Widening the Circle : Culturally Relevant Pedagogy for American Indian Children 9781136063305, 9780415935104

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WIDENING THE CIRCLE

WIDENING CIRCLE THE

CULTURALLY RELEVANT FOR A M E R I C A N INDIAN

PEDAGOGY CHILDREN

Beverly J. Klug and Patricia T. Whitfield

ROUTLEDGE

Routledge Taylor &Francis Group

NEW YORK AND LONDON

Published in 2003 by Routledge 270 Madison Ave, New York NY 10016 www.routledge-ny.com Published in Great Britain by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX 14 4RN www.routledge.com Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group. Transferred to Digital Printing 2008 Copyright © 2003 by Routledge All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Klug, Beverly J. Widening the circle : culturally relevant pedagogy for American Indian children / by Beverly J. Klug & Patricia T. Whitfield. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-415-93510-5 — ISBN 0-415-93511-3 (pbk.) 1. Indian children—Education—United States. 2. Indian students—United States. 3. Multicultural education—United States. 4. Teachers—United States—Attitudes. 5. Social values—Study and teaching—United States. 6. Ethnicity—Study and teaching—United States. I. Whitfield, Patricia T. II. Title E97.K58 2002 371.829'97—dc21 2002067931 Publisher's Note The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint but points out that some imperfections in the original may be apparent.

CONTENTS

Preface

vii

Acknowledgments

xiii

Chapter 1: Reaching All of Our Children

1

Chapter 2: A Brief History of American Indian Education

29

Chapter 3: Legacies of Colonization

54

Chapter 4: Language and Cultural Values: Defining Who We Are

95

Chapter 5: American Indians and Their Cultures

108

Chapter 6: Refusing to Believe in the Doctrine of Failure: Culturally Responsive Pedagogy for American Indian Children

148

Chapter 7: School Organization, and Family and Community Involvement

217

Chapter 8: Case Studies

230

Chapter 9: Ongoing Concerns in American Indian Education

265

Chapter 10: Conclusions and Recommendations: Effective Schools for American Indian Children

287

Notes on Permissions

295

Index

301 V

PREFACE

either of us are members of aboriginal American Indian Nations. We are teachers and teacher educators who have worked with Indigenous N peoples in many capacities over several decades. Through our acquired experiences, we have realized the necessity of education based upon respect for children and their cultural heritages. We believe that this education cannot become a reality unless teachers are aware of their own misconceptions, prejudices, false perceptions as perpetuated by the media, and the contrasting and contradictory values of European and Indigenous cultures. Because of lack of representation in curricula, most teachers know little about members of Native cultures except as the "different other," the "noble savage," the "romantic" image of Indians of the past, and sometimes, as people who are to be feared. For these reasons, we have decided to share our accumulated knowledge of successful teaching practices for American Indian students as well as that shared with us by Native peoples and others. We hope this knowledge will provide key insights to those readers who sincerely believe in the capacity of all students for becoming knowledgeable, well-rounded members of their communities. We hope that this book will assist in bridging the gap—sometimes more the size of the Grand Canyon—between non-Indian and American Indian cultures. The concept of culture is not one generally well understood in North America. We all actually belong to several ethnic groups, macro-, meso-, and microethnicities, and what we understand as culture is actually an artifact of these groups. This book is the result both of more than 30 years of combined teaching experiences with Native American populations, and of 50 years of combined experiences of teaching ethnic minority students. Native Americans vii

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have been considered a small "permanent minority" (Ricci, 1971) comprising approximately 1% of the total population in the United States in census numbers prior to 1990. Today, Indigenous populations are growing and vibrant, with more individuals now than ever before self-identifying as American Indians (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000). Enrollments in tribal Nations reflect this trend, and we understand as teachers the importance of addressing populations as "ethnically diverse" to connote the respect and dignity due to members of all Nations. American Indian students are probably the least understood of all diverse populations by their teachers, as the values of Native American cultures contrast so sharply from those of the Western European culture that has come to characterize the macrostructure of our society. Of course, teachers may say that "Americans" are different from their European counterparts in many ways. Yet the overall value systems professed, belief structures adhered to, and customary ways of performing in our daily lives are definitely European in origin with an American spin. The suffering of American Indians as a result of European "progress" has been well documented in other sources, and it will not be revisited here. Today, the threat to survival and the ability to thrive for American Indian populations is due to the despair experienced on many reservations and in cities by Indigenous peoples. Problems of poverty, alcohol and drug abuse, teen suicide, diseases such as diabetes, and excessive school dropout rates lead to lowered abilities to provide financial stability needed to sustain economic independence. Added to these are problems associated with lack of self-esteem and groundedness in cultures and languages. One can readily see why it is important for us to identify successful teaching practices for American Indian students. In spite of these tribulations, a large percentage of American Indians do "make it" and are successful in their lives. What are the factors that allow them to do so? Many of these people have become assimilated or bicultural. In other words, success has not been accomplished without some degree of loss of traditional cultural behaviors and values. It is well documented that programs designed by the Bureau of Indian Affairs in the late 19th and early 20th centuries were intended to force total assimilation of American Indians. Yet by the 1920s, it was clear that total acculturation was not acceptable to all Indian peoples. Many were determined to retain their unique heritages. Was this wrong? In the eyes of many Euro-Americans, yes. The attitudes at the Bureau of Indian Affairs perpetuated disdain for continuance of American Indian traditional lifestyles. Although the era of the New Deal under President Franklin Roosevelt called for a return to traditional values and incorporating Indian cultures and languages within school curricula, the pendulum swung back again toward total assimilation in the 1950s. Consequently, there has always been a great deal of vacillation about what constitutes satisfactory educational goals for Native stu-

Preface

dents. There has never been an acceptable way of approaching the demand for either total assimilation of American Indian students or incorporation of traditional cultures and languages in the schools simultaneously as an answer to support all American Indian students in reaching their full potentials. The approach set forth in this book is not meant as a panacea, but as a new approach toward teaching American Indian students that combines the best of both worlds. By providing teaching and learning experiences that are culturally congruent, the problems of low student and community expectations of the relevancy of school experiences can be resolved. Then the real business of education, that of preparing future citizens for active and important roles in their communities and for full enjoyment of their lives, can proceed. A NEW PARADIGM FOR SUCCESSFUL TEACHING OF AMERICAN INDIAN STUDENTS

In his book, A Place Called School (1985), John Goodlad discusses the findings of a study encompassing several hundred schools in different areas of the country, at various levels, and concerning students from diverse backgrounds. Results of this massive study showed that schools are organized along White, middle-class cultural expectations. Invariably, results demonstrated that by fourth grade many students from underrepresented populations were in effect tracked into lower level classes with limited expectations for their success. Attempts to make the curriculum relevant to students or to integrate their school experiences with their life experiences were nonexistent. The values and expectations of the communities being served were not linked to school settings. Parents were not involved in equal partnership with schools where their children were spending many hours a day. This reflects the situation concerning education of American Indian students today. According to Forbes (1979), at the end of the 19th century European Americans believed that indigenous cultures constituted cultural dead ends. Holm (1979) states that the decision was made at this time to educate Native Americans in the ways of the dominant White culture rather than to perpetrate outright genocide. In doing so, efforts were made to separate children from their cultures through the boarding school system and other practices. During the 1900s to 1920s when faced with resistance to efforts to annihilate American Indian cultures, [W]hites evolved an altered set of images and stereotypes regarding Native Americans. Many believed that retention of a culture they considered primitive necessarily implied limited capacity in mental thought. According to this mind-frame, people who willfully remained in a tribal society must be incapable of advancement. American Indians, therefore, should only be given "limited" educations, with particular emphasis on manual training, (pp. 19–20)1

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Despite acculturation of portions of the American Indian population and the "success" of many American Indian people, the operational view in education of Native peoples has remained largely unchanged. The boarding school experiments of the late 19th and early 20th centuries attest to the severe loss of "self in the process of trying to convert one's image to that of a person operating in a culture separate and distinct from one's Native origins (Johansen, 2000). This loss of self was expanded manifold times as Native students experienced the attempts by dominant-culture authority figures to rid them of their "Indianness," including stripping children of Native languages and practices. Loss of culture led to loss of identity, but even more, to loss of community and family connections (Colmant, 2000). With these educational "innovations" came abuses: physical, mental, sexual, and emotional (Macqueen, 2000). These exploitations cannot be erased easily from the social consciousness of today's Native peoples. Nor are abuses forgotten when the words "education" and "American Indians" are spoken together. Complicating these issues is that most Americans do not understand the Sovereign Nation status of American Indian tribes: American Indians have a separate government-to-government relationship with the United States (U.S. Department of the Interior: Office of American Indian Trust, 1998). When finally granted citizenship in 1924, Native Americans became citizens under both national and tribal governments. Consequently, it is very important for Native peoples to retain their identity as American Indians as well as their languages, since tribal businesses are conducted in Native languages if they have been retained. For tribal Nations who have lost their languages, efforts are under way to revive languages through working with elders who still remember them. Dupris (1979) states the problems most associated with American Indian education involve the following elements: [E]ducational agencies do not take into consideration (1) the student's first acquired language, (2) the language most often spoken in the home, and (3) the language most often spoken by the student. These factors must be weighed together and not separately. The fact that this is not being done leads into another area of concern which is the problem of disassociating the school and the home. . . . [M]ost public schools are structured along [W]hite middle class mores. When Indian students come into the public school systems the values that they learned and practiced are more or less swept under the rug. (p. 50)2 According to Vygotsky (1978), all learning is socially mediated. In other words, we as individuals learn what others have to teach us, and through the careful structuring of learning experiences, we are able to understand concepts to be learned. All successful learning takes place within cultural frameworks that include acceptable teaching practices within one's home, or base, structure.

Preface

To provide successful learning experiences for Native American students, we must understand Native cultures, values, and belief systems, so that schooling becomes a process that enhances Native children, not that takes away from their essences (Tippeconnic, 2000). In other words, teachers must themselves become bicultural. This is not in the sense that nonNative teachers will have ownership in American Indian cultures, but in the sense that teachers can provide culturally appropriate learning experiences and interactions with students. This paradigm shift is not a comfortable one: It is not easy for people to acknowledge that there may be equally valid ways to succeed in life. However, it can be done, and many teachers have found that once they have a better understanding of culture and culturally relevant pedagogy, their views of the teaching/learning process for American Indian students are greatly enhanced. An additional benefit of learning to adopt new ways of teaching is the carryover into teachers' abilities to work with all students, whatever their cultural backgrounds. We have found teachers' dispositions, or our usual manners of response toward those of other ethnicities, are the key to enhanced relationships with American Indian students. Most of us are unaware of how we are influenced continuously and unconsciously by Western European culture in North America. We see ourselves as different from our European or other ancestors as our progenitors emigrated from other nations. What we have failed to acknowledge, through politically applied pressures resulting from worldwide conflicts, is that we are products of our unique European/non-European heritages. In discovering our own cultural roots, we come to appreciate the importance of culture and language in our everyday lives and the lives of our Native students. Through our writings, we hope you will acquire an increased appreciation for Native Nations and their members. In doing so, you will develop insights into the teaching/learning process that, if heeded, will result in increased academic success for your students. Most importantly, you will acquire an increased appreciation for cultures and languages and their relevancy in the educational systems of this country. Appreciating who we are and who our students are creates an atmosphere of freedom to discuss issues that are close to our values and beliefs regarding the role of education in today's micro-, mesoand macrosocieties. WHO WILL BENEFIT FROM THIS BOOK?

This book is intended for use by both preservice and in-service teachers, especially those who are teaching or hope to teach American Indian students. This book can be used as a stand-alone text for courses on teaching in American Indian/multicultural educational settings, as a supplemental text, or for in-service education. This book addresses important information about successful teaching through honoring students and their cultures. Professionals in educational psychology, counseling, speech and language, or related fields of human services may also benefit through using

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this book. Effective communication with members of underrepresented populations depends upon understanding of the basic presumptions and ways of interacting within cultures, what is hidden beneath the surface of cultural ways of being, sometimes referred to as the "deep structure" of cultures. Many individuals are engaged in the act of teaching or providing information to members of diverse ethnic groups, though their professional titles may not be that of "educators." As stated eloquently by Hamilton McCubbin, Marilyn McCubbin, Anne Thompson, and Elizabeth Thompson (1998), . . . working with ethnic families . . . cultural and ethnic sensitivity alone is no longer adequate: professionals must also be ethnically and culturally competent, that is, be able to recognize, respect, and engage ethnic diversity in a way that leads to mutually desirable outcomes, (p. 3) 3 REFERENCES Colmant, S. A. (2000). U.S. and Canadian boarding schools: A review, past and present. Native Americas, 17(4), 24–31. Dupris, J. C. (1979). The national impact of multicultural education: A renaissance of Native American culture through tribal self-determination and Indian control of education. In American Indian Studies Center, Multicultural education and the American Indian (pp. 43–54). Los Angeles: University of California. Forbes, J. (1979). Traditional Native American philosophy and multicultural education. In American Indian Studies Center, Multicultural education and the American Indian (pp. 3–14). Los Angeles: University of California. Goodlad, J. (1985). A place called school. New York: Harper & Row. Holm, T. (1979). Racial stereotypes and government policies regarding the education of Native Americans, 1879–1920. In American Indian Studies Center, Multicultural education and the American Indian (pp. 15–24). Los Angeles: University of California. Johansen, B. E. (2000). Education: The nightmare and the dream—A shared national tragedy, a shared national disgrace. Native Americas, 17(4), 10–19. Macqueen, A. (2000). For generations of abuse: Canada's unfinished business of compensation. Native Americas, 17(4), 20–23. McCubbin, H. I., McCubbin, M. A., Thompson, A. I., & Thompson, E. A. (1998). Resiliency in ethnic families: A conceptual model for predicting family adjustment and adaptation. In H. I. McCubbin, E. A. Thompson, A. I. Thompson, & J. E. Fromer (Eds.), Resiliency in Native American and immigrant families (pp. 3–48). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Ricci, S. (1971). Community power and democratic theory: The logic of political analysis. New York: Random House. Tippeconnic, J. (2000). Towards educational self-determination: The challenge for Indian control of Indian schools. Native Americas, 17(4), 42–49. U.S. Census Bureau. (2000). United States census 2000 [On-line]. United States Department of Commerce. Available: http://www.census.gov/main/www/cen2000.html U.S. Department of the Interior, Office of American Indian Trust. (1998). Federal Indian policies: 1993-1998. Washington, DC: Author. Vygotsky, L. (1978). Mind in society: The development ofhigher psychological processes. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

e would like to take this opportunity to thank the many people who contributed to this book through sharing their ideas,perception,and stories with us. The names of people who were kind enough to grant interviews have been changed for purposes of confidentiality. They have truly made this book possible. We would aluted to this book through sharing their ideas, perceptions, and stories witso like to thank the following individuals who have read and reviewed chapters of this manuscript for their wise suggestions and the time they devoted to careful reading of this book: Ray Boyd, elementary principal, Blackfoot School District, Idaho; Merceline Boyer, ShoshoneBannock Tribes Education, Employment, and Training; Alberta Friday, Shoshone-Bannock Tribes Education, Employment, and Training; Michael Hellenbolt, high school principal, Lander School District, Wyoming; Nora Honena, teacher, Sho-Ban Junior/Senior High School; Donna HoutzMcArthur, Indian Education Coordinator, Blackfoot School District #55, Idaho; Diane Kastner, elementary teacher, Saint Paul Public Schools, Minnesota; Eleanor Mayo, high school teacher, Pocatello District #25, Idaho; Dale Pehrsson, Oregon State University; Cornel Pewewardy, University of Kansas; Carol Schneider, high school teacher, Devil's Lake, North Dakota; and Tanasingaraja Singabalam, Idaho State University. The faculty and staff of Ft. Hall Elementary School on the Ft. Hall Shoshone-Bannock Reservation, Ft. Hall, Idaho (Blackfoot School District 55), were especially gracious in their responses to the use of this curriculum with them during the Spring 2001. When they became aware of the importance of their own cultures, they were excited about the prospects of learning more about their Native students. As a result, they have incorporated many of the activities for culturally relevant pedagogy in their classrooms. As a whole group, they have been learning the Shoshoni language to enable themselves

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to reinforce the language in their classrooms. Undergraduate students from Idaho State University enrolled in the Elementary Teacher Education program completing practicum experiences and student teaching at Ft. Hall Elementary School also participated in this exciting venture. As one student stated: "I wish I had known more about my own culture growing up. It would have made such a difference to me." We would like to acknowledge our families, friends, and colleagues who supported us during the many months spent writing and researching this book. Without their support, our efforts would have been fruitless. Monies to support research for this book were made possible through a faculty research grant from Idaho State University, College of Education, Dean Larry B. Harris, as well as a sabbatical leave granted for this purpose. The importance of providing more opportunities for American Indian peoples to become teachers cannot be overstated. By working in partnership, we truly have opportunities to enhance the educational opportunities of American Indian youth. With this in mind, we have pledged our support of Native teachers by promising that any royalties generated from the sale of this book will be deposited into a special scholarship fund established for American Indian college students who commit themselves to completing their requirements for teacher certification. Whaka Hey! B.J.K. & P.T.W.

1 REACHING ALL OF OUR CHILDREN

TEACHER TRANSFORMATION AS BICULTURAL BEINGS

lthough the children in our nation's schools have become increasingly diverse, the composition of the teaching force has remained predominantly White, middle class, and female, and it shows little indication of changing in the near future (DeWitt Wallace-Reader's Digest and Recruiting New Teachers, 1993; Zimpher & Ashburn, 1993). The dissonance in cultural frameworks and values between teachers and their students has profound implications for the success of non-Euro-American students. This is especially true for American Indian students whose cultural values differ significantly from the Western European values present in the educational institutions in the United States. Data from many sources inform us that the format of education for American Indian students fails to offer them many opportunities for success in school. The dropout rate for Indigenous students reaches highs of 40-60% in some parts of the country. For the nation as a whole, the number of American Indian students who dropped out of the 1992 graduation class was 25.4% (St. Germaine, 1995). According to the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA), U.S. Department of Interior,

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[of] the 79,885 public schools in the U.S., 1,260 schools have an American Indian/Alaska Native student enrollment of at least 25 percent (referred to . . . as schools with high Indian student enrollment). BIA /tribal schools and public schools with high Indian student enrollment are located mainly in rural areas and small towns. . . . Of the 445,425 American Indian and Alaska Native students in the U.S. enrolled in kindergarten through twelfth grade 1

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(K–12) classes in public and BIA/tribal schools, eight percent (35,339 students) attend BIA/tribal schools and 165,161 attend public schools with high Indian student enrollment. The majority of these students (56 percent or 254,925 persons) attend public schools with low Indian student enrollment. (U.S. Department of Education, Office of Educational Research and Improvement, 1995, p. iii) The figures dispel the myth that there aren't enough American Indian students to change our ways of teaching. Clearly, we must not allow the high rates of failure in our schools to continue. A new approach to education marrying Native culture and language with the standard curriculum must become a reality for schools serving American Indian populations. In this way, schools can become places connected to Native communities where American Indian students can maximize their learning potentials. Arvizu (1992) argues that both parents and teachers must work together as transmitters of cultural knowledge. In doing so, educators become active political beings who can innovate, mediate, and solve cultural problems. . . . For parents and teachers to become effective cultural and political brokers, it is imperative that they become proficient at building linkages and bridges between the home and school, (p. 49)1 Our purposes for writing this book are many. Most important, though, is to make a positive impact on education for American Indian students. Most non–American Indian teachers have been exposed to false perceptions and negative stereotypes of Native American peoples. These preconceived ideas may impact our teaching of Native students without our awareness. Teachers may possess great ability to perform the technical aspects of the teaching/learning process. Yet if their dispositions, or attitudes, judgments, and values toward their students, are negative, they will have limited success teaching in schools with large American Indian populations. From this premise, a conclusion can be drawn that teachers, not just students, need to become bicultural. In other words, they must be able to operate effectively within their own cultures and the cultures of their students. In the past, students have been expected to learn the language and ways of the dominant European culture. The numbers of children from underrepresented populations who fail in the educational system attest to the difficulties required of students in adjusting their cultural identities. Very few students survive the educational process intact. Becoming bicultural does not mean that non-Native teachers will have membership in tribal Nations. It does imply that teachers must be

Reaching All of Our Children

willing to grow to understand their students and meet their needs. As Carl Grant explains, "prizing human diversity requires understanding of the 'double consciousness' that many students of color experience as they enter schools with a large population of white students and teaching staff (1995, p. 12). While the idea of developing a "double consciousness" may seem daunting, teachers can do so if they are willing to become students of the cultures in which they are entering. When we have spoken with educators who are members of the dominant culture in the United States, we have often heard statements that it is impossible for teachers to become bicultural. We expect students from underrepresented populations to adopt the values and ways of the dominant culture in this country, which has derived these features from the Western European cultures. Yet these students do not become Europeans. Do statements indicating teachers cannot become bicultural mean that we lack the intelligence, skills, or adaptability necessary to do so? No. Too many teachers do meet success with Native American students through making changes in their teaching styles for this to be the case. The fear of many educators seems to be a loss of self in the process: "What will happen to me if I become bicultural?" is a question asked by many. "How will I relate to the world around me if I do not share the dominant worldview?" is another. Rejection by other teachers, family, and friends is always a possibility when one takes a risk to become different. Fear of ridicule, as well as fear of failure, is always at the back of most professionals' minds. Teachers are notorious for wanting to have control over their surroundings and interpersonal relationships. In making a conscious effort to become bicultural, teachers risk this lack of control. The following true story illustrates our point. Joannie was a young college student who had just completed her student teaching in a school district located close to a reservation. She was offered an opportunity to apply for afirst-gradeteaching position at the reservation school. First, she met with the principal and a group of teachers who were interested in hearing about her philosophy of education. Then she was asked to spend a day or two teaching at the school so she could see what it would be like (and they could observe her work with the children). Joannie was very nervous. While she was teaching, Joannie noticed that she became more comfortable after she began to remember some of the things she learned in her college classes about Native American cultures. Initially, she had tried to force eye contact with the children. Then she remembered the children on this reservation were very traditional, and it was not appropriate for them to make eye contact with adults.

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A student's grandmother came into the classroom and observed while Joannie was teaching. At first Joannie was unnerved, but then she remembered the important role of elders in their communities. She began to relax as she walked around the room and worked with different children on their projects. She spoke softly to the children, and she allowed them to work together. Joannie went to children's sides and talked to them if they were not on task rather than calling their names aloud for all to hear. At the end of the day, several children ran up to Joannie with smiles on their faces and gave her hugs. They left for home feeling good about what they had done at school that day. They knew Joannie would come back to be their teacher again for the next day. Joannie was offered the position. She was thrilled with this opportunity, though she had never envisioned she would be teaching on the reservation. As she shared her news with her family and friends, she was dismayed by their responses. According to them, her teaching career would be forever doomed if she took this employment offer. Against all advice, Joannie decided to take the position. She loved working with the children and seeing them grow and learn. She found that she was also changing in ways she did not expect, and she had a different appreciation for life than her family and friends. Joannie worked in thefirst-gradeclassroom for three years, and she planned to continue there for the rest of her career. (J. Pearson, personal communication, 1994) Educators who decide that the success of our Native students ranks first consideration in our teaching are ready to take the risks required to become bicultural. We prepare to learn new information about our students and how to serve them best. We are then enabled to incorporate this information into daily activities with our students and the community at large. GOALS OF THIS BOOK

The topics explored in this book are designed to provide you with a more holistic view of American Indian students and their cultures. While reading, keep in mind there are 510 federally recognized tribal Nations in this country (St. Germaine, 1995) and several other state-recognized tribal entities. The information presented here consists of generalities concerning Native American cultures with related examples. Not all tribal Nations have the same practices and belief systems. The material included here will provide you with knowledge useful as a starting point for you as a teacher of Native American students. It will be up to you to then begin your own exploration of the culture(s) of your Native students.

Reaching All of Our Children

There are four goals for this book: 1. To describe the process of becoming bicultural as it is presently understood and as we have experienced it so that you may be more successful in teaching American Indian students; 2. To provide a short history of American Indian Nations from the time of European contact, including educational practices and legislation for education of Native American students; 3. To assist you in developing a more thorough understanding of the concept of culture; and 4. To present examples of culturally responsive pedagogy, including relevant curricula and pedagogical tools that will allow you to partner effectively with Native American communities in your school(s). Before we proceed, we need to develop a better appreciation of our American Indian students and who they are. Different terminology is used throughout the country to designate people who are indigenous to the Americas: Native Americans, American Indians, Native peoples, Indigenous/ indigenous Americans, Indigenous/indigenous peoples, and/or Indian. We have decided that it is most appropriate to represent all terminology used as a reflection of preferences by Indigenous peoples themselves, wherever they may live. In addition, we have capitalized White in keeping with capitalization of other ethnicities, and chosen to add s to the end of words indicating American Indian peoples in order to counteract the idea that all Native peoples represent one cultural ethnicity. We have been consistent with these changes, except in cases of direct quotes that we have chosen for this book. WHO ARE OUR AMERICAN INDIAN STUDENTS?

According to the U.S. Bureau of the Census (1990), one of about every nine (11.18%) Americans has American Indian heritage. These numbers have risen greatly in the 2000 Census (2000 U.S. Bureau of the Census). False perceptions held by many citizens are that (a) Native Americans are extinct, or (b) they all live on reservations. It may come as a great surprise to many readers that there are large numbers of American Indians who are living in urban areas throughout the country. Teachers and administrators may not be aware of the role played by the government in relocating Native American populations to cities in the 1950s (Sheffield, 1997). American Indians living in the state of Oklahoma, once designated as "Indian Territory," do not live on reservations. In many areas of the West and Southwest, some Native peoples choose to live off the reservations for a variety of reasons, but they may still be actively involved with their communities.

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REQUIREMENTS FOR DECLARING AMERICAN INDIAN ETHNICITY

Who, then, fits the definition for being considered an American Indian? The requirements for tribal Nation enrollment vary from tribal Nation to Nation, and sometimes from government agency to government agency (Pewewardy, 1998; Gonzales, 2001). Most tribal Nations rely on blood quantum as a measure of "Indianness." At one time, it was thought blood carried genetic material that determined your race and ethnicity (Sheffield, 1997). One-quarter blood quantum is often required for individuals to be enrolled as members of particular tribal Nations, rancherias (California), or pueblos (American Southwest). In situations where people have married across tribal Nation affiliations, the children will frequently enroll in the father's tribal Nation. In matrilineal Nations, such as the Navajo, Hopi, or Zufii, enrollment is in the mother's clan (Yenne, 1986). For some groups, such as the Shoshone-Bannock Tribes in Ft. Hall, Idaho, if either the mother or father is enrolled and lived on the reservation at the time of their children's births, these children may enroll. Exceptions can be made for purposes such as service in the armed forces (J. Hendricks, personal communication, 1999). The Cherokee Nations have the most liberal requirements for enrollment, requiring lineage to be traced back to an ancestor whose name appears on the Dawes Rolls (Bureau of Indian Affairs, 1998). Unfortunately, in some instances, intermarriage with other tribal Nations may result in a child's being completely American Indian, but not qualified by blood quantum to enroll in any particular tribal Nation (Klug, 1996). This has become especially true in the case of American Indians who reside in urban areas throughout the United States (Gonzales, 2001). An important variable for determining who is actually American Indian involves the question of cultural identity. A person could be one-quarter blood quantum, but choose to identify only with the dominant culture, thereby lacking an Indigenous cultural identity. Is this person an American Indian? Or a person could be one-quarter blood quantum, be raised traditionally, adhere to cultural values, and be blond and blue eyed. This information leads us to the question raised by Pewewardy (1998): "Who is the real Indian?" The issue of who qualifies as an American Indian is important for a number of reasons. Most significantly, the number of people enrolled in tribal Nations influences economic conditions for American Indians. Government benefits from federal and state offices, including health and education, are available only if individuals qualify as enrolled American Indians and have a Certificate of Degree of Indian Blood (CDIB), which certifies their lineage (Snipp, 2000).

Reaching All of Our Children

How Financial Resources Are Impacted. During the Roosevelt administration in the 1930s, the results of the Meriam Report (Meriam, 1928) convinced the administration that efforts to assimilate American Indians had failed dismally. Poverty among Indigenous peoples was rampant, and reservation conditions were squalid. The poorest tribes were also the ones who had lost their traditional arts (Sheffield, 1997). The administration developed the "Indian New Deal," the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934, a measure thought to be a productive way to provide new sources of revenue for Indigenous peoples. This legislation served as a catalyst to revive traditional arts and crafts thought to be lost forever (Sheffield, 1997). Elders came forward to teach the old ways to members of their tribal Nations. The financial resources of Native peoples were impacted profoundly by the commercialization of American Indian products. However, along with legitimate productions of Native American arts and crafts came a new market for imitation productions imported from China, Mexico, and other areas. Guidelines were developed for meeting requirements about who could label their products as "Indian made" (Sheffield, 1997). In many instances, these guidelines were ignored as people tried to take advantage of tourists and others collecting "authentic" American Indian art. This situation lasted for almost 80 years, with non-American Indians ignoring laws that should have benefited Native Americans. Finally, the Indian Arts and Crafts Act of 1990 (PL 101–6440) provided additional guidelines to identify those who could be considered Indian and for prosecuting those selling false goods reputed to be Indian made. This legislation took into account enrollment requirements already in existence for different tribal Nations. It did not fully address the problems of nonenrolled American Indians who had full Indian lineage, but it did provide ways for them to be recognized as American Indians even if they were unable to qualify for tribal membership enrollments (Sheffield, 1997). The following information helps clarify the issue of how Indianness is determined. Traditional, Bicultural and Assimilated American Indians. One important way that students identify themselves as American Indians involves how they are raised. Basically, three groups of American Indian students can be identified: those who are traditional, bicultural, and assimilated (or "modern"). People can place themselves anywhere on this continuum, depending upon their life experiences and how they view themselves (see Figure 1.1). As adults, we may define ourselves differently from the way we were raised to be. Those individuals who identify themselves as traditional

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Widening the Circle Figure 1.1

Traditional

Bicultural

Assimilated

have usually been brought up in a culturally normed manner, observing the rituals of a particular tribal Nation, pueblo, or rancheria, and understanding, if not speaking, the Native language. Many of these individuals have spent part or all of their youth with grandparents who have introduced them to culturally appropriate ways to be observed. Those individuals who are considered bicultural have typically been raised to know about both their own culture and the "macro-American" culture, which reflects European standards and values. They may or may not speak their Native languages, or they may speak English with their Native-language cadences. Bicultural students are able to "code-switch" and observe expected behaviors when in either culture, even when behaviors vary widely. Bicultural individuals are actively involved with their own cultures, as well as the macroculture. Individuals identifying themselves as assimilated are normally out of touch with their cultural heritage or, if they are in contact, only nominally so. These individuals may appear to be Indian, but they are fluent English speakers who reflect the dominant culture's values, mores, and ways of thinking. Individuals who are assimilated may resist being identified as Native American. After all, for decades the goals of the educational and reservation systems concentrated on teaching Indigenous peoples to become like their European neighbors. Public policy adhered to the myth of the dying out of American Indians and their cultures. For many, identifying themselves as American Indians ensured only that they would remain in conditions of poverty, especially for those who migrated to urban areas following World War II, as will be discussed in later in this book in chapter 3. Acculturation and Governmental Efforts to Terminate Sovereign Nation Status of American Indian Peoples. It is important to remember the cultural continuum of traditional, bicultural, and assimilated American Indians when working with American Indian students. Before the ethnic Cultural Revolution that took place in the 1950s and 1960s and after the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s and 1970s, it was not generally acceptable to openly discuss one's American Indian heritage. Part of this resulted from the board-

Reaching All of Our Children

ing school experience, which encouraged assimilation through cultural alienation. To be a person of color, in general, was to be less than the "superior" Europeans. Consequently, every aspect of life was affected by how ethnic identity was assigned to persons. However, with the efforts of the federal government to terminate tribal Sovereign Nation status in the period from 1945 to 1965 (Sheffield, 1997), resurgence in cultural pride emerged among Native American peoples. During this period, many tribal Nations (including pueblos and rancherias) were terminated. In other words, they lost their status as dependent domestic Nations, based on the supposition that their members had been successfully assimilated into the dominant culture. Termination meant tribal Nation members could no longer receive government services, though they still had rights awarded to them through treaties (Sheffield, 1997). It also meant loss of recognition of the unique cultural heritages of Native Americans. American Indians hated termination, and the Johnson and Nixon administrations ended this practice. The Indian Self-Determination Act (PL 93-638) emerged in 1975 through political activism on the part of American Indians who resisted termination efforts. Unfortunately, not all tribes that had their status terminated were able to win back federal recognition as tribal governments. Regulations drawn up for recognition require that there be documented continuation of cultural practices along with continued occupation of a documented land base from the period before colonization. Research and documentation for tribes is a costly enterprise, exceeding several thousand dollars. Not all tribes who were terminated could afford the price of regaining recognition by Congress. As a result, 10 states in the East (where termination efforts impacted the most) acknowledge tribes as sovereign Nations that are not recognized by Congress. These states are Alabama, Connecticut, Delaware, Georgia, Louisiana, Massachusetts, North Carolina, New York, Tennessee, and Virginia (Sheffield, 1997). In addition, members of the Lumbee tribe in North Carolina are faced with a singular quandary. Lumbees are primarily triracial (White, Black, and Indian) who are not socially accepted as either White or Black. They have maintained their Indianness, though not their cultural ways, and do not have a communal land base. The members of the tribe speak English. They have not retained a Native language due to pressures to assimilate. Yet they argue they are descendants of the original Cheraw Indians and the Roanoke "Lost Colony." The Lumbees have failed to gain federal recognition as a tribal sovereign entity, and they hold no treaties with the federal government. However, because of their state recognition as an Indian tribe (since 1885), they do

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receive some federal services and assistance from the Department of Labor, Office of Indian Education, and the Administration for Native Americans (Lumbee Tribe, 1998; Sheffield, 1997). SearchingforCultural Identities: Intermarriages and "Wannabe" Indians. A recently emerging category of those claiming American Indian heritage is that of "wannabe" Indians. These are individuals who may or may not have any Indian heritage, but are drawn to Indian cultures and ways of life. Many times these individuals will attend powwows and wear "Indian" clothing. They act as if they have Native cultural knowledge, and they may even charge to share this knowledge with others. For the most part, these "pretend Indians" are not accepted within Indian communities, though they may fool unwitting people by claiming to be descendants of American Indians, frequently a Cherokee princess, even though the Cherokee had no royalty (Sheffield, 1997). Lastly, it must not be overlooked that many intermarriages took place between Europeans and American Indians, as well as between Africans and American Indians (Katz, 1986). At one time, it was estimated that over one third of the African-American population had American Indian ancestry. According to Katz (1986), it is more realistic to assume that most African Americans have some American Indian ancestry, though they may be unaware of this. While these individuals may not qualify for enrollment in federally recognized tribes, acknowledgment of their heritages can serve only to assist in the development of positive self-concept and self-esteem for these people. As Katz (1986) states, Distorting racial history, as teachers know, injures dark children. They live with a muted heritage. Despite Black Indian contributions to this land, neither black nor Indian children nor their parents have an awareness of this legacy. Like Whites, Native Americans learned in school that Africans were contented slaves and had no fighting traditions, certainly none that allied them with Indians. For their part, Afro-Americans are aware of Indians in their family trees. But they probably assume that, like the whites lurking there, they are mere intruders. Such inaccurate beliefs hide a heritage worth exploring. Further, they divide people today who could benefit from unity, (p. 17)2

More people are claiming their American Indian heritages now, even if they do not meet the required blood quantum to be enrolled tribal members (Pewewardy, 1998). In other words, the "real American Indian" no longer fits any one stereotype.

Reaching All of Our Children CULTURAL GENOCIDE AND EDUCATION

Following Christopher Columbus's "discovery" of the New World, European nations saw opportunities for political expansion and acquisition of new wealth through making land claims in the Americas. History records the influence of Europeans upon the Native peoples with whom they came into contact, including the use of these people as slaves (Katz, 1986; Shenkman, 1989). As European expansion continued in the Americas, tribal Nations lost their land bases either through sale or illegal acquisition by European settlers. Displaced tribal peoples were forced to relocate in areas originally claimed by their enemies. Many Indian people died as a result of exposure to European diseases against which they had no natural immunities. History records approximately 93 serious epidemics and pandemics that swept across the Americas, killing 100,000 or more Indian people (Stiffarm & Lane, 1992). Some of these outbreaks of disease were aided through actions of the military, as we will discuss later in chapter 3. The effects of European expansion upon Native peoples were truly devastating in every way. There is recognition now that the diseases of the European conquerors preceded their actual presence in an area, already significantly reducing the Native population. This new information makes it probable that earlier population estimates were too low. Josephy (1991), states the actual number of inhabitants in the hemisphere was slightly over 70 million. Approximately 5 million people inhabited the contiguous United States, with 2 million more in Alaska and Canada (p. 53). The great number of languages spoken by Native Americans, estimated at more than 2,200 different languages, supports this probability (Josephy, 1991). Some tribal Nations were completely destroyed through military conflicts, land dispossession, random killings at the hands of settlers and miners, intermarriage with Europeans, or diseases such as the dreaded smallpox. Significant numbers of people died on forced marches to reservations, or once they arrived, because of starvation. Purges promulgated by the army caused destruction of other tribes, such as the Bear River Massacre in Idaho where more than 400 Shoshones died (Stiffarm & Lane, 1992). These purges followed the directives of various presidents, most notably President Andrew Jackson (Josephy, 1991). The massacre at Wounded Knee, South Dakota (1890), which ended the Indian wars, is only one example of overzealous military action. As a result, European influences overwhelmed traditional American Indian ways of knowing. Those in power actively encouraged cultural genocide of American Indians through the establishment of schools and churches

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on reservations. European ways of knowing were taught to Native peoples as the "right" ways and were valued above Native ways by those in power. Native students were forbidden to use their languages and to talk about Native cultures in their schools. The task of teachers was to make Native students "model citizens," that is, copies of their European peers. Presenting all American Indian peoples as "savages" and "heathens" was an easy way for those in positions of power to turn Native students against their own heritages and make them feel ashamed of their cultural birthrights. INDIAN EDUCATION TODAY

The words of a young American Indian man give us insights into what many children face when they attend school: I came to love words the way my grandfather did. I loved the way they tasted, the way they felt. I learned to read at about age four and read insatiably. I was starved to read. I recall stealing books from the classroom in first grade and taking them home because you could not check books out of the school library in the first grade. I would put them under my coat and smuggle them out. I remember vividly the lump I would get in my throat because I was raised in a family where stealing was not tolerated, but I also remember just having to have those books. In the second half of first grade, they granted me library privileges after I proved that I could read the books, and a library card brought an end to my criminal career. It was only in second grade that I learned that Indians don't read. The person who taught me this was Zelda Morris. Even with my vast storehouse of words, I can think of no words sufficiently venomous to describe her. Let it suffice to say that she was cold and brutal enough to beat a second grader for reading "too fast." The rest of my grade-school career was hit or miss. Some teachers I bonded with immediately, some I did not. Mrs. Osborn was a teacher whom I loved as only a fourth grader can love a teacher. Mrs. Osborn was that rare Oklahoma teacher who prized and valued Indians even though she was not one herself. Her music class was the only place where Creek culture was allowed to intrude into our school. She and Mrs. Yahola taught the music class to sing Creek hymns, and they took us to the Indian churches to sing them. I recall getting ready to get on the bus to go out to Thlopthlocco, edging up to Mrs. Osborn in a shy fourth-grade way, and giving her a necklace that my mother had beaded. She kissed me on the cheek in front of the whole class, a major embarrassment for a nine-year-old, but a memory I hold very dear. (Bray, 1997, pp. 28–29)3 American Indian students have the highest dropout rates of any ethnicity in our nation (Futures for Children, 2001). Educational gains have

Reaching All of Our Children

been made over the years from 1980 on; however, they "remained considerably below the levels of the total population" (Paisano et al., 1993). Unless this situation can be reversed, we will keep witnessing the terrible price paid by our youth as they fail to reach their promise within our educational systems. By persisting to insist there is only one "right" way of doing things, that of the dominant culture, we continue to lose Native students from our schools. In so doing, we also lose potential resources for solving problems of our nation, especially in terms of our ecosystems. We need to understand education must be culturally relevant and congruent for all students to succeed. By not doing so, we are blinded to the potentials of our Native students. Content knowledge is no more difficult for the majority of American Indian students to master than students of other ethnicities. However, the cultural dissonance existing in classrooms with Indigenous students appears to prohibit optimal learning levels. Teachers may be confused about why their efforts are not rewarded in classrooms with large Native student populations. By approaching American Indian students in the same ways as they do other students, educators disregard the tremendous influence of the affective domain of learning in students' educations (Krathwohl, Bloom, & Masia, 1964). This domain includes student attitudes, interests, values, and judgments, and it influences students' abilities to engage in the learning process. Failing to change the ways our schools view Native peoples assures failure of our educational efforts. It is our premise that successful teaching of Indigenous students involves more than "off the shelf" knowledge or a "one size fits all" approach to education. We must be aware of and sensitive to the strengths, needs, and potentialities of our Native American students. As teachers, we must offer an education that is bicultural—representing both Native and dominant cultures. We can accomplish this only if we understand and respect the cultural values, mores, and ways of knowing of our Native students. A caveat is in order here: There is no "pan-Indian" culture. Navajo (Diné) people are as different from Mohawk people as Mohawk tribal members are from members of the Lakota Nation. The perceptions that all Indians are alike were created by early European encounters with Native peoples, even though Whites openly acknowledged differences they observed among the various tribal groups they met. As explained by Josephy(1991), Meeting peoples with such different backgrounds (as Europeans) led white men to endless misconceptions. Beginning with Columbus, the whites, with rare exceptions, observed and judged natives of the Americas from their own

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European points of view, failing consistently to grasp the truths and realities of the Indians themselves or their backgrounds and cultures. In the early years of the sixteenth century educated whites, steeped in the theological teaching of Europe, argued learnedly about whether or not Indians were humans with souls, whether they, too, derived from Adam and Eve (and were therefore sinful like the rest of mankind), or whether they were a previously unknown subhuman species. Other Europeans spent long years puzzling on the origin of the Indians and developing evidence that they were Egyptians, Chinese, descendants of one of the Lost Tribes of Israel, Welshmen, or even the survivors of civilizations that had onceflourishedon the lost continents in the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, (pp. 4–5)4 Tensions between Europeans and Native Americans led to false accusations and the creation of negative stereotypes of Native peoples by Europeans. We have inherited those legacies. Five hundred years after contact, many of those misperceptions subconsciously color our relationships with American Indians. In order to counteract the negative consequences of these legacies, we must acquire new knowledge that will give us a greater understanding of our Native students. Unfortunately, we cannot pretend to know everything about every tribal Nation and present that information to you. There are generalized differences between Native and European cultures that you can access to assist you as you teach Native students. These understandings can ease the dissonance between cultures in your classroom(s). This knowledge offers a beginning place for you to then learn about the Native people in the community where you teach. Rarely are the rewards of teaching purely monetary. Most teachers are encouraged to continue in the field by the success of our students. Being part of that success drives us to find ways of encouraging students to do their best as they acquire knowledge of the world. This compels us to do the best job we can as teachers. For teachers in Native communities, becoming bicultural provides a way to teach that will maximize our students' learning. THE PROCESS OF BECOMING BICULTURAL FOR TEACHERS

Many Euro-Americans do not realize that they probably have experienced more than one culture in their own homes or those of their friends and relatives. How can this be? Europeans do not represent a monocultural set of rules, values, or languages. Every European group varies somewhat from other groups, though again there are certain generalizations that can be made, such as the value of being independent over working in a group cooperative setting. Planning for the future is a value probably nurtured because of the inability to predict what life held for the future. Fortunes were made and lost,

Reaching All of Our Children

healthy people became ill due to pestilence, and one's entire life could change quickly due to external factors such as crop failures. When groups of European immigrants came to this country, they carried on cultural traditions as they had known them from their homelands. To them, this was just life and how one lived it. The extreme respect for authority is still in evidence in many traditional German communities. Holding onto superstitions, such as if you say something bad will happen, it will, is evidenced in communities with many older people of Irish decent. French love of good food may inspire those of younger generations to prove themselves in this area. Few Euro-Americans or African Americans are truly products of only one culture today in North America. At the turn of the 20th century, many of our parents, grandparents, or great-grandparents (depending on our age) broke their own cultural rules by marrying those of other cultures who lived in the same communities. It was not uncommon for a person of German descent to marry someone who was Irish, or a person who was English to marry someone who was Italian. Parents who predicted these marriages would never work out frowned upon such unions. Young people then did what they continue to do today in asserting their rights to choose whom they would marry. Later, "mixed" marriages consisted of interfaith marriages. After the Civil Rights Movement, more interracial marriages took place than in previous history. Most of us have inherited legacies from these unions of different cultures. If you have German heritage, you may still celebrate St. Nicholas Day in December by putting shoes or stockings out the night before to be filled with goodies. If you are Italian, you may still expect to have a sevencourse meal served for special events. The types of foods you like to eat, or dishes that are made for special events, such as New Year's, may reflect your ethnic heritage. Because of World War I and World War II, many Euro-Americans were expected to prove their allegiance to the United States by becoming part of the "melting pot" of American culture. This theoretical melting pot never actually materialized, though traces of ethnic heritages of those we were fighting against disappeared in many instances through renaming streets, towns, and other geographical regions with English names and suppressing use of foreign (our ancestors') languages. When we recognize that we are not the product of one large monocultural European heritage, our fear of the idea of becoming bicultural is reduced. Becoming bicultural is not a process that happens overnight. We do, however, possess the skills that allow us to interact with different members of our families and communities whose European heritages are different from

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our own. Learning, then, to operate effectively in Native cultures as well should not appear as daunting as we might at first think. Most of us have had experiences of being a member of a "minority group" at one time or another. For example, one might be the lone female member of an all-male society (or faculty), a member of a religion that is not the predominant religion in an area, an employee whose skills were higher or lower than those needed for the job, a traveler to a foreign country where the language was other than English, or a member of a lower socioeconomic class than one's acquaintances. We may not have felt completely comfortable in these instances, but they have provided opportunities for us to learn what it is like when we are not members of the majority culture, whatever that culture may be. THREE STAGES OF INTERCULTURAL ENCOUNTERS

Cushner, McClelland, and Safford (1996) developed a general model of cross-cultural interaction based on the work of psychologists who study cross-cultural interaction patterns. They identify three stages of intercultural encounters in their model: (1) emotional arousal, (2) understanding unfamiliar behavior, and (3) personal adjustment. They use this model to explain student responses in the unfamiliar setting of the school and teacher responses when working with culturally different student populations. BECOMING BICULTURAL: THE PROCESS FOR TEACHERS OF AMERICAN INDIAN STUDENTS

For teachers who are working with American Indian students, becoming bicultural involves some of the same responses as identified by Cushner, McClelland, and Safford (1996). We have identified additional steps as part of the process based on our own experiences. Our observations of preservice teachers in classrooms with high American Indian student populations provide us with further insights into this process. It is our experience that becoming bicultural is not a linear process, but rather a circular, recursive one (see Figure 1.2). As individuals continue to repeat the cycle, they develop more thorough knowledge of Native culture that allows them to gain more in-depth understandings. The more times this cycle is repeated, the more accepting one becomes of both self and others who we initially viewed as "the other." An altered picture of others and ourselves begins to emerge in our conscious and unconscious minds, so that we evolve into different persons from whom we were prior to our experiences in Native communities. We have chosen to illustrate our model in the form of a "gear" that drives us forward as it turns. With each stage we enter, we move further along the process of becoming bicultural. When we enter the recursive

Reaching All of Our Children

Figure 1.2 The Process of Becoming Bicultural for Non-Indian Teachers of American Indian Students

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3

process, we begin to affect more than just our immediate school situations, and we work to actively promote systems change within education. The First Stage: Learning Stereotypes and Prejudices of Native Peoples. We are most susceptible to learning negative stereotypes and prejudices toward those who are of an ethnicity different from our own when we are young children (Aho, 1994). The people who have the most influence in our lives at this time are our parents and other members of our immediate families. We tend to mimic their ideas and attitudes, as we do not see ourselves as different from them. The responses we express toward others when we are older are rooted in the experiences of early childhood and those that follow throughout our lives. Our knowledge and views of those who differ ethnically from ourselves

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are informed by persons in our immediate environments, including teachers and peers; by books we read; by the curriculum taught in schools; by movies and other media portraying stereotypical images; and by our own experiences or lack of experiences (Derman-Sparks, 1988). The images we form of people of other ethnicities become part of our schema of the world. Feelings are elicited toward others by words that act as symbols attached to our schemata, assigning positive or negative characteristics to other people. For the most part, our perceptions remain unchallenged until we actually meet people who are ethnically different from ourselves. The Second Stage: Confronting Our Prejudices. In the second stage, we confront our preconceived ideas about others when we have occasion to be in close physical contact with them. Contact through media representation, even if designed to assist us in correcting false perceptions, does not involve our whole beings. Therefore, we are not placed in positions where we need to immediately correct any inaccuracies held in our schemata. When we are in teaching positions with Native students, we are face to face with other human beings. We can choose to retain our preconceived ideas or, based on our own interactions with American Indian peoples, to abandon what we have previously learned. The emotions we feel at this time reflect the information we have previously stored in schemata. Initially, we may feel excited about the prospect of working with Native American students, because this seems somewhat exotic. Others may feel fearful, anxious, or expect the worst, depending upon the prejudices they may have learned. Neophytes who felt themselves to be unprejudiced may be surprised and confused by what they are feeling. This may lead to uncomfortable reactions, perceiving oneself as unprepared, and a sensation of being let down by the teaching experience when interacting with Native children. Later in this stage, all of the differences between Native American and European cultures seem to stand out, with none of the similarities registering. When this happens, the fight-or-flight syndrome may take place, as we become concerned about protecting ourselves in this unfamiliar environment. We may experience anger directed toward Native students and ourselves as we realize how limited our knowledge is of how to ensure all students will cooperate with us. Teachers who are experiencing difficulties may blame Native students by thinking the students are too lazy or unwilling to learn. Exploring cultural differences in order to understand why students are not responding the way we want them to does not seem to be an option. In some cases, teachers may pay more attention to students who "act White" than to traditional or bicultural students. Because teachers

Reaching All of Our Children

observe these students engaged in the learning process, we might think more assimilated students are the only ones capable of learning and begin to ignore other Native students. When interviewing Knight Scholars at Heritage College in Washington State who were completing their degrees in teacher education, one phrase repeated over and over by participants was, "I've learned I'm not stupid." Participants in this program were traditional or bicultural members of the Yakama tribe. With the exception of one of the Knight Scholars, all the participants had attended day schools in the communities in which they lived. Yakama natives related how it became painful for them to go to school because they felt they were always being treated by their teachers as if they couldn't learn. They were constantly compared with their European peers. As adults, they found the same difficulties existed in the colleges they attended before they became part of the experimental Knight Scholar program (Klug, 1996, 1997). We must keep in mind that students are so attuned to what their teachers think of them that they will internalize these perceptions. Purkey (1970), Covington and Berry (1976), and others address the need for positive selfconcept and self-esteem in order to achieve in school. However, this concept of self is formed through interactions with others in addition to knowledge of self and abilities. Few children are capable of accurately assessing themselves. If the reinforcement students receive from their teachers is negative, they will not be able to form the positive self-concept of their abilities needed to negotiate the demands of the culture of school environments. "Self-concept of ability is a better predictor of success in school than is overall self-concept" (Purkey, 1970, p. 18). The Third Stage: Redefining Our Perceptions ofNative American Cultures. When we decide to question what we have learned earlier, we can begin the next stage and actually enter the recursive process. We become open to questioning our preconceived ideas of our Native students. We begin to realize our knowledge is based upon limited experiences and what we have been previously taught is right and true. We now see there are more ways of approaching life that are legitimate. While we are engaged in teaching Native students, we begin to lose our fears and see children as who they are, not as our preconceived ideas would dictate. At this stage, the realization dawns that there is much more to be learned about Native cultures than appeared on the surface. We begin to relax as we find allies in Native communities who are willing to work with us to expand our cultural knowledge. We begin to experience joy in our students' triumphs as they master the curricula. At this point, we also begin sharing with others our excitement and joy of teaching our students.

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As we search for new resources concerning Native American cultures and learning styles, we are ready to accept the challenge of adjusting our teaching for our students. In doing so, we learn more about interaction styles of American Indian children and adults. We can begin to understand little things, such as why the speech patterns our students use may be different from that of Standard English. We become empowered as educators at this stage. Opening ourselves to new ideas allows us to interact more freely with our students. By learning about appropriate nonverbal and verbal behaviors and using this knowledge in the classroom, we demonstrate respect for our students and their cultures. We lose our fears of failure and are no longer trying to protect ourselves from psychological harm. Overall, we feel more accepted within the Native community. The Fourth Stage: Opening Ourselves to New Experiences. Teachers need to expend the effort to attend social events to learn more about the cultural aspects of the community. Most importantly, we need to know where students in the classroom lie on the cultural continuum from traditional to assimilated. When we attend cultural events, such as powwows, festivals, or other activities, we have a chance to observe a different part of our students' lives. This time can afford us the opportunity to meet members of students' families, many of whom may be reluctant to attend school conferences because of their own negative school experiences. Time spent in an informal setting allows us to meet community members on a more equal basis, rather than on the school grounds where teachers automatically have more status. Educators may not always agree with the cultural norms of other ethnic communities. Things may appear to us to be quite strange or different on the surface. We need to suspend judgments of "goodness" or "badness," "rightness" or "wrongness" to be open to the learning process. We need to learn about underlying reasons for the cultural customs of other communities. During this time, we can begin to make sense of what we perceive. We learn that other ways of doing are suitable and that, in many cases, getting from point A to point B can be accomplished in more than one way. Realization comes to us as teachers that our teaching goals, and not necessarily the methodology used to attain the goals, are the most important aspect of our teaching success. This is a risky time for both educators and tribal members. To make the psychological adjustments necessary to incorporate new knowledge, teachers may feel they are giving up something of themselves. There is always a fear that others will regard us as incompetent because we don't

Reaching All of Our Children

have all the wisdom in the world. We must recognize that in seeking out new knowledge, we are demonstrating respect for another way of interacting with the world. We are asking to establish a trust level between tribal members and ourselves in this process. This trust may not automatically be given, and Native peoples, based on past history, may feel reluctant to share their cultural knowledge. Too often, members of the dominant culture have exploited others' cultural knowledge for personal gain. If tribal members perceive we are sincere in seeking information to help us work more successfully with their children, knowledge will come eventually. Teachers should not give up or blame tribal members for not wanting to answer their questions. We should reflect on how we ask questions, what tone of voice we use, and what our body language may say to others. Doing so should provide us with clues as to why our questions have gone unanswered. It is our experience that many times the information we seek comes to us in the way of stories, the traditional teaching method of many American Indian peoples. As members of another ethnic group, we may expect straightforward answers to our questions. If we can develop a patient attitude that allows us to reflect on a story told, we will often find the answers to our questions. We need to learn to read between the lines to understand messages being given to us. Days or months may pass before stories are offered to us after a question has been asked. In some cases, American Indian tribal members may need permission from elders to share information. If the permission sought is denied, teachers need to respect this decision. One way to gather more knowledge is to avail ourselves of resources within the community, such as special institutes with a focus on teaching Native students. When participating in these events, we have the opportunity to learn more about our students in nonthreatening ways. American Indian people who are part of the institutes have agreed to participate because they understand the importance of forging links between home and school. In providing such institutes, permission has already been received from tribal elders to share information with non-Indian people. In many cases, tribal elders will agree to participate in the institutes. We have received positive comments from teachers after such activities. Teachers feel they have a new awareness of cultural biases permeating their classrooms. This is not only in the form of the curricula they are teaching, but also in their bulletin boards, outside assigned readings, discussions of current issues, or views of the world. They begin to search for ways of including more culturally relevant information in their curricula. Teachers appreciate the reasons they need to make more efforts to establish contacts

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with parents and grandparents in ways they may not need to pursue in other school systems. We have seen teachers make positive changes in their classrooms in many ways, including areas such as how they mediate class discussions, allow for more ways of learning to accommodate students' cognitive learning styles, and are more respectful toward their students (Klug & Luckey, 1994). After one such institute, Yakama participants noted how important it was for them to contribute so they could share their culture with their children's teachers. They saw creating these cross-cultural appreciations as a major source of reduction of misunderstandings between their Native communities and schools (Klug, 1997). The Fifth Stage: Adjustment and Reshaping Our Cultural Identities. When we reach this juncture in our development, we become more effective in our classrooms. We have gone beyond our own cultural boundaries and now examine the world around us from multiple perspectives. We have learned to take the risks required to think differently from others of our natal communities. We have survived the fearful stage of thinking we will lose ourselves in this process, and we understand that the characteristics that make us effective as teachers (our caring, nurturing, and support of our students) have nourished us in the quest for new knowledge. In other words, we have learned to "walk in someone else's moccasins." At this stage, we are able to blend categories of information to explain behaviors and cultural norms. What we already know becomes differentiated more completely. We recognize how attributions (good, bad, etc.) are assigned to others in Native communities. We see community members as belonging to "in-groups" or "out-groups." An example of this is the state of affairs on some western American Indian reservations. We are witnessing an increase in the numbers of Native students who are joining interracial gangs. Gangs are not a feature of Native American societies. In some cases, Native teens have killed other Native children of their Nations as the price for gang membership. The disruptions caused by gang activity are damaging to the community as a whole. These problems have become of great concern for tribal members, especially elders (Klug, 1997). Students who find gangs appealing seem to have lost themselves and their cultural identities. For their cultural pride they are substituting other values not acceptable to community members. While teachers may not be members of Native communities, at this point they have made commitments to the community and identify with their mores, values, and goals. They may find behavior on the part of some Native students distressing, and work with tribal members to find ways of solving these problems.

Reaching All of Our Children

The Sixth Stage: Our Transformation as Bicultural Teachers. We have shown students and their families our willingness to work with them, not against them. We know there will always be people who question our motives, but we are content in the knowledge we can make a difference in the lives of our American Indian students. We become advocates for our Native students based on what we know are the essential teaching aspects to be incorporated in our schools. In so doing, we search for new resources, both material and "people" resources, that will enhance our teaching curricula. We recognize now how much our attendance at students' outside curricular activities is appreciated. We are building stronger bridges between the community and school. In this nonthreatening arena, many times parents and teachers approach each other simply for casual conversations. Parents and grandparents know we really do care about their children. Community members also recognize our sincere efforts to learn more about the cultures of our students. We now understand more completely differences in learning styles of our students and put this knowledge to work consistently in our classrooms. We design learning experiences for students that capitalize on their strengths in areas identified as "multiple intelligences" (Gardner, 1983). We ensure the curricula address culturally relevant material as well as the required canon. By doing so, we enable our students to become full participants in the national dialogue of our country. As one history teacher explained, he now makes sure all sides of an issue are addressed instead of just the European side of cultural conflicts and reprisals presented in his textbooks. At this stage, we are ready to readjust our own teaching styles so that we may reach all our Native students. By observing cultural norms, such as allowing more silence in classrooms, walking around the room instead of standing continuously in front of the classroom, and interacting with students on more personal levels instead of addressing them only in a wholegroup fashion, we find we have lost our roles as authoritarian teachers and gained our roles as teacher facilitators. Other cultural norms will be followed according to what is practiced in Native communities where our schools are located. We now have abilities to search for ways of making our teaching a blend of two cultures for the benefit of our students. The Recursive Process. Once we have made internal adjustments, we are able to perceive the world from multiple perspectives. It becomes easier to continue to acquire new knowledge about our students and their cultural histories. Each time we do this, we confront our preconceived ideas once again and are forced to reexamine what we have previously learned. Then we make adjustments to our cognitive schemata, redefine our knowledge,

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take advantage of events to enlighten us more about Native communities, and recommit ourselves to teaching biculturally. This does not imply that we have been inadequately trained as teachers. It simply means that there is more we can do to become effective teachers of Native students. We must remember that as human beings, we are capable of continuous learning. This comes naturally to us and allows us to adapt in many situations. We should not be afraid of this learning process. We need only to recognize it is worth our time and energy so that our American Indian students may find more success in their school experiences. SUMMARY

For non-Indian educators who are working with American Indian students, it is imperative to recognize and respect their need for and desire to retain their Native cultures while at the same time acquiring the skills necessary to survive in a technological world. In the process of acquiring information about American Indian cultures, values, and ways of knowing, we will never become fully bicultural in the sense that we have ownership in another culture. Through our willingness to learn about other cultural paradigms, or models, we are more likely to create classrooms that will encourage students to build on their own heritages to master formal school learning. Most of us know already how to negotiate more than one culture, through our families of blended ethnic heritages. We have also experienced instances or even prolonged periods when we have been members of underrepresented groups in different settings. If we can relate to these experiences when working with Native students, we may be able to understand some of the difficulties and feelings encountered by them daily. In writing this book, we desire to assist you in developing an appreciation of American Indian cultures. We cannot claim to have answers to all your questions, but we can provide you with helpful information as you experience the process of becoming a bicultural teacher. Doing so requires that you become aware of own cultural values, mores, and ways of knowing and doing. Therefore, information and exercises that may at first seem irrelevant are included after chapter readings to heighten your understandings of the importance of your own and others' development of cultural identities. Resistance to formal education is still present in many tribal Nations. American Indian cultures have been affected irreparably by European contact. We need to understand how the past impinges on the present and the future. For these reasons, we are providing a short history of American Indian education as a tool for cultural genocide in chapter 2. Technology, whether through road building or satellite television viewing, while hailed

Reaching All of Our Children

as "progress," has played a tremendous role in destroying the unique cultural traditions of many Indigenous peoples (Siebold, 1998). Chapter 3 focuses on the effects of colonization of Native American communities as a whole. We will present information to you concerning Intergenerational Trauma and Posttraumatic Stress Disorder, legacies that affect many families in Native communities today. We need to know who we are in order to understand how others define themselves. The concept of "culture" has changed dramatically during the latter half of the 20th century. In chapter 4, we bring information to you about how this concept was developed as a result of colonialism and the European need to "classify" things they didn't readily know and understand. You will learn about how culture applies to your life as well as to others from reading this chapter. From chapter 4, we bridge to the next chapter, which will enable you to learn more about American Indian cultures. Generalities about cultural values and traditional ways of educating and interacting with American Indian youth will be presented to you in chapter 5. Keep in mind this information is only a beginning. Your job will be to determine if you need to find additional information about the Native community with whom you are working. We have found examples of successful instructional strategies for education of Indigenous students. Through reading excerpts of interviews with Native educators, parents, and grandparents, we hope to provide you with insights into how you can best meet the needs of American Indian students. Culturally relevant, or responsive, pedagogy will be the topic you will read about in chapter 6. Working to bring Native parents, families, and communities into school communities is the focus of chapter 7. In chapter 8, you will meet four teachers who have worked in schools with high Native student populations. Each has a diflFerent story to tell. We feel these case studies will help you in developing your own teaching and interaction styles with American Indian students. We hope you will take opportunities to think about how you would address the situations presented in your own school (s) and classroom (s). The teaching recommendations made within this book are an extension of what we know are essential elements for successful teaching and student learning. The National Board for Professional Teaching Standards has identified "Five Core Propositions" that distinguish "accomplished" teachers who effectively enhance student learning. These Five Core Propositions are 1. Teachers are committed to students and their learning. 2. Teachers know the subjects they teach and how to teach those subjects to students.

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3. Teachers are responsible for managing and monitoring student learning. 4. Teachers think systematically about their practice and learn from experience. 5. Teachers are members of learning communities. (2000, p. 1) Each of the propositions is explained more fully in the National Board documents. The first proposition is extremely important and relates directly to our concerns about teaching American Indian students: Accomplished teachers are dedicated to making knowledge accessible to all students. They act on the belief that all students can learn. They treat students equitably, recognizing the individual differences that distinguish one student from another and taking account of these differences in their practice. They adjust their practice based on observation and knowledge of their students' interests, abilities, skills, knowledge, family circumstances and peer relationships.... They are aware of the influence of context and culture on behavior.... Equally important, they foster students' self-esteem, motivation, character, civic responsibility and their respect for individual, cultural, religious and racial differences. (National Board for Professional Teaching Standards, 2000, p. 1) Chapters 9 and 10 deal with ongoing concerns about education of American Indian students and our conclusions regarding what we as educators must do to make it possible for students to experience the success similar to that enjoyed by students in the Cherokee and Choctaw Nations' tribal schools in the late 19th century. We invite all educators, administrators included, to explore the possibilities of culturally relevant pedagogy. With knowledge of the process of becoming bicultural, administrators can support their teachers when they are working with students who are culturally different. Educators can then be empowered to deal with the emotional volatility they are likely to experience on the job, knowing that "difference of fit" can be overcome through cultural insights. EXERCISE FOR CHAPTER 1

Most of us do not think of our ethnic heritages and how we are affected daily by them. The following exercise is designed to give you an opportunity to reflect upon who you are and how your cultural background(s) influenced your values, habits, and mores. After answering the questions, take time to compare your answers with those of your peers. 1. Name your ethnic heritage(s). 2. When were different European or other ethnic heritages brought together in your family? 3. What are the special occasions celebrated in your family? 4. How are these celebrations conducted?

Reaching All of Our Children

5. What types of food are prepared in your home? What ethnicities are reflected in these foods? 6. Are there traditions you celebrated as a child that were different from those of your friends? If so, name them. 7. What were you taught about your ethnicity while you were growing up? 8. How did you learn to be proud of who you were as you were growing up? 9. How did your teachers, peers, and other adults treat you in school? 10. Did you ever hear other children make fun of the ethnicity of others? Describe how this was done. How did this make you feel? 11. Did you ever feel afraid of being called ethnic names? Describe how this felt to you. 12. How were children or other families treated in your community if they held onto their "old ways" or their languages? 13. Have you ever visited parts of other countries, in Europe or elsewhere, that were homes to your ancestors? How did this make you feel? If you have not had a chance to do so, would you like to? Why or why not? 14. If you had a wish for your own children or grandchildren (or other persons) regarding their feelings about their own ethnic heritages, what would it be? 15. What do you do in your classroom(s) to make children feel proud of who they are? REFERENCES Aho, J. (1994). This thing of darkness: A sociology of the enemy. Seattle: University of Washington Press. Arvizu, S. (1992). Home-school linkages: A cross-cultural approach to parent participation. In M. Saravia-Shore & S. F. Arvizu (Eds.), Cross-cultural literacy: Ethnography of communication in multiethnic classrooms (pp. 37–56). New York: Garland. Bray, B. (1997). Refuse to kneel. In A. Garrod & C. Larimore (Eds.), First person, first peoples: Native American college graduates tell their life stories (pp. 23–42). Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Bureau of Indian Affairs. (1998). Establishing American Indian ancestry [On-line]. Available: http://www.doi.gov/bia/ancestry/ancestry.html Covington, M. V., & Berry, R. G. (1976). Self-worth and school learning New York: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston. Cushner, K., McClelland, A., & Safford, P. (1996). Human diversity in education: An integrative approach (2nd ed.) New York: McGraw-Hill. Derman-Sparks, L. (1988). Anti-bias curriculum: Tools for empowering young children. Washington, D C : National Association for the Education of Young Children. DeWitt Wallace-Reader's Digest and Recruiting New Teachers. (1993). Teachings next generation: A national study of pre-collegiate teacher recruitment. Belmont, MA: Author. Futures for Children. (2001). Information website [On-line]. Available: www.futuresforchildren.org Gardner, H. (1983). Frames of mind: The theory of multiple intelligences. New York: Heinneman. Gonzales, A. A. (2001). Urban (trans) formations: Changes in the meaning and use of American Indian identity. In S. Lobo & K. Peters (Eds.), American Indians and the urban experience (pp. 169–185). New York: Altamira Press.

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Widening the Circle Grant, C. A. (1995). Praising diversity in school: Social and individual implications. In C. A. Grant (Ed.), Education for diversity: An anthology of multicultural voices (pp. 3–16). Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Indian Arts and Crafts Act of 1990, 25 U.S.C. § 305 et seq. (U.S.C. 2000). Josephy, A. (1991). The Indian heritage of America. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Katz, W . L. (1986). Black Indians. New York: Atheneum. Klug, B. J. (1996). Evaluation reportfor the Knight Scholars Program at Heritage College. Pocatello: Idaho State University. Klug, B. J. (1997). Evaluation reportfor the Knight Scholars Program at Heritage College. Pocatello: Idaho State University. Klug, B. J. & Lucky, A. S. (1994). American Indian Education Institute [Unpublished evaluations]. Pocatello: Idaho State University. Krathwohl, D. R., Bloom, B. S., & Masia, B. B. (1964). Taxonomy of educational objectives, handbook II: The affective domain. New York: David McKay. Lumbee Tribe. (1998). Cultural and historical information of the Lumbee Tribe [On-line]. Available: www.lumbee-tribe.org/index.htm/ Meriam, L. (1928). The problem of Indian administration. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University. National Board for Professional Teaching Standards. (2000). The five propositions of accomplished teaching [On-line]. Available: http://www.nbpts.org/standards/five-props.html Paisano, E. L., Carroll, D. L., Cowles, J. H., DeBarros, K. A., Miles, K. N., Zarbough, L. E., & Harrison, R. J. (1993). We the first Americans. Washington, D C : U.S. Department of Commerce, Economics and Statistics Administration, Bureau of the Census. Pewewardy, C. (1998). Will the "real" Indian please stand up? Multicultural Review, 7(2), 36–42. Purkey, W. W. (1970). Self concept and school achievement. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Sheffield, G. K. (1997). The arbitrary Indian: The Indian Arts and Crafts Act of 1990. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Shenkman, R. (1989). Legends, lies and cherished myths of American history. New York: Harper & Row. Siebold, K. (1998). The Aztecs. Presentation to Pi Kappa Pi, Idaho State University, Pocatello. Snipp, C. M. (2000). Some alternate approaches to the classification of American Indians and Alaska Natives. Paper prepared for the Executive Order 13096 National American Indian and Alaska Native Education Research Agenda Conference, Albuquerque, New Mexico. St. Germaine, R. (1995). Drop-out rates among American Indian and Alaska Native students: Beyond cultural discontinuity. ERIC Digest. Appalachia Educational Laboratory, Charleston, WV: ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 3888 492) Stiffarm, L. A., & Lane, P. (1992). The demography of Native North America: A question of American Indian survival. In M. A. Jaimes (Ed.), State of Native America: Genocide, colonization, and resistance (pp. 23–53). Boston: South End Press. U.S. Bureau of Census. (1990). American ethnicities [On-line]. Available: www.census.gov/index.html U.S. Bureau of Census. (2000). American ethnicities [On-line]. Available: www.census.gov/index.html U.S. Department of Education, Office of Educational Research and Improvement. (1995). Characteristics of American Indians and Alaska Native education. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education. Yenne, B. (1986). The encyclopedia of North American Indian tribes: A comprehensive study of tribes from the Abitibi to the Zuñi. Greenwich, CT: Bison Books. Zimpher, N . L., & Ashburn, E. A. (1993). Countering parochialism in teacher candidates. In M. E. Dilworth (Ed.), Diversity in teacher education: New expectations (pp. 40-62). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

2 A BRIEF HISTORY OF AMERICAN INDIAN EDUCATION

EDUCATION AS CULTURALLY CONCEIVED

istorically, education among Indigenous peoples in North America was characterized by what would be considered today as experiential learning followed by authentic assessment. The whole environment was used as a "classroom." Children would observe their elders as they went about their traditional ways. They would then practice away from the adults to learn how to fully perform a task. They would wait until they felt competent before demonstrating what they had learned to an adult (Pewewardy, 1994). European education at the time of first contact (15th century) took place primarily in the home environment and concerned vocational training and apprenticeships. Formal education was reserved for the very few families who could afford to send their sons away to study. Education for young girls was not yet an option.

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EDUCATION IN NORTH AMERICA DURING THE COLONIAL PERIOD

In the first colonies, education as a whole was conducted in the same way as in Europe for the vast majority of children. Tutors were hired to work with children in wealthier families. Slowly, colleges were established where affluent families could send their young men for more formal study instead of sending them back to Europe. Thomas Jefferson was a great advocate for education. He believed a populace could not participate in a democracy unless they had the educational skills necessary to do so. The type of education envisioned was similar to the formal educational practices in Europe, which extended back to Plato and Aristotle, considered to have formed the basis for Western school curriculum and theory (Pulliam, 1987). 29

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Many factors across the centuries accounted for the colonists' views of education in the early years of this nation: church control of education, both direct and indirect; the Renaissance, with its emphasis on the development of the individual; and the ready dissemination of learning materials. The acceptance of books as a source of learning rather than reliance on the authority of scholars followed the invention of the printing press in 1452. The Scientific Revolution yielded new ways of conceptualizing the universe. Finally, the parallel movements of the Protestant Reformation and the Catholic Counter-Reformation, with their reliance on interpreting scripture as a source of knowledge, impacted educational theories of the day. Red Jacket, a Seneca orator who lived in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, spoke eloquently on Europeans' reliance on scripture to tell them what to do, yet everyone disagreed about religion (Avery & Skinner, 1992). Throughout the Americas, early Spanish and French monasteries and convents were established and schools founded. As early as 1643, a royal order from the Spanish Crown required monks to teach the Indian peoples the Spanish language. Not surprisingly, the British colonies reflected schooling patterns similar to those in England, with education limited to the upper classes while a few schools (funded by different organizations) were established as charity schools for the poor (Pulliam, 1987). It was the Puritan influence on the schools in New England that endowed American schools with many of the values incorporated even today in the nation's schools. The belief in the inherent evil nature of humans shaped many of the Puritan ideals concerning how to live a proper life. Punishment of misbehavior both for students and others translated into the use of corporal punishment and forms of public humiliation for offenders. The values that formed the backbone of these schools were considerably different from those of Native communities. The list of these Puritan ideals included respect for authority; postponing immediate gratification; neatness; punctuality; responsibility for one's own work; honesty, patriotism, and loyalty; striving for personal achievement; competition; repression of aggression and overt sexual expression; respect for the rights and property of others; and obeying rules and regulations (Pulliam, 1987). These principles were anomalies for Native peoples who lived in communal settings and had practiced skills for cooperative survival on this continent for thousands of years. ProvisionsfarEducation of American Indian Children. It was into this educational system that American Indian students were thrust. As repre-

A Brief History of American Indian Education

sentatives of the U.S. government signed treaties with Indian Nations, a standard provision incorporated was of free public education of Native children (Kappler, 1904). Overall provisions of the same treaties also provided tribal Nations with materials, goods, and services designed to foster and maintain an agrarian lifestyle. An example is inclusion of the services of a community blacksmith in treaties, a provision that supported a way of life alien to Native peoples. The early treaties emphasized that education "appropriate" for Indian students was to be provided. The definition of appropriate was based on European discretion. At the time, the prevailing belief was that Indian peoples needed to be "civilized" and taught to stay in one geographic location rather than move about. The plan developed was to educate the young to become farmers and to learn the industrial arts (Nabovkov, 1978). As a result, the schools established for American Indian children reflected these themes. In the late 18th and early 19th centuries, educational opportunities became more available to a wider segment of the population in this country. At this time, the Choctaw and Cherokee Nations realized education had the potential to preserve their cultures and assure their survival (Spring, 1994; Mankiller, 1991). A Presbyterian minister, Cyrus Kingsbury, became the founder of missionary schools for these Nations. The teachers in the schools were often tribal members who instructed bilingually. The Choctaws were especially pleased with the concept of a written language (Spring, 1994). Both Choctaw and Cherokee classroom materials were written in English and the Native languages. Sequoyah (c. 1770–1843) invented the Cherokee syllabary, a set of written symbols representing each syllable, or vowel and consonant combination, of the Cherokee language. As a result of his efforts, Cherokees could communicate in writing. A newspaper, translation of the Bible, and a tribal constitution were all written in the Cherokee language (Josephy, 1991; Avery & Skinner, 1992). Students in the Choctaw and Cherokee schools demonstrated literacy rates approaching nearly 100%, and many Native youth attended colleges in the East. The late 19th century brought a dramatic change in policy. Schools were wrested from tribal Nation control, with devastating results for the students. Several commissioners of Indian Affairs initiated draconian measures to eliminate children's Native languages, values, and customs. J. C. Atkins abolished the use of tribal languages in schools, insisting that only English be spoken. Thomas J. Morgan attempted to elicit allegiance to the federal government by flying the U.S. flag and having students sing patriotic songs at all tribal schools. Ultimately, a catastrophic decision was made to remove

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Indian children completely from their Native influences by placing them in boarding schools away from their families and cultural roots (Spring, 1994; Mankiller, 1991). The Boarding School Era. As Native peoples continued to cede their lands through treaties, the important provision for education of their children was always included in these documents (Kickingbird & Charleston, 1991). At first, boarding schools were created close to students' homes, sometimes right on the reservations. More often, though, the boarding schools were built farther away from children's natal communities. The boarding school experience has figured significantly in American Indians' perceptions of Western education and Europeans in general (Johansen, 2000; Macqueen, 2000). For some, the schools afforded opportunities not otherwise possible. For a considerable majority, though, the boarding school experiences of the period were harmful. The children were taught that they and their communities were inferior to Europeans. At the beginning, especially, boarding schools were operated like military schools, with children wearing uniforms and following a prescribed regimen of activities. Harsh discipline was meted out to children who did not conform. Schools followed the model set by retired Col. Richard Henry Pratt, who directed the first boarding school at Carlisle, Pennsylvania (Iverson, 1993; McGillivray & Comaske, 2000). In 1928, the Meriam Report (Meriam, 1930/1977) described the debilitating effects of the boarding school system on American Indian youth. Students were often starving while their labor constituted "the energy to keep the schools going." With revelations about the abuses of boarding schools, the decision was made to establish community day schools for Native youth. These schools were charged with integrating Native cultural life with the educational process (Spring, 1994; Mankiller, 1991; Lomawaima, 1995). Regrettably, literacy rates for Native American students have never again reached the high levels established in the early years of tribally controlled schools. Stories have the power to teach values and mores, and to serve as warnings about what can happen because of what did happen. Boarding school stories permeate American Indian communities even today. Children listening to such stories many times hear the message that Whites, whether teachers or administrators, are not to be trusted because of what went on in the boarding schools. Contemporary Indian education concerns all parties involved, including tribal Nation councils (Skinner, 1992). Because of the boarding schools, there is still a negative attitude toward "White man's education" present in most Native communities. Many times, friction is seen between American

A Brief History of American Indian Education

Indians and non-Indian personnel in schools with high Native populations (Klug, 1996, 1997). Non-Indians assume Native peoples do not have anything to contribute to the learning process of their children, a grave mistake made on the part of teachers and administrators. The year 1928 is crucial in American Indian education as it signified awareness that the government could not mandate assimilation for its constituents. The Colonial Era, which had begun with the Spanish in 1492 through the English, French, and Dutch occupations, was finally beginning its demise with regard to the Native peoples of North America. For European Americans, this colonialism had ended with the Declaration of Independence in 1776, and the war with Britain that followed. However, for non-Europeans, the extension of civil liberties continued to be denied to them into the 20th century. World War I marked a turning point in the history of relations between Indian Nations and the U.S. government. Many Native peoples served in the armed forces during World War I, and as a result of their actions, citizenship was conferred in 1924 upon Indigenous peoples in the United States. For the first time, Indian peoples were now considered "worthy" of U.S. citizenship, and they began reclaiming their rights as citizens to retain their own cultural systems and languages. While these rights were taken for granted by European Americans, many of them had difficulty understanding why American Indians would want to reclaim their "inferior" heritages. Those views had been shaped by the carefully crafted stereotypes of 400 years of European contact, which widely portrayed Indigenous peoples as "uncivilized heathen savages" (Berkhofer, 1978). The "melting pot" theory had emerged earlier in the 20th century as a way to address the assimilation process of thousands of immigrants from other (primarily European and Asian) countries (Banks, 1981). The idea behind the melting pot was to forge all ethnicities of people into a distinctly "American" identity through assimilation of everyone into the same society with the same values and attitudes toward democracy, work, and religious and ethical systems. To make this occur, "Americanization" programs were held for new immigrants. As early as Thomas Jefferson and Horace Mann, educators saw public schools as the key to creating and defining the nation (Spring, 1998). However, with the new immigration of many people from diverse nations to American shores, there was a need to create a rapid alliance with the new country. Differences in cultures and languages were to be shed in an effort to create a society where everyone "was alike" and all blended into the melting pot. While Europeans were able to blend with those of English ancestry, for underrepresented ethnic groups such as African Americans, Native American Indians, Asians, and Hispanics, the reality of the melting pot as a path to assimilation and increased economic rewards was never realized (Banks, 1981).

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When the Meriam Report was released in 1928, it countered the popular opinion that the best way to educate Native children and bring them into the melting pot was to wrench them away from their families and cultural foundations. The report came at a time when the governing bodies of the country were becoming more involved in the affairs of its citizens. This awareness resulted from concerns about the high price of unemployment and underemployment for the country as a whole. The root causes of unemployment, such as hunger, poverty, and lack of access to educational training, were considered important forces that worked against healthy growth of the economy and the nation. For the first time, federal laws were seen as providing some of the means necessary to correct social situations across the country (Federal Programs for Education and Related Activities, 1998). At the same time, the prevailing view of education applied the metaphor of the factory or industrial model (Callahan, 1962). Education was to be doled out in an efficient manner that treated students as "units" and "products." Preparation of workers for the types of jobs they would most likely perform led to the use of standardized tests to determine students' capabilities. Emphasis was placed on how much knowledge was needed for future workers, not on the process of constructing knowledge itself. For Native students and other ethnically diverse populations, the chances of using a classical education were considered remote. A curriculum with emphasis on vocational education was considered more appropriate for them. The Meriam Report indicated American Indian students' difficulties in educational systems were partly due to the lack of culturally appropriate curricula and ways of teaching. Standardized tests, though, with their cultural biases confirmed administrators' perceptions of lower achievement capabilities for Native students than their wealthier European-American peers. Unfortunately, culturally relevant education has materialized only recently, and only in a few educational institutions (Yazzie, 2000). REFORM MOVEMENTS IN THE 20TH CENTURY

The 1930s witnessed hard times as the United States experienced the crash of the stock market and the Great Depression that followed. The vast majority of the nation's populace plunged into debt and poverty. The federal government under the leadership of a new president, Franklin D. Roosevelt, responded to the dire circumstances of families throughout the country. Roosevelt began a pattern to be followed by future presidents of injecting monies into the public schools as a way to respond to the needs of citizens (see Table 2.1). There followed many pieces of legislation impacting edu-

A Brief History of American Indian Education Table 2.1 Political Movements and Forces Influencing Legislation of American Indian Education Since 1928 Mid-1930s:

Federal government begins to be involved in public school areas such as establishing school lunch programs and vocational education.

1940s:

Native Americans return from fighting in World War II; movement to urban areas; pan-Indian movement extended from boarding school era.

1950s:

National Indian Youth Council (Red Power) founded.

Late 1950s:

Beginning of Civil Rights Movement with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

1960s:

War on Poverty; beginning of American Indian Movement.

1963:

Civil Rights March on Washington, DC.

1965:

Civil Rights "March on Poverty" from Selma to Montgomery, AL.

1969:

Kennedy Report on reservation conditions.

1970s:

American Indian Movement (AIM) formally established in Minneapolis, MN.

1972:

"Trail of Broken Treaties 20-Point Position Paper" published by AIM.

1974–1975:

National Advisory Council on Indian Education founded.

Late 1980s:

Effective schools movement.

1990s:

Performance-based assessment movement.

1990:

"A Nation at Risk" report released.

1991:

"Indian Nations at Risk: An Educational Strategy for Action" report released; National Educational Goals for American Indians/Native Alaskans formulated.

1992:

White House Conference on Indian Education.

1998:

"Alaska Standards for Culturally Responsive Schools" released.

Note. Information from Stahl (1979), U.S. Office of Education (2000), and Federal Programs for Education and Related Activities (1998).

cation directly and indirectly in order to influence the economy and provide adequate employment opportunities for all citizens (U.S. Office of Education, 2000). The Johnson-O'Malley Act (1934) (see Table 2.2) provided monies to local school districts for education of American Indian children who would attend nearby schools. These monies were incorporated into the general revenue funds without regard for the needs of Native students (Stahl, 1979). In 1934, the Indian Reorganization Act became law (see Table 2.2). Under this act, Indian Nations were reconstituted and given federal recognition when Congress approved their bylaws and governing bodies. Tribal councils were established and self-government was recognized for the first

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Widening the Circle Table 2.2 Legislation Affecting American Indian Education Since 1928 1934:

Johnson-O'Malley Act Indian Reorganization Act Bilingual Education Tribal governments recognized by federal government

1941:

Amendment to Lanham Act of 1940

1943:

School Lunch Indemnity Plan

1946:

National School Lunch Act George-Barden Act expanded federal support of vocational education begun with Smith-Hughes Act of 1917

1954:

Brown v. Board of Education overturned "separate but equal" (Plessy v. Ferguson, 1896)

1958:

National Defense Education Act Education of Mentally Retarded Children Act

1962:

Manpower Development and Training Act

1963:

Vocational Education Act

1964:

Civil Rights Act led to desegregation of public schools Economic Opportunity Act established Job Corps, Head Start, Follow Through, Upward Bound, and Volunteers in Service to America (VISTA)

1965:

Elementary and Secondary Education Act Higher Education Act established National Teacher Corps Bilingual Education Act (Title VII)

1968:

American Indian Civil Rights Act Elementary and Secondary Education Amendments: regional centers for support of education of handicapped, education to rural areas, support of dropout prevention and bilingual education programs

1972:

Indian Education Act

1973:

Comprehensive Employment and Training Act expanded provisions of Manpower Act of 1962

1974:

Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act placed emphasis on keeping students in school

1975:

Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act Education of All Handicapped Children Act (Public Law 94-142)

1977:

Youth Employment and Demonstration Projects Act Elementary and Secondary Education Reauthorization Act (Title I)

(continued)

A Brief History of American Indian Education Table 2.2

Continued

Legislation Affecting American Indian Education Since 1928 1978:

Tribally Controlled Community College Assistance Act

1984:

Carl D. Perkins Vocational Education Act Human Services Reauthorization Act reauthorized Head Start and Follow Through to FY 1987

1988:

Augustus F. Hawkins-Robert T. Stafford Elementary and Secondary School Improvement Amendments reauthorized Chapter 1, Chapter 2, Bilingual Education, Math-Science Education, Magnet Schools, Impact Aid, Indian Education, Adult Education, and other small education projects

1989:

Childhood Education and Development Act

1990:

Americans with Disabilities Act National and Community Service Act School Dropout Prevention and Basic Skills Improvement Act

1991:

National Literacy Act Native American Languages Act (NALA)

1992:

Ready to Learn Act National Commission on Time and Learning Extension

1994:

Goals 2000: Educate America Act Title I of Improving America's Schools Act reauthorized and revamped Elementary and Secondary Education Act Eisenhower Professional Development Program (Title II) School to Work Opportunities Act

1995:

Amendment to the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965 addressed Indian education specifically

1997:

Individuals with Disabilities Education Act

1998:

President Clinton's Executive Order 13096

Note. Information from Stahl (1979), U.S. Office of Education (2000), and Federal Programs for Education and Related Activities (1998).

time, signaling an end to colonialism as experienced by Native peoples (Adams, 1999). To other American people, the full meaning of this legislation and its impact on education for Native children was unclear. In effect, the laws governing public education for all citizens applied to education for Native communities, with the BIA schools constituting the 51st state (St. Germaine, 2000). Additionally, many pieces of legislation were targeted

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for programs in areas of high poverty, which included reservation systems (see Table 2.2). The post–World War II era bifurcated many Native communities in an unforeseen way. Many Native American veterans decided not to return to their Native communities, but to migrate to urban areas instead (see Table 2.1). This pattern in fact reflected a worldwide trend (Smith, 1981). This outward migration was viewed as positive by members of the dominant culture, as shown in this editorial release in the Saturday Evening Post magazine: The "first" Americans are at last leaving their bleak and dreary reservations under a "crash" program inceptedfiveyears ago. It all began after World War II, when the Indian G.I. came back to the tribal councils and told of the delights and opportunities in the world "outside." Soon pressures began to bear on Washington and a relocation, all voluntary, got underway. The Bureau of Indian Affairs currently has twelve relocation offices set up across the country. Indian agents go into the reservations, explain the problems and arrange for "passport" to civilization. To date, more than 20,000 Indians of various tribes have found jobs, homes, and a new life under his program.... Only about 25 percent of the Indians who broke out of the "concentration camps" have gone back home. Mostly, the reason is loneliness or the lack of acceptance by the community of choice. But good measures of those returnees have emerged again to make a new start somewhere else. Indian employment records are good and perhaps a little better than those of their fellow workers on absenteeism, contact with police, and alcoholism. They save their money, go to church, and maintain decorum generally. Many Americans will be shocked to learn that it wasn't until 1924 that citizenship was conferred upon Indians as Native-born Americans. They pay state and federal taxes, but it was not until recently that an Indian could buy a can of beer or a bottle offirewater.The nation will gain by the integration. (Hibbs, 1957/2000)1 A "pan-Indian" movement began during the boarding school era. With students from many tribal Nations attending the same schools, many were exposed to different Native customs and ways of viewing the world. To outsiders, all Indians looked and acted alike, and there was no attempt to distinguish students by their natal origins. Within the boarding schools, students were punished for practicing their traditions. Therefore, resource-

A Brief History of American Indian Education

ful students found ways to learn about the traditions of other Indigenous Nations surreptitiously. With the migration of veterans to urban areas, the pan-Indian movement took on additional momentum as Native peoples struggled for survival within these frequently hostile environs. This period marks the beginning of efforts to address civil rights for Native peoples. In the 1950s, the National Indian Youth Council was founded as a way to insert "Red Power" into the political forces brewing under the leadership of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and the American Civil Rights Movement (Dyson, 2000; also see Table 2.1). Through the publicity surrounding Red Power, the general public's consciousness was raised about the state of affairs for the first people on the continent (American Indian Movement, 1998). Michael Dyson (2000) notes that part of the reason Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., was able to raise the moral consciousness of the nation regarding equal liberties was because of his talent for invoking the spiritual contradictions of White racism. Dr. King believed that most Whites were unconscious racists and that the work of the nation had to be to heal it of racism. His ability is exemplified in the following: ... King had a genius for making people believe that they had a moral gift they had forgotten, or never knew they possessed, and for making them proud to contribute to the common good. King, however, worked hard to deny whites the perverse pleasure of realizing that their bigotry was a spur to racial progression. He did this by suggesting that the moral values of American culture lie beyond race. Color-blindness so conceived was a crushing blow to the morality of white chauvinists. At the same time, King preached to blacks that their struggle was not between black and white, but between right and wrong. By pegging black struggle to a universal foundation, King strongly affirmed black humanity, a fact that is today ignored by historical advocates of color-blindness. (Dyson, 2000, p. 35)2 THE CIVIL RIGHTS ERA

In 1954, a landmark decision was made with regard to the education of students in public institutions in the United States. The court case known as Brown v. Board of Education (see Table 2.2) overturned the 1896 ruling of Plessy v. Ferguson, which had permitted students to attend segregated schools as long as their education was "equal" to that received by White students in all-White schools. For children living on reservations located close to public schools, Brown meant that they were no longer

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restricted to attending all-Indian schools in their Native communities. Many Native students began attending schools where they were fewer in number and their needs were overlooked or ignored. These children were often targeted as unable to learn, due to language or other perceived deficiencies. Often, they were placed in programs developed for children with "mental retardation" that were created as a result of legislation in 1958 (see Table 2.2). This was the beginning of the era of the deficit model of cultural differences (Ausubel, 1966), which permeated the thinking of the country's educators. As ethnically diverse students differed in their responses toward education and the "opportunities" afforded to them, they were perceived as failing to develop an appreciation for the way learning was supposed to progress. This "failure" of the students to thrive in the public schools was seen as a failure on the part of their own families and communities. High rates of poverty, unique customs, different dialects of the English language, and lack of proficiency in the English language—all were viewed as contributing to students' low academic performance (Deloria, 1974). Coupled with this was the widespread belief that those of different ethnic origins had lower intellectual capacities. This misconception resulted from the I Q testing movement. I Q testing as a way to categorize groups of people became fashionable during the period of 1890 to 1915 (Jones, 1995). This movement expanded in World War I when the federal government wanted an instrument to determine whether soldiers were fit for combat duty (Gould, 1981/1996). There were no positions taken concerning the appropriateness of administering the same IQtest to all, regardless of community of origin, either by the psychologists who developed the tests or those who administered them (Rosenblatt, 1983). In effect, I Q testing became a new way of segregating students in public schools, this time on the basis of "intellectual ability." THE 1960s "WAR ON POVERTY"

Union and Change The third article [of our Constitution] was union. To those who were small and few against the wilderness, the success of liberty demanded the strength of union. Two centuries of change have made this true again. No longer need capitalist and worker, farmer and clerk, city and countryside, struggle to divide our bounty. By working shoulder to shoulder, together we can increase the bounty of all. We have discovered that every child who learns, every man who finds work, every sick body that is made whole—like a candle added to an altar—brightens the hope of all the faithful.

A Brief History of American Indian Education

So let us reject any among us who seek to reopen old wounds and to rekindle old hatreds. They stand in the way of a seeking nation. Let us now join reason to faith and action to experience, to transform our unity of interest into a unity of purpose. For the hour and the day and the time are here to achieve progress without strife, to achieve change without hatred—not without difference of opinion, but without the deep and abiding divisions which scar the union for generations. —President Lyndon B. Johnson (1963) (White House, 2000)3 Under the leadership of presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson, solutions were sought for ending the high poverty rates existent in many parts of the country (Glover, 1999). The "War on Poverty" (see Table 2.1) produced many key pieces of legislation that impacted the United States' public schools. The Manpower Development and Training Act (1962), Vocational Education Act (1963), Civil Rights Act (1964), Economic Opportunity Act (1964), Elementary and Secondary Education Act (1965), Higher Education Act (1965), and the Title VII Bilingual Education Act (1965) all targeted education in high-poverty areas that could be helped through the infusion of federal dollars into the fiscal budgets of local education systems (see Table 2.2). These pieces of legislation heralded many of the educational reform measures that are still in effect today. At the same time, many teachers tried to become "color-blind" in their classrooms in order to treat students equally. In doing so, they devalued the positive influences of the students' natal communities. These attributes included strong social skills that reinforced positive learning in classrooms. The lack of familiarity of most teachers with other ethnic communities caused many misperceptions about diverse students' capabilities. Members of the education community did not challenge these inaccurate observations, nor were there studies to contradict their perceptions. Most teachers were unaware of educational achievements of people of color in the nation (Spring, 1994). The cultural deficit model continued to drive the engine programming education for students with "special needs." Many of these children were identified on the basis of their cultures and languages, not on the basis of their abilities. Hence, many students of color became unwitting victims of yet another injustice of the educational system: that of being placed into compensatory programs for educational needs without adequate testing (NICHY, 1998). MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION IN K–12 PUBLIC SCHOOLS

At this same time, the multicultural education movement was emerging in public K–12 schools, resulting from the Civil Rights Movement. Legislation

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was enacted to assist schools in planning and implementing desegregation activities. While enacting legislation barring segregation seemed practical, the actual enforcement of desegregation created politically charged situations in schools and communities. Parents, drawing on misconceptions, stereotypes, and fears that had been promoted about "otherness" (Fenton, 1999), often opposed efforts to desegregate schools. A majority of teachers in K–12 public schools were members of the White middle class who had grown up with those same stereotypes and fears. Teachers were unprepared to work with populations differing from their own reference groups. Many times children were judged as unable to learn academically due to their cultural backgrounds, not their actual learning potentials (Brophy, 1983). The initial goals of multicultural education programs promoted appreciation of cultural differences (Banks, 1991). Through learning about the heroes and sheroes of other ethnic groups, White children and teachers could learn to appreciate the accomplishments of other peoples. Differences could be celebrated through learning about holidays and special traditions of other cultures. Students and teachers would then develop more insight into the construction of themselves and others as products of cultural systems. The results of this effort would be creation of respect for people of all races, ethnicities, and religions (Grant & Sleeter, 1999). Multicultural education has evolved from these early roots to a focus on the social construction of culture, and consequently its "deconstruction" as a way to undo the harms of the past. According to Grant and Sleeter (1999), Gollnick and Chinn (1990), Skinner (1992), Cahape (1993), Lomawaima (1995), and others, only in this way will true respect and honor be given to all groups of people in the United States.

Examination of Prejudices and Stereotypes. As a result of the multicultural education movement, new awareness emerged about the role of biases and stereotyping in limiting the futures of children in America. Textbooks and other curricular resources were examined for stereotyped portrayals of underrepresented populations. Eventually, this examination was extended to representations in the curriculum of women and those with disabilities. With regard to Native American children, the images portrayed of their peoples had been predominantly negative, for example, as savages, heathens, or uncivilized persons. The opposite portrayal, that of the noble warrior, was just as damaging for Native children as they faced the reality of their present conditions on and off reservations (Berkhofer, 1978).

A Brief History of American Indian Education

The Impact of the Civil Rights Movement on American Indian Education. In addition to the mandate for all public schools in the United States receiving federal funding to provide quality education, Indian education in particular was targeted for improvement. This resulted in the Indian Education Act of 1972 (see Table 2.2). The impetus for this act resided with the report made in 1969 by Robert F. Kennedy detailing the conditions of Indian Nations' reservations. By this time, the American Indian Movement (AIM) had been formally constituted and made known its goals for a better future for Native Americans through the publication of its "Trail of Broken Treaties 20-Point Position Paper" in 1972 (American Indian Movement, 1972) (see Table 2.1). While there have been some contradictory viewpoints concerning the role of AIM in the lives of Indigenous peoples, the organization heightened the awareness of the general public concerning the plight of thousands of Native peoples living well below the poverty level and in conditions deemed to be horrific under the best of circumstances. While some felt the organization was too militant in nature, others applauded the work of AIM for alerting those in power of the need to improve conditions for Native peoples. The National Advisory Council on Indian Education was established in 1974–1975 (National Advisory Council on Indian Education, 1987) (see Table 2.1). Following the recommendations from this council and other bodies, the Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act was put into effect in 1975 (see Table 2.2). This act was in response to calls from Indian communities and local tribal governments to have more ownership of the education process for Native children. They wanted focus directed on recognition of the unique cultural strengths and traditions found in Native communities (Deloria, 1974; St. Germaine, 2000). The Education for All Handicapped Children Act (PL 94-142) followed in 1975, addressing the needs of children with specific learning difficulties and handicapping conditions. Concern about education for employment resulted in the Youth Employment and Demonstration Projects Act in 1977. The 1965 Elementary and Secondary Education Act targeting needs of students in high-poverty areas was reauthorized (see Table 2.2). While these acts did not address the specific needs of Native students, public schools were impacted by these pieces of legislation. The Tribally Controlled Community College Assistance Act of 1978 (see Table 2.2) was a watershed piece of legislation. For the first time, tribal governments were given opportunities to establish their own two-year postsecondary degree granting institutions. Many American Indians believed tribal Nation colleges could address the educational needs of their own students more effectively than public colleges and universities. Within the

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tribal colleges, cultures and languages would be nourished. Native peoples would learn the rich histories of their peoples. This combination would enable American Indian students to appreciate their heritages and contributions to the world (Cahape & Howley, 1992). EFFECTIVE SCHOOLS MOVEMENT

In the 1980s, the National Association for Indian Education was formed. This alliance examined the structure and curricula for Indian students across the country, and it found them wanting. The dropout rates for Native students continued to be higher than for all other ethnic groups. At the same time, the effective schools movement came into being. A reexamination of curriculum content across the nation and emphasis on performance standards resulted from this movement. Procedures for assessing student learning proficiency were called into question. The limitations of using standardized tests to measure student achievement for all, regardless of learning styles, language, cultural barriers, or disabilities, was challenged by educators and noneducators alike. Alternative forms of assessment, such as performance-based assessment, observations by teachers, portfolio assessment, and other forms of "authentic" assessment, were developed and encouraged for use in the classroom (Bordeaux, 1995). Legislation enacted in the 1990s focused on improving America's schools through addressing early childhood education; compensatory programs in literacy, math, and science; and transition of students from school to work (see Table 2.2). This legislation was a result of conclusions reached through research on teaching and learning since the 1970s. While change comes slowly to public schools, research focusing on effective teaching and learning methodologies made an impact on school programming. An emphasis on continuing education for teachers resulted from this increased knowledge base. In this way, teachers could be informed of new understandings of teaching and learning processes discovered since they received their teaching credentials. Authentic assessments were seen as highly congruent with traditional ways of teaching and learning in Native communities. The reports of "A Nation at Risk" (1983) and "Indian Nations at Risk: An Educational Strategy for Action" (1991) detailed the significance of creating curricula, materials, and assessment activities matching the learning strengths of Native students. School planners, however, continued to ignore recommendations for incorporating language and cultural knowledge into school curricula, though these elements had long been recognized as important ingredients in Native students' schooling.

A Brief History of American Indian Education

Left on their own, it would seem the institutions responsible for American Indian education would not make the changes desired by Native communities to improve schooling opportunities for their children. As elaborated by Yazzie (2000), My study of history reveals that the decisions we make today [regarding education] are profoundly impacted by precedence and past generations.... When we simply make the argument that language and culture preservation "has to be an individual choice," we ignore our communal roots. Our tribes and nations should commit to the preservation of our languages and cultures [through demanding this knowledge be incorporated within school systems]—not only for individuals. Preservation of language requires creating conditions where language is spoken and valued by groups, by tribes, and by non-Natives. Just as families once shared growth and knowledge building through ceremonies connecting us to our external relations, tribal groups may find it necessary to collaborate with other indigenous nations in the effort to preserve our diverse ways of knowing and living....Language and culture ... assist us in exceeding our expectations to develop fuller and more productive social and cultural systems. (pp. 20–21)4 CULTURALLY RELEVANT PEDAGOGY

Culturally relevant, or responsive, pedagogy entails the creation of a teaching/ learning environment that takes into account the learning styles of groups of children, their ways of knowing, and their ways of interacting in social learning situations in the classroom (Pewewardy, 1994). It also includes culturally relevant curricula (Ismat, 1994). For Native American students, culturally responsive pedagogy includes teachers' understandings of their students' cultures and their verbal and nonverbal communication systems, and promotion of traditional cultures and languages. Culturally responsive pedagogy makes use of cooperative learning groups and other ways of demonstrating knowledge, such as the use of performance-based assessments (Henry & Pepper, 1990; Dugan, 1993). Proficiency in the use of technology is viewed as a way to communicate with others about one's self and culture, not as an end in itself. During the late 1980s and early 1990s, tribal Nations in various states developed information that could be utilized in classrooms to assist teachers and learners in understanding their great histories (Strom, 1994–2000). In 1998, the "Alaska Standards for Culturally Responsive Schools" was released (Alaska Native Knowledge Network). This document has had a profound effect as a useful model for education of Native students. It outlines conditions for success of American Indian and Alaska Native children,

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including maintenance of cultures and languages. Involvement of parents, grandparents, and community members within the schools is cited as a critical element for successful educational institutions serving Native students (Pavel, 1999; Fox, 2000). This document opened a world of possibilities for curriculum development at schools enrolling large numbers of Native students (St. Germaine, 2000). A sample of items from the Alaska Standards illustrates their emphasis on culturally relevant pedagogy including content knowledge and teaching methodologies that capitalize on traditional methods of assisting students to construct knowledge themselves. These ways of knowing for American Indian students include long periods of observation, performance trials (practice of the skills) by oneself, demonstration to an adult of mastery of content, and working with cooperative groups of students. These activities are consistent with the Constructivist teaching approaches proposed by Piaget (Wadsworth, 1996), Vygotsky (1978), and Dewey (1902, 1916), that will be discussed later. In 1998, President William Jefferson Clinton issued Executive Order 13096. This order includes support for key areas of research into effective educational practices for Native students, promotion of increased opportunities for the training and employment of Native Americans as teachers in public and BIA schools, and other provisions. It is in this new atmosphere of respect toward Indigenous peoples that the government of the United States is working in partnership with Native communities to solve the educational crisis of American Indians. The problems of low teacher expectations, negative stereotyping, existing negative biases, and resistance toward incorporating new information into the curriculum have acted as barriers to effective education for Native children in the past (Yazzie, 2000; St. Germaine, 2000). Those involved in looking toward the future of Native education are committed to changing the status quo in education for the benefit of Native children. The fruit produced by activities resulting from Executive Order 13096 is expected to have impact for the success of the Seventh (present) Generation of Native students. SUMMARY

The history of education for American Indian students has been marred with attempts to eliminate Native cultures and languages through the misguided use of educational institutions as an arm of the government. These actions resulted from the prejudices and fears of Europeans in power over the original inhabitants of this continent. As a result of its failure to respect people of other ethnicities, the dominant culture tried to force its will upon

A Brief History of American Indian Education

groups of people through propaganda, which diminished Native peoples in the eyes of their own children. There are still major concerns about the education of American Indian students (Pavel, 1999; ORBIS Associates, 1996). These issues will not be resolved quickly, yet we have the power to move forward as advocates for our Native American students and the schools that serve them. FUNDING AND GOVERNANCE ISSUES FOR SCHOOLS SERVING AMERICAN INDIAN STUDENTS

Funding and governance issues are crucial to the debate concerning the types of education to be provided for Native American students. After the Meriam Report (1928/1977), the boarding schools became more lenient and began to resemble more closely other schools in the United States. Native students participated in sports activities along with neighboring schools, and they were not quite as isolated from their families as in the past. Discipline within the schools softened, reflecting a more modern view of teaching children. Those students who did not attend boarding schools went to day schools established by Commissioner of Indian Affairs John Collier (Iverson, 1993). In the 1950s, another shift occurred when American Indian students began to attend schools in local school districts (Iverson, 1993). At the end of the 20th century, about 8 5 % of all American Indian students in the United States attended public K–12 schools that received money to support their education (Hillabrant et al., 1992). The remaining 15% were enrolled in BIA and private schools. An enormous difficulty in providing appropriate education for Native students has been in the area of funding allocations from the federal government. Since 1975, the funding for Indian education has been reduced tremendously, once again reflecting attitudes toward Native Nations in spite of treaty obligations (Brescia, 1992). The saga of the boarding school era continues today for students enrolled in BIA schools or other schools on reservations. The General Accounting Office recently reported that BIA schools are generally in poor physical condition. While the BIA receives funding each year to build only one or two replacement schools for its 173 deteriorating facilities, at least 60 need immediate attention. Ironically, the government has suspended new applications for schools since 1991. The BIA's 1998 budget was $1.7 billion, while nearly $2 billion was actually needed to replace these 60 decrepit schools (Schnaiberg, 1999). Besides funding issues, there is the issue of governance and community control over the education of Native students. Parents of students attending public schools around the nation are given access to school boards to voice

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concerns about their children's education. Families of students who attend BIA schools also want their voices to be heard. Native peoples are taught to think about the impact of all decisions on those seven generations from the present time. They place a high value on schools being locally situated and readily accessible to students. There is a need for culturally relevant curricula and preservation of traditional cultures and languages. As one BIA principal stated, "It's about ownership" (Schnaiberg, 1999, p. 46). SCHOOL PERSONNEL

Teaching, as a profession, has consistently attracted primarily EuropeanAmerican, middle-class females (Meek, 1998). This trend continues today despite efforts to recruit men and people of color into the profession. Profound cultural differences exist between those who teach and administer Native schools and the American Indian youth who attend them. Misunderstandings and misinterpretations have resulted, and continue to result, from this cultural dissonance. Hadaway, Florez, Larke, and Wiseman (1993) describe the poignancy of the existing detente: "The encapsulation that comes from teachers' predominantly Anglo, middle class, monolingual backgrounds may have serious ramifications in terms of teacher expectations and student achievement" (Paper 2). Mainstream American education emphasizes academic achievement, usually acquired in a competitive mode. Mankiller (1991) provides insights into the dilemma faced by many American Indian students as they try to negotiate the world of formal Western education: In many Native communities, there is a much greater emphasis on collective achievements of the family or the community than on those of the individual. Native people who have achieved personal success, though respected, are not held in the same esteem as those who have achieved success in helping others. The latter are held in the highest esteem. (p. 5)5 Clearly, there is a need for more Native American teachers to become part of the educational system as full professionals. They need to be respected members of faculty and administration so that they may assist their fellow faculty members in understanding the cultural norms and values of the individual Native communities in which schools are located. Otherwise, education for Native American students will continue to be approached generically, with no considerations for local communities. By not encouraging more American Indian peoples to become part of the educational process, we have overlooked tremendous resources for our schools. Institutions granting teacher licensure need to become involved in the dialogue concerning the future of Indian education in this country. We need to be confident that Native people who are encouraged to enter the

A Brief History of American Indian Education

teaching profession will n o t become discouraged by t h e sometimes overwhelming barriers to degree completion present in m a n y university systems (McClaren & M u ñ o z , 2 0 0 0 ) . Otherwise, we will c o n t i n u e t o operate schools for Native students absent of t h e very people w h o w o u l d benefit from having more formally educated adults working productively in their Native communities. This situation would n o t be tolerated in other school systems a r o u n d the country. CULTURALLY RELEVANT PEDAGOGY AND COMMUNITY INVOLVEMENT T h e history of American Indian education is, at best, characterized by b o t h intentional a n d u n i n t e n t i o n a l lack of cultural sensitivity a n d severely constrained resources (Szasz, 1999). T h e challenge in American I n d i a n education today is to expect a n d assure success for Native students, using instructional approaches m o r e compatible w i t h Native cultures (Tafoya, 1989). Native c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s m u s t be invited t o participate in local schools. T h e y k n o w t h e strengths, as well as t h e needs, of their o w n students a n d can t r e m e n d o u s l y improve h o w t h e schools are serving their children. Native communities need to determine w h a t t h e role of the school is in the future of their Nations: Will schools continue to be only places where children are c o n d e m n e d to attend until they can d r o p o u t at a reasonable age? O r will they become places that prepare future artisans, musicians, scientific researchers, educators, health professionals, accountants, a n d political leaders for the community? T h e view of the c o m m u n i t y toward its schools will be determined by the attitudes of educators toward the c o m m u n i t y (Miller, 2 0 0 0 ) . W e need to learn to work together as equal partners in this vital process of educating Native American youth.

EXERCISE FOR CHAPTER 2

To help you reflect upon your educational experiences and those of your family members, answer the following questions. Then compare your answers with one of your peers. 1. What has been the general view of education in your family? In your great-grandparents' families? In your grandparents' families? 2. How many of your grandparents completed high school? How many of your great-grandparents completed high school? What was the highest level of education they obtained? 3. What were the reasons your parents/grandparents/ great-grandparents had for not completing high school?

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4. Did you or anyone in your family have a language barrier that prevented him or her from completely participating in school? How did this affect your or others' educational opportunities? 5. What was your educational experience? Did you attend private or public schools? Did you attend a boarding school? 6. How did your teachers treat you in school? Did teachers and peers generally accept you? 7. Did you experience any difficulties in school in learning to read, write, spell, calculate, or recall information? 8. Did any of your friends have difficulties in school? What happened to them while they were in school? 9. Did you, a close relative, or any of your friends drop out of school? Why was this necessary? 10. How important do you think the role of language is in determining students' success in school? Give reasons for your answer. REFERENCES Adams, H . (1999). Tortured people: The politics of colonization (Rev. ed). Penticton, BC: Theytus Books. Alaska Native Knowledge Network. (1998). Alaska Standards for Culturally Responsive Schools [Online]. Available: http://www.uaf.alaska.edu/ankn American Indian Movement. (1972). Trail of broken treaties 20-point position paper: An Indian manifesto [On-line]. Available: http://www.aimovement.org American Indian Movement. (1998). A brief history of the American Indian Movement [On-line]. Available: http://www.aimovement.org Ausubel, D . P. (1966). Effects of cultural deprivation on learning patterns. In S. W . Webster (Ed.), The disadvantaged learner: Knowing, understanding, educating (pp. 251–257). San Francisco: Chandler. Avery, S., & Skinner, L. (1992). Extraordinary American Indians. Chicago: Children's Press. Banks, J. A. (1981). Multiethnic education: Theory and practice. Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Banks, J. A. (1991). Multicultural literacy and curriculum reform. Educational Horizons, 69(3), 135–140. Berkhofer, R. F. (1978). The White man's Indian: Images of the American Indian from Columbus to the present. New York: Random House. Bilingual Act of 1965, 20 U.S.C. § 7401 etseq. (U.S.C. 2000). Bordeaux, R. (1995). Assessmentfor American Indian and Alaska Native learners. ERIC Digest. Appalachia Educational Laboratory, Charleston, WV: ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools. (ERIC Document Reproduction Services N o . EDO-RC-6) Brescia, W . (1992). Funding and resources for American Indian and Alaska native education. In P. Cahape & C. B. Howley (Eds.), Indian Nations at risk: Listening to the people—Summaries of papers commissioned by the Indian Nations at Risk Task Force of the U.S. Department of Education (pp. 17–22). Appalachia Educational Laboratory, Charleston, WV: ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools. Brophy, J. (1983). Research on the self-fulfilling prophecy and teacher expectations. Journal of Educational Psychology, 75(5), 6 3 1 - 6 6 1 . Cahape, P. (1993). Blueprints for Indian Education: Research and development needs for the 1990's. ERIC Digest. Appalachia Educational Laboratory, Charleston, WV: ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service N o . EDO-RC-93-2) Cahape, P., & Howley, C. B. (Eds.) (1992). Indian Nations at risk: Listening to the people—Summaries of papers commissioned by the Indian Nations at Risk Task Force of the U.S. Department of Education. Appalachia Educational Laboratory, Charleston, WV: ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools.

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Callahan, R. E. (1962). Education and the cult of efficiency. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Civil Rights Act of 1964, 42 U.S.C. § 1901 et seq. (U.S.C. 2000). Deloria, V., Jr. (Ed.) (1974). Indian Education confronts the Seventies. Volume No. IV: Technicalproblems in Indian Education. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 113084) Dewey, J. (1902). The school and society. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Dewey, J. (1916). Education and democracy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Dugan, K. (1993). To live on this earth: Holistic education from the vantage of American Indian Education. Holistic Education Review, 6(1), 10-15. Dyson, M. (2000). I may not get there with you: The true Martin Luther King, Jr. New York: Free Press. Economic Opportunity Act of 1964, 42 U.S.C. § 2701 et seq. (U.S.C. 2000). Education for All Handicapped Children Act of 1975, 20 U.S.C. § 1400 et seq. (U.S.C. 2000). Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965, 20 U.S.C. § 6301 et seq. (U.S.C. 2000). Executive Order 13096 American Indian and Alaska Native Education [On-line] 63, Fed. Reg. 154 (1998). Available: http://www.ncbe.gwu./miscpubs/whitehouse/ec 13096.htm Federal Programs for Education and Related Activities. (1998). Digest of education statistics. Washington, DC: Author. Fenton, S. (1999). Ethnicity, racism, class and culture. New York: Rowan & Littlefield. Fox, S. J. (2000). Standards-based reform and American Indian/Alaska Native Education. Paper prepared for the National American Indian and Alaska Native Education Research Agenda Conference, Albuquerque, NM. Glover, K. D. (1999). Congress back then: The lost War on Poverty [On-line]. Available: http://www. intellectualcapital.com/issue316/item7104.asp Gollnick, D., & Chinn, P. C. (1990) Multicultural education in a pluralistic society (3rd ed.). Columbus, OH: Merrill. Gould, J. (1996). The mismeasure ofman (Rev. expanded ed.). New York: W.W. Norton. (Original work published 1981) Grant, C. A. & Sleeter, C. E. (1999). Making choices for multicultural education: Five approaches to race, class, and gender (3rd ed). New York: John Wiley & Sons. Hadaway, N. L., Florez, V., Larke, P. J., & Wiseman, D. (1993). Diversity and teaching. In M. J. O'Hair & S. O'Dell (Eds.), Teacher education yearbook I (pp. 60–70). Fort Worth, TX: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich. Henry, S. T., & Pepper, F. C. (1990). Cognitive, social, and cultural effects on Indian learning style: Classroom implications. Journal of Educational Issues ofLanguage Minority Students, 7 (Special issue). Hibbs, B. (2000). Indian reservations may some day run out of Indians. (Original work published 1957). In P. G. Beidler and M. F. Egge (Eds.), Native Americans in the Saturday Evening Post (pp. 50–57). Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press. Higher Education Act of 1965, 20 U.S.C. § 1001 et seq. (U.S.C. 2000). Hillabrant, W., Romano, M., & Stang. D. (1992). Native American education at a turning point: Current demographics and trends. In P. Cahape & C. B. Howley (Eds.), Indian Nations at risk: Listening to the people—Summaries of papers commissioned by the Indian Nations at Risk Task Force of the U.S. Department of Education (pp. 6–9). Appalachia Educational Laboratory, Charleston, WV: ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools. Indian Education Act of 1972, 20 U.S.C. § 3385 et seq. (U.S.C. 2000). Indian Nations at Risk Task Force. (1991, October). Indian Nations at Risk: An educational strategy for action (Final Report of the Indian Nations at Risk Task Force). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education. Indian Reorganization Act of 1934, 25 U.S.C. § 461 (U.S.C. 2000). Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act of 1975, 25 U.S.C. § 450f. (U.S.C. 2000). Ismat, A.-H. (1994). Culturally responsive curriculum. ERIC Digest. Appalachia Educational Laboratory, Charleston, WV: ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 370936) Iverson, P. (1993). Introductory essay. In P. Iverson (Ed.). From Trout Creek to Gravy High: The boarding school experience at Wind River [Brochure]. Shoshone Episcopal Mission's Warm Valley Historical Project, National Endowment for the Humanities' Division of General Programs. Dubois: Central Wyoming College Press.

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Johansen, B. E. (2000). Education: The nightmare and the dream. Native Peoples Magazine, 13(1), 10–20. Johnson, L. B. (1963). Presidential address [On-line]. Available: http://www2.whitehous.gov/ WH/glimpse/presidents/html/presidents.html Johnson-O'Malley Act of 1934, 25 U.S.C. § 452 et seq. (U.S.C. 2000) Jones, J. (1995). Back to the future with The Bell Curve: Jim Crow, Slavery, and G. In S. Fraser (Ed.), The bell curve wars: Race, intelligence, and thefuture of America (pp. 80–93). New York: BasicBooks. Josephy, A. (1991). The Indian heritage of America. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Kappler, C. J. (1904). Indian affairs: Laws and treaties–Vol. 2. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office. Kickingbird, K., & Charleston, G. M. (1991). Responsibilities and roles of governments and native people in the education of American Indians and Alaska natives. In P. Cahape & C. B. Howley (Eds.), Indian Nations at risk: Listening to the people—Summaries of papers commissioned by the Indian Nations at Risk Task Force ofthe U.S. Department of Education (pp. 10–15). Appalachia Educational Laboratory, Charleston, WV: ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools. Klug, B. J. (1996). Evaluation reportfor the Knight Scholars Program at Heritage College. Pocatello: Idaho State University. Klug, B. J. (1997). Evaluation reportfor the Knight Scholars Program at Heritage College. Pocatello: Idaho State University. Lomawaima, K. T. (1995). Educating Native Americans. In J. A. Banks (Ed.), Handbook ofresearch on multicultural education (pp. 331–347). New York: Simon & Schuster Macmillan. Macqueen, A. (2000). For generations of abuse. Native Peoples Magazine, 13(1), 20–30. Mankiller, W. (1991). Education and Native Americans: Entering the twenty-first century on our own terms. National Forum, 71(2), 5–9. Manpower Development and Training Act of 1962, 42 U.S.C. § 2591 et seq. (U.S.C. 2000). McClaren, P., & Muñoz, J. (2000). Contesting Whiteness: Critical perspectives on the struggle for social justice. In C. J. Ovando and P. McClaren (Eds.), The politics ofmulticulturalism and bilingual education: Students and teachers caught in the crossfire (pp. 22–49). Boston: McGraw-Hill Higher Education. McGillivray, A., & Comaskey, B. (2000). Black eyes all ofthe time: Intimate violence, aboriginal women, and thejustice system. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Meriam, L. (1977). The effects of boarding schools on Indian family life: 1928. In S. Unger (Ed.), Destruction of American Indian families. New York: The Association on American Indian Affairs. (Original work published 1928). Meek, A. (1998). America's teachers: Much to celebrate. Educational Leadership, 55(5), 12–16. Miller, R. (2000). Creating learning communities for cultural renewal: Elements ofa new educational vision [On-line]. Available: http://www.creatinglearningcommunities.org/book/overview/millerl.htm Nabovkov, P. (1978). Introduction to "The Treaty Trail." In P. Nabovkov (Ed.), Native American testimony: An anthology ofIndian and White relations,firstencounter to dispossession (pp. 147–152). New York: Thomas Y. Crowell. National Advisory Council on Indian Education (NACIE). (1987). Indian education: Focus on past, present and future—The 13th annual report to the Congress ofthe United States,fiscalyear 1986. Author. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 297901) National Commission on Excellence in Education. (1983). A Nation at Risk [On-line]. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Available: http://www.ed.gov/pubs/NatAtRisk NICHY [National Information Center for Children and Youth with Disabilities]. (1998). IDEA parent handbook [On-line]. Washington, DC: National Information Center for Children and Youth with Disabilities. Available: http://www.nichy.org ORBIS Associates. (1996). Comprehensive planning: Guidancefor educators of American Indian and Alaska Native students. Author. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. EDO-RC-96-3) Pavel, D. M. (1999). Schools, principals, and teachers serving American Indian and Alaska Native students. ERIC Digest. Appalachia Educational Laboratory, Charleston, WV: ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. EDO-RC-98-9) Pewewardy, C. D. (1994). Culturally responsible pedagogy in action: An American Indian magnet school. In E. R. Hollins, J. E. King, & W. C. Hayman (Eds.), Teaching diverse populations: Formulating a knowledge base (pp. 77–92). New York: State University of New York Press. Pulliam, J. D. (1987). History of Education in America (4th ed). Columbus, OH: Merrill.

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Schnaiberg, L. (1999, March 3). Tattered promises. Education Week, 18(25), 41–47. Skinner, L. (1992). Teaching through traditions: Incorporating Native languages and cultures into curricula. In P. Cahape & C. B. Howley (Eds.), Indian Nations at risk: Listening to the people— Summaries of papers commissioned by the Indian Nations at Risk Task Force ofthe U.S. Department of Education. Appalachia Educational Laboratory, Charleston, WV: ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools. Smith, A. D. (1981). The ethnic revival. New York: Cambridge University Press. Spring, J. (1994). Deculturalization and the struggle for equality: A brief history ofthe education of dominated cultures in the United States. New York: McGraw-Hill. Spring, J. (1998). American education (8th ed.). Boston: McGraw-Hill. Stahl, W. K. (1979). The U.S. and Native American education: A survey of federal legislation. Journal of American Indian Education, 18(3), 28–32. St. Germaine, R. D. (2000). A chance to go full circle: Building on reforms to create effective learning. Paper prepared for the National American Indian and Alaska Native Education Research Agenda Conference, Albuquerque, NM. Eau Clair, WI: University of Wisconsin. Strom, K. M. (1994–2000). WWW Virtual Library: American Indians—Index ofNative American resources on the Internet [On-line]. Available: http://www.hanksville.org/Naresources/indices/ Naschools.html Szasz, M. C. (1999). Education and the American Indian: The road to self-determination since 1928. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. Tafoya, T. (1989). Coyote's eyes: Native cognition styles [Special issue]. Journal of American Indian Education. Tribally Controlled Community College Assistance Act of 1978, 20 U.S.C. § 1801 et seq. (U.S.C. 2000). U.S. Office of Education. Handbook: Title IV, Public Law 92-318, Johnson-O'Malley, Public Law 874—Public Law 815, School Nutrition Programs, and Other Related Federal Education Laws. Author. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 164184) Vygotsky, L. S. (1978). Mind in society. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Vocational Education Act of 1963, 25 U.S.C. § 7 et seq. (U.S.C. 2000). Wadsworth, B. J. (1996). Piaget's theory ofcognitive and affective development: Foundations ofConstructivism (5th ed.). White Plains, NY: Longman. Yazzie, T. (2000). Holding a mirror to "eyes wide shut": The role of Native cultures and languages in the education of American Indian students. Paper prepared for the Executive Order 13096 National American Indian and Alaska Native Education Research Agenda Conference, Albuquerque, NM. Youth Employment and Demonstration Projects Act of 1977, 16 U.S.C. § 1701 et seq. (U.S.C. 2000).

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3 LEGACIES OF COLONIZATION

SEVERE CHANGES FOR AMERICAN INDIAN NATIONS

The First Day of School My friend Judéwin knew a few words of English and had overheard the woman talk about cutting our long hair. Our mothers had taught us that only warriors who were captured had their hair shingled by the enemy. Among our people short hair was worn by mourners, and shingled hair by cowards. I resisted by kicking and scratching wildly. I was carried downstairs and tied fast in a chair. I cried aloud, shaking my head until I felt the cold blades of the scissors and heard them gnaw off one of my thick braids. Then I lost my spirit. Since I had been taken from my mother, I had suffered extreme indignities. People had stared at me. I had been tossed in the air like a wooden puppet. And now my long hair was being shingled like a coward's. I moaned for my mother, but no one came to comfort me. For now I was only one of many little animals driven by a herder. —Zitkala-Sa, 1884. (Rappaport, 1997)1

D

uring the 19th century, Indian Nations found themselves constantly at risk as they lost their lands, were subject to removal to areas occupied traditionally by other Indian Nations, and were the targets of overzealous White expansionists who were determined to eliminate anyone in their quest to move west. As American Indian families found themselves confined to reservations, they also began to experience fears of losing their languages, oral traditions, and cultures. Added to this, the boarding school movement 54

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separated children from their families in the effort to Americanize them through assimilationist educational practices. Zitkala-Sa was a young girl of Yankton Sioux and European heritage whose English name was Gertrude Simmons (Rappaport, 1997). When she was approached to attend White's Manual Labor Institute in Wabash, Indiana, she was eager to go even though her mother was reluctant to send her. Later she attended Santee Normal Training School in Nebraska, Earlham College in Indiana, as well as the Boston Conservatory of Music. Later, she accepted a teaching position at Carlisle Indian School in Pennsylvania. Gertrude became one of the first of her Nation to receive a boarding school education. This gifted young woman mastered academic subjects and also became well known as a musician. Yet when she returned to her mother years later, she found it was hard for her to continue life on the reservation because she had lost her Indian ways. Gertrude went on to write many pieces, some of them very critical of the boarding schools and forced acculturation to Western ways of knowing. After marriage, Gertrude Simmons Bonnin became one of the founding members of the National Counsel of American Indians along with her husband, Captain Raymond Bonnin (Yankton), and was active in gaining rights of citizenship and the vote for American Indians. In addition, she is the only American Indian who has authored an American opera, Sun Dance, which focuses on real Indian life, values, and belief systems (Rappaport, 1997). Zitkala-iSa's experiences were not unique to her generation or to subsequent generations of Indian boarding school students. The negative impact of colonial practices to annihilate traditional Native practices were most evident in the schools. This legacy has had a negative impact on educational efforts that is felt even today. For the most part, educators are concerned about their students and want them to reach their full potentials. Recognizing the existence of factors that may militate against student success is difficult to do. However, recognizing the causes of factors influencing American Indian youth today can give voice to real dynamics working against teachers and students in schools. Until teachers have an understanding of the past as it really occurred, not as they were led to believe, it will be impossible to heal the rifts that create boundaries between teachers and American Indian students in our schools. The American Psychiatric Association's Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, fourth edition (1994), states that Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) occurs after exposure to life-threatening trauma that elicits strong emotions of fear, horror, and/or helplessness. Those who have been diagnosed with PTSD may experience a cluster of reactions, such as reexperiencing the emotions of the trauma, exhibiting physiological responses

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to stress such as hypervigilance or avoidance behavior, and having diminished impulse control. Depression many times accompanies PTSD (Deykin, 1999) as well as the use of alcohol and drugs. It is known now that combat trauma affects the actual chemistry of the brain (Shay, 1995). This new information has been applied to the field of child psychiatry and mental health. We now know that children who suffer from abusive situations have the same symptoms as combat veterans. For children, the resulting change in brain chemistry may alter permanently their abilities to achieve in academic settings, and to develop as healthy adults in terms of emotional and social personality dimensions (Perry, 1997). If schools are perceived as threatening environments by students, they may experience the fight-or-flight responses that lead to an inability to concentrate, stay on task, process verbal information, and participate in the classroom setting (Perry, 1997). The effects of severe maltreatment and/or victimization on future generations are referred to as Intergenerational Trauma. It is known that some of the effects of severe trauma, such as war or genocide, that are experienced by parents are also felt by children (Weinfeld & Weinfeld, 1989; Saathoff, 1998). If parents are using alcohol or other drugs to deal with PTSD, the children may feel the effects in terms of increased violence in the home or lack of attention. Patterns of unhealthy life-coping skills may result from the modeling of adults that children have witnessed as "normal." For 500 years, American Indian people have been treated in ways that would today be labeled as genocide. In effect, a continuous war has been waged against Native Americans through either actual warfare, indiscriminate killing on the part of those rushing to take Native lands, forced sterilization of Native women, or media and stereotyping that portrayed Indian people as being less worthy or deserving than those who came to colonize the continent (Mihesuah, 1996). For some Native Americans, PTSD and/or Intergenerational Trauma have been the result (Kawennano-Johnson, 1999; Duran & Duran, 1995). First, it is important for non-Indians to know more about the past history of colonization than has been presented in textbooks. For educators, reliance upon textbooks as a source of "truth" has been part of our tradition. Learning that the truth may be slanted toward one group or another for sociopolitical reasons is difficult to acknowledge, especially if the story was slanted in our favor. Second, while general information is needed about Native American cultures, we as teachers need to understand the history of Native peoples from the view of particular Nations with whom we are engaged. Native peo-

Legacies of Colonization

ples throughout the continent experienced colonization in different ways. In the East, many tribes were pushed out through contact with Europeans beginning with the arrival of the Pilgrims in the 1620s. In the West, the American Indian peoples of California had been engaged with Spanish forces and missionaries for much longer. Throughout the area known as the Louisiana Purchase, encounters with non-Indians began with those involved with the fur trade, followed by the Lewis and Clark expedition authorized under President Jefferson, after he purchased the land that had been claimed by France. The expansion of Europeans into the West in search of gold, silver, and "free" land led to the strong defense of Native lands by American Indian Nations. Subsequent attacks on Indian Nations were the response of the government in support of pioneers who believed in their God-given rights to American lands. Third, we need to understand the tactics used to justify actions taken by Europeans against Native Americans. Adams (1988) asserts that the education of American Indians was designed not only to "civilize" and "Christianize" Indians, but to make them understand that giving land concessions was part of the natural march of history. Jefferson and others felt that Whites could give the Indians civilization in the form of education as a fair exchange for their land concessions (Adams, 1988). This information is not given in order to induce a renewed sense of guilt for educators, but to create understandings of the effects of these tactics on Indian peoples themselves. Many people who immigrated to America did so in order to escape poverty and oppression in Europe. Most came to America voluntarily. Even those sent as convicts to this continent from England and France did not suffer the cruel indignities of forced servitude in the same degree as those from Africa, or the atrocities experienced by Native Americans as their lands were taken from them. Fourth, many Americans have viewed the results of the Civil Rights Movement as a weakening of the United States (Strotsky, 1999). Some Americans view acknowledging differences of the many cultures represented in this country as undermining its moral fiber. Great debates have been generated about the purposes of schooling and adherence to a set of common goals for America. For some, the movement toward equality is perceived as a cause of disuniting of America. These individuals perceive that holding onto traditions is an impediment to the progress that must take place to keep the country moving forward. In our naivete as teachers, we are taught to expect a certain set of behaviors from our pupils, their families, and members of the community in which we teach. Not knowing the events associated with colonization as

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experienced by Indigenous peoples makes educators pawns of the propaganda utilized to maintain positions of power for the dominant culture. In so doing, misinterpretations of behaviors and misunderstandings of Indian peoples are a natural consequence. In other words, we don't know what we don't know (Duran & Duran, 1995). In reservation border towns, one hears fears of Indians expressed, especially that the Indians might try to capture your children and keep them. On the reservations, Indian parents tell their children to be careful that they "do not get stolen by White people." Of the two statements, the latter is more correct. Indian children were sold into slavery by Europeans on all coasts (Wyatt, 1998; Berkhofer, 1978). Many times, missionaries used Indian children for slave labor. In the early days of French Indian slave trade, the Pawnees (located around Missouri) were pursued for capture due to their docile natures. The French believed they would take more easily to slavery. Pawnee slaves were sought by businessmen, millers, brewers, ship workers, and members of the aristocracy. Children born of French owners and Indian slaves were one source of development of the Métis (Indo-European) population. These children born of slaves were automatically considered property by the slave's owner(s). Unfortunately, the practice of owning Indian slaves was adopted even by members of the Catholic clergy in the territory occupied by France (Adams, 1999). The story of Zitkala Nuñi, Lost Bird of Wounded Knee, tells how General Leonard Colby of the U.S. Army took her as a baby from the arms of her dead mother on the battlefield. He then adopted her to be raised as his daughter (Flood, 1995). Zitkala Nuñi was his war trophy, a daughter he rarely saw or to whose welfare he rarely contributed. Indian children were taken from their homes to attend boarding schools with promises that they would be returned to their parents. Many children never returned. In fact, many children became ill and died in the boarding schools. Of those who did survive the boarding school experience, many were unable to either fully adjust to Native American life or completely assimilate into Euro-American culture (Rappaport, 1997). Some students were taken as wards of different missionaries who intended to Christianize them, never to see their birth families again (Pettipas, 1994; Josephy, 1991). Later in the 20th century, Indian children were placed in non-Indian homes by White social workers who did not understand Native traditions for raising children and viewed their Native homes as substandard (Blanchard, 1977; Flood, 1995). In addition, there were cases where Indian children were stolen from reservations to be used in adoptions throughout the United States (Brooks, 1999; Melanson, 1999).

Legacies of Colonization

European-American teachers represent the oppressors of American Indian peoples by nature of their skin coloring and affiliation with the dominant culture. Teachers carried out the official program of acculturating Native American children through the school systems (Spring, 1994). It was through the work of educational institutions that Native students' languages, religions, practices, dress, and belief systems were repressed. Many elders stopped speaking their languages at home so that their children and grandchildren would not encounter the same difficulties they had experienced in school (Klug, 1996). The process of educating children is a humanistic endeavor. Teachers must form relationships with their students to function together in communities for growth within classrooms. It is for these reasons that today's teachers need to be informed about the deliberate processes of attempting to wrest cultures and languages from Native peoples. Until non-Indian teachers develop sensitivities concerning the issues of the past, they cannot be effective in providing the tools necessary for Native students to move into the future. Healing is needed, and for that to take place, there must be understanding. Once there is understanding, we can take actions to correct the misconceptions promoted during colonization so that new understandings of Native peoples may supplant the inaccuracies of the past. Let Us Open Our Minds Let us open our minds To see what we can accomplish. Let us open our minds To see the challenges we face. Let us open our minds And put forth a better understanding of our people's sufferings. Let us open our minds And become the generation that was expected of us. Let us open our minds And put forth our knowledge to better understand this destruction. Let us open our minds And give to the older generation our utmost respect. Let us open our minds And show the world we are strong and are built on courage, respect, generosity, and wisdom. Let us open our minds And help stop the hate that's killing our leaders of the future. —Dana Sitting Up (2000)2

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Widening the Circle THE USE OF RHETORIC AS A TOOL FOR OPPRESSION: AMERICAN INDIAN COMMUNITIES AT THE TIME OF CONQUEST

Estimates of the number of original inhabitants of the Americas vary from as low as 9 million to as high as 100 million (Wax, 1971; Stiffarm & Lane, 1992). By reporting low numbers of aboriginal inhabitants, the real facts concerning the conquering of the New World could be overlooked. Instead, the idea that the Americas were largely unpopulated with vast areas of available land laid a basis for justifying the invasion of the land by those from European countries. As opposed to the common mythology of groups of people existing as Stone Age hunters and gatherers, many Native populations were centered in large cities with vast agricultural systems to support them (Stiffarm & Lane, 1992). Many misunderstandings and misconceptions regarding American Indian peoples have been promulgated since Columbus reached the shores of the Caribbean (Velie, 1994). However, as noted by Berkhofer (1978), the stereotype of the Indian as belonging to a group of people with identical values, lifestyles, and habits was a "White invention and still remains largely a White image" (p. 5), which does not coincide with how Native Americans viewed themselves. Although Native Americans were not united as a continental people, the Spanish classified all Indigenous peoples as "Indios." American Indians viewed themselves as belonging to separate tribal and cultural groups, just as members of the English, French, Spanish, German, and other European nations believed themselves to be separate ethnic groups of people. JUSTIFICATIONS FOR CONQUEST

When Columbus returned to Europe, he wrote about the Native people he encountered. His reports were printed and distributed widely throughout the European continent. While initially these reports viewed American Indians in a generally favorable light, noting the friendliness of these people and their hospitality to their foreign visitors, the reports also emphasized the behaviors of Native peoples that were in contrast to Christian beliefs of the times. Nakedness was considered ungodly, as was not being formally married to a member of the opposite sex by a Christian religious ceremony. The Native peoples also had religious ceremonies that were interpreted by their visitors as worshipping "false gods" (Pettipas, 1994; Berkhofer, 1978). In other words, many of their customs and activities were in violation of the Ten Commandments as handed down to Moses on Mount Sinai according to the Judeo-Christian traditions recorded in the Old Testament of the Bible. In Europe, the only "true" church at the time was the Roman Catholic Church (the Church of England and the Lutheran Church were founded

Legacies of Colonization

during the 16th century, but followed many of the same beliefs and teachings as the Catholic Church). Therefore, the attitudes promoted by the church were the only ones considered to be acceptable. This JudeoChristian view of the world and morality had a profound effect upon the manner of Europeans toward Native peoples. It provided justification for taking of lands and treasure to be utilized for the "glory of God" by the church, not to mention the enrichment of the "explorers" and their minions who returned to pillage and wreak havoc upon the people of the Americas. Rationalization of this behavior can be traced to conquests carried out earlier in history by the Romans upon the various European and English, Welsh, Scottish, and Irish populations. In the process of conquering lands for the Roman Empire, native European peoples were forced to give up their own religions and follow Catholicism. Therefore, the precedent had already been set for absolute domination over another group of people by events in the history of European peoples. Similarly, the Roman conquest of Egypt and other lands set the stage for tribute to be collected for the coffers of the Roman government. It was common practice by the victorious forces to exploit a conquered people and reduce them to a status of mere servitude. In fact, it is well documented that the Messiah who was awaited for by the Jewish nation was not thought to be a spiritual leader, but a military one who would lead them out of their subjugation under the Roman Empire. It is against this background that Columbus returned to the Americas in 1493 with a fleet of 17 ships. Columbus claimed the land for Spain, installed himself as viceroy and governor, and began to perpetrate atrocities upon Native peoples. These abominations led to the beginning of genocide carried out over a vast amount of territory and by several different governments and the citizens of those governments (Churchill, 1994). People in the Americas had not been faced previously with a similar foe. Warfare between neighboring peoples was not uncommon; however, the atrocities carried out by the Spanish conquerors reduced the populations of all Indians in the region. The Caribbean Taino Indians alone had a population estimated at 8 million in 1493. They were reduced to about 3 million by 1496. By 1514, the population had been reduced to 22,000; in 1542, the population was recorded at 200. The Taino people and others in the region then became extinct (Churchill, 1994). The genocide against aboriginal peoples continued following contact with other Europeans from the colonizing nations of Spain, France, Holland, and England. The practices utilized for such population decimations ranged from outright attacks on Indian villages to hangings, burnings at the stake,

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cutting off limbs and leaving people to die, and the use of biological warfare in the form of giving Indian people blankets and other articles contaminated with smallpox (Stiffarm & Lane, 1992; Churchill, 1994; Shenkman, 1988). Starvation ensued as food supplies were destroyed by invading forces (Verrill, 1954). Most notably, Hernando de Soto brought devastation to the Native peoples of North America in 1540. He had been promised land from the Spanish government if he colonized North America. De Soto brought "foreign diseases, horses, whips, swords, and vicious dogs to America; he took women, food and slaves as he went. [The image of the devil as a red man with a spear was created from De Soto's experiences.]" (Sheppard, 1997, p. 2). 3 Another form of genocide came with the BIA's program of highly recommended and sometimes forced sterilization of Indian women in the 1970s, which continues in the rest of the hemisphere today (Johanson, 2000; Churchill, 1994). Estimates are that more than 100 million aboriginal American people were killed throughout the years of colonization (Churchill, 1994). The practices utilized by Native Americans fighting for their lands in the face of European conquest many times were unknown before the coming of Europeans, such as scalping (learned from the Dutch) and burning someone at the stake (punishment for heresy against the church and/or the practice of witchcraft). These practices began after Native peoples were killed in this way (Verrill, 1954). In order for Europeans to carry out such cruelties, they had to view Native peoples as the "other," as people who were less than human. Therefore, it would not be a "sin" to kill or rape any peoples who were "heathens" and "savages," or to raze and pillage their villages (Verrill, 1954; Berkhofer, 1978; Stiffarm & Lane, 1992). By dehumanizing Native peoples, the conquistadors and those from other countries who followed them could commit these acts without having to worry about guilty consciences. ADVANCING PROPAGANDA ABOUT NATIVE PEOPLES

Stereotyping Native Americans. Propaganda about Native peoples can be traced not only to Columbus's accounts, but also to those of Amerigo Vespucci. Thanks to the technology of the printing press, these negative characterizations of Native peoples were distributed throughout the European continent. Vespucci portrayed Indian peoples as depraved, devoid of Christian morals, and living in a state of idolatry to false gods (Berkhofer, 1978). These widespread accounts resulted in the "righteous" actions taken against Native Americans, which were not challenged by European peoples. After all, it was their duty to save these Indians from themselves. No one discussed the resultant stealing of property and wealth. All of this was done

Legacies of Colonization

in the name of God and the Spanish king, followed later by other European conquests for God and crown. Much of what we know about the invasion of the Americas comes from a European perspective: Because the conquest was for country and to bring salvation to the Indians, it was considered morally correct. While church and government coffers were enriched, the idea that the Native populations were being irrevocably harmed was not entertained. Later, with the arrival of the Puritans, another more insidious rationalization for invading the Americas occurred. The Puritans believed that they were the people of the new Zion, which was to be founded in America. One of their beliefs was that they were God's chosen in a battle of good against evil, God against the devil. As such, it was their duty to fight any evil present in their environs. While initially friendly with the Indians, as the Puritans seized more land and the Indians determined the Europeans were not going away, tensions between the two groups mounted. Justification for taking Indian lands by the Puritans was in the form of good over evil, because they believed Indian peoples were engaged in devil worship and therefore had to be destroyed (Berkhofer, 1978). Today, the negative propaganda about American Indians has passed down through the generations despite all the evidence to the contrary. Different groups of Indigenous peoples participated in different types of spiritual rituals, had sophisticated forms of governments, lived sedentary lifestyles as well as hunting-gathering styles, traded with each other throughout the continent, and had developed intricate art forms. Some Indigenous groups such as the Hopi lived in large "cities"; while others, such as the Shoshones, lived in small bands. Housing was also adapted to the materials available for use and the type of lifestyles followed in various tribal Nations. In classifying all Native Americans as "Indian," non-Indians generalized from one group of Indigenous peoples to another and thought of Indians in terms of the "depraved" characteristics listed above (Berkhofer, 1978). It was because of the negative stereotypes of Native peoples that colonization could continue into the areas west of the Mississippi and into the Pacific Northwest (Ronda, 1999). As stated by Leonard (1999), "White" Americans looked westward to sate their hunger for land. West of the new republic, however, lay territories occupied by American Indians and Mexicans. Drawing upon their developing ideas about "race", which dehumanized Indians and racially mixed Mexicans, many European Americans imagined the West as an uninhabited "virgin land" waiting to be cultivated and civilized by industrious "white" people. Succeeding myths continued to

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Widening the Circle place little value on the lives of American Indians, Latin Americans, African Americans, and Asian immigrants, (p. 89)4 The Role of Media in Spreading Propaganda. This type of cant continued throughout history up to the Civil Rights era of the 1960s and 1970s. While not as overt, racial biases and prejudices are still repeated today through family lore. School textbooks continued to racially stereotype American Indians. Larry Echohawk, a well-known political leader in the West, described how it felt for him to grow up reading the words "Indian savages" in his textbooks as a child. His older sister had been sent home from school because she was the "wrong color." These types of experiences leave lasting effects on children (Echohawk, 1993). Through the media, negative images were extended (Cohen, 1998). The film industry produced many Western movies that took the image of the "degenerate" Indian around the world. Generations of children grew up playing cowboys and Indians, and the cowboys always won. These same films are seen today on old-movie channels on cable television. We often hear stories told by American Indians of playing cowboys and Indians, with the children fighting over who got to be the cowboys and who had to be the Indians. During the Revolutionary War period, another stereotype of American Indians developed that influences us today. This is the stereotype of the "noble savage" (Berkhofer, 1978). Because of war against the British, there was a need to create a new literature and art form that was "American" as opposed to English or European. Euro-Americans seized on the romantic image of the disappearing race of Indians as a natural theme for the newly colonized country. This theme made movements from "primitive" societies to industrialization seem to be a natural progression. The Indian belonged to a time that could no longer exist if society were to make progress. The dying red race was depicted in literature and in art. James Fennimore Cooper's The Last of the Mohicans exemplified this theme (Berner, 1995). The science of anthropology was in its infancy; however, ethnographers hurried to record tribal life and practices before they disappeared. So, too, did photographers and artists, such as Curtis and Caitlin, rush to record life on the plains and in the Northwest before red men disappeared forever. The motivation for making such records was Native extinction in the path of progress. A positive benefit of these activities is the existence of records made by anthropologists and photographers providing us with accounts of what life was like for Native peoples during the latter part of the 19th century. However, our knowledge from records can never be truly complete because Native societies had already been impacted by contact with Europeans (Berkhofer, 1978).

Legacies of Colonization

In literature, captivity narratives became very popular. Accounts of living in captivity with Indian tribes captured the attention of the national imagination. Overall, these narratives depicted life in captivity as depraved and without the common ethical considerations of European society. Captives were portrayed as used and abused, making the narratives all the more sensational (Berkhofer, 1978). LOSS OF NATIVE LANDS, LANGUAGES, AND CULTURAL PRACTICES In the eastern part of the United States, many tribes were pushed out into other lands due to European encroachment. The numbers of American Indian peoples declined due to war, starvation, and exposure to new diseases to which they had no natural resistance. Remnants of some tribes joined with other tribes in order to survive. The practice of moving Indian tribes west of the Mississippi seemed to Jefferson to be a solution to the "Indian problem." It is ironic that the same president who chartered the Lewis and Clark expedition and had peace medals given to the Native peoples encountered by this group would also conceive such a plan. However, the political pressures exerted on President Jefferson for more land and opportunities for European settlement were great. Border conflicts between Whites and Native Americans had not abated, and if anything, the acquisition of the Louisiana Purchase must have been seen as providential for Jefferson. For American Indians, the move to reservations was accomplished with severe loss of life, dignity, and respect. The army, under the Department of War, was charged with the large-scale removals of Indian Nations from their lands. People were taken to reservation sites mostly on foot, many in chains, traveling through all kinds of weather, with little provisions, and by force. Those who became too ill to travel were left behind. Death was not uncommon on these marches. The stories of the marches have been handed down in tribal communities through oral tradition. Some Nations, such as the Cherokee, reenact the story of the "Trail of Tears" every year in Tahlequah, Oklahoma. Other stories have been recorded in literature, such as accounts by elders of the Navajo removal (Navajo Community College Press, 1973). Creation of Reservation Systems. Initially, the reservation systems were administered by the Department of War. Soldiers were in charge of making sure that Native peoples did not leave the prescribed areas. Stories are told of people being shot by soldiers if they attempted to leave the compounds in search of food to supplement their meager diets. "Many American Indian women would prostitute themselves to soldiers in order to get rations to feed their families" (I. Hill, personal communication, 2002). In many cases,

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people starved to death due to lack of provisions. The reservation systems represented ultimate corruption as some of the superintendents diverted funds earmarked for the care of Native Americans to their own coffers. As Native people could not make their own cloth or use other materials, they had to rely on government issues for materials. The quality of the textiles distributed was often poor and thin, providing little in the way of protection for the wearers (Rappaport, 1997). Cultural practices were banished on reservations as a preventative measure against Indian uprisings. The defeat of Native peoples needed to be not only in body, but also in soul. Missionaries assigned to reservation systems were limited in what they could do to assist people with their worldly needs. At Fort Simcoe on the Yakama Nation reservation, there is a "hanging tree." The people of the Yakama Nation relate stories about Native people who were hanged for any perceived offense by the soldiers there. The accusations did not have to be proven; there was no such thing as a trial before a hanging. Many times the perceived offenses were small, such as taking something that belonged to the fort. In Yakama culture, property was held in common. If someone needed an implement, they took what was needed and someone else took the same thing when they needed it. However, in Western culture, taking something without asking permission was considered "stealing," and therefore punishable (Klug, 1997). The conditions on reservations ensured that Native peoples would be living in poverty. Since parents were in effect wards of the federal government, their offspring were considered wards, too. Therefore the government, first the War Department and later the BIA, could determine policies regarding education and the land base allotted to families. Parental power to make decisions for the family was diminished in this system that required approval of decisions by those outside the family units. In later years, children many times were sent to boarding schools without parental permission. Stories abound of children being rounded up by people to take them off to boarding schools (Coolidge, 1930/1977). Other stories tell of children being hidden by parents and grandparents so that they would not be taken away. In the early years of boarding schools, children could be absent from their homes for many years (Rappaport, 1997). In an effort to assimilate Indian peoples into mainstream America, boarding schools forbade speaking of tribal languages. The schools were seen as the way to make sure that Indian youth were acculturated into the new society (Rappaport, 1997). Going to school also meant dressing in Western clothing and cutting children's hair. Children were punished for

Legacies of Colonization

breaking rules by ridicule or whippings. Being locked in a dark room with only a bucket for a toilet and only bread and water for nourishment was a common punishment for runaways. The demise of traditional language use disempowered Native peoples. Communication between elders and younger generations became disrupted. Cultural practices are most often tied to languages, so being able to retain Native languages has been a key challenge for traditional peoples. Traditional roles for men and women changed as daily living could not proceed in the way it had in pre-Columbian times. In many instances, traditional arts and crafts were not practiced by the turn of the century and into the early decades of the 20th century. "Becoming White" was a costly process (Meriam, 1928/1977; Byler, 1930/1977). Ongoing struggles for control over resources continued throughout the latter part of the 19th and through the 20th centuries. Debio (1964) documented the havoc wreaked by non-Natives among Native peoples in Oklahoma when oil was discovered there. In other areas, such as the Northwest, mineral production was the impetus for increased demands for Indian lands. The struggle for assets continues today between groups of non-Indians and Indian Nations for resources in Indian Country (Fixico, 1998). These patterns have been replicated by the U.S. government and its bureaucracies. In a study of all tribal lands that have been taken for various purposes, Kickingbird and Ducheneaux (1973) reported government bureaucracies had seized 100 million acres over the years in spite of the treaty negotiations with the tribal Nations involved. American Indians living on reservations tell stories today of how they are still not allowed to control their own lands, including the rights to lease them out for farming, grazing, or mining. The federal government has control over the leases, and it determines how much Native peoples receive for use of their lands. Until recently, Native peoples would receive checks for $2.00 (total) for lease of their 160-acre allotments for farming in the West. Some American Indians have been able to request a fairer price in the last couple of years by going through a procedure set up by the government. However, many people still feel intimidated by government officials, do not possess high literacy skills, and feel their requests will not be honored, so they decline to even make a request (E. Halliday, personal communications, 2001–2002). Neka Smythe tells about the gift of land her father wanted to bestow on her when she married in the 1960s. She and her new husband both owned cattle, and they wanted to establish a land base so they would be able to increase their herd. At that time, Native Americans were unable to get bank loans because the government held their collateral. The BIA refused to allow

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Neka's father to give her the land, telling him that they handled all land affairs because Indians were considered incompetent. All felt disenfranchised by their treatment under the BIA. Years later, her father sold the land for a song, still not able to set his own land prices (N. Smythe, personal communication, 2002). Formal Christian Religion for Native Americans. As part of the government plan to establish dominion over Native peoples, the hearts of their cultures were attacked: their religions. Native American spirituality dictated what all Indian people did was to be in relation to living in a proper way. Their artistic expressions were tied to their religious ceremonies, as well as activities of daily living such as hunting, gathering, and farming. Warfare, and proving oneself as a worthy provider through warfare activity, was also tied to religious ceremonies. In other words, whatever Native peoples did was accompanied by recognition of supernatural powers and other forces of nature, and prayers to them for success and protection. According to Deloria (1992), after Native Americans had lost their strength and traditional lands, the government and religious organizations joined together to Christianize the Indians. Despite separation of church and state as mandated in the Constitution, Christianity was made the official religion of Indian reservations. Tribal religions, which had been practiced for generations upon generations, were banned. In 1870, President Grant handed out reservation areas of the country to different religious groups. Thus some tribes became Lutheran, others Episcopalian, and others Catholic or Presbyterian. It was not until 1934 that some restoration of religious freedom took place for tribal Nations as different government measures were repealed. After a case involving a person practicing his native religion came before the Supreme Court in 1993, Congress passed the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (Deloria, 1992). THE MERIAM REPORT: BEGINNINGS OF CHANGE

With the issuance of the Meriam Report in 1928, it was obvious that major rethinking about policies regarding Native Americans was necessary. American Indians had not "vanished" as had been predicted. Large numbers of Native Americans were, though, living in terrible conditions with little hope for the future. At this time, the establishment of day schools for children was proposed. In addition, there was a call for the renewal of traditional arts and crafts within tribal Nations. Meriam (1928/1977) observed that those tribes who had managed to retain some of their cultural heritages were better off in every way than those tribes who had not. Non-Natives were surprised to find elders who could still practice their arts and craft forms, and who were willing to pass these traditions on to younger members of their tribal Nations.

Legacies of Colonization

The policies of assimilation did not result in better conditions for the majority of American Indians, especially those who had remained on the reservations. While some individuals had "married out" or gone to work away from the reservations, this was not the case for the majority of the Native populations. Those returning from Native boarding schools found disequilibria at home resulting from the clash of two distinct cultures (Meriam, 1928/1977; Rappaport, 1997). Many times, those returning home had difficulty relating to members of their tribes, and they had lost their abilities to communicate effectively with tribal elders due to the anti-Indian policies in the boarding schools (Meriam, 1928/1977). Unger (1928/1977) quotes from the 1928 Meriam report: . . . on the whole, government practices may be said to have operated against the development of wholesome family life. Chief of these is the long continued policy of educating the children in boarding schools far from their homes, taking them from their parents when small and keeping them away until parents and children become strangers to each other. The theory was once held that the problems of the race could be solved by educating the children, not to return to the reservation, but to be absorbed one by one into the white populations. The plan involved the permanent breaking of family ties, but provided for the children a substitute for their own families by placing them in good homes of whites for vacations and sometimes longer, the so-called "outing system." The plan failed, partly because it was weak on the vocational side, but largely by reason of its artificiality. Nevertheless, this worst of its features still persists, and many children today have not seen their parents or brothers and sisters in years. A Hopi boy describing his home says: 'We used to have lots of fun when we were little fellows. Of course, we sometimes got into a fight, but since then I have never seen my sisters for seven years, they are both away from home like me, so I hope we will all see each other some day.' (Meriam, 1928/1977, p. 19)5 Meriam addressed the lack of opportunity for children to experience affection within a family unit, and how this impeded their development of healthy relationships as adults. The activities promoting forced removal of children from their Native families were brought into the open. Coolidge gave testimony in 1930 about "kid catching" on the Navajo reservation (Coolidge, 1930/1977). Stockmen would catch the children, "often rope them like cattle," and bring them into town for transfer to a boarding school. Because of epidemics of influenza or other diseases, many times children would die while they were at boarding school, and parents would not have an opportunity to see or even bury them. Coolidge tells of one

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older Indian gentleman who had 10 children. All but one of the first 8 of these children died in boarding school. Because the children were given White names by school officials, many times parents could not track them down, as in the case of the man's other child. She had been given a Christian name, the boarding school had lost track of her, and he could not even locate her. When officials came to take his last 2 children, he and his wife were extremely distraught, feeling that in all probability they would never see these children again either. A darker side of life in the boarding schools concerns physical, emotional, and sexual abuses that were experienced by many of the Indian students (Deloria, 1991). These experiences then became perpetuated when former boarding school residents had their own children. Traditional ways of parenting had not been experienced by these individuals, as they had been raised in military fashion in the boarding schools. Therefore, parents may have been more lenient than was historically acceptable because there were no memories for reference points except the boarding school styles, which were unacceptable. Traditional male and female roles as defined by each tribal Nation were not honored. Nor did these individuals experience the security felt by children associated with large extended families. McGillivray and Comaskey (2000) refer to this type of violence as "spirit murder" or "spiritual abuse" of American Indian peoples. The Meriam Report (1928) called for abolition of assimilationist policies within educational systems. This was done in an effort to assist tribal peoples in restoring their honor and dignity as members of distinct cultural groups within the United States. In the meantime, extreme damage to family units resulted from these practices (Red Bird & Melendy, 1930/1977). Due to disenfranchisement of Native peoples and the efforts to eliminate their cultural practices and replace them with European ones, an attitude of despair permeated reservations. BOARDING SCHOOLS POST-MERIAM REPORT

Following the Meriam Report, policies were changed in many boarding schools. While the goals remained the same, to assimilate American Indians, teach them English, and develop citizenship and loyalty to the United States, children were allowed to return home during the summers and in this way were able to develop closer family and community ties. Shoshone-Bannock tribal members have stated that parents who put their children in boarding schools rather than in day schools at this time did so in order to give them a better chance for economic security. Children did not question the wisdom of their elders. The elders were confined to reservations, unable to hunt and fish in traditional ways, and unable to reach

Legacies of Colonization

their sacred places to attend to their spiritual needs. They were trying to make the best judgments for their children's welfare (E. Halliday, personal communication, 2000). A member of the Yakama Nation confided that for her, boarding school in the 1960s and 1970s offered the guarantee of three meals a day and relief from taking care of the needs of a large family. This person also developed many friendships with other students that she still maintains today (Klug, 1997). Jonathan Steptoe, former principal of one of the boarding schools that was eliminated in the 1980s, explained that life at boarding school offered a better option for students attending them at that time. Many of these students were living in dysfunctional settings, and they were able to have more enhanced opportunities at boarding schools than if they had attended day schools in their own communities (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000). REMOVAL OF CHILDREN FROM THEIR NATAL FAMILIES: HEALTH AND WELFARE SYSTEMS

An area rarely discussed is the removal of children from their homes and tribal communities by social workers. Following the establishment of community day schools, social workers found themselves working with Native families who had children at home. Social workers were not trained to be aware of cultural differences in child rearing practices, and therefore Euro-American standards for child rearing were used as the criteria against which parenting practices were measured. The nuclear family was considered the essential unit for raising children at this time in the United States, as opposed to the extended-family practices of earlier time periods. This definition of families as consisting of mother, father, and children may have resulted from the immigration experiences of Europeans. As immigrants left their own countries to emigrate to America, they often left the extended family behind. This practice continued as pioneers moved westward, again most often traveling without extended families and settling into areas far away from home. Most of these people would never see their natal families again. Because most social workers of non-Native origin did not challenge their own presuppositions about how children should be raised, they made judgments about the adequacy of Native homes built on their own prejudices. Social workers would routinely remove children from "unfit" homes and place them in foster care or up for adoption in Euro-American families (Flood, 1975). As these Euro-Americans were not members of the children's natal communities, they were unfamiliar with traditional child rearing

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approaches and could not raise these children in a way that would reflect the traditions of their Nations (Attneave, 1977). Consequently, many of these children felt alienated from their own people, as will be described later in a quote from an adoptee. The extended family is important in Native American traditional families. In the Shoshoni language, for instance, there are words for "aunt" and "uncle"; however, they may not be used. The sisters of the child's mother were all called "mother," and the brothers of the father were all called "father." Cousins were called "brothers" and "sisters" with no distinction among immediate family members (D. Pallaton, personal communication, 1993). Therefore, members of the extended family interacted together for the care of the children. Grandparents were involved with children, and they were the ones who taught the traditions to the children (Klug, 2000). These persons had reached the "age of wisdom," which allowed them to be respected for the knowledge they had accumulated throughout their lifetimes, as well as for their information accumulated through oral histories. Discipline in the Shoshone-Bannock home is carried out by a relative, usually an uncle, as opposed to the mother or father. In the early days, the tribes had a "whipping man" who took care of the discipline, but as time and culture changed, the discipline was taken over by anyone in the extended families (N. Smythe, personal communication, 2002). The reason for this was, and is today, to safeguard the bonds between children and parents, and not let them be weakened through parentally administered punishment. In this way, the child is disciplined, but not at the expense of fear about losing his or her parents' affection (D. Pallaton, personal communication, 1993). This practice is followed in other Native American communities. Byler (1977) elaborates on the importance of the family and the consequences of removal of children from their Native homes in the following: Because the family is the most fundamental economic, educational, and health-care unit in society and the center of an individual's emotional life, assaults on Indian families help cause the conditions that characterize those cultures of poverty where large numbers of people feel hopeless, powerless, and unworthy. Parents who fear they may lose their children may have their selfconfidence so undermined that their ability to function successfully as parents is impaired, with the result that they lose their children. When the welfare department removes the children, it also removes much of the parents' incentive to struggle against the conditions under which they live.

Legacies of Colonization

Children separated from their parents may suffer such severe distress that it interferes with their physical, mental, and social growth and development, (p. 8)6

A MOVE BACKWARD? MIGRATION OF TRIBAL MEMBERS OFF RESERVATIONS FOLLOWING WORLD WAR II

Reservations are typically located in areas that were deemed unsuitable for occupation by other groups of people. Some American Indian veterans returning from service to their country after World War II pressed the government for the right to locate in urban areas in the hope of creating a better life with more opportunities than were available on their reservations. Others were forced to relocate as another way to promote assimilation through an "executive policy" at the BIA. Many were left without support systems in the cities such as they had with relatives on the reservations (Wax, 1971). For some American Indians, the move to urban centers seemed to provide the opportunities anticipated. Others experienced poverty, poor health, unemployment, and lack of opportunities as they made the move to the cities. Movement back and forth between cities and reservations became a constant in the lives of some families as the struggle for opportunity became juxtaposed with the need for belonging to their own cultural groups. As explained by Murray Wax (1971), those persons who had "made it" financially and were at the upper end of socioeconomic levels did not associate with American Indians who were in the lower levels. In fact, many of them denied their Indian ancestry because of the rampant discrimination against all people of color at the time. In some areas, signs were posted specifically to keep Indians out of established businesses and gathering places. Those who had Indian ancestry many times disassociated with their peoples unless there was benefit to be gained, for instance, in heirship cases. These people considered their kin to be backward and less progressive, and therefore inferior. In the case of those Indigenous peoples who did not find economic success, they were faced with lives of . . . poverty, disease, personal disorganization, and encounters with police and courts. They [were] usually residentially unstable, therefore hard to locate and enumerate. Often they were strangers to the urban environment and unused to its institutions, but even when familiar with the city they [likely experienced] discrimination and derogation which [led] them to withdraw from the use of service institutions. (Wax, 1971, p. 158)7

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During the 1950s some BIA funds shifted to staff offices for the urban relocation programs (Frazier, 1993). No real attention was given to difficulties faced by urban Indians until the 1960s. When the Relocation Program of the BIA was stopped, a void was created in the social service support system for urban Indians that was likened to "pulling the rug out from under them": [Native Americans] found themselves in [strange environments] with no financial support, no training, no job, no housing and no help from the general population's social service delivery systems.... [There was] a belief by the traditional [W]hite social worker that the Indians would be taken care of by the Bureau of Indian Affairs and therefore did not need the assistance of the general delivery system. Unfortunately for many off-reservation [Native Americans], this attitude and policy exists even in the 1990's, but it was especially prevalent in the early 1960's. (Frazier, 1993, p. 45)8 When funding did come later into urban centers from the Office of Economic Opportunity, many opportunistic individuals and agencies took advantage of the federal funds and did not appropriate them in the best interests of Native communities. The Office of Native American Programs and subsequent Administration for Native American Programs (ANA) did little to unite Indian communities. These offices actively encouraged dissension among various urban Indian groups as a way to keep the most malleable American Indians in power (Frazier, 1993). In 1977, the National Urban Indian Council incorporated to present a unified urban Indian voice and to ensure rights of off-reservation Indians. The council showed that the ANA was grossly mismanaged and called for corrective action. The census of 1980 showed almost the same number of off-reservation Native Americans as on-reservation; the total for all was slightly over 1,400,000 (Frazier, 1993). By some estimates, there are now more American Indians living in urban areas than on reservations, and future population projections suggest continuation in this vein (Gonzales, 2001). ARTIFACT COLLECTIONS BY UNIVERSITIES AND MUSEUMS

The focus on "race" in the 19th century resulted from Europeans viewing themselves as distinct from other groups of people. In an effort to define characteristics of members of other groups, artifacts representing their cultural practices were collected. Physical comparisons of members of cultural groups served to provide"proof"of differences among them. Many artifacts were recovered from archaeological digs at sites of known places of residence for various groups of people throughout the world. The sites yielding the richest treasures were often burial places.

Legacies of Colonization

Our modern conceptualization of ethnic groups as actively created social and cultural entities arose from work of Franz Boas and his followers. They disproved the notion that race determined cultures (Berkhofer, 1978). Scientific study of artifacts allowed early anthropologists and ethnographers to examine aboriginal groups in a different way from that done earlier to account for their similarities and differences. For archaeologists in America, it was easy to explore sites of ancient dwelling places. These included burial mounds in several states, such as in Ohio. Other sites included pueblos that had been abandoned by earlier groups of people in the Southwest. Regions occupied in the East by aboriginals were explored for the wealth of artifacts believed to be hidden in the earth. Archaeologists collected evidence of early life in America by removing artifacts from Native American graves. In addition to collecting pottery shards, remnants of decorative articles, and charred remnants of "feasts," the bones of early aboriginal peoples were collected for study by universities and museums. The removal of bones and artifacts from ancestral burial places was disconcerting for Native peoples. A famous example of treating Indian peoples as specimens for study rather than as human beings can be found in the case of Ishi, the last member of the Yahi Nation. University of California anthropologist Alfred Kroeber had befriended Ishi after he was found in northern California in 1911. All other members of his Nation had died either as a result of disease or had been killed by miners during the California Gold Rush. Ishi was displayed as a living exhibit— in a museum, where, until 1916, he showed visitors how ancient skills were practiced ("Last of Yahi People Returns Home," 2000). University of California scientists cut out Ishi's brain for study after he died, even though he had asked not to be autopsied after his death. Kroeber, the anthropologist who had befriended Ishi, was absent from the university when this was done. The conceptualization of groups of people as belonging to different "stocks" was begun in the early 19th century. Conceptualization of a science of "race" with definite characteristics for different ethnic groups was then born. This science depended upon the comparison of physical features to separate one group from another. Craniology, or measurement of the dimensions of the skull and weight of the brain, was a part of the argument used for racial superiority of some ethnic groups over others (Berkhofer, 1978). The treatment of Ishi's remains after his death is an illustration of the practice of the "science" of race. In addition to museums who wanted access to materials buried with Native people, there are people who buy land with the intention of opening graves for artifact removal. Mihesuah (1996) relates that many of these

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people resort to the use of backhoes to desecrate large amounts of property thought to have Indian burial grounds. They hope to get rich by selling these materials to collectors in the United States and other countries. In 1990, Congress passed the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA). Museums and universities were ordered to return the remains of Native Americans and cultural artifacts to their peoples of origin. Some academic institutions have been reluctant to comply with the orders to return their collections (Burt, 1999). It is estimated that up to 200,000 remains are in collections, of which only about 10% have been accounted for in the year 2000 (Paulsen, 2000). POSTTRAUMATIC STRESS DISORDER AND INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA: RESULTS OF COLONIZATION AND PRACTICES AGAINST AMERICAN INDIANS

In 1971, 34,538 children were enrolled in boarding schools or dormitory programs. In states with large Indian populations, approximately 25–35% of the Indian youth population had been placed in foster care, many of those children never to be part of their natal communities again. "Poverty, poor housing, lack of modern plumbing, and overcrowding" were cited as the reasons most social workers wanted to place children out of their homes (Byler, 1977, p. 3). This lack of control over the lives of their children had a devastating effect on Native communities. Children are seen as a vital link of the past with the present, and they are very much wanted within Native communities. Passage of the Indian Child Welfare Act in 1978 made it difficult for children to be placed outside of Native communities. This was one of the most important acts in assisting communities in their road to self-determination since its passage in 1978. Still, however, significant numbers of children are removed from their homes each year. We need to know that during the latter half of the 20th century, forced sterilization of Native women was actively practiced throughout the Americas. The majority of women suffering from this lack of control over their reproductive lives were Native women in the United States (Duran & Duran, 1995; Johanson, 2000; McGillivray & Comaskey, 2000). The inheritance of five centuries of mistreatment by representatives of government authorities and others has taken its toll on Indigenous peoples. According to Byler (1977), [l]ow-income, joblessness, poor health, substandard housing, and low educational attainment—these are the reasons most often cited for the disintegration of Indian family life. It is not that clear-cut. Not all impoverished societies, whether Indian or non-Indian, suffer from catastrophically high rates of family breakdown.

Legacies of Colonization

Cultural disorientation, a person's sense of powerlessness, his loss of selfesteem, these may be the most potent forces at work. They arise, in large measure, from our national attitudes as reflected in long-established federal policy and from arbitrary acts of government. (p. 6)9 Over the last centuries, these problems have resulted in negative coping mechanisms for many Native individuals. We need to discuss this information in order to accurately reflect the role of schools in rebuilding Native communities. The self-destructive forces at work in some communities have struck many teachers and administrators. Because they do not understand their roles in prevention of the low self-esteem that leads to many of these problems, the destructive cycle remains unchanged and involves a high percentage of Indian youth each year. From youth through young adulthood and beyond, these destructive behaviors continue to undermine the efforts of Native communities to control their destinies. In 1996, the feeling of powerlessness on the Yakama Nation reservation was quite tangible (Klug, 1996). When asked about why this depressed atmosphere was present, an employee of the Nation produced tribal documents including the Treaty of 1855 and subsequent records regarding relations between the U.S. government and the Yakama Nation. Without saying a word, she allowed the documents to be read. It became quite evident in reading through the documents that while members of the Yakama Nation regarded the treaty as a sacred document, this was not the case for the government. Time and again, the treaty was amended, the land area was lessened, and representatives of the United States broke promises made. This pattern of disregarding commitments made to American Indians in treaties was not uncommon. By making new treaties or simply "leaving out" some of the portions of the land to be given to Native American communities, the dominant culture continued to undermine the economic and cultural bases of Native peoples (Kickingbird & Ducheneaux, 1973). The use of alcohol or other measures as a relief for acculturative stress seems to be related to colonization and the feelings of powerlessness that accompanied disease, loss of life, land, language, culture, and traditional arts. Please note in the following discussion that not all Native Americans were or are alcoholics. In fact, some studies have shown the percentages of Indian people who are alcoholic parallel that of the general public (Westermeyer, 1977; Mihesuah, 1996). In some tribal reports, drinking is more prevalent than in the general public, while in other tribal Nations it is much less so. In earlier times, alcohol consumption enabled common people to commune with the world of the supernatural while also allowing hostilities to be alleviated in a socially controlled way. However, drunkenness to the

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point of obliteration did not occur to the extent that there were great concerns about the use of alcohol (Mancall, 1995). Colonization precipitated a set of problems that overwhelmed Native populations, leading to a breakdown of social controls including the public condemnation of drunken behavior. Traders relied on alcohol in order to attract Native Americans so that they would bring their goods to trading posts for purchase. The Hudson Bay Company was among the first to distribute alcohol in exchange for furs brought by Native peoples (Maracle, 1994; Mancall, 1995; Berkhofer, 1978). European ministers, priests, and public officials condemned the distribution of alcohol to Native peoples, noting the debilitating effects upon tribal entities that followed in its wake. Many Indian leaders entreated government officials to stop the practice of selling alcohol to their people (Mancall, 1995). Brian Maracle (1994) addresses the use of alcohol prior to the period of colonization in his book, Crazywater. Acknowledging that Native Americans in his area of Canada probably knew how to make alcohol, Maracle states that they did not use it for purposes of coping with everyday life. He discusses the use of alcohol in a somewhat humorous way in the following: After all, before the Europeans colonized Great Turtle Island, native people had their pride and their culture intact and they did not have to suffer some of the repressive and depressive elements of contemporary society—things like police and unemployment. As a result, they had no need for the obliterating powers of alcohol.... [T]he first native hangover on Great Turtle Island no doubt occurred the morning after the first Viking stepped ashore on Newfoundland a thousand years ago. (p. 17)10 PATTERNS OF ALCOHOLISM AND DRUG ABUSE

Colonists regularly consumed large quantities of alcohol with meals and at other times. They would then offer alcohol to their Indian guests. With the introduction of trade, alcoholic beverages became an integral part of the structure of this endeavor. As these alcoholic beverages were consumed outside of Native American religious practices, they were not subject to the same restrictions that accompanied the latter, including strong societal sanctions against those involved in public drunkenness. Sources indicate that at the same time traders were discovering the potency of alcohol in lowering Native inhibitions, alcohol was proving to be useful in the Industrial Revolution in Europe (Berkhofer, 1978; Mancall, 1995). Industrialists found that some use of alcohol actually provided an aid to the workers so they could put up with the mind-numbing activity demanded by factory employment.

Legacies of Colonization

It appears from various studies that the different types of drinking behavior between Natives and Europeans also provided opportunities for Native Americans to become more susceptible to the debilitating powers of alcohol. Sources indicate Native Americans tended to engage in binge drinking, sometimes for days on end, whereas that was not the case for most European drinkers (Mancall, 1995; Maracle, 1994). In addition, the introduction of more efficient ways of distilling alcoholic beverages in Europe, plus the growth of sugar cane in the West Indies, led to production of more potent alcoholic beverages used for distribution to American Indians, especially rum (Mancall, 1995). Alcoholism as a disease marked its arrival in America in the 17th century with these combined developments (Mancall, 1995). A fresh campaign against the demons of rum was launched in both Europe and America. It became the job of ministers to moralize about the effects of drinking, and of the lawmakers to legislate against it. In some areas it was still legal to sell alcohol to American Indians, and in others not. The ability to make alcohol relatively easily led to illegal activities on and near Indian reservations (Mancall, 1995). Mancall (1995) discusses the changes brought about by alcohol use in Native communities: Although drinking patterns changed over the colonial period, the variation between groups, and within them as well, reveals the vital role that culture played in shaping consumption. The limits that Indians had earlier imposed on alcohol made sense in view of their belief that it had sacred qualities. That belief is hardly surprising; Europeans too believed alcohol taken at communion either became or represented the blood of a god. As long as Indians confined the use of alcohol within traditional boundaries, liquor gave them few problems. It was only after their daily lives were severed from their customary moorings that liquor became a commodity. Once it did so, its impact led to higher incidences of social pathologies in Indian communities. Previous experience and long-held customs simply proved insufficient to prevent a transformation in the use and meaning of alcohol. (p. 135)11 In reviewing the above, keep in mind that alcohol use was not associated with religious practices for all tribal Nations. In the West and Southwest, many American Indians incorporated the use of peyote and tobacco in their religious ceremonies. Alcohol may have been unknown to these peoples until the coming of Europeans with the fur trade or of the Spanish conquistadors and missionaries (N. Smythe, personal communication, 2002).

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Maracle (1994) interviewed 200 Native Americans about their use or nonuse of alcohol and their views on the subject. The stereotype of the drunken Indian is a symbol of what has been lost by aboriginal cultures as a result of colonization. Through talking with elders, Maracle found that when Indian peoples talk of the "old days," they burn with bitterness and resentment of what has become of their once strong Nations. One of Maracles's informants states the problem this way: "The white people just manipulated us so they could get rid of us so they could have all the land, eh? They first tried to get rid of us through disease like smallpox, diphtheria and all that and they couldn't, so they introduced us to this alcohol" (pp. 20–21). Another individual, Gary, spoke to Maracle (1994) of his involvement with drugs and alcohol. He talked about the alienation he had felt all of his life from his family and from his peers. No one had ever indicated to him that he was capable of doing anything. No one had ever indicated that he was lovable. Consequently, his fall into alcoholism was an escape from what he thought he was: someone who was worthless and had nothing to offer; someone who was unworthy of attention and care by others. Gary had been living in a foster home, and he says that he also had a problem with his Indianness because he didn't know any Indian people. The only time he associated with any Native people was when he was at the bars drinking with them. After he had been sober for a year, Gary went to a program to find out about his heritage. It was at this time that he knew he had to form some new relationships to assist him in understanding who he was. Gary had been subjected to the same stereotypical messages about Indian people, and he knew he had to learn what "real" Indian people were like. During the American Indian Education Institute held at Heritage College in 1997, a group of Yakama youth discussed their own difficulties with alcoholism (Klug, 1997). For these teens, alcoholism was not something new. Seeing someone from the immediate or extended family abuse alcohol had been a reality in their worlds. However, this group of teens began the cycle of "partying," which included staying out all night, attending school sporadically, getting poor grades, and eventually dropping out altogether when they were only 13! The social pressure exerted upon them was to have fun while they could, because they were sure they would be limited in terms of their life experiences. These teens recalled racist comments made to them throughout their childhoods. School had been a largely unpleasant experience for them. Eventually, these students did return to school. Each one cited an instance that made a difference between continuing in the cycle of abusive behaviors and returning to school so they would be able to have more

Legacies of Colonization

opportunities. The teens had graduated from high school and were now enrolled in college. They were choosing good professions and doing well in their studies. Sharing their stories with the audience of American Indian and nonIndian teachers and administrators attending the institute was difficult. These students were admitting to negative behaviors with the potential that people might see them as less capable because of their experiences. However, in sharing their pain, the students also provided new insights to those in attendance. Teachers saw how little it takes to destroy the confidence of children and lower their self-esteems. In turn, they are deprived of the fortitude needed to take risks in pursuit of an education (Klug, 1999). AMERICAN INDIANS IN URBAN AREAS

Given the difficulties and instabilities of life in a modern urban industrial society, no mode of adaptation can resolve all problems. Some adaptations . . . appear to be pathological, not merely because of the critical judgments by outsiders, but because the Indians themselves have internalized severely selfcritical judgments. They think of their peoples and traditional ways as inferior or even evil, and in trying to come to terms with these judgments indulge to excess in drinking, violence, and erratic conduct.... Some Indians [find the pathway of assimilation] congenial, and their movement from the reservation usually solidifies a successful transformation. Whatever self-hatred they feel can be safely directed against the Indians with whom they do not wish to be identified, namely the lower class youth engaged in public violence and drunkenness. (Wax, 1971, p. 171)12 Murray Wax (1971) was one of the first individuals outside of Native communities to report on the conditions of American Indians who had moved into urban centers. The desolation of the city, coupled with the lack of promised opportunities and related economic advances, created situations where loss of hope became the norm for many Native Americans. Adults have related how their teachers told them they were stupid because they were Indian. "Dumb Indian" jokes are told in many urban areas by Native peoples. Because teachers were unprepared to work with traditional Native American students, many of them misinterpreted children's cultural codes for reticence, lack of interest, or lack of natural abilities needed to become cognitively competent. Native Americans were faced constantly with the stereotypes that had been promulgated to the American public in previous times and were still being taken for truth about them. In some cases, teachers saw the results of parental alcoholism or other difficulties in the lives of the children. Some children would be placed into

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foster care repeatedly; other children may have been placed because social workers decided their home environments were not stimulating for them. This caused a disruption in their educations, as many times foster homes were not in the same areas where children had been attending school. Placement in foster care itself could be traumatizing for children, whether there had been reasonable cause for them to be placed or not. Evelyn Blanchard (1977) reported that many times Indian parental rights were terminated before parents had opportunities to demonstrate that their homes had become stable. In other cases, children were taken away from parents and placed in homes where the foster parents knew only the stereotypes of Indians (Attneave, 1977). This in itself could prove to be prohibitive to developing bonds of trust between children and parents. Many foster parents had low expectations of school success for their Native foster children based on stereotypes and lack of knowledge about American Indian cultures. Denial of American Indian Heritage. More recent focus on the urban experiences of American Indians has opened doors to understanding the "lost heritage" of Native people who took a path of denial of their identities in order to be successful and prove themselves in the urban workplace. Jackson (2001) conducted interviews with first-generation urban Indians who told her of growing up without knowing about their ethnicities. While their parents had grown up on reservations, in most cases there was outright denial concerning children's ethnic identities as American Indians by their parents and other urban relatives when asked. This was due to the consequences of moving into new environments where non-Indians attacked adults physically and mentally in their workplaces because of the color of their skins, called them "dirty Indians," and shamed them into silence about their roots. For many Native adults, these occurrences were extensions of their boarding school experiences, and they determined their children would not suffer in the same ways. Consequently, their children grew up having little contact and learning less about their parents' relatives outside of those who may have lived in nearby areas. Rarely were excursions made to visit relatives on reservations, and when the opportunities or necessities arose to do so, the children were not introduced to the people they were visiting as other than "Indians" (Jackson, 2001). Those who were interviewed by Jackson reported the feeling of something missing, "not right," of a "hole in their hearts" that was tangible. Silence was the only response they received from their parents when asking them questions concerning their origins. The subjects of discussion at home centered around performance on one's job, not on family and traditions (Jackson, 2001).

Legacies of Colonization

Urban Pan-Indian Communities. Concerns were expressed early about the pan-Indian nature of urban communities, in which many youths found themselves relating to the outward signs of "Indianness" without developing the traditional cultural connections and appreciation for Native ways and philosophies of life that were integral to their own tribal Nations (Strauss & Valentino, 2001). This seems to have been especially true for the earlier generations whose arrivals in cities ensured difficulties in maintaining contact with relatives on reservations due to the costs involved in travel and communication systems at the time. The only contact these individuals as children may have had with Indians and learning about their American Indian heritages may have come in the way of exposure to "generic, intertribal pan-Indianism" (Strauss & Valentino, 2001, p. 85), resulting in loss of tribal identity and self-determination through acceptance of a global "Indian" concept. Along with this, according to recent census records and projections, there are and will continue to be more urban Indians of mixed ethnic heritage who may not be able to qualify for enrollment in any tribal Nation (Gonzales, 2001). Urban Indian Communities Today. As adults, many first-generation urban Indians have endeavored to erase the shame of Indianness by discovering their roots. They understand the political climate has changed since their parents entered onto the urban stage; however, the denial of their ancestries has left tangible scars. This is especially true in families of Indian and non-Indian parentage where children had varying degrees of skin color. Lighter-skinned children may have been perceived as valued more by parents than their darker brothers and sisters (Jackson, 2001). There was also resentment in many cases between urban Indians and reservation Indians, a feeling that those who left their reservation communities were turning their backs on their Native identities (Strauss & Valentino, 2001). These are wounds that are felt deeply on both sides and are hard to heal. While residents of urban areas realize that their parents made courageous efforts to afford a better life experience for them than may have been possible otherwise, as children these adults were constantly exposed to negative images of American Indians as portrayed by the mass media of the dominant culture, leaving them with little idea of what "real" Indians were like (Jackson, 2001). Some, though not all, urban area centers founded as resources for American Indians who migrated to cities after World War II have evolved into places where American Indian identity can be reaffirmed. According to Lobo (2001), where these centers are located many Native people have re-created a sense of home and belonging based on relationships rather than on place. Native people in urban areas represent many tribal Nations,

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languages, and traditions. A number of people with American Indian ancestry have been able to come together based on recognition of their commonalities rather than of their differences. In these instances, community centers provide opportunities for meeting and greeting, mingling, learning about heritage, and discussing issues impacting Native Americans in general. Indigenous identity in urban Indian community centers is determined by: 1. Ancestry: Does a person have Indian relatives and ancestors, and function as a member of an Indian extended family? 2. Appearance: Does a person look Indian? 3. Cultural knowledge: Is the person knowledgeable of the culture of their People and of those pan-Indian values and social expectations shared within the urban Indian community?

4. Indian community participation: Does the person come out for Indian events and activities in the Indian community and contribute to the community well being? (Lobo, 2001, p. 81)13 Becoming a participant in events planned at the centers has provided a positive influence for those who want to maintain their identities as American Indians and instill pride in their heritage in their children. These communities of Native people may work together to counter the negative aspects of living in urban areas, such as dependency on alcohol or drugs as mechanisms for survival in a hostile environment (Lobo, 2001). Today, the largest percentage of those claiming American Indian heritage is urban dwellers. For some, reconciliation between those residing in urban and reservation areas has evolved through the realities of modern life. There are Native communities that are now connected through the use of mass media and technological advances such as the World Wide Web. With technological advances, it has become easier for American Indians to move back and forth between reservations and cities if they desire to do so. SUICIDE TAKEN AS AN OPTION

Regrettably, some individuals choose suicide as the ultimate way to cope with the hopelessness they find in their daily lives. In the "Flower of Two Soils" study of American Indian youth, risk factors for depressive symptoms that may lead to adolescent suicide are loss, stress, family dysfunction, and low self-esteem (Sak et al., 1993). While the suicide rate for the United States as a whole has not changed significantly since the 1950s, the rate for youth has tripled (National Insti-

Legacies of Colonization

tute for Mental Health, 1995). The highest suicide rates are found in the western states (Centers for Disease Control, 1997). In terms of Native American communities, there are a number of tribal Nations who have low numbers of suicides, while for other Nations suicide is much more common than the national average (May & Van Winkle, 1993). For youth, the ages of 10–14 are critical periods for beginning occurrences of suicide attempts/completions; the greatest number of attempts/completions occurs in the 15–19 age group; the highest number of attempts/completions occurs post–secondary school in the 20–24 age group. American Indian youths in these age groups are likely to be students at the time of their suicide attempts. Boarding schools have traditionally been sites of high suicide rates. The boarding schools of today, while limited in number, tend to enroll students who may lack other options. They may have family problems, their parents may be dead or in jail, or their extended families may be unable to care for them. The boarding school students may be experiencing many difficulties themselves and may have made maladjustments to their living conditions (Dinges & Duong-Tran, 1993). Girls outnumber boys in the actual percentage of suicide attempts; however, boys complete the act more often. Suicides typically take place during the weekend in late afternoon or evening time periods (May & Van Winkle, 1993). Only a small percentage of these youths are involved with drugs or alcohol at the time of their attempts; and most teens have thought about committing suicide only an hour before their attempts (Zitzow & Desjarlait, 1993). Teachers living in communities that border reservations are well aware of the suicide numbers, as they are reported through schools and the news travels in other ways. Children who have had a close relative commit suicide are more likely to make the attempt themselves (Dorpat, 1993). We need to acknowledge that good mental health of our students is essential in order for them to negotiate the tasks required for successful integration into both Indian communities and the macrosociety. An example of the tenuous nature of the choice between life and death for many is illustrated in the following story of a young girl who lived on a reservation in the West. Minal: The Story of a Hopeful Girl Minal had worked hard all the way through elementary school, middle school, and high school to achieve high marks and work to her potential. She was a young full-blood Native American who was very bright. Minal had the complete support of her family, which allowed her to excel in school. Even though peers sometimes taunted her for "acting White," Minal knew the extended community was proud of her. She participated in all of the traditional activities sponsored by her tribal Nation and was respected by those who knew her well.

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Because of her outstanding academic record, Minal was chosen to be valedictorian of her high school graduating class, the first Native American ever to be so honored in this school. Everyone on the reservation was excited about her success. The year was 1994, and tribal members perceived they had made inroads to acceptance on an equal playing field in the schools. The afternoon of graduation, Minal received a telephone call from the school. The counselor informed Minal that someone in the office had made a mistake, and she was one credit hour short of the hours needed to graduate. She would not, after all, be able to walk across the stage to graduate, nor would she be allowed the honor of class valedictorian. As one can imagine, this telephone call was a terrible blow for Minal. She had worked hard, she had received the acceptance of her people even as she did so, and she was looking forward to going on to college. For Minal, her whole world seemed to be tumbling down around her. At the graduation ceremonies, an announcement was made that the class had lost one of their members: Minal had committed suicide an hour before graduation ceremonies were to begin. This true story illustrates the barriers encountered by Native American youth in their schools. The principal of the school could have made the decision to enable Minal to complete an extra credit hour after the graduation ceremony was over. Because Minal had been involved in extracurricular activities, perhaps a credit hour could have been worked out for her in this regard. Another option could have involved taking a correspondence course during the summer. The point is, Minal could have received a blank diploma and still had her moment in the spotlight. This was clearly a tragedy that could have been averted. In the aftermath, the world is poorer because of Mind's absence. In 1986, the pueblo of Zuñi in New Mexico was concerned about the high suicide rates of its youth. They alerted the school district about their concerns, and the school superintendent sought the help of researchers from Stanford to address the area of suicide prevention. By working together, the researchers, teachers, and community were able to develop a curriculum that addressed Zuñi life skills. It was decided that Zuñi culture should play a major role in the curriculum, that values and language should be included, and that Zuñi community resource personnel would teamteach the curriculum with non-Zuñi teachers so that they could speak to the students in their Native language when needed (LaFromboise & Howard-Pitney, 1993). Community and teacher input were sought throughout the developmental stages of the curriculum effort. Teacher training was conducted

Legacies of Colonization

before the pilot project was launched in 1990. Demographics indicated that of the students who participated in the pilot, 30% had contemplated suicide in the past. As a result of activities provided through the curriculum, students felt they had a better awareness of self, understood more about the effects of low self-esteem, were able to manage anger and stress better through problem-solving skills and self-talk, and had a greater understanding of oppression and the resulting negative effects on themselves and others. Feedback from their teachers indicated that the curriculum was viable, even though many of them had difficulty addressing the area of oppression with their students (LaFromboise & Howard-Pitney, 1993). This program is one example of how communities and schools can work together to address the area of depressive responses of students to life experiences. The key seems to be that the community is actively involved in providing direction for the program, and that language and cultural issues are integrated throughout. While Zuñi culture condemns suicide, as do many other Native cultures, the students may not have been aware of this. Or by the time students have reached the point of contemplating suicide, this community standard does not carry the weight it may have had in the past. Therefore, traditional community morals and values need to play an important role in the selection of life choices for students. Our roles as teachers cannot be underestimated in working with Native communities to create programs that address substance abuse, making life choices, and reinforcing community values in order to alleviate the confusion faced by many Native American children concerning where they fit in today's societies. While there are many canned programs available, for the most part these have been developed for mainstream schools without regard for different cultural values and ways of teaching and learning. If such programs must be utilized in a school (as some programs have become mandated for use by law or within specific school districts), they should be examined cautiously prior to introduction in the classroom. Parents, elders, and community leaders should be invited to provide input concerning programs, and their strengths and weaknesses for American Indian children in their communities. Adaptations should be considered based on the recommendations of the Native community. Otherwise, the intended good of such programs may be overlooked as students refuse to buy into the messages they are receiving from representatives of the dominant culture. INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA AS AFFECTING NON-INDIANS Some of the settlers were able to get along with their Indian neighbors. However, there are many stories of those who shot and killed Native Americans without provocation (Josephy, 1991). According to Mather (1998), children

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who got used to seeing Native peoples killed like this became hardened to the experiences of life in the West. Therefore, the prejudices passed down from one generation to another have been perpetuated without question. That inheritance can be seen in some of the present-day negative attitudes toward Native Americans in the West. When prejudices and hate are allowed to fester, everyone loses. When we manifest that prejudice in our classrooms, all students suffer. An example of this is a junior high school teacher by the name of Mr. Johnson. Mr. Johnson taught history to eighth and ninth graders in a school with a large proportion of Native American students. When Mr. Johnson called on non-Indian students to answer questions, he would always call them by name. When he called on male American Indian students, he would always call them by "Chief," as in "O.K., Chief, what's your answer?" Not only did Mr. Johnson insult the students by not calling them by name, but he also made a point of ridiculing their culture. His tone of voice was intimidating, and Mr. Johnson indicated by his manner that any response the Native students could give would be a poor one. In addition, the Indigenous Nation to which these students belonged did not have a system with a principal "Chief as leader, nor was that term used until European immigrants came to the area. As a history teacher who had not bothered to learn about the Native people in the region, Mr. Johnson showed disdain for the history of the Native community. It is not surprising, then, to learn that Native students complained about this teacher and were not eager to participate in his classroom. Recently, a high school teacher called a female student "squaw" in front of her Native and non-Native peers. This male teacher reduced his student to the level of an object in his sight. The word squaw is from the Algonquin language and means "vagina." Male European explorers and traders used it when they desired the company of females for sexual congress. Another factor to consider is the message these teachers conveyed to their students: "It is all right to undermine the culture of others. American Indian cultures are of little consequence: therefore, it is all right to continue disrespecting Native classmates and members of their communities." Students will emulate their elders, especially those people who are supposed to hold positions of power and authority in schools. Teachers need to be aware of the power of our personal messages sent to students through both verbal and nonverbal behaviors. Prejudices toward others inadvertently hurt the people who hold them. For instance, Oklahoma, the former "Indian Territory," was named the "Sooner" state because some Whites, eager for land which had been "opened" for settlement, couldn't wait for the official time to start the land grab. An attitude frequently heard by proud Oklahomans who trace their family occupa-

Legacies of Colonization

tion of the land to this time period is, "The Indians weren't doing anything with the land anyway." Not only is this a misstatement of the situation as it existed, but for people in the 21st century to still express this belief shows how long detrimental ideas and attitudes persist and influence future generations. Those generations are deprived of entering a world where they are taught that people are to be respected, regardless of their ethnicity. Those generations will be influenced continually by the misperceptions that are as much a part of their heritages as the color of their eyes. As stated so well by Cohen (1998), Intolerance and racism don't result from the genetic adequacy of some people or even from biological differences between groups of people, except that the few visible differences provide an easy target for human tensions. Nor do they stem from other people's cultural inadequacy. They do, however, stem in large part from the nature of cultural systems and the cultural filters through which human beings view the world and one another. Much of the tension we see between populations attempting to live together results from misunderstanding of cultural differences and misinterpretation of their significances. People seem unable to comprehend other peoples' behavior—or even to perceive and measure it accurately when it violates the standard categories and expectations of their own cultures. We fail to recognize that most problems can be approached in more than one way. People on all sides are unable to recognize what is arbitrary and conventional is their own behaviors and beliefs. Cultures not only blind their members to alternatives but also actively foster chauvinism and intolerance as a way of reinforcing group identity. In the ancient world, in which each group was economically independent and relatively homogeneous—when societies and cultures had the same boundaries, faced only a limited number of neighbors, and had only limited weapons—such chauvinism may have been valuable. In the modern world of multicultural states, interdependence, rapid transportation, international communication, and weapons of mass destruction, such chauvinism is extremely dangerous. (pp. 297-298)14 SUMMARY

Native peoples of the Americas will not forget the oppression of the past 500 years. There has been too much lost by them over the centuries. However, despite all the odds, Native Americans are reclaiming their rights to self-determination as Sovereign Nations within the United States. The plight of Native peoples received attention during the Civil Rights Movement and through the actions of the American Indian Movement. Native peoples, such as Vine Deloria, Jr., have long held that the health of tribal Nations rests on the reacquisition of Native languages and cultures (Deloria, 1991). The key to self-determination is parity with the dominant

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culture at the government table. Three decades later, tribal Nations have made inroads toward these goals. Problems remain. Alcoholism, drug addiction, poverty, high dropout rates from school, and high adolescent suicide rates are all issues that must be addressed. These challenges are not straightforward, nor will resolution of difficulties take place quickly. We must work hand in hand with Native communities to address the roots of these problems, which many believe result from past practices toward Native peoples. On September 8, 2000, Kevin Grover, a member of the Pawnee Indian Nation and current Assistant Interior Secretary for Indian Affairs, apologized for the gross injustices carried out against Native Americans by the BIA during its 175 years of existence. While Grover was apologizing only for actions of the BIA "that included massacres, forced relocations of tribes and attempts to wipe out Indian languages and cultures," the White House had previously approved his speech. Susan Masten, Yurok Indian Nation chairwoman and the current president of the National Congress of American Indians, stated that this was an emotional event for American Indians and a time for healing (Kelly, 2000). The theme of healing is one that is evident in many respects within Native communities. Healing Circles have been established to assist community members in their efforts to overcome alcohol and drug abuse. A return to Native values has been called for in many corners of the country. By connecting the present with the values of the past, healing can begin and impact communities in ways not yet experienced. We need to become part of the process of healing in Native communities. By understanding the injustices of the past, corrections can be made to the course set for the future. The time is overdue for non-Indian educators to know what is needed for education of Native American students. We need to work hand in hand with Native American leaders who can address the needs present in their communities. These needs include acknowledging the actions of the U.S. Army in attempting to annihilate Indian Nations, and the complicity of non-Indian ministers and other religious leaders who assisted in this effort (Mihesuah, 1996). Each Native community has a story to tell; we need to listen with our hearts and our ears. Programs have been established in schools for students from elementary age through high school that address the problems of drugs and alcohol. Teachers who are willing to assist in developing and implementing the curriculum for these programs have been able to reach some children. We can assist in identifying students who are having problems with drugs or alcohol. Most importantly, though, we can do much to help our students understand they have possibilities, and that the past does not have to determine the course to be set for the future.

Legacies of Colonization

Commitments to work as equal partners in planning for educational success for Native students will make "the White man's education" relevant to them and their families. When we recognize the strengths of Native communities in which we are teaching, we may then be able draw upon those characteristics to create school systems that will promote the growth and well-being of all who attend them. EXERCISE FOR CHAPTER 3

The focus of this chapter has been on the legacies of colonization. Many of us have experienced the devastating effects of alcoholism in our own families. We may also have experienced Posttraumatic Stress Disorder or Intergenerational Trauma. In general, many families do not share problems with those outside the family circle. Completing this exercise may bring feelings to the surface that you have suppressed. We advise you to avail yourself of counseling services or of a group such as Al-Anon or Alcoholics Anonymous, Survivors of Suicide, Compassionate Friends, or others to assist you in working through your feelings. If you choose to share what you have written with a peer, understand the risks you are taking. Remember to discuss issues regarding confidentiality and that this information is not to go beyond the person(s) to whom you have granted permission to listen. 1. Many children experience trauma during their childhood. If you had any traumatic experience, briefly tell what happened. 2. What were the responses of your family members, peers, teachers, or others toward you during this time of trauma? 3. Was there anyone in your immediate family who was (is) addicted to alcohol or drugs? 4. What are the reasons this person(s) gave for his/her/their addictions? 5. Has anyone in your family history suffered differential treatment due to his or her ethnicity? Explain. 6. What were your family dinners like? Were they opportunities for family communication or dissension? Explain. 7. How do your childhood experiences impact you as an adult? 8. As a teacher, what will you do to assist students who may have experienced trauma in their lives? 9. If you have students in your classroom who are addicted to alcohol or drugs, what are some things you need to do as their teacher? 10. What are your legal responsibilities under the laws of your state to report abusive situations affecting your students?

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Widening the Circle REFERENCES Adams, D. W. (1988). Fundamental considerations: The deep meaning of Native American schooling, 1880-1900. Harvard Educational Review, 58(1), 1–28. Adams, H. (1999). Torturedpeople: The politics ofcolonization (Rev. ed.). Penticton, BC: Theytus Books Ltd. American Psychiatric Association. (1994). Diagnostic and statistical manual ofmental disorders (4th ed.). Washington, DC: Author. Attneave, C. (1977). The wasted strength of Indian families. In S. Unger (Ed.), Destruction of American Indian families. Association on American Indian Affairs. (Original work published 1930) Berkhofer, R. F. (1978). The White man'sIndian: Images ofthe American Indian from Columbus to the present. New York: Random House. Berner, R. (1995). American myth: Old, new, yet untold. In A. R. Velie (Ed.), Native American perspectives on literature and history. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Blanchard, E. (1977). The question of best interest. In S. Unger (Ed.), Destruction of American Indian families. Association on American Indian Affairs. (Original work published 1930) Brooks, J. F. (1999). Violence, justice, and power in the New Mexico borderlands. In R. White and J. M. Findly (Eds.), Power andplace in the North American West. Seattle: University of Washington Press. Burt, A. (1999). Testing the Limits of NAGPRA. American Indian Report: Indian Country's News Magazine, 15(10), 8–11. Byler, W. (1977). The destruction of American Indian families. In S. Unger (Ed.), Destruction of American Indian families. Association on American Indian Affairs. (Original work published 1930) Centers for Disease Control. (1997). Regional variations in suicide rates: United States, 1990-1994. MMWR Weekly, 46(34), 789–793 [On-line]. Available: http://www.cdc.gov/epo/mmwr/preview/ mmwrhtml/00049117.htm Churchill, W. (1994). Indians R Us? Monroe, MN: Common Courage Press. Cohen, M. N. (1998). Culture ofintolerance: Chauvinism, class, and racism in the United States. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Coolidge, D. (1977). "Kid catching" on the Navajo Reservation. In S. Unger (Ed.), Destruction of American Indian families. Association on American Indian Affairs. (Original work published 1930) Debio, A. (1964). And still the river runs: The betrayal ofthe Five Civilized Tribes. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Deloria, V., Jr. (1991). The reservation conditions. National Forum, 71(2), 10–12. Deloria, V., Jr. (1992). God is Red: A Native view ofreligion. Golden, CO: Native American Press. Deykin, E. Y. (1999). PTSD in childhood and adolescence: A review [On-line]. Boston: National Center for Posttraumatic Stress Disorder, VA Medical Center. Available http://www.openmind.org/bbs/Messages Dinges, N. G., & Duong-Tran, A. (1993). Suicide ideation and suicide attempt among American Indian and Alaska Native boarding school adolescents. In C. W. Duclos and S. M. Manson (Eds.), Callingfromthe rim: Suicidal behavior among American Indian and Alaska Native adolescents. Denver, CO: Journal of the National Center Monograph Series. Dorpat, N. (1993). PRIDE: Substance abuse education/intervention program. In C. W. Duclos and S. M. Manson (Eds.), Callingfromthe rim: Suicidal behavior among American Indian and Alaska Native adolescents. Denver, CO: Journal of the National Center Monograph Series. Duran, E., & Duran, B. (1995). Native American postcolonialpsychology. New York: State University of New York. Echohawk, L. (1992). In B. J. Klug (Producer), Idaho TEAMS*: Multiculturalism for Idaho [Teleconference]. Boise, ID: Public Broadcasting System. Fischer, (1995). Preface. In A. R. Velie (Ed.), Native American perspectives on literature and history. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Fixico, D. L. (1998). The invasion of Indian Country in the twentieth century: American capitalism and Tribal natural resources. Niwot: University of Colorado Press. Flood, R. S. (1995). Lost bird of Wounded Knee: Spirit ofthe Lakota. New York: Scribner. Frazier, G. W. (1993). Urban Indians: Drumsfromthe cities. Denver, CO: Arrowstar. Gonzales, A. A. (2001). Urban (trans)formations: Changes in the meaning and use of American Indian identity. In S. Lobo and K. Peters (Eds.), American Indians and the urban experience (pp. 169–185). New York: Altamira Press.

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Indian Child Welfare Act of 1978, 25 U.S.C. § 1901 et seq. (U.S.C. 2000). Jackson, D. D. (2001). "This hole in our heart": The urban-raised generation and the legacy of silence. In S. Lobo and K. Peters (Eds.), American Indians and the urban experience (pp. 189–206). New York: Altamira Press. Johanson, B. E. (2000). Stolen wombs: Indigenous women most at risk. Native Americas, 17(2), 38–43. Josephy, A. (1991). The Indian heritage of America. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Kawennano-Johnson, D. (1999). Intergenerational multicultural PTSD: A Native American perspective. Proceedings: 20th Annual Convening of Crisis Intervention. Mesa, AZ: Eagle Vision. Kelly, M. (2000, September, 9). Indian affairs head makes apology [On-line]. Available: washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/aponline/20000908/aponlinel530l4_000.htm Kickingbird, K., & Ducheneaux, K. (1973). One hundred million acres. New York: Macmillan. Klug, B. J. (1996). Evaluation reportfor the Knight Scholars Program at Heritage College. Pocatello: Idaho State University. Klug, B. J. (1997). Evaluation reportfor the Knight Scholars Program at Heritage College. Pocatello: Idaho State University. Klug, B. J. (1999). Evaluation reportfor the Knight Scholars Program at Heritage College. Pocatello: Idaho State University. LaFromboise & Howard-Pitney. (1993). Program for adolescent suicides. In C. W. Duclos and S. M. Manson (Eds.), Callingfromthe rim: Suicidal behavior among American Indian and Alaska Native adolescents. Denver, CO: Journal of the National Center Monograph Series. Last of Yahi people returns home. (2000, August 27). The Idaho State Journal, p. 1. Leonard, K. A. (1999). Federal power and racial politics in Los Angeles during World War II. In R. White and J. M. Findly (Eds.), Power andplace in the North American West. Seattle: University of Washington Press. Lobo, S. (2001). Is urban a person or a place? Characteristics of urban Indian country. In S. Lobo and K. Peters (Eds.), American Indians and the urban experience (pp. 73–84). New York: Altamira Press. Mancall, P. C. (1995). Deadly medicine: Indians and alcohol in early America. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Maracle, B. (1994). Crazywater: Native voices on addiction and recovery. New York: Penguin Books. Mather, R. E. (1998). Scandal ofthe West: Domestic violence on thefrontier.Oklahoma City, OK: History West. May, P. A., & Van Winkle, N. W. (1993). Epidemiology. In C. W. Duclos and S. M. Manson (Eds.), Callingfromthe rim: Suicidal behavior among American Indian and Alaska Native adolescents. Denver, CO: Journal of the National Center Monograph Series. McDermot, R. P. (1987). The explanation of minority school failure, again. Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 18, 361–364. McGillivray, A., & Comaskey, B. (2000). Black eyes all ofthe time: Intimate violence, aboriginal women, and thejustice system. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Melanson, Y. (1999). Lookingfor Lost Bird: A Jewish woman discovers her Navajo roots. Meriam, L. (1928/1977). The effects of boarding schools on Indian family life: 1928. In S. Unger (Ed.), Destruction of American Indian families. New York: Association on American Indian Affairs. (Original work published 1928) Nabovkov, P. (1978). Introduction to "The Treaty Trail." In P. Nabovkov (Ed.), Native American testimony: An anthology of Indian and White relations,firstencounter to dispossession (pp. 147–152). New York: Thomas Y. Crowell. National Institute of Mental Health. (1995). PA: Studies of suicide and suicidal behavior [On-line]. Available: http://www.nimh.nih.gov/grants/research/suicide.htm Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act of 1990, 25 U.S.C. § 3001 et. seq (U.S.C. 2000). Navajo Community College Press. (1973) Stories ofthe Long Walk. Albuquerque: Author. Paulsen, S. K. (2000, October 12). Indian Tribes reach agreement on remains [On-line]. Associated Press. Available: apnews/?site=cobou&frmtid=home Perry, B. D. (1997). The neurodevelopment impact ofviolence in childhood. Houston, TX: Child Trauma Academy. Pettipas, K. (1994). Severing the ties that bind: Government repression ofIndigenous ceremonies on the prairies. Manitoba: University of Manitoba Press. Rappaport, D. (1997). The flight ofRed Bird: The life of ZitkalaS..a. New York: Puffin Books. Ronda, J. P. (1999). Coboway's tale. In R. White and J. M. Findly (Eds.), Power andplace in the North American West. Seattle: University of Washington Press.

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Widening the Circle Saathoff, G. (1998). Trauma and its intergenerational transmission in Kuwait. Journal for the Psychoanalysis of Culture and Society, 3(1), 101–104. Sak, W. H., Beiser, M., Baker-Brown, G., & Redshirt, R. (1993). Depressive and suicidal symptoms in Indian school children: Findings from the Flower of Two Soils. In C. W . Duclos and S. M . Manson (Eds.), Calling from the rim: Suicidal behavior among American Indian and Alaska Native adolescents. Denver, C O : Journal of the National Center Monograph Series. Shay, J. (1995). About medications for combat PTSD [On-line]. Boston: VA Outpatient Clinic. Available: http://uhs.bsd.uchicago.edu/~bhsiung/tips/ptsd.html Shenkman, R. (1988). Legends, lies and cherished myths of American history. New York: Harper & Row. Sheppard, D. E. (1997). Spanish exploration and the conquest of Native America: Fire in the mountains [On-line]. Available: http://www.foridahistory.com/inset2.html Sitting Up, D. (2000). Let us open our minds. Crazy Horse School Literary Magazine, 11. Spring. J. (1994). Deculturalization and the struggle for equality: A brief history of the education of dominated cultures in the United States. New York: McGraw-Hill. Stiffarm, L. A., & Lane, P. (1992). The demography of Native North America: A question of American Indian survival. In M . A. Jaimes (Ed.), State of Native America: Genocide, colonization, and resistance. Boston: South End Press. Strauss, T., & Valentino, D. (2001). Retribalization in urban Indian communities. In S. Lobo and K. Peters (Eds.), American Indians and the urban experience (pp. 85-84). New York: Altamira Press. Strotsky, S. (1999). Losing our language: How multicultural classroom instruction is undermining our children's ability to read, write, and reason. New York: Free Press. Unger, S. (Ed.). (1977). Destruction of American Indian families. New York: Association on American Indian Affairs. (Original work published 1930) Velie, A. R. (1994). Native American perspectives on literature and history. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Verrill, A. H. (1954). Real Americans. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons. Wax, M. (1971). Indian Americans: Unity and diversity. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Weinfeld, S., & Weinfeld, M. (1989). Trauma and rebirth: Intergenerational effects of the Holocaust. New York: Praeger. Westermeyer, J. (1977). "The drunken Indian": Myths and realities. In S. Unger (Ed.), Destruction of American Indian families. New York: Association on American Indian Affairs. (Original work published 1930) Wyatt, D . (1998). Five fires: Pace, catastrophe, and the shaping of California. New York: Oxford University Press. Zitkala- Sa (1997). The first day of school (Originally written 1884). In D . Rappaport, The flight of Red Bird: The life of Zitkala-S a. New York: Puffin Books. Zitzow, D., & Desjarlait, F. (1993). A study of suicide attempts comparing adolescents to adults on a Northern Plains Indian reservation. In C. W . Duclos and S. M. Manson (Eds.), Calling from the rim: Suicidal behavior among American Indian and Alaska Native adolescents. Denver, C O : Journal of the National Center Monograph Series.

4 LANGUAGE AND CULTURAL VALUES: DEFINING WHO wE ARE

HOW TEACHERS INFLUENCE THEIR STUDENTS IN MULTIPLE WAYS

The Drum Is the Heartbeat The drum is the heartbeat of the Lakota. The drum is the beat of our feet running— running for freedom— running from betrayal. The drum is the beat of our pain— pain from leaving land— pain for lost loved ones. The drum is the beat of our conquests— conquests of battle. The drum is the beat of our values— values of respect— values of generosity. The drum is the beat of our pride— pride for ourselves— pride for what we believe in. —Jaylene Pretends Eagle (2000)1

E

ffective teachers transmit more than official state knowledge. We shape the lives of real people through our actions. To be effective, we must be students of psychology, sociology, and anthropology as we work with 95

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diverse groups of children in our classrooms. We must understand how inaccurate assumptions concerning other cultures interfere with the mission of schools to educate all of our students. For too long, the mythology of school failure as a given for underrepresented populations has been accepted unchallenged. We have to face our complicity in making failure real for children. Schools are social institutions reflecting the cultural norms of the dominant society. Children do not fail in school; schools fail children (McDermot, 1987). How do we, as teachers, unlearn the misconceptions we learned as "truth" about others who differ ethnically from ourselves? We must know who we are before we can understand who our students are. We must learn how the concepts of "culture" and "ethnicity" evolved and have influenced us, so that we will not promote continued belief in the infallibility of school sorting systems that create subcultures of failure. We manifest respect for our students by the ways we embrace the world outside of our classrooms to know young people apart from the institution of schools.

WHAT IS "CULTURE"?

The field of anthropology is an artifact of colonization. When Europeans exploring the world noted physical and other differences of those they encountered in other lands, they formulated a "we" versus "them" approach to understanding the rest of humanity. The idea of "culture" was conceptualized by early anthropologists to describe these differences, but it was tainted by anthropologists' lack of insight about their own cultures (Gearing, 1979). Belonging to any group requires that members subscribe to a set of shared belief systems that dictate the norms; behaviors; verbal and nonverbal forms of communication; and the how, when, and where of displaying cultural knowledge. Cultural knowledge may be "property-like" in that only members of the same group have the right to demonstrate this knowledge. Only certain members of a group may disseminate particular knowledge, such as sacred or religious knowledge. Non-Indian peoples need to realize how our behaviors are shaped by cultural systems developed hundreds of years ago in Europe, Africa, Asia, and elsewhere, which in turn were influenced by other cultural systems. Realizing who we are allows us to acknowledge the legitimacy of other cultural systems (Cohen, 1998). When we take these steps, we embark on a journey where we learn to appreciate the diversity of cultural forms created over thousands of years.

Language and Cultural Values: Defining Who We Are DEFINING WHO WE ARE

All people need to know who they are in relation to others around them. We are social beings who interact with significant and transient others throughout our lives. We form associations with others based on membership in family (nuclear, extended, or both), community of origin, larger geographical regions, and areas encompassing geopolitical boundaries. We make contracts, give promises, acknowledge supernatural forces, understand supernatural punishments, and stay away from taboos based on the construction of knowledge in our societies (Knight, Dunbar, & Power, 1999). To better understand this concept, consider your theoretical membership in the MacGregor clan in Scotland: You are a MacGregor living in New Jersey. Your parents immigrated to the United States from Sunderland, Scotland. You have visited your grandparents in Scotland, located to the north of England, home of the Britons. The area comprising Great Britain consists of islands off the European mainland and includes Ireland and Scotland. The MacGregor family members identify themselves as Celts, a group who once controlled an area from the interior of Europe, including Germany and France, to the British Isles. After the first century C.E., the Romans forced the Celts to retreat to the areas now forming Great Britain. Your ancestors, both men and women, were warriors, merchants, and rulers. You hail from a society that gave equal status to both genders. Your ancestors were renowned for their stonemasonry and metalworking. Historically, your warriors were very brave and would go into battle without bodily coverings (Zaczek, 1996). Your ancestors spoke the Celtic language, which was close to Welsh and Gaelic. When the Gaels came to the area of Scotland from Ireland, Gaelic became the language spoken. Their religious leaders were Druids, whose mystic beliefs were founded in natural law. Druid priests performed other functions in their communities, such as those of teachers, counselors, and healers. Christianity came to your ancestors in the fourth century C.E. after the Romans invaded the British Isles (Herm, 1975; Ogram, 2000). Your ancestral families were organized into clans, and each had a clan chief. Clan tartans were made from textiles woven in particular designs "owned" by each clan. The patterns of the tartans were used to identify clan members. Celtic history was transmitted orally. Your ancestors memorized their history and facts, passing this knowledge on through spoken verse to their children. Your Celtic ancestors were known throughout Europe for their oratory skills (Zaczek, 1996).

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Symbols used by the Celts transmitted important ideas. The iconographs used included the bull (power and wealth), the wild boar (courage and strength), the salmon (wisdom and knowledge), and the dog (healing). Knot work is renowned in Celtic art, and it symbolizes continuity and longevity. The Celtic cross, consisting of a cross with a circle around the upper half, originally was used as a fertility symbol and now represents the marriage between heaven and earth. The nobility wore Torcs, necklaces of strands of twisted gold. Celtic people also had a tradition of taboos against the use of certain words, such as the name for the moon. Instead, they would refer to an object by its description when needed (Zaczek, 1996). Music was important in Celtic life. In Scotland, you would hear singing, playing of the clàrsach (harp) and the pìob mhòr (bagpipes). These traditions were passed down to you. The Vikings came to Scotland in 800 C.E. and they remained there for 200 years before they were forcefully removed. The Celts did not appreciate these outside influences. In recent history, your ancestors were oppressed at the hands of the British. Prince Charles Edward tried to reestablish the Stuart (Scottish lineage) kingship in England. Your clan joined other clans who followed him. When the Britons came to rule over the Scottish lands in 1745, everything changed for your ancestors. The Britons refused to allow tartans, the clan symbols, to be worn. Bagpipes could not be played. The people were not allowed to write in Gaelic. Tragically, thousands of Celts were dispossessed of their lands as the Britons claimed territory for themselves (Fàilte, 1997). Your great-grandparents in later years worried about their children. They were concerned especially about the loss of the Gaelic language and everything associated with Celtic culture. Your great-grandparents tried to keep the language alive at home, but it was a bitter struggle. Later, when their grandchildren, your parents, could not speak Gaelic, your grandparents realized the language was dying. It was obvious that something needed to be done to preserve your Gaelic heritage, but not all the clans believed so. Recently, the MacGregors have begun to reclaim their heritage. The clan has contacted all of its members throughout the world via Internet services to alert them about the importance of reviving their Celtic heritage. Your own family decided to visit Scotland for the summer. You are learning the Gaelic language, visiting museums to view your ancestors' arts, and enjoying the popular Gaelic music played on the radio. Your clan members tell you how proud they are to be Celts. You also feel a new pride in reclaiming your heritage. There is renewed hope for the future of the

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MacGregor clan as Scottish Celts come together to celebrate their cultural heritages. The above scenario is based on actual events occurring in Scotland (Fàilte, 1997) and in other parts of the world where ethnic groups have been oppressed. Native groups are regaining their identities and reestablishing themselves by their family ethnicities first. The term "ethnic revival" is used to designate this cultural renaissance (Smith, 1981). As can be seen from the above, all of us do have ethnic cultures, regardless of our racial identities. While culture retained from original ancestries is not readily recognizable in the United States, it exists in the realm of continued beliefs, practices, celebrations, traditional food preparations, famous oratories or pieces of literature, and the manner in which people are honored in their communities. Some communities retained the significance of particular colors important to their ancestors, such as the use of the color red in African-American communities (Watts, 1999). Quilt patterns and other textiles may also reflect ethnic heritages (Tobin &Dobard, 1999). MACRO-, MESO-, MICROETHNICITIES AND CULTURE

We create our sense of ethnicity within the realm of our social relationships. Ethnicity is related to our ancestry and the people with whom we socialize. There are three different levels of ethnicity to which we all belong: macroethnicity, mesoethnicity, and microethnicity. Macroethnicity refers to the social-political realities of the countries where we live. Mesoethnicity refers to the institutions, such as educational institutions, that inculcate the "correct" ways of acting and thinking within the macro or dominant society. Finally, microethnicity refers to our immediate group membership, which may or may not reflect our macro- and mesoethnicities (Fenton, 1999). Referring back to the scenario above, it can be seen that for the MacGregor family in Scotland, the ethnicity of greatest importance to their identity and confidence as a people is Celtic. For the clan in America, their macroethnicity (American) may be of greatest importance for their overall identities. Their Celtic microethnicity has given shape to their identities through cultural "remnants" practiced at home. For instance, they may tell Tall Tales, believe in magic, wear their clan tartans as scarves or ties, prefer to wear or display a Celtic cross, and retain superstitions about the use of certain words. Culture is an artifact of ethnicity. In other words, culture makes ethnicity visible by how people dress, perform their societal roles, demonstrate beliefs about what is important, practice their spiritual lives, and abide by a

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particular code of ethics. For people living a culture, these cultural aspects are just "life." When cultural behaviors dictate social relationships, people act automatically as they were taught to do by significant people in their lives: their families, fellow church members, teachers, and people who live in their communities. Culture is manifested through art, music, and both verbal and nonverbal behaviors (Ortner, 1999). Language is inexorably linked with culture, providing the abstract symbols needed to communicate concepts (Pehrsson, in press). Language allows group members to interact and share what is most meaningful with each other. Much of what constitutes culture is bound in concepts expressed through language, a type of symbolic system, especially in terms of language used for community rituals. In losing a language, much of our ancestral history is lost forever. We need to consciously take time to examine our own lives to discover what constitutes our ethnic heritages. What is important to our families? What traditions have we continued to celebrate? From which ancestors were these traditions inherited? How many microethnicities have influenced our family members in their daily lives? THE ROOTS OF THE MODERN WESTERN WORLD

The Industrial Revolution influenced the way families, mesoethnic communities, and macroethnic communities functioned in Western societies. Efficiency was the key to production, and students in schools were thought of as "products" to be turned out as efficiently and as cost-effectively as possible. Schools became sorting machines, determining which course of studies should be followed by which students. A classical education was chosen for those who were to attend college and become white-collar workers. A vocational plan was selected for those who were destined to be blue-collar workers (Callahan, 1962). The mesoethnicity represented by educational institutions today in this country is European. How did this ethnic group develop its worldviews? To answer this question, we need to trace the influences on European thinking that shaped their paradigm, or model, of the universe. EARLY GREEK PHILOSOPHERS

The ancient Greek philosophers concerned themselves with questions about how the universe operated. While attributing creation of the universe to superior forces, philosophers turned to physical explanations to describe the movements of planetary bodies. Prior to 500 B.C.E. and in concert with advances of the Pythagorean cult, two leading philosophers promoted different theories of the universe. Parmenides constructed

Language and Cultural Values: Defining Who We Are

a theory of the universe as a whole based on what he named plenum. He theorized plenum underlay what we perceived through our senses. Plenum was corporeal, continuous, eternal, immovable, and spherical (Burnet, 2000). Empedocles continued where Parmenides stopped, constructing a theory of the universe as a sphere. This sphere was made up of four elements: fire, air, earth, and water. Empedocles based his theory on examination of everything in his environment, using his senses and powers of observation to direct his quest. He regarded the four elemental roots of all things as eternal, unchangeable, and equal to each other. Like those of the Pythagorean cult, Empedocles determined the heavenly courses taken by the planets and stars through the skies to be circular. The circle was considered a sacred shape because it reflected divine perfection (Burnet, 2000). Mathematics was invented by the philosophers to calculate the relationship of planets to each other and predict their movements through space. At that time, it was believed by many that the earth was the center of the universe, and that all heavenly bodies revolved around it. Geometry had been developed to explain shapes and how they were related to objects in the real world. Empedocles incorporated mathematical and geometric concepts in his model of the universe and its workings (Burnet, 2000). The works of the later Greek philosophers Plato, Socrates, and Aristotle are more familiar to us. These scholars elaborated on the earlier paradigms created by Empedocles, Parmenides, and Pythagoras (Burnet, 2000). There were other philosophers who, too, considered these earlier works and continued to elaborate on these theories. Women were active participants in these debates about the universe, especially in the development of the early Pythagorean doctrines (Forum, 2000). There is evidence Pythagoras was influenced by what he learned from Themistoclea, the Priestess of Delphi. Pythagoras's wife, Theano of Crotona, and her two sons took over Pythagoras's school when he died. Aesara of Lucania was called the "mistress of eloquence" and taught Socrates rhetoric and philosophy. She applied the principle of Harmonia (of the things that are) to geometry, arithmetic, music, and the cosmos. Aesara illustrated Harmonia as the principle that underlay law, justice, and human psychology (Forum, 2000). Hypatia of Alexandria, a neo-Platonic philosopher and mathematician, headed the school of Plotinus, where she taught geometry, mechanics, astronomy, mathematics, the works of Plato, and the works of Aristotle (Forum, 2000). The legacy of the early and later Greek and other philosophers drove Western theories of the cosmos for many centuries.

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The ideas put forth by the Greek philosophers were unquestioned until the 16th century C.E. Mathematics had been used to justify the notion of the earth as the center of the universe. The motions of some stars and planets calculated mathematically, though, contradicted this theory. Many scholars believed the only possible explanation for these deviances must be that the sun was at the center of the universe, and that everything revolved around it. Because the Catholic Church held the earth to be the center of the universe, no one could challenge this belief without incurring its wrath. Copernicus was the first scholar who decided to question the official theory (Rhodes, 2000). He discovered ancient Greek writings supporting the idea of the sun, not the earth, as the center of the universe. Copernicus wrote his findings in a manuscript that he asked to be published after his death. Following the release of Copernicus's controversial ideas, Galileo built a telescope in 1610 that allowed him to track the movements of the stars more efficiently. He was able to observe the surface of the moon, discover the moons orbiting Jupiter, and monitor Venus's phases. Through these discoveries, Galileo was able to prove that Copernicus's theories were correct (Burnet, 2000). The beginnings of the Scientific Revolution were manifest in the debunking of long-held theories of the way the universe, and hence everything else, operated (Knox, 1999). Nothing remained unchallenged, and every theory had to be proven through scientific, or observable, methods of inquiry. The colonial period in the United States was marked by the discoveries of the Scientific Revolution in Europe. In order to correct older understandings, branches of science were examined as separate entities rather than as integrated systems. The fields of mathematics, the "hard" sciences, the "soft" sciences, theology, and philosophy evolved from scholars' work here and abroad that separated knowledge into distinct areas for development. Older ways of examining the universe holistically were considered unscientific and therefore unreliable. Knowledge about the world as it had been presented in previous times was attacked through the new scientific institutions. Academicians believed each area of knowledge could exist independently from the other sciences. People who held to the old ways were considered "old-fashioned" and "backward thinkers." Eventually, even the concept of a superior force responsible for the creation of the universe was questioned. Cross (1995) describes this cultural worldview as linear in nature. The European linear worldview is one of cause and effect. In this paradigm, the world consists of separate areas that have no influence on other areas.

Language and Cultural Values: Defining Who We Are

Knowledge is assigned to "appropriate" categories. For example, if we examine the concept of "body," it will be considered from several points of view. We know the body is made up of cells (biology), which transmit important chemicals (chemistry) to the blood to be distributed throughout the organism to do work (physics), directed by the brain (neuropsychological). And yet, scientifically when we speak about "body," rarely are all these areas integrated to produce a working model of what takes place in the body system as a whole. ALTERNATIVE WORLDVIEWS

Today, we have a greater understanding of the interplay of social, psychological, and spiritual influences and their effects on people. The term "cultural relativism" is used to describe our capabilities to learn more about others' cultures in an atmosphere of tolerance as well as to examine our own ethnicities (Chen, 1998). We understand how our natal group or groups nurture the development of us as whole persons. As teachers, we must recognize how these influences have shaped our students. Even if students appear to belong to the same ethnic group, they are not "interchangeable parts" as proposed by the Industrial Model of Education. What is good for one student may not be best for all the others. We must develop knowledge of the paradigms to which other ethnic groups adhere in order to meet the needs of all our students. Otherwise, stereotypical images of group profiles will continue to influence the kinds of educational opportunities we provide for our children. CONTRASTS: A RELATIONAL OR SYSTEMS APPROACH TO UNIVERSAL KNOWLEDGE

In a holistic approach to the universe, the study of astrology is linked with "star stories" and legends, navigating the open waterways, and noting significant events in history that occurred in conjunction with star patterns. Let us consider a well-known Christian narrative that predates the Scientific Revolution. It begins with "A star appeared in the East ..." which signaled to the Three Wise Men that a savior had been born to the Jewish people. If you practice Christianity, you probably responded to this narrative not just with your intellect, but also with feelings and emotions evoked by the story. You may have thought of certain music created for the celebration of this event and found yourself humming along. In your home, you may exhibit artworks in December depicting this event. You recall seeing images of a family surrounded by animals in places you congregate with others, such as churches and museums. The values, beliefs, and ethical practices you hold are bound to this particular story.

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If you do not practice Christianity, you may have another set of images that accompany celebrations during the winter solstice ("the birth of the Unconquered Sol" or sun). The celebration of Christmas in late December was determined by church leaders in the fourth century C.E. (Gulevich, 2000). Christian celebrations would then coincide with pagan celebrations for the return of the sun, heralding the changing of the season and renewal of fertility of the earth. The Roman New Year (Kalends), Teutonic Yule, and other celebrations took place at this time. At the least, you may recall having a holiday from school during this particular season. How you view the commemoration in question, as a series of isolated parts to be examined separately (linear) or as an integrated whole (relational), will depend upon your own microethnic group worldview. In your classroom, the development of schemata for each of your students reflects his or her ethnic group's overall worldview. The relational and linear worldviews should not be viewed as superior or inferior, but as equally legitimate ways to interpret the corporeal world. In general, traditional and bicultural American Indians view life as an integrated whole, therefore reflecting a systems approach or relational worldview. This worldview also is reflected by many underrepresented ethnic groups in the Americas and around the world. We need to acknowledge the differences in worldviews in order to appreciate both the declarative (categorical) knowledge and the process (how to) knowledge our students bring with them into educational settings. We are living in a postmodern world. We have moved beyond the period of industrialism and convenient packaging for uniformity. We now recognize the value of diversity in all aspects of our lives, and how solutions to problems of our world may be developed through active consideration of different worldviews. Postmodernism recognizes the need to question hegemony in politics, which legitimizes those in power, thereby having the potential to divide us and undermine our efforts to educate students to the height of their abilities (Grant & Sachs, 2000). We must create new dialogues in our schools to counter the past oppressions of underrepresented populations. SUMMARY

We have a great deal of influence in the lives of our students, simply because we spend significant periods of time with them during the day. However, communication and mutual understanding are difficult to achieve if we do not appreciate the cultures of our diverse student populations. This is especially evident in schools with high enrollments of American Indian students. If we are unable to appreciate our own culture(s), language(s), and roots, it

Language and Cultural Values: Defining Who We Are

is difficult for us to accept the importance of culture and language use and preservation in American Indian communities. In the past, Indian people were punished for continuing their cultural practices and speaking their languages. Because of this, there has been much reluctance to share the meanings of cultural symbols and practices. The relational American Indian worldview is different from that of the dominant culture and influences how our students respond to the world around them in general and educational systems in particular. Many aspects of Native cultures have been retained within the home and are passed down through generations in the course of child rearing practices and community life. These practices influence children's lives whether they are taught overtly or not. Many of the symbols (verbal and nonverbal) that have meaning in American Indian cultures are lost to those who are not part of these cultures. Due to lack of understandings between the dominant culture and the cultures of American Indians, many miscommunications take place in educational settings. If we grow to understand that respect for European culture is evidenced in the continued use of cultural symbols surrounding us, we can begin to perceive the importance of acknowledging other cultural systems as having as much influence on their members. Doors can then open to communication between our students and us as we learn the art of negotiating both cultures successfully. EXERCISE FOR CHAPTER 4

Hypothesis: I have more in common with Native cultural understandings than not. This hypothesis will be answered through your responses here and at the end of chapter 5. My World

Learned at Home

Learned at Church

Learned at School

(Seen in home)

(Seen in church)

(Seen at school)

How did I learn respect for parents/others? My name reflects who I am or one of my names is that of a saint. What items (symbols) reflect my religious beliefs?

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Learned at Home

Learned at Church

Learned at School

(Seen in home)

(Seen in church)

(Seen in school)

When praying, to whom do I pray? What are some of the reasons prayer is used? How are the arts utilized in my religion? Was dance ever a part of my religion historically? What is my code of ethics? Record the results of your hypothesis testing here:

REFERENCES

Burnet, J. (2000). Early Greek philosophy: Empedocles of Acragas—Discussion. In Exploring Plato's dialogues: A virtual learning environment on the World-Wide Web [On-line]. Available: http://plato.evansville.edu/public/burnet/ch5b.htm Callahan, R. E. (1962). Education and the cult ofefficiency. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Chen, Y. (1998). Culture. In M. N. Cohen (Ed.), Culture ofintolerance: Chauvinism, class, and racism in the United States. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Cohen, M. N. (1998). Culture ofintolerance: Chauvinism, class, and racism in the United States. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Failte. (1997). Freumh nan Ceiteach: The Celtic roots of Europe [On-line]. Available: http://www.smo.uhi.ac.uk/cnag/Failte97/flb.html Fenton, S. (1999). Ethnicity, racism, class and culture. New York: Rowan & Littlefield. Forum (2000). Women philosophers ofancient times [On-line]. Available: http://geopages.com/Athens/Forum/9974/old.html Gearing, F. (1979). Introduction. In F. Gearing & L. Sangree (Eds.), Toward a cultural theory ofeducation and schooling. New York: Mouton. Grant, C. A., & Sachs, J. M. (2000). Multicultural education and Postmodernism: Movement toward a dialogue. In E. M. Duarte and S. Smith (Eds.), Foundational perspectives in multicultural education (pp. 178–194). New York: Longman. Gulevich, T. (2000). Encyclopedia of Christmas. Detroit, MI: Omnigraphics. Herm, G. (1975). The Celts: The people who came out ofthe darkness. New York: St. Martin's Press. Knight, C , Dunbar, R., & Power, C. (1999). An evolutionary approach to human culture. In R. Dunbar, C. Knight, & C. Power (Eds.), The evolution ofculture (pp. 1–11). New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Knox, E. L. (1999). The scientific revolution [On-line]. Available: http://orb.Rhodes.edu/textbooks/ westciv/science.html Ogram,K. (2000). The Celts of Ireland & Scotland: 1500 B.C. through 1057 CE. [On-line]. Available: http://www.likesbooks.com/celts.html Ortner, S. B. (1999). Introduction. In S. B. Ortner (Ed.), Thefate of "culture": Geertz and beyond (pp. 1–13). Berkeley: University of California Press. Pehrsson, R. S. (in press). Experience and the Sphere of Intentionality: Six easy words. Pocatello, ID: Idaho State University Press.

Language and Cultural Values: Defining Who We Are

Pretends Eagle, J. (2000). The drum is the heartbeat. In C. Schneider (Ed.), Tasunka Witco Owayawa Literary Magazine. Wanblee, SD: Crazy Horse School. Smith, A. D. (1981). The ethnic revival. New York: Cambridge University Press. Tobin, J., & Dobard, R. G. (1999). Hidden in plain view: A secret story ofquilts and the Underground Railroad. New York: Random House. Watts, I. (1999). The origin of symbolic culture. In R. Dunbar, C. Knight, & C. Power (Eds.), The evolution ofculture (pp. 113–146). New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Zaczek, I. (1996). Chronicles ofthe Celts. New York: Sterling.

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5 AMERICAN INDIANS AND THEIR CULTURES

STRONG EDUCATORS CONSTRUCT SCHOOL SUCCESS FOR CHILDREN

Children are born within circles of tradition that define the worldviews of their communities. For example, an Iroquoian child's first moccasins are punctured to keep the relationship between the child and the earth intact. Traditional birth, with the mother squatting down to deliver her baby, symbolically pulled the child to the earth. (Hill & Hill, 1994, p. 23) 1

F

rom earliest contact, Europeans insisted on viewing all occupants of the "New World" as "Indios," even though these peoples did not view themselves as alike (Mihesuah, 1996). This view was comparable to thinking today that Italians, British, and Yugoslavians are all alike. Evidence exists of hundreds of different tribal Nations living on the continent at the time of European contact, many of whom were decimated by European foreign diseases even before actual contacts with Europeans (Sheppard, 1997). Differences in daily practices, symbolic idea representation, religious outlooks, methods of food gathering and preparation, housing, clothing, and languages spoken, as well as distinct physical characteristics, marked groups as separate from one another. Tribal Nations differed in their practices regarding agriculture, from those with highly developed systems in areas that could support them to others gathering foodstuffs in areas where Mother Earth supplied them herself (Josephy, 1991). Throughout the 19th and most of the 20th centuries, Europeans utilized the concept of "race" as the equivalent of culture (Fenton, 1999). While erroneous, this assumption provided the rationale needed for Europeans to treat all Native peoples as if they were alike ethnically and culturally. Postmodernists acknowledge the need to recognize the diversity of customs, lan108

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guages, belief systems, artistic and symbolic representations, as well as political spheres of tribal Nations across the continent. As teachers, it is doubly important that we recognize the microethnicities represented by our students. SCHOOLS AND INCLUSION OF NATIVE AMERICAN CULTURES AND LANGUAGES

The Meriam Report (1928/1977) made clear that the efforts of boarding schools to transform Native Americans into copies of Europeans had failed. The efforts made to assimilate American Indians had resulted in disaster for many tribal Nations (Pettipas, 1994). Poverty, disconnectedness from other ethnic groups, and disassociation were worse than ever, especially on those reservations where the least amount of culture and language had been retained. Within the school curricula, Native Americans were depicted in stereotypical ways and treated as historical curiosities. People become objectified when they are perceived as the "other" and/or "less than" the dominant ethnic group. This leads in many cases to internalized as well as externalized hate (Ford, 1999). When people feel selfhate, they cannot reach their maximum potentials. The effects of Native self-hate could be readily observed in the community dissolutions of the early 20th century. The role ethnic identity plays in shaping the self has ramifications within educational settings. Schools play a tremendous part in the determining of self. Schools should not be places where children learn to hate themselves. Grounding in ethnic identity may provide the strength to endure hostilities faced at school; or ethnic difference may become a source of conflict if ethnicities are not valued there. Some of your students may deny their ethnicities as a way to try to be part of the mesoethnic cultural group of the school (Ford, 1999). The Meriam Report's recommendation to include culture and language in the curricula for American Indian students was rarely carried out. Several factors can be cited, including lack of relevant cultural knowledge on the part of teachers, who were primarily non-Indian. Many school administrators responsible for the education of Native students did not understand the importance of continuing Native traditions. They believed Native practices and languages were inferior to those of the macrosociety. Non-Native teachers who resisted teaching Native practices and languages felt that all children should receive the same education, regardless of cultural backgrounds. Although school systems received funds earmarked for Indian education, rarely was the money used for these purposes. During the 20th century, the fields of psychology, sociology, and anthropology continued to develop. The theories put forth by specialists in these fields have direct application to the education of our youth. We know that self-concept and self-esteem play important roles as determiners

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of academic success (Purkey, 1970; Covington & Berry, 1976). The success of all of our students is tied to ethnic grounding and respect for them as people. We know many non-Indian teachers continue to believe that Native cultures do not need to be addressed in the curricula in order to teach American Indian children successfully. Yet their behaviors toward Native children indicate otherwise. Yakama parents tell of teachers who don't want to "be bothered" with Native students. The perception many parents hold is that the teachers "shove the children aside," as in the story of a teacher who put two Native students in the back of the classroom and then ignored them for the rest of the year. One grandmother shared the experiences of her Spanish-surname grandchildren who were placed into a first-grade classroom for only Spanish-speaking children. The teacher did not realize for several weeks that the children did not speak Spanish. The problem was brought to the teacher's attention only when the children's mother appeared at the classroom door to investigate why her children were reluctant to go to school (Klug, 1999). If teachers do not understand American Indian cultural features, or attributions, misunderstandings will continue, with negative consequences for children. Many Native children have been inaccurately diagnosed as in need of special education classes, speech/language therapy, or other types of compensatory programs as a result of teachers' lack of information about children's cultural practices and features (NICHY, 1998). The following vignette illustrates this resistance by non-Indian teachers and school administrators to learn more about other peoples: A teacher in a large reservation school system recently stated that he didn't think it was part of teachers' responsibilities to learn about Native American cultures. This was too much to expect of teachers and "went above" what they had to learn in college. He had a teaching certificate. Therefore, he determined he was qualified to work in any school anywhere in the United States, regardless of the cultural backgrounds of his students. (M. Johnson, personal communication, 2000) Many of us grew up with negative connotations associated with ethnic groups based on their minority status (Berry, 1999). We have been and still are influenced consciously or unconsciously by stereotypes perpetuated by the media and the government. The attitudes created by stereotypical thinking can control relationships we form with our students. These attitudes can predetermine our dispositions toward children, making it difficult for us to see them as they are, not what we think they are.

American Indians and Their Cultures

Local area history sways our perceptions of Native students as well. In Idaho, the designation of a state park as "Massacre Rocks" reinforces the stereotype of "bloodthirsty Indians." The site commemorates an Indian attack on a small wagon train that resulted in the deaths of three White people. To the south, the army attacked a camp of unarmed Shoshone men, women, and children in the "Battle of Bear River," killing an estimated 400 people in a two-hour period (Trenholm & Carley, 1964). The army was welcomed by nearby settlers into their homes after the "battle" with open arms and dinner. By distorting local histories in this way, attitudes of non-Indians toward Indian peoples are manipulated in favor of the dominant ethnic group. These stereotypes also affect children's peer relationships. The following story illustrates just one of many instances that regularly occur: In many communities, Native American Week is celebrated during the last week in September each year. A powwow is held, Native children dance for their peers, and an Indian princess is crowned. A teacher in southeastern Idaho related in the mid-1990s how one of her first graders refused to get in line to go out to the playground for the powwow on the grounds that "the Indians (will) kill me." This child did not even realize "the Indians" she referred to were some of her own classmates. (M. Swift, personal communication, 1995) We need to be able to know the real histories and practices of American Indians so we can dispel negative attitudes in our classrooms. We need to acknowledge past treatment of Native peoples by Europeans and how inaccurate perceptions were created. The problem of teachers' stereotypical thinking of American Indians is further magnified if they fear their students because of learned prejudices. Children sense and model teacher attitudes toward their classmates. Negative attitudes toward Native children will be perpetuated in these classrooms by the atmosphere created within them. Cultural Capital and Students' Suitcases. Children embark upon their formal educational odysseys when they are only about five years old. Even at these tender ages they have absorbed a great deal of cultural knowledge. Children have learned through interactions with families and friends about ways of gathering information from their environments. This cultural capital has been ignored in school systems in favor of teaching "official" school knowledge and Western ways of knowing. Students are given the message that what they learn in other settings has no relation to what they will learn in school.

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Another way of stating this is to use the analogy of students on a journey. Children carry their most important items (cultural knowledge) in a suitcase each day as they embark to acquire school knowledge. When they arrive at their classrooms, instead of allowing children to open their suitcases, unpack, and settle in, they are forced to keep their suitcases checked at the door. It is as if we have been afraid to let alternative knowledge and other ways of knowing enter the schoolhouse. We have the power to allow children to unlock their cultural suitcases and use the materials within them. By opening cultural suitcases, teachers will expand their own knowledge of Native American cultures and demonstrate respect for knowledge developed by others. Teachers could easily remove one roadblock to communication by meeting parents and grandparents, and understanding the values present and language(s) spoken in the home (Weasel Head, 1993). When teachers visit the homes of their Native students, a relationship with the parents, grandparents, or both is formed. Children work better with teachers when respect is created between home and school (Chase, 1999). Teachers have so much influence on children that they can be the scariest for parents to interact with. Teachers need to be accepting of children. They need to get to know the Native people in the community. Most importantly, teachers should not assume that every Indian kid knows everything there is about being Indian. This puts kids on the spot and gives them the impression that teachers know all there is to know about Indians. —Gloria Praiseworthy (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) The best resources for learning about American Indian cultures are those who live them. Culture is a living representation of the society that manufactures it. We must be careful not to rely solely on what "experts" have said regarding Native American cultures in the past. Many anthropologists who studied individual Native communities interpreted their observations through Western cultural lenses (Deloria, 1995). bell hooks (2000) and others have called for a reexamination of the accuracy and veracity of these ethnographic studies. While some sources are reliable, it is always wise to investigate the credibility of particular ethnographers with Native peoples whose life ways were recorded. We must remember culture creation is an active, ongoing, and changing process (Fenton, 1999). The ideology subscribed to by the macroculture in the United States is capitalism. Native Americans subscribe most commonly to the ideology of communal distribution of wealth, power, and material goods (Adams, 1999).

American Indians and Their Cultures

Given the discrepancies between these two ideological constructions, we need to have firsthand accounts of local belief systems. These belief systems may represent common expectations across Native American groups, knowledge particular to each Nation prior to colonization, and/or a blend of the old and the new. We ought to be wary of what Adams (1999) refers to as "cultural imperialism." There are those, both Native and non-Native, who want a complete return to the old ways before colonialism. This approach leaves American Indians susceptible to outside manipulations. By excluding American Indians as part of the present, they may always be seen as part of the past, "primitive" people, with all the accompanying stereotypes. It is important for teachers to understand Native American cultures. They need to respect Native cultures and heritages, value these, and realize that Native American students can learn as well as others. Teachers must recognize what individuals bring with them to the learning arena. —Katherine Snow (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) American Indian Languages in Schools. Teachers should know some of the Native language of the children. They shouldn't know sacred language, but everyday language and phrases are appropriate. —Gloria Praiseworthy (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) Language provides us with a way to communicate with others. A particular language is a reflection of the values and belief systems of the ethnic group producing its lexicon. One word in a language may evoke a whole set of images stored in schemata for its users. Many concepts expressed in one language cannot be expressed adequately in another language (Pehrsson, in press). For instance, the word rodeo has great significance in the western and southwestern United States and suggests a series of images from barrel racing to rodeo clowns to Country Western singers. In the East, the concept of rodeo may induce only the image of a bucking bronco. Language provides us with links to our ancestors. We retain many nonEnglish words in ethnic enclaves throughout the United States. They enter from our ancestors' places of origin into the general vernacular of the population. People may not be aware that words they use are actually German (hamburger), Italian (zucchini), French (budget), Spanish (quirt), Dutch (poppycock), Taino (potato), American Indian (canoe), Romany (mush), Maori (kiwi), African-American (nitty-gritty), or African (banana) (McCrum, Cran, & MacNeil, 1986).

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We must remember that many ethnic groups may share the same language, yet not be culturally related. This is the case of English today or Latin in earlier centuries (Fenton, 1999). In some cases, such as in Japan, India, and many European countries, children learn their own ethnic languages and one or more other languages at the same time. Cultures cannot evolve without language (Crawford, 1992). Language conveys all the essential elements of any given culture. Gearing (1979) likens communications among people to a dance where the choreography is synchronized by voice, movement, blinks, twitches, gaze direction, and verbal interjections. Nonverbal behavior is as fundamental to the message being sent as the words used. Consider eye contact as an example. In American Indian societies, it is disrespectful to look an adult directly in the eye, as is the case in African-American, Appalachian-American, Southeast-AsianAmerican, and Mexican-American cultures. In European cultures, not looking at an adult directly in the eye may be interpreted as dishonesty or as evidence children have something to hide. By not acknowledging the differences in interpretations of this nonverbal behavior, we readily cause miscommunications between our students and ourselves. Colonization creates a superior (colonizers) and inferior (those colonized) view of peoples that makes oppression possible. Native cultures and languages are treated as inferior to those of the colonizer(s). This in turn leads to stereotyping and racism (Adams, 1999). Because knowledge may be treated as property (Gearing, 1979), colonizing agencies control access to knowledge linked with power and wealth (Hutchinson & Smith, 1994). In Western education, both formal and informal knowledge have been viewed as property. When we use only English in schools, the language of the macroculture, we deny to our students who have not reached proficiency in the language access to knowledge. Gearing (1979) asserts educational systems are designed to re-create the current social system. One example of how this is accomplished is by blocking transmission of important information in school through use of only one language (Crawford, 1992). By understanding verbal and nonverbal languages of American Indian students, we can limit the amount of cultural confusion taking place in our classrooms. We need to utilize customary or preferred modes of imparting information from adults to children so they may acquire the knowledge needed to move forward in the macrosociety. CULTURAL ALIGNMENTS: LINEAR OR RELATIONAL WORLDVIEWS

When we approach teaching with one worldview, and our students have a different worldview, we create systems of failure in our schools. In general,

American Indians and Their Cultures

American Indians who are traditional and bicultural adhere to a relational worldview, while European-American teachers adhere to a linear worldview. Further explanation of these worldviews is provided so that you may understand the influences on cultural practices that stem from these different worldviews. A way to explain the linear worldview is to explore the concept of "wellness." If someone is not well, the effect is attributed to a distinct cause, such as being exposed to a particular virus. The condition of one's spiritual or social well-being is not considered. Treatment for the illness is treatment only of the body. In this perception of the world, an individual is not expected to reflect on what is happening in other areas of life, such as the cognitive, emotional, or spiritual areas. The same thing is true regarding the roles played in society: A minister does not act as a scientist; a psychologist doesn't build houses for a living. There are certifications one must produce that prove one has acquired the requisite knowledge to practice in a particular field. This is also true of teaching, an experience with which you are familiar. In the United States, the macroethnicity and mesoethnicity reflect the linear worldview. The second major paradigm, the relational worldview, can be described as a holistic approach to life. In this view, all areas of people's existence, the mental, spiritual, emotional, physical, social, and psychological, are considered to be interrelated (Cross, 1995). If people become ill, they need to think about the other areas of their lives to see if any adjustments need to be made to help them get well. Many ethnic groups throughout the world adhere to this paradigm. Microethnicities in the United States may reflect either linear or relational worldviews. For Native Americans who describe themselves as traditional or bicultural, the microethnic worldview subscribed to is a relational one. The information that follows is being shared with you as a teacher in order that you may create successful communities of American Indian scholars in your classrooms. Opening yourself to another worldview will assist you in understanding of what occurs both in and outside your classroom(s) in Native communities. Native American Relational Worldview. Native American peoples define their worlds as the interactions of four quadrants: Mental, Physical, Spiritual, and Emotional. These areas are represented in the form of a circle, the Sacred Hoop, symbolizing the wholeness of one's being. We find intellect, memory, judgment, self-concept, and experience in the Mental segment. The Physical area includes the elements related to health and stamina, support from family and kinship structures, and the physical conditions

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in which people find themselves living. The Spiritual area holds one's relationship with the Creator, spiritual rituals and teachings, special dreams and gifts one has received from protecting forces, values, and the community's code of ethics. The Emotional area contains feelings, emotions, acceptable expressions of emotions, interests, motivations, impressions of acceptance and security, judgments, positive and negative impressions affecting interactions, and self-esteem. These four areas are in a constant state of flux as one travels on life's journey. For instance, consider the theoretical case of Evelyn Long Bow: Grandmother Evelyn is not well due to diabetes. Her opportunities to participate in special community religious rituals are limited because of her disease. Evelyn's feeling of connectedness with the Creator and the larger community has been negatively affected because of this. She is upset because her grandchildren danced at a recent ceremony and she wasn't there to watch them. Evelyn is also worried that her health will interfere with her sewing abilities. She wants to be able to carry on the tradition of making regalia (traditional outfits) for her grandchildren. Evelyn feels discouraged and does not want to leave her home. Evelyn has an appointment Tuesday at the Indian Health Services clinic on the reservation. Her daughter is concerned that Evelyn appears to be depressed. Unless the doctors and nurses are willing to take time to listen to Evelyn, they may not understand her situation. The professionals will not have a whole picture of how Evelyn's life is being affected by her diabetes. Evelyn's depression may not be recognized or treated adequately. Depression may not be considered as a factor that is preventing Evelyn from maintaining practices to help her stay well. In the past, a Medicine Man or Woman would explore all areas of Evelyn's life to determine the course to be taken to control her disease. Spiritual rituals would be included in her wellness regimen, as well as exploring Evelyn's nutritional options. Evelyn's physical comfort, availability of relatives to help her at home, and her participation in community activities would all be examined. Family members would become part of the system to provide for Evelyn's health care needs. The Holistic Worldview. This holistic worldview has meaning for teachers. We need to understand the context of our students' lives. Euro-Americans have learned to block off or compartmentalize areas of our lives from school and work. We have been taught to expect our students to do the same. We seldom allow children to discuss with us in school problems they

American Indians and Their Cultures

may be experiencing at home. This is considered as exceptional behavior and is discouraged. In reality, children may need to talk to us about their problems in other areas of their lives. We hear complaints from teachers that children are "daydreaming" in class. Experience has shown us that many times these students are trying to wrestle with events in their lives outside of school. We are the first to notice when children are having difficulties in our classrooms, but we may misinterpret the causes of their problems. Afifth-gradeteacher was extremely upset because one of her American Indian students was refusing to do all work. He sat in the classroom, wouldn't speak, and wouldn't interact with the other students. In desperation, the teacher decided to punish the child for his noncompliance. Two preservice teachers were working in the classroom. The teacher sent them with the boy to see that his punishment was carried out. In the course of conversation with him outside of the classroom, the college students learned the boy's cousin had committed suicide the night before. (S. Morris and L. Rowe, personal communication, 1999) For children, learning may not occur in the classroom for a variety of reasons. Unless we take time to talk with students and explore what is happening in other areas of their lives, we will continue to wrongly interpret students' behaviors. They may begin or continue to fail because we have not cared to provide for their needs holistically. Children may begin to develop low self-esteems as they view themselves (or their teachers view them) as being less than capable. Later, these children may become school dropouts as the cycle continues. The culture of school failure is once again reinforced. Instead of treating the one symptom, lack of school performance, we must examine the whole picture of the lives of our children. As teachers, we do not have to become school counselors, but we do need to be able to listen, accept, and be there when our students need us. We also must make referrals for appropriate services to provide for the needs of all our students. Before reading the next section, it is important for you to understand that we are sharing sacred knowledge with you. This knowledge should not be used for your personal gain. We must avoid the temptation to make replicas of sacred symbols in our classrooms of non-Indian students, or in any way to denigrate the importance of these symbols by selling this knowledge in any form commercially. Cultural property belongs to the cultural group, rather than to an individual. As an individual has the right to control use of his or her property,

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the cultural group has the right to control the use of its property. Not all people recognize cultural property. As a result, some individuals will use another group's cultural properties without permission. This behavior is offensive to the cultural group, because their property is used in a way that distorts or is disrespectful of the group's beliefs (A Line in the Sand, 2000). We share this knowledge to enable you to gain a better understanding of your American Indian bicultural and traditional students' cultural knowledge that has shaped them. You are being entrusted with this knowledge so that you will create stronger relationships with your Native students. NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLS: REFLECTIONS OF NATIVE WORLDVIEWS

Through the Creator Through the creator, the one who put us on Earth we are taught to be what we are and to do what is in our nature or what we strive to succeed. Through our creator, almost every Native American child was taught about their culture. To some the drum is the heartbeat To most, the drum is everything that is. We were taught that the Earth we live on is sacred and we must not hurt it. The children were taught to respect their surroundings and everything that is. The elders emphasize the word respect and so we're taught to respect. To the elders, The drum is the heartbeat To most, the drum is everything that is. —Dana Sitting Up (2000)2 People belonging to many cultures make use of symbols, or iconographs, to represent abstract cultural ideas (Mither, 1999). Symbols give meaning to the ways groups of people perceive their world and the changes therein (Lewis, 1994). For American Indians, the Circle (or Sacred Hoop) is of particular significance for all tribal Nations. The Circle emphasizes the connectedness we have to the Creator, the earth, and one another. The sun, moon, earth, and other planets are all circular, as are the stars. Nature repeats herself in this theme and with variations such as tubular and elliptical forms. The connection to the circular shape in its many forms is read-

American Indians and Their Cultures

ily apparent. The seasons, too, are continuous and uninterrupted in their cycles. The importance of the Circle is reflected in dances performed at ceremonies, powwows, and other gatherings. Dancers always travel in circle patterns moving from east to west. New dances created by Native peoples during the period of religious repression led to secular dances modeled after sacred ones. These dances were then performed for powwows taking place during Treaty Days, the Fourth of July, and other national holiday celebrations (Pettipas, 1994). The Circle represents the wholeness of our beings, our physical, mental, emotional, and spiritual selves. For some American Indian Nations, the Native American Medicine Wheel (see Figure 5.1) is used as a sacred symbol that incorporates these areas in a more explicit way. We know that the Medicine Wheel, or "Wheel," symbol has been used for a very long time. In Shell, Wyoming, there is an ancient Medicine Wheel on the side of a mountain. One hundred and twenty miles away, there is a 58-foot-long arrow that points the way to the Medicine Wheel. It is believed that tribal Nations traveled to the site of the Medicine Wheel for sacred ceremonies in the old days (Trenholm & Carley, 1964). To understand the sacred concept of the Medicine Wheel, we need to understand what was meant when Native peoples used the word medicine. Native peoples used words sounding similar to "medicine" to describe their spiritual gifts and rituals to appeal to the Creator for blessings, including physical healing. Medicine bundles contained objects representative of spiritual power. The symbols painted on horses for members of the Plains warrior cultures were meant to evoke spiritual protection and Figure 5.1 Native American Medicine Wheel

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blessings. Shields carried into battle by Native peoples were decorated with symbols to protect the warriors. Teepees were painted with special symbols, and symbols were part of the adornment for other dwellings. Clothing, jewelry, and other types of adornment worn by Native peoples reflected spiritual designs (Verrill, 1954). (Likewise, most people around the world adorn themselves with religious symbols—the Christian cross, the Star of David, the yin and yang, and others—and/or display them in their homes.) All of these examples incorporate the concept of medicine for Native peoples. Medicine in the Native American context does not refer only to pharmaceuticals, though roots, berries, and other natural materials were used to heal the body physically along with healing songs to the Creator. Many of these remedies were subsequently used by Europeans for physical ailments, though apart from the spiritual elements of the healing ceremonies. More than 200 drugs used first by Native Americans have been added to the United States Pharmacopoeia (Vogel, 1991). In contrast, the Western concept of medicine consists of the science of diagnosing, treating, and preventing disease or illness of the body or mind and may include the use of pharmaceuticals, though without simultaneous diagnosis and treatment by one doctor of a patient's spiritual, emotional, or mental well-being. The term "medicine" as a concept for Native Americans means all that is needed to make one whole, healthy physically and mentally, knowledgeable, a contributing member of the community, and a spiritual person. The role of the Medicine Man (or Medicine Woman), or Shaman, is comparable to the roles of priests, ministers, rabbis, imams, and other religious practitioners but extends beyond the spiritual realm to include all areas of the Medicine Wheel. The role of the Shaman is to intercede with the Creator for the people. Medicine Men and Women are known for their visions, prophecies, and abilities to beseech the Creator to provide for the needs of the people. Shamans are the leaders of community ritual dances, such as when Rain Dances have been performed in times of dire need (Marshall, 1997). The components of spiritual development for Native peoples are not left for Sunday church services; rather, they are a part of daily life in everything that is done. The Medicine Wheel iconography depicts the wholeness of all while reminding people of the need to maintain balance in the Physical, Mental, Spiritual, and Emotional arenas of their lives (Churchill, 2000; Pewewardy, 1999). Four is considered a sacred number among Native Americans. Different tribal Nations also describe the Medicine Wheel as representing the

American Indians and Their Cultures

Four Directions, Four Winds, Four Grandfathers, or Four Buffaloes. There are four areas represented by the Wheel: Mental, Spiritual, Emotional, and Physical. The Medicine Wheel is a reflection of the wholeness of life and the wholeness of the universe. When we are out of balance in any of these areas, we need to do what is necessary to bring us back into balance. By understanding this concept as applied to education, we can understand the need for children in schools to be "in balance" in how they perceive themselves (Pewewardy, 1999). It is on this basis that the concept of self as part of a greater whole is realized by children. This is reflected in the behaviors of children with their peers, elders, and others in their communities. Below, each area of the Medicine Wheel is explored in an effort to provide cultural continuity within the classroom. Once you understand this information, you may find it easier to examine your teaching practices to determine how they enhance or take away from the building of self and community by your students. Before moving to specific areas, though, you need to know that the Medicine Wheel today can be represented in different ways. In general, white is associated with the north (Mental), red with the east (Spiritual), yellow with the south (Emotional), and black with the west (Physical). The colors associated with the Wheel may be different, depending on the tribal Nation or artist. This should not be a surprise, as we humans adapt symbols to our everyday needs and to reflect our cultural values. Counterparts in Western society are the "language of flowers" where each flower represents a concept such as love (roses), grief (marigolds), or wisdom (white mulberry) (Lehner & Lehner, 1963/1990; Warne, 1996). Colors have special significance, especially for liturgical meanings, such as white for resurrection and purple for death (Morrisroe, 2001). Other symbols may be those of objects or animals such as the Celtic symbols mentioned previously. An obstacle to understanding the significance of the Medicine Wheel for those of European ancestry may be the cross (+) in the middle. Those who adhere to Christianity may see the cross and not be able to realize the Wheel's full significance. By turning the Medicine Wheel or varying it slightly, one can understand more fully the holistic nature of the Wheel (see Figure 5.2). With the + tilted to the sides to form an "X" at the center of the Wheel or by extending arrows beyond the circle, it is easy to view the areas of the Wheel as representing wholeness, not separateness. The Medicine Wheel is actually depicted with the X in the middle by some Northwestern Nations, with the colors black representing east and red representing west. The areas

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associated with the colors (Physical and Spiritual) are the same as above (B. Netis, personal communication, 1999). The cultural beliefs and practices of Native Nations may be found within the context of the Medicine Wheel. Remember always that different Nations may adhere to different beliefs and practices. What is presented here is a general explanation of cultural belief systems. For Nations who do not adhere to the Medicine Wheel as a sacred symbol, the symbol of the Circle incorporates these beliefs and practices. In some tribal Nations, even though most of the members practice their traditional cultures, those of the younger generation may not have been exposed to either of these cultural symbols except as an artifact of "Indianness." As we examine in general the four areas of the Medicine Wheel, we must be mindful of its holistic power, which influences everyday life. The four areas interact with a domino-like effect, one area influencing the other as in the roundness of the Circle. Learning takes place from the outside in for children. They are part of their total community. Children learn acceptable behaviors by observing their elders and peers. We can avoid cultural misunderstandings between us and our students and their parents and grandparents if we make commitments to acknowledge and respect their cultural knowledge. You may find yourself comparing and contrasting your cultural knowledge with Native American beliefs as we explore this information. What should be the purpose of an education? A Medicine man's response would be to be a good human being; to be concerned about the common good; and not to take more than you need. —Jonathan Steptoe (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000)

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American Indians and Their Cultures SPIRITUALITY

For many of us, the concepts of spirituality and religion are synonymous. For others, spirituality forms the core of how people relate to others and to the world in general. Spirituality and religion do not have to be one and the same. It is possible for people to have a spiritual base, yet not necessarily adhere to a set of doctrines put forth by one or another religion. So, too, examples abound of "religious" people who take advantage of trusting individuals in numerous scams and other ways. Such unscrupulous people might be regarded as operating from an immoral or unethical base. Different ethnic groups may profess the same doctrine, but practice their religions in alternative ways. This is the case in many religions that have a worldwide following. It can be seen in the way Roman Catholicism is practiced differently in the United States, in Third World nations, and in Europe. For American Indian people in the past and traditional or bicultural people today, religion was not practiced in a formal church setting prior to contact and missionary efforts. Their respect for the supernatural was, and still is, acknowledged through the cycle of ceremonies, which were repeated throughout the year. The ceremonies always included sacred dances to be performed. There was a sincere belief that through the expression of the body in dance, connections with the supernatural were made. Many times these dances lasted for several days, depending on the type of ceremony (Liljeblad, 1969). The ritual of following a "Vision Quest" where one would fast and pray to be granted a spiritual helper (usually an animal helper, but not always) was a feature of most Native American tribal groups (Liljeblad, 1969). Thom (1992) chronicles the important events in a young man's life today as he prepares himself to become a warrior. The events include participation in a Vision Quest and the fulfillment of acts to prove himself as a warrior, capable of contributing to the good of his people. The similarities of spirituality or religious expression as practiced by American Indians and other groups around the world are significant. Many of the ideas regarding the supernatural can be found in the mythologies of other ethnic groups around the world (Campbell, 1949/1968). Dance was also a part of early Christianity, and certainly a part of Jewish religion. It was only later limited in expression by clergy who felt it was "sinful." We still see remnants of dance in church processions today (Kraus, Hilsendager, & Dixon, 1991). For special occasions, such as weddings, an opportunity to dance occurs during the couple's reception, where a prayer may be offered and a meal served as part of the celebration. Prayer. Native American spirituality incorporates an appreciation for the unexplainable, an acknowledgment of a power greater than ourselves. In

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many tribal Nations, this power is referred to as "The Great Mystery," the Great Spirit, the Creator of all things, or by tribal names such as Wakan tanka (Lakota) or Massau'u (Hopi). The relationship between people and the Creator, Mother Earth, and all of nature was, and still is, significant in the lives of Native peoples. American Indians believe that all things are part of the great whole. As such, plants and animals become our brothers. Respect for plants and animals was (and still is) shown by thanking the spirits of these elements for the gifts of themselves, which provide for the physical needs of Native peoples. Native peoples planted and harvested foods, or killed animals for food and clothing, only when necessary. Nothing was wasted, as this would be disrespectful of the gifts given to sustain life. Appeals and thanksgiving for these gifts took the form of prayerful songs, many of which were considered special to the person who created or received them (Eastman, 1976; Standing Bear, 1975). Songs. Universal prayer songs were known by all members of a tribal Nation, and these were sung on special occasions or during sacred ceremonies. Many times the drum accompanied public song, along with dancing. The drum is considered very important to Native peoples. Drumbeats represent the heartbeat of Mother Earth. The drum reinforces respect for the Creator and all Mother Earth provides for survival. As Native languages are being recovered and again utilized for spiritual benefits, spiritual knowledge concerning the relationship of people to Mother Earth is also being revived. Artistic Expression. The primacy of spirituality in the lives of American Indians is reflected in the area of artistic expression. No object was created without a special prayer, and Native artists continue this tradition today. Sacred symbols were incorporated many times in the artwork decorating pots, designs for weavings, cradleboards, clothing, and other items (Hill, 1994b). Along the Northwest Coast, the Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian, Northern Kwakiutl, Southern Kwakiutl, Bella Coola, Westcoast (Nootkan), and Coast Salish local kin groups represented microethnicities within the larger social units of the Nations. Kin groups "owned" songs and dances. Through art forms, the supernatural was made visible, whether as twodimensional creations or in the movement of the dancers. Totem poles were a form of crest art that signified the owners' mythic origins (Macnair, Hoover, & Neary, 1984). With cultural revival among the Northwest Coast inhabitants, art is again being created that reflects the spirituality of the people.

American Indians and Their Cultures

Stories. Stories and legends told by each Nation reflect the beliefs and traditions of these people. Creation stories are unique to different groups, but they contain common elements of humans being put on earth through supernatural powers. There is controversy concerning the timing of the arrival of Native Americans to this hemisphere. Adherents to the Bering Straight theory place Native American arrival between 11,000 and 12,000 years ago when, theoretically, a land bridge was formed between Asia and America during an intermittent warm period of the Ice Age. Deloria (1995) refutes this theory, since there has been no evidence of human migration collected in the area or the migration of whole species of animals to and from the continents. He points to evidence of the discovery of the Folsom point, and of the recent discovery of the Clovis point found in debris dating to 37,000 years ago to support his argument. Others join him in this argument (Sandoval, 2000). According to Deloria (1995), American Indians, as a general rule, have aggressively opposed the Bering Strait migration doctrine because it does not reflect any of the memories or traditions passed down by the ancestors over many generations. Some tribes speak of transoceanic migrations in boats, the Hopis and Colvilles for example, and others speak of the experience of a creation, such as the Yakimas [sic] and other Pacific Northwest tribes. Some tribes even talk about migrations from other planets, (p. 97)3 A common theme across the globe is the story of a great flood that changed the world thousands of years ago. This story in North America may reflect the melting of the glaciers from the Ice Age. Some Nations migrated to different areas due to the flooding (Deloria, 1995). However a Nation's origins are explained, the importance of belief in the Creator as looking out for all of creation is an element that American Indian peoples share. American Indian children learn morals and ethics through legends and trickster tales. A common character in these trickster tales is the foolish one, or the one who does things he knows he should not and tries to get away with them. Coyote, Raven, or other animal characters in different Nations play the trickster. By telling these stories, children learn to avoid acting like the trickster who does everything to get his own way (Walema, 1998). Many communities are reviving these stories today. The significance of oral storytelling in Native communities has not diminished. Children are expected to listen attentively so they can memorize the stories and retell them to other community members. Accumulating

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the stories in memory allows children to find answers about how they are expected to act in any situation. Momaday (1997) illuminates the tradition surrounding shield stories in the Plains Culture. The shields mentioned were medicine shields decorated with visions or special signs received from the spirit world by the warriors. The shields contained the warriors' essences. When shield stories were told, the sacred number four was invoked. A different story was told aloud for 16 consecutive days, and the listeners fasted on the 4th, 8th, 12th, and 16th days in order to hear the message being given to them. There has been controversy about Native American stories being recorded on paper and published in books. In some cases, the stories were told to ethnographers who "translated" them into formats more closely aligned to European story grammar (the way a story is told). In other cases, the stories have not been accurately translated; therefore, the original messages may be distorted. Community stories are viewed as property of the culture that created them (A Line in the Sand, 2000). Yet many stories have been printed without the proceeds returned to their creators. These stories are also available in print form to be read at any time of the year. Many Native traditions dictate that stories are only told at certain times during the year (Deloria, 1995). We need to honor these traditions in our classrooms. We must be sensitive to what has happened in the past to understand Native peoples' reluctance to share their stories with us in the present. According to Deloria (1995), the American Indian equivalent of science is its oral tradition. In the stories and teachings that were passed on, knowledge is provided about the world around us and events that happened in the history of this hemisphere. This knowledge gave guidelines to Native peoples about how to live and protect the earth and its resources. Non-Native teachers should be aware that oral storytelling is a feature of many cultures. This was true for European cultures also. Oral stories were used as teaching devices and told in the spinning sheds of Europe (thus the phrase "spinning a tale"). While the women worked at their spinning, children listened to them tell stories (Rowe, 1986). These stories incorporated the "common law" in Europe at the time; in these stories, the wolf often plays the role of the villain, and he receives just punishment for his offenses (Mueller, 1986; Zipes, 1979). Relatedness to Everything in the Universe. Respect for others, and for animals and other living things, is a concept that seems strange to European Americans. In the Bible, it says that God gave man dominion over the animals. In Western scientific view, this is another justification for separating man from the environment.

American Indians and Their Cultures

The Native American way of looking at the world differs. In American Indian cosmology, "everything in the natural world has relationships with every other thing and the total set of relationships makes up the natural world as we experience it" (Deloria, 1992). This way of viewing the world influences how children interpret the world around them as consisting of "wholes" instead of parts. This view also influences the area of Mental as American Indian students are forced to choose between two different paradigms in their educational experiences. Naming Children. Non-Indians are often surprised that many American Indians have European surnames (Mihesuah, 1996). So, too, it is often disconcerting for tribal members on reservations to encounter children who are blond and blue eyed, or black skinned and curly haired, yet are enrolled members (E. Haliday, personal communication, 2000). Last names were often shortened or changed when children attended boarding schools (Mihesuah, 1996). In some areas, Native Americans did not have last names, as with members of the Shoshone-Bannock Tribes who were given last names when members attended boarding schools. Often these names were taken from the rolls of the congregation affiliated with the school. It becomes embarrassing for some when they are asked where their last name comes from, because the question is a reminder of colonial practices forced upon them (D. Pallaton, personal communication, 1993). Non-Indians expect Native Americans to have "Indian names" as in the old days. Before colonization, it was accepted that children would receive many different names in the course of growing to adulthood. These names reflected hopes and aspirations for the children, guardian spirits, and/or special characteristics that the children possessed setting them apart from others. This is not the case for many American Indians today. The practice of giving an Indian name was bound with sacred ritual (Wilson & Jacka, 1997). When American Indian religious practices were outlawed in the late 19th century, these traditions became part of the cultures that were lost. The practice of a person being given different names was unfamiliar to Europeans, many of whom had names added onto their original names through religious practices, such as baptismal names, but who retained their birth names. When Indian children entered school during the boarding school era, their "school" names became permanently associated with them. Bestowing Indian names through ceremony is a practice that is being revived in many, but not all, Native communities. The rituals constitute sacred knowledge. As this knowledge becomes more available, community

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members will use their discretion to determine whether they should incorporate naming ceremonies in the lives of their families. Patrick Weasel Head cautions us to be sensitive concerning the area of names for American Indian students. Weasel Head recalls being asked all his life if "that's really your last name?" Many American Indian children are afraid to speak up in class for fear of ridicule about their names. It should be remembered that many names reflect the cultural values of the Nation of which the students are a part. When translated into English, the names may lose much of the meaning a traditional tribal member would associate with the moniker (Weasel Head, 1993). Teachers need to realize we can be swayed unconsciously into thinking the child will be more assimilated if a student's last name is European when that is not the case, or that a traditional name implies the opposite. Names are considered sacred. As we do not know how a person received his or her name, we should avoid the practice of bestowing nicknames on our American Indian students. Calling a child Frank instead of Francis, Libby instead of Elizabeth, or shortening students' names without permission shows disrespect for children and their cultural practices. Powwows: Occasions for Gathering the Community. When religious practices and sacred rituals were banned, communities began to lose traditional dances and artistic expressions. One way of retaining dance in Native communities was to have special events scheduled during "official" (i.e., state-sanctioned) holidays, such as the Fourth of July. When children attended boarding schools, they were exposed to the traditions of many different Indian Nations for the first time. In these settings, new forms of dances and traditions began to emerge (Pettipas, 1994). One such tradition is the pan-Indian powwow. The pan-Indian movement has resulted from the reemergence of Indian pride after termination efforts began. This movement includes the use of powwows to stimulate community unity. Powwows reflect mainly the Plains Indian traditions and are usually attended by members of many different tribal Nations. For those people whose Nations became completely assimilated and lost their own traditions, the powwows may provide the only way to connect with their Indian heritages (Sheffield, 1997). Powwows are a reflection of the panIndian movement, but they may not be subscribed to by all members of particular Indian communities. Contemporary powwows are held throughout the country and hosted by various tribal Nations at different times of the year. The event itself can be considered as religious or secular, depending on where, how, and when a powwow is held. An event that has not been overtly connected to a

American Indians and Their Cultures

sacred time of celebration may generally be secular in nature, but considered as religious for individual participants. In some cases, before a family arrives at a powwow, the parents and grandparents will pray with the children that they will understand the importance of their participation as a way of praising and thanking the Creator (K. Lopez, personal communication, 1990). Excellence in dancing is a sign of commitment to one's heritage. Many times cash prizes are awarded to dancers by families or the community during powwow events. The prizes are given according to age and types of dance categories as a way of honoring tribal members. Aside from the powwows, members of Indian communities have joined together in organizations such as the National Indian Congress as a way to maintain political activism and address issues in "Indian country." The banding together is a positive way American Indians can make their presence known in the dominant culture in today's world. Redistribution of Wealth. Potlatches for Northwest Coast American Indians were ways of redistributing wealth throughout the communities (Allen, 1989). Many items were made for distribution at potlatches, which affirmed membership in the group. "Giveaways" were commonly held on the plains. The purpose of the giveaway was essentially the same, to redistribute wealth in the community. Native people were honored when community members attended their potlatches and giveaways. People knew the community valued them and honored them with their presence. Potlatches were different from giveaways in that they included the elements of reaffirming the community's social roots and renewing ancient traditions. When potlatches were outlawed in the United States and Canada, people were prosecuted for participating in them. Community traditions and art forms were lost as a result (Macnair, Hoover, & Neary, 1984). The giveaways continued in a limited fashion on the plains because they had not attracted the same attention from authorities as the potlatches on the coast. For Native peoples, the idea that one group of people would have a great deal of wealth while others starved was not acceptable (Allen, 1989). This is still the case with traditional and bicultural American Indians, as shown by Lomasi Underhill's example of giving a large amount of money to a stranger so he could fix his car and return home (L. Underhill, personal communication, 1998). The belief in the Circle reinforces the community value that what you do for another comes back to you in one way or another. The issue of freedom of religion for Native Americans led to a restoration of traditional religious practices in Northwest Coast communities

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after the Indian Freedom of Religion Act was passed in 1978 (Department of Energy, 1996). Potlatches were revived, though they are probably not as elaborate as in previous centuries. The arts are again being used in service of the spiritual needs of people. Art forms are being re-created, along with ancient rituals celebrating the values and belief systems of the Northwest Coast people, affirming their unique heritages (Macnair, Hoover, & Neary, 1984). Spirituality Today. It is hard to incorporate spiritualism [in school], unless separate from school or away from school settings. We need to teach ethics [though], including students' respect for elders. —Katherine Snow (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) It is good for teachers to attend powwows. Teachers should refrain from becoming part of the religion; that would be crossing the line. Dancing in the Round Dance would be all right as that is not a sacred dance. —Gloria Praiseworthy (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) Thomas Banyacya was a well-respected, contemporary Hopi religious leader who recently died. People around the world knew Banyacya, as he shared some of the sacred teachings handed down to him by Hopi elders. Banyacya became the keeper of this knowledge when he came of age and wisdom (Brown, 1986). Hopi tradition teaches there are four essential elements of life: earth, air, water, and fire. According to Hopi tradition, the black people in Africa (west) were given Guardianship of water. The yellow people of Asia (south) were given Guardianship of air. The white people of Europe (north) were given Guardianship of fire. The red people in America (east) were given Guardianship of the earth (Brown, 1986). The Hopi nation is in the center of the Northern Hemisphere's spiritual location, the Southwest, and all Native Americans have responsibility for the earth (Banyacya, 1971, 1993, 1999). The care of Mother Earth has meant recognizing how her gifts sustain and nourish us. Many of the foods eaten today were first known and used by Native Americans (Weatherford, 1978), as well as the pharmaceuticals discussed previously. Brown (1986) relates how a Medicine Wheel made in Kenya was given to a South Dakota Medicine Man. It had the same beading as the Native American wheels, and the same colors associated with the four directions as stated above (white, red, yellow, and black). Brown elaborates how the care of fire made advances in technology possible; the care of water made knowledge about blood chemistry understood; and the care of air made knowledge of spiritual advancement through meditation understood. We have

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found it is noteworthy that early Greeks and Romans referred to the four elements as being earth, wind, fire, and water. Teachers should note the parallels of the four elements as described by American Indians and the four elements as described by early philosophers. In 1971, Banyacya and other Hopi religious leaders made a plea to President Nixon. They requested a meeting with other religious leaders and government officials from around the world to protect Mother Earth and all of creation. They discussed the destruction of the earth by removing materials from inside of her and by dropping the "gourd of ashes" (atomic bomb) on the people in Japan. These revered men told President Nixon that mankind must begin working together toward peace and unity or further destruction of the planet would result (Banyacya, 1993, 1999). Spirituality as a way of life acknowledges the importance of connections to the Creator. Tribal men and women traditionally had, and continue today to have, important roles in the spiritual life of their communities (Yellowtail, 1991; Ackerman, 1996). Spirituality is shared in contemporary Native American music, traditional flute songs, and the beating of the drums and the songs accompanying powwow ceremonies. Spirituality as practiced by Native Americans constitutes a code of ethical behaviors providing guidelines for life (Allen, 1989). Respect for elders, respect for Mother Earth, treating others as you would treat yourself, sharing material goods, and living as an equal with other community members are messages given to students through stories and artistic expression. Making sure one leads a balanced life in terms of mental, physical, emotional, and spiritual areas is of utmost importance. Being "in balance" or "walking in beauty" (Dinè) is essential for a good life. According to Lloyd Kiva New (1994), hope for the future involves being grounded in the past: Observe what is happening to traditional ceremonies across the country. Most Indians live in urban communities and have long ago lost real touch with their home cultural bases. The pan-Indian powwow is a growing phenomenon that helps to make up for loss of contact. Some of the most beautiful Indian arts of today are found in the costume developments going on at powwows, which also foster reliance on the drum. In this context, new dance forms have evolved, partly traditional, partly innovative. Some communities successfully revive dances not performed in decades, while other revivals fail, and vital links to the past are lost. The changing life ways of Indian youth and the decline of native languages threaten old religious traditions and general cultural stability, in spite of revival efforts of a strong nationalist movement. Much of Indigenous culture was originally linked inextricably with older religious patterns. Religion may soon become

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increasingly ritualized, with culture more and more dependent on the arts to retain its distinction. ... Indian culture is already using the arts to find its ever-changing new forms. This is very much in keeping with the spirit of traditional Indians, who have been adapting to changing environments for thousands of years. To Indians, the saying that "art is life and life is art" is but a cute phrase to explain what has been known for eons. (pp. 45–46)4 There is a need for healing among Indian communities and in Indian/non-Indian relationships. Indian peoples traditionally believed they could communicate directly with the Creator, and did not need a "book" to direct them how to do so. Throughout the early missionary efforts, Indian peoples observed the contradictions between what was said by those who were "Christians" and their deeds. Actions are more important than words in Native communities, and actions belied the importance of adhering to the teachings of the Bible (Gaspesian Indian Chief, 1971; Adario, Huron Chief, 1971; Sa-ga-ge-wat-ha, Seneca Chief, 1971). In many instances, tribes were torn between those who had become Christian and those who had remained faithful to the old ways. Factionalism resulted, with many communities becoming dysfunctional (Walker, 1985). Today, we observe American Indian communities trying to regain their identities. We are witnessing the many ways people are trying to incorporate the new and the old within their communities, and to reserve a place for all regardless of their religious doctrines. More schools are providing opportunities for students to recapture the important link between spirituality and their everyday lives. We see this happening especially in tribal schools or Indian magnet schools. Ceremonies for the school family are held on campus, and elders are invited to participate in these events. Workshops for non-Indians who teach Native children often begin and end with the presence of a Medicine Man who prays for bestowal of blessings on participants and the events, that goodness will result at the end of the day. We hope that you, too, will realize the significance of spirituality in the lives of your students today. PHYSICAL

Teachers need to treat each kid as an individual. Teachers should respect each child as a person. Whether teachers have time or not, they should treat everyone the way they would like to be treated. —Simon Brooks (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) Not long ago, a teacher relayed how her non-Indian husband could not understand why his former high school students called him "Uncle Bill"

American Indians and Their Cultures

when they saw him. He would always say to his wife, "I'm not their uncle!" (N. Smythe, personal communication, 2000). Obviously, the students felt close to their "Uncle Bill," and that he cared for them. Context. For American Indians, the physical arena not only includes the physical body, but also the context in which people live their lives. Context includes extended family, communities, physical locations, conditions of housing, and income levels, which then determine aspects of the physical. Schools are part of the communities in which students live and participate. People connected with schools—teachers, administrators, school personnel in offices, kitchen workers, maintenance operations personnel, and bus drivers— are part of the contexts of students' lives. Physical Contact. While students may not require the same personal distance space as their teachers (for European Americans, 10 to 20 inches), we should not attempt to force affection by hugging students or patting them on their shoulders or heads. In this period of allegations of abuse of children in schools, we need to be especially careful. For American Indian students, though, an additional precaution about non-Indian teachers is taught at home through stories of the boarding schools and mistreatment that took place within them. It is not common for Native Americans to show physical affection (hugging, holding hands, or kissing) in public. Respect for others and their personhoods calls for the lack of public display of affection. When shaking hands, traditional and bicultural American Indians use a very "soft" handshake. You should not interpret a soft handshake as meaning that a person doesn't want to talk to you or get to know you. A soft handshake shows respect for you and your body. This differs from the European concept of a firm handshake as a demonstration of competency and/or domination. If Native children feel comfortable with their teachers, feel that they are being respected and treated positively, it is not uncommon for them to want to show their affection to teachers. If you are perceived as a caring teacher, many times you will be treated as a member of the extended family, given hugs by younger children and called "uncle" or "auntie" or other affectionate names outside of the school setting by older students. Remember always that you have the responsibility of following the guidelines of your school district regarding touching of students. But remember especially that when Native students know they can trust you, they will feel comfortable in your presence. For some Nations, the head should not be touched, as this is where the soul or person's spirit resides. Places of Learning. We know it is important for students to feel accepted in their daily environments. Children will feel alienated in their schools if

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they do not see any pictures on classroom walls with faces matching their own, or if there are no representations of their cultures in their schools. Textbooks must be examined for misrepresentations and stereotyping. Most often in history books information will be left out concerning Native Americans and their influences on the continent. Teachers may need to research to provide more information about Native peoples for their students. Trade books must also be examined carefully. Books such as Little House on the Prairie by Laura Ingalls Wilder may be award winning, but contain negative stereotyping about Indian peoples. In the same vein, we need to be careful about assignments we give to students. Robin Butterfield (Ojibwa) spoke of her daughter's dilemma when her teacher gave the students an assignment from the teacher's manual for reading (1993). The assignment was to write a story about how the pioneers felt being attacked by Indians on their way to California. Robin's daughter was in tears and felt she could not complete this assignment. When Robin approached the teacher the next day, the teacher refused to give her daughter an alternative assignment. In many Native communities, Native artists will donate their time and talents to paint murals depicting scenes or symbols significant for the children attending the schools. Being able to see familiar representations creates a sense of belonging for children in the place that is "home" for them six to eight hours a day. Native children are taught to value silence as part of their physical worlds. Traditions hold silence to be the key to maintaining a relationship with the Great Spirit. Unnecessary chatter is considered offensive and a waste of energy. In comparisons of American Indian teachers versus nonIndian teachers, the former allow much more silence in their classrooms (Phillips, 1972). Children are taught traditionally not to speak to adults unless they are spoken to first. Consequently, many children will not answer a question because they have not been addressedfirstby the teacher. Children may also not respond to group questions because they are taught not to make themselves look better than others. Teachers may think children are not capable of certain work because they do not respond the same way as other children. We need to realize that there are other strategies available to assess students' knowledge than those used in "typical" classrooms. An area that poses difficulties for children from more traditional homes involves following rules. Traditional families have few rules for children. To "have respect" for elders and others in the community covers expectations for what children should do. Native children are taught to listen to family members, and it is hard for them to understand they

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need to obey their teachers when they are not physically related. A teacher's aide from the Yakama Nations relayed that her response to children when asked about this was simply that "the European way is one of rules and laws." Once the children accepted this, she said, they got along better in school. The aide herself did not indicate she understood why rules needed to be observed, just that these were the expectations (Klug, 1996). Community Cooperation. Cooperation is valued over competition, and assuring the needs of the community comes before consideration of one's personal needs. For these reasons, we have found that cooperative learning and variations, such as paired reading and cross-age tutoring, are appropriate contexts for learning in schools. Competition may take place, but it should be only in the form of team competition as opposed to individual competition. Anyone who accumulates wealth is viewed with suspicion, because the person is not caring for the needs of the community. Children are taught to share what they like the most with others. If knowledge is viewed as propertylike, and only the "best" students are privileged with this information, then Native children may not try to work hard in their studies. On the other hand, if we show how knowledge can be utilized for real purposes for the good of the community (including animals and Mother Earth), children will want to participate actively in their educational experiences. Community Resources. Teachers should bring the community into the schools. In the upper grade levels, the only valid source of knowledge is considered to be a book or a video. Elders are valuable resources for cultural knowledge. If teachers do bring in elders, and also pay other people to come in to present to their classes, they should be sure to pay elders. This is just a matter of respect for the knowledge they bring. —Gloria Praiseworthy (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) When you ask parents, grandparents, or other members of the community to participate in school activities, you reinforce the idea that the school is part of the community. You as a teacher are also a member of the community. You want to learn about the community and the resources available to you and your students. Native peoples are generous with their resources, and they want to be able to make an impact on future generations. Oral storytelling, teaching traditional arts and crafts, having elders speak to the students about local history, presenting information to chil-

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dren about jobs in the community, tutoring students, or being chaperons for field trips are just some of the ways community members can participate in schools. Through monies allotted to tribal Nations, most Nations now have their own tribal museums where artifacts are displayed. Children need to visit these museums in order to appreciate the accomplishments of their ancestors and to understand their own places in the continuance of their tribal traditions. Life Roles and Politics. Anyone with experience in politics understands how rancorous political bodies can become. Therefore, it should not come as a surprise that reservation politics might reflect local, state, and national politics. An important difference with regard to Indian Nations is the traditional role of women in tribal governments. While other American women have entered the world of politics only in relatively recent history, Native women had full enfranchisement within their Nations until the era of colonization (Ackerman, 1995, 1996). While not all women held political offices, all had powerful influences on decisions made for the welfare of their tribal Nations (Niethammer, 1977; Allen, 1989). Missionaries found it was hard to convert members of different tribes because they had to convince them of the "true path" of division of labor between the sexes. The European view of women as caretakers of the home and children and of men as being responsible for the livelihood of the family was counter to many Native practices. Hunting was considered a man's world for the most part, with women providing an equal share of food through farming or gathering activities. Farming was women's work, and the missionaries had a hard time convincing men they should become agriculturalists. Women who had played active political roles were now excluded from this process as European men insisted on contracting only with male members of the Nations (Wax, 1971). We need to recognize the powerful roles Native women as well as men can play on our school boards and within our parent-teacher organizations. Without the assistance of Native peoples, our efforts to make changes within schools may not be as far-reaching as they could be by working together as equal partners. Home Life. Children may live with different family members throughout the year. Tribal communities are formed on a kinship basis with the extended family viewed as one unit, not several. For many Native peoples, there were no separate names in their languages for aunts, uncles, or cousins, or if there were, they were seldom used. Mother's sisters were called "mother" and father's brothers were called "father." Cousins were

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called "brothers" and "sisters" (D. Pallaton, personal communication, 1993). Children always had a place to go and other family members to take care of them if anything happened to the parents. For this reason, you may have children in your classrooms living with grandparents, aunts, or other relatives. Children also traditionally had a number of grandmothers and grandfathers because of this kinship extension. In traditional communities, the extended family plays an important role in the care of children. Grandchildren typically spent time with their grandparents to learn the traditions of their peoples. Jonathan Steptoe explains that this was an extended time period, though parents were never far away (Klug, 2000). You will hear parents of your students talk of being raised by their grandparents. This is not atypical. In effect, Indian peoples had the first child-care system on the continent. We see this pattern today in many ethnically diverse families as grandparents take over some of the responsibilities associated with child rearing, especially in homes where both parents need to work. Traditional Native American discipline is very different compared with the tight control required of Western parenting. American Indian children are looked upon as autonomous. They are given free rein to explore their worlds. It is expected that they will learn self-discipline through natural consequences instead of tight parental restrictions. Teachers who work on or near reservation schools are always surprised by the seeming lack of discipline in Native communities. We need to remember that children are surrounded by members of their communities. If there are problems, someone will be there to take care of them. Corporal punishment is generally not administered. Instead, "shaming" or "shunning" offenders by peers and relatives gives messages to wrongdoers concerning their behaviors (M. Chaska, personal communication, 2000). If discipline is to be meted out, it is usually an uncle who performs this duty, thus preserving the parent and child bonds. As one individual stated, My uncle would talk me to death until he knew that I understood what he was saying. We would stay in the same place until he was sure. Sometimes this could take hours. (D. Pallaton, personal communication, 1993) You should not be offended when grandparents, especially grandmothers in matriarchal societies, attend parent-teacher conferences. This is a good sign. It shows the family is deeply interested in how well the children are doing in school. If you are having difficulties in school with a child, grandparents (if available, and a more traditional family) should be contacted for insights about the child and how to work with him or her. By so doing, you are demonstrating your respect for the family and your

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willingness to let them be a part of their children's schooling. You will also inform the community by your actions of your desire to be a good teacher for their children. Some teachers have been surprised to have grandparents observe in their classrooms, as they are not used to the idea of the "public" being present. Again, this is not a cause for alarm. Grandparents are very interested in the needs of their grandchildren and of making sure they have good teachers. You can make grandparents a regular part of your classroom(s) by inviting them to participate in any of the ways described previously. Health and Wellness. This area is of great concern for us as teachers. If children are not well, in good physical and mental health, learning may be impaired. For some children living in areas of high poverty, meals they take at school may provide all the nourishment they have from Monday to Friday, with nothing available to eat on the weekends. Students may also begin to experience conditions such as alcoholism and drug abuse, which arise generally during the junior high years, making it imperative that we work with health care providers to find ways of fighting abuse. In some Native communities, the belief that illness is a result of witchcraft still exists (Niethammer, 1977). Witchcraft is not something to be spoken about because of possible consequences. Because of this belief, treatment of illness should not be the responsibility only of a doctor. A way to encourage healthy practices is by recognizing the important role Medicine Men and Women have to play in their communities. They can be invited to speak to students about the need to remain drug and alcohol free. Otherwise, many times the messages received by our students are "just words." Students need to have respected members of the community affirm messages to maintain healthy lifestyles. We need to encourage our students to participate in running, playing basketball and football, playing traditional games, engaging in dancing, and other physical activities. Television has had a negative influence on many children who spend their time away from school lodged in front of the set. Poor health habits from snacking and lack of exercise lead to early propensities toward disease, especially diabetes, in Native communities. Healthy children mean healthy communities. We must recognize the importance of family and community involvement in our schools. Otherwise, we are missing an important ingredient in our efforts to provide the best possible educations for our students. EMOTIONAL

The traditional extended family provided children with security and love throughout their lifetimes. The center of children's worlds was (and still is)

American Indians and Their Cultures

their families. Education took place within the family, with elders taking on teaching responsibilities. People known for particular skills, such as hunting, fishing, beading, or weaving, might be chosen by the children themselves to teach these skills. Learning Mastery. Children did not have to demonstrate mastery of their learning to adults until they felt ready to do so. In the meantime, they were given as much time as they needed to develop their skills. Mastery was not determined by age or the calendar. Children were not ridiculed for being "behind their peers," and there were no public comparisons made. Children were expected to find out about their own abilities and then to master the associated skills. Many times dreams determined children's courses of action regarding their future careers (Ackerman, 1996). Special education and compensatory programs were not needed. Each person had a special place in the life of the community, regardless of any handicapping conditions (Connors & Donnellan, 1995). Children's selfesteem depended on how well they could solve practical problems in the present rather than master abstract concepts for use in the future. Competition. Children were expected to do their best and have pride in their work. They were not to compete individually with other group members, as this would contribute to disharmony in the community. Children did compete in teams, with the team members working together to accomplish a goal. Pride was felt for the team, rather than for individuals. Identity Issues. We are obliged to recognize the role schools play and have played in the past in shaping students' self-esteems (Ford, 1999). We need to provide ways for children to develop and maintain a strong sense of pride in their ethnicities within the school setting. A firm grounding in ethnic heritage can give students support they need when encountering hostilities in environments outside of their Native communities. Pride in who we are makes a tremendous difference in the amount of risk taking students are willing to take in alien social settings. American Indians have fought hard to have many of their rights, such as freedom to practice their own religions, restored (U.S. Department of Interior, Office of American Indian Trust, 1998). We need to respect their efforts in this area. Empowerment. Knowledge can lead to empowerment. Knowledge can also lead to disassociation from community members if used for personal gain or to set students apart from their peers. We need to be careful not to alienate successful students from their communities. If communities approve

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of their children's schools, they will be giving permission for students to succeed. A young adult from the Yakama Nation described how he was drifting, with no strong goals, when he encountered another Indian man. This gentleman was walking close to the bar where our young friend was employed as a bartender. The older man spoke with the younger, and told him of his struggles with alcohol and of the many "wasted" years he had spent because of his addiction. With college textbooks under his arm, the older man said, "Books are the new weapons." This gentleman was studying law so that he would be of service to his people. (Klug, 1997) For the younger Yakama man, the older man's proclamation was a revelation. The younger man made the decision to return to college and finish his degree so that he, too, could help his people. This gentleman is now teaching and working toward a master's degree in school administration (Klug, 1999). Motivation for learning, for becoming empowered, needs to be centered in the community. MENTAL

The last area of the Medicine Wheel to be considered is Mental. This area encompasses the development of knowledge and schemata for children; their concepts of selves as learners; connectedness of school and community; and use of cultural capital within the school system. Learning American Indian languages is also incorporated in this area. The mental arena embraces the microethnicity of students. The positive effects of enculturation on self-esteem for Native youth are described in the following: Enculturation is an experience that occurs within a single cultural group and involves connection to one's cultural background. It is an affirmation of one's cultural heritage rather than a focus on fitting into the majority culture. Similarly, enculturation refers to association with others in one's cultural group and with its traditions rather than assimilation into the mainstream society. Nevertheless, enculturation does not necessarily prevent assimilation into the majority culture. One may both identify with and feel pride for their ethnic cultural heritage and also become integrated into mainstream society. (Zimmerman et al., 1995, p. 201)5 The mental area encapsulates nonverbal cultural patterns, such as appropriate ways to behave when interacting with others. The pragmatics of language use, which differ from English pragmatics, are stored here in memory (Leap, 1993). For example, in typical classrooms, non-Indian

American Indians and Their Cultures

teacher wait-time for responses is less than half a second. Native children learn to think thoroughly before answering questions. Very traditional children may exhibit wait-time as long as 15 seconds (Israel, 1998). Children may also be translating from "Indian" to English when called upon by teachers, contributing to the impression of being "slow learners." While working with Native American children, Bonneau (1996) found their narrative skills were equivalent to those of European-American children in the same geographical area. Just as parents and grandparents wait patiently for their children's responses, so we, too, need to adopt this pattern. Children view themselves as capable in school based on their interactions with teachers. Misjudging children's potential on the basis of cultural differences is comparable to throwing away their potentials. American Indian peoples have always been great naturalists. By capitalizing on this natural intelligence, the sciences can become a relevant part of students' curricula. Incorporation of the arts, oratory skills, intra-intelligence skills, and inter-intelligence skills across the curricula will be discussed in the next chapter. Teaching involves working alongside children as they construct meanings of their worlds. Vygotsky (1978) informs us that learning is a socially mediated process. We understand constructs with the aid of interpretations from our communities. We teachers must also be willing to share our personal learning experiences with students (Ford, 1999). Children need to that know that their teachers weren't born with all the knowledge they teach in school. Exploring the world beyond textbooks with students provides us with another way to share our enthusiasm for learning with them. The issue of motivation and learning becomes one of making connections for students. In other words, teachers need to connect what the students are learning with what they already know. Teachers need to connect with what the local community wants . . . the real curriculum in the school isn't the content, but the values that are being taught. —George Enlow (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) SUMMARY

Diversity among our tribes is our greatest strength and also our greatest challenge. As Native people, we have many languages and cultures both among tribes and within tribes. As Native people occupying both reservations and urban centers, we have different understanding and knowledge built out of our experiences—our experiences that simultaneously span three or four generations.

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Indian Nations and non-Natives can no longer assume homogeneity— difference exists among Native people and communities, and sometimes divides us as we attempt to transform our social and cultural realities under the guise of self-determination.... Preservation of language and culture requires clarity about what elements of culture and language we are talking about, there are notably different articulations of language and culture and the role they both play in educating members of Native societies; identifying them will help educators develop educational strategies that promote bicultural benefits, such as self-determination. (Yazzie, 2000, p. 15)6 With increased knowledge gained concerning teaching and learning, we have developed greater understanding of the need for children to experience school success. We can recognize the effects of the interplay of multiple factors on learning. Children are viewed more holistically than ever before in Western education. Today's schools are not those of the 1950s and before. To be able to reach all of our American Indian students, we must acknowledge that not all "Indians" are the same (Hill, 1994a). We need to understand differences in tribal Nations in political structures; cultural practices; Native arts and crafts practiced; traditional roles of men and women in society; educational practices; and traditional child rearing practices. At the same time, we can acknowledge commonalities among Native Americans in terms of spiritual beliefs, need for connectedness with cultures, and the importance of language preservation. The United States is made up of many different ethnic groups. We can be strong as a nation if all of our members are valued and appreciated. We can no longer assume that one way of thinking, knowing, and learning is the only valid way. As we understand more about the children whose lives are affected by our presence, we will also learn more about our cultures and ourselves. Children do have to be able to "code-switch," in order to move among the macroethnic, mesoethnic, and microethnic ways of perceiving and operating in the world. As teachers, we have the ability to assist our students in making these transitions. But first, Teachers need to know who they are; they need to be grounded in their own cultures. Teachers who are "wannabees" usually don't last very long. They have preconceived ideas of themselves and Indian peoples. They want to take the exciting things, the exotic things, of cultures. Teachers need to be themselves. —Gloria Praiseworthy (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) We need to teach in ways that respect our students' first cultures. Margalit (1996) proclaims that a society is "decent" only when it respects the

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diversity of all its peoples. From this base of respect, we can encourage students to grow and develop. In the process, we will teach and our students will learn the skills needed for success in the world at large. Respect for our students does not mean we have to "rescue" them, as some perceive. Rapidly paced alternative teacher preparation programs such as Teach for America, though well intentioned, do not provide adequate understanding of local community mores and cultural systems (Popkewitz, 1998). If we try to rescue students, we are denying them the knowledge they will need to become empowered and contributing members of their societies. We are obligated to develop habits of respect that recognize the great strengths our American Indian students bring with them in their cultural suitcases. Only then will the culture of failure be kept out of our schools and classrooms (Grant & Sachs, 2000). Recognize that all kids have gifts; use these gifts to help them learn. —Gloria Praiseworthy (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) EXERCISE FOR CHAPTER 5

Answer the following questions and compare your answers with those of a peer. 1. Name events that take place during the year that involve some type of redistribution of wealth or goods in your family or community. 2. What do you do to support your church, if you attend one? 3. How do your efforts serve to meet the needs of your community? 4. As a teacher, what are some of the things you do to make your students feel welcomed in your classroom? 5. Do you give your students opportunities to share with others in your classroom? How do you do this? 6. Have you ever made a long-term commitment to teach in a particular community? How was this different from teaching for only a short time in a school? 7. Have you invited community members to participate in your classroom before? How did this activity contribute to your students' learning? 8. How are ethics a part of your classroom? From where did these ethics derive? 9. How could you blend two ethical systems in your classroom? 10. You are an administrator of a school with a large American Indian population. American Indian students have dual citizenship in their Nations and in the United States. What are the most important concepts you would want students to know that

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would allow them to participate as fully as possible as citizens in both of their nations? REFERENCES Ackerman, L. A. (Ed.). (1995). Women andpower in Native North America. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Ackerman, L. A. (1996). Introduction: Plateau women and their culture. In L. A. Ackerman (Ed.), A song to the Creator: Traditional arts of Native American women ofthe Plateau (pp. 5–15). Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Adams, H. (1999). Torturedpeople: The politics of colonization (Rev. ed.). Penticton, BC: Theytus Books. Adario, Huron Chief. (1971). Nay, you are miserable.... In T. C. McLuhan (Ed.), Touch the earth: A self-portrait of Indian existence (p. 50). New York: Promontory Press. Allen, D. (1989). Indians ofthe Northwest Coast. Seattle, WA: Hancock House. A line in the sand [On-line]. (2000). Available: http://www.hanksville.org/sand/cp.html Banyacya, T. (1971). Letter to President Nixon concerning strip mining on Navajo and Hopi lands. In T. C. McLuhan (Ed.), Touch the earth: A self-portrait of Indian existence (pp. 170–171). New York: Promontory Press. Banyacya, T. (1993). Hopi spiritual teachings. Address given at Idaho State University, Pocatello. Banyacya, T. (1999). The Hopi message: An address by Thomas Banyacya, Kykotsmovi, Arizona [On-line]. The Alpha Institute. Available: http://www.welcomehome.org/rainbow/prophecy/hopi.html Berry, B. (1999). Social rage: Emotion and cultural conflict. New York: Garland. Bonneau, S. T. (1996). A culturally sensitive narrative assessment: Does stimuli make a difference in Native American children? Unpublished master's thesis, Idaho State University, Pocatello. Brown, L. (1986). Hopi Indian prophesies [On-line]. The House of David Teaching Centre. Available: http://www.newage.com.au/library/hopi.html Burnet, J. (2000). Scientific Revolution [On-line]. Available: http://scientific revolution.evansville.edu/ public/burnet/ch5b.htm Butterfield, R. (1993). In B. J. Klug (producer), Idaho TEAMS*: Multiculturalism for Idaho [Teleconference]. Boise, ID: Public Broadcasting System. Campbell, J. (1968). The hero with a thousand faces. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. (Originally published 1949) Chase, P. G. (1999). Symbolism as reference and symbolism as culture. In R. Dunbar, C. Knight, & C. Power (Eds.), The evolution ofculture (pp. 34–49). New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Churchill, W. (2000). White Studies: The intellectual imperialism of U.S. higher education. In E. M. Duarte and S. Smith (Eds.), Foundationalperspectives in multicultural education (pp. 50–67). New York: Longman. Connors, J. L., & Donnellan, A. M. (1995). Walk in beauty: Western perspectives on disability and Navajo family cultural resilience. In H. I. McCubbin, E. A. Thompson, A. I. Thompson, & J. E. Fromer (Eds.), Resiliency in ethnic minority families: Native and immigrant American families (Vol. 1, pp. 159–182). Madison: University of Wisconsin System. Covington, M. V., & Berry, R. G. (1976). Self worth and school learning. New York: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston. Crawford, J. (1992) Holdyour tongue: Bilingualism and the politics of English only. New York: AddisonWesley. Cross T. L. (1995) Understanding family resiliency from a relational world view. In I. Hamilton, E. A. McCubbin, A. I. Thompson, and J. E. Fromer (Eds.), Resiliency in ethnic minority families: Native and immigrantfamilies, Vol. I. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Deloria, V., Jr. (1992). Relativity, relatedness. Winds of Change, 7(4), 34–37. Deloria, V., Jr. (1995). Red earth, white lies: Native Americans and the myth of scientificfact. New York: Scribner. Department of Energy. (1996). OEPA Environmental Law Summary: American Indian Religious Freedom and Native American Graves Repatriation and Protection Acts [On-line]. Available: http://tis.-nt.eh.doe.gov/oepa/law_sum/AIRFA.HTM Eastman, C. (1976). Indian boyhood. Glorieta, NM: Rio Grande Press. Fenton, S. (1999). Ethnicity, racism, class and culture. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.

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Ford, T. (1999). Becoming multicultural: Personal and social construction through critical teaching. New York: Falmer Press. Gaspesian Indian Chief. (1971). Thou reproachest u s . . . . In T. C. McLuhan (Ed.), Touch the earth: A self-portrait of Indian existence (pp. 48–49). New York: Promontory Press. Gearing, F. (1979). Introduction. In F. Gearing & L. Sangree (Eds.), Toward a cultural theory ofeducation and schooling (pp. 1–5). New York: Mouton. Grant, C. A., & Sachs, J. M. (2000). Multicultural education and postmodernism: Movement toward a dialogue. In E. M. Duarte and S. Smith (Eds.), Foundational perspectives in multicultural education (pp. 178–194). New York: Longman. Hill, T. (1994a). Introduction: A backward glimpse through the museum door. In T. Hill and R. W. Hill, Sr. (Eds.), Creation's journey: Native American identity and belief (pp. 14–19). Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press in association with the National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Museum. Hill, T. (1994b). Vision and virtuosity. In T. Hill and R. W. Hill, Sr. (Eds.), Creation's journey: Native American identity and belief (pp. 106–171). Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press in association with the National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Museum. Hill, T., & Hill, R. W., Sr. (1994). Growing up Indian. In T. Hill and R. W. Hill, Sr. (Eds.), Creation'sjourney: Native American identity and belief (pp. 21–31). Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press in association with the National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Museum. hooks, b. (2000). Overcoming White supremacy: A comment. In E. M. Duarte and S. Smith (Eds.), Foundationalperspectives in multicultural education (pp. 111–117), New York: Longman. Hutchinson, J., & Smith, A. D. (Eds.). (1994). Nationalism. New York: Oxford University Press. Israel, R. A. (1998). A comparison ofthe narrative skills of Native American and Anglo American first grade children. Unpublished master's thesis, Idaho State University, Pocatello. Josephy, A. (1991). The Indian heritage of America. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Klug, B. J. (1996). Evaluation reportfor the Knight Scholars Program at Heritage College. Pocatello: Idaho State University. Klug, B. J. (1997). Evaluation reportfor the Knight Scholars Program at Heritage College. Pocatello: Idaho State University. Klug, B. J. (1999). Evaluation reportfor the Knight Scholars Program at Heritage College. Pocatello: Idaho State University. Klug, B. J. (2000). Summative evaluation reportfor the Knight Scholars Program at Heritage College. Pocatello: Idaho State University. Kraus, R., Hilsendager, S. C , & Dixon, B. (1991). History ofthe dance in art and education (3rd ed.). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Leap, W. L. (1993). American Indian English. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press. Lehner, E., & Lehner, J. (1990). Folklore and symbolism of flowers, plants, and trees. Detroit, MI: Omnigraphics. (Original work published 1963) Lewis, D. R. (1994). Neither wolfnor dog: American Indians, environment, and agrarian change. New York: Oxford University Press. Liljeblad, S. (1969). The religious attitude of the Shoshonean Indians. Rendezvous: Journal of Arts and Letters, 4(1), 47–58. Macnair, P. L., Hoover, A. L., & Neary, K. (1984). Tradition and innovation in Northwest Coast Indian art. Seattle: University of Washington Press. Margalit, A. (1996). The decent society. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Marshall, A. (1997). Rain. Native Peoples Magazine,11(1), 68–73. McCrum, R., Cran, W. & MacNeil, R. (1986). The story of English. New York: Viking. Meriam, L. (1977). The effects of boarding schools on Indian family life: 1928. In S. Unger (Ed.), Destruction of American Indian families. Association on American Indian Affairs. (Original work published 1928) Mihesuah, D. A. (1996). American Indians: Stereotypes and realities. Atlanta, GA: Clarity Press. Mither, S. (1999). Symbolism and the supernatural. In R. Dunbar, C. Knight, & C. Power (Eds.), The evolution ofculture (pp. 147–169). New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Momaday, N. S. (1997). In the presence of the sun: A gathering of shields. Native Peoples Magazine, 11(1), 56–61. Morrisroe, P. (2001). Liturgical colours [On-line]. Catholic Encyclopedia. Available: http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/04134a.htm

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Widening the Circle Mueller, G. O. (1986). The criminological significance of the Grimms' Fairy Tales. In R. B. Bottingheimer (Ed.), Fairy tales and society: Illusion, allusion, andparadigm (pp. 217–228). Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. New, L. K. (1994). Translating the past. In T. Winch (Ed.), All roads are good: Native voices on life and culture. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press in association with the National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Museum. NICHY [National Information Center for Children and Youth with Disabilities]. (1998). The IDEA Amendments of 1997 [On-line]. News Digest, 26 (Rev. ed.). Available: http://www.nichcy.org/pubs/ newsdig/nd26txt.htm Niethammer, C. (1977). Daughters ofthe Earth: The lives and legends of American Indian women. New York: Collier Macmillan. Pehrsson, R. S. (in press). Experience and the Sphere of Intentionality: Six easy words. Pocatello: Idaho State University Press. Pettipas, K. (1994). Severing the ties that bind: Government repression of Indigenous ceremonies on the prairies. Manitoba: University of Manitoba Press. Pewewardy, C. (1999). The holistic Medicine Wheel: An Indigenous model of teaching and learning. Winds of Change, 14(4), 28–31. Phillips, S. (1972). Participant structures and communicative competence: Warm Springs children in community and classroom. In C. Cazden, W. John, & D. Hymes (Eds.), Functions oflanguage in the classroom (pp. 370–394). New York: Teachers College Press. Popkewitz, T. S. (1998). Strugglingforthe soul: The politics of schooling and the construction ofthe teacher. New York: Teachers College Press. Purkey, W. (1970). Selfconcept and school achievement. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Rowe, K. E. (1986). To spin a yarn: The female voice in folklore and fairy tale. In R. B. Bottingheimer (Ed.), Fairy tales and society: Illusion, allusion, andparadigm (pp. 53–74). Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Sa-ga-ge-wat-ha, Seneca Chief. (1971). Friend and brother.... In T. C. McLuhan (Ed.), Touch the earth: A self-portrait ofIndian existence (pp. 60–61). New York: Promontory Press. Sandoval, N. I. (2000). A question of origins. Native Americas, 17(2), 43–49. Sheffield, G. K. (1997). The arbitrary Indian: The Indian Arts and Crafts Act of 1990. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Sheppard, D. E. (1997). Thefinalreport ofthe Official Commission [On-line]. Native American Conquest Corp. Available: http://www.floridahistory.com/inset99.html Sitting Up, D. (2000). Through the Creator. In C. Schneider (Ed.), Tasunka Witco Owayawa Literary Magazine. Wanblee, SD: Crazy Horse School. Standing Bear, L. (1975). My people, the Sioux. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Thorn, L. (1992). Becoming brave: The path to Native American manhood. San Francisco: Chronicle Books. Trenholm, V. C , & Carley, M. (1964). The Shoshonies: Sentinels ofthe Rockies. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. U.S. Department of the Interior, Office of American Indian Trust. (1998). Federal Indian policies. Washington, DC: Author. (Also available on-line: http://www.doi.gov/oait) Verrill, A. H. (1954). Real Americans. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons. Vogel, V. J. (1991). What has American Indian medicine given us? National Forum, 71(2), 28–30. Vygotsky, L. S. (1978). Mind in society. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Walema, R. (1998). Bannock legends and storytelling. Presentation at Idaho State University, Pocatello. Walker, D. L., Jr. (1985). Conflict and schism in Nez Perce acculturation. Moscow: University of Idaho Press. Warne, F. (1996). Flowerfairies: The meaning offlowers.New York: Penguin Books. Wax, M. (1971). Indian Americans: Unity and diversity. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Weasel Head, P. (1993, October). Teachers need to reach out to Indian families. Northwest Regional Report, 6–7. Weatherford, J. M. (1978). Indian givers: How the Indians ofthe Americas transformed the world. New York: Fawcett Columbine. Wilson, M., & Jacka, J. (1997). Naming Beverly's baby. Native Peoples Magazine, 11 (1), 28–33. Yazzie, T. (2000) Holding a mirror to "Eyes Wide Shut": The role of Native cultures and languages in the education of American Indian students. Paper commissioned by American Indian and Alaska Native

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Education Research Agenda Working Group. Executive Order 13096. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Graduate School of Education. Yellowtail, T. (1991). Yellowtail, Crow Medicine Man and Sundance Chief: An autobiography as told to Michael Oren Fitzgerald. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Zimmerman, M. A., Ramirez, J., Washienko, K. M., Walter, B., & Dyer, S. (1995). Enculturation hypothesis: Exploring direct and protective effects among Native American youth. In H. I. McCubbin, E. A. Thompson, A. I. Thompson, and J. E. Fromer (Eds.), Resiliency in ethnic minority families: Native and immigrant American families (Vol. 1, pp. 199–220). Madison: University of Wisconsin System. Zipes, J. (1979). Breaking the magic spell: Radical theories of folk and fairy tales. New York: Methuen.

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6 REFUSING TO BELIEVE IN THE DOCTRINE OF FAILURE: CULTURALLY RESPONSIVE PEDAGOGY FOR AMERICAN INDIAN CHILDREN

All students can point out one teacher who made a difference for them. For me, it was my third grade teacher who made a difference, who encouraged me. Let the students be creative; recognize their potentials and do not discourage them. —Katherine Snow (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) THE POLITICS OF EDUCATION

Historically, the focus on urban and rural schools is part of a longer trajectory of school reform, capturing a 19th-century view of schooling as a means to "rescue" children from their economic, social, and cultural conditions through planned intervention. The notion of rescue combined religious views of salvation with secular notions about the effects of poverty, class, and social/racial discrimination. Historically, the groups to be rescued by schools, however, are not merely those who were marginalized, but also the middle classes who sent their children to school. (Popkewitz, 1998, p. 21)1 ESTABLISHMENT OF EDUCATIONAL NORMS

n education, normative data are used to determine the achievement levels on various standardized tests that teachers can expect students to reach for different grade levels and the material covered in those grades. However, Rodriguez and Williams (1999) argue that while schools have been involved in reform efforts to improve student achievement levels, they often overlook the areas of human development, culture, and language and the sociopolitical contexts that influence schools. Consequently, the educational norms

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that determine curricula in schools are usually developed without consideration of micro- and mesoethnicities in our country. Educational norms permeate the way we teachers think of our students. Are students performing at an "average" level? Are they developing their literacy skills at the rate that has been determined for first grade, or are they lagging behind? Who is "ready" for the next grade? These are judgments that we are asked to make about our students throughout our teaching careers (Glickman, 1994). If children are not progressing as they "should," whose fault is it? Ultimately, teachers are responsible for the learning that takes place in their classrooms. In order to determine if students are mastering the skills deemed necessary for them to succeed, they are measured against a set of norms established at the local, state, and national levels. The bell curve, a statistical measurement, is utilized to determine what average development for any group of individuals is considered to be, on whatever dimensions are being measured. Who determines what these dimensions are and what knowledge is to be measured (Ohanian, 1999)? The idea of average embodies the notion of a continuum along which children can be located in terms of "expected" achievement (Popkewitz, 1998). The unexamined problem is the inherent fallibility in establishing a continuum. Who determines what constitutes average, and for which group(s) is (are) those determinations made? Who sets the standards, and at what cost to those who have been disenfranchised in the process? Who then determines which children have failed to live up to the norms that have been established? According to Dilworth (1990), teachers have been educated to view programs created for racial or ethnic groups as less valuable than the rigorous coursework of an educational program designed for dominantculture students. Most often, bilingual education and programs that encourage teachers to use alternative methodologies are considered remedial or inferior to those incorporating more abstract ways of thinking and learning. High-stakes testing, which relies on multiple-choice or pieces/parts thinking instead of holistic approaches to demonstrating knowledge, reinforces such notions of inferiority. Unwilling to admit that children learn differently, and that varied ways of learning may be culturally reinforced, the dominant culture insists on using the results of high-stakes testing to determine which schools are getting it "right" and which are performing "poorly." Students from low socioeconomic levels, students whose first language is not English, and students who have learning difficulties repeatedly make up the majority of students who fail to achieve the level of average on these tests.

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What test makers do not share with educators or the general public is that "average" is an ephemeral term: The average score is determined by the number of students who score in a particular range of the bell curve on the standardized tests. This necessarily implies that some students will always score in the bottom quartile (one fourth), the majority in the second and third quartiles (the middle two fourths), and the rest in the upper quartile (the above-average and gifted learners). Consequently, the score designated as average last year will not be the same as the score that determines the average 10 years from now. As our students master more knowledge at lower grade levels, average becomes a higher level to attain than in previous generations. This also implies that some students will always score at the level designated as "below average," even though the same test score may have indicated "average" 10 years ago. The role of high-stakes testing in maintaining the status quo is only one example of how the dominant culture asserts itself in the ultimate distribution of wealth within our society (Ohanian, 1999). EDUCATIONAL PHILOSOPHY: KNOWLEDGE FOR PRESENT USE OR FOR THE FUTURE

Of the many approaches to education there are two prevailing models that conflict: indoctrinating students with facts and memorization so that they will be prepared for the future; or learning and applying knowledge for immediate use in solving real problems in the real world. John Dewey and those involved in Progressive Education stressed the importance of being able to learn information in the context of what students were trying to accomplish in the present (Fishman & McCarthy, 1998). By creating communities of learners, students worked together through engagement in project-learning and problem-solving activities to apply the information they were learning to real situations. The idea behind this approach was that students would remember knowledge acquired, as they would link what they learned to what they actually experienced. This type of experiential learning would create longer lasting connections within children's memory systems, allowing them to access needed information in the future. The second type of learning is that of acquiring knowledge that has no immediate use, in other words, learning knowledge more for knowledge's sake with the understanding that the information imparted may be useful to students at some point in the future. This is the approach typically encountered in the vast majority of today's classrooms (Glickman, 1990). In this method, the "fundamental" knowledge we require students to learn is composed of pieces and parts of overall concepts. Information is rarely presented in a holistic, integrated fashion for students. In addition, the use of workbooks, blackline masters, and exercises following chapters do not reinforce

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overall concepts but usually focus on how much factual information has been retained by students. Students lack the opportunity to apply this knowledge, or see its relevance to problem solving in real-life situations. For instance, if students are required to memorize the periodic chart of elements for chemistry but are never asked to apply this information in the form of an experiment or to explain why chemical reactions occur, they will not have a reason to retain the information they are gaining. How many times are students taught that cooking in the kitchen is actually applying knowledge of chemical reactions to food preparation? CULTURALLY RESPONSIVE PEDAGOGY: A DEFINITION

Teachers need to challenge students. Children learn the most from teachers who are "hard," though they may not know that at the time. Realize that students may not have had experiences other kids have had. The first time I had pineapple was at school. —Gloria Praiseworthy (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) Culturally responsive pedagogy describes teaching in a way that "makes sense" to students who are not assimilated into the dominant culture. Pedagogy is a technical and perhaps even fancy term for teaching and includes the concepts of how we decide what, when, and in which fashion we will be teaching our students while taking into account their levels of cognitive development. Ismat (1994) characterizes culturally responsive curriculum as that which (a) capitalizes on students' cultural backgrounds rather than attempting to override or negate them; (b) is good for all students; (c) is integrated and interdisciplinary; (d) is authentic and child centered, connected to children's real lives; (e) develops critical thinking skills; (f) incorporates cooperative learning and whole language strategies; (g) is supported by staff development and preservice preparation; and (h) is part of a coordinated, building-wide strategy. We want to adjust our teaching of American Indian students to make education as meaningful to them as possible. This means applying the knowledge they are acquiring to real-world situations that affect them immediately (as opposed to at some time in the future) in their lives. This type of teaching includes adjustment both in the type of curricula being taught (the declarative knowledge) and in the way teachers go about the business of teaching (the process knowledge utilized by both teachers and students). We want students to be able to use what they learn in order to be successful in their own lives and to provide for the needs of their communities without sacrificing their sense of selves. For instance, is it appropriate for American Indian students in a fourthgrade New Mexico social studies class to memorize facts about New Mexico

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history only as presented in textbooks? Or would it be more appropriate to include a focus on how people actually lived in social groups prior to European immigration, responses to encountering new situations and oppression, and adaptations of lessons learned about cultural continuity and preservation to living in today's society? We must realize that the way school is perceived as an institution by the greater community makes a profound difference in how children are empowered to achieve. From the perspective of Native communities, the school system represents the dominant culture and efforts to "make them White," which has devastating ramifications for tribal Nations. Wolcott (1997) recounts his teaching experience with Kwakiutl students. He describes how he tried to make the children respond to his agenda, which included imposition of schedules, the teacher as the authority on knowledge and control, working as individuals versus in groups, and praising those who achieved at high levels. The students responded to Wolcott's efforts by undermining his efforts through continuing to assist each other with assignments so that it was hard for him to assess them individually on achievement. They would make collective decisions to work or not regardless of whether he asked them to complete assignments. Students who were outperforming their peers were teased so they would modify their behaviors. When asking the students to write about school, he found they emphasized school as a place for reinforcement of middle-class values such as cleanliness, quiet, punctuality, and obedience to authority figures. School as a place where knowledge was to be acquired was not part of the students' conceptualizations. Wolcott realized that he had acted as if he and his work were the most important considerations for the students in his classroom. He had not believed that the children could provide him with opportunities to learn about their Native cultures, which were as valuable as his and more relevant for their survival. Instead, he had represented the "enemy" who was trying to force them into servile positions, and who respected neither them nor their relatives (Wolcott, 1997). Teaching in a way that relates to students' lives does not mean that we no longer worry about what students need to pass state assessment tests. What it means is that we teach for understanding by incorporating culture and language into our planning for students. This requires making adjustments on the part of teachers, but in relatively minor ways. In other words, we do not have to completely rewrite curricula; rather, we have to extend the curricula to embrace the lives of Native students and their communities. We must also modify the ways we approach teaching in our classrooms and make our efforts more congruent with ways of teaching and learning

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utilized in American Indian communities. In this way, we will equate in the minds of our students the value of attending school with acquiring meaningful knowledge. Criticisms of Multicultural Education. Efforts to educate students by incorporating multicultural literature and knowledge about other ethnicities within the curricula are not without criticism. Stotsky (1999) claims that educational programming has been "dummied down" or diluted due to efforts to provide literature that is more representative of our diverse populations. She also claims that multicultural education constitutes a pedagogy of manipulation, based on making students feel guilty about what has happened to others in the past. What Stotsky does not acknowledge is the effect of popular culture on students' cognitive abilities, and that this culture has a direct impact on the way students think, feel, and act. Like other detractors, she points to the examples of a few students from diverse ethnicities who have "made it" without any adjustments made on the part of their teachers. Stotsky does not acknowledge the large numbers of students from underrepresented populations who find school to be an exercise in futility and who become dropouts because of these perceptions. School environments that are insensitive to cultural patterning can undermine all efforts to teach diverse student populations (Little Soldier, 1989). How you answer critics of multicultural education, whether they are fellow teachers, administrators, family, or friends, will depend on your own value systems and how you have constructed your ideas of the "American dream." If you see the multicultural setting as providing a gateway for students to be able to succeed in the dominant culture, you will understand the importance of working toward social justice in your classroom. This involves moving beyond considerations only of the dominant culture. We are confronted with the mandate to create alternatives to hegemonic thinking about education, encouraging us to reflect on our actions in light of what we know about effective practices for diverse populations of students. Stephan (1999) reminds us of the importance of holding our positions to honor curricula that are inclusive of diverse histories, different cultural systems, and explorations of the arts, music, and dance of diverse populations. In doing so, we will persist in our endeavors to create a school climate that reflects positive intergroup relations and reduces intergroup hostility in our classrooms. In addition, Stephan (1999) emphasizes the need to have school policies in place that reinforce sanctions for students who promote stereotypical, prejudicial thinking and overt acts of discrimination. We would extend these considerations of sanctions to faculty, staff, and administration as well.

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The Need to Develop Self-Respect. In a democratic society, respect for self is one of the most important criteria that must be met before we are able to respect and value others (Pinkard, 1987). Our sense of self-respect comes from the way we are treated by those around us. In the case of education, the adults and peers in students' lives contribute to the sense of dignity children perceive themselves to be worthy of having. As in the case of a circle, one area influences the other; the respect students receive contributes to their own abilities to treat those around them with deference. Among the reasons to develop a system of education that dignifies all ethnicities is the need for developing a social union in which the needs of all members of our society are considered (Pinkard, 1987). The values that become part of how we define ourselves contribute to the way we perceive the world around us. If we believe in the right to be treated with respect and dignity, we in turn must treat others with the same. Cornel Pewewardy and Mary Bushey (1992) describe the American Indian Magnet School in St. Paul, Minnesota, as an example of a school that successfully integrated Native American worldviews, traditions, cultures and values, and philosophy in its curriculum for Native and non-Native students alike. As the circle is a key Native American symbol, this symbol was incorporated into the design of an addition to the building in which the school was housed. The Circle Room was added onto the structure before school opened, and it was utilized as a school gathering place for celebrations and ceremonies. Team-teaching, cross-age grouping, cooperative learning, and multicultural literature made up key components of the curriculum and instructional delivery system. Native American spirituality and the concept of the extended family were very important; teachers were seen as caring people who were part of the students' families. Native American studies were incorporated into the curriculum for students. Portfolios were used to assess student achievement, and competition among students was not encouraged. Traditional arts, dances, songs, and stories were taught in the school, many times with the assistance of elders and drum groups who came to the school. The Indian Community School of Milwaukee (2000) utilizes a similar approach. Both schools have been extremely successful in their efforts, and students of all ages regularly attend these places of learning, where they feel safe and at home. Armstrong (2000), Gollnick (2000), Johnson (2000), and Wright (2000), among others, describe programs they have developed in their communities for American Indian students. These learning environments are based on the same concepts of holistic learning based in the life of the community, which reinforces self-respect as the languages and cultural practices are an intimate part of the educational experiences provided for students (Kape 'ahiokalani Padeken Ah Nee-Benham, 2000).

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Bias-free Textbooks and Materials. Examine materials for stereotypes. When my child brought home a worksheet about the Revolutionary War, there was a statement that "Indians were harassing soldiers." —Simon Brooks (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) We know the importance of avoiding the perpetuation of prejudices and stereotypes in the curriculum and the materials students are using. Low selfesteem and lack of pride in being American Indian are due, in part, to the stereotypical images of Indian peoples that can still be found in textbooks today. Teachers may not understand how they are influenced by the stereotypes of Native Americans learned during their own schooling (Little Soldier, 1989). As postmodernists, we recognize "that canons are socially constructed and always will need to be reconstructed through dialogues among and between various communities" (Grant & Sachs, 2000, p. 179). We must become critics of the material we are using in our classrooms, questioning for accuracy, for the agendas represented, for the times, conditions, and cultural practices in order to inform ourselves about whether the material is appropriate for presentation to our students. If material is part of the required canon, it need not be presented to students blindly. Students, especially older students, can take an active part in examining the materials they are using. We must also examine the material provided to us by state boards of education. Curriculum guides, frameworks for learning, material with scope and sequences, and examples of discussion questions to be used for meeting state guidelines may still contain biases, some subtle and some not (Grant & Sachs, 2000). For instance, in the initial materials prepared for teachers to check competencies for social studies in some western states, there were still discussion questions asking how students would feel if they were being attacked by Indians as they were traveling on the Oregon Trail at the beginning of the 21st century. There were no counterbalancing questions asking students how they would feel if Europeans were invading their lands. As stated by Giroux (2000), we need to develop definitions of pedagogy that admit new knowledge from subordinated groups addressing the "production of knowledge, social identities, and social relations [that] challenge racist assumptions and practices that inform a variety of cultural sites, including but not limited to the public and private spheres of schooling" (p. 196). When we examine classroom materials or trade books for stereotypes of American Indians, we must focus on how they are being portrayed (Almeida, 1996; Pewewardy, 1998b). Assessment of materials for invisibility,

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stereotyping, selectivity, imbalance, unreality, fragmentation, and isolation, as well as for language biases, needs to take place continually. Inappropriate treatment of diverse populations can be seen in several different approaches to presenting information about diversity. The sidebar approach limits information to a few isolated events. The superhero syndrome allows only a few exceptional individuals to be mentioned. The one-size-fits-all view allows students to make inappropriate generalizations about different groups of people as if all were the same (Chion-Kenney, 1994). We may ask the following questions of ourselves as we are examining materials for stereotypes and biases toward American Indians: Are American Indians portrayed with respect or as humorous objects of derision? Is their use of Native languages to be ridiculed, or is it rendered respectfully? Are American Indians portrayed as part of the present and future, or only as a footnote of the past? Are American Indian cultures shown to be vibrant and living, with Native people making contributions to their communities and societies, or as humorous spectacles? Are American Indian heroes and sheroes respectfully portrayed in the materials, or are they given insignificant roles and presented as Disney-like caricatures? We must ask these questions as we evaluate materials for use in our classrooms. A useful resource for teachers to employ to dispel stereotypes is American Indians: Stereotypes and Realities by Devon A. Mihesuah (1996). For younger students, the journal Teaching Tolerance features many articles on ways teachers can address stereotypes and prejudices in their classrooms. An example is the article, "If It's November, It Must Be Indians" (Bernard, 1993). The author gives ideas regarding how to educate elementary school children about American Indian cultures in ways that generate respect for their cultural practices. Berger (1997) reports that the Cradleboard Project sponsored by Buffy Sainte-Marie is effective in counteracting stereotyping of Native American students by other students. In this project, Native and non-Native students are paired together and learn about each other as they explore American Indian cultures. There are resources available, such as "Native American Authors," on the Internet Public Library (2000) that give teachers ideas of books with American Indian perspectives incorporated in the writings. Rising Voices: Writings of Young Native Americans (Hirschfelder & Singer, 1992) is a worthwhile resource for use with middle schoolers and junior high level students. Journalists Mark Trahant (1995) and Tim Giago (1978) have written books as well as published articles concerning Indian country. Their newspaper articles can be researched by students and read as part of examining current issues affecting American Indians. By incorporating the writings and other works of American Indians in our curricula, students

Refusing to Believe in the Doctrine of Failure

accord American Indian authors the same prestige as others who have published works. Language Use in Schools. Teachers will say to children, "Sit Indian style," which again reinforces stereotypes. —Gloria Praiseworthy (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) The language used to describe American Indian people must also be examined for stereotypical statements that undermine their sense of self and culture. There is a tendency either to romanticize Native peoples, such as describing them as "noble" or as "Indian maidens," or to degrade them by using terms such as "savages," "squaws," or other damaging expressions. Using terms such as "light" or "white" to mean goodness and "dark" or "black" to signify evil also contributes to negative images of diverse peoples. We need to cultivate Native students' sense of cultural pride, promote their feelings of high self-esteem, and provide curricula that meet their cultural needs. These are all keys to ensure academic success for American Indian students (Pewewardy, 1998b). Teacher Concerns about Altering Curricula. Teachers question whether it is right for any of their students belonging to ethnic groups not to be able to function in the Macro-society. Instead of viewing that learning has to begin with "sink or swim" into the mainstream attitudes, this can be a gradual process according to the needs of students. The commitment on the part of the school would be that students will learn to function in mainstream society while at the same time retaining and appreciating their ethnic heritages. Educators can teach children middle class values as a "skill" like other [process or "how to"] skills within the curricula. In this way, the core values of students are not affected. Children's selfesteems are not shattered, and children can grow and develop confidence in their capabilities. —Lonato Nuri (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) As teachers, we need to recognize that parents and grandparents know what is in the best interests of their children. The dominant culture does not have all the answers for all members of society, as can be evidenced by the myriad of social and psychological problems exhibited by people in this country. We must be able to reach out to communities as equal partners, realizing that while we may possess pedagogical knowledge, the community possesses knowledge that will enable children to grow and reach their

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potentials as citizens in two worlds. Reaching out is not as hard as it seems, and American Indian communities will respect us more for our abilities to do so. TEACHER BELIEFS AND SCHOOL ACHIEVEMENT

Belief in our students as bright and capable young people is essential, especially if we are teaching in schools with low records of academic achievement. Many teachers entering these situations are frustrated from the beginning. They perceive a lack of ambition or wanting to achieve on the part of their students. In many instances, teachers alter the curricula for students by making the assignments less challenging, thereby giving students subtle messages that they are less capable than others (Dfaz-Rico & Weed, 1995). Students perceive the attitudes and expectations of their teachers toward them and react accordingly. If the commonly accepted belief on the part of the school system is that American Indian children are not capable of succeeding, it can be hard to counter this message to students. For this reason, we must examine how different cultural codes for behavior impact the learning environment for American Indian students. In Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Paolo Freire (1981) identified what he termed as the "banking concept" of teaching used in Western education as consisting of the following: (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

the teachers teach and the students are taught; the teacher knows everything and the students know nothing; the teacher thinks and the students are thought about; the teacher talks and the students listen—meekly; the teacher disciplines and the students are disciplined; the teacher chooses and enforces his choice, and the students comply; the teacher acts and the students have the illusion of acting through the action of the teacher; (h) the teacher chooses program content, and the students (who are not consulted) adapt to it; (i) the teacher confuses the authority of knowledge with his own professional authority, which he sets in opposition to the freedom of the students; (j) the teacher is the subject of the learning process, while the students are mere objects, (p. 59)2

Freire (1998) maintains that this type of education, in which students are required to view knowledge as unrelated units, reinforces the perception of marginalized populations as naïve, lazy, and of lower capabilities

Refusing to Believe in the Doctrine of Failure

than those of the dominant cultures. The knowledge possessed by dominated peoples is discredited, as students are evaluated on their abilities to memorize facts rather than to think critically about their world and what is happening to them. There is no room in such a curricula to teach critical thinking. Nor is this a desired outcome by oppressors, who might suddenly find themselves confronted by people no longer willing to be subjugated. In the past, curriculum consisted of wholes that were exploited to learn specifics (Ohanian, 1999). Literature pieces were studied in whole. The grammar used was taught as part of the larger work, and students were exposed to language in relation to published bodies of work. Since the turn of the century, curricula in education has become divided into different areas or domains of learning. We have inherited mathematics, science, social studies, and literacy as discreet disciplines and subdisciplines where different aspects are taught as separate entities instead of as wholes to be examined in the context of real-world experiences. Dividing knowledge into these artificial domains allows educators to attend to the mastery of units of information, but it does not reinforce students' abilities to critically address their worlds. In other words, mathematics is an integral part of the science of physics, used to make calculations and in the science of chemistry to perform experiments. Instead of viewing mathematics as a tool for developing knowledge in other areas, it is viewed as an end in and of itself. Memorization has provided much of the school's curricula. This seems ironic, given the history of the development of mathematics and other sciences as described in chapter 4. This model of education is referred to as the Transmission of Information View, as opposed to the Social Construction of Knowledge View (Good & Brophy, 2000). The Transmission View is characterized by methods that utilize memorization of facts, drill and practice, and breaking information into small "manageable" units with little or no application of what has been learned. Teachers who utilize this approach to learning do not expect children to engage in critical thinking. They are more concerned with how many answers to the questions the students get right than with listening to students give their reasons for opinions they express in response to what they are learning. CREATING ALTERNATIVE LEARNING ENVIRONMENTS DRAWING ON THE STRENGTHS OF NATIVE COMMUNITIES

Teachers need to translate culture into something vibrant, not something of the past which is not relevant for today. I believe that one way to enable

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children to acknowledge their cultures and bring them forward is through the arts. This not only allows children to know who they are, but to see culture as a continuum of linking the past, present, and future. Students can live in two worlds; they can become bicultural. The key is to know who they are and to be able to express this. —Lonato Nuri (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) CULTURAL VALUES AS SOCIALIZING AGENTS

Karen Swisher (1994) examined the differences in American Indian and non-Indian teachers' perceptions concerning the influences of cultural values on Indian students' learning styles. Cultural values are socializing agents; they affect the way students feel when in the learning environment of the classroom. The National Task Force on Learning Style and Brain Behavior's definition of learning styles (1990) was utilized in this study (Swisher, 1994). Learning style is identified essentially as a consistent pattern of behavior and performance exhibited in the learning place, which has been formed in the home, culture, and society. Non-Indian teachers attributed lack of discipline, indifference to the work ethic, group harmony, and holistic approaches to subject areas as heavily influencing the success of students in classrooms. Native American teachers surveyed identified more often the areas of spirituality, indifference to ownership, careful listening, caution, and careful observation as cultural values influencing the way Native students performed in school classrooms. Bronfenbrenner's (1989) Ecological Model for understanding the social influences on children's growth and development reinforces the important roles played by the people in children's immediate environment (microsystem). Bronfenbrenner examined Western nuclear families to develop his theories. Even so, he was able to point to the roles played by members of the extended family and how interaction patterns with all of these individuals influenced children's understandings of their worlds from infancy on. He observed that more attention was paid to infants when there was more than one caretaker (parents, grandparents, or even siblings) present at the same time. Bronfenbrenner acknowledged the importance of culture in reinforcing information to be learned and of common practices used for teaching children cultural information. The California Department of Education (American Indian Education Handbook Committee, 1991) has compiled a list of 27 values common to the many American Indian Nations residing in that state. These values are also found in other tribal Nations throughout the country, and can be grouped under the headings of (1) respect for (a) family, (b) extended family, and (c) community; (2) harmony, considerations for the good of all;

Refusing to Believe in the Doctrine of Failure

and (3) making connections with the natural and spiritual worlds. As always, this information is given as generalizations: Whether particular Native people or tribal Nations adhere to all of the values identified is a matter of individual choice and group socialization processes. As teachers, we must remember that our values determine our ethical behaviors in and out of the classroom. For traditional and bicultural American Indians, spirituality is paramount in their lives, and everything is connected with the spiritual realm. For this reason, we believe that spirituality as defined in chapter 5 as part of a person's whole being needs to be acknowledged as a legitimate part of education for American Indian students (Pewewardy, 1994). In American Indian traditional ways of holistic teaching, the emotional, social, spiritual, and physical realms are all related, not separated into distinct areas. Because of the problems with confusion between spirituality and religion, schools are reluctant to admit spirituality into the classroom for American Indian students (L. Harmon, 2000, personal communication). Teachers are afraid they will be "teaching religion" by acknowledging spirituality, which becomes controversial especially in areas where American Indian religions are regarded as "paganism." If we remember that spirituality is the way we form relations with a universal higher power and all of Creation, including our relationships with others, we can readily determine that there is a place in education for spirituality and ceremonies cementing those relationships for American Indian students. In schools where ceremonies have been incorporated as part of normal activities for students, all children appear to benefit (Pewewardy & Bushey, 1992). Classroom Interaction Styles of American Indian and Non-Indian Teachers. "Of all the misunderstanding among teachers of American Indian children, teachers' lack of cultural knowledge and unfamiliarity with preferred learning styles are the most problematic" (Pewewardy, 1998a). We intend to provide information that will help you reflect on your own teaching of American Indian students. You are the only person who can truly gauge how much your classroom encourages multiple approaches to teaching and learning. By making comparisons with what researchers have identified as hallmarks of cultural differences between American Indian and Western thinking and practices, you will be able to make important adjustments in your teaching. In a comparison of the ways American Indian and non-Indian teachers interacted with students, significant differences were found in how they approached their students (see Table 6.1). Native teachers treated classrooms

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as "mini-communities," and therefore they interacted with their students in ways that reflected community values. Creating atmospheres of harmony and respect for students was paramount. Teachers did not create atmospheres of competition or discord for their students. Rather, consideration for the classroom community was central in maintaining a shared learning environment, one in which students worked together with the teacher to acquire knowledge. Respect for others is vital in Native American communities. This is evidenced in light, or soft, handshakes that are given as respect for another's person. Direct eye contact is avoided, especially of children toward elders, as a sign of respect. Giveaways are common practices designed to honor tribal members and show appreciation to those who attend special events. At powwows and other occasions, families sponsor dances by giving prize money to participants in honor of those who have accomplished important goals or to honor family or tribal members who have passed on. Children are encouraged to share with others from early on. They are taught that it is good to give something they treasure to someone else so that they will become strong individuals who value community more than material goods. When children give away the stickers that you have just given them for completing their work, this is a sign that they value your token. Children are taught that you never give something to someone else that you do not value. In the dominant culture, we are taught that it is polite to compliment others on their appearance, or to express admiration for what they are wearing, for how their home is decorated, or for objects we find pleasing. In very traditional communities, it was common practice that if visitors expressed appreciation of an object in your home, that object would be given to them. This was done because it was important to discourage jealousy in your communities; again, the value of harmony was uppermost. While this is not always the case today, it is wise to remember this so that you do not unwittingly become the recipient of another's property. An examination of Table 6.1 demonstrates how much the values of the dominant culture influence the socialization that occurs in classrooms of teachers belonging to the dominant culture as their first ethnicity. By contrasting patterns utilized by Native teachers, we can understand some of the reasons that children whose home ethnicity does not match the macroethnicity find schools to be places of confusion, as their rules "don't fit" and they can't understand why. Teachers may label a child, who is considered very polite in American Indian society, as defiant or sneaky because he or she does not give adults direct eye contact. Before making judgments about our students, we need to understand how they have been socialized to respond to others in their home environments.

Refusing to Believe in the Doctrine of Failure Table 6.1 Social Interaction Styles of American Indian and Non-Indian Teachers in Classrooms American Indian Teachers

Non-Indian Teachers

Center stage for short periods

Always center stage

Circles around the classroom for

Circles around the classroom for individual

individual instruction

instruction

More small-group work

Some small-group work

No free time as students are finishing work

Free time for play

Knows when to change activities by paying

One thing occurs at a time; teacher exercises

attention to students' rhythms

control over activities

Starts slowly but finishes faster

Starts faster but ends slower

Average of 15 minutes to complete work

Average of 5 minutes to complete work

Close proximity when speaking to individual

Spotlights students by signaling them out for

students; low voice used Does not call on individual students even if group does not have answers

answers Falls back on asking individual students for answers

Much silence is tolerated in the classroom

Not much time for silence is allowed

Initiates activities without waiting for students

Waits, overtly controls initiation of the next activity

Comments are made to students privately

Comments are made publicly in a loud voice away from the student

Does not expect direct eye contact

Expects direct eye contact

Note. From Erickson and Mohatt (1982).

Styles of Lesson Presentations. Just as socialization styles are affected by community values, so are ways of presenting materials for learning within classrooms (see Table 6.2). Classrooms reflecting macroethnic values are filled with stimulation of sight and sound, with little time for students to reflect on what they are learning. Time plays an important role as teachers struggle to fit in all the material they are suppose to cover for their subject matter into the school day and school year. Many teachers feel like failures if they have been unable to completely cover all areas of their curricula by the end of the school year. Teachers may also believe they have accomplished something special if, by chance, they have been able to complete their material before the end of the year. When this occurs, teachers are likely to speak about the "bright" students they had who were able to master so

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Widening the Circle Table 6.2 Patterns Utilized in Classrooms by American Indian and Non-Indian Teachers for Lesson Presentations American Indian Teachers

Non-Indian Teachers

Slow pace

Fast pace

Economy of words

Many words used

Asks questions directed to all

Calls on students directly

Wait time for responses 3 seconds

Wait time for responses 0.5 second

Moves on if answers are correct

Tells students if answers are right or wrong

Responds to students' nonverbal requests

Responds to students' verbal requests for

for assistance

assistance

Uses few directives

Uses many directives

Does not use names with directives

Uses names of individuals with directives

Works quietly; more private time with

Works "publicly"; not as much private time

individuals

with individuals

Commands are indirect

Commands are direct

Shared control of social interactions

Teacher controls social interactions

Note. From Erickson and Mohatt (1982).

much information. The name of the game seems to be how much knowledge can be stuffed into students in nine months' time! Teachers who work at a slower pace, as a reflection of their cultures as well as a way to ensure student mastery, may be viewed as slow or lazy. They may be judged harshly as not "challenging" their students to achieve, as evidenced by the amount of time they allow students to concentrate on their activities and to completely understand material presented. They may not "move forward" with new material until they are sure the foundations for comprehending new concepts have been formulated by their students. Part of the reason for this criticism is due to the emphasis on efficiency and economy of time by the macroculture. Phrases such as "time is money" and "idle hands make a devil's workshop" reinforce the ideas that students should not be allowed unoccupied time periods. Yet for learning to occur, real time is necessary for students to absorb what is being taught in order to be able to develop concepts at deeper levels that will be remembered long after they have been presented. The analogy can be made between consumers of fast foods and traditional, long-cooked meals: Fast foods may satisfy immediate hunger needs, but

Refusing to Believe in the Doctrine of Failure

foods prepared traditionally for long periods of time may satisfy our appetites as well as appeal to aesthetic values of appreciation with their sights and smells. The fast-paced nature of today's society may well work against other values important for living full lives, such as being able to appreciate the aesthetics of our world. Csikszentmihalyi (1997) describes the importance of allowing time for creative ideas to develop. He refers to this process as "flow." In order to succeed in a global economy, we need to encourage creative thinking on the part of our students (Carnegie Forum on Education and the Economy, Taskforce on Teaching as a Profession, 1986). This cannot occur without changing our practices in regard to the "cram" mentality of education. Fostering creative and critical thinking requires that we adjust our teaching methods, content, and approaches to reflect the values of our diverse student populations (Brookfield, 1990), knowing that by doing so, we are fostering the achievement of all students in our classrooms. CREATING SYNERGISTIC LEARNING COMMUNITIES

As we work toward accomplishing our goals of becoming capable, bicultural teachers, we can examine our own practices and curricula to create dynamic learning environments for American Indian students. We make use of the term "synergy" to describe the process of working in concert with American Indian communities to provide the best educational opportunities for their students. Effective teaching of American Indian students requires us to reflect on our teaching practices and adapt to the needs of our students. Interestingly, educators such as Costa and Garmston (1994), Glasser (1998), and Guyton (2000) promote these ideas as important ingredients for the creation of successful, caring classrooms for all students. We believe that an important component of teacher change is our willingness to work as "healers" within our classrooms (Katz & St. Denis, 1991; Whitfield & Klug, 2000). This idea means that we incorporate the American Indian concept of teachers as those who attend to all aspects of the students' beings: the physical, emotional, spiritual, as well as intellectual. Teachers in healing capacities attempt to bridge cultures by respecting students and their cultural heritages, values, and ways of knowing. Creating supportive environments for students is an essential aspect of the teacher as healer. Noddings (1994) maintains that teachers want to produce capable and caring persons, and that to do so, they must be able to care and nurture their students. This involves a paradigm shift on our part, as we realize the need to incorporate consideration for all aspects of children's beings within the schoolhouse walls.

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Communities know their children and care about their educations. Involving students in activities that are meaningful and support community goals is essential if we are to be successful in teaching American Indian students. Culturally responsive teaching attempts to achieve an equal playing field for underrepresented populations by utilizing what students have learned to value through their own cultural experiences to develop both declarative knowledge (knowledge that) and process knowledge (knowledge how). Multicultural perspectives need to be incorporated in all aspects of the curriculum, not just a few or on special occasions (Nieto, 2000). While our jobs become more challenging when working with multiethnic populations, the rewards are great when our students can experience success in our classrooms. This, then, is the heart of teaching. An additional benefit for teachers of culturally responsive pedagogy is that we do not have to rely exclusively on prepackaged programs to teach, but can exercise creativity and our own judgments about what is needed to make our teaching relevant and exciting for our students. This last refers to what is considered the "art" of teaching, an element that is frequently overlooked in our efforts to standardize curricula and teaching (Gage, 1978). INCORPORATING LANGUAGE AND CULTURE IN AMERICAN INDIAN CLASSROOMS

Cultural knowledge is embedded in language. If a language dies out or is seldom used, it is difficult to continue cultural practices that rely integrally on the language and/or convey the "deep structure" or the hidden meanings in words. Language provides links that allow us to connect socially determined meanings to the symbols (words) representing ideas. If the meanings of symbols become lost, concepts imbedded in the symbols and their importance for the communities disappear. Pride in language and culture translates into increased self-esteem and sense of social well-being for students. Native language use "helps make language minority students visible and respected in the school environment" (Nieto, 2000, p. 325). Parents and communities that support language and culture maintenance have more successful students. Some students, especially adolescents, may deny the importance of their Native cultures as they struggle to create their own identities (Nieto, 2000). Even so, it seems that these students retain the values of their cultures and their cultural worldviews, though they may not show these connections outwardly. Regardless, we need to allow students the time they need to grow into their adult selves by supporting them through their choices. Most importantly, the message we communicate to students must be that we accept them for who they are, and will respect their cultures no matter how much or how little they affiliate with them.

Refusing to Believe in the Doctrine of Failure

Language Systems: Similarities and Differences. "Language is our primary human system for conceptualizing, expressing, and comprehending complex and relative meanings" (Pugh, Ovando, & Schonemann, 2000, p. 5). Language is constantly changing, like a living organism; it is dynamic. The importance of using and preserving Native languages cannot be overstated (Skinner, 1992). Different societies view the world in different ways, whether as objectivist (what is, the external world) or subjectivist (what we view the world as, our internal views). Lakoff and Johnson (1980) propose a third way of perceiving the world that is "experientialist." In this view, the construction of knowledge is dynamic and ongoing. This creation process incorporates many ways of knowing (multiple intelligences) and unfolds as people interact with others and the larger society. Understanding self and others as well as the development of interpersonal communication skills are distinctions of this view of knowledge creation. The dominant culture makes use of comparisons and contrasts to convey perceptions of what is most desirable. Roosevelt's use of the term "New Deal" to describe his proposal for lifting the country out of the Great Depression contained the implication that the old contract with society wasn't effective anymore. A new contract, which featured reliance on government to solve problems for society, was needed. The fate of the nation was bound to the fate of its citizens. Another president, Lyndon B. Johnson, used the term "Great Society" to rally citizens to become part of the "War on Poverty." The images conveyed were that the United States was a country that was not to be surpassed. As such, we could not afford to allow poverty to exist. Instead, poverty needed to be attacked and rooted out, just as would be done with enemies of the government. Other slogans, such as the "war on drugs," "right to life," and "at-risk" students, bring emotional overtones to rhetoric moving people to action (Pugh, Ovando, & Schonemann, 2000). The values that we hold in education are brought to light many times through the rhetoric used to describe programs and practices, evidenced in catchphrases like "onward to excellence." When we speak about educational reform efforts, the message conveyed is that our system is not doing a good job in its present condition and must be overhauled in order to meet the expectations held today. We use metaphors, or comparisons of one thing to another, in our daily speech in order to communicate ideas in ways that are understandable to others. While metaphors are not the objects or ideas they convey, they provide a way to organize concepts. The types of metaphors used, along with the way they are used, reflect the cultural basis for their development. As explained by Lakoff and Johnson (1980), "In our [dominant] culture, people view themselves as being in control over animals, plants,

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and their physical environment, and it is their unique ability to reason that places human beings above other animals and gives them this control" (p. 17).3 Therefore, metaphors involving man and control, animals and man, and man's use of rational thinking employ words that indicate an "up position." For example, the metaphors "climbing up the corporate ladder," "having high standards," and "giving someone a raise in salary" indicate success. These contrast with "a low-down trick," "fell from grace," and "sinking in his lifestyle," metaphors that convey less-thandesired characteristics. Pugh, Ovando, and Schonemann (2000) categorize metaphors used in language in these three areas: "(1) metaphors of the senses, particularly seeing, hearing, and tasting; (2) metaphors of conflict, struggle, violence, and pathology; and (3) metaphors of topography, including water, terrain, boundaries, and directionality" (p. 9). Euro-Americans use many metaphors that contrast extreme positions: visibility/invisibility, power/powerlessness, center/margin, in-group/out-group, and conservative/radical. The introduction of new metaphors into the dialogues of colonial cultures may result in changing cultural ideals, such as the introduction of "time is money" into non-Western cultures (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980). The way words are used in dialogue in English can make the difference between comprehending how declarative sentences should be interpreted, either literally or by making inferences based on our understandings of figurative language. Whilefigurativelanguage plays an important role in comprehending English, this may not be true for American Indian languages. Some American Indian languages, such as that used by the Aztecs, use metaphors extensively, while others, such as Hopi, use very few metaphors (C. Loether, personal communication, 2001). We cannot assume American Indian students (or their parents and grandparents) comprehend the deep structure of English simply because we hear them using English words. An example is the difficulty one American Indian college student had with the word critique used in an assignment for English literature. For American Indian people, it is rude to criticize others. Therefore, to compare one thing with another to determine which is "best" may be offensive (Klug, 1999). Teachers may need to provide more explanation for American Indian students so they will understand the idea of critiquing a work of literature. Creating arguments to defend one's position through the use of rhetoric is also a concept that may be unfamiliar to traditional or bicultural students, as they may have been taught to avoid conflict by walking away. When teachers assign students the tasks of critiquing what they have read or of making judgments of characters' actions, students may not under-

Refusing to Believe in the Doctrine of Failure

stand what is wanted. They may either withdraw by not completing the assignment or turn the assignment in without meeting the criteria for obtaining an acceptable grade, based on their lack of understanding. So, too, if teachers encourage students to argue a position, again defying the cultural norm of not showing disrespect to others. Teachers need to check for understanding with their students, or determine if other assignments are more acceptable to them. Students Struggling to Understand Each Other. If teaching off-reservation, you will find Native American students vary in their cultural backgrounds, their levels of assimilation or affiliation with the dominant culture, and intertribally. These students will be coexisting in classrooms with others from multiple backgrounds and cultures, depending on the region where you are teaching. Struggles will occur in multicultural classrooms as students work together and bring a variety of perspectives to any given situation, such as examining historical events. You should not be surprised by this, but be prepared to support your students in their struggles to understand each other rather than resort to stereotypical ways of viewing each other (Sleeter, 1990). Admitting other viewpoints into the classroom enriches students and their learning, but it challenges them to recognize the legitimacy of views differing from their own. The language utilized to convey new information may not be that of the middle-class classroom, bringing in ideas that might be considered taboo to speak about by the macroculture. In these cases, supplying appropriate classroom language may be the solution, rather than dismissing students' comments. Nieto (2000) believes that conflict is a natural occurrence when all students' cultures and languages are honored in classrooms in what she terms "additive multiculturalism." Conflict is accepted as part of students' coming to terms with their own and others' values. We should not be afraid of conflict, but accept the challenges inherent in this approach to education. In this way, all students are valued, and their cultures are included in school curricula. Conflict and struggle as students examine issues from multiple perspectives provide opportunities for students to grow toward the goals of understanding self and others, as well as developing interpersonal communication skills. Incorporating Native Languages in the Classroom. During the boarding school era, Native languages were targeted for extinction. Even before this time, as areas of the country became more saturated with Europeans and Native American communities were reeling from these effects, the languages

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and customs of many tribal Nations were being lost and/or intermingled with those of other tribal Nations (Apodaca, 2000). The Indigenous populations in California were declared extinct due to the heavy losses in their numbers. In spite of this, linguists such as Alfred Louis Kroeber and John Peabody Harrington recognized the importance of preserving Native languages, religions, music, art forms and information concerning social organizations of the American Indians in California (Apodaca, 2000). Today, their works are valuable resources for tribal language revitalization efforts. Even though the Meriam Report in 1928 recommended that American Indian languages be used and taught in schools (Meriam, 1930/1977), it wasn't until 1990 that President George Bush signed the Native American Language Act (PL 101-477). This bill recognizes rights of Native Americans to use, preserve, practice, and develop their languages as a medium of instruction. This bill affirms that the same academic credit should be awarded for proficiency in Native American languages as for study of foreign languages. Faltis and Hudelson (1998) describe many different approaches to bilingual education. Teachers need to be careful about giving subtle messages that English is the superior language and American Indian languages are somehow inferior. One way this can be accomplished is by encouraging use of American Indian languages in the classroom. There are different views about how to accomplish this goal (Ovando & Pérez, 2000). Some programs provide classes in Native languages with gradual additions of English for students whosefirstlanguage is not English. Others provide half-day classes in both languages. There are Native language immersion classes for the students who only use English, in order to encourage use of Native languages. In some areas, English may be the discourse used for instruction, but students are encouraged to use their first languages when they are working together in cooperative group activities, on the playground, in the lunchroom, or at other times during the day so that they remain proficient in their Native languages. However Native languages are taught and reinforced, even if there is more limited teaching, benefits for children are in making connections with their families and wider communities. Communities need to be included in the decisions to incorporate Native languages within the school curricula. They should be involved in making decisions about who should be teaching languages in the schools and appropriate ways of providing instruction. Language needs to be seen as living and as incorporating the values and beliefs of American Indian communities. Native language instructors can accomplish this goal by singing their community songs, sharing traditions, and telling their community histories throughout the course of teaching their languages.

Refusing to Believe in the Doctrine of Failure

An example of community and school partnerships can be found in the Yup'ik community in Quinhagak, Alaska, who "have assumed leadership of important aspects of their children's education. They are achieving this by infusing the school environment with Yup'ik language and culture" (Jarrett, 1998, p. 18). Yup'ik culture, like that of many other Indigenous peoples, is based on a subsistence lifestyle and their belief in the interconnectedness of the natural world. Elders and other community members teach language, hunting and gathering skills, survival skills, clothing making, recreational activities, storytelling, and mask making for ceremonies. At the same time, the need for students to gain the literacy and mathematical skills to survive in today's society must be recognized, and it is addressed throughout the curricula. We may feel intimidated by the use of languages other than English in the classroom if we do not understand them. We can utilize language and culture teachers in our schools as resources. Participating in language classes will benefit us so we may learn and reinforce students' Native languages. Calderon and Carreon (2000) point out that benefits accrue when teachers also learn to speak more than one language. In many Native communities, language classes are now being revitalized through broadcasts on radio or via interactive telecommunications. When American Indian people know our purpose for learning their languages is not to exploit them but to provide space in the classroom for their languages, they are generally receptive to our requests. Our efforts to learn Native languages can provide us with great insights into the difficulties children experience when trying to learn English as a second language. On the surface, the pronunciations of English may be affected by the phonemes that are present in the children's Native languages. For instance, there are 18 phonemes in Shoshoni, and a few of these are "in between" two English phonemes in the way the sounds are made by the speech mechanisms (vocal folds, tongue, teeth, hard and soft pallets, nasal cavity, and lips) we possess. Therefore, Shoshone people may use such a pair of different English phonemes interchangeably when speaking English (D. Gould & C. Loether, personal communication, 2001). If they lack a grasp of the Native language(s) of their students, teachers may misjudge students' speech as indicating problems when there are none. These children are speaking as second-language users even though the words used are English. Language is used to convey underlying, socially constructed meanings about life and living. Many of these concepts are embedded in the deep structure of a language (how we convey knowledge) and may be reflected in its surface structure (the actual words used). For instance, in the Shoshoni language there are no "persons" attached to verb forms as in English. However,

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the endings added to verbs convey how an action was done, when it was done, what instrument was used to complete an action, or if something or someone was observed near or far away. The idea of a person or persons is presumed in the language. Shoshoni contains little redundancy, as opposed to English. When you read the sentence, "Yesterday we went to the store," there are two ways we know the action was taken in the past. First, the word "yesterday" tells us when the event occurred; second, the verb used is the past tense of "go." This language redundancy is not a universal feature of world languages. Another example is pronouns, which are not used in Shoshoni. Consequently, when children form sentences in English, many times the pronouns "he" and "she" are used interchangeably. There are no words for cousins. Your mother's sisters are called "mother"; your father's brothers are called "father." Your cousins are called "brother" and "sister" accordingly. (Note: If family terms are present in a Shoshoni dialect, they are seldom used.) When children lose a parent, they always have others they relate to in those terms, so they are easily absorbed into their extended families. Aunts can raise nieces and nephews as a matter of choice or of fulfilling a need in the family (Gould, 2001). In terms of language praxis, or practice, there are socially recognized ways of using language that are considered appropriate or inappropriate for particular languages. It is not appropriate to speak Shoshoni in a loud, harsh voice (D. Gould, personal communication, 2001). Time is also an element that plays a role in language praxis: For American Indians, answering a serious question requires deliberation. While we may expect students to formulate instant answers to even the most difficult questions that we pose, American Indian students may wait until they have thoroughly considered their answers before responding. This may be a matter of minutes or a longer period of weeks. We need to understand that our students are not ignoring us when they do not answer our questions, but may respond to them differently from our expectations that have been formulated within the dominant culture. The same is true when we request information from parents and members of Native communities. In our experience, many times answers to our questions come in the form of stories. These stories may be given to us weeks after questions are asked. We need to realize that sometimes the information requested is not normally discussed outside the membership of a tribal Nation, and a person may need to be granted permission to share the information with us. If permission is not granted, we should respectfully accept this decision and not think we are being insulted (Klug & Whitfield, 1999). Another issue concerning language use involves verbal and nonverbal forms of communication. While speaking aloud is the primary mode of

Refusing to Believe in the Doctrine of Failure

communication in traditional Western schools, nonverbal communication is used widely among Native Americans for communication (Pewewardy, 1998b). Nonverbal communication includes gestures, glances, nods, or smiles of approval. Our body language also gives messages of approval or disapproval, caring or noncaring, warmth or coldness toward others. Misinterpretations of the "deep structure of interactions" are one of the most critical reasons that students and teachers have difficulties working together (Cummins, 2000). The ways we use both verbal and nonverbal language in our classrooms can make a tremendous difference to our students. Remembering that words are considered sacred in many Native American communities will help us understand the importance of being careful about our overuse of words. It also helps us to understand why our students may be reluctant to give long answers to questions. As we lessen our dependence on speech for giving and receiving messages, we will become more adept at "reading" our students' nonverbal classroom communications. John (1972) cautions us about the overreliance on language use in classrooms for American Indian students. American Indian children are taught to be very observant of their environments. "There is considerable agreement . . . on the part of social scientists, educators, and others that Indian children of the Southwest are visual in their approaches to their world" (p. 333). The use of visual imaging is a legitimate way of learning for many Native American children. When studies were conducted on learning concepts through language or visual imaging, both methods were found to be effective. For Navajo children, visualizing is an important way to learn, especially if their second language (English) is not well developed. Students who are allowed to affirm their cultures and languages have more positive responses to the school environment (John, 1972; Matthews, 1996; Nieto, 2000). They do not feel as if they are going to be objects of derision by classmates or those attending their schools. When languages and cultures are appreciated, students are respected. This respect translates into Native students' valuing their educational experiences. American Indian English (AIE):A Dialect of Standard English. American Indians may speak only English if their Native tribal languages have died out, or if they were taught to use English only in the home. Many adults were encouraged as children to speak only English because of the experiences of their grandparents in boarding schools (D. Pallaton, personal communication, 1994). This would occur even if they understood the Native language being used by adults around them.

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Consequently, many times the English used in American Indian communities is influenced by the grammar and deep structure of their first languages (Leap, 1993). The rhythm that is used in speaking languages also varies from one language to another and may influence the meaning listeners can gain from others (Carrasco, Acosta, & de la Torre-Spencer, 1992). From our observations, we know that American Indian English (AIE) often reflects the rhythm(s) of the Native language(s) of the community. Therefore, we may need to adjust our listening to the rhythm of children's Native languages to improve our communication skills with them in the classroom. The features ofAIE cannot be categorized as well as those of other dialects of English. This is because Native first languages differ so much from one another, as in the Shoshoni language from the Choctaw. We must be aware of this, so that we do not attempt to generalize from tribal Nation to Nation. When our students use AIE in their speech, we need to be patient and model back the standard English form as we would do with any other dialect of English. Children should not be punished or made to feel ashamed of their speaking abilities. The way they use English is learned from listening to speakers in their families and communities. As is true for any of us, American Indian children speak the way they were taught by others. When we attempt to learn American Indian languages, we can reverse our roles as teachers and learners and provide children with a way of teaching us. The result is mutual respect, and increased trust that we are also participants in our learning communities. The English language itself has been changed by the influx of words from many different American Indian languages (McCrum, Cran, & MacNeil, 1986). City names like Chicago, Detroit, and Milwaukee; state names such as Delaware, Oklahoma, and Arkansas; animal names like skunk, opossum, and terrapin; food names such as squash, hominy, and pecans; and names for rivers like Missouri, Kootenai, and Mohawk all are taken from American Indian languages and form part of the English language spoken in the United States. CLASSROOM MANAGEMENT

Classroom management, how we work together with our students and they work with each other, is also affected by cultural values reflected in the language. Euro-Americans tend to be more direct with children, telling them what they can and cannot do. Native communities allow children to make their own decisions, respecting their autonomy and freedom to act on their own (Philips, 1972; Erickson & Mohatt, 1982) When teachers allow children to make their own rules in classrooms, behavior management is more successful because this approach is more

Refusing to Believe in the Doctrine of Failure

compatible with American Indian cultures (Pewewardy, 1998b). Readers should not infer that we have no role in our classrooms, only that the role becomes less authoritarian and more responsive to the class as a whole. Teachers may remind students of the rules for behavior they have made, as well as reinforce the positive behavior of groups of students in the classroom. When teachers want to praise students or recognize inappropriate behavior, they should never spotlight, or call attention to, individual students. It is better to approach the students and talk to them quietly rather than single them out in front of their peers (refer to Table 6.1). A side-by-side approach, as opposed to face-to-face, is more reflective of Native cultural values and less confrontational for students. CONSTRUCTIVIST APPROACHES TO TEACHING AND LEARNING

Cognitive psychologists have researched how we acquire knowledge and how we know how and when to use the knowledge we have accumulated. These theories have led to Constructivist approaches to teaching and learning, which rely on students' abilities to create knowledge based on their experiences (Dixon-Krauss, 1996a). There are basically three views of how this learning occurs: (a) from the inside out, based on the work of Piaget (Flavell, 1977; Wadsworth, 1996); (b) from the outside in, based on the work of Vygotsky (1978); and (c) an interactive approach, based on an understanding of children's learning as a combination of Piagetian and Vygotskian thinking. Piaget's View of Knowledge Construction. Piaget theorized that children learn from their experiences in their environments through creating schemata, or sets of categories, in which information was stored in the brain (Flavell, 1977; Wadsworth, 1996). Each schema contains a concept and subconcepts that allow us to make sense of our world. For instance, a child's schema of things that move may include animals, bugs, cars, and bicycles. When children gain more experiences, their schemata become more sophisticated through a series of assimilation and accommodation. Their concepts of things that move may now begin to be subdivided into things that are living versus things that are not; things we use our body to move and things that move by other means, such as engines. Accommodation occurs when we experience disequilibria and are unable to fit information into existing schema. We then create new categories to store the new information. Assimilation occurs when we add more information to our existing schemata (Wadsworth, 1996). Piaget also argued that the affective domain (likes, dislikes, interests, motivations, values, feelings) is as important to learning as the cognitive domain. In fact, poor affect may delay intellectual development (Wadsworth, 1996).

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Another type of knowledge developed by children is social knowledge (Wadsworth, 1996). This is knowledge that is based on cultural or social groups and that guides their interactions. Social knowledge consists of rules, laws, morals, values, ethics, and language systems. As we have discussed earlier, social knowledge has profound impact on our abilities to interpret the behaviors and actions of others. For many teachers, our social knowledge was developed according to the dominant cultural norms. Therefore, we may not be able to interpret the social interactions of our Native students and their communities correctly. An example of this concerns parent-teacher conferences. Often teachers have complained that American Indian parents do not care about their children's school success because they do not attend parent-teacher conferences. Instead, grandmothers will attend the conferences. Teachers are reluctant to share information with them about students; they do not know if they can do so, as grandparents are not considered the legal guardians of the children (personal communications with teachers in Idaho and Washington, 1985–present). We need to realize that it is a traditional practice in many American Indian communities for grandparents to raise children either for a short time, in order to teach them Native traditions and stories, or for longer periods as determined by the family. Grandmothers are the matriarchs of many American Indian households. When grandmothers attend parent-teacher conferences, they are representing their family's interest in the education of their children. Vygotsky's View of Knowledge Construction. Vygotsky (1978) proposed that children's cognitive development proceeds through interaction with others in their environments. Play is an important part of the process as children learn about the world by "interacting physically and socially with an object in order to conceptualize and express ideas about it" (Dixon-Krauss, 1996a). The social and affective dimensions of learning are absolutely necessary, and they are strongly tied to cognitive development. Vygotsky proposed that the higher forms of mental functions, such as logical thinking, attending behaviors, memory making, decision making, and comprehension of language, are all the result of mediated behaviors. By mediators, Vygotsky meant psychological tools, or signs, that allow children to learn from their environments in a process he labeled "semiotic mediation," or being observant of signs (Vygotsky, 1978). Children move information from the external, social plane to the mental, or psychological, plane through internalization. Thought and language are initially different processes. Young children are able to access information stored in memory through manipulation of their signs of mental rep-

Refusing to Believe in the Doctrine of Failure

resentations. Children can now self-regulate their cognitive development, using signs available to them. Gradually, language is introduced in the process, first as a way to communicate in social interactions, then as a way for solving problems internally through egocentric speech, and later for structuring thought internally through inner speech. Finally, printed language becomes a psychological sign for continuing cognitive development (Good & Brophy, 2000; DixonKrauss, 1996a). This process depends upon children's abilities to recognize signs and how to combine them in a sign system that is culturally developed through social interactions. Adults assist in this process by assessing children's understandings of the world around them and building on those foundations through socially mediated instruction. Teachers encourage concept development through a series of events during which they scaffold learning activities to move students from what they presently understand to broader conceptualizations of the world. For Vygotsky, what and how children learn depend upon what their microethnic society deems as important knowledge for them to develop. Cognition develops through collaborative activities with peers as students are engaged in educational activities. Teachers need to be able to observe and reflect on how much knowledge their students are gaining in order to make pedagogical decisions for continued learning (Vygotsky, 1978; Matthews, 1996; Kragler, 1996). This view of knowledge acquisition is referred to as the Social Construction View. It requires active participation and reflection on the part of both teachers and students (Good & Brophy, 2000). It is interesting to note the similarities in this proposition for knowledge construction and traditional forms of American Indian teaching, which relied on observation of students' developmental levels, engaging children in real-world activities, modeling by adults, practice by students, and cooperative learning. CHANGING CONDITIONS FOR KNOWLEDGE ACQUISITION IN SCHOOLS

When I think more about student resistance and the limits of education, I have the impression that one of the main difficulties is a dichotomy that exists in the educational experience in the States. I am here speaking about the dichotomy between reading the words and reading the world.... My impression is that the world of American education, the school, is increasing the separation of the words we read and the world we live in. In such a dichotomy, the world of reading is only the world of the schooling process, a closed world, cut off from the world where we have experiences but do not read about those experiences. This schooling world where we read words that relate less and less to our concrete experiences outside has

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become more and more specialized in the bad sense of this word. In reading words, school becomes a special place that teaches us to read only schoolwords, not reality-words. The other world, the world of facts, the world of life, the world in which events are very alive, the world of struggles, the world of discrimination and economic crisis (all these things are there!) do not make contact with students in school through the words that school asks students to read. You can think of this dichotomy as one kind of "culture of silence" imposed on students. School reading is silent about the world of experience and the world of experience is silenced, without its own critical texts. (Freire, 1987, p. 135)4 One of the first areas that we as teachers need to change is our orientation to subject matter knowledge. We need to consider knowledge in terms of integrated wholes rather than as discrete units. Given the current emphasis on high-stakes testing with the use of standardized, multiple-choice tests, which break information apart, the stress on parts is understandable. However, by changing our orientations to the learning process, we will be providing activities for American Indian students that make use of their strengths and make sense to them. We will provide ways to use what they are learning to bring about an immediate effect upon their worlds. This type of learning is beneficial for all students. Consider this story of an event that took place in a first-grade classroom. A university student completing methods courses for language arts was working in a classroom of all American Indian students. She reported that the teacher stated the students did not know their alphabet letters, and was concerned because it was already March. The teacher wasn't sure what to do. One of the authors decided to visit the school to determine what the situation was, and to provide guidance to her student for working with the children. The student worked regularly with the same group of children, and the professor requested that she be able to teach those students when she visited. As there was still snow on the ground, the professor decided to read a story to the students about Coyote and Rabbit, two tricksters who tried to outdo one another (in this tribal Nation, stories involving Coyote can be told only in winter). After the story, she talked with the children about what had happened in the story. A "talking scarf' was used (instead of a talking stick) so the children could regulate their own turn-taking activities by only speaking when they had the scarf. At first the students were not quite sure about what to do, but after only a short time, they enthusiastically took turns with the talking scarf and made contributions to the discussion. As the students spoke, the professor wrote names of

Refusing to Believe in the Doctrine of Failure

characters and words describing events in the story on the board as they were mentioned. After the students had described the story and given their opinions about Coyote and Rabbit (or Cottontail, as he is sometimes called), the professor asked the children if any of them had letters in their names matching the letters in Coyote's name. The students carefully examined the word Coyote, and they soon began to tell their names and what letters they had that were also found in "Coyote." This procedure continued for approximately 12 minutes as the professor and the students worked collaboratively to discover all the letters in students' names that matched the letters in words on the board. Students began to use their last names if they didn't find matches with letters in their first names. All of the students participated in this activity, using the talking scarf when they were ready. Students also collaborated with each other and pointed out letters in each other's names that could be used. As almost every letter in the alphabet was used in the words on the board, this provided the professor and her university student with the opportunity to assess students' knowledge of the alphabet. This unconventional, but culturally responsive approach, led the professor and the university student to conclude that the students did indeed know their alphabet letters. The problem was that of using conventional means of assessment (pencil-and-paper tests) to determine the extent of their knowledge. From this example, it can be seen that changing the social conditions under which the students were assessed made all the difference in the demonstration of their knowledge. An analogy, which is useful to describe this process of providing alternative ways of acquiring education, is that of using a road map. A road map shows many different ways to reach particular destinations. Some roads are paved, some are only gravel; others are six-lane highways, still others have only two lanes. Some are laid out very straight, and drivers are taken through nondescript areas; some of the roads are winding and reveal parts of the country otherwise not seen by those traveling on highways. Each type of road may take a different amount of time to arrive at the destination. Ultimately, all the travelers who want to go to a particular spot are enabled to do so. It is up to the travelers to make decisions about which routes they wish to pursue to arrive at their destinations. Teachers are the travel guides for their student "tour" groups. Teachers are so familiar with their passengers that they know which routes to follow to stimulate their students so they will arrive at their destinations feeling good about themselves and knowing they will succeed in traveling further. If some of the passengers are late for the trip, teachers find alternative ways for these individuals to reach their destinations. If some of the passengers

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know a lot about the route to be traveled, they may be asked to share their knowledge with the other passengers. While the journey may be challenging, teachers know their students will be excited about their accomplishments and proud of reaching their destinations. Incorporating Constructivist Views of Education within the Classroom. Anderson and Pearson (1984) provide an example of how both Piaget's and Vygotsky's understandings of the learning process influence overall Constructivist views of learning. In Constructivist views of learning, children are active agents in their own knowledge construction. John Dewey argued there was a place for both individual achievement and cooperation in the classroom setting (Fishman & McCarthy, 1998). He determined that children should learn in an environment that encouraged "habits of cooperative living," which built on natural tendencies to connect with others. Knowledge needed to be acquired for long-term retention, so that it would be available for future applications. In order to encourage greater retention of knowledge, students' interests were considered as beginning points for furthering understandings of their worlds. Students needed to have reasons to formulate goals for their learning. In this way, their cognitive development was guided as they encountered challenges in their learning. The role of teachers in Dewey's view was to set the conditions for learning to enable students to see the greater picture. Teacher planning, based on students' interests, would ensure that what was introduced could be contextualized for them and integrated into their life experiences. Material was covered in depth and integrated across content areas, so that teaching could be connected with broader themes. For example, instead of covering oceans one week, units could be constructed on different types of ecosystems, and skills in literacy would be utilized to support students' learning. Science would be integrated when examining the idea of ecosystems and biodiversity represented in different systems. Geography would be introduced in terms of where ecosystems were located and thrived; history would be part of the study of human influences on particular ecosystems located in different geographical locals. Mathematics could be utilized for calculating ocean depth, the motion of waves, and the importance of water volume to support different types of life. In other words, students would perceive that the skills they were learning in different content areas such as reading, writing, and mathematics could be utilized in their quests to gain more information (broader and deeper schemata) about their worlds. This type of holistic education, labeled Progressive Education, did not rely on the use of textbooks and worksheets for the education of students.

Refusing to Believe in the Doctrine of Failure

Students were introduced to a wide range of materials that would support their development of knowledge about specific areas. Students were encouraged to work together to obtain knowledge through involvement in research and problem-solving activities grounded in the real world, not one that was artificially created in textbooks and broken into small "bits" for consumers. An example of a thematic unit reflecting areas of interest for American Indian students in the Northwest would be one revolving around the theme of salmon (see Figure 6.1). This unit would be taught over a longer period of time to ensure that students were able to apply the skills they were learning in the real-world context. Not all people learn in the same manner. This applies to us as teachers, also. It is a misapplication of all our knowledge about learning styles to utilize only one approach for organizing unit planning. One way to organize a unit around a particular theme is to approach the topic linearly as in Figure 6.1. We have found it is also appropriate to utilize the circle as a way for planning units as in Figure 6.2. The teachers who designed the unit represented in Figure 6.2 had attended a presentation at the local museum on Navajo weaving. A member of the Navajo Nation, Dr. Wesley Thomas (2001), explained the importance of the patterns woven and that they represented dreams or visions the weavers had received. Dr. Thomas's mother gave a weaving demonstration while he talked about Navajo beliefs and customs, and they shared information about the various types of weavings on display. Navajo was the language of communication between mother and son, so the people who attended the presentation also had a chance to hear the Navajo language, and then Dr. Thomas would translate for the audience. After the presentation, the teachers developed ideas for using this field trip as a way to organize the learning of their students, including Native students from another tribal Nation. In the area of viewing, they decided questions could be posed about the patterns and the meanings of colors used, and students' responses could be elicited about the types of patterns they saw displayed. Teachers noted that watching the weaver work was a learning experience for them that would be useful for their students. In the area of listening, teachers noted that stories about Spider Woman could be shared with students. They could listen to the sounds of nature that could be incorporated into a weaving, as well as listen to directions about the weaving process. For mathematics, students could count the warp threads and create their own geometric designs. They could estimate the amount of wool needed to complete a traditional Navajo rug of varying sizes (then the number of sheep needed to produce that amount of wool), the time spent on producing a weaving, and the amount to charge for a weaving done by hand in the traditional way.

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Widening the Circle Figure 6.1 Example of a thematic unit.

The History of Salmon as a Traditional Food Source for the Northwest Coastal Tribal Nations 1. Tell stories of the tribal Nations where salmon play important roles. (Language arts: speaking and listening. Multiple intelligences: linguistic.) 2. Talk about the role of salmon in the life of tribal people. How did people fish for salmon before contact? How was salmon prepared for food? When was salmon fishing allowed and why? When was salmon eaten (at what events)? (History; home economics; natural sciences. Multiple intelligences: verbal; bodily-kinesthetic if activities are planned; interpersonal if cooperative learning activities are planned.) 3. How are salmon regarded today? Why are salmon considered an endangered species? How can salmon habitat be improved? Where do salmon live? (Biology—natural sciences; environmental science; history; geography; ecology. Multiple intelligences: linguistic; logical-mathematical; naturalist; interpersonal if work in groups; intrapersonal if identify salmon as important for self and by extension, family or clan; spatial if representations are rendered of salmon, such as representation on a crest totem pole; spatial and bodily-kinesthetic if make a diorama depicting salmon habitat; musical if a song associated with salmon is learned in language; kinesthetic if there is a traditional dance learned associated with the salmon.) 4. What are some of the impediments to salmon reaching their spawning grounds? What can be done to increase salmon survival rates? How can tribal Nations benefit economically from salmon hatcheries? What are the skills needed to become an expert on salmon? (Biology; mathematics. Multiple intelligences: linguistic; mathematical-logical; naturalist.)

(Continued)

Refusing to Believe in the Doctrine of Failure Figure 6.1

Continued

Example of a thematic unit.

5. What are careers related to hatcheries and fisheries? (School to work. Multiple intelligences: linguistic; bodily-kinesthetic if take a field trip to a hatchery; interpersonal if work to raise salmon from eggs in group; spatial if design a special incubation place for eggs; logical-mathematical and naturalistic if keeping track of growth, etc.; linguistic if reporting on careers and what they entail.) Note. Technology can be woven throughout the unit through the use of audiovisual materials; word processing; and use of the Internet for research purposes.

Figure 6.2 Unit planned for Navajo weaving. From Schroeder, Moses, Thornton, and Spall (2001).

Listening

Reading

Writing

Viewing Navajo Weaving

The Arts

Mathematics

Geography

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Reading could be utilized for research about Navajo weavings and culture, learning about the clan system, finding out about Navajo people who have made a difference for their communities or country, and learning about contemporary issues through reading newspaper accounts of the Navajo Nation. Writing skills could be used throughout the unit to record students' ideas related to the other curricular areas, to write stories about the designs, or to complete a research report on the field trip. Students could establish pen-pal relationships with Navajo students of the same age. Geography skills would enable students to locate the Navajo Nation on a map. Students could examine Navajo tribal lands both before conquest and after they had been forced to move onto reservations. Books such as Scott O'Dell's Sing Down the Moon (1970) about the forced march of the Navajo Nation could be read to students or be read by them. Having students draw patterns for their own weavings could incorporate the arts. Weaving on simple looms to learn about the process could follow this. Students could listen to Navajo songs or have someone teach a Navajo song (nonreligious) to them. They could watch videos of Navajo powwow dances. We emphasize here that non-Indians should not be taught to perform Rain Dances or anything else of a religious nature. By utilizing a form, whether linear or circular, to organize our units, we can examine the curricular materials that are suggested for the grade level we teach and the expected learning outcomes for our students. After teachers brainstorm ideas about what to include in the unit, ideas should be reexamined to determine which objectives of the standard curricula could be met through the activities we plan. In this way, teaching about Navajo culture is not an add-on, but an integral part of our teaching for the year. We need to ensure there is enough time devoted to the unit we are planning so that students do not feel rushed. Absorbing information about a different culture takes more than a few hours. We want our students to learn to respect all cultures. This can be accomplished only by devoting the necessary time to develop that respect. Whole Language Approaches in Developing Literacy. A whole language philosophy of learning to read and write supports Constructivist views of the learning process (Goodman, 1986; Goodman, Hood, & Goodman, 1991). Whole language programs are based on four beliefs supported by research: (a) the language of the child is critical in the learning process; (b) the child is an active participant in the learning process; (c) reading and writing are mutually reinforcing processes; and (d) instruction and the materials used for instruction must be meaningful for the child (Shapiro, 1991). Literacy instruction should be natural and holistic, and

Refusing to Believe in the Doctrine of Failure

viewed as an outgrowth of language use for a variety of real purposes (Sulzby & Teale, 1991). In this approach, authentic literature is incorporated in reading instruction as opposed to the use of basal readers constructed on phonics concepts to be taught. Comprehension is viewed as the ultimate goal of reading. Goodman (1986) refers to learning to interpret written symbols as a "psy¬ cholinguistic guessing game" wherein readers try to "make sense" out of text. Instruction in phonics or other word analysis strategies is not discouraged; rather, it occurs in the context of a real word being used for real purposes as opposed to synthetic approaches. Children are encouraged to use a number of cuing systems, including visual and contextual, in determining words and their meanings. The whole language approach of literacy development incorporates aspects of Dewey's Progressive, or Experiential, Education in that children's active participation in their quest to obtain knowledge is a critical aspect of their acquisition of literacy skills. As in Experiential Education, it is not necessary to have a set of curriculum materials to develop whole language units focused on topics of interest for students. Using, say, the example of learning about the topic of deserts, teachers can incorporate literature describing desert experiences in their plans. Poetry could be written about the desert in response to students' reading. Animal life and climate conditions in the desert could be researched on the Internet and the information presented orally or in the form of three-dimensional (3-D) models. Activities could be developed about the various desert areas of the world and how they are alike and different. Science, geography, and mathematical concepts might be introduced as part of the unit (Neuman, 1985b; Lukasevich, 1991; Dixon-Krauss, 1996b). A variety of materials, including film, videotape, computer, and other technological media, may be incorporated in the development and teaching of units planned on a whole language model (Peters, 1996). Assessment is based on the real work of students, which may be collected in the form of portfolios representing their work completed for the unit (Froese, 1991; Wagner & Brock, 1996). For students whose first language is not English, whole language programs provide opportunities for children to develop literacy skills in a way that makes sense to them (Díaz-Rico & Weed, 1995). Reading does not depend on their abilities to take apart and sound out letters, a problematic activity when pronunciations are affected by accents or dialects. Because the emphasis is on comprehension, students can bring a wide variety of previously developed information (schemata) to the task at hand. Pewewardy (1998a) states that educational programs for American Indian students that are holistic and connect the real world with the learning

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environment must be provided in schools. Whole language approaches support this need. At the time of this writing, there has been movement to eliminate whole language approaches in schools and replace them with "balanced" approaches that emphasize more sound-symbol associations or approaches that completely ignore the role of literature in promoting literacy development and concentrate totally on phonics instruction and use of artificial texts similar to those in basal reading series prior to the mid-1980s. The legislative bodies in many states throughout the country have focused on proving literacy competency through high-stakes testing, which focuses on "narrowly constructed conceptions of literacy" (Meacham, 2001) that eliminate the voices of those from underrepresented populations in an effort to maintain hegemony. As teachers of American Indian students, we cannot let political movements influence us to move from approaches that work for our students and consign them to failure within this narrow literacy. While we must teach certain skills, we can do so in creative, holistic ways that preserve the sense of efficacy and empowerment that literacy should provide for all. The Language Experience Approach (LEA). The Language Experience Approach (LEA) is used by most whole language teachers as a way to connect students' lives with literacy activities (Newman, 1985a; Gunderson, 1991). This approach evolved from the work of Sylvia Ashton-Warner (1963/1986) with the Maori children of New Zealand. Ms. Ashton-Warner found that her young Maori children were not learning, and she set off to discover reasons for this. She found that the children could not relate to the prescribed English curricula and the way teachers were expected to direct their classrooms. Their lives were being lived much differently from English people, as reflected in their language and culture. Ms. Ashton-Warner found that if she allowed the students more choice in the way the class was being controlled, involved the students actively in producing the stories they were reading, allowed them to choose the vocabulary they wanted to learn, and provided a wider variety of materials, then the students' interest in what they were learning was significantly increased. Attendance at school was higher, and there was more joy in the classroom as the frustrations experienced by the students and their teacher were reduced. Ms. Ashton-Warner named her way of teaching literacy "Organic Reading" because it stemmed from the children and their life experiences. Doris Lee and Roach Van Allen brought this concept to the United States in the early 1960s as the Language Experience Approach to literacy

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development (Lee & Allen, 1963). Mary Anne Hall (1999) describes LEA as a perspective and a philosophy about children as language learners and not just as another methods approach. She states, Language experience learning is based on the premises that the learner is an active user of language, that learning is promoted through personal involvement, that communication of meaning is the purpose and heart of language learning, and that the learner's products are valued and valid materials for literacy learning, (pp. 12–13)5 Russell Stauffer (Stauffer, 1965) became an early proponent of this approach, refining it to include a strong research foundation that supported reading as a "thinking process" (Davidson, 1999, p. 32). He later developed the Directed Reading-Thinking Activity (Stauffer, 1967) based on the concept that children's prior knowledge (schema) needed to be activated before they would be able to comprehend the material they were being asked to read. When using the LEA with American Indian children, a variety of topics can be introduced as a gateway for developing literacy. This approach provides a valuable link for students between their oral language and the written symbols used to record their ideas. Students can dictate stories to their teachers. From these stories, vocabulary words may be put into "word banks" so that children can learn to recognize them. These words can be utilized to make sentences, again reinforcing the idea of using words for real purposes, not just for memorization. For many students, the linkage between oral language and written language finally is made as they read their stories to others. Students are provided with motivation to continue such activities when they have the freedom to create their own stories. The Shoshone story of "Coyote and the Magic Stone" was read in November to a small group of second-grade students by their teacher. These students had been struggling with learning to read. After the story, the teacher asked the students what they thought of it. The students had been listening intently throughout, and they talked about how Coyote "teased" the rock and the consequences of his actions. They then dictated two sentences to the teacher about the story, which she wrote on the board. They read their story together with the teacher, and then the teacher asked if they would like their own copies of the story. The children were excited about reading for the first time: Their eyes were alight, and they asked afterward if they could take their stories home to read to their parents. The literacy connections had suddenly been forged for these children, and this was demonstrated by their excitement about what they had just done. These students continued to dictate stories, asking their

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teacher when they could "write another story." For Christmas, they created their own story of "The Mystery of the Missing Reindeer," which they read to their principal and took home to their families. Their teacher was truly amazed by the rapid development of literacy skills for these children once they forged the essential connections between oral and written language. In our experience, children may begin the process of dictating stories slowly. As they gain more confidence, their stories become longer. We do not want to correct the students' language use or dialects during this process, because children need to perceive the connections between oral and written language. As they continue to be engaged with this process over time, they will eventually begin to correct their own grammar, many times telling the teacher that they want their stories to sound like stories in books. The LEA provides an effective strategy for us to capitalize on our students' prior knowledge and oral language abilities, presenting literacy development in a holistic, natural way. Krupat (2001) explains the important link between oral storytelling and social behaviors in American Indian community life. According to his research in this area, the meanings of stories depend as much on the situations in which they are being told as on the story texts. In other words, the traditional use of stories to guide youth in making appropriate decisions throughout their lives and for transmitting cultural information is critical to understanding the stories. In many communities where oral traditions are highly valued, there has been a reluctance to record the stories, for fear they will be misused once they are available to others. Krupat (2001) draws the conclusion concerning storytelling and the writing of stories in Native communities, that there is not a great separation between the two. Making Writing Connections across the Curricula. Teaching writing skills in meaningful ways for our students is always a challenge (Combs, 1986). When we allow students to write about the events taking place in their lives, rather than assigning topics for them, we are not only providing options for them but are also keying into their interests and attitudes. First-grade children wrote the stories that follow (see Figures 6.3 and 6.4). The children wanted to write about the powwows that take place every summer during their annual community festivals. The dancing that takes place at powwows is an essential part of the traditions for these students and their communities. While the dancing at powwows may or may not have religious significance for Native children in attendance (it depends on how traditional the family is), the regalia worn by children as they dance are significant.

Refusing to Believe in the Doctrine of Failure Figure 6.3 [Jingle dress and feathers and belts. And a jingle dress that is blue. And a jingle dress that is black. And (there) is (a) jingle dress (that is) yellow. And a green dress. And a fancy dancer's (dress) and traditional (dress).]

Jingles dress and fethres and belnts. And a jingle dress that is blue. And a jingle dress that is black. And is jingle dress yellow. And a green dress. And a facie dacers and prodishunl.—J.T.

Many times, grandmothers make the regalia for their grandchildren. If they are unable to do so, mothers will spend long hours making the outfits, often after a full day of work. When children outgrow their regalia, they receive new custom-made outfits. Jingle dresses have special religious significance, as do the regalia for fancy dancers and traditional dancers. A young girl may experiment with different forms of dancing, but when she becomes prepubescent, she must make a final choice about the kind of dancer she wants to be. This choice is one of the first steps she takes toward adulthood. Another story (see Figure 6.5) focuses on the expectations that children have about what they will see at a powwow in their community. Feathers, dancers, and drums define the necessary ingredients for powwow dancing. The Eagle Lodge refers to the group of young men playing drums at the powwow. Sometimes horses are ridden and/or exchanged during a powwow ceremony during which the community bestows a special honor upon a person. American Indian youth respond well to experiential and holistic learning approaches for development of cognitive activities in all subject areas (Pewewardy, 1998a; Reyhner, 1988; Little Soldier, 1989). The knowledge being taught is put to immediate use through application to real-world events, activities, and problems to be solved as in the examples given above. Reading is not considered a separate teaching area; rather, it is what we do when we are researching to gain further information. Writing is put to use as reports are made about what is being studied. Interests are related to children's

Figure 6.4 [Jingle dress. I have a black jingle dress. I am going to be a fancy dancer and a traditional dancer and my brothers are grass dancers and I like black jingle dresses and my feathers.]

Jingle dress. I have a black jingle dress. I am going to be a fancy dancer and a disol dancer and my brothers are grass dancers and I like black jingles dress it and my fethrs—J.J.G.

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eagle lobge FeAtHers DaNcers ino I se a Drum ino i se a horses/ stop—P.

real worlds: How do we live in today's world and connect with our past and our future? While in many school districts textbooks are considered as essential tools to be used in the classroom, we can use them as guides for skill development for student mastery at different levels. This requires commitment on the part of the administration to support students' learning efforts. It is not an easy task to accomplish by oneself. If teachers examine their strengths and work together, curricula can be created that are exciting and appropriate for their students. The addition of good multicultural literature to the curricula of any grade level provides a way to incorporate writings by American Indians. Contemporary literature by Native authors Paula Gunn Allen, Virginia Sneve, Leslie Silko, N . Scott Momady, Simon Ortiz, and Sherman Alexie, to name a few, as well as reissues of works by American Indians published during the first half of the 20th century are more available now than ever. Information books about different tribal Nations, Native crafts, and Native cultural practices are becoming more readily accessible and provide good additions for school libraries. Traditional American Indian stories are recorded in picture books as well as in collections of stories. It is always wise to learn whether or not it would be appropriate to read stories from one American Indian Nation to the children of other Nations. For instance, the stories of the Lakota (Sioux) are represented in picture books by author and illustrator Paul Goble (Mr. Goble was given permission by the Lakota people to publish these stories). Due to their availability, many teachers in primary grades read these stories to their pupils. Native people have asked us why these stories instead of their own tribal stories were being read to their children, especially when these Nations were considered traditional enemies. One of the problems is lack of availability of many tribal stories in written forms that teachers can use. A possible answer to this dilemma comes in the form of technology applications. Technology is a powerful tool that can be implemented effectively for the transmission of cultural information (Kuforiji, 1998). If stories are not available in printed form, one activity would be to work with a tribal rep-

Refusing to Believe in the Doctrine of Failure

resentative to develop stories that could be made available through the use of technology. If only the stories without pictures exist, children could make their own pictures to accompany them. Stories could be printed for the students, or they could be published in an electronic form that could be accessed on computers. This could become a dynamic project for language and culture teachers, and it could provide a way for classroom teachers to partner with them. There are other examples of student learning that has been enhanced through the use of technology. The Laguna Department of Education and the Office of Indian Education collaborated in 1993 to write a proposal for the U.S. Department of Education, Technology Innovation Challenge Grants Program. The result was "Four Directions: An Indigenous Model" which began in 1995 with 9 BIA schools. By the end of the program, there were 19 schools in 10 states that participated in the program. Technology use provided a way for teachers to incorporate culturally responsive pedagogy in their curricula for American Indian students (Valdez & Waseta, 2000). Students can also learn to write scripts and produce their own videotapes. There are contemporary videos for different age levels that feature American Indian stories. These could be shown to students as a way to introduce them to the idea of producing their own videos. From these videos, students could plan the making of documentaries, animated videos, or stories they have written themselves complete with storyboards. Criticisms of Whole Language Approaches. We cannot ignore the reality of our times. In education, we seem to cycle ideas for improving schools, methods, and curricula with every generation. While some criticisms of whole language approaches may be warranted, others reflect the conservative or liberal political outlooks of the time (Routman, 1996; Wolfe & Poynor, 2001). Whole language approaches capitalize on the strengths of children and their cultures, recognizing the legitimacies of other ways of viewing the world and confronting the "marginalization of some children while privileging of others" (Wolfe & Poynor, 2001, p. 17). Krashen (1999) points out that the main arguments used to criticize whole language approaches are based on faulty research, misinterpretations of research, or both. It is not our intention that readers ignore school district or statewide mandates that focus on skills-based instruction utilizing synthetic, as opposed to authentic, learning experiences. Nonetheless, we must choose methodologies and materials that will produce the most gains for our students. If our children cannot relate to the core curricula being used in our

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schools, we have an obligation to find ways of teaching that are more congruent and motivating for them. Textbooks alone cannot support students' interests. Developing inclusive curricula, which welcomes support from families and communities working together with teachers, should be a goal for all schools (Nieto, 2000). Mathematics. These same methods apply to the teaching of mathematics through the use of critical pedagogy in the classroom (Kumashir, 2001). From the time they are little, Native children receive money to purchase food and other items at festivals and powwows. You can see them counting their change to make sure cashiers gave them back the right amounts. Children are completely responsible for handling this money and returning the change to adults, and they take this responsibility seriously. In the same vein, Navajo children are given responsibility for the sheep belonging to their mother. The families rely on the economics involved in the sale of the sheep to provide much of their income, so the children take their responsibilities very seriously (M. Smith, personal communication, 2001). Both of these examples provide ways of applying mathematics teaching to real situations in students' lives. A simple algorithm of A + B = C used in relation to the students' experiences can bridge the gap between the known and the unknown. From this algorithm, variations can be introduced to teach subtraction, multiplication, and division simply by changing the story to "What would you do if five of your sheep got lost?" or "What would you do if you found out that three of your dollars were missing when you got back to your family?" From these beginnings, subtraction can be introduced in a meaningful way to the students. When students are simply engaged in completing mathematical calculations on worksheets, there are no connections to their lives. The knowledge is abstract, and it may seem incomprehensible. For older students, mathematics education can be presented in terms of economics. What would you do if you were given only 20 cents per acre on a land lease? How does this amount compare with what other people get for the lease of their lands? The students would then be involved in researching these problems and applying the mathematical knowledge to their situations. Many youths are involved in drumming, and questions could be raised about the costs involved in buying or making a large drum for the group, how much they expect to be paid for their performances, how these amounts compare with what others might get for their performances, and what an hourly rate looks like in terms of negotiating the length of a performance to be given at a conference.

Refusing to Believe in the Doctrine of Failure

Mathematical concepts are embedded in the dancing youths do at powwows and other events. There are a certain number of steps that can be taken with different beats to the drums. Health topics could be introduced in conjunction with calculating the expenditure of calories during a fourhour time period of dancing. Discussion could follow focusing on dance as a good way to keep healthy. Adapting the approach to mathematical teaching for students provides a connection for them, which is sorely lacking in the way mathematics is traditionally taught in schools. In classrooms of diverse cultural groups, students can find similarities in their activities and grow to appreciate each other's cultures while making these applications. USING COOPERATIVE LEARNING AND MULTIPLE INTELLIGENCES IN THE CLASSROOM

Cooperative learning reinforces American Indian core values of cooperation and sharing, and the importance of maintaining harmony with others and nature (Little Soldier, 1989; Pewewardy, 1998a). To be effective, everyone must contribute to the learning process in cooperative learning activities. Competition between groups can be encouraged, as whole teams work together. In this way, there is motivation for students to work to achieve without the stigma of individually achieving more than others in the classroom. Small-group and paired learning also provide alternatives to individual learning that are culturally congruent (Henry & Pepper, 1990). Howard Gardner's groundbreaking work in the area of multiple intelligences informs us that many ways exist for people to acquire knowledge about the world around us. Rather than judging intelligence based only on verbal skills and reasoning abilities, Gardner provides us with an expanded version of what it means to be cognitively engaged. Further, Gardner believes that through time, people have acquired the abilities to utilize a unique expanded set of intelligences, and that each person possesses a combination of these intelligences (Gardner, 1983). The intelligence areas identified by Gardner are the following: linguistic, logical-mathematical, musical, bodilykinesthetic, spatial, interpersonal, and intrapersonal. An eighth intelligence, naturalist, was added later. In 1999, Gardner published a new book in which he examined the possibility of additional multiple intelligences. He considered the area of spirituality or existentialism as a possibility for inclusion as a distinctive intelligence. As with the other identified intelligences, two types of knowledge are needed for an area to be determined an "intelligence": knowing that (or declarative knowledge) and knowing how (or what we call process knowledge). Because of the complexity involved in spirituality, Gardner

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did not choose to define this area as a completely different intelligence, but neither did he dismiss existentialism as a whole from the domain of existing multiple intelligences. Gardner has promised to keep the area under consideration. The last 400 years have seen an emphasis on the development of mental activity by focusing on abstraction of knowledge, not by assessing what students already knew, building upon that knowledge through socially mediated instruction, and then applying knowledge in a way that makes sense to students in the context of purposeful activity (Penner, 2001). By observing the strengths of our students in the areas identified by Gardner, we can develop activities that will capitalize on what students are able to do rather than focusing on what they are unable to do (Banks, 1994). For too long, mental development has dominated our school curricula to the exclusion of other areas. One way we can accommodate our students is by allowing them opportunities to present their understandings through other avenues, such as their artwork, vocal renditions, dance representing story, building physical models, or making use of technology to present information in other ways. Knowledge building can also take place when we utilize a variety of formats and allow our students interaction with them to understand concepts, such as by examining the symbolism represented in a piece of artwork or a modern dance. Visiting tribal and other museums with a focus on American Indians will provide insights to students about the lives of their ancestors as well as their customs and beliefs. Working with others in cooperative ventures provides opportunities to capitalize on and develop further interpersonal and intrapersonal intelligences. By being sensitive to multiple ways of attaining knowledge, we can widen our perspectives about how to prepare so that student learning can be maximized. Teacher and Student Collaboration. According to Michael Fullan (1993), the abilities to survive and thrive in a postmodern world depend upon the abilities of individuals to collaborate with one another as opposed to operating as solo beings. We now live in a world that has become global in nature, where information can be exchanged at any hour of any day in any part of the globe, and where people are no longer confined by geographical limitations to their own communities either physically or mentally. This is quite a different scenario than that at the beginning of the 20th century, where travel still took a long time and a difficult toll on one's body, and communications around the globe were limited to primitive technologies. Skillful teaching involves praxis: ensuring that students have opportunities to apply what they have learned to real life and to reflect on these expe-

Refusing to Believe in the Doctrine of Failure

riences (Brookfield, 1990). One of the greatest impediments to allowing for reflection is that often teachers believe they have too much material to cover in too little time; therefore, assessment takes precedence over reflection. In turn, students feel overwhelmed by the amount of material they must learn and master. By creating caring, trusting environments in our classrooms that honor the cultures and languages of our students, we can take the risks required to collaborate with our students in planning educational experiences that will be beneficial for all (Diamond & Moore, 1995; Pewewardy, 1998a). This requires that we respect our students' perceptions and their abilities to make good decisions concerning the ways they learn best. Brookfield (1990) reports that students feel some of the most important learning opportunities have come as a surprise to them, and that they experienced increased self-confidence as a result of being engaged in these experiences. When we provide opportunities for students to mull over what they have learned, they are able to incorporate this new knowledge into their cognitive schemata with additional insights. This aspect of "critically responsive teaching" (Brookfield, 1990) allows us to adjust our teaching to our students' contexts and to incorporate "students' experiences, insights, and intuitions as accurately representing reality even when these contradict dominant values and majority opinion" (p. 24). Engaging American Indian students in these ways will allow them to challenge the language used to convey ideas that inaccurately portray their cultures and the historical descriptions of Europeans whose metaphorical language use was meant to demean Native peoples. The Arts. The arts can provide fruitful opportunities for student and teacher collaboration. President Clinton's Commission on the Arts concluded that the "interdependent system [of private and federal] support for culture must be valued and strengthened, not denigrated and dismantled" (President's Committee on the Arts and Humanities, 1997, Letter to the President). Committee members affirmed the importance of a healthy cultural life in a democratic society, and that [i]magination is the key to diversity, to civic compassion and to commonality. It is the faculty by which we stretch ourselves to include others, expand the compass of our interests to discover common ground, and overcome the limits of our parochial selves to become fit subjects to live in a democratic community. (p. 1)

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The arts provide additional languages for us to communicate our unique strengths, heritages, and cultural understandings. Many times, the arts can convey these ideas more effectively than rhetoric alone. The arts are essential in our classrooms (Belcher & Jaffee, 1998). Throughout the history of education, the arts have been viewed as less important because they were not as rational as areas requiring logic and language skills; the arts provide a place for emotions to be expressed, and emotions are considered by many the enemy of logic. Consequently, the values placed on the arts are low in contrast to those given to science and technology (Eisner, 1992). However, if students find ways of communicating about their ideas through the languages of artistic media, an important part of their growth as well-rounded, multidimensional beings is furthered. The arts contribute to students' understanding of the processes of discovery while they learn through their own artistic experiences (Eisner, 1992). The perception of the arts as being low priority makes it difficult to ensure their inclusion in our schools. As monies for education become tight, these areas are often eliminated from school budgets. Integration of the arts throughout curricula provides a way of counteracting this trend, a way that emphasizes the importance of the arts in communicating who we are as communities (Godfrey, 1992; Hanna, 1992). Much of cultural tradition for American Indian people is conveyed through artistic media. Informants from the Yakama Nation in Washington stated that they would like to see more traditions incorporated in their children's schooling. The traditions they named were beading, making moccasins, dancing, root digging, collecting berries, and being involved in the Longhouse ceremonies, all of which involve practice of the arts whether in music, visual arts, or dance (Klug, 1999). Our classrooms, schools, and hallways need to reflect American Indian images as well (Indian Community School of Milwaukee, 2000). We must actively evaluate the aesthetics of our buildings from our students' points of view. If our pictures reflect only members of the dominant culture, our bulletin boards reflect hegemonic messages, and our schools are designed using architecture characteristic of the dominant culture, students will not feel as comfortable and secure as they should in our schools. Desegregating the Curricula. The first generation of desegregating the curricula rested on the belief that students belonging to underrepresented populations could succeed in school if they learned to act like middle-class Anglos. This phase resulted in cultural enrichment programs and compensatory education (Gay, 1990). The second generation of curriculum desegregation emphasized adding on multicultural information for teachers to

Refusing to Believe in the Doctrine of Failure

present and examining biases through antibias curriculum programs. The third stage of curriculum desegregation acknowledged the role of the hidden curriculum in education, and the importance of social and cultural norms in the classroom. In our present, fourth stage, we understand not only the need for materials that reflect diversity and incorporate multiple viewpoints about historical events, science, and other explorations, but the need to encourage children from preschool on to recognize and value diversity (Banks, 1994; McCracken, 1993). To do so necessitates that we display all students' work in classrooms; have pictorial representations of members from all ethnicities, not just those of the dominant culture or those individuals who are praised for "making it" in the dominant culture; and have films, literature, and other materials representing multiple ethnicities available for our students to use in the classroom. In addition, we ought to realize that our students from diverse ethnic backgrounds may not interpret what is considered classical literature in ways we expect them to, based on what we learned in the academy are the "accepted" interpretations. Graff (1992) addresses the conflicts over curricula in the following: The result is today's educational crisis. . . . As the democratization of culture has brought heretofore excluded groups into the educational citadel, with them have come the social conflicts that their exclusion once kept safely distant. A generation ago decisions about what was worth teaching and what counted as "culture" were still circumscribed by a relatively homogeneous class with a relatively common background. Today new constituencies—women, blacks, gays, and immigrant groups from Asia and Latin America in particular—demand a say in how culture will be defined. And even more offensive to those who are used to having their way without controversy, these upstarts are now often in a position to put their ideas into practice. A less "canonical" faculty and student body implies a less canonical curriculum, dramatizing the fact that culture itself is a debate, not a monologue. (p. 8)6 As teachers of Native American students, we need to exercise our own judgments about what literature should be included in the curriculum for our students and allow them to explore their own relationships to the ideas with which they are having discourse. Otherwise, the canon offered in schools throughout the country will continue to be sawdust in the mouths of our students: something to be endured, certainly not savored. Teachers can offer traditional ways of interpreting works for students' consideration, as ways of beginning dialogues about differing points of view. This is a legitimate way of provoking considerations of what is meant by understanding

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others' views. It is also a way students can learn cultural information necessary for them to operate within the dominant society by giving them glimpses into dominant ways of knowing. Most importantly, though, teachers need to understand the necessity of authenticating students' cultural positions. For American Indian students, we need to find ways to incorporate the speeches of great orators, pictures of American Indians in contemporary societal roles, and representations of tribal Nations and languages. Changes in the hidden curriculum that govern teaching and learning will allow us to experience more fully the diversity represented in our classrooms. As Graff (1992) reminds us, even the venerable works of Shakespeare and Milton were once considered "rubbish" and too easy to be considered as part of the canon. Why Do Some Students Resist Learning? Brookfield (1990) lists several causes of student resistance to education: (a) poor self-image as learners; (b) fear of the unknown; (c) wanting to go back to what felt familiar before students learned new material—the process of absorbing new information into schema can be unsettling for students; (d) lack of clarity of teachers' instructions; (e) students' personal dislike of teachers; (f) disjunction of learning and teaching styles; (g) apparent irrelevance of the learning activity; (h) fear of looking foolish in public; (i) danger of committing cultural suicide by acting in ways that are inappropriate for the students' home cultures; and (j) having students work at levels that are too abstract or sophisticated for them. All of the above reasons have applied to American Indian children who are traditional or bicultural in terms of their educational experiences. Ogbu (1991), Giroux (1988), and Cummins (1996) cite additional reasons for resistance that are involved with establishing students' identities apart from "White" education, thereby repudiating educational success as a way of lashing out at society. Eitzen (1992) likens the cultural messages sent through the media of television, radio, and other forms of mass communication as ways of continuing oppression for students whose families live below poverty levels. Our society glories in those who win and ridicules those who are considered losers, which can be interpreted by students as those who have failed to make the materialistic grade needed to keep up with their fellow classmates. The values conveyed by mass media are not generally those that encourage students to work harder in their academics to reach for rewards in the future rather than for the immediate gratification emphasized by our present society. Service Learning and the Development ofSelf-Esteem. Self-concept, or how we view ourselves in terms of our roles as parents, teachers, students,

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homemakers, community employees, or others, is a major determinant of how we come to view ourselves as capable or incapable, lovable or unlovable, worthy or unworthy individuals (Purkey, 1970). The way we feel about ourselves determines if we have high or low self-esteems. People with high self-esteem in a majority of important areas develop more positive attitudes toward life in general (Covington & Berry, 1976). In terms of education, we know that students with high self-esteems are those who have been positively reinforced in and out of classrooms for their efforts. Contrary to hollow praise, reinforcement for one's efforts— even if not successful—is a key component in the development of selfesteem. Children who believe they are capable and perceive that their teachers regard them warmly become risk takers (Canfield et al., 1990). They know that they are "safe" in pursuing their labors, teachers and administrators respect them, and their peers want to be around them. In terms of the Medicine Wheel, we are discussing the Emotional aspects of how we define ourselves. One way for us to assist students in developing positive self-esteem, which leads to self-respect, self-efficacy, and social responsibility, is to engage students in service-learning activities linking them to their communities. According to Siccone (1995), being able to move beyond self and play an active role in the world around us contributes to our sense of happiness and self-worth. The Turtle Island Project sponsored by the National Indian Youth Leadership Project is an excellent example of service learning in action on reservations and in cities (López, 1999). The project has documented successes in K–12 settings that focus on service and experiential learning. Curricula have been developed for teachers that integrate students' cultural traditions and school curricular knowledge, including such areas as making and reading maps, hearing stories about what people did in the old days when they traveled up mountains on foot, and connecting with the spiritual teachings of tribal Nations. An Indigenous outdoor learning center comprising 1,200 acres has been built for the Turtle Island Project at the base of Mount Taylor near the Laguna and Acoma Pueblos. It provides opportunities to reconfigure education within curricula centered on "biophilia," the term used by Harvard zoologist E. O. Wilson to describe the innate human urge to affiliate with other forms of life (Cajete, 1999). Biophilia contrasts with biophobia, which some declare is actually a result of cultural conditioning promoting an affiliation with technology rather than the natural world (Cajete, 1999). In the Western world, developing knowledge has meant overreliance on the senses of sight and hearing. While nonWestern societies incorporate all the senses when teaching children about

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their worlds, Westerners associated the "lower senses" of smell, taste, and touch deemed essential for survival and knowledge of the world by others with "savagery" and "sensualism" (Classen, 1999). We may speculate that as schools were developed first in church monasteries with monastics as teachers, and later with the foremost purpose of educating students for moral and religious reasons, the use of the "lower" senses in these endeavors would be considered antithetical to the "higher" purposes of learning. Biophilia, associating us with the natural world, relies on the use of all our senses to the exclusion of none. Biophobia separates us from our relationships with nature. Biophobia is reflected in the goals of conquering the natural world in favor of such technological advances as dam building and oil drilling regardless of the effects on the ecology. A curriculum incorporating biophilia is connected to place, reinforces students' relational orientations, and provides them ample opportunities to reconnect with all of creation. In turn, this helps to restore the balance among the Mental, Spiritual, Physical, and Emotional quadrants making up the self (Cajete, 1999). Involving Tribal Nation Resources. Service learning is successful when we involve tribal resources in our efforts. Offices of Fish and Game, Indian Health Services, and tribal Nation museums have people and materials that can support students' learning in many ways. Making these connections provides students with opportunities to learn about tribal members working in positions that are benefiting their communities. Career paths in the natural and physical sciences, health care, anthropology, business, and other areas can be explored in realistic ways through the involvement of professionals in our learning communities. Integrating Contemporary Issues and Curricula: Social Sciences, Economics, and Sciences. American Indian tribal Nations have lived for centuries with the injustices perpetrated by the federal government and its efforts to deprive them of their rights (Gildart, 1997). Members of the dominant culture have been party to this collusion through ignorance of the issues of government abuses and mismanagement of the very organizations that were intended to "protect" American Indian interests. Part of the reason that citizens of other ethnicities have not questioned the fairness of treatment of American Indians on reservations and in cities is because of propagation of negative stereotypes and prejudicial beliefs about Native Americans. We have opportunities as educators to dislodge these longstanding misunderstandings and to create awareness of previous actions in order to prevent abuses of American Indians from occurring in the future. This is a painful journey for those of us who are members of the dominant culture. No one wants to think that other people are capable of

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actively creating conditions under which others are reduced to poverty and its accompanying horrific conditions. Ours is the gift to begin changing power relationships and enable our country to progress toward its idealistic decree of providing "liberty and justice for all." We have this opportunity through the practice of our craft, making use of alternative pedagogical styles to ensure that all students will learn in our classrooms. There are many issues that need to be resolved in Indian country, and it will take the leadership of American Indians to do so. Ms. Elouise Cobell, a member of the Blackfeet Nation in Montana, provides an example. The teacher of her one-room schoolhouse shared her subscription of The New York Times with her students, and "it exposed me to a world I never knew existed. . . . It gave me a chance to dream a little" (Maas, 2001, p. 5). Ms. Cobell made a 50-mile round-trip journey each day to attend high school and later enrolled in a two-year business college to earn a degree in accounting. When she returned to her reservation to take care of her ailing parents, she was asked by the Tribal Council to become the treasurer in 1976. Upon assuming this role, Ms. Cobell had the opportunity to utilize her accounting skills and determined that things didn't "add up" regarding money that was supposed to have been put in trust for the tribe by the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA). To develop economically, there must be capital to invest in enterprises. Upon finding that large sums of money had not been accounted for, Ms. Cobell pursued the issue even though she was discouraged from doing so at different levels. In 1989, Rep. Mike Synar from Oklahoma assisted in arranging a meeting at the White House with officials of the Office of Management and Budget. The gross miscarriage of the BIA's duties toward Indian Nations was now a matter of public information. "In 1994, Synar persuaded Congress to authorize a Presidential appointment of a special trustee to provide a full accounting of the money owed to the Blackfeet, Cherokees, Apaches, Winnebagos and other tribes located west of the Mississippi" (Maas, 2001, pp. 5–6). 7 While the effort was fraught with discouraging constraints, finally, Judge Royce Lamberth ruled on December 21, 1999, "that the government had breached its sacred trust duties across the board. He ordered the Interior and Treasury Departments to file quarterly reports detailing efforts to reform the trust system and decreed court supervision of these efforts" (Maas, 2001, p. 6). At this juncture, all that remains of the lawsuit filed by Ms. Cobell is the amount that will be awarded to American Indian Nations, money that belongs to them and was never given, keeping them in a state of severe poverty. When the money is deposited into the bank accounts of the rightful owners, they will be able to use this to build their investments and enhance their lives.

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Addressing these issues involves the abilities of people to make applications of literacy and mathematical skills. The BIA still does not allow American Indians to lease their own lands. One informant tells of receiving a check for $2.00 every year for her land allotment because the rates charged to farmers leasing the land are still those of the 1920s (N. Portman, 2001, personal communication). The BIA has argued that Native Americans do not have the skills to take charge of their own lives. While that may have been the perception at one time, since government economic systems are grounded in the values of the macroculture, it is not the case today. There are procedures for asking the BIA to increase the amount paid for allotment use, though many older American Indians are intimidated by the process. More young people need to study issues related to land use and resource management as part of a culturally responsive curricula. The development of many skills, especially those needed for finance and economics, can be related directly to these areas impacting the living conditions of American Indian peoples. The issue of dual citizenship for American Indians provides an area in the social sciences that needs to be more fully understood by youth. American Indians have the most to lose of all underrepresented groups in this country if they choose to assimilate into the dominant culture (Kramer, 1991). The Close Up Foundation (1994) has developed a two-week curriculum to educate students about dual citizenship. This material can be used in conjunction with social studies with focus on government, laws, and citizenship. Laws are explained in relation to American Indians. The impacts of the various laws for American Indians are explored. This curriculum can provide a starting point for examining other issues, such as growing hemp, a crop that was grown on reservations previously and successfully marketed. Because of its close identification with the illegal drug marijuana, it is now illegal to grow hemp in this country (Weinberg, 2001). For reservations who depended on this crop for income, passage of the legislation outlawing its growth has meant decreased revenues and increased poverty for the Nation. Other areas that American Indian youth need to explore are those concerned with federal Indian Water Law (Weinberg, 2000; Williams & Montoya-Lewis, 2000). Protecting and restoring the environment depends on knowledge imparted to youth of roles they may play in this area when they are making career choices (Ikenson, 2000). Michael Caduto and Joseph Bruchac (1988) have created resources that link American Indian legends with activities that can be completed in different areas, including the sciences. Their book Keepers of the Earth: Native American Stories and

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Environmental Activities for Children was the first in a series of such books. These books are good resources for students in K–8 classrooms, and they could be extended to use in secondary schools. Discussion of the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (1990) provides an opportunity to learn about the importance of archaeology in the protection of burial sites. When we integrate these areas into our curricula, they are appropriate and have immediate relevancy for our students especially in cases of controversy, as in Ohio (Mann, 2000). The area of history would be enriched for American Indian youth by learning about treaties and important events through use of sources such as Great Documents in American Indian History (1973), edited by Wayne Moquin and Charles Van Doren. The contributions made by Indian peoples to efforts to defend this country could be explored through additional resources, as this area is not covered well (if at all) in typical textbooks. Even though this might sound like an improbability, given the history of the relationships between tribal Nations and the government, many American Indians gave their lives in the defense of our country. The important roles played by American Indians in the Civil War, World Wars I and II, the Korean Conflict, and the Vietnam War need to be acknowledged, such as the role of the "Code Talkers" in World War II. It is important to share this message with the general public so that nonIndians are made aware of the contributions of American Indian citizens in service to this country. Books such as American Indians in World War I: At Home and at War (Britten, 1997) should be available in all high school libraries so that students will have access to this information. Other potential areas for emphasis might be on alternative energy sources for reservations. Wind power is being recognized again as an important source of generating electricity (Gough, 2001). Toxic waste—how to remove it from reservations, contain it, and cure diseases caused by the potent industrial chemicals that pollute reservations—is another area that requires attention. Involving students in finding ways to remove river and stream pollution, involving them in animal reintroduction projects, and exploring their future worlds also provide opportunities for challenging Native students. Technology should be used to enhance the abilities of our students to consider a multiplicity of viewpoints and encourage critical thinking. At the present time, much classroom technology still centers on worksheet skill/drill practice-type exercises, which closely resemble duplicated worksheets. Using technology for these purposes is simply another way to promote hegemony and disempowerment of students (White & Walker, 1999). By making use of computer programs connecting prior knowledge with simulation and

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modeling tools, as well as other types of programmable media, teachers can provide new avenues for students to construct their understandings of all subject areas, including the hard sciences (Penner, 2001). The New "Urban" Indian Growing Up on Reservations. One of the fallacies concerning today's reservations and their citizens is that those living on a reservation are more likely to be in tune with their heritages. The assumption is made that the children have free access to parts of the reservations that are related to traditional practices such as hunting, fishing, and gathering. Regrettably, this assumption too often proves to be false, and many children on today's reservations have never participated in traditional practices, nor have they gone to explore different parts of their reservations. One of the reasons for this concerns the number of children living in female-headed households who do not have contact with their fathers. In many tribal Nations, the male (father) is the one to introduce sons to fishing and hunting practices. Where there has been a divorce, the father may no longer have a great deal of contact with his children (Elan Halliday, personal communication, 2001). In the same way, the father's brothers would be involved with introducing nephews to traditional practices. When there has been a divorce, the father's brothers may also no longer have contact with the children. Unless a woman remarries and the stepfather fills the gap, many children are left without opportunities to become involved in the ways of their ancestors. In addition, technology has influenced reservation lives negatively in that there are many children who, upon returning home from school, become engrossed in watching television or playing computer games instead of taking up outdoor activities. The high rates of childhood obesity and diabetes on many reservations attest to these patterns for children, especially those who are not involved with after-school programs or day care. Barry Sanders (1994) makes the argument that oral literacy development as well as written literacy is needed in order to curb the violence created through excessive use of video images and other uses of technology that impact the neurophysiology of brain development. The use of visual images over language processing is detrimental to other areas of learning, such as problem solving and computation. This has negative consequences for students' future abilities to solve their own problems through symbolic language and to tackle problems of the environment. As Vine Deloria, Jr. (1991), has commented, current reservation conditions are influenced heavily by the outside commercial world. In the process, traditional values and practices are undermined from the inside out. We can

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correct some of these trends by what we do in our schools to encourage students to become involved in their Native cultures and traditions. SUMMARY

The reasons we give for entering the teaching profession are essentially altruistic: We want children to be successful and find their places in society. Because teachers who are of the dominant culture far outnumber certified teachers of color, pathways must be made to incorporate successful techniques for working with children who do not share the same ethnicity as their teachers (Dilworth, 1990; Guyton, 2000). Pinkard (1987) argues that in a democratic liberal social union (as opposed to a society composed of radical individualists), citizens commit themselves to a path of sharing each other's fates as they identify themselves as belonging to this social and political order. We belong to a social and political order that encourages us to share responsibilities for others that are connected to the ultimate good of our entire society. Social justice as a concept informs us that we, as citizens, have obligations to others in our society. This responsibility is taken regardless of whether we as individuals had any part in creating injustices against groups of people in the past. For us as teachers, this shared responsibility translates into providing education based on pluralistic views as a way to eliminate overreliance on the dominant culture and its attitudes, beliefs, and value system (Pine & Hilliard, 1990). As teachers of American Indian students, we are obligated by our principles of mutual respect for others in our society to adjust our ways of teaching so that education can be viewed as a tool for accomplishing the goals of Indian Nations and our nation as a whole. These goals include the ability to participate in the social order of this country as full citizens, able to make informed decisions based on what is right for their communities. TEACHERS AS "HEALERS"

In American Indian communities, it is traditional that those working with children as teachers attend to students as total beings, not just in terms of their intellectual development (Whitfield & Klug, 2000). One of the roles that effective teachers perform when working with all students is to be available to them as "healers," not in the sense of attending to their physical ailments alone, but in caring for them in the context of the mental, physical, spiritual, and emotional realms. We must model this aspect of caring for new teachers entering the field of education (Irvin, 1990; Petrie, 1998). Many of today's college students do not understand the need to learn about other cultures, and they feel they

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shouldn't have to be "politically correct" in their views of underrepresented populations (Pohen & Mathison, 1998). They are unaware of their own misperceptions of American Indian peoples (Writer, 2001). When asked to ascribe academic achievement or difficulties of those from other ethnicities, preservice teachers may still adhere to the view that ethnic differences play the most important role in school achievement, not the school conditions themselves (Avery & Walker, 1993). Challenges to these preservice teachers' belief systems may not produce the desired result, because individuals become defensive about what they have learned from other sources. Opening our schools to those entering the field and demonstrating culturally relevant pedagogy to these new professionals will provide preservice teachers with opportunities to contrast their personal experiences with their belief systems (Howard & del Rosario, 2000). Through personal involvement with American Indian students before college students become fullfledged teachers, attitudes can be influenced in positive ways that will encourage future professionals to create social justice in their classrooms (Rudney, Marxen, & Risku, 1998). CREATING CULTURAL AND COMMUNITY CONNECTIONS

Edelfelt and Raths (1999) emphasize the importance of connecting communities of learners with each other in supportive environments. This is reflected in the 1991 Association of Teacher Educators Commission on the Preparation of Teachers' mandate that candidates be able to establish positive working atmospheres in their classrooms for all students, not just those reflecting the dominant culture. Petrie (1998) discusses the rhetoric used to describe "my work" of teaching as that of locking parents and communities out of the process of decision making for their children's education. It is imperative for us to change the vocabulary to "our work" in order to transform classrooms into those welcoming active involvement on the part of all constituents. For teachers of American Indians, it is essential to make these classrooms a reality. Swisher and Tippeconic (1999) have developed a resource guide of many different programs actively promoting culturally responsive pedagogy for American Indian students. While ready resources for teachers concerning American Indian tribes located in their states may not be available, Mitchell and Salsbury (2000) have complied a listing of the 50 states, a brief history of the states including tribal Nations native to areas or that immigrated there, and policies and programs for multicultural education in the states. This is a useful reference guide for teachers that provides a starting point for seeking information about particular tribal Nation histories. Journal articles written by American Indians, such as "History Revisited at the

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Infamous Little Bighorn" (Gildart, 2001), give alternative views of events that have shaped the lives of tribal Nations. American Indian languages are being revived through conferences such as the Saving Our Native Languages symposium co-sponsored with the National Indian Gaming Association (Hill, 2001). Tribal Nations involved in gaming enterprises are earmarking funds for their efforts to restore Native languages. They consider this to be part of their mission to protect Indian sovereignty. Technology offers many tools that schools might use in their efforts to meet the needs of American Indian students. By incorporating films, videotapes, and cassettes or CDs in our classroom teaching, we can bring knowledge to our students concerning American Indian cultural practices and contemporary thought in ways independent of the written word. Students who want to complete research projects concerning American Indians can use computers to gain access to the Internet. Thus, schools provide opportunities to honor American Indian Nations while reinforcing the importance of education in today's world. SOCIAL REALITIES OF SCHOOLS AND CLASSROOMS

We are not alone when we make efforts to change our pedagogy from that which disempowers students to that which empowers them. Working with others of like mind whose philosophy of education is that of transformation rather than transmission of knowledge (Wink, 2000) enables us to make the changes necessary to create critical pedagogy in our classrooms and schools. Stoll (1999) has identified five types of contemporary schools: (a) those that are moving (progressing well, have clear direction); (b) those that are cruising (doing alright, but not particularly well); (c) those that are strolling (not effective nor ineffective; ill defined); (d) those that are struggling (ineffective but want to improve); and (e) those that are sinking (ineffective, lots of blame and isolation; need dramatic action and significant support). In order to make changes in schools that are experiencing difficulties, she notes that the following elements are vital for success. Schools must: • • • •

build capacity from inside and outside; change structures where necessary and broaden leadership; foster creativity and empowerment; promote positive climate, self-responsibility, and collective responsibility; and • have high expectations.

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Education must be seen as a priority, and there must be respect for the teaching profession. We must recognize the importance of educating all of our students, not just those who reflect the dominant culture (Cohen & Lotan, 1997; Bower, 1997). For too many years, American Indian education has been left unchallenged. Even in the area of school climate, students' social (socioeconomic and cultural) backgrounds are ignored in the blueprint for creating effective schools. Rather, social background is represented as an uncontrollable factor that influences the final educational outcome but not the school and classroom climate necessary to promote quality learning (Creemers & Reezigt, 1999). We propose that the opposite is true: Our Native students' cultural backgrounds profoundly influence their school learning and the way schools are perceived. If teachers are not sensitive to their American Indian students and do not attempt to integrate their cultures within the classroom, school, and curricula, they will have failed their Native students. Constructivist classrooms and those that incorporate aspects of American Indian cultural traditions and languages offer much hope for the future (Brooks & Brooks, 1993). We cannot change our schools alone: We need the involvement of principals with the integrity to insist on culturally relevant pedagogy in our schools, and we need the assistance of Native and non-Native communities to support us in our efforts (Badaracco & Ellsworth, 1989; Lotan, Cohen, & Morphew, 1997; Emihovich, 1998). While the road to creating the ideal educational system for Native Americans in our institutional settings may be long, we know it is worth the struggle. We can take heart in our efforts when we witness the differences in the attitudes and learning achievement of American Indian students in our classrooms. As Mankiller stated in 1991 in anticipation of the new millenium, [W]e look into the faces of our young [American Indian] people and see— despite everything—hope. We would like to keep that hope alive for the future by doing all that is possible to assure that they have an opportunity to obtain the kind of education they need to survive in a highly technological world. What tribal people most need today, as we continue to dig our way out of the devastation of the past two hundred years, is a cadre of welltrained young people to help us enter the twenty-first century on our own terms, (p. 6)8 EXERCISE FOR CHAPTER 6

1. Examine the language arts skills you are expected to teach in a typical grade level of your choice. How can these skills be taught through the use of American Indian stories and culture?

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2. How might language arts skills be integrated throughout the curricula, particularly in your area of expertise? 3. Teaching mathematics provides a challenge for elementary teachers. What types of culturally relevant activities linked with mathematical concepts could be used in your classroom? 4. What resources are available to you in your region that could be utilized to provide authentic learning activities for your students? 5. Design three authentic learning activities based on the resources identified in the previous question. 6. Examine your school library. How many books are available that reflect American Indian cultures accurately? 7. Do you have books in your classroom library that incorporate American Indian themes or stories, or that are written by Native Americans? 8. Examine the pictures and bulletin boards in your classroom and in the hallways of your school. Do they reflect American Indian cultures? How? If not, what are some measures you can take to change this situation? 9. Is technology utilized in your classroom and school to reinforce skills learning or to provide authentic activities for students, such as writing a school newspaper, having pen-pal exchanges with students in other schools, or creatively applying mathematical skills to activities like designing new recreational buildings? 10. Describe your understanding of culturally relevant pedagogy. How does this philosophy of teaching and learning benefit all students in your classroom and school? REFERENCES Almeida, D. A. (1996). Countering prejudice against American Indians and Alaska Natives through antibias curriculum and instruction. ERIC Digest. Appalachia Educational Laboratory, Charleston, WV: ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools. (ERIC Reproduction Document Service No. RC 020 742) American Indian Education Handbook Committee. (1991). The American Indian: Yesterday, today, and tomorrow: A handbook for educators. Sacramento: California Department of Education. Anderson, R. C , & Pearson, P. D. (1984). A schema-theoretic view of basic processes in reading comprehension. In P. D. Pearson, R. Barr, M. S. Kamil, & P. Mosenthal (Eds.), Handbook ofreading research (Vol. 1, pp. 225–253). White Plains, NY: Longman. Apodaca, P. (2000). California tongues. Native Americas, 17(4), 50–55. Armstrong, J. (2000). A holistic education: Teachings from the Dance House—"We cannot afford to lose one Native child." In M. Kape 'ahiokalani Padeken Ah Nee-Benham with J. E. Cooper (Eds.), Indigenous educational models for contemporary practice: In our mother's voice (pp. 35–43). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Ashton-Warner, S. (1986). Teacher (Rev. ed.). New York: Simon & Schuster. (Original work published 1963) Avery, P. G., & Walker, C. (1993). Prospective teachers' perceptions of ethnic and gender differences in academic achievement. Journal of Teacher Education, 44(1), 27–37.

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Widening the Circle Badaracco, J. L., & Ellsworth, R. R. (1989). Leadership and the questfor integrity. Boston: Harvard Business School. Banks, J. A. (1994). An introduction to multicultural education. Needham Heights, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Belcher, S., & Jaffee, K. (1998). Weaving in the arts: Widening the circle. Portsmouth, N H : Heinemann. Berger, C. (1997). Program brings Native-American culture to schools. Christian Science Monitor, 89(123), 12. Bernard, B. A. (1993). If it's November, it must be Indians. Teaching Tolerance, 2(2), 54–56. Bower, B. (1997). Effects of the multiple-ability curriculum in secondary social studies classrooms. In E. G. Cohen & R. A. Lotan (Eds.), Working for equity in heterogeneous classrooms: Sociological theory in practice (pp. 117–133). New York: Teachers College Press. Britten, T. A. (1997). American Indians in World War I: At home and at war. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. Bronfenbrenner, U. (1989). Ecological systems theory. In R. Vasta (Ed.), The annals of child development (Vol. 6, pp. 187–251). Greenwich, CT: JAI Press. Brookfield, S. D. (1990). The skillful teacher: On technique, trust, and responsiveness in the classroom. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Brooks, J. G., & Brooks, M . G. (1993). In search of understanding: The casefor Constructivist classrooms. Alexandria, VA: Association for Supervision & Curriculum Development. Caduto, M. J., & Bruchac, J. (1998). Keepers of the earth: Native American stories and environmental activities for children. Golden, C O : Fulcrum. Cajete, G. (1999, Spring). Biophilia. The Heartbeat of Turtle Island: A Journal of Native ServiceLearning, 22–36. Calderón, M., & Carreón, A. (2000). In search of a new border pedagogy: Sociocultural conflicts facing bilingual teachers and students along the U.S.-Mexico border. In C. J. Ovando & P. McLaren (Eds.), Multiculturalism and bilingual education: Students and teachers caught in the crossfire (pp. 167–187). New York: McGraw-Hill. Canfield, J., et al. (1990). Self-esteem in the classroom: A curricular guide. Culver City, CA: Self-Esteem Seminars. Carnegie Forum on Education and the Economy, Taskforce on Teaching as a Profession. (1986). A nation prepared: Teachers for the 21st century. New York: Author. Carrasco, R. L., Acosta, C. T., & de la Torre-Spencer, S. (1992). Language use, lesson engagement, and participation structures: A microethnic analysis of two language arts lessons in a bilingual firstgrade classroom. In M. Saravia-Shore and S. F. Arvizu (Eds.), Cross-cultural literacy: Ethnographies of communication in multiethnic classrooms (pp. 391–436). New York: Garland. Chion-Kenney, L. (1994). Weaving real-life images and experiences into Native education: Comment.

R & D Preview, 9(1), 4–5. Classen, C. (1999). Other ways to wisdom: Learning through the senses across cultures. In L. King (Ed.), Learning knowledge, and cultural context (pp. 269–280). Boston: Kluwer Academic. Close Up Foundation. (1994). American Indian citizenship in balance: A two-week curriculum unit. Washington, D C : U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Office of Indian Education Programs. Cohen, E. G., & Lotan, R. A. (1997). Raising expectations for competence: The effectiveness of status interventions. In E. G. Cohen & R. A. Lotan (Eds.), Working for equity in heterogeneous classrooms: Sociological theory in practice (pp. 77–91). New York: Teachers College Press. Combs, M. (1986). Emerging readers and writers. In L. Dixon-Krauss (Ed.), Vygotsky in the classroom: Mediated literacy instruction and assessment (pp. 25–42). New York: Longman. Costa, A. L. & Garmston, R. J. (1994). Cognitive coaching: A foundation for Renaissance schools. Norwood, MA: Christopher-Gordon. Covington, M. V., & Berry, R. G. (1976). Self-worth and school learning. New York: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston. Creemers, B. P. M., & Reezigt, G. J. (1999). The role of school and classroom climate in elementary school learning environments. In H. J. Freiberg (Ed.), School climate: Measuring, improving and sustaining healthy learning environments (pp. 30–47). Philadelphia: Falmer Press. Csikszentmihalyi, M . (1997). Finding flow. New York: Basic Books. Cummins, J. (1996). Negotiating identities: Education and empowerment in a diverse society. Ontario: California Association for Bilingual Education.

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Johnson, P. (2000). Envisioning a community-centered education: "We do not own our children, we must honor them in all ways." In M. Kape 'ahiokalani Padeken Ah Nee-Benham with J. E. Cooper (Eds.), Indigenous educational models for contemporary practice: In our mothers voice (pp. 127– 133). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Kape 'ahiokalani Padeken Ah Nee-Benham, M. with Cooper, J. E. (2000). Indigenous educational modelsfor contemporary practice: In our mother's voice. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Katz, R., & St. Denis, V. (1991). Teacher as healer. Journal of Indigenous Studies, 2(2), 23–36. Klug, B. J. (1999). Evaluation reportfor the Knight Scholars Program at Heritage College. Pocatello: Idaho State University. Klug, B. J., & Whitfield, P. T. (1999). Reaching the seventh generation: Assuring the future for American Indian children. In R. Duhon-Sell, S. M. Cooley, & G. M. Duhon (Eds.), The developmentalprocess of positive attitudes and mutual respect: A multicultural approach to advocating school safety. New York: Edwin Mellen. Kragler, S. (1996). Vygotsky and at-risk readers: Assessment and instructional implications. In L. Dixon-Krauss (Ed.), Vygotsky in the classroom: Mediated literacy instruction and assessment (pp. 149–160). New York: Longman. Kramer, B. J. (1991). Education and American Indians: The experience of the Ute Indian Tribe. In M. A. Gibson and J. U. Ogbu (Eds.), Minority status and schooling: A comparative study ofimmigrant and involuntary minorities (pp. 287–308). New York: Garland. Krashen, S. D. (1999). Three arguments against whole language and why they are wrong. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann. Krupat, A. (2001). [Review of Red Matters]. College English, 63(5), 655–661. Kuforiji, P. (1998). Technology education teaching strategies for diverse populations. Action in Teacher Education, 20(1), 23–31. Kumashir, K. K. (2001). "Posts" perspectives on anti-oppressive education in social studies, English, mathematics, and science classrooms. Educational Researcher, 30(3), 3–12. Lakoff, G., & Johnson, M. (1980). Metaphors we live by. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Leap, W. L. (1993). American Indian English. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press. Lee, D. M., & Allen, R. V. (1963). Learning to read through experience (2nd ed.). New York: AppletonCentury-Crofts. Litde Soldier, L. (1989). Cooperative learning and the Native American student. Phi Delta Kappan, 71(2), 161–163. Lopez, A. (1999, Spring). Return to the heartbeat of Turtle Island. The Heartbeat of Turtle Island: A Journal of Native Service-Learning, 37–47. Lotan, R. A., Cohen, E. G., & Morphew, C. (1997). Principals, colleagues, and staff developers: The case for organizational support. In E. G. Cohen & R. A. Lotan (Eds.), Workingfor equity in heterogeneous classrooms: Sociological theory in practice (pp. 223–239). New York: Teachers College Press. Lukasevich, A. (1991). Organizing whole-language classrooms. In V. Froese (Ed.),Whole-language: Practice and theory (pp. 283–312). Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Maas, P. (2001, September 9). The broken promise. Parade Magazine, 4–6. Mankiller, W. (1991). Education and Native Americans: Entering the twenty-first century on our own terms. National Forum, 71(2), 5–6. Mann, B. A. (2000). In defense of the ancestors. Native Americas, 17(2), 50–55. Matthews, M. (1996). Vygotsky and writing: Children using language to learn and learning from the child's language what to teach. In L. Dixon-Krauss (Ed.), Vygotsky in the classroom: Mediated literacy instruction and assessment (pp. 93–131). New York: Longman. McCracken, J. B. (1993). Valuing diversity: The primary years. Washington, DC: National Association for the Education of Young Children. McCrum, R., Cran, W., & MacNeil, R. (1986). The story of English. New York: Viking. Meacham, S. J. (2001). Literacy at the crossroads: Movement, connection, and communication within the research literature on literacy and cultural diversity. In W. G. Secada (Vol. Ed.), Review of research in education: Vol. 25, 2000–2001 (pp. 181–208). Washington, DC: The American Educational Research Association. Meriam, L. (1977). The effects of boarding schools on Indian family life: 1928. In S. Unger (Ed.), Destruction of American Indian families. Washington, DC: Association on American Indian Affairs. (Original work published 1928)

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Mihesuah, D. A. (1996). American Indians: Stereotypes and realities. Atlanta, GA: Clarity Press. Mitchell, B. M., & Salsbury, R. E. (2000). Multicultural education in the U.S.: A guide to policies and programs in the 50 states. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Moquin, W., & Van Doren, C. (Eds.) (1973). Great documents in American Indian history. New York: Praeger. Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act of 1990,25 U.S.C. § 3001 et seq. (U.S.C. 2000). Native American Languages Act of 1990, 25 U.S.C. § 2901 et seq. (U.S.C. 2000). Neuman, J. M. (1985a). Insights from recent reading and writing research and their implications for developing whole language curriculum. In J. M. Neuman (Ed.), Whole language: Theory in use (pp. 7–36). Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann. Neuman, J. M. (1985b). Mealworms: Learning about written language through science activities. In J. M. Neuman (Ed.), Whole language: Theory in use (pp. 145–152). Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann. Nieto, S. (2000). Affirming diversity: The sociopolitical context ofmulticultural education (3rd ed.). New York: Longman. Noddings, N. (1994). An ethic of caring and its implications for instructional arrangements. In L. Stone (Ed.), The education feminism reader (pp. 171–183). New York: Routledge. O'Dell, S. (1970). Sing down the moon. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Ogbu, J. U. (1991). Immigrant and involuntary minorities in comparative perspective. In M. A. Gibson and J. U. Ogbu (Eds.), Minority status and schooling: A comparative study ofimmigrant and involuntary minorities (pp. 3–33). New York: Garland. Ohanian, S. (1999). One sizefitsfew: Thefolly ofeducational standards. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann. Ovando, C. J., & Pórez, R. (2000). The politics of bilingual immersion programs. In C. J. Ovando & P. McLaren (Eds.), Multiculturalism and bilingual education: Students and teachers caught in the crossfire (pp. 148–165). New York: McGraw-Hill. Penner, D. E. (2001). Cognition, computers, and synthetic science: Building knowledge and meaning through modeling. Review ofResearch in Education, 25, 1–36. Peters, J. M. (1996). Vygotsky in the future: Technology as a mediation tool for literacy instruction. In L. Dixon-Krauss (Ed.), Vygotsky in the classroom: Mediated literacy instruction and assessment (pp. 175–189). New York: Longman. Petrie, H. G. (1998). From "my work" to "our work." In S. L. Jacobson, C. Emihovich, J. Helfich, H. G. Petrie, & R. B. Stevenson (Eds.), Transforming schools and schools of education: A new vision for preparing educators (pp. 23–46). Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin Press. Pewewardy, C. (1994). Culturally responsible pedagogy in action: An American Indian Magnet School. In E. R. Hollins, J. E. King, & W. C. Hayman (Eds.), Teaching diverse populations: Formulating a knowledge base (pp. 77–92). New York: State University of New York. Pewewardy, C. (1998a). Our children can't wait: Recapturing the essence of Indigenous schools in the United States. Cultural Survival Quarterly, 22(1), 29–34. Pewewardy, C. (1998b). Fluff and feathers: Treatment of American Indians in the literature and the classroom. Equity and Excellence in Education, 31(1), 69–76. Pewewardy, C , & Bushey, M. (1992). A family of learners and storytellers: The American Indian Magnet School. Native Peoples Magazine, 5(4), 56–60. Philips, S. U. (1972). Participant structures and communicative competence: Warm Springs children in community and classroom. In C. Cazden, V. John, & D. Hymes (Eds.), Functions oflanguage in the classroom (pp. 370–394). New York: Teachers College Press. Pine, G. J., & Hilliard, A. G. (1990). Rx for racism: Imperatives for America's schools. Phi Delta Kappan, 71(8), 593–600. Pinkard, T. P. (1987). Democratic liberalism and social union. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Pohen, C. A., & Mathison, C. (1998). Dismantling defensiveness and resistance to diversity and social justice issues in teacher preparation. Action in Teacher Education, 20(1), 15–22. Popkewitz, T. S. (1998). Strugglingfor the soul: The politics ofthe schooling and the construction ofthe teacher. New York: Teachers College Press. President's Committee on the Arts and Humanities. (1997). Creative American: A report to the President. Washington, DC: Author. Pugh, S., Ovando, C. J., & Schonemann, N. (2000). The political life of language metaphors in writings about diversity. In C. J. Ovando and P. McLaren (Eds.), The politics ofmulticulturalism and bilingual education: Students and teachers caught in the crossfire (pp. 2–21). New York: McGraw-Hill.

Refusing to Believe in the Doctrine of Failure Purkey, W . W . (1970). Self-concept and school achievement. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Reyhner, J. (1988). Teaching the Indian child: A bilingual/multicultural approach (2nd ed.). Billings: Eastern Montana College. Rodriguez, B. M., & Williams, B. (1999). Closing the achievement gap: School reform for addressing the needs of culturally and linguistically diverse learners. Presentation at the 12th International Congress for School Effectiveness and Improvement, San Antonio, TX. Routman, R. (1996). Literacy at the crossroads: Crucial talk about reading, writing, and other teaching dilemmas. Portsmouth, N H : Heinemann. Rudney, G. L., Marxen, C. E„ & Risku, M. T. (1998). Preservice teachers' growth in multicultural understanding. Action in Teacher Education, 20(1), 32–46. Sanders, B. (1994). A is for ox: The collapse of literacy and the rise of violence in an electronic age. New York: Vintage Books. Schroeder, M., Moses, L., Thornton, L., & Spall, C. (2001). Unit planning: Navajo weaving exhibit. Pocatello: Idaho State University. Shapiro, J. (1991). Research perspectives on whole-language. In V. Froese (Ed.), Whole-language: Practice and theory (pp. 313–356). Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Siccone, F. (1995). Celebrating diversity: Building self-esteem in today's multicultural classrooms. New York: Allyn & Bacon. Skinner, L. (1992). Teaching through traditions: Incorporating Native languages and cultures into curricula. Washington, D C : Indian Nations at Risk Task Force, U.S. Department of Education. Sleeter, C. E. (1990). Staff development for desegregated schooling. Phi Delta Kappan, 72(1), 33–40. Stauffer, R. G. (1965). A language experience approach. In J. F. Kerfoot (Ed.), Perspectives in reading: Number 5. First grade readingprograms (pp. 86–117). Newark, DE: International Reading Association. Stauffer, R. G. (1970). The language-experience approach to the teaching of reading. New York: Harper

&Row. Stauffer, R. G. (1980). The language experience approach to teaching of reading (2nd ed). New York: Harper & Row. Stephan, W . (1999). Reducing prejudice and stereotyping in schools. New York: Teachers College Press. Stoll, L. (1999). Realising our potential: Building capacity for lasting improvement. Keynote address at the 12th International Congress for School Effectiveness and Improvement, San Antonio, TX. Strotsky, S. (1999). Losing our language: How multicultural classroom instruction is undermining our children's ability to read, write, and reason. New York: Free Press. Sulzby, E., & Teale, W. H. (1991). Emergent literacy. In R. Barr, M. S. Kamil, P. Mosenthal, & P. D. Pearson (Eds.), Handbook of reading research (Vol. 2, pp. 727–757). New York: Longman. Swisher, K. (1994). American Indian learning styles survey: An assessment of teacher knowledge. Journal of Educational Issues of Language Minority Students, 13, 59–77. Swisher, K. G., & Tippeconic, J. W . (1999). Bibliography of American Indian and Alaska Native education resources. In K. G. Swisher and J. W . Tippeconic (Eds.), Next steps: Research and practice to advance Indian education [On-line]. ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools. Available: http://www.ael.org/eric/nextbib.htm Thomas, W . (2001). Navajo weaving. Pocatello: Idaho Museum of Natural History. Trahant, M. N . (1995). Pictures of our nobler selves: A history of Native American contributions to news media. Nashville, T N : Freedom Forum First Amendment Center. Valdez, S., & Waseta, D . (2000). Four Directions: An Indigenous model [On-line]. Available: http://www.4Directions.org Vygotsky, L. (1978). Mind in society: The development of higher psychological processes. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Wadsworth, B. (1996). Piagets theory of cognitive and affective development (5th ed.). New York: Longman. Wagner, L. R., & Brock, D . (1996). Using portfolios to mediate literacy instruction and assessment. In L. Dixon-Krauss (Ed.), Vygotsky in the classroom: Mediated literacy instruction and assessment (pp. 161–174). New York: Longman. Weinberg, B. (2000). Water wards: Navajo Nation reasserts rights to the Colorado River. Native Americas, 17(2), 16–19. Weinberg, B. (2001). Land, hemp and sovereignty at Pine Ridge: The Oglala Lakota fight federal obstruction. Native Americas: Hemispheric Journal of Indigenous Issues, 18(2), 10–17.

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White, C , & Walker, T. (1999). Technology, teacher education, and the postmodern: Encouraging discourse. Action in Teacher Education, 21(3), 45–56. Whitfield, P. T., & Klug, B. J. (2000). Teachers as healers: A 21st century possibility? Or necessity? Presentation at the American Education Research Association Annual Meeting. Manuscript submitted for publication. Williams, S. M., & Montoya-Lewis, R. (2000). Federal Indian water rights: Fundamentals in federal Indian Water Law. Native Americas, 17(2), 20–27. Wink, J. (2000). Criticalpedagogy: Notesfromthe real world. New York: Longman. Wolcott, H. F. (1997). The teacher as an enemy. In G. D. Spindler (Ed.), Doing the ethnography of schooling: Educational ethnography in action (pp. 77–92). New York: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston. Wolfe, P., & Poynor, L. (2001). Politics and the pendulum: An alternative understanding of the case of whole language as educational innovation. Educational Researchers, 30(1), 15–28. Wright, M. (2000). The circle we call community: "As a community, you all have to pull together." In M. Kape 'ahiokalani Padeken Ah Nee-Benham with J. E. Cooper (Eds.), Indigenous educational modelsfarcontemporary practice: In our mothers voice (pp. 135–143). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Writer, J. H. (2001). Identifying the identified: The need for critical exploration of Native American identity within educational contexts. Action in Teacher Education, 21(4), 40–47.

7 SCHOOL ORGANIZATION, AND FAMILY AND COMMUNITY INVOLVEMENT

A formal process of asking for reconciliation, an apology for past injustices, needs to be made between the schools and their communities. There is a need to create new communities, to heal the wounds, and to address the problems, which have resulted from oppression. Schools and communities must work together. —Lonato Nuri (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) he only way educational endeavors can be transformed for American Indian students is through acknowledging past practices and resulting social disorganization for Native peoples. In doing so, we as educators can examine American Indian education in a new light: not as a right or wrong way of teaching, but as a clash of cultures and values. We can acknowledge that what may be considered appropriate education for the dominant culture may not be so for all microethnic populations. As teachers we must also realize that we are more capable than our detractors portray us. We have learned a great deal about which teaching practices promote educational improvement for American Indian students. By incorporating what we know are best practices for Native children, we can make adjustments in curricula and the atmosphere surrounding the school itself.

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SCHOOLS AS ORGANIZATIONS

It is imperative to recognize that modern school systems are As such, they are run like corporations: There is a president dent), a corporate vice president (assistant superintendent), managers (principals), and individuals (teachers) responsible

institutions. (superintendepartment for meeting 217

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the needs of the consumers of the company's products (students, families, and communities). If we think of American Indian students as consumers, we can readily acknowledge that the majority of our consumers do not like our products. In other industries, the lifeblood of organizations depends upon their abilities to attract and retain their consumers. The high dropout rates for American Indian students alone should provide incentives for an extensive overhaul of the educational services provided to American Indian students and their families. SETTING GOALS FOR AMERICAN INDIAN EDUCATION

Schools should be more than institutions representing the dominant culture. Schools should be responsive entities in which communities play a valuable role in determining the types of education most appropriate for their youth. An examination of Figure 7.1 permits us to appreciate the importance of including children's experiences within their school curricula. The teacher of the second graders who dictated this story employed the Language Experience Approach with them. She wanted to provide more powerful motivations for her students to become involved in literacy activities. The children first examined pictures of the powwow that had taken place on their reservation earlier in the summer. They had a wonderful time identifying members of their families in the pictures while they were deciding what they wanted to say in their story. The finished story reflects these students' values and belief systems. They also conveyed their perceptions in the accompanying artwork for their story. At the same time, the children learned important literacy skills. THE IMPORTANCE OF THE AFFECTIVE DOMAIN

When we are working with our children, many times the importance of the affective domain is lost in our efforts to cover material. The affective domain, involving students' attitudes, emotions, interests, and values, is almost completely ignored in many classrooms. We tend to focus almost exclusively on the cognitive domain, or the mental area involved in developing thinking skills at different levels. When we bring the community into our classrooms, we provide ways for students to engage their lives outside the school and use the skills they are learning for meaningful purposes. The closer parties can move toward understandings of what are necessary elements for successful education of American Indian students, the more responsive our Native students will become to our schools. Education will no longer be perceived as "the White man's education," and it will become more inclusive for Native students. What we are proposing is that educational opportunities for Native children need not be either/or propo-

School Organization, and Family and Community Involvement Figure 7.1 The Magic Drum

Once upon a time, there was a magic drum that could play all by itself. It would go to all the powwows and the Indians would dance around it. But one day it was so old that it snapped. All the spirits that were inside were finally free. The spirits took the drum and fixed it, but they left one inside. After it was fixed, they took the drum to a little girl and the drum played for her. Story by 2nd grade students Ft. Hall Elementary School

sitions. Native children have the capacity to acquire the knowledge and skills for survival in the modern world without giving up their languages and cultures. In retaining their traditions, they are enriched rather than impoverished by their educational experiences. School boards do not have a clear enough role in Native communities. Parents and grandparents need to become involved in the schools, not just as aides, but also as evaluators of the school's programs. Traditionally, there has been a high turnover rate of teachers and principals in schools with high Native populations. The parents and grandparents have a low turnover rate and are invested in the educations of their children. Whenever new principals come into schools, they proceed to change everything. This demoralizes teachers. The students' standardized test scores are usually brought up as the argument for change. Parents, grandparents, and teachers can fall into focusing on one negative behavior of students and none of their positive attributes. This gives the wrong message to students. Teachers need to make connections with parents and grandparents. Teachers should not be afraid of them or threatened by them. All parents and grandparents want what is best for their children. They want to try to help teachers be the best teachers for their children. —Jonathan Steptoe (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000)

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School systems rely on students' high academic achievement scores and high attendance rates as indicators of their success. When schools form partnerships with communities to identify shared goals for students, the results may positively impact these indicators. An example of this is a recent event, which took place on a reservation in a rural area of the western United States. The schools serving this community were criticized for not meeting the needs of Native students concerning languages and cultures. The American Indian communities perceived resistance on the part of the school district towards incorporating these elements in the curricula. For their part, teachers felt under attack, and that the Native Nations would always criticize them. Teachers felt they were caught between two worlds. They believed their principals and superintendent were evaluating them on the basis of the curricula mandated by the school board. Their curricula relied on prepackaged materials representing the dominant culture and had little American Indian information. Once teachers and principals were given "official" permission to participate in activities designed to increase cross-cultural understandings, their resistance toward acquiring this new information decreased. Teachers participated in in-service activities held on site at schools in the district for an entire semester. They learned about local Native languages and cultures, and they received academic credit from a local university for their participation. Midway through the semester, the teachers voted to learn the languages of the Native communities. In turn, they began to understand why their students had difficulty understanding English. Even though children spoke English, the Native languages and English had significant differences in phonemes present/absent in the languages, praxis, language pragmatics, and social use of the languages. Understanding these differences gave nonIndian school employees greater insights into what they needed to do to make English more understandable for their Native students. At the same time, the students became active participants in helping teachers learn their languages. Community members also attended language classes, which were held one day a week after school. As classes proceeded, much information was voluntarily contributed to discussions by these people concerning local community cultures, historical events that had affected their tribal Nations, and what they perceived as needed for their children to succeed in school. Dialogue among groups became a regular part of the language classes, leading to a greater consensus among all parties concerning the role of the schools in their Native communities.

School Organization, and Family and Community Involvement

Non-Indians can learn the "human relations" part of teaching Native students; a good education leader can assist with this. One area of possibility is having teachers work in teams with non-Native and Native educators working together. There is a growing disconnect with youth and families, teachers and students of all cultures. The schools need to have a formalized relationship with the community. For instance, there could be a "sanctioning ceremony" attended by school officials and teachers where the community would "give" children to the school, which would assume the responsibility of their educations. —Jonathan Steptoe (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) INVITATIONS TO THE COMMUNITY

There are many ways schools and community members can partner to reach common goals for education of American Indian children. Openness to these possibilities should not be perceived as weaknesses for school employees, or as a need for teachers to make up for deficits. Instead, opening classroom doors can lead to greater empowerment of students, which in turn contributes to their motivation to succeed in school. Elders are traditional teachers in Native communities. Fulfilling this role within schools acknowledges the importance of their teachings. Elders may be willing to teach students traditional arts such as beadwork and tanning. Passing on knowledge concerning successful canoe building can be presented within lessons concerning buoyancy of water, navigation of rivers and oceans, measuring distances, geography, and many other areas. The arts can be integrated into many areas through projects or hands-on learning activities where students are encouraged to use their talents to create and learn more than just the basics. Spirituality is an important part of Native American life. Elders can teach about spirituality as integrated into everyday life. Spirituality is different from religion. Spirituality encompasses how we relate to a higher power, and it involves our ethical and moral behaviors. Those are lessons we learn at home from observing the people around us with whom we have our most intimate relationships. Non-Indian teachers should not be afraid of learning about the spiritual beliefs of the community within which they are working, including the ethics and cultural values held by the community. Many times, teachers will find that these beliefs mesh well with their own belief systems. However, they should not try to appropriate Native American spirituality for themselves. Everyone needs to be true to his or her ethnic identity; otherwise, we become "empty" souls, unable to fill up the voids present in our lives (Duran & Duran, 1995). While Western religions may not offer spiritual insights at first glance, there is a history of meditation and spiritual enlightenment, which was

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emphasized in the past. If one explores earlier Western religious practices, it can be seen that spirituality was considered as integrated in daily life, not just for Sundays. For instance, the Olympics in Greece were held not to determine who was the best competitor, but were linked to the spirituality of the people. They took place near the Greek temples and were named for Mount Olympus, thought to be the home of the gods. Symbols used for the Olympics also had spiritual meanings. While this information is not well known, it is important for us to recognize that these events were cast within the religious practices of the Greeks. This is just one example of how spirituality was integrated into European life in previous generations. For readers originating from non-European ethnicities, spiritual practices of your own cultures may be examined for evidence of integration into daily life. Part of [your ability as a teacher to be] open is [to be] yourself. You need to takerisks,ask questions. Some subjects may be taboo and teachers need to learn people won't answer those questions. Teachers need to become part of communities. —Gloria Praiseworthy (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) CREATING SCHOOL AND COMMUNITY PARTNERSHIPS

Major challenges [exist] for teachers [that] center around the [educational] practices of the past and how to turn things around. It's a major challenge to reach out to parents and to find culturally relevant materials. —Katherine Snow (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) The concept of community is more than simply living in proximity to others. It involves becoming connected with others, working respectfully with others while being recognized as unique individuals, as well as participating within the greater society (Ing, 1993). Parents, grandparents, and other community members may become part of the school community in a variety of ways. American Indian Languages and Cultures. One way to involve community members in schools' educational processes is to invite respected community members to teach the tribal languages and traditional cultural systems within the school setting. Teachers may be able to reinforce languages being learned by the children, and in this way they also become more of a part of the community. Concepts related to traditional cultural teachings could also be strengthened as occasions arise in schools to incorporate them. Elders of the Yakama Nation named the traditions of beading, making moccasins, dancing, root digging, collecting berries, and being involved in the Longhouse ceremonies as important additions to the school curriculum for their children (Klug, 1998). These could easily be

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integrated in different content areas, including mathematics and social sciences. Teachers are always learners. We model our excitement and enthusiasm for learning new things to our students each day, and our classrooms become laboratories for new studies. When we are willing to learn about our students' languages and cultures, they are ultimately enriched as information is integrated within the standard curriculum. Students are given opportunities to see us as learners. When they are provided opportunities to teach us, what develops are reciprocal relationships of teaching and learning in the classroom. This is especially true when we try to learn Native tribal languages, which differ significantly from the English language we rely on for school learning. We need not be embarrassed by our lack of accurate pronunciations; rather, we should realize these situations provide opportunities for our students to see us as real people who are involved in learning new information and to see that we do not possess all the knowledge in the world. For many children, knowing this provides them with incentives to take more risks and become more involved in their own schooling. Grandparents and other elders typically passed on knowledge to American Indian children in the past. This process was interrupted by the boarding school experience. Elders and grandparents today have much to share with children, and by becoming part of the school, they are able to do so with children who may not have the family support systems necessary to pass on knowledge. For instance, in many Native communities, fathers and mothers traditionally had special roles. Decisions about what knowledge was passed on to children depended upon separation of tribal duties by sex. Since the extended families were intimately involved with each other, Shoshone boys learned about hunting or fishing from their fathers or their fathers' brothers. Shoshone girls learned specific knowledge about gathering or tanning from their mothers or their mothers' sisters. Today, when marriages end in divorce, there may not be family members to pass on the traditional knowledge to the children. Therefore the children grow up without this information, even if they are living on a reservation (E. Halliday, personal communication, 2001). Bringing languages and cultures into the postcolonial classroom is an important and viable role for elders. As teachers, we can support these efforts in our classrooms and gain a greater understanding of our students in the process. Storytelling. Cultural values are transmitted through storytelling. The stories that are traditional for different tribal groups are not always the ones published in books. Indeed, many stories are taken from the oral traditions of only a few tribal Nations. Teachers need to understand this, because we

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have a tendency to generalize stories from one tribal Nation to others without referencing their origins. In addition to published stories, children need to become familiar with the oral stories of their own tribal Nations. Community members may provide a valuable resource to schools by engaging in oral storytelling activities in classrooms. Textbooks and Other Instructional Materials. Textbooks, which are created for use in schools, may contain little relevant information for the American Indian students we are teaching. This is true especially for history texts, which recount events from the dominant culture's point of view. Textbooks routinely explain history in terms that glorify "explorers" and tell of colonizers sending riches back to Europe. These instructional materials rarely recount the hardships endured by those who were "conquered"; nor do they respectfully portray Native cultures whose views toward resources differ so drastically from the historians' own. In order to portray a more realistic picture of historical events, both sides of the story need to be told. Elders carry with them much tribal knowledge that has been passed down through oral traditions. This information may be shared with students in classrooms in order to enhance their understandings of the roles their ancestors played in relationship to the initial use of the resources afforded them and conflicts with those wishing to procure these resources for themselves. Community members can also explain traditional hunting and gathering customs, child rearing approaches, games played by tribal members, and other aspects of Native American tribal life. Comparisons can be made with contemporary lifestyles and how the needs of the community are met in modern times. Students can engage tribal council members in discussions concerning perceived needs of the tribal Nation and what they can do to ensure viability of their Nation for the future. Promoting Healthy Lifestyles. For those endeavoring to curb alcohol and drug abuse in Native communities, schools should be involved in the therapeutic environment. Contrary to the practice of isolating treatment to health care providers, Duran and Duran (1995) include schools so that families, communities, health care providers, and educational institutions are part of a holistic endeavor. Again, the relationship model as a worldview comes into play, with everyone in the micro- and mesoethnic communities playing important roles in the formation of students. Recovering traditional values regarding healthy lifestyles is an integral part of our ensuring that students can perform at their optimal levels in the classroom. There has been much said about the problem of children's obe-

School Organization, and Family and Community

Involvement

sity in the United States, which many times leads to diabetes. For Indigenous peoples, diabetes has reached epidemic proportions (Norman et al., 1997; Ravussin et al., 1988). One Native Shoshone teacher challenges her fourth-grade students to eat healthy foods and to exercise regularly by telling them stories about how far their grandfathers could run in the old days. With this information, the students make the connections between eating and exercise, and they become motivated to do what their forefathers were able to do. More Native peoples are needed to enter the field of health care as skilled nurses, doctors, technicians, and counselors. Schools must provide learning experiences for students to develop the competencies necessary to qualify for entrance into these professions. We can assist in this process by noting the talents, interests, strengths, and abilities of our students and offering encouragement to them concerning goals for choosing their professions. Many colleges require that certain coursework be taken in high school in order to gain admittance to particular programs. High school teachers play significant roles in guiding their students to pursue coursework that will allow them to be admitted into college programs based on their identified goals. Participating in Community Events. One of the ways teachers can show respect for their students and Native American communities is by taking advantage of opportunities to engage in cultural events. These events may include attending powwows or tribal celebrations held throughout the year. Teachers may become acquainted with family members more easily in informal settings away from the school. By attending students' sporting events and other community events, we can demonstrate our interest in students' extracurricular affairs while at the same time getting to know more about the life of their communities. Parents and grandparents may be reluctant to approach teachers based on their own negative experiences with schools (Vandegrift & Greene, 1992). Nevertheless, they may be more willing to interact with teachers after seeing them at social events taking place in the community (Weasel Head, 1993). If possible, ceremonies to bless the new school year and for other occasions should be held on the school campus and involve community members. Then community members have meaningful roles to play in the life of the schools. This is yet another way of demonstrating our respect for Native communities. The practice of attending community events to create a sense of connection with communities is not new. Teachers commonly attend events taking place in schools such as parent-teacher association/organization meetings, festivals, concerts, plays, and sporting events. We know the

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importance of making connections with parents to show them that we care about their children. We should show the same respect to parents and grandparents of American Indian students. Although these events often take place outside of the school grounds, they provide the same opportunities for interaction and for student support as those held within the schools. Many times parents and grandparents feel they need to know more than their kids in order to assist them in the learning process. Therefore, if parents or grandparents feel they are not prepared, they may not reinforce what the children are learning at home. Teachers need to ask adults to get involved with their children's schoolwork simply by checking to ensure students complete their homework. Work from the premise that parents and grandparents want what is best for their children, not from a deficit model. —Jonathan Steptoe (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) SERVICE LEARNING, APPRENTICESHIP MODELS, AND MENTORING FOR STUDENTS

In school districts around the country, there have been alternative methods of involving students in community life for many years. Vocational education and technology programs often use apprenticeship models wherein students work with experts outside the school setting (Cincinnati Public Schools, 2001; Great Oaks Institute of Career Development and Technology, 2001). Mentoring programs for students are an additional way for them to connect with community members who are able to encourage students to stay in school in order to achieve their high school diplomas. Mentors become sounding boards, also, for students who may need additional support not available within their homes (Boss, 1998). These programs are effective not only for schools located in large urban areas, but also for those in rural areas, and they provide opportunities for American Indians students to connect with their communities. Through these opportunities, schooling acquires a different perspective from simply attending classes and taking tests. Service learning provides yet another viable option for students to become involved in their communities. Service learning consists of identifying needs within communities and finding ways of integrating school learning with hands-on, experiential learning, which takes place outside of the school setting. Community members become full participants in this type of learning, and they are considered co-teachers who plan activities for students in conjunction with teachers (Shields, 2001). Students are given

School Organization, and Family and Community Involvement

opportunities to immediately apply "school knowledge" to their work in the field. Abstract concepts such as those present in mathematics become more relevant to students as they count the number of holes in trees for woodpecker habitat and notice that the size of the tree holes indicates the size of the birds inhabiting these spaces. Percentages become real when students calculate how many of the salmon eggs they assist in planting in rivers will survive to become adults and return to their spawning grounds. The concepts associated with chemistry and chemicals become real when students are involved in projects such as community gardens and need to determine which types of fertilizers are needed for optimum plant growth. Examples of service learning include identifying areas that need restoration, such as rivers and streams, and then preparing them for new flora and fauna; working with younger students to learn important cultural information; or learning through involvement in programs offered in natural and camp settings, such as the National Indian Youth Leadership Project, Inc. (NIYLP) (Fuentes, 1999). SCHOOLS AS PARTNERS IN LONG-RANGE PLANNING TO ATTAIN TRIBAL NATION GOALS

Attending tribal council meetings uninvited may be offensive [and therefore teachers should ask if they can attend before going]. If teachers have proposals for projects and want council approval, that's all right. There should be projects done with schools that integrate Indian culture worldview into the curriculum. —Gloria Praiseworthy (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) Today's schools can no longer afford to be isolated from the communities they serve. We need to work together, and that means creating environments where Native American students are encouraged to view learning as part of an ongoing process that has both immediate and future applications. Tribal Nations should become vigorous partners with schools and develop goals for schools that enable Indigenous communities to become part of the 21st century on an equal footing with non-Native communities. Working together, much can be done to ameliorate the difficulties experienced by American Indian students in schools. Positive attitudes concerning relevancy of education for American Indian students result when teachers are perceived as working in partnership with Native communities. Dear Mr. Janitor, I just thought I'd tell you I'm not going to write on these walls anymore. —Girls' bathroom graffiti found by J. Ringo, Janitor, Indian Magnet School (Ringo, n.d.)

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We cannot emphasize enough the importance of working in concert with American Indian communities to provide the best possible education for Native students. Students need the sanctioning of their communities to know that they will be supported in obtaining their educational degrees. Communities need to encourage their members to support their children in educational endeavors. Our difficulties in meshing Western education with Native American traditions and culture will not disappear overnight. An important part of the solution is to encourage students to obtain their educations so that they may ultimately be able to serve their Nations. If education is still perceived by the school "establishment" as an individual goal, and not for the benefit of the Nation as a whole, conflicts between home and school will continue. Education needs to be seen as a means to an end—the end being the good of the community. We need to have more American Indian professionals serving Native American communities. If not, Native people will still be subservient to the dominant culture and to the whims of those in positions of power both within and without tribal Nations. EXERCISE FOR CHAPTER 7

1. When you were in school (K–12), in what ways did your parents or other community members participate in your classroom(s)? 2. Have you ever thought about the role of "teacher as healer" (chapter 5)? Can you think of some ways a teacher is able to "heal" in relation to working with community members? 3. In what ways can you "deinstitutionalize" your classroom? Your school? 4. What strategies might you use to enable your Native American students to both acquire knowledge needed for survival in the modern world and still retain their Native cultures? 5. Why do you think it is necessary to have the students' written languages represented in the classroom? How would you do this? 6. Would it make any difference to your American Indian students if you had pictures of well-known contemporary American Indians in your classroom? If you think so, please tell why. 7. Would it make any difference to your American Indian students if you had posters on the walls that depicted famous Native Americans, such as Sitting Bull or Chief Seattle, and quotes from their works? If so, tell why, and how this

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may or may not contribute to students' sense of pride in their cultures. 8. Why is it important to invite elders into your classroom? Is it ever appropriate to pay them? 9. What tribal Nation events have you attended? How did you feel as (a) a participant or (b) an observer in the event? 10. Make a plan for your classroom for the coming semester. What are things you intend to do to make community members feel welcome in the classroom? REFERENCES Boss, S. (1998). Opening doors. North West Education, 4(2), 24–31. Cincinnati Public Schools. (2001). Cincinnati public schools directory [On-line]. Available: http:// cpsboe.kl2.oh.us Duran, E., & Duran, B. (1995). Native American postcolonialpsychology. Albany: State University of New York Press. Fuentes, N. (1999). Native education resources for the Southwest region. Austin, TX: Southwest Educational Development Laboratory Language and Diversity Program. Great Oaks Institute of Career Development and Technology. (2001). Diamond Oaks career development campus [On-line]. Available: http://www.greatoaks.com/HS/DistrictInfo Ing, V. S. (1993). Hawaii's parent-community networking experience: Discovering community and community education. Community Education Research Digest, 8(1), 1–20. Klug, B. J. (1998). Evaluation reportfor the Knight Scholars Program at Heritage College. Pocatello: Idaho State University. Norman, R. A., Thompson, D. B., Foroud, T., Garvey, W. T., Bennett, P. H., Bogardus, C , Ravussin, E., Allan, C , Baier, L., Bowden, D., Hanson, R., Knowler, W., Kobes, S., Pettitt, D., & Prochazka, M. (1997). Genomewide search for genes influencing percent body fat in Pima Indians: Suggestive linkage at chromosome 11q21-q22. American Journal of Human Genetics, 60, 166–173. PubMed ID: 8981960 Ravussin, E., Lillioja, S., Knowler, W. C , Christin, L., Freymond, D., Abbott, W. G. H., Boyce, V., Howard, B. V., & Bogardus, C. (1988). Reduced rate of energy expenditure as a risk factor for body-weight gain. New EnglandJournal of Medicine, 318, 467–472. PubMed ID: 3340128 Ringo, J. (n.d.). Memoirs ofan Indian Magnet School by faculty and staff [Booklet]. Published by staff. Shields, S. (2001, April). Service learning and communities. Presentation at Ft. Hall Elementary School, Ft. Hall, ID. Vandergrift, J. A., & Greene, A. L. (1992). Rethinking parent involvement. Educational Leadership, 50(1), 57–59. Weasel Head, P. (1993, October). Teachers need to reach out to Indian families. Northwest Regional Lab Report, 6–7.

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8 CASE STUDIES

THE MEETING OF TWO CULTURES: NON-NATIVE TEACHERS AND AMERICAN INDIAN STUDENTS

Set Up the Drum (For the Wanblee Teca Singers) Set up the drum my brothers' chairs are at my side thinkin' of their favorite song . . . Announcer says, "Boys, are you there?" We hit the drum, replying, "Yes, ready to go." We sing for our people. We try our best, and not only Native American but all the rest. Some people smile, some laugh, but only to hear three brothers' voices as one and the thundering beat of the drum, shall one not be afraid, for it's only us. Screaming voices high as an eagle in the sky whom we are named after, proudly carry it on. A very sacred gift from an elder. They tell us we are the next generation so from here on to our time, the Lakota tradition was put into our hands to carry the good time on. — R . J . Fisherman (2000)1

C

ontrary to common wisdom, teaching is not an easy job. We become excellent teachers by practicing our craft, evaluating our effectiveness, and reflecting on our experiences with students. This chapter showcases the

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efforts of four teachers who have developed special characteristics, which have allowed them to experience success with all students. They have gone further to accept the challenge of teaching American Indian students in culturally relevant ways. Colleagues and administrators of these teachers recognized their distinctive talents. Each of their stories highlights successful interaction with students different from themselves. Their names and those of their students, colleagues, and administrators were changed for purposes of confidentiality. As you read their stories, keep in mind they are not seeking fame and glory. They agreed to be interviewed because of their concerns for American Indian education. Following each case study, you are provided the opportunity to process information from your reading. Taking the time to complete the exercises will enable you to identify qualities that have permitted each of these teachers to work successfully with Indigenous students. At the conclusion of the chapter, you will have the opportunity to list the unique characteristics you possess that will enable you to teach Native students. THE STORY OF MICHELLE FREDERICKSON: A TEACHER IN AN AMERICAN INDIAN MAGNET SCHOOL IN MAINLAND, USA

Michelle is a primary teacher in her late 40s who has taught for many years. She was raised in a middle-class household in an urban area of the Midwest. Michelle had few difficulties succeeding in school, and she decided to continue her education since she aspired to be a teacher. Michelle completed her elementary education teaching degree, married after graduation, began teaching, and had a family of her own while continuing to teach. Michelle has remained in the same geographical region where she grew up. As a teacher, she decided to seek employment in the large urban school district in her area. Since that time, Michelle has acquired a great deal of experience teaching primary children of all cultural and socioeconomic backgrounds. OPPORTUNITY TO TEACH IN AN INDIAN MAGNET SCHOOL

In the 1980s, Michelle's school district was looking for alternative ways of responding to the needs of its student populations. One proposal called for creation of "magnet" schools within the district. The creation of an Indian magnet school was part of this proposal. As with all magnet schools, any students from across the district would be eligible to attend. For this school, there would be an emphasis on American Indian history and culture. Michelle was approached first by her current school principal about the possibility of teaching in this new school. Mrs. Fox knew Michelle had some

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degree of Indian heritage, and she felt Michelle would be a good teacher for the school. Michelle had not been brought up with much knowledge of her Native heritage. She was always proud of her American Indian great-grandmother though, and she wanted to learn more about Native cultures. Michelle felt she could give back to the Native American community with her teaching. Mrs. Fox spoke to the newly appointed principal of the magnet school at a district meeting. She told him there was a terrific Indian teacher at her school who was interested applying to teach at the magnet school. The new principal, an American Indian named Nibaw Hute, replied he didn't want "Indian" teachers; he wanted good teachers. Mr. Hute then told Mrs. Fox about the application and interviewing process for teaching positions at the school. Michelle received this information when Mrs. Fox next spoke to her at school and decided to apply for a position. When she was contacted for an interview, Michelle knew the principal was serious about having teachers who would make unique contributions to the school. Michelle was nervous when she set off for her interview. She had never gone through an interview process before with a committee made up of the principal and other members of the school district. During the interview, she was asked about her philosophy regarding education. After Michelle finished sharing her personal ideas, the principal announced she was hired for the school. All of the faculty, Native and non-Native, were hired in this manner. Teachers' responses about their philosophies of education played an important part in Mr. Hute's decisions to offer them positions in the school. THE FIRST WEEK OF SCHOOL

Michelle was not sure what to expect during the first week of school. She had moved all of her supplies into the school from her former classroom. An old building no longer in use was designated to house the school. Mr. Hute had received permission to have some construction done to the building. The new addition was dubbed the "Circle Room." None of the teachers knew in what ways this addition would be utilized. Mr. Hute set aside the first day of school for several activities he had planned for the entire staff. He wanted everyone to get to know each other, to bring them closer together. After everyone arrived at the school, Mr. Hute gathered them in a circle. His first words to them were, "I love you. You are my family." Michelle was taken aback: A principal had never told her this before, nor any other teachers she knew! The staff was unsure of how to react. Principals typically stayed in their roles as supervisors and evaluators. Could they really be part of Mr. Hute's family?

Case Studies

Mr. Hute then asked everyone to share information about the books they read over the summer. Later he explained the more people shared about their leisure activities, the more they could come together as a school family. In Native American communities, people must work closely together. Functioning as a family was essential if they were going to have a successful school. In the afternoon, everyone traveled to a local park. This new setting was necessary for the activity Mr. Hute had planned next. He had commissioned the making of arrows for the entire staff during the summer. Each one of the arrows was different and special in its own way. Mr. Hute demonstrated how easy it was to break one arrow. Then he held the arrows together and tried to break them. Bundled together, the arrows could not be broken. Mr. Hute told them they were like the arrows: If they acted on their own, they could be broken and discouraged easily. However, if they all worked together as a family, they would not be broken. Mr. Hute then began to distribute the arrows to each person. This special ceremony reaffirmed the important roles each had to play in the development of the school. Michelle's remembrance of receiving her arrow is very precious to her. Before she left her former school, Michelle presented a turquoise necklace to her principal. The necklace was very precious to her, but Michelle wanted to share something of herself with this woman whom she had admired so much. One of the arrows was also tipped with turquoise. Michelle wished she could receive this arrow, but of course she did not verbalize this desire. She didn't know it at the time, but an American Indian belief found in almost every community is that what you give away will come back to you. It may not come back in the same form, but it will come back. When Mr. Hute approached Michelle, he handed the arrow to her that she had so desired. He spoke special words to her about her role in the school. Michelle was dumbfounded. She felt she had been honored in a special way. When everyone returned to school, they hung their arrows in their classrooms and offices as a reminder to themselves of their purpose at the school. This ceremony of the arrows served to give them strength throughout the school year. THE DEVELOPMENT OF A SCHOOL PHILOSOPHY AND WAY OF LIFE

For the next two years, the school year began with the ceremony of the arrows. New staff members always received an arrow, and the teachers always displayed their arrows in their classrooms. The unity within the faculty continued to grow and grow. They felt they were, indeed, a family.

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This group came to love each other as brothers and sisters. They respected each other's talents and worked as teams with each other, instead of against each other. The divisiveness sometimes found in schools was not present in this building. People did not try to win the attentions of the administration by being the "best" in the school. They learned to be generous with each other, and to keep lines of communication open. This cooperation extended to all the staff. Everyone worked together, not in a hierarchical fashion. They wanted to make this school community exceptional. Teachers made their classrooms special places for students. Michelle displayed a picture showing her American Indian great-grandmother with five generations of children. This picture is very dear to Michelle's heart. The children always asked about the picture. Even though Michelle had not been involved with traditions of her great-grandmother's Nation, the students still made connections with her because of her great-grandmother. Non-Native staff members also connected in other ways with their students. These people possessed the dispositions of nurturing and caring for all students. They gave the students gifts of generosity of their hearts and spirits. Staff placed the needs of the children above all else in their classrooms. These teachers learned about the many Native cultures of their students, and they respected the special knowledge children brought with them into their classrooms. Teachers were open to learning new ways of reaching children in their classrooms. They understood there are many paths to learning. Mr. Hute introduced them to culturally responsive pedagogy, which would enable the students to make connections between their home and school communities. Culturally relevant material was incorporated into all of the teachers' classrooms and integrated throughout the curricula. During these years, Mr. Hute continued to encourage faculty to grow and develop. He taught them about new ways of approaching the teaching/ learning process. Instead of hoarding this knowledge, or only sharing this knowledge with a few faculty members, Mr. Hute made sure this knowledge was imparted schoolwide. In this way, the entire school community "stood strong." Mr. Hute was a true instructional leader who was respected by faculty, staff, students, parents, and grandparents. The Heartbeat of the School. The survival of American Indian cultures as distinct from other cultures depends on the abilities of Native American people to build and maintain their unique communities. The students at the school needed to have experiences of belonging and creating unity before they could take on their adult roles in society. Mr. Hute developed

Case Studies

a way of meeting this need for his students. Native American ceremonies that involved the entire school were held outside in warm weather. When it was too cold to go outside, the Circle Room, which had been added to the building, became a special gathering place. The Circle Room was large enough to hold the entire student body. Fridays were set aside for time to gather together. Mr. Hute opened the activity each week with a particular message for everyone. Special presentations were made for the benefit of the students. Additionally, each class had opportunities to present activities they had prepared for this communal time. Circle Time provided opportunities for older students to connect with younger ones, and teachers to connect with one another. It offered a way to promote unity and harmony within the school community. According to Michelle, Circle Time became the heartbeat of the school. The Circle of Stones. Legislation was passed after the Meriam Report in 1928 guaranteeing the inclusion of cultures and languages in the school curriculum for American Indian students. This legislation has been largely ignored by public school districts. While teachers at the magnet school were aware of funding coming into the district for education of American Indians, they were not aware of the promises made that Native cultures and languages would be a part of the curricula. This included the aspect of spirituality. Traditionally, spirituality was and is interwoven in all of the daily activities of Native peoples, including teaching and learning activities. Since Madeline O'Hair first challenged prayer in public schools, the separation of church and state has been a difficult topic. Yet American public schools have not fulfilled their obligations to Native Americans to address their cultures and languages within schools. This obligation includes the need for spiritual connectedness for students throughout the school day if their educations are to truly reflect traditional practices. The leader of any school needs to have a vision; otherwise, the business of the school proceeds haphazardly and ineffectively. The school becomes a place simply for students to "hang out," not a place where children may be nurtured throughout their development. Mr. Hute had a vision for this school, which included providing healing for students, having them experience being loved and nurtured, and challenging them to succeed. The school he envisioned would reflect all characteristics of traditional American Indian cultures. Teachers employed at the school knew it would differ in many respects from other public schools. They understood there would be

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spiritual ceremonies as part of the educational experiences for their students. Many students who were members of various tribal Nations had decided to attend the school, as did some non-Native students. Students' families understood they would be part of traditional ceremonies to create more authentic American Indian experiences. In this way, their appreciation for, and pride in, Native American cultures could be developed comprehensively. As part of Mr. Hute's vision, a Circle of Stones was created on the school grounds. This Circle was significant. Special spiritual ceremonies requiring the use of the Native pipe were performed here. Mr. Hute gathered the staff together at the Circle for its dedication ceremony in the beginning of the first year of school. As the ceremony proceeded, a group of seven eagles circled above the participants. Mr. Hute told them this was a message from the Creator that their school was going to provide something special for all of their students. PREPARATION TO TEACH NATIVE AMERICAN STUDENTS

Non-Indian teachers and American Indian teachers who were assimilated into the dominant culture needed to understand the difficulties faced by many of their urban Indian students. Mr. Hute recommended that teachers read the book Reclaiming Youth at Risk: Our Hope for the Future (Brendtro, Brokenleg, & VanBrokern, 1990) by the start of the school year. Afterward, teachers had opportunities to talk about what they had read with each other. They were able to weigh their teaching practices against what they had learned, and make adjustments if needed. In addition, teachers recognized the importance of becoming more familiar with American Indian cultures. Mr. Hute helped tremendously by sharing his wealth of resources with them. He arranged to have a Native American educational authority visit the school. Dr. Peters was able to answer many questions for the teachers. He provided positive feedback about what the teachers were accomplishing in their classrooms. This feedback boosted teachers' confidence about what they were trying to achieve. Mr. Hute made strong connections with students in his school. He was actively involved with each classroom. He would visit them, talk to the students, want to see what they were doing, and engage them in conversations. Mr. Hute did not hesitate to tell children and staff that he loved them. Hearing this message made a tremendous difference for Michelle. She commented that when teachers feel love, they are able to love their students. From the beginning, grandparents, parents, and extended family members were involved in the school. The school family became an

Case Studies

extended family as people were welcomed and urged to become part of the lives of their children at school. The love felt between the school personnel and children was extended toward their families. To Michelle, love and spirituality were the ingredients essential for success of this school. Mr. Hute played an essential role in encouraging the development of these components. MICHELLE'S TRANSFORMATION AS A TEACHER

Michelle has always had a strong emphasis on language arts in her classroom. She believes that if students can learn to read and write successfully, they will be able to extend those experiences to other areas of their academic preparation. One practice Michelle engages her students in is the creation of a "Life Book." The students work on writing in this book throughout the year. Michelle also keeps her own Life Book during the year. It is in this place where she keeps her thoughts about her own experiences. Through keeping her book, Michelle models for students the importance of this activity. The Life Book became an even more important part of Michelle's classroom as she adapted her curricula to fit the needs of her students. She found that by reading her students' Life Books she gained a great deal of information about them. This knowledge helped her understand students' cultures and capitalize on their interests. History proved to be a difficult subject area for Michelle to teach. Through her research, Michelle had learned more about the genocide of American Indians. As with most ethnically diverse families, Michelle's great-grandmother had not passed these stories down to her children and grandchildren. The stories were often hidden if families lived off the reservation. In order to avoid future oppression, assimilation became a goal for families and was usually the reason given for not passing on this information. Psychologically, there is always an underlying tension between oppressor and the oppressed, even if immediate family members are excluded. .. Many women, like Zitkala-Sa (see chapter 3), had gone to boarding schools. When returning home to their reservations, these women did not know where or how they fit in with their communities. Marrying-out became an option for them, but this was not considered acceptable by their families. Many times they were not welcomed back into the good graces of their families, and they became alienated from them. Michelle realized there was a problem with the social science curriculum. Many of her students had not been shielded from the stories of genocide against their tribal Nations. To make the material presented credible,

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Michelle needed to add information. The areas that posed the greatest difficulties included violent actions taken against tribal Nations. Broken treaties, difficulties in relationships between Native governments and the United States, sovereignty, and the right to self-determination were all addressed in her class. Only in this way could problems and solutions be discussed concerning current stereotypes and practices affecting American Indians. Michelle felt it was important for her and other teachers not to fall into the pattern of "White guilt." They needed to be honest and open with students, not ashamed of their own special heritages. Under the administration of Mr. Hute, Michelle was transformed as a teacher. She received affirmation for the values and attitudes she always thought were important for teaching children. Through this experience, Michelle learned that children need to know they are loved. She learned that working with children means accepting their cultures and ways of relating to the world regardless of their backgrounds. Michelle learned, too, a valuable lesson concerning the devastating effects of cultural alienation for all students. DENOUEMENT

The administration of the school district did not always approve of what was occurring at the Indian magnet school. There were many political considerations at play within this urban district. Other principals did not understand the purpose of the school. They objected to the way the school was exempted from separation of church and state. As with most nonNatives, they had never heard of the Meriam Report or subsequent legislation requiring schools to provide instruction in Native languages and cultures. The magnet school received much positive press, and students made exceptional progress. Nevertheless, the district could not reconcile its "regular" practices with practices introduced in the school. After three years, Mr. Hute resigned his position as school principal. His resignation was devastating for the magnet school community. Mr. Hute left a lasting legacy for all of how schools can work for Native students. In his place, another Native American principal was hired. Ms. Raze had a very different approach to education. Among her first words to staff was the proclamation, "I'm going to get spirituality out of this building!" Ms. Raze told teachers, "Nothing much has happened here in the last three years." These statements completely discounted everything the staff had accomplished. They were demoralized by these proclamations. All felt they had learned and grown along with their students. They had been affected positively by the changes wrought in the last three years.

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Needless to say, the school that operated as a family was no longer able to do so. Today, Michelle is teaching at a different school. The influence of Mr. Hute and of working so closely with other school personnel, grandparents, parents, and community members inspires her always. The former staff keep in contact, though they are not in the same buildings. They agree they have been transformed by their experiences at this school. Michelle says she has been changed forever. REFLECTIONS ON MICHELLE FREDERICKSON'S CASE STUDY

Whether you are a new teacher or an experienced teacher, you have probably recognized necessary elements for Michelle's successful teaching in this new school. Answer the questions below. Then compare your answers with those of a classmate or a friend. 1. Why do you think Michelle's former principal felt she would be ideally suited for the new magnet school? 2. If you had been Michelle, what would you have said during your interview with the committee about what you had to offer the new school? 3. Do you believe teachers who have grown up in urban areas have any advantages or disadvantages in teaching American Indian children? What are they? 4. Why did Mr. Hute state he wanted good teachers, not just Indian teachers? 5. What were the qualities that made Mr. Hute's administration of the school one that promoted pride and academic success? 6. Many people feel that any type of prayer in school, regardless of circumstance, is unacceptable. What is your opinion of this perception? 7. In what ways did Michelle grow during her tenure at the magnet school? 8. If you were to teach in such a school, what special qualities do you possess that would allow you to be successful? 9. How would you prepare yourself to teach in a new community? 10. Do you believe good primary teachers are essential for the development of students' future academic success? Why or why not? MEET BEN WATERS: A PRESERVICE TEACHER IN THE RURAL NORTHWEST

Although he comes from a family of teachers, Ben Waters had not given thought to becoming a teacher himself. After working at different jobs

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following high school, he found he had a real love of teaching. He wanted to experience the excitement that came from having students achieve in school, especially when the students thought the material was beyond their capabilities. As part of Ben's teacher preparation program, students were involved in several practicum experiences to prepare them for the real world of teaching. With these experiences, students have one-on-one, small-group, and whole classroom teaching experiences. When Ben was a junior in college, he had the opportunity to complete a 30-hour practicum experience for his language arts class in an elementary school located on a nearby reservation. For Ben, this afforded a chance to learn more about the Native American community in his area. This is Ben's story. BEN'S INTRODUCTION TO THE SCHOOL

Ben and a group of fellow university students traveled to the elementary school to meet with the principal and teachers before beginning their practicums. All of them were nervous about going to the reservation. Most of these students had grown up in the area. Consequently, they had heard terrible stories about what happened on the reservation. The students were told Indian people were alcoholics, unclean, and violent, had poor health and work habits, and would harm any White person who ventured onto their land. Two of the university students commented that they had been forbidden to play sports on the reservation, and could only play with reservation teams at schools in town. Ben's mother had an American Indian girlfriend when she was in elementary school. She told her family stories about her friend, Janice. Hence, Ben was skeptical about the horror stories he had heard while growing up. He wasn't sure he made the right decision to go to Eagle Elementary School, but he was willing to give the experience a try. The practicum students were assigned to work in pairs in all the schools, so Ben knew he would have the support of a peer for the semester. The first place the students visited at the school was the principal's office. Mr. Logan had a great deal of experience working with Native American students. He had been Director of American Indian Education in the district some years previously. Then he spent 11 years as principal at a Native American elementary school on another reservation. When Mr. Logan returned to the area, he was called upon to take the place of the school's previous principal, who had been killed in a tragic car accident.

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Mr. Logan was extremely positive about the children and their cultures. There were children of several different tribal Nations attending the school. Some of the families were assimilated. The majority of the students hailed from traditional families. Mr. Logan explained that in many ways teaching on the reservation was similar to teaching in an inner-city area because of the poverty and associated conditions. Mr. Logan told the college students about the dedication of the teachers at the school. He informed them they would have a unique experience at Eagle Elementary. Then Mr. Logan took the students on a tour of the building. Along the way, they stopped in different classrooms, and Mr. Logan introduced them to the teachers. As the students toured, they had an opportunity to see the Native students "up close" for the first time. It seemed awkward at first. Gradually, the college students began to relax as they met teachers and saw students reading, writing, and drawing pictures, exactly what you would expect in any other elementary school. BEN MEETS THE FIRST-GRADE TEACHERS

Ben had never been in a first-grade classroom for a practicum experience before, and he wanted this experience. He knew there was a possibility he would be assigned to a classroom of younger students someday. Another student, Martha (Marty), also preferred to work in the first grade. They decided to become practicum partners. Both of the first-grade teachers welcomed Ben and Marty and showed them their classrooms. The two classes were small in numbers (less than 25), which was important because the children were on several different levels in their language arts and mathematics development. Mr. Logan had asked previously if any of the college students knew Spanish. Two Spanish-speaking children had just arrived at the school from Honduras. They were children of "mail order" brides whose stepfathers were Anglo men leasing farm acreage on the reservation. Marty said she knew Portuguese, but her husband was from Peru and Spanish was his first language. Portuguese and Spanish have many similarities, so she volunteered to lend a hand in this area. Since the Spanish-speaking children were in Mrs. Jenkins's first-grade classroom, Marty and Ben decided to divide their practicum hours between the two classes. Mrs. Jenkins's classroom was very traditional, what you might expect in any public elementary school throughout the country. Students were expected to be quiet, not ask questions, and accomplish many reading and writing tasks. There were no cultural referents either through visuals in the classroom or incorporated into the curricula. The activities of the day were

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scripted, and the children were expected to be orderly. They seemed hard at work when the university students observed the classroom. Everyone got the same material to work on, and completing worksheets made up a great deal of their activities. Mrs. Shelby's first-grade classroom contrasted significantly with Mrs. Jenkins's room. There appeared to be more chaos when Ben and Marty entered the room. The children were not in rows, but in groups. Several of the children were helping each other on a project. Other children were reading with the teacher. Still others were writing on the board or were working in centers. This room was noisy! Ben and Marty weren't quite sure what they were getting themselves into. Mrs. Shelby excused herself from the reading group and asked the students to look up and listen. She introduced Ben and Marty and told the children they would be seeing more of the college students in the weeks to come. Most of the kids smiled. Some got excited and were "running around" after the announcement. Mrs. Shelby waited several minutes, then asked the children to get in line for lunch. The children promptly got in line, and they tried to keep their line straight. On the way out of the classroom, the children again smiled at Ben and Marty. Working in the School. At first, Ben felt like an outsider in the school. He saw looks directed toward him from older Native people that could be interpreted as, "What are you doing here?" While Ben didn't think tribal members were necessarily "closed" to him, he felt that they weren't very open to his presence. He sometimes got the impression that the Native Americans at the school would rather not have another Anglo around. This was the first time Ben had ever experienced anyone looking askance at him. He also was conscious of people looking at him when he was driving on reservation roads to the school. He was shocked by these occurrences, because no one had ever questioned his right to be anywhere before. Ben found he was able to make adjustments to his new situation. Right away he noticed "all these beautiful, dark children with long dark hair in ponytails." His first impression was there were a lot of girls in the school. Later, he realized many of the children were boys. This was his first important lesson about appreciating cultural differences. He learned that two hair braids were used for girls, one or three hair braids for boys. Ben felt his heart start to change when he saw how well kept the children were. It was obvious that their families cared for them. "They all had pretty little faces and wonderful mannerisms." He asked one of the boys about who braided his hair. The child told him that his grandmother

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braided his hair every morning. Through this story, Ben could see how wrong perceptions were of Native Americans. Mrs. Shelby's Classroom. Mrs. Shelby's classroom was different from the classrooms of her fellow teachers. She did not always receive approval from her peers about her methods. Mrs. Shelby was an enrolled tribal member, though Ben and Marty couldn't tell because she had blond hair and gray eyes. Mrs. Shelby was not raised in all the traditional ways, but she was active in the tribal community as an adult. She attended powwows and special events in the community. Her students saw her at places on the reservation other than school. She had taken further opportunities to develop relationships with her students' grandparents and parents. Ben and Marty observed that Mrs. Shelby's room was "flooded" with plush toy animals. The children responded positively when Mrs. Shelby introduced lessons and included the stuffed animals. Neither Ben nor Marty knew at the time that Mrs. Shelby was using the plush toys to make connections between school and the children's cultures. Traditional American Indian people believe that "animals are our brothers; and we are all related." By incorporating toy animals into the curriculum, Mrs. Shelby was linking what students had been taught at home with what they were being taught in school. Ben was impressed when a large bear went into a "cave" the class made so that he could hibernate for the winter. This was different than anything Ben had ever seen in a classroom. When springtime came, the bear would come out of his "hibernation." The students were very respectful of the needs of the bear and related these during class time. While working in Mrs. Shelby's classroom, Ben and Marty found that what appeared to be chaos was actually well ordered. They gained knowledge of their students' learning styles and the importance of working with one another instead of in isolation and competition. After students had accomplished their tasks, they would show what they had learned to their teacher. Ben and Marty tried to implement these learning styles when they were teaching. They discussed ideas with Mrs. Shelby so their teaching would be consistent with her philosophy. Ben and Marty developed activityoriented lessons that gave the children concrete experiences in the classroom. They understood now why it could be stated that there was more than one path to learning. As this was the first time that Ben had worked in the lower grades, he was concerned about "control." Mrs. Shelby shared with him some techniques she used with the students. Using these techniques of "quiet" or indirect control and allowing the children freedom to make decisions to

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comply were different for Ben. He was surprised about how well the children responded, which was different from what he had experienced in other classrooms. Ben's Most Memorable Teaching Experience. One week, Ben read Hawk I'm Your Brother by Byrd Baylor (1976) to the children as part of his lesson for them. Because of time, Ben was able to read only half of the story. Then he engaged the students in coloring a picture of a hawk, cutting it out, and putting each hawk into "cages" he had made. Ben put the cages away and told the students they would continue the story on his next visit. Ben was not able to return to the class for two weeks. When he did, he asked the students what the story they had started was about. All of the students raised their hands and wanted to tell the story. One student gave the story back to Ben almost word for word. He was amazed a six-year-old child could perform such a feat! He commented that he wasn't sure how many children in other schools could accomplish the same deed. Ben finished reading the story to the children. At the end of the story, the hawk is set free. The children were given the choice of setting their hawks free as was done in the story or keeping them in their cages. The children made different decisions, but most wanted to set the hawks free around their homes. This lesson made a great impression on Ben. He could understand now why Mrs. Shelby integrated the animals and animal stories into so much of her regular curriculum. Mrs. Shelby even presented the phonics concept of "silent e" at the end of words as the trickster, just like Coyote. Even though this approach was different, for these children it provided a meaningful way to learn. Ben did try using a worksheet once, which he said engaged the children for "about half a minute." Although Ben had learned about the importance of using alternative methods for teaching children in his college classes, he now understood why doing so made good pedagogical sense. GAINING CONFIDENCE IN HIS TEACHING

As the semester progressed, Ben felt more comfortable in asking Mrs. Shelby questions about the tribal Nation and what he should or shouldn't do in the classroom. For instance, he wasn't sure whether or not he should use a legend from another American Indian Nation to read to the students. Mrs. Shelby was very open about the beliefs and practices of this tribe (as much as was possible), and she invited Ben and Marty to attend tribal func-

Case Studies

tions with her. One event they attended was a healing ceremony planned to help those suffering from Posttraumatic Stress Disorder and Intergenerational Trauma. By listening to testimonies from American Indian participants, Ben gained more insights into the difficulties these people were trying to resolve. He learned about the goals of the Nation to assist everyone in renewing their physical and mental health and to become drug and alcohol free. One of the insights Ben gained from this experience concerned the need to know people in the community in which you teach. He felt teachers needed to know the people "in order to make a bridge so you [understand] each other's thoughts." According to Ben, "It helped me understand more of what the parents wanted for their children. It helped me make things more relevant for my teaching. I'm not Native American, and they are not White, so we needed to help each other become bicultural. It only makes sense." THE END OF THE SEMESTER

Except for final exams, Ben felt the end of the semester had come rapidly for Marty and him. They had learned much in their practicum experience, and they had shared their experiences with their college classmates throughout the semester. In turn, their classmates had developed different attitudes toward the reservation than they held at the beginning of the semester. It was possible for the college students to understand the harmful effects of stereotyping. They learned how detrimental false images of other people can be for teachers working with Native American children. During class discussions about their practicum experiences, other students listened and learned and were excited for their classmates who worked on the reservation. Ben found he had grown to love the children in Mrs. Shelby's first grade. According to Ben, you couldn't help it as the children "were so bright and so intelligent, so willing and so eager." A few of the students had difficulties, but Ben felt he could talk to them and they responded to him. The students knew he cared about them and was concerned for their welfare. The concept of developing connectivity with students was now a reality for Ben. He stated the children were "so loving and creative in everything that they did." Unfortunately, Ben and Marty did not have the opportunity to develop the same sense of connectivity with the students in Mrs. Jenkins's class. Because everything was scripted, the learning activities were not personalized for the students. As a result, the children were never given

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opportunities to engage emotionally in the classroom. They did what they were told to do, but they weren't as involved as the students in Mrs. Shelby's classroom. COMPLETING HIS TEACHING DEGREE

At the end of this experience, Ben perceived he would be successful teaching in other settings. He was grateful for the opportunity to work in this special classroom. As a result, Ben has requested placement at Eagle Elementary School for one block of his student teaching experience, and at an elementary school "in town" for the other block. He feels confident he will complete his student teaching successfully in both settings. Ben is ready for the challenge, and looking forward to a long career as an elementary teacher. Postscript: Both first-grade teachers were highly recommended for teaching at Eagle Elementary School. At the end of the year, the students in Mrs. Shelby's classroom scored higher overall on a required standardized test than those in Mrs. Jenkins's classroom. The conclusion is yours to make! REFLECTIONS ON BEN WATERS'S CASE STUDY

As you answer the following questions, think about your own first experiences in teaching. 1. Did you have several practicum experiences, or only student teaching, before attaining your teaching degree? 2. What was it like for you to work in another teacher's classroom? Did you feel accepted? 3. How did your cooperating teacher help you to feel comfortable in the classroom? 4. Did you work with students who were of the same ethnicity as your own or with multiethnic populations? 5. How did this (these) experience(s) affect your understandings of what was needed to be effective in the classroom? 6. Have you had the experience of visiting another country or another region of the United States? 7. What were some of the observations you made about the people in this other region? 8. Did you learn anything about yourself when you visited another place? 9. How can opportunities to interact with people of other ethnicities help you develop as a teacher?

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10. What characteristics do you possess that allow you to experiment with alternative ways of teaching students? XANDRA ALBANY SHARES HER EXPERIENCES WITH SECONDARY NATIVE AMERICAN STUDENTS

Xandra is a secondary English teacher who began her life in the Rocky Mountain region of the United States. She was always interested in Native American cultures. She would go with her family on vacations to areas populated by Native American communities, and she learned to respect their cultures. Xandra's first teaching position took her to a rural area in the Midwest. Through this experience, Xandra learned that differences in cultures could be defined as differences between rural and urban dwellers as well as ethnic differences. After teaching for several years, Xandra joined a textbook publishing firm. During her time at the company, she took advantage of the opportunity to pursue her master's degree in Curriculum and Instruction. Xandra decided to focus on Indian education and tribal Nations in the West. Throughout her coursework, she tailored her class assignments to focus on Native education. Her professors were exceptionally willing to make these accommodations. Xandra made a point of trying to break through the negative stereotypes and present positive images of Native peoples in her research. She was surprised whenever she would come across contemporary literature on Native Americans and education that only reinforced prejudicial images. After completing her master's degree, Xandra decided she wanted to return to the world of teaching. She had developed curriculum ideas that she was anxious to try with "real students." Xandra especially wanted to test her ideas with American Indian students to see if she could have any effect on their educational achievements. MAKING THE MOVE TO THE RESERVATION

One of Xandra's professors had taught on a reservation in the West. She decided to work with this professor and learn more about the history, culture, and language of this tribal Nation. Xandra subscribed to their tribal Nation newspaper, and when an announcement was made about an opening for a secondary teaching position in the humanities on the reservation, she jumped at the chance to apply for the job. Once Xandra was hired for the position, she went about making the move from an urban area to an isolated rural one. She knew where she would be living on the reservation was far from any cities. Throughout the years, she had acquired a large collection of books focusing on the culture of this

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Nation. The books covered Native American literature, heroes and sheroes, history of this Nation, traditional practices and belief systems, and the language used. Xandra had access to materials she would need in teaching with her books, as well as the ability to gather information from the Internet on contemporary issues related to the Nation. Xandra felt prepared for teaching on the reservation since she read about Native cultures widely and on a variety of levels. Still, Xandra knew she would not really understand her students' culture until she lived on the reservation. The Realities of This Contemporary Native American Reservation. Through the research Xandra had completed as part of her master's program, she learned that the contemporary conditions on reservations mirrored those of inner-city areas in terms of the high levels of poverty, low levels of school achievement, high dropout rates, and low income levels for working families. She was prepared to meet these challenges. Xandra knew her students would rise above these circumstances if she encouraged them to do so. She had read works written by leading experts in Indian education to benefit from their ideas, and she planned to incorporate culturally relevant pedagogy in her teaching. The realities of this reservation conflicted with the information Xandra had so meticulously gathered. She found her Native students were more acquainted with Fred Flintstone than with their Native trickster character. Contemporary American culture was widely available through the media, and it influenced the youth heavily. The advice Xandra had learned about having students work in groups and avoiding competition was actually inaccurate for this reservation. The students were so acculturated into the dominant culture's ways of thinking, especially by high school, that the old rules did not apply. In fact, very few of her students wanted to work in groups. They were shy and modest, and didn't like being bragged about or "bragging themselves up," but they did like to receive acknowledgment for high grades and were competitive. In the area where Xandra grew up, the Native Nation had held onto their traditions and had not assimilated. She was surprised to find the extraordinary influence of the dominant culture on the reservation where she was teaching. Xandra realized the degree of acculturation for any group seemed dependent upon their proximities to cities and access to media. Children raised by grandparents or extended families tended to be more traditional. This revelation caused her to review and question the materials she had read. After working on the reservation for about a year, Xandra was able to understand the need to view each child as an individual, not as the same as others because of race or ethnicity. Some of her students were traditional,

Case Studies

many could code-switch readily between two cultures, and others were assimilated. The situation on this reservation illustrates the effects of colonization. In some families, it was important to retain traditional ways. For others, retaining the old ways meant limited survival in a new society. Children were sent to boarding schools at an earlier period on this Western reservation than on others due to contact with Europeans before many other Nations in the region. When the children returned from school, many were caught between two worlds. As they became parents, choosing one culture over the other seemed to be the only option available to them. Xandra's First Year on the Reservation. Xandra acknowledges her first year of teaching on the reservation was the most difficult for her. She said this was because of the isolation she felt. The teacher turnover rate at the school was very high. Students distrusted teachers' intentions. They seemed to be particularly shy, and it was hard to know whether she was accepted by them or not. Xandra's observations were that it cost too much emotionally for students to invest energies into forming relationships with teachers. They had grown attached to other teachers, only to have these teachers "ripped away" from them. It hurt the students too much when the pattern repeated itself over and over again. The teachers here had separated themselves into the "White" teachers and the "Indian" teachers. They tended to stay in their own separate groups. Xandra expected to be welcomed into this high school community. Instead, she found disappointment because of the factionalism at the school. Xandra had exciting ideas for teaching in her content area, and she desired to be involved in a community where teachers worked together. Xandra did not expect to have her motives about being on the reservation questioned by anyone—Native or non-Native. Xandra knew her motives were pure, and she had worked hard to prepare herself for successfully teaching these students. Xandra was very patient during this period, even though it was hard for her. She felt that she shouldn't "go rushing in there like a bull in a china shop" and force everyone to recognize her expertise. Instead, Xandra waited for students to get to know about her. She didn't let people know how much she knew about their culture. Xandra didn't want anyone to think she knew more about their culture than they did. When working with her students, Xandra found they tested her about who she was, why she was there, and what kind of a teacher she was. Since this was not her first teaching experience, Xandra knew what it was like to have a first year with all its problems to overcome. Being tested by students was not new to her.

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The testing that came throughout Xandra's first year on the reservation was the "most intense testing that I have ever undergone." In addition to the typical student behaviors of trying to see what teachers are made of, the students queried Xandra about how much she knew of their culture. They would constantly ask her questions to see if they could trip her up. Two of her students came running to Xandra one day. One told her that his friend's nickname was [the name for mother]. Xandra played along, and she told them this sounded like a good nickname. Then she asked, "Why would he want anyone to call him 'mother'?" The look on the students' faces was incredulous! They could not believe she had caught on to their little joke. The students proceeded to ask Xandra what several other words meant, administering their own version of a vocabulary test to her. After this trial, they decided she was all right as a teacher. Xandra never had any trouble from them after this. They would continue to ask her questions about their history and culture during their time together. Xandra was surprised when the students asked her if she wanted to be Indian. The subtext of this question was whether she was a "wannabe" or belonged to any New Age groups. Xandra told them that you couldn't help what you were, what you were born. She had the utmost respect for their culture, and she knew a lot about their culture. Xandra stated she wanted to share their culture with them, but she wasn't trying to be them. The students decided it was "cool" for Xandra to be their teacher. By her way of responding to the students, they knew Xandra's interest in them was genuine. She wasn't at the school to exploit them, sell their culture, or make them "White." The students learned this through how she modeled her respect for them. Connecting with Grandparents and Parents. On many reservations there are mixed feelings about non-Indian teachers. Some people take active stances about hiring only Native American teachers. Many times this is expressed nonverbally by ignoring teachers' presences and marginalizing their contributions. The ensuing tension can become quite palpable. During Xandra's first year of teaching on the reservation, she chose to attend the fall powwow at the school. When the Round Dance (sometimes referred to as the Circle or Friendship Dance) was announced, the invitation was extended for everyone to join in. Since this is not a spiritually connected dance, Xandra accepted the invitation to take part. The next day, elders and parents approached her to say they had seen her at the powwow. This was the beginning of building positive relationships with community members. Later, Xandra found her participation made an impact on the community. As time went on, people would approach her even at the post

Case Studies

office, at the store, or in the city. They would always offer her a handshake, a hug, and a "How are you?" This tangible trust did not happen by accident. Xandra nurtures her relationships with people on the reservation. She feels this relationship is very special. Her perception is that the majority of community members and students respect her and have affection for her. This is in spite of Xandra's non-Indian status and representing a culture they do not respect. Changing Students' Lives. Even though many of the elders attended boarding schools and had horrific stories to tell about them, they still supported the idea that education was needed for success in later life. The elders knew how much they lost of their language and culture, and they wanted to have both incorporated within the school curricula. Many times, students seemed to resist education provided by non-Indian teachers the most. Xandra formed a long-term relationship with many of her students. She taught them at different grade levels throughout their school careers. One of Xandra's students, Russell, had been with her ever since he was a freshman in high school. Xandra had many discussions with him over his senior year concerning school. She finally had to stop talking to him about his negative attitudes toward school because the discussions would get too emotional for both of them. Xandra promised him a letter that would help him understand her views on education. The letter took time for Xandra to compose. In it, she told Russell that she understood his anger and sympathized with his feelings toward White society. She told him she realized she represented a culture that had done horrible things to his people. She also told Russell the purpose of education today was not to take away from him and his culture: It was a way to provide him with the tools he needed for his future. Russell's peers recognized him as a leader. Xandra told him that a leader has certain responsibilities, and one of them is to have knowledge. She was trying to expand his world perspectives so that he could become the leader his peers expected him to be. She compared Russell to a noted warrior of his Nation who fought hard for his people. What made this warrior so powerful was he took the knowledge afforded by White culture to work for his people. Finally, a breakthrough occurred. Russell began to use his high intelligence to achieve academically. Three years after she had first met him, Xandra felt he was changing from a student who was highly resistant to "White" education to a student who was finding out about himself and who he really was. Russell was learning there was much to be proud of in his cultural heritage. He began reclaiming his pride in his culture. By doing so, Russell set

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off on a different path. He decided to attend college with the intent of returning home to lead his people. Opening Doors to Understanding. One of the remarkable things about Xandra is her ability to view herself as others might. She can step outside herself and her culture and examine the world through the eyes of her students. Xandra was candid with her students. She related to them her own feelings about teaching them and how much she was learning from them. Xandra has the support of the elders, which carries tremendous weight with the community. Therefore, she has the respect of her students. Xandra views herself as a facilitator. Since she knows a great deal about the Native students' culture, she incorporates this information into her lessons. At first, her students were resistant to cultural information. They didn't want to learn any of that "old stuff." They were resistant to their elders' teachings as well, not understanding why this knowledge was important. After a while, grandparents and parents began to tell Xandra that the students would hear something at school about their culture; then they would return home and ask questions. Instead of dividing families, Xandra was providing opportunities for dialogue at home. Xandra realizes students might feel strange having a non-Indian teach them about their culture. She finds it helps for them write down their feelings and perceptions about this. It would be harmful to voice their opinions aloud because of their mutual affection. Xandra knows the students do not want to offend her, but they also need to be able to express their thoughts honestly. Most of the students in the past expressed that they felt weird about learning their culture in school from her. Their feelings resulted from embarrassment because they did not know more about their culture. One girl verbalized aloud that there were things Xandra could not teach them, even though it was "cool" that she could teach them a lot about their heritage. Xandra responded that she was absolutely right, and it wouldn't be right for her to teach students how to have pride in their culture or about their sacred knowledge. Xandra said her goal was to open a way for students to begin dialoguing with their parents, elders, aunties, and uncles. By approaching them with a little knowledge learned at school, students could then learn more from their families. Xandra was right: The students and their families began discussing culture together and continue to do so. She feels good in being able to facilitate these discussions at home. It shows that the students are listening in school and the content is meaningful to them. Students want to share what they have learned with their families. In the manner of the Sacred Hoop,

Case Studies

what Xandra gives to her students in respect for them and their cultures returns to her in the way she receives respect in the community. NEW INTERESTS IN EDUCATION

In the past, non-Indian teachers did not honor the cultures of their students on this reservation. Students repressed their interests in their culture and language. They tried to "fit in" to a dominant culture that alienated them from their families. Schools and families were in competition with each other for the energies and loyalties of the students. Three years ago, Xandra and a small core group of non-Indian teachers began work to make education relevant for their students. They eventually joined with the Native teachers in doing so, and the school began a process of renewal as a result. Since then, non-Indian teachers have actively reinforced pride in Native heritage for their students. These messages were new for the students. They were used to members of dominant culture denigrating American Indian cultures. Students now fill the Native language classes. They have taken new pride in their heritage, and they enroll in Native literature classes and other culture classes. In turn, attendance rates have climbed and graduation rates have increased. BECOMING BICULTURAL

Xandra did not intend to become bicultural when she began teaching on the reservation. In fact, when Xandra was asked by tribal members what her culture was, she would say, "I don't have one. I am just White." After teaching on the reservation for a number of years, Xandra acknowledges she does have a culture. She can identify points now about who she is and what she does that are part of her European heritage. Now that she has experienced what it is like to become bicultural, Xandra says that it has been fun. She models for her students that it is possible to exist in two worlds. Xandra feels her students are freer to accept different cultural philosophies now. As they study history, literature, and other subjects, Xandra discusses with them the philosophies that may be at play. She addresses issues of prejudice and how it becomes manifested in the ways people interact with each other, what laws are made, and how power and wealth are distributed throughout a society. Prejudice on the reservation and in surrounding towns is not limited to American Indians. Xandra has also been its victim, not only from Native people who may not know her, but from other non-Indians. It was confusing for Xandra to experience this type of prejudice, which stemmed from

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her teaching Native students. She remembers one situation in particular wherein a White store owner made loud comments in a restaurant about her teaching Indian students. The irony was that this man married a woman from the tribal Nation. With the students, Xandra wasn't sure at first if they were prejudiced against her. They called her names like "Cracker," which is supposed to be an insult. She found humor could diffuse potentially harmful situations. Xandra's response to one student was to ask him what kind of a cracker she was: Was she a Wheat Thin or a Cheese-It? She pointed out that different crackers had different tastes and were different colors. In the end, the student just started laughing, and that was the end of the discussion. Xandra experienced a period during which she felt victimized. Many times she would be the only European American at meetings on the reservation. People would openly make negative comments about Whites and White culture. After a time, Xandra found it didn't make sense to take everything so seriously. Again, she used her sense of humor to diffuse situations. Then she would explain why something was the way it was, or why Europeans had formed strong anti-Indian prejudices. By talking the comments through, all have developed better understandings of different perspectives. If Xandra and the community can't talk perceptions through, they will laugh about it. They don't let misunderstandings stop them from moving forward together. SUCCESSFUL INTEGRATION OF CULTURALLY RELEVANT PEDAGOGY IN THE SCHOOL

The vision of this school five years ago was to be able to increase educational relevancy for students, and thereby increase retention and graduation rates. The school board hired a group of teachers who began at the same time as Xandra to accomplish this goal. Of the teachers who were hired, it seems that those in the humanities had more opportunities to incorporate culture into their curricula. There has not been much change in math and sciences, though no one ever discusses the reasons for this. It could be that the teachers do not know enough about the Native culture to integrate new knowledge into their curricula. Or perhaps the subject areas were not designed in ways to permit cultural information to be incorporated easily. One of the reasons Xandra feels she has been able to develop more curricula including cultural elements is because she has kept learning. She attends conferences on national levels as well as events on local levels. Xandra has developed strong relationships with Native people in her area, and they have learned to trust each other.

Case Studies

A great challenge for Xandra has been to find mainstream material that interests her students. The students question her about why they have to read things written by "dead White guys," and sometimes she doesn't have an answer for them. She might reply with, "It's just a darn good story!" and see how the students respond. They don't always agree with her assessment, but that is all right in her classroom. Xandra found a terrific avenue to connect her students with the humanities through poetry. Not all poetry is equally effective, but she finds the students relate well to poets like Emily Dickinson. Xandra says the students can't get enough of Emily! WHAT THE FUTURE HOLDS FOR XANDRA

Teaching on a reservation has been very demanding for Xandra in numerous ways. She never had to confront herself or her ideas before this experience. Everyone else in Xandra's community looked and thought and acted as she did. There was no one who called her names or ridiculed her culture. Xandra now knows she is a strong teacher, and she has many gifts to give her students. She considers herself an Indian Educator now, and she has a powerful commitment to teaching on the reservation. Prior to this experience, Xandra was not confronted with the idea of becoming part of the community in which you teach. This concept influences everything Xandra does now within the community. She has become part of the community, and she wants to be considered a valued member who is working for Native children. REFLECTIONS ON XANDRA ALBANY'S EXPERIENCES

Xandra Albany takes her profession of teaching very seriously. She constantly strives to become more accomplished in her craft. Her experiences with secondary Native American students are telling of her determination to make a difference with them. The following questions may assist you in reflecting on Xandra's approach to her students. 1. What are some ideas you hold regarding Native American students? 2. How did you develop these ideas? 3. How do prejudices influence teachers' abilities to work with Native American students? 4. If you had an opportunity to teach on a reservation, how would you prepare yourself for your position? 5. There are educators who express that having a teaching degree is all you need to work with any student population. Do you agree with this statement? Why or why not?

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6. Name characteristics Xandra exhibited that allowed her to become accepted by the community living on the reservation. 7. Why do you think community involvement would make a difference in teaching American Indian students? 8. How would you respond if students called you disparaging names? 9. Why do teachers have to actively plan to incorporate culturally relevant information for their students? 10. Do you feel you would be willing to "go the extra mile" for your students? What would be the "payoff" for you? MORIAH MAYER: SMALL MIRACLES

Moriah is a young Euro-American in her late 20s. She grew up in the Midwest, in an area traveled by the Lewis and Clark party. Her early impressions of Native Americans were formed by what she read in books, what she heard in school, and what she saw in the media. Moriah attended a small college not far from her home upon completing high school. She did not have to question any of her assumptions about other peoples, as she went to school with others who represented the same views and ideas as she held. Moriah decided she wanted to become a teacher. After completion of her college degree, she worked for a year as a teacher in a large Catholic junior high school with only Euro-American students. In the meantime, Moriah had met the man of her dreams and married him. Randy was also a teacher, with an emphasis on sports and coaching. He intended to obtain a master's degree and doctorate in Sport Management. To complete this goal, Randy and Moriah searched for an academic program fitting his needs. They decided on a program at a large university in the Southwest. Moriah intended to obtain additional teaching credentials at the university where Randy would obtain his doctorate. CHALLENGES TO PRECONCEPTIONS OF NATIVE PEOPLES

The first tests Moriah had about her conceptual frame of American Indians took place when she and her husband moved to the Southwest. The university Randy and Moriah attended was located in an area very different from where they had lived previously in the Midwest. Neither had ever interacted face to face with Native people prior to this move. Moriah found the Native culture alive and vibrant. She came to appreciate the people she encountered and their arts. As part of her certification requirements for Multicultural Art Education at this university, Moriah was required to take a Native American Art History course. This course influenced her greatly as

Case Studies

she was exposed to the many different Native communities in the surrounding areas. Moriah was struck by the fact that in this area of the Southwest, the mesoethnic community reflecting Native cultural systems actually determined the value system, mores, and ways of interacting in the region. Outside of this area, the cultural values represented in the macroculture were found; the area where she was living was like an oasis where many different ethnicities were represented and respected. Moriah was struck by the amount of pride the Native peoples demonstrated for their cultures. She and Randy attended many Native cultural events and visited many museums while they lived in this area. All of those activities contributed to Moriah's abilities to develop a greater understanding of Native peoples and their cultures. MOVING TO THE NORTHWEST

After a period of time, Randy and Moriah were ready for the next phase of their lives together. They began to examine the advertisements for university teaching positions in physical education for Randy. Moriah hoped to find a teaching position in the area where they would ultimately settle. Following careful consideration, Randy and Moriah settled upon a university located in an area nestled in a mountainous region. The population of the city in which the university was located was less than 70,000. This mirrored the community where they had first attended college. The university was also within a reasonable distance of several large cities of over 400,000, so they would not suffer from lack of amenities. This university was located not far from an American Indian reservation. With their experiences in the Southwest, Randy and Moriah thought it would be interesting to live close to Native populations again. NEW BEGINNINGS, AND DISILLUSIONMENTS

After settling into their new city, Moriah began searching for employment. She found a position opening for a primary-level teacher at a private church school dedicated to serving the local American Indian population. The school was in its beginning stages, and located close to the reservation. The land had recently been acquired, and it consisted of close to 100 acres of farmland. There was a farmhouse on the property, and the church decided to use portable classrooms as a foundation for the school. The children would be served breakfasts and lunches in the farmhouse itself, and the yard would be used for a playground. Three teachers were hired for the school: Moriah, a primary teacher; Betty, a middle-level teacher and headmistress; and Robert, an American

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Indian who was the culture teacher for the students. In addition, there was an American Indian hired part-time whose job was to teach the local Native language to the students. The school was overseen by Brian, a church representative who had been a superintendent in a large school district nearby. Right away, Moriah noticed some differences among the American Indian peoples who lived on this reservation and those in the area from which she had come. There was a palpable feeling of depression that she perceived on the part of the grandparents, parents, and other members in this Native American community. Moriah learned of the conflicts that occurred locally between those who promoted education and those who felt "getting the White man's education" was a sellout to the Nation. Moriah learned about the high levels of school dropouts, alcoholism, drug abuse, and suicide on this reservation. She had not previously seen the price of colonization that Native Americans had paid as on this reservation. In time, Moriah learned the history of this group of Native peoples, and how the government had cheated them time and again. She learned of massacres carried out against these people, and of the limited resources they were given. Moriah learned of the boarding school that had been located on the reservation, and of the abuses suffered by the children at the hands of the teachers there. She also discovered a great deal about the prejudices of the surrounding non-Native population toward the Native peoples. In the meantime, Betty, the headmistress, was causing distress both within and outside the school. Examples follow of problems she was creating in the school: There were less than 30 children enrolled in the school. Brian had arranged for a day of in-service for the school staff with educators from the local university who had worked on the reservation previously. Betty constantly interrupted the presentations of the university faculty to give her own ideas of teaching based on past experiences. At the end of the day, both Moriah and Robert apologized for Betty's behavior. Brian was also having his hands full with Betty. Although he was not on campus continually, when Brian did visit the school, he became discouraged by what he saw in Betty's classroom. Betty was supposed to be acting as the on-site administrator, yet nothing was being accomplished in this regard. It seemed as if Betty "stirred the pot" wherever she went, but was not doing the job she was contracted to do. Betty seemed to focus on minute details, to the detriment of the school. She complained that the children came to school with their heads wet. She was sure this would contribute to the spread of illness among the school population. She did not take time to explore the reasons the children had wet

Case Studies

hair, which was due to their morning ablutions. Betty insisted on finding a way to order hair dryers for the children's use in the mornings! Before long, another conflict became apparent between Betty and the others at the school. The culture teacher, Robert, was adopted and raised in a Euro-American family and had a "White" education. He returned to the reservation and learned about his heritage. He was a distinguished dancer and represented his Nation at many gatherings. Robert was adamant that the children under Betty's care were not being educated. They were off-task much of the time, simply "fooling around." Betty gave them worksheets to complete, and she had set them up in table groups. For each table, she had appointed a "chief." In this tribal Nation, however, there were never any chiefs. Today, those who are leading tribal Nation government are referred to as Council Representatives with a Council Chair elected. Again, Betty was demonstrating her lack of respect for the local Native population by not exploring their cultural practices. The children were placed in a difficult position: If members of the community found they had been appointed "chiefs," their families might become ostracized. Betty's expectations for her students were minimal. She claimed to have the affection of her students, and that she loved them. While this may have been true, there was no definable education curriculum being followed for the students in her class. When Brian visited the school, he found Robert's concerns to be legitimate. Moriah agreed with Robert, and she talked about the inconsistencies of Betty's decisions. This was an awkward period for all of the staff, but it was clear that something had to be done. The end of the first quarter of school was approaching, and Betty had not attended to her administrative duties, nor were the children in her classroom making any progress. It was agreed to remove Betty from her positions as headmistress and as a teacher at the school. She was outraged over this decision, and she tried to form a coalition of parents to fight for her. The grandparents and parents wanted the school to succeed and, most of all, wanted their children to succeed academically. While a few families remained loyal to Betty, others realized good intentions were not enough to educate their children. Betty was removed from her position, and Moriah was asked to take over the administrative duties for the school. Jennifer, a first-year teacher who had grown up in the area, was chosen to teach the middle-level students. A SCHOOL TURNAROUND

The atmosphere of strife created at the school did not immediately dissipate. Jennifer had not worked with Native populations before, but she was

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willing to learn and build relationships with the students. Robert continued to provide lessons that stimulated the children's interests in their culture. Moriah became a leader who determined to make a difference with the children. All of the teachers decided that high expectations for the students attending their school were a must for success. An area of difficulty for Moriah was realizing that even though a select group of people sent their children to this school, they did not reinforce the importance of education at home. Much of this was because of the parents' experiences in local schools plus the split in the tribal Nation over the value of formal education for their children. One plan for cultural celebrations made a significant difference in the lives of the children, their parents and grandparents, and the school. FRIDAY CULTURAL CELEBRATIONS

The teachers decided Friday afternoons would be reserved for the children to demonstrate what they had learned in their culture classes to their families. The children performed the dances they had learned, and their parents and grandparents were there to witness what they were learning. The children wore their regalia, which were usually made by their grandmothers. The spiritual element of these Friday celebrations was not neglected. The children learned about drumming and playing the Indian flute. Sharing what they were learning with their families was vitally important for them. When the families attended Friday celebrations, they came to know the teachers at the school and to trust them. The children acquired more confidence in themselves as they performed for their families. The challenge for the teachers was to maintain and nurture that confidence in terms of the regular school curriculum. They had needed a way to encourage students to attend school, and to become excited about learning. The joy and pride the children showed when demonstrating their cultural knowledge began to positively affect their attitudes toward school. The absentee rate began to fall for all grade levels. CURRICULUM CHANGES FOR LITERACY DEVELOPMENT

Moriah read the book Teacher written by Sylvia Ashton-Warner (1963/ 1986), who had taught Maori children in New Zealand. In this book, Sylvia described her work in finding alternative ways to teach Native children that drew upon their home and community experiences. This was at a time when anyone who did not learn from the prescribed curriculum was judged to be of low intelligence. Through her holistic methods, Sylvia was able to demonstrate to school personnel they were wrong in assuming the Maori children lacked the intelligence to succeed academically.

Case Studies

Moriah's Reading Program. Moriah decided to use some of the ideas presented in Teacher with the students in the school. When she had gone to elementary school, the initial teaching alphabet (ita) program had been in use, so she knew that alternative methods could be used to teach fundamental skills for literacy development. Moriah obtained a stack of index cards and started letting the children write down vocabulary words they wanted to learn. The children would then work with their partners to learn these words. The students were really excited about this activity because they were able to learn in a way that was culturally appropriate. In other words, they were learning with their peers in a social context and demonstrated their knowledge to the teacher when they were ready. The children were never spotlighted by having to display their knowledge in front of the whole class. Book Clubs for Students. Students were given the opportunity to order books from one of the book clubs available to elementary schools. For some reason, these children had not been given this opportunity in their local public schools, perhaps because teachers were afraid students would be left out due to their low income levels. The monthly order forms for books for students became an important part of the school. The students picked the books they wanted, and their families supported them by purchasing the books. Even if students could purchase only one book, it meant they had gotten to choose for themselves. For many of the students, the books they purchased were the first books in their homes. Parents and grandparents reinforced the efforts of their young scholars by listening to them read at home. The children's families could see how much they were learning through these activities. Cross-Age Tutoring. Another innovation at the school was to have crossgrade reading periods. The younger children responded very well to this. The children were able to pick out books they wanted the older students to read to them and request who would read the books. Having the responsibility of reading to younger students was a way to motivate the older students to continue to improve their own reading abilities. The students experienced more control over their shared reading periods. Having older students work with younger ones was in concert with Native ways of teaching and learning. Written Language Development. Moriah encouraged the children to write in the classroom, and she allowed them to choose their topics. Invariably, they chose to write about what they had learned in their culture

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classes. The culture classes carried over even into the area of math, as the students had to learn to count their dance steps, and music, as the students learned about the rhythms provided by the drum and used for their dancing. Essential links for literacy skills, math skills, and the arts were made with the students' cultures. Motivation for the students to participate in school activities was highly enhanced by linking community and curricula in this way. SMALL SCHOOL PROGRAM; BIG SCHOOL GAINS

While the school was unique in its size and the size of its staff, there were exceptional gains made by the students during its first year of operation. At the end of the year, there was a noticeable increase in test scores, especially in the third to fifth grades. Money and resources for the school were limited. A few computers had been donated. The school budget for extra materials was extremely inadequate. During the spring semester at the local university, student organizations raised money to purchase additional books for the fledgling library. With Moriah's art background, she had an appreciation for the artifacts produced by other cultures. She learned firsthand how important it was for the students to be able to learn about their cultural heritages and incorporate this knowledge into the rest of their curricula. She was able to integrate this aspect of learning in what she planned for all of the students at the school. The teachers worked together as a team. Moriah, Robert, and Jennifer formed tight bonds. This attitude of cooperation carried over in their work with the students. These teachers were not in competition with each other, but worked together to overcome apathy toward education through their innovations. Another ingredient of their success was the role played by Opal, the part-time language teacher. As she was a tribal elder, the students had the addition of a grandmother in their school day. Traditionally, grandparents provided a great deal of education for the young. This group of teachers accomplished a remarkable achievement with their students. Their dedication, respect, and admiration of their Native students proved to be an intricate part of the formula for their students' successes. By celebrating the Native heritages of the students, the teachers established a bond with the community as well as with students and their families. Moriah's hope for the future is that the school will continue to expand. One advantage that she readily admits is in the small numbers of students in each classroom. This alone did not account for the gains the students made, but in concert with their emphasis on cultural links with curricula,

Case Studies

these educators found a combination that provided an avenue of achievement for their Native students. REFLECTIONS ON MORIAH MAYER'S CASE STUDY

As you read about Moriah's experiences in this small elementary school, you could probably identify her philosophy of teaching. Answer the following questions to learn more about Moriah's special gifts. 1. How did Moriah's art background interplay with her abilities to work with her students? 2. From reading about Moriah, can you determine what her attitude toward life is? 3. What elements made teaching these students a special challenge for Moriah? 4. Why was the first headmistress unable to promote academic success with students in her school? 5. The introduction of culture and language classes had a profound effect on the academic life of these children. Tell about some of these effects. 6. Why did allowing students to participate in a book club enhance their learning in the classroom? 7. Cross-age tutoring became a part of the school activities. Why was this activity culturally appropriate? 8. What did Moriah's allowing students to take more charge of their learning say to her students? 9. Why did inviting grandparents and parents to Friday presentations make a difference for these students? 10. What other things did Moriah do to demonstrate her respect for the cultures of her students? SUMMARY

You have read about the teaching experiences of four teachers working in different situations throughout the country. Yet there are common themes that you can identify concerning their attitudes toward teaching and their students. These teachers are representative of the many teachers who have learned to become bicultural in this country. While becoming so does not happen overnight, the beginning elements are seen in the case of Ben. Moriah demonstrates what can be accomplished in a small elementary school. Xandra experienced success working with older students. Michelle demonstrated how experienced teachers continue to accept new assignments and experience the joys of working in a loving environment.

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Each of these teachers has a gift to give to other teachers of Native American children. Through exploring their experiences, it is possible for you to understand the elements involved in creating outstanding learning communities for all children. Take time now to reflect on your own teaching talents. Create a list of your interests, attitudes, knowledge, and special talents that will assist you in becoming a successful teacher in settings with bicultural and traditional Native American students. REFERENCES Ashton-Warner, S. (1986). Teacher (Rev. ed.). New York: Simon & Schuster. (Original work published 1963) Baylor, B. (1976). Hawk, I'm your brother. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. Brendtro, L., Brokenleg, M., & VanBrokern, S. (1990). Reclaiming youth at risk: Our hope for the future. Bloomington, IN: National Educational Services. Fisherman, R. J. (2000). Set up the drum. In C. Schneider (Ed.), Crazy Horse School Literary Magazine. Wanblee, SD: Crazy Horse School.

9 ONGOING CONCERNS IN AMERICAN INDIAN EDUCATION

You can't be an Indian. You're too smart. (Fourth-grade American Indian student to an American Indian student teacher, personal communication, 2000) THE CONCEPT OF POWER AND NATIVE COMMUNITIES

onflict is part of the history of cultures around the world as they meet. These quarrels may be internal or external, but they always involve power. Those who have more power may try to obtain even greater power through taking the properties (real and otherwise) of those beneath them. Arguments over land, wealth, and power have made life difficult for many peoples past and present. A few examples of these conflicts are those between the Irish and the British; the wars taking place in Eastern Europe; the religious tensions in Asian countries; and the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian violence. None of these developments took place in a vacuum or in a short period of time. While the causes of these clashes may appear to have emerged suddenly, they are actually the results of long-standing disagreements that have placed communities at odds with one another. The system of colonization owes its emergence to the quests for more power and wealth on the part of various governments. Part of the legacy of colonialism in the United States is internal and external oppression of tribal Nation members. Those with power in communities will try to exercise that power and impose their wills on other community members, whether for the good or detriment of their communities. The question for educators concerns what to do when these conflicts impact schools, which they invariably will. We are part of political systems by virtue of being connected with educational institutions. By acknowl-

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edging political conflicts, we may then develop strategies for working within these realities for children. INTER- AND INTRATRIBAL POLITICS

An area that causes concern for non-Natives is the divisiveness that appears to permeate some reservations in the United States. Instead of pulling together, it seems that political posturing on the part of tribal members has prevented forward movement in some regions of the country. It is important for those on the outside to be able to examine other cultures to determine that tribal Nation politics may be no better nor worse than those in other parts of the country or elsewhere. This is especially the case in places throughout the world where colonization has occurred. Adams (1999) tells us that Aboriginal Bourgeois are those who have been favored by colonizers. These individuals subsequently develop a self-hatred manifested in their oppression of others in their Native groups. "Jealousy among Aboriginal Bourgeois is shown in their keen competition for status and recognition. It stems partly from the lack of self-esteem and inferiorization. Jealousy causes constant criticizing, and belittling of individual . . . Indians who achieve recognition or status above others" (p. 119).1 Privileged members of a society can exert their power over those in their communities by silencing voices and smothering ideas of others before they are even voiced. Thus, the powerful elite can prevent issues that need to be addressed from arising in Native communities. Tribal Politics and Their Effects on Schools. Rather than avoiding the issues of politics, we should be prepared for the political realities that we face when working with any group of people. In all communities, there are those who are in positions of power, whether through authority over others or self-ordained. Some Native individuals claim power and authority based on their ancestry, especially if one or more of their ancestors held important positions within the Native community prior to colonization. Other individuals may claim power and authority based on their government service or because they have higher educational degrees than others in the community. We need to recognize what is ethically and morally right for the students we are teaching. If an administrator (whether Native or non-Native) makes detrimental decisions for students, we must be able to stand up for what we believe. Michael Pavel refers to this as integrity, the ability to hold firm to a set of values even when those values are in conflict with those around us (personal communication, 2001). As teachers, we need to determine what we stand for, and how we will continue to defend these values when they are threat-

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ened by others. If we hold firm in our commitment to children, feel strongly about issues affecting their success in school, and feel internally that our principles embody what is right for our students, then we must make decisions based upon our principles. We may not always be the most popular faculty members, but we will know that we are grounded in our belief systems. By the same token, we should not simply assume that we are right in all our decisions without thoroughly examining the basis upon which we have made them (Weber & Mitchell, 1971). If we have the courage to do this, then we will succeed in providing the best educational experiences possible for our students. This is because we will also have the courage to change our convictions, if necessary, based on available data concerning best practices for teaching. Making Critical Judgments about Our Colleagues. We need to know that the values held by those with whom we associate in schools are congruent with our own convictions. We cannot assume that all teachers share the same set of ethics (Segrue, 1996) or intend to work to provide the best education possible for their Native American students. If we want to be respected, then we must earn the respect of our students and their communities by associating with those who share the same goals and values as we adhere to, and who will strive for social justice within schools. This is a lifelong, sometimes painful journey. It is also a journey that will enrich us and allow us the rewards of witnessing the future successes of Native children who walk through our doors. Administration that Does Not Support Best Teaching Practices. Administrators need to support their teachers. If teachers have high expectations, but the principal does not support them, this is a form of benign neglect. —Gloria Praiseworthy (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) As members of the education field, we must stay abreast of the research concerning best teaching practices for all students, especially as relates to Native students with whom we are working. There are many swings of the pendulum in education from one "new" fad to another. Some changes are supported by research, while others appear at the whims of those in control of the system. Administrators in public schools are historically male, especially on the secondary level. While there are more females in administrative positions today, we have inherited a legacy of ongoing socialization of females in teaching that began when women attended normal schools and focused pri-

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marily on elementary education while males attended universities catering to the fields of administration and educational policy making (Gitlin & Labaree, 1996). Women are socialized to accept the aims of others for the education of their students, while men are socialized to be the change agents and determiners of the kinds of educational opportunities provided for our schools. This system of patriarchy is reproduced in present-day schools and limits the influences of women and men who view education as more than doling out knowledge. The heavy reliance on the dominant-culture view of knowledge acquired through "scientific" means as superior to knowledge acquired through lived experiences provides evidence of the patriarchal system at work (Gitlin & Labaree, 1996). Consequently, educators must either convince administrators of the legitimacy of other ways of knowing, or find ways of scientifically proving the worthiness of alternative methods. Unfortunately, the "reading wars" show how difficult this process can be. The research supporting whole language approaches that emphasize using language for "real" purposes and authentic reading materials has been primarily of a qualitative nature. This evidence was disregarded, as studies utilizing quantitative, statistical (or more "scientific") means showed superiority in achievement test results based on historic synthetic programs of teaching children to read (Strauss, 2001). This is directly in line with corporate America's goals of producing a more technologically qualified fixture workforce, not necessarily a critical-thinking workforce. Schools can easily lose their focus if there is no mission to guide the work of teachers and decisions of administrators (Talbert & McLaughlin, 1996). We may be swayed by promising new techniques with guaranteed results of higher achievement test scores for our students if we do not question the true value of these methods. Our desire to provide for the needs of all of our students makes us susceptible to new trends and ideas as advertisements promising student achievement gains capitalize on our emotions. What occurs behind the doors of our classrooms influences our students' successes and our self-esteems as teachers. Therefore, we need to take a hard look at what is being touted as "the best way to teach" anything, and compare what is being said with the reality of what we know from working with Native communities and what has been shown in the research. In schools where teachers find their voices silenced, there is a need to band together in order to ward off the feelings of despair that can permeate these environments (Darder, 1991). Only in these ways are we able to counter poor administrative decisions about the kinds of educational experiences being offered to our American Indian students and continue to provide educational opportunities appropriate for them.

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Difficulties with Intertribal Politics. Educational institutions, whatever their locations or their sizes, are rife with politics. As educators, we must realize that politics will invariably be a part of our lives, no matter where we teach. With that understanding, the question becomes, "Why should the realities of politics and education be any different in schools that cater to American Indian communities?" We believe that part of the reason non-Indian teachers are surprised by the reality of reservation politics in education is a perception that all Indian peoples are united and have the same common goals: obtaining good educations for their children. We fail to examine what happens in school districts around the country and have romanticized views of Indian education as being different from the rest of the educational institutions in our society. There is also belief in a fallacy that all American Indians now work together toward reaching common goals, that traditional enemies somehow have mended their quarrels during the period of colonialism and oppression. In fact, for many Nations, the opposite may be true. An in-depth examination of history shows that one of the greatest reasons for the inability of tribal Nations to unite to ward off invasion by Europeans was the existence of long-standing rivalries among Nations. Early in the history of Indian-European relations, King Philip (or Metacom) of the Pokanokets tribe of the Wampanoag Nation in Massachusetts beseeched his neighboring tribal Nations to join together to fight off the Puritans in their quest to overtake traditional Native lands. He was not able to convince his peers that this was the only way to overcome future tragedy for their peoples. War took place in 1675. This was just one generation after Philip's father had assisted the Puritans through their first winter on American shores. King Philip's people lost the war, he was killed in battle, and his wife and son were sold into slavery in Bermuda (Tongias, 2000). The U.S. Army continued to exploit traditional adversarial relationships between Indian Nations to defeat them as a whole. The Lakota became scouts for the army against their traditional enemies; the Crow, too, scouted against their enemies. Warriors from other tribal Nations accompanied the army when people were forced to leave their traditional homelands. Oral histories of tribal Nations continue to keep alive the stories of their peoples' ordeals during periods of subjugation. These histories are not commonly available to Euro-Americans. It would be prudent for those teaching on Indian reservations or in urban Indian schools to read about the histories of the tribal Nations of students to prepare themselves for the intertribal politics they may encounter. EDUCATION CONFLICTS CONCERNING AMERICAN INDIAN STUDENTS

Schools in our nation reflect society as a whole and the problems that exist in the macrosociety (Berry, 1999). As such, they are sociopolitical institu-

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tions that have been utilized to promote certain desired end products, such as creating citizens with abilities needed to maintain a democracy, or creating a workforce that can endure tedious tasks and/or build a technologically advanced civilization. These goals are not all equal, nor are the ways schools have been used as "tracking" systems to determine who is capable of advanced study and who is not, who is allowed to participate in the best society has to offer and who is excluded from realizing the American Dream. Schools are constantly being criticized in the United States as being too liberal or too authoritarian, focusing too much on individual achievement rather than on building community, being too standardized or not standardized enough, or teaching competencies versus teaching holistically. This criticism reached new levels during the 1980s when it became abundantly clear that not enough was being done to meet the needs of underrepresented populations, that schools were not reaching the same standards of performance as in previous decades, and that teachers may not have been prepared well enough to become effective educators. Educational reform efforts were launched, with mixed results (Nelson, Carlson, & Palonsky, 1993). The debates concerning schools are not new: They are a hallmark of Western education. Liberals, conservatives, and radicals see schools as either causing social problems or as providing solutions to them. The practices employed by teachers and emphases reflected in curricula reflect the goals of the power elite at the period of time in question, especially in the area of literacy (Meacham, 2001). In terms of American Indian education, we have seen how political goals and ideologies resulted in negative consequences for Native American youth. THE HIDDEN CURRICULUM: WHAT IS TAUGHT ABOUT VALUES, IDEAS, AND BELIEFS?

In addition to the official curriculum promoted in schools, there is also what is referred to as the hidden curriculum. This consists of the nonverbal information conveyed to students every day by the adults and peers with whom they have contact in their schools. If all students are supposed to be "equal" in a classroom, yet only a few with excellent English skills are given the chance to achieve, what message does this send to students? If education is an opportunity to be seized so that students may work their way out of poverty and into the middle class of society, yet students who come to school with ill-fitting clothes are ignored by teachers, what messages are communicated here? If we say to students that we want original, creative thinking, yet denigrate all of their ideas, will students continue to believe and trust us?

Ongoing Concerns In American Indian Education

The hidden curriculum of schools cannot be ignored, as its effects on all students and their values, beliefs, and thinking about the world are real (Giroux, 1981; Nelson, Carlson, & Palonsky, 1993). As educators, we need to convey our beliefs in the capabilities of our Native students to excel. We need to show by our actions that we have chosen to be their teachers. Lasdy, we must not be selfish in the giving of ourselves to our Native students, nor try to dominate our students due to lack of respect for their distinctive identities. PERCEPTIONS OF ANTIEDUCATION SENTIMENT

Historically, there has been debate in American Indian communities about the value of a "White man's education." These debates began when provisions were made for youth of the Haudenosaunee (Six Nations: Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, Senecca, and Tuscarora) Confederation to attend college in colonial Williamsburg in 1744. Haudenosaunee representatives noted that those who had returned after receiving such an education no longer fit into traditional roles, spoke their Native languages fluently, or knew how to survive in traditional ways (Mohawk, 2000). However, many leaders emerged from this group of individuals who first took their places in "White man's schools." Cayuga Chief Jake Thomas attributed vehement opposition to formal Western education to Handsome Lake, a Haudenosaunee prophet born in the 18th century (Mohawk, 2000). Mohawk (2000) has found nothing to support Thomas's claim, and feels that Handsome Lake took a more neutral position concerning education of American Indians by Whites as neither good nor bad, but simply something that should be studied so that Indian peoples could understand these new ways. Because of the changes in traditional cultures that Handsome Lake witnessed, he set about to revitalize his ancient culture through the religion he founded. From their boarding school experiences, Indian peoples suffered a loss of languages, cultures, and their sense of self. This experience, along with misinterpretation of Handsome Lake's message, has done much to undermine the interest in obtaining Western education (Mohawk, 2000). Unfortunately, because of the policies of the past, many traditional American Indians still perceive that the purpose of Western education is to strip them of all ties to their cultures that have developed over thousands of years. Tippeconnic (2000) and others believe that success for the future of American Indian education lies in Native control of educational decisions affecting these students. In urban areas where there is not a core community represented, decisions regarding curricula and teaching need to be made from the premise of common values for tribal Nations represented. School boards need to actively recruit and welcome Native people so students' needs are represented in broader forums. To accomplish this, we need to identify

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and encourage people to participate at the school and district board levels. This requires perceiving American Indian people as coequals in the educational process for their children. Leaders in American Indian communities with skills to negotiate between dominant and traditional Native cultures need to be encouraged to become involved in solving the problems schools face with high Native student dropout rates. All schools, whether public, private, contract, or BIA, need to become models of ways to involve Native peoples in educating teachers and administrations about the strengths as well as the needs of their children in the schools. COMMUNITIES AND SHADOW EDUCATION

Recent studies of the use of shadow education to raise educational achievement for students have examined this practice on an international scale. Shadow education consists of the use of after-school tutoring, special classes for remedial education offered during "off-school" periods, and classes offered to students outside of the school day to prepare them for mastery on high-stakes tests. There are two arguments for shadow education: (a) for enrichment so that students can compete for limited career opportunities; and (b) for remediation because leaving school without a high school diploma has severe consequences (Baker et al., 2001). The success of shadow education for students seems to be linked to both the encouragement of families in wanting their children to succeed academically and, in developing countries, the focus of the community in promoting the desires to have an educated populace that will lead them into the global economy (Baker et al., 2001). In some nations, such as Japan, the use of shadow education is quite extensive and has influenced schooling practices. Where the use of shadow education depends primarily upon socioeconomic status, those with higher economic levels tend to become the consumers of shadow education, thereby influencing the possibility of greater opportunities for their youth. Tutoring Programs far American Indian Students. It has been our experience that after-school tutoring programs for American Indian students have limited success. One explanation is simply due to transportation: Students who depend on transportation sources outside of their families are not able to stay longer hours at school. This is especially true in areas where school bus rides typically take an hour or more. Second, even if parents want students to take advantage of programs, children will not do so if their peers do not think the programs are important. We believe that academicians and politicians cannot determine the validity of shadow programs for children in American Indian communities.

Ongoing Concerns in American Indian Education

Alexander, Entwisle, and Olson (2001) conducted an extensive research study on compensatory summer school programs across the country. Their findings indicated that Euro-American middle-class students responded well to these programs and made academic gains. However, low socioeconomic status students made few, if any, gains. While the authors of the study did not examine the nature of the programs being offered, it has been our experience that many times these classes are simply a reconstitution of the programs offered during the regular academic year that the students had already failed. More of the same type of nourishment does not make people stronger if they are unable to digest it. State Graduation Exit Exams. In addition, many states are now requiring the passage of state exit exams to obtain high school diplomas upon graduation. Jacob (2001) conducted a massive study of the results in states requiring exit exams versus those that do not for the period 1988 to 1992. In his study, he found interesting variables that indicate negative bias toward populations of students who were from lower socioeconomic status, underrepresented populations, and single-parent homes. States requiring exit exams had more students with these characteristics and spent less per pupil than states that did not require exit exams. Students who had the most difficulties in school, those who made up the bottom quintile of the sample and those who had learning disabilities, were the most likely to leave schools prior to 12th grade rather than continue in their course of studies. Furthermore, while the difficulty levels of the tests varied from state to state, he found that 8th-grade achievement tests scores were good predictors of 12th-grade exit standards mastery and future school dropouts. If shadow education is to make a difference in the lives of our American Indian students, taking them from failure to mastery of standards, there must be creative planning of programs, including unique incentives to participate in them that transcend academic expectations. If these programs employ combinations of cultural and academic activities, the motivation for students to be involved will be greater. Relating programs to cultural practices, such as tanning hides, beading, or learning how to track, will have more appeal to students. Academic skills, such as mathematics and literacy, can be taught in the context of activities providing cultural connections that may not otherwise be available to participants. American Indian communities must take active roles in and show support for education that will ultimately benefit their tribal Nations (Kohl, 1992). In many instances, students who succeed in school do not feel they are able to return to their home communities to work. Children are aware of members of the community who have left to practice their professions

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off-reservation or away from their Native communities. Possibly, witnessing this price of academic success leads to a fear of future alienation between students and their families. Students need to know that they will have a place in their communities following academic success. While we cannot predict what is best for any tribal Nation, perhaps if projections of need for professional positions such as teachers, medical personnel, and accountants were announced for tribal communities, this would provide part of the motivation for students to succeed academically. In other words, Native communities must become stakeholders in education for their children. When communities become involved, creative problem solving such as finding monies for transportation and additional programs becomes a priority. Tribal business councils have a stake in the futures of their Nations. We need to learn how to work with them to provide quality programs for students leading to greater retention for those who are in danger of dropping out of school, whether they are successful academically or not. Teachers need to integrate with the community and not view their roles as a one-time thing. —Gloria Praiseworthy (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) TEACHERS, TEACHER EDUCATION, AND EDUCATION FOR THE FUTURE

Teachers are people who typically respond well to authority and do little to question how our schools are organized. When we examine the type of education that is being provided to American Indian students, we must become activists who advocate for our students. Freire (1987) states that we need to be able to act without fear for the ultimate good of our students. To do so, we need to join together with others who support our positions regarding Native American education. By so doing, we are not alone in our efforts, and we can face our fears concerning the future of our careers as educators if we dare to challenge the established rule. We have two choices: We can continue to practice in ways that we know are harmful to our students. Or we can make decisions to change the systems. The choices are ours to make. What we do with those choices will determine ultimately how successful we perceive ourselves to be as educators. PROBLEMS WITH EDUCATIONAL SYSTEMS

As with other school systems, there will be a range of teaching abilities represented in the teaching population of any school. Lack of motivation to work for students can exact a terrible toll on schools and communities. Teachers may feel disenfranchised within the communities where they are

Ongoing Concerns in American Indian Education

teaching. Consequently, they may not exert their best efforts. In some areas where public school systems include schools on reservations, teachers may actually feel they are being "punished" by being given teaching assignments on the reservation (L. Harmon, personal communication, 2001). In some situations, there is active pressure exerted on teachers so they will not "outperform" their peers. Teachers who do more than what is required or find innovative ways of meeting their students' needs may not be recognized for their efforts. They may actually feel that they are being segregated from the others in their teaching communities due to their successful work with students. Teachers Who Do Not Do Their Jobs. With some schools, teachers split along racial lines. Even poor White teachers are supported by other teachers or just the opposite. It's better to have a good non-Indian teacher than a bad Indian teacher. Teachers need to treat each other as colleagues and not band together against each other. —Gloria Praiseworthy and Simon Brooks (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) Teachers in diverse classrooms who are unprepared to work with culturally different students many times misinterpret the norms present in other communities (Nel, 1992). This is true in American Indian communities where teachers who are unfamiliar with Native cultures may construe there to be no incentive for students to succeed in school. There are problems between slogans such as "all children can learn" and tacit beliefs teachers hold that perhaps only certain children can learn, and that those of the dominant culture can learn more and don't take as much effort to teach (Jung, 1987). The reason for this, of course, is the cultural match between the students and their teachers, which is not true for dominant-culture teachers and children of other ethnicities. Murray Wax (1971) noted problems between American Indian students and their non-Indian teachers as he completed fieldwork in various Native communities throughout the country. He discussed the ethic of "harmony" in the classroom, and how non-Indian teachers misunderstood the influences of the concepts of autonomy and harmonious relationships on the way students presented themselves in classrooms. Wax classified the manner in which teachers responded to these differences when working with Cherokee students in Oklahoma as one of three: 1. Passively by resorting to busywork, minimal direction, dismissing class whenever there is a plausible reason, and being generally "nice" to students, but not engaging them in real learning;

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2. aggressively by regarding the children as stupid, incompetent, idle, and malingering and creating an atmosphere of high anxiety in the classroom; or 3. favorably by recognizing the cultural and language gaps and trying to find ways to communicate with students across barriers; they provide opportunities for students to participate comfortably in their classrooms. The most desirable responses of teachers in Native classrooms would, of course, be the third. In turn, we must provide support to teachers who determine to be open to cultural differences and act in positive ways when encountering differences in their classrooms (Banks & Banks, 1989; Grant, 1995). Many of us feel we must accept the mandates of our administrators, school districts, or state departments of education regarding the types of education provided in schools. We do not question why the bulk of material is centered on the role of Europeans and European ways of thought, or on the distorted view of Americanism that is then given to young students. Macedo (1994) reminds us that there are two sides to every story: that of the oppressor and that of the oppressed. In the case of curricula developed for public and private schools in the United States, information concerning the responses of ethnic Americans to actions and thought processes of Europeans or others in positions of power would greatly add to the dimensions of our students' understandings of humanity. We need to empower ourselves as teachers to make right choices for the education of all our students, knowing that our teaching expertise is recognized and respected by our administration and other school officials. High- and Low-Impact Future Teachers. Don't single kids out. For a student to hear from a teacher that "You're the best Indian student I've ever had" is detrimental. You wouldn't say, "You're the best Black student . . . " or "You're the best male student . . . " —Simon Brooks (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) Research completed by Ross and Smith (1992) showed that teachers who attended universities where an emphasis was given to understanding multicultural issues had less propensity to attribute school problems encountered by students of color to race, ethnicity, or social status. By examining issues influencing the children, including the type of pedagogy they were learning, teachers were able to realize that there were multiple factors influencing success for K–12 students. The researchers also found those who had little exposure to people of color prior to their university field experi-

Ongoing Concerns in American Indian Education

ences may resist working with children from diverse backgrounds (Nel, 1992). They may not be able to unlearn preconceived notions about the performance of diverse students in their classrooms (Ross & Smith, 1992). We have a duty to ensure all teachers are "high-impact" teachers. Highimpact teachers are described by their students as warm and personable, caring, and conscious of the need to make learning personalized for their students (Schlosser, 1992). Many teachers who are determined to support low-achieving students in their classrooms and direct their activities in positive and varied ways have students who make more achievement gains on high-stakes tests (Roderick & Engel, 2001). Low-impact teachers, on the other hand, tend to be aloof and to distance themselves from their pupils, believing that students will perform better if they work for teacher approval. These teachers do not understand that by making themselves seen as controlling, uncaring, and/or unfair to students, they are creating classroom environments that alienate students on the margins even more, sometimes providing unwittingly the "push" for students to disengage from schools permanently. We need to embolden our colleagues in education to think critically about the verbal and nonverbal messages they are sending to our children: Are these messages empowering, or do they make our students victims of the powerelites' realities? We cannot make our country resilient unless we have strong citizens of all ethnicities prepared to take their places in commerce and government. That means we must empower our students from the time they enter our classrooms to enable them to develop the inner strength that will make them contributors to rather than dropouts from society. The Need for More American Indian Teachers. Having Native teachers will help mitigate between non-Indians and American Indian students; know students' culture; know ways of interacting with Native people. —Katherine Snow and Jonathan Steptoe (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) There is a critical need to encourage more American Indian people to consider education as a career path to follow. Having Indigenous students enrolled in teacher education programs allows non-Native college students to break through some of the misconceptions they have constructed concerning American Indians. Direct contact with persons from differing ethnicities provides incentives to reexamine our perceptions. Developing acquaintances with Indigenous Americans allows us to question what we read in our history books as new information is brought to light through discussion with others, a step necessary to dispel misconceptions of other ethnicities (Nel,

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1992). Except for sacred knowledge, many Native Americans are willing to share information with non-Indians if they know that we are willing to listen and understand the world from their perspectives. The teaching force needs to become more representative of the students who are being served in our schools. This means becoming more inclusive in recruiting future teachers from underrepresented populations. We need to encourage talented American Indian youth to consider entering the teaching profession. Otherwise, the system of patriarchy existing in our schools will continue, to the detriment of those who do not fit the American corporate definition of "success" in society (Gitlan & Labaree, 1996). PLACES OF LEARNING

Language Used to Describe the Capabilities of Diverse Groups of Learners. Language and the concepts portrayed by our words can have a tremendous effect on how we view our students. We have a tendency to present information in terms of dichotomies representing extremes in our thought processes rather than by showing a continuum of human behaviors. Popkewitz (1998) points out that when the terms "rural" and "urban" are used to describe children, teachers generally have lower expectations for the capabilities of these students. We begin to think in terms of deficits instead of in terms of the richness of experiences these children bring to the classroom. Our curriculum reflects our negativity by not focusing on urban or rural realities except in terms of differences from suburban life. The type of teaching methods prescribed for rural and urban children may also be described as more hands-on rather than as connecting the real world with abstract curricular studies. By using the term "hands-on," harmful connotations about the children we are teaching may be conveyed. The same becomes true of using the term "learning styles" to describe how children learn best. For some, the use of this term is diminutive, meaning that the teacher does not expect students with different learning styles to be able to reach the same degree of educational achievement as others who seem to do well simply by memorizing and abstracting information. We must remember that terms in education have been constructed to communicate negative and positive information instantly about students and educational practices. The terms themselves may not be harmful initially, but over time, they may begin to acquire negative connotations as groups are identified and associated problematically with them. Once students become located in spaces that are outside the norm of what may be considered "average" by teachers, it is difficult to break through the psychological screens prohibiting us from seeing students as they really are (Popkewitz, 1998).

Ongoing Concerns in American Indian Education

The Fallibility of IQ and High-Stakes Testing. The high-stakes testing puts pressures on teachers. Teachers do not need to feel responsible for what happened in the past, but they do need to know how to motivate students to learn. They can't do this by browbeating students. Schools and teachers need to believe in parents and grandparents and recognize the roles they play in the educations of their children. Everyone needs to work together to build strong schools for children. —Jonathan Steptoe (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) According to Sowell (1995), [G] roups outside the cultural mainstream of contemporary Western society tend to do their worst on abstract questions, whatever their race might be. . . . [The] strongest evidence against a genetic basis for intergroup differences in IQ is that the average level of mental test performance has changed very significantly for whole populations over time and, moreover, particular ethnic groups within the population have changed their relative positions during a period when there was very little intermarriage to change the genetic makeup of these groups, (pp. 73-74)2 We cannot rely on I Q tests or any other kind of standardized tests that have been normed on dominant-culture children to predict how well our American Indian students are doing in school, or to indicate how much they have achieved academically. As teachers, we have to examine our students' capabilities from numerous sources including work samples, portfolios, and our own informal observations. Pavel (2001) maintains that we have an unclear idea of what it means to be gifted and American Indian, and that too many gifted and talented students are lost simply because teachers do not know what they should be looking for, especially with students who come from traditional homes. Instead of assuming there are no gifted American Indian students, teachers need to assume that all their students are gifted. In this way, we will be providing opportunities for giftedness to emerge rather than teaching our curricula at the lowest levels. The American Myth about American Indians. Changing teachers' attitudes towards their responsibilities to the communities in which they teach might require an adjustment in how teachers view themselves. Most teachers view themselves as independent contractors. If non-Native teachers were paired with Native teachers in classrooms, this could make a difference in their attitudes regarding commitment to Native communities. Teachers would have a person to whom they could look

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for answers and/or solutions to problems with which they are faced. Non-Native and Native teachers could explore the characteristics of a particular American Indian tribal Nation to tailor learning experiences to that community. —Lonato Nuri (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) Rinyi (1993) describes the curricula present in most schools as promoting the "American Myth" of what we want to be—in other words, of how we want to perceive ourselves as citizens of the world. However, adherence to this mythology may cause difficulties for American Indians and other students of color, as these children are asked to believe concepts detrimental to their own identities. An example of this is when American Indians are viewed as belonging to the past, not the present or the future. The implication is that they no longer exist and, hence, have no place in our current or future societies. The true facts, of course, are just the opposite. Berner (1995) points out that in the last two decades, new myths regarding early Indian and European encounters have developed as people have tried to "set the record straight" about how American Indians lived prior to their encounters with Europeans and in their relationships with other tribal Nations occupying the continent. These new myths tend to gloss over the realities of American Indian life as recorded by the first Europeans who encountered different tribal Nations in favor of versions that portray American Indians in a more favorable, nonviolent light in regard to their interactions with their enemies. While true genocidal actions against Native peoples on the part of the army and government of the United States must be acknowledged, he cautions against the use of the words "genocide" and "holocaust" to describe the death of Native American peoples due to disease and conflicts brought about through the invasion of Europeans. Berner (1995) states that both sides of the stories need to be told, where neither side is completely the good and just nor the bad and evil. He suggests that in order to correct the myths now arising, the history of European-Native conflicts should be examined in the light of history of the conflicts that occurred throughout time on both continents. Groups of tribal Nations had been at war with each other for centuries, just as groups of Europeans had been at war with each other for centuries, usually for geopolitical and other reasons of conquest and control. The truth is that the records of all nations reveal similar responses to historical circumstances. What the Iroquois did to their neighbors, what the English and the French did to theirs and to each other in North America, and what Americans did in the West in the 19th century reflect what the Anglo-Saxons did to the Britons in the latter half of the 5th century and what the Normans did to the Anglo-Saxons in 1066.

Ongoing Concerns in American Indian Education

Whether we agree with Berner's position on the use of the terms "genocide" or "holocaust," we need to recognize that there is much both sides have to learn about the other. Aboriginal community members should be involved in efforts to resolve the realities as well as the myths surrounding the conditions of the Americas at the time of European contact. They can draw upon tribal Nations' oral histories and resources. Native Americans are the most likely to represent their histories accurately without the cultural distortion that often occurs when recorded by non-Indians. This should be done before these oral histories are lost. Ethnographers and ethnohistorians can work alongside Indigenous peoples, but they must be sensitive to their own propensity to dominate the conversation if they are representing the dominant culture. Finally, these histories need to be in place and readily available in schools. They should take their place in textbooks for all students in order to correct the many myths that have colored our perceptions of Anglo-Indian relations. Honoring Students' Home Languages. When we allow and teach only one acceptable form of English in schools to the exclusion of other dialects and languages, we are sending messages to students that they and their families are inferior to the dominant culture. We find that teachers who are not familiar with American Indian English as utilized by their students tend to judge them as having inadequate language skills. These teachers make many unnecessary referrals of their students to speech and hearing specialists without understanding the students are presenting a dialect, not a deficiency, when they communicate in the classroom. How, then, can we be assured that students learn standard (the language of commerce) English grammar? One way is to ensure that students have multiple opportunities to use oral and written language in the classroom for both formal and informal use. Students can use their home languages in informal discussions, early drafts of writing, on the playground, and in other informal situations such as working with tutors or other students. Teachers should model standard English for their students, so that they will be exposed to the language of currency in the country. We would be failing our students if we did not equip them with the form of English needed to be successful outside their communities. This should not be done in a punitive way, or in a way that will embarrass students. Teachers need only to model standard English in speaking or ensuring final writing drafts replicate standard English. If students believe teachers respect their ideas, they will be more willing to translate those ideas to share with others. Honoring Our Students: The Mascot Issue. The majority of people in the United States do not question the use of pejorative terms for sports

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teams' mascots. They are unaware of how these names continue to elicit negative stereotypes when the names refer to American Indians (Pewewardy, 1998; Rosenstein, 1999; Harjo, 2001). Some argue that Native peoples and their cultures are being "honored" when names such as "savages" and "redskins" are attached to schools. People do not realize that these names are actually reflections of the dominant culture's contempt for Native cultures. To illustrate, why don't we have teams named the Pennsylvania Deutch, or the Massachusetts Puritans? The names don't sound mean enough to put fear into anyone's opponents. You certainly will not hear "Irish Killers" used for a team name in Boston. The point is, mascot names associated with American Indians play on fears that have been promoted across the centuries. We need to realize that the negative effects of Indian mascots upon American Indian children is a form of emotional abuse that declares they are unworthy of respect from the dominant culture. SUMMARY

Many misconceptions occur in classrooms of students representing different ethnicities. These misconceptions may lead to conflicts within schools if not addressed. There is a tendency to romanticize different cultures, or to see cultures as fixed in time (Rényi, 1993). There may also be the propensity for name-calling and stereotyping based on preconceptions learned about students' cultures. Name-calling is not limited to students' peers; we have evidence of many teachers who use pejoratives when they address students of color. We cannot allow these behaviors to be tolerated in our schools, especially by those charged with preparing students to become capable adults in the future. We must make learning come alive for all students without treating those from one ethnic group as being superior to any others, or showing favoritism to those students who are perceived to come from cultural backgrounds that highly value education. Nieto (1995) describes classrooms and schools that value diversity as those incorporating respect for others as a prerequisite for teaching for social justice. Educators are committed to teaching complexity by examining all sides of issues and questioning positions taken by others. They see that "multicultural education is not separated from education" (p. 64), and they have high expectations for their students. Affirmation of students by teachers and peers, solidarity in working together for the good of the school and community, and critique as an important milestone in students' cognitive developmental progress are cited as hallmarks of these schools. Grant and Sleeter (1986) interviewed teachers in areas serving students from underrepresented populations. Teachers told them that they did not live in the communities in which they taught and they were actively dis-

Ongoing Concerns in American Indian Education

couraged from living in these communities and/or making contact with parents. In consequence, these teachers based their expectations of students' abilities on the social class of their students, citing low achievement scores as reasons for the students' lack of effort and motivation in school. Teachers complained about the lack of materials in these schools, but they did nothing to adjust the curriculum so that it would be more coherent for the students they were teaching. We must create more schools for American Indian children where learning is a valued and integral part of life, not simply a matter of getting right answers on worksheets. Cultural information needs to be inextricably woven into the curriculum and readily accessible through activities such as learning traditional songs and dances. We need more schools where links to the community and its members are strong and schools are seen as an important resource in the community. THE SCHOOL AS A COMPLEX ORGANISM

I will never forget that I will be able to say years from now, "There was once a time, when I taught at a school, and in that school arms were outstretched for whomever needed the touch of human spirit. In that school the love, dignity and respect for the human mind, body, spirit and heart was never tossed aside whether it was for teacher or student." —Robert Grady (n.d.) We must recognize schools as complex organisms composed of living human beings, all with varied ideas, beliefs, values, levels of cognitive development, abilities, talents, spirits, needs, wants, and desires. School organisms are dynamic, forever changing and redefining who they are and their mission to educate students. To be effective requires commitment on the part of all members of school organizations, but especially on the part of teachers who have the most contact with our children. We remember those who taught us: those who loved us, hated us, or made learning an exciting enterprise for us. Teachers who go through the motions are not teachers. They have dishonored an honorable profession. We need to ensure that teachers of American Indian students make commitments to become the best educators possible so that our students will receive equal opportunities for success in both the micro- and macrosocieties in which they hold full memberships. We can do this only if we allow ourselves to admit that we do not know all there is to know about the world and other people in it. THE DANGERS OF STEREOTYPING

Educators must be vigilant and refrain from perpetuating stereotypes and prejudices about American Indian students. We must be cautious about making prejudgments about students' abilities based on our own biases.

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We must be sensitive to our students as people with needs to be loved and respected. In addition, we need to actively solicit the assistance of the communities in which we teach. Otherwise, education for American Indian students will continue to be perceived as "White man's education" that will do nothing to assure the vitality of Native communities. Most of all, we need to work with Native communities to assure their children of their rightful places within their communities after they have achieved in the academic world. EXERCISE FOR CHAPTER 9

1. What are the terms used to describe American Indian students in your school or district? Are these complimentary terms or disparaging terms? 2. What would you do if one of your colleagues made a point of intimidating or demeaning the American Indian students in his or her classroom? 3. If you have an administrator who is unresponsive to the needs of your American Indian students, how can you work to correct the situation? 4. Does your school have a mission statement? What is it? Does this statement align with what you know about goals for American Indian education? 5. Do inter- or intratribal politics affect the way your school operates? Explain. 6. What can you do to educate those who believe that education for American Indian students should be directed toward assimilation? 7. Is there any kind of shadow education in operation in your school or district? Is it effective? Why or why not? How could you make it more effective? 8. What examples of the hidden curriculum can you find in your school or school district? Why is it important to identify hidden curricula? 9. Are sports teams in your area named with terms that are demeaning to American Indians? Unless you teach in an all-Native school, the name of your school's mascot should not be connected with American Indians. Is this the case for your own school? 10. Have you had the opportunity to identify American Indian students who appear to have the necessary qualifications to make good teachers? What would those qualities be? Have you encouraged these students to become teachers? Will you do so in the future?

Ongoing Concerns in American Indian Education REFERENCES Adams, H. (1999). Tortured people: The politics of colonization (Rev. ed). Penticton, BC: Theytus Books. Alexander, K. L., Entwisle, D. R., & Olsen, L. S. (2001). Schools, achievement, and inequality: A seasonal perspective. Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis, 23(2) 171–191. Baker, D. P., Akiba, M., LeTendre, G. K., & Wiseman, A. W . (2001). Worldwide shadow education: Outside-school learning, institutional quality of schooling, and cross-national mathematics achievement. Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis, 23(1), 1–17. Banks, J. A., & Banks, C. M. (1989). Multicultural education: Issues and perspectives. Needham Heights, MA: Simon & Schuster. Berner, R. (1995). American myth: Old, new, yet untold. In A. R. Velie (Ed.), Native American perspectives on literature and history (pp. 63–76). Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Berry, B. (1999). Social rage: Emotion and cultural conflict. New York: Garland. Darder, A. (1991). Culture and power in the classroom: A criticalfoundation for bicultural education. New York: Bergin & Garvey. Freire, P. (1987). What are the fears and risks of transformation? In I. Shor and P. Freire (Eds.), A pedagogy for liberation: Dialogues on transforming education (pp. 53–74). New York: Bergin & Garvey. Jung, B. (1987). Multicultural education and monocultural students: Curriculum struggles in teacher education. In D. M. Byrd & D. J. Mclntyre (Eds.), Research on the education of our nations teachers: Teacher education yearbook 5 (pp. 189–206). Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin Press. Giroux, H. (1981). Ideology, culture, and the process of schooling. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Gidin, A., & Labaree, D . F. (1996). Historical notes on the barriers to the professionalization of American teachers: The influence of markets and patriarchy. In I. F. Goodson and A. Hargreaves (Eds.), Teachers' professional lives (pp. 88–108). Washington, D C : Falmer Press. Grady, R. (n.d.). Memoirs of an Indian Magnet School by faculty and staff [Booklet]. Published by staff. Grant, C. A. (1995). Praising diversity in school: Social and individual implications. In C. A. Grant (Ed.), Education for diversity: An anthology of multicultural voices. Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Grant, C. A., & Sleeter, C. E. (1986). After the school bell rings. Philadelphia: Falmer Press. Harjo, S. S. (2001). Gallery exhibition: Native images in American editorial cartoons. Native Americas, 18(2), 56–59. Jacob, B. A. (2001). Getting tough? The impact of high school graduation exams. Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis, 23(2), 99–121. Kohl, P. L. (1992). Sharing the power: Fact or fallacy? Action in Teacher Education, 14(3), 29–36. Macedo, D. (1994). Literacies of power: What Americans are not allowed to know. Boulder, C O : Westview Press. Meacham, S. J. (2001). Literacy at the crossroads: Movement, connection, and communication within the research literature on literacy and cultural diversity. In W. G. Secada (Vol. Ed.), Review of research in education: Vol. 25, 2000–2001 (pp. 181–208). Washington, D C : The American Educational Research Association. Mohawk, J. C. (2000). Tradition and education: An Iroquois interpretation of Handsome Lake. Native Americas, 17(4), 38–40. Nel, J. (1992). The empowerment of minority students: Implications of Cummins' model for teacher education. Action in Teacher Education, 14(3), 38–45. Nelson, J. L., Carlson, K., & Palonsky, S. B. (1993). Critical issues in education: A dialectic approach. New York: McGraw-Hill. Nieto, S. (1995). Affirming diversity: The sociopolitical context of multicultural education. New York: Longman. Pavel, D. M. (2001, August). Gifted and talented American Indian students. Presentation at the Native Scholars Cultural Summit, Idaho State University, Pocatello. Pewewardy, C. (1998). Dispelling the mascot myth: The deculturalization of Indigenous mascots in American sports culture. Invited paper at the Multicultural Affairs Cultural Lecture Series, Topeka, KS. Popkewitz, T. S. (1998). Struggling for the soul: The politics of the schooling and the construction of the teacher. New York: Teachers College Press. Rényi, J. (1993). Going public: Schoolingfor a diverse democracy. New York: New Press. Roderick, M., & Engel, M. (2001). The grasshopper and the ant: Motivational responses of lowachieving students and high-stakes testing. Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis, 23(3), 197–227.

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Rosenstein, J. (1996). In whose honor? American Indian mascots in sports. Ho-ho-kus, NJ: New Day Films. Ross, D. D., & Smith, W. (1992). Understanding preservice teachers' perspectives on diversity. Journal of Teacher Education, 43(2), 94–103. Schlosser, L. K. (1992). Teacher distance and student disengagement. Journal of Teacher Education, 43(2), 128–140. Segrue, C. (1996). Student teachers' lay theories: Implications for professional development. In I. F. Goodson and A. Hargreaves (Eds.), Teachers’ professional lives (pp. 154–176). Washington, DC: Falmer Press. Sowell, T. (1995). Ethnicity and IQ. In S. Fraser (Ed.), The Bell Curve wars: Race, intelligence, and the future of America (pp. 70–79). New York: Basic Books. Strauss, S. L. (2001). An open letter to Reid Lyon. Educational Researcher, 30(5), 26–33. Talbert, J. E., & McLaughlin, M. W. (1996). Teacher professionalism in local school contexts. In I. F. Goodson and A. Hargreaves (Eds.), Teachers’ professional lives (pp. 127–153). Washington, DC: Falmer Press. Tippeconnic, J. (2000). Towards educational self-determination. Native Americas, 17(4), 42–49. Tongias, M. (2000). King Philip's War in New England [On-line]. Available: http://www.historyplace. com/specials/kingphilip.htm Wax, M. L. (1971). Indian America: Unity and diversity. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Weber, S., & Mitchell, C. (1996). Using drawings to interrogate professional identity and the popular culture of teaching. In I. F. Goodson and A. Hargreaves (Eds.), Teachers'professional lives (pp. 109–126). Washington, DC: Falmer Press.

10 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: EFFECTIVE SCHOOLS FOR AMERICAN INDIAN CHILDREN

We came together under the auspices of sharing a common vision and dream. Our hopes of something quite beautiful werefinallybecoming a reality. The fulfillment of this vision was the effort of many, fostered by the LOVE of all ... the vision in our hearts will be like buried treasure always there to be discovered and rediscovered. —Robert Grady (n.d.) n his recent book, Freedom and Beyond (1995), John Holt makes the observation that schools as institutions present obstacles to poor children. He contends they are designed to keep them at the bottom while making them feel it is their own fault. As teachers, we know that we cannot continue to address the world as it existed prior to the Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s. It is no longer, and never has been, acceptable to teach our students as if we lived in a monocultural society. Our consciousness has been raised, and we cannot pretend to live in the same time and place as our forebearers. Nor would it be ethical for us to do so. Our Native youth need to be prepared for a world where they will function well in their micro-, meso-, and macrosocieties. We must be able to plan for their successes by utilizing multiculturalism and multiple perspectives as ways to link the new "school" knowledge, considered necessary by the academy to have been mastered, to knowledge students already possess. We can do this by making meaningful relationships between American Indian students' prior knowledge and new information we present, to enable students to construct their own representations of this knowledge (Gordon, 1999). Our Native students must also understand forms of "code-

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switching" to enable them to move effectively within all the ethnicities to which they belong. We must be able to model this ability for them by showing our own willingness to learn about their cultures and demonstrating our code-switching abilities. In other words, we, too, must become flexible and bicultural. POSTMODERNISM

Ethnic groups around the world are reclaiming their heritages in terms of languages and cultural practices (Fenton, 1999). In the United States this renaissance is reflected in American Indian, Hawaiian, Hispanic, and to a lesser extent, Asian-American populations. Yet colonialism has also created present-day realities for our students and how they perceive themselves and others within the schoolhouse doors. Schools are a reflection of society. As society becomes moreflexible[regarding diverse ways of accomplishing goals], schools need to become more flexible for students. —Jonathan Steptoe (interviewed by B. J. Klug, 2000) Much wisdom and world knowledge are incorporated in traditional cultures and reflected in Native languages. Faced with the many challenges present in our contemporary world, such as crises in the environment, lack of goals and direction for many youths, and lives lived "out of balance," we can draw upon past knowledge to create a healthier environment for American Indian youth, and ultimately for all citizens in this country. EDUCATION IN A POSTMODERN WORLD

Anthropology has been used by Europeans and those of European descent as a tool to examine the cultures of other peoples around the world in contrast to Western ways of knowing. Most often, a dichotomy has been promulgated in which European cultures have been allowed to emerge as superior to Indigenous cultures studied. As a result, holistic anthropological analyses of cultures have been tainted by non-Native cultural influences. Recently, the valuable role of Indigenous peoples to speak from "insider" views while attributing meanings to behaviors, beliefs, and ways of knowing in their communities has been acknowledged. This recognition is long overdue. "Such cultural analysis has shown that to create effective educational exchanges in schools, educators must take into account the distinct cultural styles and understandings that may be operating across school, family, and other community contexts" (Foley, Levinson, & Hurtig, 2001, p. 39).

Conclusions and Recommendations

Freire (1981) describes the banking concept of education as "necrophilia" (p. 64). The curriculum as it presently stands disempowers students by making them passive receivers of static knowledge. As teachers, we need to assist our American Indian students by encouraging them to take active roles in their acquisition of formal education. To do this, the content of what is taught and the manner in which it is taught need to be challenged. Shor (1987) expresses this need in the following: [The] official curriculum [has] a strong bias to empiricize and to abstract.... [The concepts presented] are abstracted so far from applying to reality that they keep the students unarmed in challenging their cultures. Students withdraw into passive or offensive sabotage in response to a disempowering education, this dichotomy of reading from living, of intellectualizing from experiences;... concepts presented are irrelevant to reality; critical thought is separated from living. This dichotomy is the interior dynamic of a pedagogy that disempowers students politically and psychologically. (pp. 136–137)1 We must become empowered and encouraged to change the current approaches toward acquisition of "school knowledge" for Native American students. We know that imparting an abstract curriculum—a conglomeration of seemingly unrelated facts and isolated forays into the world of acquired knowledge—is not beneficial for the majority of American Indian students. Our dilemma arises from the situations within which we must impart that knowledge to our students and "prove" they have mastered the curricula determined by the dominant culture. Practices such as the current emphasis on high-stakes testing place educators in the middle of ethical dilemmas: Do we teach isolated facts so that our students perform well on standardized tests, or do we revise our curricula so that students may engage in lifelong meaningful learning? ETHICAL DIMENSIONS OF TEACHING

The ethics of our profession involve the concepts of nondiscriminatory, nonracist pedagogy with an emphasis on equal access to educational institutions for all (Flodin, 1987; Strike & Soltis, 1985). While these worthy goals are articulated by many, the truth remains that present-day teaching materials are geared to the same types of teaching that abstract knowledge, making education irrelevant for many of our nation's students, not only Native Americans. How we resolve our own internal conflicts concerning the best ways to impart school knowledge to our children will determine future opportunities available to them.

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Strike and Soltis (1985) address this dilemma for postmodern teachers in the following: Consequentialist ethical theories hold that the morality or immorality of an action is to be determined by its consequences. If I wish to know whether I am doing the right thing, I must decide this by looking at the consequences of what I am doing. Of course, simply knowing the consequences of what I am doing is not enough. I need also to have some ideas of what consequences it would be good to produce.... Consequentialist views [are] those which hold that right conduct is that which maximizes good. (p. 13)2 Consequentialist ethics allow us as teachers to make pedagogical decisions based on what we know is best for the students we teach. For those who believe the purpose of education is to develop competent and morally responsible citizens (a future orientation), continuing with present teaching practices may seem satisfactory as they are unable to predict the futures of their students. For those of us engaged in teaching traditional and bicultural American Indian students, we know this type of pedagogical stance is not enough. We must utilize what we understand about operating within traditional American Indian cultures to adjust our teaching methodologies. This requires that we adopt a utilitarian view of education that joins concepts determined as necessary for mastery by the macrosociety with more traditional American Indian ways of teaching. Hence, educational concepts must be united with an emphasis on usefulness of knowledge for the present. Information cannot be taught in isolated fragments: It must be taught within the context of the whole. Relationships must be established that situate knowledge within the realm of the real world. TEACHER EFFICACY

You can't just hope that it will happen. The first time a student has success and knows the door is open is usually all it takes. You must be sensitive to the needs and interests of students and take these into consideration when you plan. —C. Jenkins (personal communication, 2000) Teachers are generally sensitive, caring individuals who want the best for their students. We judge our success by the successes of our students. By the same token, we judge ourselves as failures by the resistance of our students to becoming engaged in the learning process. Many times, blame becomes displaced, and students become victims of teachers' self-fulfilling prophe-

Conclusions and Recommendations

cies of failure. Students, especially young students, are malleable and see themselves reflected in the expectations of their teachers. School for them may become relevant or irrelevant, challenging to them or simply to be endured as they move forward on their journeys toward adulthood. Once we understand American Indian student resistance to formal schooling as conscious or unconscious decisions not to be separated from their Native cultures, we can more readily adopt alternative ways of teaching. We can keep our focus on the goals to be accomplished and recognize the existence of alternative pathways available to us to attain those goals. In schools where teachers agree together to exchange the educational systems present for those that offer more promise of academic achievement for their students, educational goals become attainable (Goddard, Hoy, & Hoy, 2000). Allowing multiple views to be represented in the classroom affirms students, their families, and their communities (Ramey, 1995). In classrooms where diversity is acknowledged and multiple ways of knowing are accepted and incorporated as normal educational practice, students respond with enthusiasm toward the learning process. Children readily assess the classroom atmosphere created by their teachers. Academic success for American Indian students cannot be allowed to happen by chance in the hope that a few good students will choose to further their educations. THE QUESTION OF POVERTY

Don't let poverty be an excuse for not teaching. Usually it was a person who believed in you, who helped you believe you could make it. —Gloria Praiseworthy (Klug, 2000) In the 1960s and 1970s, the cultural deficit theory was promoted to explain the school failure of members of ethnically diverse populations (Schwartz, 2001). Social scientists outside the field of anthropology believed that poverty was an overall predictor of academic success for students. The more impoverished a student's home environment, the less a student would be able to accomplish academically. While social scientists dubbed their theories as "cultural deficit," anthropologists proposed the concept of "cultural differences" and promoted the need for educators to understand the rich variations of cultural systems present in our country (Foley, Levinson, & Hurtig, 2001). We understand today that there are numerous influences resulting in school failure for Indigenous students. Nonetheless, the belief in poverty as a determinant of school failure still abounds. Vine Deloria, Jr. (1991), addressed the poverty issue while

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describing reservation conditions as not much different from other nonIndian rural communities. Since the publication of Deloria's article, conditions on some reservations have improved a great deal as a result of gaming and other types of tribal Nation enterprises, which have generated additional revenues. This has resulted in economic advantages for some tribal Nations, affecting schools with large populations of Indigenous students directly and indirectly through availability of additional monies for educational purposes. Most importantly, students are beginning to perceive a purpose, a real reason for attaining educational degrees within their communities that many times was not perceived in previous decades. Even so, poverty cannot be used as an excuse for school failure. Zitkala- Sa offers a model for students of how one person can make a difference for American Indian students and communities (Rappaport, 1997). She had the vision of establishing a pan-Indian movement, which would address the needs of all American Indian people. She and her husband, Raymond, formed the National Congress of American Indians and worked with chapter developments throughout the country and as lobbyists for American Indian issues in Washington, D.C., from 1926 to 1938. Zitkala- Sa was not a person who used her education for her own gains and opportunities for success. She was a person who respected the ways of her people and tried to find a compromise between the Native American and European worlds. Zitkala- Sa used the tools she gained from her education to be able to act as a bridge between these worlds. As an Indian activist, she was committed to fighting injustices against American Indians throughout her life. Zitkala- Sa is one of many American Indian champions who can serve as role models for American Indian youth today. SUMMARY

The future for education of American Indian youth depends on our willingness to work with Native communities in developing a plan that includes goals for the future, the types of learning experiences desired for youth in schools, and experiences for non-Native teachers that will allow them to understand more of the languages and cultures of the students whom they are teaching. We must break down the barriers of stereotyping and prejudices that have built up over the last 500 years and prevent us from understanding each other as products of our cultures—not as superior and inferior to each other, but as equals. Our understandings of the teaching/learning processes have increased dramatically since the beginning of the 19th century. These understandings have become embedded within school systems as practices have developed

Conclusions and Recommendations

for mass education within the Northern Hemisphere. Just as educational practices have been researched, reviewed, and revisited to determine what constitutes best practices for maximizing student achievement, we are much more aware of the need to vary our practices to meet student needs in schools. We need to understand and embed multiple cultures and perspectives within our teaching, utilizing our cultural selves as foundations for inclusion of other cultural perspectives (Cochran-Smith & Lytle, 1992). This will enable us to realize a postmodern vision of education that permits people to identify themselves outside the realm of the dominant culture. We need to become what Rényi (1993) describes as "border dwellers": those people who are able to move easily between cultures, reveling in the richness of all, knowing they are not diminished but enriched by their experiences. Bicultural teachers understand the necessity of encouraging communities to determine their own educational needs (Goddard, 1997; Striedieck, 1997). We are empowered by listening to our students and their communities, recognizing our roles within Native communities as collaborators with parents, grandparents, and others in harnessing the power of American Indian tribal Nations to ensure the educational success of all Native American youth. EXERCISE FOR CHAPTER 10

1. What can you do at your school and at the district level to ensure that students are getting the education they deserve? 2. Are your American Indian students involved in clubs that enable them to take leadership roles in their communities? 3. Have you worked with your students to encourage them to develop talents that would allow them to be successful in important community roles? 4. What is the role of high-stakes testing in your school, district, or state? How do the results of these tests impact your teaching? What are the effects on your classroom(s)? 5. Have you been able to learn how to "code-switch" between the dominant culture and American Indian cultures? 6. When you successfully code-switched, what was the reaction of those with whom you were communicating? 7. When you have examined your textbooks recently, have you found that you look at them differently from how you did before reading this book? Please elaborate. 8. Have you experienced an ethical dilemma about the teaching materials you must use? How did you resolve that dilemma?

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9. If you were having a discussion with someone who believed in the cultural deficit theory, how would you refute his or her position? 10. Identify one aspect of your teaching you will change as a result of reading this book. REFERENCES Cochran-Smith, M., & Lyde, S. L. (1992). Interrogating cultural diversity: Inquiry and action. Journal of Teacher Education, 43(2), 104–115. Deloria, V., Jr. (1991). The reservation conditions. National Forum, 71(2), 10–12. Fenton, S. (1999). Ethnicity: Racism, class and culture. New York: Rowan & Litdefield. Flodin, R. E. (1987). Division IV summary: Communication—Reflections and implications. In D. M. Byrd & D. J. Mclntyre (Eds.), Research on the education ofour nation'steachers: Teacher education yearbook 5 (pp. 277–284). Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin Press. Foley, D. A., Levinson, B. A., & Hurtig, J. (2001). Anthropology goes inside: The new educational ethnography of ethnicity and gender. Review of Research in Education, 25, 37–98. Freire, P. (1981). Pedagogy ofthe oppressed. New York: Continuum. Goddard, J. T. (1997). Reversing the spirit of delegitimation. Canadian Journal of Native Studies, 17(2), 215–225. Goddard, R. D., Hoy, W. K., & Hoy, A. W. (2000). Collective teacher efficacy: Its meaning, measure, and impact on student achievement. American Education Research Journal, 37(2), 479–507. Gordon, E. W. (1999). Education andjustice: A viewfromthe back ofthe bus. New York: Teachers College Press. Grady, R. (n.d.). Memoirs ofan Indian Magnet School byfaculty and staff'[Booklet]. Published by staff. Holt, J. (1995). Freedom and beyond. Portsmouth, NH: Boynton/Cook. Ramey, E. K. (1995). An integrated approach to language arts instruction. Reading Teacher, 48(5), 418–419. Rappaport, D. (1997). TheflightofRed Bird: The life of Zitkala-Sa. New York: Puffin Books. Rényi, J. (1993). Going public: Schoolingfor a diverse society. New York: New Press. Schwartz, L. (2001). Myths about learning disabilities and attention deficit disorders: Biological determinism v. cultural diversity [On-line]. Florida State University. Available: http://mailer.fsu.edu/ ~ schwart/ home.htm Shor, I. (1987). Do first-world students need liberating? In I. Shor & P. Freire (Eds), A pedagogy for liberation: Dialogues on transforming education (pp. 121–142). Westport, CT: Bergin & Garvey. Striedieck, I. M. (1997). The representation of multiple cultures and perspectives in one preservice elementary teacher education class: A case study from a postmodern feminist perspective. In D. M. Byrd & D. J. Mclntyre (Eds.), Research on the education ofour nation’s teachers: Teacher education yearbook 5 (pp. 26–42). Thousand Oaks, CA.: Corwin Press. Strike, K. A., & Soltis, J. F. (1985). The ethics ofteaching. New York: Teachers College Press.

NOTES ON PERMISSIONS

PREFACE

1. From "Racial stereotypes and government policies regarding the education of Native Americans, 1879–1920," in Multicultural education and the American Indian (pp. 19–20), by T. Holm, 1979, Los Angeles: University of California. Copyright 1979 by T. Holm. Reprinted with permission. 2. From "The national impact of multicultural education: A renaissance of Native American culture through tribal self-determination and Indian control of education," in Multicultural education and the American Indian (p. 50), J. C. Dupris, 1979, Los Angeles: University of California. Copyright 1979 by J. C. Dupris. Reprinted with permission. 3. From H. I. McCubbin, M. A. Thompson, and E. A. Thompson, "Resiliency in ethnic families: A conceptual model for predicting family adjustment and adaptation" in H. I. Hamilton, E. A. McCubbin, A. I. Thompson, and J. E. Fromer (Eds.), Resiliency in ethnic minority families: Native and immigrant American families Vol. 1 (p. 3), copyright © 1998 by H. I. McCubbin. Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications, Inc.

CHAPTER 1

1. Copyright 1992 from "Home-School linkages: A cross-cultural approach to parent participation," in Cross-cultural literacy: Ethnography of communication in multiethnic classrooms (p. 49), S. Arvizu/M. SaraviaShore, and S. F. Arvizu (Eds.). Reproduced by permission of Routledge, Inc., part of The Taylor & Francis Group. 295

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2. From Black Indians (p. 17), W. L. Katz, 1986, New York: Antheneum. Copyright 1986 by W. L. Katz. Reprinted with permission. 3. Reprinted from B. Bray, "Refuse to kneel" in First person, first peoples, edited by A. Garrod and C. Larimore. Copyright © 1997 by Cornell University Press. Used by permission of the publisher, Cornell University Press. 4. From The Indian heritage of America (pp. 4–5), by A. Josephy, 1991, Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin Company. Copyright 1991 by A. Josephy. Reprinted with permission. CHAPTER 2

1. From "Indian reservations may some day run out of Indians," in P. G. Beidler and M. F. Egge (Eds.), Native Americans in the Saturday Evening Post (2000), by B. Hibbs, 1957, Lanham, M D : Scarecrow Press, Inc. Copyright 1957 Saturday Evening Post. Reprinted with permission. 2. From / may not get there with you: The true Martin Luther King, Jr. by Michael Eric Dyson, Copyright © 2000 Michael Eric Dyson. Reprinted with permission of The Free Press, a Division of Simon & Schuster, Inc. 3. From Holding a mirror to "eyes wide shut": The role of Native cultures and languages in the education of American Indian students (pp. 20–21) by T. Yazzie, 2000, Paper prepared for the Executive Order 13096 National American Indian and Alaska Native Education Research Agenda Conference, Albuquerque, New Mexico. Copyright 2000 by T. Yazzie. Reprinted with permission. 4. From "Education and Native Americans: Entering the Twentyfirst century on our own terms," by W. Mankiller, 1991, National Forum, 71(2), p. 5. Copyright 1991 by W. Mankiller. Reprinted with permission. 5. From "The U.S. and Native American education: A survey of federal legislation," by W. K. Stahl, 1979, Journal of American Indian Education, 18(3), pp. 28–32. Copyright 1979 by Journal of American Indian Education. Reprinted with permission. CHAPTER 3

1. From The flight of Red Bird: Thelifeof Zitkala- Sa, by D. Rappaport, 1997, New York: Puffin Books. Copyright © 1996 by D. Rappaport, published by Puffin Books. Reprinted with permission.

Notes on Permissions

2. From "Let us open our minds," by D. Sitting Up, 2000, Tasunka Witco Owayawa Literary Magazine. Copyright 2000 by D. Sitting Up. Reprinted with permission. 3. From Spanish exploration and the conquest of Native America: Fire in the mountains (p. 2), by D. E. Sheppard, 1997, [On-line] Available: http://foridahistory.com/inset2.html. Copyright 1997 by D. E. Sheppard. Reprinted with permission. 4. From "Federal power and racial politics in Los Angeles during World War II," in R. White and J. M. Findly (Eds.), Power and place in the North American West (p. 89), by K. A. Leonard, 1999, Seattle: University of Washington Press. Copyright 1999 by University of Washington Press. Reprinted with permission. 5. From "The effects of boarding schools on Indian family life: 1928," in S. Unger (Ed.), Destruction of American Indian families (p. 19), L. Meriam, New York: The Association on American Indian Affairs. Copyright 1928, 1977 by The Association on American Indian Affairs. Reprinted with permission. 6. From "The destruction of American Indian families," in S. Unger (Ed.), Destruction of American Indian families (p. 8), by W. Byler, New York: The Association on American Indian Affairs. Copyright 1977 by The Association on American Indian Affairs. Reprinted with permission. 7. From Indian Americans: Unity and diversity by Wax. Copyright © 1971. Reprinted by permission of Pearson Education, Inc., Upper Saddle River, NJ. 8. From Urban Indians: Drums from the cities (p. 45), by G. W. Frazier, 1993, Denver, C O : Arrowstar Publishing. Copyright 1993 by G. W. Frazier. Reprinted with permission. 9. From "The destruction of American Indian families,"in S. Unger (Ed.), Destruction of American Indian families (p. 3), by W. Byler, New York: The Association on American Indian Affairs. Copyright 1977 by The Association on American Indian Affairs. Reprinted with permission. 10. From Crazywater: Native voices on addiction and recoveryy by Brian Maracle. Copyright © 1994 by Brian Maracle. Reprinted by permission of Penguin Books Canada Limited. 11. Reprinted from Peter C. Mancall, Deadly medicine: Indians and alcohol in early America. Copyright © 1995 by Cornell University. Used by permission of the publisher, Cornell University Press.

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12. From Indian Americans: Unity and diversity by Wax. Copyright © 1971. Reprinted by permission of Pearson Education, Inc., Upper Saddle River, NJ. 13. From "Is urban a person or a place? Characteristics of urban Indian country," in S. Lobo and K. Peters (Eds.), American Indians and the urban experience (p. 81) by S. Lobo, 2001, New York: Altamira Press. Copyright 2001 by S. Lobo. Reprinted with permission. 14. From Culture ofintolerance: Chauvinism, class, and racism in the United States (pp. 297–298), by M. N. Cohen, 1998, New Haven, NY: Yale University Press. Copyright 1998 Yale University Press. Reprinted with permission. CHAPTER 4

1. From "The drum is the heartbeat," by J. Pretends Eagle, 2000, Tasunka Witco Owayawa Literary Magazine. Copyright 2000 by J. Pretends Eagle. Reprinted with permission. CHAPTER 5

1. From "Growing up Indian," in T. Hill and R. W. Hill, Sr. (Eds.), Creation s journey: Native American identity and belief (p. 23), byT. Hill, and R. W. Hill, Sr., 1994, Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press in association with the National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Museum. Copyright 1994 by Smithsonian Institution Press. Reprinted with permission. 2. From "Through the Creator" by D. Sitting Up, 2000, Tasunka Witco Owayawa Literary Magazine, Copyright 2000 D. Sitting Up. Reprinted with permission. 3. From Red earth, white lies: Native Americans and the myth of scientific fact (p. 97), by V. Deloria, Jr., 1995, New York: Scribner. Copyright 1995 by Elaine Markson Library Agency, Inc. Reprinted with permission. 4. From "Translating the past," in T. Winch (Ed.), All roads are good: Native voices on life and culture (pp. 45–46), by L. K. New, 1994, Washington, D C : Smithsonian Institution Press in association with the National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution. Copyright 1994 by Smithsonian Institution Press. Reprinted with permission. 5. From "Enculturation hypothesis: Exploring direct and protective effects among Native American youth," in H. I. McCubbin, E. A. Thompson, A. I. Thompson, and J. E. Fromer (Eds.), Resiliency in ethnic minority families: Native and immigrant American families Vol. 1

Notes on Permissions

299

(p. 201), by M. S. Zimmerman, J. Ramirez, K. M. Washienko, B. Walter, and S. Dyer, 1995, Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin System. Copyright 1995 by H. I. McCubbin. Reprinted with permission. 6. From Holding a mirror to "eyes wide shut": The role of Native cultures and languages in the education of American Indian students (p. 15) by T. Yazzie, 2000, Paper prepared for the Executive Order 13096 National American Indian and Alaska Native Education Research Agenda Conference, Albuquerque, New Mexico. Copyright 2000 by T. Yazzie. Reprinted with permission. CHAPTER 6

1. Reprinted by permission of the publisher from Popkewitz, T. S., Strugglingfor the Soul, (New York: Teachers College Press, Copyright © 1998 by Teachers College, Columbia University. All rights reserved, p. 21. 2. From Pedagogy of the oppressed (p. 59), by P. Freire, 1970, New York: The Continuum Publishing Corporation. Copyright © 1970, 1993 by The Continuum Publishing Corporation. Reprinted with permission. 3. From Metaphors we live by (p. 17), by G. Lakoff and M. Johnson, 1980, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Copyright ©1980 by University of Chicago Press. Reprinted with permission. 4. From "Dofirst-worldstudents need liberating?" in I. Shor and P. Freire (Eds.), A pedagogy for liberation: Dialogues on transforming education (p. 135), by P. Freire, 1987, MA: Bergin & Garvey Publishers. Copyright 1987 P. Freire. Reprinted with permission. 5. From "Focus on Language Experience learning and teaching," in O. B. Nelson and W. M. Linek (Eds.), Practical classroom applications of Language Experience: Looking back, lookingforward (pp. 12–13), M. A. Hall, Needham Heights, MA: Longman. Copyright 1999 by Allyn & Bacon. Reprinted with permission. 6. From Beyond the culture wars: How teaching the conflicts can revitalize American education (p. 8), by G. Graff, 1992, New York: W.W. Norton & Company. Copyright 1992 by G. Graff. Reprinted with permission. 7. From "She seeks justice," by P. Maas, Parade Magazine, Sept. 9, 4–6. Reprinted with permission from Parade, Copyright © 2001. 8. From "Education and Native Americans: Entering the twenty-first century on our own terms," by W. Mankiller, 1991, National Forum, 71(2), p. 6. Copyright 1991 by W. Mankiller. Reprinted with permission.

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1. From "Set up the drum," by R. J. Fisherman, 2000, Tasunka Witco Owayawa Literary Magazine. Copyright 2000 by R. J. Fisherman. Reprinted with permission. CHAPTER 9

1. From Torturedpeople: the politics ofcolonization (Rev. ed), (p. 119) by H. Adams, 1999, Penticton, BC: Theytus Books Ltd. Copyright by H. Adams 1999. Reprinted with permission. 2. From The Bell Curve wars: Race, intelligence, and the future of America, S. Fraser (Ed.). Copyright © 1995 by Basic Books, a division of HarperCollins Publishers, Inc. Reprinted with permission. CHAPTER 10

1. From "Do first-world students need liberating?" in I. Shor and P. Freire (Eds.), A pedagogy for liberation: Dialogues on transforming education (p. 137), by I. Shor, 1987, Westport, CT: Bergin & Garvey Publishers. Copyright 1987 P. Freire. Reprinted with permission. 2. From Strike, K. A. and Soltis, J., The ethics ofteaching, New York: Teachers College Press. Copyright © 1992 by Teachers College, Columbia University. All rights reserved, p. 13. Reprinted with permission.

INDEX

A Line in the Sand, 118, 126, 144 "A Nation at Risk," 35, 44 Aboriginal bourgeois, 266 powerful elite, 266 Academic achievement, 158 Accomplished teachers, 25 Acculturation and efforts to terminate Sovereign Nation status, 8 Achievement, levels, 263 individual, 180 personal, 30 students, 148 test scores, 268, 283 See Standardized tests, Education, Public schools Ackerman, L. A., 131, 136, 144 Adams, D. W., 57, 92 Adams, H., 37, 50, 52, 58, 92, 113, 144, 266, 285 Adario, Huron Chief, 132, 144 Administration for Native American Native Americans (ANA), 10, 74 Administrators, 5, 26, 109, 231, 267 and perceptions of American Indian students, 34 support of teachers, 26, 267 See Educators Adoptions, Indian children, 58 Aesara of Lucania, philosopher, 101 Affective Domain, 13, 218 Africans, 10 See Black Indians, Slavery African Americans today, 15 Aho,J., 17,27

AIE, 174 AIM, 35, 43 Alabama, 9 Alaska Native Knowledge Network, 50 Standards for Culturally Responsive Schools, 35, 45, 46 Alcohol, 58, 80 and drug abuse, 90 and disease, 80 distribution, 78 European belief in communion, 79 lowering inhibitions, 78 sacred use, 77 tribal leaders, 78 use and suicides, 85 by workers, 78 prior to Colonization, 78 to relieve acculturative stress, 77 Alcoholism, 79 Alexander, K. L., Entwisle, D. R., & Olsen, L. S., 285, 273 Alexie,S., 190 Allen, D., 129, 131, 136, 144 Allen, P. G., 190 All-Indian schools, 40 Almeida, D. A., 155, 209 American Indian(s), 177 brief history of American Indian education, 29 citizenship, x Civil Rights Act, 36 code-switching, 288 communal distribution, 112

301

302

Index American Indian(s) (continued) communities, 170 conquest, 60 consumers of education, 218 contact with Europeans, 139 cultures, 138, 207 Education Handbook Committee, 209 English (AIE): A dialect of Standard English, 173 difficulties with teachers, 55 formal education, 48 genocide, 295 government to government relationship, x high dropout rates, 218 holistic programs, 186 languages and cultures, 105, 113, 222 learning styles, 44 Magnet School See American Indians, Culturally responsive pedagogy, Education meaningful education, 151 Movement (AIM), 47, 52, 58, 67, 116 See Civil Rights myth about, 279 names, 128 Puritan ideals, 31 questions, 172 relocation programs. See Urban Indians, WWII resistance to formal schooling, 291 naturalists, 141 nicknames, 128 scholars, 115 spiritual, 120 standardized tests, 289 students, vii, 13, 16, 161, 273 student enrollment, 2, 47 suicides, 84 success in schools, 24 teaching, 195 traditional and bi-cultural, 115 urban experiences, 81, 82 worldview, 104 World War I, 203 American Psychiatric Association, 92 Americans with Disabilities Act, 37 Anderson, R. C , & Pearson, P. D., 180, 209 Animals, 124 in classrooms, 301 symbols, 155 See Spirituality. Anthropology, 64, 95, 96, 109, 291 Apaches, 201 Apodaca, P., 170, 209 Aristotle, philosopher, 30, 101

Armstrong, J., 154, 209 Army, 280 See Military Artifacts, burial mounds, 75 buying land for their removal, 75 collection from pueblos, 75 collection of for museums, 74 Artistic expression, 159 See Spirituality Arts, 167, 195 and craft forms, 68 education for American Indian students, 196 See Culturally responsive pedagogy, Culturally relevant learning, Pedagogy Arvizu, S., 2, 27 Ashton-Warner, S., 186, 209, 260, 264 Assessment, 44 performance-based, 61 portfolios, 154, 185 whole language approach, 185 Assimilated, 7, 8 Native students, 19 tribal Nations, 9 See Bicultural, Traditional Assimilation, 9,69, 81, 169 American Indians, viii students, viii immigrants to U.S., 33 See Dominant culture Assimilation and accommodation, 221 See Piaget, Schemata Association of Teacher Educators Commission on the Preparation of Teachers, 206 Atkins, J. C , 31 Attneave, C , 72, 82, 92 Ausubel, D. P., 40, 50 Avery, P. G., & Walker, C , 206, 209 Avery, S., & Skinner, L., 30, 31, 50 Aztecs, 168

Badaracco, J. L., & Ellsworth, R. R., 208, 210 Baker, D. P., Akiba, M., LeTendre, G. K., & Wiseman, A. W., 272, 285 Balance, in areas of life, 120 Banking Concept of Western education, 158 See Freire Banks, J. A., 33,42, 50, 194, 197, 210 Banks J. A., & Banks, C. M., 276, 285 Banyacya, T., 167, 168, 183 See American Indians, Hopi, Spirituality Batde of Bear River, 111 Baylor, B., 244, 264 Bear Lake, 280 Bear River Massacre, 11

Index Becoming bicultural, 16 Belcher, S., & Jaffee, K., 196, 210 Bell curve, 149, 150 See Standardized tests Bella Coola, 124 Berger,C, 156, 210 Bering Strait migration, 125 Berkhofer, R. F., 33, 42, 50, 58, 60, 62, 63, 64, 65, 75, 78, 92 Bernard, B. A., 156, 210 Berner, R., 64, 156, 280, 285 Berry, B., 110, 144, 269, 285 Biases, 42, 46 language, 156 Bias-free textbooks and materials, 155 Bible, Christian, 60, 126, 132 See Christianity, Church, Religion Bicultural, 5, 7, 24, 129, 253, 288 American Indians, 8 fear of becoming, 15 Knight Scholars, 19 students, 19, 142, 160 teachers, xi, 2, 3, 4,14, 15, 165, 245 Bilingual Act, 36, 41, 50 education, 36, 149 See Schools Biophilia, 199 See Biophobia, Science Biophobia, 199 Black Indians, 10 Blackfeet Nation, 201 Blanchard, E., 58, 82, 92 Blood quantum, 6, 11 See Tribal enrollment Boarding schools, x, 32, 38,47, 58, 66, 69, 70, 127, 133, 249, 251 abuses, 32 different traditions, 128 era, 32 friendships, 71 loss of language, 173 marriages after, 237 opportunities, 71 post-Meriam Report, 70 suicides, 85 Boas, F., anthropologist, 75 Bonneau, S. T„ 141, 144 Bordeaux, R., 44, 50 Boss, S., 226, 229 Bower, B., 208, 210 Bray, B., 12, 27 Brendtro, L., Brokenleg, M., & VanBrokern, S., 236, 264 Brescia, W., 47, 50 Britten, T. A., 203, 210

Bronfenbrenner, U., 160, 210 Brookfield, S. D., 165, 195,198, 210 Brooks, J. G., & Brooks, M. G., 208, 210 Brooks, J. F., 58, 92 Brooks, S., 132, 155, 276 Brophy,J.,42, 50 Brown vs. The Board of Education of Kansas, 36, 39 Brown, L., 130, 144 Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA), vii, 1, 6, 27, 38, 47, 66, 67, 73, 74, 90, 20, 202 apology, 90 cultural disintegration, 90 funding for education, 47 relocation programs, 74 funding, 74 sterilization of Native women, 62 schools, 2, 37, 46, 47 See Government, Schools Burnet, J., 101, 102, 106, 144 Burt, A., 76, 92 Butterfield, R., 134, 144 Byler, W., 67, 72, 26, 92

Caduto, M. J., & Bruchac, J., 202, 210 Cahape, P., 42, 50 Cahape, P., & Howley, C. B., 44, 50 Cajete, G., 199, 200, 210 Calderón, M., & Carreón, A., 171, 210 California, 6, 57, 106, 170 Department of Education, 160 Gold rush, 75 University of, 75 Callahan, R. E., 34, 51, 100, 106 Campbell, J., 123, 144 Canfield, J., et.al., 199, 210 Capitalism See Dominant culture, Europeans Captivity narratives, 65 Carnegie Forum on Education and the Economy, Taskforce on Teaching as a Profession, 165, 210 Carrasco, R. L., Acosta, C. T., & de la TorreSpencer, S., 174, 210 Case Studies, 25, 230 Catholic, 68 Church, Counter-Reformation, 30 earth as center of universe, 102 use of slaves, 58 See Church, Religion Cayuga Chief Jake Thomas, 271 Celebrations, school, 260 Celtic symbols, animals, 121 Celts, scenario, 97 Center for Disease Control, 85, 92

303

304

Index Centers, urban area, 83 Ceremonies, and arts, 131 healing, 245 sacred, 119 school campuses, 132 Certificate of Degree of Indian Blood (CDIB), 6 Chase, P. G., 112, 144 Chaska, M., 137 Chen,Y., 103, 106 Cheraw, 9 See Lost colony, Tribal Nations Cherokee, 6, 26, 65, 201 bilingual schools, 31 language, written documents, 31 princess, 10 See Tribal Nations Chief, prejudices, 88 Childhood Education and Development Act, 37 Children, cultural pride, 84 concept of self, 121 discipline, 72 extended family, 71 nuclear family, 71 Chion-Kenney, L., 156, 210 Choctaw, 26, 175 bilingual schools, 31 Christian, 60, 62, 70 celebrations, 104 communities, 132 See Church, Religion Christianity dance, 123 reservations, 57, 68 Church, 68, 104 Catholic, 68 control of education, 30 justification for taking of lands and treasure, 61 monasteries, 200 of England, 60 processions, 123 schools, 257 urban Indians, 38 Churches, 12 star story, 103 Churchill, W., 61, 62, 92, 120, 144 Cincinnati Public Schools, 226, 229 Circle, 129, 154, 232 symbolic use, 115, 118, 119 Citizenship, 33, 38, 70, 202 See Government, Tribal Nation Civil rights, Act, 36,41, 51 era, 39,41 impact on education, 43 movement, 8, 35, 39, 57, 89,287

interracial marriages, 15 multicultural education, 41 Clan symbols, Scottish, 98 Classen, C , 200, 210 Classroom, interaction styles, 161 language, 169 management, 174 middle-class, 169 Close Up Foundation, 202, 210 See American Indians, Citizenship Coast Salish, 124 Cobell, E., 201 Cochran-Smith, M., & Lytle, S. L., 293, 294 Code switching, 8, 142, 249, 288 See Culture, Language Cognitive development, 22, 180 Piaget, 175 Vygotsky, 176 See Constructivist Cohen, E. G., & Lotan, R. A., 208, 210 Cohen, M. N., 64, 89, 92, 96, 106 Colby, General Leonard, 58 Collier, J., Commisioner of Indian Affairs, 47 Colmant, S. A., x, xii Colonial Era, 33 Colonialism, 25, 33, 37, 288 oppression, 265 See Colonization Colonization, 9, 25, 55, 57, 59, 62, 63, 113, 249, 265 alcohol consumption, 78 anthropology, 96 positions of power/inferiority, 114 stereotypes, 84 Color-blind, 41 Columbus, 11, 14, 60, 61, 62 See Colonization, Europeans Combs, M , 188, 210 Commission on the Arts, 195 See President Clinton Common Law, 126 Communities, American Indian, Native Americans, 108, 170 communication systems, 83 contemporary destructive forces, 77 needs, 132 of learners, 150 service learning, 226 Shadow Education, 272 suicide rates, 85 teachers, 222 See American Indians, Native Americans Community, 129 cooperation, 135

Index day schools, 32 input, 113 members, 220 resources, 135 stories, 125, 224 Compensatory programs, 41, 110 Competition, 30, 139, 193 Composition of the teaching force, 1 Comprehensive Employment and Training Act, 36 Concept of power, 265 Congress, 9 NAGPRA, 76 recognition of tribal Nations, 35 See Government Congressional Record, 92 Connecticut, 9 Connors, J. L., & Donnellan, A. M , 139, 144 Consequentialist ethical theories, 290 Constructivist, 184 approaches to learning, 46, 175, 181, 221 classrooms, 165, 208 See Dewey, Education, Pedagogy Context, 135 Contrasting views, 103 Coolidge, D., 66, 69, 92 Cooper, James Fennimore, 64 Cooperation, 180 Cooperative learning, 193 Copernicus, scholar, 102 Costa, A. L., & Garmston, R. J., 165, 210 Covington, M. V., & Berry, R. G., 19, 27, 144, 110, 199, 210 Coyote, 125, 178, 187, 244 See Spirituality Cradleboard Project, 156 See Culture Craniology, 75 Crawford, J., 114, 144 Creator, 124, 125, 131 See Medicine Wheel, Spiritual Creek, 12 Creemers, B. P. M , & Reezigt, G. J., 209, 210 Critically responsive teaching, 195 Cross, T.L., 102, 144 Cross-cultural, 22 interaction, 16 understandings, 220 Crow, 269 Csikszentmihalyi, M., 165, 210 Cultural, alienation, 9 biases in classrooms, 21 capital, 111 use of in schools, 140 codes, 81,158

continuum, 8, 20 deficit model, 41, 291 differences, 18, 42, 48, 89, 141,161, 276, 291 events, 20 features, 110 forms, 96 genocide, 11, 12 heritages, 9, 68, 165, 262 identity, 2, 6 imperialism, 113 information in curricula, 283 See Culture, Education, Public schools knowledge, 122, 166 property like, 96 sharing, 21 names, 128 norms, 20 practices, 70, 105, 110, 154, 156 banning of, 66, 67 documentation of, 9 pride, 157 property, 117 relativism, 103 revolution, 8 symbols and practices, 105 values, 1, 6, 13, 24, 25, 121,128, 160, 174, 175, 221, 257 integration in curricula, 87 socializing agents, 160 worldviews, 114 Culturally, congruent learning experiences, ix relevant pedagogy, 13, 22, 23, 26, 34, 45, 46, 206 community involvement, 49 curricula, 48 finding materials, 222 role of school administrators, 208 See Pedagogy responsive, curricula, 202 pedagogy, 5, 45, 151, 166, 191, 206, 234, 248 teaching, 166, 179 Culture, 96 artifact of ethnicity, 109 chauvinism, 89 churches, 100 code-switching, 249 language, 3 retention, 140 use and maintanence, 46 manifestations, 100 representation of society, 112 suicide prevention, 86 traditional practices, 128 See Anthropology, Europeans

305

306

Index Cultures, 104 evolution, 114 history of conflicts, 265 symbols, 118, 122 teachers, 100 Cummins, J., 173, 198, 210, 211 Curricula, 5 culturally relevant, 22, 109, 141 desegregating, 246 inclusive, 191 mastery, 20, 289 planning, 218 social construction of knowledge, 159 standard, 184 stereotypes, 109 transmission of information, 159 Curricular materials, 156 Rising Voices: Writings of Young Native Americans, 156 Teaching Tolerance, 156 Curriculum, 222, 270, 289 abstract, 289 animals, 244 anti-bias, 197 contemporary issues, 200 content, 44 culturally Responsive, 151 alternate learning environments 159 diversity, 197 hidden, 197 past, 159 prejudices and stereotypes, 18, 155, 345 social studies, 202 suicide prevention, 86 Cushner, K., McClelland, A., & Safford, P., 16, 27

Dance, 126, 131 artistic expressions, 128 church processions, 123 connections with supernatural, 123 Friendship, 250 health, 193 powwows, 111 Round, 130 weddings, 123 See American Indian, European, Powwows, Spirituality Darder,A.,268, 285 Davidson, J. L., 187, 211 Dawes Rolls, 6 Day schools, 19, 47, 68, 70 de Soto, Conquistador, 62 Debio,A.,67, 92

Declaration of Independence, 33 Declarative knowledge, 193 Deficit model, 226 cultural differences, 40 See Culture, Education Defining who we are, 97 Definition for tribal enrollment, 6 Delaware, 9 Deloria, V., Jr., 10, 43, 51, 68, 70, 89, 92, 112, 125, 127, 144, 204, 211, 291, 294 Denial of heritage, 82 Department of Energy, 130, 144 Labor, 10 War, 86 removal of Indian peoples, 85 Derman-Sparks, L., 18, 27 Desegregating curricula, 196 Desegregation, parents, 42 teachers, 42 Dewey,J.,46, 51, 150, 180, 185 Progressive Education, 180 See Constructivist DeWitt Wallace-Reader's Digest and Recruiting New Teachers, 1, 27 See Composition of teaching force Deykin, E. Y., 56, 92 Diabetes, 204, 225 See Health, Medicine Wheel, Physical Diamond, B. J., & Moore, M. A., 195, 211 Dfaz-Rico, L. T., & Weed, K. Z., 158, 185, 211 Digest of Education Statistics, 35, 37 Dilworth, M. E., 149, 205, 211 Dinges, N. G., & Duong-Tran, A., 85, 92 Disease, 62, 65, 75 boarding schools, 69 diabetes, 138, 225 diphtheria, 80 foreign, 108 genocide, 80 outbreaks, 11 prevention, 120 small pox, 11 See American Indians, Genocide Diversity, 291 one-size-fits-all, 156 recognition of, 108 side bar approach, 156 value of, 104 Dixon-Krauss, L., 175, 176, 177, 185, 211 Dominant culture, 3, 9, 58, 153, 157, 162, 169, 196, 228, 282 assimilationist practices, 46 exploitation of cultural knowledge, 21 figurative language, 167 history textbooks, 224

Index identification with, 6 recognition of Native peoples, 129 schools, 13 worldview, 105 Dominant society, 96 Dorpat, N., 85, 92 Dropout rates, 1, 13, 44, 272 Drugs, 56, 80 pharmaceuticals, 120 use and suicides, 85 Drum, 124 Dugan,K.,45, 51 Dupris, J. C , x, xii Duran, E., & Duran, B., 56, 58, 76, 92, 221, 224, 229 Dyson, M., 39, 51

Early childhood education, 44 Eastman, C , 124, 144 Echohawk, L., 64, 92 Economic Opportunity Act, 36 Edelfelt, R. A., & Raths, J. D., 206, 211 Education, affective domain, 218 authentic and child-centered, 151 banking concept, 289 bicultural, 13 bilingual, 170 capitalizing on cultural backgrounds, 151 colonial period, 29 conflicts, 269 constructivist views, 180 cooperative learning, 151 critical thinking skills, 151 culturally conceived, 29 efficiency, 100 for All Handicapped Children Act, 58, 68 instructional strategies, 25, 151 integrated and interdisciplinary, 151 meso-ethnicity, 99 multicultural, 196 norms, 148 of Mentally Retarded Children Act, 48 philosophy, 150 post-modern, 288 provisions for, 31 staff development, 151 student resistance, 198 Western, 228, 270 whole language, 151 See Culture, Dominant Culture Educators, 2,26, 33, 90 attitudes toward communities, 49 deficit model, 40 empowerment, 20 fears of, 3

Effective Schools Movement, 35, 44 teachers, 24 Egocentric speech See Vygotsky Eisner, E. W., 196, 211 Eitzen,D.S., 198, 211 Elders, non-Indian students, 88 respect for, contributions of, 4, 21, 22, 29, 59, 67, 68, 69, 70, 80, 87, 130, 162, 223 roles of, 4 Elementary and Secondary Education Act, 36, 37, 41, 43, 51 Elements, 101 Emihovich, C , 208, 211 Emotional, 121, 138 life, 16, 26, 72, 251 See Medicine Wheel Empedocles, philosopher, 101 Empowerment, 139 England, emmigrants, 57 English, 170 AIE, 174, 223, dialects, 40, 281 second language, 171 Enlow, G., 141 Enrollment, father's tribal Nation, 6 mother's clan, 6 requirements, 7 Episcopalian, 68 Erickson, F., & Mohatt, G., 163, 164, 174, 211 Ethical dimensions of teaching, 289 Ethnic, groups, vii, 6, 99 heritages, 15, 24, 99, 100 See Bicultural Ethnographers, 64, 75, 112, 126, 281 Euro-Americans, children, 174 today, 15 Europe, Industrial Revolution, 78 European(s), 9,11,108, 280 actions against American Indians, 57 anthropology, 288 assimilation, 33 conquest, 62 cultural symbols, 105 differences, 14 diseases, 11 expansion, 11 intermarriages, 10 meso-ethnicity in schools, 130 misconceptions, 14 perceptions of by Native peoples, 32 pharmeceuticals, 120 practices of naming children, 127 reliance on scripture, 30 search for gold, 57

307

308

Index European(s) (continued) thoughts on origin of Indians, 14 wars, 280 See Columbus, Dominant culture Examination of prejudices and stereotypes, 42 Executive Order 13096, 37, 46, 51, 53 Experiential learning, 29, 150 See Progressive education Experientialist, 167 See Learning Eye contact with adults, 3

Failte, 98, 99,106 Failure of our educational efforts, 13 Fallibility of I Q and high-stakes testing, 279 Faltis, C. J., & Hudelson, S. J., 170, 211 Family, 72, 103 abuse of alcohol, 80 Bronfenbrenner, 160 disintegration of, 76 extended, 72 powwows, 129 school, 154 unit, 72 voice in education, 48 See American Indians, European(s) Farming, 31 Features of people, 75 Federal government, 9 assimilation policies, 32 education, 34, 51 I Q testing movement, 40 recognition, 4, 9, 10 Fenton, S., 42, 51, 99,106, 108, 112, 114, 144, 288, 294 Fifth stage of becoming bicultural, 22 Fight or flight svndrome, 18 First day of school, Zitkala S a,54 First stage of becoming bicultural ,17 Fischer, D., 92 Fisherman, R. J., 230, 264 Fishman, S. M., & McCarthy, L.,,150,180,211 Fixico, D. L., 67, 92 Flavell, J. H., 175,211 Flodin, R. E., 289, 294 Flood,R.S., 58, 71, 92 Fourth stage of becoming bicultural, 20 Flowers, 121 Foley, D. A., Levinson, B. A., & Hurtig, J.;,288, 291,294 Follow Through, 36 Forbes, J., ix, xii Ford,T., 109, 139, 141, 145 Forum, 101, 106

Foster homes, 80 Four elements See Philosophy Four essential elements See Banyacya, Hopi Fox, S. J., 46, 51 France, 57, 58, 61 communities, 15 emmigrants, 57 Frazier, G. W., 74, 92 Freire, P., 21, 58,178, 211, 274, 285, 294 Froese, V., 185, 211 Fuentes, N., 227, 229 Fullan,M., 194, 211 Funding education, 47 governance Issues, 47 Future teachers See Pedagogy, Multiclutural education Futures for Children, 13

Gage, N.L., 166, 211 Galileo, scholar, 102 Gaming, 202 See Government, Tribal Nations Gangs, 22 Gardner, H., 23, 27, 293, 194, 211 Gaspesian Indian Chief, 132,145 Gay, G., 196,211 Gearing, F., 96,106, 114,145 Genocide, 25, 56,61,62, 280 Geometry, 101 Georgia, 9 Germany, communities, 15 Giago,T. A., 156,211 Gildart,B.,207,211 Gildart,R.,200,211 Giroux, H. A., 155,198, 212,271, 285 Gitlin, A., & Labaree, D. F., 268,278,285 Giveaways, 129 See Spirituality, Tribal Nations Glasser,W., 165,212 Glickman,C, 149,150,212 Glover, K. D., 41, 51 Goals 2000: Educate American Act, 37 Goals of this book, 4 Goble, P., 190 Goddard,J.T.,293,294 Goddard, R. D., Hoy, W. K., & Hoy, A. W., 291, 294 Godfrey, R., 196, 212 Gollnick, D., & Chinn, P. C , 42, 51 Gollnick,G., 154,212 Gonzales, A. A., 6, 27,74, 83, 92 Good, T. L., & Brophy, J. E., 159, 177, 212

Index Goodlad, J., ix, xii Goodman, K., 184,185,212 Goodman, Y., Hood, W. J., & Goodman, K., 184, 212 Gordon, E. W., 287, 294 Gough,R.,203, 212 Gould, D., 172, 212 Gould,J.,40, 51 Government, 5 abuses, 200 benefits, 6 communities, 46 powerlessness, 77 federal, 66, 61 Native rights to move to cities, 73 ruling, 201 services, 9 stereotypes, 110 tribal enrollment, 6 See Tribal Nation(s) Grady, R., 283, 285, 287, 294 Graff, G., 197, 198, 212 Grandparents, 8 grandchildren, 129, 137, 138, 176, 222, 225 Grant, C. A., 3, 28, 276, 282 Grant, C. A., & Sleeter, C. E., 42, 51, 282, 285 Grant, C. A., & Sachs, J. M., 104, 106, 145, 155, 212 Great, Documents in American Indian History, 203 Oaks Institute of Career Development and Technology, 226, 229 Greeks, philosophers, 100 religious practices, 222 Romans, 131 Grover, K., BIA, 90 Gulevich,T., 104, 106 Gunderson, L., 186, 212 Guyton,E., 165, 205, 212

Hadaway, N. L., Florez, V., Larke, P. J., & Wiseman, D., 48, 51 Haida, 124 Hall, M. A., 187,212 Halliday, E., 67, 71, 127, 204, 223 Handbook: Title IV, Public Law 92-318, Johnson O'Malley, Public Law 874—Public Law 815, school nutrition programs, other related federal education laws, 35, 37 Handsome Lake, 271 Hanna,J.L., 196, 212 Hard sciences, 102 Harjo, S. S., 282, 285 Harmon, L., 171,275

Harmonia, principle of, 101 Haudenosaunee Confederation, 271 See Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, Senedda, Tuscarora Head Start, 36 See Education, Government Healing Circles, 90 Health, education benefits, 6 wellness, 138 Hegemony, 104 Hendricks, J., 6 Henry, S. L., & Pepper, F. C , 45, 51, 193, 212 Herm,G.,97,106 Hibbs,B.,38, 51 Hidden curriculum, 270 See Schools High- and low-impact future teachers, 276 Higher Education Act, 36, 41, 51 Hill, I., 65 Hill, L., 207, 212 Hill,T., 124, 145 Hill, T., & Hill, R. W., Sr., 108, 145 Hillabrant, W., Romano, M., & Stang, D., 47, 51 Hirschfelder, A. B., & Singer, B. R., 156, 212 History, 37 and culture, 55 American Indian, 203 colonization, 56 cultural genocide, 25 education, 46, 49 Nations, 5 relationships with federal government, 33 Western religions, 221 Celtic, 97 local area, 111, 135 oral stories, 126 teacher, 23 texts, 224 tied to language, 100 See Culturally relevant pedagogy, Pedagogy Holistic approach, 115 learning, 154 See American Indians, Culturally responsive pedagogy Holt, J., 287, 294 Holm, T., ix, xii Home life, 136 Honoring students, 281 home languages, 281 hooks, b., 112, 145 Hopi, 6, 63, 69, 124, 130, 131, 168 tradition, 130 See Banyacya How financial resources are impacted, 7 Howard, T. C , & del Rosario, C. D., 206, 212

309

310

Index Hudson Bay Company, 78 Human diversity, 3 Hutchinson, J., & Smith, A. D., 114, 145 Hypatia of Alexandria, philosopher, 101

Irish communities, 15 Irvin, G., 205, 212 Ishi, 75 Ismat,A.-H.,45, 51, 151, 212 Israel, R. A., 141, 145 Iverson, P., 32, 47, 51

Iconographs, 98 Idaho State Journal, 75, 93 Identity issues, 139 urban settings, 84 Ideology, capitalism, 112 See American Indian, Dominant culture, European Ikenson, B., 202, 212 Illness, Western treatment, 115 Indian, Arts and Crafts Act, 7, 28 Child Welfare Act, 76, 93 communities, urban areas, 74 Community School of Milwaukee, 196, 212 Education Act, 43, 51 education, 12, 33 Freedom of Religion Act, 130 made, 7 guidelines,7 Nations at Risk: An Educational Strategy for Action, 35, 44 problem, 65 Reorganization Act, 7, 35, 36, 51 Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act, 36,43, 51 territory, 5 Water Law, 202 Indians, class issues, 81 Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, 37 Industrial, arts, 31 Model, 34, 103 Revolution, 100 Information, language blockage, 114 Ing, V. S., 222, 229 Inhabitants, Native, 11 Inner speech See Vygotsky Institutes, Indigenous education, 21 Inter- and Intra-Tribal Politics, 266 Intergenerational Trauma, 25, 56 non-Indians, 87 Intermarriages, 10 interfaith, 15 with Europeans, 11 Internet Public Library, 156, 212 Interviews, 25 Intolerance, 89 Invitations, 221 IQ, 279 testing movement, WWI, 40

Jackson, D. D., 82, 83, 93 Jacob, B. A., 272, 285 Jarrett,D., 171, 212 Jefferson, President Thomas, 29, 33, 57, 65 Jenkins, Mrs., 290 Jewish religion, 123 Johanson, B. E., x, xii, 32, 52, 62, 76, 93 John, V. P., 154, 168, 212 Johnson O'Malley Act, 32, 52 See Education Johnson, President L. B., 9, 52 Johnson, M., 154, 168 Johnson, P., 154, 213, Jones, J., 40, 52 Josephy, A., 11, 13, 28, 52, 58, 87, 93, 108, 145 Judeo-Christian, 61 Jung, B., 336, 285 Justifications for conquest, 680

Kape 'ahiokalani Padeken Ah Nee-Benham, M. with Cooper, J. E., 154, 213 Kappler,C J., 31, 52 Katz, R., & St. Denis, V., 165, 213 Katz,W.L., 10, 11, 28 Kawennano-Johnson, D., 56, 93 Keepers of the Earth: Native American Stories and Environmental Activities far Children, 202 Kelly, M., 90, 93 Kennedy Report on Reservation Conditions, 35 Kennedy, John F., 41 Kennedy, Robert F., 43 Kickingbird, K., & Charleston, G. M., 32, 52 Kickingbird, K., & Ducheneaux, K., 66, 61, 93 Kid catching, 69 King Philip, 269 King, Martin Luther, Jr., 35, 39 See Civil Rights Kingsbury, C , 41 Klug, B. J., 6, 19, 22, 28, 33, 52, 59, 71–2, 77, 80–1 , 9 3 , 110, 112–13, 122, 130, 132, 135, 137, 140–43, 145, 148, 151, 155, 157, 160, 168, 196, 213, 217, 219, 221–22, 226–27, 229, 267, 274–77, 279–80, 288, 291 Klug, B. J., & Whitfield, P. T., 172 Klug, B. J., & Lucky, A. S., 22, 28

Index Knight Scholars, 19 Knight, C , Dunbar, R., & Power, C , 97, 106 Knowledge, declarative, 151, 166 process, 151, 166 Knox, E. L., 102, 106 Kohl, P. L., 273, 285 Kragler,S., 177,213 Kramer, B. J., 202, 213 Krashen, S. D., 191, 213 Krathwohl, D. R., Bloom, B. S„ & Masia, B. B., 28 Kraus, R., Hilsendager, S. C , & Dixon, B. ,123, 145 Kroeber,75, 170 See Anthropology, Ishi Krupat, A., 188, 213 Kuforiji, P., 190, 213 Kumashir,K.K., 192, 213

LaFromboise, T. D., & Howard-Pitney, B. , 86, 93 Laguna Department of Education, 191 Lakoff, G., & Johnson, M., 167, 168, 213 Lakota, 13, 124, 190, 269 Land bases, 11 Language, 40, 169 affected by other languages, 174 body, 173 classes, 171 cultural knowledge, 44 preservation, 45, 142 values, 95 dance of communication, 114 deep structure, 166, 171 English, 114 Experience Approach, (LEA), 186, 188, 218 See Education, Literacy, Pedagogy expression of concepts, 113 figurative, 168 Gaelic, 98 Latin, 114 metaphors, 167 Native, 77 of flowers, 121 oral and written connections, 187 pragmatics, 140 praxis, 172 time, 172 redundancy, 172 revitalization, 170 sacred, 113 second, 171 schools, 157 stereotypes, 157 systems, 167

use by many ethnic groups, 114 used to describe learners, 278 verbal and non-verbal, 114, 172 Vygotsky, 177 See Culture, Schemata Languages within the school curricula, 170 Leap, W. L., 140, 145, 174, 213 Learning, experiential, 189, 199, 266 mastery, 139 socially-mediated, x styles, 45, 160, 161, 243, 278 visual imaging, 173 See American Indian students Lee, D. M., & Allen, R. V., 187, 213 Legacies, from intermarriages, 15 of colonization, 54 Lehner, E., & Lehner, J., 121, 145 Leonard, K. A., 63, 93 Lewis and Clark Expedition, 57, 65 Lewis, D.R., 118, 145 Lexicon, 113 See Language Life roles, 136 Liljeblad, S., 123, 145 Linear worldview, European See Cross Literacy, 50, 171 compensatory programs, 44 rates, 32 Cherokee and Choctaw students, 31 skills, 67 See Curriculum Little Soldier, L., 153, 155, 189, 193, 213 Lobo, S., 83, 84, 93 Loether, C , 168, 171 Lomawaima, K. T., 32, 42, 52 Longhouse ceremonies, 196 teaching traditions of, 222 See Yakama López, A., 129, 199, 213 Loss, lands, languages, practices, 65 self, x Lost Bird of Wounded Knee, 58 Lost Colony, 9 Lotan, R. A., Cohen, E. G., & Morphew, C , 208, 213 Louisiana, 9, 65 Louisiana Purchase, 57 Low teacher expectations, 46 Lukasevich, A., 185, 213 Lumbee Tribe, 9, 10, 28 Lutheran, 60, 68

311

312

Index Maas,P.,201, 213 Macedo, D., 276, 285 Macnair, P. L., Hoover, A. L., & Neary, K., 124, 129, 130, 145 Macqucen, A., x, xii, 32, 52 Macro-, meso-, micro-ethnicities, 99 Macro-culture, 8 English language, 114 ethnic, classrooms, 163 ethnicity, 99, 115 society, 290 Making judgments about colleagues, 267 writing connections, 188 Mancall, P. C , 78, 79, 93 Mankiller, W., 31, 32, 48, 52, 208, 213 Mann, B. A., 213 Mann, H., 33 Manpower Development and Training Act, 36, 41, 52 Maracle, B., 78, 79, 80, 93 Margalit,A., 142, 145 Marshall, A., 120, 145 Mascots, 282 Massachusetts, 9 Massau'u, 124 See Hopi Mathematics, 192 applications to real situations, 192 compensatory programs, 59 dancing, 193 economics, 192 field of, 102 integrating cultural knowledge, 223 service learning, 227 Western development of field, 101 See Culturally relevant pedagogy, Curriculum Mather, R. E., 87, 93 Matrilineal Nations, 6 Matthews, M., 173, 177, 213 May, P. A., & Van Winkle, N. W., 85, 93 McClaren, P., & Mufioz, J., 49, 52 McCracken, J. B., 197, 213 McCrum, R., Cran, W., & MacNeil, R., 113, 145, 174, 213 McCubbin, H. I., McCubbin, M. A., Thompson, A. I., & Thompson, E. A., xii McDermot, R. P., 93, 96 McGillivray, A., & Comaskey, B., 32, 52, 70, 76, 93 Meacham, S. J., 186, 213, 270, 285 Media, 18, 64, 110, 248 stereotypes, 86 Mediated behaviors S^Vygotsky Medicine, 120

bundles, 119 men and women, 120 roles, 138 Wheel, 119, 120, 121, 122, 130 representation, 119 areas of, 121 sacred symbol, 119 significance of, 121 Meek, A., 48, 52 Meet Ben Waters, 239 Meeting of two cultures, 230 Melanson,Y.,58, 93 Melting Pot, 15, 33 American Indians, 34 theory of, 140 Mental, 140 health, 56 good, 85 retardation, 40 Mentoring, 226 Meriam, L., 7, 28, 52, 67, 68, 69, 93, 145, 213 Meriam Report, 7, 32, 68, 70, 109, 170, 235, 238 change after, 68 See Boarding Schools Meso-ethnicity, 99, 115, 257 Metaphors See language Métis, 58 Mexicans, 63 Micro-ethnicity, 99 Middle-class, 231 SES, 1 students, 196 Mihesuah, D. A., 59, 6, 75, 77, 90, 108, 127, 156 Military, 12 boarding schools, 70. conflicts, 11 disease, 11 See Army, Genocide Miller, R., 49, 52 Milton, J., 198 Migration off reservations, 73 Mineral production, 67 Miners, 75 killings, 11 Minority group, 16 Missionary schools, 31 Mitchell, B. M., & Salsbury, R. E., 206, 214 Mither,S., 118, 145 Mohawk, 13 M o h a w k , J . C , 2 7 1 , 285 Momady, N. S., 126, 145, 190 Monks, 30 Moquin, W., & Van Doren, C , 203, 214 Morgan, T. J., 31

Index Moriah Mayer, 256 Morris, S., & Rowe, L., 117 Morrisroe, P., 121, 145 Mother Earth, 124, 130, 131 See American Indians, Hopi Mueller, G. O., 126, 146 Multicultural Education, 41, 42, 31, 56, 57, 211, 242 criticisms of, 153 movement, 42 programs, 42 Multiple Intelligences, 167, 193 curricula, 182 Museums, 237 artifacts, 75 star story, 103 Mythology of school failure See Education, Schools

Nabovkov, P., 31, 52, 93 Names, boarding schools, 127 children, 127 See Spirituality National, Advisory Council on Indian Education (NACIE), 35, 43, 52 Board for Professional Teaching Standards, 25–26, 28 core propositions, 25 Congress of American Indians, 90, 292 Institute of Mental Health, 85, 93 Literacy Act, 37 Urban Indian Council, 74 National Indian, Congress, 129 Education Association, 52 Gaming Association, 207 Youth Council (Red Power), 35 Youth Leadership Project (NIYLP), 199, 227 Native American, arts and crafts, 7 Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA), 76, 93, 203, 214, Languages Act of 1990 (NALA), 37, 170, 214 intermarriages, 20 students See American Indian students symbols, 118 teachers, 46, 48 worldview, 118 Native communities, 16, 48, 49, 81, 112, 128, 152, 171, 172, 174, 225, 227, 256, 275, 284 actions over words, 132 alcohol use, 79 curbing of abuse, 224 artists, 134

contemporary, 25 devastation, 76 emphasis on community, 48 healing, 90 Intergenerational Trauma, 76 laws after WWII, 37 language use in, 8, 171 Lumbee tribal Nation, 9 speaking English, 8 media and technology, 84 population, 11 propaganda about Native peoples, 62 raising children in, 137 religion, 68 naming practices, 127 roles of men and women, 136, 223 serving in WWI, 33 schools, 2, 33, 77, 220, 274 self-respect, 154 stories, 125 recording, 188 strengths and traditions, 43, 91 teachers, 22, 87 elders, 221 healing processes, 90 learning languages of, 220 perceptions, 22 urban centers, 74 working with, 90 Naturalists, 141 Navajo (Diné), 6, 13, 65, 69, 173, 181, 184, 192 Community College Press, 93 Negative reinforcement, 19 Nel, J., 275, 277, 285 Nelson, J. L., Carlson, K., & Palonsky, S. B., 270, 271 Netis, B., 122 Neuman,J.M., 185, 214 New, L. K., 131, 146 New York, 9 NICHY (National Information Center for Children and Youth with Disabilities), 41, 52, 110, 146 Niethammer, C , 136, 138, 146 Nieto, S., 166, 169, 173, 192, 214, 282, 285 Nixon, President Richard, 9 Noble savage, 64 Noddings, N., 209, 267 Non-verbal communication systems, 45 deep structure of interactions, 173 Norman, R. A., Thompson, D. B., Foroud, T., Garvey, W. T., Bennett, P. H., Bogardus, C , Ravussin, E., Allan, C , Baier, L., Bowden, D., Hanson, R., Knowler, W., Kobes, S., Pettitt, D., & Prochazka, M., 225, 229, 281, 287

313

314

Index North Carolina, 9 Northern Kwakiutl, 124 Northwest Coast, 129 Number four, 120 Nuri,L., 157, 160, 217,280

O'Dell, S., 65, 148, 214 Obesity, childhood, 255 problems of, 281 See Health, Medicine Wheel, Physical, Obeying rules, 30 Office of, Economic Opportunity government, 74 Indian Education, 10, 191 Native American Programs government, 74 Ogbu, J. U., 198, 214 Ogram, K., 97, 106 Ohanian, S., 149, 150, 159, 214 Ojibwa, 134 Oklahoma, 5, 65, 88, 201 oil, discovery of, 67 teacher, 12 Oneida, 271 On-going concerns, 265 Onondaga, 271 ORBIS Associates, 47, 52 Organizations to Christianize Native peoples, 68 Original inhabitants, 60 Ortiz, S., 190 Ortner, S. B., 100, 106 Ovando, C. J., & Pérez, R., 170, 214

Paisano, E. L., Carroll, D. L., Cowles, J. H., DeBarros, K. A., Miles, K. N., Zarbough, L. E., & Harrison, R. J., 13, 28 Pallaton, D., 72, 127, 137, 173 Pan-Indian, culture, 13 movement, 35 powwow, 128 urban communities, 83 See Boarding schools, Powwows Parents, 23, 92 alcohol use, 56 cultural and political brokers, 2 foster, low expectations of Native children, 82 stereotypes of Native children, 82 government, 66 grandparents, community members and schools, 22, 46 parental rights, 82 removal of children, 72 See American Indian(s)

Parmenides, philosopher, 101 Participating in community events, 225 Patterns of alcoholism and drug abuse, 78 Paulsen, S. K., 76, 93 Pavel, D. M., 46, 47, 52, 266, 279, 285 Pawnee Indian Nation, 90 slavery, 58 Pedagogical tools, 5 Pedagogy, 26 critical, 207 Culturally responsive, 188 Pehrsson, R. S., 100, 106, 113, 146 Penner,D.E., 194, 204, 214 Perceptions of anti-education sentiment, 271 Performance, standards 44 Performance-based Assessment, 35 Perry, B. D., 56, 93 Peters, J. M., 185, 214 Petrie, H. G., 205, 206, 214 Pettipas, K., 58, 60, 109, 119, 128, 146 Pewewardy, C , 6, 11, 28–9,45, 52, 120–21,155, 157, 161, 173, 175, 185, 189, 193, 195, 214, 282 Pewewardy, C , & Bushey, M., 154, 161, 214 Phillips, S., 134, 146, 174, 214 Philosophers, 100 Philosophy, 102 Physical, 100, 108, 12, 132 affection, 133 conditions, 73 contact, 133 Piaget,J.,46, 175, 180 affective domain, 175 social knowledge, 176 view of knowledge construction, 175 Pine, G. J., & Hilliard, A. G., 205, 214 Pinkard, T. P., 214, 214 Pioneers, 57 childrearing practices, 71 Places of learning, 133, 278 Plains Culture, shield stories, 126 Indians, 129 powwows, 128 Plato, philosopher, 30, 101 Plenum, universe, 101 Plessy vs. Ferguson, 36, 39 Pohen, C. A., & Mathison, C , 206, 214 Political movements influencing legislation, 35 Politics, education, 148 hegemony, 104 inter-tribal, 269 Popkewitz, T. S., 143, 146, 148–49, 214, 278, 285 Portman, N., 202 Postmodern, 194, 290 education, 293

Index Post-modernism, 288 Postmodernists, 108, 155 Posttraumatic Stress Disorder, 25, 55, 56, 76 Native communities, 76 Potlatches, 129, 130 See American Indian(s), Native Americans, Tribal Nations Powwows, 10, 13, 20, 111, 119 ,162, 189, 243, 250 attendance, 225 contemporary, 128 discussion and literacy, 218 Indian pride, 128 occasions, 128 Plains Indians, 128 See Boarding schools, Pan-Indian, Spiritual Practices, traditional, 204 Praiseworthy, G., 112–13, 130, 135, 142–43, 151, 157, 227, 267, 274–75,291 Pratt, Col. Richard Henry, 32 Prayer, 123 Preface, vii Prejudices, 64, 254 learned, 88 teachers, 18, 111 Presbyterian, 68 Preservice teachers, 16 President, Bush, G., 170 Clinton, W. J., 46, 195 Grant, U. S., 68 Jackson, A., 12 Jefferson, T., 57 Johnson, L. B., 41, 167 Nixon, R., 131 Roosevelt, F. D., viii, 7, 34, 167 President's Committee on the Arts and Humanities, 195, 214 Pretends Eagle, J., 95, 107 Principals, 219 Problems with educational systems, 274 Process, knowledge, 243 See Pedagogy of becoming bicultural, 14, 35 circular, 22 Programs, compensatory, 178 Progressive Education, 150 See Dewey, Experiential learning Promoting healthy lifestyles, 224 Provisions for education, 30 Psychology, 95 for teachers, 95 Harmonia, 101 Public, Law 94–142 Education of All Handicapped Children Act, 36 schools, 2, 46

high Indian student enrollment, 2 Native students allowed to attend, 39 See Schools Pueblos, 8, 6, 9 Pugh, S., Ovando, C. J., & Schonemann, N., 167, 168, 214 Pulliam,J.D.,30, 52 Purges, 11 Puritans, 30, 63, 269 influence on schools, 30 See King Philip, Religion Purkey, W. W., 19, 28 ,110, 146, 199, 214 Pythagoras, philosopher, 101

Questions, 156, 239, 244 answers, 21 time frame for answering, 21 examining materials for biases, 156 poverty, 291 student testing of non-Indian teachers, 250 student heritages, 252

Rabbit, 178 Race, 74 science of, 75 history, 10 Racial, biases, 64 history, 10 Racism, 114. See Diversity, Prejudices, Stereotypes Ramey,E.K.,291,294 Rancherias, 6, 8 See Tribal Nations Rappaport, D., 58, 66, 69, 94, 294 Raven, 125 See Spirituality, Stories, Storytelling, Trickster Ravussin, E., Lillioja, S., Knowler, W. C , Christin, L., Freymond, D., Abbott, W. G. H., Boyce, V., Howard, B. V., & Bogardus, C , 225, 229 Reaching ALL of our children, 1 Ready to Learn Act, 37 Recursive process of becoming bicultural, 19, 23 Redistribution of wealth, 129 Reform movements, 34 Relatedness, 126 Relational worldview, American Indians See Cross Relatives, 82 Religion, 123 freedom of, 68, 129 for Native Americans, 68

315

316

Index Religion (continued) spirituality, 221 See American Indians, Church Religious, Freedom Restoration Act, 68 banning of practices, 128 Relocating Native American populations, 5 Removal of children from their families, 71 Renaissance, 30 Renyi, J., 280,282, 285, 293–94 Repression, of aggression, 30 sexual expression, 30 Required canon, 23 Requirements for American Indian ethnicity, 6 Research, effective practices, 44 Reservations, 5, 73, 292 alcohol, 79 boarding schools, 32 communities, 83 confinement, 70 creation, 65 cultural genocide, 12 forced marches, 11 Oklahoma, 5 physical appearances of children, 127 returning to after WWII, 73 spiritual needs, 71 system, 66 urban Indians, 204 See American Indians, Native Americans Resistance, to learn about other cultural systems, 110 of schools to change, 220 teachers to change, 46 Resource personnel in schools, 86 Respect, 124, 131, 133 between home and school, 144 eye-contact, 205 rights and property of others, 40 See American Indians, Spirituality Revolutionary Period, 64 Reyhner, J., 189, 215 Ricci, S., viii, xii Ringo,J.,227, 229 Roderick, M., & Engel, M., 285 Rodriguez, B. M., & Williams, B., 148, 215 Role of media, 64 Roman Catholic Church, 60 Romans, 61 Ronda,J.P.,63, 94 Roosevelt, President F. D., viii, 7, 34, 167 Roots of the modern world, 100 Rosenstein, J., 282, 286 Ross, D. D., & Smith, W., 276, 277, 286 Routman,R., 191, 215 Rowe, K. R, 126, 146

Rudney, G. L., Marxen, C. E, & Risku, M. T., 206, 215 Rules in classrooms, 175 Rural, mentoring programs, 226

Saathoff, G., 56, 94 Sa-ga-ge-wat-ha, Seneca Chief, 132, 146 Sainte-Marie, B., 156 Sak, W. H., Beiser, M., Baker-Brown, G., & Redshirt, R., 84, 94 Sanders, B., 204, 215 Sandoval, N. I., 125, 146 Saturday Evening Post, 38 Saving Our Native Languages, 207 Scaffolding knowledge acquisition See Vygotsky Schema, 18, 175 development of ideas about others, 18 See Piaget Schemata, 18, 23 language, 113 plural of schema, 104, 175, 180 Schlosser, L. K., 227, 286 Schnaiberg, L., 47, 48 School, boards, 219 communities, 25, 235 Dropout Prevention and Basic Skills Improvement Act, 37 failure, 96 family, 233, 237 Indian Magnet, 154 Milwaukee Indian, 154 organization, 217 personnel, 48 students' perceptions of, 152 systems, 45, 49, 59, 91, 275, 292 achievement levels, 220 complex organisms, 283 cultural capital, 111 funding for Indian education, 109 modern, 217 to Work Opportunities Act, 37 Schools, 1, 2, 12, 47, 96, 109, 136, 219, 225, 282 affective domain, 13 changing conditions, 177 community, involvement, 222, 224 formalized relationships, 221 conflicts, 265 partnerships, 220 role, 220 rebuilding, 77 contemporary, 207 differences with Native values, 30 drug and alcohol prevention, 90

Index English only, 114 establishment, 12 high Indian student enrollment, 1 inclusion of cultures and languages, 109 industrial model, 100 mentoring programs for students, 226 negative experiences, 225 organizations, 217 patriarchy, 268 rules of, 134 rural and urban, 148 silencing teachers' voices, 268 students' self-esteems, 139 successful, 218 suicide prevention programs, 87 taken out of tribal Nation control, 31 teacher awareness of suicides, 85 textbooks, 224 therapeutic environments, 224 tribal Nation goals, 227 Schroeder, M., Moses, L., Thornton, L., & Spall, C , 183, 215 Schwartz, L., 291, 294 Science, 64, 126, 182 compensatory programs, 44 of medicine, 120 Scientific Revolution, 30, 103 beginnings, 102 challenging doctrines, 102 Europe, 102 Searching for cultural identities, 10 Second stage of becoming bicultural, 18 Segregated schools, 39 Segregating students by IQ, 40 Segrue, C , 267, 286 Self-concept, 10, 19 positive, 19 student, 10 See Medicine Wheel, Mental Self-determination, 76 health of Native communities, 89 Self-esteem, 10, 26, 77, 155, 157, 166 high, 199 low, 117, 199 student, 109 suicide, 84, 87 See Medicine Wheel Senecca, 271 Sequoyah, 31 Service learning, 200, 226 self-esteem, 198 Setting goals for American Indian education, 218 Shadow education, 272, 273 Shakespeare, W., 198 Shaman, 120

Shapiro, J., 184, 215 Shay, J., 56, 94 Sheffield, G. K., 5, 6, 7, 9,10, 28, 128, 146 Shenkman, R., 11, 28, 62, 94 Sheppard, D. E., 62, 94, 108, 146 Shields, S., 226, 229 Shor, I., 289, 284 Shoshone, 111, 171, 187, 223, 225 Shoshone-Bannock, 6, 29, 70, 72, 127 Shoshoni language, 72, 171 See Shoshone Siccone,F., 199, 215 Siebold, K., 25, 28 Silence in classrooms, 23 Silko, L., 190 Sitting Up, D., 59, 94, 118, 146 Sixth stage of becoming bicultural, 23 Skinner, L., 33, 42, 53,167, 215 Slavery, 269 African, 10 American Indians, 11, 58 Sleeter,CE., 169, 215 Smallpox, 62, 80, 280 Smith, M., 192 Smith, A. D., 38, 53, 99, 107 Smythe,N., 68, 67, 79, 133 Sneve,V., 190 Snipp, C. M., 6, 28 Snow, K., 113, 130, 148, 222, 277 Social, construction of knowledge, 224 justice, 153, 177, 205, 282 realities of schools, 207 sciences, 223 See Constructivist, Dewey, Education, Piaget, Vygotsky workers, 58, 71, 76 placement of children, 82 prejudices, 71 removal from homes, 71 unawareness of cultural differences, 71 Socially-mediated instruction, 194 Sociology, 109 teachers, 95 Socrates, philosopher, 101 Soft sciences, 102 Songs, 124 See Spirituality South Dakota, 12 Southern Kwakiutl, 124 Sovereign Nation status, 9 Sowell, T., 279, 286 Special education, 110 Speech/language therapy, 110 Spinning a tale See European(s)

317

318

Index Spirit murder, 70 Spiritual, 39, 63, 100, 121, 123–24, 130–31, 260 abuse, 70 adornments, 120 beliefs, 221 gifts and rituals, 119 separation of church and state, 235 Spirituality, 68, 123 contemporary music, 131 ethics, 131 elders, 221 European life, 222 religion, 221 silence, 134 today, 130 See Medicine Wheel, Religion Spring, J., 31–33, 41, 53, 59, 94 Squaw, 88 St. Germaine, R D., 1, 4, 28, 37, 43, 46, 53 Stages of inter-cultural encounters, 16 Stahl,W.K.,35, 37, 53 Standardized tests, 34 appropriateness, 44 norming, 279 Standing Bear, L., 124, 126 State recognition of tribal Nation status, 13 Stauffer, R. G., 187, 215 Directed Reading-Thinking Activity, 215 Stephan,W., 153, 215 Steptoe, J., 71, 122, 137, 219, 221, 226, 277, 279, 288 Stereotypes, 2, 63, 81, 200, 238 classroom materials or trade books, 155 learning, 17 mascots, 282 peer relationships, 111 Native peoples, 14 See Biases, Prejudices Stereotyping, 114 Native Americans, 62 Sterilization, 56, 76 StifFarm, L. A., & Lane, P., 11, 28, 60, 62, 94 Stoll,L.,207, 215 Stories, 65, 125 alcohol consumption, 81 answers to questions, 172 beliefs and traditions, 125 Christianity and star stories, 103 containing Native science, 126 creation, 125 European symbolic use of wolf, 126 forced marches, 65 information contained, 21 generalizing, 224 legends, 125 marking historical events, 103

of boarding school experiences, 32 genocide, 237 oral, Europe, 126 published, 223 recordings of, 188 controversy, 126 revival, 125 spinning a tale, 126 star, 103 trickster tales, 125 See American Indian(s), Education, Spirituality Story of Michelle Frederickson, 231 Storytelling, 223 Strauss, S. L., 268, 286 Strauss, T., & Valentino, D., 83, 94 Striedieck, I. M., 293, 294 Strike, K. A., & Soltis, J. F., 289, 290, 294 Strom, K. M., 45, 53 Strong educators, 108 Stotsky,S., 57, 94, 153, 215 Students, achievement, 293 feeling comfortable with teachers, 133 inappropriate assignments, 134 inter-tribal, 169 physical activities, 138 respect for, 143 struggling to understand each other, 169 transition from school to work, 44 Suicide, American Indian youth, 84 boarding schools, 85 critical ages, 85 prevention programs, 86, 87 rates for tribal Nations, 85 in Western states, 85 of, 84 risk factors, 84 sex differences, 85 Sulzby, E. & Teale, W. H., 185, 215 Summary, Chapter 1, 24 Chapter 2, 46 Chapter 3, 89 Chapter 4, 104 Chapter 5, 184 Chapter 6, 205 Chapter 7, 228 Chapter 8, 263 Chapter 9, 282 Chapter 10, 292 Swift, M., I l l Swisher, K., 215, 260 Swisher, K. G., & Tippeconic, J. W., 206, 215 Symbols, 100, 124 American Indian cultures, 105 exposure to, 122 horses, 119

Index Olympics, 222 religious, 120 represented in schools, 134 sacred, 117 shield, 120 tribal Nation, 121 written, 185 words, 18, 166 Szasz, M. C , 53,49

Tafoya, T., 49, 53 Taino Indians, 61 Talbert, J. E., & McLaughlin, M. W„ 268,286 Teacher(s), 1, 21, 42, 55, 56, 81, 87, 171, 225, 249, 256, 264, 268, 271, 284 accomplished, 26 advocates, 23 alternate assessments, 44 American Indian, 277 asking parents, grandparents, community members, 222 attendance of outside auricular activities, 23 tribal council meetings, 227 beliefs, 158 bicultural, 1, 14, 293 Choctaw and Cherokee tribal schools, 31 concerns about curricula, 157 continuing education, 44 dispositions in schools, xi, 2 disrespect for students, 88 diverse classrooms, 54, 275 education, 274 effective in Native communities, 205, 257 elders, 221 efficacy, 290 excellent, 230 facilitator, 23 false perceptions of other cultures, 245 future, 206, 276 guiding students into health professions, 225 healers, 165, 205 high expectations, 260 high-impact, 276, 277 influencing students, 95 integrity, 208 lack of awareness of other ethnic groups, 41 learning about spiritual beliefs, 221 linear worldview, 115 low expectations, 81 low-impact, 276, 277 making connections with parents and grandparents, 219, 222 orientation to subject matter knowledge, 178 part of suicide prevention teams, 86 questions, 21

skillful, 195 social justice, 267 social knowledge, 176 student collaboration, 194 students in classrooms, 78 styles of lesson presentations, 163 transformation, 1 understanding wholistic worldview, 116 understanding of students' cultures, 45 who do not do their jobs, 275 Teaching, force, 4 composition of, 278 methods, 278 new paradigm teaching American Indian students, ix practices, 271 profession, 48 styles, adjustment of, 23 changes, 3 teaming with American Indians, 86, 221 See Educators, Teachers Technology, 25, 62, 207 applications, 190 programs, Challenge Grants Program, 239 systems, 84 use of, 45, 130, 183, 199, 203, 204, 226 Tennessee, 13 Termination, efforts, 9 states in the East, 9 Testing, 149 High-stakes, 149 Textbooks and other instructional materials, 42, 56, 224 examination of, 134 Theano of Crotona, philospher, 101 Themistoclea, philosopher, priestess, 101 Theology, 102 Third stage of becoming bicultural, 19 Thorn, L., 123, 146 Thomas, W., 181, 215 Three Stages of Intercultural Encounters, 16 Tippeconnic, J., xi, xii, 271, 286 Title I of Improving America's Schools Act, 37 Title II Eisenhower Professional Development Program, 37 Tlingit, 124 Tobin, J., & Dobard, R. G., 99, 107 Tongias, M., 269, 286 Traders, reliance on alcohol, 78 Traditional, 74 arts, 7 and crafts, 68 demise of, revival of, 67 loss of, 77 bicultural, and assimilated American Indians, 10

319

320

Index Traditional (continued) ceremonies, in schools, 236 culture, 45 identification of, 10 elders, 221 Knight Scholars, 19 lands, 68 language use, 67 methods of teaching, 25, 46 micro-ethnicity, 115 peoples, 67 ways, 29 Traditions, Judeo-Christian, 60 Trahant, M. N., 156, 215 Trail of Broken Treaties 20-point Position Paper, 35 Translation of the Bible and a tribal constitution, Cherokee, 31 Transmission of Information view See Dominant culture, European, Pedagogy Treaties, 9, 10 appropriate education for Native students, 31, 32 disregard by government, 77 lands, 77 Trenholm, V.C., & Carley, M., 111, 119, 146 Tribal Nation(s), 2,4, 6–9, 63, 109, 170, 280, 292 alcohol use, 79 asking questions about, 244 assimilation practices, 109 colleges, 43 common values, 271 councils and school input, 33 differences, 14, 142 enrollment, 6 enterprises, 292 in cities, 83 lack of knowledge about, 83 members and answering questions, 21 museums, 136, 194 pre-contact, 108 politics, 136, 266, 326 powwows, 128 resistance to formal education, 24 resources, 200, 206 rivalries, 269 roles of family members, 204 schools, 1, 22, Cherokee and Choctaw, 26 songs, 124 spirituality, 124 Tribally Controlled Community College Assistance Act, 49, 58 Trickster, 244 See Spirituality, Storytelling

Tsimshian, 124 Turde Island Project, 249 See Culturally responsive pedagogy, Culturally relevant learning Tuscarora, 271 Tutoring programs, 272

U.S., Bureau of Census, viii, xii, 7, 37 Department of Education, 2, 35, 53 Office of Educational Research and Improvement, 28 Department of Interior Office of American Indian Trust, xii, x, 139, 146 government and treaties, 31 Underhill, L., 129 Unger, S., 69, 94 United States, Army, 269 government, 33 Pharmacopoeia, 120 Universe, Sphere, 101 Upward Bound, 36 Urban Indians, 5, 6, 8, 35, 38, 39, 73, 74, 81, 82, 84, 131, 226, 231 claiming heritage, 84 communities today, 83 first generation, 82, 83 mixed ethnic heritages, 83 pan-Indian communities, 83 political climate of cities, 83 modern industrial society, 81 number of American Indians, 74 relocation programs, 74 Use of rhetoric as a tool for oppression, 60 Using cooperative learning and multiple intelligences in the classroom, 193

Valdez, S., & Waseta, D., 191, 215 Values, common, 160 Vandergrift, J. A., & Greene, A. L., 225, 229 Velie,A.R.,60, 94 Verrill,A.H.,62, 94, 120, 146 Vespucci, explorer, 62 Views of learning, Constructivist, 180 Viking explorers, 78 settling in Scotland, 98 Virginia, 9 Vocational Education, Act, 36, 37, 41 American Indian students, 34 Vogel,V.J., 120, 146 Vygotsky, L. S., xii, x, 46, 53, 141, 146, 175, 176, 177, 180, 215 egocentric speech, 177 inner speech, 177

Index internalization, 176 mediated behaviors, 176 printed language, 177 scaffolding, 177 social construction view, 177 socially-mediated instruction, 177

Wadsworth, B. J., 46, 53, 175, 176, 215 Wagner, L. R., & Brock, D., 185, 215 Wakantanka, 124 Walema, R., 125, 146 Walker, D.L., Jr., 132, 146 Walking in beauty, 131 Wampanoag, 269 Wannabe Indians, 10, 250 War on Poverty, 35, 40, 41 Warne, F., 121, 146 Watts, I., 99, 107 Wax, M. L., 60, 73, 81, 94,136, 146, 275, 286 Weasel Head, P., 112, 128, 146, 225, 229 Weatherford, J. M., 130, 146 Weber, S., & Mitchell, C , 267, 286 Weddings, dances, 158 Weinberg, B., 253, 269 Weinfeld, S., & Weinfeld, M , 75, 122 Westcoast Salish (Nootkan), 124 Westermeyer, J., 77, 94 Western, contemporary views of children, 142 education, 48, 114, 158, 271 Native perceptions, 32 See Education, Dominant culture White House Conference on Indian Education, 35 White man's education, 91, 284 White racism, 39 White, C , & Walker, T., 203, 216 Whitfield, P. T., & Klug, B. J., 165, 205, 216 Whole Language, 184 approaches in developing literacy, 184 criticisms of, 191 philosophy, 184 use of literature, 186 See Pedagogy Wilder, L. E., 134 Williams, S. M., & Montoya-Lewis, R., 202, 215 Wilson, E. O., 199 Wilson, M., & Jacka, J., 127, 146 Wink,J.,207, 216 Winnebagos, 201 Winter solstice, 104 Wolcott, H. F., 152, 216

Wolf, European symbol, 126 See Stories Wolfe, P., & Poynor, L., 191, 216 Women, roles of, 136 World War I, 15, 33 See History World War II, 8, 15, 35, 38 Code Talkers, 254 move to urban areas, 51 See History World, postmodern, 104 Worldview, linear, 102, 115 relational, 115 alternative, 103 Wounded Knee, 12, 280 Wright, M., 154, 216 Writer, J. H., 206, 216 Wyatt, D., 58, 94

Xandra Albany, 247

Yahi Nation, Ishi, 75 Yakama, 19, 196 Nation, 71 parents' perceptions, 110 participants in education institute, 22 schools, 19 treaty, 77 youth and alcohol, 80 Yakimas, 160 See Yakama Yazzie, T., 34, 45, 46, 53, 142, 146 Yellowtail, T., 131, 147 Yenne, B., 6, 28 Youth Employment and Demonstration Projects Act, 36, 42, 53 Youth, suicide attempts/completions, 85 Yup'ik, 216

Zaczek, L, 97, 98 Zimmerman, M. A., Ramirez, J., Washienko, K. M., Walter, B., & Dyer, S., 140, 147 Zimpher, N. L., & Ashburn, E. A., 1, 28 Zion, 63 Zipes,J., 126, 147 Zitkala Nuñi, 58 Zitkala- Sa, 54, 55, 94, 237, 292 Zitzow, D. , & Desjarlait, F., 85, 94 Zuñi, 6 suicide prevention programs, 86

321