Wilson, Volume I: The Road to the White House 9781400875399, 1400875390

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WILSON: The Road to the White House

_ WILSON: THE NEW FREEDOM WILSON: THE STRUGGLE FOR NEUTRALITY, 1914-1915 _ WILSON: CONFUSIONS AND CRISES, 1915-1916 WILSON: CAMPAIGNS FOR PROGRESSIVISM AND PEACE

WILSON THE ROAD TO THE WHITE HOUSE

BY ARTHUR S. LINK

PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY

Copyright © 1947 by Princeton University Press Third Printing 1965 First Princeton Paperback 1968

This book is sold subject to the condition that it shall

not, by way of trade, be lent, resold, hired out, or otherwise disposed of without the publisher’s consent,

in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published.

Printed in the United States of America

FOR MARGARET

I HAVE undertaken a new study of the life of Woodrow Wilson. This volume is the first in a series that I hope eventually will constitute an historical and biographical study of Wilson and his time until his death IN 1924.

I have attempted in this volume to tell one of the most amazing “success” stories that I know. Although there is an interpretive background chapter, the story begins essentially in 1902, when Woodrow Wilson takes over the presidency of Princeton University. At first there was success in great measure; but later tragedy, frustration, and despair marked the closing years of the Princeton period. And yet, Wilson’s defeat at Princeton in large part made possible his subsequent political achievements. How Wilson entered public life as the godchild of a conservative political machine in New Jersey, and how he broke spiritually with the leaders of this machine and emerged from the gubernatorial campaign of rg10 one of the foremost progressive

Democratic leaders is one of the miracles of modern politics. His victory over the New Jersey organization in the senatorial contest and his successful driving of the legislature of 1911 to outstanding reform accomplishments assured him a place in the coming struggle for control of the national Democratic party. All of this would in itself constitute quite a “success” story, but it is only the beginning, the promise, of the series of events that were to follow and that conspired to catapult Wilson into the national leadership of the Democratic party and, eventually, into the White House. It is not by any means a simple story, nor an easy one to tell. It involves an account of Wilson’s campaign for the presidential nomination, the

subsequent struggle within the Democratic party for control of the party machinery, and the momentous conflict at Baltimore that ended in victory for the Wilson forces. It must concern itself, also, with the three-cornered presidential campaign among Wilson, Taft, and Roosevelt in the summer and fall of 1912 and, above all, with Wilson’s conversion to a program that he thought would guarantee to the American people a new birth of economic freedom. Across the pages of this book march as fascinating a series of public leaders as can be found in any period of American history: Wilson,

Vil Preface himself the leading actor in the drama, alternately generous and sparing in his friendships, eloquent in giving expression to high ideals, yet cold, ruthless, and stubborn in personal controversies, daring and compromising in his political maneuvers, yet withal embodying a new type of leadership in American public life; George Harvey, Wilson’s first political mentor, crafty, calculating, yet playing a role of major importance; James Smith, Jr. and his lieutenant, bosses of the Essex Democratic faction in New Jersey, responsible for giving Wilson the gubernatorial nomination in 1910, yet his implacable foes only six months later; the small group of men who first engineered the Wilsonfor-President movement in 1911 and carried it through to victory in 1912—William F. McCombs, Walter H. Page, William G. McAdoo, and later, the unobtrusive Texan, Edward M. House; William J. Bryan, the passionate champion of rural democracy; Champ Clark, the hardhating speaker of the House of Representatives, who almost thwarted Wilson’s efforts to control the Democratic party; Henry Watterson, “Marse Henry” of Louisville, a character from the ante-bellum South; Theodore Roosevelt, the impassioned champion of social justice in

112. On numerous occasions I have felt compelled to disagree with most of the previous Wilson biographers. Our disagreement has often been fundamental with regard to both facts and interpretations. I have had, however, access to a great body of new materials, much of which has not before been available to scholars. Many of my findings have necessitated a radical reevaluation and reinterpretation of important events. On the other hand, I have been extremely. cautious in formulating new interpretations and opinions and have come to them only after carefully weighing and sifting all the evidence. My objectives and methods have been exceedingly simple. To give a straightforward and accurate account of Wilson’s educational and

political career before the White House, to explain, in so far as my capacity allows, the reasons for events that did occur, and to portray the larger setting against which these events took place—these have been my objectives. My methods have been those of an_ historical scholar attempting a systematic investigation of all the available sources relating to the subject.

I have tried to maintain throughout a critical and open attitude toward all the controversies with which I dealt. There was something about Woodrow Wilson that inevitably engendered controversy when he occupied positions of power and influence. Wilson was a headstrong

Preface ix and determined man who was usually able to rationalize his actions in

terms of the moral law and to identify his position with the divine will. This combination of strong, almost imperious will and intense conviction operated to great advantage when Wilson had support among the trustees at Princeton, the legislators at Trenton, or the congressmen in Washington, because it gave him great power and an impelling drive. The time came at Princeton, Trenton, and Washington

when Wilson did not command the support of the groups to whom he was responsible. Naturally, he was not able to change his character even had he wanted to change it, with the result that controversy and disastrous defeat occurred in varying degrees in all three cases. Much of the book, therefore, concerns controversy of one kind or

another. I have not come at my subject with the idea of debunking Wilson or anyone else. On the other hand, I have refrained from taking

anything for granted, weighed and measured evidence against evidence, and in controversial matters have accepted no statement of fact

that could not be supported by sound evidence. That has meant at times accepting the statements of Wilson’s opponents instead of accepting his own.

There has been no paucity of materials in writing this volume. Although not all the manuscript collections are now available which will in the future undoubtedly come to light, I think that we now have abundant evidence upon which to construct an accurate account. With the exception of Wilson’s letters to Ellen Axson Wilson and Mary

Allen Hulbert (many of which have already been published), I was allowed to use in their entirety the Wilson Papers in the Library of Congress. They of course constituted my starting point of research and my most valuable source of information. The collection of Wilson materials made by the late Ray Stannard Baker was also opened to me and was an invaluable source, second in importance only to the Wilson manuscripts. Numerous other manuscript collections yielded

new and important information, particularly the collections in the Princeton University Library relating to the graduate college controversy; the Edward M. House Papers at Yale University and the William Garrot Brown Papers at Duke University, which were extremely useful for the pre-nomination campaign of 1911-1912; and the papers of Jane Addams, Theodore Roosevelt, and William Howard Taft in the Library of Congress, which afforded much new information about

the presidential campaign of 1912. |

The great body of newspapers for this period has gone relatively

Xx Preface untouched by Wilson scholars. For my part, I found the newspapers a source of information in many respects as important as the manuscript materials. Newspapers, for example, are the only source of all of Wilson’s speeches during the period 1910-1912. For the New Jersey period I have relied heavily on the Trenton Evening Times, the Trenton True American, the Jersey Journal of Jersey City, the Newark Evening News, and the Newark Evening Star, as well as the New York news-

papers. For the pre-nomination and presidential campaigns I have sampled newspapers representative of all shades of opinion throughout the country. My chief source of information, to be sure, has been the New York newspapers, the greatest of which was the New York World; but I have also relied heavily on a number of excellent southern and mid-western newspapers, chief among which were the Raleigh News and Observer, the Birmingham Age-Herald, the Baltimore Sun, the Dallas Morning News, the Kansas City Star, the St. Louis Republic, and the Daily Oklahoman of Oklahoma City. Of the number of contemporary periodicals that I used the Nation

should be mentioned first, because it afforded a partial key to the problem of the origins of Wilson’s political ideas. For the Princeton period the one great periodical source is the Princeton Alumni Weekly —truly an indispensable storehouse of information. In so far as I know,

I have examined all periodicals that are in any way relevant to the New Jersey period, 1910-1912, and the presidential campaigns of 1g1I-

1912. Among the great variety of periodicals that I have used the following should be mentioned because of their significance in representing various groups and points of view: Harper’s Weekly, edited by George Harvey, the first journalistic supporter of the Wilson presidential movement; Collier’s Weekly, the leading independent progressive journal of general interest, of additional importance because Norman Hapgood, friend of Louis D. Brandeis and Wilson, was editor; World’s Work, edited by another early Wilson supporter, Walter H. Page; the Commoner and La Follette’s Weekly Magazine, spokesmen of Bryan and La Follette; the Outlook, the weekly editorial stump for Theodore Roosevelt; the Crists, representing Negro opinion, and the American Federationist, organ of the American Federation of Labor; and, finally, William Randolph Hearst’s Hearst’s Magazine and the

World To-Day, and Thomas E. Watson’s Jeffersonian, all clearing houses of the journalistic attack on Wilson’s presidential candidacy. Memoirs and autobiographies, often so important in getting at the undercover activities of politicians, have contributed surprisingly little

Preface Xi to my story, chiefly because most of the autobiographers of the Wilson period concentrate on the period after 1912. Tumulty’s famous account,

Woodrow Wilson As I Know Him, is not entirely reliable and must be used with great caution. Josephus Daniels’ recent book, The Wilson Era, Years of Peace, is interesting but not very informative about the

earlier period because Daniels was usually on the periphery of the scene of action. The Intzmate Papers of Colonel House contains many

valuable documents, but the student will find them all, and much additional material that 1s often more important, in the House Papers at Yale. Two exceptions to the generalization about memoirs should be made,

however, and heavily underscored. The first is James Kerney’s The Political Education of Woodrow Wilson, ostensibly a biography of Wilson, but actually more an account of events about which Kerney had first-hand knowledge. The book is unmarred by any evidences of hero-worshiping and stands almost alone as one of the early and yet critical studies of Wilson. The second exception is William O. Inglis’s account of Wilson’s relations with George Harvey, 1906-1912.

So important is this memoir that without it many things that would otherwise be inexplicable are made clear.

In the preparation of this book I have surveyed the entire field of Wilson biographies. But I have worked almost entirely from original sources and, excepting Baker’s Life and Letters, have not had occasion

to lean on any of the other Wilson biographies. Mr. Baker has done for Wilson’s early personal life a job that will not have to be done again, except in so far as the origins and development of Wilson’s political thought are concerned. Of the one-volume biographies, I think Herbert Bell’s Woodrow Wilson and the People is the best. Mr. Bell

and I would probably disagree on many points, but I think that he has done an excellent job and has come closer to getting at the reasons for the failures of Wilson’s friendships than any other writer.

Doing the research and writing on this book has brought me into close association with many persons who have generously and freely given of their time and energies to help me. It is my pleasant duty, therefore, to recognize my deep indebtedness to them.

I owe my first interest in Woodrow Wilson to Professor Chester M. Destler, now of Connecticut College, whose lectures I attended at the University of North Carolina. For my doctoral dissertation at the same institution I prepared a thesis on the South and the Democratic campaign of 1910-1912 under the direction of Professor Fletcher

Xii Preface M. Green. By his patient guidance and intellectual disciplining he contributed much to my understanding of the period about which I have

written in this volume, and I wish to acknowledge my lasting indebtedness to him. ~ From 1944 through 1946 I was engaged primarily in building the present study upon the foundation of my dissertation. Nine months were spent as a visiting student in the seminar of Professor Henry Steele Commager at Columbia University, where the first seven chapters were read in rough draft. Professor Commager subsequently read all of this study in manuscript form and made numerous stimulating comments that were helpful.

I am grateful for the wise suggestions that Professor Thomas J. Wertenbaker of Princeton University made with reference to Chapters II and III. He has influenced in a much greater way than he knows the formation of my ideas with regard to Wilson’s Princeton career. Professor Joseph R. Strayer of Princeton also read these chapters and made a number of helpful suggestions; I am grateful also for his un-

flagging support and encouragement while I was writing this book. To Miss Katharine E. Brand, custodian of the Wilson Papers in the Library of Congress, I want to express my thanks for reading the entire manuscript and for all her help during the period when I worked in the Manuscripts Division. To Mr. Datus C. Smith, Jr., director of the Princeton University Press, I owe a great debt of gratitude for the support and encouragement that he has given me since the spring of 1944 when we first met. Moreover, his editing of the manuscript did a great deal to improve it.

To Professor Howard K. Beale of the University of North Carolina must go much of the credit for whatever value this book may have. He not only read the entire manuscript at a time when he was overwhelmed by other duties, but he also edited it as carefully as if it had been his own. We may still disagree on some points, but I think he will see on reading the book how deeply his ideas influenced my own.

I wish to express my gratitude to the Julius Rosenwald Fund for two research grants made in 1942 and 1944. Without the financial support of this foundation I could not have brought this study to fruition. I wish also to express my appreciation to the following persons: to

Mrs. Woodrow Wilson, for permission to use the Wilson Papers; to Messrs. St. George L. Sioussat, chief, and Thomas P. Martin, assistant chief, of the Manuscripts Division, the Library of Congress, for

Preface Xiii their help in using other manuscript collections in their department;

to Mr. Julian P. Boyd, for permission to use the collections in the Princeton University Library, and to Miss Lillian Blease of the Library’s Treasure Room for her assistance in using these materials; to Mr. Russell G. Pruden of the Yale University Library, for his hospitality and helpfulness when I worked through the House Papers; to Mr. Oswald Garrison Villard of New York City, who helped me to clarify the subject of Wilson’s relations with the Negro leaders in 1912 and who generously opened his own private papers to me; and, finally,

to Miss Nannie M. Tilley, of the Duke University Library, for her assistance in Wilson and other matters relating to my research. To my wife, Margaret Douglas Link, I owe the greatest debt of all.

She has been my own best critic in all matters relating to this book and a constant source of inspiration, encouragement, and understanding. In many respects this book is our joint enterprise.

A.S. L. Princeton, New Jersey October 21, 1946

PREFACE v1 I. THE FORMATIVE YEARS I II, PRESIDENT OF PRINCETON UNIVERSITY 37

III, “THE BATTLE OF PRINCETON” 59 IV. AWAKENING POLITICAL CONSCIOUSNESS 93

V. THE GREAT DECISION 133 VI. THE FIRST CAMPAIGN 173

VII. THE FIRST BATTLE 205 VIII. THE NEW JERSEY LEGISLATURE OF IQII 239

IX. NEW JERSEY POLITICS, IQII-IgI2 277 X. THE PRESIDENTIAL MOVEMENT GETS UNDER WAY 309

XI. THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST WILSON 347 XII. COLLAPSE OF THE WILSON MOVEMENT 391

XIII, THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION 431 XIV. PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF IQI2 467 XV. CAMPAIGN CLIMAX AND ELECTION 511

INDEX 545

SOURCES AND WORKS CITED 529

SESQUICENTENNIAL ORATOR, 1896 facing page 46

ELLEN AXSON WILSON 47

PRESIDENT OF PRINCETON UNIVERSITY 48

THOMAS D. JONES 79

M. W. JACOBUS 70) MOSES T. PYNE 79

ANDREW F. WEST 79 JAMES R. NUGENT _ 206 JAMES SMITH, JR. 206

GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY 207 IN THE GOVERNOR'S OFFICE 238 COMMANDER OF THE NEW JERSEY NATIONAL GUARD 239 WITH THE OFFICERS OF THE STATE GUARD AT SEA GIRT 239

JOSEPH P, TUMULTY 334 EDWARD M. HOUSE 334

GEORGE HARVEY 334

WILLIAM F. MC COMBS 334 CAMPAIGNING FOR THE PRESIDENCY 335 OSCAR W. UNDERWOOD 366

WILLIAM R. HEARST 366

CHAMP CLARK 366

AT THE HOME ON CLEVELAND LANE 367 GREAT COMMONER IN AN ALPACA COAT 446

THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION 446 ACCEPTANCE SPEECH AT SEA GIRT 446 MC COMBS AND PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE 447

PRESIDENT-ELECT 4477

The Formative Years By something like an historical accident, Thomas Woodrow Wilson was born a Virginian. His father, Joseph Ruggles Wilson, a youthful Ohio printer turned preacher, was the son of a Scotch-Irish immigrant; his mother, Jessie Woodrow, was born in Carlisle, England, daughter of a Presbyterian minister. Woodrow Wilson was proud of his ancestors

and his Scottish, Covenanter tradition; he once declared, “The stern Covenanter tradition that is behind me sends many an echo down the years.” * Joseph Ruggles Wilson had moved with his young wife in the early 1850’s to teach at Hampden-Sydney College in Virginia. In 1855 he became minister of the First Presbyterian Church in Staunton, and it was in the Manse in that town, on December 28, 1856, that Woodrow Wilson was born.” In November 1857 the Reverend Dr. Wilson moved from Staunton

to Augusta, Georgia, and his family followed him shortly afterward. So it was in Augusta that Woodrow Wilson first became cognizant of his environment. “My earliest recollection is of standing at my father’s gateway in Augusta, Georgia, when I was four years old, and hearing some one pass and say that Mr. Lincoln was elected and there was to be war. Catching the intense tones of his excited voice, I remember running in to ask my father what it meant.” ° It was during the holocaust of civil war and the confusion of Reconstruction that the boy matured. Augusta was an important center of Confederate manufactures, and Joseph R. Wilson was an ardent proponent of the southern cause. His church was transformed into a hospital; the churchyard became a prison stockade for Union troops; on one occasion he even dismissed his congregation with the admoni* Speech at Mansion House, London, December 28, 1918.

7In later years Wilson was not insensible to family pride. Commenting on a news report which mistakenly described him as the scion of an old Virginia family, he de-

clared that of course it was not true; but, he added, “I wish I could say it were.” Winthrop M. Daniels, MS Memorandum in the Ray Stannard Baker Papers, Library of Congress; hereinafter cited as Baker Papers. *“Abraham Lincoln: A Man of the People,” Address at Chicago, February 12, 1909. R. S. Baker and William E. Dodd (eds.), The Public Papers of Woodrow Wilson, u,

83; hereinafter cited as Public Papers. ,

2 Formative Years tion that they go and work in the Confederate arsenal.* After the disruption of the Presbyterian Church in 1861, the southern body was organized in Wilson’s church in Augusta, and he became its permanent clerk. It was more the backwash of war, however, the wounded soldiers, the demoralization of southern life, and the breakdown of the economic and social order, that Woodrow Wilson saw. All of these concomitants of war made an indelible impression on him and left him with an abhorrence of bloodshed. At a later time and during a greater war he would be accused by his enemies of being a pacifist because he was “too proud to fight”! But all was not of confusion and disorder. Life made its accustorned rounds in the South, even during war and Reconstruction, and Wilson’s boyhood was notable, if for nothing else, because of his normal development. He had a remarkable family and especially an unusual father. As Wilson wrote many years later, “after all, no man comes

from the people in general. We are each of us derived from some small group of persons in particular; and unless we were too poor to have any family life at all, it is the life and associations of the family that have chiefly shaped us in our youth.” ° Joseph R. Wilson was a scholarly man and a great preacher who carefully superintended the

intellectual development of his son. He had a caustic wit and was his son’s best critic for many years. Wilson’s mother was more reserved

than his father, but she was a woman of decided opinion and of stubborn conviction. Wilson, then, inherited from his family, and espe-

cially acquired from his southern environment, many of his most characteristic traits. He was always typically a southern gentleman, “too proud to fight,” too proud to reply to his enemies, too proud to stoop to undignified campaign practices. He inherited the contemporary

southern disdain for career women. He was always in complete accord with southern, and especially Presbyterian, orthodoxy; yet he was never bigoted or intolerant of agnostics or persons of other faiths. In later life Wilson developed a romantic and extravagant love for the South of legend and song. His letters and addresses are full of expressions of deep feeling for the region. He was one historian, for example, who was not apologetic about the South’s history. On one occasion he declared that there was “nothing to apologize for in the past of the South—absolutely nothing to apologize for.” ° Wilson, furthermore, ‘Ray S. Baker, Woodrow Wilson: Life and Letters, 1, 50-51; hereinafter cited as Woodrow Wilson. * “Mr, Cleveland as President,” Atlantic Monthly, uxx1x (March 1897), 289. ° Annual Report of the American Historical Association, 1896, p. 295.

| Formative Years 3 was a Southerner who was frankly proud that the South had taken up arms against the North in 1861. Should Southerners, since they were a decided minority, have given in to the will of the majority of the North, he once asked. Not at all, he replied. Men’s consciences and habits of thought lie deeper than that; the year 1861 was not a time to talk about majorities—it was a time to express convictions. Even a man who saw the end from the beginning should, as a Southerner, have voted for spending his people’s blood and his own, rather than pursue the weak course of expediency. These words, it should be noted, are not the effusions of a schoolboy; they were delivered in 1909." Wilson, however, never expressed a burning enthusiasm for the Lost Cause such as his father often expressed. Only fifteen years after the end of the Civil War, he frankly declared, “because I love the South, I rejoice in the failure of the Confederacy.” ®

Well might one ask in what ways Woodrow Wilson was a Southerner. His residence in the region for almost twenty-four years left its imprint strong upon him. As he once declared, it is all very well to talk of detachment of view and of the effort to be national in spirit, “but a boy never gets over his boyhood, and never can change those subtle influences which have become a part of him.” He felt obliged to say again and again, “the only place in the country, the only place in the world, where nothing has to be explained to me is the South.” ° Wilson early espoused the southern views on the tariff, and he even followed Calhoun in doubting the constitutionality of the protective system.*° He

was characteristically a Southerner in his attitude toward the Negro. Like most Southerners of the upper class, his tolerance of and kindliness

to the Negro were motivated by a strong paternalistic feeling.” | Woodrow Wilson’s educational career began inauspiciously at a * Robert E. Lee: An Interpretation, pp. 28-29. °‘John Bright,” zbid., 1, 56-57. ° Robert E. Lee: An Interpretation, p. v. ” See, e.g., his speech accepting the Democratic nomination in 1912, Official Proceedings of the Democratic National Convention of 1912, p. 404. * Almost all of Wilson’s biographers testify that he was essentially a Southerner. One has characterized him as a Southerner at large (James Kerney, The Political Education of Woodrow Wilson, p. 4); another notes the effect southern religiosity had upon him

(William Allen White, Woodrow Wilson, pp. 63-64); an historian writes of the influence of his heritage of Virginia traditions absorbed at the law school of the University of Virginia (Matthew Josephson, The President Makers, p. 345). In his autobiography, Henry Watterson sardonically remarks that Wilson was born to the rather sophisticated

culture of the Solid South. “Had he grown up in England a hundred years ago,” Watterson added, “he would have been a follower of the Della Cruscans” (“Marse Henry,” an Autobiography, u, p. 2°74). , Wilson’s highly colored illusions about the South were heightened by long periods

4 Formative Years school in Augusta conducted by a former Confederate officer, Joseph T.

Derry. His boyhood friends were an unusual group and included several men who later became famous—Joseph R. Lamar,” Pleasant A. Stovall,’* Thomas R. Gibson,"* and William A. Keener.’ In 1870 Wilson’s father accepted a call to the Columbia Theological Seminary and the family moved to the South Carolina capital. Columbia had been largely destroyed by fire in 1865 after Sherman’s march through the city,

and in 1870 the state was completely in the hands of the Radical Reconstructionists. “Tommy” Wilson continued his education in a private school conducted by Charles N. Barnwell until his family moved to Wilmington, North Carolina, in 1874. In 1873 he had something of a religious experience and was admitted to membership in the Columbia church.”®

Until Wilson entered college in 1873 his education had been more or less informal. Family group reading was a frequent pastime in the home and before he learned to read, Wilson heard his father read from Dickens or Sir Walter Scott; and there was always the Bible, “the ‘Magna Charta’ of the human soul,” read daily at family prayers. Apparently the first book Wilson read was Parson Weems’ famous Life of Washof absence from the region. On one occasion he told the members of the Virginia State Bar Association that he felt the sort of exhilaration that must always come to a man “who returns from a distance to breathe his native air again and mix once more with those to whom he feels bound by a sort of intellectual consanguinity.” He was proud of Virginia’s traditions, for, in Virginia, among men of his “own race and breeding,” he could speak his mind frankly upon any theme. “Nowhere else,” thought Wilson, “has

the pure strain of the nation which planted the colonies and made the independent government under which we live been kept so without taint or mixture as it has been in Virginia, and hitherto in all the South” (Public Papers, 1, 336-337). On another occasion he declared that there had been in the South a special characteristic all its own —a strong spirit of individualism—‘“no doubt the jealous regard for the dignity and independence of the individual.” Southern life had been formed by a singular combination of strong individuality mixed with common ideals, Wilson declared. “In the South a community produces a man, the man embodies his neighbors and their loyalty went out to him and hung to him as a matter of course” (quoted in Norfolk Virginian-Pilot, December 15, 1910). Wilson confessed that, after long periods of absence, he forgot how

natural it was to be in the South, “and then the moment I come, and see old friends again, and discover a country full of reminiscences which connect me with my parents, and with all the old memories, I know again the region to which I naturally belong” (Robert E. Lee, p. vi). ” Appointed to the Supreme Court in 1911 by President Taft. ** Appointed Minister to Switzerland by President Wilson. “ Afterwards United States Consul at Beirut. * Afterwards Dean of the Law School of Columbia University. _ *°R. S. Baker, Woodrow Wilson, 1, 66-67.

Formative Years 5 ington. Joseph R. Wilson had for some time been a subscriber to the Edinburgh Review and the New York Nation, and before he went to college Wilson had become intensely interested in British politics. Gladstone became a hero to him, and he placed a portrait of the British “Great Commoner” above his desk.”

In the fall of 1873 Wilson left home for the first time and went to college. He and his family decided upon Davidson, a small but intensely Presbyterian college in Piedmont North Carolina. He was poorly prepared and the year was something of a struggle; his chief interest was in the Eumenean Society, a debating club, for which he prepared a new constitution. Wilson’s health seriously deteriorated and he returned to Columbia in June 1874. The family moved to Wilmington in the fall and there he remained, a shy and timid youth, until the following year, when he decided that he was sufficiently prepared to enter

Princeton.

In September 1875 Wilson journeyed to the village of Princeton to enter the College of New Jersey. He was a complete stranger in the community, but he soon fell in with southern friends and joined with them in defending the South. The academic work was hard and the first year was in many respects gruelling, but he found at Princeton the intellectual prodding and friendships that he needed for his personal development. “Wilson’s second year at college was among the most im-

portant of his whole life: a turning-point,” Baker writes.’ He read The Federalist for the first time, Greene’s Short History of the English People, Macaulay’s History of England, the speeches of Burke and John

Bright, and the essays of Walter Bagehot. He discovered also the Gentleman’s Magazine. And in 1877 he published his first article; strangely enough, it was about Bismarck.”

Debating and oratory—the manipulation of words—had an early fascination for Wilson, and he stoutly defended the art at Princeton.” He was an active member of the Whig Society but also organized a debating club of his own. A prize essay on the elder Pitt was published in 1878.** His fellow students soon found, however, that despite appear-

ances Wilson was no pedant and was as eager to engage in college activities as any student; but the “play of the mind,” writes Robert Bridges, was exhilarating to him. It was as natural for him to talk about

* tbhid., Dp. 35-37, 57. * rbid., p. 86. *° “Prince Bismarck,” Nassau Literary Magazine, xxx111 (November 1877), 118-127. ® See, e.g., an article in the Princetonian, June 7, 1877. “William Earl Chatham,” Nassau Literary Magazine, xxx1v (October 1878), 99-105.

6 Formative Years Burke, Brougham, or Bagehot, as for the rest of his friends to talk about Cooper or Mayne Reid.** He often thought of the future and what it held in store for him and formed a “solemn covenant” with a fellowstudent to “school ail our powers and passions for the work of estab-

lishing the principles we held in common; that we would acquire knowledge that we might have power.” “ He grew confident of his mental abilities, envisaged an active political career for himself, and even wrote out a number of cards with the inscription: “Thomas Woodrow Wilson, Senator from Virginia.” Wilson, then, as an undergraduate became absorbed in the study of politics, and while he was a senior published his first article in a national magazine. He pondered the causes for the decline of American statesmanship and oratory and concluded that the root of the trouble was to be found “in the absorption of all power by a legislature which is practically irresponsible for its acts.” “* The idea of responsible government would later be foremost in his political philosophy. In 1879 he proposed to restore responsible government in the United States by inaugurating a modified form of the parliamentary system in Congress; he would do this by giving Cabinet members seats in Congress and by holding them responsible for the passage of legislation.” During the Princeton undergraduate years and the hours of his daydreaming, the young scholar had often thought of himself as “Senator from Virginia,” or even sometimes as governor of his native common-

wealth. It was natural, therefore, that when he was graduated from Princeton in 1879 he should turn toward the University of Virginia for training in his chosen profession of law. The head of the Virginia law school, John B. Minor, was widely known as a scholar and professor; to the end of his life Wilson thought of him as one of the greatest men he had known and, next to his father, his greatest teacher. “The profession I chose was politics,” he later wrote, “the profession I entered was the law. I entered the one because I thought it would lead to the other.” *°

Wilson engaged in student activities even more energetically at Virginia than at Princeton. He had come to study law, and study it he did * Robert Bridges, Woodrow Wilson, A Personal Tribute, p. 3. “W. W. to Ellen Axson, October 30, 1883, R. S. Baker, Woodrow Wilson, 1, 103-104.

““Cabinet Government in the United States,” International Review, vu (August 1879), 147.

* ibid., pp. 150-163. For the origins of Wilson’s ideas see infra, * * * pp. 15-19. *”'W. W. to Ellen Axson, October 30, 1883, R. S. Baker, Woodrow Wilson, 1, 109.

Formative Years 7) in a desultory manner, only to find that he was “most terribly bored by the noble study of Law.” *’ He did not, however, neglect his reading in history, political science, and literature.** He of course became a mem-

ber of the Jefferson Society, a college debating organization, and in March 1880 he delivered a memorable address before the society in which he proclaimed his faith in American nationalism. More significant, however, was his discussion of the Manchester Liberal school of free traders and the fulsome praise he gave them.” A month later, in a debate with William Cabell Bruce, he endeavored to persuade the members of the society that Roman Catholicism was not a menace to American civilization.*°

Wilson in 1880 was elected president of the Jefferson Society and soon was busy framing a new constitution for the organization. He was, however, also interested in practical politics and in the larger events that were occurring in the nation. In October 1880, for example, he wrote to a Princeton friend that the Republican party was degraded and in the throes of disintegration. But he had little more respect for the Democrats, whom he accused of allying themselves “with every damnable heresy—with Greenbackers as with protectionists,” and concluded that “such a state of things is premonitory of some great change to come.” *4 At Virginia Wilson also formed one of his most intimate friendships —with Richard Heath Dabney;°? and there he also studied with Richard E. Byrd, who, years later, led in the Wilson movement in Virginia in 1912, and with John Bassett Moore and William Cabell Bruce. But the overwhelming burden of scholastic work and college activity was too heavy for Wilson’s frail physique, and he was forced to abandon his

formal studies. Regretfully he left the University and went home to Wilmington, where he carried on his legal studies for an additional year and a half. After innumerable hesitations as to a place for practice, Wilson and his father at length decided upon Atlanta, Georgia. As Wilson wrote to 77W. W. to Charles A. Talcott, December 31, 1879, Baker Papers. * His reading included Wirt’s Life of Henry, Jebb’s Attic Orators, Stubb’s Constitutional England, Shelley’s poems, Lecky’s England in the Eighteenth Century, Goodrich’s British Eloquence, and Parson’s Contracts. R. S. Baker, Woodrow Wilson, 1, 117. ” “John Bright,” University of Virginia Magazine, xx (March 1880), 354-370. * Abstract, printed in zb7d., xrx (April 1880), 448-450.

“W. W. to Charles A. Talcott, October 11, 1880, Baker Papers. | “ Wilson’s letters to Dabney, among the most interesting and illuminating he ever wrote, are in the Library of the University of Virginia.

8 Formative Years an intimate friend, Atlanta, more than almost any other southern city, offered all the advantages of business activity and enterprise. There were, besides, many reasons why he should remain in the South, he thought. “I am familiar with Southern life and manners, for one thing —and of course a man’s mind may be expected to grow most freely in its native air.” Besides, he declared, the South had just begun to grow industrially; the region was becoming roused to a new work and waking to a new life. “There appear to be no limits to the possibilities of her development,” he concluded.** Wilson arrived in Atlanta in June 1882,

and immediately entered into a partnership with Edward Ireland Renick, whom he had known slightly at the University of Virginia. The

infant firm of Renick & Wilson, however, was never besieged with clients. Many young lawyers had come to Atlanta for the same reasons

that Wilson had, and, in fact, the growing city was overabundantly supplied with members of the profession. Wilson was admitted to the bar in October 1882; during the first difficult year his practice amounted

to the defense of a Negro upon request of the court and the care of some legal matters for his family. In September 1882, the United States Tariff Commission, which was

then traveling about the country taking evidence, came to Atlanta. A friend of Renick’s, Walter Hines Page, was in Atlanta reporting the doings of the Commission for the New York World. In a dingy little office on Marietta Street, Wilson and Page first met. They were both young ardent Southerners with much the same point of view. Both were weary of the outworn shibboleths of the South, and just as impatient with the new order of things; and both were intense in their hostility to the protective tariff. The trouble all along, they both agreed, had been that no one had enunciated any broad principles; there was too much concern for individual gain from the protective system; the public was unrepresented.** In no time at all Page discovered Wilson’s deep interest in the tariff question “and considerable acquaintance with the issues involved,” and persuaded Wilson to address the Commission.”’ At the hearing of the Commission the next morning, Wilson advocated the repeal of all protective laws and contended that “manufacturers are made better manufacturers whenever they are thrown *'W. W. to Charles A. Talcott, September 22, 1881, Baker Papers. “WwW. W. to R. H. Dabney, January 11, 1883, Dabney Papers, Library of the Univer-

sityi0ia. o gina hereinafter cited as Dabney Papers.

Formative Years 9 upon their own resources and left to the natural competition of trade.” *° In practical pursuance of this idea, he organized soon afterward in Atlanta a branch of the Free Trade Club of New York.** On one occasion Wilson visited the Georgia Senate, and the proceed-

ings of the day left a vivid impression on his mind. The lawmakers were engaged in a discussion provoked by the suggestion of Gustavus

J. Orr, superintendent of education, that the state was quite able to double or treble its expenditures for schools. Only a small minority favored the proposal. The majority thrust it aside with a resolution that the representatives and senators of the state in Washington be requested to do all in their power to secure a grant from the federal treasury for support of state educational systems. The Blair bill, an early federal aidto-education scheme, was then under discussion in Congress. Wilson heard only one speech in opposition to “this begging resolution,” but he considered it a sturdy appeal to the self-respect and independence of the state. No one seemed to regard it worth while to answer this argument and the resolution was carried. “The whole proceeding impressed me as a shameless declaration of the determination, on the part of a well-to-do community, to enjoy the easy position of a beneficiary of the national govt. to the fullest possible extent,” Wilson wrote indignantly several years later.*°

The young lawyer had ample time for reading and he compensated for lack of legal business by indulging his liking for history and literature. “I allow myself my afternoons for writing—and for reading on my old and loved topics, history and political science; devouring Houghton, Mifflin, and Co’s American Statesmen series, and Macmillan’s English Citizen series—both altogether to my taste,” he wrote.*? He also con* Public Papers, 1, 93. “I made a small beginning towards establishing a local reputation by making a half-hour speech before the Tariff Commission when it sat here,” Wilson also wrote. “I did not know that notable and farcical body was to sit in Atlanta until it was actually in town, and had not had the most remote idea, of course, of going before it. But along with the Commission came that smart fellow Walter Page, the World’s correspondent, a great friend of my partner’s, and he it was who induced me to speak, promising a good notice in his letter to the World, and arguing that whilst I could not expect to make any impression on the asses of the Commission, I would be sure of having the stenographic report of my remarks embodied in the report to Congress, there, possibly, to attract some attention.” W. W. to Robert Bridges, October 28, 1882, the Wilson-Bridges Correspondence, Library of Princeton University; hereinafter cited as Bridges Papers. *W. W. to R. H. Dabney, January 11, 1883, Dabney Papers. *'W. W. to Robert Bridges, February 27, 1886, Bridges Papers. * 'W. W. to Robert Bridges, October 28, 1882, ibid.

IO Formative Years ceived a plan for a “Georgia House of Commons”—another debating club, and another opportunity to write a constitution!—but did not follow through this idea.*® In February 1883 he wrote a short descriptive article on the Georgia convict-lease system for the New York Evening Post and an article on American congressional government for the New York Nation; both articles were rejected. By chance Wilson happened to go to Rome, Georgia, in April 1883 on legal business for his mother. It was there that he met his future wife,

Ellen Louise Axson, daughter of a Presbyterian minister, a student of art, a lover of literature and music, a kind and gentle woman. A whirlwind courtship soon was in the making, and by September they were engaged. The engagement “was in many ways the most important experience of Woodrow Wilson’s life,” Baker writes.** Certainly Ellen Axson’s influence in determining the course of Wilson’s life was immeasurable, for love and courtship helped him to “find himself out.” As he later observed from his own experience, “A man who lives only for himself has not begun to live—has yet to learn his use, and his real pleasure too, in the world. It is not necessary he should marry to find himself out, but it is necessary he should love.” * Wilson’s love for the South, however, was scarcely enhanced by his stay in Atlanta; actually, his liking for the region increased in direct ratio to the length of his absence from it. To an imaginative young man such as Woodrow Wilson, the barren, humdrum life of the New South was completely disillusioning. Atlanta especially was a center of the new business and industrial life of the region in the early 1880’s and was filled with self-made men who had little use for a would-be political philosopher. Wilson, moreover, had earned practically nothing and was conscious of the financial burden he was causing his father. He discovered, furthermore, that the practice of law was not what he had thought. Its “practice . . . for the purposes of gain” he thought was “antagonistic to the best interests of the intellectual life.’ The philosophical study of the law was a very different matter from its scheming and haggling practice. His plain necessity, then, he wrote Richard H. Dabney, was some profession which would afford him a moderate income, favorable conditions for study, and considerable leisure. What better could he do, therefore, than be a professor, “a lecturer upon subjects whose study most delights me?” He had applied for a fellowship “W. W. to R. H. Dabney, January 11, 1883, Dabney Papers. “R. S. Baker, Woodrow Wilson, 1, 164. “ “When a Man Comes to Himself,” Century Magazine, uxu (June 1901), 2609.

Formative Years II at the Johns Hopkins University, and that failing, he would go to Balti-

more anyway. In Atlanta, he declared, the chief end of man was certainly to make money—“and money cannot be made except by the most vulgar methods.” *°

In going to the Johns Hopkins, Woodrow Wilson not only abandoned the practice of law; he also gave up for good, he thought, his ambition to enter politics. Professors could not participate in political affairs, he admitted, but he was now content to become “an outside force in politics,” and was “well enough satisfied with the prospect of

having whatever influence ... [he] might be able to exercise make itself felt through literary and non-partisan agencies.” ** On September 18, 1883, two days after he became engaged to Ellen Axson, Wilson arrived in Baltimore. At first Wilson rebelled at the schedule of courses he was required to take at the Johns Hopkins and complained of having to study “institutional history.” *° The most interesting feature of the graduate program at the University was the seminar conducted by Professor Herbert Baxter Adams. It was a remarkable group of men (including Adams, Wilson, Richard T. Ely, J. Franklin Jameson, Albert Shaw, and Davis R.

Dewey) who gathered around the table in the seminar room during Wilson’s day; yet after five months’ residence at the University, Wilson

was disappointed and dissatisfied. Adams, one of the patriarchs of American historians, he described as a “disciple of Machiavelli... who... is on the high road to preferment, even though his pupils starve, the while, on a very meagre diet of ill-served lectures.” Wilson had come “to admire” and had “remained to scoff.” *° *'W. W. to R. H. Dabney, May 11, 1883, Dabney Papers. One is tempted to believe that had Wilson been successful in his law practice he might have had an altogether different attitude toward it. It was evident that he had been a failure as a lawyer, and for the rest of his life he tended to look with contempt upon lawyers as a class. Wilson’s attitude with regard to Georgia during the early 1880’s was also colored by his unhappy experience in Atlanta. “I can never be happy unless I am enabled to lead an intellectual life,’ he wrote in May 1883; “and who can lead an intellectual life in ignorant Georgia? I have come deliberately into the opinion that northern Georgia 1s altogether a very remarkable quarter of the globe. In southern Georgia, which was settled long before this portion of the State was reclaimed from the Indians [!], there is much culture and refinement, . . . But hereabouts culture is very little esteemed; not, indeed, at all because it is a drug on the market, but because there is so little of it that its good qualities are not appreciated.” W. W. to R. H. Dabney, May 11, 1883, Dabney Papers.

“W. W. to Ellen Axson, February 24, 1885, R. S. Baker, Woodrow Wilson, 1, 170-171.

“W. W. to Ellen Axson, ibid., 1, 174. “W. W. to R. H. Dabney, February 17, 1884, Dabney Papers.

I2 Formative Years Wilson soon, however, revised his opinion of Adams, especially when the professor freed him from the study of institutional development and gave him free rein to develop his own ideas about his dissertation. The young scholar also began, with Ely and Dewey, a history of American

economic thought which was completed but never published. Wilson wrote one-third of the study and discussed the economic thought of seven “American text writers of the orthodox Ricardian school.” *’ He also began work on his study of the American governmental system and, in January 1884, published a preliminary article on the subject.*° And within a short time he had become a member of the Johns Hopkins Glee Club and the Hopkins Literary Society, for which he wrote a new constitution.*” Under the careful tutelage of Ellen Axson, his literary interests became considerably broadened and he read in Ruskin, Swinburne’s Tristam, Birrell’s Oditer Dicta, Arnold, and Wordsworth.” Walter Bagehot, “our most astute English critic,’ wrote an essay on the British Constitution in the late 1860's that so excited Wilson’s admiration that he determined to write a similar treatise on the American system of government.’ It was indeed an old interest with him, as his earlier publications testify, and the recent history of Reconstruction and the consequent post-war demoralization must have shaken his faith in the American constitutional structure. “I want to contribute to our literature,” he explained, “what no American has ever contributed, studies

in the Baker Papers. |

““W. W. to R. H. Dabney, February 14, 1885, z6id. There is a copy of the manuscript

“Committee cr Cabinet Government?” Overland Monthly, 11 (January 1884),

17-33.

“WwW. W. to Ellen Axson, February 2, December 18, 1884, R. S. Baker, Woodrow Wilson, 1, 190-191, 199.

° Wilson’s general reading, however, was desultory, spasmodic, and his judgments on literature were usually arbitrary. He liked Swinburne’s Tristam, for example, but never read much of Swinburne. Arnold’s “Dover Beach” and “Rugby Chapel” were two of his favorite poems, yet he did not read all of Arnold’s poetical works and disapproved

of Arnold’s literary and theological criticism. The same was true of his liking for Wordsworth: he read a few of Wordsworth’s poems and liked them immensely. He had an early love for Shakespeare, Browning, and Shelley, but Keats was his favorite poet. Byron he loathed, perhaps because Byron shocked his sense of respectability. In the field of the novel Jane Austen, Scott, Mary N. Murfree, and Stanley Weyman were among his favorites. He thought Lorna Doone ranked “amongst our ‘classics.’” R. S. Baker, “Memorandum of Conversations with Stockton Axson, February 8, 10, and 11, 1925,”

MS in Baker Papers; Stockton Axson, Notes on various parts of Baker’s Woodrow Wilson, MS in zbid. (Axson was Wilson’s brother-in-law and one of his most intimate friends.) See also R. S. Baker, Woodrow Wilson, 1, 200-203. * 'W. W. to Ellen Axson, January 1, 1884, R. S. Baker, Woodrow Wilson, 1, 213-214.

Formative Years 13 in the philosophy of our institutions, not the abstract and occult, but the practical and suggestive, philosophy which is at the core of our governmental methods; their use, their meaning, ‘the spirit that makes them workable.’ ” °? By the first of January 1884, he was ready to begin work

on the book, and within a few weeks read the first chapter in the seminar. During the summer he spent his vacation in Wilmington hard at work on Congressional Government, the title he decided to use for the book. By October the manuscript was completed and he sent it to Houghton, Mifflin & Company of Boston. Congressional Government was Wilson’s analysis of the organic functioning of the federal government and, as the title implies, asserted the absolute dominance of the legislative over the executive and judicial branches. “The balances of the Constitution are for the most part only ideal,” Wilson wrote. “For all practical purposes the national government is supreme over the state governments, and Congress predominant over its so-called coordinate branches.” ””

He proceeded to judge the House of Representatives and found it wanting as an efficient representative body. He criticized the lack of unity and leadership in a body that performed its functions by means of numerous standing committees operating behind a veil of absolute secrecy. The result, he declared, was, “Both the House of Representatives and the Senate conduct their business by what may figuratively, but not inaccurately, be called an odd device of disintegration. The House virtually both deliberates and legislates in small sections.” °* Such a system, he charged, scattered responsibility and made it impossible for the people to hold their representatives accountable for their actions. “Power is nowhere concentrated; it is rather deliberately and of set policy scattered amongst many small chiefs,” and “the more power is divided the more irresponsible it becomes.” °° The speaker of the House, Wilson declared, was an autocrat because he controlled the appointment of the standing committees and the procedure; yet he was an autocrat without responsibility. In his discussion of the Senate, Wilson endeavored to account for the decline of leadership and ability in that once-august body and concluded that the root of the trouble could be found in the fact that national controversies had almost ceased to exist since the Civil War and that there

were no longer prizes of leadership for men of great ability in the = W. W. to Ellen Axson, October 30, 1883, zbid., 1, 213.

° Congressional Government (first edition, 1885), p. 52.

“ ibid., pp. 66-67. ” ibid., pp. 91-93.

4 Formative Years Senate.’* The Senate, he continued, could have no better men than the best leaders in the House; and because the House attracted only inferior politicians, the Senate was filled with men of the same caliber. It had the same radical defect as the House in that it, the Senate, functioned through the work of the standing committees; yet it did allow complete freedom of debate, and discussions in the Senate were often of a high order.’’ Wilson thought, moreover, that the Senate represented no class interests and that its chief usefulness was the check it applied to the democratic processes of government. “It is valuable in our democracy,” wrote the young conservative, “in proportion as it is undemocratic.” ** Probably the most notable feature of Congressional Government, in light of Wilson’s later political career, was the treatment of the presidential office. Contrary to the history he ought to have known, even contrary to contemporary political practice, Wilson satisfied himself

with writing off the president as an unimportant third wheel of the federal system, as, in short, a nonentity. The pendulum of power had swung violently in the direction of Congress after the Civil War, it is true, but Wilson, even though a student of history, failed to realize that

the unbalance of power would not remain permanently i” statu quo. Apparently the historian had forgotten Jefferson, Jackson, Polk, and Lincoln! By way of summary, Wilson concluded, “As at present constituted, the federal government lacks strength because its powers are divided, lacks promptness because its authorities are multiplied, lacks wieldiness because its processes are roundabout, lacks efficiency because its responsibility is indistinct and its action without competent direction.” °’ He contrasted the splendid concentration of responsibility and authority in

the British cabinet system with the disorganization of the American system in which no person or group of persons was, as he thought, responsible for providing legislative leadership. “The British system,” he concluded, “‘is perfected party government.” °° Congressional Government was published in January 1885 and was at once a complete success. Most of the reviewers gave it lavish praise, but Gamaliel Bradford’s comments were the most encouraging. “We have

no hesitation in saying that this is one of the most important books, dealing with political subjects, which have ever issued from the Ameri-

tbid., pp. 196-199. "" thid., pp. 212-218.

* ibid., p. 226. * ibid., p. 318. “tbid., pp. 117-123.

Formative Years I5 can press,” he wrote.” The book was hailed by Wilson’s contemporaries, and has generally been considered by more recent political scientists, as

something of a landmark in the study of American politics. It was the first attempt of a scholar to examine the American political system from

the pragmatic and functional point of view; and it caught the fancy of critics by subjecting to a critical analysis a political system that most Americans had for several generations declared to be the best of all possible forms of government.

As a matter of fact, however, the ideas expressed in Congressional Government were not original; judged by modern critical standards, the book was not profound; and it is difficult to see how one can conclude that Wilson’s insight was penetrating. In the first place, the work is characterized by an amazing neglect or ignorance of economic factors in political life. It did not penetrate beneath the surface of political allegiances, nor did it lay bare the economic bases of allegiances and loyalties.” Wilson’s assertion that “the Senate is . . . separated from class interests” “* was a classic example of scholarly ignorance.™ Throughout the volume one can detect a strong bias against popular democracy and in favor of government by an aristocracy of intelligence and merit.” Wilson’s writings on the American governmental system had begun with his essay, “Cabinet Government in the United States,” in 1879 and " Nation, xi (February 12, 1885), 142. This was a particularly generous opinion, especially in light of the fact that Wilson had derived many of his ideas from Bradford’s previous writings without giving him credit for them. * Wilson, of course, wrote before the day when scholars leaned toward the “economic interpretation,” but one wonders whether Ely and Dewey did not make suggestions in the seminar that Wilson should give more weight to the economic factors in history and government. “ Congressional Government, p. 226. “In the preface to the 1900 edition of Congressional Government, Wilson felt constrained to write that “It is to be doubted whether I could say quite so confidently now as I said in 1884 that the Senate of the United States faithfully represents the several elements of the nation’s make-up, and furnishes us with a prudent and normally constituted moderating and revising chamber. Certainly vested interests have now got a much more formidable hold upon the Senate than they seemed to have sixteen years ago.” p. Vill.

* Wilson wrote, for example, that the House was subject to the “whims of popular constituencies” to the extent even of “servile obedience” (p. 224); that the British government was strengthened because England possessed a “reverenced aristocracy... [and] a stable throne” (p. 226); that the Senate was valuable in the American political system in proportion as it was undemocratic and successful in saving the country “from headlong popular tyranny” (pp. 226-227).

16 Formative Years were continued by “Committee or Cabinet Government” in 1884 and Congressional Government in 1885. The theme of each of these essays is the same: that the dominance of the legislative branch which governed by committees acting in secrecy had operated to undermine and demoralize political leadership and prevent the fixing of legislative responsibility, and that a way out could be found in the adoption of a modified form of ministerial government. Were these ideas Wilson’s

own? |

It is necessary to begin this discussion of the origin of Wilson’s ideas by taking some account, first of all, of his heavy indebtedness to Walter Bagehot. It was the reading of Bagehot’s English Constitution that inspired Wilson’s “whole study of our government,” and Congressional Government was deliberately modeled after its British counterpart. The former was, in fact, almost a replica of the latter—but in reverse. Bagehot described the dynamics of the British government and compared the cabinet system to what he called the presidential system; Wilson, on the other hand, analyzed the functioning of the American government and, from this point of departure, compared the congressional system to the cabinet system. The two authors agreed that British political practice was infinitely superior to the American practice. Bagehot’s thesis was based upon certain facts and assumptions. The cabinet system, he declared, concentrated executive and legislative authority and responsibility in the prime minister and cabinet, who were, in turn, directly responsible to the House of Commons. The presidential system, however, divided authority and responsibility between Congress and the president to such an extent that neither Congress nor the president could assume leadership or be held responsible for legislation. One result of this political vacuum was the degradation of public life in the United States. The prime minister, moreover, was, by the nature of the cabinet system, inevitably the leader of his party; the cabinet, consequently, was not only the leader in the House of Commons; it was also the official spokesman of the party in power. The result was effective party government and party responsibility. The presidential system, on the other hand, except in unusual instances, operated to prevent the actual party leaders from becoming president; this prevented effective, responsible party government in the United States. Bagehot asserted also that the cabinet’s responsibility for initiating

and defending legislation before the House of Commons stimulated exhaustive and open debate on all legislative matters; that this govern-

Formative Years 17 ment by discussion was the backbone of representative democracy; and that the American system of divided or hidden responsibility placed a heavy discount on debate in Congress. Bagehot also emphasized that the chief duty of the House of Commons, after the election of a cabinet, was to inform and teach the public.” Tt is evident that Wilson accepted all of Bagehot’s fundamental prem-

ises and made them his own; they underlie all of the discussions in Congressional Government. It is remarkable, also, how similar was Wilson’s literary style to Bagehot’s—conversational and condescending. Bagehot, however, was content for the most part to contrast the cabinet and presidential systems and to extol the one at the expense of the other; he did not suggest the adoption of a ministerial form of government in

the United States. It is necessary to look elsewhere for the origins of Wilson’s proposition for cabinet government in this country. Long before Wilson began to write there had been in the public press a great amount of discussion of the decline of leadership in the government and especially of the necessity for a responsible political leadership. Much of this discussion was provoked by the publication of Bage-

hot’s volume in this country in 1873. The Nation, that perennial emporium of reform ideas, in the same year scored the bungling ineffectiveness of committee government in Congress.’ The spectacle of a Congress and cabinet indulging in the sordid corruption of Crédit Mobilier, the Whiskey Ring debauchery, or the “salary grab” act of 1873 added to the scepticism about the perfect character of the American political system. “The idea that we would impress upon the minds of all thoughtful and conscientious citizens is, that political power carries with it political responsibility,” the Nazion declared, “and that we should not grant the one without exacting the other.” °° A realization of the maladjustment of the American political system, however, did not necessarily imply the requisite solution of the problem. To Gamaliel Bradford must go the credit for having given publicity to

the plan of cabinet government which Wilson later adopted bodily in his two articles on the subject. Wilson was an inveterate reader of the Nation and it is inconceivable that he should not have read the report of a speech Bradford made in Boston in 1873, for there were few ideas

of real significance either in “Cabinet Government in the United States,” “Committee or Cabinet Government?” or Congressional Gov* Walter Bagehot, The English Constitution (American edition, 1873). “The Way Congress Does Business,” Nation, xvi (February 27, 1873), 145-146. * “Political Responsibility,” zdid., xvi (March 13, 1873), 176.

18 Formative Years ernment that had not been set forth already either by Bradford®™ or by other advocates of reform. In an address before the New York Historical Society in 1877, Charles O’Conor went beyond Bradford’s reform proposals and suggested that responsible government could best be obtained by giving over all executive power to Congress and by inaugurating a system wherein the presi-

dent would be chosen at frequent intervals by and from Congress.” Godkin of the Nation did not agree with O’Conor’s proposal, but he did demand that the president and cabinet publish their deliberate opinions

on “the great questions of the day.” This was necessary, Godkin thought, in financial matters particularly. “There is no civilized constitutional country,” he declared, “whose governmental machinery is so ill-fitted for the legislative treatment of such matters as ours.” ” These multiform indictments of congressional government and the proposals for reform—all, incidentally, set forth before Wilson began to write—were given practical significance by Senator George H. Pendleton of Ohio who, in 1879, introduced in the Senate a bill to give cabinet members a seat in either house of Congress with the liberty of debate. Bradford declared that the failure of Congress to provide progressive leadership could be ascribed to the committee system of legislation in Congress. “What is the result?” he asked. “A dozen men, appointed on a committee from their acquaintance— that is to say, from their private interest in—the special subject, sitting in secret, dictate what measures shall and what shall not be passed by the National Legislature.” Meanwhile, the thing is made worse by the total absence of definite responsibility. Committees are not responsible, because it is Congress, and not the committees, by which the bills are passed. Congress is not responsible because it has not time to examine into the merits of three or four thousand bills at each session, and has entrusted this work to the committees; and the President cannot be held responsible for laws which he had no part in making. “Such complete chaos and confusion are fatal to intelligent and systematic legislation,” Bradford continued. “Real debate in the House has been suppressed,

and in the Senate amounts to nothing.” ,

Bradford next considered the position of the executive and concluded that it was one

of “Absolute impotence. ... To sum up the whole, we have the political power of the country lodged in the hands of an irresponsible Congress, elected by office-holders, to whom they are bound; the President who appoints these office-holders, under the

thumb of the Congressional majority.”

He proposed to reform this disjointed and anarchical system by giving cabinet members seats in Congress. By this means could “national representation” be secured. Continuity of legislation would also be gained by the constant presence of members of the executive branch in Congress and would afford the opposition an effective means of interrogating the leaders of the government. “Shall the Cabinet Have Seats in Congress?” Nation, xv1 (April 3, 1873), 233-234. Compare the above with Wilson’s writings. “The President and Party Responsibility,” Nation, xxiv (May 17, 1877), 288. " ibid. See also “The Causes of Congressional Failure,” :bid., xxv1 (June 27, 1878), 414.

Formative Years 19 Cabinet members would not, according to the Pendleton bill, have the right to vote on measures, but would be required to be present on cer-

tain days to answer questions propounded by the members of each house.” Perhaps it was this suggestion that prompted Wilson to write “Cabinet Government in the United States.” Bradford, whom the Nation in 1882 described as having “been laboring for years, with great ability as well as persistence, to convince the American public that the national salvation is to be found only, or mainly, in giving seats in Congress to members of the Cabinet,” ” returned to the fight for reform in 1882 with another scathing indictment of the congressional system.” It is inconceivable that Wilson did not read all or most of these editorials and articles, yet there is no mention of any of them in his writings. The success of Congressional Government intensified Wilson’s desire

for an active political career. “I do feel a very real regret that I have been shut out from my heart’s first—primary—ambition and purpose, which was, to take an active, if possible a leading, part in public life, and strike out for myself, if I had the ability, a statesman’s career,” he wrote in February 1885.’° He looked about at the passing events in the political world and, although he rejoiced at Cleveland’s election in 1884,

distrusted the Democratic party and believed that its dismemberment was “a consummation devoutly to be wished.” ‘° He wished to see instead “the rise of a new party to which one could belong with self-

respect and enthusiasm.” “

Wilson was married in June 1885 to Ellen Axson, and in September they went to Bryn Mawr, where Wilson had accepted an associate pro-

fessorship of history. He began his work enthusiastically, but soon ™ “Cabinet Officers in Congress,” zbid., xxviir (April 10, 1879), 243. The Pendleton bill was finally reported unanimously by a Senate committee. In its revised form the measure authorized heads of departments to occupy seats in both houses and to par-

ticipate in debates relating to their respective departments. It also required them to attend sessions of the Senate on Tuesdays and Fridays of each week, and in the House on Mondays and Thursdays, and to give information in answer to resolutions or questions. “The Admission of Cabinet Officers to Seats in Congress,” zdid., xxxi1 (February 17, 1881), 107-109. *” “Congress and Reform,” zbid., xxxv (September 7, 1882), 194.

“G. Bradford, “The Progress of Civil Service Reform,” International Review, xu (September 1882), 266-267. Compare this, for example, with Wilson’s Congressional Government, which was written two years later. “'W. W. to Ellen Axson, February 24, 1885, R. S. Baker, Woodrow Wilson, 1, 229. *'W. W. to Ellen Axson, April 2, 1885, idid., 1, 233. ” sbid.

20 Formative Years found the teaching of women an irksome task. In April 1886 he agreed

to write a textbook on comparative government for D. C. Heath & Company concerning “the origin and early history of govt viewed historically, of course, and not a la Rousseau, Locke, e¢ al; the govts of Greece and Rome and of the Middle Ages, treated in the same spirit; comparative studies in the public law of the present, our own and the Eng. constitutions standing centrally and most prominent, of course; and, in the light of such studies, considerations on the functions and ends of govt and on law.” *° In the meantime, he prepared for his doctoral examinations and, in June 1886, was awarded his Ph.D. at the Johns Hopkins. Even during the first year of his teaching Wilson did not cease to dream of the “covenant” he had made with Talcott and to hope for an intimate contact with the political world. He wrote, for example, of the urgent need for the right kind of political leadership and believed that a small group of intellectuals might wield great authority by agitation in the public press. The ultimate goal, Wilson thought, was the “formation of such a new political sentiment and party as the country stands in such pressing need of,—and I am ambitious that we should have a hand

in forming such a group.” ” He also found time to write an article, “The Study of Administration,” in which he called for a scientific study of the administration of government and a civil service responsive to popular opinion.* In September 1887 Wilson began his third year at Bryn Mawr. He was becoming more and more dissatisfied with teaching women and was “hungry for a class of men.” ** His salary of $1,500 at Bryn Mawr was ridiculously low for a man with a wife and already two children, and he searched about for an opportunity to get away from the college.

His hopes were excited when his friend Renick wrote that the first assistant secretaryship of state was vacant and advised him to apply for the position. Wilson wrote immediately to James B. Angell of the University of Michigan, “I do want—and need—particularly, as it seems to me, at this junction in my studies,—a seat on the inside of the govern-

ment—a seat high enough to command views of the system.” He dreaded becoming doctrinaire. Besides, teaching political economy and public law to women threatened to relax his “mental muscles—to exalt “W. W. to R. H. Dabney, November 7, 1886, Dabney Papers. “'W. W. to Charles A. Talcott, November 14, 1886, Baker Papers. ” Political Science Quarterly, 11 (June 1887), 197-222.

*'W. W. to Robert Bridges, August 26, 1888, Bridges Papers. a

Formative Years 21 the function of commonplace rudiments in... [his] treatment.” Wilson actually thought that he had a good chance of success and wrote

of his “old political longings thus set throbbing again.” ** This first venture into the business of office-seeking, however, was ill-fated .and served only to increase Wilson’s dissatisfaction with the academic life. “T love the stir of the world,” he confessed.**

In 1888 an opportunity came to Wilson to go to Wesleyan University

in Middletown, Connecticut, at a higher salary than he had been receiving at Bryn Mawr and with the added attraction that he would have classes of men; he seized this chance with alacrity. The family moved from Bryn Mawr in the summer and Wilson soon was in a hap-

pier environment. At once he prompted the students to organize a “Wesleyan House of Commons” debating society and helped to coach a winning football team. At the same time, in addition to his regular duties at Wesleyan, Wilson was also giving a series of twenty-five lectures a year at the Johns Hopkins University.” During the period of transition from Bryn Mawr to Wesleyan, Wilson was also preoccupied with his research and writing. He finished the page proofs of The State in the spring of 1889, and six months later the book was published. It was probably Wilson’s greatest scholarly achieve-

ment. For basic source material he relied chiefly upon the Handbuch des Oeffentlichen Rechts der Gegenwart, edited by Heinrich Marquardsen of the University of Erlangen;** but he also used a wide variety of secondary works on law and government. The State was written for use as a textbook on comparative government in college classes; it treated the development of political institutions from ancient times to the latter part of the nineteenth century; and the governments of the principal modern European states and of the United States were described in detail.

Wilson rounded out his discussion by appending to the main body of the text a philosophical discussion of the nature and forms of government, of law and its nature and development, and of the functions and ends of government. He saw in the eternal processes of history a continual and progressive evolution of political institutions. “From the dim morning hours of history when the father was king and high priest down to this modern time of history’s high noon when nations stand “WwW. W. to James B. Angell, November 7, 1887, photostat in Baker Papers.

SW. W. to Robert Bridges, November 5, 1887, Bridges Papers. “'W. W. to James B. Angell, November 15, 1887, photostat in Baker Papers. *R. S. Baker, Woodrow Wilson, 1, 302-306. *® The State (1889 edition), p. xxxvi.

22 Formative Years forth full-grown and self-governed,” he wrote, “the law of coherence and continuity in political development has suffered no serious breach.” *"

Wilson agreed with Edmund Burke that revolution had always been followed by a fatal reaction, that “Political growth refuses to be forced.” He believed with Walter Bagehot and Herbert Spencer that the evolutions of politics had been “scarcely less orderly and coherent than those of the physical world.” °° The essential characteristic of all government,

Wilson thought, was force and authority. “There must in every instance be, on the one hand, governors, and, on the other, those who are governed.” Government, therefore, in the last analysis was “organized force.” °° This governing authority, however, depended upon the acquiescence of the general will. Wilson believed that the true nature of government could be found hidden in the nature of society; and society, he

declared, was compounded “of the common habit, an evolution of experience, an interlaced growth of tenacious relationships, a compact, living, organic whole, structural, not mechanical.” ”° T he State was not yet off the press when Wilson was invited by Albert

Bushnell Hart of Harvard University to prepare a volume for the ‘“Epochs of American History Series.” He accepted at once and hastened

to write Hart about his political point of view. “Ever since I have had independent judgments of my own I have been a Federalist,” he declared.”* His chief interest was, of course, in American political history, and the contemporary events of the political world were disheartening.

He wrote that his interest in politics had suffered a “decided collapse .. . since this reactionary [Harrison] Administration came in.” ** But this discouragement was apparently only temporary, for he proceeded to write with complete confidence in the future of democracy in the United States and in the world.** Wilson believed, too, that he had “come to himself” politically, that he had already arrived at the self-complacent stage of maturity. “The boyish feeling that I have so long had and cherished is giving place, consciously, to another feeling,” he confessed, “the feeling that I am no longer young (though not old quite!) and that I need no longer hesitate (as I have so long and sensitively done) to assert myself and my

"” ibid., tbid.,p.p.593. 575. 8 ibid. ” jbid., p. 597.

"W. W. to A. B. Hart, June 3, 1889, copy in Baker Papers.

@'W. W. to E. A. W., March 15, 1889, R. S. Baker, Woodrow Wilson, 1, 308. *° See, for example, Wilson’s review of Bryce’s American Commonwealth, in Political Science Quarterly, 1v (March 1889), 153-169.

Formative Years 23 opinions in the presence of and against the selves and opinions of old men, ‘my elders.’ ” **

Largely through the efforts of Bridges and other Princeton friends, Wilson in 1890 was elected professor of jurisprudence and political economy at his alma mater; he accepted the appointment with joy. He was a popular lecturer, a football enthusiast, and a champion of the honor system for the students at Princeton. He continued his work at the Johns Hopkins and, in addition, began lecturing on jurisprudence at the New York Law School in 1892.” He had acquired considerable standing in the academic world, moreover, and within a few years was offered the presidency of several colleges and universities.°° Three times, for example, he was invited to become the first president of the Univer-

sity of Virginia; three times he refused.”

The return to the familiar haunts at Princeton did not sufficiently satisfy Wilson to subvert his old political ambitions. He was certainly conscious of the momentous political revolution in progress in the 1890’s and often longed to be a participant in the strife. The story of the agrarian revolt of the 1890’s has been adequately chronicled by other historians. The Greenback movement, the National Grange, Populism, and Bryanism were successively the political phases of agrarian discon-

tent in the latter part of the nineteenth century. In short, a complete agrarian victory would have meant the eradication of most of the gains the industrialists and capitalists had obtained by the destruction of the southern agrarian influence in Congress that resulted from the Civil War.

Wilson’s reaction to the events of this period of political revolt 1s significant. It was of course more or less:conditioned by his own en“W. W. to E. A. W., March 9, 1889, R. S. Baker, Woodrow Wilson, 1, 315. * tbid., UW, 20.

* Among them were the University of Alabama (James E. Webb to Wilson, March II, 1901, Woodrow Wilson Papers, Library of Congress; hereinafter cited as Wilson Papers); Williams College (Richard A. Rice to Wilson, June 10, 1go1, 2bid.); Washington and Lee University (Lucian H. Cocke to Wilson, January 9, 1901, zbid.); the University of Illinois (Wilson to E. A. W., April 27, 1892, R. S. Baker, Woodrow Wilson, il, 21); the University of Nebraska and the University of Minnesota (zd:d.); and the University of Virginia. He was also offered the chair of history at the Johns Hopkins to succeed H. B. Adams (D. C. Gilman to Wilson, March 16, 1901, Wilson Papers), and the headship of the history department at the University of Chicago (Albion W. Small to Wilson, April 20, 1900, zd:d.). “W. W. to R. H. Dabney, November 10, 1902, Dabney Papers. It will be recalled that the University of Virginia had been governed previously entirely by faculty committees.

24 Formative Years vironment that was, in many respects, the proverbial “ivory tower.” He had known nothing of the hard struggle for existence that was charac-

teristic of the lives of so many of his contemporaries. He had never known economic insecurity, or poverty, or dread of the future; never had he had any intimate contact with men of the working classes. During the long period of depression and declining farm prices, which culminated in the panic of 1893, his income had risen steadily. Wilson had, it is true, arrived at a fairly definite economic and political philosophy by the end of the century, but it was a philosophy derived from historical study, not from experience in competitive struggle. Wilson, it should be noted, was never an economist. He had an attitude almost of contempt for the “dismal science” and cared even less for the study of statistics or the “laws” of economic life. For Wilson the “economic man” hardly existed; it was, rather, the “political man” who

absorbed his interest. It is significant that he thought Adam Smith, hardly an economist in the modern sense of the word, the greatest economist. Although he knew little of the science of economics, Wilson was professedly a student of political economy, and Smith, Bagehot, Cobden, and Bright-—the great British free traders—were his mentors in this field. Wilson’s economic thought was therefore of the brand of the Manchester Liberal School.°*° And, as has been previously noted, his writings of this period reveal no real comprehension of economic factors in history and the actions of men. As Norman Thomas later wrote of his former professor, “If he had ever heard Harrington’s dictum that the distribution of power follows the distribution of property, he never discussed it with his students in the classroom.” ** Another of his students has left us with the same impression. “Mr. Wilson,” wrote Frederick C. Howe, “gave us no glimpse of the economic background of the English ruling class. There was always the assumption that these public men were not moved by private gain. It was never hinted in his lectureroom that the British landed gentry, bankers, and business men enacted

laws to protect their own class and group. . . . Nor that the House of Lords was in the nature of a private corporation representative of special interests even more than the United States Senate. He was not interested in economics.” *°° See especially William Diamond’s excellent discussion in his Economic Thought of Woodrow Wiison, pp. 50-53, and passim. * Norman Thomas, “Mr. Wilson’s Tragedy and Ours,” The World Tomorrow, March

1921, p. 82. :

* Frederick C. Howe, Confessions of a Reformer, p. 38.

Formative Years 25 Wilson’s reaction to the new radicalism of the Populists and of Bryan

was consequently tempered by his already decided belief in law and order, and by his conservative economic views in general. Yet he realized the existence of, if he did not fully comprehend, the new currents of national life. In one of Wilson’s essays in 1897, for example, he saw

that there were definite economic causes for the new radicalism and wrote that there was an “unpleasant significance in the fact that the ‘East’ has made no serious attempt to understand the desire for the free coinage of silver in the ‘West’ and the South.” *” A realization of this fact, however, did not prevent Wilson from condemning emphatically the remedies proposed by the radicals. He wrote of “the crude and ignorant minds of the members of the Farmers’ Alliance” *°* and was unsparing in his criticism of Bryan and the new de-

parture the Democratic party had made in 1896. He thought the Nebraskan’s “Cross of Gold” speech ridiculous*” and believed, “We might

have had Mr. Bryan for President, because of the impression which may be made upon an excited assembly by a good voice and a few ringing sentences flung forth. . . . The country knew absolutely nothing about Mr. Bryan before his nomination, and it would not have

known anything about him afterward had he not chosen to make speeches.” *** Perhaps he at first thought of Bryan as he had thought of Andrew Jackson, whom he accused of “childish arrogance and ignorant arbitrariness” ;*°> but he soon came to believe the Commoner a sincere, if mistaken, man.’*° He of course voted the “Gold Democratic” ticket in 1896.°°*

The economic disturbances of the latter quarter of the nineteenth century were accompanied also by increasing labor unrest and by a general agitation for governmental control of the railroads and destruction of the trusts which threatened to destroy the American dream of equal-

ity of economic opportunity. Along with his belief in political conservatism, which he derived from Burke, Wilson at this period had an * “The Making of the Nation,” Atlantic Monthly, txxx (July 1897), 4, 10-113 see also

History of the American People, v, 254. , ” tbid., V, 127.

“R. S. Baker, Memorandum of a talk with Stockton Axson, March 15-16, 1927, MS in Baker Papers. ™ “The Making of the Nation,” Atlantic Monthly, txxx (July 1897), 12. “Character of Democracy in the United States,” 4m Old Master, p. 124. ™ R. S. Baker, Memorandum of a talk with Stockton Axson, March 15-16, 1927, MS in Baker Papers. “'W. W. to W. J. Bryan, April 3, 1912, Wilson Papers.

26 Formative Years abiding faith in the Smithian idea of the natural identity of interests. He believed then and for many years afterward that the activities of labor unions were inimical to the best interests of the individual laborer;*°* he revealed in his writings a hostile attitude toward the great Pullman strike of 1894."°° Yet, as William Diamond has aptly stated, “The logical consequences of Wilson’s historical conservatism and of his faith in individualism and free competition were avoided, or at least tempered, by several factors. One of the most important of these was the equalitarian tradition of American democracy.” *° Wilson, moreover, had some conception of a positive state and in certain respects recognized the necessity of an artificial identification of

interests by the state. He could write, therefore, with approval of the Interstate Commerce Act and of the general idea of railroad regulation in the public interest."** He looked with apprehension upon the growth of trusts and monopolies and feared that “there was risk of deeply serious consequence in these vast aggregations of capital, these combina-

tions of all the processes of a great industry in the hands of a single ‘Trust.’ ” He believed also that “they did give to a few men a control over the economic life of the country which they might abuse to the undoing of millions of men, it might even be to the permanent demoralization of society itself and of the government which was the instrument of society.” *””

As a consequence of this situation, Wilson was confronted with the alternative either of regulating business and industry or of seeing economic equality disappear. Yet, during this period at least, he never found his way out of the dilemma. He rejected the socialist ideal of gov-

ernment ownership of the means of production, on the one hand; and he also refused to accept the Populist program for control of the trusts because he thought it “smacked of the extremist purposes of experiment in the field of legislation.” It would be injurious to check the economic growth of the country, he wrote; yet, on the other hand, “it would not do to leave the economic liberty of the individual or the freedom and

self-respect of the workingman unprotected.” **° | On one important economic question, the tariff, Wilson was con*° See, for example, his address to the graduating class at Princeton in 1909, published in Trenton True American, June 14, 1909. ™ History of the American People, v, 239-240.

™ The Economic Thought of Woodrow Wilson, p. 57. ™ History of the American People, v, 184, 185.

“ ibid., v, 267. "8 tbid., v, 267-268.

Formative Years 27 sistent and uncompromising. In 1897 he had not changed his opinion expressed in 1882 when he advocated the repeal of all protective tariff laws and declared that protection was nothing more than a bounty to manufacturers. He does not reveal during these earlier years the penetrating insight into the alliance of big business and government—an alliance for which he would later blame the protective tarifi—but the Manchester School had no more faithful representative in America than Woodrow Wilson. He was aiso faithful to his ideal of responsible government, earlier set forth in Congressional Government. Events between 1884 and 1897 had not shaken this conviction when he addressed the Virginia State Bar Association and declared, “This is not a day of revolution; but it is a day of change, and of such change as may breed revolution, should we fail to guide and moderate it.” The great structural defect of the American system was still, he declared, “that Congress is the motive power in the government and yet has in it nowhere any representative of the nation as a whole.” *** Meanwhile the closing years of the century witnessed the emergence

of the United States as a colonial and world power. In 1898 Wilson made no public comment with regard to the Spanish-American War; but in 1899 he is reported as declaring his opposition to the annexation of the Philippines.” He was deeply concerned by the implications in America’s new imperialistic venture. “Much the most important change to be noticed is the result of the war with Spain upon the lodgment and exercise of power within our federal system,” he wrote in 1900. The war's most momentous consequence had been, he thought, “the greatly increased power and opportunity for constructive statesmanship given the President, by the plunge into international politics and into the administration of distant dependencies.” **° Wilson sensed the expansionist excitement that dominated the minds of many of his contemporaries, reasoned that the “impulse of expansion is the natural and wholesome impulse which comes with a consciousness of matured strength,” and concluded that “empire is an affair of strong government.” **’ He certainly did not share the fear of anti-imperialists “4 met at Harrisburg in July to recon-

cile their differences and reorganize the party machinery, they both hastened to endorse Wilson for the presidential nomination. The oppos-

ing groups were unable to compromise their differences, and consequently there were two Democratic state committees in Pennsylvania; each, however, stoutly contended that it was the genuine Wilson organization.’ Wilson was elated by the turn of events in Pennsylvania and immediately recognized the progressive state committee as the legitimate party organ in the state. The support of the Pennsylvania delegation at the national convention would mean a great deal, he wrote to A. Mitchell Palmer, but what meant more was the character of the men from whom he had received this endorsement.” In July Wilson yielded to the importunings of his Kentucky friends and went to Lexington to address the Kentucky Bar Association.” The following October he made an important campaign tour in Wisconsin and Texas. The trip to Wisconsin was to have a profound influence on Wilson’s future political career, chiefly because it brought him into personal contact with practically all the Democratic politicians and editors in the state and was a decisive factor in obtaining the support of Wisconsin’s delegates at the Baltimore convention. There were, however, en-

couraging signs that Wisconsin Democrats had already committed themselves to Wilson’s candidacy by the time he arrived in the state. Arriving in Madison on October 25, Wilson proceeded to give strong impetus to the Wilson-for-President movement already under way in

Wisconsin. In an address before some seven hundred leaders of the state Democratic party the following day, he praised Wisconsin as “one of the states that has led the way in the sort of reform which the whole

country desires,” and declaimed at length upon the sort of “people’s * Harrisburg Patriot, June 16, 19tt. * The conservatives were headed by Joseph M. Guffey of Pittsburgh, national committeeman; the newly organized progressives were led by Vance McCormick, A. Mitchell Palmer, Representative William B. Wilson, Roland S. Morris, George W.

Guthrie, and Francis F. Kane. | ” Jersey Journal of Jersey City, July 20, 1911. ”"'W. W. to A. M. Palmer, July 20, 1911, photostat in Wilson Papers. ” Louisville Courier-Journal, July 13, 1911.

Presidential . Movement Starts 333 government” the Democrats were determined to establish in Washington. The kind of “people’s government” Wilson was talking about, it

should be noted, was a government representative not only of the workers and farmers, but also of the middle and upper classes, and even of the “special interests”; an ideal commonwealth, a classless society in the sense that economic freedom would insure unlimited opportunity for persons in the lower classes.” Three days later, on October 28, Wilson arrived in Dallas, Texas, and proceeded to deliver several decisive blows in his own behalf.** At the

Baptist church in Dallas bishops, preachers, politicians, and laymen made up the motley crowd of five thousand men and women who heard Wilson speak again on the celebration of the three-hundredth anniversary of the translation of the Bible into English. A few hours later he was the guest of honor at a luncheon of representatives of every faction in the Texas Democracy—Bourbons and progressives, prohibitionists and wets. In the afternoon he spoke before a tremendous crowd at the state fair grounds; Senator Charles A. Culberson, one leader of

the Texas progressives, introduced Wilson and publicly declared his support of Wilson’s candidacy. During the evening Wilson went to Fort Worth and repeated his Dallas address.” In Texas, Wilson saw at first hand the results of the remarkable campaign the state Wilson-for-President organization was making. At about

the same time that the New Jersey governor made his Texas tour, an unobtrusive Texan whom he did not know and had never seen joined the Wilson ranks. Edward M. House, called “Colonel” against his own wishes, a veteran of several political campaigns in his native state, a man of progressive ideas,”® was later to become Wilson’s chief confidant and aide.

House’s chief desire was to help “make” a president, and at first he espoused the candidacy of Mayor James F. Gaynor of New York. When Gaynor’s presidential stock went down precipitously in 1911, however,

Flouse yielded to the promptings of his Austin friend, Thomas Watts "* Madison Democrat, October 27, IgIt.

As early as April, 1911, Thomas B. Love and his colleagues in the state Wilson organization had urged Wilson to come to Texas. See T. B. Love to W. W., April 18, August 5, 1911; W. W. to T. B. Love, April 24, July 31, August 8, rgrz, all in Baker

Papers. .

* Dallas Morning News, October 29, 1911. * The best summary of House’s political ideas may be found in his anonymous P&ilip Dru: Administrator, published in 1912. It reveals that House was acquainted with all the reform nostrums on the market.

334 Presidential . Movement Starts Gregory, and joined the movement for Wilson’s nomination.®*® Dis-

quieting rumors that Wilson had never voted for Bryan, and that he had even voted against Parker in 1904, were being circulated in Texas during the summer of 1911;° as Wilson was to speak in Dallas in October, House set to work to silence the rumor-spreaders. In his farst letter

to House, Wilson assured the colonel that he had voted for Bryan in 1g00 and 1908 and for Parker in 1904.°” Consequently House informed Culberson and, through him, Texas, of Wilson’s regularity.”

Wilson first heard of House through the ubiquitous Harvey, who commended the Texan to Wilson for his “sound” political views. The two men finally met on November 24, 1911, in House’s apartment in New York. It was a delightful meeting; House, however, was impressed more by Wilson’s personal amiability than by his intellect. Wilson, he wrote, was not the ablest man in public life he had met, but he would

rather “play with him” than with any prospective candidate he had

seen.”

House had a sizable independent income, and with nothing better to do than to dabble in politics he soon ingratiated himself into the inner circle of Wilson managers. House disliked the hurly-burly of practical politics, however, and his activities in the national Wilson organization were entirely advisory. Occasionally he conferred with state

and national Wilson leaders, and often he advised McCombs on the management of the campaign.*** On one occasion he brought David F.

Houston, chancellor of Washington University in St. Louis, to New York to advise Wilson on the tariff question.“ In December, 1911, House returned to Austin; during most of the winter of 1912 he was seriously ill, but as his strength returned in the early spring he now and then gave advice to the leaders of the Texas Wilson organization.

So much of legend and myth has grown up as a result of House’s subsequent mysterious relations with President Wilson that many writers have assumed that House was the “president-maker” in 1911 and *°E. M. House to T. W. Gregory, August 29, 1911, Edward M. House Papers, Library of Yale University; hereinafter cited as House Papers. “ C. A. Culberson to E. M. House, quoted in letter of E. M. House to W. W., October 16, 1911, zbid. “There is a good deal of talk now,” Culberson wrote, “‘as to Governor Wilson’s attitude to the Party in the past and it is not doing him any good.” *'W. W. to E. M. House, October 18, 1911, zbid. * E. M. House to C. A. Culberson, October 20, 1911, ibid. *°E. M. House to S. E. Mezes, November 25, 1911, ibid.

aa See, e.g., E. M. House to W. F. McCombs, February 12 and 23, March 6, 1912, sia. D. F. Houston, Eight Years in Wilson’s Cabinet, 2 vols., 1, 18-20.

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408 (Collapse of the Wilson . Movement hurried to Milwaukee and “organized a campaign down to the precincts in Wisconsin.” °° Pressure applied in the right places usually brings results in political contests; on April 2 the Wilson men succeeded in electing twenty of the twenty-four Wisconsin delegates to the Baltimore convention.”

Meanwhile, nothing disturbed Wilson more than the disquieting political situation in the South, where the rise of Oscar W. Underwood's candidacy threatened to blast Wilson’s confident expectations of carry-

ing his native region. Underwood’s candidacy was unique in that it represented the only attempt since 1860 of a resident Southerner to win

the Democratic nomination. By his thwarting of Bryan’s attempt to dictate to the Democratic Congress in the summer of 1911 and by virtue of his successful leadership in tariff reform, Underwood was catapulted

into the presidential campaign.” Although the Underwood movement began as a “favorite son” movement in Alabama, it rapidly spread through the South, and national headquarters were established in Washington early in 1912, with Senator John H. Bankhead of Alabama in command.” The encouraging beginnings of a strong Wilson movement in Alabama were wrecked when Wilson Democrats decided that it would be ill-advised to campaign against Underwood in his own state." Consequently, 100,000 Democrats gave their endorsement to Underwood at a presidential primary in April 1912, and the state convention a few weeks later instructed its delegation to vote “first, last, and all the time” for Alabama’s favorite son.” The turning point of the Democratic pre-convention campaign was the presidential primary in Illinois on April 9. Before the [linois contest had ended it had been impossible for political observers to measure the relative strength of Wilson and Clark; certainly the outcome of the campaigns in Oklahoma, Kansas, Maine, and Wisconsin revealed no decided trend toward either candidate. The Underwood campaign had got off to a booming start in the Southeast, but it was impossible yet to judge whether it would make any appreciable headway outside Ala® McCombs, Making Woodrow Wilson President, p. 96.

*' New York Times, April 3, 1912. The vote in the Wisconsin primary was Wilson, 45,945; Clark, 36,464. World Almanac, 1914, p. 727. * A. S. Link, “The Underwood Presidential Campaign of 1912,” Journal of Southern History, x1 (May, 1945), 230-234.

“Montgomery Advertiser, July 28, October 1, 1911; Birmingham Age-Herald, February 20, 1912. “ Charlotte Daily Observer, March 11, 1912, quoting Birmingham News. ° Montgomery Advertiser, April 2, 18, 1912; Birmingham Age-Herald, April 20, 1912.

Collapse of the Wilson ~Movement 409 bama. The Harmon presidential movement had already signally failed. Bryan’s relentless attacks upon the Ohio governor, his charges that Harmon was the “Wall Street” candidate and a reactionary unacceptable to progressive Democrats, had done as much as anything else to deflate the Harmon boom.” In Illinois the Wilson managers were confronted with a well-nigh hopeless situation. The Democratic party in the state had been completely wrecked by factionalism and personal politics; even the progressives were divided between the faction headed by Chicago’s mayor, Carter H. Harrison, who was supported by the Hearst newspapers, and

Chicago. |

the Democrats led by Edward F. Dunne, a “radical liberal” of the Windy City.°’ The conservatives, on the other hand, were organized into a well-oiled machine that was engineered by Roger Sullivan of Wilson’s supporters naturally attempted to obtain Harrison’s support in the pre-convention campaign; but Harrison had “an instinctive repugnance both to Wilson and to his candidacy,” and, in cooperation with the Hearst editors of Chicago, espoused Clark’s candidacy instead. Soon the Dunne faction fell into line behind Clark, and no other faction of organized Democrats remained in the field save the notorious Sullivan organization. McCombs labored hard, consequently, to win Sullivan’s support for the Wilson movement; Sullivan, however, was fighting for his political life against the Harrison-Hearst-Dunne forces and

concentrated all his resources on the struggle for control of the state party machinery. Sullivan waged a bitter fight for his nominees and spent between $40,000 and $50,000 in the primary campaign; but he refused to take sides in the presidential contest. The presidential candidates, he later recalled, were not “considered in the contest at all.” ©

Thus thwarted in his efforts to obtain the support of some Illinois Democratic organization for Wilson’s candidacy, McCombs set about the hopeless task of forming, de novo, a Wilson organization. A little group of faithful Wilson men, headed by Representative Lawrence B. Stringer, established an impromptu state Wilson headquarters; McCombs had no illusions about the Illinois situation, yet he gave the See The Commoner, December 29, 1911, April 5, 1912; also W. J. Bryan to E. H.

Moore, March 25, 1912, published in zbid., April 5, 1912. “Carter H. Harrison, II, Stormy Years, The Autobiography of Carter H. Harrison, Five Times Mayor of Chicago, p. 319. “Sullivan has told the story of the Democratic primary campaign in Illinois in Campaign Contributions, pp. 918-925; cf. Harrison’s account in his Stormy Years, pp.

315-330. :

410 Collapse of the Wilson .Movement Wilson leaders there $3,000°—‘‘more of a reward for the loyalty of their services,” he later wrote, “than anything else.” ”°

The Clark managers, on the other hand, were fully aware of their tremendous opportunity; by carrying Illinois by a decisive majority they could catapult Clark into the first place in the pre-convention campaign. The outcome of the contest hinged, of course, upon the results in Chicago, and a host of Clark speakers invaded the city. On April 4 Senator

Stone led the Clark campaigners in their attack upon Wilson. He charged that Wilson had voted against Bryan in 1896 and that he had refused to vote in 1908; he asserted that Wilson was not a sincer€ progressive and quoted the Joline letter and several of Wilson’s conservative declarations to prove his point; and he rang the changes upon Wilson’s derogatory reflections upon southern and eastern European

immigrants.” |

The Harrison and Hearst leaders, however, had the situation well in hand in Chicago, and it is doubtful whether they needed the support of Missouri Democrats. The Hearst newspapers had a field day in their constant attacks, day in and day out, upon Wilson. The entire might of the city organization was thrown into the fight for Clark by Mayor Harrison, while appeals were sent over the state to progressive Democratic

leaders to “go the limit” for Clark.” On April 8, the day before the primary, Harrison gave out a ringing statement supporting Clark and urging progressive Democrats to vote for him. “I will vote for Champ Clark at the Presidential preferential primary to-morrow,” Harrison announced, “and I urge all Progressive Democrats to give him their votes. We can win with Clark, but it is doubtful whether we could win with Wilson.” ” In a vain attempt to stem the rising Clark enthusiasm, Wilson made a hurried, last-ditch barnstorming campaign tour in Illinois on April 5

and 6. On April 5 he spoke at Bloomington, Peoria, Joliet, Dwight, Pontiac, Lincoln, Petersburg, Mason City, and Jacksonville. At Jacksonville, Bryan’s birthplace, he paused to pay tribute to Bryan; at Bloom-

ington he appealed to the progressive Republicans of Illinois to come to his aid in the struggle; at Peoria he called Hearst a “character assas° Campaign Contributions, p. 870. McCombs, Making Woodrow Wilson President, p. 101. ™ St. Louis Republic, April 5, 1912. Clark enthusiasm was spreading like wildfire in Chicago. On April 6 Clark speakers from Missouri, Stone, David R. Francis, James H. Whitecotton, and Perl D. Decker, and the ubiquitous Massachusetts radical, George Fred Williams, harangued Chicago audiences. zbid., April 7, 1912.

" tbid., April 9, 1912. ™ New York American, April 9, 1912.

Collapse of the Wilson Movement AII sin” and scored Senator Stone for serving as an agent of the great demagogue. At Joliet he answered the Clark campaigners who had declared that he was the candidate of Wall Street. “If I knew the money for the

expenses of my campaign were coming from such sources I’d be ashamed to show my face,” he said. With each successive speech, Wilson’s anger increased; at Springfield, for example, he lashed out again

at Hearst and Stone: oe

“T have heard within the last thirty minutes that in Springfield I am to be considered a dangerous man. I am told that since the announcement of my coming it has been deemed necessary to telegraph a United States senator from Missouri to come here tonight to furnish an antidote for the poison I will spread. “The one who has compounded this happens to own newspapers in several sections of the country. It has been his particular pleasure to seek to destroy every man who speaks for the Democratic party. I am

sorry a United States senator will distribute his wares.” “ | The following day Wilson renewed his attacks upon Hearst and the Clark spokesmen. After speaking in a general way about progressive democracy at Galesburg and Moline, at Sterling he made a thinly veiled allusion to the charge of “presidential combination.” “There are all sorts of rumors floating around,” he asserted, “rumors of combinations; rumors of understandings; rumors that make me feel very lonely. I don’t much care if these rumors are true or not . . . but there is a very strong

suspicion in the minds of a great part of the voters of the country that

there is a game being framed up.” After speaking at De Kalb and Rochelle, Wilson went next to Chicago, where he addressed several audiences of foreign-born voters.” From almost every aspect, Wilson’s Illinois tour was a tactical blun-

der of the first magnitude. He should have known, as McCombs certainly knew, that he could not carry the state. It is doubtful whether his defensive, almost apologetic, last-minute appeal won him any appreciable new support; and by going to Illinois in the heat of the campaign,

he inevitably created the impression that he expected to carry the primaries there. All of which emphasized and high-lighted the defeat that was bound to come.

“ Chicago Daily Tribune, April 6, 1912. , * ibid., April 7, 1912. While Wilson was in Chicago, his hotel room was entered, his luggage was rifled, and a suitcase, containing only letters, was taken. Nothing of value, which might have caught the eye of a common thief, was disturbed. Those persons acquainted with Hearst’s methods were sure that the incident was another of his exploits. See Ferdinand Lundberg, Imperial Hearst, p. 212.

4I2 Collapse of the Wilson . Movement Defeat was certain, but no casual observer, probably not even the Clark managers themselves, had anticipated the amazing Clark landslide that swept the Illinois primaries on April 9. Wilson carried only the sixteenth, the Peoria, district and lost the state to Clark by the staggering vote of 75,527 to 218,483.'° Wilson’s managers were dismayed by

the crushing blow, yet McCombs attempted to rationalize the defeat, even capitalize upon it. “The defeat in Illinois simply means that we must fight the harder,” he declared in New York, the morning after the primary election. “It ought to show plainly enough for anybody to understand that a vote for Clark means a vote for Hearst. Does the Democratic party want to name as its choice a marionette of Hearst? . . . This is not the end of the fight by any means. It is going to solidify the Wilson sentiment and bring the issues to a point.” Then McCombs added a damaging remark that he later vainly tried to repudiate and disavow. “I would wear my hands to the bone in the Republican party,” he continued, “rather than work for Champ Clark as Democratic candidate for the Presidency, with the possibility of William Randolph Hearst as Secretary of State.’ I know a thousand other good Democrats that would do the same.” * To old-line Democratic regulars, this was about the most immoral thing McCombs could have said! Clark and his spokesmen were of course jubilant over their victory. “From this day forward every person of intelligence cannot fail to recognize the fact that the Speaker’s campaign is neither visionary nor foredoomed,” asserted, prophetically, the leading Clark spokesman in

the Midwest. “It is the lustiest of them all... . The Illinois verdict takes Champ Clark out of the favorite son class and places him at once in the lead.” *® When Clark entered the House of Representatives on the

morning after the Illinois primary he was wildly cheered by Democratic representatives as the “next President.” *° Clark’s victory in Illinois was the most important single event of the

pre-convention campaign. Before the Illinois primary it had been generally assumed that Wilson would enter the Baltimore convention with

World Almanac, 1914, p. 727. ,

™ “T am profoundly grateful to all who aided in carrying Illinois for me,” Clark telegraphed to the editor of the New York American on April 9. “Among them was the powerful influence of the Hearst newspapers, which have stood by me loyally, manfully and unselfishly from the beginning from Massachusetts to California.” Published in the New York American, April 10, 1912. ® Trenton True American, April 11, 1912. For the official statement from the Wilson headquarters in New York on the Illinois primary results, see the New York Times, April 11, 1912.

” St. Louis Republic, April 10, 1912. © Baltimore Sun, April 11, 1912.

Collapse of the Wilson Movement 413 at least a majority of the delegates.** The shock was all the more severe,

therefore, when it became suddenly apparent after April g that it was Clark, not Wilson, who was the most formidable Democratic candidate; that Clark could now probably command the support of a majority of the Democratic voters. Only six states had selected their delegates to the Baltimore convention before April 9, and the lesson of the Illinois primary was not lost upon the Democratic politicians in the other forty-

one states, many of whom were waiting for some such indication of popular sentiment as the Illinois primary afforded. The anti-Wilson edi-

tors took new hope for the future and now predicted that the Wilson movement had received its death-blow. “The back of the Wilson movement was broken yesterday in Illinois . . . ,” James Smith’s newspaper taunted. “Gov. Wilson will serve out his term.” * The Wilson spokesmen were at a loss to find some way to counteract the growing conviction among Democrats that Clark’s nomination was

inevitable. One Wilson editor endeavored to find comfort in the thought that Wilson had been defeated in Illinois by “a gang that Sir John Falstaff would not be seen in Coventry with”;®* but that was a hopeless sort of rationalization. Several Wilson spokesmen attempted to

make McCombs the scapegoat of the affair. It had been apparent for weeks, wrote a Charleston editor, that McCombs was ill-fatted for the management of the Wilson campaign. “With practical management the nomination of Governor Wilson at Baltimore ought to have been a certainty,” the editor asserted. “He was the best advertised of all the candidates. He was conceded by every one to have a long lead in the race. There was no excuse for the Wilson forces having lost Illinois to Clark by such an overwhelming vote.” ** Several days after the Illinois primary the New York state Democratic convention met in New York City; it was dominated completely by the

boss of Tammany Hall, Charles F. Murphy, who dictated the election of eighty-six district delegates and four delegates-at-large. It was also a defeat for the Wilson progressives, led by O’Gorman and Franklin D. Roosevelt, for Murphy was openly hostile to Wilson’s candidacy.” The one bright spot on the pre-convention map in mid-April was Pennsylvania, where both the progressive and conservative factions of the Democratic party had come out in support of Wilson’s candidacy. * New York Times, April 11, 1912. © Newark Evening Star, April 10, 1912. * Nashville Banner, May 2, 1912. * Charleston (S.C.) News and Courier, April 13, 1912. © New York World, April 12, 1912.

AIA ( ollapse of the Wilson Movement Two days before the presidential primary in that state, Wilson went to Pittsburgh to put the finishing touches upon his campaign in Pennsylvania. National Committeeman Joseph F. Guffey, old-guard leader of the conservative Democratic faction, ostentatiously presided at the gathering that Wilson addressed on April 10. His speech was a repetition of his old stock-in-trade encomiums on popular government;”° yet it was —=—>=:

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“Tl Join That Procession” Macauley in New York World

campaign committee; and Jerry South, a former Clark manager in Arkansas, was chief of a mysterious special organization that worked to

bring the foreign-born voters within the Democratic fold.” The best description of the Chicago headquarters is Arthur Krock’s article in the Louisville Times, September 13, 1912.

484 Presidential Campaign of 1912 The strain and excitement of the campaign soon proved too great a tax upon McCombs; he collapsed on August 12 and left soon afterward, “vellow-skinned, hollow-eyed and emaciated,” *' for an extended rest in the Adirondacks. McAdoo immediately assumed the generalship of the campaign, and under his direction Morgenthau, Ewing, and Wells

set to work to raise the money for the campaign. Ewing worked through the newspaper editors, and by November some 210 daily and 800 weekly newspapers were collecting campaign contributions from their readers. Morgenthau and McAdoo persuaded the banks and trust companies to receive contributions to the campaign funds of the three major parties, and the system worked remarkably well.°° For the first

time in an American political campaign, Morgenthau instituted a budget system for campaign expenditures; the system was so successful that by January 1, 1913, all bills had been paid and there was a balance

of $25,000 in the national committee’s treasury.” , At the very outset of the campaign, Wilson insisted that Morgenthau and McAdoo should not solicit contributions from corporations, that no money should be accepted from men who expected to receive political

compensation for their gifts, that special attention should be paid to small contributors, and in particular that three wealthy Democrats (presumably Morgan, Belmont, and Ryan) should not be allowed to contribute to the campaign fund.” Wilson’s dictum was generally adhered to by the campaign committee: no contributions from corporations were received; Morgan, Belmont, and Ryan did not besmirch the Democratic fund with their fortunes; and the campaign committee tried sincerely to win the financial support of the great mass of Democratic voters. There were great “dollar drives,” and time and again appeals were sent out to the voters, reminding them that as Wilson was the people’s candidate, they stood obligated to support his campaign with their own small contributions. When one considers the really tremendous effort made by the Demo-

cratic newspapers to make the campaign fund drive a truly popular affair, it must be concluded that the mass appeal was a disappointing failure. The campaign of 1912, in short, was not financed by small contributors; and had the campaign committee depended upon “the *'M. F. Lyons, William F. McCombs, p. 124. Houston Post, August 19, 1912. * Rolla Wells, Report of the Treasurer of the Democratic National Committee (1913), p. 171; hereinafter cited as Treasurer's Report. ”® Henry Morgenthau, All In @ Life-Time, pp. 152-153; New York Times, August 10, 1912.

Presidential Campaign of 1912 485 people” for financial support, the party would have been bankrupt indeed in November. A total of 89,854 persons contributed to the national fund. Some 88,229 contributors gave less than $100, while 1,625 contributed in amounts greater than $100. Of the total sum subscribed, $1,110,952.25, less than one-third, $318,909.50, came from the small contributors. The 1,625 persons who gave over $100 contributed a total of $729,042.75;"" 155 contributors gave $508,708, or almost half of the entire campaign fund. The forty contributors giving $5,000 or

over contributed $364,950 to the fund, considerably more than the total given by 88,229 contributors! It was largely the same old story, therefore, of a few rich men financ-

ing a presidential campaign, except that in 1912 the ogres of Wall Street—Morgan, Belmont, and Ryan—were outlawed by the candidate

and the burden fell upon other and perhaps more progressive men of wealth. The inscrutable Charles R. Crane, who had largely financed La Follette’s pre-convention campaign, gave $40,000 and was the largest contributor. Cleveland H. Dodge sank $35,000 more into the political future of his friend; Jacob H. Schiff contributed $12,500, while Samuel Untermeyer gave $10,000. One of the nation’s leading brewers, Jacob Ruppert, gave $10,000; Bernard M. Baruch, wealthy stockbroker, con-

tributed $12,500. The Jones brothers, Thomas D. and David B., of the “Harvester Trust” in Chicago, gave $20,000, while Cyrus H. McCormick, president of the trust, contributed $12,500.” It is perhaps coincidental but nevertheless interesting that Wilson never once de-

nounced the harvester trust in his campaign speeches, although he criticized freely several of the other leading trusts. Morgenthau gave $10,000, making a total of $30,000 he had invested in Wilson’s political

career; John Barton Payne of Chicago, $15,000; James W. Gerard of New York, afterward Wilson’s ambassador to Germany, $13,000. The bosses of the reactionary Democratic machine in Kentucky invested $12,500 in future federal patronage, while the conservative leader

™ Rolla Wells, Treasurer’s Report, p. 3. ™ See ibid., pp. 3-34, for the list of contributors who gave $100 or more.

When Bryan heard of McCormick’s contribution, however, he strongly urged the Democratic managers to return the contribution. W. J. Bryan, MS memorandum on the McCormick contribution, dictated October 16, 1912, in the William Jennings Bryan

Papers, Library of Congress. ,

The report of the McCormick contribution evoked considerable criticism elsewhere and, at the initiative of Cleveland H. Dodge and McCormick himself, was returned on October 22. See C. H. Dodge to C. H. McCormick, October 22, 1912, Bryan Papers; also Wilson’s statement on the matter in the Baltimore Sun, October 26, 1912.

486 Presidential Campaign of 1912 of the West Virginia Democracy, Senator Clarence W. Watson, contributed $7,500." In the campaign headquarters in New York there was a great deal of petty discord and jealousy. McCombs was ill, irritable, and bitterly jealous of McAdoo; McAdoo was ambitious and chafed at the necessity of working under McCombs, whose wretched health from the outset of the campaign prevented him from assuming active leader-

ship of the organization. After his physical collapse in August, McCombs seemed to grow suspicious of almost everyone in any way con-

nected with the campaign, and in his abnormal mental state concluded that McAdoo was secretively endeavoring to undermine him in Wilson’s favor;"° it was a suspicion, incidentally, that probably was wellfounded. McCombs recovered sufficiently to return to New York by

the middle of October, but of course by then most of the campaign work had already been done. McCombs in his memoirs tells us that he found McAdoo sitting at his desk, and that he ordered him out of his

office! *° |

In spite of the hopeless confusion and discord in the leadership of the campaign, the various bureaus in New York and Chicago did an efficient job, and it is difficult to see that the McCombs-McAdoo feud interfered with the progress of the campaign which, after all, was being carried on largely by the Democratic organizations within the states. The Democrats, moreover, were not hamstrung by a lack of funds necessary to the prosecution of an effective campaign, as had so often been the case when Bryan was the nominee. The New York headquarters spent and distributed the lion’s share, $828,122.79, of the $1,110,952 fund. Some $236,178 was distributed among the various local Democratic leaders, for the state campaigns; Daniels’ publicity

bureau expended almost $95,000, while an additional $116,174 was “Rolla Wells, Treasurer’s Report, passim. ®M. F. Lyons, William F. McCombs, p. 1209.

7W.F. McCombs, Making Woodrow Wilson President, p. 193. McAdoo saw the root of McCombs’s trouble as a psychological maladjustment resulting from a split personality. Crowded Years, pp. 114-117. Tumulty thought sheer personal jealousy of McAdoo actuated McCombs to “every contemptible and underhand method.” Woodrow Wilson As I Know Him, p. 136. Baker saw McCombs as the symbol of the patronagehungry Democrats. Woodrow Wilson, 11, 413. Lyons knew the man better than any other person and has left a fitting commentary on the McCombs-McAdoo controversy: “Poor McCombs—few seemed to understand his condition.” Because he gave the best

that he had during the pre-convention and presidential campaigns, he had become desperately ill, and all his actions must be judged in light of this fact. William F. McCombs, pp. 146-147.

Presidential Campaign of 1912 487 spent for “shipping and documents.” Nearly $133,000 was lavished, and

for the most part wasted, on the foreign-born and Negro voters.’ The total expenditures of the Chicago headquarters, $206,273, were slight as compared to the expenses of the New York organization, chiefly because the latter carried the heavy burden of publication and local campaign expenses. In Chicago another $13,000 was expended to corral the foreign-born vote; almost $38,000 was spent to convert labor to the Wilson cause; the senatorial campaign committee spent almost $22,000."°

Early in August Wilson confidently announced that he would not engage in “swings around the circle” through the country, and above all that he would not speak from the rear platforms of railroad cars. “I intend to discuss principles and not men,” he declared, “and I will make speeches only in such debatable States where I accept invitations from the party leaders.” ‘° Long stumping tours he now thought were neither dignified nor impressive; he hoped, however, that Bryan would stump the country for him. Wilson’s naive expectation that he could escape the rigors of a national campaign evoked strong protests from

his managers and from Democratic newspapers, who warned that 1912 was no time for front-porch campaigns and that he, too, must share the burden of carrying the Democratic appeal to the voters.*°

During the latter part of August, Wilson made three speeches in New Jersey, but it was actually not until September that he really opened the speaking phase of his campaign. He delivered a diatribe against tariff protection—one of the worst speeches of his public career —at Washington Park, on August 15.°* Four days later, at Schutzen Park, in Union Hill, he spoke before an uproarious crowd of German-

Americans who drank beer and consumed huge quantities of food while he spoke; he had just begun an inspiring address when the noise of four German brass bands drove him off the speaker’s platform.” On August 20 he told a gathering of Mercer County Democrats that there was no man who could say that “the representatives of privilege made the nomination at Baltimore.” * Certainly there was no indication in either of these three New Jersey addresses of the kind of campaign Wilson would make, or of the great 7 Rolla Wells, Treasurer’s Report, p. 172.

® ibid., p. 173. ” New York World, August 4, 1912. ® Jersey Journal of Jersey City, August 12, 1912.

* New York Times, August 16, 1912. * sbid., August 20, 1912. % Trenton True American, August 21, 1912.

488 Presidential Campaign of 1912 issues he would emphasize most heavily. He had declared at Trenton that the chief issue of the campaign was privilege versus equal rights; but this was a threadbare and vague theme and he wisely decided not to repeat his mistakes of the pre-convention campaign by basing his appeal upon a demand that the government be returned to the people, whatever that might mean. He seemed undecided, searching about for some great issue to carry to the people. On August 28 occurred a meeting at Sea Girt that was to have momentous consequences for the presidential campaign and for the whole course of domestic reform during the Wilson administration. Louis D. Brandeis and Wilson met for the first time. Brandeis, one of the leading progressive lawyers in the country, was also probably the outstanding authority on monopoly control and railroad regulation; he was, besides, the chief spokesman of the philosophy of regulated competition, unhampered enterprise, and economic freedom for the small businessman. “The record of Mr. Louis D. Brandeis as a defender of the public welfare against the aggressions of the special interests,” admitted Roosevelt’s leading editorial spokesman, “has been such as

to entitle anything that he may say concerning the trusts to a considerate hearing.” ™*

Brandeis came for lunch and remained to confer with Wilson for

three hours. It was an altogether delightful meeting; Brandeis at once converted Wilson to the proposition that he make his campaign upon the issue of the restoration of competition and free enterprise by means of the regulation and control of competition itself. “I found Gov. Wilson a man capable of broad, constructive statesmanship,” Brandeis afterward declared, “and I found him to be entirely in accord with my own views of what we need to do to accomplish industrial freedom.” » No one would assert that it was Brandeis who first stirred Wilson’s interest in the trust problem; as early as 1906, in his Jamestown speech,

Wilson had indicated his growing concern over the problem. The important fact about his relationship with Brandeis is the fundamental “ Outlook, cur (September 28, 1912), 146.

* New York Times, August 29, 1912. When a reporter asked why he had left the La Follette ranks and joined the Wilson movement, Brandeis declared that he believed the Democratic party offered the best hope of legislation for industrial freedom. The Roosevelt party, he continued, would fail because it proposed to regulate monopoly and thus make legal that which was illegal. “We must undertake to regulate competition

instead of monopoly, for our industrial freedom and our civic freedom go hand in hand and there is no such thing as civic freedom in a state of industrial absolutism.”

Presidential Campaign of 1912 489 change in Wilson’s attitude that occurred as a result of the association. In 1906—indeed until his conferences with Brandeis—Wilson insisted

that only by making corporation officials personally responsible for their monopolistic practices could the problem of trust control be met. It was a simple and totally innocuous approach to the problem, a carryover from Wilson’s reactionary phase; the truth was that he was dis-

mally ignorant on the subject until Brandeis outlined his program for the regulation of competition to him. It was, moreover, a happy coincidence that Wilson’s and Brandeis’s fundamental objectives, the establishment of unhampered competition and the liberation of economic

enterprise in the United States, were the same. It is not surprising, therefore, that Wilson time and again went to him for advice with regard to the specific ways of regulating competition. He was an avid student and rapidly absorbed all that Brandeis taught him.

During the pre-convention campaign Wilson had approached the problem of monopoly regulation with singular timidity. He had denounced the trusts often enough; he had warned his listeners of the impelling necessity of doing something effective to restore competition;

he had declared that the protective tariff had spawned the trusts. Yet his total effort of the pre-convention campaign had been merely to describe the conditions of American economic life, and progressive leaders had been doing exactly this for many years. The core of the problem-was the method by which monopoly could be prevented and free competition might be restored—and this was where Wilson had demonstrated his most appalling ignorance. Because Brandeis understood the problem thoroughly, because he was ready with a definite plan for the bridling of monopoly, he became the chief architect of Wilson’s New Freedom. After his first interview with Brandeis, for example, Wilson spoke with new confidence on the subject. “Both

of us have as an object the prevention of monopoly,” he declared. “Monopoly is created by unregulated competition, by competition that overwhelms all other competitions, and the only way to enjoy industrial freedom is to destroy that condition.” New words, these, for Woodrow

Wilson! | |

In his first important speech of the campaign, after the acceptance speech, Wilson sounded the keynote of his new appeal. He spoke on Labor Day to 10,000 workers at Buffalo, and for the first time he dealt with specific issues and proposals. Roosevelt, he asserted, was “a selfappointed divinity,’ whose proposal to legalize and regulate the trusts by a “Board of Experts,” which would inevitably be controlled by

Ago Presidential Campaign of 1912 the trust leaders themselves, offered nothing but slavery for the “wage slaves” (he used the term) of the United States. Thus, he continued: “As to the monopolies, which Mr. Roosevelt proposes to legalize

and to welcome, I know that they are so many cars of juggernaut, and I do not look forward with pleasure to the time when the juggernauts are licensed and driven by commissioners of the United

States. ...

“And what has created these monopolies? Unregulated competition. It has permitted these men to do anything they choose to do to squeeze their rivals out and crush their rivals to the earth. We know the proc-

esses by which they have done those things. We can prevent these processes through remedial legislation, and so restrict the wrong use of competition that the right use of competition will destroy monopoly.

Ours is a programme of liberty; theirs a programme of regulation. “T want you workingmen to grasp that point, because I want to say to you right now that the programme I propose does not look quite so much like acting as a Providence for you as the other programme looks. I want frankly to say to you that I am not big enough to play Providence, and my objection to the other plan is that I do not believe there is any man who is big enough to play Providence. .. . If you want a great struggle for liberty, that will cost you blood, adopt the Roosevelt regulation programme, put yourself at the disposal of a Providence resident at Washington, and then see what will come of it.”

Those sections of the Progressive platform demanding social justice and a square deal for the common man, Wilson admitted, expressed warm sympathy for “practically every project of social betterment to which men and women of broad sympathies are now turning with generous purpose.” On the other hand, the proposals in the platform to retain the protective tariff and to license and regulate monopolies were so dangerous, so fraught with dreadful implications, that they completely overshadowed the commendable features of the Progressive program.

He objected to Roosevelt’s trust and labor program, Wilson continued, because it was paternalistic, because it would inevitably mean

that workingmen would become wards of the federal government. “My kind of leading will not be telling other people what they have got to do,” he added. “By leading I mean finding out what the interests

of the community are agreed to be, and then trying my level best to find the methods of solution by common counsel. That is the only feasible programme of social uplift that I can imagine.”

Presidential Campaign of 1912 4gt “When you have thought the whole thing out, therefore,” he continued, “you will find that the programme of the new party legalizes monopolies and systematically subordinates workingmen to them and to plans made by the Government, both with regard to employment and with regard to wages. By what means, except open revolt, could we ever break the crust of our life again and become free men, breathing an air of our own, choosing and living lives that we wrought out for ourselves? Perhaps this new and all-conquering combination between money and government would be benevolent to us, perhaps it would carry out the noble programme of social betterment, which so many credulously expect of it, but who can assure us of that? Who will give bond that it will be general and gracious and pitiful and righteous? What man or set of men can make us secure under it by their empty promise and assurance that it will take care of us and be good?” *°

Thus, in his first major campaign address, Wilson indicated the path he was to follow throughout the summer and fall of 1912. His education in monopoly control, however, had just begun. He understood clearly enough now that monopoly was the result of unregulated competition, but what exactly, he wondered, did Brandeis mean by “unregulated competition”? More specifically, he asked, how could

the federai government regulate competition so as to prevent monopoly? On September 27 he conferred with Brandeis in Boston and discussed these problems at length. After the meeting Wilson sent a telegram to Brandeis, requesting him to “set forth as explicitly as possible the actual measures by which competition can be effectively regu-

lated.” “The more explicit we are on this point,” he added, “the more completely will the enemies’ guns be spiked.” *” Brandeis replied on September 28 by sending Wilson copies of two

articles he had written for Collier’s Weekly.”- Two days later he sent Wilson a large quantity of material that embodied his own researches and ideas on the trust problem. One item was entitled “Memo on La Follette Anti-Trust Bill,’ which proposed a number of specific amend-

ments to the Sherman law in order to make federal control really effective. Another item, entitled “Suggestions for letter of Governor Wilson on Trusts,” summarized all of Brandeis’s proposals and ideas

with regard to trust control. From this lengthy statement Wilson © tbid., September 3, 1912.

7" W.W. to L. D. Brandeis, September 27, 1912, copy in Baker Papers. *'L. D. Brandeis to W. W., September 28, 1912, copy in ibid.

492 Presidential Campaign of 1912 drew all of his ideas that he expressed during the presidential campaign, although in certain important respects he did not go as far as Brandeis had suggested. Brandeis’s approach to the question is revealed

in the following opening paragraphs: “You have asked me to state what the essential difference is between the Democratic Party’s solution of the Trust Problem and that of the New Party; and how to propose to ‘regulate competition.’ My answer is this: “The two parties differ fundamentally regarding the economic policy which the country should pursue. The Democratic Party insists that competition can be and should be maintained in every branch of private

industry; that competition can be and should be restored in those branches of industry in which it has been suppressed by the trusts; and

that, if at any future time monopoly should appear to be desirable in any branch of industry, the monopoly should be a public one—a monopoly owned by the people and not by the capitalists. The New Party, on the other hand, insists that private monopoly may be desirable

in some branches of industry, or at all events, is inevitable; and that existing trusts should not be dismembered or forcibly dislodged from those branches of industry in which they have already acquired a monopoly, but should be made ‘good’ by regulation. In other words, the New Party declares that private monopoly in industry is not necessarily evil, but may do evil; and that legislation should be limited to such laws and regulations as should attempt merely to prevent the doing of evil. The New Party does not fear commercial power, however great, if only methods for regulation are provided. We believe that no methods of regulation ever have been or can be devised to remove the menace inherent in private monopoly and overweening commercial power. “This difference in the economic policy of the two parties is fundamental and irreconcilable. It is the difference between industrial liberty and industrial absolutism, tempered by governmental (that

is, party) supervision.” "| After his Labor Day speech at Buffalo, Wilson became the leading political spokesman of Brandeis’s program for the regulation of compe-

tition. On the other hand, it was Norman Hapgood, progressive crusader, Hearst’s chief editorial antagonist, exposer of patent medicine “LL. D. Brandeis, “Suggestions for letter of Governor Wilson on Trusts,’ MS in Baker Papers; also L. D. Brandeis, “Memo on La Follette Anti-Trust Bill,’ MS in zdzd., and L. D. Brandeis to W. W., September 30, 1912, zbid.

Presidential Campaign of 1912 493 frauds, and editor of Collier's Weekly, who became Brandeis’s chief journalistic mouthpiece. Hapgood had supported Wilson’s candidacy since the beginning of the pre-convention campaign; during the summer of 1912 he invited Brandeis to write a series of articles on the monopoly question for the Weekly. What a remarkable combination

it was, this Brandeis-Hapgood team! Not only did Brandeis write the articles”? that furnished Wilson with much of his campaign ammunition; he also wrote the editorials that Hapgood published in his editorial columns.”* The ideas embodied in many of Wilson’s campaign

utterances, therefore, can also be traced directly to the pages of Collier's Weekly, which became for a time the leading Democratic spokesman in the fall of 1912.” Wilson’s address to-the workers of Buffalo was the opening blast

of a full-fledged campaign to win the forty-five electoral votes of New York State. On September 4 he went to New York City, where he spoke before a group of foreign language newspaper editors and proclaimed a new standard for immigration legislation. “If we can

hit upon a standard which admits every voluntary immigrant,” he ” They are as follows: “Trusts, Efficiency, and the New Party,” Collier’s Weekly, xuix (September 14, 1912), 14-15; “Trusts, the Export Trade, and the New Party,” tbid., u (September 21, 1912), 10-11; see also L. D. Brandeis, “Labor and the New Party

Trust Program,” La Follette’s Weekly Magazine, 1 (October 12, 1912), 6-8, 19-22. Spatial limitations prohibit a discussion of Brandeis’s views in this study; his articles, however, have been published in two volumes, Business a Profession, and Other People’s Money. ™ See, e. g., L. D. Brandeis to N. Hapgood, October 2, 1912, copy in Baker Papers; also

L. D. Brandeis to R. S. Baker, July 23, 1928, 1d. The editorials written by Brandeis were “Monopoly,” Collier’s Weekly, September 7, 1912; “Labor and the Trusts,” idd., September 14, 1912; “The Wastes of Monopoly,” ibid., September 21, 1912; “Concentration,” zizd., October 5, 1912; and “The Method,” zb:d., October 19, 1912. Robert J. Collier, publisher of Collier’s Weekly, was an ardent supporter and intimate friend of Roosevelt. Collier finally lost patience with Hapgood’s campaign for Wilson’s election, ousted him from the editorship of the Weekly, assumed the editorship himself, and converted the magazine into a leading Roosevelt sheet. The issue of October 19, 1912, was the last that Hapgood edited. Collier explained the reason for his break with Hapgood in the issue of November 2: “He [Collier] believes that Collier’s attitude in the campaign just closing has not been true to its own best traditions. It has been captious, unresponsive, even sneering. Since the owner’s opinion did not coincide with the former editor’s, he has decided to edit his own paper according to his own convictions.” Collier's Weekly, 1 (November 2, 1912), 10. Hapgood contended, however, that political differences had not caused the rupture. He had resigned from the editorship of the magazine, he asserted, because Collier had allowed the advertising manager to dictate the editorial policy of the Weekly. “When I saw Mr. Collier break the custom of years by seeking occasions to interfere with me,” Hapgood continued, “I knew its meaning and acted at once.” New York Times, October 19, 1912.

494 Presidential Campaign of 1912 declared, “and excludes those who have not come of their own motion, with their own purpose of making a home and career for themselves, but have been induced by steamship companies or others to come in

order to get the passage money, then we will have what we will all agree upon.” °° Later in the day he spoke before a group of plainly dressed members of the Woodrow Wilson Working Men’s League.”* On September g he returned to New York, where he participated in three conferences at the campaign headquarters, made four speeches, helped to organize a Pure Food League, and visited McCombs, who was convalescing in Flushing.®°

Meanwhile, an alarming rupture in the Democratic party in New York had developed soon after the Baltimore convention. It threatened to split the state party wide open and endanger Wilson’s prospects of carrying the state in November. The difficulty was caused by the rebel-

lion of a group of progressive Democratic leaders against Murphy’s inexorable dominance of the state party through his control of the Tammany machine. A small group of progressive Democratic legislators in the spring of 1911 had successfully thwarted Murphy’s efforts

to obtain the election of William F. Sheehan to the United States Senate, and had forced the election of James A. O’Gorman. After Wilson’s nomination they gathered in New York on July 17 and, under the leadership of State Senator Franklin D. Roosevelt, bolted the regular

Democratic organization, organized the Empire State Democratic party, and promised to nominate a full slate of candidates for the elec-

tion of state officials in November and to rid the state of Tammany control.°®

The chief newspaper spokesman ‘of the anti-Tammany rebels was the New York World, which began a tremendous pressure campaign in September to discredit the Murphy machine and drive it from power. On September 11 the World let go with the following blast: “A political party that permits itself to be bossed by a Murphy is corrupt. A political party that permits itself to be bossed by Murphy is unfit to govern. A political party that permits itself to be bossed by Murphy gives the lie to the Democratic National Convention. It gives the lie to the platform adopted at Baltimore. It gives the lie to the ticket nominated at Baltimore. There is no common ground for men who *° New York World, September 5, 1912.

New York Times, September 5, 1912.

* ibid., September 10, 1912. ° New York World, July 18, 1912.

Presidential Campaign of 1912 495 believe in the Woodrow Wilson kind of Democracy and for men who believe in the Charles F. Murphy kind of Democracy. “All that The World said in its Declaration of Independence editorial Saturday (September 7) it wishes to repeat with the utmost emphasis. Not only shall we refuse to support a candidate for Governor ... who does not measure up to the political standards of Woodrow Wilson, but we shall use every honorable effort to defeat such a ticket. “Murphy must go. So far as The World is concerned, he has already gone. If there is a Democratic machine in this State that is determined to retain him, it must take the consequences of its own folly and corruption.” When it became apparent that Murphy was determined to renominate Governor John A. Dix, the World announced that it would oppose his election; a group of up-state progressive Democratic newspapers, including the Rochester Herald, Knickerbocker Press of Albany,

Syracuse Post-Standard, and Troy Times announced that they, too, would support the anti- Tammany Democrats.

Such was the political situation in the state when Wilson went to Syracuse on September 12 as the guest of the New York state fair com-

mittee. Actually he walked into a trap set for him by the state fair commissioner, George W. Driscoll, and by Murphy and Dix. He had accepted the invitation to go to Syracuse, expecting to meet only Driscoll and to make a non-partisan speech at the state fair grounds; on his arrival in the city, however, he found that he was the guest also of Murphy, Dix, the entire state Democratic committee, and the association of Democratic county chairmen. The whole affair at Syracuse resembled more an opéra bouffe than a serious political gathering. Driscoll, for example, paraded Wilson in company with Murphy to the grandstand in the fair grounds. When Wilson mounted the open-air stand to make his speech, Murphy remained in the crowd below; but he and several other Tammany bosses surreptitiously climbed to the platform after Wilson had begun his speech. When the Democratic politicians afterward went to the Democratic clubhouse in Syracuse, Murphy, who had already arrived, hid in the bushes until Wilson passed; after the 200 politicians had sat down with Wilson at the tables on the porch for lunch, Driscoll went outside, brought Murphy in, and seated him close to Wilson. There were deviled crabs and mutton in plenty, but Wilson ate only a piece

of bread and left the table before Murphy had begun to eat. After

496 Presidential Campaign of 1912 lunch, Wilson was taken to the auditorium where he was to address the state and county politicians. The doors were locked behind him and he found himself alone with Dix; an ex-prize fighter stood guard at the door. For ten minutes Dix and Wilson were alone in the room; Dix talked and Wilson, sitting grim and silent, listened. When the Democratic committeemen were finally admitted, they found Wilson sitting by himself in a corner of the room. Wilson’s address before the New York leaders was brief, but it was

packed with political dynamite. He mentioned neither Dix’s nor Murphy’s name, yet he intimated bluntly that the New York Democrats should rid themselves of the incubus of Murphy. “The example of New York State,” he declared, “is marked as perhaps the example of no other State is marked, and the people are waiting to see—I mean the people of the Nation are waiting to see—if we have our eyes open and see the lesson and the duty, or I should prefer to say, the privileges

of the time.” *” }

After Wilson’s snubbing of Murphy and Dix at Syracuse, the progressive Democratic leaders in the state took new courage and were soon demanding that Wilson openly repudiate Murphy and the entire Tammany gang.”* Certainly Wilson understood the gravity of the situation; yet he had promised soon after the Baltimore convention that he would not interfere with the affairs of the various state organiza-

tions, and how could he repudiate Murphy and Dix without breaking his pledge? Such interference on Wilson’s part might be dangerous, besides, for it might cause Murphy to knife the Wilson-Marshall ticket in November, as David B. Hill had betrayed Cleveland in 1892. Wilson, on the other hand, was being driven irresistibly by his own convictions and by his progressive New York advisers, O'Gorman and

McAdoo, to a repudiation, evasive though it was, of the Tammany machine. On September 23 he conferred with McAdoo and announced

his determination to enter the fight against Murphy. “I will put my foot down and put it down hard,” he was reported to have said, “against

boss control of the New York State situation.” McAdoo hastened to Democratic headquarters in New York with a warning from Wilson that he would not tolerate Dix’s renomination.”? A week later, Wilson gave to the New York newspapers a statement that left no doubt as to where he stood. The country, he declared, expected the New York ” New York Times, September 13, 1912. *° New York World, September 23, 1912. ” tbid., September 24, 1912.

Presidential Campaign of 1912 497 Democrats to be free in making their choice for governor; he believed they were “ready to choose a progressive man of a kind to be his own master and to adopt a platform to which men of progressive principles everywhere can heartily subscribe, if only . . . [the party] be left free

from personal control of any sort.” The entire country would feel a chill of disappointment should the New York Democracy fail to subscribe to the progressive principles of the party.*°° On the afternoon of October 3, the Democrats of New York gathered in state convention in Syracuse. O’Gorman was there as Wilson’s personal representative and informed Murphy that the entire national organization was opposed to Dix’s renomination. Murphy, much to everyone’s surprise, decided to capitulate; consequently, on the fourth ballot

Representative William Sulzer of New York City was nominated for governor.’’* The progressives were enormously pleased by their seeming victory over the Tammany Tiger. The New York World and the New York Times immediately declared that Sulzer was the choice of a majority of the New York Democrats and that they would support

him heartily, while F. D. Roosevelt’s protest party, the Empire State Democrats, which had already nominated a full slate of state candidates ten days before, withdrew its ticket and pledged support to Sulzer and the regular Democratic nominees." Of course it was only a superficial victory that Wilson had won over Murphy, for Tammany’s control of the Democratic party in the state had hardly been

jarred, much less ended. Yet it was a spectacular demonstration of Wilson’s commanding influence in party councils; moreover, it gave an effective reply to Theodore Roosevelt’s oft-repeated charge that the Democratic party was boss-ridden and boss-controlled.

In the meantime, Wilson had been forced again to play the role of a chastiser of bosses when his old antagonist, James Smith, announced that he would be a candidate for the Democratic senatorial nomination in New Jersey.’*? The difficulty was not so much that Smith was a candidate, but that three of Wilson’s close friends and supporters, John W. Wescott, William Hughes, and William C. Gebhardt, had entered the contest, and each was stoutly contending that he was the Wilson candidate. If all three progressives insisted upon making the canvass, Smith would inevitably be nominated because ™ New York Times, September 30, 1912. ™ New York World, October 3, 1912. ™ ibid., October 4-5, 1912; New York Times, October 4, 1912.

Trenton True American, August 15, September 4, 1912.

498 Presidential Campaign of 1912 of the division in the progressive vote. Wilson conferred with Wescott, Hughes, and Gebhardt on August 30 and warned them that there could be only one Wilson-progressive candidate; he could not, however, choose among the three men who had been among his most consistent supporters in his New Jersey battles.*°* On September 11, Gebhardt withdrew from the contest; Hughes and Wescott several days

later agreed to submit their respective claims to an arbitration committee from the Democratic national headquarters in New York. And when McAdoo, O’Gorman, and Daniels decided in Hughes’s favor, Wescott retired from the race and threw his support to Hughes.*”® “Governor Wilson had no knowledge of these conferences,” McAdoo declared later. “They resulted wholly from the initiative of the National Campaign Committee.” *°°

In spite of the heavy burden of the presidential campaign, Wilson threw himself wholeheartedly into the fight to defeat his indefatigable rival. On September 8, five days after Smith formally announced his senatorial candidacy, Wilson gave to the newspapers a ringing declaration demanding Smith’s defeat: “Mr. Smith’s selection as the Democratic candidate for the Senate would be the most fatal step backwards that the Democrats of the State could possibly take. It would mean his restoration to political leadership in New Jersey the moment my service as Governor ended, and, with his restoration, a return to the machine

rule which so long kept every active Democrat in the State in subordination to him, and prevented every progressive program conceived in the interest of the people from being put into effect.” *”"

No unhappy Orestes was pursued by the Fates more relentlessly than was Smith by the implacable Wilson, who insisted that New Jersey Democrats declare finally that they would not submit to the domination of the Newark boss. On September 21 Wilson paused in his campaign and went to Jersey City and Hoboken, where he pleaded for Hughes’s nomination and Smith’s final repudiation by the voters.*”° Once more the Democrats of the state heeded Wilson’s plea and nominated Hughes by so resounding a majority that Smith retired for good from the political field.*”” ** Trenton Evening Times, August 30, 1912; Jersey Journal of Jersey City, August 30, IQI2.

© Trenton True American, September 19, 1912. *° J. Daniels, The Wilson Era, pp. 73-76, has an account of the negotiations leading to Wescott’s withdrawal. * Trenton True American, September 9, 1912. ® Trenton Evening Times, September 23, 1912. 7° Trenton True American, September 26, 1912.

Presidential Campaign of 1912 499 As if the job of proving that the bosses did not control the Democratic party was not troublesome enough, the old matter of Wilson’s derogatory writings about the “new” immigrants again arose to plague him. Hearst had nearly defeated his nomination on the same issue, and certainly it was a no less dangerous threat during the presidential campaign. Although Taft and Roosevelt did not drag in the immigration issue, their spokesmen did. The president of the American Association of Foreign Language Newspapers, for example, which served some 20,000,000 readers, was working hand in glove with the Republlican managers.’”® Typical of the anti-Wilson propaganda was the broadside he published in the entire foreign language press. This reviewed

the matter of Wilson’s writings and concluded: “No man who has an iron heart like Woodrow Wilson, and who slanders his fellowmen, because they are poor and many of them without friends when they come to this country seeking honest work and wishing to become good citizens, is fit to be President of the United States.” *™*

Special bureaus in the Democratic headquarters in New York and Chicago made herculean efforts to prove to foreign-born voters that the charges of certain Democratic leaders during the pre-convention campaign were slanders and lies. Henry Green, director of the American Immigration and Distribution League labored to convince the foreignborn voters that Wilson was “sound” on the question of immigration

legislation.” For his part, Wilson again wrote dozens of letters to prominent Italian-, Polish-, Hungarian-, and Jewish-American leaders, repeating for the most part what he had said during the pre-convention

campaign.’ While is it impossible to determine whether Wilson’s efforts to win the support of the foreign-born voters from Eastern Europe was successful, there is some evidence that it was not. A poll of 2,313 Catholic priests and brothers in New York, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Ohio, Indiana, and in St. Louis, Louisville, Chicago, Milwaukee, Detroit, and several counties in Oklahoma revealed the following significant results: 60 per cent of the Irish priests and 80 per cent of the German priests ™L. N. Hammerling (?) to W. H. Taft, August 29, 1912, Taft Papers. | ™ “Woodrow Wilson’s Latest Letter. It Shows Him to Be Still Unfriendly to the Im-

migrant from Europe,” undated MS in sid. |

™ H. Green to W. W., July 5, 1912, Wilson Papers. ™ See, e.g., W. W. to L. E. Miller, editor of the Jewish Daily Warheit, August 28,

1912, published in the New York Times, August 29, 1912; W. W. to a group of Hungarian-Americans at Sea Girt, August 10, 1912, St. Louts Republic, August 11, 19123 W. W. to Anthony Geronimo, August 16, 1912, Wilson Papers.

500 Presidential Campaign of 1912 were supporting Wilson; on the other hand, go per cent of the Italian priests and 70 per cent of the Polish priests were supporting Roosevelt.2**

Rumors were also set afoot that Wilson was bigoted and narrow in his attitude toward Roman Catholics, and a prominent Catholic layman, James Charles Monoghan, was commissioned by the Democratic headquarters to write a pamphlet, Is Woodrow Wilson A Bigot?, to prove that Wilson had been kindly disposed toward Catholics in New Jersey. On the other hand, an anti-Catholic rumor was circulated about the Westinghouse plants at East Pittsburgh to the effect that Wilson had accepted with warm appreciation honorary membership in the Knights of Columbus, an organization of Catholic men.’* This evoked from Wilson a reply, which he hoped would silence the attacks from both sides: “I am a normal man, following my own natural course of thought, playing no favorites, and trying to treat every creed and class with impartiality and respect.” **°

Wilson’s campaign to win the support of organized labor has been briefly reviewed and will be discussed more fully in subsequent pages. Gompers, it will be recalled, had been converted to Wilson at their first meeting; at the beginning of the campaign, however, he and the American Federation of Labor leaders cautiously refused to endorse outright either of the presidential candidates. As the campaign progressed, however, it was plain that Gompers and the executive committee of the A. F. of L. were supporting Wilson as they had supported Bryan in 1908. In the October issue of the official publication of the Federation, for example, Gompers condemned the Republican platform and nominee, praised Wilson and the Democratic platform plank

on labor, which he, Gompers, had written in 1908," and declared that although the Progressive platform and Roosevelt’s labor pronouncements were highly gratifying, labor had found it impossible to obtain legislative protection while Roosevelt was president."** In November, Gompers endorsed Wilson’s candidacy almost to the exclusion of approval of Roosevelt.’” ™ J. K. McGuire to J. A. O'Gorman, October 12, 1912, ibid. “*L. C. Woods to W. W., October 22, 1912, ibid.

mw. W. to W. G. McAdoo, October 22, 1912, leaflet in sbid. ™’ The plank in the Democratic platform of 1912, entitled “Rights of Labor,” was a literal repetition of the declaration in the 1908 platform. “ American Federationist, xix (October 1912), 801-804. ™ S. Gompers, “The Presidency in the Pending Campaign,” idid., x1x (November 1912), 889-894.

Presidential Campaign of 1912 501 A more delicate and troublesome issue was Wilson’s and the Democratic party’s attitude with regard to the Negro question. The day had not yet arrived when the Democratic party openly courted the Negro vote, or when the Negroes held the balance of power in the large northern states; yet the Democratic managers in 1912 were at least anxious not to offend thé Negroes in the North. The chief fear of the intellectual Negro leaders concerned the Democratic party itself, which in the past had not been friendly to the black race. With good cause the militant Negroes feared that a Democratic Congress and administration controlled by southern white men might enact legislation hostile to their interests. They knew, for example, that James K. Vardaman of Mississippi had been elected to the United States

Senate in rgtz on a platform demanding the repeal of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments. What, except hostility and an attitude of scorn and contempt, could the Negroes expect from the Democratic party when a responsible Democratic spokesman and Wilson manager, Josephus Daniels, published such an editorial as this during the fall of 1912, which is paraphrased in part and quoted in part: The attitude of the South regarding the Negro in politics is unalterable and uncompromising. We take no risks. We abhor a northern policy of catering to Negroes politically just as we abhor a northern policy of

social equality. ! Out of bitter experience the South has evolved certain paramount convictions. Southerners are not seeking merely a sectional policy, but also a national policy on this subject of the race question, for they know that short of a national policy they will never be secure. The South is solidly Democratic because of “the realization that the subjection of the negro, politically, and the separation of the negro, socially, are paramount to all

other considerations in the South short of the preservation of the Republic itself. And we shall recognize no emancipation, nor shall we proclaim any deliverer, that falls short of these essentials to the peace and the welfare of our part of the country.” 7°

The Negroes feared, moreover, that Wilson was a Southerner who had inherited the usual baggage of southern prejudices against Negroes.

As one Negro editor put it, “The New York Ace does not see how it will be possible for a single self-respecting Negro in the United States to vote for Woodrow Wilson. . . . Both by inheritance and absorption, he

has most of the prejudices of the narrowest type of Southern white ” Raleigh News and Observer, October 1, 1912.

502 Presidential Campaign of 1912 people against the Negro.” “* W. E. Burghardt Du Bois, the most responsible spokesman of militant Negro opinion, expressed the same foreboding more temperately when he wrote, “On the whole, we do not believe that Woodrow Wilson admires Negroes.” ** And of course the Negro bosses feared that Wilson as president would place them beyond the pale of federal patronage. Although he never shared the extreme anti-Negro sentiments of many of his contemporaries, there is no doubt that Wilson remained largely a

Southerner on the race question. It was true, as Negro spokesmen charged, that Wilson had by evasion prevented Negroes from enrolling

at Princeton University.’ Actually, Mrs. Wilson felt much more strongly about the necessity of drawing the color line than did her husband, but both were opposed to social relations between the races.’** The Negro question was one of those problems, like the liquor question and woman suffrage, that Wilson would have preferred to ignore. He was badgered so constantly by his reformer friends and by the Negroes themselves, however, that soon after the Baltimore convention he was forced to deal with the spokesmen of the race. On July 16 he conferred with the Reverend J. Milton Waldron and William Monroe Trot-

ter, representatives of the National Independent Political League of Washington, a Negro Democratic organization.’ Two weeks later he spoke to a delegation from the United Negro Democracy of New Jersey,

who had called at Sea Girt. “I was born and raised in the South,” he declared. “There 1s no place where it is easier to cement friendship between the two races than there. They understand each other better there than elsewhere. You may feel assured of my entire comprehension of the ambitions of the negro race and my willingness and desire to deal with that race fairly and justly.” **° This, of course, sounded like the apologies for racial discrimination that any southern Bourbon might make; something more definite and assuring was necessary before Negro leaders would give Wilson their approval. Oswald Garrison Villard, grandson of William Lloyd Gar2 New York Age, July 11, 1912. ™ Crisis, 1 (August 1912), 181. *° See S. Axson to R. S. Baker, October 31, 1928, Baker Papers, for a discussion of this

Pome S. Baker, “Memorandum of an interview with Jessie W. Sayre, December 1,

1925,” MS in Baker Papers. | % See J. M. Waldron and J. D. Harkless, The Political Situation in a Nut-Shell. Some

Un-Colored Truths for Colored Voters (Washington, 1912), for a discussion of the program of the National Independent Political League. ” Trenton Evening Times, July 31, 1912.

Presidential Campaign of 1912 503 rison, crusading editor of the New York Evening Post, and one of the founders of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, was in 1912 unquestionably the leading white champion of Negro rights in the United States. He was, moreover, on fairly intimate terms with Wilson, because he had given Wilson his own and his newspaper’s enthusiastic support in the gubernatorial contest in rg1o0 and in the hotly disputed battle for the presidential nomination. It was natural, therefore, that he should become Wilson’s chief adviser on the race question in the summer of 1912. On August 13, a month after the Baltimore convention, Villard went to Trenton for a three hours’ conference with the Democratic nominee.

Their conversation centered about four subjects in which Villard was particularly interested: woman suffrage, the navy question, the New York political situation, and the general question of the Negro. Villard was not entirely satisfied with Wilson’s attitude on the first three issues, but he was delighted by Wilson pronouncements on the race question. Among other things, Wilson told him that of course he would attempt to be president of all the people and that, in the matter of appointments, merit, and not race or creed, would be the deciding factor.**’ He said, furthermore, that he would gladly speak out against lynching—“every

honest man must do so”’—but he did not want the Negro people to form the impression that he, as president, could help them in this matter. Finally, Wilson promised to send to Villard a statement of his attitude toward the problem for publication in the Crisis and the New York Evening Post.’** The day following the Trenton meeting, Villard wrote to Wilson, strongly urging him to go as far as he consistently could in assuring the Negroes that they would have equal treatment before the law and that he also would not discriminate against them, either in the matter of appointments, or in other ways.’”” Meanwhile, as has been briefly noted, Wilson conferred at Trenton on July 16 with the Reverend J. Milton Waldron and William Monroe Trotter. After the meeting Waldron apparently attempted to set down from memory the details of Wilson’s conversation. The result was an unauthorized statement that was printed in the September issue of the * “The only place,’ Wilson said, “where you and I will differ is as to where the entering wedge should be driven.” Wilson stated that he would not make an appointment like that of Crum at Charleston, because he felt such appointments resulted in great injury to the Negro people and increased racial antipathies. *° Oswald Garrison Villard, memorandum, dated August 14, 1912, of an interview with Wilson on August 13, 1912, MS in the Villard Papers. 0. G. Villard to W. W., August 14, 1912, zbid.

504 Presidential Campaign of 1912 Crisis, in which Wilson was quoted as having said that he needed and

sought Negro support in the campaign and pledged himself to deal with Negroes, if he were elected president, as he would deal with other citizens, both in executing the laws and in making appointments. Wil-

son, moreover, allegedly assured Waldron and Trotter that Negroes had nothing to fear from a Democratic Congress and promised that if, by some accident, Congress should enact legislation inimical to the Negro’s interest, he would veto such laws.*”° The publication of the Waldron statement caught Wilson off balance;

he apparently had not seen a copy of what Waldron published until Villard sent him one on August 14, and he was irritated and alarmed. On August 23 he wrote Villard that he had just read with amazement the Waldron statement. He of course had said that he would seek to be president of the whole country, and he had declared that the Negroes had nothing to fear from a Democratic Congress. On the other hand, he had not promised to veto legislation inimical to the Negro’s interest, for he would make no such promise to any man; he had not said that he felt himself in need of Negro votes; and he had not given his listeners any assurances about appointments, “except that they need not fear unfair discrimination.” Without bothering to define “unfair discrimina-

tion,” Wilson concluded with an urgent plea that Villard prepare a general statement along the lines of what he, Wilson, had just written, which might be issued as Wilson’s own statement.*** A few days later Villard replied to this appeal by sending to Wilson a statement that Du Bois had drawn up. Villard was obviously disturbed by Wilson’s refusal to commit himself to the Waldron statement. Thus he wrote: “So far as your proposed statement is concerned, I feel very strongly that nothing important can be accomplished among the colored people until we have an utterance from you which we can quote. They not unnaturally mistrust you because they have been told that Princeton University closed its doors to the colored man (and was about the only Northern institution to do so) during your presidency. They know that besides yourself, both Mr. McAdoo and Mr. McCombs are of Southern birth, and they fear that the policy of injustice and disfranchisement

which prevails not only in the Southern states, but in many of the Northern as well, will receive a great impetus by your presence in the

White House.” *” |

*® For which see the Crisis, vy (September 1912), 216-217.

*'W. W. to Villard, August 23, 1912, Villard Papers. Villard to W. W., August 28, 1912, ibid.

Presidential Campaign of 1912 505 The conclusion is inevitable that the Du Bois statement, although it was exceedingly moderate in tone, went entirely farther than Wilson was willing to go. Obviously, he was not willing to assure the Negroes, as Du Bois had suggested, that the Democratic party sought and would welcome their support as American citizens, and that the Democrats were opposed to disfranchisement on account of race.*** The limit to which Wilson was willing to go was made evident in October. Bishop Alexander Walters of the African Zion church, who had joined the Democratic party in 1909 and who was in 1912 president of the National Colored Democratic League, invited Wilson to speak before a mass meeting of the League in New York City. Wilson replied

that he could not attend the meeting; on the other hand, there were certain things that he did want to say to the colored people: that he earnestly desired to see justice done them in every matter, “justice executed with liberality and cordial good feeling,” and that his sympathy for the Negroes in their struggle for advancement was of long standing. “I want to assure them through you,” Wilson concluded, “that should I

become President of the United States, they may count upon me for absolute fair dealing and for everything by which I could assist in advancing the interests of their race in the United States.” *** Apparently this unequivocal promise of fair dealing, although stated

in vague and general terms, had the effect of swinging Du Bois and many other leaders of militant Negro opinion in the North to the Wilson ranks. Although Du Bois had profound misgivings about supporting Wilson, he distrusted Taft and Roosevelt**® even more, and re-

signed his membership in the Socialist party in order to support the Wilson cause. It was better, he concluded, “to elect Woodrow Wilson President ... and prove once for all if the Democratic party dares to be.Democratic when it comes to the black man.” **°

On September 15 Wilson began his first campaign tour, a tour that took him through Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and deep into the heart of the *° The Du Bois statement is printed in A. S. Link, “The Negro as a Factor in the Campaign of 1912,” Journal of Negro History, January 1947. “ Letter published in Alexander Walters, My Life and Work, pp. 194-195. * Roosevelt had alienated the Negro intellectuals by excluding southern Negroes from membership in the Progressive party. See A. S. Link, “Correspondence Relating to the Progressive Party’s ‘Lily White’ Policy in 1912,” Journal of Southern History, x (November 1944), 480-490; also A. S. Link, “Theodore Roosevelt and the South in 1912,” North Carolina Historical Review, xxi (July 1946), 313-324.

“° Crisis, v (November 1912), 29. ,

506 Presidential Campaign of 1912 Midwest. Wilson’s train followed a tortuous route over side tracks and dusty freight lines from New York to Chicago, and because it was always behind schedule Wilson could make only impromptu speeches from the rear platform of his car. He spoke at Columbus, Ohio, Union City, Marion, and Logansport, Indiana, and in all of his speeches made attacks on the protective tariff and the trusts the leading issues of the campaign.’*’ On September 17 he reached Sioux City, Iowa, the first major stop in his journey, where he spoke at the grounds of the Inter-

state Live Stock Fair.“** From there Wilson went to Sioux Falls, South Dakota, where he spoke before two audiences during the evening. Roosevelt’s proposal to legalize and regulate the trusts, he charged, had come directly from the fertile minds of Elbert H. Gary, president of the

United States Steel Corporation, and George W. Perkins, erstwhile Morgan partner now turned social reformer. He continued: “They have thought this thing out. It may be, for all I know, that they honestly think that is the way to safeguard the business of the country. But whatever they think, this they know, that it will save the United States Steel Corporation from the necessity of doing its business better than its competitors. For if you will look into the statistics of the United States Steel Corporation you will find that wherever it has competitors the amount of the product which it controls is decreasing; in other words, that it is less eficient than its competitors, and its control of product is increasing only in those branches of the business where, by purchase and otherwise, they have a practical monopoly.” **°

The special train carrying Wilson and his party arrived in Minneapolis on September 18. On the whole, the tour through Iowa and South

Dakota had not been notably successful. Wilson had failed to make “contact” with the people; his speeches had been too scholarly, too restrained, too much concerned with the facts and figures of the tariff and trusts to have any considerable popular appeal. In Minnesota, however, he seemed deliberately to make an effort to reach the mass of his listeners, and the effort sometimes resulted in undignified outbursts. He told a crowd of 8,000 persons in Minneapolis, for example, that “Rats” was the best answer to Roosevelt’s proposal for trust control; and later he added “Let Roosevelt tell it to the Marines.” Wilson never enjoyed the billingsgate of a campaign and was always “? New York Times, September 17, 1912. ™® Sioux City Journal, September 18, 1912. ™ cf. L. D. Brandeis, “Trusts, Efficiency, and the New Party,” Collier’s Weekly, xt1x (September 14, 1912), 14-15.

Presidential Campaign of 1912 507 exceedingly awkward in using it. He recognized this fact when he told the members of the Minneapolis Commercial Club: “Now, the difficulty of a popular campaign is that the most successful thing is association, and the most difficult thing is argument, and that argument is considered academic, that every intellectual process is under suspicion, that if you happen to know the facts, and happen to know how to reason from them, you are supposed to have gotten all you know from books.” **° From Minneapolis Wilson went next to Detroit, on September 109, where he made an impassioned plea for popular government, the destruction of the partnership between vested interests and the national government, an honest tariff, the bridling of monopolies, and public control of the nation’s credit resources. It was, on the whole, a vague presentation of the issues, reminiscent of the speeches of the pre-convention period."* The following day he arrived in Columbus, Ohio, where he helped to open the Democratic presidential and gubernatorial campaigns in the state. He was greeted at the station by a brass band and the entire slate of state Democratic candidates, headed by Representative James M. Cox, the gubernatorial nominee. After a luncheon at which he was the guest of the Democratic candidates, Wilson spoke before a gathering of Ohio

Democratic politicians. It was the first time, he said, that he had ever seen a political organization in the flesh. “And,” he added, “I must say it looks very good to me.” Shortly afterward, Wilson spoke before an assemblage of businessmen and quoted extensively from Brandeis’s articles on monopoly regulation.

During the evening he spoke with Governor Harmon and Cox before a huge crowd in Memorial Hall; he was in a confident, jaunty mood and flung out to Roosevelt and Taft a challenge to explain why they had abandoned to him “the two great issues of the tariff and the trusts.” The

Democrats alone, he asserted, were “bold enough and far-sighted enough to see that they must tackle frankly and directly this question: Upon what principle shall tariff duties be laid, and by what means shall monopoly be prevented ?” **”

His first great tour of the presidential campaign completed, Wilson returned to Sea Girt for a brief interlude in September. Two days later he went to Scranton, Pennsylvania, to participate in the opening of the Democratic campaign in that state. He lashed out savagely at Roose“ New York Times, September 19, 1912. Detroit Free Press, September 20, 1912. “ New York Times, September 21, 1912.

508 Presidential Campaign of 1912 velt’s protective tariff and trust legalization program; and when he declared that the people were not deceived “by a colossal bluff any longer,”

the 10,000 persons who had jammed their way into the city’s largest auditorium cheered wildly. Wilson then launched into a fierce attack against the protective tariff and industrial monopolies; “I want to fight for the liberation of America,” he shouted. Thus he continued: “T am fighting, not for the man who has made good, but for the man who is going to make good—the man who is knocking and fighting at the closed doors of opportunity. There is no group of men big enough or wise enough to take care of a free people. The small classes that are trying to govern us are finding that we are kicking over the traces. ... And having once got the blood in my eye of the lust for the scalps of those who resist the liberties of the people, I don’t care whether I am elected President or not. I'll find some way to keep fighting.” **° In spite of the fumbling and hesitancy that were characteristic of Wilson’s early campaign speeches; in spite of his awkward efforts on certain unhappy occasions to speak down to the people; in spite of the fact that the campaign itself had not yet really got into high gear, there can

be no doubt that Wilson was striking a responsive chord with many voters. As the campaign progressed from September into October, and as Wilson increased the tempo of his campaign addresses, Democratic editors reviewed his campaign with delight and approval. Wilson, of course, had vociferous editorial supporters in every city and state in the country, and it would be futile to review here the campaign editorials that appeared in the various Democratic newspapers.’** Even Hearst, who refused to commend Wilson’s candidacy personally,**° finally committed his newspapers to the Wilson cause in the middle of October.**® In the last week of September, Wilson set out upon a political inva-

sion of New England. He seemed anxious to emphasize that he had come to the region of rock-ribbed conservatism as the chief conservative

candidate, that his economic program would strengthen legitimate “8 ibid., September 24, 1912.

4 The following journals might be listed as the leading Wilson newspapers during the campaign of 1912: New York World, New York Times, New York Evening Post, Baltimore Sun, Springfield Republican, Boston Globe, Boston Herald, Philadelphia Public Ledger, Cleveland Plain Dealer, Cincinnati Enquirer, Milwaukee Journal, Madison Wisconsin State Journal, St. Louis Globe-Democrat, St. Louis Republic, Detroit Free Press, Datly Oklahoman of Oklahoma City, Rocky Mountain News of Denver, San Francisco Chronicle, and all of the leading southern newspapers. “6 See Hearst’s statement in the London Daily Express, September 13, 1912. * See, e.g., New York American, October 14, 1912.

Presidential Campaign of 1912 509 business enterprise, and that his program of political reform would preserve, not destroy, America’s cherished institutions. “We ought to go very slowly and very carefully about the task of altering the institutions we have been a long time in building up,” he told a Hartford audience on September 25. “I believe that the ancient traditions of a people are its ballast.” **"

Wilson spoke at Springfield and Barre, Massachusetts, during the afternoon of September 26; in the evening he addressed a large audience of factory workers at Fall River and spoke straight from the shoulder about the labor question. “The right to organize on the part of labor is not recognized even by the laws of the United States,” he declared, “and nowhere in the third-term platform is it promised that that right will be granted. Any employer can dismiss all of his workmen for no other reason than that they belong to a union. So the thing is absolutely one-sided. I believe we ought to hold a brief for the legal right of labor to organize.” **°

It was at Boston, however, on September 27, that Wilson received his

tumultuous welcome in New England. He spoke at the Tremont Temple in downtown Boston at noon, and aristocrats from Back Bay cheered just as loudly as the plebeians from South Boston and the waterfront. Richard Olney called it a “Boston welcome.” “We are not fight-

ing the trusts,” Wilson asserted, “we are trying to put them upon an equality with everybody else.” He jeered at Roosevelt’s warning that the dominance of the trusts in industry was inevitable and probed the Bull Moose’s weakest spot when he condemned Roosevelt’s approval of

the absorption of the Tennessee Coal, Iron & Railroad Company by United States Steel in 1907. “He thought that it was inevitable,” Wilson charged, “that the Chief Executive should consent to an illegal thing in order to build up an irresistible power.” Wilson also made a significant departure from his previous campaign declarations. Heretofore he had sneered at Roosevelt’s proposal for the establishment of an industrial commission to regulate the trusts and had scorned what he called “government by experts.” Meanwhile, Brandeis had proposed that a federal trade commission be established to regulate competition ;*** Wilson now admitted that it might be necessary to set up an industrial commission to regulate business enterprise.*”” “' New York Times, September 26, 1912. *® New York Times, September 27, 1912. “ “Monopoly,” Collier’s Weekly, xix (September 7, 1912), 8. ™ New York Times, September 28, 1912.

510 Presidential Campaign of 1912 Wilson left Boston in an exceedingly happy humor. All the way from Boston to Bridgeport he addressed crowds from the rear platform of his train; he often reached the platform before the audiences had gathered, threw campaign buttons to bystanders, and waved to men and women who stood at windows and on the sidewalks in towns where his train did not stop. At Willimantic, Connecticut, he found a large crowd in the railroad yard and on the tops of boxcars. “Fellow-citizens and gen-

tlemen in the pit, and ladies and gentlemen in the boxes,” he began playfully. During the evening he ended his three days’ tour with a rousing address in Bridgeport. Shortly afterward he left for New York and a meeting with McCombs.***

On this optimistic and confident note Wilson thus concluded the first phase of his presidential campaign. He had begun haltingly in August; he had searched about for a great issue upon which to make the fight. Finally, he had found that issue in the restoration of free and competitive enterprise. Brandeis had given him a program and he had given the nation a slogan, the New Freedom. If he had not yet swept the country by his campaign appeal, if he had somehow generally failed to make that electric contact with his audiences that was so characteristic of the later phase of the campaign, he had at least charted his course, found his

bearings, and made an auspicious beginning. And if that course required that he relegate to second place the old political issues that he had discussed in the pre-convention campaign; if it resulted in Wilson’s engrossment in economic matters almost to the exclusion of political questions, it was perhaps an indication of the dawning realization in his mind that economics and politics go hand in hand and that the establishment of the political millennium must await the full growth of economic democracy in the United States.

ibid.

Campaign Climax and Election Wooprow Witson had campaigned at length before the summer and fall of 1912, but never before had he experienced the rigors of anything like this presidential campaign. The demands from Democratic leaders

that he make speaking tours through their states increased as the months passed from summer into autumn. When a friend insisted that he make a campaign tour through the South, however, he protested: “Alas! it seems a physical impossibility for me to get into the South during the campaign. I haven’t a Bull Moose’s strength, as Roosevelt seems to have, and it seems imperative both to the Committee and myself, that I should devote the few remaining weeks of the campaign to the debatable parts of the country.” * Yet, he actually seemed to thrive

under the heavy strain of speaking and traveling. He wrote to Mrs. Hulbert, for example: “I keep singularly well. ’ve gained seven pounds and a half since I was nominated. I weigh 177!4 pounds. I am obviously becoming a person of some weight,—at any rate on the scales. If my days are trying and so full of—everything that fatigues and distracts— as to make them quite overwhelming, they at least fly fast with satisfactory rapidity, and it will not be long before I am either elected or bidden to stay quietly at home.” ” Early in October Wilson set himself again to the wheel when he em-

barked upon the longest and most important tour of his presidential canvass. At Indianapolis, on October 3, he spoke before a riotous crowd

of some 25,000 persons at the Washington ball park; Tom Taggart, Democratic boss of Indiana, tried four times to introduce Wilson, but the crowd cheered more wildly each time he tried. Such mass enthusiasm intoxicated Wilson immeasurably, and when the noise finally sub-

sided he launched into a scathing attack upon his chief antagonist, Theodore Roosevelt.’ The following day he campaigned through northern Indiana; it was a glorious October day, crisp and clear, and he was in high spirits. At Kokomo, the home of Senator Kern, he spoke briefly *'W. W. to F. P. Glass, September 6, 1912, copy in Baker Papers. 7 September 1, 1912, published in R. S. Baker, Woodrow Wilson, 111, 400-401. ° Indianapolis News, October 4, 1912.

512 Campaign Climax and Election on the monopoly question; shortly afterward he spoke at Peru, before an audience of industrial workers, and promised that a Democratic administration would safeguard labor’s right to organize. | At the climax of a day’s hard campaigning in a dozen Indiana towns, Wilson went to Gary, the United States Steel city in the northern part of the state, and, before a great audience of steel workers, denounced the corporation’s unlawful methods and what he termed its alliance with the leaders of the Progressive party. Had the blessings of the protective tariff extended as far as the pay envelopes of the workers, he shouted. “No! Never!” chorused a thousand voices in the auditorium. He next discussed the history of the steel trust and asserted that the corporation’s gross overcapitalization had prevented efficiency in management and honest prices for steel products." During the overnight trip from Gary to Omaha Wilson narrowly escaped death at Cedar Rapids, Iowa, when a freight car ran into his Pullman, tore the guard rail off, smashed the observation platform, and broke the windows. He arrived in Omaha unharmed, however, on October 5, and was greeted by Mayor James C. Dahlman, Senator Hitchcock, and Charles W. Bryan. Although Dahlman and Hitchcock had refused to have anything to do with the Bryans because the Commoner had been largely responsible for Dahlman’s defeat in the gubernatorial campaign in Nebraska in 1910, they agreed to bury the political hatchet. They joined with their enemies in a love feast in Wilson’s honor. Wilson made six speeches in seven hours in Omaha. After his chief address

at the city auditorium in the afternoon he was nearly mobbed by a crowd of several thousand persons who surrounded his automobile and

endeavored to shake his hand or touch his arm.° .

The reception at Omaha had been cordial enough, to be sure, but the warmth of the welcome Wilson received at Lincoln far exceeded anything he had thus far experienced in the campaign. Greeted at the station by nine brass bands, a dozen marching clubs, and thousands of Democrats from all over the South Platte territory, Wilson stepped from

the end of his car virtually into the arms of William J. Bryan. The demonstration that followed lasted for half an hour and recalled the tumultuous days of the campaign of 1896. Wilson later declared that he

had never seen or imagined its like. |

With the sound of whistles blowing in the factories, the noise of automobile horns, and the music of the bands providing a cacophonous “New York Times, October 5, 1912. * Omaha World-Herald, October 6, 1912.

Campaign Climax and Election 513 undertone of confusion, Wilson and Bryan rode together to the Lindell Hotel. The two Democratic leaders seemed to vie with one another in expressing their mutual affection and confidence. “We are free to serve the people of the United States,” Wilson declared at a banquet of the Democratic state committee, “and in my opinion it was Mr. Bryan who set us free.” To which Bryan replied: “T want to express my deep gratitude to Gov. Wilson for the masterly manner in which he has led our forces in this campaign. We had reason to expect much of him; he has done better than we could have expected. He has shown wisdom and discretion in the choosing of the men who

are to be around him, and upon whom he is to rely for counsel and advice, and he has shown a courage that not one man in a million has shown.

“And now let me use this occasion to speak to those who are the workers of our party. When I have been a candidate you have worked for me. No man has ever run for office who has had a more loyal band of workers than I have had, and nowhere have they been more loyal than in Nebraska. . . . Let me ask you to do twice as much for Wilson as you ever did for Bryan. For I have as much at stake in this fight as he has, and you have as much as I have.” ®

After the banquet, Wilson and Bryan went together to the city auditorium and complimented one another again before a large audience. Wilson was supremely happy. That was obvious from the gleam in his eyes and the broad smile on his face. But he was also utterly exhausted. It was, after all, the tenth speech he had made that day; he was hoarse and spoke so ineffectively that the audience did not realize that he had completed his address until they saw that he was shaking hands with Bryan.”

Refreshed by a day’s rest at the Bryan home on Sunday, Wilson arrived in Pueblo on the following day, October 7, to open his campaign in Colorado. The climax in his campaign in that state came with his triumphal entry into Denver in the late afternoon of October 7. Thousands of persons had gathered at the railroad station to welcome him, and thousands more lined the streets of Denver as the Democratic procession moved slowly through the city. The convention auditorium, where Wilson had delivered his memorable address on the Bible a year °New York Times, October 6, 1912.

"Lincoln State Journal, October 6, 1912. Bryan, it might be added, was a tower of strength to Wilson during the campaign. He spoke every day, averaging almost ten speeches a day, for seven weeks.

514 Campaign Climax and Election and a half before, was packed with some 15,000 persons when Wilson began to speak.

After a short introduction, he turned abruptly to the fundamental economic problem that most politicians ignored, the existence of marked economic inequalities in the nation. There were, he declared, distinct economic classes in the country, but the chief cause for the great

disparity in the distribution of incomes was that great monopolistic combinations had succeeded in engrossing a considerable part of the national wealth and resources. Was there not any peaceful political process that the people could use to free themselves and to provide a sound economic basis for political democracy? Wilson then proceeded to discuss the monopoly problem in the most specific terms he had yet used during the campaign. He enumerated the

processes by which monopolies had been created: price fixing, tying contracts between manufacturers and retailers, control of the sources of raw materials, espionage, cutthroat competition, and so forth—all of which was what unregulated competition consisted of. When the federal government had prevented these practices, he asserted, it would have prevented the existence of monopoly. Under a system of regulated competition, he continued, the over-capitalized trusts would be forced either to reorganize their industries on a more efficient basis or else to surrender the field to competitive rivals who were honestly capitalized and efficiently managed. It was not a campaign against individuals that he was making, Wilson continued; it was a “crusade against powers that have governed us—that have limited our development—that have determined our lives—that have set us in a straitjacket to do as they please.” “This,” he added in a supreme outburst, “is a second struggle for emancipation. . . . If America is not to have free enterprise, then she can have freedom of no sort whatever.” * The tremendous enthusiasm of the western people, the brass bands,

cheering crowds, and the triumphal entries into Lincoln and Denver had all made a remarkable impression on Wilson. The West succored and strengthened him by its ebullience and outpouring of good will, and there he at last discovered the true meaning of his anti-monopoly appeal. He had emphasized the tariff and trust questions before he set out upon this western tour, to be sure; yet somehow he had failed to translate the meaning of these issues into the language of the people. It

was all very well to talk interminably about the processes by which monopolies had been created, and to recount the history of the organi* Rocky Mountain News of Denver, October 8, 1912.

Campaign Climax and Election 515 zation of the steel trust. It was more satisfactory still to crusade for eco-

nomic freedom for the small producer, but even this appeal lacked reality for the average voter. It was Wilson’s discovery that he was battling for the traditional American way of life, for a kind of economic democracy, and that this economic equality of opportunity was absolutely necessary for the preservation of political liberty that gave life and depth and meaning to the words “New Freedom.”

From Colorado, Wilson campaigned his way through the small towns of Kansas on October 8, and arrived in hostile Kansas City, Missouri, in the evening. The Missouri Democrats were still sulking over Clark’s defeat, but they tried hard to prove themselves good Democrats and good losers. Clark and Attorney-General Elliott W. Major, Demo-

cratic gubernatorial nominee, had come to Kansas City to attend a “peace dinner” at the Hotel Baltimore given by the Democratic politicians of the city. After the dinner, Wilson, Clark, and Senator Reed spoke before an audience of 15,000 persons in Convention Hall. Wilson

was exhausted and hoarse, and probably not more than half the audience heard him reply to Roosevelt’s challenge, made at Albany, New York, on October 7, that the Democratic nominee “prove or retract” his accusation that the steel trust was supporting the Progressive nominees. Wilson’s reply was vague. He had not meant to imply that the corporation’s directors were financing the Roosevelt campaign, he declared. “What I meant was that they are supporting him with their thought, and their thought is not our thought. I meant, and I say again, that the

kind of control which he proposes is the kind of control that the United States Steel Corporation wants.” ° The following day, October 9, Wilson went to Springfield, Illinois,

where he claimed for the Democratic party the heritage of Abraham Lincoln. During the afternoon he went to St. Louis, where his reception was decidedly more encouraging than had been the chilly welcome he received in Kansas City or Springfield. It was truly a western welcome that he received; throngs of people crowded the sidewalks, and there were bands, the blare of horns, and a torchlight procession four miles

long. Wilson spoke first at the City Club to a group of businessmen; he went next to East St. Louis, where he spoke before a gathering of workingmen; at a banquet given in Wilson’s honor by the Democratic editors of Missouri shortly afterward, former Governor A. M. Dockery promised that the Missouri Democrats would be “as loyal to Woodrow °New York Times, October 9, 1912.

516 Campaign Climax and Election

to Champ Clark.” *° |

Wilson and the principles upon which he stands as .. . [they] were It was nearly ten o’clock before Wilson, surrounded by a crowd of Democratic politicians, reached the huge Coliseum, where more than 15,000 persons had been waiting nearly two hours to hear him speak. As he stepped upon the stage a terrifying bedlam broke loose in the auditorium. Policemen stationed at the doors were overrun by hundreds of persons outside who were fighting to break in, and a large band of

men carrying lighted torches managed to force their way into the building. When the noise of the crowd finally subsided, Wilson began to speak. He was visibly affected by this demonstration of confidence and began: “I want to express to you the very proud feeling within me when I face such a great company as this, but I cannot do so.” But he

made no effort to make himself heard at a distance, and cries of “Louder” went up from the audience.”

The following morning, October 10, the Democratic campaign reached its peak in the Midwest when Wilson made a triumphal entry into Chicago. Some 100,000 persons stood on the sidewalks in a cold rain to greet the Democratic nominee; streams of ticker tape floated down from office buildings as the Wilson procession passed along LaSalle Street; business was suspended in the offices, and street car traffic was completely blocked for a time. The bitter factional warfare between

the Harrison and Sullivan Democratic groups had required that the Democratic national committee manage all arrangements for the cele-

bration, yet the Sullivan men somehow managed to secure seats in Wilson’s automobile. Wilson made three speeches in the city, but none of them was particularly notable.” On October 11 the Democratic nominee wound up his western tour

with a whirlwind campaign through aorthern Ohio. He spoke first at Canton, in the early afternoon, and paid a gracious tribute to the memory of President McKinley. A short time later, at Orrville, he unloosed a scathing attack upon the late Mark Hanna. All along the route of the Pennsylvania Railroad from Canton to Cleveland—at Canton, Orrville, Barberton, Akron, and Hudson—enthusiastic crowds gathered to greet Wilson. There was little left of his voice when he arrived in Cleveland

in the late afternoon; and when he tried to speak before an immense audience in the evening the result was an inaudible and rambling * St. Louis Republic, October 10, 1912. * tbid.; St. Louis Globe-Democrat, October 10, 1912. “4 Chicago Daily News, October 10; Chicago Daily Tribune, October 11, 1912.

Campaign Climax and Election 517 speech. In the end he returned to the monopoly question with something of the old fire that was characteristic of his western speeches: “If I did not believe monopoly could be restrained and destroyed I would come to doubt that liberty could be preserved in the United States. It is a choice of life and death—whether we shall allow this country to be

controlled by small groups of men or whether we shall return to the form of government contemplated by the fathers.” ** By October 12 Wilson was back in Princeton. During his western tour he had spoken over thirty times in seven states to at least 175,000 people. He was exhausted, more tired than he had been at any time during the

campaign, and for several days he did nothing but sleep and rest at home. The peaceful interlude was short-lived, however. On October 14 Roosevelt was shot by an insane anti-third-term fanatic at Milwaukee, and for a time it appeared that the wound was serious. At once Wilson sent a message of sympathy to the wounded Bull Moose leader and announced a day later that he would cut short his active campaigning until Roosevelt could go on the stump again. He had, however, already promised to make a campaign tour through Delaware, West Virginia, and Pennsylvania, and he could not cancel these engagements “without subjecting those who have arranged them to a very serious embarrassment and great unnecessary expense.” “ On October 16 Wilson left Princeton on what was to be his last extensive campaign tour. His train went first to Harrington, Milford, E]lendale, and Georgetown in southern Delaware, and all along the way he insisted upon speaking only on state issues. “I came out to fulfill the engagements of this week with a very great reluctance,” he declared at Georgetown, “because my thought is constantly of that gallant gentleman lying in the hospital at Chicago.” Since he could not with propriety attack Roosevelt, he was more or less compelled to center his attention on Taft and the Republicans.”® Wilson’s return from Georgetown to Wilmington during the afternoon of October 17 was, as one newspaper observed, “like the march of

a triumphant army.” Tremendous crowds greeted him at Dover, and the reception at New Castle was even more enthusiastic. In Wilmington, an anonymous and elusive Italian had threatened to “shoot Wilson the same as Roosevelt was shot,” and a large number of policemen were * Cleveland Plain Dealer, October 12, 1912. “ New York. World, October 16, 1912. ” Baltimore Sun, October 18, 1912; Wilmington (Del.) Every Evening, October 17, IQI2.

518 Campaign Climax and Election scattered among the audience in the Wilmington opera house. Wilson’s voice had once again given way after a hard day’s campaigning, and he spoke with considerable effort. He had come to Delaware, he began, to speak not for himself, but for the state Democratic candidates. It was impossible for him to ignore the national issues, however, and by a cir-

cuitous route he came to the monopoly problem and the progressive movement in general. It was in this connection that he paid a memorable tribute to La Follette, who was by now throwing the full weight of his influence to the Democratic cause.*®

The following day Wilson campaigned through northern West Virginia, along the route of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad to Pittsburgh. At Clarksburg he spoke from a temporary stand in front of the courthouse and scorned the assertions of the Republican spokesmen that wages increased with tariff protection and that the factories would close

should the Democrats control the national government. In the early afternoon he arrived at Wheeling, where he spoke briefly. A short time later he was greeted by a tremendous crowd at the railroad station in Pittsburgh, and a guard of honor accompanied him to a banquet given

in his honor by the Woodrow Wilson Club of Allegheny County. Shortly afterward he made an important address on the tariff and trust questions before some 12,000 persons in the Duquesne Garden auditorium. He discussed in general terms the iniquities of the protective system and then came to the relation of the Democratic party to the progressive movement. The Democrats, he declared, had been a “chilly minority of a great nation” because they had stood firm in the progressive tradition during the long years when privilege and vested interests were firmly entrenched in power. Thus, he continued: “Don’t you think that the steadfastness of a minority looks very much like the steadfastness of absolute faith? The Democratic party has stood steadfast in a deep-rooted faith which they could not deny, and it is a faith as old as human liberty. It is a faith—the only faith that has ever made the intolerable burden of life possible to bear, namely, the faith

that every man ought to have the interest of every other man at his heart. The faith that would set up a government in the world where the average man, the plain man, the common man, the ignorant man, the unaccomplished man, the poor man had a voice equal to the voice of anybody else in the settlement of the common affairs, an ideal never before realized in the history of the world.” * Wilmington Every Evening, October 18, 1912.

Campaign Climax and Election 519 The economic future of America, he continued, depended upon the

decision of the voters in November. A Democratic administration would seek to end unregulated and piratical competition and the monopolistic control of raw materials; it would endeavor to establish a New

Freedom of economic opportunity for the sons of the United States. The opportunity, therefore, was at hand; the road was open for the voters to inaugurate a regime of right and of freedom. His chief ambition, he concluded, was “to be, so far as is possible, with the gifts that God has given me, the spokesman, the interpreter, the servant of the people of the United States.” *"

From Pittsburgh Wilson went to New York on October 19 and delivered addresses at the Academy of Music in Brooklyn and at Carnegie Hall. First he spoke to an uproarious gathering of German-Americans

at Carnegie Hall. Then Wilson and Sulzer, the Democratic gubernatorial nominee, spoke from the same platform at the Academy of Music in Brooklyn. The meeting got off to a roaring start, but no sooner had Wilson veered around to the monopoly question than an embarrassing incident occurred. Miss Maude Malone, a militant suffragette, whose chief diversion seemed to be disrupting political meetings, arose in the balcony and demanded to know Wilson’s opinion of the male monopoly

of the right to vote. Luckily, Wilson had not been confronted before during the presidential campaign with such a direct challenge; on this occasion he hedged by replying that woman suffrage was “not a question that is dealt with by the National Government at all,” and that he was only the representative of the national party. Miss Malone, however,

demanded a straightforward answer; “I am speaking to you as an American, Mr. Wilson,” she said. The unfortunate woman had to be carried off to jail while Wilson concluded his discourse on freedom and competitive enterprise.”®

Within a week after Wilson’s New York addresses on October 19, Roosevelt had recovered sufficiently for Wilson to return to the stump.” He entered the contest again on October 28, enthusiastic and confident

as he brought his campaign to a magnificent climax. In southeastern Pennsylvania he made a whirlwind speaking tour; going from West Chester and Media to Philadelphia, he made his greatest addresses of the campaign in the latter city. First he spoke before a gathering of progressive Republicans at the Academy of Music. It was entirely a " Pittsburgh Post, October 19, 1912. * New York Times, October 20, 1912. ” Roosevelt had announced that he would speak in New York on October 30.

520 Campaign Climax and Election Republican conclave, but the audience cheered wildly for over five minutes when Wilson entered the auditorium. No personal issues were involved in the campaign, Wilson began; it was a contest of programs and of purposes. What, therefore, were the great economic issues at stake in the campaign? First of all, the govern-

ment had to concern itself with the plight of the middle class, from which came the new enterprises, the initiative, and the vigor of America’s economic life, and which was being ground down by “the processes of prosperity.”

“This great middle class,” he continued, “. . . is being crushed between the upper and the nether millstone. There is a weight above them, a weight of concentrated capital and of organized control, against

which they are throwing themselves in vain; and beneath them the great body of working people, the great majority of people in this country upon whom that control is directly exercised by the determination of the industries of the country and the determination of the share that the working people shall have in the industries of the country.”

The alarming fact, Wilson continued, was that the middle class no longer originated economic activity or controlled the American economy. Domestic competition, which formerly quickened the country with life and beckoned men on to new enterprise, had been stifled by the processes of monopoly. He was no disciple of Marx, yet he feared that the socialist prophet of doom had forecast correctly the development of American capitalism unless the stranglehold of a few monopolists could be forever broken. Thus he explained the Democratic mission:

“We have entered the lists in order to free the average man of enterprise in America, and make ourselves masters of our own fortunes once again, because what I want to impress upon every thoughtful voter is this: The Trusts lie like a great incubus on the productive part of American brains. . . . The sap of manhood may never be allowed to express itself in action in America if we do not see to it that the places where the sap produces the fruit are kept free for its beneficent action. We are in danger of this taking place in the upper strata, the great financiers, the organizers of combinations of industry, the masters of monopoly bearing down with their great intolerable burden of controlled enterprise until this originative class is absolutely squeezed out and America consists of masters and employees.”

The processes of modern society were not individualistic, he continued ; they were processes of association, and the danger was great that

Campaign Climax and Election 521 private association would become stronger than public association and that there would be combinations of men and of money more powerful than the government itself. Therefore, Americans were literally at the parting of the ways; it was a time when common thought must deter-

mine the destiny of a nation.” |

Wilson had poured out his heart in this, his greatest campaign speech; he had explained the “faith that was in him,” not so much by discussing the intricate details of the economic issues, but rather by translating their meaning into language the people could understand. He had sacrificed specific details to generalizations, but it was high time for him to be doing exactly that. After his address at the Academy of Music, Wilson went to the Convention Hall where he and the Democratic leaders of the state addressed a gigantic throng of 15,000 enthusiastic Democrats. It was the largest political gathering Philadelphia had yet witnessed, and the crowd was full of confidence and hailed the Democratic nominee as the “next President of the United States.” By the end of October it was evident that Wilson would be elected by

a sweeping plurality. All the newspaper polls indicated as much, and gamblers in New York were offering 6-to-1 odds that he would win. He realized, however, that he would be powerless in the White House without a Democratic majority in Congress and pleaded time and again in his speeches for the election of a Democratic Congress. On October 27 he resorted to an unusual expedient by issuing a special message to the voters of the several states and appealing for their support in the congressional and senatorial elections.” In so far as the enthusiasm of the voters was concerned, the climax of the Democratic campaign was Wilson’s address before an immense audience at Madison Square Garden on October 31. Roosevelt had returned to the campaign in the same auditorium the night before and had been given an extraordinary demonstration lasting forty-five minutes by a throng of shouting and singing Bull Moosers. The Democratic enthusiasts, however, were determined to outdo the Progressive shouters. A whole array of prominent Democratic leaders, state and national, sat upon the speakers’ platform at this last rally of the national Democracy. The first great outburst of the crowd came when the preliminary speakers, Cleveland H. Dodge, Sulzer, Underwood, Martin H. Glynn, and Augustus Thomas, the playwright, entered. After Sulzer and Glynn had spoken, Thomas introduced Underwood; the crowd leapt to its ® Philadelphia Record, October 29, 1912. * New York World, October 28, 1912.

522 Campaign Climax and Election feet, and the band did its best to make “Dixie” heard above the roar of shouts and applause. Underwood, however, was soon interrupted by Wilson’s entrance into the auditorium. The great crowd was on its feet, cheering madly. Wilson had turned a regular old-fashioned political meeting into a “wild, waving, cheering, yelling, roaring, stamping mob of enthusiasts that needed no songs and no hymns and no encouragement to keep it at high pitch.” He looked about over the flag-covered hall; Mrs. Wilson was seated in a box directly in front of him, and once or twice he gazed in her direction. In spite of Wilson’s efforts to stop the demonstration, the cheering, whistling, and yelling lasted for an hour and four minutes. It was no longer a political rally; it was a mob of emotional people, confident of victory. When Wilson was finally able to make himself heard, he was so overcome by the demonstration that he completely forgot the speech he had “thought out” and planned to make. “It simply was bewildering,” he later declared.” Of course it did not matter what Wilson said upon such an occasion. His speech was relatively short and he rambled considerably in an attempt to summarize all the issues he had been emphasizing during the campaign. Thus, he concluded, the case was made up and before the jury. He did not doubt the verdict.” The presidential campaign might now be over as far as the voters were concerned, but Wilson would not rest, would not sit out the last four days before the election. On November 1 he went to Rochester, spoke before two large audiences, and probed deeper into the monopoly problem than ke had yet done. He was now chiefly concerned about the monopoly of certain vital raw materials that a few corporations held, and he advocated in a vague way legislation designed to set uniform prices for the sale of raw materials. He did not want the federal government to fix prices, he explained, but he did want to see “some government step in and say you can sell that raw material at any price you please, but you have got to sell it to everybody at the same price.”

During the last few days before the election Wilson campaigned northern New Jersey, pleading for the election of a Democratic legislature. On October 31 he spoke at Burlington and appealed for the elec-

tion of the Democratic senatorial and congressional candidates; on November 2 he reiterated this appeal at Long Branch and Red Bank. The following day he narrowly escaped serious injury at Hightstown ® New York Herald, November 1, 1912. * New York Times, November 1, 1912.

Campaign Climax and Election 523 when the automobile in which he was riding struck a rut in the road and threw him against the top of the car; he received an ugly scalp wound four inches long.”*

November 5 was election day. The shouting and tumult of the cam-

paign had ended; Wilson was at home, in the Elizabethan cottage on Cleveland Lane, with his wife and daughters. Also part of the family circle were his brother Joseph, from Nashville, his cousins James

and Fitz William Woodrow, his brother-in-law and old companion in arms Stockton Axson, and his faithful friend Dudley Field Malone. Wilson slept soundly and ate a late breakfast. At ten o’clock he walked to the firehouse on Chambers Street to vote. Captain Bill McDonald, the Texas Ranger whom Colonel House had sent to guard Wilson after the shooting of Roosevelt, and Walter Measday accompanied him on the walk up Bayard Lane and down Nassau Street. He stopped to point out to Captain McDonald and Measday the house on Nassau Street in

which he had boarded when he was a freshman many years before. In the afternoon McAdoo and Daniels came from New York and joined the intimate group at the Wilson home. Wilson took several of his friends on a long walk through the countryside surrounding Princeton; they came back through the campus and visited several of the University buildings. After supper they settled down to await the election returns. The final announcement of what everyone knew would happen came at about ten o’clock, when the telegraph operator brought the message of Wilson’s election to Mrs. Wilson. When the news of Wilson’s election was publicly announced, President Hibben ordered the bell in Nassau Hall rung and announced that November 6 would be a University holiday. A great crowd of students soon gathered on the campus and went to “Prospect,” where Hibben

greeted them. Then, armed with flags and torches, they marched to Cleveland Lane. The cheers of the students brought Wilson to the front porch; he stood there, bareheaded, while the shouts of the undergraduates mingled with the sound of the bell ringing in old Nassau. “Gentlemen, I am sincerely glad to see you,” he began; there were tears in his eyes as he continued: “T can’t help thinking this evening that something has only begun which you will have a great part in carrying forward. There is so much

to reconstruct and the reconstruction must be undertaken so justly *“ New York Herald, November 3-4, 1912; Trenton Evening True American, October 31, 1912.

524 Campaign Climax and Election and by slow process of common counsel, that a generation or two must

work out the result to be achieved. . . . I summon you for the rest of your lives to work to set this government forward by processes of justice, equity and fairness. I myself have no feeling of triumph tonight. I have a feeling of solemn responsibility.” “°

Since the middle of October there had not been much doubt as to the outcome of the contest. Roosevelt had made a spectacular, even a magnificent campaign; he had the support of the rank and file of the Republican progressives, especially in the Midwest. He had failed, however, to demoralize the Republicans and had drawn few progressive votes away from Wilson. More important, he and his colleagues had failed to establish their party on a well-organized basis; as George E. Mowry has shown, Roosevelt ran far ahead of the local Progressive candidates.”°

What the result would have been had the Democrats nominated Clark or a conservative at Baltimore no one can know. Clark would have succeeded in holding the Democratic party together and in winning the minimum Democratic vote; that would have been sufficient for election in 1912. Had an avowed conservative been nominated by the Democrats, on the other hand, Bryan and most of the Democratic progressives undoubtedly would have joined forces with Roosevelt and a genuine progressive party, combining the progressive elements of the two major parties, might have been launched in 1912. At any rate, it is a safe assumption that Wilson’s nomination precluded the success of the Progressive ticket.”"

The results of the election demonstrated at least one fact clearly, that the country, judged by the popular vote for the candidates, was overwhelmingly progressive in temper, for Wilson’s 6,293,019, Roosevelt’s 4,119,507, and Socialist Eugene V. Debs’s 901,873 votes constituted most of the votes cast. This generalization, however, should be accompanied by important reservations: there were many Bull Moose * Princeton Alumni Weekly, xu (November 6, 1912), 31-32. _ *° Theodore Roosevelt and the Progressive Movement, pp. 281-282.

"In this connection, Governor Herbert S. Hadley of Missouri, who had originally supported Roosevelt in the pre-convention campaign but who had refused to join the Progressive movement, wrote Wilson the following letter: “Ever since the Baltimore convention I have had in mind writing you to convey my sincere congratulations upon your nomination. . . . Any other nomination would have unquestionably brought about the result of three national parties with neither of sufficient strength to control and be responsible for the conduct of our national government.” September 2, 1912, Wilson Papers.

Campaign Climax and Election 525 enthusiasts who were only superficially progressive; many conservative

Republicans voted for Wilson in order to defeat Roosevelt; not all of the votes Wilson received from the South or from the boss-controlled city machines in the North and Midwest were progressive. Taft, the candidate of the Republican conservatives, received only 3,484,956 votes

and ran a poor third.** The results in the electoral college were even more startling. Taft carried Vermont and Utah and received 8 electoral votes; Roosevelt won 11 of California’s 13 votes, Michigan, Minnesota, Pennsylvania, South Dakota, and Washington, for a total of 88 electoral votes; Wilson won all the rest, 435 electoral votes. Almost as important as Wilson’s victory was the election of a Democratic House and Senate.

Sweeping though the victory was for the Democrats, the bare facts of the election returns could scarcely have elated the president-elect. He had not polled as many popular votes as had Bryan in 1908; he had not succeeded in establishing the Democratic party as the majority party in the country; and he and the Democrats had only a tenuous two years’ control of the House of Representatives. Outside the former

Confederate states and Kentucky, Wilson polled a majority of the popular votes only in Arizona. It is a safe assumption, however, that

neither Roosevelt nor Taft was responsible for the decrease in the Democratic vote in 1912, for the combined popular vote given Wilson’s

two chief opponents in 1912 was also slightly less than was Taft’s vote in 1908. Apparently what happened was that about half a million progressives refused to follow either Roosevelt or Wilson in 1912 and voted for Debs, who increased his popular vote almost half a million from 1908.

All during the day following the election, messages of congratulation and personal friends poured in upon Wilson at Princeton. Demo-

crats throughout the land hailed the results with joy and, in many cases, with riotous celebrations. The two great progressives who never

reached the White House seemed genuinely exuberant at Wilson’s triumph. For Bryan, the Democratic victory also had its pathos; he who had carried the standard three times unsuccessfully must stand on the sidelines and see a newcomer win the presidency at a time when he himself probably could have won. But there was no trace of envy

or bitterness in the Commoner’s great heart; Clark might sulk over opportunities lost, but not Bryan. “It is a great triumph and means much to the country,” Bryan wrote. “. . . Let every Democratic heart * Figures given in the World Almanac, 1914, p. 725. ” Bryan polled 6,393,182 votes in 1908; Wilson, 6,293,019 in 1912.

526 Campaign Climax and Election rejoice. If hope deferred maketh the heart sick, Democratic hopes at last realized ought to make us all happy.” *° La Follette’s reaction was perhaps more significant than Bryan’s for Wilson’s election meant nothing by way of party preferment and pa-

tronage to him as it did to the Nebraskan. La Follette interpreted the meaning of the election thus: “.. . Oppressed and heartsick, a-nation of ninety million people, demanding plain, simple justice, striving for educational, political and industrial democracy, turned to Woodrow Wilson as the only

present hope... . “The meaning of Mr. Wilson’s election is plain. The people have been mere pawns in the political game. They had Roosevelt as President. They had Taft as President. And during the seven years’ administration of the one and four years’ administration of the other, they had seen Special Privilege fastening its grip upon the country, each year with firmer hold. They had seen the trust grow and multiply,

and the gigantic mergers and combinations welding Business into a Plutocracy, under Roosevelt. They had seen the special interests wax arrogant and the tariff wall raised by the hands of its pampered beneficiaries, under Taft. They demanded a change. And they forged their demand into a call for Wilson.” * There were, in short, few editorial dissidents on the morning of November 6. Even the Negro editors seemed certain that, as one Negro

editor put it, Wilson would be the “champion of equal rights, friend of the colored American and President of all the people of every section, and of every race.” *” Most Democratic spokesmen interpreted the election results as a sign that the people demanded emancipation from professional politicians, boss rule, special privilege, and the trusts; and

most agreed that Wilson’s administration would bring better government, honest tariff legislation, financial and monopoly reform, and an end to class conflict and antagonism. The South, especially, felt a thrill of pride when it recalled that once again, after sixty-four long years, a Southerner had been elected president. There were also manifestations of local pride in Virginia and in the southern cities where Wilson had lived.

Some of the more sober minds pointed out that the Democratic victory had come as a result of Republican suicide and that the mil” The Commoner, November 8, 1912. " La Follette’s Weekly Magazine, 1v (November 9, 1912), 3. * Boston Guardian, cited in Crisis, v (December 1912), 69.

Campaign Climax and Election 527 Jennium, which the starry-eyed Democrats were forecasting so glibly, might be difficult to achieve. But a realization of the responsibilities

that came with victory could not dampen the unmitigated joy that Democrats felt. Even old “Marse Henry” was reconciled at last. “God

give him wisdom and grace and send prosperous gales to the ship of state about to be entrusted to his keeping,” was his salutation to the president-elect.**

What was the fundamental meaning of Wilson’s election; what did it portend for the future of the country? Certainly it was as much a political revolution as was Jefferson’s triumph over the Federalists in 1800. As in 1800, the election of 1912 resulted in an important shift in geographical control of the federal government, as well as a change of parties. The government since the Civil War, whether under the control of the Republicans or the pseudo-Democratic Cleveland Democrats, had been consistently representative of the interests of industry, business, and finance. Even Roosevelt and Taft had not been able to dislodge the Old Guard Republican leaders from their seats of power in Congress, and neither had accomplished any really thoroughgoing reforms with regard to the tariff and trusts. In spite of Wilson’s conservative past, his rapid conversion to progressivism, and all his vagaries and hedges, he had emerged as the present heir of the great populist-Bryan tradition, which was in turn the child of a deep-rooted American faith in democracy, equality of opportunity, humanitarian reform, and fair play. Wilson was a more cautious liberal than the populist reformers had been; he was perhaps a little more concerned about preserving certain property rights. Yet

no man could now doubt that his concern for the general welfare was profound, and that regardless of how he came by his progressive principles he would see them through as leader of the American people. He could honestly say at the end of the campaign, “Nobody owns me.” He could begin his administration with no binding commitments or promises to special interest groups. He could stand as the impartial representative of all the people. Wilson’s triumph determined also that for the next four years the southern Democracy would literally be in the saddle of the federal government. Southern representatives and senators, firmly entrenched by an undisturbed tenure of office, would assume the headship of almost all the congressional committees; southern Democrats would take over * Louisville Courier-Journal, November 9, 1912.

528 Campaign Climax and Election half the cabinet posts. Southerners, at last, were “back in the house of their fathers.” The oft-dreamed-of alliance between the South and the West had not yet come, but a government progressive in point of view and sympathetic to farmer and labor demands would assume the reins of power on March 4, 1913.

What the results of the next four years ahead were to be, no man could foresee, but the lonely man at Princeton had not forgotten his promises to the people or ceased to dream of a new birth of freedom for America.

Bibliography of Sources and Works Cited’ THE author wishes to acknowledge his indebtedness to the following publishers: To Charles Scribner’s Sons, for permission to quote from The Confessions of a Reformer, by Frederick C. Howe; Memoirs of An Editor, by Edward P. Mitchell; 4n Old Master and Other Political Essays, by Woodrow Wilson. To Columbia University Press, for permission to quote from Constitutional Government in the United States, by Woodrow Wilson.

To D. Appleton-Century Company, for permission to quote from The Letters and Journal of Brand Whitlock, edited by Allan Nevins; The Political Education of Woodrow Wilson, by James Kerney.

To D. C. Heath and Company, for permission to quote from The State, by Woodrow Wilson.

To Doubleday and Company, for permission to quote from The True Story of Woodrow Wilson, by David Lawrence; Woodrow Wilson As I Know Him, by Joseph P. Tumulty; Woodrow Wilson: Life and Letters, Vol. I, by Ray Stannard Baker. To Houghton Mifflin Company, for permission to quote from Congressional Government and Mere Literature & Other Essays, by Woodrow Wilson. To the Johns Hopkins Press, for permission to quote from The Economic Thought of Woodrow Wilson, by William Diamond. And to the following persons and libraries, for permission to quote from hitherto unpublished letters: Mrs. Warren W. Bailey, letter of Warren Worth Bailey; Mr. Walter Brown, letter of Thomas E. Watson; Mr. J. Lionberger Davis, personal

letter; Duke University Library, letters of William Garrot Brown; Mr. Charles M. Egan, personal letter; Mr. James F. Fielder, personal "This bibliography makes no attempt to offer a complete list of the sources and published works that were used in the writing of this book. For a more complete bibliography, see A. S. Link, “The South and the Democratic Campaign of 1910-1912” (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, now in the Library of the University of North Carolina), pp. 489-542.

530 Sources and Works (ited letter; Mrs. Corinne McCombs Hardy, letters of William F. McCombs;

Mrs. Mary Hemphill Greene, letters of James C. Hemphill; Mrs. Ronald Hudson, letters of Moses T. Pyne; Mr. Melancthon W. Jacobus,

Jr., letter of Melancthon W. Jacobus; Captain Luke Lea, Jr., letter of Luke Lea; Mr. Isaac H. Lionberger, personal letter, Messrs. Cyrus Mc-

Cormick and Gordon McCormick, letter of Cyrus H. McCormick; Mrs. E. E. McCoy and Mrs. Pettersen Marzoni, letter of Frank P. Glass; Mrs. Isabella O. Osgood, letters of Edward W. Sheldon; Mr. Clarence Poe, personal letter; Princeton University Library, restricted collections; Mr. Henry B. Thompson, Jr., letters of Henry B. Thompson; Mrs. Margaret Farrand Thorp, memorandum of Wilson Farrand; Dr. C.-E. A. Winslow, letter of Irving Winslow; Mr. Oswald G. Villard, personal letters and memoranda; Dr. Randolph West, letter and memorandum of Andrew F. West; Mr. Lawrence C. Woods, Jr., letter of Lawrence C. Woods; Yale University Library, letters of Edward M. House.

MANUSCRIPTS In the Library of Congress: Jane Addams Papers. Ray Stannard Baker Papers. William Jennings Bryan Papers. Albert S. Burleson Papers. Richard Olney Papers. Theodore Roosevelt Papers. William Howard Taft Papers. Daniel Augustus Tompkins Papers. Henry Watterson Papers. Woodrow Wilson Papers. In the Library of Duke University: William Garrot Brown Papers. In the Library of Harvard University: Walter H. Page Papers. In the Library of Princeton University: Joline, John F., Jr. “A Footnote to the Campaign of 1912. The ‘Joline Letter.’ ”

West, Andrew F. “A Narrative of the Graduate College of Princeton University From Its Proposal in 1896 Until Its Dedication in 1913.” Gilbert Close File of Wilson Speeches. Wilson Farrand Papers.

Sources and Works Cited 531 Moses Taylor Pyne Papers. Edward W. Sheldon Papers. Woodrow Wilson-Robert Bridges Correspondence. Woodrow Wilson-J. Maxwell Gordon Correspondence. Woodrow Wilson-Henry S. McClure Correspondence. In the Library of the University of North Carolina: Daniel Augustus Tompkins Papers. Thomas E. Watson Papers. In the Library of the University of Virginia: Richard Heath Dabney Papers. In the Library of Yale University: Edward M. House Papers. In the possession of Oswald Garrison Villard, New York City: Oswald Garrison Villard Papers.

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United States Senate. Campaign Contributions. Testimony before a Subcommittee of the Committee on Privileges and Elections. United States Senate, Sixty-Second Congress, Third Session, 2 v. Washington, 1913.

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Journal of the Sixty-Eighth Senate of the State of New Jersey. Trenton, IgI2. Laws of New Jersey, 1893, 1896, 1903-1911.

Minutes of Votes and Proceedings of the One Hundred and ThirtyFifth General Assembly of the State of New Jersey. Trenton, 1911.

Minutes of Votes and Proceedings of the One Hundred and T hirtySixth General Assembly of the State of New Jersey. Trenton, 1912.

CORRESPONDENCE AND COLLECTED WORKS Baker, Ray Stannard. Woodrow Wilson, Life and Letters, 8 v. Garden City: Doubleday, Page, 1927-1939.

Elderkin, John, et al. (eds.). After Dinner Speeches at the Lotos Club. New York: Printed for the Lotos Club, rg11.

532 Sources and Works (ited Nevins, Allan (ed.). The Letters and Journal of Brand W hitlock, 2 v. New York and London: D. Appleton-Century, 1936. Seymour, Charles (ed.). The Intimate Papers of Colonel House, 4 v. Boston and New York: Houghton, Mifflin, 1926-1928.

Winter, Ella and Granville Hicks (eds.). The Letters of Lincoln Steffens,2v. New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1938.

AUTOBIOGRAPHIES AND MEMOIRS Bryan, Mary Baird (ed.). The Memoirs of William Jennings Bryan. Philadelphia and Chicago: John C. Winston, 1925. Clark, Champ. My Quarter Century of American Politics. New York and London: Harper and Bros., 1920. Daniels, Josephus. The Wilson Era. Years of Peace. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1944.

Elliott, Margaret Axson. My Aunt Louisa and Woodrow Wilson. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1944. Gompers, Samuel. Seventy Years of Life and Labor, 2 v. New York: Dutton, 1925.

Harrison, Carter H., II. Stormy Years, The Autobiography of Carter H. Harrison, Five Times Mayor of Chicago. Indianapolis: BobbsMerrill, 1935.

Houston, David F. Eight Years with Wilson’s Cabinet, 1913 to 1920. Garden City: Doubleday, Page, 1926.

Howe, Frederick C. The Confessions of a Reformer. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1925.

Hurley, Edward N. The Bridge to France. Philadelphia and London: Lippincott, 1927. Lyons, Maurice F. William F. McCombs, The President Maker. Cincinnati: Bancroft Co., 1922.

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Page, 1922. | 1924.

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Wister, Owen. Roosevelt, the Story of a Friendship, 1880-1919. New York: Macmillan, 1930.

CAMPAIGN AND POLITICAL LITERATURE Bacon, Alexander S. The Enemies of Woodrow Wilson. New York: Nn. p., 1912.

Published by the Democratic National Committee, New York, 1912:

Eliot, Charles W. “Why Dr. Eliot Will Vote for Wilson and Marshall.”

Rogers, Henry Wade. “Why I Shall Vote for Wilson.” Spreckels, Rudolph. “Why Republicans Should Vote for Woodrow Wilson.” Wilson, William B. “What Democrats Have Done for Labor.” “Democracy’s Case in a Nutshell.” Democratic Text-Book, 1912. “Gov. Wilson a Friend of Immigration.” “Gov. Wilson and the Farmer.” “Gov. Wilson’s Labor Day Speech.” “Governor Wilson’s Position toward Labor.” “High Tariff Primer.” “Scheme to Deceive Labor Exposed by Louis D. Brandeis.” “Thomas R. Marshall. Story of His Life Record as Governor.” “Twelve Reasons Why I Should Vote for Woodrow Wilson.” “What High Tariff Sugar Means to You, Mr. and Mrs. Consumer.” “Which Party Can Labor Trust?” “Why Railroad Men Should Vote for Wilson.” “Wilson and Labor. ‘Proof of the Pudding Is the Eating Thereof.’” “Woman’s Opportunity.” “Woodrow Wilson, Friend of the Railroad Employee.” “Woodrow Wilson Places Human Rights Above Property Rights.” “Woodrow Wilson’s Promise and Performance.” “Would You Trust the Steel Trust to Regulate the Trusts?” McCombs, William F. Some Reasons Why Woodrow Wilson Should

534 Sources and Works Cited be the Democratic Nominee. New York: Editorial Review Co., 1912. Monaghan, James Charles. ls Woodrow Wilson a Bigot?. New York: Nn. p., 1912.

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Congressional Government. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1885, 1900.

Constitutional Government in the United States. New York: Columbia University Press, 1908.

Division and Reunion. New York and London: Longmans, Green, 1893.

George Washington. New York and London: Harper and Bros., 1896.

Sources and Works Cited 535 A History of the American People, 5 v. New York and London: Harper and Bros., 1902.

Mere Literature, and Other Essays. Boston and New York: Houghton, Mifflin, 1896.

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“The Ideals of America,” Atlantic Monthly, xc (December 1902), 721-734-

“Leaderless Government,” published in Report of the Ninth Annual Meeting of the Virginia State Bar Association. Richmond, 1897. “The Making of the Nation,” Adlantic Monthly, txxx (July 1897), 1-14. “Mr. Cleveland as President,” Atlantic Monthly, txxtx (March 1897), 289-300.

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“The Reconstruction of the Southern States,” Azlantic Monthly, txxxvu (January 1901), I-15. Review of James Bryce’s The American Commonwealth, in Political Science Quarterly, 1 (March 1889), 153-1609.

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536 Sources and Works (ited “William Earl Chatham,” Nassau Literary Magazine, xxx1v (October 1878), 99-105.

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Minneapolis Evening Tribune, IgIt. Minneapolis Journal, 1911. Mobile Register, 1912. Montgomery Advertiser, 1912. Muskogee (Okla.) Daily Phoenix, 1912. Nashville American, 1902. Nashville Banner, 1911-1912. Nashville Tennessean and American, 1911-1912. Natchez Daily Democrat, 1911. Newark Evening News, 1902, 1910-1912. Newark Evening Star, 1910-1912.

Newark Morning Star, Igtt. Newark Sunday Call, 1910. New Orleans Times-Democrat, 1910, 1912. New York Age, 1912. New York American, 1910-1912. New York Daily Tribune, 1902. New York Evening Journal, 1910, 1912. New York Evening Post, 1902, 1906, 1910, 1912. New York Evening World, 1910-1911. New York Globe, 1912. New York Herald, 1912. New York Mail and Express, 1902. New York Sun, 1904, 1910-1912. New York Times, 1902, 1907, 1910-1912, 1921. New York World, 1904, 1908, 1910-1912. Norfolk Virginian-Pilot, 1910-1912. Oklahoma City Daily Oklahoman, 1910, 1912. Omaha World-Herald, 1911-1912. Pasadena (Cal.) Star, 1911.

538 Sources and Works Cited Passaic (N. J.) Daily News, 1910-1911. Pensacola Evening News, 1912. Pensacola Journal, 1912. Philadelphia North American, 1910, 1912. Philadelphia Public Ledger, 1912. Philadelphia Record, 1912. Pittsburgh Dispatch, 1910. Pittsburgh Post, 1912. Portland Evening Telegram, 1911. Portland Oregon Daily Journal, 1911. Raleigh News and Observer, 1911-1912. Richmond News Leader, 1912. Richmond Times-Dispatch, 1902, 1910-1912. Richmond Virginian, 1911. Roanoke (Va.) Times, 1912. Sacramento Bee, 1911. Sz. Louis Globe-Democrat, 1912. St. Louis Republic, 1910-1912. St. Paul Dispatch, 1911. St. Paul Pioneer Press, 1911. San Antonio Express, 1912. San Francisco Bulletin, 1911. San Francisco Chronicle, 1911. Seattle Times, 1911. Sioux City (Ja.) Journal, 1912. Springfield (Mass.) Republican, 1912. Staunton News-Dispatch, 1912. Topeka State Journal, 1912. Trenton Evening Times, 1910-1912. Trenton State Gazette, 1910. Trenton True American, 1909-1912. Washington Post, 1912. Waterbury (Conn.) American, 1900. Wilmington (Del.) Every Evening, 1912. Wilmington (N. C.) Messenger, 1902. Wilmington (N. C.) Morning Star, 1911-1912.

PERIODICALS CITED FOR EDITORIAL OPINION American Federationist, 1912. Christian Advocate (Nashville, Tenn.), 1912.

Sources and Works Cited 539 Collier's Weekly, 1911-1912. The Commoner (Lincoln, Neb.), 1910-1912. Crisis, 1912. Harper's Weekly, 1906, 1909-1910. Independent, 1910.

The Jeffersonian (Thomson, Ga.), 1912. La Follette’s Weekly Magazine (Madison, Wisc.), 1911-1912. The Nation, 1873, 1878, 1879, 1882, 1885, 1887, 1910-1912. Outlook, 1910-1912.

Presbyterian of the South (Richmond, Va.), 1911. Presbyterian Standard (Charlotte, N. C.), 1911-1912. Review of Reviews, 1910. World’s Work, 1912.

CONTEMPORARY ARTICLES Baker, Ray Stannard, “Our Next President and Some Others,” American Magazine, Lxxiv (June 1912), 131-143.

Baker, R. S., “Wilson,” Collier’s Weekly, pvr (October 1916), 6. Barton, George, “Woodrow Wilson: His Human Side,” Current History, xxi (April 1925), 6. Bradford, Gamaliel, “The Progress of Civil Service Reform,” International Review, m (September 1882), 266-267. Brandeis, Louis D., “Labor and the New Party Trust Program,” La Follette’s Weekly Magazine, 1v (October 12, 1912), 5-8. Brandeis, L. D., “Trusts, the Export Trade, and the New Party,” Collier’s Weekly, u (September 21, 1912), 10-11.

Brandeis, L. D., “Trusts, Efficiency, and the New Party,” Collzer’s Weekly, xtrx (September 14, 1912), 14-15. Daniels, Josephus, “Wilson and Bryan,” Saturday Evening Post, cxcvit (September 5, 1925), 6-7.

Daniels, Winthrop More, “Woodrow Wilson: An Appraisal,” Independent, xxi (November 14, 1912), IILI-1114. Ewing, Robert, “To the Citizens of Tennessee,’ Nashville Banner, January 19, 1912.

Ford, Henry Jones, “Woodrow Wilson,—A Character Sketch,” Review

of Reviews, xtv1 (August 1912), 177-184. Gompers, Samuel, “The Presidency in the Pending Campaign,” American Federationist, x1x (November 1912), 889-894.

Graves, John Temple, “Speaker Champ Clark,” Independent, Lxx1 (November 2, 1911), 959-963.

540 Sources and Works Cited Hazeltine, Mayo W., “Whom Will the Democrats Next Nominate for President?” North American Review, cxcu (April 1906), 481-491. Hendrick, Burton J., “Judson Harmon, Progressive Candidate,” McClure’s Magazine, xxxviu (April 1912), 619-624. Hendrick, B. J., “Woodrow Wilson: Political Leader,” McClure’s Magazine, xxxviit (December 1911), 217-231. Inglis, William O., “Helping to Make a President,” Collzer’s Weekly, Lv (October 7, 14, and 21, 1916). Kerney, James, “Woodrow Wilson, Governor,” Independent, txx (May II, 1911), 986-989. La Follette, Robert M., “A Call to Service,” La Follette’s Weekly Magazine, wv (July 27, 1912), 3-4. Lathrop, John E., “The Views of Champ Clark,” Ouzlook, ct (May 11, 1912), 65-73.

Lewis, Alfred Henry, “The Real Woodrow Wilson,” Hearst's Magazine, xxi (May 1912), 2265-2274.

Link, Arthur S. (ed.), “Correspondence Relating to the Progressive Party’s ‘Lily White’ Policy in 1912,” Journal of Southern History, x (November 1944), 480-490. Link, A. S., “A Letter from One of Wilson’s Managers,” American Historical Review, v (July 1945), 768-775. Mack, Norman E., “Wilson and Marshall—Mr. Bryan and New York,”

National Monthly, w (August 1912), 65. Malone, Dudley F., “Woodrow Wilson—The Man,” National Monthly, iv (September 1912), 91. Needham, Henry Beach, “Woodrow Wilson’s Views,” Oudlook, xcvi1 (August 26, 1911), 939-951.

Praeger, Otto, “How Winning Fight for Wilson Was Made,” Dallas

Morning News, July 3, 1912. |

Roosevelt, Theodore, “The Minimum Wage,” Outlook, cu (September 28, 1912), 159-160.

Roosevelt, T., “Platform Insincerity,” Ouzlook, cr (July 27, 1912), 659663.

Roosevelt, T., “The Taft-Wilson Trust Programme,” Outlook, cu (September 21, 1912), 105-107. Steffens, Lincoln, “A Servant of God and the People. The Story of Mark

Fagan,.Mayor of Jersey City,” McClure’s Magazine, xxv1 (January 1906), 297-308.

Steffens, L., “The Gentleman from Essex,” McClure’s Magazine, xxvi (February 1906), 421-433.

Sources and Works Cited 541 Stockbridge, Frank Parker, “Champ Clark, of Pike County,” World’s Work, xxiv (May 1912), 27-36.

Stockbridge, F. P., “How Woodrow Wilson Won His Nomination,” Current History, xx (July 1924). Thomas, Norman, “Mr. Wilson’s Tragedy and Ours,” The World Tomorrow, March 1921.

UNSIGNED ARTICLES

Brandeis. |

“Concentration,” Collier’s Weekly, L (October 5, 1912), 8. By Louis D.

“The Farmer Orator,” Saturday Evening Post, cuxxxut (April 8, 1911), 27.

“Labor and the Trusts;’ Collier’s Weekly, xix (September 14, 1912), 8. By L. D. Brandeis.

“The Method,” Collier’s Weekly, 1 (October 19, 1912), 8. By L. D. Brandeis.

“Monopoly,” Collier’s Weekly, xtrx (September 7, 1912), 8. By L. D. Brandeis.

“Republican Progressives for Wilson,” National Monthly, w (November 1912), 138.

“The Wastes of Monopoly,” Collier’s Weekly, u (September 21, 1912), 8. By L. D. Brandeis. “Woodrow Wilson and the New Jersey Governorship,” Review of Reviews, xi11 (November 1910), 555-562.

SECONDARY WORKS

Bagehot, Walter. The English Constitution. Boston: Little, Brown, 1872.

Barnes, Harry Elmer. The Genesis of the World War. New York: Knopf, 1926.

Carlson, Oliver, and Ernest Sutherland Bates. Hearst, Lord of San Simeon. New York: Viking Press, 1936.

Diamond, William. The Economic Thought of Woodrow Wilson. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1943.

Eaton, Allen H. The Oregon System, Chicago: A. C. McClurg, 1912. Hacker, Louis M., and Benjamin B. Kendrick. The United States Since 1865. New York: F. S. Crofts, 1940. Hendrick, Burton J. The Life and Letters of Walter H. Page, 3 v. Garden City: Doubleday, Page, 1922-1925.

Hendrick, B. J. The Training of an American. The Earlier Life and

542 Sources and Works Cited Letters of Walter H. Page, 1855-1913. Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1928.

Hollingsworth, William W. Woodrow Wilson’s Ideals as Interpreted from His Works. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1918.

Hutchinson, William T. (ed.). The Marcus W. Jernegan Essays in American Historiography. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1937:

Johnson, Gerald. Woodrow Wilson. New York and London: Harpers, 1944.

Johnson, Willis Fletcher. George Harvey, “A Passionate Patriot,’ Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1929.

Josephson, Matthew. The President Makers. New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1940.

Kerney, James. The Political Education of Woodrow Wilson. New York and London: The Century Co., 1926.

Kraus, Michael. 4 History of American History. New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1937.

Kull, Irving Stoddard (ed.). New Jersey, a History, 6 v. New York: American Historical Society, 1930-1932.

Lawrence, David. The True Story of Woodrow Wilson. New York: George H. Doran, 1924. Lief, Alfred. Democracy’s Norris. New York: Stackpole Sons, 19309. Lundburg, Ferdinand. Imperial Hearst, a Social Biography. New York: Equinox Cooperative Press, 1936.

Morison, Samuel E., and Henry S. Commager. The Growth of the American Republic, 2 v. New York: Oxford, 1937. Mowry, George E. Theodore Roosevelt and the Progressive Movement. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1946.

Nichols, Jeanette P. Twentieth Century United States. New York: D. Appleton-Century, 1943. Noble, Ransome E., Jr. New Jersey Progressivism before Wilson. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1946. Notter, Harley. The Origins of the Foreign Policy of Woodrow Wilson. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1937.

O’Brien, Frank M. The Story of the Sun. New York and London: D. Appleton and Co., 1928. Pringle, Henry F. The Life and Times of William Howard Taft. New York and Toronto: Farrar and Rinehart, 1939.

Sackett, William E. Modern Battles of Trenton, 2 v. Trenton: J. L. Murphy, 1914.

Sources and Works Cited 543 Smith, Arthur D. H., Mr. House of Texas. New York and London: Funk and Wagnalls, 1940. Synon, Mary. McAdoo. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1924. Wallas, Graham. The Life of Francis Place. London: George Allen and Unwin, 1918.

Waltersdorf, M. C. Regulation of Public Utilities in New Jersey. Baltimore: Waverly Press, 1936. Werner, Morris R. Bryan. New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1929.

White, William Allen. Woodrow Wilson. Boston and New York:

Houghton Mifflin, 1924. Woodward, C. Vann. Tom Watson: Agrarian Rebel. New York: Macmillan, 1938.

SECONDARY ARTICLES Baker, Paul, “Woodrow Wilson’s Political Philosophy,” Texas Christian University Quarterly, 1 (January 1925), 2-39.

Bradford, Gamaliel, “Brains Win and Lose. Woodrow Wilson,” Azlantic Monthly, cxtvu (February 1931), 152-164. Daniel, Marjorie L., “Woodrow Wilson—Historian,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review, xxt (December 1934), 361-374.

Dodd, William Edward, “The Social and Economic Background of Woodrow Wilson,” Journal of Political Economy, xxv (March 1917). Link, A. S., “The Baltimore Convention of 1912,” American Historical Review, u (July 1945), 691-713.

Link, A. S., “The Democratic Pre-Convention Campaign of 1912 in Georgia,” Georgia Historical Quarterly, xxx (September 1945), 143158.

Link, A. S., “The Negro as a Factor in the Campaign of 1912,” Journal of Negro History, January, 1947.

Link, A. S., “The Progressive Movement in the South, 1870-1914,” North Carolina Historical Review, xxi (April 1946), 172-195. Link, A. S., “Tennessee Politics and the Presidential Campaign of 1912,” East Tennessee Historical Society's Proceedings, 1946. Link, A. S., “Theodore Roosevelt and the South in 1912,” North Carolina Historical Review, xxuu (July 1946), 313-324. Link, A. S., “The Underwood Presidential Movement of 1912,” Journal of Southern History, x1 (May 1945), 230-245.

Link, A. S., “The Wilson Movement in Texas, 1910-1912,” Southwestern Historical Quarterly, xiv (October 1944), 169-185.

a/ INDEX 1) ' Abbett, Leon, 134. nomic and political thought, 12, 16-17, 24, Abbott, Frank F., Wilson confers with over 32. Wyman bequest, 89. Bailey, Joseph W., 311. Abbott, Lawrence, 124. Bailey, Warren Worth, 130.

Ackerman, Ernest R., president of New Jersey Baird, David, Republican boss of Camden and Senate, 242, 245; supports corrupt practices South Jersey, 137; promises to defeat Wilson

legislation, 260. for governorship, 186; defeats liberal Re-

Adams, Herbert Baxter, 11-12. publican candidates in primary campaign of Adams, J. H., editor Baltumore Evening Sun, 1911 in South Jersey, 288.

433, n. 8. Baker, George F., 128.

Adams, John, 31. Baker, Newton D., leads Wilson movement in

Agnew, James C., 250, n. 39; 256, n. 49. Ohio, 419, n. 99; appeals for abrogation of

Alabama, pre-convention campaign in, 408. unit rule at Baltimore convention, 439.

Alabama, University of, 23, n. 96. Baker, Ray Stannard, describes Wilson’s intel-

Alderman, Edwin A., president University of lectual alertness, 95; comments on McCombs,

Virginia, tribute to Wilson, 316. 486, n. 76.

Alexander, Henry Eckert, editor Trenton True Baker, Ray Stannard, Papers, Library of ConAmerican, an early advocate of Wilson’s gress, importance as source for study of Wil-

nomination for governor of New Jersey, son’s life, ix.

149; demands Wilson’s nomination, in edi- Baldwin, Simeon E., congratulates Wilson on torial, 150; denounces leaders of movement gubernatorial nomination, 171; endorsed by to prevent Wilson’s nomination, 160; leads Connecticut Democrats for presidency, 420; chorus praising Wilson’s nomination, 169; nominated for presidency at Baltimore con-

advises Wilson on campaign strategy, 180, vention, 447.

n. 18; says Wilson is uniting the insurgent Balentine, Edward D., 224, 286. forces of New Jersey, 185; repudiates Smith’s Baltimore convention of 1912, controversy over

senatorial candidacy, 223; issues weekly Wil- temporary chairmanship, 432-438; signifison edition of True American, 330; confers cance of Parker’s election as temporary chairwith Ohio progressive leaders, 418, n. 99. man, 437-438; fight over abrogation of unit

Alyea, Garrabrant R., 216. rule, 438-440; controversy concerning disAmerican Federationist, organ of the Amer- position of South Dakota delegation, 440ican Federation of Labor, x. 441; controversy concerning disposition of

American Magazine, joins in anti-Clark cam- Hlinois delegation, 440-441; reaction against

paign, 420. Clark-Tammany alliance, 441; Bryan’s anti-

Anderson, Jefferson R., 446. Morgan-Belmont-Ryan resolution, 441-4453 Angell, James B., 20; 21, n. 84. general strategy of Wilson managers, 445;

Anketell, Thomas A., 336. nomination of Underwood, 445-446; nomiAnti-Imperialist League, secretary opposed to nation of Clark, 446-447; nomination of Roosevelt in 1912, 478. Wilson, 447; other nominations, 447-448; Arizona, pre-convention campaign in, 420. first ballot, 448; New York gives Clark maArkansas, pre-convention campaign in, 420. jority on tenth ballot, 448-449; the Wilson-

Atlanta Constitution, 416. Underwood alliance prevents Clark landAtlantic County, New Jersey, dominated by slide, 450-451; Bryan changes vote from

corrupt Republican machine, 292. Clark to Wilson, 453-454; vote on twenty-

Axson, Stockton, describes Wilson’s religious sixth ballot, 455; Wilson moves into lead, beliefs, 94; confers with Harvey, 101; in- 458; crisis for Wilson, 461; nomination of structed by Wilson to prevent his nomination Wilson for president, 461-462; nomination for vice-president in 1908, 120; tells Wilson of Marshall for vice-president, 462-463; he has offended Harvey, 362-363; with Wil- Democratic platform of 1912, 463; analysis

son on election day, 523. of factors responsible for Wilson’s nomination, 463-465. Bacharach, Harry, 293. Baltimore Sun, as a source for the pre-convenBackus, Harry F., 225, n. 79; 234; 256, n. 49. tion period, 1910-1912, x; hails Wilson as Bacon, Charles Reade, reports Wilson’s guber- new Democratic leader, 199; defends Wilson natorial campaign speeches for Philadelphia in Harvey affair, 372, n. 100; supports Wil-

Record, 184. son in pre-convention campaign, 392; com-

Bagehot, Walter, influence on Wilson’s eco- ments on Bryan’s defeat in temporary chair-

540 INDEX manship fight, 438; demands Wilson’s Brougham, Henry B., offers editorial assistance nomination, 458; a leading Wilson news- of New York Times in graduate college conpaper in presidential campaign, 508, n. 144. troversy, 74; receives letter from Wilson, Bankhead, John H., Underwood’s manager in setting forth the issues of the controversy, pre-convention campaign, 408; withdraws 74-75; editorial on Princeton, 75-76; asks Underwood’s name and throws support to Wilson to support editorial, 76; promises Wilson, in Baltimore convention, 461; as- support of New York Times in Wilson’s sures Wilson of support of Underwood men, gubernatorial campaign, 170.

470. Brown, Charles W., 224; 234; 256, n. 49.

Bankhead, William B., 445-446. Brown, Joseph M., 415. Barclay, McKee, 319-320, 325. Brown, William Garrot, says Wilson could

Barnard, Otto T., 353, n. 20. harm sound-money movement more than Barton, R. M., 396, n. 21. any other Democrat, 342; appeals to Wilson Baruch, Bernard M., 485. not to go astray on money question, 342Beale, Howard K., xii. 343; Wilson replies to, 343; fears quieted by Beckham, John C. W., 365, n. 69. Wilson’s reply, 343.

Bell, Theodore, 436. | Brown, William Garrot, Papers, Duke UniBelmont, August, 102, 434, 443, 445, 485. versity, as a source for the pre-convention “Big Five,’ Democratic machine in Hudson period, 1911-1912, ix. County, 250; opposes Wilson legislative Bruce, William Cabell, 7. nominees in primary campaign of 1911, 288. Bryan, George, 172, n. 190.

Birch, Thomas H., 317. Bryan, Charles W., greets Wilson in Lincoln, Birmingham Age-Herald, as a source for the 326; tells W. J. Bryan that Tammany has pre-convention period, x. agreed to deliver its votes to Clark, 442; sug-

Black, Charles C., 106. gests to Wilson leaders that they introduce Blake, Aldrich, 336. resolution demanding expulsion from conBlakenburg, Rudolph, 394. vention of Ryan, Belmont, and others, 442; Blauvelt, James G., 258. greets Wilson in Omaha, 512. Blease, Cole L., 328. Bryan, John Stewart, publisher of Richmond Blease, Lillian, xiii. News-Leader, comments on Wilson’s esBoettner, Frank A., 206, 224, 286. pousal of initiative, referendum, and recall,

Bok, Edward, 171. 340. Booraem, John V. L., 234, n. 101. Bryan, William J., condemned by Wilson in

Borden, John, 482-483. 1896, 25; Wilson’s opinion of in 1904, 96; Boston Evening Transcript, 372, n. 100. Wilson’s demand that he and his followers

Boston Globe, 508, n. 144. be expelled from Democratic party, 96; comBoston Herald, 508, n. 144. ment of George Foster Peabody, 97, n. 12; Boyd, Julian P., xiii. Wilson refuses to speak from same platform Boyle, William T., 299, n. 72. with, 117; views called foolish and dangerBracken, John J., 225, n. 79; 234; 256, n. 49; ous by Wilson, 118; master of the Demo-

260. cratic situation in 1908, 119; prohibited from

Bradford,’ Gamaliel, reviews Congressional speaking in Princeton in 1908 by Wilson, Government, 14-15; sets forth proposal for 120; congratulates Wilson on election as cabinet government in 1873, 17-18; scathing governor, 201; commends Wilson’s stand in indictment of congressional system, 19. senatorial fight, 222; Democratic success in

Bradford, Gamaliel (Jr.), 95. election of r910 not a Bryan victory, 310; Bradley, William J., 256, 260, 288. bolts party in Nebraska, 310; puzzled by Brand, Katharine E., xii. Wilson’s progressive action and his conserva-

Brandeis, Louis D., first meeting with Wilson, tive newspaper support, 316-317; senatorial 488; explains why he joined Wilson ranks, fight convinces him that Wilson is progres488, n. 85; as the chief architect of the New sive, 317; asks Wilson to explain attitude Freedom, 489; confers with Wilson, 491; toward Democratic platform of 1908, 317; sends Wilson memoranda embodying ideas urges Wilson to_recommend adoption of inon trust control, 491-492; writes articles and come tax amendment, 317; first meeting editorials for Collier’s Weekly, 493; proposes with Wilson, 317-318; Wilson’s new opinthat federal commission regulate competi- ion of, 318; speaks with Wilson at rally in

tion, 509. New Jersey, 318; praised by Wilson in

Breckinridge, Desha H., 172, n. 190. speech at Lincoln, 326; attempts to dictate

Breckinridge, Henry S., 313. to Democratic House of Representatives, at-

Brewer, Earl, 446. tacks Underwood’s leadership, 328; Wilson’s Bridges, Robert, 23. desire to knock him into ‘‘cocked hat,” 353; Briggs, Frank O., 190. irritated by Joline letter, 355; holds no Bright, John, influence on Wilson’s economic grudge against Wilson for writing Joline

thought, 24. letter, 355; at the Jackson Day Dinner, 355-

Britton, Edward E., 438. 357; Wilson’s tribute to, 356; congratulates

INDEX 547 Wilson on speech at Dinner, 356; relations 448; pleads with Underwood delegates not with Wilson strengthened by Joline letter to vote for Clark, 449; pleads with Bankaffair, 357; charge that Wilson never voted head to release Underwood delegates, 461; for, 357-358; says best thing that could hap- confers with Wilson about vice-presidential

pen to Wilson would be repudiation of nominee, 462; urges Wilson to appoint

journals like Harper’s Weekly, 360; com- McCombs national chairman, 480; appointed

mends Wilson’s course in Harvey affair, to campaign committee by Wilson, 481; 372-373; asserts Underwood and Harmon head of speakers’ bureau in campaign head-

have combined against Wilson, 380; at- quarters, 482; moves headquarters to Chitempts to harmonize Missouri factionai con- cago, 482. troversy, 400; urges Wilson to publish list Burns, William J., 394. of campaign contributors, 404, n. 50; his Butler, Howard Crosby, 62. attacks largely responsible for failure of Har- Butler, Pierce, 325. mon pre-convention campaign, 409; and the Byrd, Richard E., 7, 394, 417. pre-convention campaign in Nebraska, 417418; campaigns in Ohio for Wilson, 419, n. Cadwalader, John L., confers about settlement 99; declines to serve as temporary chairman of graduate college controversy, 86; Wilson

at Baltimore convention, 432, n. 3; rebuffed confers with over Wyman bequest, 89; preby committee on arrangements, he appeals pares resolution calling on Wilson to reto candidates to join in fight against Parker, sign, 9o. 432-433; offered permanent chairmanship of | Calhoun, John C., 31. convention as compromise, 435, n. 18; nomi- Calhoun, Patrick, 187, n. 37. nates Kern for temporary chairmanship, 435- California, pre-convention campaign in, 420. 436; nominated for temporary chairman by campaign against Wilson: Carnegie pension Kern, 436; defeated by Parker because Clark affair, 348-352; Joline letter affair, 352-3573

managers ally with Tammany, 437; con- charges that Wilson never voted for Bryan, vinced Clark would betray him for Tam- 357-358; Cleveland letter affair, 358-359; many’s support, 437-438; comments on Harvey-Watterson affair, 359-378; ‘“‘presiParker’s keynote address, 438; delighted by dential trust,” combination of opposition election of James as permanent chairman, against Wilson, 378-380; leadership of cam438; told by brother that Tammany had paign passes from Wall Street to self-styled decided to throw its support to Clark, 442; Democratic radicals, 380-381; Hearst’s camintroduces resolution condemning Morgan, paign against Wilson, 382-384; opposition of Belmont, and Ryan as conspirators of Wall foreign-born voters, 384-387; Tom Watson’s Street and demanding their expulsion from campaign of abuse and vilification, 387-388; convention, 442-443; defends resolution, attack on Wilson for alleged pro-Negro 443; withdraws expulsion section of reso- sentiments, 388, n. 178; whispering camlution, 444; profoundly disturbed when paign, 389; attack on Wilson’s prohibition Tammany gave votes to Clark, 452; pre- views, 389, n. 179; Wilson comments on pares statement explaining his change from campaign, 389-390. Clark to Wilson, 453; changes vote from Campbell, Thomas M., 438. Clark to Wilson, explains action, 453; an- Candler, Warren A., attacks initiative, referenswers Clark’s demand for proof or retraction dum, and recall as proposals to “lynch repof charges, 454, n. 108; suspected by Wilson resentative government,” 339, n. I17. managers of wanting nomination, 455-456; | Capps, Edward, supports Wilson’s demand for proposes compromise candidates, 456; evi- graduate college built on campus, 72; Wilson dence that he was not a candidate, 456; his confers with, in effort to oust West as dean

role in the nomination of Wilson analyzed, of graduate school, 73; refuses to move 463-465; surrenders leadership of party to against West, 73, n. 43; Wilson confers with

Wilson, 467; views McCombs with suspicion, over Wyman bequest, 89. 480; urges Democratic managers to return Carlisle, John G., 102. McCormick contribution, 485, n. 73; speaks | Carmichael, Isaac W., 300, n. 77. with Wilson in Lincoln, 513; a tower of | Carrow, Howard, 299, n. 72. strength to Wilson in campaign, 513, n. 7; Cary, Hundson, 172, n. 190. rejoices over Democratic victory, 525-526. Catholic priests and campaign of 1912, 499-

Bryant, David, 199. 500. Bryce, James, 201, n. 77. Central Labor Union of Trenton, opposes WilBurke, Edmund, influence on Wilson’s political son’s nomination for governor, 159.

thought, 25, 32. Charlotte Daily Observer, 416. Burke, John, 428, 447. Childs, Richard S., 124.

Burleson, Albert’S., comes out in support of | Christie, James H., 234; 250, n. 39; 256, n. 49. Wilson’s candidacy, 374; asserts Wilson’s | Chrostowski, Alphonse, 385. opponents in pre-convention campaign have Churchill, Winston, 124. combined against him, 378; floor leader of Cincinnati Enquirer, 508, n. 144. Wilson forces at Baltimore convention, 445, Clark, Champ, a new Democratic leader, 310;

548 INDEX meets Wilson, 329; speaks before progres- question approved by Wilson, t12-113; sive Democrats in Pennsylvania, 331; a named by Wilson as person best fitted to leader in tariff reform movement, 344, 345; describe him, 118; letter allegedly written speaks at Jackson Day Dinner, 356; denies by him, denouncing Wilson, 358. existence of combination of candidates Cleveland Plain Dealer, supports Wilson in against Wilson, 380; an avowed candidate pre-convention campaign, 392; joins in antifor presidential nomination, 398; and the Clark campaign, 420; a leading Wilson struggle to carry Missouri in pre-convention journal in presidential campaign of 1912, campaign, 399-400; biographical data, 398- 508, n. 144. 399; as a western and southern agrarian Cobden, Richard, influence on Wilson’s ecoradical, 399; erratic ideas, 399; endorses nomic thought, 24. patent medicine, 399, n. 33; establishes na- Cocke, Lucian H., 172, n. 190. tional headquarters and state organizations, Colby, Everett, 136, 137. 400; character of Clark movement, 400; as Cole, Clarence L., nominates Wilson for gova political bargainer, 400-401; alliance with ernor, 165; appointed judge by Wilson, 270. Hearst, 401; contributors to Clark campaign Cole, George B., 256, n. 49. fund, 401, n. 41; as a progressive leader who Coleman, Lewis M., 172, n. 190. succeeded in identifying himself with Bryan Collier, Robert J., 493, n. 92. tradition in West, 401-402; wins half the Collier's Weekly, the leading independent prodelegates from Oklahoma, 406-407; Missouri gressive journal during period 1910-1912, x; spokesmen campaign in Illinois, 410; sweeps wages relentless fight against Clark’s nomiIilinois presidential primary, 412; acknowl- nation, 421; becomes Brandeis’s chief jouredges indebtedness to Hearst newspapers, nalistic mouthpiece and leading Democratic 412, n. 77; catapulted into leadership of pre- journal during campaign of 1912, 492-493. convention campaign, 412-413; captures Ne- Collins, Dennis F., 281-282. braska delegation, 417-418; movement gains Colorado, pre-convention campaign in, 419. landslide proportions—victories in nineteen Commager, Henry Steele, xii. states, 419-420; campaign against by eastern commission government for cities bill, intropress, 420-422; supported by Republicans duced in legislature, 265; supported by Wilwho think him the weakest Democratic can- son, 265; the bosses attempt to defeat it,

didate, 422; withdraws name from New 265-266; enactment and provisions of, 266. Jersey primary, 424; his balance sheet atend Commoner, the, Bryan’s editorial spokesman,

of pre-convention campaign, 429; attempts X.

to sidestep temporary chairmanship fight, Conklin, Edwin G., inspired by Wilson’s ideal 433; establishes convention headquarters in of a university, 45; supports Wilson’s deWashington, 434; existence of Clark-Tam- mand for graduate college built on campus, many alliance admitted by Clark spokesmen, 72; Wilson confers with, in effort to oust 434; his managers fear Bryan will be can- West as dean of graduate school, 73; refuses didate, 435; his managers deliver votes to to become involved in controversy, 73. elect Parker temporary chairman, 437; bid Connecticut, pre-convention campaign in, 420. for New York’s support in balloting, 437; corrupt practices law, background of agitation nominated for presidency, demonstration for, for, 259; election frauds in New Jersey, 259; 446-447; gains majority on tenth ballot, 448- original bill drafted by Record, 260; enact449; prepares telegram accepting nomina- ment and provisions of, 260-261.

tion, 449; Clark landslide prevented, | Couch, W. S., 93.

449-451; Bryan changes vote from Clark to Covington, J. Harry, 439. Wilson, 453; denounces Bryan’s charges as Cox, James M., 507. “outrageous,” demands proof or retraction, Crandall, John, 168. 454; goes to Baltimore to answer Bryan Crane, Charles R., contributes to Wilson’s prepersonally, 454; takes personal command of convention fund, 403, 404; confers with Wildelegates, 454; loses support of Sullivan, son after Baltimore convention, 471; accepts 459-460; spends last day of convention in position as vice-chairman of finance comBaltimore, 462, n. 141; issues final state- mittee of Wilson campaign committee, 481ment, 462, n. 141; pays visit to Wilson after 482; largest contributor to presidential cam-

convention, 471; says he does not care to paign fund, 485.

discuss national politics, 471; returns to Sea Crater, David S., 299-300. Girt with Democratic congressmen, 471; Crimmins, John D., 187, n. 37. speaks with Wilson in Kansas City, 515. Crisis, the, spokesman for Negro interests, x.

Clarke, Dumont, 102. Culberson, Charles A., congratulates Wilson Clayton, Henry D., 461. on election as governor, 201, n. 75; anCleveland, Grover, attends inauguration of nounces support of Wilson’s candidacy, 333; Wilson as president of Princeton, 38; breaks writes that rumors that Wilson is party with Wilson over quadrangle issue, 57; bolter are harming his movement in Texas,

made chairman of trustees’ committee on 334, n. 97; suggested by House as comgraduate school, 61; stand on the money promise candidate, 423; suggested by Bryan

INDEX 549 as compromise candidate, 456; rejects Mur- sure on Hudson County legislators to vote

phy’s offer of support, 457-458. for Smith, 216; advises Smith to withdraw

Curley, James M., a Clark manager in Massa- from race, 216; public statement on sena-

chusetts, 420, n. ror. torial question, 216-217; announces support Curtis, Cyrus H. K., 394. of Smith, declares he will win, 223; dies, 232.

Dabney, Richard Heath, 7, 10, 170-171, 201, Davis, William H., 281.

340, 348, 376-377. Dear, Walter A. and Joseph M., publishers of

Dahlman, James C., 310, n. I; 512. Jersey Journal, warn Wilson that he will lose

Daily Oklahoman of Oklahoma City, a leading votes of New Idea Republicans should he midwestern supporter of Wilson in pre- fail to answer Record, 190; at the Martinique nomination campaign, x; leads Wilson press conference, 239, Nn. 3. in Oklahoma, 406; takes poll of voters on Debs, Eugene V., 524. pre-convention candidates, 406, n. 52; a Decker, Perl D., 410, n. 71. leading Wilson journal in 1912, 508, n. 144. Delaware, pre-convention campaign in, 405, Dallas Morning News, official spokesman for 418.

Wilson in Texas, x. Democratic party in United States, new leader-

Daniels, Josephus, gets publicity campaign for ship and issues following election of 1910, Wilson under way in North Carolina, 327; 309-310; reorganization of party at hand,

with Bryan at time of publication of Joline 310. letter, 354-355; urges Wilson to appoint Democratic presidential campaign of 1912 McCombs national chairman, 480; head of (general), as a contest of personalities, 476; publicity bureau in New York headquarters, similarities of Roosevelt's and Wilson’s work of his organization, 482; helps to views, 476; divergence in programs, 476-

mediate New Jersey senatorial contest, 498; 477; organization of Democratic campaign,

anti-Negro editorial during campaign of 480-483; raising the campaign fund, 484; 1912, 501; joins Wilson family on election failure of dollar drives, 484-485; campaign

day, 523. largely financed by few large contributors,

Daniels, Winthrop More, advocates adoption of 485-486; expenditures during campaign, quadrangle plan, 54; supports Wilson’s de- 486-487. mand for graduate college built on campus, Denny, George L., 172, n. 190. 72; Wilson confers with, in effort to oust Derry, Joseph T., 4. West as dean of graduate school, 73; refuses Destler, Chester M., xi. to become involved in controversy, 73; Wil- Detroit Free Press, 508, n. 144. son confers with over Wyman bequest, 89; Devereux, William K., 164. appointed to Public Utility Commission by Devlin, Martin P., 207-208.

Wilson, 270. - Dewey, Davis R., 11-12.

Davidson College, 5. Diamond, William, 26, 120.

Davidson, William S., 250, n. 39; 425. Di Silvestro, Joseph A., 385. Davies, Joseph E., supports Wilson in pre- Dix, John A., governor-elect of New York, convention campaign in Wisconsin, 407; 310; supported by Murphy for renomination attempts to organize Wilson campaign in IN 1912, 495; sets trap for Wilson, 495; atMassachusetts, 419, n. 101; makes overtures tempts to confer with Wilson at Syracuse, to Carter Harrison at Baltimore convention, 496. 441, n. 49; a Wilson manager at Baltimore Dockery, A. M., 515-516. convention, 445, nN. 70; appointed to cam- Dodge, Cleveland H., urges Wilson to press for paign committee by Wilson, 481; appointed reform of club system, 52; threatens resignadirector of Chicago headquarters of Demo- tion from board of trustees, 81-82; confers

cratic campaign organization, 482. with Wilson about governorship, 147-148;

Davis, J. O., 335. congratulates Wilson on election as governor,

Davis, Robert, supports Wilson for senatorship 201, n. 77; comments on Wilson’s victory in in 1907, 104; as boss of Democratic machine senatorial controversy, 235; heavy contrib-

in Hudson County, 141; sends representa- utor to Wilson pre-convention fund, 336, tives to Lawyers’ Club conference, 151; ef- 403, 404; heavy contributor to Democratic fects alliance with Smith to nominate Wilson campaign fund of 1912, 485; speaks at for governor, 154; wins decisive victory for Madison Square Garden rally, 521. Wilson in primary campaign in Hudson Doheny, Edward L., go1, n. 41. County, 162; and the struggle for Wilson’s Dolan, William A., 300, n. 77. nomination at Trenton convention, 165; ju- Donnelly, Thomas M., 217; 250, n. 39; 425. bilant over Wilson’s nomination, 169; meets Driscoll, George W., 495. Wilson in Jersey City, 176; promises to sup- Du Bois, Fred T., manager of Clark campaign port Smith for senatorship, 207; alliance of headquarters, 400; 401, n. 41. Smith and Davis organizations to elect Smith Du Bois, W. E. Burghardt, expresses Negroes’

to Senate, 215; alarmed by possibility of fear of Wilson, 502; prepares general stateopen fight with Wilson, refuses to put pres- ment on race question for Wilson, 504-505;

550 INDEX

.e&

resigns membership in Socialist party in Fagan, Michael J., 250, n. 38.

order to support Wilson, 505. Fielder, James F., agrees to support Martine for

Dunne, Edward F., 4o9. Senate, 217; at the Martinique conference, Durbin, W. W., helps to organize Wilson 239, n. 3; a Wilson leader in legislature of movement in Ohio, 418-419, n. 99. I9II, 245; confers with Wilson about legislative program, 246; comments on Wilson’s

, relations with legislature of 1912, 298. ye ee . toe mand for graduate college built mpus,

ee eT 187, N. 37. Fine, Henry Burchard, supports Wilson’s de-

Edge, Walter E., heads communis Le n_ to study 725 Wilson confers with, in effort ‘to oust workmen s comp ensation legis auon, 263; West as dean of graduate school, 73; refuses introduces workmen’s compensation bill, to move against West, 73, n. 43; alarmed by

263. eg LIEN ADI73; ETT , , . Wilson’s vindictiveness, says Wilson,i

Egan, Charles M., a Wilson leader in jceisvature prepared to acknowledge defeat tn gra duate

of 1911, 245; supports Geran bill, 250, n. college fight, 88; Wilson confers with over 39; co-author of public utilities regulation Wyman bequest. 8 measure, 262; introduces resolution endors- Fitzgeral d john J. on 457, 461 ing Wilson’s p residential candidacy, 2 893 Flood Hal D secures seat in Baltimore concomments on Republican hostility to Wilson vention for Ryan 441, n. $3; accepts Bryan's in legislature of TOT2, 298; comes out “insolent proposition,” 443-444; seconds Unagainst Wilson in pre-convention fight, 425. derwood’s nomination, 446

527-528. CR. .

elec tion of 1912, r opular vote IN, 524-5253 vote Florida, pre-convention campaign in, 417. in electoral oo CBE, 5255 editor ial Geance of Florida Times-Union of Jacksonville, leader in

ot aR ; Meaning and significance of, Underwood campaign in Florida, 415

Elkus, Abram I., contributes to Wilson cam- ee eo, at Jackion Day ae ale paige ane ae 404; remains loyal to Wil- dorsed for presidency by Missouri state con-

: : vention, 398; makes bitter and unsuccessful

rel son, J. Taylor, 172, 0. 190. attempt to win Missouri’s endorsement at

y, Matthew C., editor Hudson Observer, a Baltimore convention “400 leader in movement to prevent Wilson’s Ford. Cornelius. 224: 3208 . n » 264: nomination for governor, 155-156; asserts o 8. TUS, 2345 2453 250) Te 393 2045 Wilson is candidate of reactionary machine For 4 Henr Jones, 12 00 politicians and financial interests, 156; asserts For d. ce Alc xan der R.” 33 “5 Wilson is opposed to progressive measures, Forman Henry James, 11 4 » 299. 158; criticizes Wilson's campaign addresses, Fort, John Franklin, elected governor of New

El v70) at the M uae conference, 239, n. 3. Jersey, 137-138; attends Wilson’s inaugural,

Ere ire State Dem cr ts 241-242; appoints commission to study

P h ocrats, 494, 497- workmen’s compensation question, 263. Evans, Jo nary, 445, . 70. Fosdick, Raymond B., 479. Ewen, Josiah, 165. . . Foss, Eugene N., 201, n. 753 419-4203 455. Ewing, Robert, of Nashville, receives account Francis, David R.. ato. n. 71

of Manhattan Club meeting from Mrs. Wil- Frelin huvsen Jos i hs 7 6 son, 362, n. 63; sends copy of Mrs. Wilson’s French Willicm C. x0q . 72

letter to Watterson, 362, n. 63; asked by , » 299) De 72.

Mrs. Wilson to intercede for Wilson with Gallagher, Charles H., Smith’s lieutenant in Watterson, 367-368; writes to Watterson, Mercer County, 144; supports Wilson for 368; writes account of Manhattan Club con- governor, 153, n. 97; asserts Wilson did not

ference, 375°37% I 7 vote in 1908, 357; announces support of

Ewing, Robert, of New Orleans, a Wilson man- Wilson in presidential campaign of 1912

ager at Baltimore convention, 445, n. 70; 470 , mers Wilson to app oint McCombs national Garber Harvey C., helps to organize Wilson

chairman, 480; appointed to campaign com- movement in Ohio, 418-419, n. 99; refuses mittee by Wilson, 481; establishes press cone to introduce anti-Wall Street resolution at tributions bureau in Chicago headquarters, Baltimore convention, 442 482; work in raising campaign fund, 484. Garrison, Charles G., 29 9, h. 70, Gary, Elbert H., 506. Fagan, Mark M., elected mayor of Jersey City Gaskill, Nelson B., 260. IN I90I, 135; attacks problem of railroad | Gebhardt, William C., gives out statement opand utilities taxation, 135-136; elected mayor posing Wilson for gubernatorial nomination, of Jersey City for third time, 136; defeated 157, M. 114; supports Martine for senator-

in 1907, 138; appointed to Hudson County ship, 212, n. 26; joins in struggle for MarBoard for Equalization of Taxes by Wilson, tine’s election, 228; at the Martinique con-

271; announces support of Wilson’s presi- ference, 239, n. 3; a Wilson leader in

dential candidacy, 468. legislature of 1911, 245; confers with Wilson

INDEX 551 about legislative program, 246; and the for Wilson at Baltimore convention, 460, n. Democratic senatorial contest of 1912, 497- 136.

498. Gray, James R., editor Atlanta Journal, con-

Georgia, pre-convention campaign in, 315, verted to Wilson cause, 315.

416-417. Green, Fletcher M., xii.

Geran election bill, introduced in Assembly, Green, Henry, 499. 246; reaction of Smith spokesmen, 246; de- Gregory, Julian A., 228. fended by Wilson in public campaign, 248- Gregory, Thomas W., persuades House to join 249; discussed at Democratic caucus, 249; Wilson movement, 333-334; defends Wilson arouses fierce opposition of bosses, 250; op- in Harvey affair, in letter to Texas Demoposed by “Big Five” in Hudson County, crats, 373; importance of his letter in Texas 250; editorial from Newark Evening Star on, campaign, 373-374, n. 107; a Wilson leader 250-251; attempt by Nugent to defeat, 251- at Baltimore convention, 445; agreement 252; fate decided at second Democratic with Underwood managers, 450; writes that caucus, 253-255; passes Assembly, 256; de- Kern was Bryan’s choice at Baltimore, 456,

layed by Senate, 256; final revision and n. 115.

passage of, 257; provisions of, 257-258; Griffin, Patrick R., 250, n. 38. signed by Wilson, 258; editorial comment Griffin, Thomas F. A., 250, n. 39; 265, n. 86;

on, 258; importance of in Wilson’s legis- 425.

lative strategy, 258-259. Griggs, John W., 134.

Geran, Elmer H., confers with Wilson on sena- Grogan, E. W., 389, n. 179. torial question, 216; a Wilson leader in legis- | Grosscup, Edward E., appointed to State Board

lature of 1911, 245. for Equalization of Taxes by Wilson, 270; Gerard, James W., 485. elected state chairman Democratic party, Gibboney, Stuart, 394. 282; at state convention of 1911, 289; at Gibbons, James Cardinal, 435. Jackson Day Dinner, 355, n. 34; undertakes Gibson, Thomas R., 4. campaign to secure New Jersey’s endorseGifford, John J., helps to organize anti-Smith ment of Wilson’s presidential candidacy,

Democrats in Newark, 282-283. 423-424; enters Wilson’s name in primary

Gilchrist, Albert W., 415. contest, 424.

Glass, Carter, 456, n. 114. Guffey, Joseph M., 332, n. 88. Glazebrook, Otis A., 164. Guthrie, George W., 332, n. 88.

Glass, Frank P., 171. Gummere, William S., 241. Glenn, E. A., 388, n. 178.

Glynn, Martin H., 521. Hadley, Herbert S., 524, n. 27.

Gompers, Samuel, first meeting with Wilson; Hague, Frank, bolts Wittpenn organization in 470-471; supports Wilson in campaign of Hudson County, becomes Smith leader, and

1912, 500. takes command of movement there to pre-

Gonzales, William E., editor Columbia State, vent Wilson’s endorsement in presidential a Wilson leader in South Carolina, 327-328. primary, 425; uses anti-Wilson movement as Gore, Thomas P., senator from Oklahoma, an- means of obtaining control of Hudson nounces support of Wilson movement, 327, County organization, 425; succeeds in winn. 72; McCombs leans heavily upon during ning over part of Hudson County legislative campaign, 337; comments on Joline letter, delegation to anti-Wilson movement, 425; 353; comments on Harvey affair, 373; per- campaign tactics, 426; defeated in pre-consuades Senator Newlands to declare sup- vention fight in Hudson County, 428. port of Wilson’s candidacy, 373; organizes Hale, William B., 30, n. 1253; 318. Oklahoma for Wilson, 406; divides Okla- Hamilton, Alexander, 31. homa’s delegation with Clark men, 406-407; Handbuch des Oeffentlichen Rechts der Gegen-

helps to organize Milwaukee for Wilson, wart, edited by Heinrich Marquardsen, 21. 407-408; refuses to introduce anti-Wall Hannan, J. M., 300, n. 77.

Street. resolution at Baltimore convention, Hapgood, Norman, associated with Wilson in

442; seconds Wilson’s nomination, 447; a Short Ballot Association, 124; becomes Wilson manager at Baltimore, 448; agree- Brandeis’s chief editorial mouthpiece during ment with Underwood managers, 450; ap- campaign of 1912, 492-493; makes Collier’s pointed to campaign committee by Wilson, Weekly leading Democratic spokesman, 493; 481; head of organization bureau, work ousted as editor of Collier’s because of supdone by his organization, 482; moves head- port of Wilson, 493, n. 92.

quarters to Chicago, 482. Hardin, John R., 164-165.

Grasty, Charles H., editor Baltimore Sun, Harlan, John Maynard, and the negotiations promises support to Wilson in gubernatorial leading up to Wilson’s nomination for govcampaign, 171; publishes reports of Wilson’s ernor, 143; urges Wilson to make early dewestern tour, 319; explains method of his cision about governorship, 147, n. 61. advocacy of Wilson’s nomination, 458, n. Harmon, Judson, governor of Ohio, a new 126; helps to win support of C. E. Watson Democratic leader, 310; and the combination

552 INDEX against Wilson, 378-380; presidential cam- background of the senatorial controversy, paign largely financed by Ryan, 404; failure 206-207; silence during senatorial fight, 222; of campaign largely due to Bryan’s attacks, presidential schemes wrecked by Wilson’s

409; carries Ohio by slight majority, 418- fight against Smith, 237; works during fall 419; nominated at Baltimore convention, of 1910 to add recruits to organization to 447-448; and the campaign of 1912 in Ohio, make Wilson president, 310-311; attempts

507. to persuade Ryan to join Wilson movement,

Harper's Weekly, first journalistic supporter of 311; collapse of the Harvey organization,

Wilson movement, x. 311; cools in personal relations with Wilson,

Harrigan, William, 162, 166. 311; commends House to Wilson, 334; puts

Harrison, Carter H., II, mayor of Chicago, 409; at masthead of Harper’s Weekly: ‘For Presi-

refuses to support Wilson’s candidacy, es- dent: Woodrow Wilson,” 359; awkward

pouses Clark’s candidacy instead, 409; position in Wilson organization, 359; throws weight of Chicago organization into alarmed by Wilson’s growing progressivism

fight for Clark, 410; urges progressive and his attack on “money trust,’”’ 359-360; Democrats to support Clark, 410; and the his support lays Wilson open to suspicion struggle at Balumore convention over IIlinois among Bryan Democrats, 360; wavering in

delegation, 440-441, n. 49. his support of Wilson, 360; obtains from

Hart, Albert Bushnell, invites Wilson to write Ryan promise to contribute to Wilson’s camvolume in Epochs of American History se- paign fund, 361; the Manhattan Club meet-

ries, 22; urges Wilson to write volume in ing with Wilson and Watterson, 361-362;

American Nation series, 98. takes Wilson’s name off masthead of Har-

Harvey, George B. M., attends Wilson inaugu- per’s Weekly, 362; receives letter from Wil-

ration as president of Princeton, 38, 98; son, expressing appreciation of his support, biography, 97-98; conceives idea of Wilson 363; writes Wilson that he has ceased to as president, 98; speech at Lotos Club, 98- advocate his nomination, 363-364; receives 99; begins campaign to boost Wilson for letter from Wilson, expressing hope that:he presidency, 99; lists first Wilson supporters, will continue to support Wilson’s candidacy, 102: campaigns to secure Wilson’s nomina- 364; writes Wilson that he will have to tion for senator from New Jersey, 103-104; print word of explanation in Harper's helps Wilson to withdraw from senatorial Weekly, 364-365; plans to use Watterson to contest, 106; building a Wilson-for-president discredit Wilson, 365; urges Watterson to organization, 110; looks to 1912 as presi- take initiative in disclosing Manhattan Club dential year, 116; writes editorial for New incident, 366-367; fails to persuade WatterYork World presenting Wilson as candidate son to take initiative, decides to force his for Democratic nomination, 116-117; urges hand, and publishes statement in Harper's Wilson to write article against Payne-Aldrich Weekly, 369; story that Harvey attempted tariff, 127; decides to launch Wilson’s po- to persuade Wilson to meet Ryan, 374; says litical career, 140; suggests Wilson’s guber- Bryan was disappointed because he could natorial candidacy to Smith, obtains Smith’s not be nominated at Baltimore, 456, promise of support, 141-142; obtains Wil- n. I14. son’s promise to accept gubernatorial nomi- Haskell, Charles N., 406. nation, 142; goes to England in spring of | Hearst newspapers, charge that Wilson is can-

I9I0, 142; convinces Smith that Wilson 1s didate of Wall Street, 144; attack Wilson logical candidate for presidency in 1912, for applying for Carnegie retirement grant, 144; arranges for meeting of Wilson, Smith, 350; carry sensational account of WilsonWatterson, and himself to discuss guberna- Harvey break, 370; number and location of torial situation, 145; formally offers guberna- in 1912, 383, n. 151; emblazon on front torial nomination to Wilson, 146; urges Wil- pages Wilson’s uncomplimentary opinion of son to go to Chicago to confer with trustee southern and eastern European immigrants, friends, 147; brings Wilson and Democratic 382; and the Illinois pre-convention campoliticians together, at Lawyers’ Club con- paign, 410; Clark acknowledges indebtedference, 150-151; advises Wilson to remain ness to, 412, n. 773 support Wilson in presisilent until nominated, 158, n. 118; advice dential campaign, 508. sought constantly by Wilson during pre- Hearst, William R., speaks at Jackson Day convention campaign, 161; at the Trenton Dinner, 356; his offers to support Wilson convention, 162-164; confers with Wilson unceremoniously rejected, 382; assumes comabout platform, 163, n. 142; helps to write mand of anti-Wilson movement, 382; in

Democratic platform, 163; comments on lengthy statement explains opposition to Wilson’s majority at Trenton convention, Wilson, 382-383; denounced by Collier’s

168; rejoices over Wilson’s nomination, 170; Weekly as a “defamer for profit,” 383, n. collects campaign funds from Wall Street 148; denounced by mayor of New York as bankers to help finance Wilson’s guberna- a “hog,” 383; buys Atlanta Georgian and torial campaign, 187; predicts Wilson’s converts it into anti-Wilson journal, 383, n. election by 40,000 majority, 199; and the 150; newspapers owned by, 383, n. 1573

INDEX 553 typical anti-Wilson editorial, 383-384; fail- tive candidate, 334; activities in Wilson or-

ure of efforts to discredit Wilson before ganization, 334; not the president-maker

organized labor, 387; alliance with Clark, IN 1912, 334-335; and the Wilson movement

401; contribution to Clark campaign fund, in Texas, 335; a parlor politician, 337; 401, n. 41; called “character assassin” by circulates copy of Wilson’s letter on money

Wilson, 410-411; suspected of having Wil- question, 343; disturbed by Wilson’s shillyson’s baggage rifled in Chicago, 411, n. 75; shallying, wants him to become identified joins Clark-Tammany alliance at Baltimore with movement for tariff reform, 344; sugconvention, 434; denounces Bryan as selfish gests Harvey moderate campaign for Wilson, and ruthless, 455; commits newspapers to 362; commends Burleson’s statement on

Wilson’s candidacy, 508. presidential trust, 378, n. 128; begins cam-

Hearst’s Magazine, a leading anti-Wilson jour- paign to obtain abrogation of two-thirds

nal, x. rule, 391, n. 2; doubts Wilson can be nomi-

Heflin, J. Thomas, 461. nated, thinks candidates may again be Bryan

Heifner, Charles G., 335. and Roosevelt, 422-423.

Hemphill, James C., pledges support to Wilson House, Edward M., Papers, Yale University, presidential movement, 102; leads attack as a source for study of pre-convention cam-

against Wilson’s candidacy in South, 339- paign, ix.

3403; comments on Wilson’s application for Houston, David F., 334. Carnegie grant, 349-350; comments on Wil- Howe, Frederick C., 24. son’s letter to Joline, 353-354; writes vio- Howell, Clark, 365; 380, n. 133; 415.

lent letter to Harvey, 367; tells story of | Howells, William D., 38. Wilson-Harvey break to Taft, 367, n. 75; Hoxie, George L., 211. prints dispatch about Wilson-Harvey break, Hoyt, James A., 172, n. 190. 367; comments on dispatch in letter to Hudson Observer of Hoboken (see Ely, Mat-

Taft, 367, n. 78; comments on effect of thew C.).

Wilson-Harvey break, 370; editorializes on | Hudspeth, Robert S., mentioned for Demo-

Harvey affair, 370; loses job as result of at- cratic gubernatorial nomination in 1gI0,

tacks on Wilson, 378. 142; biographical data, 151, n. 81; repre-

Hendrickson, James A., 216. sents combined Smith-Davis forces at Law-

Hennessy, Charies O., 211. yers’ Club conference, questions Wilson

Hennessy, James, 250, n. 38; 425. about liquor question, 150-152; a represent-

Henry, Bayard, urges Wilson to press for re- ative of the liquor interests, 152, n. 85; form of club system, 52-53; suspects Wilson assures Wilson of support of Democrats in of complicity in New York Times editorial, gubernatorial contest, 152; asserts Wilson 76; says issue is whether Pyne or Wilson will be unanimous choice for gubernatorial is to control policies of board of trustees, nomination, 154, N. 99; congratulates Wil-

81. son on election as governor, 201, n. 753 says

Henry, Robert L., 439-440, 471. Wilson has relegated to rear all regular Herbert, Hilary A., 422. Democrats, 284; announces reconciliation Hetfield, Walter L., 300, n. 77. with Wilson and support of program, 285;

Hibben, John Grier, opposes quadrangle plan, undertakes campaign to secure New Jersey's 54; breaks with Wilson over quadrangle endorsement of Wilson’s presidential candiissue, 57; recommends acceptance of Procter dacy, 423-424; urges Wilson to appoint offer, 72; orders University holiday in cele- McCombs national chairman, 480; presents

bration of Wilson’s election as president, Wilson’s master plan for campaign to na-

523. tional committee, 480-481; appointed to

Hilfers, Henry F., 160. campaign committee by Wilson, 481. Hillyer, George, 315. Hughes, Charles Evans, reform governor of

Hinners, William H., 216. New York, 272.

History of the American People, by Wilson, Hughes, William, comments on Wilson’s furnishes most of ammunition for radical speech accepting gubernatorial nomination, critics of Wilson, 381; cause of Tom Wat- 168, n. 167; supports Martine for senator-

son’s hatred of Wilson, 388. ship, 212, n. 26; writes that Wilson 1s Hofstadter, Richard, 33. Democrats, 221; appointed judge in Passaic Hitchcock, Gilbert M., 453, 512. presidential favorite of majority of House

Hooper, Ben W., 396, n. 21. County, 300, n. 77; at Baltimore convention,

Hosmer, G. E., 335. 448; and the New Jersey senatorial contest

Houghton, J. H., 320. of 1912, 497-498.

House, Edward M., first espouses candidacy of Hunt, Theodore W., 49. Mayor Gaynor, 333; joins Wilson move- Hurley, Edward N., and the negotiations leadment, 333-334; moves to inform Texas of ing up to Wilson’s nomination for governor, Wulson’s party regularity, 334; writes after 143; gives an account of meeting at which

first meeting with Wilson that he would Wilson was formally offered nomination, rather “play with” Wilson than any prospec- 146, n. 58; Smith writes to, 147, n. 61,

554 INDEX Idaho, pre-convention campaign in, 420. Wilson should discuss the issues, 178; gives Illinois delegation at Baltimore convention, wholehearted support to Wilson in gubercontest over, 440; Sullivan-Lea bargain con- natorial campaign, 185; tribute to Wilson’s cerning, 440; Sullivan delegates seated, 440- leadership of New Jersey legislature of 1911,

441. | 273; demands Nugent be ousted as state

Illinois, pre-convention campaign in, 408-412; chairman, 280; survey of pre-convention

significance of, 412-413. situation in New Jersey, 424.

Illinois, University of, 23, n. 96. Johnson, Charles F., 445, n. 70.

Imbrie, Andrew C., 51. Johnson, Cone, 437, 442.

Independent, supports Wilson in pre-conven- Johnson, Hiram, reform governor of Califor-

tion campaign, 392. nia, 272, 309.

Indiana, pre-convention campaign in, 420. Johnson, James A. C., 216. Indianapolis News, comments on senatorial Johnson, Tom, reform mayor of Cleveland, controversy, 221; defends Wilson in Harvey 309. affair, 372, n. 100; joins in anti-Clark cam- Johnson, Willis Fletcher, 171.

paign, 420. Joline, Adrian H., movement to elect to Prince-

Inglis, William O., author of memoir on Wil- ton board of trustees, 78; Wilson attempts to son’s relations with Harvey, xi; commis- defeat election as trustee, 79; movement resioned by Harvey to conduct publicity cam- garded by Wilson as threat to his majority paign for Wilson, 110; escorts Wilson from in the board, 81; consequences of his election Connecticut to New Jersey, 145; account of to the board, 81-82; attacks Bryan’s proposal

struggle for Wilson’s nomination, 164; for government ownership of railroads, 352; brings Wilson from Princeton to Trenton Wilson’s reply to, 352-353; explains how to receive nomination at state convention, Wilson’s letter got into hands of reporters,

166. 353, N. 20; gives permission to publish let-

initiative, referendum, and recall, Wilson an- ter, 353, n. 21; final comment on Joline letnounces approval of, 319; violently opposed ter affair, 357. by conservatives, 339; attacked by Bishop Jones, David B., urges Wilson to make quadW. A. Candler, 339, n. 117; Wuson states rangle controversy a fight for democracy at

explicit views on, 340-341. Princeton, 50; urges Wilson to continue

Intimate Papers of Colonel House, The, xi. quadrangle fight, 54; as spokesman for ChiIowa, pre-convention campaign in, 396-397, cago group of trustees, urges Wilson to ac-

420. cept gubernatorial nomination if he so de385. gubernatorial campaign, 175; congratulates Wilson on election as governor, 201, n. 773

Italian-American Civic Union of New York, sires, 148; offers to help Wilson finance

Jackson, Arthur Phelps, 256. contributes to Wilson pre-convention fund, Jackson Day Dinner, 355-357. 403; contributes to Democratic campaign

Jacobus, Melancthon W., urges Wilson to make fund, 485. quadrangle controversy a fight for democracy Jones, Sam, reform mayor of Cleveland, 309. at Princeton, 50; urges Wilson to continue Jones, Thomas D., chairman of special com-

quadrangle fight, 54-55; states issues in- mittee of Princeton trustees on graduate

volved in graduate college controversy, 66; college, 72; writes about faculty opinion of

condemns methods used by Wilson’s op- Wilson’s efforts to oust West as dean of ponents, 72; threatens resignation from graduate school, 73, n. 43; probable resignaboard of trustees, 82; confers with Wilson tion from board of trustees, 82; Wilson ex-

about governorship, 148. plains why he accepted Wyman bequest, 89;

Jacques, Alfred, 447. congratulates Wilson on election as governor,

James, Ollie M., defeated by Parker for tem- 201, n. 77; asked by Wilson to prepare porary chairmanship, 434; elected permanent statement refuting alleged Cleveland letter,

chairman of Baltimore convention, 438; advises Wilson to wait for developments,

comments on Bryan’s anti-Wall Street reso- 358-359; contributor to Wilson pre-convenlution, 443; suggested by Bryan as compro- tion fund, 403; contributor to Democratic mise candidate, 456; notifies Wilson of his campaign fund, 485. nomination, 472.

James, Peter H., 250, n. 39. Kalisch, Samuel, helps to organize anti-Smith Jameson, J. Franklin, 11. group in Newark, 228; presides at Martine Jefferson, Thomas, 31, 33, 107. rally in Newark, 232; appointed to state

Jeffersonian, the, leading anti-Wilson journal supreme court by Wilson, 270; appointment

in South, x. commended by Record, 271; a leader in the

Jersey Journal of Jersey City, important source Wilson Democratic organization in Newark, for New Jersey period in Wilson’s career, x; 282-283; helps to unearth details of corleading New Idea organ, demands Wilson’s ruption in Atlantic County, 292-293. nomination for governor, 160; enthusiastic Kane, Francis F., 332, n. 88. about Wilson’s nomination, 169-170; insists Kansas City Star, a preeminent midwestern

INDEX 555 progressive newspaper, x; supports Wilson 284; obtains endorsement of Wilson’s proin pre-convention campaign, 392; comments gram and presidental candidacy from Hudon outcome of pre-convention fight in Kan- son County Democratic committee, 285. sas, 407; supports Roosevelt in presidential Knickerbocker Press of Albany, 495.

campaign, 469. Knoxville Sentinel, \eader in Wilson move-

Kansas, pre-convention campaign in, 395, n. ment in Tennessee, 396, n. 21.

19; 407. Kohn, August, 327, n. 75.

Katzenbach, Frank S., mayor of Trenton, Kraft, W. H., 281.

Democratic nominee for governor in 1907, Krock, Arthur, 347. 137; choice of party workers for governor Kuehnle, Louis, complicity in election frauds

iN IQIO, 142-143, 145; outmaneuvered by in Atlantic City, 259; his nominees rout Smith in pre-convention campaign, 153; his liberal candidates in Atlantic County, 288;

gubernatorial movement alarms Wilson, 161; corrupt rule, 292; attacked by Wilson, 293-

demands for his nomination at the Trenton 294.

convention, 162; vote received, 166; Wilson’s

opinion of, 213. labor unions, Wilson’s attitude toward: de-

Kean, John, 186. nounces labor unions, 26, 112, 1273 esKeener, William A., 4. pousal of open shop, 127; source of infor-

Kelly, James J., 250, n. 38. mation on labor movement, 127; denounces Kelsey, Clarence Hill, 187, n. 37. misrepresentation of labor views, 159-160; Kelsey, Frederick W., 211. says labor ought to have legal right to or-

Kemble, Edward W., 166. ganize, 509.

Kendall, Calvin N., 279. Laffan, William F., 102, 110-112.

Kenny, Edward, announces candidacy for gov- La Follette, Robert M., reform governor of ernor in 1910 on anti-Wilson platform, 156; Wisconsin, 272; speech before Periodical speaker of Assembly of 1911, 245; supports Publishers’ Association, 395, n. 15; collapse Geran bill, 250, n. 39; defeats Nugent’s at- of presidential movement, 395, n. 15; in-

tempt to sidetrack Geran bill, 252. congruous position in presidential campaign

Kentucky, pre-convention campaign in, 395, of 1912, 468; clarifies his position in cam-

n. 163 405, 420. paign in private message to Wilson, 468, n. Keohan, W. F., 117. 6; Wilson’s tribute to, 518; interprets mean-

Kern, John W., senator from Indiana, speaks at ing of Wilson’s election, 526. Jackson Day Dinner, 356; nominated for La Follette’s Weekly Magazine, x. temporary chairman at Baltimore conven- Lamar, Joseph R., 4. tion, 435; appeals to Parker to withdraw, Lathrop, John E., advises Wilson to mention 436; withdraws his name and nominates Oregon system in inaugural address, 243, n. Bryan, 436; suggested as compromise can- 12; says Wilson is inevitable leader for 1912,

didate by Bryan, 456. 312.

Kerney, James, editor Trenton Evening Times, Lauterbach, Edward, 387, n. 166. a leader in fight to prevent Wilson’s nomi- Lawrence, David, 79, 358. nation for governor, 156-157; charges that Lawyers’ Club conference, 150-152. Wilson is candidate of reactionary politicians Layden, Thomas R., 256. and financial interests, 156; attempts to force Lea, Luke, a prohibition-progressive leader in Wilson to commit himself on leading issues, Tennessee, 396, n. 21; strikes bargain with

157; charges that Wilson did not vote for Sullivan over contested Illinois and South Bryan in 1908, 158; denounces Wilson’s Dakota delegations, 440; refuses to introprofessions of friendship for organized la- duce anti-Wall Street resolution, 442; a bor, 160; confers with Wilson and Demo- Wilson manager at Baltimore convention, cratic leaders about strategy of campaign, 445, N. 70. 173-174; says Wilson has given no indication Leavitt, Harry D., introduces corrupt practices

he will not be managed by Democratic bill in 1911 legislature, 260; co-author of

organization, 188; converted to Wilson cause bill for commission government for cities,

by Wilson’s letter to Record, 196; asserts 265.

Smith said he would not be a candidate for Lentz, John J., 418, n. gg. Senate, 206; says Smith’s defeat means end Leveen, Michael, 225, n. 79; 234; 256, n. 49. of boss system, 236; at the Martinique con- Lewis, Alfred H., Hearst writer, attacks Wilference, 239, n. 3; acts as Wilson’s patronage son for applying for Carnegie retirement referee in New Jersey, 269; summarizes grant, 350, n. 12; abusive attack on Wilson,

Wilson’s accomplishments in article, 318- 383, n. 147.

319. Lewis, Vivian M., Republican nominee for

King, Will R., 481. governor in 1910, 175-176; makes strong

Kinkead, Eugene F., represents Davis ma- campaign on personal platform as progreschine at Lawyers’ Club conference, 1515 an- sive as Wilson’s, 185-186; vote cast for, 200. nounces determination of former Davis lieu- — Liller, William C., 284; 312; 327, n. 723 331. tenants to stand by Wilson as new leader, Lincoln, Abraham, 83.

556 INDEX

Lind, John, 312, 428. 354; confers with Wilson’s advisers about

Lindabury, Richard V., represents corporation Joline letter, 354; gives out official statement and financial interests at Lawyers’ Club con- on Harvey affair, 372; takes up charge of ference, 151; says the leading issue in North “presidential trust’? and publishes it widely, Jersey is Smith, Nugent, and Davis, 189. 378; campaigns to obtain abrogation of two-

Lindsey, Ben, 125. thirds rule, 391, n. 2; accompanies Wilson

Link, Margaret Douglas, xi. on Virginia tour, 394; makes southern tour, Lionberger, Isaac H., 339. 402; confers with mid-western leaders, 402; Lippincott, Job H., 190; 300, n. 77. expenditures during pre-convention camLittleton, Martin, 353, n. 20. paign, 402; raising the balance of Wilson’s

Long Branch (N. J.) Record, 217. pre-convention fund, 402-403; analyzes rea-

Lord, Frank B., 482. sons for failure of Wilson movement to

Louisiana, pre-convention campaign in, 420. make headway, 405-406; urges Wilson to Love, Thomas B., 333, n. 93; 388, n. 178; turn to friends in Congress, 405-406; and

445. the pre-convention campaign in Kansas, 407;

Lovett, Edgar O., 201, n. 77. makes great effort to carry Wisconsin, 4073 Low, George C., 281. endeavors to win support of Sullivan in Lowell, A. Lawrence, 171. Illinois contest, 409; sets out to build Wilson Lynch, Fred B., 325, 428. organization in IJ\linois, 409-410; comments Lyons, Maurice F., 314; 486, n. 76. on Wilson’s defeat in Illinois, charges that

Clark is marionette of Hearst, 412; made the

McAdoo, William G., congratulates Wilson on scapegoat of Illinois debacle, 413; supports gubernatorial nomination, 171; proclaims Wilson Democrats in Ohio, 418-419, n. 99; Wilson a future president, 312; joins Wilson and the pre-convention campaign in Massapresidential organization, 330; his relation chusetts, 419, n. 1013; remains loyal, in spite to the Wilson movement, 331; contributes to of collapse of Wilson movement, 422; exWilson pre-convention fund, 403; accom- penditures in South Dakota campaign, 428; panies Wilson on Georgia tour, 416; remains urges Wilson to straddle temporary chairloyal to Wilson cause, 422; at Baltimore con- manship issue, 433; heartbroken by Wilson’s vention, 448; helps tp prevent Wilson’s reply to Bryan, 433; leader of Wilson forces withdrawal, 451; appointed by Wilson to at Baltimore convention, 445; refuses to re-

campaign committee, 481; rumors of fric- lease Wilson delegates, 449; pleads with

tion with McCombs, 481; named vice-chair- Underwood men not to vote for Clark, 449; man in charge of New York headquarters, agreement with Underwood leaders, 450; 481; assumes command of Democratic cam- suggests Wilson authorize him to release paign when McCombs collapses, 484; and delegates, 451; refuses to deliver Wilson’s the drive to raise a campaign fund, 484; indictment of New York delegation, 452; difficulties with McCombs, 486; urges Wil- unhappy when Bryan voted for Wilson, son to repudiate Murphy in New York cam- urges Wilson to give assurances he will not paign, 496; joins Wilson family’ on election give Bryan cabinet office, 456-457; confers

day, 523. with leaders from Border States in effort to

McClellan, George B., 171. swing them over to Wilson, 460; convinced

McClure, H. S., 131. that if Wilson cannot gain support of Under-

McCombs, William F., congratulates Wilson on wood delegations he will not be nominated, gubernatorial nomination, 171; one of “origi- 461; trades vice-presidential nomination for nal” Wilson organizers, 313; personal char- Indiana’s votes, 463; physically exhausted acteristics, 314; appointed by Wilson to raise by labors at convention, 467; opposed by money for pre-convention campaign, 329; progressives for national chairmanship, 480; raises initial fund to get Wilson organization named by Wilson as national chairman, 480;

started, 330; designated by Wilson as his rumors of friction with McAdoo, 481; colpre-convention manager, 335; moves rapidly lapses under strain of campaign, 484; ul,

to establish Wilson’ organizations in the irritable, and suspicious, 486; analyses of states, 335-336; toys with idea of national causes of his difficulties, 486, n. 76. organization, 336; raises funds for early McCorkle, W. A., 444. activities of New York headquarters, 336; McCorkle, Walter F., and the beginnings of establishes official newspaper spokesman in the Wilson-for-president movement, 313-

Washington, 336; as the whipping boy of 314, 329.

the eulogistic Wilson biographers, 336; per- . McCormick, Cyrus H., urges Wilson to take sonality defects that prevented his working leadership in construction and endowment with others, 336-337; a loyal laborer in Wil- of graduate college, 78; expresses hope that son cause and Wilson’s chief source of graduate college controversy can be settled _ strength, 337; seeks support of old-line poli- peacefully, 79, n. 59; takes leadership in ticians, 337-3383 disturbed by Wilson’s vacil- movement to reach compromise settlement lation on issues, 344; charges that Wall of graduate college fight, 86; contributes to Street was behind publication of Joline letter, Wilson’s pre-convention fund, 403, 404; con-

INDEX 557 tributes to Democratic campaign fund, 485; 208; Wilson says his election would be a withdraws contribution, 485, n. 73. disgrace, 209; vote for in Democratic caucus, McCormick, Vance, 329; 332, n. 88; 438, n. 233; elected as senator, 234-235; speaks at

37. Wilson rally in New Jersey, 426; urges

McCran, Thomas F., 251, 265, 301%. Bryan to support Wilson at Baltimore con-

McDermit, Frank M., 208. vention, 437-438.

McDonald, Bill, 523. Maryland, pre-convention campaign in, 419McGowan, Michael J., Jr., 225, n. 793 2343 420.

252; 256, n. 49; 256, n. 54. Massachusetts, pre-convention campaign 1n,

McGrath, James J., 250, n. 39; 287-288. 419-420, n. IO!. )

McKelway, Alexander J., 479. Matthews, John J., 234, n. 101; 239, n. 33 2403 McKelway, St. Clair, support for Wilson move- 245; 266. ment enlisted by Harvey, 100; campaign Mayes, Frank L., 357, n. 43.

halted by Wilson, roo. Measday, Walter, 394, 523.

McMahon, John, 250, n. 38. Memphis Commercial Appeal, 416. McNary, William F., 419, n. 101%. Meyer, Charles A., 234, n. 101.

MacVeagh, Wayne, 187, n. 37; 366-367. Michigan, pre-convention campaign in, 418. Miller, Charles R., 115.

Mack, Norman E., congratulates Wilson on Milwaukee Journal, 508, n. 144. gubernatorial nomination and election, 171; Minnesota, pre-convention campaign in, 325, 201, n. 75; Offers temporary chairmanship 428. of Baltimore convention to Bryan, 432, n. Minnesota, University of, 23, n. 96. 33 supports Parker for temporary chairman- Minor, John B., 6. ship, 432; relinquishes national chairman- Mississippi, pre-convention campaign in, 417.

ship to McCombs, 481. Missouri, pre-convention campaign in, 398, Macon Telegraph, 416. Mitchell, Edward P., reactionary editor of New

Macksey, William P., 224, 234, 286, 299. 399-400.

Madden, Thomas B., 300, n. 77. York Sun, chief antagonist of Wilson’s pro-

Madison, James, 31. gressive ideas, 348; discloses Wilson’s appliMajor, Elliott W., 515. cation for Carnegie retirement grant, 348;

Malone, Dudley Field, confers with Wilson publishes Wilson’s letter to Joline, 352; failmanagers about Joline letter, 354; talks with ure of objective in publishing Joline letter, Bryan about Joline letter, 355; accompanies 357; leaves ranks of active anti-Wilson conWilson on Virginia tour, 394; attempts to spirators, 358; and the Cleveland letter, 358; organize Wilson campaign in Massachusetts, comments on Harvey-Wilson break, 369-

419, n. 101; tells Wilson Tammany ap- 370.

proves his nomination, 470; with Wilson Monoghan, James Charles, 500.

family on election day, 523. Montana, pre-convention campaign in, 420.

Malone, Maude, 519. Montgomery Advertiser, 416.

Marshall, Thomas R., congratulates Wilson on Moore, John Bassett, 7. election as governor, 201, n. 75; movement Morgan, J. Pierpont, 38, 98, 116, 128-129,

to make him Indiana’s favorite son in pre- 441, 442, 443, 484. convention contest, 327, n. 72; endorsed by Morgenthau, Henry, enlists in Wilson ranks Indiana for presidency, 420; nominated for and becomes one of most important convice-presidency at Baltimore convention, tributors to pre-convention fund, 338, 403-

462-463. 404; remains loyal to Wilson cause, 422; ap-

Martin, Edward S., 362. pointed chairman of finance committee of Martin, Henderson, 395, n. 19; 442. Democratic campaign, 481; and the drive Martin, Thomas F., 234; 245; 250, n. 393 2533 to raise the campaign fund, contribution to

256, n. 49; 287; 425. Democratic campaign fund, 484-486. Martin, Thomas P., xii. Morris, Roland S., 332, n. 88.

Martin, Thomas S., head of Virginia Demo- Mowry, George E., 524. cratic machine, campaigns against endorse- muckrakers, publicizers of reform movement, ment of Wilson’s candidacy, 340; accused 309. of being a leader in anti-Wilson campaign, Murphy, Charles F., boss of Tammany Hall, 347; leads Underwood movement in Vir- dictates election of New York delegates to ginia, 415; swings Virginia to Wilson in Baltimore convention, 413; arrives in Balti-

Baltimore convention, 460. more, 434; accepts Bryan’s anti-Wall Street

Martin, William P., 270, 271, 304. resolution, 444-445; shifts New York’s votes

Martine, James E., supports Wilson’s guber- to Clark, 448; attempts to undermine Wilnatorial candidacy, 155, n. 102; the leading son’s strength by offering to support Wilson Bryan Democrat of New Jersey, 208; a per- managers, 457-458; his control of New York ennial office-seeker, 208; his name entered Democracy challenged by progressives, 494in senatorial primary over his protest, 208; 495; snubbed by Wilson at Syracuse meetwins great majority in senatorial primary, ing, 495-496; capitulates to Wilson’s de-

558 INDEX mands and allows Sulzer to be nominated of workmen’s compensation bill, 264; pas-

for governor, 497. sage of bill for commission government for

Murray, William H., organizes Oklahoma for cities, 266; lesser reform accomplishments, Wilson, 406; a Wilson manager at Baltimore 266-267; bills vetoed by Wilson, 268-269; convention, 445, n.‘70; says Oklahoma will significance of reforms of session, 271-274. not help Tammany to make nomination, New Jersey legislature of 1912, Wilson’s an-

449. nual message to, 297; Wilson’s failure to

Mylod, James P., 299. provide leadership for, 297-299, grade cross-

ings bill preeminent question before, 301; Nashville Banner, a leader in Wilson move- passage and provisions of grade crossings

ment in Tennessee, 396, n. 21. bill, 301; bill vetoed by Wilson, 301-302;

Nashville Tennessean and American, Wilson attempt of Republican leaders to attack re-

spokesman in Tennessee, 396, n. 21. form laws of 1911, 303-304; bills: vetoed by Nation, the, a key to the origins of Wilson’s Wilson, 303-304; factional difficulties in, political ideas, x; campaigns for responsible 304-305; Republican members bitterly argovernment, 17; commends Wilson’s nomi- raign Wilson, 305; Wilson’s reply, 305-306. nation for governor, 170, n. 181; supports |New Jersey, pre-convention campaign of 1912

Wilson in pre-convention campaign, 392; iN, 423-428. warns of ‘menace’ of Clark’s nomination, New Jersey, progressive movement in before

420-421. Wilson: largely a Republican phenomenon

Nebraska, pre-convention campaign in, 417- before 1910, I35; movement to equalize

418. ‘ railroad and utilities taxation, 135-136;

Nebraska, University of, 23, n. 96. Colby revolt in Essex County, 136-137;

Negroes and the campaign of 1912, Negroes’ enactment of laws limiting tenure of utilities fear of southern-dominated Democratic franchises and increasing municipal taxes on party, 501; fear of Wilson as an anti-Negro trolley companies, 137; regulation of insurSoutherner, 501-502; Negro leaders confer ance companies provided for, 137; insurgent with Wilson, 502; Wilson assures them of Republican movement organized on. statehis friendship, 502; Villard-Du Bois-Wilson wide basis, 137; disintegration of New Idea negotiations, 503-504; Negro intellectual organization, 137-138; emphasis in program

leaders support Wilson for presidency, 505. shifts to demands for equal valuation of Negroes, Wilson’s attitude toward, 3, 502. railroad property and regulation of public

Nelson, William R., 319-320. utilities, 138-139; failure of movement to

Nevada, pre-convention campaign in, 420. secure public utilities commission with rateNewark Evening News, as a source for New making powers, 138-139; enactment of child Jersey period in Wilson’s career, x; leading labor laws, 139; direct primary reforms, New Idea journal, demands Wilson’s nomi- 139; New Jersey progressives as forerunners nation for governor, 160; comments on of Wilson, 139-140; Wilson’s election as Wilson’s nomination, 169-170; gives whole- governor the culmination of, 202-203. hearted support to Wilson in gubernatorial © New Jersey, State of: end of Democratic rule,

campaign, 185. 133-134; a state in bondage to financial, rail-

Newark Evening Star, as a source for New road, and corporate interests, 134-135; as Jersey period in Wilson’s career, x; suggests the “mother of trusts,” 134.

Wilson as presidential candidate for 1912, Newlands, Francis G., 355-356, 373. 169; accuses Wilson of base motives in spon- | Newman, Harry E., 300, n. 77. soring Geran bill, 246; editorial on Geran |New Mexico, pre-convention campaign in, 420.

bill, 250-251. newspapers, general character as a source for

420. Newton, Byron R., 337.

New Hampshire, pre-convention campaign in, study of Wilson’s political career, x.

New Idea movement in New Jersey, back- New York Evening Post, supports Wilson in ground of, 135; high tide of, 136-137; dis- pre-convention campaign, 392; joins in antiintegration of organization, 137-138; signifi- Clark campaign, 420; comments on Bryan’s cance of in New Jersey politics, 139-140; defeat in temporary chairmanship fight, 438; reaction of leaders to Wilson’s nomination a leading Wilson newspaper in presidential for governor, 169-170; Wilson bids for New campaign of 1912, 508, n. 144. Idea votes in gubernatorial campaign, 181; New York Globe, 372, n. 100.

Wilson’s surrender to, 195-196. New York State, pre-convention campaign in,

New Jersey Federation of Democratic Clubs, 413.

284. New York State and the presidential campaign

New Jersey legislature of 1911, caliber of mem- of 1912, rupture in Democratic party as re-

bers, 245; introduction of Geran bill, 246; sult of rebellion of anti-Tammany DemoWilson says he cannot run it, 248; passage crats, 494-495; Syracuse meeting of Demoof Geran election bill, 257; passage of cor- cratic leaders, 495-496; nomination of Sulzer rupt practices act, 261; passage of public for governor heals breach in party, 497. utilities regulation measure, 262; passage New York Sun (see also Mitchell, Edward P.),

INDEX 559 commends Wilson’s gubernatorial candidacy, be choice of state convention, 162; and the 170; sends reporter to cover Wilson’s cam- struggle for Wilson’s nomination at Trenton paign, 184; condemns Geran law, 258; turns convention, 163-164; confers with Wilson on Wilson during western tour and assumes and Democratic leaders about campaign command of anti-Wilson campaign, 339; de- strategy, 173-174; sets up Democratic headnounces Wilson’s attack on “money trust,” quarters in Newark, 175; introduces Wilson 3413 first to publish Harvey’s statement on to Davis, 176; confers with Wilson about

break with Wilson, 369-370. Record’s challenge to public debate, 190;

New York Times, praises Wilson’s guberna- declares Smith will receive support of Hudtorial campaign, 185; comments on signifi- son County assemblymen in senatorial concance of Wilson’s New Jersey reforms, 273- test, 215; asserts Smith will be elected 274; denounces Wilson’s attack on -““money senator, 233; activities in State House obtrust,” 341; laments Wilson’s attack on Al- noxious to Wilson and progressives, 251; drich plan, 342; commends sentiments ex- conference with Wilson, 251; attempts to

pressed in Joline letter, 353; editorializes defeat or sidetrack Geran bill, 251-252;

against Clark’s nomination, 420-421; com- ordered out of governor’s office by Wilson, ments on Bryan’s defeat for temporary 252; forbids his followers to vote for Geran chairman, 438; demands that Wilson be bill, 255-256; in the fight against the comnominated, 458; comments on Wilson’s ac- mission government for cities bill, 265; deceptance speech, 473-474; describes Wilson’s nounces Wilson as “‘ingrate and liar,” 280; campaign committee as “‘verandah cabinet,” demand that he be ousted as state chair481; supports Sulzer for governor, 497; a man, 280-281; requested by state committeeleading Wilson newspaper in_ presidential men to resign, 281; ousted as state chairman

campaign, 508, n. 144. in riotous meeting, 281; asserts his ouster

New York World, comments on Wilson’s de- is illegal, 282; secures his revenge on Wilmands for expulsion of Bryan from Demo- son, 295; charges Wilson with responsibility cratic party, 97; editorial presenting Wilson for Democratic defeat, 296, n. 65; corners as southern candidate for presidency in 1908, New Jersey tickets to Jackson Day Dinner, 116-117; high praise for Wilson’s guberna- 355, n. 34; campaigns against Wilson presitorial campaign, 199; gives New York pro- dential movement in South Jersey, 424; angressives courage by pointing to Wilson’s nounces his support of Wilson after Baltimore stand in senatorial controversy, 236; declares convention, 470. that Democratic party is divested of Bryan-

ism and under new leadership, 310; de- O’Brien, P. H., 447. nounces Wilson’s attacks on “money trust” O’Brien, Thomas D., 325. and asks, “Is Wilson Bryanizing?” 341-342; Ochs, Adolph S., roz. publishes Wilson’s statement on tariff, 344; | O’Conor, Charles, 18. defends Wilson in Carnegie pension affair, _O’Gorman, James A., senator from New York, 351, n. 14; disposes of charge of ingratitude confers with Wilson men about Joline letter, made against Wilson in Harvey affair, 371- 354; confers with Bryan about Joline letter, 372; presses attack to defend Wilson’s honor, 355; toastmaster at Jackson Day Dinner, 372, n. 100; warns that Clark’s nomination 355; defeated by Murphy in pre-convention would mean Democratic suicide, 421-422; campaign in New York, 413; suggested as

comes out in strong editorial demanding compromise candidate by Bryan, 456; tells

Wilson’s nomination, 428-429; asks Bryan Wilson that Tammany approves his nominato declare he will not be candidate, 435, tion, 470; appointed to campaign committee Nn. 19; comments on Bryan’s defeat in tempo- by Wilson, 481; urges Wilson to repudiate

rary chairmanship fight, 438; warns that Murphy and Dix in New York campaign, compromise at Baltimore is impossible, 458; 496; represents Wilson at Democratic state comments on Wilson’s acceptance speech, convention at Syracuse, 497; helps to medi473; and the anti-Tammany Democratic ate New Jersey senatorial contest, 498. rebellion in New York State, 494-495; sup- Ohio, pre-convention campaign in, 418-419,

ports Sulzer for governor, 497. n. 99.

Noonan, Joseph M., 216. Oklahoma, pre-convention campaign 1n, 400, North Carolina, pre-convention campaign in, 406-407.

327, 428. Olney, Richard, 422.

428. Orr, Gustavus J., 9.

North Dakota, pre-convention campaign in, Oregon, pre-convention campaign in, 418.

Nugent, James R., a lieutenant of Smith in Osborn, Chase S., 467, 469. Newark Democratic machine, 141; supports Osborne, Harry V., elected to New Jersey Katzenbach for governorship, 145, 153}; rep- Senate in 1907, 138; supports Martine for resents New Jersey state Democratic com- senatorship, 212, n. 26; urges Wilson to mittee at Lawyers’ Club conference, 150; carry senatorial fight to people, 223-224;

follows Smith in support of Wilson for at the Martinique conference, 239, n. 3;

governor, 153, n. 97; announces Wilson will a Wilson leader in the legislature of 1911,

560 INDEX 245; confers with Wilson about legislative Wilson pre-convention fund, 403-404. program, 246; co-author of public utilities Pennsylvania, pre-convention campaign in, 332,

regulation law, 261-262; endorsed for re- 413-415.

nomination by Wilson, 286; renominated, Pensacola Evening News, 357. 288; at state convention of 1911, 289; de- Periodical Publishers’ Association, 394. feated for reelection, 295; appointed judge Perkins, George W., 506.

in Essex County by Wilson, 299. Peters, Madison C., 479.

Outlook, the, weekly editorial stump for Theo- Pettigrew, Richard F., a leader in anti-Wulson

dore Roosevelt, x; commends Wilson’s gu- campaign, 380. bernatorial candidacy, 170, n. 181;: says “Phantom Ship, The,’’ anonymous article on Wilson has become leader of progressive the quadrangle plan, 78. movement in New Jersey, 199; supports Philadelphia North American, comments on Wilson’s pre-convention candidacy, 391-392. Wilson’s gubernatorial campaign, 199-200,

Overman, Lee S., 374. Nn. 70; supports Roosevelt in presidential campaign, 469. Page, Frank W., 329. Philadelphia Public Ledger, 508, n. 144.

Page, Walter H., meets Wilson in Atlanta, Philadelphia Record, 392. 8, 9, n. 36; attends Wilson’s inauguration Philippine Islands, 27-28. as president of Princeton, 38; commends Phillips, Mark F., 225, n. 79; 234; 235; 2523 Wilson’s gubernatorial campaign, 199; takes 256, n. 49. leadership in early organization of pre-con- Pierce, Jacob C., 301. vention campaign, 313; a refugee North Pitney, Mahlon, 299, n. 7o. Carolinian, editor of World’s Work, 313- Place, Francis, 195. 314; issues Wilson edition of World’s Work, Platt, Dan Fellows, 155, n. 102; 157, n. 118. 318; urges Wilson to begin organization Poe, Clarence, 312-313. of national campaign, 329; a parlor poli- Political Education of Woodrow Wilson, The, ticlan, 337; warns that Clark’s nomination by James Kerney, a critical account by one would ensure Republican success, 421. of Wilson’s contemporaries, xi.

Paine, Robert Treat, 419, n. 101. Prince, John D., 260; 306, n. 102.

Palmer, A. Mitchell, a progressive leader in Princeton Alumni Weekly, as a source for the

Pennsylvania, 332, n. 88; floor leader of study of the Princeton period in Wilson’s

Wilson forces at Baltimore convention, 445; career, xX. seconds Wilson’s nomination, 447; pleads “Princeton Ideal, The,” by Chauncey Brown, with Underwood men not to vote for Clark, pamphlet on quadrangle plan, 78. 449; rejects Murphy’s offer of support, 457; Princeton University, effect of preceptorial appointed to campaign committee by Wil- system and revision of course of study on,

son, 481. 43; influence of preceptors on, 43; influence

Palmer, Stephen S., probable resignation from of Princeton reforms on higher education board of trustees, 82; confers about set- in United States, 43-44; quadrangle contlement of graduate college controversy, troversy at, 45-57; graduate college contro86; informs West of compromise settlement, versy at, 59-90; Wilson’s resignation from, 88; Wilson confers with over Wyman be- 90; campus politics at, gI. quest, 89; heads delegation to tell Wilson Princeton University Library, manuscript col-

he must resign, go. lections on graduate college controversy, 1x.

Parker, Alton B., his nomination a repudiation Procter, William Cooper, offers $500,000 to of Bryan’s leadership, 96; Laffan’s letter to, build and endow graduate college at Prince-

111; congratulates Wilson on election as ton, 64; insists that college be built. off

governor, 201, n. 75; and the fight over the campus, 64-65; confers with Wilson about temporary chairmanship at the Baltimore site, 65; joins with West and Pyne in anticonvention, 432-437; reads keynote address, Wilson bloc, 65; trustees accept offer, 65; 438; Bryan’s comment on keynote, 438; accepts Wilson’s suggestion that two gradumovement to make him permanent chair- ate colleges be built, 69; refuses to cooperate

man defeated, 438. with Pyne in effort to drive Wilson from

Patterson, Archibald W., 172, n. 190. presidency of Princeton, 71; withdraws offer,

Patton, Francis L., 37. because of Wilson’s opposition, 72; move-

Payne, John Barton, 485. ment by to elect Joline to board of trustees, Peabody, George Foster, 97, n. 12. 78; confers with Wilson and McCormick on

Peck, John W., 439. graduate college issue, 79; his plan for dealPence, Thomas J., director of Wilson news- ing with graduate students condemned by paper bureau in Washington, 336; activities Wilson, 80; confers with McCormick, agrees

in Wilson’s behalf, 336; confers with Wil- to renew offer and reach agreement with son’s advisers about Joline letter, 354; at Wilson, 86; renews offer, 89.

Baltimore convention, 448. progressive movement before 1910, Wilson’s Pendleton, George H., 18-19. attitude toward: reaction to after 1900, 96;

Penfield, Frederick C., heavy contributor to appeals for expulsion of Bryan and followers

INDEX 561 from Democratic party, 96; changing atti- ence, 239-240; assigned task of writing tude toward, 122-123; causes for shift from direct primary and corrupt practices bills, conservatism to progressivism, 123; espousal 240; defended by Wilson in public stateof short ballot movement, 123-126; makes ment, 241; comments on Wilson’s inaugural, acquaintance of leading progressives in short 243, 244; leaves draft of primary and corballot organization, 124-125; frowns on rupt practices bills with Wilson, 246; wins third party movement, 131; rapid conversion crucial Republican support for Geran bill, to progressivism during gubernatorial cam- 256; defends Geran bill betore Senate compaign, 179-184; complete espousal of pro- mittee, 257; helps to revise Geran bill, 257;

gressive cause, I9I-195. drafts corrupt practices bill for Wilson, 260;

Progressive national convention of 1912, 474. appointed to State Board of Assessors by prohibition, Wilson’s attitude toward, 151-152; Wilson, 270; commends Kalisch’s appoint-

389, n. 179. ment, 271; comment on accomplishments of

Pruden, Russell G., xiii. session of 1911, 272; tutors Wilson on in-

Public Service Corporation, 136; 182, n. 23. itiative, referendum, and recall, 319, n. 43; public utilities regulation law, background leader of Bull Moose movement in New of, 261; passage by New Jersey legislature, Jersey, 468. 262; provisions of, 262-263. Reed, James A., nominates Clark for presidency

Puerto Rico, 28. at Baltimore convention, 446; says Missouri Pulitzer, Joseph, 116. insists on casting last votes for Clark,

Pyne, Moses T., breaks with Wilson in quad- 462; confers with Wilson after Baltimore rangle controversy, 57; elected chairman of convention, 471; appointed by Wilson to trustees’ committee on graduate school, 59, campaign committee, 481; heads senatorial 65; supports West’s plans for graduate school, campaign committee in Chicago headquar-

63; urges acceptance of Procter offer, 65; ters, 483; speaks with Wilson in Kansas joins with West and Procter in anti-Wilson City, 515. bloc, 65; describes Wilson’s action at board Reed, Thomas B., 38. meeting, 71; loses faith in Wilson’s integrity Renick, Edward I., 8, 20. and attempts to oust him from presidency Republican primary campaign of 1911 in New

of Princeton, 71; suspects Wilson of com- Jersey, 288. plicity in New York Times editorial, 76; Review of Reviews, commends Wilson’s gumovement by to elect Joline to board, 78; bernatorial candidacy, 170, n. 181; supports “Pyne vs. Wilson” as the leading issue in Wilson in pre-convention campaign, 392. graduate college fight, 81; comments on Rhode Island, pre-convention campaign in, 420. Wilson’s Pittsburgh speech, 85; seeks acom- Rice, W. M., 201, n. 77. | promise settlement of graduate college issue, Ridder, Herman, 171. 86-87; informs West of agreement, 88; re- Ridgway, Erman J., 479. joices over Wyman bequest, 88; says Wilson _ Ritchie, Albert C., 172, n. rgo.

had to be told he must resign, go. Robb, J. Hampden, 187, n. 37. Rochester Herald, 495.

Raleigh News and Observer, a leading south- Rocky Mountain News of Denver, comments ern Wilson newspaper, x; defends Wilson on Wilson’s speeches, 322; says Wilson is in Harvey affair, 372, n. 100; supports Wil- most frequently mentioned candidate for

son in pre-convention campaign, 392. president, 322; a leading Wilson journal in

Ramsay, William E., 234, n. ror. 1912, 508, n. 144.

Rayner, Isidor, 456, 481. Rogers, Henry Wade, 447.

recall of judges, Wilson opposed to, 319. Roman Catholicism, Wilson’s attitude toward,

Record, George L., intellectual architect of 7, 186, 500.

progressive movement in New Jersey, 135; Roosevelt, Franklin D., 413, 422, 494, 497. economic philosophy, 135; attacks problem Roosevelt, Theodore, author of term “muck-

of railroad and utilities taxation, 135-1373 raker,” 96; defeats Parker in 1904, 96;

leads movement for direct primary reform, Wilson as a counterbalance to, 99; demands 139; comments on Wilson’s nomination for for governmental regulation denounced by governor, 169; criticizes Wilson’s campaign Wilson, 107; repudiated in election of 1910,

speeches, 177-178; challenges Wilson to 200; skill in holding elements of Repubpublic debate, 189; taunts Wilson for re- lican party together, 309; discards La Fol-

fusal to debate issues, 190; letter to Wilson, lette’s candidacy, announces his own, 395, reply, 191-195; rejoices at Wilson’s sur- n. 153 praying for Clark’s nomination, 422; render to New Idea movement, 195-196; and disruption of Republican party in 1912, comments on issues in senatorial controversy, 431; on the necessity of maintaining third 221; commends Wilson’s appeal for Martine, party movement, 468; asserts Wilson would _ 227-228; says Martine’s election is most im- be controlled by bosses, 468-469; succeeds portant political event in state’s history, 226; in stopping drift of followers to Wilson, confers with Wilson about legislative pro- 469; nominated for president, 474; makes gram, 239; dominates Martinique confer- his “Confession of Faith,” 474; his appeal

562 INDEX to professional reformers, 474; makes nu- Wilson’s letter to Record, 196; analysis of merous charges against Wilson, 475-476; election of 1910, 202-203. program in 1912 with regard to trusts and __ Seeley, Fred L., 315; 383, n. 150. labor, 476-477; his claim to leadership of |Shafroth, John F., 320; 327, n. 72. moral and social reform movement chal- Shalvoy, Frank P., 225, n. 79; 234-2353; 256, lenged, 478; Negro intellectuals oppose, 505, n. 49. n. 135; shot in Milwaukee, 517; returns to Shannon, Thomas B., 389, n. 179. campaign with speech in Madison Square Shaw, Albert, 11. Garden, 521; makes spectacular campaign, Shaw, Anna Howard, opposes Roosevelt in

524; popular and electoral vote in 1912, 1912, 478.

524-525. Shea, J. B., suspects Wilson of complicity in

Rosenwald Fund, xii. New York Times editorial, 76. Ross, Millard F., 151. Sheehan, William F., 236, 494.

Ruppert, Jacob, 485. Sheldon, Edward W., opposes’ Wilson’s plan Russell, L. T., 149. to oust West as dean of graduate school, 73;

Ryan, Thomas Fortune, interested in Wilson’s takes leadership in movement to comprocandidacy in 1906, 102; dines with Wilson, mise graduate college controversy, 86-87; 110; asked by Wilson to endow preceptorial elated by agreement, 87; hopes for peaceful system, I1I; receives statement of Wilson’s settlement frustrated by Wilson, 87; confers political convictions, 111-112; contributes to with Wilson about governorship, 147-148; Wilson’s gubernatorial fund, 187, n. 37; contributes to Wilson’s campaign fund, 403. approached by Harvey and Watterson, 311; Short Ballot Association, 124. as the leader of anti-Wilson campaign, 347; Shuman, Irving, 335-336. promises Watterson and Harvey contribu- Silzer, George S., mentioned for gubernatorial tion to Wilson campaign fund, 360-361; his nomination in 1910, 142; announces gubercontribution forbidden by Wilson, 361; be- natorial candidacy on progressive platform, comes involved in Harvey affair, 374-376; 155; vote received for nomination, 166; McCombs anxious to secure contribution speaks at Martine rally, 229; a Wilson leader from, 376, n. 119; largely finances Harmon in legislature of 1911, 245; confers with and Underwood campaigns, 404, n. 503 ar- Wilson about legislative program, 246; aprives at Baltimore convention, 434; obtains pointed county prosecutor by Wilson, 300. seat in convention by trickery, 441-442, Simpson, Charles E. S., 250, n. 39. Nn. 533; suspicious activities at convention, Sioussat, St. George L., xii. 441-442; expulsion from convention de- Smathers, Frank, 270. manded by Bryan, 443; forbidden by Wil- Smith, Adam, 24. son to contribute to Democratic campaign Smith, Datus C., Jr., xii.

fund, 484. Smith, Ellison D., 447. Smith, Hoke, reform governor of Georgia,

Sackett, W. E., 293. 272, 309; announces support of Wilson in St. John, William W., 207-208. pre-convention campaign, 315.

St. Louts Globe-Democrat, 508, n. 144. Smith, James, Jr., supports Wilson for sena-

St. Louts “Republic, chief editorial supporter torial nomination, 103-104; master of Newof Clark’s pre-convention campaign in Mis- ark-Essex Democratic machine, 140; desouri, x; raises Clark campaign fund, gor1, scription of, 140; early career, 140-141; Nn. 413 comments on results of Illinois pre- agrees to support Wilson for governor, 141convention campaign, 412; a leading Wil- 142; agrees with Wilson on cooperation in son journal in presidential campaign, 508, state politics, 143; an enthusiastic promoter

n. 144. of Wilson’s presidential candidacy, 144;

San Francisco Chronicle, 508, n. 144. warns Harvey that political situation in New Saulsbury, Willard, adviser to McCombs dur- Jersey is dangerous, 145; offers Wilson

ing pre-convention campaign, 337; helps to gubernatorial nomination, 146; reasons for carry Delaware for Wilson, 418; remains support of Wilson, 149-150; moves to swing loyal to Wilson cause, 422; pleads with politicians into line for Wilson, 153; effects delegates of Border States to vote for Wilson, alliance with Davis, 153-154; secures sup460; wins promise of Border State leaders port of party workers, 154-155; and organto vote for Wilson, 460; appointed to cam- ized labor during pre-convention campaign,

paign committee by Wilson, 481. 159; Wins victory for Wilson in primary

Savannah Evening Press, 315. campaign in Essex County, 162; and the

Schiff, Jacob H., contributes to Wilson’s pre- struggle for Wilson’s nomination at Trenconverition fund, 338; supports Wilson in ton, 162-166; confers with Wilson on stratpresidential campaign, 479; contributes to egy of campaign, 173-174; tells how the

Democratic campaign fund, 485. gubernatorial campaign was financed, 187-

Scott, William B., 37, 49. 188; disturbed by Wilson’s growing indeScudder, Wallace M., warns Wilson of specter pendence, 188; his dilemma as result of of Smith’s candidacy, 189; comments on Wilson-Record correspondence, 196-197;

INDEX 563 denies he authorized statement he would Stevens, Edwin A., and New Jersey senatorship not be senatorial candidate, 206; willing to iN 1907, 104-106; appointed commissioner announce that he would not be senatorial of roads by Wilson, 270. candidate, 206-207; secures Davis’s support Stockbridge, Frank P., hired to make arrangefor candidacy, 207; determines to return to ments for Wilson’s western tour, 313; sets Senate, confers with Wil8gn about senator- out to organize publicity campaign for Wilship, 209; intimates he will enter senatorial son, 314; accompanies Wilson on western contest, 212; Wilson expresses high opinion tour, 319; and Wilson’s Denver address,

of, 212; confers with Harvey, 214; re- 320; appointed to head information bureau quested to be senatorial candidate by Essex at first Wilson headquarters, 329; estabassemblymen, 214; final conference with lishes campaign headquarters in New York, Wilson before open break, 218; his candi- 330; work of New York organization, 330;

dacy publicly opposed by Wilson, 218-219; leaves organization because of friction with his spokesmen answer Wilson’s attack, 220; McCombs, 337. his control of party fundamental issue in Stokes, Edward C., 235. senatorial fight, 220-221; formally announces Stone, William J., sets off Clark presidential

candidacy, 222-223; answers Wilson’s boom, 398; contributes to Clark campaign

charges, 227; denounces Wilson as trickster fund, gor, n. 41; attacks Wilson in Illinois and traitor, 231; attempts to rally supporters, contest, 410; denounced by Wilson as agent 231-232; defeated in Democratic caucus, of Hearst, 411; urges Wilson to withdraw 233; at Trenton during balloting, 233-234; from contest at Baltimore, 451; concedes releases supporters, 234; defeated by Mar- defeat, 461-462, n. 141; releases Clark deletine, 235; significance of his defeat, 236- gates, 461; confers with Wilson after Balti237; his newspapers charge Wilson is con- more convention, 471. trolled by Record, 240; victor in primary Stovall, Pleasant A., 4; 172, n. 190. campaign in Essex, 288; undertakes to as- Straus, Nathan, 171. sure election of Republican legislature, 295; | Strayer, Joseph R., xii. charged by Wilson with treachery to party, Stringer, Lawrence B., 335, 409.

296; enters Clark’s name in presidential Strzelecki, John H., 384-385. primary, 424; causes for opposition to Wil- Sullivan, Jerry B., 442. son presidential movement, 425, n. 126; Sullivan, Mark A., leader in fight to prevent making one desperate effort to control party Wilson’s nomination, 155; confers with Wilin New Jersey, Wilson asserts, 426-427; son about senatorship, 216; urges Wilson to

elects anti-Wilson delegates from Essex carry senatorial fight to people, 223-224; County, 428; announces candidacy for sena- presides at Martine rally, 229; appointed torial nomination in 1912, 497; opposed by judge by Wilson, 270. | Wilson, 498; defeated and retires from Sullivan, Roger, head of Illinois Democratic

politics, 498. machine, 143, 409; confers with Smith about

Smith, Ralph W., 374. Wilson’s gubernatorial candidacy, 143; consocial Darwinism, 33. gratulates Wilson on election as governor, Sommer, Frank H., 261. 201, n. 75; rumor that he offered I[]linois’s South Carolina, pre-convention campaign in, support for Wilson presidential movement,

327-328, 417. 222; and pre-convention campaign in Illi-

South Dakota delegation at Baltimore conven- nois, 409; sends contested delegation to

tion, 440-441. Baltimore, 440; allies with Wilson managers

South Dakota, pre-convention campaign in, and gets delegates seated, 440-441; helps to

402, 428. seat Wilson delegates from South Dakota,

South, Jerry, 483. 440-441; attempts to undermine Wilson’s Speir, Francis, 52. strength at convention, 457; delivers vote Spencer, Herbert, influence on Wilson’s of Illinois to Wilson, 459-460; rumor he thought, 22, 23. would support Underwood, 461; rumor he Spreckels, Rudolph, 479. conferred with Clark and promised to supSprigg, J. C., 228, 313. port him again, 461, n. 138. Springfield Republican, says Wilson is candi- Sulzer, William, 497, 519, 521. date for presidency in fullest sense, 326-327; | Swann, Mrs. Josephine Thompson, 62. denounces Wilson’s attack on “money trust,’ Swanson, Claude A., 441.

341; joins anti-Clark campaign, 420; a Syracuse Post-Standard, 495. leading Wilson newspaper in presidential

campaign, 508, n. 144. Taft, William Howard, and split in Republican

Stanchfield, John B., 454. party, 309; comments on Harvey affair,

State Federation of Labor of New Jersey, adopts 370; and disruption of Republican party, resolutions condemning Wilson, 159; re- 431; refuses to make campaign for presi-

fuses to rescind resolutions, 183. dency, 475; popular and electoral vote in Steffens, Lincoln, 260, 475. IQI2, 525. Stetson, Francis L., 187, n. 37. Taggart, Thomas, head of Indiana Democratic

564 INDEX organization, 144; attempts to undermine about legislative program, 246; acts as WilWilson’s strength at Baltimore convention, son’s patronage referee, 269-270; warns Wil457; casts Indiana’s votes for Wilson, 458. son against veto of grade crossings bill, 302; Tammany Hall, existence of Clark-Tammany urges Wilson to organize national campaign, alliance at Baltmore convention admitted, 329; confers with Wilson leaders about 434-435; elects Parker temporary chairman Joline letter, 354; urges Wilson to support with support of Clark managers, 437; de- Bryan in temporary chairmanship fight, feated in move to make Parker permanent 433; opinion of McCombs, 486, n. 76. chairman, 438; progressive rebellion against Turner, Frederick J., 31, 34. in New York, 494-495; nomination of Sul- Twain, Mark, 38. zer a seeming repudiation of, 497. tariff, Wilson’s views on: early free trade opin-

ions, 3, 7; testimony before Tariff Commis- Underwood, Oscar W., chairman ways and sion, 8-9; a faithful representative of Man- means committee in House, attacked by chester School, 26-27; attacks Payne-Aldrich Bryan, 328; his leadership pleases Wilson,

tariff, 128. 328; Wilson not impressed by his ‘“‘funda-

Taylor, Leon R., 234. mental democracy,” 328-329; leader in tariff

Tennessee, pre-convention campaign in, 396, reform movement, 344, 345; and combina-

Nn. 21; 417. tion against Wilson, 378-380; campaign

Texas, pre-convention campaign in, 333, 428. largely financed by Ryan, 404, n. 50; rise “That Pittsburgh Speech and Some Comment,” and spread of presidential movement in

85. 1912, 408; character of his support in South-

Thomas, Augustus, 521. east, 415-416; carries Florida, Georgia, Mis-

Thomas, Cullen F., 437. sissippi, and Virginia, 417; nominated for Thomas, Norman, 24. presidency at Baltimore convention, 445-

Thompson, Henry B., states issues involved in 446; refuses to accept vice-presidential nomgraduate coilege controversy, 66; expresses ination, 462; confers with Wilson after condetermination to stand by Wilson, 71-72; vention, 471; speaks at Madison Square Gar-

asserts issue in controversy is “Pyne vs. den rally, 521-522.

Wilson,” 81; comments on consequences of | United Polish Societies of Manhattan, 384.

Wilson’s defeat, 81-82; congratulates Wil- Untermeyer, Samuel, contributes to Wilson

son on election as governor, 201. pre-convention fund, 403-404; contributes

Thwing, Eugene, 469. to Democratic campaign fund, 485. Tilley, Nannie M., xiii. U’Ren, William, associated with Wilson in Tillman, Benjamin R., controversy with Wat- Short Ballot Association, 124; tutors Wilson

terson over Harvey affair, 374-375. On initiative, referendum, and recall, 319,

Treacy, John J., leader in fight to prevent n. 43; confers with Wilson in Portland, 324; Wilson’s nomination for governor, 155; at toastmaster at luncheon in Wilson’s honor, the Martinique conference, 239-240, n. 3; 324; helps to carry Oregon for Wilson, 418. confers with Wilson about legislative pro-

gram, 246; appointed judge in Hudson

County, 300, n. 77. Van Dyke, Henry, objects to quadrangle pro-

Trenton Chamber of Commerce, 265. posal, 48-49, 54; refuses to allow publication Trenton Evening Times (see also Kerney, of Cleveland letter, 358.

James), as source for New Jersey period in Van Dyke, Paul, 77. Wilson’s career, x; leader in movement to Van Hise, Charles R., 468, n. 6; 471. prevent Wilson’s nomination for governor, Vardaman, James K., 435, n. 18; 4443 -501.

156-160. Venable, Francis P., 392.

Trenton True American (see also Alexander, Vermont, pre-convention campaign in, 420. H. E.), as source for New Jersey period in Vick, Walker W., 337. Wilson’s career, x; early supporter of Wilson Vicksburg Herald, 416.

gubernatorial movement, 150. Villard, Oswald Garrison, acknowledgment to,

Trotter, William Monroe, 502, 503-504. xili; editor New York Evening Post, pledges

Troy (N. Y.) Times, 495. support to Wilson in gubernatorial cam-

Tucker, Harry St. George, 113; 172, n. 190; paign, 161; campaigns for Wilson’s election,

417. 184; leading champion of Negro rights, 502-

Tumulty, Joseph P., elected to legislature in 503; confers with Wilson after Baltimore 1907, 138; leader in fight to prevent Wil- convention, urges him to assure Negroes of son’s nomination for governor, 155; accepts equal treatment, 503; asked by Wilson to Wilson’s leadership during gubernatorial prepare general statement on Negro quescampaign, 196; confers with Wilson about tion, 504; sends Wilson statement prepared senatorship, 215; urges Wilson to carry sen- by Du Bois, with warning, 504. atorial fight to people, 223-224; appointed Virginia, pre-convention campaign in, 394,

private secretary to Wilson, 228-229; at 417.

Martine rally, 229; confers with Wilson Virginia, University of, 23, n. 96.

INDEX 565

Wade, Martin, 483. Weiss, A. C., 445, n. 70.

Wald, Lillian D., 474-475. Wells, Rolla, 481, 484.

Waldron, J. Milton, 502, 503-504. Wertenbaker, Thomas J., xii.

Walsh, Allan P., opposes Wilson’s guberna- Werts, George T., 133-134. torial candidacy, 157; supports Martine for | Wescott, John W., leader of Katzenbach movesenatorship, 212, n. 26; a Wilson leader in ment in South Jersey, 157; attempts to prelegislature of 1911, 245; introduces corrupt vent Wilson’s nomination at Trenton conpractices bill, 260; co-author of bill for vention, 165; warns Wilson his future career

commission government for cities, 265. depends on his stand in senatorial contro-

Walsh, John, 447. versy, 211; praises Wilson’s stand against Walters, Alexander, 505. Smith, 221; nominates Wilson for presidency

Washington and Lee University, 23, n. 96. at Baltimore, 447; and the senatorial conWashington, Booker T., 38; 388; 388, n. 178. test of 1912, 497-498.

Washington Post, 350. West, Andrew F., objects to quadrangle plan,

Washington State, pre-convention campaign 49; influence in University affairs before

in, 420. Wilson’s presidency, 59; elected dean of

Watson, Clarence W., accused of being leader graduate school, 59; plans for construction in anti-Wilson campaign, 347; contributes and endowment of graduate college, 60-61; to Clark campaign fund, 4o1, n. 41; casts opens temporary residence for graduate stulot with Wilson men at Baltimore conven- dents, 61-62; offered presidency of Massation, 460; swings West Virginia to Wilson, chusetts Institute of Technology, 62; stripped 460; contributes to Democratic campaign of most of his authority by Wilson, 63; se-

fund, 485-486. cures offer from Procter for graduate col-

Watson, Thomas E., leader in anti-Wilson lege, 64; joins with Pyne and Procter in campaign in Southeast, 380-381; campaign anti-Wilson bloc, 65; ideals for graduate of vitriol and misrepresentation against Wil- college attacked by Wilson, 70; urges acson, 387-388; a leader in Underwood move- ceptance of Procter offer, 72; his ideals un-

ment in Georgia, 415. democratic, Wilson charges, 84; decides to

Watterson, Henry, interested in Wilson’s candi- force show-down in board, 88; rejoices over

dacy, 102; confers with Wilson, Smith, and Wyman bequest, 88; wins unchallenged Harvey about Wilson’s nomination, 145- control over graduate school, 88-89; Wyman 146; promises to support Wilson for presi- bequest his own triumph, 89; accused of dency in 1912, 146; comments on Smith’s complicity in Cleveland letter affair, 358, defeat, 235; approaches Ryan about joining n. 48. Wilson movement, 311; strives to maintain West Virginia, pre-convention campaign in, unity among early Wilson supporters, 3117; 420. cordial relations with Wilson, 360; sets out White, John J., 300, n. 77. to obtain contribution from Ryan, 360-361; White, William Allen, 124-125, 476.

the Manhattan Club meeting, 361-362; sug- © Whitecotton, James H., 410, n. 71. gested Harvey moderate campaign for Wil- Whitlock, Brand, 475, 478-479. son, 362; basis for his break with Wilson, Wiley, Harvey W., 479. 365, n. 69; tells Clark Howell of plan to Williams College, 23, n. 96. expose Wilson, 365; cautions delay in let- | Williams, George Fred, ex-Populist leader from ters to Harvey, 366-367; tells story of Man- Massachusetts, comments on Wilson’s aphattan Club incident to Hemphill, 366; plication for Carnegie retirement grant, 3503 urged by Harvey to expose Wilson, 366-367; leader in anti-Wilson campaign, 380; dereceives explanation from Mrs. Wilson, 368; nounces Wilson’s candidacy because of re-

asks Harvey to delay publishing statement, actionary writings, 381; campaigns for 368; had not seen Wilson-Harvey corre- Clark in Illinois, 410, n. 71; leads Clark spondence, 368, n. 83; tells story of Man- campaign in Massachusetts, 420, n. 101. hattan Club conference in public statement, Williams, John Sharp, 222, 426, 439. 371; discloses Ryan story to Overman, 374; Williamson, Edgar R., 159. controversy with Tillman, 374-375; denies Wilson, Edmund, 303, n. 85.

Ryan issue was cause of Wilson-Harvey Wilson, Ellen Axson, Wilson’s courtship of, break, 375; denounced by Wilson, 375; chal- 10; marriage, 19; troubled by religious lenges Wilson to submit issue of veracity to doubt, 94; brings Wilson and Bryan to“court of gentlemen,” 375-376; issues bit- gether, 317; tells story of Wilson’s applicater excoriation of Wilson, 376; emerges tion for Carnegie retirement grant, 348-349; second best in joust with Wilson, 376; his writes about alleged Cleveland letter, 358; position after publication of Wilson-Harvey accuses West of complicity in Cleveland letters, 377; has last word in controversy, letter affair, 358, n. 48; relates story of Man378, n. 127; comment on Baltimore, 433- hattan Club conference, 362, n. 63; asks 434; praises Wilson’s acceptance speech, cousin to write to Watterson, 367-368; ac-

474; reconciled to Wilson, 527. companies Wilson on Georgia tour, 416; Wedin, Peter N., 300, n. 77. urges Wilson to support Bryan in temporary

566 INDEX chairmanship fight, 433; accompanies Wil- of individual to God, and in Bible as reveson on cruise, 472; attitude toward Negroes, lation of God to man, 321; finds moral 502; at Madison Square Garden rally, 522. authority for progressive movement in orWilson Era, Years of Peace, 1910-1917, by thodox Protestantism, 321.

Josephus Daniels, xi. general (arranged chronologically), fam-

Wilson, Jessie Woodrow, 1-2. ily background, 1; early life during Civil

Wilson, Joseph R., father of Woodrow Wilson, War and Reconstruction, 1-2; romantic love southern clergyman, 1; supporter of Con- of South, 2-3; as a Southerner, 3-4; preparafederate war effort, 1-2; characterization tory education, 4; undergraduate education,

of, 2. 5-6; law training, 6-7; failure at law prac-

Wilson, Joseph R., Jr., 523. tice, 7-8; disgust with Atlanta and New

Wilson, Margaret, 472. South, 10-11; graduate training, I1-12;

Wilson Progressive Republican League, 479. writes Congressional Government, 12-14;

Wilson, William B., 332, n. 88. political ambitions and attitude toward Dem-

Wilson, Woodrow. ocratic party, 19; marriage and beginning description, 93. of teaching career, 19-20; applies for posieconomic thought, 1890-1970, disdain for tion in State Department, 20-21; moves to economics and economic influences in his- Wesleyan, 21; writes The State, 21-22; tory, 23-24; failure to find remedy for rise elected professor at Princeton, 23; reaction of industrial and financial monopolies, 26; to agrarian revolt and crusade of ’96, 23-25;

recognition of economic interests in Senate, reaction to imperialism, 27-28; writings dur109; approval of trusts, condemnation of ing period 1893-1902, 29-30; historical ingovernmental interference in business, 111- terpretations, 30-31; elected president of 112; proposals for settlement of trust prob- Princeton, 37; ambitions for intellectual and lem, 113-1153 approval of Aldrich plan, 116; material growth of University, 39; obtains denounces governmental regulation of busi- adoption of preceptorial system and revision ness as socialistic, 119; calls for new moral- of undergraduate plan of study, 40-43; at ity in business and finance, 120-122, 126; peak of popularity at Princeton, 44-45; prodenunciation of monopolies and trusts, 128; poses quadrangle plan, 45-48; opposition of advocates legal regulation of trusts, 129. faculty and alumni, 48-50; democracy as an educational philosophy, plea for general issue in quadrangle controversy, 50-513 ex-

education on undergraduate level, 29; states plains working of quadrangle plan, 51; purpose of college education, 39; defines failure of efforts to obtain adoption of new mission of university, 39; on the Princeton system, 51-56; end of controversy, 56-57; ideal of education, 80; asserts democratic inception of plan for graduate school, 59mission of the university, 83-84, 126. 60; alienates influential trustees, 63; strips intellectual characteristics, quality and West of most authority in graduate school character of intellectualism, 94-95; personal affairs, 63-64; the Procter offer, 64; issues

characteristics, 95. in the graduate college controversy, 66;

political ideas, 1879-1902, as an under- trustees accept Procter offer, 65; proposes graduate at Princeton, 6; criticism of gov- building two graduate colleges, 66; demands ernment by Congress, 13-14; origins of po- trustees revoke acceptance of Procter offer,

litical thought, 15-19; development of po- 67-68; begins campaign to win support

litical philosophy, 21-22, 31-32; reassertion among trustees, 68; raises the personal issues

of need for responsible government, 27; squarely, 68-69; admits personal issues are conservative political philosophy, 32-34; paramount in controversy, 69-70; question works on Wilson’s political thought, 34, n. submitted to committee of trustees, 71;

136. withdrawal of Procter offer, 72; report of political ideas, 1902-1910, denounces gov- special committee on graduate college, 72;

ernmental regulation of business, 107, 11I- begins movement to oust West as dean, 73; 112, 118-119; fundamental change in atti- conceives of controversy as struggle for tude toward Congress and president, 108- democracy, 74; and New York Times edi109; attitude toward federal-state relations, torial, 74-75; refuses to become involved 109-110; calls for new type of political in controversy provoked by editorial, 76-77; leadership, 124; espousal of short ballot campaigns among alumni for support, 78-

idea, 123-126. 79; states case before New York alumni, reading habits, early reading, 4-5; as 79-81; deadlock in board of trustees, 81-82; undergraduate, 5; at University of Virginia, forbidden by board to refer graduate ques-

7, n. 28; in Atlanta, 9; development of tion to faculty, 82; unfurls democratic ban-

literary interests, 12. ner, in Pittsburgh speech, 82-84; attempts religious beliefs, early Presbyterian ortho- to counteract adverse reaction to Pittsburgh

doxy, 2; first religious experience, 4; Cal- speech, 85-86; rejects compromise settlevinistic, formal, and stern, 94; supreme faith ment of controversy, 87-88; explains why in unalterable moral law, in ultimate tri- he accepted Wyman bequest and defeat, 89; umph of will of God, in direct responsibility importance of controversy in his political

INDEX 567 training, 90-91; and first campaign to make strongly for Martine, 210-211; states candid him president, 98-102; first encounter with opinions on senatorial question, 212-213; practical politics—senatorial muddle of 1907, decides to support Martine, 213; confers 103-106; appeals for support of big business, with party leaders in Jersey City, 215-216; 110-112; comments on Panic of 1907, 115- confers at Princeton with Hudson County 116; and Democratic pre-convention cam- legislators, 217; succeeds in marshaling Hudpaign of 1908, 117-120; and presidential son County Democrats against Smith, 217campaign of 1908, 120; calls for new busi- 218; confers again with Smith, 218; gives ness and financial morality, 120-122, 126; statement to newspapers announcing supparticipation in short ballot movement, 123- port of Martine and opposing Smith, 218126; lack of interest in New Jersey politics 219; fundamental issue at stake in senatorial before 1910, 133; agrees to accept guberna- fight, 220-221; unites progressive forces, contorial nomination, 142; agrees with Smith fers with leaders to map strategy, 223-224; on cooperation in New Jersey politics, 1433 appeals to Essex assemblymen to repudiate offered gubernatorial nomination by Smith, Smith, 224-225; legislative campaign com146; confers with trustees, 146-148; agrees pleted, confident of victory, 225; reviews

to accept nomination, explains reasons for progress of battle in public statement, at-

so doing, 148; wonders why bosses are sup- tacks Smith, 225-227; appoints Tumulty his porting him, 149; confers with Democratic private secretary, 228-229; declares war on leaders at Lawyers’ Club conference, 150- machine in Jersey City speech, 229-230; 152; announces to public willingness to makes final appeal at Newark, 232-233; at accept nomination, 152; movement to pre- Trenton during balloting for senatorship, vent nomination, 155-159; nomination op- 234; comments on victory over Smith, 234posed by organized labor, 158-159; appeals 235; significance of victory in senatorial for labor’s support, 159-160; disturbed by fight, 235-237; confers with Record about movement to prevent his nomination, 161; legislative program, 239; at the Martinique victories in September primary campaign, conference with state leaders, 239-240; pub162; confers with Harvey about platform, lic statement defending Record, 241; inaug163; opposes platform declaration favoring uration as governor, 241-243; writes about direct nomination of all elective officials, inaugural and his determination to be peo163; struggle for nomination at Trenton ple’s champion, 243-244; resolves only to convention, 163-165; nominated for gover- insist upon passage of four major bills, 245nor, 165-166; acceptance speech, 167-168; 246; warns enemies that opposition to Geran wins support of most progressives, 168-169; bill is opposition to popular government, resolves to start out on new career “as 2473; campaigns to stimulate popular support bravely as possible,” 172; confers with Dem- for reform program, 247-249; as prime minocratic leaders on strategy of campaign, 173- ister of New Jersey, 249; first meeting with 174; gives first interview after nomination, Democratic caucus, 249-250; orders Nugent 174-175; ideas about financing campaign, out of office, 252; comments on Nugent 175; meets Davis, makes first campaign affair, 253; attends second caucus on Geran speech, 176-177; makes confession of pro- bill, makes memorable plea for measure, gressive faith, 178-180; tells people he will 253-255; signs Geran bill, 258; and passage be leader if elected, comes out strongly for of corrupt practices bill, 259-261; and enactall progressive measures, 180-181; moves ment of public utilities regulation measure, farther to left during first three weeks of 261-263; and passage of workmen’s comcampaign, 181-182; appeals for votes of pensation bill, 263-264; and battle for pasorganized labor, 183-184; financing the gu- sage of commission government bill, 265bernatorial campaign, 187-188; and back- 266; comments on concluding session of ground of Record-Wilson correspondence, legislature of 1911, 267; veto messages dur189-191; offers to discuss public issues with ing session, 268-269; gives job of doling out Record, 191; replies to Record, comes out petty offices to Kerney and Tumulty, 269for progressive reforms, repudiates bosses 270; important appointments, 270-271; exwho nominated him, and asserts personal presses pride in accomplishments of legislaleadership of party, 192-195; conclusion of ture, 271; significance of, and his part in, campaign, 197-199; election results, 200; reform accomplishments, 271-274; writes celebration at Princeton, 200-201; statement epilogue to story of legislature of 1911, 274on election results, 201; congratulated on 275; goes to people in fight for municipal victory, 201; uncertainty of his relationship reform, 277-278; failure of movement for to New Jersey party leaders, 205; and the commission government, 279; denounced in background of the senatorial controversy, toast by Nugent as “ingrate and liar,” 280; 205-207; urges Smith not to enter senatorial speaks to party workers of Monmouth

race, 209; suggests Smith propose com- County, 283; and the reorganization of

promise candidate, 209-210; strongly op- Democratic party in New Jersey, 282-285; posed to election of Martine, 209, 210, 213; gives notice of intention to participate in warned by progressives he must come out Democratic primary campaign, 285-286;

568 INDEX campaigns for nomination of progressive progressive Democrats, 333; first meeting Democrats, 286-288; results of primary with House, 334; invades Maryland, 338; campaign, 288; vindication of his leader- makes bid for Jewish support in New York ship, 288; comments on outcome of cam- address, 338; bitter attack by conservatives paign, 289; at the state convention of 1911, because of his approval of initiative, referen289; campaigns for election of Democratic dum, and recall, 338-340; belief that Wilson legislators, 289-294; results of legislative had adopted Bryanism becomes especially campaign an endorsement of his leadership, dangerous in Virginia, 340; intervenes in 295-296; blames Smith and Nugent for de- Virginia situation, explains stand on initiafeat in Essex County, 296; effect of legisla- tive, referendum, and recall, 340-341; detive election on presidential movement, 296, nounces Aldrich plan for centralized bankn. 65; annual message to legislature of 1912, ing system, 342; admits he went off “half

297; refuses to provide leadership for legis- cocked” in attack on Aldrich plan, 343; lature, 297-298; causes for shift in his con- urged by House and McCombs to concenception of duties as governor, 298-299; uses trate on safe issues, 344; declares tariff is to patronage as means of strengthening state- be greatest issue in presidential campaign, wide organization and presidential move- 344; sources of his strength as a progressive ment, 299-301; and the veto of grade cross- campaigner, 345; disclosure of application ings bill, 301-302; attempts to prevent attack for Carnegie retirement grant, 348; public on reform laws by Republicans, 303-304; statement on Carnegie application, 349; vetoes one-tenth of bills passed by legisla- writes letter to Joline expressing desire to ture, 303-304; bitterly arraigned by Repub- knock Bryan into “cocked hat,” 352-353; lican legislators, 305; charges Republicans publication of letter, 353; pays tribute to with responsibility for barren session, 305- Bryan at Jackson Day Dinner, 356; Joline 306; debacle of legislature of 1912 partly letter affair strengthens his relations with

result of his failures and limitations, 306- Bryan, 357; charges that he was ‘party

307; as a new Democratic leader in nation, bolter, 357-358; alarmed by threatened pub310; rapidly becoming serious presidential lication of letter written by Cleveland, 358; possibility, 312; discourages first movement background of Harvey affair, 359-361; Manto get presidential campaign started, 313; hattan Club meeting with Harvey and Watattends meeting of provisional committee to terson, 361-362; disturbed when Harvey

organize pre-convention campaign, 313; es- takes name off masthead of Harper’s

tablishes policy his publicity bureau is to Weekly, 362-363; writes Harvey, expressing follow, 314; opens pre-convention campaign appreciation for his support, 363-364; denies

in Atlanta, 315; in Norfolk tells southern breach between Harvey and himself, 367; friends he is “radical,” 315-316; wins conduct in Harvey affair endorsed by Bryan Bryan’s approval, 316-318; riding crest of and other Democratic leaders, 372-374;

wave of popularity following legislature of denies he or his managers asked Watterson 1911, 318-319; embarks upon western tour, to solicit money from Ryan, 375; bitterness 319; speech at Kansas City, endorsing initia- toward Harvey and Watterson, 377; canditive, referendum, and recall, 319; in Denver dacy strengthened by Harvey affair, 378; address assumes leadership of movement for believes his Democratic opponents have commoral regeneration, 321-322; tour through bined against him, 379; greatly concerned California, 322-323; wins support of pro- by Hearst’s attacks, 384; makes frantic efgressives in Oregon, 324; speeches in Seattle, forts to allay hostility of foreign-born groups, 324; speeches in Minneapolis and St. Paul, attempts to explain away passages in his 325; meets Bryan’s brother in Lincoln and History denouncing them, 385-386; atbestows high praise on Bryan, 325-326; tempts to revise passage in his History, 386favorable effect of western tour on presi- 387; attempts to evade liquor question, 389; dential movement, 326-327; greeted en- comments on anti-Wilson campaign, 380thusiastically by progressives in North Caro- 390; as the leading Democratic contender at lina, 327; attacks “money trust” in Colum- beginning of 1912, 391; opinion of two-

bia, 327-328; expresses high regard for thirds rule, 391, n. 2; opens second phase Underwood’s leadership in House of Repre- of pre-convention campaign with. tour

sentatives, 328-329; meets Clark in Wash- through Michigan, 393; speaks in Massachuington, 329; confers with supporters, author- setts and Virginia, 394; increases tempo of izes establishment of campaign headquarters, campaign addresses, 395; campaign tour in 329; explains the kind of campaign his sup- Tennessee and Midwest, 395-397; conclusion porters ought to undertake, 329-330; speaks of winter campaign, 397-398; attitude before progressive Democrats of Pennsyl- toward pre-convention contributors, 403vania and again denounces “money trust,” 404; urged by Bryan to publish source of 331-332; addresses Kentucky Bar Associa- campaign funds, 404, n. 50; attitude toward tion, 332; speaks in Madison, Wisconsin, state organizations during pre-convention

332-333; campaigns in Texas, where his campaign, 405; reason for failure to win

candidacy is being strongly supported by support of state organizations, 405-406; wins

INDEX 569 half the delegates from Oklahoma, 406-407; rope, 499-500; replies to whisperers, 500; loses Kansas to Clark, 407; carries presiden- receives support of leaders of A. F. of L., tial primary in Wisconsin, 407-408; makes 500; and the Negro question during the last-ditch campaign tour through Illinois, campaign, 501-505; makes first campaign 410-411; defeated overwhelmingly in Illi- tour in Midwest, 505-507; campaign tour nols primary, 412; carries Pennsylvania pri- through New England, 508-510; campaigns maries, 413-415; campaigns in Georgia and in Indiana, 511-512; speaks in Omaha and Florida, 416-417; loses Florida, Georgia, Lincoln, praises Bryan, 512-513; discusses Mississippi, and Virginia to Underwood, monopoly problem in specific terms in Den417; wins support of South Carolina and ver, 513-514; discovers in West true meanminority of Tennessee delegates, 417; loses ing of anti-monopoly crusade, 514-515; Nebraska to Clark, 418; carries Oregon and campaigns in Kansas, Illinois, and Missouri, Delaware, loses Michigan and Ohio, 418- 515-516; triumphal entry into Chicago, 516; 419; attacks Hearst and Williams in Massa- campaigns through northern Ohio, 516-517; chusetts, 420, n. 101; expresses disappoint- sends message of sympathy to Roosevelt,

ment at presidential primaries, 423; and 517; campaigns through Delaware, West pre-convention campaign in New Jersey, Virginia, and in Pittsburgh, 517-519; 423-428; wins victories in Texas, North speeches in New York City, 519; makes

Dakota, Utah, South Dakota, North Caro- greatest speeches of campaign in Philadellina, and Minnesota, 428; admits his move- phia, 519-521; issues appeal for Democratic ment has collapsed, 430; early statement on Congress, 521; campaign climax at Madison temporary chairmanship, 433, n. 8; comes Square Garden, 521-522; winds up camout strongly behind Bryan in fight against paign with speeches in North Jersey, 522; Parker, 433; nominated for presidency at at home on election day, 523; greets PrinceBaltimore convention, 447; sends message ton students who have come to congratulate to McCombs releasing his delegates, 449; him, 523-524; elected a minority president, authorizes McCombs to release delegates, 525; meaning and significance of election of withdraws authorization, 451; makes bid 1912, 527-528. for Bryan’s support, 452; refuses to promise Wilson, Woodrow, Papers, Library of Connot to appoint Bryan to cabinet, 457; says gress, importance as a source for study of no promises can be made in his name at Wilson’s life, ix. convention, 457; wins larger vote than Clark Wilson, Mrs. Woodrow, xii. for first time, 458; receives support of Illi- | Wisconsin, pre-convention campaign in, 332-

nois, Virginia, and West Virginia, 459-460; 333, 402, 407-408. final landslide and nomination, 461-462; Wisconsin State Journal of Madison, 508, n. proposes Underwood for vice-presidency, 144. 462; accepts Marshall as running mate, 462; Wise, Stephen S., 479.

leadership of party given over by veteran Wittpenn, H. Otto, elected mayor of Jersey leaders, 470; says he will undertake no as- City, 138; mentioned for gubernatorial nomsault on Democratic bosses, 470; confers ination, 142; announces gubernatorial candiwith Gompers, Clark, and other party lead- dacy, tells Wilson he will not withdraw, ers, 470-471; delivers acceptance speech, 154-155; vote received for nomination, 166; 472-473; writes comparison of himself and demands Martine’s election, 216; placated Roosevelt, 475; receives support of reformers by Wilson’s appointments, 300, n. 77; domand progressives, 478-479; and the problem inance in Hudson County threatened by bolt of the national chairmanship, 480; draws up of Hague, 425.

master plan for campaign, 480; appoints woman’s suffrage, Wilson’s attitude toward, campaign committee, 481; completes organ- 322-323, 519. ization of campaign, 481-482; stipulates con- women, Wilson’s attitude toward, disdain for ditions upon which campaign contributions career women, 2; disgust at unsexed women,

are to be accepted, 484; first campaign 322; woman’s place the home, 322.

speeches, 487; first meeting with Brandeis, Woodrow, Fitz William, 523. 488; sounds keynote of new anti-monopoly Woodrow, James, 523. appeal, 489-491; seeks specific suggestions Woodrow Wilson and the People, by Herbert on trust control from Brandeis, 491; rebuffs Bell, best one-volume biography of Wilson, Murphy and Tammany machine at Syracuse, x1, 495-496; intimates New York Democrats Woodrow Wilson As I Know Him, by J. P. should rid themselves of Murphy, 496; an- Tumulty, xi. nounces determination to enter fight against Woodrow Wilson Democratic League of Essex Murphy, 496; calls on New York Democrats County, 282-283, 286, 288. to choose progressive candidates, 496-497; | Woodrow Wilson League of College Men, 393. campaigns in New Jersey against nomina- Woodrow Wilson Working Men’s League, 494. tion of Smith as senator, 498; appeals again Woodson, Urey, 438. to foreign-born voters, 499; failure of appeal workmen’s compensation law, archaic emto win support of voters from eastern Eu- ployer-employee relations in New Jersey be-

570 INDEX fore 1909, 263; revision of laws governing World’s Work, an early journalistic supporter relationship between employer and employee, of Wilson presidential movement, x; Wilson

263; appointment of commission to study edition of, 318. problem, 263; introduction of bill, 263; Wyeth, John A., rro-111. passage and provisions of, 263-264. Wyman, Isaac C., 88.

Works, John D., 479. World Peace Foundation, 478. World To-Day, the, a Hearst anti-Wilson jour- Yoakum, Benjamin F., 187, n. 37.

nal, x. Young, George H., 187, n. 373 425-426.