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English Pages 237 [240] Year 1987
Women's Language, Socialization and Self-image
The four volumes of the symposium 'Language, Culture and Female Future' are: 1. 2. 3. 4.
Unravelling Fatherhood. Ed. by Trudie Knijn and Anne-Claire Mulder. Dordrecht, Foris, 1987 188 p. ISBN: 90 6765 278 4 Female Designing in Social Policies. Ed. by Marieke Renou and Janneke van Mens-Verhulst. Dordrecht, Foris, 1987 168 p. ISBN: 90 6765 277 6 Historiography of Women's Cultural Traditions. Ed. by Maaike Meijer and Jetty Schaap. Dordrecht, Foris, 1987 208 p. ISBN: 90 6765 276 8 Women's Language, Socialization and Self-image. Ed. by Dede Brouwer and Dorian de Haan. Dordrecht, Foris, 1987 232 p. ISBN: 90 6765 275 x
Dede Brouwer and Dorian de Haan (eds.)
Women's Language, Socialization and Self-image
1987
FORIS PUBLICATIONS Dordrecht - Holland/Providence - USA
Published by: Foris Publications Holland P.O. Box 509 3300 AM Dordrecht, The Netherlands Sole distributor for the U.S.A. and Canada: Foris Publications USA, Inc. P.O. Box 5904 Providence Rl 02903 U.S.A. OP-DATA
ISBN 90 6765 278 x Text corrections: Women's Translation Collective De Bron, Amsterdam Typists: Corry van den Berg, Lieke de Groot, Maria Polder. Cover design: Hendrik Bouw © 1987 By the authors No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission from the copyright owner. Printed in the Netherlands by I C G Printing, Dordrecht.
PREFACE
Women's Studies in the Netherlands Is in progress. Utrecht
research
development
and
since
coordinated
all
activities
of
Women's
in an interdisciplinary Department.
Women's Studies,
At the University of
education In Women's Studies has
seen
Studies
a
rapid
have
been
In this Department
of
which was founded in 1982, the Faculties of the Social
Sciences, Art, Theology, Law and Biology participate. In
April
1986 the Department of Women's Studies organized a
called 'Language, to
Symposium
Culture and Female Future', as one of the festivities
celebrate the 350th anniversary of the University of
Utrecht.
This
Symposium offered an opportunity to present the research projects of our staff
members and to Intensify and Invigorate our
research
programme.
Research projects were centered around four subjects: 'women's socialization traditions', policies'.
and
self-Image',
'historiography
'unravelling fatherhood', Each
subject order
of
language,
women's
cultural
and 'female designing
In social
was approached by staff members from
disciplines.
In
participants
were Invited to write papers.
to
prepare a
discussion
on
these
several subjects,
During the Symposium
these
papers were presented and thoroughly discussed. The
enthusiasm
symposium guests
and
dedication
very succesful.
of foreign and Dutch
women
The papers and the lectures by
have been collected in four symposium volumes.
the
made
the
foreign
You now have one
of these volumes before you.
We
would like to thank everyone for her contribution to
'Language,
Culture
and
the
Symposium
Female Culture' and to the publication of
the
Symposium volumes. In particular we would like to mention the efforts of Gusta Drenthe,
Lieke de Groot,
Ineke Hogema,
Maria Hijman and Mar¡eke
RenoCi. They took a tremendous part in the transformation of ideas into a symposium and finally from a symposium Into the four symposium volumes.
VI
We are also grateful for the organizational and financial support of: - Foundation 350th anniversary University of Utrecht - Bureau Studium Generale (General - Faculty of Social
Studies)
Sciences
- Faculty of Law - Faculty of Theology - ZWO: Netherlands Organization for the Advancement of Pure Research - De Centrale LevensverzekerIng N.V. Den Haag -
IBM Nederland
Interfaculty Department of Women's Studies Utrecht, November 1986
CONTENTS
Preface
V
Contents
VII
I ntroductIon 06d6 Brouwer
and Dorian
de Haan
1
About, to and by women Susan Ervin-Tripp PART
1. LANGUAGE
AND
17 SOCIALIZATION:
LANGUAGE
ACQUISITION AND INTERACTION IN THE CLASSROOM
1
Self-concept,
Self-esteem
and
27
Language:
Sex
Differences In Childhood and Adolescence Matty van der Meulen 2
Differences
In
29
the Early
Communication
between
Mothers and Children Akke de Blauw
3
Sex
and
43
Family
Background
in
Early
Language
Marion
Morel II-
Acqu i s i t ion Llesbeth Kayser
4
Verhulst-SchlIchtIng,
and Maria Peddemors-Boon
Learning
from
your
Peers:
53
The
Acquisition
of
Gender-specific Speech Styles Ingrid van
Alphen
58
VIII 5
Classroom Interaction: Survival of the Fittest? Mar toes ¿.(V. de Bie
6
Learning
76
to 'be' at School:
Authority and Warmth
in the Classroom Klaartje 7
Duijm
Girls
and
Classroom Jeanette PART
2.
89
Science
Education:
Selection
In
Interaction Lubbers and Connie Menting
LANGUAGE AND SELF-IMAGE:
114
SPEECH STYLE
AND
SOCIAL EVALUATION 8
The
127
'Family of Women':
a Linguistic Analysis
of
the Feminist Discourse on Femininity, Equality and D i fference Joke Huisman 9
129
Women, Speech and Presuppositions Agnes Verbiest
10 Sex
139
Differences
Dyadic
in
Language:
Observations
Conversations between Members of the
of Same
Sex Mi eke de Boer
148
11 How to take the Floor without Being Floored Sonja
Appelman,
Pui jenbroek
Anke
Hei Jerman,
Monic
van
and liar in Schreuder
164
12 Hesitancy in Female and Male Speech Ha
Brekweg
13 Speech about
176
Style,
Study and Social
Language Behaviour
Muteness:
Women
in Conversations Related
to College or University Studies C. Margreet
Bouma
188
14 Sex
Differences in Evaluation and Proficiency
Mother Tongue and Second Language Dorian
de Haan
15 Language, Attitudes and Sex Stereotypes Dêdè
Browner
List of Contributors List of Other Participants of the Workshop
INTRODUCTION Dede Brouwer and Dorian de Haan
Feminist
linguistics
'Language,
In the Netherlands
S o z i a I i z a t i o n and S e l f - i m a g e ' was one of four Workshops held
at the 'Language, Interfaculty
C u l t u r e and Female F u t u r e ' Symposium o r g a n i z e d by the
Department of Women's S t u d i e s of the U n i v e r s i t y of Utrecht
in A p r i l 1986 on the o c c a s i o n of the U n i v e r s i t y ' s 350th a n n i v e r s a r y . In t h i s Workshop, D6d6 Brouwer. Apart
papers were d i s c u s s e d in three s e s s i o n s , o r g a n i z e d by
Susan E r v i n - T r i p p attended the meetings as guest
from three s t a f f members and seven s t u d e n t s of the U n i v e r s i t y
Utrecht
eighteen
Utrecht
took
participants
lecturers,
part. and
researchers
Thanks
to
the
and
teachers
enthusiastic
fourth,
It
overview
day
of
the Symposium.
any c o n s i s t e n c y
of
discontinuous the
of three
in more or l e s s r e v i s e d
The other
articles
offer
the an
of women's s t u d i e s and language In the Netherlands rather than
reflecting
in
outside
opens with the c o n t r i b u t i o n by Susan E r v i n - T r i p p from
public
of
mornings.
T h i s volume p r e s e n t s a s e l e c t i o n of the papers, version.
from
contributions
the i n s p i r i n g presence of our guest these were
e n j o y a b l e and f r u i t f u l
object
lecturer.
study.
The
in e i t h e r method, inconsistency
can
theoretical be
approach
traced
back
and d i s p e r s e d development of women's s t u d i e s on
Netherlands.
Only two of the c o n t r i b u t o r s have
temporary p o s t s In f e m i n i s t
report on
research
they
were able to conduct a s i d e from t h e i r other commitments
which
they
had
scope
of
a
and
lecturers
which
a l r e a d y c a r r i e d out w i t h i n the
the
language
part-time
l i n g u i s t i c s . Other a u t h o r s , mostly
at t e a c h e r ' s c o l l e g e s or u n i v e r s i t i e s and s t u d e n t s ,
to
or
or
doctoral
t h e s i s . Consequently, the a r t i c l e s could not p o s s i b l y be s e l e c t e d on the b a s i s of a s i n g l e theme.
They represent q u i t e a range of e x p e r i e n c e and
knowledge w h i l e demonstrating a great d i v e r s i t y of i n t e r e s t as w e l l . is
not
surprising
that
in
most cases
they
deal
with
It
small-scale
2 investigations.
Some
variable,
study
others
some
look
focus
on
sex
as
specific
less detailed overviews of
collection
is
sociolinguistics believe
these
only one or two
'the'
independent
linguistic
at possible theoretical approaches to women's
giving more or The
of
that,
language
by
literature on the subject.
thus a representative picture of
in the Netherlands.
features,
current
It is not unduly
pessimistic
unless the national conditions Improve and
cooperation can be strengthened, an adequate
insight
feminist to
International
Into gender-related
language variation within a solid feminist theory might take another 350 years.
Language, sex and gender Casual
chapters
century
about
women and language at
have grown since the renewed revival
movement
in
the
Seventies,
into
the
beginning
in the women's
a considerable
body
of
this
liberation
of
articles,
introductory texts and collections on the subject (cf. the comprehensive annotated
bibliography
Gender-related
in Thorne,
language
Kramarae
and
Henley
Miller
1978,
Yaguello 1978,
1983).
variation will be summarily dealt with
given the rather extensive overviews available (e.g. 1975,
eds.
and Swift 1977,
Brouwer et al.
Spender 1980,
there,
Thorne and
1978,
Henley
Eakins and Eakins
Klann-Delius 1981,
Kramarae 1981,
Troflel-PlOtz 1982, Thorne, Kramarae and Henley 1983, Cameron 1985, Smith 1985,
Coates
1986).
We do not go into language about women (and men),
but only into language toward and used by women and men, the
contributions
short,
the
in
this volume are concerned with
since the
all
of
latter.
In
following survey highlights the methods used to gather
the
linguistic data and the linguistic levels of the reported gender-related speech differences. A first account of sex-specific
language use was based on Introspect ion.
Intuitive statements about women's and men's speech suggest
differences
on lexical and syntactic level.
Women are supposed to have a relatively
limited
with
vocabulary,
saturated
relatively simple sentence structure; extremely they
sweet and besides,
talkative (Van Ginneken 1913,
would
use
more
linguistic Lakoff
forms
1973).
chaste
words,
and
a
they are supposed to be
Jespersen 1922b). indicating Although
the
In addition
insecurity
politeness
(Key
1972,
judgements
made
at the beginning of this century and those
and
introspective made
more
3 recently
have much in common and both the male and the female
linguists
deal with women's language as a deviation from 'the', guess whose, norm, the explanations put forward for the supposed speech differences between women
and
men
have
been
biological assumptions by social ones. based
changed
fundamentally
of the investigator,
given
the
for
introspective
variation
the
often sex-stereotypical,
in the same way as
remain
replacing
Needless to say, linguistic data
on introspection depend heavily on the,
assumptions
in
speculative.
the
explanations
Nevertheless,
method has proven its usefulness in providing
the
hypotheses
to be tested. By means of questionnaires the
and tests
information has been gathered about
Ideas and feelings women and men have about their own language
about
that of women and men in general.
words
rather seldom,
and
Women reported they used swear
let alone the stronger ones,
and their
attitude
towards the standard variety appeared to be highly positive (e.g. Bailey and Timm 1976, about
Labov 1966 respectively). As to beliefs and expectations
women's and men's speech style,
kind and emotional,
women's speech was described
concerned for listener,
while men's speech was characterized as and
by
the
gathered think
use
polite, gentle and correct
loud,
of both swear words and
as
dominating,
slang
aggressive,
(Kramer
1977).
by questionnaires or tests reveal the linguistic norms
they should meet rather than reflect their
language
Data people
usage.
The
value of research into the linguistic attitudes of women and men lies In its
explanatory
and
predictive power with respect
to
gender-related
speech variation and linguistic change. Finally,
linguistic
some insight There
has
Instigated
data gathered by observation
and el¡citation
give
into the actual speech behaviour of women and men. been an avalanche of by
the
mostly
small
Investigations,
publications of Mary Ritchie Key (1972)
mainly
and
Robin
Lakoff (1973) in order to test the intuitive statements about vocabulary and
sentence structure.
The results demonstrate a far less
consistent
pattern than the existing stereotypes would lead us to believe. cases sex differences related to age,
situation,
sex of speaker (e.g. Nyquist
In some
in speech were not found, in many others they were status or (sex of) addressee rather than to
Gerritsen 1980, Dubois and Crouch 1975, Crosby and
1977,
Brouwer,
Gerritsen
respectively).
Although
little research on the quantity of speech
been
done,
it
Is
and
De
worth mentioning that not
Haan a
1979, single
Brouwer
1982 has
Investigation
4 supported talked
the supposed talkativeness of women;
much,
and
much
more
Research Into conversational
on
and longer than
the
women
contrary, (Swacker
men
1975).
interaction in a way supports this finding.
It offers a rather clear picture of the speech differences between women and men on a pragmatic level and of how the different speech of
strategies
women and men reflect their structured positions of inequality.
Men
dominate women by Interrupting them and by neglecting topics they raise, while
women
show
their supportiveness
by
doing
the
'interactional
shltwork' and by using 'positive' politeness strategies (e.g.
Zimmerman
and West 1975, Fishman 1983, Brown and Levinson 1978 respectively). Many quantitative socioIinguIstic studies, as
just
and
another
age,
have
Independent variable along with socio-economic level.
Regarding their pronunciation,
standard variants more frequently,
(e.g.
Labov 1966,
Trudgill 1972,
this phenomenon are contradictory, descriptive correctly example
nature than
children
and
of
men thus
(Labov
be
that
Women
they are generally
might
In
try
use
speak
charge
Since most women do not have
of
should paid
to derive their status from other
more
raising set
work,
their earning
therefore that they have to be rated on how they
they
women
Explanations given for
grow up with the feeling that they
1972).
the
which Is hardly surprising given the
most of the studies.
since
status on
men the social dialect variants
Ammon 1973).
cannot be rated socially by their occupation, may
Introduced
shown speech differences between women and men
phonetic-phonological the
in which sex was
they
power;
'appear'
signals
of
an It and
status,
Including speech (Trudgill 1972). There are examples found for speech of an interaction between sex and socio-economic status and between sex and employment. women use
Findings
In Britain and the United States show that it was
from the lower middle class who appeared to be most standard
language
forms
(Trudgill
1974,
Inclined
Labov
1972)
contradictory to Trudglll's speculations mentioned earlier, West to
and,
findings In
Germany Indicated that women who are actually employed adapt the standard norm,
position
on
expectations
the at
presumably because of their especially
labour work
market
and
(Ammon 1973).
the
sharply
to
explanatory power. They strongly suggest an indirect causal between
sex
network.
A
sex-role have
of a black population in South Carolina
Influence of the sort of work on speech: women, who work
more
relationship
and speech by means of the intermediary concept of study
more
insecure
defined
Some studies seem
to
social
showed
the
in white-collar
5
occupations
more frequently than
network different from men, forms
have,
faster than men (Nichols 1978).
investigation Austria
consequently,
in a bilingual,
Similarly,
community
i.e.
averse
of participation
aspirations
In Belfast
the
prevailing networks
in
eastern Involved.
used
In a social network affects speech behaviour. group
Identity
that
than men,
group.
by conforming
Women,
an
more
It was also found that the degree
people were enmeshed in a close-knit vernacular network, expressed
In
from becoming peasants or marrying one,
often German than the men.
social
the 'peasantness' of,
network and the linguistic attitudes and
women,
a
the results from
German-Hungarian,
also pointed at the importance of,
social The
men,
and move toward syntactic standard-prestige
to
generally
the more
the
less
The more they
language
embedded
norms
in
adapted more to the standard pronunciation
such
(Milroy
1980). While research on women's and men's language has been done with methods,
the
principally that
data
on
based upon ellcltation and observation.
girls are faster
users
speech differences between girls and In their
The
various boys
early
language acquisition and better
than boys (Preyer 1890,
Stern and Stern 1907,
are
claims language
Jespersen
1922a)
which have stimulated research In this field, could not be substantiated by
the research results (cf. Maccoby
Klann-Delius child
1981).
and Jacklin 1974,
language concern the phonetic-phonological
partly
In
correspondence
articulate
better
from
standard-prestige
De Haan
1978,
The only consistent results on sex differences with those found the
age of three
and pragmatic
for and
adults. they
forms more than boys from this age on.
levels,
Girls
would
In
would
also
use
Research
Into
the development of morphology, syntax and of communicative competence in primary
socialization
differences. report
on
home
offers
no
clear
boys
acquisition
being
Is
of
more
succesful
in getting
course
not
the most fruitful
the
features
one
which sex actually has on language development. relevance
acquisition. studied
the
of
from
Instead
floor
The question of which sex is superior
investigations of isolated linguistic features, about
picture
sex
However, most studies on secondary socialization at school
classroom than girls. Influence
at
they of
have
for
different
looking for deficits,
to
stages
the
learn
the
It leads
without clear-cut of
description,
most (cf.
to
Ideas
language
differences should
a theoretical perspective to identify the
and to go beyond the level of mere
in
In language
be
relevant Klann-
6 Del¡us 1981). and
why
At the moment we still
lack such approaches on when,
particular sex differences In
persist or possibly diminish. early and later
language
acquisition
Partly due to this,
how
develop,
the relation between
linguistic differences between the sexes remains an open
quest ion.
From
this
nutshell description of research results the conclusion
can
easily be drawn that speech differences between women and men cannot
be
fruitfully studied In isolation, as Susan Ervin-Trlpp (1978) has already argued.
Given
the different and mostly unequal positions of women
men in society, relations,
the divergent social norms and values and unequal
the
speech
of
women
and
men,
I.e.
similarities, have to be studied within the social sciences.
concerned,
differences
and
context.
we believe It Important to try to subscribe to theories In
In addition, social
and power
As far as sex differences in language development are
Glsela Klann-Dellus (1981) has discussed some theories about
development and socialization. She outlines the possible contribution of theories on biological differences, which
leads
aspects
of
her to the view that the focus must be directed communicative
systematically Turning
cognitive development and
processes
which
can
be
learning, on
expected
those to
be
linked by the child with sex role features.
to the language of adults,
the social
Inequality between women
and men must be operatlonalized. On a macrolevel, the sexual division of labour
In
society
has far-reaching consequences for
circumstances of women and men.
On a microlevel,
speaker,
the
setting,
participants,
topic
and
social network might be useful as intermediary
conditions various
caused
options
by of
the how to
sexual division of deal
with
purpose Hymes
variable:
labour
family,
life
apart from the sex
conversation determine the course of an Interaction (cf. The
daily
the 'who speaks where
to whom about what to what end' question Is crucial; of
the
leave
friends,
of
the
1974). material room
for
colleagues,
neighbours, etc. The organization of dally life, of relations with other people,
Is
to
an important extent dependent
on
class- and
culture-
specific communication patterns. In
short,
linguistic variation works.
But
a
theory
and
language and women
a social component.
between It
about
a
women and men deepens our knowledge on how
language
the
into
both
language
Into
Insight
Include the
Is through research
Better
must
social
component,
that
7
studies
on women and language could be raised above a descriptive to an
explanatory
level .
A
linguistic theory would serve both socIoIinguistics and
feminist
sexes. Language
the
is the symbolic embodiment of social values (Ervin-Tripp
this volume). Language used about, to and by women and men does not only reflect
cultural
perpetuates
and
societal
people's attitudes.
peculiar people called linguists, the
unmasking
linguistic
of
structures
but
While most people,
also
teaches
apart
and
from
those
take language and speech for granted,
sex-stereotypical
linguistic
behaviour
attitudes may raise consciousness and with it
and
sexist
opportunities
to change both language use and society.
About this volume As
a global theoretical
the
denomination
frame for the work reported In this
'Language,
socialization
collection
and self-image'
has
been
chosen. The language use of women and men is largely determined by their gender close
Identity
which
relation
community.
In
to
is formed during upbringing
social
norms ad
first
education,
prevailing
In
a
In
speech
and through language the biological differences become a
psychological and sociological The
values
and
dichotomy.
part of the volume,
'Language and
socialization:
language
acquisition and interaction in the classroom',
includes seven
articles
on primary socialization at home and secondary socialization at school. Matty the
van
der Ueulen
development
gives a thorough review of empirical research
of self-concept and self-esteem in the
light
of
on sex
differences. Since in most
Investigations sex was not the main object of
study and the influence of
language was hardly
carefully
that sex differences
looked at,
she concludes
in self-concept may develop from
childhood onwards and that language may play a role on several
middle
levels in
this development. The
next
two
contributions
quantitative
data
about
interaction.
Akke
de
on
early
language
acquisition
sex differences in language
Blauw
reports on a
interaction when children were 3,
4 1/2,
project
concern
acquisition
about
and
mother-child
6 and 17 months old. The two
main variables were sex of child and socio-economic class of the family. Social class differences are mentioned but most attention Is paid to sex differences.
Differences between girls and boys were found at the early
8 period
in
fussing and crying of the children and
orientation
of
the
mother:
the behaviour of boys seemed to cause more interaction with the
mother,
while
there
girls
tended more to 'vocalize
around'.
Surprisingly,
appeared to be no continuity with the later period.
Then It
the talk of girls which was more directed toward the mother, talked more in the context of their play. In
which
this
behaviour
De Blauw refers to
Is stated to be
initiated
by
was
while boys literature
the
parents.
Finally,
she
emphasizes the need for research on the contexts In which
children
and
their parents
Uarlon
Morel Il-Kayser
development. of
interact.
and Maria
Llesbeth
Verhulst-SchlIchtIng,
Peddemors-Boon
Investigated
At 14 months they found differences
vocabulary.
But
the educational
lexical
In the size and nature
level of the parents
appeared
to
interact with sex of the child: slower development
In size of vocabulary
was
level
found
for
Extremely minority
boys
from
expressive of
the
or
the low referential
children.
expressive words,
van
peergroup
argues
interaction
language behaviour. lead
her
patterns
parent
only
found
used
to
a
femininity
and
resource
of
have
unjustly
establishing
neglected
sex-specific
that
children
have
acquired
age of 12 and subsequently are masculinity
Into two
different
Her results
sex-appropriate
going
to
speech
exaggerate
styles.
divergence between the sexes joins with patterns of communication social
This in the
domains which are traditionally allocated to women and men.
conclusion
for
level group.
that linguistics
as
a
more
She reports on research into views on language of 9
conclude the
for
slightly
old girls and boys and their actual behaviour.
by
group.
while a more extreme referential style was found
Alphen
to 15 years
styles were
Girls In both groups
more boys from the high educational Ingrld
educational
is that girls and boys to a great extent socialize
and she emphasizes that the period of adolescence
Her
themselves
is a most fertile soil
for this sex-appropriate socialization. The
last
three
socialization and
articles of Part. I deal
in school.
Marloes
evaluation of behaviour
Investigates between
de Ble's
with
language
and
In the first grade of primary foreign
secondary
article is about turn taking school.
whether there are differences between girls and
indigenous
children.
Her
boys
findings
differences
all point
with
The differences are most apparent with the
boys.
In
in the direction of more Interaction of foreign
on
She and sex
teachers pupils
among whom the girls are least heard and the boys are most dominant,
of
9 all pupils.
However, foreign girls do not always make an equally modest
contribution. classroom
While
they
conversations
engagement
is
Evaluations specific
higher
indigenous
when
indigenous
experiences,
educational conversations
It seems that the differences
and foreign girls,
and
girls
their are
at
and In behaviour of the teacher
towards
Klaartje
indicate that Du IJm takes
of positive and negative politeness
describes
behaviour
the
attempts
to fit theoretical
is
theoretical
In Interaction (Brown and
with authority and warmth In classroom her
sex-
between
context-specific.
dealing
stake.
show
Levinson 1978) as an entry to investigate sex differences in of
in
verbal
In behaviour
indigenous girls and boys all
culture- and framework
out-of-schooI
by the teacher of children's contributions also
patterns.
foreign
participate less than on
strategies
communication.
notions
to
She
institutional
interaction characterized by different teacher and pupil roles. She also formulates
expectations about sex-speclflc behaviour
In terms
of
this
theory.
Subsequently she has carried out a quantitative analysis in two
schools
with
girls On
to
treat
and boys differently with respect to negative and positive
face.
the
more
different teaching methods.
Teachers appeared
dimension of authority teachers protected girls' negative
and boys were coerced more
language
used
by
pupils
to
forcefully. keep
However,
relations
warm
were
ambiguous.
Different teaching styles seemed to influence the
method
in
which more attention is paid to children's
rather
than
merely
following
the prescriptions
stimulate girls to be more assertive. study these
would
own
of
when
teachers
girls:
books
sex-specific
patterns. The study of Jeannette
Lubbers
Interaction of teacher and pupil
in science lessons.
and Connie
a
experiences
According to DuiJm a show
in
sometimes
seems
to
longitudinal
be needed to find out whether girls can make the
possibilities
face
differences
most
of
communication
Renting
concerns the
They focus on
the
interaction
with girls in view of their often lower self-confidence and
performance
in these subjects. The study gives evidence to conclude that
the teacher-pupil by
which
confidence
Interaction may be part of gender-spec IfIc
the vicious circle of less knowledge, and
analysis shows,
poorer performance of girls Is in addition,
lower hard
to
mechanisms
demands,
lower
break.
Their
how a differentiated curriculum for girls
ad boys may be hidden. All
these studies on language used to and by girls and boys
the
need
to
look
beyond sex
differences
emphasize
alone. Interprétât ions
of
10 interaction
of
sex with social class,
context and nature of
interaction,
cultural
background,
communication might work. From the perspective of social theory be
very interesting to look at the data on expressive
styles
and at differences
towards the mother
the
In
how
and
It would
referential
in orientation of talking towards playing and
in the light of the identification processes in early
childhood put forward by Nancy Chodorow (1978). youth
and
all bring about more Insight
Theoretical concepts of
cultures which involve peergroup communication strategies
give Insight while
into differences In speech styles which girls and boys use,
linguistic data may contribute to knowledge about the
of girls and boys In adolescence. contribute
to
divergence
The articles on classroom
interaction
the exploration of theoretical notions in the
communicative inequality
should
behaviour,
by
schools
and In
about
the
theory
terms of labeling
of
by
field
of
reproduction
of
teachers
and
by
a
differentiated curriculum. The second part of the volume, and
social
about
evaluation',
'Language and self-image:
consists of eight rather
speech
different
articles
variation between women and men and linguistic
speech
style
attitudes
towards women's and men's speech. The
first
two
philosophical 'feminine', from
the
contributions
perspective. 'masculine',
are
Joke 'woman',
written Huisman
She
states
women'
cannot
be
in
reduced
to one
theoretical,
meaning
that general terms like 'women' or characteristic
phenomena described by the term have in common. have the same,
a
terms
'man', 'inequality' and
perspective of family resemblances
1953).
from
approaches
like
'oppresion'
(Wittgenstein 'oppression
feature
which
of all
They do not necessarily
Invariable meaning regardless of place and time. But the
conclusion that there are various images of women differing according to period,
social
category
class and situation does definitely not imply that
'woman' has no longer reality.
no less significance than that they direct and justify a certain way thinking.
Agnes
application
of the cooperation principle of conversation as a
explanation
for the (presuppositions about) Insecure,
polite to
presents her ideas about
the
lacking in jokes and swear words as well.
about a cooperation principle of conversation on the
cooperation
principle
possible
simple, She
of Grice (1967) and the Interactive
of
asymmetrical
and supportive speech behaviour of women which Is also
be rather
ideas
Verbiest
the
General terms have no more and
modest, supposed
bases
her
informative cooperation
11
principle of Franck (1978). She argues that the asymmetrical of
the
application
cooperation principle makes the unequal distribution
between women and men more transparent may facilitate challenging
in conversation.
following three articles go into verbal
and
men.
are
thought of as being typical for the language of
supposed
to
power
Eventually this
it.
The
Mieke
of
interactions between
women
de Boer deals with the interrelation of features
which
show
more
engagement
and
less
women.
Women
competition
in
are their
interaction and are assumed to be orientated toward the person they talking
with.
features. about the
Each
category
is opérâtionaIized by different
Appelman,
language
However, while there are tendencies which support assumptions
sex-specific communication, same
are
category Anke
the hypothesis that the features
are interrelated could not
HeiJerman,
be
Monic van Puijenbroek
confirmed. and
Karin
of
Sonja Schreuder
analyzed two discussion programmes on television inspired by the work of Senta Troiïie l-P lûtz (1984). speaking
turns
made
a
by
They paid attention to the speaking time and
of women and men and references to
remarks
female or male participant while comparing
the
previously linguistic
behaviour of the two moderators, one female and one male, as well. Their hypotheses
that the female participants would have less
speaking
time
and speaking turns than the male participants were only partly confirmed by
the results.
appeared
to
be
One of the women,
active in politics for a long time,
extremely capable of holding
the
floor.
As
to
the
moderators, the female moderator appeared to control the discussion more strictly turns
resulting
in a more equal distribution of speaking
time
speaking.
Lia
Brekweg
has carried out a pilot study
into hesitancy
female and male speech to test the intuitive statements about a hesitancy
hedges,
a formal and informal situation. the
interviewer
The hypothesis that women use more
speech forms was not confirmed by the results.
addressee, the
greater
qualifiers and fillers in the speech of three women
and three men, each being interviewed by a female and a male hesitant
In
in women of Robin Lakoff (1975). She looked at the use of tag-
questions, in
and
and she supported and encouraged the participants more often when
As to
sex
of
women used more hesitant speech forms when speaking
to
male interviewer and similarly the men when speaking to the
interviewer. interviewer
Least
hesitant
were
women when talking
in the informal situation.
express insecurity before men.
to
the
female female
This result suggests that women
12 The
last
three papers deal with speech style
Margreet
Bouma's
contribution
and
social
conversations about college or university studies. men's
Women described
style as using jargon and as long-winded speech and
style as using simpler words and briefer utterances. to
talk
comparison future
rarely
with
men.
research,
focussing
about
to
their
own
speciality
Into women's and
men's
in
interesting,
in
speech
styles
by
Haan
reports
an
'the
silence'
investigation
into
attitudes towards and proficiency of mother
and
second
Dorian
profession
on
Although
of women.
language of Surinam children there
languages,
were
there
were
almost
no
from
negative
sex differences
same
and
attitudes, D6d6
differing
However,
proficiency
Brouwer
pronunciation the
girls towards standard Dutch.
direction.
there
and
Hindustani
attitudes
speech
and
of
language
appeared to be
appreciation, ethnic
no
relation
the
between
the results from an ethnic identity
more
in relation
test.
to
have
their a
more
The results
from
less conscious judgements could be revealed and
In
Women appeared to use the variants from frequently than men and to
functions both as an important
feminine
pronunciation
either
Proficiency varied In
between women and men In Amsterdam
through which
that
background.
toward
the language of the
positive attitude towards standard language than men. tests
tongue
reports on a research project about speech differences
linguistic attitudes.
standard
de
In the degree of
boys seeming more positive towards Sarnami, minority
the
women's
in negative terms or
She concludes that it would be look
the
They also reported
a tendency of women to speak about their own knowledge and
evaluation.
Is concentrated on women's experiences In
masculine
showed
indicator of social
characteristics,
the
status standard
being associated with high social status and
femininity,
dialect with low status and masculinity. Such stereotypical
expectations
were,
as usual,
shared by different social groups,
that is, women and
men.
Note
1. We are indebted to Murray Pearson for polishing our English.
References AMMON, ULRICH 1973 Dialekt
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Verflechtung:
eine
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GAL, SUSAN 1978 Peasant men can't get wives: language change and sex roles In bilingual community. Language in Society 7, 1-16.
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TRUDGILL, PETER 1972 Sex, covert prestige and linguistic change in the urban British English of Norwich. Language in Society 1, 179-196. 1974 The social differentlat ion of English in Norwich. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. WITTGENSTEIN, LUDWIG 1953 Philosophical Invest I gat ions. Oxford, Blackwell. YAGUELLO, MARINA 1978 Les mots et les femmes: essai d'approche condition féminine. Paris, Payot.
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ZIMMERMAN, DON H. and CANDACE WEST 1975 Sex roles, Interruptions and silences in conversation. Barrie and Nancy Henley (eds.), 1975, 105-129.
de la
In Thorne,
ABOUT, TO AND BY WOMEN Susan Ervin-Tripp
Women's
studies
fields
of
thinking
have made great strides in recent
research,
years.
In
entirely new perspectives have opened
especially of changes in the study of literature,
certain
up.
I
am
of history,
and of anthropology. I
believe that most of the Interesting new knowledge about
come
from
this kind of comparltive research.
Studies In these
allow us to reach outside of our own experience, to
test the assumptions we grew up with.
enlarges
our view of the possible,
awareness
of
women
to distance
will fields
ourselves
The exposure to these changes
and gives results that
change
the person and the society more than Just adding
our
another
variable. (1) In
these fields,
ethnicity. the
like class
or
These are fields where point of view Is accepted as part
gender
of
epistemology,
is not Just one more variable,
where the physical science model
prestige paradigm to emulate. central
to
the
Is not taken as the
Taking the point of view of the actor
method of understanding employed,
or
at
least
is such
empathy is used to initiate data searches. Anthropologists
have shown us that in all societies age and gender
are
used as the armatures for sculpting social organization. Often there are separate
men's
and
women's social
separate
daily activities.
and
religious
In some societies,
associations,
and
men do the weaving,
in
others women. The assumption that gender where
gender
buttons,
who
continues
to
Is important continues today in the
dec i des who will fix the I amp sw i tch or who will fix will be
shovel important
the snow and who
will
in a fruit canning
make
factory,
decides who will sort pears and who will seal the cans. that
women
families
will
the where Gender
serve customers in the East restaurant and
serve customers in the West restaurant next door.
bed.
the It
gender decides
men
will
18
I
chose
these examples because they Illustrate cases of what
role ascription
and In some cases gender segregation.
we
call
They have nothing
to do directly with power. (2) They cannot be explained by an assertion that
women are oppressed.
But they are Important and they
do
require
explanatIon. Anthropologists
have
also
been
the ones who have shown
us
that
In
primate societies alliances and loyalties to females are as Important as male
physical power and authority.
They have shown us that
there
are
other dimensions to society than muscle. They
have
looked at a range of societies and found that In most
It
is
true that males have greater public and political prestige. Peggy Sanday has found out why. territory,
In societies of scarcity, where there is warfare over
male prestige
Increases because in all warring societies the
warrior
is valued. The plow also was associated with a decline In female
power.
In
this approach,
public power comes from the dynamics In
the
larger public society. On the other hand, that
there are theorists such as Nancy Chodorow who claim
the widespread difference in public prestige and power
has a different source within the family. because
from
their
status. If this theory
gender
According to this view, it is
women take care of children more than men.
themselves
by
Sons,
mothers and from childhood,
to
give
separate
women
lower
is correct, there could be a major rebalancing of
prestige by complete equality
In childcare from the moment of birth. But
It would take many generations. These
discussions of power are always about public power and
prestige,
outside of the family.
Anthropologists have also shown us that
societies
significant
women
modernization
have
In
developing
importance of families, them prestige outside.
power
within
families.
countries has in many cases
and with it the power of women,
in
some
So-called
reduced
the
without giving
The women in these societies may feel the poorer
for such changes. The
economic parallel
nations, cash
is the agricultural aid programmes to
developing
which remove women's power to feed their families by moving to
export
crops
controlled by men and by the
fluctuations
of
the
commodIty market. Ideologists closely
the
from
the outside,
Internal
societies, could err
even feminists,
organization
of power
who and
in imposing their own notions.
fall prestige
to
examine in
these
19 Have our results In studying language been as important as these? I want to show you today that the study of language tells us a great deal about society.
Language is the symbolic embodiment of social values.
languages,
or
changes
through
language,
can change
Whether
society
is
an
important issue for us. What do we study when we study women and language? In my view, there are four major research themes: a. How women are talked about. b. The features of women's speech. c. How women and girls are talked to. d. How
women and girls Interact,
how they converse,
how they
present
themselves in talk. Women as referents In our societies,
women are not talked about much. They are left out of
general talk by the use of generic nouns and pronouns, males
do
doubt
this omission,
than
though typically
not notice this omission as much as women.
If
your
friends
just tell them 'Early man breastfed babies longer
modern man.' If they laugh,
It Is because man Just does not refer
to women. The
lower
public
prestige
or ridicule of
women
societies shows up symbolically in many ways. tend
to
in
wizard/witch,
Western
Words that refer to women
get lower prestige meanings or have lower
than their male cognates.
modern
secondary
meanings
You can have fun finding these pairs, such as
master/mistress,
governor/governess (Lakoff 1973; Miller
and Swift 1976). And of course we a I I have seen that television stories,
textbooks
contrast
In
commercials,
children's
and other contemporary representations show
images of male and
female
responsibilities,
highly
power,
and
persona I 11les. If Some
you doubt that these displays matter, psychologists,
Jennings,
Gels
and
Brown
(1980)
television
advertisements.
sharing
cocktail while listening to men's expert
a
experimenters
They
think about this
experiment. started
represented women serving dinner
constructed a second,
matched set of
advice.
Then
advertisements
with and the in
which gender roles in each advertisement were reversed. Then they showed the commercials to women students, and tested them in a
20 variety that
of ways before and after with appropriate controls.
the students were more independent
speeches
that
reversal
commercials.
They found
in their Judgements,
were much more self-confident and successful How girls and women see other women
and
gave
after may
the
affect
their own self-confidence.
Women's speech
When
we
come to look at face-to-face talk,
we find that the two
main
dimensions we may have to think about are power and solidarity. We could call
these
the up/down and the
inclusion/exclusion
or
close/distant
dimensions (Brown 1965). One
of
the
speech
most
Interesting results we have In the study
is that women move faster than men towards prestige
of
women's
speech.
dialect speaking societies they learn the standard language faster, choose it more (Nichols 1980). language
In Immigrant groups,
they learn
faster and choose to speak It more (Gal 1978).
is only true If they have access to learning,
In and
second
Of course that
and are not home,
inside
the house a I I day. In Amsterdam,
D6d6 Brouwer has found in the same way that women use the
higher prestige pronunciation during interviews more than their husbands and brothers, and that people Judge men who use higher prestige forms as effemInate. Under
what
dynamics
interactional circumstances does this happen?
of
this difference?
teachers are female?
Do we only find these
In contrast,
What are
differences
we might not have such a finding
the when in
Islamic societies, where the prestige variety
Is male.
The
Is the upper working class
most prestige-sensitive
(Labov 1972).
At this level,
and sisters are in work work, oldest
level of society
do men do manual
labour while their wives
involving symbols and language, like secretarial
selling, or teaching? Bernstein (1972) has proposed also that the daughters In working class families act as negotiators with
outside and thus learn middle class Sociologists
say that these women are docile because they are
higher class speech;
We could see in this a kind of
against their families.
from doc lie.
adopting
at the same time, they are innovative with respect
to their parents and husbands. rebellion
the
'codes.'
In that sense this behaviour
symbolic is
far
21
But notice that these terms, different docility trying
(1983),
Is
to move up,
marry
docile arid innovative,
social dimensions.
up,
marriage.
as
Bourdieu,
are taken from two
a sociologist who talks
concerned with the up/down dimension. relative to their brothers?
he says,
Are
women
If they are trying
then this behaviour should
If he is right,
about
peak
just
to
before
women should try to give the Impression,
speech, clothes, and demeanor, of a higher social
In
level, for purposes of
soc i a I mob iIi ty. The
other
dimension
closeness/distance. unlike
we have talked about These
your addressee,
partners
with
you.
dimensions
Is
inclusion/exclusion
have to do with talking
like
and carrying the speech features of your
Psychologists
call
this
or or
usual
accomodation/divergence
(Giles and Smi th 1979). A
major
like
theme In the sociology of language is what makes
each other.
If people are separated by any kind
divergence takes place. Speech similarity identification. If
It
can live with masters and not talk like them. Increases with
interaction under conditions of social equality,
marriage,
talk
segregation,
is a sensitive index of social
Is the case that speech similarity
social few
Servants
people
of
and In unlIke-sex twins?
frequency
or
what happens In
Sex differences provide one of
the
cases where people talk a lot with one another but may still differ
in their speech features (Ervin-Trlpp 1978). If in Amsterdam high prestige accents are associated with femininity, as Brouwer feminine contrasts husband,
found, or
are there situations In which women want to sound
men more masculine?
to
find
this out.
Perhaps you can look
If a woman talks
at
differently
more
situational than
her
does she do this more at work than at home? When feeling angry
more than when feeling warmly?
Divergence can become a tool for showing
how you fee I. I
don't
excellent
know
the
results.
But the study of
sex
difference
Is
an
laboratory for understanding these subtle processes of social
change.
Women as addressees
Most
of
the
research
reflected the prestige boys
on speech addressed issue.
attract more attention,
For example,
to
girls
and
women
has
in schools it is found that
are more often helped to correct answers,
22 given more probes,
and get more praise for similar work.
Parents
give
more cognitive support to boys (Block 1979). In my observations In California families, and In research on children's playing
of family roles,
fathers make more demands on mothers than the
reverse, children give more demands to mothers than to fathers, and they talk
to
fathers
families,
we
as politely as to
get
the
symbolic prestige,
visitors.
impression that the
Within
mothers
these have
American
the
even lower than the children (Ervin-Tripp,
lowest O'Connor
and Rosenberg 1984). Studies
of mixed group interaction show men as Interrupting more
(West
and Zimmerman 1982), taking up women's topic proposals less, and even In power
asymmetric
doctor
is
situations such as doctors and patients,
interrupted
by
male
patients
subordinates are Joked about more, verbal ly whole,
what
subordinate
1984).
first-named more,
touched more (Gardner 1980).
remember that age,
(West
the
female
Women
and
verbally and non-
If you can think of
exceptions,
expertise, and personality also have effects. On the
we see In Interaction then Is a pretty nice mirror of prestige
of women In these modern Western societies
the where
the studies are done.
Interact ion
Finally,
let us look at what we can make of women as Interactants. Some
Important
recent
work
interactional dynamics. of
thinking
meanings.
about
Studies
on
Here again,
both issues of
and
gender
has
to
I want to emphasize the up/down
and
do
with
importance
close/distant
social
of children's playgroups have suggested that already
by six there are differences boys
language
in many cultures In the types of activities
and girls are engaged in,
with boys involved in more
competitive
play (Whiting and Whiting 1975). Children
segregate
Western societies. outside, of
themselves
a good deal
In the elementary school,
win. play,
and
studies
in
modern
boys more often engage in
large group gross motor play, competition, and public displays
verbal and non-verbal skills.
back,
in the
compete for attention.
They learn to
survive
attack,
Joke
The main issue for them is who
will
Girls tend to form smaller, face-to-face groups with more symbolic more concern with equality and with inclusion or exclusion.
do not get as much training
in subtle negotiation.
They
What we would expect
23 as
a
result
is
a
male preoccupation with
hierarchy
and
a
female
preoccupation with acceptance (Maltz and Borker 1982). There has been a lot made of women's willingness to be the
classroom and in the courtroom,
hedge more,
subordinate.
In
women of the same expertise as men
and sound more uncertain.
If an actor reads the same text,
he is also judged to be less credible,
so women are using speech
forms
that undermine them (O'Barr and Atkins 1980). It is possible to turn this around. most
In the families In my research, the
polite requests were the least successful pragmatically.
In adult
studies too, it has been found that more assertiveness works —
If one's
goal
is
practical
rather than social.
participated actively,
In a seminar
where
only
could see each other but blocked the men's view of each other, floor to each other,
men
the women got together to plan. They sat so they gave the
and kept referring to each other's opinions.
They
took over the seminar. This was applied sociolIngulstics which worked! I
would
like
research.
to turn to what has been the
Hierarchy
Is
neglected
the dominant male issue.
primarily at hierarchy and prestige.
What about
Some studies show that women give more feedback, for
issue
We too
in
have
language for
this looked
Inclusion?
often non-verbal,
this reason are preferred as clinicans and get more information
and as
physicians (Fishman 1983). In face-to-face female friend's groups,
women join in to 'duet', to co-
produce speech rather than compete for the floor (Edelsky 1981),
but in
mixed groups this risks being seen as competition. Studies in the United States show that women have more close friends, are more self-revealing, and
value
women kind
intimacy more than do men,
than to other men (Rubin 1983; of
solidarity
graffiti
showed
who are more Wodak 1981).
even to strangers,
(Davies
1985).
self-revealing Women provide
as a recent study
Women gave support
and
of
to this
women's
advice
when
graffiti reported problems, but men made jokes or cutting attacks. We
know very little about how solidarity and friendship
are
verbally
by either men or women (but see Brown 1980).
that
is time that the women take back the agenda and look
it
dimension of One study
of
suggest at
the joys of this kind of work is that many of the variables can
become
this
Interaction, in both work and home situations. be seen or heard by any of us.
At this
learned of many excellent studies carried out all
I would
signalled
researchers about everyday life.
conference
I
we have
In the Netherlands. We can I hope that at
our
next
24 meeting
we
will know much more because of your contributions
to
this
work.
Notes 1. Barrie Thorne and Judy Stacey developed a detailed analysis at the Berkeley Feminist Seminar, later published in Social Forces, of arguments about the reasons for the more radical effects of feminist research on literature, anthropology, and history than on sociology, psychology, and economics. 2. Ascription will ultimately turn out to be related to power, in that the responsibilities assigned men may be given more value by the society as a result, or vice versa. My argument Is that the segregation goes beyond the issue of power, and is more related to symbolic distance. The results of segregation at work may have had especially pernicious effects.
References BERNSTEIN, BASIL 1972 A sociolinguistIc approach to socialization: with some reference to educability. In Gumperz, John and Dell Hymes (eds.), Directions in socioli nguist ics: the ethnography of communI cation. Holt, New York. BLOCK, JEANNE 1979 Personality development in males and females: the Influence of differential socialization. APA Master Lectures. American Psychological Association, Washington, D.C. BOURDIEU, PIERRE 1983 Le changement I InguIstique: entretlen avec William Labov. Actes la Recherche et Sciences Sociales, (March), 67-71.
de
BROUWER, DEDE 1986 Gender-specific attitudes towards Amsterdam vernacular. In Hout, Roe I and van, Uus Knops and Yves Persoons (eds.), Language attitudes in the Dutch language area. For Is, Dordrecht/Cinnaminson. BROWN, PENELOPE 1980 How and why are women more polite: some evidence from a Mayan community. In McConnel-Ginet, Sally, Ruth Borker and Nel I y Furman (eds.), 1980, Women and language in literature and society. Praeger, New York, 111-136. BROWN, ROGER 1965 Social psychology.
Free Press , Glencoe.
CH0D0R0W, NANCY 1978 The reproductIon of mothering: psychoanalysis and the sociology gender. University of California Press, Berkeley, CA.
of
25
DAVIES, CATHERINE 1985 The anonymous collectIve graffiti of women's conversat Ions: an of supportIve advice-giving. Proceedings of the First analysis Berkeley Women and Language Conference. University of California, Linguistic Department, Berkeley, CA. EDELSKY, CAROLE 1981 Who's got the floor. Language
In Society
10, 383-422.
ERVIN-TRIPP, SUSAN 1978 'What do women sociolInguists want?' Propects for a research field. Journal of the Sociology of Language 17, 17-28. International ERVIN-TRIPP, SUSAN, MARY C. O'CONNOR and JARRETT ROSENBERG 1984 Language and power in the family. In Kramarae, Cher Is, Schulz and William M. O'Barr (eds.), Language and Power. Mar, Californla, 116-135.
Muriel Sage, Del
FISHMAN, PAMELA M. 1983 Interaction: the work women do. In Thorne, Barrle, Cher Is Kramarae and Nancy Henley (eds.), Language, gender and society. Newbury House, Rowley, Mass., 89-101. GAL, SUE 1978 Peasant men can't get wives: language change and sex roles bilingual community. Language In Society 7, 1-16.
in
a
GARDNER, CAROL BROOKS 1980 Passing by: street remarks, address rights, and the urban female. Sociological Inquiry 50, 328-356. GILES, HOWARD and PHILIP SMITH 1979 Accomodation theory: optimal levels of convergence. In Howard and Robert N. St. Clair (eds.), Language and Psychology, Blackwell, Oxford, 45-65.
Giles, Social
JENNINGS (WALSTEDT) JOYCE, FLORENCE L. GEIS and VIRGINIA BROWN 1980 Influence of television c community. Language In Society 7, 1-16. GARDNER, CAROL BROOKS 1980 Passing by: street remarks, address rights, and the urban female. Sociological Inquiry 50, 328-356. GILES, HOWARD and PHILIP SMITH 1979 Accomodation theory: optimal levels of convergence. In Howard and Robert N. St. Clair (eds.), Language and Psychology, Blackwell, Oxford, 45-65.
Giles, Social
JENNINGS (WALSTEDT) JOYCE, FLORENCE L. GEIS and VIRGINIA BROWN 1980 Influence of television clversity Press, Cambridge, 196-216. MILLER, CASEY and KATE SWIFT 1976 Words and women. Anchor Press, Doubleday. NICHOLS, PATRICIA C. 1980 Women in their speech communities.
In McConnell-Ginet, Sally, Ruth
26 Borker and Nelly Furman (eds.), Women and language and society. Praeger, New York, 140-149.
in
literature
O'BARR, WILLIAM M. and BOWNAM K. ATKINS 1980 Women's language or powerless language? In McConnelI-GI net, Sally Ruth Borker and Nelly Furman (eds.), Women and language in IIterature and society. Praeger, New York, 93-110. RUBIN, LILLIAN 1983 Intimate strangers.
Harper and Row, New York.
SANDAY, PEGGY power and male dominance: on 1981 Female Inequality. University Press, Cambridge. WEST, CANDACE 1984 Routine complIcatIons.
the
origins
of
sexual
Indiana University Press, Bloomington.
WEST, CANDACE and DON H. ZIMMERMAN 1982 Small insults: a study of interruptions in cross-sex conversations between unacquainted persons. In Thorne, Barrie, Cher Is Kramarae and Nancy Henley (eds.), Language, gender and society. Newbury House, Rowley, Mass., 102-117. WHITING, BEATRICE and JOHN WHITING 1975 Children of six cultures: a University Press, Cambridge.
psychocultural
analysis.
Harvard
WODAK, RUTH 1981 Women relate, men report: sex differences In language behaviour a therapeutic group. Journal of PragmatIcs 5, 261-285.
in
1.
LANGUAGE AND SOCIALIZATION: Language Acquisition and Interaction in the Classroom
1 SELF-CONCEPT, SELF-ESTEEM AND LANGUAGE: Sex Differences in Childhood and Adolescence Matty van der Meulert I n t r o d u c i ion T h i s paper p r o v i d e s an overview of e m p i r i c a l research on the development of s e l f - c o n c e p t and s e l f - e s t e e m up to and i n c l u d i n g adolescence,
in the
l i g h t of sex d i f f e r e n c e s . To my knowledge, the p o s s i b l e r e l a t i o n of development been
with
language - the theme of t h i s workshop - has
investigated
empirically.
The
influence
of
language
this
not
yet
and
the
consequences of t h i s I n f l u e n c e for sex d i f f e r e n c e s i s t h e r e f o r e based on theoretical giving
considerations
rather than on e m p i r i c a l
an overview of the r e s e a r c h ,
research.
Before
I wiI I give a description
v a r i a b l e s which are the main o b j e c t s of t h i s paper,
of
the
namely s e l f - c o n c e p t
and s e l f - e s t e e m . The s e l f - c o n c e p t may in a very general sense be d e s c r i b e d as a
person's
view
elements
of
herself.
individuals self-concept person
The
as
follows:
conceives
internalized action.'
self-concept
i s composed of
consider to be part of themselves.
'The s e l f - c o n c e p t comprises
of as part of h e r s e l f :
outer
the
everything
appearance,
the
feelings,
v a l u e s and r u l e s and the experience of being an
agent
of
r e f e r s to an i n d i v i d u a l ' s e v a l u a t i o n of the elements of the
self-concept,
or
to
a
general
evaluation
e v a l u a t i o n can be e i t h e r p o s i t i v e or n e g a t i v e . '...the
evaluative
surrounding used
the
(1979: 154; my t r a n s l a t i o n from the German)
Self-esteem
(p.54)
all
WIcklund d e s c r i b e s
significance
culture
of
one's
person.
Burns (1979) s t a t e s that
of most concepts i s
in that many e v a l u a t i o n s have
taken
become
from
interchangeably.
As
these
two terms c a r r y
the
normative.'
In the ' s e I f ' I I t e r a t u r e s e l f - c o n c e p t and s e l f - e s t e e m
meanings ( c f .
This
are
basically
often
different
Calhoun and Morse 1977) i t i s more p r e c i s e to hold to the
above d i s t inct ion. The
bulk
of e m p i r i c a l research concerns s e l f - e s t e e m
(for
a
thorough
30 overview see Wylle 1979). fruitful
explanatory
between
Self-esteem, however, turned out to be a less
factor.
Wylle reports null or weak
self-esteem and a variety of other variables.
this,
investigators show a renewed Interest
correlations
As a
result
of
In developmental changes in
the self-concept (Damon and Hart 1982). The
following
overview
of empirical research on
children and adolescents Is divided into
sex
differences
two sections:
in
sex differences
related to the self-concept and to self-esteem respectively. With regard to
the
self-concept,
the
aim
Is to look for the
emergence
of
differences
In the elements used by children and adolescents to
themselves.
My
children
will
extensively possible
own be
research on spontaneous self-references Included in this section and described
than the other studies.
differences
between
and boys
separate elements of the self-concept, or
In
the
In overall
young
bit
Concerning self-esteem
girls
define
In
a
sex
more
I focus
on
evaluation
of
self-evaluation.
Sex differences In self-concept development
Prerequisite
to the acquisition of a self-concept
self-awareness the
ability
(Kagan
In the first two years of life, which can be described as '...to regard self as an entity
1981:
primarily
Is the development of
2)
The
emergence of
in this early age-period.
different
self-recognition
from Is
others.'
Investigated
At the end of the second year self-
recognition
Is part of the achievements of most children (see Lewis and
Brooks-Gunn
1979
characteristics
for an overview). age
and sex,
Young children appear to
as represented
In
facial
use
features,
the to
distinguish the Image of themselves from that of others. When children start to talk, become the
an Item of study.
utterances
themselves.
The
of
self-references
According to Kagan (1981,
children at the end of the
contents
references to
children's SiIber
language
1982) about 35% of
second
of these utterances are
verbalizations of the children's activities. year
in their natural year
refer
almost
to
exclusively
In the course of the third
nternal states and mental processes also appear
language (Bretherton and Beeghly 1982;
Shatz,
Wellman,
In and
1983).
Of the studies mentioned so far only Bretherton and Beeghly
investigated
sex differences, but they found none. In
my own research I analyzed samples of natural
language of
preschool
31
children,
aged two to six years, for the occurrence of self-references.
Thirty-five
percent
of
the utterances was identified as
being
self-
referent, a similar percentage to that found by Kagan in children of two years old.
The youngest children In my study,
however,
produced
less
than this mean percentage, the older children slightly more. The content of
the
self-references was concerned predominantly with the 'here
now.' Children verbalized what they were going to do and their wants and wishes. used
moderate
possessions social these
sex
respectively, personal
Only three out of nineteen
differences.
more often than boys.
relations samples.
immediate
They were possessive with respect to the things
or with which they played.
showed
and
Girls
for
instance
A small part of the utterances, were
positive
capacities.
On
or
the
mentioned
Self-referent utterances
or psychological characteristics hardly negative
whole girls
expressing occurred
three and two
evaluative made
they
categories
percent
remarks
more
In
about
self-evaluative
remarks, especially positive statements, than boys. Finally, cross-sexed role-playing (farmer, father, physician) was only observed in girls (Van der Meulen 1983; In prep.) When
children
interviewing most
have
acquired a fair command
of
productive
is used as a method to Investigate their self-concepts. The
applied open method Is the 'Who-are-you' Interview.
asked
to give as many responses as possible to the
you?'
language,
These
responses
are
subsequently
Subjects
question
classified
In
are
'Who-arecategories
referring to elements of the self-concept. For
three
children mainly
studies In which this method was employed, between
to outer,
three
the
and six years can be summarized
physical aspects - like personal date
age, sex), appearance and possessions - and to activities Kreltler 1967; analysis
L'Ecuyer 1975;
of variance Keller,
name,
(Kreltler and
and Meacham 1978). In an
and Meacham found no sex (nor age)
for
I'Ecuyer describes only minor differences between girls and signals
category
(proper
activities. He
only
Ford,
Ford,
of
referring
differences boys.
the
Keller,
answers as
a tendency
of
Importance
In girls of five for
in
their
answers
study,
expressing
adaptive and social aspects of themselves. SchooI-chI Idren and adolescents are often requested to write an essay on 'Myself'. The general conclusion In this type of study is that objective information about one's own person, decreases
with
growing
age,
such as appearance and possessions,
while
information
about
Internal,
32 psychological
characteristics - like personality attributes,
and hobbies, beliefs, attitudes, and values -
Interests
Increases.
Taken into consideration that large amounts of categories are used
to content-analyze self-descriptions,
relatively few instances. girls
mentioned
thirteen people
and more
Van der Werff (1969^reports that ten year old
appearance somewhat more
sixteen
frequently
year old girls mentioned
often than
sometimes
sex differences occurred in
boys.
than
boys,
relations
with
In Llvesley and Bromley's study
sex
differences
categories.
For
girls reference to relations with the opposite sex and
occurred
frequencies
more
from
often.
boys.
found for
Interests and
three
hobbles
Peevers (1974) appearance was especially
out
of
received
Fifteen year old girls produced
large amount of statements about appearance. nine years old.
only
(1973)
significant family
were
and other
a
33
higher
relatively
In the study of Secord and
Important to girls of eight and
Twelve and thirteen year old girls were concerned
with
their social behaviour much more than boys, by trying to be friendly and nice
to
people.
relationships
Adolescent
more
than
girls
boys.
In
also an
stressed
open
Interpersonal
interview
and
in
a
questionnaire Bosma (1985) asked adolescents which areas they considered to
be
relevant
interpersonal
to
areas
schooI/occupatIon, (1979),
them personally.
however,
to
be
hobbles, found
no
Females
Important,
more
males
often
more
considered
often
mentioned
and politics/society. Montemayor and Elsen reliable
sex
differences
in
the
descriptions of subjects of nine to eighteen years old. L'Ecuyer finally,
writes that,
structures
of
the
self(1978),
with the exception of twelve-year-olds, the main
self-concept of females and males up
to
21
years
resemble each other very much.
To
sum
up,
a shift
In content elements of
visible with growing age. of
concrete,
self-concept
becomes
Younger children describe themselves
in terms
observable elements,
the
older children and adolescents
use
more abstract, Internal categories. The terms which are used also become more differentiated, are
greater
occurred concerned
more precise. The similarities
than the differences for the two
incidentally,
In
middle
childhood
in this development
sexes. and
Sex
adolescence.
greater affinity of girls with relationships and
and of boys with school, hobbies, and
differences They
appearance,
interests.
In the next section sex differences in self-esteem are described.
Self-
33
evaluations
do
descriptions. evaluation three
not
appear
Evidence
with
about
great
frequency
development
In
free
in the occurrence
self-
of
self-
Is confusing. L'Ecuyer (1975) reports a decrease between ages
and
eight.
Livesley
and Bromley
(1973)
describe
that
self-
evaluations occurred In three percent of the responses at age seven, twelve
percent of the cases at age eight,
In
and decreased to one percent
at fifteen.
According to Secord and Peevers (1974), however, evaluative
terms
to
used
describe one's own person begin
to
appear
with
some
frequency at the age of twelve and are very prominent at age fourteen.
Sex differences
Maccoby
in self-esteem
and Jacklin (1975),
and Fransella and Frost (1977) both
start
their chapter on self-esteem with the often heard expectation that women have lower self-esteem than men, because women take the lower evaluation of
female
characteristics
self-esteem
is
individual's
dally
Into account
considered
to
be
an
in their
self-evaluations.
important
variable
for
experience - it is thought to be related to
As an
mental
health and academic achievement for instance - this expectation deserves serious
investigation.
Two thorough overviews of research on this subject, (1975),
and
esteem,
as
until
Wylle (1979),
Maccoby and Jacklin
almost no sex differences
measured by traditional self-esteem scales,
early adulthood.
general conclusion much. studies
found
in
self-
from childhood
A survey of recent studies does not alter
this
An unequivocal picture of the results of these
Is difficult to draw,
however,
because of the
different
age
groups examined and instruments employed. For the preschool period the results present no difficulties. They point almost
unanimously
self-esteem
scores
in
the direction of no sex differences
(Samuels and Griffore 1979;
Henderson
1983; Jensen 1983, 1985) Jensen states that some individual sensitive
to
strongly
to
dealing
with
sex differences. Items
Girls,
for
related to being liked by
physical
skill.
The studies
adolescents are more difficult to interpret. scales
- the
Piers-Harris
Coopersmith Self-esteem elementary
Children's
instance, others, with
In
global
and
Abrams
items may be
responded boys
to
school-children
more items and
On two of the better known
Self-concept
Scale
and
the
Inventory - no sex differences were found during
school years (Crase,
Foss,
and Colbert 1981;
Jaqulsh
and
34
Ripple
1980).
girls
Jaqulsh and Ripple report higher s c o r e s
o n the C o o p e r s m l t h
that m a l e s ,
Instruments
results
sometimes
Mclntire
(1981)
and
measuring differ found
for g i r l s
higher
particular
boys.
Soule,
and
higher
total
score.
eight-year-old
scores
Chapman,
nine
abilities. This was caused
year
on
for
M a r s h et al.
than g i r l s .
in particular
Rellch,
B a r n e s 1985). their
by their
and
than
In the
boys
in
mathematics
the
whole
computational
s k i l l s (Meece et al.
Dusek and Flaherty contained
the
quantitatively
d i fferences.
boys.
than
(In
significant general
sex better
girls
In
tests
on
in
tests
on
1982).)
a c o m b i n a t i o n of a
cross-sectional
and
years
a
old,
(1981) c o n c l u d e that s e l f - e s t e e m of f e m a l e s and m a l e s
same d i m e n s i o n s
(factors),
In these d i m e n s i o n s .
more
than
of
girls
abilities - boys performing
w i t h s u b j e c t s from e l e v e n to e i g h t e e n
lity more highly than boys, masculinity
thirteen
lower e v a l u a t i o n s
but g i r l s o c c a s i o n a l l y are better
large s c a l e p r o j e c t , design
The
do somewhat better
reasoning
longitudinal
score
from the tenth g r a d e o n w a r d s . Prior to that
mathematical
a
In overall
a b i l i t i e s c o n t r a s t e d w i t h their
In tests o n mathematical
on
boys
latter study b o y s a l s o gave higher e v a l u a t i o n s
than girls - b e g i n to appear age
sex d i f f e r e n c e s
a b i l i t i e s than girls.
achievements
differences
of
physical
included children a g e d from nine to
of their mathematical
higher
scores
and Smith 1983) and c h i l d r e n of ten (Marsh, S m i t h , and
mathematical
gave
on
These findings agree w i t h two other s t u d i e s of
and c o w o r k e r s w h i c h
(Marsh,
and
girls
(1984) also found that g i r l s - of s e v e n to
T h e r e w e r e no
this q u e s t i o n n a i r e .
Marsh
self-
Silva,
old
B o y s , o n the other hand, gave higher e v a l u a t i o n s of their
abilities
and
Instrument, a s e l f -
b o y s had higher
scores for
Drummond,
to
Inventory. On a s e c o n d
abilities,
years of age - e v a l u a t e d their reading a b i l i t i e s higher
did.
than
Employing a self-description questionnaire consisting
seven factors,
In
of
e v a l u a t i o n s of their reading and spelling a b i l i t i e s ,
neatness.
ten
and
Inventory,
report
p e r c e p t i o n of personal
on
describe
s c o r e d higher
sex d i f f e r e n c e s for six
role-expectancy,
(1984)
years,
the p e r c e p t i o n
no
motivation
acceptance, Williams
adolescent
though.
c h i l d r e n , o n a self-appraisal concept
for
M a r r o n and K a y s o n (1984)
b e t w e e n e i g h t e e n and twenty-four
females o n this s c a l e , With
Inventory.
Important.
but that the sexes
differed
Girls valued c o n g e n i a l i t y
/sociabi-
boys c o n s i d e r e d a c h i e v e m e n t / l e a d e r s h I p , The d i m e n s i o n adjustment
showed
no
and sex
35 With regard to sex differences
In self-esteem more recent studies do not
challenge general conclusions of earlier research. On global measures,
self-esteem
the scores of females and males are very similar,
in preschool and elementary school-children. adolescent
especially
The number of studies with
subjects Is small and results are contradictory.
statements (1979,
1982) that adolescents' self-esteem
But Burns'
Is higher
In boys
than In girls, cannot be supported. The usefulness of global measures of self-esteem Is questionable. section In
on self-concept development
seIf-defInItIon
childhood do.
One
esteem
onwards of
middle
girls include somewhat different elements than which
provided
to be rather they
were
used,
contained
academic
items
boys
the
or
self-
subscales
in
do,
whereas
achievement.
Further
by the authors when sex differences
Incidentally applied arguments.
did
occur,
When girls
scored
profited from the 'female climate' In education,
were supposed to mature earlier than boys. esteem
from
value relationships with others more than males
explanations higher,
that
the reasons for divergent findings may be that
emphasize physical abilities and
seemed
and
used
In relevance for the self-esteem of females and males. Females
evidently males
shift with Increasing age,
instruments
differing
In the
I have said that the elements
males,
this
traits by both sexes.
or they
In the case of higher
was attributed to higher evaluations
self-
of
male
Females also were supposed to be more willing
to
disclose their weaknesses than males. There is no opportunity to explore theoretical Maccoby
or
and
Jacklln
argumentations. the
empirical
variables
In
explanations further (1975)
and
Wylie
In
this
(1979)
paper.
give
extensive
the next section only the role of language,
of influence on self-concept and
Both
self-esteem,
one of will
be
brlefly considered.
The relation of language to self-concept and self-esteem
Language concept here:
plays
a role on several
and self-esteem. the
levels In the
development
of
Three different aspects will be touched
Influence of language acquisition on the development of
selfupon the
self-concept, the effect of verbal feedback from significant others, and finally
the
role of verbal ability
and self-esteem.
In the measurement of
self-concept
Possible consequences of the role of language for
sex
36 differences
in self-concept and self-esteem will be suggested for
each
aspect. Several authors (Samuels 1977; 1982)
Lewis and Brooks-Gunn 1979;
claim that the acquisition of
tool
to
expand
detail
Is left unexplained.
the use of the proper name,
which
children with
How this Influence works
Is
essential that
a in and
of the correct use of 'I' and 'You', and of in children's language.
According
and Eccles (1981) the acquisition of language Is an
conjecture
out
Examples are given of the reaction to
the appearance of self-references Popper
language provides
their self-concept.
Burns 1979,
for the development
of
the
to
achievement
self-concept:
'...I
only a human being capable of speech can reflect
upon
himself.' (p.144) Language Is not only of Importance for the development of the self-concept
In the early years,
with a tool for organizing experiences related
to the person herself.
individuals 1971).
are
but It provides the
Individual
in general, Including experiences
In the conceptualization of experiences
dependent upon the language of their
culture
(Gergen
This language Is not only a tool, but It possibly sets limits to
perception as well. The limits of the verbal community set limits to the discrimination limits
to
of stimuli,
says Bern (1972),
and this may
well
Imply
If
there
the perception of elements of the person herself.
are, for instance, two varieties within a language - a female and a male style
(Thorne and Henley 1975) - this might have consequences
self-concepts
of females and males.
Thorne and Henley
for
fear,
the
however,
that more differentiation might be assumed than Is actually present. An
important
particular
Influence on the development of the self-concept
on self-esteem,
significant
others
is feedback from other
(Neubauer 1976;
Burns 1982).
parents are Judged as significant others, teachers
may
be considered as such.
In the
what
Especially remarks
they
In
especially first
place
but also siblings, peers, and
Other people provide
with a 'looking-glass' as Cooley (1902) calls It. reflects
people,
and
People's
individuals self-esteem
perceive to be other people's Judgement
of
them.
In early childhood, Individuals receive continuous evaluative
about
their
behaviour.
It
Is
surprising
that
so
little
systematic research has been done on a phenomenon which theoretically considered
to
be
of
controlled
feedback,
such but
compared to verbal feedback Wylle
importance.
There
are
the effect of this must In real
experiments be
is
with
Inconsequential
life.
(1984) investigated the 'child attributions' of
mothers
towards
37
their
children of two-and-a-half,
amazingly hour
high amount of maternal
(one
utterance
attributions character. with second
contain
multiple
She found an about 350
the
place
the
high
self-descriptive
frequency of
positive
accounts for the stability of high self-esteem on self-esteem
These
evaluative
first place maternal attributions provide
opportunity to acquire
per
attributions).
were predominantly favourable when they had an In
the
could
In mother-child dyads. 'child attributions',
children
language.
In
attributions
the
probably
later on In life
(scores
instruments are almost always negatively skewed).
On the general question of differential socialization of girls and boys, Maccoby
and
(clothing, Evidence
Jacklln
(1975)
toy-preferences), about
Inconsistent.
different From
conclude,
that
verbal
stimulation,
directed
more
attention
Whether
this
remains to be answered.
for
towards
boys,
boys. both
In
Instance,
positive
which
teachers
and
may have effects for the self-esteem
was
Instance
school,
negative of
boys
At this age the already established self-esteem
Is mostly positive) causes a 'biased scanning'
Information
sex-typing
preschool age onwards more discipline (for
punishment) was directed towards
(which
for
there Is little evidence to support this.
physical feedback.
except
of
Information.
Is Inconsistent with existent self-esteem Is
easily
rejected (Samuels 1977; Burns 1982). Finally,
language
self-esteem methods.
plays
should, Several
a role on the output side.
by defIn 11Ion, of
the
be Investigated
employed
techniques like analyses of spontaneous - rely on the subjects' verbal ability. this
is
methods
with
and
self-report
- especially
language,
the
open
Interviews and essays
In the opinion of Combs
one of the arguments against the use of
Subjects
Self-concept
self-report
(1981) methods.
probably
lack adequate language to express their self-concept.
L'Ecuyer
(1981),
on the contrary,
prevents
researchers from actually exploring this.
even
children
states that such an
Interpretation
According
to
as young as three were quite capable of verbalizing
him, how
they perceived themselves. The
use of language In the measurement of self-concept and
could viewed
be a factor as
specified
being
In sex differences. superior
self-esteem
Females have traditionally
In verbal ability.
This
opinion
more exactly by Maccoby and Jacklin (1975) and
Dale
has
been been
(1976).
There appear to be no differences until the ages of ten or eleven. Young girls
are
perhaps more talkative than young boys,
but this
does
not
38 affect
the
onwards To
eleven
years
females perform better than males on a variety of verbal
quality of their verbal output.
From ten or
tasks.
what extent this finding might favour females In their responses
self-concept literature
and self-esteem methods has not been Investigated discussed
In
this paper.
In some studies girls
In
on the
did
give
higher evaluations of their reading and spelling abilities, though.
Concluding remarks Sex
differences
childhood must
be
In self-concept and self-esteem may occur
onwards.
No great differences with regard to global
expected,
differently
by
from
but
the
particular
sexes.
In
elements
are
most cases the
more
or
less
a
by-product,
as is often
measures
sometimes
valued
Investigation
differences was not the primary aim of the research mentioned was
middle
the
case
of
sex
here. with
It
other
organlsmlc variables like age and social class. This means that no sharp hypotheses with regard to sex differences were formulated and tested. In this
respect
self-esteem Jacklln
future research on sex differences might
profit
In
self-concept
from overviews as provided
(1975) and Wylle (1979).
by
Maccoby
Special care should be given In
and and such
research to the selection of measurement methods. Language esteem been
may
development. worked
differences. language In
play a role on several
their
out
In detail,
It
would
natural
let alone its Influence
on
however,
possible
sex the
language beyond preschool age.
differences
self-
be Interesting to explore the Influence of I
self-references
would
to occur before middle childhood
influence of verbal feedback self-concept
and
How it affects this development has not,
of the surrounding culture on female and male
substantial
with
levels In self-concept
In real
not
expect
though.
The
life situations on the formation of
and self-esteem Is practically unexplored.
maternal attributions to children seems a very
which could be extended to attributing
Wylie's
promising
In several other
start method,
situations.
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2 DIFFERENCES IN THE EARLY COMMUNICATION BETWEEN MOTHERS AND CHILDREN Akke de Blauw IntroductIon
Since the early 1970s two disciplines, been
working to clarify the relationship between social
language acquisition. has
psychology and linguistics, have interaction and
In the field of developmental psychology research
been done on the attachment relation between mother
and
child.
A
typology of attachment relations has been constructed to detect positive and
negative
influences
on
later
development (for an overview see: the
1970s
soclal-emotlonal
and
RIksen-WaI raven 1983:
cognitive
23-45).
child language research focussed on the development
linguistic system of the child,
on its growing syntactic,
Until of
the
semantic and
phonological abilities, without considering the input factors working on this
development.
incorporation language. language what
of
Snow
and
Ferguson
(1977) set the
stage
for
speech addressed to the child in the study
They asked to pay more attention to the environment acquisition
occurs and to the social-Interactional
the
of
child
in
which
nature
of
is acquired.
What factors in the environment of the child influence the rate or style of language acquisition? Wells (1985: on
342) proposes a model of the Influence of certain
variation In language development.
factors
He divides these factors into
4
main groups: 1. child Inherent attributes:
sex.
Intelligence, personality,
learning
sty Ie; 2. social
background:
family
structure,
social
group,
cultural
envIronment; 3. situation
in
which
the
children's
linguistic
behaviour
occurs:
setting, activity, number and status of participants; 4. style of
linguistic interaction:
inter-personal
relations,
parental
44 child rearing methods. For
Wells
variation
Interaction
of
style of development
is
the
outcome
between all of these groups of attributes.
In
of
this
an
paper
attention Is directed to some of these factors: sex of the child, social group,
number
of
participants
and style of
linguistic
Interaction.
Although 'sex of the child' and 'social background' are the most studied variables these
In language acquisition,
factors
the opinions on the
Importance
Influencing the course of language acquisition
are
of not
unanimous. Up
to the 1950s It was claimed that there is a real sex
language
development
resulting
from
between
inherited
girls
and
factors associated
differences between males and females. still
supported this position,
research girls'
verbal
abilities
there
are
a
age
the 11
with
the
of
of
recent
physiological 351)
In their overview of
'It Is probably studies
In
true
that
early
which
During the period from preschool
sexes begin to
life, no
to
sex early
In their verbal abilities.
diverge,
with
female
345),
In his longitudinal study on language development of children aged 1 concludes
that there is no evidence of a consistent and
least
until 5 years of age, are
to
significant
difference between the sexes In either route or rate of development, developers
At
superiority
Increasing through high school and possibly beyond.' Wells (1985: 5
In
girls,
Maccoby and Jacklln (1974:
sexes are very similar
the
difference
favour
mature somewhat more rapidly In number
differences have been found. adolescence,
In
though not fully.
on sex differences they conclude:
although
about
boys
although he found that the extremely
significantly more likely to be found In the
at fast
homes
of
families at the upper end of the Scale of Family Background and that the extremely
slow developers are significantly more likely to be found
In
the homes of minimally educated parents. Most
studies on child language In relation to social
with
children in their second year of
life.
between parents and children starts at birth, below, to
Because the
in the research
reported
insights in the communication before language emerges and
language has emerged.
start
communication
we wanted to study the communication in an early period,
get
after
interaction
trying just
45 Differences in early communication (1) We
investigated mother-child Interaction in two different
the
first period the children were 3,
questions we - In
what
4 1/2,
and 6
periods.
months
old.
In The
wanted to answer were: way do mothers and babies communicate with each other in the
first six months of life? -
In what way does communication develop?
- Are there sex and social class differences in communication? In
the second period the children were 17 months old.
We then searched
for answers to the following questions: -
In
what way
do
mothers and their 17-month-old children
communicate
with each other? -
Is
there
a relation
with communication patterns in
the
first
six
months of Ii fe? - Are there sex and social class differences In communication? In are
this paper presented
results:
I discuss these two periods separately. on
sex and social class
de Blauw et al.
1979;
Quantative
differences.
Snow et al.
(See
data
for
other
1979; Dubber and de Blauw
1978; Snow et al. 1982) Methods The first six Sixteen 3,
months
mother-Infant pairs were observed at home when the babies
were
4 1/2 and 6 months old. Eight of the children were girls; eight were
boys. Eight of the families studied were identified as middle class (MC) and
eight
as
lower class (LC) on the basis of the
fathers' schooling and occupation.
mothers'
and
All the babies observed were
the
second
children. The older child was present during the observation session. The observation sessions were tape-recorded and two observers made notes of
what was going on with the help of scoring lists,
occurrence
of
minute.Infant
certain
baby
and maternal behaviour
behaviour noted on the list included:
arm/leg movements,
checking off
the
eight
per
gaze
times
direction,
play with object, smile and vocalizations (positive,
neutral
or negative).
talking
to baby,
holding
baby,
Maternal behaviour noted on the
talking to other, touching
baby,
smiling at baby,
playing
with
baby
list
Included:
looking at baby, and
caretaklng
46 act ivitles. Per session 40 minutes of social social
class
differences
Interaction were analysed.
were
tested
with
a
The sex and
two-way-analysis
of
var i ance. At the age of 17 months Ten
of
these sixteen mother-child pairs were observed at home for
hour during free Interaction when the children were 17 months old.
one Four
of the children were girls; six were boys. Five of the families belonged to the middle class (MC) and five to the lower class (LC).
In six cases
the older sibling was present, In four cases he/she was not. The observation sessions were tape-recorded and two observers made notes of
what was going on.
The description of the communication of
mothers
and their 17-month-old children Included nonverbal communication such as babbling, body language, gaze direction, communicative acts and gestures (like offering objects, observation language number
an
pointing,
pulling the mother etc.).
After the
open-ended Interview was held with the mothers
development
of their children.
We made a list of
of words that the children had acquired.
on
the
the total
The mothers were
also
asked about their beliefs on differences between girls and boys. Because of the inconsistency
In the presence of the older sibling - LC 2
with older sibling, MC 4 with older sibling - we did not look for social class
differences.
The presence of an older sibling was spread equally
over boys and girls. The
analysis
has been done on the basis of the
hour's interaction, and
situational
transcription
Including the notes made on nonverbal aspects.
Differences
were
tested
of
one
communication
with
t-tests,
correlations with the pearson correlation coefficient. Results The first six
months
Sex differences: - At
all ages (3,
vocalizations
4 1/2 and 6 months) the boys produced more
(crying
and fussing).
The difference was
negative
significant
only at 6 months (p < .05). - Although
the difference was not significant,
smlles than the girls.
the boys produced
more
47
- There
was a strong tendency for boys to vocalize positively and smile
more toward their mothers than girls did. - Girls
on the other
hand vocalized positively and smiled more
toward
the older sibling (significant for 4 1/2 and 6 months, p < .05). -At
all
ages
oriented
there was
toward
boys'
a strong tendency for
mothers
vocalizations and smiles
to
(evoking
be
more
them
and
responding to them) than toward girls' vocalizations and smiles. -At
all
ages boys were touched more during vocalizations and
smiling
(only significant at 3 months (p < .05). Social class differences: - LC
babies
vocalized more than MC babies (only significant at
4
1/2
4
1/2
months (p < .01). - MC
mothers talked significantly more to their babies at 3 and
months than LC mothers did. But at 6 months the LC mothers talked more to their babies (not significant). - Although
there
were neither sex nor social class differences
In
the
number of episodes of the mother talking to the babies, at 6 months MC girls
received more but shorter episodes of maternal talking than
LC
girls, whereas MC boys received fewer but longer episodes than LC boys (significant p < .05).
At 17 At
months
17
months
all
ten children had just begun
to
talk
in
utterances. The vocabulary of the children ranged from 2 - 2 1
one-word
words with
a mean of 10,8 words. - Girls used more utterances than boys, and boys used more vocalizations (babbling) than girls did. - There Is a significant difference in the orientation (gaze of
the
child
significantly
during 'talking' (utterances + more
babbling).
direction) Girls
mother oriented while boys 'talked' more
in
are the
context of playing (p < 0.05). - There
is a high correlation between the frequency
of
mother-talking
and child-'talking' (r - 0.78, p < 0.004). - There
Is
babbling
a high correlation between the frequency of utterances of
the child and the responsiveness of the
mother
and
to
the
mothers who were most responsive to the communicative acts
and
talking (r - 0.93, p < 0.001). - Those
gestures,
the utterances and the babbling,
had children who used the
48 highest number of different words. - The
presence of an older sister of brother resulted in a
difference
significant
In the frequency of children's 'talking', and a significant
difference
In
the
frequency of mothers' talking to
child
In
the
degree of
and
responsiveness
to
their
the
youngest
babbling
and
utterances of their children (p < 0.05). - No
positive correlations were found between the frequency of mothers'
talking at 3, 4 1/2 and 6 months and at 17 months. - No
positive correlations were found between the vocalizations of
the
child at 3, 4 1/2 and 6 months and at 17 months. - A
negative correlation existed between looking at the
vocalizing at 6 months and at 17 months (r - -0.78, means
that
mother
p < 0.004).
those children who looked around them most at
looked most at the mother at 17 months (r = 0.67,
during
6
This
months,
p < 0.02), and vice
versa.
Discussion In
the
months and
study of mother-baby of
interaction with babies between
age we have found sex differences
girls'
negative
vocalizations orientation
vocalizations
and
smiling
toward
this
on
the
behaviour.
on
the
other
3
and
in the frequency of one hand,
hand and
and in
There was a strong
boys'
positive the
mother
tendency
mothers
to be more oriented toward boys' vocalizations and smiles
toward
girls'
differences? overall
The
result
fussing,
vocalizations boys
cried
and
smiles.
How
to
directed
these
girls.
their
for than
explain
and fussed more than the
we found that all babies
6
As
gaze,
an
while
increasingly at the mother. This might explain why the mothers
of boys were more oriented toward their children. Girls, however, fussed and
cried
less.
They
looked around more and spent more time
looking,
vocalizing, and smiling at their brothers and sisters. We
found
social class differences in the frequency of
vocalizing
(LC
babies vocalized more than MC babies). At 3 and 4 1/2 months this result can be explained by the finding that MC mothers talk significantly to
their
children,
communication,
and
which
means
they
are
more
dominant
give their children less opportunity
to
In
more the
vocalize.
However, at 6 months LC mothers talk more than MC mothers. Moreover both MC and LC mothers talked in a different style to their girls and boys at
49 6
months.
talking
MC
than
episodes
LC
than
quantitative
received more but shorter
girls;
MC
whereas
boys.
analysis
qualitative semantic
girls
aspects
of
LC boys received
to be supplemented
the
communication,
with such
of
more
These and other findings make
has
characteristics
episodes
maternal
but
shorter
clear
the as
that
analysis
a of
functional
and
of maternal speech and other features of
the
baby's behaviour. In
the
study
relation mother
on
17-month-old babies It was found
between
the
that
level of language acquisition and
interacts with the child.
there the
Is
way
a the
Those mothers who were most responsive
to the utterances, the babbling and the communicative acts, had children who used the highest number of different words. Other researchers, Cross (1978) for example, if
have also found that children learn to talk
their mothers provide a large proportion of conversational
that are semantically contingent on the childrens' own study
on
mother
17-month-old
babies also shows that
faster
responses
utterances.
responsiveness
to the preverbal communicative signals of the child
of
The the
facilitates
the production of words. Concerning
the differences we found,
we have seen that the presence of
an older child influenced the language use of the younger child and
the
frequency of mothers' talking to the child. The
most
interesting finding is the sex difference between
girls
and
boys in the context of 'talking',
girls being more oriented towards the
mother
We have found few correlations of the
and boys towards playing.
17 months period with the 3 - 6 the Inconsistency However,
months
period.
An explanation might be
in the presence of the older sibling.
the finding that girls use more words at 17 months,
looking
around and vocalizing at 6 months is correlated with
to
mother at 17 months,
the
towards
the
communicative extensive
and
mother
at
ability.
suggests that a
decreasing
6 months may be seen as This
hypothesis
a
sign
and
that
'talking' orientation
of
has to be tested
advanced
in
longitudinal study of children In their first
a
more
years
of
I i fe. In
the study presented in this article,
of
some
social group, suppport
we searched for the
factors influencing language acquisition:
sex of
importance the
family structure and style of linguistic Interaction.
Wells' ideas that all of these factors may Influence
acquisition.
child,
But
what about the relative importance of these
We
language factors?
50 Wells
(1985:
differences better
349)
stresses the Importance of
the
explanation of the variation In rate of development than
background or sex of the child.
contexts In which children tend to speak most.
our
finding
proportion playing,
at 17 months,
helping
or
he found (Wells 1985:
345) that a
general
activity.
He found that
greater for conversations
greater they
is
emphasized
this
are
difference
Initiated by adults than
conversations Initiated by children.
difference
with
a greater proportion with girls when they are engaged In
considerably
family
In accordance
of sequences of conversation with boys occur when and
of as a
He asks that more attention be given to
the
for
identification
in styles of interaction in adult-child conversations,
Thus,
by adults In
their
it
In Is Is
he concludes that this Interactions
with
the
chlIdren. When
we discuss 'context' and 'style of Interaction' we have to realize
that
most studies on language acquisition and social
to
mothers
raising their children.
socializing
or participation of other caretakers.
et al.
(1983) who studied Interaction
parents who both work outside the home, found
available
on
refer other
situations such as equal mother and father participation In
child raising, McLaughlin
Few data are
Interaction
besides
differences
a
In
'differential
lot
of
their
speech
with
I.e.
differences
between
and young children (1.6 - 3.6),
similarities,
hypothesis',
Rondal (1980) and
also
their that
several
significant
children.
fathers
and
McLaughlins mothers
play
complementary roles in the language development of children, needs to be explored further. The
conclusion may be drawn that If we wish to study sex differences in
language acquisition, background,
they have to be studied in the context of
social
taking Into account the style of linguistic interaction and
the contexts In which children talk. I should like to end this paper on sex differences with an indication of a very different entrance Into the study of language and sex: sex typing fn
language.
Is
to
find
One of the tasks a child learning language is faced with, out
the rules for the distribution
of
male
and
female
features of words. I should like to illustrate this with an example from my own life as a mother. I
was
driving
In
town
demonstrated a particular
with
my
interest
not
quite
two-year-old
In the streetlights.
son.
He
51
He asked-. Akke
lights now?
From whom
(Akke lantaarns nou?)
lights Akke?
(Van wie lantaarns Akke?)
I answered: belong
Lights
to everybody,
to ¿ill people
(lantaarns
zljn
van ledereen, van ¿lie mensen) Then he asked: To women
too?
(Van vrouwen ook?)
Note
1. The study has been done In cooperation with Ghislaine van Roosmalen and Clara Dubber under the guidance of Catherine Snow at the Institute of General Linguistics at the University of Amsterdam.
References BLAUW, AKKE DE, CLARA DUBBER, GHISLAINE VAN ROOSMALEN and CATER INE E. SNOW 1979 Sex and social class differences In early mother-child Interaction. In Garnlca, Olga K. and Martha L. King (eds.), Language, Children and Society. Pergamon Press, Oxford, New York, 53-65. CROSS, TONY G. 1978 Mother's speech and Its association with rate of linguistic development In young children. In Waterson, Nathalie and Catherine John Wiley & Sons, Snow (eds.), The development of communI cat I on. Chichester, New York etc., 199-216. DUBBER,
CLARA e n
AKKE
DE BLAUW
1978 VroegtalIge perlode en taalverwervlng: 17 maanden. Instltuut voor Algemene Pub Iikat ie nr. 19. MACCOBY, E.E. and C.N. JACKLIN 1974 The psychology of sex differences. Stanford. MCLAUGHLIN,
BARRY,
DAVID
WHITE,
moeder-klnd Interaktle blj TaaIwetenschap, Amsterdam.
Stanford
THERESA M C D E V I T T
and
University
ROBERT
1983 Mothers' and fathers' speech to their young children: different? Journal of Child Language 10, 245-252. RIKSEN-WALRAVEN,
JACOBA
Press,
RASKIN
similar
or
M.A.
1983 Mogelijke oorzaken en gevolgen van een (on)velllge gehechtheidsrelatle: een overzlcht aan de hand van een model.Kind en Adolescent, TIJdschrlft voor Pedagoglek, Psychlatrle en Psychol ogle 4, 23-45.
52 RONDAL, J. A. 1980 Fathers' and mothers' speech in early language development. of Child Language 7, 353-369. SNOW, CATHERINE E. and CHARLES A. FERGUSON (eds.) 1977 Talking to children: language Input and acquisition. University Press, London.
Journal
Cambridge
SNOW, CATHERINE E., AKKE DE BLAUW and GHISLAINE VAN ROOSMALEN 1979 Talking and playing with babies: the role of Ideologies of child rearing. In Bui Iowa, Margaret (ed.),Before speech. Cambridge University Press, New York, 269-289. SNOW, CATHERINE E., CLARA DUBBER and AKKE DE BLAUW 1982 Routines in mother-child Interaction. In Feagans, L. and D.C. Farran (eds.), The language of children reared In poverty: Impl¡cations for evaluation and i ntervent ion. Academic Press, New York etc., 53-75. WELLS, GORDON language at home and 1985 Language development In the pre-school years: at school. Volume 2. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge etc.
3 SEX A N D FAMILY B A C K G R O U N D IN EARLY LANGUAGE ACQUISITION Liesbeth Verhulst-Schlichting, Marion Morelli-Kayser and Maria Peddemors-Boon Abstract
A
descriptive
children
study
yielded
of
the early
Interesting in
lexical
results
relation
development
regarding to the
the
of
37
Dutch
rate
of
their
linguistic
development
children's
educational
level of their parents. A possible e x p l a n a t i o n
sex
and
the
Is discussed.
M e t h o d and procedure
The early p r o d u c t i v e vocabulary of 37 Dutch c h i l d r e n w a s s t u d i e d as part of
a project focused on the d e s c r i p t i o n of the grammatical
of
Dutch
children
from
the ages of 1 to 4.
(1)
The
s e l e c t e d by drawing a sample from the Dutch c h i l d r e n born one particular m o n t h . and
allocated
educational reports
to
They were d i v i d e d
three
monthly
Instructions at home. The produced
50
different
by
subjects in Utrecht
the
basis
In
of
the
The data w e r e c o l l e c t e d by m e a n s of
the m o t h e r s
who
had
received
investigation w a s c o n t i n u e d until words.
were
into six cells a c c o r d i n g to sex
socio-economic groups on
level of their parents.
written
development
The v o c a b u l a r i e s of the
s u b j e c t e d to q u a n t i t a t i v e and qualitative analysis.
detailed
the c h i l d r e n
children
were
(2)
Q u a Ii tat i ve resuIts
The of
v o c a b u l a r i e s of the children were analyzed according to the functional
yielded (though ours). children
results
analysis u s e d by Nelson (1973) and Benedict that closely resembled the results
their subjects attained the 50 w o r d Nelson
claims
characterized
of
their
language
two
and
studies
level a little earlier
that w i t h i n her group there w e r e by their styles of
method
(1979)
types
acquisition:
than of the
54 referential
style and the expressive style:
'...one child seems to
learning about things and the other about self and other people-, learning an object 1973:
21)
subjects
We of
'expressive' used
extremely
a
Interaction language.' (Nelson
the same criteria to the
and found that ca.
extremes girls
language, one a social
applied
subgroup
vocabularies
of
our
70% occupied a middle position between the of
subgroup (14%).
'referential'
children
Within each educational
slightly more 'expressive' words than the 'expressive'
be
one is
children
all belonged to the
(16%) level
and
an
group
the
boys. low
The
five
educational
level group, the five extremely 'referential' children were all from the high
educational
level group (four of them boys).
These
results
show
some agreement with the study of Bretherton et al. (1983) who also found two
styles
of
language
acquisition
at
20
months
resembling
the
expressive and referential styles. They did not find a relation to sex.
Quantitative results At
14 months the average number of words produced is eight. the
number of words produced by boys
There Is a
difference
between
the
low
educational
level group and the average number of words produced by
In
the
subjects In the other five groups (see Table 1).
TABLE 1.
The average number of words produced at 14 months.
Educational
level
Boys
Girls
high
8,2
9,7
medium
8
8,8
low
6
8
of parents
The
divergence of the boys In the low educational
level group
steadily and at the 50 word level we see a clear retardation of
development of the boys in the low educational
to the other five groups. little
slower
increases
In the rate
families as
compared
The girls in the low educational group are
In their vocabulary growth than the four medium and
groups (see Table 2).
a
high
55 TABLE 2.
The average age,
in months,
of the attainment of the 50 word
level within the six groups.
Educational
level
Boys
Girls
of parents high
19,8
20
medium
20,2
20,8
low
24,6
21,7
The
picture that emerges is this:
homes
boys from the low educational
acquire their early vocabularies
level
later as compared to girls
from
the same sort of home and as compared to boys and girls from homes
with
a medium or high educational of
the
level. This suggests that It is not the sex
child which influences the pace at which It acquires its
vocabulary
but
educational
level of the parents.
the interaction between the sex of the
child
first
and
the
Conclusion
Dutch
literature
development
In
this
field
suggests
of boys In the low educational
that
the
slow
language
level group Is not
confined
to vocabulary and early development. Van der Geest et al. (1973) found a difference
in language ability between boys from a middle class and boys
from a lower class background, general higher score
conclusion of our research is that the MC-group clearly on all the traditional measures and on the syntactic than
either LC-group.'
differences are
between the ages of three and four: 'The
often
(Van der Geest et
al.
1973:
In this all-male study were not taken Into described
development
than boys.
as
having a slightly
faster
102)
account.
rate
In our study the boys from the
scores
complexity Sex Girls
of
language
lower
economic
background show a slower development than all our other subgroups, while In the medium and high socio-economic groups the difference acquisition for boys and girls Is not great. results
in
interesting finding
of
We find support for these
American studies (McCarthy 1954). to note that both Davis (1937)
in rates
McCarthy states 'It
and Young (1941)
agree
sex differences more marked among children of the lower
economic levels than among those from superior (sic!
L.
V.-S.
Is in
socioet al.)
56 homes.' effect
McCarthy of
attributes this phenomenon to an
early
the environment of the two sexes as revealed
development
(p.
577).
hypothesis In the maternal
Wells
(1986)
finds
some
interviews of his study.
differential in
linguistic
support He,
for
however, finds
little evidence for a correlation between family background and development, though the slow developer
this
language
is more likely to be found in the
homes
of
the minimally educated parents and the fast developer
homes
of
the highly educated (1985:
349).
He also finds
boys and girls and these are again
in
only
differences
between
differences
in child-rearing rather than to innate differences
the small
attributed
to
between
the sexes (see de Blauw in this volume). Wells does not give the results of the interaction of sex and family background with regard to the
rate
of development.
Our
results
McCarthy's sex
support the studies of Davis and Young and we
agree
with
and Wells' view that the explanation for this phenomenon
differences
In children from a specific background will mainly
found
in differences
boys.
These
In the child-rearing practices towards
differences would be more marked In the lower
level groups than In the higher educational
girls
of be and
educational
level groups.
Notes 1. This research was supported with a grant from the 'Nederlandse Comité voor Klnderpostzegels'. 2. A full report of this study will be published
later.
References BENEDICT, HELEN. 1979 Early lexical development: comprehension and production. Journal Child Language 6, 183-200.
of
BRETHERTON, INGE, SANDRA McNEW, LYNN SNYDER and ELIZABETH BATES 1983 Individual differences at 20 months: analytic and holistic strategies in language acquisition. Journal of Child Language 10, 293-320. GEEST, T. VAN DER, R. GERSTEL, R. APPEL and B. TERV00RT 1973 The child's communlcatIve competence. Mouton, Den Haag.
57
MCCARTHY, DOROTHEA 1954 Language development in children. In Carmichael, Leonard (ed.), Manual of child psychology. John Wiley & Sons, New York etc. M O R E L L I - K A Y S E R , MARION 1985 De eerste 50 woorden van het Nederlandse kind. DoktoraalskrIptle Algemene TaaIwetenschap, RIjksuniversiteit Utrecht. NELSON, KATHERINE 1973 Structure and strategy In learning to talk. Monograph of the Society for Research In Child Development, no. 38. 1981 Individual differences In language development: Implications for development and language. Developmental Psychology 17, 170-187. WELLS, GORDON 1985 Language development In the pre-school years. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. 1986 Variations in child language. In Fletcher, Paul and Michael Garman (eds.), Language acqulsltIon. Cambridge University Press, Cambr i dge.
4 LEARNING FROM YOUR PEERS: The Acquisition of Gender-specific Speech Styles Ingrid van Alphen 'All the things I've done in my youth! No! It's UNbeIievable!
I even played rugby!' Janlne (16)
Abstract
In this article within
I wlI I argue that the differential organization patterns
same-sex
socialization interaction insight
peer
for
groups
language
are
the
the
nature
powerful
behaviour of girls and
should therefore be further
into
most
and
causes
source
boys.
Peer
investigated in order of
of group
to
gender-specific
gain
language
behavlour. I wiI I first give an indication of the differences between the speech of women and men, not men.
other)
which leads to the question of why It is that these (and
linguistic phenomena differ between the speech of women
and
I wiI I then discuss the Importance of peer groups In general,
and
describe
the different words of girls and boys and the
linguistic features which, In
these
insights
different with
some
gender-spec IfIc
Maltz and Borker (1982) suggest, are
'worlds'. empirical
I wiI I test data
these
concerning
stereotypical attitudes of girls and boys of 9,
mainly the
learned
theoretical
acquisition
of
12 and 15 years of age,
and I will give some results of a pilot study on the verbal
Interaction
of same-sex peers of 9 and 12 years of age. In have
order to let the subjects of this article speak
for
themselves,
I
Illuminated my text with tape-recorded 'snap-shots' of 15- and 16-
year-old terms. (1)
girls who report on their childhood (sic) in rather
nostalgic
59 Introduct ion
The
increasing
more
amount of research on 'language and sex'
Is
providing
and more evidence about the specific differences between
language
use and language behaviour of women and men. These (gradual) differences are
located
syntactical are
on
the
the
semantIc/lex lea I
and
the
levels, but the majority of socially significant differences
found In verbal
women
phonological,
and
men.
particular
Interaction,
Without
discussions
In the conversational
pretending
to
be
strategies
complete,
about some features,
I will
and,
of
Ignoring
Indicate a few
of
these differences. Women are supposed to be more Involved In maintaining routine In
social
interaction and to be more actively engaged In insuring interaction than men (Flshman 1978); they show a greater tendency to make use of positive minimal
responses,
protest' minimal of
after
and are more likely to adopt a strategy of
they have been Interrupted or have received
response (Zimmerman & West 1975);
not
opposing:
I.e.
they
1984:
300);
they
are
also
a
delayed
women tend to have a strategy
first 'Join' the last speaker
propose a contradictory statement ('Ja,
'silent
aber' (Yes,
and
then
but): TrOmel-PItttz
supposed to use a lot of
hedges
or
tag
questions (McMillan 1977; Lakoff 1975; Werner 1983). This type of verbal behaviour
is often called 'cooperative' (Jenkins 1984;
For men,
there is a more 'competitive' (2) style of speaking:
more
likely
to Interrupt the speech of their
Kramarae
1981). they are
conversational
partners
(Zimmerman and West 1975; West and Zimmerman 1983); they are more
likely
to challenge or dispute their partner's utterances, they are more
likely
to
Ignore
response direct
the
comments of the other speaker,
Is,
or acknowledgement at all (Hirschmann 1973); declarations
to
offer
they
make
of fact and opinion than women do (Flshman
and they are capable of producing amazingly hold
that
more 1978);
long sentences in order
their floor' ('Das Wurmsatzsyndrom' - 'The wurmsentence
no
'to
syndrom',
Zumbtlh I 1984: 237). The
question
language the
arises
behaviour
of how and when
exclusion of others.
focused
on
learn
gender-specific
Until now the majority of research
has
'discourse reproducing agencies' (Bernstein 1981)
parent-child children's
children
and why this Involves certain specific features
interaction, and
teacher/class
interaction,
youth literature and schoolbooks.
In this
the
to been
such
as
media,
enumeration
60 peers
are
not
mentioned.
Sociologists and
linguists
have
recently
recognized the enormous influence of peers in the
sozialisatlonprocess,
but
is
empirical
research
on
female peer
empirical research into their actual a
close
look
The importance in
assumption
rare,
and
language behaviour even rarer. Yet, deal
about
language behaviour.
of peer youth
Is
groups
culture
means
group
activity.
The
sociological
that young people develop their tastes for
music In groups,
clothes
and
that they watch football matches and go dancing,
around and 'do nothing' In groups. to
still
at same-sex peer groups will reveal a great
gender-specific
Activity
groups
In adolescent society people
very clearly defined social networks:
hang belong
they organize their behaviour
according to the rigid systems of value and prestige of these networks. A peer group Is characterized by friendship and loyalty,
by
commitment
to each other, because of who they are, rather than because of what they represent, between
in social-psychological
the
family
terms, the peer group lies somewhere
(with its ties of emotional
commitment)
and
the
economic system (with its formal contracts, Its organization of roles oil the basis of achieved skills and qualifications). The peer group manages the
move
social
from
world
authority
and
must
be
Peer
groups,
family
'particularistic' to 'universal 1stic' In which decisions are made with family tradition,
reference
treating
the
comparison Karen's
In short,
from
to
rational
decisions principles.
support girls' and boys' Initial steps out
and give them their first Introduction to other social
(which
mother
world.
At first this may simply be a
leads children to argue with
lets her go to the disco's').
their
activities become the centre of young people's social
of
matter
of
- 'But
as peer
life,
of
ways
parents
However,
a
parental
to a social world in which
made on the basis of universally agreed life,
values,
group
they become
the chief reference point for their behaviour. A peer group matters as a source of a new way of placing The
functlonal1stIc
mentioned
above,
summarized process
as
from
point
has
come
follows: growing
oneself
In the world
of view In
theories
(Frith 1984). about
youth
In for a lot of criticism,
which
growing up middle class is still up
working class,
and growing
up
a
culture can
be
different male
Is
a
different process from growing up female. We find not only sharply contrasting consumers' tastes and choices,
but
61
also,
more Importantly,
constrastlng constraints on people's
cultural
activities. These constraints reflect class and gender positions as well as age. to
Leisure activities in short, are not really 'free', they relate
people's
patterns people time
position
reflect have
different opportunities.
differently,
Girls, even
partly
for example, as
in the family and
leisure opportunities,
children,
Institutions
labour
market.
Leisure young
Girls and boys use their
because they are 'free' in
'free'
different
ways.
have greater domestic obligations than boys. Thus, girls
because
the
and different groups of
and boys are placed
differently
of the projected division of their
in
social
adult
roles:
boys as breadwinners, girls as wives and mothers. Peer
groups,
therefore,
gender behaviour. period,
are
very important for
acquiring
appropriate
This seems to be explicitly the case In the adolescence
but the influence of peers on behaviour
in general and
therefore
on language behaviour as well, begins much sooner.
In
a
schematic representation of the acquisition of
(1979:
sex
162) considers same-sex peers to be the most
Influence
roles,
Katz
important source of
during the elementary school period (6 - 12 years)
(followed
by television, books, teachers and parents, in that order). According to Katz,
(adjusting
years) late are
to) biological
factors in early adolescence (12
takes a dominating position in the sequence
of
- 15
influences.
adolescence (15 - 19 years) peers of the same and the opposite most
social
Influential
class
basis of their
(followed by media and
and ethnicity are not mentioned
a
minor
Differences
in Katz' scheme.
inventory Maccoby and Jacklin conclude that the
of parents - In terms of plays
parents).
On
In sex In the
influence
Imitative behaviour towards a 'model parent'
role in the acquisition
of
gender-specific
behaviour
(Maccoby & Jacklin 1974: 300). With reference to speech acquisition, the findings
of Labov are as follows:
'The child's first experience
in the
use of English, at 2 to 3 years old, is usually dominated by the example of his parents,
but from about 4 to 13 years old, his speech pattern is
dominated and regulated by that of the preadolescent group with which he plays.
These are peers who are able,
by their sanctions,
any deviations from the dialect pattern of the group.
to eliminate
In the first year
of high school the child becomes sensitive to the social significance of his own form of speech, norms
of
the
and other forms;
complete familiarity with the
community seems to be attained at the age of
17
to
18
62 years.' (Labov 1972: 138) The
formulation
that
only
of Labov (the child and his speech) reveals
boys have been studied.
Furthermore,
the
his analysis
fact
of
the
acquisition of community norms Is made on the basis of dialect patterns. Nevertheless, the
since gender-specific speech can be conceived as part
acquisition
socially
of
soclolIngulstIc
significant categories),
norms ('women'
and
of
'men'
being
In my view It is permitted to
apply
Labov's view to the acquisition of gender-specific speech styles.
Research
Into girls'
Analyzing
culture
the research on the culture of girls (as done mainly
Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (e.g. Garber
1982;
McRobbie
all
language
behaviour
behaviour.
social
(3) Aside from 'sex slang' or
Intercourse,
and
I was surprised to find
of girls is studied and described
speech patterns are not mentioned. to
the
and Nava 1984) but also In Germany (Savler
WiIdt 1980) and Netherlands (Naber 1985), almost
In
Mc Robbie and
except
'sexual
that their
language',
'Interaction' In these studies refers
while 'discourse' refers to the language of the
social workers in this field (e.g. De Mare & Spoel
1984).
Summarizing, we may safely conclude that research on language behaviour peer groups has hardly considered girls, ever
in
and that studies of girls hardly
Include analysis of language behaviour'.
I wiI I now go on to discuss the insights of Maltz and Borker (1982) who, by way of exception,
explicitly attempt to make the connection and
who
investigate the speech styles of girls (and boys) In peer groups.
A
cultural
approach
to male-female
mIscommunlcat
Ion:
Maltz
and
Borker
(1982)
'In elementary school, when balI, when we played footbalI school, we never get the ball. half an hour, and I never got
Maltz
and
different
Borker
we were little girls, we did get the with the boys but now, In secondary The other day, I played footbalI for the ball once I Not even ONCE I' Danielle (15)
argue that girls and boys learn to use
ways because of the different social contexts in
learn how to carry on friendly conversation: of
boys
Indoors;
Interact
which
in they
groups of girls and groups
and play In different ways:
boys tend to play In larger groups;
language
girls more
often
play
boys' play groups tend to
63 Include a wider range of participants; games
more
often than vice versa;
girls play in predominantly male
boys more
often
play
competitive
games, and girls' games tend not to last as long as boys' games. The Edinburgh study of Suzanne Romaine (1984) confirms the above: tended
to
while
name
one or two close friends they played
with
boys tended to name a larger network - usually boys
football with.
girls
regularly, they
played
Furthermore, the age range tends to be smaller for girls
(9 - 13) compared to a range of 11 to 17 for the boys. Romaine adds that to
some extent the size of groups may be related to the different types
of
games and activities played by the boys and the girls
at
different
ages; e.g. It only takes three girls to skip rope, but usually more boys are
needed to play a game of football.
all-boy
or all-girl.'
differentiate
A major characteristic of
peer groups seems to be homogeneity:
middle-childhood
their
Self-consciously, behaviour
from
most
'they are either
members of each sex learn
that of
the
other
sex
and
to to
exaggerate the differences. By examining the differences in the social organization of play (which I Interpret
broadly
to
Include
'doing
differences In the patterns of social Borker
believe
differences
that
we
nothing')
can learn about the
In patterns of language use.
patterns
Maltz
in cross-sex
follows:
'Girls'
in terms of power,
male-female
patterns,
that
are
potential
girls
processes
of
alliance
party.' equal always.
provides
(Goodwin 1980:
structure A
everyone girl
are
usually
Differentiation between girls Is not To
girls,
Relationships are
often
Goodwin notes that 'The hierarchical
a fertile ground
formation between
for
equals
rather
against
Intricate some
172) But there is a basic contradiction
of girls' social relationships.
and
activities
equality, mutual commitment and loyalty. The
formed at the expense of old ones. of
language
They describe the world of girls
of a 'best friend' is central for girls.
framework
they
interaction.
but in terns of relative closeness.
friendship means intimacy, idea
of
these
into adulthood as the bases
play is cooperative and
organized in noncompetitive ways.' made
associated
and Borker outline a number of ways in which the uses of
differ between female and male groups. as
sources
It is
of single-sex friendship relations,
sources of miscommunlcation
the
interaction they entail, Maltz and
argue, learned in childhood and carried over for
and
Friends are supposed
is supposed to get along,
but
In fact
cannot resolve conflict by means of
they
asserting
other in
the
to
be
don't social
64 power or superiority What
girls
created by an which
as an
Individual.
learn to do with speech
Is to cope with
the
contradiction
Ideology of equality and c o o p e r a t i o n , and a social
includes d i f f e r e n c e s and conflict.
A s they g r o w up they
b a l a n c e the conflicting p r e s s u r e s created by a female social female friendship
ideology with
increaslg
Maltz and Borker s t a t e that girls 1)
equality;
2 ) to criticize o t h e r s
accurately
the speech of other girls.
large
to
extent
speech they
create
formed
and maintain
through
rights of o t h e r s , say
in order
to establish
Boys
on
the
other
groups
than
(1972)
states
hand,
girls,
and m a i n t a i n
to
interpet
and to a c k o w l e d g e
relationships
hierarchically
in the hierarchy
Is
organized
paramount.
status than o t h e r s ,
although m e m b e r s of the group may o v e r t l y deny
that
there
M a l t z and Borker cite three w a y s
used
In boys' g r o u p s :
attract
boys
is
Joke-telling
cultivated.
speech
pattern
In boys' peer g r o u p s .
events
Labov
of
like
'sounding' or
and Borker e m p h a s i z e
speaking
'playing the dozens'
mainly
others.
elements another
and they also tend to
Story-telling,
rather
express
the
among power. valued
competitive
In which
verbal
and
Insults
adult
Women's conversation look for signs of
link what
they say to the
posturing and
in the speech style of men and boys.
hand, do not
success
duelling'.
interaction,
They send out and
arguing,
to) value
to
agreement discourse
are
common
M e n tend to c h a l l e n g e
aggressiveness.
ways
gendertends
than give s t a t e m e n t s of support. W o m e n , on the other
(or are not allowed
to
others
the continuity b e t w e e n these adolescent
language behaviour.
interactional.
and engagement of
'verbal
and management of social
specific p a t t e r n s of be
Social
(1972) describes a number of
2)
is
straightforward
and other n a r r a t i v e feats are highly
are e x c h a n g e d , all m a n i f e s t a t i o n s of Maltz
is the most
based on knowing how and when to use w o r d s to
Story-telling, and
and 3 ) to assert oneself when
The e x p r e s s i o n of dominance
and best documented
in w h i c h speech
1) to assert o n e ' s p o s i t i o n of d o m i n a n c e ;
and m a i n t a i n an a u d i e n c e ,
have the floor.
and
Labov
and
leader.
Jets
equality speech.
with some m e m b e r s having m o r e p r e s t i g e
Is a
the
what
are
structured,
such as
of
through
a the
Thunderblrds
hierarchically
groups
and
learn to recognize
to create c o o p e r a t i o n
tend to have m o r e
and status
that
with
closeness
F r i e n d s h i p s among g i r l s are to
Girls need
let o t h e r s s p e a k ,
and c l o s e n e s s . They are required
three things
r e l a t i o n s h i p s of
in acceptible w a y s , and 3 ) to
talk.
to
learn to
world and a
subtillty.
learn to accomplish
language:
reality
one
65 Some empirical evidence In
this paragraph I shall present some empirical evidence which Is
outcome
of
the
socialization'
girls
project
'Language
and
gender-specific
on which students and myself have been working
last few years. Earlier
research
the
for
the
This project focuses on children of 9, 12 and 15 years.
research tended to indicate a 'breaking point' In the speech of between 9 and 12 years (Van Alphen 1982),
and Is
In
accordance
with the preadolescent period of Katz (1979); between ages 12 and 15, It Is hypothesized, of
girls and boys acquire their final and basic knowledge
appropriate gender-specific language behaviour.
the mainly theoretical data
First,
I wi11 test
Insights of Maltz and Borker with some
empirical
concerning the acquisition of stereotypical attitudes of girls and
boys of 9, 12 and 15 years of age. Second, I wlI I give some results of a pilot study on the verbal behaviour of same-sex peers of 9 and 12
years
of age.
The Images of girls and boys about the speech
of self and
others
'Look, we have a friend, Fllpje, and he thinks Marcel I a Is a real GIRL, 'cause she doesn't spit on the floor, she doesn't smoke, she doesn't swear (she Is as coarse as can be, but okay: she doesn't swear), she comes home In time, she does the shopping for her mother: REAL GIRLI That's what Fllpje thinks Is a REAL glrll W6 are not real girls, 'cause we are bad sometimes: we drink, we smoke, we swear, we spit on the floor, we do not shop for our mothers (Yesl we dol) Well, but NOT If she asks me. (Don't exaggerate huhl)' Janine and Elize (16, In unison) Stereotypes reflect, maintain and reinforce cultural norms and attitudes and
are
of
great
(language) behaviour.
Importance
for
the
acquisition
results
12,
as
subjects
appropriate
The study of Constandse and Schepers (1985) about
the acquisition of stereotypes of Dutch (white, boys of 9,
of
upper-class) girls
and
15 years and adults, revealed in broad outline the same
other research (e.g.
towards
Edelsky 1977).
40 stereotypes/features of
The attitudes of
gender-specific
196
language
behaviour were rated on a 4-polnt scale and statistically analyzed.
All
results mentioned here are significant (p.< 0.001). At age 12, of
women
therefore
the traditional stereotypical views about language behaviour and men are attributed to girls/women and be
considered as socially
acquired.
boys/men
9-year-olds,
and
can
however,
66 attributed
some items In the opposite direction;
people',
'talk
with excitement' were attributed to boys instead of
the
Item
'skip
'like to
other
form one subject to another',
'self-disclosure'
is considered
'neutral'
talk
about
'talk a lot' girls.
by
and Also
9-year-olds,
Instead of feature stereotypIcaI Iy connected with women. (4) Reanalysis the
of the results reveals Interesting exaggeration
Items by the children. 12,
some
of
Compared to adult Judgement they had higher
scores on boys' noisiness' (15, of commands' (9,
of
12, 9 years, In that order); 'use a lot
15 years);
'like to have the last word' (9,
12,
15); 'challenge others' opinions' (15, 12); and 'control topic' (15). Of the 'feminine' Items, only 'talk softly' was exaggerated by the 15-yearolds of both sexes. It
is
very Interesting that the 15-year-olds account for most
exaggeration,
since
Edelsky (1977:
of
242) found this exaggeration
children in the sixth form (12 years old).
Edelsky,
however,
the with
did
not
study children of 15 years of age. Based on the results mentioned above, we
can
now conclude that children Indeed exaggerate
especially
when they are between 12 and 15 years.
the
differences,
(The 'either ail-boy
or all-girI' per lod?) For
our
evidence
purpose
it Is also Interesting to look
of Constandse & Schepers:
girls and boys speak differently,
at
the
nonnumerical
In answering an open question please give examples') the
('Do
following
Images of self and other's language were found (5): 12
years
Girls
report that they laugh a lot, giggle, are cheerful, speak quietly,
talk
properly.
higher pitch,
Boys
say about girls that they giggle,
like to have the floor,
speak
with
a
have longer conversations, speak
properly, talk faster. Boys
report
swank, lord
about themselves that they swear,
are bold and aggressive, It over someone.
talk vulgarly,
interrupt,
talk
rough,
brag
and
talk seriously and like to
Girls write about boys that they
swear,
boast,
are coarse, rough, Impolite and 'act tough', and like to
exaggerate and use words that they (boys) do not understand. 15
years
Girls of this age report that they gossip,
chat,
are open-hearted, and
honest, talk seriously and softly; some also giggle or laugh. Boys write about girls that they gossip, talk open-hear ted Iy and with feeling, they giggle, are cheerful and full of Smalltalk.
67 Soys
report about themselves that they act tough,
coarsely
and
coarsely
with a loud voice.
and
utter
piercing
Girls say yells;
boys
They
boast,
swank,
talk
swank,
boast,
talk
they
are
exaggerate,
indifferent, they are careless and they swear. The images of self and others do not differ much: girls are said to talk cheerfully,
candidly
and
softly,
with
lots of
giggles
at
12
and
gosslpping at 15. Boys' interaction is 'rough, tough and loud'. It Is very Interesting that neither of the sexes report any laughing for the
boys...
Perhaps
boys
do not want to look
like
those
giggling,
laughing girls, perhaps girls think that boys are not funny.
Language To
behaviour
of girls
and boys aged 9 and 12
what extent are the qualifications (Images and self-images)
children
and
preceding preliminary out
with
the
Insights
paragraphs, answer
of Maltz
actually
and
supported
Borker, by
the
In
the
presented
empirical
evidence?
Is given by the results of a pilot study I
a group of students on the language behaviour of
year-old
of
girls'
and
boys'
peer
groups
A
carried
9 - and
12-
(Onderzoeksgroep
ATW/Vrouwenstudles 1984). (6)
Method The
4 groups we analyzed consisted of 3 children each,
all
from
the same social background:
academic milieu In Amsterdam.
close
friends,
their parents were from a
white
The children were asked to 'test' a
game
which we had Invented especially for this study. The 'game' consisted of solving
'problems'
written
instructions
(adventures) on cards.
approximately 10 minutes to play.
by Joint agreement on
the
It was divided in two parts In the first part,
basis and
of took
the children were
told that, after a shipwreck, they had been washed ashore on a beautiful Island, blue
along with many pieces of luggage.
These were symbolized by 25
cards Inscribed with items like 'sleeping bags',
'little dog'
or
'peanut butter sandwiches'. First the children had to decide on 15 items they
would
bring along on their Journey across the Island
airport from which they could fly home. 'game'),
problems
towards
an
In the second part, (the actual
were presented on 11 red cards which could - more or
less - be solved by the blue cards, (e.g. 'It is night, It is very cold, you are not able to go any further, what do you do?')
The children were
explicitly told that they had to complete the game by mutual
agreement.
68 If they could not find a solution, they had to give away two blue cards. For the airport they had to save 3 blue cards.
That would be the end of
the game. The
children were tape-recorded In the home of one of the group.
explaining the game,
After
two female researchers sat apart and observed. The
recordings were transcribed and analysed later.
Some of the results are
presented here. Results A first description of the conversations gave the following
Impressions
of the Interaction of the girls and the boys. Girls 9 One
girl
soft
leads In the first part (choosing Items) of the game.
protest by the other groupmembers,
the
other
during
quarrels,
they
unanimous: other
a
the actual game.
listen
they
There Is a
lot
to each other very well.
decide
After a
they read the cards one of
They
laughing, are
often In a collective 'Yes!' and
lot In agreement (sort of echoing).
Their tone
after no
strikingly repeat
of
each
voice
Is
norma I . Boys 9 In
the first part,
one Is the leader;
without
listening to each other
they
keep shouting Items;
During the adventures they
they
decide very quickly,
without discussion.
unnecessary.
They are very serious;
Interrupt
less,
Mutual agreement
seems
sometimes there Is laughter, their
voices are loud. Negative statements like 'No pall!' or 'dummy' occur. Girls
12
During
the
first
leading role. very
(We ddn't use this,
quickly.
'okay',
They
'yes').
sometimes
and second part,
they
one of the girls
takes
a
subtle
do we?') The others follow and agree
seldom disagree,
and approve
explicitly
('yes',
They giggle a lot together. They speak very softly and even whisper.
They smoothly take turns at reading
the
cards. Boys 12 The
first part is very unsystematic and indifferent:
things out. 'quarreling'
They start all over again. and
having a lot of fun.
read aloud ('then I'll have nr.
they
Just
shout
The second part Is a mixture of They explicitly claim turns
to
8'). They call each other by nicknames.
They Joke a lot, even with black humour. There is competition to get the
69 'solution'
first:
after
answer, they p r e - e m p t i v e l y aloud.
learning
that the o t h e r s
interject
the answer
They punish each other on earlier
do not
listen very w e l l ,
they
interrupt
them g i g g l e s . The w h o l e c o n v e r s a t i o n These
descriptions
of
following q u a n t i t i v e
TABLE
1.
Total
the
reading
remarks (I told you so!). They (shout) a lot. S o m e t i m e s one of
is in a very
verbal
know
loud tone of
interaction
are
voice.
supported
by
the
data:
number
differentiated
into
accompanied
a
by
the
already
themselves w h i l e
of
propositions
non-serious
hedge,
'eh'
during
2nd
propositions or
'force'.
part
and
of
game
propositions
(Absolute
numbers
and
percentages)
A Age/sex
B
P r o p o s it-
non-
ions
serious
9 girls
21=100%
9 boys
24=100%
2
12 g i r l s
32=100%
5 15.6%
12 boys
54=100%
12 22.2%
Table
1
C
D
+ hedge
time
5 23.8%
7 33.
6.50
1
4.2%
-
9 37.5%
6.50
9
9.0%
5 15.6%
2
6.2%
5.30
+6+30.0%
7.30
2 3.7%
illustration of the verbal
interaction of
'adventure game' cards.
In c o l u m n A
see that 9 - y e a r - o l d s have an average of 2 p r o p o s i t i o n s per card
3.2 and 3.6 per m i n u t e respectively).
C o l u m n B g i v e s the p e r c e n t a g e s of
minute).
'funny' n o n - s e r i o u s p r o p o s i t i o n s
'crossing the river on the back of the
(or
Girls of 12 give 3 per card (or 6
per m i n u t e ) , and boys 5 per card (7.3 per
do
force
3 14.3%
the g i r l s and boys w h i l e solving 11 we
+ 'eh'
m i n.
8.33%
gives a q u a n t i t a t i v e
E
(e.g.
little dog'). The 9 - y e a r - o l d boys
this twice (girls do not) and at 12 the b o y s exceed the
girls.
The
boys joke m o r e and of an earlier age than the g i r l s . Column
C represents the number of times a p r o p o s i t i o n w a s a t t e n d e d by a
hedge:
(e.g.
'I think',
'maybe',
'according to me'). The g i r l s do use
them slightly more o f t e n than the boys. The b o y s hardly use them at all.
70 Column
E gives the percentages of what we've called
'force',
the relative loudness with which a proposition Is uttered. use
some force,
striking;
the
and boys a little more. girls
But at 12 the
covering
At 9,
girls
difference
hardly raise their voices (in fact,
they
is
almost
whisper), whereas the 12-year-old boys score 100% on the loudness scale. Everything
is said at shouting
level. In addition, there are 6
Instances
of VERY VERY LOUD propositions which is indicated by +6 and +30% in
the
table.
Cone I us I on The
results
conception
of
this
as presented earlier The
pilot study seem to be
in
verbal
year-olds
of
girls of 9 and 12
with few Interruptions,
Is
they do not
there
Is a lot of laughter and giggling together.
speak
In
normal tone of voice and
the
girls
can
acceptable.
be
sometimes
the
taken
smooth,
argue,
(9and
The 9-year-old girls loudly.
speak very softly and even whisper.
harmonizing speech style, opinion
apparently
and the focus is on agreement
even exaggerate this by 'echoing'); a
with
literature,
In this article.
Interaction
harmonious,
however,
agreement
of girls' and boys' speech which we find In the
At
age
Part of
12, this
the use of hedges and 'eh' when presenting an as strategies of
control
which
are
socially
Boys raise their voices or keep repeating themselves to get
their way. Competitive elements In boys' speech emerge especially at age
12:
they
Interrupt the speech of others, they challenge or dispute the utterances of their partners, and
indulge
seriously,
In
they Ignore comments by the other speaker, they joke black humour.
The younger boys took their
whereas the older boys laughed a lot.
task
very
And when they giggle,
they giggle alone, whereas girls giggle together. The
results
are also in accordance with the
girls and boys, was
reported.
stereotypical
Images
of
with one exception, however: boys are not as serious as They
attention by joking
laugh
a lot and do giggle.
But
perhaps
getting
is a very serious business.
D i scussIon 'At elementary school, I icas a total boy. Pulling bells, stealing apples, streetfootbalI, hanging on the garbage-truck. I still see myself strolling... sweater, Jeans, sneakers, (sigh) ohl lovely!' Marie Antoinette (15)
71
In
this article
to
the
I have aimed to give theoretical and empirical
hypothesis
that the acquisition
of
support
gender-specific
language
behaviour takes place mainly under the Influence of group norms In samesex
peer
between speech 12,
groups. 9
I
have presented a closer analysis
and 15 years of age,
styles of girls and boys occur.
children
appropriate
do
not
behaviour.
social
knowledge
Consequently,
they
non-appropriate behaviour.
acquire
most of the social norms and attitudes Inherent
of
At approximately age
Based on this knowledge,
their free time 'hanging around' or 'sitting
peers,
they
15
years old.
gender-appropriate
After this
behaviour
gendersometimes children language
and spending most
of
Is fully established,
with
same-sex
until they are
divergence,
approximately
organizations
12
and
15,
the
when
convergence between
the (language) behaviour of girls and boys Is likely to occur. between
of
12,
Inside'
period
the
In the
exaggerate 'femininity' and 'masculinity',
approximately
period
of
will
exhibit
behaviour of their own sex.
the
Until approximately the age
possess complete
language
of
in which the principle changes in
differential
However,
norms
and
In girls' and boys' peer groups have constituted different
speech styles.
The consequences of these gender-specific speech
styles
are twofold. First,
women
apparently
for the domestic sphere; 'cooperative'. the
domain
(unacceptable) women
It Is supportive,
Men apparently
In,
These
harmonizing,
open-hearted,
learn a speech style more appropriate for
of public discussion:
'competitive'. visible
learn a speech style which Is more appropriate
it
differences
is
In
dominant,
speech
fast,
styles
and
reinforce
the
men are
more
division of labour between women and men: and Ideologically defined by,
loud,
the public sphere,
are relegated (either actually or ideologically) to the
whereas domestic
sphere. Second,
when
conversation,
people
do
it
likely that mIscommunicat Ion and Irritation
is
not
share
norms
about
and
strategies
in will
occur. 'It is in the nature of interaction that when devices are not the same,
one
style takes over.
Those who expect shorter
pauses
between
utterances will necessarily speak first; having spoken, they effectively block
the
tolerate their
contributions of others, much
overlap.
interlocutors
but just those others
who
The voices of those who talk more loudly
in a given interaction will necessarily
ring
cannot than out,
72
and the voices of those who talk more softly,
will, thereby, be drowned
oat or overshadowed.'(Tannen 1984: 148) I should like to stress that of course these different speech styles are not mutually exclusive. in
which
certain
They indicate, rather, the poles of a continuum
linguistic features tend to be used
by
women,
and
peer
groups
at
extremes
of
arises of whether the peer group should
be
certain others more by men. would
I
hypothesize
approximately
the
that
the
speech
styles
in
ages of 12 to 15 can be located at the
this cont inuum. Furthermore,
the
question
seen as the base of gender-specific behaviour. The fact that children In our western society play or associate mainly with same-sex peers Is a
result of which
peer
is chosen.
sex-peer
is available
This choice Is In Itself a result
interests rather than a cause. sufficient starting language
to point
to interact with,
As a linguist,
of
but of which
gender-specific
however, I consider this
justify the choice of taking same-sex peer groups for
the analysis and
not
explanation
of
as
a
gender-specific
behaviour.
'At elementary school, / always played with the boys, but then there were girls who said to me: Do you always play with them? Are you boy-crazy? Boy-crazy I / didn't understand what they meant. when you go to secondary school, well, you get other But well, Interests, you know. I saw beautiful boys, I saw nice boys, I saw handsome boys...THEN you dress like a girl huh? I dress like a boy, but then, I HAVE to behave like a Sometimes girl. When I wear my sneakers, I feel like a boy, 'cause I can do everything! When I wear my boots, then I'm much more careful, eh neat, about everything, just about EVERYTHING you know.' Elize (16) Notes 1.
These 'snap-shots' were tape-recorded on November 28, 1985 at 'De Meldenclub', Buurthuis De Komeet, Molenwljk, Amsterdam North. (In due time I hope to present an analysis of the speech patterns in this 'girls club') (see also: note 3).
2.
Attributes of femininity/masculinity are generally seen as dichotomized, either/or conceptions. In linguistic literature, a dichotomous description of the language of women and men Is often given: cooperative/competitive. One should take precautions when influencing theory with already labelled concepts. Stereotypes not only influence people in their attitudes towards (language) behaviour, but scientific theories as well.
3.
One year of participant observation of a peer group of 15/16-yearold-girls, however, - unfortunately - gave me 'some' insight in the
73 methodological problems of this type of research: how to record speech If Disco music Is always LOUD? How to record speech If girls hide In the cupboard to share secrets? 4.
I am very grateful to Karln Constandse and Rob Schepers, who carried out their profound study In the framework of the research project 'Language and gender-spec IfIc socialization'.
5.
Only the results of girls and boys of age 12 and 15 are given. The 9-year-old children did not answer this question because of lack of time. The adults gave only 'It depends-answers' (see also Edelsky 1977: 241).
6.
I hereby thank Karln Constandse, Monique van der Haagen, Jeanette Lubbers, Marjan Meyboom, Marja Pruls, Jacqueline Rouers, Antonet Schep, and Fanny Spijker for their hard work and enthusiasm.
References ALPHEN, INGRID VAN 1982 The ImplIcatIons of the claim 'girls are better, but women ain't' for IIngulstIc research. Paper presented at the Tenth World Congress of Sociology, Mexico City, August 16-21. BERNSTEIN, BASIL 1981 Codes, modalities, and the process of cultural model. Language In Society 10, 327-365.
reproduction:
a
CONSTANDSE, KARIN and ROB SCHEPERS 1985 StereotIepen van vrouwen en mannen over het taalgedrag van mannen en vrouwen. Doctoral thesis. Institute for General Linguistics, University of Amsterdam. EDELSKY, CAROLE 1977 Acquisition of an aspect of communicative competence: learning what it means to talk I ike a lady. In Ervin-Trlpp, Susan and Claudia Mltchell-Kernan (eds.),Child Discourse. Academic Press, New York, 225-243. FRITH, SIMON 1984 The sociology
of youth.
Causeway Press Ltd, Ormsklrk.
GOODWIN, MARJORIE H. 1980 Directive-response speech sequences in girls' and boys' task activities. In McConnell-Ginet, Sally, Ruth Borker and Nelly Furman (eds.), Women and language In literature and society. Praeger Publishers, New York, 157-174. HIRSCHMAN, LYNETTE 1973 Female-male differences In conversatlonal Interact Ion: paper presented at the annual Linguistic Society of America meeting, San Diego, Dec. JENKINS, MERC I LEE 1984 Die Geschichte Konversationsstil
liegt Im unter Frauen.
Erzählen: ein kooperativer In Trömel-Plötz, Senta (Hrsg.),
74 1984, 333-353. KATZ, P.A. 1979 The development of female Identity. Sex Roles KRAMARAE, CHER IS 1981 Women and men speaking. LABOV, WILLIAM 1972 SoclolIngulstIc Philadelphla.
Newbury House Pubi., Rowley.
patterns.
LAKOFF, ROBIN 1975 Language and women's
5, 2, 155-177.
place.
University
of
Pennsylvania
Press,
Harper and Row, New York.
MACCOBY, ELEANOR E. and KAREN N. JACKLIN 1974 The psychology of sex differences. Stanford.
Stanford
University
Press,
MALTZ, DANIEL N. and RUTH A. BORKER 1982 A cultural approach to male-female mIscommunI cat Ion. In Gumperz, J.J. (ed.), Language and social Identity. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 196-231. MARE, JOSE DE and BARBARA SPOEL 1984 Feministische waarheld en macht 18, 2, 197-219. Vrouwenstudles
In het meidenwerk. TIJdschrI ft Voor
MCMILLAN, J.R. et al. 1977 Women's language: uncertainty or interpersonal emotionality? Sex Roles 3, 6, 545-559.
sensitivity
and
NABER, PAULINE 1985 Vr I end Innen.- een explorerend onderzoek naar de betekenls van vrlendlnnen voor melsjes van veertlen tot achttlen Jaar . Vrlje Un I versi te 11, Amsterdam. Pedagoglsche publlkatles, nr. 1. McROBBIE, ANGELA and JENNY GARBER 1982 Girls and subcultures. In Hall, Stuart and Tony Jefferson (eds.), Resistance through rituals. Hutchinson University Lib., London. Original edition CCCS 1976, 209-222. McROBBIE, ANGELA and MICA NI VA (eds.) 1981 Gender and generatIon. McMillan Publishers Ltd., London. ONDERZOEKSGROEP ATW/VROUWENSTUDI ES 1984 Taalgedrag van melsjes en Jongens van 9 en 12 Jaar. Research paper, Institute for General Linguistics/Department Women's Studies, University of Amsterdam. SAVI ER, MONIKA and CAROLA WILDT 1980 Melsjes tussen sllkken en vert Ikken. SARA, Amsterdam, (original Mädchen zwischen Anpassung und Widerstand, München 1978; transl. José R i Jnaarts). TANNEN, DEBORAH 1984 Conversaiional style: analyzing talk among Publishing Corporation, Norwood, New Jersey.
friends.
Ablex
75
TROMEL-PLOTZ , SENTA (Hrsg.) 1984 Gewalt durch Sprache. Main.
Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag,
Frankfurt
am
TROMEL-PLOTZ, SENTA 1984 Die Konstruktion konversatloneIler Unterschiede in der Sprache von Frauen und Männern. In TrömeI-Plötz, Senta (Hrsg.), 1984, 288-319. WERNER, FRITJOF 1983 Gesprächsverhai Main.
ten von Frauen
und Männern.
Peter Lang, Frankfurt am
WEST, CANDACE and DON H. ZIMMERMAN 1983 Small insults: a study of Interruptions in cross-sex conversations between unacquainted persons. In Thorne, Barrie, Cher Is Kramarae and Nancy Henley (eds.), Language, gender and society. Newbury House Publishers Inc., Rowley, 102-112. ZIMMERMAN, DON H. and CANDACE WEST 1975 Sex roles, Interruptions and silences in conversation. In Thorne, Barrie and Nancy Henley (eds.), Language and sex: difference and dominance. Newbury House Publishers Inc., Massachussetts, 105-129. ZUMBUHL, URSULA 1984 Ich darf noch ganz kurz...: die männliche Geschwätzigkeit am Beispiel von Zwei TV-Diskussionssendungen. In TrömeI-Plötz, Senta (Hrsg.) 1984, 233-245.
5 CLASSROOM INTERACTION: Survival of the Fittest? Marloes L. W. de Bie Introduct ion In
this article
teachers
I wiI I d i s c u s s a study on the a t t i t u d e and behaviour of
towards
boys
and g i r l s and towards
native
and
non-native
speakers of Dutch. T h i s study i s part of a larger r e s e a r c h p r o j e c t which was
developed at the U n i v e r s i t y of Groningen in cooperation
with
the
SLO, an i n s t i t u t e for c u r r i c u l u m development. During in
the l a s t f i f t e e n y e a r s the a n a l y s i s of c l a s s r o o m - I n t e r a c t i o n and
particular
important. In
the
teacher-pupil
relations
has
become
more
In 1968 Rosenthal and Jacobson p u b l i s h e d a study
classroom' which caused a great commotion.
and
more
'Pygmalion
In t h i s study
they
show that p u p i l s who are expected to be good a c h i e v e r s have indeed
more
success
at school than p u p i l s who are considered to be bad ones.
result,
the a n a l y s i s of classroom i n t e r a c t i o n has focused more and more
on
problem of the d i r e c t
the
achievement
of
(supposed)
pupils
either
Influence of t e a c h e r s ' a t t i t u d e s in a n e g a t i v e
or
positive
on
the
sense.
The
article.
The
other
day I watched an E n g l i s h documentary f i l m in which a
boy
said:
'We don't l i k e g i r l s ,
that
a
d i f f e r e n c e in a t t i t u d e towards male and female p u p i l s i s the
main theme of t h i s
dolls
As
they always want to p l a y
when the boys want to f i g h t ' .
little
with
their
T h i s statement shows in a n u t s h e l l
there i s a d i f f e r e n c e between boys and g i r l s with regard to
their
primary s o c i a l i z a t i o n . G i r l s are supposed to be dependent, p a s s i v e , noncompetitive
and
independent, this should
be
liable.
Boys are s a i d
to
be
assertive,
unsentimental and courageous. When c h i l d r e n attend s c h o o l ,
so-called
teachers:
emotionally
by
their
a l s o at school they learn to behave in d i f f e r e n t ways.
' s e x - s p e c i f i c behaviour'
Girls
cooperative,
Is o f t e n r e i n f o r c e d
modest and p o l i t e ,
boys are expected
to
be
a s s e r t i v e and c r e a t i v e . Boys are allowed to t a l k to each other more than
77
girls
or
towards with
even to interrupt the teacher. boys
regard
lessons. they
This difference
in
attitude
and girls is also found In the expectations
of
teachers
to the achievements of male and female pupils
certain
Boys are supposed to be good at figures on the assumption that
are
more
capable
of analytic thinking
than
women,
supposed
to be better at expressing themselves (Brophy and
Van
Geest 1978).
der
in
This leads to a vicious
circle:
girls Good
pupils
are 1974;
attend
school with a certain self-image and they behave according to this selfimage, own
teachers
punish or encourage this behaviour on account of their
expectations
and
in
this way
often
reinforce
male
or
female
behaviour (De Haan 1979). The study which
I am going to discuss now (1) has tried to trace some of
the factors that play an important part school. did
The
not
which
in this socialization process at
main question of our study was whether the teacher did
treat all (groups of) pupils In the same way and
(groups
concentrated
of) on
pupils
the
she
turn-taking
behaved
differently.
system
and
on
the
if
The
not, study
or to was
evaluation
of
behaviour and contributions of pupils.
Method The
subjects were 39 pupils in the first forms of two primary
schools.
School A can be characterized as 'cursorlc' which means that the teacher sticks
to a more or less traditional curriculum planning and works only
now and then theme-centered. which
means
School B calls itself
'thematIc-cursorIc'
that the lessons are centered around various themes
'Autumn'). Active participation of the pupils is seen as very The subjects were divided into four groups as follows:
school A
school B
male native speaker
5
7
female native speaker
7
8
male non-native spealer
3
5
female non-native speaker
4
FIGURE 1. Number of pupils
(e.g.
Important.
78
At
both schools we observed the classroom interaction during two weeks,
of
which 19 hours were videotaped and 10 hours were eventually
down.
Our
educational spread
over
observation
written
was concentrated on group discussions
conversations.
Per school 2000 utterances
these conversations.
We developed a
were
(2)
and
analyzed,
coding-system
which
consisted of the following categories:
TURN-TAKING SYSTEM Teacher 1.
categorles
EIi cI tat Ion
Individuals:
the
teacher
addresses herself
to
one
partIcular puplI 2.
Elicltation Class:
the teacher addresses herself to the class as
a
whole 3.
Continuing reaction:
neutral feedback by which the teacher tries to
stimulate the pupil to tell some more. Pupil 1.
categorles
Response: follows an elicltation of an individua I or of the class as
a whole 2.
Non-eI IcItated utterance:
is not preceded by an e11cI tat Ion of this
pupil, another pupil or the class as a whole. EVALUATIONS (.teacher categor les only) 1. Negative evaluation of behaviour 2. Evaluation of lesson-centered behaviour 3. Pos i t i veexp I icit evaluat ion of answers or contrI but Ions 4. Pos i 11ve imp IIcit evaluat ion of answers or contr ibut ions 5. NegatIve exp I Icit evaluatIon of answers or contr ibut ions 6. Negat i ve imp IIcit evaluat ion of answers or contr ibut ions In the next section I wiI I discuss the most striking results. Results I wlI I discuss the results in the following order: first we will
look at
the
A
results of the analysis of the turn-taking system at school
for
79 the
group
discussions and the educational conversations
respectively.
This will be followed by the same analysis for school B. I wlI I end this section
by discussing the results of the analysis of
the
evaluations,
separately for school A and B.
The Turn-taking Table
1
System
and
2 show the results for the analysis
of
the
turn-taking
system (3) at school A. The rates are corrected rates. (4)
TABLE 1. The turn-taking system at school A during group discussions. Teacher
Pupil
El¡citation
Continuing
Individuals
Reaction
Response
Non-EI IcItated Utterance
male native speakers
93
30
106
female natIve
88
36
100
6
"
126
44
103
21
female non-native "
52
24
86
"
male non-native
TABLE 2.
The
turn-taking
system
at
school
B
24
during
educational
conversat ions. Teacher
Pupil
ElIcI tat I on Individuals
male native speakers
91
Continuing
Response
Reaction 7
Non-EI Icitated Utterance
74
24
1
24
5
"
110
7
53
21
female non-native "
51
9
47
16
female nat i ve male non-native
Table
"
39
1 shows that during the group discussions boys get more attention
than girls in terms of el(citations and continuing reactions. also
give
more responses and behave more assertively than
they
have
a higher rate of
that
they,
much
non-eIicitated utterances which
more than the girls,
try to
attract
the
The the
boys girls:
indicates teacher's
80 attention. pupils
With
have
reactions.
regard to e t h n i c b a c k g r o u n d w e found that the
lower
rates
W e must keep
g i r l s are relatively so contribution
of
el¡citations and their The
girls, that
foreign
continuing
influence the overall
is greatest
in the
category
(which m e a n s that they get most of the t e a c h e r ' s is almost equal
foreign
picture.
to that of the Dutch
of
so not all g i r l s are treated
their group gives
the
attention)
foreign
In the same way. W e found,
In the other c a t e g o r i e s the rates of the foreign low,
The
pupils.
also shows that Dutch girls get m o r e a t t e n t i o n than
also
relatively
the
in mind, however, that the rates of the low that they
the foreign boys
response rate
table
in all c a t e g o r i e s except for
however,
girls
less responses than the other
are
groups
and e v e n d o e s not m a k e any u n e l i c i t a t e d u t t e r a n c e s . T h i s m e a n s that
they
behave very m o d e s t l y and only speak w h e n they are asked to. During and
the educational
the teacher
unelicitated during
interaction
is m o r e
structured
tries to give all pupils the same amount of
In spite of this, (eIicitat Ions,
c o n v e r s a t i o n s the
as table 2 shows,
attention.
the b o y s still get most
attention
c o n t i n u i n g reactions), give m o r e r e s p o n s e s and m a k e m o r e u t t e r a n c e s than the girls.
the a r i t h m e t i c
A very striking result
lesson the rate of e l l c i t a t l o n s of the
is that
boys
was
s u r p r i s i n g l y high c o m p a r e d to that of the g i r l s (4) (corrected rates 147 and 48 respect ively). W i t h regard to e t h n i c b a c k g r o u n d the s i t u a t i o n the
group
discussions
Dutch p u p i l s more
the foreign p u p i l s have higher
in all c a t e g o r i e s .
actively
in the
is d i f f e r e n t : c o m p a r e d to rates
A l s o the foreign g i r l s now
interaction:
than
the
participate
not only does the teacher give
them
m o r e a t t e n t i o n (ellcitatlons, continuing reactions) but they b e h a v e m o r e assertively
themselves:
even
non-eI Icitated
make
difference
with
their response rate utterances.
is relatively high and they
A striking result
the Dutch girls has c o m p l e t e l y
been
Is
that
Inverted:
the their
rates on all c a t e g o r i e s are higher than those of the Dutch
girls.
Indicates
educational)
plays an During
that
the
Interaction-form
important part w i t h regard to the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of these g i r l s . group
categories,
discussions
the Dutch g i r l s score higher
but during educational
We have not found a similar forms
the
Dutch
boys
foreign b o y s score higher In
(group d i s c u s s i o n or
This
rates
on
all
c o n v e r s a t i o n s the f o r e i g n g i r l s
do.
result for the boys: during both
score higher
in the pupil
in the teacher
interaction
categories
and
the
categories.
summary w e can say that at school A the more s t r u c t u r e d
interaction
81
form
makes no difference with regard to sex:
forms
the
during
both
rates of the boys are higher than those of the
Interaction girls.
With
regard to ethnic background there is an important difference: during the group discussions the rates of the Dutch pupils are higher, educational mainly
but
conversations the rates of the foreign pupils are.
caused
considerably
by
the fact that a
more
structured
during This is
Interaction
form
Increases the participation of the foreign girls.
Before discussing the results of school B, I want to make clear that the category
male/female on the one hand and the category natIve/non-natIve
on the other hand can not be compared so well at school B as at school A because school B has no female non-native speakers. kept
This fact has to be
in mind while Interpreting the results. Therefore the rates for the
three groups of pupils at school B have been corrected twice:
the first
correction
has
been
a
correction
the
rates
made as described In note 3 of the group 'boys' and
and
'native
with
second
speakers'
are
divided by 2 In order to make a comparison possible (6).
TABLE 3. The turn taking system at school B during group discussions.
Teacher Continuing
Individuals
Reaction
male native speakers female native
"
male non-native
"
TABLE
4.
The
turn
Pupil
Elicltation
46
taking
system
Non Ellcltated Utterance
10
224
18
2
33
13
56
150
40
6 114
Response
at
school
B
during
educational
conversât ions.
Teacher
Pupil
Elicltation
Continuing
Individuals
Reaction
Response
Non Ellcltated Utterance
male native speakers
73
12
73
34
female native
"
52
9
77
25
male non-native
"
82
10
54
43
82 Table in
3 shows that during group discussions boys get a lot of attention
terms
foreign
of boys.
participate pupil
el¡citations and
to
continuing
reactions,
especially
This is partly caused by the fact that the
in the structuring of turn taking: tell
pupils
the also
they can invite another
something by passing a teddybear.
In
such
cases
the
teacher does not interfere and gives the floor to the chosen pupil.
The
peer group pressure among the boys Is apparently very strong, are
not allowed to take part.
hardly
try
regard
speakers
accepted
the girls this,
to attract the attention of the teacher and their
rate is also relatively With
They seem to have
they
response
low.
to ethnic background the table shows that
the
non-native
score higher rates than the native speakers in all
categories
except for the category responses. During
the educational conversations the
because shows, than
situation
changes,
the Interaction Is more structured by the teacher. the
boys
still get more elle I tat Ions and continuing
the girls but the difference is less striking.
was
that
during
elicitatlons which more
than
much
as the boys (corrected rates 18 and 27 respectively)
(7),
increased
actively
result as
that this teacher behaves less
the teacher
almost
sex-specific
In school A (see above).
in
this
The girls also
give
responses than the boys and their rate of unelicltated
has
4
reactions
A striking
the arithmetic lesson the girls get
Indicates
matter
probably
As table
and
which is also an indication that they are
less
willing
to accept
that
utterances
participate
the
boys
more
get
more
attentIon. With
regard to ethnic background it seems at first sight that
rates
of
the native speakers are higher than those of
the
now
the
non-native
speakers. After the second correction (8) it appears, however, that this Is have
only a
the case for the category responses. strong
compensate and
position
in the
classroom.
These pupils The
Dutch
apparently
boys
try
this by giving more responses during both Interaction
to
forms
also the Dutch girls have a higher response rate during educational
conversai Ions. In
summary
we found that a more structured
difference with regard to the variable sex:
Interaction form
makes
the boys have higher
no
rates
in the teacher categories which means that during both Interaction forms
83 they get m o r e attention. difference girls
In
even
However,
during educational
the category continuing reactions
have
the highest
conversations
Is very small
response rate w h i c h
Indicates
form at
least
speakers
conversations response
so a m o r e s t r u c t u r e d
get
the
Dutch
of the pupils
attention
but
try to c o m p e n s a t e
this
regard
the n o n -
educational by
a
higher
rate.
Evaluations following four tables c o n t a i n only the c a t e g o r i e s :
behaviour
and (explicit or
a n s w e r s or c o n t r i b u t i o n s .
The rates for the other
low and therefore of not enough
speakers
native
non-native
female n o n - n a t i v e "
T A B L E 6. Evaluai ions
maie native
speakers
evaluations
categories
were
(9).
discussions
Neg. Eva 1.
Pos.
of
Exp I . Imp I .
Behaviour
of
Interest for this a r t i c l e .
T A B L E 5. E v a l u a t i o n s at school A during group
m a i e native
evaluations
implicit) p o s i t i v e and n e g a t i v e
The rates are again the corrected rates
maie
also
Interaction
during
The
female
the
interaction form m a k e s no d i f f e r e n c e ,
most
The
rather
that
increases the participation of the g i r l s . A l s o w i t h
to e t h n i c b a c k g r o u n d the native
of
the
tries to stimulate them as m u c h as the boys and that they
teacher
p a r t i c i p a t e m o r e actively themselves,
the
and
Eva I . Total Neg.
Eva I. Total
Exp I . Imp I .
14
11
8
19
1
8
9
2
10
4
14
-
6
6
49
12
-
12
-
12
12
10
17
9
26
-
-
at school
-
A durIng educat iona I conversât Ions.
Eva I. Total
Neg. Eva I.
Pos.
Eva I . Total
Neg.
of Behaviour
Exp I
Imp I
Exp I . I mp I .
17
21
24
45
3
14
17
8
18
I0
28
-
3
3
ma le non-nat i ve
16
12
26
34
2
12
14
female n o n - n a t i v e "
16
16
19
35
-
10
10
female
native
84 At school A the boys get more n e g a t i v e e v a l u a t i o n s of behaviour than the girls,
probably
utterances. way
as
Most
a
result
their
high
rate
of
unellcitated
of the n e g a t i v e e v a l u a t i o n s are g i v e n in an
and when they are e x p l i c i t t h i s i s o n l y to the boys.
more p o s i t i v e e v a l u a t i o n s , discussions;
the
conversations. than The
of
the
The
g i r l s a l s o get more e x p l i c i t
positive
evaluations more
openly.
they are p r a i s e d more openly
in an i m p l i c i t way.
The n o n - n a t i v e s p e a k e r s , evaluations
group
boys get more p o s i t i v e e v a l u a t i o n s d u r i n g e d u c a t i o n a l
teacher appears to be n i c e r to g i r l s :
during
The g i r l s get
so they are p r a i s e d more o f t e n during
boys which means that the teacher p r a i s e s them
and c r i t i c i z e d
implicit
in p a r t i c u l a r the boys get most of the n e g a t i v e
of behaviour.
The n a t i v e speakers are more
educational c o n v e r s a t i o n s ,
often
praised
the f o r e i g n p u p i l s more d u r i n g group
d i s c u s s i o n s , although the d i f f e r e n c e Is r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l . The n o n - n a t i v e speakers get more n e g a t i v e e v a l u a t i o n s than the n a t i v e s p e a k e r s . TABLE 7. E v a l u a t i o n s at school B during group d i s c u s s i o n s . Neg.Eval.
Pos.
Eval.
of Behaviour E x p l . male n a t i v e speakers
15
Impl.
1
6 3
female n a t i v e
"
3
1
male non n a t i v e
"
21
6
T o t a l Neg. Expl. 7
5
Neg.Eval.
Pos.
male n a t i v e speakers
21
24
Eval.
-
4
1 -
5
29
5 1 3
3
conversations
Total
Impl.
Total
Impl. 5
11
TABLE 8. E v a l u a t i o n s at school B during educational
of Behaviour E x p l .
Eval.
Neg.
Eval.
Expl.
Impl.
1
-
Total
1
female n a t i v e
"
9
22
7
29
5
1
6
male non n a t i v e
"
42
8
11
19
13
14
27
85 At school
B w e also find that the boys have the highest rate of
e v a l u a t i o n s of b e h a v i o u r ,
especially the m a l e foreign pupils.
and
get m o r e p o s i t i v e
non-native
speakers
evaluations
educational
results
we
explicit
have
than
conversations,
a result w h i c h
found at school A.
is o p p p o s l t e
to
not m o r e o f t e n openly p r a i s e d than the boys.
the
girls
the
get
more
so at school B the
are
less negative e v a l u a t i o n s ,
group
evaluations
The boys and the girls
implicit positive e v a l u a t i o n s ,
get
The boys
during
d i s c u s s i o n s , the g i r l s and native speakers get m o r e p o s i t i v e during
negative
girls
C o m p a r e d to the
but they
are
usually
e x p l i c i t . The non-native s p e a k e r s all get m o r e negative e v a l u a t i o n s the native s p e a k e r s , especially during educational
boys more than
conversations.
Cone I us ions
At
both
schools
towards
groups
we have found that the of
pupils.
o b v i o u s : the boys have m o r e and
during
educational
teachers'
attitudes
girls.
with
differently
which
are
towards
the
In general Dutch a n d
the d i f f e r e n c e
foreign
regard to the theme of this article.
myself to the difference
very
than the g i r l s ,
c o n v e r s a t i o n s the n o n - n a t i v e s p e a k e r s get
than the native speakers.
important
behave
interaction w i t h the teacher
attention
restrict
teachers
There are two t e n d e n c i e s
pupils
is
I wiI I
more
In
the less
therefore
in a t t i t u d e towards the b o y s and
B o t h teachers o b v i o u s l y behave sex s p e c i f i c a l l y :
the
they give m o r e
a t t e n t i o n to the b o y s and (seem to) accept that the girls are modest sometimes
hardly
take part
In the
Interaction.
They
also
give
negative
e v a l u a t i o n s to the girls.
teachers
Is partly c a u s e d by the fact that the p u p i l s behave
and less
T h i s s e x - s p e c i f i c behaviour of In a
the sex-
s p e c i f l c way themselves: the boys are a s s e r t i v e and protest w h e n they do not
get
leading
enough roles
attention,
the girls accept that the
in the classroom.
T h i s result
research projects (Van der Geest 1978; De H a a n At
school A we have found that during both
boys
play
the
Is c o n f i r m e d by many other 1978).
interaction forms
the
boys
get m o r e a t t e n t i o n than the girls. We did not expect to find this result for
the
structured tries still the
to
educational
because the lessons.
s t i m u l a t e the girls to take part
succeed floor
conversations
by the teacher during these
the
is
more
teacher
interaction the
boys
In their attempts to attract a t t e n t i o n and o n c e they
have
they make the most of
It.
In the
interaction Although
A remarkable result at school A
is
86 that there Is a difference between the two groups of girls which we have not
found
behave
for the boys.
very
During group discussions
the
foreign
girls
modestly and as a result also get less attention than
the
Dutch girls. During educational conversations, however, they participate more ask
actively and also get more attention from the teacher. for attention with unelicitated utterances,
during
the
background
group discussions.
They
even
which Is not the
case
It Is probably due
to
their
cultural
that they keep themselves aloof during the group discussions
where you have to call attention to yourself to get the floor.
It seems
that these girls therefore benefit by more structured Interaction forms. At school B the results are roughly the same. group
discussions
themselves, and,
In particular during
when the pupils sometimes structure the
the
Interaction
the girls hardly take part. The boys behave very dominant Iy
probably
as
a
result of peer group pressure,
do
not
want
to
humiliate themselves by choosing a girl. The girls Just sit and wait and the
teacher
does
conversations
nothing
however,
to
change
this.
During
educational
the girls less often accept that the
boys
get
more attention. They behave more assertively and also try to attract the teacher's attention and try to compensate for the fact that the boys get more attention by a response rate which Is higher than that of the boys. With
regard
assertive
to
the
evaluations we
have
found
that,
although
the
behaviour of the boys seems to be rewarded by the teachers in
terms of more attention, the boys are more often than the girls punished for
assertive
behaviour.
Both teachers are nicer to girls
when
they
evaluate their contributions: the girls get less negative evaluations at both schools and the teacher of school A also criticizes the girls in an Implicit way only and praises them more openly than the boys. This might Influence
their
Impression
self-image
in
a
negative
way
and
give
them
the
that they are underachlevers compared to the boys (see
also
Van Oudenhoven 1983). Both
teachers
reinforce sex-specific behaviour of the pupils,
must
keep
mind that the observations were made
period results
of
in
during
the schoolyear so we cannot blame the teachers for
we have found.
very effective
The primary socialization has
but
the all
apparently
we
first the been
in 'teaching' male and female behaviour, and this fact is
rather alarming.
87
Notes 1. For more detailed Information see de Bie & Van der Meer 1983. See also the article by Klaartje Duljm in this volume. Her study is also part of the above mentioned larger research project at the University of Gronlngen. 2. In these group discussions children are called on to tell about some out-of-schooI experience to the rest of the class. In American 'show and tell' or literature it is sometimes called 'sharing time', 'news'. 3. In the analysis of the turn-taking system the category 'Ellcitatlon to Class' has been left out of consideration because It tells us nothing about the amount of attention that is given by the teacher to Individual pupils. This explains the Incongruity between the categories Ellcitatlon by the teacher and Response by the pupils. 4. Because of the different numbers of children In the groups In the classroom the rates have been corrected as follows: absolute rate on category X highest amount of pupils in one group. amount of pupils in group At school A the group of female native speakers is the largest group (N-7) so the rates of the other groups are corrected as follows: male native (N-5)
absolute rate 5
x
7
male non native (N=3)
absolute rate 3
x
7
female non native (N-4)
absolute rate x 7 4 At school B the group of female native speakers Is also the largest group, the rates of the other two groups are corrected as described above. 5. For absolute rates see de Ble & Van der Meer 1983. 6. School B has two groups of boys and one group of girls, two groups of native speakers and one group of non-native speakers. Therefore the corrected rates of the groups of boys and of the groups of native speakers are added first and then divided by 2. 7. For absolute rates see De Bie & Van der Meer 1983. 8. See note 6. 9. See notes 4 and 6. References BIE, MARLOES DE en TIT IA VAN DER MEER 1983 Ilie hoor ik daar nou nog? Over het verband tussen beurtwlsseling, évaluaiie en gelijke kansen in het onderwiJs. Doctoral thesis University of Groningen.
88 BROPHY, J.W. and T.L. GOOD 1974 Teacher student relationships: causes Rlnehart and Winston, New York etc.
and
BROUWER, DEDE et a I . 1978 Vrouwentaal en mannenpraat: verseht I ten taalgedrag In relatle tot de maatschappelIjke Gennep, Amsterdam. GEEST, TON VAN DER 1978 Entwicklung der KommunlkatIon.
en
Holt,
In taalgebrulk rolverdelIng.
en Van
Kamp Verlag, Bochum.
HAAN, DORIAN DE 1978 SekseverschI Ilen In klndertaal. In 1978, 69-104. 1979 Met school meer mans? Woer 3, 15-21. OUDENHOVEN, JOANNES VAN 1983 OnderwiJsongelIJkheld Ape I d o o m .
consequences.
evaluat¡eve
Brouwer,
feedback.
D6d6
Van
et
al.
Walraven,
ROSENTHAL, R. and L. JACOBSON 1968 Pygmalion In the classroom: teacher expectation and pupils' Intellectual development . Holt, Rlnehart and Winston, New York.
6 LEARNING TO 'BE' AT SCHOOL: Authority and Warmth in the Classroom Klaartje Duijm Introduction (1) An
important
part
of the development of communicative
l e a r n i n g how to attune o n e ' s u t t e r a n c e s to a s i t u a t i o n . t h e i r f u t u r e p a r t i c i p a t i o n In s o c i e t y It I s e s p e c i a l l y In
what
way
competence
is
With regard
to
important to know
c h i l d r e n learn to attune t h e i r u t t e r a n c e s to
a
'higher'
i n t e r a c t i o n p a r t n e r . The f i r s t context in which c h i l d r e n have to take an attitude
towards
primary s c h o o l . time
on
the
authority take
a r e l a t i v e l y distanced authority
i s at the
In t h i s context they a l s o have to decide for the way they handle t h e i r school l e a r n i n g under
and
peer-group.
the
first eye
of to
and a u t h o r i t y In r e l a t i o n to school l e a r n i n g . have
of
In t o d a y ' s s o c i e t y men and women appear
r e l a t i v e l y d i v e r g e n t p o s i t i o n s with respect to the use
differences
start
of
warmth
It seems l i k e l y that these
t h e i r o r i g i n s at least p a r t l y In the
achievement
of
d i f f e r e n t communicative a b i l i t i e s at an e a r l y age. In t h i s a r t i c l e I wlI I g i v e a report of a s m a l l - s c a l e the
Investigation
way In which a u t h o r i t y and warmth are being handled In
into
interaction
In the classroom, e s p e c i a l l y with respect to sex d i f f e r e n c e s . What
k i n d of r e l a t i o n s do boys and g i r l s
learn to i n i t i a t e and maintain
with someone placed above them? What communicative a b i l i t i e s do boys and girls
learn
investigation
in
order
shows
guided more than boys. themselves.
to
that
deal
with
authority
g i r l s are d i r e c t e d more
and
warmth?
carefully
and
The are
Boys must look a f t e r themselves more and promote
In a d d i t i o n they r e c e i v e more compliments.
90 Theoretical Relations Code
framework
and
language
acts
This
Investigation
focuses
on the expression
in
utterances
of
the
relation between speaker and hearer. For that purpose It Is necessary to distinguish Angevaare performs speaker
between speech acts and code acts (terminology derived from 1980).
a code act. wishes
concerns
the
a speech
act
one
simultaneously
to achieve by performing the utterance,
One
acts:
performing
Whereas the speech act concerns the
social
formulation. code
While
meaning
conveyed
by
It
owing
purpose the
to
code the
the act
chosen
and the same speech act can be performed with varying
'Keep your hands off!' conveys a social meaning
completely
different from 'would you please not touch that? It is very fragile'. The
code act must be chosen In such a way that It gives the speech
optimal opportunity to succeed. derive
the
speaker's
From the chosen code act the hearer can
estimation
of
their
relationship.
therefore must be composed In such a manner that in the given they
convey
the
act
speaker's purpose as well as establish
the
Utterances situation kind
of
relation to the hearer which the speaker desires. Speakers must consider this choice. A continuously mutual search for an equlI I brum between one's own desires and the desires one supposes In others takes place In Interaction. Owing to
this balancing,
the level of code acts often varies somewhat during
Interact ion. Ret ationships Obviously there are many ways to characterize human the Thun
relationships.
For
purpose of this survey a model has been used (following Schultz von 1980:47;
independent
Griffioen 1982:69,
dimensions:
148) that sets out relations In
authority and warmth.
The line
of
two
authority
Indicates the extent of affecting the acts of others, the line of warmth indicates between
the
extent
people
dimensions,
e.g.
of approach or attention
to
others.
can be characterized by nominating them
in
Relations these
two
indifference as 'non-coercing and cold', mothering as
'coercing and warm', severeness as 'coercing and cold'.
91
coerc i ng
cold-.
warmth
i-
»-warm
3
10
non-coerc i ng FIGURE 1. Human r e l a t i o n s . In
the
course
depending
of I n t e r a c t i o n the r e l a t i o n
far
continually
redefined
on the presence of the combination of a u t h o r i t y and warmth in
any stage of the As
is
interaction.
as i n t e r a c t i o n is concerned,
relations
It I s by code a c t s
between people are achieved
and
that
accomplished.
Interactants
have at t h e i r d i s p o s a l an - in p r i n c i p l e - I n f i n i t e amount of means
to
perform
code a c t s .
When you want to d e s c r i b e
desired linguistic
the
relation
between I n t e r a c t a n t s It is necessary to know what l i n g u i s t i c means have at t h e i r d i s p o s a l . be
sufficient
means ways
in I t s e l f ,
as the meaning and e f f e c t of
depend on p e r s o n a l , In
which
these
c l a r i f i e d as w e l l . possible
the
linguistic
s i t u a t i o n a l and s o c i a l context f a c t o r s .
f a c t o r s Influence
(possible)
choices
The
must
be
To my knowledge such an i n v e s t i g a t i o n was undertaken
for the f i r s t time by Brown and Levlnson (1978). of
they
An inventory of these means, however, would not
formulations
and
investigated
They made an Inventory the
effect
of
these
formulations and the ( f a c t o r s i n f l u e n c i n g the) c h o i c e s . My i n v e s t i g a t i o n Is
mainly
an
application
of t h e i r r e s u l t s ,
and
as
these
are
not
g e n e r a l l y known I wiI I here reproduce the main l i n e s of t h e i r argument. Politeness Brown
and Levinson (1978) s t a r t from the assumption that a l l
competent
adult members of a s o c i e t y have at least the q u a l i t i e s ' r a t i o n a l i t y ' and 'face'.
By
particular will
rationality consistent
they mean
'certain
rational
modes of reasoning from ends to the
achieve those e n d s . ' (Brown and Levinson 1978:66)
'face',
capacities, The
derived from Goffman (1967) and from the f o l k term,
means notion
In that of
stands for
92 'the
public
self-image that every member wants to claim for
(Brown and Levlnson:
66)
This self-image consists of the
himself.'
fundamental
needs (cf. also the characterization of relations above): - 'negative face:
the want of every "competent,
adult member" that his
actions be unimpeded by others. - positive face: the want of every member that his wants be desirable to at least some others.' (Brown and Levlnson:67) Someone's face Is something vulnerable. themselves 'lose their face'.
Interactants can make others or
However, this vulnerability being mutual,
people generally will cooperate (and assume each other's cooperation) to maintain their own and one another's faces during the interaction. This
view
Implies that many (all) speech acts
face-wants.
Speakers
threaten
intrinsically
negative face-wants for
laying an obligation upon themselves or others (e.g. commanding). that
by admissions of guilt resp. however,
formulation can
expressing
least
someone
criticisms). The threat of a speech
can (and should often be) mitigated by the use of a code Speakers can indicate by means of their
that they yet do care for (some) face-wants of the aim
when
face-wants are threatened when speakers Indicate
act that softens the grievance. They
Instance
by promising resp.
their own or other's wants are not desirable to at
(e.g. act,
Positive
threaten
their code act either at H's positive
face
their approval of at least some of H's positive
hearer.
by
overtly
face-wants.
Or they can direct their code act towards H's negative face-wants, they
Indicate
that
they don't want to interfere with H's
action.
These
kinds
positive
and
negative
contain
of redresslve code acts are polIteness.
a very heavy face threat,
called
When a speech act
Is
when
freedom
of
respectively assumed
a speaker can also choose to
completely 'off record': thus covering up that the threatening
do
to It
intention
cannot unambiguously be subscribed to it (e.g. irony, understatements In certain contexts). Brown each it,
and Levlnson distinguish a whole series of strategies to of these kinds of redressive acts.
perform
Examples are 'I know you
hate
but can you please do the dishes today?' (positive politeness: Show
concern for H's wants), 'I don't suppose there'd be any possibility that you will do the dishes today?' (negative politeness: impose
on H),
show reluctance to
'mature people do the dishes of their own accord',
record:
overgeneraI Ize).
Only
in
very few
situations
perform
a face-threatening speech act 'baldly on record',
can
(off
speakers
without
any
93 redress,
e.g.
when
It is obvious that maximal efficiency
is necessary
('Help'). These redresslve code acts affect the relation between being
their willingness to do so. using
in classroom
Teacher-pupil:
Classroom
are
Institutional determined teacher
roles
takes
place
The
Individual
pupil. but
in an
Institutional
also
role they play,
interaction
as well as less explicit
to talk about The teacher
i.e.
as
teacher. with
whether they are
to
acquire
to
Within
ideas
their
And
Is required
language
language. There interaction
language
in meaningful
(v.d.
interaction
Is
Geest
with
the
the Institutional context the teacher colours her role touch.
In the first place with respect to the
of her contact with the pupils.
Teachers
tend
about and expectations of their pupils (Brophy
quality to
have
and
Good
interaction. Rosenthal
and
(1968) proved that these expectations can strongly affect what
pupils acquire (self-fulfilling prophecies).
respect to not only school (v.d.
The
too?').
learn the language that
1974), which determine the kind and amount of Jacobson
abilities.
('Don't shout', 'Raise your
the quality of the pupil's
pupils acquire
a personal
strong
school
In the institution school.
Is the one who has to teach them this school
quantity
the
indIvIduaIs are
('Are your names Sandra
learning, they
All
of
it ('That's not a sentence, that's a word').
related
1978),
context.
framework
is evidence that the amount and quality of teacher-pupil closely
into account.
to further develop their communicative
turn-taking rules are taught very explicitly
along with the school
the
Pupils attend school not only
They are taught the rules of
hand'!),
colours
linguistic (lm)possiblI itles of
by the Institutional
learning,
and
produced and understood within
laws.
or
respect to the hearer.
interaction needs to take the context
Interaction
utterances
By
Interaction
institutional
Investigation of
and
By show
Negative politeness creates a distance.
It the speaker pays formal
Sex dIfferences
The
Interactants.
positive polite speakers make the relation warm - or anyhow
Geest
1978).
A
happens
with
learning, but also to the language they
learn
second personal
ideas about educational methods. freedom pupils should be permitted
This
touch stems from the
teacher's
Teachers have different views on in the classroom.
what
In the Netherlands
the actual discussion concerns the extent to which either pupils or
'the
94 book' should prescribe the choice of the subject-matter of teaching. the
extreme
the first position ('thematic method') claims that
have a prominent voice In establishing subjects. affiliation to the experiences of the pupils, knowledge about.
about
pupils
The school should seek
because it should
the things which the pupils themselves want
supply
to
learn
At the other extreme ('cursorlc method') we find those who think
it best to follow a duly considered, It
prescribed course of
instruction.
will be clear that the first method is very difficult to realize
daily
In
school practice,
in
so that its supporters almost always compromise
to a 'thematic-cursoric' teaching method.
Sex-speclflc Also
Interact ion
within
influential language
factor
In
Important
institutional In
contexts the sex of an
Interactive
meaningful
behaviour.
Interactant As
Is
children
Interaction with the people
achieve
surrounding
factors In this achievement process are the kind of
an
them,
relation
they have with the people they are Interacting with, the amount and kind of
Interaction
they
are
Involved
appropriateness of language use. recent
In
and
the
Information
about
It is commonly assumed on the base of
psychoanalytic theories that boys and girls stand In a different
relation with the parent of the opposite sex from approximately the of
three (Chodorow 1980).
specific
Parents tend to encounter children from sex-
expectation patterns (Blerhoff 1977).
sufficiently
age
Moreover,
it has
been
proved that the interaction of parents with boys and girls
differs In quantity and quality (De Haan 1978; Van der Geest 1978). This also goes for teachers (Van der Geest, as
well
Geldof and Sluls 1978). Teachers
as parents have sex-speclflc expectations
(v.d.
These expectations can also work out as self-fulfilling we
Kley
1983).
prophecies.
So
see that the Interactional behaviour of children on entering primary
school will already be sex-biased,
and that there Is a good chance that
this bias will grow in the course of their school career.
The
investigation
Theoretleal
exploratIons
Code acts and teacher-puplI As
Brown
and
Levinson
Interact Ion: InstI tutlonal (1978) want to
trace
roles
universal
features
of
95 language which
usage, social
their model factors
e s t i m a t i o n at any m o m e n t . caused have
by the
broadly
vary
The structural
institutional
q u i t e radical
concerns m a i n l y
can
dally along
difference
character of the school
communication, with
the
In
speaker's
in p o w e r ,
however,
context a p p e a r s
c o n s e q u e n c e s for the p e r f o r m a n c e and
to
interpretation
of code acts. -
In
Institutions the c o n t e n t s of p o s i t i v e face
institutional In
order
sure
to reduce the vulnerability of their
to stick to 'safe' features
unfamiliar one
derive from the goals of the
p r o b a b l y safe. T h u s p u p i l s will which
they
self-image
think the teacher
in the the
each
face,
Interactants
make
In Institutional
Institution
which
light of the
Institutional
Important for them.
They
unanimous Important
goals of the s c h o o l , I wiI I call
c o m p o n e n t s of these p o s i t i v e
together
'pupil
face'.
face-wants.
teacher
pup i 1
well,
i nte111 gent
independent,
-motivating,
cooperative,
-
nice,pleasant
teacher, not n a u g h t y , not claiming a t t e n t i o n , not putting oneself
forward
interesting,
or igina1
FIGURE 2. Positive face-wants
stlmulat ng
achievement and original ty
self-conscious
listening to the
- creative,
interesting
- clear, helpful,
helpful - quiet,
a
properties.
T h e want to be regarded as
- nice, open,
build
their p u p i l s from rather
pup I I-1dendity which
- m o t i v a t e d , achieving
are
built out of the p r o p e r t i e s that are
Institutional
2 r e p r e s e n t s the m a i n
contexts
features
(as a pupil) for themselves consisting of those
of e x p e c t a t i o n s ,
relatively
adjust their positive face to p r o p e r t i e s finds
T e a c h e r s have been known to encounter frames
for
in contexts w h e r e they are
w i t h each o t h e r ' s personal w a n t s .
can
is s p e c i f i e d
role.
in school.
forming Figure
96 The
main
contents of it are derived from several
Investigations
Into
teachers' expectations frames (for a review see Van der Kley 1983). the
teacher
derived
role there Is also an institutional
from the goals of the Institution.
self-image towards both -
In
institutions
acts
the class and
For
identity which can
This 'teacher face' Is
be the
colleagues, friends etc.
Interactants have unequal rights to
perform
speech
in relation to positive and negative face.
Due
to
the Institutional difference of power the
stronger
impositions
around.
teacher
Is
on the pupils' negative face than the
allowed
other
way
There Is also less obligation for the teacher to look after the
positive face of the pupils.
Theirs will
Indeed be frequently at stake,
viz. In each question testing a pupil's knowledge and each evaluation of the answer. Speech
acts further
different
way,
Impose on the face-wants of teacher and pup I I In
because their face-wants differ,
tasks are subscribed to them.
a
and because different
An Inventory of speech acts that threaten
face contains divergent possibilities for teacher and pupils. -
In
Institutions
Interactants have unequal
rights and obligations
to
perform code acts In relation to positive and negative face. Pupils are supposed to act respectfully,
I.e.
they are expected to use
negative
politeness.
wish
act face-threateningly baldly on record,
to
without can
On the other hand teachers can afford It If
any redress. of power),
personal wants. considered
to
be
they direct
Brown and Levlnson state that positive politeness
be used only by the interactant
difference
I.e.
In the higher position (in case
but then they regard positive face as a
As I claimed,
however,
set
of of
that positive face can also be
a set of Institutionally determined wants,
Interactants can
probably aim positive politeness at each other's institutional
positive
face.
positive
Thus
I
suppose
pupils as well as teachers
will
use
politeness, but for each role different strategies are required, because the
faces
they
aim at are different.
This is one of the
issues
the
Investigation is concerned with. -
In Institutions code acts are Interpreted by Interactants according to
different rules, depending on the role of the speaker/hearer. Interactants in the higher position are supposed to be positively polite or
baldly
on record.
negative politeness,
Nevertheless one can often e.g.
observe
them
using
'This Is not done what you're doing now. You
97 cannot
all
shout
conventional power
at
the
same
which
makes
the lower Interactant
utterance as a request/command, this
kind
Intrinsic
time',
where
the
teacher
Indirectness. They can use it thanks to their
of
code
pay-off:
obliged
to
Interprete
and not as mere information.
act Is often used
by
teachers,
uses
institutional the
I suppose
because
of
the
coerce
the
interaction will the choice
for
the speaker shows to be willing not to
hearer.
Code acts and teacher-pup 11 interaction: What consequences for the teacher-pupil a
thematic
or cursorIc teaching method have?
curriculum and
Individual In a
groups.
followed, the
thematic
oriented
pupils can propose subjects or forms of activities.
pupils can decide on those things together.
small
colours
In
a
Pupils often
class In which a cursoric method of
Teacher work
In
teaching
Is
the teacher alone is held responsible for the achievement
by
pupils of more fixed educational goals.
On these grounds it may be
expected that within a thematic teaching method pupils get more room for freedom wants
of action (less coercing) and more attention to positive (more
positive
politeness).
There
Infringement on the pupils' negative face, more be
respect (more negative politeness), less
respectful towards the teacher.
teacher As
will
probably
is
more room for individuality
be
less
and the pupils will be
paid
while the pupils will have to The
positive
politeness
and pupil will be less often aimed at institutional
there
face-
I expect
less
of
face-wants.
Influence
of
patterns of expectation, and therefore smaller sex differences. Within a cursoric
teaching method one may expect the
reversal:
more
coercing,
less positive politeness, etc.
Code acts and sex of
pupils
Taking the survey of parent-child/teacher-pupil sex-specific hypothesize with
patterns about
of
expectation as
code acts and face-wants. Van
der
appropriateness language
use,
Interaction and that starting-point,
one
the way in which the sex of a pupil might be
frames (Brophy and Good 1974, 1982,
a
Kley
1983),
Research into sex-speclflc Blerhoff 1977, and
of can
linked
expectation
Stanworth 1981, Jungbluth
Investigations
Into
Ideas
about
and probability of differences between male and
female
and of actual differences In language use (Lakoff
1973;
Thorne and Henley 1975;
Kramer 1977,
Brouwer e.a.
1978; van der Geest
98 e.a.
1978)
has led me to the following assumptions concerning the ways
In which teachers and boys/girls handle face-wants In their
interaction.
Boys
upon
can
be
people's more
to impose stronger or
face-wants than girls.
and
girls,
expected
more
often
Therefore they will coerce the teacher
they will use less (negative and
positive)
politeness
than
who will care more about other people's face-wants. Girls may be
expected
to
be more positively and negatively
polite.
Teachers
expect boys to have a stronger need for freedom of action, will
other
think girls need to be protected more.
will
whereas they
Therefore they will coerce
boys more than girls to whom they will use more negative politeness. girls may be expected to need to be treated kindly,
they might
As
receive
more positive politeness as well.
Questions The
specified
original
questions
the
communicative
abilities
do
authority? maintain
What with
kinds someone
different abilities?
of
investigation children relations
started
learn
In
order
do they learn
placed above them?
Do
with
boys
are:
to
to
What
deal
with
Initiate
and
girls
and learn
The foregoing explorations enable us to concretize
these questions In terms of code acts and face-wants: 1. What code acts do teacher and pupil use in classroom
interaction?
- Do teachers use different code acts than pupils? - Do teachers use negative politeness towards pupils? - Do pupils use positive politeness towards the teacher? - Do teachers and pupils use different kinds of positive politeness? 2. What
quantitative
differences can be observed in the use of
speech
acts and code acts - between teachers using cursorIc and thematic teaching methods? - between pupils towards cursor Ic and thematic teaching teachers? - between teachers towards boys and girls? - between boys and girls towards teachers? Method The inquiry was done as part of a larger project, Indication language pupil
set up to acquire
an
of the effect that innovating teaching methods might have on development.
Data were transcriptions of videotaped
interaction in two classrooms (1st year
primary
teacher-
school),
where
99
different
teaching methods were being used:
the other more cursorIc.
the one more thematic
Of these data I merely analyzed four
and
fragments
of educational discourse. Because of the small number of data (total ca. 1200 utterances) the survey could only have an exploratory character. The
Investigation consisted of two parts.
question
the data were qualitatively analyzed.
utterance
with
strategies
distinguished, are
To find answers to the first
used
resulting
for
politeness
I tried to
that
and
every
Levlnson
in an Inventory of the linguistic means
to perform code acts in the classroom.
restructured
Brown
name
These
that
findings
were
into a model that made It possible to carry out the second,
quantitative part of the Investigation to answer the second question.
Results
QualItatIve
It
analysis
turned out that all the sub-questions of question 1 can be
affirmatively.
Teachers
teachers
use
several
positive
politeness.
and
pupils
kinds
use partly divergent
of negative
Only the teacher
politeness
use
five.
and
acts,
pupils
is bald on record.
uses ten different ways of being positively polite,
answered
code The
use
teacher
of those the pupils
Six different negative politeness strategies are
used,
two
only by the teachers,
one only by the pupils and three by both teachers
and
strategies
pupils.
different
Several from
Brown
and
are carried out
Levlnson's
according
description,
to
due
rules
to
the
A detailed discussion of the findings would go beyond the scope of
this
Institutional context (e.g. referring to turn-taking rules). article.
I
quantitative
have
restructured
analysis.
I
my findings into a model
will
present
the
main
suitable
results
for
of
the
qualitative analysis along the outlines of that model. It turned out that the speech acts that are performed within educational interaction can be reduced to two main categories for each role when one takes the kind of face-want a speech act afflicts as a criterion. categories Imposing perform
are on
for
pupils
directives
the
teacher
directives
negative and positive
and face).
evaluations The
(imposing on teacher's negative face)
pupils and
These (resp. mainly answers
(imposing on pupil's positive face). The
directives
are
intended
to get
the
interaction partner
to
do
100 something (pay attention, give a response etc.). Evaluations and answers are basically
Informative:
Intended to let the interaction partner know
somethIng. These
categories of speech acts correspond closely with those
described in classroom Interaction as the 'teaching-cycle':
commonly
give a turn
(directive teacher) or ask for a turn (directive pupil) - answer
(answer
pupil) - evaluation (evaluation teacher).
The dimension The
of
authority
strategies
appeared
to
used by pupil and teacher for being
be
mainly manipulations of the grade
exp I Ic I tness. these
of
polite
directness
and
In addition several modifications are used. In my opinion
manipulations
completely
negatively
on
can
be
regarded
record unto completely
as
a
continuum
indirect.
ranging
from
(See figure 3 on
next
page). In an utterance three basic elements are expressed: (H)
and
speech
Independently vague
about
act (SA). Any of these
for to
responsible
speaker (S), hearer
elements
can
reasons of negative politeness: whom the speech act
be
is directed,
who Is
to
for It and what threat It precisely contains.
Is seldom stated completely direct.
manipulated
the speaker can be
be held
An utterance
Usually one or more of the elements
S, H and SA are formulated more or less vague, e.g. 'You may put a three there
for
the
teacher'
- (H-direct,
S-lndirect,
SA(conventlonal)
Indirect). The
modifications
hesitations,
can
hedges,
have
a weakening
or
a
strenghtenIng
interjections such as 'sometime',
'but',
force: 'once';
boasting, additions like '.., say'. When the teacher uses direct forms she is more coercing. she of
It means
that
decides to use a forceful form In order to create enough difference trusts
her
authority to be sufficiently established to get things done anyway.
She
then
power.
When
she
uses indirect forms
she
apparently
prefers the pay-off that she is seemingly not coercing,
but
that
she treats the pupil with care. In
evaluations being direct means being clear about whether the
is
right
or
wrong,
immediately at stake. the
responsibility
thereby putting the positive face By being indirect the teacher for
of
pupil
in some way diverts
the correctness of the answer from
involved, thus sparing his or her positive face.
the
answer
the
pupil
101
c _
Q. ILI •C
c O)
a¿
13
o •o
X t:
«
.c
ra c -C ^ I- —
Q .. I-
J? " i < 01
O
Q. =
raO) s o O ra •- c u X — 5 t/i 5' 3
O
1/1
ai
1
JZ
S 'w
O >-
V)
IN..
DÒ ^ c £
Q. Q-
? O c ^ ï-
s
¿ r - c
X
Q. vi
«
¡ e r a E o; g
C 0 01 01
Ol
«-
~
'ï-itr 2 * 2
- Qs
; S s • 2
» Qj ™ /a.< >/a.< >
ai/a.( )
s s
—
aei
5.
—
Note. The scores standard varI ant)
range from
All
visited at home and
couples
s
0
were
low (« standard variant) to high ( -
each
partner
was
Interviewed
separately for an hour and a half. The Interviews were divided parts:
informal part (casual speech),
list),
test part (attltudlnal
and living situation). after
which
containing style
Into four
formal part (reading style, word
component),
Information part
(background
The Interview started as Informally as possible,
the Informants were asked to read a text and a w o r d the phonetic-phonological
shift.
attitudes
and
During way
non-
the last part of
list,
variables under study to elicit Information about
life was obtained on the
the
basis
of
a
informant's tests
and
transcribed
and
guest ionnalres. A
part
of the
informal section of each
interview was
about fifty occurences of each of the linguistic variables were
scored.
The reading text contained 51, 27, 26, 12, 39 and 38 occurences of (ee), 10 all
(oo), (au), (el) and (z) respectively and the word
of each variable.
The language scores,
the other variables,
(aa),
list contained
together with the codes for
were processed by computer
using
procedures
217
from the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS).
Language use and language attitudes A first comparison of the female and male scores for the seven phoneticphonological reveals women
variables for casual speech,
significant
reading style and word
differences in eighteen of the
use the standard variants more often than men.
ratlos
and
correspond Germany.
levels of significance are to
Not
those
found
given.
In the United
twenty-one
cases:
In Table 2 the F -
These
States,
list
results England
closely and
West
entirely to my surprise the Dutch women also appeared
to
speak more correctly than Dutch men. TABLE 2.
Mean differences between female and male groups for the
linguistic
variables
in
three styles.
In all cases male
seven
scores
are
higher and therefore closer to the Amsterdam vernacular.
F-ratlo
casual speech
reading style
word I 1st
(aa)
45. 77*
48..29*
49.,03*
(ee)
37. 38*
32..68*
22.,13*
(oo)
22. 24*
42..58*
21 ,20* .
(au)
11. 65*
8,.01*
3..38
(el-h)
3. 55
14..01*
9..34*
(el-m)
24. 07*
8 .35*
1 .70 ,
(2)
10. 13*
6 .98*
9..19*
* p