Women’s Contributions to Development in West Africa: Ordinary Women, Extraordinary Lives (Globalization, Urbanization and Development in Africa) 9811981892, 9789811981890

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GLOBALIZATION, URBANIZATION AND DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA

Women’s Contributions to Development in West Africa Ordinary Women, Extraordinary Lives Edited by Kelly Ann Krawczyk · Bridgett A. King

Globalization, Urbanization and Development in Africa

Series Editors

Ebenezer Obadare University of Kansas Lawrence, KS, USA Caroline Wanjiku Kihato University of the Witwatersrand Johannesburg, South Africa Garth Myers Urban International Studies Trinity College Hartford, CT, USA Martin Murray Taubman College University of Michigan–Ann Arbor Ann Arbor, MI, USA

The series offers a fresh and unique perspective on globalization and development debates and intervenes in the understudied but increasingly important field of African urbanism. Africa is one of the fastest growing arenas of urbanization in the world: it is in the cities of Africa where the interaction and confrontation with globalism, cosmopolitanism, and the future come into contact. This is an important series that is making significant contributions to the fields of African Studies, Development Studies, and Urban Studies, as well as to Geography, Sociology and Anthropology broadly. The editorial board includes key senior scholars in these fields, and builds on the high quality foundations of the former Africa Connects series of books. Its original contribution comes from its focus on connections: between Africa and the rest of the world, within and between different parts of the continent, between development, globalization, and urbanism, between different forms of production (economic, cultural, etc.), to name a few. The existing contributions represent path-breaking interventions into critical studies of development and globalization in African spaces and the future contributions and authors will only deepen this work. As African cities become ever more central to the future of the continent but also towards recalibrating theories of development and globalization, this series will only become more relevant and influential. The current and future titles engage a wide geographical and topical scope that will appeal to a variety of scholars and students interested in the African continent.

Kelly Ann Krawczyk  •  Bridgett A. King Editors

Women’s Contributions to Development in West Africa Ordinary Women, Extraordinary Lives

Editors Kelly Ann Krawczyk Department of Political Science Auburn University Auburn, AL, USA

Bridgett A. King Department of Political Science Auburn University Auburn, AL, USA

ISSN 2752-3276     ISSN 2752-3284 (electronic) Globalization, Urbanization and Development in Africa ISBN 978-981-19-8189-0    ISBN 978-981-19-8190-6 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8190-6 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and ­transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover illustration: © Mariusz Kluzniak/Getty images This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

For the women of West Africa, whose contributions often go unrecognized, yet whose strength, tenacity, and courage help build families, communities, and countries.

Foreword

To understand who I am today you must understand my past, the people I come from, and my upbringing. To understand any woman, in fact, it is necessary to comprehend these things. My four sisters and I were raised by my grandmother, our mama, and our papa. We lived with my grandmother, whom we called Ma, until I was two when my parents built a house right next door. My grandmother was a small woman who did not have a formal education. But, in a society such as Liberia’s, where there is great value in cultural tradition, she was very powerful. Ma was a member of many secret societies, including those that were dominated by men. She was a member of the Sande, a traditional Liberian Society, and almost a priestess with the power to deal with snakes and snakebites. She was very highly respected in her village. She spoke with absolute authority, and when she spoke and put her foot down, there was no one who dared challenge her. My grandmother was an extraordinary woman who trained us to be resilient and self-sufficient and yet also fervently maintained her commitment to tradition. The roles that my grandmother and also my father played in my early life do not reflect a stereotypical West African upbringing. I was blessed with a family that lived in the urban capital of Monrovia, but that was also still deeply rooted in, and had deep appreciation for, our traditional rural culture. Yet, despite our great respect for Liberian cultural vii

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traditions, my sisters and I were not forced to marry against our will or to undergo female genital mutilation (FGM). We were taught the importance of education and of standing our ground. My parents and grandmother raised girls that could hold their own. My upbringing was a blend of my grandmother who held firmly to tradition, and my father who had only daughters and wanted the best for them because he had seen what the world was like for girls and women who did not have a formal education, family support, and economic opportunities. My mother was also a strong presence in my upbringing. To this day, she refuses to talk about her early childhood. Yet even though she does not feel comfortable sharing her story, we can see the impact of her story, and her childhood, reflected now in her passion for taking care of Liberian girls: promoting girls’ education and standing up to prevent their abuse. Both my mother and my grandmother were raised in a very traditional Liberian way, but they were able to transcend that upbringing, helping me to see that I could do anything, and be anything, that I wanted to be. My grandmother and mother were able to transform their experiences and their stories, and leverage them to raise girls who knew their self-­ worth and value, and who are capable of contributing positively to society. My father also helped by allowing us to engage in active discourse and “use our voices” in a way that was very atypical for most Liberian girls and that in many settings would be perceived as disrespectful. Of course, this also meant that my sisters and I were very different from our peers. We would often hear people say things like, “don’t go to that house, those girls are not good girls.” People believed we were different, that we were spoiled, and that we lacked any kind of proper, traditional upbringing. Even among our family, we were perceived as different. Our home was a space of empowerment. We could talk to our father and have a back-and-forth conversation with him. My mother would ask him, “Why do you tolerate this?” She would tell him that other men had no tolerance for this sort of behavior and recommend that he discipline or beat us. My father would tell her, “I need to hear their side.” My upbringing was not a stereotypical West African upbringing. I grew up with one foot in the traditions and culture of the Kpelle tribe and the country of Liberia, and another in a space that allowed and

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encouraged us to think about who we were in the world and who we could be outside of those traditions. Perhaps because of my own unique upbringing, throughout my childhood, as a teenager and young woman, and even to this day, I am drawn to and inspired by powerful women. How we understand power is vitally important, as there is not only one type of power. There are women who are powerful in formal systems and women who are powerful in nontraditional and informal ways. I have drawn inspiration from women who fit into both of these categories. I am inspired by women who have rejected their current situation as their only possible reality. Liberian women, who sell produce such as tomatoes, peppers, and cucumbers in our local markets in order to provide an income for their families, also inspire me. After President Sirleaf was elected, there were many market women who went back to school so they could write their names: they no longer wanted to simply use their thumbprint at the bank. They wanted to write their own names when conducting transactions at their financial institutions, as a symbol of economic empowerment. I have seen many examples of strong women who were living in the same conditions as my mother and grandmother, but they did not let that define their reality. There are so many women who have gone through some of the worst situations you can imagine, but are able to come out of it and be…extraordinary. Africa as a continent is diverse in many ways, including in its geopolitical structure, economic, social, and cultural norms. Thus, trying to highlight a profile of a West African woman within traditional society is quite complex and does not do justice to the many roles we play. In trying to do so, there is the potential risk of unfair generalization because while there are similarities in some of our experiences, as you see even in my own family situation, there are unique variations. We cannot cluster West Africa as a singular block, because it is a unique place, as are the contributions of its women. In Liberia, women helped stop civil war. In Senegal, women have high representation in parliament. In Ghana, women help drive the economy through their involvement in small and micro-sized businesses. Yet despite these differences, one thing that rings true is that there is no way for the region to thrive if women are not included, and if their social, economic, and political contributions are not recognized.

x Foreword

West African women have always been active in the political and socio-­ economic pursuits of society, often in the informal sector. Furthermore, we assume the brunt of the household management, which places a heavy burden on us. This is because in the eyes of tradition, the African woman is always expected to put the interest of her family before any personal interest or ambitions. We function as partners and participants in upholding traditional values and norms and instilling such knowledge to our children. Serving as the backbone that strengthens and binds family structure must co-exist with socio-cultural norms that restrict our participation and access to educational and economic opportunities. While we might be faced with a plethora of legal, political, socio-economic, and cultural constraints, the status of the African woman within the community must be viewed with variation and depth, thus making each individual woman’s contribution extraordinary in and of itself. Although my upbringing and my own story are unique and unexpected, this should in no way overshadow the experiences and contributions of countless other West African women who are also extraordinary. This edited volume, “Women’s Contributions to Social, Political, and Economic Development in West Africa: Ordinary Women, Extraordinary Lives,” seeks to share the stories of some of these women and to provide empirical evidence that illustrates their important and tangible contributions to the social, economic, and political spaces of the communities in which they live. Like me, the authors whose work is featured in this edited volume believe no woman is simply “ordinary” and that all women are, in fact, extraordinary. And this edited volume offers data that substantiates our steadfast belief. Women are increasingly important players in the political arena in West Africa, at the national, local, and community levels. After a long and brutal civil war, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf was elected as Liberia’s president in 2005. She was the first female head of state on the African continent. Sitting at my family table, I was told to be a strong girl, while also hearing comments about Ellen such as, “That’s why she doesn’t have a husband…politics is not for women.” I learned there was no sympathy or empathy for women who made the decision to enter male-dominated spaces. The same society that taught me I could do anything is the same

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society that would remind me of what my role was as a woman. Gretchen Bauer’s chapter in this edited volume, “Gender and Politics in Ayawaso West Wuogon: Women Standing for Parliament,” addresses this same issue, using case studies of female aspirants for parliament in Ghana. She examines what inspires Ghanaian women to run for office, how Ghanaian political parties have tried to cultivate more female candidates, and the barriers women still face in gaining office. Women have also shown themselves to be instrumental in peacebuilding efforts in West Africa. During the Liberian war, everything revolved around the men: the rebel groups, the fighting. In 2003, seven of us, sitting around a table, had a conversation about the war closing in on the capital Monrovia. We wrote a statement, named ourselves and had it published. We were demanding three things that our government then was refusing: immediate unconditional ceasefire, dialogue between the warring parties, and deployment of an intervention force. Charles Taylor, who was then President of Liberia, rejected our demands, stating he would fight til the last soldier dies, that he was the duly elected President and could not dialogue with rebels, and that Liberia was a sovereign nation and no foreign troops would be allowed on the ground. We formed the women of Liberia Mass Action for Peace and nonviolently protested for the war to end. Prior to our movement in the early days of the war, women stepped up and became involved. Their work at first was mostly humanitarian, such as carrying food and clothing to those who were seeking safety from the warfare in the refugee camps. Women’s involvement through groups like the Liberian Women Initiative (LWI) and the Mano River Women Peace Network (MARWOPNET) eventually shifted to protest and “shuttle diplomacy.” In Liberia, historically women had not been involved in politics or political processes as I earlier mentioned, hence peace and peacebuilding were seen by local women as a political process, and when we started the Mass Action we had to resocialize women about their roles and the impact they could make in the peace process. We helped women understand where they were situated in the peace process and how to tap the power they had to demand peace. This is further illustrated using the case of Guinea, in Nicole Gerring’s chapter in this volume, entitled, “Relative

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Peace in the Midst of Unrest: Guinean Women’s Peace Advocacy During the Mano River Wars.” Women peace activists in Guinea were vital in helping the country avoid a major war, despite being surrounded by unrest in Liberia and Sierra Leone, through their lobbying and advocacy campaigns. After the signing of the peace agreement, many of the ills that women accepted in the past were no longer tolerated. Liberian women were determined to use the strength of mobilizing for peace to create a better future for themselves and the next generation of women leaders. Women are also creating economic independence for themselves and their families. In 2007, four years after the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), my organization, Women Peace and Security Network Africa (WIPSEN—Africa), hosted a meeting on peace and security in post-conflict Liberia. Given funding was scarce, we mandated that women who were not registered and approved by us could not come to the meeting. Yet the delegates from Bomi, Western Liberia, brought a young girl who had been brutally beaten by the father of her four children. She had been rejected by him, as well as by her own family. One way to help her was to ensure the perpetrator paid for his crime. Another way to assist her was to offer some funds: I gave the girl a small amount of money and sent her on her way and did not give the donation another thought. About a year later, my mother called to tell me there were gifts of charcoal and food items waiting for me at the family home. The young girl used the money to start her own charcoal business, and bought her own piece of land, in order to secure economic independence for her and her children. The economic potential of women is addressed in Sandy Zook’s contribution to this edited volume, “Informally Formal: Women’s Mutual Aid Organizations in the Informal Sector of the Economy.” Sandy analyzes these savings and fellowship groups as financial capacity-­ building mechanisms for women street vendors in Ghana and asks an important question: Is our lack of focus on these sorts of informal institutions leading us to seriously underestimate the economic and social power of women in these contexts? In many cases, it is women’s everyday lived experiences and their own personal determination that drives them to take on great personal risk in

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order to address community challenges. It also happens when women have positive examples and role models. There are women who have been through difficult and even devastating circumstances: poverty, war, FGM, abuse—but who came out the other side. How? They saw examples of strong women. They had role models who were strong women. They saw other women who were facing similar challenges, but refused to let these challenges be their long-term reality. They persevered, improving the lives of not just their own families, but also their local communities and ultimately the societies in which they live. Our hope is that the women featured in this book, and the contributions to development they are making, continue to provide strength and hope not only to West African women, but also to women everywhere. We wish to break the stereotypes associated with African women and provide rich and descriptive evidence of empowered, inspirational women who are helping to facilitate social, economic, and political development in their communities. We do not perceive of West African women as ordinary; in fact, we view them as nothing less than extraordinary. We believe you should, too. And now, I challenge all women to ask yourself this vital question: How do we maximize our contributions, and harness our power and the light we bring, to accomplish even more? This is the opportunity upon which our future rests. Gbowee Peace Foundation New York, NY, USA June 2022

Leymah Gbowee

Praise for Women’s Contributions to Development in West Africa “This edited volume zooms-in on the human-centric aspects of sustainable development, illuminating the various barriers that women in West African countries face in social, economic, and political spheres. The book capitalizes upon rich empirical material and rigorous qualitative social science approaches to document such barriers as well as describe how women rely on both formal and informal institutions to achieve better voice and representation. The many lessons drawn from this work offer practical insights and ideas for future research that are applicable to a variety of developing democracy contexts beyond the African continent.” —Alisa Moldavanova, University of Delaware, USA “Considering the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development’s principle of ‘leave no one behind’ which seeks to target the most vulnerable populations, this collection about the contributions by women to social, economic and political development in West Africa is on point. The qualitative approaches showcase stories that underline the voices of often the poorest of the poor. The authors recognize the challenges with entrenched discrimination and inequalities for women while also empirically demonstrating their relational agency and entrepreneurial spirit.” —Susan Appe, University at Albany, USA

Contents

1 Introduction:  A Dichotomy of Development—Women’s Empowerment and Women’s Inequality  1 Kelly Ann Krawczyk and Bridgett A. King Part I The Role of Women in Social Development in West Africa  29 2 I’ll  Find a Way or Make a Way: A Case Study of BASICS International’s Social Community Development Work in Ghana, West Africa 31 Felicia Tuggle 3 Women  Traders at the Elmina Fishing Harbor: Harbingers of Ghana’s Social Development 57 Doris A. Boateng 4 Women’s  Organizations on the Frontline: The Peacebuilding Project and the Fight Against Ebola and COVID-19 73 Michelle Reddy xvii

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Part II The Role of Women in Economic Development in West Africa  97 5 Women  and Microfinance in The Gambia: A Path to Empowerment and Financial Inclusion 99 Atta Ceesay 6 Informally  Formal: Women’s Mutual Aid Organizations in the Informal Sector of the Economy119 Sandy Zook 7 The  Role of Market Associations in Facilitating Women’s Informal Political Participation and Economic Development in Ghana145 Kelly Ann Krawczyk, Bridgett A. King, Noemi Oeding, and Shaniqua Williams Part III The Role of Women in Political Development in West Africa 169 8 The  Invisibility Syndrome: Gambian Women in Politics171 Aminata Sillah 9 Gender  and Politics in Ayawaso West Wuogon: Women Standing for Parliament197 Gretchen Bauer 10 Relative  Peace in the Midst of Unrest: Guinean Women’s Peace Advocacy During the Mano River Wars225 Nicole Gerring

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11 Redefining  Liberian Women’s Political Activism: The Legacy of the Women’s Peacebuilding Movement243 Tanya Garnett and Elena Roversi 12 C  onclusion: Promoting Development By Women, For Women267 Kelly Ann Krawczyk and Bridgett A. King I ndex287

List of Contributors

Gretchen  Bauer Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Delaware, Newark, DE, USA Doris  A.  Boateng  Department of Social Work, University of Ghana, Legon, Accra, Ghana Atta Ceesay  Department of Political Science and Public Administration, SUNY Buffalo State College, Buffalo, NY, USA Tanya  Garnett Honors College for Gender Studies & Research, University of Liberia, Monrovia, Liberia Leymah Gbowee  Gbowee Peace Foundation, New York, NY, USA Women, Peace, and Security Program, Columbia University Earth Institute, New York, NY, USA Nicole Gerring  Wayne State University, Detroit, MI, USA Bridgett A. King  Department of Political Science, Auburn University, Auburn, AL, USA Kelly  Ann  Krawczyk Department of Political Science, Auburn University, Auburn, AL, USA Noemi  Oeding  Department of Political Science, Auburn University, Auburn, AL, USA xxi

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List of Contributors

Michelle  Reddy Goldman School of Public Policy, University of California, Berkeley, Berkeley, CA, USA Elena  Roversi Department of Political Science, Auburn University, Auburn, AL, USA Aminata  Sillah  Department of Political Science, Towson University, Towson, MD, USA Felicia Tuggle  Department of Sociology, Anthropology & Social Work, Auburn University, Auburn, AL, USA Shaniqua Williams  Department of Political Science, Auburn University, Auburn, AL, USA Sandy Zook  School of Public Affairs, University of Colorado-Denver, Denver, CO, USA

Acronyms

ADB AFASCO—Association des femmes pour l’avenir social et cohésion AFAF AFVVA

African Development Bank Association of Women for a Socially Cohesive Future

Association des Femmes pour l’Avenir des Femmes Association des Femmes Veuves Victimes de l’Abandon AMA Accra Metropolitan Assembly AMA Accra Municipal Assembly ANC African National Congress APRC Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council—changed to Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction AWW Ayawaso West Wuogon BASICS International Brothers and Sisters in Christ International BYA BASICS Youth Ambassadors CBG Central Bank of The Gambia CDF Constituency Development Fund COFEG Coordinating Committee of Guinean Women’s NGOs

xxiii

xxiv Acronyms

CONAG—DCF COFEL CNP CSO DoSA ECOWAS ERP FAO FC FFI FIA GATA GCDB GDP GDP GPP IDEA IFAD IFC IGAP ILO IPU KMC MARWOPNET MDG MFI MIDs MP MSE REFMAP NBFI NBFI NDC NFIS NGO NHPSR

Coalition nationale de Guinée pour le droit et la citoyenneté des femmes; Guinean National Coalition for Women’s Rights and Citizenship Coalition des Femmes Leaders Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project Civil Society Organization Department of State for Agriculture Economic Community of West African States Economic Recovery Program Food and Agriculture Organization Financial Company Fiduciary Financial Institution Financial Institution Act Ghana Association of Trader Gambia Commercial and Development Bank Gambia Democratic Party Gross Domestic Product Gambia People’s Party Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance International Fund for Agricultural Development International Finance Corporation Increasing Girls’ Assets Program International Labor Organization Inter-Parliamentary Union Kanifing Municipality Mano River Women’s Peace Network Millennium Development Goals Microfinance Institution Militarized Interstate Disputes Members of Parliament Micro and Small Enterprise Mano River Women’s Peace Network Non-Bank Financial Institution Non-Bank Financial Intermediary National Democratic Congress National Financial Inclusion Strategy Nongovernmental Organization National Household Poverty Survey Report

 Acronyms 

NPP NRA OWEDI OSIWA PDG PPP PRSP PSD PTA REFAMP RFCIP RFP ROSCA RUF SDF SDG SME SPA SSA UDHR UN UNDP UNHCR UNICEF UNMEER UNPFA UP USG VISACA WANEP WEDA WEEI WFP WMI

xxv

New Patriotic Party National Resistance Army Organization of Women for Integrated Development Open Society Initiative for West Africa Parti démocratique de Guinée People’s Progressive Party Poverty Reduction and Strategy Paper Program for Sustained Development Parent Teacher Association The French acronym for the Network of African Women—former Ministers and Members of Parliament Rural Finance and Community Initiatives Project Rural Finance Project Rotating Savings and Credit Association Revolutionary United Front Social Development Fund Sustainable Development Goal Small and Medium Enterprise Strategy for Poverty Alleviation Sub-Saharan Africa Universal Declaration of Human Rights United Nations United Nations Development Program United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees United Nations Children Fund United Nations Mission for the Emergency Ebola Response United Nations Population Fund United Party Urban Solidarity Group Village Savings and Credit Association West African Network of Economic Partners Women Entrepreneurship Development Agency UN’s Women’s Economic Empowerment Index United Nations and the World Food Program Women Microfinance Initiative

List of Tables

Table 1.1 Table 2.1 Table 5.1 Table 5.2 Table 6.1 Table 6.2 Table 6.3 Table 8.1 Table 8.2 Table 8.3 Table 8.4 Table 9.1

Women in government in West Africa 16 Overview of BASICS International investment strategies, approaches, and methods 48 Types of microfinance institutions 106 SDF core fund distribution by region and gender 112 Defining CSOs for mapping civil society from Salamon and Sokolowski (2016) 127 The Club’s demographics 136 Identifying Club attributes using Salamon and Sokolowski (2016)140 The female candidates and representatives in Gambian legislative elections from 1960 to 1992 during the First Republic180 Female leaders in the Gambian National Assembly from 1997 to 2020 184 Women’s representation in April 2017 Gambian Elections by political party 190 Women’s representation in April 2022 Gambian Elections by political party 191 Votes for NPP and NDC in presidential elections in Ayawaso West Wuogon 201

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Table 9.2

List of Tables

Ayawaso West Wuogon parliamentary elections, major party candidates Table 9.3 Votes for NPP and NDC in parliamentary elections in Ayawaso West Wuogon Table 11.1 Profile of the activists interviewed

203 204 255

1 Introduction: A Dichotomy of Development—Women’s Empowerment and Women’s Inequality Kelly Ann Krawczyk and Bridgett A. King

 Dichotomy of Development: Women’s A Empowerment and Women’s Inequality Existing scholarship reveals a perilous dichotomy that impacts long-term development outcomes: on the one hand, extant literature highlights the critical roles women play in facilitating sustainable development, and the importance of gender equity in ensuring women can fulfill their full potential in social, economic, and political spheres. Yet on the other hand, the literature concurrently illuminates pervasive gender inequity and the continued marginalization of women, in all three of these areas of society: social, economic, and political. This dichotomy between the vital role of women in development and the concurrent barriers they face in fully participating in development presents a serious quandary since, as noted by Bawa and Sanyare, “[a] woman’s status as a person in society

K. A. Krawczyk • B. A. King (*) Department of Political Science, Auburn University, Auburn, AL, USA e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 K. A. Krawczyk, B. A. King (eds.), Women’s Contributions to Development in West Africa, Globalization, Urbanization and Development in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8190-6_1

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depends crucially on her participation in economic, political, and social activities” (pg. 283). Given this dilemma, this volume fills a gap in the existing literature, by offering rich and nuanced empirical evidence about the contributions of women to social, economic, and political development in West Africa. The emphasis of this volume is not simply on the challenges women face in fully and authentically participating in the social, economic, and political spheres of their communities, but it focuses instead on elucidating the important contributions women are currently making, despite the barriers they face. There is a well-established body of literature that acknowledges the vital importance of women in global development. We know, for example, that as women enter the marketplace, social and economic development increases. And societies that promote the rights of women are less likely to initiate violence (Benard et al., 2008). Indeed, women’s knowledge, agency, and collective action are central to identifying and building sustainable pathways to social, economic, and political development (United Nations, 2014). We also know that to successfully facilitate sustainable development, women’s empowerment and equality is necessary, in order for women to authentically participate in the social, economic, and political spheres of their communities and in broader society. To create what UN Women (2014, p. 12) envision as a more “just and sustainable world … to enhance women’s roles in sustaining their families and communities,” gender equity is an indispensable component. Indeed, gender equity is deemed important enough to be named as one of the United Nation’s 17 Sustainable Development Goals, which provide a roadmap for ending poverty, protecting the planet, and ensuring that all people enjoy peace and prosperity (United Nations, 2022). And, the benefits of gender equity, especially relating to economic advantages, are increasingly well-­ documented. Increased gender equity boosts economic growth, reduces income inequality, strengthens economic diversification, and increases economic resilience. All of which ultimately leads to better overall development outcomes (IMF, 2018). The work of Revenga and Shetty (2012) offers three examples of how gender equity promotes development. First, women are an increasingly large part of the workforce: they now comprise nearly 40 percent of the

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global labor force (World Bank, 2021). When we fully integrate women into the workforce and fully utilize their skills, overall productivity increases. Second, when women have equitable control over their household resources, we know they are more likely to spend those resources in ways that benefit their children and their families. Third, empowering women to be “integrated and equitable” social, economic, and political actors allows them to have authentic voices in shaping policy outcomes, and in creating representative institutions (Revenga and Shetty, 2012, p. 41). Yet, despite the vital role of women in development and the importance of gender equity for successful development, a host of research also reveals that gender inequity across social, economic, and political realms remains pervasive throughout the world, and that gender disparity is substantially higher in developing versus developed countries (UN Women, 2014; Ahmed et al., 2001). If this inequity is not addressed, sustainable development is simply not possible, and development outcomes will continue to be impeded. In fact, existing gender inequity comes with a huge economic cost and contributes to sustained social, political, and environmental inequities across the globe and especially in Africa (Stevens, 2010). Thus far, we have touched on both the vital role of women in development, outlining the specific benefits women bring to development outcomes, as well as pervasive and systemic gender inequity, and its causes and consequences. A large portion of the work in these areas is documented through gray literature—technical reports by international donors, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and think tanks—that focuses on documenting gender inequity and recommending policy prescriptions to address it (see, e.g., UN Women, 2014; Hallward-Driemeier, 2013; Revenga & Shetty, 2012). There is a dearth of work, however, that focuses on a specific geographic region of the developing world, and that provides rich and detailed empirical evidence about the contributions of women in that region to social, economic, and political development. This volume helps fill this gap, offering a micro-level, nuanced view of the contributions of West African women to social, economic, and political development. Furthermore, we approach this in a unique way, as each chapter in this volume is written by a woman who is herself an academic and/or practitioner with expertise in the West African region, as well as

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in her subfield. The contributors to this volume are women who represent both the global North and the global South, coming together to illuminate and expound on the important social, economic, and political contributions made by women in West Africa. This edited volume is written by women, for women. We recognize and laud the value of existing research: it highlights the importance of women to development, documents gender inequity and the continued marginalization of women across the globe, and makes recommendations on how to address this. However, we also feel it is important to shift the narrative from one that is focused on how women are excluded and under-valued to a narrative that explores the contributions women are making in the social, economic, and political realms of their communities, and that highlights these achievements using empirical evidence. That is why, in this edited volume, we highlight the contributions of West African women to social, economic, and political development, which are often missing from the literature, especially since informality means they often fall under the radar. We use qualitative methodology—interviews, focus groups, and case studies—that lend themselves to in-depth, thick description and analyses that is, in the words of one of our contributors, Gretchen Bauer, “rich, intensive, and holistic.” To this end, the present volume consists of three main sections, and each section contains chapters relating to either the social, economic, or political contributions of women to development. Each chapter focuses on a specific country in West Africa and offers qualitative empirical evidence related to social, economic, or political development in that country context. While we organize the chapters in the volume according to the categories of social, economic, and political development, the existing literature, as well as the contributions in this volume, make it clear these categories cannot be siloed from one another, and that one type of development impacts another. The social, economic, and political development of West Africa remains deeply interconnected.

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 art 1: The Role of Women in Social P Development in West Africa In Part 1 of this volume, we focus on the role of West African women in social development, while acknowledging the interconnections between all three types of development: social, economic, and political. Part 1 of this volume speaks to the ability of women to contribute to social development in West Africa, including their roles in solving individual and community problems. Social development includes access to basic services including education and health care, as well as infrastructure such as sanitation, roads, and mobile and internet technology. In Part 1, we explore how individual women, women’s organizations, and women-led NGOs provide social services such as educational and vocational skills training, health services, and social protection, highlighting the important ways in which West African women are actively contributing to improving their communities. Social development, especially for women, is an important part of achieving broader sustainable development. For example, social development improves the standard of living for women and children, as it is associated with an increase in educational attainment for women, postponement of marriage, smaller family size, and an increased desire for financial independence (Owusu et  al., 2014). It can lead to improved health outcomes, in particular related to reproductive and maternal health (OECD, 2008). While health indicators have improved globally, maternal death and adolescent fertility rates remain high, especially in countries in Sub-Saharan Africa (IMF, 2018). Thus, continued social development remains vital to address these issues. Social development also impacts economic development. Unequal access and opportunities for women, such as disproportionate access to education and health services, reduces women’s chances of succeeding in the labor market, which contributes to income inequality, especially in emerging and developing countries (IMF, 2018). While gender equity is the driving force behind social development in developing nations, we know there is still a lack of gender parity in many contexts, which impedes not only social development but also economic

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and political development. For example, women perform a disproportionate amount of unpaid childcare and domestic work, and this affects their ability to participate fully in economic and political activities. Additionally, a lack of public services, and limited access to and affordability of time-saving technology, keeps many women in both income and time poverty (United Nations, 2019). When formal government structures fail to provide public services and tools to address women’s income and time poverty, other nongovernmental structures may step in to fill the gap (Clark, 2010). Many times, these nongovernmental structures take the shape of women’s groups, often with the backing of development institutions, international donors, and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) (Bawa & Sanyare, 2013). Local women’s associations facilitate social development by providing social and economic support to beneficiaries in their communities (Fallon, 2003). Associations and NGOs address issues of safety and security, health care, childcare, and other related social needs (Awuah, 1997). For example, in Accra, Ghana, female market traders worked through the Ghana Association of Traders (GATA) to establish a daycare center for the children of female traders. The daycare center has been a success and is identified as a model for how women’s groups can provide social services to address time poverty, and in turn allow women to increase their income and address gender equality (Kelly, 2019). It is important to underscore, as we do in Part 1 of this volume, that women are not simply the beneficiaries of social development. Women are also important contributors to social development. Women advocate for improvements in their local communities, including infrastructure like wells and clean water, and basic health care and hygiene (King & Mason, 2001). They also advocate for progressive policies that contribute to improving society more broadly. Importantly, they are also in many cases the ones who are implementing social development activities, taking it upon themselves to provide social services such as health care, education and trainings, and social protection. Women very often see the problems facing their communities and step up to address them. We critically explore the contributions of West African women to social development in the first three chapters of this volume.

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In Chap. 2, “I’ll Find a Way or Make a Way: A Case Study of BASICS International’s Social Community Development Work in Ghana, West Africa,” Felicia Tuggle employs a case study of a Ghanaian NGO and its female founder and leader to underscore the community development benefits the organization provides to residents of a resource-poor community in Accra, Ghana. Her phenomenological study examines the lived experience of BASICS International’s founder, Pat Wilkins, who has sustainably harnessed social change in the Chokor community for 20 years. Doris Boateng’s contribution in Chap. 3, “Women Traders at the Elmina Fishing Harbor: Harbingers of Ghana’s Social Development,” also focuses on Ghana and highlights the intricate structure of women’s power, negotiation, and resources in the fishing community of Elmina. This community also reflects the broader social structure of Ghana, and ultimately contributes to the social development of the country. Through her contribution, she illustrates how women in developing economies find clever and resourceful ways to empower themselves and others, and the ways in which women at the Elmina fishing harbor use people-­ centered approaches to empower themselves, reduce their own and others’ vulnerabilities, and promote their inclusion and well-being in Ghanaian society. She documents the important role of women in providing basic health care and food security, as well as in maintaining security and resolving disputes in the Elmina market. Finally, Michelle Reddy’s contribution in Chap. 4, “Women’s Organizations on the Frontline: The Peacebuilding Project and the Fight Against Ebola and COVID-19,” analyzes the role of women’s organizations in Guinea and Sierra Leone during the 2013–2016 West Africa Ebola crisis, and provides a comparison to the more recent COVID-19 response in this region. Her chapter highlights the important role of women’s associations in providing direct social services such as maternal and child health, and literacy and employment skills training. She also highlights the work of the women’s organizations in the areas of community-­based education and advocacy on behalf of issues that impact women and children, such as female genital mutilation (FGM). All this work took place despite the women’s organizations being largely underfunded by international organizations and marginalized by governments

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during crises. Reddy connects these finding on social development in the Mano River region to political development and the emergence of women’s organizations as a result of the peacebuilding and democratization processes. Taken together, the chapters in this section help illustrate the important ways in which women are contributing to social development in West Africa, contributions that all too often remain invisible and go undocumented. Much of this work is happening at the local level, and it is vitally important in addressing community challenges and helping to improve community outcomes.

 art 2: The Role of Women in Economic P Development in West Africa Economic development, as one component of sustainable development, is untenable without empowerment and equity for women (Bayeh, 2016; Solomon & Memar, 2014; OECD, 2008). Indeed, the achievement of economic growth and development is “contingent upon the full use of the skills and qualification of women” (OECD, 2008). Part 2 of this volume, therefore, highlights the contributions of women to economic development in West Africa, using examples of women engaged in the informal sector and in entrepreneurship in countries across the region. By examining how women uniquely contribute to the workforce, this section goes beyond measuring economic participation using numbers and statistics, and demonstrates the everyday impact women have on the economic development of West African nations. Women are clearly a powerful force in the global economy. In fact, more than half a billion women have joined the world’s labor force over the past 30 years, and women make up more than 40 percent of workers worldwide (World Bank, 2022; Revenga & Shetty, 2012). When women enter the labor force, their labor helps lift their families out of poverty. Not only does including women in the marketplace increase the proportion of wage-earners supporting dependents in the household, but

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women are more likely to spend their earnings on things that benefit the family than men (Benard et al., 2008). The employment of women in the formal and informal sectors stimulates economic development. Women working outside of the home pay taxes and rents, create employment opportunities, and bring supplementary income into their households (Baah-Ennumh & Adom-Asamoah, 2012). A recent study in West Africa, for example, found that the “contributions of women represents an average of 40% of the work related to agricultural production in sub-Saharan Africa” (OECD/SWAC, 2019). Women’s contributions to economic development across Africa contribute to the reduction of poverty, the creation of employment opportunities, and the diversification of economic processes (Akhalwaya & Havenga, 2012; Nxopo, 2014; Meyer, 2009; Chinomona & Maziriri, 2015; Companion, 2015). Furthermore, when women engage in economic activities, whether in the formal or informal economy, there are also positive associations with their participation in, and effects on, local and national politics (Howard, 2013; Kabeer, 2005; Soni & Rivera, 2018). And yet, despite their important contributions to the economy, women still tend to earn less than men (World Bank, 2011). According to Revenga and Shetty (2012), this is because women are more likely than men to engage in unpaid work, or to work in the informal economy or in sectors that are less profitable (Revenga & Shetty, 2012). There are both institutional and systemic barriers that limit the economic activity of West African women, and that contribute to the gender gap in economic development (Akerlof & Kranton, 2000). These barriers are numerous and include adverse social and cultural gender norms and policies that mean women have dual roles as both wage-earners and homemakers (Singh, 2012). Women’s ability to participate in the economic sphere is also limited by their fertility and reproductive rights (Goldin, 1995; Angrist & Evans, 1998; Bloom et  al., 2009; Verme, 2015). Women also face challenges stemming from formal and customary laws that are discriminatory and do not offer women proper legal protection, such as failure to recognize, reduce, and redistribute unpaid household work and care, and lack of access to financial, digital, and property assets (Amine & Staub, 2009; OECD/SWAC, 2019; Klugman & Tyson, 2016).

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Gender biases in Africa mean women face discrimination from both individuals and institutions. In practice, this means financial institutions are often unwilling to support or extend credit to women. Subsequently, women have had to engage in less formal forms of economic engagement throughout Africa (Valla, 2001; Phillips et  al., 2014; Chinomona & Maziriri, 2015; Klaa, 2020). It is vitally important to strengthen women’s access to economic and financial resources, including resources generated at the national level through budgets, trade, and development assistance; financial services such as savings, credit, remittance transfers, and insurance; employment; land, property, and other productive resources; and social protection. This is because there are significant development gains to be made in ensuring women’s equitable access to and control over economic and financial resources, including gains related to  economic growth, poverty eradication, and the well-being of families and communities (United Nations, 2009). Ensuring proper education and training for women and providing job opportunities equal to women’s talents and skill sets are all crucial to economic development (King & Mason, 2001). Yet, there are also serious educational barriers that limit the ability of women to engage fully in the West African economy. According to Jalbert (2000) and Klaa (2020), lack of education and training is an impediment to women’s ability to both start a business and be successful across various contexts in Africa. However, despite broad investment across the continent in education, and despite evidence that there are direct links between educational attainment or grade-level completion and women’s earning power, there continues to be a distressing gap in secondary and higher education between men and women (Chichester et al., 2017). Various international organizations have cited this as an extreme limitation to women’s engagement in economic initiatives, leaving them trapped in traditional lifestyles dictated by gender roles and norms (Chichester et al., 2017). Barriers that prevent the participation of women in economic development can also impede social development. Gender wage gaps in part stem from unequal access to education and resources, and the increased burdens on women from unpaid household work. Furthermore, lack of programs and policies such as paid maternal leave and childcare hinders women’s participation in the labor market in Africa (AMPCMCSA, 2017).

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The numerous obstacles discussed in this section all have a negative impact on women’s ability to participate in the labor market, including the ability to start their own businesses. These obstacles also drive many women in West Africa to work in the informal economy or to entrepreneurship. Lower levels of access to education, and a mismatch between women’s skills and those demanded by the labor market, mean women are more likely to be employed in the informal economy (AMPCMCSA, 2017). Indeed, about 90 percent of women in Sub-Saharan Africa work in the informal sector, either supplementing household incomes or as sole providers (Woldemichael, 2020; Owusu & Lund, 2004). In Ghana, for example, it is estimated that informal employment makes up 80 percent of the total economy (O’Neill, 2016). Yet since informal employment is not registered with the government, it is difficult to measure its exact size and is therefore often underestimated (Baah-Ennumh & Adom-Asamoah, 2012). Although jobs in the informal sector provide income generation, these jobs do not guarantee a fair and regular income, security in the workplace, social protection for families, or equality of opportunity and treatment (AMPCMCSA, 2017). Women in the informal sector therefore tend to be “invisible and underpaid” (Manda & Mwakubo, 2013). One important ramification of women’s inequality on economic development is that the potential economic contributions from women remain untapped in many countries. Greater inclusion of women can lead to lower income inequality, higher economic diversification, and increased economic resilience, particularly in developing countries. But economic development, and subsequently poverty reduction, can only occur if the work of women, including in both the informal sector and in entrepreneurship, is recognized and encouraged (Owusu & Lund, 2004). The chapters in this section highlight how women in West Africa are contributing to economic development in the region, despite the barriers they face. Moreover, the chapters in Part 2 do not solely focus on the challenges women face in their endeavors, but emphasize their successes and broader impacts on society. In Chap. 5, “Women and Microfinance in The Gambia: A Path to Empowerment and Financial Inclusion,” Atta Ceesay describes how women engage in microfinancing operations and how these activities not only empower those involved but also profoundly benefit the country’s economy.

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In Chap. 6, “Informally Formal: Women’s Mutual Aid Organizations in the Informal Sector of the Economy,” Sandy Zook discusses how the economic and social contributions of women are often severely underestimated, due in part to the propensity of women to work in the informal economy. Through her ethnographic study of women’s savings and fellowship groups in Ghana, Zook addresses this gap by underscoring and highlighting the importance of women’s contributions and proposes additional research that redefines how we conceptualize and measure civil society organizations. Finally, in Chap. 7, “The Role of Market Associations in Facilitating Women’s Informal Political Participation and Economic Development in Ghana,” Kelly Krawczyk, Bridgett King, Noemi Oeding, and Shaniqua Williams discuss how women can leverage their power in informal economic markets to influence political decision-makers in local governance contexts in Ghana. The chapter challenges the assumption that markets are a locus of formal political power, instead revealing that women view markets as apolitical spaces, in which they are willing and able to engage in collective action activities to achieve small-scale, immediate improvements to their markets and communities. The three chapters in this section provide evidence on the contributions of women to economic development in Africa. However, this is just a starting point. For us to truly understand and leverage the economic power women pose across the continent of Africa, scholars in various academic disciplines need to engage more consistently in research that seeks to enhance the already profound contributions these women make in their community, local government, and national contexts.

 art 3: The Role of Women in Political P Development in West Africa Women in Africa have a long history of political participation, from being closely involved in the struggle for independence, to mobilizing against the state to protect their interests (Awuah, 1997; Bawa & Sanyare, 2013). Yet, the reality is that the systems in place in West Africa still tend

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to favor men over women (Tagoe & Abakah, 2015). However, as the region democratizes, women have begun to secure political rights and have in turn used those rights to secure more civil and social rights. When governments have largely ignored issues that concern women—like health, education, or conditions in the informal sector—women have used their growing political rights to push for reforms (Fallon, 2003). Women are fighting for their right to be heard, speaking out on issues that impact them and their children through both formal and informal channels of political power (Gbowee, 2016). Women’s organizations are often a catalyst for consolidating and mobilizing political power. Mensah and Antoh (2005) found that women’s organizations have a profound impact on political participation in Africa. While the majority of this mobilization comprises local, grassroots efforts, the impact cannot be dismissed. Women’s organizations are invaluable in fundraising for political causes and for drawing large crowds to political rallies (Clark, 2010). They also encourage activism and lobbying, as well as utilize collective bargaining to have the needs of organization members addressed. Women’s organizations garner support for politicians and political parties, and they deliver votes in elections (Bawa & Sanyare, 2013). Women’s organizations have also been arbiters of peacebuilding and conflict resolution (Gbowee, 2016). Through marches and demonstrations, the circulation of petitions, and even the use of mass media, women in West Africa are successfully raising awareness about issues that affect their lives and those of their children (Awuah, 1997). Yet despite these grassroots efforts, women’s political representation tends to be lower than that of men (OECD/SWAC, 2019). While there is some evidence that women make gains in political representation as democratic governance stabilizes (Clark, 2010), active participation in decision-making through the holding of political office or employment in the public sector remains low (Bawa & Sanyare, 2013). Several reasons for this exist, including a lack of economic power coupled with the high cost of running a campaign, socio-cultural gender norms that limit women’s participation, and the ridicule and verbal harassment leveled at women who do run for political office (Bawa & Sanyare, 2013; Tagoe & Abakah, 2015). Despite all this, there is a demand for women politicians, as many believe that only a woman can understand the concerns of other

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women (Fallon, 2003; Bawa & Sanyare, 2013). As Bawa and Sanyare (2013) point out, “[w]omen’s increasing visibility in politics and governance, and the battle to attain gender equality is crucial to sustainable development on many levels in developing countries today” (p. 285). There are many ways to consider political participation and participation in electoral processes. Participation can be thought of in its formal terms, including voting, standing as a candidate, active membership in a political party, and serving as a polling official. Participation can also be thought of in informal terms, including activism, protests, and contacting elected officials. Through formal and informal participation, individuals can actively engage in the political process. A considerable amount of scholarship focuses on the most formal types of participation: voting and running for and securing electoral office. The focus on voter turnout and running for and securing office often obscures the informal but impactful ways that citizens can engage their government and participate politically. Although considerable scholarly investigations have focused on the gendered dynamics of voter turnout and female candidates standing for office, a substantial amount of this scholarship has focused on these dynamics in Western democracies. In the case of West Africa, there is an overwhelming opportunity to consider the formal and informal ways women have engaged in the electoral process and political institutions. Part 3 of this volume focuses on these dynamics in four countries: The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, and Liberia. Internationally, women are 50 percent of the world’s population (World Bank, 2021). However, given the considerable variation in women’s voting and participation rights, cultural and institutional barriers may limit participation; the presence of women in elected positions and as active participants in formal conceptions of political participation varies. Determining the number of women registered to vote worldwide is complicated by the limited number of Electoral Management Bodies that report voter registration data by gender. According to a study conducted by the United Nations and United Nations Development Program, only 50 percent of the surveyed Electoral Management Bodies report voter registration data by sex. Understanding women’s participation is additionally challenging because “collecting and reporting data on the

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proportion of women and men who voted (voter turnout) is not yet the norm in most Electoral Management Bodies” (Barrington et al., 2015). Turning to women’s representation in government, we can see that the number of women representatives in parliaments has increased in recent decades from 13.9 percent in 2000 to 26.2 percent in 2022 (ACE: The Electoral Knowledge Network, n.d.; IPU Parline, 2020, 2022). Of regional averages, Nordic countries have the highest proportion of women in parliament, with 44.7 percent in both houses combined. The Americas follow them (34.6 percent), then Europe, including Nordic countries (31.1 percent), Sub-Saharan Africa (26 percent), Asia (20.9 percent), the Pacific (20.9 percent), and the Middle East and North Africa (16.8 percent) (IPU Parline, 2022). The countries with the highest presence of women in lower or single houses of parliament include Rwanda (61.3 percent), Cuba (53.4 percent), Nicaragua (51.7 percent), Mexico, and the United Arab Emirates (both at 50 percent). In all other countries, women parliamentarians account for less than half of their respective lower or single houses of parliament. Regarding leadership in parliament, of the Speakers of Parliament, 20.9 percent are women, and 28.3 percent of Deputy Speakers of Parliament are women (Inter-Parliamentary Union and United Nations Women, 2021). Looking specifically at West Africa, Table 1.1 presents the percentage of parliamentarians who are women in West African nations. As demonstrated by the table, there is considerable variation in the percentage of women parliamentarians across West Africa. Similar variations present themselves when considering the number of women who are heads of state or heads of government. According to Inter-­ Parliamentary Union and United Nations Women, in 2021, women accounted for 5.9 percent of all heads of state and 6.7 percent of all heads of government worldwide (Inter-Parliamentary Union and United Nations Women, 2021). Regarding women’s presence in ministries, there are 13 countries where women hold at least half of the ministerial positions (Nicaragua, Austria, Belgium, Sweden, Albania, Rwanda, Costa Rica, Canada, Andorra, Finland, France, Guinea-Bissau, and Spain). The ministerial positions most commonly held by women are in the areas of environment/natural resources/energy, social affairs, family/ children/youth/elderly/disabled, employment/labor/vocational training,

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Table 1.1  Women in government in West Africa

Country Benin Burkina Faso Cabo (Cape) Verde Côte d’Ivoire (Ivory Coast) The Gambia Ghana Guinea Guinea-Bissau Liberia Mali Mauritania Niger Nigeria Senegal Sierra Leone Togo

Percent women in Percent women in single or lower ministerial positions chamber of parliament (2022)a (2021)b 7.4 19.7 38.9

20.8 15.4 14.3

14.2

12.8

8.6 14.6 16.7 13.7 11 25.6 20.3 25.9 3.6 42.7 12.3 18.7

25 25 27.8 50 22.2 16 21.7 15.8 10.3 21.9 13.8 31

IPU Parlane, Monthly Ranking of Women in National Parliaments, May 2022 Inter-Parliamentary Union and United Nations Women, 2021, Women in Politics, January 2021

a

b

education, and culture (Inter-Parliamentary Union and United Nations Women, 2021). Table 1.1 also includes the percentage of women in ministerial positions in West African nations. Women also represent 36 percent of elected members in local deliberative bodies worldwide (United Nations Women, n.d.). Because of decentralization across the local level, varying definitions of what local government is, and varying governmental structures, there is no concrete way to ascertain the number or percent of women who work in  local government (ACE: The Electoral Knowledge Network, n.d.). Although statistics on women in public administration are not available, ACE estimates that public administration is another area of government where women are underrepresented at top levels. The Electoral Management Bodies that govern elections in many countries are one place where the underrepresentation of women in public administration

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is evident. Of the more than 200 Electoral Management Bodies worldwide, 22 percent are chaired by women. In Africa specifically, 19 percent of Electoral Management Bodies are chaired by women. Addressing this disparity, Bicu (2022) suggests, “Many of the reasons women are not chosen for or do not rise to leadership positions will be the same as for other private and public sectors and are well known such as structural imbalance and cultural norms.” In this regard, the lack of female leadership in Electoral Management Bodies may also be further evidence of a glass ceiling for women in bureaucracies, which, according to Princess et  al. (2018), limits opportunities for leadership roles for women in West Africa. Various factors can be used to better understand the variation in women’s formal political participation across West African countries. The limited participation of women in government has been attributed to structural, cultural, and economic factors that may limit not only their opportunities for participation in formal institutions but also the willingness of political parties and eligible voters to view them as viable candidates and vote for them as the preferred candidate. Many scholars point to perceptions of traditional sex and gender roles, stereotypes, and gender inequality as primary reasons women are excluded from politics (Kasomo, 2012; United Nations, 2000; Karl, 1995). Within the African context, Traditional beliefs and cultural attitudes, especially regarding women’s roles and status in society, remain strong, particularly in rural areas. Traditional roles and the division of labour are still clearly gendered. Social norms make it more difficult for women to leave their traditional domestic roles for more public roles outside of the home. Women’s gender identity is still predominately conceived of as domestic in nature and continues to hinder women’s entry into formal politics. (IDEA, 2021, p. 20)

Political opportunities for women are also limited by economic resources, gender-based violence, the structure of representative democracy, societal and cultural norms or expectations, limited access to education and training, and gaining the right to vote decades after their male counterparts (Alaga, 2010; Aning, 1998; Mlambo & Kapingura, 2019; Norville, 2011).

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While organizational and legal structures may limit the ability of women to participate in politics, structures can also be used to increase women’s participation and representation. Quotas and seat reservations for women have been used in several nations to increase the representation of women in elected office. For example, in 2015, Mali adopted a 30 percent quota for women in elected office. In 2016, the proportion of women in local government increased from 9 percent to 23 percent, and women comprised 29 percent of members of parliament. As of 2022, 25.6 percent of Mali’s parliament is female. Mali is one of nine West African countries that use legislative candidate quotas or reserved seats to remove barriers and increase representation for women. The nine countries are Burkina Faso, Cabo Verde, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Sierra Leone, Senegal, and Togo (International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, n.d.; Ugbe, 2020). Although West African women are underrepresented in formal political institutions and other measures of participation, what should not be underestimated is how women overcome structural and cultural barriers to access formal participation and institutions and create new opportunities for informal political participation. There is much to learn from women who have been successful in formal political institutions and those who engage in more informal political involvement in place of, or in addition to, participating in formal ways. Using illustrative case studies, Part 3 of this volume focuses on the role of women in political development in West Africa. In Chap. 8, “The Invisibility Syndrome: Gambian Women in Politics,” Aminata Sillah focuses on the marked and, at times, intentional exclusion of the contributions of women in political development in the context of The Gambia. Examined is what the author terms the “invisibility syndrome,” where women’s contributions are mentioned only to gain political points or make political leaders look good. Sillah argues that substantive policies and legal frameworks aimed at increasing women’s representation in decision-making in Africa, as well as the presence of women playing critical roles in developing policies on gender mainstreaming, good governance, and peacebuilding on the continent, are needed to elevate the status of women and make them visible. Crafting and institutionalizing these policies and legal frameworks will help

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strengthen and accelerate the advancement of women in political spaces. The shortsightedness of researchers who do not consider the substantive contributions of women and the consequences of this continual omission in political development are also discussed. In Chap. 9, “Gender and Politics in Ayawaso West Wuogon: Women Standing for Parliament,” Gretchen Bauer discusses how parliamentary primaries and general elections in Ayawaso West Wuogon, Ghana, reveal lessons about efforts to attain greater representation and inclusion in Ghana’s parliament. Also discussed are the many nuances that shape women’s access to participation in formal politics in Ghana, a country with one of the lowest representations of women in parliament in Africa and the world. In the chapter, Bauer considers several questions. What inspires women to run for political office? How have political parties sought to cultivate more women candidates and what difference do incentives offered by political parties make? What methods keep women out of politics or sanction those who succeed? These questions are addressed through profiles of three women: one unsuccessful aspirant for her party’s nomination and two members of parliament from the constituency. In Chap. 10, “Relative Peace in the Midst of Unrest: Guinean Women’s Peace Advocacy during the Mano River Wars,” Nicole Gerring investigates women’s roles in promoting peace in Guinea during the Mano River Wars. Although three of Guinea’s neighbors—Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Côte d’Ivoire—faced internal conflict that contributed to unrest in the Mano River region from the late 1990s to the early 2000s, Guinea managed to avoid a major war. However, Guinean women faced significant risk in challenging the repressive President Lansana Conté, who used police torture, detention, and imprisonment to punish dissidents. Gerring suggests that three factors supported their work: a robust regional peacebuilding network, the strategic use of motherhood frames, and a tradition of women’s resistance. Specifically, women peace activists were instrumental in lobbying the president to avoid war, and a mass media campaign encouraged grassroots support for peace. The case illustrates that supportive factors can enable women’s successful peace advocacy even in an environment with limited civil society freedoms.

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Finally, in Chap. 11, “Redefining Liberian Women’s Political Activism: The Legacy of the Women’s Peacebuilding Movement,” Tanya Garnett and Elena Roversi focus on the Liberian Women’s Peacebuilding Movement (LWPBM). The LWPBM was built on the shared experience of motherhood and spoke to the patriarchal framework in which womanhood was narrowly circumscribed. While the dominant narrative spoke of victimhood, women’s organizations galvanized women’s agency and redefined political activism in the West African context. The women’s peacebuilding movement demonstrated that sustainable peace and development cannot be fully attained without deepening and broadening women’s participation. Garnett and Roversi explore the strategies women used to bring about political change, the legacy of women’s peacebuilding activism in the ongoing fight for gender equity, and the current state of political development in Liberia. Taken together, the chapters in Part 3 highlight the often overlooked but essential contributions women in West Africa make and the roles they play both formally and informally in political development. The chapters highlight the myriad of barriers that continue to limit how we understand women’s work and women’s ability to enter and remain in formal political institutions. Beyond this, the chapters also push the academic discourse and scholarship to more actively consider and value the lives, experiences, and contributions of women beyond those in the Western nations. Women play a significant and undeniable role in the development of communities, nations, and the world. And, while the chapters included in the volume do not encompass all the social, economic, or political realities of all women in the West African region or in the countries from which the included cases originate, the chapters in this edited volume do represent an intentional effort to acknowledge and understand the social, economic, and political contributions of women in West Africa more fully. As the chapters that follow demonstrate, such contributions, both formal and informal, should not be underestimated as they demonstrate not only what is possible but also how women in West Africa have navigated and continue to navigate the cultural, structural, and political barriers that often relegate them to a position of second-­class personhood.

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References Ace: The Electoral Knowledge Network. (n.d.). Gender and elections. https:// aceproject.org/ace-­en/topics/ge/ge1/ge14/ge145 Ahmed, J., Angeli, A., Biru, A., & Salvini, S. (2001). Gender issues, population and development in Ethiopia: In-depth studies from the 1994 population and housing Census in Ethiopia, Italian Multi-bi Research Project ETH/92/ P01. Central Statistical Authority (CSA) Addis Ababa, Ethiopia and Institute for Population Research eNational Research Council (Irp-Cnr), Roma, Italy. Akerlof, G. A., & Kranton, R. E. (2000). Economics and identity. The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 115(3), 715–753. Akhalwaya, A., & Havenga, W. (2012). The barriers that hinder the success of women entrepreneurs in Gauteng, South Africa. International Journal of Sustainable Development, 3(5), 11–22. Alaga, E. (2010). Challenges for women in Peacebuilding in West Africa. Africa Portal. https://www.africaportal.org/publications/challenges-­for-­women-­in-­ peacebuilding-­in-­west-­africa/ Amine, L. S., & Staub, K. M. (2009). Women entrepreneurs in sub-Saharan Africa: An institutional theory analysis from a social marketing point of view. Entrepreneurship and Regional Development, 21(2), 183–211. AMPCMCSA. (2017).Women’s economic empowerment in the changing world of work. Africa Ministerial Pre-Consultative Meeting on the Commission on the Status of Women 61. Session (CWS 61). Angrist, J. D., & Evans, W. N. (1998). Children and their parent’s labor supply: Evidence from exogenous variation in family size. American Economic Review, 88(3), 450–477. Aning, E.  K. (1998). Gender and civil war: The cases of Liberia and Sierra Leone. Civil Wars, 1(4), 1–26. https://doi.org/10.1080/13698249808402388 Awuah, E. (1997). Mobilizing for change: A case study of market trader activism in Ghana. Canadian Journal of African Studies/La Revue canadienne des études africaines, 31(3), 401–423. https://doi.org/10.1080/0008396 8.1997.10751120 Baah-Ennumh, T. Y., & Adom-Asamoah, G. (2012). The role of market women in the informal urban economy in Kumasi. Journal of Science and Technology, 32(2), 56–67. https://doi.org/10.4314/just.v32i2.8 Barrington, J., Bardall, G., Palmieri, S., & Sullivan, K. (2015). Inclusive electoral processes: A guide for electoral management bodies on promoting gender equality and women’s participation. United Nations Women and United

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National Development Program. https://www.unwomen.org/en/digital-­ library/publications/2015/7/inclusive-­electoral-­processes Bawa, S., & Sanyare, F. (2013). Women’s participation and representation in politics: Perspectives from Ghana. International Journal of Public Administration, 36(4), 282–291. https://doi.org/10.1080/0190069 2.2012.757620 Bayeh, E. (2016). The role of empowering women and achieving gender equality to the sustainable development of Ethiopia. Pacific Science Review B: Humanities and Social Sciences, 2(2016), 37–42. Benard, C., Jones, S. G., Oliker, O., Thurston, C. Q., Lawson, B. S., & Cordell, K. (2008). Women and nation-building. RAND Corporation. https://www. rand.org/pubs/monographs/MG579.html Bicu, I. (2022). Few women at the top of electoral management bodies worldwide. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance. https://www.idea.int/news-­m edia/news/few-­w omen-­t op-­e lectoral-­ management-­bodies-­worldwide Bloom, D. E., Canning, D., Fink, G., & Finlay, J. E. (2009). Fertility, female labor force participation, and the demographic dividend. Journal of Economic Growth, 14(2), 79–101. Chichester, O., Davis Pluess, J., Lee, M., & Taylor, A. (2017). Women’s economic empowerment in Sub-Saharan Africa: Recommendations for Business Action. BSR.  Retrieved June 5, 2022, from, https://www.bsr.org/reports/BSR_ Womens_Empowerment_Africa_Main_Report.pdf Chinomona, E., & Maziriri, E. T. (2015). Women in action: Challenges facing women entrepreneurs in the Gauteng Province of South Africa. International Business & Economics Research Journal, 14(6), 835–850. Clark, G. (2010). Gender fictions and gender tensions involving ‘traditional’ Asante market women. African Studies Quarterly, 11(2), 43–66. Companion, M. (2015). Marketing and material goods: Impact of disaster responders on livelihood strategies. In M. Companion (Ed.), Disaster’s impact on livelihood and cultural survival: Losses, opportunities, and mitigation (pp. 183–196). CRC Press. Fallon, K. M. (2003). Transforming women’s citizenship rights within an emerging democratic state: The case of Ghana. Gender & Society, 17(4), 525–543. Gbowee, L. (2016). Building peace, restoring hope: Women’s role in nation building. United Nations Human Development Report 2015: Work for Human Development. New  York: 40. http://hdr.undp.org/sites/default/ files/2015_human_development_report_1.pdf

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Goldin, C. (1995). The U-shaped female labor force function in economic development and economic history. In T. P. Shultz (Ed.), Investment in women’s human capital and economic development (pp.  61–90). University of Chicago Press. Hallward-Driemeier, M. (2013). Enterprising women: Expanding economic opportunities in Africa. Africa Development Forum. Washington, DC: Agence Française de Développement and the World Bank. © World Bank. https:// openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/13785License: CC BY 3.0 IGO Howard, P. Z. (2013). Economic empowerment and political participation: The political impact of microfinance in Senegal. Dissertation for the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences, Columbia University. IDEA. (2021). Women’s political participation: African barometer 2021. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA). https://www.idea.int/sites/default/files/publications/womens-­ political-­participation-­africa-­barometer-­2021.pdf IMF. (2018). Pursuing women’s economic empowerment. IMF. Retrieved August 31, 2022, from https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/Policy-­Papers/ Issues/2018/05/31/pp053118pursuing-­womens-­economic-­empowerment International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance. (n.d.). Gender quotas database. https://www.idea.int/data-­tools/data/gender-­quotas/ country-­view/61/35 Inter-Parliamentary Union and United Nations Women. (2021). Women in politics: 2021. https://www.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/Headquarters/ At t a c h m e n t s / Se c t i o n s / L i b r a r y / Pu b l i c a t i o n s / 2 0 2 1 / Wo m e n -­i n -­ politics-­2021-­en.pdf IPU Parline. (2020). Global and regional averages of women in national parliaments. https://data.ipu.org/women-­averages?month=5&year=2020&op=Sh ow+averages&form_build_id=form-­9pPlNQS4sy2LRwkG7UhUricVDBub FmC4U92mnL8nrBU&form_id=ipu__women_averages_filter_form IPU Parline. (2022). Global and regional averages of women in national parliaments. https://data.ipu.org/women-­averages?month=5&year=2022 Jalbert, S.  E. (2000). Economic empowerment for women: An evaluation of the advocacy activities of the National Association of Business Women (NABW). Center for International Private Enterprise. Karl, Marilee (1995). Women and Empowerment: Participation and Decision Making. London, England: Zed Books Ltd.

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Kabeer, N. (2005). Is microfinance a “magic bullet” for women’s’ empowerment? Analysis of findings from South Asia. Economic and Political Weekly, 40(44/45), 4709–4718. Kasomo, D. (2012). Factors affecting women participation in electoral politics in Africa. International Journal of Psychology and Behavioral Sciences, 2, 57–63. https://doi.org/10.5923/j.ijpbs.20120203.01 Kelly, Annie. (2019). Accra’s female market traders blaze a trail on childcare. Progress of the World’s Women 2019-2020: Families in a Changing World. UN Women. 137–139. https://www.unwomen.org/-­/media/headquarters/ attachments/sections/library/publications/2019/progress-­of-­the-­worlds-­ women-­2019-­2020-­en.pdf?la=en&vs=3512 King, E., & Mason, A. (2001). Engendering development through gender equality in rights, resources, and voice. World Bank Policy Report. Washington, DC: The World Bank. 1. http://www-­wds.worldbank.org/ external/default/WDSContentServer/IW3P/IB/2001/03/01/00009494 6_01020805393496/Rendered/PDF/multi_page.pdf Klaa, C. (2020). Role of African women in development and economic life: Reality and challenges. International Journal of Inspiration & Resilience Economy, 4(1), 1–9. Klugman, J., & Tyson, L. (2016). Leave no one behind: A call to action for gender equality and women’s economic empowerment. Secretary General’s High-Level Panel on Women’s Economic Empowerment. Manda, D. K., & Mwakubo, S. (2013). Gender and economic development in Africa: An overview. Journal of African Economics, 23(Supplement 1), i4–i17. Mensah, J., & Antoh, E. F. (2005). Reflections on Indigenous women’s organisations in Sub-Saharan Africa: A comparative study in Brong Ahafo Region, Ghana. Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography, 26(1), 82–101. Meyer, N. (2009). An investigation into the determinants of women entrepreneurship. Master in Business Administration, Mini-dissertation. North-West University, Potchefstroom. Mlambo, C., & Kapingura, F. (2019). Factors influencing women political participation: The case of the SADC region. Cogent Social Sciences, 5, 1. https:// doi.org/10.1080/23311886.2019.1681048 Norville, V. (2011). The role of women in global security. United States Institute for Peace. https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/SR264-­The_role_of_ Women_in_Global_Security.pdf

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Nxopo, Z. (2014). The role of government in empowering female entrepreneurs in the Western Cape, South Africa. Master of Technology: Business Administration (Entrepreneurship). Cape Peninsula University of Technology, Cape Town, South Africa. O’Neill, M. (2016). In Ghana, women and ‘market queens’ dominate the economy.” Vice. https://www.vice.com/en_us/article/bjggyd/ in-­ghana-­women-­and-­market-­queens-­dominate-­the-­economy OECD. (2008). Gender and sustainable development: Maximizing the economic, social and environmental role of women. In: A Report to the United Nations Commission on Sustainable Development (UNCSD). OECD/SWAC. (2019). Women and trade networks in West Africa. West African Studies. OECD Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1787/7d67b61d-­en Owusu, G., & Lund, R. (2004). Markets and women’s trade: Exploring their role in district development in Ghana. Norsk Geografisk Tidsskrift - Norwegian Journal of Geography, 58(3), 113–124. https://doi. org/10.1080/00291950410002313 Owusu, G., Quartey, P., & Bawakyillenuo, S. (2014). Are Ghana’s women more entrepreneurial than its men?” Brookings Institute. https://www. brookings.edu/blog/africa-­in-­focus/2014/08/19/are-­ghanas-­women-­more-­ entrepreneurial-­than-­its-­men/ Phillips, M., Moos, M., & Nieman, G. (2014). The impact of government support initiatives on the growth of female businesses in Tshwane South Africa. Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences, 5(15), 85–92. Princess, H., Agwu, E., Ohaegbu, A. V., & Agumadu, M. (2018, February 12). Strategic implications of glass ceiling on the professional leadership of career women development in the West African Sub-Region. SSRN: https://ssrn. com/abstract=3122437 or https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3122437 Revenga, A., & Shetty, S. (2012). Empowering women is smart economics. Finance & Development, 49(1), 40–43. Singh, R. (2012). Women entrepreneurship issues, challenges, and empowerment through self help groups: An overview of Himachal Pradesh. International Journal of Democratic and Development Studies, 1(1), 45–58. Solomon, G., & Memar, A. (2014). The millennium development goals and the status of gender disparity in Ethiopia: Achievements and challenges. American Academic Scientific Research Journal for Engineering, Technology, and Sciences (ASRJETS), 8(1), 56–78. Soni, S., & Rivera, J. D. (2018). The impact of microfinance programs on political participation: A study of rural Indian women. In A. E. Nickles & J. D. Rivera

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(Eds.), Community development and public administration theory: Promoting democratic principles to improve communities (pp. 149–167). Routledge. Stevens, C. (2010). Are women the key to sustainable development? Boston University Library. Retrieved August 31, 2022, from https://www.bu.edu/ pardee/files/2010/04/UNsdkp003fsingle.pdf Tagoe, M., & Abakah, E. (2015). Issues of women’s political participation and decision-making in local governance: Perspectives from the Central Region of Ghana. International Journal of Public Administration, 38(5), 371–380. https://doi.org/10.1080/01900692.2014.938822 Ugbe, S.  T. (2020). Women’s political representation: A review of frameworks and quotas in West Africa. Centre for Democracy and Development. https://www.africaportal.org/publications/womens-­political-­representation-­ review-­frameworks-­and-­quotas-­west-­africa/ United Nations. (2000). Challenges to the Year 2000. United Nations.World Survey on the Role of Women in Development; 2019. Produced by the Research and Data Section of UN Women. United Nations. (2009). World survey on the role of women in development: Women’s control over economic resources and access to financial resources, including microfinance. United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs. United Nations. (2014). World survey on the role of women in development. Gender equity and sustainable development. UN women: United Nations entity for gender equity and the empowerment of women. United Nations. 2020. Why addressing women’s income and time poverty matters for sustainable development. World Survey on the Role of Women in Development; 2019. Produced by the Research and Data Section of UN Women. United Nations. (2022). https://sdgs.un.org/goals United Nations Women. (n.d.). Women’s leadership and political participation. https://www.unwomen.org/en/what-­we-­do/leadership-­and-­political-­ participation Valla, S. (2001). Barriers facing female entrepreneurs: A study in the Gauteng Province, South Africa. MBA Thesis. University of Wales. https://core.ac.uk/ download/18219432.pdf Verme, P. (2015). Economic development and female labor participation in the Middle East and North Africa: A test of the U-shape Hypothesis. IZA Journal of Labor & Development, 4(1), 1–21. Woldemichael, A. (2020, January 23). Closing the gender gap in African labor markets is good economics. Brookings. Retrieved May 5, 2022, from

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Part I The Role of Women in Social Development in West Africa

2 I’ll Find a Way or Make a Way: A Case Study of BASICS International’s Social Community Development Work in Ghana, West Africa Felicia Tuggle

Conceptualizing Social Development The origins of a developmental approach to social work and social welfare can be traced back to colonial times when social workers in West Africa first identified forms of social work practice that were compatible with economic development efforts (Midgley, 1995). Although women have always participated prominently in social development projects and programs, their contributions were previously taken for granted and even ignored (Midgley, 2014, p. 85). Scholars working in different fields define social development differently. Pawar (2014) groups the varying definitions of social development into three categories. The first category of definitions focuses on systemic planning and linking social and economic

F. Tuggle (*) Department of Sociology, Anthropology & Social Work, Auburn University, Auburn, AL, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 K. A. Krawczyk, B. A. King (eds.), Women’s Contributions to Development in West Africa, Globalization, Urbanization and Development in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8190-6_2

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development. The second category focuses on structural change, and the third category focuses on realizing human potential, needs, and quality of life. This chapter focuses on the third category and defines social development as “a process of planned social change designed to promote the well-being of a population as a whole within the context of a dynamic and multifaceted development process” (Midgley, 2014 p. 13). This definition embodies the goal of social development, which is to promote the well-being or quality of life of people. To achieve this goal, social development practice harmonizes the economic, social, and other dimensions of the development process. Social development also stresses the importance of social investments and fosters people’s participation in projects and programs. Social development is a participatory and empowering process guided by five core values: (1) respect for people and belief in their capacity to grow and develop, (2) holistic understanding of human existence, (3) acceptance of social and cultural pluralism and incorporation of the centrality of people’s culture and values, (4) acknowledging the importance of ecological issues and people’s link with nature and their environment, and (5) acknowledging their social relations are based on the right and obligation to participate, equality of opportunity, and the right of all to social justice (Pawar, 2014). Social development practice can be implemented through projects, programs, policies, and/or plans and can take place at the international, national, regional, and local levels. This chapter focuses on local-level social development (frequently referred to as social community development) and uses the case of Brothers and Sisters in Christ (BASICS) International, a woman-led, community-based NGO located in Ghana, West Africa, to elucidate knowledge on how this organization is contributing to social community development. This case study explores the organizational processes, investment strategies, challenges, and outcomes that have led to the organization’s twenty years of successful and sustained social community development.

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Social Development Practice As previously stated, social development practice can be implemented through projects, programs, policies, and/or plans and can take place at the international, national, regional, and local levels. Projects tend to be small-scale and time-limited, while programs tend to be longer term and focused on specific demographics and geographic locations. Policies are prescriptive guidelines that define and govern the implementation of projects and programs. Plans outline and guide the implementation and timeframe for a course of action. Social development practice is important because it links social, economic, and other activities, stresses the role of social investments, and enhances people’s participation in development (Midgley, 2014). In his book Social Development: Theory and Practice (2014), Midgley outlines seven social development practice interventions/strategies that contribute to the ultimate goal of enhancing people’s well-being by harmonizing the economic, social, and other dimensions of development. His seven strategies are summarized below. 1. Investments in Human Capital: Human capital strategies promote investments in skills and knowledge through education including schools, universities, literacy training, quality childcare as well as health and nutritional programs. Human capital is a form of social investment that provides tangible returns in the form of higher incomes and standards of living. Human capital strategies primarily focus on capacity building of individuals and fostering self-reliance. 2. Investments in Social Capital: Social capital investments focus on people’s participation in community activities, as well as the accumulation of community-owned assets such as schools, clinics, roads, and water supplies. Social capital and community development investments are based on the principle that promoting people’s participation in social and economic projects at the community level comprises an investment strategy that fosters social development. These investments value the importance of social relationships rather than individual experience in community life. Social capital investments work to link community and social development for the purpose of

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strengthening community networks and increasing cooperation and contribution. A central theme in social capital investments is the promotion of inclusive and equitable democratic participation and strengthening civil society in all its various aspects. Investments in social capital advance local institution-building and support for people’s organizations. 3. Investments in Employment and Decent Work: Employment and decent work investments combine different social investment interventions to promote remunerative, satisfying, and productive employment. From a developmental approach, investments in employment and decent work advance policies and practices that support work in the informal sector (as opposed to criminalizing and creating barriers). Decent work and employment strategies also focus on ensuring those employed in the formal sector are paid livable wages, that workers’ rights are upheld, that women receive remuneration for employment, and that child labor is eradicated. In social development practice these efforts have translated to support and advocacy for small businesses, creating cooperatives, and implementing food and/or cash-for-work programs. Investments in employment and decent work foster self-reliance. 4. Investments in Microenterprises and Microfinance: Microenterprise draws on microfinance to invest in small enterprises among poor people, which range from cooperative business ventures by women to individually owned enterprises. Microenterprises are small businesses operated by poor people, but unlike other small businesses, they are supported by sponsoring organizations. By providing start-up funds and technical support, microenterprise is a form of social investment which provides an opportunity for poor people to participate in development. A major catalyst for the expansion of microenterprise and microfinance came from the nonprofit sector, which was critical of government development practices. Microenterprises typically engage in small-scale vending, services, repair, and manufacturing activities. The loans provided for microenterprise investments are known as “microcredit” or “microfinance” and sometimes as “microlending.” The development literature evaluating microfinance and microenterprise generally suggests that the promotion of small businesses among

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poor people is an effective anti-poverty strategy (Hulme & Mosley, 1996; Johnson & Rogaly, 1997; Remenyi, 2000). 5. Investments in Asset Building: The asset approach mobilizes investments in financial assets through savings programs and promotes the acquisition and management of community and nationally held assets. An asset is a resource with economic value owned or controlled by an individual, family, community, organization, or nation with the expectation that it will provide future benefit. The construction of locally owned schools, clinics, roads, bridges, wells, and other facilities through community development programs and the management of common natural resources such as forests, lakes, and grazing lands are examples of asset-building programs that promote the collective ownership of wealth. Investments in asset building promote the provision of adequate resources and services accessible to all and harmonize the economic and social dimensions of development. 6. Investments in Social Protections: In addition to playing a major role in poverty alleviation, social protection is also regarded as a social development strategy/intervention because it links economic and social policies, enhances participation, and functions as a social investment. Social protections transcend conventional social security programs by incorporating a variety of measures to protect the livelihood of families while investing in their well-being. Investments in social protections create an enabling environment within which all people can develop. 7. Investments in Social Planning: Social planning mobilizes a wide range of social development activities to meet goals. It can be undertaken at the international, national, regional, or local level by linking government and non-governmental initiatives to promote a coherent and integrated approach to social development. Midgley (2014) states that social planning is an important role in identifying and prioritizing social needs and directing resources toward the most disadvantaged groups within the framework of comprehensive interventions. At the local level, social planning can support the production of community studies and reports that assess community conditions and assets, strategize on community interventions, and promote larger system

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responses. Investments in social planning promote opportunities for proactive and participatory planning.

 ommunity Development as a Social C Development Investment Strategy Social development and community development are closely connected, but they are not synonymous (Hugman, 2016). Their relationship is best understood by regarding social development as an overarching framework that brings together a range of practices (investments), while community development is one of the practices that forms part of the social development perspective (Elliott, 1993). Community development is defined as a participatory people-centered process that involves bringing together, mobilizing, or organizing people, keeping them together and enabling them to work together to address their needs and issues and thus to facilitate their own, their communities’, and societies’ comprehensive development as per the social development approach. (Pawar, 2010)

Community development promotes participative democracy, sustainable development, rights, economic opportunity, equality, and social justice, through the organization, education, and empowerment of people within their communities, whether these be of locality, identity, or interest, in urban and rural settings (International Association of Community Development, 2016). There are different approaches and methods to community development. A community development approach refers to how and for whom development programs are planned, implemented, and managed. Community development methods include the specific technique or strategy used in implementing a certain intervention for the community (Luna, 1999). Community development approaches include participatory approach, asset-based approach, community-based approach, area-based approach, community economic development, welfare approach, spiritual-­ psychosocial approach, and rights-based approach (Quimbo et al., 2018). The participatory approach is when community members actively and

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collaboratively work together, cooperate, and participate in the attainment of a common goal with a focus on increasing the knowledge and means to decide their own priorities, improve their capacities, address their own problems and needs, and achieve their own fulfillment and meaning. The community-based approach is when a development program/ project is conducted and managed within a targeted local community and the area-based approach has a wider scope of jurisdiction (i.e., region, district, county). The welfare approach focuses on addressing immediate individual, community, or group needs of marginalized populations. The spiritual-psychosocial approach is permeated with religiosity toward value formation, personal development, and social commitment and the rightsbased approach supports the basic and primary rights of human individuals based on their developmental life stage (early childhood, adolescence, early adulthood, adulthood, and late adulthood). Community development methods include community research, community education, community organizing, community mobilization and advocacy, and community planning (Quimbo et al., 2018). Community research methods entail collecting data and conducting needs assessments and situational analysis. Community education methods ensure that people become more aware and therefore more critical of their situation so that they realize that they can play a role in changing their situation. Community organizing methods bring people together to act for their common self-interest in the pursuit of a common agenda or collective goal. Community planning methods include plan formulation, plan implementation, and monitoring and evaluation anchored on the principles of responsiveness, participation, flexibility, feasibility, and coordination among target beneficiaries. Regardless of the approach or method utilized, social development and community development require that practitioners can work with people and assist others to achieve change in their own understanding and actions (Burghardt, 2014). At its core, community development practice focuses on the local level of individual, family, and community sectors of society and often focuses on issues or needs that relate to health, education, employment and income generation, and infrastructure. Community development inevitably enhances capacities among individuals, families, communities, and local organizations; strengthens social capital; and begins the important process of building civil society. The importance of community bonds and the foundations of civil society are crucial to both

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the local level and ultimately the society as a whole, and it is through local-level community development essentially that these two characteristics of a healthy society are built and strengthened (Pawar, 2014). Nonprofits and non-governmental organizations play a critical role in community development practice and as such function as important social and community development agents.

 on-governmental Organizations (NGOs) N as Agents for Social Community Development Although NGO development practices have not always been considered to be social community development interventions, their activities are usually based in the community and are aimed at improving people’s lives (Kang, 2010). NGOs are a force in civil society for alleviating poverty and promoting social change and development in Sub-Saharan Africa (Burger & Owens, 2013; Lewis & Kanji, 2009). NGOs offer integrated approaches that address multiple domains affecting quality of life (Lombard et al., 2012) and play prominent roles in providing direct services to people in need, policy advocacy, governance, environmental activism, and advocating for human rights (Brass, 2012; Lewis & Kanji, 2009). Several terms are used to indicate the level at which NGOs work. Local-level NGOs are referred to as grassroots organizations (GROs) or community-based organizations (CBOs) (Kang, 2010). NGOs represent the interests of many constituencies, particularly vulnerable and marginalized populations (Kamat, 2004). Many NGOs provide basic services to people, which local governments may not have the capacity to provide. NGOs are often regarded as being more cost-effective in development than governments, which often have trouble with corruption and ineffective administration (Makoba, 2002). NGOs are widely regarded as empowering people because they support local citizens who are initiating the development process from the bottom up, as well as related participatory approaches (Kang, 2010). The bottom-up approach to development centralizes the material resources local people already have and promotes a respect for culture,

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knowledge, and views while encouraging local collective action to identify the issues local people think are most important (Makoba, 2002). This grassroots approach engages members of the community to participate in assessing need, and in developing and implementing change strategies to enhance the well-being of their community (Gamble & Weil, 2013). Participatory development with community members is the key strategy for bottom-up development (Grant, 2001; Makoba, 2002) and a key feature of social development practice. The capacity-building efforts of bottom-up development focus on longer-term community development aimed to increase organizational capacity so that the NGO can sustain community development interventions (Sahley, 1995). The people-­centered relationships built through participatory (community) development allow local-level NGOs to be responsive and flexible to community voice and to integrate community voice into creative, innovative, and experiential policies and programs (Makoba, 2002). This empowers community members and gives them more control over local and national decision-making and resources. Because community participation and networks are essential for social and community development, NGOs led by women are well-positioned to use their influence and proximity to disadvantaged and oppressed communities and their own marginalized identities as women, to harness development. Despite the bodies of literature highlighting the strengths of NGOs in contributing to community and social development, there is a dearth of scholarship highlighting the contributions of West African women to social and community development. As a result, little is known about the investment strategies, successes and challenges, and outcomes West African women play in facilitating social and community development. The next section of this chapter uses the case of Brothers and Sisters in Christ (BASICS) International, a woman-led, community-based organization (CBO) located in Accra, Ghana, to elucidate knowledge on the approach one female-led CBO has used to foster social and community development in one of the poorest communities in Accra. The purpose of this case study is to explore the investment strategies, challenges, and outcomes that have led to the organization’s twenty years of successful and sustained social community development.

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Research Questions The case study was guided by the three research questions: 1. What investment strategies have been implemented by BASICS International to enhance people’s well-being? 2. What processes has BASICS International used to ensure development activities were participatory and empowering? 3. What challenges and outcomes have manifested as a result of the processes and investment strategies undertaken?

Methodology for Data Collection and Analysis Purposive sampling was used to allow for an in-depth focus on one woman’s contribution to social and community development through her CBO. Data collection consisted of two oral interviews with one primary source, conducted via Zoom over a period of three months. Semi-­ structured interview questions were developed prior to each interview and used to guide the two interviews. Interviews were recorded with the consent of the primary source. A priori coding was used to align the organization’s projects and programs with social and community development strategies. Nvivo coding was used to allow other codes and phenomena to develop. An approved IRB protocol was obtained for this study.

Case History Ms. Pat Wilkins states that BASICS International was informally created in 2000, when she arrived in Ghana to volunteer for six months, and became a formal legal entity in 2002. Upon arriving in Accra, the capital of Ghana, she witnessed the lack of education and resources that many children experienced and knew this was where she would fulfill her calling. Prior to her arrival in Ghana in December 2000, Ms. Wilkins

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thought that children in Ghana were able to access free primary education and that English was taught in schools. During her visit in 2000, she observed a young female child about twelve years of age not in school walking around carrying wood on her head. Ms. Wilkins followed the young female child to her home in the Chorkor community of Accra to inquire about why she was not in school. In the days that followed she discovered that the child had been sent from a village to provide domestic help. When asked about what she learned from this experience, Ms. Wilkins shared, I learned that there were lots of other children in the Chorkor community just like this young child.

It was in Chorkor that she became aware of the prevalence of young children not attending school due to poverty and the inability of their families to pay school fees. While universal primary education is touted as “free” in Ghana, it comes with fees for uniforms, books, and supplies that many families cannot afford, and that effectively prohibits children from attending school. In the formative years of the organization, to help alleviate this issue, BASICS was a simple school sponsorship program, sustained by Pat who organized financial sponsorships for students through family and friends back home in the USA that covered the costs associated with attending school: purchasing uniforms, books, and school lunch. Although development is often described as a process of planned change, Pat made it clear that she never planned for the organization to become what it is today when she stated: I sent out an email to friends and family asking for assistance to sponsor a sibling group of four and received one hundred responses. From the one hundred responses I received, I decided to sponsor one hundred more children and that is how BASICS was formed. It was never intended to be a formal organization but while I was in the U.S.A after 9/11, I made it a legal entity in the states and when I returned to Ghana I made it a legal entity in Ghana.

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As BASICS evolved as an organization, it became clear to Pat that simply providing financial support for the children wasn’t enough to keep them in school. A child needed tutoring to compensate for the over-­ crowded and under-resourced education system in Ghana, and a place to do their homework. Children needed nurturing, support, and a full stomach to learn. Pat saw she needed to move from quantity to quality. She learned that each village had its own story and its own challenges, and she decided that BASICS would need to become entrenched in a community to be a part of change. These realities align with the core values of development: respect for people and belief in their capacity for growth, centrality of culture, and right to social justice. These themes were evident when Pat said, I’m proud to say that our organizational values have not changed much over time. Our mission was guided by a value to just put kids in school and give them something that was their human right and something they were supposed to be doing, attending school. Putting and keeping kids in schools continues to be our primary goal, but how we do it has evolved over time as we have learned more about the community and environment our kids come from, and how we can best serve them. Chorkor does not have a public school of its own. There are cycles of illiteracy in the community. It’s very hard for an uneducated person to educate others, and it’s very hard for an unempowered person to empower a person, so those cycles continue if there is no support coming in. I choose to work in Chorkor because it was a community that needed help and support.

The Community of Chorkor The community of Chorkor, Ghana, is located on the edge of Accra, directly adjacent to the sea. The community was once built to provide a haven for government workers in the early twentieth century after an earthquake destroyed their homes; however, the bungalows meant to house the government workers were eventually abandoned, and the people fishing off the coast moved into the homes and gradually added to them. The strong cultural heritage, the emphasis on family, and the potential for great wealth as a fishing hub continue today. Chorkor is

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now an overpopulated community, located in one of the poorest areas in the city. As a dangerously overpopulated area, Chorkor lacks basic infrastructure such as toilets, bath houses, drains, and paved roads. Houses are generally made of brick, mud, and plywood. Surrounded by the Atlantic Ocean, fishing, fish mongering, and fish smoking are the primary occupations of this community. The area is stricken with communicable diseases and other illnesses related to unhygienic practices. The lack of proper sewage systems and drains causes wastewater to run from home to home as children defecate along drains in the community. Additionally, most trash ends up on the beach and ocean, which is then later pulled back ashore by fishing nets. In impoverished communities such as Chorkor, many children are deprived of their right to an education due to limited opportunities, and poor choices made on their behalf. Children are often found working in the local market or fishing at the seaside. It is common, and expected, for girls as young as twelve years old to be self-supporting and independent from their parents. Most obtain independence by becoming mothers themselves, while others enter the commercial sex trade. Teenage pregnancy is very common in Chorkor, resulting in large number of school-­ aged children roaming the community. In the community of Chorkor, education is a low priority, and many social and cultural practices perpetuate cycle of poverty in this community and communities like it. Despite these numerous challenges, the strong and positive connection and recognition of interdependence among community members make community engagement and mobilization practical. Since transitioning from a sponsorship-only program in the formative years of the organization, BASICS International has evolved into a community-based youth and family development center.

Findings from the Case of BASICS International R1 What investment strategies have been implemented to enhance people’s well-being?

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Over the twenty years that BASICS International has existed, several social and community development investment strategies have been used to enhance youth and family well-being. It is important to note that most of the employed strategies were not formally planned but emerged out of a need to respond to existing individual, family, community, and organizational needs. Core investments have focused on building human capital, social capital, and promoting decent work and employment through microenterprise. Investments in assets, social protection, and social planning exist but are less established. BASICS’ investments in human capital focus on the acquisition of knowledge and skills through formal education, afterschool programming, health and hygiene programming, and nutrition programs and services. Each of these is discussed in turn below.

Investments in Human and Social Capital BASICS currently has three programs that illustrate their commitment to investments in human and social capital. The Back2School Program is the BASICS inaugural school sponsorship program that allows sponsors to give an annual donation to a single child which covers their school fees, uniforms, shoes, books, and other supplies. Break the Cycle is a compulsory tutoring and mentoring program provided to every child that is sponsored, and that immerses them in a wide range of innovative and culturally responsive activities to nurture their creativity and problem-­ solving skills, and to expand the limited content available from the national curriculum. Break the Cycle also includes a feeding program that provides hot nutritional meals year-round, including when school is out of session. Participants also receive education on food protection, which has decreased the cases of cholera and other bacterial diseases in the community. On My Way is a program that provides social and academic remediation for children and adolescents who have been out of school for extended periods of time to aid them in successfully reintegrating into formal education. The aforementioned investments in human capital are important because they facilitate future participation in the workforce, which can improve standards of living. As such, investments in human capital

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advance social capital and community development by promoting people’s participation in community life to enhance well-being, livelihood, and economics. As youth and families are afforded opportunities to increase participation in community life, social bonds and networks are established and strengthened, and used to mobilize participation for community development and action. Pat shared: Providing access to education is itself an investment in human capital but the biggest issue is school retention. Addressing school retention means fighting child labor, equipping kids with the academic and social supports to be successful in school, educating parents on the importance of their child having a quality education, making sure kids have breakfast before school and money to afford lunch at school. Back2School, Break the Cycle, and On My Way are all programs that invest in the potential of our youth and fill in the gaps of the education system in Ghana.

Investments in Promoting Decent Work and Employment Through Micro Social Enterprises Microenterprises are small businesses supported by a sponsoring agency that provide opportunities for low-income people to participate in development. The #IAMHEDZOLE program is a micro social enterprise program that is sponsored by BASICS International. The business empowers women socially, economically, and emotionally by helping them to become self-sufficient through apprenticeships. The social enterprise trains women how to sew, stitch, and quilt which allows them to earn a consistent income and improve their well-being and quality of life. The apprenticeship and trade skill program is uniquely designed for youth and young adults who are either unable or uninterested in participating in formal education, so that they can generate income and be self-­ sustainable financially. Another social enterprise example is the ReRun thrift store also operated under the sponsorship of BASICS International. The thrift store sells gently used clothing and household items and provides workforce and career development skills. The ReRun store could also be considered an investment in asset building given its prominence as a community resource. Ms. Wilkins explains,

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These programs create income streams for our participants while offering skill development and entrepreneurship. The program (#IAMHEDZOLE) developed in response to our attempt to continue serving former students who had aged out (completed secondary or junior high school). Hedzole is a Ga word that means freedom. We chose this word because we wanted participants of this program to have economic freedom by creating and selling the products they have made. Seventy percent of the profit of every item sold goes back to the women. The other thirty percent goes back into BASICS and helps to fund the feeding/nutrition program The ReRun store developed to generate revenue for BASICS International while also creating employment and volunteer opportunities. Our social enterprise programs are self-sustaining and have made positive impacts for our former students.

Investments in Social Protection The Increasing Girls’ Assets Program (IGAP) is a residential housing program for vulnerable and at-risk adolescent girls. Although this program does not involve income transfers common to national-level social protection programs, IGAP is a community-level social assistance program concerned with prevention and alleviation of poverty. Program participants are required to attend school in exchange for housing and meals provided by BASICS. The program improves livelihoods and participant well-being. While this program has traditionally focused on the girl child, the theme of gender equity and parity emerged when discussing investments in social protection with Ms. Wilkins: We’ve been told that if you educate the girl child you educate a nation. To be honest, I’m no longer happy with just saying increasing girls access because for so long we have been so focused on educating the girl child that we have f­ orgotten the boy child. If we are talking about educating girls so that they can be empowered but they are still being mothers and wives, who are they being mothers and wives to if the men they marry and have children with are not empowered, or do not have jobs, or know how to be good husbands? I really want to shift name of this program from Increasing Girls Assets Program and making it the Increasing Child Assets Program. We need to be protecting the girl child and boy child.

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Investments in Social Planning The BASICS Youth Ambassadors (BYA) Program and Community Outreach Program are both used for community mobilization and education around high priority issues such as sanitation and land ownership. BYA develops youth advocacy skills and facilitates civic engagement and investment. The Community Outreach Program engages diverse community constituencies and conducts community campaigns to educate and advocate on community conditions and engage in social action to ensure resources and responses address identified conditions and issues. These programs have led to the creation of a community recycling center where community members can purchase food, housewares, and supplies with the credits earned for collecting recyclable materials. Pat expounds on the uniqueness of this program: Outside of BYA and our PTA meetings, nobody is talking about these things. We teach our kids that they deserve and have a right to live in a safe and clean community. We teach them to value their community. We also teach them about gentrification of seaside communities and tell them to talk to their parents about not selling their land. Nobody really talks about these issues; the politicians don’t talk about it and government is not sending anyone in to improve things like sanitation. If our students and parents don’t see the value in their own community, they are not going to take care if it and if someone comes in to buy or take it they won’t put up a fight for what belongs to them. This is why it is so important for us to develop the advocacy and civic engagement skills in our students and parents so that they have the agency to speak up about issues that directly affect them.

Table 2.1 provides an overview of BASICS investment strategies, approaches, and methods. R2 What processes has BASICS International used to ensure development activities are participatory and empowering?

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Table 2.1  Overview of BASICS International investment strategies, approaches, and methods Program interventions Back2School

On My Way

Break the Cycle

Description of program

Investment strategy (approach and method)

Investment in human and School sponsorship program social capital (approach= where sponsors make annual donation to a single child participatory, community-­ which covers their school based, welfare, fees, uniforms, shoes, books, rights-­ and other supplies. based method=education) Investment in human and Social and academic social capital (approach = remediation program that community-based, welfare, prepares children and rights-based method = adolescents who have been education) out of school for extended periods of time to successfully reintegrate into formal education. Investment in human and Provides mandatory tutoring social capital (approach = and mentoring after school community-based, welfare, to every child that is method = education) sponsored and immerses them in a wide range of innovative and culturally responsive activities to nurture their creativity and problem-solving skills, and to expand the limited content from national curriculum. This program also includes a feeding program that provides hot nutritional meals year-round including when school is out of session. Participants also receive education on food protection, which has decreased the cases of cholera and other bacterial diseases in the community. (continued)

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Table 2.1 (continued) Program interventions

Description of program

Investment strategy (approach and method)

Investment in human and Residential housing Increasing Girl social capital and informal Assets Program programming for vulnerable social protections and at-risk adolescent girls. It (IGAP) addresses the decline of (approach = community-­ females accessing school or based, welfare, rights-­ reaching high school by based method = providing mentorship, education) life-skills, access to education, personal resources, and choices for the GIRL child. This program empowers and equips adolescent females to become self-sufficient. #IAMHEDZOLE Social enterprise program that Investment in human and social capital, employment provides apprenticeships and and decent work, and trade skills to youth and microenterprise (approach young adults who are unable = participatory, or interested in participating community-based, in formal education so that rights-based method = they can generate income education) and be self-sustainable. The program trains women how to sew, stitch, quilt, and screen print which allows them to earn a consistent income. ReRun A social enterprise thrift store Investment in social capital, employment and decent run under the umbrella of work, microenterprise, and BASICS International. asset building (approach = Provides organization with a sustainable revenue. participatory, community-­ based, rights-­ based method = education) Investment in human and BASICS Youth Civic education program that social capital (approach = Ambassadors develops youth advocacy skills. participatory, community-­ based, rights-­ based method = education, organizing, and planning) (continued)

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Table 2.1 (continued) Program interventions Community Outreach Program

Description of program Provides civic education, awareness, and community mobilization around high priority issues such as sanitation and community health. Also operates a community recycling program.

Investment strategy (approach and method) Investment in human and social capital (approach = participatory, community-­ based, rights-­ based method = education, organizing, and planning)

Under Pat Wilkins’ leadership, BASICS International has been consistently present in the Chorkor community for over twenty years. This has provided the organization an opportunity to become a part of the community. The organization has built social capital with formal and informal leaders in the community and leveraged these relationships to develop programming and resources built on community strengths and needs. To demonstrate value, respect, and inclusion of community expertise, knowledge, and culture, BASICS hires staff from the Chorkor community and provides ongoing professional development training for staff. Hiring staff from within the community has enabled the organization to assess and identify community assets, needs, power, and gaps in service and collaborate with community members to implement appropriate and responsive interventions that are participatory and empowering. Pat expands, To be participatory we invest in both boys and girls and empower them through education. I believe that educating a child is the most empowering thing we can do for them. We also empower them through civic education. We value our students’ voice and we give them opportunities to share input about our programs. We have this thing called Say It Loud and it’s all about giving our children an opportunity to express themselves. Whether it is say it loud in the circle or say it loud in the community, we teach our kids how to respectfully communicate and engage with parents, peers, and program staff. Our kids understand that they have a civic responsibility to participate and be involved.

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R3 What challenges and outcomes have manifested because of the processes and investment strategies undertaken?

Challenges Pat relates that some of the major challenges the organization has experienced include working with a community with limited education and perceived agency to engage in social and economic development: After years of living in deplorable conditions, and hearing their community described as dirty, impoverished, and undesirable, some community members have internalized these comments and do not see worth or value in themselves or their community.

These negative and apathetic attitudes manifest in risky behaviors that contribute to high rates of teen pregnancy, community violence, and community disengagement, which perpetuate and compound existing issues and problems within the Chorkor community. Another challenge has been working collaboratively with government to advance social development at the local and national levels. Issues like government waste, bureaucracy, funding limitations and restrictions, and lack of written social plans have constrained the organization’s motivation to work collaboratively with government: We don’t really have any mutually beneficial relationships with government. Occasionally we have interactions and work with staff from social protection if there is an issue going on in the community but nothing collaborative or ongoing. Government has not done much to address community issues like sanitation and education, but we have also taught our students that they can’t wait on government to do things for you.

A third challenge has been changes in the funding landscape and funding needs over time. In the early years of the organization, most of the budget comprised individual donor funding. As the organization has grown in scope, size, and services, the need for diversified funding

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emerged. Balancing funding needs and the realities that come with reliance on outside funding (such as less flexibility and responsiveness) has proved challenging but has also led the organization to adopt social enterprise approaches that create sustainable income streams. Pat explains, As donations from individual donors has ebbed and flowed, we have realized that we need to start writing grants and applying for multi-year funding. The same philosophy that I used as to why I initially didn’t go for grants, like if a got a million-dollar grant and then I depend on that grant but don’t get it again that’s not sustainable. I thought that if I got a $100 donation from one individual, but they could no longer give a $100 it would be easier to find another donor to replace the $100. That’s changing now and it’s also tiring. We are at twenty years now and while relying solely on individual donations might be necessary for a young NGO that is just starting, we have evolved, and we really need more diversified funding. We need multi-year grant funding but we also need multiples sources of sustainable revenue. This is one of the things our Board is working on now.

Outcomes As a result of the responsive capacity-building interventions and investments provided to children and families in Chorkor by BASICS International, over 500 school-age youth have been able to access formal education. Several alumni have continued their education by attending college and others are gainfully employed in the economy or are entrepreneurs. There is increased awareness of community needs and issues, and community engagement and outreach efforts have resulted in stronger community bonds. Many community members are now civically educated, motivated, and mobilized to help redress community needs. There are emerging values of self-reliance and personal responsibility. The community recently received a health clinic and almost all residents now have access to electricity. Sanitation in the community is an ongoing challenge, but environmental conditions are improving due to local community members taking an active role in working together to clean up the community. BASICS International has promoted the well-­being and

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quality of life of youth and families in Chorkor and empowered community members to realize and utilize their untapped power and potential. Collectively, the findings from this study show that women can be powerful forces for advancing social development through local-level community development. Although scholarly definitions of social and community development include a focus on “planned change,” this study suggests that women-led development may be more responsive and reactive to identified needs and less planned during the formative stages. Consistent with existing research on social community development, local-level investment strategies are largely focused on building human and social capital and promoting decent work and employment through microenterprise. Investments in assets, social protection, and social planning exist but are less prevalent. The approaches used by BASICS for community development have been well-integrated with development for community empowerment at the center of all investment strategies. Participatory, community-based, welfare-oriented, and spiritual-­ psychosocial approaches characterize how community development at BASICS International has been implemented and managed. Consistent with existing research, education is the most prevalent community development method employed at BASICS International. Results of a study on community education (Iqbal et  al., 2011) showed that community education strategies and processes to improve access to formal and non-­ formal knowledge and capacity building created greater learning opportunities for the community. Some of the more popular community education strategies utilized were awareness raising, training, and seminars. Although BASICS is managed and led by an ordinary woman, Pat Wilkins, who has not been formally trained in community development practice, the organization has been successful in advancing social and community development for over twenty years. As a community development organization, BASICS strengths include a bottom-up approach, participatory and people-centered sustainable development, service delivery, capacity building, responsiveness, and flexibility. Seldom does one locate a relatively comprehensive local-level development program addressing the neediest areas and peoples, and operating on an extensive basis (Pawar, 2014). It is indeed amazing what ordinary women can do when circumstances demand extraordinary action.

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Implications for Research, Policy, and Practice The findings of this study are helpful in identifying future directions for research, policy, and practice in the field of social community development. Future research should examine similarities and differences in women’s contributions to development in urban and rural settings. The social conditions, personal motivations, education, self-efficacy, and supports of women lead development should also be assessed. In the case of BASICS, it was an observed social condition combined with personal motivation, education, self-efficacy, and social and economic capital that let the organization’s founder, Pat Wilkins, to take action. Many women within and outside of their community observe community conditions and needs but we know little about the factors that lead some ordinary women to take on extraordinary challenges like social community development. Knowing more about factors and characteristics that encourage women to lead development efforts might be helpful in recruiting more women into the development sector and in building gender-based leadership and infrastructure. Future research might further examine the approaches and methods women use to facilitate social community development and the challenges and barriers to using research and planning approaches, given that these methods tend to be used less frequently.

Conclusion This chapter highlighted one ordinary woman’s extraordinary action and commitment to finding and making a way to improve the well-being and quality of life of youth and families in Chorkor, Accra, Ghana. The investment contributions her organization has made to social and community development, and the processes utilized to ensure development were participatory and empowering, and the challenges and outcomes that resulted have been discussed. While the case study presented in this chapter is not generalizable to all women-led community-based organizations engaged in social community development practice, this chapter provides useful contribution to the scant body of literature on women’s contributions to social development in West Africa.

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3 Women Traders at the Elmina Fishing Harbor: Harbingers of Ghana’s Social Development Doris A. Boateng

Introduction Informal markets are characteristic of developing economies (Williams & Lansky, 2013). They are mainly unregulated spaces where traders concentrate to sell to the general public. Trading activities are carried out either in the open or under stalls which are either partially or fully built. Due to the informal nature of such markets, they are a good avenue for generating income for many urban dwellers who can afford only the minimum capital for their trading activities, and who must exploit opportunities in the market and simply survive (King & Dovey, 2013; Vermaak, 2017). Benanav (2019) indicates that the informal sector comprises half to three-quarters of all non-agricultural employment in developing countries. Ghana is dotted with informal markets all over the country. From large, built market centers where all sorts of agricultural produce,

D. A. Boateng (*) Department of Social Work, University of Ghana, Legon, Accra, Ghana e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 K. A. Krawczyk, B. A. King (eds.), Women’s Contributions to Development in West Africa, Globalization, Urbanization and Development in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8190-6_3

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processed food, and groceries are sold to small strips of stalls and pavements, these markets are characterized by brisk activities—the hustle and bustle of people who call out to passers-by to advertise their wares in ways that will attract buyers. The Elmina Fishing Harbor, located in the Central Region of Ghana, is one such informal market. The town of Elmina is significant in Ghana’s colonial and trading history as it is one of the sites where colonists stayed and conducted their slave trade. The town is a busy tourist attraction site as it hosts the second largest former slave fort—the Elmina Castle. Characteristic of all urban markets across Africa, the Elmina Fishing Harbor, although small in size, is made up of elaborate physical and social structures that see to the needs of all its patrons in ways that have the potential of promoting socio-economic development in Ghana. It can be safely asserted that by virtue of the market being women-led and largely operated by women, a lot of effort has been put into sustaining the activities of the market for present and future use. This chapter highlights the ways in which women at the Elmina Fishing Harbor are promoting social development in the Elmina community and the nation as a whole: mainly through the provision of social protection and safety nets and the promotion and maintenance of the integrity of their community.

Women in Informal Markets in Ghana The informal sector provides employment for 92 percent of women in sub-Saharan Africa (Bonnet et al., 2019). While a very small number of women own medium- and large-scale enterprises, the majority of them are engaged in small- and medium-scale businesses popularly referred to as micro-enterprises. Like its counterparts in other African countries, Ghana’s informal sector is dominated by women due to several structural and socio-cultural reasons. Poverty, gender role socialization with its attendant traditional gender roles of women and men and occupational segregation by gender have all contributed to the large number of women in the informal sector (Abraham et al., 2017). Other constraints relating to economic and regulatory frameworks, finances, and market inputs

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have all translated into high female labor participation in the informal sector (Boateng, 2021). As a result, Ghanaian women tend to operate the more traditional low-­ income businesses, such as selling of raw, unprocessed food, food processing activities, handicrafts of various kinds, and dressmaking, often with low potential for growth. The majority of micro-enterprises owned by women are operated by one person. Over 70 percent of them start their businesses with capital of less than US $100 and 45 percent with less than US $20, and 90 percent of them started with personal savings rather than loans from formal financial institutions (Owoo et al., 2019.) Within the informal sector are small- to medium-sized informal businesses which have been integral to development discourse across the world due to the sheer number of people who operate in them. Informal markets are made up of small-scale businesses that produce and distribute goods and services with the primary goal of providing jobs and income. They are often not registered with a formal tax system, although they are not outside of the country’s taxation system; and in most instances, they are the only sources of livelihood for people who are not well-educated, or for self-employed individuals who do not form part of formal markets. According to UN Women (2017), women make up an unbalanced percentage of jobs in the informal sector, from street vendors and domestic workers, to subsistence farmers and seasonal agriculture workers. Over 80 percent of women in non-agricultural jobs in South Asia are in informal work, compared to 74 percent in sub-Saharan Africa and 54 percent in Latin America and the Caribbean. Women in informal markets, as well as their contributions and needs, seem to be invisible. The markets themselves have become more competitive, exacerbating the problems faced by women who, in general, run small-scale enterprises with minimal resources. Women’s lack of access to affordable credit, information, technical advice, and services prevents them from expanding their businesses. Fapohunda (2012) indicates that women in informal markets have had to form alliances to defend their interests and mobilize conventional savings and credit schemes to provide sources of capital for themselves due to their lack of access to formal credit facilities. Many more women’s organizations have been founded or revitalized as a result of such

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informal savings and credit schemes, known in the local parlance as susu, and the quality of their work has greatly improved. Women’s groups in informal markets act as pressure groups, and network with one another, to advocate for better conditions at the marketplace. They also act as welfare schemes and safety nets for their members and strive to focus resources and attention on issues that affect them. They help vulnerable women gain access to credit by posing as collateral guarantors and providing matching funds. Owusu and Lund (2004) emphasize that levies paid by women in the informal commercial sector make a substantial contribution to the funds raised by government at the District Assembly level, which is the level of local government in Ghana. Baah-Ennumh and Adom-Asamoah (2012) reiterate that market women in the informal sector play an important role in meeting the food needs of the city’s increasing population, as well as provide employment in the workforce.

Women’s Role in Social Development Social development is one of the most significant social forces of planned change. It is a means of raising the standard of living among the poor and underprivileged in society (Al-Qdah & Lacroix, 2017). Practitioners of social development use participatory and pluralistic approaches to link social and economic development. Mensah and Ricart-Casadevall (2019) indicate that social development is synonymous with improvements of social life, transformation of society toward more equitable distribution of resources, opportunities, and participation in decision-making processes. Women’s roles in societies, especially their participation in social and economic development, are not only an issue of human rights and social justice but also a crucial contribution to solving the pressing needs of important and often-excluded segments of society (Asaju & Adagba, 2013; Holmes & Jones, 2013; Lahoti & Swaminathan, 2016). Although women’s roles and participation in social development have been defined and shaped along biological and social norms (Cislaghi & Heise, 2020), women have made significant strides in all aspects of the socio-economic

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development of all economies (Adom, 2015; Lechman & Okonowicz, 2014). Presently, women are more frequently exiting “household” work and are actively developing solutions to community problems. Women’s basic and strategic needs are part of the development process (Rosca et al., 2020). Evidence from the 2015 Social Enterprise Landscape report published by the British Council, for instance, demonstrates that female social entrepreneurs’ number more than their male counterparts in Africa. Essentially, most initiatives feature women and children, and are focused on working to empower them as well as to raise social awareness of the inequalities that disproportionately affect low-­income and rural women (Faraizi et al., 2014; Standal, 2018). Some of their efforts translate into tangible results such as improvements in child and family nutrition, effective childcare mechanisms, and the delivery of services to the disabled, older people, and to victims of domestic violence and abuse (Benjamin-Neelon, 2018; Fletschner & Kenney, 2014). Additionally, their efforts help in building resilient social capital, community cohesion, empowerment of women, and their awareness of their rights (McEwen et al., 2018). Professional women in solidarity have, at times, organized other women with specific needs to promote community and to alleviate poverty (Boateng et al., 2014). According to Forson et al. (2018), the participation of women in local development is directly linked to improvements in the welfare of the community, as well as changes in women’s sense of worth and contribution, their motivation, and empowerment (Deo et al., 2016). This is sometimes done by providing the necessary tools for them to start or grow their own businesses, so they may build a bright future for themselves and their families. For Deo et al. (2016), the contribution of women must be measured in terms of development indices such as living conditions for women, men, and children, the emotional well-being of women, the stock of social capital in our communities, as well as changes in attitudes, perceptions, and traditions that perpetuate gender inequalities in society. Many difficulties and impediments, however, continue to obstruct women’s ability to contribute to social development. Large numbers of women remain isolated, unorganized, destitute, and confined by

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socio-­cultural and legal frameworks that limit their access to and participation in the development process in many regions of the world (Perrault, 2015). Women’s opportunities to participate to social development in various sectors of community life and social development face a wide range of obstacles (Laurence, 2011). Women’s participation in economic, social, and political action is hampered by a variety of public policy efforts that vary widely between nations and throughout time (World Bank Group, 2013). Of course, the role of women in development must be analyzed and understood within the historical, cultural, social, and political contexts of each nation and region.

Methodology A qualitative descriptive approach was adopted for this study. This approach was considered appropriate to help gain in-depth knowledge of participants’ experiences of the Elmina Fishing Harbor and describe it accordingly (Creswell & Creswell, 2017). The research design was appropriate for the study because it offered an in-depth understanding of what people experience and the meanings they assign to a given phenomenon (Creswell & Creswell, 2017; Mohajan, 2018). All data collection procedures were conducted in accordance with the highest ethical standards of social research. The study took place at Elmina Fishing Harbor, in the Central Region of Ghana. The fishing harbor was built in March 1986 by a group called the Zion Mobisquad—a youth group in Elmina. They saw that fishing was the main source of livelihood for the people in the area and decided to build the harbor to facilitate the fishing activities in the area. Although the main product sold there is fish and other seafood, there are a few stalls around the market that sell vegetables, mainly peppers, onion, garlic, and tomatoes. Characteristic of all informal markets, the Elmina Fishing Harbor is chaotic with large numbers of people from various backgrounds briskly trading, but within it is an intricate web of relationships and power structures fostered over years of social relationships resulting in a network that ensures sustainability of the market.

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The research sample included only persons who were 18 years and above, and had their sources of livelihood from the Elmina Fishing Harbor. Participants who were mainly fishermen, fish mongers and processors, traders, and community leaders were recruited through purposive sampling techniques to participate in the study. Over a period of six months, the author paid regular visits to the study site to collect data. This was necessary because the participants were always busy attracting and attending to customers, so it was almost impossible to schedule meetings to collect data. At every visit, the researcher engaged those who were willing to speak in in-depth interviews. At one time, the author was able to recruit six men, who were fishermen and elders of the harbor for a focus group discussion. Two additional female-only focus group discussions, with up to five participants, were held at different times. This approach to data collection helped the author to gain a deeper understanding of the dynamics of the Elmina Fishing Harbor and the roles women, who are predominant in the market, play. Overall, fifteen interviews and three focus group discussions were conducted with community leaders, traders, patrons, and women’s groups.

Data Analysis Procedure Data was analyzed using Attride-Stirling’s (2001) thematic network analysis. This approach was useful as it helped the author to identify patterns of meaning regarding participants’ experiences of the market. Themes were developed from the patterns and used to present the findings of the study. Direct quotes from participants are used to buttress points raised under the themes. To ensure credibility of the findings, participants’ quotes were used to echo their perspectives and the final themes were confirmed.

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Findings The fishing harbor at Elmina supplies all kinds of fish and seafood to individuals, households, hotels, and other catering services within and outside Elmina. Within the fishing harbor, there exist different kinds of women with intricate webs of relationships and power. Evidence from the study suggests that apart from going to the sea, women are actively involved and influence the fishing industry various ways. The findings of the study are presented below.

Power and Control In the fishing venture at Elmina, women are seen to possess power and control. The “Obaahemaa” (Queen mother) Association determines the price of the fish before it is sold. She settles disputes among women and the general public and ensures that minors from four to nine years attend school. In the fishing communities as well, women exert a large amount of power as agents of change. The interview and focus group findings demonstrated instances where women fish sellers collectively supported government efforts toward the fight against the use of inappropriate fishing nets and dynamites (Torell et al., 2015; Walker, 2002). They achieved this by adopting selective strategies and boycotting fishing vessels that did not utilize acceptable fishing practice standards. One focus group respondent shared: For us here, fishing is all we have and so if we don’t ensure its sustainability, we [the women] will lose our livelihoods and not be able to take care of our children. When we learned that some vessels use dynamites, nets with smaller meshes, etc., we first drew government’s attention to how such practices will harm our industry in the end and asked for something to be done about it. We also on our own decided to blacklist those vessels that did not abide by the proper ways of fishing, so no one bought their fishes. (Women’s FGD #2)

During focus group talks about women’s impact in fisheries management, some of the women argued that by owning a boat and funding

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fishing expeditions, women could dictate the fishing methods used by the fishermen who owe them money or work for them. In so doing, women have had a significant impact on past fisheries management and have thus safeguarded the sanctity of the industry. On Tuesdays, which are rest days, women fish mongers have been known to refuse to buy fish. Other instances exist in which women processors advocated for increased fishing effort. At other times, findings indicate that the women in Elmina supported migrant fishermen when they were being chased out of town by local fishermen who said they were putting too much strain on local resources. At the time, the local fishermen were said to be advocating for the use of non-sustainable gear, claiming that “the best fishing net is the net that catches the most fish.” When the women realized this, they decided to support the migrant fishermen who used sustainable gear and methods to whip the local fishermen into line: It was necessary to support the migrants, so that our men will know that we can equally boycott doing business with them if they were not ready to abide by sustainable rules and regulations. This strategy worked well in the end. (Women’s FGD #1) There was a time when we had some kind of conflict with migrant fishermen because they were destroying our business but to our surprise, our own women threw their weight [and money] behind those migrants. They refused to sponsor our expeditions or buy our fish until we agreed to their terms and conditions of fishing. (Men’s FGD #1)

Additionally, it appears that women have insisted on reserving certain roles within the sector for themselves and they ensure that they are passed on to the younger generation. These roles involve taking care of wounded women at the harbor and setting a maximum and minimum price range for selling fish to maintain price stability. Respondents shared the following:

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Women are responsible for taking care of anyone who gets wounded here … they are like nurses, and they also teach the young girls to be able to do this so that they can take over in the future. (In-depth interview #7) The Queen mother and her council of elders [all women] are the ones who determine prices of fish at the market. They do this to ensure that prices are fair so that we can have buyers here all year round. (Men’s FGD #1)

Social Protection There is also a sophisticated system of informal social protection at the market for the women themselves, children, and the elderly. It is a common sight to see middle-aged women randomly picking a fish or two from a stock that is being readied for sale or has been bought by a customer. These middle-aged women go around the market and pick from sellers and patrons alike. As if by design, nobody questions them when they do this. Upon inquiry, it was explained that these fish go into a common pool from which food is prepared for orphaned and homeless children as well as the elderly who have no one to take care of them. There are women who voluntarily take shifts to cook these meals during the day so that the vulnerable in the fishing harbor are taken care of. When there are excesses in the pool, they sell these to buy additional ingredients needed to prepare the food. We know that there are some people among us who, by no fault of theirs, are unable to take care of themselves, like the very old people and some children who have no-one to take care of them. We therefore prepare food from the fish that the women pick and they know that they will always find food to eat when they come to the shed. (Women’s FGD #1) The women prepare food for the orphans and the very old people. Whoever shows up there is assured of a meal. (Men’s FGD #1)

In addition, the women are in informal co-operative groups where they pool money together to support one another. This co-operative group, commonly known as susu, operates in a number of ways. The first

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and most preferred by the women is where a number of women make daily contributions of a fixed amount. At the end of the month, the money raised is given to one of the members on a rotational basis. If a member is in urgent financial distress, she could ask to be bumped up so that she receives her due earlier. The susu we do here is very helpful, we use it to raise capital to invest in our businesses. Because it is a number of us who come together to do this, there is an assurance that in contributing diligently, we can always have money to reinvest in the business. (In-depth interview #12)

Again, there are several welfare groups that are formed by the women to see to the needs of their members. They pay monthly dues to these welfare groups, which in turn gives them an agreed upon amount of money in times of sickness, birth, bereavement, or any other distress. The women are also able to use funds from these contributions to undertake a mutually beneficial project or as collateral to get a loan from the banks to support their businesses.

Security and Maintenance of Community Integrity On a visit to the harbor on any given day, one will most likely see elderly women sitting under sheds and watching the activities of buyers and sellers. Their duty is to preserve the integrity of the harbor. Their watchful eyes roam the market, ensuring that buyers do not to get robbed as they go around shopping. These elderly women may call a buyer to their side and ask them questions, as if to ascertain their reasons for being in the market. They also warn buyers about miscreants in the market and admonish the buyers to be careful as they shop in order not to fall victim to said miscreants. They also watch over the nets and other properties belonging to marketers and the fishers. This category of women are hardly seen selling but are integral to the market. Sometimes, ‘strangers’ come into the market in a bid to steal from unsuspecting buyers and sellers alike. If this becomes rampant, the market will get a bad

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name and people will stop coming here to buy. Our mothers who no longer sell briskly are therefore made to sit and watch over activities so that such things do not happen. (Women’s FGD #2)

Every once in a while, disputes will erupt between sellers and buyers over quality of fish, returns, or other matters. It is the women, especially the elderly, that would help settle such disputes among other members of the market and their patrons. The elderly women make sure that any disputes that occur in the market are settled amicably. If the dispute is such that the women are not able to settle it, they would involve the Queen mother who, together with her council members, will ensure that a successful resolution is found. Due to this, the harbor is always peaceful for all parties. (In-depth interview #3)

The foregoing findings illustrate that in spite of the apparent chaos at the Elmina Fishing Harbor, women have effectively ensured that the market is sustained for themselves and their children. They are interested in the integrity of the market and work hard to make sure that it is the fish market of choice for their patrons. It is not surprising that people travel from all over the country to buy fish from the Elmina Fishing Harbor.

Conclusion This chapter highlighted the ways in which women at the Elmina Fishing Harbor use people-centered approaches to empower themselves, reduce their own and others’ vulnerabilities, and promote their inclusion and well-being in the Ghanaian society, thus facilitating social development. Women ensure that fishermen utilized environmentally friendly practices that sustained the fishing industry and livelihoods. They are in charge of determining the price of fish, insisting on the right use of fishing methods, settling disputes, and maintaining the sanctity of the market in general. They were also responsible for taking care of themselves and other vulnerable members of society by providing informal safety nets for those that needed them.

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By focusing on the Elmina Fishing Harbor, the different roles women play in various sectors of the Ghanaian economy promote the country’s socio-economic development are brought to the fore.

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4 Women’s Organizations on the Frontline: The Peacebuilding Project and the Fight Against Ebola and COVID-19 Michelle Reddy

Introduction Despite the role of women’s organizations in peacebuilding and development, during the international response to the 2013–2016 West Africa Ebola epidemic, women’s organizations largely received little to no funding, even though women’s organizations were crucial to the response particularly given the role of women as caretakers and market sellers. Donor preferences for organizations with high technical capacity potentially preclude many women’s organizations from funding, not only during the Ebola response but more broadly in development, despite the steadfast commitment of women’s organizations in West Africa  to address crises and contribute to democratization and development. The commitmen of women’s organizations in West Africa  to peace and security is perhaps most famously exemplified by the Mano River Women’s Peace Network,

M. Reddy (*) Goldman School of Public Policy, University of California, Berkeley, Berkeley, CA, USA © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 K. A. Krawczyk, B. A. King (eds.), Women’s Contributions to Development in West Africa, Globalization, Urbanization and Development in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8190-6_4

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a group of women from Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra Leone that ended the deadlock during the peace agreement settling the regional civil wars that lasted over a decade. The subsequent peacebuilding and international development policies emphasized the formation of civil society organizations (CSOs) in democratization and peacebuilding processes. Civil ­society organizations1 were assumed to broaden participation in democratization, development, and mediation processes, particularly for marginalized groups such as women, minority groups, and youth. Given gender-based violence and sexual slavery by rebel groups during the regional civil wars lasting from the late 1980s to early 2000s, many of these newly formed civil society organizations were aimed at empowering and advocating for women and girls. Emerging from the decades-long civil wars, and given the sub-region’s proclivity to conflict, West Africa has been at the center of the United Nations liberal peacebuilding project (Sampson, 2012). Liberal peacebuilding was directed toward the simultaneous goals of conflict resolution, liberal democracy, and free markets (Newman et al., 2009). In West Africa, as elsewhere, international development organizations applied Putnam et al.’s (1993) neo-Tocquevillian vision of civil society organizations that would drive democratization through fostering horizontal networks of engagement. Aside from driving processes of democratization (Tocqueville, 1836; Putnam et al., 1993), development (Easterly, 2003; Dollar & Levin, 2006; Easterly & Williamson, 2011, in Reinhardt, 2015), and peacebuilding (Sampson, 2012), voluntary associations are also argued to provide resilience during crises, including epidemics (see, e.g., Rao & Greve, 2017 with reference to the Spanish Flu). However, despite significant international aid to local and national organizations and their role in community education and mobilization, international organizations often sideline local organizations during crisis (Reddy, 2021a; Ramalingam, 2013; Ramalingam & Barnett, 2010). This chapter aims to investigate the emergence, evolution, and experiences of ten women’s organizations from the postwar period, during  According to Diamond (1994), civil society is the “realm of organized social life that is voluntary, self-generating, (largely) self-supporting, autonomous from the state, and bound by a legal order or set of shared rules” (Diamond, 1994, p. 5). 1

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Ebola and subsequently during COVID-19. Most of the women’s organizations that were interviewed emerged during the peacebuilding process, and over the years, developed even more experience with conflict resolution and community sensitization by conducting sensitization activities around democratic, human rights, and development norms in communities, through advocacy and lobbying activities, as well as early warning monitoring around conflict risk. Sensitization is a main activity of many civil society organizations in Guinea and Sierra Leone, and especially for women’s organizations that were included in interviews. Essentially, sensitization is a community-based education practice using informal pedagogical techniques to relate information and messages to communities, for example, in terms of disseminating human rights and democratic norms, environmental conservation practices, or information about Ebola response measures. Given the proximity of many women’s organizations to communities, they are trusted by communities to disseminate information and provide trainings.

The International Response to Ebola During Ebola, an international United Nations (UN) peacekeeping mission, the United Nations Mission for the Emergency Ebola Response (UNMEER), oversaw the response, and social resistance to the international response necessitated more community outreach and buy-in. Eventually, the international response began to work more with local organizations. Although the women’s organizations in the interview samples were able to cast a wide net due to their membership and conduct outreach activities, and had experience resolving conflict, they did not receive any international funding. At the same time, women inequitably bear the burden of epidemics, as seen during COVID-19. Ebola was a prior glimpse into how epidemics disproportionally impact women, given the gendering of care. In contrast to COVID-19, Ebola victims manifest severe symptoms quite quickly and therefore rapidly needed care. As a result, women were much more likely to contract and die of Ebola given their role as caretakers. In addition, as marketplaces in West Africa were a site of high transmission due

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to their density, women were also impacted based on their occupational status. Typically, the majority of market sellers in Africa are female (Clark, 2018). Ebola proliferated due to inefficient government response, poor communication, and subsequent social resistance. Structural inequalities regarding the role of women in the workforce, their responsibility of care-­ taking, and their vulnerability to violence have traditionally limited the negotiating space for women to defend and promote their own interests (Okin, 1994 in Ibrahim, 2017), especially during an epidemic. However, women’s organizations effectively mobilized during the epidemic, providing not only sanitizing equipment to market women but also organizing sensitization events to combat misinformation regarding Ebola and promote best practices. As this chapter shows, women’s organizations, alongside youth organizations, were the most underfunded of all the 100 civil society organizations included in the analysis, despite their significant role in fighting Ebola and mobilizing communities. The lack of funding directed to women’s organizations during Ebola reflects a longer-term process of challenges to organizational survival, as women’s organizations are confronted with an increased emphasis on professionalization—metrics, monitoring, and evaluation—in order to procure funding from international donors who favor organizations that resemble international NGOs. The external pressure of professionalization2 is a common theme across women’s organizations in Guinea and Sierra Leone, and in other developing country contexts as well. The increase in donor technical standards closes out many women’s organizations from funding and leads to the selection of organizations reflecting donor’s technical standards, unintentionally challenging, perhaps, the wider democratization project intended by the expansion of civil society.

 Professionalization consists of metrics, accountability, evaluation, strategic plans, and advanced degrees. Advanced degrees are often used as indicators of professionalization. Essentially, professionalism reflects the spread of private-sector practices, such as audits, metrics, and strategic plans, in the nonprofit sector (Hwang & Powell, 2009). 2

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Field Sites and Selection of Organizations This chapter draws on case studies of women’s organizations drawn from a larger dataset of 100 domestic civil society organizations and NGOs in Sierra Leone and Guinea, including organizations other than women’s organizations. I conducted interviews one year after the official end of the Ebola epidemic, from July to August 2017, and followed up with the women’s organizations I interviewed in 2017 one year after the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, from March to May 2021. Interviews occurred in the four regions where the majority of civil society organizations (CSOs) are concentrated in Guinea and Sierra Leone The areas were also the most susceptible to Ebola: near the epicenter of the outbreak along the border regions (Koidu, Sierra Leone and Nzérékoré, Guinea), and in the capital cities (Freetown, Sierra Leone and Conakry, Guinea). Within the larger dataset, eleven organizations were women’s organization. The women’s organizations were selected based on having an official registration as a local or regional CSO or national NGO. While women’s groups also exist informally in Guinean and Sierra Leonean society, this chapter focuses on case studies of formal organizations, that is, organizations that are officially registered at either the district or national level, with a certificate to operate. Nearly all of the semi-structured interviews were with directors or executive directors of the organization, many of whom also founded the organizations.3

 mergence of Women’s Organizations as Part E of the Liberal Peacebuilding Project In this chapter, I draw on case studies of eleven women’s organizations, to learn how they were founded, their structure, and role during both pandemics, as well as access to international funding. While Western conversations about Africa tend to either portray the continent as a place of  I found that due to the more open and participatory nature of women’s organizations, there were more members present at the interview as compared with other domestic civil society organizations. 3

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conflict, poverty, and illiberalism or emphasize an “Africa rising” narrative, this portrayal overlooks many political and social movements in Africa (Swift, 2017). Even though colonialism prohibited and oftentimes restricted their participation, women in Africa were revolutionaries and part of independence movements (Tripp et  al., 2009). In West Africa, women’s organizations existed before colonialism and many frequently challenged colonial rule (Medie, 2016). In many villages in Sierra Leone and Guinea, there is a women’s group, a youth group, and a group of elders. Women had leadership roles in the tribal administration system in Freetown as well (Denzer, 1987). During the colonial period, market women and traders organized around commercial institutions and alongside women’s groups (Bangura, 2017). For instance, at the beginning of the Sierra Leone Women’s Movement in 1951, Mabel Dove Danquah and Hannah Benka-Coker organized a protest of 100,000 women and subsequently ended the monopoly of wholesale food distribution by Lebanese traders. The movement eventually became a nationalist movement and advocate of women’s representation in politics (Swift, 2017; Steady, 2005 in Medie, 2016; Tripp et al., 2009). However, despite the contributions of women to the independence movement, women were marginalized in their political participation in the newly independent Sierra Leone (Denzer, 1987). In Guinea, independence happened very quickly, nearly overnight, in 1958, with a “No” vote to remaining part of France. During the lengthy one-party rule post-independence, women were active participants in trade unions; however, as in Sierra Leone, they had limited opportunities for political leadership. During pre-colonial times, women in Sierra Leone had positions of power. However, gender inequality increased during colonialism, during the post-independence period, and especially during the wars (McFerson, 2011). The impacts of war ranged from many women being forced into sexual slavery by rebels, to mass displacement. “War widows” and rural women from less influential families were extremely vulnerable due to the importance of lineage (McFerson, 2011). The regional conflict spilled over into Guinea, and while Guinea did not have a civil war of its own, it had conflicts over its borders, and the population swelled with refugees. Guinea had as many as three million refugees at once (Steady, 2011). Many United Nations agencies set up operations in Conakry and

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Nzérékoré (a border region) to manage the inflows of Sierra Leonians, Ivorians, and Liberians. Relatedly, United Nations agencies and international organizations also had operations in Liberia and Sierra Leone, to manage the refugee flows and also the peacebuilding process. Eventually, there would be a movement to foster civil society at the local level to manage and ensure the peace process and inform development processes. As women and children were particularly impacted by the civil wars of the 1990s that ravaged the Mano River region, women began to formally organize once the end of one-party rule ushered in constitutional reforms and, specifically, freedom of association. With peacebuilding and the second wave of democratization, the subsequent associational revolution brought in increasing international aid to civil society and formal organizations in order to solicit and manage donor funds. The promotion of civil society organizations and NGOs was central to the liberal peacebuilding project. From my larger study of 100 civil society organizations in Guinea and Sierra Leone, I find that broad-based coalitions centered around youth, women, and rights emerged during peacebuilding and democratization with a strong grassroots-based identity (Reddy, 2021b). Since many of the organizations formed to address crises relevant to women, children, refugees, and internally displaced peoples as a result of the war, the women’s organizations have a strong added value in crisis response and conflict prevention, particularly given their role in sensitizing communities.

Sierra Leone I conducted interviews with five women’s organizations in Sierra Leone. I will first discuss the Women in Crisis Movement and the 50/50 Group of Sierra Leone. Both women’s organizations are headquartered in Freetown but also have offices in Koidu, the second town where I conducted interviews. I also interviewed the Women’s Response to Ebola Network, based in Freetown. In Koidu, which is a much smaller city than the capital of Freetown, I interviewed the Kono Women’s Organization Network, a network of organizations for the region of Kono. Finally, I

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interviewed Kinsawa, a smaller women’s organization within the Kono Women’s Organization Network. The Women in Crisis Movement began in Freetown in 1997, during the war, and eventually drew the support of United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), the Global Fund for Women, and Action Aid to support and empower women victimized during the war. Many internally displaced persons ended up in Freetown, fleeing rebel violence, and the population of the capital city swelled during the war. As noted by the organization’s founder, Juliana Konteh: I started it myself. With my own money, at the back of my house. Then I started moving, telling me the plight of young girls after the war. Little or nothing was done for the longest time. So I decided as an organization we could see how this issue, and during the war, the perpetrators, those that caused the problems, their issues were addressed, leaving the issue of the young girls. So we started working with them, and UNFPA and WHO, they came in to see how they can support us. In the year 2001, we had started working with WHO [to assist] sex workers, commercial sex workers, people living with AIDS, child headed households, single mothers, a host of vulnerable girls and adolescent females.

The Women in Crisis Movement expanded across the country, for example, opening a local organization in Freetown. The organization focuses on skills training and employment for adolescent girls, particularly in the areas of tailoring, hairdressing, and catering. Women who finish the training programs are usually successful in procuring employment. Some programs target particularly vulnerable populations, such as girls with HIV/AIDS, which began to spread especially due to gender-based violence during the war. Outreach programs are conducted through field officers reaching out to girls who are living on the street. The 50/50 Group of Sierra Leone is a membership-based women’s organization aimed at gender parity in women’s political participation and overall decision-making. The 50/50 Group was officially launched in 2001, near the end of the civil war. Though women contributed to the peace process, they had minimal participation in the new government. Discussions between Abator Davidson, former acting director of the British Council in Sierra Leone, and Lesley Abdela, a British Council

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Board member in the UK who had advocated strongly for gender parity in British politics, led to the genesis of the 50/50 Group in Sierra Leone. The founder, Nemata Majeks-Walker, attended the first program and then decided to found a group similar to the 300 Group.4 The 50/50 Group has an innovative financing model: aside from member dues and projects, they also rent out their conference space in order to cover infrastructure costs. Overall, the organization focuses on advocacy around women’s rights and provides trainings for women leaders, as well as other trainings related to governance, human rights and the rule of law, peace consolidation, and strengthening representative institutions, as well as advocacy and elections. The Kono Women’s Organization Network is located in Koidu, Kono, and similar to the 50/50 Group, it focuses on trainings and women’s advocacy. Founded by Mariama Bayou and Martha S.  Wise, there are twenty-five organizations in the network. The Network was started in 2002 and focuses around the issues of violence against women, teen pregnancy, and child mining. While the Network was involved in sensitization activities during Ebola, it did not receive any funding. A smaller organization within the network, Kinsawa, founded by Martha, is a women’s group started to address maternal and child health. Kinsawa also implements training programs for women agricultural workers on literacy and rice cultivation.

Guinea In Guinea, I conducted interviews with the Coalition of Women Leaders, the Mano River Women’s Peace Network, and the Guinean National Coalition for Women’s Rights and Citizenship, which are national organizations that also have offices in Nzérékoré. For Nzérékoré specific organizations, I interviewed the Association of Women for a Socially Cohesive Future, the Association of Widowed Women Victims of Abandonment, and the Organization of Women for Integrated Development.  The 300 Group was founded in the UK in 1980 to advocate for increased female representation in Parliament, the European Parliament, and other political institutions (United Kingdom Women’s Library Archives, 1974–1995). 4

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The Coalition des Femmes Leaders (COFEL) (Coalition of Women Leaders) of Guinea was founded in 1992 by young women leaders. Sixteen young women created the organization to advocate for young women like them and to undertake sensitization activities. COFEL is a membership-based organization, which means that members pay small fees to help finance the organization, and some of these members live abroad. At the same time, COFEL also has several international partners, including the Open Society Initiative for West Africa (OSIWA), the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), the European Union, the American Embassy, and the French Embassy, for the organization’s activities centered around advocacy for young girls. The Mano River Women’s Peace Network (Réseau des Femmes du Fleuve Mano pour la Paix—REFMAP5) is perhaps one of the most famous civil society organizations in West Africa due to its crucial role in the peace process. Since then, the organization has been solicited by the United Nations and other organizations to assist in mediation processes. REFMAP was founded in 2000 in Guinea, toward the end of the regional civil war, and grew to become a network of women across Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra Leone. The crucial moment in the network’s early history was described by Mme. Hadja Saran Daraba Kaba, the founder: I had just started in 2000 and attended the Heads of State Summit in 2000 and the organization had just been formed. It was a summit where you hardly have any women and, when we arrived, I remember we arrived by the Conakry Bamako Road and, we just waited for the heads of state to come out so that they could make noise and notice the presence of women and that they were forced to listen to the women. We stayed until 1 or 2 a.m., waiting. And when they came out, I remember the Sierra Leonean, the other one who was an MP, Labalie. Ms. Labalie was trying to have an appointment with Liberian President Charles Taylor (the only head of state to be convicted of war crimes by an international tribunal since the Nuremberg Trials). She waited for the President to walk away so that she shouted all over the room: “Mr. President, I want to talk to you” and he turned around and said, “What is it?” She responded “No, I want to talk to you. Us women here.”

 Abbreviated as MARWOPNET in English.

5

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She began to recount how she herself was victimized, a sex slave for months in Sierra Leone by Sierra Leonean rebels. And so she said, “I’m no longer afraid of dying but now you have to listen to women, women want to talk to you.” And the president said to his guard, “let her talk to me.” She said, “Can you receive us?” He replied, “tomorrow, I will receive you at such and such an hour.” And that’s Liberian President Charles Taylor who was a rebel at the time. He received us and he listened to the women. They explained why they wanted to intervene. And, the next day, together with the women, they let women speak at the Heads of State Summit. They made a plea: a call for peace. This was the start of awareness in the different countries of Mano [the Mano River region]. And as I said, after that, that triggered the whole process and, we started to make visits to each of the countries to sensitize the heads of state and for them to come to an understanding.

Where seventeen delegations failed to resolve the tensions during the war between Charles Taylor and the Guinean president, the women succeeded and as a result, the network received the United Nations Prize for Human Rights in 2003. Following their success during the peace agreements, REFMAP continues their tradition of peacebuilding activities to this day. They started by creating bilingual schools in the transborder region to address the needs of refugees and internally displaced children. The network also manages early warning mechanisms when, for example, members of the organization see illegal arms trading and transmit their concerns to the head office when they perceive security concerns. REFMAP has twelve community groups through Guinea, as well as a cell in the mining zones due to conflicts there. They also partner with international organizations such as the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the United Nations and the World Food Program (WFP) for social reinsertion programs, which involve skills training such as agriculture and animal husbandry. At times, however, when they transmit security concerns to authorities, they noted that their concerns are not taken seriously because of their gender. REFMAP draws on traditional mechanisms of conflict resolution and also runs training modules where they teach these techniques. In addition, they are involved in sensitization of communities around issues of gender, youth, peace, and security.

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The Coalition nationale de Guinée pour le droit et la citoyenneté des femmes (CONAG—DCF) (Guinean National Coalition for Women’s Rights and Citizenship) was created in 2002 as an extension of a project by a Canadian NGO focusing on women’s rights in Francophone Africa. Eight organizations involved in the project came together, spanning Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, and Mali, consisting mostly of female teachers and researchers. The organization, based in Conakry, works as a network on collective and individual projects, for example, training paralegals on women’s and children’s rights, and procuring identity cards for women, as well as ensuring the possibility of obtaining children’s birth certificates for school registration. In addition, the Coalition trains individuals in sensitization practices. The Coalition also provides revenue-generating programs for women and, particularly following the September 28, 2009, stadium incident,6 implements projects against violence. The Coalition also has its own radio channel. There is one coordinating office for fourteen organizations, where much of the work also concentrates on conflict management, prevention, early warning, and transformational management, with international partners. The Coalition created and disseminated a judicial guide for women, and in general, helps women leaders come together, particularly as they initially found that women from opposing political parties did not speak to each other. Similar to the other women’s organizations interviewed, CONAG-­ DCF is a membership-based organization. Within an umbrella structure, the organization conducts volunteer activities, and each organization pays fees. For trainings, students are partially financed. CONAG-DCF also has served as an observer of domestic elections, and alongside the National Democratic Institute (NDI) they trained more than 1000 electoral observers. The Association of Women for a Socially Cohesive Future (AFASCO— Association des femmes pour l’avenir social et cohésion) is one of the earliest formalized women’s organizations in Guinea and has the regional agrèment (accredited regionally as a civil society organization) in  The September 28 Massacre in Guinea, also known as “Bloody Monday,” consisted of government-­ sanctioned killings (at least 150 people) and rapes (several dozen women) at a peaceful rally in Conakry in 2009, where the armed forces also buried victims in mass graves to hide evidence (Human Rights Watch, 2009). 6

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Nzérékoré. The organization was first called the Association des Femmes pour l’Avenir des Femmes (AFAF), founded in 1998 by a team of women who were victims of female genital mutilation (FGM). AFAF, a female-­ only organization, was launched to sensitize fathers with daughters against female genital mutilation (FGM). AFAF aimed to serve the large number of refugees in Nzérékoré (the second largest city in Guinea by population, in a region bordering Côte d’Ivoire, Liberia, and Sierra Leone) that flowed in due to the regional civil wars, and particularly address the vulnerability of women during conflict and as refugees. In 2017, the organization expanded its work into the domains of child and maternal health, as well as environment, hired social workers, and to reflect its expanding mission, re-branded itself as AFASCO. The transition from mostly advocacy-based work to include service delivery activities by civil society organizations and NGOs in Guinea and Sierra Leone, as discussed earlier, reflects a movement by many advocacy-based organizations into sector-specific activities, as advocacy-based organizations increasingly cite an inability to meet rising donor requirements of monitoring and evaluation. As a result, AFAF no longer exists. AFASCO has a national office in Conakry as well as regional offices in regions where there is a high rate of female genital mutilation. Not long after the war, in April 2007, nine women volunteers who worked together at the Red Cross in Nzérékoré founded the Association des Femmes Veuves Victimes de l’Abandon (AFVVA; Association of Widowed and Abandoned Women). AFVVA addresses issues impacting women, for example, the forced marriage of widows to their brother-in-­ laws, and other abandoned women: For widows, when their husbands die, the widow refuses to return to the younger brother and is abandoned, she is made to leave and she benefits from nothing, sometimes she is chased away even with the children. The second [group] are women who are legally married but their husband abandons the family for another woman.

AFVVA focuses on sensitization, in terms of advocating for women and children’s rights, and in terms of health, environment, HIV/AIDS education, and literacy. AFVVA conducts sensitization activities at

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several levels, including school programming, sending letters, organizing focus groups, convening larger groups and round tables, going door to door, through radio appearances, recording proceedings, and distributing these recordings. A few years following the creation of AFVVA, a conference at the Environmental Research Center for Documentation of Nzérékoré, financed by UNFPA and organized by CONAG-DCF, noted obstacles for women’s participation in policy in the Forestière region, particularly with respect to conflict resolution and peace consolidation. As a result of this meeting, women who participated decided to create their own organization that would help involve women more actively in the political and socioeconomic development of Guinéa, therefore founding the Organization of Women for Integrated Development (l’Organisation des Femmes pour le Dévéloppement Intégré—OFEDI) in 2010. Given that Nzérékoré borders three countries, decisions impacting one administrative region can impact the other; however, decisions are almost always taken by men. As a result, OFEDI aimed to involve women more in decision-making, particularly as “women offer a lot more materially in terms of peace and development than men, and for everything, women bear the pain” (Interviews, 2017). At the time of creation, OFEDI already had a membership of 100 women from 6 different prefectures, across various civil society organizations, associations, and NGOs. CONAG-­ DCF was the original organizer from Conakry. At present, the organization comprises twenty-five members and has the regional agrèment (accreditation). OFEDI’s activities focus on the protection of women, children, and widows, as well as the fight against FGM and gender-based violence. In addition, they provide trainings to women in terms of financial management, soap-making, and fabric dyeing, and view self-sufficiency and literacy trainings for women as essential for rural and economic development. In this border area where many languages are spoken, they have literacy programs for women as well as language-training programs.

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 he Role of Women’s Organizations in Guinea T and Sierra Leone During Ebola While the West Africa Ebola epidemic peaked from 2014 to 2015, the epidemic lasted from 2013 to 2016. The epidemic started in Guéckédou, Guinea, in late 2013, near the border with Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Côte d’Ivoire. Ebola posed unique challenges to collective action, given its highly contagious nature. In light of government failure to properly communicate and address the epidemic, international organizations intervened. Despite significant international aid to civil society since the end of the civil wars, international organizations for the most part did not work with local organizations at the beginning of the intervention. However, they faced significant challenges in educating communities, in a context with low educational attainment and literacy, alongside different cultural approaches to epidemic control and caring for the sick and dying (Interviews, 2017). At the same time, local individuals are the majority of first responders during a crisis (Aldrich & Meyer, 2015). In particular, women were primarily entrusted with caregiving, leaving them more exposed to Ebola. Structural inequalities made women and girls even more vulnerable to Ebola (Ibrahim, 2017). However, despite significant international investment in civil society organizations in West Africa, when the Ebola epidemic struck, international organizations largely neglected local organizations and marginalized women’s organizations entirely.

Sierra Leone During Ebola, the 50/50 Group was a lead organization within the Women’s Response to Ebola Network, an innovative response to perceived gaps in the government and international response to Ebola, particularly in terms of market spaces. Numerous civil society organizations in Sierra Leone noted that a lot of government funding that was dedicated toward the response went toward political NGOs rather than the intended sensitization efforts (Interviews, 2017). Similarly, the international response, in the beginning, worked in a very limited way, if at all, with domestic

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civil society organizations in Sierra Leone (Interviews, 2017). The Network, as a membership-based organization, was financed through fees of 150,000 Leones per person (approximately US $20), paid by approximately fifty members. Unable to access government or international response funding, the Network mobilized funds from Sierra Leoneans living abroad to focus on market women, who were particularly vulnerable to Ebola due to their livelihood and the close spaces within the marketplace. In addition, women are usually the ones to go to the market, rather than men; therefore, they were at higher risk of transmission at the marketplace. The Network started out by self-financing handwashing stations, and then members of the Sierra Leonean diaspora provided care packages for Ebola victims as well as for market women. The Women in Crisis Movement was still active during Ebola, and continues to have funding from the Global Fund for Women and UNFPA for their training programs, though there is increasingly less funding from donors. The Women in Crisis Movement changed its activities to address the Ebola response more broadly, not only just addressing the needs of women. As noted by the Women in Crisis Movement, funding is harder to come by: It’s harder to get grants, as I said, one, let me tell you the resources are not enough, or they will say you people have to form a group and say your essential needs. Maybe write the President. In any way, it’s difficult to get a grant. Maybe it’s the credibility of some organizations, I don’t know. Well we have tried at times.

Similar to the Kono Women’s Network, the smaller rural organization, Kinsawa, wrote project proposals during Ebola but was not funded, though it continued to provide training and sensitization programs to women, as well as attend meetings in the hospital. Both organizations addressed the issue of a higher rate of teen pregnancy during Ebola. The smaller organizations, especially in the rural areas, appear to have more challenges procuring funding, and the larger organizations appear to be better able to pursue a new resource strategy, likely due to more exposure to the practices of international donors.

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Guinea First, with respect to the well-known Mano River Women’s Peace Network (REFMAP), given social resistance during Ebola, their traditionally informed conflict resolution techniques had an added value to addressing misinformation, cultivating a culturally appropriate response, and building trust in response measures. However, the organization received pushback when it wanted to partner with government and international organizations, as these organizations did not understand why a peace organization would be interested in working on the Ebola response. REFMAP noted that the Guinean Government largely avoided working with civil society organizations overall during the Ebola epidemic. Despite a high level of technical capacity in terms of their organizational structure and resource management, the Network was excluded from the government and international response to Ebola, as was the case with other women’s organizations. Nonetheless, REFMAP was involved in several activities during the response. In terms of sensitization about Ebola risks, they trained fieldworkers, ran workshops, and conducted meetings. The group had numerous threats to their cells, especially in Forécariah, which was a hotspot not only in terms of the virus but also in terms of massive social resistance to the Ebola response, especially to quarantine. Many residents of Forécariah believed that Ebola was purposely sent by the government in Conakry to their region. The group noted that during Ebola, there was no confidence between the governed and the governing, echoing decades of political distrust in Guinea. However, with this distrust, the virus spread even more, due to misinformation and rumors. For instance, there was the perception that Ebola was “bad luck” within a family. Authorities were hesitant to disseminate information about Ebola, and this catalyzed rumors. As a result, REFMAP undertook several community outreach sessions with the belief that it was necessary to think and reflect about the Ebola measures at the level of the community. Their message was that they were there to help, and that Ebola was a reality, and at these sensitization trainings and meetings, they distributed handwashing kits. The network conducted cross border workshops for the wider community as

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well as 100 survivors of Ebola. In addition, REFMAP conducted approximately 846 information sessions as well as house visits during the Ebola epidemic. Given distrust of foreign aid workers during Ebola, their work was critical at winning the support of communities. REFMAP noted several challenges for civil society organizations, particularly following the Ebola epidemic (Interviews, 2017). First, there are operational challenges as there is increasingly less funding and institutional support. The network struggles to survive from project to project, which is difficult in terms of administrative fees, requiring trainers, and in particular, it is difficult to maintain budget officers as well as monitoring and evaluation specialists when the organization functions from project to project. The network also noted the additional challenge of political and phantom NGOs, that are often the “servants of political parties” and do not have any actual activities. Finally, they note a lack of respect for legislation in regard to gender parity in government, where there is supposed to be a quota of thirty percent women, according to Article 3204. Some organizations were able to mobilize women in the diaspora to fund sensitization initiatives and handwashing kits during Ebola. With respect to COFEL, during Ebola, COFEL received very small subsidies (“cotisations”) for handwashing kits. However, with this resource constraint, COFEL took an innovative approach to fundraising. They approached diaspora organizations in Washington, DC, and in the United Kingdom, as well as artists, which made donations for handwashing kits. As a result, they provided Ebola safety training and sensitization activities for women and specific outreach to market women given their precarity during the Ebola epidemic. During Ebola, CONAG-DCF was unable to continue activities, and the organization shifted focus to conduct sensitization campaigns targeted toward women, distributed soap as well as food, and continued to defend the rights of women during the epidemic. As a founding member of a civil society umbrella group, CONAG-DCF and this group of organizations used their own funding to support Ebola orphans in cities across Guinea, including Faranah, Forécariah, and Coyah. The organization, like several others, stated that the government failed in communicating about the pandemic, and there was limited inclusion of civil society organizations by the international response, despite large amounts of

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international resources. The initial perception was that non-health organizations would not be useful in the fight against Ebola; however, CONAG-DCF stated that “health is not just health professionals” (Interviews, 2017). As with other women’s organizations, AFASCO did not receive any funding during Ebola. The organization noted that women preferred to take risks during Ebola to take care of family rather than not act. To counter misinformation about Ebola, several organizations brought in videos for communities and ran sensitization campaigns. AFVVA did not work with international organizations during Ebola, but participated in activities such as managing early warning mechanisms. Similar to REFMAP, AFVVA’s proposal to work with the government during Ebola to help with sensitization efforts was not taken seriously. The organization noted that many international partners left after Ebola, and that since Ebola, there was even more of a struggle for funding. A major challenge in setting up an NGO, especially for women given their care-taking responsibilities, is that they need to go to the capital for approximately a month, so it is difficult for women’s organizations to scale up and become NGOs. Similar to other organizations, OFEDI noted the initial unwillingness of the government and international response to Ebola to communicate at the local level. However, as OFEDI and other organizations noted, once met with social resistance, the government and international responders realized that they needed to work with local communities to not minimize culture. During Ebola, OFEDI contributed to sensitization and awareness programs on practices regarding handwashing and on Ebola prevention. They put into place a communication platform alongside UNICEF, and local civil society organizations met to discuss the Ebola response.

 he Role of Women’s Organizations in Guinea T and Sierra Leone During COVID-19 During COVID-19, many of the women’s organizations described above also undertook sensitization activities, building off their prior experience during Ebola. The experience of Ebola led to a fast initial response in the

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health sector, for example, by isolating positive cases and quarantining social contacts, which led to more political will to react quickly (Maxmen, 2020). Given the context, I was unable to travel to Guinea and Sierra Leone during the pandemic. As a result, it was more challenging to reach organizations by phone, even with WhatsApp, due to lower bandwidth in West Africa. Consequently, I was only able to follow up with six of the eleven organizations to learn about their activities during COVID-19: 50/50 Group, Women’s Ebola Response Network, COFEL, CONAG-­ DCF, OFEDI, and Association of Widowed Women Victims of Abandonment (AFVA). In Sierra Leone, while the Women’s Response to Ebola Network and the 50/50 Group of Sierra Leone played a key role in addressing gender gaps in the international response to Ebola, there is at present no specific network addressing the COVID-19 response as COVID counts are relatively low in Sierra Leone (Interviews, 2021). Overall, official COVID-19 case numbers across the continent of Africa are much lower than elsewhere, with 4,976,044 million COVID-19 cases in Africa (approximately 2.9 percent of the global total) as of June 7, 2021 (Statista, 2021). In Guinea the caseload has been higher as compared to Sierra Leone (with 23,307 cases as compared with 4208 cases) (Statista, 2021). As noted by Mme Fatou Baldé Yasané, President of COFEL Guinea, it is much more difficult for women to respect COVID-19 sanitary measures, given their role in procuring food, water, and resources for their family, roles in ceremonies such as funerals and baptisms, and employment as market sellers (Monde des Femmes, 2021). In response to the challenges of COVID-19, women’s organizations conducted many of the same sensitization activities and distributed sanitary kits. For example, OFEDI goes door to door to conduct sensitization training and produces local face masks. The organization is solely funded by member contributions and has not received any funding for the COVID-19 response, similar to most of the other organizations. As was the case during Ebola, OFEDI, AFVA, and COFEL also conduct sensitization activities and distribute mask in schools and lobby the government on behalf of safe teacher working conditions during COVID-19 (Interviews, 2021). As was the case during Ebola, COFEL has members within the diaspora and therefore has received some funding from abroad.

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COFEL set up commissions in terms of establishing social distancing measures, prepared 2500 meals for the ill during COVID-19, gave funds to victims, and conducted advocacy for victims to receive government subventions. In addition, the organization monitored health service access and quality. While COFEL did not receive funding during Ebola, it was the only organization interviewed to receive funding during COVID-19, from the Open Society Institute West Africa (OSIWA). Many of the organizations also focus on sensitization for market women during the pandemic, as well as countering misinformation regarding COVID-19 in general. COFEL, AFVA, and OFEDI all noted collaboration between their organization and other civil society organizations during COVID-19  in terms of resource distribution, sensitization, and lobbying.

 rofessionalization of Civil Society P and Implications for Democracy Since the late 1990s, the United Nations and other international donors made significant investments in fostering the development of CSOs in the region to bolster state institutions “from below.” These organizations frequently provide trainings, conduct outreach to communities in the form of “sensitization,” and serve as sites of learning. The eleven case studies illustrate the contributions of membership-based women’s organizations to peacebuilding, democratization, development, and crisis response, despite limited resources and no international funding during the Ebola response. In the current context of COVID-19 awareness and vaccination campaigns, women’s organizations have a crucial role to play given their reach and added value in sensitization, especially as women are often a large, but marginalized population. However, of all the organizations I interviewed, women’s organizations were the least likely to receive funding or even supplies. Many found creative ways to mobilize otherwise, for instance, by mobilizing other women in the diaspora to fund sensitization and outreach initiatives or to help care for orphans.

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The organizations interviewed cite challenges related to being able to quantify, monitor, and evaluate in light of limited organizational resources, limited capacity-building, and were typically funded project to project alongside a small amount of revenue from membership fees. Service delivery activities, as opposed to advocacy and organizing, are easier to quantify than the activities of membership-based, grassroots organizations. As a result, large, membership-based organizations, such as the women’s organizations I discussed here, increasingly struggle for funding and their sustainability is at risk. With the global expansion of participatory approaches and civil society organizations came an external emphasis on monitoring, evaluation, and metrics, intended to enhance transparency, however perhaps at the expense of membership-based organizations, which is the structure of most women’s organizations in my overall sample of 100 organizations. While these organizations might not have the technical capacity and financial capacity desired by donors, as illustrated by Ebola, women’s organizations are often highly effective in terms of generating civic engagement and social inclusion. In the long term, this may reduce resilience to crisis and, in addition, inclusivity in wider development processes.

References Aldrich, D. P., & Meyer, M. A. (2015). Social capital and community resilience. American Behavioral Scientist, 59(2), 254–269. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 0002764214550299 Bangura, J. J. (2017). The Temne of Sierra Leone: African agency in the making of a British colony. Cambridge University Press. Clark, G. (2018, July 20). African market women, market queens, and merchant queens. Oxford research encyclopedias. Oxford University Press. https:// doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190277734.013.268 Denzer, L. (1987). Women in Freetown politics, 1914-61: A preliminary study. Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, 57(4) Sierra Leone, 1787–1987, 439–456. Diamond, L. (1994, July). Towards democratic consolidation. Journal of Democracy, 5(3), 4–17. https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.1994.0041

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Dollar, D., & Levin, V. (2006). The increasing selectivity of foreign aid, 1984–2003. World Development, 34(12), 2034–2046. https://doi. org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2006.06.002 Easterly, W. (2003). Can foreign aid buy growth? Journal of Economic Perspectives, 17(2), 23–48. https://doi.org/10.1257/089533003769204344 Easterly, W., & Williamson, C. R. (2011). Rhetoric versus reality: The best and worst of aid agency practices. World Development, 39(11), 1930–1949. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2011.07.027 Human Rights Watch. (2009). Bloody Monday: The September 28 Massacre and Rapes by Security Forces in Guinea. December 2009. Available at https:// www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/guinea1209_brochure_low.pdf. Hwang, H., & Powell, W. W. (2009). The rationalization of charity: The influences of professionalism in the nonprofit sector. Administrative Science Quarterly, 54(2), 268–298. https://doi.org/10.2189/asqu.2009.54.2.268 Ibrahim, A. F. (2017). I am a woman. How can I not help? Gender performance and the spread of Ebola in Sierra Leone. In I. Abdullah & I. Rashid (Eds.), Understanding West Africa’s Ebola epidemic: Towards a political economy. Zed Books. in partnership with the African Leadership Centre. Maxmen, A. (2020, July 2020). Ebola prepared these countries for coronavirus – But now even they are floundering. Nature. https://www.nature.com/ articles/d41586-­020-­02173-­z McFerson, H.  M. (2011). Women and post-conflict society in Sierra Leone. Journal of International Women’s Studies, 12(4), 127–147. Medie, P.  A. (2016). Women’s and feminist activism in West Africa. In N. A. Naples (Ed.), The Wiley Blackwell encyclopedia of gender and sexuality studies. Wiley. Monde des Femmes. (2021). COVID-19 au(x) Sud(s) Guinée: le care fait des femmes des proies facile du virus. Entretien avec Fatou Baldé Yansané, Présidente de la COFEL (Coalition des Femmes Leaders de Guinée) [COVID-19 in Southern Guinea: Care makes women easy prey to the virus. Interview with Fatou Baldé Yansané, President of COFEL.] https://www. mondefemmes.org/covid-­1 9-­a ux-­s uds-­g uinee-­l e-­c are-­f ait-­d es-femmesune-­proie-­facile-­du-­virus/ Newman, E., Paris, R., & Richmond, O. P. (2009). New perspectives on liberal peacebuilding. United Nations University Press. Okin, S. M. (1994). Gender inequality and cultural difference. Political Theory, 22(1), 5–24.

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Putnam, R. D., Leonardi, R., & Nanetti, R. Y. (1993). Making democracy work: Civic traditions in modern Italy. Princeton University Press. Ramalingam, B. (2013). Aid on the edge of chaos. Oxford University Press. Ramalingam, B., & Barnett, M. (2010). The humanitarian’s dilemma: Collective action or inaction in international relief? Background Note. ODI. Rao, H., & Greve, H. (2017). Disasters and community resilience: Spanish flu and the formation of retail cooperatives in Norway. Academy of Management Journal, 61(1). https://doi.org/10.5465/amj.2016.0054 Reddy, M. (2021a). Humanitarian aid as a shared and contested common resource. In S. R. Foster & C. F. Swiney (Eds.), The Cambridge handbook of commons research innovations. Cambridge University Press. Reddy, M. (2021b). Emergence and evolution of education and health organizations in Guinea and Sierra Leone. Working Paper. Reinhardt, G. (2015). Changing channels: Evaluating the efficiency of aid delivery mechanisms. Working Paper. Sampson, P. (2012). Conceptual shifts in multi-track mediation in West Africa. In U. Engle (Ed.), New mediation practices in African conflicts (pp. 237–254). Leipziger Universitätsverlag. Statista. (2021, June 8). Coronavirus cases by country in Africa 2021. https:// www.statista.com/statistics/1170463/coronavirus-­cases-­in-­africa/ Steady, F. C. (2005). Women and collective action in Africa. Palgrave Macmillan. Steady, F. C. (2011). The Mano River Union (MRU) and Mano River Women’s Peace Network (MARWOPNET). In Women and leadership in West Africa. Palgrave Macmillan. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137010391_4 Swift, J. A. (2017, July 18). African women and social movements in Africa. Black perspectives. https://www.aaihs.org/african-­women-­and-­socialmovements-in-­africa/ Tocqueville, A. de. (1836/1969). Democracy in America. J.  P. Maier (Ed.). Anchor Books. Tripp, A. M., Casimiro, I., Kwesiga, J. C., & Mungwa, A. (2009). African women’s movements: Transforming political landscapes. Cambridge University Press. United Kingdom Women’s Library Archives. Records of the 300 Group. (1974–1995). https://archiveshub.jisc.ac.uk/search/archives/cf64d157-­f2b53a8d-­a4a3-­2cc65d8c97e5

Part II The Role of Women in Economic Development in West Africa

5 Women and Microfinance in The Gambia: A Path to Empowerment and Financial Inclusion Atta Ceesay

Introduction Citizens and businesses in most developed nations are privileged to access a wide array of financial services. Individuals or companies can utilize numerous avenues of financial and business services, but these services are limited or nonexistent for most individuals in developing nations. In the 1970s and 1980s, microcredit was used as an innovative way of mitigating this issue. It entailed providing small loans to the unbankable— those that do not have the income, credit history, employment, or collateral as financial backing to obtain loans through conventional methods. The aim of microcredit was to enable the poor, support entrepreneurship, and alleviate poverty. First experimented with in Asia and Latin America, the focus has been on women. An early example of this is

A. Ceesay (*) Department of Political Science and Public Administration, SUNY Buffalo State College, Buffalo, NY, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 K. A. Krawczyk, B. A. King (eds.), Women’s Contributions to Development in West Africa, Globalization, Urbanization and Development in Africa , https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8190-6_5

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Mohammed Yunus and his work with the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh. With success in Asia and Latin America, the idea was replicated in other parts of the world. Since the 1990s, microfinance has emerged as a promising strategy for combating poverty in developing nations. In 1997, the first Microcredit Summit was held in Washington, D.C., with 137 countries represented. The meeting resulted in a campaign to reach and provide credit for self-employment and other financial and business services to 100 million of the world’s poorest families, focusing on the women of those families. A subsequent summit in 2006 resulted in two specific goals: reaching 175 million of the world’s neediest through microfinance and enabling 100 million to lift themselves out of extreme poverty. The last State of the Microcredit Summit Campaign released in 2015 showed that by the end of 2013, 211 million clients were reached, of which 114 million lived in extreme poverty (Reed et  al., 2015). By adopting microfinance as a core component in their aid programs for Africa, Asia, Latin America, and transitional economies, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and other developmental groups hope to reduce poverty in developing countries and to raise the status of women, who are the focus of many microfinance programs (Hossain, 2002). While the microfinance movement registered numerous successes, it is essential to note there was skepticism and criticism. Starting in the late 2000s, the viability and purpose of microfinance were called into question because the industry was grappling with reports of over-­indebtedness; heavy reliance on subsidies; and excessive profit generation by some microfinance institutions (MFIs); some operating with inefficiencies and high transaction costs. An MFI is a financial institution that provides financial services to individuals that might not have access to the commercial banking industry. Gassama (2021) describes microfinance as having a long history and encompassing a diverse range of institutional formats ranging from individual money lenders to more formal institutions, such as village banks for small- and medium-sized enterprises, social venture capital funds, and specialized small and medium enterprise (SME) funds. In the case of The Gambia, the financial needs of most households or small businesses are not well served by the formal financial sectors such as banks and insurance companies. They usually depend on remittances from relatives living in the diaspora or other alternative sources of

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funding. Some traditional alternate sources of financing for those looking to engage in micro-enterprise have been through individual money lenders, family members, and ROSCAs (Rotating Savings and Credit Associations, also known as “osusus”). An osusu is an informal financial investment group where small groups of individuals band together and put money in a pot so that a group member can take the accumulated amount from the group for use (Ceesay, 2011). It is widely used in Africa, especially by women, as micro-financial capital generation. Individuals seeking small loans do not pursue conventional banking methods because they either do not have the necessary income, employment history, references, and collateral to back the loans, or are unwilling to pay the high-­ interest rates associated with such loans. Furthermore, a vast majority of women neither own nor control land. Although women bear a disproportionate domestic labor burden, they are also not involved in familial decision-making, thus limiting their ability to acquire the collateral needed to access credit for income-generating activities. As a result, women remain largely excluded from the formal economy. According to Gassama (2021), microfinance has solved these problems created by conventional banks by implementing programs that will give the poor, and especially poor women, more equal opportunities to access finance. These programs include finance loans to rural and poor farmers, individual entrepreneurs, or groups without collateral. These challenges and the government’s efforts toward poverty alleviation make microfinance useful in The Gambia. This chapter traces the evolution of microfinance in The Gambia, addressing the types and characteristics of the different models and the government’s role in formulating policies and regulatory frameworks. The use of microfinance to empower women will be discussed, primarily through government policies and efforts by microfinance institutions.

Microfinance in The Gambia The Gambia is a West African country that straddles the Gambian River 450  km eastwards from the Atlantic Ocean, with a total land area of 11,285 square kilometers consisting mainly of riverine flats, swamps, and

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tidal creeks. However, over 54% is quality arable land. The country is bound to the north, south, and east by the Republic of Senegal and to the west by the Atlantic Ocean. The River Gambia, which runs the country’s entire length from the Futa Jallon highlands in the Republic of Guinea to the Atlantic Ocean, divides the country’s land area into two halves: the South Bank and the North Bank. The country comprises two municipalities and five administrative regions, with oversight by the central government. The Gambian population is estimated at 2.4 million, with an annual growth rate of 2.9% (World Bank, 2021). It is densely populated with 176 people per square kilometer, and 57% of the population living in urban and peri-urban areas. Women constitute 50.4% of the population compared to 49.6% of men. With a 2019 Human Development Index (HDI) value of 0.496, The Gambia ranked 172 out of 189 countries, landing in the low human development category (UNDP HDI, 2020). During the first decade post-independence (1965–1975), The Gambian economy experienced buoyancy with an average of 4.5% annual gross domestic product (GDP) growth. This was followed by a decade of decline in economic development, with GDP averaging 3%. This resulted in high inflation, negative economic growth, and external payment deficits. The factors that contributed to this phenomenon included changes in the prices paid for the country’s major exports— especially groundnuts, cotton, and fish—poor incentives for producers, changes in monetary and fiscal policies, management practices, and labor productivity (Ceesay, 2011). The emergence of financial schemes to provide access to financial services and products to the poor in The Gambia dates back to 1965. The economy of The Gambia is heavily dependent on agriculture for domestic use and export. After independence, a credit scheme geared toward farmers was established to give poor rural farmers access to credit to afford their farming inputs (resources used in farming such as equipment, feed, and seeds). Unfortunately, the project collapsed after several years due to mismanagement of funds, poor repayment, and record keeping. This was followed by several other efforts of The Gambia Commercial and Development Bank (GCDB), whose objective was to encourage urban trade and commerce by extending credit to small- and medium-sized enterprises for business development and expansion. Like

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its predecessors, this bank also was liquidated after being in business for a while for the same reasons. Since independence, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have also been active in the country’s socio-economic developmental efforts. Initially, their efforts were primarily geared toward education, agricultural research, and health. However, in the 1980s, governmental initiatives declined for the poor within the financial sector, thus introducing the Economic Recovery Program (ERP). As a result, this eliminated the supply of subsidized financial services through government channels and caused nongovernmental organizations and other private enterprises to start offering financial services primarily to the poor living in rural areas. The emergence of NGOs in the late 1980s and early 1990s as an alternative financial network is part of a liberal policy environment introduced by the Economic Recovery Program (ERP) in mid-1985. The ERP gradually eliminated the supply of subsidized financial services through government channels. This was followed by the 1990 launch of the Program for Sustained Development (PSD). The PSD aimed to consolidate the economic benefits derived from reforms initiated under the ERP and introduce policy measures required for sustainable growth and development, mainly ensuring that the vulnerable sections of the population were protected against the adverse effects of economic adjustment (Ceesay, 2011). These initiatives were followed by other poverty reduction strategies such as the Poverty Reduction and Strategy Paper (PRSP II) implemented from 2007 to 2011. PRSP II is a policy framework for growth and poverty reduction in the country with the primary objective of creating an enabling policy environment for growth and poverty reduction by enhancing the capacity and output for productive sectors, emphasizing the productive abilities of poor and vulnerable populations, improving coverage of the essential social services and social protection needs of the poor and vulnerable, refining governance systems, building the capacity of local communities and civil society organizations (CSOs) to play an active role in economic growth and poverty reduction, and mainstreaming poverty-related cross-cutting issues into poverty reduction. At that time, these objectives were developed based on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). They act as a planning framework to assist the country in achieving the MDGs and the goals outlined

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in Vision 2020. Vision 2020 (1996) was the National Development blueprint under former President Yaya Jammeh, who held office from November 1996 to January 2017. Its mission was to “transform the country into a financial center, a tourist paradise, a trading, and export-­ oriented agricultural and manufacturing nation” (The Gambia, Vision 2020). These measures encouraged NGOs and private entrepreneurs to enter these markets and offer financial assistance. Consequently, there was an increased enthusiasm among international donors to develop NGOs to assume additional responsibility as channels to supply financial services for low-income clientele. The NGOs’ operational strategy, which emphasized village-level participation, was viewed positively since it offered a comparative advantage for these organizations to increase access to cost-efficient financial services through reduced risk and information costs. Furthermore, it was expected that implementing credit and savings programs in combination with other development activities would accelerate income-generating activities in NGO service areas. The government of The Gambia, in collaboration with its developmental partners, implemented other programs, including the Rural Finance Project (RFP) and the Social Development Fund (SDF). The Rural Finance Project was a joint venture between the Department of State for Agriculture (DoSA) and the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD). The initiative funded the Rural Finance and Community Initiatives Project (RFCIP) from July 1999 to December 2006. With RFCIP funding, the number of Village Savings and Credit Associations (VISACAs) was expanded from 37 to 66. The intervention areas included microfinance, crops, livestock, institutional strengthening, and capacity building. The Rural Finance Project (RFP) succeeded the RFCIP, which ended in December 2006. There are currently 60 VISACAs in operation in the country, with a total membership of 23,450 (Central Bank of The Gambia, 2022). In 1994, the government launched a Strategy for Poverty Alleviation (SPA) to promote equitable growth by improving the socio-economic condition of the poor. The policy aimed to utilize a decentralization and participatory approach by empowering the poor to engage in innovative activities through three funding streams: social services, microfinance,

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and capacity building. Along these lines, the Social Development Fund (SDF) was established in 1998 to help the government’s quest to reduce socio-economic disparities, especially among women, youths, and the vulnerable, as the primary target population. The project was a collaboration between the government of The Gambia through its Ministry of Finance and Economic Affairs, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), and the African Development Bank (ADB). SDF supported small micro-entrepreneurial projects, assisted non-bank financial institutions (NBFIs) with capacity-building capacity, and extended credit to NBFIs and individual clients. Considering their successes in the areas mentioned above, the government in April 2006 approved the transformation of SDF into a fiduciary financial institution (FFI). This enabled the SDF to operate as a nonprofit under the Companies Act serving as the key funding institution for microfinance development and promotion. As a trust company, the SDF mobilizes and manages resources on behalf of the government by providing financial and non-financial services to organizations that serve the economically active poor through small and micro-enterprise ventures. In The Gambia, microfinance and intervention financial services are provided by formal and informal institutions. The formal sector comprises commercial banks whose participation in microfinance has been minimal. Commercial banks constitute a large segment of The Gambia’s financial industry and are primarily found in the urban centers. The Central Bank regulates the financial sector, comprising commercial banks, non-bank financial institutions, insurance, and foreign exchange bureaus. Microfinance institutions are categorized as non-bank financial institutions and further sub-categorized into three areas, Village Savings and Credit Associations (VISACAs), finance companies (FCs), and fiduciary financial institutions (FFIs), as depicted in Table 5.1.

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Table 5.1  Types of microfinance institutions Village Savings and Credit Associations (VISACAs)

Finance companies (FCs)

VISACAs operate at the This includes Reliance, community level and are the National semi-formal providers of Association of microfinance. They tend Corporative Credit to be user-owned, Union of The Gambia managed, and financed. (NACCUG), and Different networks have Supersonicz financial been established to services. They provide financial and primarily serve small technical support to the and medium VISACAs. enterprises, most of whom are women with limited or no access to the formal financial sector.

Fiduciary financial institutions (FFIs) This is the highest category of microfinance institutions. The African Development Bank initially funded the Social Development Fund (SDF). Its core mission is to serve as the apex institution on behalf of the government by providing financial and non-financial services to organizations that provide access to financial services to the economically active to engage in economic activities.

 overnment Role in Microfinance G in The Gambia The Central Bank of The Gambia (CBG) is responsible for the oversight of microfinance institutions. It handles, coordinates, and regulates microfinance development by formulating and implementing regulatory policies and guidelines. Furthermore, it provides technical and advisory services and monitors the operations of these institutions. The bank has several documents in place to help guide its activities. The CBG microfinance policy document outlines the rules and guidelines on policies and procedures for rural financial operations. Likewise, section 35 of the Financial Institutions Act (FIA) and section 41 of the CBG Act of 1992 allow grassroots-owned and managed institutions to be admitted into the financial sector. The Central Bank utilizes two other policy documents in its oversight activities. First is the Policy Guideline for Non-­ Bank

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Intermediaries. This guideline was developed using the Financial Institutions Act (FIA) of 1992 and the Financial Regulation Act of 1994 to guide the sector’s growth and development without an overall microfinance policy and accompanying regulatory and legal framework. Subsequently, in 2003 the FIA was repealed into the Banking Law, meaning microfinance cannot rely on Banking Law, thus requiring an NBFI Act to guide the sector. The National Micro and Small Enterprise (MSE) Policy was developed in 2004 to promote the growth and development of MSEs in the country. The main objectives are to support MSE development and promotion and streamline the administrative and regulatory environment to allow for MSE growth, free competition, and easy entry into the sector. It encourages MSEs to converge in an apex body, which can serve on their behalf regarding access to information, markets, financing, and so on. Furthermore, it hopes to establish a coordinated marketing system that will showcase and stimulate demand for local products and industries within the country and internationally.

 icrofinance as a Vehicle for Financial M Inclusion and Empowerment The World Bank defines financial inclusion as individuals and businesses having access to valuable and affordable financial products and services that meet their needs: transactions, payments, savings, credit, and insurance delivered responsibly and sustainably (World Bank, 2022). Key institutions such as the World Bank and G20 consider financial inclusion as one factor that can help reduce extreme poverty and provide opportunities for economic growth. Their programs include the World Bank’s Universal Financial Access 2020 initiative and the G20 High-Level Principles for Digital Financial Inclusion. Financial inclusion has also been identified as an enabler of seven United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (World Bank, 2022). Analyzing country-specific data for 2017 using the Global Findex database shows that in The Gambia, 24.8% girls and women ages 15+ have a bank account compared to 32.7% of boys and men in the same

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age bracket. Borrowing money from formal financial institutions was low for both groups at 5% for females ages 15+ and 5.2% for males 15+. While there was no data for funds borrowed from saving clubs, the data available showed that both groups borrowed from friends and family at 19.2% and 19.6%, respectively. Furthermore, 9.7% of girls and women ages 15+ borrowed money to start, operate, or expand a business. Overall, the data shows that while financial inclusion is low for both, girls and women are more excluded. According to the Gambia National Household Poverty Survey Report (NHPSR), the significant constraints for the rural poor are dependency on single economic activities, lack of skills to diversify sources of income to supplement household livelihood, insufficient access to financial and technical resources to engage in other productive activities, and lack of market opportunities, diversified products, and services. This indicates that the Gambian population cannot effectively reduce their poverty and, as a result, are increasingly vulnerable to external shocks that push them further into poverty and household livelihood insecurity. The status of household vulnerability in The Gambia is one of the critical factors that drives the need for a focus on micro-financial services rendered to Gambians, especially women, to improve their livelihood.

 arriers to Accessing Financial Institutions B for Women in The Gambia Women tend to face the greatest barriers in accessing finance. According to the international finance corporation (IFC), an estimated $300 billion gap in financing exists worldwide for formal, women-owned small businesses, with over 70% of women-owned small and medium enterprises having inadequate or no access to financial services (IFC, n.d.). Without access to finance, women face difficulties collecting and saving income, growing their businesses, and pulling their families out of poverty. Gambian women mostly rely on informal channels to access financial services (UNCDF, 2019). Access to savings and loans through relatives, “osusu,” or other informal channels are preferred due to their

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convenience, proximity, and flexibility. Therefore, family members and savings groups are the most commonly used means to access financial services by women. According to the UNCDF Power Gambia Survey (2019), 15% of women opt for savings groups because of their convenience, while 12% of women choose savings groups because of their flexibility. The survey also reveals that only 14% of rural dwellers have access to formal financial services compared to 26% of urban dwellers. Disparities in access to financial institutions also exist for women relative to their employment and marital status. About 62% of women who are formally employed own a bank account versus 8% of the informally employed and 26% of the self-employed. Fifty-seven percent of women with post-­secondary education own a bank account compared to 6–8% of those with primary or no formal education. The survey further states that 20% of women living in urban areas own a bank account compared to 9% of women in rural areas. These figures illustrate that women in rural areas have limited access to traditional banks. The 2019 UNCDF Power Gambia Survey also shows opposite trends for men and women based on marital status. Account ownership is higher among married men and divorced or separated women. Around 43% and 42%, respectively, of men in monogamous and polygamous marriages own a bank account compared to 33% of divorced men. Account ownership increases for women who are divorced (23%) or separated (33%) compared to those who are in monogamous marriages (17%) or a polygamous marriage (16%), which could be because women have a greater need for financial security or financial independence from their families after separation or divorce. However, the survey highlights that 27% of women who are self-employed use MFIs versus 9% and 20%, respectively, of the informally and formally employed. And 23% of women between 36 and 55 use MFIs versus 8% of women aged 21–25. Seventy-five percent of women living in rural areas own an account with an MFI versus 11% of women in urban areas. The rural/urban disparity exists partly because the MFIs specifically target rural women through tailored services linked to solidarity mechanisms used frequently by women’s groups. As a result of access disparities, the full potential of microfinance institutions to contribute to socio-economic development has not yet been realized. However, in recent years, microfinance

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institutions have implemented new programs that are more inclusive of both rural and urban women micro-entrepreneurs. Reliance Financial Services, for example, has partnered with the Kanifing Municipality (KMC) to launch a GMD 100 million loan fund for women microentrepreneurs residing in the municipality, which is the biggest urban municipality in the country. Microfinance programs for women are now used to mitigate women’s lack of access to finance and to eliminate poverty. In The Gambia, women’s finance programs are typically in the form of group loans. Through the programs, women’s groups in different communities in The Gambia are given loans without collateral. Microfinance purposely eliminates the complications women face in accessing finance to close the gap between women and men regarding finance access.

F acilitating Women’s Empowerment and Financial Inclusion: Presenting Three Microfinance Institutions Globally, almost 20 million people living in poverty have benefited from microfinance loans; of these, 74% are women (Clydesdale & Shah, n.d.). In The Gambia, women play a crucial role in the economic development of communities as they predominate job creation and boost the economy’s productive sector; however, they find it challenging to access finance for their activities. While there are still significant gaps in women’s empowerment and financial inclusion, some efforts made by the MFIs have produced positive effects. The chapter presents case studies of three microfinance institutions and focuses on their efforts toward women’s empowerment and financial inclusion. The Social Development Fund (SDF), Village Savings and Credit Associations (VISACAs), and Supersonicz were chosen because they each represent one of the three categories of microfinance models (Village Savings and Credit Associations, finance companies, and fiduciary financial institutions) in The Gambia. These institutions are all fully licensed by the Central Bank of The Gambia. Additionally, SDF is the

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only fiduciary financial institution serving as the apex funding institution on behalf of the government by providing financial and non-financial services to organizations that provide MFI services to the economically active to engage in economic activities. Supersonicz represents one of three finance companies serving small- and medium-sized enterprises with a huge presence in the urban/peri-urban areas. The VISACAs are the informal financial institutions that most frequently support rural economic activities in the remotest part of the country. Both primary and secondary data collection methods were used. Primary data was collected in the form of in-depth interviews, conducted with three key experts representing each microfinance institution, along with five women benefactors of the VISACAs, and one benefactor each from Supersonicz and SDF. The key experts were able to provide insight into their organization and the services offered. The client interviews contribute to how we might understand individuals involved with the MFIs and how they impacted their businesses and life. The microfinance clients were purposively chosen based on the researcher’s ability to access them in remote areas of The Gambia. Secondary data were obtained from the Central Bank of The Gambia and the microfinance institutions to ascertain how each of the microfinance institutions functions, the size of the loans, and to whom they are awarded. Policies on microfinance governance were obtained from the microfinance unit of the Central Bank.

The Social Development Fund The Social Development Fund is categorized as a fiduciary financial institution. Classified under the highest category of the microfinance institution, its core mission is to serve as the apex institution on behalf of the government by providing financial and non-financial services to organizations that provide access to financial services to the economically active for economic activities. In its January to June 2021 Biannual Report, the Social Development Fund reported some key figures that signify its depth and reach in meeting the needs of the most economically disadvantaged, particularly women and youths. During this period, 71 loan applications were reviewed and funded either under the SDF core funds (63

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applications) or its Youth Revolving loan fund (8 applications). It is important to note that the Youth Revolving loan fund was established through a memorandum of understanding between SDF and the Ministry of Youth and Sport to engage in youth development through economic activities in the hopes of curbing a risky migration practice called “back way” to Europe that the youths embark on in search of better opportunities. Of the approximately 56 million dalasis provided to applicants, 53 million was financed under the SDF core funds and nearly 3 million through the Youth Revolving fund. The beneficiaries of the 56 million comprised 1967 women (53%) versus 1120 men (47%). Likewise, of the approximate 3 million dalasis funded through the Youth Revolving fund, the recipients were five boys and three girls, respectively (SDF Biannual Report, 2021). The main activities funded included petty trading, smallscale farming, livestock, poultry, skill training, and animal husbandry. Table 5.2 shows a breakdown of the SDF core fund distribution by region and gender. As reported, the benefits of the loans include the participants’ ability to improve and expand their businesses, realizing higher profit margins. This, in addition to the capacity-building training rendered, made it possible to make loan repayments on time. Furthermore, participants saw an improvement in both their personal and family lives. One of the interview participants, a key expert, recounted, Benefits realized at the individual level include improved incomes, expanded social networks, and better intra-family relations; savings accounts and reduced Table 5.2  SDF core fund distribution by region and gender

Region

# of recipients (boys and men)

# of recipients (girls and women)

Percentage of funds distributed per region

Greater Banjul Area West Coast Region Upper River Region Central River Region Lower River Region North Bank Region Total

1 68 4 176 552 319 1120

28 389 157 297 636 460 1967

1 15 5 16 38 25 100

Source: SDF January to June 2021 Biannual Report

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vulnerability; greater support to family welfare. One of [the recipients] invested in building a house for her family, which is yet to be completed. At the group level, the loans occasioned greater cohesion. (Leader of the Kambeng Kafo Group, Karanta Village, Jarra West District, LRR)

Village Savings and Credit Associations The Village Savings and Credit Associations (VISACAs) operate at the community level, mainly in the rural areas, and are semi-formal microfinance providers. They tend to be user-owned, managed, and financed. VISACAs have been in operation in the country since 1988 and play a crucial role in the microfinance landscape of the country. The primary objective was to establish a village bank to collect local savings and make loans available to individual villagers or groups. The VISACAs serve three different purposes: providing access to the rural parts of the country, facilitating economic activities within the rural setting, and alleviating poverty. They are user-owned and managed, with individual villagers and groups invited to save with the institution and, in turn, borrow from it. They are governed by a management committee elected by the general assembly at the annual meeting. Cashiers are also picked among the members and manage the bank’s finances. Both the cashier and management committee positions are voluntary, but there are a few cases where some form of monetary incentive is provided. The management committee is tasked with the overall management of the VISACA. Regular checking, savings, term deposits, and credit provision are the most common services for these VISACAs. Loans are generally given out for income generation and agricultural activities, and special considerations are made for educational and other activities. An individual or group must be a member of the VISACA, have a good amount of deposit in the bank or a guarantor, and some form of collateral to be considered for a loan. Individuals and groups participating in the VISACA funding schemes reported similar benefits to those in the SDF and Supersonicz cases. These benefits are also expressed by those who received the funding from the VISACA. One client shared:

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The VISACA has brought many benefits in my life/community. One used to have to keep your money at home where it could be stolen, burned by fire, etc., but now, one has a safe place. In the past, during the rainy season, loans acquired through money lenders carried a huge interest rate, but the VISACA has eliminated all of that. Furthermore, the bank has empowered our women folks to start engaging in petty trading. In the past, only men used to sell vegetables in this village, but this is done by the women now. It has also kept robbers away as everyone is aware that the whole Madmud Fana keep their money in the bank and not in their houses. (Participant from Madmud Fana village) I can now stand on my own and run my farm. Now I not only use the harvest to feed my family but am also able to sell some to keep some away as savings. I do not depend on anyone else. (Participant from Kass Wollof village) I am thrilled because the program has given me a way to make deposits which I later use to improve my livelihood. (Participant, Sifoe village)

Supersonicz Financial Supersonicz was established in 2013 as a licensed money transfer institution. Realizing that there was a gap in the provision of financial services access to some members of society, Supersonicz applied for and was granted a license by the Central Bank of The Gambia in 2015 to operate as a non-bank finance institution. Categorized as a finance company, it primarily serves small and medium enterprises, most of whom are women with limited or no access to the formal financial sector. The institution’s mission is “to facilitate financial inclusion and stimulate sustainable economic development of our communities, using Sharia-compliant micro-­ finance instruments that leverage on technology and the skills of our people in creating everlasting customer experience” (Supersonicz, 2022). Supersonicz offers two programs that specifically facilitate women’s financial inclusion in microfinance by providing the needed financing and support to their micro-enterprises. One of the institution’s microfinance programs for women is called the Women Microfinance Initiative (WMI). This community-based program offers loans, encourages savings, and provides business training to rural and peri-urban women to

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empower them through entrepreneurship. The service helps in the form of group loans to women, with repayment expected within six months. Membership in the WMI program comprises 20–75 women who mobilize in groups headed by a leader and get access to equal amounts. Financing under this initiative is done collaboratively with other development partners. One such organization is the Women Entrepreneurship Development Agency (WEDA). WEDA works to improve livelihood and enhance income-generating capacity through financing and capacity-­ building training. Another service Supersonicz offers women is the Urban Solidarity Groups (USGs). In this program, the membership is smaller, typically five to ten, compared to the WMI (20–75 women). Equal amounts are given to members of the USGs, which are also payable within six months, and the collateral is co-guaranteed. The institution provides loans to women’s groups involved in economic activities like petty trading or small-scale commercial manufacturing of products like locally made soap. The loans in both programs start at 10,000 Gambian dalasis (approximately US $200) given to these small groups so they can gradually graduate to small and medium enterprises (SMEs) in which individuals take out individual loans. During an interview, a beneficiary (client) of the USG in the greater Banjul area gave an account of how the microfinance program she was engaged in helped her to grow her business: I took a loan of ten thousand dalasis to start up a charcoal selling business which later qualified me for the SME, which granted me a loan of 180,000 dalasis to set up my fashion shop, which is my only source of income now. The other benefit that the microfinance programs brought me is that from the profits I earned from the business, I was able to build a house for my family. (Participant from the Kanifing Municipality)

Conclusion This chapter provides the reader with an overview of microfinance in The Gambia and its use as a poverty alleviation tool to improve the well-being and living conditions of the poor. Although the study is limited to three

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case studies, the in-depth interview data presented elucidate the capacity of efforts to increase access to financial products and services through microfinance to have positive impact on the lives of women. Microfinance is being used in The Gambia as a poverty alleviation tool to enhance the well-being and living conditions of the economically disadvantaged population, especially women and youth who engage in entrepreneurial activities. Consequently, microfinance has provided access to financial and non-financial services, enabling women to be in charge of their own development. Despite the excellent potential for their growth and significant contribution to employment generation and poverty alleviation, women in The Gambia still face challenges, including limited access to formal financial services, difficulty reaching banks, lower participation rate in formal employment, access to assets, and financial literacy and awareness. Microfinance institutions in The Gambia need to increase their efforts to ensure that the challenges of distance to branches are surmounted to improve women’s financial inclusion. Generally, women have minimal access to formal financial services. The available services and products do not reach women with lower education or incomes or those living in rural areas. Physical distance is the primary barrier to accessing services and is unfortunately exacerbated by the limited mobility of women and the lack of digital financial solutions. Furthermore, there is a strong need for financial literacy training to increase women’s awareness and understanding of financial services and their providers. This can empower women with the knowledge of how to open an account and access services and give greater confidence in financial service providers. In line with the National Development Plan, The Gambian government is working on a National Financial Inclusion Strategy (NFIS) to improve access to and usage of quality financial services, ensuring inclusive growth and poverty reduction. The new strategy will be aligned with the objectives of the UN Sustainable Development Goals to address access to and usage of financial services through Goal 1: Ending poverty in all its forms, including the promotion of social protection system, decent employment, and building the resilience of the poor; Goal 5: Achieving gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls; Goal 8: Promote sustained, inclusive, and sustainable economic growth,

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full and productive employment and decent work for all; Goal 9: Build resilient infrastructures, promote inclusive and sustainable industrialization, and foster innovation (Central Bank of The Gambia, n.d.). This will be further strengthened by the steps taken in the National Development Plan to boost women’s empowerment through legislative acts.

References Ceesay, A. A. (2011). Is microfinance the answer?: VISACA interventions in The Gambia. Doctoral dissertation, Rutgers University-Graduate School-Newark. Central Bank of The Cambia. (2022). List of licensed microfinance institutions. https://www.cbg.gm/list-­of-­licensed-­microfinance-­institutions Central Bank of The Gambia. (n.d.). Financial inclusion. https://www.cbg.gm/ financial-­inclusion Clydesdale, H., & Shah, K. (n.d.). Microfinance and women: The micro-­ mystique. Asia Society Center for Global Education. https://asiasociety.org/ education/microfinance-­and-­women-­micro-­mystique Gassama, S. (2021). The role of microfinance institutions in providing access to finance for the women in The Gambia and the impact of access to finance in their lives (Doctoral dissertation, UNIVERSITAS AIRLANGGA). Government of The Gambia. (1996). The Gambia incorporated… Vision 2020. Hossain, F. (2002). Small loans, big claims. Development in Practice, 12(2), 79–82. International Finance Corporation of The World Bank. (2022). Financial inclusion is a key enabler. International Finance Corporation of the World Bank Group. (n.d.). Bridging the gender gap in access to finance. Retrieved July 13, 2022, from https://www.ifc. org/wps/wcm/connect/news_ext_content/ifc_external_corporate_site/ news+and+events/news/bridging+the+gender+gap+in+access+to+finance International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD). (n.d.). Country documents. Retrieved August 20, 2022, from https://www.ifad.org/en/web/ operations/w/country/the-­gambia#:~:text=Country%20Facts,on%20agriculture%20for%20their%20livelihood International Trade Administration of The United States Department of Commerce. (2020). The Gambia, The Country Commercial Guide. https:// www.trade.gov/country-­commercial-­guides/gambia-­agriculture Reed, L.  R., Rao, D.  S. K., Rogers, S., Rivera, C., Diaz, F., Gailly, S., … & Sanchez, X. (2015). Mapping pathways out of poverty. The State of the Microcredit Summit Campaign Report, 2015.

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Social Development Fund of The Gambia. (2021, July). The credit review committee biannual report, January to June 2021. Supersonicz Financial Service. (2022). www.supersonicz.gm The U.N. Capital Development Fund. (2019). PoWER assessment of women’s economic empowerment in The Gambia. https://www.uncdf.org/article/5043/ power-­assessment-­of-­womens-­economic-­empowerment-­in-­the-­gambia The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). (2020). The next frontier: Human development and the anthropocene. Briefing note for countries on the 2020 Human Development Report. The Gambia. The World Bank, Global Findex Database. (2021). https://databank.worldbank. org/source/global-­financial-­inclusion

6 Informally Formal: Women’s Mutual Aid Organizations in the Informal Sector of the Economy Sandy Zook

Introduction What does it mean to be part of civil society? And, what counts as a civil society organization (CSO)? These questions are at the heart of growing interests to map civil society1—that is, identifying the number, types, sizes, and economic impact of CSOs operating within countries and comparing civil society across countries. Successfully mapping civil society requires clear definitions of CSOs for inclusion and exclusion, which often omits informal organizations and activities that are less visible, thus  Civil society is intended as an inclusive term to describe the many types of formal and informal social purpose organizations working toward social benefits, that is, the third sector, non-­ governmental sector, social economy, social purpose sector, and nonprofit sector. It is inclusive of a variety of different formal and informal organizations, that is, nonprofits, social purpose organizations, non-governmental organizations, and civil society organizations. 1

S. Zook (*) School of Public Affairs, University of Colorado-Denver, Denver, CO, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 K. A. Krawczyk, B. A. King (eds.), Women’s Contributions to Development in West Africa, Globalization, Urbanization and Development in Africa , https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8190-6_6

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not easily counted and quantified. In the Global South, for example, where the informal sector of the economy comprises 80% of the workforce and is the largest employer of women, these definitions of civil society become more problematic, as they may marginalize the informal work and community organization efforts of women (African Development Bank, 2012, 2013). This chapter explores the dichotomy and implications of simultaneous inclusion and marginalization of women in narratives of international development and civil society. To do this, I bring together two threads of literature on women in international development to examine the juxtaposition between narratives of gender equity and inclusion of women in economic and social policy against the data collected and used to develop and perpetuate that policy. An ethnography of a women’s organization is used to explore the unaccounted—or under-accounted for—community-­ based, grassroots social and economic roles of women by applying Salamon and Sokolowski’s (2016) criteria for identifying boundaries of civil society. The purpose is to question what is missing from theory-­ building efforts around economic inclusion and civil society. Moreover, given that the informal sector of the economy is the largest employer of women, how might our theories and frameworks underestimate the economic and social power of women within these contexts, or at the very least their roles as community organizers? The next section details evolving narratives describing the structure and purpose of the informal sector of the economy, including the role of street markets and street vendors. I then bridge to global efforts to map civil society. Drawing out Salamon and Sokolowski’s (2016) framework for civil society, the next section explores the ethnography of a self-­ organized women’s group. Given that the women’s organization falls within the boundaries of this inclusion framework, the conclusion highlights the complexity of women’s roles and organizing efforts within informal sector of the economy, leading to several questions and implications for research and practice.

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Women in International Development Discourses The economic inclusion of women is central to global goals for economic development and strong civil societies. Macro-institutions, including the World Bank, International Labour Organization (ILO), and International Monetary Fund, agree that empowering women through economic inclusion provides multi-tiered benefits, ranging from individual families and local communities to macro-economic growth and development (United Nations, 2009). As such, the international development community has concentrated resources toward the economic, political, and social inclusion of women. Examples of efforts to direct resources to women include international coordinating efforts (e.g., fifth Sustainable Development Goal for gender equity, UN’s Women’s Economic Empowerment Index [WEEI]), financial resources directed to women (e.g., microfinance, NGO financial support programs directed to women, and self-help groups), and advocacy for equality (e.g., pay, workforce protections, civil protection under the law, and voting rights).2 While resources are purposely directed toward gender-based development initiatives, macro-institutions simultaneously concentrate time and resources on collecting, analyzing, and reporting a variety of economic indicators—for example, gross domestic product (GDP), per capita income, human development index, wealth inequality, and unemployment. Indeed, our ability to collect and analyze data is central to creating and perpetuating development policy and guiding decision-making, including categorizing and typologizing countries based on this data. Difficult to account for in these metrics is the informal sector of the economy—defined as all workers and firms operating outside the framework of government regulation. The informal sector exists in all countries in various forms and functions. Because the informal sector operates outside of government regulation, it is difficult to measure the breadth and  Please note that these efforts can indeed help with economic, political, and social inclusion, but may also lead to inequities and new threats to women and women livelihoods, such as increased gender-based violence, feminization of poverty, and legal retrenchment of rights based on gender (see Chant, 2014; Eggers del Campo & Steinert, 2020; Horton, 2017). 2

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impact. This is evidenced by a recent ILO publication touting to provide comparable estimates of country-level global data on the informal sector “for the first time” (ILO, 2018, p. V). Estimates of the size of the informal sector vary across publications, but it is universally acknowledged that globally, the informal sector accounts for over 60% of the workforce, with rates even higher in the Global South (ILO, 2018; Kiaga & Leung, 2020; African Development Bank, 2013). Similarly, while estimates vary, it is agreed that in Sub-­ Saharan Africa (SSA), for decades the informal sector has accounted for over 80% of the workforce and is the fastest growing sector of the economy—accounting for over 90% of all new employment—and is the largest employer of women (African Development Bank, 2012, 2013; Kiaga & Leung, 2020). More than 90% of women in the West African workforce—and Ghana, in particular—are employed in the informal sector of the economy, predominantly in street markets as street vendors (Ghana Statistical Services, 2016; Kiaga & Leung, 2020). Meaning that, while great efforts persist to improve data on the informal sector of the economy, the data constitute approximations or are not included in economic metrics, such as a country’s GDP. This results in a bifurcated international development narrative between the goals of centering women in economic policy and the inclusion of women in the data used to generate that policy.

The Informal Sector of the Economy Research on the informal sector in the 1970s and 1980s—outside the field of economics—found the informal sector in SSA as a vibrant sector with strong and complex social networks (Hart, 1973; Moran, 1990). This was followed, however, in the 1980s and 1990s, by the emergence of a post-colonial, capitalistic, economic view of the informal sector which gave rise to the structural adjustment programs that shrunk formal sector employment throughout the Global South, forcing men and women into the informal sector to find work (Konadu-Agyemang, 2001; Meagher & Yunusa, 1996; Overå, 2007).

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As the Global South emerged from the structural adjustment program era, these economies and emerging democracies struggled to create sustainable own-source revenue, thus the informal sector narrative shifted to become a pariah, at odds with a democratic, capitalist society. Simultaneously during this era, the number of civil society organizations (CSOs) grew exponentially to deliver social and economic development interventions in the Global South (Brass, 2016). Until 2018, the World Bank’s website included a page titled “Workers in the Informal Economy”—including a picture of a street market in the Global South— the definition is as follows and cited across multiple publications at the time: The informal economy refers to activities and income that are partially or fully outside government regulation, taxation, and observation. The main attraction of the undeclared economy is financial. This type of activity allows employers, paid employees, and the self-employed to increase their take-home earnings or reduce their costs by evading taxation and social contributions. On the one hand, informal employment can provide a cushion for workers who cannot find a job in the formal sector. But, on the other hand, it entails a loss in budget revenues by reducing taxes and social security contributions paid and therefore the availability of funds to improve infrastructure and other public goods and services. It invariably leads to a high tax burden on registered labor. A high level of informality also can undermine the rule of law and governance. The fact that a large share of the population is openly ignoring laws, regulations and taxes can weaken the respect citizens have for the state.

While the definition concedes that the informal sector provides employment opportunities for those unable to find work in the small formal sector, the assertion is that individuals select the informal sector for financial gain, which undermines the rule of law. Indeed, when described, the informal sector is often bifurcated as either (1) grassroots or community-based organizations and entrepreneurs attempting new ideas, products, and programs, inclusive of quasi-organizational structures that are not fully formalized or ready to scale, or (2) those seeking financial benefit by avoiding regulation and taxation (World Bank n.d.).

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For the former—often depicted as Global North entrepreneurs or social activists—it is assumed that as efforts and ideas give way to more formalized structures, the organization or entrepreneur will pursue legal registration, thus joining the formal sector of the economy. For the latter, the informal sector is a monetary benefit to subvert rule of law and avoid taxation. This insinuates that the action to avoid regulation is intentional by the worker. This narrative discounts contexts, such as those in SSA, where the informal sector’s role is more complex. Beyond the scarcity of formal sector employment, many countries, particularly in SSA, lack legal structures and resources to enforce regulations and ensure worker protections, such as fair wages, safe working conditions, anti-discrimination, and family or medical leave (International Labour Organization, 2009; World Bank, n.d.). Without these protections or enforcement mechanisms to enact protections, this further blurs the lines between employment in the formal and informal sector. Relatedly, Buame (1996) found that in absence of formal institutional supports and consistent regulatory enforcement in Ghana, small business owners relied on social networks to access to capital and deliver services. Thus, as the dominant source of work and fastest growing sector, informal sector employment is entered into by workers—predominantly women—out of necessity to earn or supplement household income. According to the Ghana Statistical Services (2016) street vending is the primary employment opportunity in urban areas and the largest area of employment for women, as such, the next section will examine evidence that street markets harbor “hidden clusters” of organizations and networks providing social and economic support to the street vendors that comprise these markets.

Street Markets and Street Vendors In post-colonial contexts throughout the Global South, it is observed that women dominate employment in street vending across many countries and cultures, particularly in West Africa (Hart, 1973; Moran, 1990; Konadu-Agyemang, 2001). There are a variety of terms to describe

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people selling goods on the street or in marketplaces in the Global South—including subsistence workers, market sellers, market vendors, street vendors, hawkers, informal entrepreneurs, or market actors. I use the term street vendor in reference to individuals who acquire or produce goods and services in order to sell them in a public market or public space. Marketplaces or street markets are complex infrastructures with a variety of both formal and informal actors interacting with or providing services to street vendors, including central and local government(s), international and local CSOs, trade organizations and associations, religious groups, private businesses, microfinance organizations, and mutual aid or self-help groups. Recent shifts in narratives on the informal sector of the economy focus on social networks and infrastructure of street vendors. This emergent research pushes back against the post-colonial economic narratives on the informal sector and find that social networks and grassroots organizing among workers facilitate employment and support wealth creation (Meagher, 2005; Thornton et  al., 2011; Viswanathan et  al., 2008a, 2008b), connect entrepreneurs with resources and capital (Awumbila et al., 2014; Castillo et al., 2008; Meagher, 2005; Minard, 2009; Williams, 2008a), and improve aptitude and make entrepreneurs more adaptable over time (Viswanathan et al., 2010; Walther, 2014). The informal sector is rich with grassroots community-based support or “hidden clusters” of networks, not just for entry into the informal economy but for entrepreneurial activity (Williams 2008a, 2008b). Building on these findings of “hidden clusters” of organizations and activities, the next section examines the role of mapping civil society and implications of our definitions on excluding women from counts of civil society.

Defining and Mapping Civil Society Several large-scale, global, or regional civil society mapping efforts have emerged since the 1990s, such as the CIVICUS Civil Society Index and Johns Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project (CNP). These efforts seek to provide definitions of civil society and CSOs that apply

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across a variety of countries and contexts in order to identify inclusion and exclusion criteria that allows for country-level comparative analysis. When addressing why we need data on civil society, Salamon and Sokolowski (2016) assert that without this data “the old aphorism that ‘what isn’t counted doesn’t count’ seems to hold” (p.  1522)—meaning that the lack of data on civil society can lead to the exclusion of civil society in vital global and national policy decisions. The ability to generate comparable data on civil society relies on definitions that delineate this inclusion and exclusion criteria. In the CNP and CIVICUS mapping efforts, for example, early definitions attempted to include informality in the definitions, but acknowledged the resource constraints and methodological challenges to capturing informal organizations—those not legally registered with government or operating in contexts without government registration requirements (see Salamon & Anheier, 1992, 1998; Salamon et al., 1999). Heinrich (2005) went further to admit the outright omission of informal organizations, identifying that civil society mapping efforts overly rely on formal registries of CSOs because the data is easy to find, define, and aggregate. This not only omits informal, community-based, and/or grassroots organizations but also biases data toward Global North organizations and countries. Indeed, Smith (1997) found that this focus in mapping omits a large portion of the sector—up to 90%—particularly in contexts with large informal economies. This omission potentially marginalizes or omits the important roles women play as social connectors and community organizers in countries where women make up a large portion of the informal sector workforce, such as those found in West Africa. Thus, when mapping civil society, we should also apply the aphorism as a reflexive research practice to consider who and what is and is not counted as a part of the mapping process—that is, who is privileged within our maps and included in the data on civil society. As such, less is known about what I call the “hidden organizations”— groups difficult to identify because they are not registered with government and not connected to formal institutions (i.e., receiving fiscal support or resources from legally registered organizations or philanthropists). More recent efforts to define civil society, however, attempt to capture these organizations by vetting the definitions across researchers and

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practitioners in multiple countries and world regions. Thus, as a frame for evaluating the inclusion of informal women’s groups in civil society mapping efforts, I use Salamon and Sokolowski’s (2016) five-pronged framework. The framework is relatively similar to the definitions in early work (see Salamon & Anheier, 1998, Salamon et al., 1999). This framework provides a broad definition: (1) formal or informal with a clear purpose operating over a period of time; (2) must be separate from and not controlled by government; (3) have autonomy within their governance; (4) non-compulsory membership (free entry and exit); and (5) have a non-distribution constraint (Table 6.1). As such, I utilized an ethnographic approach—including participant observation, interviews, and focus groups—over six months engaging with street vendors in street markets of the Greater Accra Region of Ghana, West Africa, to uncover these “hidden organizations.” During the ethnographic study, it was evident that these types of organizations are pervasive throughout the street markets in the suburbs of Greater Accra, Ghana. The largest observed groups included over 100 members and the smallest had fewer than 20 members. From a legal perspective, these groups are unregistered, and thus informal, but the groups have names, clear membership rules, a leadership voted on by the members, as well as Table 6.1 Defining CSOs for mapping civil society from Salamon and Sokolowski (2016) Attribute

Definition

Organizations

• Formal or informal—does not have to be legally registered with government •  Group of people with   – purpose   – procedures •  Act for an extended period of time “institutionally separate from government and not controlled by government” (p. 1534) Internal autonomy and self-determination: purpose, policy, procedures, and operations Free or voluntary association for entry and exit by participants; non-compulsory • “prohibition, or significant limitation, on any distribution of its profits” (p. 1535) •  Formal or legal

Private Self-governing Non-compulsory Profit non-distribution

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receive and track revenue and expenditures. The organizations take in revenue through membership fees, charitable contributions, in-kind donations and fundraising events. Members participate in regular meetings and organize community volunteering, fundraising, and social events. When asked about their participation in these groups, benefits ranged from fellowship with peers to assistance with social and financial supports (i.e., childcare, building social connections, and growing their business), as well as support with major life events (i.e., birth, marriage, and death in the family). Indeed, a growing body of research finds women are key to economic, social, and political development. But, the narrative of the informal sector coupled with common practice in civil society mapping techniques may systematically undercount and/or omit the contributions of women. The implications of this are less robust theories and reduced potential for effective interventions in macro-economic policy and international development. The next section outlines the ethnography and explores the women’s organization in the context of Salamon and Sokolowski’s (2016) CSO framework.

Ethnography of a Women’s Organization Data was collected over a six-month period using participant observation and through participation in the meetings and rituals of the group under study, from here forward referred to as the Club.3 At the time of the ethnography in 2016, this Club had 23 members, which grew to over 30 by the end of 2019 and continues to operate at the time of this publication.4 Before the COVID-19 pandemic, the Club continued to grow, averaging  Due to a confidentiality agreement with the group, the name will not be disclosed. As a part of the ethnography, over 80 interviews were completed, but this chapter predominantly focuses on interviews with the members of a single fellowship and savings group. 4  Of the 23 members, 21 are included in this analysis. Of the two members not included in the demographic data and interviews, the first one was absent almost the whole observation period taking care of a parent who was sick in her region of origin. She had migrated to Accra three years earlier to join an elder sister already working in the market. The other member not interviewed joined the group in the last month of the observation; however, another member who joined during the observation period was included in the interviews. 3

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a new member approximately every quarter, with two joining during the observation period in 2016. About a third of the group (n = 7) are founding members, adding five additional members in the first year and six more in the second year. The group of five that joined within the first year are socially connected with the seven founding members—through church, friendship from youth, or they work in booths near one of the members. In the group, there are two sisters, two cousins, and two related through marriage, but the group is otherwise not comprised of blood relatives. Most of the participants sell food goods such as tomatoes, plantains, gari, and melon. Three others sold clothing or accessories. The clothing and accessories are typically used goods, obtained by donations, exchanges, or found second-hand and re-sold in the market. The Club’s leader sells used purses, a trade she started as a young girl working with her mother and grandmother in the market—both of whom still have booths in the market. One of the members is a seamstress and knows the Club’s leader from school. Another member works in the formal economy for a registered private company that trades spices and she has a high school education. She participates in several clubs and groups across many markets as a business strategy, hoping to recruit market women looking to expand their business to selling spices. More than a third are first-generation migrants from other regions in Ghana, but a majority of the founding members identified as second- or third-generation migrants—none as native to the Greater Accra Region. The group’s mean age is 24.9 and the average years of education for the group is about 6 years, with most finishing primary school. About three-­ fifths are married and three others engaged, with one announcing her engagement during the ethnography period. Half the group have at least one child, with five having multiple children.

Founders’ Story In speaking with the elected leader, who was also the founder of the club, about her motivation for forming the club and focusing on young women such as herself, she said:

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No one cared about our issues. We are young. We get engaged, married, have babies. They [nonprofit, microfinance and other women’s fellowship groups] passed us because we are young or busy with the child. We [members of the savings group, young women] talked. We understand each other. If not us, then who?

The leader stated her mother and grandmother are in a similar organization, but the membership is much older and very large, approximately 100 members. She discussed the difficulties of a large organization, stating: The other groups do not know us. They are different—older, not our cares. We need support. We need friends to go to things. We need fellowship. We help each other. By God’s grace [lifting her hands and eyes to the sky].

This was also reflective of several other interviews. The leader and many of the members said the other organizations are primarily religious or business in nature. Religion was central to this group, as well as several other groups observed in the markets. When the organization’s leadership team was asked why they started the organization, they answered in unison “God … Yes.” Followed by smiles and shy laughs. One of the more vocal members said, “He is in everything,” which was met by a chorus of “By God’s grace.” The leadership team went on to describe challenges to starting families, having children, financially supporting themselves, and their businesses. Several members also highlighted concerns for challenges they observe in their community with poverty, education, and care for orphans. The next five sections will provide greater detail on the operations of the Club framed by the five components of Salamon and Sokolowski’s (2016) CSO definition.

Organization According to Salamon and Sokolowski (2016, p. 1534), an organization does not need to be formally registered, but should have “groups of people who interact according to some understood procedures and pursue one or more common purposes for a meaningfully extended period (e.g.,

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longer than several months).” It is clear that the Club is comprised of a group of market women organized around a common purpose for an extended period of time. This section will outline the purpose that organizes the work. The Club is not registered with government and is thus considered informal. While the Club does not have written policies or articles of incorporation, there was a strong understanding and consensus from the interviewees of purpose and goals of the Club. While different members articulated the role of the Club in a different order, all agreed that the Club serves these five purposes (activities are detailed in the Self-governing section): 1. Provide a savings mechanism distributed among the members. 2. Provide funds to members for unplanned emergencies, such as death or significant illness in the family, or emergency that requires travel. 3. Provide social support for members for planned life events, such as engagements and weddings. 4. Include fellowship and may have guest speakers for meetings. Each meeting is opened with convocation and hymns by the meeting leader. 5. Volunteer time and raise funds, or in-kind donations for a local orphanage adjacent to the market.5

Private The Club is not a government unit, nor affiliated in any way with government.

Self-governing The Club leader and the bookkeeper have known each other since birth and are the same age. Their mothers sell plantains and they grew up in the  This purpose is newer to the Club, enacted in the last year at the behest of one of the members. As covered in the Self-governing section, one of the Club members brought the issue of the orphanage forward for new business and the membership voted to take action. Essentially the Club adopted the orphanage as a public service/volunteer activity. 5

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market together, coming to work with their mothers. They were the ones that rallied the seven founding members to form the Club. While there are seven founding members, the leadership team is elected by the membership, approximately every year to year and a half, with no term limits. The leadership team is comprised of four members with assigned roles: the overall Club leader, a bookkeeper, a meeting leader, and an at-large position (the Club is still working on the precise role, but broadly conceive it as outreach and activity coordinator to handle the growth and provide more voice at the leadership meetings). The overall Club leader, bookkeeper, and meeting leader are part of the original leadership team voted in by the seven original members. The at-large member was added in 2016 sometime before the beginning of the ethnography period. The Club meets every other week on Mondays and the leadership team meets once a month (approximately every other meeting) to discuss finances, upcoming events, and activities and prepare topics for the next set of meetings. The overall Club leader is quiet but commands the respect of the group when she speaks both at leadership team and in the general membership meetings. Her leadership style is more reserved, as she has one of the meeting leaders lead the group meetings. From interviews though, it is clear she is a driving force behind the creation of the organization. The bookkeeper keeps a ledger and logs all of the contributions received each meeting and revenue from fundraising events. She reports the financial standing at each meeting and is most vocal when discussing the costs of potential activities and the financial needs of members. The third leadership team member leads the meetings—she is charismatic and spiritual, loudly leading the prayers and hymnals to open and close the meetings, as well as introducing guests and making announcements on behalf of the leadership team. The newest member of the leadership team was generally quiet at the meetings. In part, it was that she was newly appointed to the role and did not have a designated speaking role in the meetings. The Club operates under five purposes: 1. Provide a savings mechanism distributed among the members. At each meeting members pay 5 cedis (an equivalent of approximately $1–1.25 US) and each meeting a portion of that is distributed to one of the members, the rest is placed into savings by the Club bookkeeper.

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Distribution of funds rotates according to your length of membership, new members are placed at the bottom of the list and each meeting the next person on the list receives the disbursement. This works as a savings mechanism, as each member of the group knows their turn will come to receive the cash. Approximately one-third of members stated a distrust of NGOs, banks, microfinance organizations, and other formal mechanisms for savings. Three discussed how there had been a microfinance organization in the market, but that after a year or so it disappeared with everyone’s money, so NGOs and formal organizations were unreliable. However, some of the members had some sort of savings through a susu.6 Members can also voluntarily contribute funds for unplanned emergency funds (#2) and planned life events (#3). 2. Provide funds to members for unplanned emergency, such as death or significant illness in the family, or emergency that requires travel. Part of the dues collected at each meeting are held by the Club for disbursement in the case of significant life events. In Ghana, women typically are the primary caretaker for their parents. This means market women may miss significant work time in the event of a parent’s illness. Also, because women work in the informal sector, there are no protections or guarantees if they must miss work time for the birth of a child or an illness. In these cases, the Club provides funds to help with travel, paying rent on their market space or booth and maintaining trade association dues. When major life events occur, some of the money is drawn from the weekly membership dues, but members can choose to voluntarily contribute additional money. One member, speaking of the financial support, stated:  Susu is the local Ghanaian term for individuals that act as an intermediary between market vendors and banks. A susu is different from a microfinance organization. Typically male, they collect money from market vendors, then deposit and monitor that money in a bank on behalf of the participants. Accounts are short-term and payout terms vary depending on the agreement between the susu and street vendor. Some are for specific purposes, similar to life insurance or saving for educational expenses, others are general savings accounts with or without interest. The susus are viewed as more trustworthy because several have been working in the markets for decades, building trust and good standing within the market community. 6

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“My mum passed on. I had to go back [home, to another region of the country]. They helped me with costs.” Another member was absent for the ethnography period because of an ill parent and that member had received emergency support for the trip to their region of origin, where her parents still reside. Thus, the membership group provides an important social safety net, allowing the women to afford taking time from work for these major life events. 3. Provide social support for members for planned life events, such as engagements and weddings. Social supports included attendance by members at the announcement of major life events, such as engagement, marriage, and birth of a child. Members discussed the importance of having friends present when publicly announcing these important life events. It demonstrates that they have a wide circle of support and social acceptance. It demonstrates that you are an accepted part of a social community and provides a sense of social protection to new or recent migrants: “I am young. I am to get engaged, married, babies. These women understand me. Support me. They come for me …” By “they come for me” she means the Club members will attend the events as friends and support her through those events. During the observation period, one of the members announced her engagement, met with cheers. To celebrate, she passed out candies to the group. Many of the group members met this offering of candy with the offering of money, personal congratulations, and promises of attending the formal engagement party/announcement. The attendance of an event is central to the group. The seamstress in the group sewed traditional cloth outfits for the Club members, in the colors of the Club. All of the Club members attend the event in the traditional dress, signifying support and unity—that the member is part of a social support group. 4. Include fellowship and may have guest speakers for meetings. Each meeting is opened with convocation and hymns by the meeting leader. The bookkeeper opens the ledger and reports the finances and the Club leader or meeting leader provides an overview of business, with any votes on agenda items registered. The remaining time is used for a guest speaker or discussion among the women of issues important to young women on relationships, family planning, balancing work, and motherhood and parenting. Family planning, as referred to by the

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membership, is not contraceptives, but discussions of the role of ­family in society and the roles of the husband and wife as father and mother. As an example of a guest speaker during the observation period, a preacher of one of the members came and spoke about the challenges of marriage and how to be a supportive wife. Mostly, it is church leaders that the members know who come and speak to the group. Group members may also lead these discussions or arrange a prayer group around a specific topic or area for the group. The topics are decided by leadership, but gathered through membership input at meetings. The meeting ends with more singing and dancing and prayer. Members are asked to come forward with anything they want the Club to include in their prayers. Another observed social support is that the Club meets periodically before the opening of the busiest market day on Saturday to do what they call a fellowship walk. Market days on every Saturday are busy, with thousands of people buying goods for the week. It can be difficult to even navigate or move through the aisles of the market. Street vendors do not have time to take a break or even move around, so periodically, before the market opens at 4:30 or 5 a.m., the Club will meet to do what they called a fellowship walk. They walk about 1.5–2 miles, praying and singing hymns and talking to each other as they prepare for the busy day. 5. Volunteer time and raise funds, or in-kind donations for a local orphanage adjacent to the market. At the time of the ethnography, this was a new activity for the Club, brought forward by one of the members concerned with the orphanage near the market. The Club voted to adopt and work to assist and support the orphanage—demonstrating autonomy to control and adapt the mission. At the beginning of the ethnography, the group had just wrapped up a clothing drive within the market for the orphanage. During the ethnography, I attended and observed a fundraising pot luck lunch held by the Club at a local church. The church donated the space and Club members invited friends and families to attend. Everyone brought a food dish and there was food, singing, dancing, and fellowship. The Club used donation envelopes as invitations and attendees could donate to the Club and the orphanage. This was the second time the group had done this

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event and the leadership team reported getting the idea from church events they attended. At the end of the event, the Club bookkeeper announced how much money was raised, and how much would go to the orphanage, with approximately 5% earmarked for future work with the orphanage, future fundraising events, and/or emergency funds for the members. Implicit within the purpose is that the Club is designed by and for young women working in the market. There is no defined age limit, that is, members cannot age out of the Club, but the oldest member is 32 years old and most are 23–24 years old, as highlighted in Table 6.2. The Club was formed by young women in their 20s working in the market. Indeed, all the members are generally on the cusp of major life events: recently migrated to Greater Accra, getting engaged, getting married, and having children. This is intentional and reflected in the strategies for bringing in new members, which largely consists of word of mouth from current members. The seven founding members articulated that the goal in founding the Club was to have a group focused on the issues and challenges of young female market vendors. In reference to the goals to serve, young women members stated: The other Clubs are elder, they do not understand [us]. What we need. Our age. We [in reference to young women in the market] have different needs. We are married, engaged, having child. We need our sisters [in reference to the Club members]. I came to Accra. The Club is sisters [friends], we help each other, by God’s grace. Table 6.2  The Club’s demographics Age First-generation migrant Married Engaged Education Have a child Years a member of the group (in 2016)

24.9 (Mean) 33.3% 57.1% 14.3% 6.4 (Mean) 48% 1.8 (Mean)

Mode

Min

Max

23, 24 0 1 0 5, 7 0 3

20 0 0 0 2 0 0

32 1 1 1 12 1 3

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Non-compulsory No woman desiring to join the Club has been denied access. Occasionally, non-members attend meetings and are not required nor asked to pay the $5 Cedi membership fee. Members cannot age out of the Club; they may remain in the Club as long as they desire. During the pandemic, one member decided to return to their region of origin and was compensated a portion of their contributions to help pay for the trip home. Thus, there are no barriers to entry or exit, though recruitment efforts are targeted to young women in the market, as it aligns with the Club’s purpose. While membership is non-compulsory, more than two-thirds of the members voiced interest in upward mobility or business reasons for joining the club. One of the members works for a spice trade organization— in the formal sector—recruiting new vendors across multiple markets. She is active in several such organizations throughout Greater Accra, because it opens doors for recruiting vendors to sell the spices and growing new markets and clients. Regarding this business strategy, she stated: I am a trader of spices. This group represents young women who will be in the market for a long time. They support each other and their work will grow. It is smart for me to be here because they are the future of the market.

She also stated that from her experience, this group is interesting because of the guest speakers and focuses on issues important to young women starting their careers.

Non-distribution Constraint This is perhaps the most difficult constraint to ascertain for an informal women’s mutual aid or membership group in this context. According to the definition, “to be considered totally or significantly limited from distributing any surplus, or profit, an organization must be subject to some formal or legally binding constraint that completely prohibits, or places some significant limitation on, the portion of any profit it may generate that it can distribute to directors, shareholders, members, or other individuals” (Salamon & Sokolowski, 2016, p. 1535). Since the Club does

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not have written incorporation documents, more needs to be done to define formal within this definition. In the context of this Club, though the group does not have written agreements—as is the case in many contexts across the Global South—rather, the procedures of the Club constitute a handshake agreement among members. In the context of the street vendors in Ghana, markets are organized with several layers of organizations, including trade organizations for the various goods. These trade organizations have rules and norms that are unwritten, but agreed upon by members, including enforcement and sanctions in the case of violations. Members of the trade organizations vote for leadership and on major decisions. This demonstrates that within contexts, such as these, unwritten rules are a norm and constitute formal agreements. When interviewed, members of the Club can articulate the rules and norms of the Club, as well as agreed upon consequences for violation. When asked if the leadership team is paid or could take money for their services, it was unanimously agreed that they could not and would not do that. Moreover, when questioned what would happen if the group dissolved, after asserting that the Club had no intention of dissolving, all members agreed it would be put to a vote by the members, as with any decision made by the group, then distributed according to a consensus of the membership. Moreover, any member at any time can ask questions or have access to the financial ledger. Given the open access and unanimous understanding of how finances are to be handled, this appears to be a formal consensus of the membership. If a member attempted to embezzle or personally benefit from the Club, members agreed that the member would be subject to social sanctions, a typical enforcement mechanism in use in the market for the trade associations and other groups.

Conclusion The start of this chapter asked: What does it mean to be part of civil society? And, what counts as a civil society organization (CSO)? Overall, the Club aligns with the five attributes of the CSO definition put forth

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by Salamon and Sokolowski (2016). The ethnography, however, demonstrates the importance of context, as well as the complexity of determining what constitutes “formal” constraints on profit distribution. This chapter contributes to calls for more applications and tests of our definitions of civil society and CSOs in contexts of the Global South in order to build well-rounded theory. As such, this ethnography should not be used to draw generalizable findings but should be a call for more research and case studies derived from the informal sector of the economy in the Global South. While the ethnography does not allow for generalizability, it does provide a strong longitudinal case study for the governance of a single women’s organization in a street market of Greater Accra, Ghana, and is able to embed the rules, norms, and rituals of the group in the broader context of the street market in which it operates (Table 6.3). This illustrative ethnography demonstrates that despite the members of this Club being defined as informal and subsistence workers, they are embedded in complex systems and networks. The members have agency, leverage their personal networks, and work collectively to enact economic and social benefits within their community. I do not  argue that the women of the Club are better off economically than similarly situated peers that do not participate in a women’s club or organization. Rather, this chapter illustrates that for women working in the informal sector of the economy, the addage of “what isn’t counted doesn’t count” is a viable concern for the inclusion of women in development discourses and metrics of civil society, particularly within Global South contexts, such as I observed in the street markets of Ghana. The informality of the variety of organizations observed in the ethnographic period is indeed methodologically difficult to capture and count for use in databases and metrics used to guide policy. Researchers and practitioners, however, must continue to question the implications of not counting or not accounting for these types of women’s groups, both in civil society metrics, development discourses and data used to guide policy, as we continue to pursue goals around the economic and social inclusion of women.

Profit non-­distribution

Non-­compulsory

Self-governing

Not associated with nor controlled by government

•  Informal; not registered with government •  Group of people with a purpose and procedures •  5+ years in existence

The Club’s attributes

• No written policy, but evidence of clear understanding of purpose and operations across members • Four elected to leadership team—Leader, Bookkeeper and Meeting Leader and At-large •  Evidence of processes for procedure and operations • Members vote on expenditures and voluntary actions Free or voluntary association for entry Membership is not compulsory. Members can leave or and exit by participants; enter at any time non-compulsory • “Prohibition, or significant • No written policy, but consensus among members limitation, on any distribution of on mechanisms for collecting and distributing funds its profits” (p. 1535) •  Current procedure is to vote on all expenditures •  Formal or legal • Each meeting the Bookkeeper verbally reports the funds held • Members agreed that in the event of dissolution, members would deliberate and vote for consensus on distribution of current assets •  No member is paid for their services to the Club • Consensus that no member would receive distribution in the form of profits

•  Formal or informal • Group of people with purpose and procedures •  Act for an extended period of time “Institutionally separate from government and not controlled by government” (p. 1534) Internal autonomy and selfdetermination: purpose, policy, procedures, and operations

Organizations

Private

Definition

Attribute

Table 6.3  Identifying Club attributes using Salamon and Sokolowski (2016)

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7 The Role of Market Associations in Facilitating Women’s Informal Political Participation and Economic Development in Ghana Kelly Ann Krawczyk, Bridgett A. King, Noemi Oeding, and Shaniqua Williams

Introduction West Africa has made substantial democratic progress throughout the latter half of the twentieth and into the twenty-first century, and in part because of this progress, women’s social, economic, and political power has slowly evolved. While considerable attention has been paid to the role of African women in the economy and society, less attention has been paid to women in politics (Hirschmann, 1991). Although it is well known that there is a gender gap in political participation in sub-Saharan African countries, little research has been conducted to ascertain both the

K. A. Krawczyk • B. A. King (*) • N. Oeding • S. Williams Department of Political Science, Auburn University, Auburn, AL, USA e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 K. A. Krawczyk, B. A. King (eds.), Women’s Contributions to Development in West Africa, Globalization, Urbanization and Development in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8190-6_7

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size (Coffe & Bolzendahl, 2011) and the reasons for the gap (Isaksson et al., 2014). Moreover, theories developed to explain differences in political participation in the West often fail to explain these same differences in developing nations. Notably, the resource perspective espoused by Brady et al. (1995), which attributes participation to access to resources, has been shown to do a poor job of explaining differences in political participation in South Korea (Jeong, 2013) and across Africa (Isaksson, 2010). One reason for this may be because the Western definition of political participation is too narrow for developing nations. For the purposes of our study, we therefore utilize definitions of formal and informal political participation as described by the ACE Electoral Knowledge Network. Formal participation includes voting, being a member of a political party, and standing for office. Informal participation includes activism activities such as advocacy, mobilization, and demonstrations and protests. Both formal and informal political participation are important as they help create a vibrant and resilient democracy (ACE Electoral Knowledge Network, 2022). In many African nations, women’s political participation pre-dates independence and the formal political systems that have evolved since. Women resisted taxation and other unjust policies implemented by colonial governments (Fallon, 2003) and participated extensively in the struggle for independence (Bawa & Sanyare, 2013). Yet, once these nations gained independence, their patriarchal social structure placed men above women in social, economic, and political life (Tagoe & Abakah, 2015). As time has passed, women have made headway in the social and economic arenas. They have also made some progress in joining the formal political system, although there is still much work to be done to improve women’s economic and political participation (Bawa & Sanyare, 2013). In addition to formal participation, it is also important to examine informal political participation in order to gain a full understanding of both the barriers and stimulants to women’s political participation in West Africa. Yet, there is also a dearth of scholarship that explores how such informal political participation may help facilitate local development. While we recognize that “women occupy a central place in African societies and economies, and they should also be central to the public

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policies and strategies of development partners” (OECD/SWAC, 2019), this is not the case for many women in Ghana: the political power guaranteed to them in formal democracy is often thwarted by economic limitations or social and cultural norms. The markets—and specifically the trade organizations that coordinate their function—provide a means of political participation for many women through informal channels. How this power is consolidated, how it is used, and what effects it has on decisions at the local and national level have all been understudied. This study helps address this gap by examining how women’s informal political participation, specifically in Ghanaian markets via membership in market associations, can be a locus of informal political power for women traders, and how it can facilitate economic and community development. Our discussion proceeds as follows: we first review formal political participation in the West African context, with a discussion of both stimulants and barriers to women’s formal participation. We next move to the importance of informal political participation for women in West Africa and contextualize the role of markets as a space for this informal participation and as a location to harness political and economic power that helps promote community development. We then summarize our data and methods. Finally, we share our findings and conclude with a discussion of implications for research and practice.

Formal Political Participation Despite the barriers to political participation, women in West Africa can and do take part in the formal political system through voting and running for elected office (Hirschmann, 1991). Ndlovu and Mutale (2013) identified various factors that have contributed to an increase in women’s political participation in Africa, including “the increase in women’s movements, quota systems, multi-party systems, increase in educational opportunities, funding from international institutions, global and national agreements, conventions and commitments amongst others” (p. 74). An increase in women’s political participation is important for various reasons. Political participation can lead to power within the institutionalized political system (Coffe & Bolzendahl, 2011). Additionally,

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“[t]he existing representation and performance of women in senior positions in society has a substantial impact on women’s future participation in politics. Effective and high-profile female operators in the political or non-political sphere can help to change discriminatory mindsets and encourage other women to aspire to political participation” (Kellow, 2010, p. 17). Finally, there is a perception that an increase in political power means that women’s issues are being heard and addressed (Gbowee, 2016; Fallon, 2003). Through interviews with members of women’s organizations in Ghana, Fallon (2003) found a common theme among respondents: women must represent women, as they are the ones who are best equipped to understand women’s concerns, rights, and needs. This is especially true at the local level, where issues regarding schools, childcare, and social services are decided (Hirschmann, 1991). Despite the progress made in formal political participation in West Africa, a gender gap still exists. In an analysis of data from the 2005 Afrobarometer survey, Coffe and Bolzendahl (2011) identified several areas where there was a substantial gender gap. For example, they find that while “[m]en and women are equally likely to register to vote and to engage in communal political activities (e.g., meetings and rallying) … men who were registered to vote were much more likely than women to actually do so, and men were more likely to contact political officials” (Coffe & Bolzendahl, 2011, p. 248). Furthermore, women are less likely to engage in collective action or to contact political officials, regardless of their socio-economic status (Coffe & Bolzendahl, 2011). Although there has been an increase in women’s formal political participation over the years, much of this participation—especially when it comes to electioneering—is a political act that is not matched with actual political power. This disconnect between political “participation and representation within formal politics … affects women’s citizenship rights” (Fallon, 2003, p. 539).

Stimulants to Women’s Political Participation The struggle for independence from colonial powers, and subsequent efforts to install democracy in place of military rule and to overcome armed conflict, brought to light the potential political power women in

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West Africa possess and inspired a desire to participate in formal political roles (Kellow, 2010). Many international agreements and conventions ratified by African countries include language on gender equality and rights, including rights related to political participation. This, coupled with funding from international donors, has acted as a stimulus for women’s political participation in West Africa. Quota systems have ensured a minimum level of representation in legislatures and local governments (Ndlovu & Mutale, 2013; Kellow, 2010). Competition brought about by multi-party systems has forced parties to place women’s political participation on their agendas. Additionally, civil society and women’s movements have worked both to educate the general population regarding their voting rights and responsibilities and to encourage women to stand for office (Ndlovu & Mutale, 2013). Education, in general, and civic education, in particular, have enlightened women about their rights, allowing them to participate more fully in the political system (Ndlovu & Mutale, 2013). Yet for all of these stimulants to women’s political participation, there are still numerous hurdles. Using data from the Afrobaromenter, Isaksson (2010) found that women in Africa tend to be less politically active than men. There is a 9% gap between men and women when it comes to participating in community meetings and a 3% gap for voting (Isaksson, 2010). Ghana is among the countries where women are much less likely to vote or participate in community meetings. Interestingly, Isaksson found that neither time nor money seemed to constrain political participation. Education had mixed results, affecting community meeting attendance, but not voting. Ghana in particular shows a negative association between education and voting. Although there is not one definitive theory as to why the gender gap exists, there is no denying its existence. Furthermore, “[s]ubstantive gender inequality is at the core of women’s under-representation in political life …” (Bawa & Sanyare, 2013, p. 290).

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Barriers to Women’s Political Participation There are several potential barriers to women’s formal political participation, such as patriarchal gender norms and social constructs around a woman’s place in society, including the unequal distribution of household responsibilities; the perception that politics is a man’s domain; the potential for ridicule of participants; the financial cost of participation; and a lack of education and/or experience. Patriarchal gender norms in West Africa espouse a view that women are less capable of political participation than men and exclude them from leadership roles (Bawa & Sanyare, 2013; Coffe & Bolzendahl, 2011). Cultural and social norms place limits on a woman’s place to the household and the children (Bawa & Sanyare, 2013). This leads to an unequal distribution of household responsibilities, including childcare, which disproportionally affects women. In turn, this can lead to a lack of time and resources for women to participate in formal political systems (Hirschmann, 1991; Ndlovu & Mutale, 2013; OECD/SWAC, 2019). The focus on the traditional role of women in the household and in the marketplace, coupled with the negative attitudes of men, serves as a hindrance to women’s political participation (Isaksson et al., 2014; Hirschmann, 1991; Tagoe & Abakah, 2015). This discriminatory mindset also leads women to doubt their rights and ability to attain political office, and once there, to take part in the decision-making process effectively (Kellow, 2010). When women do choose to run for political office, they are faced with additional burdens. Ndlovu and Mutale (2013) sum it up as follows, “[d]ue to the influence of patriarchy, men continue to be in authority of the state of affairs and make decisions almost exclusively, even when the issues border on women. The few African women who have mustered up enough courage and strength to speak have received scant attention and respect” (p. 76). Politics is viewed as the domain of men. Despite campaign promises to the contrary, political parties—run by men—discriminate against women in their structures and in how they nominate women for office (Kellow, 2010). The lack of a quota system in Ghana means that while parties pay lip service to women’s representation in government, Ghana has one of the lowest rates of women in Parliament in all of Africa

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(Bauer & Darkwah, 2019). The “corrupt and hard-handed nature of local politics, which is further compounded by extreme male-centric norms, values, and lifestyles” (Bawa & Sanyare, 2013, p.  288), discourages women from running for office. This includes the proclivity to utilize gender-based discrimination and harassment, including subjecting female candidates to name-calling and taunts of being “prostitutes,” and even threats of violence (Kellow, 2010; Bawa & Sanyare, 2013; Tagoe & Abakah, 2015; Bauer & Darkwah, 2019). There is also the financial burden of running for office. Standing for political office is expensive, requiring at minimum funds for printing posters and recruiting volunteers (Tagoe & Abakah, 2015; Coffe & Bolzendahl, 2011). For higher political office, the cost is often much greater, with candidates contributing to the coffers of the ruling party in exchange for support in the race (Bawa & Sanyare, 2013). In addition to the primary costs of electioneering, there is a cost associated with “the ‘social welfare provisioning’ expected of aspirants [for political office, which] may include the payment of school fees and medical bills, as well as donations towards weddings and funerals …” (Bauer & Darkwah, 2019, p. 7), which disproportionately affects women running for office. Since men tend to have greater access to financial resources, the high cost of running for office contributes to the gender gap in political participation in West Africa (Isaksson et al., 2014; Bauer & Darkwah, 2019). The tendency to cast aspersions on women running for office, particularly the charge of “prostitute,” makes fundraising difficult for women. Bauer and Darkwah (2019) found that as many as 60% of males approached to donate to the political campaign of a woman expected sexual favors in return (p. 7). Even when they are able to win political office, women are often marginalized and limited in their effectiveness (Coffe & Bolzendahl, 2011). The centralized nature of national political systems often excludes women from the decision-making process (Kellow, 2010). Male colleagues either do not take them seriously (Hirschmann, 1991) or they  are placed in “women’s wings” of the political party. These women’s wings represent “male control over female political spaces” (Coffe & Bolzendahl, 2011). They pay lip service to women’s political participation, while excluding them from actual decision-making (Kellow, 2010; Ndlovu & Mutale, 2013; Bawa & Sanyare, 2013). This means that even when women are

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elected to office, they are unable to capitalize on their positions to gain legislative power (Ndlovu & Mutale, 2013). The small numbers of women elected also limits women’s ability to effect change and pass laws that are beneficial to women (Bauer & Darkwah, 2019). This, in turn, demotivates women from standing for office. Finally, a lack of education and experience is a major barrier to women’s formal political participation (Hirschmann, 1991). Education has been shown to be an indicator of political participation, as individuals acquire basic knowledge and the skills necessary to participate in political discourse. Education also often leads to higher-paying jobs, which, in addition to enhancing economic stability, also provide opportunities for political interactions (Ndlovu & Mutale, 2013). Limited educational opportunities for women caused by poverty, class, and socio-cultural constraints therefore act as a barrier to political participation by women. High rates of illiteracy and a lack of skills deny women access to the political arena (Kellow, 2010; Tagoe & Abakah, 2015). Women from low socio-economic backgrounds lack an understanding of their citizenship rights, including how to claim them and the power they could wield by participating in elections (Ndlovu & Mutale, 2013; Kellow, 2010). For women with some degree of education, lack of experience is still a stumbling block. According to Kellow (2010), [L]imited knowledge of political systems and policy mechanisms restricts women’s ability to formulate a campaign platform. Political inexperience makes it much harder for women to access existing power structures and know how to influence them. Most importantly, women lack skills such as fundraising, public speaking and campaigning, which are essential to run an effective campaign and win public support. (p. 23)

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Informal Political Participation In much of the literature on women’s political participation in West Africa, the emphasis is on formal political processes like voting and electioneering (Bawa & Sanyare, 2013). The focus of the literature on formal political participation—that is voting and standing for office—overlooks a major factor in political participation, namely informal participation (Hirschmann, 1991). It is through these informal systems that women in West Africa often wield great power, even when they lack formal authority. Beyond formal political acts like voting and electioneering, women in West Africa often participate informally in politics through more individualistic acts like signing petitions or donating money (Coffe & Bolzendahl, 2011), or group action including political activism, lobbying, and shaping public opinion (Bawa & Sanyare, 2013), and public demonstrations (Fallon, 2003). Informal participation is often directed through voluntary organizations like trade unions, women’s organizations (Hirschmann, 1991), churches, peer education groups, and community-­based associations (Tagoe & Abakah, 2015). These voluntary organizations often join forces with NGOs to push for equal rights for women—including representation in politics (Ndlovu & Mutale, 2013; Bawa & Sanyare, 2013). They’re also powerful forces for mobilizing the female vote in support of candidates and political parties (Bawa & Sanyare, 2013; Fallon, 2003). Voluntary organizations have also been key to civic education in many areas (Ndlovu & Mutale, 2013). By bringing attention to topics that matter to women, these organizations work to improve women’s social, economic, and political power (Hirschmann, 1991; Fallon, 2003). Tagoe and Abakah (2015) were able to find a strong correlation between participation in voluntary organizations and political participation at the local level. Involvement in voluntary organizations increases women’s self-efficacy, and the leadership and communication skills they develop through their work in voluntary organizations can easily be translated into informal and formal political participation. This includes advocating for policies that improve women’s social and civil liberties, increasing access to political spaces, and encouraging women to vote and stand for election (Kellow, 2010; Fallon, 2003). In Ghana, one

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common form of voluntary organizations is trade organizations. Cooperatives focused on farming, selling, and manufacturing goods allow women to provide for themselves and their children (Gbowee, 2016; Fallon, 2003). The trade organizations that have developed around these enterprises offer social and economic benefits to their members (Fallon, 2003; Awuah, 1997). With nearly 80% of the adult female population employed in the markets (Clark, 2010), of all the voluntary organizations in Ghana the market associations have the greatest impact on women.

The Role of the Market In West Africa, markets have been influential in local and regional development since pre-colonial times (Owusu & Lund, 2004). Since that time, women have increasingly been employed in the markets as traders, or “market women” (Clark, 2010). Market women often work with peasant farmers to purchase their surplus produce for distribution at the market (Owusu & Lund, 2004). To protect their interests, market women join commodity organizations. These trade or market organizations regulate business conditions within the market to ensure traders are conducting business fairly and to settle disputes between traders. The market organizations also work with other commodity organizations and with government agencies to address concerns and gain concessions for their members (Awuah, 1997). It is through the organized action of market organizations that women in Ghana are able to wield economic power and the political clout that comes with it. In Ghana, the market dominates the economy. Approximately half of the country’s GDP comes from the services sector, of which the markets are a major contributor (O’Neill, 2016). With over 90% of Ghanaians doing the majority of their shopping at open-air markets (Yeebo, 2016), the economic impacts of the market are enormous. Unfortunately, it is difficult to place an exact number on the economic impact of the markets, as markets belong to the informal economy (Baah-Ennumh & Adom-Asamoah, 2012). Although market women pay taxes, their businesses are often not officially registered with the government. However, some estimates project that 80% of Ghana’s economy is comprised of this

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informal economy (O’Neill, 2016). The connection between the markets and the economy is important to women’s economic and political power, since just over half of the jobs held in the informal sector belonged to women (Baah-Ennumh & Adom-Asamoah, 2012). In fact, “[i]n West Africa, women make up 80% of employment in the processing, 70% of distribution and almost 90% of sales of ready to consume agricultural products” (Allen et al. quoted in OECD/SWAC, 2019, p. 20). In areas with few other sources of tax revenue, the levies paid by market women are crucial to the financial solvency of the local government (Baah-­ Ennumh & Adom-Asamoah, 2012; Owusu & Lund, 2004). For example, in Kumasi, about half of the city’s budget came from market revenues (Clark, 2010). In addition to tax revenues, markets also generate job opportunities in both the formal and informal sectors (Owusu & Lund, 2004; Baah-Ennumh & Adom-Asamoah, 2012). Particularly for women who have limited access to capital and other resources, the market provides an opportunity to generate income, which is crucial to the well-being of their families (Owusu et al., 2014; Owusu & Lund, 2004). Research has shown that women in Ghana are more entrepreneurial than men, with 60% of women starting businesses compared to 42% of men (Yeebo, 2016; Owusu et al., 2014; O’Neill, 2016). The majority of these women-owned businesses are micro and small enterprises (MSEs) and largely pertain to the informal sector (Owusu et al., 2014). Although the individual businesses are small, their impact is large. Approximately 61% of the labor force in developing countries is employed in the informal sector, with women making up the majority (Baah-Ennumh & Adom-Asamoah, 2012). In addition to providing employment for the business owner, many market women also employ apprentices who help them in their business activities in order to learn the trade. Additionally, the women learn entrepreneurial and management skills, which are necessary for the economic development of a country. Selling goods doesn’t just impact the market women and their apprentices. By providing a link between farmers and the market, market women also improve the economic conditions of the farmers and meet the needs of the urban population to purchase goods (Baah-Ennumh & Adom-Asamoah, 2012; OECD/SWAC, 2019). The informal economy in which the market women operate provides employment

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opportunities, income, food and other goods, and a channel for commerce that is not provided through the formal economy. While this has been good for the many people who benefit, it has also brought the market women into conflict with the government (Clark, 2010). Since colonial times, market traders and the government have had confrontations over many factors such as price controls, the use of urban spaces for commercial endeavors, and the legitimacy of commercial activity in the informal economy (Awuah, 1997; Clark, 2010). Particularly during the military dictatorship of the 1970s and 1980s, market women were blamed by the government for the high price of goods (Fallon, 2003; O’Neill, 2016). The idealized image of the market woman as a nurturing and hardworking mother was replaced with the concept of the corrupt market queen in an attempt to discredit the informal sector and disguise the failures of the formal sector to provide employment, wages, foodstuffs, and consumer goods (Clark, 2010). This negative perception has diminished in recent decades, however, and market women continue to operate their small businesses and contribute to society. By banding together in commodity organizations, they are able to turn their influence in the market into social, political, and economic power. In their study of 66 women’s organizations in Ghana, Mensah and Antoh (2005) found that these organizations hold considerable economic and political power. This power then translated into educating the women regarding the best use of their resources, developing skills, encouraging leadership, and mobilizing them for political participation. The market women’s trade organizations provide an easy point of contact for local government officials when proposing changes that impact women and children (O’Neill, 2016). They are also useful in connecting government and nongovernment organizations with the women to whom they can provide civic education, financial training, and health and hygiene information. The trade organizations, in turn, are able to agitate for better security, improved infrastructure, and protection of the market area from external developers (Baah-Ennumh & Adom-Asamoah, 2012; Awuah, 1997). A particularly striking example of this is the push by market women—through their commodity organizations—for high-quality, affordable, and convenient childcare at the Makola market in Accra, Ghana. A lack of daycare facilities in or near the market negatively

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impacts market women, who must care for their children while selling their goods (Owusu & Lund, 2004). In her 2019 report, Annie Kelly found that the market women of the Makola Market, represented by the Ghana Association of Traders (GATA), were successfully able to agitate for a childcare center to meet their needs. The Makola Market Childcare Center is run by a parent-teacher association (PTA), with representatives from the GATA serving on the management board. The parents even provide food from their stalls for the children’s meals. Because the center is operated under the supervision of the PTA, the unique needs of the market women are incorporated in the operational decisions of the childcare center. By providing convenient, affordable, and high-quality childcare to its members, the market women’s organizations contribute to higher income and increased gender equality for its members (Kelly, 2019). By freeing up the women to fully join the workforce and/or become business owners, the trade organizations help support social development as well, including increased educational attainment, delay of marriage, smaller families, and an increasing desire for financial independence. These social changes also bring about a change in the economy of the country, including reducing the level of poverty (Owusu et  al., 2014). The market women are conscious of the economic power they wield (Yeebo, 2016), and they utilize this power to improve the lives of themselves, their children, and their extended families.

The Market as Power In West Africa, there are many barriers to women’s participation in the formal workforce. Many are institutional, including laws and policies— both formal and customary—that exclude women from owning land and participating in other commercial endeavors. Financial barriers also limit economic activity for women. Limited access to financial institutions and exclusion from loan programs meant to encourage entrepreneurship and small-business ownership affect a woman’s ability to finance economic activities (Yeebo, 2016; Clark, 2010). Additionally, social norms regarding childcare and domestic work unequally disadvantage women, forcing many into harsh and insecure forms of employment that are the mainstay

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of the informal economy (Cerise & Johnson, 2020; Coffe & Bolzendahl, 2011; OECD/SWAC, 2019). Research has shown that the economic growth of a country is positively affected by addressing these barriers. For example, in Ghana an “increase in the female literacy rate could produce an increase in real output growth … (and) effects on economic growth rates amounting to about 2.5 percent a year” (International Finance Corp, 2007, p. 3). In developing nations, economic development is tied to women entering the labor force for two main reasons. First, when women work outside the home, they decrease the number of dependents who must be supported by the other wage earners in the household. Secondly, women tend to reinvest their wages in things that benefit the whole family (Benard et al., 2008). “Where women have access to money and a say in how it is spent, there is a statistically greater likelihood of getting investment in wells and clean water, and a greater likelihood of having mothers who understand basic health care and hygiene” (King & Mason, 2001, p. 13). Women working outside the home is a key step in ending the cycle of poverty for the whole family (Benard et al., 2008). Women’s participation in the labor force leads to lower rates of corruption, increased economic growth, and higher standards of living. Economic participation can also lead to political participation. For women in poverty, their focus on fulfilling their families’ basic needs precludes them from seeking political power (King & Mason, 2001). Yet a desire to improve their lot can also lead women to engage in specific forms of political participation, including registering to vote, participating in collective action, and contacting politicians with grievances (Coffe & Bolzendahl, 2011). For many women in West Africa, poverty and a lack of educational opportunities place limitations on their political participation (Tagoe & Abakah, 2015). Their focus is spent on improving their social and economic condition, and less on participating in local decision-making. This has led to lower political representation for women than for men (Yeebo, 2016). Topics of particular concern to women such as “health, education, discrimination, low wages, land tenure, and conditions of the informal sector, never became priorities for the government” (Fallon, 2003, p. 528). The markets, however, have long provided an opportunity for women to coordinate and agitate for themselves, especially in regard to

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their interests versus those of the state. If a policy or regulation threatens their prosperity in the market, market traders will band together to protect those interests. They will also join together to demand improvements in the market, including infrastructure like the daycare center in the Makola Market, but also security and safety guarantees (Awuah, 1997). The trade organizations, in particular, coordinate this use of informal power. These commodity associations have a special function in the market. They enforce unspoken market conventions regarding bargaining, customer allocation, and selling location among traders and also facilitate the extension of credit to members. They are also the point of contact with politicians, agitating for politically beneficial decisions in exchange for providing funds for political campaigns and turning out voters at rallies (Clark, 2010). The collective action of the trade organizations is grassroots and includes activities like the signing of petitions, marches and demonstrations, calling in of favors, and communicating with mass media. Although small in scale, the mobilization and activism carried out by trade organizations is one of the few avenues of political participation regularly utilized by women in West Africa (Awuah, 1997). To better understand the market, and market associations, as a locus of potential political power and as a center for small-scale mobilization and activism for women traders, this analysis utilizes original data collected during focus groups held in the Agbogbloshie Market in Accra, Ghana.

Data and Methods This study utilizes qualitative methodology to examine market associations as a locus of economic and political power for women, and subsequently as a means of facilitating social development in Ghana. Three focus groups with 20 market traders (17 women, 3 men) at the Agbogbloshie Market in Accra, Ghana, were conducted in November 2021. Focus groups took place in the market and lasted between one and one and a half hours. Focus group data was analyzed using NVivo qualitative data analysis software to identify themes and patterns. Focus group participants were from the following market associations: Agbogbloshie Market Women Association (25%), Fish Association (20%), Onion Association (15%), Plantain Association (15%), Diapers

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and Tissue Association (5%), Rubber Association (5%), and Tailor’s Association (5%). The remaining 10% of the focus group participants did not belong to a market association. Given the extant literature discussed in the preceding sections that outline women’s organizations—and specifically market/trade associations—as a locus of economic and political power for women, where they exercise advocacy, mobilization, and collective action activities that promote social development, three main research questions were addressed in this study: 1. How are markets utilized as a locus of economic and political power for women traders in Ghana? 2. What is the role of Ghanaian market women in advocacy, mobilization, and political participation vis-a-vis the markets? 3. How do informal networks within the markets enhance the ability of Ghanaian market women to exercise economic and political power, and thus facilitate social development?

Findings On the surface, the market associations in Agbogbloshie Market do not appear to be a means of garnering economic power and collective action. The women in our focus groups shared that they joined a market association as a mechanism of mutual aid and protection versus as an overt mechanism for economic and political influence: The association helps me when I am in time of need. Purchasing goods for retail can be a most unprofitable business … Some even make off with the capital of others. This leads to losses. Most often, such traders have no group or social insurance policy to fall back on. This is among the many reasons why we have joined the market association. The benefit of joining a market association is that it allows for aid in the unforeseen case that a vendor is found in some need or crisis. We help one another. My association acts … like an insurance policy. You can only benefit or gain aid after you have gone into a crisis of some sort.

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Participants also viewed the markets, and the market associations, as apolitical. When asked about discussions of politics in the markets and support of a particular political party, the women indicated that for the most part, these things do not typically happen out in the open as it could cause them to lose customers. However, there was some limited evidence of politics overlapping with the markets. For example, one respondent reported that there were “a few people inside the markets who both serve as members of the market association and executives of some political parties.” Another respondent mentioned she and her fellow association members meet to discuss market and development matters, either at the Queen Mother’s venue (the head of the market association) or at the Accra Municipal Assembly (the AMA, which is the Ghanaian unit of local government). One respondent credited her associational membership with influencing her participation in political affairs and explained: “It taught me how to be a good citizen.” Thus, there is some evidence that market associations provide a modicum of civic education for their members, acting as “schools of democracy” where members learn civic skills. Finally, all focus group respondents were registered to vote and indicated that they vote regularly in national elections: “We all vote. We vote because we are good citizens. We are happy to vote.” An important measure of the ability of market women to engage in advocacy and mobilization activities is whether they can gain the attention of government, and pressure them to address their issues of concern. The women shared that getting this attention, and having their issues of concern addressed, is no easy feat: “It is often a futile exercise. We talk so much yet our problems are hardly addressed. I am tired of visiting the Accra Metropolitan Assembly (AMA).” Respondents gave several examples of issues they felt local government should address. One unaddressed concern was fecal matter being pumped into the market’s gutters, which breed disease: This is a major health hazard. However, authorities are hardly taking any action on the subject. Sometimes, the stench is so strong, we can hardly work…I hear the AMA takes bribes from (the) individuals and facilities. They do not care about us.

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Another issue raised during the second focus group was that of broken gates into the market and poor roads leading to the market. The respondents indicated they had written letters to the AMA, to no avail. Local officials came to inspect the damage multiple times but did nothing to address the issues. A respondent from the Plantain Association, however, reported success in getting a streetlight installed in the market by sending a petition to local government. Focus group data illustrates that market associations also act as civic intermediaries that link members to local government officials: We do have a leader who is a member of the AMA so he makes our petitions known to the government…Our queen mothers also…attend governmental meetings. The local AMA Assembly person lives near the market. He participated in the process of getting the main road fixed. Sometimes, when we have a meeting, we invite him.

When they are unsuccessful in enlisting the help of local government officials, the women in Agbogbloshie Market associations address their issues of concern in one of two main ways: (1) through self-help and (2) through collective action activities such as demonstrations and protests. First, respondents shared that they are not afraid to tackle local challenges related to the markets on their own, through self-action: When the need arises to support in developmental issues, we do. We … work together on the…problem ourselves … Our leaders organize labourers to fix whatever infrastructural challenges we may have.

Second, respondents reported several examples where the use of demonstrations/protests were successful in reaching their objectives: The government wanted to relocate us … so myself and … some women who didn’t like the place went on demonstration … When we went on demonstration, we got what we wanted! There was also such occasion involving the mayor of the city. It (demonstration) yielded effective results. We got what we wanted!

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We decided to go on a demonstration last year…When they realized how serious we were with all our letters and follow-ups and the plan for the demonstration, they fixed the main road.

Discussion and Implications This study offers several unique and nuanced conclusions about the role of market associations as a locus of potential political power and as a nucleus for small-scale mobilization and activism for women traders that helps leverage economic and social development. First, our data indicates that women clearly do not perceive Ghanaian market associations as overt mechanisms for leveraging political power, and in fact, they claim the opposite—that markets are apolitical spaces. Yet, despite these apolitical claims, our focus group evidence indicates these associations are in fact promoting civic skills, acting as civic intermediaries, and providing opportunities to flex political muscle. There is also an understanding of the basic services that local government should deliver vis-a-vis the markets, and on how to have demands met by local government using advocacy and mobilization techniques such as contacting local government officials and, when that is not successful, utilizing demonstrations and protests. Furthermore, the market association members that participated in this study also clearly illustrate that they have connections to formal political institutions such as political parties, elected officials, and government offices, and that these connections have the capacity to serve as more of an avenue for political power. However, market women intentionally choose to not use these associations for political advantage because they fear they will lose customers. The fear of losing the economic benefits of the market is what deters women from utilizing these networks to become more involved in politics. The social context becomes more of a barrier for women who may want to engage in political discussions but instead opt out in fear of blowback. Members of the association seem to be more likely to mobilize for small-scale, immediate social changes such as fixing gutters and creating childcare services, rather than becoming more politically involved. It is also important to note that the extent to which the

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associations can be used to leverage change is conditioned by the proximity of the association and its membership to those with formal political power: for example, the leaders of the association who were members of the AMA or a member of the AMA that was living in close proximity to the market. Overall, our study findings indicate that the existing literature seems to put more emphasis on the markets as sources of political power than what the women themselves actually describe in practice. It’s as though there is potential for power, but due to economic concerns, the women do not choose to utilize that power. The same considerations that keep women from engaging in formal political structures, such as family responsibilities and economic considerations, limit their use of the informal power of the markets. They are willing to demonstrate, but primarily for meeting immediate needs like having the main road fixed or to resist being relocated. It will be interesting in the future to see if this continues to be the case. The potential for political power is there, as demonstrated by the fact that the participants in this study were in fact able to resist having the market relocated, and successfully had the road repaired. As the economic situation in Ghana continues to develop, will the women eventually tap into this power for needs beyond the immediate? Based on our findings, future research should delve more into the culture of the markets and how that can be an additional barrier for women who may want to be politically involved but instead decide against it so as to not discourage potential customers. Ghanaian market associations have a great deal of untapped resources and power, yet it seems that currently, the economic benefit significantly outweighs the potential political power.

References ACE Electoral Knowledge Network. (2022). https://aceproject.org/ace-­en/topics/yt/yt10/yt240/informal-­participation Awuah, E. (1997). Mobilizing for change: A case study of market trader activism in Ghana. Canadian Journal of African Studies/La Revue canadienne des études africaines, 31(3), 401–423. https://doi.org/10.1080/00083968.1997. 10751120

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Isaksson, A.-S. (2010). Political participation in Africa: Participatory inequalities and the role of resources. Working Papers in Economics, 462. https:// gupea.ub.gu.se/bitstream/2077/23023/4/gupea_2077_23023_4.pdf Isaksson, A.-S., Kotsadam, A., & Nerman, M. (2014). The gender gap in African political participation: Testing theories of individual and contextual determinants. Journal of Development Studies, 50(2), 302–318. https://doi.org/1 0.1080/00220388.2013.833321 Jeong, H. O. (2013). From civic participation to political participation. Voluntas, 24, 1138–1158. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11266-­012-­9316-­7 Kellow, T. (2010). Women, elections and violence in West Africa: Assessing women’s political participation in Liberia and Sierra Leone. International Alert. https://www.international-­alert.org/sites/default/files/publication s/201012WomenElectionsViolenceWestAfrica.pdf Kelly, A. (2019). Accra’s female market traders blaze a trail on childcare. Progress of the World’s Women 2019-2020: Families in a Changing World. UN Women, 137–139. https://www.unwomen.org/-­/media/headquarters/ attachments/sections/library/publications/2019/progress-­of-­the-­worlds-­ women-­2019-­2020-­en.pdf?la=en&vs=3512 King, E., & Mason, A. (2001). Engendering development through gender equality in rights, resources, and voice. Washington, DC: The World Bank, A World Bank Policy Report, 1. http://www-­wds.worldbank.org/external/ default/WDSContentServer/IW3P/IB/2001/03/01/000094946_01020805 393496/Rendered/PDF/multi_page.pdf Mensah, J., & Antoh, E. F. (2005). Reflections on indigenous women’s organisations in Sub-Saharan Africa: A comparative study in Brong Ahafo Region, Ghana. Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography, 26(1), 82–101. Ndlovu, S., & Mutale, S. B. (2013). Emerging trends in women’s participation in politics in Africa. American International Journal of Contemporary Research, 3(11), 72–79. O’Neill, M. (2016). In Ghana, women and ‘market queens’ dominate the economy. Vice. https://www.vice.com/en_us/article/bjggyd/in-­ghana-­women-­ and-­market-­queens-­dominate-­the-­economy OECD/SWAC. (2019). Women and trade networks in West Africa. West African Studies. OECD Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1787/7d67b61d-­en Owusu, G., & Lund, R. (2004). Markets and women’s trade: Exploring their role in district development in Ghana. Norsk Geografisk Tidsskrift - Norwegian Journal of Geography, 58(3), 113–124. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 00291950410002313

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Part III The Role of Women in Political Development in West Africa

8 The Invisibility Syndrome: Gambian Women in Politics Aminata Sillah

Background Women in the Gambia have been very active in political activities since the country gained its independence from British rule. Often, women became involved in politics through associations and having a Ya Kompin (mother of the party/Association). These women played important roles and served as a support system for their male political leaders. Prior to the 1950s, women were invisible in mainstream Gambian politics. After independence in February 1965, a referendum was issued in which the electorate had to decide between becoming a Republic or remaining under British rule. To secure the referendum, women assured the People’s Progressive Party (PPP) and its leadership of their support. This victory could not have resulted without the political involvement of women and their network of women organizations (Jawara, 2009). Dawda Jawara, prime

A. Sillah (*) Department of Political Science, Towson University, Towson, MD, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 K. A. Krawczyk, B. A. King (eds.), Women’s Contributions to Development in West Africa, Globalization, Urbanization and Development in Africa , https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8190-6_8

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minister at the time, became the first president of the Republic of the Gambia after this victory that was assured by women. Although women created an avenue for Jawara and his PPP to participate in the decolonization process through political participation, very little literature has focused on their role. The pivotal role of women in the 1970 referendum represents the achievement of their political influence at a decisive moment in Gambian history. For the most part, women in the Gambia after the fight for independence were sidelined, marginalized in political participation and decision-making processes, and many were impacted by the political failure of post-colonial Gambia (Jawara, 2009). Not much was done to uplift the plight of women and create an avenue for them to participate in politics. The role of women in society is critical to its development. Women have assumed key roles such as mothers, wives, community organizers, and political activists. While the impactful role of women is clear in certain areas of society, we also see that in many democratic countries, the political arena remains dominated by men and closed off to women. Out of all the roles that women have assumed over the centuries, her role as a political activist is the one that is challenged the most. Though research tends to lean into the patriarchal nature of African countries to explain this phenomenon, it is of fundamental necessity that women are actively engaged in politics to help strengthen the development of African nations especially with regard to gender equality and accountability on women issues. Globally, women constitute over half of the population (UNDP Report, 2018) and contribute in vital ways to societal development. Following global trends, Gambian women constitute nearly half of the population of the country. But despite the major roles played by women in Gambian society, they lack recognition and are plagued by cultural stereotypes, abuse of religion, traditional practices, and patriarchal societal structures. As a predominantly Muslim country, women have often lamented the abuse of religion by men in how they interpreted the Quran to benefit men. These existing societal structures and other socio-­ economic factors are causes of considerable impediments to the political advancements of women (Zardari, 2018).

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The right for women to participate in politics was recognized after the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in 1948. Articles 2 and 21 of the UDHR clearly stipulate the equal enjoyment of political rights without discrimination on the basis of one’s sex or any other ground. The current global standard for political participation is that that both men and women should have equal rights and opportunities, especially when it pertains to participating fully in all aspects and at all levels of the political processes of their respective countries. The International Parliamentary Union (IPU) (2019) notes that women make up less than a quarter of the representatives in legislatures worldwide. Thus, while the underrepresentation of women is not unique to the Gambia, this is an important statistic as it provides a lens through which to view the underrepresentation of women in democratic frameworks. Over five decades ago, the term “invisibility” was introduced into the lexicon of American social norms by the novelist Ralph Ellison (1947) to capture the desperate struggles of self-affirmation of African Americans (Parham, 1999). In this chapter, the term “invisibility syndrome” is used to highlight that despite the fight of women, despite their acts of courage, and despite their active and bold participation in the affairs of their countries, they are still seen only when it benefits their male counterparts. Despite the fact that women are beginning to participate in and take up political leadership, they continue to experience invisibility in many countries around the world. For instance, the Inter Parliamentary Union (IPU) notes the percentage of women in parliament in the Americas is 26.7%, compared to 22.1% in sub-Saharan Africa and 12.7% in the Pacific Region (IPU, 2015). Further, the Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA) posits that women politicians across the globe confront a “masculine model” of politics (IDEA, 2018). This points to the idea that the foci of politics is often structured around male norms and values, preventing many women from entering the political arena. In this chapter, the concept of political invisibility or invisibility syndrome is introduced and developed in an attempt to understand the exclusion of the contributions of women in politics, specifically Gambian women. Understanding the role and perspectives of women in politics also lends itself to creating more diverse and inclusive policies and a better understanding of political power structures. There are several obstacles

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that prevent women from fully participating in politics and having a say in national development. However, the United Nations Women notes that the two main obstacles that truly prevent women from participating in politics are structural barriers and capacity gaps (UN Women, 2017). Structural barriers are the discriminatory laws and male-dominated institutions that limit the ability of women to run for office. Capacity gaps occur because women are less likely than men to have the education, contacts (social networks), and resources needed to become effective political leaders.

Political Participation Gambian women acting through Ya Kompins (mothers of the Party/ Association) served as important political actors in the process of Gambia’s independence and beyond. Through their activism, they were instrumental in shaping the post-colonial political landscape. They forged allies with politicians and political parties ushering in a sovereign state, free to frame a constitution, and become whatever they wanted (Ceesay, 2011). One can argue that women cultivated the political patronage with political male leaders who needed their support to get a foothold into the political arena and have a voice. Thus, Gambian women helped build the new Republic, but from a position of political invisibility. The role of the Ya Kompins and their network was not only political; they engaged in diverse activities such as education, health, entertainment, and humanitarian services (Ceesay, 2011). As an example, the Women Contemporary Society and Gambia Women Federation employed education as a tool for the advancement of women and girls (Almeida, 2014). They dedicated themselves to the empowerment of women and girls across the country, although they began remotely in the city before expanding their advocacy into the interior of the country. This was an important role the women performed, because the colonial system limited educational opportunities to Bathurst (colonial capital of Banjul). When women’s participation in politics is depressed, it results in the underrepresentation of their values, interests, and preferences (Gottlieb,

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Grossman, & Robinson, 2018). It is important that attempts be made to improve the status of women in the political arena and decision-making processes. Enhancing political participation is inherently a development approach that seeks to ensure the inclusion of disadvantaged members of society in designing and implementing policies. This is particularly important when these policies impact their lives and well-being. When women are involved in political participation and are active participants in the political discourse, communities are strengthened (Kunovich et al., 2007), and many social-economic milestones are achieved (Adler, 1996; Stockemer & Byrne, 2012). Endale (2012) postulates that political participation is the active involvement and engagement by individuals, both women and men, with political processes that affect their lives. Active participation can take many forms including voting, running for office, joining a political party, engaging in public debates, and community advocacy. Globally, women experience disparities in the political arena when compared to their male counterparts. However, in the 1980s and 1990s, there was a drive to increase the participation of women in decision-­ making (World Bank, 2019). The impetus was driven by the Fourth World Conference on Women, held in Beijing, China, in 1995, which called for at least 30% representation by women in national governments (UN Women, 2017). Fast forward five years later, and in September 2000 at the UN Millennium Summit, there was a call for leaders to take action and they pledged to “promote gender equality and the empowerment of women as effective ways to combat poverty, hunger and disease and to stimulate development that is truly sustainable” (UN Women, 2017). Yet, despite these pledges, large disparities remain in the political participation of women versus men. Several studies have identified factors that could explain part of the cross-national variation in women’s representation, including institutional context, and socio-economic and cultural factors. However, there is still no consensus on an explanation for women’s lack of representation in politics (Stockemer & Byrne, 2012).

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Women and Politics in The Gambia Encompassing an area of 11,300 square kilometers, the Gambia is geographically the smallest nation in sub-Saharan Africa. The county is surrounded to the north, south, and east by Senegal, and is bordered to the west by the Atlantic Ocean where its capital city, Banjul, is located. This was not a historical coincidence. The British and French, who controlled the colony of Senegal, demarcated the boundaries of the Gambia in the late 1880s and made subsequent modifications in the 1890s and 1970s (Jawara, 2009). Geographically, the entire nation is situated on the Gambia River flood plain, which makes the country vulnerable to seasonal flooding. The nation’s entire population is just under 2.1 million people, 57% of whom are 24 years of age or younger (Central Intelligence Agency, 2019). The country’s economy is predominately reliant on the agricultural industry, which is supported by the Gambia River flood plain. The agricultural industry contributes about 32% of the gross national product and 70% of the nation’s foreign exchange earnings. Moreover, 80% of the national population depend on the agricultural sector as a source of cash income (Access Gambia, 2019). Colonialism played a significant role on the socio-economic, constitutional and political orientation of the country. At independence, the Gambia was described as the “birth of an improbable nation” (Rice, 1967). This indictment by Rice was an indication of the weak economy, poor infrastructure, high illiteracy rate, and many other social ills (Jawara, 2009). Scholars (Berger, 2016; Geiger, 1987; Yoon, 2004) have recognized the importance of wider participation of women in politics. In the Gambia, women have remained underrepresented in parliament. This limitation impacts their full participation in political decision-making. Politically, in the colonial era, the Gambian women were an integral part of their communities though only a few were visible in the political arena. For instance, in colonial Gambia, women played active roles in the administration of the state, complementing the roles played by their male counterparts. As an example Lady Hannah Mahoney (1884–1974) who was born and educated at the start of the colonial administration and worked for the colonial administration developing her skills. She was eventually nominated to Bathurst (Banjul) Urban District Council in

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1941, where she advocated on behalf of children’s and mothers’ health issues (Oxford Press, 2019). During colonial rule in the Gambia, the colonial system in place was set up to help the crown govern from afar. In this respect then, the colonial system was discriminatory in how politics in the Gambia were structured. Voting in the colony was restricted and only extended to those in jurisdictions that were under the direct supervision of the British colonial government. Women were limited in their voting rights (Ceesay, 2011). Women had to show that they possessed property in Bathurst (Colonial name of Banjul, the capital city of the Gambia) in order to exercise their political franchise. Although providing women with an avenue for political participation was very problematic in a patriarchal society, the policy effectively rendered women powerless in the political arena. Further complicating women’s ability to exercise their franchise was the age limit that was placed on them. For a woman to vote or even run for any office in colonial Gambia, she had to be over the age of 25 whereas men could vote and run for office at the age of 21 (Ceesay, 2011). Women played a significant role in the independence of the Gambia, but the narrative on this part of the political history of the Gambia extols the invisibility of women in political participation. As an example, the Newspaper Ordinance Act of 1944 which has the express purpose of suppressing the free press in colonial Gambia was fought against by women journalists like Marion Foon and Harriet Camara (Grey-Johnson, 2013). In post-colonial Gambia, women began to play active political roles within their communities. The mental image of an African strong woman often presents as a woman who stands unmoving and strong, a stalwart in her community. However, when that woman moves into positions of power, the image blurs and society prefer her acts of bravery be seen only within a certain sphere and only when it benefits patriarchy. This idea of invisibility perhaps stems from the foundation of patriarchy upon which African political realms are built. Generally, women faced a great deal of inequality in Africa and the Gambia is no exception. The Gambia, unlike other African countries such as Nigeria, did not have a feminist movement that fought alongside the country’s bid for independence. In fact, the women’s movement in the Gambia can be loosely associated with “Ya Kompins.” These “Ya Kompins” were the “mothers” of a political party

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and drove the recruitment of women as well as served as a vehicle that allowed male political leaders access to the female population to sell their ideologies and garner the female votes. The People’s Progressive Party (PPP) continued to stay in power due in part to the continuous effort and consolidation of Ya Kompins. Further, when the PPP founded the Women’s Bureau in 1980, it operated under the vice president’s office. The then vice president was Assan Musa Camara. Camara, according to Almeida (2014), was seen as a political godfather of women’s development and affairs. Through the lens of feminist theory, the patronage system is seemingly one that exploits women. However, the nature of patronage in the Gambia was well suited for gaining women access to multiple points of involvement in political institutions. The Ya Kompins capitalized on political patronage and used mass mobilization to bring women onboard on any political issue that needed to be passed. The Ya Kompins were extremely effective in facilitating political conversations and diplomacy, fundraising, and persuasion. They utilized various strategies including collaborating with the Women’s Bureau on issues aimed at promoting women in national development (Almeida, 2014). Through the Ya Kompins, politicians could gain access to both rural and urban women voters for political gains. For their efforts, the Ya Kompin had privileges, mostly attending party congresses and seminars in the city. She was treated special, and they provided for her needs which were ordinarily beyond her means (Almeida, 2014). In the Gambia’s case, the political relationship and collaboration between women and the political leaders is unequal. Women brought their resources and used their time and energy, and what they received in return was inconsequential compared to their political input. Gambian women’s invisible political participation was instrumental to the liberation struggle in the Gambia. This was also true of women in other parts of the world according to scholars (Schmidt, 2005; Ampofo et al., 2008) who examined how the political participation of women transformed societies. Geiger (2008) notes that women are neglected despite their efforts and links this constraint to patriarchy. The culture of exploitation through these patronizing behaviors gets worse when one looks at the rural areas of the Gambia. When in rural areas, the Ya Kompins provided meals for male politicians on tour

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(Almeida, 2014). In return, women were, at times, given cash for their efforts. Beyond the invisible labor of supporting candidates and mobilizing women around political issues, when looking at women’s invisibility in politics in the Gambia, it is important to point out that women political aspirants were expected to have a male patron to help boost her success. This is because political leaders rarely nominated female candidates. While women played important roles in shaping the political trajectory of the country, there was only one female candidate featured in the national election in 1972. Ya Fatou Sonko was a political candidate in 1972 as an independent and in 1987 under the political party of Gambia People’s Party (GPP). She lost both elections to her male counterpart. It was rare to see a female candidate on the ballot and Sonko had this to say during a recent interview with Fatou Janneh (2020): At the PPP primary, Lamin Jabang and I applied, but we both knew that they [party] will not choose me. I was the first woman to contest for a political position back in 1972. After the primary, I discussed with the boys about our next step. When I told my father about my desire to contest as an independent candidate, he responded in the affirmative. He gave me his blessing and pledged his total support. He promised to give me all I need. My father encouraged me and said he would sponsor my box. In those days, three people would guarantee you to be registered. It shocked people when they saw my campaign. I was just twenty-five years old then. Some people said that this young lady is brave, and others said that I was looking for a position. They said all I wanted was a position and if they bribed me with money, I would give up. We went up to the nomination day, and they saw me still going forward. They said, ah this lady is not joking. After the nomination, they realized I was resolved, and they sent people to Sir Dawda to beg me to withdraw. Second, I did it to encourage women to stand their ground despite all odds… I used to listen to radio; I used to read newspapers, and I used to move with the politicians too, but I saw that post elections, Sir Dawda would nominate women, and I believed it was better for the women to be elected in the parliament. By that time, in 1972, women were hardly elected in Africa. If they were thinking like me, they would have supported me in my struggle. I wanted to set an example for the women.

Sonko strongly believed that no Gambian politician could have won elections without female voters. A glimmer of hope came from the win of

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Table 8.1  The female candidates and representatives in Gambian legislative elections from 1960 to 1992 during the First Republic Name

Year Elected Lost Party

Hannah Augusta Jawara Ya Fatou Sonko Nyimasata Sanneh Bojang Nyimasata Sanneh Bojang Ya Fatou Sonko Anna F. Thomas Amie Sillah

1960

X

PPP

1972 1982 X

X

Independent PPP

1987 X 1987 1992 1992

PPP X X X

GPP Independent People’s Democratic Organization for Independence and Socialism (PDOIS)

Nyimasata Sanneh-Bojang, who became the first woman to be elected to the National Assembly in May 1982. This win was attributed to the fact that Sanneh-Bojang ran under the ruling party, which had resources at its disposal. This serves as evidence of earlier arguments that women needed the patronage of male political leaders to gain traction and visibility in politics. Importantly, the first woman to pave the way and become the first woman candidate to stand in a national election in the Gambia was Hannah Augusta—Jawara. She ran under the PPP headed by her husband, Dawda Jawara (Table 8.1).

Women and the Evolution of Political Parties A vibrant democracy is one in which elections can be and are vigorously contested, they are free and fair, and voter participation is high. Elections also signal an authentic transition of power and give legitimacy to the elected governmental leadership. Prior to the Gambian independence in 1965, the political parties formed in 1950s colonial Gambia were inclusive because the Gambia Democratic Party (GDP) allowed Hannah Foster to help establish and finance the party. Further, a female wing of the party was established by Foster. The female wing became a formidable force in the 1954 Legislative Council elections (Almeida, 2014). Democratic vibrancy and inclusion was a flagship of Gambian elections

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from the first general elections held on May 31, 1960. Although supported by the GDP, the inclusion of women in party politics and elections was contested by the newly formed People’s Progressive Party (PPP) and the United Party (UP). Furthering women’s capacity for political participation during that same year, the voting age was set at 21 in the Constitution for both men and women (Ceesay, 2011). The participation of Gambians in electoral and democratic processes has been of great importance since the founding of the country. Political parties started forming in the Gambia in the 1950s. By the 1960s, several political parties had emerged. The pioneer of the first political party in the Gambia was Reverend John Colley Faye who formed the Gambia Democratic Party in 1951. A prominent woman of this party was Hannah Forster who was instrumental as not only a financial backer but also a mobilizer of potential women voters. Forster was a wealthy businesswoman and a political activist who fought for women rights in the colony (Ceesay, 2011). Her activism would lead her in 1959 to advocate to the provincial chiefs to empower rural women voters at what was dubbed the All-Party Conference (Ceesay, 2011). I.M. Garba Jahumpa followed a couple of years later in 1952 with the Muslim Congress Party. Later in 1954, the United Party (UP) was formed under the leadership of Pierre S. Njie. It was another female political activist Yadicone Njie who rallied the women of Bathurst to endorse Pierre S. Njie (Ceesay, 2011). As new parties began to emerge and solidify themselves as political forces, men who held positions of political power began to recognize the ability of women to mobilize and recruit party volunteers and members. Women and their mobilization and recruitment capabilities were a force to be reckoned with. Yet, women were not placed in the forefront until they were needed, more often than not working in the background to support the party and the men who were in leadership positions. The UP, in part, because of the contributions of the women in the party, would also go on to lead in the Legislative Council elections in 1954. Another party established around this time was the Gambia People’s Party (GPP) under the leadership of Saint Clair Joof. The GPP was shortlived and did not survive the 1954 Legislative Council elections. The Protectorate People’s Party was formed in 1959 and would later be

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changed to the People’s Progressive Party (PPP). This name was chosen to reflect the idea that the party was really formed by the people of the colony and thus had grassroots programs. The PPP’s formation also occurred at a time when the Constitution of 1960 extended voting rights to all people of the Gambia colony. PPP was under the leadership of former veterinary officer Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara, formerly David Jawara. The Gambia gained its independence from the British in 1965 and a referendum was held to determine the type of governance structure that would be utilized to rule the newly independent and sovereign country. The referendum allowed citizens to decide under which system of government to be ruled—form a parliamentary monarchy to a Republic (Jawara, 2009). The referendum failed to receive the two-third majority required to amend the Constitution. Following a second referendum in 1970, the Gambia became a Republic within the Commonwealth. Following the second referendum, Sir Dawda Jawara was elected president. Jawara served as president from 1970 to 1994. Prior to 1994, the Gambia’s political system was not known for being brutal or repressive (Sillah & Darboe-Jawara, 2020). The political landscape of the Gambia would forever be changed on July 22, 1994, when a young soldier by the name of Yahya Jammeh led other junior officers of the Gambian National Army to overthrow Gambia’s first president Sir Dawda Jawara. The regime of Yahya Jammeh was birthed in this bloodless coup. He was the leader of his party—the Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council (APRC)—for two years. According to Sillah and Darboe-­ Jawara (2020), APRC was formally formed in 1996 to aid Jammeh in his bid for the 1996 elections which he won. He remained in office until 2017. He changed the name of the party from Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council to Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC). The acronym remained the same. This period is widely known as the second Republic.

Electoral Makeup of The Gambia Women in the Gambia represent over 50% of the population (Gambia Bureau of Statistics, 2020), yet the political space is dominated by men. The Gambia is an interesting case study because it was under an

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authoritarian regime that saw an increase in women’s political participation from 1994 to 2016. For instance, the legislative branch of the Gambia had 32 seats before the country gained its independence in 1965. Decades later, the legislative (House of Representative) branch was renamed the National Assembly by former President Yahya Jammeh and the seats increased from 32 to 53 elected members and 5 nominated members (Saine, 2012). Under the Jawara Presidency, an individual would have to follow a process, first becoming a Member of Parliament before becoming a minister. As such, the first woman to become a minister during that regime was Mrs. Louise Njie. She was nominated as a Member of Parliament in 1977. This created a pathway for her to move into a ministerial position. In 1985 she became the Minister of Youth, Sport, and Culture, making her the first female member of cabinet. In 1982, Sanneh-Bojang who was a member of the ruling party, PPP, won a seat in parliament. She was later appointed as Parliamentary Secretary of Election and was nominated to the National Assembly. Sanneh-Bojang went on to become the first woman elected to the National Assembly of the Gambia. Although women were making inroads, the legislative branch continued to be dominated by men. The Jammeh government (1994–2017), despite being an authoritarian regime (removing anyone from any appointed or voted position) and experiencing an array of accusations of sexual violence, saw more women involved in decision-making roles and leading high offices in government such as vice president, cabinet minister, speaker, and deputy speaker. During his reign, Jammeh was known as an avid supporter for the creation and advancement of independent women. He encouraged parents to let their daughters learn, made public education free, and provided farmland to create an avenue for women to provide for themselves. The increase in women who were politically successful is in part the result of efforts under President Jammeh, to increase women’s political participation. The Women’s Act of 2010 was signed into law by former President Jammeh. The Act was intended to provide for the protection of women’s rights in addition to the rights guaranteed under Chapter IV of

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the Constitution of the Gambia. However, observers have challenged the Act as being theoretically correct on paper, but weak on the implementation side. The Act is: an Act to implement the legal provisions of the National Policy for the Advancement of Gambian Women and Girls, and to incorporate and enforce the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women and the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa.

Democracy cannot be the yardstick on which we measure democratic participation when a large part of the population is left out. Women represent a little over 50% of the Gambian population, yet make up less than 10% of the legislature. The barriers as indicated can be economic as well as societal. In the Gambia, running for political office especially the National Assembly is financially out of reach for most women. The spoils/ patronage system is very visible in the Gambia and networks are in place to ensure that expectations are extended when a candidate wins. This system excludes most women from the political process because many lack access to finance or wealthy financial backers. Further, the Gambia lacks the legislation to regulate electoral expenses (Table 8.2). Table 8.2  Female leaders in the Gambian National Assembly from 1997 to 2020 Entered office

Left office

Party

Deputy speaker Deputy speaker Speaker Speaker

1997

2000

APRC

2002

2006

Independent

2006 2007

2007 2010

Independent APRC

Deputy speaker Speaker

2010

2017

APRC

2017

2022

United Democratic Party (UDP)

Name

Role

Cecilia Cole Belinda Bidwell Belinda Bidwell Fatoumata Jahumpa Ceesay Fatou Mbye Mariam Jack Denton

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African Women in Politics The active participation of women in politics is an important ingredient in creating fully functional democratic societies. Without women’s political leadership, there remains a hallowing effect on the progression of policies that are vital for economic growth and development in areas such as health, education, and infrastructure (Adler, 1996). Research has quantified the dividends of women’s participation in politics, and the argument can be made that democracy suffers when only men are engaged in decision-­making. The voice and agency of women is needed for a resilient and functioning political system that directly responds to processes and systems that dislodge the voices of women. Yet, recent research by Women’s Political Participation Africa Barometer (2021) indicates that women make up 24% of the 12,113 parliamentarians in Africa: 25% in the lower houses, and 20% in the upper houses of parliament. The report further indicated that where local government is often seen as the training ground for women to hone their political skills, women constituted a mere 21% of councilors in the 19 countries for which complete data could be obtained (Women’s Political Participation Africa Barometer, 2021). While the pace of women’s political participation has lagged or stagnated globally, Africa paints a different story. There has been a steady increase in women’s political participation in Africa since the later part of the 1990s. One reason for this is Africa’s commitment to improve gender equality in politics through the Maputo Protocol (Ali & Akhtar, 2012). Officially known as “Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa,” it was adopted by Assembly of the African Union in Maputo, Mozambique, in 2003 (Maputo Protocol, 2003). The Maputo Protocol offered specific provisions on the participation and role of women in politics. Further, the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal Five (SDG 5) to be achieved by 2030 aims to increase gender equality by making provision for the increased participation of women in politics and decision-making in their countries (Ali & Akhtar, 2012). Strides in the policy arena have

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positioned Africa to be the leader in women’s parliamentary representation globally.

Quota Systems as a Path to Political Visibility Between 2000 and 2002, elections were held in 23 countries in sub-­ Saharan Africa, with increases in women parliamentarians in 14 of them. Most of the countries that have achieved significant increases in women’s participation have done so through the use of quotas—a form of affirmative action in favor of women. About 30 of the world’s more than 190 countries apply some form of female quotas in politics (Chiroro, 2005). In Uganda, for instance, when Ms. Beatrice Kiraso was elected to parliament in 1996, quotas kick-started the process of improving women’s participation in national politics (Tripp, 2012). This was the beginning of a process that allowed women to be seen not only in politics but also in other avenues of national development. The quota system in Uganda evolved from the current government’s origins in a guerrilla war during the 1980s (Tripp, 2012), when women fought alongside men in the National Resistance Army (NRA). In each of the zones rebels won, local councils were set up, with each including a secretary for women’s affairs. Eventually, when the NRA came to power in 1986, it introduced the system into national politics. By 1994, the government of President Yoweri Museveni appointed Dr. Wandira Kazibwe as vice president, making her one of the highest-ranking women in politics on the continent. In South Africa, women also played a key role in the national liberation struggle and today are benefiting from a quota system adopted by the ruling African National Congress (ANC) (Tripp, 2012). There are currently three types of quota systems in existence in Africa: 1. Constitutional quotas: Some countries, including Burkina Faso and Uganda, have constitutional provisions reserving seats in national parliament for women. 2. Election law quotas: Provisions for women are written into national legislation, as in Sudan.

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3. Political party quotas: Parties adopt internal rules to include a certain percentage of women as candidates for office. This is the case with the governing parties in South Africa and Mozambique. Though the idea of quota system provides a means for balancing the scales in women’s political participation, there is often a lack of support for the quota system. Male political actors who are seen as powerful in societies with strong patriarchal leanings tend to oppose the idea of women being in high political offices (Chiroro, 2005). We could liken this argument to the tension surrounding affirmative action in the United States and the argument that is made by some that affirmative action discriminates against white men. Although the countries with quotas are exceptions, most countries in Africa lack the political will to promote women in politics. The cultural and traditional context of many of these countries have been and remain a hindrance to the participation of women in politics. There is anecdotal evidence to suggest that women also face intimation and a lack of support when they show their political interest. The Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA, 2008) reports that women politicians across the globe confront a “masculine model” of politics. In many cases they lack political party support and have no access to quality education and training to enter politics. There is also usually no support from their political party because political life is steeped in male values and norms. The marginal status of African women in African societies is a concern that is echoed in many academic and nonacademic settings (Sheldon, 2017). In the march toward parity in politics, the advancement of women around the world has been both in small and in large steps. However, African women’s progression can be measured in micro steps because they have a long way to go. For the case of the Gambia, SDG 5 will remain a dream if systems are not changed or policies implemented to ensure Gambian women get a seat at the political decision-making table. For development to thrive and democracy along with it, active and adequate representation of women in leadership and politics must be a priority. The commitment to women has been reflected in Africa’s Agenda 2063, which aims to improve women’s political participation through good governance, democracy, respect for human rights, justice, and the rule of

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law (Fallon, 2008). The message here is that there needs to be action oriented toward making visible progress on women’s political participation and ensuring that they are not tools to be seen only when needed by their political parties. The active participation of women in politics varies by country and it is also based on prevailing societal patterns (Bano, 2009). In the Gambia, the current percentage of women in parliament, which has now been renamed the National Assembly, is a miserly 10.34%. This statistic indicates that there are some obstacles that hinder the political participation of women in the Gambia. Like other countries, the majority of women in the Gambia have also been deprived of social, economic, and political rights. They have been denied equal access to education and gainful employment opportunities and their involvement in the political arena has been minimal (Bari, 2010). Analogous to other social institutions in the Gambia, the political institutions are also very male dominated. Women have to face social and cultural constraints to participate in politics, as well as to be elected to the National Assembly (Bellagamba, 2013). Currently, there are 40,289 civil servants serving the Gambian population. Out of this, 27,125 are men and 13,164 are women (Sillah & Darboe-Jawara, 2020). Looking at the Gambia, it is easy to make linkages with extant literature (Ali & Akhtar, 2012; Bari, 2010; Iwanaga, 2008) that portends that barriers that hinder women’s participation are related to lack of education, socialization in a male-dominated political system, personal belief, socio-economic and political background, patriarchy, traditional gender roles, gender discrimination, and gender stereotype. Education is the pathway many women use as a resource to get into politics. In the Gambia, he colonial era provided very limited opportunities for women to access education. In fact, the European mode of formal education was limited in the Gambia and instead other forms of engagement were encouraged such as cash cropping and other labor schemes (Fourshey, 2019). The traditional mode of education that was in existence was also banned and/or undermined for members of the colony. Of the limited educational opportunities that were available, most were not accessible for women. The lack of opportunities to access formal education limited the human and social capital of not only the female

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population but the county as a whole, which in turn hindered political, social, and economic development efforts. Few women were offered the education needed to make an entrance into the political sphere of the Gambia. One Gambian woman who was educated through the missionary system during the colonial era was Lady Hannah Mahoney (1884–1974) (Fourshey, 2019). She became a civil servant typist and was the first Gambian woman to work for the colonial government. Following the footsteps of their mother, her daughters Hannah Augusta (1924–1981) ran for election in 1960 and Louise Njie became a social leader and an elected cabinet minister in 1985 (Ceesay, 2011).

Improving Women Participation There has not been any significant progress made on women’s inclusion in the decision-making process in the Gambia. Throughout the history of the Gambia, women’s political representation has been visible when needed and invisible when not as women are relegated to the female wing of their political parties. Gambian women have been a source of political power, but they also remain underserved and underrepresented because of established institutional, educational, economic, and cultural inequalities that serve as impediments to their political representation and participation. Further, socio-cultural practices and patriarchal values also reinforce male dominance and political patronage. The inadequacies of their political representation are due to factors including poverty, patriarchy, social, and legal frameworks. Ya Kompins made strides in the transition from colonial rule to independent sovereignty. They created opportunities for the economic and social empowerment of other women while relying on male political leaders for political representation. While milestone have been made globally with 20% representation of women in national assemblies (Paxton, Kunovich, & Hughes, 2007), women’s overall representation remains low. There is no doubt that the Gambia has been on the right path in its willingness to promote women’s political participation. Since 1994,

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during the second Republic until present, women have held the position of Vice President and Minister of Women’s Affairs. As an exception between 2018–2019 Lawyer Ousainou Darboe held the position of Vice President for a year. Although women have been vice presidents in the Gambia for the past several decades their presence is continually lacking in the National Assembly and parliament. On the other hand, the trend of female representation at the national level for the Gambia is a positive development given that increasing the number of women in politics is a tactical means of eradicating the structural foundations of inequality between men and women. In the 2017 parliamentary elections in the Gambia, women made some headway. Presently, the major stakeholders in the political setup of the Gambia are noted in Table 8.3. As noted in Table 8.3, of the 58 members of the National Assembly, only 6 of the law makers are women (3 elected and 3 appointed). For the April 2022 parliamentary elections nineteen women were nominated to contest in the parliamentary elections, yet only three (3) were successfully elected to represent their constituencies at the National Assembly (see Table 8.4). The president then appointed two bringing the total to five. This was a departure from what was expected based on work being done by women’s groups on affirmative action surrounding the introduction of the Constitution Amendment Bill. The Bill, according to Table 8.3  Women’s representation in April 2017 Gambian Elections by political party Political party United Democratic Party (UDP) Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC) National Reconciliation Party (NRP) Gambia Democratic Congress (GDC) People’s Democratic Organization for Independence and Socialism (PDOIS) People’s Progressive Party (PPP) Independents Distribution of seats according to sex Men Women Percent of women

Total of seats 31 5 5 5 4 2 1 52 6 0.1034 (10%)

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Table 8.4  Women’s representation in April 2022 Gambian Elections by political party Political party *National People’s Party (New Party) United Democratic Party (UDP) Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC) National Reconciliation Party (NRP) Gambia Democratic Congress (GDC) People’s Democratic Organization for Independence and Socialism (PDOIS) People’s Progressive Party (PPP) Independents Distribution of seats according to sex Men Women Percent of women

Total of seats

+/−

18 15 2

New Party −16 −3

4 0 2

−1 −5 −2

0 12

−2 +11 53 5 0.0862 (8%)

its supporters, would “enlarge the composition of elected members of the National Assembly and institute fixed quotas for competent and qualified women and persons with disabilities, a necessary measure in the face of inequality and inequity in decision-making platforms in The Gambia” (All Africa, 2022). The optimism for women’s representation in the Gambia is the push for a quota system. In fact, the president has five positions that he can appoint to the National Assembly, and women’s rights groups have been pushing that policies be put in place to ensure that those seats be solely reserved for women, persons with disabilities, and Christians, considering the Gambia is a predominantly Muslim country. Further, work on the Gambia’s Constitution Reform has been pushing to increase the number of seats in the National Assembly from its current form of 58 to 71 seats, and reserving 16 seats for women. This aligns with what the quota system has done for countries like Rwanda and Uganda. Though Uganda has been used as the yardstick because of how long the quota system has been in place, there has been mixed and sometimes contradictory evidence on the success of the quota system as a tool for women’s political representation (Bauer & Burnet, 2013).

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Quotas are appealing because they have been the most effective short-­ term strategy for getting women into office. There has been support for a quota system as noted by a 2018 study by Afrobarometer that found Gambians would strongly support a constitution that mandated a quota system for women’s representation in the National Assembly (Isbell and Jaw, 2022). In the 2018 study respondents were asked: Please tell me whether you disagree or agree with the following statements, or haven’t you heard enough to say? 1. The new Constitution of the Gambia should make it mandatory for the National Assembly to vet and approve all nominees for ministerial appointments. 2. The new Constitution of the Gambia should include a quota system for women’s representation in the National Assembly. 3. The new Constitution of the Gambia should stipulate that to be elected as president, a candidate should receive at least 50% of the valid votes. 4. The new Constitution of the Gambia should prohibit presidents from unilaterally removing commissioners of the Independent Electoral Commission from office. The distribution of responses is presented in Fig. 8.1.

Fig. 8.1  Views on other proposed constitutional changes

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As Gambians push for the adoption of the quota system, it is important to safeguard the interest of women and ensure that they are not exploited by the administration in power to maximize party control. Women will continue to be invisible if intentional measures are not taken for a group that has been historically overlooked and undervalued.

References Access Gambia. (2019). Agriculture & Farming in Gambia. Retrieved from https://www.accessgambia.com/information/farming-agriculture.html Adler, N. J. (1996). Global women political leaders: An invisible history, an increasingly important future. The Leadership Quarterly, 7(1), 133–161. Africa Barometer. (2021). Women’s Political Participation. Retrieved from https:// www.idea.int/sites/default/files/publications/womens-political-participation-africa-barometer-2021.pdf Ali, A. A., & Akhtar, M. J. (2012). Empowerment and political mobilization of women in Pakistan: A descriptive discourse of perspectives. Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences., 32(1), 221–228. All Africa. (2022). Gambia: Women Groups Voice Dissatisfaction On Women’s Representation. Retrieved from https://allafrica.com/stories/2022 04150235.html Almeida, R. P. (2014). A Panoramic portrait of the contribution of Gambian women to national social, political and economic development: 1880–2014. Ampofo, A. et al. (2008). Researching African Women and Gender Studies: New Social Science Perspectives. African and Asian Studies, 7, 327–41. Bano, S. (2009). Women in parliament in Pakistan: Problems and potential solutions. Women’s Studies Journal., 23(1), 19. Bari, F. (2010). Women parliamentarians: Challenging the frontiers of politics in Pakistan. Gender, Technology and Development., 14(3), 363–384. Bauer, G., & Burnet, J. E. (2013). Gender quotas, democracy, and women’s representation in Africa: Some insights from democratic Botswana and Autocratic Rwanda. Women’s Studies International Forum., 41(2), 103–112. Bellagamba, A. (2013). My elderly friends of The Gambia: Masculinity and social presence in the later part of life. Cahiers d’Études Africaines. EHESS, 53(209/210), 346–336. Ceesay, H. (2011). Gambian Women: Profiles and Historical Notes. Kanifing, The Gambia: Fulladu Publishers.

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Central Intelligence Agency. (2019). United States. Retrieved from the Library of Congress, https://www.cia.gov/theworld-­factbook/countries/gambia-­the/ Chiroro, B. (2005). Persistent inequalities: Women and electoral politics in Zimbabwe Elections in 2005. Journal of African Elections, 4(2). Ellison, R. (1947). Invisible Man. New York: Vintage. Data from Gambia Bureau of Statistics retrived from www.gbos.gm Endale, A. (2012). Factors that affect women participation in leadership and decision making position. Asian Journal of Humanity, Art and Literature, 1, 22. Fallon, K. M. (2008). Democracy and the rise of women’s movements in Sub-­ Saharan Africa. The Johns Hopkins University Press. Fourshey, C. (2019). Women in the Gambia. Faculty Contributions to Books. Gambia Bureau of Statistics. (2020). https://www.gbosdata.org/ Geiger, S. (1987). Women in nationalist struggle: TANU activists in Dar es Salaam. International Journal of African Historical Studies., 20, 1–26. Geiger, S. (2008). Tanu Women: Gender and Culture in the Making of Tanganyikan Nationalism, 1955–1965. Gottlieb, J., Grossman, G., & Robinson, A. (2018). Do Men and Women Have Different Policy Preferences in Africa? Determinants and Implications of Gender Gaps in Policy Prioritization. British Journal of Political Science, 48(3), 611–636. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123416000053 Grey-Johnson, N. (2013). Edward Francis Small: Watchdog of The Gambia. 3rd ed. Banjul: Media & Development Specialists Publishing Co. Ltd.. IDEA. (2008). Women in Parliament: Beyond Numbers. Revised report. International Parliamentary Union. (2019). Global and regional averages of women in national parliaments. Retrieved from https://data.ipu.org/womenaverages?month=12&year=2019 Inter-Parliamentary Union and United Nations Women. (2015). Women in politics: 2015. Retrieved from https://www.ipu.org/resources/publications/ infographics/2016-07/women-in-politics-2015 Inter-Parliamentary Union and United Nations Women. (2019). Women in politics: 2019. Retrieved from https://www.ipu.org/resources/publications/ infographics/2019-03/women-in-politics-2019 International IDEA. (2018). Quota project: Global database of gender quotas. www.quotaproject.org Isbell, T., Jaw, S. M. (27 January, 2022). The Gambia’s draft Constitution reflects citizens’ preference for term limits, gender quota. Afrobaromter Dispatch No. 338. Retrieved from https://www.afrobarometer.org/wp-content/ uploads/2022/02/ab_r7_dispatchno338_gambias_draft_constitution_ reflects_citizen_preferences.pdf

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Iwanaga, K. (Ed.). (2008). Women’s political participation and representation in Asia: Obstacles and challenges (Vol. No. 2). NIAS Press. Janneh, F. (2020). Gambian Women’s Struggles through Collective Action. Studies in Social Science Research. 2. p41. 10.22158/sssr.v2n3p41. Jawara, D. K. (2009). Kairaba. Banjul: Alhaji Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawar[1]. Kunovich, L., Paxton, P., & Hughes, M. (2007). Gender in Politics. Sociology Research, 3. Parham, T. A. (1999). Invisibility syndrome in African descent people: Understanding the cultural manifestations of the struggle for self-affirmation. The Counseling Psychologist, 27(6), 794–801. Paxton, P., Kunovich, S., & Hughes M M. (2007). Gender in politics. Annual Review of Sociology, 33, 263–84. Maputo Protocol. (2003). Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa. African Union. Rice, B. (1967). Enter Gambia, the birth of an improbable nation. Angus & Robertson. Saine, A. (2012). Culture and customs of Gambia. Greenwood. Schmidt, Elizabeth. (2005). Mobilizing the masses: Gender, ethnicity, and Class in Guinea, 1939–1958. , Heinemann. Sheldon, K. (2017). African women: Early history to the 21st century. Indiana University Press. Sillah, Aminata and Fanta Darboe-Jawara. (2020). Hope is not dead. Stockemer, D., & Byrne, M. (2012). Women’s representation around the world: The importance of women’s participation in the workforce. Parliamentary Affairs., 65, 802–821. Tripp, A. M. (2012). Women and politics in Uganda. University of Wisconsin Press. UN Women. (2017). http://www.unwomen.org//media/headquarters/attachments/sections/library/publications/2017/femmesenpolitique_2017_english_web.pdf?la=en&vs=1123 UNDP (2018). Annual Report. Retrieved from https://annualreport.undp.org/ assets/UNDP-Annual-Report-2018-en.pdf Yoon, M. Y. (2004). Explaining Women’s Legislative Representation in Sub-­ Saharan Africa. Legislative Studies Quarterly 29(3), 447–468. Zardari, S. (2018). Opinion. Retrieved from The Express Tribune: https://tribune.com.pk/story/1708353/6-­empty-­women-­seats-­parliament

9 Gender and Politics in Ayawaso West Wuogon: Women Standing for Parliament Gretchen Bauer

Introduction This chapter presents a case study of one parliamentary constituency in Ghana and some of the lessons that may be discerned from electoral politics during the last few decades. The case study primarily focuses on attempts to make Ghana’s elections and, ultimately, parliament, more representative and inclusive of the country’s population (in other words, to include more women). The constituency is Ayawaso West Wuogon (AWW) in Ghana’s capital city Accra. Ayawaso West Wuogon is the country’s most affluent and educated parliamentary constituency, spanning an area that includes elite shopping malls, leading educational institutions, the seat of government, cultural and historical attractions, and

G. Bauer (*) Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Delaware, Newark, DE, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 K. A. Krawczyk, B. A. King (eds.), Women’s Contributions to Development in West Africa, Globalization, Urbanization and Development in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8190-6_9

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startups. While the constituency is not necessarily remarkable, beyond the above-mentioned attributes, its primary and general elections have revealed some of the challenges to—and potentially opportunities for— women’s increased presence in parliament in Ghana—a parliament that has never consisted of more than 14.5% women, ranking the country among the lowest in Africa and the world for women’s representation in a single or lower national legislative chamber (www.ipu.org).1 The chapter finds that for elite women from an elite constituency— with family ties to politics—some of the typical obstacles to standing for office that women in Ghana face, including the financial cost of politics and a politics of insult, prevail, but can be overcome. Other obstacles, like age and related demographic characteristics and taking on an incumbent, may still act as significant barriers. Additionally, the chapter shows that women’s candidacies may be strongly challenged—in court after general election ballots have been counted and during party primaries, especially if an incumbent is being challenged. The chapter also shows women’s motivations for standing for political office, including a desire to effect change for the greater good of the constituency but also to improve the status of women and youth. Of six members of parliament (MPs) in Ayawaso West Wuogon since 1993, three have been women. As is typical of case studies, the goal of this ‘descriptive case study’ is “a comprehensive in-depth description and analysis” of a single case that is “rich, intensive and holistic.”2 Like many case studies, this one uses multiple methods of data collection, including unstructured interviews and the analysis of documents, and is presented in narrative form (Ylikoski & Zahle, 2019, pp. 1–2). The presented research is based on in-depth semi-­ structured interviews with very few key informants as well as other primary sources, such as news reports and social media posts, and secondary literature.  The 2020 elections brought the most women yet into Ghana’s parliament—40 out of 275. https:// www.myjoyonline.com/news/national/meet-the-40-female-mps-elect-of-8th-parliament/. See also Kamal (2020); and Bauer and Darkwah (2019, p. 135) for a table of women members of parliament over the decades. 2  According to Ylikoski and Zahle (2019, p. 2), a “descriptive case study aims to register the most salient observational facts about an interesting case. Such a study may be valuable both in the sense of being part of a larger project of describing the differences between cases and in the sense of capturing an interesting explanandum for later studies.” 1

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This chapter also invokes a feminist turn to experience-based storytelling. As Stone-Mediatore (2015, p. 952) describes: Through storytelling many scholars and activists have sought to encourage communication among people of different backgrounds; to open intellectual forums to people directly immersed in social problems, who often have been more attuned than experts to deeply felt, unexpected, and uncategorized aspects of those problems, and to reconfigure images, categories, and discursive logics that have suppressed the complex subjectivities and aspirations of many members of our community.

Stone-Mediatore (2015) reveals how storytelling acts as a link between experience and critical insight, a strategy of resistance, as essential to democracy and as rigorous knowing. In a similar vein, Watkins and Jessee (2020, p. 84) use in-depth political profiles of two Rwandan First Ladies (often compared to a Queen Mother from the turn of the twentieth century who wielded “extraordinary political power”) to understand gender norms in Rwanda today, as well as people’s attitudes toward “women who exercise significant political power.” This chapter relies upon brief political profiles of two women members of parliament and one woman aspirant from Ayawaso West Wuogon.3 After a brief review of the Ayawaso West Wuogon constituency over time, as well as a recount of who has served as MP for the constituency during the Fourth Republic, the chapter focuses on three national elections (2004, 2012, 2020), and a by-election in 2019. These elections and the by-election illustrate some unique aspects of electoral politics in Ghana, as they relate to women aspirants and candidates. First, it is important to provide some relevant political context. Ghana was the first country south of the Sahara to obtain independence in 1957. By the end of the first decade of independence, in 1966, the nation’s first leader, Kwame Nkrumah, was overthrown in a military coup and  In Ghana’s single-member district electoral system, candidates for parliament stand in single-­ member constituencies. Before the general elections are held, however, candidates must be selected from each party. Candidate selection takes place through party primaries. Those individuals who participate in party primaries (running to secure the nomination from their party and be their party’s candidate) are referred to as aspirants. 3

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military regimes dominated the following decades with brief interludes of civilian rule (including elections in 1969 and 1979). Since a democratic political transition in 1993, with the onset of Ghana’s Fourth Republic, governments have alternated every eight years between the two main political parties, the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and the New Patriotic Party (NPP). The NDC held power from 1993–2001, followed by the NPP from 2001–2009, the NDC again from 2009–2017 and then back to NPP-led governments following the late 2016 and 2020 elections. Since the beginning of the Fourth Republic, parliamentary constituencies have been divided across 10 regions (with the number of regions increased to 16 in 2019, though without a concomitant increase in parliamentary constituencies). The NPP boycotted the parliamentary elections in 1992, leading to a massive win—and parliamentary majority—for the NDC in the first parliament of the Fourth Republic. While in the early days of the Fourth Republic, there were usually a handful of independent members of parliament and those from a few small parties, in more recent years that has hardly been the case. While Ghanaians are known to vote ‘skirt and blouse’—splitting the ticket—presidential and parliamentary votes tend to align more or less (the 2020 election results, for the first time, deviated from this pattern). Today, Ghana is considered one of Africa’s most promising emerging democracies (Botchway, 2018).

The Constituency Ayawaso West Wuogon is not a typical parliamentary constituency in Ghana, to the extent that such a typical constituency might even exist. Rather, Ayawaso West Wuogon in Ghana’s capital, Accra, is the most affluent and educated parliamentary constituency in the country, encompassing the country’s premier university, the most expensive housing, Jubilee House (the seat of government), the international airport, high-­ end shopping malls, and innovative technology hubs. According to Appah (2017, pp. 84–85), AWW was the least densely populated submetropolitan area within the Accra metropolis in about 2010—a highend residential area although with “a growing number of slums”.

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One of 34 constituencies in the region of Greater Accra, AWW has been an unchanged parliamentary constituency since 1992 when there were 200 seats in parliament, despite subsequent increases in the number of parliamentary constituencies to 230 in 2004 and 275 in 2012 (Appah, 2017; Frempong, 2017). With NPP members of parliament representing AWW since 2000, the constituency is today considered an NPP stronghold, although NDC presidential candidate John Mahama did win the constituency (and the presidential election) in 2012 (Gyampo et  al., 2018) (see Table 9.1). Interestingly, perhaps due in part to the fact that it encompasses the University of Ghana Legon campus, the Ayawaso West Wuogon constituency has been the subject of a numerous scholarly studies. Ninsin (2006), Appah (2017), and Gyampo et al. (2018) focus on voting behavior, including ethnic voting, in AWW and other constituencies, while Bjarnesen (2020), Ijon (2020), and Impraim (2020) all investigate violence in the 2019 AWW by-election (with mentions of it as well in Tandoh-Offin & Bukari, 2019).

 he AWW Members of Parliament: T Brief Introductions Why might someone stand for parliament in Ghana? According to Daddieh and Bob-Milliar (2012, p.  205), parliamentary contests have assumed greater importance and become the scenes of bloody contestations in recent years partly because of the growing recognition that the office of MP carries with it not only status and prestige but also certain privileges, including financial rewards and political power—and all the more so for those tapped to become ministers. Indeed, with a Table 9.1 Votes for NPP and NDC in presidential elections in Ayawaso West Wuogon Party

1996

2000

2004

2008

2012

2106

2020

NPP NDC

48.4% 48.6%

58.0% 37.6%

54.8% 43.4%

48.7% 48.6%

49.1% 49.8%

56.5% 42.1%

49.8% 49.5%

Source: https://ghanaelections.peacefmonline.com/pages/2020/greateraccra/ ayawaso_west_wuogon/

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constitutional requirement that half of all ministers (or at least half of those destined for cabinet) come from parliament, the possibility of a ministerial appointment for an MP from the governing party is real. In the Akufo-­Addo administration that came into office in 2017 there were more than 100 ministers—beyond cabinet ministers—with different ranks and responsibilities (the constitution also allows the president to appoint as many ministers as necessary to accomplish his goals) (Bauer & Darkwah, 2022). In earlier work, Oquaye (2000, p. 58) suggested that Ghanaians see their MPs as “money bags.” Indeed, around 2012 each MP controlled a discretionary constituency development fund (CDF) of more than US $43,000, in addition to earning an annual salary of around US $24,000 (roughly 34 times the Ghanaian per capita GDP at the time) (Ichino & Nathan, 2012, p. 778). Most accounts of post-transition parliamentary politics in Ghana begin with the 1996 election given that the NPP, alleging a rigged presidential election, boycotted the 1992 parliamentary elections; therefore, the first parliament of the Fourth Republic was nearly completely dominated by the NDC (Frempong, 2017, pp.  148–151). The MP from Ayawaso West Wuogon elected in 1992 was Mr. Kenneth Dzirasah from the NDC (Frempong, 2017, p. 154).4 Interestingly, in 1996 and 2000 there were, respectively, three and two women candidates in the general election, in 2004 and 2008 only one, and none in 2012 and 2016.5 In the 1996 election, the first of a few women was elected, Ms. Rebecca Akweley Adotey, also from the NDC. Akweley Adotey’s win was challenged by her NPP opponent Mr. George Amoo (and found to have been wrongly called—but only after she finished her term). He then stood and won in 2000, against a different NDC opponent, Mr. Elvis Afriyie-Ankrah. From 2005 until 2013 the constituency was represented in parliament by Ms. Frema Osei-Opare also from the NPP, one of Ghana’s leading women politicians, a former deputy minister and since 2017 the first female chief of staff to a Ghanaian president. After two terms, Ms. Osei-Opare decided not to stand again; her seat was then held by Mr. Emmanuel Kwabena  Other sources list the winner of the 1992 AWW parliamentary election as Mr. Francis Napoleaon Kumah from the National Convention Party. 5  The Evening Mail, Issue 023, No. 1, Wednesday, January 30, 2019, p. 4. 4

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Table 9.2  Ayawaso West Wuogon parliamentary elections, major party candidates Election Year

NDC

1992 1996

K Dzirasah Boycott Rebecca Akweley George Isaac Adotey Amoo Elvis Afriyie-Ankrah George Isaac Amoo Samuel Adiepena Frema Osei Opare Albert K Twum Frema Osei Opare Boafo Kwame Emmanuel K Awuah-Darko Agyarko Delali K Brempong Emmanuel K Agyarko Delali K Brempong Lydia Alhassan

K Dzirasah Rebecca Akweley Adotey George Isaac Amoo

John Dumelo

Lydia Alhassan

2000 2004 2008 2012 2016 2019 by-election 2020

NPP

Lydia Alhassan

Winner

Frema Osei Opare Frema Osei Opare Emmanuel K Agyarko Emmanuel K Agyarko Lydia Alhassan

Sources: Frempong (2017) and various. Women candidates and winners are in bold

Kyeremateng Agyarko, who won two contests in 2012 and 2016 to represent AWW in parliament for the NPP. Mr. Agyarko suffered an untimely death in late 2018 and in early 2019, after a by-election, was succeeded by one of his two wives, Ms. Lydia Seyram Alhassan, who easily won first the NPP primary and then the seat against her late husband’s NDC opponent from the 2016 race, Mr. Delali Kwasi Brempong. In the run­up to the 2020 election, in April 2020, the NPP announced that it would not hold a party primary in Ayawaso West Wuogon, because of the coronavirus pandemic, leaving Ms. Alhassan as the party’s candidate for the general election (see Table 9.2). In early December 2020 she narrowly beat her NDC opponent, the popular film star John Dumelo, to retain her seat.

1996: The Constituency’s First Woman MP By some accounts (e.g., Frempong 2017, p.  179, contemporary news reports of the 1996 parliamentary elections and her Wikipedia page), Ms. Rebecca Akweley Adotey won her bid to become the member of parliament from Ayawaso West Wuogon in the 1996 general election

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Table 9.3 Votes for NPP and NDC in parliamentary elections in Ayawaso West Wuogona Party

1996

2000

2004

2008

2012

2106

2019

2020

NPP NDC

45.2% 46.1%

56.2% 36.5%

52.1% 37.9%

48.2% 42.3%

50.3% 47.6%

57.3% 39.6%

68.8% 30.5%

51.4% 48.3%

There are typically two to three additional candidates from other parties in each election, but only the two major party candidates are listed here Source: https://ghanaelections.peacefmonline.com/pages/2020/greateraccra/ ayawaso_west_wuogon/ a

and, indeed, she served a full term in parliament (see Table  9.3). Yet, according to other accounts (Asare, 2006; Debrah, 2011; Ninsin, 2006; Owusu-Mensah & Frempong, 2015), Mr. Amoo was the winner, though that was decided too late for him to serve his term. According to Asare (2006, p.  63), this contest—which ended up in the courts—actually served as “the first test for Ghana’s judiciary under the Fourth Republic.” Asare (2006, fn 32) writes of the electoral contest that “the true winner was George Amoo, the NPP candidate, but Rebecca Adotey, the NDC candidate, was prematurely and improperly declared winner and sworn in as the putative MP of Ayawaso-West Constituency.”6 It was a court case that dragged on for years and was only resolved near the end of Ms. Adotey’s term (Ninsin, 2006, p. 189). In Ghana’s second parliament of the Fourth Republic she was one of only 18 women MPs. In the 2000 election, incumbent Ms. Adotey was not the NDC’s parliamentary candidate; and in that contest Mr. Amoo, who had not faced a party primary to become the nominee, emerged the victor by a wide margin.

 According to Asare (2006, p. 63), writing about Adotey: “A contestant who had actually lost the election was declared the winner and improperly sworn in as a Member of Parliament. Subsequently, the true winner filed a suit in the High Court to declare him the winner. Even though the High Court declared that the petitioner was the winner of the elections, the delays in the appellate process allowed the respondent, who had indisputably lost the election, to serve the full four year term.” According to Owusu-Mensah and Frempong (2015, p. 24): “In a landmark parliamentary case that spanned four years, Isaac Amoo versus the Electoral Commission, the court ruled that Isaac Amoo won in the Ayawaso West Wagon [sic] Constituency but the Commission wrongfully declared Rebecca Adotey as the winner.” 6

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 004: New and Unsettling Party Primary Procedures, 2 Frema Osei-Opare7 When did party primaries become the crucial moment for women (and men) aspirants and candidates? Ghana is one of many countries in Africa with a single-member district electoral system and no electoral gender quota for parliament, and these two features contribute significantly to its consistently low percentage of women in parliament (Bauer, 2019).8 In a single-member district electoral system, candidate recruitment and selection typically happen through party primaries, with the details of the primary process usually varying from country to country and even party to party. In Ghana, party primaries have evolved significantly since the transition away from military rule and to democracy in the early 1990s and AWW illustrates this evolution well. While in the first decade of post-transition politics, candidate selection in Ghana may have been rife with conflict and subject to manipulation and interference from party leaders, since at least the 2004 elections, both major political parties— the NDC and the NPP—have followed “fairly standard and noncontroversial rules” for candidate selection, as set out in their party constitutions—which has meant some kind of party primary (Daddieh & Bob-Milliar, 2012, pp.  210–212; Fobih, 2010; Osei, 2013). Ichino and Nathan (2012, p.  779) relate that, after learning from early post-­transition elections, “by 2004 each party had a formal policy stating that every parliamentary candidate would be elected by delegates selected by the local executive committee elected in each polling station area.” By the 2010s in each constituency, delegates typically numbered around 500 people comprised of (around five) party executives from each polling station (of which there might be about 90 in a given constituency)—and often referred to as ‘electoral colleges.’9  While I was able to contact Ms. Osei-Opare while in Accra in July 2021, I was not able to secure an interview either in person or via zoom; thus, this section relies heavily on news reports. 8  Other aspects of electoral politics in Ghana that negatively impact women’s representation include the exorbitant (financial) cost of politics and a debilitating politics of insult (Bauer & Darkwah, 2020). 9  According to the Electoral Commission of Ghana, there were 28,992 polling stations (in 275 constituencies) in the 2016 election and 38,622 polling stations (in 275 constituencies) in the 2020 election. 7

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But it is clear that the transition to party primaries, from a previous even more centralized candidate selection process, was a fraught one for both political parties. Indeed the Accra Mail described how abhorrent the NPP incumbent in AWW, Mr. George Amoo, found the process of being ‘primaried’ in 2004: “The ruling NPP decries the imposition of candidates and with the gradual entrenchment of democratic principles in the country, faltering MPs with little confidence left in them are quaking at the idea of primaries to select the most eligible. In the Greater Accra region, the AWW constituency can easily win the title of ‘The Most Controversial’ in the history of party politics in contemporary times.”10 The article goes on to recount how Ms. Frema Osei-Opare declared her intention to contest the NPP party primary (thereby challenging the incumbent Amoo), in keeping with the ideals of the country’s multiparty democracy and as also embraced publicly by the party. Moreover, she stated her belief in the importance of having women take up challenging leadership roles in the country. In the ensuing months between Osei-­ Opare’s announcement of her intention to seek the party’s nomination and her easy victory over the incumbent MP from her own party, she would be vilified on two counts: for allegedly attempting to buy the primary election and for being an ethnic outsider seeking to remove an indigene. And this was only her party primary. In terms of the first charge of trying to ‘buy the election,’ one of the longstanding challenges of candidate selection in Ghana has been the way party primaries are known to be “cocoa season” for the polling station party executives who select the party nominees (with the general election being an opportunity for the wider electorate “to chop”), meaning that the primary electorate (and later wider electorate) may expect to be compensated for their votes (Lindberg, 2003).11 In the course of the 2004 NPP primary, Ms. Osei-Opare was charged by her opponent with  Accra Mail, May 18, 2004, Ghana: Wuogon Again as Isaac Amoo Battles for His Political Life. Indeed, chiefs in AWW felt there was “even no need for a primary as they wholeheartedly support the sitting MP who, they claimed, by his track record, has shown deep interest in the development of especially villages in the constituency.” Ghanaian Chronicle, August 5, 2004, Ghana: Chiefs Joine the Fray, Threat to Boycott Votes for NPP. 11  Cocoa season refers to the time of the cocoa harvest when money is in abundance; to chop means to eat in Ghana parlance, or to consume, which requires money. 10

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attempting to buy her way into office. According to the Ghanaian Chronicle in the days just before the NPP primary, Ms. Osei-Opare was “accused of giving the constituency executives [those who would vote in the primary] money to influence their decision.” Further, it was stated by some local executives that “the constituency is not for sale to unknown people like Mrs. Osei-Opare” [italics added]. In another story two days later, she was again accused of “flagrant vote buying” by some of the chiefs in AWW.12 While no evidence of vote buying is provided, it seems likely that part of the animus directed toward Ms. Osei-Opare had to do with her Akan ethnic identity, as stated in news reports—the second charge against her. Claiming that Ms. Osei-Opare was “not known in the constituency” (in which she had lived for decades), supporters of the incumbent Mr. Amoo apparently demonstrated with placards at the party constituency office saying, among others, “Ga candidates for Ga seats.” A number of East Legon chiefs reportedly complained in a statement that they wanted to “remind the party hierarchy that there is a growing perception that the Ga-Adagbe are being marginalized” in the AWW constituency. In the view of the chiefs there was in fact “no need for a primary,” given that the incumbent was perfectly meeting their needs!13 (His ethnic identity in news reports was described as half Ga-half Akan.) Recent scholarship suggests that voters in Ayawaso West Wuogon, perhaps in contrast to other parts of the country, do not vote on the basis of ethnic affiliation. Appah (2017) concludes from his study of three parliamentary constituencies, including AWW, that the Ayawaso West Wuogon constituency is “an area where ethnicity plays virtually no role in shaping voting behavior” (ii). Appah finds that “voters in this constituency are more objective and rational in their thinking” with respondents in his study saying they vote on the basis of the achievements of the party in power or the promises of the party out of power with “ethnicity scarcely

 Ghanaian Chronicle, August 3, 2004, Ghana: More Rumpus in NPP; August 5, 2004, Ghana: Chiefs Join the Fray, Threaten to Boycott Votes for NPP. 13  Ghanaian Chronicle, August 3, 2004, Ghana: More Rumpus in NPP; August 5, 2004, Ghana: Chiefs Join the Fray, Threaten to Boycott Votes for NPP. 12

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a consideration” (pp.  116–117).14 Moreover, Ninsin (2006, p.  188) describes the AWW constituency as one in which residents hail from at least six (of the country’s then ten) different regions. But when Ms. Osei-­ Opare was challenging Mr. Amoo in the party primary in 2004, ethnic considerations were front and center, at least for those who wanted to keep the incumbent in power. Indeed, unsubstantiated (unsigned) complaints surfaced about Ms. Osei-Opare again in 2008, during her party’s vetting process in advance of the party primary, to which, however, party executives paid little heed because of their anonymous nature.15 Frema Osei-Opare was very clear about her intentions in running for office. She had lived in the AWW constituency since 1969; she came from a political family; she had earned a postgraduate degree in Europe and taught at the University of Ghana, a prominent landmark and institution in Ayawaso West Wuogon. Described in a news report as “exuding extraordinary confidence,” Ms. Osei-Opare related that her work in the development field had opened her eyes to the gains her party was making throughout the country and that accelerated development was needed to improve the quality of people’s lives, especially in the rural areas.16 In 2004, she handily beat the incumbent, Mr. Amoo, in the party primary with 47 votes cast for her to 17 cast for him, although not before legal challenges from Mr. Amoo.17 Once she won her party primaries in 2004 and 2008, Ms. Osei-Opare had little difficulty defeating her NDC opponent in either general election. In his analysis of the 2004 parliamentary elections in AWW and Dome-Kwabenya constituencies, Ninsin (2006, pp. 197–198) found that Ms. Osei-Opare was aided in her candidacy by  Gyampo et al. (2018, p. 41) republish the findings from the three constituencies in Appah’s study and argue that: “elections and voting in contemporary times in Ghana can no longer be simply described as ethnic consensus.” Rather, in AWW, they suggest, respondents tended to vote in elections based on policy preferences, rather than ethnicity or even party identification (p. 40). 15  Accra Mail, April 14, 2008, Ghana: GT Accra NPP Prepares for Vetting as a Sea of Anonymous Letters Floods HQ. 16  Accra Mail, May 18, 2004, Ghana: Wuogon Again as Isaac Amoo Battles for His Political Life. 17  Accra Mail, August 31, 2004, Ghana: Women in the Lead. Ninsin (2006, p. 189) suggests the 2004 NPP party primary was held twice: “The 2004 elections were not without the usual controversy. For example, the NPP primaries for the choice of a parliamentary candidate had to be conducted twice amid legal challenges and mutual accusations from the supporters of the 2 main candidates—the immediate past MP and an aspiring female candidate.” This would be the second time that Mr. Amoo and a female opponent were involved in an electoral challenge. 14

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a strong NPP presence (or weak NDC presence) in the constituency, her ‘superior’ education level, the power of money and perceived political connections. As an MP, Ms. Osei-Opare expressed concern about the lack of women in the legislative body. Speaking at a Women’s Day Walk in Accra at the time of the 60th anniversary of the University of Ghana, Ms. Osei-Opare remarked that no matter the political party, women should support women parliamentary candidates. More women in parliament, she advised, would create a more balanced parliament in which women MPs could better influence policies of importance to other women.18 More recently, Ms. Osei-Opare has served as the highly lauded (first female) chief of staff for President Akufo-Addo in both his first and second terms. During a ceremony marking the launch of the Ellen Johnson Sirleaf Presidential Center for Women and Development in Monrovia, Ms. Osei-Opare is reported to have decried the debilitating obstacles facing women keen to enter politics. According to one news report, “she observed that women of character, determination, competence, and stature are still under-represented in effective and organized political power” (Assaase Radio). Additionally, she has expressed her hope that there will one day be a woman president of Ghana, given that there are plenty of women capable of fulfilling that role (Peace FM Online).

 012: The Obstacles for Political Outsiders, 2 Afia Appiah19 But would more women follow Frema Osei-Opare into parliament from Ayawaso West Wuogon? When Ms. Osei-Opare decided not to run again for a third term, one of those to stand in the NPP party primary in Ayawaso West in 2011 was Ms. Afia Appiah, a young, also highly educated development professional, also from a political family though not necessarily with longstanding ties of her own to the NPP. Indeed, she had  Ghanaian Chronicle, September 19, 2008, Ghana: Support Women Parliamentary Candidates—Frema. 19  This section is based on lengthy author interviews with Ms. Appiah, on the University of Ghana campus, on 4 May 2016, and via Zoom on 1 June 2021, as well as documentary evidence. 18

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just returned to Ghana in 2005 (many Ghanaians returned from overseas during the 2000s as the country continued its transition to democracy) after seven years of study and work in the USA. When it was clear that Ms. Osei-Opare would not stand again—making AWW in the 2011 party primaries an ‘orphan constituency’—Ms. Appiah decided to do so, even though it was her older sister, a known businesswoman in the community, who had been approached to run for political office but who was unavailable for personal reasons. Ms. Osei-Opare told her she would support her primary bid, not because she was a woman but because she was hardworking. With the support of the incumbent, Ms. Appiah also gained the support of some of her friends and patrons (and the enmity of some of her enemies)—and the assistance of many of the members of her campaign team. In the end she earned a respectable number of votes in the four-way party primary in 2011, but not enough to win, with Mr. Emmanuel Agyarko emerging as the NPP nominee and, ultimately, the member of parliament from the constituency. In 2015, Ms. Appiah decided again to stand in the party primary, this time the sole aspirant to take on the incumbent MP, Mr. Agyarko. And again, she was unsuccessful. Ms. Appiah had a number of things working against her during the two primary races. During both primaries her gender and young age (35 in 2011) were an issue, as were her marital status (single) and lack of children. In the 2011 primary some portrayed her as the ‘poodle’ of Frema Osei-Opare, rather than someone with her own thoughts and ideas. Although concerns about the ethnicity of AWW candidates and MPs had waned over the years, Ms. Appiah was asked why she did not rather stand in one of the hometowns of her parents, even though she had lived in the AWW constituency for more than 30 years. From the start, the 2015 contest was clearly going to be even more challenging because Ms. Appiah was taking on an incumbent, with incumbent MPs from other constituencies traveling to AWW to campaign against her and for their colleague. She relates that the 2015 primary campaign against her was more personal, even ‘nasty,’ especially with regard to several of her personal attributes. In the end, Mr. Agyarko’s status as an incumbent and with much greater access to financial resources assured his victory in the primary (Infobox Daily, 2015)—and again he won the general election

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contest as well. Ms. Appiah’s experience mirrored closely what Bauer and  Darkwah (2019) have found among women aspirants and candidates for parliament in Ghana: that while significant financial resources are necessary to win an election, they are not sufficient (but that those candidates who are perceived to be better resourced—during the campaign and in the future—will fare much better). Also, that failing to conform to societal norms around gender, appearance, education, religion, and more can be deleterious to women standing for political office. By the time of the 2012 and 2016 elections, party primaries had evolved still further in Ghana. For the 2012 and 2016 elections both major parties offered discounted filing fees for certain categories of aspirants in party primaries, as part of stated efforts to cultivate more women and youth candidates (Bauer & Darkwah, 2019). In the case of the NPP, according to Ms. Appiah, the reduced filing fee came in the form of a rebate—for young and women aspirants. She recounts that she did receive the youth rebate in 2011 though not the gender rebate in 2015 (by which time she no longer qualified for the youth discount)—being told that she could afford to pay the full filing fee. At the time of the 2015 primaries, there was also a fleeting discussion within the NPP of a plan to keep any parliamentary seat occupied by a female incumbent as a woman’s seat. That plan was quashed almost as soon as it was mooted, mostly by potential male challengers to any female incumbents or for the seats they might have once held. On what prompted her to stand for parliament in the first place, and then opt out of electoral politics after two unsuccessful attempts, Ms. Appiah is clear: she notes that she always wanted to contribute to women’s increased participation in politics in Ghana. As a development professional she is aware of the large differences that policy changes can make to ordinary people’s lives and, importantly, to women’s lack of access to resources including finances, land, markets, health care, and more, and thus what a difference she could potentially make as a policy maker in parliament. At the same time, she concludes that money plays far too great a role in electoral politics in Ghana and that, given that reality, she could not encourage anyone to stand for political office.

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2019 By-Election: Violence Along the Widow’s Path In late November 2018, nearly halfway through his second term, the MP for Ayawaso West Wuogon, Mr. Emmanuel Agyarko, passed away. As is typical in Ghana when there is a vacancy in parliament (due to resignation or death), a by-election was held shortly thereafter, in January 2019. In anticipation of the by-election each party selected its candidate. For the NPP, the candidate was Agyarko’s second wife, Ms. Lydia Alhassan. In becoming the NPP’s candidate, Alhassan was pursuing the ‘widow’s path’ to parliament, a not uncommon way for women to reach public office around the world. In the early part of the twentieth century in the USA, for example and according to Sanbonmatsu (2020, p. 42), the most likely way for a woman to become a member of Congress was “as the widow of a sitting member who died in office.” This common ‘widow’s path,’ in which “women would briefly take the seats vacated by the death of their husbands,” was only altered during the second half of the twentieth century as second-wave feminism helped to alter the opportunities for and attitudes toward women, including for elected office (p. 43). In Ghana too it was “not strange…for the wife of a late MP to succeed the husband in Parliament after his death,” with previous examples being the wives of Prof. Djan Amoah in 2001 and Desmond William Ocloo in 2016.20 Indeed, Boakye et al. (2022) have recently asked whether the widow’s path has become a ‘reliable pathway’ for women to enter politics in the country. Despite calls for a party-appointed replacement for Mr. Agyarko, especially given the costs of holding a by-election,21 both political parties promptly held ‘party primaries’ in December 2018 so that a by-election could be held in January 2019.22 According to news reports, both of Agyarko’s wives, Ms. Alhassan and (the now late) Ms. Josephine Naana Baiden Agyarko, originally intended to stand for his seat, and posters promoting both candidacies were circulating on social media by mid-­ December. Other news reports quoted both women as denying an  Daily Guide Ghana, December 12, 2018, Ayawaso West By-Election: Mad Rush for Agyarko’s Seat.  Ghana News Agency, November 23, 2018, MP Dies; Bye-election Looms, But…. 22  Daily Guide Ghana, December 22, 2018, NPP Opens Nominations for Agyarko’s Seat. 20 21

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intention to stand as the party sought a “consensus candidate” while encouraging the women “to rather mourn their husband and perform the widowhood rites.”23 Ultimately, Ms. Alhassan stood as one of three female aspirants and one male aspirant in the NPP primary (with a second man withdrawing from the contest at the last moment); the NDC re-selected its 2016 candidate for the seat, Mr. Brempong.24 Ms. Alhassan overwhelmingly beat the other NPP aspirants to become the party’s candidate in the by-election. Long a member of the NPP, Ms. Alhasson is a businesswoman with postgraduate degrees, who serves on company boards and holds offices in her church and Lions’ Club. While the seat had long been considered an NPP ‘safe seat,’ NPP members and supporters were urged to take nothing for granted and turn out to vote in large numbers in the late January by-election.25 When the by-election was held it was marred by significant violence, with armed men wearing National Security apparel storming the La Bawaleshie Presbyterian School polling station and attacking polling agents of the NDC. More than a dozen people suffered gunshot wounds and other injuries (WANEP, 2019). The incident has been written about extensively by scholars from inside and outside Ghana and shares some characteristics with previous by-elections. Since the first parliament of Ghana’s Fourth Republic, 31 vacancies have occurred for which 26 by-­ elections have been held (Ijon, 2020, p.  37). Of those by-elections, according to Impraim (2020), nine recorded violence. In a study of the two most recent cases of by-election violence in Ghana, Talensi constituency in 2015 and Ayawaso West Wuogon in 2019, Ijon (2020, p. 32) contends that in each case the ruling party at the time (simultaneously the party accused of instigating the violence) won the by-election. In another study, Impraim (2020, pp.  12–15) finds that by-election  The Herald (Ghana), December 12, 2018, Pictures of Late Agyarko’s Two Wives and Kids Pop Up; Daily Guide Ghana, December 12, 2018, Ayawaso West By-Election: Mad Rush for Agyarko’s Seat. 24  Ghana News Agency, December 28, 2018, NPP to Hold Ayawaos West Wuogon Primary on Saturday. 25  Ghana News Agency, December 29, 2018, Lydia Alhassan is NPP Ayawaso West Wuogon Constituency Parliamentary Candidate; Daily Guide Ghana, January 5, 2019, Agyarko’s Widow Steps Up Campaign; Daily Guide Ghana, January 15, 2019, Groups Back Agyarko’s Widow to Retain Seat. 23

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violence suppresses voter turnout, on the one hand, and results in an outcome with a large margin of victory for the winner, on the other hand. In Ayawaso West Wuogon all of these things happened; voter turnout was only about 20% of eligible voters, the ruling party’s candidate won the by-election and did so by a large margin. In the aftermath of the by-election violence, a commission was appointed by the president to investigate the events of that day. In September 2019 the Justice Emile Short Commission presented its findings to the president, noting that by-elections concentrate the tension and potential for violence between two parties into one election. Among many recommendations, the commission called for a prohibition on masked or hooded personnel in civilian policing (GhanaWeb 2019). A few months later, representatives of the NDC and NPP met and agreed to engage in further deliberations aimed at disbanding vigilante groups that operate within the parties ‘for political purposes’ (Ghana News 2019). Darkwa (2012, 2015) has argued that electoral violence in Ghana has been one of the factors keeping women out of electoral politics in Ghana, but in this instance that was less so the case as Ms. Alhassan had become her party’s nominee before the violence occurred, though the violence could have cost her the by-election victory. For Ms. Alhassan, it could be argued, another kind of violence awaited her once she won her by-­election and entered parliament. On the day of her swearing-in to parliament in early February 2019, NDC members walked out of the chamber, “saying they did not want to be associated with the violence” that had occurred on the day of the by-election. Worse yet, moments before exiting, some NDC members displayed placards with the inscription ‘Bloody Widow’ on them, the suggestion being that she was somehow responsible for the bloodshed on the day of the by-election. Members holding placards were advised to apologize and residents of the constituency decried the obvious way in which a female MP had been singled out for retribution, in a way that a male MP surely would not have been.26 Diabah (2022) has described ‘a bloody widow discourse’ as yet another barrier to women’s  Ghana News Agency, February 5, 2019, Lydia Alhassan Sworn in as MP for Ayawaso West Wuogon; Ghanaian Times, February 7, 2019, Minority MPs to Be Hauled Before Privileges Committee for ‘Bloody Widow’ Placard; The Herald (Ghana), February 18, 2019, Young Positivist Writes: Is It Because She is a Woman?; Ghana News Agency, February 13, 2019, Women Demand Apology on ‘Bloody Mary’ Comment. 26

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political participation in Ghana.  Just a year later, Ms. Alhassan was declared the NPP AWW nominee for the 2020 parliamentary election, following a party rule change providing for unopposed primaries in cases such as hers. Her NDC challenger was the film star and farmer, Mr. John Dumelo (My Joy Online).

 nd 2020: Elections in the Time of a Global Pandemic, A Ms. Lydia Alhassan27 Early on in the global pandemic the world expected the worst outcomes for Africa, with headlines predicting hundreds of thousands of deaths amid significant shortages of health-care workers, health infrastructure, and equipment. In the end, the most dire scenarios did not come to pass. A number of reasons—a youthful population and no nursing homes, a warm climate with more time spent outdoors, less international travel and immediate responses including quarantines, testing and shutting down borders, mask mandates, handwashing and lockdowns, and previous experience with disease outbreaks—have been offered to account for the less severe impact across the continent (though the negative economic impact will be crushing) (Cilliers et al., 2020, Winning, 2020). Perhaps not surprisingly, with its cosmopolitan, jet-setting population, and being the seat of government and home to the Kotoka International Airport, Ayawaso West Wuogon constituency was also the place of the greatest COVID outbreak in Ghana. Indeed, the two 2020 contenders for the AWW seat in parliament, incumbent Ms. Alhassan and her NDC opponent Mr. Dumelo, focused immediately on COVID ‘relief efforts’ for AWW constituents as they launched their campaigns—with both providing hand sanitizer, veronica buckets for handwashing and soap to students, police stations, taxi drivers, and market women. With time, the donations escalated to bags of rice, containers of oil, crates of eggs, loaves of bread, gari, and sachets of water to the less privileged or to churches for further distribution. As noted in April 2020 by blogger Joseph Mireku,  While I was able to contact Ms. Alhassan while in Accra in July 2021, I was not able to secure an interview either in person or via Zoom; thus, this section relies heavily on news reports and social media posts. 27

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this “performative enactment of deep pockets and concern for the grassroots demonstrated by gift giving, provision of consumables and various acts of charity by the two parliamentary candidates, courtesy of COVID-19” was in stark, and likely purposeful, contrast to the January 2019 by-election. At the same time, it was somewhat baffling that “so much food relief [was] going to a constituency which is best known for its elitism and affluence,” according to Mireku (2020). In his blog post, Mireku (2020) further hones in on the stated efforts of both political parties to recruit more women and youth candidates into parliament, primarily through the reduced filing fees mentioned earlier in this chapter. As Mireku notes, Alhassan and Dumelo qualified for the candidate filing fee rebates or discounts, based on their gender and age, respectively, making it surprising to him “that members of such hitherto perceived vulnerable minority groups, for whom rules were made to ease their financial burdens, are engaged in a resource-intensive campaign of donating huge quantities of various food items and hand sanitizers to residents of AWW.” In Mireku’s (2020) view, this was money ‘down the drain’ and constituents and the two candidates would have been much better served by coordinating their relief efforts, helping to “defuse any lingering tensions from the 2019 by-elections and set the stage for a peaceful election in 2020.” Indeed, no matter the circumstances, this election campaign was likely to come under observer scrutiny. Midway through the campaign season, in early August, both candidates had been cautioned by the Electoral Commission Chairwoman to ensure peaceful elections, in contrast to the 2019 by-election that first brought Ms. Alhassan into parliament.28 Campaigning during a pandemic, especially in the most heavily impacted part of the country, required adaptations to meet government-­ imposed restrictions and assuage people’s fears. In the country’s most cosmopolitan constituency, social media platforms provided an opportunity for virtual meetings and remote events as well as constant status updates and commentary from the candidates. Indeed, a steady stream of posts from Instagram, Twitter, and Facebook provided insights into each  Ghanaian Times, August 4, 2020, Ayawaso West Parliamentary Aspirants Urged to Exercise Restraint. 28

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candidate’s bio, perspectives, and promises in AWW (with John Dumelo being the much more skilled social media user). Ms. Alhassan is somewhat active on Facebook and much less so on Twitter and Instagram.29 She seems to have first joined Twitter and Instagram in January 2019 soon after she won the NPP primary to stand in the by-­election, but fell inactive on Twitter by April. While she often retweeted her supporters she did not tweet that much herself except for a few tweets referencing health screenings and walks, community clean-up campaigns and car washes. She appears to have launched a second official MP account in September 2019 and then another new account to replace previous ones after her account was hacked in December 2020. She was more consistent during the same period on Instagram with many images of visits with students at the University of Ghana and birthday celebrations of NPP notables as well as the year anniversary of her husband’s passing. By March 2020, all Instagram posts were about COVID protocols, a lockdown (during which she committed three months of salary to the vulnerable and needy in AWW), and then donations across the constituency. During the final months of the 2020 general election, she launched a Do You Know? campaign on IG during which she elaborated mostly on all of her substantial donations across the constituency, until her victory in December. From Facebook, one sees her slogan ‘continuity in development’ and many of the same themes and posts from the other two platforms, as well as her frequent invocations to God; indeed after the December 2020 election (on December 8) she posted: “If there is anyone who is skeptical that clean politics and genuine politics can win an election; there is anyone who still doubts the redemptive power of God to guide a woman like me through the rough terrain of Ghana’s politics of insults and vilification, and lift me out of moments of great pain and adversity to a position of glory, the results of this election is your answer.” Ms. Alhassan beat Mr. Dumelo in what the BBC News described as “the hottest parliamentary seat contest” of the 2020 election, but only by some 2000 votes, a much closer win than the 2019 by-election (BBC,  lydiasalhassan on Instagram, @Lydiasalhassan on Twitter—both for Maa Lydia, MP for Ayawaso West Wuogon, Entrepreneur, followed by #MotherToAll; Lydia Seyram Alhassan (Politician) on Facebook. 29

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2020). Indeed, NDC party representatives stated that they would challenge the results, though they did not end up doing so. Mr. Dumelo had vowed to unseat Ms. Alhasson using social media, apparently in response to her suggestion that he was only popular on social media, not ‘on the ground,’ where the ‘real work’ was to be found. Shortly after first being elected to parliament, Ms. Alhassan revealed that she considered politics a platform from which to contribute to one’s community and nation. In particular, she is motivated to work to empower women and youth in AWW, even promoting the building of a business hub for artisans and traders. In general, however, Ms. Alhassan has kept a fairly low profile in and out of parliament. Shortly before being re-elected in 2020, she was called out by an opposition member of parliament for having “never spoken in parliament” (Ayamga, 2020).

The Lessons This chapter has briefly profiled three women who sought to represent their constituency, Ayawaso West Wuogon, in parliament—two successfully and one not. Ms. Frema Osei-Opare primaried the incumbent from her party, beat him, and served two terms. When Ms. Osei-Opare decided not to stand for a third term, Ms. Afia Appiah stood in the party primary in what was then an ‘orphan constituency’—lacking an incumbent—but was not successful against an older, financially more well-resourced man, and she was even less successful on a second try by which time he was the incumbent. Ms. Lydia Alhassan took the ‘widow’s path’—succeeding her late husband—who had beaten Ms. Appiah in the earlier party primaries—through a by-election to finish his term and then win her own term, in the midst of a global pandemic, a couple of years later. All of this occurred in Ghana’s most affluent and educated parliamentary constituency, one of 34 in the nation’s capital Accra. In Ghana, voters do not discriminate against women aspirants and candidates. According to successive Afrobarometer surveys around three-­ quarters of voters state that they believe women can be leaders just as well as men. Moreover, we know from primary and general election results that women win their elections in proportion to their candidacies—if

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they are 10% of the candidates they will be 10% of the winners. And yet over and over again in recent elections, women have been only about 10–15% of the aspirants in party primaries or candidates in general elections—thereby limiting their potential numbers in parliament. The challenge for more women in parliament in Ghana (and in many parts of the world) is for more women to stand in the first place.30 A variety of motivations moved these three women to decide to stand for parliament. According to early news stories about Frema Osei-Opare, a development professional (like Afia Appiah), she was prompted to stand by her recognition of the development needs facing her constituency and by her knowledge of what could be accomplished by her party in that realm. In her own words, Afia Appiah says she was motivated to stand because there was so much she ‘wanted to change’ and there were so many people telling her she could do it. Some of those family and friends had noble intentions while others thought about the access their relative or friend in parliament could provide.31 In the case of Lydia Alhassan, we have seen that also in Ghana it is not uncommon for widows to stand for their husbands’ seats; it had happened in 2001 and 2016  in Ghana, and in 2020 she was one of four widows to win their late husband’s seat in parliament  (Ahiable, 2020). Indeed, Ms. Alhassan suggests that she was urged by family and friends to stand for his seat. All three women also expressed commitments, especially, to women (and youth) and to redressing the concerns—and representing the interests—of women and youth. Frema Osei-Opare, Afia Appiah, and Lydia Alhassan are all, arguably, from political families. Ms. Osei-Opare noted during her first primary campaign that her father was the first to sign Ghana’s currency, while Afia Appiah’s father, a founding member of the NPP, had hoped to stand on behalf of the NPP in the 1992 parliamentary election but that was precluded from doing so by the NPP’s boycott of that election.32 Ms. Lydia Alhassan won the seat of her deceased husband. All three mirror at least  This is true in many parts of the world—although the question always is what keeps women from standing; see Lawless and Fox (2005, 2010). 31  Ms. Appiah relates that in retrospect it was all a good experience but notes that working with people as a development professional and as a politician are two very different approaches. 32  Accra Mail, May 18, 2004, Ghana: Wuogon Again as Isaac Amoo Battles for His Political Life; interview with Afia Appiah, 4 May 2016. 30

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some of their constituents’ characteristics (though not all) in being highly educated—with postgraduate degrees—and affluent. The two successful candidates, Ms. Osei-Opare and Ms. Alhassan, conformed to conventional norms about successful middle-class women—highly educated middle-aged professionals, married with children. Ms. Appiah, who lost both party primaries, while highly educated, was younger, unmarried, and has no children. But all three candidacies were also strongly challenged. The women had to endure charges of being ethnic outsiders and using money to influence voters, of being of the wrong age and marital status with the wrong hairstyle, and of exploiting grieving widowhood. Indeed, there have been a remarkable number of legal challenges to the women MPs in the constituency, beginning with the court challenge to Rebecca Akweley Adotey’s general election win in 1996, followed by legal challenges to Frema Osei-Opare’s primary win in 2004 and at least the threat of a legal challenge to Lydia Alhassan’s general election win in 2020. And yet women as aspirants and candidates in Ayawaso West Wuogon have persevered and often won. These were not women out of the ordinary in comparison to those around them, but they were women who were extraordinary in their determination to serve their people, party, and place.

References Ahiable, G. K. (2020, December 11). Four widows fulfill husband’s MP ambition. The Ghana Report. Retrieved May 4, 2022, from https://www.theghanareport.com/four-­widows-­fulfill-­husbands-­mp-­ambition/ Appah, R.  O. K. (2017). Voting behaviour in elections in Ghana’s Fourth Republic: A study of the Manhyia South, Ho West and Ayawaso West Wuogon constituencies, MPhil thesis, University of Ghana, Department of Political Science. Asare, S.  K. (2006). Accounting for judiciary performance in an emerging democracy  – Lessons from Ghana. University of Botswana Law Journal (December), 57–112. Ayamga, E. (2020, October 18). “She has never spoken in Parliament” – Sammy Gyamfi mocks Lydia Alhassan. Pulse Ghana. Retrieved May 4, 2022, from

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https://www.pulse.com.gh/news/local/she-­has-­never-­spoken-­in-­parliamentsammy-gyamfi-­mocks-­lydia-­alhassan/9deedk1. Bauer, G. (2019). Ghana: Stalled patterns of women’s parliamentary representation. In S. Franceschet, M. L. Krook, & N. Tan (Eds.), The Palgrave handbook of women’s political rights (pp. 607–625). Palgrave Macmillan. Bauer, G., & Darkwah, A. (2019). ‘Some Money Has to be Going’: Discounted filing fees to bring more women into parliament in Ghana. In R. Muriaas, V. Wang, & R. Murray (Eds.), Gendered electoral financing: Money, power and representation in comparative perspective (pp. 133–153). Routledge. Bauer, G., & Darkwah, A. (2020). ‘We Would Rather be Leaders than Parliamentarians’: Women and political office in Ghana. European Journal of Politics and Gender, 3, 101–119. Bauer, G., & Darkwah, A. (2022). ‘The President’s Prerogative’: The cabinet appointment process in Ghana and the implications for gender parity. Politics & Gender, 18, 546–573. BBC. (2020, December 8). John Dumelo lost Ayawaso West Wuogon Constituency to Lydia. Retrieved May 4, 2022, from https://www.bbc.com/pidgin/ world-­55226446 Bjarnesen, M. (2020). Briefing: The foot soldiers of Accra. African Affairs, 119, 296–307. Boakye, B. A. P., Yeboah-Assiamah, E., & Gyekye-Jandoh, M. A. A. (2022). For better or worse even after death: Is ‘widow politics’ in Ghana’s fourth republic becoming a reliable pathway for women? Journal of Asian and African Studies. https://doi.org/10.1177/00219096221079321 Botchway, T.  P. (2018). Ghana: A consolidated democracy? Asian Research Journal of Arts & Social Sciences, 5, 1–13. Cilliers, J., et al. (2020, June 30). The poor lose again: Impact of COVID-19 on Africa. ISS Africa. Retrieved May 4, 2022, from https://issafrica.org/iss-­ today/the-­poor-­lose-­again-­impact-­of-­covid-­19-­on-­africa Daddieh, C. K., & Bob-Milliar, G. (2012). In search of ‘Honorable’ membership: Parliamentary primaries and candidate selection in Ghana. Journal of Asian and African Studies, 47, 204–220. Darkwa, L. (2012). Gender, elections and violence: Pricing women out of democracy in Ghana. In K. Aning & K. Danso (Eds.), Managing election-­ related violence for democratic stability in Ghana (pp. 277–305). FES Ghana. Darkwa, L. (2015). ‘In Our Father’s Name in Our Motherland’: The politics of women’s political participation in Ghana. In B.  Y. Gebe (Ed.), Constitutionalism, democratic governance and the African State (pp. 239–274). Black Mask Limited.

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Debrah, E. (2011). Measuring governance institutions’ success in Ghana: The case of the electoral commission, 1993–2008. African Studies, 70, 25–45. Diabah, G. (2022). Bloody widows? Discourses of tradition and gender in Ghanaian politics. Discourse & Society. https://doi.org/10.1177/09579265221088160 Fobih, N. (2010). Dynamics of political parties’ administration in Ghana. Africa Today, 57, 25–41. Frempong, A. K. D. (2017). Elections in Ghana (1951–2016). Digibooks, Ltd. Ghana News. (2019, April 10). NDC, NPP agree to disband vigilante groups. https://www.myghanalinks.com/index.php/ghana-­news/14265-­ndc-­npp-­agree-­todisband-­vigilante-­groups GhanaWeb. (2019, September 2019). AWW: Full recommendations of the Emile Short Commission. https://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/ N e w s A r c h i v e / AW W -­F u l l -­r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s -­o f -­t h e -­E m i l e Short-­Commission-­782207 Gyampo, R. E., Lodge, T., & Appah, R. (2018). Is voting in Ghana ethnically based? Journal of African Elections, 17, 25–43. Ichino, N., & Nathan, N. (2012). Primaries on demand? Intra-party politics and nominations in Ghana. British Journal of Political Science, 42, 769–741. Ijon, F. B. (2020). Election security and violence in Ghana: The case of Ayawaso West Wougon and Talensi By-elections. Asian Research Journal of Arts & Social Sciences, 10, 32–46. Impraim, K. (2020). Thuggery, sophisticated impunity: Threats to representative democracy in Ghana. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, San Francisco, September 2020. Kamal, B. (2020, December 12). Getting women elected in Ghana: A journey with no end? https://feminstyle.africa/politics/bashiratu/getting-­womenelected-­in-­ghana-­a-­journey-­with-­no-­end/2020/12 Lawless, J., & Fox, R. (2005). It takes a candidate: Why women don’t run for office. Cambridge University Press. Lawless, J., & Fox, R. (2010). It still takes a candidate: Why women don’t run for office. Cambridge University Press. Lindberg, S. (2003). ‘It’s Our Time to Chop’: Do elections in Africa feed neo-­ patrimonialism rather than counteract it? Democratization, 10, 121–140. Mireku, J. (2020, April 19). Changing lives or chasing votes in Ayawaso West Wuogon. https://medium.com/@josephmirekunti/changing-lives-or-chasingvotes-­ayawaso-­west-­wuogon-­1c6d18059e8 Ninsin, K. (2006). Dome-Kwabenya and Ayawaso West Wuogon constituencies: A study in voter choice in the December 2004 elections. In K. Boafo-­

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Arthur (Ed.), Voting for democracy in Ghana: The 2004 elections in perspective (pp. 187–205). Freedom Publications. Oquaye, M. (2000). The process of democratisation in contemporary Ghana. Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics, 38, 53–78. Osei, A. (2013). Political parties in Ghana: Agents of democracy? Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 31, 543–563. Owusu-Mensah, I., & Frempong, A. K. D. (2015). The judiciary and Ghana’s 2012 elections: Analysis of 2012 presidential elections petition and its ramifications for democratic development in Ghana. Developing Country Studies, 5, 20–33. Sanbonmatsu, K. (2020). Women’s underrepresentation in the US congress. Daedalus, the Journal of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences, 149, 40–55. Stone-Mediatore, S. (2015). Storytelling/narrative. In L.  Disch & M. Hawkesworth (Eds.), The Oxford handbook of feminist theory (pp. 934–954). Oxford University Press. Tandoh-Offin, P., & Bukari, G. A. (2019). Towards a less contentious election outcome in Sub-Saharan Africa. AJPSDG, 2, 39–59. WANEP. (2019). Situation updates of the Ayawaso West Wuogon by-election violence. https://wanep.org/wanep/files/2019/Feb/Final_Quick_Update-­ Ayawaso_By-­Election_01-­02-­20191.pdf Watkins, S., & Jessee, E. (2020). Legacies of Kanjogera: Women political elites and the transgression of gender norms in Rwanda. Journal of Eastern African Studies, 14, 84–102. Why Lydia Alhassan is running unopposed in NPP primaries. https://www. myjoyonline.com/news/politics/why-­lydia-­alhassan-­is-­running-­unopposedin-­npp-­primaries/ Winning, A. (2020, September 28). Puzzled scientists seek reasons behind Africa’s low fatality rates from pandemic. https://www.reuters.com/article/ us-­health-­coronavirus-­africa-­mortality-­i/puzzled-­scientists-­seek-­reasonsbehind-­africas-­low-­fatality-­rates-­from-­pandemic-­idUSKBN26K0AI Ylikoski, P., & Zahle, J. (2019). Case study research in the social sciences. Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, 78, 1–4.

10 Relative Peace in the Midst of Unrest: Guinean Women’s Peace Advocacy During the Mano River Wars Nicole Gerring

Introduction It has been more than 20 years since the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security. Just prior to this resolution—which mandated women’s equal participation in peacebuilding at local, national, and international levels—the Mano River Wars inflicted brutality upon the people of Liberia (1989–1996; 1999–2003) and Sierra Leone (1991–2002). Women’s peace activism in the region garnered global attention such as the depiction of the Liberian peace movement in Abigail Disney’s documentary, “Pray the Devil Back to Hell” (Disney et al., 2008, 56–57). For their efforts to resolve the Liberian civil war, Liberia’s President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf and civil society leader Leymah Gbowee were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, along with Yemeni journalist Tawakkol Karman, in 2011.

N. Gerring (*) Wayne State University, Detroit, MI, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 K. A. Krawczyk, B. A. King (eds.), Women’s Contributions to Development in West Africa, Globalization, Urbanization and Development in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8190-6_10

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The national peace efforts in Liberia had an important regional impact, as well. Women who were active in Liberia’s peace groups joined regional organizations devoted to women’s empowerment and peacebuilding, and shared political and communication strategies with women from other countries in the region. The women of Guinea benefitted from the diffusion of this knowledge. In this chapter, I examine the influence of women’s peace activism on presidential decision-making during border crises in Guinea. A history of women’s resistance and the strategic use of motherhood frames shaped a political culture that was receptive to the activism of women in a regional peacebuilding network. Historical and contextual factors created ripe conditions for the women’s peace groups to exert influence on Guinea’s president during a turbulent time.

Crises at Guinea’s Border Guinea has several features of conflict-prone states. The country shares a border with six other states, has an autocratic government, military intervention in politics (including the latest coup d’état in September 2021), conflicts with neighbors, and internal strife (NPR 2021). During the late 1990s and early 2000s, the Mano River region saw civil wars in Sierra Leone (1991–2002), Liberia (1989–2003), and Cote d’Ivoire (2002–2011). Due to this regional instability, Guinea experienced border skirmishes, was asked to accommodate up to a million refugees, and saw armed attacks inside of its borders (Arieff, 2009). In fact, Guinea experienced several Militarized Interstate Disputes (MIDs) in the 1990s and early 2000s associated with the civil wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone (Palmer et al., 2015). One of the threats to Guinea’s stability came from Guinean dissidents who leveraged the chaos created by the wars to launch attacks on Guinea. In 1999, Guinea responded to rebel incursions on its border by placing its troops on alert (Palmer et al., 2015). The next year, Guinea launched attacks across the border with Liberia in response to attacks from dissident groups; meanwhile, dissident Liberian groups within Guinea were attacking Liberian territory. These cross-border attacks in 2000–2001 resulted in destruction along the border region, and posed a serious military threat to Guinea (McGovern, 2002, ctd. in

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Arieff, 2009). In response to the attacks, the Guinean President, Lansana Conté, blamed Liberian President Charles Taylor and Burkina Faso President Blaise Compaoré. Conté said that “neighboring leaders had been attracted by his country’s mineral wealth,” and that “There is a syndicate of African leaders who are at the base of these rebel attacks along our borders” (BBC News, 2001). These remarks did not help to ease border tensions. In addition to the disputes with Liberia, Guinea initiated the use of force against Sierra Leone in January 2001. Guinean rebels took advantage of the lack of government control in regions of Sierra Leone to launch attacks on Guinea. Guinea then bombed areas in Sierra Leone where the rebels were located. The wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone were linked. Liberian President Charles Taylor fought rebel groups inside Liberia while simultaneously directing and supporting the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) in Sierra Leone. Taylor intended to foster regional unrest that would give him more territorial power and thus greater access to diamonds and other minerals. As Arieff (2009) observes, it is difficult to know which of the attacks on Guinea can be attributed to Guinean opposition activists, versus which were committed by rebels affiliated with Taylor. Despite Guinea’s involvement in its neighbors’ conflicts, these militarized interstate disputes (MIDs) did not result in an escalation to civil or international war. This is a puzzle to scholars who study the region—how did the country maintain peace, given the instability and threats at its borders? Several competing explanations have been put forth to understand this puzzle: first, Guinea’s relative peacefulness has been understood as a product of the political maneuvering by its presidents (Arieff, 2009); second, a Socialist past taught Guinean citizens to associate with a national identity over ethnic identities (McGovern, 2017); and third, the military adopted a ‘quasi-ethnic identity’ that promoted cohesion among its members and protected the interests of the military elite in government, business, and other major institutions (Bah, 2015). None of these three proposed explanations consider women’s participation in civil society as a factor that could prevent an escalation in conflict. Yet, there is evidence that women’s participation in civil society organizations is associated with a reduced chance of conflict (Gerring,

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2018). Countries with more extensive civil society rights for women tend to be more peaceful than their less empowered counterparts (Gerring, 2018). In fact, countries with higher women’s civil society rights are less likely to use force and to engage in interstate war. The case of Guinea suggests that there are important contextual factors that can promote or lessen women’s ability to leverage civil society freedoms in pursuit of peace advocacy. In this chapter, I examine the historical context for women’s civil society participation in Guinea, and then discuss the impact that women’s advocacy may have had on presidential decision-making during a period of high tensions in the region.

Political Context Guinea has a history of rule by strongmen and of military intervention in politics (Bah, 2015). Guinea was the first African French territory to become independent from France in 1958, following 67 years of colonial rule (BBC News, 2017). Its first president, Ahmed Sekou Touré, was in power from 1958 until he died in office in 1984. When Touré died, Colonels Lansana Conté and Diarra Traoré led a nonviolent coup. Conté became president. During his presidency (1984–2008), Conté maintained a firm grip on power by using excessive force to quell unrest (Amnesty International, 2001). The human rights violations committed by Conté’s government included police torture of suspects and arrests of opposition leaders and journalists. When the country had multiparty elections in 1993, 1998, and 2003, the process was criticized as flawed and nontransparent (Amnesty International, 2001). Civil society activists who protested the government were met with force, including the killing of 13 protesters in Conakry in June 2006, and 137 dead and 1700 wounded in January–February 2007. The political environment in Guinea in the late 1990s/early 2000s was one informed by a history of military coups, political repression, and single-party, strongman leadership. Human rights organizations criticized Guinea’s use of torture, detention, and abuse of political dissidents. There is little public opinion data available from Guinea for the years of the regional crisis. The record of human rights abuses suggests that

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dissidents would face severe risks in opposing government policy. The media was not free and fair, either. The 1991 constitution had expanded press freedom and allowed for private (not government-controlled) newspapers, yet there were laws against seditious speech, slander, and defamation. Radio is the dominant form of media, as it is accessible even in rural communities. Television ownership is low, and the print media was available only in urban areas (Infoasaid, 2011). During the years of the border crisis, the state maintained its monopoly on radio and television stations, and these produced partisan coverage (U.S. Department of State, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2003). It was not until 2005 that private radio stations were allowed to operate (Infoasaid, 2011).

History of Women’s Activism Women have mobilized in Guinea during times of national crisis. They mobilized during the lead-up to independence from France in the 1950s and recently, during the 2010 presidential elections (Ammann, 2016). In the late 1950s, women’s organizations were an active part of the Parti démocratique de Guinée (PDG), one of the political parties organized on the eve of Guinea’s independence from France. The PDG succeeded in part by appealing to women and youth, two groups who were neglected by rival political parties at the time. This strategy resulted in the PDG being chosen by voters to lead the government after Guinea declared its independence from France. Thus, support from women was a necessary part of the first ruling party’s entry into power (Schmidt, 2009, 10–11; 17–18). Perhaps the best-known case of Guinean women’s protest was in 1977 when the market women resisted a government policy that would have restricted the sale of agricultural products to state-run cooperatives. This policy would have devastated the women who made their living through small farming and selling food and other agricultural goods at the markets. On August 27, 1977, the market women went on strike to protest President Touré’s food policies. The protests began at the major market in Conakry and spread to smaller cities. Women in Conakry marched on the presidential palace to protest Touré’s policies. Touré eventually

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abandoned the economic policy, and the market women continued with their sales (IRIN, 2003). This act of resistance, now called “Women’s Revolt Day,” is celebrated as an unofficial “women’s liberation day” and remembered each year by civil society and the media in Guinea, suggesting that the act has retained a symbolic importance in Guinean political culture (IRIN, 2003). Every August 27, women’s organizations march and demonstrate to remember their collective power. Ammann writes that, “These women’s protests are vividly remembered among the Guinean population. Many contemporary witnesses consider the event as the beginning of a less repressive period of Touré’s regime.” Indeed, in the years following the revolt, Touré began economic reforms and improved Guinea’s relationships with France, Senegal, and Cote d’Ivoire. These examples of women’s political protest and participation demonstrate that there is a tradition of women’s civil society organizing and mobilization in Guinea. Yet there is little scholarship on the ways that individual Guinean women understood their peace advocacy during the Manor River Wars. Did they, like the market women in recent years interviewed by Ammann (2016), frame their advocacy as part of their responsibilities as wives and mothers? Ammann observes that women’s political advocacy in Guinea has often been deemed apolitical because women frame their advocacy as activities done on behalf of their families (Ammann, 2016). Ammann argues that Guinean women’s political advocacy is nuanced; her subjects’ ‘political articulations’ are observed when the women bargain with local government officials or interact with political leaders (2016, 56). Ammann suggests that scholars of women’s political participation consider the multiple avenues, including everyday interactions with local government, through which women may influence public policy (Ammann, 2016). Civil society, or the space ‘between’ the people and the government containing trade unions, nonprofit associations, community groups, and faith groups, has been widely recognized as a key component in post-­ conflict peacebuilding and development. It may “play a particularly salient role in divided societies and post-conflict peacebuilding” (Donahoe, 2017, 83). However, civil society faces particular challenges during conflict. Civil society “tends to shrink in a war situation, as the space for popular, voluntary, and independent organizing diminishes,”

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according to Camilla Orjuela, who studied the identity politics of peacebuilding in Sri Lanka (Donahoe, 2017, 83). In a conflict, people frequently turn to what Robert Putnam called “bonding” groups: groups that separate individuals from others based on ethnic or religious identity (Belloni (2008); see also Strand et al. (2003)). The civil society groups that form during conflict may organize themselves around in-group identity rather than work toward including members of diverse ethnic or racial communities. These groups “tend to further intergroup tension and ethnic division” (Belloni, 2008). There is some evidence that civil society tended to ease rather than further tensions in Guinea, however. The West African Network of Economic Partners (WANEP) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) studied why Guinea avoided conflict, and found that social bridges and linkages help explain the outcome (Bombande, 2016, 122, 129). As Bombande notes, civil society can be complementary to governments in promoting peacebuilding, conflict prevention, and human security. In African societies, indigenous structures and traditional institutions provided the historical, social, and cultural framework for an active civil society (see also Moran and Buell (2008, Chap. 1)). These traditional societies have historically existed independently within the state. As independence movements took hold throughout the continent in the 1960s, civil society organizations formed and demanded good governance, respect for human rights, nonviolence, and transparency.

Maternal Framing and ‘Apolitical’ Work An examination of women’s civil society activities more broadly may shed light on the environment in which Guinean women promoted peacemaking. Ammann (2016, 2020) found that women in Guinea engage in politics and advocacy, but frequently describe these activities as apolitical and done in association with their roles as mothers and spouses. The women she interviewed often described politics as a male-dominated activity, and did not view their activities—including strikes, mass mobilization in response to economic policies, and meetings with local government officials—as political actions. Amman suggests that women in

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Guinea have adopted maternal framing of their advocacy. Women often “allude to their roles as mothers or wives to legitimize their public involvement” (2016, 56). The strategic maternal framing echoes the statements of women activists in other, diverse cultural and political contexts. In the Northern Ireland context, as well as in places such as post-war Liberia, women’s organizations have offered a place where women of various faiths and ethnic groups can work together for a common purpose. Amanda Donahoe notes that the “wee women’s work” in Northern Ireland has been viewed as “apolitical” (3). This is despite the fact that any peace settlement is inherently a political process that privileges the input of certain parties over others, and creates particular power dynamics between rival parties and the broader community. Claiming that their public peace activism is an extension of their work as mothers and domestic agents, “allow(s) women to navigate through the constraints of a gendered public space to seek change that does not threaten the political status quo” (Donahoe, 2017, 3).

 egional Organizations Bolster R Domestic Activism Multiple governments and agencies have recognized the role of regional women’s organizations in promoting peaceful relations between Guinea and its neighbors. During the border disputes and rising violence associated with the civil wars in the region, two regional women’s organizations were active in Guinea (Karbo et al., 2001, 19). These were REFAMP (the French acronym for the Network of African Women—former Ministers and Members of Parliament) and MARWOPNET (Mano River Women’s Peace Network). With support from the United Nations Children Fund (UNICEF) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), REFAMP raised awareness of Guinea’s border conflicts and built network partnerships with other civil society groups. Karbo et al. noted that REFAMP’s strength was its ability to mobilize authorities at the national level or within regional governmental organizations.

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However, it was not well funded. REFAMP was not independent of the state, as it operated out of government facilities and was led by a former minister of government (Karbo et al., 2001). Due to REFAMP’s lack of independence from the state, I will spend the rest of this case study analyzing Guinean women’s contributions to MARWOPNET. MARWOPNET was formed at a workshop in May 2000  in Abuja, Nigeria, with support from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) (IRIN, 2001). Guinean women joined women from Liberia and Sierra Leone to create the network (Johnson, 2011). With support from a Swiss NGO, Femmes Africa Solidarité, members first met in 2001 in Monrovia, Liberia, along with representatives from the African Union, the African Economic Community, the Nigerian government, and the United Nations Development Program (Johnson, 2011). These organizations encouraged the leadership of MARWOPNET to work with other partners engaged in peacemaking. Network members included prominent, powerful women such as members of government and business as well as rural women, activists, and women from various religious groups (Johnson, 2011). In 2001, as the violence along the borders and within the three countries continued, members of MARWOPNET had separate meetings with the leaders of Guinea, Sierra Leone, and Liberia to persuade them to have regional peace talks (Steady, 2011; IRIN, 2001). Liberia’s President, Charles Taylor, had expelled the Sierra Leone ambassador amid allegations that Liberia was aiding the RUF rebels in Sierra Leone (Fleshman, 2003). Taylor had charged Guinea with aiding Liberian rebels and expelled Guinea’s ambassador from the country. Guinea’s president, Conté, denied the allegations that he was supporting Liberian rebels and refused to meet with Taylor. Mediators from international and regional organizations tried in vain to persuade the three leaders to meet and overcome their differences. Women from all three countries attended the meetings and made careful presentations to the presidents (Steady, 2011). After the Mano River women’s delegation met with Taylor, he announced that the ambassadors of Guinea and Sierra Leone would be allowed to return to the Liberia talks (Steady, 2011; IRIN, 2001). Members of MARWOPNET met with President Conté of Guinea in July 2001 (IRIN, 2001). In the meeting, the members pleaded with

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Conté to meet with Taylor. They described the human suffering that was the result of the violence (Fleshman, 2003). Yet, Conté maintained his position; he would not meet directly with Taylor. A Liberian woman, Mary Brownell, told Mr. Conté: “You and President Taylor must meet as men and iron out your differences, and we the women want to be present. We will lock you in this room until you come to your senses, and I will sit on the key” (Fleshman, 2003). Conté’s response was to laugh, and then ask “What man do you think would say that to me? Only a woman could do such a thing and get by with it” (Fleshman, 2003). Conté then agreed to attend the summit with Taylor and admitted that the MARWOPNET delegation had persuaded him. “Many people have tried to convince me to meet with President Taylor. Your commitment and your appeal have convinced me” (Fleshman, 2003). Apparently, Conté was impressed by the women from the regional West African organizations, including the Mano River Union women and the members of MARWOPNET. He told the delegation, “You MRU women, what you are doing is the best thing that has happened for the region in ten years” (Steady, 2011, 44). The three presidents met at a summit in Morocco in March 2002, but MARWOPNET was not included in the planning and did not have the money to attend. This episode is an example of the ways that women peacemakers are often marginalized from formal peace processes (Council on Foreign Relations, 2018). Brownell complained that the women in MARWOPNET were informed of the Morocco summit only days before, and that the leaders were reluctant to meaningfully include the women’s network in formal negotiations (Fleshman, 2003). MARWOPNET was included in the 2003 Liberian peace process, however, and is a signatory to the peace accord signed in Accra, Ghana, in 2003 (Steady, 2011, 43). The network was awarded a human rights prize from the United Nations in 2003. Given that the civil wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone had already crossed borders and created instability throughout West Africa, a regional peacemaking organization that could bridge differences in national, religious, and ethnic identities had great potential to transform the conflicts. For women in a repressive state such as Guinea, membership in a regional

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organization gave them an opportunity to observe women practicing democratic citizenship. Guinean women who joined MARWOPNET became part of an organization that took actions such as issuing public statements to draw attention to crises and problems in the peace process; organizing protests and other acts of public resistance; and advocating for the ratification and implementation of international treaties related to issues of concern including gender equality or women’s participation in peacemaking (United Nations Security Council, 2000). MARWOPNET and other regional groups had meetings in the capital of Conakry, Guinea, to bring together activists from different countries and contexts with the goal of setting appropriate agendas for each country in conflict. In some cases, such as the following example, women from Guinea traveled to Liberia to observe post-conflict peacebuilding processes: The peace caravan of 350 women from MARWOPNET Guinea and Sierra Leone branches travelled to Liberia… (The caravan) linked grassroots women from the three countries to the MARWOPNET network by stopping along the way to sensitize rural populations on the democratization process in Liberia. (Femmes Africa Solidarité, 2006)

MARWOPNET set up permanent offices in Guinea along the border with Sierra Leone, Cote d’Ivoire, and Liberia to prevent the conflicts from spilling over into Guinea. One purpose of these offices was to support peacebuilding efforts at the local level before they became national crises. Meanwhile, local organizations and networks in Guinea collaborated with MARWOPNET to support its efforts. One example of this collaboration is through the Coordinating Committee of Guinean Women’s NGOs (COFEG), which had a history of obtaining funding for development projects (Karbo et al., 2001). MARWOPNET-Guinea was led by Dr. Saran Daraba Kaba, a former leader of the women’s NGO coordinating committee, and a former government minister. A 2001 report commissioned by the U.S. Agency for International Development (Karbo et al., 2001) described Kaba as “exceptionally dynamic and energetic.” MARWOPNET was just starting out and housed its Guinea operations in the COFEG offices (Karbo et al., 2001).

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Impact of Women’s Organizing In evaluating the efforts of MARWOPNET in Guinea, Femmes Africa Solidarité noted that the organization had successfully trained women to use conflict resolution skills to prevent a civil war or spread of conflict to Guinea (Femmes Africa Solidarité, 2006). Additionally, women activists were trained in how to shape media coverage of conflict, and this resulted in Guinean women using the media to promote nonviolence and share information on organizations involved in peaceful resolutions of conflict. A report commissioned by the U.S. Agency for International Development suggests that women, including former government officials and other elites, played a central role in peacemaking organizations (Karbo et al., 2001, 30). The report noted that MARWOPNET had resolve and political clout, but limited resources. Its main partners were the Association of Liberian Professional Organizations and the Liberian Women’s Initiative. The former President of Liberia, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, has credited women’s activism in MARWOPNET as an important aspect of the process of peacebuilding in the region. In public remarks at the International Peace Institute in 2012, Sirleaf said, “Once unified, the women were instrumental in opening up dialogue among the leaders of their respective countries” (All Africa, 2012). MARWOPNET is credited with organizing women across lines of class and ethnicity and with working with diverse groups including business leaders (Johnson, 2011). Johnson observed that the network had “a profound influence on men in positions that range from heads of state to community and family members” (2011). However, Steady noted some weaknesses and difficulties within the organization. The language differences among its members—the Guineans speak French and the Sierra Leonean and Liberian women, English—meant that communication was at times difficult (Steady, 2011, 47). Steady also notes that women’s family and household demands leave women with little time for activism, and that recruiting young women was a challenge. In examining women’s civil society presence in Guinea during this period, we see that women can make their voices heard even in repressive conditions. Given that the regime at the time, led by President Lansana

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Conté, used police torture, detention, and imprisonment to punish dissidents, women’s advocacy was associated with a great deal of risk. By partnering with women leaders in the region and participating in skills training, the women activists in Guinea learned strategies that enabled them to navigate the autocratic political environment.

Conclusion The courage and creativity of the Guinean women activists cannot be underestimated. Facing known personal safety risks and obstacles including household demands and cultural stigma, women persisted in obtaining meetings with top-level officials in the government, media, and civil society in order to plea for peace. Solidarity building in regional organizations and media skills training could be useful strategies for women’s civil society organizations in conflict environments. Powerful women’s rights funders such as USAID and the Swedish government would do well to support regional partnerships and skills building. These two features of the Guinean case hold promise for women in other autocratic and semi-­ autocratic political environments, where personal security is at risk and civil liberties are deeply constrained. The Guinea case offers crucial lessons for women civil society actors living in a world characterized by democratic backsliding, disinformation, and attacks on women’s rights. Thousands of miles away from Guinea, women’s peace advocates in Ukraine and Russia are struggling to influence powerful actors in government, the media, and business, yet are stymied by a constellation of threats to their personal security and freedoms. Pro-peace and dissident groups in Putin’s regime face imprisonment and threats to their lives (Amnesty International, 2022; Human Rights Watch, 2022). At the same time, women’s groups in Ukraine face an onslaught of military strikes, occupation of cities and towns, and the forced migration of millions of Ukrainian citizens (Wilson Center, 2022). Furthermore, there are concerns that the support for women’s role in peacebuilding is being redirected to immediate humanitarian projects, which, although badly needed, may translate to women’s exclusion from meaningful decision-making in the peace process (NGO Working Group

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on Women, 2022). Women’s peace advocates in Ukraine and Russia would benefit from regional women’s organizations and skills training to help them confront complex and dangerous political conditions. In addition to offering lessons for contemporary peace advocates, the Guinea case offers an opportunity for further research in two areas. The first research question concerns the role of framing in the work and perceptions of women peace activists. Interviews or an oral history of the MARWOPNET membership could explore the ways that members understood and framed their participation in response to an environment of limited civil society rights. Women’s human rights defenders have used strategies such as maternal framing to protect themselves in conflict zones and in authoritarian states. The role of ‘mother’ is revered and respected in many societies, while ‘activist’ is viewed as a challenge to state control, as noted by Lemaitre and Sandvik in their study of activism by internally displaced women in Colombia (2015). Lemaitre and Sandvik observed, “women are imagined to be nonpolitical when their participation is focused on demands—such as community improvement and poverty relief—that expand on their domestic roles.” Identifying themselves as mothers rather than activists critical of the state gave women in Colombia a “protective cover,” that allowed them to “push the limits of danger” (Lemaitre & Sandvik, 2015, 22). The second area of interest is the role of regional organizations in women’s peace advocacy. Regional organizations were a key factor that allowed Guinean women to participate in peacebuilding without endangering themselves or their cause. Both MARWOPNET and REVAMP were regional groups whose membership, activities, and mission crossed national borders. These regional organizations provided their members with the ability to seek training, solidarity, and resources outside the constraints of their local or national context. Additionally, the exposure provided by news coverage of the groups—bolstered by support from international NGOs and IGOs—added legitimacy to grassroots organizations that otherwise may have been ignored or suppressed. This case study demonstrates that women were actively involved in regional organizations despite having a low level of civil society rights, domestically.

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This suggests the need for future research given the pivotal role that regional peacebuilding groups played in the resolution of civil wars in West Africa.

References All Africa. (2012). Liberia: Ellen discusses Liberian women’s involvement in peacemaking. PeaceWomen. Retrieved May 4 from http://www.peacewomen. org/content/liberia-­e llen-­d iscusses-­l iberian-­w omens-involvementpeacemaking Ammann, C. (2020). Women, agency, and the state in Guinea: Silent politics. Ammann, C. (2016). Everyday politics. Market women and the local government in Kankan, Guinea. Stichproben-Vienna Journal of African Studies, 16(1), 37–62. Amnesty International. (2001). Guinea: Security forces should respect right to freedom of expression and association. Amnesty International. (2022). Russia: Prominent opposition activist faces up to 15 years in prison for sharing information about the war in Ukraine. Arieff, A. (2009). Still standing: Neighbourhood wars and political stability in Guinea. The Journal of Modern African Studies, 47(3), 331–348. https://doi. org/10.1017/S0022278X09004108 Bah, M. D. (2015). The military and politics in Guinea: An instrumental explanation of political stability. Armed Forces & Society, 41(1), 69–95. https://doi. org/10.1177/0095327X13495391 BBC News. (2001). Guinea head blames neighbors. BBC World Service. Retrieved May 4, 2018, from http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1102574.stm BBC News. (2017). Guinea profile-Timeline. BBC. Last Modified September 21, Retrieved May 4 from http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-­ 13443183 Belloni, R. (2008). Shades of orange and green: Civil society and the peace process in Northern Ireland. In M. Cox (Ed.), Social capital and peace-building: Creating and resolving conflict with trust and social networks. Routledge. Bombande, E. (2016). The role of WANEP in crafting peace and security architecture in West Africa. In D. Cortright, M. C. Greenberg, & L. Stone (Eds.), Civil society, peace and power. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Council on Foreign Relations. (2018). Women’s participation in peace processes. [Digital interactive]. Council on Foreign Relations. Last Modified

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January 5, 2018, Retrieved July 12, 2018, from https://www.cfr.org/interactive/womens-­participation-­in-­peace-­processes Disney, A.  E., Reticker, G., & Leyh, B. (2008). Pray the devil back to hell. Fork Films. Donahoe, A. E. (2017). Peacebuilding through women’s community development: Wee women’s work in Northern Ireland. Palgrave Macmillan. Femmes Africa Solidarité. (2006). Women movement for peace and security in Africa: 10 years of practice. Femmes Africa Solidarité. Fleshman, M. (2003). African women struggle for a seat at the peace table. Africa Renewal, February 2003. Gerring, N.  E. (2018). Empowered to stop war? Testing the women and peace hypothesis, 1930–2010. Doctor of Philosophy Dissertation, Department of Political Science, Wayne State University. Human Rights Watch. (2022). Russia: Brutal arrests and torture, ill-treatment of anti-war protesters. Berlin. Infoasaid. (2011). Guinea Media and telecommunications landscape guide. IRIN. (2001). West Africa: IRIN focus on peace efforts by women in the Mano River countries. United Nations. Retrieved May 5 from https://reliefweb.int/report/ guinea/west-­africa-­irin-­focus-­peace-­efforts-­women-­mano-­river-­countries IRIN. (2003). Women’s protest prompts Conte to threaten importers. IRIN, Last Modified 2018, Retrieved May 4 from http://www.irinnews.org/ report/45849/guinea-­womens-­protest-­prompts-­conte-­threaten-­importers Johnson, S. A. (2011). Women, shared leadership, and policy: The Mano River Women’s Peace Network case study. Journal of Pan African Studies, 4. Karbo, T., Flomo, G.  G., Wann, O., Charlick, R., Kanu, S., & Charlick, R. (2001). West Africa: Civil society strengthening for conflict prevention study. In USAID Broadening Access and Strengthening Input Market Systems (BASIS) indefinite quantity contract. Burlington, Vermont: Associates in Rural Development, Inc., Prepared for United States Agency for International Development West Africa Regional Program. Lemaitre, J., & Sandvik, K. B. (2015). Shifting frames, vanishing resources, and dangerous political opportunities: Legal mobilization among displaced women in Colombia. Law and Society Review, 49(1), 5–38. https://doi. org/10.1111/lasr.12119 McGovern M. (2002). Conflit régional et rhétorique de la contre-insurgence: Guinéens et réfugiés en Septembre 2000. Politique Africaine, 88, 84–102. https://doi.org/10.3917/polaf.088.0084

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McGovern, M. (2017). A socialist peace? Explaining the absence of war in an African country. University of Chicago Press. Moran, M.  H., & Buell, R.  L. (2008). Liberia: The violence of democracy. University of Pennsylvania Press. NGO Working Group on Women, Peace and Security. (2022). Gender analysis of the situation in Ukraine. Palmer, G., D’Orazio, V., Kenwick, M., & Lane, M. (2015). The MID4 data set: Procedures, coding rules, and description. Conflict Management and Peace Science. Schmidt, E. (2009). Anticolonial nationalism in French West Africa: What made Guinea unique? African Studies Review, 52, 10–18. https://doi. org/10.1353/arw.0.0219 Steady, F. C. (2011). Women and leadership in West Africa. Palgrave Macmillan. Strand, A., Toje, H., Jerve, A. M., & Samset, I. (2003). Community driven development in contexts of conflict. Chr. Michelsen Institute. U.S. Department of State. (2000). 1999 country reports on Human Rights practices. Edided by Human Rights and Labor Bureau of Democracy, Washington, DC. U.S. Department of State. (2001). 2000 country reports on Human Rights practices. Edited by Human Rights Bureau of Democracy, and Labor, Washington, DC. U.S.  Department of State. (2002). 2001 country reports on Human Rights Practices. Edited by Human Rights Bureau of Democracy, and Labor, Washington, DC. U.S. Department of State. (2003). 2002 country reports on Human Rights practices. Edited by Human Rights Bureau of Democracy, and Labor, Washington, DC. United Nations Security Council. (2000). Resolution 1325 (2000). Edited by Security Council. United Nations Security Council. Wilson Center. (2022). Ukrainian, Belarusian, and Russian women in the Anti-­ War Movement. Wilson Center.

11 Redefining Liberian Women’s Political Activism: The Legacy of the Women’s Peacebuilding Movement Tanya Garnett and Elena Roversi

Introduction Liberian women have made history in their country in many ways. Their peacebuilding movement significantly contributed to the end of the 14-year conflict in 2003, and subsequently supported the election and re-election of the first female president on the continent, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, in 2005 and 2011, respectively. The LWPBM emerged toward the end of the 1990s and early 2000s with the founding of several key peace-­ centered women’s organizations, such as the Women in Peacebuilding Network (WIPNET) and the West Africa Network for Peacebuilding (WANEP-Liberia). The LWPBM offered to many women from different

T. Garnett (*) Honors College for Gender Studies & Research, University of Liberia, Monrovia, Liberia E. Roversi Department of Political Science, Auburn University, Auburn, AL, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 K. A. Krawczyk, B. A. King (eds.), Women’s Contributions to Development in West Africa, Globalization, Urbanization and Development in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8190-6_11

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backgrounds the opportunity to be heard and seen politically on the national and international stage. Their political activism did not end with successful peace negotiations; women’s organizations are still largely engaged in supporting women’s political participation and in the fight against gender inequality and sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), such as legislative reform advocacy and various forms of SGBV-related advocacy. The LWPBM utilized a variety of strategies during the movement, the most discussed being a sex strike, as well as mass sit-ins of public spaces and during peace negotiations. Maternal activism was a key strategy in the peacebuilding movement, which portrayed women as mothers of the nation and of all citizens of Liberia, despite warring factions or political affiliations. At first glance, this strategy appeared to be the most effective because it appealed to the patriarchal sentiments of those in power who saw women primarily as mothers, natural peacemakers, and averse to violence. Through this motherhood framework, women used social constructions of femininity and masculinity to garner support and push for social change. Although this form of political activism was revolutionary, it perpetuates a discourse that reinforces patriarchy and narrowly defined gender roles where women lack agency and power outside of the motherhood paradigm. Therefore, while the LWPBM was extremely effective in catalyzing transformation of the conflict and moving the peace process forward, it did not provoke a profound dismantling of patriarchal norms and underlying socioeconomic discrimination affecting women and minorities. The patriarchal system that supports unequal roles and power relations in Liberia, and across West Africa is still operating and oppressing women and marginalized groups, and exposing women and vulnerable populations to different forms of political, sexual, physical, and psychological violence. In fact, since the election of President George Manneh Weah in 2018 and under his administration, the number of women in public office has decreased, and episodes of violence against women are occupying the front pages of the press (see, e.g., “Liberia: Liberia Elections Observation Network (LEON) Condemns Electoral Violence in Gbarpolu, 2020). Women are also exposed to electoral violence, in an attempt to impede them from running for office (Parley, 2021). It appears

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that women’s political activism during the peacebuilding movement and enhanced levels of political participation during the Sirleaf administration were insufficient in addressing the underlying system of gender inequity and therefore sustainable peace. A feminist analysis of armed conflict and peace processes allows us to explore gender roles and relations as well as the concepts of violence and peace with a gendered perspective, which are largely overlooked in the literature (El-Bushra, 2007). Without this approach, only formal neoliberal peacebuilding models are studied and the successful examples of informal yet effective strategies, such as those used by the LWPBM, are neglected (Garnett, 2019). A feminist analysis of peacebuilding and post-­ conflict reconstruction also reveals that peace and feminist movements share the same normative agenda and goals: peace (Confortini, 2006). Through this lens, a feminist analysis of LWPBM’s political activism must critically examine why peace might not yet be solidified if the underlying factors of conflict (patriarchy, inequality, and violence) go unaddressed. In this chapter, we explore the dual effect of Liberian women’s political activism in both dismantling and reinforcing a system of oppression, and examine the challenges women faced during and after the conflict. Before establishing a conceptual platform, we briefly retrace the historical background of the conflict. In the following theoretical section, we first introduce the concept of maternal activism and analyze it within the context of the Liberian civil conflict. Second, we explore the notions of negative and positive peace and whether meaningful peace was ever attained for women in the reconstruction phase of post-war Liberia. Third, we focus on women’s political participation and gendered electoral violence in recent electoral cycles. Finally, we investigate the effectiveness and sustainability of women’s activism through the analysis of four case studies of women active in different aspects of the women’s movement in Liberia, both during the LWPBM era and currently. Two of these women were actively involved in the peacebuilding negotiations that brought an end to the conflict and opened the door to women’s visibility in the public and political space. The other two women belong to a younger generation of feminists who are building on the LWPBM by continuing to fight for gender equality. We explore how the LWPBM succeeded in making

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women’s voices heard and how the younger generation of feminists shifted that approach by challenging the patriarchal status quo to address more structural forms of gender inequity. While the increased participation and representation of women in leadership positions are positive, this chapter questions whether it has sufficiently addressed the underlying causes and structural barriers of gender inequity in order to withstand the inevitable changes in government that democracy entails.

Background The second Liberian civil conflict took place from 1999 to 2003 and can be classified as a broad-ranging civil conflict motivated by a history of political exclusion and disenfranchisement, ethnic grievances, and numerous forms of inequality. In response to this conflict, Liberian civil society organized in novel ways to build peace and put an end to the conflict. Of particular interest was the case of the LWPBM, an umbrella term, which encompasses the Liberian Women’s Mass Action for Peace, and several different women’s civil society organizations (CSOs), and brought together women from various walks of life, spanning ethic, rural, urban, religious, and socioeconomic divides. The elections directly following the end of the conflict in 2005 saw the victory of the first elected female President in Africa, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. This outcome has been in part attributed to the high visibility and engagement of women’s groups during the peace and electoral processes. According to Bauer (2009), the level of political activities and the presence of women’s groups in the process toward a democratic regime was considerably higher and constant compared to other organizations and civil society groups. This meant that women had a strong impact on individual’s voting behavior and therefore on the election of Sirleaf. During Sirleaf ’s presidency (2006–2018), women were appointed to the most important positions within the Liberian government and paramilitary agencies (Global Network of Women Peacebuilders, 2011 as cited in Gallo-Cruz & Remsberg, 2021). Women’s political participation was seen as effective and visible during Sirleaf ’s presidency. However, this situation changed with the election of

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President George Manneh Weah in 2018: his cabinet now has only 2 women out of 17 positions, one of them as the Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection (Tulay-Solanke, 2018, as cited in Gallo-­ Cruz & Remsberg, 2021). In addition, despite the visibility and presence of women in important political and public roles, many of them still have not gained economic security, political inclusion, and freedom from sexual violence (Gallo-Cruz & Remsberg, 2021). The prevalence of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) in post-war Liberia remains high, although it is difficult to accurately define the level of the problem. A 2018 report on incidences of SGBV from the Liberian Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection (MGCSP) reported 2100 cases in 2018 (97.3% female victims, both women and children), noting both underreporting and an increase in cases compared to previous years (MGCSP, 2018). The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated SGBV globally and in Liberia, leading to a large multi-day rape protest in August 2020 organized by women’s organizations, particularly young feminist groups, such as the We Are Unprotected movement. The protests prompted President Weah to declare rape and all forms of SGBV as a national emergency with promises to address SGBV through the judicial system (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2020). In the following sections, we focus on how women participated in the political development of Liberia, the effectiveness of women’s strategies for inclusion and political change, and the challenges they face, particularly regarding political participation.

 omen’s Peacebuilding Activism W During Conflict Women’s Activism The LWPBM is characterized by a nonviolent approach which, on the one hand, has proven to be more successful than violent confrontations in the realization of democratic political systems (Press, 2013). In some ways, the women’s peacebuilding movement appears to have reinforced the gendered dichotomous association of femininity with peace, and

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masculinity with war. That association supports the social construction of women as passive and fragile victims in need of protection, as opposed to men who are the providers of such protection and real contributors to political dynamics (Confortini, 2006). This reduction of women to mere victims neglects their broader involvement, not only in peacebuilding activism but also as political actors (El-Bushra, 2007). Utas (2005) uses the term “tactic agency” to describe women’s experience of war in which they are actors with a limited-level agency, in a constant social narrative between empowerment and victimhood. This perception of women’s activism also misplaces the motivation leading women to get involved in peace initiatives: they are not naturally driven by their “inherent pacifist temperament,” but are reacting to dramatic situations, exactly like men (El-Bushra, 2007). In fact, women experience both resilience and trauma during conflicts like every other individual, and both elements are driving forces for peacebuilding movements (El-Bushra, 2007). Liberian women’s activism was also characterized by grief and public suffering, which reinforces the patriarchal division of gender roles between “emotional” women and “rational” men. Hunt (2001) observes that not all stereotypes are necessarily bad for women’s activism: the fact that they are perceived as less dangerous and external to the conflict sometimes helped women organizations to meet and work without attracting too much attention, and therefore be more effective while less exposed to violence. Despite this apparent advantage for women’s organizations in Liberia and in other contexts, some challenges remain and affect women at a higher degree compared to male-led peacebuilding movements: men and women activists operate in a context of patriarchy that creates resistance from men based on religious and cultural norms (Medie, 2016).

Maternal Activism As discussed above, women coping with conflict situations are traditionally depicted in terms of victims and passive actors. However, more than passive victims of violence, reality calls on women to fulfill a multitude of positions in times of conflict, including as female soldiers. More recently, different scholars (Utas, 2005; Confortini, 2006; Gallo-Cruz &

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Remsberg, 2021; Lawsona and Flomo, 2020) have introduced a gender perspective to the analysis of the role played by women as activists and peacebuilders that pictures them as complex individuals with agency, or as agents of change navigating the re(production) of their identities as participants, citizens, prisoners, multiple-rape victims, refugees, and also as mothers, mistresses, and girlfriends (Utas, 2005). Agency in this case should be defined, according to Lawsona and Flomo (2020), as the “capacity for action that specific relations of subordination create and enable” (p. 1868). Among the feminist authors who specifically analyze women’s activism and the way Liberian women built their discourse around their identity as mothers, Lawsona and Flomo (2020) define it as “maternal activism.” According to scholars, maternal activism is rooted in politicized motherhood, a product of the patriarchal distribution of gendered roles within society. In this type of activism, a narrative focused around the concern for children’s well-being is what supports women’s involvement in the fight for peace (Campos, 2016; Collins, 1994; Udel, 2001 as cited in Lawsona and Flomo, 2020). Maternal activism emphasizes relationality and “challenges the dialectical nature of power and powerlessness in structuring mothering patterns” (Collins, 1994 as cited in Lawsona and Flomo 2020, p.  47). Liberian women’s activism is also described as “revolutionary mothering” since these activists are confronting militarized violence and acting in a neoliberal globalized world with an emphasis on their role of care for the nation (Lawsona and Flomo, 2020). Therefore, women are provided with a space to freely express themselves as political actors through a narrative that entitles them to speak for the entire society, as biological and social mothers with the specific responsibility to take care of the nation (Gbowee, 2013). From a transformative gender perspective, however, scholars observe that maternal activism keeps women within the boundaries of the dominant normative gender role, reinforcing the paternalistic ideas about mothers in public culture. In fact, the actions of these activists, which are recognized and praised for mobilizing women’s maternal identity within the fight for peace, are not directed at tackling the structural systems of oppression of gender-based and class-based violence (Lawsona, Flomo, 2020).

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Women’s Roles in the Liberian Post-War Era Women and Reconstruction Scholars have questioned how women’s identities and roles are perceived during the peacebuilding and post-war reconstruction era, as compared to periods of conflict. Many studies (Moosa et al., 2013; Stone, Krause, 2018) revealed how fundamental women’s engagement is for long-term sustainable peace and for the effective fight against structural violence and inequalities. However, studies also indicate how rare it is to see the same proportion of women involved in negotiations being nominated in high positions within the new government. Gallo-Cruz and Remsberg (2021) posited that women are often still seen as victims (of violence and/ or gender-based violence), as well as agents of civic mobilization and political reform. In Liberia’s case, since the LWPBM contributed to ending the conflict, their presence in formal peace processes and democratic transition appeared obvious. The election of President Sirleaf did indeed lead to an increase of women in positions of leadership, especially in the early periods of the reconstruction process (Garnett, 2016). Liberia, in this sense, represents a positive example of the integration of women in the post-war peacebuilding process for three reasons. First, through their role as peacebuilders during the conflict, women learned how to use their voice and influence in the public sphere while citizens became accustomed to paying attention to their claims (Bauer, 2009). Second, Liberia benefitted from a large proportion of educated women who already played relevant roles in the history of the country (Bauer, 2009). Third, wartimes are often moments of innovation and change, during which traditional social and political institutions are reformed, leaving space for new figures to enter, notably women or other marginalized groups. Being represented, having a political voice and recognized leadership is expected to have positive implications for women’s social status for a society, although this often only applies to wealthier women (Lawson & Flomo, 2020; Gallo-­ Cruz & Remsberg, 2021).

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Negative and Positive Peace The work of the LWPBM did not end with the consolidation of peace at the end of the conflict. Discrimination and violence are ultimately the results of an unequal distribution of power, which can be based on race, ethnicity, gender, and class, among others. Hence, if some parts of society are still experiencing any level of limitation to their freedom, rights, and well-being, based on their identities, then peace is only partially accomplished (De Almagro, 2018). In fact, in feminist peace research the conceptualizations of peace go beyond situations of armed conflicts and militarization and are linked to the idea of a dynamic and constantly developing process that connects multiple realities in a dynamic way (Wibben et  al., 2019). For example, the 2016 Liberia Conflict Vulnerability Assessment revealed that women and girls experience high levels of personal insecurity and classified SGBV as a key national grievance with the potential to undermine long-term peace (USAID, 2016). Confortini (2006) and Moosa et  al. (2013) use Galtung’s (1969) dichotomies between negative and positive peace, and direct/visible and indirect/non-visible violence to build a stronger theory of what peace and security really represent for women and the “gender differences in what people want from peacebuilding” (Moosa et al., 2013, p. 457). According to Galtung (1969), direct violence refers to personal violence as group conflict deriving from international or internal wars, while indirect violence assumes two shapes: structural (poverty) and cultural (media and propaganda). In this framework, negative peace is the absence of direct violence and positive peace is the absence of social injustice. Feminist scholars argue that this theory lacks analysis of how gender as a social construct produces power inequalities affecting each individual differently (Confortini, 2006). In fact, gender-based structural inequalities contribute to the production and reproduction of specific forms of violence, establishing peace for a part of the population while leaving the rest still at war. The social construction of masculinity and femininity also supports the creation of conflicting gender relations leading to specific forms of violence (Confortini, 2006; Gallo-Cruz & Remsberg, 2021).

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Therefore, when analyzing the post-war situation in Liberia, it is not enough to detect the absence of direct armed conflict to consider whether the country is at peace. As Liberian Nobel Laureate Leymah Gbowee stated, “peace is not enough.” In fact, since the end of the conflict, Liberians are still experiencing poverty, social divisions, structural inequalities as well as small and large-scale violence (Gallo-Cruz & Remsberg, 2021). The negative and positive peace dichotomy also serves as a framework for understanding how the work of Liberian women’s organizations has shifted in the post-war era.

Women’s Political Participation Politics has traditionally been a male-dominated domain, in which men formulate the rules, and define the standards and the limits to participation. Women face numerous challenges to participate in the political life of their communities or to run for office. Some challenges are linked to their limited access to education and professional training, others to the dual burden of domestic endeavors and professional tasks that still have a major weight on women compared to men (Tripp, 2001). Other obstacles are of a political nature: globally women had the right to vote decades after their male counterparts, which also prevented them from running for political office. This delay created an unequal history of representation which consolidated a “masculine model of political life”. In addition, women often play a relevant role in campaigning that is rarely translated into the attribution of decision-making positions within the party or the government agencies. The lack of party support reflects a broader cultural and societal difficulty in conceiving women in leadership positions since it contrasts with the traditional gender roles relegating women to care work. To remedy these challenges and increase representation and therefore participation of women in the political sphere, the quota system has been put in place in some contexts to “force” women’s appearance in the public domain. Alternatively, some African

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women’s organizations constituted new non-partisan groups supporting women to run for office during the 1990s, a period in which some political openings were favorable to women’s movements (Tripp, 2001). The election of President Sirleaf and the appointment of women in relevant political roles within her government happened without top-down affirmative action. However, the reduced political participation of women that we observe today, after her two-term presidency has ended, leads one to question the sustainability of women’s post-war progress without legislated action.

Gendered Electoral Violence As discussed earlier in this chapter, challenges to women’s electoral participation derive from the traditional association of political activity with masculinity, which fosters the normalization of a semi-exclusive male presence in this domain and male ambition for prestigious positions of power (Schenider, Carroll, 2020). A backlash effect is produced as women try to access that sphere and the resistance men put in place to oppose the challenge to social order can assume the form of violent acts (Mansbridge, Shames, 2008; Krook, Sanin 2016 as cited in Schenider, Carroll, 2020). Electoral violence is traditionally defined as any action or threat of action involving physical harm, as well as psychological intimidation, that intentionally aims at influencing electoral processes or their outcomes (Fischer, 2001). Schenider and Carroll (2020) argue that gender is a fundamental lens to understand the implications of gendered electoral violence, since a lack of a feminist perspective would fail to reveal structural obstacles to the full realization of democracy. In fact, when women are subject to physical and verbal attacks in their political activities, the soundness and integrity of the electoral process are weakened: women, entitled citizens like men, are challenged, and sometimes unlawfully excluded in their roles as voters, candidates, leaders, and supporters (Schenider, Carroll, 2020). Therefore, gendered electoral violence employs gender as a variable for exploring patterns and acts of electoral violence motivated by gender-based discriminations and sexism. Forms of this type of violence vary from the intimate sphere in which husbands

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attempt to control the political behavior of their wives, to more public forms of political opposition put in place by party leaders or groups of civilians (Schenider, Carroll, 2020). Electoral violence against women is therefore the expression of “systemic gender discrimination and misogyny…where men as a group consolidate and monopolize political power, and limit or prohibit the participation of women as a group” (Schenider, Carroll, 2020, p.  173). The increased occurrence of electoral violence against women, particularly those running for political office in the recent 2020–2021 Liberian political cycle, is indicative of the underlying patriarchal and structural barriers that continue to exclude women from political office and limit their political rights.

Case Studies: Liberian Women Activists Methodology To deepen our analysis of women’s political activism in Africa, and using Liberia as a case study, we conducted four semi-structured interviews using the snowball sampling methodology. Two of the women activists we interviewed actively participated in the LWPBM in various roles: one woman led a women’s CSO and was involved in the security sector; the other was an accountant and coordinator for a women’s CSO and has worked in several international CSOs. The other two women interviewed belong to a younger generation of activists who were too young to be politically active during the height of the LWPBM and are currently involved in the fight for gender equality, with a specific focus on ending SGBV in Liberia. Both of these women have worked for international CSOs and belong to Liberian feminist women’s organizations. In the following sections, the perspective of these two generations of women provides insight into how the women’s movement in Liberia has evolved over time, especially women’s strategies during the LWPBM and more current activism to end SGBV, and the implications for Liberia’s political development. We have decided to anonymize the activists interviewed for this chapter to avoid any potential backlash that could occur as a result of

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Table 11.1  Profile of the activists interviewed Interviewees Generation Area of work Activist 1

Above 40

Activist 2

Above 40

Activist 3

Under 40

Activist 4

Under 40

Accountant and coordinator for a women’s CSO during the LWPBM, currently working in international CSOs. Leader of a women’s CSO during the LWPBM, currently working in the security sector and leading several CSOs. Member of a CSO within the Liberian feminist movement, working for international CSOs. Member of a CSO within the Liberian feminist movement and working for international CSOs.

their contributions, which is also telling of the current political climate in Liberia for activists in the women’s movement and civil society more broadly (Table 11.1).

Political Activism Strategies The analysis of key informant interviews with four Liberian women’s activists revealed several key themes regarding the use of maternal activism during the LWPBM, and how women’s political activism has evolved in Liberia. An overarching theme from the case studies is that although Liberian women have been actively engaged in much larger numbers since the women’s peacebuilding movement began in the 1990s, their work has not yet addressed or dismantled the underlying patriarchal structure that is at the root of gender inequalities. In fact, many women are still fighting for the right to be heard, seen, and counted without realizing that the root cause of the problem is a patriarchal system and resulting social conditioning that produces various forms of inequality. Many of the LWPBM women would not consider themselves as activists, although their peace work was indeed activism: writing position statements, silent protests and sit-ins, sex strikes, advocating and negotiating with warlords and their wives, supporting the disarmament,

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demobilization, and reintegration of soldiers, and engaging and bussing women from across Liberia to participate in protests, particularly displaced women in internally displaced persons (IDP) camps.

Women’s Political Activism Strategies The activists who were involved in the LWPBM mentioned a combination of strategies used to shift the dynamics of the prolonged civil conflict as part of their peacebuilding activism: commitment to peace, strategic use of internal resources, networking, neutrality, visibility, continuous mobilization, and accountability. As established in the theoretical sections, we see that women’s activism in Liberia did not challenge the traditional role of women as peaceful and caring in nature, even though they were effective in supporting the end of the conflict. The most important strategy discussed was unity among the women and the use of this unity as an activism approach. Unity was deemed a critical strategy because though there were many female leaders, the women needed a unified message with no contradictions, hence they united behind Leymah Gbowee as the spokesperson for the movement—a role that won her the Nobel Peace Prize in 2011. Surprisingly, the LWPBM managed to unify women from a wide range of socioeconomic, regional, ethnic, and religious backgrounds for the purpose of peace. This was a significant feat considering the divisiveness of Liberian society, which was a principal causal factor in the civil conflict. The activists we interviewed linked the success of this unity to the urgency of putting an end to the conflict and to the complete lack of rule of law. Even the way women dressed was symbolic of this unity: white t-shirts and long lappa (traditional African printed fabric) skirts were part of their strategy of visibility and uniformity, which deemphasized ethnicity and socioeconomic barriers. While those barriers were suppressed during the movement, they were never challenged after the conflict, making unity difficult to maintain. The diversity of women in the movement was also beneficial for networking with a range of actors and providing various services for the movement. With little formal peacebuilding support, the women of the movement provided their own food, water, transportation, and whatever

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else they could contribute from what they had. The diversity was often ignored and there was a tendency to assume that all the women were alike; however, there were obvious socioeconomic and class differences among the women; certain women were inside the peace negotiations, others were outside protesting. As Activist 1 mentioned, “women were not a homogeneous group.” Without the sense of urgency created by heightened violent conflict, differences in needs, ideology, religion, class, and political affiliation became more pronounced and may have weakened the women’s movement during the reconstruction period.

Maternal Activism The use of maternal activism was not a new concept for the activists interviewed, which the authors define as “the idea that women use their social roles as mothers to be heard and make political change.” One activist we interviewed published an article on the continual use of this strategy in post-conflict Liberia: she used the case study of women’s Peace Huts to explore concepts of gender justice and “motherwork,” defined as “the exercise of political agency through maternal activism.” All the activists interviewed see maternal activism as an effective strategy because it made men in positions of power listen to what women had to say because (1) women as mothers were trusted, and (2) women as peaceful beings provided an aura of neutrality and not of threat. Regarding the first point, as one activist said: “if you can trust women with motherhood, they can also be trusted with politics.” Trust built upon motherhood was a recurring theme in the LWPBM. Women were trusted by men and given space for their activism because they were not considered part of the warring factions; unlike men who were considered inherently dangerous and not to be trusted because they were supposed to take sides in the conflict, as discussed by Hunt and Posa (2001). Women’s neutrality also enhanced their voice and visibility because they had no apparent political stake or interest, nor were they deemed a threat to male power. For instance, the women from the Liberia Mass Action for Peace were not well known at the beginning of the peacebuilding movement and could successfully operate in engaging the thousands of rural women and women in IDP

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camps in the movement, telling their stories and adding their voices to the peace process. Their actions far from the spotlight gave them and other women belonging to minorities more prominence and visibility. While the effectiveness of this approach was undeniable during the peacebuilding movement, the younger generation of activists we interviewed reflects on the legacy of maternal activism in Liberia today, and how it interplayed with current approaches to gender mainstreaming or broader women’s rights initiatives. They recognize that there was a time wherein maternal activism was women’s only option for being seen and heard, and was a symptom of the patriarchal environment in which they were operating. In their view, maternal activism was effective because women were playing into politics through engaging respectability and reinforcing emotional, sentimental, and matriarchal bonds between men and women. However, in this paradigm, men were urged to listen to women as mothers and sisters, not as peers. With the rise of global feminism among younger generations, which was possible also thanks to the efforts of the LWPBM and of President Sirleaf ’s government, our younger interviewees find maternal activism to be outdated because motherhood does not necessarily define younger generations of women. Maternal activism is also problematic because it reinforces traditional gender roles that oversimplify women as victims of violence and of SGBV. This may have been useful for getting women around the negotiation table and for drawing attention to this important issue, but it may have also served to invalidate women as legitimate political actors. For example, most of legislation passed in the early reconstruction period was linked to the fight against SGBV, such as the rape bill and the domestic violence law. However, other key legislation for women’s rights and political representation, such as the 30% quota provision in Liberia’s electoral law to encourage women’s political participation, has met great resistance and has not yet passed into law at the time of this writing. Activist 4 posited that perhaps peace negotiations were not the moment to talk about women’s rights, in which case the period immediately following the conflict may have been a missed opportunity to reinforce the link between women’s peacebuilding work, women’s rights and equitable access to resources.

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Is There Peace for Women After Conflict? As introduced in the theoretical foundations of this chapter, a feminist analysis of Galtung’s concept of positive and negative peace is relevant for understanding the continuum of women’s political activism in Liberia. However, according to Activist 4, many of the women in the peacebuilding movement did not see their activism in a political or feminist light. Hence when they discussed issues of rape and torture, it often was disconnected from larger discussions around the meaning of peace for women. For the most part, negative peace was achieved when the violent conflict ended in 2003, but the interviewees acknowledged that positive peace is not yet achieved given pervasive gender inequality and high levels of SGBV. According to Activist 4, the LWPBM recognized that the war never stopped for women, which meant the women’s movement had to evolve and address issues of SGBV. This switch in focus during the post-­ war period is indicative of the reality that the war might be over for some men, but physical and structural violence remain major obstacles for women in attaining meaningful peace. When reflecting on the broader progress that has been made in the status of women in Liberia, there was consensus among the activists we interviewed in recognizing women’s contributions to the economic and political development of the country, and in increasing the access to education for women and girls after years of campaigning on the importance of educating female children. However, there was also consensus on the fact that significant structural challenges remain, and gender equality and women’s rights are not fully realized, particularly in the budgetary allocation and full implementation of policies and laws aimed at addressing inequalities and lack of access to basic services in a systematic and sustainable way. The exacerbated levels of SGBV during the recent COVID-19 pandemic and subsequent rape protests led President Weah to declare a state of emergency and promise to draft an SGBV road map to address SGBV in Liberia. Multiple generations of activists in the women’s movements were involved, including activists from the LWPBM and new groups of younger activists who, according to Activist 3, were becoming increasingly militant in the face of tear gas and water cannons at the

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recent rape protests. As we question whether maternal activism is a viable strategy for the women’s movement, we should also consider whether it will continue to be as effective in a new era of leadership and militarized policing.

The Evolution of the Women’s Movement According to Activist 4, the lack of response, engagement, and meaningful action on the part of the government to fulfill promises that address SGBV since the rape protests have led some activists we interviewed to conclude that the patriarchal system of governance is still strong in Liberia. The feminist approaches utilized by younger feminists appear to be more threatening to the government at multiple levels. This led Activist 4 to question whether the government’s response would have been different if their advocacy activities remained within the confines of traditional gender norms, such as the maternal activism strategies employed by the LWPBM.  Younger generations of activists have begun to shift their approaches and tactics to avoid being perceived as antagonistic or reactionary in the current political climate. They are doing so by changing the label of their activities to the broader umbrella of human rights and peace. Some activists are also engaged at a smaller-scale level, that is, at the community-level or individual-level engagements with key actors who have the power to influence women’s rights and gender inequality. As Activist 3 mentioned, given that the current government pays no attention to feminist claims, feminist advocacy is often met with backlash and results in ineffective efforts. These patterns of engagement are reminiscent of the constraints faced by the LWPBM during the peacebuilding era and it appears that while there is an evolution of the women’s movement in Liberia, it is still necessary for activists to bargain with patriarchy to be effective. This is because in Liberia’s political system, men hold the power to implement certain policies and actions that could positively affect women’s lives, yet women activists must convince them within the confines of what is acceptable according to patriarchal norms. Notwithstanding the challenges that feminist organizations have to face, some of them are continuing to focus on SGBV, as noted above in

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the recent rape protests. They are also broadening their focus to include women’s economic and political empowerment. Some of the activists involved in the LWPBM are focusing on community-level peacebuilding initiatives, especially in rural areas that are severely disconnected from urban Liberia. The focus on community-level engagement is born out of the realization that peace may be attained on the national level, but violence is often perpetrated at the community level, as if the conflict is still ongoing. Within the younger generation of activists, there is a greater understanding of African feminist theory, and the importance of applying feminist analysis and an intersectional lens to transformative social change. This includes pushing the envelope to include LGBTQIA+ populations in their advocacy work, a topic that is still somewhat taboo in Liberian society.

 omen’s Political Participation W and Electoral Violence One of the key obstacles to gender equality in Liberia is women’s limited political participation, especially in terms of leadership and decision-­ making roles within government and political parties. Women have been active in political processes, particularly since the LWPBM rallied women to register to vote and to support candidate Sirleaf for the presidency in 2005. Women’s involvement in electoral processes indicates the successful translation of peacebuilding into political participation. However, women tend to serve primarily as partisans and supporters in “women’s wings” and not as party leaders and candidates. As discussed earlier, the 30% quota for women has not been passed into law, and even though political parties are encouraged to implement the quota, it is not mandatory and thus rarely upheld. As discussed by several of the activists interviewed, key barriers to women’s political leadership are the gender education gap and the financial gap. On the one hand, because of the education gap, women are less educated than their male counterparts, which weakens their sentiment of confidence, especially compared to men. On the other hand, the commercialization of Liberia’s political

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process requires candidates to spend large amounts of money to garner support from voters, which represents a major hurdle for women given a pervasive gender income gap. The unequal household division of labor was also mentioned by the older generation of activists as a challenge for women for two main reasons. First, women’s traditional role is related to domestic and private spaces, therefore when they act in the public arena they must deal with a general lack of trust and attention to their claims, rendering their voices weaker. Second, domestic tasks cost women time and effort, making it difficult for them to spend days and weeks campaigning and traveling throughout the country. In addition to the latter point, women also have to negotiate their activism while dealing with the resistance of their families. As a result, as Activist 3 reminded us, the ubiquitousness of patriarchy and social indoctrination means that even when women are represented in political processes, they do not necessarily advocate for meaningful change for women. This is a reminder that dismantling patriarchal norms and limitations is the ultimate goal of women’s political advocacy. Feminist movements are also aware that each electoral cycle is an opportunity to push against the barriers that limit women in political processes, especially in decision-making roles. A further factor complicating women’s political participation is targeted electoral violence. This phenomenon appears to be on the rise or at least receiving more attention in the media in recent years following several visible incidents of violence against female candidates. In one particular case that happened during the 2020 senatorial elections, a female candidate was denied entry into a rural town by a traditional masquerade and threatened that she may lose her life should she continue to resist the town leadership’s order to stay away from the polling places (Parley, 2021). The activists interviewed noted that SGBV threatens the participation of women at many levels of the electoral process and not just at the top levels of women running for office. Allegations of rape and abuse of women trying to participate in political processes are quite common even if they are rarely discussed or addressed. As discussed in the literature, a violent backlash to women’s involvement and visibility in the post-­ conflict era is not just random act of violence but is linked to a perceived

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threat to male dominance in political processes and is a major impediment to women’s political rights and gender equality in Liberia.

 onclusion: Translating Women’s Political C Activism into Political Development The LWPBM helped to shape the political landscape of Liberia by giving women more prominence and visibility. As a result, more women were brought into political leadership, such as those women activists designated to serve in the legislature of the interim government. President Sirleaf also followed suit by appointing more women in positions of leadership than ever before (or since) her time in office. However, beyond this unsustained increase in representation, Liberian women are still struggling for the right to participate meaningfully in political processes and to influence change in the political and social landscape. As Activist 4 posited, “women’s political participation is a strategy and not a goal. Because if that is the goal, why is the patriarchal system still in place and why is there still no peace for women?” This analysis reveals that although gender inequality certainly preceded the use of maternal activism, by playing into patriarchal gender norms for women, this strategy did not directly challenge the status quo of male power dominance in Liberia nor significantly alter how women are perceived by their male counterparts. An increase in political representation, that only lasted during Sirleaf ’s Presidency, was insufficient to address the structural system of oppression and inequality. Notwithstanding the challenges, the most encouraging finding from this study is the continuum of the women’s movement in Liberia, which was catalyzed by the civil conflict and continues to assemble women to advocate for their rights in a breadth of areas from access to education, healthcare, and land to political participation and ending SGBV. So, how will the women’s movement continue to evolve given the continual transformation of the Liberian political landscape and the ongoing struggle to guarantee the rights of women and marginalized groups? When asked what they would change in the LWPBM approach in light

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of persistent patriarchal oppression, the activists interviewed for this study referenced three points. First, they would give more support to rural women who continue to do peace work at the community level. In this way, they would elevate their efforts and unify women across region, class, and ethnic divides. Second, they would build a network of women and men committed to sustainable positive peace across regional and socioeconomic barriers, integrating the contributions of many male colleagues to the LWPBM who supported the women’s peacebuilding work during the conflict. This expanded network of activists could have supported maintaining the unity that was the strength of the LWPBM and that did not continue in the absence of violent conflict. Third, the activists would engage in collective strategic reflection on the most effective means for creating social and political change given the underlying patriarchal structures. This effort could lead to a better understanding of what sustains different forms of inequality in Liberia. This work has already started thanks to the efforts of the younger generation of activists who are adding a level of feminist analytical framing and strategic thinking around gender inequality that will be fundamental as the movement evolves. The inherent diversity of activists in the women’s movement will also be indispensable, particularly as each new generation learns from and builds on the progress of the generation that preceded it.

References Bauer, J. (2009). Women and the 2005 election in Liberia. The Journal of Modern African Studies, 47(2), 193–211. Confortini, C. C. (2006). Galtung, violence, and gender: The case for a peace studies/feminism alliance. Peace & Change, 31(3), 333–367. El-Bushra, J. (2007). Feminism, gender, and women’s peace activism. Development and Change, 38(1), 131–147. Fischer, J. (2001). Electoral conflict and violence. White Paper. International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES), United States. Gallo-Cruz, S., & Remsberg, R. (2021). Peacebuilding, Liberian women, and the invisible hand of conflict in the postwar era. The Journal of Social Encounters, 5(2), 77–105.

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Galtung, J. (1969). Violence, peace, and peace research. Journal of Peace Research, 6(3), 167–191. Garnett, T. (2016). Ellen is our man: Perceptions of gender in post conflict Liberian politics. International Feminist Journal of Politics, 18(1), 99–118. Garnett, T. (2019). Women and peacebuilding in postconflict African states. In O. Yacob-Haliso & T. Falola (Eds.), The Palgrave Handbook of African Women’s Studies (pp. 1–15). Springer Nature Switzerland. Hunt, S., & Posa, C. (2001). Women waging peace. Foreign Policy, 124, 38. Lawson, E. S., & Flomo, V. K. (2020). Motherwork and gender justice in Peace Huts: A feminist view from Liberia. Third World Quarterly, 41(11), 1863–1880. Liberia: Liberia Elections Observation Network (LEON) Condemns Electoral Violence in Gbarpolu. (2020, December 16). Front Page Africa. https:// frontpageafricaonline.com/opinion/press-release/liberia-­leon-­condemns-­electoralviolence-­in-­gbarpolu/ Medie, P. A. (2016). Women’s and feminist activism in West Africa. In A. Wong, M.  Wickramasinghe, R.  Hoogland, & N.  A. Naples (Eds.), The Wiley Blackwell encyclopedia of gender and sexuality studies (pp. 1–4). John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (2020, September 12). President Weah Declares rape and all forms of SGBV as a national emergency. Government of Liberia, Ministry of Foreign Affairs. https://mofa.gov.lr/public2/2press.php?news_ id=3618 & related=7 & pg=sp Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection (MGCSP). (2018). Gender Based Violence 2018 Statistical Report. Gender Based Violence Division. TGCI-Montserrado. March 15, 2018. Moosa, Z., Rahmani, M., & Webster, L. (2013). From the private to the public sphere: New research on women’s participation in peace-building. Gender and Development, 21(3), 453–472. Parley, W. W. (2021, March 25). Liberia: Is it Senator Gbotoe Kanneh? The New Dawn. https://allafrica.com/stories/202103250392.html Press, R. M. (2013). Individual and organizational Human Rights Activism in Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Kenya. Journal of Human Rights, 12(4), 447–468. Tripp, A. M. (2001). The new political activism in Africa. Journal of Democracy, 12(3), 141–155. USAID. (2016). Liberia conflict vulnerability assessment: Final report. Democracy International.

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Utas, M. (2005). Victimcy, girlfriending, soldiering: Tactic agency in a young woman’s social navigation of the Liberian war zone. Anthropological Quarterly, 78(2), 403–430. Wibben, A. T. R., Confortini, C. C., Roohi, S., Aharoni, S. B., Vastapuu, L., & Vaittinen, T. (2019). Collective discussion: Piecing-up feminist peace research1. International Political Sociology, 13(1), 86–107.

12 Conclusion: Promoting Development By Women, For Women Kelly Ann Krawczyk and Bridgett A. King

As the introduction to this volume aptly portrays, and as the work presented throughout this volume illustrates, it is at best difficult, and at times impossible, to explicitly separate social, economic, and political development. One type of development impacts, and often leads to, another. Social, economic, and political development are all deeply connected. Felicia Tuggle’s contribution in Chap. 2, “I’ll Find a Way or I’ll Make a Way: A Case Study of BASICS International’s Social Community Development Work in Ghana, West Africa,” was a fitting way to begin the section on the contributions of women to social development in West Africa. This is in part because her chapter conceptualizes social development, which helped set the stage for the discussion of social development in Section 1 of this volume. She also emphasizes in her chapter how deeply social and economic development are intertwined. We can utilize

K. A. Krawczyk (*) • B. A. King Department of Political Science, Auburn University, Auburn, AL, USA e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 K. A. Krawczyk, B. A. King (eds.), Women’s Contributions to Development in West Africa, Globalization, Urbanization and Development in Africa , https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8190-6_12

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the conceptual frameworks presented in her chapter as a firm foundation for our exploration of social development in the first section of this volume. Tuggle begins by laying out three social development definitions according to Pawar (2014). The first category focuses on systemic planning, and explicitly links social and economic development. The second category focuses on structural change. Tuggle centers her chapter around the third category, which emphasizes the goals of meeting human potential and needs, and on improving quality of life. Importantly, Tuggle notes that social development must “harmonize the economic, social, and other dimensions of the development process” (Tuggle, this volume). Tuggle uses a case study of one organization, BASICS International, and conducts in-depth interviews with one woman, BASICS founder Pat Wilkins, to help elucidate for us the “strategies and processes” used to facilitate the local-level, community social development that BASICS has engaged in over the past two decades. Tuggle presents evidence on the accomplishments of Ms. Wilkins and BASICS International, as well as the challenges the organization faces. One of the most important contributions that Dr. Tuggle’s chapter makes is that it allows us to hear first-­ hand the voice of Pat Wilkins and offers empirical evidence that helps build knowledge on the micro-level contributions of women to social development. Another valuable element of Tuggle’s chapter is that it offers evidence on how NGOs, in particular those led by women, help facilitate social development. As Tuggle notes, the existing literature promotes the idea that women, and women-led NGOs, have specific strengths and characteristics that make them especially suited to contributing to community and social development: they have deeply embedded relationships in local communities, are proximate to those in need, and utilize their influence and their own marginalized identities to promote development. Yet despite these assumptions, there is a dearth of scholarship that documents the contributions of West African women, and women-led NGOs in the region, to social development. Tuggle’s study helps fill this gap. Tuggle’s study also emphasizes the important role of community participation and empowerment, and how they can help build social capital and contribute to successful social development interventions and outcomes. Tuggle details how one woman saw dire needs in a local

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community and set out to address them. BASICS founder Pat Wilkins did not wait until she formalized her organization, nor did she let a lack of funding hold her back. She started simply by collecting funds to send children to school, and then continued to grow and develop BASICS to address additional community challenges. The organization developed organically as Ms. Wilkins attempted to address new community needs, and she continually involved the community in identifying these needs and implementing new programs. As Tuggle notes (this volume), Pat Wilkins’ responsiveness and willingness to solve community problems has resulted in “twenty years of successful and sustained social community development practice.” Tuggle’s chapter illustrates that “women can be powerful forces for advancing social development through local-level community development,” and “highlights what ordinary women can do when circumstances demand extraordinary action.” Doris Boateng also addressed the contributions of women to social development in Chap. 3, “Women Traders at the Elmina Fishing Harbor: Harbingers of Ghana’s Social Development.” Boateng’s study is also situated in Ghana, in the Elmina fishing harbor located in Ghana’s Central Region. Boateng utilizes the Elmina market as a case study to illustrate the relationships between economic and social development, and how informal markets as a tool of economic livelihood for women can also provide the impetus for social development. The Elmina market, as with most in Ghana and even across West Africa, is women-operated and under the leadership of women. As Boateng explains (this volume), “women in developing economies find ingenious ways to carve niches for themselves in order to empower themselves and others.” Their positions in the local markets embody some of these ways. One important contribution Boateng makes is in fleshing out the relationship between social and economic development, and the importance of women’s roles and participation in both types of development: social and economic. Boateng’s chapter reminds us that the informal sector is critical to economic development in developing country contexts. The informal sector provides a large portion of the employment opportunities available in developing countries (Benanav, 2019), particularly for females in sub-Saharan Africa (Bonnet et al., 2019). Within the informal sector, most women work in micro-enterprises. While the critical

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importance of women, and their involvement in micro-enterprise, is often lauded in the existing studies on social and economic development, there is a serious lack of micro-level evidence that helps support this supposition. Boateng’s contribution helps shed light on these informal and often invisible markets, thus providing crucial evidence on women’s unique and important contributions to social development. Boateng underscores the barriers and constraints women face in accessing formal economic markets, which echo those discussed in Chap. 1, the introduction to this volume. Poverty, patriarchal gender roles, cultural norms, and financial and regulatory barriers have all pushed women towards employment in the informal sector (Boateng, 2021; Abraham et  al., 2017). As a result, Boateng relates, “Ghanaian women tend to operate the more traditional low-income businesses, such as selling of raw, unprocessed food, food processing activities, handicrafts of various kinds, and dressmaking, often with low potential for growth.” Furthermore, they operate these businesses with little to no access to formal capital, and using very small investments, often from family members. Similar to Tuggle, Boateng shows that although women face marginalization along gender lines related to their roles and participation in social development, women have still made significant contributions to socio-­ economic development. Boateng’s chapter also illustrates how practitioners of social development, in this case women traders at the Elmina market, use participatory and pluralistic approaches to link social and economic development. For example, Boateng explains that women’s social development initiatives often include fellow women and children, and work to empower and raise social awareness of “the inequalities that disproportionately affect low-income and rural women” (Faraizi et  al., 2014; Standal, 2018). Boateng (this volume) uncovers the “intricate webs of relationships and power” in the Elmina market that allow women to influence the fishing industry, and consequently influence social development, in their community. Her findings outline three main ways by which women of the Elmina market contribute to social development: through power and control, through social protection, and via security and maintenance of community integrity. First, women of the Elmina market exhibit real power and control and are agents of change: they engage in dispute

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resolution, they participate in advocacy and demonstration activities that help ensure sustainable fishing practices, they engage in monitoring of these practices, and they help empower the next generation of women. Second, women in the market provide social protection to women, children, and the elderly, by collecting food donations and making meals for those who don’t have any, and through informal cooperatives (susu) that provide a social insurance policy to women traders. Finally, women traders also engage in security and maintenance of community integrity, when older women in the markets keep a lookout to prevent crime, help identify strangers in the community, and help settle disputes. Like Tuggle, Boateng’s study also takes a micro-level approach to provide evidence on the role of West African women in social development. Women in the Elmina market see community problems, and take action to address them. As Boateng purports, “women at the Elmina fishing harbor use people-centered approaches to empower themselves, reduce their own and others’ vulnerabilities, and promote their inclusion and well-being in Ghanaian society.” In Chap. 4, “Women’s Organizations on the Frontline: The Peacebuilding Project and the Fight Against Ebola and COVID-19,” Michelle Reddy focuses on women’s organizations in Guinea and Sierra Leone, and how lack of funding for these grassroots organizations negatively impacts the ability of women to contribute to social development. Yet, at the same time, she also highlights just how much these women’s organizations are able to accomplish, despite the financial barriers they face. Reddy relates how women’s organizations were critical to the response during the 2013–2016 West Africa Ebola crisis, as well as during the COVID-19 pandemic. She also highlights women’s vulnerability as market sellers and caretakers, circumstances under which women are much more likely to be infected. Despite their contributions to social development, and their increased risk, grassroots women’s organizations are much less likely to receive international funding overall, as well as during health crises. This lack of funding negatively impacted their ability to help provide healthcare, meet immediate needs, and offer sensitization during the recent Ebola and COVID-19 crises. Reddy traces the history of women’s organizations in Guinea and Sierra Leone, outlining their accomplishments and challenges, and illustrates how “donor

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preferences for organizations with high technical capacity potentially close out many women’s organizations from funding, implicating the ability of women’s organizations to facilitate social development and broader civic engagement” (Reddy, this volume). Similar to Tuggle and Boateng, Reddy’s chapter emphasizes the role of civil society, in particular women’s associations and organizations, in social development. Reddy explains that in West Africa, in the Mano River region that includes Guinea, Sierra Leone, and Liberia, as well as Côte d’Ivoire, the impact of decades of civil conflict meant that international donors were particularly interested in the ability of civil society to help facilitate peacebuilding, conflict resolution, democracy, and development, and to help build resilient societies. Yet, despite the belief that civic associations can help accomplish these goals, and despite large amounts of international aid flows for these purposes, Reddy shows how “international organizations often sideline local organizations during crisis” (Reddy, 2021; Ramalingam, 2013; Ramalingam & Barnett, 2010). However, Reddy also shows how grassroots women’s organizations are still able to raise small amounts of funds from other sources to implement their work, and how they use both advocacy and direct service delivery to accomplish their goals. Reddy also documents the myriad of ways in which these women’s organizations promote social development. Reddy echoes the work of Tuggle and Boateng, explaining that due to the “proximity of women’s organizations to communities, they are trusted by communities to engage in activities that help promote social development (Reddy, this volume),” such as civic education, awareness-building, and trainings. And, similar to the other chapters in this section, she also reminds us of the structural inequities women face, the burden they bear for household work and caretaking, their preponderance in the informal economy including local markets, and how these barriers reduce the ability of women to promote their interests, especially during health emergencies. Reddy shares, “women inequitably bear the burden of epidemics yet are the primary caregivers (Reddy, this volume),” and were therefore much more likely to put themselves at risk due to this caretaking role, and because of their role in the local markets. These are the formidable challenges the women in these organizations faced. Yet, as Reddy shows, the women’s organizations in her study still

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managed to effectively mobilize during the epidemic, engaging in a myriad of activities that helped provide healthcare and sensitization during the Ebola and COVID-19 emergencies. In addition, Reddy also documents the social development activities of these women’s organizations during times of non-emergency. The list is truly impressive—of the eleven registered women’s organizations that Reddy interviews in two countries, many of them started post-war by engaging in peacebuilding activities, but then moved into other social development activities including skills training and employment programs, literacy and financial management education, and health services and health promotion in the areas of maternal and child health and HIV.  These women’s organizations also engaged in advocacy activities, including advocacy for the rights of women, girls, children, and youth; advocacy against gender-based violence; and in women’s leadership and civic engagement activities. Despite the impressive track record the women’s organizations developed in both advocacy and service delivery, and despite significant international investment in civil society organizations in West Africa, when the Ebola epidemic struck, “international organizations largely neglected local organizations, and marginalized women’s organizations entirely” (Reddy, this volume). Yet, the women’s organizations persevered: during Ebola, they went door-to-door conducting sensitization and awareness-­ building to combat myths and resistance to health policies designed to halt the spread of the virus. They also engaged in direct provision of services, including distribution of care packages that included food and soap, distribution of handwashing stations, and support of Ebola orphans. They continued this work during COVID-19, again engaging in sensitization on health practices to avoid the spread of COVID-19, and distributing supplies such as face masks and sanitary kits. Across Ghana, Guinea, and Sierra Leone, we see many of the same challenges: structural and financial barriers that impede the role of women to engage in social development, and that marginalize the identities of women. Yet, we also unpack evidence that women are resilient, resourceful, and ready to address community problems head-on, at the grassroots level, to help improve the lives of those in their communities. Women, and women’s organizations in West Africa, steadfastly demonstrate their ability to address crises and to contribute to social

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development. All three chapters in Section 1 illustrated that while women in West Africa face formidable barriers when it comes to inclusion in the social, economic, and political life of their communities, it is in part this very marginalization that positions them as trusted agents of change, with deeply embedded local relationships and influence that can help promote social development. Section 2 of this volume spoke to women’s contributions to economic development in West Africa. The chapters in this section highlight specific examples of women’s contributions in the informal sector and as social entrepreneurs in West Africa, and the resulting impact on economic development, to document and recognize these contributions. Atta Ceesay’s contribution in Chap. 5, “Women and Microfinance in The Gambia: A Path to Empowerment and Financial Inclusion,” focuses on microfinance as an investment tool in the informal economy. As in most developing countries, many households and small businesses in the Gambia have difficulty accessing formal credit mechanisms through banks and insurance companies. Limited access to formal credit means those working in the informal sector are economically disadvantaged. The Gambia has implemented microfinance programs to address this gap, and many of these programs have been focused on women, in order to promote women’s empowerment and financial inclusion. One contribution Ceesay’s chapter offers is that it carefully traces the history of microfinance in the Gambia, as well as lays out the microfinance institutions currently in place in the country. The chapter also provides a detailed summary of the government policies and the regulatory framework for microfinance in the Gambia. Ceesay utilizes three case studies of women’s microfinance organizations in the Gambia to frame not only the challenges these institutions face, but also to offer evidence on their successes. She lays out recommendations for strengthening the use of microfinance as a tool to advance the contributions of women to economic development in the Gambia. Ceesay lays out three interrelated challenges that women face in accessing credit in the Gambia: lack of physical proximity to financial institutions, specifically in rural areas; the limited mobility of women to reach existing institutions; and lack of digital financial solutions to address the distance barriers. She also emphasizes the need for financial literacy

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training for women, in order to “increase women’s awareness and understanding of financial services and their providers. This can empower women with the knowledge of how to open an account and access services and give greater confidence in financial service providers” (Ceesay, this volume). Ceesay’s case studies also illustrate that microfinance can be a tool to empower women, allowing them to play a larger role in economic development in the Gambia. Her findings point to microfinance institutions in the Gambia as a vehicle to facilitate savings, small loans, and business training for women. This has led to an expanded role for women in the informal economy, and Ceesay’s interview data documents how rural women in the Gambia can now participate in petty trading, vegetable and charcoal selling, and even start their own small businesses. Her chapter sets the stage for further discussion of women in the informal economy in West Africa, and highlights the importance of documenting these contributions. In Chap. 6, “Informally Formal: Ethnography of a Women’s Savings and Fellowship Group in Ghana,” Sandy Zook also focuses on the role of women in economic development in the informal economy, and uses an ethnographic approach to observe a women’s savings and fellowship group operating in a street market in the Greater Accra region of Ghana. Zook engaged in intensive fieldwork over the span of several months, applying Salamon and Sokolowski’s (2016) criteria for identifying the boundaries of civil society, in order to uncover what she calls “hidden organizations” in civil society. The criteria for inclusion in civil society means organizations must be: (1) formal or informal with a clear purpose operating over a period of time; (2) must be separate from and not controlled by government; (3) have autonomy within their governance; (4) non-compulsory membership (free entry and exit); and (5) have a non-­ distribution constraint (Salamon & Sokolowski, 2016). While the organization she studied is not registered with government and thus considered “informal,” she documents that the group has characteristics that do in fact meet these criteria for civil society, including membership rules, leadership positions voted on by the members, revenue streams, and a method of tracking revenue and expenditures. In addition, she relates that members participate in regular meetings, and during these meetings, a portion

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of the dues collected are rotated among members. Dues are also used for social support for members, and members engage in community volunteering, fundraising, and social events (Zook, this volume). Zook’s ethnography highlights not only the complexity of informal organizations operating in Ghanaian markets, but also underscores the multiplicity and significance of such organizations. Her chapter offers important, and often absent, insights for understanding and developing a research agenda for studying the multitude of similar “invisible organizations” within the context of Africa. Zook’s goal with this agenda is to “question what is missing from theory building efforts around economic inclusion and civil society” (Zook, this volume). She notes, as we have previously in this volume, that the informal sector of the economy is the largest employer of women. Given this, she asks: “how might our theories and frameworks underestimate the economic and social power of women within these contexts, or at the very least their roles as community organizers?” (Zook, this volume). While scholarship does consistently suggest we are not properly documenting and measuring the role and impact of informal organizations, in particular civic associations in developing country contexts in Africa, Zook goes a step further. She not only posits this question but also seeks to answer it with her extensive ethnographic observations. She provides evidence that the women’s savings group she studies meets the broad criteria for inclusion in civil society and suggests a research agenda for documenting the host of similar organizations that flourish across Africa. Zook’s chapter also underscores several of the points made in the Introduction to this volume. First, informal organizations are frequently operating under the radar and are difficult to delineate, therefore we often fail to document their contributions and impact. Zook (this volume) reminds us, “…informal organizations—those operating in the informal sector of the economy and not registered with government—are marginalized because they are methodologically difficult to identify and count.” Yet, she also points out that given the current proclivity to define and count civil society, and measure its impact, it is even more disconcerting that informal organizations, of which women are more likely to be a part, continue to be undercounted and ignored.

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Zook’s chapter also directly addresses the dichotomy presented in the Introduction to this volume: inclusion versus marginalization. Zook discusses the emphasis on the inclusion of women in development, as well as their importance in building the capacity of civil society and indicates that these goals are heavily promoted and subsidized by international development partners such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. She also stresses there are purported benefits of such inclusion for individuals, families, communities, and for macro-level development. Yet she also simultaneously exposes the tendency to measure development using only formal statistics, metrics, and economic indicators, which undercounts the role and contributions of women because informal organizations, which women are much more likely to belong to, are difficult to measure. This leads to what she describes as “a bifurcated international development narrative between the goals of centering women in economic policy and the inclusion of women in the data used to generate that policy” (Zook, this volume). This attention to mapping and measuring civil society, and the emphasis on formality to the detriment of informality, also leads to further marginalization of women, and continues to omit the “important roles women play as social connectors and community organizers in countries where women make up a large portion of the informal sector workforce, such as those found in West Africa” (Zook, this volume). Her work encourages us not only to map and count formal organizations, but also to consider carefully what is not being counted, and develop innovative ways to integrate definitions, metrics, and ways of measurement that can stretch to include these informal organizations. She counters the current narrative and suggests that “when mapping civil society, we should…consider who and what is and is not counted as a part of the mapping process—that is, who is privileged within our maps and included in the data on civil society” (Zook, this volume). Critically, Zook connects how we currently conduct civil society mapping to the continued marginalization of women in development and uses the case of the Ghanaian women’s savings group to counter this disparity. She moves beyond a focus on formality and illustrates what should be considered and counted, from an informal perspective, and provides empirical evidence that supports the inclusion of these informal

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women’s groups in broader definitions of civil society. She successfully illustrates the contributions of the Ghanaian women’s savings group in meeting individual and community needs, especially related to economic and social development. For example, her chapter documents how the savings group provides social protection for its members in the form of financial support to help address important life events and emergencies, provides a savings mechanism for the women, and provides them with an outlet for community outreach and service by raising resources for a local orphanage. Zook’s chapter also uncovers the rich networks created via women’s organizations that help build relationships and social capital that lead to collective action and development progress. Building on Williams (2008a, 2008b) claim that the informal sector is “rich with grassroots community-based support or ‘hidden clusters’ of networks,” Zook explains that even though the group she studied was “defined as informal and subsistence workers, they are embedded in complex systems and networks. The members have agency, leverage their personal networks and work collectively to enact economic and social benefits within their community” (Zook, this volume). In Chap. 7, “The Role of Market Associations in Facilitating Women’s Informal Political Participation and Economic Development in Ghana,” Kelly Krawczyk, Bridgett King, Noemi Oeding, and Shaniqua Williams document the role of market women in informal politics and collective action activities that help shape the policies of the Agbogbloshie Market in Accra, Ghana. Similar to both Doris Baoteng in Section 1 and Sandy Zook’s contribution in Section 2, Krawczyk et al.’s chapter also focuses on Ghanaian markets, specifically on women’s membership in market associations. All three of these chapters reflect on the dominance of women in Ghanaian markets, and the importance of these informal economic institutions. Market women have been drivers of Ghana’s informal economic sector throughout history, as they have been in many other West African nations. While their power, networks, and resources have been contested at times, the market women, and the market associations they belong to, have continued to thrive, and play a pivotal role in Ghana’s economy. Existing scholarship points to the markets as spaces of economic and

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political power for women (Mensah & Antoh, 2005), and positions them as spaces where women can build civic skills related to advocacy and mobilization and leverage these skills to push for improvements in market conditions and in their local communities. Market associations act as “civic intermediaries” (LeRoux, 2007) that connect market traders and local government officials (O’Neill, 2016). Along these lines, Krawczyk et. al. examine how women’s informal political participation, specifically in Ghanaian markets via membership in market associations, can be a locus of informal political power for women traders, and how it facilitates economic and community development. Krawczyk et al. (this volume) relate: “trade or market organizations regulate business conditions within the market to ensure traders are conducting business fairly and to settle disputes between traders. The market organizations also work with other commodity organizations and with government agencies to address concerns and gain concessions for their members” (Awuah, 1997). It is through the organized action of market organizations that women in Ghana are able to wield economic power, and the political clout that comes with it Krawczyk et  al. document how market women utilize these associations, and their positions of informal power, to engage in the collective action that drives local economic development and policies. For example, their findings show how female market traders engaged in advocacy and mobilization activities that led to improvements in the roads leading to the market, and their findings illustrate how market associations have been successful in negotiating with local government to influence community-­level public service provision. However, Krawczyk et. al.’s findings deviate somewhat from the normative expectation that women will leverage the informal power created by the markets into more formal forms of participation that go beyond the boundaries of the market stalls. The current rationale is that because markets are dominated by women, they are a source of economic power for women, and the hope is they can also function as a place for them to leverage their political prowess and become spaces for women to engage in more formal forms of participation. But the evidence presented by Krawczyk et al. indicates the women in their study considered the markets, and the market associations, as

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apolitical spaces. They did not want politics to interfere with their livelihoods. Beyond voting, there was little evidence that members of these associations engaged in more formal forms of political participation They did, however, engage in informal participation, specifically in the form of collective action activities—advocating on behalf of their needs to government officials, engaging in demonstrations and protests—in order to advance policies and improvements that would impact their market and local communities. Thus, while the potential for political power is present, they do not utilize it directly. Krawczyk et al. (this volume) share that “the existing literature seems to put more emphasis on the markets as sources of political power than what women themselves actually describe in practice.” And, the same barriers that prevent women from engaging in formal political structures, such as family responsibilities and economic considerations, also continue to limit their use of the informal power of the markets. Although both Zook and Krawczyk et al. focus on Ghanaian markets, and specifically the groups and associations within these markets, at first glance the chapters appear to diverge there: Zook focuses on economic development via savings groups, and Krawczyk et al. focus on informal participation and market associations as a locus of political power. As we look deeper, however, common themes emerge. First, both Zook and Krawczyk et al. provide important evidence on the role and contributions of informal women’s associations, and emphasize the networks they create for leveraging and sustaining collective action and development activities. Second, the chapters both document the role of market groups and associations in providing social insurance and protection for members, and in helping members meet basic and immediate social needs. Third, and most importantly, both chapters address the problematic and narrow definitions associated with traditional conceptions of economic and political development, as well as shortcomings in how we conceptualize these things, and also in how we document and measure them. We tend to undervalue women’s contributions as they are more often made at informal and community levels. Both Zook and Krawczyk et al.’s contributions attempt to counter these implicit biases. Lessons from the chapters contained in Section 2 of this volume enhance our understanding of the importance of informal networks and

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the impact they can have on the informal economy and collective action in West Africa. However, the chapters also reveal the limits to normative expectations, as well as biases toward formality. All of the chapters in this section illustrate that much of the social, economic, and political contributions of women happen through informal, grassroots channels that impact local-level development and help address community-level problems. These contributions are vital and should not be undercounted, nor should their impact be dismissed. West African women retain agency and leverage their thriving informal networks to engage in individual and collective action that benefits their families, their communities, and their societies. The final section of this volume, Section 3, took a deeper look at the formal and informal participation of women in politics. By drawing attention to the many ways women participate in the political life of West Africa, this section helped demonstrate the impact women have on political development, the barriers they face, and the potential ways in which their participation can be deepened and broadened. Why does this matter? The authentic involvement of women in politics, policymaking, and collective action activities helps ensure women’s voices are heard, and that their policy preferences are considered. The involvement of women in politics and decision-making also helps strengthen the overall quality of governance, especially in terms of increased accountability and transparency, reduced corruption, and advocacy on behalf of marginalized groups (OECD, 2008, as cited in Bayeh, 2016). Women’s political participation also fosters long-term development. As Alvarez (2013) point out, “ensuring that women play an equal role in shaping the decisions, rules and structures that influence our lives is likely to lead to long-term, sustainable changes.” First, Aminata Sillah, in Chap. 8, “The Invisibility Syndrome: Gambian Women in Politics,” focuses on the marked and at times intentional exclusion of the contributions of women in political development in the context of the Gambia. The ‘invisibility’ experience of women in the Gambia she likens to the experience of women across the globe. Focusing primarily on formal mechanisms for participation, Sillah provides a historical overview of how women have contributed to politics in the Gambia in their communities and nationally while highlighting both the

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formal and informal barriers they face to be fully integrated politically. Beginning with the time of independence and liberation she discusses the unique network of politically active women who participated in activism and the shaping of the postcolonial national landscape using Ya Kompins (mothers of the Party/Association). Using a detailed historical narrative, she outlines how women’s formal political power has been stifled in ways that did not exist for men. As an example, in the Gambia women were not permitted to run for office until they were age 25 whereas men could run when they were 21. Despite the policies that limited women’s formal participation, she demonstrates how women continued to participate informally through conversations, diplomacy, fundraising, and persuasion (Sillah, this volume) and in a few instances achieved some success in formal political institutions. Continuing her historical narrative, Sillah addresses intentional efforts to increase the number of women in national government, specifically the use of quotas across sub-Saharan Africa and assesses the viability of similar policies in the Gambia. Using a 2018 Afrobaromenter survey, Sillah demonstrates that Gambians overwhelmingly support the use of a quota system for women’s representation in the National Assembly, but also cautions that if adopted, the quota system needs safeguards to ensure it is not used as yet another formal mechanism to exploit women and maximize party control. The experiences of women in formal political institutions in the Gambia are complemented by Gretchen Bauer’s contribution in Chap. 9, “Gender and Politics in Ayawaso West-Wuogon, Ghana,” which focuses on parliamentary primaries and general elections in Ayawaso West-­ Wuogon, Ghana. Her study uses in-depth semi-structured interviews with key informants from Ayawaso West-Wuogon, in Ghana’s capital Accra, the most affluent and educated parliamentary constituency in the country, encompassing the country’s premier university, the most expensive housing, Flagstaff House (the seat of government), high-end shopping malls, and innovative technology hubs. She offers important lessons about the effort to attain greater representation and inclusion in Ghana’s parliament—and the many nuances that shape women’s access to participation in formal politics in Ghana, a country with one of the lowest representations of women in parliament in Africa and the world. These include the extent to which political parties and the few women in

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leadership positions in them may or may not choose to cultivate more women candidates, the cost of politics and the politics of insult as especially detrimental to women aspirants and candidates who are not ‘traditional’ candidates, and the ‘widow effect’ and the extent to which family ties can play a significant role in women’s access to formal politics. From the late ’90s to early 2000s, three of Guinea’s neighbors—Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Côte d’Ivoire—faced internal conflict that contributed to unrest in the Mano River region. This conflict has been well-­ documented in the literature, in the popular press, and in the media. The contributions of Nicole Gerring, and Tanya Garnett and Elena Roversi, offer a unique perspective on this conflict, and its present-day ramifications for women’s participation in politics, particularly related to peacebuilding and advocacy. In Chap. 10, “Relative Peace in the Midst of Unrest: Guinean Women’s Peace Advocacy during the Mano River Wars”, Nicole Gerring highlights the role of Guinean women during the Mano River Conflict. Specifically, women’s peace activists were instrumental in lobbying the president to avoid war, and a mass media campaign encouraged grassroots support for peace. From the outset, Gerring notes that while Guinea hosted nearly a million refugees the nation managed to avoid major war during the Mano River Conflict; an outcome that is particularly surprising given that the state possessed many characteristics, including autocratic leadership under President Lansana Conté, who used police torture, detention, and imprisonment to punish dissidents, a history of regional disputes, and internal strife, that make it conflict prone. Embedded in a historical framework of women’s activism Gerring notes that Guinean women have often mobilized in times of national crisis. Although activism is inherently political, Gerring notes that the Guinean women, like women in other political contexts, often do not consider their work political when it is associated with their roles as wives and mothers; roles that are often used to legitimize their activism. In her analysis of women’s peacebuilding activity, Gerring examines three factors that supported the peacebuilding work of Guinean women: a strong regional peacebuilding network (the Mano River Women’s Peace Network or MARWOPNET), the strategic use of motherhood frames, and a tradition of women’s resistance. Using the case of Guinean women Gerring remarks that regional

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women’s organizations that offer skills training are vital to the success of women’s peacebuilding movements. The case illustrates that even in an environment with limited civil society freedoms, supportive factors can enable women’s successful peace advocacy. The nuanced relationship between activism and gender roles is also highlighted in Chap. 11, “Redefining West African Political Activism: The Liberian Women’s Peacebuilding Movement”. In their chapter, Tanya Garnett and Elena Roversi offer an additional perspective on the role of women activists after the Liberian War. Using a series of in-depth interviews, they find that while women after the war effectively utilized their stereotyped maternal role for activism and to engage in the political process, the use of the role in this way has led to several unintended consequences that affect the work of women’s activist groups today. By leaning into the maternal identity, they may have perpetuated the view that the only roles for women are those related to maternity and caregiving. Their analysis suggests that the focus on this identity has created an environment where activists who are advocating for women’s equality, political access, and participation must not only confront the idea of a limited role for women in society among men but also maternal activists who still believe the maternal role is a viable approach for women’s equality movements. There are no doubt countless examples of women making contributions that take place under the radar, in informal and grassroots organizations, and at the local or community level—all of which deserve to be recognized as a part of women’s social, economic, and political contributions in West Africa, Africa, and the world. Focusing on Liberia, Ghana, The Gambia, Guinea, and Sierra Leone, this volume highlights the social, economic, and political experiences and contributions of women in West Africa. It does not, however, present these experiences from all the nations that comprise the West African States nor does it address the complete history of women’s experiences with social, economic, and political development in the included countries. Like much of the existing scholarship what we have presented here is heavily situated in more developed countries in West Africa (e.g., Ghana). Imperative to understanding women’s social, economic, and political contributions is additional representation from other West African contexts.

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Although these limitations are present, what remains clear across the chapters is that many of the contributions that women make in the social, economic, and political spheres occur through informal arrangements and personal associations. Given this, and as demonstrated by the chapters, the importance of connection to community, local-level relationships and networks, and trust cannot be underestimated. These become particularly important because in many instances women’s access to formal institutions is limited by traditional gender roles, opportunity to access education, formal work, and financial resources. And in many instances when women are successful, their success is conditioned by their economic status, marital status, or connections to men. Under such conditions, institutions that are by  women, for  women become increasingly important as mechanisms to enter the social, economic, and political sphere.

References Abraham, A. Y., Ohemeng, F. N. A., & Ohemeng, W. (2017). Female labour force participation: Evidence from Ghana. International Journal of Social Economics, 44(11), 1489–1505. Alvarez, M. L. (2013). From unheard screams to powerful voices: A case study of Women’s political empowerment in the Philippines. 12th National Convention on Statistics (NCS) EDSA Shangri-la Hotel, Mandaluyong City October 12, 2013. Awuah, E. (1997). Mobilizing for change: A case study of market trader activism in Ghana. Canadian Journal of African Studies/La Revue canadienne des études africaines., 31(3), 401–423. https://doi.org/10.1080/0008396 8.1997.10751120 Bayeh, E. (2016). The role of empowering women and achieving gender equality to the sustainable development of Ethiopia. Pacific Science Review B: Humanities and Social Sciences, 2(2016), 37–42. Benanav, A. (2019). The origins of informality: The ILO at the limit of the concept of unemployment. Journal of Global History, 14(1), 107–125. Boateng, D.  A. (2021). Pathways for the economic empowerment of female entrepreneurs in emerging economies: Implications for social work. International Social Work, 64(2), 216–232.

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Bonnet, F., Vanek, J., & Chen, M. (2019). Women and men in the informal economy: A statistical brief. International Labour Office. Faraizi, A., Rahman, T., & McAllister, J. (2014). Microcredit and women’s empowerment: A case study of Bangladesh. Routledge. Leroux, K. (2007). Nonprofits as civic intermediaries: The role of community-­ based organizations in promoting political participation. Urban Affairs Review, 42(3), 410–422. https://doi.org/10.1177/1078087406292257 Mensah, J., & Antoh, E. F. (2005). Reflections on Indigenous women’s organisations in Sub-Saharan Africa: A comparative study in Brong Ahafo Region, Ghana. Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography, 26(1), 82–101. O’Neill, M. (2016). In Ghana, women and ‘market queens’ dominate the Economy. Vice. https://www.vice.com/en_us/arti-­cle/bjggyd/in-­ghana-­ women-­and-­market-­queens-­dominate-­the-­econ-­omy OECD. (2008). Gender and sustainable development: Maximizing the economic, social and environmental role of women. A Report to the United Nations Commission on Sustainable Development (UNCSD). Pawar, M. (2014). Social and community development practice. SAGE. Ramalingam, B. (2013). Aid on the edge of chaos. Oxford University Press. Ramalingam, B., & Barnett, M. (2010). The humanitarian’s di-lemma: Collective action or inaction in international relief? Background Note. ODI. Reddy, M. (2021). Humanitarian aid as a shared and contested common resource. In S. R. Foster & C. F. Swiney (Eds.), The Cambridge handbook of commons research innovations. Cambridge University Press. Salamon, L.  M., & Sokolowski, S.  W. (2016). Beyond nonprofits: Re-conceptualizing the third sector. VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations, 27(4), 1515–1545. Standal, K. (2018). Challenges of gender, power and change in solar energy interventions in rural India. Imagined beneficiaries and the makings of women’s empowerment in the village electrification project. Williams, C. (2008a). The hidden enterprise culture: Entrepreneurship in the underground economy. Ed-ward Elgar Publishing. Williams, C. (2008b). Beyond necessity-driven versus opportunity-driven entrepreneurship: A study of informal entrepreneurs in England, Russia and Ukraine. The International Journal of Entrepreneurship and Innovation, 9(3), 157–165.

Index1

A

Abdela, Lesley, 80 Access to credit, 60, 102 Accra, 6, 7, 39–42, 54, 127, 128n4, 136, 156, 159, 161, 197, 200, 205n7, 208n15, 209, 215n27, 218, 234, 278, 282 Accra Metropolitan Assembly (AMA), 161, 162, 164 ACE Electoral Knowledge Network, 15, 16, 146 Action Aid, 80 ADB, see African Development Bank Advocacy, xii, 7, 19, 34, 37, 38, 47, 75, 81, 82, 93, 94, 121, 146, 160, 161, 163, 174, 175,

225–239, 244, 260–262, 271–273, 279, 281, 283, 284 See also Advocate Advocate, 6, 47, 60, 78, 81n4, 82, 181, 237, 238, 262, 263 See also Advocacy AFAF, see Association des Femmes pour l’Avenir des Femmes AFASCO, see Association des femmes pour l’avenir social et cohésion African Development Bank (ADB), 105, 120, 122 Agbogbloshie Market Women Association, 159 Agents of change, 64, 249, 270, 274

 Note: Page numbers followed by ‘n’ refer to notes.

1

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 K. A. Krawczyk, B. A. King (eds.), Women’s Contributions to Development in West Africa, Globalization, Urbanization and Development in Africa , https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8190-6

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288 Index

Agyarko, Emmanuel, 203, 210, 212 Agyarko, Josephine Naana Baiden, 212 Akufo-Addo, Nana (President), 202, 209 Alhassan, Lydia, 203, 212–220, 215n27 Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction/Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council (APRC), 182 All-Party Conference, 181 AMA, see Accra Municipal Assembly Amoo, George, 202, 204, 204n6, 206–208, 208n17 Apolitical, 12, 161, 163, 230–232, 280 Appiah, Afia, 209–211, 218–220, 219n31 Aspirants, xi, 19, 151, 179, 199, 199n3, 205, 210, 211, 213, 218–220, 283 Asset building, 35, 45 Associational revolution, 79 Association des Femmes pour l’Avenir des Femmes (AFAF), 85 Association des femmes pour l’avenir social et cohésion (AFASCO), 84, 85, 91 Association des Femmes Veuves Victimes de l’Abandon (AFVVA), 85, 86, 91 See also Association of Widowed and Abandoned Women Association of Liberian Professional Organizations, 236

Association of Widowed and Abandoned Women, 85 See also Association des Femmes Veuves Victimes de l’Abandon Association of Widowed Women Victims of Abandonment, 81 Association of Women for a Socially Cohesive Future, 81, 84 Autonomy, 127, 135, 275 Awareness-building, 272 Awareness of rights, 61 AWW, see Ayawaso West Wuogon Ayawaso West Wuogon (AWW), 19, 197–220, 282 B

Banjul, 115, 174, 176, 177 Bank account, 107, 109 Banking Law, 107 Banks, ix, 67, 100, 101, 103, 105, 106, 109, 113, 114, 116, 133, 133n6, 274 Barriers, xi, 1, 2, 9–11, 14, 18, 20, 34, 54, 108–110, 116, 137, 146, 147, 150–152, 157, 158, 163, 164, 174, 184, 188, 198, 246, 254, 256, 261, 262, 264, 270–274, 280–282 See also Educational barriers Barriers to political participation, 147 BASICS, see Brothers and Sisters in Christ International BASICS Youth Ambassadors Program (BYA), 47 See also Brothers and Sisters in Christ International

 Index 

Bayou, Mariama, 81 Bifurcated, 122, 123, 277 Bloody Monday, 84n6 Boycott, 65, 219 Break the Cycle, 44, 45 Brothers and Sisters in Christ International (BASICS), 7, 31–54, 267–269 Brownell, Mary, 234 Burkina Faso, 18, 84, 186, 227 BYA, see BASICS Youth Ambassadors Program C

Calling in of favors, 159 Camara, Assan Musa, 178 Camara, Harriet, 177 Campaigning, 152, 216, 252, 259, 262 Campaign platform, 152 Capacity building, xii, 33, 39, 52, 53, 94, 104, 105, 115 Capital, vii, xi, 33, 34, 37, 40, 44–45, 50, 53, 54, 57, 59, 61, 67, 77, 79, 80, 91, 100, 101, 124, 125, 155, 160, 174, 176, 177, 188, 197, 200, 218, 235, 268, 270, 278, 282 Cashier, 113 CBG, see Central Bank of the Gambia CBO, see Community-based organization Central Bank of the Gambia (CBG), 104, 106, 110, 111, 114, 117 Central Region, 58, 62, 269 Charitable contributions, 128 Checking, 113

289

Childcare, 6, 10, 33, 61, 128, 148, 150, 156, 157, 163 Chorkor, 41–43, 50–54 Churches, 129, 135, 136, 153, 213, 215 Citizenship rights, 148, 152 Civic associations, 272, 276 Civic education, 50, 149, 153, 156, 161, 272 Civic intermediaries, 162, 163, 279 Civic skills, 161, 163, 279 CIVICUS, 125, 126 Civil conflict, 245, 246, 256, 263, 272 Civil society, 19, 34, 37, 38, 74n1, 76, 77, 79, 87, 93–94, 119–121, 119n1, 125, 138, 139, 149, 225, 227, 228, 230–232, 236–238, 246, 255, 272, 275–278, 284 Civil society boundaries, 120, 275 See also Civil society Civil Society Index and Johns Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project (CNP), 125, 126 See also CIVICUS Civil society mapping, 119, 125–128, 140, 277 See also Civil society Civil society metrics, 139 See also Civil society Civil society organization (CSO), 74–77, 77n3, 79, 82, 84–91, 93, 94, 103, 119, 119n1, 123, 125, 126, 128, 130, 138–140, 227, 231, 237, 246, 254, 273 See also Definition of CSOs Club, 108, 128–139, 131n5, 213

290 Index

Coalition des Femmes Leaders (COFEL), 82, 90, 92, 93 Coalition nationale de Guinée pour le droit et la citoyenneté des femmes (CONAG–DCF), 84, 86, 90–92 Coalition of Women Leaders, 81, 82 Coalitions, 79, 84 Cocoa season, 206, 206n11 COFEL, see Coalition des Femmes Leaders Cohesion, 61, 113 Collateral, 60, 67, 99, 101, 110, 113, 115 Collective action, 2, 12, 39, 87, 148, 158–160, 162, 278–281 Colonialism, 78, 176 Colonial rule, 78, 177, 189, 228 Commodity organizations, 154, 156, 279 Common purpose, 130, 131, 232 Communicating with mass media, 159 Communication skills, 153 Community, x, xiii, 2, 4–8, 10, 12, 20, 33–39, 41–45, 47, 50–54, 58, 61, 62, 64, 75, 76, 79, 83, 87, 89–91, 93, 103, 110, 113, 114, 120, 121, 126, 130, 133n6, 134, 139, 172, 175–177, 199, 210, 217, 218, 229–232, 236, 238, 252, 261, 264, 268–274, 276–281, 284, 285 Community-based, 7, 43, 53, 75, 114, 120, 125, 126, 278 See also Community-based approach; Community based associations

Community-based approach, 36, 37 Community-based associations, 153 Community-based organization (CBO), 38–40, 54, 123 Community development, 7, 31–54, 147, 267, 269, 279 Community education, 37, 53, 74 Community integrity, 67–68, 270, 271 Community leaders, 63 Community meetings, 149 Community mobilization, 37, 47 Community organizing methods, 37 Community Outreach Program, 47 Community planning methods, 37 Community research methods, 37 Community sensitization, 75 Community volunteering, 128, 276 Compaoré, Blaise, 227 CONAG–DCF, see Coalition nationale de Guinée pour le droit et la citoyenneté des femmes Conakry, 78, 84–86, 84n6, 89, 228, 229, 235 Conflict resolution, 13, 74, 75, 83, 86, 89, 272 Contacting politicians, 158 Contact political officials, 148 Conté, Lansana, 19, 227, 228, 233, 234, 236, 283 Control, 3, 10, 39, 64–67, 87, 101, 135, 151, 156, 193, 227, 238, 254, 270, 282 Côte d’Ivoire, 19, 84, 85, 87, 226, 230, 235, 272, 283 Cotisations, 90 COVID, 92, 215, 217 See also COVID-19

 Index 

COVID-19, 7, 73–94, 128, 216, 247, 259, 271, 273 See also COVID Coyah, 90 Credit, 10, 47, 59, 60, 99–102, 104, 105, 107, 159, 274 See also Credit provision Credit provision, 113 Crisis response, 79, 93 Cultural norms, ix, 17, 147, 248, 270 D

Davidson, Abator, 80 Decent work, 34, 44, 53, 117 Decision-making, 13, 18, 39, 60, 80, 86, 101, 121, 150, 151, 158, 172, 175, 176, 183, 185, 187, 189, 191, 226, 228, 237, 252, 261, 262, 281 Definition of CSOs, 119, 125, 127, 130, 138–140 Democracy, 14, 17, 36, 74, 93–94, 123, 146–148, 161, 180, 184, 185, 187, 199, 200, 205, 206, 210, 246, 253, 272 Demonstration, 13, 146, 153, 159, 162, 163, 271, 280 Department of State for Agriculture (DoSA), 104, 229 Development, xiii, 1–20, 31–54, 57–69, 73–75, 79, 86, 93, 94, 102–107, 109, 110, 112, 114–116, 120–123, 128, 139, 146, 147, 154, 155, 157–161, 163, 172, 174, 175, 178, 185–187, 189, 190, 206n10,

291

208, 209, 211, 217, 219, 219n31, 230, 235, 247, 254, 259, 263–264, 267–285 Diapers and Tissue Association, 159–160 Diaspora, 88, 90, 92, 93, 100 Dispute resolution, 270–271 District Assembly, 60 Distrust, 89, 90, 133 Dome-Kwabenya, 208 Donating money, 153 Donation, xii, 44, 52, 90, 129, 131, 135, 151, 215, 217, 271 See also Donating money DoSA, see Department of State for Agriculture E

Ebola, 7, 73–94, 271, 273 Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), 231, 233 Economic development, 2, 5, 8–12, 31, 36, 51, 60, 86, 102, 110, 114, 121, 123, 145–164, 189, 267–270, 274, 275, 278–280 Economic inclusion, 120, 121, 276 Economic participation, 8, 158 Economic policy, 122, 230, 231, 277 Economic power, 12, 13, 147, 154, 156, 157, 160, 279 Economic Recovery Program (ERP), 103 ECOWAS, see Economic Community of West African States

292 Index

Education, vii, viii, 5–7, 10, 11, 13, 16, 17, 33, 36, 37, 40–45, 47, 50–54, 75, 85, 103, 109, 116, 129, 130, 149, 150, 152, 153, 156, 158, 161, 174, 183, 185, 187–189, 209, 211, 252, 259, 261, 263, 272, 273, 285 See also Educational barriers Educational barriers, 10 See also Education Electioneering, 148, 151, 153 Elections, 13, 16, 19, 81, 84, 152, 153, 161, 179–182, 186, 189–191, 197–206, 198n1, 199n3, 202n4, 204n6, 205n9, 208, 208n14, 208n17, 210, 211, 214–220, 228, 229, 243, 244, 246, 250, 253, 262, 282 Electoral Management Bodies, 14–17 Electoral violence, 214, 244, 245, 253–254, 261–263 Elmina, 7, 58, 62, 64, 65 Elmina fishing harbor, 7, 57–69, 269, 271 Elmina market, 7, 269–271 See also Elmina Emergency funds, 133, 136 Employment, 7, 9–11, 13, 15, 34, 37, 44–46, 53, 57, 58, 60, 80, 92, 99, 101, 109, 116, 117, 122–125, 155–157, 188, 269, 270, 273 Empowerment, viii, ix, 8, 11, 36, 53, 61, 99–117, 175, 189, 248, 261, 268, 274 Enforcement, 124, 138 Entrepreneurs, 52, 61, 101, 104, 123–125, 274 See also Entrepreneurship

Entrepreneurship, 8, 11, 46, 99, 115, 157 See also Entrepreneurs Epidemic, 74–77, 87, 89, 90, 272, 273 ERP, see Economic Recovery Program European Union, 82 Evaluation, 37, 76, 76n2, 85, 90, 94 Exclusion criteria, 126 Experience, viii–x, xii, 7, 20, 33, 41, 62, 63, 74, 75, 91, 114, 137, 150, 152, 173, 175, 199, 211, 215, 219n31, 248, 251, 281, 282, 284 F

Faranah, 90 FCs, see Finance companies Fellowship, xii, 12, 128, 128n3, 130, 131, 134, 135, 275 Female genital mutilation (FGM), viii, xiii, 7, 85, 86 Female labor participation, 59 Femmes Africa Solidarité, 233, 235, 236 FFI, see Fiduciary financial institution FGM, see Female genital mutilation FIA, see Financial Institutions Act of 1992 Fiduciary financial institution (FFI), 105, 110, 111 50/50 Group, 79–81, 87, 92 Finance companies (FCs), 105, 110, 111, 114 Financial barriers, 157, 271, 273 Financial cost of participation, 150 Financial inclusion, 11, 99–117, 274

 Index 

Financial Institutions Act (FIA) of 1992, 106, 107 Financial literacy training, 116, 274 Financial Regulation Act of 1994, 107 Financial services, 10, 99, 100, 102–105, 108, 109, 111, 114, 116, 275 Financial support, 42, 121, 128, 133, 278 Financial training, 156 Fish Association, 159 Fishermen, 63, 65, 68 Fish mongers, 63, 65 Foon, Marion, 177 Forécariah, 89, 90 Formal credit, 59, 274 Formal economy, 9, 101, 129, 156 Formal financial institutions, 59, 108 Formal government, 6 Formal institutions, 17, 100, 105, 126, 285 Formal organizations, 41, 77, 79, 119n1, 133, 277 Formal political participation, 17, 146–148, 150, 152, 153 Foster, Hannah, 180 Framework for civil society, 120 Freetown, 78–80 Funding, xii, 51, 52, 64, 75–77, 81, 87, 88, 90–94, 101, 104, 105, 111, 113, 147, 149, 235, 269, 271 Fundraising, 13, 90, 135, 151, 152, 178, 282 See also Fundraising events Fundraising events, 128, 132, 136, 276 See also Fundraising

293

G

Ga-Adagbe, 207 The Gambia, 14, 18, 99–117, 171–174, 176–184, 187–192, 274, 275, 281, 282, 284 The Gambia Commercial and Development Bank (GCDB), 102 Gambia Democratic Party (GDP), 180, 181, 202 The Gambia National Household Poverty Survey report (NHPSR), 108 Gambian dalasis, 115 Gambia People’s Party (GPP), 179, 181 GATA, see Ghana Association of Traders Gbowee, Leymah, 13, 148, 154, 225, 249, 252, 256 GCDB, see The Gambia Commercial and Development Bank GDP, see Gross Domestic Product Gender, 9, 10, 13, 14, 17, 18, 58, 83, 112, 121n2, 150, 188, 197–220, 249, 251, 253, 254, 257, 258, 260–263, 270 See also Gender-based violence; Gender equity; Gender gap; Gender inequity; Gender parity; Gender roles; Gender-­ based discrimination Gender-based discrimination, 151, 253 Gender-based violence, 17, 74, 80, 86, 121n2, 249, 250, 273 Gender bias, 10 See also Gender roles

294 Index

Gendered electoral violence, 253–254 See also Electoral violence Gender equality, 6, 14, 116, 149, 157, 172, 175, 185, 235, 245, 254, 259, 261, 263 Gender equity, 1–3, 5, 20, 46, 120, 121 Gender gap, 9, 92, 145, 148, 149, 151 Gender inequality, 17, 61, 78, 149, 244, 255, 259, 260, 263, 264 Gender inequity, 3, 4, 245, 246 Gendering of care, 75 Gender parity, 80, 81, 90 Gender roles, 10, 17, 58, 188, 244, 245, 248, 249, 252, 258, 270, 284, 285 Ghana, ix, xi, xii, 6, 7, 11, 12, 14, 19, 31–54, 57–69, 122, 124, 127, 129, 133, 138, 139, 145–164, 197–202, 198n1, 199n3, 204–206, 205n8, 206n11, 208–215, 208n14, 217–219, 234, 267, 269, 273, 275, 278, 279, 282, 284 Ghana Association of Traders (GATA), 6, 157 Global economy, 8 Global Findex database, 107 Global Fund for Women, 80, 88 Global South, 4, 120, 122–125, 138, 139 Governance, 12–14, 18, 38, 81, 103, 111, 123, 127, 139, 182, 187, 231, 260, 275, 281 Grameen Bank, 100

Grassroots, 13, 19, 39, 120, 123, 125, 159, 182, 216, 235, 271–273, 278, 281, 283 See also Grassroots organizations; Grassroots organizing Grassroots organizations (GROs), 38, 94, 126, 238, 271, 284 Grassroots organizing, 125 GRO, see Grassroots organizations Gross Domestic Product (GDP), 102, 121, 122, 154 Groundnuts, 102 Group action, 153 Group loans, 110, 115 G20, 107 G20 High-Level Principles for Digital Financial Inclusion, 107 Guéckédou, 87 Guinea/Guinéa, xi, xii, 7, 14, 19, 74–79, 81–87, 84n6, 89–93, 102, 226–238, 271–273, 283, 284 Guinean National Coalition for Women’s Rights and Citizenship, 81, 84 H

Handwashing kits, 89, 90 Hannah Augusta-Jawara, 180 Harassment, 13, 151 Hawkers, 125 Health outcomes, 5 Hidden clusters, 124, 125, 278 Hidden organization, 126, 127, 275 Household resources, 3

 Index 

Household responsibilities, 150 Household vulnerability, 108 Household work, 9, 10, 61, 272 Human capital, 33, 44, 45 Human Development Index (HDI), 102, 121 I

#IAMHEDZOLE program, 45, 46 IDP, see Internally displaced persons IFAD, see International Fund for Agricultural Development IFC, see International Finance Corporation IGAP, see Increasing Girls’ Assets Program Inclusion, 11, 19, 50, 68, 90, 94, 99–117, 119–122, 126, 127, 175, 180, 181, 247, 271, 274–277, 282 See also Inclusion criteria Inclusion criteria, 276 See also Inclusion Increasing Girls’ Assets Program (IGAP), 46 Independence, xii, 5, 12, 78, 102, 103, 109, 146, 148, 157, 171, 172, 174, 176, 177, 180, 182, 183, 199, 229, 231, 233, 282 Independent, 43 Individual donors, 52 See also Fundraising Informal economy, 9, 11, 12, 123, 125, 126, 154–156, 158, 272, 274, 275, 281 See also Informal sector Informal employment, 11, 123 Informal entrepreneurs, 125

295

Informal financial institutions, 111 Informal institutions, xii, 105 Informally formal, 119–139 Informal markets, 57–60, 62, 269 Informal networks, 160, 280, 281 Informal organizations, 119, 119n1, 126, 276, 277 Informal political participation, 12, 18, 145–164, 278, 279 Informal sector, x, 8, 9, 11, 13, 34, 57–60, 119–139, 155, 156, 158, 269, 270, 274, 276–278 In-kind donations, 128, 135 See also Fundraising Institutional barriers, 14 Insurance company, 100, 274 Internally displaced persons (IDP), 80, 256, 257 International aid, 74, 79, 87, 272 International donor funding, 76, 149 International Finance Corporation (IFC), 108 International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), 104 International organizations, 7, 10, 74, 83, 87, 89, 91, 272, 273 Invisibility, 173, 174, 177, 179, 281 See also Invisibility Syndrome Invisibility Syndrome, 171–193 See also Invisibility J

Jammeh, Yahya, 104, 183 Jawara, Dawda, 171, 172, 176, 180, 182 Jubilee House, 200 Justice Emile Short Commission, 214

296 Index K

Kanifing Municipality (KMC), 110, 115 Kass Wollof village, 114 Kinsawa, 80, 81, 88 KMC, see Kanifing Municipality Knowledge, x, 2, 32, 33, 37, 39, 44, 50, 53, 62, 116, 152, 219, 226, 268, 275 Koidu, 79, 81 Kono Women’s Organization Network, 79–81 Konteh, Juliana, 80 Kumasi, 155 L

La Bawaleshie Presbyterian School, 213 Labor force, 3, 8, 155, 158 Leadership, 15, 17, 50, 54, 78, 127, 130, 132, 135, 136, 138, 150, 153, 156, 171, 173, 180–182, 185, 187, 206, 228, 233, 246, 250, 252, 260–263, 269, 273, 275, 283 Legal framework, 18, 62, 107, 189 LEON, see Liberia Election Observation Network LGBTQIA+, 261 Liberal peacebuilding, 74, 77–79 Liberia, vii–xii, 14, 18–20, 74, 79, 82, 85, 87, 225–227, 232–236, 244, 245, 247, 248, 250, 252, 254–261, 263, 264, 272, 283, 284 Liberia Election Observation Network (LEON), 244 Liberian civil conflict, 245, 246

Liberian Women’s Initiative (LWI), xi, 236 Liberian women’s peacebuilding movement (LWPBM), 20 Loans, 34, 59, 67, 99, 101, 108, 110–115, 157, 275 Lobbying, xii, 13, 19, 75, 93, 153, 283 Local government, 12, 16, 18, 38, 60, 125, 149, 155, 161–163, 185, 230, 279 See also Local government officials Local government officials, 162, 163, 230, 231, 279 See also Local government l’Organisation des Femmes pour le Dévéloppement Intégré (OFEDI), 86, 91–93 LWPBM, see Liberian women’s peacebuilding movement M

Madmud Fana village, 114 Mahoney, Lady Hannah, 176, 189 Majeks-Walker, Nemata, 81 Makola Market, 157, 159 See also Makola Markert Childcare Center Makola Market Childcare Center See also Makola Market Mali, 18, 84 Management committee, 113 Mano River, 8, 19, 79, 83, 226, 233, 272, 283 See also Mano River region; Mano River Union; Mano River Wars Mano River region, 19, 79, 83, 226, 272, 283 See also Mano River

 Index 

Mano River Union (MRU), 234 See also Mano River; Mano River region; Mano River Wars Mano River Wars, 19, 225–239 See also Mano River; Mano River region; Mano River Union Mano River Women’s Peace Network (MARWOPNET), xi, 73, 81, 82, 89, 232–236, 238, 283 Marginalization, 1, 4, 120, 270, 274, 277 See also Marginalized; Marginalized groups Marginalized, 37–39, 78, 87, 93, 151, 172, 207, 234, 268, 273, 276 See also Marginalization; Marginalized groups Marginalized groups, 244, 250, 263, 281 See also Marginalization; Marginalized Market, ix, 6, 7, 10–12, 43, 57–60, 62, 63, 66–68, 74, 87, 88, 104, 107, 108, 124–125, 127, 128n4, 129–133, 133n6, 135–138, 147, 154–164, 211, 229, 269–272, 275, 276, 278–280 See also Market actors; Market associations; Market organizations; Market sellers; Market vendors; Market women Market actors, 125 See also Market associations; Market organizations; Market sellers, Market vendors; Market women

297

Market associations, 145–164, 278–280 Market organizations, 154, 279 Market sellers, 76, 92, 125 Market vendors, 125, 133n6, 136 Market women, 60, 76, 78, 88, 90, 93, 129, 131, 133, 154–157, 160, 161, 163, 215, 229, 230, 278, 279 Martha S. Wise, 81 MARWOPNET, see Mano River Women’s Peace Network Maternal activism, 244, 245, 248–249, 255, 257–258, 260, 263 MDGs, see Millennium Development Goals Mediation, 74, 82 Meetings, xii, 47, 60, 63, 86, 88, 89, 100, 111, 113, 128, 131–135, 137, 148, 149, 162, 164, 207, 216, 231, 233, 235, 237, 268, 275, 278 Membership-based organization, 82, 84, 88, 94 Membership fees, 94, 128, 137 Membership rules, 275 MFI, see Microfinance institution Micro and small enterprise (MSE), 107, 155 See also Microenterprise; National Micro and Small Enterprise Policy Microcredit, 34, 99 Microcredit Summit, 100 Microenterprise, 34, 44, 45, 53, 58, 59, 101, 105, 114, 269, 270 See also Micro and small enterprise

298 Index

Microfinance, 11, 12, 34, 99–117, 121, 125, 130, 133, 133n6, 274, 275 See also Microfinance institutions Microfinance institution (MFI), 100, 101, 105, 106, 109–111, 116, 274, 275 See also Microfinance Micro-level, 3, 268, 270, 271 Militarized Interstate Disputes (MIDs), 226, 227 Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), 103 Ministry of Finance and Economic Affairs, 105 Ministry of Youth and Sport, 112 Misinformation, 76, 89, 91, 93 Mobilization, 13, 37, 43, 47, 74, 146, 159–161, 163, 178, 181, 230, 231, 250, 256, 279 Money lenders, 100, 101, 114 Money transfer institution, 114 Monitoring, 37, 75, 76, 85, 90, 94, 271 MRU, see Mano River Union MSE, see Micro and small enterprise Multi-party systems, 147, 149 Muslim Congress Party, 181 Mutual aid, 125, 137, 160 N

NACCUG, see National Association of Corporative Credit Union of the Gambia Name-calling, 151 National Democratic Congress (NDC), 200–205, 208, 209, 213–215, 218

National Democratic Institute (NDI), 84 National Financial Inclusion Strategy (NFIS), 116 National government, 175, 282 National Micro and Small Enterprise Policy, 107 See also Micro and small enterprise NBFIs, see Non-bank financial institutions NDC, see National Democratic Congress NDI, see National Democratic Institute Negotiation, 7, 234, 244, 245, 250, 257, 258 Network, 19, 34, 39, 45, 60, 62, 63, 74, 79, 81–84, 88–90, 92, 103, 124, 125, 139, 163, 171, 174, 184, 226, 232–236, 264, 278, 280, 282, 283, 285 New Patriotic Party (NPP), 200–207, 208n17, 209–214, 217, 219 NFIS, see National Financial Inclusion Strategy NGO, see Non governmental organization NHPSR, see The Gambia National Household Poverty Survey report Njie, Louise, 183, 189 Non-bank financial institutions (NBFIs), 105 Non-compulsory membership, 127, 137, 275 Non-distribution constraint, 127, 137–138, 275

 Index 

Non governmental organization (NGO), 3, 5, 6, 32, 38–39, 52, 76, 77, 79, 85–87, 90, 91, 100, 103, 104, 119n1, 121, 133, 153, 235, 268 NPP, see New Patriotic Party

299

Osusu, 101, 108 See also Susu Outreach, 52, 75, 80, 89, 90, 93, 132, 278 P

O

Obaahemaa (Queen mother) Association, 64 Onion Association, 159 On My Way, 44, 45 Open Society Initiative for West Africa (OSIWA), 82, 93 Opportunities, viii, x, xiii, 5, 9–11, 14, 17, 18, 32, 34, 36, 43, 45, 46, 50, 53, 57, 60, 62, 78, 101, 107, 108, 112, 123, 124, 147, 152, 155, 156, 158, 163, 173, 174, 188, 189, 198, 206, 212, 216, 235, 238, 244, 258, 262, 269, 285 Organization, xii, 7, 12, 13, 32, 34–37, 39–43, 50–54, 74–77, 79–94, 104, 105, 111, 115, 119n1, 120, 124–128, 130–133, 133n6, 137–139, 153, 156, 226, 228, 232–238, 246, 260, 268, 269, 271–276 Organization of Women for Integrated Development (l’Organisation des Femmes, 81, 86, 91–93 Osei-Opare, Frema, 202, 205–210, 218–220 OSIWA, see Open Society Initiative for West Africa

Parent-teacher association (PTA), 47, 157 Parliament, ix, xi, 15, 18, 19, 81n4, 150, 173, 176, 179, 183, 185, 186, 188, 190, 197–220, 198n1, 199n3, 282 Participation, x, 2, 8–10, 12–14, 17–20, 32–35, 37, 39, 44, 45, 59–62, 74, 78, 80, 86, 104, 105, 116, 128, 145–164, 172–178, 180, 181, 183–193, 211, 225, 227, 228, 230, 235, 238, 244–247, 252–254, 258, 261–263, 268–270, 279–284 Participatory approach, 36, 38, 94, 104 Participatory development, 39 Parti démocratique de Guinée (PDG), 229 Patriarchal gender norms, 150, 263 See also Gender roles Patriarchy, 150, 177, 178, 188, 189, 244, 245, 248, 260, 262 PDG, see Parti démocratique de Guinée Peace, xi, xii, 2, 19, 20, 73, 74, 79–83, 86, 89, 225–239, 243–252, 255–261, 263, 264, 283, 284 Peacebuilding, xi, 8, 13, 18–20, 73–94, 225, 226, 230, 231, 235–239, 243–264, 272, 273, 283, 284

300 Index

Peace huts, 257 Peer education groups, 153 People-centered, 7, 53, 68, 271 People’s Progressive Party (PPP), 171, 172, 178–183 Per capita income, 121 Physical distance, 116 Plantain Association, 159 Policy Guideline for Non-Bank Financial Intermediaries (NBFIs) -- IS THE I FOR INSTITIONS FOR INTERMEDIARIES/ EARLIER ITS INSTITUTIONS, 105, 107 Political activism, 20, 153, 243–264, 284 Political development, xiii, 2–4, 6, 8, 12–20, 128, 247, 254, 259, 263–264, 267, 280, 281, 284 Political inclusion, 247 Political invisibility, 173, 174 See also Invisibility Political life, 146, 149, 187 Political office, 13, 19, 150, 151, 184, 187, 198, 210, 211, 252, 254 Political participation, 145–164, 174–184, 252, 274, 281 See also Protest; Running for office; Standing for office; Vote; Voting; Voting rights Political party, xi, 13, 14, 17, 19, 84, 90, 146, 150, 151, 153, 161, 163, 174, 175, 177, 179–182, 187–191, 200, 205, 206, 209, 212, 216, 229, 261, 282

Political power, 12, 13, 145, 147, 148, 153, 155, 156, 158–160, 163, 164, 173, 181, 189, 199, 201, 209, 254, 279, 280, 282 Political system, 146, 147, 149–152, 182, 185, 188, 247, 260 Poverty, xiii, 2, 6, 8–10, 35, 38, 41, 43, 46, 58, 61, 78, 99–101, 107, 108, 110, 113, 115, 116, 121n2, 130, 152, 157, 158, 175, 189, 238, 251, 252, 270 Poverty reduction, 11, 103, 116 Poverty Reduction and Strategy Paper (PRSP II), 103 Power, vii, ix, xi–xiii, 7, 10, 12, 13, 50, 53, 64–67, 78, 120, 147, 148, 152–154, 156–160, 164, 177, 178, 180, 186, 193, 200, 207–209, 217, 227–230, 232, 244, 249, 251, 253, 257, 260, 263, 270, 276, 278–280 See also Power structures Power structures, 62, 152, 173 See also Power Pre-colonial, 78, 154 Private, 17, 103, 104, 129, 131, 229, 262 Private businesses, 125 Professionalization, 76, 76n2, 93–94 Program for Sustained Development (PSD), 103 Prostitute, 151 Protest, xi, 14, 78, 146, 162, 163, 229, 230, 235, 247, 255, 256, 259–261, 280 See also Political participation Proximity, 39, 75, 109, 164, 272, 274

 Index 

PRSP II, see Poverty Reduction and Strategy Paper PSD, see Program for Sustained Development PTA, see Parent-teacher association Public administration, 16 Public speaking, 152 Q

Queen Mother, 64, 66, 68, 161, 162, 199 See also Obaahemaa (Queen mother) Association Quota, 18, 90, 186, 187, 191, 192, 205, 258, 261, 282 See also Quota systems Quota systems, 147, 149, 150, 186–189, 191–193, 252, 282 See also Quota R

Rebecca Akweley Adotey, 202, 203, 220 REFAMP, see Réseau des Femmes du Fleuve Mano pour la Paix Regional agrèment, 84, 86 Registering to vote, 158 Registration, 14, 77, 84, 124, 126 Regulations, 65, 121, 123, 124, 159 Regulatory enforcement, 124 Regulatory framework, 58, 101, 274 Relationships, 33, 36, 39, 50, 51, 62, 64, 134, 178, 230, 268–270, 274, 278, 284, 285 Reliance Financial Services, 110 Religious groups, 125, 233 Remittances, 10, 100

301

Representation, ix, 13, 15, 18, 19, 78, 81n4, 148–150, 153, 158, 175, 186, 187, 189–192, 198, 205n8, 246, 252, 258, 263, 282, 284 ReRun Thrift Store, 45 Réseau des Femmes du Fleuve Mano pour la Paix (REFMAP), 82, 83, 89–91, 232, 233 Resilience, 2, 11, 74, 94, 117, 248 Resources, 3, 7, 10, 15, 17, 35, 38–40, 45, 47, 50, 59, 60, 65, 88–94, 102, 105, 108, 121, 124–126, 146, 150, 151, 155, 156, 164, 174, 178, 180, 188, 210, 211, 236, 238, 256, 258, 278, 285 Revenue, 46, 52, 94, 123, 128, 132, 155, 275 Reverand John Colley Faye, 181 Revolutionary United Front (RUF), 227, 233 RFCIP, see Rural Finance and Community Initiatives Project RFP, see Rural Finance Project Ridicule, 13, 150 Rights-based approach, 36, 37 Role of women, 1, 3, 5–20, 62, 76, 87, 91–93, 150, 172, 185, 256, 273, 275, 284 ROSCA, see Rotating Savings and Credit Association Rotating Savings and Credit Association (ROSCA), 101 Rubber Association, 160 RUF, see Revolutionary United Front Running for office, 151, 175, 208, 262 See also Political participation Rural, vii

302 Index

Rural Finance and Community Initiatives Project (RFCIP), 104 Rural Finance Project (RFP), 104 Rwanda, 15, 191, 199 S

Safety net, 58, 60, 68, 134 Sanitary kits, 92, 273 Sanneh-Bojang, Nyimasata, 180, 183 Saran Daraba Kaba, Mme. Hadja, 82, 235 Savings, xii, 10, 12, 35, 59, 60, 104, 107–109, 112–114, 128n3, 130, 132, 133, 133n6, 275–278, 280 Savings mechanism, 131–133, 278 Schools of democracy, 161 SDF, see Social Development Fund SDF core fund, 111, 112 See also Social Development Fund SDG, see Sustainable Development Goals Security, xii, 6, 7, 11, 35, 67–68, 73, 83, 109, 123, 156, 159, 225, 231, 237, 247, 251, 254, 270, 271 Self-efficacy, 54 Self-governing, 131–136, 131n5 Self help, 121, 125, 162 Sensitization, 75, 76, 81–85, 87–93, 271, 273 Service delivery, 53, 85, 94, 272, 273 Sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), 244, 247, 251, 254, 258–260, 262, 263 Sexual favors, 151

SGBV, see Sexual and gender-based violence Shaping public opinion, 153 Sierra Leone, xii, 7, 18, 74–83, 85, 87–88, 91–93, 225–227, 233–235, 271–273, 283 Sierra Leone Womens’ Movement, 78 Sifoe village, 114 Signing petitions, 153 Sirleaf, Ellen Johnson, ix, x, 209, 225, 236, 243, 245, 246, 250, 253, 258, 261, 263 Skills, 3, 8, 10, 11, 33, 44–47, 108, 114, 152, 153, 155, 156, 161, 163, 176, 185, 236, 237, 279 Skills training, 5, 7, 80, 83, 112, 237, 238, 273, 284 Small and medium-sized enterprise (SME), 100, 102, 108, 111, 114, 115 SME, see Small-and medium-sized enterprise Social capital, 33, 37, 44–45, 50, 53, 61, 188, 268, 278 Social community development, 7, 31–54, 267, 269 Social development, 5–8, 10, 31–39, 51, 53, 54, 57–69, 157, 159, 160, 163, 267–274, 278 Social Development Fund (SDF), 104, 105, 110–113 Social Development Fund (SDF) core fund, 111, 112 See also Social Development Fund Social enterprise, 45–46, 52 Social inclusion, 94, 121, 121n2 Social justice, 32, 36, 42, 60

 Index 

Social networks, 112, 122, 124, 125, 174 Social norms, 17, 60, 150, 157, 173 Social planning, 35, 44, 47–51, 53 Social policy, 35, 120 Social protection, 5, 6, 10, 11, 35, 44, 46, 51, 53, 58, 66–67, 103, 116, 134, 270, 271, 278 Social resistance, 75, 76, 89, 91 Social structure, 7, 58, 146 Social support, 45, 131, 134, 135, 276 Social welfare provisioning, 151 Socio-economic development, 58, 60–61, 69, 86, 103, 109, 270 SPA, see Strategy for Poverty Alleviation Spiritual-psychosocial approach, 36, 37, 53 SSA, see Sub-Saharan Africa Standing for office, 146, 152, 153, 198 State of the Microcredit Summit Campaign, 100 Stereotypes, xiii, 17, 172, 188, 248 See also Gender roles Strategy for Poverty Alleviation (SPA), 104 Street markets, 120, 122–125, 127, 139, 275 Street vendors, xii, 59, 120, 122, 124–125, 127, 133n6, 135, 138 Structural adjustment programs, 122, 123 Structural inequality, 76, 87, 251, 252 Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), 5, 9, 11, 15, 38, 58, 59, 122, 124, 173, 176, 186, 269, 282

303

Subsistence workers, 125, 139, 278 Sustainable development, 1–3, 5, 8, 14, 36, 53 Sustainable Development Goals (SDG), 2, 107, 116, 121, 185, 187 Susu, 60, 66, 67, 133, 133n6, 271 See also Osusu T

Tailor’s Association, 160 Talensi constituency, 213 Taylor, Charles, xi, 82, 83, 227, 233, 234 Term deposits, 113 300 Group, 81, 81n4 Time, 6, 18, 31, 42, 44, 51, 61–63, 65, 67, 75, 78, 80, 82, 83, 86–88, 103, 112, 121–123, 125, 127, 128, 131, 133–135, 137, 138, 146, 149, 150, 154, 156, 160, 162, 172, 178, 179, 181, 182, 199, 200, 202, 206, 206n11, 208n14, 208n17, 209–211, 213, 215–218, 226, 229, 236, 237, 248, 254, 258, 262, 263, 267, 271, 273, 275, 278, 281–283 Touré, Ahmed Sekou, 228–230 Trade organizations, 125, 137, 138, 147, 154, 156, 157, 159 Traders, 6, 57–69, 78, 137, 147, 154, 156, 159, 160, 163, 218, 270, 271, 279 Trade unions, 78, 153, 230 Traditional beliefs, 17

304 Index

Traditional gender roles, 188, 252, 258, 285 See also Gender roles Trainings, 5–7, 10, 15, 17, 33, 50, 53, 75, 80, 81, 83, 84, 86, 88–90, 92, 93, 112, 114–116, 156, 185, 187, 237, 238, 252, 272, 273, 275, 284 U

Uganda, 186, 191 Unbankable, 99 UNDP, see United Nations Development Program Unemployment, 121 UNFPA, see United Nations Population Fund UNHCR, see United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees UNICEF, see United Nationals Children Fund United Nationals Children Fund (UNICEF), 91, 232 United Nations Development Program (UNDP), 14, 82, 102, 105, 233 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), 232 United Nations Millennium Summit, 175 United Nations Mission for the Emergency Ebola Response (UNMEER), 75 United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), 80, 86, 88 United Nations Prize for Human Rights, 83

United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, 107, 116 United Party (UP), 181 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), 173 UNMEER, see United Nations Mission for the Emergency Ebola Response UN Millennium Summit, 175 Urban, vii, 36, 54, 57, 58, 102, 105, 109–111, 124, 155, 156, 178, 229, 246, 261 Urban Solidarity Group (USG), 115 USG, see Urban Solidarity Group V

Village bank, 100, 113 Village Savings and Credit Association (VISACA), 104, 105, 110, 111, 113–114 Violence, 2, 17, 51, 61, 74, 76, 80, 81, 84, 86, 121n2, 151, 183, 201, 212–215, 232–234, 244, 245, 247–254, 258, 259, 261–263, 273 VISACA, see Village Savings and Credit Association Vision 2020, 104 Voluntary associations, 74 Voluntary organizations, 153, 154 Vote, 13, 14, 17, 78, 134, 138, 148, 149, 153, 158, 161, 177, 178, 192, 200, 201, 204, 206–208, 208n14, 210, 213, 217, 252, 261 See also Political participation; Voting; Voting rights

 Index 

Voting, 14, 146, 147, 149, 153, 175, 177, 181, 201, 207, 208n14, 246, 280 See also Political participation; Vote; Voting rights Voting rights, 149, 177, 182 See also Political participation; Vote; Voting W

Wandira Kazibwe, 186 WANEP-Liberia, see West Africa Network for Peacebuilding Weah, George Manneh, 244, 247, 259 Wealth inequality, 121 WEDA, see Women Entrepreneurship Development Agency Welfare, 31, 53, 60, 61, 67, 113, 151 Welfare approach, 36, 37 Welfare schemes, 60 Well-being, 7, 10, 32, 33, 35, 39, 40, 43–46, 52, 54, 61, 68, 115, 116, 155, 175, 249, 251, 271 West Africa, ix–xi, 2, 4, 7–20, 31–54, 73–75, 78, 82, 87, 92, 124, 126, 127, 145–151, 153–155, 157–159, 234, 239, 243, 244, 267, 269, 271–275, 277, 281, 284 West Africa Network for Peacebuilding (WANEP-­ Liberia), 213, 231, 243 See also West African Network of Economic Partners West African Network of Economic Partners (WANEP), 213, 231 See also West Africa Network for Peacebuilding

305

Wilkins, Pat, 7, 40–42, 45, 47, 50–54, 268, 269 WIPNET, see Women in Peacebuilding Network WMI, see Women Microfinance Initiative Women, viii–xiii, 1–20, 31, 34, 39, 45, 46, 53, 54, 57–69, 73–94, 99–117, 119–139, 145–164, 171–193, 197–220, 225–239, 243–264, 267–285 Women Contemporary Society, 174 Women Entrepreneurship Development Agency (WEDA), 115 Women in Crisis Movement, 79, 80, 88 Women in Development, 1, 3, 62, 277 Women in Peacebuilding Network (WIPNET), 243 Women Microfinance Initiative (WMI), 114, 115 Women parliamentarians, 15, 186 Women’s Act of 2010, 183 Women’s associations, 6, 272, 280 Women’s empowerment, 1–20, 110–111, 117, 226, 274 Women’s movements, 147, 149, 177, 245, 253–255, 257, 259–261, 263 Women’s mutual aid organizations, 12, 119–139 Women’s organizations, 5, 7, 8, 13, 20, 59, 73–94, 77n3, 120, 128–136, 139, 148, 153, 156, 157, 160, 229, 230, 232, 238, 243, 244, 247, 248, 252–254, 271–273, 278, 284

306 Index

Women’s participation in the labor force, 158 Women’s Response to Ebola Network, 79, 87, 92 Women’s rights, 81, 84, 183, 237, 258–260 Women’s wings, 151, 261 Women traders, 57–69, 147, 159, 160, 163, 269–271, 279 Workers in the Informal Economy, 123 Workforce, 2, 3, 8, 44, 45, 60, 76, 120–122, 126, 157, 277 World Bank, 3, 8, 9, 14, 62, 102, 107, 121, 123, 124, 175, 277 World Bank’s Universal Financial Access 2020, 107

Y

Yadicone Njie, 181 Ya Fatuo Sonko, 179 Yahya Jammeh (President), 182, 183 Ya Kompin, 171, 174, 177, 178, 189 Youth, 15, 43–45, 47, 52–54, 62, 74, 78, 79, 83, 105, 111, 112, 116, 129, 198, 211, 216, 218, 219, 229, 273 See also Youth organizations Youth organizations, 76 See also Youth Youth Revolving loan fund, 112 Yunus, Mohammed, 100 Z

Zion Mobisquad, 62