United Kingdom) The Times (United Kingdom)

Middle East Hurriyet (Turkey) Sabah (Turkey)

North & Central America Granma Internacional (Cuba) Chicago Tribune (United States) Los Angeles Times (United States) New York Daily News (United States) New York Times (United States) USA Today (United States)

Wall Street Journal (United States) Washington Post (United States)

Oceania Herald Sun (Australia)

Russia Komsomolskaja Pravda (Russian Federation) Moskovskiy Komsomolets (Russian Federation)

South America Clarin (Argentina) La Nacion (Argentina) Diario dos Campos (Brazil) Jornal da Tarde (Brazil) O Estado de Sao Paulo (Brazil) Zero Hora (Brazil)

Southeast Asia Thai Rath (Thailand)

THE WORLD’S 100 GREAT DAILIES

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

1179

APPENDIX 3 COUNTRIES

BY

REGION

REGIONAL MAPS

COUNTRIES

BY

REGION

Cambodia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Southeast Asia Cameroon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Canada . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .North & Central America Cape Verde . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Cayman Islands . . . . . . . . . . .North & Central America Central African Republic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Chad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Chile . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .South America China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .East & South Asia Christmas Island . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania Colombia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .South America Comoros . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Congo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Cook Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania Costa Rica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .North & Central America Côte d’Ivoire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Croatia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Cuba . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .North & Central America Cyprus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Middle East Czech Republic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe

B Bahamas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .North & Central America Bahrain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Middle East Bangladesh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .East & South Asia Barbados . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .South America Belarus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Belgium . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Belize . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .North & Central America Benin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Bermuda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .North & Central America Bhutan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .East & South Asia Bolivia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .South America Bosnia and Herzegovina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Botswana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Brazil . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .South America British Virgin Islands . . .Puerto Rico & Lesser Antilles Brunei . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania Bulgaria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Burkina Faso . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Burundi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

D Democratic Congo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Denmark . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Djibouti . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Dominica . . . . . . . . . . . .Puerto Rico & Lesser Antilles Dominican Republic . . . . . . .North & Central America

E East Timor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .East & South Asia Ecuador . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .South America Egypt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa El Salvador . . . . . . . . . . . . . .North & Central America Equatorial Guinea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Eritrea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa

1183

REGION

Afghanistan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .East & South Asia Albania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Algeria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa American Samoa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania Andorra . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Angola . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Anguilla . . . . . . . . . . . . .Puerto Rico & Lesser Antilles Antigua and Barbuda . . .Puerto Rico & Lesser Antilles Argentina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .South America Armenia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Middle East Aruba . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Puerto Rico & Lesser Antilles Australia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania Austria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Azerbaijan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Middle East

BY

C

COUNTRIES

A

APPENDIX 3: COUNTRIES

BY

REGION

Estonia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Ethiopia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa

F Faeroe Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Falkland Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .South America Fiji . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania Finland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe France . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe French Guiana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .South America French Polynesia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania

G Gabon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Gambia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Gaza Strip and West Bank . . . . . . . . . . . . .Middle East Georgia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .East & South Asia Germany . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Ghana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Gibraltar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Greece . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Greenland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .North & Central America Grenada . . . . . . . . . . . . .Puerto Rico & Lesser Antilles Guadeloupe . . . . . . . . . .Puerto Rico & Lesser Antilles Guam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania Guatemala . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .North & Central America Guernsey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Guinea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Guinea-Bissau . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Guyana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .South America

H Haiti . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .North & Central America Honduras . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .North & Central America Hong Kong . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .East & South Asia Hungary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe

I Iceland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .East & South Asia Indonesia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Southeast Asia Iran . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Middle East Iraq . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Middle East Ireland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Isle of Man . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Israel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Middle East Italy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe

J Jamaica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .North & Central America Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .East & South Asia Jersey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Jordan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Middle East 1184

K Kazakhstan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .East & South Asia Kenya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Kiribati . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania Kuwait . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Middle East Kyrgyzstan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .East & South Asia

L Lao . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Southeast Asia Latvia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Lebanon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Middle East Lesotho . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Liberia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Libyan Arab Jamahiriya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Liechtenstein . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Lithuania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Luxembourg . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe

M Macau . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .East & South Asia Macedonia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Madagascar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Malawi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Malaysia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Southeast Asia Maldives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .East & South Asia Mali . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Malta . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Marshall Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania Martinique . . . . . . . . . . .Puerto Rico & Lesser Antilles Mauritania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Mauritius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Mayotte . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Mexico . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .North & Central America Micronesia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania Moldova . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Monaco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Mongolia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .East & South Asia Montserrat . . . . . . . . . . .Puerto Rico & Lesser Antilles Morocco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Mozambique . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Myanmar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Southeast Asia

N Namibia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Nauru . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania Nepal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .East & South Asia Netherlands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Netherlands Antilles . . . .Puerto Rico & Lesser Antilles New Caledonia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania New Zealand . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania Nicaragua . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .North & Central America Niger . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Nigeria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

APPENDIX 3: COUNTRIES

Norfolk Island . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania North Korea (Democratic) . . . . . . . .East & South Asia Northern Mariana Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania Norway . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe

O Oman . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Middle East

P Pakistan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .East & South Asia Palau . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania Panama . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .North & Central America Papua New Guinea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania Paraguay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .South America Peru . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .South America Philippines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Southeast Asia Pitcairn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania Poland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Portugal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Puerto Rico . . . . . . . . . . .Puerto Rico & Lesser Antilles

Q Qatar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Middle East

R

S

T Taiwan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .East & South Asia Tajikistan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .East & South Asia Tanzania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Thailand . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Southeast Asia Togo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Tokelau . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania Tonga . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania Trinidad and Tobago . . . .Puerto Rico & Lesser Antilles Tunisia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Turkey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Middle East Turkmenistan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .East & South Asia Turks and Caicos Islands . . . .North & Central America Tuvalu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania

U Uganda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Ukraine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe United Arab Emirates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Middle East United Kingdom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe United States . . . . . . . . . . . . .North & Central America Uruguay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .South America U.S . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Virgin Islands Puerto Rico & Lesser Antilles Uzbekistan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .East & South Asia

V Vanuatu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania Vatican City State . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Venezuela . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .South America Vietnam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Southeast Asia

W Wallis and Futuna Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania Western Sahara . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa

Y Yemen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Middle East

Z Zambia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Zimbabwe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa

1185

REGION

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Spain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Sri Lanka . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .East & South Asia Sudan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Suriname . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .South America Swaziland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Sweden . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Switzerland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Syrian Arab Republic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Middle East

BY

Saint Helena . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Saint Kitts and Nevis . . .Puerto Rico & Lesser Antilles Saint Lucia . . . . . . . . . . .Puerto Rico & Lesser Antilles Saint Pierre and Miquelon . . .North & Central America Saint Vincent and the Grenadines .Puerto Rico & Lesser Antilles Samoa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania San Marino . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Sao Tome and Principe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Saudi Arabia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Middle East Senegal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Serbia and Montenegro . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Seychelles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Sierra Leone . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Singapore . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Southeast Asia Slovakia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Slovenia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Solomon Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oceania Somalia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa South Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa South Korea (Republic) . . . . . . . . . .East & South Asia

REGION

COUNTRIES

Réunion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa Romania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Europe Russian Federation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Russia Rwanda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Africa

BY

1186

30°

400

600

800 Miles

20°

10°

Malabo

0°

São Tomé

Bangui

10°

ha r

Birao

Cape Town

Lüderitz

Walvis Bay

Windhoek

N AM IBIA

Benguela

ANGOLA

Luanda

Brazzaville

BOTSWANA

Maseru

Port Elizabeth

S OUTH AFR ICA

Oran

Pretoria Maputo

40°

Channel

Îles Europa (FRANCE)

Mahajanga

Toliara

50°

MADAGASCAR

Rodrigues I. (MAURITIUS)

Cargados Carajos Shoals (MAURITIUS)

60°

Tropic of Capricorn

MAURITIUS

Port Louis Réunion (FRENCH AFRICAN DEPENDENCY)

St.-Denis

Tromelin (FRANCE)

Victoria

OCEAN

INDIAN

SEYCHELLES

Antsiranana

Dzaoudzi

en

Equator

d of A

Îles Glorieuses (FRANCE)

Mogadishu

Antananarivo

Mayotte (FRANCE)

Juan de Nova (FRANCE)

Moroni

COMOROS

Mafia I.

Mozambique Bassas da India (FRANCE)

SWAZILAND LESOTHO

30°

Nampula

Pemba I.

Erigavo

Gulf

SOMALIA

Zanzibar I.

MOZAMBIQUE

Inhambane

Bulawayo

Mbabane

Johannesburg

Gaborone

Harare

Lilongwe

ZIMBABWE

Lusaka

Z AM BIA

Kitwe

Lake Malawi

Dar es Salaam

MALAWI

Mbala

Nairobi

KENYA

Lake Turkana

TANZANIA

BURUNDI

Djibouti

ETHIOPIA

DJIBOUTI

ERITREA

Asmara

Addis Ababa

Lake Victoria

Bujumbura

RWANDA

Lake Tanganyika

Lubumbashi

Muhembo

Mavinga

Lucapa

Kananga

Port Sudan

Aswan ¯

Suez Canal

UGANDA

Kampala

Kigali

Kisangani

DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF Kinshasa THE CONGO

ire Za o ) o ng (C

Lake Albert

Juba

SUDAN

Khartoum

le Ni

Lake Nasser

EGYPT

Cairo

Alexandria

Nyala

CENTRAL AFRICA REPUBLIC

REPUBLIC Libreville OF THE GABON CONGO

Bata

Yaoundé

ANGOLA (Cabinda)

Annobón (EQ. GUINEA)

SÃO TOMÉ & PRÍNCIPE

e nu

Douala

Be

CAMEROON

Abuja

Bousso

ip

ge

30°

200

0 200 400 600 800 Kilometers

0

St. Helena (UK)

OCEAN

Lomé

EQUATORIAL GUINEA

Accra

ATLANTIC

AFRICA

Ascension (UK)

Abidjan

Maiduguri

NIGERIA

Kano

N'Djamena

Lake Chad

Str

Al Jawf

Tobruk

Za mb ezi

20°

10°

0°

Monrovia

Yamoussoukro

PortoNovo

BENIN

TOGO CÔTE D'IVOIRE GHANA

Yagaba

FASO

Zinder

CHAD

Faya-Largeau

ou

i

LIBERIA

Freetown

BURKINA

Niamey

Agadez

NIGER

Aoz

Tajarhi

LIBYA

C

SIERRA LEONE

Conakry

er

Ouagadougou

Ni g

Tombouctou

MALI

Tripoli

i le eN Blu hite W le Ni

10°

Néma

Bamako

THE Banjul GAMBIA Bissau GUINEAGUINEA BISSAU

SENEGAL

Dakar

Nouakchott

Tamanrasset

Tunis

TUNISIA

a

Praia

Chegga

MAURITANIA

Semara

Algiers

ALGERIA

Oran

Se

CAPE VERDE

Marrakesh

Rabat

MOROCCO

10°

d Re

20°

(Occupied by Morocco)

WESTERN SAHARA

Canary Is. (SPAIN)

Madeira Is. (PORTUGAL)

Tropic of Cancer

30°

20°

70°

30°

20°

10°

0°

10°

20°

APPENDIX 3: REGIONAL MAPS

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

APPENDIX 3: REGIONAL

Furmanovo

Lake Baikal

Köshetau

Sapporo

Yichun

Astana

MAPS

Caspian

KAZAKSTAN

Sea

yr

S

a r'y

UZBEKISTAN

Dalandzadgad

TURKMENISTAN Tashkent KYRGYSTAN Ashkhabad Tejen Dushanbe Kashi

JAMMU AND KASHMIR

Saindak

g Hu an

East

Xi'an

C H I N A

Gu

Pasni

lf

Om

s

Lhasa

Delhi Ga n

of

New Delhi

an

NEPAL s

Surat

Kathmandu ¯ ¯

INDIA

Arabian

BHUTAN

Fuzhou

TAIWAN Macau (PORT.)

Gengma

MYANMAR

Haikou Hainan

Akyab

Bay

Hong Kong (CHINA)

Philippine Sea

Yangon

South

of Bengal

China Sea

REGIONAL MAPS

Bangalore

T'aipai

n g shui

BANGLADESH Bhamo Dhaka

Chandrapur

10°

e

Dibrugarh

Thimphu

Calcutta

Kri sh a n

z Ya ngt

Ho

ge

Lakhpat

Sea

China Sea

Wuhan

PAKISTAN u In d

Hiroshima

SOUTH KOREA Golmud

Kabul ¯ ¯ ¯ Islamabad

Kyoto Osaka

Seoul

Beijing

Hami

AFGHANISTAN Zaranj

NORTH Tokyo KOREA Japan P'yongyang ˘

M ONG OLIA

Almaty (Alma-Ata)

TAJIKISTAN

Sea JAPAN of

Ulaanbaatar Zaysan

Lake Balkash

Da

Aral Sea

Kokkilai

Colombo 0°

SRI LANKA

MALDIVES Male Black Sea

Sinop

INDIAN

Baku

TURKEY

10°

Caspian Sea

Gaziantep Mediterranean Nicosia Sea SY R IA CYPRUS LEBANON Damascus

OCEAN

Beirut Jerusalem

ISRAEL

250

0 0

250

500

750

IRAQ

1,000 Miles

0 80°

Kuwait r

KUWAIT sian BAHRAIN Gulf Manama QATAR Riyadh

Doha

250

500 Miles

Ash Sharawrah

90° 0

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Khorramshahr

ARABIA

500 750 1000 Kilometers

70°

Baghdad ¯

S A U DI

MIDDLE EAST 60°

IRAN

'Amman ¯

JORDAN Al A'sad

EAST & SOUTH ASIA

Mashdad Tehran ¯

Pe

20°

30°

AZERBAIJAN

Ankara

250

500 Kilometers

San'a ¸ ¯

YEMEN

Abu Dhabi Muscat

U.A.E.

OM AN

20°

Dawkah Arabian Sea

60°

1187

APPENDIX 3: REGIONAL MAPS

30°

20°

0°

10°

10°

20°

40°

Hammerfest

Greenland Sea

Murmansk

Narvik Kiruna Arctic C ir cle

ICELAND Reykjavik

Arkhangel'sk

Norwegian

Oulu

hn

ia

Sea lf o fB

Trondheim

FINLAND

Gu

60°

SWEDEN

Faroe Islands (DENMARK)

ot

Umeä Tórshavn

Tampere

NORWAY Shetland Islands

Dublin

Gotland

Öland

DENMARK

København (Copenhagen)

Amsterdam London Brussels

l an ne

BELGIUM

Le Havre

OCEAN

Leipzig

Stuttgart

Strasbourg

AUSTRIA

Zürich

FRANCE

tic a

Sofia Skopje

Tirana

Salonika

Naples

GREECE

Tyrrhenian Corfu

Sea

Balearic Islands

BULGARIA

ALBANIA MACEDONIA

VATICAN CITY Sardinia

Aegean

Ioánnina

Sea

Sevilla Málaga

Black Sea

Varna

SERBIA

Podgorica

Rome

Constanta ¸

Belgrade

MONTENEGRO Pristina˘

Se

Barcelona

Bucharest

e

Sarajevo

ia

ITALY Corsica

SPAIN

SENEGAL Dakar

dr

Madrid

Lisbon

Florence

Marseille

ANDORRA

PORTUGAL

Praia

MONACO

Dan

ub

SAN MARINO

Odesa

ROMANIA

Pécs

Zagreb

CROATIA BOSNIA & HERZEGOVINA

Venice

A

Oporto Canary Islands

Ljubljana

Milan

Lyon

Genoa

4 0°

SLOVENIA

SWITZERLAND

Geneva Bordeaux

MOLDOVA

Cluj-Napoca

HUNGARY

Graz

ro

Chisinau ˘ ¸

Budapest

LIECHTENSTEIN

Bern

SLOVAKIA Bratislava

Vienna

Munich

Dn ip

UKRAINE

Kraków

CZECH REPUBLIC

Kharkiv

Kiev Rivne

Prague

Frankfurt

Paris

Bilbao

Warsaw

Wroclaw

Bonn

Nantes

Ponta Delgada

´ Poznan

GERMANY

LUXEMBOURG

i Se

ne

Bay of Biscay

Minsk

BELARUS Homyel'

POLAND

Berlin Hannover

es

Guernsey (UK) Jersey (UK)

Vilnius

Kaliningrad

Rostock Hamburg

in Rhe

English C h

ATLANTIC

RUSSIA ´ Gdansk

NETHERLANDS

Th am

Vitsyebsk

LITHUANIA

Bornholm (DENMARK)

Irish Sea

Cardiff

Moscow

Riga

LATVIA

Ba

Sea

ltic

Göteborg

Liverpool

50°

Se a

North

–

Isle of Man (UK)

RUSSIA

ESTONIA

Stockholm

Newcastle upon Tyne

Belfast

St. Petersburg Åland Islands Tallinn

Oslo

UNITED KINGDOM IRELAND

Gävle

Bergen

Orkney Islands

Outer Hebrides

Helsinki

Mediterranean

Patras

Palermo

Sea

Sicily

Gibraltar (UK)

Peloponnesus

Sea

Rhodes

Crete

MALTA 10°

Athens

Ionian

20°

30° Bering Strait

60°

70°

80°

ircle Arctic C

0°

Chukchi Sea

80°

ARCTIC

60° Anadyrskiy Zaliv

OCEAN East Siberian Sea

170°

Bering Sea

Anadyr'

180°

New Siberian Is.

Barents Sea

Severnaya Zemiya

Murmansk Novaya Zemiya

Vorkuta Khanty Manisysk

R U S S I A

160°

Sea of Okhotsk

Mirnyy

Al

Sakhalin

na a

Komsomol'sk

v

Khabarovsk

Ozero Baykal

Bratsk

o li

Tomsk

Angar

Pr

ey

Tuapse

is

ysh

r ta Ta

'

b

I rt

Yekaterinburg

Ye n

Kam a

O

Black Sea

lg a Vo

Yakutsk n

Kirov

400 Kilometers Don

200

Verkhoyansk Magadan

na

Le

Moscow

0

Noril'sk

Ob '

400 Miles

Tiksi

Arkhangel'sk Le

200

0

St. Petersburg Smolensk

da

RUSSIA

EUROPE

PACIFIC OCEAN

Laptev Sea

Kara Sea

Krasnoyarsk Caspian

RUSSIA

Sea

0

250

Novokuznetsk

Chita Nakhodka

500 Miles

0 250 500 Kilometers

1188

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

APPENDIX 3: REGIONAL

160°

120° 100°

140°

MAPS

60°

80°

° 80

g Berin

S

it tr a

Qaanaaq

Beaufort

20° Denmark Strait

QUEEN ELIZABETH ISLAND

Nome

UNITED YuSTATES

GREENLAND (DENMARK)

Uummannaq

60°

Ellesmere I.

ARCTIC OCEAN

Ammassalik

Baffin Bay

Sea

Banks I.

ko

n

Fairbanks

ic ct Ar ircle C

Victoria I. Baffin I. Eagle

Anchorage

Great Bear Lake

M

ie kenz ac

Kodiak Kodiak I. Whitehorse

Lake Harbour

Echo Bay

Yellowknife Juneau

Labrador Sea

Rankin Inlet

Great Slave Lake

Hay River

Hudson Bay

Lake Athabasca

Peace

Queen Charlotte I.

40°

Southampton I.

Gulf of Alaska

Nuuk

Davis Strait

Inukjuak

Island of Newfoundland

Kuujjuarapik

CANADA

Peawanuck

St. Pierre and Miquelon (FRANCE) Charlottetown

Gulf of St. Lawrence

Saskatoon

Fredricton

Thunder Bay

Winnipeg

Lake Superior

Montréal

Ottawa

Missouri

Augusta

Portland Toronto

Helena Minneapolis

Omaha Denver

do ra lo Co

Las Vegas

OCEAN

Arkan

Santa Fe

Little Rock

Phoenix

OCEAN

de an Gr

ia

250

500

750

120°

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Is. (UK)

Andros I.

Great Inagua

Havana

Yuc atá n

Guadalajara

20°

Matanzas CUBA HAITI Cienfuegos Santiago Port-au Isle of Youth de Cuba Prince

Veracruz

Belmopan

GUATEMALA Guatemala City

1000 Miles

San Salvador

500 Kilometers

C

JAMAICA

Mexico City

Puebla Acapulco

Mérida

el nn ha

0

750

Nassau Turks and Caicos

Pinar del Rio

Tampico

500

BAHAMAS

o

n or lif

Gulf of Mexico

Monterrey

Durango

NORTH & CENTRAL AMERICA, BAHAMAS & GREATER ANTILLES

Grand Bahama Freeport

Miami

Corpus Christi

Mazatlán

250

Daytona Beach

New Orleans

Houston

Ri

Ca

MEXICO

La Paz

0

Charleston

Pensacola

Chihuahua

de

er

20°

Atlanta

Dallas

l fo

Canc

ATLANTIC

Memphis

Nogales

Gu

of

Bermuda (UK)

Norfolk

sas

El Paso

Tro pic

Baltimore

Washington D.C.

Louisville

STATES

Los Angeles San Diego

St. Louis

Topeka

New York

ippi

PACIFIC

Lake Ontario

Harrisburg

Lansing Chicago Columbus

siss

San Francisco

UNITED

° 40 60°

Boston

BELIZE

Santo Domingo Kingston DOMINICAN REPUBLIC

Caribbean

HONDURAS Tegucigalpa

Sea

NICARAGUA Managua

Lago de Nicaragua

Panama EL SALVADOR San José COSTA RICA PANAMA

100°

1189

REGIONAL MAPS

Sn e ak Great Salt Lake City Salt Lake

Lake Erie

Lake Huron

Lake Michigan

io

Boise

Oh

°

Mis

40

Halifax

ce

Québec

Regina

Seattle

aw ren

Vancouver

Victoria

Waskaganish

Lake Winnipeg

Calgary

.L

Vancouver

140°

St

Columbia

130°

w

MYANMAR

LAOS

THAILAND Bangkok Dawei

CAMBODIA

General Santos

a

M c ac al

Tarakan

Sibu

SU

Manado

A

E C

S

Buru

INDIAN OCEAN

JAVA

Bandung

I N D O N E S I A Semarang

Le

10°

100°

Jayapura

NEW GUINEA

Ambon

Greater Sunda Islands

Jakarta

Sorong

A

Ma

S BE

CC

LE

ka

A

Billiton

0°

LU

TR

Samarinda

Bangka

MO

M

BORNEO Pontianak

Palembang

OCEAN

Se

of

Padang

PACIFIC

Celebes Sea

M A L A Y S I A Singapore SINGAPORE

MINDINAO

e

it

Equator

0°

Puerto Princesa

Kuala Lumpur

a

Nlar

1000 Kilometers

10°

in

ra

Medan

PHILIPPINES

pp

St

BRUNEI

750

Naga

Bandar Seri Begawan

Kota Baharu

500

1,000 Miles

750

ili

Phuket

Ho Chi Minh City

250

500

Ph

Gulf of Thailand

0

Manila

South China Sea

Phnom Penh

Kawthaumg

10°

LUZON

VIETNAM

250

0

Laoag

Muang Xépôn

Dig

PAPUA NEW GUINEA

Bali

sse

110°

Timor

Kupang Sumba r Su nda Islands

Port Moresby

Arafura Sea

Timor Sea

130°

10°

140°

180°

160°

140°

ul

Pathein

20°

Vientiane

Chiang Mai

Yangon

150°

SOUTHEAST ASIA

Haiphong

rS tra it

20°

140°

Hanoi

ssa

I rra

a dd

y

APPENDIX 3: REGIONAL MAPS

150°

160°

140°

Midway Is. (US) Tropic of Cancer

Guguan

PH

Philippine Sea Manila

ILI

Bikini Atoll

Guam (US)

PACIFIC OCEAN

IN ES

Arno Atoll

Pohnepi Is.

Yap Is.

Palikir

Koror

Kosrae Is.

FEDERATED STATES OF MICRONESIA

I N D O N E S I A

Yaren

Bismark Sea

New Guinea

Port Moresby

Santa Cruz Is. Honiara

Timor Sea

Darwin

Coral Sea Cairns

Derby

Baker I. (US)

SAMOA

WALLIS

Vanua Levu Veti Levu

PortVila

FUTUNA

Niue

Suva

M

ur

120°

1190

Tahiti 20°

FRENCH POLYNESIA

Tropic of Cancer

Îles de Bass

Norfolk Island (AUSTRALIA)

Tasmania Hobart

North I.

Auckland

Tasman Sea

ray

PITCAIRN ISLANDS (U.K.)

Kermadec Is.

Lord Howe I.

NEW ZEALAND

Wellington

Internaional Date Line

Da

ng rli

South Australian

INDIAN OCEAN

Cook Is.

Islands administered by New Zealand

Nuku'alofa

Sydney Canberra

Basin

AMERICAN SAMOA

TONGA

POLYNESIA Brisbane

Yalata

0°

Marquesas Is.

Apia

AUSTRALIA Perth

Equator

TOKELAU IS. Funafuti FIJI

VANUATU

Kiritimati Jarvis I. (US)

KIRIBATI

TUVALU

NEW CALEDONIA

Alice Springs

Tabuaeran

Howland I. (US)

Tarawa

SOLOMON ISLANDS

PAPUA-NEW GUINEA

Palmyra Atoll (US)

Majuro Tarawa

NAURU

20°

HAWAIIAN

Hawaii ISLANDS (U.S.)

Johnston Atoll (US)

MARSHALL ISLANDS

Truk Is.

Babelthuap

MALAYSIA

Kauai Honolulu Oahu Maui

Wake I. (US)

Anatahan Tinian Saipan Rota

REPUBLIC OF PALAU

PP BRUNEI

NORTHERN MARIANA IS.

OCEANIA 500

0

1,000 Miles 40°

0

500

1000 Kilometers

South I. Dunedin

140°

160° Stewart I.

180°

160°

140°

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

APPENDIX 3: REGIONAL

80°

ST. LUCIA 60° ST. VINCENT AND BARBADOS THE GRENADINES GRENADA

Caribbean Sea Barranquilla

Caracas Orino

ATLANTIC

co

Ciudad Guayana

OCEAN

Georgetown Paramaribo

VENEZUELA

GUYANA

Medellín

Bogotá

Cayenne

French Guiana SURINAME (FRANCE)

Cali

Malpelo I. (COLOMBIA)

40°

TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO

Maracaibo

San Cristóbal

MAPS

COLOMBIA Mitú

Macapá

Quito

Equator

N

eg

ro

ECUADOR

0°

Guayaquil

A

Iquitos

a zo Am

Manaus

n

0°

Belém São Luís

Santarém

m a zo n

Fortaleza

Teresina

ins

Tocant

U ca

ñó n ara M

li ya

Trujillo

Natal

BRAZIL

Pôrto Velho Rio Branco

ngu

Lago Titicaca

Xi

BOLIVIA

Ica

Trinidad

Salvador

Brasília

Cuiabá

La Paz

Arequipa

Aracajú

São

Cusco

Franc isc o

PERU Lima

Recife

Juàzeiro

Goiânia

Cochabamba Santa Cruz

Sucre

Arica

Belo Horizonte á

Vitória

PACIFIC

Caprico rn

Florianópolis

á

CHILE

Tropic of

Curitiba

San Miguel de Tucumán Resistencia

20°

Rio de Janeiro

Asunción

OCEAN Isla San Ambrosio (CHILE)

r Pa

São Paulo

Antofagasta

Isla San Félix (CHILE)

an

PARAGUAY

Córdoba

REGIONAL MAPS

Paran

20°

Pôrto Alegre Salto

Rosario

Valparaíso

Santiago Isla Juan Fernández (CHILE) 80°

URUGUAY

Mendoza

Buenos Aires

San Juan

Virgin Is. (US) Puerto Rico Netherlands (US) Antilles (NETH) ST. KITTS AND NEVIS Basseterre

60˚ St. Martin (FR and NETH) St. Barthélemy ANTIGUA AND BARBUDA

St. John's Guadeloupe Montserrat (UK) Basse-Terre (FR) DOMINICA Roseau Martinique (FR) Fort-de-France Castries

ST. LUCIA

ATLANTIC Mar del Plata

Bahía Blanca Anguilla (UK) 65˚ British Virgin Is. (UK)

Montevideo

ARGENTINA

Concepción

Puerto Montt Rawson

SOUTH AMERICA

15°

Comodoro Rivadavia

0

50

100 Miles

Port-of-Spain

250

0

Bridgetown Kingston BARBADOS ST. VINCENT AND THE GRENADINES GRENADA & St. George's

0

0

TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO 10˚

250

500 Miles

500 Kilometers

Stanley Punta Arenas

Estrecho de Magallanes

Falkland Islands (UK)

Ushuaia South Georgia (UK)

50 100 Kilometers

60°

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

40°

15°

Cari bbean Sea

PUERTO RICO LESSER ANTILLES

OCEAN

40°

20°

1191

INDEX Each page citation is preceded by its volume designation (1 or 2). Citations in boldface point the user to individual country essays, while citations in italicized type refer to graphics.

7 Dni (Bulgaria), 1:138

A

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

1193

INDEX

A. Derkach media group (Ukraine), 2:989 A. McKim Directory of Newspapers, 1:151 A Capital (Portugal), 2:752 A Semana (Cape Verde), 1:167 A Vox Africana (Mozambique), 1:632 Aafathis (Maldives), 1:601 Aalam (Kyrgyzstan), 1:544 Aamulehti (Finland), 1:306 AAP. See Australian Associated Press Aargauer Zeitung (Switzerland), 2:904 Aarhus Stiftstidende (Denmark), 1:255 ABA (Australian Broadcasting Authority), 1:48 Abaco Journal (Bahamas), 1:73 Abacus (Namibia), 2:639 ABC. See Australian Broadcasting Corporation ABC (Spain), 2:866–869, 872, 874 ABC Television (Australia), 1:51–52 ABCB (Australian Broadcasting Control Board), 1:49 Abd al-Aziz, 2:801 Abdullah, Mohad Eunos b., 1:590–591 Abdullah (Prince of Saudi Arabia), 2:801 Abdullah II (King of Jordan), 1:513–515 ABI (Brazilian Press Association), 1:124 Abidjan Net, 1:221 Ablyazov, Muktar, 1:518 Abolitionist newspapers, 2:1027–1030, 1036 Aboriginal Broadcasting Unit, 1:52 Aboriginal media, 1:48–49, 51–52, 2:658 ABT (Australian Broadcasting Tribunal), 1:50–51 Abu Dabi Official Gazette, 2:998 Abu-Allan, Husam, 1:479 Abu-Haykal, Lu’ay, 1:479 Abumohor, Carlos, 1:175 Acadian Magazine, 1:158 Accesite (France), 1:320 Access Mexico Connect, 1:615 The Accra Evening News (Ghana), 1:369 The Accra Herald (Ghana), 1:368

Accrediting Council on Education in Journalism and Mass Communications (ACEJMC), 2:1054 Aceituno, Enrique, 1:396 Ach Chourouk (Tunisia), 2:958 Achabaka (Lebanon), 1:559 Achebe, Chinua, 2:679 ACN (Alpha Communications Network), Haiti, 1:416 Act on the Freedom of the Press (Finland), 1:309 L’Action (Tunisia), 2:958 Actual (Angola), 1:16–17 Acuña, Alejandra Matus, 1:180 Ad Dustour (Jordan), 1:515 Ad hoc balancing of interests, First Amendment principles, 2:1038 ADAC-Motorwelt (Germany), 1:358 Adalat (Turkmenistan), 2:972, 974 Adamkus, Valdas, 1:576 Adams, John, 2:1036 Addis Zemen (Ethiopia), 1:299–300 Ad-Doumari (Syria), 2:912 Adelaide News, 1:46 Aden News Agency (ANA), 2:1090 ADEPA (Association of Press Entities of Argentina), 1:25, 32 Adesmeftos Typos (Greece), 1:381 Adevarul (Romania), 2:769 ADIRA (Argentine Association of Newspapers from the Interior), 1:20, 22 Administracion Nacional de Telecomunicaciones (ANTEL), El Salvador, 1:285 ADN (Allgemeiner Deutscher Nachrichtendienst), Syria, 2:914 ADP (Agence Djiboutienne de Press), 1:263 ADP (Agence de Distribution de Presse), Senegal, 2:806 Advance (Mauritius), 1:608 The Advertiser (Australia), 1:45 Advertising expenditures and revenues, 2:647–649 Argentinian media, 1:21–22, 28 Armenia, 1:35 Australia, 1:47, 1:47 Austria, 1:58–61, 1:59, 1:64–65 Bangladesh, 1:79 Brazil, 1:122, 1:123 Bulgaria, 1:136, 1:137 Canada, 1:154, 1:154–155

Index

China, 1:188–189, 1:189 Colombia, 1:202, 1:202 Costa Rica, 1:214, 1:214–215 Croatia, 1:225 Czech Republic, 1:245, 1:245–246 Denmark, 1:256 Ecuador, 1:276 El Salvador, 1:284 Estonia, 1:294–295, 1:295 Finland, 1:308–309, 1:309, 1:313 France, 1:319, 1:319–320, 330–331 Georgia, 1:350 Germany, 1:360, 1:360–361, 363 Ghana, 1:371–372 Greece, 1:382 Guatemala, 1:392, 397 Hong Kong, 1:426, 1:426 Hungary, 1:431–432, 1:433 India, 1:443, 1:444 Indonesia, 1:453 Ireland, 1:468, 1:468 Italy, 1:487 Japan, 1:503, 1:503 Kazakhstan, 1:521 Kenya, 1:533 Latvia, 1:552, 1:552 Lebanon, 1:559–560, 1:560 Liberia, 1:567 Lithuania, 1:574, 1:574 Malaysia, 1:598 Mexico, 1:612 New Zealand, 2:659, 662 Nicaragua, 2:669–670, 672 Niger, 2:677 Norway, 2:689 Pakistan, 2:698–699, 2:699 Peru, 2:729 Philippines, 2:735 Poland, 2:743–744, 748 Portugal, 2:753, 2:753 Russian Federation, 2:777, 779, 2:779, 2:791 Saudi Arabia, 2:802 Singapore, 2:822, 2:823 Slovakia, 2:827–828, 2:829 Slovenia, 2:835, 2:836 South Africa, 2:861 South Korea, 2:841–842, 844–845, 2:845 Spain, 2:868, 2:868 Sweden, 2:894, 2:894 Switzerland, 2:904–905, 2:905, 2:907 Taiwan, 2:921, 2:921 Thailand, 2:945, 2:945–946 Turkey, 2:963, 2:963–965 Ukraine, 2:991 United Kingdom, 2:1005, 2:1005–1007 United States, 2:1022, 1032–1033, 2:1033 Uruguay, 2:1057, 2:1058 Uzbekistan, 2:1063 Venezuela, 2:1073–1074 Advocate Company (Barbados), 1:83 AEE (Association de Editores de los Estados), Mexico, 1:614 Aegis (France), 1:320 Aemero (Ethiopia), 1:299 Afenyi-Dadzie, Giftie, 1:371–372 Afghan Islamic Press, 1:3 Afghanistan, 1:1–4 1194

AFKN. See American Foreces Korea Network AFP. See Agence France-Presse AFP Photo (France), 1:329 AFP-Côte d’Ivoire, 1:221 Africa New Destiny (Cameroon), 1:148 Africa Number One Central African Republic, 1:169 African American media, 2:1024, 1027–1028 African Broadcasting Union China, 1:194 African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights Eritrea, 1:290 African Institute of Journalism and Communications (AIJC), 1:375 African National Congress (ANC) South Africa, 2:856–863 Afrikaans language media South Africa, 2:858–860 AFRTS (Armed Forces Radio and Television Service), Saudi Arabia, 2:804 Aftenposten (Norway), 2:688 Aftonbladet (Sweden), 2:893, 896, 902 AFTRS. See Australian Film, Television, and Radio School AFTRS (Australian Film, Television, and Radio School), 1:54 AFX financial news service (France), 1:329 Aga Khan, 1:531 Agaviva (Cape Verde), 1:167 Agbaje, Adigun A. B., 2:679 The Age (Australia), 1:45 Agence Burundaise de Presse (ABP), 1:144 Agence Centrale de Presse-Communication, 1:329 Agence de Distribution de Presse (ADP), Senegal, 2:806 Agence de Presse (Cameroon), 1:148 Agence de Presse Editoriale (France), 1:329 Agence de Presse Sénégalaise (APS), 2:806 Agence Djiboutienne de Press (ADP), 1:263 Agence France-Presse (AFP) Bolivia, 1:108 Brazil, 1:125 Central African Republic, 1:169 Costa Rica, 1:217 Croatia, 1:226 Democratic Congo, 1:252 Denmark, 1:259 Djibouti, 1:263 Ecuador, 1:276 France, 1:325–326, 329–331 Ghana, 1:373 Israel, 1:479 Kazakhstan, 1:524 Morocco, 1:629 Papua New Guinea, 2:718, 721 Russia, 2:786 Sweden, 2:897 Syria, 2:914 Tunisia, 2:959 Uganda, 2:983 United Kingdom, 2:1012 Uzbekistan, 2:1065 Agence Générale d’Images (France), 1:329 Agence Générale d’Informations (France), 1:329 Agence Guinéenne de Presse (AGP), 1:399 Agence Libération (France), 1:329 Agence Malienne de Presse et Publicite (AMAPP), 1:601 Agence Nigérienne de Presse (ANP), 2:677 Agence Presse Benin (APB), 1:103 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Al Alam (Mauritania), 1:605–606 Al Alam (Morocco), 1:627 Al Amal (Tunisia), 2:958 Al Anbaa (Morocco), 1:627 Al Arab (Qatar), 2:759 Al Bayan (UAE), 2:998 Al Bayane (Morocco), 1:627–628 Al Dostoor (Kuwait), 1:541 Al Eqtisadiah (UAE), 2:998 Al Fajr (UAE), 2:998 Al Fajr al Jadid (Libya), 1:568–569 Al Hijaz (Saudi Arabia), 2:802 Al Iklisadia (Kuwait), 1:541 Al Islam (Malaysia), 1:592 Al Ittahid Al Ichtiraki (Morocco), 1:627–628 Al Majlis (Somalia), 2:837 Al Mithaq Al Watani (Morocco), 1:627 Al Ousbou (Morocco), 1:628 Al Sahiffa (Morocco), 1:628 Al Shamal (Morocco), 1:628 Al Shami, Duha, 1:478 Al Sharq Al Awsat (Morocco), 1:628 Al Tariq Al Jahid (Tunisia), 2:959 Al Urooba press (Qatar), 2:759 Al Wadah (UAE), 2:998 Al Watany (Comoros), 1:207 Al Wattan TV, 1:478 Al Yaqza (Kuwait), 1:541 Al-Adwhaa’ (Bahrain), 1:74 Al-Ahad (Lebanon), 1:559 Al-Ahali (Egypt), 1:279 Al-Ahram al-Arabit (Egypt), 1:279, 558 Al-Ahram Hebdo (Egypt), 1:279 Al-Ahrar (Egypt), 1:279 Al-Akhbar (Lebanon), 1:559 Al-’Akidah (Oman), 2:695 Al-Alam al-Lubnani, 1:559 Al-Alem (Ethiopia), 1:300 Al-Amal (Lebanon), 1:558 Al-Amal al Democrati (Morocco), 2:1086 Al-Anbas (Kuwait), 1:540–541 Al-Anwar (Lebanon), 1:558 Al-Anwar Supplement, 1:559 Al-Aqadissiya (Iraq), 1:463 Alasino, Augusto, 1:28 Al-Awadi, Husein, 2:1090 Al-Ayam (Bahrain), 1:74 Al-Baath (Syria), 2:912 Al-Baath Alryadi (Iraq), 1:463 Al-Bahrain ath-Thaqafya (Bahrain), 1:74 AlbaNews mailing list, 1:9 Albania, 1:4–10 Albania Mobile Communications (AMC), 1:7 Albanian Economic Tribune, 1:6 Albanian language media Albania, 1:5–6 Macedonia, 1:580–581 Albanian Radio Television. See Radiotelevizioni Shqiptar Albaniannews.com, 1:9 Albina Romanesca (Moldava), 1:618 Albtelecom, 1:7 Al-Bustani, Butrus, 1:558 Alcatel (France), 1:318 Al-Darrat, Abdullah Ali al-Sanussi, 1:570 Al-Diyar/Ad-Diyar (Lebanon), 1:558–559 Alegría Armendáriz, Jorge Mynor, 1:396

INDEX

Agence Presse Service (France), 1:329 La Agencia Boliviana de Información, 1:108 Agéncia Brasil, 1:125 Agencia Cubana de Noticias (AIN), 1:236 Agencia de Diarios Bonaerenses, 1:29 La Agencia de Noticias Fides, 1:108 Agencia Ecclesia (Portugal), 2:754 Agencia EFE (Spain), 2:872 Brazil, 1:125 Dominican Republic, 1:268–269 Equatorial Guinea, 1:288 Syria, 2:914 Agéncia Estado (Brazil), 1:125 Agéncia Folha (Brazil), 1:125 Agéncia Globo (Brazil), 1:125 Agencia Informacao de Mocambique (AIM), 1:632–633 Agencia Informativa Católica Argentina, 1:29 Agencia Mexicana de Noticias (Notimex), 1:614 Agéncia Nacional de Telecomunicaça˜es (Brazil), 1:123 Agencia Nicaragüense de Noticias, 2:673 Agencja Wydawniczo-Reklamowa (Poland), 2:743 Agenstvo Pechati Novosti (APN), Russia, 2:786 Agentia Romana de Presa (Agerpres), 2:768 Agents of Influence, 1:509 Agenzia Nazionale Stampa Associata (ANSA) Brazil, 1:125 Ecuador, 1:276 Italy, 1:489 Syria, 2:914 Agerpres. See Agentia Romana de Presa Aghajanian, Vahram, 1:39 Agjensia Telegrafike Shqiptare, 1:8 Agnelli family, 1:484, 489 Agora (Angola), 1:16–17 Agora (Poland), 2:743, 747 AGP. See Agence Guinéenne de Presse Agra Presse (France), 1:329 Agragil, 1:40 Aguilar, 1:22 Aguirre, Bertrand, 1:479 Ahora (Dominican Republic), 1:265, 267 AI-5 (Brazilian censorship law), 1:123–124 AIDS-Info (Russia), 2:777 AIJC. See African Institute of Journalism and Communications AIM. See Agencia Informacao de Mocambique AIN. See Agencia Cubana de Noticias Ainslie, Rosalynde, 1:531 AIR. See All India Radio Aird, John (Sir), 1:157 AIULA (University of La Plata news agency), 1:29 AJA (Association of Algerian Journalists), 1:12 AJI. See Alliance of Independent Journalists AJIC (L’Association des Journalistes Indépendants du Cameroun), 1:148 AJL (Association Luxembourgeoise des Journalistes), 1:578 Akhalgazrda Comunisti (Georgia), 1:349 Akhali Tacoba (Georgia), 1:349 Akhbar al Khaleej (Bahrain), 1:74–75 Akhbar al-Adab (Egypt), 1:279 Akhbar-e-Jehan (Pakistan), 2:699 Akher Sa’a (Egypt), 1:279 Akropolis (Greece), 1:381 Aktuelle Rundschau (Paraguay), 2:724 Aktuelt (Denmark), 1:255 Al Ahd (Qatar), 2:759 Al Ahram Regional Press Institute, 1:279

1195

Index

Alemán, Arnoldo, 2:667–670, 675–676 Alemán, Jaime, 2:711 Alexander (Crown Prince of Yugoslavia), 2:809, 814 Alexander II (Czar of Russia), 2:774, 782 Alexander II (King of Yugoslavia), 2:807–808 Alexander of Battenberg (Bulgarian ruler), 1:133 Alfaro, Eloy, 1:274 Al-Farsi, Fuad, 2:804 Al-Fida’ (Syria), 2:912 Alfonsin, Raúl, 1:27 Algemeen Dagblad Aruba, 1:43 Netherlands, 2:646–647, 649, 653–654 Netherlands Antilles, 2:656 Algemeen Nederlands Perbureau (ANP), 2:650 Algeria, 1:10–14 Algerian Press Service (APS), 1:13 Algérie Actualité, 1:11 Al-Ghorfa (Oman), 2:695 Al-Gumhuriya (Egypt), 1:279 Al-Hadaf (Lebanon), 1:559 Al-Hayat (Lebanon), 1:558 Al-Hayat (Saudi Arabia), 2:803–804 Al-Hayat at-Tijariya (Bahrain), 1:74 Al-Hidayah (Bahrain), 1:74 Ali, Mohamed Azmin, 1:595 Alia, Ramiz, 1:6–7 Alia (Georgia), 1:349 Al-Iman (Singapore), 1:590 ALIRAN. See Aliran Kesedaran Negara Aliran Kesedaran Negara (ALIRAN), 1:592–593 Al-iran Monthly (Malaysia), 1:592–593 Al-Iraq, 1:463 Alitha (Cyprus), 1:241 Aliyev, Haydar, 1:67–68 Aliyev, Rakhat, 1:524 Al-Jamahir al-Arabia (Syria), 2:912 Al-Jawa’ib (Lebanon), 1:558 Al-Jazeera TV Afghanistan, 1:3 Bahrain, 1:75 Mauritania, 1:606 Qatar, 2:760–762 Saudi Arabia, 2:804 Syria, 2:915 Al-Jazirah (Saudi Arabia), 2:802 Al-Jumhuriya Iraq, 1:463 Yemen, 2:1089 Al-Khalifah (King of Bahrain), 1:75 All Africa Newswire, 1:608 All India Radio (AIR), 1:443, 445–446 Kuwait, 1:542 AllAfrica, 1:221 Allao, Saada, 1:561 All-China Journalists Association, 1:196 Allende, Salvador, 1:163 Allgemeine Rundfunk Deutschlands (ARD), 1:64–65 Allgemeine Zeitung (Namibia), 2:638–639 Allgemeiner Deutscher Nachrichtendienst (AND), Syria, 2:914 Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) Indonesia, 1:455 Alliance-Atlantis, 1:165 Allied Press of Dunedin, 2:659 All-Pakistan Newspaper Employees’ Confederation (APNEC), 2:700–701 1196

All-Pakistan Newspaper Society (APNS), 2:698, 700–701 All-Ukrainian Jewish Congress, 2:989 Alma Media Group (Finland), 1:308 Alma-Ata Declaration, 1:38 Al-Madina (Saudi Arabia), 2:803–804 Al-Manama (Bahrain), 1:75 Almaty Herald (Kazakhstan), 1:520 Al-Mawakif (Bahrain), 1:74 Al-Mazari’ (Oman), 2:695 Al-Mouhandis al-Arabi (Syria), 2:913 Al-Mousaher (Kuwait), 1:541 Al-Mujtamaa (Kuwait), 1:541 Al-Mukhtar, Mohammed, 2:804 Al-Musafir al-Arabi (Bahrain), 1:74 Al-Musawar (Lebanon), 1:558 Aló Presidente (Venezuela), 2:1077 Al-Omaniya (Oman), 2:695 Al-Oroubat (Syria), 2:912 Alpha Communications Network (ACN), Haiti, 1:416 Al-Qabas (Kuwait), 1:540 Alquds Alarabi Qatar, 2:760 Al-Rai Ala-Am (Kuwait), 1:540 Al-Rai al-Akhjeri (Sudan), 2:886 Al-Safir (Lebanon), 1:558 Al-Seyassah (Kuwait), 1:540 Al-Shaab (Egypt), 1:279 Al’Sha’b (Mauritania), 1:605 Alternativa, 1:6 The Alternative (Russia), 2:776 Al-Thawra (Iraq), 1:463 Álvarez, Alejandro Guillier, 1:181 Alvarez, Renato, 1:420 Al-Wafd (Egypt), 1:279 Alwan (Sudan), 2:886 Al-Watan Kuwait, 1:540 Oman, 2:695 Sudan, 2:886 Al-Wihdat (Syria), 2:913 Alywin, Patricio, 1:174, 179 Al-Zahf Al-Akhdar (Libya), 1:570 Amakiri, Minere, 2:678 Amandala (Belize), 1:103 Aman-i-Afghan, 1:2 AMAPP. See Agence Malienne de Presse et Publicite AMARC (World Association of Community Radio Broadcasters), 1:285 Amaro Drom (Roma), 1:432 Amaury, Emilien, 1:316–317 Ámbito Financiero, 1:19–20 Ámbito Financiero Group, 1:22 AMC. See Albania Mobile Communications (AMC) America Economía (Chile), 1:175 América Panamá, 2:709, 711 American (Philippines), 2:733–734 American Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), 2:1015 American Foreces Korea Network (AFKN), 2:851 American Newspaper Publishers Association, 2:1054 American Samoa, 1:15 American Society of Newspaper Editors, 2:1029, 1054 American Soldier (Philippines), 2:733 Amersfoortse Courant (Netherlands), 2:647 Amigoe Aruba, 1:43 Netherlands Antilles, 2:656 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

A-One Plus, 1:41 AP. See Associated Press APA (Austrian Press Agency), 1:63–64 APAD (Russian news agency), Croatia, 1:226 Apartheid, South Africa, 2:856–863 APB (Agence Presse Benin), 1:103 APC (Australia Press Council), 1:49 APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation), 2:718 APEL (Association of Electronic Press), Moldova, 1:621 Apertura (Argentina), 1:29 API (Associated Press of India), 1:445 APN (Agenstvo Pechati Novosti), Russia, 2:786 APN (Association of Nicaraguan Journalists), 2:674 APN News and media, 1:47 APNEC. See All-Pakistan Newspaper Employees’ Confederation APNS. See All-Pakistan Newspaper Society Apoyevmatini Cyprus, 1:241 Greece, 1:381 Turkey, 2:963 APP (Associated Press of Pakistan), 2:702, 705 Apple Daily group, 1:425 Apple Daily Online Newspaper (Hong Kong), 1:424 Apres-Romania Libera agency, 2:770 Aprismo ideology (Peru), 2:727 APS. See Agence de Presse Sénégalaise; Algerian Press Service APU (Association of the Uruguayan Press), 2:1058 Aquino, Benigno Jr. (Ninoy), 2:734 Ar Rabi’ ‘Ashar Min Uktubar (Yemen), 2:1089 Arab News Network (ANN), Syria, 2:915 Arab States Broadcasting Union, 1:3 Arab Times, 1:514 Arabic language media Algeria, 1:11–13 Bahrain, 1:74–75 Chad, 1:171–173 Djibouti, 1:263 Kuwait, 1:541–542 Mali, 1:601–602 Mauritania, 1:605–606 Morocco, 1:627–630 Oman, 2:695–696 Saudia Arabia, 2:802–804 Somalia, 2:837–838 Tunisia, 2:958–960 ARAMCO Oil Company, 2:803–804 Aravot, 1:37 Arawa Bulletin, 2:717 Arbeiter Zeitung (Austria), 1:56–57, 60 Arbeitgemeinschaft der Rundfunkanstalten (ARD), Germany, 1:364–365 Arbenz Guzmán, Jacob, 1:390–391 Arber, 1:6 Arce, Hugo, 1:391 L’Archipel (Comoros), 1:207 ARD (Allgemeine Rundfunk Deutschlands), 1:64–65 ARD (Arbeitgemeinschaft der Rundfunkanstalten), Germany, 1:364–365 Ardyn Erh (Mongolia), 1:624 Arena (Croatia), 1:224 La Arena (Argentina), 1:21 Areopagitica, 2:1037 Arévalo, Juan José, 1:390 Arévalo Padrón, Bernardo, 1:233 ARF (Armenian Revolutionary Federation Dashnaksutyun), 1:37 ARGA (Association of Photojournalists from Argentina), 1:32 1197

INDEX

Aminilah, Raja Ahmad, 1:595 Ammar, Gilles, 1:605, 607 Amn (Pakistan), 2:699 Amnesty International Albanian human rights violations, 1:6 Argentinian journalists murders, 1:26 Chad, 1:171 Gambia, 1:343, 345 Haiti, 1:412 Mauritania, 1:605 Somalia, 2:838 Sri Lanka, 2:876, 882 Ukraine, 2:993 Western Sahara, 2:1086–1087 Amrit Bazar Patrika (Bangladesh), 1:78 Amsterdamsche Courant, 2:645 AN Aemské (Czech Republic), 1:244 ANA (Aden News Agency), 2:1090 The Analyst (Liberia), 1:567 Ananda (King of Thailand), 2:947 Ananda Bichitra (Bangladesh), 1:78–79 ANC. See African National Congress ANCL (Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Limited), 2:878–879 Ancora (Costa Rica), 1:213 Andalas Televisi (ANTV), 1:457 Andorra, 1:15–16 Andropov, Yuri (Soviet government official), 2:782 Andros Chronicle (Bahamas), 1:73 ANESMI (Association of Independent Electronic Mass Media of Central Asia), 1:546 Anfani (Niger), 2:677 Angkatan Bersenjata (Indonesia), 1:451 Anglo American (Canada), 1:151 Angola, 1:16–17 Anguilla, 1:17–18 The Anguillian, 1:17–18 Anis (Afghanistan), 1:2 Anjam (Pakistan), 2:697 Anjung Seri (Malaysia), 1:592 ANN (Arab News Network), Syria, 2:915 An-Nahar (Lebanon), 1:558, 561 Annakurbanov, Yoshan, 2:974 Annex Publishing and Printing, 1:154 ANP (Agence Nigérienne de Presse), 2:677 ANP (Algemeen Nederlands Perbureau), 2:650 ANRS (Association of Independent Radio and TV Stations), Slovakia, 2:830 ANSA. See Agenzia Nazionale Stampa Associata Antara news agency (Indonesia), 1:456 ANTEL (Administracion Nacional de Telecomunicaciones), El Salvador, 1:285 Antenna TV, 1:384 Antenne Radio, 1:64 Antenne Steiermark, 1:64 Antigua and Barbuda, 1:18 Antigua Sun, 1:18 Anti-Semitism Austrian media, 1:56–57 France, 1:316 Russia, 2:776 Antitrust legislation Argentinian media, 1:23 Antonescu, Ion, 2:766 ANTV. See Andalas Televisi ANULZ (University of Lomas de Zamora), 1:29 AOL-Time Warner, 2:1015, 1078

Index

Argentina, 1:18–33 backgound and characteristics, 1:19–21 basic data, 1:18–19 broadcast media, 1:29–30 censorship, 1:25–27 daily and non-daily newspapers, 1:19–20, 1:19–21 economic framework, 1:21–23 electronic news media, 1:30–31, 1:31 foreign media, 1:28–29 journalism education and training, 1:31–33 media advertising expenditures, 1:21, 1:21 news agencies, 1:29 press laws, 1:23–25 state-press relations, 1:27–28 Argentine Association for the Defense of Independent Journalism (PERIODISTAS), 1:26–28, 32 Argentine Association of Newspapers from the Interior (ADIRA), 1:20, 22 Argentine Federation of Press Workers (FATPREN), 1:23, 30 Argueta, Roger, 1:421 Argumenty I Facty Belarus, 1:84 Moldova, 1:621 Russia, 2:776–777 Argus (South Africa), 2:858–860 Argus de la Presse, 1:330 Argus Group South Africa, 2:859–860 Zambia, 2:1093 Arias Sánchez, Oscar, 1:212, 216 Aridi, Ghazi, 1:561 Aristide, Jean-Bertrand, 1:412, 415–416 ARKA agency, 1:40 Armando Llort, José, 1:394 Armed Forces Radio and Television Service (AFRTS), Saudi Arabia, 2:804 Armenia, 1:34–42 background and general characteristics, 1:34–38 broadcast media, 1:40–41 censorship, 1:39 economic conditions, 1:38 electronic media, 1:41 foreign media, 1:40 journalism education and training, 1:41 news agencies, 1:40 press laws, 1:38–39 state-press relations, 1:39–40 Armenian Daily News Services, 1:40 Armenian Revolutionary Federation Dashnaksutyun (ARF), 1:37 Armenian Union of Journalists, 1:41 Armenpress News Agency, 1:40 Arnold, Bruce, 1:470 Aron, Raymond, 1:317 ARPAS (Association of Participating Radios and Programs of El Salvador), 1:282, 285 Arriagada, Genaro, 1:180 Ar-Riyadh (Saudi Arabia), 2:802 Arroyo, Gloria, 2:736 Art China (Taiwan), 2:922 Arte TV France, 1:328, 331–332 Germany, 1:364 Artes Gráficas Rioplatense S. A., 1:22 Aruba, 1:43 Aruba Today, 1:43 Arzú Irigoyen, Alvaro, 1:392–393, 396 1198

As (Spain), 2:867–868 AS Diena, 1:552 AS Preses Nams, 1:552 Asaba (Kyrgyzstan), 1:546 Asahi conglomerate, 1:503 Asahi Shimbun (Japan), 1:500, 505–508, 510–511 Asalto a la Ilusión, 1:24 Asanin, Marko, 1:115 ASDER (Asocacion Salvadorena de Empresarios de Radiodifusion), 1:285 Asen, Czar Iven (Bulgaria), 1:132 Ash Shabibah (Oman), 2:695 Ashanti Pioneer (Ghana), 1:369–370 Ashgabat (Turkmenistan), 2:972, 975 Ashkharabar dialect, 1:36 Ash-Shabab (Syria), 2:912 Ash-Sharara (Yemen), 2:1089 Así es la Noticia (Venezuela), 2:1078 Asia Pulp & Paper, Indonesia, 1:452–453 Asian Wall Street Journal Hong Kong, 1:425 Japan, 1:510 Singapore, 2:823 Taiwan, 2:921 Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), 2:718 Asia-Pacific Network, 2:721 Asia-Plus News agency (Tajikistan), 2:934–935 Asiaweek Hong Kong, 1:423, 425 Malaysia, 1:593, 595, 597 Singapore, 2:823 ASJMC (Association of Schools of Journalism and Mass Communication), 2:1054 Asmita Monthly (Nepal), 2:642 Asocacion Salvadorena de Empresarios de Radiodifusion (ASDER), 1:285 Asociación Argentina de Periodismo Televisivo (Association of Television Journalists), 1:32 Assabah (Tunisia), 2:958 Assad, Bashir al-, 2:912–913, 915–916 Assad, Hafez al-, 2:912 As-Salam Hijab, Abd, 2:915 As-Sayegh, Fayez, 2:915 Associated Newspapers group (United Kingdom), 2:1006 Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Limited (ANCL), 2:878–879 Associated Press (AP), 2:1002 Brazil, 1:125 Canada, 1:152 Colombia, 1:205 Croatia, 1:226 Cuba, 1:236 Dominican Republic, 1:268–269 Ecuador, 1:276 Ghana, 1:373 Hungary, 1:434 Kazakhstan, 1:524 Kuwait, 1:541–542 Morocco, 1:629 Syria, 2:914 Tunisia, 2:959 Uganda, 2:983 United Kingdom, 2:1012 United States, 2:1046 Associated Press of India (API), 1:445 Associated Press of Pakistan (APP), 2:702, 705 Associated Press Television News (Israel), 1:479 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

censorship, 1:49 Christmas Island, 1:198–199 economic conditions, 1:47 education and training, 1:53–54 electronic news media, 1:52–53 foreign media, 1:50 news agencies, 1:50 press laws, 1:47–49 state-press relations, 1:49–50 Australia Department of Communications, Information Technology, and the Arts (DCITA), 1:52 Australia Press Council (APC), 1:49 The Australian, 1:45, 54 Australian Associated Press (AAP), 1:50, 2:661, 718, 721 Australian Broadcast Act, 1:50–51 Australian Broadcasting Authority (ABA), 1:48, 50–51 Australian Broadcasting Control Board (ABCB), 1:49, 52 Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), 1:45, 47–49, 51–52, 2:721 Australian Broadcasting Corporation Act, 1:52 Australian Broadcasting Tribunal (ABT), 1:50–51 Australian Film, Television, and Radio School (AFTRS), 1:54 Australian Financial Review, 1:45 Australian Journalism Review, 1:54 Australian Newspaper Proprietors Association, 1:51 Austria, 1:55–66 background and general characteristics, 1:55–58 broadcast media, 1:64–65 censorship, 1:62–63 economic conditions, 1:59–61 education and training for journalists, 1:65–66 electronic news media, 1:65 foreign media, 1:63 news agencies, 1:63–64 news weeklies, 1:59 press laws, 1:61–62 state-press relations, 1:63 Austrian Broadcasting Association (ORF), 1:59, 63–65 Austrian Journalists Club, 1:64 Austrian Journalists Union, 1:61 Austrian Press Agency (APA), 1:63–64 Austrian Press Council, 1:61–63 Auto-Journal (France), 1:316 Autoklub (Croatia), 1:224 Autotrader, 1:47 Avance (Puerto Rico), 2:757 Avances (Guatemala), 1:396 Avanti! (Italy), 1:488 AVBB (Association of Belgian Journalists), 1:101 Avdic, Edin, 1:114 L’Avenir Burundi, 1:143 Democratic Congo, 1:252 L’Avenir Du Luxembourg (Belgium), 1:95–96 Avgi (Greece), 1:381 Avila news agency, 2:808 Avriani (Greece), 1:381 Avrupa (Cyprus), 1:241 Avtozavodets (Belarus), 1:85 Avui (Spain), 2:869 Awa magazine, 2:806 Awale, Ahmed Kafi, 2:839 Awam (Pakistan), 2:699 Awami League Party (Bangladesh), 1:77–78 Awards in journalism Argentina, 1:32 1199

INDEX

Association de Editores de los Estados (AEE), Mexico, 1:614 Association de Periodistas de El Salvador, 1:282 L’Association des Journalistes Indépendants du Cameroun (AJIC), 1:148 Association des Radios Juives (France), 1:329 Association for the Defense of Independent Journalism, 1:180 Association Luxembourgeoise des Journalistes (AJL), 1:578 Association of Algerian Journalists (AJA), 1:12 Association of Austrian Newspapers, 1:61–62, 64 Association of Belgian Journalists (AVBB), 1:101 Association of Danish Newspapers, 1:259 Association of Electronic Press (APEL), Moldova, 1:621 Association of Employees of Mass Media (Ukraine), 2:996 Association of Foreign Correspondents in Argentina, 1:32 Association of Foreign Correspondents in Brazil, 1:125 Association of Free Press (Georgia), 1:349 Association of Haitian Journalists, 1:413 Association of Independent Electronic Mass Media of Central Asia (ANESMI), 1:546 Association of Independent Radio and TV Stations (ANRS), Slovakia, 2:830 Association of Journalists (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:809–810 Association of Nicaraguan Journalists (APN), 2:674 Association of Participating Radios and Programs of El Salvador (ARPAS), 1:282, 285 Association of Photojournalists from Argentina (ARGA), 1:32 Association of Press Entities of Argentina (ADEPA), 1:25, 32 Association of Schools of Journalism and Mass Communication (ASJMC), 2:1054 Association of Serbian Journalists, 2:812 Association of Slovak Journalists (ZSN), 2:829, 830 Association of Slovak Press Publishers, 2:829 Association of Television Channels of Ecuador, 1:275 Association of the Uruguayan Press (APU), 2:1058 Associations of the Press (Spain), 2:871 ATC television, 1:28 Athas, Iqbal, 2:882 Athens News Agency, 1:383 Athens Photo News, 1:383 Ath-Thawra Syria, 2:912–913 Yemen, 2:1089 Atkinson, Joseph ‘‘Holy Joe,’’ 1:156 Atlanta Journal Constitution, 2:1055 Atlántida Press, 1:22 Atmowiloto, Arswendo, 1:455 Atovullo, Dodojon, 2:933 Atovulloev, Khrushed, 2:933 Attah, Harruna, 1:376 ATTES (Union of Technical Workers of Telecommunications Business of El Salvador), 1:282 Atuagagdliutut/Gronlandposten (Greenland), 1:255 L’Aube (France), 1:316 AUC (United Self-Defense Groups of Colombia), 1:203 Audiovisual Media Law (Lebanon), 1:560–561 Aufbau (Germany), 1:358 The August Coup, 2:786–787 Aujourd’hui (Congo), 1:208 Aung Zaw, 1:634 L’Aurore (France), 1:315 Ausaf (Pakistan), 2:699 Aussenpolitik (Germany), 1:358 Austral (Chile), 1:181 Australia, 1:44–54 background and characteristics, 1:44–47 broadcast media, 1:50–52

Index

Australia, 1:54 Azerbaijan, 1:71 Belgium, 1:101 Cuba, 1:238 France, 1:335 Germany, 1:366 Malaysia, 1:599 Myanmar, 1:634 Netherlands, 2:654 New Zealand, 2:664 Philippines, 2:738 Switzerland, 2:909 Ukraine, 2:996 United States, 2:1054 See also specific awards Axel Springer Group Austria, 1:60 Czech Republic, 1:247 Germany, 1:360–361 Hungary, 1:429–431 Poland, 2:743, 747 Ayzhn, 1:37 Azad (Bangladesh), 1:78 Azania (Burundi), 1:144 Azar, José María, 2:871 Azbuka (Ukraine), 2:985–986 Azcarraga, Emilio, 1:614 Azerbaijan, 1:67–71 background and general characteristics, 1:67–68 economic conditions, 1:68 electronic news media, 1:70 foreign media presence, 1:70 journalist education and training, 1:70–71 press laws, 1:68–69 state-press relations, 1:69–70 Azerbaijan International Magazine, 1:68 Azerbaijan State Pedagogical University, 1:70–71 Azerbaijani Sovetan Gurjistani (Georgia), 1:349 AZG (Nation), Armenia, 1:37 Azores Islands. See Portugal Azores News, 2:752 AZR (Romanian Journalists Association), 2:770 Azsigyn Gazryn Medee (Mongolia), 1:624 Azul TV, 1:22 Azzaman, 1:75

B Baako, Kweku, 1:376 Babadjanov, Shukhrat, 2:1064, 1067 Babcock-Abrahams, Barbara, 1:509 Babil (Iraq), 1:463 Babitsky, Andrei, 1:575 Badakhshan Television, 1:3 Bagabandi, Natsagiyin, 1:623 Bah, Mohammed Lamine Ould, 1:606 Bahama Journal, 1:73 Bahamas, 1:73 Bahnhof Internet AB (Sweden), 2:800 Bahrain, 1:73–75, 2:804 Bahrain Freedom Movement, 1:75 Bahrain of the Month, 1:74 Bahrain Radio and Television Corporation (BRTC), 1:74–75 Bahrain Society for Human Rights, 1:74 Bahrain Tribune, 1:74 Baisetova, Leila, 1:523 1200

Baisetova, Lira, 1:522–523 Bak, Rabbi Israel, 1:475 Baker, Peter, 1:518 Bakewell, Joan, 2:1009 Bakhtar News Agency, 1:3 BAKSAL (Bangladesh Peasants and Workers League), 1:77 Baku State University, 1:70–71 Balaguer, Joaquín, 1:265–268, 270 Balaranjika (Bangladesh), 1:78 Balbin, Ricardo, 1:24 Baldeh, Bubacar, 1:344 Baldrich, Gabriel, 2:757 Balkan Information Pool, 1:138 Balkans wars, 1:5 Balsemao, Francisco, 2:753 Baltic Media Center, 1:296 Baltic News Service (BNS) Estonia, 1:295 Latvia, 1:553–554 Lithuania, 1:575, 577 Baltic Times, 1:551 Balyabibah (Bangladesh), 1:78 Ban Muang (Thailand), 2:944 Banco Popular (Dominican Republic), 1:265, 267, 269 Banda, Aleke, 1:586–587 Banda, Hastings Kamuzu, 1:585, 587–588 Bandaranaike, S. W. R. D., 2:877 Bang Sang-hoon, 2:842 Bangabandhu (Bangladesh), 1:78 Bangla Betar Radio (BBR), 1:81 Bangladesh, 1:76–82, 2:703–704 Bangladesh Peasants and Workers League (BAKSAL), 1:77 Bangladesh Times, 1:78–79 Bangladesh TV (BTV) Corporation, 1:81 BanInter Group (Dominican Republic), 1:265, 267, 269 Bannerman, Charles, 1:368 Banti, Tafari, 1:299 Baraza (Kenya), 1:530–531 Barbados, 1:82–83 Barbados Advocate, 1:82–83 Barbarian Literature Research Department (Japan), 1:504 Barbos, Carlos, 2:752 Barbuda. See Antigua and Barbuda Barid Paris (Lebanon), 1:558 Barishal Barta (Bangladesh), 1:78 Barq ash-Shimal (Syria), 2:912 Barre, Mohamed Siad, 2:838 Barreto, Pablo Emilio, 2:675 Barricada (Nicaragua), 2:668–669, 671–673, 675–676 Barton, Frank, 1:530 Bashir, Omar Hassan, Al-, 2:885–886, 888 Bashkimi, 1:6 Baskaya, Fikret, 2:966 Basler Mediengruppe, 2:905 Basler Zeitung (Switzerland), 2:904–905 Basnet, Mathbar Singh, 2:643 Basque language media Andorra, 1:15–16 Spain, 2:864–865, 870–871, 873 Basque Nationalist Party, 2:865 Bassil, Antoine, 1:561 Basy-Vava (Madagascar), 1:582 Bataviasche Courant (Indonesia), 1:449 Batista, Fulgencio, 1:229–231 Baton Broadcasting (Canada), 1:162 Battle, Jorge, 2:1058 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Belo Russian Television, 1:91 Belorusskaia Delovaia Gazeta (Belarus), 1:84–86 Belorusskaia Gazeta, 1:85 Belorusskii Dom Pechati company, 1:85–86 Belpochta, 1:86 BELTA (Belo Russian Telegraph Agency), 1:91–92 Ben Ali, Zine, 2:958–959 Ben Avi, Itamar, 1:475 Ben Brik Taoufik, 1:562 Ben-Ami, Oved, 1:476 Benavides, Rogelio, 1:215 Bengal Journal, 1:441 Bengali language media, 1:76, 78–81 Benih Mardika (Indonesia), 1:450 Benin, 1:103 Bennett, James Gordon, 2:1027 Bennett, R. B., 1:157 Ben-Yehuda, Eliezer, 1:475 Berardo, Joe, 2:753 Berberoglu, Enis, 2:963 Bérégovoy, Pierre, 1:325 Berenger, Paul, 1:608 Berezovsky, Boris, 2:783, 784, 787, 791 Berhanena Selam Printing Press, 1:299 Berissa (Ethiopia), 1:300 Berita Harian (Malaysia), 1:592 Berita Harian (Singapore), 2:821 Berliner Morgenpost, 1:359–360 Berliner Zeitung, 1:359 Berling family, 1:254 Berlingske Aftenavis (Denmark), 1:255 Berlingske Tidende (Denmark), 1:254–256, 259 Berlusconi, Silvio, 1:488–489, 492–493 Bermuda, 1:104 The Bermuda Sun, 1:104 Bern Convention, 1:322 Bernal, Miguel Antonio, 2:712 Bernama News Agency (Malaysia), 1:590, 597–598 Berner Zeitung (Switzerland), 2:904–905 Beron, Petur, 1:132 Berry, Gomer, 2:1000 Berry, William, 2:1000 Bersen (Denmark), 1:255 Bertelsmann Group Austria, 1:59, 64 Germany, 1:360, 364 Poland, 2:743 Bertho, Joseph, 2:764 Bertossa, Bernard, 1:522–523 Bessarabian Agriculture (Moldova), 1:618 Bessarabski Vestnik (Moldova), 1:618 Bessarabskie Oblastnye Vedomosti (Moldava), 1:618 Beta news agency, 2:812 Betancourt, Rómulo, 2:1073 Betar Radio (BR), 1:81 Better Shopping Guide (China), 1:186 Beuve-Méry, Hubert, 1:325 Beyond (Kenya), 1:532, 535 Bhattarai, Baburam, 2:643 Bhumibol Adulyadej (King of Thailand), 2:942, 947, 949–950 Bhutan, 1:104–105 Bhutan Broadcasting Service, 1:105 Bhutto, Benazir, 2:700–701, 703–704 Bhutto, Zulfikar, 1:77, 2:703 Biagi, Marco, 1:486 Bichitra (Bangladesh), 1:78–79 1201

INDEX

Bay of Plenty Times (New Zealand), 2:659 Bayard Presse (France), 1:318 Bayernkurier (Germany), 1:359 Bayon Pearnik (Cambodia), 1:147 Bazar (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:810 BBC. See British Broadcasting Corporation BBC Monitoring, Kazakhstan, 1:522, 524 BBFC (British Board of Film Classification), 2:1010 BBR (Bangla Betar Radio), 1:81 BCI (Broadcasting Commission of Ireland), 1:472 BDZB (Bundesverband Deutscher Zeitungsverlager), 1:366 Be African Sango, 1:169 Beaverbrook (Lord), 2:1000, 1003, 1005 Bechuanaland. See Botswana Beeld (South Africa), 2:859–860 Beijing Qingnianbao (China), 1:186–187 Bela Russian Helsinki Committee, 1:87–88 BelaPan news agency, 1:91 Belarus, 1:83–94 background and general characteristics, 1:83–86 broadcast media, 1:91–92 censorship, 1:87–88 distribution networks, 1:86 economic conditions, 1:86 electronic news media, 1:92 foreign media presence in, 1:89–91 journalist education and training, 1:92 language issues, 1:85 news agencies, 1:91 newspaper circulation, 1:85–86 press laws, 1:86–87 state-press relations, 1:88–89 Belarus Constitution, 1:86, 88–89 Belaruskaye Slova (Belarus), 1:85 Belfast Newsletter, 1:466 Belga Press Agency, 1:98–99, 102 Belgian Association of Newspapers, 1:97 Belgian Association of Professional Journalists, Deontological Council, 1:97 Belgian Association of Publishers (BVDU), 1:101 Belgian Code of Journalistic Principles, 1:97 Belgian Media Law, 1:97 The Belgian Post, 1:100 Belgian Radio-Télévision, 1:332 Belgium, 1:94–102 background and characteristics, 1:94–96 broadcast media, 1:99–100 censorship, 1:97–98 economic conditions, 1:96 electronic news media, 1:100 foreign media presence, 1:98 journalist education and training, 1:100–101 news agencies, 1:98–99 press laws, 1:96–97 state-press relations, 1:98 Belgium Press Council, 1:97 Belgium Telegraphic Press Agency, 1:98 Le Belier (Chad), 1:172 Belize, 1:102–103, 1:236 The Belize Times, 1:103 BellGlobeMedia, 1:154, 162, 164 Bello Rosa, Virgilio, 1:268 Belo Russian Association of Journalists, 1:92 Belo Russian language media, 1:84–86, 91–92 Belo Russian Radio, 1:91 Belo Russian Telegraph Agency (BELTA), 1:91–92

Index

Bilad al Sa’udiyah (Saudi Arabia), 2:802 Bild am Sonntag (Germany), 1:358 Bild Zeitung (Germany), 1:247, 357, 359, 621 Bilgin, Dinç, 2:962–963 Bill of Broadcasting (Ethiopia), 1:300–301 Bimarsha Nepalese, 2:643 Bina news agency, 2:812 Bindman, Geoffrey, 2:1009 Birahi, Harihar, 2:643 Birenda Bir Bikram (King), 2:642–643 Birlik (Cyprus), 1:241 Birlik (Macedonia), 1:580 Birt, John, 2:1013 Bischofszeller Nachrichten (Switzerland), 2:903 Bishkek Observer, 1:544 Bistel information network (Belgium), 1:98–99 Biznes (Ukraine), 2:989 Biznes TV (Armenia), 1:41 Biznis i Politica (Tajikistan), 2:930–931 Black, Conrad, 1:160, 2:1002, 1006, 1012 Black Press (Canada), 1:154 Blair, Tony, 2:1002, 1011, 1015 Blake, Nicholas Chapman, 1:391, 395 Blanco y Negro (Spain), 2:869 Blantyre Print and Publishing, 1:587 Blasphemy and obscenity laws, France, 1:323–324 Blay-Amihere, Kabral, 1:371–372 Blesk (Czech Republic), 1:244, 247 Blic (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:810–812 Blick (Switzerland), 2:904–905 Bloomberg news France, 1:329 Hungary, 1:434 United Kingdom, 2:1012 United States, 2:1046 Bluewin AG, 2:907 BNR. See Bulgarian National Radio BNS. See Baltic News Service BNT. See Bulgarian National Television Bo Observer (Sierra Leone), 2:817 Board of Broadcast Governors (Canada), 1:158–159 Boda (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:808 Bogotá Daily (Colombia), 1:200 Boigny, Félix Houphouët, 1:221–222 Bola Sepak (Malaysia), 1:592 Bolaños, Enrique, 2:667, 670, 676 Bolanos, Mauricio, 1:283 Boldt, David, 1:108 Boletin Inforativo (Honduras), 1:419 Bolivar, Simón, 2:1072 Bolivia, 1:105–109 Bolloré group (France), 1:332 Bolsa de Noticias (Nicaragua), 2:669 The Bomb (Trinidad and Tobago), 2:955 Bombay Herald, 1:441 Bon Dia Aruba, 1:43 Bongo, Omar Albert-Bernard, 1:339–340, 342 Bonino, Mario, 1:26 Bonnier conglomerate Austria, 1:58 Finland, 1:308 Sweden, 2:896 BOPA (Botswana Press Agency), 1:116 Borba (Yugoslavia), 2:808–810 Borge, Tomás, 2:669 Borger Odoorn Web (Netherlands), 2:650 1202

Boris III (King of Bulgaria), 1:134 Borneo Bulletin (Brunei Darussalam), 1:130 Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:110–115, 2:811 Boston Gazette, 2:1026 Boston Globe, 2:1023 Botha, P. W., 2:857 Botswana, 1:115–116 Botswana Daily News, 1:115–116 The Botswana Gazette, 1:116 Botswana Guardian, 1:116 Botswana Press Agency (BOPA), 1:116 Botton, Pierre, 1:325 Boucar, Grémah, 2:677 Bouffioux, Michel, 1:98 Bounding Billow (Philippines), 2:733 Bourguiba, Habib, 2:958 Bouteflika, Abdel Aziz, 1:12–14 Bouzinac, Roger, 1:325 Bowman, Charles, 1:157 Boyoma (Democratic Congo), 1:252 Bozizé, François, 1:169 BR (Betar Radio), 1:81 Bracken, Thomas, 2:658 Bravo (Slovakia), 2:828 Brazil, 1:116–129 background and characteristics, 1:117–122 broadcast media, 1:125–128 censorship, 1:123–124 economic conditions, 1:122 electronic news media, 1:128 foreign media presence, 1:124–125 journalist education and training, 1:128 news agencies, 1:125 press laws, 1:122–123 state-press relations, 1:124 Brazilian Code of Telecommunications, 1:123 Brazilian Press Association (ABI), 1:124 Bridge News (Ghana), 1:373 Brigitte (Germany), 1:360 British Board of Film Classification (BBFC), 2:1010 British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) Albania, 1:9 Angola, 1:17 Australia, 1:50–52 Belgium, 1:98 Bhutan, 1:105 Bolivia, 1:108 Burundi, 1:143–145 China, 1:192 Cyprus, 1:241 Gambia, 1:345 Ghana, 1:373 Guinea-Bissau, 1:401–402 Iran, 1:460–461 Iraq, 1:463 Kazakhstan, 1:524 Kenya, 1:536 Kuwait, 1:541–542 Moldova, 1:621 Mozambique, 1:632 Myanmar, 1:635 Namibia, 2:640 Nigeria, 2:681 Oman, 2:696 Qatar, 2:760–761 Sierra Leone, 2:816–819 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Greece, 1:381–384 Guatemala, 1:395–396 Guinea-Bissau, 1:401–402 Guyana, 1:407 Haiti, 1:415–416 Honduras, 1:421 Hong Kong, 1:426–427 Hungary, 1:434–435 India, 1:445–446 Indonesia, 1:456–457 Iran, 1:460–462 Iraq, 1:464–465 Ireland, 1:471–472 Israel, 1:480–481 Italy, 1:483, 489–491 Jamaica, 1:496 Japan, 1:503, 510–511 Kazakhstan, 1:518–519, 521, 523–524 Kuwait, 1:542 Kyrgyzstan, 1:545–548, 547 Latvia, 1:554 Lebanon, 1:562–563 Liberia, 1:567–568 Libya, 1:568–570 Lithuania, 1:575–576 Luxembourg, 1:578 Madagascar, 1:583 Malawi, 1:587–588 Malaysia, 1:598–599 Malta, 1:602–603 Mauritania, 1:606 Mauritius, 1:609–610 Mexico, 1:614–616 Moldova, 1:621–622 Mongolia, 1:624 Myanmar, 1:635 Namibia, 2:640 Nepal, 2:643–644 Netherlands, 2:650–652, 655 New Zealand, 2:662–664 Nicaragua, 2:673–674 Nigeria, 2:681 North Korea, 2:685 Norway, 2:691 Pakistan, 2:705 Panama, 2:713 Papua New Guinea, 2:716–722 Paraguay, 2:725 Peru, 2:731 Philippines, 2:737 Poland, 2:743–750 Portugal, 2:755 Qatar, 2:760–761 Réunion, 2:765 Roma people, 1:434 Romania, 2:768–769, 770–771 Russian Federation, 2:780–781, 786–788 Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe, 2:800 Saudia Arabia, 2:803–804 Senegal, 2:806 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:809, 812–813 Sierra Leone, 2:818–819 Singapore, 2:826 Slovakia, 2:827, 829–831 Slovenia, 2:836 Somalia, 2:839

INDEX

Slovakia, 2:830 Somalia, 2:839 South Africa, 2:861 Tajikistan, 2:930 Tanzania, 2:941 Uganda, 2:983 United Kingdom, 2:1007–1008, 1012–1016 Western Sahara, 2:1087 British Colonial (Canada), 1:158 British Colonist (Canada), 1:151 British Honduras. See Belize British Journalism Review, 2:1016–1017 British North America Act, 1:151, 155 British Sky Broadcasting. See BSkyB British United Press (Canada), 1:161 British-Sudanese Public Affairs Council, 2:886 Britton, David, 2:1009 The Broad Street Journal (Barbados), 1:82 Broadcast media Afghanistan, 1:3 Albania, 1:8–9 Algeria, 1:13–14 Argentina, 1:27, 29–30 Armenia, 1:35, 40–41 Australia, 1:50–52 Austria, 1:64–65 Bangladesh, 1:81 Belarus, 1:91 Belgium, 1:99–100 Bolivia, 1:108 Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:113–114 Botswana, 1:116 Brazil, 1:123, 125–128 Bulgaria, 1:138–139 Burundi, 1:144–145 Cambodia, 1:147 Cameroon, 1:148 Canada, 1:157, 160–163 Central African Republic, 1:169 Chad, 1:172 Chile, 1:182 China, 1:193–194 Colombia, 1:205 Congo, 1:209–210 Costa Rica, 1:217–218 Côte d’Ivoire, 1:221–222 Croatia, 1:226–227 Cuba, 1:232, 236–237 Cyprus, 1:241–242 Czech Republic, 1:247–248 Democratic Congo, 1:252 Dominican Republic, 1:269 Ecuador, 1:276–277 Egypt, 1:280 El Salvador, 1:282–287 Eritrea, 1:290–291 Estonia, 1:295–296 Ethiopia, 1:299–302 Finland, 1:311 France, 1:317, 331–333 Gabon, 1:341 Gambia, 1:345 Gaza Strip and West Bank, 1:347 Georgia, 1:352–353 Germany, 1:360–361, 364–365 Ghana, 1:374–375

1203

Index

South Africa, 2:861 South Korea, 2:851–852 Spain, 2:872–874 Sri Lanka, 2:882–883 Sudan, 2:887 Swaziland, 2:890 Sweden, 2:893–899 Switzerland, 2:906, 910–911 Syria, 2:915 Taiwan, 2:924–925 Tajikistan, 2:934 Tanzania, 2:941 Thailand, 2:947–948 Togo, 2:952 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:954–957 Tunisia, 2:959 Turkey, 2:962–969, 966–969 Turkmenistan, 2:975 Uganda, 2:980–981, 983–984 Ukraine, 2:994–995 United Kingdom, 2:1012–1016 United States, 2:1031, 1046–1050 Uruguay, 2:1059 Uzbekistan, 2:1065–1066 Venezuela, 2:1077–1080 Zambia, 2:1093–1095 Zimbabwe, 2:1098–1100 See also Radio; Satellite communication; Television Broadcast News (Canada), 1:161 Broadcasting Act Australia, 1:49 Canada, 1:159–160 Denmark, 1:259 Finland, 1:311 Poland, 2:744 Broadcasting Bill Estonia, 1:296 Ethiopia, 1:302 Broadcasting Commission of Ireland (BCI), 1:472 Broadcasting Service Act (Australia), 1:51 Broadcasting Standards Commission (United Kingdom), 2:1008–1009 Bromartani (Indonesia), 1:440 Bronner, Oscar, 1:58, 60 Broomsma, Gra, 2:649 Brown, Robert, 1:391 Brown, Vincent, 1:470 BRTC (Bahrain Radio and Television Corporation), 1:74–75 Bruck/Norske Skog, 1:61 Bruker, Natalya, 2:935 Brunei Darussalam, 1:130 Brunei Direct news service, 1:130 Brunet, August, 2:764 BSkyB satellite system, 1:472, 609 Australia, 1:46 United Kingdom, 2:1005, 1014–1016 B.T. (Denmark), 1:255–256 BTP Bouygues group (France), 1:332 BTV (Bangladesh TV) Corporation, 1:81 Le Bucheron (Gabon), 1:340 Budapest Sun, 1:430 Budi Utomo movement (Indonesia), 1:450 Buenes Aires Económico, 1:22 Buenes Aires Television, 1:22 Buenos Aires Herald, 1:19–20 1204

Buenos Aires Press Workers Union (UTPBA), 1:19, 23, 25–27, 32 Bujku (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:810 Bujqesia Sqiptare, 1:6 Bukedde (Uganda), 2:980 Bulawayo Chronicle (Zimbabwe), 2:1097 Bulgaria, 1:131–140 background and characteristics, 1:131–136 broadcast media, 1:138–139 economic conditions, 1:136–138 electronic news media, 1:139–140 journalist education and training, 1:140 news agencies, 1:138 press laws and censorship, 1:138 Bulgarian National Radio (BNR), 1:138–139 Bulgarian National Television (BNT), 1:139 Bulgarian News Agency, 1:138 Bulgarian Radio, 1:138 Bulgarian Telegraph Agency, 1:138 Bulgarian Writer’s Union, 1:134 Bulletin (Guyana), 1:404 Bulletin (Philippines), 2:733, 739 Bundesverband Deutscher Zeitungsverlager (BDZV), 1:366 Bunte (Germany), 1:358, 362 Burchill, Julie, 2:1005 Burkina Faso, 1:141–142 Burma. See Myanmar Burma Broadcasting Service, 1:635 Bursa (Romania), 2:767 Burundi, 1:142–145 Burzovni Novini (Czech Republic), 1:244 Busan Ilbo (South Korea), 2:842, 844 Bushell, John, 1:150 Business Recorder (Pakistan), 2:698–699 Business Times Malayasia, 1:591 Singapore, 2:821, 823 Businesses Journalists Association (Azerbaijan), 1:71 Busy Man’s Magazine (Canada), 1:159 Buysell (Australia), 1:47 BVDU (Belgian Association of Publishers), 1:101 BVI Beacon (British Virgin Islands), 2:1083–1084 By Maria (Portugal), 2:752 Bykov, Vasil’, 1:87

C Cabezas, José Luis, 1:26, 32 Cable News (Philippines), 2:734 Cable News Network (CNN) Austria, 1:65 Bolivia, 1:108 Chile, 1:182 China, 1:192 Croatia, 1:226 Cuba, 1:236 Ecuador, 1:274, 276 Ghana, 1:373 Mauritius, 1:609 Nigeria, 2:681 Sierra Leone, 2:816–819 Tanzania, 2:941 United Kingdom, 2:1012 United States, 2:1030, 1047–1050 Uruguay, 2:1059 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Can West Global Communications Australia, 1:50 Canada, 1:159–160, 162 Ireland, 1:471 New Zealand, 2:661–663 Canada, 1:149–166 background and general characteristics, 1:149–154 broadcast media, 1:161–163 censorship, 1:156–157 economic conditions, 1:154–155 electronic news media, 1:163–164 foreign media presence, 1:160–161 journalist education and training, 1:164–165 news agencies, 1:161 press laws, 1:155–156 state-press relations, 1:157–160 Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC), 1:152, 157–158, 160–163, 165 Canadian Daily Newspaper Association, 1:156 Canadian Illustrated News, 1:158–159 The Canadian Journal, 1:158 Canadian Press (CP), 1:152, 161 Canadian Radio and Television Commission (CRTC), 1:159–160, 163 Canadian Radio Broadcasting Commission (CRBC), 1:157 Canadian Television (CTV), 1:158, 161–163 Canal 7 (Argentina), 1:29 Canal 9 (Argentina), 1:29 Canal 13 (Argentina), 1:19, 22 Canal de Noticias (Uruguay), 2:1059 Canal Plus Belgium, 1:99–100 France, 1:332 Mauritius, 1:609 Poland, 2:747 Spain, 2:868, 872, 873 Canale France Internationale (CNI), Ghana, 1:373 Canard Dimanche (Niger), 2:677 Le Canard Enchaîné (France), 1:316, 324 Canarias 7 (Canary Islands), 2:870 Canary Islands, newspapers, 2:870 Candide (France), 1:316 Cankao Xiaoxi (China), 1:187 Cap Anamur, 2:848 CAPE (Centre d’Accueil de la Presse Etrangère), France, 1:327 Cape Argus (South Africa), 2:858 Cape Times (South Africa), 2:858–860 Cape Town Gazette and African Advertiser, 2:858 Cape Verde, 1:166–167 Capital (Chile), 1:175 Caplan, Gerald, 1:160 CAR (Central African Republic), 1:168–170 Caracol conglomerate (Colombia), 1:205 Caras (Chile), 1:175 Carat France, 1:320 Carat Multimédia (France), 1:320 Cardénas, Juan Pablo, 1:181 Cardona Batallas, Malena, 1:276 Caretaker Government Amendment (Bangladesh), 1:78 Caretas (Peru), 2:728 Caribbean Communications Network (CCN), 2:954 Caribbean Environmental Reporters’ Network (CERN), 1:499 Caribbean Institute of Mass Communication (CARIMAC), 1:499 Caribbean Week (Barbados), 1:82 Carignon, Alain, 1:325 CARIMAC (Caribbean Institute of Mass Communication), 1:499 1205

INDEX

Cable television Argentina, 1:29 Australia, 1:46 Austria, 1:64–65 Bangladesh, 1:81 Belgium, 1:99–100 Bulgaria, 1:139 Canada, 1:153, 162–163, 165 Chile, 1:182 China, 1:193 Costa Rica, 1:218 Czech Republic, 1:248 Denmark, 1:260 Estonia, 1:296 Finland, 1:311 France, 1:330–331 Germany, 1:363–365 Greece, 1:384 Ireland, 1:468, 471–472 Israel, 1:480 Mexico, 1:614–616 Netherlands, 2:652 Nicaragua, 2:674 Panama, 2:708 Papua New Guinea, 2:716 Poland, 2:747–748 Qatar, 2:760 Saint Kitts and Nevis, 2:796 Slovakia, 2:830–831 South Korea, 2:851 Sweden, 2:897–899 Switzerland, 2:907 Taiwan, 2:925 Tajikistan, 2:931–932 Turkmenistan, 2:975 Uganda, 2:984 United Kingdom, 2:1014 United States, 2:1049–1050 Uzbekistan, 2:1065–1066 Venezuela, 2:1080 See also Broadcast media; Digital television; Satellite communication; Television Cadena de Noticias (CDN), 1:269 Les Cahiers de la Réunion et de l’Océan Indien, 2:764 Caiáan Barbudo, 1:235 Caicos Island. See Turks and Caicos Islands Le Calame (Mauritania), 1:605–606 Calcutta Gazette, 1:441 Calcutta General Advertise, 1:440–441 Caldera, Rafael, 2:1076 Calderón Fournier, Rafael Angel, 1:212–213, 216–217 Calderon Sol, Armando, 1:282 Callejas, Rafael Leonardo, 1:419 Calles, Camilia, 1:283 Calmell del Solar, Eduardo, 2:728 Cambodia, 1:147 Cambodia Daily, 1:147 Cambodia Radio Journalists’ Training Project, 1:147 Cambodia Times, 1:147 Cameroon, 1:148–149 Cameroon Radio Television, 1:148 Campbell, John, 2:1026 Campbell, Naomi, 2:1008–1009 Campillay, Julio, 1:24 Campos pagados (political advertisements), El Salvador, 1:283 Camrose (Lord). See Berry, William

Index

Carlebach, Azriel, 1:476 Carlos IV (King of Spain), 2:866 Carmona, Ramón, 1:268 Carol I (King of Romania), 2:766 Carol II (King of Romania), 2:766 Carolina (Czech Republic), 1:245 Caroline (Princess of Monaco), 1:362 Carolo Galaverna, Juan, 2:725 Carpio Nicolle, Jorge, 1:391, 395 Carpio Nicolle, Roberto, 1:391 Carrefour Africain (Djibouti), 1:263 Carta de los Intelectuales (Cuba), 1:235 Carter, Jimmy, 1:239 La Cáscara (Panama), 2:712 Cash (Switzerland), 2:905 Cashbox (Taiwan), 2:921 CASNET. See China Academic Science Network Castro, Fidel, 1:229–238, 2:1072 Castro, Joaquín Pou, 1:267 Castro, José María, 1:212 Castro, Tomás, 1:268 Catalán language media, Spain, 2:864–865, 869, 873 The Catechism for the Russian People, 2:774 Catherine the Great, 2:782 Catholic Church, news sources of Argentina, 1:29 Austria, 1:57 Belgium, 1:96 Benin, 1:103 Bolivia, 1:108 Burundi, 1:143 Cape Verde, 1:167 Central African Republic, 1:169 Chad, 1:171–172 Chile, 1:177–178 Croatia, 1:224 Djibouti, 1:263 Ecuador, 1:274 France, 1:314, 318 Guam, 1:389 Guatemala, 1:392 Guyana, 1:405 Indonesia, 1:451 Ireland, 1:466–472 Italy, 1:484 Kiribati, 1:539 Lebanon, 1:562 Mozambique, 1:632 Poland, 2:744, 747 Portugal, 2:751, 754 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:955 United States, 2:1024 Vatican City State, 2:1070 Catholic News (Trinidad and Tobago), 2:955 Catholic Press Association, 1:57 The Catholic Standard (Guyana), 1:405 Catholic Truth Society (Ireland), 1:470 Caucasian Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development (CIPDD), 1:349 Caucasus Institute of Journalism and Media Management, 1:354 Caudillismo (Bolivia), 1:106 Cavling, Henrik, 1:255 Cayman Islands, 1:167 Cayman Net News, 1:167 Caymanian Compass, 1:167 Cayona, Candelario, 2:736 1206

Cazal, Fernand, 2:764 CBC. See Canadian Broadcasting Corporation CBS (Central Broadcasting System), Taiwan, 2:924–925 CBS (U.S.), 2:1059 CCIJP (Commission de la Carte d’Identité des Journalistes Professionels), France, 1:325 CCN (Caribbean Communications Network), 2:954 CCP (Chinese Communist Party), 1:185–193 CCTV (China Central Television), 1:193–194 CDA (Communications Decency Act), U.S., 2:1050, 1055 CDN (Cadena de Noticias), 1:269 CDP (Colegio Dominicano de Periodistas), 1:268 Ceausescu, Elena, 2:768–769 Ceausescu, Nicolae, 2:768–769, 771, 773 CEDEX (Centro para la Defnsa de la Libertad de Expresión), Guatemala, 1:390, 394 Celso Barbos, José, 2:757 CEMCI (Comision Empresaria de Medios de Comunicación Independientes), 1:29–30, 32 Censorship Afghanistan, 1:1–3 Albania, 1:5–6, 7–8 Algeria, 1:12 Angola, 1:16–17 Argentina, 1:21, 25–27 Armenia, 1:39 Australia, 1:49, 51 Austria, 1:62–63 Azerbaijan, 1:69 Bahrain, 1:75 Bangladesh, 1:80 Belarus, 1:87–88 Belgium, 1:97–98 Bhutan, 1:105 Bolivia, 1:107 Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:112–113 Brazil, 1:123–124 Bulgaria, 1:138 Burkina Faso, 1:141–142 Burundi, 1:144 Canada, 1:156–157 Central African Republic, 1:169 Chad, 1:171–173 Chile, 1:174, 177–178, 180–181 China, 1:190–191 Colombia, 1:204 Congo, 1:209 Costa Rica, 1:216 Côte d’Ivoire, 1:221 Croatia, 1:226 Cuba, 1:231, 233 Czech Republic, 1:246 Denmark, 1:258–259 Dominican Republic, 1:267 Ecuador, 1:276 El Salvador, 1:282–283 Eritrea, 1:290 Estonia, 1:293–295 Ethiopia, 1:299–301 Finland, 1:309 France, 1:316, 324–326, 327 Gabon, 1:340–341 Gambia, 1:344, 346 Georgia, 1:351–352 Germany, 1:362–363 Ghana, 1:372–373 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Taiwan, 2:923 Tajikistan, 2:932–933 Tanzania, 2:939 Thailand, 2:943, 946 Togo, 2:951–952 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:956 Tunisia, 2:959 Turkey, 2:966–969 Turkmenistan, 2:973–975 Uganda, 2:982 Ukraine, 2:991–992 United Kingdom, 2:1010 United States, 2:1036, 1044–1045 Uzbekistan, 2:1063–1064 Venezuela, 2:1074, 1076–1077 Zimbabwe, 2:1098–1099 See also Media restrictions Center for Independent Journalism (CIJ), Romania, 2:772 Center for Information and Documentation (CIDAI), El Salvador, 1:286 Center for Journalism in Extreme Situations Belarus, 1:92 Tajikistan, 2:933 Center for the Support of Freedom of Expression and Access to Information (Moldova), 1:620–621 Center of International Press (Cuba), 1:232–233 Center of Women Journalists of Central Asia, Kyrgyzstan, 1:546–547 Centrafrique Presse, 1:168 Central African Republic (CAR), 1:168–170 Central American News (El Salvador), 1:284 Central Broadcasting System (CBS), Taiwan, 2:924–925 Central Europe Online (Slovakia), 2:831 Central European Media Enterprises (CME) Romania, 2:771 Slovakia, 2:830 Slovenia, 2:836 Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Colombia, 1:204–205 Czech Republic, 1:247–248 El Salvador, 1:281 Iran, 1:460–462 Lebanon, 1:558 Sudan, 2:885, 887 Central People’s Broadcasting Station (CPBS), 1:193–194 Central Press Accreditation Committee (India), 1:443 Centre d’Accueil de la Presse Etrangère (CAPE), France, 1:327 Centre de Formation et de Perfectionnement des Journalistes (CFPJ), France, 1:335 Centre de Liaison Enseignement et Moyens d’Information (CLEMI), France, 1:326 Centre de Presse (Monaco), 1:623 Centre d’Etude des Supports de Publicité (CESP), 1:330 Centre for Independent Journalism (Slovakia), 2:832 Centre for International Mobility (CIMO), 1:312–313 Centre Français d’Exploitation du Droit de Copie, 1:330 Centro para la Defnsa de la Libertad de Expresión (CEDEX), Guatemala, 1:390, 394 CERIGUA (Guatemala), 1:390, 394–395 CERN (Caribbean Environmental Reporters’ Network), 1:499 La Cerneen (Mauritius), 1:608 CERNET (China Education and Research Network), 1:193 Ceska Tiskova Kancelar (CTK), Czech Republic, 1:247 CESP (Centre d’Etude des Supports de Publicité), 1:330 Ceylon. See Sri Lanka 1207

INDEX

Greece, 1:382–383 Guatemala, 1:392 Guinea-Bissau, 1:401 Guyana, 1:405–406 Haiti, 1:415 Honduras, 1:420 Hong Kong, 1:426 Hungary, 1:433–436 India, 1:444 Indonesia, 1:454–455 Iran, 1:460–462 Iraq, 1:464 Ireland, 1:469–470 Israel, 1:478–479 Italy, 1:487–488 Jamaica, 1:498 Japan, 1:504–506 Kazakhstan, 1:522–523 Kenya, 1:535 Kuwait, 1:541 Kyrgyzstan, 1:546 Latvia, 1:553 Lebanon, 1:561 Liberia, 1:567 Libya, 1:568–569 Lithuania, 1:573, 575 Macedonia, 1:580–581 Malawi, 1:585–586 Malaysia, 1:595 Mauritania, 1:605 Mexico, 1:613 Moldova, 1:620–621 Morocco, 1:628 Mozambique, 1:632–633 Myanmar, 1:634–635 Nepal, 2:643–644 Netherlands, 2:649 New Zealand, 2:661 Nicaragua, 2:671–672 Nigeria, 2:679–680 Norway, 2:690 Pakistan, 2:702 Papua New Guinea, 2:719 Paraguay, 2:725 Philippines, 2:737 Poland, 2:744–746 Portugal, 2:751, 754 Qatar, 2:760 Réunion, 2:764 Romania, 2:767–772, 770 Russian Federation, 2:775–778, 780–784 Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe, 2:800 Saudi Arabia, 2:803–804 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:809, 812 Sierra Leone, 2:818 Singapore, 2:823–824 Somalia, 2:838 South Africa, 2:860–861 South Korea, 2:846–848 Spain, 2:871 Sri Lanka, 2:880–881 Sudan, 2:886 Swaziland, 2:890 Sweden, 2:896 Switzerland, 2:906 Syria, 2:912–916

Index

CFPJ (Centre de Formation et de Perfectionnement des Journalistes), France, 1:335 Chad, 1:170–173 Chamorro, Carlos Fernando, 2:668–669 Chamorro, Claudia, 2:668 Chamorro, Cristiana, 2:668 Chamorro, Fruto, 2:667 Chamorro, Pedro Joaquín, 1:213, 2:667–668 Chamorro, Violetta, 2:667–669, 672, 675 Chamorro, Xavier, 2:668 Chamorro Cardenal, Pedro Joaquín, 2:667–669 Chang Key-young, 2:843 Channel Inter (Ukraine), 2:994 Channel News Asia (Singapore), 2:826 Chapultepec Declaration. See Declaration of Chapultepec La Charente Libre (France), 1:326 Chargeurs (France), 1:318 Charity (Russia), 2:776 Charkhi Gardun (Tajikistan), 2:931 Charles Stuart University (Australia), 1:54 Charlton, A. E., 1:441 Charogi Duz (Tajikistan), 2:933 Charter Article Seventeen (Czech Republic), 1:246 Charter of Fundamental Rights and Freedoms (Czech Republic), 1:246 Charter of Rights and Freedoms (Canada), 1:156 Chas Iks (Tajikistan), 2:931 Chateaubriand, Assis, 1:126–127 Chávez Frias, Hugo, 2:1071, 1074, 1076–1078, 1081–1082 CHCH-TV (Canada), 1:161 Chechnyan War, 2:783, 785, 788, 791 Chekhov, Anton, 2:774 Chen Shui-bian, 2:923, 926 Chengdu Shangbao (China), 1:186 Chernobyl (Belarus), 1:85 Chervenkov, Vulko, 1:134 Chery, Marcel, 2:711 Le Chi Quang, 2:1083 Chiang Ching-kuo, 2:922–923 Chiang Kai-Shek, 2:920, 922 Chicago Tribune, 1:236, 2:1023 Children’s and Teenagers’ Code (Ecuador), 1:275 Children’s News (Taiwan), 2:921–922 The Children’s Own (Jamaica), 1:495–496 Children’s Television Act (CTA), U.S., 2:1049 Chile, 1:173–184 background and general characteristics, 1:173–178 broadcast media, 1:182 censorship, 1:180–181 economic conditions, 1:178–179 electronic news media, 1:182–183 foreign media presence, 1:181–182 journalist education and training, 1:183 press laws, 1:179–180 state-press relations, 1:181 Chilean National Ethics Committee, 1:184 Chiluba, Frederick, 2:1092 China, People’s Republic of, 1:184–197 background and general characteristics, 1:185–188 broadcast media, 1:193–194 censorship, 1:190–191 economic conditions, 1:188–189 electronic news media, 1:194–195 foreign media presence, 1:191–193 journalist education and training, 1:195–196 news agencies, 1:193 1208

press laws, 1:189–190 state-press relations, 1:191 See also Hong Kong; Taiwan China Academic Science Network (CASNET), 1:193 China Business Round Up (Hong Kong), 1:424 China Central Television (CCTV), 1:193–194 China Daily, 1:187 China Education and Research Network (CERNET), 1:193 China News (Taiwan), 2:921 China Newspaper Publishers’ Association (CNPA), 1:196 China Post (Taiwan), 2:921 China Press (Malaysia), 1:592, 594–595 China Publication Yearbook, 1:196 China Radio and Television Society, 1:196 China Television Company (CTV), 2:925 The China Times (Taiwan), 2:921, 924–925 China Times Weekly (Taiwan), 2:921–922 Chinanet, 1:193 Chinese Communist Party (CCP), 1:185–193 Chinese Daily News (Mauritius), 1:608 Chinese language media France, 1:328 Guam, 1:389 Hong Kong, 1:424–427 Indonesia, 1:450 Macau, 1:579 Malaysia, 1:592–594 Mauritius, 1:608 Myanmar, 1:634 Singapore, 2:821–822, 825 Taiwan, 2:921–925 Vietnam, 2:1083 Chinese Newspaper Self-Discipline Agreement, 1:190 Chinese Publisher’s Association, 1:196 Chinese Television System (CTS), 2:925 Chizh, V., 2:987 Choate, Pat, 1:509 Chomsky, Noam, 1:282 Chonji (bribe), 2:847–848 Chorus cable operator, 1:468 Choson Chungyang T’ongsin (North Korea), 2:684 Choson Chungyang Yongbo (North Korea), 2:684 Chosun Ilbo (South Korea), 2:842–844, 848–849, 851–852, 854 Christensen, George, 1:344 Christian Politics (Russia), 2:776 Christian Science Monitor, South Africa, 2:861–862 Christmas Island, 1:198–199 Chronicle (Malawi), 1:586 The Chronicle (Dominica), 1:263 The Chronicle of Current Events, 2:775 Chronicle of the Twentieth Century, 2:678 Chubais, Anatoly, 2:791 Chulalongkorn (King of Thailand), 2:947 CHUM Limited, 1:162 Chung Ju-yung, 2:843 Chung Kuo Pao (Malaysia), 1:592 Chunichi Shimbun (Japan), 1:511 Chyrvonaia zmena (Belarus), 1:84 CIA. See Central Intelligence Agency CIA Medianetwork, France, 1:320 Ciccia, Miguel, 2:729 CIDAI (Center for Information and Documentation), El Salvador, 1:286 Ciel d’Afrique (Cameroon), 1:148 CIEM (Enfance et Média), 1:320 CIJ (Center for Independent Journalism), Romania, 2:772 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Lithuania, 1:573–574 Luxembourg, 1:578 Macedonia, 1:580–581 Malawi, 1:583–584 Malaysia, 1:591–593, 1:593 Mali, 1:601 Malta, 1:602–603 Mexico, 1:612 Moldova, 1:618–619 Mongolia, 1:624 Morocco, 1:627–630 Mozambique, 1:632 Myanmar, 1:634 Namibia, 2:638–639 Netherlands, 2:646–647, 2:646–649 New Zealand, 2:659, 2:659–660 Nicaragua, 2:669–670 Niger, 2:677 Norway, 2:687–688, 2:688 Pakistan, 2:698 Panama, 2:708 Papua New Guinea, 2:716, 718 Paraguay, 2:724 Philippines, 2:734–735 Poland, 2:743, 2:743 Portugal, 2:751–752, 2:752 Romania, 2:766–767, 769 Russian Federation, 2:774–777, 2:777 Saudi Arabia, 2:802 Senegal, 2:806 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:810 Singapore, 2:821, 2:821 Slovakia, 2:827–828, 2:828 Solomon Islands, 2:837 South Africa, 2:859–860, 2:860 South Korea, 2:842–845 Spain, 2:867, 2:867, 2:869, 2:869 Sri Lanka, 2:879, 2:879 Sweden, 2:893, 2:893–894 Switzerland, 2:903–904, 2:904 Syria, 2:912–913 Tajikistan, 2:931–932 Tanzania, 2:938–939 Thailand, 2:944 Togo, 2:951–952 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:954–955 Tunisia, 2:958 Turkey, 2:963–965 Uganda, 2:980 Ukraine, 2:987–988 United Kingdom, 2:1001–1004, 2:1003 United States, 2:1022–1024, 2:1023, 2:1035 Uruguay, 2:1057 Uzbekistan, 2:1061–1068 Venezuela, 2:1074–1075 Yemen, 2:1089–1090 Zimbabwe, 2:1098 CIS (Council of Independent States), 1:38, 2:1065 Cisneros media group, 2:1078, 1080 Citizen (Guyana), 1:406 Citizen FM (Gambia), 1:344 Le Citoyen (Central African Republic), 1:168–169 City Press (South Africa), 2:860 Civil and Military Gazette (Pakistan), 2:697 Civil Code (Argentina), 1:23–25 Civil Society (Guyana), 1:405

INDEX

CIMECO company, 1:22, 29 CIMO (Centre for International Mobility), 1:312–313 La Cinquième (France), 1:332 CIPDD (Caucasian Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development), 1:349 Circuito Independencia (Dominican Republic), 1:265 Circulation information and statistics Afghanistan, 1:1–2 Albania, 1:6–8 Algeria, 1:11–12 Angola, 1:16 Argentina, 1:19–20, 1:19–22 Armenia, 1:35–37 Australia, 1:45, 1:45 Austria, 1:57–60 Azerbaijan, 1:68, 1:68 Bahamas, 1:73 Bahrain, 1:74 Bangladesh, 1:78 Belarus, 1:84–85, 89 Belgium, 1:95–96 Benin, 1:103 Bolivia, 1:106 Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:111–112 Botswana, 1:115–116 Brazil, 1:117–118, 1:118, 1:122 Bulgaria, 1:135–136, 1:136 Cambodia, 1:147 Canada, 1:152–154, 1:153 Chile, 1:175 China, 1:186–188 Colombia, 1:200–201, 1:201 Costa Rica, 1:213, 1:213 Côte d’Ivoire, 1:221 Croatia, 1:224, 1:224 Cyprus, 1:241, 1:242 Czech Republic, 1:244, 1:244–245 Democratic Congo, 1:252 Denmark, 1:255–257, 1:256–257 Dominican Republic, 1:265–266 Estonia, 1:294, 1:294 Ethiopia, 1:300 Finland, 1:306–308, 1:307–308, 1:313 France, 1:314–318, 1:318, 1:320, 323, 330 Georgia, 1:349 Germany, 1:356–358, 1:357–358 Ghana, 1:370 Greece, 1:381, 1:381–382 Guyana, 1:404–405 Hong Kong, 1:424–425 Hungary, 1:429–431, 1:430 India, 1:441–442, 1:442 Indonesia, 1:450–452, 1:451–452 Iraq, 1:463–465 Ireland, 1:466, 1:467–468 Israel, 1:476–477 Italy, 1:483–486, 1:485 Japan, 1:500–503, 1:501–502 Kenya, 1:530–531 Kuwait, 1:540–541 Kyrgyzstan, 1:544–545 Laos, 1:549 Latvia, 1:551, 1:551–552 Lebanon, 1:558–559 Liberia, 1:567 Libya, 1:568

1209

Index

CJSC (Club des Journalistes Solidaires du Cameroun), 1:148 Claridad (Puerto Rico), 2:757 Clarín (Argentina), 1:19–21, 25, 29 Clarín Group, 1:22 Clavel, Maurice, 1:329 CLEMI (Centre de Liaison Enseignement et Moyens d’Information), France, 1:326 CLT (Compagnie Luxembourgeoise de Telediffusion), 1:578 Club de Radio Aficionados del El Salvador, 1:284 Club des Journalistes Solidaires du Cameroun (CJSC), 1:148 CME. See Central European Media Enterprises CMM (Council for Mass Media), Finland, 1:309 CMT (Telecommunications Market), 2:867 CNA (National Council for Audiovisual Media), Lebanon, 1:561 CNA agency, Agence France-Presse, 1:329 CNI (Canale France Internationale), Ghana, 1:373 CNN. See Cable News Network CNPA (China Newspaper Publishers’ Association), 1:196 CNR (National Reconciliation Commision), Guatemala, 1:391–392 CNTV (Comision Nacional de Television), Colombia, 1:205 Coalition of Haitian Rights, 1:413 Coalition of Human Rights Defenders, 1:345 Cobbett, William, 1:151 Coconut Telegraph (Honduras), 1:419–420 Code of Wartime Practices (U.S.), 2:1029 Cohen, Michael, 1:475 CoLatino (El Salvador), 1:284 Colegio Dominicano de Periodistas (CDP), 1:268 Colegio laws Costa Rica, 1:218–219 Nicaragua, 2:671–673, 675 Venezuela, 2:1081 Coleman, Bennett, 1:442 Le Collectif, 1:141 Collectormania (Australia), 1:47 College of Journalists of Honduras, 1:419–420 Colleges and universities, journalism programs. See Education and training for journalists Collor, Fernando, 1:119 Colombia, 1:199–206 background and characteristics, 1:199–202 broadcast media, 1:205 censorship, 1:204 economic conditions, 1:202–203 electronic news media, 1:205 foreign media presence, 1:204–205 journalist education and training, 1:205–206 news agencies, 1:205 press laws, 1:203–204 The Colombia Times, 1:200 Colombo Journal (Sri Lanka), 2:878 Colonial Advocate, 1:151 Color Visión (Dominican Republic), 1:265, 268 Columbia Journalism Review (U.S.), 2:1002 Columbia Missourian, 2:1054 Combat Ouvrier (Guadeloupe), 1:388 COMFER (Federal Broadcasting Committee), Argentina, 1:26, 30 Coming War with Japan, The, 1:509 Comision de Regulacion de Telecommunicaciones (CRT), Colombia, 1:205 Comision Empresaria de Medios de Comunicación Independientes (CEMCI), 1:29–30, 32 Comisión Nacional de Telecomunicaciones (CONATEL) Haiti, 1:416 1210

Venezuela, 2:1077 Comision Nacional de Television (CNTV), Colombia, 1:205 Comité d’Information sur la Société d’Information (CISI), France, 1:326, 328, 336 Comité por la Libertad de Expresión en Panama, 2:711 Commercial Times (Taiwan), 2:922 Commersant Moldovi, 1:620 Commission de la Carte d’Identité des Journalistes Professionels (CCIJP), France, 1:325, 330 Commission for Freedom of Access to Information, Russia, 2:778 Commission Paritaire des Publications et Agences de Presse, 1:325 Committee for the Defense of Liberties and Human Rights in Tunisia (CRLDH), 2:959 Committee of Enquiry on Evil Literature, Ireland, 1:469–470 Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) Angola, 1:17 Armenia, 1:39 Burkina Faso, 1:141–142 Central African Republic, 1:169 Cuba, 1:233 Gabon, 1:339 Gambia, 1:344 Guatemala, 1:391–395 Guinea-Bissau, 1:400 Haiti, 1:413–414 Honduras, 1:419–421 Iran, 1:460–461 Iraq, 1:464 Kazakhstan, 1:522 Malaysia, 1:599 Morocco, 1:628 Myanmar, 1:635 Nigeria, 2:680–681 Pakistan, 2:705 Panama, 2:709–711 Paraguay, 2:723 Romania, 2:769 Russian Federation, 2:784 Sierra Leone, 2:816–819 South Korea, 2:849 Sri Lanka, 2:877, 881–884 Taiwan, 2:923, 926 Tajikistan, 2:932–934 Tunisia, 2:959 Turkmenistan, 2:974 Ukraine, 2:993 Uzbekistan, 2:1067 Commons Daily (Taiwan), 2:921 Commonwealth (Taiwan), 2:922 Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) Azerbaijan, 1:67, 70 Tajikistan, 2:929 Commonwealth Press Union (CPU), New Zealand, 2:660, 849 Communications Code (Gabon), 1:339 Communications Decency Act (CDA), U.S., 2:1050, 1055 Communications Regulatory Agency (CRA), Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:113 Communist (Moldova), 1:619 Communist People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan, 1:2 Comoros archipelago, 1:207 Compagnie Luxembourgeoise de Telediffusion (CLT), 1:578 Companhia Santomense de Telecomunicaço˜es (CST), Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe, 2:800 Compaoré, Blaise, 1:141 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

La Confederación (Argentina), 1:21 Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, 1:6 Confidencial (Nicaragua), 2:669 Congo, Democratic Republic of, 1:251–252 Congo, Republic of, 1:208–210 Congolese Press Agency (CPA), 1:252 Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), 2:860 Conseil de la Langue Française, 1:335 Le Conseil de Presse (Luxembourg), 1:578 Conseil d’Etat (France), 1:320, 322, 330 Conseil Supérieur de la Propriété Litéraire et Artistique (CSPLA), 1:322 Conseil Supérieur de l’Audiovisuel (CSA), France, 1:331–332 Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnologia (CONACYT), El Salvador, 1:286 Consejo Supremo de Periodismo de Panamá, 2:715 Conselho Nacional de Telecomunicaça˜es (Brazil), 1:123 Le Conservateur (Réunion), 2:764 Consolidacion Nacional (Philippines), 2:733 Consorcio Periodístico de Chile (COPESA), 1:175–176 Constantine I (King of Greece), 1:380 Constantine II (King of Greece), 1:380 Constantinescu, Emil, 2:773 Constituent Assembly of Bangladesh, 1:77 Constitution Politica del Estate de 1967 (Bolivia), 1:107 Constitutional Review Commission (CRC), Papua New Guinea, 2:719 Constitutions Afghanistan, 1:2–3 Argentina, 1:23–25 Armenia, 1:38–39 Azerbaijan, 1:68–69 Bangladesh, 1:79–80 Bulgaria, 1:135 Chile, 1:174–175 China, 1:191 Cuba, 1:232–233 Dominican Republic, 1:266–267 Japan, 1:504–506 Kazakhstan, 1:521–522 Mexico, 1:613 Thailand, 2:943–944 United German Peoples, 1:356–357 United States, 2:1036–1044 Uzbekistan, 2:1061 Le Contact (Chad), 1:171 Contenido (Mexico), 1:612 Continental Radio, 1:22 Contraportadad (El Salvador), 1:282 Contras, 2:667–669 Cook, James, 2:658 Cook Islands, 1:210 Cook Islands Herald, 1:210 Cook Islands Media Council, 1:210 Cook Islands News, 1:210 Cooperativa Avileña de Periodistas Independientes, 1:234 Coordination Council on TV and Radio Broadcasting (Moldova), 1:620–622 COPESA (Consorcio Periodístico de Chile), 1:175–176 Copy Right Agency (Ukraine), 2:995 Copyright laws France, 1:322–323, 324, 330, 336 Russian Federation, 2:785 Ukraine, 2:995 United States, 2:1050–1052 Uzbekistan, 2:1066 1211

INDEX

Comprehensive Review of Literature and News (Canada), 1:158 Computer use Albania, 1:9, 1:9–10 Argentina, 1:30–31, 1:31 Armenia, 1:41, 1:41 Australia, 1:52–53, 1:53 Austria, 1:65, 1:65 Bahrain, 1:75 Belarus, 1:92 Bulgaria, 1:139, 1:139 Canada, 1:164, 1:164 Chile, 1:183, 1:183 China, 1:194–195, 1:195 Colombia, 1:205, 1:206 Croatia, 1:227, 1:228 Cuba, 1:237, 1:237–238 Djibouti, 1:263 Finland, 1:311, 1:311–312 Germany, 1:365, 1:365–366 Greece, 1:385, 1:385 Guatemala, 1:395, 1:395–396 Guinea Republic, 1:399 Guyana, 1:407, 1:407 Hungary, 1:435 Iran, 1:461, 1:462 Ireland, 1:472, 1:472 Israel, 1:481 Italy, 1:490–491, 1:491 Japan, 1:510, 1:511 Kenya, 1:537, 1:537–538 Kuwait, 1:542, 1:542 Latvia, 1:553, 1:554 Lebanon, 1:562, 1:563 Lithuania, 1:575, 1:576 Madagascar, 1:583 Malaysia, 1:598, 1:598–599 Mexico, 1:615, 1:615 Morocco, 1:629, 1:629–630 Netherlands, 2:652, 2:653 New Zealand, 2:663, 2:664 Nicaragua, 2:674, 2:674 Nigeria, 2:681, 2:681–682 Paraguay, 2:725, 2:725 Poland, 2:748–749, 2:750 Romania, 2:771, 2:771–772 Russian Federation, 2:789, 2:790 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:813, 2:813–814 Slovakia, 2:831, 2:831–832 South Korea, 2:840, 2:853 Switzerland, 2:907–908 Syria, 2:915, 2:915 Taiwan, 2:925, 2:925 Thailand, 2:947–948, 2:948 Ukraine, 2:995, 2:995–996 United Kingdom, 2:1016, 2:1016–1017 United States, 2:1052, 2:1052 Uzbekistan, 2:1066–1067 See also Electronic news media; Internet access; Websites COMUNICADORES, 1:32 Comunisti (Georgia), 1:349 CONACYT (Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnologia), El Salvador, 1:286 CONATEL (Comisión Nacional de Telecomunicaciones), 1:416, 2:1077 Concordia Press Club, 1:64 Condor (Chile), 1:178

Index

Corant newspaper, 1:43 Corbis group, 1:328 Corporate Council on Africa, 2:816 Correio Brasiliense, 1:120 Correio de Bissau, 1:401–402 Correiro Mercantil (Brazil), 1:121 Correo de Comercio, 1:21 Correo de Tenerife (Canary Islands), 2:870 O Correo Galego, 2:870 Correo Group, 1:22, 29 Correo Perú, 2:728 O Correrio da Manha (Portugal), 2:752 Corriere Canadese, 1:153 Corus Entertainment, 1:162 Cosas (Chile), 1:175 COSATU (Congress of South African Trade Unions), 2:860 Cosmo (Croatia), 1:224 Costa Rica, 1:211–214, 1:211–220 Costumbrismo, 2:866 Côte d’Ivoire, 1:172, 1:220–222 Coto, Eduardo, 1:421 Council for Mass Media (CMM), Finland, 1:309 Council for the Press (Bosnia-Herzegovina), 1:113 Council of Europe Armenia, 1:38, 40–41 Azerbaijan, 1:69 Croatia, 1:226 Georgia, 1:354 Serbia and Macedonia, 2:812 Council of Independent States (CIS) Armenia, 1:38 Uzbekistan, 2:1065 Council of Pakistan Newspaper Editors, 2:700 Country Assistance Strategy (World Bank), Tajikistan, 2:929–930 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, 1:7–8 Courante uyt Italien ende Duytschland (Netherlands), 2:645 Le Courier de Nouvelle Caledonie (Canada), 1:151 Courier International (France), 1:318, 327–328 Courier Mail (Australia), 1:45 La Courrier de l’Escaut, 1:96 Cox, Sara, 2:1008 Cox Enterprises, Poland, 2:747 Cox News Service, Colombia, 1:205 CP (Canadian Press), 1:152, 161 CPA (Congolese Press Agency), 1:252 CPBS (Central People’s Broadcasting Station), 1:193–194 CPJ. See Committee to Protect Journalists CPU (Commonwealth Press Union), New Zealand, 2:660, 849 CRA (Communications Regulatory Agency), Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:113 Crane, Stephen, 1:230 CRBC (Canadian Radio Broadcasting Commission), 1:157 CRC (Constitutional Review Commission), Papua New Guinea, 2:719 Creel, George, 2:1029 Creole (Guyana), 1:404 Creole language media Cape Verde, 1:167 French Guiana, 1:337–338 Haiti, 1:412–416 Cressard Law, 1:321 Crichton, Robert, 1:509 Crisell, John, 2:1013–1016 Critica (Guatemala), 1:390 Crítica (Panama), 2:709, 713 1212

Crítica Libre (Panama), 2:709 CRLDH (Committee for the Defense of Liberties and Human Rights in Tunisia), 2:959 Crnogorac (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:807 Croatia, 1:222–228 background and general characteristics, 1:223–224 broadcast media, 1:226–227 censorship, 1:226 economic conditions, 1:224–225, 2:811 electronic news media, 1:227 foreign media presence, 1:226 journalist education and training, 1:227 news agencies, 1:226, 2:809 press laws, 1:225–226 state-press relations, 1:226 Yugoslavia, 2:808 Croatian Association of Journalists, 1:226–227 Croatian language media Austria, 1:59 Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:113–114 Croatian News Agency (HINA), 1:226 La Croix (France), 1:314–315, 318 La Croix du Benin, 1:103 Cronenberg, David, 2:1010 La Crónica Colombia, 1:200 Panama, 2:709 Crónica (Argentina), 1:19–20, 26–27 Crónica (Guatemala), 1:390, 393 Crónica Group, 1:22 Crónica TV, 1:22 Cronkite, Walter, 2:1047 Cross, James, 1:157 Crossing (Russia), 2:776 CRT (Comision de Regulacion de Telecommunicaciones), Colombia, 1:205 CRTC (Canadian Radio and Television Commission), 1:159–160, 163 The Crusader (Saint Lucia), 2:796 Cruz, Julio, 1:293 O Cruzeiro, 1:126 The Cry of Yaroslavl, 2:776 CSA (Conseil Supérieur de l’Audiovisuel), France, 1:331–332 CSPLA (Conseil Supérieur de la Propriété Litéraire et Artistique), 1:322 CST (Companhia Santomense de Telecomunicaço˜es), Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe, 2:800 CTA (Children’s Television Act), U.S., 2:1049 CTK (Ceska Tiskova Kancelar), Czech Republic, 1:247 CTS (Chinese Television System), 2:925 CTV (Canadian Television), 1:158, 161–163 CTV (China Television Company), 2:925 CTV (Vatican Television Center), 2:1070 Cuadra Cardenal, Pablo Antonio, 2:668 La Cuarta (Chile), 1:175 Cuba, 1:228–239 background and characteristics, 1:228–232 broadcast media, 1:236–237 censorship, 1:233 economic conditions, 1:232 electronic news media, 1:237–238 foreign media presence, 1:235–236 journalist education and training, 1:238–239 news agencies, 1:236 press laws, 1:232–233 state-press relations, 1:233–235 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

Venezuela, 2:1072 ‘‘Cuban Five,’’ 1:231–232 Cuban Free Press (Miami), 1:234 Cuba-Net, 1:229 CubaPress, 1:235 Cubavisión, 1:236 Cubby, Inc. v. CompuServe, 2:1050 Cuesta Caputti, Rafael, 1:274 Cultural Revolution (China), 1:185–186 Cumhuriyet (Turkey), 2:963 Cunnabel, J. S., 1:158 Curier de Moldavie, 1:617–618 Curierul (Romania), 2:766–767 Curran, James, 2:1005, 1007 Curtis, Michael, 1:531 Cyber press laws (France), 1:322–324, 336 See also Press laws Cyprus, 1:240–242, 1:380 Cyprus Broadcasting Corporation, 1:241 Cyprus news agency, 1:241–242 Czech Republic, 1:242–248 background and general characteristics, 1:243–245 broadcast media, 1:247–248 censorship, 1:246 Cuba, 1:234–235 economic conditions, 1:245–246 electronic news media, 1:248 foreign media presence, 1:243, 247 journalist education and training, 1:248 news agencies, 1:247 press laws, 1:246 state-press relations, 1:246–247 See also Slovakia Czekhiya Sevodnya (Czech Republic), 1:245

D

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

INDEX

Da Costa, Hipólito, 1:120 DAB (Digital Audio Broadcasting), Sweden, 2:899 Daegu Maeil Daily (South Korea), 2:842, 844 Dagbladet (Norway), 2:688, 690 Dagbladid (Faroe Islands), 1:255, 304 Dagbladunie (Netherlands), 2:646, 649 Dagens Industri (Sweden), 2:893 Dagens Nyheter (Sweden), 2:893, 896 Daily Argosy (Guyana), 1:404 Daily Chronicle (Guyana), 1:404, 406 Daily Dispatch (South Africa), 2:859 Daily Express (United Kingdom), 2:1000 Daily Gleaner (Jamaica), 1:495–498 The Daily Graphic (Ghana), 1:369–371 Daily Herald (United Kingdom), 2:1000, 1007 Daily Mail (United Kingdom), 2:1000, 1005 Daily Mail group, Hungary, 1:431 Daily Mirror Sri Lanka, 2:879 Thailand, 2:944 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:954 United Kingdom, 2:1000, 1006, 1011 Daily Nation Barbados, 1:82–83 Kenya, 1:531, 2:740 The Daily News Malawi, 1:586 New Zealand, 2:659 Pakistan, 2:699

South Africa, 2:860 Sri Lanka, 2:878–879 Thailand, 2:944 United States (New York), 2:1023 Daily News (South Africa), 2:858 Daily Newspaper Publishers’ Association of Israel, 1:478 Daily newspapers Afghanistan, 1:2 Albania, 1:6–7 Algeria, 1:11–12 Andorra, 1:16 Angola, 1:16 Antigua and Barbuda, 1:18 Argentina, 1:19–21, 1:19–21 Armenia, 1:35, 37 Aruba, 1:43 Australia, 1:45–46, 1:46, 1:50 Austria, 1:56–62, 1:58–59 Azerbaijan, 1:68, 1:68 Bahamas, 1:73 Bahrain, 1:74–75 Bangladesh, 1:78–82 Barbados, 1:82–83 Belarus, 1:84–92 Belgium, 1:95, 1:95–102 Belize, 1:103 Benin, 1:103 Bermuda, 1:104 Bolivia, 1:106–107 Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:111–112 Botswana, 1:115–116 Brazil, 1:118, 1:118–129 Brunei Darussalam, 1:130 Bulgaria, 1:134–140, 1:136–137 Burkina Faso, 1:141–142 Burundi, 1:143–145 Cambodia, 1:147 Cameroon, 1:148 Canada, 1:151–154, 1:153, 1:165 Cape Verde, 1:167 Cayman Islands, 1:167 Chad, 1:171–173 Chile, 1:175–178, 181 China, 1:186–188 Colombia, 1:200–206, 1:201 Congo, 1:208–209 Cook Islands, 1:210 Costa Rica, 1:213, 1:213, 1:216–217 Côte d’Ivoire, 1:221–222 Croatia, 1:223, 1:223–224 Cuba, 1:231–239 Cyprus, 1:241–242, 1:242 Czech Republic, 1:243–245, 1:244–245 Democratic Congo, 1:252 Denmark, 1:254–262, 1:256–257 Djibouti, 1:263 Dominican Republic, 1:265–270 Ecuador, 1:274 Egypt, 1:279 El Salvador, 1:281–287 Estonia, 1:293–294 Ethiopia, 1:300–301 Faroe Islands, 1:255, 304 Fiji, 1:304–305 Finland, 1:306–308, 1:307–308 France, 1:314–318, 1:318, 1:323 1213

Index

French Guiana, 1:337–338 Gabon, 1:340 Gambia, 1:343–345 Gaza Strip and West Bank, 1:347 Georgia, 1:349, 352 Germany, 1:357–358, 1:357–366 Gibraltar, 1:378 Greece, 1:381–382, 1:381–386 Guatemala, 1:390–397 Guernsey, 1:398 Guinea, 1:398–399 Guyana, 1:404–408 Haiti, 1:415–416 Honduras, 1:419–421 Hong Kong, 1:424, 1:424–427 Hungary, 1:429–437 Iceland, 1:439 India, 1:441–447, 1:442–443 Indonesia, 1:451–452, 1:451–458 Iraq, 1:463–465 Israel, 1:475–477 Italy, 1:484–492, 1:485 Jamaica, 1:495–499 Japan, 1:500–511 Kazakhstan, 1:520–529 Kenya, 1:530–538 Kuwait, 1:540–542 Laos, 1:549 Latvia, 1:551, 1:551–555 Lebanon, 1:558–563 Liberia, 1:567 Lithuania, 1:573–576 Macao, 1:579 Macedonia, 1:580–581 Madagascar, 1:582–583 Malawi, 1:583–588 Malaya, 1:591–600, 1:593–594 Maldives, 1:601 Mali, 1:601–602 Malta, 1:602–603 Martinique, 1:604 Mexico, 1:612–616 Monaco, 1:623 Mongolia, 1:624–625 Morocco, 1:627–630 Mozambique, 1:631–633 Namibia, 2:638–640 Nepal, 2:642–644 Netherlands, 2:645–654, 2:646 Netherlands Antilles, 2:656 New Caledonia, 2:657 New Zealand, 2:658–665, 2:659 Nicaragua, 2:667–676 North Korea, 2:684–685 Norway, 2:688–693 Oman, 2:695–696 Panama, 2:708–714 Papua New Guinea, 2:716–722 Paraguay, 2:724–726 Poland, 2:743, 2:743 Portugal, 2:751–756, 2:752 Romania, 2:766–773 Russia, 2:774–792 Rwanda, 2:793 Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, 2:797 Samoa, 2:798 1214

San Marino, 2:799 Senegal, 2:805–806 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:810–814 Seychelles, 2:815 Singapore, 2:821, 2:821–826 Slovakia, 2:827–832, 2:828 Slovenia, 2:835–836 Solomon Islands, 2:837 South Africa, 2:859–863 South Korea, 2:840–854 Spain, 2:865–874 Sri Lanka, 2:878–884, 2:879 Sudan, 2:886 Sweden, 2:893, 2:893–894 Switzerland, 2:903–911, 2:904 Syria, 2:912–916 Taiwan, 2:921–925 Tanzania, 2:938–941 Thailand, 2:942–950 Togo, 2:951–952 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:954–957 Tunisia, 2:958–960 Turkey, 2:962–969 Uganda, 2:980–985 United Arab Emirates (UAE), 2:998 United Kingdom, 2:1000–1019 United States, 2:1022–1026 Uruguay, 2:1057–1060 Vanuatu, 2:1069 Venezuela, 2:1074–1082 Vietnam, 2:1082–1083 Yemen, 2:1089 Zimbabwe, 2:1097–1100 See also Newspapers; Non-daily publications The Daily Observer Anguilla, 1:18 Gambia, 1:343–346 Daily Post (Fiji), 1:304 Daily Record (Scotland), 2:1003 The Daily Telegraph Australia, 1:45 United Kingdom, 2:886, 1000, 1002, 1006–1007 Daily Times (Malawi), 1:583, 586–587 The Daily Worker (United Kingdom), 2:1010 Dainik Bangla (Bangladesh), 1:78–79 Dainik Bhaskar (India), 1:447 Dakar-Matin (Senegal), 2:806 Dalai Lama, 2:848 Dallas Morning News, 1:236, 2:1023 Dalton, Juan Jose, 1:283 Dalton, Roque, 1:283 Dan (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:811 Dana (Myanmar), 1:635 Danas (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:812 Dani (Bosnia-Herzegovina), 1:112 DANIDA (Danish International Development Agency), 1:284 Danish Association for International Cooperation, 1:284 Danish District Weeklies, 1:259 Danish International Development Agency (DANIDA), 1:284 Danish Newspaper Publishers Union, 1:259 Danish Press Council, 1:256, 259 Danish Specialist Press, 1:259 Danmarks Radio (DR), 1:259–260 Dans Les Medias Domains (Madagascar), 1:582–583 Danubiapress, Slovakia, 2:828 Dar Asayyad Group, 1:558, 560 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Defamation laws Bolivia, 1:107 Canada, 1:155–156 Dominican Republic, 1:265–267 Ecuador, 1:275 Honduras, 1:419–420 Ireland, 1:468–469 New Zealand, 2:664 Panama, 2:710–712 Peru, 2:729 Singapore, 2:823 United States, 2:1040–1041 Uruguay, 2:1058 See also Libel laws; Slander laws Definitional balancing of interests, First Amendment principles, 2:1038–1039 Del Duca group, 1:317 Delavoy Express (Armenia), 1:37 Delcine, Jean Robert, 1:413 Delegación Nacional de Prensa y Propaganda (Spain), 2:867 Déli Hírek (Hungary), 1:429, 431 Delo (Slovenia), 2:808, 834–835 Delo Nomar (Kyrgyzstan), 1:544 Delovoe-Obozrenie Respublika (Kazakhstan), 1:522 Delsuc, Abbot, 2:763 Delvalle, Eric Arturo, 2:708 Demain (Morocco), 1:628 La Democracia (Philippines), 2:733 Democracy in America, 2:1021 The Democrat (St. Kitts and Nevis), 2:796 Le Democrate (Central African Republic), 1:168 Le Démocrate (Niger), 2:677 Democratic Front (Albania), 1:6 Democratic Media Holdings, Namibia, 2:638–639 Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), 1:251–252 Democratic Russia, 2:776 Democratic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA), Namibia, 2:639 Democratic Voice of Burma, 1:634 La Démocratie (Réunion), 2:764 La Démocratie Coloniale (Réunion), 2:764 Democratul (Romania), 2:766–767 Demokratsiya (Bulgaria), 1:136 Demos Portuguese (Mozambique), 1:632 Den (Czech Republic), 1:244 Den za Dujan (Estonia), 1:294 Denes (Macedonia), 1:580 Deng Xiao-ping, 1:186 Denik Spigl (Czech Republic), 1:244 Denktash, Rauf, 2:966 Denmark, 1:253–262 background and characteristics, 1:253–256 broadcast media, 1:260 censorship, 1:258–259 economic conditions, 1:256–258 El Salvador radio, 1:284 electronic media, 1:261 journalist education and training, 1:261 news agencies, 1:259–260 press laws, 1:258 state-press relations, 1:259 See also Faroe Islands; Greenland Denoze, Gerard, 1:412 Dentsu group, France, 1:320 La Depêche (French Polynesia), 1:338 Deportivo (Spain), 2:868 Der Bild (Germany), 1:360 1215

INDEX

Dari (Afghani Persian) language media newspapers, 1:1–2 radio broadcasts, 1:3 Daric (Bulgaria), 1:138 Darif, Noureddine, 2:1086–1087 Dario La Nacion (Paraguay), 2:724 DarmoKondo (Indonesia), 1:450 Dashnak. See Armenian Revolutionary Federation Dashnaksutyun Daud, Mohammad, 1:2 Davar (Israel), 1:476 Davey, Keith, 1:159 Davis, Elmer, 2:1029 Davis, Griffith, 1:391, 395 Davis García, Mario, 1:393 Davtyans, S., 2:989–990 Dawasa (Sri Lanka), 2:878 Dawn (Pakistan), 2:697–699 Dayclean (Guyana), 1:405 Dayton peace agreement, Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:112–113 DCITA (Australia Department of Communications, Information Technology, and the Arts), 1:52 De Arana y Giori, Sabina, 2:865 De Barros, Joa˜o, 1:401 De Castro, Rosalía, 2:869 De Conick, Douglas, 1:97 De Curacaosche Courant, 1:43 De Financieel-Ekonomische Tidj (Belgium), 1:96 De Frente con el Presidente (Venezuela), 2:1077 De Gentenaar (Belgium), 1:95–96 De Groene Amsterdammer, 2:647 De Klerk, F. W., 2:857 De la Rua, Fernando, 1:22, 28, 30, 2:1077 De la Serve, Nicol, 2:763–764 De la Torre, Ricardo, 1:393 De León Carpio, Ramiro, 1:392 De Locomotief (Indonesia), 1:449 De Morgen (Belgium), 1:96–98, 102 De Nieuwe Gazet (Belgium), 1:95–96 De Nieuwe Gids (Belgium), 1:95 De Persgroep, 1:96 De Preanger Bode (Indonesia), 1:449 De RUG (Regionale Uitgeversmaatschappij), 1:96 De Soyza, Richard, 2:881 De Staats Courant (South Africa), 2:858 De Standaard (Belgium), 1:95–96 De Telegraaf (Netherlands), 2:646–647, 653–654 De Tocqueville, Alexis, 2:1021 De Volkskrant (Netherlands), 2:646–647, 653–654 De Volksten (South Africa), 2:858 De Ware Tijd (Suriname), 2:889 De West (Suriname), 2:889 Déby, Idriss, 1:171 Declaration of Chapultepec Costa Rica, 1:215 Guyana, 1:406–407 Nicaragua, 2:670 Panama, 2:715 Peru, 2:729 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:956 Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen (France), 1:315–316, 323 Decree 50 (Syria), 2:913 Decree of the Press of October 28, 2:782 Decroos, Pascal, 1:101

Index

Der Funke (Germany), 1:359 Der postalische Mercurius (Austria), 1:56 Der Spiegel (Germany), 1:59, 358–360 Der Standard (Austria), 1:57–62, 65 Der Stern (Germany), 1:358, 360 D’Erneville, Annette Mbaye, 2:806 Le Dernier Heure (Belgium), 1:96 Les Dernières Nouvelles d’Alsace, 1:322 Derzhavne Informatisiine Agentstvo Ukraiiny (DINAU), 2:994 Derzhavne Tele Radio Ukraiiny, 2:994–995 Desacato law (Costa Rica), 1:215–216 Desbarats, Georges Edouard, 1:158–159 Desert Shield Network (Saudi Arabia), 2:804 Desh (Bangladesh), 1:80 Despertar! (Dominican Republic), 1:265 Detich (Malaysia), 1:596 DeTik (Indonesia), 1:455 Detroit News & Free Press, 2:1023, 1030, 1034 Deutsche Allegemeine Sonntagsblatt (Germany), 1:358 Deutsche Journalisten Union (DUJ), Germany, 1:366 Deutsche Presse-Agentur news agency Brazil, 1:125 Germany, 1:364 Moldova, 1:621 Syria, 2:914 Deutsche Telekom, 1:364 Deutsche Welle radio Albania, 1:9 Germany, 1:357, 364–365 Kenya, 1:536 Deutscher Journalisten Verlband (DJV), 1:366 Deutscher Presserat, 1:363 Deutscher Werberat, 1:363 Deutschland-funk (DLF), 1:365 Development Agenda (Kenya), 1:535 Le Devoir (Canada), 1:156 Dewan Dakwah Islamiyah Indonesia, 1:451 Dewan Ekonomi (Malaysia), 1:592 Dewan Kosmik (Malaysia), 1:592 Dewan Masyarakat (Malaysia), 1:592 Dewan Pelajar (Malaysia), 1:592 Dewan Pers Indonesia, 1:455, 458 Dewan Siswa (Malaysia), 1:592 Dhaka Prakash, 1:78 Dheenuge Magu (Maldives), 1:601 Di Patriot (South Africa), 2:858 O Dia (Brazil), 1:118, 122 Diamond Fields Advertiser (South Africa), 2:859 Diana (Princess of Wales), 1:309, 325, 2:1002, 1019 Diari d’Andorra, 1:16 Diario (Colombia), 1:200 Diario (Mozambique), 1:632 Diario abc Color (Paraguay), 2:724 Diario Aruba, 1:43 Diario de Barcelona, 2:869, 872 Díario de Bissau, 1:400–402 Diario de Boyaca (Colombia), 1:201 Diario de Centro America (Guatemala), 1:390 Diario de Chihuahua (Mexico), 1:613 Diario de Costa Rica, 1:213 Diario de Huila (Colombia), 1:201 Diario de Las Palmas (Canary Islands), 2:870 Diario de Madrid, 2:866 Diario de Mocambique, 1:632 Diário de República (Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe), 2:799 Diario del Otun (Colombia), 1:201 1216

Diario del Quindio (Colombia), 1:200 Diario deo Noticias (Portugal), 2:752 Diàrio do Rio de Janeiro, 1:121 Diario El Mercurio (Ecuador), 1:276 Diario El Mundo (El Salvador), 1:284 Diario El Telegrafo (Ecuador), 1:276 Diario el Universal de Panamá, 2:709 Diario Independiente de la Manana (Spain), 2:868 Diario la Frontera (Colombia), 1:201 Diario La Nación (Costa Rica), 1:217 Diario Libre (Dominican Republic), 1:266 Diario Noticioso, Curioso, Erudito, Comercial y Politico (Spain), 2:866 Diario Oficial (El Salvador), 1:284 Diario Popular (Argentina), 1:19–20, 22, 26, 29 Diario Ultima Hora (Paraguay), 2:724 Diaspora WWW Project (Greece), 1:384–385 Díaz, Juan, 2:713 Díaz Hernández, Jesús Joel, 1:234 Dicks, Norman, 1:525–526 Didama, Michael, 1:172 Die Burger (South Africa), 2:859–860 Die ganze Woche (Austria), 1:59 Die neue frieie Presse (Austria), 1:56 Die Presse (Austria), 1:56–62, 64–65 Die Republikein (Namibia), 2:638 Die Welt (Germany), 1:357, 359–360 Die Woche (Germany), 1:358, 366 Die Zeit (Germany), 1:358–359, 366, 434 Die Zuid Afrikaan (South Africa), 2:858 Dien Dan Tu Do (Vietnam), 2:1083 Diena (Latvia), 1:551–553 Diffusion Contrôle, 1:330 Digicom, Pakistan, 2:699 Digital Audio Broadcasting (DAB), Sweden, 2:899 Digital Granma Internacional (Cuba), 1:231 Digital Millenium Copyright Act (DMCA), U.S., 2:1050, 1055 Digital radio, Sweden, 2:899 Digital television Germany, 1:367 Greece, 1:384 Ireland, 1:472 Italy, 1:491 Sweden, 2:898 Taiwan, 2:925 United Kingdom, 2:1015 See also Satellite communication; Television Dilis Gazeta (Georgia), 1:349 Dimmalaetting (Faroe Islands), 1:255, 304 Din (Pakistan), 2:699 Dinamana (Sri Lanka), 2:878–879 DINAU (Derzhavne Informatisiine Agentstvo Ukraiiny), 2:994 Dinero (Spain), 2:869 Directive Television Without Frontiers, 1:382 DirectTV, Venezuela, 2:1078 Direito, Victor, 2:752 Direito de Nascer, 1:127 Dirnbacher, Elizabeth, 1:202, 204 Discover Bahrain, 1:74 Dissanaike, Gamini, 2:881 Distribution networks Austria, 1:61 Belarus, 1:86 France, 1:318–319, 327, 330 Georgia, 1:349 Germany, 1:361 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Drape, William, 2:817 DRC (Democratic Republic of Congo), 1:251–252 DreamTV, 1:280 Drentse Courant (Netherlands), 2:647 Dreptatea (Romania), 2:766–767 Dreyfus Affair (France), 1:316 Drita, 1:6 DTA (Democratic Turnhalle Alliance), Namibia, 2:639 Dubai Media City (DMC), 2:998 Dubceck, Alexander, 1:243 Duga (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:809–810 DUJ (Deutsche Journalisten Union), Germany, 1:366 Duma (Bulgaria), 1:136 DuMont Schauberg Group, 1:360 Dunkley, Ross, 1:635 Dupont, Jean Ronald, 1:413 Dutch language media Aruba, 1:43 Belgium, 1:95–96, 100 South Africa, 2:858–860 Suriname, 2:888–889 Dutroux, Marc, 1:97–98 Duvalier, Francois (‘‘Papa Doc’’), 1:412, 416 Duvalier, Jean Claude (‘‘Baby Doc’’), 1:412, 416 Duvanov, Sergey, 1:522 Dy Drina, 1:6 Dyer, Elizabeth, 1:213 DYN news agency, 1:19–20, 22, 29 Dzain Zhoghovrdi (Voice of the People), 1:37 Dzaluuchuudyn Unen (Mongolia), 1:623 Dzhavononi Tojikiston (Tajikistan), 2:933 Dzhumhurriyat (Tajikistan), 2:931 Dziennik Sportowy (Poland), 2:743 Dzirkalo Nedili (Ukraine), 2:990 Dzongkha dialect (Bhutan), 1:105 Dzurinda, Mikulásˇ, 2:827

E East Africa Media Women’s Association (EAMWA), 2:839 East African (Uganda), 2:980 East African Standard, 1:530 East Timor, 1:273, 1:452 EastAfrican (Kenya), 1:531 Eastern Caribbean News (Barbados), 1:83 Eastern Province Herald (South Africa), 2:858 Eastern Star (Papua New Guinea), 2:716 Eastern Sun (Singapore), 2:825 Ebano (Equatorial Guinea), 1:288 Ecevit, Brulent, 2:965 Ech-Chaab (Algeria), 1:11–12 L’Echo (Belgium), 1:96 Echo de CentrAfrique, 1:168 L’Echo des Caps (Saint Pierre and Miquelon), 2:797 Les Echoes (Mali), 1:601 Les Echoes de Jour (Benin), 1:103 Les Echos (France), 1:314, 317–318, 320, 322, 328, 335 Econ Digest (Georgia), 1:352–353 Economic conditions Afghanistan, 1:2 Albania, 1:7 Algeria, 1:12 Argentina, 1:21–22, 33 Armenia, 1:37–38 Australia, 1:47 Austria, 1:59–61 1217

INDEX

Italy, 1:489 Kenya, 1:534 Latvia, 1:552 Macedonia, 1:581 Malaysia, 1:593–594 Moldova, 1:621 Pakistan, 2:699 Singapore, 2:822 Slovakia, 2:828 Spain, 2:869, 871 United States, 2:1035–1036 Divayina (Sri Lanka), 2:879 Djarot, Eros, 1:455 Djibouti, 1:262–263 Djilas, Milovan, 2:809 DJV (Deutscher Journalisten Verlband), 1:366 DLF (Deutschland-funk), 1:365 DMC. See Dubai Media City DMC (Dubai Media City), 2:998 DMCA (Digital Millenium Copyright Act), U.S., 2:1050, 1055 Dnevni Avaz (Bosnia-Herzegovina), 1:112, 114–115 Dnevnik Bulgaria, 1:133 Macedonia, 1:580 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:810 Slovenia, 2:835 Dnipropertovska semya, 2:989 Doan Viet Hoat, 2:1083 Dogan, Aydin, 2:962–963 Dogan Group (Turkey), 2:962–963 Dogan News Agency, 2:962 Dogs and Demons, 1:509 Doha (Qatar), 2:759 Domei News Agency (Japan), 1:510 Domenech, Juan Jose, 1:285 Domingo Blanco, José, 2:1078 Dominica, 1:263 The Dominica Official Gazette (Dominica), 1:263 Dominican Republic, 1:264–270 background and characteristics, 1:264–266 broadcast media, 1:269 censorship, 1:267 economic conditions, 1:264–266 electronic news media, 1:269 foreign media presence, 1:268 journalist education and training, 1:269 news agencies, 1:268–269 press laws, 1:266–267 state-press relations, 1:267–268 The Dominion (New Zealand), 2:659–660 Dominique, Jean, 1:412, 416 Donchane group (Ukraine), 2:989 Dong-a Ilbo (South Korea), 2:842–844, 854 Doordarshan (India), 1:105 Dorantes, Jorge Martin, 1:613 D’Ormesson, Jean, 1:317 Dorvillier, William, 2:757 Doubleclick, France, 1:320 Douglass, Frederick, 2:1024, 1027 Dow Jones news service Hungary, 1:434 libel suit, 2:1041 United Kingdom, 2:1012 United States, 2:1025–1026, 1046 Dr. Zhivago, 2:782 DR (Danmarks Radio), 1:259–260

Index

Azerbaijan, 1:68 Bangladesh, 1:78–79 Belarus, 1:86 Belgium, 1:96 Bolivia, 1:106–107 Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:112 Brazil, 1:117–118, 122 Bulgaria, 1:136–138 Burundi, 1:144 Canada, 1:154–155 Central African Republic, 1:168 Chad, 1:171 Chile, 1:178–179, 1:179 China, 1:188–189 Colombia, 1:202–203 Costa Rica, 1:214–215 Côte d’Ivoire, 1:221 Croatia, 1:224–225 Cuba, 1:229, 232 Czech Republic, 1:245–246 Denmark, 1:256–258 Dominican Republic, 1:264–266 Ecuador, 1:275 El Salvador, 1:281 Estonia, 1:294 Finland, 1:307–308 France, 1:317–323, 321 Gabon, 1:340 Gambia, 1:343 Georgia, 1:349–350 Germany, 1:359–361 Ghana, 1:371–372 Greece, 1:382 Guatemala, 1:392 Guinea-Bissau, 1:400 Guyana, 1:405 Haiti, 1:415 Honduras, 1:420 Hong Kong, 1:425–426 Hungary, 1:432 India, 1:442 Indonesia, 1:452–453 Iran, 1:460 Iraq, 1:463–464 Ireland, 1:467–468 Israel, 1:477–478 Italy, 1:485–486 Jamaica, 1:497–498 Japan, 1:502–504, 507–509 Kazakhstan, 1:520–521 Kenya, 1:532–533 Kuwait, 1:541 Kyrgyzstan, 1:545 Latvia, 1:552 Lebanon, 1:559–560 Lesotho, 1:564–565 Liberia, 1:567 Libya, 1:568 Lithuania, 1:574 Malawi, 1:583–584 Malaysia, 1:593–594 Mauritania, 1:605 Mauritius, 1:608–609 Mexico, 1:612–613 Morocco, 1:627–628 Mozambique, 1:632 1218

Namibia, 2:639 Netherlands, 2:647–648 New Zealand, 2:659–660 Nicaragua, 2:669–671 Nigeria, 2:679 Norway, 2:688–689 Pakistan, 2:698–699 Panama, 2:709 Papua New Guinea, 2:717–718 Paraguay, 2:724–725 Peru, 2:728 Philippines, 2:735 Poland, 2:743–744 Portugal, 2:753 Réunion, 2:764 Romania, 2:769 Russian Federation, 2:778–780 Saudi Arabia, 2:802–803 Senegal, 2:806 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:811–812 Sierra Leone, 2:817 Singapore, 2:821–822 Slovakia, 2:828 Somalia, 2:838 South Africa, 2:860 South Korea, 2:844–846 Spain, 2:870–871 Sri Lanka, 2:879–880 Sudan, 2:885 Sweden, 2:894–895 Switzerland, 2:904–905 Syria, 2:913 Taiwan, 2:922 Tajikistan, 2:928–932 Thailand, 2:944–946 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:955 Tunisia, 2:958 Turkey, 2:965 Turkmenistan, 2:972–973 Uganda, 2:981 Ukraine, 2:988–991 United Kingdom, 2:1004–1008 United States, 2:1030–1036, 1033–1034 Uruguay, 2:1057–1058 Uzbekistan, 2:1062–1063 Venezuela, 2:1071–1075 Economic Daily (China), 1:196–197 Economic Daily News (Taiwan), 2:922 Economic Review (Kenya), 1:532 The Economist Singapore, 2:823 Thailand, 2:946–947 United Kingdom, 2:1004, 1006 Ecuador, 1:273–277 Ecuadorian Association of Radio and Television, 1:275 Edasi (Estonia), 1:293 Edda group, 1:440 Edebiyat we Sungat (Turkmenistan), 2:972 Edes, Benjamin, 2:1026 Edinburgh Review (United Kingdom), 2:1000 Editing-Frans, Moldova, 1:621 Editor and Publisher International Year Book, 1:78 Cuba, 1:231 Sri Lanka, 2:879 Editora Correo, 2:729 Editora Corripio, 1:267 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Morocco, 1:630 Mozambique, 1:633 Namibia, 2:640 Nepal, 2:644 Netherlands, 2:653–654 New Zealand, 2:664 Nicaragua, 2:674–675 Nigeria, 2:682 Norway, 2:692 Pakistan, 2:705 Panama, 2:714–715 Papua New Guinea, 2:722 Paraguay, 2:725–726 Peru, 2:731 Philippines, 2:738–739 Poland, 2:748 Portugal, 2:755 Réunion, 2:765 Romania, 2:772 Russian Federation, 2:789–790 Senegal, 2:806 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:814 Sierra Leone, 2:819 Slovakia, 2:832 Slovenia, 2:834–835 Somalia, 2:839 South Africa, 2:863 South Korea, 2:853 Spain, 2:874 Sudan, 2:887 Swaziland, 2:891 Sweden, 2:900–901 Switzerland, 2:908–910 Syria, 2:915 Tajikistan, 2:935 Tanzania, 2:941 Thailand, 2:948–949 Tunisia, 2:960 Turkmenistan, 2:976 Uganda, 2:984 Ukraine, 2:996 United States, 2:1052–1054 Uruguay, 2:1059 Uzbekistan, 2:1067 Venezuela, 2:1081 Education magazine (Qatar), 2:759 Eesti Ekspress (Estonia), 1:293–294 Eetla-Suomen Sanomat (Finland), 1:306 EFJ (European Federation of Journalists), 1:322, 331 EFJA (Ethiopian Free Press Journalist Association), 1:301 Egin (Spain), 2:865 Egypt, 1:278–280 Egyptian Radio and Television Union (ERTU), 1:280 EHRC (Ethiopian Human Rights Council), 1:300–301 Ehrenkodex für die österreichische Presse, 1:62–63 EIM. See European Institute for the Media Eisenstein, Sergei, 2:786 EJC. See European Journalism Centre Ekho Moskvy, 2:785 Ekonomska Politika (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:810 Ekspress-K (Kazakhstan), 1:520 Ekstrabladet (Denmark), 1:255–256 Ekushey Television (ETV), Bangladesh, 1:81 El Atlántico (Argentina), 1:22 El Badil (Tunisia), 2:959 El Boletín de la Guerra (Cuba), 1:230

INDEX

Editora Listín Diario, 1:265–266 Editors Guild (Sri Lanka), 2:877, 881–882 Edivisa S. A. de C. V., 1:614 Education and training for journalists Albania, 1:9 Algeria, 1:14 Argentina, 1:31–32 Armenia, 1:41 Australia, 1:53–54 Austria, 1:65–66 Azerbaijan, 1:70–71 Belarus, 1:92 Belgium, 1:100–101 Benin, 1:103 Bolivia, 1:108–109 Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:114 Brazil, 1:128 Bulgaria, 1:140 Canada, 1:164–165 Chad, 1:172 Chile, 1:182, 183 China, 1:195–196 Colombia, 1:205–206 Costa Rica, 1:218–219 Côte d’Ivoire, 1:222 Croatia, 1:227 Cuba, 1:238–239 Czech Republic, 1:248 Denmark, 1:261 Dominican Republic, 1:269 Ecuador, 1:277 El Salvador, 1:286 Estonia, 1:295–296 Ethiopia, 1:302 Finland, 1:311–313 France, 1:320–321, 334–335 Georgia, 1:354 Germany, 1:365–366 Ghana, 1:375 Greece, 1:385 Guatemala, 1:396 Guyana, 1:407–408 Honduras, 1:421–422 Hong Kong, 1:427 Hungary, 1:436 India, 1:446 Indonesia, 1:457 Iran, 1:462 Iraq, 1:465 Ireland, 1:472 Italy, 1:491–492 Japan, 1:511 Kazakhstan, 1:524–525 Kenya, 1:538 Kuwait, 1:542–543 Kyrgyzstan, 1:548 Latvia, 1:554 Lebanon, 1:563 Lesotho, 1:566 Liberia, 1:568 Libya, 1:570 Lithuania, 1:576 Malawi, 1:588 Malaysia, 1:599 Mexico, 1:615 Moldova, 1:622

1219

Index

El El El El El El El El El El El El El

El El El

El El El El El

El El El El El El El El El El El El El

El El El El El El El El El

El El El El El El El

Caleño (Colombia), 1:200 Carabobeño (Venezuela), 2:1075 Caribe (Dominican Republic), 1:265–269 Colombiano, 1:201 Comercial (Ecuador), 1:274 Comercio (Peru), 2:727–728 Correo (Basque), 2:870 Correo de los Ciegos (Spain), 2:866 Correo de Madrid, 2:866 Correo del Presidente (Venezuela), 2:1077 Correo Español, 2:867 Crisol (Colombia), 1:200 Cronista Argentina, 1:19–22, 29 Colombia, 1:201 Cubano Libre, 1:230 Debate (Philippines), 2:733 Deber Bolivia, 1:106 Colombia, 1:200 Defensor Cristiano (Puerto Rico), 2:757 Derecho (Colombia), 1:201 Dia (Canary Islands), 2:870 Día media group, 1:22 Diario Bolivia, 1:106 Colombia, 1:201 Paraguay, 2:724 Diario de Hoy (El Salvador), 1:281–284, 287 Diario de Los Literatos (Spain), 2:866 Diario Vasco Euskaldunom Egunkaria (Spain), 2:870 Espacio (Colombia), 1:200 Espectador (Colombia), 1:200–201, 204 Expreso (Dominican Republic), 1:266 Expresso (Ecuador), 1:274 Faro (El Salvador), 1:284 Ferrocarríl (Chile), 1:177 Financero (Mexico), 1:612 Frente (Colombia), 1:200 Gráfico (Guatemala), 1:391 Heraldo Colombia, 1:200 Costa Rica, 1:213 Honduras, 1:419–421 Heraldo de Occidente (El Salvador), 1:284 Heraldo de Oriente (El Salvador), 1:284 Horria (Tunisia), 2:958 Imparcial (Guatemala), 1:390 Impulso (Venezuela), 2:1075 Independiente (Chile), 1:177–178 Informador (Colombia), 1:201 Informador Chubutense (Argentina), 1:26 Liberal Argentina, 1:28 Colombia, 1:201 Libro Negro de la Justicia Chilena, 1:180 M (Mexico), 1:612 Mambi (Cuba), 1:230 Mercurio (Chile), 1:175–178, 181 Mondo (El Salvador), 1:283 Moulla, Hussein, 1:562 Mundo Puerto Rico, 2:757 Spain, 2:867–869, 872, 874 Venezuela, 2:1075

1220

El Nacional Dominican Republic, 1:265, 267, 269 Mexico, 1:614 Venezuela, 2:1074–1077, 1080–1081 El Norte (Mexico), 1:612 El Noticero (El Salvador), 1:284 El Nueva Dia (Philippines), 2:734, 737 El Nuevo Dia Bolivia, 1:106 Colombia, 1:201 Puerto Rico, 2:757 El Nuevo Diario Dominican Republic, 1:265 Nicaragua, 2:668–671, 673 El Nuevo País (Venezuela), 2:1078 El Nuevo Siglo (Colombia), 1:200 El Observador (Uruguay), 2:1057 El Oriente (Colombia), 1:201 El País Colombia, 1:201 Spain, 2:843, 867–869, 874 Uruguay, 2:1057 El País Semanal (Spain), 2:869 El Panamá América, 2:709, 712–713 El Periódico Guatemala, 1:390, 393–394, 396 Honduras, 1:419 Spain, 2:867, 869, 874 El Periodico d’Andorra, 1:16 El Periodico de Cartegena (Colombia), 1:201 El Peruano, 2:728 El Piloto (Puerto Rico), 2:757 El Pulso (Bolivia), 1:107 El Radio (Colombia), 1:201 El Renacimiento (Philippines), 2:733–734, 737 El Salvador, 1:280–287 background and general characteristics, 1:281 broadcast media, 1:284–285 censorship, 1:282–283 economic conditions, 1:281 electronic news media, 1:285–286 foreign media presence, 1:283–284 journalist education and training, 1:286 news agencies, 1:284 press laws, 1:281–282 state-press relations, 1:283 El Semenario Camino (Dominican Republic), 1:265 El Seminario Económico (Spain), 2:866 El Siglo Chile, 1:178 Colombia, 1:202 Panama, 2:709–711 El Sol (Equatorial Guinea), 1:288 El Sol de Osa (Costa Rica), 1:213 El Tiempo Colombia, 1:200–202, 204–205 Honduras, 1:419, 421 Peru, 2:728 Puerto Rico, 2:757 Venezuela, 2:1075 El Tribuno media group, 1:22–23, 28 El Universal Colombia, 1:201 Mexico, 1:612–614 Venezuela, 2:1074–1075 El Universo (Ecuador), 1:274 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Madagascar, 1:583 Malawi, 1:588 Malaysia, 1:598–599 Mauritania, 1:606 Mauritius, 1:609–610 Mexico, 1:612–616 Moldova, 1:620–622 Morocco, 1:629 Netherlands, 2:652–653 New Zealand, 2:664 Nicaragua, 2:674 Nigeria, 2:681–682 Norway, 2:691–692, 2:691–692 Pakistan, 2:699–701 Panama, 2:713–714, 2:714 Papua New Guinea, 2:721–722 Paraguay, 2:725 Peru, 2:731 Philippines, 2:738 Poland, 2:742, 748 Portugal, 2:754–755, 2:755 Réunion, 2:765 Romania, 2:771–772, 2:771–772 Russian Federation, 2:788–789 Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe, 2:800 Saudi Arabia, 2:804 Senegal, 2:806 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:813–814, 2:813–814 Sierra Leone, 2:818–819 Singapore, 2:824 Slovakia, 2:831–832 Somalia, 2:839 South Africa, 2:862 South Korea, 2:842, 852–853 Spain, 2:873–874 Sudan, 2:887 Swaziland, 2:890 Sweden, 2:899–900 Switzerland, 2:904–905, 907–908 Syria, 2:915 Taiwan, 2:921–925 Tajikistan, 2:935, 2:935 Tanzania, 2:940, 2:940–941 Thailand, 2:947–948 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:957 Tunisia, 2:959 Turkmenistan, 2:975–976 Uganda, 2:984 Ukraine, 2:995, 2:995–996 United Arab Emirates, 2:998 United States, 2:1031–1032, 1050–1052 Uruguay, 2:1059, 2:1059 Uzbekistan, 2:1066–1067 Vatican City, 2:1070 Venezuela, 2:1080 Zambia, 2:1095 See also Computer use; Internet access; Websites Eleftheros Typos (Greece), 1:381 Eleftherotypia Cyprus, 1:241 Greece, 1:381 Elima (Democratic Congo), 1:252 El-Khouri, Khalil, 1:558 Elle magazine, 1:22 Elliniki Radiofonia Tileorasi (ERT), Greece, 1:383 El-Moudjahid (Algeria), 1:11–12

INDEX

El Vespertino (Colombia), 1:200 Electronic news media Albania, 1:9, 1:9 Algeria, 1:13–14 Argentina, 1:30–32 Armenia, 1:41 Australia, 1:52–53 Austria, 1:65 Azerbaijan, 1:70 Belarus, 1:92 Belgium, 1:100 Bolivia, 1:108 Brazil, 1:128 Bulgaria, 1:139–140 Burundi, 1:145 Cameroon, 1:148–149 Canada, 1:163–164, 165 Central African Republic, 1:169–170 Chad, 1:172 Chile, 1:182–183 China, 1:194, 1:194–195 Colombia, 1:205, 1:205 Congo, 1:209–210 Costa Rica, 1:218, 1:218 Côte d’Ivoire, 1:221–222 Croatia, 1:227 Cuba, 1:231, 237, 1:237–238 Cyprus, 1:242 Czech Republic, 1:248 Democratic Congo, 1:252 Denmark, 1:261 Dominican Republic, 1:269 Ecuador, 1:277 Egypt, 1:280 El Salvador, 1:284–286 Eritrea, 1:290–291 Estonia, 1:295 Finland, 1:311 France, 1:317–318, 320, 322–330, 332–334, 1:333–334 Gabon, 1:341 Gambia, 1:345–346 Georgia, 1:354, 1:354 Germany, 1:360–361, 365, 1:365 Greece, 1:381, 384–385 Guatemala, 1:396, 1:396 Guyana, 1:407, 1:407–408 Haiti, 1:416 Honduras, 1:421 Hungary, 1:436 India, 1:447 Indonesia, 1:457–458 Iran, 1:461–462, 1:462 Iraq, 1:464 Ireland, 1:472, 1:472 Israel, 1:481, 1:481–482 Italy, 1:489–491 Japan, 1:510, 1:511, 1:511 Kazakhstan, 1:520, 524 Kenya, 1:537–538 Kuwait, 1:542 Kyrgyzstan, 1:547–548 Latvia, 1:553–554, 1:554 Lesotho, 1:565–566 Liberia, 1:567–568 Libya, 1:570 Lithuania, 1:576

1221

Index

Elmuza Distinction Award (Cuba), 1:238 ELN (National Liberation Army), Colombia, 1:203 ELTA (Lithuanian News Agency), 1:575 Eluthere Advocate (Bahamas), 1:73 El-Watan (Algeria), 1:12–13 Emancipation (Guyana), 1:404 Emane, François Ntoutoume, 1:341 Embratel conglomerate (Brazil), 1:123, 126 Embumba, Freddy, 1:252 Embutes (Mexico), 1:612 Emergencies Act (Canada), 1:157 Emergency Rule (India), 1:443 Emiliani, Bishop Romulo, 2:712 Emirates News, 2:998 Emmot, Bill, 1:509 Empresa Nacional de Televisión Boliviana, 1:108 EM-TV (Papua New Guinea), 2:718–720, 722 En forma (Costa Rica), 1:213 ENA (Ethiopian News Agency), 1:299 Encarta Encyclopedia, Colombia, 1:200, 203 Encinas, Juan Carlos, 1:106, 109 Enda group, Senegal, 2:806 Enfance et Média (CIEM), 1:320 English Historical Review, 2:1000 English language media Afghanistan, 1:3 American Samoa, 1:15 Angola, 1:16–17 Anguilla, 1:17–18 Argentina, 1:20 Armenia, 1:40 Aruba, 1:43 Bahamas, 1:73 Bahrain, 1:74–75 Bangladesh, 1:76 1:78 Belgium, 1:96, 99 Belize, 1:102–103 Bermuda, 1:104 Bhutan, 1:105 Botswana, 1:115–116 Brazil, 1:121 Brunei Darussalam, 1:130 Cambodia, 1:147 Canada, 1:153–154, 162–163 Chile, 1:178 China, 1:187, 192–194 Colombia, 1:200 Costa Rica, 1:213 Croatia, 1:224 Cuba, 1:231 Cyprus, 1:241–242 Czech Republic, 1:245 Dominica, 1:263 France, 1:327 French Polynesia, 1:338 Germany, 1:358, 364 Ghana, 1:370–371 Guam, 1:389 Guatemala, 1:390 Haiti, 1:411–416 Honduras, 1:419 Hong Kong, 1:424–427 Hungary, 1:430 India, 1:441–447 Indonesia, 1:451 Israel, 1:477 1222

Japan, 1:501, 510–511 Jordan, 1:515 Kazakhstan, 1:520 Kenya, 1:530–532, 536 Kuwait, 1:541–542 Kyrgyzstan, 1:544 Laos, 1:549 Latvia, 1:551 Lebanon, 1:559 Malaysia, 1:591–593 Maldives, 1:601 Malta, 1:602 Mauritius, 1:608–610 Mexico, 1:612 Micronesia, 1:617 Mongolia, 1:624 Myanmar, 1:634 Namibia, 2:638–639 Nepal, 2:642 Norfolk Island, 2:683 Oman, 2:695–696 Pakistan, 2:698–699, 704 Palau, 2:707 Papua New Guinea, 2:716–717 Philippines, 2:733–735 Puerto Rico, 2:757 Qatar, 2:759–760 Russia Federation, 2:777 Saint Helena, 2:795 Samoa, 2:798 Saudia Arabia, 2:802 Seychelles, 2:815 Sierra Leone, 2:816–819 Singapore, 2:821–822, 825 Slovakia, 2:830 Solomon Islands, 2:837 Somalia, 2:837–839 South Africa, 2:858–860 South Korea, 2:842–844 Sri Lanka, 2:878–879 Swaziland, 2:889–890 Taiwan, 2:921–925 Tanzania, 2:937–941 Thailand, 2:944 Tokelau, 2:952–953 Tonga, 2:953 Turkey, 2:963 Tuvalu, 2:978 Ukraine, 2:987 Uruguay, 2:1057 Uzbekistan, 2:1062 Vanuatu, 2:1069 Vietnam, 2:1083 Enlaces (Guatemala), 1:394–395 ENPA. See European Newspapers’ Publishers Association ENPA (European Newspapers’ Publishers Association), 1:100 Entatsi (Uganda), 2:980 Ente Regulador de los Servicios Públicos (ERSP), Panama, 2:713 E.N.T.E.R. (Independent Albanian News Agency), 1:8 Entre Lineas (Peru), 2:729 ENTV (Algerian television), 1:13 ‘‘Envelope journalism,’’ Indonesia, 1:455 Equatorial Guinea, 1:288 L’Equipe (France), 1:314, 323 Erasmus, Des, 2:638 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

state-press relations, 1:301 Ethiopia Journalists Association, 1:301 Ethiopian Free Press Journalist Association (EFJA), 1:301 Ethiopian Herald, 1:299–300 Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRC), 1:300–301 Ethiopian News Agency (ENA), 1:299 Ethnos (Greece), 1:381 L’Etincelle (Guadeloupe), 1:388 Etop (Uganda), 2:980 ETV (Ekushey Television), Bangladesh, 1:81 ETV (Israel Educational Television), 1:480–481 EU. See European Union Eurasia Foundation, Georgia, 1:354 Eurnekian, Eduardo, 1:22 Europ Magazine, 1:331 Europartner Journalism Award, 2:654 European Broadcasting Union, 1:335 European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms Armenia, 1:41 Latvia, 1:555 European Convention on Transfrontier Television Armenia, 1:41 France, 1:328 European Court of Human Rights, 1:63 Belgium, 1:97–98, 102 France, 1:324 Georgia, 1:354 Ireland, 1:469 Netherlands, 2:649 Sweden, 2:896 Switzerland, 2:906 European Economic Community. See European Union European Federation of Journalists (EFJ), 1:322, 331 European Free Trade Association, 1:258 European Institute for the Media (EIM), 1:38, 41 Romania, 2:769 Ukraine, 2:994 European Journalism Centre (EJC) Belgium, 1:100 Germany, 1:366 Netherlands, 2:654 Romania, 2:769 European Journalism Training Association, 1:100–101 European Newspapers’ Publishers Association (ENPA), 1:100 European Press Holdings, Croatia, 1:225 European Roma Rights Center, 1:489 European Union (EU) Austrian media, 1:62–63 Belgium, 1:94–95, 100 Bulgaria, 1:137–138, 140 Czech Republic, 1:248 Denmark, 1:258 Finland, 1:306, 310, 313 France, 1:323, 325–326, 331, 335 Georgia, 1:348–349 Greece, 1:382 Hungary, 1:429, 431–432, 435 Italy, 1:483–484, 492–493 Poland, 2:747 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:814 Sweden, 2:893 Turkey, 2:965–966 Ukraine, 2:990 United Kingdom, 2:1002, 1009 Euskadi ta Askatasuna (ETA), 2:865 1223

INDEX

ERBOL news agency (Colombia), 1:205 Ercilla (Chile), 1:175 Eritrea, 1:288–291 Errazuriz, Cardinal Francisco Javier, 1:178 ERSP (Ente Regulador de los Servicios Públicos), Panama, 2:713 ERT (Elliniki Radiofonia Tileorasi), Greece, 1:383 ERTU (Egyptian Radio and Television Union), 1:280 Escobar, Luis, 1:394 Escobar, Pablo, 1:205 Escobar Galinda, David, 1:284 Escobar Noriega, Haroldo, 1:395 Esperanto media, 2:1083 ESPN TV, 2:1047–1050 E-Sports, Belgium, 1:100 L’Espresso (Italy), 1:485 Espresso-La Republica Group, 1:485, 488 Essahafa (Tunisia), 2:958 L’Essor (Mali), 1:601 Esta Semana (Costa Rica), 1:213 Estado de la Nación (Costa Rica), 1:217 O Estado de Sa˜o Paulo, 1:118, 122, 124, 125 Estatuto del Periodista (Argentina), 1:25 Esto (Mexico), 1:612 Estonia, 1:292–296 Estonia Media College Foundation, 1:295–296 Estonian Journalists’ Union, 1:295 Estonian Newspaper Association, 1:295 Estonian Press Council, 1:295 Estrada, Joseph, 2:736–737, 739 La Estrella de Panamá, 2:709 Estrella Solitaria (Cuba), 1:230 Estrella television studio, 1:22 ETA (Euskadi ta Askatasuna), 2:865 ETA Interactive (Estonia), 1:295 Ethics codes Argentina, 1:25 Austria, 1:62–63 Chile, 1:184 Denmark, 1:259 Ecuador, 1:275–276 Hong Kong, 1:427 Iceland, 1:439 Indonesia, 1:455 Latvia, 1:555 Malaysia, 1:598 Malta, 1:602 Norway, 2:689–690, 694 Papua New Guinea, 2:718–720 Peru, 2:731 Poland, 2:748 Portugal, 2:752 South Korea, 2:847, 848 Sri Lanka, 2:881–882 Sweden, 2:895–896 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:955–956 Turkey, 2:967 Ukraine, 2:996 United States, 2:1024–1025 Ethiopia, 1:297–302 background and characteristics, 1:297–300 broadcast media, 1:301–302 censorship, 1:300 journalist education and training, 1:302 news agencies, 1:301 press laws, 1:300

Index

Euskaldunom Egunkaria (Spain), 2:865 Euskalzaindia (Royal Basque Language Academy), 2:865 Évé language media Burkina Faso, 1:141–142 Ghana, 1:368–376 Togo, 2:950–952 L’Eveil de Pointe-Noire (Congo), 1:208 L’Eveil-Hebdo (Mauritania), 1:605 Evenimentul Zilei (Romania), 2:769–770 Evening Echo (Ireland), 1:466 Evening Herald (Ireland), 1:466–467 Evening News Ghana, 1:369 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:955 Evening Post (New Zealand), 2:659–660 Evening Times (United Kingdom), 2:1006 Evert, Militiadis, 1:383 Examiner Publications (Ireland), 1:466 Excelsior Publications (France), 1:318 Exelsior (Mexico), 1:612 Expatica.com (Belgium), 1:100 Expo (Sweden), 2:896 Expreso (Peru), 2:728 Express Austria, 1:57 Mexico, 1:612 L’Express France, 1:317–318 Madagascar, 1:582–583 Expressen (Sweden), 2:893, 896 Expresso (Portugal), 2:752 Extra (Costa Rica), 1:213 Exuma Sentinel (Bahamas), 1:73 Eyadema, Gnasimba, 2:951 Eze, Paschal, 1:344

F F2 Network, 1:52 Fafa (bribery), 1:391–393 Fahd Bin-Abd-al-Aziz Al Sa’ud (King of Saudi Arabia), 2:801 Fairchild TV, 1:153 Fairfax Group. See John Fairfax Publications Faisal (Prince of Saudi Arabia), 2:801 Fakti (Macedonia), 1:580 Falagoista, Tonino, 1:169 Falk, Kurt, 1:58–59 Falkland Islands, 1:303 Falkland Islands News Network, 1:303 Falkland Islands Newsletter, 1:303 Fallows, James, 1:508–509 False light suits, U.S. privacy laws, 2:1042 Falter (Austria), 1:65 Familie Journal (Denmark), 1:255 Family (Pakistan), 2:699 Family Compact (Canada), 1:151 Fapta (Romania), 2:767 Far Eastern Economic Review Hong Kong, 1:425 Malaysia, 1:593, 595–597, 599 Singapore, 2:823 Thailand, 2:946–947 FARB (Federation of Australian Commercial Radio Broadcasting), 1:51 FARC (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia), 1:203–205, 206 1224

Faringer, Gunilla, 1:368, 530–532 Faro del Caribe (Costa Rica), 1:217 Faroe Islands, 1:303–304 See also Denmark Faroes Radio, 1:260 FATPREN (Argentine Federation of Press Workers), 1:23 Faul, Michelle, 1:413 Fay, Liam, 1:470 FCC. See Federal Communications Commission Febelma (Belgium), 1:101 Federación Latinoamericana de Prensa en Periódicos (FLAPP), 1:22 Federación Nacional de Periodistas (Ecuador), 1:275 Federal Broadcasting Committee (COMFER), Argentina, 1:26, 30 Federal Communications Commission (FCC), 1:46, 2:1043, 1048–1050 Federal News Service (FNS), Russia, 2:786 Fédération de la Presse Périodique Régionale (FPPR), France, 1:330 Fédération Française des Agences de Presse (FFAP), 1:330 Fédération Française des Radios Chrétiennes (FFRC), 1:329 Fédération Nationale del Presse Française (FNPD), 1:330 Fédération Nationale d’Information Specialisée (FNPS), France, 1:330 Federation of Australian Commercial Radio Broadcasting (FARB), 1:51 Federation of Editors (Belgium), 1:97 Federation of Haitian Journalist Associations, 1:413 Federation of Nepal Journalists Association, 2:643 Federov, I., 2:985 Fellner publishing conglomerate, 1:59 Feltri, Vittorio, 1:487 Femenías, Antonio, 1:234–235 Femmes de Soleil magazine, 2:806 FENAJ. See National Federation of Journalists (Brazil) Te Fenua Fo’ou (Walllis and Futuna Islands), 2:1085 Feral Tribune (Croatia), 1:224, 226–227 Ferdinand I (King of Romania), 2:766 Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, 1:133–134 Fernandez, Aldolfo, 1:233–234 Fernández, Dina, 1:393, 396 Fernandez, Juan Mora, 1:212 Fernandez, Lafitte, 1:287 Fernández Reyna, Leonel, 1:266–267, 270 Fernando VI (King of Spain), 2:866 Ferrie, Liam, 1:472 FES (Friedrich-Ebert Stiftung) foundation, 1:375, 2:1099 Festival International du Scoop et du Journalisme d’Angers, 1:335 Fetherling, Douglas, 1:150–151 FFAP (Fédération Française des Agences de Presse), 1:330 FF/Fa-bladid (Faroe Islands), 1:304 FFRC (Fédération Française des Radios Chrétiennes), 1:329 Fiat-Rizzoli, 1:488 Fides News Agency, 2:1070 Le Figaro (France), 1:314–317, 323, 325–326, 629 Figueres, José María, 1:212–213, 216 Fiji, 1:304–305 Fiji Republic Gazette, 1:304 Fiji Sun, 1:304 Fiji Times, 1:304 Fillioux Law (France), 1:331 Film Censor Board (Bangladesh), 1:80 Fim de Semana (Mozambique), 1:632 The Financial Post (Canada), 1:152 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Foreign media presence Afghanistan, 1:3 Algeria, 1:13 Argentina, 1:28–29 Armenia, 1:40 Australia, 1:50 Austria, 1:63 Azerbaijan, 1:70 Bahrain, 1:75 Belarus, 1:89–91 Belgium, 1:98 Bolivia, 1:108 Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:113 Brazil, 1:124–125 Burundi, 1:144 Canada, 1:160–161 Central African Republic, 1:169 Chad, 1:172 Chile, 1:181–182 China, 1:191–193 Colombia, 1:204–205 Congo, 1:209 Costa Rica, 1:217 Côte d’Ivoire, 1:222 Croatia, 1:226 Cuba, 1:231, 235–236 Czech Republic, 1:244–245, 247 Dominican Republic, 1:268 Ecuador, 1:276 Egypt, 1:279–280 El Salvador, 1:283–284 Finland, 1:310–311 France, 1:327–328 Gabon, 1:341 Gambia, 1:345 Georgia, 1:352 Germany, 1:364 Ghana, 1:373 Guatemala, 1:395 Guyana, 1:407 Haiti, 1:415 Honduras, 1:419 Hungary, 1:434 India, 1:444–445 Indonesia, 1:455–456 Iran, 1:461 Iraq, 1:464 Ireland, 1:470–471 Israel, 1:479 Italy, 1:489 Japan, 1:507, 509–510 Kazakhstan, 1:520, 523 Kenya, 1:535–536 Kuwait, 1:541–542 Kyrgyzstan, 1:547 Latvia, 1:553–554 Lebanon, 1:561–562 Lesotho, 1:565 Liberia, 1:567 Libya, 1:570 Lithuania, 1:575 Malawi, 1:586 Malaysia, 1:596–597 Mauritania, 1:606 Moldova, 1:621 Morocco, 1:629

INDEX

Financial Review (Kenya), 1:532 Financial Times Argentina, 1:20 Belgium, 1:96 France, 1:327–328 Moldova, 1:621 Qatar, 2:760 Uganda, 2:983 United Kingdom, 2:1000, 1002, 1006 Financial Times Deutschland, 1:358 Finanstidningen (Sweden), 2:893 Finante si Industrie (Romania), 2:767 Finland, 1:305–313 background and characteristics, 1:305–307 broadcast media, 1:311 censorship, 1:309 economic conditions, 1:307–308 electronic news media, 1:311 foreign media presence, 1:310 journalist education and training, 1:311–313 news agencies, 1:310–311 press laws, 1:308–309 state-press relations, 1:309–310 FinnFacts, 1:310–311 Finnish Broadcasting Company (YLE), 1:308, 311 Finnish Newspaper Association, 1:307 First Amendment protections (U.S. Constitution), 2:1029, 1036–1044 First Australians, 1:49 FIS (Salvation Islamic Front), 1:14 Fitzgerald Garrett, 1:470 Flame (Guyana), 1:405 FLAPP (Federación Latinoamericana de Prensa en Periódicos), 1:22 Flaquer Azurdia, Irma, 1:391, 395 Flemish language media, Belgium, 1:95–96, 99–101 Flemish Speaking Law for Commercial Television, 1:97 Fletcher, Paul, 1:235 Fleurot, Olivier, 1:328 Flint, David, 1:47 FLN (National Front of Liberation), Algeria, 1:11–12 Flores, Francisco, 1:281, 286–287 Flores Estrella, Rafael, 1:268 Flores Facusse, Carlos, 1:419–421 FLQ (Front de Liberation Québeçois), 1:157 FLT Media AB (Sweden), 2:897 Flux (Moldova), 1:619 FM Hit, 1:22 FM Inolvidable (Argentina), 1:27 FM Liberté (Chad), 1:172 FNPD (Fédération Nationale del Presse Française), 1:330 FNPS (Fédération Nationale d’Information Specialisée), France, 1:330 FNPS (France), 1:329 FNS (Federal News Service), Russia, 2:786 Focus (Germany), 1:358 Focus on Africa, 1:536 FOIA (Freedom of Information Act), U.S., 2:1043–1044 Fokus (Macedonia), 1:580 Folha 8 (Angola), 1:16–17 Folha de Sa˜o Paulo (Brazil), 1:118, 122, 125 Fonds Presse et Multimédia (France), 1:327 Fonet news agency, 2:812 Fonike (Guinea), 1:398 Forcella, Enzo, 1:485–486 Foreign Correspondents’ Club (Thailand), 2:946–947

1225

Index

Mozambique, 1:633 Myanmar, 1:634–635 Namibia, 2:639–640 Netherlands, 2:649–650 New Zealand, 2:661–662 Nicaragua, 2:672–673 Nigeria, 2:681 North Korea, 2:685 Pakistan, 2:704–705 Panama, 2:713 Papua New Guinea, 2:720 Paraguay, 2:725 Poland, 2:747 Russian Federation, 2:785 Saudi Arabia, 2:803 Sierra Leone, 2:818 Slovakia, 2:830 Slovenia, 2:834–836 Somalia, 2:839 South Africa, 2:861–862 South Korea, 2:850 Sudan, 2:886 Swaziland, 2:890 Sweden, 2:897 Switzerland, 2:906–907 Syria, 2:914 Tajikistan, 2:933–934 Tanzania, 2:940–941 Thailand, 2:946–947 Togo, 2:951–952 Turkey, 2:967 Turkmenistan, 2:975 Uganda, 2:983 Ukraine, 2:993 United Kingdom, 2:1012 United States, 2:1045–1046 Uruguay, 2:1059 Uzbekistan, 2:1065 Venezuela, 2:1077–1078 Zimbabwe, 2:1099 Foreign Press Association (FPA), Greece, 1:383 Foreign Press Association (Israel), 1:478 Foreign transnational corporations (FTCs), 1:69 Format (Austria), 1:59 Formosa Television (FTV), 2:925 Fortnightly Review (United Kingdom), 2:1000 Fortune Americas (Dominican Republic), 1:268 Forum (Slovakia), 2:830 Forum Lambda (Belarus), 1:87 Four Corners, 1:52 Fowler, Robert, 1:158 Fox, Vicente, 1:610, 613, 616 Fox All-News Network, 1:45 Fox News Channel, 2:1005 Fox Sports Australia, 1:46 Fox Studio Australia, 1:46 Fox Television Network, 1:45–46, 2:1005 Fox’s Libel Act (United Kingdom), 2:999 FOXTEL, 1:46 FPA (Foreign Press Association), Greece, 1:383 FPL (Frente Patriótico de Loreto), Peru, 2:729 FPPR (Fédération de la Presse Périodique Régionale), France, 1:330 Fradique Melo Bandeira de Menezes, 2:799–800 Fraga Iribarne, Manuel, 2:871 Fraga Law (Spain), 2:871 1226

France, 1:314–336 background and characteristics, 1:314–317 broadcast media, 1:331–332 censorship, 1:324–326 economic conditions, 1:317–322 electronic news media, 1:332–333 foreign media presence, 1:327–328 journalist education and training, 1:334–335 Lebanon, 1:557 news agencies, 1:328–329, 329–331 press laws, 1:322–324 registration and licensing of newspapers, 1:323 state-press relations, 1:326–327 France Télécom, 1:320 France-Antilles Guadeloupe, 1:388 Martinique, 1:604 France-Guyane, 1:337 France-Japan Press Association, 1:335 France-Soir, 1:314–315, 326, 328 Franco, General Francisco, 2:866–867, 871, 873 Francofonia, Moldova, 1:621–622 Francois, Claude, 1:413 Frankfurter Allegemeine Zeitung (Germany), 1:357–360 Frankfurter Rundschau-Abend (Germany), 1:357–359 Franklin, Benjamin, 2:1026–1027 Fraternité-Matin (Côte d’Ivoire), 1:221 Frazer, Linda, 1:213 Frecuencia Latina (Peru), 2:730 Frederikse, Julie, 2:1098 Free Media Movement (Sri Lanka), 2:877, 881–882 The Free Press Ghana, 1:369–370, 375–376 Singapore, 1:591 Turks and Caicos Islands, 2:978 Free Press of India News Agency, 1:445 Freedom Philippines, 2:733 Russia, 2:776 Freedom Forum, Somalia, 2:839 Freedom House (Algeria), 1:14 Freedom House independent press rankings Burkina Faso, 1:141–142 Germany, 1:363 Hong Kong, 1:427 Italy, 1:487 Kazhkstan, 1:518 Malta, 1:602 Netherlands, 2:649 Singapore, 2:825–826 South Korea, 2:848 Tanzania, 2:939 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:955–956 Venezuela, 2:1074 Freedom of Expression Exchange (Canada), 2:881 Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), U.S., 2:1043–1044 Freedom of information laws Albania, 1:6 Argentina, 1:26–27 Australia, 1:49 Azerbaijan, 1:68 Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:113 France, 1:324 Georgia, 1:349 Norway, 2:690 Pakistan, 2:701–702, 706 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

The Frontier Post (Pakistan), 2:699 Frumkin, Israel-Dov, 1:475 FSM News, The, 1:617 FTCs (Foreign transnational corporations), 1:69 FTV (Formosa Television), 2:925 Fujimori, Alberto, 2:711, 728, 730 Fun Time (Ghana), 1:373 Funk Verlag-Inform Stúdió group, Hungary, 1:431 Le Furet (Réunion), 2:763–764 Fyens Stiftstidende (Denmark), 1:254–255

G Gaberone Broadcasting Corp., Botswana, 1:116 Gaberone Television, Botswana, 1:116 Gabon, 1:339–342 La Gaceta Argentina, 1:21, 23 Honduras, 1:419 Puerto Rico, 2:756 Gaceta de Caracas (Venezuela), 2:1072 La Gaceta de Gobierno (Bolivia), 1:106 Gaceta de los Negocios (Spain), 2:869 Gaceta de Madrid, 2:865 Gaceta de Niaragua, 2:666 Gaceta de Tenerife (Canary Islands), 2:870 Gaceta Semanal de Barcelona, 2:865 Gacetade (Mexico), 1:611 Gadea Mantilla, Fabio, 2:670 Gads danske Magasin (Denmark), 1:255 Gaelic language media, Ireland, 1:471–472 Gale Directory of Publication and Broadcast Media, 1:95 Galician language media, Spain, 2:864, 869–870 Galkynysh (Turkmenistan), 2:972, 974 The Gambia, 1:342–346 The Gambia News, 1:343 Gambian Press Union, 1:344, 346 Gamero, Manuel, 1:419 Gamma agency (France), 1:329 Gamma Plus, Georgia, 1:351 Gamsakhurdia, Zvia, 1:349, 351 Gandhi, Rajiv, 2:877 Gang, Steven, 1:599 Gangeme, Ricardo, 1:26 Gannett Corporation, 1:389, 2:1031, 1034 Gara (Spain), 2:865, 870 Garang, John, 2:887 Garant (Armenia), 1:37 García, Alan, 2:729 Garcia, Christian Alehandro, 1:395 García, Dina, 1:393, 396 García, René Manuel, 1:181 Garcia Moreno, Gabriel, 1:274 Garrison, William Lloyd, 2:1027 Gates, Bill, 1:328 Gaviria, Cesar, 1:419 Gay and lesbian media Belarus, 1:87 Greece, 1:381 United Kingdom, 2:1009 Gay News (United Kingdom), 2:1009 Gaye, Babucar, 1:344 Gaza Strip, 1:347 Gazet Van Antwerpen (Belgium), 1:95–96 Gazet Van Mechelen (Belgium), 1:95 La Gazeta de Buenos Ayres (Argentina), 1:21

INDEX

United States, 2:1039, 1043–1044 Uruguay, 2:1058–1059 Freedom Support Act, 1:68–69 Freeport News (Bahamas), 1:73 Freesheets (United Kingdom), 2:1007 Frei, Eduardo, 1:174–175 Freiha family, 1:558, 560 FRELIMO (Mozambique Liberation Front), 1:631–633 French Guiana, 1:337–338 French language media Algeria, 1:11–13 Angola, 1:16–17 Belgium, 1:95–96, 99–100 Benin, 1:103 Brazil, 1:121 Burkina Faso, 1:141–142 Burundi, 1:143–145 Cameroon, 1:148 Canada, 1:150, 152, 156, 158–160, 162–163 Central African Republic, 1:168–170 Chad, 1:171–173 Comoros, 1:207 Congo, 1:208–209 Côte d’Ivoire, 1:221 Democratic Congo, 1:251–252 Djibouti, 1:263 Ethiopia, 1:299 French Guiana, 1:337–338 French Polynesia, 1:338 Germany, 1:364 global distribution, 1:328 Guadeloupe, 1:388 Guinea Republic, 1:398–399 Haiti, 1:411–416 Laos, 1:549 Lebanon, 1:559 Luxembourg, 1:578 Madagascar, 1:582–583 Mali, 1:601–602 Martinique, 1:604 Mauritania, 1:605–606 Mauritius, 1:608–610 Mayotte, 1:610 Morocco, 1:626–627 Netherlands, 2:645 New Caledonia, 2:657 Niger, 2:677 Réunion, 2:763–765 Rwanda, 2:793 Saint Pierre and Miquelon, 2:797 Senegal, 2:805–806 Seychelles, 2:815 Switzerland, 2:904 Syria, 2:912–913 Togo, 2:951–952 Tunisia, 2:958–960 Vanuatu, 2:1069 Vietnam, 2:1083 French Polynesia, 1:338 Frente de Abogados Independientes, 2:711–712 Frente Patriótico de Loreto (FPL), Peru, 2:729 Friedrich-Ebert Stiftung (FES) foundation, 1:375, 2:1099 Friesch Dagblad (Netherlands), 2:647 Frigon, Augustin, 1:157 Frodi group, 1:440 Front de Liberation Québeçois (FLQ), 1:157

1227

Index

Gazeta de Goatemala, 1:390 Gazeta de la Habana (Cuba), 1:230 Gazeta de Noticias (Guinea-Bissau), 1:400, 402 Gazeta do Rio de Janeiro, 1:120 Gazeta Grodzen’ska (Belarus), 1:84 Gazeta Kopeika (Russia), 2:774 Gazeta Lwowska (Ukraine), 2:986 Gazeta Mercantil, 1:122 Gazeta Nueva (Spain), 2:865–866 Gazeta Shqiptare (Albania), 1:6 Gazeta Tansilvaniei (Romania), 2:767 Gazeta Wyborcza (Poland), 2:743, 746–747 Gazetiko (Madagascar), 1:582 La Gazetta dello Sport (Italy), 1:484 La Gazette (France), 1:315, 2:865 Gazette de Hollande, 2:646–647 La Gazette de Hollande, 2:645 La Gazette de la Haye (Netherlands), 2:645 Gazette de Leopol (Ukraine), 2:986 La Gazette de Leyde (Netherlands), 2:645 La Gazette de l’Isle de La Réunion, 2:763–764 Gazette de Rotterdam (Netherlands), 2:645 Gazprom (Russia), 2:783–784 Gbagbo, Laurent, 1:221–222 GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council), 2:759 GDA (Grupo de Diarios-America), Mexico, 1:614 Gdansk Agreement (Poland), 2:745–746 Gegendarstellung (Germany), 1:362 General Association of Professional Journalists of Belgium, 1:97 Genta (Argentina), 1:24 Gente 10 (Costa Rica), 1:214 George II (King of Greece), 1:380 Georgia, 1:348–355 background and characteristics, 1:348–349 broadcast media, 1:352–354 censorship, 1:351–352 economic conditions, 1:349–350 electronic news media, 1:354 foreign media presence, 1:352 journalist education and training, 1:354 press laws, 1:350–351 state-press relations, 1:352 GEPPIC (Groupement des Editeurs de la Presse Privé), 1:169 Ger Magazine (Mongolia), 1:624 Gereda, Silvia, 1:394 German language media Austria, 1:64–65 Belgium, 1:95–96, 99–100 Chile, 1:178 Czech Republic, 1:245 France, 1:327 Luxembourg, 1:578 Namibia, 2:638–639 Paraguay, 2:724 Switzerland, 2:903 Ukraine, 2:987 German Life, 1:358 German Press Agency, Belgium, 1:99 Germany, 1:355–367 Austrian media acquisitions, 1:60, 64–65 background and general characteristics, 1:356–359 broadcast media, 1:364–365 censorship, 1:362–363 economic conditions, 1:359–361 electronic news media, 1:365 foreign media presence, 1:364 1228

journalist education and training, 1:365–366 press laws, 1:361–362 state-press relations, 1:363–364 Gerrero Rodriguez, Antonio, 1:231–232 Gertz v. Robert Welch, Inc., 2:1041–1042 Gestión (Chile), 1:175 GFS (Global Film School), 1:54 Ghana, 1:368–376 background and general characteristics, 1:368–371 broadcast media, 1:374–375 censorship, 1:372–373 economic conditions, 1:371–372 education and training, 1:375 foreign media presence, 1:373 news agencies, 1:373–374 press laws, 1:372 state-press relations, 1:373 Ghana Broadcasting Corporation, 1:369, 374–375 Ghana Institute of Journalism (GIJ), 1:375 Ghana Journalists Association (GJA), 1:371–372, 376 Ghana News Agency (GNA), 1:369, 373–374 The Ghanaian Chronicle, 1:369–371 The Ghanian Chronicle, 1:375–376 Ghanian Times, 1:369–371 Ghanim, Safwan, 2:915 Ghimire, Yubaraj, 2:643 Gibraltar, 1:377–378 Gibraltar Chronicle, 1:378 Gibson, Owen, 2:1015–1016 Gibson Committee (Australia), 1:49 GIJ (Ghana Institute of Journalism), 1:375 Gind publishing house, 1:38 Girardin, Emile de, 1:316 Girgir (Turkey), 2:964–965 Githii, Georgia, 1:530 Gitlow v. New York, 2:1037 Giuily, Eric, 1:329 GJA (Ghana Journalists Association), 1:371–372, 376 Gladii, M., 2:989 Glas Javnosti (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:812 Glas Koncila (Croatia), 1:224 Glas Slavonije (Croatia), 1:224 Glasgow Herald, 2:1006 Glasnost, 1:293, 2:781–783 Glasnost Defense Foundation, 2:783 Gleaner Company (Jamaica), 1:495–498 Glickson, Moshe, 1:476 Glivat (Russia), 2:782 Global Communications, 1:160 Global Film School (GFS), 1:54 Global Forum on Fighting Corruption and Safeguarding Integrity, 2:650 Global Views Monthly (Taiwan), 2:921 The Globe (Canada), 1:151–152 The Globe (Guernsey), 1:398 Globe and Mail (Canada), 1:153, 162 Globe News Agency (India), 1:445 O Globo (Brazil), 1:118, 121–122, 125 Globovisión (Venezuela), 2:1078–1079 Globus (Croatia), 1:224 Gloria (Croatia), 1:224 GNA (Ghana News Agency), 1:369, 373–374 Gnukasian, Vahang, 1:39 Goebbels, Josef, 1:357, 2:745 Gogichaisvili, Akaki, 1:352

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Grenadines. See Saint Vincent and the Grenadines Grenz Echo (Belgium), 1:95–96 La Griffe (Gabon), 1:340–342 Le Gri-Gri (Gabon), 1:340–342 Le Gri-Gri International, 1:341–342 Grinan, John, 1:496 Grip magazine (Canada), 1:159 Grølandsposten/Atuagagdliutit (Greenland), 1:387 Groupe Edipresse, Switzerland, 2:904 Groupe Moniteur (France), 1:318 Groupe Nouvel Observateur (France), 1:317–318 Groupe Quotidien Santé (France), 1:318 Groupe Videotron, 1:163 Groupement des Editeurs de la Presse Privé (GEPPIC), 1:169 Gruaja Dhe Koha (Albania), 1:6 Gruner and Jahr group France, 1:318 Poland, 2:743 Grupo Correo Prensa Española, 2:867 Grupo de Diarios-America (GDA), Mexico, 1:614 Grupo Godó, 2:867 Grupo Televisa (Mexico), 1:614 GT (Sweden), 2:896 Guadeloupe, 1:388 Guam, 1:388–389 Guam Chinese News, 1:389 Guam Shinbun, 1:389 Guanaquiemos (El Salvador), 1:284 Guang Ming (Malaysia), 1:592 Guangming Daily, 1:191, 196 Guangzhou Daily (China), 1:188 The Guardian Belize, 1:103 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:954–966 United Kingdom, 1:434, 2:1000, 1002–1003, 1008, 1010–1011, 1017 The Guardian Europe Hungary, 1:434 Moldova, 1:621 Guardian of Swaziland, 2:890 Guatemala, 1:389–397 background and general characteristics, 1:390–392 broadcast media, 1:395–396 censorship, 1:392 economic conditions, 1:392 electronic news media, 1:396 foreign media presence, 1:395 journalist education and training, 1:396 news agencies, 1:395 press laws, 1:392 state-press relations, 1:392–395 Guatemala Flash, 1:393–396 Guatemala Journalists Association, 1:393 The Guatemalan Post, 1:390 Guedeouengue, Adulate, 1:412 Guei, Robert, 1:221–222 Guerin, Veronica, 1:468 Guernsey, 1:398 The Guernsey Press, 1:398 Guernut-Brachard Law (France), 1:320, 330 Guevara, Rossana, 1:420 The Guide (Ghana), 1:376 Guided Democracy Movement (Indonesia), 1:453–458 Les Guignols de l’Info (France), 1:324 Guinea, Republic of, 1:398–399 Guinea Press Ltd., 1:369 1229

INDEX

Gold Coast Gazette and Commercial Intelligencer (Ghana), 1:368 Golden Express (Vanuatu), 2:1069 Golden Pen of Freedom (WAN) Myanmar, 1:634 Syria, 2:914 Goldman, Francisco, 1:282 Golos (Russian Federation), 2:774 Golos Armenii, 1:37 Golos Tajikistana, 2:928 Golos Turkmenbashi, 2:975 Golos Ukraiiny, 2:987 Golovin, I. G., 2:774 Gómez, Juan Vicente, 2:1076 Gómez, Laureano, 1:202 Gomez, Peter, 1:344, 346 Gómez Award (Cuba), 1:238 Gongadze, H., 2:991 Gongora, Edwin, 1:283 González, Angel, 1:392, 396 Gonzalez, Elian, 2:1055 Gonzalez, Miguel, 1:283 González, Narciso, 1:267, 270 González Bridón, José Orlando, 1:234 González Castellanos, Antonio, 1:234 González Jiménez, Enrique, 1:215 Gonzalez Llort, Fernando, 1:231–232 Gonzalez Macchi, Luis, 2:723 González Rodas, Adolfo, 1:394 Gonzalez Sehwerert, Rene, 1:231–232 Gorbachev, Mikhail, 1:293, 2:775, 782, 784, 786–787 Gorkhapatra (Nepal), 2:642 Gorkhapatra Publication Corporation, 2:642 Goteborgs-Posten (Sweden), 2:893 Goulart, 1:119 Government Gazette (Sri Lanka), 2:878 Gracetillas (Mexico), 1:612 Grafiti (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:811 Graiul Nou (Romania), 2:767 Grakan Tert (Armenia), 1:37 Gram Dut (Bangladesh), 1:78 Grani (Ukraine), 2:992 Granma (Cuba), 1:231–232, 234–235, 237 Granma Internacional (Cuba), 1:232 Graphic Corporation, 1:371 Gravenhaegsch Courant (Netherlands), 2:645 Great News, The (Taiwan), 2:921 Greece, 1:378–386 background and general characteristics, 1:379–382 broadcast media, 1:384 economic conditions, 1:382 electronic news media, 1:384–385 journalist education and training, 1:385 news agencies, 1:383 press laws and censorship, 1:382–383 Greek language media Cyprus, 1:241–242 Turkey, 2:963 Greeley, Horace, 2:1028 Green, Bartholomew, 1:150 Green, Duff, 2:1052–1053 Greenland, 1:387 See also Denmark Grenada, 1:387–388 Grenada Today, 1:388 The Grenadian Voice, 1:388

Index

Guinea-Bissau, 1:399–402 Guiteras, Walter, 1:107 Guiton Group, 1:512 Gulf Construction (Bahrain), 1:74 Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), 2:759 Gulf Daily News (Bahrain), 1:74 Gulf News Bahrain, 1:74 Qatar, 2:759 UAE, 2:998 Gulf Panorama (Bahrain), 1:74 Gunasena, M. D., 2:878 Güncel (Germany), 1:356–357 Gurkhali language media, 1:130 Gusinsky, Vladimir, 2:783–785, 787–788, 791 Guyana, 1:403–408 Guyana Christmas Annual, The, 1:404 Guyana Chronicle, 1:404–405, 407 Guyana Graphic, 1:404, 406 Guyana News Agency, 1:407–408 Guyana Press Association, 1:408 Guyana Review, 1:404, 407 Gy Magazine (Guyana), 1:404 Gyawali, Binod Raj, 2:643 Gypsies. See Roma

H H. Bauer Verlag (Poland), 2:743, 747 Ha’aretz (Israel), 1:476–477 Haarlem’s Dagblad (Netherlands), 2:647 Habeas data laws (Argentina), 1:26 Hachette-Filipacchi Presse, 1:316–317, 319–320, 2:743 Hadad, Daniel, 1:22 Hadashot Ha’aretz (Israel), 1:476, 478 Hadikat Al-Akhbar (Lebanon), 1:558 Hadmutenya, Hidipo, 2:640 Haile Selassie I, 1:299 Haiti, 1:265, 1:411–416 Haiti Progress, 1:411 Haitian Times, 1:411, 413 Haitov, Vitali, 1:296 Ha-Levanon (Israel), 1:476 Halifax Gazette (Canada), 1:150 Halifax Monthly Magazine (Canada), 1:158 Halo Novini (Czech Republic), 1:244, 247 Halvorsen, David E., 2:847 Hamara Mahanagar (India), 1:447 Hamburger Abendblatt (Germany), 1:360 Hamilton, Alexander, 2:1026 Hammami, Hamma, 2:959 Handelsblatt (Germany), 1:358 Hankook Ilbo, 2:843–844 Hankyoreh Shinmun (South Korea), 2:843–844 Hans Adam II (Prince of Liechtenstein), 1:571 Hanthawati (Myanmar), 1:634 Ha’or (Israel), 1:475 Harakak (Malaysia), 1:594–596 Haravghi (Cyprus), 1:241 Harim (Iran), 1:461 Harmsworth, Alfred, 2:1000, 1005 Harmsworth, Lester, 2:1005 HarperCollins Group Australia, 1:46 United Kingdom, 2:1005 Harper’s Magazine, El Salvador, 1:282 1230

Harris, Benjamin, 1:150, 2:1026 Harris, H. G, 2:733 Harrison, Francis (General), 2:737 Hasad Al-Ousbou’é, 1:606 Hashkaf (Israel), 1:465 Hasina, Sheikh, 1:77–78 Hatzvi (Israel), 1:475 Haut Conseil de la Radio-Télévision (HCRT), Senegal, 2:806 Havas, Charles-Louis, 1:315–316, 329 Havas group, 1:318, 322 Havazzelet (Israel), 1:475 Haveeru (Maldives), 1:601 Havel, Václav, 1:243, 246–247 Hawke’s Bay Today (New Zealand), 2:659 Hay Zinvor (Armenia), 1:37 Hayamamoul distribution conglomerate, 1:37–38 Hayastani Hanrapetutyun (Armenia), 1:35 Hayat-e-No (Iran), 1:460 Hayes, Charles, 1:531 Hayk (Armenia), 1:37 Haykakan Zhamanak (Armenia), 1:37–38 Hayots Ashkhar (Armenia), 1:37 HCC (High Council of Communications), Chad, 1:171–172 HCRT (Haut Conseil de la Radio-Télévision), Senegal, 2:806 Hearst, William Randolph Cuba, 1:230 United States, 2:1028 Hearst Group, 1:428 Heartland (Australian drama series), 1:48 L’Hebdo (France), 1:333 Helsingin Sanomat (Finland), 1:306, 308, 312 Helsinki Accords of 1975 Albania, 1:6 Belarus Helsinki Committee, 1:87–88 Russian Federation, 2:785 Helsinki Committee for Human Rights Bosnia-Herzegovina press laws, 1:112 Romania, 2:770 Helsinki Media Company, 1:307 Henningham, John, 1:53–54 Henrotte, Hubert, 1:328 Henry, Martin, 1:498 Her World (Singapore), 2:822 The Herald Jamaica, 1:497 Pakistan, 2:698–699 Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, 2:797 Zimbabwe, 2:1097–1098 Herald Sun (Australia), 1:45 Herald Tribune (U.S.), 2:1028 Herandez, Alfredo, 1:283 Hernández, José Alberto, 1:229 Hernandez Nordelo, Gerardo, 1:231–232 Herrera, David, 1:394–395 Herri Batasuna, 2:865 Hersant group (France), 1:317, 320, 326 Herut (Israel), 1:475 Herzen, Alexander, 2:774 Herzl, Theodore, 1:56 Herzog, Wladimir, 1:124 Herzogovina. See Bosnia-Herzegovina Het Belang van Limburg, 1:96 Het Financieele Dagblad (Netherlands), 2:647 Het Laatste Nieuws (Belgium), 1:95–96 Het Nieuws van den Dag (Netherlands), 2:645 Het Nieuwslad (Belgium), 1:95–96 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Georgia, 1:349, 352–353 Germany, 1:356–361, 367 Ghana, 1:368–372, 374–376 Gibraltar, 1:378 Greece, 1:379–382, 384 Guatemala, 1:390–392 Guinea-Bissau, 1:402 Guyana, 1:403–405 Haiti, 1:412–416 Honduras, 1:418–421 Hong Kong, 1:425 Hungary, 1:428–432, 437 Iceland, 1:439–440 India, 1:47, 440–442 Indonesia, 1:449–452, 454–455 Iran, 1:462 Iraq, 1:465 Ireland, 1:466, 473 Israel, 1:475–477, 481 Italy, 1:484–486, 488 Japan, 1:501–502, 504–509 Kazakhstan, 1:517–520, 526–527 Kenya, 1:529–532 Kuwait, 1:540–541 Latvia, 1:550–552, 555 Lebanon, 1:557–559 Lesotho, 1:564–565 Lithuania, 1:571–574, 576 Luxembourg, 1:577–578 Malawi, 1:583 Malaysia, 1:589–593, 600 Mauritania, 1:606–607 Mauritius, 1:607–608 Mexico, 1:611–612, 616 Moldova, 1:617–619 Mongolia, 1:623–625 Morocco, 1:626–627 Mozambique, 1:631–633 Myanmar, 1:634–635 Namibia, 2:638–639 Nepal, 2:641 Netherlands, 2:645–647, 650–651 New Zealand, 2:658–659, 661–662, 664–665 Nicaragua, 2:665–669, 675–676 Nigeria, 2:678–679 Norway, 2:687–688, 691, 693 Pakistan, 2:699, 702–704, 706 Panama, 2:708–709 Papua New Guinea, 2:716–717 Paraguay, 2:723–724, 726 Peru, 2:727–728 Philippines, 2:733–735, 737, 739 Poland, 2:741–745, 747–750 Portugal, 2:751–756 Puerto Rico, 2:756–757 Qatar, 2:759–761 Réunion, 2:763–765 Romania, 2:766–769, 773 Russian Federation, 2:774–778, 786–788, 790–792 Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe, 2:799–800 Saudi Arabia, 2:802–804 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:807–811, 814–815 Sierra Leone, 2:817, 819 Singapore, 2:820–821 Slovakia, 2:827–828, 832 Slovenia, 2:835

INDEX

Het Parool (Netherlands), 2:646–647 Het Volk (Belgium), 1:95–96 Hicky’s Bengal Gazette, 1:440–441 Hidden cameras, Argentina, 1:25 Hiebert, Murray, 1:597, 600 High Council of Communications (HCC), Chad, 1:171–172 Hikayat Hang Tuah, 1:590 Hill, Peter, 2:1016–1017 Hill, Roberto Mathies, 1:283 Himal (Nepal), 2:642 HINA (Croatian News Agency), 1:226 Hindi language media Fiji, 1:304 India, 1:441–447 The Hindu (India), 1:441 Hindu Ranjika (Bangladesh), 1:78 Hindustan Samachar (HS), 1:445 Hindustan Times (India), 1:441 Hiri Nius (Papua New Guinea), 2:716, 718 L’Hirondelle (Central African Republic), 1:168 History of mass media Afghanistan, 1:2–3 Albania, 1:5–6 Algeria, 1:11, 14 Angola, 1:16–17 Argentina, 1:21, 25–27, 33 Armenia, 1:36, 42 Australia, 1:44–45, 49–52 Austria, 1:56–58, 61–62, 64–66 Azerbaijan, 1:67–68 Bangladesh, 1:77–78, 81–82 Belarus, 1:83–85, 93 Belgium, 1:94–95, 102 Bolivia, 1:106, 109 Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:111, 114–115 Botswana, 1:115–116 Brazil, 1:119–121, 126–127, 129 Bulgaria, 1:132–136, 140 Burundi, 1:143, 145 Cameroon, 1:148 Canada, 1:150–154, 157–158, 161–162 Chad, 1:173 Chile, 1:173–178, 184 China, 1:185–188, 191–192 Colombia, 1:200–202, 206 Cook Islands, 1:210 Costa Rica, 1:211–214, 217, 219–220 Côte d’Ivoire, 1:221 Croatia, 1:223–224, 228 Cuba, 1:228–232, 239 Cyprus, 1:240, 242 Czech Republic, 1:243–245 Democratic Congo, 1:251–252 Denmark, 1:254–256, 258, 260, 262 Dominican Republic, 1:265–266, 270 Ecuador, 1:277 Egypt, 1:279–280 El Salvador, 1:282, 285, 287 Equatorial Guinea, 1:288 Eritrea, 1:289–290 Estonia, 1:292–294, 296 Ethiopia, 1:298–300 Finland, 1:307–309, 313 France, 1:314–318, 322, 328–331, 336 Gabon, 1:342 Gambia, 1:346

1231

Index

Somalia, 2:839 South Africa, 2:858–860 South Korea, 2:840–844, 2:854 Spain, 2:865–870 Sri Lanka, 2:876–879 Sweden, 2:893–894, 901–902 Switzerland, 2:903–904, 911 Syria, 2:912–913 Taiwan, 2:921–922 Tajikistan, 2:928–932 Tanzania, 2:937–939 Thailand, 2:942–944, 949–950 Tunisia, 2:958 Turkey, 2:962–965 Uganda, 2:985 Ukraine, 2:985–988 United Kingdom, 2:999–1000, 1012–1016, 1018 United States, 2:1021, 1026–1030, 1046–1050, 1055 Uzbekistan, 2:1061–1062, 1067–1068 Venezuela, 2:1072–1075, 1081–1082 Western Sahara, 2:1087 Zambia, 2:1092 Zimbabwe, 2:1096–1100 Hitasandhani (Bangladesh), 1:78 Hjemmet (Denmark), 1:255 HKCNA (Hong Kong China News Agency), 1:426 Hobbes, Thomas, 1:526 Hobby (Czech Republic), 1:244 Hofmann Eberhard, 2:638 Holá (Spain), 2:869 Hollinger Canadian Newspaper Limited Partnership, 1:152, 154, 217 Holmes, Oliver Wendell, 2:1038 Holy See Press Office Bulletin (Vatican), 2:1070 Home and Decor (Singapore), 2:822 Honduras, 1:417–421 Honduras This Week, 1:419 Hong Kong, 1:192, 1:422–427 Hong Kong China News Agency (HKCNA), 1:426 Hong Kong Commercial Daily, 1:424 Hong Kong Mail, 1:424 Hong Kong Press Council, 1:427 Hong Kong Standard China Section, 1:424 Hong Kong Standard Front Page, 1:424 Hong Seok-hyun, 2:843 Honored Journalist of Ukraine Award, 2:996 Honsvald, Nils, 2:690 La Hora Chile, 1:175 Guatemala, 1:390–391, 390–396 Hora Cero (Argentina), 1:21 Horizon (Mauritania), 1:605 Horizon Corporations BC Limited, 1:154 Horizonte (Cape Verde), 1:167 Horoya (Guinea), 1:398 Hospodáarské Noviny (Czech Republic), 1:244 Hossain, Tofazzal, 1:79 Hostos, Eugenio Maria de, 2:757 Hotami, Jumankhon, 2:933 Houjairi, Yehia, 1:561 Houston Chronicle (U.S.), 2:1023 Hoxha, Enver, 1:5–6 Hoy Dominican Republic, 1:265–269 Ecuador, 1:274 Hoy por Hoy (Guatemala), 1:393, 396 1232

Hradecke Novini (Czech Republic), 1:244 Hrvatske Novine (Austria), 1:59 HS (Hindustan Samachar), 1:445 Huaxi Dushibao (China), 1:186 Hubert, Roger-François, 1:172 Hufvudstadsbladet (Finland), 1:307 Human Rights Watch Colombia, 1:201–202, 204 Jordan, 1:514 Syria, 2:914 Tajikistan, 2:933–934 L’Humanité (France), 1:314, 316, 326 Huna al-Bahrain (Bahrain), 1:74 Hungary, 1:427–437 background and general characteristics, 1:427–432 broadcast media, 1:434–436 Bulgaria, 1:134 censorship, 1:433–434 economic conditions, 1:432 electronic news media, 1:436 foreign media presence, 1:434 journalist education and training, 1:436 news agencies, 1:434 press laws, 1:432–433 Hurriyat (Uzbekistan), 2:1064 Hurriyet (Turkey), 2:962–963 Hussein, Abdel Wahab, 1:75 Hussein, Saddam, 1:463–465 Hussein, Uday, 1:464 Hussein (King of Jordan), 1:513 Hutus, Burundi, 1:142–145 Hyundai Group, 2:843, 847

I IAB Europe, 1:320 IAB France, 1:320 IACHR. See Inter-American Commission on Human Rights IAG (International Advisory Group), Chad, 1:170–171 IAMCR (International Association for Media and Communication Research), South Korea, 2:853 IAPA. See Inter-American Press Association IBA (Independent Broadcasting Authority Act), Mauritius, 1:609 IBA (Israel Broadcasting Authority), 1:480 Iberia TV (Georgia), 1:353 Iberia-Spectri (Georgia), 1:351 Ibervisia (Georgia), 1:352–353 Ibrahim, Anwar, 1:595–596 Ibu (Malaysia), 1:592 ICA (International Communication Association), South Korea, 2:853 ICCPR. See International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights Iceland, 1:439–440 ICTV (Ukraine), 2:994–995 Idade de Ouro do Brasil, 1:120 Idi Amin, 2:979, 981 IEPF (L’Institut de l’Energie Périodique Francophone), Cameroon, 1:148 IFEX (International Freedom of Expression Exchange), 1:376, 2:818 IFJ. See International Federation of Journalists Iglesias, Rafael, 1:212 Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (UCKG), Brazil, 1:128 Iikka Group (Finland), 1:308 IJF (Independent Journalism Foundation), 2:832 IJNET. See International Journalists Network WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Indonesia, 1:447–459 background and characteristics, 1:447–452 broadcast media, 1:456–457 censorship, 1:454 economic conditions, 1:452–453 electronic news media, 1:457–458 foreign media presence, 1:455–456 journalist education and training, 1:458 Netherlands, 2:651 news agencies, 1:456 press laws, 1:453–454 state-press relations, 1:454–455 Indonesia Raya, 1:450 Indonesia Times, 1:451–452 Indonesian Broadcasting Act, 1:454 Indonesian language media, East Timor, 1:273 Indonesian Observer, 1:451 Indradevi (Cambodia), 1:147 INE (Spanish Statistical Institute), 2:867 Info Tchad, 1:171 Inform Stúdió Ltd., 1:431 La Información (Dominican Republic), 1:265, 267, 269 Informaciones (Spain), 2:872 Informado El Vjetnamio, 2:1083 Information (Denmark), 1:255 Information Ministry (Belarus), 1:88–89 Information Services Review Committee, Papua New Guinea, 2:719 Information Technology (Argentina), 1:29 Informational Telegraph Agency of Russia (ITAR), 2:786 Informe R (Bolivia), 1:107 The Informer (Grenada), 1:388 Inkingi (Rwanda), 2:793 INL (Independent News Limited), New Zealand, 2:658–660 Inland Press Organization, 2:1054 In-Nazzjon (Malta), 1:602 INPI (Institut National de la Propriété Intellectuelle), 1:323 Inquilab Group, 1:79 Inquirer (Liberia), 1:567 L’Institut de l’Energie Périodique Francophone (IEPF), Cameroon, 1:148 Institut des Hautes Etudes des Communications Sociales (Belgium), 1:100–101 Institut National de la Propriété Intellectuelle (INPI), 1:323 Institut National de l’Audiovisuel (INA), France, 1:326, 330, 332, 335 Institut Panos Afrique de l’Ouest, 2:806 Institute for Studies on the Free Flow of Information (Indonesia), 1:450, 452, 458 Institute of Broadcasters (Malta), 1:602 Instituto Dominicano de las Telecomunicicaciones (Dominican Republic), 1:269 Inter Press Service (IPS) Ecuador, 1:276 Lesotho, 1:565 InterAd, France, 1:320 Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) Argentina, 1:24 Costa Rica, 1:215 Guatemala, 1:396 Haiti, 1:412 Honduras, 1:419–420 Panama, 2:710, 712 Inter-American Convention Against Corruption, 1:498 Inter-American Court of Human Rights Bolivia, 1:107 1233

INDEX

Il Corrierre della Serra (Italy), 1:484, 488 Il Corrierre dello Sport-Stadio (Italy), 1:484 Il Giornale (Italy), 1:486, 488 Il Mattino (Italy), 1:484 Il Messaggero (Italy), 1:484, 487 Il Resto del Carlino (Italy), 1:484, 2:799 Ilanga Losa (South Africa), 2:859 Ilescu, Ion, 2:772–773 Ilkka (Finland), 1:306 Illustrierte Kronen Zeitung, 1:56 Illustrovanna Politika (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:810 Ilta-Sanomat (Finland), 1:306, 308 Ilustreret Tidende (Denmark), 1:255 Imaginons un Réseau Internet Solidaire (IRIS), France, 1:320, 336 IMC. See Independent Media Commission IMF. See International Monetary Fund Immobilientel (Germany), 1:358 Imprensa Nacional-Casa de Moeda (Portugal), 2:799 Imvo Zabantsundu (South Africa), 2:859 INA. See Iraqi News Agency INA (Institut National de l’Audiovisuel), France, 1:326 INA (Iraqi News Agency), 1:464 ‘‘Incidental use’’ doctrine, U.S. privacy laws, 2:1042 Indecent Publications Tribunal (IPT), 2:661 L’Indépendant (Guinea), 1:398 The Independent Dominica, 1:263 Gambia, 1:343, 345–346 Ghana, 1:369–371, 375 Hungary, 1:434 Papua New Guinea, 2:716–718 Spain, 2:868 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:955–956 United Kingdom, 2:1000, 1004–1007, 1017 Independent and Financial Gazette (Zimbabwe), 2:1098 Independent Broadcast Network (Armenia), 1:41 Independent Broadcasting Authority Act (IBA), Mauritius, 1:609 Independent Federation of Georgian Journalists, 1:351 Independent Journalism Foundation (IJF), 2:832 Independent Journalists Union (Bulgaria), 1:138 Independent Media Commission (IMC) Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:114 Sierra Leone, 2:817–819 Independent News & Media PLC, 1:466–468, 2:660 Independent News Limited (INL), New Zealand, 2:658–660 Independent Newspapers (Sri Lanka), 2:878 Independent on Sunday (United Kingdom), 2:1001, 1006 Independent Publishing (Dominica), 1:263 Independent Radio News (IRN), United Kingdom, 2:1014 Independent Television (ITV), United Kingdom, 2:1013–1016, 1019 Independent Television Network (ITN), Sri Lanka, 2:882–883 Independent Television News (ITN), United Kingdom, 2:1013–1016 O Independente (Portugal), 2:752 India, 1:440–447, 2:877 India Gazette, 1:441 Indian Express Newspapers Limited India, 1:442 Sri Lanka, 2:879 Indian Opinion (South Africa), 2:859 Indian Peace Keeping Force (Sri Lanka), 2:877 L’indicateur Colonial (Réunion), 2:763 Indigenous Current Affairs Magazine, 1:49 L’Indipendente (Italy), 1:486–487

Index

Costa Rica, 1:219 Ecuador, 1:275 Honduras, 1:419 Nicaragua, 2:671 Inter-American Development Bank, El Salvador, 1:281 Inter-American Press Association (IAPA) Costa Rica, 1:215 Guatemala, 1:391, 395 Honduras, 1:419–421 Mexico, 1:614 Nicaragua, 2:670–671 Panama, 2:710, 714–715 Peru, 2:729 South Korea, 2:849 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:956 Venezuela, 2:1073 Inter-American Press Society (SIP), 1:22 Inter-American Telecommunications Commission, 1:108 Intercom (Brazil), 1:128 Interdeco, France, 1:320 Interfax Hungary, 1:434 Russia, 2:786 International Advisory Group (IAG), Chad, 1:170–171 International Association for Media and Communication Research (IAMCR), South Korea, 2:853 International Center for Advanced Study in Communication in Latin America (Ecuador), 1:277 International Center for Journalism, Georgia, 1:350, 354 International Center for the Training of Journalists, Uzbekistan, 2:1065 International Communication Association (ICA), South Korea, 2:853 International Convention on Cyber Criminality, France, 1:324 International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) Armenia, 1:34, 37–38, 40 South Korea, 2:846 Tajikistan, 2:932 International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) Belgium, 1:101 France, 1:322, 325, 335 Ghana, 1:372 Kazakhstan, 1:526 Turkey, 2:962 Ukraine, 2:996 Venezuela, 2:1074 International Federation of Newspaper Publishers, 1:478 International Freedom of Expression Exchange (IFEX), 1:376, 2:818 International Herald Review, 1:597 International Herald Tribune Belgium, 1:96 Congo, 1:209 France, 1:328 Hong Kong, 1:425 Japan, 1:503, 510 South Korea, 2:851 Taiwan, 2:921 Togo, 2:952 International Journalists Network (IJNET) Burkina Faso, 1:141–142 Egypt, 1:279–280 Hungary, 1:433 Panama, 2:713 Sudan, 2:887 Uruguay, 2:1058 1234

International Media Corporation, Moldova, 1:621 International Monetary Fund (IMF) Georgia, 1:350 Nicaragua, 2:669 Russian Federation, 2:779 Uzbekistan, 2:1062–1063 International News Media (China), 1:196 International News Service (Sweden), 2:897 International Press Center (Denmark), 1:259–260 International Press Institute (IPI) Dominican Republic, 1:265 Israel, 1:479 Malta, 1:602 Pakistan, 2:701, 704–705 Peru, 2:729 Slovenia, 2:835–836 South Korea, 2:849 Syria, 2:914 Venezuela, 2:1074 International Publishing Corporation (IPC), United Kingdom, 2:1011 International Research and Exchanges Board (IREX) Croatia, 1:226 Kazakhstan, 1:518–519, 521–522, 525 Pro-Media program, 1:38 Turkmenistan, 2:976 International Society for News Design, 2:921 International Television Network (ITN), Sierra Leone, 2:816–819 International Typographers Union (ITU), Canada, 1:152 International Year Book: The Encyclopedia of the Newspaper Industry, 1:200 Internet access Albania, 1:7, 9–10, 1:10 Algeria, 1:13–14, 1:14 American Samoa, 1:15 Andorra, 1:16 Anguilla, 1:18 Antigua and Barbuda, 1:18 Argentina, 1:30–31, 1:31 Aruba, 1:43 Australia, 1:52–53, 1:53 Austria, 1:65, 1:66 Azerbaijan, 1:70, 1:70 Bahamas, 1:73 Bahrain, 1:75 Barbados, 1:83 Belarus, 1:92 Belgium, 1:100 Belize, 1:103 Bermuda, 1:104 Bhutan, 1:105 Bolivia, 1:108–109, 1:109 Brazil, 1:128, 1:128 British Virgin Islands, 2:1084 Bulgaria, 1:139–140, 1:140 Cameroon, 1:148–149 Canada, 1:163–165, 1:164 Cape Verde, 1:167 Cayman Islands, 1:167 Central African Republic, 1:169–170 Chad, 1:172 Chile, 1:183, 1:183 China, 1:193, 1:194, 1:194–195 Christmas Island, 1:198–199 Cook Islands, 1:210 Costa Rica, 1:217–218, 218–219, 1:219 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Micronesia, 1:617 Moldova, 1:621–622, 1:622 Monaco, 1:623 Mongolia, 1:624–625 Montserrat, 1:626 Morocco, 1:629, 1:630 Nepal, 2:643–644, 2:644 Netherlands, 2:650, 652–653, 2:654 Netherlands Antilles, 2:656 New Caledonia, 2:657 New Zealand, 2:664, 2:664 Nigeria, 2:681–682, 2:682 Norfolk Island, 2:683 Norway, 2:690, 691–692 Oman, 2:696 Pakistan, 2:699–700, 2:701 Panama, 2:713–714, 2:714 Papua New Guinea, 2:716, 721–722 Paraguay, 2:725, 2:726 Peru, 2:731, 2:732 Philippines, 2:738, 2:738 Pitcairn, 2:740 Poland, 2:748, 2:749 Portugal, 2:754–755, 2:755 Réunion, 2:765 Romania, 2:771–772, 2:771–772 Russian Federation, 2:788–789, 2:789–790 Saint Helena, 2:795 Saint Kitts and Nevis, 2:796 Saint Lucia, 2:796 Saint Pierre and Miquelon, 2:797 Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, 2:797 Samoa, 2:798 Saudi Arabia, 2:804, 2:804 Senegal, 2:806 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:813–814, 2:814 Seychelles, 2:815 Sierra Leone, 2:818, 2:819 Singapore, 2:824, 2:825 Slovakia, 2:831–832, 2:832 Slovenia, 2:835 Solomon Islands, 2:837 Somalia, 2:839 South Africa, 2:862, 2:862 South Korea, 2:840, 852–853, 2:853–854 Spain, 2:873–874, 2:874 Sri Lanka, 2:880 Sudan, 2:887, 2:887 Suriname, 2:889 Sweden, 2:894, 899–900, 2:899–900 Switzerland, 2:907–908 Syria, 2:913–914, 915, 2:915–916 Taiwan, 2:921–925, 2:925–926 Tajikistan, 2:935, 2:935 Tanzania, 2:940, 2:940–941 Thailand, 2:947–948, 2:949 Tokelau, 2:953 Tonga, 2:953 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:954–957, 957 Tunisia, 2:959, 2:959 Turkey, 2:969, 2:969 Turkmenistan, 2:975, 2:975–976 Turks and Caicos Islands, 2:978 Tuvalu, 2:978 Uganda, 2:984 Ukraine, 2:992, 995–996, 2:995–996

INDEX

Côte d’Ivoire, 1:221–222, 1:222 Croatia, 1:227, 1:227 Cuba, 1:236–238, 1:237–238 Cyprus, 1:242 Czech Republic, 1:248, 1:248 Denmark, 1:261–262 Djibouti, 1:263 Dominica, 1:263 Dominican Republic, 1:269 East Timor, 1:273 Ecuador, 1:277, 1:277 Egypt, 1:280, 1:280 El Salvador, 1:281, 284, 286 Equatorial Guinea, 1:288 Eritrea, 1:290, 1:291 Estonia, 1:295–296, 1:296 Falkland Islands, 1:303 Faroe Islands, 1:304 Fiji, 1:304 Finland, 1:311–312, 1:311–312 France, 1:317, 320, 327–328, 332–334, 1:333–334 French Guiana, 1:337 Gabon, 1:341 Gambia, 1:345–346 Georgia, 1:354, 1:354 Germany, 1:365, 1:365 Gibraltar, 1:378 Greece, 1:385–386, 1:386 Greenland, 1:387 Grenada, 1:388 Guadeloupe, 1:388 Guatemala, 1:396, 1:396 Guernsey, 1:398 Guinea Republic, 1:399 Guinea-Bissau, 1:402 Guyana, 1:407, 1:407–408 Haiti, 1:416 Honduras, 1:421, 1:421 Hong Kong, 1:423 Hungary, 1:436, 1:436 India, 1:446, 1:446 Indonesia, 1:457–458, 1:457–458 Iran, 1:461, 1:462 Iraq, 1:464 Ireland, 1:472, 1:472–473 Israel, 1:481, 1:482 Italy, 1:490–491, 1:492 Japan, 1:500, 1:510, 1:511, 1:511 Jordan, 1:514, 1:514–515 Kazakhstan, 1:524, 1:525 Kenya, 1:537–538, 1:537–538 Kuwait, 1:542–543, 1:543 Kyrgyzstan, 1:547, 1:547 Laos, 1:549 Latvia, 1:554, 1:554 Lebanon, 1:562–563, 1:563 Lesotho, 1:566 Liberia, 1:568 Lithuania, 1:576, 1:576 Macedonia, 1:581 Malawi, 1:588, 1:588 Malaysia, 1:594, 597–598, 1:597–598 Maldives, 1:601 Marshall Islands, 1:603 Martinique, 1:604 Mexico, 1:615, 1:615–616

1235

Index

United Arab Emirates, 2:998 United Kingdom, 2:1015–1018, 2:1016–1017 United States, 2:1050–1052, 2:1051 Uruguay, 2:1057, 1059, 2:1059 Uzbekistan, 2:1066–1067 Vanuatu, 2:1069 Venezuela, 2:1080, 2:1080 Zambia, 2:1095, 2:1095 Zimbabwe, 2:1099, 2:1099 See also Computer use; Electronic news media; Websites Internet Advertising Bureau, France, 1:320 Internet Public Library, India, 1:446 Internet Rights Observatory, 1:100 Internews Kyrgyzstan, 1:547 Tajikistan, 2:930, 932, 934 Intervju (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:809–810 Intravision (Colombia), 1:205 Investigative Reporters and Editors (IRE), Mexico, 1:615 L’Investugatuer (Belgium), 1:97–98, 102 IPC (International Publishing Corporation), United Kingdom, 2:1011 IPI. See International Press Institute IPM (Belgium), 1:96, 102 IPS. See Inter Press Service Iran, 1:459–462, 2:930, 933–934 Iran Daily, 1:460 Iran News, 1:460 Irangate scandal, 2:667 Iranian Student News Agency (ISNA), 1:462 Iraq, 1:463–465, 1:540–541 Iraqi News Agency (INA), 1:464 Iravunk (Armenia), 1:37 IRE (Investigative Reporters and Editors), Mexico, 1:615 Ireland, 1:465–473 background and characteristics, 1:466–467 broadcast media, 1:471–472 censorship, 1:469–470 economic conditions, 1:467–468 electronic news media, 1:472 foreign media presence, 1:470–471 journalist education and training, 1:472 news agencies, 1:471 press laws, 1:468–469 state-press relations, 1:470 Ireland on Sunday, 1:466, 471 IREX. See International Research and Exchanges Board IRIB, 1:462 Irida Lankadipa (Sri Lanka), 2:879 Irida Peramuna, 2:883 IRIN (Côte d’Ivoire), 1:221 IRIS (Imaginons un Réseau Internet Solidaire), France, 1:320 Irish Emigrant, 1:472 Irish Examiner, 1:466 Irish Farmer’s Journal, 1:466 Irish Independent, 1:466–467, 470 Irish Intelligencer, 1:466 Irish Times, 1:466, 469 IRN (Independent Radio News), United Kingdom, 2:1014 IRNA (Islamic Republic News Agency), Iran, 1:461–462 Irrawaddy Magazine (Myanmar), 1:634 Islamic news sources Afghanistan, 1:3 Algeria, 1:13–14 Bahrain, 1:74–75 Chad, 1:171–173 1236

Djibouti, 1:263 Indonesia, 1:450–451 Iran, 1:459–462 Iraq, 1:463–465 Malaysia, 1:590–600 Pakistan, 2:697–704 Tajikistan, 2:928–929 Islamic Republic News Agency (IRNA), Iran, 1:461–462 Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), 1:462 Islan Sun (British Virgin Islands), 2:1083–1084 Island (Sri Lanka), 2:879 Island Beat (Jamaica), 1:499 Islander, The (Christmas Island), 1:198 The Isle of Bourbon Government Gazette (Réunion), 2:764 ISNA (Iranian Student News Agency), 1:462 Israel, 1:475–481 Israel Association of the Periodical Press, 1:478 Israel Broadcasting Authority (IBA), 1:480 Israel Educational Television (ETV), 1:480–481 Israel Press Association, 1:478 Israeli News Agency (ITIM), 1:479 Israeli Press Council, 1:478 Istanbul Ticaret Odasi Mecmuasi, 2:965 Istok (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:810 Italehti (Finland), 1:308 Italian language media Albania, 1:6, 8–9 Canada, 1:153 Malta, 1:602 San Marino, 2:799 Somalia, 2:837–838 Italy, 1:482–493 background and characteristics, 1:483–485 broadcast and electronic news media, 1:489–491 economic conditions, 1:485–487 foreign media presence, 1:489 journalist education and training, 1:492–493 news agencies, 1:489 press laws and censorship, 1:487–488 state-press relations, 1:488 ITAR (Informational Telegraph Agency of Russia), 2:786 ITAR-TASS Lithuania, 1:575 Moldova, 1:621 Russian Federation, 2:784, 786 ITIM (Israeli News Agency), 1:479 L’Itinérant (France), 1:314 ITN (Independent Television Network), Sri Lanka, 2:882–883 ITN (Independent Television News), United Kingdom, 2:1013–1016 ITN (International Television Network), Sierra Leone, 2:816–819 Itogi (Russia), 2:784–785 Te Itoi ni Kiribati, 1:539 Ittefaq Group (Bangladesh), 1:79 ITU (International Typographers Union), Canada, 1:152 ITV (Independent Television), United Kingdom, 2:1013–1016, 1019 Ivan, Victor, 2:883 Ivanov, Sergei, 2:791 Ivcher, Baruch, 2:729–730 Ivoire-Soire (Côte d’Ivoire), 1:221 Ivory Coast. See Côte d’Ivoire Izvestia (Russia), 2:775, 777, 784

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

J

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

United States, 2:1024 Jewish Telegraphic Agency (JTA), 1:479 Jiefangjun Ribao (China), 1:186 Jiji news agency (Japan), 1:510 Jiménez, Katia Miguelina, 1:267 Jingji Ribao (China), 1:186–187 Jisuanji Shijie (China), 1:192 Jo JOAs (Joint operating agreements), 2:1032, 1034 Johannesburg Star, The, 2:859–860 John Fairfax publications, Australia, 1:44–47, 52–54 Johnson, Francois, 1:413 Joint Council of Danish Newspapers, 1:259 Joint operating agreements (JOAs), 2:1032, 1034 Joong-ang Ilbo (South Korea), 2:842–844, 848, 851, 854 Jordan, 1:512–515 Jordan Times, 1:515 Jornal de Noticias (Portugal), 2:752 Jornal do Brasil, 1:121–122, 124 Jornal do Comércio (Brazil), 1:121 Joshi, Shiva Raj, 2:643 Joumhouryieh (Iran), 1:459 Le Jour/Le Belgique, 1:96 La Journada (Mexico), 1:612 Le Journal (France), 1:316 Le Journal (Morocco), 1:628 Journal de Brazzaville Mweti (Congo), 1:208 Journal de Genève, 2:905 Le Journal de l’Ile de la Réunion, 2:764 Journal de Monaco, 1:623 Le Journal des Communes (Réunion), 2:764 Journal des Débats (France), 1:315 Journal des Droits de l’Homme, 1:169 Le Journal des Savantes (France), 2:865 Le Journal du Commerce (Réunion), 2:764 Journal from St. Petersburg to Moscow, 2:782 Le Journal Hebdomadaire (Morocco), 1:628 Journal Officiel (Mauritania), 1:605 Journalism and Globalization Program (JAG), 1:615 Journalism awards. See Awards in journalism Journalism Education Association (JEA), 1:54 Journalism Studies (China), 1:196 The Journalist (Taiwan), 2:923 Journalisten (Sweden), 2:895 Journalistiek-De Ham (Belgium), 1:100–101 Journalists Association of Korea, 2:847 ‘‘Journalist’s Charter’’ (France), 1:322 Journalists Trade Union (SZR), Romania, 2:770 Journalists Union Albania, 1:8 Bulgaria, 1:138 Panama, 2:712 Journalists Union of Athens Daily Newspapers, 1:383 JTA (Jewish Telegraphic Agency), 1:479 Juan Carlos I (King of Spain), 2:871–872 Jugnaut, Anerood, 1:608 Jugoslovenska Radio Televizija, 2:813 Jumhuriyat (Tajikistan), 2:928, 930, 933 Junco, Mercedes, 2:869 Jund Oman, 2:695 Junejo, Mohammad Khan, 2:703 Junge Welte (Germany), 1:359 Jureco (Madagascar), 1:582 Jurnal de Chisinau (Moldova), 1:619 Jurnalul de Dimineata (Romania), 2:766–767 La Justicia (Philippines), 2:734, 737

INDEX

Jaafar, Johan, 1:596 Ja’afar, Onn b., 1:591 Jack, Robert, 2:662 Jackson, Andrew, 1:151, 2:1036 JAG (Journalism and Globalization Program), 1:615 Jahon News Agency (Uzbekistan), 2:1065 Jahshan, Khalid, 1:479 Jakarta Post, 1:451–452 Jakobson, Carl Robert, 1:293 Jallow, Alagi Yoro, 1:345 Jamahiriya News Agency (JANA), Libya, 1:568–569 Jamaica, 1:495–499 Jamaica Broadcasting Company, 1:496–497 Jamaican Information Service, 1:499 Jammeh, Yahya, 1:343–346 JANA (Jamahiriya News Agency), Libya, 1:568–569 Janata (Sri Lanka), 2:878 Jang (Pakistan), 2:697–699, 706 Jang Group, 2:699 Japan Malaysia, 1:591 North Korea, 2:850 Taiwan, 2:920 Japan Radio Network, 1:511 Japan Times, The, 1:510 Japanese language media, 1:500–511 alphabetic characteristics, 1:502 background and characteristics, 1:500–502 broadcast media, 1:510–511 China, 1:193 economic conditions, 1:502–504 electronic news media, 1:511 foreign media presence, 1:509–510 Guam, 1:389 Indonesia, 1:450 journalist education and training, 1:511 news agencies, 1:510 press laws and censorship, 1:504–506 state-press relations, 1:506–509 Japanophobia, 1:509 Jarmain, Edward, 1:163 Jasarat (Pakistan), 2:699 Jasin, A. Kadir, 1:596, 600 Jatta, Kassa, 1:345 Java. See Indonesia Javasche Courant (Indonesia), 1:449 Jawa Pos (Indonesia), 1:450–451, 453 Jawara, Dawda, 1:343 Jayawardene, Junius, 2:877, 879 JEA (Journalism Education Association), 1:54 Jedinstvo (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:810 Jeevanjee, A. M., 1:530 Jeffrey, Robin, 1:441 Jelita (Malaysia), 1:592 Jendela Indonesia, 1:452 Jersey, 1:512 Jersey Evening Post, 1:512 Jersey Journal (U.S.), 2:1035 The Jerusalem Post, 1:477, 2:1006 Jeune Afrique Algeria, 1:13 Congo, 1:209 Togo, 2:951–952 Jewish media Russia, 2:776

1237

Index

Jutarnji List (Croatia), 1:224 Juvenile Deliquents Act (Canada), 1:156 Juventud Rebelde (Cuba), 1:231–234 Juwara, Lamin Waa, 1:344 Jydske Vestkysten (Denmark), 1:255 Jyllands Posten (Denmark), 1:254–256

K Kabar news agency (Kyrgyzstan), 1:547 Kabbah, Ahmad Tejan, 2:819 Kabila, Joseph, 1:252 Kabila, Laurent-Désiré, 1:251–252 Kabir, Ahmadul, 1:79 Kabita Kushumabati, 1:78 KADU (Kenya African Democratic Union), 1:529 KAF. See Konrad Adenauer Foundation Kakuei Tanaka, 1:507 Kaleva (Finland), 1:306 Kalevala (Finland), 1:306 Kalevipoeg (Estonia), 1:293 Kalinoiskii, K., 1:84 Kalkin Sesi (Cyprus), 1:241 Kampuchean Radio and Television Commission (Cambodia), 1:147 Kangas, Roger D., 2:1064 Kanji characters (Japan), 1:502 Káñnina (Costa Rica), 1:214 Kantipur (Nepal), 2:642–643 Kantorberita Nasional Indonesia, 1:456 KANU (Kenya African National Union), 1:529 Kaotan te Ota (Kiribati), 1:539 Karimov, Abduganiyevich, 2:1060–1061, 1063–1064, 1067–1068 Karlsen, Flemming Keith, 1:258 Kärntner Tageszeitung, 1:60–62 Karoro Okurut, Mary, 2:983 KASCT (King Abdul Aziz City for Science and Technology), Saudi Arabia, 2:804 Kasis, Alberto, 1:175 Kasoma, Francis P., 2:1094 Kasse, Hadj, 2:806 Kastrioti, Gjergj. See Skanderberg Kathimerini (Greece), 1:381 Kathmandu Post (Nepal), 2:643 Katholieke Hogeschool Mechelen/Afdeling (Belgium), 1:100–101 Katolicke Noviny (Slovakia), 2:828 Katz, Elihu, 1:480 Katznelson, Berl, 1:476 Kaunda, Kenneth David, 2:1092–1095 Kauno Diena (Lithuania), 1:574 Kauppalehti (Finland), 1:307, 577 Kauppapolitiikka (Finland), 1:310 Kazakhstan, 1:517–527 background and characteristics, 1:517–520 broadcast media, 1:521, 523–524 economic conditions, 1:520–521 foreign media presence, 1:520, 523 news agencies, 1:523–524 press laws, 1:521–522 state-press relations, 1:522 Kazakhstan 21st Century Foundation, 1:521 Kazakhstan Today agency, 1:523–524 Kazakhstanskaya Pravda, 1:520 Kazhegeldin, Akezhan, 1:518 KBC (Kenya Broadcasting Corporation), 1:532, 536–538 1238

KBS (Korean Broadcasting System), South Korea, 2:851–852 KCNA (Korean Central News Agency), 2:684–685 KDKA radio (U.S.), 2:1029, 1046 Keane, Terry, 1:469 Kedaulatan Rakyat (Indonesia), 1:451 Kelner, Simon, 2:1004, 1017 Kemsley (Lord), 2:1000 Kende, Péter, 1:435 Kenichi Ohmae, 1:507 Kennedy, George, 2:1002 Kennedy, Geraldine, 1:470 Kennedy, Graham, 1:52 Kent, Thomas, 1:159 Kenya, 1:529–538 background and general characteristics, 1:529–532 broadcast media, 1:536–537 censorship, 1:535 economic conditions, 1:532–534 electronic news media, 1:537–538 foreign media presence, 1:535–536 journalist education and training, 1:538 press laws, 1:534 state-press relations, 1:535 Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU), 1:529 Kenya African National Union (KANU), 1:529 Kenya Broadcasting Corporation (KBC), 1:532, 536–538 Kenya Leo, 1:532 Kenya News Agency (KNA), 1:535 Kenya Television Network (KTN), 1:530–531 Kenya Times, 1:530–532, 534, 536 Kenya Times Media Trust (KTMT), 1:530–531 Kenya Union of Journalists, 1:534 Kenyatta, Jomo, 1:529–530 Kerr, Alex, 1:509 Keshab Raj Pindali, 2:642 Keskin, Abdullah, 2:966–967 Keskisuomalainen (Finland), 1:306 Keskustan Sanomakeskus (Finland), 1:310 Keystone-L’Illustration (France), 1:329 Khabar information agency, 1:524 Khabrain (Pakistan), 2:698–699 Khaleeg Times (Oman), 2:695 Khaleej Times, 1:74 Khalid (King of Saudi Arabia), 2:801 Khaliq, A. R., 2:704 Khalq Ovozi (Tajikistan), 2:928, 931 Khamenei, Ayatollah Ali, 1:461–462 Khan, Ayub, 2:703 Khan, Ghulam Ishaq, 2:703 Khan, Ishaq, 2:704 Khan, Quaid-i-Millat Liaquat Ali, 2:702 Khan, Yahya, 1:77, 2:702–703 Kharkiv Magnates Group, 2:989–990 Kharkovskie Izvestiya (Ukraine), 2:986 Kharkovsky Ezhenedelnik (Ukraine), 2:986 Khartoum Monitor (Sudan), 2:886 Khatami, Mohammed, 1:460–462 Khazana Nasional group, 1:597 Khazar University, 1:70–71 Khin Nyunt, 1:634–635 Khmer language media, Cambodia, 1:147 Khodzha-Mukhammed, Durdymurad, 2:974 Khovar news agency (Tajikistan), 2:934 Khruschev, Nikita, 1:134, 2:778 Kibris (Cyprus), 1:241 Kievski Vedomosti (Ukraine), 2:990 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Korean Newspapers Association, 2:847 Korean Press Ethics Commission, 2:847 Korean Society for Journalism and Communication Studies (KSJCS), 2:853 Kosovo, 2:807–814 See also Serbia and Montenegro Kostunica, Vojislav, 2:809 Kotimaa (Finland), 1:307 Kovác, Michal, 2:827, 829 KP Publications (Ukraine), 2:990 KPNQwest internet provider, 2:1016 Krasnaya Zvezda (Russia), 2:775 Krauss, Ellis, 1:509 Kraveski, Andrei, 2:774 Kristeligt Dagblad (Denmark), 1:255 KroKuWAZ group, 1:60 Krone (Austria), 1:58–60, 64 Krone Hitradio, 1:64 Kronen Zeitung (Austria), 1:57, 61 KRRiTV (National Radio and Television Broadcasting Council), Poland, 2:746–747 KSJCS. See Korean Society for Journalism and Communication Studies KSJCS (Korean Society for Journalism and Communication Studies), 2:853 KTMT (Kenya Times Media Trust), 1:530–531 KTN (Kenya Television Network), 1:530–531 Kuchma, L., 2:989, 991–992 Kuensel (Bhutan), 1:105 Kufour, John Agyekum, 1:370, 372–373, 376 Kukmin Daily (South Korea), 2:843–844 Kukrit Pramoj, M. R., 2:943 Kulibayev, Timur, 1:523 Kulloja (North Korea), 2:684 Kultura (Poland), 2:741 Kultura channel (Armenia), 1:41 Kultura I Zhittya (Ukraine), 2:986 Kul’tura movy zhurnalista (Belarus), 1:92 Kumairi (Armenia), 1:37 Kumaratunga, Chandrika Bandaranaika, 2:876–878, 880–881, 883–884 KUNA (Kuwait News Agency), 1:541–542 Kuntum (Malaysia), 1:593 Kuomintang (KMT), 2:919–925 Kurdish-language media, Turkey, 2:966–969 Kurier (Austria), 1:57–61 Kurier Wilenski (Lithuania), 1:574 Kurzemes Vards (Latvia), 1:551 Kutkut, Ashraf, 1:478 Kuwait, 1:539–543 Iraq, 1:463–464 Lebanon, 1:561 Kuwait News Agency (KUNA), 1:541–542 Kuwait Times, 1:541 Kvallsposten (Sweden), 2:893, 896 Kwaedza/Umthunya (Zimbabwe), 2:1098 Kwanhun Club (South Korea), 2:844, 847, 853–854 Kwasniewski, Aleksander, 2:746, 749 Kwong Wah Yit Poh (Malaysia), 1:592 Kyemon (Myanmar), 1:634–635 Kyiv Post (Ukraine), 2:990 Kyivska Pravda (Ukraine), 2:990–991 Kyivski Vedomosti (Ukraine), 2:989 Kyodo news agency Brazil, 1:125 Japan, 1:510 1239

INDEX

Kikongo (Congo), 1:208 Kilembwe, Guy Kasongo, 1:252 Kim Dae-jung, 2:841–843, 846–854 Kim Jong-II, 2:684–685, 848 Kimel, Eduardo, 1:25 King, Mackenzie, 1:157–158 King Abdul Aziz City for Science and Technology (KASCT), Saudi Arabia, 2:804 Kinnock, Neil, 2:1011 Kiosk literature, Spain, 2:869 Kirch, Leo, 1:364 Kirch conglomerate, 1:364 Kiribati, 1:539 The Kiribati Newstar, 1:539 Kirshnan, Ananda, 1:598 Kishinevskie Eparkhial’nye Vedomosti (Moldova), 1:618 Kishinevskie Novosti (Moldova), 1:619 Kiswahili language media. See Swahili language media Kleine Zeitung (Austria), 1:57–61, 65 Kleines Volksblatt (Austria), 1:57 Klods-Hans (Denmark), 1:255 Kmetijske in rokodelske novice (Slovenia), 2:835 KMT (Kuomintang), 2:919–925 KNA (Kenya News Agency), 1:535 Knight-Ridder Corporation, 2:1031, 1034 Knowledge-Value Revolution, 1:507 Knowles, Charles, 1:161 KNR. See Radio Greenland KNR-TV (Greenland), 1:260 Ko e Keléa (Tonga), 2:953 Koblenz Rhein-Zeitung (Germany), 1:359 Koda news agency (Kazakhstan), 1:524 Koha (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:810 Koha Jone (Albania), 1:6 Koirala, Girija Prasad, 2:643 Koizumi (Japan), 1:509 Kolingba, André, 1:168 KommAustria, 1:65 Kommunist (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:808 Kompas (Indonesia), 1:450–451, 453 Kompas Media PT, 1:451 Komsomol’skaia Pravda Belarus, 1:84 Moldova, 1:621 Russia, 2:775–777 Konex foundation, 1:32 Konfederasyon Inite Demokratik (Haiti), 1:412 Konrad Adenauer Foundation (KAF) Philippines, 2:738 Uzbekistan, 2:1065 Kontakt (Germany), 1:357 Kookje Daily News (South Korea), 2:844 Koopernativno Selo (Bulgaria), 1:135 Koran Masuk Desa (Indonesia), 1:454 Korea. See North Korea; South Korea Korea Daily News (South Korea), 2:844 Korea Herald, 2:842 Korea News Editors’ Association, 2:847 Korea Press Annual, 2:847 Korea Press Center, 2:850 Korea Press Foundation (South Korea), 2:844, 852 Korea Times, 2:842–843 Korea Today, 2:684 Korean Broadcasting System (KBS), South Korea, 2:851–852 Korean Central News Agency (KCNA), 2:684–685 Korean language media, Guam, 1:389

Index

Kyrgyz Rukhu, 1:545 Kyrgyz Tuusu, 1:544–545 Kyrgyzstan, 1:543–548 Kyrgyzstan Chronicle, 1:544 Kyunghyang Shinmun (South Korea), 2:843–844

L Labanino Salazar, Ramón, 1:231–232 Labor laws for journalists Argentina, 1:25 France, 1:320–323 Spain, 2:872 Labor unions. See Trade and labor unions Labouda, Jean-Claude, 1:341 The Labour Spokesman (St. Kitts and Nevis), 2:796 Lacson, Panfilo, 2:736 Lady Chatterley’s Lover, 2:1009 L’Agence France-Presse. See Agence France-Presse Lagos, Ricardo, 1:175, 178, 180, 184 Lahoud, Emile, 2:913 Lajmi I Dites (Albania), 1:6 Lakminapahana (Sri Lanka), 2:878 Lakrivikrama (Sri Lanka), 2:878 Lakroa N’Y Madagasikara, 1:582 Lalenok (East Timor), 1:273 Lambton, John George (Earl of Durham), 1:151 Lancet (United Kingdom), 2:1000 The Land (Australia), 1:47 Land og Folk (Denmark), 1:255 Lange, Yashe, 2:1066 Lankadipa (Sri Lanka), 2:878–879 Lankaloka (Sri Lanka), 2:878 Lao moe Hia (Tonga), 2:953 Laos, 1:549 LaPorte, Pierre, 1:157 Lara, Mariano José (Spain), 2:866 Lasantha Wickrematunga (Sri Lanka), 2:883 Lasica, J. D., 2:1017 Latin American Center for Journalism, 2:674 Latvia, 1:549–555 Latvian Journalists Union, 1:554 Latvian Press Publishers Association, 1:554 Latvian Writers Union, 1:550 Latvijas Vestnesis (Latvia), 1:551 Laubier, Charles de, 1:335 Lauku Avîze (Latvia), 1:551 Law 80 (Cuba), 1:232–233 Law 88 (Cuba), 1:233 Law Center for Media Protection (Belarus), 1:92 Law Concerning Mass Media (Russian Federation), 2:780–781, 790 Law of Expression and Diffusion of Thought (Dominican Republic), 1:266–267 Law of Modernization and Transparency of Telecommunications Services (Peru), 2:729, 731 Law of Practice of Professional Journalism (Ecuador), 1:275, 276 Law on Radio and Television Broadcasting (Estonia), 1:295 Law on the Information Society, 1:323 Lawrence, D. H., 2:1009 Lawson, Antoine, 1:341 LBCI (Lebanese Broadcasting Company International), 1:562 LBS (Liberian Broadcasting System), 1:568 LCN (Liberia Communications Network), 1:567–568 Leader Newspapers Ltd. (Sri Lanka), 2:879 1240

League of Family Mothers (Argentina), 1:32 League of Journalists of Moldova, 1:621 Lebanese Broadcasting Company International (LBCI), 1:562 Lebanese Press Syndicate, 1:560 Lebanese Press Writers Syndicate, 1:560 Lebanon, 1:555–563 background and characteristics, 1:556–559 broadcast media, 1:562–563 censorship, 1:561 economic conditions, 1:559–560 foreign media presence, 1:561–562 news agencies, 1:562 press laws, 1:560–561 Lebard, Meredith, 1:509 Lee, Robert E., 2:1054 Lee Kuan Yew, 2:820 Lee Teng-hui, 2:923 Leeuwarder Courant (Netherlands), 2:645 The Leewards Times, 2:796 LEFF Information Agency (Bulgaria), 1:138 Lehdet Oy (Finland), 1:307 Leibacher, Friedrich, 2:911 Lelo (Georgia), 1:349 Lembaga Informasi Nasional (LIN), Indonesia, 1:453 Lembaga Kantor Berita Nasional (LKBN), Indonesia, 1:456 Lembaga Melaya (Malaysia), 1:590–591 LENA (Lesotho News Agency), 1:565–566 Lengo (Kenya), 1:532 Lenin, Vladimir Ulyanov, 2:774–775, 782, 786 Lesin, Mikhail, 2:791 Lesotho, 1:564–566 Lesotho National Broadcasting Service, 1:565–566 Lesotho News Agency (LENA), 1:565–566 La Lettre de la Nation (France), 1:314 Levi, Ricardo Franco, 1:487 Li Jiacheng, 1:193 Lianhe Wamboa (Singapore), 2:821–822 Lianhe Zaobao (Singapore), 2:821 Lianhebao-United Daily News (France), 1:328 Libé ration (Morocco), 1:627 Libel laws Argentina, 1:24–25 Australia, 1:48 Canada, 1:155–156 Costa Rica, 1:215–216 Croatia, 1:225–226 Denmark, 1:258 France, 1:323–324 Ireland, 1:468–469, 473 Malaysia, 1:595 Mali, 1:601–602 Netherlands, 2:649 Nicaragua, 2:671 Panama, 2:710–712 Peru, 2:729 Philippines, 2:737 Poland, 2:746 Portugal, 2:754 Romania, 2:770 Singapore, 2:823 Turkmenistan, 2:973 United Kingdom, 2:999–1000, 1009–1010 United States, 2:1040–1041 Uruguay, 2:1058 See also Defamation laws; Slander laws Liberación (Peru), 2:729 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Hungary, 1:428–429 India, 1:441 Indonesia, 1:449 Iraq, 1:463 Ireland, 1:466 Israel, 1:476 Italy, 1:483 Japan, 1:500 Kazhkstan, 1:518–519 Kenya, 1:530 Kyrgyzstan, 1:544 Lebanon, 1:558 Liberia, 1:567 Mali, 1:601 Marshall Islands, 1:603 Mauritius, 1:608 Mexico, 1:611 Mongolia, 1:624–625 Mozambique, 1:631 Namibia, 2:639 New Zealand, 2:658 Nicaragua, 2:666 Nigeria, 2:678 Northern Mariana Islands, 2:685 Norway, 2:687 Pakistan, 2:698 Papua New Guinea, 2:716 Philippines, 2:733 Poland, 2:742 Russian Federation, 2:774–775 Saint Helena, 2:795 Samoa, 2:798 San Marino, 2:799 Saudi Arabia, 2:802 Singapore, 2:820 Slovakia, 2:827 Slovenia, 2:834 Somalia, 2:839 South Africa, 2:856 South Korea, 2:841 Spain, 2:864 Sudan, 2:885 Suriname, 2:889 Switzerland, 2:903 Taiwan, 2:922 Tajikistan, 2:928 Togo, 2:951 Tonga, 2:953 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:954 Tunisia, 2:958 Ukraine, 2:987 United States, 2:1021 Uruguay, 2:1057 Venezuela, 2:1072 Yemen, 2:1089 Zambia, 2:1091 Literary Almanac (Moldova), 1:618 Literatura I mastatstva (Belarus), 1:84–85 Literatura un Maksla (Latvia), 1:550 Literature, journalists in, 1:448 Literature si Arta (Moldova), 1:618 Literaturna Ukraiina, 2:986 Literaturnaya Gazeta (Russia), 2:775 Lithuania, 1:571–576 Lithuanian News Agency (ELTA), 1:575 Lithuanian Radio and Television (LRTV), 1:575–576

INDEX

Liberalul (Romania), 2:766–767 Libération (France), 1:314, 317–318, 320 Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), Sri Lanka, 2:876–884 The Liberator Guyana, 1:406 United States, 2:1027 Liberia, 1:566–568 Liberia Communications Network (LCN), 1:567–568 Liberian Broadcasting System (LBS), 1:568 La Libertad (Colombia), 1:200 Libertatea (Romania), 2:766 Liberty Times (Taiwan), 2:921 Liberus, Reynald, 1:413 Le Libre Belgique, 1:96 Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, 1:568–570 Lidové Noviny (Czech Republic), 1:244 Liechtenstein, 1:570–571 Liechtensteiner Anzeigere, 1:571 Liechtensteiner Volksblatt, 1:571 Liechtensteiner Woche, 1:571 Liechtensteiner Wochenzeitung, 1:571 Liesma (Latvia), 1:551 Lietuvos Aidas (Lithuania), 1:573–574 Lieutuvos Rytas (Lithuania), 1:573–574 The Light (Anguilla), 1:17–18 Lightning (Russia), 2:776 Likuma Varda (Latvia), 1:551 Limann, Hilla, 1:369 Limerick Chronicle, 1:466 Limerick Leader, 1:467 LIN (Lembaga Informasi Nasional), Indonesia, 1:453 Lincoln, Abraham, 2:1036 Lindor, Brignol, 1:413, 416 Linea Directa (Guatemala), 1:396 Lisan ul-Hal (Lebanon), 1:558 Lister, Gwen, 2:638 Listín Diario (Dominican Republic), 1:265, 267–269 Literacy rate Afghanistan, 1:1 Australia, 1:44 Bangladesh, 1:76 Belarus, 1:84 Belgium, 1:95 Belize, 1:103 Benin, 1:103 Bhutan, 1:105 Bolivia, 1:106, 109 Brazil, 1:117 Brunei Darussalam, 1:130 Chad, 1:171 Chile, 1:176 China, 1:187 Colombia, 1:200 Congo, 1:208 Cook Islands, 1:210 Cuba, 1:229 Djibouti, 1:262 Ecuador, 1:274 Eritrea, 1:289 Estonia, 1:294 Ethiopia, 1:300 Finland, 1:305–306 French Guiana, 1:337 Guatemala, 1:390 Guyana, 1:404 Hong Kong, 1:424

1241

Index

Liu Chih-chung, 2:923 Ljubisa Lazic, 1:115 LKBN (Lembaga Kantor Berita Nasional), Indonesia, 1:456 Lloyd’s Weekly News (United Kingdom), 2:1000 Lobbying organizations (U.S.), 2:1033 LocalNet News Agency, 1:383 London Conference of 1913, 1:5 London Daily Mirror Group, Ghana, 1:369 London Daily News, 2:1006 London Review of Books, 2:1004 London Sunday Times, Ireland, 1:470 Long Island Mail (Bahamas), 1:73 Long Xin Wen Wang (China), 1:194 Longford Leader (Ireland), 1:467 Lonrho group Kenya, 1:530 United Kingdom, 2:1006 Lord Horror, 2:1009 Lorenzo Natali Prize for Journalism, 1:101 Los Andes (Argentina), 1:22, 29 Los Angeles Times Japan, 1:507 size, 2:1023 South Africa, 2:861–862 Los Obreros (Philippines), 2:733 Lost Japan, 1:509 Louissant, Jean Claude, 1:412 Loundah, Michel Ongoundou, 1:340 Lourenco Marques Guardian (Mozambique), 1:632 LRTV (Lithuanian Radio and Television), 1:575–576 LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam), Sri Lanka, 2:876–884 Lu, Annette, 2:923 Lubis, Mochtar, 1:450 Lublanske novice (Slovenia), 2:835 Luca de Tena family, 2:866 Luceafurul (Moldova), 1:619 Lukashenko, Aleksandr, 1:86–88 Lukoil (Russia), 2:784 La Lumière (Burundi), 1:143 Luoyang Daily (China), 1:188 Lupis, Alex, 2:934 LUSA (Portuguese news agency), 1:401, 2:754 Lutheran World Federation, 1:301 Luxembourg, 1:577–578 Lviv family, 2:989 LZ Median Holding, 2:905

M Maalhet (Estonia), 1:294 Ma’ariv (Israel), 1:476–477 Mabini, Apolinario, 2:737 Macadam-Journal (France), 1:314 Macao Daily News, 1:579 MacArthur, Douglas, 1:501–502, 2:734, 737 Macau, 1:579 MacCarthy, Charles, 1:368 Macedo, Edir, 1:128 Macedonia, 1:579–581, 2:811 Macedonian News Agency, 1:383 Macedonian Television (MTV), 1:580–581 Machado, Gerardo, 1:230 Machakos Protocol (Sudan), 2:887–888 Macharia, S. K., 1:532 Machi (Cyprus), 1:241 Mackenzie, William Lyon, 1:151 1242

Maclean’s-Le Magazine Maclean (Canada), 1:159 MACRA. See Malawi Communications Regulatory Authority MACRA (Malawi Communications Regulatory Authority), 1:585, 588–589 Macro-Soir (Morocco), 1:627 Madagascar, 1:581–583 Madagascar Magazine, 1:582 The Madagascar Tribune, 1:582 Madinah al Manawarah (Saudi Arabia), 2:802 Madison, James, 2:1036 Madoyan, Raphi, 1:561 Madras Courier, 1:441 Madras Mail, 1:441 Maduro, Ricardo, 1:417, 420 Mag (Slovenia), 2:835 Magazin Právo (Czech Republic), 1:244 Magazines and periodicals Argentina, 1:22 Austria, 1:59, 61 Bangladesh, 1:78 Bulgaria, 1:135–136, 1:136 Canada, 1:158–160, 165 Cape Verde, 1:167 Chile, 1:175–178 China, 1:192, 196 Congo, 1:208–209 Costa Rica, 1:213 Croatia, 1:224 Cuba, 1:230 Czech Republic, 1:244–245 Denmark, 1:255 Dominican Republic, 1:265 Egypt, 1:280 El Salvador, 1:282 Ethiopia, 1:299–301 Finland, 1:307 France, 1:314–317 Gambia, 1:343, 345 Gaza Strip and West Bank, 1:347 Germany, 1:358 Ghana, 1:373 Greece, 1:381, 385 Guatemala, 1:390, 393 Guyana, 1:404 Honduras, 1:419 Hong Kong, 1:424–427 Hungary, 1:431, 434 Iceland, 1:440 India, 1:441–447 Indonesia, 1:449–450, 454 Ireland, 1:467 Israel, 1:477 Italy, 1:484–492 Japan, 1:508 Kenya, 1:530–532 Kuwait, 1:541 Kyrgyzstan, 1:544–547 Latvia, 1:551–552 Lebanon, 1:559 Liechtenstein, 1:571 Macedonia, 1:580–581 Madagascar, 1:582–583 Malaysia, 1:591–593, 596, 600 Mauritius, 1:608 Mexico, 1:612 Moldova, 1:617–622 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Malawi Broadcasting Corporation (MBC), 1:583–588 Malawi Communications Regulatory Authority (MACRA), 1:585, 588–589 Malawi News, 1:583, 586 Malawi News Agency, 1:583, 586–587 Malay Mail, 1:591–592 Malaya Tribune, 1:591 Malay-language media Brunei Darussalam, 1:130 Indonesia, 1:449 Malaysia, 1:589–600 background and characteristics, 1:589–593 broadcast and electronic news media, 1:598–599 censorship, 1:595 economic conditions, 1:593–594 foreign media presence, 1:596–597 journalist education and training, 1:599 news agencies, 1:597–598 press laws, 1:594–595 state-press relations, 1:595–596 Malaysia National News Agency, 1:590 Malaysia Nmban, 1:592 Malaysiakini, 1:598–600 Malaysian Chinese Association, 1:595 Malaysian Federation, Brunei Darussalam, 1:130 Malaysian Indian Congress, 1:593 Maldives, 1:600–601 Maldives News, 1:601 Mali, 1:601–602 Malice. See Slander laws Le Malien, 1:601 Malta, 1:602–603 The Malta Independent, 1:602 Mamdponoev, Umed, 2:933 La Mañana del Sur (Argentina), 1:20, 22, 26 Manata Company, 1:13 Manchester Guardian (United Kingdom), 2:1000, 1002 Mancini, Paolo, 1:483 Mandarin Chinese language media Brunei Darussalam, 1:130 China, 1:192–193 Mandarin Daily News (Taiwan), 2:921 Mandela, Nelson, 2:857–858 Manica Post (Zimbabwe), 2:1098 Manila Times, 2:733–734, 739 Mansaray, Alieu Badara, 1:345 Mao Zedong, 1:185–186 Maori media outlets, 2:658 MAP. See Maghreb Arab Press Agency Marbury v. Madison, 2:1036 Marca (Spain), 2:867–868 Marchais, George, 1:322 Marcos, Ferdinand, 2:734, 736, 739 Mardiev, Shodi, 2:1067 Maresaka (Madagascar), 1:582 Marianas Variety, 2:686 Marie Claire (Taiwan), 2:922 Marieberg group Finland, 1:308 Lithuania, 1:576 Marinho, Roberto, 1:128 Markevich, Nikolai, 1:89 Markov, Georgi, 1:134, 137 Marques, Rafael, 1:17 Marroguín, Clemente, 1:391 Marroquín Sagastume, Jorge Luis, 1:392–393

INDEX

Mongolia, 1:624 Morocco, 1:627 Myanmar, 1:635 Namibia, 2:639 Nepal, 2:642 Netherlands, 2:647 Nigeria, 2:678–682 Oman, 2:695–696 Pakistan, 2:699 Papua New Guinea, 2:718 Peru, 2:728–732 Philippines, 2:734 Poland, 2:742–743 Portugal, 2:752 Puerto Rico, 2:757 Qatar, 2:759 Réunion, 1:264–265 Romania, 2:767–769 Saint Pierre and Miquelon, 2:797 Saudi Arabia, 2:802 Senegal, 2:806 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:810 Singapore, 2:822 Slovakia, 2:827–828, 830 Slovenia, 2:835–836 South Korea, 2:840–854 Spain, 2:867–870 Switzerland, 2:903–911 Syria, 2:913–916 Taiwan, 2:921–922 Tajikistan, 2:928–935, 930, 933–934 Tanzania, 2:939 Thailand, 2:944 Togo, 2:951–952 Turkey, 2:962–969 Uganda, 2:979–985 Ukraine, 2:986–988, 990 United Kingdom, 2:1000, 1004 Uruguay, 2:1057 Uzbekistan, 2:1061–1068 Venezuela, 2:1075–1076 See also names of specific publications; Non-daily publications Maghreb Arab Press Agency (MAP) Morocco, 1:629 Tunisia, 1:327, 2:959 Magileuskaia prauda (Belarus), 1:84 Magill Magazine, 1:470 Magnum Photo (France), 1:329 Magyar Hírlap (Hungary), 1:430 Magyar Nemzet (Hungary), 1:429–430, 434 Magyar Szo (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:810 Magyar Távrati Iroda (MTI), Hungary, 1:434 Mahapap (Bangladesh), 1:78 Mahathir Mohammad, 1:593–594, 597–599 Mahmoudi, Mohammed Lemine Ould, 1:605–606 Mahuad, Jamil, 1:274–275 Mail on Sunday (United Kingdom), 2:1001, 1005 Mainichi conglomerate, 1:503 Mainichi Shimbun (Japan), 1:500, 505–506, 508, 510 Majesty magazine (Jordan), 1:514 Majils (Malaysia), 1:591 Majira (Tanzania), 2:940 Majohan, Azman, 1:595 Majors, John, 2:1011 Malawi, 1:583–589

1243

Index

Marshall Islands, 1:603 Marshall Islands Gazette, 1:603 Marshall Islands Journal, 1:603 Martí, Jorge, 1:230 Martí, José, 1:230 Martí Award, 1:238 Martin, Robin, 1:155–156 Martín Fierro prizes, 1:32 Martínez, Roberto, 1:394 Martínez Howley, Orlando, 1:267–268, 270 Martinique, 1:604 Marx, Karl, 1:56 Maryadi, Iko, 1:455 La Masacre de San Pedro, 1:25 Masarweh, Iman, 1:479 Mashonaland and Zambesian Times, 2:1097 Mass Media Association of Armenia, 1:41 Mass Media Training Institute (MMTI), Ethiopia, 1:302 Massey, Vincent, 1:158 Massoloka, Guy-Patrick, 1:345 Mata, Andrés, 2:1075 Mataram (Indonesia), 1:449 Matiba, Kenneth, 1:531 Matichon (Thailand), 2:944 Le Matin Algeria, 1:11–13 France, 1:316 Switzerland, 2:904 Le Matin du Sahara et du Maghreb (Morocco), 1:627 La Matinal (Benin), 1:103 Matsne group, 1:349 The Maulmain Chronicle (Myanmar), 1:634 Mauritania, 1:604–606 Mauritius, 1:607–610 Mauritius Broadcasting Corporation (MBC), 1:609–610 Mauritius News, 1:608 Maxwell, Robert, 1:536, 2:1006 Mayard, Jean-Marie, 1:413 Mayotte, 1:610 Mazeika, Pavel, 1:89 Mba, Leon, 1:339 MBC (Malawi Broadcasting Corporation), 1:583–588 MBC (Mauritius Broadcasting Corporation), 1:609–610 MBC (Munhwa Broadcasting Corporation), South Korea, 2:851–852 MBC-FM (Saudi Arabia), 2:804 Mbeki, Thabo, 2:857–859, 861 Mbye, Alhagie, 1:343, 345–346 McKie, David, 2:1002 McKinley, William, 1:230 McNair, Brian, 2:999, 1006, 1008, 1011, 1013–1014, 1017 MCOT (Thai broadcasting agency), 2:947–948 MCS (Media Corporation of Singapore), 2:822, 826 MDA (Media Development Authority), Singapore, 2:822 Meciar, Vladimír, 2:827, 829–831 Medan Prijaji (Indonesia), 1:450 Media. See specific types of media Media Act of 1981 (Austria), 1:61 Media Analyse, 1:65 ‘‘Media as Trickster in Japan: A Comparative Perspective,’’ 1:509 Media Concentration Committee (Sweden), 2:894, 902 Media conglomerates, publishers, and publishing groups Argentina, 1:22, 29, 33 Armenia, 1:35, 37–38, 40–41 Australia, 1:45–47, 50 1244

Austria, 1:58–62, 64–65 Belarus, 1:86 Belgium, 1:96 Brazil, 1:122, 124, 125–128 Bulgaria, 1:136–138 Canada, 1:152–155, 160–163, 165 Chile, 1:175–178, 182 China, 1:192, 196 Colombia, 1:205 Costa Rica, 1:214–215 Côte d’Ivoire, 1:221 Croatia, 1:224, 226–227 Czech Republic, 1:243–245, 247 Denmark, 1:260 Dominican Republic, 1:265–267 El Salvador, 1:282 Ethiopia, 1:299 Finland, 1:308, 310–311, 313 France, 1:316–320, 327–328, 332 Germany, 1:360–361, 364–365 Ghana, 1:371–372, 374–375 Greece, 1:382, 384 Guatemala, 1:392, 396 Honduras, 1:419 Hong Kong, 1:425–427 Hungary, 1:428–437 Iceland, 1:440 India, 1:442 Indonesia, 1:451–453 Iraq, 1:464–465 Ireland, 1:466–468, 471, 473 Israel, 1:476 Italy, 1:484, 486–491 Japan, 1:503, 510–511 Kazakhstan, 1:518, 520–521, 524 Kenya, 1:530–532, 536–538 Latvia, 1:551–552 Lebanon, 1:559–560, 562–563 Lesotho, 1:565 Lithuania, 1:576–577 Macedonia, 1:580 Malaysia, 1:593–595, 598–599 Mexico, 1:614–616 Moldova, 1:621–622 Namibia, 2:638–639 Netherlands, 2:646, 649, 651–652 New Zealand, 2:658–660, 663–664 Nicaragua, 2:670–671 Pakistan, 2:699–701, 704 Papua New Guinea, 2:718 Poland, 2:743, 747 Portugal, 2:753 Russian Federation, 2:783–785, 787–788 Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe, 2:800 Saudi Arabia, 2:802 Singapore, 2:821–822, 826 Slovakia, 2:828 South Africa, 2:860 South Korea, 2:842–843, 845–846 Spain, 2:867–868 Sri Lanka, 2:878–879, 882–883 Swaziland, 2:890 Sweden, 2:894–899 Switzerland, 2:904–905 Taiwan, 2:922, 925 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:954–955 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Meiklejohn First Amendment thesis, 2:1037 Mein Kampf, 1:246, 2:745 Meinert, John, 2:638–639 Mejía, Hipólito, 1:265–268, 270 Mejia, Thelma, 1:421 Mekhitarist movement, 1:36 Melbourne Tonight, 1:52 The Melbourne Trading Post, 1:47 Meleket Selam (Ethiopia), 1:299 Mellemfolkeligt Samvirke (MS), El Salvador, 1:284 Mendes, Athizar, 1:401 Mendez, Mauro, 2:734 Mendéz, Ronald, 1:107 Mendonca, Alvaro de, 2:754 Mendonca, Nilson, 1:401 Menelik II (King of Ethiopia), 1:299 Menem, Carlos, 1:24, 27–30 Mengistu Haile Mariam, 1:299 Mensaje (Chile), 1:178 MEO (Multimedios Estrellas de Oro), Mexico, 1:614 Mercopress, 1:303 Le Mercure Galan, 2:865 Merino, Francisco, 1:283 Merit News (Taiwan), 2:921 Meskerem (Ethiopia), 1:299 Message (Uganda), 2:980 Messageries Lyonnaises de Presse (MLP), France, 1:319 Mesuesi (Albania), 1:6 Met Pak news agency (New Zealand), 2:662 Metaxas, Ioannis, 1:380, 384 Metro Czech Republic, 1:244 Hungary, 1:429 Netherlands, 2:647 Sweden, 2:893 Métro (France), 1:336 Metro Ahad (Malaysia), 1:592 Metro TV (Indonesia), 1:457 Metropol (Switzerland), 2:905 Mexico, 1:610–616 Meza, Victor, 1:419 MFWA (Media Foundation for West Africa), 1:605, 607 Miadhu News (Maldives), 1:601 Miami Herald Dominican Republic, 1:269 Jamaica, 1:498 Micronesia, 1:616–617 Micronesia Focus, 1:617 Middle East and North Africa Country Report (Jordan), 1:514–515 Middle East Report, 1:514 Midi-Madagasikara, 1:582, 583 Mid-Ocean News (Bermuda), 1:104 Mid-Week Mirror (Sri Lanka), 2:879 Mihai I (King of Romania), 2:766–767, 773 Mihailovic, Draza, 2:808 Mikael Vardanyan, 1:39 Mila (Croatia), 1:224 Milenio (Mexico), 1:612 Millecinquecento Lettori, 1:485 Miller, Leszek 1, 2:746 Milliyet (Turkey), 2:962–963 Milosevic, Slobodan, 2:807, 809, 811–814 Milton, John, 2:1037 Min Sheng Daily (Taiwan), 2:922 Minatchy, Antoine, 2:764

INDEX

Turkey, 2:962–965 Uganda, 2:980 Ukraine, 2:988–991 United Kingdom, 2:1000, 1005–1006, 1009–1010, 1015–1016 United States, 2:1022, 1031–1032 Venezuela, 2:1078, 1080 Zambia, 2:1093 See also ‘‘Press barons’’ (United Kingdom) Media Corporation of Singapore (MCS), 2:822, 826 Media Council Papua New Guinea, 2:719–720 Uganda, 2:982 Media Dakwah (Indonesia), 1:450 Media Development Authority (MDA), Singapore, 2:822 Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA), 1:605, 607 Media II Program (EU), Bulgaria, 1:138 Media Institute of South Africa (MISA) Lesotho, 1:565 Malawi, 1:588 Media Monitoring Project (Zimbabwe), 2:1098 Media MOST (Russia), 2:783, 791 Media Permata (Brunei Darussalam), 1:130 Media restrictions Afghanistan, 1:1–4 Albania, 1:5–6, 6, 8 Algeria, 1:11–13 Andorra, 1:15–16 Angola, 1:16–17 Antigua and Barbuda, 1:18 Argentina, 1:21, 23, 24–25, 27–28 Azerbaijan, 1:68 Bhutan, 1:105 Cuba, 1:229 Democratic Congo, 1:251–252 Dominican Republic, 1:265 Finland, 1:309 France, 1:323–324 Gambia, 1:343 Panama, 2:711–715 Sweden, 2:893–894, 896 Switzerland, 2:906 United Kingdom, 2:1008–1010 Venezuela, 2:1073–1074 See also Censorship Media Shqiptare, 1:6 Media Sustainability Index Report, 1:519 Media Today (South Korea), 2:844, 847 Media Trend Journal, 2:903 Mediabel, 1:96 Mediafax (Romania), 2:770 Mediamark, Inc. surveys, 2:1032 Médiapolis, France, 1:320 Mediaprint, 1:58–61 See also Westdeutsche allgemeine Zeitung group Mediaset-Berlusconi Group, 1:485, 488, 490 Medina, Danilo, 1:265 Medina, Parmenio, 1:211–212, 215 Medina Figueroa, Cecelia, 1:284 Medios de Comunicaciones del Estado (Spain), 2:872 Medrano, Darío, 1:268 MED-TV, Belgium, 1:98 Medvedchuk, V., 2:989 Mega Channel (Greece), 1:384 Mega TV (Malaysia), 1:593 Meie Meel (Estonia), 1:294

1245

Index

Mindoro Guardian, 2:736 Ming Pao Daily News (Hong Kong), 1:424, 426 Ministerio de Comunicaciones (Colombia), 1:205 Ministry of Finance (MOF), Japan, 1:507–508 Ministry of Trade and Industry (MITI), Japan, 1:507–508 Minitel (France), 1:317, 332, 335 Minju Choson (North Korea), 2:684 Minskaia prauda (Belarus), 1:84 Minskie eparkhial’nye vedomosti (Belarus), 1:85 Miquelon. See Saint Pierre and Miquelon Mir, Sajjad, 2:701 The Mirror Dominica, 1:263 Ghana, 1:370 Guyana, 1:405–406 Malawi, 1:586 Saint Lucia, 2:796 United Kingdom, 2:1001–1002, 1005, 1008–1009 Mirror Australia Telegraph Publications, 1:45 Mirror media group (United Kingdom), 2:1003, 1006 MISA (Media Institute of South Africa), 1:565, 588 Missionary News Agency, 2:1070 Missouri Press Foundation, 2:1054 MITI (Ministry of Trade and Industry), Japan, 1:507–508 Mitre, Bartolome, 1:21 Mitre radio (Argentina), 1:19, 22 Mitsui conglomerate, 1:510 Mitterand, François, 1:325 Mixed Commission, Central African Republic, 1:169 Miyakou, Antoine Mboumbou, 1:340 Mizon news agency (Tajikistan), 2:934 Mjumbe (Democratic Congo), 1:252 Mladá-fronta Dnes (Czech Republic), 1:244, 247 Mladina (Slovenia), 2:834–835 MLP (Messageries Lyonnaises de Presse), France, 1:319 Mmegi wa Digmang, 1:116 MMM pyramid scheme (Russia), 2:779 MMTI (Mass Media Training Institute, Ethiopia, 1:302 Mnogotirazhka (Belarus), 1:85 Mobil Oil Corporation, Kazakhstan, 1:517, 520 Mobutu, Joseph Désiré, 1:251–252 MOF (Ministry of Finance), Japan, 1:507–508 Mohamad, Goenawan, 1:450, 455 Mohsenian-Rad, Mehdi, 1:462 Moi, Danielarap, 1:529–530, 533, 535, 538 Moldova, 1:617–622 Moldova Suverena, 1:618 Moldvaskie Vedomosti, 1:619 Molod’ Ukraiiny, 2:986–987 Molong, Freddy, 1:252 Molotov, Vyacheslav Mikhailovich, 2:786 Mombasa Mail (Kenya), 1:530 Monaco, 1:622–623 Monday Times (Maldives), 1:601 Le Monde (France), 1:336 Algeria, 1:11, 13 Azerbaijan, 1:70 Congo, 1:209 France, 1:314–318, 320, 322–323 Hungary, 1:434 Moldova, 1:621 Morocco, 1:629 Togo, 2:951–952 Le Monde Diplomatique (France), 1:317 Monentul (Romania), 2:767 Money Management Research Group, Inc., 2:1041 1246

Mongolia, 1:623–625 Mongolia This Week, 1:624 Mongolian language media China, 1:188 Mongolia, 1:623–625 Mongolian Radio and Television, 1:624 Le Moniteur (Réunion), 2:763 Le Moniteur Universel (France), 1:315 Monitor Indonesia, 1:454–455 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:810–811 Uganda, 2:980, 983 Monitor Publications, 2:980, 986 Monopolies Commission (United Kingdom), 2:1009–1011 Montalvo, David, 1:274 Montanelli, Indro, 1:486 Montealegre, Haroldo, 2:668 Montena Fax (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:812 Montenegro. See Serbia and Montenegro Montero, Alvaro, 1:217 Montes, Toribio, 2:756 Montesinos, Vladimir, 2:711, 730 Monthly publications. See Magazines and periodicals; Non-daily publications Montréal Gazette, 1:154 Montreal Star, 1:152 Montserrat, 1:625–626 Montserrat Reporter, 1:626 Montt, Ríos, 1:394 Moral Code for Chinese Journalism Professionals, 1:189–190 Moran, Gregoria, 1:283 Morgunblaèiè (Iceland), 1:439 Morning Journal (U.S.), 2:1028 Morning News Bangladesh, 1:78 Pakistan, 2:697 Sri Lanka, 2:878 Morning Post (United Kingdom), 2:1000 Moro, Aldo, 1:486 Morocco, 1:626–630, 2:1086–1087 Mortel, Joy, 2:736 Moscoso de Arias, Mireya Elisa, 2:708–712 Moscow News Azerbaijan, 1:69 Russia, 2:777 Moscow Times, 2:777 Moskvy, Echo, 2:783 Moussavou, Germain Ngoyo, 1:340, 342 Moya Stolitsa (Kyrgyzstan), 1:544–546 Mozambique, 1:630–633 Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO), 1:631–633 Mozes, Aharon, 1:476 Mozes, Noah, 1:476 Mozes, Yehuda, 1:476 MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola), 1:16–17, 2:638 Mroue, Jamil, 1:559 MRTA (Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement), Peru, 2:728 MS (Mellemfolkeligt Samvirke), El Salvador, 1:284 MSR (Belgium), 1:100 Mtanzania, 2:939–940 MTI (Magyar Távrati Iroda), Hungary, 1:434 MTV (Macedonian Television), 1:580–581 MTV (Music Television), Chile, 1:182 ‘‘Muckrakers,’’ 2:1028–1029 Mugabe, Robert, 2:1096–1100 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

Mujahidin (Afghanistan), 1:2 Mujibur Rahman, Sheikh, 1:77–81 Mukti Bahini, 1:77 Muling Pagsilang (Philippines), 2:733, 737 Mulroney, Brian, 1:160 Multicanal (Argentina), 1:19, 22 MultiChoice Botswana, 1:116 Multilingual broadcasts, Canada, 1:153 Multimedia (Paraguay), 2:725 Multimedia Development Fund (France), 1:326 Multimedios Estrellas de Oro (MEO), Mexico, 1:614 Muluzi, Bakili, 1:585, 589 Munhwa Broadcasting Corporation (MBC), South Korea, 2:851–852 Munhwa Ilbo (South Korea), 2:843–844 Muñoz Rivera, Luis, 2:757 Murat al-Umma (Kuwait), 1:541 Murdoch, Elisabeth, 1:46 Murdoch, James, 1:46 Murdoch, Lachlan, 1:46 Murdoch, Rupert, 2:658–659 Australia, 1:45–46, 50 Czech Republic, 1:248 Papua New Guinea, 2:718 United Kingdom, 2:1001–1002, 1004–1006, 1011–1012, 1014–1016 Murrow, Edward R., 2:1030, 1047 Musalam, Abdul Mohsen, 2:804 Museveni, Yoweri, 2:979, 981–984 Musharraf, Pervez, 2:700–701, 704, 706 Music Television (MTV), Chile, 1:182 Mussawat (Pakistan), 2:699 Mustafa Kemal, 2:961 Mustafin, S., 2:989 Mutations (Cameroon), 1:148 Muzhytskaia Prauda (Belarus), 1:84 Mwanawasa, Levy, 2:1092 Mwaura, Peter, 1:529 Myanma Alin, 1:634 Myanmar, 1:633–635, 2:850 Myanmar Dana, 1:635 The Myanmar Times, 1:635

N. V. De Vlijt (Belgium), 1:96 N. V. Rossel (Belgium), 1:96 Na Tui (Fiji), 1:304 Nabzeh Zendaghi (Tajikistan), 2:935 Nachnem s ponedlnika (Kazakhstan), 1:520 La Nación Argentina, 1:19–21, 25, 29, 230 Benin, 1:103 Colombia, 1:201 Costa Rica, 1:212–216, 219 Guatemala, 1:391 Venezuela, 2:1075 La Nación SA media group, 1:22 Nadesan, Nellai, 2:883–884 Nafeer Souria (Lebanon), 1:558 NAFEN News Agency, 1:445 NAFTA. See North American Free Trade Agreement Nagasaki Shipping List and Advertiser, 1:501 Nagy, Imre, 1:429 Nai Lalakai (Fiji), 1:304 Nairobi Law Monthly, 1:535 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

1247

INDEX

N

Nairobi News, 1:530 Nairobi Times, 1:530–531 Najot (Tajikistan), 2:928–929 Nakasone, 1:503 NAM (Non-Aligned Movement), Turkmenistan, 2:972 Namibia, 2:637–640, 2:857 Namibia Broadcasting Corporation (NBC), 2:639–640 Namibia Economist, 2:638 Namibia Press Agency (NAMPA), 2:639 Namibia Review, 2:639 The Namibian, 2:638 NAMPA (Namibia Press Agency), 2:639 NANAP (Non-aligned News Agencies Pool), India, 1:445 Nanayang Siang Pau (Malaysia), 1:592, 594–595 Nanyang Press Sdn Bhd, 1:594–595 Nanyang Siang Pau (Singapore), 2:825 Napi Gazdaság (Hungary), 1:430 Napi Magyarorszag (Hungary), 1:429 Naranjargal, Hashhuu, 1:526 Narodna Armiya (Bulgaria), 1:135 Narodna Mladezh (Bulgaria), 1:134 Narodnaia Gazeta (Belarus), 1:84 Narodnaia Volia (Belarus), 1:84–85, 87–88 Narodne Novine (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:810 Narodno Delo (Bulgaria), 1:135 Narodnya Gazeta (Tajikistan), 2:928, 930–931 Nas Tednik (Austria), 1:59 Nashe Delo (Belarus), 1:84 Nasionale Pers (South Africa), 2:860 Nasr, Joseph, 1:561 Nassau Guardian, 1:73 Nastaunitskaia gazeta (Belarus), 1:84 Nasz Dziennik (Poland), 2:743 Natal Mercury (South Africa), 2:858, 860 Natal Witness (South Africa), 2:858 La Nation Algeria, 1:11, 13 Burundi, 1:143 Nation, The Kenya, 1:530–531, 536, 2:980 Malawi, 1:586 Pakistan, 2:698–699 Swaziland, 2:890 La Nation de Djibouti, 1:263 Nation Media Group, 2:980, 985 Nation Publishing Company (Barbados), 1:83 National (Croatia), 1:224 The National (Papua New Guinea), 2:716, 718, 720, 722 National Agency for Communications (Kyrgyzstan), 1:546 National Association of Journalists (Panama), 2:712 National Broadcasting Commission (NBC), Nigeria, 2:681 National Broadcasting Corporation (NBC) Canada, 1:161 Papua New Guinea, 2:718, 720 Uruguay, 2:1059 National Broadcasting Council (NBC) (Greece), 1:383–384 National Broadcasting Network (NBN), Lebanese, 1:562 National Broadcasting Service (Iceland), 1:439–440 National Commission to Defend Competition (Argentina), 1:23 National Communications Council (Gabon), 1:339–340 National Council for Audiovisual Media (CNA), Lebanon, 1:561 National Council for the Training of Journalists (NCTJ), United Kingdom, 2:1017–1018 National Council of Churches of Kenya (NCCK), 1:532 National Council of Radio and Television Albania, 1:8

Index

Poland, 2:744 National Council of Radio Broadcasting and Television (Ecuador), 1:275–276 National Council on Radio and Television (NCRT), Bulgaria, 1:138 National Council on TV and Radio Broadcasting (Ukraine), 2:992–997 National Federation of Associations of the Press (Spain), 2:871 National Federation of Journalists (Brazil), 1:124 National Federation of Journalists’ Code of Ethics (Ecuador), 1:276 National Federation of the Information Newsletters, 1:97 National Front of Liberation (FLN), Algeria, 1:11–12 National Geographic, France, 1:318, 336 National Geographic Channel, 2:1005 National Graphical Association (United Kingdom), 2:1004–1005 National Herald (India), 1:441 National Indigenous Media Association of Australia (NIMAA), 1:48–49 National Institute for Radio (NIR), Belgium, 1:99 National Institute of Journalists of Uganda, 2:981–982, 984 National Intelligence Agency (NIA), Gambia, 1:344–346 National Liberation Army (ELN), Colombia, 1:203 National Liberation Council (NLC), Ghana, 1:369 National Media Commission Gambia, 1:343–344, 346 Ghana, 1:372–373 National Media Group (NMG), Kenya, 1:531 National Mirror (Zambia), 2:1093 National News Agency (NNA), Lebanon, 1:562 National Newspapers of Ireland (NNI), 1:468–469 National Nicaraguan Journalists Union, 2:672 National Pers (South Africa), 2:859 National Post (Canada), 1:152–153 National Press Association (Chile), 1:178 National Press Trust (Pakistan), 2:699, 703 National Radio and Television Broadcasting Council (KRRiTV), Poland, 2:746–747 National Radio and Television System (SINART), Costa Rica, 1:217–218 National Reconciliation Commision (CNR), Guatemala, 1:391–392 National Registry of Journalists (Bolivia), 1:107–108 National Television of Armenia, 1:40–41 National Union (Micronesia), 1:617 National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA), 1:16–17, 2:638 National Union of Algerian Journalists (SNJA), 1:12 National Union of Cuban Writers, 1:235 National Union of Journalists Ireland, 1:468 Lesotho, 1:565 Malaysia, 1:594, 599–600 Nicaragua, 2:674 Portugal, 2:755–756 Ukraine, 2:996 United Kingdom, 2:1004–1005, 1017 Nationaltidende (Denmark), 1:254 The Nation’s Voice (Antigua), 1:18 Natiunea Romana (Romania), 2:767 NATO. See North Atlantic Treaty Organization Nauru, 2:641 Navas Tortolero, Oscar, 2:1078 Nawa-e-Waqt Group (Pakistan), 2:699 Nawa-i-Waqt (Pakistan), 2:697–699 Nayyouf, Nizar, 2:914 1248

Nazarbayev, Dariga, 1:524 Nazarbayev, Nurusultan, 1:517–523, 526 Nazi Party Austria, 1:56–57 France, 1:316 Germany, 1:357, 359 Netherlands, 2:646 Poland, 2:745 Soviet Union, 2:786–787 Yugoslavia, 2:808 NBC. See National Broadcasting Corporation NBC (Namibia Broadcasting Corporation), 2:639–640 NBC (National Broadcasting Commission), Nigeria, 2:681 NBC (National Broadcasting Council), Greece, 1:383–384 NBN (National Broadcasting Network), Lebanese, 1:562 NCCK (National Council of Churches of Kenya), 1:532 NCRT (National Council on Radio and Television), Bulgaria, 1:138 NCTJ (National Council for the Training of Journalists), United Kingdom, 2:1017–1018 Ndadaye, Melchior, 1:142–143 N’Djamena Hebdo, 1:171 Ndongozi (Burundi), 1:143 Ne Win, 1:634 Near v. Minnesota, 2:1029, 1037 Nedelja Slovenski Vestnik (Austria), 1:59 Nedel’na Pravda (Slovakia), 2:828 Nederlanse Omroep Stichting (NOS), 2:651 Nederlanse Omroepsproductie Bedriff (NOB), 2:652 Nederlanse Seintoestellen Fabriek (NSF), 2:651 Nederlanse Vereniging van Journalisten (NVJ), 2:650, 653–655 Need to Know (website), 2:1002 Nemzet Newspaper and Book Publishing Co., 1:430 Nepal, 2:641–644 Nepal Press Digest, 2:642 Nepal Television Corporation, 2:643 Nepal Traveler, 2:642 Nepalese Awaj, 2:642 Nepalese language media, Bhutan, 1:105 Népszabadság (Hungary), 1:429–430 Népszava (Hungary), 1:430 Neracha (Singapore), 1:590 Netherlander, The, 2:647 Netherlands, 2:644–655 background and characteristics, 2:645–647 broadcast media, 2:650–652 censorship, 2:649 economic conditions, 2:647–648 electronic news media, 2:652 foreign media presence, 2:649–650 Indonesia, 1:449–450 journalist education and training, 2:653–654 news agencies, 2:650 press laws, 2:648–649 state-press relations, 2:649 Netherlands Antilles, 2:656 Netherlands Indies Radio Broadcasting Company (NIROM), 2:651 Network Africa, 1:536 The Network Group France, 1:320 Network of Economic Journalists of Mali, 1:601 Neue Arbeiter Zeitung (Austria), 1:57 Neue Kärntner Tageszeitung (Austria), 1:57, 60, 66 Neue Kronen Zeitung (Austria), 1:57–61, 64 Neue Luzerner Zeitung (Switzerland), 2:904–905 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Newagewoman (Papua New Guinea), 2:718 Newbreed (Nigeria), 2:678, 680 The News Aruba, 1:43 Mexico, 1:612 Nigeria, 2:681 Pakistan, 2:698–699 News (Austria), 1:59 News (Liberia), 1:567 News agencies Albania, 1:8 Algeria, 1:13 Angola, 1:16–17 Argentina, 1:29 Armenia, 1:40 Australia, 1:50 Austria, 1:63–64 Belarus, 1:91 Belgium, 1:98–99 Benin, 1:103 Bolivia, 1:108 Botswana, 1:116 Brazil, 1:125 Bulgaria, 1:138 Burundi, 1:144 Cameroon, 1:148 Canada, 1:161 Chad, 1:172 China, 1:193 Colombia, 1:205 Costa Rica, 1:217 Croatia, 1:226 Cuba, 1:236 Cyprus, 1:241 Czech Republic, 1:247 Democratic Congo, 1:252 Denmark, 1:259–260 Djibouti, 1:263 Dominican Republic, 1:268–269 Ecuador, 1:276 El Salvador, 1:284 Equatorial Guinea, 1:288 Estonia, 1:295 Ethiopia, 1:299–301 Finland, 1:310–311 France, 1:329–331 Ghana, 1:373–374 Greece, 1:383 Guatemala, 1:390, 394–395 Guinea, 1:398 Hong Kong, 1:426 Hungary, 1:434 India, 1:445 Indonesia, 1:453, 456 Iran, 1:461 Iraq, 1:464 Ireland, 1:471 Israel, 1:479–480 Italy, 1:489 Jamaica, 1:499 Japan, 1:510 Kazakhstan, 1:523–524 Kuwait, 1:542 Kyrgyzstan, 1:547 Latvia, 1:554 Lebanon, 1:562

INDEX

Neue Luzerner Zeitung AG, 2:905 Neue Volkszeitung (Austria), 1:57 Neue Vorarlberger Tageszeitung, 1:60, 62, 66 Neue Zeit (Austria), 1:57–58, 62 Neue Zürcher Zeitung (Switzerland), 2:904–906 Neues Deutschland, 1:356, 359 Neues Österreich, 1:57 Neues Volksblatt (Austria), 1:57, 60, 62 Neumann, A. Lin, 1:450 Neustad, Bernardo, 1:24–25 Nevis. See Saint Kitts and Nevis Nevsky Courier (Russia), 2:776 New Caledonia, 2:657 New England Primer, 2:1026 New Era (Sierra Leone), 2:817 The New Ghanian, 1:370 New Guinea Gazette, 2:717 New Hebrides islands. See Vanuatu New Nation (Guyana), 1:404–405 New National (Liberia), 1:567 The New Paper (Singapore), 2:821 New Statesman (United Kingdom), 2:1004 New Statesman & Society (Ireland), 1:470 New Straits Times (Malaysia), 1:591–593, 600 New Sunday Times (Malaysia), 1:592 New Telecommunications Law (El Salvador), 1:281–283 New Vision (Uganda), 2:980, 983 New Vision Printing and Publishing Corporation, 2:980 New York Herald Tribune, 1:328 New York Sun, 1:230, 2:1027 New York Times, 1:501 Azerbaijan, 1:70 Dominican Republic, 1:268–269 Ghana, 1:373 Hungary, 1:434 influence, 2:1025–1026 International Herald Tribune, 1:328 Papua New Guinea, 2:720 Pulitzer prizes, 2:1054 Qatar, 2:760 size, 2:1023 South Africa, 2:861–862 Sunday edition, 2:1023 New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 1:24, 2:1037, 1039, 1041 New York Times v. United States, 2:1037 New York Weekly Journal, 1:150, 2:1026 New York World, 2:1028 New Zealand, 2:657–665 Australian media and, 1:48 background and characteristics, 2:658–659 broadcast media, 2:662–664 censorship, 2:661 economic conditions, 2:659–660 electronic news media, 2:664 foreign media access, 2:661–662 journalist education and training, 2:664 news agencies, 2:662 press laws, 2:660–661 state-press relations, 2:661 New Zealand Broadcasting Board (NZBB), 2:662 New Zealand Engineering, Printing and Manufacturing Union, 2:660 New Zealand Herald, 2:658–659, 661 New Zealand Paper Mills, 2:658 New Zealand Press Association (NZPA), 2:661 New Zealand Press Council (NZPC), 2:661

1249

Index

Lesotho, 1:565–566 Libya, 1:568–570 Liechtenstein, 1:571 Lithuania, 1:575 Luxembourg, 1:578 Macedonia, 1:580 Malawi, 1:586–587 Malaysia, 1:597–598 Mali, 1:601 Mexico, 1:614 Moldova, 1:619 Morocco, 1:629 Netherlands, 2:650 New Zealand, 2:661–662 Nicaragua, 2:673 Nigeria, 2:681 North Korea, 2:684 Pakistan, 2:705 Papua New Guinea, 2:720–721 Paraguay, 2:725 Philippines, 2:738 Poland, 2:747 Portugal, 2:754 Romania, 2:770 Russian Federation, 2:786 Saudi Arabia, 2:802–803 Senegal, 2:806 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:812 Sierra Leone, 2:818 Slovakia, 2:830 Slovenia, 2:836 Somalia, 2:839 South Africa, 2:861–862 South Korea, 2:851 Spain, 2:872 Sudan, 2:886 Sweden, 2:897 Switzerland, 2:907 Syria, 2:914–915 Tajikistan, 2:934 Thailand, 2:947 Tunisia, 2:959 Turkey, 2:967–968 Turkmenistan, 2:975 Uganda, 2:983 Ukraine, 2:993–994 United Kingdom, 2:1012 United States, 2:1046 Uzbekistan, 2:1065 Vatican City, 2:1070 Venezuela, 2:1078–1079 Yemen, 2:1090 News Agency Direkt (Sweden), 2:897 News Chronicle (United Kingdom), 2:1007 News Corp Limited Australia, 1:45–46, 53–54 New Zealand, 2:658 Papua New Guinea, 2:718 United Kingdom, 2:1005–1007, 1015–1016 News Corporation of Australia, 2:660 News councils. See Press councils News Express (Brunei Darussalam), 1:130 The News International (Pakistan), 2:698–699 News of the World (United Kingdom), 2:1001, 1005 News on Sunday (United Kingdom), 2:1006 The News Review (Chile), 1:178 1250

News vendors Argentina (canillitas), 1:23 Armenia, 1:37–38 France, 1:319 See also Distribution networks News World, 1:162 Newsday Trinidad and Tobago, 2:955 United States (New York), 2:1023 Newsgroups, Albania, 1:9 News-Letter (U.S.), 2:1026 Newspaper and Printing Presses Act (NPPA), Singapore, 2:822–823 Newspaper Guild (U.S.), 2:1034–1035 ‘‘The Newspaper League,’’ 1:506 Newspaper Preservation Act, 2:1030 Newspaper Publishers Association (NPA), New Zealand, 2:661 Newspapers, 2:921–925 Afghanistan, 1:1–2 Albania, 1:5–8 Algeria, 1:11–14 American Samoa, 1:15 Andorra, 1:16 Argentina, 1:19–21, 1:19–21 Armenia, 1:35, 37–38 Aruba, 1:43 Australia, 1:45, 1:45–47, 50, 52–53 Austria, 1:56–62, 1:58–59 Bahamas, 1:73 Bahrain, 1:74–75 Bangladesh, 1:78–82 Belarus, 1:84–92 Belgium, 1:95–102 Belize, 1:103 Benin, 1:103 Bermuda, 1:104 Bhutan, 1:105 Bolivia, 1:106–107 Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:111–112, 114–115 Botswana, 1:115–116 Brazil, 1:118, 1:118–129 British Virgin Islands, 2:1083–1084 Brunei Darussalam, 1:130 Bulgaria, 1:134–140, 1:136 Burkina Faso, 1:141–142 Burundi, 1:143–145 Cambodia, 1:147 Cameroon, 1:148 Canada, 1:150–154, 159–166, 165 Cape Verde, 1:167 Cayman Islands, 1:167 Central African Republic, 1:168–169 Chad, 1:171–173 Chile, 1:175–176 China, 1:186–188 Colombia, 1:200–206 Comoros archipelago, 1:207 Congo, 1:208–209 Cook Islands, 1:210 Costa Rica, 1:211–217 Côte d’Ivoire, 1:221–222 Croatia, 1:223, 1:223–224 Cuba, 1:230–239 Cyprus, 1:241–242, 1:242 Czech Republic, 1:243–244, 1:244 Democratic Congo, 1:252 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Mongolia, 1:623–625 Montserrat, 1:626 Morocco, 1:626–630 Mozambique, 1:631–633 Myanmar, 1:634–635 Nepal, 2:642–644 Netherlands, 2:645–654 New Zealand, 2:658–665 Nicaragua, 2:666–676 Niger, 2:676–677 Nigeria, 2:678–682 Norfolk Island, 2:683 Northern Mariana Islands, 2:686 Norway, 2:687–693 Pakistan, 2:697–706 Palau, 2:707 Panama, 2:708–715 Paraguay, 2:724–726 Peru, 2:727–732 Philippines, 2:733–739 Pitcairn, 2:740 Poland, 2:742–750 Puerto Rico, 2:756–757 Qatar, 2:759–761 Réunion, 1:263–265 Romania, 2:766–773 Russian Federation, 2:774–792 Saint Helena, 2:795 Saint Kitts and Nevis, 2:796 Saint Pierre and Miquelon, 2:797 Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe, 2:799–800 Saudi Arabia, 2:802–804 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:807–814 Sierra Leone, 2:816–819 Slovakia, 2:827–832 Slovenia, 2:834–836 Somalia, 2:837–839 South Korea, 2:840–854 Spain, 2:865–874 Sri Lanka, 2:878–884 Sudan, 2:885–888 Suriname, 2:889 Swaziland, 2:890 Sweden, 2:893–902 Switzerland, 2:903–911 Syria, 2:912–916 Tajikistan, 2:928–935 Tanzania, 2:938–941 Thailand, 2:942–950 Tokelau, 2:953 Tonga, 2:953 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:954–957 Tunisia, 2:958–960 Turkey, 2:962–969 Turkmenistan, 2:972–976 Turks and Caicos Islands, 2:978 Tuvalu, 2:978 Uganda, 2:979–985 Ukraine, 2:985–996 United Kingdom, 2:999–1019 United States, 2:1022–1058 U.S. Virgin Islands, 2:1084 Uzbekistan, 2:1061–1068 Vatican City, 2:1070 Venezuela, 2:1074–1082 Western Sahara, 2:1086–1087

INDEX

Denmark, 1:254–262 Djibouti, 1:263 Dominican Republic, 1:265–270 Ecuador, 1:274 Egypt, 1:279–280 El Salvador, 1:281–287 Equatorial Guinea, 1:288 Eritrea, 1:289 Estonia, 1:293–294 Ethiopia, 1:299–301 Faroe Islands, 1:255, 304 Fiji, 1:304–305 Finland, 1:306–313 France, 1:314–318, 1:318, 1:333 French Guiana, 1:337–338 Gabon, 1:339–342 Gambia, 1:343–345 Gaza Strip and West Bank, 1:347 Georgia, 1:349, 352 Germany, 1:357–366 Ghana, 1:368–375 Gibraltar, 1:378 Greece, 1:381–386 Greenland, 1:387 Grenada, 1:388 Guadeloupe, 1:388 Guam, 1:389 Guatemala, 1:390–397 Guinea-Bissau, 1:400–402 Guyana, 1:403–408 Haiti, 1:411–416 Honduras, 1:419–421 Hungary, 1:429–437 India, 1:441–447 Indonesia, 1:447–458, 1:451–452 Iran, 1:459–462 Ireland, 1:466–472, 1:467–468 Italy, 1:483–492 Jamaica, 1:495–499 Japan, 1:500–511 Jersey, 1:512 Jordan, 1:515 Kazakhstan, 1:518–527 Kenya, 1:530–538 Kiribati, 1:539 Kuwait, 1:540–542 Kyrgyzstan, 1:544–547 Laos, 1:549 Latvia, 1:550–555 Lebanon, 1:558–562 Lesotho, 1:564–566 Libya, 1:568–569 Liechtenstein, 1:571 Lithuania, 1:573–576 Luxembourg, 1:578 Macedonia, 1:580–581 Malawi, 1:583–588 Malaysia, 1:590–600 Mali, 1:601–602 Malta, 1:602–603 Mauritania, 1:605–606 Mauritius, 1:608–610 Mayotte, 1:610 Mexico, 1:611–616 Micronesia, 1:617 Moldova, 1:617–622

1251

Index

Yemen, 2:1089–1090 Zambia, 2:1093–1095 Zimbabwe, 2:1097–1100 See also Daily newspapers; Non-daily publications Newspapers and Printers Act (New Zealand), 2:661 Newsprint Control Order of 1962 (India), 1:443–444 Newsprint Control Order of 1974 (Bangladesh), 1:79 Newsprint distribution Pakistan, 2:699–700 United States, 2:1035 Newsprint Import Policy (India), 1:443–444 Newsroom Finland, 1:310 Newswatch (Nigeria), 2:678, 680 Newsweek magazine Colombia, 1:204 Congo, 1:209 Dominican Republic, 1:268 Ghana, 1:373 Jamaica, 1:495 Poland, 2:743 Russian Federation, 2:785 South Africa, 2:862 South Korea, 2:843, 851 Togo, 2:952 Neytralnyy Turkmenistan, 2:972 Nezavisimaya Moldova, 1:618 Nezavisimost (Bulgaria), 1:133 Nezavisne Novine (Bosnia-Herzegovina), 1:114 NFFE (Norwegian Forum for Freedom of Expression), 2:690, 694 Ngarleyji, Yorongar, 1:171 Ngoghe, Raphaël Ntoutoume, 1:340 Ngoma (Uganda), 2:980 Ngouoni, Dorothee, 1:340, 342 Ng’weno, Hilary, 1:531–532 Nhân Dân (Vietnam), 2:1082–1083 NHK (Nippon Hoso Kyokai) group, 1:510–511 NIA (National Intelligence Agency), Gambia, 1:344–346 Nicaragua, 2:665–676 background and characteristics, 2:665–669 broadcast media, 2:673–674 censorship, 2:671–672 economic conditions, 2:669–671 electronic news media, 2:674 foreign media presence, 2:672–673 journalist education and training, 2:674–675 news agencies, 2:673 press laws, 2:671 state-press relations, 2:672 Nicaragua Hoy, 1:213 Nice-Matin (France), 1:623 Nicolas, Jean, 1:97–98, 102 Nido-i Ranjbar (Tajikistan), 2:928 Niederösterreichische Nachrichten, 1:59 Niewsbank (Netherlands), 2:650 Niger, 2:676–677 Nigeria, 2:677–682 Nigerian Observer, 2:678 Nigerian Union of Journalists (NIJ), 2:681 Night letters. See shahnamahs Nihon Keizai Shimbun (Japan), 1:500, 507 NIJ (Nigerian Union of Journalists), 2:681 NileSat (Egypt), 1:280 NIMAA (National Indigenous Media Association of Australia), 1:48–49 NIN (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:809–810, 812 1252

Nine O’clock News (Russia), 2:787 Nipashe (Tanzania), 2:940 Nipho, Francisco Mariano (Spain), 2:866 Nippon Broadcasting System, 1:511 Nippon Cultural Broadcasting, 1:510 Nippon Electric Company, Bangladesh television, 1:81 Nippon Hoso Kyokai (NHK) group, 1:510–511 NIR (National Institute for Radio), Belgium, 1:99 NIROM (Netherlands Indies Radio Broadcasting Company), 2:651 Niugini News, 2:717, 722 Nixon, Richard, 2:1030 Niyazov, Saparmurad, 2:971–975 Nkomo, Joshua, 2:1099 Nkrumah, Kwame, 1:369 NLC (National Liberation Council), Ghana, 1:369 NMG (National Media Group), Kenya, 1:531 NNA (National News Agency), Lebanon, 1:562 NNI (National Newspapers of Ireland), 1:468–469 No Pintcha, 1:400–401 ‘‘No return’’ policy, Armenian newspapers, 1:37–38 NOB (Nederlanse Omroepsproductie Bedriff), 2:652 Noble, Roberto, 1:19 Noboa, 1:275 Nodong Sinmun (North Korea), 2:684 Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), Turkmenistan, 2:972 Non-aligned News Agencies Pool (NANAP), India, 1:445 Non-daily publications Algeria, 1:11–13 Andorra, 1:16 Angola, 1:16–17 Anguilla, 1:17–18 Antigua and Barbuda, 1:18 Argentina, 1:21 Armenia, 1:35, 37 Aruba, 1:43 Austria, 1:56, 57, 59, 61 Bahamas, 1:73 Bahrain, 1:74 Bangladesh, 1:78 Barbados, 1:82–83 Belarus, 1:84–85 Belgium, 1:95–102 Belize, 1:103 Bhutan, 1:105 Bolivia, 1:107 Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:111–112 Botswana, 1:116 Brazil, 1:118, 1:118–129 Brunei Darussalam, 1:130 Bulgaria, 1:132, 134–140, 1:136 Burkina Faso, 1:141–142 Cambodia, 1:147 Cameroon, 1:148 Canada, 1:158–159, 165 Cape Verde, 1:167 Cayman Islands, 1:167 Central African Republic, 1:168 Chad, 1:171–173 Chile, 1:175–178 China, 1:186–188 Colombia, 1:200–206, 1:201 Congo, 1:208–209 Cook Islands, 1:210 Costa Rica, 1:213, 1:213 Croatia, 1:223–224, 1:224 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Nepal, 2:642–644 Netherlands, 2:646, 2:646–654 New Caledonia, 2:657 New Zealand, 2:658–664, 2:659 Nicaragua, 2:668–669 Niger, 2:677 Norfolk Island, 2:683 Norway, 2:688, 2:688–693 Pakistan, 2:699–706 Panama, 2:709, 712 Papua New Guinea, 2:716–722 Paraguay, 2:724 Portugal, 2:752, 2:752–756 Qatar, 2:759 Rwanda, 2:793 Saint Kitts and Nevis, 2:796 Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, 2:797 Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe, 2:799–800 Saudi Arabia, 2:802 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:810–814 Singapore, 2:821, 2:821 Slovakia, 2:827–828, 2:828 Slovenia, 2:834–836 South Africa, 2:859–863 South Korea, 2:840–854 Sri Lanka, 2:879, 2:879 Sweden, 2:893, 2:893–894 Switzerland, 2:903–911, 2:904 Syria, 2:912–916 Tajikistan, 2:928–935 Tanzania, 2:938–941 Togo, 2:951–952 Tokelau, 2:953 Tonga, 2:953 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:954–957 Turkey, 2:962–969 Turkmenistan, 2:972–976 Turks and Caicos Islands, 2:978 Uganda, 2:980–985 Ukraine, 2:986–988 United Kingdom, 2:1000, 2:1003 United States, 2:1024 Uruguay, 2:1057–1060 Vanuatu, 2:1069 Yemen, 2:1089–1090 Zambia, 2:1093–1095 See also Daily newspapers; Magazines and periodicals Noor (Queen of Jordan), 1:514 Nor Marmara (Turkey), 2:963 Nordic Centre for Media and Communication Research, 1:312 Nordjyske Stiftstidinde (Denmark), 1:255 Noreiga, Manuel, 2:708 Norfolk Island, 2:683 Norfolk Island Government Gazette, 2:683 Norfolk Islander, The, 2:683 Nork channel (Armenia), 1:41 Norolysio (Faroe Islands), 1:304 Norske Intelligenz Seddeler (Norway), 2:687 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) Canada, 1:158, 165–166 Chile, 1:179 Mexico, 1:616 North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Bulgaria, 1:137–138 Denmark, 1:257–258 Faroe Islands bases, 1:257 1253

INDEX

Cuba, 1:232 Cyprus, 1:241, 1:242 Czech Republic, 1:243–245, 1:244 Democratic Congo, 1:252 Denmark, 1:255–257, 1:257 Djibouti, 1:263 Dominica, 1:263 Dominican Republic, 1:265 El Salvador, 1:286 Equatorial Guinea, 1:288 Estonia, 1:293–294 Ethiopia, 1:299–301 Falkland Islands, 1:303 Faroe Islands, 1:255, 304 Fiji, 1:304–305 Finland, 1:306–307, 1:307 France, 1:314–318, 1:318 French Guiana, 1:337–338 Gabon, 1:340 Gambia, 1:343 Gaza Strip and West Bank, 1:347 Germany, 1:357–358, 1:357–366, 358–359 Ghana, 1:368–375 Gibraltar, 1:378 Greece, 1:381–382, 1:381–386 Greenland, 1:387 Grenada, 1:388 Guatemala, 1:390–397 Guernsey, 1:398 Guinea, 1:398–399 Guinea-Bissau, 1:400–402 Guyana, 1:404–408 Honduras, 1:419 Hong Kong, 1:424, 1:424–427 Hungary, 1:430–437 Iceland, 1:439 India, 1:441–447, 1:442–443 Indonesia, 1:451–452, 1:451–458 Iran, 1:460–462 Ireland, 1:466–472, 1:467–468 Israel, 1:475–477 Italy, 1:484–492 Jamaica, 1:495–496 Jordan, 1:515 Kazakhstan, 1:520–529 Kenya, 1:530–538 Kuwait, 1:541–542 Kyrgyzstan, 1:544–545 Latvia, 1:551, 1:551–555 Lebanon, 1:559 Liberia, 1:567 Macao, 1:579 Madagascar, 1:582–583 Malawi, 1:583–588 Malaysia, 1:592–593, 1:592–594 Maldives, 1:601 Mali, 1:601 Malta, 1:603 Martinique, 1:604 Mauritania, 1:605–606 Mayotte, 1:610 Mongolia, 1:624 Montserrat, 1:626 Morocco, 1:627–630 Mozambique, 1:632–633 Namibia, 2:639

Index

Poland, 2:742 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:809, 811–814 North Coast Times (Jamaica), 1:496 North Korea, 2:684–685 kidnappings of Japanese, 2:850 South Korea, 2:848 See also South Korea North Star, 2:1024, 1027 Northcliffe (Lord), 2:1000, 1005 Northcliffe Newspapers, 2:1007 Northern Alliance (Afghanistan), 1:2–3 Northern Mariana Islands, 2:685–686 Northern News (Zambia), 2:1093 Northern Star (United Kingdom), 2:1000 Norway, 2:686–693 background and characteristics, 2:686–688 broadcast media, 2:690 censorship, 2:690 economic conditions, 2:688–689 electronic media, 2:690–691 journalist education and training, 2:691 press laws, 2:689–690 state-press relations, 2:690 Norwegian Forum for Freedom of Expression (NFFE), 2:690, 694 NOS (Nederlanse Omroep Stichting), 2:651 La Noticia de Managua, 2:668–670 Noticias Cape Verde, 1:167 Mozambique, 1:632–633 Paraguay, 2:724 Noticias Argentinas (NA), 1:29 Noticias da Beira (Mozambique), 1:632–633 Noticias Gráficas (Argentina), 1:21, 26 Noticioso Universal (Costa Rica), 1:212 Notisiete (Guatemala), 1:394–395 Notitarde (Venezuela), 2:1075 Le Nouveau Quotidien (Switzerland), 2:905 Le Nouveau Salézien (Réunion), 2:764 Nouvel Horizon (Mali), 1:601 Le Nouvel Observateur Congo, 1:209 France, 1:326 Togo, 2:952 La Nouvelle République (Côte d’Ivoire), 1:221 Les Nouvelles Caledoniennes, 2:657 Les Nouvelles de Tahiti, 1:338 Nouvelles extraordinaires de divers endroit (Netherlands), 2:645 Nouvelles Messageries de la Presse Parisienne, 1:318–319 Nova Makedonija, 1:580 Nova Scotia Magazine, 1:158 Nova TV (Bulgaria), 1:138 Novaia Gazeta, 1:89 Le Novateur (Central African Republic), 1:168 Novedades (Nicaragua), 2:666–667, 669, 675 Novedades Editores group (Mexico), 1:612 Novi List (Croatia), 1:224 Novine Serbske (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:807 Noviny (Belarus), 1:89 Novo Jornal Cabo Verde, 1:167 Novoe Vremya (Moldova), 1:619 Novoye Vremia (Armenia), 1:37 Novy Cas (Slovakia), 2:827, 829 Novya Zhizn (Russia), 2:774 Novyi Kanal (Ukraine), 2:994–995 Noy (Georgia), 1:351 1254

Noyan Tapan (Armenia), 1:40–41 NPA (Newspaper Publishers Association), New Zealand, 2:661 NPK Company (Ukrainian media owner), 2:989–990 NPPA (Newspaper and Printing Presses Act), Singapore, 2:822–823 NRC Handelsblad (Netherlands), 2:646–649, 653–654 NSF (Nederlanse Seintoestellen Fabriek), 2:651 Ntaryamira, Cyprien, 1:142–143 N’Tchama, Caetano, 1:400–402 Ntibantunganya, Sylvestre, 1:143 NTV. See Russian National TV Nu Gini Toktok, 2:717 Nuestro Diario (Guatemala), 1:390, 394 La Nueva Cuba, 1:237 Nueva Provincia media group, 1:22 Nuevo Diario (Guatemala), 1:391 NUJ. See National Union of Journalists Núñez, Emilio, 2:670 Nurestani language media, radio broadcasts, 1:3 N.V. Concentra, 1:96 NVJ (Nederlanse Vereniging van Journalisten), 2:650, 653–655 Nwagwu, Cordelia C, 2:679 Nyrere, Julius, 2:938–940 NZBB (New Zealand Broadcasting Board), 2:662 Nzhar (Armenia), 1:37 NZPA (New Zealand Press Association), 2:661 NZPC (New Zealand Press Council), 2:661 NZZ-Gruppe, 2:905

O OAK (Österreichische Auflagen Kontrolle), 1:60 OAS. See Organization of American States OAU (Organization of African Unity), 2:1086–1087 Obasanjo, Olusegun, 2:679–680 Oberösterreichische Nachrichten, 1:57, 59–61, 65 Oberösterreichische Rundschau, 1:59 Obiang Nguema, Teodoro, 1:288 OBN (Open Broadcast Network), Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:113–114 Obote, Milton, 2:979 Obscene Publications Act (United Kingdom), 2:1009 Obscenity laws France, 1:323–324 United Kingdom, 2:1009 L’Observateur Chad, 1:171 France, 1:317 Observer, The Bangladesh, 1:78 Jamaica, 1:495–498 Nigeria, 2:681 Sri Lanka, 2:879 United Kingdom, 2:1001, 1006 Observer and Commercial Advertiser (Sri Lanka), 2:878 Observer Budapest Media Watch Co., 1:431–432 Obyektivno (Ukraine), 2:989 O’Carroll, Lisa, 2:1008–1009 OCB. See Office of Cuba Broadcasting Occidente (Colombia), 1:200 Ocè DemandStream printing technology, 2:906 Ochieng, Philip, 1:530, 535–536, 538 Octava Dies (Vatican City), 2:1070 Odeh, Laila, 1:479 Odiriyn Sonin (Mongolia), 1:624 Oetoesan Borneo (Indonesia), 1:450 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Order of Journalists Belgium, 1:97 Italy, 1:487 Ordinaire Leydsche Courant (Netherlands), 2:645 Ordinari Post Tijender (Sweden), 2:893 Ordo (Kyrgyzstan), 1:544 O’Reilly, Tony, 1:467–468, 2:1006 ORF (Austrian Broadcasting Association), 1:59, 63–65 Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, 2:812 Organization of African Unity (OAU), 2:1086–1087 Organization of American States (OAS) Haiti, 1:412 Honduras, 1:419–420 Panama, 2:710 Organization on Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Croatia, 1:226 Kazakhstan, 1:521 L’Orient le Jour (Lebanon), 1:558 Orient Press (India), 1:445 Oriental Magazine (India), 1:441 L’Orizzont (Malta), 1:603 Orkla Media, 2:747 Ornes, Germán, 1:265 Oropeza, Victor Manuel, 1:613 ORT. See Russian Public Television Ortega, Daniel, 2:667, 672 ORTF (Radio et Télévision Française), 1:331 Orthodox Church Belarus publications by, 1:85–86 Bulgaria, 1:132–135 Georgia, 1:351–352 Ukraine, 2:988 ORTM (Office de Radiodiffusion-Television de Mauritanie), 1:606 Ortram (Cyprus), 1:241 Orumuri (Uganda), 2:980 Osaka Asahi Shimbun, 1:505 OSCE. See Organization on Security and Cooperation in Europe Oslobodjenje (Bosnia-Herzegovina), 1:112, 114–115, 2:808 Osprey Media Group, Inc., 1:154 L’Osservatore Romano (Vatican), 1:484, 2:1070 Österreichische Auflagen Kontrolle (OAK), 1:60 Österreichische Radioverkehr AG (RAVAG), 1:64–65 Österreichische Rundfunk Gesellschaft, 1:64–65 Österreichische Zeitung, 1:57 Osti, Sarachchandra, 2:643 Otago Daily Times (New Zealand), 2:659 Otdykhai (Belarus), 1:91 Otechestven Front (Bulgaria), 1:134 Otechestven Glas (Bulgaria), 1:135 Otero, José, 2:711 Otero, Miguel, 2:1077 Othman, Ahmad Lutfi, 1:596 Ottawa Citizen, 1:156–157 Ottawa Journal, 1:152, 159 Ottoman Empire Albania, 1:4–5 Bulgaria, 1:132–134 Greece, 1:379–380 Israel, 1:475 Lebanon, 1:557–558 Romania, 2:766–769 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:807–810 Syria, 2:912 Turkey, 2:961 Ouest-France, 1:317, 323, 325 1255

INDEX

Oetoesan Hindia (Indonesia), 1:450 Oetoma, Jakob, 1:451 Oeudraogo, David, 1:141 Office de Radiodiffusion-Television de Mauritanie (ORTM), 1:606 Office Français d’Information, 1:329 Office of Cuba Broadcasting (OCB), 1:235–236 Office of Film and Literature Classification (OFLC), Australia, 1:49 Official Gazette Bahamas, 1:73 Romania, 2:767 Official Information Acts (New Zealand), 2:660–661 Official Secrets Act Canada, 1:157 France, 1:323–324 Ireland, 1:469–470 Jamaica, 1:498 Malawi, 1:585 Poland, 2:746 United Kingdom, 2:1009 OFLC (Office of Film and Literature Classification), Australia, 1:49 Ogilvy Interactive (France), 1:320 Ogonyoky (Russia), 2:776 Ohtuleht (Estonia), 1:294 Oil and Gas News (Bahrain), 1:74 Ojha, Puskar Nath, 2:643 OK (Croatia), 1:224 Olé (Argentina), 1:19, 22 O’Leary, Grattan, 1:158 Oleksandrov, I., 2:993 Olmos, Raul, 2:711 Oman, 2:695–696 Oman, Khudr, 2:915 Oman Daily Newspaper, 2:695 The Oman Daily Observer, 2:695 Oman Today (Oman), 2:695 OmanTelecommunications (OmanTel), 2:696 Omogeneia News Agency (ONA), 1:383 One Caribbean (Saint Lucia), 2:796 168 Chasa (Bulgaria), 1:136–137 Online media. See Electronic news media Onoodor (Mongolia), 1:624 Ontario Press Council, 1:159 Open Broadcast Network (OBN), Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:113–114 Open Society Institute Belarus, 1:92 East Africa Media Women’s Association, 2:839 Malaysia, 1:598 Uzbekistan, 2:1067 Opiniao (Cape Verde), 1:167 La Opinion Colombia, 1:201 Costa Rica, 1:217 Philippines, 2:733 L’Opinion (Morocco), 1:627 La Opinión Pública (Nicaragua), 2:666 L’Opinion Publique, 1:159 O’Popular (Mozambique), 1:632 Opposing interpretation (Gegendarstellung), Germany, 1:362 Oprechte Groninger Courant (Netherlands), 2:645 Oprechte Haerlemse Courant (Netherlands), 2:645 Optimum Media, France, 1:320 Orbán, Viktor, 1:434

Index

The Outlet (Antigua), 1:18 Outtarra, Alassane, 1:221–222 Ouzhou Ribao (France), 1:328 Oy (Finland), 1:307 Oy Valitut Palat (Finland), 1:307 Oyggjatidindi (Faroe Islands), 1:304

P PA (Palestine Authority), Gaza Strip and West Bank, 1:347 Pacheco, Abel, 1:214 Pacheco, Ibéyise, 2:1078 Pacific Daily News (Guam), 1:389 Pacific Islands Media Association (PIMA), 2:721 Pacific Media Watch, Papua New Guinea, 2:721 Pacific Region, Australian media coverage of, 1:45 Pacnews (Papua New Guinea), 2:720–721 Pact of San José, Costa Rica, 1:24–25 Paemi Dushanbe (Tajikistan), 2:931 Página 12 (Argentina), 1:19–20, 27 Pagonia (Belarus), 1:89 PAI (Polska Agencja Informacyjna), 2:747 Paigam (Bangladesh), 1:78 Pakistan, 2:697–706 Afghanistan, 1:3 background and general characteristics, 2:697–698 broadcast media, 2:705 censorship, 2:702 economic conditions, 2:698–699 foreign media presence, 2:704–705 journalist education and training, 2:705 mass media options, 2:699–701 news agencies, 2:705 press laws, 2:701–702 state-press relations, 2:702–704 Pakistan, 2:698–699 Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation, 2:699, 705 Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ), 2:700–701 Pakistan Herald Publications Ltd, 2:699 Pakistan Press Foundation (PPF), 2:704–705 Pakistan Radio, Kuwait, 1:542 Pakistan Television Corporation, 2:699 Pakistan Times, 2:697 Palau, 2:707 Palau Gazette, 2:707 The Palau Tribune, 2:707 Palavicini, Felix Fulgencio, 1:612 Palestine, 1:475–479 Palestine Authority (PA), Gaza Strip and West Bank, 1:347 Palestine Broadcasting Corporation (PBC), Gaza Strip and West Bank, 1:347 Palestine News Agency, Gaza Strip and West Bank, 1:347 Palestine Press Service, 1:479 Palestinian Journalists’ Union, Gaza Strip and West Bank, 1:347 Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), Lebanon, 1:557 Palma, Adolfo, 1:401 Pan African News Agency (PANA) Gambia, 1:345 Ghana, 1:373 Mauritius, 1:608 Netherlands, 2:650 South Africa, 2:861–862 Zambia, 2:1092–1093 PANA. See Pan African News Agency Panafax news agency, 2:713 Pan-Africanist Congress, 2:856–862 1256

Panama, 2:707–715 background and general characteristics, 2:708–709 broadcast media, 2:713 censorship, 2:712 economic conditions, 2:709 electronic news media, 2:713–714 foreign media presence, 2:713 journalist education and training, 2:714–715 press laws, 2:709–712 state-press relations, 2:712–713 Pancasila philosophy (Indonesia), 1:449, 454 Panday, Basdeo, 2:955–956 Pangu Nius (Papua New Guinea), 2:717 Panhellenic Federation of Editor Unions (POSEY), 1:383 Pannier, Bruce, 1:523 Pannon Lapok Társasága group (Hungary), 1:431 Panorama Australia, 1:52 Gibraltar, 1:378 Italy, 1:485, 488 Venezuela, 2:1075–1076 Panorama Brasil, 1:125 Panorama Latvil (Latvia), 1:551 PAP (Polska Agencja Prasowa), 2:747 Papandreou, Andreas, 1:383 Papel Periódico de la Habana (Cuba), 1:230 Papel Prensa S.A., 1:22 Papiamento language media, Aruba, 1:43 Papineau, Louis-Joseph, 1:151 Papua New Guinea, 2:715–722 background and characteristics, 2:716–717 censorship, 2:719 economic conditions, 2:717–718 electronic news media, 2:721–722 foreign media presence, 2:720 journalist education and training, 2:722 news agencies, 2:720–721 press laws, 2:718 state-press relations, 2:719–720 Papua New Guinea (PNG) Magazine, 2:718 Papua New Guinea Post-Courier, 2:716–718, 720, 722 Papuashvili, Nugzar, 1:352 Paracomstat (Argentina), 1:22 Parade magazine (U.S.), 2:1023 Paraguay, 2:723–726 Paraguay Ahora, 2:724 Le Parisien-Aujourd’hui (France), 1:314, 317, 323, 325 Le Parisien-Libéré, 1:315–316 Paris-Match (France), 1:316–317 Park Chung-hee, 2:843 Parker, Delgado, 2:730 Parliamentarias 2001 (Chile), 1:181 Partido Justicialista (Argentina), 1:27 Party Press (Egypt), 1:279 Pasason (Laos), 1:549 Pasason Van Athit (Laos), 1:549 Pascal Decroos Fund, 1:101 Pashai language media, radio broadcasts, 1:3 Pashtu language media newspapers, 1:1–2 radio broadcasts, 1:3 Pasko, Grigory, 2:781–782 Pasley, Jeffrey L., 2:1045 Pasquins, 1:121 Passau Neue Presse (PNP), 2:747 Passauer Neue Presse (Czech Republic), 1:247 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Peter I (King of Yugoslavia), 2:807 Peter II (King of Yugoslavia), 2:808–809 Le Petit Journal (France), 1:316 Le Petit Parisien, 1:316 Le Petit Tunisien, 2:958 Petition of 50 (Indonesia), 1:454 Petkoff, Teodoro, 2:1075 Petrushova, Irina, 1:522 Pezuela Cevallos, Juan de la, 2:756 PFLP (Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine), 1:259 PFUJ (Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists), 2:700–701 Pharr, Susan J., 1:509 Philadelphia Inquirer, 1:108, 2:1023 Phileleftheros (Cyprus), 1:241 Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ), 2:736–737, 739 Philippine Daily Inquirer, 2:736–737 Philippine Journalism Review, 2:733–738 Philippines, 2:732–739 background and characteristics, 2:733–735 broadcast media, 2:737 censorship, 2:737 economic conditions, 2:735 electronic news media, 2:738 journalist education and traiing, 2:738–739 news agencies, 2:738 press laws, 2:735 state-press relations, 2:735–737 Philippine’s Business World, 2:736 Philippines Herald, 2:734, 739 Philippines Press Institute (PPI), 2:738–739 Phnom Penh Daily (Cambodia), 1:147 Phnom Penh Post (Cambodia), 1:147 Phosphore (France), 1:326 Photographers, France, 1:321–322 Photographic news agencies, France, 1:328–329 Picado, Teodoro, 1:213 Picarq, Alex, 1:237 Pierce, Robert N., 1:202 Pierre-Pierre, Garry, 1:413 Pigistes (France), 1:321–322, 331 Pike, William, 2:980 Pikiran Rakyat (Indonesia), 1:451 Pilgrimage of Bayóan, 2:757 ‘‘Pillarization’’ news policy (Netherlands), 2:645–646, 651–652 PIMA (Pacific Islands Media Association), 2:721 Pinochet, Augusto, 1:173–184 PIPSA (Productora Y Importadora de Papel), Mexico, 1:612–613 Pitcairn, 2:740 Pitcairn Miscellany, 2:740 Pitkin, James, 1:246 Playboy magazine Croatia, 1:224 Hungary, 1:431 PLO (Palestinian Liberation Organization), Lebanon, 1:557 Plurimedia group (France), 1:322 Plus 7 dni (Slovakia), 2:828 Plzensky Denik (Czech Republic), 1:244 PNG (Papua New Guinea) Magazine, 2:718 PNP (Passau Neue Presse), 2:747 Pobjeda (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:810–811 Pogled (Bulgaria), 1:136 Le Point (France), 1:318 The Point (Gambia), 1:343 Le Point au Quotidien (Benin), 1:103 1257

INDEX

Le Passeport Africain (Democratic Congo), 1:252 Pasternak, Boris, 2:782 Pastora, Edén, 1:213 Pastrana, Andres, 1:202, 206 P.A.T. Netork (Bolivia), 1:108 La Patada (Costa Rica), 1:211, 217 Patassé, Ange-Félix, 1:168–169 Patras Today (Greece), 1:381 Patria (Cuba), 1:230, 234–235 La Patria (Colombia), 1:201 La Patrie Créole (Réunion), 2:763 Patriotic Union (UP), Colombia, 1:203 Paul (Prince Regent of Yugoslavia), 2:808 Pay TV. See Cable television PBC (Palestine Broadcasting Corporation), Gaza Strip and West Bank, 1:347 PBS BiH (Public Broadcasting System of Bosnia and Herzegovina), 1:113–114 PC (Press Council), Bangladesh, 1:79–80 PCC (Press Complaints Commission), United Kingdom, 2:1008–1010 PCIJ (Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism), 2:736–737, 739 Peacock Committee (United Kingdom), 2:1013 Pearce, Edward, 1:470 Pearl, Daniel, 2:704, 1055 Pearson Group Argentina, 1:20 Brazil, 1:122 France, 1:328 Spain, 2:868 United Kingdom, 2:1006–1007 Pei Wei, 2:925 Le Pèlerin (France), 1:318 PEN American Center, Syria, 2:914 The Penguin News Falkland Islands, 1:303 Uruguay, 2:1057 Pennsylvania Gazette, 2:1026 ‘‘Penny dreadfuls’’ (United Kingdom), 2:1000 Penny press (United States), 2:1027–1028 Pentagon Papers, 2:1037 The People Malta, 1:603 Seychelles, 2:815 People (Kenya), 1:531 Le People (Réunion), 2:764 People’s Daily (China), 1:186–187, 190–191, 194, 196 Percombinatie co-operative, 2:646 Perera, H. S., 2:878 Pérez, Hernández, 1:395 Pérez Balladares Gonzalez Revilla, Ernesto, 2:708–712 Pérez Jiménez, Marcos, 2:1072–1073 Perfil (Costa Rica), 1:213 PERIODISTAS (Argentine Association for the Defense of Independent Journalism), 1:26–28, 32 Periodisticas (Bolivia), 1:107 Perkor (South Africa), 2:860 Perno Postimees (Estonia), 1:293 Peron, Juan, 1:21, 27 Pers perjuangan (press of the struggle) (Indonesia), 1:450 Persatuan Wartawan Indonesia (PWI), 1:455 Persian-Tajik Language Foundation, 2:930 Personal Trading Post (Australia), 1:47 Perth Sunday Times, 1:46 Peru, 2:727–732

Index

Poiver, Pierre, 2:763 Poland, 2:740–750 background and characteristics, 2:741–743 broadcast media, 2:747–748 censorship, 2:744–746 economic conditions, 2:743–744 electronic news media, 2:748 foreign media presence, 2:747 journalist education and training, 2:748 news agencies, 2:747 press laws, 2:744 state-press relations, 2:746–747 Poleo, Patricia, 2:1078 Poligrafici Editoriale, France, 1:328 Polish language media Belarus, 1:84 Lithuania, 1:574 Politics Info (Belgium), 1:100 Politika (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:808–810 Politika Ekspres (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:808, 810 Politiken (Denmark), 1:254–256 Politikin Zabavnik (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:810 Polityka (Poland), 2:743 POLITYKA Spoldzielnia Pracy (Poland), 2:743 Polska Agencja Informacyjna (PAI), 2:747 Polska Agencja Prasowa (PAP), 2:747 Polyglot: Journal of the Humanities (Guyana), 1:404 Pompidou, Georges, 1:325 Pop TV (Slovenia), 2:836 Popkin, Margaret, 1:284 Le Populaire (France), 1:316 Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), 1:259 Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), 1:16–17, 2:638 Portillo Cabrera, Alfonso Antonio, 1:392–394, 396–397 Portugal, 2:750–756 Portugal Telecommunications International (PTI), 2:800 Portuguese language media Angolan media, 1:16–17 Brazil, 1:118–121 Cape Verde, 1:166–167 East Timor, 1:273 Guinea-Bissau, 1:400–402 Macao, 1:579 Mozambique, 1:631–633 Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe, 2:799–800 Pos Kota (Indonesia), 1:451, 453 POSEY (Panhellenic Federation of Editor Unions), 1:383 Poshka, Yuri, 1:619 Post, Telegraph and Telephone Company (PTT), Netherlands, 2:651 Post factum (Russia), 2:786 Postimees (Estonia), 1:294 O Pothos (Greece), 1:381 Poto Poto (Equatorial Guinea), 1:288 Pot-Pourri (Democratic Congo), 1:252 Povo (Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe), 2:799 Power Corporation of Canada, 1:154 Power News (Taiwan), 2:921 PPF (Pakistan Press Foundation), 2:704–705 PPI (Pakistan), 2:705 PPI (Philippines Press Institute), 2:738–739 PPO. See Press and Publications Ordinance PPO (Press and Publications Ordinance), Pakistan, 2:702–703 Prabhakaran, V., 2:877 Praca (Slovakia), 2:827 1258

Prager Zeitung (Czech Republic), 1:245 Prague Business Journal, 1:245 Prague Post, 1:244–246 Prague Tribune, 1:245 Pramoedya Ananta Toer, 1:448, 454 Prasanna Kannangara, D. S., 2:882 Prason Soonsiri, 2:946 Pravada (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:808 Pravda Azerbaijan, 1:69 Russia, 2:774–775, 777, 784 Slovakia, 2:827, 831–832 Pravda Ukrainy, 2:986 Právo (Czech Republic), 1:244, 247 Pre-Dnestr Moldavian Republic, 1:619–622 Preguntas y Respuestas (Cuba), 1:237 ‘‘Premio RFI-REporteros sin Fronteras,’’ 1:335 Premium TV Network (Gambia), 1:345 La Prensa Argentina, 1:19–22 Colombia, 1:200 Honduras, 1:419 Mexico, 1:612 Nicaragua, 1:213, 2:666–675 Panama, 2:709–712 Peru, 2:728 Prensa chica (Peru), 2:730 Prensa Española group, 2:872 La Prensa Gráfica (El Salvador), 1:281–284 Prensa Latina (Cuba), 1:234–236 Prensa Libre (Guatemala), 1:390, 392–394, 396 La Prensa Libre (Costa Rica), 1:213 La Prenza (El Salvador), 1:283 La Presencia (Bolivia), 1:106 Présent (France), 1:314 The Press (New Zealand), 2:659 Press Agency of the Slovak Republic (TASR), 2:830 Press and Publication Act of 1973 (Bangladesh), 1:80 Press and Publications Ordinance (PPO), Pakistan, 2:702–703 ‘‘Press barons’’ (United Kingdom), 2:1000, 1005–1007, 1009–1011, 1015–1016 See also Media conglomerates, publishers, and publishing groups Press clubs Japan, 1:503–504 Kazakhstan, 1:525 Malta, 1:602 South Korea, 2:844, 847, 853–854 Switzerland, 2:910 Thailand, 2:946–947 Press Complaints Commission (PCC), United Kingdom, 2:1008–1010 Press Council (PC), Bangladesh, 1:79–80 Press Council of India, 1:443 Press councils Australia, 1:49 Austria, 1:61–63 Bangladesh, 1:79–80 Canada, 1:159 Cook Islands, 1:210 Denmark, 1:256, 259 Estonia, 1:295 Finland, 1:309 France, 1:325 Germany, 1:363–364, 366 Hong Kong, 1:427 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Hong Kong, 1:426 Hungary, 1:432–433 India, 1:442–443 Indonesia, 1:453–454 internet laws, 2:1050–1052 Iran, 1:460 Iraq, 1:464 Ireland, 1:468–469 Israel, 1:478 Italy, 1:487–488 Jamaica, 1:498 Japan, 1:504–506 Jordan, 1:514–515 Kazakhstan, 1:521–522 Kenya, 1:534–535 Kuwait, 1:541 Kyrgyzstan, 1:545–546 Latvia, 1:552–553, 555 Lebanon, 1:560–561 Lesotho, 1:565 Liberia, 1:567 Libya, 1:568 Lithuania, 1:574–575 Madagascar, 1:582–583 Malawi, 1:585 Malaysia, 1:594–595 Mauritania, 1:605 Mauritius, 1:609 Mexico, 1:613 Moldova, 1:619–620 Morocco, 1:628 Namibia, 2:639 Nepal, 2:642 Netherlands, 2:648–649 New Zealand, 2:660–661 Nicaragua, 2:671 Nigeria, 2:679–680 Norway, 2:689–690 Pakistan, 2:701–702 Panama, 2:709–710 Papua New Guinea, 2:718 Paraguay, 2:725 Peru, 2:728–730 Philippines, 2:735 Poland, 2:744 Portugal, 2:753–754 Réunion, 2:764 Romania, 2:769–770 Russian Federation, 2:780–782 Saudi Arabia, 2:803 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:808–810, 812 Sierra Leone, 2:817 Singapore, 2:822–823 Slovakia, 2:828–829 Slovenia, 2:835–836 Somalia, 2:838 South Korea, 2:846–847 Spain, 2:871 Sri Lanka, 2:880 Sudan, 2:886 Sweden, 2:895–896 Switzerland, 2:906 Syria, 2:913 Taiwan, 2:922–923 Tajikistan, 2:932 Tanzania, 2:939

INDEX

India, 1:443 Indonesia, 1:451, 453, 455, 458 Israel, 1:478 Lebanon, 1:560 Netherlands, 2:654 New Zealand, 2:661 Pakistan, 2:701 Papua New Guinea, 2:719–720 Sri Lanka, 2:881–882 Sweden, 2:895–896, 896 Switzerland, 2:906, 910 Uganda, 2:982 Press Freedom Bill (Ethiopia), 1:298–300 Press Freedom in Africa, 1:368 Press Freedom Survey (Malta), 1:602 Press Law For Russia, 2:781 Press laws Afghanistan, 1:2 Albania, 1:7–8 Algeria, 1:12 Argentina, 1:23–25, 30 Armenia, 1:38–39 Australia, 1:47–49 Austria, 1:61–62 Azerbaijan, 1:68–69 Bahrain, 1:75 Bangladesh, 1:79–80 Belarus, 1:86–87 Belgium, 1:96–97 Bolivia, 1:107 Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:112 Botswana, 1:116 Brazil, 1:122–123 Bulgaria, 1:138 Burundi, 1:144 Canada, 1:155–156 Central African Republic, 1:168 Chad, 1:171–172 Chile, 1:174–175, 178–180 China, 1:189–190 Colombia, 1:203–204 Congo, 1:209 Costa Rica, 1:215–216 Côte d’Ivoire, 1:221 Croatia, 1:225–226 Cuba, 1:232–233 Czech Republic, 1:246 Denmark, 1:258 Dominican Republic, 1:266–267 Ecuador, 1:275–276 El Salvador, 1:281–282 Eritrea, 1:290 Estonia, 1:294–295 Ethiopia, 1:299–301 Finland, 1:308–309 France, 1:320–324 Gabon, 1:339–340 Gambia, 1:343–344 Georgia, 1:349, 350–351 Germany, 1:361–362 Ghana, 1:372 Greece, 1:382–383 Guatemala, 1:392 Guinea-Bissau, 1:400–401 Haiti, 1:415 Honduras, 1:419–420

1259

Index

Thailand, 2:946 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:955–956 Tunisia, 2:958–959 Turkey, 2:965–966 Turkmenistan, 2:973 Uganda, 2:981–982 Ukraine, 2:991 United Kingdom, 2:1008–1010 United States, 2:1036–1044 Uruguay, 2:1058 Uzbekistan, 2:1063 Venezuela, 2:1075–1076 Press of the struggle (pers perjuangan) (Indonesia), 1:450 Press Promotion Law of 1985 (Austria), 1:62 Press Trust of India, 1:445 La Presse France, 1:316 Tunisia, 2:958 La Presse de Guyane (French Guiana), 1:337 La Presse du Coeur (France), 1:317 Presse Quotidienne Régionale (France), 1:322 Pressens Tdining (Sweden), 2:895 Presskodex (Germany), 1:362, 364 Prestowitz, Clyde, 1:508–509 Pretoria News, 2:860 Preval, Rene, 1:415–416 Prévost, Jean-Louis, 1:325 Price, Byron, 2:1029 Primera Linea (Chile), 1:181 Príncipe. See Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe Printers’ and Publishers’ Registration Act (Myanmar), 1:634 Prioritas (Indonesia), 1:453 PRISA group, 2:867–868, 872–873 Prisma Presse (France), 1:318, 336 Prisma TV, 1:318 Privacy laws Albania, 1:6 Argentina, 1:24–27 Australia, 1:48–49 Azerbaijan, 1:68 Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:113 Canada, 1:155–156 Costa Rica, 1:215–216 Croatia, 1:225–226 Denmark, 1:258 France, 1:323–324 Georgia, 1:349 Ireland, 1:468–469, 473 Malaysia, 1:595 Mali, 1:601–602 Netherlands, 2:649 Nicaragua, 2:671 Norway, 2:690 Pakistan, 2:701–702, 706 Panama, 2:710–712 Peru, 2:729 Philippines, 2:737 Poland, 2:746 Portugal, 2:754 Romania, 2:770 Singapore, 2:823 Turkmenistan, 2:973 United Kingdom, 2:1008–1010 United States, 2:1041–1042 See also Defamation laws; Libel laws; Slander laws Privredni Pregled (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:810 1260

Prix Albert Londres (France), 1:335 Prix Franco-Allemand du Journalisme (France), 1:335 Prix Raymond-Charette (France), 1:335 Prix Robert Guillain (France), 1:335 Prizren (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:807 PRO TV (Romania), 2:771 Proceso El Salvador, 1:286 Mexico, 1:612 Production-Sharing Arrangements (PSAs), 1:68 Productora Y Importadora de Papel (PIPSA), Mexico, 1:612–613 Professional Journalists Association (Albania), 1:8 Professional Journalists Union (UZP), Romania, 2:770 Profil (Austria), 1:59–60 Le Progrès Chad, 1:171 Réunion, 2:764 Le Progrès Colonial (Réunion), 2:764 Le Progrés Social (Guadeloupe), 1:388 Prologue (Russia), 2:776 PromarTV (Venezuela), 2:1079–1080 Proszynski (Poland), 2:743 PRO-TV (Moldova), 1:621 Prouvost, Jean, 1:316–317 PSAs (Production-Sharing Arrangements), 1:68 P.T. Badan Penerbit Kedaulata Rakyat group, 1:451 P.T. Metro Pos group, 1:451 PTI (Portugal Telecommunications International), 2:800 PTS (Public Television Service), Taiwan, 2:924–925 PTT (Post, Telegraph and Telephone Company), Netherlands, 2:651 The Public Agenda (Ghana), 1:370 Public Association of Journalists (Kyrgyzstan), 1:546 Public Broadcasting System of Bosnia and Herzegovina (PBS BiH), 1:113–114 Public Grievances Cell (India), 1:444 Public Television Service (PTS), Taiwan, 2:924–925 Publicis group, France, 1:320 Publick Occurrences Both Foreign and Domestick Canada, 1:150 United States, 2:1026 Publico (Portugal), 2:752 Publikompass group, 1:486 Publishers. See Media conglomerates, publishers, and publishing groups Puerto Rican Press Association, 2:757 Puerto Rico, 2:756–757 Puerto Rico Herald, 2:757 Puerto Rico Ilustrado, 2:757 Pulitzer, Joseph, 2:1054 Cuba, 1:230 Hungary, 1:428 United States, 2:1028 Pulitzer Prize, 2:1054 Puls (Macedonia), 1:580 Punarjagaran Nepalese, 2:643 The Punch (Trinidad and Tobago), 2:955 Punt Diari (Spain), 2:869 Punto Editorial group, 2:868 Punto Final (Chile), 1:178 Puntodoc/2 (Argentina), 1:26 Purba Pakistan (Bangladesh), 1:78 Purbodesh (Bangladesh), 1:78 Putin, Vladimir, 1:86, 2:780, 783–784, 788, 790, 791 Putnam, Israel, 2:734 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

PWI (Persatuan Wartawan Indonesia), 1:455 P‘yongyang Times, 2:684

Q Qadhafi, Muammar, 1:569–570 Qatar, 1:3, 2:759–762 Qatar Broadcasting Service (QBS), 2:760 Qatar News Agency, 2:760 QBS (Qatar Broadcasting Service), 2:760 Qin Benli, 1:190–191 Qualified privilege principle, U.S. libel laws, 2:1040–1041 Quds Press News Agency, 1:479 Qué Pasa (Chile), 1:175–176 Québec Chronicle-Telegraph, 1:154 Québec Gazette, 1:154 Queensland Newspapers (Australia), 1:273 Quezada Toruño, Rodolfo, 1:392 Quezon, Manuel, 2:734 Les Quotidien Caledonien (New Caledonia), 2:657 Le Quotidien de la République (Senegal), 2:806 Le Quotidien de la Réunion, 2:764–765

R

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

INDEX

Raad voor de Journalistiek (Netherlands), 2:654 Rabbé, Luis, 1:394 Rabinovich, A., 2:989 Rabochii (Belarus), 1:89 Rabotnichesko Delo (Bulgaria), 1:134–135, 136 Racial Vilification Legislation, 1:48 Radar Tangerang (Indonesia), 1:451 Radio Afghanistan, 1:3 Albania, 1:6–9 Algeria, 1:13–14 American Samoa, 1:15 Andorra, 1:16 Angola, 1:16 Anguilla, 1:17–18 Argentina, 1:19, 21, 27, 29–30 Armenia, 1:40–41 Aruba, 1:43 Australia, 1:48, 51–52 Austria, 1:59, 61, 64–65 Bahamas, 1:73 Bahrain, 1:74–75 Bangladesh, 1:81 Barbados, 1:83 Belgium, 1:99–100 Belize, 1:103 Bermuda, 1:104 Bhutan, 1:105 Bolivia, 1:108 Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:113–114 Botswana, 1:116 Brazil, 1:123, 125–128 British Virgin Islands, 2:1084 Brunei, 1:130 Bulgaria, 1:138–139 Burundi, 1:143–145 Cambodia, 1:147 Cameroon, 1:148 Canada, 1:153, 155, 157, 161–163 Cape Verde, 1:167 Cayman Islands, 1:167

Central African Republic, 1:168–169 Chad, 1:171–173 Chile, 1:182 China, 1:192–194 Christmas Island, 1:198–199 Colombia, 1:205–206 Congo, 1:209–210 Cook Islands, 1:210 Costa Rica, 1:216–218 Côte d’Ivoire, 1:221 Croatia, 1:224 Cuba, 1:229, 235–237 Cyprus, 1:241–242 Czech Republic, 1:247–248 Democratic Congo, 1:252 Denmark, 1:255, 259–260, 262 Djibouti, 1:263 Dominica, 1:263 Dominican Republic, 1:268–269 East Timor, 1:273 Ecuador, 1:275–277 Egypt, 1:280 El Salvador, 1:281–287 Equatorial Guinea, 1:288 Eritrea, 1:290–291 Estonia, 1:295 Ethiopia, 1:299–302 Falkland Islands, 1:303 Faroe Islands, 1:255, 304 Fiji, 1:304 Finland, 1:311 France, 1:317, 324–325, 331–333 French Guiana, 1:337 French Polynesia, 1:338 Gabon, 1:341 Gambia, 1:344–345 Gaza Strip and West Bank, 1:347 Georgia, 1:349, 354 Germany, 1:364–365, 365 Ghana, 1:370–371, 374–375 Gibraltar, 1:378 Greece, 1:381–384 Greenland, 1:387 Grenada, 1:388 Guadeloupe, 1:388 Guam, 1:389 Guatemala, 1:392–397 Guernsey, 1:398 Guinea Republic, 1:399 Guinea-Bissau, 1:401–402 Guyana, 1:407 Haiti, 1:412–416 Hong Kong, 1:426–427 Hungary, 1:434–437 Iceland, 1:439–440 India, 1:445–446 Indonesia, 1:456 Iran, 1:461–462 Iraq, 1:464 Ireland, 1:468, 471–472 Israel, 1:481 Italy, 1:483, 489–491 Jamaica, 1:496–497 Japan, 1:510–511 Jersey, 1:512 Kazakhstan, 1:521, 524 1261

Index

Kenya, 1:531, 536–538 Kiribati, 1:539 Kuwait, 1:542 Laos, 1:549 Latvia, 1:554 Lebanon, 1:562–563 Liberia, 1:567–568 Libya, 1:568–570 Liechtenstein, 1:571 Lithuania, 1:575–576 Luxembourg, 1:578 Macedonia, 1:580–581 Madagascar, 1:583 Malawi, 1:584–588 Malaysia, 1:598–599 Maldives, 1:601 Malta, 1:602–603 Marianas Islands, 2:686 Marshall Islands, 1:603 Martinique, 1:604 Mauritania, 1:606 Mauritius, 1:609–610 Mayotte, 1:610 Mexico, 1:612–616 Micronesia, 1:617 Moldova, 1:617–622 Monaco, 1:623 Mongolia, 1:623–625 Montserrat, 1:626 Morocco, 1:629 Mozambique, 1:632–633 Myanmar, 1:635 Namibia, 2:640 Nepal, 2:643–644 Netherlands, 2:650–652, 655 Netherlands Antilles, 2:656 New Caledonia, 2:657 New Zealand, 2:662–664 Nicaragua, 2:669, 672, 673–674 Nigeria, 2:681 Norfolk Island, 2:683 North Korea, 2:685 Norway, 2:691 Oman, 2:695–696 Pakistan, 2:705 Palau, 2:707 Panama, 2:708–715 Papua New Guinea, 2:716–722 Paraguay, 2:724–726 Peru, 2:731 Philippines, 2:737 Pitcairn, 2:740 Poland, 2:743, 747–750 Portugal, 2:751–755, 755 Puerto Rico, 2:757 Qatar, 2:760–761 Réunion, 2:765 Romania, 2:770–771 Russian Federation, 2:777, 784–788 Rwanda, 2:793 Saint Helena, 2:795 Saint Kitts and Nevis, 2:796 Saint Lucia, 2:796 Saint Pierre and Miquelon, 2:797 Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, 2:797 Samoa, 2:798 1262

Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe, 2:800 Saudi Arabia, 2:803–804 Senegal, 2:806 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:809, 812–813 Seychelles, 2:815 Sierra Leone, 2:816–819 Singapore, 2:826 Slovakia, 2:829–831 Slovenia, 2:836 Solomon Islands, 2:837 Somalia, 2:839 South Africa, 2:861 South Korea, 2:851–852 Spain, 2:870, 872–874 Sri Lanka, 2:882–883 Sudan, 2:887 Swaziland, 2:890 Sweden, 2:893–899, 902 Switzerland, 2:907 Taiwan, 2:924–925 Tajikistan, 2:930, 934 Tanzania, 2:941 Thailand, 2:944–946, 947–948 Togo, 2:952 Tokelau, 2:953 Tonga, 2:953 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:954–957 Tunisia, 2:959 Turkey, 2:962, 966–969 Turkmenistan, 2:975 Turks and Caicos Islands, 2:978 Tuvalu, 2:978 Uganda, 2:980, 983–984 Ukraine, 2:993–997 United Arab Emirates, 2:998 United Kingdom, 2:1007–1008, 1012–1016 United States, 2:1029–1030, 1046–1050 Uruguay, 2:1058–1059 U.S. Virgin Islands, 2:1084 Uzbekistan, 2:1065–1066 Vanuatu, 2:1069 Vatican City, 2:1070 Venezuela, 2:1080 Vietnam, 2:1083 Walllis and Futuna Islands, 2:1085 Western Sahara, 2:1087 Yemen, 2:1089–1090 Zambia, 2:1093–1095 Zimbabwe, 2:1099–1100 See also Broadcast media; Satellite communication Radio and Television Hong Kong (RTHK), 1:427 Radio and Television of Republika Srpska (RTRS), 1:113–114 Radio Bahrain, 1:74–75 Radio Beijing, 1:193–194 Radio Belgique, 1:99 Radio Bombolom (Guinea-Bissau), 1:401–402 Radio Broadcasting Company (RBC), New Zealand, 2:662 Radio Broadcasting to Cuba Act, 1:235 Radio Cabal (El Salvador), 1:284 Radio Cadena Nacional (Colombia), 1:205 Radio Caracas Television (RCTV), 2:1079–1080 Radio Católica (Nicaragua), 2:673 Radio Centrafrique, 1:169 Radio Communication Law (Guatemala), 1:392 Radio Corporación (Nicaragua), 2:670, 673 Radio Corporacion Salvadorena, 1:283, 287 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Radio Television Brunei, 1:130 Radio Televisión Dominicana, 1:265 Radio Television Kosovo (RTK), 2:813 Radio Television of Serbia (RTS), 2:812–813 Radio Television Pancevo (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:813 Radio televisione italiana (RAI), 1:487, 490 Radio Uganda, 2:983–985 Radio Unite (Haiti), 1:412 Radio Venceremos, 1:284 Radio Vlaaderen International (RVI), Belgium, 1:99 Radio Voice of Sharia, 1:3 Radio Voice of the Gospel (Ethiopia), 1:301 Radio Ya (Nicaragua), 2:673 RadioB92, 2:813 Radiodiffusion National Tchadienne (RNT), 1:171 Radiodiffusion-Centrafricaine Television, 1:169 Radiodiffusion-Télévision de Djibouti, 1:263 Radiodiffusion-Television Gabonaise (RTVG), 1:341 Radiodifusao Portugesa (RDP), 2:751 Radiofonikon Idryma Kyprou (RIK), Cyprus, 1:241 Radioradet (Radio Council), Denmark, 1:259 Radio-televisao Portugesa (RTP) Mozambique, 1:632 Portugal, 2:751 Radio-Télévision Française d’Outre-Mer (RFO-Mayotte), 1:610 Radiotelevizioni Shqiptar (RTSH), Albania, 1:7–9 RadioZero (Chile), 1:176 Radischev, Alexander, 2:782 Rador News Agency (Romania), 2:767 Radyanska Ukraiina, 2:986 Radyo Bayrak (Cyprus), 1:241–242 Radyo Bayrak Television (Cyprus), 1:241–242 Raffles, Stamford, 2:820 Rahman, Tunku, Abdul, 1:592 RAI (Radio televisione italiana), 1:487 Rainforest Alliance, Costa Rica, 1:217 Rajawali Citra Televisi Indonesia (RCTI), 1:456–457 Rajoul Echaree (Mauritania), 1:605 Rakhmonov, Imomali, 2:929, 932–934 Rakovski, Georgi, 1:132–133 Rakyat Merdeka (Indonesia), 1:450 Ramadan, Nizar, 1:479 Ramgoolam, Seewoosagur, 1:608 Ramírez Alonso, Esteban, 1:236 Ramirez Mercado, Sergio, 2:672 Rand Daily Mail (South Africa), 2:859 Le Rappel, 1:96 Rasaneh, Ali Entezari, 1:462 Rasmei Kampuchea (Cambodia), 1:147 Rasmussun, Per, 1:258 Rastriya Samachar Samiti (RSS) National News Agency, 2:642–644 RAVAG (Österreichische Radioverkehr AG), 1:64–65 Ravaya (Sri Lanka), 2:883 Rawlings, Jerry John, 1:369–370, 372, 375–376 Raymond, Paul, 1:413 Rayo, Mariano, 1:393 Raznochintsky class (Russia), 2:774 La Razón Bolivia, 1:106 Venezuela, 2:1075 RBC (Radio Broadcasting Company), New Zealand, 2:662 RBVG (German media group), Czech Republic, 1:244 RCTI (Rajawali Citra Televisi Indonesia), 1:456–457 RCTV (Radio Caracas Television), 2:1079–1080 RDI network (Canada), 1:162 1263

INDEX

Radio Council (Radioradet), Denmark, 1:259 Radio et Télévision Française (ORTF), 1:331 Radio Eye (Ghana), 1:374 Radio Fana (Ethiopia), 1:290 Radio Farabundo Marti, 1:284 Radio FM100, 1:22 Radio FM (Bulgaria), 1:138 Radio For Peace International (RFPI), Costa Rica, 1:217 Radio France, 1:326, 328, 331–333 Radio France International Central African Republic, 1:169 Gabon, 1:341 Gambia, 1:345 global distribution, 1:328 Mauritania, 1:606 Uganda, 2:983 Radio France Outremer (RFO), 1:326, 328 Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Czech Republic, 1:247–248 Iran, 1:460 Kazakhstan, 1:523–524 Moldova, 1:621 Russian Federation, 2:785, 791 Slovakia, 2:830 Turkmenistan, 2:974 Radio Free Iraq, 1:464–465 Radio Gambia, 1:343–344, 346 Radio Greenland, 1:260 Radio Guadalupana, 2:1074 Radio Habana Cuba, 1:236 Radio Haiti Inter, 1:412–414 Radio Hungary, 1:435–436 Radio Index (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:813 Radio Jamaica, 1:496–497 Radio Kabul, 1:3 Radio Liberty Belarus news on, 1:88 Georgia, 1:354 Lithuania, 1:575 Turkmenistan, 2:974 Radio Martí, 1:229, 235–236 Radio Mavegro (Guinea-Bissau), 1:401–402 Radio Metrowave (Bangladesh), 1:81 Radio Mindanao Network (RMN), 2:736 Radio Monte Carlo, 1:606 Radio Monumental (Costa Rica), 1:217 Radio Nacional (Venezuela), 2:1077 Radio Nacional de España (RNE), 2:872 Radio Nacional de Guinea Ecuatorial (RNGE), 1:288 Radio Ndeke Luka (Central African Republic), 1:169 Radio Nepal, 2:643 Radio New Zealand (RNZ), 2:662–663 Radio Nicaragua, 2:673 Radio Notre Dame, 1:169 Radio Pegas, 1:114 Radio Pidjiquiti (Guinea-Bissau), 1:401–402 Radio Press (Japan), 1:510 Radio Programas del Perú, 2:731 Radio Publique Africaine (RPA), Burundi, 1:144–145 Radio Ranascenca (Portugal), 2:751, 756 Radio Reloj (Costa Rica), 1:217 Radio Republik Indonesia (RRI), 1:456 Radio South Africa, Kenya, 1:536 Radio Televisao de Guinea-Bissau (RTGB), 1:400–402 Radio Television Bosnia and Herzegovina (RTV BiH), 1:113–114

Index

RDP (Radiodifusao Portugesa), 2:751 Read, Donald, 2:1012 Reader’s Digest Canada, 1:158 Czech Republic, 1:245 Taiwan, 2:921–922 United Kingdom, 2:1012 Reagan, Ronald, 1:508 Real, Romualdo, 2:757 ‘‘Real malice’’ doctrine, Argentina, 1:24 RealMedia (France), 1:320 Rec (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:808 Recoletos media group, 1:20, 29, 2:868 Recruit Cosmos Company (Japan), 1:507 Red Brigades (Italy), 1:486–487 Red China News Agency, 1:193 The Red Pepper (Uganda), 2:980 Redactor del Congreso Nacional (Argentina), 1:21 Re-diffusion Group Jamaica, 1:496 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:957 Reed-Elsevier group, 2:646, 649 Rees-Mogg, William, 2:1005 Reform (Mexico), 1:612 Regan, Lara Jo, 2:654 Regar (Seychelles), 2:815 Regió 7 (Spain), 2:869 Regional MAX news services (New Zealand), 2:662 Regionale Uitgeversmaatschappij (de RUG), 1:96 Registrar of Newspapers for India (RNI), 1:443–444 Reheineischer Merker (Germany), 1:358 Reich, Robert, 1:509 Reina, Carlos Roberto, 1:419 Reith, John, 2:1012 Relación (Spain), 2:865 La Relance (Gabon), 1:340 La Relève (Rwanda), 2:793 Religious censorship, Afghanistan, 1:1–3 Remington, Frederick, 1:230 Renaudot, Théophraste, 1:315 Rendra, W. S., 1:454 Renmin Tiedaobao (China), 1:186 Reno v. ACLU, 2:1039 Le Renouveau Burundi, 1:143–144 Tunisia, 2:958 Le Renovateur Laos, 1:549 Mauritania, 1:605 Repkova, Tatiana, 2:829 Report on The Affairs of British North America, 1:151 Report on the Korean Press, 2:847, 853 Report Weekly Magazine (Gambia), 1:343 The Reporter (Belize), 1:103 Reporters Sans Frontiers (Reporters Without Borders) Algeria, 1:13 Bahrain, 1:75 Burkina Faso, 1:141 Chad, 1:171 Cuba, 1:234 Democratic Congo, 1:252 Equatorial Guinea, 1:288 France, 1:331, 335 Guinea-Bissau, 1:400 Honduras, 1:420 Iraq, 1:464 1264

Israel, 1:478–479 Mauritania, 1:605 Morocco, 1:628 Oman, 2:696 Papua New Guinea, 2:720 Philippines, 2:736 South Korea, 2:849 Syria, 2:914 Tunisia, 2:959 Turkmenistan, 2:975–976 Uganda, 2:982, 984 Ukraine, 2:993 Western Sahara, 2:1086 La Repubblica (Spain), 2:868 Republic of Azerbaijan. See Azerbaijan Republic of China. See Taiwan La República Chile, 1:177–178 Colombia, 1:200–201 Costa Rica, 1:213–214, 216–217 Peru, 2:728 Uruguay, 2:1057 La Republica (Italy), 1:484, 488, 491 Republica (Portugal), 2:751 La Republicain (Mali), 1:601 Le Républicain (Niger), 2:677 Republika Albania, 1:6 Indonesia, 1:450–451 Slovenia, 2:835 Res Publica (Kyrgyzstan), 1:544, 546 Resalaat (Iran), 1:459 Réseau pour la Recherche et l’Innovation en Audiovisuel et Multimédia (RIAM), France, 1:327 Réseau Théophraste (France), 1:328 Resolution Number 44/97 (Cuba), 1:232–233 Respublica Armenia, 1:35 Respublika (Belarus), 1:85, 89 Respublika (Lithuania), 1:573–574 Resumen (Venezuela), 2:1076 Retevisión (Spain), 2:867 Réunion, 2:763–765 Reuters Botswana, 1:116 Brazil, 1:125 Colombia, 1:205 Croatia, 1:226 Cuba, 1:235 Democratic Congo, 1:252 Denmark, 1:256, 259 Dominican Republic, 1:268–269 Ecuador, 1:274, 276 El Salvador, 1:283 Gabon, 1:341 Ghana, 1:373 Hungary, 1:434 Israel, 1:479 Kazakhstan, 1:524 Kenya, 1:536 Lithuania, 1:576–577 Mexico, 1:614 Panama, 2:710 Papua New Guinea, 2:721 Sweden, 2:897 Uganda, 2:983 United Kingdom, 2:1012 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Rodríguez, Miguel Angel, 1:214–215 Rodriguez, Rolado, 2:711 Rodríguez Florimón, Luis, 1:268 Roëls, Marcel, 1:320 Rogers Cable (Canada), 1:163 Rogers Communications, 1:153, 162 Roma media sources Hungary, 1:429, 432, 434–435 Italy, 1:485, 489 news agencies, 1:434 Spain, 2:865 Roma Press Center, 1:434 Romance (Australian film), 1:49 Romania, 2:765–773 background and characteristics, 2:766–769 broadcast media, 2:770–771 censorship, 2:770 economic conditions, 2:769 electronic news media, 2:771–772 journalist education and training, 2:772 news agencies, 2:770 press laws, 2:769–770 state-press relations, 2:770 Romania Libera, 2:767–769 Romanian Journalists Association (AZR), 2:770 Romanian language media, 1:618–622 Romanian Public Television, 1:621 Romanos, Mesonero, 2:866 Rompres agency (Romania), 2:770 Rosario, Esteban, 1:268 Rosenbloom, Herzl, 1:476 Rosengren, Bjoern, 2:894 Rosenthal, Jaime, 1:419, 421 Rossiiskaia Gazeta (Russian Newspaper), 1:85 Rothermere (Lord), 2:1000, 1005 Rothermere publishing group (Hungary), 1:431 Rotterdamsche Courant (Netherlands), 2:645 Roussin, Antoine, 2:764 Rowlands, Tiny, 1:530–531 Roy, K. C., 1:445 Royal Basque Language Academy (Euskalzaindia), 2:865 Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody, 1:48 Royal Commission on Television, 1:49–50 Royal Essequibo and Demerary Gazette (Guyana), 1:403–404 The Royal Gazette (Bermuda), 1:104 Royal Media, 1:532 RPA (Radio Publique Africaine), Burundi, 1:144–145 RRI (Radio Republik Indonesia), 1:456 RSF. See Reporters Sans Frontiers (Reporters Without Borders) RSS (Rastriya Samachar Samiti) National News Agency, 2:642–644 RTBF1 (Belgium), 1:99 RTÉ (Ireland), 1:471–473 RTGB (Radio Televisao de Guinea-Bissau), 1:400–402 RTHK (Radio and Television Hong Kong), 1:427 RTK (Radio Television Kosovo), 2:813 RTL Klub (Hungary), 1:435–436 RTL-TV Belgium, 1:99 France, 1:327 Germany, 1:364 RTP. See Radio-televisao Portugesa RTR. See Russian Television and Radio RTR (Russian Television and Radio), 2:784, 788 RTRS (Radio and Television of Republika Srpska), 1:113–114 RTS (Radio Television of Serbia), 2:812–813 1265

INDEX

United States, 2:1046 Uzbekistan, 2:1065 Reuters Belgium, 1:99 Reuters-IUCN Media Awards, 2:664 Le Reveil (Gabon), 1:340 La Revista (Spain), 2:869 Revista Católica (Chile), 1:177–178 Revista Domenical (Costa Rica), 1:213 Revoluça˜o (Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe), 2:799 Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), 1:203–205, 206 Revue de l’Ocean Indien, 1:582 Reyes, Herasto, 2:712 Reynolds News (United Kingdom), 2:1000 Rezala, Sid Ahmed, 1:325 Rezonansi (Georgia), 1:349 RFO (Radio France Outremer), 1:326 RFO-Mayotte (Radio-Télévision Française d’Outre-Mer), 1:610 RFPI (Radio For Peace International), Costa Rica, 1:217 Rheinischer Merksur (Germany), 1:359 Rheinish-Bergische VG mbH (Czech Republic), 1:247 Rhodes, Cecil, 2:1096–1097 Rhodesia Broadcasting Corporation, 2:1097 Rhodesia Herald, 2:1097 RIA Novosti (Moldova), 1:621 RIAM (Réseau pour la Recherche et l’Innovation en Audiovisuel et Multimédia), France, 1:327 RIA-Novosti (Russian Federation), 2:784 Ribas Montes, Mario, 1:391 Rigas Balss (Latvia), 1:551 Right of reply law, Argentina, 1:23–24 Right of Response law (Costa Rica), 1:216 Right to know laws. See Freedom of information laws RIGHTS Consortium, 1:14 ‘‘Rights to editorial independence’’ principle (South Korea), 2:844–845 Riis, Jacob, 2:1028 RIK (Radiofonikon Idryma Kyprou), Cyprus, 1:241 Rilindja Demokratike (Albania), 1:6 Ringier AG (Switzerland), 2:905, 908–909 Ringier-Springer Conglomerate Czech Republic, 1:245, 247 Hungary, 1:429 Rio Negro media group, 1:22–23 Rising Nepal, 2:642 Rising Sun, 1:509 RITA, Agence France-Presse, 1:329 Ritzau’s Bureau (Denmark), 1:256, 259–260 Rivas, Ernesto, 1:283 Rivero, Raúl, 1:234–235 Riya Taze (Armenia), 1:37 Riyadh Daily, 2:802 Rizopastis (Greece), 1:381 R.M.I.T. University (Australia), 1:54 RMN (Radio Mindanao Network), 2:736 RNE (Radio Nacional de España), 2:872 RNGE (Radio Nacional de Guinea Ecuatorial), 1:288 RNI (Registrar of Newspapers for India), 1:443–444 RNT (Radiodiffusion National Tchadienne), 1:171 RNZ (Radio New Zealand), 2:662–663 Robie, David, 2:720–721 Robitnicha Gazeta (Ukraine), 2:986–987, 990 Roces, Alejandro, 2:734 Rodrigues Island. See Mauritius Rodríguez, Cristino, 1:268 Rodriguez, Jose Joaquin, 1:212

Index

RTSH (Radiotelevizioni Shqiptar), Albania, 1:7–9 RTÜK (Turkish Radio and Television Supreme Council), 2:966 RTV BiH (Radio Television Bosnia and Herzegovina), 1:113–114 RTVG (Radiodiffusion-Television Gabonaise), 1:341 Rubasinghe, Ariya, 2:881 Rubén Zamora, José, 1:394 La Rue (France), 1:314 Rukman Herath, H. M., 2:882 Rumbo (Costa Rica), 1:213 Rumbo (Dominican Republic), 1:265 Rundfunkrat (Germany), 1:363 Rural Press Limited, 1:47 Russian Federation, 2:773–792 background and characteristics, 2:774–778 broadcast media, 2:786–788 censorship, 2:782–783 economic conditions, 2:778–780 electronic news media, 2:788–789 foreign media presence, 2:785 journalist education and training, 2:789–790 news agencies, 2:786 press laws, 2:780–782 state-press relations, 2:783–785 See also Soviet Union Russian Information Agency-Vest, 2:786 Russian language media Armenia, 1:35–37, 40 Azerbaijan, 1:69–70 Belarus, 1:83–86, 91–92 Czech Republic, 1:245 Germany, 1:357 Kazakhstan, 1:518–520 Moldova, 1:618–621 Mongolia, 1:624–625 Romania, 2:767 Tajikistan, 2:928, 930–933 Turkmenistan, 2:972, 975 Ukraine, 2:986–988 Uzbekistan, 2:1062, 1065–1066 Russian National TV, 2:791 Belarus, 1:91 Russian Federation, 2:784, 787–788 Russian Newspaper (Rossiiskaia Gazeta), Belarus, 1:85 Russian Public Television (ORT), 2:791 Armenia, 1:41 Belarus, 1:92 Bulgaria, 1:139 Russian Federation, 2:784, 787–788 Turkmenistan, 2:975 Ukraine, 2:995 Uzbekistan, 2:1065–1066 Russian Television and Radio (RTR), 2:784, 788 Russkaja Germanija, 1:357 Russkow Slova (Russia), 2:774 Rustavi TV (Georgia), 1:349, 353 RVI (Radio Vlaaderen International), Belgium, 1:99 Rwanda, 2:792–793 Rzeczpospolita (Poland), 2:743, 746–747

S SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation), India, 1:445 SABA News Agency (Yemen), 2:1090 Sabah (Turkey), 2:963 1266

Sabannoh Printing Press (Liberia), 1:567 SABC (South African Broadcasting Corporation), 2:858, 861 Sabili (Indonesia), 1:450 Sacasia, Octavio, 2:670 Sada al-Usbou’ (Bahrain), 1:74 Sada Lubnan (Lebanon), 1:558 Sadanad, S., 1:445 Sadoi Mardum (Tajikistan), 2:930 Sahaar News Agency, 1:3 Saidi Wang (China), 1:194–195 Saieh, Alvaro, 1:175 Saigon Times Daily, 2:1083 St. Galler Tagblatt (Switzerland), 2:904 Saint Helena, 2:795 Saint Helena Herald, 2:795 Saint Helena News, 2:795 St. John Times (U.S. Virgin Islands), 2:1084 Saint Kitts and Nevis, 2:795–796 St. Kitts Nevis Observer, 2:796 St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 2:1024, 1028 Saint Lucia, 2:796 The St. Lucia Star, 2:796 St. Petersburg Times (Russia), 2:777 Saint Pierre and Miquelon, 2:797 Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, 2:797 Saint-Armand, Evrard, 1:413 Sainvilus, Sedner, 1:413 Saipan Tribune (Marianas Islands), 2:686 Sajin T’ongsin (North Korea), 2:684 Sakala (Estonia), 1:293 Sakart-velos Gazeti (Georgia), 1:349 Sakinform corporation, 1:351 Sakpresa group, 1:349 Saleh, Hafez El Sheikh, 1:75 Salomon, Yoel Moshe, 1:475 Salongo (Democratic Congo), 1:252 Saltel (El Salvador), 1:283 Salvation Islamic Front (FIS), 1:14 Salzburger Nachrichten, 1:57–62 Salzburger Volkszeitung, 1:57, 60 Samachar Bhatia (SB), 1:445 Samachar Sudha Varshan, 1:441 Samarkand (Uzbekistan), 2:1067 Samizdat (Russia), 2:775, 784 Samoa, 2:798 Le Samoa, 2:798 Samoa News, 1:15 Samoa Observer, 2:798 Samoa Post, 1:15 Samoa Times, 2:798 Sampaio, Jorge, 2:751, 753 Samsung Group, 2:843 San Francisco Examiner, 2:1028 San Jose Mercury-Bee (U.S.), 2:1031 San Juan News, 2:757 San Juan Star, 2:757 San Marino, 2:798–799 San Pedro Sula media group, 1:419–421 San Pedro Sun (Belize), 1:103 San San Nweh, 1:634 SANA (Syrian Arab News Agency), 2:914–915 Sanaia, Giori, 1:352 Sánchez, Mercedes, 2:869 Sandinistas, 2:666–669, 672 Sandino, Augusto, 2:666 Sangbad (Bangladesh), 1:79 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Turkmenistan, 2:975 Uganda, 2:984 United Arab Emirates, 2:998 United Kingdom, 2:1014–1016 United States, 2:1049–1050 Uzbekistan, 2:1066 See also Technological developments in media; Telecommunications systems Saturday Night (Canada), 1:159 Saudi Arabia, 2:800–804 Saudi Arabian Broadcasting Service, 2:803–804 Saudi Arabian Government Television Service, 2:804 Saudi Aramco, Bahrain broadcasts, 1:75 Saudi Press Agency (SPA), 2:802–803 Saudi Research and Marketing Group (SRMG), 2:802 Saudi Research and Publishing Company (SRPC), 2:802 Saunois, Pierre, 2:763 Sauveageau, Florian, 1:160 Savage, Michael Joseph, 2:662 Savali (Samoa), 2:798 Savana (Mozambique), 1:632 Savimbi, Jonas, 1:17 Savon Sanomat (Finland), 1:306 Sawt al Hijaz (Saudi Arabia), 2:802 Sawt al-Democratiyya (Syria), 2:914 Sawt Al-Janoub (Western Sahara), 2:1086–1087 SB (Samachar Bhatia), 1:445 SBC (Swiss Broadcasting Corporation), 2:907 SBS. See Special Broadcasting Service SBT (Sistema Brasileiro de Televisa˜o), 1:125, 127–128 SCAM (Société Civile des Artistes Multimédia), France, 1:322 Scanateia (Romania), 2:767 Scandinavian Broadcasting Systems, Slovenia, 2:836 Schenck v. United States, 2:1037–1038 Schocken, Gershon, 1:476 Schocken, Shlomo-Zalman, 1:476 Schuster, Rudolf, 2:829 Schweizer Presse, 2:908 Scinteia (Romania), 2:768 SCN (Southern Command Network), 2:713 Scotland media, 2:1003 Scotsman, 2:1003 Scott, C. P., 2:1003 Scottish Daily Express, 2:1003 Scottish Radio Holdings, Ireland, 1:467–468, 471 SCTV (Surya Citra Television), Indonesia, 1:457 SEAPC (South East Asia Press Center), 1:599 Seattle News, 2:1034–1035 SecuMedia AG, 2:907 SEDISI (Spain), 2:867 See and Hear (Denmark), 1:256 SEEANPB (South-Eastern European Network of Associations of Private Broadcasters), 2:968 Seevagan, P., 2:883 Segodnya (Russia), 2:784 Segre (Spain), 2:869 La Segunda (Chile), 1:175 Segye Times (South Korea), 2:843–844 Sejarah Melayum, 1:590 Self-censorship Afghanistan, 1:3 Armenia, 1:39 Bangladesh, 1:80–81 Brazil, 1:124 Burundi, 1:144 Chad, 1:172–173 1267

INDEX

Sangho language media, Central African Republic, 1:168 Sankei Shimbun (Japan), 1:500, 503 Sankoh, Foday (Corporal), 2:816 Sanoma-WSOY Corporation (Finland), 1:308 Sans-Abri (France), 1:314 Santa Clara de Asís awards, 1:32 Santana, Elías, 2:1075–1077, 1081–1082 Santiago Times (Chile), 1:178 Santiestevan, Jorge, 2:729 Santo Domingo News (Dominican Republic), 1:265 Santos, Eduardo, 1:202 Santos, Francisco, 1:205 Santos, Silvio, 1:127 Sanya Dharmasakti, 2:943 Sanyo Corporation, Ghana, 1:374 Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe, 2:799–800 SAPA (South Africa Press Association), 2:861 Saptahik Bimarsha (Nepal), 2:642 Saptamina (Moldova), 1:619 Saraj-al-Akhbar (Afghanistan), 1:2 Saravia, Maria Lorena, 1:283, 287 Sarit Thanarat, 2:942–943 Sarney, José, 1:123 Sarnoff, David, 1:165 Sarpsborg Arbeiderblad, 2:690 Sartag (Fiji), 1:304 Sartre, Jean-Paul, 1:318, 329 Satakunnan Kansa (Finland), 1:306 Satellite communication Argentina, 1:26–27 Australia, 1:46 Bahrain, 1:75 Bangladesh, 1:81 Belgium, 1:99–100 Bhutan, 1:105 Brazil, 1:125–128 Canada, 1:163–165 China, 1:192–193 Czech Republic, 1:247–248 Denmark, 1:260 Egypt, 1:280 France, 1:329–331 Gambia, 1:345 Gaza Strip and West Bank, 1:347 Germany, 1:363, 365 Ghana, 1:374 Guyana, 1:407 Hong Kong, 1:426–427 Ireland, 1:471–472 Kuwait, 1:542 Lebanon, 1:562 Malaysia, 1:598–599 Mexico, 1:614–616 Morocco, 1:629–630 Netherlands, 2:652 New Zealand, 2:663–664 Oman, 2:695–696 Pakistan, 2:705 Papua New Guinea, 2:716 Poland, 2:748 Qatar, 2:760–761 Romania, 2:771 Saudi Arabia, 2:804 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:813 Sweden, 2:897–899 Switzerland, 2:907

Index

China, 1:189–191 Colombia, 1:202, 204 Cuba, 1:233–234 Egypt, 1:279 Ethiopia, 1:300–301 France, 1:324–326 Georgia, 1:352 Germany, 1:363 Guinea-Bissau, 1:401 Haiti, 1:415 Honduras, 1:420 Indonesia, 1:454 Iran, 1:460–461 Lebanon, 1:561 Liberia, 1:567 Mexico, 1:613 Mongolia, 1:624 Mozambique, 1:632–633 Panama, 2:709–710 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:809 Singapore, 2:823–824 South Korea, 2:848 Suriname, 2:889 Tajikistan, 2:932–933 Togo, 2:951–952 Ukraine, 2:992 United Kingdom, 2:1008–1010 United States, 2:1029, 1044–1045 Uzbekistan, 2:1063–1064 Venezuela, 2:1077 See also Censorship Selin, Pavel, 1:91 Sel’skaia Zhizn (Russia), 2:775 La Semaine (Réunion), 2:764 La Semaine d’Ethiopie, 1:299 Semanario Universidad (Costa Rica), 1:213 La Semeur d’Ethiopie, 1:299 Seminario (Portugal), 2:754 Sendero Luminoso (Peru), 2:728, 730 Senegal, 2:805–806 Senghor, Léopold Sédar, 2:806 Seoul Foreign Correspondents’ Club, 2:850 Seoul Shinmun, 2:843 SER radio (Spain), 2:868, 872 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:807–814 Albania and, 1:5 background and characteristics, 2:807–811 broadcast media, 2:812–813 economic conditions, 2:811–812 electronic news media, 2:813–814 journalist education and training, 2:814 news agencies, 2:812 press laws and censorship, 2:812 Serikat Penerbit Suratkabar (Newspaper Publishers’ Association), 1:452 Sermitsiak (Greenland), 1:387 Serrano, Jorge, 1:392 Serto Ader (Ethiopia), 1:299 Le Service Information et Press (SIP), Luxembourg, 1:578 Setswana language media, Botswana, 1:116 7 Dghe (Georgia), 1:349 Seventeen magazine, 1:46 Seychelles, 2:815 Seychelles Nation, 2:815 Seymour-Ure, Colin, 2:1003, 1006, 1009 Sezer, Ahmet Necdet, 2:966 1268

SFP (Société Française de Production), 1:331 SGDL (Société des Gens de Lettres), France, 1:330 Shah, Eddie, 2:1004, 1006 Shahnamahs (night letters), 1:2 Shalimar Television Network (Pakistan), 2:705 Shane, Scott, 2:776 Shang Hai (Malaysia), 1:593 Shant TV, 1:41 Sharif, Nawaz, 2:700, 702, 704, 706 Sharma, Om, 2:643 Sharq Al Awsat (Saudi Arabia), 2:802 Sharq al-Adna (Cyprus), 2:1089 Shati Dut (Fiji), 1:304 Shaw, Flora, 2:678 Shaw Corporation, 1:163 Shekpendeh (Sierra Leone), 2:817 Sheremet, Pavel, 1:88, 92 Shevardnadze, Eduard, 1:349, 351 Shield laws, France, 1:323–324 Shin Kanemaru, 1:508 Shin Min Daily (Singapore), 2:821–822 Shining Path. See Sendero Luminoso (Peru) Shipping and Transport News International (Bahrain), 1:74 Shir Ali Khan (Afghani King), 1:2 ‘‘Shopper’’ newspapers (U.S.), 2:1024 Shopping Guide (China), 1:186 Short-wave radio Albania, 1:7 Canada, 1:162 Denmark, 1:260 Israel, 1:481 Netherlands, 2:650–651 Saudi Arabia, 2:804 Taiwan, 2:924–925 Tunisia, 2:959 United Arab Emirates, 2:998 Uzbekistan, 2:1065–1066 See also Radio Shukan Themis (Japan), 1:508 Siam Nikorn, 2:942 Siam Post, 2:944 Siam Rath, 2:942–944 SIC Television (Portugal), 2:753 Siempre (Mexico), 1:612 Sierra Leone, 2:816–819 Sierra Leone Broadcasting Service (SLBS), 2:816–819 Sierra Leone Gazette, 2:817 Sierra Leone News Agency (SLENA), 2:818 SIGET (Superintendencia General de Electricidad y Telecommunicaciones), El Salvador, 1:282, 285 Siglio XXI (Guatemala), 1:390–391, 393–394, 396 Silagadze, Vasily, 1:352–354 Sillah, Muhgammed Lamin, 1:345 Silski Visti (Ukraine), 2:986–987, 990 Silva, Fernando Paulsen, 1:184 Simeon II (King of Bulgaria), 1:131–132, 134–135, 137–138 Simerini (Cyprus), 1:241 Simultaneous substitution rule, Canadian-U.S. broadcasters, 1:160–161 Sin Chew Jit Poh (Malaysia), 1:593–594 Sinar Harapan (Indonesia), 1:451, 453 Sinar Hindia (Indonesia), 1:450 Sinar Mas Group, 1:452–453 SINART (National Radio and Television System), Costa Rica, 1:217–218 Sindicalisti (Albania), 1:6 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

foreign media presence, 2:830 journalist education and training, 2:832 news agencies, 2:830 press laws, 2:828–829 state-press relations, 2:829–830 See also Czech Republic Slovakia National Broadcasting Council, 2:829 Slovenec, 2:835 Slovenia, 2:811, 2:833–836 economic conditions, 1:224 Yugoslavia, 2:808–809 Slovenian language media, Austria, 1:59 Slovenka (Slovakia), 2:828 Slovenska Republika (Slovakia), 2:827 Slovenska Tiskovna Agencija (STA), 2:836 Slovo (Czech Republic), 1:244 Slovo Kyrgyzstana, 1:544 Slovodené Slovo (Czech Republic), 1:244 SLRC (Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation), 2:882–883 Sme (Slovakia), 2:827 Smeets, Marylene, 1:392–393, 396, 413–414 Smith, Andreas Whittam, 2:1006 Smith, Ian, 2:1096–1099 SNARK news agency, 1:40 SNBC (Sudan National Broadcasting Corporation), 2:887 Snegur, Mircea, 1:619 SNJ (Syndicat National des Journalistes), France, 1:330 SNJA (National Union of Algerian Journalists), 1:12 So What’s Your View (BBC), 2:839 Social-Demokraten (Denmark), 1:255 Socialurin (Faroe Islands), 1:255 Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa, Dominican Republic, 1:267–268 Société Civile des Artistes Multimédia (SCAM), France, 1:322, 335 Société des Gens de Lettres (SGDL), France, 1:330 Société Française de Production (SFP), 1:331 Société Générale de Presse (France), 1:329 La Société Radio Canada, 1:152 Société Sénégalaise de Presse et de Publications (SSPP), 2:806 Society for the Printing of Albanian Writings, 1:5 Society of Professional Journalists, 2:1054 The Sociology of Journalism, 2:1011 Soerat Kabar Bahasa Melajoe (Indonesia), 1:449–450 Sofia Press Agency, 1:138 Sofia University, 1:140 Sogapress (Gabon), 1:341 Le Soir (Belgium), 1:95–96 Le Soir Illustr (Belgium), 1:98 Soiuz (Belarus), 1:85 Sol Chortí (Guatemala), 1:392–393 Sola, Joaquin Morales, 1:24 SolDat (Kazakhstan), 1:520, 522–523 Soldiers in a Narrow Land, 1:181 Le Soleil Canada, 1:153 Senegal, 2:806 Solidarity movement (Poland), 2:741–743, 745–746 Solomon Express, 2:837 Solomon Islands, 2:837 The Solomon Star, 2:837 Solorzano, Mario, 1:391 Somali National News Agency (SONNA), 2:839 Somalia, 2:837–839 Somon (Tajikistan), 2:933 Somoza, Anastasio, 2:666–667, 669 1269

INDEX

Sindicatos dos jornalistas (Brazil), 1:128 Sinduhije, Alexis, 1:144 Sing Pao Daily News (Hong Kong), 1:424 Sing Tao Electronic Daily (Hong Kong), 1:424 Sing Tao newspaper chain, 1:164 Singapore, 2:819–826 background and characteristics, 2:820–821 broadcast media, 2:826 censorship, 2:824 economic conditions, 2:821–822 Malaysia, 1:590–591 press laws, 2:822–824 state-press relations, 2:824–826 Singapore: The Global City-State, 2:820 Singapore Herald, 2:825 Singapore Press Holdings (SPH), 2:821–822, 826 Singares, Carlos, 2:710–711 Sinhalese language media, Sri Lanka, 2:877–884 SIP (Le Service Information et Press), Luxembourg, 1:578 SIP (Inter-American Press Society), 1:22 Sipa Press (France), 1:329 Sir Terry McLean National Sports Journalism Awards, 2:664 Sirimavo Bandaranayake, 2:878–879 Sistema Brasileiro de Televisa˜o (SBT), 1:125, 127–128 Sistema Nacional de Medios Públicos Sociedad del Estado (Argentina), 1:28 Sistema National de Television (Paraguay), 2:725 SITA (Slovak News Agency), 2:830 Sitkovskii, Sergei, 2:933 SITTEL (La Superintendencia de Telecomunicaciónes), Bolivia, 1:108 Sivaram, D., 2:883 Sjonvarp Faroya (SvF) Television, 1:260 S-ka publisher (Poland), 2:743 Skanderberg, Iskander, 1:4–5 Skanska Dagbladet (Sweden), 2:893 SL Ohtuleht (Estonia), 1:294 Slander laws Argentina, 1:24–25 Australia, 1:48 Belarus, 1:89 Costa Rica, 1:215–216 Ecuador, 1:275 Nicaragua, 2:671 Panama, 2:711–712 Poland, 2:746 See also Defamation laws; Libel laws SLAPP (‘‘Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation’’), 2:1041 SLBC (Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation), 2:882–883 SLBS (Sierra Leone Broadcasting Service), 2:816–819 SLENA (Sierra Leone News Agency), 2:818 Slobodna Bosna (Bosnia-Herzegovina), 1:112, 114 Slobodna Dalmacija (Croatia), 1:224, 2:808 Slobodnidom (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:808 Slovak News Agency (SITA), 2:830 Slovak Radio Council, 2:829, 831 Slovak Society for Cable Television (SSKT), 2:830 Slovak Television Council, 2:829, 831 Slovak Union of Press Publishers (ZVPT), 2:830 Slovak World Service, 2:831 Slovakia, 2:826–832 background and characteristics, 2:827–828 broadcast media, 2:830–831 economic conditions, 2:828 electronic news media, 2:831–832

Index

Sonera (Finland), 1:311, 313 SONNA (Somali National News Agency), 2:839 SonntagsBlick, 2:905 Sonumileht (Estonia), 1:294 Soplis Tshkovreba (Georgia), 1:349 SORM (System for Operational-Investigative Activity), Russia, 2:781 Soros, George, 1:599 Sosialurin (Faroe Islands), 1:303 South (South Africa), 2:859 South Africa, 2:855–863 background and characteristics, 2:855–860 broadcast media, 2:862 censorship, 2:860–861 economic conditions, 2:860 electronic news media, 2:862–863 foreign media presence, 2:861–862 state-press relations, 2:861 South Africa Press Association (SAPA), 2:861 South Africa Radio, Namibia, 2:640 South African Associated Press, 2:859 South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), 2:858, 861 South African Press Association, Botswana, 1:116 South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), India, 1:445 South China Morning Post, 1:424, 426, 503 South East Asia Press Center (SEAPC), 1:599 South Korea, 2:840–854 background and characteristics, 2:840–844 broadcast media, 2:851–852 censorship, 2:848 economic conditions, 2:844–846 electronic news media, 2:852–853 foreign media presence, 2:850 journalist education and training, 2:853 news agencies, 2:851 press laws, 2:846–847 state-press relations, 2:848–850 See also North Korea South Pacific Braille News, 2:718 South Pacific Post (Papua New Guinea), 2:717 South West Africa. See Namibia South West African People’s Organization (SWAPO), 2:638 Southam Publications, 1:154, 159–160 South-Eastern European Network of Associations of Private Broadcasters (SEEANPB), 2:968 Southern Command Network (SCN), 2:713 The Southland Times (New Zealand), 2:659–660 Sovetskaia Belarus (Belarus), 1:85, 89 Sovetskaia Belorussiya (Belarus), 1:87–88 Soviet Union Afghanistan, 1:2–3 Albania, 1:5–6 Armenia, 1:36, 42 Azerbaijan, 1:67–68 Belarus, 1:83–85, 93 Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:111, 114–115 Bulgaria, 1:132–136, 140 Czech Republic, 1:243–245 Estonia, 1:292–294 Georgia, 1:349–355 Hungary, 1:428–429 Kazakhstan, 1:518–520, 525 Kyrgyzstan, 1:544–547 Latvia, 1:550–552 Lithuania, 1:571–574 1270

Moldova, 1:617–619 Mongolia, 1:623–625 Poland, 2:741–743, 745–746 Romania, 2:766–769 Russian Federation, 2:774–792 Tajikistan, 2:927–935 Turkmenistan, 2:971–976 Ukraine, 2:986–988, 991–994 Uzbekistan, 2:1060–1067 See also Russian Federation Sovietskii Sport, 2:775 Sowetan (South African), 2:859 Soyuzpechat group, 1:349 SPA (Saudi Press Agency), 2:802–803 SPA (Special Powers Act, 1974), Bangladesh, 1:79–80 Spain, 2:863–874 background and characteristics, 2:864–870 broadcast media, 2:872–873 censorship, 2:871 circulation information and statistics, 2:867 economic conditions, 2:870–871 electronic news media, 2:873–874 financial newspapers, 2:868–869 historic of mass media, 2:865–866 journalist education and training, 2:874 kiosk literature, 2:869 language distribution, 2:864–865 media ownership and distribution, 2:867 news agencies, 2:872 newspaper size, 2:867–868 political effects on media, 2:866–867 population distribution, 2:864 press laws, 2:871 regional presses, 2:869–870 state-press relations, 2:871–872 Sunday editions and supplements, 2:869 Spanish Civil War, 2:866–867 Spanish language media Angola, 1:16–17 Argentina, 1:19–33 Belize, 1:103 Bolivia, 1:106–107 Chile, 1:178 Colombia, 1:200 Equatorial Guinea, 1:288 Paraguay, 2:724–726 Spain, 2:864–865 United States, 2:1021–1022, 1024 Spanish Sahara. See Western Sahara Spanish Statistical Institute (INE), 2:867 Spanish-American War, 1:230–231 Special Broadcasting Service (SBS) Australia, 1:45, 51 Denmark, 1:260 Special Powers Act, 1974 (Bangladesh), 1:79–80 SPH (Singapore Press Holdings), 2:821–822, 826 Spider (Pakistan), 2:699 SPLA (Sudanese People LIberation Army), 2:887–888 SPMI (Syndicat de la Presse Magazine et d’Information), France, 1:320 Spogulis (Latvia), 1:551–552 Spooner, Mary Helen, 1:181 Sport Czech Republic, 1:244 Macedonia, 1:580 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:808 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Belarus, 1:88–89 Belgium, 1:98 Belize, 1:103 Benin, 1:103 Bolivia, 1:107–108 Brazil, 1:124 Burundi, 1:144 Canada, 1:157–160 Central African Republic, 1:169 Chad, 1:172 Chile, 1:181 China, 1:191 Congo, 1:209 Costa Rica, 1:216–217 Croatia, 1:226 Cuba, 1:233–235 Czech Republic, 1:246–247 Denmark, 1:259 Dominican Republic, 1:267–268 Ecuador, 1:276 El Salvador, 1:283 Eritrea, 1:289–290 Estonia, 1:295 Ethiopia, 1:301 Finland, 1:309–310 France, 1:326–327 Gabon, 1:341 Gambia, 1:343–345 Georgia, 1:352 Germany, 1:363–364 Ghana, 1:373 Guatemala, 1:392–393 Guinea-Bissau, 1:401 Guyana, 1:406–407 Haiti, 1:415 Honduras, 1:420–421 India, 1:444 Indonesia, 1:454–455 Iran, 1:461 Iraq, 1:464 Ireland, 1:470 Israel, 1:478–479 Italy, 1:488 Jamaica, 1:498–499 Japan, 1:506–509 Kazakhstan, 1:522–523 Kenya, 1:535 Kuwait, 1:541 Kyrgyzstan, 1:546 Latvia, 1:553 Lesotho, 1:565 Liberia, 1:567 Libya, 1:569 Lithuania, 1:575 Malawi, 1:586 Malaysia, 1:595–596 Mauritania, 1:605–606 Mexico, 1:613–614 Moldova, 1:620–621 Morocco, 1:628–629 Namibia, 2:639 Nepal, 2:643 Netherlands, 2:649 New Zealand, 2:661 Nicaragua, 2:672 Nigeria, 2:680–681

INDEX

Slovakia, 2:827 Spain, 2:867–868 United Kingdom, 2:1006 Le Sport Colonial (Réunion), 2:764 Sporting Magazine (United Kingdom), 2:1000 Sports Illustrated, Canada, 1:158 Sportske Novosti (Croatia), 2:808 SPP (Syndicat de la Presse Parisienne), 1:330 SPPA (State Press and Publications Administration), China, 1:189 SPPMO (Syndicat Professional de la Presse Magazine et d’Opinion), France, 1:330 SPQD (Syndicat de la Presse Quotidienne Départementale), 1:330 SPQR (Syndicat de la Presse Quotidienne Régionale), 1:330 Springer, Axel, 1:360 SPS (Serikat Penerbit Suratkabar), 1:452 Sp!ts (Netherlands), 2:647–648 SPYUR Information Service, 1:40 SR (Swedish Radio), 2:895–899 Srbski Dvenik (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:807 S’regie (France), 1:320 SRGP (Syndicat des Radios Généralistes Privées), France, 1:329 Sri Lanka, 2:875–884 background and characteristics, 2:876–879 broadcast media, 2:882–883 censorship, 2:880–881 economic framework, 2:879–880 press laws, 2:880 state-press relations, 2:881–882 Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation (SLBC), 2:882–883 Sri Lanka Press Council, 2:881–882 Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation (SLRC), 2:882–883 Sri Lankan Environmental Journalistst Forum, 2:881 Sri Utara (Malaysia), 1:593 SRMG (Saudi Research and Marketing Group), 2:802 SRPC (Saudi Research and Publishing Company), 2:802 Srpska Rec (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:810 SSKT (Slovak Society for Cable Television), 2:830 SSN (Syndicate of Slovak Journalists), 2:829 SSPP (Société Sénégalaise de Presse et de Publications), 2:806 STA (Slovenska Tiskovna Agencija), 2:836 Stabroek News (Guyana), 1:405–407 Stalin, Josef, 1:134, 2:782 Stamboliiski, 1:134 La Stampa (Italy), 1:484, 488 Standard (Kenya), 1:530–531 Star (Jamaica), 1:495–496 The Star (Ireland), 1:466–467 The Star (Jordan), 1:515 The Star (Malaysia), 1:591–594 Star TV, 1:46, 192–193 Start (Macedonia), 1:580 Startel News Agency (Finland), 1:310 State Press and Publications Administration (SPPA), China, 1:189 State Security Law (Chile), 1:174–175, 179–180 State-press relations, 2:1064 Algeria, 1:12–13 Argentina, 1:27–28 Armenia, 1:39–40 Australia, 1:49–52 Austria, 1:63 Azerbaijan, 1:69 Bahrain, 1:75 Bangladesh, 1:80–81

1271

Index

North Korea, 2:684–685 Norway, 2:690–691 Pakistan, 2:702–704 Panama, 2:712–713 Papua New Guinea, 2:719–720 Paraguay, 2:725 Peru, 2:730–731 Philippines, 2:735–736 Poland, 2:746–747 Portugal, 2:754 Qatar, 2:760 Romania, 2:770 Russian Federation, 2:783–785 Saudi Arabia, 2:803 Sierra Leone, 2:818 Singapore, 2:824–825 Slovakia, 2:829–830 Somalia, 2:838–839 South Africa, 2:861 South Korea, 2:848–850 Spain, 2:871–872 Sri Lanka, 2:881–882 Sudan, 2:886 Swaziland, 2:890 Sweden, 2:896–897 Syria, 2:913–914 Taiwan, 2:923–924 Tajikistan, 2:933 Tanzania, 2:939–940 Thailand, 2:947 Turkey, 2:966–967 Turkmenistan, 2:974–975 Uganda, 2:982–983 Ukraine, 2:992–993 United Kingdom, 2:1010–1011 Uruguay, 2:1058–1059 Venezuela, 2:1076–1077 Zambia, 2:1093–1094 Zimbabwe, 2:1098–1099 The Statesman (Ghana), 1:369–370, 376 The Statesman (India), 1:441 Statute on State Secrets (Russia), 2:781 Steffens, Lincoln, 2:1028 Stellascope group, 1:532, 536 Stewart, Gordon ‘‘Butch,’’ 1:496 Steyrermühl newsprint, 1:61 Stiftstidende (Denmark), 1:254–255 Story (Czech Republic), 1:245 The Straits Times (Singapore), 2:821–822 ‘‘Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation’’ (SLAPP), 2:1041 Stratton Oakmont Inc. v. Prodigy Services Co., 2:1050 Strujevics, Laimonis, 1:553 Studenti (Albania), 1:6 Studio 88, 1:114 Sturshel (Bulgaria), 1:136 Stuttgarter Zeitung Group, 1:360 Styria Media, Inc., 1:58, 225 Styria Verlag, 1:57 Su Dinero (Spain), 2:869 Suara Independent (Indonesia), 1:455 Suara Pembaruan (Indonesia), 1:451 Suara Timor Lorosae (East Timor), 1:273 Subero Isa, Jorge, 1:268 Sucesos (Dominican Republic), 1:265 Le Sud Quotidien (Senegal), 2:806 1272

Sudan, 2:884–888 Sudan Foundation, 2:886–887 Sudan National Broadcasting Corporation (SNBC), 2:887 Sudan National Radio Corporation, 2:887 Sudan News Agency (SUNA), 2:886 Sudanese People LIberation Army (SPLA), 2:887–888 Süddeutsche magazin, 1:358 Süddeutsche Zeitung, 1:60, 357–359, 366 Sudhasagar (Nepal), 2:642 Suharto, 1:451–454 Sukarno, 1:451–453 Sukarnoputri, Megawati, 1:453 Sullivan, David, 2:1006 The Sun Dominica, 1:263 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:955 United Kingdom, 2:1000–1001, 1005, 1007 Zambia, 2:1093 Sun media (Canada), 1:152–153 Sun Myung Moon, 2:843 SUNA (Sudan News Agency), 2:886 Sunday Advocate (Barbados), 1:83 Sunday Business Post (Ireland), 1:466 Sunday Divayina (Sri Lanka), 2:879 Sunday Express (United Kingdom), 2:1001 Sunday Independent (Ireland), 1:466, 468 Sunday Island (Sri Lanka), 2:879 Sunday Leader (Sri Lanka), 2:879, 881, 883 Sunday Mail (Zimbabwe), 2:1098 Sunday Mirror Australia, 1:46 United Kingdom, 2:1006, 1011 Sunday Nation Kenya, 1:531 South Africa, 2:859 Sunday News New Zealand, 2:659 Zimbabwe, 2:1098 The Sunday Observer (Sri Lanka), 2:879 Sunday People (United Kingdom), 2:1006, 1008, 1011 Sunday Siluminia (Sri Lanka), 2:879 Sunday Sport (United Kingdom), 2:1006 Sunday Standard (Zimbabwe), 2:1098 Sunday Star (Malaysia), 1:592 Sunday Star Times (New Zealand), 2:659–660 Sunday Sun (Barbados), 1:83 Sunday Telegraph (United Kingdom), 2:1001 Sunday Times South Africa, 2:859–860 Sri Lanka, 2:879, 882 United Kingdom, 2:1001, 1005 Sunday Times of Zambia, 2:1093 Sunday Tribune Ireland, 1:466, 470 South Africa, 2:860 Sunday World (Ireland), 1:466 Sunrise (Uganda), 2:980 ‘‘Sunshine’’ laws France, 1:323–324 U.S. freedom of information legislation, 2:1043–1044 Suong, Zulkifi, 1:596 Super Deporte (Spain), 2:868 Super Express (Poland), 2:743 Super Plus Inc., 2:836 Supercanal media group, 1:22 Superintendencia de Telecomunicaciónes (Ecuador), 1:276–277 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Sydney Daily, 1:46 Sydney Gazette and NSW Advertiser, 1:44 Sydney Metropolitan Trading Post, 1:47 Sydney Morning Herald, 1:44–45 Sydney Morning Herald, 1:45 Sydsvenska Dagbladet (Sweden), 2:893, 896 Sygma photo agency, France, 1:328–329 Syndicat de la Presse Judiciaire de Province (France), 1:329 Syndicat de la Presse Magazine et d’Information (SPMI), France, 1:320 Syndicat de la Presse Parisienne (SPP), 1:330 Syndicat de la Presse Quotidienne Départementale (SPQD), 1:330 Syndicat de la Presse Quotidienne Régionale (SPQR), 1:330 Syndicat des Radios Généralistes Privées (SRGP), France, 1:329 Syndicat National de l’Edition (France), 1:330 Syndicat National des Journalistes (SNJ), France, 1:330 Syndicat Professional de la Presse Magazine et d’Opinion (SPPMO), France, 1:330 Syndicate of Slovak Journalists (SSN), 2:829 Syria Times, 2:912–913 Syrian Arab News Agency (SANA), 2:914–915 Syrian Arab Republic, 2:911–916 Syrian Computer Society, 2:915 Syrie et Monde Arabe, 2:913 System for Operational-Investigative Activity (SORM), Russia, 2:781, 783 SZR (Journalists Trade Union), Romania, 2:770

T Ta Kung Pao (Hong Kong), 1:424 Ta Nea (Greece), 1:381 Tabloid press United Kingdom, 2:1001–1002 United States, 2:1022 TACIS (Georgia news organization), 1:354 Tages-Anzeiger (Switzerland), 2:904–905 Tageszeitung (Germany), 1:357, 359 Tägliche Alles (Austria), 1:58, 61 Tahiti. See French Polynesia Tahiti Sun Press, 1:338 TahitiRama, 1:338 Taifa Jumapili (Kenya), 1:531 Taifa Leo (Kenya), 1:531, 2:740 Taipei Express, 2:921 Taipei Times, 2:921 Taisho Democracy (Japan), 1:502, 505 Taiwan, 2:919–926 background and characteristics, 2:919–922 broadcast media, 2:924–925 censorship, 2:923 economic conditions, 2:922 electronic news media, 2:925 press laws, 2:922–923 state-press relations, 2:923–924 See also China, People’s Republic of Taiwan Next, 2:923–924 Taiwan Shin Wen Daily, 2:921 Taiwan Television Enterprise (TTV), 2:925 Taiwan Times, 2:921 Tajikistan, 2:927–935 background and characteristics, 2:927–928 broadcast media, 2:934 censorship, 2:932–933 economic conditions, 2:928–932

INDEX

La Superintendencia de Telecomunicaciónes (SITTEL), Bolivia, 1:108 Superintendencia General de Electricidad y Telecommunicaciones (SIGET), El Salvador, 1:282, 285 Suriname, 2:888–889 Surkis, V., 2:989 Surya Bahadur Thapa, 2:642 Surya Citra Television (SCTV), Indonesia, 1:457 Suu Kyi, Aung San, 1:635 Svaboda (Bulgaria), 1:133 Svensk Press Janst (Finland), 1:310 Svenska Dagbladet (Sweden), 2:893, 896 Svet (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:809 SvF (Sjonvarp Faroya) Television, 1:260 Sviridov, Andrey, 1:523 Svirko, Iurii, 1:90–91 SVT (Swedish Television), 2:895–899 Svyazinvest, Russia, 2:791 Swahili language media Kenya, 1:530–532, 536 Tanzania, 2:937–941 SWAPO (South West African People’s Organization), 2:638 Swazi News, 2:890 Swazi Observer, 2:890 Swazi Observer Group, 2:890 Swaziland, 2:889–890 Swaziland Broadcasting and Information Service, 2:890 Swaziland Today, 2:890 Sweden, 2:891–902 background and characteristics, 2:892–894 broadcast media, 2:897–899 censorship, 2:896 economic framework, 2:894–895 electronic news media, 2:899–900 foreign media presence, 2:897 journalist education and training, 2:900–901 news agencies, 2:897 press laws, 2:895–896 state-press relations, 2:896–897 Swedish Broadcasting Commission, 2:895, 899 Swedish Broadcasting Corporation, 2:898–899 Swedish Educational Broadcasting (UR), 2:895–899 Swedish language media, Finland, 1:307, 310–311 Swedish Newspaper Publishers’ Association, 2:895, 901 Swedish Press Council, 2:895–896 Swedish Radio (SR), 2:895–899 Swedish Radio and TV Authority, 2:895, 897–899 Swedish Television (SVT), 2:895–899 Swedish Union of Journalists, 2:901 Swiss Association of Journalists, 2:910 Swiss Broadcasting Corporation (SBC), 2:907 Swiss Federation of Journalists, 2:903, 906 Swiss Press Association, 2:910 Swiss Press Club, 2:910 Swiss Press Council, 2:906, 910 Swiss Union of Journalists, 2:906 Switzerland, 2:902–911 background and characteristics, 2:902–904 broadcast media, 2:907 censorship, 2:906 economic conditions, 2:904–906 electronic news media, 2:907–908 foreign media presence, 2:906–907 journalist education and training, 2:908–910 news agencies, 2:907 press laws, 2:906

1273

Index

education and training, 2:935 electronic news media, 2:935 foreign media presence, 2:933–934 news agencies, 2:934 press laws, 2:932 state-press relations, 2:933 Takhmatullaev, Tashpulat, 2:1067 Tal Cual (Venezuela), 2:1075, 1080 Taliba (Philippines), 2:734 Taliban, Afghanistan, 1:1–3 Taloussanomat (Finland), 1:307 Tamedia (Switzerland), 2:905 Tamil language newspapers Malaysia, 1:592 Singapore, 2:821 Sri Lanka, 2:876–884 Tamil Murasu (Singapore), 2:821 Tamil Nessan (Malaysia), 1:592 Tamil Osai (Malaysia), 1:592 Tamil Thinamani (Malaysia), 1:592 Tammer, Enno, 1:296 Tanganyika. See Tanzania Tanhsing (Taiwan), 2:921 Tanjung news agency (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:809, 812 Tanzania, 2:937–941 TAP (Tunis Afrique Presse), 2:959 Tap Chi Cong San (Vietnam), 2:1082 Tapie, Bernard, 1:325 Tara (Moldova), 1:619 La Tarde (Colombia), 1:201 Target (Argentina), 1:29 Target (Kenya), 1:532 Tarzi, Mahmud, 1:2 Tasca Law (France), 1:331 Tasmagambetov, Imangali, 1:520 Tasman, Abel, 2:658 TASR (Press Agency of the Slovak Republic), 2:830 TASS News Agency. See ITAR-TASS; Telegraph Agency of the Soviet Union Taufik, Ahmad, 1:455 Tavisupleba (Georgia), 1:349 ‘‘Taxes on Knowledge’’ (United Kingdom), 2:999–1000 Taya, Maaouiya Ould Sid Ahmed, 1:604, 606–607 Taylor, Carson, 2:733 Taylor, Charles, 1:567 Tcherno Dole, Bacar, 1:401 TDF (Télédiffusion de France), 1:331 Teaberry Express (Falkland Islands), 1:303 Technological developments in media Afghanistan, 1:2 Armenia, 1:37, 41 Austria, 1:61 See also Satellite communication Tecnologia de sistemas Informático, 2:800 Teen (Croatia), 1:224 Tehran Times, 1:459 Tejada Gómez, José, 1:268 Tela Non Diario (Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe), 2:799 Telam news agency, 1:27–29 Telco (Côte d’Ivoire), 1:221 Télé 7 Jours, 1:317, 2:657 Télé Magazine (France), 1:317 Telecom Italia, 1:489–490 Telecom Plus, Senegal, 2:806 Telecommunications Market (CMT), 2:867

1274

Telecommunications systems Albania, 1:7 Argentina, 1:30–31 Aruba, 1:43 Bangladesh, 1:81 Brazil, 1:123 Côte d’Ivoire, 1:221 El Salvador, 1:281 Finland, 1:311 Haiti, 1:416 Kenya, 1:533–534 Lesotho, 1:565–566 Morocco, 1:629 Netherlands, 2:650–652 Oman, 2:696 Panama, 2:708 Papua New Guinea, 2:721–722 Paraguay, 2:724 Russia, 2:781, 789, 791 Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe, 2:800 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:812 South Korea, 2:840 Swaziland, 2:890 Tajikistan, 2:935 Thailand, 2:945–946 United Kingdom, 2:1015–1016 Uzbekistan, 2:1066–1067 See also satellite communication Telecristal (Cuba), 1:237 Télédiffusion de France (TDF), 1:331 Telefónica (Spain), 2:867 Telegraaf-Holding, 2:646 Le Télégramme de Brest (France), 1:325–326 Telegraph Agency of the Soviet Union (TASS) Belarus, 1:91 Russian Federation, 2:775, 786 Teleguía (Costa Rica), 1:215 Télé-Liban, 1:562 Télé-Lumiere (Lebanon), 1:562 Telemedia Corporation (Canada), 1:162 Telenoche Investiga (Argentina), 1:25 Telenoticias Costa Rica, 1:217 Uruguay, 2:1059 Telenovelas Brazil, 1:127 Mexico, 1:614 Teleradio América (Dominican Republic), 1:268 Teleradio Moldova, 1:621–622 Teletschad, 1:172 Teletypos publishing group, 1:384 Televen (Venezuela), 2:1079 Televisi Pendidikan Indonesia (TPI), 1:457 Televisi Republik Indonesia (TVRI), 1:454, 456 Televisie en Radio Omroep Stichting (TROS), Netherlands, 2:651–652 Television Afghanistan, 1:3 Albania, 1:6–9 Algeria, 1:13–14 American Samoa, 1:15 Andorra, 1:16 Angola, 1:16 Anguilla, 1:17–18 Argentina, 1:19, 21–22, 27–30 Armenia, 1:40–41 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Greenland, 1:387 Grenada, 1:388 Guadeloupe, 1:388 Guam, 1:389 Guatemala, 1:394–397 Guernsey, 1:398 Guinea Republic, 1:399 Guyana, 1:407 Haiti, 1:415 Honduras, 1:420–421, 421 Hong Kong, 1:426–427 Hungary, 1:434–437 Iceland, 1:439–440 India, 1:445–446 Indonesia, 1:454, 456 Iran, 1:461–462 Iraq, 1:464 Ireland, 1:471–472 Israel, 1:480–481 Italy, 1:483, 486, 489–491 Japan, 1:500, 510–511 Jersey, 1:512 Kazakhstan, 1:521, 523–524 Kenya, 1:530–531, 536–538 Kiribati, 1:539 Kuwait, 1:542 Kyrgyzstan, 1:545–548 Laos, 1:549 Latvia, 1:554 Lebanon, 1:562 Liberia, 1:567–568 Libya, 1:568–570 Liechtenstein, 1:571 Lithuania, 1:575–576 Luxembourg, 1:578 Macedonia, 1:580–581 Madagascar, 1:583 Malawi, 1:587–588 Malaysia, 1:598–599 Maldives, 1:601 Malta, 1:602–603 Marianas Islands, 2:686 Marshall Islands, 1:603 Martinique, 1:604 Mauritius, 1:609–610 Mayotte, 1:610 Mexico, 1:612–616 Micronesia, 1:617 Moldova, 1:617–622 Monaco, 1:623 Mongolia, 1:623–625 Montserrat, 1:626 Morocco, 1:629 Myanmar, 1:635 Namibia, 2:640 Nepal, 2:643–644 Netherlands, 2:650–652, 655 Netherlands Antilles, 2:656 New Caledonia, 2:657 New Zealand, 2:661–662, 662–664 Nicaragua, 2:673–674 Nigeria, 2:681 Norfolk Island, 2:683 North Korea, 2:685 Norway, 2:691 Oman, 2:695–696

INDEX

Aruba, 1:43 Australia, 1:48–52 Austria, 1:61, 64–65 Bahamas, 1:73 Bahrain, 1:74–75 Bangladesh, 1:81 Barbados, 1:83 Belarus, 1:91–92 Belgium, 1:99–100 Belize, 1:103 Bermuda, 1:104 Bhutan, 1:105 Bolivia, 1:108 Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:113–114 Botswana, 1:116 Brazil, 1:123, 125–128 British Virgin Islands, 2:1084 Brunei, 1:130 Bulgaria, 1:138–139 Burkina Faso, 1:141–142 Cambodia, 1:147 Cameroon, 1:148 Canada, 1:152–153, 155, 158 Cape Verde, 1:167 Cayman Islands, 1:167 Central African Republic, 1:168–169 Chad, 1:172 Chile, 1:181, 182 China, 1:187, 192–194 Colombia, 1:205–206 Congo, 1:209–210 Cook Islands, 1:210 Costa Rica, 1:216–218 Côte d’Ivoire, 1:221 Croatia, 1:224 Cuba, 1:236–237 Cyprus, 1:241–242 Czech Republic, 1:247–248 Democratic Congo, 1:252 Denmark, 1:255, 259–260, 262 Djibouti, 1:263 Dominica, 1:263 Dominican Republic, 1:265, 268–270 East Timor, 1:273 Ecuador, 1:274–277 Egypt, 1:280 El Salvador, 1:281–287 Equatorial Guinea, 1:288 Eritrea, 1:290–291 Estonia, 1:295–296 Ethiopia, 1:302 Falkland Islands, 1:303 Faroe Islands, 1:255, 304 Fiji, 1:304 Finland, 1:308, 311 France, 1:317, 328, 331–333 French Guiana, 1:337 French Polynesia, 1:338 Gabon, 1:341 Gambia, 1:345 Gaza Strip and West Bank, 1:347 Georgia, 1:349, 351–354 Germany, 1:361, 364–365 Ghana, 1:374–376 Gibraltar, 1:378 Greece, 1:382–384

1275

Index

Pakistan, 2:705 Palau, 2:707 Panama, 2:708–715 Papua New Guinea, 2:716 Paraguay, 2:724–726 Peru, 2:731 Philippines, 2:737 Poland, 2:743, 747–750 Portugal, 2:755 Puerto Rico, 2:757 Qatar, 2:760–761 Réunion, 2:765 Romania, 2:770–771 Russian Federation, 2:777, 783–785, 787–788 Rwanda, 2:793 Saint Kitts and Nevis, 2:796 Saint Lucia, 2:796 Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, 2:797 Samoa, 2:798 Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe, 2:800 Saudi Arabia, 2:804 Senegal, 2:806 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:809, 812–813 Seychelles, 2:815 Sierra Leone, 2:816–819 Singapore, 2:826 Slovakia, 2:829–831 Slovenia, 2:836 Solomon Islands, 2:837 Somalia, 2:839 South Africa, 2:861 South Korea, 2:840, 851–852 Spain, 2:870, 872–874 Sri Lanka, 2:882–883 Sudan, 2:887 Sweden, 2:893–899, 902 Switzerland, 2:907 Syria, 2:915 Taiwan, 2:921–925, 924–925 Tajikistan, 2:930–932, 934 Tanzania, 2:941 Thailand, 2:944–946, 947–948 Togo, 2:952 Tonga, 2:953 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:954–957 Tunisia, 2:959 Turkey, 2:966–969 Turkmenistan, 2:975 Turks and Caicos Islands, 2:978 Uganda, 2:983–984 Ukraine, 2:993–997 United Arab Emirates, 2:998 United Kingdom, 2:1007–1008, 1013–1016 United States, 2:1030, 1046–1050 Uruguay, 2:1057, 1058–1059 U.S. Virgin Islands, 2:1084 Uzbekistan, 2:1065–1066 Vanuatu, 2:1069 Vatican City, 2:1070 Venezuela, 2:1073–1074, 1077, 1079–1080 Walllis and Futuna Islands, 2:1085 Yemen, 2:1089–1090 Zambia, 2:1093–1095 Zimbabwe, 2:1099–1100 See also Broadcast media; Cable television; Digital television; Satellite communication 1276

Television Act (Australia), 1:52 Television Brunei, 1:130 Television Congolaise (Democratic Congo), 1:252 Televisión Cubana, 1:237 Televisión Española (TVE), 2:872 Télévision Français d’Ontario (TFO), 1:152, 162 Television Kampuchea (TVK), 1:147 Television Malawi (TVM), 1:587–589 Television New Zealand (TVNZ), 2:662–664 Television Program Standard 14 (Australia), 1:50–51 Télévision Quatre Saisons, 1:163 Television Romania, 2:771 La Televisión Universitaria (Bolivia), 1:108 Televisora Nacional (Venezuela), 2:1079 Telia telecommunications company, 1:311, 313 Telikom PNG (Papua New Guinea), 2:721–722 Tembelé, Abdoulaye Aboukary, 1:169 Témoignages (Réunion), 2:764 Le Témoin Burundi, 1:144 Senegal, 2:806 Tempo (Indonesia), 1:455, 457 Tempo (Namibia), 2:638 Le Temps Chad, 1:171–172 Switzerland, 2:904 Tunisia, 2:958 TEN Television Network, 1:50 Teodoro, Luis, 2:736 La Tercera (Chile), 1:175, 178, 181, 184 Terra Nova (Cape Verde), 1:167 Territorio media group, 1:22–23 TFO (Télévision Français d’Ontario), 1:152 Thai Journalists’ Association, 2:946–947 Thai News Agency, 2:947–948 Thai Rat, 2:944 Thailand, 2:941–950 background and characteristics, 2:942–944 broadcast and electronic news media, 2:947–948 economic conditions, 2:944–946 foreign media presence, 2:946–947 journalist education and training, 2:948–949 news agencies, 2:947 press laws and censorship, 2:946 Thaksin Shinawatra, 2:946 Thanom Kittikachorn (King of Thailand), 2:943 Thatcher, Margaret, 2:1004, 1011, 1013–1014 Thinakaran (Sri Lanka), 2:879 This Earth of Mankind, 1:448 Thjooolfur (Iceland), 1:439 Thomas, Momodou, 1:344 Thomas, Sarah, 2:1009 Thomson media group, Canada, 1:159 Thomson Regional Newspapers (U.K.), 2:1007 Thye, Chia Lim, 1:596 Tia Belau (Palau), 2:707 Tiananmen uprising, 1:186, 191 Tibetan language media, China, 1:188 Tico Times (Costa Rica), 1:213–214, 216–217, 219 Tidningar utgifne av et Sllskap I Abo (Finland), 1:307 Tidningarnas Telegrambyra, 2:897 Tiempo libre (Costa Rica), 1:213 Tiempo Nuevo (Argentina), 1:25 Tierney, Myles, 2:819 Tigran Met conglomerate, 1:37–38 Tijuana Weekly, 1:613 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Torstar Corporation, 1:154 TPI (Televisi Pendidikan Indonesia), 1:457 Trabajadores (Cuba), 1:231–232 Track and Pools (Jamaica), 1:496 Tracy, Jan, 1:246 Trade and labor unions Argentina, 1:23 Canada, 1:152 France, 1:320–323, 329–331, 336 Germany, 1:361, 366 Kenya, 1:534 Malaysia, 1:594 Moldovia, 1:620–621 New Zealand, 2:660 Pakistan, 2:700–701 Romania, 2:770 South Africa, 2:860 South Korea, 2:845 Spain, 2:872 Sweden, 2:901 Switzerland, 2:905, 909–910 Ukraine, 2:990 United Kingdom, 2:1004 United States, 2:1034–1035 See also specific national labor organizations Tradewinds (U.S. Virgin Islands), 2:1084 Trading Post Group, 1:47 Tran Khue, 2:1083 Trans World Radio (Swaziland), 2:890 Transparency International, Kenya, 1:534 Transports Presse (France), 1:319 Trautmann Law (France), 1:332, 336 Le Travail (Réunion), 2:764 Le Travailleur de Guinée, 1:398 Travel and Tourism News Middle East (Bahrain), 1:74 Trend Austria, 1:59–60 Slovakia, 2:828 Triangle Publications, 1:46 La Tribuna Honduras, 1:419, 421 Nicaragua, 2:668–669, 673 Tribuna (Sa˜o Tomé and Príncipe), 2:799 The Tribune Bahamas, 1:73 Nigeria, 2:678, 680 Philippines, 2:734 La Tribune (France), 1:314 Tribune Co. (U.S.), 2:1031 Tribune de Genève, 2:904 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:954–957 The Trinidad Express, 2:954–956 The Trinidad Guardian, 2:954–956 Trinity Broadcasting Network (Uganda), 2:984 Trinity Mirror (Ireland), 1:471 The Tropical Star (Dominica), 1:263 TROS (Televisie en Radio Omroep Stichting), Netherlands, 2:651–652 Trouw (Netherlands), 2:646–647 TRT (Turkiye Radio ve Televizyon Kurumu), 2:968–969 Trud Bulgaria, 1:135–136 Moldova, 1:621 Russia, 2:775, 777 Trudeau, Pierre, 1:157 Trudjman, Franjo, 1:223–228

INDEX

Tiker, 2:812 Tilde Group, Lithuania, 1:576 Tilshueren (Denmark), 1:255 Time magazine Canada, 1:158 Colombia, 1:204 Congo, 1:209 Ghana, 1:373 Jamaica, 1:495 Qatar, 2:760 Singapore, 2:823 South Africa, 2:862 Togo, 2:952 United States, 2:1032 Time-Life, Brazilian media, 1:122 The Times (United Kingdom), 2:1002 Belgium, 1:96 France, 1:323 Malta, 1:603 United Kingdom, 2:1005–1006, 1011 Times Corporation, 1:371 Times Literary Supplement (United Kingdom), 2:1004 Times Media (South Africa), 2:859–860 The Times of Central Asia, 1:544 Times of Ceylon, 2:878 Times of India, 2:679 Times of London, 2:1000 See also The Times (United Kingdom) Times of Oman, 2:695 Times of Papua New Guinea, 2:717 Times of Swaziland, 2:890 Times of Tonga, 2:953 Times of Zambia, 2:1093–1094 Time-Warner, Inc., 2:1032 Timor Post, 1:273 Timor Today, 1:273 Timur Malik Television (Tajikistan), 2:931–932 Tiroler Tageszeitung, 1:57, 60–61, 64 Tisar company (Croatia), 1:225 Tishrin (Syria), 2:912–913 Tito, Josip Broz, 1:134, 2:807–809, 811 Tjaj-Soematra (Indonesia), 1:450 TNN (Bulgaria), 1:138 Tobago. See Trinidad and Tobago Tobago News, 2:955 Today Sinagpore, 2:821–822 United Kingdom, 2:1006 Togo, 2:950–952 Togo Press, 2:951–952 Tojikiston (Tajikistan), 2:928, 933 Tojikistoni Shuravi (Tajikistan), 2:930 Tojikistoni Soveti (Tajikistan), 2:930 Tokelau, 2:952–953 Tokes, Laszlo, 2:768 Toledo, Alejandro, 2:728–730 Tolosaldean Equnero (Spain), 2:870 Tomorrow Business (Germany), 1:327 Tonga, 2:953 Tonga Chronicle, 2:953 Tonga Star, 2:953 Tonight Show, 1:52 Toronto Daily Star, 1:152, 156 Toronto Sun, 1:157 Toronto Telegram, 1:151–152 Torres Straits Pilot (Papua New Guinea), 2:717

1277

Index

True News (Guyana), 1:405 Trybuna (Poland), 2:743–744, 746 Tsangirai, Morgan, 2:1098 Tserkovnoe slovo (Belarus), 1:85 Tsiboe, John and Nancy, 1:369 TSNS (Turkmen State News Service), 2:975 TTV (Taiwan Television Enterprise), 2:925 Tugaki a Nukunonu (Tokelau), 2:953 Tükiye, 2:963 Tunis Afrique Presse (TAP), 2:959 Tunisia, 2:957–960 Tunisian Newspapers Directors’ Association, 1:327 Tuñon, Rainer, 2:713 Tunstall, Jeremy, 2:1006, 1008 Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA), Peru, 2:728 Turabi, Hassan al-, 2:886 Turkey, 2:960–969 background and characteristics, 2:961–965 broadcast media, 2:968–969 censorship and state-press relations, 2:966–967 economic conditions, 2:965 foreign media presence, 2:967 Greece, 1:380 internet access, 2:969 news agencies, 2:967–968 press laws, 2:965–966 Turkish Daily News, 2:963 Turkish Journalists’ Association, 2:967 Turkish language media Cyprus, 1:241–242 Germany, 1:356–357 Kyrgyzstan, 1:547 Macedonia, 1:580 Turkey, 2:963–969 Turkish Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK), 2:966 Turkiston Press Outside World Agency, 2:1065 Turkiye Radio ve Televizyon Kurumu (TRT), 2:968–969 Turkmen Dunyasi, 2:972 Turkmen language media Afghanistan, 1:3 Turkmenistan, 2:970–976 Turkmen State News Service (TSNS), 2:975 Turkmenistan, 2:970–976 Turkmenistan, 2:972 Turks and Caicos Islands, 2:977–978 Turn Sanomat Group (Finland), 1:308 Turner v. Federal Communications Commission (FCC), 2:1039 Turun Sanomat (Finland), 1:306 Tusch Druck printing company, 1:61 Tusiime, Richard, 2:980 Tutsis, Burundi, 1:142–145 Tuvalu, 2:978 Tuvalu Echoes, 2:978 TV Arberia (Albania), 1:8 TV Bandeirantes (Brazil), 1:125, 128 TV Belgrade, 2:809 TV en Vivo (Cuba), 1:236 TV Excelsior (Brazil), 1:126 TV Globo (Brazil), 1:122, 125, 127–128 TV Guide, 1:46 TV Guide Channel, 2:1005 TV Klan (Albania), 1:8 TV Manchete (Brazil), 1:125 TV Martí, 1:235–236 TV Nova (Czech Republic), 1:247–248 TV Prima (Czech Republic), 1:247–248 1278

TV Record (Brazil), 1:125 TV Shijak (Albania), 1:8 TV Teuta (Albania), 1:8 TV Tupi (Brazil), 1:126–127 TV Week, 1:46 TVA (Canada), 1:163 TVBS Weekly (Taiwan), 2:921 TVE (Televisión Española), 2:872 TVK (Television Kampuchea), 1:147 TVM (Television Malawi), 1:587–589 TV-Media (Austria), 1:59 TVN (Chile), 1:181–182 TVN-Noticias (Panama), 2:712 TVNZ (Television New Zealand), 2:662–664 TVOntario, 1:152, 162 TVRI (Televisi Republik Indonesia), 1:454 TVSH television station (Albania), 1:7 Twentieth Century Fox Movie Studios, 1:45–46, 2:1005, 1015 20 Minuten (Switzerland), 2:905 ‘‘24 Heures’’ (Switzerland), 2:904 ‘‘24 Hours’’ (Georgia), 1:350 26 Mars (Mali), 1:601 Tyden (Czech Republic), 1:245 Tydenik Kvety (Czech Republic), 1:245 Tydinghen uyt Verscheyde Quartieren (Netherlands), 2:645

U U Thaung, 1:634 U Win Tin, 1:634 UAE. See United Arab Emirates UAJ (Union of Angola Journalists), 1:17 Uche, Luke Uka, 2:680 Uchkin publishing house (Kyrgyzstan), 1:546 UCKG (Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus), Brazil, 1:128 Te Uekera (Kiribati), 1:539 Uganda, 2:979–985 Uganda Confidential, 2:980 Uganda Journalists Association, 2:984 Uganda Journalists Safety Committee, 2:982, 984 Uganda Media Women’s Association, 2:984 Uganda News Agency, 2:983 Uganda Television (UTV), 2:983–985 Uj Szo (Slovakia), 2:827–828 UJL (Union of Journalistes Luxembourg), 1:578 Ukraiinske Natsionalne Informatsiine Agentstvo, 2:994 Ukraiinski Shlyakh, 2:989 Ukraine, 2:985–996 background and general characteristics, 2:985–988 broadcast media, 2:994–995 censorship, 2:991–992 economic conditions, 2:988–991 electronic news media, 2:995–996 foreign media presence, 2:993 journalist education and training, 2:996 news agencies, 2:993–994 press laws, 2:991 state-media relations, 2:992–993 Ukrainian Press Group, 2:989 Ukrainian State TV and Radio Company, 2:989 Ukrainsky Vestnik, 2:986 UkrPoshta, 2:991 Ulaan Od (Mongolia), 1:623 Ulate, Otilio, 1:213 Ulloa, Manuel, 2:729 Última Hora (Dominican Republic), 1:265–266, 268 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

state-press relations, 2:1010–1011 United media group (United Kingdom), 2:1006 United Nations Finland, 1:306 Iraq, 1:463–464 Mongolia, 1:624–625 United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) India, 1:444–445 Kyrgyzstan, 1:547 Mozambique, 1:632 Philippines, 2:735 Somalia, 2:839 United States, 2:1045–1046 United News of India, 1:445 United Press International (UPI) Canada, 1:161 Colombia, 1:205 Dominican Republic, 1:268–269 United Press of India, 1:445 United Provincial Newspapers (United Kingdom), 2:1007 United Self-Defense Groups of Colombia (AUC), 1:203 United States, 2:1020–1055 advertising expenditures and revenues, 2:1032–1033 audience characteristics, 2:1021–1022 Azerbaijan links to, 1:68–69 background and characteristics, 2:1021–1030 broadcast media, 2:1045–1050 censorship, 2:1044–1045 circulation information and statistics, 2:1022, 1035 daily newspapers, 2:1022–1023 distribution networks, 2:1035–1036 economic conditions, 2:1030–1036 Education for Development and Democracy Initiative, 2:678 electronic news media, 2:1031–1032, 1050–1052 employment and wage patterns for journalists, 2:1033–1034 first amendment laws, 2:1036–1039 foreign media presence, 2:1044–1045 freedom of information laws, 2:1043–1044 history of media, 2:1026–1030, 1055 influential newspapers, 2:1025–1026 journalist education and training, 2:1052–1054 libel and defamation laws, 2:1040–1041 lobbyists’ influence, 2:1033 media ownership issues, 2:1031–1032 news agencies, 2:1045 newspaper size, 2:1023 newspapers and mass media, 2:1031 newsprint availability and cost, 2:1035 press laws, 2:1036–1044 privacy laws, 2:1041–1042 quality of journalism, 2:1024–1025 registration and licensing laws, 2:1039–1040 special-interest and small presses, 2:1024 strikes and labor unions, 2:1034–1035 United States Agency for International Development (USAID) Algerian journalism assistance, 1:14 Armenian journalism assistance, 1:38 Croatia, 1:226 Dominican Republic, 1:267 Tajikistan, 2:930 Turkmenistan, 2:976 United States Air Force, Bahrain broadcasts, 1:75 United States Information Agency, Georgia, 1:354 Universiteit Leiden, 1:101 University Missourian, 2:1054 1279

INDEX

Las Últimas Noticias (Chile), 1:175 Últimas Noticias (Venezuela), 2:1075 Umm al Qura (Saudi Arabia), 2:802 Under One’s Breath (Russia), 2:776 UNEDISA (Spain), 2:867 Unen (Mongolia), 1:623–624 UNESCO. See United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization Uni Tavur (Papua New Guinea), 2:722 Unidad de la Guinea Ecuatorial (Equatorial Guinea), 1:288 Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca (URNG), 1:391–392 Unification Church, 2:843 L’Union (Gabon), 1:340, 342 Union Nationale des Diffuseurs de Presse (UNDP), France, 1:330 Union Nationale des Journalists du Mali, 1:601 Union Nationale des Syndicats de Journalistes Français (UNSJ), 1:330 Union of Angola Journalists (UAJ), 1:17 Union of Cuban Journalists (UPEC), 1:231, 233, 238–239 Union of Icelandic Journalists, 1:439 Union of Journalistes Luxembourg (UJL), 1:578 Union of Journalists (Kazakhstan), 1:525 Union of Journalists in Finland, 1:310–311 Union of Journalists of Belarus, 1:92 Union of Journalists of the Kyrgyz Republic, 1:547 Union of Radio and Television Network of Africa (URTNA), Ghana, 1:373 Union of Technical Workers of Telecommunications Business of El Salvador (ATTES), 1:282 Union of Writers of Moldova, 1:618–621 Union Syndicale des Journalistes-CFDT, France, 1:322, 325, 330 L’Unione Sarda, 1:490 Unions. See Trade and labor unions UNITA (National Union for the Total Independence of Angola), 1:16–17, 2:638 L’Unità (Italy), 1:484, 490 United Arab Emirates (UAE), 2:997–998 newspapers in Bahrain, 1:74 Saudi Arabia, 2:804 United Daily News, Taiwan, 2:921–922 United Kingdom, 2:999–1019 advertising expenditures and revenues, 2:1005, 2:1006–1007 background and characteristics, 2:999–1004 broadcast media, 2:1012–1016 censorship, 2:1010 circulation information and statistics, 2:1003, 2:1003–1004 economic conditions, 2:1004–1008 education and training for journalists, 2:1017–1018 electronic news media, 2:1016–1017 foreign media presence, 2:1012 history of media, 2:999–1000, 1012–1013 influences on editorial policy, 2:1005 influential newspapers, 2:1002–1003 local press, 2:1007 media conglomerates, 2:1005–1006 news agencies, 2:1012 newspapers and mass media, 2:1007–1008 ownership laws, 2:1009–1010, 1015–1016 press laws, 2:1008–1010 provincial press, 2:1003 quality of journalism, 2:1001–1002 readership market characteristics, 2:1000–1001 salary structure for journalists, 2:1004–1005 self-regulation of media, 2:1008

Index

University of La Plata news agency (AIULA), 1:29 University of Lomas de Zamora (ANULZ), 1:29 University of Queensland, 1:54 University of Southern Australia, 1:54 University of Technology (Sydney), 1:54 University of Wollongong, 1:54 Universul (Romania), 2:767 Univisión TV Dominican Republic, 1:268 Venezuela, 2:1078, 1080 UNL (Upali Newspapers Limited), 2:878–879 Uno newspaper (Argentina), 1:22 Unsere Zeit (Germany), 1:359 UNSJ (Union Nationale des Syndicats de Journalistes Français), 1:330 UP (Patriotic Union), Colombia, 1:203 Upali Newspapers Limited (UNL), 2:878–879 UPEC. See Union of Cuban Journalists UPI. See United Press International UPI Television, China, 1:194 UPM Kymmene, 1:61 UPN. See National Union of Journalists Upper Volta. See Burkina Faso UpUutispalevlu (Finland), 1:310 UR (Swedish Educational Broadcasting), 2:895–899 Urdu language media Pakistan, 2:697–701, 704 radio broadcasts, 1:3 Ureta, Rolando, 2:736 URNG (Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca), 1:391–392 Ur-Rehman, Shakil, 2:699 URTNA (Union of Radio and Television Network of Africa), Ghana, 1:373 Uruguay, 2:1056–1060 Uruguay Post, 2:1057 Uryadovyi Kuríer (Ukraine), 2:987, 990–991 US Bcom3, France, 1:320 US Internews Network, Georgia, 1:353 USA Today, 2:1023, 1025, 1030 USAID. See United States Agency for International Development Usmanov, Imin, 2:1067 USSR Union of Journalists, 2:789 USSR Union of Writers, 2:789 ‘Uthman, Mas’adah, 1:478 UTPBA. See Buenos Aires Press Workers Union Utrechtsche Courant (Netherlands), 2:645 Utrinski Vesnik (Macedonia), 1:580 Utusan Melaya (Malaysia), 1:590–591, 595–596 Utusan Melayu Group, 1:593 UTV (Uganda Television), 2:983–985 UzA (Uzbek news agency), 2:1065 Uzbek language media newspapers, 1:1–2 radio broadcasts, 1:3 Uzbekistan, 2:1061–1068 Uzbekistan, 2:1060–1068 background and general characteristics, 2:1060–1062 broadcast media, 2:1065–1066 censorship, 2:1063–1064 economic conditions, 2:1062–1063 electronic news media, 2:1066–1067 foreign media presence, 2:1065 journalist education and training, 2:1067 news agencies, 2:1065 1280

press laws, 2:1063 state-press relations, 2:1064 UZP (Professional Journalists Union), Romania, 2:770 Uzteleradio (Uzbekistan), 2:1064

V V. Pinchuk group (Ukraine), 2:989 Valdivia, Roberto, 1:234–235 Valenciano language, 2:865 Vales Dalmasí, Adrilya, 1:268 Valle, Amir, 1:237 Value added tax (VAT) Belgium, 1:96 France, 1:323, 326 Ireland, 1:471 Latvia, 1:552 Uruguay, 2:1058 Van Heeswyck, Marie-Jeanne, 1:98 Van Scharen, Hans, 1:98 Van Wolferen, Karel, 1:507–509 La Vanguardia Philippines, 2:734 Spain, 2:866–869, 874 Vanguardia Liberal (Colombia), 1:200 Vanuatu, 2:1069 Vanuatu Trading Post, 2:1069 Vanuatu Weekly/Hebdomadaire, 2:1069 Vaovao (Madagascar), 1:582 Vardi, Moshe, 1:476 Vargas, Getulio, 1:119, 123–124 Vasabladet (Finland), 1:307 Vatan (Uzbekistan), 2:1061, 1063–1064 Vatican City State, 2:1070 Vatican Information Service (VIS), 2:1070 Vatican Radio, 2:1070 Vatican Television Center (CTV), 2:1070 Vdovin, Yuriy, 2:783 VDZ (Verband Deutscher Zeitschriftenverlager), 1:366 VEA (Video Education Australasian), 1:49 Vecer Macedonia, 1:580 Slovenia, 2:835 Vecernik Praha (Czech Republic), 1:244 Vecernje List (Croatia), 1:58, 224, 2:808 Vecernje Novine (Bosnia-Herzegovina), 1:112 Vecernje Novosti (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:808, 810 Vecherni Dushanbe (Tajikistan), 2:931 Vecherni Novini (Bulgaria), 1:137 Vecherni Visti (Ukraine), 2:990 Vechernii Minsk (Belarus), 1:85 Vechernyi Bishkek (Kyrgyzstan), 1:545 Vechernyi Novosti (Tajikistan), 2:931 Vedomsti (Russian Federation), 2:774 Veerakesari (Sri Lanka), 2:879 Velika Srbija (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:810 ‘‘Velvet Revolution’’ Czech Republic, 1:243, 247 Slovakia, 2:827 Vendemeir, Marc, 1:97 Venezolana de Televisión, 2:1077, 1079–1080 Venezuela, 2:1071–1082 background and characteristics, 2:1071–1075 broadcast media, 2:1079–1080 censorship, 2:1076 electronic news media, 2:1080 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Denmark, 1:258 Dominican Republic, 1:267–268, 270 Ecuador, 1:274–276 El Salvador, 1:282–284, 286–287 Eritrea, 1:290 Estonia, 1:296 Gabon, 1:341 Gambia, 1:343–346 Georgia, 1:351–354 Ghana, 1:369, 376 Guatemala, 1:391–397 Guinea-Bissau, 1:400–402 Haiti, 1:411–416 Honduras, 1:419–421 India, 1:447 Indonesia, 1:455 Iran, 1:461–462 Iraq, 1:464 Israel, 1:478–479 Italy, 1:486 Jordan, 1:514–515 Kazakhstan, 1:522–523, 526–527 Kenya, 1:535–536 Kuwait, 1:541 Kyrgyzstan, 1:546–547 Lebanon, 1:558, 561–562 Libya, 1:570 Lithuania, 1:575 Madagascar, 1:583 Malaysia, 1:595–597, 600 Mauritania, 1:605–606 Mauritius, 1:609–610 Mexico, 1:611–612, 613–614 Morocco, 1:629 Myanmar, 1:634–635 Nepal, 2:643 Netherlands, 2:650 Nicaragua, 2:666–667, 670, 675 Niger, 2:677 Nigeria, 2:678, 681 Pakistan, 2:700, 704–705 Panama, 2:710–712 Papua New Guinea, 2:720 Paraguay, 2:725 Peru, 2:728–730 Philippines, 2:736–737, 739 Serbia and Montenegro, 2:812 Sierra Leone, 2:818–819 Singapore, 2:825 Somalia, 2:838–839 South Korea, 2:848–850 Sri Lanka, 2:881–884 Syria, 2:913–914 Taiwan, 2:923–925 Tajikistan, 2:932–934 Thailand, 2:946–947 Trinidad and Tobago, 2:955–956 Tunisia, 2:959 Turkey, 2:966–967 Turkmenistan, 2:974 Uganda, 2:982 Ukraine, 2:991–994 United States, 2:704, 1055 Uzbekistan, 2:1067 Vanuatu, 2:1069 Venezuela, 2:1074, 1076–1077

INDEX

foreign media presence, 2:1077–1078 journalist education and training, 2:1081 news agencies, 2:1078–1079 press laws, 2:1075–1076 state-press relations, 2:1076–1077 Venizelos, Eleutherios, 1:379–380 Venpres, 2:1078–1079, 1081 Ventura, Jesse, 2:1039–1040 Verband Deutscher Zeitschriftenverlager (VDZ), 1:366 Verband Privater Rundfunk und Telekommunikation (VPRT), 1:366 La Verdad (Venezuela), 2:1075 Verdens Gang (Norway), 2:688 Verdinejad, Fereydoun, 1:461 La Vérité (Burundi), 1:143 Veronica Omroep Organisatie (VOO), 2:651 Vers L’Avenir (Belgium), 1:95–96, 102 Vertbisky, Horacio, 1:24 Vest (Macedonia), 1:580 Vestnik (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:807 Vetcherna Poschta (Bulgaria), 1:133 Viapresse (France), 1:330 Viata Sindicala (Romania), 2:767 Victoire (Chad), 1:171 Victoria Gazette (Canada), 1:151 Video Education Australasian (VEA), 1:49 Vientiane Mai (Laos), 1:549 Vientiane Times (Laos), 1:549 Vietnam, 2:1082–1083 Vietnam Courier, 2:1083 Vietnam Journalists’ Association, 2:1083 Vietnam News Agency, 2:1082–1083 Vietnam Pictorial, 2:1083 Vietnamese Studies, 2:1083 Viewpoints (Vanuatu), 2:1069 Vigas, Andrés Jorge, 2:1075 Viitorul (Romania), 2:767 Vijesti (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:811 Világgazdaság (Hungary), 1:430 Village Voice (United States), 2:1024 Villasmil, Ramón, 2:1076 Villatoro, Eduardo, 1:393 Vincent, Isabel, 1:113 Vincent Committee (Australia), 1:50 Vintsy Magazine (Madagascar), 1:582 Violence and imprisonment of and towards journalists Afghanistan, 1:3 Albania, 1:7–8 Algeria, 1:11, 13 Argentina, 1:26–27 Bangladesh, 1:80–81 Belarus, 1:88–91 Bolivia, 1:106 Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1:112, 114–115 Brazil, 1:124 Bulgaria, 1:134, 137 Burkina Faso, 1:141–142 Burundi, 1:144 Central African Republic, 1:169 Chad, 1:171–173 Chile, 1:174, 177–178, 180–182 China, 1:185–188, 195 Colombia, 1:204–205, 206 Costa Rica, 1:211–212, 213–215 Cuba, 1:233–236, 239 Democratic Congo, 1:251–252

1281

Index

Vietnam, 2:1083 Western Sahara, 2:1086–1087 Virakesari (Sri Lanka), 2:883 Virgin Islands (British), 2:1083–1084 Virgin Islands (U.S.), 2:1084 Virgin Islands Business Journal, 2:1084 Virgin Islands Daily News, 2:1084 VIS (Vatican Information Service), 2:1070 Visions and Voices (Guyana), 1:404 Vísir (Iceland), 1:439 Visnews (Britain), 1:194 Vitale, Alberto, 1:486–487 Vitebskie gubernskie novosti (Belarus), 1:84 Viteri, Rogelio, 1:276 Vitocha (Bulgaria), 1:133 Vivendi group, 1:318, 322 Vjesnik (Croatia), 1:223–225, 2:808 Vlaamse Uitgeversmaatschappij (VUM), 1:96 Vlaamse Volksbeweging (Belgium), 1:100 Vlasta (Czech Republic), 1:245 Vo slavu Rodiny (Belarus), 1:85 Vodafone Group Plc, Albania, 1:7 The Voice (Saint Lucia), 2:796 Voice of America Albania, 1:9 Angola, 1:17 China, 1:192 Costa Rica, 1:217 Cuba, 1:235 Gabon, 1:341 Georgia, 1:354 Ghana, 1:373 Iran, 1:460–461 Kenya, 1:536 Kuwait, 1:541–542 Myanmar, 1:635 Namibia, 2:640 Qatar, 2:760 Sierra Leone, 2:816–819 South Africa, 2:861 Tajikistan, 2:930 Voice of Denmark, 1:260 Voice of East Timor, 1:273 Voice of Free Tajikistan, 2:930 Voice of Han Broadcasting Station, 2:924 Voice of Lebanon, 1:562–563 Voice of Palestine (VOP), 1:347 Voice of the Kampuchean People (VOKP), 1:147 La Voix du Congo (Democratic Congo), 1:252 Voix du Nord (France), 1:325 La Voix du Paysan, 1:172 La Voix du Peuple (Gabon), 1:340 La Voix du Tunisien, 2:958 Vojvodina, 2:808–809 See also Serbia and Montenegro VOKP (Voice of the Kampuchean People), 1:147 Volksstimme (Austria), 1:57 Vollertsen, Norbert, 2:848 Volno Sport (Czech Republic), 1:244 VOO (Veronica Omroep Organisatie), 2:651 VOP (Voice of Palestine), 1:347 Vorarlberger Nachrichten, 1:60–61, 64–65 Vorwarts (Germany), 1:359 Vorwärts publishers, 1:60 Voskuil, Koen, 2:649 Vostochniji Ekspresse (Germany), 1:357 1282

La Voz de Galicia, 2:867 La Voz del Interior (Argentina), 1:20, 22, 28–29 La Voz del Yuna (Dominican Republic), 1:265 VPRT (Verband Privater Rundfunk und Telekommunikation), 1:366 Vreme (Serbia and Montenegro), 2:808, 810, 812 Vremya Po (Kazakhstan), 1:520 VRT (Belgium), 1:99 Vrye Weekblad (South Africa), 2:859 VTM (Belgium), 1:99 VUM (Vlaamse Uitgeversmaatschappij), 1:96

W WAFA (Wikalat Anbaa’ Filastiniya), 1:347 Wagaarachchi, Saman, 2:883 Wahid, Abdurrahman, 1:453, 455 Waikato Times (New Zealand), 2:659–660 Walesa, Lech, 2:742 Walid Al Ibrahim (Sheik), 2:804 Walker, William, 1:212, 2:666 Walkley Awards, 1:54 Wall Street Journal, 1:501 Azerbaijan, 1:70 Belgium, 1:96 Dominican Republic, 1:268–269 influence, 2:1025–1026 internet site, 2:1051 Japan, 1:501, 503, 507 libel suit, 2:1041 news agency, 2:1046 redesign, 2:1035 South Korea, 2:851 United States, 2:1023 Wall Street Journal Europe, 1:621 Wallis, Neil, 2:1008 Walllis and Futuna Islands, 2:1085 Walta Information Service (Ethiopia), 1:299 Walters, Barbara, 1:514 WAN. See World Association of Newspapers WANAD (West African News Agencies Development) project, 1:399 Wangchuk, Jigme Singye, 1:105 Wantok Niuspepa, 2:716–717 War Measures Act (Canada), 1:156–157 Ware, Otumfuo Opoku II (King of Ghana), 1:376 Warta Malaya, 1:591 Washington Post Ghana, 1:373 history, 2:1030 International Herald Tribune, 1:328 Kazakhstan, 1:526 labor problems, 2:1034–1035 size, 2:1023 South Africa, 2:861–862 Sudan, 2:886 Wasilah (Malaysia), 1:596, 600 Watan Malaysia, 1:592, 594 Turkmenistan, 2:972 Waters, John, 1:469 Wava Broadcasting Service (WBS), Uganda, 2:984 WAZ. See Westdeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung Group We Yone (Sierra Leone), 2:817 Wealth (Taiwan), 2:922 Webdo (Switzerland), 1:333 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Wereko-Brobby, Charles, 1:374 West Africa, Gambia, 1:345–346 West African News Agencies Development (WANAD) project, 1:399 West Australia, 1:45 West Australian Newspapers Limited, 1:47 West Bank, 1:347 Westdeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung (Germany), 1:359 Westdeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung (WAZ) Group Austrian media, 1:59–60, 62–63 Germany, 1:360 Hungary, 1:431 Western Mirror (Jamaica), 1:496 Western Sahara, 2:1085–1087 Westminster Tales: The Twenty-First Century Crisis in Political Journalism, 2:1010–1011 WFPC (World Free Press Committee), 1:215 Whitehouse, Mary, 2:1009 Wiener Antenne Radio, 1:64 Wiener Neueste Nachrichten, 1:57 Wiener Zeitung, 1:56–57, 59–60, 62 Wijewardene, D. R., 2:878–879 Wijewardene, Upali, 2:878–879 Wijeya Newspapers Limited (WNL), 2:878–879 Wikalat Anbaa’ Filastiniya (WAFA), 1:347 Wilhelm zu Wied (Prince of Albania), 1:5 Wilson and Horton company, 2:658–660 Windhoek Advertiser (Namibia), 2:638–639 Wine and Gardening (Moldova), 1:618 Wine and Winery (Moldova), 1:618 Winnipeg Tribune, 1:152, 159 WIPO (World Intellectual Property Organization), 2:1050 Wirtschaftsblat (Austria), 1:58–60, 62 WNL (Wijeya Newspapers Limited), 2:878–879 Wochenpresse (Austria), 1:59 Woman’s Home Journal World (Philippines), 2:734 Woman’s World (Philippines), 2:734 Women Journalists in Finland, 1:310–311 Women’s Outlook (Philippines), 2:734 Wood, Mark, 2:1012 Worcester, Dean C., 2:737 The Worker’s Voice (Antigua), 1:18 Working Journalists’ Association, 2:643 Working Man (Guyana), 1:404 Working People’s Daily (Myanmar), 1:634 World Almanac and Book of Facts, 1:201, 205 World Association of Christian Communication, Uganda, 2:984 World Association of Community Radio Broadcasters (AMARC), 1:285 World Association of Newspapers (WAN) Belgian newspaper statistics, 1:95 France, 1:328, 335–336 Gambia, 1:344 Guinea-Bissau, 1:401 Mexico, 1:614 Myanmar, 1:634 New Zealand, 2:662 Slovakia, 2:830 South Korea, 2:843, 849 Switzerland, 2:911 Syria, 2:914 Tunisia, 1:327 World Audit reports, Malta, 1:602 World Bank Chad, 1:170–171, 173 Dominican Republic, 1:267 1283

INDEX

Websites Al-Jazeera, 2:761–762 Argentina, 1:30–31 Armenia, 1:40 Australia, 1:47 Austria, 1:62 Azerbaijan, 1:70 Belgian media, 1:98 Costa Rica, 1:218 Cuba, 1:231 Dominica, 1:263 El Salvador, 1:285–286 Falkland Islands, 1:303 Fiji, 1:304 Finland, 1:310 Guyana, 1:407 Hong Kong, 1:424 India, 1:446 Iraq, 1:464 Italy, 1:490–491 Kazakhstan, 1:523–524 Kuwait, 1:542 Liechtenstein, 1:571 Mexico, 1:612 Morocco, 1:629 Nicaragua, 2:674 Nigeria, 2:682 Panama, 2:709 Philippines, 2:738 Réunion, 2:765 Sierra Leone, 2:819 Slovakia, 2:831–832 South Korea, 2:842, 852–853 Sweden, 2:899–900 Switzerland, 2:910 Syria, 2:912 Tahiti, 1:338 Turkey, 2:967–968 Ukraine, 2:995–996 United Kingdom, 2:1002 United States, 2:1051–1052 Western Sahara, 2:1087 See also Computer use; Electronic news media Web-TV, France, 1:333 Week (United Kingdom), 2:1010 Weekend Express (Sri Lanka), 2:871 Weekend Investigator (Barbados), 1:82 Weekend Nation (Barbados), 1:83 Weekend Nation (Malawi), 1:586 Weekend News (Ghana), 1:373 Weekly Mail (South Africa), 2:859 Weekly Mail and Guardian (South Africa), 2:859 Weekly Malawi News, 1:587 Weekly Post (Zambia), 2:1093 Weekly publications. See Magazines and periodicals; Non-daily publications Weekly Review (Kenya), 1:531–532 Weekly Spectator (Ghana), 1:370 Weekly Times, 1:46 Weekly Topic (Uganda), 2:980 Wells, Ida B., 2:1028 Welt am Sonntag (Germany), 1:358 WEMF AG (Switzerland), 2:905 Wen Wei Po Daily (Hong Kong), 1:424 Wenhui Ribao (China), 1:186 Wenzhaibao (China), 1:186

Index

Finland, 1:308 Nicaragua, 2:669 Tajikistan, 2:929–930 World Economic Herald (China), 1:190–191 World Editors’ Forum Gambia, 1:344 Guinea-Bissau, 1:401 World Free Press Committee (WFPC), 1:215 World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO), 2:1050 World Press Freedom Day, 1:148 Pakistan, 2:701, 705 Ukraine, 2:996 World Press Freedom Review Albania, 1:8 Belgium, 1:96–97 Chile, 1:180 Denmark, 1:256, 258 Iran, 1:459, 461 Kuwait, 1:541 Libya, 1:570 Malaysia, 1:597 Netherlands, 2:649–650 Pakistan, 2:705 Philippines, 2:734, 736 South Korea, 2:849 Sudan, 2:886 Syria, 2:914 United States, 2:1046 World Press Trends 2001 (France), 1:323 World Television Network, China, 1:194 World Trade Organization (WTO) China, 1:196 Papua New Guinea, 2:718 World Turkmens Association, 2:972 WorldNews, Paraguay, 2:725 Worldwide Press Review, Philippines, 2:737 Worthington, Peter, 1:157 Wprost (Poland), 2:743 Writers and Artists League (Albania), 1:8 WTO. See World Trade Organization

X Xiddigta Oktobar (Somalia), 2:837 Xinhua Meiri Dianxun (China), 1:193 Xinhua news agency Brazil, 1:125 China, 1:192–193 Democratic Congo, 1:252 Russia, 2:786 Swaziland, 2:890 Uganda, 2:983 Xinmin Evening News (China), 1:187 XPats.com (Belgium), 1:100 XXI Vek (Kazakhstan), 1:520

Y Yabran, Alfredo, 1:26 Yadanaopon (Myanmar), 1:634 Yakoma ethnic group, 1:169 Yala, Kumba, 1:399–402 Yangcheng Evening News (China), 1:187 Yangzi Evening News (China), 1:187 Yap State Bulletin (Micronesia), 1:617 Yediot Aharonot (Israel), 1:476–477 1284

Yegemen Qazaqstan, 1:520 ‘‘Yellow journalism,’’ 2:1028 Yeltsin, Boris, 2:776, 778–780, 782–784, 787–788, 790–791 Yemen, 2:1089–1090 Yeni Adana (Turkey), 2:963 Yeni Asar (Turkey), 2:963 Yeni Çag (Cyprus), 1:241 Yeni Demokrat (Cyprus), 1:241 Yeni Dy¨zen (Cyprus), 1:241 Yerevan Press Club, 1:39–41 Yergaliyeva, Gulzhan, 1:522 Yerkir (Armenia), 1:37 Yetor Wore (Ethiopia), 1:299 Yezareyitu Ethiopia, 1:299 YFIA Francophone News Agency (Cameroon), 1:148 Yhtyneet Kuvalehdet Oy (Finland), 1:307 Yigit, Korkmas, 2:963 YLE (Finnish Broadcasting Company), 1:308, 311 Yokohama Mainichi Shimbum, 1:506 Yomiuri Shimbun (Japan), 1:500, 506–508, 511 Yonhap News Agency Russia, 2:786 South Korea, 2:851 Yonhap Television News (YTN), South Korea, 2:851 Yorkshire Post, 2:1000 You Weekly (Singapore), 2:822 Young Turk movement, 1:5 Younis, Habib, 1:561 Youssefi, Abderrahamane, 1:628 YTN (Yonhap Television News), South Korea, 2:851 Yugoslavia. See Bosnia-Herzegovina; Croatia; Macedonia; Serbia and Montenegro; Slovenia Yusop, Mohammad, 2:736

Z Zahir Shah (King), 1:2 Zaman (Turkey), 2:963 Zambia, 2:1091–1095 Zambia Daily Mail, 2:1093–1094 Zambia National Broadcasting Corporation (ZNBC), 2:1093–1094 Zambia News Agency (ZANA), 2:1092–1093 Zamindar (Pakistan), 2:697 Zamir, Itzhak, 1:478 ZANA (Zambia News Agency), 2:1092–1093 Zanzibar. See Tanzania ZAO, 2:990 Zarambaud, Assingambi, 1:169 Zaria (Belarus), 1:84 Zaria Vostoka (Georgia), 1:349 Zavadski, Dmitry, 1:92 ZBC (Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation), 2:1099 ZDF. See Zweites Deutsches Fernsehen Zedán, Jorge, 1:283, 287 Zeitungen (Liechtenstein), 1:571 Zemedelski Zname (Bulgaria), 1:135 Zemgales Zinas (Latvia), 1:551 Zemia (Bulgaria), 1:136 Zemin, Jiang, 1:191 Zenger, John Peter, 1:150, 2:1026 Zeri I Popullit (Albania), 1:6 Zeri I Rinise (Albania), 1:6 Zerkalo (Belarus), 1:91 Zhakiyanov, Galymzhan, 1:518, 527 Zhas Alash (Kazakhstan), 1:520 WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Index

Zhefarovich, Hristofor, 1:132 Zhivkov, Todor, 1:134–135 Zhongguo Qingnianbao (China), 1:186–187 Zhongguo Shangbao (China), 1:186 Zhongguo Zhengquan Bao (China), 1:193 Zia ul Haq (General Ziaur Rahman), 1:77, 2:702–703 Zig-Zag (Chile), 1:177 Zimbabwe, 2:857, 2:1095–1100 Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC), 2:1099 Zimbabwe Mass Media Trust, 2:859, 1099 Zindagi (Bangladesh), 1:78 Zitko, Michael, 1:246 Zliyev, Ilham, 1:69 ZNBC (Zambia National Broadcasting Corporation), 2:1093–1094

Zog (King of Albania), 1:5 Zometa, Jose, 1:283 Zondervan media group, 2:1005 Zongo, Norbert, 1:141 Zorya Halitska (Ukraine), 2:986 ZSN (Association of Slovak Journalists), 2:829 Zurqui (Costa Rica), 1:213 Zuuny Medee (Mongolia), 1:624 Zviazda (Belarus), 1:84 ZVPT (Slovak Union of Press Publishers), 2:830 Zweites Deutsches Fernsehen (ZDF) Austria, 1:64–65 Germany, 1:364–365 Zycie (Poland), 2:746 Zyuganov, Yevgeny, 2:791

INDEX

WORLD PRESS ENCYCLOPEDIA

1285