Women, Art, and Architecture in Northern Italy, 1520-1580: Negotiating Power 0754654117, 9780754654117

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WOMEN, ART, AND ARCHITECTURE IN NORTHERN ITALY, 1520-1580

Women and Gender in the Early Modern World Series Editors: Ally son Poska andAbby

Zanger

In the past decade, the study of women and gender has offered some of the most vital and innovative challenges to scholarship on the early modem period. Ashgate's new series of interdisciplinary and comparative studies, "Women and Gender in the Early Modem World', takes up this challenge, reaching beyond geographical limitations to explore the experiences of early modem women and the nature of gender in Europe, the Americas, Asia, and Africa. Titles in the series include: Envisioning Gender in Burgundian Devotional Art, 1350-1530 Experience, Authority, Resistance Andrea Pearson Boccaccio*s Heroines Power and Virtue in Renaissance Society Margaret Franklin Ottoman Women Builders The Architectural Patronage ofHadice Turhan Sultan Lucienne Thys-Senocak Widowhood and Visual Culture in Early Modern Europe Edited by Allison Levy Architecture and the Politics of Gender in Early Modern Europe Edited by Helen Hills Women, Art and the Politics of Identity in Eighteenth-Century Europe Edited by Melissa Hyde and Jennifer Milam

Women, Art, and Architecture in Northern Italy, 1520-1580 Negotiating Power

KATHERINE A. McIVER

First published 2006 by Ashgate Publishing Published 2017 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, 0X14 4RN 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business Copyright © Katherine A. Mdver 2006 Katherine A. Mclver has asserted her moral right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the author of this work. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Mclver, Katherine A. Women, art and architecture in Northern Italy, 1520-1580: negotiating power.— (Women and gender in the early modem world) 1 .Pallavicini (Family) 2.Women art patrons—Italy, Northern—History—16th century 3.Art patronage—Italy, Northern—History—16th century 4.Women— Italy, Northern—Social conditions—16th century 5.Power (Social sciences)— Italy, Northern—History—16th century 6. Art, renaissance—Italy, Northern 7.Architecture, Renaissance—Italy, Northern 8.Art, Italian 9.Architecture, Italian [.Title 707.9'45 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Mclver, Katherine A. Women, art, and architecture in northern Italy, 1520-1580 : negotiating power/ Katherine A. Mclver. p. cm.—(Women and gender in the early modem world) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-7546-5411-7 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Women art patrons—Italy—Parma and Piacenza (Duchy)—History—16th century. 2. Art patronage—Italy—Parma and Piacenza (Duchy)—History—16th century. 3. Pallavicino family—Art patronage. 1. Title. II. Series. N5273.M382006 945,.05,082—dc22 ISBN 13: 978-0-7546-5411-7 (hbk)

2005016750

To Will and Carolyn

Contents List of Figures and Plates Acknowledgements List of Abbreviations Introduction

ix xi xiii 1

1

The Women: The Cast of Characters Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale and her Legacy Giacoma Pallavicina and the Scipione Connection Camilla Pallavicina: Wife, Mother, Saint, and Widow

17 21 40 47

2

The Renaissance Palazzo as a Public Voice for Women Overview of Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's Project Her Agents and Architects The Contracts and Documents Disputes, Issues, and Peculiarities

63 69 73 75 93

3

The Renaissance Palazzo Interior as a Private Voice for Women The Configuration of the Rooms Painted Rooms

107 109 122

4

Domestic Consumption: Listening to Women's Private Voice What Women Collected What Women Gave Away

137 139 160

5

Women, the Church, and Religious Foundations Family Churches and Funerary Chapels Private Chapels and Devotional Works of Art for the Home Religious Foundations, Convents, and Monasteries

171 174 180 184

Glossary

203

Appendix I: Inventories Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale Giacoma Pallavicina Bonamaria Pusterla-Pallavicina and Veronica Pallavicina

207 207 216 225 227

vin

Women, Art, and Architecture in Northern Italy Camilla Pallavicina

233

Appendix II: Genealogy Charts Pallavicini Family Sanvitale of Fontanellato Sanseverini Boiardo of Scandiano

251 251 256 257 258

Bibliography Index

259 275

List of Figures and Plates Figures 0.1

Map of Emilia Romagna Region of Italy (Photo: Author)

15

1.1

Anonymous, Engraving of Portrait Medal of Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale, 1550s, Archivio di Stato, Parma (Photo: Author)

61

2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7

3.1 3.2

3.3

Entrance Portal, 1550s, Palazzo Sanseverini (now Palazzo Marazzani), Piacenza (Photo: Author) 100 Matteo Florimi, Map of Piacenza (detail), 1590, Archivio di Stato, Parma, Mappe e disegni, 21/10 (Photo: Author) 101 Ceiling and Frieze, 1507, Salone, Palazzo dei Principi, Correggio (Photo: Author) 102 Porto di Muraze, 16th Century, Piacenza (Photo: Author) 103 Sebastiano Serlio, Rustic Tuscan Order,fromSerlio's Tutte V Opere d* Architettura et Prospetiva, 1537, Book IV, folio xliir (Photo after facsimile: Author) 104 Sebastiano Serlio, Rustic Doric Order,fromSerlio's Tutte V Opere d* Architettura et Prospetiva, 1537, Book IV, folio xiir (Photo after facsimile: Author) 105 Cavalière on Horseback, fresco, 16th Century, Palazzo Pallavicino, Piacenza (Photo: Author) 106 View, 1520s, Camerino, Rocca San vitale, Fontanellato (Photo: Author) Francesco Parmigianino, View of Wall with lunette of Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale as Demeter, 1523-24, Camerino, Rocca Sanvitale, Fontanellato (Photo: Author) Plan, Camerino dell' Enéide, 1540s, Rocca Nuova, Scandiano (Reconstruction: William C. Mclver)

133

134 135

X

3.4

4.1

4.2 5.1 5.2 5.3

Women, Art, and Architecture in Northern Italy Diagram of Wall, Camerino dell' Eniede, 1540s, Rocca Nuova, Scandiano (Reconstruction: William C. Mclver)

136

Apollonio di Giovanni and Marco del Buono, Cassone with the Conquest ofTrebizond, after 1461, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York (Photo: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York) 168 Cassa Venetiana, ca. 1500, The Victoria and Albert Museum, Londoni 169 (Photo: The Victoria and Albert Museum, London) Francesco Zaganelli da Cotignola, Altarpiece, 1518, Cappella Maggiore, SS. Annunziata, Parma (Photo: Author) 199 Francesco Marmitta, Altarpiece, 1500-1505, Musée du Louvre, Paris (Photo: Scala/Art Resource) 200 Marcantonio Zucchi di Torrechiara, View of San Quintino, intarsia from choir stall, ca. 1512, S. Quintino, Parma (Photo: Author with permission of S. Quintino caretaker) 201

Plates P.l P.2

P.3 P.4

Nicolo delF Abate, Octagon, 1540s, Gallería Estense, Modena (Photo: Author) Francesco Zaganelli da Cotignola, Portrait of Rolando and Barbara Pallavicino, 1518, Cappella Maggiore, SS. Annunziata (now in the Gallería Nazionale), Parma (Photo: Author) Alessandro Araldi, Portrait of Barbara Pallavicina, 1520s, Gallería degli Uffizi, Florence (Photo: Scala/Art Resource) Francesco Zaganelli da Cotignola, Portrait ofDomitilla Gambara, 1518 Cappella Maggiore, SS. Annunziata (now in the Gallería Nazionale), Parma (Photo: Author)

Acknowledgements Any book of this sort inevitably incurs a number of debts. First and foremost, Carolyn Valone deserves special recognition here. Without her generous support and continued encouragement, this volume may not have materialized. Our numerous conversations over the phone or over a meal in Rome opened my eyes to new ways of thinking about this material and the role of women in the early modern world. Her willingness to read early versions of this manuscript and to continue to discuss ways to revise it has certainly improved the final manifestation. She is a true mentor and friend. I also owe a profound debt to the kindness and generosity of Paul Barolsky, who read an early version of the manuscript, discussed the project on numerous occasions, and never failed to offer unstinting support and constructive advice. I am indebted, too, to friends and colleagues in Parma. Above all, Guiseppina Bacchi, whom I met in Spring 2000 in the Archivio di Stato and who has continued to be a dear friend and colleague, always willing to discuss the documents, suggest alternate methods of research, introduce me to other scholars, and to hunt down and mail off documents I failed to gather while in Parma. The archivists in Parma deserve special recognition as well, especially Valeria, Margarita, Albertina, and Valentina - their generosity goes beyond words. Giuseppe Martini put me in touch with other archives in Parma, arranging meetings and assisting in gathering documents. To Wallis Wilde-Menozzi, who opened her home to me and spent hours discussing these women with me and to her husband, Paolo for the wonderful meals and stimulating discussions about Parma's past, I must give heartfelt thanks. And outside Parma, in Busseto, I am particularly indebted to Dott. Corrado Mingardi, director of the library, which houses the Archivio Pallavicini, for willingly opening its doors for me so that I could pursue my research at leisure and for the excursion to Cortemaggiore. Thanks, too, to Rebecca Edwards and Eric Apfelstadt for excursions to Zibello and Roccabianca and the insightful discussions that followed. Also in Busseto, for their hospitality, encouragement, and introductions, I owe special thanks to Sharon Kenny and Bill Biggart. I owe a debt of gratitude to Rebecca Edwards and Barbara Sparti, who have stood by me throughout and who kept on encouraging me to keep on going. Special thanks to Michael Sullivan, who translated the poems, to John Paoletti,

Xll

Women, Art, and Architecture in Northern Italy

who read earlier versions of chapter two, and to Sheryl Reiss and Caroline Elam, who also commented on the material which formed that chapter. A special debt of gratitude goes to Erika Gaffney of Ashgate, a generous and intelligent editor, whose support and encouragement made my task easier; and to Pete Coles, for his patience and understanding. There are so many to whom I owe so much; thanks to you all. Finally my husband William C. Mclver, to whom I owe the greatest debt. For his interest, forbearance, and love, I am more grateful than words can say. He has been a steady companion and soul mate without whom I could never have accomplished this task. Research for this project was supported by the University of Alabama at Birmingham's Faculty Development Grant for sabbatical leave in 2000, two UAB School of Arts and Humanities mini grants for summers in Parma in 2001 and 2003, a Gladys Krieble Delmas Fellowship in 2000, and the Renaissance Society of America's Kress Fellowship for research in the summer of 2003. A UAB School of Arts and Humanities mini grant (2005) helped with publication costs. Finally, I must state that every attempt has been made to contact relevant copyright holders and other appropriate sources of information concerning each work illustrated in this volume.

List of Abbreviations ASPB: Archivio Pallavicino, Biblioteca, Busseto AS Brescia: Archivio di Stato, Brescia AS Milan: Archivio di Stato, Milan AS Modena: Archivio di Stato, Modena ASP: Archivio di Stato, Parma Cfi: Carteggio Farnesiano interno Cfe: Carteggio Farnesiano estero FP: Famiglia Pallavicini FSAs: Famiglia Sanvitale, Archivio storico FSPf: Famiglia Sanvitale, Patrimonio familiare ASPc: Archivio di Stato, Piacenza ASRE: Archivio di Stato, Reggio Emilia AS Venice: Archivio di Stato, Venice A Word about Money The monetary values used in all the documents include: lira, scudo, soldi, with the ducato used occasionally. The lira is the highest in value - 12 lire = 1 gold scudo - and soldi the least. Lira and scudo are most often designated as "d' oro" (of gold), and can also be referred to as "impériale." They are often represented by symbols rather than words. Mary Hollingsworth, working with Cardinal Ippolito d' Este's accounts, has suggested that one gold scudo is equal to one week's work for a master builder or the price of one calf or the price of 50 kilos of flour in the 1540s. Measurements Brazza, brazzo, braccio: common unit of measure (linear) for the material goods listed in the inventories. One brazza corresponds to 0.637 meters.

Introduction "We need to discover what women did, not what men said." A simple, yet provocative sentence, it has become the guiding principle of this book. Going beyond prescriptive treatises and contemporary writings about women in Italy in the early modern period, Carolyn Valone has asked that we look at the facts and at the actions of individual women, discarding the age-old generalities that inform much of the modern literature on women in the early modern period. She points out that, like Vasari's singling out of Properzia de' Rossi as the only woman sculptor, modern scholarship, until recently, has singled out Isabella d'Esté (1474-1534), Marchesa of Mantua as the single most important woman patron and collector of art.2 There has been, of course, a growing body of literature on secular women patrons, and the scholarship on the patronage of nuns and other religious is even more extensive. 3 Yet many of the assumptions about women's lives remain. As Sheryl Reiss' and David Wilkins' volume of essays,

1 Carolyn Valone, "Matrons and Motives: Why Women Built in Early Modern Rome," in Sheryl Reiss and David Wilkins (eds), Beyond Isabella, Secular Women Patrons in Renaissance Italy (Kirkville, MO, 2001), p. 318. 2 Valone, p. 317. 3 In addition to Reiss's and Wilkins*s volume cited in note 1 above, see Kate Lowe, "The Progress of Patronage in Renaissance Italy," Oxford Art Journal 18 (1995): 147-50; Jaynie Anderson, "Rewriting the History of Art Patronage," Renaissance Studies, 10 (1996), and the essays in this special issue: "Women Patrons of Renaissance Art, 1300-1600"; the introduction to and essays in "Committenza artística feminile," edited by Sara MatthewsGrieco and Gabriela Zarri in a special edition of Quaderni Storici, 35/105, fase. 2 (2000); Catherine King, Renaissance Women Patrons: Wives and Widows in Italy ca. 1300-1500 (Manchester, 1998); and see the collection of essays: E. Ann Matter and John Coakley (eds), Creative Women in Medieval and Early Modern Italy, a Religious and Artistic Renaissance (Philadelphia, 1994); Craig Monson (éd.), The Crannied Wall: Women, Religion and the Arts in Early Modern Europe (Ann Arbor, 1992); Géraldine Johnson and Sara F. MatthewsGrieco (eds), Picturing Women in Renaissance and Baroque Italy (Cambridge and New York, 1997); Cynthia Lawrence (éd.), Women and Art in Early Modern Europe (University Park, PA, 1997); and Jeryldene M. Wood, Women, Art and Spirituality, the Poor Clares in Early Modern Italy (Cambridge and New York, 1996); as well as the numerous articles by Carolyn Valone, Marilyn Dunn, Karen-edis Barzman, and others. This is not meant as an exhaustive list of writings on the subject. Equally important to this study are works like Margaret L. King's Women of the Renaissance (Chicago and London, 1991) and other studies that do no necessarily focus on women as patrons of the arts, but on their lives and situations during the early modern period.

2

Women, Art, and Architecture in Northern Italy

Beyond Isabella,4 illustrates, many opportunities were available to the secular woman who had the wealth and the means to commission art and architecture. This study, based primarily on newly discovered archival documents,5 addresses the way three women - Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale (ca. 1495-1576), Giacoma Pallavicina (ca. 1509-1575), and Camilla Pallavicina (ca. 1515-1561) used patronage as a means of negotiating power in the court setting of the ParmaPiacenza region of the Emilia Romagna (Figure 0.1) not far from Isabella's hometown. 6 Each of the three women managed their power and wealth in completely different ways. Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale was clearly a leader in her own right operating like a man, a patriarch, whereas her cousin, Giacoma chose a more unique path creating her own model as a lay sister who supported financially and morally her female kin, orphans, and the poor. Both women were born at Zibello and had to deal with male relatives over feudal disputes. The third and youngest of the three, Camilla Pallavicina of Busseto, was widowed, remarried, and was widowed again. Camilla's situation is unique in comparison to the other two simply because her life was controlled more strictly by her male relatives, yet she managed to exert her independence as well. The Pallavicini women manipulated their wealth as a means of negotiating power and were, therefore, empowered to act as individuals, to make independent decisions, and to influence the actions of others. Negotiating power or empowerment can be further defined as the exercise of a person's/woman's agency. By turning away from the traditional artistic centers of Florence, Rome, and Venice, a number of new and unexpected issues related to gender, power, and patronage emerge. More often than not Florence has served as the model - what happened in this city in the Renaissance must have happened elsewhere in Italy. 4

See note 1 above for the complete citation. Nearly all of the material presented in this book is derived from archival finds never before published, thus making the work a primary contribution to the field. 6 Although it is not the purpose of this study to provide a model or theory comparing the Pallavicini women to their counterparts in Florence, Rome, or Venice, it should be noted that parallels could be drawn between the women of Parma and Piacenza and the matrons of Rome. For the most part, both groups of women had their own personal wealth beyond their dowries, which empowered them to act as individuals. Yet the circumstance in the feudal societies of the northern courts was quite different from that of the republics of Florence and Venice, where women's wealth was most often limited to their dowries. Women, even widows, in those cities did not have the same financial independence associated with the women in this study, which tells the women's stories through an investigation of original documents. And as Catherine King has stated: 'There are, then, multiple stories to tell with interests to benefit and, at the same time, new data to find and good working hypotheses to present. Indeed, it has been argued that the more interpretations there are from different points of view, the more likely we are to collect reliable data and good working hypotheses" ("The Trecento: New Ideas, New Evidence," in Diana Norman (éd.), Siena, Florence, and Padua, Art, Society, and Religion, 1280-1400, New Haven and London, 1995, vol. 1, p. 218). 5

Introduction

3

This model is, of course, flawed. Men did not always make the purchases or pay for building - in other words, men did not always hold the purse strings. Judith Brown, in her introduction to Gender and Society in Renaissance Italy, poses this question, "why . . . did women in some cities, even in the same region, exercise greater independence compared to women in neighboring cities? In short, what cultural constructs allowed women and men in the past to attach meaning to similar circumstance?"8 The study of gender, Brown goes on to say, "enables scholars to examine social construction of male and female identities and of meaning attached to different social rules assumed by men and women" and that by emphasizing agency of both men and women, gender studies "can elide the powerlessness of women in the face of patriarchy."9 Brown makes it clear that to understand "the gender dimensions behind specific local variations one must look at local experience . . ."10 - that is beyond the traditional Florentine model. James Grubb, in his introduction to Provincial Families of the Renaissance?1 takes this issue even further: The overriding assumption for a metropolitan focus must be either that of Florence or Venice constitute worlds unto themselves, such that there is no need to look beyond, or that we can safely extrapolate from the center to the periphery. Both propositions make those of us who work in the provinces nervous .. .12 He goes on to say that provincial settings were different in their formal characteristics from metropolitan centers, and this was certainly the case for Parma and Piacer.za. The study of families who lived in cities on the periphery can offer perspective on Florentine and Venetian experiences, and therefore, can provide an additional, alternative viewpoint.13 By following Grubb's lead, then, the study of women on the periphery, not only in terms of their geographical location, but in terms of their gender as well, should provide a more balanced view of patronage in Italy in the early modern period.

7 Judith C. Brown, "Introduction," in Judith C. Brown and Robert C. Davis (eds), Gender and Society in Renaissance Italy, (London and New York, 1998), pp. 4-5, 8-9, and in the same volume, see Thomas Kuehn's essay, "Person and Gender in the Law," pp. 89, 99. See also Merry E. Wiesner, Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1993), pp. 3-5 and Joan Wallach Scott, Gender and the Politics of History (New York, 1988), pp. 42-45. 8 Brown, p. 4. 9 Brown, pp. 4-5. 10 Brown, p. 5. 11 Provincial Families in the Renaissance: Private and Public Life in the Véneto (Baltimore and London, 1996). 12 Grubb, p. xii. 13 Grubb, pp. xii-xiii.

Women, Art, and Architecture in Northern Italy

4

An investigation into court consumption, moreover, provides insights into the issue of women's economic rights and responsibilities.14 By moving beyond Florence and Venice, where men were expected to control household spending, to the court centers where women typically had their own money as well as property, we find that some women often kept financial records, as in the case of Giacoma Pallavicina of Zibello.15 These documents allow us to track women's sources of income and the circumstances under which it could be spent. And we can begin to address the question: what did women spend their money on? In addition to longterm projects, such as the reconstruction of a palazzo or the building of a convent, women's daily expenses could be divided among the running of the household, the purchase of luxury items, commissioning works of art for the home or family chapel, and regular charitable donations. Neglect of female patrons has been linked to the mistaken assumption that secular women rarely had the economic or legal autonomy necessary for such patronage, and that those who managed to work against the patriarchal system were exceptions.16 Like Isabella d'Esté, they were considered a rare example of what a woman could accomplish. Because of these assumptions, it is imperative to re-integrate women into the historical narrative, and to realize that, while women had to work within a patriarchal system that limited their economic rights, they were not completely excluded, and that they exercised more social power in early modern society than has traditionally been recognized. This social power stemmed from women's economic sources, their residential autonomy, and partnerships with others. More importantly, the documentation used in this study concerning women's lives and their role as patrons, especially those of the Pallavicini family, allows us to reconstruct the legal and economic options available to women in and around Parma and Piacenza. Marriage alliances, networks of communication between families, and financial security gave some women, such as those of the Pallavicini family, a certain independence as well as the means to become patrons of the arts in their own right. These women's lives were multidimensional, bound by a series of overlapping responsibilities to their families and others, and by their relationships with the church, the secular government, and their male relatives.17 Because of its ties to 14

Evelyn Welch, "The Art of Expenditure: the Court of Paola Malatesta Gonzaga in Fifteenth Century Mantua," Renaissance Studies, 16/3 (2002): 306-11. 15 Documents related to Giacoma* s record keeping are located in the APBB, bb. 40, 41 by date. Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale also had extensive property for which she kept records, as did Leonora Virtella-Pallavicina, Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale, Antonia Pallavicina-Sartori, Virginia Pallavicina-Gambara, and Gerolama Farnese Sanvitale; however, their records are not as complete as those of Giacoma Pallavicina (ASP, Notai, B. Mendogni, bb. 1979-1983, G. D. Criminali, bb. 1249-1255, and P. Biondi, b. 2015; ASRE, Archivio notarile, M. Bertolotti, bb. 842-848 and C. Ruspaggione, b. 1262). 16 Valone, pp. 317-18. The dowry signified women's exclusion from their natal patrilineage property, and reclaimed dowries gave a certain power and authority to widows. 17 Thomas Kuehn has suggested that the modem western assumption of individualism is not valid, that we need to consider the broader sense of personhood, which recasts gender as

Introduction

5

Milan, the Parma-Piacenza region was subject to Lombard laws and customs, which restricted women from inheriting properties and titles in their own names even though they could transmit property to their husbands or their children.18 Women were generally required to have an adult male, a mundualdo, act as their proxies or guardians in making contracts and other legal documents. Yet it should be noted that the mundualdus system, and how it worked, varied from city to city, and that the name of the mundualdo was often added to the document by a notary after it had been drafted. Therefore, the role of the mundualdo would seem to have been less powerful than the written law would indicate. More importantly for widows, the mundualdus system was not always put into action; they frequently acted on their own when signing contracts, as in the case of Ippolita PallavicinaSanseverina, or held titles in their own right, as with Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale. 19 Land or feudal holdings were often transmitted to women through their mothers, as in the case of Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale, or in some instances through their fathers if the woman was his only heir, as in the case of Camilla Pallavicina who

a matter of contingent differences, not as a matter of absolute opposition. Women's personhood was relational not individualistic. Thus using an anthropological approach Kuehn addresses issues of personhood and agency of women in his essay, "Understanding Gender Inequality in Renaissance Florence: Personhood and Gifts of Maternal Inheritance by Women," Journal of Women's History, 8/2 (1996): 58-80. 18 Thomas Kuehn, "Daughters, Mothers, Wives and Widows, Women as Legal Persons," in Anne Jacobson Schutte, Thomas Kuehn and Silvana Seidel Menchi (eds), Time, Space and Women's Lives in Early Modern Europe (Kirkville, MO, 2001), pp. 97-101; Thomas Kuehn, "Persons and Gender in the Laws," in Gender and Society in Renaissance Italy, pp. 97-98; and his book, Law, Family and Women, Toward a Legal Anthropology of Renaissance Italy (Chicago and London, 1991), especially chapter 9, which discusses in detail the mundualdus system. When the Lombards conquered Italy, they brought with them the practice of mundium (patrimonial power over a woman), and its holder, the mundualdus, was a male with power over a woman. The original patrimonial and economic character of the Lombard mundium meant that the mundualdus was usually a woman's father, brother, or even her son, highlighting her kin as the more protective presence. Even if for certain acts women could choose their own mundualdus, making the whole matter of the mundium seem a formality, they could not act without the consent of this male figure. See also Catherine King, Renaissance Women Patrons, pp. 77-79. 19 It should be noted, however, that while Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina acted independently with her agent and without a mundualdo, when she had problems with a stoneworker, whom she had employed to work in the courtyard of her new palazzo, Pallavicina-Sanseverina turned to a male friend, Piero Malaspina, who may have functioned as a mundauldo, although there is no indication of this in the documents (see chapter two). Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale worked with and through her friend and lawyer Francesco Cusano; again, there is no indication in the extant documents of a mundualdo (see chapter one). Yet in one instance, the 1539 marriage contract for her son Alfonso's marriage to Gerolama Farnese, Cusano did function as Pallavicina-Sanvitale's mundualdo (ASP, FSPf, b. 15, BII393).

6

Women, Art, and Architecture in Northern Italy

inherited all of her father's feudal holdings.20 While women, such as Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina, Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale, and Giacoma Pallavicina had male agents, their own voices come through in the documents clearly as instigators of various legal actions, such as inheritance rights of their female and male relatives, or as commissioners of various projects: they signed contracts, hired workers and artists, bought, sold, and rented property, among other things. As widows, many women enjoyed greater freedom of action than wives, mothers, or daughters, though at times these women, too, acted independently and contrary to Lombard law. In general, the study of patronage - that is the identification and investigation of a person or group who ordered and subsequently paid for a work of art21 targets what is considered today to be the fine arts: painting, sculpture, and architecture. Domestic art had been given little attention until recent years.22 Many avenues were open to women in terms of patronage of the arts, and a primary one was the decoration of the domestic interior. More often than not, it was likely to be the woman who chose, purchased, and attended to household objects. Any study focusing on the patronage activities of a particular group of women should consider their role as collectors of precious material goods, as organizers of the early modern home, and as decorators of their interiors. Women not only commissioned objects that were in the public arena - such as hospitals, churches, church decoration, chapels, or houses - they also commissioned or purchased objects for private use in their homes, such as paintings, tapestries, spalliere, fine silver, and other precious material goods. Women used what was available to them - the circumstances and opportunities of their lives along with their culture's repertory of ideas, assumptions, conflicts, and images - to express themselves in new ways, and the domestic setting, just as much as the public one, afforded many the opportunity for personal creative expression. Not only will this study focus on the domestic (private) space, its furnishings, and what women collected for the home - a rather underdeveloped topic until recent years23 - but also women building palaces (public) which is new. The final chapter of this volume will address aspects of religious (public and private) patronage more commonly associated with women. This multidimensional approach, moreover, 20 After her parents' death in the early 1520s, Camilla Pallavicina had two male guardians: Gianludovico II Pallavicino of Cortemaggiore, whose nephew she later married, and Brunoro Pallavicino of Pontremoli, whose primary role was as her caretaker and the administrator of her estate. Brunoro could have functioned as a mundualdo, though this is not indicated in the documents. Later in life, Camilla Pallavicina worked with her notary, Alessandro Melgaro, who also functioned as her agent. It is conceivable, too, that Sforza Pallavicino, her cousin was her mundualdo after her second husband's death in 1557, though this is not indicated in any of the documents. 21 Wilkins, "Introduction," in Beyond Isabella, p. 2. 22 See the work of Anne Barriault, Cristelle Baskins, Jacqueline Musacchio, Anabel Thomas, Evelyn Welch, and others. 23 See note 24 below for pertinent bibliography.

Introduction

1

offers insights into the women's lives, their limitations, and the possibilities open to them as patrons. By emphasizing the domestic world and material goods, rather than traditional art objects, this volume belongs to a larger body of works on domesticity or domestic history being produced by historians, social historians, literary historians, as well as art historians working cross-culturally and across the centuries.24

The Historical-Political Situation The Pallavicini women of this study were from the region in and around Parma and Piacenza, situated in the western half of the Emilia Romagna in the Po River plain. This region had been under Milanese rule from the mid-fifteenth century until the early sixteenth, broken by brief periods of domination by French or the imperial forces of Charles V.25 The area was, and still is, compact and topographically varied. The great Po River plain is sandwiched between two major mountain ranges: the Alps to the North and the Appenines to the South (Figure 0.1). The region bordered the Duchy of Modena, ruled by the Este of Ferrara (Reggio Emilia 24

In addition to the scholars listed in note 22 above, see the work of Maxine Berg and Helen Clifford, Sandra Cavallo, Mary Douglas, Wayne Franks, Richard Goldthwaite, Jack Goody, Lisa Jardine, Raffaella Sarti, Peter Thornton, and many others. See also the volumes of collected essays such as Ann Bermingham and John Brewer (eds), The Consumption of Culture, 1600-1800 (London and New York, 1998); John Brewer and Roy Porter (eds), Consumption and the World of Goods (London and New York, 1993); and Moira Donald and Linda Hurcombe (eds), Gender and Material Culture in Historical Perspective (London and New York, 2000). The notion of the "domus" as a woman's domain has informed much of the literature on domesticity. Collaborative projects like the "Material Renaissance: Costs and Consumption in Italy, 1300-1600" (www.sussex.ac.uk/Units/arthist/matren/) established in 2002 and whose website is hosted by the University of Sussex and 'The Domestic Interior" project associated with the Victoria and Albeit Museum in London and several British universities (AHRB Centre for the Study of the Domestic Interior: www.rcs.ac.uk/csdi/) have opened up this area of research providing a variety of forums for discussion and numerous opportunities for further study. 25 Gregory Lubkin, A Renaissance Court: Milan under Galeazzo Maria Sforza (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London, 1994), p. 5. From 1449 to 1500, Parma was ruled by the Sforza of Milan and was considered Lombard in the sixteenth century. Along with Milan, Parma fell into the hands of the French in 1500, but after the battle of Ravenna in 1512, the city was ruled by the papacy. With the accord of Viterbo in 1515, Parma returned to the French. Piacenza fell to the French in 1499. Its vicissitudes, in the sixteenth century, followed those of Parma except for its brief rule by the Holy Roman Empire after Pier Luigi's assassination in 1547. The political situation in the region is further complicated by the various factions associated with the Guelf and Ghibelline parties, especially during the 1530s and 1540s. See also Leone Smagliati, Cronaca Parmense (1494-1518), intra and ed. by S. Di Noto (Parma, 1970).

8

Women, Art, and Architecture in Northern Italy

was the closest of the cities to Parma) to the East, as well as the Gonzaga stronghold of Mantua to the Northeast.26 The most powerful feudatories of the region under Sforza control were those of the Pallavicini, the Rossi, and the Sanvitale. The Pallavicini, whose feudal holdings completely separated Parma from Piacenza, served as members of the Sforza's Council of State, acted as military commanders, and as courtiers. Gianludovico Pallavicino, márchese of Cortemaggiore (1425-1481), for example, was appointed to Galeazzo Sforza's Privy Council in 1470. The post was passed on to his brother, Pallavicino Pallavicino (1426-84), and thus remained in "the family."27 Significantly, these feudal lords played an important role in the duchy of Milan and could not be ignored, in part because they held strategic geographic positions along vital waterways or near major cities that no duke could afford to lose, and they had a substantial stake in the political systems of cities such as Parma and Piacenza. 28 More importantly, these great feudatories had their own systems of justice, their own rights of appointments of benefices, their own courtly entourages, and their own networks of patronage, often employing the same artists to decorate their residences as the dukes were using. They could even marry into princely families, as many of the Pallavicini did, making important political alliances for both parties.29

26 Lubkin, p. 6 and Giuseppe Berti, Stato e Popólo nelV Emilia padana dal 1525-45 (Parma, 1967), pp. 49, 51-3. The eastern and western extremities of Lombardy bordered the often hostile states of Savoy and Venice. For a general history of the region see Marco Gentile, Terra e Poten, Parma e il Parmense nel ducato visconteo all' inizio del Quattrocento (Milan, 2001); Felice da Mareto, Parma e Piacenza nei secoli (Parma, 1975); Umberto Benassi, Storia di Parma (Bologna, 1971), 5 volumes; P. Ireneo Affo, Storia di Parma (Parma, 1785-95), this series of many volumes was continued by Angelo Pezzani; Cristoforo Poggiali, Memorie storiche di Piacenza (Piacenza, 1759), vols 7, 8, 9, 10; Bonaventura Angeli, La Historia delia citta di Parma (Parma, 1598); and Piero Castignoli, éd., Storia di Piacenza (Piacenza, 1997), 5 volumes. 27 AS Milano, Archivio Sforzesco, cartella 847. See also Emilio Seletti, La Citta di Busseto, capitale un tempo dello stato Pallavicino (Milan, 1883), vol. 1, pp. 208-11; Lubkin, pp. 6-7; Giorgio Chittolini, "II particularismo signorile e feudale in Emilia fra Quattro e Cinquecento," in Paolo Rossi (éd.), // Rinascimento nelle corte padane (Bari, 1977), pp. 25-52; and also in this volume, Letizia Arcangeli, "Feudatori e duca negli stati Farnesiani," pp. 77-95. 28 Chittolini, pp. 29-34 and Arcangeli, pp. 80-83. See also Lauro Martines, Power and Imagination: City-States in Renaissance Italy (New York, 1980), especially chapter twelve, < The Princely Courts" for further background and a general overview. 29 Letizia Arcangeli, "Guirisdizioni feudali e organizzazione territoriale nel ducato dei Parma (1545-87)," in Marzio A. Romani (éd.), Le Corte farnesiane di Parma e Piacenza, 1545-1622 (Rome, 1978), pp. 91-121. In 1535 with the death of Francesco Sforza, the vast Holy Roman Empire of the Hapsburgs, under Charles V, absorbed the state of Milan after some forty years of intermittent war with France. In 1555 Charles V abdicated and the state of Milan passed to his son, Philip II.

Introduction

9

The already unstable political situation in the region became even more complicated when Pope Alexander VI Borgia made Alessandro Farnese (14681549) a cardinal in 1493, though he was not ordained until 1519. Despite the appointment Farnese kept to his worldly ways, siring four children with his mistress Silvia Ruffini. In 1509 Farnese was appointed bishop of Parma and visited the city three times: 1516, 1519, and 1527. With his election as pope in 1534 as Paul III, Farnese consolidated his alliances and established his family as a major power by embarking on a policy of improving their status through nepotism, building a dynasty for his family. He maneuvered his four children into positions with both French and imperial forces and arranged dynastic marriages for his two grandsons with the two most powerful monarchs in Europe: in 1538 Ottavio Farnese (1524-86) married Margarita of Austria (1522-86), the illegitimate daughter of Charles V, and in 1547, Orazio (1532-53) was betrothed to Diane of France (d. 1556), the granddaughter of Francis I.30 Through changes in political circumstances, Parma and Piacenza became part of Paul's plan to found a Farnese dynasty. He created the Duchy of Parma and Piacenza in 1545 and named his infamous first-born son, Pier Luigi (1503-47) its duke with hereditary privileges.31 Pier Luigi's subjects and neighbors saw his accession as unwarranted and unfair. In a letter of 23 August 1545, Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga (1505-63) wrote to Ercole II d'Esté (d. 1559), duke of Ferrara, 'To us scions of ancient princely houses, whose heritage was won by so much effort and is with such difficulty maintained, it seems strange indeed that so new a prince should spring up like a mushroom in the night."32 Emperor Charles V was also enraged at the creation of the duchy and would not officially recognize its existence. It was the emperor who was behind the successful plot of Ferrante Gonzaga (1507-57), governor general of Milan to murder the duke on 10 September 1547.33 Once Pier Luigi was dead, his son Ottavio Farnese claimed the duchy for himself. Charles V, however, wanted the duchy to remain a puppet state ruled for

30 an Diane De Grazia, Bertoia, Miróla and the Farnese Court (Parma, 1991), pp.6d15n Claire Robertson, 7/ Gran Cardinale* Alessandro Farnese, Patron of the ArtsHave (New arte e and London, 1992), p. 9. See also Roberto Zapperi, La Legenda del Papa Paolo III, di casa censura nella Roma Pontifica (Turin, 1998) and Luigi Alfieri, Gli Azzuri: storia Farnese (Parma, 1995). 31 De Grazia, p. 16 and Robertson, p. 9. In 1537 Paul III created the Duchy of Castro for Pier Luigi and attempted to acquire a major duchy for him,firstFlorence, then Milan. 32 "A noi altri, che senza tanta buona sorte habbiamo i stati per li nostri antichi con etant fatiche e stenti guadagnati et che con altre tante angoscie si conservano, pare un strana cosa , il veder far un duca di due simili citta in una notte come nasce un fungo." Ludwig Pastor Ignatiu The History of the Popes, from the Close of the Middle Ages, trans, by Frederick s Antiobus, et al. ( St. Louis:, 1811-1953), vol. 12, pp. 233 and 675-76. 33 De Grazia, p. 16 and Robertson, p. 9.

10

Women, Art, and Architecture in Northern Italy

the empire by Ferrante Gonzaga.34 Ever the clever diplomat, Pope Paul III rescinded his earlier investiture of the duchy and reclaimed the territory for the Church. His rebellious grandson Ottavio, who was supported by his elder brother Cardinal Alessandra Farnese (1520-89), laid claim to the territory and entered the city of Parma, which had remained loyal to him. The dispute over Ottavio's right to rule Parma and Piacenza continued long after Paul Ill's death and well into the 1550s. On 15 September 1556 (the Treaty of Ghent), Ottavio allied himself with Philip II of Spain (1527-98), the new emperor and son of Charles V, and his duchy became an imperial fief after all.35 The Pallavicini had strong ties with the Farnese as well as with the Sforza of Milan and were of ancient nobility. At least one Pallavicino could trace his ancestors back 800 years.36 What has been referred to as the "Pallavicino state" was established in 1249 when Federico Barbarossa invested Uberto Pallavicino (1197-1269) with a vast amount of territory spreading from the Po valley, along the Via Emilia and cutting between Piacenza and Parma, and included holdings as far as the Val Taro.37 This vast state remained under Pallavicini control until the death of "II Magnifico" Rolando,38 in 1457, when the territories were split among his seven sons, destroying the stability of the Pallavicino state.39 Gianfrancesco (d. 1497), Pallavicino (1426-1484/86), and Gianludovico (1425-1481), the three sons who concern us most (see Appendix II), inherited jointly the territories of Busseto, Polesine, Zibello, Tabiano, Bargone, Monticelli, and several others.40 This, of course, was not an ideal situation. Francesco Sforza intervened later that year, distributing the various Pallavicini feudi among the sons.41 Gianfrancesco was given dominion over Zibello and its surrounding territories, while Gianludovico and Pallavicino together ruled Bargone, Busseto, and various villages, including Cortemaggiore. Investiture took place in 1458. As might be expected, the two brothers were not pleased with this situation, and ultimately, in 1478, Giangaleazzo Sforza (d. 1494) intervened and created two separate states. 34 De Grazia, p. 16 and Giovanni Drei, / Farnese, grandezza e decadenza di una dinasta Italia (Rome, 1954), p. 45. 35 Pastor, vol. 12, pp. 233, 675-6. The Spanish remained in Piacenza until 1585 when they finally turned the fortress over to the Farnese. 36 Lubkin, pp. 5-7; Chittolini, pp. 30-35; and Arcangeli, "Feudatori," pp. 80-85. 37 Francesco Campari, Un Castello nel Parmigiano attraverso i secoli (Parma, 1910), pp. 16-17. See also Seletti, vol. 1, for early history of the Pallavicini, tracing the family's origins in much more detail and providing extensive lineage charts as well. 38 Benassi, vol. 1.1, pp. 170-71. Two manuscripts housed in the Biblioteca Palatina in Parma are also of interest to this discussion: Nicolo Testasio, L'Origine et vitte di nove uomini delia nobilíssima casa Pallavicina, MSS Parm. 800 and Historia Pallavicina, MSS Parm. 1183. 39 Marco Boscarelli, Nelle terre dei Pallavicino: Busseto e Cortemaggiore (Busseto, 1992), p. 7. ^Poggiali.vol. 7,p. 195. 41 Poggiali, vol. 7, p. 196.

Introduction

11

Pallavicino's was Busseto with its surrounding territories. Gianludovico's included Bargone and its territories, as well as 'Tantica villa di Cortemaggiore;" he was also given "10,000 scudi d'oro."42 Hostilities among the siblings escalated after these three brothers died, and their holdings were split amongst their numerous sons, fragmenting even further the once great Pallavicino state. Issues of inheritance rights, combined with rivalries with other feudal lords in the region, such as the Rossi and the Sanvitale, considerably weakened what had once been a vast territory headed by one patriarch, "II Magnifico" Rolando. On the other hand, the heirs of Rolando's cousin, Pietro Pallavicino, márchese of Scipione and Chiavenna (d. 1450s), did not seem to have become involved in such disputes, apparently content to remain minor lords.43 Yet their feudal holdings along Stirone river near Borgo San Donnino (now Fidenza) were of great significance in part because of their location along the river44 and were, therefore, of interest to the Farnese, who always coveted strategic locations. Within the Pallavicini family itself, its members were often split in terms of their political alliances; some favoring the Sforza of Milan, others the French, causing even further fragmentation of the Pallavicini state. The three branches of the Pallavicini family under consideration here not only vied for greater territory and alliances with the Farnese, but also developed their own courtly entourage and their own networks of patronage of art and architecture, often emulating the Sforza of Milan, the Farnese of Parma and Piacenza, or the Este of Ferrara. These minor lords, too, remodeled, reconstructed, and built churches, convents, monasteries, religious foundations, and new palaces. Around 1479-80, for example, Gianludovico Pallavicino, márchese of Cortemaggiore, commissioned Maffeo Caretto da Como, an engineer and architect, and Ghiberto Manzi da Piacenza, an architect, to rebuild the Castello, "secondo un concetto innovato."45 Left incomplete at his death in 1481, his son Rolando II, who owned 42

Poggiali, vol. 8, pp. 36-37 and Seletti, vol. 1, p. 251. There is far less information available on this branch of the family. Some documents are in the ASP, FP, the ASPc, and the APBB. Secondary sources include Poggiali (cited earlier); Giorgio Fiori, Gustavo di Groppelo, Carlo Emanuele Manfredi, Maurizio de Meo, and Giuseppe Mischi, Le antiche famiglie di Piacenza e i lorro stemmi (Piacenza, 1979); and MSS Pallestrelli 279, Memorie dette famiglia Pallavicini located in the Biblioteca Comunale Passerini-Landi in Piacenza. The Pallavicini of Scipione must have been of some influence. On 22 February 1471, the duke of Milan wrote to Nicolo Pallavicino, márchese of Scipione to see if he could use the latter* s house in Borgo San Donnino because he needed an elegant setting to lodge some dignitaries (Seletti, vol. 1, p. 247). 44 These included: Crotta, Specchio, Salsomaggiore, Salsominore, as well as part of Borgo San Donnino (all of the Pallavicini feudi included some part of Borgo San Donnino), Scipione, and Chiavenna; the latter was located between Piacenza and Cortemaggiore and is now referred to as Chiavenna-Landi. 45 Paola Ceschi Lavagetto, "La Pittura del Quattrocento," in Storia di Parma, vol. 3, pp. 784-86. Manzi is known only for his activities at Cortemaggiore. 43

Women, Art, and Architecture in Northern Italy

12

a copy of Alberti's treatise on architecture, completed the project and also built the Palazzo Pallavicini.46 Moreover, Rolando built the church of SS. Annunziata, which was consecrated in 1499, and there established the Cappella Pallavicino, the family funerary chapel.47 When Gianludovico II Pallavicino (d. 1527) was buried in the chapel, his daughter Virginia Pallavicina was credited with completing her father's tomb and with commissioning the artist Giovanni Antonio Pordenone to decorate it.48 Nicolo dell' Abate, too, worked for Gerolamo Pallavicino at Busseto before he was commissioned by Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo (Laura PallavicinaSanvitale's daughter) and her husband Giulio Boiardo to paint their newly renovated apartments at Scandiano in the 1540s. Indeed, the Pallavicini employed many well-known artists to decorate their homes and funerary chapels, and for other commissions as well. Michelangelo Anselmi, Alessandro Araldi, Girolamo Mazzola Bedoli, Bernardino and Vincenzo Campi, Parmigianino, Francesco Zaganelli, Bernardo Zenale, as well as Pordenone and Nicolo delF Abate are all documented as having worked for one member of the family or another at one time or another. So it is not surprising to find that the women of the Pallavicini clan followed in the same tradition, commissioning works of art and architecture for their own purposes, just as many of them were equally involved with court culture, politics, and religious issues of the day. A Few Words about the Sources The ideas presented in this book developed out of an extensive study of original documents, which are themselves products of sixteenth-century Italian history:49 inventories of women's possessions found in their homes, marriage contracts, wills, letters, notary records, contracts with artists and workers, and other legal documents associated with legal disputes. All of these documents show women as participants in the financial world, women who could and did manage their own economic affairs. It is my purpose here to outline just how the documents in this study were used as well as their significance to the study of women as patrons of art and architecture. Inventories provide an indirect way to examine women's relationships with the market for luxury goods and decorative objects, and to explore how women may have used domestic spaces. Frequently, inventories resulted from inheritance disputes. Most inventories of women's homes were not merely lists, rather they described everything: what was in the rooms, how the rooms were connected to 46

Bruno Adorni, "L' Architettura del primo Rinascimento," in Storia di Piacenza, vol. 3, p. 608. 47 Adorni, p. 609. 48 Pordenone had already been working for the Pallavicini at Cortemaggiore (Ferdinando Arisi, "Pittura dalla Madonna," in Storia di Piacenw, vol. 3, pp. 864-66). See also Caterina Furlan, // Pordenone (Milan, 1988), pp. 30, 174-81. 49 Selected documents are located in Appendix I.

Introduction

13

each other, to whom they belonged, and how they were used, and as such are particularly useful in defining women's spaces. Other inventories, like those attached to marriage contracts or to other legal documents, were simply lists of women's possessions at a particular time in their lives, and these lists usually included the monetary value of each item as well. Inventories and wills cast new light on female ownership of property and the use of domestic space.50 Wills listed precious objects that women wished to bequeath to relatives, faithful servants, and close friends; women tended to distribute possessions to female relatives rather than to males. In both wills and codicils, women specified who would inherit their movables (mobília - furniture, clothing, and other domestic goods), and these objects were left almost exclusively to women. Wills support the view that wealthy, married women frequently owned significant amounts of property outright, even before they became widows. They also indicate the sort of wealth a woman could control and highlight the variety of personal relationships that resulted in bequests. Furthermore, wills confirm that the type and amount of women's wealth covered a broad spectrum, but that regardless of the amount of money or type of goods, a woman's possessions endowed her with some degree of social power. Codicils often predated wills and were usually, but not always, appended to the documents by the notaries. Codicils allowed women to make important bequests just in case they died without making their wishes known, and they offered another means by which a woman could exert power, especially over male relatives or other figures of authority. Widows, especially, could wield power through their wills and codicils (and testamentary intentions) to make themselves a formidable political or social force. Wills and contracts furnish information about a woman's income (from investments, dowries, bequests), expenditures (on art, domestic movable goods, jewelry, and interests on loans, among other things), and other property related activities, as do documents associated with loans and pawns. Women often used gems and fabrics as collateral for cash, and so these records also tell us what women owned and how they spent their money. Furthermore, contracts with artisans and craftsmen, and related documents, outline in detail what women required in terms of commissioning art and architecture; they provide evidence that women were, indeed, actively involved in a variety of projects from building homes or churches to ordering frescoes or sculptural decorations for their homes or chapels. Most of the legal papers are preserved in the protocols of the notaries who wrote up the documents, others are found in family archives, such as the Archivio Famiglia Pallavicini or the Archivio Famiglia Sanvitale, both housed in the Archivio di Stato in Parma, and the Archivio Pallavicini housed in the Biblioteca in Busseto. 50

Alison Smith's discussion of women's inventories and wills is particularly useful. See also her article, "Gender, Ownership and Domestic Space: Inventories and Family Archives in Renaissance Verona," Renaissance Studies, 12/3 (1998): 379-81, and Evelyn Welch, "The Art of Expenditure," pp. 312-14.

Women, Art, and Architecture in Northern Italy

14

Notarial documents demonstrate women's aggressive protection and assertion of their rights to family money and goods. Many women were active financial agents who negotiated leases and challenged debts. We learn about women's agency through the study of such documents, and find that various patterns emerge. Perhaps most striking is the wealthy widow, who was autonomous financially and often free from the control of her father or guardian after her husband's death. Women's letters to friends and relatives, public officials and religious leaders are the richest sources for understanding how these women operated. They are used here to fill in gaps in the sources and to answer questions raised by the missing documents. Letters are personal papers, and as such, provide us with a more intimate view of what women did and what they wanted to purchase or give away. Chronicles from the period enhance our vision of these women as well; however, such written records are often biased written with a particular purpose or person in mind and must be used with caution. Documents are not purely factual rather they are constructions.51 Yet we can distinguish in the letters women's individual voices, whereas the chronicles, notarial records, and many other documents reflect a male voice, and, therefore, issues of gender must be considered as well when reading and analyzing original sources like those used in this study.

51

See the work of Thomas Kuehn for a discussion of the various types of legal documents associated with women and how they were used cited in notes 17 and 18.

Introduction

Fig. 0. 1 Map of Emilia Romagna Region of Italy

15

Chapter One

The Women: The Cast of Characters Three women - Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale (ca. 1495-1576), her cousin, Giacoma Pallavicina (ca. 1509-1575), both from Zibello, and Camilla Pallavicina (ca. 15151561) of Busseto - form the basis of this study on woman patrons of the arts from the feudal courts around Parma and Piacenza.1 Laura, Giacoma, and Camilla will serve as models for the different ways in which women used their public and private voices as a means of negotiating power through their patronage of art and architecture. Their public voice (architecture) spoke of family dynasty, power, and social status, whereas their private voice (the domestic interior) spoke more personally of their own wealth, status, and piety, exercising their choices in the context of a wide range of dynastic and social issues. 2 Interconnected through marriage alliances and kinship ties, these three women, and those connected to them, had considerable power and control over their family feudal holdings, their dowry funds, and their own personal wealth. It is how each woman managed this power and wealth that separated one from the other. Although marginalized today, Laura, Giacoma, and Camilla were well known and respected in their own day. Highly educated and intelligent women, they could read and write, and were familiar with the popular literary and poetic writings dating from antiquity to their own day. They corresponded with other women throughout Italy and with political, religious, and literary figures as well as

1

The choice of these three women is based on the availability of documents. Rather than organizing this book around the lives of the three women as historians like Monica Chojnacka (Working Women in Early Modern Venice, Baltimore and London, 2001), I have chosen to limit this material to one chapter. Joanne Ferraro's work on marriage and the family in both Brescia and Venice is particularly useful; see for example Family and Public Ufe in Brescia, 1580-1650 (Cambridge, 1993), especially chapters two and three, and Marriage Wars in Late Renaissance Venice (Oxford and New York, 2001) as well as her numerous articles. 2 Architecture, both residential and ecclesiastical, allowed women to express themselves in the public arena, typically seen as the male realm, whereas the domestic interior and even the religious interior (chapels, convents) have been seen traditionally as women's domain. This provocative dichotomy begins to blur as we find women who are actively involved publicly and privately as patrons of art and architecture. In other words, gender roles are not nearly as clearly defined as one might assume.

Women, Art, and Architecture in Northern Italy

18

receiving literary tributes from such individuals as Ludovico Domenichi, Bernardo Tasso, Pietro Aretino, and Annibale Caro.3 Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale, as the head of her family, was clearly a leader in her own right operating just as a man, a patriarch4 would. In fact, she could be considered the matriarch over all of the women in this study since the others all connect back to her in one way or another as shall become evident. Her cousin, Giacoma Pallavicina, on the other hand, chose a more pious path creating her own model. Likely a lay sister, Giacoma chose to support financially and morally her female kin, orphans, and the poor. Both women were brought up at Zibello and had to deal with male relatives over feudal disputes. Yet the two women were total opposites in every aspect of their lives. Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale, taking over her brother Gianfrancesco's role as head of the family, approached life with every intention of maintaining all the family's feudal holdings for her future sons and their sons. Whether it concerned Zibello and Roccabianca or the marriage negotiations for her son Alfonso, she never hesitated to write to Pope Paul III manipulating power and influence through her friendship with him.5 While Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale came to the aid of her female relatives only because they were involved with feudal disputes (Barbara Pallavicina-Rangona) or controversial issues, such as convent reform (Susanna Sanvitale), her primary motivation in life was the continuation of the "ramo Sanvitale" and the Pallavicini of Zibello and Roccabianca, thus she was concerned with both her marital and natal families. Laura even used her patronage of the arts to this end. One of at least eight children most of whom were illegitimate, Giacoma Pallavicina6 turned away from the feudal disputes of Zibello and Roccabianca that involved her father, Bernardino and dedicated her life to the care of young, unmarried women, especially those who descended from her father, of orphans, 3

In one literary dialogue, Virginia Pallavicina-Gambara hosted an evening of discussion in her palazzo in Brescia (Flávio Alessio Ungoni's Dialogo sugli stati della vita umana e sopra tutto dei maritati (1549), Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venice, MSS BNM cod. It, viii, 24 (6068)). Other protagonists included: Giulio Boiardo, count of Scandiano and Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo's husband; Count Gianfrancesco Gambara; Luigi Calino; Camillo Avogardo; and Márchese Antonio Piccolomini. 4 Patriarch/matriarch refers to the head of the family, the head of the household. Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale, a widow and head of the prestigious Roccabianca-Zibello branch of the Pallavicini, did what would have been expected of either a man or woman in her situation. Widows who had to take over a large household with minor male heirs and manage feudal holdings for them would have reacted as Laura did - it would have been expected. Laura acted in a forthright manner perhaps because she not only represented her sons, but the entire Zibello clan. 5 Roberto Zappieri, in is book about Pope Paul III, speculates that Paul's relationship with Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale was intimate, that she was his "vecchia concubina" (19). 6 As noted later in this chapter, Giacoma inherited substantial property from her husband who willed it to her.

The Women: The Cast of Characters

19

and of the poor. She paid off the debts of others, opened her home to children, and generally used her patronage of the arts to benefit others. Initially a follower of Ignatius of Loyola, Giacoma founded the Compagnia delle Donne Spirituale, and she provided young women with dowries and a place to live. Her Compagnia was later affiliated with the church of Sta. Maria della Steccata in Parma. Both women's wealth was derived primarily from their land holdings, and Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's were far more extensive than Giacoma Pallavicina's. Laura kept most of the income for herself and her family, buying several houses and renovating them in a manner that clearly spoke of her social position. Giacoma, on the other hand, used her income to support the Compagnia and to assist the poor. She renovated houses that were located on her land rather than family palazzi. The contrast between these two women and their methods of negotiating power are a consistent thread running throughout the chapters that follow. The third and youngest of the three, Camilla Pallavicina, was widowed, remarried, and was widowed again. Camilla's situation is unique in comparison to the other two women. It was not her choice to marry or to remarry, rather it was due to the feudal holdings she inherited from her father that caused her male relatives to arrange both marriages in order to keep Cortemaggiore and Busseto within the control of this branch of the Pallavicini family. It was more advantageous for a woman to remain a widow, especially in the northern courts of Italy where they enjoyed greater freedom of action and could control substantial properties in their own names or that of their minor children.7 And this was, of course, the reason that Camilla Pallavicina's male relatives arranged these marriages, so she would not gain control of the lands she inherited from her father. Yet Camilla managed to maintain a certain independence, perhaps because she was such a valuable prize. Her concerns were not so much for the family patrimony as for the welfare of her two daughters. The inventories of her material goods show Camilla to have been refined and knowledgeable of current artistic trends. Issues of inheritance and women's wealth are primary concerns here as we consider women's roles as patrons of art and architecture and as decorators of the domestic interior - after all they had to have the money to pay for what they commissioned and purchased. In her study on gender, ownership, and domestic space, Alison Smith8 points out that wealthy elite women in Italy were becoming wealthier in their own right in the sixteenth century not only because the value of their dowries was escalating, but because they were also being increasingly named in the wills of their uncles, aunts, brothers, and cousins from their natal family, rather than naming collateral cognatic male relatives heirs. Furthermore, this practice supported the broader tendency to consolidate strong aristocratic lineages. In the absence of a direct male heir, married women were more likely to keep their 7

See the Introduction for further discussion. "Gender, Ownership and Domestic Space," p. 376. See also Sandra Cavallo, "What did women transmit? Ownership and Control of Household Goods and Personal Effects in Early Modern Italy," in Gender and Material Culture, pp. 38-53. 8

Women, Art, and Architecture in Northern Italy

20

property within their natal family, given their strong ties of affection and loyalty to the natal kin.9 This is certainly the case with Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale, Giacoma Pallavicina, and Camilla Pallavicina, and likely for many of the other women in this study as well. This apparent shift in patrimonial practices allowed women greater discretionary power over ever larger amounts of family property; and this link between women's access to wealth and the changing affective ties among family members was played out, in part, in the material world of their households. Furthermore, the wills of a number of these women support the view that wealthy married women frequently owned significant amounts of property outright even before they became widows, and that they retained it once widowed. ° Even women with small amounts of property, who saw fit to write wills, owned household goods and other property. All these women tended to distribute them to other female relatives in their wills. As we shall see, wealthy aristocratic women used their access to wealth and ownership of goods and property not only to influence their kin and communities, but also to celebrate themes that were of concern to them, such as motherhood, close female bonds, and the like. They often featured their own patriline (that of their father) in place of, or in addition to, their husbands and sons. Women's wills, then, provide us with evidence that wealthy women (like those in this study) controlled a significant amount of property in the form of material goods, real estate, loans, and other investments. Moreover, in the disposition of her property, a widow enjoyed considerable independence of action within the patrilineal constraints of her family, often naming only other women as beneficiaries, as in the case of Giacoma Pallavicina and Camilla Pallavicina. Focusing on this group of women will illustrate the different methods women used to negotiate power whether it be through economic negotiations such as managing property or purchasing material goods or marriage negotiations for their kin or the manipulation of their social roles and social spaces through the commissioning of art and architecture. They negotiated with artists, craftsmen and builders to make their public and private voices heard. As a foundation for the chapters that follow, a series of biographies will show how each of these women's lives varied and how this impacted what they did or did not do. The biographies include a discussion of the personal circumstance of each woman, her marital condition, her geographical positioning, and the type of patronage practiced by each. The chapter concludes with a brief summary of the similarities and differences among these women and the types of patronage they practiced.

9

Smith, p. 376. This issue will be discussed in more detail in relation to specific women in this study.

10

The Women: The Cast of Characters

21

Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale and her Legacy Perhaps the most formidable and most powerful of all the women11 in this study was Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale (ca. 1495-1576), the daughter of Federico Pallavicino, márchese of Zibello and Clarice Malaspina of Fosdinovo. Laura's father died in 1502, leaving Malaspina in control of his territory and his four children: Gianfrancesco (d. 1514), Ippolita, Giacoma Laura, and Argentina (150250).12 In 1511 at the age of sixteen, Pallavicina-Sanvitale married Gianfrancesco 11

Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale was considered as such even in her own day. APBB, b. 4, 1502, 14 March. A copy of his will is also located in ASP, Feudi e comunita, Archivio feudale di Roccabianca, b. 163. See also Carlo Soliani, Nelle terre dei Pallavicino: Il Feudi di Zibello (Busseto, 1990), pp. 51-5. Although her proper name was Giacoma Laura, Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale was more commonly referred to simply as "Laura," perhaps to avoid confusion with her cousin Giacoma Pallavicina. Laura Pallavicina's marriage to Gianfrancesco Sanvitale was significant for the Pallavicini if for no other reason than the fact that Fontanellato had been one of their feudal holdings until 1404 (ASP, FSPf, b. 9, All 181). Clearly, it was meant as a marriage alliance between the two families. Argentina, the youngest of the three, was also a well-known poet. She spent time in Venice and was a friend of Pietro Aretino and Pietro Bembo. She was betrothed to Guido Rangone (d. 1543) of Modena in 1514. They were married in 1516. Her son, Baldassare Rangone married Giulia Orsini. When Argentina died in 1550, she was buried in the church of San Francesco in Modena. Clarice Malaspina leñ Zibello with her daughter Argentina and went to Modena. Clarice lived in Spilembergo until her death in 1516. A bit of family history may be useful. Around 1459-60, a rivalry between Gianfrancesco Pallavicino of Zibello (see Appendix II for genealogy charts) and Pier Maria Rossi of San Secondo escalated when Pier Maria began building a fortress very close to Zibello, called Roccabianca. In December 1460, Gianfrancesco wrote to the duke of Milan asking for his intervention. This dispute continued into the 1480s with Ludovico il Moro, the duke of Milan (1451-1508) taking the side of the Pallavicini; at Rossi's death in 1482, Ludovico granted Roccabianca and other holdings to Gianfrancesco. In his will of 1497, Gianfrancesco gave Federico (Laura's father) Zibello and his brother Rolando (d. 1529), Roccabianca; they were to pay their brother, Bernardino (d. 1526) a sum of money annually to compensate for the loss of his feudal holdings (Campari, pp. 162-67. Gianfrancesco's will is located in the APBB, b. 4). Gianfrancesco did this to his second-bom son simply because Bernardino had caused a family scandal. It was this very issue that was at the root of all future disputes over the rights to Zibello and Roccabianca in which Laura PallavicinaSanvitale was actively involved. Bernardino had been destined for the church and faithfully began his career at Pieve Alta Villa near Zibello. At the same time, two young, poor girls, Caterina and Marta, daughters of Bartolomeo Buffetti of San Giuliano came to Zibello, and Gianfrancesco arranged marriages for them (1490). Unfortunately, Bernardino became involved first with Caterina, whom he was accused of raping and then with Marta as well. Outraged, Caterina's father-in-law sought revenge only to be murdered by Bernardino, who then went to Caterina's home with four men and abducted her, though she was apparently willing to go. Once Caterina's husband was dead (1509), she and Bernardino married, although they 12

22

Women, Art, and Architecture in Northern Italy

Sanvitale (d. 1519), count of Fontanellato and elder brother of Giangaleazzo Laura (1496-1550), who married Paola Gonzaga (1504-1570s) in 1516. 13 Pallavicina-Sanvitale was a prolific letter writer, corresponding regularly with Pope Paul III, Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, Duke Ottavio Famese, and Ferrante Gonzaga, as well as with numerous other political and religious figures of the day. 14 She wrote to them concerning both personal and political issues. For example, her letters to Pope Paul III sometimes related to family events like the birth of her first grandchild in 1540 or to seek his advice and support over a variety of issues, and he apparently listened to her when dealing with politics in Parma.15 Pallavicina-Sanvitale wrote to her son-in-law Giulio Boiardo, to her son Alfonso, and to other individuals on various occasions. Her own cousin, Giacoma had lived together for years. The legitimacy of their marriage, and of their children as well, was a constant issue in inheritance disputes long after the two were dead (the documents are located in the APBB, bb. 83, 84). When Federico died in 1502, he gave his wife jurisdiction over Zibello unless she remarried or until his son, Gianfrancesco II (d. 1514) reached his majority of twenty-five. Federico excluded his two brothers, Bernardino and Rolando from inheriting Zibello. Gianfrancesco II, in turn, named his sisters and his mother as his heirs. On going battles over inheritance rights, between Bernardino, Rolando, Laura, and her two sisters continued for years, and it was Laura Pallavicini-Sanvitale who took up the challenge against her two uncles. The dispute was never truly resolved and remained a bone of contention throughout Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale* s life (ASP, Feudi e comunita, Archivio feudale di Roccabianca, b. 163; the APBB, bb. 48-64; Soliani, pp. 49, 152-61; and Campari, pp. 17595). 13 ASP, FSPf, b. 9, All 182. The origins of the Sanvitale family began in Ravenna. It was Ugo who established the family in Parma in the early twelfth century. As one of the most important families in Parma, the Sanvitale forged ties with the Este and Visconti throughout the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, and later, with the Sforza as well. It was because of these connections and their continued loyalty to both families that the Sanvitale were given Fontanellato. In 1404, the Pallavicini lost Fontanellato to Gianmaria Visconti, who gave it to Giberto II Sanvitale and his brother Gianmartino (ASP, FSAs, b. 883, folios 96r-98r and b. 872, Cass. A, Mass. 1, 8). Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's husband, Gianfrancesco Sanvitale was allied with the French, serving as capitano armato and was granted the tide of cavalière; he died in battle in 1519 (ASP, FSAs, b. 872, 13, 22). And although his younger brother, Giangaleazzo also served the French, it was Francis I who first decreed, on 11 February 1520, that Fontanellato be held not only by Giangaleazzo, but also by Gianfrancesco's two sons, Ercole (1516-1530) and Alfonso (1518-1560). The king had inadvertently begun a feud between Giangaleazzo and his brother's heirs that was to last nearly the rest of the century, and one in which Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale was actively involved. 14 The majority of her letters are located in ASP, CFi and AS Milan, Autografici, b. 161. 15 See Paolo Torelli's letter to his agent, Gian Giacomo Baratta of 1538 in ASP, Archivio Torelli, b. 17. When he was rebuffed by Pope Paul III in May of that year at Castel S. Giovanni, he accused the pope of relying on Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's advice concerning political matters. She, of course, was head of the opposition.

The Women: The Cast of Characters

23

Pallavicina sought her aid on at least one occasion. An ardent supporter of the Jesuits from their arrival in Parma in 1539, Giacoma was distressed in September 1540 to find that their leader Peter Faber was about to leave for Spain. Knowing that her cousin was "one of the noblest ladies in the city and a kinswoman of the pope," Giacoma asked Laura to write to Cardinal Sta. Fiora on her behalf hoping that Laura's power and influence would prevent Faber's departure.16 As well, literary figures such as Annibale Caro corresponded with Laura.17 In addition to her involvement in the causes of her female relatives, Pallavicina-Sanvitale also had close ties with other women. Their respect is evident, as when Cassandra Cornazzano appointed her as executor of her estates.18 More importantly, Pallavicina-Sanvitale clearly had a close working relationship with her friend and lawyer Francesco Cusano (d. 1550), who was involved not only with arranging her son's marriage, but also with almost all of the various feudal disputes and in her political activities. 19 Yet the governor of Parma, Gian Angelo de' Medici of Milan and others referred to her as "una donna terribile" in relation to his dealings with her in 1537 over the Zibello-Roccabianca dispute20 and over her political involvement as head of the Ghibellines.

16

Hugo Rahner, S. J., St Ignatius of Loyola, Letters to Women (New York, 1960), p. 315. 17 Annibale Caro, Delle lettere familiare. Terzo libro (Padua, 1748), two letters: 19 July 1541 and 20 January 1546. 18 Laura was asked to care for Cassandra's nephew, Gianfrancesco who was her heir. ASP, FSPf, b. 16, BII416, 1541, 23 September; notai, D. Pigoni, b. 1590, 1548, 25 January codicil. Cassandra was the cousin of Pallavicina-Sanvitale's agent, Manfredo Cornazzano, who assisted her in the purchase of a number of her properties. 19 For the marriage negotiations, Cusano may have acted as Pallavicina-Sanvitale's mundualdo simply because of the fact that her name was not even noted in the marriage contract. Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's letters to Cusano are located in ASP, CFi, 1535-49. For his will and an inventory of his house, see ASP, Notai, G.D. Criminali, b. 1250,1549. 20 ASP, CFi, b. 4. The Rossi, arch-enemies of the Pallavicini of Roccabianca and Zibello, along with the Torelli were the traditional leaders of "la vecchia Squadra Rossiani" and pro-Guelf. Parma was headed by four major feudal families, the Rossi, Pallavicini, Sanvitale and da Correggio, who each controlled a sqaudra within the city. The Rossi were against the other three, the *Tre Parte" who were pro-Ghibellines who sought Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale out to lead their faction. She brought with her the Tagliaferri and Cusani families. See Antonio Melupi di Soragna, "La visita di Papa Paolo III a Parma e gli incidenti del 13 aprile 1538," Archivio Storico per le Province Parmensu 7 &8 (1942-43): 34-35. For pertinent letters see ASP, CFi, b. 3, 1537, 2 May and 27 June, letters by Gian Angelo de' Medici to Recalcati; bb. 3,4, 5, 6 for Laura's numerous letters to Pope Paul III, Cardinal Farnese, Monsignor Recalcati, all organized by date; and letters by Cardinal de Monte; and Famiglia Torelli, b. 17 for a letter of June 1540 by Paolo Torelli concerning events involving Francesco Cusano, Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale, the Tagliaferri, and the son of Pietro Rossi. See also Giuseppe Bertini, "Parmigianino e i conti Rossi fra San Secondo e Casalmaggiore," in Parmigianino e la Scuola di Parma (Casalmaggiore, 2004), p. 116 and

24

Women, Art, and Architecture in Northern Italy

Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale took an active role in the dispute over the inheritance rights of Zibello and Roccabianca, and she took on the cause of her cousin Barbara Pallavicina-Rangona and her four children21 primarily because like a man Pallavicina-Sanvitale wanted to maintain the family holdings for future generations. At issue was Barbara's right to inherit Roccabianca, which her grandfather, Gianfrancesco had specified could only pass along male lines. Because her father, Rolando (d. 1529) had no male heirs, he appealed to Clement VII in 1525 to modify the terms of the will so that Barbara could hold her father's estate in trust for her future sons. In 1526, the pope issued a brief confirming that Barbara could inherit her father's feudal holdings. 22 Unfortunately, this did not resolve the inheritance disputes, and when other avenues failed, Laura turned once again to Pope Paul IH, her friend and confidant.23 After Barbara died in 1539, Laura was given custody of her children. Subsequent documents stress Laura's concerns for the welfare of Barbara's two sons, Gian Giulio (d. 1583) and Pallavicino (d. 1570) Rangone, the signori of Roccabianca and Zibello. 24 Because of her testimony before Gian Angelo de' Medici concerning the on-going litigation over the feudal rights to Zibello and Roccabianca and her political activities of the same period, we know that Pallavicina-Sanvitale was about forty years old in 1537, living in a house in Parma near S. Giovanni Evangelista, and had 10,000 gold scudi ("diecimila scudi d'oro").25 As we shall see, this dispute, and the related allegations and continued controversy, haunted Laura Pallavicina"Una proposta identificazione dell"Antea del Parmigianino: Ottavia Baiardi Becceria," Aurea Parma, 8673 (2002): 366. 21 Rolando, Barbara's father, became a fugitive accused of killing his brother Polidoro (d. 1527) among other things and was executed in 1529. He was survived by his wife Domitilla Gambara and their two daughters Barbara and Teodora. Barbara's first marriage was negotiated with Pope Leo X in 1514. Ippolito de Medici (b. 1511) was betrothed to Barbara. However, sacred canon required that those involved be seven years old at the time of the contract. In 1524 this one was ruled invalid. To compensate, Clement VII suggested Ludovico Rangone. For Pallavicina-Sanvitale's numerous letters to Pope Paul III about Barbara Pallavicina-Rangona, see ASP, CFi, bb. 3,4,1537. 22 ASP, Feudi e comunita, Archivio feudale di Roccabianca, b. 163; Clement's brief dates 27 March 1526 and is published in Campari, p. 377, #9. 23 AS Milano, Famiglia Pallavicini, b. 135 for letters of 1537 by Laura PallavicinaSanvitale and Barbara Pallavicina-Rangona to Pope Paul III. 24 APBB, bb. 143, 144; ASP, Feudi e comunita, Archivio feudale di Roccabianca, b. 163; Notai, G. D. Crirninali, bb. 1248, 1249, 1250 for numerous documents, including various inventories of Roccabianca, expense accounts for guards and soldiers, and for household goods. Barbara's two daughters, Domitilla and Teodora seem to have disappeared. 25 ASP FSPf, b. 15, BII 381. See also Campari, p. 347. It is from these documents related to her various testimonies that we learn what she owned and what was produced because the officials required lists of properties, earnings, and inventories of her possessions.

The Women: The Cast of Characters

25

Sanvitale throughout her life and may ultimately have been the reason for her move to Reggio Emilia in 1556. At the time that she was involved with the feudal disputes and politics, other issues occupied Pallavicina-Sanvitale's attention as well. In his will of 1519, Gianfrancesco Sanvitale gave his wife dominion over their two sons, Ercole (15161530) and Alfonso (1518-1560) and over his feudal holdings.26 He made no mention of either of his two daughters, Silvia (ca. 1517-1584) or Veronica (b. ca. 1515), perhaps because they were so young, and it was expected that their mother would care for them. It was customary as well to give thefirst-borndaughter to the church, and Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale placed Veronica in the family sponsored monastery of S. Quintino in Parma in 1530.27 In May 1519 Gianfrancesco died in battle leaving his wife and two minor sons as heirs to his feudal holdings at Fontanellato, a claim that was challenged by his brother, Giangaleazzo Sanvitale.28 It was during this period that Pallavicina-Sanvitale had her first encounter with Pier Luigi Farnese, then gonfaloniere and capitano genérale for the Holy Church, who also became involved in this dispute.2 The ensuing litigation between Giangaleazzo Sanvitale and Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale over the rights to Fontanellato continued well into the 1530s. When Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's son, Ercole died a suspicious death in 1530, she accused the jealous Giangaleazzo Sanvitale of poisoning her son and sent Alfonso into safekeeping with her maternal relatives at Fosdinovo, while she moved to Parma.30 During the late 1520s and 1530s Pallavicina-Sanvitale began a letter writing campaign in support of her sister-in-law Susanna Sanvitale's (1484-1540s) 26

ASP, FSPf, b. 10, All 221 and Notai, G. B. Plauzio Pezzoni, b. 991, 1519, 20 February. 27 Sometimes several daughters were placed in a monastery or convent. Three of Gerolama Famese-Sanvitale's daughters and two of Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale daughters were placed in S. Quintino. This was not limited to daughters,first-bomsons were also given to the church. ASP, FSPf, b. 13, BI317 and BI318. 28 See note 12 above. 29 ASP, Feudi e comunita, Archivio feudale di Roccabianca, b. 163 and Notai, G. B. Plauzio Pezzoni, b. 973,1519, 28 May. See also Campari, pp. 195-201. 30 We know that she was living in Parma by 1530 because of a papal brief issued 30 July 1540 (Vatican City, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Arm. 41, vol. 18, #656). This brief stated that Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale could remain in Parma for another ten years that is until 1550. Some explanation is in order here. Because of all the violence occurring in Parma in the 1530s between the Guelfs (Squadra Rossiani) and the Ghibellines (Tre Parte), Pope Paul III issued several briefs (15 January 1535, 18 May 1537, 7 August 1537) which required that the feudatory leave the city. However, there were two notable exceptions: Paolo Torelli and his family and Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale (Vatican City, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Ann. 40, vol. 30, # 181; Arm 41, vol. 6, #156, vol. 7, #202). In a letter by Paolo Torelli to his agent, Gian Giacomo Baratta of 1538, he accused Cardinal del Monte and those around him of being completely dominated by Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale and her faction (ASP, Archivio Torelli, b. 17,1538 letter without month or day).

Plate 1 Nicolo dell'Abate, Octagon, 1540s, Gallería Estense, Modena

Plate 2

Francesco Zaganelli da Cotignola, Portrait of Rolando and Barbara Pallavicino, 1518, Cappella Maggiore, SS. Annunziata (now, the Gallería Nazionale), Parma

Plate 3 Alessandro Araldi, Portrait of Barbara Pallavicina, 1520s, Gallería degli Uifizi, Florence

Plate 4

Francesco Zaganelli da Cotignola, Portrait ofDomitilla Gambara, 1518, Cappella Maggiore, SS. Annunziata (now, the Gallería Nazionale), Parma

Women, Art, and Architecture in Northern Italy

26

concerns for convent reform and clausura issues. Considered a letterata, Susanna San vitale became abbess of San Quintino in 1505. Not only did PallavicinaSanvitale write to her friend Cardinal Alessandro Farnese (before and after he became Pope Paul III) enlisting his aid, but also to her brother-in-law, Gianlodovico Sanvitale, Protonotario Apostólico. Moreover, Pallavicina-Sanvitale received permission to reside at San Quintino for extended periods, in part for spiritual renewal and in part to lend her support to Susanna.31 Numerous documents provide evidence of Pallavicina-Sanvitale9 s financial dealings with the convent and her contributions for building renovations as well.32 In the late 1520s, Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale took up the cause of her sister Ippolita's daughter, Virginia (ca. 1511/14-ca. 1559), who had become PallavicinaSanvitale's ward after the death of her parents. Once again she went to battle for her niece, first combating troops sent by the papacy to Cortemaggiore, then with Clement VII himself.33 It is of interest to note that at the same time that Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale and Virginia Pallavicina were at Cortemaggiore so was the young Camilla Pallavicina of Busseto, brought there in 1524, apparently for safekeeping and in preparation for her future marriage to Cesare Pallavicino. More importantly, Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale was clearly concerned about the patrimony associated with her female relatives and her own children. It is likely that in 1523 Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale began negotiating the marriage contract for her daughter, Silvia Sanvitale, age six, to Giulio Boiardo (d. 1553), count of Scandiano.3 By the late 1520s, she was involved in yet another marriage arrangement, that of her mece Virginia Pallavicina.35 In 1527 Pallavicina-Sanvitale began to negotiate the terms of a marriage between Virginia and Ranuccio Farnese (1503-28), the illegitimate son of the future Pope Paul III and his mistress, Silvia Ruffini.36 Not a stranger to controversy, this arrangement illustrates Pallavicina-Sanvitale's courage and tenacity. Once again she acted in the role of matriarch, taking on the duties normally assigned to a male relative. Although Pope Clement VII was bitterly opposed to the marriage between Virginia and Ranuccio, Pallavicina-Sanvitale wrote numerous letters and even made a trip 31

ASP, Comune di Parma. Anziani, b. 531, 5 May 1525 and four other documents for May; and b. 533, 2 March 1527. 32 Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale requested and received permission to reside at S. Quintino for periods of at least six months in 1548 and 1556 (ASP, Notai, G.D. Criminali, bb. 1250,1251). 33 MSS Parm, 1181, Storia geneologia delia nobilíssima famiglia Sanvitale, 106. Virginia Pallavicina was an only child and as such was heir to Cortemaggiore. 34 ASP, Notai, G.B. Pauzi Pezzoni, b. 976 and G.D. Criminali, bb. 1245, 1247 for the documents. 35 Both of her parents died in the 1520s. Virginia Pallavicina was responsible for completing her father's tomb añer his death in 1527. Her life is discussed in more detail with that of Camilla Pallavicina. 36 Felice Rizzardi, Rime e lettere di Veronica Gambara (Brescia, 1759), pp. lix, and77 Biblioteca Palatina, Parma, MSS Parma 1181, p. 106v. See also Zappieri, pp. 23, 25-30.

The Women: The Cast of Characters

27

to Rome to see the pope, who eventually gave in to Laura's demands.37 Unfortunately in 1528 Ranuccio, a condottiero, died in battle,38 and it is unclear as to whether or not the marriage ever took place - it may never have been more than a contract. Another marriage was arranged, this time to Brunoro Gambara (d. 1570s), brother of Veronica Gambara (1485-1550) of Correggio. This wedding took place in Bologna in late 1529. 39 By 1538 Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale was negotiating with Pope Paul III for her son Alfonso's marriage to the pope's niece Gerolama Farnese.40 In April of that year, she sent her agent and lawyer, Francesco Cusano to Rome to speak to the pope on her behalf. l Ultimately Pallavicina-Sanvitale herself made the trip to Rome to see her long time friend and adviser, Pope Paul III,42 whom she first met in Parma in 1519 and with whom she corresponded concerning a number of issues, including her son's career as a diplomat and soldier.43 Her trip must have been successful for the wedding took place in Parma in 1539. 44 The marriage was considered the most prestigious of the time ("piu prestigiosi del tempo").45 While Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale went to great length to provide her son with a bride from the prestigious Farnese family, Alfonso was less than appreciative. As early as 1538 he disputed Pallavicina-Sanvitale's management of his inheritance.46 At eighteen, Alfonso had not yet reached his majority of twenty-five and was, therefore, subject to his mother's authority. By 1544 Alfonso formally accused his mother of wasting his inheritance on his wedding and on the Palazzo Claudia located on the Strada Claudia (now the Strada Repubblica) near the church of San Sepulcro, which she gave him 47 perhaps as a wedding gift. Pallavicina-Sanvitale

37

MSS Parma 1181, p. 106v. Zappieri, p. 24. He died August 1528. 39 ASP, Feudi e comunita, Pallavicino e Gambara, b. 150 and FP, b. 55 for the 1528 documents related to the marriage. 40 She had already rejected one potential bride for Alfonso. See her 19 September 1537 letter to Pope Paul III in ASP, CFi, b. 4. 41 ASP, CFi, b. 5,1538 letter to Cardinal Farnese. 42 MSS Parma, 1181, pp. 108-9. 43 ASP, CFi, for her letters. Pope Paul III visited her in Parma in 1538 and again at Scandiano at least three times in the early 1540s. Alfonso was a close friend of Ottavio Farnese and fought for him against Charles V. 44 ASP, FSPf, b. 15, BII393 and BII394. 45 MSSParm,H81,p. 108. 46 ASP, FSPf, b. 15, BII 387. 47 Laura Pallavicina did manage to retain for Alfonso a portion of the Fontanellato fief belonging to his father. He held it jointly with his uncle, Giangaleazzo Sanvitale and then with the latter's sons. Thomas Kuehn has suggested that women's agency was not an expression of individuality, but of the perceived needs of relationship. Using Alessandra Strozzi as an example, he states that she "operated for her sons with their persons in mind," rather than for herself. "She conforms more closely to anthropologists sense that agency is social and frequently ambiguous. Indeed, it can be maintained that she did not see her 38

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was forced to testify and to provide documentation for all the expenses related to the wedding and the house.4 It is from this testimony that we know exactly what was purchased for the wedding. She purchased or commissioned for Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale numerous dresses of rich fabrics, some of which were embroidered with gold and silver threads, necklaces and other jewelry made of pearls and a variety of precious stones - including diamonds, rubies, sapphires, and emeralds - as well as clothing for Alfonso and herself. She even purchased two carts and had them outfitted and decorated for the occasion, and she purchased fine horses to pull them. Stating that she was simply concerned that Alfonso's wedding should reflect his status and the honor of his family, Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale protested Alfonso's accusations enlisting the aid of her friend, Pope Paul III and appealing to others as well. Finally, in 1545, the dispute was resolved, and Alfonso was ordered to pay his mother one thousand gold scudi ("mille scudi d'oro") for the Palazzo Claudia - a judgement clearly in her favor.49 All the controversies surrounding the disputes over Zibello and Roccabianca and the various factions involved, including Guilio Rossi whose grandfather had claimed Roccabianca in the 1470s and Giangaleazzo Sanvitale who claimed Fontanellato for himself and his sons as well as her political activities, were coming to a head by the end of the 1540s. By May 1549, Ottavio Ferro, Governor of Parma was completely wrapped up in this affair. He wrote frequently to Cardinal Farnese and Duke Ottavio Farnese concerning Laura PallavicinaSanvitale.50 Ferro appeared to be sympathetic to Pallavicina-Sanvitale and her "cose vecchia," going into some detail to explain the situation to the Cardinal. And in another letter to Duke Ottavio Farnese he stated that, "Signora Laura has been much abused by the judges in favor of her adversaries."51 In June 1549, she was called to Piacenza to give a series of testimonies that culminated in a subsequent trip to Milan, where she was placed under house arrest for six months. Her own letters of this period, as well as those of Ferro, indicate that she was hesitant to go to Piacenza and fearful of the outcome.52 It was during this same period that the Rossi, arch enemies of the Pallavicini, were in power in Piacenza, and they may have been responsible for the escalation of the events that

person apartfromher sons" ("Understanding Inequality in Renaissance Florence," p. 61). Could this also be the case for Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale? 48 ASP, FSPf, b. 16,BII427. 49 ASP, FSPf, b. 16, BII448, BII 448bis, and BII444. In 1547 he was ordered by Pope Paul III to pay his mother an additional 2000 scudi (CH 602). 50 Ferro's letters are located in ASP, CFi, b. 16. Clearly, her involvement with the Ghibellines did not help her situation; recall her arch-enemies, the Rossi were pro-Guelf. It should be noted as well that her protector andfriend,Pope Paul III died in 1549 leaving her without a powerful ally. 51 ASP, CFi, b. 16, 1549, 13 August: "La Signora Laura essendo molto moléstala da questi guidici di la a instanza di suoi aversarii." 52 ASP, CFi, b. 16, numerous letters of 1549.

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followed.53 At any rate, it was Giulio Rossi, along with her other adversaries, who took her to task. She was the only surviving member of the Pallavicini clan (Zibello, Roccabianca) who could be held responsible for past deeds.54 For her part, Pallavicina-Sanvitale wanted to resolve the matter in a fair and just manner.55 During her stay in Piacenza, she lived with Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina, who must have been respected enough to have gained the confidence of the ruling powers who had brought Pallavicina-Sanvitale to the city in the first place56. Unfortunately such courtesy was not given to Pallavicina-Sanvitale in Milan, where she was housed in the Castello Sforza. In another letter, Ferro stated that her situation was grave, that events were not in her favor, and that her adversaries would prevail.57 Her son Alfonso58 took little interest in his mother's troubles, focusing on his own battles with his uncle Giangaleazzo Sanvitale over the neverending disputes for the feudal rights of Fontanellato.59 In September 1549, Ottavio Ferro visited Pallavicina-Sanvitale in the Castello Sforza in Milan. He indicated that she could be there several months and that she was depressed.60 Furthermore, he referred also to the monetary cost of her stay in the Castello - she had to pay her own expenses! At the same time Ferro wrote his letter to Cardinal Farnese, Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale was writing to Ferrante Gonzaga, governor of Milan about her situation.61 She was clearly not willing to give up and would continue to defend herself. In April 1550, once she was released from the Castello Sforza in Milan, she came back to Parma, staying with Francesco Cusano. A few months later, 53

The Rossi were allied with the Spanish. Ottavio Famese did not regain Piacenza until the mid- 1550s. Ferrante Gonzaga, governor of Milan was in Piacenza in 1548 and made moves to have Ottavio assassinated and to retake Parma. It was in 1549 that Pope Paul HI, along with Charles V, tried to retake Parma without success. Issues involving feudal disputes would surely have been one way for either faction (Ottavio Famese, Charles V, or the Spanish) to gain control of more territory and gain more power and influence in the region. 54 Barbara Pallavicina-Rangona's husband was still alive. However, Ludovico Rangone had problems of his own and was unlikely to cause Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale any problems or to come to her aid. 55 ASP, CFi, b. 16,1549, August letter. 56 Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale had been in Piacenza from August to September 1544 and from June to August 1549. Her relationship with Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina must have continued long after this affair was over and was a relatively close one for in 1564 Pallavicina-Sanseverina's son, Count Gianfrancesco Sanseverino of Colomo wrote to Pallavicina-Sanvitale thanking her for her friendship and assistance in regards to his daughter Guilia's future wedding (ASP, Famiglia Sanseverini, 1564,27 January). 57 ASP, CFi, b. 16,2 letters of 1549 to Duke Ottavio Famese. 38 Alfonso was a close friend of Ottavio Famese, so he needed to be mindful of his political situation at court. 59 This dispute escalated after Giangaleazzo's death in 1550. 60 ASP, CFi, b. 16,1549,13 September. 61 AS Milan, Autografici, b. 161,1549,1 September.

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accompanied by her grandson Paolo, she went to Rome to see Cardinal Farnese and then Pope Julius III, who had assisted in her liberation. She eventually returned to Parma.62 Following her 1551 testimony before the governor of Parma, she went to Scandiano and lived with her daughter, whose husband died in 1553. 63 In January 1556 Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale became a citizen of Modena, 64 and by December of 1559, Duke Alfonso II of Ferrara had granted her citizenship as well. 65 She had finally broken with the Farnese; however, she had begun to make moves in this direction as early as 1551, after her last testimony. Furthermore, it is clear from the correspondence with Ottavio Farnese from this period, that her troubles were not over and that it would be in her best interest to leave Parma.66 Yet she returned to the city periodically. For instance, in October 1556 she requested and was granted permission to reside at the monastery of S. Quintino where her daughter was a nun and later abbess. 67 She also maintained her home near the church of S. Giovanni Evangelista, renting it to the Cornazzano brothers.68 By 1556 she was living in Reggio Emilia in a house near the church of S. Rafaele where she remained until her death in 1576. 69 In a letter of 1560 to his brother Cardinal Farnese, Ottavio Farnese expressed his concerns about the situation.70 Alfonso, Laura's son, must have already been ill by this time because Ottavio mentioned not only her considerable assets, but Alfonso's heirs as well in relation to prosperity of the dukedom and Laura's patrimony. While Laura PallavicinaSanvitale never returned permanently to Parma, she maintained her relationship with Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale, and she was particularly fond of her three grandsons (and heirs) as her letters attest. Laura remained actively involved throughout her life and remained a wealthy woman as well.

62

ASP, Comune di Parma, Lettere missive e responsive, b. 511, 1550, April and June letters, and MSS Parma, 1181, pp. 108-9. 63 ASP, FSPf, b. 18, CI 510, 1551,10 April. She lived in Scandiano until 1555. Recall that Pope Paul Ill's brief of 1540 allowed her to remain in Parma through 1550. 64 ASP, FSPf, b. 19, CI 545, 1556, 8 January. The privilege was extended to her heirs. Pallavicina-Sanvitale had bought a house in Modena in 1524 (b. 11, BII 252, 1524, 22 September and BII 252bis of same date). 65 ASP, FSPf, b. 20, CII600,1559,1 December. 66 ASP, CFi, bb. 17 through 21 for their letters. She seems to have had a less than favorable relationship with the duke. 67 ASP, Notai, G.D. Criminali, b. 1251, 1556, 2 October. She had spent several months there in 1548 just prior to her 1549-50 ordeal and even earlier in the 1520s. 68 Manfredo Cornazzano's sons, Aldigico, Thomaso, and Hieronimo began renting the house in 1557; see ASP, Notai, G. D. Criminali, b. 1258, 1558, 27 April document with the 1557 agreement attached. In 1556 she purchased another house in Reggio Emilia (ASP, FSPf, b. 20, CII 272,1559,19 March). 69 She was buried in the monastery of the Misericordia not farfromher home. 70 ASP, Corte e casa Farnesiana, b. 18, 5,1560,29 January. Pallavicina-Sanvitale's son, Alfonso died in Novermber 1560, and she returned briefly to Parma and was involved in the commissions for his tomb in S. Maria dei Servi.

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Duke Ottavio was fully aware of her wealth not only in terms of assets, such as jewels and fine objects, but also her extensive property holdings in the region. Because of her numerous testimonies over the years, which required lists of her assets and holdings, we know that she had property in and around Fontanellato, Modena, Parma, Reggio Emilia, and Scandiano.71 She had mills, wineries, and farms that produced an income for her. Some properties she rented out, and the resulting income was used to support her daughter, Veronica at S. Quintino, as well as for maintenance and beautification of the monastery. She owned houses in Fontanellato, Modena, Parma, Reggio Emilia, and Scandiano; some were sold off and others were rented. Her two houses in Parma and the one in Reggio required renovation or rebuilding.72 An inventory of her home in Reggio Emilia informs to us that she owned numerous paintings, sculptures, and the usual accoutrements for the home.73 Although she nearly lost everything in the events of late 1549 through 1551, she was clever and managed to maneuver her possessions out of Farnese control - a powerful woman, who operated just as a man of her social status would have, a patriarch/matriarch always with an eye out for her heirs.74 Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale had an impact on a great many women. We are concerned here with her daughter:75 Silvia, who was born at Fontanellato, her sister-in-law Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale, and her daughter-in-law Gerolama FarneseSanvitale.76 Perhaps, Laura's impact is best visualized in the ceiling octagon (1540s; Plate 1) painted by Nicolo delF Abate for the camerino at Scandiano. While her daughter, Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo clearly dominates the courtly group which includes her husband, musicians, her daughters, and the painter himself, her mother's presence is clearly felt as she gazes over Silvia's left shoulder toward the viewer below. Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's youngest daughter, Silvia San vitale was described in a chronicle as, "La gentile contessa di Scandiano, la parmense e nobile 71 ASP, Notai, G. D. Criminali, b.1248; FSPf, bb. 16, 17; and ASRE, Notai, M. Bertolotti, bb. 845, 846 and C. Ruspaggione, b. 1262. There is a massive amount of material related to her various properties, what was produced, and the resulting income. These documents include lettersfromher fattore, updates on what was happening, what was being produced, and so on. We know as well that she loaned various people substantial amounts of money throughout her lifetime, see ASP, Notai, G. D. Criminali, bb. 1248, 1249, 1250. 72 ASP, Notai, G. D. Criminali, b. 1248, 1537, 26 April. The third page of the document makes reference to "casa nuova" and work to be done (b. 1254,1462, 29 November). 73 ASP, FSPf, b. 16, BII407 and BII433; b. 17, CI 456; and b. 27, DII 861. 74 In 1559 she made sure that Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo and her children and Alfonso and his children received what theyrightfullydeserved. See ASP, Notai, G. D. Criminali, b. 1252, 1559, 7 November and 2 December documents as well as her 1573 will. 75 Laura's eldest daughter, Veronica must have urged her mother to become involved in a number of projects at S. Quintino; Veronica became a nun there in 1532 and abbess in the 1570s. 76 ASP, FSPf, b. 27, DII 887 and DII 888.

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Silvia Sanvitale, donna eletto ingegno e di gran cuore."77 At age six, Sanvitale was betrothed to Giulio Boiardo, descendant of the poet, Matteo Maria Boiardo of Scandiano.78 The actual marriage, however, did not take place until 1535 when Silvia was eighteen.79 Sanvitale's marriage to Boiardo was surely meant as a marriage alliance linking the powerful Farnese family of Parma,80 through their association with the Pallavicini, to the Este of Ferrara through their vassal Giulio Boiardo - an advantageous yet precarious political alliance to be sure since the Este and Farnese were not always on the same side. Furthermore, Giulio's marriage to Silvia, who was of a higher social status, brought him prestige, a certain amount of financial security, and ties to some of the most prominent families in northern Italy. Unfortunately Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo bore Guilio only daughters, no male heirs as would have been expected; and like her mother, she was responsible for arranging the marriages of her children.81 Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo played a significant role in many activities at the court of Scandiano; indeed, her elite status seems to have allowed her a certain freedom and power in her dealings with her husband and with those around him. It is clear from her own letters and from other documentary evidence that Sanvitale-Boiardo was held in high regard not only by her husband, but also by her contemporaries. As one chronicler stated, "Silvia was a learned woman whose mental and spiritual 77 Aderito Belli, Storia di Scandiano (Reggio Emilia, 1928), p. 42 and see my essay, 'Two Emilian Noblewomen and Patronage Networks in the Cinquecento," in Beyond Isabella, pp. 164-68. 78 The counts of Scandiano were vassals of the powerful Este family of Ferrara. Giovanni (d. 1523), Giulio* s father became count shortly after the death of his cousin Matteo Maria in 1494. Giulio's older brother ruled Scandiano briefly until his death in 1528. Giulio, the second son, however, had to wait nearly three years before the Este granted him investiture as count of Scandiano (Giovanni Battista Venturi, Storia di Scandiano, Modena, 1821, pp. 100-3). See also my essay, "The Room and the View: A New Look at Giulio Boiardo* s Private Apartments at Scandiano," in Jo Ann Cavallo and Charles Ross (eds), Fortune and Romance: Boiardo in America (Tempe, AZ, 1998), pp. 281-83. 79 ASP, Notai, G. D. Criminali, b. 1247, 1535, 18 October marriage contract. A Papal dispensation was issued on the same date. 80 Recall Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's close connections with Pope Paul III. 81 Silvia became a nun at S. Quintino in 1555 and Leonora lived there for a time; Camilla married Guido Calcagnini, márchese of Frisignano; Vittoria married Ercole Tassoni Esténse; and Laura married Ottavio Thiene, who became count of Scandiano in 1566 ruling along with his mother-in-law. They had one son, Giulio, who inherited Scandiano. See ASP, CFe, Modena e Reggio, b. 231 for Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo's letter of 1554, 29 September to the duke of Parma concerning her daughter, Laura's marriage. Ottavio's investiture document are located in AS Modena, Cancellería Ducale, Carteggio de rettori: Reggiano (Scandiano), b. 12. Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale also provided for Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo and her daughers (ASP, Notai, G. D. Criminali, b. 1250, 1559, 7 November) and Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina did as well (ASPc, Notai, G. Amizzoni, b. 2667,1561,29 May).

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gifts were united in a grand practical sensibility."82 She was seen as a key player in all that went on at court, a powerful figure who was able to persuade the Spanish not to destroy Scandiano in 1545 after the mysterious deaths of three of their soldiers.83 Another chronicler of the period wrote that Sanvitale-Boiardo saved the city from the Spanish through her wisdom, genius, and lineage after her husband's offer of money failed.84 Later in the same manuscript, the author wrote that Sanvitale-Boiardo was equally influential in the affairs of state, sometimes supporting her husband and sometimes working independently as her letter of 3 October 1538 attests. In it, Sanvitale-Boiardo wrote to one of their farm managers questioning his loyalty and demanding that he send a belated shipment of goods at once.85 Sanvitale-Boiardo was well educated with literary interests that included a special fondness for Virgil's Aenied.*6 She received literary tribute from Bernardo Tasso and Lucia Bertani, who immortalized her in a sonnet (1561):87 Al bel desio, che mi rescalda il core Di cantar gli aid, e chiari pregi vostri Donna gentil, che fate i tempo nostri Con la bellezza adomi e col valore, Date forza col vostra almo splendore Che allor mostar potro con questi inchiostri, Che i topazi, i zaffir, le perle, egli oltre, Son bassifregia voi per farvi onore: E che la vostra SELVA adorna, e bella, 82 "Silvia era donna molto coita che univa aile doti délie menti e dello spirito un grande senso practico," from Storia dell'origine et huomini illustri délia famiglia Sanvitale, ASP, Famiglia Sanvitale, Archivio storico, b. 883B. 83 Although Scandiano was not under the dominion of the Farnese, one wonders if the invasion of the Spanish was related to Pier Luigi Farnese's ascension to duke in 1S45, the very same year. 84 Belli, pp. 41-2. 83 Carte Mattacodi, Archivio storico, Biblioteca Comunale, Scandiano. 86 One of her many letters was published in Ortensio Landi, Lettere di molte valoróse donne (Venice, 1548), p. 34r-v. In it she discussed many things, referring both to the Ancients and to Christian ideas. 87 "To the fine desire that warms my heart, to sing your merits high and prime, Gentle lady who make our times adorned with beauty and with parts; Give strength with your loved splendor, so than I may show within this inky rhyme that topazes, sapphires, pearls and more are base trimmings to do you honor; And that your SELVA be decked, and fair, not as the wide Ardennes and Hyrcine forest have there within oaks twisted with age; But, sprinkled with holy and worthy frost, with laurels, and palms waving in the air, that give themselves in gift to the learned and sage (translation by Michael Sullivan)." It was published in Giovanni Guaseo, Storia litteraria del principio il progresso dell' Accademia di Belle Lettere in Reggio (Reggio, 1711), p. 110.

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Non come Y ampie. Ardenna ed Encina Annose quercie, e storpi ave entro al seno; Ma, che apersa di Sacra, e degna orina, Con Lauri, e palmi il ciel arconda quella, Perche a pui saggi e dotti in don si dieno. Moreover, Lodo vico Domenichi, in his Dialoghi of 1562, had Silvia, Lucia, and others engage in a philosophical dialogue on love.88 Sanvitale-Boiardo corresponded with Ariosto, Domenichi, Tasso, and others. From the time of her husband's death in 1553, Sanvitale-Boiardo, who like her mother remained a widow, ruled Scandiano with the full approval of Ercole II d'Este, duke of Ferrara.89 Once again like her mother, Sanvitale-Boiardo came to the aid of other women. When her friend, Lucretia Rovella-Pia could not persuade Ippolita PallavicinaSanseverina's son, Gianfrancesco to repay a debt, she asked Silvia SanvitaleBoiardo to sign a letter that she had written to Ippolita whom Silvia knew well.90 The letter was a success and Ippolita repaid her son's debt. Silvia, too, was a wealthy woman who owned extensive property, which provided her with her own income.91 And, of course, she was active as a patron of the arts, working with her husband and on her own to decorate their new apartment complex at Scandiano, which included the Camerino dell' Eniede, the Salone délie Feste, a bedroom, and a library. She was particularly involved with the decorative program of the camerino.92 It was in these renovated surroundings that Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo and her husband played host to a pope, cardinals, princes, artists, poets, and other worthies. Their court became one of culture and luxury. The Boiardi, who had a townhouse in Ferrara, frequently participated in Este court functions, and in turn entertained the Este and their court both in Ferrara and at their newly renovated and decorated residence at Scandiano. Four of their daughters, who were tutored by the court humanist Sebastiano Corrado, also received musical training. While their musical patronage was not equal to that of the Este, surviving documents list two musicians at Scandiano in the 1540s, Dominus Jugdulus Menon and Minólo. Theatrical productions were performed as well.93 In 1544, in honor of Giberto Pio 88

Lodovico Domenichi, Dialogo Amoroso (Venice, 1562). In addition to Silvia and Lucia, Battista Varana, Count Ercole Rangone, and Gherardo Spini also took part. 89 AS Modena, Cancellería Ducale, Particolari Boiardo, b. 184. 90 ASP, CFi, b. 25, 1557, 15 January. She knew Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina well and had dealings with her earlier as did her mother. She remained on good terms with Pallavicina-Sanseverina as later documents attest. 91 There are numerous documents in ASRE, Archivio notarile, G. Galletti, b. 490 and M. Bertolotti, bb. 849, 850. 92 See my essay, "Two Emilian Noblewomen," pp. 164-68 and chapter three of this book. 93 ASRE, Archivio notarile, D. Mattocoda, b. 766.

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of Sassuolo, Tragidia dy Egisto, a play by Tommaso Mattacoda, a physician and poet at Scandiano, was performed, followed by Matteo Maria Boiardo's // Timone.94 Two other women whose lives were greatly impacted by Laura PallavicinaSanvitale, and who were also patrons of the arts, are her daughter-in-law Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale, and her sister-in-law Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale. The lives of these two women were intimately intertwined as both resided at the Rocca at Fontanellato at the same time. As evidence from the documents suggests, it was not always an easy relationship. Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale represented Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitaie in the controversy over inheritance rights at Fontanellato, which continued long after their husbands', Alfonso and Giangaleazzo were dead. Their sons continued the battle in which all three women were involved. Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's sister-in-law, Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale (15041570s) was the daughter of Gianlodovico Gonzaga, ruler of Sabbionetta and Francesca dei Conti Freschi di Genova. She was the third of four children. The others were Ippolita, Eleanora, and Giulia (b. 1514). Her marriage contract with Giangaleazzo Sanvitale (1496-1550) of Fontanellato was signed in January 1516, when she was twelve years old.95 This was the second such contract for Gonzaga; in 1514, when she was only ten year old, Paola had been betrothed to Gianfrancesco II Pallavicino (d. 1514) of Zibello (Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's brother).96 Gianfrancesco died shortly after the betrothal having not yet reached legal majority of twenty-five. By the time Paola Gonzaga came to the Sanvitale court around 1520, Pallavicina-Sanvitaie was a young widow with four children. Because of the earlier marriage contract, it seems likely that Paola and Laura would have already become acquainted. Paola would have come in contact as well with Giangaleazzo's older sister, Susanna Sanvitale, abbess of S. Quintino in Parma. In most of the modern literature concerning the court of Fontanellato during the early 1500s, Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale is painted as a rather meek individual, an image that unfortunately conforms to the patriarchal ideas of the dutiful wife. Valeria Vecchi, for example, suggests that Gonzaga-Sanvitale must have been daunted by Pallavicina-Sanvitale's presence at court describing Laura as Paola's "proud and illustrious sister-in-law" ("fiera ed illustra cognata").97 Given the ongoing litigation of the inheritance rights to Fontanellato, Pallavicina-Sanvitaie could have seen the younger woman as a threat, since she would surely bear more sons and potential heirs. Certainly the atmosphere at court around 1519-1520 94

See my essay, 'Two Emilian Noblewomen," pp. 164-68,174, note 68. ASP, FSPf, b. 10, All 207. 96 Paola brought to her marriage a very rich dowry in terms of money, of which the better part was derived from her previous marriage agreement to Gianfrancesco Pallavicino (ASP, FSPf, b. 10, All 207). This then was a very lucrative arrangement for Giangaleazzo. See also, Soliani, pp. 49,177-81. 97 Valeria Vecchi, "Tre Donne Sanvitale nel primo cinquecento a Parma, Susanna, Laura e Paola, III: Paola Gonzaga," Áurea Parma, 80/3 (1996): 289,293. 95

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would have been less than jovial. Pallavicina-Sanvitale would have been in mourning, as would Giangaleazzo, Gonzaga-Sanvitale's new husband and the new count of Fontanellato. The fact that he would eventually have to share Fontanellato and his fiefdom with his brother Gianfrancesco's two sons and heirs must also have created some uneasiness between Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale and Giangaleazzo. Nonetheless, it is wrong to assume that Gonzaga-Sanvitale would not have been well equipped to handle herself in a variety of situations. Surely her education and training at the court of Sabbionetta would have prepared her for her new role at Fontanellato. Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale, as one chronicler wrote, "was instructed in letters, in song, in embroidery, and in all things necessary for a princess . . . with a talent almost divine. . . ."98 Later documentation suggests she was more than capable of standing up to Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale and Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale when it came to the rights of her family, especially once she became a widow in 1550." Remaining a widow for the rest of her life, Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale was given dominion over her children - Eucherio, Pirro, Federico, Luigi, Roberto, Giacomo Antonio, and Isabella - as well as over her husband's fiefdom, holding it in trust until the eldest came of age.100 Documentary evidence suggests that GonzagaSanvitale took an active role at court even before her husband's death, involving herself in political issues and promoting her son Eucherio's career as a monastic; he became Pope Paul Ill's personal secretary. She bought land and established a foundation at the church of Santa Maria Maddalena in Borgo San Donnino, where she obtained benefices for Eucherio.101 Like Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale, Gonzaga-Sanvitale arranged the marriage of her son Giacomo Antonio to Emilia Pallavicina in the 1560s.102 Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale hosted typical court functions as well as literary, philosophical, and religious discussions. As early as the 1520s, she invited to her 98 Ireneo Affo, Memorie di tre celebri principesse delia famiglia Gonzaga (Parma, 1787), p. 18; Paola Gonzaga "instrutta nclle lettere, nel canto, nel ricamo e in qualsifosse cosa alla principessa... l'ingegno quasi divino/* 99 There are numerous documents attesting to this in ASP, FSPf, bb. 15,18, 19,20. 100 See Giangaleazzo's wills for 1548 and 1550 in ASP, FSPf, bb. 17, 18. Three other daughters not listed here had already been placed in S. Quintino. 101 ASP, FSPf, bb. 14, 15 and Notai, B. Mendogni, bb. 1981, 1982, 1983. Eucherio was steadfastly loyal to the Farnese. He was Ottavio Farnese's ambassador to the king of France for the restitution of Piacenza and later became bishop of Viviers. He died in Avignon in 1570. Her other sons were equally successful: Federico (d. 1553) was in the service of the Farnese; Pino was a canon at the Cathedral in Parma and at Ravenna; and Luigi was a gentilhuomo at the court of Ottavio Farnese. He married Contessa Corona della Somalia. See ASP Famiglia Sanvitale, Carteggi vari, b. 849, for related documents. 102 This was Giacoma Pallavicina's niece. Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale probably arranged Roberto's marriage as well. Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale would have known Giacoma Pallavicina quite well. Both women had connections to Zibello and were about the same age.

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court many literary figures including Tiberio Rosselli, Benedetto Albineo di Bianchi, and Cesare Delfini. While there, Albineo may have written his commentary on the Fable ofActaeon, the theme of her camerino™ which she had commissioned from Parmigianino. In one of the lunettes, Paola is portrayed in the role of Demeter, the Greek goddess of agriculture and protector of marriage. She faces the figure of the transformed Actaeon being devoured by his hounds. Surely this image defies Vecchi's notion that Paola was meek. 104 Paola GonzagaSanvitale corresponded with Francis I in the 1530s, 105 and was one of the few women invited to participate in the festivities for Margarita of Austria's entry into Parma prior to her departure for Flanders in 1558 to begin her regency there.106 What would the atmosphere at Fontanellato have been like when Alfonso's young bride, Gerolama Farnese came to court after her marriage in 1539? Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale was already living in Parma; and as we have already seen, there had been ongoing disputes between her and Giangaleazzo concerning Alfonso's inheritance rights. Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale was concerned about her daughter-in-law and the well being of her son's future heirs. In a letter of 3 July 1540 to her friend and agent Francesco Cusano, she wrote that Gerolama FarneseSanvitale (1522- ca. 1590s) was pregnant and that she wanted to take Gerolama to Scandiano for safekeeping.107 A few years later, Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale wrote to Cardinal Farnese concerning the construction of walls within the Rocca so that her own apartments could be separate from those of Giangaleazzo and Paola for reasons of safety for herself and for her children.108 Therefore, we can assume that at the very least the atmosphere was tense.

103

MSS Parm 1181 and b. 883B (both cited earlier). See chapter three and my essay, "Love, Death and Mourning: Paola Gonzaga's Camerino at Fontanellato," Artibus et Historiae, 36 (1997): 103-4. 105 Her letters are in ASP, FSAs, b. 848. 106 ASP, FSAs, b. 871, 8 June 1558. 107 ASP, CFi, b. 6. Gerolama had already lost one son when he was only a few months old, so there may have been some urgency to keep her safe. Paolo, named for Pope Paul III, was given to the church and became the bishop of Spoleto. It was not unusual for the firstborn son to be given to the church and sometimes others. It was the easiest way to make money for the family. The hope was that the son would become a cardinal and thus promote the family's interests. Because of Paolo's connections with Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale and Pope Paul III, he probably fell out of favor with the subsequent pope or did not know how to ingratiate himself with him and so became only a bishop. like Gerolama, Paola GonzagaSanvitale also lost herfirst-bornson some twenty years earlier. 108 ASP, CFi, b. 9, 1543, 25 April, 2 September and 10 November. Laura PallavicinaSanvitale became involved in this issue. On 24 November 1543, she wrote to Alfonso and included a 1512 document which outlined just what parts of the Rocca had been given to his father, Gianfrancesco Sanvitale presumably to help decide where they could actually add walls and what parts of the Rocca he could claim (ASP, Famiglia Sanvitale-Sanseverini, 1543,21 October). 104

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Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale, niece of Pope Paul III was the daughter of Isabella Famese delPAnguillara and Pietro Bertoldo, duke of Lazere, signore of Montalto.109 She bore Alfonso fifteen children110 and had close ties with both Margarita of Austria and Ottavio Famese, for whom she named two of her children: Ottavio (1548-89) and Margarita (b. 1558). After Alfonso's death in 1560, Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale remained a widow and took over the management of a large household. She was actively involved at the Famese court. Like her mother-in-law, Farnese-Sanvitale was a prolific letter writer, corresponding with Pope Paul III, Ottavio Famese, Margarita of Austria, her own sons, and many other individuals.111 She wrote frequently to the duke about her sons, Alessandra (d. 1572), Carlo (1555-1608), and Ottavio, who were all in active service of the duke. She was particularly concerned for their welfare while they were far away from her.112 Yet she had other concerns as well. In a letter of 1573 to the duke's secretary, Gianbattista Pico, Farnese-Sanvitale asked if, since the duke was away, she could borrow his musician, Giovanni Agostino, who had been with her for several days. She wanted him to stay at her palazzo for another month in order to instinct her youngest daughter Margarita in singing and in playing an unspecified instrument.113 And in a series of letters to the duke, she complained that the garlanda that she was having made for her daughter Isabella on the occasion of her marriage to Pier Francesco Malaspina of Piacenza did not please "La Signora Marchesa" to whom she had sent a description and price. Apparently part of the dowry, Farnese-Sanvitale requested that the duke intervene in her behalf as to what should be done about the garlanda.114

109

ASP, FSPf, b. 15, BII393. In this document, Gerolama Famese-S an vitale is referred to as "Baronessa Romana." Isabella Farnese was Pope Paul Ill's natural sister, and her brother was Galeazzo Farnese. 110 Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale's children were: Paolo who in 1545 was five years and six months old and was staying with his grandmother in Rome (ASP, Comune di Parma, Estimi Civile, b. 1933, 1545 tax records); Gianfrancesco (b. 1543); Ottavio (1548-89), márchese of Fontanellato, at twelve was sent in service of Emanuel Giberto, duke of Savoy; Alessandra, died at age eighteen in battle against the Turks in 1572; Carlo (1555-1608), at fourteen, went to war against the Venetians; Hercole; Fabio (b. 1544); Vittoria (b. 1545), married Michèle Cásale; Isabella (b. 1546), married Pier Francesco Malaspina; Margarita (b. 1558), married Cesare Pallavicino; Veronica; Eleonora; Barbara; and Clarice (b. 1541), who became a nun at S. Quintino (ASP, Famiglia Sanvitale, Archivio storico, b. 872, alberi geneologici). Gerolama had a child every year with only a month or so in between each one! 111 The majority of her letters are located in ASP, CFi, by date. 112 See note 111 above for her letters. 113 ASP, CFi, b. 62,1573,15 July. 114 ASP, CFi, b. 40, 1564, 13 December and 17 December. Another letter in b. 46 of 3 January 1567 is by Pier Francesco Malaspina to the duke. It involves his mother-in-law. The marriage contract is in ASP, Famiglia Sanvitale-Sanseverino, 1564, 9 November. Most

The Women: The Cast of Characters

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This was not the only marriage that Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale had to negotiate. She arranged the marriage of Vittoria to Michèle Cásale,115 and in the 1570s, that of Margarita to Cesare Pallavicino.116 In these negotiations, she followed in the footsteps of Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale and Silvia SanvitaleBoiardo. In 1556, Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale commissioned her own portrait medal (Figure l.l). 117 In the engraving of the medal, the recto shows a profile portrait of Farnese-Sanvitale with the inscription "Hieronimia Farnesia . d. S. vitali." The verso has an inscription that reads: "Felicitati. Temporum. S.P.Q.R." and included the impresa of Pope Paul III. The verso was surely meant as a reference to her distinguished lineage, which could be traced to the origins of ancient Rome. Her interest in fine objects does not end here; a number of her letters show her ordering precious objects for her home or as gifts.118 After her son Alessandro died fighting the Turks, in Ottavio Farnese's name, at the age of eighteen in January 1572,119 Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale founded an Oratorio of the Assumption, connected to the church of S. Giovanni Battista in Fontanellato.120 Her friend, the Duchess Margarita of Austria sent her a letter of condolence as well.121 In 1576 Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale left the Palazzo Claudia to her sons Ottavio and Carlo, and by 1579 was living in another house in the neighborhood of S. Marcello. More importantly, the inventory of the palazzo taken in 1576 prior to her move informs us as to what she collected for her home.122 Not only was Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale invited to Margarita of Austria's entry into Parma in 1558 prior to her departure for Flanders to take up her regency but Gerolama was also asked to travel to Flanders in 1581 to receive Margarita, daughter of Alessandro Farnese and bring her back to Italy.123 This was certainly likely this was the same Piero Malaspina who assisted Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina in her negotiations with various artisans, see chapter two. 115 In a letter to Gianbattista Pico, Farnese-Sanvitale announced that Vittoria had given birth to a son (ASP, CFi, b. 40, 1572 letter), and she also had apartments in her palazzo renovated for her son, Ottavio and his new wife. 116 ASP, CFe, Firenze, b. 470,1573,4 May and FSPf, b. 27,1577,27 January. 117 ASP, FSAs, b. 870, 63. This is an engraving of the medal owned by Luigi Sanvitale in 1858. The medal had been in the possession of Count Palastrelli of Piacenza. It is unclear whether or not the medal exists today. See chapter four for a more detail discussion of the medal and its iconography. 1,8 ASP,CFi,b.47. 119 See note 110 above. 120 ASP, Notai, C. della Torre, b. 1718,1572,26 June. 121 ASP, Famiglia Sanvitale, Carteggi van, b. 850, 1572, 13 January. They had corresponded many times over the years (CFi by year). 122 See chapter three. 123 ASP, Famiglia Sanvitale, Lettere di principi, b. 848, 5. Margarita was betrothed to Vincenzo Gonzaga.

Women, Art, and Architecture in Northern Italy

40

an honor for someone of Farnese-Sanvitale's stature. By 1583, she must have been tiring of her life at court, for she requested and received permission to enter S. Quintino for an extended period.124 In doing so she followed in the footsteps of so many of her female relatives who sought a period of seclusion. Clearly a learned and well-respected noblewoman Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale, like her mother-inlaw, took on the role of a matriarch; yet her life was less dramatic, less scandalous, and more in line with what was dictated by court society - of course, it was to her benefit to have been a Farnese relative. Giacoma Pallavicina and the Scipione Connection Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's cousin, Giacoma Pallavicina (ca. 1509-1575) was the daughter of Bernardino Pallavicino of Zibello and Roccabianca and Caterina Rusconi de' Buffetti of San Giuliano.125 The wayward son of Gianfrancesco Pallavicino, Bernardino, destined for the church, was sidetracked by two young women Marta and Caterina, abducting the latter in 1496 and marrying her in 1510.126 By the time of their marriage, the couple had lived together for fourteen years and had several children, including Giacoma. As a result of the feudal disputes between the Pallavicini brothers of Zibello and Roccabianca, the legitimacy of Bernardino's marriage and of his children was questioned.127 Giacoma never became involved in these disputes as her cousin Laura PallavicinaSanvitale did. Rather she was more concerned about the lives of young, unmarried women without the resources to make a proper marriage, of orphans, and of the poor. Her own family history clearly had an impact on the manner in which she conducted her own life. Giacoma Pallavicina was less than eager to marry, though a marriage was arranged for her to Giangerolamo Pallavicino, márchese of Scipione (ca. 14741536) in 1527.128 The couple did not have children, perhaps because 124

ASP, FSAs, b. 873, 63bis. APBB, bb. 4, 39. 126 Caterina's husband was a shoemaker (Giampietro Musisin, d. 1509). Not only did Bernardino live with Caterina, but with her sister, Marta, their niece Margarita, and Caterina's daughter Comina (presumably fathered by Giampietro). They all lived in the same house, likely at the castello of Varano Melegari of which Bernardino was the márchese. On 9 June 1510, Caterina arranged a marriage for Comina with the help of Ottaviano Pallavicini, márchese of Busseto (APBB, b. 34). Bernardino was Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's uncle. His brother, Rolando's sons challenged its validity in order to gain the inheritance rights of their cousins. The relevant documents are located in the APBB, bb. 82,83. 127 See note 12 above. 128 APBB, bb. 39, 42 for the marriage documents. This marriage forged an alliance between two distant branches of the Pallavicini family. Apparently, he was murdered by relatives. His body was found in the street outside the church of S. Silvestro in Scipione; 125

The Women: The Cast of Characters

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Giangerolamo was in his mid-50s. Giangerolamo was the nephew and heir of Giacomo Antonio Pallavicino (d. 1534), whose only child was Ippolita PallavicinaSanseverina (d. 1563).129 In an unusual move, Giangerolamo gave Giacoma Pallavicina fîve separate land holdings in and around Borgo San Donnino (present day Fidenza) several years before his murder.130 At the same time Giangerolamo gave back to Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina property that he had inherited from her father.131 The Pallavicini male cousins of Scipione disputed Giangerolamo's gifts, and it is likely that the two women joined forces, though only a few documents exist to support this notion.132 Whereas Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's letters to influential figures concerned primarily political or dynastic issues, Giacoma Pallavicina9s did not. Rather her letters reflect her piety and her concern for others. In 1550, for instance, she wrote letters to Ignatius of Loyola expressing her desire to join the Compagnia de Gesu, and he responded that women were not allowed to do so. She persisted continuing to write to him for several more years.133 She wrote as well to her brother, Sigismondo, a clerk in the Roman Curia,134 about various issues that concerned her, such as the disputes with her relatives over Giangerolamo's gifts of land and her Compagnia, to her agents, Nicolo Vignaria and Jacopino della Bella concerning not only the management of her property and the disputes with her inlaws over this property but also concerning the welfare of those living on and maintaining her properties.135 Giacoma received numerous letters from other women who wrote to her for her advice and assistance. After her husband's death in 1536, Giacoma retreated into the monastery of S. Agostino136 in Parma where two of her sisters were nuns137 and was actively

see ASP, Feudi e comunita, Sanseverini, b. 211, a 360 page anonymous chronicle dated 1557-58, pp. 68, 89v, 166v-167. 129 Giacomo Antonio did give his daughter Chiavenna, a house, and other property. 130 APBB, bb. 39, 42, 1532, 21 April and the 1533 will, and ASP, Famiglia Pallavicini, b. 6 for the 1534 codicil. 131 These included: Grotta, Specchio, Scipione, Salsomaggiore, Salsominore, and part of Borgo San Donnino - all near Giacoma's property holdings. 132 ASP, Feudi e comunita, Sanseverini, b. 211, A chronicle dated 1557-58 records testimony taken over the year from several people concerning Ippolita PallavicinaSanseverina and her feudal holdings near Borgo San Donnino; Feudi e comunita, Borgo San Donnino, b. 3,1549,7 July; and APBB, b. 39,1549,20 and 23 July. 133 APBB, b. 41, 1552 document, and Monumento Histórica Societatis Jesu: Monumento Ignatiana, vol. 1.3, 1494; 1.4, 2889; 1.5, 3411, 3415, 3421, 3491, 3492, 3532; 1.6,4173, and Epistolae Mixtaey vol. 2,348; 3, 614,628,629,631; 5,1291 (Madrid, 1906). 134 Roberto Lasagni, Dizionario biográfico dei Parmigiani (Parma, 1999), vol. 3, p. 781. 135 APBB, bb. 39-40 for her letters and ASP, FP, b. 77,1537,2 September letter. 136 ASP, FP, b. 77 two 1537 documents. 137 Soliani, p. 199, document 66 and Campari, p. 175. Her sisters, Elisabetta and Biancamaria were both nuns at S. Agostino. Neither was mentioned in Caterina Rusconi's

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involved with the care of young girls, orphans, and the poor. She sponsored her brother Uberto's daughter Hortensia's entry into the monastery,138 and she did the same for Camilla Paseri whose dowry included a list of goods that she brought with her.139 Giacoma left the monastery some time in 1542, perhaps because of a dispute involving Costanza da Caretta-Sanseverina, a resident there since 1533. 140 Yet this did not prevent Giacoma Pallavicina from supporting the monastery throughout her life. Giacoma frequently gave money and goods to other Pallavicini women, like Barbara and Eleonora Pallavicini, nuns in the monastery of S. Agostino or Margarita and Ottavia Pallavicini, nuns in the monastery of S. Alessandro or she paid off women's debts, like those of her elder sister Drusiana or those of the poor who were imprisoned because they could not pay what they owed. 141 Her younger brother Sigismondo's daughter Emilia became Giacoma's ward.142 She and Hortensia Pallavicina were illegitimate, and Emilia seems to have been like a daughter to Giacoma and was involved with the Compagnia delle Donne Spirituale that Giacoma founded in 1549. 143 In 1562 Giacoma Pallavicina arranged Emilia's marriage to Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale's son Giacomo Antonio (d. ca. 1564) and provided her with a dowry derived from income from Giacoma's property near Borgo San Donnino. 144 Giacoma Pallavicina was especially fond of Emilia's and Giacomo's daughter Paola Sanvitale to whom she left her collection of jewelry and other precious objects. 145 Evidence suggests that Giacoma became a lay sister after her husband's death when she established the Compagnia delle Donne Spirituale (dedicated to St. Mary Magdalena) for lay sisters, 146 and it was through this institution that Giacoma

1535 will and so may have been the illegitimate daughters of Bernardino by another woman such as her sister Marta. 138 ASP, Notai, I. Balastri, b. 1343,1540, 5 January and 15 March. 139 ASP, Notai, G. A. Biondi, b. 1465,1537,10 April. 140 See chapter five. 141 APBB, bb. 40,41; she sent Hortensia fabric. 142 Giacoma cared for young boys as well. In 1550, for example, her youngest brother Gianfrancesco (d. 1553) came to Parma on his way to Borgo San Donnino. He asked that Giacoma care for his son Gaspare. A list of goods were consigned over to Giacoma, presumably as a way to pay for Gaspare's upkeep (ASP, Notai, B. Mendogni, b. 1979,1550, 11 October, and P. Biondi, b. 2013 for two documents of 1549). 143 APBB, bb. 40-43; ASP, Notai, G. F. Alessandrini, bb. 1316,1317,1318, 1321; P. M. Garbazzi, bb. 2476, 2477; B. Mendogni, bb. 1989, 1990,1991,1992; G. Mendogni, b. 2653; and Archivio Ordine Costantiniano, Parma, Legati passivi e oneri pii, XII, 7. 144 ASP, FSPf, b. 21, CII 643 and b. 22, CII 676. Giacoma seems to have pawned objects for cash for Emilia's dowry as well. 145 ASP, Notai, P. M. Garbazzi, b. 2477, 1575, 29 June inventory of Giacoma's possessions and APBB, b. 41,1574,3 September list of fabrics she bought for Paola. 146 In her letters to Ignatius of Loyola (see note 133 above), she clearly stated that she wanted to found a Jesuit convent and that she herself wanted to be a Jesuit nun. ASP, Notai,

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provided dowries and living accommodations for young, unmarried women, especially those who were descendants of her father Bernardino.147 Initially, Giacoma's Compagnia must have been located in her house near the convent of S. Paolo in Parma where she commissioned the renovation of the sala - becoming the sala magna - in anticipation of the need for a larger gathering space.148 Here Giacoma and her lay community cared for children, young women, orphans, and the poor. It was not an austere household, for she paid two Neapolitan musicians to play and sing for her "putte" (children), and she also had musical instruments in her home. Giacoma and her donzelle may have made and sold marzipan - not only were pans for making it listed in the 1575 inventory of Giacoma's house but her accounts also list the sale of marzipan in a variety of shapes and sizes - was this another way that Giacoma provided for her "family"?149 In her correspondence of the early 1550s with Ignatius, it is clear that Giacoma wanted to follow his rule and likely did so on her own; however, by the late 1560s and early 1570s, she turned to the church of Sta. Maria della Steccata, where her mother was buried, and in a codicil dated 1570 Giacoma named the Compagna as her universal heir leaving them all of her property and one of her two houses in Parma.150 The Compagnia was to be managed by the Prior of the church of Sta. Maria della Steccata, and in 1573 Giacoma wrote to Bernardo Mazzi of Lodi asking that he represent her in this matter to which he replied that he would be pleased to do so and he continued in this role long after her death.151 Her niece, Emilia, received the other house, the domus magna.152 And her will dated 1571 restated this designation outlining numerous other bequests as well.153 In some ways Giacoma Pallavicina was following in her mother's footsteps. Caterina Rusconi left an endowment to the church of the Steccata and money for dowries for several of her female relatives.154 An inventory of Giacoma's house taken on

P. M. Garbazzi, 1573 document associating her Compagnia with the church of the Steccata. The dedication to Mary Magdalen is appropriate given her mother's circumstances. P. Renee Baemstein, "In Widow's Habit: Women between Convent and Family in SixteenthCentury Milan," Sixteenth Century Journal, 25/4 (1994): 797-98 for Ludovica Torelli and her Collegio della Guastella which served a similar purpose as Giacoma Pallavicina's. 147 The women included her Aunt Marta's illegitimate children and their young daughters, all living in San Giuliano, as well as her brothers' illegitimate daughters, such as Sigismondo's four children. But the Compagnia was not limited to these women. 148 ASP, Notai, P. Biondi, b. 2013, 1550, 13 March. Giacoma bought two adjacent houses near Sta. Maria della Steccata where she lived from the early 1560s until her death in 1575. ,49 APBB,bb.40,41. 150 APBB, b. 39,1570, 14 December. 151 APBB, b. 41,1573, 28 February. 152 Eventually, the Steccata received this house as well. 153 ASP, B. Mendogni, b. 1975,1571,14 December. 154 APBB, b. 4,1535,1 December.

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29 June 1575, one month after her death, includes devotional paintings, a crucifix, and a small private altar155 - all of which testifies to her pious and modest ways. Because of litigation over her will and in an effort to clarify what possessions of Giacoma's actually belonged to the Steccata, we know that she died in debt owing money or goods to at least three different pawnbrokers: the Monte di Mandri, the Monte di Maineri, and Gianfrancesco Garaniga.156 And in addition to the household inventory, another was taken on 26 July 1575 of her property holdings given to her by her husband.157 The document specifies exactly where each property was located, whether or not it had any structures on it, what was produced on the land, the income derived from it, and what it cost to run each farm, including wages. Similar documents date as early as the 1540s and were probably the result of disputes with her male relatives at Scipione who wanted to gain possession of her property. Other notarial records were produced annually and involved Giacoma Pallavicina and her fattore, outlining his responsibilities for the coming year and acknowledging receipts of payments or expenditures.158 Throughout her life, Giacoma was actively involved with her properties, overseeing their management and keeping records of income and expenditures. From these documents, we learn as well that Giacoma Pallavicina frequently pawned gems, fabrics, and other material goods when the need for cash arose, that she had a tailor who provided quantities of fabrics which, presumably, Giacoma and her lay sisters made into clothing and linens, that she purchased a clavichord and other material goods, and that many of the buildings - nouses, barns and other structures - were renovated, rebuilt, or newly constructed. At Casteletto her own home was extensively renovated in the 1550s,159 and later a house was constructed nearby for the young women of her Compagnia. Unlike Laura PallavicinaSanvitale, Giacoma Pallavicina was never concerned with patrimony. Rather she managed what wealth she had in order to provide for other less fortunate women, children, and the poor. Giacoma Pallavicina was a pious lay sister, whereas Laura Pallavicina Sanvitale was a worldly matriarch. Notarial documents rather than letters suggest that Giacoma Pallavicina knew her husband's niece Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina quite well and that the two may have worked together against the Pallavicini cousins (male) of Scipione not only over feudal rights to property, but also the rights of women relatives, such as Angela Maria, a nun and the sister of Giangerolamo Palla vicino, Giacoma's

155

ASP, Notai, P. M. Garbazzi, b. 2477. Her mother also had similar objects. APBB,b.41. 157 ASP, Notai, G. Mendogni, b. 2653. 158 ASP, Notai, G. F. Alessandrini, bb. 1316,1317, 1318,1321; B. Mendogni, bb. 1989, 1990, 1991, 1992; G. Mendogni, b. 2653; and APBB, bb. 39-43. She had three different fattore beginning with Giovanni Linati in 1539, then Jacopo Mutio and Jacopino della Bella. The latter seems to have been more than simply her fattore since he was involved in other issues as well. She also had property in Cremona that produced wine. 159 APBB, bb. 39 and 43. 156

The Women: The Cast of Characters

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husband.160 Angela Maria had been a nun at St. Agnese in Milan, but wished to transfer to S. Agostino in Parma. Both Ippolita and Giacoma assisted her in this matter. Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina was also friendly with Giacoma Pallavicina's cousin Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale who lived with Ippolita in Piacenza on more than one occasion and with Laura's daughter Silvia SanvitaleBoiardo.161 While primary documentation about her life is limited,162 Ippolita PallavicinaSanseverina's patronage of architecture is evident in the extensive - over forty documents that can be associated with the building and decorating of her palace in Piacenza.163 Like Camilla Pallavicina and Virginia Pallavicina-Gambara, who will be discussed later in this chapter, Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina was her father's only heir.164 She was the daughter of Giacomo Antonio Pallavicino, márchese of Scipione and Margherita Visconti.165 In 1517 arrangements were begun for her marriage to Giulio Sanseverino of Aragon, márchese of Colorno and Valenza.166 160

Angela María Pallavicina was also the cousin of Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina. APBB, b. 39,1549,20 and 23 July and b. 43,1550,28 May and 6 July. 161 ASP, Notai, G. D. Criminali, b. 1250, 1549, 2 July and ASPc, Notai, G. Amizzoni, b. 2667,1561,31 May. 162 ASP, Feudi e Comunita, Sanseverini, b. 211, for the 1557-58 360 page document discussed in note 128 above. Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina must have been bom about 1498 and would have been close in age to Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale. 163 See chapter two. 164 Her brother, Giovanni (b. 1493) died in 1510 at age nineteen fighting for the king of France against the Venetians (Lasagni, vol. 3, p. 755). He did not leave any male heirs. Later, Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina inherited land and a house in Barí (AS Milan, Famiglia Pallavicini, b. 135,1551, 5 September). 165 Lasagni, vol. 3, p. 762. Little is known about her mother, whose father was Pierfrancesco Visconti, signore di Saliceto. Ippolita's father, Giacomo Antonio was a figure of some importance; for example, he was involved with various affairs at Busseto and Cortemaggiore including the negotiations for Cesare Pallavicino's, márchese of Cortemaggiore, marriage to Camilla Pallavicina of Busseto in the mid-1520s (ASP, FP, b. 5, 1526,13 March). In 1528, he was called upon once again to assist in marriage negotiations, this time for Virginia Pallavicina and Brunoro Gambara (ASP, FP, b. 55,1528,9 January). 166 ASP, Feudi e comunita, Carte feudali Pallavicini, b. 134. One document of 3 June 1517 states that her dowry was "dodici mille ducati et altri beni." Giulio was a descendant of the illustrious Neapolitan branch of the family who ruled Salerno and had many other feudal holdings in the region. Giulio was "capitano genérale" for Francis I and died fighting at Busseto, 1 March 1532. He was buried in the Pallavicini tomb in the church of S. Bartolomeo. His father was Roberto Sanseverino (1418-88), who was a condottiere and cousin of the Sforza of Milan. It was Roberto, Giulio's father, who established the family in northern Italy. Roberto was the son of Leonetto Sanseverino and Lisa Sforza, daughter of Muzio Attendolo Sforza and sister of Francesco Sforza. Roberto's first wife was Elisabetta di Montefeltro, daughter of Federico, duke of Urbino. At her death, Roberto married Giovanna da Correggio, who bore eight children. Their eldest, Gianfrancesco was given dominion over their territories around Parma and established the family there. The second

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To this prestigious marriage, she brought, along with her dowry, the Pallavicino feudal holding of Chiavenna.167 The couple had three children: Costanza, who married Federico d' Asinario, count of Camerino;168 Anna Giulia (ca. 1520-1590s), a nun and later abbess of S. Agostino in Parma; and Gianfrancesco (d. 1570), who married Lavinia Sanseverina.169 When Giulio Sanseverino died in 1532, he left not only his children but also his feudal holdings in the care of PallavicinaSanseverina; however, he did make it clear that Gianfrancesco was to inherit Colorno, which was further reinforced by her father who, in his will of 15 October 1533, reiterated what had been stipulated in the earlier document. 170 Like Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale and Giacoma Pallavicina, Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina remained a widow for the rest of her life. She, too, along with Ippolita CiboSanseverina, also a widow, arranged her son's marriage to the latter's daughter in 1538. 171 Her son, Gianfrancesco was a soldier and Maestro di Campo for Charles bom son, Antonio Maria was given dominion over their territories around Piacenza and established the family in that city. Another of their sons, Galeazzo (d. 1525) married Costanza da Caretta (d. 1564) who was Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's sister-in-law. At Giovanna's death, Roberto married Lucrezia Malavolta of Siena who bore two children: Alessandro who became archbishop of Vienna and Giulio who married Ippolita. Like the two Pallavicini brothers of Busseto, Galeazzo became a "Cavalière di S. Michèle" for his service to the French. See Giorgio Fiori, "I Sanseverini d'Aragona di Parma e Piacenza," in Colorno, La Versailles de Duchi di Parma (Parma, 1969), pp. 61-5 and Giorgio Fiori, et al., pp. 381-82. 167 Fiori, "I Sanseverini," p. 63. 168 Costanza must have been the eldest. Little is known of her life except what can be gleaned from her mother's 1563 will (ASP, Feudi e comunita, Sanseverini, b. 211). 169 They had three children. Roberto died at age thirteen. Barbara married Giberto Gerolamo Sanvitale. She was beheaded on 17 May 1612, ending the Sanseverini line (Fiori, "I Sanseverini," pp. 64-5; ASP, FP, b. 72). Their third child was Giulia who married Giambattista Borromeo. Borromeo assassinated his wife in 1577 (Fiori, "I Sanseverini," pp. 64-5). Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina seems to have been particularly fond of Giulia, who lived with her grandmother for some time and to whom she willed her house and her feudal holding of Chiavenna (ASP, Feudi e comunita, Sanseverini, b. 211, her will dates 21 June 1563). 170 ASP, Feudi e comunita, Sanseverini, b. 210 for both wills. Giacomo Antonio Pallavicino noted that his daughter, Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina was a widow and had rights to Chiavenna and the family palace in Piacenza. He gave her additional property in Piacenza as well. However, in a codicil dated 1 February 1534, Giacomo Antonio Pallavicino named his nephew, Giangerolamo Pallavicino (Giacoma's husband) as his universal heir and overseer of Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina* s propery (ASP, FP, b. 6). Gian Christoforo Pugnello, who oversaw the construction of Ippolita's house, was also mentioned in the codicil. 171 ASP, Feudi e comunita, Sanseverini, b. 210. Ippolita was the niece of Pope Innocent XIII. She married Roberto Ambrogio Sanseverino, who died at Busseto in 1537. Roberto was Giulio Sanseverino's cousin. In addition to Lavinia, they had another daughter, Maddalena, who married Giulio Rossi of San Secondo after he had raped her while she was

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V and for Philip II, who controlled Piacenza even after Ottavio Farnese became duke.172 Although Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina may seem to be an elusive figure to us today, she was held in high regard by her contemporaries. Bernardo Tasso, who dedicated his third book of Gli Amori to her, called Pallavicina-Sanseverina, "illustre e valorosa signora." He also wrote to her on several occasions.173 While very few of her own letters are extant,174 we do know from other documents that she was called to task by the Comune of Borgo San Donnino in 1557 for not paying duty on what was produced on her lands in the region and subsequently exported.175 Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina had to come to her son's aid in 1557 for an unpaid debt for which Gianfrancesco was imprisoned.176 Her letter of 23 November 1557 gives a detailed account of the situation.177 Like Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale, she owned numerous properties in the region, as well as in Bari.178 She had a house in Chiavenna, in addition to the palazzo that she built in Piacenza.179 Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina used the construction of her own private residence as evidence of her wealth and power. Camilla Pallavicina: Wife, Mother, Saint, and Widow Finally, we turn to Camilla Pallavicina (ca. 1515-1561), her father's only heir. Ottaviano Pallavicino, márchese of Busseto named her as such in his will of 1520, giving her all his property and feudal holdings and making her a valuable prize. Apparently he died soon after for a subsequent document placed Pallavicina in the

on the island of Murano (Fiori, "I Sanseverini," p. 64; Fiori, et al., p. 382). Rossi's hopes were to obtain Colorno. Instead Maddalena brought to their marriage Caiazzo near Naples, and Colorno went to Barbara Sanseverina. 172 Gianfrancesco was arrested by Ottavio in 1552 (ASP, Feudi e comunita, Sanseverini, b. 211). Costanza da Caretta-Sanseverina wrote letters to Ottavio pleading for his release. 173 Bernardo Tasso, / Tre libri di Amori (Venice, 1555), p. 257 and his Delle lettere (Venice, 1560), vol. 1, p. 117 and vol. 2, p. 613. 174 AS Milan, Autografici, b. 161, 1548, 27 July; 1552, 4 March; Famiglia Sanseverini, b. 165, 1551, 18 November; FP, b. 135, 1551, 5 September; ASP, CFi, b. 32, 1557, 23 November; and Landi, 45r-v. 175 ASP, FP, b. 61, 1557, 25 February; Feudi e comunita, Sanseverini, b. 211, 1557-58 chronicle. This dispute dated back to her father who also seemed unwilling to pay the duty. All landowners exporting their goods were required to pay the Dazio. 176 ASP, CFi, b. 32,1557,23 November. 177 ASP, CFi, b. 25. In this instance Silvia Sanvitale-Boairdo supported her friend Lucretia Roverella-Pia and she sought the cooperation of Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina as well. 178 ASP, FP, b. 61 and AS Milan, Famiglia Pallavicini, b. 135. 179 See chapter two.

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care of several male relatives.180 Her mother, Battistina Appiano must have died by 1524 for a document of 26 July 1524 lists Brunoro Pallavicino (ca. 1474 - ca. 1526) of Pontremoli as her guardian and administrator of Camilla's estate.181 Curiously, the recording of this document took place at Castel Lauro in Cortemaggiore rather than at the family residence in Busseto, suggesting that after her parents' death she was taken to Cortemaggiore, perhaps for her own safekeeping given the unstable situation at Busseto.182 In 1526, a marriage was arranged between the eleven-year-old Camilla and her cousin Cesare Pallavicino of Cortemaggiore (d. 1540), uniting two of the most powerful and important Pallavicini holdings near Piacenza.183 Moreover, the marriage document itself 180

ASP, FP, b. 4 for 1520,1 March will. ASP, FP, b. 5, 1524, 26 July. Virginia Pallavicina-Gambara's father, Gianludovico II Pallavicino and Jacopo Pallavicino of Scipione, Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's father, were also noted in this document. Battistina's father was Giacomo Appiano, signore di Piombino. 182 Ottaviano's brother, Cristoforo had been murdered in 1521. His sister, Veronica, Countess of Guastella had returned there after her own husband, Achille Torelli, count of Guastella had been assassinated in 1522. Achille made his daughter Ludovica his heir (P. Renee Baernstein, A Convent's Tale, a Century of Sisterhood in Spanish Milan, New York and London, 2002, p. 29). Veronica died a year later (Seletti, vol. 1, p. 268). An inventory taken in 1522 following Cristoforo's death gives a sense of the grandeur of the setting in which Camilla Pallavicina would have been raised (ASP, FP, b. 5. See chapter three for a discussion of this inventory and Appendix I, 7). Little is known of Veronica Pallavicina's life. The Pallavicini of Busseto and Cortemaggiore remained loyal to the Sforza of Milan throughout the 1470s and 1480s. With the threat of the French invasion looming in the late 1490s, however, loyalties became complicated, and while initially in 1499 the five Pallavicini brothers (Galeazzo, Antonio Maria, Gerolamo, Ottaviano, and Cristoforo) of Busseto came to Ludovico il Moro* s aid, when the tide turned, they prudently sided with the French, who rewarded them with more territory. Two of the brothers, Antonio Maria (d. 1518) and Galeazzo (d. 1520), were given the title "Cavalière di S. Michèle/* On 26 October 1499, the king of France invested the brothers with Borgo San Donnino. But with the intervention of the papacy in 1512, the Sforza regained power temporarily, and the loyalty of the Pallavicini of Busseto and Cortemaggiore was divided. The situation became even more complicated in the 1520s by the fact that Pope Leo X joined forces with Emperor Charles V against the French and returned the Duchy of Milan to Francesco Sforza. The position of the Pallavicini at Busseto and Cortemaggiore became compromised as the brothers of both branches were of split loyalties. When the French moved to take Busseto, several of the brothers were murdered (Seletti, vol. 1, pp. 250,260,292-300,309-20). 183 ASP, FP, b. 5, 1526, 13 March contract. See previous note. Cesare was the son of Marcantonio Pallavicino (d. 1517) and cousin to Gerolamo, Camilla Pallavicina's second husband. Camilla Pallavicina was not the only woman who was her father's only heir and whose marriages were manipulated to benefit others. Luisa Pallavicina (d. 1552), a cousin of Camilla's, was the daughter of Pallavicino Pallavicino (d. 1522, brother of Ottaviano) and Elena di Giacomo Salviati. When her father died, she was given rights to Torchiara, Felino, Monticelli, Borgo San Donnino, and his other feudal holdings. She was married to 181

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included an inventory of her material goods, some of which were still in her possession at her death. Designed to keep Busseto and Cortemaggiore under Pallavicini patrimony, the marriage - in name only - was never consummated. 184 Considered a learned, wealthy, and highly respected individual, Pallavicina received literary tribute from Ludovico Domenichi 185 and Giovanni Betussi, 186 among others. Pietro Aretino wrote to her frequently throughout the 1540s about a number of issues, and praised her piety, talent, and virtue.187 She corresponded with him as well as with numerous other individuals, including Ottavio Farnese, Margarita of Austria, Cardinal Farnese, Ferrante Gonzaga, Agostino Landi, and a variety of noble women. 188 Betussi described her as "a noblewoman who was given singular genius, whose writing was learned and elegant."189 She was documented as living in Venice in 1540, the same year as Cesare's death.190 We do not know with whom she lived, although it is quite possible that she stayed with her relative Argentina Pallavicina-Rangona (d. 1550), wife of Márchese Guido Rangone (d. 1543), a soldier for the Venetian Republic. The couple had lived in Venice for a number of years, and Argentina was a friend of Aretino's as well. 191 We know, too, that Pietro Aretino befriended Camilla, supposedly coming to her aid in 1542 when she was accused of being a spy. 192 Ludovico Tridapale, writing to Giacomo Calandra in October 1542, recounted that, "Lady Camilla Pallavicina, Gianfrancesco Gonzaga (d. 1539), called Cagnino, signore of Sabbionetta. At Cagnino's death, Pope Paul III arranged a marriage for her with his grandson, Sforza Sforza, count of Santa Fiora in 1540. Sforza received her feudal holdings as dowry, including Borgo San Donnino (Seletti, vol. 1, pp. 325-26). 184 See later in this chapter for Camilla Pallavicina's testimony related to this issue. 185 Ludovico Domenichi, La Nobilita délie donne (Venice, 1549), p. 262v. 186 Giovanni Betussi, Aggiunte aile donne illustri del Boccaccio (Venice, 1558), pp. 196r-198v. 187 His letters to her are published in Paolo Procaccioli, éd., Lettere di Pietro Aretino (Rome, 1997), 4 volumes. 188 The majority of her letters are located in ASP, CFi by year. 189 196r-198v, "una gentildonna dotata il singolare ingegno, scrissecon molta domina ed eleganza." 190 Gerolamo Pallavicino wrote to Cardinal Farnese in Rome on 23 September 1540 to say that Cesare died after twenty-five days of fever. ASP, CFi, b. 6 for his letter of this date and for Cesare's will is dated 1540, 21 September, see Feudi e comunita, Carte feudale Pallavicini, b. 134. 191 It is likely that Camilla knew Argentina whose sister, Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale had brought her niece, Virginia to Cortemaggiore in the 1520s. 192 AS Venice, Consiglio dei Died, segreto, registro 5, 76 recto, 1542, 18 September. See chapter five pp. 183-84. It is also worth noting that Gianludovico II Pallavicino of Cortemaggiore was pro-French, as were at least two of the Pallavicini brothers of Busseto. Pellicier, himself, operated the anti-Venice conspiracy, which was active from 1540 to 1542 (Flamino Corner, Ecclesiae Venetae antiques monumenis nunc etiam primum editis Venice, 1849, vol. 4, p. 294).

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known as the saint, was banned from Venice because she meddled in affairs of state, and under cover of sanctity, was overly familiar with the French Ambassador."193 This is one of many letters detailing the espionage scandal that involved the French Ambassador Gugliemo Pellicier and Camilla Pallavicina. Investigated by the Consiglio dei Died and interrogated by Piero Morisini in the presence of Pietro Aretino, Camilla Pallavicina was accused of spying and then sent home to Busseto, while the ambassador's agent, and primary witness to the scandal, was beheaded.194 Camilla Pallavicina may have resided at the monastery of S. Antonio in Castello,195 where she could have met Ambassador Pellicier, a great collector of books and manuscripts. He consulted with Cardinal Marino Grimani (d. 1546), who was associated with the biblioteca at S. Antonio.196 Pietro Aretino, too, knew the ambassador quite well, having corresponded with him and his associates throughout this period.197 His letters to the ambassador and to Abondio, the ambassador's agent, show that Aretino was fully aware of the situation by late 1542. One can only speculate that, since Aretino already knew Camilla Pallavicina, he might have introduced her to the ambassador.198 Suor Barbara da Correggio, a nun at S. Antonio, wrote to Camilla Pallavicina after her return to Busseto. This letter lends support to the notion that Pallavicina resided at the monastery while in Venice, and that she may have gone there with every intention of remaining pure.199 When Camilla Pallavicina returned to Busseto in late 1542 or early 1543, the city continued to be a prestigious court, soon to host both Pope Paul III and Emperor Charles V in the summer of 1543. Of interest, too, is the fact that Titian was at Busseto during this time to paint the portraits of the two dignitaries. They arrived on 21 June with the usual grand entourage and were welcomed by

193 His letter was published in Benedetto Nicolini, éd., Lettere di negozi del pieno cinquecento (Bologna, 1965), pp. 32-33. He includes an overview of events and related letters. 194 "Successi de secretary del consig. de dieci et de pregadi che rivelorono li secreti al Signor Turcho, l'anno 1542," BNM It. vii, 2579 (12471), Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venice. 195 AS Venice, Chiese, S. Antonio di Castello, 2, Castatico sec. XVIII. The church was established in 1334 under the rule of "canonici S. Salvatore" (Flamino Corner, Notizie storiche delle chiese e monasteri di Venezia, Padua, 1858, p. 67). 196 Biblioteca Apostólica Vaticana, Catalogi Francia I, Guillaume Pellicier, Catalogue des manuscripts Grecs (Paris, 1886), p. 6 and Francia III, p. 55, Alexander Tausserat-Radel, Correspondence politique de Guillaume Pellicier (Paris, 1899), p. 617, note 2. 197 See note 187 above for his letters. 198 Pietro Aretino continued to correspond with Camilla Pallavicina long after she had returned to Busseto and after her marriage to Gerolamo, to whom he also wrote. 199 Landi, p. 128. Some writings suggest that Camilla Pallavicina's relationship with Pellicier was less than pure and may have involved children (see note 196 above).

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Gerolamo Pallavicino, márchese of Busseto (1508-1579),200 along with the citizens of the city and, presumably, Camilla Pallavicina as well.201 In late 1543, Camilla Pallavicina's second marriage - again to a cousin, Gerolamo Pallavicino, márchese of Cortemaggiore (d. 1557) - took place, but not before some extensive testimony regarding her childless marriage to Cesare.202 Between 22 and 30 December, Camilla Pallavicina and at least nine other individuals who knew her well during her previous marriage had to give testimony as to why the marriage was never consummated. Perhaps after her ordeal in Venice, her virginity was at issue, or those in charge just wanted to make sure that she could produce future Pallavicini heirs. All who testified said that Cesare was impotent and that Camilla Pallavicina desired children.203 The second marriage 200 This is not the Gerolamo whom she was to marry later that year rather he was another cousin who died 23 May 1579. He was the son of Cristoforo Pallavicino, Ottaviano's brother. See Luigi Mensi, Dizionario biográfico piacentino (Bologna, 1978), vol. 1, p. 311. 201 Seletti, vol. 2, pp. 29-36. 202 ASP, FP, b. 7, 1543, 4 October. See also Marco Boscarelli, Cortemaggiore: Istituzioni e costume fra Piacenza e Cortemaggiore (Piacenza, 1996), p. 33. Camilla Pallavicina was Gerolamo's second wife, and Camilla Rossi was his first. She died in early 1543. Gerolamo became márchese of Cortemaggiore in 1527 succeeding his uncle Gianludovico II, Virgina Pallavicina's father. Gerolamo's father was Gaspare Pallavicino (d. 1524), brother of Gianludovico II. Manfredo, father of Sforza Pallavicino, was also Gaspare and Gianludovico's brother, all descendents of "il Magnifico" Rolando. It is quite clear that Sforza Pallavicino's maneuverings were an effort to regain all the territories once dominated by his grandfather, Rolando. When Gerolamo Pallavicino, márchese of Busseto died 22 April 1579, Sforza Pallavicino was able for a time to gain both Cortemaggiore and Busseto (Fiori, et al., p. 324). When Pallavicino and Gianludovico disputed their father's ("II Magnifico" Rolando) decision to give them joint jurisdiction over all his feudal holdings, Giangaleazzo Maria Sforza, the duke of Milan, intervened and created two separate states (1478). On September 1479, Gianludovico took his wife, Anastasia Torelli (d. 1488), their son Rolando II (d. 1509) and his wife, Laura Caterina Landi (d. 1514), their household servants, and a few families from Busseto and transferred them to Cortemaggiore, which Gianludovico transformed into the capitol of his new state (Poggiali, vol. 8, p. 37 and Seletti, vol. 1, pp. 251-56, who quoted an old manuscript of the period describing in detail Gianlucovico's departure and the initial building of Cortemaggiore.). It is important to note that when Gianludovico came to Cortemaggiore it was little more than a village, whereas Busseto and Zibello were established seats of power by the mid- 1200s. Gianludovico, therefore, is credited with transforming the city into a refined and courtly center. He renovated existing churches and built new ones; he rebuilt the old Castello, and his son, Rolando II, carried on these projects and built a new residence as well. Rolando was invested as márchese of Cortemaggiore, Bargone, Firenzuola, Monticelli, and other territories by Ludovico il Moro in 1495. He left all his territories to his sons: Gianludovico II (d. 1527), Manfredo (d. 1521), and Marcantonio (d. 1517) (Marco Boscarelli, Nelle terre dei Pallavicini, pp. 26-7). 203

ASPc, Notai, P.M. Trompelli, b. 3762,10 documents dating 1543,22-30 December.

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contract stipulated that they were to have children, and they did - a son, who died in infancy, and two daughters Vittoria and Isabella.204 The intrigue does not end with Venice. Sforza Pallavicino (1520-85), another cousin who had a hand in the second marriage, was also close to Pier Luigi Farnese, duke of Parma and Piacenza.205 While Pallavicina's husband, Gerolamo was away in Brescia on business, Duke Farnese, always uneasy with the Pallavicini power and influence, raided Cortemaggiore in late 1545. By early 1546, Pier Luigi had divested Gerolamo of his rights to Cortemaggiore, and his feudal holdings were given to Sforza Pallavicino, a loyal friend of the duke's. 206 Under the guise of safekeeping, Farnese brought the pregnant Camilla and her mother-in-law, Ludovica Trivulzo-Pallavicina20 back to Piacenza where they were held in the Episcopal palace until Pier Luigi's assassination in 1547. In early 1546, Gerolamo Pallavicino, who remained in Cremona, wrote to Pier Luigi Farnese asking that he release both women unharmed. Even Cardinal Farnese, in a series of letters from 1546 to 1547, wrote objecting to the imprisonment and that the Venetian Signoria was also protesting it.208 With his designs on Busseto and Cortemaggiore, Sforza Pallavicino accepted the marriage offer to Giulia Sforza di Santa Fiora (ca. 1525-1580s), a Farnese cousin. 209 After Pier Luigi's assassination in 1547, Sforza befriended Ottavio Farnese, who, in turn, gave him governing 204

ASP, FP, b. 7,1543,4 October, marriage contract. Sforza Pallavicino was the son of Manfredo Pallavicino (d. 1521), signore of Firenzuola and Ginevra Bentivoglio of Bologna. Boscarelli, Nelle terre, p. 58. While there is little doubt that Sforza Pallavicino maneuvered to become another "II Magnifico," like his grandfather Rolando, the Farnese had other ideas. And while he did maintain jurisdiction over Busseto, Cortemaggiore, Firenzuola, and other territories, in the end, when he died leaving no male heirs, his holdings were manipulated by the Farnese, who continued to marry into the Pallavicini clan, and with each successive death of a male Pallavicini without male heirs of his own, the Farnese gained control of their territories (ASP, FP, bb. 11,12,13, 14, 15 for documents of 1570s and 1580s. There is a massive amount of material in these buste). 206 ASP, Ufficio delle confische detto conguire e confische, b. lb, 1546, 27 May document about confiscating Camilla and Gerolamo Pallavcino's property. It includes an inventory of their property holdings as well. See also Boscarelli, Nelle terre, note 7, pp. 5556. 207 Her father was Erasimo Trivulzo (Fiori, et al., p. 324). 208 ASP, CFi, b. 10, 1546,1 March; 4 May; 15 May; 3 July; 3 August; and b. 11,1547, 7 June and 10 August. 209 Her parents were Bosio II Sforza di Santa Fiora and Costanza Farnese, the illegitimate daughter of Pope Paul III. Giulia was Pier Luigi Farnese's cousin, and he suggested the marriage to his loyal ally, Sforza Pallavicino. Giulia was a prolific letter writer, usually advancing the causes of her husband as well as her own. Her letters are located in ASP, CFi by year. Giulia's brother was Sforza Sforza (1524-75), governor of Parma from 1540-45. In 1540 he married Luisa Pallavicina (d. 1552), daughter of Pallavicino Pallavicino (d. 1522), márchese of Torchiara and Felino (Boscarelli, Nelle terre, p. 59, note 19). Luisa Pallavicina's letters are located in ASP, CFi, by date. 205

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jurisdiction over both cities. Gerolamo and Camilla Pallavicino returned to Cortemaggiore where they resided in the palazzo, while Giulia Sforza-Pallavicina and her husband, Sforza Pallavicino lived at the Rocca. The atmosphere must have been as tense as that at Fontanellato, when both Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale and Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale were in residence. Pietro Aretino continued to correspond with both Gerolamo and Camilla, and both wrote to him. It would have been during the late 1540s and early 1550s that Camilla Pallavicina bore her two daughters. Sometime in the 1550s, she commissioned a portrait of herself and her daughter Vittoria from Bernardino Campi.210 In a letter dated 12 January 1557, Pallavicina wrote to the governor of Parma that she was worried about her situation because her husband, who had died that very day, had left no male heir.211 A few days later she wrote to Ottavio Farnese asking him to please not forget "this poor young widow with two unhappy daughters."212 Within days of Gerolamo's death, litigation began concerning her and her daughters' rights to Cortemaggiore. Sforza Pallavicino was moving to claim it for himself as Gerolamo's cousin and closest male relative. This dispute continued even after her death. Notarial records and other documents outline in detail the issues involved in Sforza's claim and Pallavicina's responses to them.213 Her pleas continued in numerous letters to Ottavio Farnese and to Cardinal Farnese seeking justice in this matter.214 In the end, she left Cortemaggiore and returned to her family home at Busseto (September 1559); however, Pallavicina's involvement in her affairs at Cortemaggiore never waned. Letters show her requesting payment for her share of the profits from wine production, her overriding concern for her daughters, and even for the community itself.215 In August 1557, for example, Camilla Pallavicina wrote to Girolamo Piazza, her agent in Parma seeking help for a young woman from Cortemaggiore who had been badly beaten and almost killed by a certain Marco Bolzotti. She sought justice for the girl.216 If Bolzotti was of a higher class than his unnamed victim, the girl may have been unable to seek justice on her own. Camilla Pallavicina was, indeed, a caring and pious individual. Not 210

Unfortunately, this portrait is not identifiable today. Alessandra Lamo, Discorso intorno alla scoltura, e pittura, dove ragiona della vita, ed opera in molti luoghi, ed a diversi principi, e personaggi fatte dalV eccellentissimo e nobile M. Bernardino Campo, pittore Cremonese (Cremona, 1584; facsimile edition: Cremona, 1975), p. 33. Camilla Pallavicina owned a portrait of Margarita of Austria and other objects of art. Several of her letters show her ordering various objects, including a cassetta and a crucifix. 211 ASP, CFi, b. 25. She was also responsible for his tomb in SS. Annunziata, Cortemaggiore. 212 ASP, CFi, b. 25,1557,23 January. 213 These documents are located in ASP, FP, bb. 7, 8, 9, and 41 and Notai, A. Melgara, b. 1445. 214 ASP, CFi, b. 25. There are numerous letters by Camilla Pallavicina in this busta to Ottavio Farnese. 215 ASP, CFi, bb. 25,26 for numerous letters. 216 ASP, CFi, b. 26 for her letter.

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only did she worry about the welfare of her daughters, but she cared for other women as well. In the late 1550s, she established two foundations at Cortemaggiore: the Monte delle Donzelle, which provided for young unmarried women much as Giacoma Pallavicina's Compagnia did and the Monte dei Poveri, which assisted the poor.217 Already ill by March of 1560, Pallavicina wrote from Busseto 218 to Duchess Margarita of Austria asking that she intercede with the duke on Pallavicina's behalf in matters related to her two daughters. Aware that she might die before these issues were resolved, she requested that Margarita care for her daughters.219 It was nearly a year later when Margarita wrote to Ottavio pleading that he resolve the dispute between Pallavicina and Sforza if for no other reason than his love for her.220 During the weeks prior to her death in heroic effort to insure her daughters' inheritance rights, Pallavicina began negotiations for a marriage between Vittoria and Ranuccio Gambara whose mother, Virginia Pallavicina-Gambara also had claims to Cortemaggiore through her long dead father.221 Pallavicina died before the issue was resolved. Indeed, the final months of her life in Milan were marked with a certain urgency as Pallavicina never ceased to write letters. She even wrote her will, which was later contested by Sforza Pallavicino. 222 Alessandro Melgaro, her notary from Piacenza, was at her side throughout the ordeal. His letters of this period to the duke and others illustrate for us his deep respect and admiration for Camilla Pallavicina, and he continued her cause long after her death.223 Margarita of Austria also took up Pallavicina's cause. In a lengthy letter dated 10 November 1561, 224 she responded to several letters written by Alessandro Melgaro that he had directed to the duke. One of his letters contained a copy of Pallavicina's will along with Melgaro's explanation of her last, dying requests.225 After expressing her sorrow on hearing of the death of Camilla Pallavicina, Margarita went on to 217

ASP, FP, bb. 7, 61 and Notai, A. Melgaro, b. 1445. Both the Monte delle Donzelle and the Monte dei Poveri were still functioning under Camilla's bequest well into the eighteenth century (ASP, Ospizi e Luogo Pii, b. 20, Monte di Pieta, Cortemaggiore). 218 Her letters from Busseto date as late as July 1561. At some point she went to Milan with her notary andfriend,Alessandro Melgaro. She died in October. 219 ASP, CFi, b. 33, 1560, 28 March. She wrote to Margarita of Austria on at least two other occasions concerning her situation. Once in 1559 and again in 1560 (AS Naples, Correspondenza di Margarita d'Austria, b. 67, facs. 19). 220 ASP, CFe, Milano, b. 187, 1561, 11 August. From Brussels Margarita of Austria wrote to Ottavio in July (CFe, Paesi Bassi, b. 107, 1561,20 July). 221 ASP, Notai, A. Melgaro, b. 1445, 1561, 28 September (Pallavicina's will), 1562, 16 October (the marriage contract). 222 ASP, Notai, A. Melgaro, b. 1445 for numerous documents and CFi, b. 33 for numerous letters by Camilla Pallavicina. 223 ASP, Notai, A. Melgaro, b. 1445 for his letters of 1561. 224 ASP, CFi, b. 33. 225 ASP, Notai, G. F. Alessandrini, b. 1320 and CFe, Milano, b. 187.

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express her support not only of the validity of Pallavicina's requests, but also her concern for Pallavicina's two daughters, who were in the monastery of S. Paolo in Parma.226 Vittoria would remain there until her marriage to Ranuccio, but Isabella's future was less clear. Evidently, Margarita of Austria was not happy with Isabella's situation. In a letter dated 10 November 1562 227 to Sforza Pallavicino, Margarita reminded him that in "both life and death Camilla Pallavicina had asked Margarita to care for her daughters," and because Pallavicina "always loved her like a sister," Margarita would not forget her responsibilities. Margarita wished that Isabella could come and live with her in Brussels, stating that she would treat the girl like her own daughter. Surely this is exactly what Camilla Pallavicina had in mind. Isabella Colonna, too, wrote letters to the duke supporting Pallavicina and her daughters' rights, asking that he assist them. 228 As stated earlier, Camilla Pallavicina's major concern prior to her death was for the welfare of her two daughters. She restated in her 1561 will her desire for Vittoria's marriage to Ranuccio Gambara,229 and she requested again that Margarita of Austria care for her daughters. Moreover, Camilla Pallavicina bequeathed books and money to her musician, Gabriele Gianmengo, and asked that he stay in the service of her daughters. She also outlined specifically what each daughter would inherit, including jewels, works of art, and other goods, and Isabella inherited Camilla Pallavicina's house. She also left an endowment, in perpetuity, for the Monte delle Donzelle, which was connected to the Franciscan church of the Minor Observant Order in Cortemaggiore. 230 Her home was inventoried at this time as well, and shows Camilla Pallavicina to have been a

226

In fact, the 1562 document written after Camilla Pallavicina's death noted items of hers that were sold in order to give money to the monastery to support both girls (ASP, Notai, A. Melgaro, b. 1445). It is of interest to note as well that in her 1561 will Camilla had also asked her cousin, Ludovica Torelli (alias Paola Maria, 1500-69) to care for her daughters. Torelli was a lay sister who founded the Collegio della Guastella in 1559 to house and educate girls until the age of marriage. They were provided with dowries. 227 ASP, CFe, Paesi Bassi, b. 107. 228 ASP, CFe, Napoli, b. 265, 1561, 3 October. The Colonna were connected to the Pallavicini through marriage. Hortensia Colonna was the first wife of Gerolamo Pallavicino, márchese of Busseto (1508-79). For Hortensia's letters see ASP, Comune di Parma, Anziani, b. 1535. 229 ASP, Notai, A. Melgaro, b. 1445, 1561,28 September. Vittoria (b. ca. 1548-d. 1598) was betrothed to Ranuccio before her mother's death. However, the marriage contract dates 1562,15 October (A. Melgaro, b. 1445), one year after her death. In 1562, they received the necessary dispensation to marry. There is also some indication that Camilla Pallavicina had begun to consider Isabella's (d. 1623) marriage and had been in contact with Gian Paolo Lupi (1549-71) of Soragna (A. Melgaro, b. 1448, 1568, 26 October letter). They were married in 1568 and had two children, Camilla (1569-1611) and Giampaolo III (1570-1649). Isabella was known for her literary skills and was likely a patron of the arts, as well. 230 ASP, Convenu e confraternita, Minori Osservanti di Cortemaggiore, b. 8. Her daughter, Isabella was also actively involved with this organization (b. 1).

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collector of paintings, sculptures, and other fine objects of art. Perhaps it is fitting to end with Camilla Pallavicina's impressa and motto, which shows a turtle snapping off a carnation it is about to eat. Below is written: "Every beauty has an end."231 Virginia Pallavicina-Gambara, daughter of Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's sister Ippolita and Gianludovico II Pallavicino, márchese of Cortemaggiore must still have been living in Cortemaggiore when Camilla Pallavicina came there in 1524, just prior to her marriage to Cesare. 232 Both women were about the same age. Their lives remained intertwined even after their deaths, as both were involved with Sforza Pallavicino's claims to inheritance rights over Cortemaggiore. Both women were their father's only heirs. Gianludovico II Pallavicino left his daughter Cortemaggiore, Soarzi, and a dowry of 25,000 "ducati di lire cinque imperiali l'uno."23 Virginia was also credited with the construction of her father's chapel in Santa Maria Annunziata in Cortemaggiore.234 What was the relationship between Camilla Pallavicina and Virginia Pallavicina-Gambara? Were they supportive of each other or rivals? Unfortunately no letters between the two exist; we have only formal notarial records that involve the two women. It seems unlikely they would have had the same kind of rivalry evident between Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale and Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale. Surely their interests were similar, and perhaps Virginia Pallavicina-Gambara even came to Camilla Pallavicina's aid after the death of her husband in 1557. 235 Of course, they had a mutual interest in Cortemaggiore. Virginia Pallavicina-Gambara was first betrothed to Ranuccio Farnese in 1528, and then to Brunoro Gambara, brother of Veronica Gambara of Correggio, whom she married in 1529. 236 They had two sons. Ranuccio Gambara married Camilla's 231

Giovanni Ferro, Teatro d'imprese (Venice, 1623), pp. 689-90. The marriage contract dates 1526, see note 181 above for Camilla Pallavicina's marriage contract. Virginia Pallavicina-Gambara's father was involved with the negotiations for Camilla's marriage contract. 233 ASP, Feudi e comunita, Pallavicino e Gambara, b. 150 and FP, b. 55. See also Rizzardi, pp. lviii, 76, who published Mazzio's eulogy to Virginia Pallavicina-Gambara (lx). 234 See chapter five for a discussion of this commission. 235 Numerous documents of 1557-58 concerning the two women and Cortemaggiore are located in ASP, Feudi e comunita, Pallavicino e Gambara, b. 150. Two letters of January 1553 suggest that Virginia Pallavicina-Gambara and Camilla Pallavicina may not have been on friendly terms. Camilla Pallavicina wrote to the governor of Parma on the twelfth referring to Pallavicina-Gambara's "essecutori e agenti," with whom she was dealing in regards to the palazzo at Cortemaggiore. On the fifteenth, the governor replied and recommended she contact his notary, Girolamo Orinelli. Some agreement in regards to the possession of the palazzo must have been reached by the following year as a letter of 28 January 1558 indicates (ASP, CFi, b. 25). 236 ASP, Feudi e comunita, Pallavicino e Gambara, b. 150; Carte Feudale Pallavicini, b. 134; and FP, b. 55 for the marriage documents. As with Camilla Pallavicina's marriage contract in Virginia's, Cesare, Gerolamo, and Sforza Pallavicino were involved along with 232

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daughter, once again uniting Cortemaggiore and Busseto. Gianfrancesco Gambara became a cardinal.237 Brunoro and Virginia remained at Cortemaggiore throughout the 1530s and part of the 1540s, although Virginia Pallavicina-Gambara spent substantial time in Rome with Pope Paul III, who thought of her as a daughter. She was present at the time of his death in 1549. 238 She also resided in Brescia, the Gambara home, and in Virola and Cremona. It was in 1549 at her palazzo in Brescia that Flávio Alessio Ugoni situated his Dialogo in which Virginia Pallavicina-Gambara hosted a discussion on the merits of married life. One of the five protagonists was none other than Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo's husband Giulio Boiardo, count of Scandiano. 239 Within this dialogue Pallavicina-Gambara discussed her relationship with Pope Paul III, who had recently died. She, too, wrote numerous letters to the Farnese, Margarita of Austria, and others. 240 She was also the subject of numerous literary tributes including two eulogies by Bernardo Cappello published in 1560. 241 Anima, che da questo exilio humano In sul partir, che suol noiar istanto Lieta eri, e se talhor dal nostro pianto Turbata, nel mostravi insulso e vano; O qual angelo sia, che porgamano Al débile stil mio: talch' egli quanto La soma tua virtu nel regno santo Mieta hoggi honor; far possa ai mondo piano Giacomo Antonio Pallavicino of Scipione and Claudio Landi. Virginia's mother was named in the 1528 document, yet it is clear that Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale was actively involved as well. Ippolita may have died before negotiations were completed. Virginia was given the Palazzo and Rocca at Cortemaggiore and was allowed to take possession of them in 1529. 237 ASP, Feudi e comunita, Pallavicino e Gambara, b. 150 and Carte feudale Pallavcini, b. 134. 238 Rizzardi, pp. lix, 77. 239 See note 3 for the citation. It follows the typical format for such dialogues. Virginia Pallavicina-Gambara was the only woman amongst five men. 240 ASP, CFi, bb. 12-30, by date; CFe, Milano, bb. 183, 184, 185; and AS Brescia, Archivio Famiglia Gambara. 241 '*Amina, who beyond this human pale, about to go which is wont to be so drear, Joyous you were, and if then by our tears Troubled, nought you showed unseemly or frail; O that here be some angel may go ail, For my weak style: so that as much he as thy supreme virtue among the saintly peers reap honor today; may so do for this world stale, That a thousand on thousand souls do warm to make thee vows even with their doomed breath; Altars to consecrate thee, and shrines to done; Others to present thee glorious palms, as to her in our times who conquered lone the sharp pangs of the senses and of death (translation by Michael Sullivan)." Rime di M. Bernardo Cappello (Venice, 1560), p. 237: Anima, che da questa exilio humano. In morte de la Sig. Virginia da Gambara, and 238: Quanto del two partir alma felice. In morte de la Sig. Virginia Pallavicina da Gambara.

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Women, Art, and Architecture in Northern Italy Si forse accenderei mille e mille aime A voti ne la lor adversa sorte Porgeti, e consecrati altari, e tempi Altre a donati glorióse palme, Come a chi sola vines a nostri tempi L* aspre noie de sensi, e de la morte (#237)

Like the other women discussed here properties, and was involved in religious works for her father's chapel, but also Brescia. 242 Like all the others she was a her own right.

*

she was wealthy, owning substantial organizations, not only commissioning for the monastery of Sta. Chiara in powerful and well-respected woman in

*

*

As we have seen, the majority of women considered here received literary tributes, had property of their own that produced an income for them, and were relatively independent in the handling of their affairs. With the exception of Virginia Pallavicina-Gambara, all of the women were widows, although not necessarily at the time they commissioned art and architectural projects. For example, Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale, Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo, and Camilla Pallavicina did so while their husbands were still alive. Once widowed, they arranged marriages for their children; conducted business with artisans, craftsmen, and others; and managed the family feudal holdings as well as their own property. The most obvious way to show power was though the construction of a family palazzo (a woman's public voice). Something Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina was surely aware of when she built hers in Piacenza, and the decoration and renovation of its interior spaces offered women a private voice for negotiating power and showing their influence and wealth. It is of interest to note that Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's will provides evidence of a bilinear family structure,243 as do Giacoma Pallavicina's and Camilla 242 ASP, Feudi e comunita, Carte feudale Pallavcini, b. 134. She supported several women in this monastery, as noted in her will located in this busta. 243 Horizontal and cognatic, the bilinear model explores what the wife and her family contributed to the marriage and passed on to their children, as opposed to the patrilinear model which emphasizes the father's lineage and its transmission to the children. On the bilinear family, see Caroline Valone, "Mothers and Sons: Two Paintings for S. Bonaventura in Early Modern Rome," Renaissance Quarterly, 53 (2000): 108-32; David Herlihy, "Introduction," in Christiane Klapisch-Zuber, Women, Family, and Ritual in Renaissance Italy (Chicago, 1985), pp. ix-x; David Herlihy, "Did women have a Renaissance? A Reconsideration," Medievalia et Humanística, 13 (1985): 11-15; Giulia Calvi, "Diritti e Legami, madri, figli, stato in Toscana," Quaderni Storici, 86 (1994): 487-510; Giulia Calvi,

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Pallavicina's. In her will Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina outlined her concerns for the women in her family, especially, Costanza, her sister-in-law, Anna Giulia, her daughter, and Giulia, her granddaughter.244 Pallavicina-Sanseverina left her house to her granddaughter, who later willed it to her own daughter. This is not to say that she overlooked her son Gianfrancesco; rather, she understood that her son had already been provided for by his father, who left him Colorno and other holdings. Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina also left her feudal holding of Chiavenna to her granddaughter Giulia, who passed it on to her own daughter.245 Likewise Giacoma Pallavicina left her home in Parma to her niece Emilia Pallavicina, and she left Emilia's daughter Paola the majority of her movable goods. Giacoma's female relatives, who were nuns in S. Agostino and those associated with her Compagnia, also benefited, their welfare was of particular interest to Giacoma. Like Ippolita and Giacoma, Camilla Pallavicina's primary concern was for the welfare of her female relatives, especially her two daughters. They were the focus of her will, which included lists of objects each was to receive as well as outlining her wishes for their future. What these wills have in common is that they all illustrate a bilinear family structure and the women's concerns for their female relatives. In her will, Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale, too, provided first for her daughters Silvia (to whom she willed property and other valuables) and Veronica (making sure that she was well provided for at S. Quintino) as well as for her granddaughters. The majority of the document, however, is devoted to Alfonso's three sons, her heirs and their future sons. She was particularly concerned about the continuation of the "ramo Sanvitale" and the Pallavicini clan of Zibello. While the documents suggest that her son, Alfonso clearly took center stage in her life, Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale did assist many of her female relatives, but only because of the feudal disputes in which they were involved. Her actions were clearly for her own benefit and that of her son rather than for women of her family - the sign of a true matriarch whose motivations were solely dynastic. Almost all of the women were involved, in various ways, with religious institutions (affording them both a public and private voice), the customary outlet for a woman's expression of concern over family and political issues. Most commonly they commissioned the building and decoration of the family's funerary chapel as Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale did for her son. More rarely, they began the building of a church or monastery, as Anna Giulia Sanseverina did. Many of the women founded religious institutions, which also involved the commissioning of // Contratto morale: madri efigli nella Toscana moderna (Bari, 1994), esp. her introduction and chapter one; and my essay, "Matrons as Patrons: Power and Influence in the Courts of Northern Italy," Artibus et Historiae, 43 (2001): 120-45. 244 In her will of 1563, Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina also made mention of Ippolita Anguissola, her neighbor and several women in S. Agostino in Parma (her daughter's convent), including Barbara Pallavicina. 245 Fiori, "I Sanseverini," pp. 64, note 7. Unfortunately Giulia was assassinated by her husband, Giambattista Borromeo in 1577.

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devotional works of art, as is the case for Giacoma Pallavicina, Camilla Pallavicina, and Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale. Few women were involved in the actual construction of a palace as Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina was. More often they renovated or reconstructed an existing family residence as Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale and Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale did. The majority of these women were involved in the decoration of the family home by commissioning paintings, sculpture, and other accoutrements, as well as painted rooms as will become evident in the following chapters. Women collected works of art as well and gave them as gifts as their letters attest. The following chapters will explore the various avenues open to these women for the patronage of art and architecture, beginning with the building, renovating, and reconstructing of the family palace.

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Fig. 1.1 Anonymous, Engraving of Portrait Medal of Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale, 1550s, Archivio di Stato, Parma

Chapter Two

The Renaissance Palazzo as a Public Voice for Women For the most part, the construction of a palazzo was generally associated with men since it existed as a representation of the male self-image of power and prestige, concerns not generally associated with women. Most often, it was a man who paid the bills and to whom the palace belonged. It was bequeathed to the males of the next generation and was referred to by the male owner's name.1 Since a woman was unlikely to receive credit as its builder, a palace did not serve as a public voice for women as did the commissioning of chapels, churches, and convents. The palace spoke for the family or the husband, even if he was long dead. So why 1

For further writing on these ideas see: Richard A. Goldthwaite, Wealth and the Demand for Art in Italy, 1300-1600 (Baltimore and London, 1995), who states (213) that "the patrician palace with its great façade was a public assertion of the presence of its builder, his family and his dynasty." He further develops these ideas in this chapter, stating (219), "As the chief term that redefined the traditional aristocratic concept of magnificence, architecture became one of the most important signs of nobility in Italian society: it presupposed wealth, it signified status, and it could imply special knowledge and taste." Of course, he is referring to the male patron, but could we not apply this statement to women, especially someone like Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina? Peter Thornton, The Italian Renaissance Interior, 1400-1600 (New York, 1991), pp. 11-13 and Raffaella Sarti, Europe at Home, Family and Material Culture, 1500-1800 (New Haven and London, 2002), who also assumes palaces were only built by men and represented their wealth and honor, states (78) that "a stately home was not only a symbol of wealth, power and social prominence, it had a particularly significant role in embodying the continuity of the patrilineal family. . . . The stately home, embellished with coats of arms, came to embody the continuity of an orderly lineage, as it was passed down from father to son. It was home to the heir, his parents (if alive), his wife and his children. . . . A family's authority was now increasingly expressed through the wealth and honor of the patrilineal line; of which the stately home was the embodiment." Finally, one must also cite Catherine King, who stated emphatically that women did not build palaces: "Medieval and Renaissance Matrons, Italian Style," Zeitschrift fur Kunstgeschichte, 55 (1992): 38 and in her more recent study, her conclusions remain similar, see her book: Renaissance Women Patrons. We must also consider that even though women were politically, economically, and legally marginalized, the fact that Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina built her palace suggests that the same society allowed a woman with the means and authority to pursue an architectural project. See note 7 below for bibliography about women who built palaces.

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would a woman build a palace of her own?2 Some women, such as Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina, chose to build their own palaces simply because they had the money and power to do so. Ippolita was not alone; Portia dell' Anguillara-Cesi renovated and expanded the Palazzo Cesi in Rome in the early 1580s.3 While it may not have been common - or the evidence has not yet been found - women could be active patrons of architecture for the very same reasons that men commissioned buildings.4 As Helen Hills has so eloquently stated in her introduction to Architecture and the Politics of Gender in Early Modern Europe? "women were not passive foils on which men could simply project their needs and ideals of womenhood, but were instead active shapers of their own lives, capable of conforming to or resisting stereotypes."6 Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina, then, used her new palazzo in much the same way as a man - as a public voice for her ideas about her family and its place in the social hierarchy of Piacenza.7 2

This question was first posed to me by Carolyn Valone in a phone conversation (7 August 2002), and subsequent conversations followed. I wish to thank her for opening my eyes to this issue. 3 Citing her will, Carolyn Valone has noted that Portia clearly expected to receive credit for the Cesi palace and was extremely displeased when her husband was given credit instead; see her essay, "Mothers and Sons," p. 108 where the opening paragraph addresses the issue of women as patrons of architecture, and p. 121 where Valone discusses Portia's renovation and expansion of her palace in Rome. See also Valone* s "Architecture as a Public Voice for Women in Sixteenth Century Rome," Renaissance Studies, 15/3 (2001): 301-27. 4 I wish to thank Carolyn Valone for discussing this issue with me. There are numerous other examples of women as builders of palaces. See Sheryl Reiss's and Lawrence Jenkins's essays cited in note 7 below. And, of course, Margarita of Austria is known to have built more than one palace. 5 Helen Hills (éd.), Architecture and the Politics of Gender in Early Modern Europe (Aldershot, 2003). 6 Hills, p. 7. 7 The role of women as patrons of palaces still needs to be more fully explored, but see A. Lawrence Jenkins, "Caterina Piccolomini and the Palazzo delle Pápese in Siena;" Sheryl Reiss, "Widow, Mother, Patron of Art: Alfonsina Orsini de' Medici;" and Carolyn Valone, "Matrons and Motives" all in Beyond Isabella, pp. 77-92, 125-58, 317-35. As John Paoletti has pointed out to me in a communication of 7 September 2002, that while new documentation and feminist studies have helped to develop the field of women as patrons, men will always be the majority. He asked, "Does women's minority status effect the architecture in any ways? Size? Type?" In the case of Pallavicina-Sanseverina, I have not found it to be so. Her palace was large and conformed to the same models as those for palaces built by men. For a reassessment of the significance of gender as a factor in terms of architectural patronage, see Alice T. Friedman, "Wife in the English Country House: Gender and Meaning of Style in Early Modern England," in Women and Art in Early Modern Europe, pp. 111-25. Friedman has suggested that taste and style in architecture reflected a far broader spectrum of meanings and cultural values than is usually discussed,

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The group of more then forty documents related to the commissioning, building, and decorating of her palace in Piacenza is extraordinary in the specific information it contains. It shows very clearly in fact Ippolita PallavicinaSanseverina's active involvement in the entire process. 8 In stating in her will of 1563 that her sister-in-law and close friend, Costanza da Caretta-Sanseverina (d. 1564) 9 could live in her house after her death, Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina emphatically called the building "the house that I built."10 By making such a statement, Pallavicina-Sanseverina surely wanted it known that she was the builder of this palazzo. Costanza da Caretta-Sanseverina even borrowed PallavicinaSanseverina's own master builder, Hieronimo Ferri to build a new loggia in the

and that conventions of representation in architecture encode political and gender differences (112-13). In her study, Friedman compares two architectural commissions: Wollaton House (1580-88) for Sir Francis Willoughby and Hardwick House (1591-97) for Bess of Hardwick, a wealthy widow. Both houses were designed and built by Robert Smythson. Friedman uses these two structures to examine the constitutive role of gender in the production of built form in the late sixteenth century. Rather than analyzing the buildings according to the evolution of the architect's career, she argues that gender played a role in the differences in design (115-18). It is unfortunate that Ippolita PallavicinaSanseverina's palazzo no longer exists as it once did, for a similar comparison as Friedman's might enlighten us on similar issues of gender differences in terms of palace design. In an earlier study Friedman discussed the issues of gender and the gaze in terms of women's role in the formation of domestic architecture: "Architecture, Authority and the Female Gaze," Assemblage, 18 (1992): 40-61. See also, Friedman's House and Household in Elizabethan England: Wollaton Hall and the Willoughby Family (Chicago and London, 1988), where she discusses this commission in some detail and considers the experience of the women who lived there as well. Architectural spaces, she asserts, reflected women's status and their place in the household structure (6-7). She states, "With or without direct control over architectural decisions, women clearly act as mediators and participants in the planning of built form (8)." 8 The majority of documents are located in the ASP, FP, bb. 61, 69, 71, and in the CFi, bb. 21,23. 9 Costanza da Caretta-Sanseverina was the daughter of Alfonso da Caretto, márchese of Finale (ASP, Comune di Parma, Raccolta autografici, b. 4402, 14). In 1496 Costanza married Galeazzo Sanseverino, Giulio Sanseverino's elder half-brother. Galeazzo was a favorite of Ludovico Sforza, duke of Milan (Fiori, "I Sanseverini," pp. 62-3). After Ludovico's death, Galeazzo formed an alliance with Francis I, king of France, for whom he fought and died at the Battle of Pavia in 1525; he was elected cavalière of the Order of S. Michèle, the very Order that Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina included on the main portal of her new palazzo in Piacenza in 1557. In 1532 Costanza returned to Piacenza from Milan and acquired from the Orsini di Montechiarugolo their feudal holdings at Zena and Gariverta. In the same year, she was given the tide, "La Madama la Granda" (Fiori, "I Sanseverini," pp. 63-4, and ASPc, Notai, F. M. Coppallato, b. 4150). Costanza died 3 January 1564. 10 ASP, Feudi e comunita, Sanseverini, b. 211,1563, 21 June.

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main courtyard of her palazzo in Zena.11 Of interest as well is the fact that Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina bequeathed her house to her granddaughter Giulia Sanseverina-Borromea, rather than to her son Gianfrancesco Sanseverino, márchese of Colorno. Sanseverina-Borromea, in turn, left it to her daughter Ippolita Borromea-Sanseverina, rather than to her son. The ownership of the palazzo passed along matrilineal lines even though there were males to inherit it.12 While married women such as Margherita of Austria or Eleonora of Toledo commissioned palaces, most often widows commissioned such projects, as in the case of Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina. This was particularly true in the feudal courts of northern Italy where widows had more freedom along with their own personal wealth that was separate from their dowries allowing for this kind of expenditure. Yet as the majority of the examples show, most women renovated or reconstructed old family palaces rather than building completely new ones. Unlike Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina, for most women who were patrons of domestic architecture, evidence is limited. Such is the case with Francesca of Brandenburg, Veronica Gambara's mother-in-law. As a widow, she dedicated her dowry and some of her own funds to the construction of the Palazzo dei Principi (1507),13 a project envisioned by her husband, Borso da Correggio (d. 1504). A corner stone near the main entrance carries the inscription, "Francesca di Brandenburgo uxor borsi comitis corregiae, qual post abitum viri aulam hanc anno 1507 propriis impensio construendam cura vit," identifying Francesca as the patron of the palazzo. It is located to the south of the medieval Castelvecchio in Correggio, and the design is generally attributed to the architect Biagio Rossetti.14 Clarice Malaspina, wife of Federico Pallavicino, márchese of Zibello ordered the reconstruction of the family palace in Zibello shortly after her husband's death in 1502. Known as the Palazzo Nuovo in the sixteenth century to distinguish it

11

ASP, FP, b. 61, 1550, 16 August. Costanza not only used Ferro, but also two other workers employed by Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina; from a close reading of the document, one can assume that at the very least she was extensively renovating or reconstructing. 12 ASP, Feudi e comunita, Sanseverini, b. 211, 1563, 21 June and 1576, 16 March. Giacoma Pallavicina left her house to her niece, Emilia Pallavicina rather than to her male heirs. Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina passed her feudal holding of Chiavenna on to her granddaughter Giulia as well. 13 While this name for the palazzo refers to the males rather than the females, it was common practice for palaces in the Renaissance, whether commissioned by a man or woman, to be referred to in this gender. All the sources that I have consulted concerning this structure refer to it in this manner, even though Francesca built it. 14 See my essay, "The 'Ladies of Correggio,: Veronica Gambara and Her Matriarchal Heritage," Explorations in Renaissance Culture, 2671 (2000): 1-20. Francesca was also responsible for commissioning thefrescodecoration in several rooms of the palace.

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from the Palazzo Vecchio, it was most likely primarily a new structure.15 Her daughter Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale was responsible for renovating and reconstructing at least two residences in Parma.16 In 1533, Laura Pallavicina San vitale purchased two adjoining houses, one much larger than the other.17 Located in the neighborhood of the church of S. Giovanni Evangelista in Borgo Medio, Pallavicina-Sanvitale was within a few blocks of the Palazzo Claudia where her son and his family were to live. Her choice of location must have been

15

Soliani, p. 30, note 15 and document 67. Another prominent woman of the region was also credited with building a palace after her husband's death: Costanza Farnese, the illegitimate daughter of Pope Paul III and wife of Bosio II Sforza di Santa Fiora, built a palazzo at CastelF Arquato near Piacenza between 1535-40 (Eugenio Caldieri, "I Luoghi dei Farnese: immagini di un impero mai nato," in Lucia Fornari-Schanchi (éd.), / Farnese, Arte e Collezionismo: Studi, Milan, 1995, p. 22). 16 ASP, Notai G. D. Criminali, b. 1247, 1533, 6 July and 1534, 24 June; b. 1248, 1537, 26 April; 1539, 6 September and 1540, 4 June and b. 1250, 1548, 10 January; and FSPf, b. 11, BI 252 bis, and b. 16, BII 407, BII 437 and BII 441. Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale began negotiations for the Palazzo Claudia as early as 1524, but the actual purchase was not made until 1537. Renovations began the same year and were completed by 1539 in time for Alfonso's marriage to Gerolama Farnese. Since Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale was already living in a house near S. Giovanni Evangelista, which she had purchased in 1533, she may have bought the Palazzo Claudia with every intention of giving it to her son, and like her own palazzo, she wanted this one to represent the family power, wealth, and prestige. She had already purchased part of a house in Modena in 1524 and owned houses in Scandiano and Fontanellato where she also had rooms built in the Rocca for herself shortly after her husband's death. In 1556, she moved to Reggio Emilia where she purchased another house and remained there for the rest of her life. Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's daughter-in-law, Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale also renovated her palace, the Palazzo Claudia, on the occasion of her son Ottavio's marriage in the late 1560s. She also had walls constructed in the Rocca at Fontanellato in order for her family to have separate apartments for Paola and Giangaleazzo Sanvitale (ASP, CFi, b. 9 for two letters of 1543). These are not the only instances of women renovating palaces in and around Parma. Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo and Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale were also involved in such projects. In 1560, for example, Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo had work done in a room at Scandiano (ASRE, Archivio notarile, G. B. Galletti, b. 482, 1560, 13 October). The majority of Pallavicini and Sanvitale women were involved to a certain extent in renovation and reconstructing their family homes and must have been fully aware of each others' activities, perhaps exchanging or recommending builders and artisans. 17

ASP, Notai, G. D. Criminali, b. 1247, 1533, 6 July. Brenda Prever, "Florentine Palaces and Memories of the Past," in Giovanni Ciappelli and Patricia Lee Rubins (eds), Art, Memory and Family in Renaissance Florence (Cambridge, 2000), p. 189. Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale may have already been discussing the possibility of this purchase with her friend Cassandra Cornazzano, who lived in one of the houses; Cassandra owed Laura money and this may have been a way to pay the debt, see ASP, Notai, G. A. Biondi, b. 1464,1533, 26 April and 6 July.

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motivated by a desire to remain within the ancestral neighborhood close to family and friends.18 Documents inform us that Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale refashioned the two buildings, adding enough to the larger structure for the notary writing the document to call it the "Casa Nuova." 19 She extensively renovated the remaining parts of the other structure. What she created out of the older structures were two entirely new buildings. And as one chronicler wrote, "Contessa Pallavicina successfully transformed her new home into one of the most elegant residences of the nobility of Parma."20 While only a few notarial records exist for the project, we know that the reconstruction and renovation began shortly after the purchase process was completed.21 One document laid out exactly what Laura PallavicinaSanvitale wanted done and that Cornazzano was responsible for carrying it out. Work must have been completed by mid-1540 for a document dated 4 June tells us what had been built, and from this we can assume that it was a two-story structure with a courtyard, upper and lower loggia, and a garden.22 The overall palazzo must have been rather grand, considering the number of rooms (at least fifteen in the new part alone) constructed for the "Casa Nuova" and the household listed in the 1545 Estimi Civile: there were twenty people living in the house including Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale and her notary and personal secretary Gian Domenico Criminali.23 Women not only built, reconstructed, and renovated their personal residences, but they also built and maintained houses and other structures, such as barns and service buildings on the various properties they owned and from which they derived a substantial part of their income. It was, therefore, in their best interest to maintain the property. Giacoma Pallavicina is a primary example, though nearly every woman in this study did much the same thing, including Laura PallavicinaSanvitale, Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale, and Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina.24 It is 18

Preyer, p. 179. Her cousin, Giacoma Pallavicina lived nearby, as did her niece Virginia Pallavicina-Gambara and her sister Argentina. 19 ASP, Notai, G. D. Criminali, b. 1248, 1537,26 April, 9 and 20 July. 20 "La Contessa Pallavicina ha trasformata successivemente in una delle dimore signorile piu elegante di Parma" (MSS Parm. 3768, 21, Delle memoria de la illustra famiglia Sanvitale, Biblioteca Palatina, Parma). 21 ASP, Notai, G. D. Criminali, b. 1250, 1548, 10 January. Cornazzano functioned in much the same way as Bonino did for Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina. 22 ASP, Notai, G. D. Criminali, b. 1248. She must have been particularly fond of her garden for in 1548 she requested water from the Canale Grande for her orto (FSPf, b. 17, 1548,7 August). 23 ASP, Comune di Parma, Estimi civile, b. 1933. Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale lived in the S. Giovanni Evangelista house until she moved to Reggio Emilia in 1556, and Cornazzano maintained and leased it for her through at least the 1560s. 24 ASP, FSPf, b. 16, BII 437 1540 inventory of Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's possessions listing exactly what she had built. Similar records for Laura Pallavicina-

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Giacoma Pallavicina's hands on approach and the extensive record keeping that makes her stand out from the others.25 Like the documents associated with Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's palazzo, these are very specific, outlining exactly what her fattore did and what it cost. He was responsible for building, remodeling, and repairing five different houses for her workers and other structures, such as barns, colombare, and forni. At her property near Casteletto, Giacoma Pallavicina had a house rebuilt for herself, "Casa delia Patrona." In this instance, the builder was named: Giovanni Dordano, "fabricar piacentino."26 For Giacoma Pallavicina maintaining the property and the buildings on them assured a continual income on which to live and to support her Compagnia.27 Whereas it is likely that Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale used the income from her extensive property holdings to build or renovate both the Palazzo Claudia and her house near S. Giovanni Evangelista, both would have required a substantial sum. It is likely as well that Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina funded much of her new building project in Piacenza from the income she received from her property in and around Borgo San Donnino.28 For both Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale and Ippolita PallavicinaSanseverina, their palaces represented their wealth, power, and status within the community. Overview of Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's Project The importance of the Palazzo Sanseverini, in terms of domestic architecture of the sixteenth century, has been overlooked for the simple reason that it is not in a Sanvitale can be found in ASP, Notai, G. D. Criminali, bb. 1248-1251; ASRE, Archivio notadle, M. Berlotti, bb. 844-846; C. Ruspaggione, b. 1262. Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale was given property by her husband, and she also managed a substantial amount of other property after his death. She built a house and a barn at Noceto in 1557 (ASP, Notai, B. Mendogni, b. 1983). Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina was given property in and around Borgo San Donnino by her uncle Giangerolamo Pallavicino of Scipione (APBB, b. 39); Antonia Pallavicina-Sartori and Virginia Pallavicina-Gambara owned substantial property as well. It might be of interest to note that the Pallavicini women of the Roccabianca-Zibello clan all had property to manage, whereas for Camilla Pallavicina of Busseto no such evidence exists. She was her father's only heir, and her cousin Sforza Pallavicino seems to have controlled her holdings from the time of her second husband's death (1557) until her own (1560). 25 APBB, bb. 39,40,43. 26 APBB, b. 39,1548, 5 September. 27 Giacoma did expand her sala in her S. Paola house, presumably to provide a larger gathering space for the Compagnia (ASP, Notai, P. Biondi, b. 2013, 1550, 13 March). The new construction is referred to as the sala magna. 28 Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale and Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina were following a similar pattern as men, managing property and building palaces.

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traditional artistic center such as Florence. Moreover, the building no longer survives in its original form - only the entrance portal (Figure 2.1) remains intact, with the exception of the Pallavicini-Sanseverini coats of arms, which were modified by the Marazzani family who obtained the building, along with at least two adjoining structures, in the seventeenth century. Gianfrancesco and Camillo Marazzani transformed these structures into a new, expanded, and grander palazzo typical of the later Baroque period.29 Because the existing information about the construction of the Palazzo Sanseverini is fragmentary, any reconstruction of the building depends on a familiarity with the location of a number of fixed points, normally buildings, around the periphery of the palace site. Since these are frequently mentioned in documents, especially notarial records associated with the purchase of land, various permits, and sometimes from the contracts themselves, they can give measurements and physical locations of windows, walls, and rooms. 30 Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's new residence was located across a small piazza from the church of S. Antonino, the original cathedral of Piacenza. The entrance portal of the palazzo still faces the ancient portal of the church. It was only three blocks from the Duomo - a prestigious location, indeed.31 Her home was bordered on one side by Ippolita Anguissola's house, and on the other by that

29

ASPc, Archivio Marazzani-Visconti, EII84. Gianfrancesco Marazzani bought the Palazzo Sanseverini from Jacopo Dal Verme on February 5, 1646. Dal Verme had purchased it from Ippolita Borromea-Sanseverina, great granddaughter of Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina on July 18, 1592. Renovation and expansion of the Palazzo Marazzani continued well into the eighteenth century. According to Giorgio Fiori, a local historian who spoke to me about the palazzo on May 17, 2002, all of the frescoes, including those of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries have either been removed or covered over. However, fragments of one fresco remain on the façade. Today, the grand Palazzo Marazzani is only a shell of its former self. Parts of it have been transformed into condominiums. Both Giorgio Fiori ("I Sanseverini"), p. 64, note 7 and Giorgio Fiori, et al., p. 382, assume that it was Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's husband, Giulio Sanseverino (d. 1532) who had built the original palace. However, documents make it quite clear that it was Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina, s undertaking. As elsewhere in Italy, palace building flourished in Piacenza in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Bruno Adomi and others have written extensively on the topic, see for example: Bruno Adorni, V Architettura Farnesiana a Piacenza» 1545-1600 (Parma, 1982); "L'Architettura del Primo Rinascimento," pp. 590-653; Valeria Poli, "Urbanística, storia urbana, architettura," pp. 331-98; and Luigi Dodi, L'Architettura Quattrocentesca nella Val d'Arda (Piacenza, 1934), especially, pp. 118-36. 30 In addition to the documents in ASP (see note 8), the notary records are located in the ASPc, Notai: F. M. Coppallato, b. 4151. 31 S. Antonino was the first cathedral of Piacenza, established in the sixth century. In the twelfth-century when a larger church was needed, the current cathedral was built. Ersilio Fausto Fioranti, Le Chiese di Piacenza (Piacenza, 1985), pp. 52-56.

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of Alessandro Anguissola.32 The detail of the Palazzo Sanseverini from Florimi's late sixteenth-century map of Piacenza (Figure 2.2) shows the structure as a series of buildings added together over time,33 suggesting that as families expanded or as new patrons bought up property, new accommodations were built. According to Brenda Preyer and others, it was common practice to incorporate existing walls and other parts of older buildings into the new structure, if for no other reason than practical and economic concerns.34 This was exactly what Pallavicina-Sanseverina was doing; documents make this quite clear.35 This type of reuse of preexisting elements within the confines of the site restricted the overall configuration of the new structure, often evident in maps such as Florimi's where we see walls at odd angles. A desire to remain within the ancestral neighborhood, where ties of friendship were strong, often motivated the reconstruction or the incorporation of part of an existing structure within the new.36 This was likely the case for Ippolita 32

A document of 1551 in the ASP, FP, b. 61, locates her new palazzo as connecting to Anguissola's. 33 Matteo Florimi's 1590 map of Piacenza is in ASP, Mappe e Disegni, 21/10. For a 1704 engraving based on Florimi's map, see Felice da Mareto, Parma e Piacenza nei secoli, p. 123,fig.200. 34 Preyer, pp. 178-79 and Richard A. Goldthwaite, The Building of Renaissance Florence: An Economic and Social History (Baltimore and London, 1971), pp. 167-68. In his Wealth and the Demand (216), Goldthwaite states that, "Palaces were obviously family, not individual monuments. They were usually built in the neighborhood where the family had deep roots, and their builders probably viewed them as a symbol of family traditions and a focus for the loyalties of the family, collectively." Linda Pellecchia, "The Patron's Role in the Production of Architecture: Bartolomeo Scala and the Scala Palace," Renaissance Quarterly, 42/2 (1989): 262. 35 For example, it is clear from the 1544 contract with the maestri fondatori that they were to use old walls and foundations. Even in the later documents with Hieronimo Ferri, there are indications of reuse. ASP, FP, b. 69,1544, 8 January; b. 61,1549,13 June. 36 Preyer, p. 189 and Pellecchia, p. 262. F. W. Kent disputes much of what Richard Goldthwaite believes to be the motivation behind palace building in Florence - that it was primarily "an architectural response to a profound social change" ("Palaces, Politics and Society in Fifteenth-Century Florence," / Tatti Studies: Essays in the Renaissance, 2 (1987): 44). Kent goes on to say that changes in the family and society caused palaces to reflect a move from sociable clan to a smaller, more isolated family (45). Kent, like Brenda Preyer, believes that ancestral neighborhoods, everyday sociality, and common ceremonial life still played a major role in where an individual would build a palace (45-46). More importantly, he suggests that, "Family houses, whether old or new, were regarded as almost sacred. Men loved an ancestral house . . . to destroy an ancestral house was a grave matter (46)." Like Preyer, Kent has found that new palaces were often built on ancestral foundations and were almost invariably inserted into neighborhoods dominated by the builder's paternal family (48-49). My research on the building of Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's palace in Piacenza certainly supports this notion. In his essay, "The Houses of the Dandalo: A Family Compound in Medieval Venice" (Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 52/4,

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Pallavicina-Sanseverina, whose relatives and friends had been living in the Moreover, Ippolita neighborhood since at least the fourteenth century.37 Pallavicina-Sanseverina's father, Giacomo Antonio Pallavicino left her not only Chiavenna but also property in Piacenza, and the rights to the family palazzo, so that she had every reason to stay within the ancestral neighborhood.38 Unfortunately, Florimi's depiction of the Palazzo Sanseverini is too schematic to permit an exterior elevation, and the palazzo has undergone such extensive renovation that even an accurate ground plan is impossible. From descriptions in the documents, it is possible to see that her new structure, often referred to as the "casa nuova," followed the traditional Renaissance palace layout as outlined by Alberti, Serlio, and others:39 a three-story structure with an interior courtyard 1993: 391-415), Juergen Schulz reconstructs the residential compound of the Dandalo family in terms of palace building and family culture. These enclaves were comprised of residences, towers, and sometimes chapels or churches. Using early notorial drafts, charters, and inventories of documents, Schulz surveys the development of the Dandalo compound from the eleventh century through the fourteenth. He poses this question: "What does the record teach us about the making and unmaking of a Medieval, residential complex (405)?" In answering the question, he opposes David Herlihy's view that "residences in a shared, urban enclave by the families of a kin group was but one aspect of a general pooling of properties among, and restrictions of the rights of inheritance to, the group's male members (405)." These practices were adopted to conserve the patrimonies. Yet an older model may also be valid: When members of a family or an association of families were concentrated in one spot, rather than dispersed throughout the city, they could defend themselves better against personal vendettas and civil unrest (406). Moreover, a sense of family solidarity and identity encouraged family groups to live together. The same motivation can be used for the development of the ancestral neighborhood that surely evolved out of the medieval family compound. While Schulz argued that none of the models fît the Dandalo case, he did suggest that patrimonial considerations or a search for security may have bound families to a particular site and to particular buildings, and that a variety of circumstance, each different, could play a role in the formation of a Medieval family compound (406-7). 37 The Palazzo Pallavicino, owned by the Scipione branch of the family, was only a few blocks away on Stradone Farnese (formerly Via Gambara) and within the S. Antonino neighborhood. Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina was also closely connected to the Anguissola who lived next to her and to the Malaspina, whose palace was next to that of the Pallavicini on Stradone Farnese. 38 ASP, Feudi e comunita, Sanseverini, b. 210,1533,15 October. 39 See Leon Battista Alberti, On the Art of Building in Ten Books, trans, by Joseph Rykert, Neil Lynch and Robert Tavernor (Cambridge, MA, 1992); Vaughan Hart and Peter Hicks, Sebastiano Serlio on Architecture (New Haven and London, 1996), vol. 1; and Christoph Liutpold Frommel, "Living air antica: Palaces and Villas from Brunelleschi to Bramante," in Henry A. Mellon and Vittorio Magnago Lampugnani (eds), The Renaissance from Brunelleschi to Michelangelo: The Representation of Architecture, (Milan, 1994), pp. 183-303. Incidentally, her relative Rolando II Pallavicino of Cortemaggiore referred to a copy of Alberti's treatise when he built his own palazzo (Bruno Adorni, "L'Architettura del

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accessed through the main entrance. Another courtyard with a garden, referred to as an orto in the documents, was located beyond the main one at the rear of the building. It would have served as a secluded space that gave the occupants a respite from the city. The central courtyard, on the ground floor at the very core of the house, provided light, air, and passage to other rooms. An arcaded loggia surrounded the space on all four sides. This configuration recalls Alberti's description of an atrium as a central space open to the sky with porticos on all sides.40 On the second level above the courtyard, a loggietta covered the surrounding four walls as well, and above this, at the third level, was an attic, probably used as servants' quarters. The garden courtyard at the rear of the main building adjoined Ippolita Anguissola's house on one side, and Alessandro Anguissola41 on the other. It had a loggia on the ground level along one wall connecting to the building near the kitchen, and was enclosed at the back by the garden wall.42 Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina and her architect-builder would have also considered symmetry along with other factors to produce overall harmony in the layout. The organization of the rooms to guarantee that their windows coincided with a regular scheme of fenestration when viewed from outside would also have been an important issue.43 Her Agents and Architects In 1542 Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina began legal arrangements for the building of her new palazzo in Piacenza.44 Gian Cristoforo Pugnello, the agent who handled all her business and legal affairs, was responsible for the 7 and 29 October 1542 documents that initiated the building campaign. These laid out the conditions under which the building would be constructed, outlining the confínes of the building in relation to its site and providing the groundwork for obtaining the required permissions from the Commune of Piacenza necessary to begin construction.45 In November Pugnello hired Julio Bolzoni of Scipione, probably an engineer, to provide calculations and measurements for the new structure to Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's satisfaction.46 Giambattista de Spinaniere, primo Rinascimento," vol. 3, p. 608). A copy of Alberti's treatise was also in circulation in Parma by 1500(609). 40 Rykert, Lynch and Travernor, pp. 119-20. 41 Apparently Ippolita's house was between two different Anguissola houses. 42 While only fragments of the original structure remain, this description comes from analyzing the various documents associated with the commission. Hie loggia of the garden may have been similar to Serlio's as illustrated in Hart and Hicks, p. 274. 43 Thornton, p. 284. 44 ASPc, Notai, F. M. Coppallato, b. 4151,1542,7 and 29 October. 45 See note 8 for documents. 46 ASPc, Notai, F. M Coppallato, b. 4151,1542,1 November.

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called Bonino, was also in Pallavicina-Sanseverina's service, and seems to have functioned as an accountant-manager. Along with managing other properties that Pallavicina-Sanseverina owned, Bonino signed a few of the contracts, collected and paid out money to various individuals, kept accounts for the house in his libro di spese - no longer extant - and oversaw the building project. When it came to disputes involving the credibility of an artisan's or craftsman's skills, however, it was Pugnello, not Bonino, who was called upon to clear them up. For example, the sculptor Julio Ongoni was required to give testimony, in Pugnello's presence, that the work he had completed for Pallavicina-Sanseverina was, indeed, entirely by his own hand and to provide witnesses who could verify the authenticity of his work and his credibility as a master sculptor of marble.47 It seems likely that Bolzoni, the engineer was a relative of the late-sixteenth to early-seventeenth-century architect and author of a treatise on architecture Alessandro Bolzoni, whose family was noted as living in S. Martini in Borgo in 1546, a neighborhood of Piacenza bordering that of S. Antonino.48 The Bolzoni family rented rooms from the engineer, Giambattista Romano, whose son Giulio worked with Girolamo Bonadeo, another engineer for the Commune of Piacenza from 1547 to 1552.49 A relative of Girolamo, Gianantonio Bonadeo, worked for the Commune with Domenico Ingeniero50 in 1548,51 and Gianantonio and Domenico were both employed by Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina in the 1550s.52 Since Bolzoni was an engineer, and in all likelihood knew the Romano and Bonadeo families, would he have known Domenico Ingeniero as well and recommended him to Pallavicina-Sanseverina when architectural drawings were required for the project? Domenico Ingeniero is mentioned in only one contract as providing drawings for the project; however, it is likely he would have done more, and that he functioned as an architect rather than an engineer.53 Like Domenico Ingeniero, Julio Bolzoni's name appeared in only one document, showing he was hired to provide measurements and calculations 47

ASP, FP, b. 69, 2 documents of 1555. ASPc, Notai, F. M. Coppallato, b. 4151. Both Pugnello and Bonino's names are mentioned together in other notary documents connected to this project. 48 Christina Parola and Carmella Santaro, Alessandro Bolzoni, architetto (Milan, 199697), p. 31. Alessandro Bolzoni began his career as an engineer working for Giuseppe Romano. 49 Parola and Santaro, pp. 20-24. 50 While "Ingeniero" probably refers to Domenico's trade as an engineer, it follows his name in all documents as if it was his surname. 51 ASPc, Congregazione di polizia e ornato, b. 1, document dated 1548. Girolamo Bonadeo signed many of the documents in this busta. 52 Gianantonio Bonadeo worked for Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina beginning in May 1555 (ASP, FP, b. 69,1555,19 May). 53 ASP, FP, b. 69, 1552, 15 June. Throughout various other contracts for this project, reference is made to drawings without stipulating who made them.

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("estimazione") for Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's house. Because the records of the Congregazione di polizia e ornato in Piacenza begin in 1546, several years after Bolzoni started his work for Pallavicina-Sanseverina, some speculation is in order using these records from the later 1540s and 1550s as a guide.54 Engineers such as Girolamo and Gianantonio Bonadeo, who were listed in these documents and who worked for various patrons, provided cost estimates for materials, measurements, and calculations necessary to build different types of structures including residences. They dealt with city officials for a variety of permissions concerning issues such as walls that would border public streets or another house, wells that needed to be dug, or right of ways for the canals that ran throughout the city. Bolzoni must have performed similar services for Pallavicina-Sanseverina; at the very least, he would have provided the necessary information so his client or her agent, Gian Cristoforo Pugnello, could gain the permissions, letters, and documents required to begin construction. Bolzoni had only a few months to complete this task; preliminary construction began in 1543. The Contracts and Documents The documents for the project are extensive. They include numerous labor contracts; one supply contract for mortar to be delivered for one month; records of payments to laborers or for materials; requests for payment or receipts of payment; lists of work, often with measurements and expenses, that was completed; cost estimates for work to be done that also included measurements; as well as promissory notes and various letters. One of these was written by Márchese Malaspina guaranteeing a payment, and another was to Ippolita PallavicinaSanseverina from the woodworker Christoforo Morenza about the acquisition of materials.55 Following the pattern outlined in Goldthwake's study, the contracts are not standardized, nor are they notarized. Many are signed and witnessed by two or more parties, with only four of the contracts actually signed by Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina herself. The witnesses vary, and even her accountant54

ASPc, Congregazione di polizia e ornato, b. 1, 1546-65. Within this busta are also three different sets of "tax" records for the Parrocchiale S. Antonino, 1546, 1553 and 1563. Pallavicina-Sanseverina is listed in all three of them as living in the palazzo across from S. Antonino, and the value she paid. It is somewhat odd that there are no other documents related to her house. This busta has many such examples including work to be done on two of her neighbors' property, Cavalière Pavero and Ippolita Anguissola. Her own agent, Christoforo Pugnello, who wanted to build a house near Sto. Rufino used the engineer Girolamo Bonadeo to do the "estimazione" for the permission to build. The document is in this busta and is dated, 1559,12 April. 55 None of the documents (except the records from the notaries) are in Latin. They are in Italian, typical of the sixteenth century as Goldthwaite, Tuohy, and others have shown.

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manager, Bonino signed only a few of them.56 Yet some of the documents are not signed, and the ones that are can vary from very official signatures ("Io Joseph delli Barbieri sono stato presente come di sopra et mi sono sottoscritte di volonta delle parte"), to those that appear to be very casual ("lo Sebastiano Latana mi sono sottoscritto di mano próprio").57 Others seem to be fragments, as in the case of a 1551 contract with Hieronimo Ferri, and may have only the year or no date at all. Some contracts are formal and very specific, as in the case of the order for mortar in which the fornacio agreed to deliver twenty cartloads for a fixed price each ("libre sette e miza") for the month of April; the quality of the material was also specified. Giambattista Bonino, her agent, received and paid for it in PallavicinaSanseverina's name. The fornacio and two witnesses signed the contract.58 Other contacts, like the one with Andrea the stoneworker, were informal, as if they were notes resulting from a discussion between patron and worker.59 The variations in the contracts do not seem to be determined by the type of work to be done. With the exception of the maestri fondatori (master foundation builders) contract of 1544, whether the worker was a painter, stoneworker, or woodworker, the document could be formal, informal, signed, or not signed. The contracts with the laborers and craftsmen working on the palace were quite typical. They list the parties involved by name and outline the specifics of the commission: what was to be done, the materials to be used, occasionally the fee with a payment schedule, and in some instances a time frame for the completion of the project. In a few of the contracts assistants are mentioned. Many include the phrase, "as pleases the Signora," or "all the work should be done to please the Signora".60 Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina employed one group of maestri fondatori; three different master builders; two woodworkers (carpenters); two stoneworkers; two sculptors, one of whom was referred to as a stoneworker (however, Ambrogio's work on the portal was not that of an artisan); only one painter; and one engineer, Gianantonio Bonadeo, who functioned more as a master builder. The specificity of the documents, and the organization of labor that becomes apparent from reading through them, coincides again with what

56

See note 8 and Goldthwaite, Building, pp. 134-44. Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina signed the 1553 contract with Jacopo Antonio the painter; the 1554 contract with Bernardino Mulerino; the 1555 contract with Jacopo Antonio; and the 1557 contract with Ambrogio di Primi for the new portal. 57 ASP, FP, b. 69,1554,1 March; 1555, 21 March. 58 ASP, CFi, b. 21, 1553, 10 March. The witnesses were Cesare Landi and Gianlodovico Anguissola. 59 ASP, FP, b. 61, undated document with Andrea, merely noting the "capitelli, bassamenti, cimassi e dadi" to be made for the columns and pilasters. 60 See note 8 above for the documents. The contract for Giacoma Pallavicina's new sala magna is equally specific and includes similar terminology; she too wanted the work judged by an expert (ASP, Notai, P. Biondi, b. 2013,1550,13 March).

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Goldthwaite and others have found to be common for palace construction.61 In some contracts, Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina stipulated that the work should be completed to her satisfaction and that it would be judged by an expert (which she had done in at least one case). She also specified models to be followed, or referred to designs and drawings that were either made for the project or that she had collected as examples for the artisans and craftsmen to follow.62 Goldthwaite, in his study of Renaissance Florence, noted that the upper class patron was often knowledgeable about architecture and had the ability to express his ideas about it, either in drawings or sketches or in instructions to his builders. He would have been actively involved in the building process, looking over the designs submitted to him by his architect.63 What is unprecedented here is not so much the documents themselves, rather, what they tell us about the patron - that essentially, Pallavicina-Sanseverina acted in a role more commonly associated with a nobleman such as either Ercole d'Esté or Ludovico Gonzaga, both well-known to have been actively involved in their architectural projects.64 In other words, Pallavicina-Sanseverina did what most noblemen would have done in similar circumstances. From beginning to end, the time frame of the project follows quite closely Goldthwaite's model for the Palazzo Bartolini in Florence, which was built in the early sixteenth century. He allowed two years and nine months for basic construction, and ten more years for finishing and decorating the building, roughly thirteen or fourteen years. He did not, however, include the time allowed for the architect to design the new structure.65 Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's project was begun in November 1542 with the hiring of Julio Bolzoni and was completed by May 1558, a total of fifteen and one half years. After Bolzoni's work, the phases of the project can be broken down as follows: 1543-1545 - basic construction; 1546-1551 - the second phase of construction; and 1552-1558 finish work and decoration of the palace. The first phase of construction began with the hiring of the maestri fondatori, a small crew of laborers who laid the foundations for the new structure; built supporting walls out of rubble, stone, brick, and mortar; constructed the preliminary roof framing; and began the basic construction of the loggia and 61

Goldthwaite, Building, pp. 124-32; see also Preyer, "Florentine Palaces," p. 189; Tilomas Tuohy, Herculean Ferrara, Ercole d'Esté and the Invention of a Ducal Capital (Cambridge, 1996); and Charles M. Rosenberg, The Este Monuments and Urban Development in Renaissance Ferrara (Cambridge, 1997). 62 ASP, FP, b. 69, 1555, 18 February and CFi, b. 23, 1555, 5 August (two documents of this date) and b. 21,1553,15 August. 63 Goldthwaite, Building, p. 98. 64 Goldthwaite, Building, p. 97. See also James Lawson, "The Building History of the Gonzaga Palace," Mittielungen des Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florem, 29 (1985): 197228. 65 Goldthwaite, Building, pp. 168-69.

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loggietta as well as digging a well.66 Two of the fondatori were named in the 1544 contract, Lorenzo Montemano and Gianantonio Venetanno, as was the foreman, Rossini.67 Based on a 1547 list of work completed, the next phase of construction began in 1546 when Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina hired Hieronimo Ferri,68 a maestro muratore or master builder, who headed a crew consisting of an assistant and a few laborers. Following Goldthwaite's model, it seems likely that Ferri was the major contractor responsible for a variety of work and for the laborers.69 Ferri worked for her until 1551, taking up where the maestri fondatori left off, plastering and whitewashing the walls; vaulting the areas overhead; framing in the windows in preparation for later refinement; building interior walls in several rooms; and eventually covering the whole with a tile roof.70 Ferri and his crew built the attic, a small staircase that went up to it, and constructed the loggia facing the orto that was composed of half-columns with a single arch in the center. They also built the garden wall connecting the new structure to Ippolita Anguissola's house, and made a necessário).71 While Ferri was working on the house, Cristoforo di Negri, a stoneworker, was building Pallavicina-Sanseverina's grand staircase of marble (July 1549-March 1550).72 Oddly enough, in August 1550 Ferri left Pallavicina-Sanseverina's service to work briefly for her sister-in-law, Costanza da Caretta-Sanseverina, though he returned in 1551 to finish what he had left undone.73 Ferri was hired to work on the loggia and loggietta in the main courtyard of Costanza's palace in Zena. With the help of two assistants, Allegro and Lorenzo Montemano, who had also worked for Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina in 1544, Ferri was to make four columns and two half-columns for each of the four sides of the courtyard in the manner of those 66

ASP, FP, b. 69,1544, 8 January. ASP, FP, b. 69, 1544, 1 January. The 1544 document refers to work they completed the previous year. They had to finish the work outlined in this contract by the end of the year. 68 The five related documents are in the ASP, FP, b. 61, 1547 undated list; 1551, 24 March; another of that year; and 1551, 6 July. Francesco, muratore, who worked for Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina in 1555, also worked with Ferri in 1551 as a payment record of that date attests. 69 Goldthwaite notes that maestri muratore were stonemasons who acted as the major contractors. It is from this tradition that the profession of architect evolved (13, 357). 70 ASP, FP, b. 61, 1547 document; 1549, 13 June; 1551, 24 March; 1551, 6 July; and another 1551 document. The division of labor outlined in the documents is a normal one and conforms to Goldthwaite's findings (Goldthwaite, Building, p. 126). They also placed benches along the wall of the courtyard. 71 A necessário is a latrine (Goldthwaite, Building, p. 20). 72 ASP, FP, b. 69, 1550, March, payment record. This is the only document related to the staircase. 73 ASP, FP, b. 61,1550,16 August. 67

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found in the courtyard of Count Alfonso Sanvitiale's palazzo in Parma.74 In addition, Ferri and his assistants vaulted the area. Because Zena was some distance from Piacenza, Caretta-Sanseverina paid Ferri's expenses so he would be willing to travel to her residence. Of course, she also paid for the materials. As an expression of her faith that her agent, Domenico Francesco Bonino would see to it that the work was completed, Caretta-Sanseverina gave him a "brenta" of wine from Zena! Like her sister-in-law, Caretta-Sanseverina directed the muratore to follow a specific model. In turn, Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina had Ferri build columns and half columns in her loggia, possibly like those he had made at Zena. Surely the two women consulted each other concerning their architectural projects. Ferri returned to Piacenza in 1551 to complete the work for Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina. We know from a payment list that Cristoforo di Negri, too, continued in her service at the same.75 Cristoforo's payment list, along with the marble staircase, indicates that he had been carving "capitelli, bassi, e dadi" for the main loggia where Ferri had previously worked. With this commission, the final phase of building and decorating the palace began.76 An "accordio" dated 15 June 1552 between Cristoforo di Negri and Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina extended the work in the loggia begun the previous year.77 This lengthy document, unusual in its specificity and detail, outlines what Cristoforo was required to do. He was to make twenty-three "chiappe di pietra lavorati" to be placed between each of the pilasters encircling the two loggie (on the first and second floors of the courtyard),78 and he was to make a "banda di pietra" along the garden wall, which continued into the lower loggia as well as baseboards that went between the columns and pilasters of the loggie ("bassamenti che andaranne que a le colone e pilastri délie dette loggie"). He carved additional "bassi, capitelli, zoche" for the columns and the pilasters as well. All this work was to be done according to a drawing by Maestro Domenico Ingeniero that was shown to Maestro Cristoforo 74 ASP, FP, b. 61, 1550, 16 August. Alfonso Sanvitale was a relative of PallavicinaSanseverina through his mother Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitate and the Palazzo Sanseverini in Parma was on the opposite corner from Alfonso's. 75 ASP, FP, b. 61, 3 documents of 1551 and b. 69, the 1552 payment list. 76 Cristoforo must have continued working for her after finishing the staircase. A 15 June 1552 list of payments made to the stoneworker, including the cost of materials, suggests that he may have been working in the loggia as early as 1551 (ASP FP, b. 69). A contract for further work carries the same date, and there is also another undated document that lists work he had completed. 77 ASP FP, b. 69,1552, 15 June. It is seven pages long. The cover sheet of this contract is substantially different from all the other contracts and reads like a notary's document. The way the document is "signed" suggests that this is a copy because the handwriting is uniform throughout the document. 78 "Chiappe" were a kind of worked terracotta and stone decorative element of roundish form.

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("secondo il disegno fatto da maestro Domenico Ingeniero mostrato al detto maestro Cristoforo"). This is the first and only mention of what must have been many architectural drawings by Domenico. It seems likely he made others for the project since several of the contracts mention drawings.79 Unfortunately, it is unclear as to how the "chiappe" and other decorative elements would have been placed in the loggia and loggietta above. Surely Domenico's drawings would have been quite detailed, showing their exact placement, what was to be carved on the "capitelli," and how other stone and terracotta work was to be articulated. The contract also specified the material to be used and a payment schedule, and that the overall fee for the work was based on the measurements and calculations of Signore Agostino di Piacenza, with the assistance of Andrea, another stoneworker who, as we shall see, may have eventually taken over the project from Cristoforo.80 Following the signatures of Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina and Cristoforo di Negri is a detailed list of work to be done including measurements. The latter seems an overstatement, repeating what was outlined in the contract itself, but perhaps it reflects a desire for clarity on the part of the patron. An undated list of work completed, which referred directly to the "accordio," included payments made to Cristoforo and confirmed that he did complete much of the work outlined in the contract; however, he abandoned the project to work for a more prestigious, yet unnamed, client. An undated letter written on the behalf of Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina provides evidence that, while he may have carved most of the decorative elements, not all of them had been put in place in the loggia, or at least not to her satisfaction. Nor had he carved the "frontale" for two of her fireplaces.81 Whether or not any further litigation took place is unknown and seems unlikely since the work continued. If Andrea the stoneworker was responsible for completing the carving that Cristoforo di Negri had abandoned,82 it was Giandomenico Barbieri, muratore (stonemason), who was responsible for putting the remaining sculptural elements in place. From the 15 August 1553 contract, we can surmise that Cristoforo had articulated some of the loggia decoration,83 since Giandomenico was to place 79 In addition to the contract with Cristoforo di Negri which mentions the Domenico Ingeniero drawing, further references to drawings made for the project, but not noted as by a specific person, include: ASP, CFi, b. 21, 1553, 15 August with Giandomenico Barbieri; b. 23, 1555, 5 August with Christoforo Morenza; FP, b. 69, 1554, 16 September with Francesco, muratore; 1555, 19 May with Gianantonio Bonadeo; and b. 71, 1557, 16 September with Ambrogio di Primi. In two of the documents involving Jacopo Antonio, there are references to drawings he made or showed to Pallavicina-Sanseverina. 80 ASP, FP, b. 69,1552,15 June. 81 ASP FP, b. 69, the 1552 payment list and undated letter. This letter restated much of what was in the original "acordio" and was a grievance against Cristoforo. 82 ASP, FP, b. 61, undated document. He made bases for the half-columns, capitals, and put "cimassi," "bassamenti," and "dadi" in place. 83 ASP, CFi, b. 21,1553,15 August.

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"capitelli, bassi, e dadi" in one section of the loggia as it had been done in the other.84 Barbieri's work in the loggia and courtyard did not end here. As part of the next phase of work in this space, he was to place the flooring tiles in the courtyard "come piu piacera alia Signora" and the final roofing tiles as well. Next he cut or carved bases, cornices, and pilasters to go around the windows, and he placed other ornament on two of the facades ("facíate") as had been done on those of the garden. The cornice for all four facades ("quattro faciate") of the courtyard above the loggia and loggietta was to be articulated according to a drawing, the parts of which were specified, but there was some leeway as he could "fake it" where necessary ("fingerli dove bisognara").85 Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina supplied the materials and paid Giandomenico in four payments, and the contract stated that all he had done would be judged by an expert ("fatta a judicio de persone periti"). Apparently, the loggia was not completed until after March 1555 when Bernardino Mulerino, a carpenter was making shutters and other elements for the windows, and by August, Jacopo Antonio was painting there.86 Barbieri's 1553 contract ended with a statement by Piero Malaspina, who acted as the mediator and gave the order for payment in Pallavicina-Sanseverina's name. He stated that Gianbattista Bonino, her agent, would record the payment in his "libro di spese."87 Could Malaspina's unique position here have been instigated by Cristoforo di Negri's actions in relation to his work for the articulation of the courtyard ornamentation? Certainly Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina was taking precautions, making sure that future artisans and craftsmen would complete the work as she had requested. More importantly, this is thefirstcontract in which she stated that she would call on an expert to judge the worker's labors. Giandomenico Barbieri, like Ferri, was a muratore. Yet unlike Ferro, who oversaw a crew of laborers doing general construction, Giandomenico was required to do far more complicated and creative finish work. While the order for mortar was being delivered, but before Giandomenico Barbieri began working in the main courtyard, Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina hired Jacopo Antonio, "dipintor" to ornament the flat wall areas above the loggia facing the orto.™ Jacopo painted the rectangular blocks ("conci") below the cornice to appear as if made of marble. In the squares below this, he painted 84

Incidentally, in April of the same year, Maestro Hieronimo del Bruno, fornaciao, was to deliver cartloads of mortar to the same courtyard for what purpose is unknown (ASP, CFi,b.21,1553,10 March). 85 Perhaps this was another drawing by Domenico Ingeniero, though this is not specified in the document. A good example of how this courtyard may have been articulated is the Palazzo Landi in Piacenza. See Adorni, "L* Architettura del primo Rinascimento," pp. 59498 for numerous illustrations. 86 ASP, FP, b. 69,1555,21 March and CFi, b. 23, 1555, 20 August. 87 This is the only instance like it in the documents. 88 ASP, FP, b. 61, 1553, 24 April. He may have already worked for her in Chiavenna as a sentence in this contract seems to indicate.

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groteschi according to a drawing he provided and had shown Ippolita.89 Between each of these was an ornament featuring a statuette in simulated bronze, creating a decorative band that ran below the cornice and simulated marble decoration. The remaining wall and its parts were to be concealed with festoons or columns "come meglio piacera a Signora," with a finished appearance of color ("con uno párese finito colorito") and with simulated ornament around the windows of the loggia. Pallavicina-Sanseverina, it seems, allowed Jacopo some creative freedom here, or perhaps she relied on the accuracy of his drawings. The groteschi, simulated bronze statuettes, and festoons recall the work of Raphael and others after the discovery of the Golden House of Nero in the fifteenth century,90 and a knowledgeable patron such as Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina would likely have specified this type of ornamentation. Grotesque ornamentation was usually conceived as a symmetrical design, but with pairs of fantastic motifs varying in detail. The system was highly adaptable and could be stretched in any direction to fit any given area.91 Finally, Jacopo painted the window shutters in walnut and olive ("noce e oliva") and varnished them - a rather mundane task for a painter, to be sure. Jacopo was to do all the work in his best colors with all his ingenuity and authority ("tutto il suo ingenio et magistrado"). And Pallavicina-Sanseverina stated that she would observe all that was done. What is significant here is not only that Jacopo supplied a drawing, that the work should please her, or that she would observe his work, but also the fact that she acknowledged his ingenuity ("suo ingenio"), allowed him a certain flexibility in what he did, and was clearly involved in the whole process, knowing exactly what she wanted done. Pallavicina-Sanseverina must have been pleased with the results, for Jacopo returned in 1555 to paint the loggia of the main courtyard, and again in 1557 to paint the two exterior facades of her house as well as several rooms.92 Meanwhile, work continued elsewhere on the interior of the house. Bernardino Mulerino, a carpenter was hired in 1554 to construct the ceiling ("solaro") of the sala grande and of Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's room.93 He returned a year later to make shutters for all the windows of the main courtyard in the same manner as those painted in the loggia near the garden ("loggia dipinta verso Torto" - because of this contract, we know that Jacopo had finished his work there).94 89

43.

90

For possible examples of this type of decoration, see Thornton, p. 40, figs. 41,42, and

For example, see Raphael's paintings in the Vatican loggia and elsewhere, or Vasari's paintings in the Gallería degli Uffizi, particularly in the corridors. Even the loggia of the Castello di Buonconsiglio in Trento was painted with this type of ornament. Surely there are numerous other examples from this region that could be cited. 91 Thornton, p. 40. 92 ASP, CFi, b. 23; 1555, 20 August and FP, b. 69, 1557, 5 April. 93 ASP, FP, b. 69, 1554, 1 March. He was not called a muratore and no profession was listed. Both he and Pallavicina signed the contract. 94 ASP, FP, b. 69,1555,21 March.

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Mulerino was obliged to work "always to please the Signora." In August 1555, Christoforo Morenza, another woodworker who may have been assisting Bernardino in 1554, constructed a ceiling in a room off the sala grande,95 according to a design shown to him. (Another drawing by Domenico Ingeniero, perhaps?) Christoforo was also called upon to do more detailed work than Mulerino had for this and other ceilings. He carved "rose e rosoni," probably rosettes, and other decoration for the ceiling. The rosettes were placed in coffered frames in the ceiling and were painted later by Jacopo Antonio. An architrave, frieze, and cornice ran below. This type of ceiling was usually made of wood and suspended below the beams supporting the floor or roof above, depending on which level the room was located. This was the type of construction for which Mulerino was responsible, while Christoforo made the coffered frames, rosette decoration, and other elements. A primary example of this type of ceiling decoration can be found in the salone of the Palazzo dei Principi in Correggio (1507; Figure 2.3), which parallels very closely the description of Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's ceiling. The room may also have had columns of wood, which would have been painted or gilded. Christoforo's work was to be well done ("ben fatto"), as an expert in the art ("perita nell' arte") would judge the work. During the same period, Francesco, muratore, worked in the tinello96 (household dining room) finishing walls built by the maestri fondatori ten years before. He made pilasters, one or two per wall, "come piu piacera a detta Signora" (as most pleased the said Signora) with "soi archi e chiave" (their arches and keystones) as had been designed. (By Domenico Ingeniero, perhaps?) The pilasters were to be larger at the bottom than at the top, or tapered. Two "bande" were to go along the top and bottom of each wall. Francesco also worked on the flooring, the ceiling, and the fireplace. Once done, he was to make and install ornamented ironwork for all the windows of the palazzo. The year 1555 was a busy one at the palazzo. Not only were Bernardino Mulerino and Christoforo Morenza working there, but apparently Julio Ongoni, a marble sculptor had also completed some work for Ippolita PallavicinaSanseverina with which she was not pleased, for she sent her agent Gian Cristoforo Pugnello to Milan to ascertain whether or not Julio had done the work himself and to the best of his ability.97 In May 1555, Gianantonio Bonadeo, who must have

95 ASP, CFi, b. 23, 1555, 5 August and FP, b. 69,1555,21 March. Christoforo Morenza later worked for Alberto Rolirio (ASPc, Congregazione di polizia e ornato, b. 1, 1557, 13 July). 96 ASP, FP, b. 69, 1554, 16 September. He began in September and was to finish in May 1555. He may have worked for Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina previously because his name is listed in a 1551 record of payment in connection with work commissioned from Ferri. 97 ASP, FP, b. 69, 1555, two documents.

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been Girolamo Bonadeo's relative and an engineer,98 began plastering and whitewashing walls in several rooms, along with those of the loggia and loggietta, in preparation for the painters. He also prepared the two exterior facades for future frescoes in accordance with the measurements specified by these painters. Presumably, one of the painters was Jacopo Antonio, who eventually carried out the work. But this was not all that Gianantonio was required to do. He also made a rusticated cornice that encircled the courtyard (a particular type of terracotta work), then articulated the façade ("facciata") near the garden and kitchen in the same manner as the one opposite. Pallavicina-Sanseverina then supplied timber for the scaffolding, which he had to make; and while they agreed on a specified monetary amount for the preparatory work (as evidenced by not only the contract, but also by the three receipts of payment attached to it), Gianantonio was paid in wine for the scaffolding!99 By August, Jacopo Antonio was painting vines of jasmine and other flowers in the loggia and loggietta of the main courtyard of the palazzo like those he had made in Cavalière Pavero's camerini.100 Jacopo was to paint jasmine and groteschi throughout the colonnade and in the room off the loggia. The courtyard was to be painted in good colors as Márchese Malaspina would judge the work before Jacopo received his final payment, which meant he would adjudicate questions of dispute ("ben fatte e di buoni colori a giuditio del Sr. Márchese Malaspina il qual habbia da levar ogni differenza") - literally "to remove every difference" in the event of a disagreement between patron and painter. As in the case of Giandomenico Barbieri, one wonders if this statement was a reaction to Ippolita's problems with Cristoforo di Negri. Jacopo was paid in four payments, and he signed the contract, as did Pallavicina-Sanseverina and Malaspina. Pallavicina-Sanseverina must have been satisfied with his work, for in 1557 Jacopo was painting the two exterior facades prepared by Gianantonio Bonadeo. One facade joined Ippolita Anguissola's house, and the other, Alessandro Anguissola's.101 They were to be painted from the roof tiles to the ground, according to a drawing Jacopo had shown her ("secondo il disegno lui mostrata alia detta signora di chiaro e scuro ben fatto") of figures, all of them well made. The figures were painted to simulate either bronze or grisaille ("chiaro e scuro"), 98

ASP, FP, b. 69, 1555, 19 May. A receipt of payment by Gianantonio is attached to this contract. The payments were made by Bonino (19 May, 25 May and 1 June). 99 This is not the only instance of this kind of payment for labor. Costanza da CarettaSanseverina paid her agent in wine (ASP, FP, b. 61, 1550, 16 August), and Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's daughter, Anna Giulia, abbess of S. Agostino in Parma paid workers on her new church in wine (ASP, Convenu e confraternita, S. Agostino, b. 30, several documents of the 1570s). 100 ASP, CFi, b. 23, 1555, 5 August. Cavalière Pavero (1554, 24 October) was also having work done on his palazzo and garden. Girolamo Bonadeo was his engineer (ASPc, Congregazione di polizia e ornato, b. 1). 101 ASP,FP,b.69.

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whichever pleased the Signora.102 Goldthwaite has indicated that a frescoed façade was another notable device many owners used to make their palaces into public statements about themselves.103 Was this Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's purpose? After they had reached an agreement about the façade frescoes, Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina stipulated that Jacopo himself was to paint them. Once finished with the facades, Jacopo painted the ceiling built by Christoforo Morenza. It was to appear as white marble, while the beams were to be "scuro o vero in biancho come piacera detta signora" (dark or white as pleased the said Signora) with arabesque patterns in gold. The "rose e rossini" had gold centers with a background either enameled or "in biancho." In the same room, Jacopo painted a frieze colored according to the drawing he had made to establish where it would be placed on the wall ("far il friese in detta camera colori to secondo il disegno ch' lui ha fatto facendo per stabilir la muralia dove va dipinto"). Unfortunately, the subject of the frieze was not specified. But we can speculate that the decoration would have been similar to the ceiling of the salone of the Palazzo dei Principi in Correggio (1507; Figure 2.3), and the articulation of the frieze may also have been similar to the one at Correggio. What we do not see in these two examples, however, is what would have been intended for the walls of the room, which were generally plastered and painted at least with whitewash or a color wash or with a more elaborate decoration in fresco.104 The walls of all of the important rooms were divided horizontally into several zones beginning with the base or skirting along the floor, then a dado, the main wall surface, and the frieze, which was surmounted by a cornice. The frieze was normally the dominant band and could be very deep; however, the wall surface might also be covered with tapestry, either real or fictive, or with simulated marble patterning.105 Rooms like this one often 102

Fragments of frescoes do exist on the exterior of the Palazzo Marazzani. However, they are in such poor condition that it is unclear as to whether or not they are late-sixteenthor seventeenth-century frescoes. This author has taken numerous photographs of them, but was unable to trace any literature related to them. 103 Goldthwaite, Wealth and the Demand, p. 216. Georgia Clarke (Roman House— Renaissance Palaces, Inventing Antiquity in Fifteenth Century Italy, Cambridge, 2003) goes into some detail concerning the palace façade suggesting that it was " the most immediate and public way of providing a statement about the occupant, his status and his tastes. Facades were places of display and of interaction between public and private . . . (179)." More importantly she discusses in some detail the various types of facades and their decoration, noting the significance of such decoration (179-227). She notes that in addition to monochrome plaster, fresco was widely used on facades and was either architectural or figurai or a combination of both. Painted facades were sometimes combined with terracotta decorative elements - which is the case here. See also Charles Burroughs, The Italian Renaissance Palace Façade, Structures of Authority, Surfaces of Sense (Cambridge, 2002). 104 Thornton, pp. 35-7. 105 Thornton, p. 37. Much of the fresco painting on walls was not pictorial rather it was patterned or meant to simulate textiles, marble, and so on.

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had simulated columns that appeared to be connected to the frieze, with the wall space in between decorated as already noted. For the wages of his three assistants for their work on the facades, ceiling, and frieze, Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina gave Jacopo 1400 lire. His salary was not indicated. From an undated payment list between Jacopo Antonio and Bonino,106 we can surmise that he painted at least four other rooms and related areas in the house. In each of the rooms, Jacopo painted the ceiling and a frieze along the wall and did the same for the passage near it. One room was referred to as that of Signorina Giulia, Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's granddaughter;107 another as the "cameretta délie donne;" and the remaining two simply as "camerini." One frieze was made of groteschi and another of the "arme di la Madama la grande"—this must refer to Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's sister-in-law, Costanza da CarettaSanseverina, who may have been living at the Palazzo Sanseverina or at least was provided with a room of her own.108 The final extant contract of 16 September 1557 is an "accordio" between Ippoplita Pallavicina-Sanseverina and Ambrogio de Primi, a stoneworker, for her new entrance portal, the only part of the structure remaining today (Figure 2.1).109 The articulation of the pediment ("frontiscipio") was based on a drawing given to him ("secondo il disegno a lui dato") on which was indicated the types of stone to be used and the measurements. It was to be of "sanzo nero" and "pietra d' arenaria" - that is, like the stone of the Porto di Muraze (Figure 2.4) in the district of Gari verta in Piacenza.110 Modifications were made to the pediment design, and these were reflected in another drawing that showed the Sanseverini and Pallavicina coats of arms ("arme") on either side of those of the Order of San Michèle. In the 1520s, the Signori of Milan had nominated Ippolita PallavicinaSanseverina's brother-in-law, Galeazzo Sanseverini to the Order of S. Michèle.111 More importantly perhaps, Antonio Maria Pallavicini, márchese of Busseto (d. 1518), who had been loyal to the French since 1499, was awarded the title "Cavalière di S. Michèle" by Louis XII, the king of France, as was his brother, Galeazzo (d. 1520); this honor was confirmed by the newly formed senate.112 By 106

ASP,FP,b.69. A list of work completed (1551, 20 November) refers specifically to this room and involved its construction and preliminary decoration; ASP, FP, b. 69. 108 As noted previously, Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina had made a provision in her will that her sister-in-law was allowed to live free - in the house that she built. For years, Caretta-Sanseverina had lived in the convent of S. Agostino in Parma. 109 ASP,FP,b.71. 110 This district was one of the holdings of Costanza da Caretta-Sanseverina. She acquired it along with Zena from the Orsini di Montechiarugolo in 1532 (Fiori, "I Sanseverini," p. 63). The portal itself is located on Via Genocchi near the Farnese Palace. 111 Fiori, "I Sanseverini," p. 62. 112 Seletti, vol. 1, p. 271. The two brothers received other honors as well, including new territories. Their brother, Gerolamo (d. 1506) became a senator in the new senate in Milan. 107

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the inclusion of the coats of arms of the Order here, Pallavicina-Sanseverina must have been making a dynastic statement. This work was to be done in white "arenaria" stone, "come piu piacera alia detta signora" (as most pleased the said Signora). On the "cartelone," also to be included on the pediment, the "brevi della Pallavicina" were inscribed.113 There is no indication as to what these "brevi" were; perhaps Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina stated that she had the house built as Francesca of Brandenburg had done in Correggio.114 According to Goldthwaite, "It was common for a patron/builder to have inscriptions above doors and windows announcing their patronage. . . . Inscriptions commemorated not the architect, but the patron, the man who paid the bills."115 Such a display of a woman's stemma on the main portal of her house was quite unusual; normally, only the husband's stemma was shown.116 Yet this is in line with the statement Ippolita PallavicinaSanseverina made in her will that she built the house; and it also suggests that the commonly held distinction between architecture (as masculine) and decoration (as feminine) should be challenged - at least in this case. Pallavicina-Sanseverina bridged both worlds easily taking on the role as builder and as decorator (of both the exterior and interior of the palace). She was very specific as to what Ambrogio was to do not only providing examples and drawings, but also through extensive interaction with Ambrogio that must surely have taken place before the contract had been drawn up. Ambrogio was to do the work always to please the Signora. The portal was to be completed by May 1558. Because the portal of the palace still exists, possible models for its design are easily traced. However, Bruno Adorni, in his book on the architecture of Piacenza, illustrates this portal and simply states that, "nothing much is known about this refined portal, though it is probably of the sixteenth century."117 The articulation The Pallavicini of Scipione were closely tied to their relatives at Busseto. Significantly, Pallavicina-Sanseverina's brother, Giovanni (1493-1510) died at nineteenfightingfor Louis XII, king of France, against the Venetians - so that there is a history of the family being proFrench. 113 In both spellings of "Pallavicina," the last letter is clearly an "a," rather than an "i" thus referring to the patron herself, instead of her paternal family. 114 See the introductory pages of this chapter for reference to Francesca and the Palazzo dei Principi 115 Goldwaite, Wealth and the Demand, p. 216. 116 See Valone, "Architecture as a Public Voice," pp. 322-3. The impaled coat of arms (scudo accollato) indicates the status of a married woman. It shows the father's stemma to the left and the husband's to the right. Yet in this contract, it is clear that Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina chose to show her husband's separate from her own. Moreover, she may have made this statement simply because women rarely were given credit for palace construction even in their own lifetime as is the case here. It was referred to as the Palazzo Sanseverini, not Palazzo Pallavicina. 117 Adomi, p. 427. He does suggest that it is like the rustic portals of Serlio and shows a knowledge of Giulio Romano.

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of the columns of Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's portal (Figure 2.1) recalls not only those of the Porto di Muraze (Figure 2.4) in Piacenza, which, according to Adorni, was built in the sixteenth century,118 but also those of Giacomo Barozzi da Vignola's (1507-73) entrance portal (1553-55) for the Villa Giulia in Rome. Of course, unlike the portal at the Villa Giulia, Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's did not have a benediction loggia. Both portals, and the articulation of their columns in particular, reflect knowledge of Sebastiano Serlio's (1475-1554) treatise on architecture (Venice, 1537), particularly book IV, Rustic Tuscan Order (Figure 2.5) and Rustic Doric Order (Figure 2.6).119 Both Vignola's and Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's portals are Doric, the masculine order. And while the patron of the Villa Giulia, Pope Julius III, was clearly a man, Pallavicina-Sanseverina was not. So why did she appropriate this model for the entrance portal of her new palazzol Was she merely looking at a popular style120 or can we assume she was making a more personal statement? Let us first look more closely at the portal itself and how it varies from Serlio's model. Comparing her portal to the Porto di Muraze - Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's model of choice and Serlian influenced in design - both have tall bases for the columns, a similar cornice, and the rustic bands. Yet Pallavicina-Sanseverina's portal has round columns, not pilasters, and a typical Doric frieze. It varies, too, from Serlio's Rustic Doric Portal in that Pallavicina-Sanseverina's portal has a continuous frieze, one not broken by the stones of the arch as in Serlio's model. Nor does Serlio use high bases; rather they are nearly non-existent. So was her architect-designer interpreting Serlio through contemporary sources? Not necessarily, for Serlio designed a portal (1546) for Cardinal Ippolito d'Este's new residence near Paris, the drawings for which were also included in his treatise. 118

Adorni,p.427. Vignola was largely self-taught from Serlio's treatises and from the time he spent in Bologna. His portal for the Villa Giulia parallels his earlier work in Bologna like the Palazzo Bocchi (1543-50). Vignola was also the author of a hugely successful codification of the orders (Regola delle cinque ordine, 1562; Richard J. Tuttle, "On Vignola*s Rule of the Five Orders of Architecture," in Vaughan Hart and Peter Hicks (eds), Paper Palaces: The Rise of the Renaissance Architectural Treatise, New Haven and London, 1998, pp. 201202). See David Coffin, The Villa in the Life of Renaissance Rome (Princeton, 1988), p. 160 and Richard J. Tuttle, Bruno Adorni, Christoph Luitpold Frommel and Christof Thoenes, eds, Jacopo Barozzi da Vignola (Milan, 2002). 120 There are many examples of the Rustic Doric portal that attest to its popularity. A few include: by Vignola, the Palazzo Farnese near Viterbo; the Palazzo Bocchi in Bologna as it exists today; and in the drawings and models for the project; the drawings he made for his project for the Palazzo del Governatore in Bologna, and mention should be made of the Villa Madama in Rome, originally designed by Raphael, but whose portal, at least in the model, reflects Serlian ideas. Serlio was, of course, influenced by Giulio Romano, especially his Palazzo del Te in Mantua (Tuttle, et al, Vignola, pp. 48, 53, 137-38, 149-50, 163-95). 119

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This portal is tied more closely to Pallavicina-Sanseverina's portal, especially in the treatment of the columns, bases, and capitals. However, the keystone of Serlio's arched doorway still cuts into the frieze. It must be noted, too, that very few of the Rustic Doric portals follow exactly that of Serlio, rather they all reflect his work as their source of inspiration, which, of course, was partly the purpose of Serlio's treatise. His discussion of the Five Orders, and the Doric in particular, is significant in terms of the symbolic meaning of Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's portal. Serlio, who like Alberti before him drew upon Vitruvius for his discussion of the Five Orders, was the first theorist to codify rules for all five columns that went beyond mere gender distinction. While Vitruvius specified that the Doric Order was masculine121 and related to specific temples dedicated to particular gods Minerva, Mars and Hercules122 - Serlio described the members of these Orders in a clear and consistent, yet painterly manner. The Tuscan Order, for example, was "robust and solid," while the Corinthian was "delicate and ornate."123 Moreover, Serlio combined the Classical Orders with Rustic ones, stating that this combination symbolized the work of nature and the skill of man: the columns banded by rustic stone, and the architrave and frieze interrupted by voussiors, represented the work of nature, whereas the capital, part of the column, and the cornice with pediment represented the work of man. A mixture of both of these Orders was pleasing to the eye and implied great strength; adding rustic to the Doric Order stressed its power.124 Serlio developed his principle of decorum into a language of use in which particular Orders were matched with particular modern building types according to their dedication, function, or the character and the status of their patron: the Doric Order was meant for buildings for "men of arms" and for "robust characters, whether of high, medium, or low rank".125 According to Serlio, the location of the building also affected the design of its ornamentation, which must always be appropriate to the rank of the patron. For buildings in the

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The Ionic was matronly and the Corinthian, maidenly. Ionic: Juno, Diana and Bacchus and Corinthian: Venus and Bora. 123 Vaughan Hart and Peter Hicks, "On Sebastiano Serlio: Decorum and the Art of Architectural Invention," in Paper Palaces, pp. 147-48. See also Alina A. Payne, The Architectural Treatise in the Renaissance (Cambridge, 1999), chapter six, "Serlio and the Theoretization of Ornament," pp. 111-43, for further discussion of these issues. 124 Hart and Hicks, Sebastiano Serlio on Architecture, pp. 270-74, 332-34. Serlio was particularly fond of Giulio Romano's work, especially his Palazzo del Te in Mantua of the 1520s from which he likely derived his interest in the rustic. 125 Ionic: men of letters, the quiet life, and Corinthian: monasteries, convents with cloistered nuns, house for people of upright and chaste lives (Hart and Hicks, "On Sebastiano Serlio," p. 149). 122

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center of town, the carving was to be "solemn and modest," and the Doric style was matched by the general austerity of the façade.126 It is important to note here that Serlio's treatise was one of the most easy to use, and widely studied, of the illustrated treatises on architecture published in Italian in the sixteenth century. He united text with woodcuts, which greatly facilitated the accessibility of his treatise. More importantly, Serlio's work established the Renaissance treatise as a vital element of the architect's instructions in theory and practice, and assisted the explanation of Vitruvian design to both the patron and the master mason. It was the first treatise to address the practical problems that faced the Renaissance architect in the use of the Orders, integrating contemporary construction methods and expectations of comfort with Roman concepts of utility, decorum, and beauty by illustrating easy-to-follow models. 127 One would like to think that Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina or her architect had access to Serlio's treatise, not just for the portal design, but also for the articulation of her courtyard decoration for which she supplied the drawings. Friedman points out that Bess of Hardwick was fully aware of the work of both Palladio and Serlio when she had her country house built in the 1590s by Robert Smythson. 128 If Serlio's work was unavailable to Ippolita, she may have known of it through the work of Vignola, who went to Bologna in the 1520s when Peruzzi and his pupil, Serlio, were working there,129 and whose greatest patron was the Farnese family. 130 Not only did Cardinal Alessandro and Ottavio Farnese commission architectural projects from Vignola, so too did Margarita of Austria, who is often credited with initiating the construction of the Palazzo Farnese in Piacenza, once referred to as the Palazzo Madama in her honor. In 1556, Margarita paid 15,000 scudi to acquire property to build her palace in Piacenza, originally to be located on the Stradone Farnese, one block from Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's family residence.131 Margarita was totally involved with 126

Hart and Hicks, "On Sebastiano Serlio," pp. 150-51. Ippolita PallavicinaSanseverina's portal would seem to have followed Serlio's rules given the description in the documents. Yet her façade was painted, would this comply with the need to be austere? 127 Hart and Hicks, "On Sebastiano Serlio," pp. 140, 157. Ercole d'Esté was one of the many who supported the publication of Serlio's treatise. Serlio's designs were not to be slavishly copied, but were meant as starting points. He emphasized the architect's creative judgement by the inclusion of alternative schemes for various domestic designs. 128 Friedman, "Architecture, Authority and the Female Gaze," p. 52. 129 Tuttle, "On Vignola," p. 201. 130 See Bruno Adorni, "Palazzo Farnese in Piacenza," in Jacopo Barozzi da Vignola, pp. 308-23; Vignola was also the architect for the Palazzo Radini-Tedeschi in Piacenza (pp. 324-26), and had both private and civic projects in Bologna. In Parma, he worked for the Farnese again (Palazzo del Giardino, pp. 327-30). Other projects for the Farnese include his work for Cardinal Alessandra Farnese at Caprarola. 131 Adorni, "Palazzo Farnese," p. 308. He states that the history of the building of the palace is a complex story and that a number of issues have gone unresolved. See also

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the construction of her palazzo requesting drawings from the architect, Francesco Paciotto, in 1558 and 1559,132 and from Vignola during the early 1560s. A model of the palazzo was put on display in the convent of S. Sisto in Piacenza from 1557 to 1560.133 What is curious about all this is not so much that Vignola was Margarita's architect, rather, that two strong women in Piacenza were building palaces about the same time. Surely, Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina was aware of Margarita's project. Could Pallavicina-Sanseverina have seen Margarita's model and been influenced by the portal design? Would Margarita of Austria have been aware of Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's project, which was so near her own? Provocative questions indeed. Both women were making their own personal statements through a medium more usually associated with men. Like Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina, Margarita of Austria requested drawings from her architects, and their letters to her are full of descriptive details concerning various issues related to the layout of the rooms and to the overall set of plans for the project. Margarita of Austria was particularly concerned with the design of her own apartments in the palazzo, as well as of the theater and the garden, which she wanted to be like those of the Villa Madama in Rome where she had lived prior to marrying Ottavio Faraese.134 But what was Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina trying to say with the articulation of the portal of her new palazzol Recall that Serlio suggested that the Doric Order be used for "men of arms," and that the location of a building also effected its ornamentation. Located in the center of town as PallavicinaSanseverina's palazzo was, the carving of its ornamentation was to be "solemn and modest," and the Doric style was to be matched by the general austerity of the façade. Moreover, Serlio noted that a mixture of the Classical and Rustic Orders, as seen on this portal, was not only pleasing to the eye, but also implied great strength. Given the fact that three male members of her family belonged to the Order of San Michèle and were "men of arms" during the first decades of the Adorni, L'architettura, pp. 185-89,197-98, and 249-97, where he published a number of the documents and letters related to this commission, and his article "Le grandi fabbriche e la citta," in J. C. Maire (éd.), D'une ville a l'autre (Rome, 1989), pp. 450-60. When Margarita of Austria began negotiating for property for a new palace in Piacenza, she dealt with Piero Malaspina, the friend of Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina, who lived next to her family on Stradone Farnese. Apparently, around 1560, Ottavio and Cardinal Alessandro Farnese became involved with the project, and the site was changed to its present location. Margarita of Austria built palaces in Aquila and Ortona. The Piacenza project was left unfinished in 1568 when Margarita chose to move to Aquila 132 Paciotto went to Brussels in the early 1560s under Margarita of Austria's patronage. 133 Poli, pp. 359-60. 134 Adomi, L'architettura, pp. 196-206; for the letters, pp. 260-96; and his "Palazzo Farnese," pp. 308-11. The project was slowed down by the fact that Vignola not only worked for Cardinal Farnese at Caprarola but also for Ottavio Farnese in Parma on his new palazzo there.

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sixteenth century, and that those coats of arms along with her husband's and her own decorated the pediment of her new portal, her decision to use the Doric Order combined with the Rustic could certainly reflect her concerns about her dynastic heritage. And what about the figures painted on the façade of the building in simulated bronze? Could they have been cavalière on horseback like those represented in the courtyard of the Palazzo Pallavicino (Figure 2.7) only a few blocks away? This was her family's palace, and these figures on horseback represented Pallavicini men. 135 So, too, might those on Pallavicina-Sanseverina's palazzo façade have represented the Sanseverini and Pallavicini "Cavalière di S. Michèle," and, therefore, coincided with the imagery of the portal, signifying a family of strength and power.136 In her essay on Bess of Hard wick and the building of her country house, Alice Friedman points out that Bess did not use her status as a female patron as an opportunity to alter the form of her country house rather that she was fully aware of her own status to cast off ritual and "much too protective of the future of her children and descendants to propose a radical departure from convention. Bess built Hardwick with these descendants in mind and she no doubt anticipated its use by a more conventional household than her own. Nevertheless, it was Bess who was the client and Bess whose image it represented."137 Friedman suggests further that Hardwick house and Bess's role in its making should be understood in terms of a widow who could control her own life and assets. 138 Surely the same can be 135

In the 1522 inventory of Bonamaria Pusterla-Pallavicina's palace at Busseto (ASP, FP, b. 5), there were paintings of "palladini" on the exterior wall that led to the "stalla." And the fragments of frescoes on the exterior walls of the Palazzo Marazzani, formerly Pallavicina-Sanseverina'spa/azzo, are of horsemen. 136 The men of the family, including her brother Giovanni, were pro-French. Therefore, Pallavicina-Sanseverina may have been alluding to this alliance as well. Yet this would have been a rather volatile statement to make politically since Piacenza was under the Spanish at this time. Further support for this idea comes from Pliny the Elder who noted that entrances were places of display and ornament and that the symbols of a family's military triumphs should be placed there as enduring marks of honor (as quoted in Clarke, pp. 240-41). Clarke states that in Northern Italy the taste was sometimes for richer ornamentation and a more decorative approach to architectural components (251). 137 Friedman, "Architecture, Authority and the Female Gaze," p. 53. 138 Friedman, "Architecture, Authority and the Female Gaze," p. 50. She states, "Hardwick House represents a watershed in English architecture, not only because its patron was a woman, but it radically altered the typography of the English country house through its most distinctive feature, the great hall." And she asks whether it can be simple coincidence that the first break with traditional planning in England occurs in a country house built by a woman. The distinctive design of Hardwick House must be seen as an expression of the inadequacy of conventional models to represent her as a patron and head of her household. See also Sara French, "A Widow Building in Elizabethan England: Bess of Hardwick at Hardwick Hall," in Allison Levy (éd.), Widowhood and Visual Culture in Early Modern Europe (Aldershot, 2003), pp. 161-176.

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said of Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina and the statement she made with her palazzo. Whether or not the articulation of Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's portal was meant simply as a dynastic statement, it is symptomatic of a larger issue. Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's very activities associated with the palazzo as a whole as outlined in this chapter suggests that as a powerful female patron the dichotomy between palace building (public/masculine) and interior decoration (private/feminine) becomes blurred. With this commission, we see a woman who embraced both aspects without hesitation, and we are left to wonder just how common this was. Disputes, Issues, and Peculiarities Obviously, we do not have the complete set of documents. And the gaps between contracts and the missing documents lead to intriguing speculation. One wonders, for instance, what the numerous cartloads of mortar were for since the major construction was finished. Could the mortar have been for plastering, or is it an indication of further work and another missing contract? And the mention of a drawing by Domenico Ingeniero leads to questions about his contract. Did he provide more drawings? Was he the architect for the project? The sculptor Julio Ongoni was taken to task for not pleasing the Signora, as everyone should do. What was it he carved for her in Milan? A "conto di maestro Julio pichapreda" of 29 August (no year given) lists payments for "dadi, sei bassi, sei capitelli, quattro mese bassi e sei mesi capitelli."139 This "conto" could refer to work completed by Julio Ongoni for the loggia and courtyard, work abandoned by Cristoforo di Negri, or for the garden loggia. Certainly, this work would have been completed prior to the 1555 dispute between the patron and her sculptor, as it is unlikely these elements would have been carved in Milan and transported to Piacenza. Even though three contracts involving Jacopo Antonio exist, there must have been more since he painted at least four other rooms. Christoforo Morenza, too, may have had more than one contract, as the measurement and payment list for Giulia Sanseverina's room suggests.140 This list refers to carpentry work made for the ceiling, windows, cornice, and other elements in the room, which must have been constructed around 1549 when the palazzo was being built. Oddly enough, the last item listed is for "festooni e vasi" for the "Anguissola fazada." The contract does not specify whether they were painted or carved from wood.141

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ASP, FP, b. 69,29 August. ASP, FP, b. 69,1551/5,20 November. 141 The next part of the sentence refers to "camerino et fazada." It is unclear as to what kind of work this refers. While Jacopo Antonio painted "festooni" on the facades of the 140

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Christoforo Morenza's name appears not only in his 5 August 1555 contract with Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina for the ceiling in the room off the sala grande, but also in Hieronimo Ferri's 1551 contract in relation to pilasters and a "solaro" that were being made for the main courtyard. Morenza, in this instance, supplied wood elements, which he had carved for the muratore. He is mentioned again in a marginal note in the 21 March 1555 contract with Mulerino. This stated he supplied cornices for the windows for which Mulerino had made shutters. In a 1 May 1553 letter to Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina from Morenza, he stated he was acquiring lumber for a "solaro."142 Again this suggests that Morenza had more than the one contract and would have been working for PallavicinaSanseverina for several years, which was likely the case with Jacopo Antonio as well. One last intriguing document, alluding to at least one other contract involving various workers, is an undated inventory of Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's "La Colombara."143 Probably not a dovecot or pigeon loft as the name implies, an inventory of the space lists various pieces of furniture and personal items that would only have been found in some sort of private room. This "colombara" is also referred to in a 1576 document concerning taxes to be paid by PallavicinaSanseverina's granddaughter, Giulia Sanseverina Borromea, who had inherited the house from her grandmother.144 The geographical setting of the house is given in this document, and it is noted that it had a "colombara con casella."145 Presumably it was located on the ground floor, probably off the garden. Her neighbor and friend Agostino Landi, whose adjacent house was also across from San Antonino, obtained permission for a garden (1548), which he called "La Colombara."146 So what kind of room or combination of rooms was her "colombara"? Some documents refer to work that had been completed the previous year, once again suggesting additional contracts for the project. Perhaps most intriguing of all is Gianbattista Bonino's missing "libro di spese," which would surely answer many questions. While all of these questions remain unanswered, other issues can be discussed in some detail. Peculiarities of the documents include the informality of some and the formality of others, as mentioned earlier. A unique example of this is the contract with Cristoforo di Negri, a very formal and extensive document. The handwriting garden loggia, these could have been carved for Giulia's room with the reference to the Anguissola facade locating which wall was decorated. 142 ASP, FP, b. 61, 1553, 1 May. He gave the measurements as well. Perhaps he was selecting the materials for the "solaro." He wrotefromPavia. 143 ASP,FP,b.69. 144 ASPc, Estimi civili, b. 11. 145 Casella can refer to a box or square, mailbox, and even a pigeonhole, which only adds to the confusion here! 146 ASPc, Provigioni eriformagioni,b. 14.

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is uniform throughout, and this pertains to the signatures as well. It also matches the handwriting of the unsigned letter, written on Ippolita PallavicinaSanseverina's behalf. So perhaps the contract was a copy, and the cover sheet was included to clarify this fact. It seems likely that the two documents were sent with the letter as evidence of some kind. Unfortunately, the results of this dispute remain an unsolved mystery. After the incident with Cristoforo di Negri in 1552, Ippolita PallavicinaSanseverina began including statements in the contracts that the work to be done would be judged by an expert. The first of these was in the 15 August 1553 contract with Giandomenico Barbieri, muratore, where she stated that his work "farta a judicio de persone periti." Barbieri apparently took over where Cristoforo di Negri left off when he abandoned the project (ca. 1552-53). This is the document in which Piero Malaspina not only signed the contract but also stated he was acting as the mediator, this is the only such instance of its kind. In 1555 Julio Ongoni's work was, indeed, judged by experts. Apparently Ongoni's work for Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's house in Piacenza was carried out in Milan.147 Pallavicina-Sanseverina disputed the quality of his work, whether Ongoni had actually completed it himself, and the price to be paid for it. Though we do not know what kind of marble sculpture he made for her, he was asked to state that it was work he did himself, and done to the best of his ability. He was required to have this statement verified by two expert marble sculptors, and he did. Both Antonio Domenico Rippatta and Giovanni Luigi Manchosolo signed statements attesting to Julio's workmanship, and that he was a master sculptor of marble. Their statements were gathered by Christoforo Pugnello, not Bonino, and presumably, presented to Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina. The judgement year was 1555. Two subsequent contracts with other craftsmen/artists specified that an expert in the art would judge the work ("a giuditio di persona perita neU'arte"). This statement was made at the end of the 5 August contract with Christoforo Morenza, the woodworker. Presumably if his work, like that of Ongoni, had not pleased the Signora, he would have had to provide the names of other woodworkers who could plead his case. And the painter, Jacopo Antonio, whose 1553 contract stated only that he was to use good colors and paint it all with his "ingenio," was told in his 1555 contract that the Márchese Malaspina, who signed the contract, would do more than judge the work, he would also remove any difference in the event of a disagreement between patron and painter ("a giuditio de Sr. Márchese Malaspina il qual habbia da levar ogni differenza"). A hint of her concerns is already evident in the 1553 contract where Pallavicina-Sanseverina stated that she would observe all that was done ("observar' il tutto come se detto di sopra"). In 1557 she must still have been a bit wary for she stated that Jacopo Antonio would be required to paint the two facades

147

One wonders if this may not have been part of the problem with Cristoforo di Negri.

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himself. Although she provided wages for his assistants, it is obvious she did not want them doing the work she had hired the master to complete. Incidentally, these contracts, which include the statement about judging the completed work and in which Malaspina was involved, were for "artistic" finish work and decoration, therefore, perhaps of greater importance to the patron. It is significant to note that this was the point when she called upon a nobleman and friend to assist her. Piero Malaspina lived next to the Pallavicini family, within a few blocks of Pallavicina-Sanseverina's new home. He was someone well known to her, someone she could trust, and he was a man who was well respected. Presumably then, she could call on him when the need arose. He must have been knowledgeable in the arts as well.148 After the incident with Cristoforo di Negri, Pallavicina-Sanseverina must have felt that she needed a stronger voice in the contracts if the work was to be completed to her satisfaction. What other recourse did she have but to call upon someone like Márchese Malaspina who, unlike either of her two agents, could wield a certain amount of power? Other indications of her involvement in the project, and her concerns that the work be carried out properly, can be found in the variations of the phrase, "as pleases the Signora."149 These statements began to appear in the contracts in 1553 with Giandomenico Barbieri, who picked up where Cristoforo di Negri left off in the courtyard, and continued until the last extant contract with Ambrogio di Primi for the entrance portal (1557), for a total of seven documents, though in some instances the phrase was repeated more than once.150 Like the addition of the statement, "the work will be judged by an expert" and its variations, this phrase seems to apply to contracts related to finish work and decoration; and again, for work that would be of greater significance for the patron than general construction. There is no way to know if the incident with Cristoforo di Negri stimulated the need for the inclusion of such statements, or if it was simply commonplace to do so, and so she did what most noblemen would have done in the same circumstance. 148

Malaspina was first called upon in 1553 not only as a witness to Giandomenico Barbieri's contract, but also as a mediator. In May 1555, he acted as a witness to Gianantonio Bonadeo's contract, and in August 1555, as judge of the work done by Jacopo Antonio. On 17 April 1555, he wrote a statement as a witness of a payment received by Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina, or he may have accepted it for her (ASP, FP, b. 69). Incidentally, Malaspina may have been Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's mundualdo; however, there is no indication in any of the extant documents that he functioned in this role. See the introduction for a discussion of the mundualdus system. 149 While Bolzoni (1542) was to carry out his work to her satisfaction, in the actual contracts the various phrases read: "come piacera alia detta Signora," "come piu pieacera alia Signora," "sempre che piacera alla detta Signora," "come meglio piacera alia detta Signora," or with slight variations. 150 This phrase or a variation of it appears in all three of Jacopo Antonio's contracts (1553, 1555,1557), in the 1554 contract with Francesco, muratore, and in the 1555 contract with Bernardino Mulerino.

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The manner in which drawings, examples, and models are referred to in various contracts allows us to explore the relationship between patron and craftsman/artist. Only the painter Jacopo Antonio provided drawings for his work for Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina, one for the 1553 contract showing how he would articulate the garden loggia wall, and two for the 1557 contract, the first for the exterior façade decorations and the second for the room off the sala grande.151 The wording of the 1557 contract indicates that the second of the two drawings, in particular, was the result of a discussion between the two about how a particular frieze was to look and where it would be located. So there must have been other drawings for this room with the frieze that he modified in order to show what he would do.152 This assumed interaction, combined with phrases like "as pleases the signora," indicate a close working relationship between Ippolita PallavicinaSanseverina and her craftsman-artist. To insure that his work "pleased her," she observed what would be done ("observar* il tutto"). Not only did she require drawings for her project but also suggested contemporary examples for the painter to follow. When he was painting jasmine in the loggia of the main courtyard, she referred him to the camerini of Cavalière Pavero, for whom Jacopo Antonio is likely to have worked.153 The situation is more complicated with Ambrogio di Primi (1557). One of two drawings mentioned in his contract was for the basic design of the pediment, with measurements and materials to be used noted on it. Since Ippolita PallavicinaSanseverina gave Ambrogio di Primi this drawing ("il disegno a lui dato"), it may have been done by another, perhaps Domenico Ingeniero, or one she had collected. The second drawing, a detailed design for the coats of arms, may have been by Ambrogio, although this is not specified in the contract. Again, PallavicinaSanseverina may have provided it. In any case, in Jacopo Antonio's contracts, where reference is made to drawings, the terminology is quite different from that in Ambrogio's. In 1553 and 1557 Jacopo Antonio showed her drawings, whereas Ambrogio was given a drawing. Jacopo also modified a drawing in 1557 to reflect an agreement between patron and artist. It is unclear from Ambrogio's contract, however, whether he or someone else made or modified the drawing for the coats of arms. Like Jacopo, Ambrogio was given a visual example to follow: the Porto di Muraze (Figure 2.4) in Piacenza. While Domenico Ingeniero is named in only one contract as providing a drawing for the project,154 in at least five other instances, workers/craftsmen were

151

ASP, FP, b.61,1553, 5 March; b. 69, 1557, 2 April and CFi, b. 23,1555,20 August. This may have been the case for all three of Jacopo Antonio's drawings, which are referred to in the two contracts. 153 ASP, CFi, b. 23,1555,20 August. 154 ASP, FP, b. 69,1552,15 June. 152

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shown drawings or referred to them.155 This reference to drawings suggests architectural drawings were made for the project, or that Ippolita PallavicinaSanseverina may have collected drawings to be used as models for the craftsmen to follow. Goldthwaite makes it quite clear, in his study of Florentine palace architecture, that the knowledgeable patron would have made use of such drawings as a means of communication.156 He also notes that patrons, such as Ercole d'Esté of Ferrara, not only read Alberti's treatise, but made architectural drawings as well.157 Ercole, who lent financial support for the publication of Serlio's treatise,158 would also have looked over drawings submitted to him by his engineer/architect. Could Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina have done the same? Is it not feasible that she read or at least looked at a treatise like Serlio's, or collected drawings from various sources, which she then used to communicate with the various craftsmen about what she wanted them to do? This sort of interaction is not generally associated with a woman (nor is the building of a Renaissance palace, for that matter). Yet the documents make it clear that PallavicinaSanseverina was not a passive observer, but actively involved in the entire 159

process. Returning to Domenico Ingeniero and the few documents in which references to drawings were noted, a case can be made for the involvement of an architect/engineer. In 1554, Francesco, muratore, while working in the tinello on various pilasters and other elements, was to articulate them "come li sara disegnato," indicating that some sort of drawing existed. Chistorforo Morenza and Giandomenico Barbieri were both shown drawings (1555, 1553), while Ambrogio di Primi was given a drawing (1557), again, presumably, pre-existing drawings ("fatto secondo il disegno a lui mostrato," "secondo il disegno a lui dato"). Yet one of the two drawings referred to in Ambrogio's contract was modified to reflect Pallavicina-Sanseverina's ideas for the articulation of the pediment of her new entrance portal. It is mentioned twice in the last paragraphs of the document (the "arme" were "disegnato sul detto disegno" and "il tutto secondo il disegno di detto cartelone et arme"). Who would have made this drawing? Would PallavicinaSanseverina have gone back to the architect for this revision or did she do it herself? Or did Ambrogio do it after their discussion? If it were the latter, would not the contract specify that it was his drawing, as was the case in Jacopo 155 ASP, FP, b. 69, 1554, 16 September with Francesco, muratore; 1555, 19 May with Gianantonio Bonadeo; and b. 71, 1557, 16 September with Ambrogio di Primi; and CFi, b. 21, 1553, 15 August with Giandomenico Barbieri, and b. 23, 1555, 5 August with Christoforo Morenza. 156 Goldthwaite, Building, p. 98. 157 Goldthwaite, Building, p. 97. 158 Hart and Hicks, "On Sebastiano Serlio," pp. 140,147. 159 Consider the discussion of Jacopo Antonio above and the use of drawings. This is clear evidence of the interaction between the two.

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Antonio's contracts? The wording in Gianantonio Bonadeo's contract for work to be completed on the facades of the building also suggests the existence of at least one drawing. He prepared the two exterior facades for future frescoes according to measurements specified by the painters. Could Jacopo Antonio (who did provide Pallavicina-Sanseverina with a drawing of what he would paint on those facades) have given Gianantonio a drawing with measurements? Of course, this would mean it was a painter, not an architect, who provided a drawing. Yet in at least five instances (including Domenico's drawing for Cristoforo di Negri), the drawings provided showed the articulation of a variety of elements for various parts of the house and were likely architectural drawings.160 *

*

*

While these documents provide us with extensive insights into the process of hiring workers and artisans, as well as Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's keen interest and active involvement in every aspect of the commission (thus exercising her public voice), we do not know the layout of the rooms even though references were made to various camere. Inventories of women's belongings, as kept in their homes, often describe the layout of the rooms in relation of one to another, and provide us with a sense of what Pallavicina-Sanseverina's home would have been like. We can determine which rooms were meant for women's use only and how they were situated within the structure. Women's spaces were not limited to their own private apartments, but could also include communal spaces where they could gather to eat a meal or for conversation ("camera dove lei mangavano" "camerone délie donne"). These same inventories, combined with other documentary evidence, also inform us about what women collected, commissioned, or purchased, including a wide range of material goods, such as precious jewels or luxurious fabrics for elaborate wall hangings, and works of art, such as paintings and sculpture for the home, that were subsequently bequeathed or given to others. The domestic interior, as we will see, provided women with a private voice as a means to negotiating power. This is the subject of the following two chapters.

160

In addition to the drawing for Cristoforo di Negri, this would include the drawings for Francesco, muratore; Christoforo Morenza; Giandomenico Barbieri; and the first drawing mentioned in Ambrogio di Primi's contract.

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Fig. 2.1 Entrance Portal, 1550s, Palazzo Sanseverini (now Palazzo Marazzani), Piacenza

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Fig. 2.2 Matteo Florimi, Map of Piacenza (detail), 1590, Archivio di Stato, Parma

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Fig. 2.3 Ceiling and Frieze, 1507, Salone, Palazzo dei Principi, Correggio

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Fig. 2.4 Porto di Muraze, 16th century, Piacenza

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Fig. 2.5 Sebastiano Serlio, Rustic Tuscan Order, from Serlio's Tutte VOpere d* Architettura et Prospetiva, 1537, Book IV, folio xliir

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Fig. 2.6 Sebastiano Serlio, Rustic Done Order, from Serlio's Tutte V Opere d* Architettura et Prospetiva, 1537, Book IV, folio xiir

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Fig. 2.7 Cavalière on Horseback, fresco, 16th century, Palazzo Pallavicino, Piacenza

Chapter Three

The Renaissance Palazzo Interior as a Private Voice for Women The inventories of women's homes, even more than letters, legal documents, and secondary literature, provide us with significant clues about women's lives and how they handled or manipulated their wealth, no matter how limited, as a means of negotiating power, and it was the domestic sphere that allowed women a private voice with which to express themselves. And it is from the same inventories that we gain a better idea of the layout of the interior spaces of palaces like Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's for which we have only a schematic layout.1 This is particularly true in the case of the inventory for Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's home, which specified quite clearly how one room connected to another. Where we have only sketchy details about how Pallavicina-Sanseverina decorated parts of her palazzo, it is through these inventories that we learn exactly what women collected and how their interior spaces were ornamented. And while no inventories exist for Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's home, numerous other examples exist that are related to various female relatives, in most cases widows, that can be used to draw some conclusions about the role of women as collectors of precious material goods, as organizers of early modern homes, and as decorators of their interiors.2 The comparison of the households of two widows close in age and cousins, for example, can be enlightening. Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale and Giacoma Pallavicina approached life in two dramatically different ways even though both had been brought up in similar environments at Zibello. According to the 1545 Estimi Civile of Parma, the worldly and forthright matriarch, Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale had a rather large household for a woman living separate from her family. It included not only her personal secretary, but also eighteen servants, whereas, the unassuming and pious lay sister, Giacoma Pallavicina, in the same Estimi, had no secretary and only three servants. The inventories of their homes as well reflect similar differences in terms of the contents. Both women, for 1

See chapter two. For two fundamental secondary sources for the study of domestic interiors, see Peter Thornton, The Italian Renaissance Interior and John Kent Lydecker, The Domestic Setting of the Arts in Renaissance Italy, (Ph.D. dissertation, Johns Hopkins University, 1987). Other scholars have published on domestic art, see for instance the work of Anne Barriault, Cristelle Baskins, Jacqueline Musacchio, Anabel Thomas, and Evelyn Welch. 2

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example, owned a number of religious objects, but Pallavicina-Sanvitale's were mostly large-scale oil paintings, whereas Giacoma Pallavicina's consisted of a wooden crucifix and more humble objects. Furthermore, Laura PallavicinaSanvitale had a private chapel, while Giacoma Pallavicina had only a simple altar most likely in her bedroom. I have chosen to use inventories compiled for the homes of the Pallavicini and Sanvitale women, though I have consulted others as well in order to verify the trends found in this group of documents.3 It is of interest to note that not all the inventories followed a room by room accounting of the contents. Some are mere lists appended to other legal documents, while others may start out as a list of items, which had been earmarked for a particular individual, and then turn into a survey of specific rooms and their contents. Some inventories were the result of disputes over inheritance rights after a woman's death, as in the case of Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale;4 or were part of a marriage document, as with Camilla Pallavicina; or were part of a woman's will, as with both Camilla Pallavicina and Giacoma Pallavicina. Still others were the result of a woman's decision to move out of the family home, as in the case of Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale, who turned her house over to her two sons Ottavio and Carlo.5 Most of the women had been widowed long before the inventories were taken. So it is likely they would have purchased or commissioned whatever material goods or precious objects listed in the inventories. This is especially true when it came to a woman's private apartment within the residence, as with Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale, in particular, who bought her own home long after she was widowed and where she lived separate from her family.6 Even if a married woman used her husband's wealth for

3

The majority of the inventories that I have consulted are located in ASP, FSPf, bb. 16, 27, 28; FP, bb. 5, 7; Notai, P. M. Garbazzi, bb. 2476, 2477; A. Melgaro, bb. 1445, 1446, 1447; G. D. Criminali, bb. 1248,1249; and ASRE, Archivio notarile, M. Bertolotti, bb. 842846; C. Ruspaggione, b. 1262; and G. B. Galetti, bb. 485, 486. There are other inventories in the APBB. Carlo Soliani has published three inventories (documents 61, 78, and 83). 4 See Appendix I for a selection of inventories published here for thefirsttime. 5 Sometime after 1576, Farnese-Sanvitale moved to a house near the church of S. Marcello leaving the Palazzo Claudia to her sons. See ASP, Notai, L. Boschi, b. 2916, 1479, 27 January. In this document, Farnese-Sanvitale was noted as living in the neighborhood of S. Marcello, whereas her son, Ottavio was noted as living in the house near S. Sepulcro, that is the Palazzo Claudia. A further reason for her decision to move is related to the fact that her youngest daughter, Margarita was about to be married. It made sense to turn the large palazzo over to her sons and move into a presumably smaller home. Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale did much the same thing. It might be of interest to note as well that around 1569-71, Maria Portogallo almost bought Farnese-Sanvitale's house (conversation with Giuseppe Bertini, May 2000). 6 She was widowed in 1519. Pallavicina-Sanvitale bought two houses in Parma (1533 and 1537) and renovated them. The first, the Palazzo Claudia, ultimately became the possession of her son, Alfonso and his wife, Gerolama Farnese. Her second home was

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purchases or commissions, along with contributing her own funds, it was her duty to maintain and decorate the domestic interior.7 As we shall see in this chapter and the next, many of these women commissioned artists to paint complex decorative programs for their camerini or commissioned portraits and other individual works of art, including small scale sculptures, medals, and crucifixes not only for their homes but also to give as gifts. Many of the women's wills, inventories, and other documents outline exactly what they wished to bequeath to their daughters, granddaughters, nieces, and female friends. And when we compare marriage documents with inventories, which were connected to wills, we begin to see what women valued most and kept over a lifetime. The Configuration of the Rooms Increasingly in the sixteenth century, interior spaces of the Italian palazzo were organized for the comfort and convenience of the owner. Divisions as to function were also more evident with service areas, entertainment areas, and private areas becoming more clearly defined.8 The bedroom was the nucleus of the private area and, until the addition of the anticamera, was used to greet and receive guests. Other smaller associated rooms were built behind or next to the bedroom and were located near the church of S. Giovanni Evangelista, and she lived there from about 1533 until she moved to Reggio Emilia in 1556 where she also owned her own home. While not common, evidence does suggest that women did leave the family palace to live on their own. M. Catherine Mellen* s work on Florentine women in the sixteenth century supports my evidence related to Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale and Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale. M. Catherine Mellen, "Una casa per uso: Women's Property in Sixteenth-Century Florence," unpublished conference paper, Renaissance Society of America Conference, April 1, 2004, New York City. Census records taken in 1545, 1555, 1559, and 1569 add even more evidence to suggest that women did indeed live separate from their families. While some widows did have younger children living with them (Madonna Biancha Colla had her seventeen-year-old son and his wife living with her in 1545; but by 1559 was living in the same house on her own), most of the women recorded as head of households in the census did not. In one neighborhood alone, of the fifteen houses, five were owned by women (1559); a similar situation occurs in all the census records that I have looked at in the Archivio di Stato in Parma (Comune di Parma, Estimi civile, bb. 1933, 1934; Ufficio del comparti to, b. 1522. These were the only records available for the sixteenth century). 7 As stated by Stefano Guaseo in his Dialogue on the Honor of Women (1586), cited in Daniela Frigo, "'Civile Conversazione' a pratica del mondo: le relazioni domestiche," in Giorgio Patrizi (éd.), Stefano Guaseo e la Civile Conversazione (Rome, 1990), p. 133. 8 It should be noted at the outset that the distinction between public and private spaces within the palazzo interior begins to collapse as we move through the various rooms as outlined in the inventories. Clearly outside the palazzo was public, whereas inside there were varying degrees of "publicness" depending on the location, the ground floor being the most public and the upper floors varying in degree of "publicness."

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called destri, studioli, and camerini (lavatories, studies, and closets or storage rooms).9 The studiolo was the personal space where one could withdraw to read and write undisturbed and also keep books, letters, important documents, and other objects of value.10 It could be either a small room behind the bedroom or a corner of the bedroom itself. With an increase in the number of rooms arranged around the bedroom in the sixteenth century came the development of the apartment, a kind of house within a house that afforded its owner privacy.11 An apartment was comprised of three or four rooms: an anticamera (an anteroom to receive guests), a room with a bed, a lavatory or bath, and a linen room or a camerino, and it was provided with a stair or secret exit. The rooms were normally arranged consecutively, with the more private rooms being the greatest distance from the public spaces. The stairway or secret exit allowed the owner of the rooms, his or her servants, his or her spouse, and other privileged individuals to come and go without passing through the more public and visible parts of the house. Both husband and wife usually had a separate apartment connected by a corridor, as did their grown children and any other relative living in the house. If a wife did not have her own apartment, she at least had a private room behind her husband's. This seems to have been the case for Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo at Scandiano.12 And when a wife did have her own apartment, her personal servant usually had rooms nearby, either in the mezzanine or attic.13 The second essential room, next in importance only to the bedroom, was the sala, the largest room in the building. It occupied a central position within the structure, on the piano nobile (main floor), and was invariably near the top of the stairs. It would have had benches, a fireplace that often took up most of the entrance wall, and might also have had a coffered or painted ceiling.14 It was often used for dining, when guests were present, or for any activity that required a 9

Thornton, pp. 285, 288, 290-91, 294-96, 300-12; Richard A. Goldthwaite, Wealth and the Demand, p. 226; and Sarti, p. 132. 10 Thornton, p. 298. See also Dora Thornton, The Scholar in His Study Ownership and Experience in Renaissance Italy (New Haven and London, 1997) and Wolfgang Liebenwein, Studiolo (Modena, 1992). 11 P. Thornton, pp. 300-12. 12 ASRE, Archivio notarile, G. B. Galletti, b. 483, 1569, 14 November. The document indicated that Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo* s bedroom was connected to Giulio Boiardo's and had a door connecting it to the Camerino dell' Eniede. Another document of 1570, 26 January refers to Silvia's "camerino cubiculari," connected to her bedroom. She may have had this room built after her husband's death in 1553, as this document seems to imply. It may be the same room as the "camerino noncupatus al Paradiso" referred to in a document of 1560,13 October (b. 482) that Sanvitale-Boiardo was having renovated. 13 P. Thornton, pp. 288-90 and Patricia Waddy, Seventeenth Century Roman Palaces: Use and the Art of the Plan (Cambridge, MA, 1990), p. 29. 14 Brenda Preyer, "Planning for Vistors at Florentine Palaces," Renaissance Studies, 12/3 (1998): 362.

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considerable amount of space. A smaller version of this room, the saletto or salotto, functioned as a sitting or drawing room and provided a more intimate space for entertaining a few guests. Weather permitting, a meal might be served in the loggia of the courtyard or in the garden, either of which would be able to accommodate a large number of people, and could be the site of other forms of entertainment as well.15 When there were no guests to entertain, the owners often ate in the anticamera or in their own apartment, either with company or on their own. This is clearly the case for Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale and her daughter, Margarita, whose apartments were connected to a "camera dove le mangi," and it is likely that it was in this room that the women took their meals. Other rooms usually found on the piano terreno (ground floor) included the dispensa (storeroom), the guardaroba (wardrobe) often adjacent to a loggia so clothes could be aired,16 the cucina (kitchen), tinello (staff dining room), as well as other service rooms. As we have seen with Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's house, the palazzo was usually built around a central courtyard. On the piano nobile, the salat saletto, some anticamere, and the cappella were generally located on the side that corresponded with the façade. Often located opposite this was a gallería, a long, enclosed room for exercise, recreation, and/or the display of sumptuous decoration. The more private rooms were also located in this area or along one side, while the main staircase was located on opposite side or in a corner of the structure.17 In considering the typical Renaissance palace layout, we should see the interiors not only as habitations but also as settings for social interaction. These spaces were designed for the people who moved around in them, sat eating at a banquet, waited for an interview, or chatted with acquaintances, all of which had an impact on both the planning and decorating of the domestic interior. As we look through these women's homes, let us keep in mind their use and the people who would have had access to them.18 Turning to the documents themselves, the inventories produced for Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale, Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale (both from 1576), and Bonamaria 15

P. Thornton, pp. 290-9 and Preyer, "Planning," pp. 359-60. Benches were generally located along one wall of the courtyard, and tables could easily be set up for dining. Both the courtyard loggia and garden loggia were well-suited for entertaining and the reception of visitors. Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina (chapter two) had her muratore place benches along the wall of her main courtyard. 16 Waddy,pp.21,31. 17 P. Thornton, p. 313 and Preyer, "Planning," p. 362. 18 The inventories, unfortunately, do no tell us how people moved through the rooms nor who had access to them. Presumably, spaces designated as "camere délie donne" had limited access - were men, other than servants or husbands, allowed there? - whereas in the more public salone, both men, women, and a variety of individuals would have had access and would have seen the decoration of the interior whether it be paintings, wall hangings, or decorative objects.

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Pusterla-Pallavicina (1522) are particularly enlightening in terms of specifics noting the layout of the spaces in each palazzo, especially when considered in relation to the general concept of interior spaces as outlined above and in relation to the documents for Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's palazzo in Piacenza.19 While Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale had purchased a palazzo near the church of San Giovanni Evangelista in Parma20 in 1533, it is likely that the 1576 inventory of her house taken after her death was of her palazzo near the church of San Rafaele in Reggio Emilia where she had lived since 1556.21 Generally speaking, the inventory tells us that Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's palazzo had at least two floors, a central courtyard with an upper and lower loggia, and another courtyard with a loggietta opening into the orto (kitchen garden) and connecting to the Cordetti's house at the back of the building. Along the walls of the main courtyard, there were benches, and in the garden courtyard, a well. To the rear of the building on the piano nobile were Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's private rooms,22 nearby was her chapel, another room, and a camerino overlooking the garden followed by the sala magna. Other rooms located on this floor included a saletto adjacent to the loggia with a fireplace, a mezzanino, plus three other rooms. As to be expected, the piano terreno included the service rooms: the kitchen, the granary, storage rooms, and several other rooms including a wine cellar and a camerino. Near the kitchen was the "Camera del Palazzo," presumably from its contents a kind of office and bedroom for her secretary.23 A small tower (which may have functioned as a stairway) was located at the corner of the building nearest the garden. This overview of the layout of Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's palazzo is reminiscent of the house built by Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina in Piacenza. Both structures were large and, while Laura lived separate from her family with only her servants, we do know that Ippolita built rooms for granddaughter Giulia Sanseverina and for her sister-in-law Costanza da Caretta19

See chapter two for a discussion of these documents. The inventories are located in ASP, FSPf, b. 27, DII 861 (this inventory was taken in 1560 as a result of Alfonso Sanvitale's death), DII 873 and b. 28, DII 944; and FP, b. 5. The inventory of Giacoma Pallavicinina's possessions includes a partial room survey of contents, most likely her own rooms (ASP, Notai, P.M. Garbazzi, b. 2477 by date). 20 ASP, FSPf, b. 16, BII407 and b. 27, DII 944. Pallavicina-Sanvitale leased the house in Parma once she had moved permanently to Reggio Emilia in 1556. 21 See chapter two for a discussion of her house purchases. It is likely that her palazzo in Reggio Emilia was the building now referred to as the Palazzo Boiardo, located near to where the church of S. Rafaele had been and only a couple of blocks away from what was formerly the monastery of the Misericordia where she was buried. 22 Most private apartments also included an anticamera and a camera scura as with Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale's. These are missing here. 23 In the 1545 Estimi Civile, cited earlier in this chapter, G. D. Criminali, her notary and secretary, was listed as living with her. It is likely, therefore, that she employed a similar individual in Reggio Emilia as well.

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Sanseverina. In some ways these two women showed their power and strength through the size of their homes. In the case of Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina, it was through articulation of the portal and the façade paintings that speak of her lineage and heritage, whereas, in the case of Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale, we have the contents of the rooms by which to judge her power. Looking more closely at the inventory, we see that the officials began with the room in which the "Signora" slept, noting the usual objects such as a bed and its hangings, and "una cassetta di noce" (small walnut box) containing precious jewels and other personal objects. After finishing her bedroom, they proceeded to the next room, located between the two courtyards suggesting that her rooms were to the back of the palazzo overlooking the orto.24 In a third room, with a view of the orto, the officials noted, among other things, three paintings: a Resurrection of Christ, a Representation of the Mount of Olives, and a Flight into Egypt.25 A camerino separated this room from the sala magna where they found four Flemish paintings, depicting the four seasons and another one of Christ Baptized by St. John the Baptist. From this room, the officials moved to the loggia overlooking the courtyard, and then into the saletto with a view of the courtyard that was adjacent to the loggia. Here, they listed another painting, depicting the Coronation of the Virgin, placed above the fireplace. This room had a mezzanine (mezzanino) from which a view of the garden was possible. Finally, they surveyed another mezzanino located between the courtyard and the street that was at the front of the building. Once they were finished with the piano nobile, the officials went below to the piano terreno and began near the loggietta of the orto with a large room, next to the tinello (staff dining room). Apparently, near tinello and the kitchen was the "Camera del Palazzo." It contained a bed and a cassa with several books and other papers. A walkway led from the loggia to the kitchen. Next to it was a room for baking bread and a granary. A half stair led down to the wine cellar and several small storage rooms. From the granary nearby, one could see the orto and the Cordetti's house. Finally, the officials returned to the piano nobile and proceeded to her cappella where they found four Flemish paintings: one with the Four Evangelists, a Last Supper, a Pentecost, and a Nativity, as well as an altar, a crucifix, and other accoutrements. According to Thornton, only persons of high standing and much influence could have them, for a private chapel required papal a dispensation.26 If this had been the San Giovanni Evangelista house in Parma, one could assume that Pallavicina-Sanvitale's friend, Pope Paul III provided the essential documents establishing her private chapel.27 We know from the 1517 inventory of the palazzo at Zibello, where Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale grew up,

24

ASP, FSPf, b. 27, DII861 and b. 28, DII944. The paintings are discussed in chapters four and five. 26 P. Thornton, p. 313 and Lydecker, pp. 30-1. 27 Unfortunately, I have been unable to locate the documents. 25

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that it, too, had a chapel, and the 1522 inventory of Bonamaria PusterlaPallavicina's palazzo at Busseto described in some detail the cappella there.28 What makes this inventory so important is in part the specifics of the room layout and the orientation of the rooms within the palazzo itself: "a room near the garden" ("camera verso 1* orto") or "a mezzanine overlooking the courtyard near the street" ("il mezzanino che guarda nella corte verso la strada"). More importantly, it was a widow who lived in the palazzo alone, but with a fairly large staff if she maintained the same household as noted in the 1545 Estimi Civile. Unlike Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's inventory, those of her cousin Giacoma Pallavicina and her daughter-in-law Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale give only a sense of how the rooms related to each other, not their location within the palazzo, and a further distinction needs to be made between Pallavicina-Sanvitale and Giacoma Pallavicina, both widows who lived alone, and Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale, though a widow, still had her sons and daughters living with her - in the Palazzo Claudia where women's spaces would have been confined to a particular area of the house. Like her mother-in-law Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale, Gerolama, too, left the family palace to live on her own.29 There are a variety of reasons why widows chose to live separate from their families - Giacoma's reasons were spiritual, Laura gave the Palazzo Claudia to her son upon his marriage to Gerolama Farnese who, in turn, left the palazzo in the hands of her two sons and their families, perhaps because it was becoming overly crowded.30 Before moving on to Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale and the Palazzo Claudia, it might be useful to compare Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's house with that of her cousin Giacoma Pallavicina. We have already seen that Pallavicina-Sanvitale's palazzo was fairly large, on the scale of Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's Piacenza house. Although the inventory of Giacoma Pallavicina's home near the church of Santa Maria della Steccata in Parma is less specific in terms of room layout, it does give the sense that she lived in a much smaller structure. Documents related to her will suggest that her house was divided into two residences,31 her own, the domus magna and a smaller residence; her house was 28 Soliani, document 61 and ASP, FP, b. 5. The 1512 division of rooms of the Rocca at Fontanellato that Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale sent in her 1543 letter to her son, Alfonso also noted that there was a cappella and that mass was said there (ASP, Famiglia SanvitaleSanseverini, 1543, 24 November). 29 ASP, Notai G. Mendogni, b. 2654, 1579 document. Gerolama was living in her own house near the church of S. Marcello. 30 M. Catherine Mellen has found similar cases in Florence in the sixteenth century; see note 6 above. 31 APBB, b. 39, 1570, 14 December. Documents connected to her will indicate that, at her death, Giacoma owned both houses and the bakery. The domus magna went to her niece Emilia Pallavicina, whereas the other house and the bakery went to S. Maria della Steccata, her universal heir (ASP, Notai, B. Mendogni, b. 1975 and G. Mendogni, b. 2653, 1575, 26 July where the property is described as, **una domus magna murata, copata, et solerat, nella

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adjacent to a bakery. Her own personal rooms had already been packed up in four casse (whose contents were itemized) by the time the inventory was taken. We can assume that she had at least a bedroom, perhaps a small connecting room (camerino), a couple of more rooms, and a sala on the piano nobile. Because the inventory mentions a loggia, there would have been a small courtyard and presumably a garden. A kitchen, a dispensa, and other storage rooms were located on the piano terreno. The 1545 Estimi Civile is perhaps even more enlightening. Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale not only had a secretary Gian Domenico Criminali, but also six female servants and twelve male servants, whereas, Giacoma Pallavicina had three young girls living with her (ages ten, fifteen, and seventeen), two women servants, and one male - a startling contrast to be sure.32 If Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's household, with its staff of nineteen, was large in comparison to Giacoma Pallavicina's of only six, then that of the Palazzo Claudia is even more revealing. Once again referring to the 1545 Estimi Civile when Alfonso Sanvitale was twenty-seven years old and Gerolama FarneseSanvitale, twenty-two, it tells us that there were five children ranging in age from one month to five and one half years (and the couple had only been married since 1539). The rest of the household was comprised of eleven female servants ranging in age from eleven to fifty-five and twenty-five male servants ranging in age from thirteen to their mid-fifties. Clearly a much larger household, it must have been equally large in 1576 when the inventory was taken, even though Alfonso had died sixteen years earlier and many of her children had died or married and moved away. While both Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's house and Giacoma Pallavicina9s were meant for a single residence, the Palazzo Claudia, located near the church of San Sepulcro, was a large family palace with apartments for several members of the family.33 The 1576 document opens with a description and exact location of the palazzo: "murata, copata, e solerata con corte, orti e pozzi." It was on the Strada Claudia (now the Strada Republica), with the house of M. Gerardo Cerato on one side and that of Armeraglio Velara on the other, and at the back, the monastery of "Frati di Servi di Parma." Looking generally at the inventory, we can surmise that the private apartments of various family members were located on the piano nobile. Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale's rooms were comprised of an anticamera, camerino dipinta, her bedroom, attached to the latter, and a camera scura, connected to her

vicinanza S. Alessandro et confinita al via cors, ab. di Angeli di Taliaferri. Verso domus magna, un domus murata, cupata, et solerata con forno, confinita ad domus magna.") 32 ASP, Comune di Parma, Estimi civile, b. 1933. It is unfortunate that the Piacenza Estimi Civile only named Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina as living in the palazzo across from S. Antonino. 33 ASP, FSPf, b. 27, DII 861, DII 873.

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husband Alfonso's (d. 1560) four rooms, one of which was a camerino in which the officials noted a painting of the Judgement of Solomon.34 While we do not know how the rooms were oriented in the palazzo itself, as we do with Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's, we can assume that the three "camere delle donne" were used by Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale's attendants and likely separated her apartments from those of her daughters. The attendants' rooms would have been spaces where the women carried out their work. A large number of casse were also located in these rooms. Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale's eighteen-year-old daughter, Margarita's, rooms came next and were comprised of a camera (where she slept), camerino, camera scura, next to which was another "camera delle donne delia Signora," presumably for her personal attendant. The "camera dovi si mangi" connected her rooms with those of "la contessa sposa:" anticamera, camerino and bedroom. This set of rooms had been renovated for Ottavio's new bride, and as Thornton states: "It was normal among princes and nobility to modernize and generally do over the family's principal residence every time a new generation succeeded to the title or when such people got married; it was important that an apartment should be prepared that provided a worthy setting for the new consort for the marriage will of course have been made for dynastic purposes."35 Following this group of rooms was the saletto and the cucinetta with a small room attached to it. The women, then, ate separately from the rest of the household. Presumably Ottavio's rooms would have been connected to those of his wife, "la contessa sposa," and there must have been rooms for Carlo as well; yet none are noted in the inventory.36 From the description of Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale's apartment and that of her daughter Margarita, we can speculate that those of Ippolita PallavicinaSanseverina and of her granddaughter Giulia Sanseverina were arranged in a similar manner.37 Even in a household where only a few male family members were present, the women clearly had separate spaces not just for sleeping and 34

There were other rooms including one by the door, a guardaroba with a room attached to it, and several rooms followed, one of which was designated as "camera dell maschi." 35 P. Thornton, pp. 11-2. 36 Only three of Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale's sons were still alive at this time. Paolo the oldest was the bishop of Spoleto. All of her daughters, who were still alive (except for Margarita), were either married or were nuns. Farnese-Sanvitale bore fifteen children. It should be noted that in the inventory for the Rocca at Fontanellato, which follows this one, both Octavio's and Carlo's rooms are noted. 37 Several documents/contracts for Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's house mention a "camera délie donne" and a "cameretta délie donne" as well as a room for Giulia Sanseverina, her granddaughter and other rooms. It is of interest to note that, unlike Laura or Giacoma, Ippolita did have, like Gerolama, "camere délie donne" - perhaps suggesting the palazzo was larger than Laura's or that these spaces, like those in the Palazzo Claudia, were for female attendants.

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eating. Margarita took music lessons from Ottavio Farnese's musician, likely in the saletto (the most pubic of the private spaces) near her own apartments.38 The piano nob He, then, was given over primarily to the women of the house. 39 The more public spaces, located on the piano terreno, included several camere and camerini, una cucina, una cantina, una dispensa, and una guardaroba. In the room above the guardaroba the officials found "una cassa grande" in which they noted three sets of tapestries, one depicting the story of David and Goliath. Following the 1576 inventory of the Palazzo Claudia is another for Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale's and her sons' section of the Rocca at Fontanellato.40 The officials began, as with the palazzo, with "la camera della Signora" and the adjoining rooms, which included a camerino and another room where she ate her meals. The apartments of her sons, Ottavio and Carlo, followed. Ottavio's were connected to those of "la contessa sposa."41 It is of interest to note that in both the Palazzo Claudia and in the Rocca at Fontanellato there was a clear distinction between women's spaces and those of others, limited not only to their private apartments but also to the rooms where they took their meals separate from the men, and perhaps even rooms where they gathered. Other rooms inventoried in the Rocca at Fontanellato include a camerino near the loggia, a sala magna and the connecting room, a kitchen and "una camera al co' Hercole buona memoria," the room of Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's eldest son Hercole who died mysteriously in 38

ASP, CFi, b. 62, 1573, 15 July letter by Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale to Gianbattista Pico, the duke's secretary. 39 It is worthwhile to look at a couple of other inventories of women's spaces. In the 1528 inventory of the Rocca at Zibello (ASP, FP, b. 58), Domitilla Gambara (wife of Rolando Pallavicino) had a bedroom, camerino, and another camera, followed by those of her daughters, Barbara and Theodora, who seem to have had only a single room each. Both were young girls at this time. Connecting to these were a "camera délie donne" and a "camerino délie donne." In the 1526 inventory of Bernardino Pallavicino's part of the Rocca at Zibello (Soliani, document 83), his wife, Caterina Rusconi had only a bedroom connected to a "camera delle putte," the baby's room and to a "camera délie donne." 40 Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale, Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's sister-in-law, also lived at Fontanellato with her sons. In the mid- 1540s, Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale requested permission to have walls built to separate herself and her family from her relatives. 41 This 1576 inventory does not include all the rooms that were noted as belonging to Alfonso's father, Gianfrancesco. In 1512, the Rocca was divided between Gianfrancesco Sanvitale and his brother, Giangaleazzo with each given rights to pass through certain rooms like the saletta in order to reach a stairway or passageway that led to their own rooms. Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale included this document in a letter of 1543 to her son in order to clarify what rights he had, and perhaps also in response to Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale's pleas for walls to be erected (ASP, Famiglia Sanvitale-Sanseverini, 1543,24 November). In the 1512 document, the rooms and various spaces designated as Gianfrancesco's were often described by the manner in which the space was decorated. For example, the sala grande was the one bordering the "muro delia ghirlanda." Each room was defined by its exact location in the Rocca and in relation to other rooms and spaces.

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1530. Was this a painted room like Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale's camerino or just his bedroom? Whatever the case, it does seem odd that as late as 1576 this room was still referred to as Hercole's; Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale had not lived at Fontanellato since the late 1520s. Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's home in Reggio Emilia and both Giacoma Pallavicina's and Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale's residences in Parma were owned by private citizens. However, the Palazzo Pallavicino at Busseto was the seat of power for the ruling family of the city and its surrounding territory, and, therefore, the rooms and various other spaces were more ostentatiously decorated. Through a careful reading of the 1522 inventory taken shortly after the death of Bonamaria Pusterla-Pallavicina's husband's Cristoforo Pallavicino, we can perhaps glimpse what the courtly setting might have been like. Significantly, this was the palace where Camilla Pallavicina grew up and where she received her early education. 42 Unlike the inventories for Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale and Gerolama FameseSanvitale, this one does not give a physical description of the confines of the palazzo before proceeding with the inventory.43 Rather it begins, as do Camilla Pallavicina's and Giacoma Pallavicina's, with a list of precious goods found in several cassette.44 And like Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's and Gerolama FarneseSanvitale's, Bonamaria Pusterla-Pallavicina's included a survey of the rooms, in this case, taken over a period three separate days. The officials began on the piano nobile of the palazzo with Bonamaria Pusterla-Pallavicina's rooms, "la camera picola contigua alla camera granda habitatione della Bonamaria," with a specific accounting of everything, including

42 ASP, FP, b. 5 and another copy in the APBB, b. 4. Cristoforo Pallavicino was murdered in 1521, leaving three sons in order of age: Francesco, Gerolamo (1508-79), and Hermes; two daughters, Antonia and Caterina, both married by this time; and his wife Bonamaria Pusterla. The document accompanying the inventory refers back to Cristoforo's 1515 will and to his death in 1521. Cristoforo's sister, Veronica (d. 1523) was married to Achille Torelli, count of Guastella, who was assassinated in 1522. Achille had been allied with his brother-in-law (see chapter one, note 182). Although she was the Countess of Guastella, Veronica returned at Busseto after her husband's death. Brunoro Pallavicino (ca. 1474 - after 1520) of Pontremoli, who played such a significant role in Camilla Pallavicina's life (1524, 1526 documents), had a similar role in regards to Bonamaria. No mention is made of rooms inhabited by Ottaviano Pallavicino's (d. ca. 1521, he was Cristoforo's brother) wife, Battista Appiano or his daughter, Camilla Pallavicina, who would have been living at Busseto. Perhaps they inhabited the Rocca rather than the palace since Ottaviano had been the Márchese of Busseto. 43 We know from other parts of the inventory that the palazzo was very near the Rocca and that some of the rooms overlooked the piazza - what is now the Piazza Verdi. 44 Unlike Bonamaria Pusterla-Pallavicina's inventory, Camilla Pallavicina's and Giacoma Pallavicina's inventories are primarily lists of goods found in various casse followed by brief surveys of only a few rooms, usually service rooms rather than private ones.

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numerous references to black cloth that hung on the walls or over various pieces of furniture, even her bed. Clearly, Bonamaria was in mourning over the recent death of her husband Cristoforo (1521). In the "camera granda," among other items, were a desk, two altar cloths, a painting of St. Sebastian, and "uno libro del viaggio" (a travel book) written in her own hand. Two more rooms connected to these. One held several "cassa granda venetiana," and so must have functioned as a storage room. In one cassa, the officials found two capes made of fox fur. Bonamaria9 s rooms were connected to the "camerone délie donne" (again, a clear separation of women's spaces), which connected to the "camera delle putte" - the children's or baby's room. Next came the "camera del capo," "camera delle sibille," the contessa's room, a room above the contessa's room ("una camera sopra la camera della Contessa"), which may have been either a mezzanine (for her attendant) or her camerino. Surely, these rooms were those of the contessa of Guastella Veroncia Pallavicina (sister of Cristoforo). Yet the officials noted only that in her camera the "celone"45 (a worsted fabric used for wall hangings) were decorated with animals and vines, nothing more. The officials returned to the "camera sopra la camera della contessa" a few days later and noted that there were "duoi celoni, uno a figura e l'altro a animali," "un banchali fatto ad angeli, doi candeliere," and "una scrana da necessário" (two wall hangings of "celone," one figured and the other with animals, a bench cover with angels, two candlesticks, and a chair for the necessário). Her rooms may not have been extensively inventoried simply because she had just returned from Guastella a few months earlier. The officials then moved on to Gerolamo's room, which had a bed with a carióla ("con la carióla") - a small low bed in a cassone that was pulled out at night for a child to sleep in. Again, they returned a few days later and noted a few items along with the connecting "camera del Nereno." Cristoforo's (Gerolamo's father) rooms followed, and the officials noted that his room was above the door ("sopra la porta"). Unlike Gerolamo's, this room and those attached to it were extensively inventoried, as were those of Cristoforo's first-born son Francesco.46 There the officials noted, among other items, "un quadretto con tre figurette nude" (a painting with three nudes), "un quadretto con un retratto" (a portrait), "un orologio da sabione con la cassa di alabastro" (a clock with an alabaster case), and "quattro scarpe alia moresca" (four shoes in the Moorish style). On this same day of the inventory, the officials proceeded to the piano terreno, noting what was in the place where bread was made ("luoco dove si far il pane"), then moved on to the large stable behind the Rocca ("la stalla grande dietro la Rocca") where they noted a fresco of a "paladini" on a wall near the stalla. They 45 "Celone" is a kind of worsted fabric like serge. It was rather expensive and was used as wall hangings or as a bed cover (P. Thornton, pp. 76-79). 46 Gerolamo would have been about fourteen years old at the time. He was born in 1508. Hermes was the youngest and so may have occupied the "camera delle putte" - the children's room.

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continued their survey noting what was in such rooms as the camerino outside the Rocca in the garden, and the casino of the camerino. The latter seemed to function as a storage room with a variety of chests, their contents inventoried. Next the officials inventoried "la camera del Melone habitazione del Mag. Tomeo" (Magnifico Tomeo's room), the kitchen, la dispensa, "la camera della Rosanaria dove habita Don Nicolo" (Don Nicolo's room), along with numerous other rooms. At the end of this day they returned to Bonamaria's rooms, where they found eleven different books and then proceeded to the "sala grande verso la piazza" (the large sala near the piazza), and "la camera del giardino" (the garden room). The officials had to come back a few days later to continue the inventory. They began with various rooms on the piano terreno near the garden and the loggia, then continued to the piano nobile, noting various other rooms including the palace chapel ("la cappella di detto palazzo") in which there were not only paintings, but also a clavicimbalo. They moved on to "la camera delli profetti," "la camera di Hercole," and "la camera della trionfi," where they noted a painting of the Madonna. Surely these three rooms were painted with scenes as suggested by the officials' written descriptions. Next, they moved on to the room where the women ate ("la camera dove mangiavano le donne"), and back down to the piano terreno to survey the granary, the wine cellar, the family (staff) dining room ("il tinello della famiglia"), and la dispensa in which they noted, among other things, "un libro della vita delle santi." The officials returned to complete the inventory on a third day. Discounting the impression of a massive number of rooms, the officials responsible for the inventory seemed unorganized, returning to certain rooms, while ignoring others. They mention rooms for only two of Cristoforo's sons and none for his daughters. More importantly, the layout of Bonamaria's apartment and the entire piano nobile in general parallels that of Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale's palazzo and these rooms - particularly those of Bonamaria, Francesso, and the cappella - were rich with objects not found in the other inventories. Yet the oversight of "le camere della Contessa" (Veronica Pallavicina's rooms) is noteworthy. Veronica's own husband, Achille Torelli, count of Guastella, had been assassinated earlier that year because of his alliance with Cristoforo, and she had returned to Busseto shortly thereafter. With all of her brothers dead, Veronica was the eldest surviving member of the clan, and she along with Bonamaria were named guardians of Cristoforo's three sons. Veronica's own belongings would have come from Guastella and, therefore, would not have been inventoried. What the material goods catalogued in the inventory illustrates is the wealth of the dynasty to be passed on to Cristoforo's heirs. What is common to all of the inventories is the layout of particular sets of rooms, such as the private apartments, and the inclusion of certain types of rooms found in most sixteenth-century palazzU such as the sala grande, the kitchen, storage rooms, and others. It is of greater interest, however, to consider what is unique in terms of room types rather than what was typical. Several of the

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inventories refer to a "camera or camerino dipinta" - painted rooms - or name them in such a way as to suggest their walls were painted. In Bonamaria PusterlaPallavicina's inventory, for example, the officials noted a series of three rooms, "la camera dei profetti," "la camera di Hercole," and "la camera delli trionfi," which were surely painted rooms based on their descriptions: a room painted with images of the prophets, another with the life of Hercules, and the last with triumphs. Three of the inventories47 - Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's, Bonamaria PusterlaPallavicina's, and the one for the Rocca at Zibello48 - note private chapels in the residence. Yet only the one for the Rocca at Zibello mentions a music room (" un camerino delia musica").49 The officials did note in one of the rooms belonging to Domitilla Gambara at Roccabianca50 several music books and in Barbara Pallavicina-Rangona's room at Zibello two lutes and a harp. Bonamaria PusterlaPallavicina's chapel had a clavicímbalo (harpsichord). So music was part of the setting of these courtly residences.51 Both the Busseto and Zibello inventories referred to children's rooms ("camera delle putte"), where babies and small children must have slept, ate, and played. Two of the inventories provide us with an idea of the setting in which two of the women under consideration were raised. The elegant and richly decorated palazzo at Busseto was the home of Camilla Pallavicina until about 1524 when she was taken to Cortemaggiore, and the Rocca at Zibello was Laura PallavicinaSanvitale's childhood home. An idea of how lavishly the rooms in the palazzo at Busseto were decorated is evident in a letter written in 1490 by the duke of Milan to the Marchesa Caterina Pallavicina regarding the festivities for the upcoming wedding of Ludovico il Moro to Beatrice d'Esté. He bemoaned the fact that his own tapestries were not adequate and requested that Caterina give "all of your spaliere, fornimenti and other tapestries into the care of our representatives. They

47

ASP, FSPf, b. 27, DII873 and DII944; FP, b. 5; and Soliani, document 61. The Zibello inventory published by Soliani (documents 61 and 83) was taken as a result of inheritance disputes involving a number of individuals, and probably was the result of Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's mother, Clarice Malaspina's death. 49 Soliani, document 61. Unfortunately, the inventory only listed a desk in this room. No musical instruments or music books were noted. 50 like the inventory for the Rocca at Zibello, the one for Roccabianca (ASP, Notai, G. D. Criminali, b. 1248) was taken because of inheritance disputes involving numerous individuals. 51 On at least one occasion, there were musicians at Gerolamo Farnese-Sanvitale's palazzo in Parma. In a letter to Ottavio Farnese, Gerolama requested that she be allowed to keep the duke's musician in residence for another month or so to instruct her daughter, Margarita (ASP, CFi, b. 76). There were two musicians in residence at Scandiano, home of Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo, during the 1540s (ASRE, Archivio Notarile, D. Mattacoda, b. 766). 48

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will be well taken care of. . ."52 This request suggests that the palazzo at Busseto was even more richly decorated than the one owned by the duke of Milan. Surely, these settings and the way these women were raised had an impact on how they, in turn, decorated their own homes and ran their own lives. Inventories, like those used here, tell us not only how the rooms were laid out and decorated, and what the women collected but also provide us with a glimpse of the settings in which these women were raised. Painted Rooms Several inventories already mentioned refer to a "camera dipinta" or "camerino dipinto" without specifying the subject matter, or they refer to rooms with names that suggest that their walls were painted.53 In the sixteenth century, painted decoration was often an integrated scheme working from the ceiling downwards, so it can be assumed that the rooms mentioned in the inventories depicted complex decorative programs covering the entire wall surface and ceiling, rather than the more commonly used ornamentation of a decorative frieze under the cornice, like those commissioned by Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina from Jacopo Antonio for several rooms in her palazzo, with a coffered, rather than painted, ceiling. The salone could also be decorated with frescoes, using the ceiling as the dominant feature of the room, like the Salone delle Feste at Scandiano commissioned by Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo and Giulio Boiardo.54 In addition to the written references in the inventories we have those of chroniclers who recorded that women such as Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale and Veronica Gambara created elegant rooms, commissioning paintings and extensive fresco cycles for their residences.55 These references indicate that women were actively involved in building, renovating, and decorating their own homes, yet we have few concrete, extant examples to support the written record. However, we can cite at least one example of a woman who commissioned the painting of her palazzo: Francesca of Brandenburg (d. 1512), mentioned in the previous chapter. She was responsible for the fresco decoration of several rooms in the Palazzo dei 52

'Tutti le vostre spalere, fornimenti di camera e le altre tappezzerie hacendóle consignare a li nostri séchai i. Li quali ne haverano bona cura . . ." (AS Milano, Missive, vol. CLXXXII, 24,1490, 3 July). 53 In addition to the inventories listed in note 4 above, see also ASP, Notai, G. D. Criminali, b. 1248 for 1540 inventory of Roccabianca and Soliani, documents 61,78, and 83 for inventories of Zibello. 54 In Bonamaria Pusterla-Pallavicina's 1522 inventory, mention is made of paintings on the wall near the stalla of "paladini." This is clearly a reference to painting on the exterior of the building, which is quite unusual to find in an inventory (ASP, FP, b. 5). 55 See MSS Parm 3768, 21, Délie memoria de lafamiglia Sanvitale, Biblioteca Palatina, Parma for Laura Pallavicina-Sancitale, and my essay, "Ladies," pp. 25-44.

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Principi in Correggio, which she built in 1507.56 The frescoes are usually attributed to Antonio Bartoletti degli Ancini, a local painter sometimes thought to be the teacher of Antonio Allegri, called Correggio, and to the latter's uncle, Lorenzo. Lorenzo Costa is also credited with having participated in the decoration of the building. One of the rooms, the Sala Piccola on the ground floor, was decorated with a frieze oiputti playing and lunettes with a variety of figures. The ceiling included a balustrade with monkeys, parrots, and other birds. Such decoration reflects awareness of similar paintings, such as those of Andrea Mantegna for the Gonzaga in the Camera Picta (1470s) in the Palazzo Ducale in Mantova, or Benvenuto Garofalo's ceiling, and other paintings in the Sala Grande in the Palazzo Costabili in Ferrara (c. 1500). Clearly, Francesca had knowledge of the latest artistic trends and wanted her new residence to reflect this. Another room, the Sala Magna, also on the ground floor and across the courtyard from the Sala Piccola, was decorated with a frieze of monochrome grotesque figures, again reflecting contemporary artistic trends. Surely it was this type of decoration that Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina commissioned from Jacopo Antonio in the 1550s for her palazzo in Piacenza. Along one wall of Francesca's Sala Magna in the center of the frieze, an inscription reads: "MDIIIIIIII, S.P.Q.R., O.C.N., Erexit Francesca di Brandenburgo." In the center of the adjoining wall the stemme of Borso da Correggio and Francesca of Brandenburg appear separately, just as Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's and her husband's stemme did on the new portal of her palazzo. With the display of her own stemma, Francesca referred to her own power and independence. Such a dynastic statement is significant, since Francesca's stemma is located within a public room within a residence. The Sala Magna was a large meeting room where public celebrations and other events were held. Imagine how much more powerful a dynastic statement Ippolita PallavicinaSanseverina made by placing her stemma, separate from her husband's, on the new entrance portal of her palazzo. One other woman deserves mention here before we take up Veronica Gambara, and she is Isabella d'Esté, well known for her artistic patronage and for her studiolo. Because her activities as a patron of art and architecture are so well documented, and because there is such a wealth of material, I refer to her only in passing.57 Veronica Gambara, too, followed in Francesca's footsteps, but like so many women, her role as a patron of the arts is an elusive one. We do know that her studiolo, located in the Palazzo dei Principi in Correggio and usually referred to as the Camerino Deaurato, was lavishly embellished, though we do not know how.58 Gambara commissioned the painter Antonio Correggio to decorate several rooms 56

See my essay, "Ladies," pp. 32-4. For the most up to date source on Isabella d'Este, see Daniele Bini, éd., Isabella d'Esté: La prima donna del Rinascimento (Modena, 2001). 58 See my essay, "Ladies," p. 34. 57

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in her Casino di Delizie, located outside the walls of the city and to the east, near the church of S. Domenico.59 As early as 1517, Gambara commissioned frescoes from Correggio and his workshop. Again in 1528, he was at work decorating the two rooms that Emperor Charles V would occupy on his 1530 visit to Gambara. As Luigi di San Giusto stated, "II suo casino a Correggio e una meraviglia d'arte.. Z*0 The studiolo is a fascinating phenomenon of the Renaissance, and as such, deserves special attention. As Dora Thornton has noted, the study, more than any other room in the house including the bedroom, was considered by contemporaries "as having an individual owner, and a secret identity of its own."61 A room more usually associated with the man of the house, it was costly to outfit with furnishings and decorations, which could be quite elaborate, representing a substantial investment on the part of the owner. In addition to "collectables" (antiques, art objects, curios, and other treasures) normally found in a studiolo, chests or shelves of books of varying types, family papers, and other memoranda were kept there. It was a private room where its owner could read or write in solitude, the activities associated with literacy and learning, which carried a certain prestige. Again, these were activities usually associated with men rather than women. Yet the Pallavicini and Sanvitale women were educated, well-read, and able to write, and they all owned books. Like Isabella d'Esté and Veronica Gambara, they likely owned a studiolo, if not as an independent room, then certainly as part of their bedrooms. Surely, Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale's camerino dipinto or Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's camerino functioned as a studiolo.62 Turning now to look at two extant examples of camere dipinta commissioned by two different Sanvitale women, we must first address one issue: the concept of joint patronage between husband and wife. While joint patronage was particularly hard to document during the Renaissance, it seems likely to have been more common than is generally acknowledged. Working within the societal limits, these women utilized the patronage systems available to them to form cooperative ventures with their husbands. A woman who sought to decorate a particular room or set of rooms might turn to her husband for financing as Paola might have done or if she had money of her own, yet was actively involved with her husband in renovating the palazzo as Silvia Sanvitale was, she might lend financial support

59

Both structures were destroyed by the Spanish in 1557. See my essay, "Ladies," p. 34, note 28. 61 D. Thornton, p. 1. 62 Dora Thornton (28) suggests that the term, camerino often referred to a study. She also states that it was rare for a woman to own one (90), even though she herself cites several examples of women who did. What is particularly fascinating is her discussion and illustrations of the objects kept in the study (127-74). 60

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and collaborate on the decorative program as well.63 While Paola GonzagaSanvitale's case is far less easy to document, with Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo, it is clear she supplied funds of her own for the decoration of the Camerino dell' Eniede at Scandiano. Yet I contend the same can be said of Paola GonzagaSanvitale, even though it is generally assumed that Giangaleazzo Sanvitale, her husband and márchese of Fontanellato, commissioned the frescoes for her camerino from Francesco Parmigianino (1503-40) about 1523-24. He is also credited with the choice of subject, the Legend ofActaeon.6* While Giangaleazzo may have provided most of the financial support for the project, it was Paola who determined the theme and iconography of the camerino decoration, a room for and about herself. Prompted by the loss of an infant son, she created a personal statement with which to speak to her peers about her own tragedy, and about her ideas concerning religious and moral issues of the day.65 Documentary evidence shows that during the 1520s, Paola invited to her court many literary figures including Tiberio Rosselli, Benedetto Albineo di Bianchi, and Cesare Delfini. While there, Albineo may have written his commentary on the Fable of Actaeon, the theme of the camerino decoration.66 While this small, rectangular room (Figure 3.1) is generally described in modern literature as a stufetta, the bagno di Paola, or as her boudoir, its exact function has never been accurately determined.67 Most recently, Tassi has suggested that it was a camerino, a small, private room - a kind of studiolo.** Its obscure location has perplexed scholars in their efforts to define the purpose of the room. Situated on the ground floor off the kitchen, down a long corridor, the camerino was accessed by only one door, a setting that enhances the idea that it was a private, even secret, room where few visitors would have been permitted.69 This location, however, is reminiscent of Isabella d'Este's own studiolo in the Palazzo Ducale in Mantova, 63

Like with Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina and her palace building, we see here the blurring between public/masculine and private/feminine. 64 See my essay, "Love, Death," p. 107, note 2 for pertinent bibliography. Mary Vaccaro, "Reconsidering Parmagianino's Camerino for Paola Gonzaga at Fontanellato," in Giancarla Periti (éd.), Drawing Relationships in Northern Italian Renaissance Art (Aldershot, 2004), pp. 177-93; while Vaccaro takes a number of scholars to task for their views on the camerino and misquotes others, she herself adds nothing new to the debate surrounding the commission of the frescoes, their iconography, nor the room's function. 65 See my essay, "Love, Death," pp. 101-8. 66 MSS Parm. 1181 and ASP, Famiglia Sanvitale, Archivio storico, b. 883B. 67 S. J. Freedberg, Parmigianino: His Works in Painting (Westport, CT, 1971), pp. 51-4; Cecil Gould, Parmigianino (New York and London, 1994), pp. 30-9, 185; and David Alan Brown, "Parmigianino at Fontanellato," FMR, 1 (1984): 147. The obvious precedent for this room is Giovanna da Piacenza's Camera di S. Paolo in Parma painted by Correggio. 68 Roberto Tassi, "La Camera di Fontanellato: La giovinezza del Parmigianino," in La Corona di Primule. Arte a Parma dal XII al XX secólo (Parma, 1994), p. 129. 69 Tassi, pp. 129,138.

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located just off a courtyard and down a corridor in an equally obscure setting. In the case of Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale's camerino, its placement within the Rocca may have had to do more with such a mundane issue as the lack of space in a medieval structure, which was surrounded by a moat and, therefore, was not readily expandable. Quite simply, it may have been the only space available for a small, private room for the young contessa in what was surely a busy and hectic court. When a new member of court arrived, it was not unusual - indeed, it was even quite common - for architectural renovations to take place, and for private rooms to be provided for that person depending on rank. The Story of Actaeon (Figure 3.2) as depicted here is based on the Ovidian legend and is situated in Diana's garden, a sacred and secret place. Her nymphs surround and protect her from intruders as she bathes. Actaeon, nonetheless, slips into the garden and sees the naked Diana. In perceiving the naked goddess, he is transfigured as though he is looking into a mirror - the mirror of his soul. For punishment of his invasion of her garden and witnessing her bath, Diana transforms Actaeon into a stag and his hounds devour him. The scenes begin above the continuously inscribed frieze with fourteen semicircular lunettes, twelve devoted to the narrative. An allegorical figure and a scene in which a nymph flees hunters are represented on two adjacent walls. The next three lunettes on the entrance wall portray the transformation of Actaeon, while on the last wall, his hounds devour their former master. The spandrels that rise in relief between the lunettes contain twelve putti gathering fruits and vegetables of the harvest. Behind the putti, a painted arbor opens to an illusion of sky, in the center of which, at the top of the vault, is a circular mirror. The effect of a cool leafy trellis, supporting dense green vegetation and flowers marks the sloping surface of the wall as it meets the ceiling. The putti in front of the trellis are thereby assumed to be in our space, while the vertical lunettes and sky appear as continuations of the real space of the room, thus blurring the boundaries of what is fictive and structural. Two deviations from the legend are puzzling. On one wall, two hunters pursue a nymph, a scene related to the dogs pursuing Actaeon or Actaeon's pursuit of Diana. On the second wall facing Acteaon being devoured by his hounds, a female figure holds strands of grain and a cup.70 Sometimes identified as Diana, the figure's attributes and costume are those of the Greek goddess, Demeter, daughter of Saturn, while her facial features are those of Paola Gonzaga. Demeter's association with melancholy is a fitting mood for Paola, who had just lost a son, and is relevant to the story of Diana and Actaeon in the secret garden. Looking at Diana, Actaeon was looking into the mirror of self-reflection - just as the viewer, male or female, would do as he or she gazed into the mirror above. Paola herself would have gazed at her own reflection in the mirror and in doing so became part of the illusionistic program of the room. 70

See my essay, "Love, Death," pp. 103-106 for a more detailed analysis.

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The lunettes are situated in a space resembling a garden. Parmigianino has created a hidden garden enclosed in latticework, covered with roses and lush vegetation - a place for reflection and meditation, a studiolo. Initially, this garden setting brings to mind Alberti's ideas for villa decoration, "we are particularly delighted when we see paintings of pleasant landscapes,. . . and flowers and leafy views."71 The landscape lunettes by Nicolo delF Abate for Silvia SanvitaleBoiardo and Giulio Boiardo's camerino at Scandiano, and the jasmine and other flowers Jacopo Antonio painted in Ippolita Pallavicina-Sanseverina's courtyard in Piacenza, may also have been inspired by Alberti's writings. Alberti stressed the pleasing and restorative effects of landscape, emphasizing that different types of landscapes were appropriate to the different temperaments of the viewer.72 Alberti's ideas, popular throughout the Renaissance, were surely an appropriate source for Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale's small private room, but a secret garden, like the one depicted here, has often been associated with the enclosed garden of the Virgin Mary, and with the rose garden of love from chivalric romance, where music and love flowered.73 Like the images of Diana and Demeter/Paola, the symbolism of the sacred and profane garden is in contrast, opposites that need to be reconciled by the viewer/patron. This type of blending of ancient myth with Christian beliefs was not unusual in the Renaissance, and the mirror in the ceiling of the camerino suggests further Christian significance. It represents the eye of the all-seeing God, as well as giving the viewer a moment of self-reflection. And the inscriptions, which are not from Ovid but were composed specifically for this room, support a more complex reading of the room: 'Tell, O Goddess, if it is Fate that led the unhappy Actaeon hither, why was he delivered by you to his hounds as food? It is not right for mortals to suffer punishment except in respect of a crime. Such anger is not seemingly for goddesses."74 It is likely that Albineo composed these lines and the other inscriptions for Paola while he was at Fontanellato. When these lines are combined with the inscription on the mirror, "Réspice finem" (contemplate the end), they become a kind of motto for the room. "Watch and meditate on the end of the story, the injustice of the Gods, or of God, Death; Remember that the end of everything is death, one must die, one can die, cruelly, unjustly, very young."75 And the injustice to Actaeon can refer to the unjust death of Gonzaga-Sanvitale's infant son.76 It is significant to note that this camerino was 71

Leon Battista Alberti, On the Art of Building in Ten Books, p. 299. Alberti, p. 299. 73 Pietro Citati, "11 dolore di Demetra," Paragons 483 (1990), p. 4. 74 The inscription in Latin is: "Ad Dianan Die Dea si miserum sors hue Acteona duxit ate cur canibus traditur esca suis? Non nisi mortals a liquo pro crimine poenas ferre licet: talis nee decet ira deas (Tassi, p. 134)." 75 Tassi, p. 137. 76 See my essay, "Love, Death," for a more detailed discussion of these inscriptions in relationship to Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale. 72

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built and decorated for a woman's use. Whether or not it was a studiolo, it was clearly Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale's own private room, and she surely was involved in its creation. As such, this camerino is a rare extant example of a woman's private room. While Paola Gonzaga-Sanvitale's camerino was her own private room, a husband and wife shared the Camerino dell' Enéide at Scandiano. And its patron, Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo of Scandiano, seems to have worked largely behind-thescenes in promoting the aspirations of her husband Count Giulio Boiardo (d. 1553). Sanvitale-Boiardo was instrumental in defining the subject of the frescoes for Boiardo's Camerino dell' Eniede (1540s) in the Rocca Nuova at Scandiano, and documents show that Sanvitale-Boiardo withdrew funds from her private account in Bologna to pay Nicolo dell' Abate for painting the camerino. Evidence suggests that this commission was a cooperative one between husband and wife.77 Following the death of his father Giovanni Boiardo in 1523, and his betrothal to Silvia Sanvitale that same year, Giulio Boiardo took up the renovation campaign of the medieval Rocca begun by his father. Expanding the original project, Giulio transformed the façade of the Rocca into a symmetrical structure with a pair of matching towers following the model of the Castello at Ferrara and the Rocca at Fontanellato. We know from documents that the sculptor Bartolomeo Spani and the architect Alberto Pacchioni were actively engaged at the Rocca during this period.78 While it is difficult to discern the extent of Silvia's involvement in the renovation campaign, or how much of her own money she committed to the project, her role was clearly an active one.79 The majority of the documents connected with the Rocca and its renovation and decoration open with Silvia Sanvitale's name followed by that of her husband Giulio Boiardo.80 Together Giulio and Silvia transformed the structure into a Renaissance palazzo rich with paintings, sculpture, precious objects, and a notable library. As the renovation progressed, Giulio's and Silvia's primary interest became their new private apartments on the second floor of the Rocca: the Camerino dell'

77

See my essays, 'Two Emilian Noblewomen," pp. 161-78 and "A New Look," pp. 279-94. 78 Documents for this project are located in the AS Modena, Carteggio dei Rettori dello stato, Reggio, bb. 6, 7; Archivio materie ingeneri, Terzo Terzi, bb. 5, 6, 7; and in the ASRE, Carteggio del Reggimento, organized by date. 79 Her letters can be found in the Carte Mattacodi, Archivio storico, Biblioteca Comunale, Scandiano. See also Venturi, Storia, p. 55. 80 In addition to the documents cited in note 78 above, see also ASRE, Archivio notarile, D. Mattacoda, b. 766,1535,11 November; 1536,4, 8, and 20 December; 1540,28 April and b. 767, 1543, 16 July; 1546, 5 January; N. Bertolano, b. 1046, 1536, 20 January and 20 December; and Comune di Scandiano, Archivi antico, filza 30, Libro delle corte del comune di Scandiano 1544.

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Enéide, the Salone delle Feste, a bedroom, and a library.81 In about 1540, Nicolo dell' Abate was commissioned to paint an innovative decorative program for the camerino, a rectangular room with a fireplace and no windows. In spatial terms, it was not unlike the camerino at Fontanellato painted twenty years earlier.82 Nicolo's decoration (Figure 3.4) consisted of twelve scenes from Virgil's Aeneid disposed above monochrome battle scenes and surmounted by lunettes decorated with landscapes and cityscapes. Female all* antica figures adorned the eight pendentives and directed the viewer's attention to the octagon (Plate 1) in the center of the ceiling, where Giulio Boiardo, wearing a white plumed hat, looks down upon the viewer. He peers over the shoulder of his wife, Silvia Sanvitale, who wears a large sleeved dress and holds a book, presumably of music. Over her shoulder, her mother, Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale gazes outward.83 Other members of their court are depicted as well.84 Documents of August 1540 and 5 January 1546 refer specifically to the camerino and its decoration.85 The document of 1546 describes the space and discusses Giulio's and Silvia's involvement in the decorative program. A fragmentary letter from Ippolito Bertolotti mentions the frescoes and other objects in the room, such as sculpture and curios.86 Noting Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo's erudition and fondness for Virgil, he went on to say that it was through her influence that the Aeneid cycle was chosen, and he also credited her with the selection of Nicolo dell' Abate as painter. The document of 1540 is even more interesting because it refers to a payment made by Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo. Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale, Silvia's mother and a widow since 1519, not only controlled her daughter's dowry (Giulio Boiardo visited her in Parma in 1542 to discuss financial matters) but also set up bank accounts for her daughter in Bologna.87 It is 81

The salone was also painted by Nicolo dell* Abate. He painted a seríes of musicians and singers that surrounded the ceiling fresco representing the Olympian gods, based on an engraving after Raphael's ceiling fresco in the Villa Farnesina in Rome. These are no longer in situ, but detached and housed in storage at the Gallería Estense in Modena. 82 The paintings for Scandiano were removed in the eighteenth century and are in storage in the Gallería Estense in Modena. The camerino no longer exists as it once did. According to a document of 1564, July, the camerino had two doors, one of which connected to Boiardo's bedroom (ASRE, Archivio notarile, G. B. Galletti, b. 482). 83 See my essay, "Matrons as Patrons," pp. 120-45. 84 For pertinent bibliography on the camerino see my essay, "A New Look," p. 279, note 3 and p. 282, note 6. 85 In addition to the documents listed in notes 78 and 80 above, see also AS Modena, Guilio Boiardo's letter of 1540, 21 December; ASRE, Archivio del comune di Reggio, prowigioni, documents organized by date; and Archivio notarile, I. Bertolotti, b. 1205, 1546,5 January. 86 ASRE, Archivio notarile, I Bertolotti, b. 1205,1546, 5 January. 87 ASRE, Archivio notarile, D. Mattacoda, b. 766, 1540, 30 April; 25 May; 3 and 28 August.

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from one of these accounts that money was withdrawn to make the 1540 payment to Nicolo delF Abate.88 Though this information indicates it was Silvia who made the first recorded payment to the artist, it does not clarify who was responsible for the original commission. However, we do know that Nicolo had been working for Gerolamo Pallavicino (d. 1579), Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's uncle, at Busseto just prior to coming to Scandiano. It is perhaps this earlier connection with the Pallavicini that led Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo to suggest to her husband that Nicolo be given the commission. And it was through Sanvitale-Boiardo that Nicolo delF Abate gained access to Parmigianino's frescoes at Fontanellato.89 As Geminiano Prampolini stated in his chronicle, "La Contessa Silvia Sanvitale, nota per la sua erudazione e sensibilita artística, intervene accanto pittore nel ridegere il piano delia decorazione delia Rocca."90 Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale was also actively involved with the Rocca renovations. Documents related to her financial dealings indicate that she provided funds for the Rocca project. Payment records from 1536, for instance, list the scudi that Pallavicina-Sanvitale paid for "ornaments" for the Rocca, and includes a list of materials as well.91 A document of 28 August 1540 discusses negotiations between Giulio Boiardo, Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo, and Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale in regard to the camerino and the use of Silvia's money to pay for its decoration and furnishings.92 Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale seems to have been the motivator behind her daughter, a conclusion that can be supported by her physical position as she gazes over Silvia's shoulder in the painting in the octagon (Plate 1). Pope Paul III came to visit his friend, Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale, twice in 1543 at Scandiano, and to see the frescoes he had heard so much about.93 As an avid patron of the arts, Pope Paul III would likely have appreciated the complex imagery of the room. Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo, who holds a book in the octagon, may have consulted the court humanist, Sebastiano Corrado about the Aeneid as an appropriate subject for the camerino decoration. Concerned with the most effective means of promoting both her husband's self-image and her own, Silvia's choice of the 88 ASRE, Archivio notante, D. Mattacoda, b. 766, 1540, 16 October and ASP, Notai, G. F. Alessandrini, b. 1316,1540, 23 November. 89 See my essay, "Two Emilian Women," p. 167 for a more detailed discussion of the relationship between these two rooms. 90 Geminiano Prampolini, Cronaca di Scandiano, 11, and Francesco Morsiani, Supplemento air cronaca di Prampolini, MS Turn C38, both are in the Biblioteca Municipale Panizzi, Reggio Emilia. 91 ASRE, Archivio notante, D. Mattacoda, b. 766, 1536, 4 and 8 December and N. Bertolani, b. 1048,1536,20 January and 10 December. 92 ASRE, Archivio notante, D. Mattacoda, b. 766,1540,28 August. 93 ASRE, Archivio notante, D. Mattacoda, b. 766, 1543, 13 June and 3 July; AS Modena, Carteggio dei Rettori dello stato, Reggio, b. 11, 1543, 29 March; 1 and 2 April; 16 July; and Carteggio dei Rettori dello stato, Scandiano, b. 1, 1543,15 April.

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Aeneid - connected to ideas about the origins of the Modenese region - established Giulio Boiardo's lineage and linked him and his family to the Este of Ferrara, who claimed descent from Ruggiero.94 Moreover, the octagon and the scene of Dido on the camerino wall below (Book IV of the Aeneid) serve as a personal statement by which Silvia Sanvitale-Boiardo and Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale speak to the ideals of a bilinear family, in particular, their family and its power and social position in the north Italian court system.95 Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale stands behind her daughter as matriarch - a role that passed first to her daughter Silvia and then to her granddaughter, Laura, who was to marry Ottavio Thiene and who ultimately inherited the Boiardo fiefdom. As we have seen, the painted interiors of the Renaissance palazzo could vary from the simplest decoration, such as a decorative frieze below the cornice, to an elaborate iconographie program, covering the ceiling and wall surfaces of the camerino. And while we have few extant examples of such rooms, which were commissioned by or for women, the written record - chronicles, inventories, letters, and other documents - suggest this was yet another outlet for women's patronage of the arts. As we already know, women had a great impact on how other domestic spaces were decorated and what kinds of objects were kept in them. *

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Inventories such as that of 1522 for Busseto or the one dated 1514 for Zibello give us an idea of the domestic setting in which women such as Camilla Pallavicina and Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale were raised, while others give us a clear picture of women's private spaces and how they were arranged. Women's apartments and the adjoining rooms were clearly separated from the more public spaces, those of which they were both caretakers and decorators. As Gerolama Farnese-Sanvitale's inventory indicates, the apartments of mothers and daughters were most often located closely together on one side of the piano nobile with communal rooms connecting them. And Laura Pallavicina-Sanvitale's palazzo near the church of S. Rafaele in Reggio Emilia and Giacoma Pallavicina's near the church of Sta. Maria della Steccata in Parma are primary examples of two widows' private residences and all the spaces for which they were responsible provide evidence of two women's collecting habits. Inventories tell us as well what women purchased and collected for their own spaces and for the more public rooms of the palazzo. Women could, therefore, promote the dynasty or family through the articulation of the domestic interior. It is from these inventories that we learn how the rooms were decorated, and it is from their wills, marriage contracts, and other legal 94

See my essay, "A New Look," pp. 279-94. See my essay, "Matrons as Patrons," pp. 80-85 for a more detailed discussion of these ideas. On the bilinear family see chapter one, note 243. 95

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documents that we learn what women valued most, what they kept over a lifetime, and what they gave to their closest friends and relatives.

The Renaissance Palazzo Interior as a Private Voice for Women

Fig. 3.1 View, 1520s, Camerino\ Rocca Sanvitale, Fontanellato

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