War and Peace: Critical Issues in European Societies and Literature 800-1800 3110268078, 9783110268072, 9783110268225, 2011029779

Citation preview

War and Peace

Fundamentals of Medieval and Early Modern Culture Edited by

Albrecht Classen and Marilyn Sandidge

8

De Gruyter

War and Peace Critical Issues in European Societies and Literature 800⫺1800 Edited by

Albrecht Classen and Nadia Margolis

De Gruyter

ISBN 978-3-11-026807-2 e-ISBN 978-3-11-026822-5 ISSN 1864-3396 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data War and peace : critical issues in European societies and literature 800⫺1800 / edited by Albrecht Classen, Nadia Margolis. p. cm. ⫺ (Fundamentals of medieval and early modern culture ; 8) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-3-11-026807-2 (acid-free paper) 1. Literature, Medieval ⫺ History and criticism. 2. Literature, Modern ⫺ 15th and 16th centuries ⫺ History and criticism. 3. War in literature. 4. War and literature. 5. Civilization, Medieval. 6. Literature, Modern ⫺ 17th century ⫺ History and criticism. 7. Literature, Modern ⫺ 18th century ⫺ History and criticism. I. Classen, Albrecht, 1956⫺ II. Margolis, Nadia, 1949⫺ PN682.W35W37 2011 8091.933581⫺dc23 2011029779

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de. ” 2011 Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, Berlin/Boston Printing and binding: Hubert & Co. GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ⬁ Printed on acid-free paper Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com

TableȱofȱContents

Introduction AlbrechtȱClassen A.ȱTheoreticalȱandȱHistoricalȱReflections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 B.ȱLiteraryȱCaseȱStudies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 C.ȱCriticismȱofȱWarȱinȱMedievalȱLiterature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 D.ȱHistoricalȱVoicesȱAgainstȱWarȱandȱ PragmaticȱAspectsȱofȱWar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 E.ȱAttemptsȱtoȱEstablishȱPeaceȱ andȱToȱReachȱoutȱforȱTolerationȱorȱToleranceȱ(?) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 F.ȱSevereȱCriticismȱofȱWar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 G.ȱPhilosophicalȱReflectionsȱUponȱWar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 H.ȱResearchȱonȱWarȱandȱPeaceȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱ andȱtheȱEarlyȱModernȱPeriod . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 I.ȱIntellectuals’ȱProtestȱofȱandȱAnalysisȱofȱWar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 J.ȱCriticalȱSummariesȱofȱtheȱContributions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 K.ȱConclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 Chapterȱ1ȱ

ScottȱL.ȱTaylorȱ TheȱConquestȱofȱSodom:ȱSymbiosisȱofȱCalumnyȱ andȱCanonȱinȱtheȱJusȱBelliȱfromȱIrelandȱtoȱtheȱIndies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 Chapterȱ2

BenȱSnook JustȱWarȱinȱAngloȬSaxonȱEngland:ȱ TransmissionȱandȱReception . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 Chapterȱ3

SeanȱPollack HistoriesȱofȱViolence:ȱTheȱOriginsȱofȱWarȱinȱBeowulf . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121

vi

TableȱofȱContent

Chapterȱ4

AndrewȱBreeze WarlordsȱandȱDiplomatsȱinȱtheȱFourȱBranchesȱofȱtheȱMabinogi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 Chapterȱ5

CharlesȱW.ȱConnell OriginsȱofȱMedievalȱPublicȱOpinionȱinȱtheȱPeaceȱofȱGodȱMovement . . . . . . . 171 Chapterȱ6

DenisȱCasey “AȱCompulsoryȱandȱBurdensomeȱImposition”:ȱ BilletingȱTroopsȱinȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱIreland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193 Chapterȱ7

JohnȱA.ȱDempsey FromȱHolyȱWarȱtoȱPatientȱEndurance:ȱHenryȱIV,ȱ MatildaȱofȱTuscany,ȱandȱtheȱEvolutionȱofȱBonizoȱofȱSutri’sȱ ResponseȱtoȱHereticalȱPrinces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217 Chapterȱ8

SusanȱSmall CligésȱUnȬcut:ȱSomeȱNotesȱonȱtheȱBattlefieldsȱ inȱChrétienȱdeȱTroyes ȱCligés ’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253 Chapterȱ9

ZanȱKocher PeaceȱandȱLove:ȱCommunitiesȱandȱCouplesȱ inȱOldȱFrenchȱRomanceȱPlots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 277 Chapterȱ10

KirilȱPetkov KissȱandȱMakeȱUp?ȱRitualȱPeacemakingȱ inȱFrankishȱMoreaȱandȱItsȱNarrativeȱReflections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 293 Chapterȱ11

AlbrechtȱClassen TheȱPowerȱofȱSermonsȱinȱWarȱandȱPeace: TheȱExampleȱofȱBertholdȱofȱRegensburg . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313

TableȱofȱContent

vii

Chapterȱ12

GlennȱKumhera PromotingȱPeaceȱinȱMedievalȱSiena:ȱ PeacemakingȱLegislationȱandȱItsȱEffects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333 Chapterȱ13

YuriȱFuwa Aȱ“JustȱWar”?ȱAȱFurtherȱReassessmentȱofȱ theȱAlliterativeȱMorteȱArthure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 349 Chapterȱ14

CarolynȱP.ȱCollette WagingȱSpiritualȱWar:ȱPhilippeȱdeȱMézières,ȱ TheȱOrderȱofȱtheȱPassionȱandȱtheȱPowerȱofȱPerformance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 377 Chapterȱ15

AngusȱJ.ȱKennedy ChristineȱdeȱPizan’sȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreine:ȱ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 395 A Woman’s ȱ Perspective ȱ on War ȱ ȱ andȱ Peace? ȱ Chapterȱ16

WilliamȱC.ȱMcDonald ArmedȱConflictȱasȱaȱDeadlyȱSin: MichelȱBeheim’sȱVersesȱonȱWrathȱ(1454–ca.1470) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 425 Chapterȱ17

JoanȱTaskerȱGrimbert LoveȱandȱWarȱinȱtheȱFifteenthȬCenturyȱBurgundianȱProseȱCligés:ȱ TheȱDukeȱofȱSaxony’sȱPassionȱforȱFenice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 443 Chapterȱ18

GeorgeȱArabatzis SailingȱAwayȱfromȱByzantium:ȱ RenaissanceȱCrusadeȱLiteratureȱandȱtheȱPeaceȱPlans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 463 Chapterȱ19

JörnȱMünkner TheȱArtȱofȱDefyingȱtheȱEnemy:ȱ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 491 AlbrechtȱDürer sȱConceptȱofȱtheȱArsȱfortificatoria ’

viii

TableȱofȱContent

Chapterȱ20

AlbrechtȱClassenȱ SixteenthȬCenturyȱProtestsȱAgainstȱWarȱandȱItsȱTragicȱConsequences:ȱ TheȱTestimonyȱofȱHansȱSachsȱandȱHisȱContemporaries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 517 Chapterȱ21

JohnȱCampbell Racine’s Holy ȱ Wars ȱ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 541 Chapterȱ22

MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock OutȱofȱtheȱKitchenȱandȱintoȱtheȱFire:ȱ TheȱDutchȱHeroineȱTradition . . . .ȱ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 557 Chapterȱ23

HeidiȱJ.ȱHolder TheȱAnimalȱActorȱandȱtheȱSpectacleȱofȱWarfare: Lewis’s Timour ȱ the Tartar ȱ ȱ at Covent ȱ ȱ Garden ȱ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 599

ListȱofȱIllustrations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 619 Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 623 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 631

Introduction AlbrechtȱClassen (TheȱUniversityȱofȱArizona,ȱTucson)

A.ȱTheoreticalȱandȱHistoricalȱReflections Warȱinȱitsȱmyriadȱmanifestationsȱhasȱalways,ȱunfortunately,ȱdeterminedȱhuman lifeȱalmostȱmoreȱthanȱanyȱotherȱaspectȱinȱhistory.1ȱByȱtheȱsameȱtoken,ȱmilitary interestsȱhaveȱpropelledȱtechnologicalȱdevelopmentsȱmoreȱthanȱanyȱotherȱfactors, andȱ thisȱ bothȱ inȱ antiquityȱ andȱ inȱ theȱ twentiethȱ century.ȱ Knightlyȱ armor,ȱ for instance,ȱunderwentȱtremendousȱtransformationsȱthroughoutȱtheȱentireȱMiddle Ages,ȱandȱyetȱatȱtheȱendȱtheȱemergenceȱofȱgunȱpowder,ȱquicklyȱleadingȱtoȱthe inventionsȱofȱgunsȱandȱcanons,ȱchangedȱallȱthatȱforȱgood.ȱLetȱusȱbrieflyȱexamine theȱsituationȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱbeforeȱweȱturnȱourȱattentionȱtoȱwarfareȱinȱthe earlyȱmodernȱperiod.ȱ HowȱmuchȱwesternȱandȱcentralȱEuropeȱtransformȱduringȱthoseȱcenturiesȱinȱthe wakeȱofȱorȱinȱresponseȱtoȱtheȱmassiveȱattacksȱfirstȱbyȱtheȱHunsȱinȱtheȱfifthȱcentury, thenȱbyȱtheȱArabs/Saracensȱinȱtheȱeighthȱandȱninthȱcenturies,ȱbyȱtheȱVikingsȱfrom theȱeighthȱthroughȱtheȱtenthȱcenturies,ȱbyȱtheȱMagyarsȱinȱtheȱtenthȱcentury,ȱand byȱtheȱMongolsȱinȱtheȱthirteenthȱcentury!ȱLater,ȱduringȱtheȱfollowingȱcenturies filledȱwithȱconflictsȱbetweenȱtheȱOttomansȱandȱtheȱEuropeanȱChristianȱrulers,ȱwar strategiesȱandȱequipmentsȱimprovedȱandȱchangedȱconsiderably,ȱbutȱtheȱneedȱto buildȱweapons,ȱtoȱmaintainȱaȱmilitaryȱforce,ȱtoȱerectȱdefenseȱstructures,ȱtoȱwork towardȱmilitaryȱalliancesȱagainstȱtheȱenemy,ȱandȱsoȱforth,ȱdidȱnotȱdiminish,ȱof course.2ȱAsȱJeanȬDenisȱG.ȱG.ȱLepageȱcorrectlyȱobserves,ȱ“ItȱwasȱnotȱtheȱFrench

1

2

See,ȱforȱinstance,ȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱMedievalȱWarfareȱ1300–1450,ȱed.ȱKellyȱDeVries.ȱInternational LibraryȱofȱEssaysȱonȱMilitaryȱHistoryȱ(Villiston,ȱVT:ȱAshgate,ȱ2010). PhilippeȱContamine,ȱLaȱGuerreȱauȱmoyenȱâgeȱ(Paris:ȱLesȱPressesȱUniversitairesȱdeȱFrance,ȱ1980); WarȱandȱChivalry:ȱWarfareȱandȱAristocraticȱCultureȱinȱEngland,ȱFranceȱandȱBurgundyȱatȱtheȱEndȱofȱthe MiddleȱAges,ȱed.ȱChristopherȱT.ȱAllmandȱ(London:ȱDuckworth,ȱ1981);ȱJohnȱR.ȱHale,ȱWarȱandȱSociety inȱ Renaissanceȱ Europeȱ 1450–1620ȱ (Leicester:ȱ Leicesterȱ Universityȱ Press,ȱ 1985).ȱ Seeȱ alsoȱ Rhoads Murphey,ȱOttomanȱWarfareȱ1500ȱȬȱ1700ȱ(London:ȱRoudledge,ȱ2004);ȱWarfareȱinȱEarlyȱModernȱEurope: 1450ȱ –ȱ 1660,ȱ ed.ȱ Paulȱ E.ȱ J.ȱ Hammer.ȱ Theȱ Internationalȱ Libraryȱ ofȱ Essaysȱ onȱ Militaryȱ History (Aldershot,ȱEngland;ȱBurlington,ȱVT:ȱAshgate,ȱ2007);ȱJohnȱA.ȱLynn,ȱWomen,ȱArmies,ȱandȱWarfare inȱEarlyȱModernȱEuropeȱ(CambridgeȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2008).ȱTheȱlist

2

AlbrechtȱClassen

chivalryȱnorȱJeanneȱd’ArcȱwhoȱfinallyȱbroughtȱtheȱHundredȱYears’ȱWarȱtoȱaȱclose andȱbundledȱtheȱEnglishȱbackȱtoȱtheirȱisland.”ȱInstead,ȱasȱheȱsuggests,ȱitȱwasȱthe inventionȱofȱgunȱpowder.ȱAndȱheȱcontinues:ȱ“Powderȱgaveȱaȱsourceȱofȱenergy thousandȱtimesȱstrongerȱthanȱthatȱofȱhumanȱmuscularȱforce;ȱitsȱuseȱasȱanȱexplosive chargeȱtoȱprovideȱtheȱpowerȱtoȱfireȱmissilesȱwasȱtheȱmostȱinfluentialȱinnovation inȱtheȱhistoryȱofȱwarfare.”3ȱHowever,ȱvirtuallyȱtheȱsameȱconditionsȱtoȱaȱdifferent degreeȱcanȱbeȱobservedȱinȱearlierȱtimesȱsinceȱmilitaryȱconflictsȱoperateȱnormally quiteȱsimilarly,ȱwhichȱallowsȱusȱtoȱpursueȱcomparativeȱinvestigations.4 WarȱenjoyedȱaȱvirtuallyȱreligiousȱcharacterȱinȱtheȱArabicȱworldȱsinceȱtheȱriseȱof Islam,ȱandȱsomeȱbranchesȱcontinueȱthisȱjihadȱorȱghiadȱtodayȱ(Taliban,ȱAlȱQaida, etc.).ȱToȱdoȱjusticeȱtoȱthisȱhugeȱtopic,ȱweȱwouldȱhaveȱtoȱaddȱaȱwholeȱseparate chapterȱbothȱtoȱtheȱpresentȱIntroductionȱandȱtoȱtheȱvolumeȱasȱaȱwhole.ȱȱSufficeȱit hereȱatȱleastȱtoȱkeepȱinȱmindȱhowȱmuchȱtheȱMuslimȱworldȱhasȱconsistentlyȱand regularlyȱembracedȱholyȱwarȱagainstȱtheȱChristianȱworldȱorȱhostileȱneighbor,ȱwho couldȱalsoȱhaveȱbeenȱadherentsȱtoȱtheȱIslamicȱfaith.5ȱ Theȱ popularȱ sloganȱ inȱ theȱ 1960sȱ “Makeȱ loveȱ notȱ war”ȱ wasȱ onlyȱ seeminglyȱ a powerfulȱexpressionȱofȱanȱeffectiveȱrevoltȱagainstȱtheȱdominanceȱofȱtheȱmilitaryȬ industrialȱcomplex,6ȱasȱPresidentȱDwightȱEisenhowerȱfamouslyȱhadȱidentifiedȱit

3

4

5

6

ofȱrelevantȱtitlesȱcouldȱeasilyȱbeȱextendedȱhere,ȱespeciallyȱbecauseȱvirtuallyȱeveryȱcountryȱor nationȱbothȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱfarȱbeyondȱexperiencedȱextensiveȱmilitaryȱchallengesȱorȱwas establishedȱbyȱwayȱofȱmilitaryȱoperations.ȱToȱwriteȱmedievalȱorȱearlyȱmodernȱhistoryȱwithoutȱa strongȱfocusȱonȱwarȱ(andȱthenȱalsoȱonȱpeace),ȱwouldȱbeȱanȱimpossibility. JeanȬDenisȱG.ȱG.ȱLepage,ȱMedievalȱArmiesȱandȱWeaponsȱinȱWesternȱEurope:ȱAnȱIllustratedȱHistory (Jefferson,ȱNC,ȱandȱLondon:ȱMcFarlandȱ&ȱCompany,ȱ2005),ȱ248;ȱseeȱalsoȱWendelinȱBoeheim, HandbuchȱderȱWaffenkundeȱ(1890;ȱGraz:ȱAkademischeȱDruckȬȱundȱVerlagsanstalt,ȱ1966);ȱKarlȱGeorg Zinn,ȱ Kanonenȱ undȱ Pest:ȱ Überȱ dieȱ Ursprüngeȱ derȱ Neuzeitȱ imȱ 14.ȱ undȱ 15.ȱ Jahrhundertȱ (Opladen: WestdeutscherȱVerlag,ȱ1989);ȱWilliamȱWeir,ȱ50ȱWeaponsȱThatȱChangedȱWarfareȱ(FranklinȱLakes,ȱNJ: NewȱPageȱBooks,ȱ2005).ȱForȱanȱexcellentȱoverview,ȱseeȱPeterȱH.ȱKunz,ȱTechnischeȱEntwicklungȱder Feuerwaffenȱ1200ȱbisȱ1900:ȱEineȱZusammenfassungȱderȱwichtigstenȱhistorischenȱundȱtechnischenȱDaten inȱTexten,ȱZeichnungenȱundȱBildernȱ(Zurich:ȱEd.ȱàȱlaȱcarte,ȱ2008). RyanȱLavelle,ȱAlfred’sȱWars:ȱSourcesȱandȱInterpretationsȱofȱAngloȬSaxonȱWarfareȱinȱtheȱVikingȱAge (Rochester,ȱNY:ȱBoydellȱ&ȱBrewer,ȱ2010);ȱcf.ȱKatherineȱAllenȱSmith,ȱWarȱandȱtheȱMakingȱofȱMedieval MonasticȱCultureȱ(Rochester,ȱNY:ȱBoydellȱ&ȱBrewer,ȱ2011). RonaldȱA.ȱMessier,ȱTheȱAlmoravidsȱandȱtheȱMeaningsȱofȱJihadȱ(SantaȱBarbara,ȱCA:ȱPraeger,ȱ2010);ȱsee alsoȱJanȬErikȱLane,ȱReligionȱandȱPolitics:ȱIslamȱandȱMuslimȱCivilization,ȱwithȱaȱchapterȱbyȱRiadh Sidaoui.ȱ2ndȱed.ȱ(Farnham,ȱEngland,ȱandȱBurlington,ȱVT:ȱAshgate,ȱ2009);ȱȱDavidȱBukay,ȱFrom MuhammedȱtoȱBinȱLadin:ȱReligiousȱandȱIdeologicalȱSourcesȱofȱtheȱHomicideȱBombersȱPhenomenonȱ(New Brunswick,ȱNJ:ȱTransactionȱPublishers,ȱ2008);ȱcf.ȱalsoȱJ.ȱDarylȱCharles,ȱBetweenȱPacifismȱandȱJihad: JustȱWarȱandȱChristianȱTraditionȱ(DownersȱGrove,ȱIL:ȱInterVarsityȱPress,ȱ2005);ȱJohnȱKelsay,ȱIslam andȱWar:ȱAȱStudyȱinȱComparativeȱEthicsȱ(Louisville,ȱKY:ȱWestminster/JohnȱKnoxȱPress,ȱ1993).ȱFor theȱconflictsȱbetweenȱtheȱtwoȱmostȱimperialisticȱworldȱreligionsȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱseeȱStephen O’Shea,ȱSeaȱofȱFaith:ȱIslamȱandȱChristianityȱinȱtheȱMedievalȱMediterraneanȱWorldȱ(NewȱYork:ȱWalker, 2006). DavidȱAllyn,ȱMakeȱLove,ȱNotȱWar:ȱTheȱSexualȱRevolution,ȱAnȱUnfetteredȱHistoryȱ(Boston,ȱMA:ȱLittle,

Introduction

3

inȱhisȱfarewellȱaddressȱonȱJanuaryȱ17,ȱ1961.7ȱAsȱbeautifulȱasȱtheȱidealȱbehindȱthat mottoȱmightȱhaveȱbeen,ȱhistoricalȱrealityȱandȱourȱunderstandingȱofȱhumanȱnature speakȱvolumesȱaboutȱitsȱromanticizingȱvalue.ȱInȱthisȱcontextȱitȱdoesȱnotȱreally matterȱwhetherȱweȱthinkȱaboutȱNeolithicȱcultures,ȱtheȱGreekȱorȱRomanȱworld, medievalȱfeudalism,ȱorȱanyȱsubsequentȱsocietiesȱallȱoverȱtheȱworld,ȱeastȱandȱwest, northȱandȱsouth.ȱMankindȱhasȱalwaysȱtendedȱmoreȱtoȱresortȱtoȱweaponsȱinȱcases ofȱ conflictȱ thanȱ toȱ conversations,ȱ negotiations,ȱ debates,ȱ orȱ anyȱ otherȱ formȱ of communicationȱthatȱmakeȱhumanȱlifeȱworthȱliving.8ȱAȱmajorȱportionȱofȱhuman ingenuityȱhasȱalwaysȱturnedȱtowardȱbuildingȱweaponry,ȱsiegeȱengines,ȱdefense structures,ȱ andȱ allȱ theȱ necessaryȱ paraphernaliaȱ toȱ carryȱ outȱ successful,ȱ thatȱ is, triumphantȱwarfare,ȱwhateverȱtheȱultimateȱpurpose,ȱreason,ȱorȱintentionȱmight haveȱbeen.9 Warȱexpressesȱphysicalȱmight,ȱbutȱalsoȱfear.ȱItȱisȱaȱbasicȱneed,ȱweȱmightȱsay,ȱfor thoseȱwhoȱwantȱtoȱbullyȱothers,ȱsubjugateȱthem,ȱoppressȱthem,ȱconquerȱthem, defeatȱ them,ȱ hurtȱ them,ȱ andȱ alsoȱ killȱ them.ȱ Peopleȱ haveȱ alwaysȱ beenȱ greedy, aggressive,ȱreckless,ȱandȱruthless,ȱandȱweaponsȱhaveȱcontinuouslyȱbeenȱusedȱto achieveȱtheȱoneȱandȱonlyȱgoalȱtoȱtakeȱfromȱtheȱothersȱandȱtoȱappropriateȱtheir

7

8

9

Brown,ȱ2000);ȱRainerȱJogschies,ȱMakeȱLoveȱnotȱWar!:ȱDieȱentspanntenȱSiebziger.ȱUllsteinȱSachbuchȱ (Frankfurtȱa.ȱM.:ȱUllstein,ȱ1992). Forȱanȱexcellentȱreviewȱarticle,ȱseeȱRonaldȱD.ȱGerste,ȱ“EisenhowersȱWarnungȱvorȱeinemȱStaatȱim Staat,”ȱNeueȱZürcherȱZeitung,ȱJan.ȱ18,ȱ2011,ȱno.ȱ14;ȱseeȱalsoȱJamesȱLedbetter,ȱUnwarrantedȱInfluence: DwightȱD.ȱEisenhowerȱandȱtheȱMilitaryȬIndustrialȱComplex.ȱIconsȱofȱAmericaȱ(NewȱHaven,ȱCT:ȱYale UniversityȱPress,ȱ2011).ȱSimilarlyȱhelpfulȱproveȱtoȱbeȱChalmersȱJohnson,ȱTheȱSorrowsȱofȱEmpire: Militarism,ȱSecrecy,ȱandȱtheȱEndȱofȱtheȱRepublicȱ(NewȱYork:ȱMetropolitanȱBooks,ȱ2004),ȱWilliam Proxmire,ȱReportȱfromȱWasteland:ȱAmericaȇsȱMilitaryȬIndustrialȱComplexȱ(NewȱYork:ȱPraeger,ȱ1970), SamȱC.ȱSarkesian,ȱTheȱMilitaryȬIndustrialȱComplex:ȱAȱReassessment.ȱSageȱResearchȱProgressȱSeries onȱWar,ȱRevolution,ȱandȱPeacekeeping,ȱ2ȱ(BeverlyȱHills,ȱCA:ȱSageȱPublications,ȱ1972),ȱandȱPaul A.ȱC.ȱKoistinen,ȱTheȱMilitaryȬIndustrialȱComplex:ȱAȱHistoricalȱPerspectiveȱ(NewȱYork:ȱPraeger,ȱ1980). AlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ“CommunicationȱinȱMedievalȱStudies,”ȱHandbookȱofȱMedievalȱStudies:ȱTermsȱ– Methodsȱ–ȱTrends,ȱed.ȱid.ȱVol.ȱ1ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱDeȱGruyter,ȱ2010),ȱ330–43. PeterȱPurton,ȱAȱHistoryȱofȱtheȱEarlyȱSiege,ȱc.ȱ450–1200ȱ(Woodbridge:ȱBoydellȱPress,ȱ2009).ȱInȱfact, aȱmajorȱportionȱofȱmedievalȱhistoriographyȱpertainsȱtoȱwarȱandȱeverythingȱassociatedȱwithȱit;ȱsee, forȱinstance,ȱAnnȱHyland,ȱTheȱMedievalȱWarhorseȱfromȱByzantiumȱtoȱtheȱCrusades,ȱwithȱaȱforeword byȱ Michaelȱ Prestwichȱ (Farȱ Thrupp,ȱ Stroud,ȱ Gloucestershire;ȱ Dover,ȱ NH:ȱ Alanȱ Sutton,ȱ 1994); MichaelȱPrestwich,ȱArmiesȱandȱWarfareȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges:ȱTheȱEnglishȱExperienceȱ(NewȱHaven,ȱCT: YaleȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1996);ȱJohnȱFrance,ȱWesternȱWarfareȱinȱtheȱAgeȱofȱtheȱCrusades,ȱ1000Ȭ1300 (Ithaca,ȱNY:ȱCornellȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1999);ȱWeapon:ȱAȱVisualȱHistoryȱofȱArmsȱandȱArmorȱ(New York:ȱ DKȱ Publisher,ȱ 2006).ȱ Seeȱ nowȱ Theȱ Oxfordȱ Encyclopediaȱ ofȱ Medievalȱ Warfareȱ andȱ Military Technology,ȱed.ȱCliffordȱJ.ȱRogers,ȱtogetherȱwithȱWilliamȱCaferro,ȱKellyȱDeVries,ȱJohnȱFrance,ȱand othersȱ (Oxford:ȱ Oxfordȱ Universityȱ Press,ȱ 2010),ȱ whichȱ “containsȱ articlesȱ onȱ militaryȱ leaders; battles;ȱsieges;ȱindividualȱfortresses;ȱandȱmilitaryȱtechnologyȱfocusingȱonȱsubjectsȱsuchȱasȱarmor, navigationalȱtechniques,ȱandȱsiegeȱwarfareȱtactics.ȱInȱaddition,ȱeachȱregionalȱoverview—suchȱas Britain,ȱ theȱ Byzantineȱ Empire,ȱ andȱ Hungary—includesȱ aȱ discussionȱ ofȱ primaryȱ sources,ȱ an introductoryȱnarrative,ȱandȱanȱentryȱonȱhistoriographyȱprovidingȱaȱdepthȱandȱbreadthȱofȱcoverage notȱfoundȱinȱanyȱotherȱresourceȱonȱtheȱsubject”ȱ(onlineȱpreface).

4

AlbrechtȱClassen

treasures,ȱ homes,ȱ orȱ otherȱ valuables,ȱ includingȱ theirȱ families.ȱ Theȱ Romans employedȱ thatȱ strategyȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ theȱ subsequentȱ Franks,ȱ Vikings,ȱ Saracens, Magyars,ȱMongols,ȱandȱallȱtheȱEuropeanȱpowersȱthroughoutȱhistory.ȱOfȱcourse, theȱsameȱwouldȱalsoȱapplyȱtoȱtheȱrulersȱinȱAfrica,ȱAsia,ȱAustralia,ȱandȱAmerica, butȱthatȱshouldȱnotȱconcernȱusȱhereȱdespiteȱtheȱnumerousȱparallels.10ȱ Ofȱcourse,ȱthereȱisȱtheȱwholeȱbusinessȱofȱJustȱWars,ȱwarȱinȱdefenseȱagainstȱan aggressor,ȱprotectiveȱwar,ȱproactiveȱwar,ȱetc.,ȱbutȱthisȱdoesȱnotȱchangeȱanything inȱ termsȱ ofȱ howȱ peopleȱ chooseȱ toȱ interactȱ withȱ othersȱ inȱ thisȱ highlyȱ volatile world.11ȱTheȱdifferenceȱbetweenȱaȱrockȱusedȱtoȱslayȱanotherȱpersonȱandȱaȱnuclear bombȱisȱoneȱofȱquantity,ȱbutȱnotȱinȱessence—bothȱclearlyȱexpressȱtheȱwillingness toȱopposeȱtheȱotherȱbyȱmeansȱofȱphysicalȱforce,ȱwhetherȱinȱaȱconcreteȱfaceȬtoȬface confrontationȱorȱviaȱlongȱdistance,ȱwithȱaȱpilotȱsimplyȱpressingȱaȱbuttonȱtoȱrelease theȱbombȱwhichȱaȱshortȱtimeȱlaterȱkillsȱhundredsȱofȱthousandsȱofȱpeople.ȱ Thisȱisȱnotȱtoȱdenyȱtheȱcompletelyȱdifferentȱimpact,ȱandȱalsoȱnotȱtheȱdifferent ethicalȱdimension,ȱespeciallyȱwhenȱweȱconsiderȱtheȱmeaningȱofȱaȱknightlyȱjoustȱin contrastȱ toȱ massiveȱ killingsȱ byȱ meansȱ ofȱ remotelyȱ explodedȱ (nuclear)ȱ bombs. Individualsȱ haveȱ alwaysȱ reliedȱ mostlyȱ onȱ weaponsȱ ofȱ allȱ sortsȱ toȱ defend themselvesȱbecauseȱthisȱearthlyȱexistenceȱisȱnotȱaȱpeacefulȱone,ȱdespiteȱallȱdreams formulatedȱbyȱmanyȱofȱtheȱgreatȱthinkersȱandȱfoundersȱofȱreligions,ȱdespiteȱthe streamȱofȱpreachersȱandȱministersȱthroughoutȱtime,ȱandȱthisȱalsoȱinȱtheȱMiddle Ages.12ȱ Butȱwouldȱthisȱreallyȱsurpriseȱus?ȱHowȱdoȱpeopleȱnormallyȱinteractȱwithȱeach other?ȱAsȱsoonȱasȱthereȱareȱnoȱlaws,ȱorȱasȱsoonȱasȱthereȱisȱnoȱenforcementȱagency, i.e.,ȱnoȱpolice,ȱorȱnoȱotherȱcontrolȱmechanismȱandȱinstitutionȱresponsibleȱforȱthe supervisionȱ andȱ maintenanceȱ ofȱ peace,ȱ individualsȱ beginȱ toȱ fightȱ againstȱ each

10

11

12

Despiteȱtheȱhighlyȱpromisingȱtitle,ȱTheȱGreenwoodȱEncyclopediaȱofȱGlobalȱMedievalȱLifeȱandȱCulture, ed.ȱJoyceȱE.ȱSalisbury.ȱ3ȱvols.ȱ(Westport,ȱCT,ȱandȱLondon:ȱGreenwoodȱPress,ȱ2009),ȱdoesȱnotȱmeet scholarlyȱstandardsȱandȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱratherȱsuperficial,ȱgeneralist,ȱandȱbadlyȱmarredȱbyȱcountless errorsȱinȱitsȱpresentationȱofȱmedievalȱlife.ȱSalisbury,ȱinȱherȱcontributionȱinȱvol.ȱ1,ȱfocusingȱon medievalȱEurope,ȱmentionsȱwarȱonce,ȱbutȱthenȱonlyȱinȱpassing,ȱ66,ȱbutȱtheȱentireȱprojectȱbasically failsȱbecauseȱofȱitsȱmuchȱtooȱglobalȱscopeȱandȱlackȱofȱexpertiseȱbyȱtheȱindividualȱauthors.ȱSeeȱmy review,ȱforthcomingȱinȱMediaevistik. Jamesȱ Turnerȱ Johnson,ȱ Theȱ Questȱ forȱ Peace:ȱ Threeȱ Moralȱ Traditionsȱ inȱ Westernȱ Culturalȱ History (Princeton,ȱNJ:ȱPrincetonȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1987);ȱFrederickȱH.ȱRussell,ȱTheȱJustȱWarȱinȱtheȱMiddle Ages.ȱCambridgeȱStudiesȱinȱMedievalȱLifeȱandȱThought,ȱ3rdȱser.,ȱ8ȱ(CambridgeȱandȱNewȱYork: CambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1975);ȱAlexȱJ.ȱBellamy,ȱJustȱWars:ȱFromȱCiceroȱtoȱIraqȱ(Cambridge: PolityȱPress,ȱ2006);ȱseeȱalsoȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱEthics,ȱNationalism,ȱandȱJustȱWar:ȱMedievalȱand ContemporaryȱPerspectives,ȱed.ȱHenrikȱSyseȱandȱGregoryȱM.ȱReichbergȱ(Washington,ȱDC:ȱCatholic Universityȱ ofȱ Americaȱ Press,ȱ 2007);ȱ Davidȱ Whetham,ȱ Justȱ Warsȱ andȱ Moralȱ Victories:ȱ Surprise, DeceptionȱandȱtheȱNormativeȱFrameworkȱofȱEuropeanȱWarȱinȱtheȱLaterȱMiddleȱAges.ȱHistoryȱofȱWarfare, 55ȱ(LeidenȱandȱBoston:ȱBrill,ȱ2009).ȱ RosaȱMariaȱDessì,ȱPrêcherȱlaȱpaixȱetȱdisciplinerȱlaȱsociété:ȱItalie,ȱFrance,ȱAngleterre,ȱXIIIeȬXVeȱsiècle. Collectionȱd’étudesȱmédiévalesȱdeȱNice,ȱ5ȱ(Turnhout:ȱBrepols,ȱ2005).

Introduction

5

other,ȱ theyȱ extend,ȱ withȱ allȱ measuresȱ availableȱ toȱ them,ȱ theirȱ individual boundaries,ȱandȱstruggleȱwithȱtheȱauthorities,ȱorȱtheyȱestablishȱtheirȱownȱauthority inȱtheȱcaseȱofȱaȱpoliticalȱvacuum.ȱTheȱessentialȱideaȱsimplyȱconsistsȱofȱgaining controlȱ overȱ resources,ȱ aȱ livingȱ space,ȱ andȱ influenceȱ overȱ otherȱ peopleȱ and properties.ȱThenȱthereȱareȱthoseȱwarsȱwagedȱforȱreligiousȱorȱideologicalȱreasons, butȱultimatelyȱthoseȱcanȱalwaysȱbeȱtracedȱbackȱtoȱmoreȱbasicȱmotives,ȱsuchȱasȱfear, hatred,ȱgreed,ȱorȱdesireȱforȱpower.ȱHistoryȱallȱbyȱitselfȱwouldȱbeȱaȱfairlyȱsimple andȱnotȱveryȱexcitingȱtopic,ȱasȱcontradictoryȱasȱthatȱmightȱsound,ȱifȱthereȱhadȱnot beenȱmilitaryȱconflictsȱandȱstrugglesȱthroughoutȱtime. Severalȱvicesȱorȱtypesȱofȱweaknessȱinȱhumanȱexistenceȱcanȱbeȱrecognizedȱquite easilyȱasȱtheȱmajorȱculpritsȱforȱtheȱaggressiveȱbehaviorȱleadingȱtoȱwarȱandȱtheȱloss ofȱ peace:ȱ greed,ȱ fear,ȱ personalȱ insecurity,ȱ andȱ desireȱ forȱ power,ȱ perhapsȱ to compensateȱforȱthatȱlackȱofȱinnerȱstrength.ȱMoreȱgenerallyȱspeaking,ȱwhichȱmany poetsȱinȱtheȱlateȱMiddleȱAgesȱpickedȱupȱeagerly,ȱtheȱsevenȱdeadlyȱsinsȱcanȱbe identifiedȱasȱtheȱsourceȱofȱvirtuallyȱallȱtheȱevilsȱinȱthisȱworld.13Whenȱpeopleȱhave aȱchanceȱtoȱallowȱtheirȱlustȱforȱinfluence,ȱfame,ȱandȱreputationȱgetȱtheȱbetterȱof themselves,ȱ thenȱ weaponsȱ ofȱ manyȱ differentȱ kindsȱ areȱ almostȱ automatically utilizedȱtoȱachieveȱthatȱgoal.ȱIfȱindividualsȱorȱaȱsocialȱgroupȱareȱuncheckedȱby moral,ȱ ethical,ȱ andȱ religiousȱ forces,ȱ orȱ areȱ notȱ influencedȱ byȱ specificȱ values promotingȱ peace,ȱ community,ȱ collaboration,ȱ andȱ mutualȱ support,ȱ aȱ most dangerousȱspiralȱofȱviolenceȱsetsȱinȱwhichȱultimatelyȱengulfsȱeveryoneȱinvolved.ȱ Butȱthereȱisȱnoȱabsoluteȱcertaintyȱregardingȱhowȱtoȱevaluateȱwar,ȱorȱviolenceȱof anyȱkind.ȱSometimesȱweȱcommunallyȱrecognizeȱaȱclearȱsenseȱofȱaȱJustȱWar,ȱin orderȱtoȱdefendȱaȱpeople,ȱindividuals,ȱorȱaȱlandȱfromȱoutsideȱaggressors.ȱWarȱis alwaysȱdrivenȱbyȱspecificȱinterests,ȱandȱifȱthoseȱinterestsȱmeetȱcertainȱexpectations, theȱ militaryȱ operationsȱ areȱ suddenlyȱ regardedȱ asȱ legitimateȱ andȱ good.ȱ Itȱ all dependsȱonȱone’sȱperspective.ȱTheȱsideȱthatȱisȱattackedȱclaimsȱtheȱrightȱtoȱdefend itself,ȱwhereasȱtheȱotherȱarguesȱthatȱitȱwasȱprovoked,ȱorȱhadȱsomeȱotherȱreasons toȱ intervene.ȱ Andȱ thenȱ thereȱ areȱ warsȱ thatȱ areȱ wagedȱ simplyȱ becauseȱ the aggressor’sȱpurposeȱisȱtoȱconquer,ȱtoȱloot,ȱtoȱcolonize,ȱandȱtoȱacquireȱwealthȱfrom theȱenemyȱ(seeȱtheȱVikings,ȱforȱexample).ȱUltimately,ȱhowever,ȱthereȱisȱnoȱneed toȱrationalizeȱwarȱandȱtoȱsearchȱforȱconcreteȱreasonsȱthatȱmightȱexplainȱmilitary attacksȱbecause,ȱȱapartȱfromȱsimpleȱdefense,ȱvirtuallyȱnoȱcountryȱhasȱeverȱbeen ableȱ toȱ explainȱ inȱ logicalȱ termsȱ itsȱ ownȱ aggressiveȱ stanceȱ towardȱ neighboring countries,ȱcolonies,ȱorȱanyȱperceivedȱenemy.ȱ

13

InȱtheȱGardenȱofȱEvil:ȱTheȱVicesȱandȱCultureȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱed.ȱRichardȱNewhauser.ȱPapersȱin MediaevalȱStudies,ȱ18ȱ(Toronto:ȱPontificalȱInstituteȱofȱMediaevalȱStudies,ȱ2005);ȱTheȱSevenȱDeadly Sins:ȱFromȱCommunitiesȱtoȱIndividuals,ȱed.ȱid.ȱStudiesȱinȱMedievalȱandȱReformationȱTraditions,ȱ123 (BostonȱandȱLeiden:ȱBrill,ȱ2007).

6

AlbrechtȱClassen

WillȱHastyȱonceȱarguedȱthatȱtheȱemergenceȱofȱcourtlinessȱinȱtheȱhighȱMiddle Agesȱ resultedȱ inȱ theȱ globalȱ containmentȱ ofȱ aggression,ȱ henceȱ inȱ theȱ controlȱ of militaryȱoperations.ȱButȱheȱreallyȱhasȱonlyȱinȱmindȱtheȱwayȱhowȱpeopleȱwithin feudalȱsocietyȱsinceȱtheȱeleventhȱorȱtwelfthȱcenturiesȱinteractedȱwithȱeachȱother, especiallyȱwithinȱtheȱcirclesȱofȱtheȱcourt:ȱ Toȱtheȱextentȱthatȱcourtlinessȱimpressesȱandȱlullsȱone’sȱenemies,ȱstrategicallyȱabsorbs andȱredirectsȱaggressionȱtowardȱanotherȱtarget,ȱorȱservesȱtheȱrefinementȱofȱtheȱmeans withȱwhichȱforceȱisȱwieldedȱratherȱthanȱpacifisticȱselfȬrefinement,ȱitȱneedsȱtoȱbeȱseen asȱaȱnewȱandȱmoreȱefficientȱwayȱofȱcontrollingȱaggression,ȱratherȱthanȱasȱsomething thatȱisȱbeyondȱaggressionȱorȱopposedȱtoȱit.14

Courtlyȱloveȱdominatedȱtheȱliteraryȱsceneȱsinceȱthen,ȱbutȱthisȱhadȱnoȱorȱveryȱlittle impactȱonȱtheȱmilitaryȱstructureȱofȱmedievalȱsociety,ȱifȱweȱthink,ȱforȱinstance,ȱof theȱonȬgoingȱCrusadesȱorȱtheȱReconquistaȱonȱtheȱIberianȱPeninsula,ȱandȱmultiple localȱwarsȱwithinȱEuropeȱandȱoutsideȱofȱitsȱborders.15ȱInȱfact,ȱinȱtheȱlateȱMiddle Agesȱweȱobserveȱanȱincreaseȱinȱtheȱnumberȱofȱheroicȱtextsȱinȱwhichȱtheȱprotagonist areȱforcedȱtoȱenterȱwarȱtoȱdefendȱtheirȱownȱcountryȱandȱtheirȱpeople,ȱespecially becauseȱ internecineȱ strifeȱ thenȱ ledȱ toȱ manyȱ newȱ typesȱ ofȱ conflicts.ȱ Thisȱ is powerfullyȱreflectedȱinȱtheȱrichȱtraditionȱofȱtheȱMiddleȱHighȱGermanȱDietrichepik inȱwhichȱtheȱexiledȱprotagonistȱDietrichȱpainfullyȱstrugglesȱoverȱyearsȱtoȱrecover hisȱinheritedȱlandsȱfromȱhisȱevilȱuncleȱErmrich.16ȱWeȱwouldȱnotȱbeȱableȱtoȱcorrelate inȱ aȱ straightforwardȱ mannerȱ theȱ fictionalȱ projectionȱ ofȱ humanȱ suffering, specificallyȱ Dietrich’sȱ experienceȱ ofȱ beingȱ exiled,ȱ toȱ concreteȱ historicalȱ events. Whatȱmatters,ȱbyȱcontrast,ȱisȱtheȱpoet’sȱexplicitȱinterestȱinȱdevelopingȱaȱliterary frameworkȱinȱwhichȱtoȱelaborateȱonȱtheȱfundamentalȱsentimentsȱwhichȱanȱexile hasȱtoȱundergo. Letȱusȱjumpȱbackȱandȱforthȱaȱlittleȱinȱhistoryȱtoȱgraspȱtheȱuniversalȱmeaningȱof warȱ inȱ people’sȱ lives.ȱ Theȱ wayȱ howȱ peopleȱ allȱ overȱ Europeȱ respondedȱ toȱ the outbreakȱofȱWorldȱWarȱIȱmightȱbeȱaȱgoodȱexampleȱforȱthisȱstrangeȱphenomenon, atȱ leastȱ atȱ theȱ beginningȱ welcomingȱ itȱ asȱ aȱ longȬdesiredȱ releaseȱ ofȱ aȱ hostȱ of tensions,ȱ anxieties,ȱ andȱ longings.17ȱ Theȱ sameȱ couldȱ beȱ claimedȱ forȱ theȱ entire

14

15

16

17

Willȱ Hasty,ȱArtȱofȱArms:ȱStudiesȱofȱAggressionȱandȱDominanceȱinȱMedievalȱGermanȱCourtȱPoetry. BeiträgeȱzurȱälterenȱLiteraturgeschichteȱ(Heidelberg:ȱUniversitätsverlagȱC.ȱWinter,ȱ2002),ȱ12. Theȱ Oxfordȱ Historyȱ ofȱ theȱ Crusades,ȱ ed.ȱ Jonathanȱ RileyȬSmithȱ (Oxfordȱ andȱ Newȱ York:ȱ Oxford UniversityȱPress,ȱ1999). Nowȱ seeȱ Elisabethȱ Lienert,ȱ Dieȱ ‘historische’ȱ Dietrichepik:ȱ Untersuchungenȱ zuȱ ‘Dietrichsȱ Flucht’, ‘Rabenschlacht’ȱ undȱ ‘Alphartsȱ Tod’.ȱ Texteȱ undȱ Studienȱ zurȱ mittelhochdeutschenȱ Heldenepik,ȱ 5 (BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱDeȱGruyter,ȱ2010). Howȱmuchȱallȱthatȱenthusiasmȱwasȱprobablyȱmanipulatedȱtoȱsomeȱextent,ȱcanȱnoȱlongerȱbeȱfully fathomed,ȱandȱanyȱcriticalȱanalysisȱmustȱcarefullyȱconsiderȱtheȱimpactȱofȱtheȱeconomicȱforcesȱand theȱpropagandaȱmachinery.ȱSeeȱtheȱbyȱnowȱclassicȱstudyȱbyȱFritzȱFischer,ȱGriffȱnachȱderȱWeltmacht: dieȱKriegszielpolitikȱdesȱkaiserlichenȱDeutschlandȱ1914/18ȱ(1961;ȱDüsseldorf:ȱDrosteȬVerlag,ȱ2009).ȱSee

Introduction

7

historyȱofȱtheȱCrusadesȱfromȱtheȱtimeȱofȱPopeȱUrbanȱII’sȱsermonȱinȱClermontȬ Ferrandȱinȱ1095ȱuntilȱtheȱfallȱofȱtheȱlastȱChristianȱfortressȱinȱtheȱHolyȱLand,ȱAcre, inȱ 1291.18ȱ Ideology,ȱ orȱ deepȱ religiousȱ motivationsȱ propelledȱ thousandsȱ of participantsȱontoȱtheirȱpath,ȱintoȱwar,ȱandȱinȱmanyȱcasesȱtowardȱtheirȱdeath.ȱMany certainlyȱhopedȱtoȱenrichȱthemselves,ȱothersȱmightȱhaveȱbeenȱdrivenȱbyȱaȱsenseȱof adventure,ȱbutȱtheȱmajorityȱofȱthemȱcertainlyȱpursuedȱreligiousȱideals,ȱasȱweȱcan tellȱfromȱtheȱenormousȱdedicationȱbyȱandȱinvestmentsȱbyȱtheȱcrusadersȱandȱtheir families. Itȱallȱdependsȱonȱtheȱperspective,ȱorȱtheȱsideȱyouȱareȱon.ȱConsistently,ȱofȱcourse, IslamicȱhistoriansȱhaveȱviewedȱtheȱCrusadesȱfromȱveryȱdifferentȱvantageȱpoints thanȱ theirȱ Western,ȱ Christianȱ counterparts.ȱ Theȱ Hundredȱ Years’ȱ Warȱ between Englandȱ andȱ Franceȱ (ca.ȱ 1337–ca.ȱ 1453)ȱ hadȱ enormousȱ ramificationsȱ andȱ was viewed—howȱelseȱcouldȱitȱhaveȱbeen?—fromȱmanyȱdifferentȱpositions.ȱTheȱsame appliesȱtoȱtheȱThirtyȱYears’ȱWarȱinȱGermanyȱ(1618–1648),ȱandȱweȱcouldȱeasilyȱgo onȱ andȱ examineȱ theȱ worldȱ historyȱ ofȱ wars,ȱ suchȱ asȱ theȱ Sevenȱ Years’ȱ War (1765–1763),ȱtheȱNapoleonicȱwarsȱ(1799–1815),ȱtheȱFirstȱWorldȱWarȱ(1914–1918), theȱ Secondȱ Worldȱ Warȱ (1939–1945),ȱ theȱ Koreanȱ Warȱ (1950–1953),ȱ theȱ Vietnam War/sȱ (1955–1975),ȱ notȱ toȱ mentionȱ theȱ countlessȱ otherȱ militaryȱ conflictsȱ and operationsȱallȱoverȱtheȱworldȱthroughoutȱtimeȱupȱtoȱtheȱpresentȱtimeȱ(see,ȱfor instance,ȱtheȱmanyȱwarsȱonȱtheȱAfricanȱandȱAsianȱcontinents).19ȱ Reflectingȱonȱrecentȱeventsȱinȱworldȱpolitics,ȱtheȱUSAȱhaveȱregardedȱtheirȱattack onȱ Afghanistanȱ thatȱ beganȱ onȱ Octoberȱ 7ȱ inȱ 2001ȱ asȱ completelyȱ justifiedȱ and fundamentallyȱlegitimateȱasȱaȱmatterȱofȱdefense,ȱwhereasȱtheȱRussianȱmilitary

18

19

alsoȱCeliaȱMaloneȱKingsbury,ȱForȱHomeȱandȱCountry:ȱWorldȱWarȱIȱPropagandaȱonȱtheȱHomeȱFront (Lincoln,ȱNE:ȱUniversityȱofȱNebraskaȱPress:ȱ2010);ȱWalterȱLord,ȱTheȱGoodȱYears:ȱFromȱ1900ȱtoȱthe FirstȱWorldȱWarȱ(1960;ȱNewȱBrunswick,ȱNJ:ȱTransactionȱPublishers,ȱ[2011]). Again,ȱthereȱisȱaȱlegionȱofȱrelevantȱscholarshipȱonȱthisȱtopic.ȱMostȱrecently,ȱJonathanȱPhillips,ȱHoly Warriors:ȱ Aȱ Modernȱ Historyȱ ofȱ theȱ Crusadesȱ (2009;ȱ Newȱ York:ȱ Randomȱ House,ȱ 2010);ȱ Jonathan RileyȬSmith,ȱTheȱCrusades:ȱAȱHistory.ȱ2ndȱed.,ȱrpt.ȱ(London:ȱContinuum,ȱ2009);ȱRebeccaȱRist,ȱThe PapacyȱandȱCrusadingȱinȱEurope:ȱ1198Ȭ1245ȱ(London:ȱContinuum,ȱ2009);ȱChristopherȱTyerman, God’sȱ War:ȱ Aȱ Newȱ Historyȱ ofȱ theȱ Crusadesȱ (Cambridge,ȱ MA:ȱ Theȱ Belknapȱ Pressȱ ofȱ Harvard UniversityȱPress,ȱ2008).ȱSeeȱalso,ȱforȱaȱcomprehensiveȱresearchȱoverview,ȱAndrewȱHolt,ȱ“Crusade Historiography,”ȱHandbookȱofȱMedievalȱStudies,ȱVol.ȱ1,ȱ379–92ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8). Historiansȱhaveȱalwaysȱexpressedȱgreatestȱinterestȱinȱwarsȱbecause,ȱsoȱitȱseems,ȱtheyȱrepresented theȱcatalystsȱofȱallȱhumanȱeventsȱinȱtheȱextreme.ȱSee,ȱforȱinstance,ȱGeorgeȱBruce,ȱCollinsȱDictionary ofȱ Wars.ȱ Forewordȱ byȱ FieldȬMarshalȱ Lordȱ Carver.ȱ Secondȱ ed.ȱ (1904;ȱ Northampton,ȱ UK: HarperCollins,ȱ1995);ȱTheȱHutchinsonȱDictionaryȱofȱAncientȱ&ȱMedievalȱWarfareȱ(Oxford:ȱHelicon Publishing,ȱ1998);ȱGeorgeȱChildsȱKohn,ȱDictionaryȱofȱWars.ȱRev.ȱEd.ȱ(1986;ȱNewȱYork:ȱFactsȱOn File,ȱ1999).ȱTheȱcriticalȱliteratureȱonȱwarsȱthroughoutȱtimeȱisȱlegion,ȱbutȱallȱauthorsȱhaveȱagreed thatȱwarsȱhaveȱbeenȱdecisiveȱforȱtheȱdevelopmentȱofȱallȱhistory;ȱsee,ȱforȱinstance,ȱMichaelȱRuse, Theȱ Evolutionȱ Wars:ȱ Aȱ Guideȱ toȱ theȱ Debates.ȱ Secondȱ ed.ȱ (2000;ȱ Millerton,ȱ NY:ȱ Greyȱ House Publishing,ȱ2009);ȱJohnȱLewis,ȱNothingȱLessȱThanȱVictory:ȱDecisiveȱWarsȱandȱtheȱLessonsȱofȱHistory (Princeton:ȱPrincetonȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2010).

8

AlbrechtȱClassen

occupationȱofȱthatȱsameȱcountryȱthatȱbeganȱonȱDecemberȱ24,ȱ1979ȱwasȱroundly rejectedȱandȱcondemnedȱbyȱtheȱentireȱWest.ȱCuriously,ȱhowever,ȱinȱthatȱcaseȱthe voiceȱ ofȱ theȱ Afghanȱ people,ȱ probablyȱ aȱ chorusȱ ofȱ veryȱ differentȱ opinions,ȱ has neverȱreallyȱheardȱoutsideȱofȱitsȱborders.ȱ Today,ȱquiteȱrevealingly,ȱmanyȱpeopleȱinȱtheȱWestȱhaveȱsecondȱthoughtsȱasȱto theȱ justification—notȱ toȱ speakȱ ofȱ theȱ effectivenessȱ orȱ success—ofȱ theȱ military operationsȱ byȱ theȱ Americanȱ andȱ otherȱ NATOȱ troopsȱ inȱ Afghanistan,ȱ either becauseȱ theȱ goalȱ noȱ longerȱ justifiesȱ theȱ means,ȱ orȱ becauseȱ allȱ theseȱ military operationsȱsimplyȱdoȱnotȱachieveȱtheȱdesired,ȱbutȱmostlyȱelusiveȱsocial,ȱpolitical, andȱ culturalȱ goalsȱ ofȱ establishingȱ aȱ free,ȱ perhapsȱ evenȱ democraticȱ countryȱ in CentralȱAsiaȱandȱnearby.20ȱWhetherȱtheȱtrueȱobjectivesȱbehindȱthatȱwarȱmightȱbe nothingȱbutȱnakedȱeconomicȱgreed,ȱtheȱdesireȱtoȱcontrolȱtheȱflowȱofȱoilȱfromȱthe regionȱnorthȱofȱAfghanistan,ȱorȱtoȱgainȱsafeȱaccessȱtoȱhugeȱmineralȱresources,ȱor drugs,ȱthere,ȱcannotȱbeȱaddressedȱhere.21ȱAfterȱall,ȱareȱthereȱnotȱalwaysȱhidden agendasȱbehindȱeveryȱwar?ȱDoȱtheȱmassesȱnotȱalwaysȱbelieveȱthatȱtheyȱfightȱfor anȱ ethicalȱ ideal,ȱ moralȱ values,ȱ andȱ theȱ like,ȱ whileȱ theȱ trueȱ sourcesȱ ofȱ power supportingȱorȱratherȱincitingȱtheȱwarȱhaveȱtotallyȱdifferentȱinterests?ȱ Oneȱpoint,ȱhowever,ȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱtragicallyȱmostȱtrue:ȱallȱmilitaryȱeffortsȱtoȱwin inȱAfghanistanȱ(orȱVietnamȱdecadesȱagoȱforȱthatȱmatter),ȱeitherȱbyȱtheȱSovietsȱor theȱU.S.ȱtroops,ȱhaveȱfailedȱforȱaȱnumberȱofȱreasonsȱthatȱareȱfrighteninglyȱsimilar comparingȱtheȱtwoȱseparateȱattemptsȱtoȱconquerȱthatȱcountry.ȱReligiousȱfighters, basedȱinȱaȱthinlyȱspreadȱruralȱpopulation,ȱdrivenȱbyȱaȱstrongȱjihadȱideology,ȱcannot beȱdefeatedȱbyȱconventionalȱweapons,ȱstrategies,ȱorȱevenȱpoliticalȱoperations.ȱWar isȱ notȱ alwaysȱ theȱ ultimateȱ instrumentȱ toȱ controlȱ thisȱ world.22ȱ Ofȱ course,ȱ the

20

21

22

Danȱ Edwardȱ Caldwell,ȱ Vortexȱ ofȱ Conflict:ȱ U.S.ȱ Policyȱ Towardȱ Afghanistan,ȱ Pakistan,ȱ andȱ Iraq (Stanford:ȱStanfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2011);ȱFrancisȱJ.ȱWest,ȱTheȱWrongȱWar:ȱGrit,ȱStrategy,ȱandȱthe WayȱOutȱofȱAfghanistanȱ(NewȱYork:ȱRandomȱHouse,ȱ2011).ȱTheȱliteratureȱonȱtheȱmanyȱmodern warsȱisȱlegion,ȱandȱyetȱscholarlyȱopinions,ȱwhetherȱfromȱaȱhistoricalȱorȱfromȱaȱsociologicalȱand economicȱperspective,ȱdoȱnotȱseemȱtoȱshapeȱconcreteȱpolitics.ȱSeeȱalsoȱMichaelȱE.ȱLatham,ȱThe RightȱKindȱofȱRevolution:ȱModernization,ȱDevelopment,ȱandȱU.S.ȱForeignȱPolicyȱfromȱtheȱColdȱWarȱtoȱthe PresentȱandȱU.S.ȱForeignȱPolicyȱfromȱtheȱColdȱWarȱtoȱtheȱPresentȱ(Ithaca,ȱNY:ȱCornellȱUniversityȱPress, 2011).ȱHowever,ȱthereȱisȱaȱgrowingȱuneaseȱonȱmanyȱfrontsȱaboutȱtheȱvalidityȱofȱwarȱasȱtheȱonly possibleȱmodusȱoperandi,ȱseeȱSarahȱE.ȱKreps,ȱCoalitionsȱofȱConvenience:ȱUnitedȱStatesȱInterventions AfterȱtheȱColdȱWarȱ(OxfordȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2011);ȱChiyukiȱAoi,ȱLegitimacy andȱtheȱUseȱofȱArmedȱForce.ȱContemporaryȱSecurityȱStudiesȱ(LondonȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱRoutledge, 2011).ȱForȱmoreȱhistoricalȱperspectives,ȱseeȱKarlȬHeinzȱGolzio,ȱGeschichteȱAfghanistans:ȱvonȱder AntikeȱbisȱzurȱGegenwart.ȱBonnerȱAsienstudien,ȱ9ȱ(Berlin:ȱEBȬVerlag,ȱ2010). Thisȱis,ȱofȱcourse,ȱaȱhighlyȱpoliticizedȱargumentȱhotlyȱdebated;ȱsee,ȱforȱinstance,ȱJamesȱRisen,ȱState ofȱWar:ȱTheȱSecretȱHistoryȱofȱtheȱCIAȱandȱtheȱBushȱAdministrationȱ(NewȱYork:ȱFreeȱPress,ȱ2006);ȱDavid EȱSanger,ȱTheȱInheritance:ȱTheȱWorldȱObamaȱConfrontsȱandȱtheȱChallengesȱtoȱAmericanȱPowerȱ(New York:ȱHarmonyȱBooks,ȱ2009);ȱGeoffreyȱWawro,ȱQuicksand:ȱAmericaȇsȱPursuitȱofȱPowerȱinȱtheȱMiddle Eastȱ(NewȱYork:ȱPenguinȱPress,ȱ2010). Larryȱ Goodsonȱ andȱ Thomasȱ H.ȱ Johnson,ȱ “Parallelsȱ withȱ theȱ Pastȱ –ȱ Howȱ theȱ Sovietsȱ Lostȱ in

Introduction

9

examplesȱ ofȱ Worldȱ Warȱ Iȱ andȱ Worldȱ Warȱ IIȱ mightȱ provideȱ usȱ withȱ different lessons,ȱ butȱ thereȱ theȱ conditionsȱ andȱ theȱ largerȱ frameworksȱ wereȱ completely different.ȱWheneverȱreligionȱentersȱtheȱpictureȱ(Crusades,ȱThirtyȱYears’ȱWar,ȱe.g.) inȱoneȱorȱtheȱotherȱway,ȱmostȱtraditionalȱmilitaryȱinstrumentsȱareȱradicallyȱblunted orȱmadeȱuseless.23 Throughoutȱhistory,ȱofȱcourse,ȱwinnersȱhaveȱwrittenȱaȱdifferentȱhistoryȱthan losers,ȱ andȱ theȱ victoriousȱ sideȱ hasȱ regularlyȱ evaluatedȱ itsȱ militaryȱ effortsȱ very differentlyȱthanȱtheȱlosingȱside.ȱTheȱpurposeȱofȱourȱbookȱcanȱconsequentlyȱnotȱbe toȱidentify,ȱforȱinstance,ȱ‘good’ȱwarsȱversusȱ‘bad’ȱones.ȱWeȱwouldȱonlyȱendȱupȱin aȱquagmireȱofȱconstantlyȱcontradictoryȱargumentsȱifȱweȱtriedȱtoȱevaluate,ȱonce again,ȱtheȱCrusades,ȱwhetherȱfromȱtheȱChristianȱorȱtheȱMuslimȱpointȱofȱview.24 Peopleȱwhoȱareȱinvolved,ȱaffected,ȱhurt,ȱorȱdamagedȱmustȱspeakȱup,ȱandȱyetȱthey alsoȱmustȱhaveȱspokespersonsȱbringingȱtoȱlightȱtheirȱsuffering,ȱsuchȱasȱthroughȱthe poeticȱmedium,ȱorȱmusic,ȱtheȱarts,ȱetc.ȱTheȱsameȱappliesȱtoȱcountries,ȱcommunities, states,ȱorȱotherȱsocialȱentitiesȱaffectedȱbyȱmilitaryȱoperations.ȱTheȱculturalȱhistorian cannotȱtakeȱawayȱtheȱpoliticians’ȱresponsibilitiesȱandȱmakeȱdecisionsȱforȱthem,ȱbut his/herȱtaskȱcertainlyȱconsistsȱofȱaddressingȱtheȱcentralȱissueȱofȱhumanȱsuffering resultingȱfromȱwar.ȱ Despiteȱallȱdoubts,ȱweȱcan,ȱandȱoughtȱtoȱcommentȱcriticallyȱonȱtheȱconsequences ofȱ warȱ andȱ peace,ȱ andȱ analyzeȱ theȱ conditionsȱ thatȱ madeȱ eitherȱ oneȱ possible, necessary,ȱorȱimpossibleȱtoȱachieve.25ȱAfterȱall,ȱhumanȱlifeȱisȱatȱstake,ȱandȱsoȱour societyȱatȱlarge.ȱThusȱweȱcanȱgraspȱonceȱagainȱwhatȱoneȱofȱtheȱessentialȱfunctions ofȱtheȱhumanitiesȱproveȱtoȱbe.ȱEspeciallyȱinȱtheȱfaceȱofȱwar,ȱweȱneedȱliteraryȱor musicalȱexpressionsȱofȱwhatȱisȱtrulyȱgoingȱon.ȱWhileȱforȱtheȱgeneralsȱorȱpoliticians nothingȱ mattersȱ asȱ muchȱ asȱ theȱ actualȱ victoryȱ inȱ numericalȱ terms,ȱ theȱ poets expressȱtheȱbasicȱsufferingȱgoingȱonȱinȱtheȱindividuals’ȱlives.ȱ

23

24 25

Afghanistan,ȱHowȱtheȱAmericansȱareȱLosing,”ȱForeignȱPolicyȱResearchȱInstitute,ȱAprilȱ2011ȱ(online at:ȱhttp://www.fpri.org/enotes/201104.goodson_johnson.afghanistan.html;ȱforȱaȱpdfȱversion,ȱsee http://www.fpri.org/enotes/201104.goodson_johnson.afghanistan.pdfȱ[lastȱaccessedȱonȱAprilȱ25, 2011]).ȱIȱwouldȱlikeȱtoȱexpressȱmyȱgratitudeȱtoȱProf.ȱGeraldȱR.ȱKleinfeldȱforȱpointingȱoutȱthisȱreally insightfulȱarticleȱtoȱme. Jessicaȱ Stern,ȱ Terrorȱ inȱ theȱ Nameȱ ofȱ God:ȱ Whyȱ Religiousȱ Militantsȱ Killȱ (Newȱ York:ȱ Ecco,,ȱ 2003); MichaelȱScheuer,ȱImperialȱHubris:ȱWhyȱtheȱWestȱIsȱLosingȱtheȱWarȱOnȱTerrorȱ(Washington,ȱDC: Brasseyȇs,ȱ2004);ȱForȱhistoricalȱperspectivesȱonȱthisȱtopic,ȱseeȱNormanȱHousley,ȱReligiousȱWarfare inȱEurope,ȱ1400Ȭ1536ȱ(OxfordȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2002);ȱTomazȱMastnak, Crusadingȱ Peace:ȱ Christendom,ȱ theȱ Muslimȱ World,ȱ andȱ Westernȱ Politicalȱ Orderȱ (Berkeley,ȱ CA: UniversityȱofȱCaliforniaȱPress,ȱ2002);ȱThomasȱS.ȱAsbridge,ȱTheȱCrusades:ȱTheȱAuthoritativeȱHistory ofȱtheȱWarȱforȱtheȱHolyȱLand(NewȱYork:ȱEccoȱPress,ȱ2010). SeeȱtheȱexcellentȱsurveyȱarticleȱbyȱAndrewȱHolt,ȱ“CrusadeȱHistoriography”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18). AlexȱJ.ȱBellamy,ȱJustȱWars:ȱFromȱCiceroȱtoȱIraqȱ(Cambridge:ȱPolityȱPress,ȱ2009);ȱDavidȱWhetham, JustȱWarsȱandȱMoralȱVictories:ȱSurprise,ȱDeceptionȱandȱtheȱNormativeȱFrameworkȱofȱEuropeanȱWarȱinȱthe LaterȱMiddleȱAges.ȱHistoryȱofȱWarfare,ȱ55ȱ(LeidenȱandȱBoston:ȱBrill,ȱ2009).

10

AlbrechtȱClassen

Atȱtheȱriskȱofȱpreachingȱtoȱtheȱchoir,ȱthisȱbookȱwillȱcombineȱaȱnumberȱstudiesȱthat examineȱtheȱdevastatingȱimpactȱofȱwarȱparticularlyȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱthe earlyȱ modernȱ timeȱ withȱ theȱ intentȱ ofȱ bringingȱ toȱ lightȱ theȱ fundamental, continuous,ȱoftenȱquiteȱdesperateȱdiscourseȱonȱhowȱtoȱopposeȱwarȱandȱtoȱbring aboutȱpeace.26ȱThisȱisȱintimatelyȱinterlacedȱwithȱtheȱdiscourseȱonȱtheȱ‘JustȱWar,’ whetherȱ weȱ shouldȱ wageȱ warȱ atȱ all,ȱ andȱ withȱ theȱ questionsȱ whyȱ peopleȱ need militaryȱ defense—andȱ thisȱ provesȱ toȱ beȱ asȱ relevantȱ todayȱ asȱ inȱ theȱ past.27 Naturally,ȱ consideringȱ theȱ basicȱ socialȱ structureȱ ofȱ medievalȱ society,ȱ with knighthoodȱandȱchivalryȱassumingȱsuchȱaȱcentralȱrole,ȱweȱwouldȱfindȱonlyȱfew voicesȱthatȱactuallyȱmightȱhaveȱexploredȱaȱpeacefulȱworld.ȱ Whetherȱpacifismȱwasȱonlyȱaȱmodernȱphenomenonȱcannotȱbeȱdecidedȱhere,ȱand weȱ canȱ certainlyȱ findȱ someȱ religiousȱ groupsȱ alreadyȱ inȱ theȱ Middleȱ Agesȱ who stronglyȱadvocatedȱabsoluteȱpeace,ȱsuchȱasȱtheȱBohemianȱBrethren,28ȱbutȱIȱwould suspectȱthatȱthereȱwereȱsoȱmanyȱexternalȱthreatsȱchallengingȱmedievalȱpeopleȱthat noȱoneȱwouldȱhaveȱquestionedȱtheȱrelevanceȱandȱimportanceȱofȱtheȱmilitaryȱclass ofȱknights.29ȱThose,ȱhowever,ȱwereȱsupposedȱtoȱdefendȱallȱsocialȱgroupsȱwithin

26

27

28

29

AntonyȱAdolf,ȱPeace:ȱAȱWorldȱHistoryȱ(Cambridge,ȱetȱal.:ȱPolity,ȱ2010);ȱseeȱalsoȱtheȱcontributions toȱPeaceȱandȱProtectionȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱed.ȱT.ȱB.ȱLambert.ȱDurhamȱMedievalȱandȱRenaissance MonographsȱandȱEssays,ȱ1ȱ(Durham:ȱCentreȱforȱMedievalȱandȱRenaissanceȱStudies;ȱToronto: PontificalȱInstituteȱofȱMedievalȱStudies,ȱ2009);ȱTheȱMakingȱofȱPeace:ȱRulers,ȱStates,ȱandȱtheȱAftermath ofȱWar,ȱed.ȱWilliamsonȱMurrayȱ(Cambridge,ȱNewȱYork,ȱetȱal.:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2009); DavidȱCortright,ȱPeace:ȱAȱHistoryȱofȱMovementsȱandȱIdeasȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress, 2008);ȱ Warȱ andȱ Peaceȱ inȱ Ancientȱ andȱ Medievalȱ History,ȱ ed.ȱ Philipȱ deȱ Souzaȱ (Cambridge: CambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2008).ȱTheȱlistȱofȱrelevantȱcriticalȱstudiesȱcouldȱeasilyȱbeȱextended farȱandȱwide. R.ȱJosephȱHoffmann,ȱTheȱJustȱWarȱandȱJihad:ȱViolenceȱinȱJudaism,ȱChristianity,ȱandȱIslamȱ(Amherst, NY:ȱ Prometheusȱ Books,ȱ 2006);ȱ seeȱ alsoȱ theȱ contributionsȱ toȱ Theȱ Priceȱ ofȱ Peace:ȱ Justȱ Warȱ inȱ the TwentyȬFirstȱCentury,ȱed.ȱCharlesȱReedȱandȱDavidȱRyallȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress, 2007). PeterȱBrock,ȱPacifismȱinȱEuropeȱtoȱ1914ȱ(Princeton,ȱNJ:ȱPrincetonȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1972);ȱid.,ȱAȱBrief HistoryȱofȱPacifism:ȱFromȱJesusȱtoȱTolstoy(Toronto:ȱP.ȱBrock;ȱSyracuse,ȱNY:ȱSyracuseȱUniversity Press,ȱ1992);ȱJ.ȱDarylȱCharles,ȱBetweenȱPacifismȱandȱJihad:ȱJustȱWarȱandȱChristianȱTraditionȱ(Downers Grove,ȱ IL:ȱ InterVarsityȱ Press,ȱ 2005);ȱ Davidȱ Cortright,ȱ Peace:ȱ Aȱ Historyȱ ofȱ Movementsȱ andȱ Ideas (CambridgeȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2008). Theȱresearchȱliteratureȱonȱthisȱtopicȱisȱlegion,ȱbutȱseeȱDasȱRittertumȱimȱMittelalter,ȱed.ȱArnoȱBorst. WegeȱderȱForschung,ȱ349ȱ(Darmstadt:ȱWissenschaftlicheȱBuchgesellschaft,ȱ1976);ȱMauriceȱHugh Keen,ȱChivalryȱ(NewȱHaven,ȱCT:ȱYaleȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1984);ȱBradfordȱB.ȱBroughton,ȱDictionary ofȱMedievalȱKnighthoodȱandȱChivalry:ȱPeople,ȱPlaces,ȱandȱEventsȱ(NewȱYork:ȱGreenwoodȱPress,ȱ1988); RichardȱW.ȱBarberȱandȱJulietȱR.ȱV.ȱBarker,ȱTournaments:ȱJousts,ȱChivalry,ȱandȱPageantsȱinȱtheȱMiddle Agesȱ(NewȱYork:ȱWeidenfeldȱ&ȱNicolson,ȱ1989);ȱWernerȱHechberger,ȱAdel,ȱMinisterialitätȱund RittertumȱimȱMittelalterȱ(Munich:ȱR.ȱOldenbourg,ȱ2004);ȱConstanceȱBrittainȱBouchard,ȱKnights:ȱIn Historyȱ andȱ Legendȱ (Buffalo,ȱ NY:ȱ Fireflyȱ Books,ȱ 2009);ȱ Jesúsȱ D.ȱ RodríguezȬVelasco,ȱ Orderȱ and Chivalry:ȱKnighthoodȱandȱCitizenshipȱinȱLateȱMedievalȱCastile,ȱtrans.ȱEuniceȱRodríguezȱFerguson.ȱThe MiddleȱAgesȱSeriesȱ(Philadelphia:ȱUniversityȱofȱPennsylvaniaȱPress,ȱ2010).ȱNowȱseeȱalsoȱMichael Prestwich,ȱRitter:ȱDerȱultimativeȱKarriereführer,ȱtrans.ȱfromȱtheȱEnglishȱbyȱJörgȱFündlingȱ(2010;

Introduction

11

medievalȱ society.ȱ Ourȱ concern,ȱ however,ȱ pertainsȱ toȱ theȱ issueȱ ofȱ peacefulȱ coȬ existenceȱwithȱallȱotherȱneighbors.ȱTheologiansȱandȱphilosophersȱthroughoutȱthe MiddleȱAgesȱwereȱdeeplyȱconcernedȱwithȱprobingȱtheȱfundamentalȱmeaningȱof peaceȱandȱexaminedȱfromȱmanyȱperspectivesȱtheȱconceptsȱofȱjustice,ȱtranquility, safety,ȱ unity,ȱ love,ȱ andȱ regardedȱ allȱ thoseȱ withinȱ theȱ frameworkȱ ofȱ paxȱ and iustitita.30 Unfortunately,ȱtheȱvoicesȱforȱpeaceȱhaveȱalwaysȱbeenȱmoreȱsubduedȱthanȱthose voicesȱ placatingȱ forȱ andȱ advocatingȱ anȱ aggressive,ȱ militaryȱ approach. Nevertheless,ȱallȱwarsȱthroughoutȱtimeȱhaveȱprovokedȱdebatesȱandȱdiscussions sinceȱinteractingȱwithȱotherȱpeopleȱbyȱmeansȱofȱweaponsȱcannot,ȱandȱhasȱnever beenȱcompletelyȱacceptedȱasȱtheȱnormȱofȱtheȱday.ȱLifeȱitselfȱdemandsȱpeaceȱto thriveȱandȱbloom.ȱIronically,ȱifȱnotȱtragically,ȱtheȱveryȱoppositeȱoftenȱseemsȱtoȱbe theȱcase.ȱAsȱtheȱoverwhelmingȱevidenceȱofȱmedievalȱheroicȱpoetryȱindicates,ȱwar wasȱtheȱmodusȱvivendi,ȱespeciallyȱatȱaȱtimeȱwhenȱsurvivalȱagainstȱoverpowering externalȱforcesȱwasȱtheȱcriticalȱissue.ȱBothȱtheȱOldȱEnglishȱBeowulfȱandȱtheȱOld Frenchȱ Chansonȱ deȱ Rolandȱ signalȱ inȱ unequivocalȱ termsȱ theȱ importanceȱ ofȱ the military,ȱalthough,ȱasȱweȱalsoȱcanȱrecognize,ȱitȱwasȱnotȱnecessarilyȱtheȱraisonȱd’être forȱthoseȱepics.ȱByȱcontrast,ȱtheȱentireȱgenreȱwasȱpredicatedȱonȱtheȱtragicȱsenseȱthat lifeȱisȱprecariousȱinȱfaceȱofȱeverȱrisingȱnewȱdangersȱandȱthreatsȱforȱeachȱindividual, andȱthatȱevenȱtheȱmostȱheroicȱcharactersȱhaveȱlittle,ȱorȱany,ȱchanceȱtoȱdefyȱtheir ownȱdestiny.

B.ȱLiteraryȱCaseȱStudies Theȱ Oldȱ Highȱ Germanȱ Hildebrandsliedȱ (earlyȱ ninthȱ century)ȱ provesȱ toȱ beȱ a remarkableȱ exampleȱ inȱ thisȱ regardȱ becauseȱ itȱ contains,ȱ notȱ soȱ subtly,ȱ strong criticismȱofȱtheȱoldȱworldȱdeterminedȱbyȱmilitaryȱoperations,ȱfeudalȱbonding,ȱand leadershipȱ byȱ mightyȱ warȱ lords.ȱ Theȱ oldȱ Hildebrand,ȱ havingȱ foughtȱ forȱ thirty yearsȱonȱallȱkindsȱofȱbattleȱfieldsȱonȱbehalfȱofȱhisȱrulerȱTheoderic,ȱhenceȱofȱthe HunnishȱrulerȱAttila,ȱsuddenlyȱfacesȱhisȱownȱsonȱHildebrand,ȱwhomȱheȱhadȱnever seenȱbefore.ȱLackingȱtheȱabilityȱandȱwillingnessȱtoȱtalkȱopenlyȱwithȱtheȱyoung man,ȱ resortingȱ toȱ clumsyȱ symbolicȱ gesturesȱ toȱ signalȱ theirȱ closeȱ family relationship,ȱ andȱ facingȱ Hadubrand’sȱ firmȱ convictionȱ ofȱ hisȱ father’sȱ death,ȱ all attemptsȱtoȱestablishȱaȱpeacefulȱexchangeȱandȱthusȱtoȱgainȱmutualȱrecognition

30

Darmstadt:ȱPrimusȱVerlag,ȱ2011);ȱLindaȱMȱPaterson,ȱCultureȱandȱSocietyȱinȱMedievalȱOccitaniaȱ. VariorumȱCollectedȱStudiesȱSeriesȱ(Farnham:ȱAshgateȱVariorum,ȱ2011). WolfgangȱHuber,ȱ“FriedenȱV.ȱKirchengeschichtlichȱundȱethisch,”ȱTheologischeȱRealenzyklopädie,ȱed. GerhardȱKrauseȱ†)ȱandȱGerhardȱMüller.ȱVolȱXIȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱWalterȱdeȱGruyter,ȱ1983), 618–46;ȱhereȱ621–26.

12

AlbrechtȱClassen

miserablyȱfail.ȱOnceȱtheȱyoungȱmanȱhasȱrejectedȱtheȱunknownȱoldȱmanȱasȱwhatȱthe latterȱ claimsȱ toȱ be,ȱ thatȱ is,ȱ hisȱ longȱ lostȱ father,ȱ heȱ getsȱ readyȱ toȱ fight,ȱ without speakingȱ anyȱ further.ȱ Theȱ shortȱ epicȱ poemȱ concludesȱ withȱ oldȱ Hildebrand’s monologueȱinȱwhichȱheȱbemoansȱhisȱdestinyȱeitherȱtoȱbeȱkilledȱbyȱhisȱownȱsonȱor toȱkillȱhimȱwithȱhisȱownȱhands.ȱTheȱfragmentaryȱconclusionȱdoesȱnotȱallowȱusȱto learnȱofȱtheȱoutcomeȱofȱtheȱbattleȱbetweenȱtheseȱtwoȱmen,ȱbutȱitȱcanȱonlyȱbeȱtragic. Weȱconsequentlyȱobserveȱtheȱpoet’sȱsevereȱcriticismȱofȱtheȱfeudalȱbondsȱthatȱmake itȱimpossibleȱforȱfatherȱandȱsonȱtoȱreachȱoutȱtoȱeachȱother.ȱTheȱfactȱthatȱtheȱtext hadȱbeenȱcopiedȱbyȱtwoȱscribesȱinȱtheȱBenedictineȱmonasteryȱofȱFuldaȱindicates thatȱtheyȱobviouslyȱfeltȱattractedȱtoȱtheȱpotentialȱinȱthisȱheroicȱsongȱtoȱcriticizeȱthe traditionȱ ofȱ feudalȱ warfareȱ andȱ militaryȱ lifestyleȱ whichȱ couldȱ onlyȱ leadȱ toȱ the mutualȱkillingȱofȱfatherȱandȱson.31 Byȱtheȱsameȱtoken,ȱbothȱBeowulfȱandȱChansonȱdeȱRolandȱ(orȱtheȱMiddleȱHigh Germanȱ versionȱ byȱ theȱ Priestȱ Konrad,ȱ Rolandslied)ȱ certainlyȱ glorifyȱ theȱ heroic effortsȱ byȱ theȱ protagonistsȱ toȱ fightȱ againstȱ archȬenemiesȱ andȱ toȱ defendȱ the ChristianȱworldȱagainstȱtheȱMuslimȱenemies.ȱButȱinȱtheȱPoemaȱdeȱMíoȱCidȱmilitary operations,ȱasȱcentralȱasȱtheyȱproveȱtoȱbe,ȱareȱnotȱidentifiedȱasȱtheȱultimaȱratio.ȱOn theȱcontrary,ȱthereȱweȱobserveȱspecificȱconcernsȱtoȱembraceȱagainȱtheȱruleȱofȱlaw toȱdetermineȱtheȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱtheȱexiledȱprotagonistȱandȱKingȱAlfonso. AlthoughȱElȱCidȱisȱaȱmostȱoutstandingȱhero,ȱhisȱmilitaryȱprowessȱdoesȱnotȱseduce himȱtoȱmistakeȱhisȱnewȬfoundȱpowerfulȱpositionȱasȱrulerȱofȱValenciaȱasȱsignificant andȱindependentȱenoughȱtoȱdisregardȱtheȱfeudalȱorder,ȱhenceȱtoȱdisrespectȱthe king.ȱInȱspecificȱcontrastȱtoȱtheȱbehaviorȱofȱtheȱCarriónȱbrothers,ȱElȱCidȱresortsȱto theȱlaws,ȱappealsȱtoȱtheȱking’sȱsenseȱofȱjustice,ȱandȱpredicatesȱhisȱclaimsȱagainst hisȱsonsȬinȬlawȱonȱtheȱidealȱofȱhonorȱcoupledȱwithȱtheȱlegalȱsystem,ȱdiplomatic skills,ȱandȱmutualȱrespect. Allȱthisȱdoesȱnotȱnecessarilyȱimplyȱthatȱabsoluteȱpacifismȱmightȱbeȱaȱtrueȱoption everywhereȱandȱallȱtheȱtime,ȱifȱatȱall.ȱCertainly,ȱforȱsomeȱindividuals,ȱhowever,

31

Althochdeutscheȱ Literatur:ȱ Mitȱ altniederdeutschenȱ Textbeispielen.ȱ Auswahlȱ mitȱ Übertragungenȱ und Kommentar,ȱed.ȱHorstȱDieterȱSchlosserȱ(1998;ȱBerlin:ȱErichȱSchmidtȱVerlag,ȱ2004),ȱ68–71;ȱforȱa nicelyȱcontextualizedȱreading,ȱseeȱTheodorȱM.ȱAnderson,ȱ“HeroicȱorȱVernacularȱPoetry?,”ȱAȱNew HistoryȱofȱGermanȱLiterature,ȱed.ȱDavidȱE.ȱWellberyȱandȱJudithȱRyanȱ(Cambridge,ȱMA,ȱandȱLondon: Theȱ Belknapȱ Pressȱ ofȱ Harvardȱ Universityȱ Press,ȱ 2004),ȱ 12–17;ȱ Derkȱ Ohlenroth,ȱ “Hildebrands FluchtȱzumȱVerhältnisȱvonȱHildebrandsliedȱundȱExilsage,”ȱBeiträgeȱzurȱGeschichteȱderȱdeutschen SpracheȱundȱLiteraturȱ127.3ȱ(2005):ȱ377Ȭ413.ȱTheȱliteratureȱonȱtheȱ“Hildebrandslied”ȱisȱlegion,ȱbut mostȱresearchȱhasȱfocusedȱonȱphilologicalȱandȱliteraryȬhistoricalȱissues,ȱnotȱsoȱmuchȱonȱtheȱethical dimensionȱofȱtheȱoldȱman’sȱinabilityȱtoȱcommunicateȱwithȱhisȱson,ȱtoȱperformȱpubliclyȱaccording toȱnewȱsocialȱstandardsȱ(afterȱthirtyȱyearsȱinȱexile),ȱandȱtoȱacceptȱfamilyȱbondsȱasȱsuperiorȱto feudalȱbonds.ȱSeeȱalsoȱmyȱstudyȱ““WhyȱDoȱTheirȱWordsȱFail?ȱCommunicativeȱStrategiesȱinȱthe Hildebrandslied,”ȱModernȱPhilologyȱ93ȱ(1995):ȱ1–22.ȱForȱtheȱmostȱrecentȱinȬdepthȱdiscussion,ȱsee VictorȱMillet,ȱGermanischeȱHeldendichtungȱimȱMittelalter:ȱEineȱEinführungȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork: WalterȱdeȱGruyter,ȱ2008),ȱ24–47.

Introduction

13

thatȱwouldȱrepresentȱanȱideal,ȱwhileȱothersȱwouldȱbeȱopposedȱtoȱit.ȱHumanȱlifeȱis tooȱcomplicated,ȱdiverse,ȱandȱchangingȱasȱthatȱweȱcouldȱinsistȱonȱoneȱmodel,ȱone concept,ȱandȱoneȱapproachȱtoȱtheȱchallengesȱinȱourȱexistence.ȱTheseȱchallenges occurȱconstantly,ȱandȱweȱrespondȱtoȱthemȱasȱweȱjustȱcan.ȱTheȱissueȱwouldȱbeȱnot toȱcloseȱourȱeyesȱtoȱthem,ȱbutȱtoȱtakeȱthemȱonȱandȱdealȱwithȱthemȱconstructively. Theȱ positionȱ pursuedȱ byȱ theȱ contributorsȱ toȱ theȱ presentȱ volumeȱ reliesȱ onȱ the understandingȱthatȱconflicts,ȱtensions,ȱandȱdangersȱareȱessentialȱcomponentsȱof ourȱlives,ȱandȱthatȱweȱmustȱdealȱwithȱthemȱinȱaȱconstructiveȱmanner.ȱThereȱareȱno idealȱ responses,ȱ andȱ utopiasȱ proveȱ toȱ beȱ asȱ fleetingȱ asȱ theȱ mundaneȱ reality. However,ȱpoetsȱandȱchroniclers,ȱartistsȱandȱcomposersȱprovideȱaȱvarietyȱofȱmedia toȱreflectȱuponȱtheȱmeaningȱofȱviolence,ȱwar,ȱandȱpeace.ȱSomeȱtextsȱorȱimages idealizeȱwar,ȱwhileȱothersȱcriticizeȱandȱcondemnȱthemȱradicallyȱ(seeȱmyȱcomments onȱGoyaȱatȱtheȱendȱofȱthisȱIntroduction)ȱThisȱappliesȱasȱmuchȱtoȱtheȱMiddleȱAges asȱtoȱourȱmodernȱworld. Asȱculturalȱandȱliteraryȱhistorians,ȱforȱinstance,ȱweȱareȱempoweredȱtoȱengage withȱtheȱdiscoursesȱthatȱtookȱplaceȱinȱtheȱpast,ȱandȱweȱareȱthusȱentitledȱtoȱgain directȱaccessȱtoȱopinions,ȱsentiments,ȱarguments,ȱandȱfeelingsȱasȱexpressedȱboth inȱpublicȱandȱinȱtheȱartisticȱmedia.ȱItȱmightȱbeȱimpossibleȱtodayȱtoȱdetermineȱwith allȱdesiredȱclarityȱtoȱwhatȱextentȱpoets,ȱminstrels,ȱartists,ȱcomposers,ȱtheologians, orȱscholarsȱexertedȱinfluenceȱonȱtheirȱcontemporaries,ȱbutȱtheȱfactȱbyȱitselfȱthat thoseȱspecificȱdocuments,ȱwhichȱaddressȱtheȱfundamentalȱquestionsȱregardingȱwar andȱpeace,ȱhaveȱsurvivedȱuntilȱtodayȱconfirmsȱtheȱvalidityȱofȱtheȱissueȱbothȱthen andȱ inȱ theȱ present.ȱ Theȱ discourseȱ continuesȱ throughoutȱ theȱ agesȱ becauseȱ the challengesȱdoȱnotȱsimplyȱdisappear.ȱOnȱtheȱcontrary,ȱinȱtimeȱmilitaryȱtechnology andȱ defenseȱ systemsȱ becomeȱ moreȱ andȱ moreȱ sophisticated,ȱ societyȱ spends increasingȱpercentagesȱofȱitsȱavailableȱresourcesȱonȱwarȱefforts,ȱandȱasȱweȱhave seenȱsoȱmanyȱtimesȱrepeatedȱoverȱandȱover,ȱatȱoneȱpointȱcriticalȱmassȱisȱachieved, andȱtheȱsystemȱcollapsesȱunderȱitsȱownȱmilitaryȱweightȱbecauseȱitȱis,ȱinȱtheȱlong run,ȱsimplyȱnotȱproductive,ȱevenȱwhenȱitȱregularlyȱachievesȱitsȱownȱsetȱgoals.ȱ Thoseȱ whoȱ standȱ behindȱ theȱ militaryȬindustrialȱ complexȱ wouldȱ rushȱ toȱ its defense,ȱarguingȱthatȱwarȱhasȱcommonlyȱprovenȱtoȱbeȱtheȱdecisiveȱengineȱinȱthe developmentȱofȱnewȱmachinery,ȱfightingȱtools,ȱmaterials,ȱetc.,ȱwhichȱsubsequently provedȱtoȱbeȱmostȱfruitfulȱforȱcivilianȱuse.ȱIfȱweȱconsiderȱtheȱcloseȱcorrelation betweenȱfeudalȱsocietyȱandȱknighthood,ȱbothȱembracedȱbyȱtheȱidealȱofȱchivalry, whichȱfoundȱitsȱmostȱvocalȱexpressionȱinȱArthurianȱliterature,ȱcourtlyȱlove,ȱand Gothicȱarchitecture;ȱifȱweȱdoȱnotȱdoȱinjusticeȱtoȱotherȱhereȱignoredȱaspects,ȱor combineȱunrelatedȱaspectsȱwithȱeachȱother,ȱweȱmightȱhaveȱtoȱagreeȱwithȱsuchȱa position.ȱCastles,ȱmedievalȱtournaments,ȱtheȱknightlyȱclass,ȱcourtlyȱromances,ȱetc. wereȱallȱtheȱbyȬproductȱofȱaȱmilitaryȱsystemȱthatȱaffectedȱeveryoneȱthroughoutȱthe entireȱ Middleȱ Ages.ȱ However,ȱ withȱ theȱ riseȱ ofȱ newȱ warȱ technologyȱ theȱ social conditionsȱ changedȱ radically,ȱ leadingȱ toȱ aȱ shockȱ whichȱ lateȬmedievalȱ society

14

AlbrechtȱClassen

sufferedȱwhenȱmercenaryȱsoldiersȱappearedȱonȱtheȱbattleȱfield,ȱwhenȱtheȱcrossȬ bowȱandȱtheȱlongȬbowȱprovedȱtoȱbeȱsoȱmuchȱsuperiorȱtoȱtheȱknightlyȱswordȱand armor,ȱ andȱ finally,ȱ whenȱ gunȱ powderȱ madeȱ itsȱ tremendousȱ impactȱ feltȱ onȱ all traditionalȱwarfare.ȱ Nevertheless,ȱ thereȱ haveȱ alwaysȱ beenȱ powerfulȱ counterȬvoicesȱ explicitly opposedȱ toȱ theȱ useȱ ofȱ weaponsȱ forȱ whateverȱ purposeȱ andȱ underȱ whatever circumstancesȱ(see,ȱforȱinstance,ȱSt.ȱFrancisȱofȱAssisi).ȱItȱwouldȱnotȱbeȱcorrectȱto assumeȱratherȱnaivelyȱthatȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱworldȱwarȱwas regardedȱasȱaȱnormalȱandȱeverydayȱexperience.ȱDespiteȱmanyȱviolentȱconflicts throughoutȱtheȱages,ȱandȱdespiteȱmanyȱgroupsȱandȱindividualsȱinȱmedievalȱand thenȱalsoȱearlyȱmodernȱsocietyȱwhoȱfavoredȱtheȱuseȱofȱarmsȱtoȱsettleȱissuesȱwith theirȱneighborsȱand/orȱenemies,ȱweȱalsoȱperceiveȱmanyȱalternativeȱvoicesȱarguing quiteȱstronglyȱagainstȱwarȱandȱitsȱdevastatingȱconsequences.ȱTheȱdiscourseȱon ‘JustȱWar’ȱcanȱbeȱtracedȱfromȱtheȱtimeȱofȱSaintȱAugustineȱdownȱtoȱtheȱpresent,ȱas severalȱofȱourȱcontributorsȱwillȱconfirm.ȱButȱthisȱdidȱnotȱmeanȱthatȱtheȱconceptȱof ‘JustȱWar’ȱwasȱeasyȱtoȱgraspȱandȱfoundȱlittleȱopposition.ȱPacifismȱwouldȱbeȱmostly aȱphenomenonȱofȱmodernity,ȱandȱyetȱweȱfindȱprecursorsȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱeven ifȱhiddenȱbehindȱtheȱbroadȱinterestȱinȱtheȱphenomenonȱitself,ȱ‘war’ȱwithȱallȱits horrificȱconsequences. WeȱencounterȱaȱmostȱremarkableȱexampleȱinȱtheȱanonymousȱthirteenthȬcentury OldȱFrenchȱ‘chantefable,’ȱAucassinȱetȱNicoletteȱwhereȱtheȱyoungȱprotagonistȱproves toȱbeȱmostȱreluctantȱtoȱengageȱinȱaȱwarȱtoȱdefendȱhisȱfather’sȱkingdomȱbecauseȱhe isȱmostlyȱconcernedȱwithȱhisȱloveȱforȱtheȱslaveȱgirlȱNicolette.32ȱWhenȱhisȱfather promisesȱ himȱ thatȱ heȱ wouldȱ beȱ allowedȱ toȱ kissȱ herȱ atȱ leastȱ inȱ returnȱ forȱ his fighting,ȱheȱdoesȱso,ȱandȱperformsȱmostȱimpressiveȱdeedsȱofȱarms.ȱButȱsequently heȱisȱbetrayedȱbyȱhisȱfather,ȱevenȱthrownȱintoȱprison,ȱandȱNicoletteȱisȱshipped away.ȱHowever,ȱAucassinȱfollowsȱherȱandȱultimatelyȱmanagesȱtoȱfindȱherȱagain. OnȱtheirȱsubsequentȱjourneyȱtheyȱreachȱtheȱcountryȱofȱTorelore,ȱwhereȱeverything isȱtopsyȬturvy,ȱwithȱtheȱkingȱlyingȱinȱchildbedȱatȱhomeȱwhileȱhisȱwifeȱtheȱqueen isȱleadingȱanȱarmy,ȱthoughȱtheyȱfightȱwithȱcrabȱapples,ȱcheese,ȱandȱmushrooms.ȱ Nicolette,ȱwhoȱhadȱforcedȱtheȱkingȱtoȱpledgeȱthatȱinȱhisȱcountryȱnoȱmaleȱwould everȱlieȱinȱchildȱbedȱagain,ȱnowȱasksȱtheȱkingȱforȱhisȱpermissionȱtoȱenterȱtheȱmelee, whichȱisȱgrantedȱhim.ȱButȱcontraryȱtoȱtheȱking’sȱexpectations,ȱtheȱmaleȱprotagonist actuallyȱ slaysȱ manyȱ ofȱ theȱ opponents,ȱ whichȱ horrifiesȱ theȱ kingȱ because,ȱ asȱ he explains:ȱ“Ilȱn’estȱmieȱcostumeȱqueȱnosȱentrcocionsȱliȱunsȱl’autre”ȱ(XXXII,ȱ161, 11–12;ȱ“Itȱisȱnotȱourȱcustomȱtoȱkillȱeachȱother;”ȱ162).ȱOfȱcourse,ȱtheȱentireȱepisode doesȱnotȱreallyȱmakeȱsense,ȱandȱonlyȱrepresentsȱaȱworldȱturnedȱtopsyȬturvy,ȱbut

32

QuotedȱfromȱTheȱPilgrimageȱofȱCharlemagneȱandȱAucassinȱandȱNicolette,ȱed.ȱAnneȱElizabethȱCobby, withȱaȱtrans.ȱandȱintroductionȱbyȱGlynȱS.ȱBurgess.ȱGarlandȱLibraryȱofȱMedievalȱLiterature,ȱSeries A,ȱ47ȱ(NewȱYorkȱandȱLondon:ȱGarland,ȱ1988).

Introduction

15

itȱisȱdefinitelyȱpredicatedȱonȱtheȱideaȱthatȱkillingȱisȱplainlyȱwrongȱandȱshouldȱnot beȱdone,ȱthoughȱtheȱspecificȱreasonsȱareȱnotȱgivenȱhere.ȱ Theȱpoetȱdoesȱnot,ȱtoȱbeȱsure,ȱresortȱtoȱanyȱreligiousȱargument;ȱinsteadȱheȱonly hasȱtheȱcuriousȱkingȱexplainȱthatȱitȱisȱwrongȱtoȱkillȱandȱwageȱaȱwarȱwithȱdeadly consequences.ȱUndoubtedly,ȱweȱalsoȱperceiveȱsomeȱsimilaritiesȱtoȱtheȱworldȱof Cockaigne,ȱaȱdreamȱcountryȱwhereȱeverythingȱisȱavailableȱinȱplenty,ȱsinceȱallȱthose foodȱitemsȱcanȱbeȱusedȱasȱprojectilesȱandȱweapons.33ȱThisȱimpliesȱthatȱtheȱkingȱand queenȱ regardȱ warȱ asȱ aȱ sortȱ ofȱ aȱ gameȱ inȱ whichȱ noȱ oneȱ isȱ supposedȱ toȱ suffer physicalȱharm,ȱwhichȱforȱAucassinȱsemsȱjustȱasȱabsurdȱasȱitȱwasȱsupposedȱtoȱbe regardedȱbyȱtheȱaudience.ȱNevertheless,ȱevenȱinȱitsȱmostȱabstractȱcontext,ȱtheȱpoet atȱleastȱprojectedȱtheȱpossibilityȱofȱsuchȱaȱwarȱinȱwhichȱnoȱfighterȱwouldȱhaveȱto faceȱ his/herȱ deathȱ becauseȱ theirȱ projectilesȱ andȱ missilesȱ areȱ foodȱ items,ȱ and becauseȱtheȱwarȱitselfȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱnothingȱbutȱaȱgame.ȱ Ironically,ȱhowever,ȱtheȱsubsequentȱeventsȱillustrateȱtheȱillusionaryȱcharacterȱof thisȱchildishȱkingdomȱofȱToreloreȱwhereȱtrueȱfightingȱisȱnotȱsupposedȱtoȱhappen. Onceȱ Aucassinȱ andȱ theȱ kingȱ haveȱ returnedȱ toȱ theȱ castleȱ andȱ everyoneȱ has dedicatedȱhim/herselfȱtoȱtheȱjoysȱofȱcourtlyȱlife,ȱaȱbandȱofȱpiratesȱarrives,ȱattacks theȱcastle,ȱandȱtakesȱeveryoneȱwithȱthem,ȱincludingȱtheȱtwoȱloversȱwhomȱthey treatȱ asȱ theirȱ bootyȱ (XXXIV;ȱ 161/162).ȱ Noȱ oneȱ seemsȱ toȱ beȱ ableȱ toȱ defendȱ the countryȱagainstȱtheȱpirates,ȱandȱallȱareȱenslaved,ȱifȱnotȱkilled.ȱIf,ȱhowever,ȱtheyȱhad setȱupȱanȱenergeticȱdefense,ȱthingsȱmightȱhaveȱbeenȱdifferent,ȱthoughȱtheȱpoet doesȱnotȱaddressȱthoseȱcontradictions.ȱItȱisȱalrightȱforȱhimȱtoȱhaveȱtheȱqueenȱwife battleȱinȱtheȱfieldȱwithȱfruitȱandȱcheese,ȱwhichȱmakesȱAucassinȱbreakȱoutȱinȱloud laughter:ȱ“S’enȱpristȱaȱrire”ȱ(XXXI,ȱ13;ȱ159;ȱ“Andȱstartedȱtoȱlaugh”;ȱ160).34ȱThe parodyȱitselfȱcomesȱtoȱaȱquickȱend,ȱjustȱasȱtheȱdreamȱbrieflyȱalludedȱtoȱwithȱthe referenceȱtoȱaȱwarȱwithoutȱanyȱkillingȱcomesȱtoȱanȱabruptȱending.

C.ȱCriticismȱofȱWarȱinȱMedievalȱLiterature NumerousȱtextsȱfromȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱthatȱseemȱtoȱidealizeȱwarȱandȱbattleȱagainst infidelsȱ orȱ anyȱ otherȱ enemiesȱ signalȱ thatȱ theȱ killingȱ ofȱ anȱ enemyȱ mightȱ beȱ a necessity,ȱbutȱitȱisȱstillȱaȱmostȱlamentableȱandȱtragicȱconsequence.ȱInȱWolframȱvon Eschenbach’sȱ bloodyȱ andȱ gory,ȱ andȱ yetȱ alsoȱ deeplyȱ movingȱ andȱ religiously provocativeȱWillehalmȱ(ca.ȱ1218–1220)ȱtheȱprotagonistȱencountersȱonȱhisȱdesperate 33

34

HermanȱPleij,ȱDreamingȱofȱCockaigne:ȱMedievalȱFantasiesȱofȱtheȱPerfectȱLife,ȱed.ȱDianeȱWebbȱ(New York:ȱColumbiaȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2001). Forȱtheȱsignificantȱroleȱofȱlaughterȱinȱepistemologicalȱterms,ȱseeȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱLaughterȱin theȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱTimes:ȱEpistemologyȱofȱaȱFundamentalȱHumanȱBehavior,ȱitsȱMeaning, andȱConsequences,ȱed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassen.ȱFundamentalsȱofȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱCulture,ȱ5 (BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱDeȱGruyter,ȱ2010),ȱesp.ȱ218.

16

AlbrechtȱClassen

retreatȱfromȱtheȱfirstȱutterȱdefeatȱagainstȱtheȱMuslimȱforcesȱtheȱPersianȱprince Arofels,ȱ whomȱ theȱ narratorȱ presentsȱ inȱ surprisinglyȱ positiveȱ terms.35ȱ But Willehalmȱ slaughtersȱ him,ȱ uponȱ recallingȱ theȱ deathȱ ofȱ hisȱ own,ȱ mostȱ beloved youngȱnephewȱVivianzȱ(BookȱII,ȱchapterȱ76,ȱ13–chapterȱ81,ȱ12).ȱInȱhisȱdesperation, Arofelsȱpleadsȱforȱhisȱlife,ȱpromisesȱendlessȱmaterialȱtreasures,ȱanythingȱthatȱhis opponentȱmightȱdesireȱfromȱhisȱOrientalȱlands,ȱbutȱWillehalmȱrefusesȱandȱkills himȱnevertheless.ȱ Theȱbrutalityȱofȱthatȱsceneȱisȱshocking,ȱbutȱtheȱentireȱepicȱpoemȱreelsȱwithȱblood lustȱandȱslaughterȱofȱscoresȱofȱmen.ȱDidȱWolframȱglorifyȱwar,ȱorȱdidȱheȱtryȱto formulateȱanyȱkindȱofȱcriticalȱoppositionȱtoȱit?ȱItȱmightȱactuallyȱbeȱanachronistic toȱpursueȱsuchȱaȱdialecticalȱapproach;ȱhowever,ȱweȱstillȱrealizeȱhowȱmuchȱthe issueȱ ofȱ warȱ andȱ peaceȱ surfaceȱ hereȱ andȱ isȱ beingȱ thematizedȱ inȱ aȱ varietyȱ of strategies.ȱAfterȱall,ȱWillehalmȱdefendsȱhisȱcountry,ȱandȱhisȱwife,ȱGyburc,ȱwhoȱhad escapedȱwithȱhimȱfromȱherȱheathenȱhomeȱ(whereȱsheȱhadȱbeenȱknownȱasȱArabel), hadȱthenȱconvertedȱtoȱChristianityȱandȱassumedȱtheȱnewȱname.ȱWhatȱdoesȱevery individualȱ hereȱ onȱ earthȱ want?ȱ Ultimately,ȱ asȱ Wolframȱ indicates,ȱ nothingȱ but happinessȱandȱlove.ȱTheȱhumanȱcreatureȱwantsȱtoȱliveȱinȱpeaceȱandȱenjoyȱhis/her life.ȱYetȱthenȱgreed,ȱhatred,ȱaggression,ȱandȱaȱhostȱofȱotherȱvicesȱsetȱinȱandȱdisturb thatȱharmoniousȱpicture.ȱQuickly,ȱthen,ȱthisȱidylȱisȱtransformedȱintoȱanȱaggressive, militaryȱsituation,ȱandȱsoonȱenoughȱwarȱerupts.ȱNevertheless,ȱandȱthatȱmightȱbe theȱveryȱhallmarkȱofȱthisȱextraordinaryȱtext,ȱdespiteȱallȱtheȱbrutalȱhostility,ȱthe enormousȱsheddingȱofȱblood,ȱandȱtheȱfuriousȱfightingȱdisregardingȱanyȱlossesȱon eitherȱside,ȱWolframȱalsoȱreflectedȱonȱtheȱtragedyȱitselfȱwhenȱpeopleȱmustȱkill people.ȱHeȱhasȱsomeȱofȱhisȱfiguresȱclearlyȱexpressȱaȱdeepȱsenseȱofȱsadnessȱabout theȱcatastrophicȱconfigurationȱwhichȱsetsȱupȱevenȱfamilyȱmembersȱagainstȱeach other.ȱ Wolframȱ doesȱ notȱ subscribeȱ toȱ theȱ idealȱ ofȱ pacifism,ȱ andȱ heȱ doesȱ not supportȱpeaceȱatȱanyȱcost,ȱbutȱheȱmadeȱspecificȱeffortsȱtoȱgiveȱaȱhumanȱfaceȱtoȱthe enemyȱandȱtoȱshowȱtheȱincredibleȱpainȱandȱsorrowȱresultingȱfromȱallȱthatȱkilling onȱbothȱsidesȱofȱtheȱconflict.36 Inȱfact,ȱthisȱfairlyȱsimpleȱsetȬupȱcanȱbeȱdetectedȱinȱvirtuallyȱeveryȱmajorȱtext fromȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱbeyond,ȱwhereverȱbitterȱconflictsȱemergeȱandȱviciously pitȱpeopleȱagainstȱoneȱanother.ȱRarelyȱdoȱweȱobserveȱtrueȱattemptsȱtoȱresortȱtoȱa 35

36

WolframȱvonȱEschenbach,ȱWillehalm.ȱNachȱderȱHandschriftȱ857ȱderȱStiftsbibliothekȱSt.ȱGallen. Mittelhochdeutscherȱ Text,ȱ Übersetzung,ȱ Kommentar.ȱ Ed.ȱ Joachimȱ Heinzle.ȱ Bibliothekȱ des Mittelalters,ȱ9ȱ(Frankfurtȱa.ȱM.:ȱDeutscherȱKlassikerȱVerlag,ȱ1991);ȱforȱaȱgoodȱcommentary,ȱsee 1023–24.ȱForȱtheȱEnglishȱtranslation,ȱseeȱWolframȱvonȱEschenbach,ȱWillehalm,ȱtrans.ȱMarionȱE. GibbsȱandȱSidneyȱM.ȱJohnsonȱ(Harmondsworth,ȱMiddlesex,ȱEngland:ȱPenguin,ȱ1984).ȱSeeȱalso JamesȱA.ȱRushing,ȱ“Arofel’sȱDeathȱandȱtheȱQuestionȱofȱWillehalm’sȱGuilt,”ȱJournalȱofȱEnglishȱand GermanicȱPhilologyȱ94.4ȱ(1995):ȱ469–82. HorstȱBrunner,ȱ“BilderȱdesȱKriegesȱinȱderȱdeutschenȱLiteraturȱdesȱMittelaltersȱundȱderȱFrühen Neuzeit,”ȱid.,ȱAnnäherungen:ȱStudienȱzurȱdeutschenȱLiteraturȱdesȱMittelaltersȱundȱderȱFrühenȱNeuzeit. PhilologischeȱStudienȱundȱQuellen,ȱ210ȱ(Berlin:ȱErichȱSchmidt,ȱ2008;ȱorig.ȱ1996),ȱ67–79;ȱhereȱ73–74.

Introduction

17

legal,ȱcommunicative,ȱorȱpoliticalȱsolution,ȱasȱinȱtheȱOldȱSpanishȱepicȱpoemȱElȱmío Cid.ȱ Similarlyȱ inȱ theȱ Oldȱ Norseȱ Eddicȱ Njalsȱ Sagaȱ weȱ learnȱ ofȱ howȱ muchȱ the protagonistȱ endeavorsȱ toȱ workȱ withȱ theȱ opponents,ȱ toȱ setȱ upȱ agreements,ȱ to negotiate,ȱ toȱ payȱ ransom,ȱ andȱ toȱ appeaseȱ theȱ enemiesȱ toȱ theȱ extentȱ possible withoutȱlosingȱhonor.37ȱButȱdeathȱcannotȱbeȱavoided,ȱbloodȱfeudȱandȱwarȱengulf everyoneȱinȱtheȱlongȱrun,ȱandȱtheȱsurvivors,ȱlikeȱinȱtheȱfamousȱDiuȱKlage,ȱtheȱmost somberȱ sequelȱ toȱ theȱ Nibelungenlied,ȱ canȱ onlyȱ turnȱ toȱ griefȱ andȱ mourningȱ (see below). Nevertheless,ȱhereȱweȱidentifyȱtheȱcrucialȱreasonȱforȱtheȱarts,ȱliterature,ȱmusic, andȱ philosophy.ȱ Theyȱ areȱ notȱ simplyȱ theȱ superstructureȱ ofȱ theȱ economic conditionsȱ inȱ Marxistȱ terms.ȱ Instead,ȱ theyȱ provideȱ expressionsȱ forȱ protest, alternativeȱideas,ȱandȱgiveȱventȱtoȱemotions,ȱattitudes,ȱdreams,ȱandȱhopes.ȱThey areȱbothȱprescriptiveȱandȱdescriptive;ȱtheyȱprojectȱcriticismȱandȱoutlineȱutopian concepts;ȱtheyȱprofileȱhumanȱlifeȱbyȱreflectingȱuponȱitsȱextremesȱandȱtheȱmundane aspectsȱofȱourȱlifeȱconditions.ȱThereȱareȱonlyȱfewȱfundamentalȱconcernsȱweȱall share:ȱlove,ȱfearȱofȱdeath,ȱGod,ȱandȱthenȱwar.ȱDependingȱonȱtheȱcultural,ȱreligious, social,ȱandȱeconomicȱframework,ȱindividualsȱorȱpeopleȱrespondȱdifferentlyȱtoȱthe questionȱofȱhowȱwarȱandȱpeaceȱhaveȱtoȱbeȱbalancedȱout.ȱForȱthoseȱreasonsȱthe contributorsȱtoȱtheȱpresentȱvolumeȱcomeȱfromȱmanyȱdifferentȱscholarlyȱdisciplines andȱprovideȱaȱwideȱvarietyȱofȱreflectionsȱuponȱtheȱdiscourseȱcenteringȱonȱwarȱand peaceȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱearlyȱmodernȱtime.ȱIdeally,ȱtheȱcollectiveȱinsights willȱcreateȱaȱsegueȱtoȱcontemporaryȱconcernsȱregardingȱtheȱveryȱsameȱissues,ȱbut nowȱseenȱthroughȱtheȱhistoricalȱlens.ȱ

D.ȱHistoricalȱVoicesȱAgainstȱWarȱandȱPragmaticȱAspectsȱofȱWar Canȱweȱrelyȱonȱpastȱstatementsȱaboutȱsuchȱcriticalȱissuesȱtoȱgainȱdeeperȱinsights? Doȱtheyȱhelpȱusȱinȱourȱeffortsȱtoȱcomeȱtoȱtermsȱwithȱtheȱmostȱdestructiveȱforcesȱin ourȱ lives?ȱ Whyȱ wouldȱ weȱ beȱ inclinedȱ toȱ dismissȱ pastȱ voicesȱ asȱ irrelevantȱ for modernȱ policyȱ making?ȱ Undoubtedly,ȱ thisȱ isȱ theȱ timelessȱ troubleȱ forȱ the Humanitiesȱatȱlarge,ȱandȱyetȱtheirȱtrueȱstrengthȱrestsȱrightȱthereȱwhereȱeverything seemsȱtoȱbeȱlost,ȱwhereȱdespairȱthreatensȱtoȱsetȱin,ȱandȱwhenȱhopeȱseemsȱtoȱbe

37

Njal’sȱSaga,ȱtrans.ȱwithȱintrod.ȱandȱnotesȱbyȱRobertȱCookȱ(London:ȱPenguin,ȱ1997);ȱseeȱalsoȱThe CompleteȱSagasȱofȱIceland,ȱIncludingȱ49ȱTales,ȱed.ȱVidarȱHreinsson,ȱeditorialȱteamȱRobertȱCookȱetȱal.; introductionȱ byȱ Robertȱ Kellogg.ȱ Vol.ȱ 3ȱ (Reykjavík:ȱ Leifurȱ Eiríkssonȱ Pub.,ȱ 1997);ȱ cf.ȱ alsoȱ Lars Lönnroth,ȱNjálsȱSaga:ȱaȱCriticalȱIntroductionȱ(Berkeley:ȱUniversityȱofȱCaliforniaȱPress,ȱ1976).

18

AlbrechtȱClassen

waning.ȱWeȱareȱnotȱtheȱfirstȱgenerationȱtoȱgoȱthroughȱsuchȱdifficultȱtimes,ȱand actuallyȱweȱhaveȱsoȱmanyȱmoreȱopportunitiesȱtoȱdealȱwithȱourȱproblemsȱtoday thanȱourȱforefathers,ȱitȱseems.ȱNevertheless,ȱourȱperspectivesȱhaveȱchanged,ȱand weȱincreasinglyȱlookȱonlyȱforward,ȱbeingȱblindsidedȱtoȱtheȱexperiencesȱinȱtoȱhe past.ȱ Medievalistsȱ andȱ Earlyȱ Modernistsȱ areȱ inȱ anȱ idealȱ positionȱ toȱ assistȱ in handlingȱ thisȱ problem.ȱ Afterȱ all,ȱ weȱ liveȱ inȱ aȱ timeȬspaceȱ continuum,ȱ andȱ our existenceȱmovesȱforwardȱonȱaȱslidingȱscale,ȱrelyingȱasȱmuchȱonȱtheȱpastȱasȱonȱthe presentȱandȱfuture.ȱThisȱisȱnotȱtoȱsayȱthatȱmedievalȱliterature,ȱforȱinstance,ȱcontains theȱanswersȱweȱallȱhaveȱbeenȱlookingȱfor.ȱThatȱkindȱofȱanswerȱactuallyȱdoesȱnot exist,ȱandȱhasȱneverȱexisted.ȱSituationsȱchangeȱconstantly,ȱconditionsȱproveȱtoȱbe different,ȱ peopleȱ areȱ noȱ longerȱ theȱ same,ȱ andȱ theȱ objects,ȱ weapons,ȱ andȱ tools availableȱtoȱusȱareȱveryȱnewȱandȱserveȱdifferentȱpurposes.ȱ Nevertheless,ȱandȱthatȱisȱtheȱessentialȱhopeȱthatȱmakesȱusȱkeepȱliving,ȱweȱcan learnȱfromȱtheȱpast,ȱfromȱpreviousȱorȱcontinuousȱdiscourses,ȱfromȱexperiences peopleȱhadȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱbeyond,ȱandȱweȱcanȱthinkȱthroughȱmodelsȱof behaviorȱasȱexemplifiedȱinȱpremodernȱtexts,ȱimages,ȱandȱotherȱmanifestationsȱof humanȱlife.ȱInsofarȱasȱwarȱhasȱalwaysȱbeenȱanȱoperationȱleadingȱtoȱmostȱexcessive slaughterȱ andȱ victimizationȱ ofȱ aȱ largeȱ percentageȱ ofȱ theȱ civilianȱ population,ȱ it representsȱoneȱofȱtheȱgreatestȱchallengesȱtoȱlife,ȱhereȱexceptingȱtheȱphenomenon ofȱselfȱdefense,ȱwhateverȱthatȱmightȱmean.ȱWeȱallȱfaceȱtheȱprofoundȱdilemmaȱin decidingȱtheȱtrueȱvalueȱofȱpacifismȱversusȱaggressiveȱposturingȱandȱacting.ȱThe idealȱ ofȱ chivalryȱ asȱ formulatedȱ inȱ medievalȱ courtlyȱ romancesȱ mightȱ have representedȱanȱextraordinaryȱeffortȱtoȱcomeȱtoȱtermsȱwithȱthatȱdilemmaȱbyȱway ofȱ aȱ highlyȱ artificialȱ constructȱ thatȱ conceivablyȱ hadȱ littleȱ toȱ doȱ withȱ reality. Irrespectiveȱ ofȱ thatȱ problem,ȱ hereȱ restsȱ theȱ greatestȱ potentialȱ forȱ literatureȱ to outlineȱandȱtoȱdiscussȱidealsȱasȱtheyȱcouldȱbeȱpossibleȱorȱnecessary.ȱTrueȱliterature andȱgreatȱartȱorȱmusicȱconstituteȱhumanȱconscienceȱandȱforgesȱtheȱpathȱtowardȱthe future.ȱ Hence,ȱ theȱ discussionȱ ofȱ warȱ andȱ peaceȱ inȱ literaryȱ orȱ artisticȱ terms constitutesȱaȱmajorȱbreakthroughȱinȱtheȱwayȱhowȱweȱhaveȱhandledȱviolenceȱinȱthe pastȱandȱwhatȱweȱareȱpotentiallyȱcapableȱofȱdoingȱinȱtheȱpresentȱandȱtheȱfuture. TheȱHumanitiesȱ(includingȱHistory,ȱtheȱArts,ȱSocialȱSciences,ȱetc.)ȱstudyȱcounter models,ȱtheȱbasicȱmaterialȱforȱhumanȱdreams,ȱandȱdevelopȱstrategiesȱhowȱtoȱcope inȱlifeȱinȱaȱconstructive,ȱperhapsȱevenȱpeacefulȱway.ȱ Butȱconsideringȱtheȱdreamȱworldȱwhichȱmodernȱmedia,ȱamongȱotherȱsources, haveȱputȱusȱin,ȱandȱespeciallyȱtheȱhollywoodizedȱversionȱofȱmedievalȱknighthood andȱchivalry,ȱweȱhaveȱtoȱapproachȱtheȱtopicȱofȱwarȱandȱpeaceȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges mostȱcarefully.ȱContraryȱtoȱmanyȱmodernȱopinions,ȱmedievalȱwarsȱwereȱneverȱa nice,ȱgentlemanlyȱgameȱofȱchivalrousȱindividualsȱwhoȱwantedȱtoȱdemonstrate theirȱ prowess.ȱ Certainly,ȱ chivalryȱ playedȱ aȱ hugeȱ part,ȱ henceȱ aȱ gameȱ ofȱ rituals designedȱtoȱimpressȱtheȱobservers,ȱifȱthereȱwereȱany.ȱButȱtheȱrealityȱwasȱmostly

Introduction

19

veryȱdifferent.ȱWhateverȱmedievalȱwarȱcomesȱintoȱourȱcriticalȱfocus,ȱweȱquickly haveȱtoȱadmitȱthatȱeveryȱwar,ȱirrespectiveȱofȱtheȱcircumstancesȱandȱconditions,ȱis aȱ bloody,ȱ brutal,ȱ devastatingȱ eventȱ inȱ whichȱ manyȱ humanȱ livesȱ areȱ lostȱ and unaccountableȱsufferingȱresult.38ȱPeopleȱeverywhereȱdemonstratedȱtheirȱprofound fearȱofȱexternalȱenemiesȱandȱhostileȱarmiesȱthatȱthreatenedȱtoȱattackȱthem,ȱdestroy theirȱ citiesȱ orȱ settlements,ȱ rapeȱ theȱ women,ȱ andȱ killȱ theȱ men,ȱ notȱ toȱ mention children.ȱIfȱweȱhadȱnothingȱleftȱofȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱbutȱcastlesȱandȱcityȱwalls,ȱwe wouldȱ quicklyȱ assume,ȱ andȱ probablyȱ notȱ unrealistically,ȱ howȱ muchȱ medieval peopleȱfaced,ȱonȱtheȱaverage,ȱaȱmostȱunstableȱexistenceȱandȱcouldȱneverȱrelyȱon anȱoverlord,ȱaȱbishop,ȱtheȱking,ȱorȱanyȱotherȱmasterȱandȱhisȱtroopsȱforȱcomplete protection.39ȱHowever,ȱweȱwouldȱdeludeȱourselvesȱifȱweȱthenȱassumedȱthatȱthe enormousȱeffortsȱmadeȱbyȱnoblesȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱtoȱerectȱandȱdefendȱtheir castles,ȱorȱbyȱcityȱgovernmentsȱtoȱprotectȱtheirȱcommunitiesȱfromȱoutsideȱforces withȱ hugeȱ wallsȱ andȱ otherȱ fortificationȱ structuresȱ hadȱ madeȱ forȱ aȱ particularly dangerousȱworld. ȱArchitecturalȱmechanismsȱofȱdefenseȱwereȱasȱmuchȱpartȱofȱantiqueȱRomanȱor GreekȱculturesȱasȱofȱtheȱmedievalȱIslamicȱworld,ȱandȱyetȱallȱthoseȱsocietiesȱalso enjoyedȱtremendousȱculturalȱdevelopmentsȱandȱhadȱmanyȱperiodsȱofȱpeaceful existence.ȱMoreover,ȱdespiteȱtheȱinventionȱofȱgunȱpowderȱandȱhenceȱdespiteȱthe subsequentȱdevelopmentȱofȱgunsȱandȱcannonsȱwhichȱsoonȱthreatenedȱtoȱdestroy theȱtraditionalȱbaseȱofȱtheȱchivalricȱclassȱorȱactuallyȱachievedȱtheirȱgoalȱofȱblowing toȱpiecesȱcountlessȱcastlesȱandȱcityȱwalls,ȱarchitectsȱcontinuedȱtoȱdesignȱandȱbuild everȱnewȱandȱmoreȱcomplexȱdefenseȱstructuresȱfarȱintoȱtheȱearlyȬmodernȱage, perhapsȱasȱlateȱasȱtheȱnineteenthȱcentury.40ȱAllȱthoseȱconstructions,ȱhowever,ȱdo notȱsuggestȱbyȱdefaultȱthatȱtheyȱwereȱerectedȱinȱdirect,ȱimmediateȱresponseȱto militaryȱ threats.ȱ Warȱ andȱ peaceȱ wereȱ neverȱ definite,ȱ neatlyȱ circumscribed historicalȱevents.ȱTheyȱhaveȱalwaysȱbeenȱpartȱofȱtheȱlargerȱpoliticalȱdevelopment andȱ theȱ resultȱ ofȱ countlessȱ negotiations,ȱ orȱ theirȱ breakdown.ȱ Aȱ medieval landscape,ȱforȱinstance,ȱdottedȱwithȱmanyȱmilitaryȱstrongholdsȱandȱcastlesȱdoes notȱ necessarilyȱ tellȱ usȱ thatȱ thoseȱ whoȱ hadȱ commissionedȱ theirȱ erectionsȱ were incessantlyȱ involvedȱ inȱ warfare.ȱ Aȱ strongȱ defenseȱ system,ȱ forȱ example,ȱ can

38

39

40

StevenȱMuhlberger,ȱDeedsȱofȱArms:ȱFormalȱCombatsȱinȱtheȱLateȱFourteenthȱCenturyȱ(HighlandȱVillage, TX:ȱTheȱChivalryȱBookshelf,ȱ2005);ȱcf.ȱtheȱexcellentȱreviewȱbyȱDonaldȱJ.ȱKagayȱinȱTheȱMedieval Reviewȱ(online),ȱ11–1–4 “vmbringtȱmitȱstarckenȱturnen,ȱmurn”:ȱOrtsbefestigungenȱimȱMittelalter,ȱed.ȱOlafȱWagener.ȱBeihefte zurȱMediaevistik,ȱ15ȱ(Frankfurtȱa.ȱM.,ȱBerlin,ȱBern,ȱetȱal.:ȱPeterȱLang,ȱ2011). ForȱfortificationȱsystemsȱinȱtheȱRenaissance,ȱseeȱtheȱcontributionȱtoȱthisȱvolumeȱbyȱJörnȱMünckner. Cf.ȱalsoȱJeanȬDenisȱG.ȱG.ȱLepage,ȱCastlesȱandȱFortifiedȱCitiesȱofȱMedievalȱEurope:ȱAnȱIllustratedȱHistory (Jefferson,ȱ NC,ȱ andȱ London:ȱ McFarlandȱ &ȱ Company,ȱ 2002);ȱ id.,ȱ Theȱ Fortificationsȱ ofȱ Paris:ȱ An IllustratedȱHistoryȱ(Jefferson,ȱNC,ȱandȱLondon:ȱMcFarlandȱ&ȱCompany,ȱ2006).ȱForȱexamplesȱfrom theȱOttomanȱempire,ȱseeȱNicolle,ȱDavid,ȱOttomanȱFortificationsȱ1300–1710.ȱFortress,ȱ95ȱ(ȱOxford andȱNewȱYork:ȱOspreyȱPublishing,ȱ2010).

20

AlbrechtȱClassen

provideȱ forȱ aȱ longȱ periodȱ ofȱ peacefulȱ existence.ȱ Butȱ theȱ oppositeȱ wouldȱ not necessarilyȱbeȱtheȱlogicalȱconsequenceȱeither. Manyȱ historiansȱ haveȱ focusedȱ theirȱ attentionȱ onȱ theȱ variousȱ approachesȱ to buildingȱdefenseȱstructuresȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱbeyond,ȱsignalingȱtherebyȱhow muchȱwarȱdeterminedȱeverydayȱlifeȱofȱmostȱpeople,ȱwhetherȱatȱcourt,ȱinȱcities,ȱor inȱ theȱ countryside.ȱ Lifeȱ inȱ citiesȱ wasȱ mostlyȱ preferableȱ toȱ theȱ countryside specificallyȱbecauseȱcitiesȱofferedȱprotectionȱagainstȱenemies.41ȱNevertheless,ȱcities wereȱalsoȱregularlyȱobjectsȱofȱmilitaryȱaggressionȱbecauseȱtheyȱhousedȱsoȱmany treasuresȱforȱaȱgoldȬhungryȱmilitaryȱorȱbecauseȱtheyȱunderminedȱtheȱinterestsȱof dukesȱandȱotherȱprincesȱtoȱestablishȱcompleteȱcontrolȱoverȱtheirȱterritories.ȱInȱthe nameȱofȱpoliticalȱraisonȱd’être,ȱwarȱbecameȱaȱmostȱeffectiveȱmechanismȱtoȱachieve politicalȱends,ȱorȱrather,ȱitȱhasȱalwaysȱbeenȱtheȱcase. Itȱwouldȱbeȱdifficultȱtoȱdetermineȱwhereȱwarȱreallyȱendedȱandȱpeaceȱbegan,ȱand viceȱversa,ȱespeciallyȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱbecauseȱtheȱpoliticalȱpurposesȱbehind warfareȱwereȱsoȱintimatelyȱintertwinedȱwithȱmilitaryȱoperations.ȱParticularlyȱsince theȱ twelfthȱ centuryȱ kingsȱ utilizedȱ peaceȱ negotiationsȱ andȱ peaceȱ treatisesȱ to establishȱtheirȱownȱbasesȱofȱpowerȱandȱtoȱdemarcateȱtheȱrangeȱofȱtheirȱinfluence onȱtheȱpoliticalȱmapȱofȱtheirȱday.ȱAsȱEstherȱPascuaȱnowȱobserves,ȱ“Franceȱand Englandȱsignedȱpactsȱinȱorderȱtoȱdesignateȱtheirȱentireȱfrontierȱofȱexpansionȱin Centralȱ andȱ Southernȱ France.ȱ Castileȱ andȱ Aragónȱ dividedȱ alȬAndalusȱ andȱ the kingdomsȱofȱNavarreȱbetweenȱthemȱonȱfiveȱoccasionsȱduringȱtheȱcentury.ȱThe convenientiaeȱ finisȱ orȱ concordiaȱ areȱ splendidȱ casesȱ ofȱ selfȬacknowledgementȱ by whichȱ kingsȱ recognisedȱ theȱ rightȱ ofȱ otherȱ kingsȱ toȱ expand,ȱ therebyȱ implicitly denyingȱtheȱrightȱofȱothersȱtoȱdoȱso.”42

E.ȱAttemptsȱtoȱEstablishȱPeaceȱandȱToȱPromoteȱ TolerationȱorȱToleranceȱ(?) Whileȱ warȱ andȱ fightingȱ haveȱ alwaysȱ constitutedȱ centralȱ aspectsȱ ofȱ human interaction,ȱpeopleȱhaveȱalsoȱalwaysȱtriedȱtoȱovercomeȱthoseȱconflictsȱandȱreach

41

42

HansȬWilhelmȱHeine,ȱ“ArchäologischeȱBurgenforschungȱimȱNiedersächsischenȱLandesamtȱfür Denkmalpflege:ȱGeophysikalischeȱProspektionȱ–ȱAirborneȱLaserscanningȱ–ȱDigitaleȱVermessung,” Burgenȱ undȱ Schlösserȱ 51.3ȱ (2010):ȱ 135–43.ȱ Apartȱ fromȱ aȱ detailedȱ projectȱ descriptionȱ heȱ also introducesȱusȱtoȱtheȱ“AirborneȱLaserscanning”ȱ(LIDAR)ȱapproachȱtoȱtheȱstudyȱofȱhistoricalȱcastles. Heȱrightlyȱlaments,ȱhowever,ȱtheȱsteadyȱdeclineȱinȱpublicȱsupportȱforȱinȬdepthȱresearchȱonȱthe topicȱofȱmedievalȱcastleȱarchitecture.ȱSeeȱalsoȱHeine,ȱ“Derȱ„Heidenwall“ȱinȱOldenburgȱ(Oldb.). EineȱHolzȬErdeȬBurg,ȱdatiertȱaufȱ1032/33ȱbzw.ȱ1042,”ȱChâteauȱGaillardȱ24ȱ(2008):ȱ23Ȭ28ȱ(published inȱ 2010);ȱ id.,ȱ “Burgenbauȱ derȱ Salierzeitȱ zwischenȱ Emsȱ undȱ Elbe:ȱ Standȱ derȱ Archäologie,” NachrichtenȱausȱNiedersachsensȱUrgeschichteȱ77ȱ(2008):ȱ147–69. EstherȱPascua,ȱ“PeaceȱAmongȱEquals:ȱWarȱandȱTreatisesȱinȱTwelfthȬCenturyȱEurope,”ȱWarȱand PeaceȱinȱAncientȱandȱMedievalȱHistory,ȱed.ȱPhilipȱdeȱSouzaȱandȱJohnȱFranceȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridge UniversityȱPress,ȱ2008),ȱ193–210;ȱhereȱ200.ȱNowȱseeȱalsoȱPaulȱKershaw,ȱPeacefulȱKings:ȱPeace,ȱPower andȱtheȱEarlyȱMedievalȱPoliticalȱImaginationȱ(Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2010).

Introduction

21

peacefulȱ settlement.ȱ Religiousȱ tensions,ȱ however,ȱ haveȱ regularlyȱ pittedȱ whole peopleȱandȱevenȱcontinentsȱagainstȱeachȱother,ȱifȱweȱthinkȱofȱtheȱSaracenȱattacks againstȱEuropeȱthroughȱtheȱIberianȱPeninsula,ȱthenȱtheȱCrusadesȱandȱfinallyȱofȱthe Ottomanȱwars.ȱWhileȱkingsȱandȱmembersȱofȱtheȱclergy,ȱupȱtoȱtheȱhighestȱlevel,ȱthe Pope,ȱ constantlyȱ workedȱ towardȱ inspiringȱ theirȱ peopleȱ toȱ takeȱ upȱ theȱ sword againstȱtheȱenemiesȱofȱChristianityȱ(orȱviceȱversaȱagainstȱtheȱenemiesȱofȱIslam), manyȱpoetsȱexpressedȱgreatȱdiscomfortȱwithȱthatȱideaȱandȱoutlinedȱalternatives basedȱonȱeroticȱrelationships,ȱthoughȱtheseȱthenȱwereȱalsoȱpredicatedȱonȱtheȱidea ofȱChristianȱdominance.ȱWolframȱvonȱEschenbachȱexploredȱinȱgreatȱdetailȱthe consequencesȱ ofȱ aȱ loveȱ relationshipȱ betweenȱ aȱ heathenȱ queen,ȱ Arabel,ȱ andȱ a Christianȱlover,ȱMargraveȱWillehalm,ȱinȱhisȱeponymousȱWillehalmȱepicȱ(ca.ȱ1220). AlthoughȱtheȱbaptizedȱGyburc,ȱasȱsheȱisȱsubsequentlyȱcalled,ȱappealsȱforȱmutual understandingȱamongȱtheȱhostileȱforcesȱonȱtheȱbattleȱfield,ȱthisȱdoesȱnotȱleadȱtoȱthe endȱofȱfighting.ȱInstead,ȱasȱWillȱHastyȱhasȱcommented,ȱtheȱepicȱpoemȱ(inȱtheȱvein ofȱ theȱ chansonȱ deȱ geste)ȱ pursuesȱ threeȱ interestsȱ atȱ theȱ sameȱ time:ȱ “Itȱ isȱ about winningȱaȱvictoryȱforȱGod,ȱpreservingȱaȱjustȱclaimȱtoȱtheȱloveȱofȱaȱbeautifulȱcourtly dame,ȱandȱachievingȱaȱprivilegedȱsocialȱpositionȱofȱpowerȱandȱwealth.”43ȱClosely examined,ȱofȱcourse,ȱHasty’sȱargumentȱisȱnotȱoriginal.ȱAlreadyȱMartinȱJooseȱand FrederickȱR.ȱWhitsell,ȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱHighȱGermanȱCourtlyȱReaderȱ(1951ff.)ȱargued thatȱchivalricȱtournamentsȱwereȱwarȬgames,ȱexplainableȱasȱcontainedȱaggression byȱreturningȱcrusaders.44 Theȱ trueȱ dilemmaȱ ofȱ thisȱ majorȱ epicȱ consistsȱ ofȱ theȱ impossibilityȱ toȱ overcome militaryȱhostilityȱbyȱmeansȱofȱloveȱandȱmutualȱunderstanding.ȱInȱfact,ȱGiburc,ȱnow marriedȱtoȱWillehalm,ȱthroughȱherȱpersonȱbringsȱaboutȱtheȱhorribleȱwarȱbecause herȱfather,ȱherȱformerȱhusband,ȱandȱherȱownȱsonȱengageȱinȱaȱbattleȱtoȱdefeatȱher newȱhusband,ȱWillehalm,ȱandȱtoȱregainȱherȱasȱaȱtrophy,ȱsoȱtoȱspeak,ȱrepresenting theȱtrueȱpowerȱofȱtheȱIslamicȱreligionȱandȱtheȱOrientalȱculture.ȱInȱtheȱfamousȱwar councilȱ Giburcȱ addressesȱ theȱ essentialȱ aspectsȱ involvedȱ andȱ putsȱ themȱ most

43

44

Hasty,ȱ Artȱ ofȱ Arms,ȱ 123ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 14).ȱ Cf.ȱ alsoȱ Alfredȱ Raucheisen,ȱ Orientȱ undȱ Abendland: ethischȬmoralischeȱ Aspekteȱ inȱ Wolframsȱ Epenȱ “Parzival”ȱ undȱ “Willehalm”.ȱ Bremerȱ Beiträgeȱ zur LiteraturȬȱundȱIdeengeschichte,ȱ17ȱ(Frankfurtȱa.ȱM.ȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱPeterȱLang,ȱ1997);ȱChristopher Young,ȱNarrativischeȱPerspektivenȱinȱWolframsȱ“Willehalm”:ȱFiguren,ȱErzähler,ȱSinngebungsprozeß. UntersuchungenȱzurȱdeutschenȱLiteraturgeschichte,ȱ104ȱ(Tübingen:ȱMaxȱNiemeyer,ȱ2000);ȱNadia AbouȬElȬEla,ȱ ôwêȱ nuȱ desȱ mordes,ȱ derȱ dâȱ geschachȱ zeȱ bêderȱ sît:ȱ dieȱ Feindbildkonzeptionȱ inȱ Wolframs ȇWillehalmȇȱundȱUsaȬmasȱȇKitaȬbȱalȬi?tibaȬrȇ.ȱBibliothecaȱacademica,ȱ7ȱ(Würzburg:ȱErgon,ȱ2001);ȱand especiallyȱ theȱ contributionsȱ toȱ Wolfram’sȱ “Willehalm”:ȱ Fifteenȱ Essays,ȱ ed.ȱ Martinȱ H.ȱ Jonesȱ and TimothyȱMcFarland.ȱStudiesȱinȱGermanȱLiterature,ȱLinguistics,ȱandȱCultureȱ(Rochester,ȱNY,ȱand Woodbridge,ȱUK:ȱCamdenȱHouse,ȱ2002). Middleȱ Highȱ Germanȱ Courtlyȱ Reader,ȱ ed.ȱ Martinȱ Jooseȱ andȱ Frederickȱ R.ȱ Whitsellȱ ([Madison:] Universityȱ ofȱ Wisconsinȱ Press,ȱ 1951).ȱ Seeȱ alsoȱ Richardȱ W.ȱ Barberȱ andȱ Julietȱ R.ȱ V.ȱ Barker, Tournaments,ȱ1989ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ29).ȱTheȱlistȱofȱpertinentȱstudiesȱcouldȱeasilyȱbeȱextendedȱhere.

22

AlbrechtȱClassen

dramaticallyȱonȱtheȱtable,ȱknowingȱtooȱwellȱhowȱmuchȱsheȱisȱinȱaȱwayȱresponsible forȱtheȱlargeȱnumberȱofȱdeadȱwarriorsȱonȱbothȱsidesȱofȱtheȱconflict.ȱSheȱherselfȱhas madeȱherȱchoiceȱaȱlongȱtimeȱagoȱinȱfavorȱofȱChristianity,ȱsoȱsheȱcanȱonlyȱappealȱto theȱChristianȱprincesȱnextȱtoȱherȱtoȱfightȱforȱtheȱhonorȱofȱtheirȱownȱreligionȱandȱto takeȱrevengeȱforȱtheȱdeathȱofȱWillehalm’sȱyoungȱnephewȱVivianz.ȱNevertheless, sheȱexplicitlyȱappealsȱtoȱeveryoneȱinȱtheȱcouncil:ȱ“schônetȱderȱgotesȱhantgetât!ȱ/ einȱheidenȱwasȱderȱêrsteȱman,ȱ/ȱdenȱgotȱmachenȱbegan”ȱ(bookȱ306,ȱ28–30;ȱ“spare theȱcreaturesȱofȱGod’sȱHand!ȱ/ȱTheȱfirstȱmanȱwhomȱGodȱcreatedȱwasȱaȱheathen).45 Then,ȱhowever,ȱtheȱbattleȱcontinues,ȱandȱscoresȱofȱwarriorsȱsuccumbȱtoȱtheir destiny.ȱAtȱtheȱend,ȱtheȱtriumphantȱWillehalmȱdemonstratesȱimpressiveȱsensitivity andȱpaysȱhisȱrespectȱtoȱtheȱdeadȱheathenȱkingsȱwhoseȱcorpsesȱheȱdiscoversȱinȱa tent.ȱInsteadȱofȱpillagingȱtheirȱdecorationsȱorȱepitaphs,ȱheȱordersȱhisȱmenȱtoȱstand guardȱandȱtoȱprotectȱtheȱtemporaryȱrestingȱplaceȱofȱtheseȱdeadȱheroes.ȱMoreover, heȱ arrangesȱ theirȱ honorableȱ returnȱ toȱ theirȱ homeȱ countryȱ forȱ aȱ worthyȱ burial accordingȱtoȱtheirȱownȱreligionȱ(bookȱ464,ȱ14–bookȱ465,ȱ30).46ȱ Wolframȱ didȱ notȱ intendȱ toȱ developȱ aȱ newȱ mentalityȱ opposedȱ toȱ military engagements.ȱTheȱmilitaryȱdefenseȱofȱtheȱChristianȱterritoryȱagainstȱtheȱSaracen attackȱwasȱofȱutmostȱimportance,ȱandȱhadȱtoȱbeȱachievedȱatȱanyȱcost.ȱWeȱwould lookȱinȱvainȱforȱaȱrealȱcritiqueȱofȱwarȱinȱWillehalm,ȱalthoughȱtheȱultimateȱpeaceȱis certainlyȱwelcomed,ȱbutȱonlyȱbecauseȱtheȱChristiansȱhaveȱgainedȱtheȱvictoryȱover theȱMuslims.ȱ Weȱ canȱ easilyȱ findȱ fullȱ confirmationȱ forȱ thisȱ observationȱ inȱ manyȱ other contemporaryȱtexts.ȱAfterȱall,ȱweȱareȱdealingȱwithȱliteratureȱbyȱandȱforȱmembers ofȱtheȱaristocracy,ȱthatȱis,ȱaȱmilitaryȱclassȱthatȱlivedȱandȱdiedȱbyȱitsȱuseȱofȱweapons

45

46

WolframȱvonȱEschenbach,ȱWillehalm.ȱNachȱderȱHandschriftȱ857ȱderȱStiftsbibliothekȱSt.ȱGallen. Mittelhochdeutscherȱ Text,ȱ Übersetzung,ȱ Kommentar.ȱ Ed.ȱ Joachimȱ Heinzle.ȱ Bibliothekȱ des Mittelalters,ȱ9ȱ(Frankfurtȱa.ȱM.:ȱDeutscherȱKlassikerȱVerlag,ȱ1991);ȱforȱaȱgoodȱcommentary,ȱsee 1023–24.ȱForȱtheȱEnglishȱtranslation,ȱseeȱWolframȱvonȱEschenbach,ȱWillehalm,ȱtrans.ȱMarionȱE. GibbsȱandȱSidneyȱM.ȱJohnsonȱ(Harmondsworth,ȱMiddlesex,ȱEngland:ȱPenguin,ȱ1984),ȱ155–56.ȱThis famousȱspeech,ȱwhichȱseemsȱtoȱaddressȱtolerance,ȱandȱyetȱdoesȱnotȱbecauseȱGiburcȱonlyȱappeals toȱtheȱChristianȱinȬlawsȱtoȱshowȱrespectȱforȱtheirȱheathenȱopponents,ȱhasȱbeenȱdiscussedȱmany times;ȱsee,ȱforȱinstance,ȱAlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ“EmergenceȱofȱTolerance:ȱAnȱUnsuspectedȱMedieval Phenomenon.ȱStudiesȱonȱWolframȱvonȱEschenbach’sȱWillehalm,ȱUlrichȱvonȱEtzenbach’sȱWilhelm vonȱ Wenden,ȱ andȱ Johannȱ vonȱ Würzburg’sȱ Wilhelmȱ vonȱ Österreich,”ȱ Neophilologusȱ 76.4ȱ (1992): 586–99;ȱDavidȱO.ȱNeville,ȱ“GiburcȱasȱMediatrix:ȱIlluminatedȱReflectionsȱofȱToleranceȱinȱHzȱ1104,” Manuscriptaȱ40.2ȱ(1996):ȱ96Ȭ114;ȱMartinȱPrzybilski,ȱ“GiburgsȱBitten:ȱPolitikȱundȱVerwandtschaft,” ZeitschriftȱfürȱdeutschesȱAltertumȱundȱdeutscheȱLiteraturȱ133.1ȱ(2004):ȱ49–60;ȱmostȱrecently,ȱseeȱFritz PeterȱKnapp,ȱ“Leienȱmuntȱnieȱbazȱgesprach:ȱZurȱangeblichenȱlateinischenȱBuchgelehrsamkeitȱund zumȱIslambildȱWolframsȱvonȱEschenbach,”ȱZeitschriftȱfürȱdeutschesȱAltertumȱundȱdeutscheȱLiteratur 138.2ȱ(2009):ȱ173–84. Seeȱ myȱ discussionȱ ofȱ thisȱ issueȱ inȱ Wolfram’sȱ Willehalmȱ inȱ theȱ “Introduction”ȱ to:ȱ Meetingȱ the ForeignȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassenȱ(NewȱYorkȱandȱLondon:ȱRoutledge,ȱ2002), xxiv–xxviii.

Introduction

23

inȱdefenseȱofȱtheirȱlord,ȱinȱtheȱattackȱagainstȱanotherȱlord,ȱorȱinȱaȱlargerȱwarfare, suchȱasȱtheȱCrusades,ȱorȱinȱanyȱofȱtheȱmanyȱotherȱwarsȱwagedȱthroughoutȱthe MiddleȱAges.ȱAsȱmuchȱasȱsomeȱideologues—whichȱcertainlyȱincludesȱpoetsȱand artistsȱwhoȱmightȱhaveȱpursuedȱdifferentȱintentions—favoredȱsparingȱtheȱcivilian population,ȱ othersȱ “clearlyȱ viewedȱ civiliansȱ asȱ aȱ separateȱ andȱ contemptible species—thatȱis,ȱanȱoutȬgroupȱthatȱmustȱbeȱkeptȱinȱsubjectionȱwithȱliberalȱdosesȱof violence.”47ȱHowever,ȱitȱremainsȱratherȱdebatableȱwhetherȱmedievalȱwarsȱtruly regularlyȱ resultedȱ inȱ totalȱ carnageȱ andȱ aȱ brutalȱ cuttingȱ downȱ ofȱ theȱ defeated enemy,ȱasȱKellyȱDevriesȱwarnsȱusȱinȱhisȱcriticalȱreviewȱofȱtheȱseminalȱliterature regardingȱwarsȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges.48ȱAfterȱall,ȱapartȱfromȱsomeȱmostȱcataclysmic epicsȱwhereȱdeathȱdominatesȱcompletelyȱ(ChansonȱdeȱRoland,ȱNibelungenlied),ȱwith virtuallyȱ allȱ protagonistsȱ succumbingȱ toȱ theirȱ tragicȱ destiny,ȱ weȱ hearȱ of horrendousȱ warȱ reportsȱ onlyȱ sinceȱ theȱ lateȱ Middleȱ Agesȱ whenȱ newȱ weapons, includingȱ canonsȱ operatingȱ withȱ gunȱ powder,ȱ wereȱ introducedȱ andȱ aȱ new recruitmentȱsystemȱwasȱputȱintoȱplace,ȱsubstitutingȱtheȱtraditionalȱknightȱwith mercenariesȱandȱprofessionalȱfootȱsoldiers.ȱAsȱDevriesȱcomments,ȱ“Theȱgreatest causeȱ ofȱ thisȱ [transformation]ȱ wasȱ theȱ constantȱ warfareȱ goingȱ onȱ throughout Europeȱduringȱthisȱperiod.ȱAddedȱtoȱthisȱwasȱtheȱencounterȱofȱtheȱwesternȱwith theȱeasternȱarmiesȱofȱtheȱOttomanȱTurksȱwhoseȱleadersȱdidȱnotȱvalueȱhumanȱlife inȱtheȱsameȱwayȱasȱEuropeanȱgeneralsȱandȱsoldiersȱdid.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱTheȱmedievalȱculture thatȱdefinedȱwarfareȱvaluedȱhumanȱlifeȱasȱnoȱeraȱbeforeȱorȱafter.”49ȱThisȱwould explainȱ theȱ curiousȱ phenomenonȱ ofȱ theȱ epicȱ poemȱ Diuȱ Klage,ȱ whichȱ Iȱ have mentionedȱ alreadyȱ above.ȱ Inȱ moreȱ thanȱ 4300ȱ versesȱ weȱ confrontȱ nothingȱ but incessantȱlamentations,ȱegregiousȱmourning,ȱandȱdeepȱhumanȱsufferingȱbyȱtheȱfew survivorsȱofȱtheȱbattleȱbetweenȱtheȱBurgundiansȱandȱallȱofȱKingȱEtzel’sȱtroopsȱand loyalȱwarriors,ȱtheȱoutcomeȱofȱwhichȱhadȱbeenȱaȱmassiveȱnumberȱofȱdeaths.ȱTwo peoples,ȱtwoȱcourts,ȱtwoȱcountries,ȱandȱtheȱflowerȱofȱBurgundianȱknighthoodȱhave perishedȱbecauseȱofȱKriemhilt’sȱdesireȱforȱrevenge.ȱTheȱNibelungenliedȱpoetȱhad veryȱlittleȱtoȱsayȱaboutȱthat,ȱconcludingȱwithȱtheȱfewȱverses:ȱ Diuȱvilȱmichelȱêreȱȱȱwasȱgelegenȱtôt. diȱliuteȱhetenȱalleȱȱȱjâmerȱundeȱnôt. mitȱleideȱwasȱverendetȱȱȱdesȱkünegesȱhôchgezît, alsȱieȱdiuȱliebeȱleideȱȱȱzallerȱjungesteȱgît.

47

48

49 50

(stanzaȱ2375)50

DavidȱJ.ȱHay,ȱ“‘CollateralȱDamage?’ȱCivilianȱCasualtiesȱinȱtheȱEarlyȱIdeologiesȱofȱChivalryȱand Crusade,”ȱNobleȱIdealsȱandȱBloodyȱRealities:ȱWarfareȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱed.ȱNiallȱChristieȱandȱMaya Yazigi.ȱHistoryȱofȱWarfare,ȱ37ȱ(LeidenȱandȱBoston:ȱBrill,ȱ2006),ȱ3–25;ȱhereȱ9. Kellyȱ DeVries,ȱ “Medievalȱ Warfareȱ andȱ theȱ Valueȱ ofȱ aȱ Humanȱ Life,”ȱ Nobleȱ Idealsȱ andȱ Bloody Realities,ȱ27–55ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ47). DeVries,ȱ“MedievalȱWarfare,”ȱ49–50ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ48). DasȱNibelungenlied.ȱMittelhochdeutschȱ/ȱNeuhochdeutsch.ȱNachȱderȱHandschriftȱBȱherausgegeben vonȱUrsulaȱSchulze.ȱInsȱNeuhochdeutscheȱübersetztȱundȱkommentiertȱvonȱSiegfriedȱGrosseȱ(1997;

24

AlbrechtȱClassen [Theȱgreatȱgloryȱhadȱdiedȱthere. Theȱpeopleȱsufferedȱfromȱsorrowȱandȱmisery. Withȱgreatȱpainȱtheȱking’sȱfestivalȱhadȱcomeȱtoȱanȱend, justȱasȱloveȱalwaysȱturnsȱtoȱsorrowȱinȱtheȱlongȱrun.]

Asȱ oddȱ asȱ itȱ mightȱ be,ȱ Diuȱ Klageȱ completelyȱ turnsȱ awayȱ fromȱ thisȱ themeȱ and almostȱ exclusivelyȱ treatsȱ onlyȱ theȱ intenseȱ feelingsȱ byȱ theȱ fewȱ survivorsȱ and describesȱtheirȱmourningȱrituals.51ȱInterestingly,ȱtheȱcentralȱpointȱofȱconcernȱdeals withȱtheȱquestionȱofȱguiltȱandȱwhatȱcouldȱhaveȱbeenȱdoneȱtoȱavoidȱtheȱbloodbath. Theȱ fewȱ survivorsȱ discuss,ȱ whenȱ theyȱ areȱ notȱ lostȱ inȱ theirȱ sorrowȱ andȱ crying, whetherȱHagenȱorȱKriemhiltȱwasȱresponsibleȱforȱtheȱendlessȱconflicts,ȱandȱwhat alternativesȱthereȱmightȱhaveȱbeenȱtoȱtheȱfighting.ȱMostȱinterestingly,ȱwhenȱthe newsȱalsoȱreachesȱtheȱBishopȱofȱPassau,ȱheȱreflectsȱdeeplyȱaboutȱtheȱconditions leadingȱtoȱtheȱcatastropheȱandȱwhatȱheȱhimselfȱcouldȱdoȱinȱtheȱwakeȱofȱit.ȱHe quicklyȱrealizesȱthatȱcontinuousȱcryingȱwouldȱnotȱachieveȱanything,ȱandȱwould certainlyȱnotȱbringȱbackȱtheȱslainȱvictims.ȱInȱhisȱdiscussionȱwithȱtheȱmessenger SwemmelȱheȱreachesȱtheȱsignificantȱinsightȱthatȱtheȱBurgundiansȱaltogetherȱhad becomeȱpreyȱtoȱtheirȱprideȱandȱhubris,ȱandȱthatȱtheirȱgreedȱforȱtheȱNibelungen gold—anȱexpressionȱofȱtheȱmurderedȱheroȱSiegfried’sȱintimateȱconnectionȱwithȱthe autochthonousȱforcesȱofȱtheȱnetherworldȱandȱhenceȱaȱsymbolȱofȱhumanȱevilȱand sinfulness—wasȱultimatelyȱresponsibleȱforȱtheirȱownȱdownfall:ȱ“Ifȱtheyȱhadȱsimply turnedȱtheirȱbacksȱonȱtheȱgoldȱofȱtheȱNibelungen,ȱtheyȱcouldȱhaveȱjourneyedȱtoȱsee theirȱ sisterȱ withȱ herȱ blessing.ȱ Itȱ isȱ theirȱ ownȱ faultȱ andȱ aȱ consequenceȱ ofȱ their arroganceȱthatȱweȱhaveȱlostȱallȱofȱtheseȱgoodȱwarriorsȱinȱAttila’sȱland”ȱ(3430–38; 163).ȱ Notȱsatisfiedȱwithȱthisȱcriticalȱexamination,ȱBishopȱPilgrimȱthenȱtakesȱtheȱnext, trulyȱmonumentalȱstepȱandȱcommissionsȱaȱpreciseȱrecordȱofȱallȱtheȱeventsȱatȱthe Hunnishȱcourt,ȱwhichȱis,ȱhowever,ȱnotȱtheȱfictionalȱbasisȱforȱtheȱcompositionȱofȱthe Nibelungenlied.ȱ Asȱ heȱ emphasizes,ȱ “‘.ȱ .ȱ .ȱ ezȱ istȱ diuȱ grœzesteȱ geschihtȱ /ȱ diuȱ zer werldeȱieȱgeschach’”ȱ(3480–81;ȱ“Thisȱisȱtheȱmostȱmomentousȱeventȱthatȱhasȱever occurredȱonȱtheȱfaceȱofȱtheȱearth”).ȱButȱtheȱtextȱwasȱthenȱcomposedȱnotȱinȱthe

51

Stuttgart:ȱPhilippȱReclamȱjun.,ȱ2010).ȱSeeȱalsoȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱTheȱNibelungenȱTradition:ȱAn Encyclopedia,ȱed.ȱFrancisȱG.ȱGentry,ȱWinderȱMcConnell,ȱUlrichȱMüller,ȱandȱWernerȱWunderlich (NewȱYorkȱandȱLondon:ȱRoutledge,ȱ2002). Joachimȱ Bumke,ȱ Dieȱ vierȱ Fassungenȱ derȱ ‘Nibelungenklage’:ȱ Untersuchungenȱ zurȱ ÜberlieferungsȬ geschichteȱ undȱ Textkritikȱ derȱ höfischenȱ Epikȱ imȱ 13.ȱ Jahrhundert.ȱ Quellenȱ undȱ Forschungenȱ zur LiteraturȬȱundȱKulturgeschichte,ȱ8ȱ(242)ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱWalterȱdeȱGruyter,ȱ1996).ȱSeeȱalso myȱtranslationȱandȱcommentary,ȱDiuȱKlageȱmittelhochdeutschȱȬȱneuhochdeutsch.ȱEinleitung,ȱÜberȬ setzung,ȱKommentarȱundȱAnmerkungen.ȱGöppingerȱArbeitenȱzurȱGermanistik,ȱ647ȱ(Göppingen: Kümmerle,ȱ1997);ȱȱforȱtheȱEnglish,ȱseeȱTheȱLamentȱofȱtheȱNibelungenȱ(DivȱChlage).ȱTrans.ȱandȱwith anȱIntroductionȱbyȱWinderȱMcConnell.ȱTranslationsȱfromȱMedievalȱLiteratureȱ(Columbia,ȱSC: CamdenȱHouse,ȱ1994).

Introduction

25

vernacular;ȱinsteadȱinȱLatin,ȱtheȱlanguageȱofȱtheȱlearned.ȱHereȱweȱcomeȱacrossȱone ofȱtheȱmostȱremarkableȱinstancesȱwhereȱaȱpoetȱclearlyȱoutlinesȱstrategiesȱhowȱto impactȱ societyȱ outsideȱ ofȱ theȱ fictionalȱ world.ȱ Asȱ theȱ narratorȱ conveysȱ toȱ us, readingȱaboutȱaȱtragedyȱsuchȱasȱtheȱoneȱthatȱdestroyedȱallȱtheȱBurgundiansȱand theȱcourtȱofȱKingȱEtzelȱcanȱresultȱinȱaȱchangeȱofȱbehaviorȱorȱattitude.ȱTheȱpoetȱthus triesȱtoȱinfluenceȱhisȱaudienceȱandȱtransformȱthemȱfromȱbeingȱsoȱpassionateȱabout heroismȱandȱmilitaryȱoperationsȱintoȱaȱdifferentȱkindȱofȱpeople,ȱunderstandingȱthe drasticȱconsequencesȱofȱhatredȱandȱvengeance,ȱavoidingȱtheȱescalationȱofȱviolence, andȱtheȱquestȱforȱnewȱcommunicativeȱchannelsȱwhichȱmightȱlayȱtheȱfoundation forȱaȱnewȱtypeȱofȱsociety.52ȱTheȱbasicȱquestionȱraisedȱhereȱdoesȱnotȱpertainȱtoȱissues suchȱasȱ‘JustȱWar’ȱorȱlegitimacyȱofȱphysicalȱviolenceȱorȱmilitaryȱoperation.ȱInstead, inȱDiuȱKlageȱweȱareȱfacedȱwithȱtheȱmuchȱmoreȱfarȬreachingȱconcernȱwithȱhow humanȱ interactionȱ couldȱ beȱ betterȱ regulatedȱ andȱ selfȬcontrolledȱ inȱ orderȱ to contain,ȱifȱnotȱtoȱsubdue,ȱaggression.ȱ Ofȱ course,ȱ neitherȱ inȱ theȱ Nibelungenliedȱ norȱ inȱ Diuȱ Klageȱ doȱ weȱ observeȱ an explicitȱcommentaryȱonȱwar,ȱforȱinstance,ȱorȱanȱappealȱforȱpeace.ȱTheȱwarriorsȱare stillȱdeeplyȱadmiredȱandȱpresentedȱasȱgloriousȱheroes.ȱTheȱissueȱrestsȱelsewhere, thatȱis,ȱinȱtheȱhumanȱconflictsȱbasedȱonȱenvy,ȱjealousy,ȱhatred,ȱfear,ȱandȱgreed.ȱBut theȱ resultsȱ areȱ justȱ asȱ cataclysmicȱ andȱ tragic,ȱ asȱ theȱ constantȱ lamentingȱ and mourningȱindicates.ȱTheȱworst,ȱhowever,ȱmightȱbeȱtheȱfewȱsurvivors’ȱloneliness, suchȱasȱDietlinde,ȱwhoseȱfatherȱRüdigerȱhasȱdiedȱinȱtheȱbattle,ȱandȱwhoseȱmother hasȱpassedȱawayȱgrievingȱoverȱtheȱlossȱofȱherȱhusband.ȱButȱDietrich,ȱonȱhisȱway perhapsȱbackȱtoȱhisȱhomeȱcountry,ȱpromisesȱherȱthatȱheȱwouldȱfindȱaȱhusbandȱfor herȱwhoȱthenȱwouldȱhelpȱtheȱyoungȱwomanȱtoȱruleȱtheȱorphanedȱmargraviate. Nevertheless,ȱasȱtheȱnarratorȱcomments,ȱ“dôȱsciedenȱsiȱvonȱdannenȱ/ȱlachendeȱez nihtȱ gescach”ȱ (4278–79;ȱ Theyȱ thenȱ tookȱ theirȱ leaveȱ ofȱ oneȱ another,ȱ butȱ itȱ was withoutȱanyȱlaughter).

F.ȱSevereȱCriticismȱofȱWar Weȱ canȱ lookȱ farȱ andȱ wideȱ inȱ medievalȱ andȱ earlyȱ modernȱ literatureȱ tryingȱ to identifyȱanyȱpassageȱwhereȱwarȱitself,ȱandȱthenȱchivalry,ȱorȱknighthood,ȱwouldȱbe trulyȱ criticized.ȱ Theȱ consequences,ȱ however,ȱ areȱ oftenȱ discussedȱ inȱ most egregiouslyȱcriticalȱterms.ȱAnotherȱexampleȱfromȱlateȱmedievalȱGermanȱliterature mightȱserveȱusȱwellȱtoȱillustrateȱtheȱfunctionȱwhichȱpoetsȱassumedȱregardingȱwar andȱitsȱdevastatingȱconsequencesȱforȱpeopleȱatȱlarge.ȱAroundȱ1400ȱtheȱSwissȱpublic

52

“Ritualeȱ desȱ Trauernsȱ alsȱ Sinnstiftungȱ undȱ ethischeȱ Transformationȱ desȱ eigenenȱ Daseinsȱ im agonalenȱRaumȱderȱhöfischenȱWelt.ȱZweiȱFallstudien:ȱDiuȱKlageȱundȱMaiȱundȱBeaflor,”ȱZeitschrift fürȱLiteraturwissenschaftȱundȱLinguistikȱ36ȱ(2006):ȱ30–54.

26

AlbrechtȱClassen

notaryȱHeinrichȱWittenwilerȱcomposedȱanȱallegoricalȱverseȱnarrative,ȱTheȱRing, whichȱisȱmostlyȱbasedȱonȱtheȱideaȱofȱaȱpeasantȱsatire.53ȱRecentȱGermanȱscholarship hasȱrecognizedȱitsȱsocialȬhistoricalȱrelevanceȱasȱaȱpoeticȱstatementȱaboutȱtheȱbasic conditionsȱatȱthatȱtime.ȱTheȱpoetȱisȱmostȱpainfullyȱconcernedȱwithȱtheȱsocialȱclasses beingȱinȱdangerousȱconflictȱwithȱeachȱother,ȱwithȱtheȱdeteriorationȱofȱtheȱbonds amongȱallȱpeople,ȱwithȱtheȱlossȱofȱfundamentalȱethicalȱvalues,ȱandȱwithȱtheȱfutility ofȱteachingȱaboutȱprincipleȱidealsȱconcerningȱhumanȱsociety.ȱDespiteȱallȱattempts byȱtheȱtwoȱprotagonists,ȱaȱyoungȱpeasantȱlad,ȱBertschiȱTriefnas,ȱandȱhisȱbeloved, Mätzliȱ Rüerenzumpf—bothȱ namesȱ certainlyȱ carryingȱ obsceneȱ orȱ scatological meaning—andȱtheirȱadvisorsȱandȱfriendsȱtoȱarrangeȱtheirȱmarriage,ȱatȱtheȱend aggressionȱerupts,ȱquicklyȱleadingȱtoȱphysicalȱexchanges,ȱwhichȱthenȱescalateȱinto massiveȱfightingȱandȱthenȱwar.ȱTragically,ȱhowever,ȱthisȱwarȱengulfsȱtheȱentire villageȱpopulationȱwhichȱisȱkilledȱbyȱtheirȱopponents,ȱaȱneighboringȱvillageȱwho manageȱtoȱdecimateȱthemȱcompletely,ȱwithȱtheȱonlyȱexceptionȱofȱBertschiȱbecause theyȱregardȱhimȱasȱanȱinsane,ȱsoȱtheyȱleaveȱhimȱalone.54ȱ Ironically,ȱinȱtheȱpreparationȱforȱtheȱwarȱagainstȱtheȱneighboringȱvillage,ȱthe citizensȱofȱLappenhausenȱareȱgivenȱaȱfullyȬfledgedȱlectureȱonȱhowȱtoȱcarryȱoutȱwar (6683–861).ȱButȱdespiteȱtheirȱbestȱefforts,ȱthisȱisȱallȱforȱnought,ȱandȱtheyȱallȱhaveȱto die,ȱincludingȱtheȱwomenȱandȱchildrenȱbecause,ȱasȱtheȱnarrativeȱcontextȱindicates, theyȱareȱcompletelyȱfoolishȱandȱdoȱnotȱunderstandȱhowȱtoȱcopeȱreasonablyȱinȱlife. Sadly,ȱ however,ȱ theȱ instructionsȱ areȱ actuallyȱ basedȱ onȱ classicalȱ teachings pertainingȱtoȱwar,ȱbutȱneverthelessȱtheyȱallȱfailȱtoȱfollowȱtheȱadviceȱandȱsoȱhave toȱsuccumbȱtoȱdeath.55ȱItȱdoesȱnotȱreallyȱmatterȱforȱusȱwhetherȱWittenwilerȱwants toȱ criticizeȱ theȱ peasantsȱ ofȱ Lappenhausenȱ orȱ peopleȱ atȱ large,ȱ sinceȱ thisȱ isȱ an allegoricalȱ romance.ȱ Theȱ criticalȱ issueȱ provesȱ toȱ be,ȱ byȱ contrast,ȱ theȱ peasants’ desireȱ inȱ theȱ firstȱ placeȱ toȱ pursueȱ warȱ atȱ anyȱ costȱ andȱ notȱ toȱ considerȱ the consequencesȱforȱtheirȱownȱlivesȱandȱthoseȱofȱtheirȱfamilies.ȱVeryȱsimilarȱtoȱthe Nibelungenlied,ȱhowever,ȱtheȱpoetȱoutlinesȱinȱradicalȱtermsȱtheȱdevastatingȱresults ofȱ thisȱ kindȱ ofȱ thinkingȱ thatȱ prioritizesȱ militaryȱ operationsȱ overȱ anyȱ kindȱ of communicativeȱstrategy.56ȱTheȱconsequencesȱareȱplainȱtoȱseeȱforȱeveryone,ȱthe

53

54

55 56

Heinrichȱ Wittenwiler,ȱ “Derȱ Ring”,ȱ herausgegeben,ȱ übersetztȱ undȱ kommentiertȱ vonȱ Bernhard Sowinski.ȱHelfantȱTexte,ȱTȱ9ȱ(Stuttgart:ȱhelfantȱedition,ȱ1988);ȱseeȱalsoȱHeinrichȱWittenwiler,ȱDer Ring.ȱ Frühneuhochdeutscheȱ /ȱ Neuhochdeutsch.ȱ Nachȱ demȱ Textȱ vonȱ Edmundȱ Wießnerȱ ins NeuhochdeutscheȱübersetztȱundȱherausgegebenȱvonȱHorstȱBrunnerȱ(Stuttgart:ȱReclam,ȱ1991). BarbaraȱKönneker,ȱ“Dulceȱbellumȱinexpertis:ȱKampfȱundȱKriegȱimȱ‘Ring’ȱHeinrichȱWittenwilers,” HeinrichȱWittenwilerȱinȱKonstanzȱundȱ‘DerȱRing’ȱ(TagungȱKonstanzȱ1993),ȱed.ȱHorstȱBrunner.ȱJahrbuch derȱOswaldȱvonȱWolkensteinȱGesellschaftȱ8ȱ(1994/1995):ȱ59–77;ȱHorstȱBrunner,ȱ“Rede,ȱBlut,ȱTrauer: DerȱKriegȱinȱHeinrichȱWittenwilersȱ‘DerȱRing’,”ȱid.,ȱJoachimȱHamm,ȱMathiasȱHerweg,ȱetȱal.,ȱDulce bellumȱinexpertis:ȱBilderȱdesȱKriegesȱinȱderȱdeutschenȱLiteraturȱdesȱ15.ȱundȱ16.ȱJahrhunderts.ȱImagines MediiȱAevi,ȱ11ȱ(Wiesbaden:ȱReichertȱVerlag,ȱ2002),ȱ13–36. SeeȱBrunner’sȱcommentary,ȱ579–80. AlbrechtȱClassen,ȱVerzweiflungȱundȱHoffnung:ȱDieȱSucheȱnachȱderȱkommunikativenȱGemeinschaftȱinȱder

Introduction

27

villageȱ isȱ destroyedȱ andȱ allȱ ofȱ itsȱ inhabitantsȱ haveȱ died,ȱ exceptȱ forȱ theȱ foolish Bertschi,ȱwhoȱneverȱunderstandsȱtrulyȱwhyȱthisȱtragedyȱhasȱhappenedȱandȱwhat itȱallȱmeans.ȱHeȱadmitsȱtoȱhimself: ‘Owe,ȱjämerleicherȱtag, Dasȱichȱdichȱieȱgelebtȱhab! Desȱmuossȱichȱiemerȱleidenȱpein Mitȱchlagenȱanȱdemȱhertzenȱmein Undȱmangenȱpitternȱjamerȱdulden Nichtȱandersȱdannȱvonȱmeinenȱschulden, Dasȱichȱsoȱweisleichȱwasȱgelert Undȱmichȱsoȱwenigȱdarȱanȱchert. Wieȱchlaineȱwoltȱichȱesȱgelaubenȱ– Nuȱsichȱichȱselberȱmitȱdenȱaugen: Werȱheutȱlebt,ȱderȱstierbetȱmorn! .ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.’

(9674–84)

[Ohȱdear,ȱwhatȱaȱmiserableȱday,ȱwoeȱtoȱmeȱthatȱIȱhaveȱtoȱexperienceȱit!ȱIȱwillȱhaveȱto sufferȱpainȱfromȱitȱforȱeverȱandȱlamentȱdeeplyȱinȱmyȱheartȱandȱsufferȱmuchȱbitter sorrow,ȱandȱthisȱallȱonlyȱbecauseȱofȱmyȱownȱfault,ȱsinceȱI,ȱalthoughȱsoȱwiselyȱtaught, caredȱsoȱlittleȱforȱit.ȱHowȱlittleȱdidȱIȱbelieveȱthatȱitȱcouldȱcomeȱtrue,ȱbutȱnowȱIȱseeȱit withȱmyȱownȱeyes:ȱHeȱwhoȱlivesȱtodayȱwillȱdieȱtomorrow!]

Ofȱcourse,ȱsubsequentlyȱBertschiȱretiresȱintoȱtheȱBlackȱForest,ȱfarȱawayȱfromȱall mankind,ȱdedicatingȱtheȱrestȱofȱhisȱlifeȱtoȱGod,ȱwhichȱguaranteedȱhimȱatȱtheȱend hisȱsoul’sȱsalvation.ȱOnlyȱtheȱironicȱtoneȱofȱtheȱnarrator’sȱvoiceȱhelpsȱusȱtoȱgainȱa higherȱviewpointȱhereȱbecauseȱdespiteȱtheȱbestȱteachingsȱwhichȱareȱamassedȱin thisȱ textȱ nothingȱ comesȱ ofȱ it:ȱ neitherȱ aȱ happyȱ marriageȱ norȱ aȱ successfulȱ war. Wittenwilerȱroundlyȱcondemnsȱtheseȱpeasantȱfigures,ȱwhoȱserve,ȱofȱcourse,ȱas allegoricalȱ charactersȱ representingȱ allȱ ofȱ us,ȱ alertingȱ usȱ toȱ theȱ profound problems:whenȱpeopleȱonlyȱrelyȱonȱmilitaryȱoperationsȱtoȱachieveȱtheirȱpolitical goals.ȱBetterȱwouldȱhaveȱbeen,ȱofȱcourse,ȱtoȱavoidȱtheȱconflictȱaltogether,ȱtheȱcause ofȱwhichȱwasȱmostȱridiculous,ȱnamely,ȱoneȱpeasant,ȱtheȱoldȱEisengrain,ȱscratching theȱpalmȱofȱhisȱdanceȱpartnerȱsoȱhardȱoutȱofȱsheerȱhappinessȱoverȱtheȱjoyfulness ofȱtheȱweddingȱfestivitiesȱthatȱitȱbeginsȱtoȱbleed.ȱActually,ȱheȱintendedȱtoȱsignalȱto herȱthatȱheȱfeltȱloveȱforȱherȱ(6451),ȱbutȱheȱdidȱnotȱunderstandȱtheȱconsequencesȱof hisȱ ownȱ actionsȱ andȱ soȱ bringsȱ aboutȱ aȱ totalȱ transformationȱ ofȱ theirȱ happy

deutschenȱLiteraturȱdesȱMittelalters.ȱBeihefteȱzurȱMediaevistik,ȱ1ȱ(Frankfurtȱa.ȱM.:ȱPeterȱLang,ȱ2002), 401–35;ȱ Pamelaȱ Kalning,ȱ Kriegslehrenȱ inȱ deutschsprachigenȱ Textenȱ umȱ 1400:ȱ Seffner,ȱ Rothe, Wittenswilerȱ;ȱmitȱeinemȱAbdruckȱderȱWienerȱHandschriftȱvonȱSeffnersȱ“Lerȱvonȱdemȱstreitten”.ȱStudien undȱTexteȱzumȱMittelalterȱundȱzurȱfrühenȱNeuzeit,ȱ9ȱ(Münster,ȱNewȱYork,ȱetȱal.:ȱWaxmann,ȱ2006). Cf.ȱalsoȱWernerȱRöcke,ȱ“DerȱgroteskeȱKrieg:ȱdieȱMechanikȱderȱGewaltȱinȱHeinrichȱWittenwilers ‘Ring’,”ȱDerȱKriegȱimȱMittelalterȱundȱinȱderȱFrühenȱNeuzeit:ȱGründe,ȱBegründungen,ȱBilder,ȱBräuche, Recht,ȱed.ȱHorstȱBrunnerȱ(Wiesbaden:ȱReichert,ȱ1999),ȱ263Ȭȱ77.

28

AlbrechtȱClassen

ceremonies.57ȱAsȱtheȱnarratorȱemphasizes,ȱpeasantsȱalwaysȱtendȱtoȱmakeȱmistakes andȱtoȱhurtȱthemselves,ȱlikeȱtheȱtrueȱbumpkinsȱwhoȱtheyȱareȱ(6456–57),ȱwhichȱhas toȱbeȱunderstood,ȱhowever,ȱasȱaȱmetaphoricalȱexpression.ȱ Ofȱcourse,ȱWittenwilerȱridiculesȱtheȱworldȱofȱtheȱpeasants,ȱbutȱtheyȱrepresent, inȱreality,ȱeveryman,ȱus,ȱthatȱis,ȱtheȱhumanȱcreatureȱinȱallȱitsȱsmallȬmindedness, ignorance,ȱemotionality,ȱandȱaggression.ȱConsideringȱhowȱinsightfulȱtheȱpoet’s observationsȱareȱregardingȱhumanȱnature,ȱwhichȱtendsȱtoȱresortȱtoȱviolenceȱeven whenȱprovokedȱjustȱaȱlittle,ȱnotȱhesitatingȱtoȱuseȱweaponsȱtoȱachieveȱitsȱmostly silly,ȱarrogant,ȱandȱtrulyȱfoolishȱgoals,ȱweȱmightȱfeelȱhumbledȱasȱtoȱtheȱminuscule progressȱweȱasȱpeopleȱhaveȱmadeȱsinceȱtheȱMiddleȱAges.ȱWarsȱareȱstillȱwithȱus,ȱif notȱevenȱmoreȱsoȱthanȱeverȱwithȱmuchȱmoreȱdeadlyȱweapons,ȱhenceȱmuchȱmore devastatingȱthanȱinȱtheȱpast.ȱConsequently,ȱwhenȱweȱcannotȱcontrolȱourȱemotions, andȱthenȱrushȱintoȱwar,ȱtheȱimpactȱisȱstillȱtheȱsame,ȱthoughȱonȱaȱmuchȱlargerȱscale thanȱatȱWittenwiler’sȱtime. Theȱlittleȱsceneȱduringȱtheȱdanceȱatȱtheȱweddingȱwouldȱhaveȱtoȱbeȱconsidered insignificant,ȱbutȱitȱquicklyȱballoonsȱintoȱaȱmajorȱstrifeȱbecauseȱviolenceȱengenders violence,ȱandȱonceȱbloodȱhasȱbeenȱspilt,ȱthereȱisȱnoȱmoreȱanȱendȱinȱsight,ȱasȱthe Nibelungenliedȱhasȱalreadyȱtaughtȱus.ȱCertainly,ȱGredul’sȱhandȱisȱbleeding,ȱbut Eisengrainȱcouldȱhaveȱsimplyȱapologized.ȱWhenȱherȱuncleȱSchindennakȱobserves theȱepisode,ȱheȱimmediatelyȱburstsȱoutȱwithȱvehementȱinsultsȱandȱthreats,ȱleaving theȱotherȱpeasantȱnoȱchanceȱtoȱexplainȱhimself,ȱnotȱtoȱspeakȱofȱapologies.ȱInstead, theȱ culpritȱ knowsȱ ofȱ noȱ selfȬconstraintȱ eitherȱ andȱ retortsȱ withȱ equallyȱ hurtful comments,ȱ threateningȱ hisȱ opponentȱ thatȱ heȱ wouldȱ notȱ hesitateȱ toȱ rape Schindennak’sȱmotherȱandȱnieceȱasȱaȱcounterȬmeasureȱ(6469–70).ȱLittleȱwonder thatȱthisȱthenȱquicklyȱescalatesȱintoȱaȱruckus,ȱandȱthatȱinȱturnȱintoȱaȱseriousȱattack againstȱeachȱother,ȱinȱwhichȱquicklyȱseveralȱofȱtheȱpeasantsȱdieȱ(6491).ȱInȱother words,ȱhereȱweȱfaceȱtheȱoriginȱofȱtheȱwholeȱconflict,ȱandȱthenȱofȱtheȱwar.ȱWhether itȱmightȱhaveȱbeenȱavoidable,ȱnoȱoneȱmightȱbeȱableȱtoȱsay,ȱbutȱtheȱpoetȱclearly formulatesȱ hisȱ criticismȱ ofȱ theseȱ foolishȱ people—toȱ avoidȱ theȱ narrowȱ term ‘peasants’—andȱoutlinesȱinȱdramaticȱtermsȱwhatȱtheȱconditionsȱforȱanȱemerging warȱmightȱbe.ȱ Significantly,ȱwhenȱtheȱLappenhausenȱpeasants,ȱtoȱwhomȱtheȱtwoȱprotagonists belong,ȱrequestȱhelpȱalsoȱfromȱtheȱcitiesȱinȱtheȱGermanȱEmpire,ȱtheȱurbanȱcouncil underȱ theȱ leadershipȱ ofȱ theȱ Constanceȱ bailiffȱ decidesȱ toȱ refuseȱ theirȱ support becauseȱtheyȱdoȱnotȱwantȱtoȱbeȱdraggedȱintoȱaȱfoolishȱwarȱwhichȱtheyȱwouldȱnot profitȱfromȱandȱwhichȱultimatelyȱwouldȱonlyȱhurtȱthem.ȱAsȱtheȱbailiffȱemphasizes, 57

Eckhartȱ Conradȱ Lutz,ȱ Spiritualisȱ fornicatio:ȱ Heinrichȱ Wittenwiler,ȱ seineȱ Weltȱ undȱ seinȱ ‘Ring’. Konstanzerȱ GeschichtsȬȱ undȱ Rechtsquellen,ȱ XXXIIȱ (Sigmaringen:ȱ Thorbecke,ȱ 1990).ȱ Seeȱ also Albrechtȱ Classen,ȱ “Heinrichȱ Wittenwiler,”ȱ Germanȱ Writersȱ ofȱ theȱ Renaissanceȱ andȱ Reformation, 1280–1580,ȱed.ȱJamesȱHardinȱandȱMaxȱReinhart.ȱDictionaryȱofȱLiteraryȱBiography,ȱ179ȱ(Detroit, Washington,ȱDC,ȱandȱLondon:ȱGaleȱResearch,ȱ1997),ȱ326–31.

Introduction

29

theyȱareȱallȱboundȱtoȱprovideȱprotectionȱtoȱaȱChristianȱifȱtheȱlatterȱsuffersȱfrom unjustȱ treatmentȱ (7781–84).ȱ Gettingȱ involvedȱ inȱ twoȱ people’sȱ orȱ twoȱ parties’ conflictsȱ wouldȱ onlyȱ meanȱ troubleȱ andȱ causeȱ theȱ citiesȱ toȱ commitȱ injustice themselves.ȱHelpingȱtheȱweakerȱsideȱmightȱbeȱproblematicȱasȱwell,ȱandȱtheȱbest wouldȱ beȱ toȱ letȱ thoseȱ whoȱ seekȱ aȱ fightȱ andȱ doȱ notȱ wantȱ toȱ listenȱ toȱ adviceȱ to pursueȱ theirȱ ownȱ desires,ȱ evenȱ ifȱ thatȱ meansȱ war,ȱ asȱ itȱ thenȱ happensȱ in Wittenwiler’sȱRing.ȱ Theȱ citiesȱ sendȱ emissariesȱ toȱ theȱ peasantsȱ ofȱ Lappenhausen,ȱ urgingȱ themȱ to preserveȱpeace,ȱbutȱtheȱlatterȱrudelyȱrejectȱthatȱinsinuationȱandȱinsistȱinsteadȱon theirȱrightȱtoȱfightȱandȱtoȱachieveȱtheirȱrevengeȱ(7859–64).ȱAsȱtheȱpoetȱthereby underscores,ȱlackȱofȱreason,ȱreadinessȱtoȱemployȱviolence,ȱrevengefulness,ȱand aggressiveȱattitudesȱproveȱtoȱbeȱtheȱessentialȱcomponentsȱthatȱeasilyȱleadȱtoȱwar. Rationalityȱwouldȱbeȱanȱinstrumentȱtoȱavoidȱit,ȱbutȱtheȱpeasantsȱinȱWittenwiler’s workȱ areȱ imperviousȱ toȱ it.ȱ Weȱ mustȱ concludeȱ thatȱ thisȱ alsoȱ impliesȱ howȱ little militaryȱoperationsȱcanȱbeȱavoidedȱbecauseȱreasonableȱpeopleȱtendȱnotȱtoȱhaveȱany influenceȱonȱwarȱmongers.ȱSignificantly,ȱhowever,ȱtheȱrepresentativesȱofȱtheȱcities canȱ withstandȱ theȱ lureȱ ofȱ warȱ andȱ seeȱ throughȱ theȱ fabricationȱ ofȱ itsȱ seeming promisesȱforȱgloryȱandȱhonor.ȱIntellectualsȱliveȱinȱtheȱcities,ȱandȱwhenȱtheyȱcan adviseȱtheȱcityȱgovernments,ȱtheyȱmightȱhaveȱsomeȱconstructiveȱinfluence.58 Atȱaboutȱtheȱsameȱtimeȱasȱthisȱvoluminousȱallegoricalȱromanceȱwasȱcreated,ȱthe famousȱFrenchȱcontemporaryȱtoȱtheȱSwissȱwriter,ȱChristineȱdeȱPizanȱ(1364–1430), composedȱaȱmajorȱtreatise,ȱtheȱLivreȱdeȱpaixȱ(1412–1413),ȱandȱthisȱduringȱaȱtimeȱof majorȱ politicalȱ andȱ militaryȱ disturbancesȱ andȱ unrestȱ inȱ France.59ȱ “Centralȱ to Christine’sȱunderstandingȱofȱtheȱartȱofȱgovernmentȱisȱthatȱitȱshouldȱbeȱdirected towardȱ theȱ commonȱ goalȱ andȱ beȱ guidedȱ byȱ wisdomȱ andȱ theȱ virtueȱ sheȱ calls ‘prudence,’ȱ theȱ wordȱ usedȱ byȱ Frenchȱ medievalȱ authorsȱ toȱ translateȱ Aristotle’s phronesis.”60ȱSinceȱChristineȱwasȱaȱdiligentȱcompilerȱandȱfreelyȱdrewȱfromȱmany differentȱsources,ȱincludingȱBrunettoȱLatini’sȱLivreȱduȱTrésor,ȱandȱthusȱalso,ȱand mostȱimportantly,ȱAristotle’sȱEthics,ȱthenȱAlanȱofȱLille’sȱDeȱVirtutibus,ȱandȱThomas Aquinas’sȱCommentaryȱonȱtheȱMetaphysicsȱofȱAristotle,ȱweȱcanȱgainȱaȱgoodȱinsight

58

59

60

Forȱ theȱ cultureȱ andȱ socialȬeconomicȱ conditionsȱ ofȱ cityȱ lifeȱ inȱ theȱ premodernȱ world,ȱ seeȱ the contributionsȱtoȱUrbanȱSpaceȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱtheȱEarlyȱModernȱAge,ȱed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassen. Fundamentalsȱ ofȱ Medievalȱ andȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ Culture,ȱ 4ȱ (Berlinȱ andȱ Newȱ York:ȱ Walterȱ de Gruyter,ȱ2009). NadiaȱMargolis,ȱAnȱIntroductionȱtoȱChristineȱdeȱPizan.ȱNewȱPerspectivesȱonȱMedievalȱLiterature: AuthorsȱandȱTraditionsȱ(Gainesville,ȱTallahassee,ȱetȱal.:ȱUniversityȱPressȱofȱFlorida,ȱ2011). ChristineȱdeȱPizan,ȱTheȱBookȱofȱPeace,ȱed.,ȱtrans.,ȱandȱwithȱanȱintrod.ȱandȱcommentaryȱbyȱKaren Green,ȱConstantȱJ.ȱMews,ȱJaniceȱPinder,ȱandȱTaniaȱVanȱHemelryck.ȱPennȱStateȱRomanceȱStudies (UniversityȱPark:ȱTheȱPennsylvaniaȱStateȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2008),ȱ21.ȱSeeȱalsoȱKarenȱGreen,ȱ“On TranslatingȱChristineȱdeȱPizanȱasȱaȱPhilosopher,”ȱHealingȱtheȱBodyȱPolitic:ȱTheȱPoliticalȱThoughtȱof ChristineȱdeȱPizan,ȱed.ȱGreenȱandȱMews.ȱDisputatio,ȱ7ȱ(Turnhout:ȱBrepols,ȱ2005),ȱ117–37.

30

AlbrechtȱClassen

inȱ theȱ broaderȱ discourseȱ onȱ warȱ andȱ peaceȱ asȱ itȱ dominatedȱ lateȬmedieval intellectualȱ debates.ȱ Herȱ approachȱ provesȱ toȱ beȱ aȱ politicalȱ oneȱ becauseȱ she expressesȱ herȱ greatestȱ concernȱ withȱ theȱ situationȱ inȱ Franceȱ itself,ȱ orȱ inȱ any kingdom:ȱ“Everyȱkingdomȱdividedȱinȱitselfȱwillȱbeȱdestroyed,ȱandȱeveryȱcityȱor houseȱ dividedȱ againstȱ itsȱ ownȱ goodȱ cannotȱ endure”ȱ (63).ȱ Internecineȱ strife threatensȱtoȱdestroyȱtheȱsocialȱcohesionȱorȱfabricȱofȱanyȱsociety,ȱandȱtheȱgreatest threatȱtoȱpeaceȱactuallyȱresultsȱfromȱtensionsȱandȱproblemsȱwithin.ȱDiscordȱand dissensionȱwereȱtheȱmajorȱreasonsȱforȱtheȱmightyȱempireȱofȱancientȱRome,ȱandȱso alsoȱofȱtheȱsupremeȱpowerȱforȱTroy,ȱtoȱfallȱandȱsuccumbȱtoȱexternalȱthreats.ȱHer preceptȱforȱkingdomsȱtoȱsurviveȱisȱveryȱsimple,ȱbutȱperhapsȱalsoȱveryȱeffective: “peaceȱandȱlove”ȱ(63).ȱ InȱaȱwayȱChristineȱdoesȱnotȱtellȱanythingȱnew,ȱasȱsheȱherselfȱrefersȱtheȱreaders toȱtheȱfundamentalȱstatementsȱinȱtheȱOldȱTestamentȱregardingȱtheȱbeautyȱand relevanceȱ ofȱ peace.ȱ Butȱ atȱ herȱ time,ȱ andȱ soȱ alsoȱ today,ȱ suchȱ statementsȱ areȱ of greatestȱimportanceȱandȱneededȱtoȱbeȱbroughtȱupȱagainȱandȱagainȱbecauseȱthe perpetratorsȱ doȱ notȱ seemȱ toȱ hearȱ themȱ orȱ simplyȱ tendȱ toȱ disregardȱ themȱ as irrelevant.ȱVeryȱsimilarȱtoȱWittenwiler,ȱChristineȱemphasizesȱtheȱimportanceȱof respondingȱ toȱ “spitefulnessȱ andȱ illȱ will”ȱ withȱ “clemency,ȱ goodȱ cheer,ȱ and geniality”ȱ(64).ȱPeopleȱtendȱtoȱbreakȱoutȱinȱflaresȱandȱgetȱintoȱaȱdangerousȱrage. Henceȱitȱwouldȱbeȱtheȱtaskȱofȱtheȱleader/sȱofȱaȱcountry,ȱsuchȱasȱaȱking,ȱtoȱexert suchȱgentlenessȱ“thatȱyouȱenticeȱandȱsoftenȱtheirȱhearts”ȱ(4).ȱToȱthisȱsheȱhastens toȱ add:ȱ “Soȱ letȱ theȱ stingȱ ofȱ pastȱ rancor,ȱ asȱ muchȱ forȱ theȱ loveȱ ofȱ youȱ andȱ your gentlenessȱasȱforȱtheirȱownȱgood,ȱbeȱaltogetherȱsmoothedȱawayȱandȱturnedȱinto love,ȱbenevolence,ȱandȱunity”ȱ(64).ȱTrueȱpeace,ȱwhichȱsheȱregardsȱasȱoneȱofȱthe highestȱ valuesȱ inȱ life,ȱ arisesȱ fromȱ aȱ virtuousȱ life,ȱ whichȱ sheȱ defines,ȱ inȱ close proximityȱtoȱCicero’s,ȱorȱratherȱpseudoȬCicero’sȱRhetoricaȱadȱHerennium,ȱasȱthe combinationȱofȱprudence,ȱjustice,ȱmagnanimity,ȱfortitude,ȱclemency,ȱliberality,ȱand truthȱ(65).ȱ Bothȱ classicalȱ authoritiesȱ suchȱ asȱ Aristotle,ȱ Cicero,ȱ andȱ Seneca,ȱ andȱ biblical authorsȱsupportȱherȱargumentsȱinȱfavorȱofȱaȱpeacefulȱlifeȱforȱoneselfȱandȱsociety atȱlarge.ȱPonderingȱonȱhowȱaȱprinceȱcanȱachieveȱaȱvirtuousȱlife,ȱsheȱemphasizesȱthe needȱ toȱ consultȱ withȱ “learnedȱ jurists”ȱ (71),ȱ thatȱ is,ȱ toȱ relyȱ onȱ aȱ cohortȱ of trustworthyȱ advisors,ȱ whichȱ isȱ aȱ veryȱ similarȱ scenarioȱ toȱ theȱ oneȱ projectedȱ by Wittenwilerȱinȱhisȱepisodeȱwithȱtheȱcouncilȱofȱtheȱcitiesȱwhoȱdeliberateȱwhether theyȱshouldȱrespondȱtoȱtheȱLappenhausenȱrequestȱtoȱprovideȱmilitaryȱsupport againstȱtheirȱneighbors.ȱChristineȱdoesȱnotȱexpressȱpacifistȱideas,ȱbutȱsheȱurgesȱthe king,ȱtoȱwhomȱsheȱaddressesȱherȱtreatise,ȱtoȱfollowȱtheȱmodelȱprovidedȱbyȱJulius Caesar,ȱPompey,ȱandȱScipioȱ“whoȱfirstȱstroveȱtoȱbeȱknowledgeableȱandȱwiseȱin planningȱtheȱgreatȱenterprisesȱwhichȱtheyȱlaterȱaccomplished,ȱbetterȱgovernedȱby knowledgeȱ thanȱ byȱ forceȱ ofȱ arms”ȱ (71).ȱ Thereȱ isȱ noȱ wordȱ aboutȱ theȱ potential disarmamentȱofȱtheȱknights,ȱforȱexample,ȱandȱaboutȱendingȱallȱwars—virtuallyȱan

Introduction

31

impossibilityȱbothȱthenȱandȱtoday.ȱInstead,ȱChristineȱclearlyȱemphasizesȱhowȱa princeȱcanȱensureȱjusticeȱandȱpeaceȱ“byȱkeepingȱhisȱknightsȱwellȱorderedȱandȱbusy withȱ theirȱ trainingȱ andȱ otherȱ duties,ȱ byȱ respectingȱ theȱ clergy’sȱ privilegesȱ and rights,ȱbyȱkeepingȱtheȱbourgeoisȱloyalȱandȱtheȱmerchantsȱ(whetherȱforeignersȱor locals)ȱwellȱregulated,ȱandȱbyȱkeepingȱpeaceȱamongȱtheȱpeople,ȱ notȱinvolving themȱinȱanythingȱexceptȱtheirȱlaborsȱandȱtradesȱ(asȱgoodȱpolicyȱrequired),ȱnot permittingȱthemȱanyȱextortionȱonȱanyone”ȱ(72).ȱ Christineȱdoesȱnotȱgetȱtiredȱunderscoringȱtheȱimportanceȱofȱgoodȱcounselȱtoȱa prince,ȱespeciallyȱcounselȱbyȱtheȱoldȱandȱwiseȱwhoȱhaveȱhadȱenoughȱtimeȱinȱtheir livesȱ toȱ acquireȱ theȱ necessaryȱ experienceȱ andȱ profoundȱ understandingȱ (77). QuotingȱSolomon,ȱtheȱauthorȱhighlightsȱthisȱcomponentȱmoreȱthanȱeverythingȱelse withȱrespectȱtoȱadvisors:ȱ“‘wisdomȱisȱworthȱmoreȱthanȱstrength,ȱandȱtheȱprudent manȱmoreȱthanȱtheȱstrong’”ȱ(78;ȱEcc.ȱ9:16).ȱOfȱcourse,ȱatȱcloserȱanalysisȱweȱalso recognizeȱ aȱ stronglyȱ conservativeȱ streakȱ inȱ Christine’sȱ arguments,ȱ advocating unequivocallyȱinȱfavorȱofȱtheȱtraditionalȱstructureȱofȱherȱsociety,ȱwithȱeachȱclass doingȱwhatȱitȱisȱsupposedȱtoȱdoȱaccordingȱtoȱcustoms:ȱ“Soȱwillȱeverythingȱbeȱinȱits rightȱplace,ȱwithoutȱanythingȱunreasonablyȱencroachingȱuponȱanythingȱelse”ȱ(95). However,ȱsheȱisȱnotȱblindȱtoȱtheȱconcrete,ȱrealisticȱconditionsȱleadingȱtoȱwarȱinȱher world,ȱyetȱsheȱcommentsȱbitterly,ȱcitingȱSallust,ȱaboutȱtheȱtrueȱcourseȱofȱmilitary actions:ȱ“warȱandȱbattleȱisȱlightlyȱundertakenȱandȱbegun,ȱbutȱnevertheless,ȱasȱhe saysȱandȱasȱexperienceȱconfirms,ȱitsȱconclusionȱisȱalwaysȱwretched.ȱAnȱendȱto battleȱdoesȱnotȱissueȱfromȱtheȱpowerȱofȱtheȱstrongerȱside,ȱnorȱvictoryȱfromȱthe meritȱofȱthoseȱwhoȱholdȱit:ȱitȱisȱratherȱinȱFortune’sȱgift,ȱbyȱtheȱwillȱofȱGod”ȱ(98).ȱ Warȱtendsȱtoȱbeȱanȱevilȱthingȱandȱshouldȱbeȱavoidedȱalmostȱatȱanyȱcost,ȱasȱshe appealsȱ toȱ theȱ prince,ȱ whomȱ sheȱ urgesȱ toȱ avoidȱ allȱ conflictsȱ ifȱ possible,ȱ toȱ be generousȱ andȱ supportiveȱ ofȱ hisȱ ownȱ people,ȱ andȱ toȱ doȱ goodȱ whereverȱ an opportunityȱarises.ȱAȱcruelȱkingȱcanȱneverȱhopeȱtoȱsquashȱallȱhisȱenemies,ȱsince hatredȱandȱmeanȱspiritȱengenderȱtheȱequivalentȱresponseȱfromȱtheȱotherȱsideȱ(99). Aȱgoodȱking,ȱbyȱcontrast,ȱaimsȱforȱjusticeȱandȱemploysȱworthyȱadministrators, punishesȱtheȱevildoers,ȱprotectsȱtheȱinnocents,ȱexertsȱhisȱpowerȱtoȱfightȱagainst evil,ȱandȱrewardsȱtheȱgoodȱ(102–03).ȱUltimately,ȱChristine’sȱtreatiseȱdoesȱnotȱreally examineȱtheȱveryȱnatureȱofȱwarȱandȱpeace.ȱInstead,ȱsheȱcarefullyȱexaminesȱwhat aȱgoodȱruler/princeȱoughtȱtoȱbe,ȱhowȱheȱshouldȱbehave,ȱbothȱinȱpeaceȱtimesȱand inȱwar.ȱFromȱvirtuesȱresultȱpeace.ȱInȱherȱownȱwords:ȱ “sinceȱ allȱourȱlaborsȱare directedȱtowardȱhavingȱpeace,ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ,ȱmayȱeveryȱeffortȱbeȱmadeȱsoȱthatȱpeaceȱis upheldȱamongȱusȱcreaturesȱthatȱreason”ȱ(127).ȱThisȱdoesȱnotȱmeanȱforȱherȱthat warsȱcanȱbeȱavoidedȱunderȱanyȱcircumstanceȱbecauseȱ“trueȱjusticeȱandȱreasonȱmay permitȱ warsȱthatȱareȱundertakenȱforȱaȱjustȱcause”ȱ(129).ȱForceȱandȱpowerȱcan, indeedȱmust,ȱbeȱusedȱforȱaȱproperȱpoliticalȱapproach,ȱbutȱtheyȱmustȱbeȱrestrained andȱreasonablyȱemployedȱ(135).ȱ

32

AlbrechtȱClassen

IȱbreakȱoffȱatȱthisȱpointȱbecauseȱChristineȱdemonstratesȱfromȱthenȱonȱmoreȱconcern withȱpublicȱmorality,ȱethics,ȱaȱprince’sȱcharity,ȱhisȱabilityȱtoȱcommunicateȱwithȱhis people,ȱandȱtheȱlike,ȱandȱhardlyȱdiscussesȱtheȱnatureȱofȱwarȱandȱpeace.ȱButȱweȱcan clearlyȱdiscernȱhowȱmuchȱtheseȱtwoȱissuesȱweighȱheavilyȱonȱher,ȱandȱhowȱmuch sheȱregardedȱitȱasȱherȱdutyȱasȱaȱpubliclyȱrecognizedȱwriterȱtoȱaddressȱthemȱandȱto developȱ fundamentalȱ approachesȱ toȱ theȱ frameworkȱ thatȱ makeȱ possibleȱ the developmentȱofȱmilitaryȱaggressionȱor,ȱviceȱversa,ȱtheȱemergenceȱofȱpeace.ȱIȱcan alsoȱreferȱtoȱtheȱcontributionȱtoȱthisȱvolumeȱbyȱAngusȱJ.ȱKennedy,ȱwhoȱapproaches thisȱtopicȱbyȱanalyzingȱaȱvarietyȱofȱotherȱtextsȱbyȱChristineȱdeȱPizan. However,ȱoneȱfinalȱaspectȱstillȱdeservesȱtoȱbeȱaddressed,ȱconcerningȱcivilȱstrife, orȱwarȱwithinȱoneȱcountry,ȱwithȱoneȱpartyȱorȱgroupȱofȱpeopleȱpittedȱagainstȱthe other.ȱ Thereȱ areȱ manyȱ reasonsȱ whyȱ aȱ countryȱ mightȱ riseȱ upȱ andȱ beginȱ aȱ war againstȱanotherȱcountry.ȱButȱwhenȱmembersȱofȱtheȱsameȱbodyȱpoliticȱtearȱatȱeach otherȱandȱtryȱtoȱdestroyȱtheȱother,ȱtheȱentireȱentityȱisȱinȱdangerȱofȱbeingȱbrought toȱdeath:ȱ Now,ȱletȱusȱimagineȱforȱaȱmomentȱwhatȱitȱmustȱhaveȱbeenȱlikeȱtoȱseeȱdrawnȱupȱin mortalȱ battle,ȱ asȱ happenedȱ everyȱ dayȱ andȱ atȱ everyȱ hour,ȱ soȱ manyȱ princesȱ and noblemen,ȱallȱofȱoneȱandȱtheȱsameȱbody,ȱunderȱoneȱheadȱandȱsovereignȱlord,ȱkilling eachȱotherȱandȱdyingȱpitifully:ȱfromȱtheȱpainfulȱthrustȱofȱFortune,ȱinȱtheȱhouseȱofȱwoe. Reflectȱonȱhowȱfrightfulȱitȱwouldȱbeȱtoȱseeȱaȱmanȱsoȱchargedȱwithȱangerȱthatȱheȱstrove toȱdestroyȱhimselfȱbyȱtearingȱhisȱownȱfleshȱwithȱhisȱteeth,ȱhisȱhandsȱhittingȱeachȱother withȱgreatȱblows,ȱandȱeachȱpullingȱagainstȱtheȱother,ȱtheȱfeetȱstrikingȱhisȱeyesȱifȱthat wereȱpossible,ȱandȱwithalȱtheȱwholeȱbodyȱthrashingȱinȱfuriousȱmovementȱagainstȱitself. Oneȱwouldȱcertainlyȱsayȱthatȱsuchȱaȱmanȱwasȱmovedȱbyȱgreatȱmadness.ȱButȱalas!ȱIsȱit notȱsimilarȱwithȱcivilȱwarȱinȱaȱcountry,ȱandȱespeciallyȱinȱthisȱone? (146)

Theȱsadȱironyȱconsistsȱofȱtheȱfutilityȱofȱtheȱpoeticȱwordȱagainstȱtheȱfuryȱofȱwarȱand death.ȱThroughoutȱtheȱcenturiesȱweȱhearȱcountlessȱvoicesȱraisedȱagainstȱtheȱuse ofȱweaponsȱandȱagainstȱtheȱstagingȱofȱwar.ȱInȱfact,ȱwarȱhasȱregularlyȱbroughtȱout someȱ ofȱ theȱ mostȱ powerfulȱ andȱ movingȱ poems,ȱ suchȱ asȱ theȱ famousȱ German BaroqueȱpoetryȱbyȱindividualsȱsuchȱasȱAndreasȱGryphiusȱ(1616–1664).61ȱSeenȱthe otherȱwayȱaround,ȱpoetryȱquicklyȱemergesȱasȱoneȱofȱtheȱmostȱimportantȱmediums

61

Irmgardȱ Weithase,ȱ Dieȱ Darstellungȱ vonȱ Kriegȱ undȱ Friedenȱ inȱ derȱ deutschenȱ Barockdichtung. Studienbücherei,ȱ14ȱ(Weimar:ȱBöhlau,ȱ1953);ȱGerhardȱFriedrichȱStrasser,ȱ“TheȱIconographyȱofȱWar inȱ d’Aubigné,ȱ Gryphius,ȱ andȱ Milton,”ȱ Ph.D.ȱ diss.,ȱ Brownȱ University,ȱ Providence,ȱ RI,ȱ 1974; IrmgardȱElsnerȱHunt,ȱKriegȱundȱFriedenȱinȱderȱdeutschenȱLiteratur:ȱvomȱBarockȱbisȱheute.ȱEuropäische Hochschulschriften.ȱReiheȱI:ȱDeutscheȱSpracheȱundȱLiteratur,ȱ798ȱ(Frankfurtȱa.ȱM.ȱandȱNewȱYork: PeterȱLang,ȱ1985);ȱZwischenȱAlltagȱundȱKatastrophe:ȱderȱDreißigjährigeȱKriegȱausȱderȱNähe,ȱed. BenignaȱvonȱKrusenstjernȱandȱHansȱMedick.ȱVeröffentlichungenȱdesȱMaxȬPlanckȬInstitutsȱfür Geschichte,ȱ148ȱ(Göttingen:ȱVandenhoeckȱ&ȱRuprecht,ȱ1999);ȱMemoriaȱ Silesiae:ȱLebenȱundȱTod, KriegserlebnisȱundȱFriedenssehnsuchtȱinȱderȱliterarischenȱKulturȱdesȱBarock:ȱzumȱGedenkenȱanȱMarian Szyrockiȱ(1928Ȭ1992),ȱed.ȱMiroslawaȱCzarnecka.ȱActaȱUniversitatisȱWratislaviensis,ȱ2504ȱ(WrocÙaw: WydawnictwoȱUniwersytetuȱWroclawskiego,ȱ2003).

Introduction

33

forȱtheȱcriticalȱengagementȱwithȱtheȱhorribleȱexperienceȱofȱwar,ȱirrespectiveȱofȱthe specificȱ timeȱ period.62ȱ However,ȱ theȱ oppositeȱ alsoȱ provesȱ toȱ beȱ theȱ caseȱ since poetryȱhasȱtraditionallyȱglorifiedȱheroicȱeventsȱandȱaccomplishmentsȱinȱwar,ȱas bestȱrepresentedȱbyȱtheȱlargeȱcorpusȱofȱheroicȱpoemsȱfromȱBeowulfȱtoȱElȱPoemaȱde MíoȱCid,ȱtheȱEddaȱandȱtheȱChansonȱdeȱRoland.63ȱByȱtheȱsameȱtoken,ȱmedievalȱand earlyȱmodernȱchroniclesȱareȱfilledȱwithȱdetailedȱaccountsȱaboutȱwarfares,ȱandȱifȱwe lookȱcarefully,ȱweȱeasilyȱnotice,ȱmaybeȱonlyȱbetweenȱtheȱlines,ȱbutȱcertainlyȱwithin theȱfullȱtexts,ȱtheȱdegreeȱtoȱwhichȱtheȱallegedȱgloryȱofȱbattle,ȱofȱknighthood,ȱand evenȱofȱchivalryȱwereȱpartȱofȱaȱcollectiveȱeffortȱtoȱideologizeȱtheȱbrutalȱandȱhorrific reality.64ȱ

G.ȱPhilosophicalȱReflectionsȱOnȱWar Theȱcriticalȱissueȱalwaysȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱtheȱconflictȱbetweenȱexternalȱpressuresȱand internalȱidealsȱandȱvalues.ȱIsȱthereȱaȱ‘JustȱWar’?ȱWouldȱanyȱindividualȱbeȱallowed toȱkillȱinȱselfȬdefense,ȱorȱuponȱtheȱcommandȱofȱaȱleader,ȱgeneral,ȱprince,ȱorȱking? Whatȱ justifiesȱ aȱ Crusade?ȱ Whatȱ didȱ itȱ meanȱ forȱ theȱ Vikingsȱ toȱ roamȱ freely throughoutȱEurope,ȱlootingȱandȱpillaging,ȱtakingȱlivesȱwhereverȱtheyȱmetȱwith resistance?ȱHowȱdidȱCharlemagneȱviewȱtheȱdeathȱofȱthousandsȱofȱpeopleȱinȱthe wakeȱofȱhisȱexpansiveȱwarsȱofȱconquest?ȱDidȱtheȱEnglishȱkingsȱcareȱaboutȱthe sufferingȱofȱtheȱpeopleȱwhenȱtheyȱtriedȱtoȱholdȱonȱtoȱtheirȱFrenchȱlandsȱduringȱthe HundredȱYears’ȱWar?ȱRaisingȱsuchȱquestionsȱisȱtantamountȱtoȱnegatingȱthem,ȱof course,ȱsinceȱweȱareȱdealingȱwithȱhumanȱfolly,ȱtheȱgreatestȱforceȱhereȱonȱearth. Philosophers,ȱ psychologists,ȱ militaryȱ strategists,ȱ poets,ȱ artists,ȱ preachers,ȱ and oratorsȱthroughoutȱtimeȱhaveȱconfirmedȱthisȱobservationȱoverȱandȱoverȱagain.65

62

63

64 65

AlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ“DeathȱRitualsȱandȱManhoodȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱHighȱGermanȱPoemsȱTheȱLament, JohannesȱvonȱTepl’sȱTheȱPlowman,ȱandȱHeinrichȱWittenwiler’sȱRing,”ȱGriefȱandȱGender:ȱ700–1700. Ed.ȱbyȱJenniferȱC.ȱVaughtȱ(NewȱYork:ȱPalgrave,ȱ2003),ȱ33–47. Theȱ literatureȱ dealingȱ withȱ theȱ genreȱ ofȱ heroicȱ poetryȱ isȱ immense,ȱ andȱ theȱ rangeȱ ofȱ topics discussedȱcanȱhardlyȱbeȱsummarized;ȱforȱaȱusefulȱanthologyȱofȱprimaryȱmaterialȱinȱtheȱSpanish context,ȱsee,ȱforȱinstance,ȱTheȱWorldȱofȱElȱCid:ȱChroniclesȱofȱtheȱSpanishȱReconquest,ȱselectedȱsources trans.ȱandȱannotatedȱbyȱSimonȱBartonȱandȱRichardȱFletcher.ȱManchesterȱMedievalȱSourcesȱSeries (ManchesterȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱManchesterȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2000);ȱforȱtheȱOldȱNorseȱSaga,ȱseeȱnow MargaretȱCluniesȱRoss,ȱTheȱCambridgeȱIntroductionȱtoȱtheȱOldȱNorseȬIcelandicȱSagaȱ(Cambridge: CambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2010). SeeȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱNobleȱIdealsȱandȱBloodyȱRealitiesȱ(seeȱnoteȱ47) See,ȱforȱinstance,ȱLadislasȱFarago:ȱ“Historyȱwouldȱnotȱbeȱwhatȱitȱis,ȱtheȱrecordȱofȱman’sȱcrimesȱand follies,ȱ ifȱ logicȱ andȱ decencyȱ governedȱ itsȱ eventsȱ andȱ greatȱ decisions.”ȱ Thisȱ isȱ anȱ epigraphȱ to BernardȱNorling’sȱTimelessȱProblemsȱinȱHistoryȱ(NotreȱDame,ȱIN:ȱUniversityȱofȱNotreȱDameȱPress, 1970).ȱSeeȱJamesȱH.ȱToner,ȱTheȱSwordȱandȱtheȱCross:ȱReflectionsȱonȱCommandȱandȱConscienceȱ(New York,ȱWestport,ȱCT,ȱandȱLondon:ȱPraeger,ȱ1992),ȱ15.

34

AlbrechtȱClassen

Weȱcouldȱeasilyȱciteȱcountlessȱvoicesȱthatȱhaveȱaddressedȱtheȱimportance,ȱyet alsoȱdangersȱandȱchallengesȱofȱwar.ȱOneȱofȱtheȱmostȱfascinatingȱandȱenigmaticȱone wasȱ theȱ Chineseȱ generalȱ SunȬTzuȱ (activeȱ inȱ theȱ 6thȱ centuryȱ B.C.E.),ȱ who commentedȱinȱhisȱfamousȱArtȱofȱWar:ȱ“InȱWar,ȱ/ȱVictoryȱshouldȱbeȱ/ȱSwift.ȱ/ȱIf victoryȱisȱslow,ȱ/ȱMenȱtire,ȱ/ȱMoraleȱsags.ȱ/ȱSiegesȱ/ȱExhaustȱstrength;ȱ/ȱProtracted campaignsȱ/ȱStrainȱtheȱpublicȱtreasury.ȱ/ȱ/ȱIfȱmenȱareȱtired,ȱ/ȱMoraleȱlow,ȱ/ȱStrength exhausted,ȱ/ȱTreasureȱspent;ȱ/ȱThenȱtheȱfeudalȱlordsȱ/ȱWillȱexploitȱtheȱdisarrayȱ/ andȱattack.ȱ/ȱThisȱevenȱtheȱwisestȱ/ȱWillȱbeȱpowerlessȱ /ȱ Toȱ mend.”66ȱBeingȱthe highlyȱrespectedȱstrategistȱthatȱheȱwas,ȱSunȬtzuȱemphasized,ȱ“Noȱnationȱhasȱever benefitedȱ/ȱFromȱaȱprotractedȱwar”ȱ(10).ȱAndȱheȱadded:ȱ“InȱWar,ȱ/ȱPrizeȱvictory, /ȱNotȱaȱprotractedȱcampaign.ȱ//ȱTheȱwiseȱgeneralȱ/ȱIsȱaȱLordȱofȱDestiny;ȱ/ȱHeȱholds theȱnation’sȱ/ȱPeaceȱorȱperilȱ/ȱInȱhisȱhands”ȱ(11).ȱ Oddlyȱenough,ȱwarȱisȱcloselyȱassociatedȱwithȱpoetryȱbecauseȱtheȱresultingȱdeath needsȱtoȱbeȱdealtȱwithȱcriticallyȱandȱaesthetically.ȱWhenȱSunȬTzuȱunderscoresȱthe dangersȱoneȱmightȱgoȱintoȱwhenȱenteringȱaȱwar,ȱtheȱpoetȱthenȱwouldȱfollowȱhim andȱreflectȱuponȱtheȱconsequences,ȱtheȱspilledȱblood,ȱtheȱwounded,ȱtheȱdead.ȱSo, itȱisȱanȱongoingȱprocessȱofȱtryingȱtoȱcomeȱtoȱtermsȱwithȱoneȱofȱtheȱmostȱviolent actionsȱ inȱ humanȱ life.ȱ Manyȱ scholarsȱ haveȱ alreadyȱ dealtȱ withȱ it,ȱ butȱ theȱ issue provesȱtoȱbeȱsoȱcomplexȱthatȱweȱcannotȱsimplyȱbeȱcontentȱwithȱpreviousȱefforts. Weȱneed,ȱaboveȱall,ȱaȱmoreȱcomparativeȱandȱinterdisciplinaryȱapproachȱtoȱtheȱtask atȱhand,ȱandȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱtheȱpresentȱvolumeȱaimȱtoȱdoȱjustȱthat,ȱatȱleast byȱwayȱofȱaddressingȱaȱwideȱrangeȱofȱtextsȱandȱissuesȱcorrelatedȱwithȱwarȱand peace.ȱ Theȱcollectiveȱwholeȱofȱthisȱanthologyȱofȱessaysȱwillȱhopefullyȱtakeȱusȱfurther inȱ theȱ understandingȱ ofȱ theȱ universalȱ discourseȱ onȱ theȱ centralȱ topicsȱ toȱ be consideredȱ whenȱ weȱ dealȱ withȱ war.ȱ Asȱ inȱ theȱ previousȱ volumesȱ ofȱ ourȱ series “Fundamentalsȱ ofȱ Medievalȱ andȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ Culture,”ȱ theȱ rangeȱ ofȱ topics extendsȱfromȱlateȱantiquityȱtoȱtheȱeighteenthȱandȱearlyȱnineteenthȱcenturies.ȱWe cannotȱbuildȱaȱcontinuousȱflowȱofȱargumentsȱconnectedȱoneȱperiodȱwithȱtheȱother inȱ aȱ seamlessȱ narrative,ȱ sinceȱ thisȱ isȱ notȱ aȱ monographȱ andȱ sinceȱ theȱ issues themselvesȱareȱjustȱtooȱcomplex.ȱNevertheless,ȱbyȱbringingȱtogetherȱsuchȱaȱvariety toȱcriticalȱessays,ȱweȱbelieveȱthatȱtheȱdiscourseȱitselfȱfocusingȱonȱwarȱandȱpeace

66

SunȬtzuȱ(Sunzi),ȱTheȱArtȱofȱWar,ȱed.,ȱtrans.,ȱandȱwithȱanȱintroductionȱbyȱJohnȱMinfordȱ(London: Penguin,ȱ2002),ȱ9–10;ȱPierreȱFayard,ȱComprendreȱetȱappliquerȱSunȱTzu:ȱlaȱpenséeȱstratégiqueȱchinoise: uneȱsagesseȱenȱactionȱ(2004;ȱParis:ȱDunod:ȱPoliaȱéd.,ȱ2007);ȱDavidȱE.ȱHawkinsȱandȱShanȱRajagopa, SunȱTzuȱandȱtheȱProjectȱBattleground:ȱCreatingȱProjectȱStrategyȱfromȱ‘theȱArtȱofȱWar’ȱ(Houndmills, Basingstoke,ȱ Hampshire,ȱ andȱ Newȱ York:ȱ Palgraveȱ Macmillan,ȱ 2005);ȱ Ovidȱ K.ȱ Wong,ȱ Pivotal Strategiesȱ forȱ theȱ Educationalȱ Leader:ȱ Theȱ Importanceȱ ofȱ Sunȱ Tzu’sȱ Theȱ Artȱ ofȱ Warȱ (Lanham,ȱ MD: Rowmanȱ &ȱ Littlefieldȱ Education,ȱ 2008);ȱ forȱ aȱ quickȱ andȱ reliableȱ introductionȱ toȱ SunȬtzu,ȱ see http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sun_Tzuȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱAprilȱ1,ȱ2011),ȱwithȱaȱusefulȱbibliography.

Introduction

35

willȱ emergeȱ moreȱ clearlyȱ andȱ becomeȱ somewhatȱ moreȱ transparentȱ inȱ its fundamentalȱsignificance. Afterȱall,ȱeachȱgeneration,ȱeveryȱcultureȱandȱpeople,ȱeveryȱgovernmentȱandȱeach individualȱ hasȱ toȱ faceȱ theȱ questionȱ everȱ newȱ whetherȱ oneȱ canȱ orȱ evenȱ should utilizeȱweaponsȱforȱanȱarrayȱofȱpurposesȱandȱjustifications.ȱAugustine,ȱThomas Aquinas,ȱMartinȱLuther,ȱandȱmanyȱothersȱbeforeȱandȱafterȱthemȱdealtȱwithȱthe challengeȱtoȱwhatȱextentȱtheȱuseȱofȱweaponsȱmightȱbeȱlegitimate.ȱOneȱexample wouldȱbeȱtheȱgroupȱofȱscholarsȱknownȱasȱtheȱ‘SchoolȱofȱSalamanca’ȱwhoȱconsisted ofȱDominicans,ȱJesuits,ȱandȱotherȱlearnedȱmembersȱofȱtheȱclergyȱinȱSpainȱduring theȱsixteenthȱcentury.ȱWhereȱdoesȱsinfulȱbehaviorȱend,ȱwhereȱdoesȱgoodȱbehavior beginȱforȱaȱwarriorȱorȱaȱprinceȱwhoȱwagesȱaȱwar?ȱWhatȱcircumstancesȱwouldȱmake warȱright,ȱandȱwhatȱconditionsȱwouldȱmakeȱitȱwrong?ȱAndȱhowȱwouldȱweȱhave toȱevaluateȱtheȱconflictualȱsituationȱofȱtheȱvictorȱalwaysȱbeingȱright?67ȱAtȱstakes proveȱtoȱbeȱnotȱonlyȱtheȱutilizationȱofȱweaponsȱforȱpoliticalȱends,ȱbutȱalsoȱthe legalityȱofȱwarfare,ȱtheȱemploymentȱofȱpublicȱgoods,ȱandȱtheȱendangermentȱof humanȱlives,ȱeitherȱofȱtheȱsoldiersȱinvolved,ȱorȱtheȱcollateralȱdamage,ȱtheȱcivilian population,ȱtoȱuseȱtheȱmodernȱdayȱparlanceȱofȱourȱmilitaryȱechelon.ȱThroughout theȱagesȱtheȱdebateȱconcerningȱwarȱandȱpeaceȱhasȱdeeplyȱaffectedȱtheȱCatholicȱand otherȱChurchesȱsinceȱitȱisȱoneȱofȱprofoundȱethicalȱsignificance.68

H.ȱResearchȱonȱWarȱandȱPeaceȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱ andȱtheȱEarlyȱModernȱPeriod Ourȱprojectȱisȱnotȱtheȱfirstȱone,ȱofȱcourse,ȱandȱmedievalistsȱandȱearlyȱmodernists haveȱoftenȱlookedȱintoȱtheȱmatterȱofȱwarȱandȱpeaceȱinȱtheȱpremodernȱera.ȱThe contributorsȱtoȱaȱvolumeȱeditedȱbyȱBrianȱPatrickȱMcGuireȱdiscussedȱtheȱroleȱof ChristȱasȱWarriorȱinȱOldȱEnglishȱPoetryȱ(GrahamȱD.ȱCaie),ȱtheȱcontrolȱofȱviolence throughȱtheȱmeansȱofȱfriendshipȱexpressedȱinȱlettersȱ(McGuire),ȱtheȱcorrelation betweenȱwar,ȱwoman,ȱandȱloveȱ(NannaȱDamsholt),ȱtheȱattemptȱbyȱKingȱStephen toȱestablishȱpeaceȱinȱhisȱrealmȱ(ChristopherȱHoldsworth),ȱtheȱidealsȱofȱchivalry withȱ respectȱ toȱ aȱ consolidationȱ ofȱ highȱ medievalȱ societyȱ (Mauriceȱ Keen),ȱ the treatmentȱ ofȱ warȱ andȱ peaceȱ inȱ Middleȱ Englishȱ romancesȱ andȱ inȱ theȱ worksȱ by Chaucerȱ(KarlȱHeinzȱGöller),ȱtheȱissueȱofȱJustȱWarȱ(StenȱEbbesen),ȱtheȱconceptȱof warȱandȱpeaceȱinȱIslamȱ(FredeȱLøkkegaard),ȱandȱtheȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱwarȱand

67

68

Seeȱ theȱ textȱ anthologyȱ Kannȱ Kriegȱ erlaubtȱ sein?ȱ Eineȱ Quellensammlungȱ zurȱ politischenȱ Ethikȱ der SpanischenȱSpätscholastik,ȱed.ȱHeinzȬGerhardȱJustenhovenȱandȱJoachimȱStüben.ȱTheologieȱund Frieden,ȱ27ȱ(Stuttgart:ȱKohlhammer,ȱ2006). Seeȱ theȱ contributionsȱ toȱ Warȱ orȱ Peace?ȱ Theȱ Searchȱ forȱ Newȱ Answers,ȱ ed.ȱ Thomasȱ A.ȱ Shannon (Maryknoll,ȱNY:ȱOrbisȱBooks,ȱ1980).

36

AlbrechtȱClassen

musicȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱ(JohnȱBergsagel),ȱtoȱmentionȱsomeȱofȱtheȱhighlights.69ȱIn theȱ volumeȱ editedȱ byȱ Dianeȱ Wolfthal,ȱ theȱ emphasisȱ restsȱ muchȱ moreȱ on individualsȱwhoȱendeavoredȱtoȱengageȱhostileȱforcesȱintoȱnegotiationsȱandȱthus triedȱtoȱestablishȱpeace.ȱ MichaelȱW.ȱHerrenȱinvestigatesȱtheȱsituationȱinȱearlyȱmedievalȱ Ireland;ȱLori EshilemanȱturnsȱherȱattentionȱtoȱimagesȱinȱsculpturesȱonȱGotland,ȱSweden,ȱthat wereȱacclaimedȱforȱtheirȱeffortsȱtoȱestablishȱpeace.ȱJohnȱEdwardȱDamonȱconsiders theȱ roleȱ ofȱ advisorsȱ inȱ theȱ reignȱ ofȱ Æthelredȱ Unrædȱ whoȱ workedȱ towardȱ the establishmentȱofȱpeace,ȱwhileȱCarolȱStamatisȱPendergastȱfocusesȱonȱattemptsȱto createȱ peacefulȱ settingsȱ outsideȱ ofȱ cityȱ wallsȱ inȱ eleventhȬȱ andȱ twelfthȬcentury southernȱ France.ȱ Otherȱ authorsȱ addressȱ mysticalȱ literatureȱ (Kirstenȱ M. Christensen);ȱtheȱapproachesȱtoȱourȱtopicȱbyȱtheȱCopticȱChurchȱ(L.ȱS.ȱB.ȱMaccoull), Scottishȱ andȱ Frenchȱ militaryȱ campaignsȱ againstȱ Henryȱ VIIIȱ whichȱ triedȱ to overcomeȱallȱoppositionȱandȱthusȱtoȱestablishȱeternalȱpeaceȱ(BenȱLowe);ȱRonsard’s peachȱpoetryȱ(CynthiaȱSkenazi);ȱtheȱstrategiesȱwithȱmarriageȱasȱaȱconvenientȱtool toȱavoidȱwarȱinȱtheȱRenaissanceȱperiodȱ(SheilaȱFfolliott);ȱandȱconceptsȱofȱhowȱto establishȱhouseholdsȱbyȱJewishȱhomesteaders.ȱDespiteȱtheȱbookȱtitle,ȱitȱwould, however,ȱ beȱ difficultȱ toȱ graspȱ toȱ whatȱ extentȱ theȱ authorsȱ toȱ bothȱ booksȱ truly addressedȱ theȱ centralȱ issueȱ atȱ stake.ȱ Nowhereȱ doȱ weȱ discoverȱ anyȱ theoretical discussion,ȱandȱnoneȱofȱtheȱauthorsȱhasȱaȱclearȱsenseȱofȱtheȱdialecticsȱconcerning warȱandȱpeace.ȱ TheȱvolumeȱauthoredȱbyȱHorstȱBrunner,ȱJoachimȱHamm,ȱMathiasȱHerweg,ȱand others,ȱDulceȱbellumȱinexpertis:ȱBilderȱdesȱKriegesȱinȱderȱdeutschenȱLiteraturȱdesȱ15. undȱ16.ȱJahrhunderts,ȱ2002,ȱalsoȱdeservesȱtoȱbeȱmentionedȱhere.ȱTheȱauthors’ȱfocus isȱfairlyȱlimited,ȱbutȱhighlyȱconcentratedȱinȱthatȱtheyȱdiscussȱtheȱdiscourseȱofȱwar inȱtheȱfollowingȱtexts:ȱHeinrichȱWittenwiler’sȱRingȱ(ca.ȱ1400)ȱ(HorstȱBrunner);ȱlateȬ medievalȱ andȱ earlyȱ modernȱ typesȱ ofȱ newspapersȱ inȱ theȱ formȱ ofȱ broadsheets, rhymedȱchroniclesȱ(SonjaȱKerth);ȱtheȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱPeasants’ȱWarȱ1524/1525ȱin literaryȱtextsȱ(MathiasȱHerweg);ȱtheȱroleȱofȱwarȱinȱaristocraticȱautobiographies fromȱ theȱ fifteenthȱ andȱ sixteenthȱ centuriesȱ (Kerth);ȱ warȱ inȱ earlyȱ modernȱ prose novels;ȱMartinȱLuther’sȱattitudeȱtowardȱtheȱTurksȱandȱhisȱappealsȱforȱaȱkindȱof crusadeȱ againstȱ themȱ (Freimutȱ Löser);ȱ theȱ appealsȱ forȱ peaceȱ byȱ Erasmusȱ of Rotterdamȱandȱhisȱsuccessorsȱ(Herweg);ȱtheȱimageȱofȱwarȱinȱearlyȬmodernȱLatin poetryȱ(firstȱthirdȱofȱtheȱsixteenthȱcentury)ȱ(Herweg);ȱsixteenthȬcenturyȱdramas thematizingȱwarȱ(JohannesȱRettelbach);ȱHansȱSachs’sȱliteraryȱeffortsȱtoȱwarnȱhis audienceȱ aboutȱ theȱ catastrophicȱ consequencesȱ ofȱ warȱ (Rettelbach);ȱ andȱ the

69

WarȱandȱPeaceȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱed.ȱBrianȱPatrickȱMcGuireȱ(Copenhagen:ȱC.ȱA.ȱReitzelȱPublisher, 1987).

Introduction

37

treatmentȱofȱwarȱinȱGeorgȱRollenhagen’sȱencylopedicȱandȱdidacticȱFroschmeuseler (1595)ȱ(Brunner).70ȱ SimilarȱapproachesȱcouldȱandȱshouldȱbeȱpursuedȱforȱotherȱEuropeanȱliteratures inȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱtheȱearlyȱmodernȱperiod,ȱandȱtoȱsomeȱextentȱhasȱalso happenedȱhereȱandȱthere.ȱDavidȱWethamȱhasȱrecentlyȱdiscussed,ȱonceȱagain,ȱthe troublesomeȱ conceptȱ ofȱ Justȱ Warsȱ inȱ theȱ lateȱ Middleȱ Ages,ȱ focusingȱ onȱ the correlationȱ betweenȱ militaryȱ ethicsȱ andȱ chivalryȱ especiallyȱ atȱ aȱ timeȱ whenȱ the strategistsȱincreasinglyȱreliedȱonȱsurpriseȱandȱdeceptionȱtechniques.71ȱNotȱevery formȱ ofȱ physicalȱ violenceȱ wasȱ realizedȱ throughȱ warȱ activities;ȱ manyȱ times vengeanceȱ alsoȱ playedȱ aȱ hugeȱ role,ȱ whichȱ couldȱ subsequentlyȱ leadȱ toȱ larger battles.72ȱLegalȱquestionsȱalsoȱplayedȱaȱhugeȱrole,ȱparticularlyȱwhenȱtheȱconcept ofȱaȱnationȱstateȱgainedȱinȱrelevanceȱbyȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱfifteenthȱcentury.73ȱWarȱcan neverȱbeȱviewedȱinȱisolation,ȱasȱtheȱdiscourseȱalwaysȱsubsequentlyȱfocusedȱon howȱtoȱovercomeȱtheȱconflictȱandȱtoȱestablishȱpeace.74ȱTheȱeffortsȱtoȱachieveȱthat utopianȱgoalȱhaveȱneverȱbeenȱabandoned,ȱevenȱlongȱafterȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱand itȱisȱourȱtaskȱasȱhumanȱbeingsȱtoȱcarryȱtheȱbeaconȱofȱpeaceȱforwardȱtoȱovercome theȱbaneȱofȱwarȱalsoȱinȱtheȱfuture.75ȱItȱmightȱbeȱonlyȱaȱdream,ȱtheȱutopiaȱofȱaȱworld withoutȱ wars,ȱ butȱ theȱ humanȱ spiritȱ survivesȱ onlyȱ becauseȱ weȱ haveȱ hope. Medievalistsȱandȱpremodernȱculturalȱhistorians,ȱliteraryȱscholars,ȱartȱhistorians, andȱothersȱmightȱhenceȱbeȱatȱtheȱvanguardȱofȱfutureȱprojectionsȱbecauseȱweȱare dealingȱwithȱsoȱmuchȱhorror,ȱmisery,ȱsuffering,ȱandȱterribleȱexperiencesȱinȱthe past.

I.ȱIntellectuals’ȱProtestȱofȱandȱAnalysisȱofȱWar Warȱandȱpeaceȱareȱbigȱterms,ȱbothȱforȱtheologicalȱandȱsecularȱauthors,ȱbothȱin antiquityȱandȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱforȱartistsȱandȱcomposers,ȱforȱphilosophersȱand

70

71

72

73

74

75

Dulceȱbellumȱinexpertis:ȱBilderȱdesȱKriegesȱ(seeȱnoteȱ54).ȱSeeȱalsoȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱDerȱKriegȱim MittelalterȱundȱinȱderȱFrühenȱNeuzeitȱ(seeȱnoteȱ56). DavidȱWetham,ȱJustȱWarsȱandȱMoralȱVictories:ȱSurprise,ȱDeceptionȱandȱtheȱNormativeȱFrameworkȱof EuropeanȱWarȱinȱtheȱLaterȱMiddleȱAgesȱ(LeidenȱandȱBoston:ȱBrill,ȱ2009).ȱSeeȱalsoȱtheȱcontributions toȱEthics,ȱLawȱandȱMilitaryȱOperations,ȱed.ȱid.ȱ(NewȱYork:ȱPalgrave,ȱ2010). VengeanceȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges:ȱEmotion,ȱReligionȱandȱFeud,ȱed.ȱSusannaȱA.ȱThroopȱandȱPaulȱR.ȱHyams (Farnham,ȱSurrey,ȱEngland,ȱandȱBurlington,ȱVT:ȱAshgate,ȱ2010). DirkȱA.ȱBerger,ȱKriegȱundȱVölkerrechtȱamȱÜbergangȱvomȱMittelalterȱzurȱNeuzeit:ȱBellumȱiustum,ȱbellum legaleȱoderȱbeides?ȱSchriftenȱzurȱRechtsȬȱundȱStaatsphilosophie,ȱ13ȱ(Hamburg:ȱKovac,ȱ2010). NicolasȱOffenstadt,ȱFaireȱlaȱpaixȱauȱMoyenȱÂge:ȱDiscoursȱetȱgestesȱdeȱpaixȱpendantȱlaȱguerreȱdeȱCentȱAns (Paris:ȱJacob,ȱ2007). SeeȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱDeȱlaȱguerreȱjusteȱàȱlaȱpaixȱjuste:ȱaspectsȱconfessionnelsȱdeȱlaȱconstructionȱdeȱla paixȱdansȱlȇespaceȱfrancoȬallemandȱ(XVIeȱȬȱXXeȱsiècle),ȱed.ȱJeanȬPaulȱCahn.ȱCollectionȱHistoireȱet civilisationsȱ(VilleneuveȬd’Ascq:ȱPressesȱUniv.ȱduȱSeptentrion,ȱ2008).

38

AlbrechtȱClassen

generals.ȱButȱthereȱisȱnoȱconsistentȱscholarlyȱdebateȱonȱtheȱcontinuationȱofȱwar versusȱpeaceȱasȱpracticedȱinȱtheȱpastȱuntilȱtheȱeighteenthȱandȱnineteenthȱcenturies whenȱtheȱconsequencesȱbecameȱclearȱtoȱeveryone,ȱespeciallyȱinȱlightȱorȱErasmus ofȱRotterdam’sȱfamousȱtreatisesȱDulceȱbellumȱinexpertisȱ(1515;ȱSweetȱSeemsȱToȱBe Theȱ Warȱ Onlyȱ Toȱ Theȱ Ignorant)ȱ andȱ Querelaȱ Pacisȱ undiqueȱ gentiumȱ ejectae profligataequeȱ(1517;ȱComplaintȱofȱPeaceȱRejectedȱandȱSubjugatedȱByȱAllȱPeople).76 Preciselyȱhereȱatȱthisȱjunctureȱisȱwhereȱourȱcontributorsȱpromiseȱtoȱofferȱnewȱand relevantȱinsightsȱbyȱengagingȱwithȱaȱwideȱrangeȱofȱimportantȱtextsȱandȱartȱworks fromȱtheȱearlyȱMiddleȱAgesȱtoȱtheȱeighteenthȱandȱearlyȱnineteenthȱcenturies,ȱas eachȱeraȱandȱmediumȱattemptsȱtoȱdetermineȱwhetherȱwarȱisȱtheȱappropriateȱtool forȱdealingȱwithȱhumanȱconflict.ȱ AlreadyȱtheȱauthorsȱofȱtheȱOldȱTestamentȱexaminedȱtheȱcaseȱmostȱcritically, arguing,ȱ moreȱ orȱ lessȱ consistently,ȱ thatȱ “warȱ remainsȱ aȱ tragicȱ factȱ ofȱ human history,”ȱwhetherȱweȱthinkȱofȱtheȱChroniclesȱ(I,ȱ22:7–10),ȱtheȱPsalmsȱ(Ps.ȱ46:8–11;ȱPs. 120).77ȱButȱalthoughȱthereȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱaȱcertainȱconsistencyȱasȱtoȱtheȱcondemnation ofȱwarȱwithinȱtheȱbiblicalȱcontext,ȱtheȱdiscourseȱitselfȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱmostȱcomplex andȱdivisive:ȱ“Warȱisȱobviously,”ȱasȱArthurȱF.ȱHolmesȱemphasizes,:“noȱsimple moralȱproblemȱbutȱinvolvesȱusȱinȱconsiderationsȱdrawnȱfromȱvariousȱbranchesȱof theologicalȱandȱphilosophicalȱinquiry.”78 Letȱusȱcursorilyȱexamineȱwhatȱsomeȱofȱtheȱgreatestȱintellectualsȱthroughoutȱthe MiddleȱAgesȱandȱbeyondȱhadȱtoȱsayȱwithȱregardsȱtoȱwar.ȱAugustineȱ(354–430).ȱIn hisȱletterȱtoȱCountȱBonifaceȱ(TheȱNiceneȱandȱPostȬNiceneȱFathers)ȱheȱdidȱnotȱshy awayȱfromȱemphasizingȱthatȱwarȱcarriedȱoutȱwithȱgoodȱintentions,ȱtoȱdefendȱa peopleȱorȱtheȱwellȬbeingȱofȱaȱcountry,ȱwouldȱbeȱquiteȱjustified.ȱTheȱbiblicalȱking

76

77

78

ErasmusȱvonȱRotterdam,ȱ‘SüßȱerscheintȱderȱKriegȱdenȱUnerfahrenen’.ȱÜbersetzt,ȱkommentiertȱund herausgegebenȱvonȱBrigitteȱHannemann.ȱKaiserȬTraktateȱN.F.,ȱ4ȱ(Munich:ȱKaiser,ȱ1987);ȱErasmus Desideriusȱ(id.),ȱQuerelaȱpacisȱundiqueȱgentiumȱejectaiȱprofligataequeȱ(Basil,ȱJoh.ȱFroben,ȱ1517).ȱWith aȱpostscriptȱbyȱFerdinandȱGeldner.ȱQuellenȱzurȱGeschichteȱdesȱHumanismusȱundȱderȱReforȬ mationȱinȱFaksimileȬAusgaben,ȱ1ȱ(Munich:ȱJ.ȱFroben,ȱ1916).ȱCf.ȱKarlȱErnstȱNipkow,ȱDerȱschwere Wegȱ zumȱ Frieden:ȱ Geschichteȱ undȱ Theorieȱ derȱ Friedenspädagogikȱ vonȱ Erasmusȱ bisȱ zurȱ Gegenwart (Gütersloh:ȱGütersloherȱVerlagsȬHaus,ȱ2007).ȱForȱanȱexcellentȱcollectionȱofȱrelevantȱtextsȱdealing withȱtheȱethicsȱofȱwar,ȱincludingȱErasmus’s,ȱseeȱTheȱEthicsȱofȱWar:ȱClassicȱandȱContemporary Readings,ȱ ed.ȱ Gregoryȱ M.ȱ Reichberg,ȱ Henrikȱ Syse,ȱ andȱ Endreȱ Begbyȱ (Malden,ȱ MA;ȱ Oxford: Blackwell,ȱ2006).ȱForȱspecificallyȱSpanishȱperspectives,ȱseeȱJoséȱAȱFernándezȬSantamaría,ȱThe State,ȱWarȱandȱPeace:ȱSpanishȱPoliticalȱThoughtȱinȱtheȱRenaissance,ȱ1516Ȭ1559.ȱCambridgeȱStudiesȱin EarlyȱModernȱHistoryȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1977). ArthurȱF.ȱHolmes,ȱ“Introduction,”ȱWarȱandȱChristianȱEthics:ȱClassicȱandȱContemporaryȱReadingsȱon theȱMoralityȱofȱWar,ȱed.ȱid.ȱSecondȱed.ȱ(1975;ȱGrandȱRapids,ȱMI:ȱBakerȱAcademic,ȱ2005),ȱ1–9;ȱhere 6.ȱForȱaȱlistȱofȱsomeȱofȱtheȱmostȱimportantȱstatementsȱaboutȱwarȱandȱpeaceȱinȱtheȱBible,ȱseeȱthere, 6–7.ȱSeeȱalsoȱJohnȱA.ȱWood,ȱPerspectivesȱonȱWarȱinȱtheȱBibleȱ(Macon,ȱGA:ȱMercerȱUniversityȱPress, 1998). Holmes,ȱ“Introduction,”ȱ9ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ77).

Introduction

39

Davidȱservedȱhimȱwellȱasȱaȱmodelȱforȱthatȱcase.ȱEachȱpersonȱhasȱaȱGodȬgivenȱgift onȱhisȱorȱherȱownȱandȱmustȱliveȱaccordingly:ȱ“Some,ȱthen,ȱinȱprayingȱforȱyou,ȱfight againstȱ yourȱ invisibleȱ enemies;ȱ you,ȱ inȱ fightingȱ forȱ them,ȱ contendȱ againstȱ the barbarians,ȱtheirȱvisibleȱenemies.”79ȱ Ofȱcourse,ȱAugustineȱidentifiedȱpeaceȱasȱtheȱidealizedȱstateȱofȱaffairs,ȱbutȱheȱwas tooȱmuchȱofȱaȱrealistȱtoȱignoreȱtheȱneedȱatȱtimesȱtoȱresortȱtoȱarmsȱasȱwell:ȱ“Peace shouldȱbeȱtheȱobjectȱofȱyourȱdesire;ȱwarȱshouldȱbeȱwagedȱonlyȱasȱaȱnecessity,ȱand wagedȱonlyȱthatȱGodȱmayȱbyȱitȱdeliverȱmenȱfromȱtheȱnecessityȱandȱpreserveȱthem inȱpeace.ȱForȱpeaceȱisȱnotȱsoughtȱinȱorderȱtoȱtheȱkindlingȱofȱwar,ȱbutȱwarȱisȱwaged inȱorderȱthatȱpeaceȱmayȱbeȱobtained”ȱ(63).ȱMoreȱprecisely,ȱAugustineȱspecifiedȱthat “WhenȱwarȱisȱundertakenȱinȱobedienceȱtoȱGod,ȱwhoȱwouldȱrebuke,ȱorȱhumble,ȱor crushȱtheȱprideȱofȱman,ȱitȱmustȱbeȱallowedȱtoȱbeȱaȱrighteousȱwar;ȱforȱevenȱtheȱwars whichȱariseȱfromȱhumanȱpassionȱcannotȱharmȱtheȱeternalȱwellȬbeingȱofȱGod”ȱ(65). InȱresponseȱtoȱtheȱpossibleȱobjectionȱthatȱChristȱhadȱtaughtȱcompleteȱpeacefulness (notȱquiteȱ‘pacifism’)ȱandȱlove,ȱevenȱifȱoneȱwereȱstruckȱonȱtheȱrightȱcheek,ȱandȱthat oneȱthenȱshouldȱ“turnȱtoȱhimȱtheȱleftȱalso”ȱ(65;ȱMatthewȱ5:39),ȱheȱdetermined: “whatȱisȱhereȱrequiredȱisȱnotȱaȱbodilyȱaction,ȱbutȱanȱinwardȱdisposition”ȱ65).ȱ Asȱ necessaryȱ asȱ Justȱ Warsȱ mightȱ be,ȱ weȱ learnȱ fromȱ Augustine,ȱ theyȱ still representȱ miseryȱ andȱ resultȱ inȱ endlessȱ pain:ȱ “Forȱ itȱ isȱ theȱ wrongdoingȱ ofȱ the opposingȱ partyȱ whichȱ compelsȱ theȱ wiseȱ manȱ toȱ wageȱ Justȱ Wars;ȱ andȱ this wrongdoing,ȱevenȱthoughȱitȱgaveȱriseȱtoȱnoȱwar,ȱwouldȱstillȱbeȱmatterȱofȱgriefȱto manȱbecauseȱitȱisȱman’sȱwrongdoing”ȱ(71).80ȱUltimately,ȱasȱAugustineȱunderscores inȱ hisȱ Cityȱ ofȱ God,ȱ everyȱ personȱ desiresȱ peace,ȱ onceȱ theirȱ desiresȱ haveȱ been satisfied,ȱ“Forȱevenȱtheyȱwhoȱmakeȱwarȱdesireȱnothingȱbutȱvictory—desire,ȱthat isȱtoȱsay,ȱtoȱattainȱtoȱpeaceȱwithȱglory”ȱ(71).ȱInȱotherȱwords,ȱonceȱaȱwarringȱgeneral orȱkingȱhasȱachievedȱhisȱgoalȱofȱconqueringȱaȱneighboringȱcountry,ȱthereȱisȱno moreȱneedȱforȱwar:ȱ“Andȱthusȱallȱmenȱdesireȱtoȱhaveȱpeaceȱwithȱtheirȱownȱcircle whomȱtheyȱwishȱtoȱgovernȱasȱsuitsȱthemselves.ȱForȱevenȱthoseȱwhomȱtheyȱmake warȱagainstȱtheyȱwishȱtoȱmakeȱtheirȱown,ȱandȱimposeȱonȱthemȱtheȱlawsȱofȱtheir ownȱpeace”ȱ(72).ȱ Atȱ closerȱ analysisȱ weȱ recognizeȱ inȱ Augustineȱ aȱ superiorȱ ‘psychologist’ȱ who understandsȱhowȱtoȱreadȱtheȱhumanȱsoulȱinȱitsȱfinestȱramifications,ȱoutliningȱin unmistakableȱtermsȱhowȱmuchȱmanȱreallyȱdesiresȱpeace,ȱevenȱthoughȱmanyȱtry toȱachieveȱitȱbyȱmeansȱofȱviolence.ȱAugustineȱcondemnsȱwar,ȱandȱidealizesȱpeace, butȱ heȱ clearlyȱ indicatesȱ theȱ extentȱ heȱ consideredȱ warȱ asȱ aȱ realityȱ ofȱ human existenceȱthatȱcouldȱnotȱbeȱeasily,ȱifȱatȱall,ȱreplacedȱorȱsubstituted.ȱNevertheless, heȱregardedȱhisȱtaskȱasȱaȱtheologian,ȱphilosopher,ȱandȱethicistȱtoȱdescribeȱwhatȱthe

79 80

WarȱandȱChristianȱEthics,ȱ62ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ77). AlbertȱMarrin,ȱWarȱandȱtheȱChristianȱConscience:ȱFromȱAugustineȱtoȱMartinȱLutherȱKing,ȱJr.ȱ(Chicago: Regnery,ȱ1971).

40

AlbrechtȱClassen

trueȱ idealȱ wouldȱ be:ȱ “Theȱ peaceȱ ofȱ bodyȱ andȱ soulȱ isȱ theȱ wellȬorderedȱ and harmoniousȱlifeȱandȱhealthȱofȱtheȱlivingȱcreature.ȱPeaceȱbetweenȱmanȱandȱGodȱis theȱwellȬorderedȱobedienceȱofȱfaithȱtoȱeternalȱlaw.ȱPeaceȱbetweenȱmanȱandȱman isȱ wellȬorderedȱ concord.ȱ Domesticȱ peaceȱ isȱ theȱ wellȬorderedȱ concordȱ between thoseȱofȱtheȱfamilyȱwhoȱruleȱandȱthoseȱwhoȱobey.ȱCivilȱpeaceȱisȱaȱsimilarȱconcord amongȱtheȱcitizens.ȱTheȱpeaceȱofȱtheȱcelestialȱcityȱisȱtheȱperfectlyȱorderedȱand harmoniousȱenjoymentȱofȱGod,ȱandȱofȱoneȱanotherȱinȱGod.”ȱ(75).ȱHisȱruminations findȱtheirȱmostȱbeautifulȱandȱcrystallineȱformulationȱinȱtheȱsubsequentȱsentences: “Theȱpeaceȱofȱallȱthingsȱisȱtheȱtranquillityȱofȱorder.ȱOrderȱisȱtheȱdistributionȱwhich allotsȱthingsȱequalȱandȱunequal,ȱeachȱtoȱitsȱownȱplace”ȱ(75). Longȱ afterȱ Augustine,ȱ butȱ certainlyȱ deeplyȱ influencedȱ byȱ hisȱ writing,ȱ Thomas Aquinasȱ (1225–1274)ȱ declaredȱ inȱ hisȱ Summaȱ Theologicaȱ thatȱ “warȱ shouldȱ be declaredȱforȱaȱjustȱcause”ȱ(104),ȱalthoughȱheȱconsideredȱwarȱinȱitselfȱasȱmostȱsinful accordingȱtoȱMatt.ȱ26:25:ȱ“Allȱthatȱtakeȱtheȱswordȱshallȱperishȱwithȱtheȱsword” (106),ȱconcludingȱratherȱcurtlyȱbutȱpoignantly:ȱ“Thereforeȱallȱwarsȱareȱunlawful” (106).ȱNevertheless,ȱheȱgrantedȱthreeȱexceptionsȱtoȱthisȱrule.ȱFirst,ȱ“theȱauthority ofȱtheȱsovereignȱbyȱwhoseȱcommandȱtheȱwarȱisȱtoȱbeȱwaged”ȱ(107),ȱandȱthese wouldȱhaveȱtoȱbeȱmotivatedȱtoȱdeclareȱwarȱinȱorderȱtoȱprotectȱtheirȱownȱpeople, theȱpoorȱandȱhelpless.ȱSecond,ȱcloselyȱlinkedȱwithȱtheȱfirstȱone,ȱ“aȱjustȱcauseȱis required,ȱnamelyȱthatȱthoseȱwhoȱareȱattacked,ȱshouldȱbeȱattackedȱbecauseȱthey deserveȱitȱonȱaccountȱofȱsomeȱfault”ȱ(107).ȱThird,ȱ“theȱbelligerentsȱshouldȱhaveȱa rightfulȱintention,ȱsoȱthatȱtheyȱintendȱtheȱadvancementȱofȱgood,ȱorȱtheȱavoidance ofȱevil”ȱ(108).ȱ Forȱ Thomas,ȱ thoseȱ whoȱ trulyȱ aimȱ atȱ peaceȱ areȱ regardedȱ asȱ justifiedȱ inȱ their militaryȱeffortsȱbecauseȱtheirȱintentionsȱareȱgoodȱ(108),ȱsuchȱasȱprotectingȱ“the poorȱandȱtheȱentireȱcommonȱwealȱfromȱsufferingȱatȱtheȱhandsȱofȱtheȱfoe”ȱ(109). Whileȱclericsȱareȱnotȱallowedȱtoȱengageȱinȱwarfare,ȱtheyȱareȱstronglyȱencouraged toȱmotivateȱtheirȱparishȱtoȱpickȱupȱarmsȱandȱfightȱifȱtheȱpurposeȱisȱtoȱdefendȱtheir peopleȱandȱtheȱjustȱcauseȱ(111).ȱForȱanȱindividualȱstrifeȱisȱonlyȱthenȱnotȱsinful whenȱitȱrelatesȱtoȱselfȬdefense:ȱ“Forȱifȱhisȱsoleȱintentionȱbeȱtoȱwithstandȱtheȱinjury doneȱtoȱhim,ȱandȱheȱdefendȱhimselfȱwithȱdueȱmoderation,ȱitȱisȱnoȱsin,ȱandȱone cannotȱsayȱproperlyȱthatȱthereȱisȱstrifeȱonȱhisȱpart”ȱ(113).ȱVengeanceȱandȱhatred, byȱ contrast,ȱ areȱ toȱ beȱ regardedȱ asȱ extremelyȱ sinfulȱ andȱ canȱ neverȱ beȱ citedȱ as justificationȱforȱwarȱorȱstrifeȱ(113–14).ȱ Aquinasȱevenȱgrantsȱthatȱwarȱagainstȱaȱtyrantȱcanȱbeȱregardedȱasȱjustifiedȱ“since heȱencouragesȱdiscordȱandȱseditionȱamongȱhisȱsubjects,ȱthatȱheȱmayȱlordȱover themȱmoreȱsecurely;ȱforȱthisȱisȱtyranny;ȱbeingȱconduciveȱtoȱtheȱprivateȱgoodȱofȱthe

Introduction

41

ruler,ȱ andȱ toȱ theȱ injuryȱ ofȱ theȱ multitude”ȱ (117).81ȱ Ultimately,ȱ then,ȱ Aquinas confirms:ȱ“Itȱisȱlawfulȱtoȱfight,ȱprovidedȱitȱbeȱforȱtheȱcommonȱgood”ȱ(117). Insofarȱasȱwarȱandȱpeaceȱhaveȱhadȱsuchȱaȱtremendousȱimpactȱonȱallȱpeople’sȱlives, littleȱwonderȱthatȱintellectualsȱthroughoutȱtheȱcenturiesȱcriticallyȱengagedȱwithȱthe justificationȱofȱwarȱandȱtheȱquestȱforȱpeace.ȱWeȱcouldȱexpandȱourȱcommentsȱhere almostȱ adȱ infinitum,ȱ butȱ sufficeȱ itȱ toȱ concludeȱ withȱ someȱ remarksȱ onȱ the contributionsȱbyȱfamousȱMartinȱLutherȱ(1483–1546)ȱwhoȱexplored,ȱforȱinstance,ȱthe relationshipȱ betweenȱ theȱ soldierȱ andȱ hisȱ consciousnessȱ inȱ hisȱ Obȱ Kriegsleuteȱ in seligemȱStandeȱseinȱkönnenȱ(1526;ȱWhetherȱSoldiers,ȱToo,ȱCanȱBeȱSaved).ȱTheȱcritical issueȱforȱhimȱconsistsȱofȱtheȱquestionȱwhetherȱaȱsoldierȱcouldȱbeȱjustifiedȱtoȱdoȱhis job,ȱthatȱis,ȱfightȱandȱkill,ȱandȱyetȱremainȱaȱgoodȱChristian.ȱMostȱtroublingȱfor Christianȱsoldiersȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱtheȱconflictȱbetweenȱtheirȱfaithȱandȱtheirȱactionsȱon theȱbattlefield.ȱLutherȱdoesȱnotȱargueȱforȱpacifism,ȱandȱactuallyȱdoesȱnotȱrejectȱwar atȱ all,ȱ butȱ notesȱ onlyȱ thatȱ “whoeverȱ fightsȱ withȱ aȱ goodȱ andȱ wellȬinstructed conscienceȱcanȱalsoȱfightȱwell.ȱThisȱisȱespeciallyȱtrueȱsinceȱaȱgoodȱconscienceȱfills aȱman’sȱheartȱwithȱcourageȱandȱboldness”ȱ(141).ȱ Explicitlyȱdrawingȱfromȱtheȱbiblicalȱtestimony,ȱLutherȱemphasizesȱthatȱwarȱand fightingȱforȱaȱgoodȱcauseȱareȱsupportedȱbyȱGod:ȱ“Forȱtheȱveryȱfactȱthatȱtheȱsword hasȱbeenȱinstitutedȱbyȱGodȱtoȱpunishȱtheȱevil,ȱprotectȱtheȱgood,ȱandȱpreserveȱpeace isȱpowerfulȱandȱsufficientȱproofȱthatȱwarȱandȱkillingȱalongȱwithȱallȱtheȱthingsȱthat accompanyȱwartimeȱandȱmartialȱlawȱhaveȱbeenȱinstitutedȱbyȱGod.ȱWhatȱelseȱis warȱbutȱtheȱpunishmentȱofȱwrongȱandȱevil?ȱWhyȱdoesȱanyoneȱgoȱtoȱwar,ȱexcept becauseȱheȱdesiresȱpeaceȱandȱobedience?”ȱ(142).ȱ Toȱexplainȱthisȱpoint,ȱLutherȱhastensȱtoȱadduceȱtheȱexampleȱofȱaȱsurgeonȱwho sometimesȱhasȱtoȱ amputateȱaȱlimbȱinȱorderȱtoȱrescueȱaȱwoundedȱpersonȱfrom death.ȱThisȱmetaphorȱcanȱthusȱbeȱappliedȱtoȱsoldiersȱasȱwell:ȱ“Inȱtheȱsameȱway, whenȱIȱthinkȱofȱaȱsoldierȱfulfillingȱhisȱofficeȱbyȱpunishingȱtheȱwicked,ȱkillingȱthe wicked,ȱandȱcreatingȱsoȱmuchȱmisery,ȱitȱseemsȱanȱunȬChristianȱworkȱcompletely contraryȱtoȱChristianȱlove”ȱ(143).ȱTheȱexplanation,ȱhowever,ȱfollowsȱsuitȱbecause anȱarmyȱthatȱprotectsȱtheȱpeopleȱbyȱfightingȱwithȱallȱitsȱforceȱagainstȱtheȱenemy canȱonlyȱbeȱcalledȱgoodȱandȱChristian:ȱ“whenȱIȱthinkȱofȱhowȱitȱ[Christianȱwork] protectsȱ theȱ goodȱ andȱ keepsȱ andȱ preservesȱ wifeȱ andȱ child,ȱ houseȱ andȱ farm,

81

Asȱcitedȱbyȱmanyȱcontributorsȱtoȱthisȱvolume,ȱFrederickȱHȱRussell,ȱTheȱJustȱWarȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges Cambridgeȱ Studiesȱ inȱ Medievalȱ Lifeȱ andȱ Thought;ȱ 3rdȱ ser.,ȱ 8ȱ (Cambridgeȱ andȱ Newȱ York: CambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1975),ȱdeservesȱtoȱbeȱmentionedȱhereȱasȱtheȱmostȱauthoritativeȱvoice inȱthisȱrespect.ȱSeeȱalsoȱEleonoreȱStump,ȱAquinas.ȱArgumentsȱofȱtheȱPhilosophersȱ(Londonȱand NewȱYork:ȱRoutledge,ȱ2003),ȱ315–16,ȱonȱtyranny.ȱCf.ȱalsoȱGerhardȱBeestermöller,ȱThomasȱvon AquinȱundȱderȱgerechteȱKrieg:ȱFriedensethikȱimȱtheologischenȱKontextȱderȱSummaȱTheologiaeȱ(Cologne: Bachem,ȱ1990);ȱDirkȱA.ȱBerger,ȱKriegȱundȱVölkerrechtȱ(seeȱnoteȱ73);ȱGregoryȱM.ȱReichberg,ȱ“Thomas AquinasȱBetweenȱJustȱWarȱandȱPacifism,”ȱJournalȱofȱReligiousȱEthicsȱ38ȱ(2010):ȱ219–41.

42

AlbrechtȱClassen

property,ȱandȱhonorȱandȱpeace,ȱthenȱIȱseeȱhowȱpreciousȱandȱgodlyȱthisȱworkȱis” (143).ȱLuther’sȱperspectiveȱisȱfocusedȱonȱtheȱdefensiveȱfunctionȱofȱtheȱmilitary force,ȱandȱcompletelyȱexcludesȱtheȱoffensiveȱaspect,ȱalthoughȱheȱfullyȱunderstands howȱmuchȱhostileȱentitiesȱthereȱareȱinȱthisȱworldȱthatȱdesireȱnothingȱbutȱtoȱattack, occupy,ȱrob,ȱsteal,ȱrape,ȱandȱpillage.ȱTheȱswordȱhenceȱguardsȱpeace,ȱtheȱhighest idealȱinȱhumanȱexistence,ȱandȱitȱwouldȱbeȱfoolishȱtoȱdismissȱtheȱswordȱaltogether becauseȱitȱserves,ȱasȱLutherȱemphasizes,ȱtoȱprotectȱpeace.ȱChristianȱsocietyȱmust relyȱcompletelyȱonȱGod,ȱwhoȱHimselfȱhadȱinstitutedȱtheȱswordȱandȱhandedȱitȱover toȱmanȱtoȱfightȱforȱprotectionȱandȱpeace.ȱ Thisȱisȱnotȱtoȱsayȱthatȱeveryȱsoldierȱwouldȱhaveȱtoȱbeȱregardedȱasȱgodlyȱand honorable,ȱ becauseȱ Lutherȱ doesȱ notȱ addressȱ theȱ individualȱ peopleȱ fightingȱ or killingȱinȱaȱwar,ȱbutȱtheȱinstitutionȱofȱwarȱitself.ȱGoodȱsoldiersȱdoȱtheirȱjobȱasȱthey areȱ requiredȱ to,ȱ whereasȱ badȱ soldiersȱ performȱ justȱ asȱ badȱ surgeonsȱ would, privilegingȱtheirȱownȱdesireȱforȱevilȱdeedsȱoverȱtheirȱresponsibilitiesȱtoȱprotectȱand defendȱtheirȱpeople.ȱLikewise,ȱthoseȱwhoȱlaunchȱaȱwarȱunnecessarilyȱwillȱcertainly faceȱatȱtheȱendȱtheirȱownȱdemise.ȱTheȱcriticalȱissueȱhenceȱconsistsȱofȱfulfillingȱone’s obligationsȱandȱobservingȱone’sȱresponsibilitiesȱasȱaȱsoldier,ȱavoidingȱwillfulness, abuse,ȱandȱbrutalityȱforȱitsȱownȱsakeȱ(144).ȱOtherwise,ȱasȱLutherȱunderscores,ȱwe wouldȱhaveȱtoȱcondemnȱallȱthoseȱfiguresȱinȱtheȱOldȱTestamentȱwhoȱfoughtȱon behalfȱofȱGod.ȱTheȱsameȱappliesȱtoȱtheȱNewȱTestament:ȱ“evenȱunderȱtheȱNew TestamentȱtheȱswordȱisȱestablishedȱbyȱGod’sȱwordȱandȱcommandment,ȱandȱthose whoȱuseȱitȱproperlyȱandȱfightȱobedientlyȱserveȱGodȱandȱareȱobedientȱtoȱhisȱword” (145).ȱCondemningȱtheȱswordȱandȱtheȱjustifiedȱuseȱofȱphysicalȱviolenceȱwouldȱbe tantamountȱtoȱresistingȱtheȱnotionȱtoȱexertȱpunishmentsȱofȱtheȱevilȱorȱwicked,ȱand wouldȱmakeȱitȱimpossibleȱtoȱfightȱforȱpeace.ȱInȱLuther’sȱwords,ȱ“Forȱwhatȱisȱjust warȱbutȱtheȱpunishmentȱofȱevildoersȱandȱtheȱmaintenanceȱofȱpeace?ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱinȱaȱjust warȱaȱwholeȱcrowdȱofȱevildoers,ȱwhoȱareȱdoingȱharmȱinȱproportionȱtoȱtheȱsizeȱof theȱcrowd,ȱareȱpunishedȱatȱonce”ȱ(145).ȱ AlthoughȱChristiansȱareȱnotȱsupposedȱtoȱfightȱandȱwageȱwarsȱinȱspiritualȱterms, inȱmaterialȱtermsȱtheyȱareȱsubjectȱtoȱworldlyȱrulersȱandȱoweȱthemȱobedience.ȱIf thoseȱrulersȱseeȱtheȱneedȱtoȱfightȱinȱorderȱtoȱdefendȱthemselvesȱorȱtheirȱcountry andȱpeople,ȱtheȱChristianȱsoldiersȱmustȱrallyȱtoȱtheȱweaponsȱandȱdoȱtheirȱjob, whichȱisȱkillingȱinȱtheȱnameȱofȱaȱgood,ȱJustȱWar.ȱInȱsum,ȱforȱLutherȱ“Theȱofficeȱof theȱswordȱisȱinȱitselfȱrightȱandȱisȱaȱdivineȱandȱusefulȱordinance,ȱwhichȱGodȱdoes notȱwantȱusȱtoȱdespise,ȱbutȱtoȱfear,ȱhonor,ȱandȱobey,ȱunderȱpenaltyȱofȱpunishment” (146).ȱMoreȱspecifically,ȱasȱheȱemphasizes,ȱ“theȱmilitaryȱprofessionȱisȱinȱitselfȱa legitimateȱandȱgodlyȱcallingȱandȱoccupation”ȱ(146).ȱ Inȱ theȱ subsequentȱ sections,ȱ however,ȱ Lutherȱ qualifiesȱ hisȱ ownȱ observations further,ȱinsistingȱthatȱaȱgoodȱwarȱcanȱonlyȱbeȱaȱdefensiveȱwar:ȱ“whoeverȱstartsȱa warȱisȱinȱtheȱwrong”ȱ(149).ȱHeȱclaimsȱthatȱthroughoutȱhistoryȱthoseȱwhoȱhadȱbeen guiltyȱofȱinitiatedȱaȱwarȱhadȱthenȱalsoȱnormallyȱlost,ȱwhereasȱtheȱdefendersȱhad

Introduction

43

won.ȱAfterȱall,ȱworldlyȱgovernmentsȱserveȱtheȱonlyȱpurposeȱtoȱpreserveȱpeaceȱand toȱprotectȱtheirȱpeopleȱandȱpropertyȱinȱgoodȱmeasure.ȱThoseȱwhoȱdesireȱtoȱengage inȱwarȱareȱinȱgraveȱdangerȱofȱfallingȱvictimȱtoȱhubrisȱandȱmurderousȱinstincts; whereasȱthoseȱwhoȱgrudginglyȱtakeȱupȱarmsȱinȱselfȬdefenseȱareȱtoȱbeȱregardedȱas theȱjustȱandȱtrueȱchildrenȱofȱGod.ȱFightingȱinȱtheȱnameȱofȱdefenseȱwouldȱgive thoseȱ warriorsȱ aȱ goodȱ conscienceȱ becauseȱ “itȱ isȱ Godȱ whoȱ doesȱ theȱ deeds;ȱ he desiresȱpeaceȱandȱisȱtheȱenemyȱofȱthoseȱwhoȱstartȱwarsȱandȱbreakȱtheȱpeace”ȱ(150). Hereȱ asȱ wellȱ heȱ reliesȱ onȱ theȱ Oldȱ Testament,ȱ quotingȱ fromȱ theȱ Psalms:ȱ “God scattersȱtheȱpeoplesȱwhoȱdelightȱinȱwar”ȱ(Ps.ȱ68:30).ȱOverȱandȱoverȱagain,ȱLuther highlightsȱtheȱspecificȱnatureȱofȱJustȱWar,ȱcharacterizedȱbyȱtheȱsituationȱofȱselfȬ defense:ȱ“SelfȬdefenseȱisȱaȱproperȱgroundȱforȱfightingȱandȱthereforeȱallȱlawsȱagree thatȱselfȬdefenseȱshallȱgoȱunpunished;ȱandȱheȱwhoȱkillsȱanotherȱinȱselfȬdefenseȱis innocentȱinȱtheȱeyesȱofȱallȱmen”ȱ(151).ȱWarsȱofȱdesireȱareȱtoȱbeȱcondemned,ȱwhile warsȱofȱnecessityȱareȱtoȱbeȱregardedȱwithȱrespectȱbecauseȱtheyȱareȱprovokedȱby externalȱfoes.ȱ Ofȱcourse,ȱLutherȱalsoȱwarnedȱhisȱreadersȱnotȱtoȱtrustȱinȱanȱassumedȱguarantee forȱvictoryȱifȱtheȱcaseȱwasȱaȱ‘JustȱWar.’ȱGodȱcannotȱbeȱforcedȱtoȱgrantȱvictoryȱto thatȱoneȱsideȱassumingȱitselfȱtoȱbeȱonȱrightȱside;ȱ henceȱ overȬconfidence,ȱifȱnot arrogance,ȱmightȱbeȱtheȱquickestȱcauseȱforȱaȱfallȱandȱdefeatȱ(153).ȱUnderestimating theȱenemy,ȱhoweverȱweakȱandȱbadlyȱarmedȱheȱmightȱbe,ȱmightȱresultȱinȱaȱbad loss,ȱandȱdeathȱofȱtheȱownȱsoldiers.ȱOverȬconfidenceȱmightȱleadȱtoȱcatastrophe becauseȱultimatelyȱGodȱisȱtheȱoneȱwhoȱdecidesȱtheȱoutcomeȱofȱaȱbattleȱ(154).ȱTo explainȱhimselfȱmoreȱconcretely,ȱLutherȱconcludes:ȱ“Suchȱaȱwarȱisȱforcedȱuponȱus whenȱanȱenemyȱorȱneighborȱattacksȱandȱstartsȱtheȱwar,ȱandȱrefusesȱtocooperateȱin settlingȱ theȱ matterȱ accordingȱ toȱ lawȱ orȱ throughȱ arbitrationȱ andȱ common agreement,ȱorȱwhenȱoneȱoverlooksȱandȱputsȱupȱwithȱtheȱenemy’sȱevilȱwordsȱand tricks,ȱbutȱheȱstillȱinsistsȱonȱhavingȱhisȱownȱway”ȱ(154–55).ȱTheȱfearȱofȱGodȱshould determineȱallȱhumanȱactions,ȱsoȱitȱshouldȱnotȱmatterȱwhetherȱoneȱcanȱenterȱaȱwar withȱfullȱconfidenceȱorȱtrustȱinȱGod’sȱmight.ȱTheȱindividual,ȱhowever,ȱwasȱalso supposedȱ toȱ obeyȱ allȱ hisȱ worldlyȱ authorities,ȱ whetherȱ theyȱ areȱ tyrantsȱ orȱ not, whetherȱtheyȱenterȱaȱwarȱorȱnot:ȱ“Forȱtoȱbeȱrightȱandȱtoȱdoȱrightȱdoȱnotȱalwaysȱgo together.ȱIndeed,ȱtheyȱneverȱgoȱtogetherȱunlessȱGodȱjoinsȱthem”ȱ(155).ȱ Pursuingȱaȱveryȱtraditionalȱviewȱofȱtheȱsocialȱstructure,ȱLutherȱsubscribesȱtoȱthe commonȱviewȱthatȱtheȱnobles,ȱorȱknights,ȱbearȱtheȱresponsibilityȱofȱdefendingȱtheir people,ȱwhereasȱtheȱpeasantsȱareȱexpectedȱtoȱtendȱtoȱtheȱfieldsȱandȱthusȱtoȱfeedȱthe people.ȱ“Theȱemperorȱorȱprinceȱinȱtheȱlandȱisȱtoȱsuperviseȱbothȱgroupsȱandȱseeȱto itȱthatȱthoseȱwhoȱhaveȱtheȱresponsibilityȱofȱdefendingȱareȱarmedȱandȱhaveȱmounts, andȱthatȱthoseȱwhoȱhaveȱtheȱresponsibilityȱofȱfeedingȱhonestlyȱtryȱtoȱincreaseȱthe supplyȱofȱfood”ȱ(157–58).ȱTheȱwarriorsȱorȱsoldiersȱoughtȱtoȱfightȱnotȱoutȱofȱaȱdesire toȱacquireȱwealthȱorȱpower,ȱbutȱbecauseȱtheyȱareȱrequiredȱtoȱdoȱsoȱtoȱdefendȱtheir lordȱandȱpeople.ȱAllȱotherȱmotivesȱwouldȱbeȱ“nothingȱbutȱbloodshed,ȱmurder,ȱand

44

AlbrechtȱClassen

theȱinflictingȱofȱallȱkindsȱofȱsufferingȱuponȱone’sȱneighbor,ȱasȱhappensȱinȱwartime” (158).ȱ Anticipatingȱtheȱmodernȱdebateȱaboutȱconscientiousȱobjectors,ȱLutherȱurgesȱall thoseȱwhoȱknowȱthatȱtheirȱlordȱisȱactingȱwronglyȱinȱfightingȱaȱwarȱtoȱrefuseȱand notȱ toȱ obey:ȱ “youȱ shouldȱ neitherȱ fightȱ norȱ serve,ȱ forȱ youȱ cannotȱ haveȱ aȱ good conscienceȱbeforeȱGod”ȱ(159).ȱHowever,ȱifȱtheȱindividualȱsoldierȱmightȱhavenȱeven justȱaȱthreadȱofȱdoubt,ȱandȱmightȱnotȱknowȱforȱsureȱwhatȱtheȱsituationȱorȱcondition mightȱbe,ȱobedienceȱtoȱtheȱauthorityȱwouldȱgoȱfirstȱ(159).ȱTheȱworstȱsoldiersȱwould beȱthoseȱwhoȱofferȱtheirȱservicesȱasȱmercenariesȱtoȱwhateverȱlordȱpaysȱthemȱthe mostȱ(162).82ȱByȱcontrast,ȱtheȱbestȱsoldiersȱemergeȱasȱbeingȱthoseȱwhoȱareȱcalled uponȱbyȱtheirȱlordsȱwhoȱneedsȱthemȱforȱtheȱdefenseȱofȱaȱjustȱcause,ȱsuchȱasȱthe ownȱcountry,ȱpeople,ȱandȱpropertyȱ(163),ȱthatȱis,ȱwhoȱsubscribeȱtoȱthatȱidealȱand fightȱinȱaȱwarȱwhichȱtheyȱconsiderȱaȱ‘JustȱWar.’ȱ Weȱcouldȱeasilyȱcontinueȱtheȱlineȱofȱargumentsȱaboutȱ‘JustȱWar’ȱandȱpeaceȱfrom LutherȱtoȱJohnȱCalvinȱ(1509–1564),ȱErasmusȱofȱRotterdamȱ(1466–1536),ȱMenno Simonsȱ(1496–1561),ȱFranciscoȱSuarezȱ(1548–1617),ȱHugoȱGrotiusȱ(1583–1645),ȱJohn Lockeȱ(1632–1704),ȱandȱsoȱforth.83ȱButȱweȱwouldȱhaveȱtoȱkeepȱinȱmindȱthatȱonly withȱ theȱ Enlightenmentȱ doesȱ theȱ philosophicalȱ approachȱ toȱ warȱ change fundamentallyȱinsofarȱasȱfromȱthenȱonȱtheȱbasicȱcauseȱofȱwarȱwasȱnoȱlongerȱsought inȱGod’sȱname.ȱInstead,ȱwarȱwasȱfromȱtheȱeighteenthȱcenturyȱonwardsȱregarded moreȱandȱmoreȱasȱcausedȱandȱlaunchedȱbyȱworldlyȱrulersȱforȱtheirȱownȱpurposes andȱintentions.ȱThisȱallowedȱindividualȱcriticsȱtoȱcomeȱforthȱandȱtoȱargueȱagainst warȱasȱanȱexclusivelyȱmanȬmadeȱactionȱthatȱcouldȱorȱevenȱshouldȱbeȱcondemned.84ȱ

82

83

84

HeinrichȱPleticha,ȱLandsknecht,ȱBundschuh,ȱSöldner:ȱdieȱgrosseȱZeitȱderȱLandsknechte,ȱdieȱWirrenȱder Bauernaufständeȱ undȱ desȱ Dreissigjährigenȱ Kriegsȱ (Würzburg:ȱ ArenaȬVerlag,ȱ 1974);ȱ Landsknechte, SoldatenfrauenȱundȱNationalkrieger:ȱMilitär,ȱKriegȱundȱGeschlechterordungȱimȱhistorischenȱWandel,ȱed. KarenȱHagemannȱandȱRalfȱPröve.ȱReiheȱ“GeschichteȱundȱGeschlechter”,ȱ26ȱ(Frankfurtȱa.ȱM.ȱand NewȱYork:ȱCampusȱVerlag,ȱ1998);ȱJohnȱRichards,ȱLandsknechtȱSoldier,ȱ1486–1560.ȱWarriorȱSeries, 49ȱ(Oxford:ȱOsprey,ȱ2002);ȱMartinȱPaulȱSchennach,ȱRitter,ȱLandsknecht,ȱAufgebot:ȱQuellenȱzumȱTiroler Kriegswesenȱ14.ȱȬȱ17.ȱJahrhundert.ȱTirolerȱGeschichtsquellen,ȱ49ȱ(Innsbruck:ȱTirolerȱLandesarchiv, 2004). HereȱIȱcontinueȱtoȱrelyȱonȱWarȱandȱChristianȱEthicsȱ(seeȱnoteȱ77).ȱForȱanȱexcellentȱanthologyȱof relevantȱtextsȱfromȱclassicalȱantiquityȱtoȱtheȱlateȱtwentiethȱcentury,ȱseeȱTheȱEthicsȱofȱWar:ȱClassic andȱContemporaryȱReadings,ȱed.ȱGregoryȱM.ȱReichberg,ȱHenrikȱSyse,ȱandȱEndreȱBegbyȱ(Malden, MA,ȱOxford,ȱandȱCarlton,ȱVictoria,ȱAustralia:ȱBlackwellȱPublishing,ȱ2006).ȱMostȱremarkably,ȱas thisȱcollectionȱdemonstratesȱimpressively,ȱtheȱnumberȱofȱpositionsȱvisȬàȬvisȱwarȱandȱpeaceȱis legion,ȱsoȱone,ȱifȱnotȱtheȱessentialȱreasonȱwhyȱwarȱdoesȱnotȱfinallyȱdisappearȱfromȱtheȱfaceȱofȱthe earthȱ isȱ thatȱ justȱ tooȱ manyȱ peopleȱ haveȱ justȱ tooȱ manyȱ differentȱ perspectivesȱ ofȱ howȱ toȱ solve conflictsȱandȱofȱhowȱtoȱacquireȱpowerȱandȱinfluenceȱunderȱaȱvarietyȱofȱcircumstances. HeinzȬHorstȱSchrey,ȱ“KriegȱIV:ȱHistorisch/Ethisch,”ȱTheologischeȱRealenzyklopädie,ȱed.ȱGerhard Müller.ȱVol.ȱXXȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱWalterȱdeȱGruyter,ȱ1990),ȱ28–55.

Introduction

45

Weȱ couldȱ alsoȱ examineȱ manyȱ moreȱ literaryȱ textsȱ fromȱ theȱ seventeenthȱ and eighteenthȱcenturies,ȱandȱthenȱfarȱbeyond,ȱtoȱexploreȱtheȱdiscourseȱonȱwarȱand peaceȱ becauseȱ thatȱ aspectȱ ofȱ humanȱ historyȱ hasȱ notȱ comeȱ toȱ anȱ end,ȱ onȱ the contrary.ȱPoetsȱandȱartistsȱthroughoutȱtheȱagesȱcertainlyȱmadeȱtheirȱvoicesȱheard inȱprotestȱagainstȱtheȱcrueltyȱandȱdestructionȱresultingȱfromȱwar,ȱbutȱhereȱitȱisȱtime toȱ giveȱ theȱ contributorsȱ toȱ theȱ presentȱ volumeȱ theirȱ share.ȱ Itȱ hasȱ become abundantlyȱhowȱmuchȱtheȱdiscourseȱonȱwarȱhasȱdominatedȱwesternȱcultureȱever sinceȱantiquity.ȱIntriguinglyȱenough,ȱweȱcanȱidentifyȱcriticalȱopinionsȱaboutȱwar andȱitsȱconsequencesȱevenȱinȱthoseȱepicsȱandȱromancesȱthatȱseemȱmostȱdedicated toȱtheȱdescriptionȱofȱheroicȱdeedsȱandȱaccomplishments.ȱAfterȱall,ȱpeopleȱhave alwaysȱdesiredȱpeace,ȱwhichȱwas,ȱhowever,ȱoftenȱmatched,ȱifȱnotȱevenȱsuperseded, byȱtheȱdesireȱforȱhonor,ȱmoney,ȱandȱpower.ȱThatȱdiverse,ȱcomplicated,ȱoftenȱeven contradictoryȱdiscourseȱhasȱcontinuedȱuntilȱtoday,ȱwhetherȱweȱthinkȱofȱFrancisco Goyaȱ (1746–1828),ȱ Robertȱ Sothyȱ (1774–1843),ȱ Alfredȱ Tennysonȱ (1809–1892ȱ ), Stephenȱ Craneȱ (1871–1900),ȱ Leoȱ Tolstoyȱ (1828–1910),ȱ Erichȱ Mariaȱ Remarque (1898–1970ȱ ),ȱ orȱ theȱ greatȱ socialistȱ dramatistȱ Bertoltȱ Brechtȱ (1898–1956).85ȱ As helplessȱandȱfeebleȱasȱliteratureȱandȱtheȱvisualȱartsȱseemȱtoȱbeȱinȱfaceȱofȱweapons andȱarmies,ȱtheyȱhaveȱprovenȱtoȱbeȱmostȱforcefulȱmediaȱforȱexposingȱtheȱcruelties, injustice,ȱandȱbrutalityȱofȱallȱmilitaryȱoperations,ȱespeciallyȱthoseȱnotȱservingȱaȱjust purpose,ȱtoȱtheȱbroadȱpopulation.ȱ Ourȱvolumeȱwillȱaddressȱwarȱandȱpeaceȱasȱseenȱthroughȱmedievalȱandȱearly modernȱlensesȱandȱwillȱcombineȱaȱvarietyȱofȱdisciplinaryȱapproaches,ȱwithout claiming,ȱ whichȱ wouldȱ beȱ impossibleȱ atȱ anyȱ rate,ȱ comprehensiveȱ coverage. Nevertheless,ȱtheȱspectrumȱofȱthemesȱandȱtopicsȱcastsȱaȱwideȱnet,ȱwithȱallȱpapers sharingȱtheȱsameȱconcernȱforȱtheȱcrucialȱquestionȱhowȱdifferentȱculturesȱsoughtȱto achieveȱpeace,ȱhowȱwarȱaffectedȱthem,ȱandȱhowȱsocietyȱcouldȱbeȱimprovedȱby peacefulȱmeans.86ȱAȱnumberȱofȱtheseȱpapersȱwereȱoriginallyȱdeliveredȱatȱtheȱ42nd

85

86

Forȱmoreȱmedievalȱperspectives,ȱseeȱJohnȱEdwardȱDamon,ȱSoldierȱSaintsȱandȱHolyȱWarriors:ȱWarfare andȱSanctityȱinȱtheȱLiteratureȱofȱEarlyȱEnglandȱ(Aldershot,ȱHampshire,ȱEngland,ȱandȱBurlington,ȱVT: Ashgate,ȱ 2003);ȱ seeȱ alsoȱ J.ȱ E.ȱ Cookson,ȱ Theȱ Friendsȱ ofȱ Peace:ȱ AntiȬWarȱ Liberalismȱ inȱ England, 1793Ȭ1815ȱ(CambridgeȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1982);ȱLynȱSmith,ȱVoices AgainstȱWar:ȱAȱCenturyȱofȱProtestȱ(Edinburgh:ȱMainstream,ȱ2009);ȱforȱaȱusefulȱsurveyȱonlineȱsee at:ȱhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/AntiȬwar_movementȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱAprilȱ14,ȱ2011). Seeȱtheȱwonderful,ȱbothȱdeeplyȱreligiousȱ(Christian)ȱandȱhumanistic,ȱreflectionsȱonȱallȱtheseȱissues byȱJamesȱH.ȱToner,ȱTheȱSwordȱandȱtheȱCross:ȱReflectionsȱonȱCommandȱandȱConscienceȱ(NewȱYork, Westport,ȱCT,ȱandȱLondon:ȱPraeger,ȱ1992).ȱHeȱconcludes,ȱexpressingȱanȱimpressivelyȱpragmatic position,ȱ “Toȱ combineȱ theȱ swordȱ andȱ theȱ cross,ȱ commandȱ andȱ conscience,ȱ intoȱ aȱ politically practicableȱandȱethicallyȱdesirableȱtoolȱofȱstatecraftȱhasȱalwaysȱ beenȱ theȱchiefȱgoalȱofȱdutiful statesmen.ȱInȱtheirȱquestȱtoȱestablishȱheȱresultȱofȱthatȱmerger,ȱwhichȱisȱcivicȱvirtue,ȱtheyȱhadȱtwo beaconȱ lights,ȱ theȱ intersectionȱ ofȱ whichȱ revealedȱ enoughȱ wisdomȱ forȱ themȱ toȱ carryȱ onȱ the Sisypheanȱtasksȱofȱstatecraft.ȱOneȱwasȱtheȱbeaconȱlightȱofȱtheȱnationalȱinterest,ȱbasedȱonȱtheȱrock ofȱnationalȱvaluesȱandȱtraditions.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱTheȱotherȱwasȱtheȱbeaconȱlightȱofȱtheȱdivineȱandȱnaturalȱlaw, whichȱofferedȱthemȱinsightsȱinto,ȱandȱwasȱbasedȱupon,ȱthatȱtreasuryȱofȱprinciplesȱagreedȱupon

46

AlbrechtȱClassen

Internationalȱ Congressȱ ofȱ Medievalȱ Studiesȱ atȱ Westernȱ Michiganȱ University, Kalamazoo,ȱinȱ2007.ȱOthersȱwereȱwrittenȱspecificallyȱforȱthisȱvolumeȱuponȱmy solicitation.ȱ Allȱ ofȱ themȱ underwentȱ extensiveȱ revisionsȱ andȱ wereȱ critically reviewedȱbyȱtheȱeditorsȱandȱoutsideȱreaders.

J.ȱCriticalȱSummariesȱofȱtheȱContributions ScottȱL.ȱTaylorȱbeginsȱtheȱcollectionȱwithȱaȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱtopicȱofȱ‘JustȱWar’ȱas itȱemergedȱespeciallyȱsinceȱtheȱeleventhȱcentury,ȱalthoughȱitȱhadȱalreadyȱbeenȱa majorȱconcernȱforȱSt.ȱAugustine,ȱasȱweȱhaveȱseenȱaboveȱasȱwell.ȱThroughoutȱthe agesȱvariousȱpowersȱutilizedȱmostȱskillfullyȱtheȱthemeȱofȱ‘JustȱWar’ȱforȱtheirȱown purposes,ȱ whetherȱ theyȱ allegedlyȱ pursuedȱ aȱ religiousȱ warfareȱ orȱ intendedȱ to conquerȱaȱcountry.ȱInȱfact,ȱthereȱareȱcasesȱofȱ‘legitimateȱviolence,’ȱifȱtheȱgoalȱofȱthe militaryȱforceȱwouldȱinsinuateȱthat.ȱEvenȱMartinȱLutherȱwasȱtoȱargueȱalongȱthose linesȱ(seeȱabove).ȱTaylorȱinformsȱusȱinȱgreatȱdetailȱaboutȱtheȱvariousȱdiscussions withinȱ theȱ church,ȱ amongȱ membersȱ ofȱ theȱ highestȬrankingȱ clergy,ȱ andȱ among individualȱprincesȱthroughoutȱtheȱMiddleȱAges.ȱ Moreover,ȱasȱheȱnotes,ȱtheȱdebateȱonȱjustifiedȱviolence,ȱi.e.ȱthatȱexertedȱbyȱthe governmentȱ(theȱmonarch,ȱtheȱprinces,ȱetc.)ȱonȱbehalfȱofȱtheȱChurchȱorȱaȱlarger cause,ȱ continuedȱ unabatedȱ throughoutȱ theȱ centuriesȱ andȱ foundȱ powerful expressionȱ inȱ lateȬmedievalȱ statementsȱ aboutȱ specificȱ lawȱ cases.ȱ Officially sanctionedȱviolenceȱcouldȱthenȱalsoȱbeȱdirectedȱagainstȱheretics,ȱJews,ȱandȱany otherȱimaginableȱminorityȱinȱtheȱnameȱofȱtheȱChristianȱGod.ȱAfterȱtheȱdiscovery ofȱAmerica,ȱtheȱSpaniardsȱsupportedȱtheirȱclaimȱofȱcontrolȱoverȱthoseȱvastȱnew territoriesȱwithȱtheȱsameȱargumentsȱasȱinȱtheȱpast,ȱreferringȱtoȱtheirȱendemicȱright toȱpursueȱaȱ‘JustȱWar’ȱagainstȱtheȱinfidelsȱandȱnonȬChristianȱnatives.ȱEspeciallyȱthe allegedȱ sodomiticȱ behaviorȱ byȱ theȱ Americanȱ Indians,ȱ whichȱ wasȱ ‘obviously’ directedȱagainstȱtheȱlawsȱofȱnature,ȱrequiredȱtheȱinterventionȱofȱtheȱEuropean ‘colonizers,’ȱasȱweȱwouldȱcallȱthemȱtoday,ȱtoȱwageȱaȱwarȱagainstȱthoseȱ‘demonic’ heathens.ȱUncannily,ȱasȱTaylorȱrightlyȱconcludes,ȱinȱtheȱpresentȱweȱareȱstillȱheirs toȱanȱalmostȱunholyȱapproachȱtoȱtheȱmatterȱatȱhand,ȱfightingȱwarsȱinȱforeignȱlands forȱaȱhostȱofȱdifferentȱreasons,ȱbutȱcertainlyȱnotȱbecauseȱtheȱWestȱmightȱhaveȱbeen attacked.ȱ Theȱ almostȱ universalȱ rhetoricȱ exposedȱ byȱ Taylorȱ soundsȱ suddenly frighteninglyȱfamiliar,ȱandȱitȱisȱundoubtedlyȱanȱinheritanceȱfromȱtheȱMiddleȱAges weȱmightȱwantȱtoȱdealȱwithȱmuchȱmoreȱcarefully. Theȱentireȱdiscussionȱaboutȱ‘JustȱWar’ȱversusȱ‘UnjustȱWar’ȱmightȱseemȱtoȱhave beenȱpredicatedȱonȱtheȱtheoreticalȱruminationsȱbyȱtheȱclassicalȱwriters,ȱandȱthen,

overȱtheȱcenturiesȱbyȱdecentȱandȱdiscerningȱmenȱandȱwomenȱofȱcharacterȱandȱgrace”ȱ(168).

Introduction

47

aboveȱall,ȱSt.ȱAugustineȱ(seeȱabove).ȱButȱcanȱweȱalwaysȱassumeȱthat,ȱandȱwould itȱhaveȱbeenȱnecessaryȱforȱallȱpoetsȱwhoȱaddressedȱthisȱissueȱtoȱhaveȱbeenȱfamiliar withȱ theȱ theoreticalȱ argumentsȱ beforeȱ theyȱ couldȱ haveȱ formulatedȱ theirȱ own thoughtsȱonȱthat?ȱAsȱBenȱSnookȱalertsȱus,ȱinȱAngloȬSaxonȱpoetryȱweȱcanȱobserve numerousȱpassagesȱthatȱlentȱthemselvesȱtoȱtheȱdebateȱaboutȱwhatȱconstitutedȱa ‘Just’ȱversusȱanȱ‘UnjustȱWar.’ȱThisȱisȱtheȱsame,ȱsoȱitȱseems,ȱasȱinȱtheȱOldȱHigh GermanȱHildebrandsliedȱwhereȱtheȱdescriptionȱofȱtheȱmilitaryȱcultureȱpittingȱfather andȱsonȱagainstȱeachȱotherȱcouldȱbeȱreadȱasȱaȱcritiqueȱofȱwarȱaltogether,ȱorȱatȱleast ofȱtheȱfeudalȱsystem.ȱ Snookȱ opensȱ aȱ remarkableȱ perspectiveȱ byȱ studyingȱ theȱ commentsȱ byȱ the Venerableȱ Bedeȱ onȱ theȱ Saxons’ȱ attacksȱ againstȱ theȱ Britons,ȱ identifyingȱ those militaryȱoperationsȱasȱGod’sȱpunishmentȱofȱtheȱsinfulȱBritons.ȱInȱthisȱsenseȱthe attackȱfromȱtheȱoutsideȱconstitutedȱaȱformȱofȱ‘JustȱWar’ȱwhichȱservedȱasȱGod’s instrumentȱhereȱonȱearthȱtoȱexactȱjustice.ȱHowever,ȱBede’sȱperspectiveȱchanged visȬàȬvisȱotherȱwars,ȱotherȱmilitaryȱleaders,ȱandȱlikewiseȱhisȱcharacterizationȱof individualȱwarsȱasȱ‘just’ȱversusȱ‘unjust.’ȱWeȱclearlyȱsenseȱtheȱinnerȱstruggleȱthe authorȱwasȱgoingȱthrough,ȱandȱwhichȱallȱwritersȱofȱtheologicalȱtextsȱhadȱtoȱface whenȱtheyȱventuredȱintoȱtheȱmostȱdifficultȱterrainȱofȱdeterminingȱwhatȱcouldȱhave justifiedȱkillingȱandȱwarfareȱwithinȱtheȱChristianȱuniverse.ȱMuchȱdependsȱonȱhow authoritativelyȱanȱindividualȱwriterȱbelievedȱthatȱheȱcouldȱinterpretȱGod’sȱwillȱin thoseȱmundaneȱaffairs.ȱ Inȱ Stephenȱ ofȱ Ripon’sȱ Vitaȱ S.ȱ Wilfridi,ȱ roughlyȱ contemporaryȱ toȱ Bede,ȱ we encounterȱaȱnumberȱofȱdifferentȱattemptsȱtoȱcomeȱtoȱtermsȱwithȱtheȱtheologically appropriateȱexplanationȱofȱwarfares,ȱresponsesȱtoȱattacksȱbyȱoutsideȱforces,ȱpagans orȱnot,ȱorȱaggressionsȱbyȱEnglishȱwarlordsȱagainstȱheathens,ȱetc.ȱDependingȱonȱthe circumstances,ȱWilfridȱperceivedȱhis,ȱorȱtheȱEnglish,ȱcauseȱalwaysȱasȱaȱjustȱone.ȱWe noticeȱhowȱintensivelyȱtheȱvariousȱAngloȬSaxonȱwritersȱhadȱtoȱgrappleȱwithȱthe issue.ȱ Theȱ sameȱ certainlyȱ appliedȱ toȱ allȱ otherȱ periodsȱ ofȱ medievalȱ andȱ earlyȬ modernȱ Christianityȱ becauseȱ wagingȱ anyȱ warȱ representedȱ aȱ clearȱ breakȱ with Christ’sȱfundamentalȱteaching,ȱandȱyetȱinȱtheȱcaseȱofȱattacksȱbyȱenemiesȱorȱwhen heathens/Muslimsȱetc.ȱwereȱsupposedȱtoȱbeȱconqueredȱtheȱideaȱofȱtheȱ‘JustȱWar’ mollifiedȱ allȱ thoseȱ concerns.ȱ However,ȱ inȱ Stephen’sȱ textȱ weȱ observe,ȱ asȱ Snook emphasizes,ȱ stillȱ theȱ constantȱ effortȱ toȱ appeaseȱ theȱ opponentsȱ byȱ meansȱ of Christianȱteachingsȱandȱbehavior.ȱAȱdefensiveȱwarȱwasȱalwaysȱdeemedȱtoȱbeȱmuch preferableȱtoȱanȱoffensiveȱone,ȱthoughȱtheȱlatterȱcouldȱnotȱalwaysȱbeȱavoided,ȱas theȱvariousȱchroniclersȱorȱpoetsȱsignaled.ȱ ItȱcannotȱbeȱdeterminedȱwithȱallȱdesiredȱspecificityȱwhetherȱtheȱearlyȱEnglish writersȱ hadȱ aȱ clearȱ senseȱ ofȱ whatȱ theirȱ classicalȱ Romanȱ precursorsȱ (especially Cicero)ȱ hadȱ inȱ mindȱ whenȱ theyȱ discussedȱ ‘Justȱ War,’ȱ butȱ inȱ thatȱ existentially dangerousȱ situationȱ ofȱ AngloȬSaxonȱ Englandȱ theȱ fundamental,ȱ ifȱ notȱ timeless, conflictȱ emergedȱ asȱ well,ȱ whichȱ deeplyȱ troubledȱ theȱ Christianȱ authorsȱ in

48

AlbrechtȱClassen

particular.ȱ Justȱ asȱ inȱ classicalȱ literature,ȱ theȱ tensionȱ betweenȱ moralityȱ and expediencyȱcreatedȱaȱsevereȱdilemmaȱthatȱnoȬoneȱcouldȱeasilyȱsolve. Snookȱ reasonablyȱ suggestsȱ thatȱ theȱ ideaȱ ofȱ ‘Justȱ War’ȱ couldȱ haveȱ been transmittedȱtoȱAngloȬSaxonȱEnglandȱviaȱIsidoreȱofȱSeville’sȱEtymologiae,ȱwhichȱin turnȱ wereȱ basedȱ onȱ Cicero’sȱ ideas.ȱ Snookȱ alsoȱ alertsȱ usȱ toȱ Gilda’sȱ Deȱ excidio Britanniaeȱwhereȱ‘JustȱWar’ȱsimilarlyȱsurfacesȱasȱaȱsignificantȱtopic,ȱyetȱweȱcannot decipherȱallȱtheȱpossibleȱramificationsȱofȱtheȱvariousȱpossibleȱsources.ȱItȱwouldȱbe anȱ exaggerationȱ toȱ talkȱ aboutȱ theȱ existenceȱ ofȱ aȱ ‘Justȱ Warȱ Theory,’ȱ eitherȱ for classicalȱantiquityȱorȱforȱtheȱearlyȱMiddleȱAges,ȱandȱyetȱweȱcanȱcertainlyȱagree withȱSnookȱthatȱtheȱdiscourseȱonȱ‘JustȱWar’ȱwasȱalreadyȱprevalentȱatȱthatȱtime, perhapsȱparticularlyȱbecauseȱofȱtheȱseriouslyȱunstableȱsituationȱinȱEnglandȱwith internecineȱ strife,ȱ Vikingȱ andȱ Saxonȱ attacks,ȱ andȱ theȱ strongȱ attemptsȱ by representativesȱofȱtheȱChurchȱtoȱpracticeȱwhatȱitȱwasȱactuallyȱteaching. Whatȱ areȱ weȱ thenȱ toȱ makeȱ ofȱ suchȱ heroicȱ epicsȱ asȱ Beowulf,ȱ inȱ whichȱ violence, fighting,ȱ andȱ warȱ areȱ theȱ mainstayȱ ofȱ theȱ entireȱ narrative?ȱ Isȱ Justȱ Warȱ evenȱ a meaningfulȱtermȱinȱthisȱcontext.ȱSeanȱPollackȱdiscussesȱtheȱcorrelationȱbetween kingship,ȱ combatingȱ evilȱ inȱ theȱ formȱ ofȱ monstersȱ andȱ dragons,ȱ andȱ the relationshipȱbetweenȱtheȱleader/sȱandȱtheirȱretainersȱinȱthatȱAngloȬSaxonȱworld. Inȱorderȱtoȱunderstandȱtheȱcontextȱinȱwhichȱtheȱdebateȱhasȱtoȱbeȱlocated,ȱPollack refersȱtoȱAugustine’sȱteachingsȱandȱtheȱExeterȱMaximsȱIȱ(C).ȱHeȱemphasizesȱthat Beowulfȱreflectsȱonȱwarȱasȱaȱfactȱofȱlife,ȱbutȱthatȱtheȱanonymousȱauthorȱmightȱnot haveȱthoughtȱofȱitȱasȱaȱtrueȱwayȱofȱlife.ȱAfterȱall,ȱonceȱGrendelȱandȱhisȱmotherȱhave beenȱkilled,ȱBeowulfȱrulesȱpeacefullyȱforȱaȱgoodȱfiftyȱyears,ȱbeforeȱheȱhasȱtoȱfight againstȱ theȱ lastȱ challenge,ȱ theȱ dragon.ȱ Heȱ isȱ notȱ aȱ bloodȬthirstyȱ leaderȱ ofȱ his people,ȱandȱdoesȱnotȱdesireȱtoȱconquerȱnewȱlandsȱorȱtoȱacquireȱnewȱtreasures.ȱHis fights,ȱbyȱcontrast,ȱareȱdrivenȱbyȱethicalȱconcerns.ȱ ForȱPollack,ȱtheȱnumerousȱreferencesȱtoȱtheȱswordȱwithȱwhichȱBeowulfȱkills Grendel’sȱmother,ȱandȱmoreȱspecificallyȱtheȱhiltȱremainingȱafterȱtheȱswordȱhas meltedȱinȱherȱbody,ȱsignifiesȱaȱdeliberateȱattemptȱbyȱtheȱpoetȱtoȱreflectȱuponȱthe ancientȱhistoryȱofȱviolenceȱandȱtheȱprofoundȱneedȱforȱmanȱtoȱovercomeȱwarȱand unrestȱinȱfavorȱofȱpeace.ȱAfterȱall,ȱweaponsȱcontinueȱtoȱbringȱaboutȱviolenceȱand death,ȱ triggeringȱ everȬnewȱ swingsȱ ofȱ theȱ cycleȱ ofȱ destructionȱ andȱ aggression, blockingȱallȱattemptsȱtoȱestablishȱpeacefulȱconditionsȱinȱsociety.ȱTheȱdisappearance ofȱ theȱ ancientȱ weaponȱ symbolizesȱ thenȱ theȱ riseȱ ofȱ aȱ newȱ world.ȱ Readingȱ and communication,ȱevokedȱbyȱtheȱinscriptionȱonȱtheȱhilt,ȱcouldȱhaveȱavoidedȱthe originalȱcauseȱofȱwar,ȱbutȱtheȱdifferencesȱamongȱhumanȱtonguesȱhaveȱmadeȱall thoseȱeffortsȱfutile,ȱasȱAugustineȱalreadyȱhadȱnoted.ȱWereȱpeopleȱtoȱunderstand theirȱ ownȱ vicesȱ better,ȱ mostȱ conflictsȱ couldȱ beȱ easilyȱ solved,ȱ butȱ thisȱ isȱ an impossibleȱpropositionȱinȱBeowulf’sȱworldȱwhereȱfightingȱdominateȱmostȱactions.

Introduction

49

Warȱandȱstrifeȱareȱtheȱtrueȱculpritsȱinȱhumanȱhistory,ȱtoȱwhichȱBeowulfȱrefersȱin numerousȱways.ȱ Pollackȱconfirmsȱthisȱreadingȱthroughȱaȱglanceȱatȱwisdomȱpoetry,ȱsuchȱasȱExeter Maximsȱ Iȱ (C),ȱ whereȱ theȱ fightȱ betweenȱ Cainȱ andȱ Abelȱ isȱ describedȱ asȱ theȱ root problem,ȱorȱrather,ȱCain’sȱenvy,ȱgreed,ȱandȱlustȱforȱpowerȱandȱwealth.ȱHuman natureȱisȱatȱstakeȱhere,ȱinsofarȱasȱweȱcanȱsuddenlyȱrecognizeȱhowȱmuchȱtheȱentire debateȱconcerningȱwarȱhingesȱonȱtheȱquestionȱofȱtheȱoriginȱofȱman’sȱdeepestȱvices, theȱdeadlyȱsins.ȱWeȱbeginȱtoȱrealizeȱthatȱinȱheroicȱpoetryȱtheȱethicalȱdimensionsȱof humanȱ behaviorȱ playsȱ aȱ muchȱ greaterȱ roleȱ thanȱ heretoforeȱ assumed,ȱ andȱ this exertsȱaȱhugeȱimpactȱonȱtheȱdiscussionȱaboutȱtheȱvalidityȱandȱlegitimacyȱofȱwar, particularlyȱifȱtheȱquestionȱconcernsȱitsȱjustifiability.ȱ AsȱtheȱdeathsȱofȱsomeȱofȱHrothgar’sȱmostȱpreciousȱfriends,ȱsuchȱasȱÆschere, signal,ȱtheȱcycleȱofȱviolenceȱthreatensȱtoȱengulfȱeveryone,ȱandȱpastȱeventsȱmight haveȱaȱcatastrophicȱimpactȱonȱtheȱpresentȱgeneration.ȱWarȱandȱviolenceȱareȱnot somethingȱthatȱcanȱbeȱeasilyȱforgotten,ȱifȱever,ȱbecauseȱtheȱpastȱdeterminesȱthe future.ȱAsȱBeowulfȱthenȱremindsȱus,ȱorȱratherȱactuallyȱurgesȱusȱtoȱkeepȱinȱmindȱin mostȱseriousȱterms,ȱisȱtheȱnecessityȱtoȱconsiderȱtheȱimpactȱofȱhistoryȱonȱtheȱfuture, andȱthatȱviolenceȱinȱtheȱpastȱdoesȱnotȱsimplyȱdisappearȱfromȱmemory.ȱOnȱthe contrary,ȱitȱthreatensȱtoȱengenderȱeverȱnewȱviolence.ȱWhoeverȱlaunchesȱaȱwarȱis inȱ dangerȱ ofȱ gettingȱ caughtȱ inȱ thatȱ Maelstromȱ himself.ȱ Theȱ exampleȱ ofȱ the Nibelungenliedȱ discussedȱ aboveȱ provesȱ toȱ beȱ aȱ mostȱ unsettlingȱ case,ȱ especially becauseȱthereȱtheȱfemaleȱprotagonistȱKriemhiltȱinitiatesȱtheȱcycleȱofȱviolenceȱand hasȱnotȱonlyȱeveryoneȱofȱherȱfamilyȱkilled,ȱbutȱsuffersȱherȱownȱdeathȱasȱwell. Literaryȱtextsȱareȱalwaysȱsomeȱofȱtheȱbestȱmediaȱtoȱexploreȱhowȱpeopleȱreactedȱto theȱconsequencesȱofȱwarȱandȱviolence,ȱasȱweȱhaveȱseenȱalreadyȱmultipleȱtimes above.ȱAndrewȱBreezeȱcontinuesȱtheȱinvestigationȱwithȱaȱcriticalȱinterpretationȱof theȱWelshȱFourȱBranchesȱofȱtheȱMabinogi.ȱAlthoughȱitȱisȱveryȱmuchȱbasedȱinȱWelsh mythology,ȱtheȱeventsȱdescribedȱareȱdeeplyȱrootedȱinȱuniversalȱhumanȱhistory, andȱhenceȱexploreȱtheȱbasicȱcausesȱofȱhumanȱconflictsȱresultingȱinȱmilitaryȱclashes. Loveȱ andȱ warȱ bitterlyȱ intertwine—again,ȱ see,ȱ forȱ comparison’sȱ sake,ȱ the Nibelungenlied—leadingȱtoȱmassiveȱbloodshedȱandȱaȱtragedy.ȱCuriously,ȱhowever, theȱpoetȱhardlyȱeverȱdwellsȱonȱtheȱindividualȱfightingȱscenes,ȱdoesȱnotȱdescribeȱthe weaponsȱ inȱ anyȱ significantȱ mannerȱ (ifȱ atȱ all),ȱ andȱ seemsȱ disinterestedȱ inȱ the concreteȱaspectsȱofȱwarȱaltogether.ȱ Byȱcontrast,ȱasȱBreezeȱcomments,ȱtheȱpoetȱplacedȱgreatestȱinterestȱonȱtheȱpolitical dimension,ȱonȱeffortsȱtoȱestablishȱpeaceȱandȱtoȱavoidȱwarȱ(ifȱpossible).ȱSomeȱofȱthe greatestȱsourcesȱofȱconflictȱconsistȱofȱtheȱtensionsȱbetweenȱtheȱroyalȱrulersȱand theirȱmagnates,ȱaȱpointȱwhichȱcouldȱbeȱidentifiedȱasȱratherȱtypicalȱofȱtheȱmedieval world.ȱButȱweȱgainȱtheȱimpressionȱthatȱtheȱpoetȱseemsȱtoȱhaveȱbelongedȱtoȱthe royalȱcasteȱhimself,ȱconsideringȱhisȱgreatȱconcernȱtoȱtakeȱtheȱroyalistȱside,ȱwhich

50

AlbrechtȱClassen

isȱratherȱunusual.ȱTheȱcriticalȱissueȱemergesȱoverȱandȱoverȱagain,ȱhowȱtoȱsecure peaceȱ afterȱ war.ȱ Itȱ isȱ aȱ timelessȱ concern,ȱ andȱ weȱ continueȱ toȱ struggleȱ withȱ it, havingȱmoreȱorȱlessȱsuccess,ȱconsideringȱtheȱcountlessȱwarsȱongoingȱatȱtheȱpresent moment.ȱInȱtheȱmedievalȱWelshȱtextȱweȱobserveȱtheȱsameȱproblems,ȱandȱtheȱsame approaches,ȱrelyingȱmoreȱonȱdiplomaticȱstrategiesȱthanȱonȱtheȱuseȱofȱweapons becauseȱitȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱmuchȱmoreȱeffectiveȱandȱenduring.ȱ Kingsȱrequireȱcounselorsȱandȱadvisors,ȱandȱtheyȱmustȱlistenȱtoȱtheirȱadvice.87 Surprisingly,ȱ asȱ Breezeȱ notices,ȱ theȱ roleȱ ofȱ womenȱ asȱ peaceȬweaversȱ finds significantȱattentionȱinȱtheȱFourȱBranches,ȱandȱitȱwouldȱbeȱfascinatingȱinȱtheȱfuture toȱdoȱaȱcomparativeȱanalysisȱofȱthisȱtextȱwithȱtheȱMiddleȱHighȱGermanȱepicȱpoem Kudrun.88ȱOfȱcourse,ȱnotȱallȱofȱtheȱtextsȱinȱthisȱcollectionȱendȱonȱaȱpositiveȱnote,ȱas in,ȱespecially,ȱtheȱSecondȱBranchȱwithȱitsȱdeeplyȱpessimisticȱoutlook.ȱTheȱworst situationȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱwhenȱwarȱbreaksȱoutȱwithinȱaȱsociety,ȱaȱcivilȱwar,ȱorȱtheȱfight amongȱbloodȬrelatives,ȱwhichȱisȱsoȱoftenȱtheȱcase,ȱevenȱtoday.ȱConsideringȱthe poet’sȱattemptȱtoȱprofileȱtheȱterribleȱslaughterȱandȱtheȱcatastrophicȱoutcomeȱofȱthe variousȱwars,ȱBreezeȱreturnsȱtoȱanȱoldȱthesisȱofȱhis,ȱsuggesting,ȱonceȱagain,ȱthatȱa womanȱmightȱhaveȱcomposedȱtheȱFourȱBranches.ȱTheȱevidenceȱforȱthisȱthesisȱisȱnot overwhelming,ȱandȱactuallyȱfairlyȱthin,ȱbutȱjustȱasȱinȱtheȱcaseȱofȱKudrunȱweȱmight beȱinclinedȱtoȱacceptȱthisȱpropositionȱbecauseȱofȱtheȱauthor’sȱkeenȱinterestȱinȱand concernȱwithȱpeace.ȱHowever,ȱpeaceȱwasȱnotȱonlyȱaȱmatterȱofȱgreatȱimportanceȱfor women.ȱ Butȱpoetsȱwereȱbyȱfarȱnotȱtheȱonlyȱonesȱwhoȱclamoredȱforȱpeace.ȱTheȱPeaceȱofȱGod, orȱTruthȱofȱGod,ȱmovementȱ thatȱbeganȱinȱtheȱeleventhȱcenturyȱisȱtheȱfocusȱof CharlesȱW.ȱConnell’sȱcontribution.ȱDidȱtheȱpopulaceȱatȱlargeȱembraceȱtheȱideaȱof theȱpeaceȱmovement,ȱorȱwasȱitȱdrivenȱbyȱtheȱChurchȱonly?ȱToȱanswerȱthisȱquestion requiresȱmoreȱcarefulȱanalysisȱwhatȱtheȱpublicȱmeantȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱandȱhow theȱ dominantȱ majority,ȱ orȱ atȱ leastȱ theȱ mostȱ vocalȱ andȱ mostȱ powerfulȱ group imposedȱitsȱwillȱonȱtheȱmasses.ȱAsȱmuchȱasȱtheȱlaityȱatȱlargeȱdidȱnotȱhaveȱmuch ofȱaȱvoice,ȱConnellȱconfirmsȱthatȱsinceȱtheȱeleventhȱcenturyȱtheȱissueȱitselfȱwhat theȱpublicȱhadȱtoȱsayȱaboutȱparticularȱissuesȱgainedȱtraction.ȱInȱorderȱtoȱfacilitate theȱ examinationȱ ofȱ theȱ Truthȱ ofȱ Godȱ movement,ȱ heȱ outlinesȱ theȱ growing awarenessȱofȱwhatȱtheȱpopulusȱmeantȱduringȱthatȱtime,ȱandȱhowȱitȱincreasingly assumedȱtheȱnotionȱofȱ‘theȱpeople’ȱinȱlargeȱnumbersȱasȱweȱmightȱdefineȱtheȱterm today.ȱFromȱhereȱConnellȱmovesȱtoȱaȱcriticalȱexaminationȱofȱtheȱpeaceȱmovement,

87

88

See,ȱforȱexample,ȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱPrincelyȱVirtuesȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱ1200–1500,ȱed.ȱIstvánȱP. BejczyȱandȱCaryȱJ.ȱNederman.ȱDisputatio,ȱ9ȱ(Turnhout:ȱBrepols,ȱ2007). PeaceȱWeavers,ȱed.ȱLillianȱThomasȱShankȱandȱJohnȱA.ȱNichols.ȱMedievalȱReligiousȱWomen,ȱ2 (Kalamazoo,ȱ MI:ȱ Cistercianȱ Publications,ȱ 1987);ȱ Kathleenȱ Herbert,ȱ PeaceȬWeaversȱ and ShieldȬMaidens:ȱ Womenȱ inȱ Earlyȱ Englishȱ Societyȱ (HockwoldȬcumȬWilton,ȱ Norfolk,ȱ England: AngloȬSaxonȱBooks,ȱ1997).

Introduction

51

whichȱ meantȱ notȱ theȱ establishmentȱ ofȱ peaceȱ treatisesȱ amongȱ nations,ȱ butȱ the banningȱofȱallȱviolenceȱamongȱtheȱpeople.ȱChurchȱcouncilsȱwereȱconvenedȱwith theȱexplicitȱpurposeȱofȱappealingȱtoȱtheȱmassesȱtoȱrallyȱbehindȱthoseȱstrivingȱfor universalȱpeace,ȱwhichȱwasȱexplicitlyȱintendedȱtoȱincludeȱtheȱknightlyȱclass,ȱwho were,ȱofȱcourse,ȱtheȱworstȱoffenders.ȱ Connellȱ outlinesȱ theȱ variousȱ stagesȱ inȱ theȱ developmentȱ ofȱ theȱ Truthȱ ofȱ God movement,ȱwithȱtheȱChurchȱresortingȱtoȱincreasinglyȱstrongerȱrhetoricȱandȱpublic appealsȱtoȱenforceȱthisȱidealȱforȱtheȱentireȱsociety.ȱRelics,ȱforȱinstance,ȱbecame highlyȱeffectiveȱtoolsȱtoȱmobilizeȱtheȱfaithfulȱandȱtoȱrallyȱthemȱinȱsupportȱofȱthis universalȱconcept—significantlyȱnotȱthroughȱactiveȱinvolvementȱinȱtheȱpolitical process,ȱbutȱbyȱwayȱofȱappealingȱtoȱtheirȱpietyȱandȱdevotion.ȱButȱonceȱtheȱmasses haveȱbeenȱactivated,ȱasȱtheȱChurchȱlearnedȱallȱtooȱquickly,ȱtheyȱmightȱnoȱlonger beȱcontrollable.ȱConsequentlyȱtheȱChurchȱreducedȱitsȱoutreachȱeffortsȱconsiderably andȱtookȱitȱuponȱitselfȱtoȱenforceȱtheȱbanȱonȱbearingȱarmsȱatȱlarge.ȱHowever,ȱa realisticȱestimationȱofȱtheȱmassesȱalsoȱindicatesȱhowȱlittleȱthoseȱamorphousȱgroups couldȱbuildȱanyȱkindȱofȱcohesion,ȱandȱinsteadȱdissipatedȱfairlyȱquickly.ȱ Inȱplaceȱofȱtheȱpopulusȱstrivingȱtowardȱaȱpeaceȱprocess,ȱtheȱChurchȱimposedȱits ownȱcontrolȱmechanismsȱandȱinstitutions,ȱsuchȱasȱsynodsȱandȱcouncils,ȱwhich provedȱtoȱbeȱhighlyȱeffectiveȱmostȱofȱtheȱtime,ȱespeciallyȱwhenȱcombinedȱwithȱthe threatȱofȱimposingȱanȱinterdictȱandȱorȱexcommunication.ȱEvenȱthoughȱatȱtheȱend theȱPeaceȱofȱGodȱmovementȱdidȱnot—andȱhowȱcouldȱitȱreally?—achieveȱitsȱstated goals,ȱConnellȱconfirmsȱthatȱtheȱbasicȱfoundationȱforȱtheȱideaȱofȱuniversalȱpeace hadȱbeenȱlaidȱandȱcouldȱserveȱfutureȱgenerationsȱinȱtheirȱstruggleȱtoȱachieveȱthe sameȱgoal. Asideȱ fromȱ theȱ questionȱ ofȱ howȱ warȱ andȱ peaceȱ haveȱ toȱ beȱ evaluatedȱ orȱ how individualȱwritersȱinȱtheȱpastȱrespondedȱtoȱtheȱbrutalityȱandȱhorrorsȱofȱwar,ȱwar inȱitselfȱhasȱalwaysȱhadȱaȱtremendousȱimpactȱonȱtheȱcivilȱpopulationȱalsoȱinȱsocioȬ economicȱterms.ȱOneȱeffectiveȱstrategyȱbyȱanȱoccupyingȱforceȱusedȱtoȱbeȱbilleting, orȱlodgingȱtheȱownȱtroopsȱinȱtheȱdwellingsȱofȱtheȱcivilȱpopulation.ȱDenisȱCasey studiesȱ thisȱ topicȱ inȱ lightȱ ofȱ theȱ conditionsȱ ofȱ earlyȱ medievalȱ Irelandȱ (preȬ Conquest)ȱandȱofȱtheȱsituationȱafterȱtheȱBritishȱinvasionȱwhenȱconqueringȱtroops employedȱthatȱstrategyȱtoȱweakenȱfurtherȱtheirȱopponents.ȱReferencesȱtoȱbilleting becomeȱmoreȱnoticeableȱsinceȱtheȱeleventhȱandȱtwelfthȱcenturies,ȱalthoughȱthat practiceȱwasȱcertainlyȱalreadyȱinȱplaceȱinȱearlierȱtimes.ȱAfterȱall,ȱasȱCaseyȱobserves, theȱinstitutionȱofȱaȱstandingȱarmyȱwasȱnotȱanȱinventionȱofȱtheȱseventeenthȱcentury (LouisȱXIV),ȱbutȱcanȱalreadyȱbeȱrecognizedȱinȱtheȱeleventh.ȱ WhereasȱinȱtheȱearlyȱMiddleȱAgesȱmostȱtroopsȱhadȱbeenȱrecruitedȱfromȱtheȱrural population,ȱsubsequentlyȱincreasinglyȱaristocraticȱarmiesȱdominatedȱtheȱfield,ȱand thoseȱ knightsȱ oftenȱ neededȱ lodgingȱ duringȱ theirȱ campaigns,ȱ henceȱ the establishmentȱofȱtheȱpracticeȱofȱbilleting.ȱThisȱseemsȱtoȱhaveȱhappenedȱbothȱin

52

AlbrechtȱClassen

Irelandȱ andȱ alsoȱ inȱ England.ȱ Theȱ Irishȱ beganȱ toȱ utilizeȱ theȱ “gallowglass,” mercenariesȱ fromȱ theȱ westernȱ islesȱ ofȱ Scotland,ȱ toȱ fightȱ offȱ Britishȱ invasion attemptsȱsinceȱtheȱthirteenthȱcentury.ȱAltogether,ȱtheȱdataȱconfirmingȱbilletingȱis notȱeasyȱtoȱcomeȱby,ȱandȱCaseyȱcarefullyȱcombsȱthroughȱliteraryȱandȱchronicle textsȱfromȱtheȱpreȬInvasionȱeraȱthroughȱtheȱlateȱMiddleȱAgesȱtoȱsupportȱhisȱclaim.ȱ Peopleȱwhoȱwereȱforcedȱtoȱacceptȱtroopsȱinȱtheirȱprivateȱhomesȱhaveȱneverȱbeen happyȱ withȱ thatȱ imposition,ȱ asȱ weȱ noticeȱ alreadyȱ inȱ suchȱ twelfthȬcentury documentsȱasȱtheȱBookȱofȱLeinster.ȱSurprisingly,ȱbilletingȱhappenedȱnotȱonlyȱto ordinaryȱpeople,ȱbutȱminorȱkingsȱasȱwellȱcouldȱbeȱforcedȱtoȱacceptȱforeignȱtroops byȱaȱhostileȱorȱsimplyȱhigherȬrankingȱkingȱfromȱtheȱoutside.ȱMoreover,ȱevenȱthe Churchȱwasȱnotȱexemptȱfromȱbeingȱsubjectȱtoȱthisȱpracticeȱofȱimposedȱmilitary lodging.ȱ Theȱevidenceȱregardingȱbilletingȱdemonstratesȱhowȱcontradictoryȱpeople’sȱviews wereȱthroughoutȱtime.ȱTheȱIrishȱdataȱconfirmȱthatȱthoseȱwhoȱhadȱtoȱsufferȱfrom billetingȱbitterlyȱcomplainedȱaboutȱit—naturally,ȱandȱwhoȱwouldȱnot?—butȱthose whoȱwereȱonȱtheȱsideȱofȱthoseȱwhoȱopposedȱthatȱpracticeȱactuallyȱsupportedȱitȱor welcomedȱitȱinȱtheirȱpoemsȱorȱtreatises.ȱRefusalȱofȱbilletedȱtroops,ȱhowever,ȱor protestsȱagainstȱitȱcouldȱresultȱinȱdangerousȱconsequences. BilletingȱlaterȱalsoȱoccurredȱinȱtheȱAngloȬIrishȱareasȱbecauseȱitȱprovedȱtoȱbeȱso effectiveȱandȱpracticalȱforȱtheȱrulers,ȱalthoughȱitȱalwaysȱconstitutedȱhardshipȱfor thoseȱwhoȱhadȱtoȱtakeȱtheseȱsoldiersȱinȱandȱwasȱregularlyȱcauseȱforȱconflictsȱand strife,ȱespeciallyȱbecauseȱinȱaȱnumberȱofȱcasesȱtheȱlordsȱprotectedȱtheirȱkern,ȱor billetedȱsoldiers,ȱtoȱsuchȱanȱextentȱthatȱtheyȱwereȱpracticallyȱexemptȱfromȱanyȱlegal prosecutions.ȱAlthoughȱtheȱIrishȱparliamentȱexpressedȱconsiderableȱconcernȱabout billeting,ȱitȱneverȱtrulyȱmovedȱagainstȱthatȱpracticeȱbecauseȱtheyȱcouldȱnot,ȱorȱdid notȱwantȱtoȱopposeȱtheȱgreatȱlords.ȱMoreover,ȱsinceȱtheȱentireȱtaxationȱsystemȱwas ratherȱlimited,ȱbilletingȱprovedȱtoȱbeȱanȱeasyȱwayȱtoȱcompensateȱforȱtheȱlackȱof publicȱfundingȱforȱtheȱmilitaryȱtoȱmaintainȱsomeȱformȱofȱaȱstandingȱarmyȱalready inȱtheȱhighȱMiddleȱAges.ȱ AsȱCasey’sȱarticleȱillustratesȱquiteȱsurprisingly,ȱgeneralȱproblemsȱconcerningȱthe relationshipȱbetweenȱtheȱmilitaryȱinȱtheȱformȱofȱaȱstandingȱarmyȱandȱtheȱcivil populationȱhaveȱalwaysȱbeenȱratherȱpainful,ȱbutȱthoseȱinȱchargeȱhardlyȱeverȱcared becauseȱthatȱsystemȱprovedȱtoȱbeȱanȱeffectiveȱandȱinexpensiveȱwayȱforȱthemȱto maintainȱtheirȱtroops,ȱeitherȱasȱanȱoccupyingȱforceȱimposedȱonȱtheȱenemy,ȱorȱas aȱstandingȱarmyȱwithinȱtheirȱownȱcountryȱlackingȱsufficientȱtaxȱrevenueȱtoȱpayȱfor theȱ soldiers.ȱ Theȱ trulyȱ amazingȱ realizationȱ seemsȱ toȱ beȱ thatȱ suchȱ aȱ discourse alreadyȱragedȱinȱtheȱeleventhȱandȱtwelfthȱcenturiesȱandȱhasȱcontinuedȱeverȱsince withȱeverȱgrowingȱintensity. Asȱmuchȱasȱweȱmightȱtendȱtoȱconsiderȱonlyȱextremeȱcasesȱinȱeitherȱwarȱorȱpeace asȱtheȱoutstandingȱeventsȱofȱtheȱpast,ȱinȱrealityȱtheȱhistorianȱhasȱtoȱdealȱwithȱa

Introduction

53

highlyȱcomplexȱsituationȱinȱwhichȱmanyȱdifferentȱpersonalitiesȱstriveȱforȱinfluence, dominance,ȱ andȱ control,ȱ whetherȱ byȱ meansȱ ofȱ weaponsȱ (war)ȱ orȱ negotiations (peace).ȱThisȱfindsȱitsȱstunningȱexpressionȱinȱtheȱeventsȱsurroundingȱtheȱPatarene BonizoȱofȱSutri,ȱwhoseȱlifeȱJohnȱA.ȱDempseyȱexaminesȱcarefullyȱregardingȱthe precariousȱnatureȱofȱpeaceȱwhichȱmostȱpoliticalȱorȱreligiousȱgroupsȱwereȱoften veryȱ willingȱ toȱ abandonȱ inȱ favorȱ ofȱ fightingȱ forȱ theirȱ ownȱ valuesȱ andȱ ideals. Bonizoȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱsuchȱaȱfascinatingȱfigureȱbecauseȱheȱeasilyȱmiscalculatedȱhis positionȱinȱtheȱtriangularȱrelationshipȱamongȱPopeȱUrbanȱII,ȱEmperorȱHenryȱIV, andȱMatildaȱofȱTuscany,ȱperhapsȱparticularlyȱbecauseȱheȱpursuedȱhisȱagendaȱfrom theȱpositionȱofȱanȱurbanȱdweller.ȱ BonizoȱstruggledȱhardȱtoȱconvinceȱtheȱotherȱmembersȱofȱtheȱPatariaȱtoȱjoinȱhim inȱhisȱfightȱagainstȱtheȱHohenstaufenȱEmperor,ȱtryingȱtoȱconvinceȱthemȱthatȱhis warȱwasȱtheirȱwar.ȱIronically,ȱBonizoȱmoreȱorȱlessȱmanagedȱtoȱtransformȱhisȱfellow Patarenesȱintoȱpeaceȱorientedȱfighters—aȱcontradictionȱinȱitself,ȱyetȱfullyȱinȱline withȱtheȱideaȱofȱaȱJustȱWarȱwhichȱBonizoȱintendedȱtoȱfight.ȱHeȱappealedȱtoȱhis fellowsȱ toȱ joinȱ himȱ insofarȱ asȱ theyȱ wereȱ hisȱ friendsȱ andȱ collaboratorsȱ inȱ their endeavorȱtoȱreformȱtheȱChurchȱandȱtoȱresistȱtheȱGermanȱemperor’sȱstrategyȱto installȱanȱantiȬpope.89ȱ ForȱtheȱPatarenesȱtheȱidealsȱtaughtȱbyȱChristȱwereȱofȱhighestȱvalue,ȱandȱyetȱthey didȱnotȱhesitate,ȱprobablyȱfollowingȱAugustine’sȱteachings,ȱtoȱresortȱtoȱweapons inȱdefenseȱofȱtheirȱjustȱcause.ȱSinceȱHenryȱIVȱwasȱregardedȱasȱanȱevilȱforce,ȱBonizo calledȱforȱaȱkindȱofȱcrusadeȱagainstȱhim,ȱorȱaȱholyȱwar,ȱbecauseȱheȱwasȱidentified asȱanȱexplicitȱenemyȱofȱtheȱPataria.ȱHereȱasȱwell,ȱtheȱendȱwasȱtoȱjustifyȱtheȱmeans, andȱtheȱPatarenesȱprovedȱtoȱbeȱtypicalȱfanaticsȱwhoȱpreachedȱpeaceȱandȱyetȱused weaponsȱtoȱachieveȱtheirȱreligiousȱgoals.ȱDempsey’sȱobservations,ȱdrawnȱfrom Bonizo’sȱ Adȱ amicum,ȱ illustrateȱ howȱ muchȱ religious,ȱ political,ȱ andȱ military argumentsȱcouldȱbecomeȱintertwinedȱunderȱthoseȱconditionsȱandȱthenȱserveȱas rhetoricalȱtoolsȱtoȱinciteȱtheȱreadersȱtoȱwar,ȱandȱthisȱinȱtheȱnameȱofȱtheȱChristian God,ȱdirectedȱevenȱagainstȱtheȱGermanȱemperor.ȱAlthoughȱBonizoȱreferredȱto numerousȱauthoritiesȱinȱtheȱhistoryȱofȱtheȱChurchȱtoȱjustifyȱhisȱagendaȱofȱaȱholy war,ȱ theyȱ proveȱ toȱ be,ȱ asȱ Dempseyȱ demonstrates,ȱ ratherȱ flimsyȱ andȱ vague. Similarly,ȱtheȱheavyȱrelianceȱonȱbiblicalȱexamplesȱinȱtheȱtreatiseȱdidȱnotȱachieve theȱdesiredȱeffect.ȱ TheȱcaseȱofȱBonizo,ȱwhoȱwasȱbrutallyȱassualtedȱinȱPiacenzaȱ(yetȱheȱsurvived), demonstratesȱ theȱ intricaciesȱ ofȱ theȱ politicalȱ processȱ involvingȱ theȱ German emperor,ȱtheȱpope,ȱandȱnumerousȱlocalȱentities,ȱsuchȱasȱtheȱrichȱcityȱdwellersȱof

89

SeeȱalsoȱJohnȱA.ȱDempsey,ȱ“IdeologicalȱFriendshipȱinȱTheȱMiddleȱAges:ȱBonizoȱofȱSutriȱandȱHis LiberȱAdȱAmicum,”ȱFriendshipȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱAge:ȱExplorationsȱofȱaȱFundamental EthicalȱDiscourse,ȱed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassenȱandȱMarilynȱSandidge.ȱFundamentalsȱofȱMedievalȱand EarlyȱModernȱCulture,ȱ6ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱDeȱGruyter,ȱ2010),ȱ395Ȭ427.

54

AlbrechtȱClassen

Milan,ȱtheȱregionalȱaristocracy,ȱtheȱclergyȱatȱlarge,ȱandȱtheȱformidableȱDuchessȱof Tuscany,ȱ Matilda.ȱ Theȱ discourseȱ onȱ peaceȱ andȱ God’sȱ willȱ playedȱ aȱ hugeȱ role everywhere,ȱbutȱeachȱsideȱwasȱmoreȱthanȱwillingȱtoȱresortȱtoȱarmsȱtoȱpursueȱits ownȱ goals,ȱ inȱ theȱ nameȱ ofȱ theȱ Church,ȱ ofȱ trueȱ Christianity,ȱ ofȱ theȱ pope,ȱ or whatsoever.ȱ Butȱ Bonizoȱ opposedȱ bothȱ theȱ emperorȱ andȱ theȱ popeȱ atȱ theȱ end becauseȱ heȱ condemnedȱ themȱ forȱ theirȱ lawlessness,ȱ leadingȱ toȱ wideȬspread arbitraryȱpoliticalȱprocessesȱandȱtheȱdisappearanceȱofȱpeace.ȱTheȱironyȱofȱhistory, andȱ soȱ inȱ thisȱ case,ȱ oftenȱ consistsȱ ofȱ theȱ factȱ thatȱ someȱ ofȱ theȱ bestȬmeaning individualsȱwithȱtheȱhighestȱethicalȱandȱreligiousȱidealsȱturnȱintoȱtheȱmostȱradical fanaticsȱandȱdoȱnotȱhesitateȱtoȱresortȱtoȱviolenceȱinȱorderȱtoȱrealizeȱtheirȱdreams. BonizoȱandȱtheȱPatariaȱwereȱcertainlyȱvictimsȱofȱtheirȱownȱradicalȱpositionsȱand hadȱtoȱsuccumbȱtoȱtheȱopposingȱpartiesȱwhichȱdidȱnotȱhesitateȱtoȱpersecuteȱtheir enemiesȱinȱorderȱtoȱprotectȱtheirȱownȱpower,ȱinterests,ȱandȱinstitutions.ȱ SusanȱSmallȱpursuesȱaȱveryȱdifferentȱapproachȱtoȱtheȱoverarchingȱthemeȱofȱthis volumeȱbyȱanalyzingȱcarefullyȱtheȱdetailsȱofȱtheȱbattlefieldȱdescriptionsȱprovided byȱ Chrétienȱ deȱ Troyesȱ inȱ hisȱ Cligésȱ (ca.ȱ 1176).ȱ Sheȱ focusesȱ onȱ theȱ meticulous narrativeȱ involvingȱ theȱ variousȱ attacks,ȱ defenseȱ mechanisms,ȱ thenȱ theȱ victims lyingȱ deadȱ onȱ theȱ battlefield,ȱ andȱ alertsȱ usȱ toȱ theȱ poet’sȱ specificȱ strategiesȱ to highlightȱsomeȱofȱtheȱgruesomeȱmethodsȱofȱkilling,ȱsuchȱasȱquarteringȱofȱsome unfortunateȱknights,ȱalmostȱinȱtheȱwayȱofȱaȱmodernȬdayȱfilmmakerȱwandering aroundȱ theȱ fieldȱ ofȱ carnageȱ toȱ achieveȱ theȱ mostȱ impressiveȱ impactȱ onȱ his viewers/listeners.ȱWhileȱtheȱbattleȱwasȱtheȱrealȱthing,ȱtheȱtournamentȱpreparedȱthe knightsȱforȱtheȱfutureȱreality,ȱaȱtrainingȱgroundȱofȱsorts,ȱifȱnotȱaȱspectacleȱandȱa gameȱinȱwhichȱtheȱrealȱbrutalityȱofȱtheȱknightlyȱwarȱisȱthinlyȱveiledȱandȱhidden behindȱ theȱ stagingȱ ofȱ theȱ chivalricȱ costumes.ȱ Notȱ surprisingly,ȱ inȱ Chrétien’s narrative,ȱ butȱ soȱ alsoȱ inȱ manyȱ othersȱ dealingȱ withȱ knightlyȱ adventures,ȱ the presentationȱ ofȱ theȱ tournamentȱ playsȱ aȱ significantȱ roleȱ becauseȱ ofȱ itsȱ sheer pageantry:ȱtheȱcountlessȱpennants,ȱlances,ȱshields,ȱcloths,ȱandȱarmsȱthatȱrequire extensiveȱnarrativeȱattention,ȱwhichȱseemsȱtoȱhaveȱbeenȱtheȱresultȱofȱcontemporary audienceȱexpectations.ȱInȱtheȱprocess,ȱtheȱpoetȱcreatesȱspecificȱsignifiersȱforȱthe worldȱ ofȱ theȱ courtsȱ inȱ whichȱ knightlyȱ prowessȱ andȱ selfȬpresentationȱ wereȱ of greatestȱimportance.ȱVirtuallyȱallȱwarȱparaphernaliaȱinȱtheȱmedievalȱworldȱcanȱbe identifiedȱasȱsymbolsȱandȱmarkersȱofȱtheȱindividualsȱcarryingȱthem,ȱcreatingȱa plethoraȱofȱpublicȱcodesȱservingȱtoȱidentifyȱtheȱpersonȱhiddenȱbehindȱtheȱarmor (helmet). Byȱcontrast,ȱweȱalsoȱfindȱnumerousȱexamplesȱofȱriderlessȱhorses,ȱeitherȱthose lyingȱdeadȱorȱwoundedȱonȱtheȱbattlefield,ȱorȱthoseȱwhoȱhaveȱlostȱtheirȱmasterȱand roamȱ aroundȱ freely,ȱ causingȱ mayhem.ȱ Thenȱ thereȱ areȱ theȱ deadȱ warriors,ȱ or knights,ȱ andȱ bothȱ manȱ andȱ animalȱ asȱ victimsȱ ofȱ theȱ warȱ speakȱ aȱ gruesome languageȱwarningȱaboutȱtheȱconsequencesȱofȱwarȱwhichȱthreatensȱtoȱundermine

Introduction

55

theȱwellȬbeingȱofȱtheȱstateȱatȱlarge,ȱorȱofȱtheȱsocialȱcommunity,ȱasȱSmallȱobserves inȱChrétien’sȱCligés.ȱButȱtheȱintenseȱreferencesȱtoȱweaponsȱandȱarmory,ȱsuchȱas shieldsȱandȱlances,ȱalongȱwithȱaȱpoeticȱdelightȱinȱtheirȱdetailedȱdescription,ȱalso revealsȱaȱtendencyȱtoȱaestheticizeȱwarȱandȱtoȱignoreȱtheȱbrutalȱrealityȱbehindȱit, whichȱ mightȱ beȱ aȱ characteristicȱ featureȱ ofȱ medievalȱ heroicȱ epicsȱ andȱ courtly romances.ȱ Asȱ muchȱ asȱ thoseȱ tendȱ toȱ idealizeȱ andȱ glorifyȱ knightlyȱ orȱ warrior accomplishments,ȱ andȱ blindȱ usȱ toȱ theȱ realitiesȱ ofȱ theȱ bloodyȱ war,ȱ theȱ critical approachȱ canȱ recognizeȱ theirȱ potencyȱ inȱ theȱ criticalȱ analysisȱ ofȱ whatȱ military violenceȱtrulyȱmeant,ȱandȱthisȱalsoȱforȱmedievalȱpoetsȱandȱtheirȱaudiences. ThisȱlineȱofȱargumentȱisȱthenȱpickedȱupȱbyȱZanȱKocherȱinȱhisȱinvestigatingȱofȱOld Frenchȱromancesȱfromȱtheȱtwelfthȱandȱthirteenthȱcenturiesȱinȱwhichȱtheȱdepiction ofȱwarȱactuallyȱinȱmostȱcasesȱresultȱinȱaȱmoreȱorȱlessȱsubtleȱformȱofȱcriticismȱofȱwar andȱaȱplacationȱofȱpeace,ȱalmostȱtoȱtheȱpointȱofȱpacificism,ȱespeciallyȱwhenȱwe observeȱaȱhappyȱending,ȱwhichȱmustȱbeȱpredicatedȱonȱaȱpeacefulȱclosureȱandȱan opportunityȱforȱtheȱprotagonistȱtoȱenjoyȱhisȱfutureȱlifeȱwithȱhisȱwife.ȱAlthough hardlyȱeverȱexplicitlyȱaddressed,ȱtheȱprotagonists’ȱexperiencesȱandȱefforts,ȱfailures andȱsuccessesȱhave,ȱofȱcourse,ȱaȱtremendousȱimpactȱonȱtheȱdestinyȱofȱtheirȱpeople, asȱweȱobserve,ȱforȱinstance,ȱinȱtheȱMaboagrainȱepisodeȱinȱChrétienȱdeȱTroyes’ȱErec etȱEnideȱ(comparableȱtoȱtheȱMabonagrinȱepisodeȱinȱHartmannȱvonȱAue’sȱErec).ȱ Kocherȱ alertsȱ usȱ toȱ aȱ similarȱ exampleȱ inȱ Leȱ Belȱ Inconnuȱ whereȱ weȱ senseȱ the reactionȱ byȱ theȱ largerȱ populationȱ toȱ theȱ protagonist’sȱ marriage,ȱ butȱ thenȱ only obliquely.ȱAnotherȱexampleȱwouldȱbeȱtheȱreactionȱbyȱtheȱpeopleȱtoȱCountȱMai’s allegedȱorderȱtoȱhaveȱhisȱwifeȱandȱchildȱkilledȱinȱtheȱthirteenthȬcenturyȱMiddle Highȱ Germanȱ Maiȱ undȱ Beaflor.90ȱ Certainly,ȱ theȱ poetsȱ relateȱ toȱ theȱ massesȱ only collectively,ȱbutȱtheyȱtendȱtoȱassociateȱtheirȱsubtlyȱexpressedȱhopesȱforȱpeaceȱwith theȱ protagonist’sȱ successesȱ andȱ accomplishmentsȱ onȱ theȱ battleȱ field,ȱ inȱ the tournament,ȱandȱonȱhisȱknightlyȱadventures.ȱ Inȱbothȱhistoricalȱrealityȱasȱwellȱasȱinȱromanceȱliteratureȱweȱencounterȱnumerous examplesȱofȱmarriageȱpoliciesȱthatȱareȱsupposedȱtoȱovercomeȱmilitaryȱconflictsȱand toȱ buildȱ diplomaticȱ relations,ȱ suchȱ asȱ inȱ theȱ Romanceȱ deȱ Silence.ȱ Contraryȱ to commonȱexpectations,ȱKocherȱobservesȱexplicitȱreferencesȱtoȱtheȱcommonȱpeople’s horrendousȱsufferingȱunderȱwarfare,ȱwhichȱultimatelyȱforcesȱtheȱroyalȱrulerȱto seekȱpeaceȱwithȱhisȱopponent.ȱHowever,ȱthatȱkindȱofȱpeaceȱpolicyȱfailsȱtoȱtakeȱinto

90

MaiȱundȱBeaflor.ȱHerausgegeben,ȱübersetzt,ȱkommentiertȱundȱmitȱeinerȱEinleitungȱvonȱAlbrecht Classen.ȱBeihefteȱzurȱMediaevistik,ȱ6ȱ(Frankfurtȱa.ȱM.:ȱPeterȱLang,ȱ2006);ȱseeȱalsoȱmyȱarticles “Kontinuitätȱ undȱ Aufbruch:ȱ Innovativeȱ narrativeȱ Tendenzenȱ inȱ derȱ spätmittelalterlichen deutschsprachigenȱLiteratur.:DerȱFallȱMaiȱundȱBeaflor,”ȱWirkendesȱWortȱ48.3ȱ(1998):ȱ324–44;ȱand Classen,ȱ “Theȱ Peopleȱ Riseȱ Upȱ againstȱ theȱ Tyrantsȱ inȱ theȱ Courtlyȱ World:ȱ Johnȱ ofȱ Salisbury’s Policraticus,ȱtheȱFablesȱbyȱMarieȱdeȱFranceȱandȱtheȱanonymousȱMaiȱundȱBeaflor,”ȱNeoheliconȱ35.1 (2008):ȱ17–29.

56

AlbrechtȱClassen

considerationȱanyȱemotionalȱaffectionsȱandȱutilizesȱtheȱyoungȱprincessȱandȱprince respectivelyȱ forȱ purelyȱ politicalȱ ends.91Kocherȱ alsoȱ pointsȱ outȱ aȱ veryȱ similar situationȱinȱHueȱdeȱRotelande’sȱIpomedon,ȱandȱeachȱtimeȱweȱnoticeȱhowȱmuch,ȱat leastȱ inȱ theȱ narrativeȱ background,ȱ theȱ protagonists’ȱ performanceȱ impactsȱ the ordinaryȱlifeȱofȱtheȱcommonȱpeople.ȱWar,ȱpeace,ȱlove,ȱandȱmarriageȱthusȱproveȱto beȱ intricatelyȱ intertwinedȱ atȱ leastȱ inȱ theȱ literaryȱ framework,ȱ especiallyȱ inȱ the courtlyȱromances.ȱ KirilȱPetkovȱrevisitsȱoneȱofȱtheȱthorniestȱissuesȱinȱhistoricalȱresearch,ȱwhetherȱthe ritualsȱthatȱweȱobserveȱinȱhistoricalȱnarrativesȱrepresentȱtheȱactualȱfactsȱ(Ranke) orȱwhetherȱtheyȱreflectȱonlyȱtheȱdiscourseȱitself.ȱHeȱprobesȱthisȱtopicȱbyȱanalyzing kissingȱritualsȱinȱFrankishȱGreece,ȱorȱMorea,ȱthatȱis,ȱtheȱPeloponneseȱpeninsulaȱin southernȱGreece,ȱasȱendeavorsȱtowardȱestablishingȱpeaceȱduringȱtheȱthirteenth century.ȱ Aȱ numberȱ ofȱ differentȱ partiesȱ struggledȱ againstȱ eachȱ other,ȱ andȱ the conflictsȱ soonȱ attractedȱ internationalȱ attention,ȱ resultingȱ inȱ ratherȱ shocking developmentsȱ forȱ theȱ variousȱ localȱ lords.ȱ Asȱ theȱ Chronicleȱ ofȱ Moreaȱ indicates, althoughȱtheȱindividualȱpowerȱplayersȱandȱbrokersȱwereȱconcernedȱwithȱgaining theȱupperȱhandȱbyȱmilitaryȱmeans,ȱultimatelyȱtheyȱallȱhadȱtoȱrelyȱonȱlegalȱmeans andȱnegotiationsȱbecauseȱofȱtheȱconsiderableȱconflictsȱofȱinterestȱandȱtheȱlarge numberȱofȱaffectedȱparties.ȱPersonalȱsufferingȱandȱgriefȱplayedȱaȱhugeȱroleȱinȱall thoseȱ events,ȱ whichȱ allowsȱ Petkovȱ toȱ analyzeȱ theȱ chronicleȱ inȱ lightȱ ofȱ the fundamentalȱ questionȱ ofȱ howȱ peaceȱ wasȱ reallyȱ establishedȱ duringȱ theȱ Middle Ages.ȱAfterȱall,ȱwarȱhasȱneverȱbeenȱtheȱultimaȱratio;ȱinsteadȱitȱhasȱregularlyȱserved asȱ aȱ catalystȱ toȱ achieveȱ ulteriorȱ purposes,ȱ andȱ thisȱ wasȱ theȱ caseȱ inȱ thirteenthȬ centuryȱMoreaȱasȱwell.ȱTheȱlegalȱframeworkȱdictatedȱmuchȱofȱtheȱeventsȱinvolving theȱvariousȱopponents,ȱaboveȱallȱPrinceȱGuillaumeȱandȱLordȱGuyȱdeȱlaȱRoche,ȱand centrallyȱ addressedȱ theirȱ relationshipȱ toȱ eachȱ other,ȱ inȱ someȱ kindȱ ofȱ liege,ȱ or homage.ȱAsȱitȱbecomesȱclearȱinȱtheȱvariousȱaccountsȱdealingȱwithȱtheȱproblemsȱin Morea,ȱwarȱwasȱnotȱtheȱonly,ȱandȱnotȱevenȱtheȱmostȱimportant,ȱmeansȱtoȱachieve politicalȱ supremacyȱ there.ȱ Instead,ȱ local,ȱ regional,ȱ andȱ internationalȱ legal operationsȱassumedȱaȱhugeȱpart.ȱAtȱtheȱsameȱtimeȱtheȱindividualȱpartiesȱinvolved skillfullyȱinvolvedȱexpressionsȱofȱemotionsȱasȱcodedȱlanguageȱtoȱformulateȱtheir particularȱstancesȱinȱtheȱentireȱprocess.ȱWordsȱsuchȱasȱ“anger,”ȱ“grief,”ȱorȱ“love” representedȱ signalsȱ ofȱ politicalȱ concerns,ȱ andȱ wereȱ notȱ simplyȱ reflectionsȱ of personalȱfeelings.ȱHowever,ȱasȱPetkovȱrecognizes,ȱthereȱareȱalwaysȱmanyȱlayers

91

Williamȱ Monter,ȱ “Tu,ȱ Felixȱ Lotharingia,ȱ Nube:ȱ dynasticȱ marriagesȱ andȱ politicalȱ survival, 1477–1737,”ȱWegeȱderȱNeuzeit:ȱFestschriftȱfürȱHeinzȱSchillingȱzumȱ65.ȱGeburtstag,ȱed.ȱStefanȱEhrenȬ preis.ȱ Historischeȱ Forschungen,ȱ 85ȱ (Berlin:ȱ Dunckerȱ &ȱ Humblot,ȱ 2009),ȱ 415–30.ȱ Seeȱ alsoȱ the contributionsȱtoȱKinshipȱinȱEurope:ȱApproachesȱtoȱLongȬTermȱDevelopmentsȱ(1300Ȭ1900),ȱed.ȱDavid WarrenȱSabean,ȱSimonȱTeuscher,ȱandȱJonȱMathieuȱ(NewȱYork:ȱBerghahnȱBooks,ȱ2007).

Introduction

57

ofȱmeaningȱinȱallȱthoseȱemotionalȱformulationsȱwhichȱareȱneitherȱpurelyȱritualistic norȱstraightforwardȱexpressionsȱofȱ‘true’ȱaffection.ȱ Theȱpeaceȱprocessȱsubsequentlyȱemergedȱasȱaȱcomplexȱoperationȱinvolvingȱthe individualȱwarringȱparties,ȱtheȱneighboringȱcountries,ȱandȱGodȱasȱwell.ȱTheȱritual wasȱdeterminedȱbyȱspecificȱemotionalȱlanguage,ȱbutȱitȱwouldȱbeȱwrongȱtoȱidentify thatȱlanguageȱasȱexclusivelyȱformalȱdevoidȱofȱanyȱsensations.ȱKisses,ȱasȱprevious scholarshipȱhasȱalreadyȱobserved—hereȱdisregardingȱnumerousȱdissentingȱviews andȱdebatesȱaboutȱtheȱtrueȱmeaning92—allowedȱtoȱbuildȱpoliticalȱbridgesȱandȱto healȱpastȱstrife.ȱTheȱsubsequentȱjoy,ȱasȱreportedȱbyȱtheȱvariousȱchroniclers,ȱseems toȱhaveȱbeenȱsincereȱbecauseȱpeaceȱhadȱbeenȱreestablishedȱamongȱtheȱvarious lordsȱasȱaȱmatterȱofȱinterpersonalȱrelationshipȱamongȱequals,ȱatȱleastȱaccordingȱto oneȱofȱthem,ȱconsolidatingȱfeudalȱrelationshipsȱonȱaȱmutuallyȱacceptableȱlevel.ȱAs Petkovȱthenȱconcludes,ȱritualȱwasȱofȱcentralȱimportanceȱinȱtheȱcontestedȱfieldȱof politicalȱ andȱ militaryȱ conflictsȱ andȱ strife.ȱ Thatȱ ritualȱ fulfilledȱ manyȱ different functionsȱandȱhenceȱprovedȱtoȱbeȱhighlyȱeffectiveȱinȱestablishingȱtheȱdesiredȱpeace byȱmeansȱofȱbuildingȱbridgesȱbetweenȱ“crossȬcuttingȱtiesȱbetweenȱparadigms” (Petkov). WhileȱaȱmajorityȱofȱhistoricalȱandȱliteraryȱsourcesȱfromȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱseemingly confirmȱthatȱwar,ȱknighthood,ȱandȱchivalryȱwereȱofȱgreatestȱimportanceȱduring thatȱtime,ȱthisȱcanȱbeȱratherȱdeceptiveȱasȱaȱresultȱofȱlackȱofȱsensitivityȱtoȱhidden messagesȱinȱtheȱvariousȱtextsȱconcerningȱtheȱgreatȱneedȱtoȱhaveȱallȱviolentȱactions comeȱtoȱaȱstopȱsoȱthatȱpeopleȱcanȱsurviveȱandȱbuildȱtheirȱprivateȱlives.ȱMoreover, asȱ ourȱ surveyȱ aboveȱ hasȱ alreadyȱ indicated,ȱ mostȱ ofȱ theȱ medievalȱ intellectuals stroveȱhardȱtoȱcombatȱwarȱandȱtoȱoutlineȱprinciplesȱofȱhowȱtoȱestablishȱpeace.ȱThis didȱnotȱexcludeȱtheȱquestionȱofȱwhatȱmightȱconstituteȱ‘JustȱWar,’ȱbutȱpeaceȱwas stillȱtheȱpreferredȱmodeȱofȱexistence.ȱThisȱfindsȱsomeȱofȱitsȱmostȱvocalȱexpression inȱtheȱsermonsȱbyȱtheȱfamousȱthirteenthȬcenturyȱFranciscanȱpreacherȱBertholdȱof Regensburg,ȱwhichȱClassenȱanalyzesȱinȱoneȱofȱhisȱcontributionsȱtoȱthisȱvolume.93 Asȱrecentȱresearchȱhasȱrevealed,ȱmedievalȱliteratureȱtremendouslyȱgainsȱinȱvolume ifȱ weȱ incorporateȱ theȱ genreȱ ofȱ sermons.ȱ Althoughȱ theyȱ pursueȱ rhetoricalȱ and religiousȱpurposes,ȱmanyȱofȱthemȱwereȱcertainlyȱinfluencedȱbyȱliteraryȱstrategies andȱemployedȱfictionalȱelementsȱasȱwellȱtoȱachieveȱtheirȱgoals.ȱBertholdȱmustȱhave beenȱoneȱofȱtheȱmostȱpowerfulȱspeakersȱofȱhisȱtime,ȱasȱheȱsucceededȱinȱreaching outȱtoȱaȱvastȱnumberȱofȱlistenersȱwithȱhisȱsermons.ȱAsȱwasȱratherȱtypicalȱofȱthe genreȱofȱsermons,ȱtheȱpreacherȱaddressedȱaȱwideȱrangeȱofȱtopicsȱconcerningȱethical andȱmoralȱ(mis)behavior,ȱattitudes,ȱideas,ȱconditions,ȱandȱproblemsȱduringȱhis

92 93

SeeȱtheȱresearchȱcitedȱandȱcommentedȱonȱbyȱPetkovȱinȱhisȱfootnotesȱ2ȱandȱ3. Forȱ other,ȱ similarȱ approachesȱ toȱ thisȱ topic,ȱ seeȱ theȱ anthologyȱ Theȱ Ethicsȱ ofȱ Warȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 77). BertholdȱofȱRegensburg,ȱhowever,ȱisȱnotȱevenȱmentionedȱthere.ȱ

58

AlbrechtȱClassen

time.ȱNotȱsurprisingly,ȱheȱalsoȱexaminedȱtheȱmeaningȱofȱwarȱandȱpeaceȱaȱnumber ofȱtimes,ȱemphasizingȱthatȱpeaceȱisȱtheȱoneȱconditionȱinȱlifeȱallȱpeopleȱstriveȱforȱin unisonȱbecauseȱitȱisȱsoȱessentialȱandȱbasicȱtoȱallȱhumanȱexistence.ȱ Afterȱ all,ȱ Christ’sȱ arrivalȱ hereȱ onȱ earthȱ signaled,ȱ soȱ saidȱ Berthold,ȱ theȱ first concreteȱchanceȱforȱmankindȱtoȱrealizeȱthatȱutopiaȱofȱtrueȱundȱuniversalȱpeace. OnlyȱwhenȱanȱindividualȱcanȱachieveȱpeaceȱwithȱGod,ȱpeaceȱwithȱoneself,ȱand peaceȱwithȱone’sȱneighborȱwouldȱthatȱdreamȱgetȱwithinȱreach.ȱBertholdȱarguedȱfor socialȱandȱeconomicȱjusticeȱinȱthisȱworldȱasȱaȱpreconditionȱforȱtheȱestablishment ofȱpeace.ȱClassen’sȱanalysisȱofȱBerthold’sȱsermonsȱrevealsȱhowȱmuchȱthisȱpreacher combinedȱhisȱexhortationsȱtoȱleadȱaȱpeacefulȱlifeȱwithȱaȱvarietyȱofȱsocial,ȱeconomic, andȱ evenȱ politicalȱ concernsȱ becauseȱ theȱ oneȱ areaȱ cannotȱ beȱ viewedȱ without keepingȱ theȱ otherȱ inȱ mind.ȱ Forȱ instance,ȱ heȱ criticizedȱ especiallyȱ usurersȱ and hereticsȱasȱtheȱmostȱrecalcitrantȱopponentsȱofȱtrueȱpeace,ȱwhileȱtrueȱloveȱforȱGod wouldȱallowȱeveryoneȱtoȱovercomeȱtheȱhurdleȱtoȱpeace.ȱBertholdȱoperatedȱboth asȱaȱpreacherȱandȱaȱpsychologist,ȱasȱaȱsocialȱcriticȱandȱasȱanȱethicalȱcounselor, reachingȱoutȱtoȱhisȱaudienceȱappealingȱtoȱthemȱwithȱaȱhostȱofȱstrategiesȱthatȱmust haveȱ beenȱ remarkablyȱ attractive.ȱ Asȱ weȱ canȱ easilyȱ recognize,ȱ thisȱ preacher addressedȱnotȱonlyȱpeace,ȱbutȱalsoȱbasicȱsocioȬeconomicȱconditionsȱdetermining everydayȱlife.ȱInȱorderȱtoȱreachȱaȱpeacefulȱstage,ȱasȱBertholdȱemphasizedȱinȱother sermons,ȱsocialȱinjustice,ȱcrime,ȱandȱviolenceȱhadȱtoȱbeȱovercomeȱfirst,ȱandȱtrue loveȱforȱGodȱhadȱtoȱbeȱimplantedȱinȱeveryȱhumanȱheart.ȱ OnȱtheȱoneȱhandȱBertholdȱaddressedȱmostȱmundaneȱandȱsimpleȱaspects,ȱasȱthey determinedȱpeople’sȱordinaryȱlives,ȱandȱonȱtheȱotherȱheȱalsoȱappealedȱtoȱtheȱlords andȱ princesȱ toȱ doȱ theirȱ part,ȱ toȱ exerciseȱ justice,ȱ andȱ toȱ provideȱ aȱ peaceful frameworkȱ forȱ keepingȱ allȱ theirȱ subjectsȱ freeȱ ofȱ warȱ andȱ violence.ȱ Ultimately, however,ȱasȱClassenȱconcludes,ȱforȱBertholdȱtrueȱpeaceȱcouldȱonlyȱbeȱestablished ifȱ bodyȱ andȱ soulȱ workedȱ togetherȱ toȱ achieveȱ thatȱ goal.ȱ Inȱ otherȱ words,ȱ his discourseȱonȱpeaceȱwasȱpredicatedȱonȱaȱwideȱvarietyȱofȱsocial,ȱethical,ȱmoral,ȱand religiousȱconcerns. GlennȱKumheraȱtakesȱusȱsubsequentlyȱtoȱSienaȱandȱtoȱaȱseeminglyȱsimpleȱcaseȱof peaceȱ makingȱ involvingȱ threeȱ menȱ whoȱ hadȱ hadȱ aȱ violentȱ altercation,ȱ then, however,ȱenteredȱintoȱaȱpeaceȱcontract,ȱandȱconcludedȱthatȱwithȱtheȱhelpȱofȱthe cityȱ authority.ȱ Althoughȱ hereȱ weȱ dealȱ withȱ aȱ virtuallyȱ privateȱ formȱ ofȱ peaceȬ making,ȱtheȱagreementȱstillȱrequiredȱcivicȱauthorizationȱandȱthusȱrecognizedȱthe legalȱpowerȱexertedȱbyȱtheȱcity.ȱIntriguingly,ȱSienaȱgrantedȱitsȱcitizensȱtheȱrightȱto settleȱtheirȱownȱconflicts,ȱifȱtheyȱwereȱofȱnoȱgreaterȱsignificanceȱforȱtheȱcommune atȱlarge,ȱonȱtheirȱown,ȱwhichȱthenȱavoidedȱforȱthemȱtheȱpaymentȱofȱhugeȱfines. Kumheraȱtraces,ȱasȱmuchȱasȱthisȱisȱpossibleȱinȱthisȱhighlyȱcomplexȱfieldȱofȱurban legalȱhistory,ȱtheȱdevelopmentȱofȱpeaceȱarrangementsȱinȱSienaȱduringȱtheȱlater

Introduction

59

MiddleȱAgesȱwhichȱseemȱtoȱhaveȱhelpedȱtheȱurbanȱcommunityȱtoȱmaintainȱsocial justiceȱandȱpeaceȱinȱaȱratherȱflexibleȱmanner.ȱ Ifȱ thoseȱ involvedȱ inȱ violentȱ actsȱ againstȱ otherȱ membersȱ ofȱ theȱ community establishedȱanȱacceptableȱpeaceȱwithinȱaȱshortȱperiodȱofȱtime,ȱtheyȱmightȱnotȱeven faceȱaȱpenalty.ȱSpecificsȱvaried,ȱofȱcourse,ȱfromȱcityȱtoȱcity,ȱbutȱoverallȱinȱNorthern Italyȱtheȱcommonȱpracticeȱofȱallowingȱindividualȱpeacefulȱsettlements,ȱultimately onlyȱbyȱmeansȱofȱnotarizedȱcontractsȱforȱtheȱmostȱpart,ȱbecameȱwideȬspreadȱand avoidedȱ aȱ hugeȱ legalȱ bureaucracyȱ everywhere.ȱ Inȱ Siena,ȱ Kumhera’sȱ focusȱ of investigation,ȱtheȱchargesȱofȱviolatingȱpeaceȱagreementsȱwereȱtheȱmostȱlenient,ȱbut alsoȱ theȱ harshestȱ inȱ specificȱ cases,ȱ ifȱ theȱ previousȱ promiseȱ toȱ holdȱ peaceȱ was brokenȱ again.ȱ Inȱ otherȱ words,ȱ Sienaȱ madeȱ itȱ extremelyȱ easyȱ forȱ itsȱ citizensȱ to establishȱpeaceȱafterȱanȱinfraction,ȱbutȱthreatenedȱthemȱwithȱharshȱconsequences inȱaȱrepeatȱcase.ȱThisȱincentiveȱprogramȱobviouslyȱworkedȱwell,ȱasȱtheȱfourteenthȬ centuryȱevidenceȱindicates.ȱ Itȱremainsȱaȱdifficultȱtaskȱtoȱdetermineȱwhetherȱtheȱurbanȱpolicyȱofȱpermitting privateȱ peaceȱ agreementsȱ workedȱ outȱ byȱ notariesȱ andȱ approvedȱ byȱ theȱ city authoritiesȱresultedȱinȱaȱmoreȱpeacefulȱlife,ȱorȱwhetherȱweȱmightȱhaveȱtoȱreadȱthe manyȱpeaceȱagreementsȱasȱanȱindicatorȱofȱhowȱmuchȱstrifeȱandȱconflictsȱcontinued toȱrageȱbutȱwereȱnotȱbroughtȱtoȱfullȱjusticeȱbecauseȱofȱtheȱprivateȱarrangements avoidingȱtheȱseriousȱinvolvementȱofȱtheȱsindicus.ȱFinesȱincreasedȱheftilyȱafterȱthe BlackȱDeath,ȱbutȱthisȱcanȱbeȱexplainedȱwithȱtheȱcity’sȱnewȱneedȱofȱpublicȱfunds. HoweverȱweȱmightȱviewȱtheȱdocumentsȱpresentedȱbyȱKumhera,ȱoneȱpointȱstands outȱmostȱdramatically.ȱSiena,ȱalongȱwithȱotherȱnorthernȱItalianȱcities,ȱsuccessfully pursuedȱaȱflexibleȱandȱmoderateȱpolicyȱinȱhandlingȱviolenceȱandȱcrimeȱsoȱlongȱas thoseȱ involvedȱ agreedȱ toȱ formalȱ peaceȱ agreements.ȱ Theȱ conditionsȱ changed slightlyȱoverȱtime,ȱandȱtheȱamountȱofȱfinesȱgrewȱconsiderably,ȱbutȱthisȱdidȱnot endangerȱtheȱinstitutionȱitselfȱbecauseȱitȱworkedȱsoȱwellȱforȱeveryoneȱwhoȱcould profitȱfromȱit. Weȱreturnȱtoȱtheȱissueȱofȱ‘JustȱWar’ȱinȱYuriȱFuwa’sȱarticleȱonȱtheȱAlliterativeȱMorte Arthureȱ (lateȱ fourteenthȱ century),ȱ whereȱ manyȱ bloodyȱ battleȱ scenesȱ marȱ the traditionallyȱidyllicȱimpressionȱofȱtheȱworldȱofȱKingȱArthur.ȱTheȱissueȱatȱfirst, however,ȱconsistsȱofȱtheȱquestionȱwhetherȱArthurȱholdsȱhisȱkingdomȱrightfully, orȱwhetherȱheȱoughtȱtoȱpayȱtributeȱtoȱtheȱRomans.ȱThisȱquestionȱopensȱaȱPandora’s Boxȱ asȱ toȱ theȱ legalityȱ ofȱ anyȱ kingdomȱ andȱ asȱ toȱ theȱ topicȱ ofȱ aȱ justifiedȱ war,ȱ a legitimacyȱ whichȱ theȱ Romansȱ claimȱ toȱ haveȱ onȱ theirȱ side.ȱ Inȱ theȱ narrativeȱ we encounterȱnumerousȱpositionsȱasȱtoȱtheȱreasonȱforȱfightingȱtheȱRomansȱandȱwhat itȱmightȱdoȱtoȱtheȱBritonsȱunderȱArthur’sȱrule,ȱnotȱallȱofȱwhichȱpertainȱtoȱtheȱ‘Just War.’ȱNeitherȱsideȱcanȱfullyȱlegitimateȱitsȱclaims,ȱirrespectiveȱofȱtheirȱreferences toȱpastȱevents,ȱancestries,ȱorȱinjuriesȱcommitted.ȱArthurȱhimself,ȱasȱnowȱbecomes clear,ȱseemsȱtoȱhaveȱcommittedȱnumerousȱwarȱcrimes,ȱorȱatȱleastȱmustȱhaveȱraged

60

AlbrechtȱClassen

throughȱenemyȱterritory,ȱrobbingȱandȱkillingȱhundredsȱofȱhisȱadversariesȱduring hisȱwarȱagainstȱtheȱRomans.ȱFuwaȱoffersȱinterestingȱreferencesȱtoȱcontemporary warȱstrategiesȱduringȱtheȱHundredȱYears’ȱWar,ȱinȱwhichȱtheȱmilitaryȱcampaigns especiallyȱbyȱtheȱEnglishȱmustȱhaveȱwroughtȱhavocȱamongȱtheȱcivilȱpopulationȱin France.ȱItȱmightȱwellȱbeȱthatȱtheȱauthorȱintendedȱaȱsubtleȱcritiqueȱbothȱofȱArthur andȱhenceȱofȱtheȱactualȱsituationȱonȱtheȱbattlefieldsȱwithȱscoresȱofȱinnocentȱvictims slainȱonȱanȱalmostȱdailyȱbasis.ȱ AtȱtheȱsameȱtimeȱtheȱtextȱrefersȱtoȱmanyȱrelicsȱwhichȱArthurȱcouldȱgainȱduring someȱ ofȱ hisȱ militaryȱ campaigns,ȱ andȱ whichȱ thusȱ seemȱ toȱ beȱ moreȱ justifiedȱ for religiousȱreasons.ȱNevertheless,ȱtheȱsavageryȱofȱwarfareȱisȱnotȱhiddenȱbehindȱthose elementsȱofȱpiety;ȱinsteadȱitȱcastsȱratherȱnegativeȱlightȱonȱtheȱprotagonistsȱwho suddenlyȱ emergeȱ asȱ responsibleȱ forȱ terribleȱ slaughter,ȱ whichȱ couldȱ alsoȱ affect Arthur’sȱ ownȱ knightsȱ succumbingȱ toȱ theirȱ deathsȱ asȱ aȱ resultȱ ofȱ theirȱ lord’s bellicoseȱpolitics.ȱContemporaryȱtextsȱconfirmȱthisȱimpression,ȱemphasizingȱthe brutalityȱofȱknightlyȱwarfare,ȱthatȱis,ȱcriticizingȱtheȱentireȱmilitaryȱapproachȱas unjust,ȱinhumane,ȱandȱdetestableȱoverall.ȱ FuwaȱalsoȱpointsȱoutȱtheȱdisturbingȱdevelopmentȱinȱChurchȱhistoryȱduringȱthe lateȱfourteenthȱcenturyȱwhenȱsuddenlyȱtheȱconceptȱofȱCrusadeȱwasȱutilizedȱbyȱthe variousȱpopesȱtoȱrallyȱtroopsȱagainstȱtheirȱenemiesȱinȱNorthernȱItaly,ȱforȱinstance, whichȱledȱtoȱaȱbrutalizationȱofȱwarfareȱatȱlargeȱinȱEurope.ȱWeȱcanȱevenȱspeakȱof anȱepidemicȱofȱHolyȱWarsȱduringȱthatȱtimeȱasȱcausedȱbyȱtheȱdevastatingȱSchism, allȱ ofȱ whichȱ appearsȱ toȱ standȱ inȱ theȱ backgroundȱ ofȱ lateȬmedievalȱ Arthurian romances,ȱsuchȱasȱtheȱMorteȱArthure.ȱThisȱwouldȱexplain,ȱasȱFuwaȱemphasizes,ȱthe explicitȱreferenceȱtoȱtheȱWheelȱofȱFortuneȱandȱtheȱthemeȱofȱtheȱNineȱWorthies, uniquelyȱcombinedȱinȱthisȱtext.ȱHereȱtheseȱWorthiesȱimplyȱthatȱKingȱArthurȱwages anȱunjustȱwarȱandȱspillsȱtheȱbloodȱofȱinnocentȱvictims,ȱraisingȱtheȱspecterȱofȱsevere criticismȱagainstȱtheȱviolenceȱandȱbrutalityȱofȱunprovokedȱandȱillegitimateȱwars, althoughȱatȱtheȱendȱArthurȱrepentsȱofȱhisȱcivilȱwarȱagainstȱMordredȱandȱtriesȱto makeȱ amends—tooȱ late,ȱ however,ȱ becauseȱ hisȱ knightsȱ areȱ alreadyȱ dead.94 Moreover,ȱtheȱnarratorȱclearlyȱpointsȱoutȱhowȱdevastatingȱArthur’sȱwarȱonȱthe continentȱturnedȱout,ȱaddingȱevenȱfurtherȱcriticismȱagainstȱthisȱerstwhileȱidealized king.ȱ FuwaȱconcludesȱthatȱtheȱMorteȱArthureȱhenceȱsignalsȱtheȱendȱnotȱonlyȱofȱthis literaryȱ protagonist,ȱ butȱ ofȱ theȱ entireȱ epochȱ characterizedȱ byȱ Arthurȱ andȱ his traditionalȱchivalricȱethosȱandȱpublicȱhonor.ȱWeȱwouldȱthenȱhaveȱtoȱreadȱtheȱtext asȱrepresentativeȱofȱbroaderȱoppositionȱagainstȱtheȱexplosionȱofȱsenselessȱwarfare inȱ historicalȱ realityȱ inȱ whichȱ moreȱ andȱ moreȱ scoresȱ ofȱ victims—knights,ȱ then

94

ThisȱremindsȱusȱonceȱagainȱofȱtheȱcuriousȱandȱominousȱpoemȱDiuȱKlage,ȱorȱLamentȱ(seeȱabove), whereȱ theȱ poetȱ expressesȱ severeȱ criticismȱ ofȱ theȱ entireȱ notionȱ ofȱ revengeȱ andȱ itsȱ subsequent massiveȱslaughter.ȱ

Introduction

61

mercenaries,ȱandȱfinallyȱalsoȱtheȱcivilianȱpopulation—wereȱtoȱbeȱlamented.ȱPeace andȱ warȱ thusȱ becameȱ essentialȱ issuesȱ bothȱ inȱ theȱ literaryȱ discourseȱ andȱ in historiographyȱbecauseȱofȱeverȱmoreȱdrasticȱconsequences.ȱ Inȱ Carolynȱ P.ȱ Collette’sȱ contributionȱ weȱ becomeȱ acquaintedȱ withȱ Philippeȱ de Mézièresȱ(1327–1405),ȱaȱpapalȱlegate,ȱadvisorȱtoȱKingȱCharlesȱVȱofȱFrance,ȱtutorȱfor hisȱson,ȱandȱaȱsignificantȱwriterȱofȱreligiousȱtreatises.ȱHeȱdeservesȱourȱfullȱattention becauseȱheȱstruggledȱhardȱtoȱestablishȱpeaceȱbetweenȱEnglandȱandȱFranceȱduring theȱHundredȱYears’ȱWarȱandȱtoȱreorientȱtheȱmilitaryȱenergiesȱofȱbothȱcountries towardȱ aȱ newȱ Crusadeȱ toȱ liberateȱ theȱ Holyȱ Land.ȱ Forȱ him,ȱ asȱ forȱ many contemporaries,ȱsuchȱaȱprojectȱwouldȱhaveȱprovidedȱtheȱappropriateȱapproachȱto channelȱmanyȱofȱtheȱviciousȱenergiesȱwithinȱEuropeȱtoȱtheȱoutsideȱandȱtoȱprovide someȱofȱtheȱperpetratorsȱwithȱtheȱrightȱgoal,ȱwhichȱthusȱwouldȱovercomeȱmostȱof theȱshortcomingsȱwithinȱEuropeanȱsociety—certainlyȱaȱcommonȱideaȱwhichȱalso hadȱinfluencedȱtheȱpreachingsȱofȱtheȱCrusadesȱsinceȱtheȱlateȱeleventhȱcentury.ȱ Inȱaȱway,ȱdeȱMézièresȱwasȱaȱutopianȱthinkerȱwithȱstronglyȱreligiousȱideals,ȱbut inȱaȱconcreteȱsenseȱhisȱprojectȱonlyȱaimedȱatȱendingȱmilitaryȱconflictsȱinȱEngland orȱFrance,ȱandȱelsewhere,ȱinȱorderȱtoȱcollectȱallȱEuropeanȱenergiesȱagainstȱthe religiousȱ archȬenemy,ȱ Islam.ȱ Byȱ theȱ sameȱ token,ȱ Philippeȱ expressedȱ strongly religiousȱsentiments,ȱreveringȱtheȱVirginȱMary,ȱaboveȱall,ȱandȱthisȱinȱtheȱnameȱof theȱhopedȬforȱCrusade.ȱInȱhisȱwritings—mostlyȱadvocatingȱthisȱuniversalȱpeace planȱwithȱtheȱgoalȱofȱrecoveringȱtheȱkingdomȱofȱheavenȱhereȱonȱearth—theȱauthor demonstratedȱaȱstrongȱknackȱforȱdramaticȱperformances,ȱasȱreflectedȱinȱatȱleast oneȱplayȱcreatedȱbyȱhim,ȱTheȱPresentationȱofȱtheȱVirginȱinȱtheȱTemple.ȱMoreȱpowerful, however,ȱ provedȱ toȱ beȱ hisȱ Orderȱ ofȱ theȱ Passion,ȱ inȱ whichȱ heȱ pursuedȱ strongly religiousȱ andȱ politicalȱ goals,ȱ appealingȱ toȱ hisȱ contemporariesȱ toȱ takeȱ upȱ arms againstȱtheȱsoleȱandȱtrueȱenemy,ȱtheȱMuslims.ȱ TheȱChristians’ȱfaultȱrestsȱinȱtheirȱsinfulȱbehaviorȱdeterminedȱbyȱpride,ȱavarice, andȱdesireȱforȱluxury,ȱanȱargumentȱwhichȱweȱwillȱhearȱofȱlaterȱbothȱinȱtheȱsong poetryȱ byȱ Michelȱ Beheimȱ (Williamȱ C.ȱ McDonald)ȱ andȱ Hansȱ Sachsȱ (Albrecht Classen).ȱ Ifȱ knighthoodȱ wereȱ toȱ returnȱ toȱ itsȱ originalȱ purpose,ȱ toȱ defendȱ the Christianȱfaith,ȱitȱwouldȱalsoȱrememberȱtoȱtakeȱupȱarmsȱforȱtheȱliberationȱofȱthe Holyȱ Land.ȱ Althoughȱ theȱ heydayȱ ofȱ theȱ Crusadesȱ wasȱ longȱ gone,ȱ Philippe resumedȱtheȱtraditionalȱrhetoricȱwithȱitsȱstronglyȱreligiousȱundertones,ȱembracing theȱidealȱofȱpeaceȱforȱallȱChristiansȱandȱadvocating,ȱatȱtheȱsameȱtime,ȱwarȱagainst theȱ infidels,ȱ theȱ Muslims.ȱ Inȱ theȱ processȱ ofȱ composingȱ thisȱ militaryȬreligious treatise,ȱPhilippeȱalsoȱbeganȱtoȱsubscribeȱtoȱtheȱconceptȱofȱaȱutopia,ȱasȱCollette emphasizesȱinȱherȱdetailedȱanalysis.ȱAlmostȱironically,ȱtheȱroleȱofȱwomenȱinȱthat contextȱwasȱtoȱmarryȱtheȱdevoutȱknights,ȱtoȱprocreateȱwithȱthem,ȱthusȱhelping themȱ asȱ theirȱ wivesȱ toȱ keepȱ theirȱ spiritualityȱ cleanȱ byȱ avoidingȱ sexual transgressions.

62

AlbrechtȱClassen

Philippe’sȱhypocrisyȱcouldȱnotȱbeȱmoreȱblatant,ȱbutȱitȱwasȱcertainlyȱreplicated inȱ futureȱ centuries,ȱ especiallyȱ whenȱ Europeanȱ conquerorsȱ colonizedȱ theȱ New Worldȱandȱapproachedȱtheirȱtaskȱwithȱtheȱhelpȱofȱtheȱsameȱrhetoricȱasȱweȱcanȱfind itȱinȱPhilippe’sȱOrdre.ȱAsȱmuchȱasȱtheȱauthorȱadvocatedȱinternalȱpeace,ȱitȱwas,ȱas Colletteȱcanȱnowȱconfirm,ȱaȱspecific,ȱthoughȱultimatelyȱnotȱsuccessfulȱstrategyȱto strengthenȱtheȱEuropeanȱheartlandsȱandȱtoȱreadyȱthemȱforȱaȱglobalȱattackȱagainst anyȱandȱallȱheathenȱpopulations.95ȱ TheȱtimesȱduringȱtheȱHundredȱYears’ȱWarȱwereȱbadȱforȱallȱpeopleȱinvolvedȱinȱit directlyȱandȱindirectly.ȱTheȱcivilianȱpopulationȱsufferedȱterribly,ȱespeciallyȱbecause thereȱwasȱseeminglyȱnoȱendȱinȱsight.ȱWhileȱPhilippeȱdeȱMézièresȱtriedȱtoȱappeal toȱtheȱmonarchiesȱtoȱredirectȱtheirȱenergiesȱtoȱtheȱreligiousȱenemiesȱoutsideȱof Europe,ȱhisȱcontemporaryȱChristineȱdeȱPizanȱ(1364/65–ca.ȱ1430)ȱsetȱherȱpenȱtoȱthe taskȱofȱexaminingȱwarȱandȱpeaceȱcriticallyȱandȱtoȱteachȱherȱaudienceȱaboutȱthe intrinsicallyȱevilȱnatureȱofȱwar,ȱasȱAngusȱJ.ȱKennedyȱdiscussesȱinȱhisȱcontribution toȱthisȱvolume.96ȱTheȱSchismȱitselfȱfurtherȱfueledȱtheȱmilitaryȱconflictsȱbecauseȱthe competingȱpopesȱtriedȱtoȱsolicitȱsupportȱfromȱbothȱsidesȱinȱthatȱwarȱofȱaȱcentury andȱattemptedȱtoȱexploitȱideologicalȱtensionsȱamongȱtheȱvariousȱsocialȱgroupsȱ(see theȱCabochienȱuprising).ȱChristineȱregularlyȱrespondedȱtoȱtheȱwoesȱdominantȱatȱher time,ȱbothȱinȱherȱproseȱworksȱandȱinȱherȱlyricȱpoetry.ȱSheȱwasȱ certainlyȱnotȱa pacifist,ȱbutȱsheȱaddressedȱnumerousȱtimesȱquestionsȱpertainingȱtoȱJustȱWarȱand theȱvagariesȱofȱhumanȱdestiny.ȱ AsȱKennedyȱcomments,ȱChristineȱcommonlyȱsubordinatedȱherȱdiscussionȱofȱwar toȱbroaderȱissues,ȱsuchȱasȱethics,ȱfortune,ȱmorality,ȱandȱpolitics.ȱInȱsomeȱtextsȱshe respondedȱtoȱtheȱspecificȱneedȱforȱmilitaryȱinstructionsȱregardingȱproperȱtactics andȱstrategies,ȱinȱothersȱsheȱreflectedȱuponȱwomen’sȱsorrowfulȱlivesȱonceȱthey haveȱ lostȱ theirȱ husbandsȱ inȱ war.ȱ Inȱ herȱ Epistreȱ aȱ laȱ reine,ȱ forȱ instance,ȱ which Kennedyȱanalyzesȱthoroughlyȱregardingȱitsȱreceptionȱhistoryȱandȱitsȱstylisticȱand rhetoricalȱfeatures,ȱChristineȱdiscussesȱtheȱroleȱofȱaȱqueenȱasȱmotherȱofȱherȱpeople, bothȱinȱwarȱandȱinȱpeaceȬtime.ȱSheȱemphasizes,ȱasȱisȱoftenȱtheȱcaseȱinȱherȱworks, theȱ extremeȱ importanceȱ ofȱ properȱ conductȱ inȱ publicȱ life,ȱ especiallyȱ forȱ public figuresȱsuchȱasȱtheȱqueen,ȱbecause,ȱasȱKennedyȱhighlights,ȱforȱherȱtheȱdifference betweenȱearthlyȱandȱheavenlyȱgloryȱwasȱminimal.ȱ Sheddingȱ tearsȱ servesȱ Christineȱ asȱ anȱ importantȱ toolȱ inȱ reachingȱ outȱ toȱ her audienceȱandȱtoȱremindȱthemȱofȱtheȱmiseryȱaffectingȱallȱofȱFrance.ȱCryingȱthus emergesȱasȱaȱpublicȱperformanceȱdirectedȱagainstȱtheȱnegativeȱconsequencesȱofȱthe war.ȱ Theȱ writerȱ resortsȱ toȱ herȱ tearsȱ asȱ instrumentsȱ toȱ explainȱ herȱ roleȱ asȱ a

95

96

Forȱinterestingȱparallelsȱtoȱthisȱlineȱofȱargument,ȱseeȱtheȱcontributionȱtoȱthisȱvolumeȱbyȱScottȱL. Taylor. SeeȱalsoȱmyȱextensiveȱdiscussionȱofȱChristine’sȱLivreȱdeȱlaȱpaixȱinȱthisȱIntroductionȱabove.

Introduction

63

spokespersonȱforȱallȱcitizensȱofȱFrance,ȱandȱtoȱlegitimizeȱherȱprotestȱagainstȱthe war.ȱ Toȱ heightenȱ herȱ rhetoricalȱ strategy,ȱ Christineȱ alsoȱ resortsȱ toȱ emotionally chargedȱ terms,ȱ dramaticȱ imagesȱ ofȱ theȱ devastationsȱ andȱ destructionsȱ brought aboutȱbyȱtheȱimpendingȱcivilȱwarȱinȱFrance,ȱandȱtoȱtheȱstrategyȱofȱblendingȱlogic withȱemotionsȱtoȱunderscoreȱtheȱcatastropheȱforȱtheȱentireȱcountry.97ȱ Forȱher,ȱasȱKennedyȱspecifies,ȱtheȱbodyȱpoliticȱwasȱsufferingȱbadlyȱandȱhadȱlost muchȱofȱitsȱcohesionȱasȱaȱconsequenceȱofȱtheȱallȬpervasiveȱmilitaryȱconflicts.ȱMost egregiously,ȱtheȱpresentȱFrenchȱKingȱCharlesȱVIȱsufferedȱfromȱinsanity,ȱandȱfor thatȱ reasonȱ Christineȱ turnedȱ toȱ theȱ Queenȱ Isabeauȱ ofȱ Bavariaȱ (ca.ȱ 1370–1435) instead,ȱwarningȱherȱinȱmoreȱorȱlessȱexplicitȱlanguageȱofȱtheȱimpendingȱsinfulness ifȱsheȱwereȱnotȱtoȱacceptȱherȱresponsibilityȱasȱmotherȱofȱherȱkingdomȱtoȱtakeȱcare ofȱvastȱsuffering.ȱToȱachieveȱtheȱdesiredȱeffect,ȱtheȱauthorȱresortsȱbothȱtoȱtheȱBible andȱ toȱ herȱ ownȱ knowledgeȱ ofȱ history,ȱ warningȱ herȱ addresseeȱ ofȱ theȱ serious dangersȱforȱFranceȱandȱitsȱpeopleȱresultingȱfromȱcontinuingȱcivilȱwarȱandȱtheȱwar againstȱEngland.98ȱ Contraryȱ toȱ previousȱ scholars,ȱ Kennedyȱ affirmsȱ howȱ muchȱ Isabeauȱ actually wieldedȱconsiderableȱpoliticalȱcloutȱandȱwasȱhenceȱnotȱanȱinappropriateȱtargetȱfor Christine’sȱattemptsȱtoȱbringȱaboutȱliteraryȱmediation,ȱhopingȱthatȱsheȱcouldȱrouse theȱ queenȱ intoȱ actionȱ toȱ workȱ towardȱ peaceȱ inȱ herȱ ownȱ country.ȱ Asȱ Kennedy concludes,ȱwhileȱitȱseemsȱmostȱlikelyȱthatȱtheȱpoetȱcomposedȱtheȱletterȱonȱbehalf ofȱaȱmajorȱpoliticalȱfigure,ȱitȱappearsȱtoȱhaveȱhadȱaȱgoodȱeffectȱonȱtheȱqueenȱwho wasȱalreadyȱleaningȱtowardȱaȱnewȱstrategyȱtoȱbanȱfurtherȱfightingȱinȱFrance.ȱ Inȱtheȱfinalȱanalysis,ȱKennedyȱadducesȱsufficientȱevidenceȱtoȱsupportȱhisȱclaim thatȱ Christineȱ explicitlyȱ andȱ deliberatelyȱ reflectedȱ onȱ herȱ roleȱ asȱ aȱ woman addressingȱtheȱqueen,ȱresortingȱtoȱspecificallyȱfeminineȱconcernsȱandȱqualitiesȱin defenseȱofȱpeace.99ȱInȱthisȱregardȱsheȱcanȱbeȱidentifiedȱasȱaȱmajor,ȱifȱnotȱtheȱmost importantȱ forerunnerȱ ofȱ theȱ internationalȱ women’sȱ peaceȱ movementȱ sinceȱ the

97

98

99

NadiaȱMargolis,ȱ“ChristineȱdeȱPizan’sȱLifeȱinȱLament:ȱLove,ȱDeath,ȱandȱPolitics,”ȱLamentsȱforȱthe LostȱinȱMedievalȱLiterature,ȱed.ȱJaneȱTolmieȱandȱM.ȱJ.ȱToswell.ȱMedievalȱTextsȱandȱCulturesȱof NorthernȱEurope,ȱ19ȱ(Turnhout:ȱBrepols,ȱ2010),ȱ265–81.ȱ TracyȱAdams,ȱ“MedievalȱMothersȱandȱTheirȱChildren:ȱTheȱCaseȱofȱIsabeauȱofȱBavaria,”ȱChildhood inȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱtheȱRenaissance:ȱTheȱResultȱofȱaȱParadigmȱShiftȱinȱtheȱHistoryȱofȱMentality,ȱed. Albrechtȱ Classenȱ (Berlinȱ andȱ Newȱ York:ȱ Walterȱ deȱ Gruyter,ȱ 2005),ȱ 265–89;ȱ ead.,ȱ Theȱ Lifeȱ and AfterlifeȱofȱIsabeauȱofȱBavaria.ȱRethinkingȱTheoryȱ(Baltimore:ȱJohnsȱHopkinsȱUniversityȱPress:ȱ2010). Seeȱ alsoȱ myȱ discussionȱ ofȱ Christineȱ deȱ Pizan’sȱ Theȱ Bookȱ ofȱ Peace.ȱ Thereȱ isȱ aȱ hugeȱ bodyȱ of scholarshipȱonȱwomenȱandȱpeaceȱsinceȱtheȱnineteenthȱcentury,ȱsee,ȱforȱinstance,ȱJanetȱM.ȱPowers, “HistoryȱofȱWomen’sȱPeaceȱMovement,”ȱTheȱOxfordȱInternationalȱEncyclopediaȱofȱPeace,ȱed.ȱYoung Nigel.ȱ Vol.ȱ 4:ȱ Safeȱ Spaceȱ Ȭȱ Zonesȱ ofȱ Peace,ȱ Appendixes,ȱ Topicalȱ Outlineȱ ofȱ Entries,ȱ Directoryȱ of Contributors,ȱIndexȱ(OxfordȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2010),ȱS.ȱ420–23;ȱAngelikaȱU. ReutterȱandȱAnneȱRüffer,ȱPeaceȱWomen,ȱtrans.ȱfromȱtheȱGermanȱoriginalȱbyȱSaloméȱHangartner (2004;ȱZurich:ȱRüffer+Rub,ȱ2004).

64

AlbrechtȱClassen

nineteenthȱ century,ȱ underȱ theȱ leadershipȱ ofȱ theȱ Germanȱ Berthaȱ vonȱ Suttner (1843–1914)ȱandȱothers.100 IncreasinglyȱlateȬmedievalȱpoetsȱtookȱonȱhighlyȱcriticalȱviewpointsȱregardingȱwar andȱ decriedȱ allȱ militaryȱ effortsȱ asȱ sinfulȱ andȱ deplorable.ȱ Thisȱ findsȱ powerful expressionȱinȱMichelȱBeheim’sȱsongȬpoemȱforȱhisȱBuchlinȱvonȱdenȱsibenȱtatȱsunden (“LittleȱBookȱonȱtheȱSevenȱDeadlyȱSins”),ȱwhichȱWilliamȱC.ȱMcDonaldȱinvestigates inȱ hisȱ contribution.ȱ Althoughȱ Beheim,ȱ whoȱ mostlyȱ servedȱ atȱ theȱ courtȱ ofȱ the HapsburgianȱEmperorȱFrederickȱIII,ȱhasȱnotȱfoundȱmanyȱenthusiastsȱoutsideȱthe confinesȱ ofȱ medievalȱ Germanȱ Studies,ȱ hisȱ poeticȱ œuvreȱ deservesȱ attentionȱ for manyȱ differentȱ reasons,ȱ oneȱ ofȱ themȱ beingȱ hisȱ criticismȱ ofȱ war.ȱ Asȱ McDonald illustrates,ȱBeheimȱexaminedȱ psychologicalȱconditionsȱinȱman—suchȱasȱanger, pride,ȱandȱotherȱdeadlyȱsins—asȱtheȱpreconditionȱleadingȱtoȱmilitaryȱaggression. However,ȱheȱalsoȱdistinguishedȱcarefully,ȱidentifyingȱvariousȱtypesȱofȱanger,ȱsuch asȱ God’sȱ anger,ȱ whichȱ was,ȱ ofȱ courseȱ justifiedȱ inȱ lightȱ ofȱ man’sȱ behavior.ȱ The latter’sȱ sinfulȱ wrath,ȱ byȱ contrast,ȱ isȱ regardedȱ asȱ aȱ majorȱ contributingȱ factorȱ to unjustifiedȱviolence,ȱanȱinterpretationȱthatȱwasȱsoundlyȱanchoredȱinȱbiblicalȱtexts. Angerȱ makesȱ peopleȱ blind,ȱ andȱ itsȱ outcomeȱ isȱ devastatingȱ war,ȱ whichȱ hence emergesȱasȱaȱmostȱcondemnableȱsin.ȱTheȱonlyȱtrueȱoppositeȱtoȱtheȱangryȱman wouldȱbeȱtheȱtranquil,ȱserene,ȱandȱdevoutȱmonk,ȱasȱdescribedȱmuchȱearlierȱby SaintȱJohnȱCassianȱ(ca.ȱ360–ȱ435)ȱinȱhisȱDeȱspirituȱirae.ȱWrath,ȱinȱreality,ȱisȱtheȱtool whichȱtheȱdevilȱemploysȱtoȱmisleadȱmanȱintoȱaȱdownwardȱspiralȱofȱviolenceȱand war.ȱForȱBeheim,ȱpeople’sȱtrueȱfocusȱoughtȱtoȱrestȱonȱtheȱeffortȱtoȱtransformȱangry individualsȱandȱhealȱthemȱfromȱtheirȱinternalȱfury.ȱThisȱthenȱwouldȱallowȱpeople toȱbeatȱproverbialȱswordsȱintoȱplowshares—aȱbiblicalȱstatementȱ(Isaiahȱ2:14)ȱwhich wasȱsuccessfullyȱemployedȱthroughoutȱtime,ȱandȱmostȱrecentlyȱbyȱtheȱpeaceful protestȱmovementȱinȱEastȱGermanyȱbeforeȱtheȱfallȱofȱtheȱBerlinȱWallȱinȱ1989.101ȱ InȱhisȱsongȬpoemȱ“Vonȱchriegen”ȱBeheimȱdevelopsȱsomeȱofȱtheȱstrongestȱliterary expressionsȱdirectedȱagainstȱtheȱevilsȱofȱwar.ȱItȱisȱaȱtrueȱantiȬwarȱsongȱandȱcould easilyȱ beȱ placedȱ nextȱ toȱ anyȱ ofȱ theȱ majorȱ parallelȱ songsȱ fromȱ theȱ twentiethȱ or twentyȬfirstȱcentury.102ȱTheȱpoetȱclearlyȱperceivesȱtheȱnewȱkindȱofȱsufferingȱonȱthe

100

101

102

JudithȱStiehm,ȱChampionsȱforȱPeace:ȱWomenȱWinnersȱofȱtheȱNobelȱPeaceȱPrizeȱ(Lanham,ȱMD:ȱRowman &ȱ Littlefield,ȱ 2006);ȱ Sandraȱ Hedinger,ȱ Frauenȱ überȱ Kriegȱ undȱ Frieden:ȱ Berthaȱ vonȱ Suttner,ȱ Rosa Luxemburg,ȱHannahȱArendt,ȱBettyȱReardon,ȱJudithȱAnnȱTickner,ȱJeanȱBethkeȱElshtain.ȱReiheȱ“Politik derȱGeschlechterverhältnisse”,ȱ14ȱ(Frankfurtȱa.ȱM.ȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱCampusȱVerlag,ȱ2000);ȱfor BerthaȱvonȱSuttner,ȱseeȱalsoȱhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bertha_von_Suttnerȱ(lastȱaccessedȱon Aprilȱ12,ȱ2011). WarrenȱSnodgrass,ȱSwordsȱtoȱPlowshares:ȱTheȱFallȱofȱCommunistȱGermanyȱ(Huntington,ȱNY:ȱNova Scienceȱ Publishers,ȱ 2000);ȱ Rainerȱ Eckertȱ andȱ Korneliaȱ Lobmeier,ȱ Schwerterȱ zuȱ Pflugscharen, Geschichteȱ einesȱ Symbols,ȱ ed.ȱ Susanneȱ Rebscher.ȱ Zeitgeschichte(n);ȱ Geschichteȱ erlebenȱ (Bonn: StiftungȱHausȱderȱGeschichteȱderȱBundesrepublikȱDeutschland,ȱ2007). StephenȱM.ȱGill,ȱAntiȬWarȱPoems:ȱAnthologyȱ(Cornwall,ȱOntario:ȱVestaȱPublications,ȱ1984);ȱJames

Introduction

65

partȱ ofȱ theȱ civilianȱ populationȱ increasinglyȱ victimizedȱ byȱ theȱ newȱ typesȱ of warfaresȱgeneratingȱeverȱmoreȱdestructiveȱweaponsȱduringȱtheȱfifteenthȱcentury. Theȱbelligerentsȱareȱfools,ȱlunatics,ȱandȱblasphemersȱwhoȱdeserveȱGod’sȱharshest punishmentȱbecauseȱtheyȱbreakȱtheȱdivineȱlawsȱandȱmakeȱtheȱinnocentȱsuffer. McDonaldȱgoesȱsoȱfarȱasȱtoȱidentifyȱBeheim’sȱconceptȱcontainedȱinȱhisȱcriticismȱof warȱ asȱ virtuallyȱ utopianȱ andȱ extremistȱ inȱ theȱ positiveȱ senseȱ ofȱ theȱ word.ȱ War provesȱtoȱbeȱSatan’sȱworkȱhereȱonȱearth,ȱandȱwarȬmongersȱareȱnothingȱbutȱthe worstȱsinnersȱtoȱbeȱcondemnedȱbyȱallȱpeopleȱandȱGod. However,ȱasȱJoanȱTaskerȱGrimbertȱalertsȱusȱimmediatelyȱfollowing,ȱpoets’ȱand clerics’ȱideasȱwereȱnotȱatȱallȱtheȱsameȱasȱthoseȱpursuedȱbyȱtheȱknightsȱandȱprinces. Dukeȱ Philippȱ theȱ Goodȱ ofȱ Burgundy,ȱ forȱ instance,ȱ alongȱ withȱ hisȱ court, tremendouslyȱ enjoyedȱ tournamentsȱ andȱ subsequentlyȱ alsoȱ militaryȱ actions, althoughȱheȱcommonlyȱpreferredȱdiplomaticȱsolutionsȱviaȱmarriageȱarrangements thanȱ warfare.ȱ Heȱ wasȱ alsoȱ theȱ founderȱ ofȱ theȱ Orderȱ ofȱ theȱ Goldenȱ Fleeceȱ and promotedȱ theȱ visualȱ artsȱ (asȱ theȱ patronȱ ofȱ Janȱ vanȱ Eyck,ȱ forȱ instance)ȱ and literature,ȱcommissioningȱtheȱrenderingȱofȱnumerousȱcourtlyȱromancesȱ(normally composedȱinȱverse)ȱintoȱprose,ȱsuchȱasȱChrétienȱdeȱTroyes’ȱCligés.ȱThisȱromance containsȱmostȱvividȱandȱgraphicȱdescriptionsȱofȱwar,ȱtwoȱinȱparticularȱconfirming Philip’sȱgeneralȱmilitaryȱambitions,ȱwhichȱincludedȱtheȱdreamedȱofȱtheȱreconquest ofȱConstantinopleȱafterȱtheȱTurksȱhadȱcaputedȱitȱinȱ1453.ȱ WhereasȱChrétienȱhadȱmixedȱhisȱdescriptionȱofȱmilitaryȱcombatȱwithȱaȱstrong doseȱofȱnarrativeȱcommentaryȱandȱirony,ȱtheȱproseȱtranslatorȱmovedȱawayȱfrom thatȱapproachȱandȱhighlighted,ȱmoreȱthanȱeverȱbefore,ȱtheȱbrutalȱdetailsȱofȱwar, whichȱseemsȱtoȱhaveȱstronglyȱappealedȱtoȱPhilipȱtheȱGoodȱandȱhisȱcourt.ȱGrimbert demonstrates,ȱ however,ȱ thatȱ theȱ themeȱ ofȱ loveȱ continuesȱ toȱ exertȱ aȱ strong influence,ȱ andȱ isȱ ultimatelyȱ combinedȱ withȱ theȱ dukeȱ ofȱ Saxony’sȱ fightȱ against Cligésȱandȱhisȱknightsȱinȱaȱgruesomeȱmanner.ȱInȱcontrastȱtoȱChrétien,ȱhowever,ȱthe proseȱauthorȱpresentsȱtheȱdukeȱasȱaȱfrustratedȱsuitor,ȱnotȱasȱFenice’sȱbetrothed, whichȱaddsȱaȱconsiderableȱdimensionȱofȱangerȱtoȱthisȱromance.ȱHisȱlaterȱabduction ofȱ Feniceȱ throughȱ aȱ bandȱ ofȱ oneȱ hundredȱ knightsȱ whomȱ heȱ hadȱ dispatched confirmsȱthisȱviolentȱcomponent.ȱCligésȱsubsequentlyȱsucceedsȱinȱliberatingȱher again,ȱwhichȱaddsȱaȱconsiderableȱdegreeȱofȱeroticȱelementsȱtoȱtheȱproseȱnovel.ȱBy contrast,ȱChrétienȱhadȱpresentedȱaȱproudȱwarriorȱinȱallȱhisȱfury,ȱtheȱproseȱwriter emphasizedȱtheȱlover’sȱanguishȱandȱ fearȱ aboutȱlosingȱhisȱladyȱtoȱtheȱduke.ȱIn contrastȱ toȱ previousȱ scholarship,ȱ Grimbertȱ observesȱ howȱ muchȱ theȱ fifteenthȬ centuryȱnovelȱsucceededȱinȱcombiningȱtheȱmilitaryȱwithȱtheȱerotic.ȱThisȱthenȱalso shedsȱ lightȱ onȱ theȱ contradictoryȱ natureȱ ofȱ courtlyȱ lifeȱ inȱ fifteenthȬcentury Burgundyȱwhere,ȱonȱtheȱoneȱhand,ȱwarȱandȱknightlyȱprowessȱcontinuedȱtoȱenjoy

Perone,ȱSongsȱofȱtheȱVietnamȱConflictȱ(Westport,ȱCT:ȱGreenwoodȱPress,ȱ2001).

66

AlbrechtȱClassen

tremendousȱpopularity,ȱbutȱwhere,ȱonȱtheȱother,ȱloveȱandȱwildȱeroticȱpassionȱalso enthralledȱreaders.ȱMuchȱdependsȱonȱtheȱcontext,ȱandȱasȱtheȱproseȱtextȱillustrates, despiteȱsomeȱofȱtheȱworstȱmilitaryȱoperationsȱorganizedȱbyȱtheȱBurgundianȱduke, weȱcanȱalsoȱrecognizeȱstrongȱinterestsȱinȱtheȱsupportȱandȱpromotionȱofȱtheȱcourtly, literary,ȱandȱartisticȱworld. Asȱmentionedȱbefore,ȱtheȱfallȱofȱConstantinopleȱintoȱtheȱhandsȱofȱtheȱOttomansȱin 1453ȱ constitutedȱ aȱ majorȱ ruptureȱ forȱ allȱ ofȱ Europe,ȱ signalingȱ theȱ final disappearanceȱofȱtheȱEasternȱRomanȱempire.ȱTheȱfloodȱofȱGreekȱrefugeesȱtoȱthe Westȱ wasȱ extensive,ȱ andȱ manyȱ ofȱ themȱ quicklyȱ stroveȱ toȱ appealȱ toȱ their contemporariesȱtoȱtakeȱupȱarmsȱandȱhelpȱthemȱliberateȱtheirȱhomeȱcity,ȱasȱGeorge Arabatzisȱdiscussesȱinȱhisȱcontribution.ȱPopeȱPiusȱIIȱwentȱevenȱsoȱfarȱasȱtoȱidentify theȱlossȱofȱConstantinopleȱasȱtheȱ“secondȱdeathȱofȱHomerȱandȱPlato.”ȱTheȱnumber ofȱappealsȱbyȱGreekȱhumanists,ȱsuchȱasȱCardinalȱBessarion(1403–1472),ȱreached suchȱgreatȱheightsȱthatȱweȱcanȱevenȱtalkȱaboutȱaȱseparateȱliteraryȱgenre,ȱasȱGeorge Arabaitzisȱnotesȱinȱhisȱcontribution.ȱWhileȱtheȱadvocatesȱforȱthatȱ‘Crusade’ȱargued intensivelyȱforȱthatȱwarȱagainstȱtheȱTurks,ȱtheyȱalsoȱpushedȱhardȱforȱaȱuniversal peaceȱinȱEuropeȱwhichȱwouldȱunifyȱtheȱindividualȱnationsȱandȱstrengthenȱthe Christianȱcontinentȱsufficientlyȱtoȱorganizeȱthatȱwarfareȱeffectively.ȱWeȱhaveȱheard thatȱargumentȱbeforeȱinȱseveralȱotherȱcontextsȱ(seeȱabove),ȱbutȱhereȱtheȱdecisive campaignȱaimedȱatȱtheȱessentialȱdefenseȱofȱEuropeȱagainstȱtheȱTurksȱandȱatȱthe reconquestȱofȱtheȱGreekȱhumanistȱhomeland.ȱTheyȱjustifiedȱtheirȱrequestsȱwithȱa referenceȱ toȱ theȱ Ottomansȱ asȱ barbarians,ȱ butȱ theyȱ alsoȱ warnedȱ theȱ Christian princesȱofȱtheȱimminentȱmilitaryȱthreatȱagainstȱtheȱBalkansȱandȱtheȱlandsȱfurther north.103ȱ Insteadȱofȱaddressingȱtheȱmassesȱatȱlarge,ȱtheseȱhumanistsȱturnedȱtoȱtheȱprinces andȱchurchȱleaders,ȱknowingȱallȱtooȱwellȱwhereȱtheȱtrueȱpowerȱresourcesȱrested. Ifȱinternecineȱstrifeȱwouldȱcontinue,ȱtheyȱargued,ȱtearingȱtheȱEuropeanȱcountries apart,ȱthereȱwouldȱnotȱbeȱanyȱhopeȱofȱsuccessfullyȱconfrontingȱtheȱTurkishȱthreat. IntellectualsȱsuchȱasȱNicholasȱCusaȱwereȱastuteȱenoughȱtoȱcomprehendȱthatȱthe severeȱdivisionȱbetweenȱtheȱEasternȱandȱtheȱWesternȱChurchesȱwouldȱalsoȱfirst haveȱtoȱbeȱovercomeȱbeforeȱaffectiveȱcounterȬmeasuresȱcouldȱbeȱtaken.ȱTheȱentire discourse,ȱhence,ȱwasȱoddlyȱsplitȱbetweenȱtheȱemphasisȱonȱinternalȱpeaceȱand

103

Thereȱaȱcountlessȱstudiesȱonȱthisȱtopic,ȱbutȱsee,ȱforȱexample,ȱKlausȬPeterȱMatschke,ȱDasȱKreuzȱund derȱHalbmond:ȱdieȱGeschichteȱderȱTürkenkriegeȱ(Düsseldorf:ȱArtemisȱ&ȱWinkler,ȱ2004;ȱalsoȱDarmstadt: WissenschaftlicheȱBuchgesellschaft,ȱ2004);ȱRhoadsȱMurphy,ȱ“OttomanȱExpansion,ȱ1451Ȭ1503.ȱI.: ConsolidationȱofȱRegionalȱPower,ȱ1451–1503.ȱII.:ȱDynasticȱInterestȱandȱInternationalȱPowerȱStatus, 1503Ȭ56,”ȱEarlyȱModernȱMilitaryȱHistory,ȱ1450–1815,ȱed.ȱGeoffȱMortimerȱ(Houndmills,ȱBasingstoke, Hampshire,ȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱPalgraveȱMacmillan,ȱ2004),ȱ43–80;ȱFranzȱBrendle,ȱ“Religionskriege inȱderȱfrühenȱNeuzeit:ȱBegriff,ȱWahrnehmung,ȱWirkmächtigkeit,”ȱReligionskriegeȱimȱAltenȱReich undȱinȱAlteuropa,ȱed.ȱFranzȱBrendleȱandȱAntonȱSchindlingȱ(Münster:ȱAschendorff,ȱ2006),ȱ15–52.

Introduction

67

externalȱwar.ȱCuriously,ȱhowever,ȱnumerousȱEuropeanȱwritersȱevenȱprojectedȱthe worldȱofȱtheȱOttomansȱinȱidealistȱterms,ȱcontrastingȱitȱwithȱtheȱcatastrophic,ȱhighly divisive,ȱvolatile,ȱandȱlawlessȱChristianȱworld.104ȱTheȱsituationȱgrewȱevenȱmore complicatedȱbecauseȱaȱnumberȱofȱcourtsȱorȱgovernmentsȱtriedȱtoȱestablish,ȱatȱleast temporarily,ȱpeaceful,ȱthatȱis,ȱdiplomaticȱandȱeconomicȱrelationsȱwithȱtheȱTurks. Furthermore,ȱ withȱ theȱ riseȱ ofȱ theȱ Protestantȱ Reformationȱ inȱ Germany,ȱ the differencesȱbetweenȱtheȱindividualȱstatesȱinȱEuropeȱandȱtheȱOttomanȱEmpire,ȱnot toȱspeakȱofȱtheȱGreekȱhumanistsȱeffortsȱasȱexilesȱandȱpropagandistsȱforȱaȱnew Crusade,ȱgrewȱconsiderably,ȱmakingȱtheȱcommunicationȱamongȱtheȱvariousȱforces increasinglyȱdifficult.ȱ TheȱGreekȱscholarsȱinȱtheȱWestȱfacedȱtheȱparticularȱproblemsȱthatȱtheyȱwereȱonly individuals,ȱthoughȱmanyȱofȱthemȱenjoyedȱextensiveȱprestige.ȱTheyȱdidȱnotȱcarry theȱsameȱweight,ȱofȱcourse,ȱasȱtheȱvariousȱcityȱrepublicsȱinȱItaly,ȱtheȱFrenchȱcourt, theȱGermanȱemperor,ȱorȱtheȱHolyȱSee.ȱMoreover,ȱdespiteȱtheirȱbestȱeffortsȱtoȱrely onȱAugustinianȱthinkingȱregardingȱ‘JustȱWar,’ȱtheirȱappealsȱstillȱentailedȱaȱform ofȱmilitaryȱaggressionȱwhichȱwas,ȱinȱessence,ȱcontradictoryȱtoȱChristianȱteaching. Insofarȱ asȱ theseȱ humanistsȱ mostlyȱ reliedȱ onȱ appealsȱ toȱ politicalȱ andȱ Church leaders,ȱ butȱ didȱ notȱ developȱ anyȱ specificȱ peaceȱ planȱ accordingȱ toȱ Christian teachings,ȱtheyȱreliedȱprimarilyȱonȱreachingȱoutȱtoȱtheȱpoliticalȱhierarchyȱandȱthus couldȱneverȱtrulyȱachieveȱtheirȱgoals. Inasmuchȱasȱwarȱandȱpeaceȱareȱintimatelyȱcontingentȱuponȱeachȱother,ȱitȱseems alsoȱveryȱimportantȱtoȱincludeȱstudiesȱfocusingȱonȱtheȱtheoryȱofȱwarfareȱinȱthe MiddleȱAgesȱandȱtheȱRenaissance.105ȱDefenseȱsystemsȱhaveȱalwaysȱbeenȱjustȱas relevantȱasȱweaponsȱandȱsiegeȱinstruments,ȱwhichȱfindȱbestȱexpressionȱinȱAlbrecht Dürer’sȱEtlicheȱvnderrichtȱ/ȱzuȱbefestigungȱderȱStettȱ/ȱSchloszȱ/ȱvndȱfleckenȱfromȱ1527. JörnȱMünknerȱturnsȱhisȱattentionȱtoȱDürer’sȱtreatmentȱbecauseȱitȱisȱtheȱfirstȱone producedȱinȱGerman,ȱbecauseȱitȱimpressivelyȱreflectsȱtheȱparadigmȱshiftȱfromȱthe MiddleȱAgesȱtoȱtheȱearlyȱmodernȱage,ȱbecauseȱitȱusesȱratherȱinnovativeȱtechniques inȱ depictingȱ defenseȱ structures,ȱ andȱ becauseȱ itȱ resultedȱ inȱ aȱ highlyȱ complex politicalȱconfiguration.ȱInȱhisȱdedicationȱtoȱtheȱfutureȱEmperor,ȱFerdinandȱI,ȱDürer explicitlyȱrefersȱtoȱtheȱthreatȱbyȱtheȱTurks,ȱwhichȱwasȱcertainlyȱfeltȱinȱGermanyȱas 104

105

Forȱtheȱperspectiveȱofȱaȱformerȱslave,ȱtheȱChristianȱGeorgiusȱdeȱHungaria,ȱseeȱAlbrechtȱClassen, “Theȱ Worldȱ ofȱ theȱ Turksȱ Describedȱ byȱ anȱ EyeȬWitness:ȱ Georgiusȱ deȱ Hungaria’sȱ Dialectical DiscourseȱaboutȱtheȱForeignȱWorldȱofȱtheȱOttomanȱEmpire,”ȱJournalȱofȱEarlyȱModernȱHistoryȱ7,ȱ3–4 (2003):ȱ257–79. PaddyȱGriffith,ȱTheȱVikingȱArtȱofȱWarȱ(London:ȱGreenhillȱBooks;ȱMechanicsburg,ȱPA:ȱStackpole Books,ȱ 1995);ȱ D.ȱ J.ȱ B.ȱ Trim,ȱ Theȱ Chivalricȱ Ethosȱ andȱ theȱ Developmentȱ ofȱ Militaryȱ Professionalism. HistoryȱofȱWarfare,ȱ11ȱ(LeidenȱandȱBoston:ȱBrill,ȱ2003);ȱHelenȱJ.ȱNicholson,ȱMedievalȱWarfare: TheoryȱandȱPracticeȱofȱWarȱinȱEurope,ȱ300Ȭ1500ȱ(Houndmills,ȱBasingstoke,ȱHampshire,ȱandȱNew York:ȱPalgraveȱMacmillan,ȱ2004);ȱseeȱalsoȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱMedievalȱWarfareȱ1300–1450,ȱed. KellyȱDeVriesȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱ

68

AlbrechtȱClassen

well.ȱButȱitȱcastȱaȱmuchȱmoreȱominousȱshadowȱonȱBohemiaȱandȱHungary,ȱwhich Ferdinandȱruledȱatȱthatȱtime.ȱTheȱdevastatingȱbattleȱofȱMohácsȱhadȱtakenȱplace alreadyȱ oneȱyearȱearlier,ȱ1526,106ȱsoȱthereȱwereȱplentyȱofȱreasonsȱtoȱreconsider Europeanȱfortifications.ȱOnȱtheȱoneȱhandȱDürerȱappealed,ȱfromȱhisȱselfȬassured positionȱasȱanȱartist/craftsmanȱtoȱtheȱregent,ȱonȱtheȱotherȱheȱoutlinedȱstrategiesȱto fortifyȱ urbanȱ spacesȱ andȱ toȱ transformȱ themȱ intoȱ stableȱ defenseȱ positionsȱ for modernȱwarfare.ȱDürerȱreliedȱtoȱsomeȱextentȱonȱtheȱclassicalȱliteratureȱdealing withȱmilitaryȱfortificationsȱ(forȱexample,ȱtheȱwritingsȱofȱVitruvius),ȱbutȱheȱwasȱalso deeplyȱ influencedȱ byȱ theȱ worksȱ ofȱ manyȱ Italianȱ contemporariesȱ (e.g., Michelangelo).ȱ Dürer’sȱprojectȱpoignantlyȱreflectsȱtheȱdevelopmentȱofȱmodernȱartillery,ȱwhich representedȱconsiderablyȱnewȱchallengesȱforȱallȱarchitectsȱresponsibleȱforȱdefense walls.ȱHisȱdrawingsȱshow,ȱforȱinstance,ȱtheȱinclusionȱofȱcasemates,ȱbastions,ȱor pasteyȬforts.ȱTheseȱcriticalȱarchitecturalȱdetailsȱdemonstrateȱmostȱimpressivelyȱthe actualȱ transformationȱ ofȱ theȱ Middleȱ Ages,ȱ takingȱ usȱ intoȱ theȱ worldȱ ofȱ the Renaissanceȱ bothȱ inȱ termsȱ ofȱ militaryȱ operationsȱ andȱ defenseȱ buildings.ȱ One interestingȱdetailȱwasȱtheȱdevelopmentȱofȱstarȬshapedȱwallsȱwhichȱmadeȱtheȱuse ofȱcanonȱfireȱratherȱdifficultȱandȱpreventedȱblindȱspotsȱforȱtheȱdefenders.ȱDürer’s designȱseemsȱhighlyȱexaggeratedȱandȱalmostȱutopian,ȱbutȱtheȱartistȱwasȱgreatly concernedȱtoȱbeȱasȱaccurateȱandȱefficientȱasȱpossible,ȱasȱMünknerȱemphasizes.ȱAnd laterȱmilitaryȱarchitectsȱgraduallyȱrecognizedȱthatȱmanyȱpartsȱofȱDürer’sȱconcept wereȱindeedȱhighlyȱvalidȱandȱcouldȱbeȱutilizedȱinȱtheirȱownȱplansȱbecauseȱ“nonȬ BastionaryȱSystemsȱcouldȱbeȱasȱdefensiveȱasȱBastionaryȱones,”ȱespeciallyȱinȱlight ofȱ everȱ improvingȱ artilleryȱ technology.ȱ Moreover,ȱ asȱ Münknerȱ emphasizes, defenseȱstructuresȱalwaysȱfulfilȱtwoȱfunctions:ȱtoȱserveȱforȱtheȱmilitaryȱpurpose, andȱtoȱreflectȱtheȱruler’sȱorȱtheȱcity’sȱpowerȱandȱesteem.ȱBastionsȱareȱthusȱemblems ofȱpowerȱinȱaȱvarietyȱofȱways.ȱ Inȱaddition,ȱweȱcanȱrecognizeȱhowȱmuchȱDürer’sȱplanȱalsoȱheraldedȱmethodsȱfor designingȱaȱcityȱsoȱasȱtoȱmakeȱitȱbothȱpleasantlyȱhabitableȱandȱdefensibleȱatȱthe sameȱ time.ȱ Theȱ centralȱ pointȱ provesȱ toȱ beȱ theȱ prince’sȱ palace,ȱ whichȱ strongly remindsȱusȱofȱaȱmedievalȱcastleȱwithȱitsȱdonjon,ȱforȱinstance,ȱbutȱnowȱtransferred toȱtheȱRenaissanceȱcityȱunderȱtheȱsovereignȱruleȱofȱaȱprince.ȱDürer’sȱdesignȱwas ofȱcolossalȱproportions,ȱandȱitȱremainsȱdoubtfulȱwhetherȱheȱtrulyȱhadȱinȱmind only,ȱorȱifȱatȱall,ȱtheȱTurkishȱthreat.ȱUltimately,ȱfortificationȱemergedȱasȱaȱmodern

106

AndrásȱKubinyi,ȱNándorfehérvártólȱMohácsig:ȱaȱMátyásȬȱésȱaȱJagellóȬkorȱhadtörténeteȱ([Budapest]: Argumentum,ȱ2007);ȱJamesȱRestonȱJr.,ȱDefendersȱofȱtheȱFaith:ȱCharlesȱV,ȱSuleymanȱtheȱMagnificent, andȱtheȱBattleȱforȱEurope,ȱ1520Ȭ1536ȱ(NewȱYork:ȱPenguinȱPress,ȱ2009);ȱJánosȱB.ȱSzabóȱandȱFerenc Tóth,ȱMohácsȱ(1526):ȱSolimanȱleȱMagnifiqueȱprendȱpiedȱenȱEuropeȱcentrale.ȱCollectionȱCampagnesȱ& stratégies.ȱ Lesȱ grandesȱ batailles,ȱ 78ȱ (Paris:ȱ Economica,ȱ 2009)ȱ seeȱ alsoȱ theȱ ratherȱ usefulȱ and comprehensiveȱoverviewȱonlineȱat:ȱhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Moh%C3%A1csȱ(last accessedȱonȱAprilȱ13,ȱ2011).ȱ

Introduction

69

meansȱtoȱrepresentȱpoliticalȱpower.ȱInȱotherȱwords,ȱasȱalreadyȱmanifestȱinȱthe Middleȱ Ages,ȱ warfareȱ wasȱ anȱ intimateȱ elementȱ ofȱ Renaissanceȱ culture,ȱ andȱ it seemsȱalmostȱimpossibleȱtoȱdrawȱaȱdistinctȱlineȱbetweenȱsimpleȱfortificationsȱand architecturalȱdisplayȱofȱtheȱsovereign,ȱorȱcityȱgovernment. Withȱ theȱ followingȱ articleȱ weȱ returnȱ toȱ theȱ sameȱ issueȱ whichȱ troubledȱ Michel Beheimȱsoȱdeeply,ȱbutȱweȱmoveȱca.ȱeightyȱyearsȱdownȱtheȱline,ȱwhenȱtheȱfamous NurembergȱcobblerȱpoetȱandȱmastersingerȱHansȱSachsȱalsoȱraisedȱhisȱvoiceȱagainst warȱinȱaȱnumberȱofȱhisȱpoems.ȱWhileȱtheȱNurembergȱartistȱDürerȱdevelopedȱnew designsȱforȱfortificationȱsystems,107ȱSachsȱdevelopedȱpowerfulȱpoeticȱstatements againstȱtheȱcrueltyȱofȱwarȱsomeȱofȱwhichȱheȱhadȱwitnessedȱpersonally.ȱAlthough neitherȱBeheimȱnorȱSachsȱmightȱbeȱableȱtoȱappealȱtoȱpeaceȱactivistsȱtoday,ȱtheir worksȱdeserveȱourȱfullȱattentionȱparticularlyȱbecauseȱtheȱlifeȬthreateningȱpower ofȱmodernȱwarȱmachineryȱhasȱincreasedȱexponentiallyȱoverȱtheȱcenturies.ȱClassen submitsȱinȱhisȱsecondȱcontributionȱthatȱliterature,ȱasȱfeebleȱaȱvoiceȱasȱitȱmightȱbe atȱfirstȱsight,ȱoffersȱaȱpowerfulȱmediumȱtoȱdevelopȱsharpȬcuttingȱcriticismȱagainst theȱ warȬmongersȱ whoȱ haveȱ onlyȱ theirȱ ownȱ selfishȱ interestsȱ inȱ mindȱ toȱ the catastrophicȱdetrimentȱofȱallȱothers.ȱ Humanȱsufferingȱmustȱbeȱaddressedȱrelentlessly,ȱthroughȱallȱpossibleȱmeans, evenȱthoughȱweȱwillȱnotȱnecessarilyȱovercomeȱitȱorȱbringȱitȱtoȱanȱend.ȱWeȱremain human,ȱhowever,ȱbecauseȱweȱknowȱhowȱtoȱsufferȱandȱhaveȱtheȱartisticȱandȱliterary meansȱ available,ȱ fromȱ manyȱ differentȱ centuries,ȱ toȱ comeȱ toȱ termsȱ withȱ that suffering.ȱInȱthisȱregard,ȱSachsȱonceȱagainȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱaȱmajorȱspokesperson,ȱsoon toȱbeȱfollowedȱbyȱtheȱmajorȱBaroqueȱpoetȱAndreasȱGryphiusȱ(1616–1664),ȱwho composedȱperhapsȱtheȱmostȱmovingȱantiȬwarȱpoemsȱofȱhisȱtime.108ȱ InȱSachs’sȱlifetime,ȱMargraveȱAlbrechtȱAlcibiadesȱwasȱoneȱofȱtheȱtrueȱterrors threateningȱtheȱwellȬbeingȱofȱmanyȱcitiesȱandȱmanyȱpeople,ȱwhereverȱheȱappeared withȱhisȱmurderousȱtroops.ȱInȱaȱnumberȱofȱpoemsȱSachsȱreflectsȱuponȱtheȱdisaster thatȱthoseȱbellicoseȱmaneuversȱinflictedȱuponȱeverybody,ȱbothȱamongȱtheȱcivilian populationȱandȱtheȱsoldiersȱthemselves.ȱThisȱdoesȱnotȱmeanȱthatȱSachsȱactually offersȱeffectiveȱorȱdecisiveȱstrategiesȱforȱhowȱtoȱendȱtheȱwar.ȱHeȱdoesȱnotȱknow howȱtoȱcutȱthroughȱtheȱpoliticalȱmaze,ȱnorȱdoesȱheȱhaveȱanȱideaȱhowȱtoȱsolveȱany economicȱ issuesȱ standingȱ behindȱ theȱ militaryȱ conflict.ȱ Butȱ hisȱ poeticȱ voice addressesȱ warȱ inȱ suchȱ aȱ powerfulȱ andȱ dramaticȱ fashionȱ thatȱ evenȱ modern audiences/readersȱcanȱimmediatelyȱgraspȱtheȱtrueȱtragedyȱwhichȱtheȱMargrave perpetrated.ȱToȱsomeȱextentȱSachsȱappealsȱtoȱGod,ȱbutȱheȱreallyȱwantsȱtoȱawaken

107 108

SeeȱtheȱcontributionȱtoȱthisȱvolumeȱbyȱJörnȱMünkner. MichaelȱM.ȱMetzgerȱandȱErikaȱA.ȱMetzger,ȱ“TheȱThirtyȱYearsȱWarȱandȱItsȱImpactȱonȱLiterature,” GermanȱBaroqueȱLiterature:ȱTheȱEuropeanȱPerspective,ȱed.ȱGerhartȱHoffmeisterȱ(NewȱYork:ȱUngar, 1983),ȱ38–51.

70

AlbrechtȱClassen

hisȱlistenersȱandȱtoȱshockȱthemȱwithȱhisȱpoeticȱimagesȱwhichȱshowȱthatȱnothing andȱnobodyȱinȱhumanȱsocietyȱorȱinȱnatureȱwillȱbeȱsparedȱfromȱtheȱfuryȱofȱwar. Warȱrepresents,ȱforȱSachs,ȱaȱveritableȱapocalypse,ȱsinceȱeven,ȱifȱnotȱespecially,ȱthe soldiers,ȱmostlyȱlansquenets,ȱsufferȱmostȱhorribly.ȱInȱhisȱvisionaryȱantiȬwarȱpoems heȱdescribesȱinȱhighlyȱdramaticȱfashionȱhowȱeveryoneȱinȱsocietyȱisȱbadlyȱharmed byȱtheȱmilitaryȱoperations,ȱandȱhowȱmuchȱevenȱseemingȱsuccessȱultimatelyȱresults inȱpainȱandȱsufferingȱforȱvictims,ȱbothȱhighȱandȱlow,ȱpoorȱandȱrich.ȱ Nevertheless,ȱSachsȱisȱnotȱcontentȱwithȱprotestingȱagainstȱwarȱasȱsuch;ȱheȱalso analyzesȱsomeȱofȱtheȱcausesȱandȱconditionsȱofȱwar,ȱpointingȱout,ȱforȱinstance,ȱthe effectsȱofȱinternecineȱstrifeȱamongȱtheȱcitizenshipȱthatȱfacilitatesȱtheȱMargrave’s actionsȱagainstȱNuremberg.ȱHeȱalsoȱattacksȱusury,ȱgreed,ȱandȱmanyȱotherȱvices thatȱplagueȱpeople,ȱandȱwhichȱareȱhereȱidentifiedȱasȱsomeȱofȱtheȱcriticalȱcausesȱthat ultimatelyȱleadȱtoȱwar.ȱInȱfact,ȱheȱarguesȱveryȱsimilarlyȱtoȱMichelȱBeheim,ȱandȱwe canȱeasilyȱputȱSachsȱonȱtheȱsameȱpedestalȱofȱpreȬmodernȱpeaceȱadvocatesȱofȱwhom modernȱ pacifistsȱ andȱ antiȬwarȱ protestersȱ shouldȱ beȱ awareȱ asȱ theirȱ mostȱ vocal predecessors.ȱSachsȱwasȱcriticalȱenough,ȱobviouslyȱhavingȱlearnedȱhisȱlessonȱfrom readingȱ Erasmusȱ ofȱ Rotterdam,ȱ toȱ realizeȱ alsoȱ theȱ dangerȱ ofȱ theȱ ideological campaignȱ luringȱ youngȱ unsuspectingȱ menȱ intoȱ theȱ militaryȱ byȱ meansȱ ofȱ the militaristicȱpompȱandȱfalseȱglory,ȱwhichȱapparentlyȱhasȱalwaysȱappealedȱtoȱsome maleȱinstinctsȱandȱbasicȱdesiresȱforȱpowerȱandȱhonor,ȱasȱrepresentedȱbyȱknightly trappingsȱorȱtheȱmodernȱmilitaryȱuniformȱandȱfirearm.ȱ InȱotherȱpoemsȱSachsȱdevelopsȱhighlyȱcriticalȱideasȱaboutȱtheȱwrongdoingsȱof peopleȱwhichȱthenȱthreatenȱpeace,ȱwithoutȱnecessarilyȱdifferentiatingȱbetween CatholicsȱorȱProtestants.ȱAsȱaȱpoetȱSachsȱattacksȱeveryȱsideȱresponsibleȱforȱwarȬ mongeringȱandȱdoesȱnotȱdrawȱanyȱparticularȱlineȱbetweenȱtheȱallegedlyȱstupid peasantsȱandȱtheȱsmartȱcityȱdwellers,ȱasȱweȱhearȱinȱHeinrichȱWittenwiler’sȱRing (ca.ȱ1400)ȱ(seeȱabove).ȱDeception,ȱlying,ȱandȱcheatingȱruleȱtheȱworld,ȱasȱweȱlearn inȱ Sachs’sȱ songȬpoems,ȱ andȱ warȱ actuallyȱ provesȱ toȱ beȱ theȱ resultȱ ofȱ people’s unwillingnessȱorȱinabilityȱtoȱcontrolȱandȱespeciallyȱtoȱturnȱawayȱfromȱtheȱSeven Deadlyȱ Sins.ȱ Veryȱ similarȱ areȱ Waltherȱ vonȱ derȱ Vogelweide’sȱ bitingȱ comments aboutȱ theȱ social,ȱ ethical,ȱ andȱ moralȱ shortcomingsȱ inȱ thisȱ worldȱ whichȱ leadȱ to violenceȱandȱwar,ȱsuchȱasȱinȱhisȱfamousȱ“Reichston”ȱ“Ichȱsazȱûfȱeimeȱsteine”ȱ(L. 8.4)ȱ(ca.ȱ1200),109ȱSachsȱcorrelatesȱmoralȱdepravityȱandȱlackȱofȱaȱcivicȱsocietyȱwith

109

Waltherȱ vonȱ derȱ Vogelweide,ȱ Theȱ SingleȬStanzaȱ Lyrics,ȱ ed.ȱ andȱ trans.,ȱ withȱ introductionȱ and commentaryȱbyȱFrederickȱGoldinȱ(NewȱYorkȱandȱLondon:ȱRoutledge,ȱ2003),ȱno.ȱ27,ȱ140;ȱforȱa recentȱandȱsolidȱdiscussionȱofȱthisȱstanza,ȱseeȱHermannȱReichert,ȱWaltherȱvonȱderȱVogelweideȱfür Anfänger.ȱ 3rd,ȱ completelyȱ revisedȱ andȱ expandedȱ ed.ȱ (1992;ȱ Vienna:ȱ Facultasȱ VerlagsȬȱ und Buchdruck,ȱ2009),ȱ157–59;ȱOtfridȱEhrismann,ȱEinführungȱinȱdasȱWerkȱWalthersȱvonȱderȱVogelweide. EinführungenȱGermanistikȱ(Darmstadt:ȱWissenschaftlicheȱBuchgesellschaft,ȱ2008),ȱ50–52;ȱseeȱalso PeterȱKern,ȱ“DerȱReichston,ȱdasȱersteȱpolitischeȱLiedȱWalthersȱvonȱderȱVogelweide?,”ȱZeitschrift fürȱdeutscheȱPhilologieȱ111ȱ(1992):ȱ344–62.

Introduction

71

theȱeruptionȱofȱwars.ȱHisȱpoeticȱactivityȱwasȱhenceȱdirectedȱatȱinstructingȱpeople inȱrecognizingȱtheȱfairlyȱsimpleȱsolutionsȱtoȱwar,ȱwhichȱwouldȱbeginȱwithȱeach individualȱworkingȱonȱimprovingȱhisȱorȱherȱownȱmoralityȱandȱethics.ȱ However,ȱ asȱ aȱ quickȱ glanceȱ atȱ Sachs’sȱ contemporary,ȱ theȱ formerȱ lansquenet turnedȱbureaucratȱandȱauthorȱofȱjestȱnarratives,ȱHansȱWilhelmȱKirchhof,ȱindicates, theȱ majorȱ criticismȱ wasȱ aimedȱ atȱ theȱ trueȱ culprits,ȱ theȱ princesȱ whoȱ engageȱ in frivolousȱwarfareȱeverywhereȱwithȱonlyȱselfishȱandȱgreedyȱmotives.ȱUltimately, asȱweȱcanȱlearnȱfromȱSachsȱandȱothers,ȱwarȱisȱnotȱtheȱresultȱofȱdestiny,ȱbutȱthe simpleȱresultȱofȱhumanȱfailure,ȱfoolishness,ȱignorance,ȱfear,ȱgreed,ȱandȱlustȱfor powerȱ andȱ money.ȱ Ifȱ weȱ holdȱ upȱ thoseȱ presidents,ȱ dictators,ȱ kings,ȱ orȱ party leadersȱfromȱourȱownȱtimesȱwhoȱhaveȱbeenȱresponsibleȱforȱwarsȱofȱallȱkinds,ȱnot toȱspeakȱofȱcrimesȱandȱviolence,ȱweȱcanȱonlyȱconcurȱwithȱMichelȱBeheim,ȱandȱeven moreȱ withȱ Hansȱ Sachsȱ inȱ theirȱ criticalȱ analysisȱ ofȱ whatȱ triggersȱ war.ȱ Itȱ isȱ the miserableȱcreatureȱ‘man.’ȱ Sadlyȱ enough,ȱ religionȱ hasȱ oftenȱ beenȱ theȱ causeȱ ofȱ war,ȱ whichȱ subsequently becameȱtheȱfertileȱgroundȱforȱdramatistsȱthroughoutȱtimeȱtoȱcomposeȱtragedies dealingȱwithȱthisȱhorribleȱsituation.ȱInȱtheȱnameȱofȱGod,ȱofȱwhateverȱ religion, countlessȱ actsȱ ofȱ cruelty,ȱ brutality,ȱ andȱ massȱ slaughterȱ haveȱ beenȱ committed, whetherȱ weȱ thinkȱ ofȱ theȱ Christianȱ Crusadesȱ orȱ theȱ Islamicȱ Jihad.ȱ Inȱ 1688ȱ Jean RacineȱcomposedȱtheȱplayȱEstherȱonȱbehalfȱofȱMmeȱdeȱMaintenon,ȱtheȱmorganatic wifeȱ ofȱKingȱLouisȱXIVȱofȱFrance,ȱalthoughȱheȱhadȱgivenȱupȱonȱwritingȱ plays alreadyȱasȱofȱ1677.ȱThisȱplayȱwasȱintendedȱforȱaȱschoolȱperformanceȱandȱachieved suchȱgreatȱacclaimȱthatȱRacineȱcontinued,ȱafterȱall,ȱandȱ createdȱaȱsecondȱplay, Athalie,ȱwhichȱwasȱstagedȱinȱ1691.ȱInȱhisȱarticle,ȱJohnȱCampbellȱsuggestsȱthatȱthese seeminglyȱinnocentȱreligiousȱplaysȱcontainȱsevereȱandȱhighlyȱcriticalȱmessages aboutȱtheȱexplosiveȱnatureȱofȱreligionȱunderlyingȱmanyȱwarsȱthroughoutȱhistory.ȱ Alreadyȱ inȱ hisȱ classicizingȱ playsȱ Racineȱ hadȱ portrayedȱ theȱ Greekȱ godsȱ as responsibleȱ forȱ theȱ incitementȱ ofȱ wars,ȱ reflecting,ȱ however,ȱ nothingȱ butȱ basic humanȱinstinctsȱinȱtheirȱirrationalityȱandȱpassion.ȱInȱEstherȱandȱAthalie,ȱRacine turnedȱ toȱ materialȱ fromȱ theȱ Oldȱ Testamentȱ andȱ demonstratedȱ thatȱ evenȱ the ChristianȱGodȱwasȱwillingȱtoȱlegitimizeȱanyȱkindȱofȱwarsȱandȱmassiveȱslaughter ofȱ peopleȱifȱthisȱservedȱtoȱmanifestȱtheȱdivineȱpower.ȱTheȱChristianȱfaithȱthus assumesȱabsoluteȱrelevanceȱandȱjustifiesȱevenȱtheȱworstȱtypeȱofȱmilitaryȱoperation orȱviolence.ȱWhenȱtheȱJewsȱfightȱaȱwar,ȱthenȱtheyȱareȱcompletelyȱjustifiedȱbecause theyȱ actȱ onȱ behalfȱ ofȱ theirȱ Godȱ andȱ thusȱ helpȱ toȱ bringȱ toȱ realizationȱ the providentialȱdesign.ȱInȱmostȱuncannyȱfashion,ȱRacineȱtransferredȱthisȱideaȱtoȱhis ownȱhistoricalȱcontextȱandȱinsinuatedȱthatȱtheȱwarsȱwagedȱbyȱhisȱkingȱLouisȱXIV shouldȱ alsoȱ beȱ perceivedȱ asȱ legitimateȱ religiousȱ strugglesȱ onȱ behalfȱ ofȱ God. Ironically,ȱevenȱPopeȱInnocentȱXIȱhadȱsupportedȱtheȱLeagueȱofȱAugsburgȱinȱits effortȱtoȱdefendȱtheȱPalatinateȱagainstȱLouis’sȱbelligerentȱattemptȱtoȱoccupyȱand

72

AlbrechtȱClassen

takeȱ possessionȱ ofȱ thatȱ land,ȱ allegedlyȱ defendingȱ theȱ inheritanceȱ rightsȱ ofȱ his sisterȬinȬlaw,ȱElisabethȱofȱtheȱPalatinate.ȱ Campbellȱdrawsȱourȱattentionȱtoȱtheȱfactȱthatȱnotȱeverythingȱflourishedȱand progressedȱinȱFranceȱduringȱLouis’sȱreign,ȱwithȱtheȱmassesȱstagingȱriotsȱbecause ofȱ theȱ threatȱ ofȱ famine,ȱ aȱ severeȱ budgetȱ crisis,ȱ andȱ withȱ someȱ criticsȱ suchȱ as FrançoisȱFénelonȱraisingȱtheirȱvoicesȱagainstȱtheȱkingȱhimselfȱandȱhisȱdangerous warȱ games.ȱ Whileȱ Racineȱ extolledȱ theȱ ideaȱ ofȱ holyȱ war,ȱ whichȱ Louisȱ XIVȱ was supposedȱ toȱ undertake,ȱ Fénelonȱ ridiculedȱ andȱ condemnedȱ itȱ altogether.ȱ In Racine’sȱplay,ȱGodȱHimselfȱappearsȱasȱaȱconcreteȱkingȱofȱarmies,ȱasȱtheȱleaderȱof aȱfullyȱjustifiedȱFrenchȱwarȱagainstȱtheȱinfidelsȱthroughoutȱEurope,ȱwhomȱLouis wasȱ expectedȱ toȱ conquerȱ andȱ subordinateȱ underȱ Frenchȱ masterȱ rule.ȱ While previousȱscholarsȱhaveȱalsoȱrecognizedȱelementsȱofȱstrongȱantiȬSemitismȱ(with referencesȱtoȱtheȱ‘endȱsolution’),ȱCampbellȱstillȱemphasizesȱtheȱcomplexityȱofȱthe plays,ȱ theirȱ basicallyȱ biblicalȱ content,ȱ andȱ henceȱ theirȱ religiousȱ nature.ȱ Athalie, especially,ȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱaȱliteraryȱmasterpiece,ȱirrespectiveȱofȱtheȱatȱtimesȱdubious ideologicalȱcontent.ȱNevertheless,ȱasȱCampbellȱhastensȱtoȱadd,ȱRacineȱdidȱnotȱshy awayȱfromȱexplicitlyȱhailingȱtheȱkingȱasȱGod’sȱprimaryȱwarriorȱhereȱonȱearthȱwho shouldȱspareȱnoȱbloodshedȱtoȱrealizeȱGod’sȱgreatness,ȱandȱhenceȱshouldȱproceed withȱhisȱimperialistȱwars.ȱ Racine,ȱasȱCampbellȱnotesȱnext,ȱdifferentiatedȱalsoȱbetweenȱbadȱandȱgoodȱwars, butȱthisȱdependedȱveryȱmuchȱonȱtheȱspecificȱintentionsȱbyȱtheȱbelligerentsȱinȱthe biblicalȱcontext.ȱThoseȱwhoȱfightȱforȱtheȱhouseȱofȱDavidȱreceiveȱhighestȱpraise,ȱall theȱopponentsȱareȱseverelyȱcondemned,ȱwhichȱagainȱcanȱbeȱeasilyȱappliedȱtoȱLouis XIV,ȱ whomȱ theȱ playwrightȱ glorifiedȱ asȱ God’sȱ greatestȱ giftȱ onȱ earth.ȱ Onlyȱ the faithfulȱareȱredeemedȱbyȱGodȱandȱareȱgrantedȱmilitaryȱvictory.ȱ InȱtheȱeyesȱofȱmodernȬdayȱviewersȱorȱreadersȱmanyȱambivalencesȱremain,ȱand theȱ ferociousȱ presentationȱ ofȱ aȱ bloodthirstyȱ Godȱ certainlyȱ causesȱ considerable unease.ȱNevertheless,ȱasȱCampbellȱthenȱconcludes,ȱRacine’sȱplaysȱhaveȱalsoȱtoȱbe viewedȱinȱtheȱcontextȱofȱtheirȱtimeȱandȱmustȱbeȱevaluated,ȱaboveȱall,ȱforȱtheir literaryȱquality,ȱwhichȱis,ȱasȱtoȱbeȱexpected,ȱfirstȱrate.ȱHowever,ȱthisȱshouldȱnot blindȱ usȱ toȱ theȱ endemicȱ ideologyȱ inȱ favorȱ ofȱ imperialistȱ warȱ groundedȱ in conservativeȱreligiousȱthinking,ȱequatingȱtheȱSunȱKingȱwithȱtheȱultimateȱservant ofȱ God,ȱ asȱ theȱ triumphantȱ leaderȱ ofȱ armiesȱ bringingȱ gloryȱ toȱ Godȱ byȱ wayȱ of crushingȱhisȱenemiesȱinȱbloodyȱbattles.ȱ Upȱtoȱthisȱpointȱallȱcontributorsȱhaveȱlookedȱatȱtheȱhugeȱtopicȱofȱwarȱandȱpeaceȱas ifȱthisȱallȱwereȱonlyȱaȱmatterȱforȱmaleȱwritersȱandȱthinkers,ȱhereȱdisregardingȱthe extraordinaryȱ andȱ powerfulȱ authorȱ andȱ poetȱ Christineȱ deȱ Pizan.ȱ Byȱ theȱ same token,ȱonlyȱrarelyȱdoȱweȱhearȱofȱtextsȱinȱwhichȱpoetsȱaddressedȱtheȱsufferingȱofȱthe entireȱpopulationȱinȱtrulyȱgraphicȱtermsȱandȱwithȱfullȱempathyȱ(Beheim,ȱSachs), andȱoverallȱitȱseemsȱasȱifȱthisȱspecificȱdiscourseȱwereȱmaleȱdominatedȱbecause

Introduction

73

womenȱ wereȱ notȱ involvedȱ inȱ theȱ actualȱ aspectsȱ ofȱ fightingȱ inȱ aȱ war.ȱ Butȱ this impressionȱisȱratherȱmisleading,ȱasȱtheȱcontributionȱbyȱMarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock demonstrates,ȱ atȱ leastȱ withȱ respectȱ toȱ oneȱ specialȱ caseȱ andȱ oneȱ areaȱ inȱ early modernȱ Europe.ȱ Sheȱ bringsȱ toȱ theȱ tableȱ mostȱ fascinatingȱ evidenceȱ concerning women’sȱinvolvementȱinȱtheȱDutchȱwarȱofȱliberation.ȱTheȱDutchȱvaliantlyȱfought againstȱ theȱ Spaniardsȱ sinceȱ theȱ Dukeȱ ofȱ Albaȱ hadȱ beenȱ appointedȱ governorȬ generalȱinȱ1567,ȱandȱtheyȱwereȱsuccessfulȱagainstȱallȱodds,ȱasȱrepresentedȱbyȱthe Unionȱ ofȱ Utrechtȱ fromȱ 1597.ȱ Duringȱ theseȱ manyȱ strugglesȱ theȱ Dutchȱ women playedȱ aȱ significantȱ role,ȱ quicklyȱ gainingȱ anȱ astoundingȱ reputationȱ forȱ their braveryȱandȱintelligence,ȱwhichȱcontributedȱinȱaȱmajorȱwayȱtoȱtheȱDutchȱvictory overȱtheȱSpaniards.ȱ Inȱ manyȱ otherȱ casesȱ maleȱ societyȱ wouldȱ haveȱ quicklyȱ triedȱ toȱ blotȱ outȱ the memoryȱofȱwomen’sȱachievementsȱandȱwouldȱhaveȱensuredȱtheȱcontinuedȱcontrol ofȱmenȱafterȱtheȱwar.ȱNotȱsoȱinȱtheȱNetherlands.ȱSoonȱafterȱtheȱmilitaryȱvictory, artistsȱ beganȱ toȱ publishȱ prints,ȱ oftenȱ accompaniedȱ byȱ verses,ȱ inȱ whichȱ they projectedȱhighlyȱlaudatoryȱimagesȱofȱtheseȱwarȱheroines.ȱThroughȱthoseȱimages weȱlearnȱofȱtheȱwideȱrangeȱofȱactivitiesȱwhichȱtheseȱwomenȱhadȱbeenȱableȱtoȱcarry outȱagainstȱtheȱenemies,ȱsuchȱasȱhelpingȱinȱbuildingȱupȱtheȱdefenseȱstructures, pouringȱ hotȱ oilȱ andȱ waterȱ onȱ theȱ Spanishȱ troops,ȱ providingȱ weaponsȱ and equipmentȱforȱtheȱDutchȱrebels,ȱandȱinȱsomeȱcasesȱevenȱfightingȱalongsideȱtheȱmen withȱallȱavailableȱarms.110ȱToȱsomeȱextentȱsubsequentȱauthorsȱcreatedȱaȱmythȱof theseȱwarriorȬwomen,ȱstylizingȱthemȱasȱtrueȱheroinesȱcarryingȱoutȱmanlyȱdeeds, whichȱ hadȱ aȱ hugeȱ impactȱ onȱ theȱ laterȱ centuries,ȱ givingȱ Dutchȱ womenȱ an impressiveȱpublicȱstatusȱfromȱveryȱearlyȱon.ȱ Peacockȱ supportsȱ herȱ claimȱ withȱ aȱ wealthȱ ofȱ pictorialȱ evidence,ȱ which demonstratesȱthatȱtheȱfightingȱwomanȱhadȱbecomeȱaȱcentralȱiconȱofȱtheȱDutch revolution.ȱ Theȱ popularityȱ ofȱ thisȱ visualȱ motifȱ didȱ notȱ expireȱ shortlyȱ afterȱ the establishmentȱofȱtheȱUnionȱofȱUtrecht,ȱbutȱcontinuedȱwellȱintoȱtheȱseventeenth century,ȱifȱnotȱevenȱbeyond.ȱNotȱsurprisingly,ȱhereȱweȱcomeȱacrossȱdirectȱallusions toȱtheȱbiblicalȱJudith,ȱalsoȱaȱhighlyȱadmiredȱwarriorȱwoman,ȱbutȱnowȱHollandȱis presentedȱasȱtheȱnewȱHolyȱLandȱbecauseȱtheseȱwomen,ȱalongȱwithȱtheȱmen,ȱhave foughtȱaȱworthy,ȱnoble,ȱandȱespeciallyȱaȱJustȱWarȱagainstȱtheȱSpanishȱoppressors. Warȱforȱtheȱliberationȱofȱtheȱownȱcountryȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱofȱgreatȱvalue,ȱandȱthese heroinesȱareȱregularlyȱportrayedȱasȱpossessingȱmanlyȱvirtuesȱandȱcourage.ȱThe

110

Aȱ trulyȱ fascinatingȱ exampleȱ forȱ aȱ braveȱ fightingȱ womanȱ alreadyȱ emergesȱ inȱ Wolframȱ von Eschenbach’sȱchansonȱdeȱgeste,ȱhisȱWillehalmȱfromȱca.ȱ1220ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ44),ȱwhereȱGyburcȱvaliantly holdsȱtheȱcastleȱagainstȱtheȱseaȱofȱMuslimȱenemiesȱwhileȱherȱhusband,ȱCountȱWillehalm,ȱtravels toȱtheȱcourtȱofȱtheȱkingȱofȱFranceȱtoȱsolicitȱmilitaryȱhelp.ȱSeeȱMartinȱH.ȱJones,ȱ“GiburcȱatȱOrange: TheȱSiegeȱasȱMilitaryȱEventȱandȱLiteraryȱTheme,”ȱWolframsȱ“Willehalm”:ȱFifteenȱEssays,ȱed.ȱid.ȱand Timothyȱ McFarland.ȱ Studiesȱ inȱ Germanȱ Literature,ȱ Linguistics,ȱ andȱ Cultureȱ (Rochester,ȱ NY: CamdenȱHouse,ȱ2002),ȱ97–120.ȱSeeȱalsoȱmyȱdiscussionȱabove.

74

AlbrechtȱClassen

termȱ‘Amazon’—aȱcategory,ȱalongȱwithȱJudith,ȱpreviouslyȱhonoredȱbyȱChristine deȱPizan—wasȱalsoȱusedȱtoȱdescribeȱtheseȱwomen,ȱbutȱnotȱinȱaȱderogatoryȱfashion, quiteȱtoȱtheȱcontrary,ȱbecauseȱtheseȱheroinesȱhadȱsignificantlyȱcontributedȱtoȱthe successfulȱfightȱagainstȱAlbaȱandȱhisȱsoldiers.ȱSomeȱofȱtheȱwomenȱhadȱevenȱput onȱmen’sȱclothing,ȱdisguisingȱthemselvesȱsoȱthatȱtheyȱcouldȱfightȱmoreȱefficiently. AsȱPeacockȱemphasizes,ȱtheseȱwomenȱoriginatedȱnotȱfromȱtheȱaristocraticȱclass, butȱmostlyȱbelongedȱtoȱtheȱclassȱofȱburghers,ȱwhichȱaddedȱfurtherȱrevolutionary impetusȱtoȱtheȱentireȱtopic.111ȱ Consequently,ȱfutureȱgenerationsȱofȱDutchȱwomenȱrealizedȱnewȱopportunities inȱ publicȱ life,ȱ toȱ someȱ extentȱ predicatedȱ onȱ thisȱ militaryȱ tradition,ȱ which fundamentallyȱchangedȱtheȱpatriarchalȱparadigmȱandȱsetȱtheȱstageȱforȱwomen’s newȱlevelȱofȱrecognition.ȱInȱthisȱregard,ȱtheȱwarȱinȱwhichȱtheyȱhadȱbeenȱinvolved provedȱtoȱbeȱaȱblessingȱwithȱmanyȱramifications,ȱanticipatingȱinȱmanyȱwaysȱthe futureȱofȱtheȱgenderȱrelationship,ȱatȱleastȱsinceȱtheȱtwentiethȱcentury.ȱIndividual womenȱevenȱprofitedȱsoȱmuchȱfromȱthisȱparadigmȱshiftȱthatȱtheyȱcouldȱfindȱaȱway intoȱtheȱsphereȱofȱacademiaȱandȱliterature.ȱTheirȱdedicationȱtoȱtheȱmilitaryȱstruggle againstȱ Spanishȱ militaryȱ dominationȱ elevatedȱ themȱ upȱ fromȱ theirȱ previous subordination,ȱandȱcreated,ȱevenȱifȱonlyȱtentatively,ȱaȱdegreeȱofȱequalityȱwhich wasȱunheardȱofȱinȱearlyȱmodernȱEuropeȱandȱfindsȱnoȱrealȱparallels.ȱ HeidiȱJ.ȱHolderȱfinallyȱintroducesȱusȱtoȱaȱratherȱsurprisingȱelementȱofȱtheatrical presentationȱinȱlateȱeighteenthȬȱandȱearlyȱnineteenthȬcenturyȱLondonȱwithȱhorses servingȱasȱsymbolicȱcharactersȱonȱtheȱstageȱtoȱdemonstrate,ȱforȱinstance,ȱtheȱBritish victoryȱoverȱanȱeffeminateȱNapoleon.ȱSheȱappropriatelyȱcallsȱthisȱphenomenon “hippodrama.”ȱSinceȱtheȱlateȱseventeenthȱcentury,ȱwithȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱPuritan wars,ȱ manyȱ theatresȱ wereȱ openedȱ againȱ orȱ newlyȱ established,ȱ attractingȱ huge crowds,ȱ particularlyȱ inȱ London,ȱ whereȱ theȱ newȱ theatreȱ productionsȱ offered excitingȱandȱinnovativeȱmixturesȱofȱelements,ȱcombiningȱmusicȱwithȱacting,ȱand thenȱalsoȱintroducingȱanimalsȱontoȱtheȱstage.ȱTheȱhorseȱwasȱfirstȱrecognizedȱin 1770ȱ asȱ anȱ idealȱ characterȱ forȱ militaristicȱ dramasȱ byȱ Philipȱ Astley,ȱ whoȱ hadȱ a famousȱmilitaryȱbackgroundȱduringȱtheȱSevenȱYears’ȱWarȱinȱwhichȱBritainȱwas successfullyȱalliedȱwithȱPrussiaȱagainstȱtheȱrestȱofȱcontinentalȱEurope.ȱAstley’sȱidea ofȱaȱridingȱschoolȱonȱstageȱwasȱquicklyȱcopiedȱbyȱotherȱtheatreȱorȱcircusȱowners, Astleyȱbecameȱfamousȱforȱhisȱtrickȱriding,ȱbutȱallȱthisȱprovedȱtoȱbeȱsoȱpopularȱonly becauseȱ itȱ servedȱ toȱ highlightȱ Britain’sȱ triumphantȱ victoryȱ overȱ itsȱ enemies,

111

JessicaȱAmandaȱSalmonson,ȱTheȱEncyclopediaȱofȱAmazons:ȱWomenȱWarriorsȱfromȱAntiquityȱtoȱthe ModernȱEraȱ(NewȱYork:ȱParagonȱHouse,ȱ1991).ȱSeeȱalsoȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱWarlikeȱWomenȱinȱthe GermanȱLiteraryȱandȱCulturalȱImaginationȱSinceȱ1500,ȱed.ȱSarahȱColvinȱandȱHelenȱWatanabeȬO’Kelly. WomenȱandȱDeath,ȱ2ȱ(Rochester,ȱNY:ȱCamdenȱHouse,ȱ2009).ȱNoneȱofȱthem,ȱhowever,ȱisȱawareȱof theȱDutchȱtradition.ȱCf.ȱalsoȱRosalindȱMilesȱandȱRobinȱCross,ȱHellȱHathȱnoȱFury:ȱTrueȱProfilesȱof WomenȱatȱWarȱfromȱAntiquityȱtoȱIraqȱ(NewȱYork:ȱThreeȱRiversȱPress,ȱ2008).

Introduction

75

especiallyȱFrance—afterȱall,ȱtheȱSevenȱYears’ȱWarȱhadȱreallyȱbeenȱaȱworldȱwar, withȱcombatȱstagesȱalsoȱinȱIndia,ȱAfrica,ȱandȱAmerica.112ȱHowever,ȱasȱHolderȱalso notes,ȱtrickȱridingȱwasȱsoonȱcomplimentedȱbyȱactsȱperformedȱbyȱspeciallyȱtrained andȱskilledȱhorses.ȱ Astleyȱ soonȱ proceededȱ withȱ aȱ furtherȱ militarizationȱ ofȱ theȱ stage,ȱ organizing mockȱ battlesȱ andȱ parades,ȱ therebyȱ invitingȱ theȱ audienceȱ toȱ witnessȱ aȱ fictional panoramaȱofȱwar.ȱHeȱevenȱrecreatedȱtheȱFrenchȱRevolutionȱonȱtheȱstage,ȱatȱfirst projectingȱaȱmoreȱpositiveȱimageȱofȱtheȱriotingȱpeople.ȱButȱwhenȱtheȱwarȱbetween Englandȱ andȱ Franceȱ beganȱ inȱ 1793,ȱ Astleyȱ joinedȱ theȱ armyȱ again,ȱ which highlightedȱ theȱ intimateȱ relationshipȱ betweenȱ theȱ militaryȱ actionsȱ onȱ the battlefieldȱ andȱ theȱ theatricalȱ reenactments.ȱ Inȱ aȱ wayȱ theȱ theatresȱ became informationalȱcentersȱforȱtheȱpublicȱregardingȱtheȱdevelopmentȱofȱtheȱwar.ȱLater wars,ȱ involvingȱ India,ȱ forȱ instance,ȱ wereȱ alsoȱ successfullyȱ presentedȱ onȱ the Londonȱstages.ȱTheȱmoreȱtheȱwarsȱaffectedȱtheȱentireȱnation,ȱtheȱmoreȱtheȱinterest inȱtheȱplaysȱgrew,ȱwhichȱincreasinglyȱalsoȱincludedȱanimals,ȱbecauseȱtheȱhorse couldȱsoȱimposinglyȱrepresentȱtheȱidealsȱofȱmanlyȱconductȱinȱbattle.ȱ Insteadȱofȱrecoilingȱfromȱmilitaryȱconflicts,ȱtheȱmodernȱeraȱhasȱplungedȱeven furtherȱintoȱwarfareȱandȱtheȱidealizationȱofȱcombat,ȱperhapsȱbecauseȱnationalistic valuesȱgainedȱnewȱpopularityȱwithȱtheȱrisingȱbourgeoisie.ȱButȱweȱwouldȱalsoȱhave toȱagreeȱwithȱHolderȱthatȱtheȱtheatreȱproductionsȱservedȱexceedinglyȱwellȱtoȱcarry outȱ theirȱ intendedȱ propagandisticȱ functionsȱ toȱ rallyȱ peopleȱ behindȱ the government’sȱwarȱefforts.

K.ȱConclusion Itȱwouldȱbeȱhubrisȱtoȱclaimȱthatȱweȱhaveȱcoveredȱtheȱtopicȱofȱwarȱandȱpeaceȱinȱthe MiddleȱAgesȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱAgeȱexhaustively.ȱCountlessȱscholarsȱbeforeȱus haveȱalreadyȱaddressedȱtheȱissue,ȱalongȱwithȱtheologians,ȱphilosophers,ȱpoets,ȱand politicians.ȱTheȱcentralȱconcern,ȱhowever,ȱremainsȱaȱtimelessȱandȱinexhaustible challengeȱbecauseȱhumanȱlifeȱdependsȱsoȱmuchȱonȱpeace.ȱAtȱtheȱsameȱtimeȱhuman aggressionȱ threatensȱ theȱ survivalȱ ofȱ theȱ ownȱ species,ȱ whetherȱ weȱ lookȱ into antiquity,ȱ theȱ Middleȱ Ages,ȱ orȱ theȱ Modernȱ Age.ȱ Weȱ hope,ȱ however,ȱ toȱ have addressed,ȱonceȱagain,ȱtheȱenormouslyȱwideȬspreadȱdiscourseȱonȱwarȱandȱpeace

112

Williamȱ Mȱ Fowler,ȱ Empiresȱ atȱ War:ȱ Theȱ Sevenȱ Years’ȱ Warȱ andȱ theȱ Struggleȱ forȱ Northȱ America, 1754Ȭ1763ȱ (Vancouver:ȱ Douglasȱ &ȱ McIntyre,ȱ 2005);ȱ Franzȱ A.ȱ J.ȱ Szabo,ȱ Theȱ Sevenȱ Yearsȱ Warȱ in Europe,ȱ 1756Ȭ1763.ȱ Modernȱ Warsȱ inȱ Perspectiveȱ (Harlow,ȱ England,ȱ andȱ Newȱ York: Pearson/Longman,ȱ2008);ȱDouglasȱFordham,ȱBritishȱArtȱandȱtheȱSevenȱYears’ȱWar:ȱAllegianceȱand Autonomyȱ(Philadelphia:ȱUniversityȱofȱPennsylvaniaȱPress,ȱ2010).ȱSeeȱalsoȱM.ȱJohnȱCardwell,ȱArts andȱArms:ȱLiterature,ȱPoliticsȱandȱPatriotismȱDuringȱtheȱSevenȱYearsȱWarȱ(ManchesterȱandȱNewȱYork: ManchesterȱUniversityȱPress,ȱPalgrave,ȱ2004).

76

AlbrechtȱClassen

throughoutȱtheȱformativeȱperiodȱconstitutingȱtheȱbasisȱfromȱwhichȱourȱmodern worldȱhasȱarisen.ȱWarȱandȱviolenceȱcontinueȱtoȱvexȱourȱworld,ȱandȱthisȱperhaps moreȱthanȱeverȱbefore.ȱWeȱasȱculturalȱhistoriansȱareȱchallengedȱtoȱaddressȱthe basicȱ coursesȱ ofȱ thisȱ tragicȱ bloodshedȱ farȱ andȱ wide,ȱ andȱ toȱ putȱ itȱ intoȱ the appropriateȱcontext.ȱ Thereȱis,ȱperhapsȱironically,ȱnoȱdoubtȱinȱmyȱmindȱthatȱtheȱpowerfulȱindividuals whoȱareȱessentiallyȱresponsibleȱforȱwarȱyesterdayȱandȱtodayȱwillȱnotȱlistenȱtoȱthe lessonsȱdrawnȱfromȱtheȱpastȱinȱtheȱmanyȱcontributionsȱtoȱthisȱvolume.ȱAfterȱall, thisȱisȱnotȱaȱbookȱaddressingȱcontemporaryȱissues,ȱandȱitȱhasȱnoȱspecificȱpolitical orȱideologicalȱissue.ȱNevertheless,ȱasȱmedievalistsȱandȱearlyȱmodernistsȱweȱhave anȱenormousȱresponsibilityȱtoȱreflectȱuponȱtheȱpastȱandȱtoȱcarryȱitsȱmessagesȱtoȱthe presentȱandȱfuture.ȱIrrespectiveȱofȱallȱcynicismȱtoday,ȱwhichȱseemsȱmoreȱandȱmore logical,ȱorȱcoercive,ȱinȱlightȱofȱactualȱeventsȱtakingȱplaceȱallȱaroundȱusȱwhileȱIȱam composingȱtheseȱlines,ȱhopeȱremainsȱdespiteȱmuchȱdespairȱeverywhere.ȱWarȱis not,ȱorȱoughtȱnotȱtoȱbe,ȱtheȱultimaȱratioȱinȱandȱofȱlife,ȱandȱmanȱisȱnotȱdoomedȱto fightȱthroughoutȱhisȱexistence.ȱLiteratureȱandȱtheȱarts,ȱnotȱtoȱspeakȱofȱphilosophy andȱtheology,ȱdoȱhaveȱaȱsignificantȱtaskȱinȱourȱlives.ȱTheȱstudyȱofȱheroicȱepics mightȱnotȱtransformȱtheȱmindsȱofȱourȱpoliticiansȱandȱmilitaryȱleaders,ȱbutȱitȱcan certainlyȱsetȱtheȱstageȱforȱourȱyoungerȱgenerationsȱtoȱbeginȱtheȱnecessaryȱprocess ofȱ reflectionȱ onȱ theȱ meaningȱ ofȱ heroism,ȱ honor,ȱ ethicalȱ behavior,ȱ andȱ the consequencesȱofȱemployingȱmilitaryȱmight.ȱ Thisȱdoesȱnotȱmeanȱthatȱweȱareȱpursuingȱtheȱgoalȱofȱachievingȱpacifismȱinȱany specificȱ manner,ȱ radicalȱ orȱ modest,ȱ asȱ idealȱ asȱ thatȱ mightȱ be.ȱ Instead,ȱ the contributorsȱattemptȱtoȱaddressȱconcreteȱsituationsȱinȱtheȱpremodernȱworldȱwhere warȱandȱpeaceȱareȱonȱtheȱnegotiationȱtable.ȱOnlyȱtheȱcriticalȱanalysisȱofȱtheȱcentral issuesȱpertainingȱtoȱbothȱaspectsȱwillȱcarryȱtheȱpromiseȱtoȱspareȱusȱallȱfromȱtotal annihilation,ȱorȱArmageddon.ȱThisȱis,ȱfurthermore,ȱnotȱtoȱsayȱthatȱallȱwarsȱareȱto beȱ condemned.ȱ Someȱ warsȱ haveȱ alwaysȱ provenȱ toȱ beȱ criticalȱ inȱ theȱ selfȬ preservationȱofȱaȱpeople,ȱaȱsocialȱgroup,ȱorȱaȱculture.ȱButȱinȱeveryȱwarȱpeopleȱdie andȱsufferȱbadlyȱinȱphysicalȱterms,ȱwhileȱtheȱsurvivorsȱfaceȱenormousȱgriefȱin psychologicalȱandȱemotional.ȱPoetsȱandȱartistsȱhaveȱconsequentlyȱrespondedȱto thatȱphenomenon,ȱwhichȱtheȱcontributorsȱtoȱthisȱvolumeȱhaveȱallȱtriedȱtoȱaddress inȱhisȱorȱherȱindividualȱapproach. Itȱseemsȱjustifiedȱandȱmostȱappropriateȱtoȱconcludeȱthisȱintroductionȱwithȱsome referencesȱtoȱtheȱgreatȱRomanticȱSpanishȱartistȱFranciscoȱGoya,ȱorȱFranciscoȱJosé deȱGoyaȱyȱLucientesȱ(Marchȱ30,ȱ1746ȱ–ȱAprilȱ16,ȱ1828).113ȱInȱhisȱseriesȱofȱeightyȬtwo

113

FredȱLich,ȱGoyaȱ(NewȱYork:ȱAbbevilleȱPress,ȱ2001);ȱEvanȱS.ȱConnell,ȱFranciscoȱGoyaȱ(NewȱYork: Counterpoint,ȱ2004);ȱDagmarȱFeghelm,ȱI,ȱGoya,ȱtrans.ȱfromȱtheȱGermanȱbyȱIshbelȱFlettȱ(2004; MunichȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱPrestel,ȱ2004).

Introduction

77

printsȱunderȱtheȱtitleȱLosȱDesastresȱdeȱlaȱGuerraȱ(“TheȱDisastersȱofȱWar”)ȱcreated betweenȱ 1810ȱ andȱ 1820,ȱ Goyaȱ developedȱ someȱ ofȱ theȱ mostȱ powerfulȱ and penetratingȱimagesȱpresentingȱtheȱcrueltiesȱandȱbarbarityȱofȱwar.114ȱTheseȱprints wereȱsoȱdramaticȱandȱprovocativeȱthatȱtheyȱwereȱnotȱpublishedȱuntilȱ1863,ȱthirtyȬ fiveȱyearsȱafterȱtheȱartist’sȱdeath.ȱGoyaȱhimselfȱneverȱcommentedȱonȱhisȱantiȬwar art,ȱbutȱtheȱimagesȱspeakȱforȱthemselvesȱandȱrepresentȱtheȱmostȱtorturousȱartistic attackȱ againstȱ humanȱ aggressionȱ andȱ violenceȱ unleashedȱ inȱ war.ȱ Goya demonstratesȱwithȱhisȱhorrifying,ȱstark,ȱandȱdeeplyȱmovingȱprintsȱthatȱtheȱarts have,ȱindeed,ȱmuchȱtoȱsayȱaboutȱwarȱandȱpeaceȱandȱcan,ȱifȱnotȱmust,ȱinformȱthe publicȱaboutȱtheȱdevastatingȱconsequencesȱofȱwar,ȱwhichȱcanȱeasilyȱtransformȱthe humanȱindividualȱintoȱaȱbeast.ȱ Ofȱcourse,ȱthereȱhaveȱalwaysȱbeenȱhonorableȱknights,ȱlansquenets,ȱorȱsoldiers, andȱmanyȱwarsȱhaveȱbeenȱfoughtȱmostȱvaliantlyȱandȱhonorably,ȱbothȱinȱtheȱpast andȱtheȱpresent,ȱthatȱis,ȱtheyȱhaveȱbeenȱregardedȱasȱ‘JustȱWars’ȱbyȱtheȱvictors.115 Nevertheless,ȱtoȱwinȱinȱanyȱwarȱalwaysȱinvolvesȱtheȱdeathȱofȱcountlessȱpeople, whetherȱ theyȱ areȱ theȱ enemyȱ orȱ ‘only’ȱ collateralȱ damage,ȱ theȱ wayȱ howȱ the Pentagonȱcallsȱthoseȱvictimsȱtoday. Forȱthisȱreason,ȱGoyaȱdeservesȱtheȱlastȱword,ȱalthoughȱheȱneverȱtalkedȱaboutȱhis darkestȱandȱmostȱfrighteningȱprintsȱorȱofferedȱanȱexplanation.ȱIȱhasten,ȱhowever, toȱexpressȱmyȱgreatȱgratitudeȱtoȱmyȱindefatigableȱcollaboratorȱonȱthisȱproject,ȱProf. NadiaȱMargolis.ȱSheȱreadȱeveryȱpieceȱalongȱwithȱme,ȱreviewedȱallȱcontributions, andȱhelpedȱinȱcountlessȱways.ȱItȱwasȱaȱtrueȱjoyȱtoȱjoinȱforcesȱwithȱsomeoneȱlikeȱher whoȱ sharesȱ theȱ sameȱ professionalȱ interests,ȱ workȱ ethic,ȱ andȱ aȱ powerful determinationȱtoȱliveȱupȱtoȱherȱownȱpromises.ȱIȱamȱveryȱindebtedȱtoȱher.ȱIȱamȱalso mostȱthankfulȱforȱtheȱcriticalȱreadingȱofȱthisȱintroductionȱbyȱWilliamȱC.ȱMcDonald (UniversityȱofȱVirginia)ȱandȱMarilynȱSandidgeȱ(WestfieldȱStateȱUniversity,ȱMA).ȱ ButȱnowȱonȱtoȱGoya,ȱinȱtheȱhopeȱthatȱthisȱvolumeȱwillȱhaveȱtheȱdesiredȱimpact onȱitsȱreaders,ȱbothȱacademicsȱandȱtheȱgeneralȱpublic.ȱWarȱandȱpeaceȱareȱsuch importantȱtopicsȱthatȱweȱcannotȱafford—perhapsȱtodayȱlessȱthanȱeverȱbefore—to ignoreȱitsȱhorrificȱimpactȱonȱallȱofȱus.ȱOfȱcourse,ȱasȱtheȱoverwhelmingȱevidenceȱinȱ thisȱvolumeȱindicates,ȱwriters,ȱartists,ȱphilosophers,ȱtheologians,ȱandȱrulersȱhave alwaysȱbeenȱdeeplyȱconcernedȱwithȱwarȱandȱexaminedȱcarefullyȱandȱinȱcountless 114

115

LosȱdibujosȱdeȱGoya,ȱreproducidosȱaȱsuȱtamañoȱyȱenȱsuȱcolor.ȱ2ȱvols.ȱConȱintroducciónȱyȱnotasȱporȱF.J. SánchezȱCantónȱ(Madrid,ȱMuseoȱdelȱPrado,ȱ1954);ȱFranciscoȱGoya:ȱlosȱcaprichos,ȱlosȱdesastresȱdeȱla guerra,ȱlosȱdisparatesȱ(Montréal:ȱMuséeȱdesȱBeauxȬArtsȱ=ȱMontréalȱMuseumȱofȱFineȱArts,ȱ2001); AntonioȱManuelȱGarridoȱMoraga;:JoséȱMaȱLunaȱAguilarȱandȱJoséȱMaríaȱMoralesȱCamón,ȱDeȱla guerraȱȱfatalesȱconsequencias,ȱhorroresȱyȱdesastresȱ(Marbella:ȱFundaciónȱMuseoȱdelȱGrabadoȱEspañol Contemporáneo,ȱ2008);ȱSandraȱBalsells,ȱJuanȱBordes,ȱandȱJoséȱManuelȱMatilla,ȱGoya,ȱcronistaȱde todasȱlasȱguerras:ȱLosȱdesastresȱyȱlaȱfotografíaȱdeȱguerraȱ(LasȱPalmasȱdeȱGranȱCanaria:ȱCentroȱAtlántico deȱ Arteȱ Moderno,ȱ 2009);ȱ Nilȱ SantiáñezȬTió,ȱ Goyaȱ /ȱ Clausewitz:ȱ paradigmasȱ deȱ laȱ guerraȱ absoluta (Barcelona:ȱAlphaȱDecay,ȱ2009).ȱTheȱsecondaryȱliteratureȱonȱGoya’sȱprintsȱis,ȱofȱcourse,ȱlegion. SeeȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱthisȱvolumeȱbyȱBenȱSnookȱandȱMarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock.

78

AlbrechtȱClassen

waysȱhowȱtoȱachieveȱpeace.ȱWithoutȱdiscussingȱtheȱpictorialȱelementsȱinȱGoya’s prints,ȱweȱonlyȱneedȱtoȱallowȱtheȱcrueltyȱofȱtheȱscenesȱhaveȱtheirȱintendedȱimpact onȱusȱasȱviewers.ȱIȱamȱconvincedȱthatȱmostȱofȱtheȱmedievalȱandȱearlyȱmodern writersȱ andȱ thinkers,ȱ suchȱ asȱ St.ȱ Francisȱ ofȱ Assisi,ȱ Christineȱ deȱ Pizan,ȱ Michel Beheim,ȱandȱErasmusȱofȱRotterdamȱwouldȱhaveȱagreedȱwithȱhisȱhighlyȱnegative assessmentȱofȱwar.ȱMostȱsignificantly,ȱonceȱpeopleȱareȱdirectlyȱconfrontedȱwithȱthe consequencesȱofȱwarȱandȱwitnessȱitsȱhorrificȱbrutalitiesȱandȱmassiveȱslaughter, theyȱtendȱtoȱturnȱagainstȱwar.ȱForȱthatȱreason,ȱpoets,ȱartists,ȱphilosophers,ȱand theologiansȱtrulyȱcommandȱmuchȱpower,ȱifȱtheyȱonlyȱknowȱhowȱtoȱutilizeȱthat powerȱtoȱcontrolȱpublicȱopinions.ȱThisȱvolumeȱrepresentsȱtheȱcontinuationȱofȱour effortsȱtoȱaddressȱcriticallyȱfundamentalȱissuesȱrelevantȱforȱtheȱmedievalȱandȱearly modernȱ world.ȱ Lifeȱ withoutȱ peaceȱ isȱ notȱ imagineable,ȱ butȱ warȱ hasȱ always, curiouslyȱandȱsadly,ȱprovenȱtoȱbeȱaȱmajorȱcatalystȱforȱtheȱfurtherȱdevelopment (andȱdestruction)ȱofȱhumanȱsociety.

Introduction

Fig.ȱ1:ȱFranciscoȱGoya:ȱLosȱDesastresȱdeȱlaȱGuerraȱ

79

80

AlbrechtȱClassen

Fig.ȱ2:ȱFranciscoȱGoya:ȱLosȱDesastresȱdeȱlaȱGuerraȱ

Chapterȱ1 ScottȱL.ȱTaylorȱ (PimaȱCommunityȱCollege,ȱTucson,ȱAZ)

TheȱConquestȱofȱSodom:ȱSymbiosisȱofȱCalumnyȱand CanonȱinȱtheȱJusȱBelliȱfromȱIrelandȱtoȱtheȱIndies

Inȱ Relectionesȱ deȱ Indisȱ Recenterȱ Inventisȱ (Accountsȱ ofȱ theȱ Recentlyȱ Discovered Indies),ȱaȱseriesȱofȱlecturesȱdiscussingȱtheȱlegitimacyȱofȱtheȱSpanishȱConquestȱof theȱAmericasȱdeliveredȱsometimeȱinȱtheȱ1530s,ȱtheȱDominicanȱFriarȱFranciscoȱde Vitoria,ȱ Professorȱ ofȱ Sacredȱ Theologyȱ atȱ Salamanca,ȱ declared:ȱ “Principes Christiani,ȱ etiamȱ authoritateȱ Papaeȱ nonȱ possuntȱ coercereȱ barbarosȱ aȱ peccatis contraȱlegemȱnatura,ȱnecȱrationeȱillorumȱeosȱpunire.”ȱ(Christianȱprinces,ȱevenȱwith papalȱauthorization,ȱareȱunableȱtoȱpreventȱbarbariansȱfromȱsinsȱagainstȱnatural law,ȱ norȱ isȱ itȱ theirȱ functionȱ toȱ punishȱ themȱ forȱ suchȱ offenses).1ȱ Notingȱ the commonplaceȱofȱSpanishȱallegationsȱofȱsodomyȱagainstȱtheȱAmerindians,ȱandȱthat theȱ NormanȬWelshȱ historian,ȱ Geraldȱ ofȱ Walesȱ (Giraldusȱ Cambrensis,ȱ †ȱ 1223) repeatedlyȱchargedȱtheȱIrishȱwithȱcrimesȱagainstȱnature,ȱparticularlyȱbestiality,ȱthe lateȱJohnȱKelly,ȱProfessorȱofȱJurisprudenceȱandȱRomanȱLawȱatȱUniversityȱCollege, andȱfellowȱofȱTrinityȱCollege,ȱDublin,ȱmusedȱinȱaȱfootnoteȱtoȱhisȱShortȱHistoryȱof WesternȱLegalȱTheoryȱwhetherȱtheseȱaccusationsȱwereȱroutineȱmedievalȱcalumnies toȱ justifyȱ conquerors.2ȱ Inȱ fact,ȱ asȱ thisȱ essayȱ endeavorsȱ toȱ demonstrate,ȱ sexual transgressionsȱcontraȱnaturamȱquaȱcausaȱbelliȱ(againstȱnatureȱasȱcauseȱforȱwar)ȱwas aȱ peculiarȱ formulationȱ resultingȱ fromȱ theȱ paradigmaticȱ shiftȱ flowingȱ fromȱ the reformatioȱofȱtheȱeleventhȱandȱtwelfthȱcenturiesȱandȱtheȱaccompanyingȱgenesisȱof

1

2

RelectionesȱdeȱIndis,ȱ2:ȱ16.ȱForȱaȱcriticalȱedition,ȱseeȱRelectiones,ȱFranciscoȱdeȱVitoria,ȱed.ȱandȱtrans. UlrichȱHorst,ȱHeinzȬGerhardȱJustenhoven,ȱandȱJoachimȱStüben,ȱ2ȱvols.ȱTheologieȱundȱFrieden, 7–8ȱ(Stuttgart:ȱW.ȱKohlhammer,ȱ1995–1997). ShortȱHistoryȱofȱWesternȱLegalȱTheoryȱ(Oxford:ȱClarendonȱPress,ȱ1992),ȱ201ȱn.ȱ146.ȱForȱGerald’s histories,ȱtheȱExpugnatioȱHibernicaȱ[ConquestȱofȱIreland]ȱandȱTopographiaȱHibernicaȱ[Topography ofȱ Ireland],ȱ seeȱ Giraldiȱ Cambrensisȱ Opera,ȱ vol.ȱ 5,ȱ ed.ȱ Jamesȱ F[rancis]ȱ Dimockȱ (orig.ȱ London: Longmans,ȱGreen,ȱetȱal.,ȱ1867;ȱrpt.ȱChestnutȱHill,ȱMA:ȱEilbronȱClassics/AdamantȱMedia,ȱ2004).

82

ScottȱL.ȱTaylorȱ

anȱimperialȱpapacyȱwithȱwhichȱtheȱdoctrineȱwasȱlargelyȱcoterminous.ȱAtȱtheȱsame time,ȱ theȱ coincidenceȱ ofȱ attributedȱ offenseȱ andȱ legalȱ justificationsȱ providesȱ an interestingȱcaseȱstudyȱinȱtheȱsymbiosisȱofȱperceptionsȱdeȱfactoȱ(asȱaȱmatterȱofȱfact) andȱdeȱjureȱ(asȱaȱmatterȱofȱlaw). Inȱtheȱeleventhȱandȱtwelfthȱcenturies,ȱtheȱconceptȱofȱjustumȱbellumȱ(JustȱWar)ȱwas inȱaȱstateȱofȱflux,ȱasȱwasȱindeedȱallȱlaw.ȱTheȱdominantȱRomanȱlawȱhadȱhitherto displayedȱaȱdeceptiveȱsimplicityȱinȱdefiningȱtheȱlegitimateȱbasisȱ(res)ȱforȱwar.ȱAs Ciceroȱ(106–43ȱB.ȱC.ȱE)ȱhadȱwrittenȱinȱDeȱOfficiisȱ(OfȱDuties):ȱ“Nullumȱbellumȱesse iustumȱnisiȱquodȱautȱrebusȱrepetitisȱgeraturȱautȱdenuntiatumȱanteȱsitȱetȱindictum” (1.ȱ11.ȱ36;ȱNoȱwarȱisȱjustȱunlessȱitȱbeȱwagedȱeitherȱtoȱrecoverȱaȱres,ȱorȱthereȱfirstȱbe aȱ statementȱ ofȱ grievanceȱ andȱ aȱ formalȱ declaration).ȱ Theȱ resȱ atȱ issueȱ couldȱ be corporealȱorȱincorporeal,ȱandȱhenceȱinȱDeȱrepublicaȱCiceroȱrephrasedȱtheȱpremise as:ȱ “Namȱ extraȱ ulciscendiȱ autȱ propulsandorumȱ hostiumȱ causamȱ bellumȱ geri nullumȱpotest”ȱ(11.ȱ23;ȱForȱnoȱoneȱmayȱwageȱwarȱexceptȱforȱreasonȱofȱenemies whoȱ mustȱ beȱ sanctionedȱ orȱ repelled).ȱ Althoughȱ ultioȱ mayȱ beȱ definedȱ as punishmentȱorȱrevenge,ȱCiceroȱseemsȱtoȱintendȱitȱinȱtheȱmoreȱjuridicalȱsenseȱof takingȱreprisalȱtoȱsatisfyȱanȱinjuryȱnotȱotherwiseȱcompensable;ȱbeingȱessentially offensesȱagainstȱtheȱjusȱgentium,ȱi.ȱe.,ȱthoseȱinstitutionesȱthatȱallȱpeoplesȱnaturally respect,ȱ suchȱ asȱ peaceȱ treatiesȱ (foederaȱ pacis)ȱ orȱ respectȱ forȱ theȱ inviolabilityȱ of legatesȱ(legatorumȱnonȱviolandorumȱreligio).ȱInȱhisȱEtymologiaeȱ(Etymologies),ȱIsidore ofȱ Sevilleȱ (†636)ȱ wouldȱ adoptȱ theȱ formulationȱ “Justumȱ bellumȱ estȱ quodȱ ex praedictoȱgeriturȱdeȱrebusȱrepetitisȱautȱpropulsandorumȱhostiumȱcausa”ȱ(18.1;ȱa JustȱWarȱisȱoneȱofȱtheȱaforesaidȱ[beingȱunjust,ȱjust,ȱcivilȱorȱbeyondȱcivil]ȱwagedȱon groundsȱ ofȱ demandingȱ satisfactionȱ [i.ȱ e.,ȱ reclaimingȱ one’sȱ res]ȱ orȱ repellingȱ an enemy).ȱThisȱphraseȱheȱparallelsȱtoȱCicero’sȱinȱaȱmannerȱleavingȱnoȱdoubtȱthatȱfor him,ȱultioȱisȱtheȱequivalentȱofȱrerumȱrepetitio,ȱgrantedȱthatȱinȱEtymologiesȱ5.6,ȱhe expandsȱ theȱ subjectȱ matterȱ ofȱ theȱ jusȱ gentiumȱ beyondȱ itsȱ classicalȱ confinesȱ to includeȱsuchȱmattersȱasȱfinancialȱsettlementsȱ(sediumȱoccupationes)ȱandȱprohibitions onȱintermarriageȱ(connubeȱinterȱalienigenasȱprohibetur).ȱ Inȱ allȱ likelihood,ȱ St.ȱ Augustineȱ (354–430)ȱ hadȱ hadȱ noȱ moreȱ thanȱ theȱ Roman conceptsȱsurroundingȱjustumȱbellumȱinȱmindȱwhenȱinȱQuestionesȱinȱHeptateuchum (QuestionsȱonȱtheȱHeptateuch),ȱ6.10,ȱheȱobserved:ȱ“Iustaȱautemȱbellaȱeaȱdefiniri solentȱqueȱulciscunturȱiniurias,ȱsiȱquaȱgensȱvelȱcivitasȱquaeȱbelloȱpetendaȱest,ȱvel vindicareȱneglexeritȱquodȱaȱsuisȱinprobeȱfactumȱest,ȱvelȱredderȱquodȱperȱiniurias ablatumȱ est”ȱ (Moreover,ȱ justȱ warsȱ areȱ customarilyȱ definedȱ asȱ thoseȱ avenging injuries,ȱ asȱ whereȱ aȱ peopleȱ orȱ cityȱ oughtȱ beȱ assailedȱ byȱ warfareȱ becauseȱ it neglectedȱtoȱpunishȱwhatȱwasȱwrongfullyȱdoneȱbyȱitsȱmembersȱorȱtoȱrestoreȱthat whichȱwasȱwrongfullyȱtaken).ȱRobertȱRegoutȱrightlyȱmaintainsȱthatȱAugustine’s justȱwarȱmerelyȱredressesȱspecificȱviolationsȱofȱconcreteȱrightsȱ(droitsȱparticuliers,

TheȱConquestȱofȱSodom

83

asȱRegoutȱcallsȱthem),3ȱwhetherȱthoseȱrightsȱbeȱtangibleȱorȱintangible,ȱchoateȱor inchoate.ȱ Butȱ theȱ applicationȱ becomesȱ considerablyȱ moreȱ complicatedȱ ifȱ read withinȱtheȱcontextȱofȱaȱunifiedȱempireȱandȱchurch,ȱinȱwhichȱcaseȱitȱcouldȱbeȱargued thatȱanyȱviolationȱofȱdivineȱlawȱorȱChristianȱdoctrineȱconstitutesȱaȱjustaȱcausaȱbelli, andȱcertainlyȱifȱtakenȱatȱfaceȱvalue,ȱaȱnumberȱofȱChurchȱFathersȱcouldȱbeȱsoȱread, includingȱAugustine.4ȱ TheȱmajorȱdissentingȱvoiceȱfromȱthisȱvisionȱofȱaȱunifiedȱChurchȱandȱempireȱwas thatȱofȱtheȱmatureȱbishopȱofȱHippoȱhimself,ȱwhoseȱreappraisal,ȱalongȱwithȱthe dispensationalismȱofȱOrosius,ȱwasȱstimulatedȱbyȱtheȱreversalȱofȱRomanȱfortunes ca.ȱ400ȱC.ȱE.ȱInȱDeȱcivitateȱDeiȱ(CityȱofȱGod),ȱAugustineȱdefinedȱallȱhumanȱsocial structuresȱ asȱ aȱ mixtureȱ ofȱ thoseȱ faithfulȱ toȱ theȱ Cityȱ ofȱ Godȱ withȱ thoseȱ whose loyaltiesȱbelongedȱtoȱtheȱEarthlyȱCity.ȱHence,ȱAugustineȱrejectedȱtheȱCiceronian formulationȱ ofȱ theȱ resȱ publicaȱ (theȱ polity)ȱ byȱ assertingȱ thatȱ trueȱ justice,ȱ which accompaniesȱonlyȱrighteousness,ȱliesȱbeyondȱtheȱcapacitiesȱofȱanyȱhumanȱsociety. Rather,ȱaccordingȱtoȱAugustineȱsocialȱarrangementsȱbetweenȱtheseȱtwoȱgroups couldȱonlyȱachieveȱsuchȱintermediateȱgoalsȱasȱsecurity,ȱmaterialȱnecessities,ȱand internalȱorder,ȱelementsȱofȱpaxȱterrenaȱ(earthlyȱpeace),ȱnoneȱofȱwhichȱareȱabrogated byȱtheȱheavenlyȱcityȱsoȱlongȱasȱtheyȱdoȱnotȱimpedeȱtrueȱreligion.ȱTheȱpurposeȱof governmentȱwasȱtoȱfacilitateȱsuchȱearthlyȱpeaceȱbyȱmitigatingȱatȱleastȱsomeȱofȱthe consequencesȱofȱsin.ȱWhileȱtheȱempireȱisȱopenȱtoȱbothȱgroups,ȱtheȱChurch,ȱeven thoughȱinȱtheȱpresentȱdispensationȱcomprisingȱbothȱelectȱandȱreprobate,ȱwasȱnot. Hence,ȱcoercionȱofȱmembersȱbyȱtheȱChurchȱwasȱconsideredȱindispensableȱtoȱthe pastoralȱfunction,ȱevenȱthoughȱcivilȱauthoritiesȱasȱmembersȱofȱtheȱChurchȱimposed thatȱcoercion.ȱOutsideȱtheȱChurch,ȱcoercionȱwasȱjustifiedȱinternallyȱorȱexternally inȱ termsȱ ofȱ theȱ maintenanceȱ ofȱ minimalȱ orderȱ necessaryȱ toȱ preserveȱ “earthly peace.”5ȱAȱreadingȱofȱDeȱcivitateȱDeiȱ19.ȱ7–17,ȱclearlyȱrevealsȱthatȱforȱAugustine, althoughȱallȱwarȱisȱfoughtȱforȱpeace,ȱthisȱpeaceȱisȱtheȱonlyȱproperȱobjectȱofȱwar. ThroughȱmostȱofȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱAugustine’sȱmatureȱviewsȱonȱtheȱnatureȱof civilȱsocietyȱwouldȱproveȱaȱlessȱinfluentialȱperspectiveȱthanȱthatȱwhichȱcelebrated theȱmergerȱofȱchurchȱandȱempire.ȱInȱfact,ȱGregoryȱtheȱGreatȱ(†604),ȱinȱhisȱMoralia, wouldȱredefineȱAugustine’sȱtwoȱcities—theȱEarthlyȱandȱtheȱHeavenly—inȱterms ofȱ theȱ vitaȱ activaȱ (practicalȱ orȱ secularȱ affairs)ȱ andȱ theȱ vitaȱ contemplativeȱ (the contemplative,ȱ particularlyȱ monastic,ȱ realm),ȱ respectively.ȱ Forȱ Gregory,ȱ the

3

4

5

RobertȱHubertȱWillemȱRegout,ȱLaȱdoctrineȱdeȱlaȱguerreȱjusteȱdeȱSaintȱAugustinȱàȱnosȱjours,ȱd’aprèsȱles théologiensȱetȱlesȱcanonistesȱcatholiquesȱ(Paris:ȱA.ȱPedone,ȱ1935;ȱrpt.ȱAalen:ȱScientia,ȱ1974),ȱ44. Forȱexample,ȱsuchȱisȱtheȱreadingȱofȱAugustineȱbyȱFrederickȱH.ȱRussell,ȱTheȱJustȱWarȱinȱtheȱMiddle Agesȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1975),ȱCh.ȱ1.ȱAboveȱquotationsȱfromȱCiceroȱand Augustine’sȱQuestionesȱinȱHeptateuchumȱtakenȱfromȱthisȱstudyȱorȱfromȱRegout,ȱLaȱdoctrineȱ(seeȱnote 3). RobertȱAustinȱMarkus,ȱSaeculum:ȱHistoryȱandȱSocietyȱinȱtheȱTheologyȱofȱSt.ȱAugustineȱ(Cambridge: CambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1970),ȱ22–71.

84

ScottȱL.ȱTaylorȱ

ecclesiasticȱandȱsecularȱspheresȱhaveȱunquestionablyȱmelded,ȱandȱaccordingȱtoȱthe Regulaȱpastoralisȱ(PastoralȱPrecepts),ȱruleȱinȱeitherȱsphereȱwasȱaȱministryȱdesigned toȱprofitȱone’sȱsubordinates,ȱasȱitȱwasȱinȱtheȱBenedictineȱRegulaȱmonachorumȱ(Rule forȱMonks,ȱca.ȱ540).ȱThisȱsameȱpositionȱisȱreflectedȱinȱtheȱwritingsȱofȱIsidoreȱof Seville,ȱ butȱ withoutȱ anyȱ presumptionȱ ofȱ politicalȱ universalism,ȱ which,ȱ though beliedȱ byȱ theȱ existenceȱ ofȱ multipleȱ barbarianȱ kingdoms,ȱ atȱ leastȱ outsideȱ the Visigothicȱ kingdom,ȱ nonethelessȱ maintainedȱ currency,ȱ ifȱ onlyȱ imaginarie (conceptually),ȱasȱJordanesȱ(fl.ȱ550)ȱwouldȱcontendȱinȱtheȱRomana,ȱPraefatio,ȱ84. Hence,ȱCarolingian—andȱsubsequently,ȱOttonian—textsȱfrequentlyȱinvokedȱthe Lordȱ onȱ behalfȱ ofȱ emperorsȱ fulfillingȱ whatȱ wasȱ characterizedȱ asȱ theȱ dual obligationsȱ ofȱ defensioȱ (defense)ȱ andȱ dilatatioȱ (propagation)ȱ ofȱ theȱ faith,ȱ as expressedȱinȱoneȱoldȱliturgy:ȱ“Oremusȱetȱproȱchristianissimoȱimperatoreȱnostro, utȱDeusȱetȱDominusȱnosterȱsubditasȱilliȱfaciatȱomnesȱbarbarasȱnationesȱadȱnostram perpetuamȱpacem”ȱ(WeȱprayȱalsoȱforȱourȱmostȱChristianȱemperor,ȱthatȱourȱGod andȱourȱFatherȱmakeȱallȱbarbarianȱpeoplesȱsubjectȱtoȱhimȱforȱourȱperpetualȱpeace).6 Implicitȱinȱthisȱliturgicalȱpronouncementȱisȱtheȱnotionȱthatȱwars,ȱevenȱthoseȱin supportȱofȱdilatatio,ȱareȱproperlyȱconceivedȱinȱtermsȱofȱaȱthreatȱtoȱtheȱChurchȱand theȱtrueȱfaith.ȱAlthoughȱinȱtheȱmidȬninthȱcentury,ȱNicholasȱIȱhadȱemphasizedȱthe defensiveȱcharacterȱofȱJustȱWar,ȱandȱthatȱotherwiseȱpagansȱshouldȱbeȱleftȱtoȱthe judgmentȱofȱGodȱalone,7ȱtheȱjustificationȱofȱcausaȱfideiȱ(causeȱofȱtheȱfaith)ȱformed theȱlynchpinȱofȱbothȱCarolingianȱpolicyȱandȱOttonianȱpolicyȱasȱwell.ȱMoreover,ȱthe termȱ“dilatator”ȱwouldȱbecomeȱanȱhonorificȱepithet.8ȱButȱuntilȱtheȱeleventhȱcentury, byȱwhichȱtimeȱtheȱHungariansȱandȱtheȱnorthȱhadȱconverted,ȱandȱIslamȱwasȱfairly containedȱbyȱtheȱMacedonianȱEmperors,ȱallȱwarsȱinȱtheȱnameȱofȱtheȱfaithȱcouldȱbe characterized,ȱatȱleastȱinȱpreemptiveȱterms,ȱasȱdefensive.ȱ

6

7

8

Leoȱ Cunibertȱ Mohlbergȱ andȱ Antonȱ Baumstark,ȱ Dieȱ ältesteȱ erreichbareȱ Gestaltȱ desȱ Liber SacramentorumȱanniȱcirculiȱderȱrömischenȱKirche.ȱLiturgiegeschichtlicheȱQuellen,ȱ11–12ȱ(Münster: Aschendorff,ȱ1927),ȱ24;ȱI[an]ȱS[tewart]ȱRobinson,ȱ“ChurchȱandȱPapacy,”ȱTheȱCambridgeȱHistoryȱof MedievalȱPoliticalȱThoughtȱca.ȱ350–ca.ȱ1450,ȱed.ȱJ.ȱH.ȱBurnsȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversity Press,ȱ1988),ȱ252–30;ȱhereȱ292.ȱ[Thisȱvolumeȱhenceforthȱ=ȱ“Burns,ȱCambridgeȱThought”ȱinȱallȱfurther citationsȱofȱthisȱandȱotherȱarticlesȱcontainedȱinȱit].ȱ Responsaȱ adȱ consultaȱ bulgarum,ȱ 41,ȱ Patrologiaȱ Latina,ȱ ed.ȱ JacquesȬPaulȱ Migne,ȱ 217ȱ vols.ȱ (Paris: ImprimerieȱCatholique,ȱ1844–55;ȱrpt..ȱParis:ȱGarnier,ȱ1880–)ȱ[Henceforthȱ=ȱPL],ȱ119:ȱ978–1016: 905–6.ȱFurthermore,ȱNicholasȱaffirmsȱinȱtheȱsameȱletterȱthatȱwarȱshouldȱbeȱusedȱonlyȱinȱcasesȱof necessity,ȱwhenȱnoȱotherȱalternativeȱcourseȱofȱconductȱexists,ȱid.,ȱ100. SeeȱDiplomataȱOttonisȱIIIȱ388ȱ(18ȱJanuaryȱ1001),ȱMonumentaȱGermaniaeȱHistorica:ȱDiplomata,ȱ2:ȱ818, theȱintitulatioȱofȱwhichȱacclaimsȱOttoȱIIIȱ“sanctarumqueȱecclesiarumȱdevotissimusȱetȱfidelissimus dilatator”ȱ(mostȱdevotedȱandȱfaithfulȱpropagatorȱofȱholyȱchurches).ȱSeeȱPercyȱErnstȱSchramm,ȱDie deutschenȱKaiserȱundȱKönigeȱinȱBildernȱihrerȱZeit.ȱVol.ȱ1:ȱBisȱzurȱMitteȱdesȱ12.ȱJahrhundertsȱ(751–1152). DieȱEntwicklungȱdesȱmenschlichenȱBildnisses,ȱ1;ȱVeröffentlichungenȱderȱForschungsinstituteȱund derȱUniversitätȱLeipzig,ȱInstitutȱfürȱKulturȬȱundȱUniversalgeschichteȱ(Leipzig:ȱB.ȱG.ȱTeubner, 1928),ȱ157;ȱseeȱalsoȱRobinson,ȱ“ChurchȱandȱPapacy,”ȱ293ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6).

TheȱConquestȱofȱSodom

85

Aȱsomewhatȱmoreȱpreciseȱjustificationȱofȱwarȱthereforeȱawaitedȱtheȱeleventh century,ȱwhenȱpapalȱreformȱandȱtheȱrealitiesȱofȱNormanȱexpansionȱcoalescedȱto formȱbyȱmidȬcenturyȱaȱnotionȱofȱvindicatioȱDei.ȱInȱthisȱsense,ȱvindicatioȱessentially signifiesȱtheȱretakingȱorȱlayingȱclaimȱtoȱaȱres,ȱmuchȱinȱtheȱnatureȱofȱrepetitio,ȱorȱan avengingȱofȱinjury,ȱsimilarȱtoȱultio.ȱAnȱadditionalȱtwistȱonȱmeaningȱisȱfoundȱinȱthe root,ȱ vindico,ȱ meaningȱ “toȱ free,”ȱ andȱ originally,ȱ theȱ vindictaȱ wasȱ theȱ staffȱ with whichȱslavesȱwereȱtouchedȱinȱceremonialȱmanumission.ȱThisȱlatterȱconnotation becameȱparticularlyȱrelevantȱtoȱmentalitiesȱsurroundingȱtheȱNormanȱconquestsȱin southernȱItaly,ȱSicilyȱandȱEngland.ȱTheȱMediterraneanȱadventures,ȱwhenȱdirected towardȱreconquestȱfromȱtheȱSaracensȱcanȱbeȱseenȱeasilyȱinȱtermsȱofȱaȱvindicatio,ȱor evenȱaȱvindictaȱinȱtheȱoldȱsenseȱofȱ“liberation.”ȱ ButȱevenȱbeforeȱRobertȱGuiscardȱlaidȱplansȱtoȱinvadeȱSicilyȱandȱproclaimedȱhis intentionȱtoȱ“deliverȱCatholicsȱandȱChristiansȱfromȱtheȱbondsȱofȱservitudeȱtoȱthe Saracens,”ȱandȱbyȱthatȱdeliverance,ȱ“toȱavengeȱtheȱSaracens’ȱoffenseȱtoȱGod,”9ȱthe NormansȱhadȱbeenȱtheȱbeneficiariesȱofȱaȱnotionȱofȱDeiȱjudicio,ȱwhenȱtheyȱdefeated aȱpapalȱarmyȱatȱCivitateȱinȱ1053,ȱinȱaȱwarȱstrangelyȱenoughȱcalledȱbyȱLeoȱIXȱforȱthe “deliveranceȱofȱChristendom”ȱagainstȱtheȱNormansȱthemselves.ȱTheȱrealitiesȱof powerȱresulted,ȱsixȱyearsȱlater,ȱinȱtheȱreconciliationȱatȱtheȱsynodȱofȱMelfi,ȱwhich wasȱ significantlyȱ toȱ benefitȱ Hildebrand,ȱ whoȱ hadȱ activelyȱ orchestratedȱ the reconciliationȱwhenȱheȱfinallyȱascendedȱtheȱthroneȱofȱSt.ȱPeterȱasȱGregoryȱVII.ȱ RobertȱandȱRichardȱGuiscardȱthusȱhavingȱswornȱtoȱsupportȱtheȱHolyȱRoman Churchȱeverywhereȱandȱagainstȱallȱmenȱinȱholdingȱandȱacquiringȱtheȱpossession ofȱSt.ȱPeter,ȱwereȱmade,ȱrespectively,ȱPrinceȱofȱCapuaȱandȱDukeȱofȱApuliaȱand Calabria,ȱinȱwhichȱcapacitiesȱtheyȱwouldȱdriveȱtheȱByzantinesȱfromȱSouthernȱItaly. AlexanderȱlikewiseȱblessedȱandȱembanneredȱGuiscardȱinȱSicily,ȱmuchȱasȱinȱ1066, whenȱDukeȱWilliamȱwouldȱsecureȱaȱpapalȱbannerȱforȱhisȱinvasionȱofȱEngland, whichȱ tokenȱ ofȱ papalȱ sanctionȱ wasȱ dulyȱ displayedȱ inȱ theȱ Bayeuxȱ tapestry.ȱ Of course,ȱ theȱ rationaleȱ forȱ theȱ Normanȱ conquestȱ ofȱ theȱ AngloȬSaxonȱ realmȱ was describedȱinȱnoȱlessȱworthyȱtermsȱthanȱthoseȱjustifyingȱtheȱNormanȱincursionsȱinto ItalyȱandȱSicily:ȱdivineȱretributionȱforȱtheȱmurderȱofȱAlfredȱtheȱAthelingȱinȱ1036; removalȱofȱtheȱschismaticȱStigandȱofȱCanterbury;ȱtheȱviolationsȱofȱHarold’sȱoath; andȱtheȱresumptionȱofȱPeter’sȱPence.10ȱHere,ȱwarȱnotȱmerelyȱprotectsȱandȱextends theȱfaith,ȱbutȱalsoȱpunishesȱwrongdoing;ȱandȱyet,ȱinȱlightȱofȱHarold‘sȱassociation

9

10

“JeȱvoudroieȱdelivrerȱliȱChristienȱetȱliȱChatolica,ȱlequelȱsontȱconstraintȱàȱlaȱservitudeȱdeȱliȱSarrazin. Etȱdesirreȱmoltȱdeȱchacie[r]ȱlesȱdeȱlaȱservitudeȱlor,ȱetȱfaireȱvenjenceȱdeȱlaȱinjureȱdeȱDieu,”ȱAmatus ofȱMonteȱCassino,ȱYstoireȱdeȱliȱNormant,ȱStoriaȱde’ȱNormanniȱdiȱAmatoȱdiȱMontecassinoȱvolgarizataȱin anticoȱfrancese,ȱed.ȱVincenzoȱdeȱBartholomaeis.ȱFontiȱperȱlaȱstoriaȱd’Italia,ȱ76ȱ(Rome:ȱTipografiaȱdel Senato,ȱ1935),ȱ5:ȱ12;ȱseeȱalsoȱDavidȱC.ȱDouglas,ȱTheȱNormanȱAchievementȱ(Berkeley:ȱUniversityȱof CaliforniaȱPress,ȱ1969),ȱ104–09. Seeȱgenerally,ȱDavidȱC.ȱDouglas,ȱWilliamȱtheȱConqueror:ȱTheȱNormanȱImpactȱuponȱEnglandȱ(Berkeley: UniversityȱofȱCaliforniaȱPress;ȱLondon:ȱEyreȱ&ȱSpottiswoode,ȱ1964).

86

ScottȱL.ȱTaylorȱ

withȱStigand,ȱtheȱinvasionȱwasȱalsoȱviewedȱasȱsomethingȱofȱaȱholyȱwar,ȱinȱthatȱit liberatedȱtheȱlandȱfromȱbothȱaȱusurperȱandȱschismatic,ȱandȱreclaimedȱtheȱterritory forȱ orthodoxȱ Christianity,ȱ asȱ wouldȱ theȱ Firstȱ Crusadeȱ preachedȱ byȱ Urbanȱ II slightlyȱlessȱthanȱthirtyȱyearsȱlater. Inȱfact,ȱwhenȱGratianȱaddressesȱtheȱissuesȱofȱlegitimateȱviolenceȱinȱCausaȱ23ȱof hisȱ Decretumȱ (completedȱ ca.ȱ 1140–1150),ȱ heȱ usesȱ bothȱ ultioȱ andȱ vindictaȱ as justificationsȱforȱwarȱorȱotherȱviolence.ȱGenerally,ȱhowever,ȱwhenȱreferringȱtoȱultio, itȱseemsȱtoȱconnoteȱaȱdefensiveȱactionȱforȱredressingȱinjustices,ȱinȱaȱprotective sense,ȱ suchȱ asȱ whenȱ asȱ usedȱ byȱ Leoȱ IVȱ inȱ describingȱ theȱ popeȱ asȱ “ultorȱ sui gregis”(protectorȱofȱhisȱflock).ȱVindicta,ȱonȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱseemsȱtoȱconnoteȱsome notionȱofȱpunishmentȱinȱtheȱsenseȱofȱadministeringȱjusticeȱlestȱwrongdoingȱgo unpunished.ȱAtȱtheȱsameȱtime,ȱhowever,ȱitȱalsoȱimpliesȱaȱsortȱofȱliberation.ȱThe interplayȱofȱtheseȱratherȱcontrastingȱmeaningsȱisȱdemonstratedȱbyȱthatȱpassageȱof Leo’sȱletterȱstating: Scireȱvosȱoportet,ȱquodȱnumquamȱabȱaliquibusȱnostrosȱhominessȱsinimusȱopprimi; sed,ȱsiȱnecessitasȱullaȱincurrerit,ȱpresentialiterȱvindicamus,ȱquiȱnostriȱgregisȱinȱomnibus ultoresȱesseȱdebemusȱetȱprecipuiȱadiutores. [Youȱ shouldȱ knowȱ thatȱ weȱ wishȱ noneȱ ofȱ ourȱ peopleȱ toȱ beȱ oppressed;ȱ butȱ ifȱ any compulsionȱarise,ȱweȱwhoȱshouldȱbeȱtheȱprotectorȱandȱprincipleȱaidȱtoȱourȱflockȱinȱall things,ȱwillȱsoonȱcomeȱtoȱtheȱdefense]. 11

Toȱcomplicateȱsignificationȱfurther,ȱatȱleastȱamongȱtheȱAngloȬNormans,ȱtheȱterm vindicta wasȱalsoȱusedȱinȱtheȱsenseȱofȱwergild orȱweram,ȱimplyingȱaȱdue,ȱorȱjust, compensation.12

11 12

C.ȱ23ȱq.ȱ8ȱc.ȱ8,ȱcitedȱinȱRussell,ȱTheȱJustȱWar,ȱ67ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4). SuchȱisȱtheȱinterpretationȱofȱJanȱFrederikȱNiermeyer,ȱed.ȱ[withȱC.ȱvanȱdeȱKieft],ȱMediaeȱLatinitatis LexiconȱMinus,ȱ(Leiden:ȱBrill,ȱ1976;ȱrpt.ȱLeidenȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱE.ȱJ.ȱBrill,ȱ1993),ȱofȱtheȱLegesȱHenrici Primi,ȱc.ȱ88,ȱaaȱa,b:ȱ“Quiȱinȱomniȱcomposicioneȱhomicidiiȱdueȱpartesȱreferenturȱadȱpaternam cognacionem,ȱterciaȱadȱmaternam;ȱetȱaliaȱestȱweraȱvelȱvindictaȱthaini,ȱaliaȱvillaini”ȱ(Whenceȱin everyȱcompositionȱforȱhomicide,ȱtwoȱpartsȱareȱawardedȱ theȱ paternalȱrelations,ȱaȱthirdȱtoȱthe maternal;ȱandȱsometimesȱtheȱwergildȱorȱcompensationȱisȱforȱaȱthane,ȱsometimesȱforȱaȱpeasant). Generally,ȱ asȱ L.ȱ J.ȱ Downerȱ pointsȱ outȱ inȱ hisȱ editionȱ andȱ commentaryȱ onȱ Legesȱ Henriciȱ Primi (Oxford:ȱClarendonȱPress,ȱ1972),ȱ416–17,ȱvindicareȱandȱvindictaȱusuallyȱseemȱtoȱreferȱtoȱretributive slaying,ȱwithȱwergildȱasȱanȱalternative.ȱInȱc.ȱ36,ȱ1c,ȱvindiceturȱisȱclearlyȱusedȱinȱtheȱsenseȱofȱredress, asȱitȱcertainlyȱisȱinȱc.ȱ86,ȱ1:ȱ“Omniȱdominoȱliceatȱconqueriȱhominibusȱsuisȱetȱamicisȱsiȱquisȱei malefaciatȱ setȱ nonȱ percipereȱ sineȱ legeȱ vindictam”ȱ (itȱ isȱ lawfulȱ forȱ everyȱ lordȱ toȱ demand satisfactionȱfromȱanyȱofȱhisȱmenȱorȱcompanionsȱwhoȱcauseȱhimȱinjury,ȱbutȱnotȱtoȱtakeȱpossession entirelyȱ withoutȱ law).ȱ Theȱ terminologyȱ mayȱ haveȱ becomeȱ furtherȱ confusedȱ becauseȱ ofȱ the sometimesȱunfortunateȱeffortsȱofȱtheȱQuadripartitusȱtoȱfindȱLatinȱequivalentsȱforȱAngloȬSaxon expressions,ȱ suchȱ thatȱ theȱ exactionȱ ofȱ wergildȱ ratherȱ thanȱ beingȱ translatedȱ simplyȱ asȱ “weram exigere”ȱisȱrenderedȱ“nemoȱvindictamȱvelȱemendationemȱexigat.”ȱIIȱAtrȱ6,ȱ1,ȱQuadripartitus:ȱein englischesȱ rechtsbuchȱ vonȱ 1114,ȱ nachgewiesenȱ und,ȱ soweitȱ bisherȱ ungedruckt,ȱ ed.ȱ F[elix] Liebermannȱ(Halle:ȱMaxȱNiemeyer,ȱ1892).

TheȱConquestȱofȱSodom

87

Duringȱ theȱ sameȱ yearsȱ inȱ whichȱ Gratianȱ wasȱ completingȱ theȱ Decretum, Canterbury’sȱ jurisdictionȱ overȱ theȱ bishopsȱ ofȱ theȱ Norseȱ townshipsȱ inȱ Ireland lapsed.ȱ Theȱ remainderȱ ofȱ theȱ Irishȱ Churchȱ hadȱ longȱ beenȱ tribalized,ȱ with jurisdictionalȱ authorityȱ accordedȱ notȱ toȱ theȱ bishopsȱ butȱ toȱ theȱ frequently hereditaryȱ abbots,ȱ who,ȱ alongȱ withȱ theȱ kingsȱ whoȱ exercisedȱ politicoȬmilitary authorityȱ andȱ theȱ brehonsȱ whoȱ controlledȱ socialȱ andȱ economicȱ structure, constitutedȱaȱsortȱofȱtriarchy.13ȱAccordingȱtoȱJohnȱofȱSalisbury,ȱheȱhimselfȱurged PopeȱAdrianȱIV,ȱaȱfellowȱEnglishman,ȱtoȱissueȱinȱ1155,ȱfollowingȱtheȱascensionȱof HenryȱIIȱtoȱtheȱthrone,ȱtheȱpapalȱbull,ȱLaudabiliter,ȱapprovingȱtheȱincorporationȱof IrelandȱintoȱtheȱEnglishȱrealm,14ȱcommendingȱtheȱdesireȱtoȱ“rootȱoutȱtheȱseedsȱof viceȱ fromȱ theȱ Lord’sȱ field,”ȱ forȱ purposesȱ ofȱ “extendingȱ theȱ boundariesȱ ofȱ the Church,ȱforȱtheȱrestraintȱofȱvice,ȱforȱtheȱcorrectionȱofȱmoralsȱandȱforȱtheȱimplanting ofȱvirtues,ȱandȱforȱtheȱincreaseȱofȱtheȱChristianȱreligion.”15ȱ Inȱ theseȱ premises,ȱ Henryȱ wouldȱ notȱ interveneȱ untilȱ 1171,ȱ whichȱ entryȱ was greetedȱwithȱenthusiasmȱbyȱPopeȱAlexanderȱII,ȱwhoȱnotedȱ“howȱgreatȱareȱthe enormitiesȱ ofȱ viceȱ withȱ whichȱ theȱ peopleȱ ofȱ Irelandȱ areȱ infected.”16ȱ Theȱ vices involvedȱcanȱbeȱgatheredȱfromȱGeraldȱofȱWales,ȱwho,ȱinȱhisȱTopografia,ȱremarked uponȱincest,ȱpolygamy,ȱwifeȬswapping,17ȱallȱofȱwhichȱarguablyȱrelateȱtoȱtheȱbrehon lawȱ recognizingȱ eightȱ formsȱ ofȱ marriage,ȱ facileȱ divorceȱ andȱ concubinage,ȱ and supplementingȱ theȱ customaryȱ crimesȱ againstȱ nature,ȱ Geraldȱ addedȱ bestiality, accountingȱforȱtheȱhalfȱhuman,ȱhalfȱbeastsȱallegedlyȱinhabitingȱHibernia.18ȱForȱthis reasonȱalso,ȱtheȱIrishȱhadȱgreatȱnumbersȱofȱblindȱandȱlame,ȱallȱofȱwhichȱmisery seemedȱtoȱGerald,ȱ“dignaȱDeiȱvindicta”ȱ(aȱfittingȱpunishment).19

13

14

15

16 17

18 19

Seeȱ W[ilfred]ȱ L[ewis]ȱ Warren,ȱ Henryȱ IIȱ (Berkeley:ȱ Universityȱ ofȱ Californiaȱ Press,ȱ 1973;ȱ orig. London:ȱEyreȱMethuen,ȱ1973;ȱrpt.ȱLondon:ȱMethuen,ȱ1991),ȱ189.ȱ “EtȱcumȱRomanusȱpontifexȱessetȱ[i.ȱe.,ȱAdrian],ȱmeȱinȱpropriaȱmensaȱgaudebatȱhabereȱcouiuam, etȱeundemȱciphumȱetȱdiscumȱsibiȱetȱmihiȱuolebatȱetȱfaciebatȱmeȱrenitenteȱesseȱcommune.ȱAd precesȱmeasȱillustriȱregiȱAnglorumȱHenricoȱSecondo,ȱconcessitȱetȱdeditȱHiberniamȱiureȱhereditario possidendam,ȱ sicutȱ litteraeȱ ipsiusȱ testanturȱ inȱ hodiernumȱ diem”ȱ (Andȱ whenȱ heȱ wasȱ Roman pontiff,ȱitȱdelightedȱmeȱtoȱfeastȱatȱhisȱownȱtable,ȱandȱthoughȱIȱresisted,ȱheȱinsistedȱandȱorderedȱa commonȱvesselȱandȱdishȱforȱus.ȱAtȱmyȱrequests,ȱheȱconcededȱandȱgaveȱtoȱtheȱillustriousȱKingȱof England,ȱHenryȱII,ȱhereditaryȱpossessionȱofȱIreland,ȱjustȱasȱtheȱlettersȱthemselvesȱnowȱtestify.”) Metalogiconȱ4:42,ȱed.ȱJ.ȱB.ȱHall.ȱCorpusȱChristianorumȱContinuatioȱMediaevalisȱ98ȱ(Turnhout: Brepols,ȱ1991). “VitiorumȱplantariaȱdeȱagroȱDominicoȱexstirpandaȱ[…]ȱproȱdilatandisȱecclesiaeȱterminis,ȱpro vitiorumȱrestringendoȱdecursu,ȱproȱcorrigendisȱmoribusȱetȱvitutibusȱinserendis,ȱproȱChristianae religionisȱaugment…”ȱBullȱofȱAdrianȱIV,ȱrecorded,ȱe.ȱg.,ȱbyȱGeraldȱofȱWales,ȱinȱhisȱExpugnatio,ȱ2. 5ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2). LiberȱNigerȱdeȱScaccario,ȱ1:ȱ42–48,ȱcitedȱinȱWarren,ȱHenryȱII,ȱ197ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ13). GeraldȱofȱWales,ȱTopographiaȱHibernica,ȱDistinctioȱIII,ȱCap.ȱXIX,ȱGiraldiȱCambrensisȱOpera,ȱvol.ȱ5ȱ(see noteȱ2). GeraldȱofȱWales,ȱTopographiaȱ,ȱDist.ȱIII,ȱCaps.ȱXXI–XXIV. Necȱmirandumȱsiȱdeȱgenteȱadultera,ȱgenteȱincest,ȱgenteȱillegitimeȱnataȱetȱcopulate,ȱgenteȱexlege,

88

ScottȱL.ȱTaylorȱ

Thisȱconcernȱwithȱrepressionȱofȱsinsȱagainstȱnatureȱhadȱbeenȱlikewiseȱaȱmajor concernȱofȱseveralȱsignificantȱreformȱfiguresȱsuchȱasȱPeterȱDamian,ȱwhoseȱLiber Gamorrhianusȱ (Bookȱ ofȱ Gomorrah)ȱ Popeȱ Alexanderȱ IIȱ seeminglyȱ wouldȱ have suppressed,ȱbutȱforȱtheȱinterventionȱofȱCardinalsȱStephenȱandȱHildebrand,ȱthe futureȱ Gregoryȱ VII.20ȱ Theȱ collectionsȱ ofȱ Burchardȱ andȱ Ivoȱ likewiseȱ contained numerousȱcondemnationsȱagainstȱsodomy,ȱbestialityȱandȱotherȱ“unnatural”ȱvices. Accordingȱ toȱ Eadmer,ȱ Anselmȱ ofȱ Canterburyȱ wasȱ possessedȱ ofȱ aȱ particular antipathyȱtoȱsodomy,ȱandȱsoughtȱtheȱaidȱofȱWilliamȱRufusȱtoȱpurgeȱitȱfromȱthe realm,ȱlestȱEnglandȱdevolveȱintoȱanotherȱSodom.21ȱWhileȱWilliamȱseemsȱtoȱhave offeredȱminimalȱassistanceȱinȱthisȱendeavor,ȱinȱ1102ȱtheȱsynodȱofȱWestminster classifiedȱallȱunnaturalȱsexȱactsȱasȱsinsȱreservedȱtoȱtheȱbishopȱforȱpenanceȱand absolution.22ȱWhileȱDamian’sȱobsessionȱwithȱsexualȱdevianceȱseemsȱtoȱhaveȱfound

20

21

22

arteȱinvidaȱetȱinvisaȱipsamȱturpiterȱadulteranteȱnaturam,ȱtalesȱinterdumȱcontraȱnaturaeȱlegem naturaȱproducat.ȱEtȱdignaȱDeiȱvindictaȱvidetur,ȱutȱquiȱinterioreȱmentisȱlumineȱadȱipsumȱnon respiciunt,ȱ hiȱ exteriorisȱ etȱ corporeaeȱ lucisȱ beneficioȱ plerumqueȱ doleantȱ destitute.ȱ (Norȱ isȱ it surpringȱifȱamongȱanȱadulterousȱpeople,ȱanȱincestuousȱpeople,ȱaȱpeopleȱcomeȱtogetherȱandȱborn contraryȱtoȱlaw,ȱaȱpeopleȱoutsideȱlaw,ȱdeeplyȱandȱfoully,ȱsecretlyȱdefilingȱwrongfullyȱnatureȱitself, natureȱshouldȱoccasionallyȱproduceȱsuchȱasȱareȱcontraryȱtoȱnaturalȱlaw.ȱAndȱitȱseemsȱaȱfitting divineȱpunishment,ȱthatȱthoseȱwhoȱdoȱnotȱhaveȱregardȱforȱthisȱaccordingȱtoȱtheȱinteriorȱlightȱof reason,ȱshouldȱsufferȱdeprivationȱofȱtheȱbenefitsȱofȱtheȱexternalȱandȱcorporealȱlight),ȱGeraldȱof Wales,ȱTopographia,ȱDist.ȱIII,ȱCap.ȱXXXV. JamesȱA.ȱBrundage,ȱLaw,ȱSex,ȱ andȱ ChristianȱSocietyȱinȱMedievalȱEuropeȱ(Chicago:ȱUniversityȱof ChicagoȱPress,ȱ1987),ȱ212–13;ȱPeterȱDamian,ȱEpist.ȱ2.ȱ6,ȱPLȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7),ȱ144:ȱ270–72. Eadmer,ȱHistoriaȱnovorum,ȱed.ȱMartinȱRuleȱ(London:ȱRollsȱSeries,ȱ1884),ȱ49;ȱRobertȱBartlett,ȱEngland UnderȱtheȱNormanȱandȱAngevinȱKingsȱ1075–1225ȱ(Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2000),ȱ569–70. Onȱtheȱwidespreadȱnatureȱofȱsodomiticalȱpractices,ȱevenȱafterȱtheȱcouncilȱofȱWestminster,ȱsee Epistulaeȱ Anselmiȱ 257ȱ andȱ 356,ȱ Anselmiȱ Operaȱ Omnia,ȱ ed.ȱ Franciscusȱ Salesiusȱ Schmitt,ȱ 6ȱ vols. (Edinburgh:ȱNelson,ȱ1946–1963).ȱForȱaȱconciseȱoverviewȱofȱAnselmȱandȱotherȱtheologiansȱagainst homosexuality,ȱ seeȱ Louisȱ Crompton,ȱ Homosexualityȱ andȱ Civilizationȱ (Cambridge,ȱ Mass.: Harvard/BelknapȱPress,ȱ2004),ȱesp.ȱchaptersȱ6ȱandȱ7.

“Sodomiticumȱ flagitiumȱ facientes,ȱ etȱ eosȱ inȱ hocȱ voluntarieȱ iuvantes,ȱ inȱ eodemȱ concilioȱ gravi anathemateȱdamnatiȱsunt,ȱdonecȱpenitentiaȱetȱconfessioneȱabsolutionemȱmereantur.ȱQuiȱveroȱin hocȱcrimineȱpublicatusȱfuerit,ȱstatutumȱestȱsiȱquidemȱfueritȱpersonaȱreligiosiȱordinis,ȱutȱadȱnullum ampliusȱgradumȱpromoveatur,ȱetȱsiȱquemȱhabetȱabȱilloȱdeponatur.ȱSiȱautemȱlaicus,ȱutȱinȱtoto regnoȱAnglieȱlegaliȱsueȱconditionisȱdignitateȱprivetur.ȱEtȱneȱhuiusȱcriminisȱabsolutionemȱiisȱqui seȱsubȱregulaȱvivereȱnonȱvoveruntȱaliquisȱnisiȱepiscopusȱdeincepsȱfacereȱpraesumat.ȱStatutum quoqueȱ estȱ utȱ perȱ totamȱ Angliamȱ inȱ omnibusȱ ecclesiisȱ etȱ inȱ omnibusȱ dominicisȱ diebus excommunicatioȱpraefataȱrenovetur”ȱ(Canonȱ29,ȱCouncilȱatȱWestminister,ȱ29ȱSept.ȱ1102;ȱThose committingȱtheȱshamefulȱcrimeȱofȱsodomy,ȱandȱthoseȱvoluntarilyȱassistingȱinȱthis,ȱareȱcondemned byȱthisȱcouncilȱwithȱtheȱseverestȱcurse,ȱuntilȱbyȱconfessionȱandȱpenance,ȱtheyȱmeritȱabsolution. Indeed,ȱitȱisȱprovidedȱthatȱanyoneȱexposedȱinȱthisȱoffense,ȱifȱheȱbeȱaȱpersonȱbelongingȱtoȱreligious orders,ȱwillȱbeȱpromotedȱtoȱnoȱgreaterȱstation,ȱandȱifȱheȱholdsȱone,ȱheȱwillȱbeȱremovedȱtherefrom; moreover,ȱshouldȱheȱbeȱaȱlayman,ȱheȱshallȱbeȱstrippedȱofȱtheȱdignityȱofȱhisȱlegalȱrankȱthroughout allȱofȱEngland.ȱAndȱnoȱoneȱshallȱpromiseȱtoȱthoseȱwithinȱthisȱprovisionȱanyȱabsolutionȱforȱtheir offenses,ȱunlessȱtheȱbishopȱfirstȱactsȱinȱtheȱmatter.ȱFurthermore,ȱitȱisȱprovidedȱthatȱtheȱaforesaid excommunicationȱbeȱrepeatedȱinȱeveryȱChurchȱonȱeveryȱLord’sȱday.)ȱCouncilsȱ&ȱSynodsȱwithȱother

TheȱConquestȱofȱSodom

89

earlyȱandȱparticularlyȱfruitfulȱgroundȱinȱEngland,ȱbyȱtheȱlateȱtwelfthȱcentury,ȱPeter theȱ Chanter,ȱ Rolandus,ȱ andȱ Joannesȱ Faventinus,ȱ interȱ alia,ȱ devotedȱ extensive discussionsȱtoȱsoȬcalledȱunnaturalȱpractices,ȱwhich,ȱaccordingȱtoȱJoannes,ȱunlike otherȱcrimesȱwhichȱmightȱbeȱexcusedȱbyȱcustom,ȱwereȱinexcusable.23ȱThirdȱLateran (1179)ȱadoptedȱaȱcanonȱspecificallyȱprohibitingȱ“thatȱincontinenceȱwhichȱisȱagainst nature.”24ȱ Shortlyȱ thereafter,ȱ writersȱ suchȱ asȱ Jacquesȱ deȱ Vitryȱ claimedȱ that MuhammadȱhimselfȱintroducedȱtheȱArabȱworldȱtoȱsodomy,25ȱwhileȱsodomyȱand heresyȱwereȱfrequentlyȱlinked,ȱasȱinȱtheȱcaseȱofȱtheȱCathars.26ȱLinguistically,ȱthis associationȱisȱpreservedȱinȱtheȱderogatoryȱtermsȱ“buggerȱandȱ“buggery”,ȱfromȱthe oldȱFrenchȱ“bogre”ȱandȱ“bougeron”ȱwhichȱreferȱeitherȱtoȱaȱhereticȱorȱtoȱaȱsodomite, andȱinȱturnȱderivedȱfromȱtheȱlatinȱ“bulgaros”ȱorȱBulgarian,ȱthatȱBalkanȱlocation beingȱtheȱsitusȱofȱtheȱneoȬManicheanȱsectȱofȱBogomils,ȱwithȱwhichȱtheȱAlbigensian Catharsȱwereȱassociated.ȱInȱEngland,ȱsodomitesȱperhapsȱfaredȱworseȱthanȱheretics. TheȱmanualȱofȱlawȱknownȱasȱFletaȱ(Iȱc.18)ȱprescribedȱburialȱaliveȱandȱBrittonȱ(I

23

24

25

26

documentsȱrelatingȱtoȱtheȱEnglishȱChurch,ȱ1.ȱ1ȱ(871–1066),ȱed.ȱDorothyȱWhitelock,ȱM.ȱBrett,ȱand ChristopherȱN.ȱL.ȱBrooke;ȱ1.2ȱ(1066–1204),ȱed.ȱF[rederick]M[aurice]ȱPowickeȱandȱC[hristopher] R[obert]ȱCheneyȱ(NewȱYork:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress;ȱOxford:ȱClarendonȱPress,ȱ1964–81),ȱno.ȱ113, 678–79. JoannesȱFaventinus,ȱglossȱtoȱC.ȱ32ȱq.ȱ4ȱc.ȱ7ȱv.ȱmos,ȱcitedȱinȱBrundage,ȱLaw,ȱSex,ȱandȱChristianȱSociety, 313–14ȱn.ȱ26ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20). “Quicumqueȱincontinentiaȱilla,ȱquaeȱcontraȱnaturamȱest,ȱpropterȱquamȱvenitȱiraȱDeiȱinȱfillios diffidentiaeȱetȱquinqueȱcivitatesȱigneȱconsumpsit,ȱdeprehensiȱfueringȱlaborat,ȱsiȱclericiȱfuerint eicianturȱ aȱ cleroȱ velȱ adȱ poenitentiamȱ agendamȱ inȱ monasteriisȱ detrudantur,ȱ siȱ laici excommunicationȱsubdanturȱetȱaȱcoetuȱfideliumȱfiantȱprorsusȱalieniȱ.ȱ.ȱ.“ȱ(Canonȱ11;ȱLetȱanyȱwho cultivateȱthatȱnotoriousȱviceȱagainstȱnatureȱonȱaccountȱofȱwhichȱtheȱangerȱofȱGodȱfellȱuponȱthe childrenȱofȱdisobedienceȱandȱconsumedȱfiveȱcitiesȱbyȱfire,ȱbeȱapprehended.ȱIfȱtheyȱbeȱclerics,ȱthen letȱthemȱbeȱexpelledȱfromȱtheȱclergyȱorȱconfinedȱinȱmonasteriesȱtoȱdoȱpenance;ȱifȱtheyȱbeȱlaymen, letȱthemȱsufferȱexcommunicationȱandȱbeȱutterlyȱoutsideȱtheȱcommunityȱofȱtheȱfaithful…). Jacquesȱ deȱ Vitry,ȱ Historiaȱ Iherosolimitanaȱ abbreviataȱ 5,ȱ inȱ theȱ collectionȱ ofȱ variousȱ Crusades chronicles,ȱGestaȱDeiȱperȱFrancos…ȱed.ȱJacquesȱBongars.ȱȱ2ȱvols.ȱ(Hanau:ȱWechelȱforȱtheȱHeirsȱof JeanȱAubry,ȱ1611),ȱ1:ȱ1051–1145,ȱatȱ1055–56—wasȱalsoȱdisseminatedȱinȱtheȱsameȱperiodȱinȱFrench translation,ȱwhichȱreadsȱinȱpart:ȱ“carȱilȱdistȱenȱ.i.ȱsienȱlivreȱqueȱilȱapielentȱAlchoranum:ȱ‘seȱvous avésȱvosȱfemesȱneȱvosȱbaiassesȱaparelliesȱaȱfairȱvosȱvolentésȱseloncȱvosȱmanieres’ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱcarȱparȱce donnaȱilȱaȱentendreȱlesȱviscesȱdeȱsoudomitionȱetȱenȱestruistȱsonȱpuleȱsiȱcommeȱanemisȱdeȱnature, dontȱilȱavientȱqueȱlaȱplusȱgransȱpartieȱdesȱSarrasinsȱfontȱpeciésȱcontreȱnature,ȱnonȱmieȱseulement enȱmalleȱetȱenȱfemiele,ȱmaisȱenȱbiestesȱmues,dontȱilȱestȱd’ausȱmeïsmesȱescrit:ȱFactiȱsuntȱsicutȱequus etȱmulusȱquibusȱnonȱestȱintellectusȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ(forȱheȱsaidȱinȱoneȱbookȱofȱhisȱcalledȱtheȱKoran:ȱ“Ifȱyouȱhave wivesȱorȱslaves,ȱprepareȱthemȱtoȱdoȱyourȱwillȱaccordingȱtoȱyourȱcustom,”ȱforȱbyȱthisȱteachingȱhe meantȱtheȱvicesȱofȱsodomyȱandȱinstructedȱhisȱpeopleȱthereinȱasȱthoughȱenemiesȱofȱnature,ȱfrom whichȱitȱhappensȱthatȱtheȱgreatestȱmajorityȱofȱtheȱSaracensȱsinȱagainstȱnature,ȱnotȱonlyȱwithȱmen andȱwomenȱbutȱalsoȱwithȱdumbȱbeasts;ȱforȱheȱalsoȱwroteȱconcerningȱthis:ȱ“Letȱthemȱbeȱregarded justȱasȱhorsesȱandȱmulesȱthatȱlackȱreason…”),ȱLaȱtraductionȱdeȱl’HistoriaȱorientalisȱdeȱJacquesȱde Vitry,ȱed.ȱClaudeȱBuridantȱ(Paris:ȱKlincksieck,ȱ1986),ȱCh.ȱ5,ȱ66;ȱseeȱalsoȱBrundage,ȱLaw,ȱSex,ȱand ChristianȱSocietyȱ,ȱ399ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20). MichaelȱGoodich,ȱ“SodomyȱinȱMedievalȱSecularȱLaw,”ȱJournalȱofȱHomosexualityȱ1ȱ(1976):ȱ295–302.

90

ScottȱL.ȱTaylorȱ

c.10)ȱdirectedȱburning,ȱatȱleastȱforȱsodomitesȱcaughtȱinȱflagranteȱdelicto.ȱWhileȱin principleȱatȱleastȱapostatesȱwereȱsubjectȱtoȱburningȱaccordingȱtoȱtheseȱtreatises,ȱthe statuteȱDeȱhaereticoȱcomburendoȱ(OnȱtheȱBurningȱofȱHeretics)ȱwasȱnotȱestablished untilȱ1401,ȱandȱthenȱprobablyȱonlyȱasȱaȱconcessionȱbyȱHenryȱIVȱtoȱtheȱpowerful andȱorthodoxȱArundels,ȱwhoȱdespisedȱWyclifȱandȱtheȱLollards.ȱByȱtheȱendȱofȱthe MiddleȱAges,ȱtheȱgeneralȱgovernmentalȱattitudeȱthroughoutȱEuropeȱwasȱnicely summarizedȱinȱaȱlateȱfifteenthȬcenturyȱSpanishȱstatuteȱproclaiming: PorqueȱentreȱlosȱotrosȱpecadosȱyȱdelitosȱqueȱofendenȱaȱDiosȱnuestroȱseñorȱeȱinfaman laȱtierra,ȱespecialmenteȱesȱelȱcrimenȱcometidoȱcontraȱordenȱnatural,ȱcontraȱelȱqualȱlas leyesȱyȱDerechosȱseȱdebenȱarmarȱparaȱelȱcastigoȱdesteȱnefandoȱdelito,ȱnoȱdignoȱde nobrar,ȱ destruidorȱ delȱ ordenȱ natural,ȱ castigadoȱ porȱ elȱ juicioȱ divino;ȱ porȱ elȱ qualȱ la noblezaȱseȱpierde,ȱyȱelȱcorazónȱseȱacobarda,ȱyȱseȱengendraȱpocaȱfirmezaȱenȱlaȱFe;ȱyȱes aborrecimientoȱenȱelȱacatamientoȱdeȱDios,ȱyȱseȱindignaȱaȱdarȱaȱhombreȱpestilenceȱy otrosȱtormentosȱenȱlaȱtierra. ȱ

[SinceȱamongȱotherȱsinsȱandȱtrespassesȱthatȱoffendȱourȱLordȱGodȱandȱcastȱtheȱlandȱinto infamy,ȱtheȱcrimeȱcommittedȱagainstȱtheȱnaturalȱorderȱisȱparticularlyȱgrievous,ȱlaws andȱ statutesȱ mustȱ beȱ establishedȱ toȱ combatȱ andȱ punishȱ thisȱ nefariousȱ offense, unworthyȱ ofȱ utterance,ȱ destroyerȱ ofȱ theȱ naturalȱ order,ȱ chastisedȱ byȱ divineȱ justice; throughȱwhichȱnobilityȱisȱlost,ȱtheȱheartȱmadeȱfaint,ȱandȱfirmnessȱinȱtheȱFaithȱisȱmade small;ȱandȱitȱisȱanȱabominationȱinȱtheȱsightȱofȱGod,ȱforȱwhichȱheȱsendsȱplaguesȱupon manȱandȱtormentsȱuponȱtheȱearth].27

TheȱparticularȱrelevanceȱofȱtheȱAlbigensianȱcrusadesȱtoȱthisȱstudyȱliesȱnotȱinȱa crusadeȱagainstȱheretics,ȱaȱprincipleȱwhichȱseemedȱbeyondȱquestionȱtoȱChurchmen ofȱtheȱperiod,ȱnorȱthatȱheretics’ȱproperty,ȱi.ȱe.,ȱdominium,ȱwasȱforfeit.ȱRather,ȱthe moreȱinterestingȱdevelopmentȱassertedȱthatȱfailureȱtoȱpunishȱheresyȱwasȱitself tantamountȱtoȱheresy,ȱandȱhence,ȱjustifiedȱaȱlossȱofȱdominium,ȱasȱtheȱcountsȱof Toulouseȱdiscovered,ȱasȱwellȱasȱtheȱStedingerȱofȱBremenȱandȱOldenburg.28ȱ

27

28

LibroȱXII,ȱTituloȱXXX,ȱLeyȱI,ȱNovísimaȱrecopilaciónȱdeȱlasȱLeyesȱdeȱEspañaȱ(Madrid:ȱBoletínȱOficialȱdel Estado,ȱ1975),ȱ5:ȱ427–28;ȱquotedȱandȱdiscussedȱinȱCristianȱBerco,ȱSexualȱHierarchies,ȱPublicȱStatus: Men,ȱSodomy,ȱandȱSocietyȱinȱSpain’sȱGoldenȱAgeȱ(Toronto:ȱUniversityȱofȱTorontoȱPress,ȱ2007),ȱ81ȱand n.ȱ15. Cf.ȱJ.ȱA.ȱWatt,ȱ“SpiritualȱandȱTemporalȱPowers,”ȱBurns,ȱCambridgeȱThoughtȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6),ȱ367–423, atȱ384–85.ȱIndeed,ȱtheȱprincipleȱisȱestablishedȱinȱCanonȱ3ȱofȱFourthȱLateranȱCouncilȱ[1215],ȱwhich readsȱ inȱ pertinentȱ part:ȱ “Moneanturȱ autemȱ etȱ inducanturȱ etȱ siȱ necesseȱ fueritȱ perȱ censuram ecclesiasticamȱ compellanturȱ saecularesȱ potestates,ȱ quibuscumqueȱ funganturȱ officiis,ȱ utȱ sicut reputariȱcupiuntȱetȱhaberiȱfideles,ȱitaȱproȱdefensioneȱfideiȱpraestentȱpubliceȱiuramentum,ȱquod deȱterriesȱsuaeȱiurisdictioniȱsubiectisȱuniversesȱhaereticosȱabȱecclesiaȱdenotatosȱbonaȱfideȱpro viribusȱexterminareȱstudebunt,ȱitaȱquodȱamodoȱquandocumqueȱquisȱfueritȱinȱpotestatemȱsive spiritualemȱ siveȱ temporalemȱ assumptus,ȱ hocȱ teneaturȱ capitulumȱ iuramentoȱ firmare.ȱ Siȱ vero dominusȱtemporalis,ȱrequisitesȱetȱmonitusȱabȱecclesia,ȱterramȱsuamȱpurgareȱneglexeritȱabȱhac haereticaȱfoeditate,ȱperȱmetropolitanumȱetȱceterosȱcomprovincialesȱepiscoposȱexcommunictionis vinculoȱinnodetur;ȱetȱsiȱsatisfacereȱcontempseritȱinfraȱannum,ȱsignificeturȱhocȱsummonȱpontifici,

TheȱConquestȱofȱSodom

91

Theȱ basisȱ forȱ papalȱ jurisdictionȱ inȱ theȱ aforesaidȱ instancesȱ couldȱ hardlyȱ be doubted.ȱSpiritualȱquestionsȱconcerningȱmarriage,ȱsex,ȱnotȱtoȱspeakȱofȱheterodoxy, wereȱclearlyȱwithinȱtheȱbailiwicksȱofȱtheȱbishopsȱandȱRome.ȱHistoricallyȱspeaking, theȱlegitimacyȱofȱwarfareȱamongȱChristiansȱwasȱitselfȱaȱsubjectȱoverȱwhichȱthe Churchȱhadȱlongȱassertedȱauthority,ȱbothȱunflinchinglyȱandȱlargelyȱunsuccessfully. Anȱ entirelyȱ differentȱ questionȱ arose,ȱ however,ȱ whenȱ theȱ nationȱ requiring disciplineȱwasȱneitherȱChristian,ȱnorȱpartȱofȱtheȱoldȱRomanȱEmpireȱ(sinceȱtheȱpope continuedȱtoȱassertȱhisȱrightsȱunderȱtheȱspeciousȱDonationȱofȱConstantine),ȱnor everȱinȱeitherȱcategory.ȱThisȱissueȱwasȱofȱparticularȱrelevanceȱtoȱlandsȱheldȱby Muslimsȱ notȱ otherwiseȱ subjectȱ toȱ argumentsȱ ofȱ theȱ Reconquistaȱ (theȱ Christian programȱ ofȱ “reconquest”ȱ ofȱ Spainȱ fromȱ theȱ Moors,ȱ 710–1492).ȱ Theȱ dilemma apparentlyȱtroubledȱtheȱcanonȱlawyerȱSinibaldoȱdeiȱFieschiȱsufficientlyȱthatȱhe addressedȱtheȱproblemȱinȱhisȱmassiveȱApparatusȱonȱtheȱLiberȱextra,ȱwrittenȱafterȱhe assumedȱ theȱ seeȱ ofȱ St.ȱ Peterȱ asȱ Popeȱ Innocentȱ IVȱ (1243–1254).ȱ Concedingȱ that infidelsȱpossessedȱdominium,ȱheȱnonethelessȱmaintainedȱthat,ȱasȱChrist’sȱsteward, theȱpopeȱhadȱaȱpastoralȱjurisdictionȱoverȱallȱhumanity,ȱdeȱjureȱifȱnotȱdeȱfacto.ȱJust asȱtheȱpopeȱcouldȱpunishȱChristiansȱwhoȱtransgressedȱdivineȱlawȱasȱrevealedȱin theȱHolyȱScriptures,ȱsoȱtoo: siȱgentilis,ȱquiȱnonȱhabetȱlegem,ȱnisiȱnaturae,ȱsiȱcontraȱlegemȱnaturaeȱfacit,ȱpotestȱlicite puniriȱperȱPapam,ȱar.ȱGenesisȱ19,ȱubiȱhabes,ȱquodȱSodomitaeȱquiȱcontraȱlegemȱnaturae peccabantȱpunitiȱsuntȱaȱDeoȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ. ȱ

29

[ifȱaȱpeople,ȱwhoȱhaveȱnoȱlawȱbutȱthatȱofȱnature,ȱactȱagainstȱtheȱlawȱofȱnature,ȱitȱcan beȱpunishedȱbyȱtheȱPope,ȱarguingȱfromȱGenesisȱ19,ȱwhereȱyouȱlearnȱthatȱSodomites whoȱactedȱagainstȱtheȱlawȱofȱnatureȱwereȱpunishedȱbyȱGodȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.]29

utȱ extuncȱ ipseȱ vassallosȱ abȱ eiusȱ fidelitateȱ denuncietȱ absolutesȱ etȱ terramȱ exponatȱ catholicis occupandam,ȱquiȱeamȱexterminatesȱhaereticisȱsineȱullaȱcontradictionȱpossideantȱetȱinȱfideiȱpuritate conservent,ȱsalvoȱiureȱdominiȱprinciplas,ȱdummodoȱsuperȱhocȱipseȱnullumȱpraestetȱobstaculum necȱaliquodȱimpedimentumȱopponat;ȱeademȱnihilominusȱlegeȱservataȱcircaȱeos,ȱquiȱnonȱhabent dominosȱ principales.”(Moreover,ȱ letȱ theȱ secularȱ powers,ȱ whateverȱ officesȱ theyȱ mayȱ fulfil,ȱ be warned,ȱurged,ȱandȱifȱnecessary,ȱcompelledȱthroughȱecclesiasticalȱcensure,ȱthatȱtoȱtheȱextentȱthey wishȱtoȱbeȱknownȱandȱconsideredȱasȱfaithful,ȱsoȱtheyȱpublicallyȱtakeȱanȱoathȱtoȱtheȱdefenseȱofȱthe faith,ȱ thatȱ theyȱ willȱ undertakeȱ toȱ eradicateȱ fromȱ theirȱ jurisdictionalȱ territoriesȱ allȱ hereticsȱ so designatedȱbyȱtheȱChurchȱinȱgoodȱfaith;ȱandȱwheneverȱanyoneȱshallȱassumeȱanyȱofficeȱofȱpower, whetherȱecclesiasticȱorȱcivil,ȱheȱshallȱbeȱrequiredȱtoȱaffirmȱthisȱprovisionȱbyȱoath.ȱIf,ȱhowever,ȱa secularȱlord,ȱrequiredȱandȱwarnedȱbyȱtheȱchurch,ȱneglectsȱtoȱpurgeȱhisȱlandȱofȱthisȱhereticalȱfilth, heȱshallȱbeȱboundȱwithȱtheȱchainȱofȱexcommunicationȱbyȱtheȱmetropolitanȱandȱprovincialȱbishops; andȱshouldȱheȱfailȱtoȱmakeȱsatisfactionȱwithinȱoneȱyear,ȱtheȱmatterȱwillȱbeȱreportedȱtoȱtheȱsupreme pontiff,ȱsoȱthatȱheȱmayȱdeclareȱwithȱrespectȱhisȱvassalsȱreleasedȱfromȱtheirȱfealtyȱandȱhisȱland availableȱforȱoccupationȱbyȱCatholicsȱwhoȱmay,ȱwithȱtheȱexterminationȱofȱtheȱheretics,ȱpossessȱit unopposedȱandȱpreserveȱitȱinȱtheȱpureȱfaith,ȱsavingȱonlyȱtheȱrightȱofȱtheȱoverlordȱprovidedȱhe raiseȱ noȱ obstacleȱ norȱ placeȱ anyȱ impediment;ȱ thisȱ lawȱ appliesȱ noȱ lessȱ toȱ thoseȱ whoȱ haveȱ no overlord). SinibaldoȱdeiȱFieschi,ȱCommentariaȱsuperȱlibrosȱquinqueȱdecretaliumȱ(Frankfurtȱa.ȱM.:ȱMartinȱLechler

92

ScottȱL.ȱTaylorȱ

Otherȱ thanȱ sodomy,ȱ theȱ onlyȱ otherȱ offenseȱ againstȱ naturalȱ lawȱ specifiedȱ by Innocentȱwasȱidolatry,ȱleavingȱinȱdoubtȱtheȱpreciseȱscopeȱofȱhisȱdictum.ȱInȱlike fashion,ȱtheȱJews,ȱifȱtheyȱoffendȱagainstȱtheirȱmores,ȱcanȱbeȱpunishedȱbyȱtheȱPope, ifȱtheirȱprelatesȱfailȱtoȱsoȱdo.ȱTheȱpremiseȱisȱthatȱinfidelsȱmayȱhaveȱdominium,ȱbut thatȱdominiumȱmustȱbeȱexercised,ȱi.ȱe.,ȱenforced,ȱaccordingȱtoȱitsȱprinciplesȱand naturalȱlaw.ȱInnocentȱisȱveryȱclearȱthatȱtheȱpowerȱbelongsȱtoȱtheȱHolyȱFatherȱalone, butȱthatȱheȱcouldȱauthorizeȱattacksȱbyȱsecularȱprincesȱinȱfurtheranceȱofȱhisȱdeȱjure powerȱandȱauthority.ȱJamesȱMuldoonȱobserves,ȱbasedȱonȱtheȱpunitiveȱnatureȱof anyȱsuchȱexpedition,ȱthat,ȱ“Presumably,ȱonceȱChristianȱarmiesȱhadȱendedȱthose practicesȱ deemedȱ inȱ violationȱ ofȱ naturalȱ law,ȱ theyȱ wouldȱ withdrawȱ fromȱ the infidelȱ society,ȱ justȱ asȱ Innocentȱ IVȱ andȱ Gregoryȱ IXȱ didȱ notȱ interfereȱ inȱ Jewish societyȱ afterȱ burningȱ copiesȱ ofȱ theȱ Talmud.”30ȱ Thisȱ ignoresȱ thatȱ theȱ Jewsȱ were consideredȱsuiȱgeneris,ȱasȱwellȱasȱtheȱfactȱthatȱtheyȱwereȱwithinȱtheȱcivilȱjurisdiction ofȱChristianȱrules.ȱAccordingly,ȱInnocentȱdoesȱnotȱequateȱotherȱinfidelȱsocieties andȱ theȱ Jews,ȱ butȱ makesȱ themȱ twoȱ differentȱ examplesȱ ofȱ theȱ pope’sȱ spiritual jurisdiction.ȱOnceȱtheȱjustnessȱofȱaȱwarȱagainstȱinfidelsȱhasȱbeenȱdemonstrated, nothingȱ inȱ Romanȱ orȱ Christianȱ historyȱ suggestsȱ thatȱ Christianȱ armiesȱ would simplyȱ withdrawȱ onceȱ theȱ allegedȱ offenseȱ wasȱ deterredȱ orȱ punished.ȱ The significantȱexampleȱofȱSodomȱandȱGomorrahȱimpliesȱtheȱalternative:ȱthatȱis,ȱthe destructionȱofȱtheȱoffendingȱnation,ȱinȱwhichȱeventȱitȱisȱunthinkableȱandȱeven contradictoryȱ toȱ imagineȱ thatȱ theȱ vanquishedȱ wouldȱ beȱ allowedȱ toȱ liveȱ exlege (outsideȱtheȱlaw).ȱ WithȱtheȱexceptionȱofȱHostiensis,ȱwhoȱfollowedȱAlanusȱAnglicusȱinȱconcluding thatȱinfidelsȱcouldȱnotȱholdȱdominiumȱwhatsoever,31ȱallȱsubsequentȱjurists,ȱcivilȱand canonical,ȱ adoptedȱ thisȱ conclusion,ȱ whichȱ appearsȱ prominentlyȱ inȱ theȱ great synthesisȱofȱJohnȱofȱLegnanoȱ(GiovanniȱdaȱLegnano,ȱ†1383),ȱDeȱjureȱbelliȱ(OnȱThe LawȱofȱWar),ȱinȱtheȱmidȬfourteenthȱcentury.32ȱThatȱtheseȱseemingȱdictaȱwereȱtaken

30

31

32

forȱSigmundȱFeyerabend,ȱ1570),ȱ3.ȱ8.ȱ34,ȱ§ȱ4. JamesȱMuldoon,ȱPopes,ȱLawyers,ȱandȱInfidels:ȱTheȱChurchȱandȱtheȱNonȬChristianȱWorldȱ(1250–1550) TheȱMiddleȱAgesȱSeriesȱ(Philadelphia:ȱUniversityȱofȱPennsylvaniaȱPress;ȱLiverpool:ȱLiverpool UniversityȱPress,ȱ1979),ȱ11. MihiȱtamenȱvideturȱquodȱinȱadventuȱChristiȱomnisȱhonorȱetȱomnisȱprincipatusȱetȱomneȱdominium etȱiurisditioȱdeȱiureȱetȱexȱcausaȱiusta,ȱetȱperȱillumȱquiȱsupremamȱmanumȱhabetȱnecerrareȱpotest omniȱinfideliȱsubtractaȱfueritȱadȱfidelesȱtranslataȱ(Soȱneverthelessȱitȱseemsȱtoȱmeȱthatȱatȱtheȱcoming ofȱChrist,ȱallȱhonor,ȱallȱpreȬeminence,ȱallȱruleȱandȱlegalȱpower,ȱforȱjustȱreasonȱwasȱtakenȱfrom everyȱinfidelȱandȱtransferredȱtoȱtheȱfaithfulȱbyȱhimȱwhoȱholdsȱsupremeȱpower,ȱnorȱisȱableȱtoȱerr), Lecturaȱquinqueȱdecretaliumȱ3.ȱ34.ȱ8.ȱCitedȱinȱMuldoon,ȱPopes,ȱ16. Hincȱestȱquodȱgentilesȱhabentesȱsolumȱlegemȱnaturaȱpeccantȱcontraȱlegemȱnatureȱponiriȱpoterunt perȱpapam.ȱNamȱscribitȱgensisȱxix.caȱquodȱSodomiteȱpunitiȱfuitȱaȱDeo,ȱergoȱitemȱvicariusȱDeiȱhec poterit….ȱ(Hence,ȱpeoplesȱhavingȱonlyȱtheȱlawȱofȱnatureȱsinningȱagainstȱtheȱlawȱofȱnatureȱcanȱbe punishedȱbyȱtheȱPope.ȱForȱGenesisȱ19ȱsaysȱthatȱtheȱSodomitesȱwereȱpunishedȱbyȱGod,ȱsoȱlikewise theȱVicarȱofȱGodȱisȱableȱtoȱdoȱinȱsuchȱpremises),ȱTractatusȱdeȱbello,ȱCh.ȱXII,ȱTractatusȱdeȱbello,ȱde

TheȱConquestȱofȱSodom

93

asȱmoreȱthanȱanȱacademicȱexerciseȱisȱperhapsȱdemonstratedȱbyȱKingȱDuarte’sȱ1436 petitionȱtoȱPopeȱEugeniusȱIVȱtoȱliftȱtheȱpapalȱbanȱonȱChristianȱexpansionȱinȱthe CanaryȱIslands.ȱInȱadditionȱtoȱargumentsȱregardingȱdefenseȱandȱpropagationȱof theȱfaith,ȱtheȱPortugueseȱmonarchȱraisesȱtheȱissueȱ ofȱ theȱ primitiveȱnatureȱofȱa people,ȱwhoȱmightȱbeȱexpectedȱtoȱbeȱinȱconstantȱviolationȱofȱnaturalȱlaw,ȱandȱthus inȱ aȱ veryȱ realȱ senseȱ subsistingȱ “exlege.”33ȱ Apparently,ȱ Eugeniusȱ soughtȱ legal opinionsȱ fromȱ twoȱ counselors,ȱ Antonioȱ Minucciȱ deȱ Pratovecchioȱ andȱ Antonio Roselli.ȱ Minucci,ȱ amongȱ others,ȱ repeatedȱ theȱ usualȱ formulationȱ thatȱ theȱ Pope couldȱdepriveȱtheȱinfidelsȱofȱdominiumȱeitherȱforȱrefusingȱtoȱadmitȱmissionariesȱor forȱpracticesȱviolatingȱtheȱlawsȱofȱnature.34ȱInȱtheȱpremises,ȱandȱwithoutȱspecific commentȱ onȱ theȱ conditionsȱ inȱ theȱ Canaries,ȱ Eugeniusȱ authorizedȱ inȱ Romanus Pontifexȱtheȱcompletionȱofȱtheȱconversionȱofȱtheȱislands.35 WhenȱtheȱPortugeseȱandȱtheȱSpanishȱarrivedȱinȱtheȱAmericas,ȱlittleȱwonderȱthat theirȱjustificationȱforȱconquestȱwasȱtwoȬfold:ȱfirst,ȱtoȱevangelize;ȱsecond,ȱtoȱbring “justice”ȱ toȱ theȱ nativeȱ peoples.ȱ Theȱ formerȱ gaveȱ birthȱ toȱ theȱ Requerimiento (Notice/Demand),ȱ undoubtedlyȱ devisedȱ byȱ theȱ jurist,ȱ Juanȱ Lopezȱ deȱ Palacios Rubios,ȱtoȱdemonstrate,ȱparticularlyȱtoȱtheȱpapacy,ȱthatȱtheȱinvasionsȱwereȱbased onȱrefusalȱtoȱadmitȱmissionaries;ȱtheȱsecondȱexplainsȱtheȱattentionȱthatȱalmostȱall Portugeseȱ andȱ Spanishȱ chroniclersȱ devotedȱ toȱ theȱ sodomiticalȱ practicesȱ ofȱ the nativeȱpeoples. Inȱtheȱdebatesȱoverȱtheseȱpoliciesȱduringȱtheȱthirdȱandȱfourthȱdecadesȱofȱthe sixteenthȱcentury,ȱVitoriaȱredefinedȱtheȱrequirementsȱforȱdeprivingȱtheȱinfidelȱof dominium.ȱRatherȱthanȱmaintainingȱtheȱPope’sȱresponsibilityȱforȱtheȱsoulsȱofȱall peoples,ȱheȱpositedȱthatȱtheȱrightȱtoȱsendȱmissionariesȱwasȱfoundedȱonȱaȱsortȱof rightȱofȱinnocentȱpassage,ȱtheȱnaturalȱrightȱofȱallȱmenȱtoȱpeaceablyȱtravelȱwhere theyȱwished.36ȱAsȱtoȱtheȱsecondȱargument,ȱheȱnotȱonlyȱdeniedȱpapalȱjurisdiction overȱtheȱinfidel,ȱbutȱalsoȱmaintainedȱthatȱpunishmentȱofȱaȱforeignȱpeopleȱforȱsins

33

34

35 36

represaliisȱetȱdeȱduelloȱbyȱGiovanniȱdaȱLegnano,ȱed.ȱThomasȱErskineȱHollandȱ(Buffalo,ȱNY:ȱWilliam Hein,ȱ1995;ȱorig.ȱOxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress/CarnegieȱInst.,ȱ1917). “Hasȱindomitiȱsilvestresȱfereȱhominesȱinhabitantȱquiȱnullaȱreligionaȱcoagulati,ȱnullisȱdenique legumeȱvinculisȱirretiti,ȱciviliȱconversacioneȱneglecta,ȱinȱpaganitateȱvelutiȱpecudesȱvitamȱagunt” (Inȱtheseȱuntamedȱforestsȱliveȱmenȱwhoȱareȱbroughtȱtogetherȱbyȱnoȱreligion,ȱwhoȱareȱunboundȱby theȱ chainsȱ ofȱ anyȱ law,ȱ withȱ civilȱ lifeȱ despised,ȱ inȱ heathenismȱ theyȱ liveȱ lifeȱ justȱ likeȱ cattle.), SuppliqueȱduȱroiȱdeȱPortugalȱDomȱDuarteȱauȱPapeȱEugèneȱIVȱauȱsujetȱdesȱÎlesȱCanaries,ȱBologna,ȱaoût 1436,ȱAppendixȱIȱtoȱCharlesȬMarieȱdeȱWitte,ȱ“LesȱBullesȱpontificalesȱetȱl’expansionȱportugaiseȱau XVeȱsiècle,“ȱRevueȱd’histoireȱecclésiastiqueȱ48ȱ(1953):ȱ683–718. JamesȱMuldoon,ȱ“AȱFifteenthȬCenturyȱApplicationȱofȱtheȱCanonisticȱTheoryȱofȱtheȱJustȱWar,” ProceedingsȱofȱtheȱFourthȱInternationalȱCongressȱofȱMedievalȱCanonȱLaw,ȱed.ȱStephanȱKuttnerȱ(Vatican City:ȱBibliotecaȱApostolicaȱVaticana,ȱ1976),ȱ467–80;ȱseeȱalsoȱhisȱPopes,ȱLawyers,ȱandȱInfidels,ȱ119–31. SeeȱdeȱWitteȱ(above,ȱn.ȱ33),ȱAppendixȱII. RelectionesȱdeȱIndis,ȱ3.10–3.12ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).

94

ScottȱL.ȱTaylorȱ

againstȱnaturalȱlaw,ȱwasȱnotȱaȱlegitimateȱconcernȱofȱprinces.37ȱOnȱtheȱotherȱhand, heȱheldȱthatȱtheȱtypeȱofȱviolationȱofȱnaturalȱlawȱjustifyingȱmilitaryȱintervention wasȱ tyrannicalȱ exploitationȱ ofȱ innocents,ȱ suchȱ asȱ humanȱ sacrificeȱ and cannibalism.38ȱForȱVitoria,ȱtheȱdifferenceȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱthatȱbetweenȱaȱpermissive infraction—forȱexample,ȱtheȱfailureȱofȱtheȱindigenousȱgovernmentȱtoȱpunishȱits citizens’ȱlicentiousness—andȱgovernmentalȱorȱquasiȬgovernmentalȱimpositionȱof conductȱ contraryȱ toȱ theȱ welfareȱ ofȱ victimsȱ andȱ involuntary,ȱ whetherȱ because coercedȱorȱbeyondȱconsensualȱpowers.ȱSexualȱmoresȱorȱidolatry,ȱcontraryȱtoȱthe lawȱofȱnatureȱorȱnot,ȱcouldȱbeȱdeemedȱwithinȱtheȱjusȱpropriumȱ(indigenousȱlaw) andȱthusȱoutsideȱtheȱpurviewȱofȱtheȱjusȱgentium.ȱOnȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱoppression representedȱaȱformȱofȱtyranny,ȱandȱasȱtheȱmedievalȱandȱrenaissanceȱjuristsȱhad recognized,ȱ actiones,ȱ populi,ȱ tyranniȱ suntȱ deȱ jureȱ gentium:ȱ actions,ȱ peoplesȱ and tyrantsȱwereȱtheȱsubjectȱofȱ(andȱhence,ȱsubjectȱto)ȱtheȱlawȱofȱnations.ȱWarȱwas justifiableȱnotȱonlyȱforȱtheȱdefenseȱofȱself,ȱbutȱtheȱdefenseȱofȱotherȱinnocentsȱas well. Asȱ anotherȱ potentialȱ offenseȱ againstȱ nature,ȱ cannibalismȱ wasȱ not,ȱ ofȱ course, specificallyȱ mentionedȱ coincidentally.ȱ Theȱ Portugueseȱ hadȱ earlyȱ reported cannibalsȱamongȱtheȱBrazilianȱTupinamba,ȱandȱtheȱpracticeȱwasȱreputed,ȱprobably unjustifiably,ȱamongȱtheȱCaribs.ȱVespucciȱhadȱreportedȱhumanȱfleshȱhangingȱin butcherȱshops.ȱSuchȱreportsȱhadȱhadȱanȱundoubtedȱpsychologicalȱaffectȱonȱthe Cortesȱexpedition.39ȱFollowingȱtheȱconquestȱofȱMexico,ȱformalȱinquestsȱreceived testimonyȱofȱrampantȱcannibalism,ȱoftenȱwithȱtheȱcooperationȱofȱtheȱCastilians, andȱ inȱ atȱ leastȱ oneȱ case,ȱ anȱ accusationȱ ofȱ participationȱ byȱ aȱ memberȱ ofȱ the expeditionȱ party.40ȱ Theȱ descriptionsȱ ofȱ theȱ meatȱ marketsȱ bearȱ aȱ striking resemblanceȱtoȱthoseȱinȱtheȱVespucciȱtales.

37 38

39

40

RelectionesȱdeȱIndis,ȱ2:16. Aliusȱtitulusȱpossetȱesseȱpropterȱtyrannidem,ȱvelȱipsorumȱdominorumȱapudȱbarbaros,ȱvelȱetiam propterȱlegesȱtyrannicasȱinȱinjuriamȱinnocentium,ȱputaȱquiȱsacrificantȱhominesȱinnocentos,ȱvel aliasȱ occidentȱ indemnatosȱ adȱ vescendumȱ carnibusȱ eorum.ȱ Dicoȱ etiam,ȱ quodȱ sineȱ authoritate PontificisȱpossumȱHispaniȱprohibereȱbarbarosȱabȱomniȱnefariaȱconsuetudine,ȱetȱritu,ȱquiaȱpossunt defendereȱ innocentosȱ aȱ morteȱ injustaȱ (Relectionesȱ deȱ Indis,ȱ 3:ȱ 15;ȱ Anotherȱ pretextȱ mayȱ beȱ on groundsȱofȱtyranny,ȱeitherȱofȱtheȱbarbarianȱlordsȱthemselves,ȱorȱevenȱonȱaccountȱofȱtyrannical lawsȱinjuriousȱtoȱtheȱinnocent,ȱforȱexample,ȱthoseȱthatȱsacrificeȱinnocentȱmen,ȱorȱothersȱkillingȱthe uncondemnedȱinȱorderȱtoȱfeedȱonȱtheirȱflesh.ȱIȱsayȱevenȱwithoutȱpapalȱauthority,ȱtheȱSpaniards canȱrestrainȱbarbariansȱfromȱeveryȱevilȱcustomȱandȱritualȱbecauseȱtheyȱareȱentitledȱtoȱprotect innocentsȱfromȱunjustȱdeath). SeeȱHughȱThomas,ȱConquest:ȱMontezuma,ȱCortés,ȱandȱtheȱFallȱofȱOldȱMexicoȱ(London:ȱHutchinson, 1993). SeeȱGeneralȱCamiloȱdeȱPolavieja,ȱHernánȱCortés,ȱcopiasȱdeȱdocumentosȱexistentesȱenȱelȱArchivoȱde IndiasȱyȱenȱsuȱpalacioȱdeȱCastillejaȱdeȱlaȱCuestaȱsobreȱlaȱconquistaȱdeȱMéjicoȱ(Seville,ȱ1889),ȱ236;ȱon markets,ȱ263;ȱonȱaccusationȱagainstȱCastilians,ȱ212;ȱ300.ȱAlsoȱinȱThomas,ȱ197,ȱ318,ȱ436–9.

TheȱConquestȱofȱSodom

95

Inȱanyȱevent,ȱitȱisȱclearȱthat,ȱafterȱtheȱ1540s,ȱnotȱonlyȱdidȱtheȱpracticeȱ ofȱ the Requeriementoȱdieȱout,ȱbutȱalsoȱtheȱtenorȱofȱtraveloguesȱshiftedȱfromȱsodomyȱto anthropophagyȱ(cannibalism).ȱAsȱanȱexample,ȱJeanȱdeȱLéry’sȱHistoireȱd’unȱvoyage faitȱenȱlaȱterreȱduȱBresilȱ(1557;ȱHistoryȱofȱaȱVoyageȱtoȱtheȱLandȱofȱBrazil)ȱcouldȱonly reportȱasȱtoȱsodomyȱthatȱthereȱseemedȱtoȱbeȱaȱwordȱforȱ“buggery,”41ȱwhile,ȱonȱthe otherȱ hand,ȱ likeȱ soȱ manyȱ otherȱ authors,ȱ Léryȱ reportsȱ inȱ gruesomeȱ detailȱ the cannibalisticȱpracticesȱofȱtheȱindigenousȱpopulation.ȱThisȱandȱsimilarȱnarratives, suchȱ asȱ thatȱ byȱ Léry’sȱ contemporary,ȱ Andréȱ Thevet,ȱ mayȱ haveȱ influenced philosopherȱMichelȱdeȱMontaigne,ȱwho,ȱsometimeȱbetweenȱ1572ȱandȱ1580,ȱwrote Desȱcannibalesȱ(OnȱCannibals).ȱThisȱtext,ȱamongȱtheȱmostȱenduringȱofȱMontaigne’s essays,ȱalthoughȱfamousȱforȱcondemningȱhisȱfellowȱ“civilized”ȱEuropeansȱmore thanȱtheȱAmerindiansȱforȱsavagery,ȱnonethelessȱdemonstratesȱtheȱextentȱtoȱwhich theȱassociationȱofȱtheȱNewȱWorldȱpeoplesȱwithȱyetȱanotherȱappallingȱcustomȱhad penetratedȱEuropeanȱmentalities.ȱThisȱnegative,ȱorȱatȱleastȱbizarre,ȱconnectionȱwas furtherȱ spurredȱ onȱ byȱ theȱ panoplyȱ ofȱ vividȱ illustrationsȱ accompanyingȱ some editionsȱofȱtheȱaboveȬmentionedȱtraveloguesȱandȱsimilarȱworksȱeagerlyȱdevoured byȱEuropeanȱreadersȱofȱtheȱsixteenthȱcentury.42 Oneȱcanȱonlyȱwonderȱtheȱdegreeȱtoȱwhichȱhistoricalȱdataȱisȱaffectedȱhereȱbyȱthe normalȱtendencyȱofȱtheȱtouristȱtoȱexaggerate,ȱasȱinȱsomeȱofȱtheȱaccountsȱsuchȱas thoseȱofȱSpanishȱconquistadores,ȱandȱhowȱmuchȱmoreȱtheȱtruthȱmayȱhaveȱbeen skewedȱbyȱtheȱdesireȱofȱwritersȱandȱpublishersȱtoȱpanderȱtoȱtheȱmorbidȱcuriosity ofȱtheȱvicariousȱtraveler.ȱCertainly,ȱaȱhostȱofȱcontemporaryȱEuropeanȱeventsȱand debatesȱresonatedȱwithȱtheseȱdescriptionsȱofȱAmerindianȱanthropophagy.43ȱAtȱthe

41

42

43

AsȱaȱsampleȱofȱJeanȱdeȱLéry’sȱtestimony:ȱ“Toutefois,ȱafinȱdeȱneȱpasȱlesȱfaireȱgensȱdeȱbienȱplus qu’ilsȱleȱsont,ȱquelquefoisȱenȱseȱdépitantȱl’unȱcontreȱl’autre,ȱilsȱs’appellentȱTyvire,ȱc’estȬàȬdire bougre;ȱonȱpeutȱdoncȱconjecturerȱdeȱlàȱ(carȱjeȱn’enȱaffirmeȱrien)ȱqueȱcetȱabominableȱpéchéȱse commetȱentreȱeux”ȱ(Histoireȱd’unȱvoyageȱfaitȱenȱlaȱterreȱduȱBresil,ȱCh.ȱ17;ȱHowever,ȱinȱorderȱnotȱto portrayȱthemȱasȱpeopleȱmoreȱworthyȱthanȱtheyȱare:ȱsometimesȱwhenȱquarrelingȱwithȱeachȱother oneȱwillȱcallȱtheȱotherȱtyvire,ȱthatȱis,ȱ“bugger”;ȱoneȱcanȱthusȱconjectureȱfromȱthisȱ[forȱIȱseekȱto confirmȱnothingȱfromȱit]ȱthatȱtheyȱcommitȱthisȱabominableȱsinȱamongstȱthemselves),ȱHistoireȱd’un voyageȱfaitȱenȱlaȱterreȱduȱBrésilȱ1557,ȱJeanȱdeȱLéry,ȱed.ȱFrankȱLestringantȱ[basedȱonȱ2ndȱed.,ȱGeneva: Chuppin,ȱ1580],ȱClassiquesȱduȱprotestantismeȱ(Montpellier:ȱChaleil,ȱ1992).ȱAnotherȱFrenchȱvisitor atȱaboutȱthatȱsameȱtimeȱ(1555)—royalȱcosmographerȱandȱchaplainȱtoȱNicolasȱDurand’sȱexpedition colonizingȱtheȱfutureȱRioȱdeȱJaneiro—AndréȱThevet,ȱrecords:ȱ“…etȱsiȱc’estȱunȱmasleȱilsȱleȱfont BardacheȱouȱBougeron,ȱqu’ilsȱnommentȱenȱleurȱlangueȱTevir:ȱceȱquiȱleurȱestȱfortȱdetestableȱet abominable,ȱseulementȱdeȱleȱpenser”ȱ(Cosmographieȱuniverselle,ȱBk.ȱ21,ȱCh.ȱ10ȱ[933r];ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱandȱifȱit isȱaȱmaleȱtheyȱmakeȱhimȱaȱbardacheȱ[youngȱmaleȱsexȱslave]ȱorȱlittleȱbugger,ȱwhomȱtheyȱcallȱin theirȱlanguageȱtevir,ȱwhichȱisȱmostȱdetestableȱandȱabominableȱforȱthemȱevenȱsimplyȱtoȱthink about)ȱ(Paris:ȱGuillaumeȱChandiere,ȱ1575). See,ȱforȱexample,ȱFranzȱObermeier,ȱBrasilienȱinȱIllustrationemȱdesȱ16.ȱJahrhundertsȱ(Frankfurtȱam Main:ȱVerviertȱVerlag,ȱ2000),ȱparticularlyȱplatesȱ4,ȱ8,ȱ24,ȱandȱ39. Theseȱincludedȱpolemicsȱoverȱtransubstantiation,ȱtheȱsiegeȱofȱSancerre,ȱtheȱSt.ȱBartholomew’sȱDay Massacre,ȱamongȱothers.ȱSee,ȱforȱexample,ȱFrankȱLestringant,ȱ“Calvinistesȱetȱcannibales:ȱLesȱécrits

96

ScottȱL.ȱTaylorȱ

sameȱtime,ȱearlyȱethnographyȱundoubtedlyȱcontributedȱtoȱwhatȱDonaldȱR.ȱKelley hasȱcalledȱ“theȱexpandingȱandȱextraȬEuropeanȱhorizonsȱofȱmodernȱpoliticalȱand socialȱ thought,”ȱ distilledȱ inȱ theȱ notionȱ ofȱ jusȱ gentium,ȱ theȱ legalȱ subsetȱ ofȱ that universalȱ historyȱ uponȱ whichȱ Jeanȱ Bodinȱ basedȱ hisȱ juridicoȬhistoricalȱ method openingȱtheȱwayȱforȱGrotius,ȱandȱsubsequentlyȱVico,ȱtowardȱconceptualizingȱthe worldȱofȱnationsȱandȱdirettoȱnaturaleȱdelleȱgenti,ȱtheȱnaturalȱlawȱofȱnations.44ȱThe resultingȱtendencyȱtoȱseeȱnationsȱasȱjuridicalȱpersonsȱwhoseȱinternalȱactsȱofȱstate wereȱlargelyȱimmuneȱfromȱoutsideȱscrutiny,ȱdespiteȱtheȱperiodicȱeffortsȱoverȱthe ensuingȱ centuriesȱ ofȱ influentialȱ statesmen—whetherȱ conservatives,ȱ suchȱ as Metternich,ȱorȱprogressives,ȱsuchȱasȱWilson—toȱhypothesizeȱaȱgeneralȱrightȱor evenȱobligationȱtoȱinterveneȱinȱtheȱdomesticȱaffairsȱofȱotherȱnations,ȱmayȱhave significantlyȱhinderedȱevolvingȱconceptsȱofȱuniversalȱhumanȱrights.ȱ Butȱtheȱdoctrineȱlikewiseȱdiscouragedȱconquestȱorȱinterventionȱforȱwhatȱrelative toȱtheȱinternationalȱorderȱcouldȱbeȱbutȱconsideredȱpicayuneȱpeccadilloesȱofȱsexual practiceȱorȱproclivity.ȱTheȱfactȱthatȱtheȱveryȱideaȱofȱcrimenȱcontraȱnaturamȱquaȱcausa belliȱstrikesȱtheȱtwentyȬfirstȱcenturyȱmindȱasȱludicrous—indeed,ȱinȱsomeȱquarters, theȱ conceptȱ ofȱ crimenȱ contraȱ naturamȱ itself—demonstratesȱ howȱ foreignȱ theȱ late medievalȱparadigmȱofȱinterculturalȱrelationsȱisȱtoȱmodernȱnotionsȱofȱinternational relations.ȱYetȱtheȱmannerȱinȱwhichȱdeȱfactoȱperceptionsȱandȱdeȱjureȱinterpretations ofȱ thoseȱ perceivedȱ factsȱ evolveȱ symbioticallyȱ remainsȱ essentiallyȱ theȱ same.ȱ As Augustineȱnoted,ȱnoȱwiseȱmanȱwagesȱaȱwarȱunlessȱheȱthinkȱitȱjust.ȱ Aȱperceivedȱevilȱseemsȱtoȱdemandȱaȱremedyȱaffordedȱbyȱaȱlegalȱjustification.ȱThe justificationȱinȱturnȱfocusesȱattentionȱuponȱsimilarȱoffenses,ȱtherebyȱrefiningȱthe legalȱ conceptualization.ȱ Theȱ effortsȱ ofȱ theȱ reformedȱ papacyȱ toȱ freeȱ itselfȱ from secularȱrestraintȱandȱassertȱitsȱauthorityȱoverȱtheȱepiscopateȱcoincidedȱwithȱthe obsession,ȱ justifiableȱ orȱ not,ȱ ofȱ theȱ reformȱ papacyȱ andȱ bishopsȱ withȱ sexual offenses,ȱfirstȱwithinȱtheirȱorders,ȱthenȱwithinȱtheirȱsees,ȱandȱthenȱinȱseesȱover whichȱ theirȱ jurisdictionȱ hadȱ lapsed.ȱ Hadȱ thisȱ coincidenceȱ notȱ occurred,ȱ the calumniesȱleveledȱbyȱtheȱmedievalȱNormansȱagainstȱtheȱIrishȱlikelyȱwouldȱhave hadȱ littleȱ moreȱ significanceȱ thanȱ thoseȱ ofȱ theȱ aboveȬmentionedȱ quarreling TupinambaȱyouthsȱinȱBrazilȱhurlingȱinsultsȱofȱ“Tyvire!”ȱatȱeachȱother.ȱLikewise, hadȱsodomyȱnotȱbeenȱaffordedȱrecognitionȱasȱanȱoffenseȱmeritingȱforceȱofȱarms, atȱleastȱwithȱpapalȱauthorization,ȱsubsequentȱethnographyȱsuggestsȱthatȱitȱwould haveȱreceivedȱlittleȱmoreȱthanȱpassingȱnoticeȱinȱreportsȱsurroundingȱNewȱWorld inhabitants.ȱ

44

protestantsȱsurȱleȱBrésilȱfrançaisȱ(1555–1560),”ȱBulletinȱdeȱlaȱsociétéȱdeȱl’histoireȱduȱprotestantisme françaisȱ1–2ȱ(1980):ȱ9–26,ȱ167–92,ȱandȱ“Catholiquesȱetȱcannibales:ȱleȱthèmeȱduȱcannibalismeȱdans leȱdiscoursȱprotestantȱauȱtempsȱdesȱGuerresȱdeȱreligion,”ȱPratiquesȱetȱdiscoursȱalimentairesȱàȱla Renaissanceȱ(Paris:ȱMaisonneuveȱetȱLarose,ȱ1982),ȱ233–45. DonaldȱR.ȱKelly,ȱ“Law,”ȱBurns,ȱCambridgeȱThought,ȱ66–94,ȱesp.ȱ86ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6).

TheȱConquestȱofȱSodom

97

Despiteȱ extensiveȱ effortsȱ toȱ avoidȱ interventionistȱ warsȱ byȱ respectingȱ state sovereignty,ȱtodayȱweȱseemȱtoȱbeȱinterpretingȱtheȱjusȱgentiumȱlessȱinȱtheȱmanner ofȱPufendorf—i.ȱe.,ȱasȱaȱ“lawȱofȱnations”ȱpromotingȱsociabilityȱbetweenȱpeoples andȱstates,ȱsubjectȱalwaysȱtoȱtheȱselfȬinterestȱofȱthoseȱveryȱactors—ȱandȱmoreȱinȱthe mannerȱ ofȱ Vitoria,ȱ orȱ evenȱ someȱ medievalȱ canonists.ȱ Doesȱ genocideȱ justify intervention?ȱMisogyny?ȱTorture?ȱWhatȱofȱundemocraticȱpractices,ȱorȱracial,ȱethnic orȱ religiousȱ discrimination?ȱ Whateverȱ isȱ ultimatelyȱ perceivedȱ asȱ aȱ sufficiently severeȱinjusticeȱwillȱsurelyȱfindȱitsȱwayȱintoȱaȱnewȱparadigmȱofȱinternationalȱlaw andȱrelationsȱthatȱwillȱfocusȱbothȱfutureȱperceptionsȱandȱfutureȱwars,ȱsomeȱof whichȱhistoryȱmayȱrecordȱasȱnoble,ȱmanyȱofȱwhichȱwillȱbeȱjudgedȱmisguided. Perhaps,ȱinȱtheȱlastȱanalysis,ȱtheȱonlyȱsureȱassessmentȱisȱthatȱofȱAugustine: Sedȱsapiens,ȱinquiunt,ȱiustaȱbellaȱgesturusȱest.ȱQuasiȱnon,ȱsiȱseȱhominemȱmeminit, multoȱmagisȱdolebitȱiustorumȱnecessitateȱsibiȱextisseȱbellorum,ȱquiaȱnisiȱiustaȱessent, eiȱ gerendaȱ nonȱ essent,ȱ acȱ perȱ hocȱ sapientiȱ nullaȱ bellaȱ essent.ȱ Iniquitasȱ enimȱ partis adversaeȱiustaȱbellaȱingeritȱgerendaȱsapienti;ȱquaeȱiniquitasȱutiqueȱhominiȱestȱdolenda, quiaȱhominumȱest,ȱetsiȱnullaȱexȱeaȱbellandiȱnecessitasȱnasceretur.ȱHaecȱitaqueȱmala tamȱ magna,ȱ tamȱ horrenda,ȱ tamȱ saevaȱ quisquisȱ cumȱ doloreȱ considerat,ȱ miseriam fateatur;ȱquisquisȱautemȱvelȱpapiturȱeaȱsineȱanimiȱdoloreȱvelȱcogitat,ȱmultoȱutique miseriusȱideoȱseȱputatȱbeatum,ȱquiaȱetȱhumanumȱperdiditȱsensum. [DeȱcivitateȱDei,ȱ19:ȱ7;ȱBut,ȱtheyȱsay,ȱtheȱwiseȱmanȱwillȱonlyȱwageȱjustȱwars.ȱAsȱthough, wereȱheȱtoȱrememberȱheȱisȱaȱman,ȱheȱshouldȱnotȱmournȱallȱtheȱmoreȱtheȱnecessityȱthat thereȱbeȱjustȱwars,ȱforȱunlessȱtheyȱwereȱjust,ȱtheyȱwouldȱnotȱbeȱwaged,ȱandȱforȱtheȱjust thereȱwouldȱbeȱnoȱwars.ȱForȱtheȱwise,ȱsurelyȱitȱisȱtheȱiniquityȱofȱtheȱadverseȱpartyȱthat occasionsȱjustȱwars;ȱandȱthisȱiniquityȱwouldȱbeȱaȱgriefȱtoȱmanȱevenȱifȱitȱengenderedȱno compulsionȱtoȱwar,ȱjustȱbecauseȱheȱisȱhuman.ȱSoȱletȱanyoneȱsadlyȱcontemplatingȱsuch greatȱevils,ȱsuchȱhorrors,ȱsuchȱsavageries,ȱconfessȱthatȱthisȱisȱaȱmisery;ȱandȱmoreover, whoeverȱeitherȱenduresȱorȱreflectsȱuponȱtheseȱthingsȱwithoutȱsadnessȱofȱspirit,ȱmuch moreȱIȱesteemȱhimȱunfortunate,ȱthinkingȱhimselfȱblessed,ȱforȱheȱhasȱlostȱallȱhuman feeling).45

45

See,ȱe.ȱg.,ȱtheȱcriticalȱeditionȱofȱAugustine,ȱDeȱcivitateȱDei/LaȱcitéȱdeȱDieuȱbyȱBernhardȱDombartȱand Alfonsȱ Kalb,ȱ annotatedȱ byȱ Gustaveȱ Bardyȱ andȱ trans.ȱ Gustaveȱ Combes,ȱ 5ȱ vols.,ȱ Bibliothèque augustinienne:ȱŒuvresȱdeȱSaintȱAugustin,ȱ5ȱser.,ȱ33–37ȱ(Paris:ȱDescléeȱdeȱBrower,ȱ1959–1960),ȱat vol.ȱ5.ȱ[Ed.ȱnote:ȱforȱmoreȱonȱAugustineȱandȱotherȱperspectivesȱonȱJustȱWarȱdoctrine,ȱseeȱesp.ȱthe essayȱinȱthisȱvolumeȱbyȱBenȱSnook].

Chapterȱ2ȱ BenȱSnook (UniversityȱofȱLondon)

JustȱWarȱinȱAngloȬSaxonȱEngland:ȱ TransmissionȱandȱReception

I.ȱIntroduction Inȱtheȱearlyȱ1970s,ȱJamesȱCrossȱaddressedȱtheȱissueȱofȱ“JustȱWarȱTheory”ȱinȱAngloȬ Saxonȱliterature.1ȱAsȱheȱworkedȱthroughȱaȱseriesȱofȱAngloȬLatinȱtextsȱandȱOld Englishȱpoems,ȱrangingȱfromȱtheȱ“RecaptureȱofȱtheȱFiveȱBoroughs”ȱtoȱ“Beowulf”, Crossȱ analyzedȱ theȱ prevailingȱ moralȱ attitudesȱ ofȱ theȱ AngloȬSaxonsȱ towards conflict.ȱHeȱwentȱonȱtoȱaddressȱwhatȱheȱreferredȱtoȱasȱ“theȱcomplicatedȱproblem ofȱBeowulf,”ȱwhereȱ“nationalȱwarsȱformȱaȱbackgroundȱagainstȱwhichȱtheȱhero’sȱlast decisionȱtoȱfightȱtheȱdragonȱandȱhisȱdeathȱbecomeȱmomentousȱforȱhisȱpeople.”2 Unsurprisingly,ȱCrossȱdetectedȱaȱpowerfulȱstrainȱofȱChristianȱmoralityȱrunning throughȱtheȱAngloȬSaxonȱattitudeȱtoȱwar.ȱOnȱthatȱbasis,ȱheȱwentȱonȱtoȱconclude thatȱtheȱOldȱEnglishȱpoetsȱwouldȱgoȱtoȱsomeȱlengthsȱtoȱmanufactureȱaȱreactive conflictȱinȱorderȱthatȱitȱmightȱseemȱjust:ȱforȱtheȱAngloȬSaxons,ȱCrossȱargued,ȱ“the mostȱeasilyȱjustifiable”ȱkindȱofȱwarȱwasȱaȱ“defensiveȱwar.”3ȱ Indeed,ȱtheȱevidenceȱthatȱtheȱAngloȬSaxonsȱunderstoodȱtheȱdifferenceȱbetween justȱandȱunjustȱwarsȱisȱoverwhelming,ȱandȱCross’sȱarticleȱremainsȱanȱimportant andȱ eruditeȱ contributionȱ toȱ aȱ fieldȱ whichȱ hasȱ yetȱ toȱ attractȱ muchȱ scholarly attention.ȱ However,ȱ hisȱ conclusionsȱ rest,ȱ inȱ theȱ main,ȱ onȱ oneȱ largelyȱ untested

1

2 3

SeeȱJamesȱE.ȱCross,ȱ“TheȱEthicȱofȱWarȱinȱOldȱEnglish,”ȱEnglandȱbeforeȱtheȱConquest:ȱStudiesȱin Primaryȱ Sourcesȱ Presentedȱ toȱ Dorothyȱ Whitelock,ȱ ed.ȱ Peterȱ Clemoesȱ andȱ Kathleenȱ Hughes (Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1971),ȱ269–82. Cross,ȱ“TheȱEthicȱofȱWar”,ȱ278ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1). Cross,ȱ“TheȱEthicȱofȱWar”,ȱ274ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).

100

BenȱSnook

assumption:ȱthatȱtheȱAngloȬSaxons,ȱwhetherȱtheyȱwereȱwritingȱinȱOldȱEnglishȱor Latin,ȱknewȱwhatȱtheyȱwereȱdoingȱwhenȱtheyȱreferredȱtoȱaȱjustȱwar.ȱ“AȱChristian poet,”ȱ Crossȱ wrote,ȱ “wouldȱ certainlyȱ beȱ consciousȱ thatȱ theȱ Englishmenȱ were writingȱaboutȱ“justȱwar.”4ȱTheȱAngloȬSaxons,ȱheȱseemsȱtoȱimply,ȱfromȱtheȱvery earliestȱ floweringsȱ ofȱ literaryȱ cultureȱ inȱ Englandȱ inȱ theȱ seventhȱ century,ȱ were awareȱofȱ“JustȱWarȱTheory”ȱandȱtheȱmassȱofȱclassicalȱandȱpatristicȱscholarshipȱon theȱsubject;ȱthus,ȱwhenȱtheyȱjustifiedȱwarfareȱinȱtheirȱownȱliterature,ȱtheyȱdidȱso consciously,ȱwithinȱtheȱframeworkȱofȱaȱjustȱwarȱphilosophyȱwhichȱstretchedȱback intoȱantiquity.ȱSuchȱanȱassumptionȱcannotȱbeȱleftȱuntested.ȱCiceroȱandȱAugustine areȱbestȬknownȱasȱtheȱprogenitorsȱofȱ“JustȱWarȱTheory”:ȱdidȱtheȱAngloȬSaxons readȱ theirȱ worksȱ and,ȱ moreȱ importantly,ȱ appreciateȱ asȱ weȱ doȱ todayȱ the significanceȱ ofȱ theȱ relativelyȱ shortȱ passagesȱ withinȱ themȱ thatȱ considerȱ the justificationȱofȱwarfare?ȱWasȱtheȱAngloȬSaxonȱjustȱwarȱalsoȱaȱCiceronianȱorȱan Augustinianȱ justȱ war?ȱ Forȱ thatȱ matter,ȱ canȱ weȱ evenȱ useȱ theȱ termȱ “Justȱ War Theory”ȱtoȱmeanȱaȱcogentȱandȱpreciselyȱdefinedȱtheoryȱofȱethicalȱmilitaryȱpractice inȱtheȱcontextȱofȱAngloȬSaxonȱEngland?ȱAddressingȱtheseȱquestionsȱwillȱbeȱthe purposeȱofȱthisȱarticle.

II.ȱTheȱJustificationȱofȱWarȱinȱEarlyȱAngloȬSaxonȱEngland Theȱnotionȱthatȱwhenȱoneȱwagesȱaȱwar,ȱoneȱmustȱwageȱitȱjustlyȱhasȱexisted,ȱinȱone formȱ orȱ another,ȱ forȱ asȱ longȱ asȱ warȱ hasȱ beenȱ aȱ conceptȱ ratherȱ thanȱ simplyȱ an activity.ȱInȱrecentȱtimes,ȱ“JustȱWarȱTheory”ȱhasȱbecomeȱtheȱsubjectȱofȱlengthyȱand sophisticatedȱphilosophicalȱdiscussion.ȱȱTheȱmodernȱcommentatorȱhasȱaccessȱto hundreds,ȱifȱnotȱthousands,ȱofȱbooksȱandȱarticlesȱnotȱonlyȱdiscussingȱ“JustȱWar Theory”ȱretrospectively,ȱapplyingȱitȱinȱoneȱwayȱorȱanotherȱtoȱmostȱconflictsȱof whichȱweȱpossessȱsomeȱreasonableȱhistoricalȱaccount,ȱbutȱalsoȱmoralizingȱabout contemporaryȱ“just”ȱwars.5ȱForȱmoreȱthanȱtwoȱmillennia,ȱitȱhasȱbeenȱaȱnatural humanȱ tendencyȱ forȱ belligerentsȱ toȱ haveȱ rationalizedȱ warfareȱ inȱ theirȱ favor; generally,ȱtheȱvictorsȱhaveȱbeenȱtransformedȱintoȱinjuredȱpartyȱbyȱtheȱproseȱof theirȱapologists,ȱwhileȱtheȱplightȱofȱtheȱdefeatedȱhasȱbeenȱdistorted,ȱoverlooked, 4 5

Cross,ȱ“TheȱEthicȱofȱWar”,ȱ274ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1). Althoughȱ theyȱ constituteȱ onlyȱ aȱ tinyȱ proportionȱ ofȱ theȱ workȱ availableȱ onȱ thisȱ subject,ȱ the followingȱareȱhighlyȱreadable:ȱChrisȱJ.ȱDolan,ȱInȱWarȱWeȱTrust:ȱTheȱBushȱDoctrineȱAndȱTheȱPursuit OfȱJustȱWar.ȱEthicsȱandȱGlobalȱPoliticsȱ(Aldershot,ȱHants,ȱUK,ȱandȱBurlington,ȱVT:ȱAshgate,ȱ2005); RobertȱL.ȱPhilips,ȱWarȱandȱJusticeȱ(Norman,ȱOK:ȱUniversityȱofȱOklahomaȱPress,ȱ1984);ȱandȱthe essaysȱcollectedȱinȱJustȱWarȱandȱJihad:ȱHistoricalȱandȱTheoreticalȱPerspectivesȱonȱWarȱandȱPeaceȱin WesternȱandȱIslamicȱTraditions,ȱed.ȱJohnȱKelsayȱandȱJamesȱTurnerȱJohnson.ȱContributionsȱtoȱthe StudyȱofȱReligion,ȱ28ȱ(Westport,ȱCT,ȱandȱLondon:ȱGreenwoodȱPress,ȱ1991).

JustȱWarȱinȱAngloȬSaxonȱEngland

101

excusedȱand,ȱmostȱofȱall,ȱjustified.ȱWhereverȱconflictȱhasȱbeenȱwagedȱbyȱaȱliterate power,ȱitȱhasȱbeenȱinevitableȱthat,ȱonceȱtheȱswordsȱandȱtheȱspearsȱhaveȱbeenȱlaid aside,ȱtheȱparchmentȱandȱquillȱhaveȱbeenȱtakenȱup;ȱafterȱtheȱbutcheryȱthereȱcomes theȱspin.ȱ SurvivingȱaccountsȱofȱtheȱconflictsȱwhichȱconsumedȱtheȱInsularȱworldȱinȱthe seventhȱandȱeighthȱcenturiesȱareȱnoȱexception.ȱInvariably,ȱtheyȱhaveȱcomeȱtoȱus inȱaȱhighlyȱsubjectiveȱform.ȱExamplesȱfromȱtwoȱearlyȱAngloȬLatinȱauthorsȱsupport Cross’sȱ conclusionȱ that,ȱ atȱ leastȱ inȱ aȱ literaryȱ context,ȱ thereȱ existedȱ aȱ profound understandingȱinȱAngloȬSaxonȱEnglandȱthatȱwarfareȱrequiredȱjustification. Perhapsȱ theȱ mostȱ famousȱ authorȱ ofȱ theȱ AngloȬSaxonȱ “goldenȱ age”ȱ wasȱ the VenerableȱBede.ȱInȱhisȱHistoriaȱecclesiasticaȱgentisȱAnglorumȱ(EcclesiasticalȱHistory ofȱtheȱEnglishȱPeople),ȱcompletedȱinȱ731,ȱexamplesȱofȱ“just”ȱandȱ“unjust”ȱwarsȱare inȱabundance.ȱ“MuchȱofȱwhatȱwarfareȱthereȱwasȱinȱBede’sȱHistoria,”ȱwroteȱJohn WallaceȬHadrill,ȱ“couldȱbeȱseenȱasȱChristianȱwarfare,ȱjustifiableȱwarfare.”6ȱBede’s conceptȱofȱwarȱandȱattitudeȱtowardsȱhowȱitȱshouldȱbeȱwagedȱconstitutesȱaȱlarge andȱcomplicatedȱsubjectȱrequiringȱmoreȱinȬdepthȱanalysisȱthanȱspaceȱpermitsȱhere. Nevertheless,ȱaȱcursoryȱassessmentȱofȱtwoȱparticularlyȱtellingȱepisodesȱfromȱthe HistoriaȱecclesiasticaȱwillȱdemonstrateȱthatȱBedeȱunderstoodȱveryȱwellȱthatȱcertain warsȱwereȱmoreȱjustifiedȱ(andȱmoreȱjustifiable)ȱthanȱothers.7ȱ TheȱarrivalȱofȱtheȱAngloȬSaxonsȱinȱBritainȱtheȱfifthȱcenturyȱpresentedȱBedeȱwith aȱ problem:ȱ soȱ farȱ asȱ heȱ wasȱ concerned,ȱ theȱ Britonsȱ wereȱ aȱ Christianȱ people (althoughȱtheȱrealityȱwasȱalmostȱcertainlyȱmoreȱcomplex),8ȱyetȱtheȱAngloȬSaxons, Bede’sȱ ownȱ race,ȱ were,ȱ atȱ theȱ timeȱ ofȱ theȱ invasions,ȱ resolutelyȱ pagan.ȱ The repercussionsȱofȱthisȱforȱBede’sȱattemptȱtoȱportrayȱtheȱEnglishȱasȱbeingȱinȱsome wayȱdivinelyȱsponsoredȱwereȱpotentiallyȱveryȱdamagingȱindeed.9ȱByȱwhatȱmeans,

6

7

8

9

J.ȱ M.ȱ WallaceȬHadrill,ȱ “Warȱ andȱ Peaceȱ inȱ theȱ Earlierȱ Middleȱ Ages,”ȱ Transactionsȱ ofȱ theȱ Royal HistoricalȱSociety,ȱ5thȱseries,ȱ25ȱ(1975):ȱ157–74;ȱhere,ȱ165. Forȱmoreȱexamples,ȱseeȱWallaceȬHadrill,ȱ“WarȱandȱPeace”,ȱ165–68ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6);ȱcompareȱwith ClareȱStancliffe’sȱcommentsȱinȱ“Oswald,ȱMostȱHolyȱandȱMostȱVictoriousȱKing”ȱandȱ“Whereȱwas OswaldȱKilled?”,ȱbothȱinȱOswald:ȱNorthumbrianȱKingȱtoȱEuropeanȱSaint,ȱed.ȱClareȱStancliffeȱandȱEric Cambridgeȱ(London:ȱPaulȱWatkins,ȱ1995),ȱ33–83ȱandȱ84–96ȱresp.ȱForȱaȱbroadȱandȱentertaining contextualizationȱofȱBede’sȱpresentationȱofȱJustȱWar,ȱseeȱChristopherȱTyerman,ȱGod’sȱWar:ȱAȱNew HistoryȱofȱtheȱCrusadesȱ(London:ȱPenguin,ȱ2006),ȱ36. ForȱmoreȱonȱChristianityȱinȱsubȬRomanȱBritain,ȱseeȱtheȱrelevantȱarticlesȱcontainedȱinȱChristianity inȱBritainȱ300–700:ȱPapersȱPresentedȱtoȱtheȱConferenceȱonȱChristianityȱinȱRomanȱandȱSubȬRomanȱBritain HeldȱatȱtheȱUniversityȱofȱNottinghamȱ17–20ȱAprilȱ1967,ȱed.ȱMauriceȱW.ȱBarleyȱandȱRichardȱP.ȱC. Hansonȱ(Leicester:ȱLeicesterȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1968). CommentariesȱonȱBede’sȱ“greaterȱpurpose”,ȱwhateverȱitȱmightȱhaveȱbeen,ȱareȱnumerous.ȱThe standardȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱsubjectȱremainsȱPatrickȱWormald,ȱ“Bede,ȱBretwaldasȱandȱOriginsȱof GensȱAnglorum,”ȱIdealȱandȱRealityȱinȱFrankishȱandȱAngloȬSaxonȱSociety:ȱStudiesȱPresentedȱtoȱJ.ȱM. WallaceȬHadrill,ȱed.ȱPatrickȱWormald,ȱDonaldȱBullough,ȱandȱRogerȱCollinsȱ(Oxford:ȱB.ȱBlackwell, 1983),ȱ99–129.ȱHowever,ȱWormald’sȱpositionȱhasȱsinceȱbeenȱqualified,ȱmostȱrecentlyȱbyȱGeorge Molyneaux,ȱ“TheȱOldȱEnglishȱBede:ȱEnglishȱIdeologyȱorȱChristianȱInstruction?”,ȱEnglishȱHistorical

102

BenȱSnook

then,ȱcouldȱaȱvictoriousȱwarȱofȱaggressionȱwagedȱbyȱaȱbarbarousȱpaganȱpeople againstȱcivilizedȱChristiansȱpossiblyȱbeȱconstruedȱasȱjustȱbyȱaȱChristianȱwriter? AsȱsoȱoftenȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱStȱAugustineȱofȱHippoȱprovidedȱaȱsolution.ȱBede certainlyȱknewȱAugustine’sȱDeȱcivitateȱDeiȱ(CityȱofȱGod),10ȱinȱwhichȱAugustineȱhad laidȱtheȱphilosophicalȱfoundationsȱofȱmedievalȱ“JustȱWarȱTheory”,ȱandȱheȱmay haveȱbeenȱinformedȱbyȱaȱcertainȱpassageȱinȱwhichȱAugustineȱconsideredȱthatȱeven theȱwickedȱcouldȱserveȱGod’sȱpurposeȱbyȱpunishingȱtheȱsinsȱofȱothers:ȱ Namȱ etȱ cumȱ iustumȱ geriturȱ bellum,ȱ proȱ peccatoȱ eȱ contrarioȱ dimicatur;ȱ etȱ omnis uictoria,ȱ cumȱ etiamȱ malisȱ prouenit,ȱ diuinoȱ iudicioȱ uictosȱ humiliatȱ uelȱ emendans peccataȱuelȱpuniensȱ (19:ȱ15) [Evenȱwhenȱaȱjustȱwarȱisȱwaged,ȱitȱisȱinȱdefenseȱofȱhisȱsinȱthatȱheȱagainstȱwhomȱitȱis wagedȱisȱfighting;ȱandȱeveryȱvictory,ȱevenȱwhenȱitȱgoesȱtoȱtheȱwicked,ȱisȱaȱhumiliation inflictedȱuponȱtheȱconqueredȱbyȱdivineȱjudgement,ȱeitherȱtoȱcorrectȱtheirȱsinsȱorȱpunish them.]11

Indeed,ȱaȱsignificantȱelementȱofȱAugustine’sȱthinkingȱonȱwarfareȱwasȱtheȱbelief that,ȱinȱFrederickȱRussell’sȱwords,ȱ“Godȱautomaticallyȱgrantedȱvictoryȱtoȱrighteous warriors.”12ȱBedeȱcertainlyȱpresentsȱtheȱpaganȱinvadersȱasȱaȱ“flagellumȱChristi” (“scourgeȱofȱChrist”),ȱaccordingȱthemȱaȱdivinelyȱinspiredȱroleȱasȱchastisersȱofȱthe waywardȱ British.ȱ Heȱ writes:ȱ “accensusȱ manibusȱ paganorumȱ ignis,ȱ iustasȱ de sceleribusȱ populiȱ Deiȱ ultionesȱ expetiit”ȱ (“theȱ fireȱ kindledȱ atȱ theȱ handsȱ ofȱ the heathenȱexecutedȱtheȱjustȱvengeanceȱofȱGodȱonȱtheȱnationȱforȱitsȱcrimes”).13ȱHe continues:

10

11

12

13

Reviewȱ124ȱ(2009):ȱ1289–323.ȱOnȱBede’sȱroleȱasȱanȱecclesiasticalȱhistorian,ȱseeȱJanȱDavidse,ȱ“On BedeȱasȱChristianȱHistorian,”ȱBedaȱVenerabilis:ȱHistorian,ȱMonkȱandȱNorthumbrian,ȱed.ȱL.ȱA.ȱJ.ȱR. HouwenȱandȱA.ȱA.ȱMacDonald.ȱMediaevaliaȱGroningana,ȱ19ȱ(Groningen:ȱE.ȱForsten,ȱ1996),ȱ1–15. NotȱonlyȱwasȱthisȱworkȱwidelyȱavailableȱinȱAngloȬSaxonȱEngland—seeȱMichaelȱLapidge,ȱThe AngloȬSaxonȱLibraryȱ(Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2006),ȱ282–91—butȱBedeȱalsoȱquotedȱDe civitateȱ Deiȱ directlyȱ onȱ severalȱ occasions,ȱ seeȱ Fontesȱ AngloȬSaxoniciȱ Project,ȱ ed.,ȱ Fontesȱ AngloȬ Saxonici:ȱWorldȱWideȱWebȱRegister,ȱhttp://fontes.english.ox.ac.uk/ȱ(ȱlastȱaccessedȱonȱAprilȱ15,ȱ2011). AllȱLatinȱcitationsȱfromȱAugustine,ȱDeȱcivitateȱDeiȱfromȱthisȱedition:ȱSaintȱAugustine:ȱDeȱciuitate Dei/TheȱCityȱofȱGodȱAgainstȱtheȱPagans,ȱed.ȱandȱtrans.ȱWilliamȱChaseȱGreene,ȱ7ȱvols.ȱ(Cambridge, MA:ȱHarvardȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1960),ȱ6:ȱ52;ȱforȱtheȱEnglishȱtranslation:ȱTheȱCityȱofȱGodȱAgainstȱthe Pagans,ȱtrans.ȱR.ȱW.ȱDyson.ȱCambridgeȱTextsȱinȱtheȱHistoryȱofȱPoliticalȱThought,ȱ4ȱ(Cambridge: CambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1998),ȱ943. FrederickȱH.ȱRussell,ȱTheȱJustȱWarȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱCambridgeȱStudiesȱinȱMedievalȱLifeȱand Thought,ȱ8ȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1975),ȱ39. Bede,ȱHistoriaȱecclesiasticaȱgentisȱAnglorum/TheȱEcclesiasticalȱHistoryȱofȱtheȱEnglishȱPeople,ȱed.ȱand trans.ȱBertramȱColgraveȱandȱR[oger].ȱA.ȱB.ȱMynorsȱ(Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1968;ȱrev. ed.ȱ1991),ȱ52–53.ȱAllȱfurtherȱLatinȱcitationsȱandȱEnglishȱtranslationsȱareȱtakenȱfromȱthisȱedition.

JustȱWarȱinȱAngloȬSaxonȱEngland

103

Sicȱenimȱetȱhicȱagenteȱimpioȱuictore,ȱimmoȱdisponenteȱiustoȱIudice,ȱproximasȱquasque ciuitatesȱagrosqueȱdepopulans,ȱabȱorientaliȱmariȱisqueȱadȱoccidentaleȱnulloȱprohibente suumȱcontinuauitȱincendium,ȱtotamqueȱpropeȱinsulaeȱpereuntisȱsuperficiemȱobtexitȱ (1:ȱ15)ȱ [Soȱhere,ȱtheȱjustȱJudgeȱordainedȱthatȱtheȱfireȱofȱtheirȱbrutalȱconquerorsȱshouldȱravage allȱtheȱneighboringȱcitiesȱandȱcountrysideȱfromȱtheȱeasternȱtoȱtheȱwesternȱsea,ȱandȱburn on,ȱwithȱnoȱoneȱtoȱhinderȱit,ȱuntilȱitȱcoveredȱalmostȱtheȱwholeȱfaceȱofȱtheȱdoomed island.]14

Itȱisȱsignificantȱthatȱtheȱwordȱ“iustus,”ȱ(just)ȱisȱusedȱtwiceȱinȱaȱsingleȱchapterȱin connectionȱwithȱtheȱSaxonȱinvasions.ȱFurthermore,ȱBedeȱusesȱ“Iudice,”ȱ“Judge,” asȱanȱepithetȱforȱGod,ȱemphasizingȱtheȱimportanceȱofȱtheȱmoralȱjudgmentȱheȱwas invitingȱhisȱaudienceȱtoȱmakeȱaboutȱtheseȱevents.ȱBede’sȱpointȱisȱclear:ȱtheȱBritons hadȱbeenȱjudgedȱbyȱGodȱandȱfoundȱwanting;ȱtheȱSaxonsȱwereȱaȱdivineȱinstrument, usedȱbyȱGodȱtoȱpunishȱthem.ȱTheȱaggressiveȱwarȱpursuedȱbyȱtheȱSaxonsȱagainst theȱBritishȱwas,ȱtherefore,ȱjust.ȱMoreover,ȱitȱwasȱjustȱaccordingȱtoȱAugustine’s definition. Anotherȱ insightȱ intoȱ Bede’sȱ conceptȱ ofȱ theȱ Justȱ Warȱ isȱ affordedȱ byȱ his presentationȱofȱtheȱattackȱmadeȱbyȱEcgfrith,ȱkingȱofȱtheȱNorthumbrians,ȱonȱthe Irish,ȱ asȱ recordedȱ inȱ Bookȱ 4ȱ ofȱ theȱ Historia.ȱ Inȱ someȱ cases,ȱ Bedeȱ wasȱ keenȱ to condoneȱwar,ȱevenȱinȱtheȱmostȱtroublesomeȱofȱcircumstances,ȱsoȱlongȱasȱhisȱown peopleȱwereȱinvolved.ȱHisȱtreatmentȱofȱEcgfrith’sȱassaultȱonȱIreland,ȱhowever, servesȱ toȱ remindȱ usȱ thatȱ althoughȱ heȱ mayȱ haveȱ hadȱ hisȱ biases,ȱ Bedeȱ wasȱ not entirelyȱbereftȱofȱcriticalȱfaculties.ȱFurthermore,ȱitȱillustratesȱtheȱimportantȱfactȱthat Bedeȱwasȱawareȱnotȱonlyȱofȱtheȱnatureȱofȱaȱjustȱwar,ȱbutȱalsoȱofȱtheȱelementsȱofȱan unjustȱone. Bede’sȱfeelingsȱtowardȱtheȱIrishȱdifferedȱmarkedlyȱfromȱhisȱattitudeȱtowardȱthe Britons.ȱHeȱreferredȱtoȱthemȱasȱ“gentemȱinnoxiamȱetȱnationiȱAnglorumȱsemper amicissimam”ȱ(4:ȱ26;ȱaȱharmlessȱraceȱwhoȱhadȱalwaysȱbeenȱtheȱgreatestȱfriendsȱof theȱEnglish),15ȱandȱcharacterizedȱEcgfrith’sȱraidersȱasȱ“itaȱutȱneȱecclesiisȱquidem autȱmonasteriisȱmanusȱparceretȱhostilis”ȱ(4:ȱ26;ȱhostileȱbands,ȱwhoȱsparedȱneither churchesȱnorȱmonasteries).16ȱInȱthisȱinstance,ȱEcgfrithȱwasȱtheȱaggressor:ȱheȱwas makingȱwarȱwithoutȱgoodȱreasonȱ(inȱBede’sȱeyes)ȱandȱwasȱoffendingȱtheȱChurch inȱtheȱprocess;ȱhisȱwarȱwasȱmostȱcertainlyȱnotȱjust.ȱAȱlittleȱlaterȱinȱtheȱHistoria, Ecgfrithȱgotȱhisȱcomeuppance.ȱInȱaȱstatementȱwhichȱseemedȱtoȱechoȱhisȱattitude towardsȱtheȱSaxonȱinvasionsȱofȱsubȬRomanȱBritain,ȱBedeȱwroteȱthatȱ“creditumȱest

14 15 16

Bede,ȱHistoriaȱecclesiastica,ȱ52–3ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ13). Bede,ȱHistoriaȱecclesiastica,ȱ426–27ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ13). Bede,ȱHistoriaȱecclesiastica,ȱ426–27ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ13).

104

BenȱSnook

tamenȱquodȱhiȱquiȱmeritoȱinpietatisȱsuaeȱmaledicebantur,ȱociusȱDominoȱuindice poenasȱsuiȱreatusȱluerent”ȱ(4:ȱ26;ȱoneȱmayȱbelieveȱthatȱthoseȱwhoȱwereȱdeservedly cursedȱ forȱ theirȱ wickednessȱ quicklyȱ sufferedȱ theȱ penaltyȱ ofȱ theirȱ guiltȱ atȱ the avengingȱ handȱ ofȱ God).17ȱ Accordingly,ȱ Ecgfrithȱ madeȱ warȱ againstȱ theȱ Picts “multumȱprohibentibusȱamicisȱetȱmaximeȱbeataeȱmemoriaeȱCudbercto”ȱ(4:ȱ26; againstȱ theȱ adviceȱ ofȱ hisȱ friendsȱ andȱ particularlyȱ againstȱ thatȱ ofȱ Cuthbert,ȱ of blessedȱmemory),18ȱandȱmetȱhisȱendȱinȱtheȱHighlands,ȱheraldingȱaȱperiodȱofȱdecline inȱNorthumbrianȱpowerȱinȱnorthernȱBritain.ȱHere,ȱalthoughȱBedeȱdidȱnotȱsayȱso exactly,ȱ theȱ Pictsȱ wereȱ theȱ proponentsȱ ofȱ anȱ implicitȱ justȱ war:ȱ asȱ theyȱ found themselvesȱonȱtheȱdefensive,ȱfightingȱanȱaggressorȱwithȱaȱdistinctlyȱquestionable humanȱ rightsȱ record,ȱ theȱ Pictsȱ becameȱ theȱ flagellumȱ Christiȱ againstȱ the insufficientlyȱpiousȱEcgfrith. Why,ȱthen,ȱshouldȱBedeȱhaveȱchangedȱtackȱsoȱdramatically?ȱWhy,ȱwhenȱinȱBook 1ȱheȱhadȱfoundȱaȱwayȱtoȱjustifyȱaȱvictoriousȱwarȱofȱaggressionȱwagedȱbyȱtheȱpagan English,ȱshouldȱheȱhaveȱchosenȱinȱBookȱ4ȱtoȱportrayȱtheȱChristian,ȱNorthumbrian kingȱ Ecgfrithȱ inȱ suchȱ aȱ negativeȱ lightȱ andȱ allowȱ thoseȱ whoȱ broughtȱ aboutȱ his brutalȱendȱtoȱhaveȱwagedȱtheȱjustȱwar?ȱItȱcould,ȱofȱcourse,ȱhaveȱallȱbeenȱdownȱto Bede’sȱadherenceȱtoȱtheȱcauseȱofȱhistoricalȱtruth;ȱorȱitȱmightȱhaveȱhadȱmoreȱtoȱdo withȱhisȱecclesiasticalȱagenda.ȱ Theȱ politicalȱ situationȱ whichȱ hadȱ comeȱ intoȱ beingȱ followingȱ Ecgfrith’s defeat—namelyȱthatȱtheȱPictsȱandȱIrishȱinȱnorthernȱBritainȱhadȱthrownȱoffȱEnglish dominance—prevailedȱ intoȱ Bede’sȱ ownȱ time.ȱ Notȱ onlyȱ didȱ Englishȱ political hegemonyȱoverȱtheȱNorthȱfailȱbut,ȱmoreover,ȱEnglishȱecclesiasticalȱdomination declinedȱasȱwellȱwhenȱTrumwine—anȱEnglishmanȱwho,ȱBedeȱrecalledȱinȱtheȱsame chapter,ȱhadȱbeenȱappointedȱbishopȱoverȱtheȱPicts—retreatedȱtoȱWhitby.ȱBedeȱwas facedȱwithȱanȱinescapable,ȱcontemporaryȱpoliticalȱreality:ȱthereȱwasȱnoȱwayȱthat aȱjustȱwar,ȱwagedȱwithȱtheȱsupportȱofȱGodȱandȱtheȱChurchȱcouldȱhaveȱendedȱin theȱdeclineȱofȱEnglishȱpowerȱinȱtheȱNorth,ȱwhichȱ“fluereȱacȱretroȱsublapsaȱreferri” (4:ȱ26;ȱ[beganȱto]ȱebbȱandȱfallȱaway),19ȱasȱBedeȱputȱit,ȱborrowingȱanȱappropriately plaintiveȱaphorismȱfromȱVirgilȱ(Æneidȱ2:ȱ169).ȱTherefore,ȱBedeȱglossedȱtheseȱevents soȱthatȱtheyȱappearedȱtoȱhaveȱgrownȱoutȱofȱanȱunjustifiedȱactȱofȱbrazenȱaggression againstȱwhichȱkeyȱfiguresȱinȱtheȱNorthumbrianȱChurchȱhadȱbeenȱquickȱtoȱwarn. ForȱBede,ȱitȱwasȱanȱ“Iȱtoldȱyouȱso”ȱmoment,ȱwhichȱdemonstratedȱthatȱtheȱstate couldȱnotȱwageȱwarȱwithoutȱtheȱbackingȱofȱtheȱGodȱ(channeled,ȱofȱcourse,ȱthrough theȱmediumȱofȱtheȱChurch).ȱ Itȱ isȱ strikingȱ that,ȱ onceȱ again,ȱ Bede’sȱ presentationȱ ofȱ warfareȱ conformsȱ to Augustinianȱthinkingȱonȱtheȱmatter.ȱInȱhisȱContraȱFaustumȱmanichaeumȱ(Replyȱto

17 18 19

Bede,ȱHistoriaȱecclesiastica,ȱ426–27ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ13). Bede,ȱHistoriaȱecclesiastica,ȱ428–29ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ13). Bede,ȱHistoriaȱecclesiastica,ȱ428–29ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ13).

JustȱWarȱinȱAngloȬSaxonȱEngland

105

Faustusȱ theȱ Manichean;ȱ 22.ȱ 74–75),ȱ Augustineȱ urgedȱ thatȱ warsȱ shouldȱ be undertakenȱatȱtheȱbehestȱofȱaȱcountry’sȱruler,ȱbutȱaddedȱthatȱhisȱcauseȱmustȱbe favoredȱbyȱGod.ȱEcgfrith’sȱcauseȱwasȱnotȱfavoredȱbyȱGod;ȱtherefore,ȱhisȱwarȱwas notȱ just.ȱ Thus,ȱ Bedeȱ recognized,ȱ asȱ Augustineȱ had,ȱ thatȱ itȱ wasȱ theȱ roleȱ ofȱ the secularȱrulerȱtoȱmakeȱwar;ȱheȱappreciated,ȱasȱAugustineȱhad,ȱthatȱevenȱwhenȱa victoryȱwentȱtoȱtheȱ“wrong”ȱside,ȱitȱcouldȱstillȱbeȱunderstoodȱasȱjustȱwhenȱseenȱas partȱofȱtheȱlarger,ȱdivineȱpurpose.ȱTheȱquestionȱthatȱremains,ȱthen,ȱisȱwhetherȱor not,ȱforȱallȱtheȱapparentȱsimilarities,ȱBede’sȱattitudeȱtowardsȱconflictȱwasȱinspired directlyȱbyȱAugustine’s. BeforeȱgoingȱonȱtoȱconsiderȱtheȱsourcesȱofȱBede’sȱthinkingȱonȱwarfare,ȱhowever, itȱisȱworthȱwideningȱtheȱfocusȱbyȱexaminingȱtheȱwayȱinȱwhichȱoneȱofȱBede’sȱrough contemporaries,ȱStephenȱofȱRipon,ȱportraysȱwarfare.ȱHappily,ȱStephen’sȱVitaȱS. Wilfridiȱ (Lifeȱ ofȱ St.ȱ Wilfrid)ȱ presentsȱ usȱ withȱ anȱ altogetherȱ lessȱ sophisticated constructionȱofȱjustȱwar.ȱIndeed,ȱStephen’sȱpurposeȱwasȱconsiderablyȱsimplerȱthan Bede’s:ȱasȱaȱbiographerȱand,ȱmoreȱimportantly,ȱaȱhagiographer,ȱhisȱroleȱwasȱto portrayȱ Wilfrid—aȱ controversialȱ figureȱ atȱ theȱ bestȱ ofȱ times—asȱ aȱ saintly individual,ȱmoreȱmisunderstoodȱthanȱmalignant.ȱ InȱChapterȱ13ȱofȱStephen’sȱwork,ȱWilfridȱandȱaȱsmallȱbandȱofȱmenȱareȱwashed upȱinȱSussexȱandȱsetȱuponȱbyȱaȱlargeȱgroupȱofȱpaganȱSouthȱSaxons.ȱWilfrid,ȱwhom StephenȱwishedȱtoȱpresentȱasȱaȱpeaceȬlovingȱsoul,ȱtriesȱtoȱreasonȱwithȱtheȱpagans: “Sanctusȱpontifexȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱanimasȱredimereȱcupiensȱleniterȱpacificequeȱloquebatur” (VitaȱS.ȱWilfridi,ȱ§13;ȱtheȱholyȱbishopȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱspokeȱtoȱthemȱsoothinglyȱandȱpeaceably, wishingȱtoȱcalmȱtheirȱsouls).20ȱTheȱSaxonsȱdoȱnotȱheedȱWilfrid’sȱwordsȱandȱattack hisȱbandȱofȱcompanionsȱanyway.ȱStephenȱthenȱlikensȱtheȱsmaller,ȱChristianȱforce toȱ David,ȱ andȱ theȱ larger,ȱ paganȱ contingentȱ toȱ Goliath,ȱ lendingȱ theȱ conflictȱ an explicitlyȱbiblicalȱdimension.ȱWilfrid’sȱcompanionsȱwageȱaȱdefensiveȱconflict—it isȱ theyȱ whoȱ areȱ attacked—and,ȱ importantly,ȱ theyȱ fightȱ againstȱ pagans,ȱ not Christians.ȱMoreover,ȱWilfridȱfirstȱtriedȱtoȱavoidȱtheȱconflictȱthroughȱdiscussion. This,ȱthen,ȱisȱaȱperfectȱsetȱpieceȱofȱjustȱwar,ȱalbeitȱonȱaȱsmallȱscale:ȱnonȬChristian barbarians,ȱwhoȱwouldȱnotȱlistenȱtoȱpeacefulȱreasoningȱareȱpunishedȱ forȱtheir aggressionȱbyȱaȱforceȱwhoseȱpietyȱensuresȱGod’sȱsupport.ȱ Aȱfewȱchaptersȱlater,ȱStephenȱrecountedȱWilfrid’sȱrelationshipȱwithȱtheȱsame EcgfrithȱofȱNorthumbriaȱwhoȱwasȱtheȱvillainȱofȱBede’sȱwork.ȱWhenȱWilfridȱwas atȱEcgfrith’sȱcourt,ȱhowever,ȱtheȱlatterȱwasȱonȱtheȱwayȱupȱandȱinȱtheȱprocessȱof subjectingȱtheȱPictsȱtoȱNorthumbrianȱdomination.ȱHere,ȱEcgfrithȱisȱnotȱtheȱvicious warmongerȱofȱBede’sȱpiece,ȱbutȱaȱmagnanimousȱruler.ȱStephenȱtellsȱtheȱstoryȱof Ecgfrith’sȱfirstȱencounterȱwithȱtheȱPicts:ȱdespiteȱtheȱbattleȱhavingȱbeenȱfoughtȱon

20

StephenȱofȱRipon,ȱTheȱLifeȱofȱBishopȱWilfridȱbyȱEddiusȱStephanus,ȱed.ȱandȱtrans.ȱBertramȱColgrave (Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1927),ȱ26–27.ȱAllȱcitationsȱfromȱStephen’sȱVitaȱareȱtaken fromȱthisȱedition.

106

BenȱSnook

Pictishȱterritoryȱandȱresultingȱinȱconsiderableȱslaughterȱleadingȱtoȱtheirȱeventual subjugationȱbyȱtheȱNorthumbrians,ȱStephenȱfashionedȱhisȱaccountȱsoȱasȱtoȱmake Ecgfrith,ȱwhoȱenjoyedȱWilfrid’sȱfavorȱatȱthisȱtime,ȱtheȱwoundedȱparty.ȱTheȱPicts, heȱsays,ȱwereȱ“populiȱbestiale”ȱ(§19;ȱbestialȱpeoples),21ȱledȱbyȱ“ferociumȱregum“ (§20;ȱ warlikeȱ kings),22ȱ whereasȱ Ecgfrithȱ wasȱ “humilis”ȱ andȱ “magnanimusȱ in hostes”ȱ (§19;ȱ lowlyȱ [.ȱ .ȱ .]ȱ magnanimousȱ towardȱ hisȱ enemies).23ȱ Thus,ȱ Stephen representsȱtheȱNorthumbriansȱasȱtheȱdefendersȱofȱChristianȱ“civilization”ȱinȱthe faceȱ ofȱ theȱ “barbarous”ȱ Picts.ȱ Theȱ warȱ thatȱ Ecgfrithȱ wagedȱ mightȱ haveȱ been literallyȱaggressive,ȱbutȱitȱbecameȱmorallyȱdefensiveȱand,ȱaccordingly,ȱtheȱensuing slaughterȱ wasȱ “mirumȱ dictum”ȱ (§19;ȱ marvelousȱ toȱ tell).24ȱ Onceȱ more,ȱ Stephen illustratesȱhisȱaccountȱbyȱalludingȱtoȱKingȱDavidȱinȱorderȱtoȱenforceȱhisȱpointȱand, moreover,ȱemphasizesȱtheȱfactȱthat,ȱwithȱtheȱsupportȱofȱWilfrid,ȱEcgfrith’sȱvictories wereȱdivinelyȱinspired: Deindeȱ postȱ hancȱ victoriamȱ rexȱ Ecgfrithusȱ cumȱ pontificeȱ Deiȱ iustusȱ etȱ sanctus regensqueȱpopulosȱetȱvalidusȱsicutȱDavidȱinȱcontritioneȱhostium,ȱhumilisȱtamenȱin conspectuȱDeiȱapparensȱetȱcollaȱtumentiumȱpopulorumȱetȱferociumȱregum,ȱaudacior aȱDeoȱfactus,ȱconfringens,ȱsemperȱinȱomnibusȱDeoȱgratiasȱagebatȱ (§20) [Then,ȱafterȱthisȱvictory,ȱKingȱEcgfrith,ȱrulingȱtheȱpeopleȱwithȱtheȱbishopȱofȱGod,ȱjustly andȱpiously,ȱstrongȱlikeȱDavidȱinȱcrushingȱhisȱenemies,ȱyetȱlowlyȱinȱtheȱsightȱofȱGod, breakingȱtheȱnecksȱofȱtheȱtumultuousȱtribesȱandȱtheirȱwarlikeȱkings,ȱemboldenedȱas heȱwasȱbyȱtheȱhelpȱofȱGod,ȱinȱallȱthings,ȱalwaysȱgaveȱthanksȱtoȱGod.]ȱ25

Aȱ littleȱ laterȱ inȱ theȱ sameȱ chapter,ȱ Stephenȱ reportsȱ thatȱ Wulfhere,ȱ kingȱ ofȱ the Mercians,ȱ soughtȱ toȱ overthrowȱ Ecgfrith.ȱ Inȱ doingȱ so,ȱ heȱ providesȱ (probably inadvertently)ȱ aȱ niceȱ parallelȱ toȱ theȱ Pictishȱ episodeȱ describedȱ immediately beforehand.ȱHavingȱattackedȱEcgfrith,ȱweȱareȱtoldȱthatȱWulfhereȱisȱ“nonȱtamȱad bellandumȱquamȱadȱregendumȱsubȱtributoȱserviliȱanimo”ȱ(§20;ȱnotȱmerelyȱintent onȱfighting,ȱbutȱonȱcompellingȱthemȱtoȱpayȱtributeȱinȱaȱslavishȱspirit).26ȱFortunately forȱWilfrid,ȱEcgfrithȱandȱStephen,ȱWulfhereȱdidȱnotȱhaveȱGodȱorȱWilfridȱonȱhis side—“nonȱregenteȱDeo”ȱ(§20;ȱheȱwasȱnotȱguidedȱbyȱGod)27—unlikeȱEcgfrith—“in Deumȱconfisus”ȱ(§20;ȱ[who]ȱtrustedȱinȱGod).28ȱAccordingly,ȱ“Deoȱadiuvante”ȱ(§20; withȱtheȱhelpȱofȱGod),29ȱEcgfrithȱgainedȱaȱgreatȱvictoryȱwhich,ȱthisȱtime,ȱStephen

21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29

StephenȱofȱRipon,ȱVitaȱS.ȱWilfridi,ȱ40–41ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20). StephenȱofȱRipon,ȱVitaȱS.ȱWilfridi,ȱ42–43ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20). StephenȱofȱRipon,ȱVitaȱS.ȱWilfridi,ȱ40–41ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20). StephenȱofȱRipon,ȱVitaȱS.ȱWilfridi,ȱ40–41ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20). StephenȱofȱRipon,ȱVitaȱS.ȱWilfridi,ȱ42–43ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20). StephenȱofȱRipon,ȱVitaȱS.ȱWilfridi,ȱ42–43ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20). StephenȱofȱRipon,ȱVitaȱS.ȱWilfridi,ȱ42–43ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20). StephenȱofȱRipon,ȱVitaȱS.ȱWilfridi,ȱ42–43ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20). StephenȱofȱRipon,ȱVitaȱS.ȱWilfridi,ȱ42–43ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20).

JustȱWarȱinȱAngloȬSaxonȱEngland

107

likensȱtoȱBarakȱandȱDeborah,ȱjustȱtoȱmakeȱabsolutelyȱsureȱthatȱtheȱpointȱcouldȱnot possiblyȱbeȱlostȱonȱhisȱaudience.ȱFollowingȱWulfhere’sȱdeath,ȱEcgfrithȱ“pacifice imperavit”ȱ(§20;ȱruledȱpeacefully).30ȱInȱaddition,ȱheȱalsoȱextendedȱhisȱkingdom considerably,ȱbroadeningȱWilfrid’sȱinfluenceȱatȱtheȱsameȱtime.ȱ WhetherȱStephenȱwasȱindebtedȱtoȱanyȱguidingȱprinciplesȱbeyondȱhisȱownȱsense ofȱmoralityȱinȱhisȱportrayalȱofȱconflictȱinȱtheȱVitaȱisȱanȱinterestingȱquestion.ȱJustȱas Bede’sȱnarrativeȱappearedȱtoȱconformȱtoȱAugustinianȱideasȱaboutȱjustȱwarfare,ȱit isȱ interestingȱ toȱ noteȱ thatȱ bothȱ ofȱ theȱ episodesȱ discussedȱ hereȱ (Wilfrid’s engagementȱwithȱtheȱpagansȱinȱSussexȱandȱEcgfrith’sȱwarsȱagainstȱtheȱPictsȱand Mercians)ȱmatchȱupȱneatlyȱwithȱCiceronianȱthinkingȱonȱtheȱmatter.ȱWhenȱWilfrid facedȱtheȱpaganȱSouthȱSaxons,ȱheȱattemptedȱtoȱreasonȱwithȱthem,ȱonlyȱresorting toȱviolenceȱonceȱotherȱmeansȱofȱconflictȱresolutionȱhadȱbeenȱexhausted.ȱCicero,ȱin hisȱDeȱofficiisȱ(OnȱDuties),ȱsuggestedȱaȱsimilarȱcourseȱofȱaction: Namȱcumȱsintȱduoȱgeneraȱdecertandi,ȱunumȱperȱdisceptationem,ȱalterumȱperȱvim, cumqueȱilludȱpropriumȱsitȱhominis,ȱhocȱbeluarum,ȱconfugiendumȱestȱadȱposterius,ȱsi utiȱnonȱlicetȱsuperiorȱ (Deȱofficiis,ȱ1:ȱxi.ȱ34;) [Forȱsinceȱthereȱareȱtwoȱwaysȱofȱsettlingȱaȱdispute:ȱfirst,ȱbyȱdiscussion;ȱsecond,ȱby physicalȱforce;ȱandȱsinceȱtheȱformerȱisȱcharacteristicȱofȱmen,ȱtheȱlatterȱofȱbrutes,ȱwe mustȱresortȱtoȱforceȱonlyȱinȱaȱcaseȱwhereȱweȱmayȱnotȱavailȱourselvesȱofȱdiscussion.]31

Furthermore,ȱ inȱ presentingȱ Ecgfrith’sȱ warsȱ againstȱ theȱ Pictsȱ andȱ Merciansȱ as primarilyȱdefensiveȱwars,ȱStephen’sȱnarrativeȱconformedȱtoȱtheȱCiceronianȱmodel ofȱ justȱ warȱ asȱ proposedȱ inȱ Deȱ republicaȱ (Theȱ Republic).ȱ Theȱ extantȱ textȱ is fragmentaryȱandȱweȱareȱonlyȱableȱtoȱreconstructȱitȱpartiallyȱthanksȱtoȱaȱseriesȱof quotationsȱandȱparaphrases.ȱTheȱrelevantȱsectionȱsurvivesȱinȱaȱquotationȱinȱIsidore ofȱSeville’sȱEtymologiae: DeȱquoȱinȱRepublicaȱCiceroȱdicit:ȱ“Illaȱiniustaȱbellaȱsuntȱquaeȱsuntȱsineȱcausaȱsuscepta. Namȱextraȱulciscendiȱautȱpropulsandorumȱhostiumȱcausaȱbellumȱgeriȱiustumȱnullum potestȱ (Etymologiae,ȱ18.2) [CiceroȱspeaksȱofȱthisȱinȱtheȱRepublic:ȱ“Thoseȱwarsȱareȱunjustȱthatȱareȱtakenȱupȱwithout dueȱcause,ȱforȱexceptȱforȱtheȱcauseȱofȱavengingȱorȱofȱdrivingȱoffȱtheȱenemyȱnoȱjustȱwar canȱbeȱwaged.”]32

30 31

32

StephenȱofȱRipon,ȱVitaȱS.ȱWilfridi,ȱ42–43ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20). Cicero,ȱCicero:ȱOnȱDuties,ȱed.ȱandȱtrans.ȱWalterȱMillerȱ(Cambridge,ȱMAȱandȱLondon:ȱHarvard UniversityȱPress,ȱ1913;ȱrpt.ȱ2005),ȱ36–37.ȱAllȱquotationsȱareȱfromȱthisȱedition. AllȱLatinȱcitationsȱfromȱIsidoreȱareȱfromȱthisȱedition:ȱIsidoriȱHispalensisȱEpiscopiȱEtymologiarumȱSive OriginumȱLibriȱXX,ȱed.ȱW[allace]ȱM[artin]ȱLindsay,ȱ2ȱvols.ȱOxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1911, atȱvol.ȱ2:ȱ“LiberȱXVIII”ȱ[unpagin.];ȱforȱtranslations:ȱTheȱEtymologiesȱofȱIsidoreȱofȱSeville,ȱtrans. Stephenȱ A.ȱ Barney,ȱ W.ȱ J.ȱ Lewis,ȱ J.ȱ A.ȱ Beachȱ andȱ Oliverȱ Berghofȱ (Cambridge:ȱ Cambridge UniversityȱPress,ȱ2006),ȱ359.

108

BenȱSnook

Overall,ȱincludingȱtheȱaboveȱexamples,ȱthereȱisȱabundantȱevidenceȱthatȱtheȱAngloȬ Saxonsȱwereȱwellȱawareȱofȱtheȱneedȱtoȱjustifyȱconflict.ȱTheyȱknewȱthatȱaȱdefensive warȱ wasȱ preferableȱ toȱ anȱ offensiveȱ oneȱ and,ȱ asȱ Crossȱ observed,ȱ wereȱ keenȱ to presentȱaȱconflictȱasȱreactiveȱwhereverȱitȱrequiredȱjustification;ȱtheyȱknewȱthatȱwar couldȱonlyȱbeȱjustȱwhenȱitȱwasȱbeingȱwagedȱinȱsuchȱaȱwayȱasȱtoȱbeȱpleasingȱtoȱand withȱ theȱ blessingȱ ofȱ Godȱ andȱ theȱ Church;ȱ theyȱ understoodȱ theȱ importanceȱ of presentingȱthemselvesȱasȱcivilizedȱandȱtheirȱopponentsȱasȱbarbarians;ȱandȱthey knewȱ thatȱ adherenceȱ toȱ theseȱ principlesȱ wasȱ fundamentalȱ inȱ constructingȱ an effectiveȱliteraryȱorȱhistoricalȱaccountȱofȱjustȱwarfare.33ȱFurthermore,ȱthisȱattitude toȱwarfareȱwasȱnotȱconfinedȱtoȱaȱsingleȱgenreȱorȱlanguage;ȱasȱCrossȱhasȱshown,ȱit couldȱbeȱfoundȱinȱvernacularȱpoetryȱjustȱasȱreadilyȱasȱinȱLatinȱhagiographyȱor history.ȱBiblicalȱmodelsȱcertainlyȱplayedȱaȱveryȱimportantȱpartȱinȱinformingȱthe AngloȬSaxonsȱofȱtheȱfundamentalȱprinciplesȱofȱjustȱwar—Stephenȱexplicitlyȱand repeatedlyȱacknowledgedȱhisȱownȱOldȱTestamentȱsources,ȱthoughȱBedeȱwasȱmore subtle—butȱtheȱquestionȱremains:ȱwereȱBede,ȱStephen,ȱandȱtheirȱcontemporaries alsoȱawareȱofȱtheȱethicsȱofȱconflictȱformulatedȱbyȱCiceroȱandȱAugustine?ȱCertain CiceronianȱandȱAugustinianȱprinciplesȱofȱjustȱwarȱmayȱcertainlyȱbeȱlocatedȱinȱtheir work;ȱbutȱisȱthisȱanythingȱmoreȱthanȱcoincidence?ȱInȱorderȱtoȱunderstandȱhow (andȱ if)ȱ “Justȱ Warȱ Theory,”ȱ toȱ useȱ aȱ phraseȱ thatȱ isȱ unsatisfactoryȱ inȱ the circumstances,ȱ couldȱ haveȱ reachedȱ eighthȬcenturyȱ England,ȱ itȱ isȱ necessaryȱ to undertakeȱaȱveryȱbasicȱsurveyȱofȱtheȱearlyȱhistoryȱofȱtheȱjustȱwar.

III.ȱ“JustȱWarȱTheory”ȱbeforeȱtheȱAngloȬSaxons:ȱ AȱQuestionȱofȱDefinition Supposingȱtheȱexistenceȱofȱ“JustȱWarȱTheory”ȱasȱaȱcogent,ȱpreciseȱtheoryȱatȱany periodȱ priorȱ toȱ theȱ eleventhȱ century,ȱ atȱ theȱ veryȱ earliest,ȱ isȱ toȱ useȱ aȱ modern conceptȱ toȱ marshalȱ aȱ disparateȱ setȱ ofȱ ideasȱ expressedȱ acrossȱ aȱ rangeȱ ofȱ texts composedȱinȱveryȱdifferentȱchronological,ȱpolitical,ȱreligiousȱandȱgeographical circumstances.ȱBrentȱShawȱcharacterizesȱtheȱproblemȱthus: Theȱphraseȱbellumȱiustumȱ[.ȱȱ.ȱȱ.]ȱdoesȱnotȱordinarilyȱmeanȱ“just”ȱwar.ȱEveryȱbellumȱwas “just”ȱbyȱdefinitionȱinȱsoȱfarȱasȱtheȱstateȱwasȱconcerned.ȱIustumȱbasicallyȱsignalledȱthe distinctionȱbetweenȱregularȱandȱirregularȱconflicts.ȱIȱdoȱnotȱthinkȱthatȱthereȱwasȱany seriousȱdebateȱoverȱ“theȱjustȱwar”ȱinȱpreȬChrisitanȱantiquity,ȱandȱcertainlyȱnotȱone usingȱtheȱterminologyȱbellumȱiustum.34

33

34

TheseȱideasȱevolvedȱinȱpreȬConquestȱEnglandȱtoȱreflectȱtheȱnewȱreligiousȱandȱpoliticalȱrealities ofȱtheȱtime.ȱSeeȱRyanȱLavelle,ȱAlfred’sȱWars:ȱSourcesȱandȱInterpretationsȱofȱAngloȬSaxonȱWarfareȱin theȱVikingȱAgeȱ(Woodbridge:ȱBoydellȱandȱBrewer,ȱ2010),ȱespeciallyȱchapterȱ1. BrentȱD.ȱShaw,ȱ“BanditsȱinȱtheȱRomanȱEmpire,”ȱPastȱandȱPresentȱ105ȱ(1984):ȱ3–52,ȱhere,ȱ6ȱn.ȱ10.ȱSee

JustȱWarȱinȱAngloȬSaxonȱEngland

109

“JustȱWarȱTheory”ȱdidȱnotȱexistȱinȱtheȱClassicalȱperiod;ȱthereȱwasȱnoȱ“accepted thinking”ȱonȱtheȱmatter,ȱnoȱestablishedȱcanonȱofȱscholarshipȱtoȱconsult,ȱandȱno preciselyȱdefinedȱpoliticalȱdoctrineȱwhichȱauthorsȱcouldȱpickȱupȱandȱputȱdownȱat will.35ȱ However,ȱ thatȱ isȱ notȱ toȱ sayȱ thatȱ thereȱ wasȱ noȱ awarenessȱ ofȱ theȱ tension betweenȱmoralityȱandȱmilitaryȱnecessity.ȱAtȱtheȱheartȱofȱtheȱGreekȱandȱRoman understandingȱofȱconflictȱlayȱtheȱdiscriminationȱbetweenȱtheȱ“civilized”ȱandȱthe “barbarous.”ȱSlaughteringȱbarbariansȱrequiredȱlittleȱifȱanyȱjustification:ȱthat,ȱafter all,ȱ representedȱ theȱ naturalȱ ambitionȱ ofȱ aȱ “civilized”,ȱ expansionistȱ state. Justificationȱofȱinternalȱconflictȱorȱofȱwarsȱbetweenȱ“civilized”ȱpeoples,ȱthough, requiredȱaȱgreatȱdealȱmoreȱthought.ȱThus,ȱtheȱcivilȱwarsȱwhichȱshookȱtheȱRoman Republicȱ inȱ theȱ middleȱ ofȱ theȱ lastȱ centuryȱ beforeȱ Christ,36ȱ andȱ theȱ campaigns wagedȱbyȱtheȱRomansȱagainstȱtheȱGreeks37ȱ(theȱveryȱmodelȱofȱ“civilized”ȱsociety, inȱmanyȱRomanȱminds),38ȱpresentedȱtheȱRomanȱpoliticalȱtheoristȱwithȱanȱacute dilemma:ȱhowȱcouldȱitȱbeȱjustȱforȱ“civilized”ȱpeopleȱtoȱkillȱeachȱother?ȱThisȱwas aȱ difficultȱ question,ȱ asȱ Shawȱ putȱ it,ȱ becauseȱ itȱ requiredȱ theȱ reconciliationȱ of “individualȱmenȱwhoȱwieldedȱviolentȱforceȱandȱtheȱRomanȱstateȱ[.ȱȱ.ȱȱ.]ȱofȱpolitical legitimacyȱandȱtheȱexerciseȱofȱpoliticalȱpower.”39ȱȱ Theȱtensionȱbetweenȱtheȱmilitaryȱnecessityȱofȱconflictȱandȱtheȱmoralȱdesireȱfor peaceȱwasȱaddressedȱinȱsomeȱdetail,ȱinȱtheȱfirstȱcenturyȱB.C.E.,ȱbyȱCicero,ȱwho exploredȱ theȱ ideaȱ ofȱ theȱ justȱ warȱ primarilyȱ inȱ twoȱ works:ȱ Deȱ republicaȱ (The Republic)ȱandȱDeȱofficiisȱ(OnȱDuties).ȱTheȱinfluenceȱofȱtheȱlatterȱtextȱwasȱenormous; itȱsurvivesȱinȱalmostȱ700ȱmanuscriptsȱfromȱtheȱlateȱantiqueȱandȱmedievalȱperiods, andȱ wasȱ theȱ secondȱ bookȱ Gutenbergȱ printedȱ onȱ hisȱ newȱ pressȱ afterȱ theȱ Bible. Augustine,ȱwhoȱisȱoftenȱseenȱasȱtheȱformulatorȱofȱtheȱChristianȱjustȱwarȱtradition, hadȱcertainlyȱreadȱit,ȱasȱhadȱmanyȱofȱtheȱotherȱpatristicȱwriters.ȱQuiteȱearlyȱinȱthe work,ȱCiceroȱconsidersȱtheȱroleȱofȱtheȱstateȱinȱmakingȱwar: Atqueȱinȱreȱpublicaȱmaximeȱconservandaȱsuntȱiuraȱbelli.ȱNamȱcumȱsintȱduoȱgenera decertandi,ȱunumȱperȱdisceptationem,ȱalterumȱperȱvim,ȱcumqueȱilludȱpropriumȱsit

35

36

37

38

39

alsoȱBrentȱD.ȱShaw,ȱ“DerȱBandit,”ȱDerȱMenschȱderȱrömischenȱAntike,ȱed.ȱAndreaȱGiardinaȱ(Frankfurt a.ȱM.ȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱCampusȱVerlag,ȱ1991),ȱ337–81;ȱorig.ȱ“Ilȱbandito,”ȱL’Uomoȱromano,ȱed.ȱAndrea Giardinaȱ(Rome:ȱLaterza,ȱ1990),ȱ335–84. Onȱtheȱusageȱofȱtheȱtermȱbellumȱiustumȱitself,ȱseeȱHansȱDrexler,ȱ“BellumȱIustum,”ȱRheinisches MuseumȱfürȱPhilologieȱ102ȱ(1959):ȱ97–140. Onȱ whichȱ seeȱ P.ȱ A.ȱ Brunt,ȱ Theȱ Fallȱ ofȱ theȱ Romanȱ Republicȱ andȱ Relatedȱ Essaysȱ (Oxford:ȱ Oxford UniversityȱPress,ȱ1988). SeeȱJohnȱD.ȱGrainger,ȱTheȱRomanȱWarȱofȱAntiochusȱtheȱGreatȱ(LeidenȱandȱBoston:ȱBrill,ȱ2002).ȱFor aȱbriefȱbutȱpreciseȱexpositionȱofȱtheȱmotivationȱforȱsuchȱcampaigns,ȱseeȱEvaȱMatthewsȱStanford, “RomanȱAvariceȱinȱAsia,”ȱJournalȱofȱNearȱEasternȱStudiesȱ9ȱ(1950):ȱ28–36. Forȱanȱintroductionȱtoȱthisȱtopic,ȱseeȱAlanȱWardman,ȱRome’sȱDebtȱtoȱGreeceȱ(London:ȱP.ȱElek,ȱ1976; rpt.ȱ2002). Shaw,ȱ“Bandits”ȱ3ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ34).

110

BenȱSnook hominis,ȱ hocȱ beluarum,ȱ confugiendumȱ estȱ adȱ posterius,ȱ siȱ utiȱ nonȱ licetȱ superiore. Quareȱsuscipiendaȱquidemȱbellaȱsuntȱobȱeamȱcausam,ȱutȱsineȱiniuriaȱinȱpaceȱvivatur, partaȱautemȱvictoriaȱconservandiȱii,ȱquiȱnonȱcrudelesȱinȱbello,ȱnonȱinmanesȱfuerunt, utȱmaioresȱnostriȱTusculanos,ȱAequos,ȱVolscos,ȱSabinos,ȱHernicosȱinȱcivitatemȱetiam acceperunt,ȱatȱKarthaginemȱetȱNumantiamȱfunditusȱsustulerunt;ȱnollemȱCorinthum, sedȱcredoȱaliquidȱsecutos,ȱoportunitatemȱlociȱmaxime,ȱneȱpossetȱaliquandoȱadȱbellum faciendumȱlocusȱipseȱadhortari.ȱMeaȱquidemȱsententiaȱpaci,ȱquaeȱnihilȱhabituraȱsit insidiarum,ȱ semperȱ estȱ consulendum.ȱ Inȱ quoȱ siȱ mihiȱ essetȱ obtemperatum,ȱ siȱ non optimam,ȱatȱaliquamȱremȱpublicam,ȱquaeȱnuncȱnullaȱest,ȱhaberemus.ȱEtȱcumȱiis,ȱquos viȱ devicerisȱ consulendumȱ est,ȱ tumȱ ii,ȱ quiȱ armisȱ positisȱ adȱ imperatorumȱ fidem confugient,ȱ quamvisȱ murumȱ ariesȱ percusserit,ȱ recipiendi.ȱ Inȱ quoȱ tantopereȱ apud nostrosȱ iustitiaȱ cultaȱ est,ȱ utȱ ii,ȱ quiȱ civitatesȱ autȱ nationesȱ devictasȱ belloȱ inȱ fidem recepissent,ȱearumȱpatroniȱessentȱmoreȱmaiorumȱ (Deȱofficiis,ȱ1:ȱxi.ȱ34–35) [Then,ȱtoo,ȱinȱtheȱcaseȱofȱaȱstateȱinȱitsȱexternalȱrelations,ȱtheȱrightsȱofȱwarȱmustȱbe strictlyȱobserved.ȱForȱsinceȱthereȱareȱtwoȱwaysȱofȱsettlingȱaȱdispute:ȱfirst,ȱbyȱdiscussion; second,ȱbyȱphysicalȱforce;ȱandȱsinceȱtheȱformerȱisȱcharacteristicȱofȱmen,ȱtheȱlatterȱof brutes,ȱweȱmustȱresortȱtoȱforceȱonlyȱinȱaȱcaseȱwhereȱweȱmayȱnotȱavailȱourselvesȱof discussion.ȱTheȱonlyȱexcuse,ȱtherefore,ȱforȱgoingȱtoȱwarȱisȱthatȱweȱmayȱliveȱinȱpeace unharmed;ȱandȱwhenȱtheȱvictoryȱisȱwon,ȱweȱshouldȱspareȱthoseȱwhoȱhaveȱnotȱbeen bloodȬthirstyȱandȱbarbarousȱinȱtheirȱwarfare.ȱForȱinstance,ȱourȱforefathersȱactually admittedȱtoȱfullȱrightsȱofȱcitizenshipȱtheȱTusculans,ȱAcquians,ȱVolscians,ȱSabines,ȱand Hernicians,ȱbutȱtheyȱrazedȱCarthageȱandȱNumantiaȱtoȱtheȱground.ȱIȱwishȱtheyȱhadȱnot destroyedȱCorinth;ȱbutȱIȱbelieveȱtheyȱhadȱsomeȱspecialȱreasonȱforȱwhatȱtheyȱdid—its convenientȱ situation,ȱ probably—andȱ fearedȱ thatȱ itsȱ veryȱ locationȱ mightȱ someȱ day furnishȱaȱtemptationȱtoȱrenewȱtheȱwar.ȱInȱmyȱopinion,ȱatȱleast,ȱweȱshouldȱalwaysȱstrive toȱsecureȱaȱpeaceȱthatȱshallȱnotȱadmitȱofȱguile.ȱAndȱifȱmyȱadviceȱhadȱbeenȱheededȱon thisȱpoint,ȱweȱshouldȱstillȱhaveȱatȱleastȱsomeȱsortȱofȱconstitutionalȱgovernment,ȱifȱnot theȱbestȱinȱtheȱworld,ȱwhereas,ȱasȱitȱis,ȱweȱhaveȱnoneȱatȱall.ȱNotȱonlyȱmustȱweȱshow considerationȱforȱthoseȱwhomȱweȱhaveȱconqueredȱbyȱforceȱofȱarmsȱbutȱweȱmustȱalso ensureȱprotectionȱtoȱthoseȱwhoȱlayȱdownȱtheirȱarmsȱandȱthrowȱthemselvesȱuponȱthe mercyȱofȱourȱgenerals,ȱevenȱthoughȱtheȱbatteringȬramȱhasȱhammeredȱatȱtheirȱwalls. Andȱ amongȱ ourȱ countrymenȱ justiceȱ hasȱ beenȱ observedȱ soȱ conscientiouslyȱ inȱ this direction,ȱ thatȱ thoseȱ whoȱ haveȱ givenȱ promiseȱ ofȱ protectionȱ toȱ statesȱ orȱ nations subduedȱ inȱ warȱ become,ȱ afterȱ theȱ customȱ ofȱ ourȱ forefathers,ȱ theȱ patronsȱ ofȱ those states.]40

Ciceroȱleavesȱusȱwithȱnoȱreasonȱtoȱdoubtȱhisȱdisgustȱatȱtheȱrealityȱofȱwar.ȱYetȱhis attitudeȱtowardsȱtheȱdestructionȱofȱCorinthȱshowsȱthatȱheȱrecognizedȱthatȱmoral judgmentȱ mustȱ sometimesȱ comeȱ secondȱ toȱ militaryȱ expediency.ȱ Indeed,ȱ the conflictȱbetweenȱmoralityȱandȱexpediencyȱisȱaȱkeyȱthemeȱofȱtheȱwholeȱtreatise.41

40 41

Cicero,ȱDeȱofficiis,ȱ36–37ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ31). DetailedȱanalysisȱofȱCicero’sȱattitudeȱtowardsȱwarȱinȱthisȱtextȱcanȱbeȱfoundȱinȱAndrewȱR.ȱDyck, AȱCommentaryȱonȱCicero,ȱDeȱOfficiisȱ(AnnȱArbor:ȱUniversityȱofȱMichiganȱPress,ȱ1996),ȱ135–44.

JustȱWarȱinȱAngloȬSaxonȱEngland

111

Moreȱsignificantly,ȱthough,ȱCiceroȱexplicitlyȱstatedȱ“Quareȱsuscipiendaȱquidem bellaȱsuntȱobȱeamȱcausam,ȱutȱsineȱiniuriaȱinȱpaceȱvivatur”ȱ(Deȱofficiis,ȱ1:ȱxi.ȱ34,ȱ“The onlyȱexcuse,ȱtherefore,ȱforȱgoingȱtoȱwarȱisȱthatȱweȱmayȱliveȱinȱpeaceȱunharmed”).ȱ WhileȱCiceroȱwas,ȱofȱcourse,ȱnotȱtheȱonlyȱclassicalȱauthorȱtoȱhaveȱconsidered ideasȱrelatedȱtoȱjustȱwarȱ(hisȱapproachȱtoȱwarȱinȱDeȱofficiis,ȱforȱinstance,ȱowed muchȱtoȱtheȱGreekȱStoicȱphilosopherȱPanaetius),42ȱheȱwasȱpossiblyȱtheȱbestȱknown inȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱisȱcertainlyȱtheȱmostȱsignificantȱinȱtermsȱofȱunderstanding howȱtheȱtheoryȱofȱJustȱWarȱmightȱhaveȱenteredȱAngloȬSaxonȱEngland.ȱSimilarly, Augustineȱ wasȱ notȱ theȱ onlyȱ earlyȱ Christianȱ authorȱ toȱ haveȱ writtenȱ aboutȱ the subject.ȱ Toȱ nameȱ butȱ one,ȱ Ambrose,ȱ Bishopȱ ofȱ Milanȱ (aȱ manȱ admiredȱ by Augustine),ȱalsoȱconsideredȱtheȱwaysȱinȱwhichȱaȱconflictȱcouldȱbeȱconductedȱjustly inȱhisȱDeȱofficiisȱministrorumȱ(OnȱtheȱDutiesȱofȱMinisters),ȱdrawingȱunashamedly onȱCicero’sȱsimilarlyȬtitledȱwork.ȱHowever,ȱsinceȱthereȱisȱnoȱevidenceȱthatȱtheȱtext wasȱknownȱinȱEnglandȱbeforeȱtheȱ1070s,ȱAmbrose’sȱworkȱisȱofȱlimitedȱrelevance here.43ȱItȱisȱAugustine,ȱthen,ȱwhoȱisȱmostȱusuallyȱcreditedȱwithȱlinkingȱtheȱRoman philosophyȱofȱjustȱwar,ȱsuchȱasȱitȱwas,ȱwithȱtheȱmedievalȱconcept.ȱInȱtheȱworksȱof Augustine,ȱmoreover,ȱtheȱclassicalȱnotionȱofȱjustȱwarȱreceivedȱaȱveneerȱofȱChristian morality,ȱbringingȱitȱsharplyȱupȱtoȱdateȱwithȱcontemporaryȱpatristicȱthought.ȱ Yet,ȱinȱtheȱsameȱwayȱasȱ“JustȱWarȱTheory”ȱneverȱexistedȱinȱtheȱclassicalȱworld, soȱAugustineȱneverȱformulatedȱaȱpreciseȱ“JustȱWarȱTheory”ȱinȱaȱsingleȱwork.ȱAt noȱpointȱdidȱheȱconsciouslyȱandȱdeliberatelyȱfocusȱhisȱfullȱattentionȱonȱdefiningȱa theoryȱofȱcorrectȱmilitaryȱconductȱinȱaȱdedicatedȱtext.ȱ“JustȱWarȱTheory”ȱasȱwe haveȱitȱtodayȱisȱaȱmodernȱconceptȱwhichȱweȱmayȱprojectȱbackȱonȱtoȱAugustineȱand Ciceroȱinȱorderȱtoȱextractȱfromȱtheirȱworksȱpassagesȱwhichȱareȱrelevantȱtoȱour contemporaryȱphilosophicalȱedifice.ȱAugustineȱsimplyȱcommentedȱonȱwhatȱhe perceivedȱtoȱbeȱcorrectȱandȱincorrectȱjustificationsȱforȱmilitaryȱactionȱacrossȱaȱseries ofȱdifferentȱbooks,ȱsometimesȱalmostȱasȱasidesȱtoȱwhateverȱhisȱmainȱpointȱwasȱin eachȱparticularȱwork. Inȱwhatȱisȱarguablyȱhisȱmostȱfamousȱwork,ȱDeȱcivitateȱDei,ȱduringȱaȱdiscussion ofȱslaveryȱandȱsin,ȱAugustineȱmadeȱtheȱfollowingȱpronouncementsȱonȱtheȱnature ofȱconflict.ȱEchoingȱCicero,ȱpossiblyȱdeliberately,ȱheȱconcludedȱthatȱconflictȱshould beȱaȱtoolȱofȱpeace:ȱ Quandoȱ quidemȱ etȱ ipsi,ȱ quiȱ bellaȱ uolunt,ȱ nihilȱ aliudȱ quamȱ uincereȱ uolunt;ȱ ad gloriosamȱergoȱpacemȱbellandoȱcupiuntȱperuenire.ȱNamȱquidȱestȱaliudȱuictoriaȱnisi subiectioȱ repugnantium?ȱ quodȱ cumȱ factumȱ fuerit,ȱ paxȱ erit.ȱ Pacisȱ igiturȱ intentione gerunturȱ etȱ bella,ȱ abȱ hisȱ etiam,ȱ quiȱ uirtutemȱ bellicamȱ studentȱ exercereȱ imperando atqueȱpugnando.ȱVndeȱpacemȱconstatȱbelliȱesseȱoptabilemȱfinem.ȱOmnisȱenimȱhomo

42

43

OnȱtheȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱCiceroȱandȱtheȱStoicȱschool,ȱseeȱDouglasȱKries,ȱ“OnȱtheȱIntentionȱof Cicero’sȱDeȱOfficiis,”ȱTheȱReviewȱofȱPoliticsȱ65ȱ(2003):ȱ375–93. Lapidge,ȱTheȱAngloȬSaxonȱLibrary,ȱ138ȱandȱ278ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10).

112

BenȱSnook etiamȱbelligerandoȱpacemȱrequirit;ȱnemoȱautemȱbellumȱpacificando.ȱNamȱetȱilliȱqui pacem,ȱinȱquaȱsunt,ȱperturbariȱuolunt,ȱnonȱpacemȱoderunt,ȱsedȱeamȱproȱarbitrioȱsuo cupiuntȱcommutari.ȱNonȱergoȱutȱsitȱpaxȱnolunt,ȱsedȱutȱeaȱsitȱquamȱuolunt.ȱ (DeȱcivitateȱDei,ȱ19.12)ȱ [Indeed,ȱ evenȱ whenȱ menȱ chooseȱ toȱ wageȱ war,ȱ theyȱ desireȱ nothingȱ butȱ victory.ȱ By meansȱ ofȱ war,ȱ therefore,ȱ theyȱ desireȱ toȱ achieveȱ peaceȱ withȱ glory;ȱ forȱ whatȱ elseȱ is victoryȱbutȱtheȱsubjugationȱofȱthoseȱwhoȱopposeȱus?ȱAndȱwhenȱthisȱisȱachieved,ȱthere willȱbeȱpeace.ȱWarsȱthemselves,ȱthen,ȱareȱconductedȱwithȱtheȱintentionȱofȱpeace,ȱeven whenȱtheyȱareȱconductedȱbyȱthoseȱwhoȱareȱconcernedȱtoȱexerciseȱtheirȱmartialȱprowess inȱcommandȱandȱbattle.ȱHenceȱitȱisȱclearȱthatȱpeaceȱisȱtheȱdesiredȱendȱofȱwar.ȱForȱevery manȱseeksȱpeace,ȱevenȱinȱmakingȱwar;ȱbutȱnoȱoneȱseeksȱwarȱbyȱmakingȱpeace.ȱIndeed, evenȱthoseȱwhoȱwishȱtoȱdisruptȱanȱexistingȱstateȱofȱpeaceȱdoȱsoȱnotȱbecauseȱtheyȱhate peace,ȱbutȱbecauseȱtheyȱdesireȱtheȱpresentȱpeaceȱtoȱbeȱexchangedȱforȱoneȱofȱtheirȱown choosing.ȱ Theirȱ desire,ȱ therefore,ȱ isȱ notȱ thatȱ thereȱ shouldȱ beȱ noȱ peace,ȱ butȱ thatȱ it shouldȱbeȱtheȱkindȱofȱpeaceȱthatȱtheyȱwishȱfor.]44

However,ȱwarȱcouldȱonlyȱserveȱasȱaȱmeansȱforȱpreservingȱpeaceȱwhenȱwagedȱby theȱrightȱpeople,ȱforȱtheȱrightȱreasons.ȱSomewhatȱlaterȱinȱtheȱsameȱtext,ȱAugustine declared:ȱ“namȱetȱcumȱiustumȱgeriturȱbellum,ȱproȱpeccatoȱeȱcontrarioȱdimicatur” (19.ȱ15;ȱEvenȱwhenȱaȱjustȱwarȱisȱwaged,ȱitȱisȱinȱdefenseȱofȱhisȱsinȱthatȱheȱagainst whomȱitȱisȱwagedȱisȱfighting).45ȱ InȱadditionȱtoȱtheȱDeȱcivitateȱDei,ȱAugustineȱalsoȱmusedȱonȱtheȱnatureȱofȱaȱjust warȱinȱhisȱContraȱFaustumȱmanichaeumȱ(ReplyȱtoȱFaustusȱtheȱManichean;ȱ22.ȱ74–75) andȱDeȱsermoneȱDominiȱinȱmonteȱ(OnȱtheȱSermonȱofȱOurȱLordȱonȱtheȱMount;ȱ1.19), whereȱheȱargued,ȱalbeitȱbriefly,ȱforȱtheȱpremiseȱofȱrightfulȱselfȬdefense.ȱOverall, Augustine’sȱinputȱchangedȱtheȱtheoryȱsignificantly,ȱasȱFrederickȱRussellȱexplains:ȱ whereasȱiusȱforȱtheȱRomansȱstoodȱforȱaȱbodyȱofȱlawȱrecognisedȱasȱvalidȱbyȱthoseȱwhom itȱaffected,ȱAugustineȱemployedȱiusȱinȱtheȱsenseȱofȱrighteousness,ȱthusȱequatingȱius withȱiustititaȱandȱiustitiaȱwithȱveraȱiustitia.ȱWhereȱthereȱwasȱnoȱrighteousness,ȱthereȱwas noȱtrueȱjustice.46ȱ

WeȱhaveȱalreadyȱnotedȱAugustine’sȱplaceȱas,ȱinȱPaulȱRamsey’sȱwords,ȱ“theȱfirst greatȱ formulatorȱ ofȱ theȱ theoryȱ thatȱ warȱ mightȱ beȱ ‘just.’”47ȱ Weȱ canȱ recognize Augustineȱ asȱ suchȱ becauseȱ weȱ haveȱ accessȱ toȱ aȱ wealthȱ ofȱ scholarshipȱ onȱ the subject;ȱweȱknowȱwhatȱweȱareȱlookingȱforȱwhenȱweȱapproachȱhisȱworks.ȱWhether orȱnotȱaȱmediaevalȱauthorȱwouldȱhaveȱbeenȱableȱtoȱreferȱto,ȱsay,ȱAugustine’sȱhuge

44

45 46 47

Augustine,ȱ(seeȱabove,ȱnoteȱ11ȱforȱbothȱLatinȱtextȱed.ȱandȱtrans.)ȱDeȱciuitateȱDei,ȱ52;ȱtrans.ȱCityȱof God,ȱ934. Augustine,ȱDeȱciuitateȱDei,ȱ943ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11). Russell,ȱTheȱJustȱWar,ȱ19ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12). Paulȱ Ramsey,ȱ Warȱ andȱ theȱ Christianȱ Conscience:ȱ Howȱ Shallȱ Modernȱ Warȱ Beȱ Conductedȱ Justly? (Durham,ȱNC:ȱDukeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1961),ȱ15.

JustȱWarȱinȱAngloȬSaxonȱEngland

113

Deȱ civitateȱ Deiȱ andȱ extractȱ theȱ preciseȱ passagesȱ onȱ Justȱ War,ȱ attachingȱ the appropriateȱsignificanceȱtoȱthemȱinȱtheȱprocess,ȱwithoutȱbeingȱprivyȱtoȱ1,500ȱyears ofȱlearningȱisȱanȱimportantȱandȱunresolvedȱquestionȱwhichȱwillȱproveȱsignificant, here. Nonetheless,ȱ almostȱ 300ȱ yearsȱ afterȱ Augustine’sȱ death,ȱ Isidoreȱ ofȱ Seville, drawingȱexplicitlyȱonȱCicero,ȱmadeȱmentionȱofȱJustȱWarȱinȱhisȱEtymologiae,ȱBook 18: Primusȱ bellaȱ intulitȱ Ninusȱ Assyriorumȱ rex.ȱ Ipseȱ enimȱ finibusȱ suisȱ nequaquam contentus,ȱ humanaeȱ societatisȱ foedusȱ inrumpensȱ exercitusȱ ducere,ȱ alienaȱ vastare, liberosȱ populosȱ autȱ trucidareȱ autȱ subicereȱ coepit,ȱ universamqueȱ Asiamȱ usqueȱ ad Libyaeȱfinesȱnovaȱservituteȱperdomuitȱ[.ȱȱ.ȱȱ.]ȱ2.ȱQuattuorȱautemȱsuntȱgeneraȱbellorum: idȱ estȱ iustum,ȱ iniustum,ȱ civile,ȱ etȱ plusȱ quamȱ civile.ȱ Iustumȱ bellumȱ estȱ quodȱ ex praedictoȱ geriturȱ deȱ rebusȱ repetitisȱ autȱ propulsandorumȱ hostiumȱ causa.ȱ Iniustum bellumȱestȱquodȱdeȱfurore,ȱnonȱdeȱlegitimaȱrationeȱinitur.ȱDeȱquoȱinȱRepublicaȱCicero dicit:ȱ“Illaȱiniustaȱbellaȱsuntȱquaeȱsuntȱsineȱcausaȱsuscepta.ȱNamȱextraȱulciscendiȱaut propulsandorumȱhostiumȱcausaȱbellumȱgeriȱiustumȱnullumȱpotest.”ȱ3.ȱEtȱhocȱidem Tulliusȱparvisȱinteriectisȱsubdidit:ȱ“Nullumȱbellumȱiustumȱhabeturȱnisiȱdenuntiatum, nisiȱdictum,ȱnisiȱdeȱrepetitisȱrebus.” (Etymologiae,ȱ18.ȱ1–3;ȱ1)ȱ [Ninus,ȱkingȱofȱtheȱAssyrians,ȱwasȱtheȱfirstȱtoȱwageȱwar.ȱNotȱatȱallȱcontentȱwithȱhis ownȱboundaries,ȱthisȱNinus,ȱbreakingȱtheȱcompactȱofȱhumanȱsociety,ȱbeganȱtoȱlead armiesȱtoȱdestroyȱotherȱlands,ȱandȱtoȱmassacreȱorȱsubjectȱfreeȱpeoples.ȱHeȱcompletely subjugatedȱtheȱwholeȱofȱAsiaȱupȱtoȱtheȱbordersȱofȱLibyaȱinȱanȱunprecedentedȱslavery [.ȱȱ.ȱȱ.].ȱ2.ȱThereȱareȱfourȱkindsȱofȱwar:ȱjust,ȱunjust,ȱcivilȱandȱmoreȱthanȱcivil.ȱAȱjustȱwar isȱthatȱwhichȱisȱwagedȱinȱaccordanceȱwithȱaȱformalȱdeclarationȱandȱisȱwagedȱforȱthe sakeȱofȱrecoveringȱpropertyȱseizedȱorȱofȱdrivingȱoffȱtheȱenemy.ȱAnȱunjustȱwarȱisȱone thatȱ isȱ begunȱ outȱ ofȱ rageȱ andȱ notȱ forȱ aȱ lawfulȱ reason.ȱ Ciceroȱ speaksȱ ofȱ thisȱ inȱ the Republic:ȱ“Thoseȱwarsȱareȱunjustȱthatȱareȱtakenȱupȱwithoutȱdueȱcause,ȱforȱexceptȱforȱthe causeȱofȱavengingȱorȱofȱdrivingȱoffȱtheȱenemyȱnoȱjustȱwarȱcanȱbeȱwaged.”ȱ3.ȱAndȱhe addsȱthisȱaȱlittleȱfurtherȱon:ȱ“noȱwarȱisȱconsideredȱjustȱunlessȱitȱisȱofficiallyȱannounced orȱdeclaredȱandȱunlessȱitȱisȱfoughtȱtoȱrecoverȱpropertyȱseized.]48

Beyondȱstatingȱthatȱaȱjustȱwarȱshouldȱbeȱfundamentallyȱdefensiveȱandȱreactive, Isidoreȱdoesȱnotȱmoralizeȱaboutȱwarfareȱatȱanyȱlengthȱhere,ȱnorȱdoesȱheȱprovide anȱextensiveȱethicalȱstructureȱwithinȱwhichȱaȱjustȱwarȱshouldȱbeȱwaged.ȱȱYetȱitȱis theȱbrevityȱwithȱwhichȱheȱtreatedȱtheȱsubjectȱthatȱmakesȱitȱallȱtheȱmoreȱsignificant: didȱheȱreferȱtoȱJustȱWarȱsimplyȱoutȱofȱaȱneedȱtoȱclassifyȱdifferentȱformsȱofȱconflict (andȱ nameȬdropȱ Ciceroȱ inȱ theȱ process,ȱ toȱ lendȱ authority),ȱ orȱ didȱ hisȱ lackȱ of expositionȱsuggestȱ thatȱheȱexpectedȱhisȱaudienceȱtoȱbeȱawareȱofȱtheȱweightȱof philosophicalȱscholarshipȱthatȱlayȱbehindȱtheȱconcept?

48

IsidoreȱȱEtymologiae,ȱ359ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ32).

114

BenȱSnook

Significantly,ȱIsidoreȱlookedȱtoȱCiceroȱratherȱthanȱtoȱAugustineȱasȱhisȱsourceȱon JustȱWar.ȱCertainly,ȱIsidoreȱknewȱAugustine’sȱwork.49ȱFamously,ȱheȱwasȱsupposed toȱhaveȱownedȱaȱcabinetȱthatȱcontainedȱalmostȱallȱofȱAugustine’sȱworks,ȱabove whichȱheȱhadȱinscribed:ȱ“whosoeverȱclaimsȱtoȱhaveȱmasteredȱallȱofȱtheȱworksȱof Saintȱ Augustineȱ isȱ aȱ liar.”ȱ Yetȱ Isidore’sȱ accountȱ ofȱ Justȱ Warȱ ostensiblyȱ owed nothingȱtoȱAugustine,ȱeitherȱinȱformȱorȱinȱsubstanceȱ(whichȱwouldȱseemȱtoȱprove theȱinscription’sȱpoint).ȱOneȱmightȱpresume,ȱbearingȱinȱmindȱtheȱhighȱesteemȱin whichȱheȱheldȱAugustine,ȱthatȱifȱheȱknewȱtheȱpassagesȱinȱwhichȱhisȱpredecessor hadȱdealtȱwithȱtheȱjustificationȱofȱconflict,ȱIsidoreȱwouldȱhaveȱbeenȱkeenȱtoȱinclude themȱinȱhisȱownȱmagnumȱopus.ȱHowever,ȱbeingȱableȱtoȱlocateȱandȱextractȱprecisely theȱrelativelyȱfew,ȱwidelyȱdistributedȱlinesȱthatȱAugustineȱwroteȱaboutȱjustȱwar fromȱtheȱmanyȱsubjectsȱthatȱheȱaddressed,ȱoftenȱinȱmuchȱmoreȱdetailȱ(especially withoutȱpriorȱknowledgeȱofȱtheirȱexistence),ȱwouldȱhaveȱbeenȱnoȱmeanȱfeat,ȱeven forȱaȱscholarȱofȱIsidore’sȱencyclopedicȱpropensities. Thereȱ isȱ aȱ furtherȱ stageȱ inȱ theȱ earlyȱ transmissionȱ ofȱ Justȱ Warȱ theory,ȱ which bringsȱusȱneatlyȱintoȱanȱInsularȱcontext.ȱTheȱBritishȱwriter,ȱGildas—whoȱwasȱan importantȱsourceȱforȱBede—inȱhisȱDeȱexcidioȱBritanniaeȱ(“TheȱRuinȱofȱBritain”),50 whileȱ writingȱ aboutȱ theȱ kingsȱ ofȱ Britain,ȱ mentionedȱ thatȱ theyȱ wagedȱ “iniusta bella”ȱ(unjustȱwars):ȱ regesȱhabetȱBritannia,ȱsedȱtyrannos;ȱiudicesȱhabet,ȱsedȱimpios;ȱseapeȱpraedantesȱet concutientes,ȱsedȱinnocentes;ȱuindicantesȱetȱpatrociniantes,ȱsedȱreosȱetȱlatrones;ȱquam plurimasȱ coniugesȱ habentes,ȱ sedȱ scortasȱ etȱ adulterantes;ȱ crebroȱ iurantes,ȱ sed periurantes;ȱuouentes,ȱsedȱcontinueȱpropemodumȱmentientes;ȱbelligerantes,ȱsedȱciuila etȱiniustaȱbellaȱagentsȱ (Deȱexcidio,ȱ§ȱ27) [Britainȱhasȱkings,ȱbutȱtheyȱareȱtyrants;ȱsheȱhasȱjudges,ȱbutȱtheyȱareȱwicked.ȱTheyȱoften plunderȱandȱterrorizeȱtheȱinnocent;ȱtheyȱdefendȱandȱprotectȱtheȱguiltyȱandȱthieving; theyȱhaveȱmanyȱwives,ȱwhoresȱandȱadulteresses;ȱtheyȱconstantlyȱswearȱfalseȱoaths; theyȱmakeȱvowsȱbutȱalmostȱatȱonceȱtellȱlies;ȱtheyȱwageȱwarsȱcivilȱandȱunjust.]51

Itȱisȱuncertainȱhowȱmuchȱweȱshouldȱmakeȱofȱtheȱphraseȱ“iniustaȱbella”.ȱThereȱare echoesȱofȱIsidore’sȱclassificationȱofȱjustȱandȱunjustȱwarsȱhere,ȱbutȱIȱknowȱofȱno evidenceȱtoȱsuggestȱthatȱIsidoreȱknewȱGildas’sȱwork.ȱFurthermore,ȱthereȱisȱreason

49

50

51

Seeȱ Jaroslavȱ J.ȱ Pelikan,ȱ Theȱ Christianȱ Tradition:ȱ aȱ Historyȱ ofȱ theȱ Developmentȱ ofȱ Doctrine.ȱ ȱ I:ȱ The EmergenceȱofȱtheȱCatholicȱTraditionȱ(100–600)ȱ(Chicago,ȱIL:ȱUniversityȱofȱChicagoȱPress,ȱ1971),ȱ§6. Theȱtextȱwasȱprobablyȱwrittenȱinȱtheȱsixthȱcentury.ȱForȱaȱfullȱdiscussionȱofȱGildas’sȱdatesȱseeȱMolly Miller,ȱ“RelativeȱandȱabsoluteȱpublicationȱdatesȱofȱGildas’sȱDeȱExcidioȱinȱmedievalȱscholarship,” BulletinȱofȱtheȱBoardȱofȱCelticȱStudiesȱ26ȱ(1974–76):ȱ269–73;ȱandȱtwoȱarticlesȱbyȱDavidȱN.ȱDumville: “GildasȱandȱMaelgwn:ȱproblemsȱofȱdating,”ȱandȱ“TheȱChronologyȱofȱDeȱExcidioȱBritanniae,ȱBook I,”—bothȱinȱGildas:ȱNewȱApproaches,ȱed.ȱDavidȱN.ȱDumvilleȱandȱMichaelȱLapidgeȱ(Woodbridge, UK:ȱBoydellȱandȱBrewer,ȱ1984),ȱ51–60ȱandȱ61–84,ȱresp. Gildas:ȱtheȱRuinȱofȱBritainȱandȱOtherȱWorks,ȱed.ȱandȱtrans.ȱMichaelȱWinterbottom.ȱ2ndȱed.ȱ(1978; Chichester:ȱPhillimore,ȱ2002),ȱ29–99.

JustȱWarȱinȱAngloȬSaxonȱEngland

115

toȱquestionȱtheȱphrase’sȱsignificance.ȱItȱoccursȱatȱtheȱendȱofȱaȱrhetoricalȱdeviceȱin whichȱ Gildasȱ usesȱ repetitionȱ forȱ emphasis:ȱ havingȱ builtȱ upȱ theȱ audience’s expectationsȱbyȱrecordingȱthatȱtheȱdutiesȱofȱgovernmentȱwereȱcarriedȱout,ȱheȱthen dashesȱthemȱbyȱimmediatelyȱstatingȱthatȱtheyȱwereȱcarriedȱoutȱincorrectly.ȱEach timeȱ theȱ deviceȱ occurs,ȱ theȱ argumentȱ intensifiesȱ inȱ tone.ȱ Itȱ couldȱ beȱ theȱ case, therefore,ȱthatȱtheȱmentionȱofȱiniustaȱbella,ȱinȱthisȱinstance,ȱdoesȱnotȱoweȱanything toȱtheȱweightȱofȱphilosophicalȱscholarshipȱthatȱsuchȱaȱphraseȱappears,ȱatȱfirst,ȱto carryȱ withȱ it;ȱ rather,ȱ itȱ mayȱ justȱ beȱ partȱ ofȱ aȱ persuasiveȱ rhetoricalȱ setȱ piece. Nevertheless,ȱtheȱfactȱremainsȱthatȱGildasȱusedȱtheȱwordsȱbellaȱiniusta:ȱwhetherȱor notȱheȱmadeȱaȱmoralȱjudgmentȱaboutȱtheȱnatureȱofȱtheseȱwarsȱbeingȱfullyȱaware ofȱtheȱintertextualȱhistoryȱofȱtheȱtermȱheȱwasȱusingȱmustȱremainȱaȱmystery.52 Overall,ȱthisȱallȬtooȬbriefȱsketchȱservesȱtoȱillustrateȱinȱtheȱmostȱbasicȱtermsȱthe genesisȱandȱearlyȱtransmissionȱofȱtheȱideasȱrelatingȱtoȱtheȱwagingȱofȱaȱjustȱwar insofarȱasȱtheyȱareȱrelevantȱtoȱAngloȬSaxonȱEngland.ȱInȱaȱmodernȱcontext,ȱCharles Reedȱhasȱdescribedȱtheȱevolutionȱofȱ“JustȱWarȱTheory”ȱthus: theȱ justȱ warȱ traditionȱ cannotȱ beȱ reducedȱ toȱ aȱ setȱ ofȱ moralȱ assumptionsȱ orȱ ideals. Participantsȱwithinȱthisȱdialogueȱhaveȱsoughtȱtoȱshapeȱandȱdevelopȱtheȱtraditionȱso thatȱ itsȱ relevanceȱ isȱ retainedȱ evenȱ whenȱ itȱ isȱ appliedȱ toȱ entirelyȱ newȱ security challenges.53

Thisȱ sameȱ dynamic—theȱ developmentȱ ofȱ theȱ traditionȱ toȱ fitȱ toȱ “newȱ security challenges”—isȱexactlyȱwhatȱweȱcanȱseeȱhappeningȱatȱaȱmuchȱearlierȱperiod.ȱThe philosophicalȱapproachȱtoȱjustȱwarȱwasȱcodifiedȱbyȱCicero,ȱthenȱitȱwasȱadaptedȱby Augustine,ȱthenȱrecordedȱbyȱIsidore,ȱwhoȱwasȱexplicitlyȱindebtedȱtoȱCicero;ȱand Gildasȱusedȱaȱphraseȱwhichȱmayȱorȱmayȱnotȱhaveȱbeenȱintendedȱtoȱplaceȱhisȱwork inȱtheȱcontextȱofȱtheȱjustȱwarȱtradition.ȱWeȱhaveȱalreadyȱseenȱthat,ȱtoȱanȱextent,ȱthe wayȱinȱwhichȱwarȱwasȱjustifiedȱbyȱBedeȱandȱStephenȱofȱRiponȱcanȱbeȱparalleled inȱtheȱworkȱofȱAugustineȱandȱCiceroȱ(viaȱIsidore).ȱEstablishingȱwhetherȱthisȱcame aboutȱbecauseȱBedeȱandȱStephenȱwereȱprivyȱtoȱtheȱwhole,ȱextensiveȱphilosophical traditionȱofȱjustȱwar,ȱorȱtoȱaȱpartȱofȱit,ȱorȱwhetherȱitȱwasȱsimplyȱcoincidence,ȱmust beȱourȱfinalȱtask.ȱ

52

53

ItȱisȱinterestingȱtoȱconsiderȱwhetherȱGildas,ȱlikeȱIsidore,ȱmightȱhaveȱbeenȱinspiredȱbyȱCiceroȱinȱhis useȱofȱthisȱphrase.ȱMichaelȱLapidgeȱandȱNeilȱWrightȱhaveȱbothȱsuggested,ȱalbeitȱtentatively,ȱthat Gildasȱ mayȱ haveȱ beenȱ familiarȱ withȱ someȱ ofȱ Cicero’sȱ work:ȱ seeȱ Michaelȱ Lapidge,ȱ “Gildas’s educationȱandȱtheȱLatinȱcultureȱofȱsubȬRomanȱBritain,”ȱinȱGildas:ȱNewȱApproaches,ȱ27–50;ȱandȱNeil Wright,ȱ“Gildas’sȱProseȱStyleȱandȱitsȱorigins,”ȱGildas:ȱNewȱApproaches,ȱ107–28;ȱhereȱ111ȱ(seeȱnote 50). CharlesȱReed,ȱChangingȱSocietyȱandȱtheȱChurches:ȱJustȱWar?ȱ(London:ȱSPCK,ȱ2004),ȱ32.

116

BenȱSnook

IV.ȱTheȱTransmissionȱofȱtheȱTheory TheȱextentȱtoȱwhichȱBedeȱandȱStephenȱinheritedȱtheirȱconceptsȱofȱjustȱwarȱfrom CiceroȱandȱAugustineȱisȱdifficultȱtoȱgauge.ȱCertainly,ȱtheȱwayȱinȱwhichȱconflict wasȱjustifiedȱinȱbothȱtheȱHistoriaȱecclesiasticaȱandȱtheȱVitaȱS.ȱWilfridiȱresembledȱto anȱextentȱtheȱpronouncementsȱofȱCiceroȱandȱAugustineȱonȱtheȱmatter.ȱHowever, withȱnoȱdirectȱquotationȱorȱunambiguousȱparaphraseȱtoȱguideȱus,ȱprovingȱaȱlink isȱnotȱstraightforward. ThereȱisȱnoȱdecisiveȱevidenceȱthatȱStephenȱofȱRiponȱhadȱeverȱreadȱanything otherȱthanȱsomeȱHorace,ȱtheȱanonymousȱVitaȱS.ȱCuthbertiȱ(“LifeȱofȱStȱCuthbert”) andȱtheȱBible,54ȱandȱnoȱparticularȱreasonȱtoȱsupposeȱthatȱheȱhadȱreadȱCiceroȱ(the circulationȱofȱwhoseȱworkȱinȱearlyȱAngloȬSaxonȱEnglandȱisȱsomethingȱofȱaȱmoot point)ȱfirstȱhand.ȱBede,ȱonȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱwasȱmuchȱmoreȱwidelyȱread.ȱThereȱis evidenceȱ toȱ suggestȱ thatȱ heȱ mightȱ haveȱ knownȱ someȱ Cicero,ȱ albeitȱ probably secondȱhand,ȱandȱnotȱDeȱofficiisȱorȱDeȱrepublica.55ȱHeȱhadȱalsoȱreadȱAugustine’s Contraȱ Faustumȱ manichaeum56ȱ andȱ Deȱ ciuitateȱ Dei57ȱ andȱ quotedȱ bothȱ directly. However,ȱ theseȱ areȱ bothȱ vastȱ worksȱ inȱ whichȱ Augustineȱ discussedȱ justȱ war relativelyȱbriefly.ȱAlthoughȱcertainȱconceptualȱsimilaritiesȱbetweenȱAugustine’s workȱandȱBede’sȱsuggestȱthatȱBedeȱmightȱhaveȱsoughtȱtoȱjustifyȱwarȱwithinȱan Augustinianȱmoralȱframework,ȱitȱisȱasȱwellȱtoȱbearȱinȱmindȱthatȱsuchȱparallelsȱby noȱmeansȱconstituteȱconclusiveȱevidenceȱofȱdirectȱborrowing. Indeed,ȱinȱtheȱoneȱinstanceȱinȱwhichȱBedeȱdidȱquoteȱdirectlyȱfromȱanȱearlierȱtext discussingȱjustȱwar,ȱheȱdeliberatelyȱavoidedȱusingȱtheȱterm.ȱBedeȱknewȱGildas’s Deȱexcidioȱwellȱandȱincludedȱatȱleastȱ23ȱquotationsȱorȱparaphrasesȱfromȱitȱinȱhis ownȱwork.58ȱHeȱreferredȱdirectlyȱtoȱtheȱpassageȱfromȱtheȱDeȱexcidioȱinȱwhichȱGildas usedȱ theȱ phraseȱ bellaȱ iniusta.ȱ However,ȱ Bedeȱ renderedȱ “bellaȱ iniusta”ȱ as “domesticisȱmotibus”ȱ(HistoriaȱEcclesiastica,ȱ1.12;ȱ“internalȱstrife”).ȱIfȱBedeȱsawȱany

54

55

56

57

58

RosalindȱC.ȱLove,ȱ“TheȱSourcesȱofȱWilfrid’sȱVitaȱSanctiȱWilfridi,”ȱFontesȱAngloȬSaxonici:ȱWorldȱWide WebȱRegister,ȱhttp://fontes.english.ox.ac.uk/ȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱAprilȱ14,ȱ2011). TheȱextentȱtoȱwhichȱCicero’sȱworkȱwasȱknownȱinȱearlyȱAngloȬSaxonȱEnglandȱisȱaȱmatterȱofȱsome debate;ȱonȱtheȱwhole,ȱitȱseemsȱthatȱknowledgeȱofȱitȱwasȱderivedȱsecondȱhandȱfromȱquotationsȱand extractsȱcontainedȱinȱotherȱtexts,ȱsuchȱasȱIsidore’sȱquotationȱofȱtheȱDeȱrepublica.ȱSeeȱtwoȱarticles byȱRogerȱRay,ȱ“Bede’sȱVeraȱLexȱHistoriae,”ȱSpeculumȱ55ȱ(1980):ȱ1–21;ȱandȱ“BedeȱandȱCicero,”ȱAngloȬ SaxonȱEnglandȱ16ȱ(1987):ȱ1–16.ȱSeeȱalsoȱGabrieleȱKnappe,ȱTraditionenȱderȱklassischenȱRhetorikȱim angelsächsischenȱEngland.ȱAnglistischeȱForschungen,ȱ236ȱ(Heidelberg:ȱCarlȱWinter,ȱ1996). BedeȱonlyȱquotedȱContraȱFaustumȱManichaeumȱinȱhisȱcommentaryȱonȱGenesis.ȱSeeȱRosalindȱC. Love,ȱ“TheȱSourcesȱofȱBede’sȱCommentariusȱinȱGenesim,”ȱFontesȱAngloȬSaxonici:ȱWorldȱWideȱWeb Register,ȱhttp://fontes.english.ox.ac.uk/ȱȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱAprilȱ14,ȱ2011). KatharineȱScarfeȱBeckett,ȱ“TheȱSourcesȱofȱBede’sȱHistoriaȱecclesiasticaȱgentisȱAnglorum,”ȱFontes AngloȬSaxonici:ȱWorldȱWideȱWebȱRegister,ȱhttp://fontes.english.ox.ac.uk/ȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱAprilȱ14, 2011. Beckett,ȱ“TheȱSources”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ57).ȱ

JustȱWarȱinȱAngloȬSaxonȱEngland

117

significanceȱinȱtheȱphrase,ȱthen,ȱheȱchoseȱnotȱtoȱweaveȱitȱintoȱhisȱownȱaccountȱof theȱepisode.ȱ Overall,ȱtheȱevidenceȱlinkingȱBedeȱandȱStephenȱdirectlyȱwithȱAugustineȱand Ciceroȱisȱmixed.ȱWhileȱitȱseemsȱunlikelyȱthatȱStephenȱhadȱfirstȬhandȱexperienceȱof Cicero’sȱwork,ȱweȱmayȱbeȱcertainȱthatȱBedeȱhadȱreadȱtheȱrelevantȱtextsȱinȱwhich Augustineȱdiscussedȱjustȱwarȱandȱthatȱheȱcould,ȱtheoretically,ȱhaveȱbeenȱdirectly inspiredȱbyȱthem.ȱAnȱaltogetherȱmoreȱpromisingȱandȱdirectȱlinkȱbetweenȱeighthȬ centuryȱEnglandȱandȱtheȱheritageȱofȱtheȱjustȱwarȱtradition,ȱhowever,ȱisȱIsidore’s Etymologiae.ȱ Apparentlyȱ widelyȱ readȱ inȱ AngloȬSaxonȱ Englandȱ andȱ throughout mediaevalȱEurope,59ȱthisȱtextȱwasȱcertainlyȱknownȱtoȱBede:ȱheȱquotedȱitȱonȱatȱleast fiveȱseparateȱoccasions.60ȱAlthoughȱthereȱisȱnoȱconcreteȱproofȱthatȱStephenȱhad readȱit,ȱitȱisȱaȱgreatȱdealȱmoreȱlikelyȱthatȱheȱwasȱfamiliarȱwithȱIsidoreȱthanȱthatȱhe knewȱCicero.ȱMoreover,ȱtheȱEtymologiaeȱliesȱbehindȱtheȱonlyȱinstanceȱinȱAngloȬ Saxonȱliterature,ȱLatinȱorȱvernacular,ȱwhenȱtheȱwordsȱiustumȱandȱbellumȱappeared together.ȱAlmostȱ300ȱyearsȱafterȱBede’sȱdeath,ȱÆlfric,ȱAbbotȱofȱEynsham,ȱwroteȱthe followingȱinȱhisȱLivesȱofȱSaints: Secgaðȱswaþeahȱlareowasȱþætȱsyndonȱfeowerȱcynnaȱgefeoht:ȱiustum,ȱþætȱisȱrihtlic; iniustum,ȱunrihtlic;ȱciuile,ȱbetwuxȱceastergewarum;ȱplusquamȱciuile,ȱbetwuxȱsiblingum. Iustumȱbellumȱisȱrihtlicȱgefeohtȱwiðȱðaȱreðanȱflotmenn,ȱoþþeȱwiðȱoðreȱþeodaȱþeȱeard willaðȱfordon.ȱUnrihtlicȱgefeohtȱisȱþeȱofȱyrreȱcymð.ȱÞætȱþriddeȱgefeohtȱisȱþeȱofȱgeflite cymðȱ betwuxȱ ceastergewarumȱ isȱ swyðeȱ pleolic;ȱ &ȱ þætȱ feorðeȱ gefeoht,ȱ þeȱ betwux freondumȱbið,ȱisȱswiðeȱearmlicȱ&ȱendeleasȱsorh.ȱ(LivesȱofȱSaints,ȱ“Maccabees”) [Nevertheless,ȱ teachersȱ sayȱ thatȱ thereȱ areȱ fourȱ kindsȱ ofȱ war;ȱ iustum,ȱ thatȱ isȱ just; iniustum,ȱ thatȱ isȱ unjust;ȱ civile,ȱ betweenȱ citizens;ȱ plusquamȱ civile,ȱ betweenȱ relatives. Iustumȱbellumȱisȱjustȱwarȱagainstȱtheȱcruelȱsailors,ȱorȱagainstȱotherȱpeoplesȱthatȱwishȱto destroyȱourȱland.ȱUnjustȱwarȱisȱthatȱwhichȱcomesȱofȱanger.ȱTheȱthirdȱwar,ȱwhichȱcomes ofȱcontentionȱbetweenȱcitizensȱisȱveryȱdangerous;ȱandȱtheȱfourthȱwar,ȱthatȱisȱbetween friends,ȱisȱveryȱmiserableȱandȱofȱendlessȱsorrow.]61

Theȱwordsȱiustumȱandȱbellum,ȱhere,ȱwereȱclearlyȱmoreȱthanȱjustȱanȱadjectiveȱand aȱnoun:ȱalthoughȱheȱdidȱnotȱexplicitlyȱacknowledgeȱhisȱsource,ȱÆlfric,ȱasȱJames Crossȱ realized,ȱ wasȱ drawingȱ onȱ Isidore,ȱ whoseȱ workȱ wasȱ “obviouslyȱ aȱ handy summaryȱwhichȱlodgedȱinȱÆlfric’sȱmind.”62ȱIsidore,ȱinȱturn,ȱdrewȱdirectlyȱand

59

60 61

62

OnȱtheȱenormousȱpopularityȱofȱIsidore’sȱEtymologiae,ȱsee,ȱamongstȱothers,ȱBernhardȱBischoff,ȱ“Die europäischeȱVerbreitungȱderȱWerkeȱIsidorsȱvonȱSevilla,”ȱinȱhisȱMittelalterlicheȱStudien,ȱ3ȱvols. (Stuttgart:ȱAntonȱHiersemann,ȱ1966–1981),ȱI,ȱ171–94. Beckett,ȱ“TheȱSources”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ57). Ælfric’sȱLivesȱofȱSaints,ȱed.ȱWalterȱW.ȱSkeat,ȱtrans.ȱGunningȱandȱWilkinson,ȱ4ȱvols.ȱEarlyȱEnglish TextsȱSociety,ȱo.ȱs.,ȱ76,ȱ82,ȱ94,ȱ114ȱ(London:ȱN.ȱTrübner,ȱ1881–1900;ȱrepr.ȱasȱ2ȱvols.ȱOxford:ȱOxford UniversityȱPress,ȱ1890–1900),ȱ2:ȱ114–5. Cross,ȱ“TheȱEthicȱofȱWar”,ȱ272ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1ȱabove).ȱForȱmoreȱonȱÆlfric’sȱapproachȱtoȱconflictȱand violence,ȱseeȱJ.ȱW.ȱEarl,ȱ“ViolenceȱandȱnonȬViolenceȱinȱAngloȬSaxonȱEngland:ȱÆlfric’sȱPassionȱof

118

BenȱSnook

explicitlyȱonȱCicero’sȱDeȱrepublica.ȱThusȱweȱmayȱbeȱhappyȱthat,ȱbyȱtheȱeleventh century,ȱIsidore’sȱprécisȱofȱCicero’sȱtheoryȱofȱjustȱwarȱhadȱenteredȱAngloȬSaxon EnglandȱevenȱifȱtheȱfullȱCiceronianȱexcursusȱhadȱnot.ȱFurthermore,ȱiustumȱbellum hadȱgainedȱappreciationȱasȱaȱconceptȱhighlyȱrelevantȱtoȱtheȱAngloȬSaxons’ȱown precipitousȱsituationȱatȱtheȱstartȱofȱtheȱsecondȱmillennium. Weȱshouldȱnot,ȱhowever,ȱassumeȱthatȱtheȱrelevanceȱofȱIsidore’sȱbriefȱdiscussion ofȱ justȱ warȱ remainedȱ unrecognizedȱ beforeȱ theȱ eleventhȱ century.ȱ Isidore’s Etymologiae—includingȱitsȱpassageȱonȱjustȱwar—hadȱbeenȱknownȱinȱAngloȬSaxon Englandȱsinceȱtheȱseventhȱcentury,63ȱandȱthereȱisȱsomeȱevidenceȱtoȱsuggestȱthatȱthe relevantȱsectionȱmayȱhaveȱbeenȱconsideredȱsignificantȱatȱanȱearlyȱstage.ȱFirstly, MichaelȱLapidgeȱhasȱidentifiedȱandȱeditedȱanȱepitomeȱofȱIsidore’sȱEtymologiaeȱwith aȱ strongȱ AngloȬSaxonȱ pedigree,ȱ inȱ whichȱ theȱ partȱ ofȱ Bookȱ 18ȱ containingȱ the definitionsȱofȱwarȱwasȱamongstȱrelativelyȱfewȱsectionsȱofȱtheȱworkȱtoȱhaveȱbeen excerpted.64ȱ Secondly,ȱtheȱCorpusȱGlossary,ȱwhich,ȱifȱweȱfollowȱWallaceȱMartinȱLindsay’s dating,ȱwasȱcompiledȱinȱtheȱmidȱeighthȱcentury,ȱatȱaboutȱtheȱsameȱtimeȱasȱBede andȱ Stephenȱ wereȱ atȱ work,65ȱ definesȱ warȱ inȱ aȱ mannerȱ whichȱ isȱ strongly reminiscentȱofȱIsidore.ȱThisȱtext,ȱcontainedȱinȱCambridge,ȱCorpusȱChristiȱCollege MSȱ144,ȱconstitutesȱaȱbasicȱLatinȬOldȱEnglishȱdictionaryȱthatȱglossesȱmeaningsȱof manyȱLatinȱwords.ȱTheȱpertinentȱsectionsȱread: Duelliumȱbellumȱdixeruntȱquiȱexȱutraqueȱparteȱgeriturȱ [Duelliumȱtheyȱcallȱaȱ“war”ȱwhichȱisȱbroughtȱfromȱanotherȱregion]ȱ66 Intestinumȱdomesticumȱciuileȱbellumȱ [Intestinumȱdomesticumȱorȱcivilȱwar]67 Interniciumȱbellumȱdiciturȱquoȱnullusȱremanetȱ [Itȱisȱcalledȱinterniciumȱbellumȱwhenȱnobodyȱremains]68

63

64

65

66

67 68

ȱ

St Edmund”, ȱ Philological ȱ Quarterly ȱ ȱ 78 (1999): ȱ 124–49. AldhelmȱofȱMalmesburyȱ(d.ȱ709/10)ȱfamouslyȱdrewȱinspirationȱfromȱitȱinȱwritingȱhisȱEnigmata. SeeȱalsoȱLapidge,ȱAngloȬSaxonȱLibrary,ȱ309–13ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10). SeeȱM.ȱLapidge,ȱ‘AnȱIsidorianȱEpitomeȱfromȱEarlyȱAngloȬSaxonȱEngland’,ȱRomanobarbaricaȱ10 (1988–1989):ȱ443–83;ȱrpt.ȱinȱhisȱAngloȬLatinȱLiterature,ȱ600–899ȱ(LondonȱandȱRioȱGrande,ȱOH:ȱThe HambledonȱPress,ȱ1996),ȱ183–224. Seeȱ Wallaceȱ M.ȱ Lindsay,ȱ Theȱ Corpus,ȱ Épinal,ȱ Erfurtȱ andȱ Leydenȱ Glossaries,ȱ Publicationsȱ ofȱ the PhilologicalȱSociety,ȱ8ȱ(Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1921). TheȱCorpusȱGlossary,ȱed.ȱW[allace]ȱM[artin]ȱLindsayȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress, 1921),ȱ60.ȱAllȱreferencesȱtoȱtheȱCorpusȱGlossaryȱareȱfromȱthisȱedition. CorpusȱGlossary,ȱ25ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ66). CorpusȱGlossary,ȱ101ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ66).

JustȱWarȱinȱAngloȬSaxonȱEngland

119

TheȱCorpusȱGlossary’sȱsimilaritiesȱtoȱIsidoreȱareȱimmediatelyȱobvious:ȱtwoȱofȱthe threeȱkindsȱofȱwarȱlistedȱhereȱ(theȱcivilȱwarȱandȱtheȱwarȱbroughtȱfromȱelsewhere) correspondȱcloselyȱtoȱtheȱwarsȱweȱhaveȱobservedȱdescribedȱbyȱIsidore.ȱAlthough Isidore’sȱEtymologiaeȱhasȱneverȱbeenȱexplicitlyȱidentifiedȱasȱaȱdirectȱsourceȱforȱthe CorpusȱGlossaryȱitself,ȱresearchȱonȱotherȱLatinȬOldȱEnglishȱglossariesȱdescended fromȱ theȱ sameȱ archetypeȱ hasȱ indicatedȱ thatȱ Isidore’sȱ workȱ hadȱ aȱ significant influenceȱonȱtheȱtraditionȱasȱaȱwhole.69 TheȱGlossaryȱandȱtheȱepitome,ȱthen,ȱsuggestȱthat,ȱatȱanȱearlyȱstageȱinȱAngloȬ Saxonȱhistory,ȱIsidore’sȱbriefȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱnatureȱofȱconflictȱwasȱknownȱin Englandȱand,ȱmoreover,ȱwasȱrelativelyȱwidelyȱdistributed.ȱTheȱAngloȬSaxonsȱnot onlyȱ readȱ theȱ Etymologiae;ȱ theyȱ copied,ȱ excerpted,ȱ quotedȱ andȱ paraphrasedȱ it. Thereȱ isȱ everyȱ reasonȱ toȱ believeȱ thatȱ theȱ textȱ wasȱ subjectedȱ toȱ significant intellectualȱscrutinyȱinȱEnglandȱthroughoutȱtheȱeighthȱcentury.ȱThanksȱtoȱIsidore (andȱatȱsomeȱremove,ȱCicero),ȱwarȱwasȱnotȱsimplyȱwar:ȱitȱwasȱaȱgraduatedȱconcept thatȱcouldȱbeȱportrayedȱinȱshadesȱofȱgreyȱasȱwellȱasȱinȱblackȱandȱwhite.ȱTheȱOld Englishȱ poetryȱ discussedȱ byȱ Crossȱ demonstratesȱ thatȱ theȱ AngloȬSaxonsȱ were sufficientlyȱsophisticatedȱinȱtheirȱattitudesȱtowardȱwarȱasȱtoȱdiscriminateȱbetween differentȱkindsȱofȱconflictȱinȱtheirȱvernacularȱliterature;ȱtheȱevidenceȱinȱtheȱwork ofȱBedeȱandȱStephenȱofȱRiponȱprovesȱthatȱsuchȱaȱdistinctionȱcanȱbeȱdatedȱtoȱthe firstȱhalfȱofȱtheȱeighthȱcentury,ȱatȱleast,ȱandȱcanȱbeȱlocatedȱacrossȱaȱrangeȱofȱgenres; andȱ theȱ prevalenceȱ ofȱ Isidore’sȱ Etymologiaeȱ (completeȱ withȱ itsȱ directȱ quotation fromȱCicero’sȱDeȱrepublica)ȱinȱEnglandȱatȱtheȱsameȱtimeȱwouldȱseemȱtoȱsuggestȱthat thisȱtextȱmayȱhaveȱbeenȱtheȱmostȱreadilyȱavailableȱandȱexplicitȱpointȱofȱreference forȱanȱauthorȱwishingȱtoȱaddressȱmilitaryȱethics.

V.ȱConclusion AsȱisȱsoȱoftenȱtheȱcaseȱinȱMedievalȱStudies,ȱweȱfindȱourselvesȱleftȱwithȱfewȱdefinite facts,ȱbutȱplentyȱofȱlikelyȱguesses.ȱWeȱmayȱbeȱcertain,ȱhowever,ȱthatȱinȱtheȱeighth century,ȱtheȱAngloȬSaxonsȱunderstoodȱthatȱwarȱcouldȱexistȱinȱmanyȱforms,ȱsome moreȱworthyȱthanȱothers.ȱMoreover,ȱweȱmayȱbeȱfairlyȱsureȱthat,ȱwhileȱAugustine mayȱhaveȱhadȱsomeȱinfluenceȱonȱBede’sȱattitudeȱtoȱjustȱwar,ȱIsidore’sȱEtymologiae constitutedȱ anȱ unambiguousȱ andȱ easilyȱ accessibleȱ linkȱ betweenȱ AngloȬSaxon Englandȱandȱtheȱrichȱjustȱwarȱheritageȱofȱantiquity. Theȱcaveatȱhere,ȱthough,ȱisȱthatȱIsidoreȱdoesȱnotȱmakeȱaȱmoralȱjudgmentȱabout war;ȱheȱdoesȱnotȱlayȱoutȱaȱdetailedȱethicalȱstructureȱsufficientȱtoȱguideȱaȱChristian leaderȱinȱconductingȱhisȱwars;ȱheȱdoesȱnotȱevenȱattemptȱtoȱcomposeȱaȱseriesȱof

69

Seeȱ J[oseph]ȱ D[onovan]ȱ Pheifer,ȱ Oldȱ Englishȱ Glossesȱ inȱ theȱ ÉpinalȬErfurtȱ Glossaryȱ (Oxford: ClarendonȱPress,ȱ1974),ȱlv;ȱalsoȱLindsay,ȱGlossaries,ȱ2ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ66).

120

BenȱSnook

moralȱprinciplesȱaddressingȱtheȱethicsȱofȱwarfare.ȱTheseȱsimpleȱdefinitionsȱmay haveȱinspiredȱAngloȬSaxonȱthinkingȱaboutȱwar,ȱorȱtheyȱmayȱhaveȱcomplemented preȬexistingȱconceptsȱinȱwhichȱvariousȱconflictȱscenariosȱwereȱalreadyȱidentified. Atȱ anyȱ rate,ȱ oneȱ canȱ reasonablyȱ assumeȱ thatȱ Isidore’sȱ Etymologiaeȱ wasȱ an importantȱconduitȱcarryingȱtheȱnotionȱofȱjustȱwarȱtoȱEngland,ȱalbeitȱasȱaȱseriesȱof phrasesȱ ratherȱ thanȱ asȱ aȱ coherentȱ philosophicalȱ manifesto.ȱ Isidore’sȱ statement meantȱ enoughȱ toȱ Ælfricȱ inȱ theȱ eleventhȱ centuryȱ thatȱ heȱ feltȱ compelledȱ to appropriateȱitȱandȱapplyȱitȱtoȱhisȱownȱsituation.ȱPerhapsȱBedeȱandȱStephenȱfeltȱthe sameȱimpulseȱthreeȱhundredȱyearsȱearlier. Inȱsum,ȱwhileȱitȱwouldȱbeȱanȱexaggerationȱtoȱsuggestȱthatȱtheȱAngloȬSaxons possessedȱ aȱ coherentȱ andȱ fullyȬformedȱ philosophyȱ ofȱ justȱ conflict,ȱ itȱ canȱ be inferredȱthat,ȱatȱanȱearlyȱstageȱinȱtheirȱhistory,ȱtheyȱatȱleastȱknewȱwhatȱaȱjustȱwar was.ȱ Evenȱ thoughȱ “Justȱ Warȱ Theory”ȱ didȱ notȱ existȱ asȱ such,ȱ theȱ necessityȱ of justifyingȱconflictȱcertainlyȱdid.ȱAsȱhistoriansȱtoȱaȱburgeoningȱnationalȱidentity, BedeȱandȱStephenȱwereȱkeenȱtoȱcoverȱtheirȱheroesȱinȱgloryȱandȱtoȱcondemnȱtheir villainsȱ foreverȱ inȱ eyesȱ ofȱ history.ȱ Perhapsȱ itȱ wasȱ thisȱ purpose,ȱ aboveȱ all,ȱ that informedȱ theirȱ portrayalȱ ofȱ theȱ manyȱ conflictsȱ thatȱ wrackedȱ earlyȱ mediaeval Britain.

Chapterȱ3 SeanȱPollack (PortlandȱStateȱUniversity,ȱPortland,ȱOR)ȱ

HistoriesȱofȱViolence:ȱTheȱOriginsȱofȱWarȱinȱBeowulf1

I.ȱTheȱPowerȱofȱViolenceȱandȱtheȱViolenceȱofȱPower Forceȱ isȱ asȱ pitilessȱ toȱ theȱ manȱ whoȱ possessesȱ it,ȱ or thinksȱ heȱ does,ȱ asȱ itȱ isȱ toȱ itsȱ victims;ȱ theȱ secondȱ it crushes,ȱtheȱfirstȱitȱintoxicates.ȱTheȱhumanȱraceȱisȱnot dividedȱ up,ȱ inȱ theȱ Iliad,ȱ intoȱ conqueredȱ persons, slaves,ȱsuppliantsȱonȱtheȱoneȱhand,ȱandȱconquerors andȱchiefsȱ onȱ theȱother.ȱInȱthisȱpoemȱthereȱisȱnotȱa singleȱmanȱwhoȱdoesȱnotȱatȱoneȱtimeȱorȱanotherȱhave toȱbowȱhisȱneckȱtoȱforce—SimoneȱWeil,ȱTheȱIliad,ȱor TheȱPoemȱofȱForce Ifȱfateȱisȱtheȱlaw,ȱisȱitȱalsoȱsubjectȱtoȱtheȱlaw?ȱAtȱsome pointȱ weȱ cannotȱ escapeȱ namingȱ responsibility —CormacȱMcCarthy,ȱAllȱtheȱPrettyȱHorses2

1

2

Iȱwouldȱlikeȱtoȱuseȱthisȱspaceȱtoȱrecordȱdebtsȱofȱgratitude:ȱAshbyȱKinchȱandȱChristineȱRoseȱgave thisȱworkȱcloseȱandȱgenerousȱreadings.ȱTheȱparticipantsȱinȱtheȱ2007ȱInternationalȱCongressȱon Medievalȱ Studiesȱ session,ȱ “AntiȬWarȱ Sentimentȱ inȱ theȱ Middleȱ Ages,”ȱ includingȱ theȱ session organizerȱAlbrechtȱClassen,ȱpromptedȱfurtherȱthoughtȱandȱreflectionȱwithȱtheirȱresponses.ȱElisa E.ȱPollackȱhelpedȱwithȱtheȱfinerȱpointsȱofȱGerman. Theȱ firstȱ epigramȱ isȱ takenȱ fromȱ Warȱ andȱ Theȱ Iliad:ȱ Simoneȱ Weilȱ andȱ Rachelȱ Bespaloff,ȱ ed.ȱ and introductionȱbyȱChristopherȱBenfeyȱ(NewȱYork:ȱNewȱYorkȱReviewȱofȱBooks,ȱ2005),ȱ11.ȱWeil’s essayȱinȱthisȱEnglishȱtranslationȱbyȱMaryȱMcCarthyȱwasȱfirstȱpublishedȱinȱPoliticsȱ(November, 1945).ȱCormacȱMcCarthy,ȱAllȱtheȱPrettyȱHorsesȱ(NewȱYork:ȱVintage,ȱ1993),ȱ241.ȱ

122

SeanȱPollack

Beowulfȱisȱaȱviolentȱtext:ȱitȱshowsȱpainfulȱdeathȱandȱcommunalȱsuffering.ȱForȱsome theȱspectaclesȱofȱbodilyȱpartition,ȱfire,ȱandȱdeathȱareȱvehiclesȱofȱentertainmentȱfor readersȱandȱmovieȬgoersȱalike;ȱatȱotherȱtimesȱtheȱbloodȬlettingȱandȱboneȬbreaking areȱseenȱasȱobjectionableȱelementsȱinȱaȱtextȱthatȱisȱvaluedȱonlyȱbecauseȱitȱaȱunique exemplarȱofȱaȱlostȱAngloȬSaxonȱheroicȱstyle.3ȱWeȱareȱalsoȱattractedȱtoȱaȱtension evidentȱ inȱ theȱ textȱ betweenȱ theȱ heroicȱ viewȱ ofȱ violenceȱ andȱ Beowulf’sȱ moral compunctionȱagainstȱfeudȱandȱfratricide.ȱHisȱdesireȱtoȱbeȱaȱforceȱforȱjusticeȱand peaceȱinȱopposingȱGrendelȱandȱleadingȱhisȱpeopleȱsitsȱuncomfortablyȱnearȱhis participationȱ inȱ theȱ disastrousȱ warsȱ againstȱ theȱ Franksȱ withȱ Hygelac,ȱ his involvementȱinȱtheȱSwedishȱwarsȱforȱsuccession,ȱandȱhisȱespousalȱofȱaȱheroicȱethos ofȱvengeanceȱandȱwillingȱcooperationȱinȱtheȱeconomyȱofȱraidȱandȱtribute.ȱ Theȱnarrativeȱstructureȱdramatizesȱthisȱethicalȱdilemmaȱinȱitsȱcommemoration inȱtheȱopeningȱlinesȱofȱtheȱdeedsȱofȱScyldȱScefingȱ(whoȱforcedȱtheȱsurrounding peoplesȱunderȱhisȱdominion),ȱcontrastedȱwithȱtheȱcelebrationȱinȱtheȱfinalȱlinesȱof Beowulfȱ asȱ “mannumȱ mildostȱ .ȱ .ȱ .ȱ lofgeornost”ȱ (kindestȱ toȱ menȱ ...ȱ withȱ aȱ most powerfulȱyearningȱforȱfame).ȱAreȱtheseȱtwoȱelementsȱcompatible?ȱIfȱoneȱisȱeager forȱfame,ȱandȱfameȱisȱwonȱinȱdeedsȱofȱwar,ȱhowȱdoesȱBeowulfȱconductȱhimselfȱas aȱbenignȱrulerȱandȱmanȱofȱpeaceȱwhoȱneverȱtookȱpartȱinȱmurderȱofȱkinsmen?ȱHow doesȱtheȱpoemȱdistinguishȱjustȱandȱnecessaryȱwarȱfromȱunjustȱandȱunnecessary? Beowulfȱmayȱofferȱusȱaȱfewȱclearȱmarkersȱofȱthisȱdifference,ȱbutȱitȱleavesȱitsȱreaders withȱ noȱ fewerȱ troublesomeȱ questions.ȱ Itȱ isȱ noȱ exaggerationȱ toȱ sayȱ thatȱ one’s readingȱofȱBeowulfȱdependsȱonȱhowȱoneȱreadsȱitsȱviolentȱconflicts. Itȱmayȱbeȱsurprisingȱtoȱnoteȱtheȱdegreeȱtoȱwhichȱaȱpoemȱthatȱisȱostensiblyȱabout aȱheroȱwhoȱfightsȱdragonsȱandȱdemonsȱelicitsȱdifficultȱyetȱfundamentalȱproblems aboutȱtheȱorigin,ȱprosecution,ȱandȱconsequencesȱofȱconflict.ȱTheȱexplorationȱofȱwar andȱitsȱoriginȱinȱBeowulfȱcompelsȱaȱreexaminationȱofȱtheȱmuchȱdiscussedȱswordȱhilt fromȱtheȱbottomȱofȱGrendel’sȱmereȱ(lake,ȱpond),ȱHrothgar’sȱsubsequentȱdiscourse onȱ theȱ dangersȱ ofȱ prideȱ mixedȱ withȱ violence,ȱ andȱ theȱ finalȱ conflictȱ withȱ the dragon.ȱMyȱdiscussionȱonȱtheȱswordȱhiltȱwillȱlookȱtoȱSt.ȱAugustine’sȱDeȱcivitateȱDei (CityȱofȱGod)ȱwithȱspecialȱreferenceȱtoȱBookȱ19ȱinȱwhichȱAugustineȱreflectsȱonȱthe originsȱ ofȱ warȱ andȱ theȱ specialȱ dangerȱ facedȱ byȱ menȱ whoȱ can,ȱ itȱ seems,ȱ make

3

Seeȱ Janetȱ Thormann,ȱ “Enjoymentȱ ofȱ Violenceȱ andȱ theȱ Desireȱ forȱ Historyȱ inȱ Beowulf,”ȱ The PostmodernȱBeowulf:ȱAȱCriticalȱCasebook,ȱed.ȱEileenȱJoyȱandȱMaryȱK.ȱRamsay,ȱwithȱtheȱassistance ofȱBruceȱD.ȱGilchristȱ(Morgantown,ȱWV:ȱWestȱVirginiaȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2006),ȱ287–318,ȱand Thomasȱ A.ȱ Prendergast,ȱ “’Wantonȱ Recollection’:ȱ Theȱ Idolatrousȱ Pleasuresȱ ofȱ Beowulf,”ȱ New LiteraryȱHistoryȱ30ȱ(1999):ȱ129–41.ȱBothȱauthorsȱhaveȱofferedȱcogentȱanalysesȱofȱtheȱmotivesȱand functionsȱofȱviolenceȱinȱBeowulfȱasȱnarrativeȱelements,ȱasȱaȱreaderȬresponseȱmechanism,ȱandȱas ideologicalȱtools.ȱBothȱofȱtheseȱarticlesȱhaveȱmadeȱgreatȱimpactȱuponȱmyȱownȱreadingȱofȱthe violenceȱinȱBeowulfȱandȱuponȱmyȱthinkingȱaboutȱothers’ȱreadingsȱofȱthatȱviolence;ȱmyȱdebtsȱto theirȱworkȱwillȱbeȱexploredȱbelow,ȱwhileȱcertainȱdifferencesȱbetweenȱmyȱanalysisȱandȱtheirsȱwill alsoȱbecomeȱevident.

TheȱOriginsȱofȱWarȱinȱBeowulf

123

themselvesȱintoȱmonsters.ȱThisȱanalysisȱwillȱalsoȱreexamineȱHrothgar’sȱ(soȬcalled) sermonȱ asȱ aȱ gnomicȱ performanceȱ thatȱ callsȱ attentionȱ toȱ theȱ contradictory interpretationsȱofȱviolence,ȱfeud,ȱandȱheroismȱavailableȱonȱtheȱhilt’sȱtext,ȱandȱinȱthe textȱ ofȱ theȱ poemȱ asȱ aȱ whole.ȱ Asȱ aȱ gnomicȱ meditation,ȱ orȱ sapientialȱ utterance, Hrothgar’sȱreadingȱexaminesȱthatȱwaysȱthatȱheroicȱdiscourseȱandȱheroicȱaction mustȱ beȱ modulatedȱ byȱ ethicalȱ normsȱ andȱ considerations.ȱ Toȱ advanceȱ that discussion,ȱIȱturnȱmyȱattentionȱtoȱExeterȱMaximsȱIȱ(C)ȱforȱaȱfullerȱappreciationȱof theȱ ethicalȱ andȱ moralȱ discoursesȱ surroundingȱ violenceȱ andȱ weaponsȱ inȱ Old Englishȱpoetry.ȱAsȱinȱtheȱpoemȱitself,ȱmyȱexaminationȱofȱtheȱhistoriesȱofȱviolence inȱBeowulfȱmovesȱtoȱtheȱdragonȱtaleȱthatȱoccupiesȱtheȱfinalȱthirdȱofȱtheȱtext.ȱThat lastȱstandȱofȱtheȱheroȱagainstȱaȱnon–humanȱembodimentȱofȱwar,ȱraid,ȱandȱfeud promptsȱdeepȱcontemplationȱonȱtheȱpartȱofȱtheȱkingȱofȱtheȱGeats,ȱandȱcausesȱthe readersȱofȱthisȱpoemȱtoȱseeȱwarȱandȱviolenceȱinȱaȱshiftingȱmulti–temporalȱcomplex. Beowulf,ȱlikeȱHrothgarȱbeforeȱhim,ȱisȱforcedȱtoȱinterpretȱhisȱownȱrulershipȱandȱits implicationsȱinȱaȱcontinuingȱcycleȱofȱviolenceȱthatȱheȱcanȱneitherȱfullyȱmasterȱnor fullyȱrenounce,ȱhoweverȱgoodȱhisȱintentions.ȱ JacobȱGrimmȱsawȱaȱnaturalȱcorrespondenceȱbetweenȱOldȱEnglishȱpoetryȱandȱthe celebrationȱofȱviolenceȱandȱwar,ȱasȱwarȱwasȱtheȱchiefȱoccupationȱofȱtheȱancient GermanicȱpeoplesȱheȱimaginedȱinȱDeutscheȱMythologie,ȱinȱ1835.ȱBeowulf,ȱaȱprime candidateȱforȱcurricularȱexcisionȱinȱtheȱdriveȱforȱcanonȱreformȱinȱtheȱ1960sȱand ‘70s,ȱhasȱalsoȱbeenȱderidedȱasȱ“pointlesslyȱbloodthirsty.”4ȱJamesȱE.ȱCrossȱnotedȱin 1972ȱthatȱitȱwasȱsensibleȱtoȱassumeȱthatȱwhatȱheȱdescribedȱasȱ“ourȱGermanicȱpagan ancestors”ȱ thoughtȱ “fightingȱ wasȱ asȱ naturalȱ asȱ living.”5ȱ Heȱ acknowledges neverthelessȱthatȱtheȱpoemȱdefiesȱsomeȱofȱtheȱclichésȱaboutȱheroicȱpoetry.ȱBeowulf isȱaȱtextȱthatȱcomplicatesȱmoralȱcertaintiesȱregardingȱfeudȱandȱwarfare,ȱandȱmost oftenȱ referencesȱ warȱ andȱ internecineȱ strugglesȱ as,ȱ inȱ theȱ wordsȱ ofȱ Frederick Klaeber,ȱtheȱ“twoȱtragicȱmotivesȱofȱthisȱepicȱtradition.”6ȱTheȱBeowulfȬȱpoet’sȱvision isȱessentiallyȱtragicȱandȱmournfulȱandȱseemsȱtoȱofferȱfewȱredemptiveȱmomentsȱin itsȱassessmentȱofȱtheȱmoralȱcalculusȱofȱviolence.ȱAȱnumberȱofȱscholarsȱandȱcritics haveȱ notedȱ theȱ BeowulfȬpoet’sȱ concernȱ forȱ theȱ ethicalȱ claimsȱ andȱ problemsȱ of warfareȱandȱviolence,ȱyetȱnoneȱhasȱgoneȱsoȱfarȱasȱtoȱcallȱitȱanȱanti–warȱtext.ȱIȱwill

4 5

6

CitedȱinȱAndyȱOrchard,ȱAȱCriticalȱCompanionȱtoȱBeowulfȱ(Cambridge:ȱD.ȱS.ȱBrewer,ȱ2003),ȱ238.ȱ JamesȱE.ȱCross,ȱ“TheȱEthicȱofȱWarȱinȱOldȱEnglish,”ȱEnglandȱBeforeȱtheȱConquest:ȱStudiesȱinȱPrimary Sourcesȱ Presentedȱ toȱ Dorothyȱ Whitelock,ȱ ed.ȱ Peterȱ Clemoesȱ andȱ Kathleenȱ Hughesȱ (Cambridge: CambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1971),ȱ269–82;ȱhereȱ270.ȱExaminingȱtheȱconceptȱofȱtheȱJustȱWarȱin SaintȱAugustine,ȱAmbrose,ȱtheȱOldȱEnglishȱOldȱTestament,ȱandȱotherȱtexts,ȱCrossȱoffersȱaȱnuanced pictureȱofȱtheȱdiscoursesȱofȱviolenceȱinȱOldȱEnglishȱliterature,ȱconcludingȱthatȱ“itȱisȱclearȱthat influentialȱChristiansȱheldȱanȱorthodoxȱviewȱaboutȱtheȱnecessityȱofȱwar,ȱyetȱtheȱrightȱkindȱofȱwar” (273).ȱ “Introduction,”ȱBeowulfȱandȱtheȱFightȱatȱFinnsburgh,ȱed.ȱFrederickȱKlaeber,ȱ3rdȱed.ȱ(1922;ȱBoston: Heath,ȱ1950),ȱxxxvi.ȱ

124

SeanȱPollack

suggestȱthatȱtheȱpoemȱknownȱasȱBeowulfȱisȱaȱrestlesslyȱdialogical7ȱtextȱthatȱgives prominentȱplaceȱtoȱanti–warȱdiscourses.ȱItȱisȱnotȱpacifist,ȱorȱabsolutistȱinȱanyȱsense, butȱIȱbelieveȱthatȱtheȱpoem’sȱanalysisȱleadsȱusȱtoȱseeȱthatȱalthoughȱconflictȱisȱaȱfact ofȱ life,ȱ itȱ needȱ notȱ beȱ aȱ wayȱ ofȱ life.ȱ Whileȱ war’sȱ originsȱ areȱ oftenȱ irretrievably obscure,ȱitsȱconsequencesȱandȱcostsȱcouldȱnotȱbeȱmoreȱplainlyȱshown.ȱ

II.ȱSacuȱrestan:ȱAllȱQuietȱonȱtheȱNorthernȱFront Asȱ Crossȱ andȱ othersȱ note,ȱ aȱ justȱ warȱ accordingȱ toȱ St.ȱ Augustineȱ mustȱ be undertakenȱwithȱrightȱintentionȱunderȱtheȱaegisȱofȱaȱrighteousȱrulerȱorȱprince.ȱA conflictȱundertakenȱwithȱproperȱmotivesȱmustȱrestoreȱorder,ȱandȱofferȱdefenseȱfor theȱdefenseless.ȱCertainly,ȱBeowulf’sȱmissionȱtoȱDenmarkȱtoȱopposeȱtheȱmonsters whoȱterrorizeȱHeorotȱfitsȱtheseȱcriteria.8ȱButȱtheȱmonstersȱthemselvesȱcannotȱbe easilyȱ dispensedȱ withȱ evenȱ afterȱ theyȱ areȱ deadȱ inȱ theȱ moralȱ analysisȱ ofȱ the questionȱofȱtheȱ“orȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱfyrnȱgewinnes”:ȱtheȱoriginȱ(orȱauthor)ȱofȱanȱancientȱstrife. TheȱrealȱvalueȱofȱBeowulf’sȱmercenaryȱadventureȱinȱDenmark,ȱhowever,ȱisȱthatȱit createsȱaȱnewȱallianceȱofȱpeaceȱbetweenȱtwoȱpeoplesȱwhoȱhadȱpreviouslyȱbeenȱat war.ȱ Asȱ Beowulfȱ preparesȱ toȱ departȱ Denmark,ȱ Hrothgarȱ interpretsȱ Beowulf’s victoryȱoverȱGrendelȱandȱtheȱmotherȱthus:ȱ Hafastȱþuȱgeferedȱþætȱþamȱfolcumȱsceal,ȱ GeataȱleodumȱondȱGar–Denum sibȱgemæn[u]ȱondȱsacuȱrestsan, inwitniþas,ȱþeȱhieȱærȱdrugonȱ.ȱ.ȱ. (vv.ȱ1855–58) [Youȱhaveȱbroughtȱtheseȱpeople,ȱtheȱGeatsȱandȱtheȱDanes,ȱintoȱmutualȱpeaceȱand haveȱputȱtoȱrestȱfeudsȱthatȱtheyȱearlierȱhaveȱendured].9

7

8

9

Iȱ useȱ theȱ termȱ hereȱ asȱ theorizedȱ byȱ Mikhailȱ Bakhtin:ȱ “Dialogismȱ isȱ theȱ characteristic epistemologicalȱmodeȱofȱaȱworldȱdominatedȱbyȱheteroglossia.ȱEverythingȱmeans,ȱisȱunderstood, asȱpartȱofȱaȱgreaterȱwhole—thereȱisȱaȱconstantȱinteractionȱbetweenȱmeanings,ȱallȱofȱwhichȱhave theȱpotentialȱofȱconditioningȱothersȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱThisȱdialogicȱimperative,ȱmandatedȱbyȱtheȱpreȬexistence ofȱtheȱlanguageȱworldȱrelativeȱtoȱanyȱofȱitsȱcurrentȱinhabitants,ȱinsuresȱthatȱthereȱcanȱbeȱnoȱactual monologue.”ȱ Bakhtin,ȱ “Glossary,”ȱ Theȱ Dialogicȱ Imagination:ȱ Fourȱ Essaysȱ byȱ M.ȱ M.ȱ Bakhtin,ȱ ed. MichaelȱHolquist,ȱed.ȱandȱtrans.ȱCarylȱEmersonȱ(Austin:ȱUniversityȱofȱTexasȱPress,ȱ1981),ȱ426. Iȱuseȱtheȱtermȱadvisedly,ȱasȱIȱbelieveȱthatȱGrendel’sȱandȱGrendel’sȱmother’sȱveryȱhumanityȱisȱat issueȱinȱtheȱtext,ȱandȱtheirȱmonstrosityȱisȱpersistentlyȱcalledȱintoȱquestion.ȱSeeȱPaulȱAcker,ȱ“Horror andȱtheȱMaternalȱinȱBeowulf,”ȱPMLAȱ121ȱ(2006):ȱ702–16. Translationsȱareȱmyȱownȱunlessȱotherwiseȱnoted.ȱAllȱcitationsȱofȱBeowulfȱcomeȱfromȱKlaeber’s Beowulf,ȱFourthȱEdition,ȱed.ȱR[obert]ȱD.ȱFulk,ȱRobertȱBjork,ȱandȱJohnȱD.ȱNilesȱ(Toronto:ȱUniversity ofȱTorontoȱPress,ȱ2008).ȱ

TheȱOriginsȱofȱWarȱinȱBeowulf

125

TheȱmissionȱtoȱDenmarkȱtakesȱplaceȱagainstȱaȱbackgroundȱofȱconstantȱreminders ofȱunjustȱandȱmorallyȱdubiousȱwars,ȱfeuds,ȱandȱfratricidalȱconflicts.ȱHrothgar’s hallȱHeorotȱisȱdescribedȱinȱgreatȱdetailȱasȱtheȱgreatestȱofȱhalls,ȱbutȱitsȱdoomȱis foretoldȱ inȱ aȱ futureȱ conflictȱ (vv.ȱ 82b–85).ȱ Uponȱ Beowulf’sȱ firstȱ appearanceȱ at Heorot,ȱHrothgarȱalsoȱalludesȱtoȱfeudȱbegunȱbyȱBeowulf’sȱfather,ȱwhichȱHrothgar hadȱ toȱ settleȱ byȱ paymentȱ (vv.ȱ 459–70).ȱ Hrothgarȱ inȱ fact,ȱ seesȱ theȱ visitationȱ of Grendel’sȱmotherȱasȱaȱfeudȱthatȱheȱwillȱpayȱBeowulfȱtoȱsettleȱratherȱthanȱasȱ a divineȱjudgmentȱ(v.ȱ1380).ȱAllȱofȱtheȱsoȬcalledȱdigressions,ȱorȱstoriesȱwithinȱstories, areȱ allusiveȱ narrativesȱ onȱ betrayal,ȱ feudȱ andȱ conflictsȱ overȱ succession.ȱ Butȱ the digressionsȱ andȱ interpolationsȱ areȱ alsoȱ temporalȱ interpellations:ȱ theȱ presentȱ is subjectȱtoȱandȱcreatedȱbyȱnarrativesȱofȱtheȱpast.ȱHistoryȱinȱthisȱtextȱisȱdefinedȱby violence,ȱeachȱnewȱinstanceȱinevitablyȱraisingȱmemoriesȱofȱpastȱconflictsȱthatȱhave eitherȱmoral,ȱethicalȱorȱpoliticalȱsimilarities.ȱUnferth,ȱwhoȱkilledȱhisȱownȱkinsman, sitsȱominouslyȱnearbyȱduringȱallȱtheȱdiscussionȱandȱactionȱinȱtheȱhallȱasȱweȱawait theȱarrivalȱofȱtheȱcannibalȱprogenyȱofȱCain.ȱTheȱLayȱofȱSigmund,ȱtoldȱafterȱtheȱfirst encounterȱwithȱGrendel,ȱforeshadowsȱtheȱdragonȱandȱBeowulf’sȱdownfallȱ(vv. 874b–915).ȱTheȱaccountȱofȱeventsȱatȱFinnsburhȱisȱrelatedȱasȱaȱcelebratoryȱtale,ȱbut oneȱ thatȱ theȱ poeticȱ narrativeȱ voiceȱ re–codifiesȱ asȱ aȱ tragicȱ storyȱ ofȱ feudȱ andȱ its consequenceȱ (vv.ȱ 1063–1124).ȱ Anyȱ momentȱ ofȱ triumphȱ overȱ adversityȱ is immediatelyȱundercutȱasȱtheȱnarrativeȱvoiceȱbringsȱinȱaȱcautionaryȱtaleȱofȱviolent defeatȱorȱdeath,ȱorȱfutureȱconflicts.ȱBothȱhistoricalȱandȱmythicȱnarrativesȱrevealȱthe tragicȱshadowsȱcastȱbyȱanyȱactȱofȱheroism. Mostȱsignificantly,ȱGrendelȱandȱhisȱmotherȱareȱdescribedȱasȱbeingȱfromȱtheȱrace ofȱgiantsȱmentionedȱinȱGenesisȱ4,ȱwhoȱwereȱsupposedlyȱwipedȱoutȱbyȱtheȱflood, andȱwhomȱHebrewȱandȱPatristicȱtraditionȱheldȱtoȱbeȱtheȱdescendantsȱofȱCain,ȱthe firstȱ fratricideȱ andȱ murderer.10ȱ Butȱ asȱ weȱ shallȱ see,ȱ thatȱ historicalȱ andȱ cultural distanceȱdoesȱnotȱinsulateȱBeowulfȱorȱanyoneȱelseȱfromȱmoralȱanswerabilityȱforȱthe violentȱengagementsȱofȱtheȱpoem’sȱnarrativeȱpresent.

III.ȱHrothgar’sȱHilt:ȱRunes,ȱFloods,ȱandȱCyclesȱofȱViolence Theȱpoem’sȱsustainedȱfocusȱonȱtheȱoriginsȱofȱwarȱcomesȱatȱaȱkindȱofȱrestingȱpoint inȱtheȱactionȱafterȱBeowulf’sȱbattleȱwithȱGrendel’sȱmother.ȱBeowulfȱdispatchesȱthe motherȱandȱdecapitatesȱGrendel’sȱlifelessȱcorpseȱwithȱaȱswordȱ(foundȱinȱherȱlair) describedȱasȱ“entaȱær–geweorc”ȱorȱancientȱworkȱofȱgiants.ȱTheȱpoisonousȱblood inȱtheȱwaterȱmeltsȱtheȱblade,ȱandȱBeowulfȱisȱableȱtoȱbringȱtheȱinscribedȱhiltȱback

10

DavidȱWilliams’sȱmonograph,ȱCainȱandȱBeowulf:ȱAȱStudyȱinȱSecularȱAllegoryȱ(Toronto:ȱUniversity ofȱTorontoȱPress,ȱ1982),ȱisȱtheȱmostȱcompleteȱstudyȱofȱtheȱexegeticalȱandȱotherȱtraditionsȱlinking CainȱtoȱtheȱmythologiesȱofȱtheȱBeowulfȱstory.ȱ

126

SeanȱPollack

toȱHeorotȱforȱHrothgarȱtoȱexamine.ȱTheȱhiltȱepisode,ȱwhichȱincludesȱHrothgar’s lengthyȱdiscourseȱpromptedȱbyȱitsȱexamination,ȱhasȱbecomeȱaȱfavoriteȱinterpretive locus.ȱMostȱrecentȱreadingsȱseeȱtheȱhiltȱasȱaȱselfȬreflexiveȱimageȱthatȱallowsȱthe poemȱtoȱanalyzeȱitsȱownȱtextuality.11ȱ Michaelȱ Nearȱ hasȱ readȱ theȱ swordȱ hiltȱ asȱ theȱ poem’sȱ metaȬcritiqueȱ ofȱ the “epistemologicalȱ foundationȱ underpinningȱ theȱ practiceȱ ofȱ literacy.”12ȱ Near explainsȱthat,ȱinȱeffect,ȱliteracyȇsȱnecessaryȱdriveȱtowardȱpsychologicalȱinteriority andȱsecrecyȱareȱaȱthreatȱtoȱtheȱculturalȱnormsȱofȱpublicȱpractice,ȱprimaryȱorality andȱ itsȱ structuresȱ ofȱ socialȱ organization.ȱ Thisȱ examinationȱ ofȱ theȱ swordȱ hilt associatesȱreadingȱwithȱsecrecy,ȱinteriority,ȱrageȱ(“bolgenmod”)ȱandȱself–involved prideȱ(“oferhygd”).ȱNearȱtakesȱupȱtheȱhiltȱasȱanȱobjectȱofȱsilent,ȱominousȱalterity andȱofȱ“aȱhistoryȱofȱsuffering,ȱestrangement,ȱandȱviolentȱseparationȱ[...]ȱofȱaȱworld deniedȱhumanȱcommerceȱandȱopenȱair.”13ȱAllenȱJ.ȱFrantzen,ȱinȱhisȱpivotalȱstudy, DesireȱforȱOrigins,ȱfocusesȱonȱtheȱapparentȱcountervailingȱnarrativesȱcontainedȱin bothȱtheȱhiltȱandȱHrothgar’sȱspeech.ȱTheȱDanishȱking’sȱdiscourseȱ“counteractsȱthe textȱonȱtheȱhilt.ȱTheȱhiltȱcontainsȱonlyȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱoneȱstoryȱnotȱaboutȱtheȱheroes,ȱbut aboutȱtheirȱenemies.”14ȱ Similarlyȱ toȱ Near,ȱ Frantzenȱ seesȱ theȱ expositionȱ onȱ theȱ hiltȱ asȱ aȱ staged confrontationȱbetweenȱtwoȱcompetingȱdiscourses:ȱoralityȱandȱliteracy.ȱFrantzen concentratesȱhisȱreadingȱofȱtheȱhiltȱepisodeȱasȱaȱsyllepisisȱorȱpunȱonȱtheȱword “writan.”ȱThisȱwordȱandȱtheȱrelatedȱ“forwritan”ȱ(theȱverbȱusedȱwhenȱBeowulf stabsȱ theȱ dragon)ȱ becomeȱ “aȱ structureȱ joiningȱ writingȱ andȱ deathȱ inȱ aȱ punȱ on oppositeȱmeanings.”15ȱTheȱsoleȱoccurrenceȱofȱtheȱverbȱisȱinȱtheȱpastȱparticipleȱform writenȱinȱv.ȱ1688b:ȱ“orȱwritenȱfyrnȱgewinnes.”ȱTheirȱwrittenȱstoryȱofȱorigins,ȱof which,ȱFrantzenȱmaintains,ȱtheȱDanesȱandȱGeatsȱremainȱunaware,ȱisȱthatȱofȱCain, andȱitȱcanȱonlyȱbeȱaboutȱtheirȱenemiesȱandȱtheȱheroesȱasȱsharingȱaȱdeepȱconnection ofȱcommonȱorigin.ȱButȱinȱtheȱend,ȱasȱFrantzenȇsȱanalysisȱsuggests,ȱtheȱswordȱhilt frustratesȱanyȱunderstandingȱofȱoriginȱasȱcontainingȱaȱprescriptionȱforȱcontaining orȱendingȱtheȱendemicȱviolenceȱofȱfeud,ȱfratricideȱandȱwarfareȱbecauseȱtheȱhilt doesȱnotȱinȱfactȱportrayȱtheȱdeathȱofȱtheȱraceȱofȱCain,ȱ“butȱratherȱtheȱfloodȱthat

11

12

13

14

15

SethȱLerer,ȱ“BeowulfȱandȱContemporaryȱCriticalȱTheory,”ȱAȱBeowulfȱHandbook,ȱed.ȱRobertȱBjork andȱJohnȱD.ȱNilesȱ(Lincoln:ȱUniversityȱofȱNebraskaȱPress,ȱ1997),ȱ325–339;ȱhereȱ337. MichaelȱNear,ȱ“AnticipatingȱAlienation:ȱBeowulfȱandȱtheȱIntrusionȱofȱLiteracy,”ȱPMLAȱ108ȱ(1993): 320Ȭ32;ȱhereȱ321.ȱNear’sȱargumentȱcouldȱbeȱprofitablyȱexpandedȱtoȱsomeȱofȱtheȱExeterȱBookȱpoems thatȱreflectȱuponȱtheȱnatureȱofȱwriting,ȱsuchȱasȱtheȱBookȱMothȱRiddle,ȱorȱTheȱHusband’sȱMessage.ȱ Near,ȱ ”Anticipating,”ȱ 324ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 12).ȱ Hisȱ complexȱ argumentȱ makesȱ aȱ strongȱ linkȱ between literacyȱ andȱ exileȱ asȱ well.ȱ Iȱ willȱ argueȱ similarlyȱ belowȱ thatȱ theȱ swordȱ hiltȱ offersȱ theȱ reader interpretiveȱpossibilitiesȱthatȱcritiqueȱtheȱsystemsȱofȱexclusionȱthatȱformȱaroundȱtheȱconceptȱofȱthe exile.ȱ AllenȱJ.ȱFrantzen,ȱDesireȱforȱOrigins:ȱNewȱLanguage,ȱOldȱEnglish,ȱandȱTeachingȱtheȱTraditionȱ(New Brunswick,ȱNJ:ȱRutgersȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1990),ȱ188.ȱ Frantzen,ȱDesireȱforȱOrigins,ȱ184ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ14).

TheȱOriginsȱofȱWarȱinȱBeowulf

127

triedȱunsuccessfullyȱtoȱendȱthatȱrace.”16ȱSethȱLererȱisȱinterestedȱinȱtheȱhiltȱasȱaȱlocus “forȱ reflectionsȱ onȱ theȱ reader’sȱ ownȱ relationshipȱ toȱ texts,ȱ toȱ authorsȱ andȱ to Christianȱcultureȱgenerally.”ȱTheȱsceneȱofȱreadingȱisȱaȱ“counterpoint”ȱtoȱtheȱsong ofȱtheȱcreationȱsungȱbyȱtheȱscop:ȱoralityȱandȱliteracy.ȱTheȱsceneȱofȱreadingȱoutlines theȱ“paganȱcredenceȱinȱtheȱmagicȱofȱtheȱletterȱandȱtheȱChristianȱfaithȱinȱtheȱword asȱsymbol.”17ȱ Theȱswordȱhiltȱmayȱperhapsȱbeȱreadȱasȱbothȱaȱstoryȱofȱoriginsȱandȱoneȱpresaging almostȱcertainȱdoomȱforȱtheȱfuture.ȱDoomȱbecause,ȱdespiteȱHrothgarȇsȱbestȱattempt atȱ cautionaryȱ explicationȱ andȱ exegesis,ȱ Heorotȱ willȱ burn,ȱ andȱ Beowulfȱ will inevitably,ȱdespiteȱhisȱattemptȱatȱpeacefulȱandȱjustȱkingship,ȱdieȱasȱaȱresultȱofȱpride (“oferhygd”)ȱandȱhisȱpeopleȱwillȱperishȱasȱtheȱresultȱofȱretributionȱforȱunnecessary conflictsȱwagedȱoutȱofȱprideȱ(“forȱwlenco”).ȱAnyȱdiscussionȱofȱreadingȱandȱwriting mustȱalsoȱattemptȱtoȱascertainȱtheȱmoralȱandȱethicalȱclaimsȱthatȱwritingȱmakes uponȱtheȱreader.ȱReadingȱpromptsȱanȱawarenessȱofȱtheȱroleȱthatȱnarrativeȱplays inȱassessingȱandȱovercomingȱviolenceȱandȱwar.ȱOralȱhistoryȱsometimesȱoccludes orȱelidesȱviolence’sȱoriginsȱandȱultimateȱanswerability,ȱandȱtextualȱhistoryȱtends toȱfrustrateȱcertaintyȱaboutȱtheȱoriginsȱofȱwarȱbyȱleadingȱtheȱreaderȱultimatelyȱback toȱhimself.ȱ Theȱobject,ȱinitiallyȱaȱtreasureȱandȱinstrumentȱofȱwar,ȱbecomesȱaȱrelicȱofȱancient timesȱwithȱaȱlongȱhistory,ȱuponȱwhichȱisȱwrittenȱtheȱoriginsȱofȱstrife.ȱWeȱareȱfirst madeȱawareȱthatȱitsȱpossessionȱhasȱaȱkindȱofȱgenealogyȱattachedȱtoȱit:ȱ Ðaȱwæsȱgyldenȱhyltȱgamelumȱrince, harumȱhildfrumanȱonȱhandȱgyfen, entaȱærgeweorc;ȱhitȱonȱæhtȱgehwearf æfterȱdeoflaȱhryreȱDenigaȱfrean, wundorsmiþaȱgeweorc;ȱondȱþaȱþasȱworoldȱofgeaf gromheortȱguma,ȱGodesȱandsaca,ȱ morðresȱscyldig,ȱondȱhisȱmodorȱeac, onȱgewealdȱgehwhearfȱworoldcyninga ðæmȱselestanȱbeȱsæmȱtweounum ðaraȱþeȱonȱScedeniggeȱsceattasȱdælde.ȱ

(vv.ȱ1677–86)

[ThenȱtheȱgoldenȱhiltȱwasȱgivenȱintoȱtheȱhandȱofȱtheȱgrayȬhairedȱwarrior,ȱtheȱancient workȱofȱgiants;ȱitȱpassedȱinȱownershipȱafterȱtheȱfallȱofȱtheȱdevilsȱtoȱtheȱlordȱofȱthe Danes,ȱthatȱworkȱofȱaȱmagicȱsmith.ȱAndȱthenȱtheȱgrimȬheartedȱman,ȱGod’sȱadversary, guiltyȱofȱmurdersȱ(andȱhisȱmotherȱtoo),ȱpassedȱintoȱtheȱpowerȱofȱtheȱbestȱofȱworldly kingsȱbetweenȱtheȱtwoȱseasȱofȱthoseȱwhoȱgaveȱtreasureȱinȱScandinavia].ȱ

16 17

Frantzen,ȱDesireȱforȱOrigins,ȱ188ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ14).ȱ Sethȱ Lerer,ȱ “Hrothgar’sȱ Hiltȱ andȱ theȱ Readerȱ inȱ Beowulf,”ȱ Literacyȱ andȱ Powerȱ inȱ AngloȬSaxon Literatureȱ(Lincoln:ȱUniversityȱofȱNebraska,ȱ1991),ȱ158–94;ȱhereȱ161,ȱanalyzesȱtheȱhilt’sȱtextȱin greaterȱdetail,ȱasȱreflectedȱlaterȱinȱthisȱessay.

128

SeanȱPollack

Thisȱswordȱhiltȱisȱthusȱdescribedȱasȱanȱobjectȱofȱwonderȱratherȱthanȱhorror,ȱdespite itsȱapparentlyȱnonȬhumanȱorigins,ȱandȱitsȱnewȱownerȱisȱdescribedȱasȱtheȱbestȱofȱall worldlyȱ kingsȱ asȱ heȱ receivesȱ it.ȱ Theȱ hiltȱ isȱ clearlyȱ anȱ objectȱ ofȱ rulership,ȱ and ownershipȱseemsȱtoȱsignifyȱsomeȱkindȱofȱpower.ȱTheȱpassingȱofȱtheȱhilt—noȱlonger aȱweaponȱbutȱaȱcombinationȱofȱsignȱandȱtext—fromȱtheȱ“devils”ȱtoȱHrothgarȱisȱa transmissionȱofȱitsȱattendantȱmightȱfromȱmonstersȱtoȱmen.ȱOnȱtheȱoneȱhand,ȱthis movementȱ ofȱ symbolicȱ capitalȱ fromȱ Grendelȱ andȱ theȱ motherȱ toȱ Beowulfȱ and Hrothgarȱcouldȱbeȱseenȱasȱanȱexpectedȱelementȱofȱtheȱheroicȱtexturesȱofȱtheȱpoem. Theȱpassingȱofȱtreasureȱfromȱvanquishedȱtoȱvictorȱisȱaȱfundamentalȱaspectȱofȱthe economyȱ ofȱ raidȱ andȱ tributeȱ invokedȱ inȱ theȱ openingȱ lines.ȱ Butȱ theȱ words describingȱ itsȱ passingȱ fromȱ Grendelkinȱ toȱ menȱ alsoȱ suggestȱ aȱ moreȱ deliberate handoverȱofȱcontrolȱandȱownership:ȱ“hitȱonȱæhtȱgehwearf.”ȱTheȱhiltȱconfersȱan awfulȱ responsibilityȱ ofȱ readingȱ andȱ interpretation,ȱ andȱ alsoȱ acquiresȱ aȱ new functionȱinȱeachȱsubsequentȱdescription:ȱaȱsignȱofȱvictory—alongȱwithȱtheȱsevered headȱ(v.ȱ1654a;ȱ”tiresȱtoȱtacne”),ȱanȱobjectȱofȱwonderȱ(“wundorsmiþaȱgeweorc”), andȱfinally,ȱaȱtextȱwithȱaȱtroublingȱstoryȱtoȱrelateȱthatȱconfersȱtheȱanswerabilityȱof readingȱandȱinterpretation.ȱ .ȱ.ȱ.ȱOnȱðæmȱwæsȱorȱwriten fyrngewinnes;ȱsyðþanȱflodȱofsloh, gifenȱgeotendeȱgigantaȱcyn,ȱ frecneȱgeferdon;ȱþætȱwæsȱfremdeȱþeod eceanȱdryhtne;ȱhimȱþæsȱendelean þurhȱwæteresȱwylmȱwaldendȱsealde. Swaȱwæsȱonȱðæmȱscennumȱsciranȱgoldesȱ þurhȱrune–stafasȱrihteȱgemearcod, gesetedȱondȱgesæd,ȱhwamȱþætȱsweordȱgewohrt, irenaȱcystȱærestȱwære,ȱ wreoþenhiltȱondȱwyrm–fahȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ

(vv.ȱ1688b–98a)

[Uponȱ itȱ wasȱ writtenȱ theȱ originȱ [originator?]ȱ ofȱ ancientȱ struggle,ȱ afterȱ theȱ flood decimatedȱtheȱraceȱofȱgiants.ȱTheyȱwereȱaȱforeignȱpeopleȱtoȱtheȱeternalȱGod,ȱandȱhe gaveȱthemȱaȱfinalȱdoomȱbecauseȱofȱthat.ȱThusȱwasȱonȱtheȱpommelȱofȱtheȱhiltȱinȱpure gold,ȱrightlyȱmarkedȱandȱset,ȱrune–stavesȱtellingȱforȱwhomȱthatȱswordȱwasȱfirstȱmade, theȱbestȱofȱiron,ȱwithȱitsȱtwisted,ȱdragon–decoratedȱhilt].

MostȱrecentȱtranslatorsȱofȱBeowulfȱrenderȱvv.ȱ1688b–1689aȱ(“onȱþæmȱwasȱorȱwriten fyrngewinnes”)ȱasȱ“Uponȱitȱwasȱwrittenȱtheȱoriginȱofȱtheȱancientȱstrife.”ȱTheȱword orȱisȱoftenȱglossedȱasȱ“beginning”ȱorȱ“origin.”ȱCaedmon’sȱHymn,ȱshownȱasȱanȱOld EnglishȱinterlinearȱglossȱofȱBede’sȱLatinȱparaphrase,ȱrecordsȱaȱsenseȱmissingȱfrom

TheȱOriginsȱofȱWarȱinȱBeowulf

129

OldȱEnglishȱlexicalȱsources:ȱthatȱofȱauthorȱ(auctor).18ȱIfȱweȱallowȱforȱtheȱpossibility thatȱwhatȱisȱwrittenȱisȱnotȱjustȱaȱrepresentationȱofȱaȱnarrative,ȱbutȱalsoȱthatȱorȱcan beȱtakenȱtoȱmeanȱ“originator”—thatȱis,ȱtheȱoneȱresponsibleȱforȱtheȱbeginningȱofȱthe ancientȱfeud,ȱseveralȱquestionsȱareȱraised.ȱIsȱthisȱoriginatorȱorȱauctorȱtheȱsameȱas theȱoneȱforȱwhomȱtheȱswordȱwasȱmade,ȱwhoseȱnameȱisȱwrittenȱinȱrunes?ȱ WeȱareȱnotȱtoldȱhowȱGrendelȱandȱhisȱmotherȱcameȱtoȱpossessȱthisȱancientȱsword, butȱ theȱ hiltȱ apparentlyȱ tellsȱ twoȱ relatedȱ stories:ȱ theȱ originȱ ofȱ war,ȱ andȱ the destructionȱ ofȱ theȱ raceȱ ofȱ giantsȱ afterȱ theȱ flood.ȱ Toȱ appreciateȱ furtherȱ the interrelationshipȱ ofȱ theȱ sword,ȱ mythicalȱ andȱ Biblicalȱ history,ȱ andȱ Grendel’s mother,ȱ weȱ shouldȱ lookȱ backȱ atȱ twoȱ keyȱ passages:ȱ theȱ mother’sȱ firstȱ forayȱ to Heorotȱ(vv.ȱ1258bȱff.),ȱBeowulf’sȱsightingȱandȱuseȱofȱtheȱswordȱinȱbattleȱwithȱthe motherȱ (vv.ȱ 1557ȱ ff.)ȱ andȱ theȱ momentȱ ofȱ herȱ death,ȱ whenȱ theȱ swordȱ meltsȱ in Beowulf’sȱ handsȱ (vv.ȱ 1605b–10).ȱ Inȱ vv.ȱ 1258b–65a,ȱ asȱ Grendel’sȱ motherȱ enters Heorot,ȱ sheȱ isȱ connectedȱ toȱ theȱ Cain’sȱ originalȱ crime,ȱ describedȱ asȱ murderȱ by sword:ȱ .ȱ.ȱ.ȱGrendelesȱmodor, idesȱaglæcwifȱyrmþeȱgemunde, seȱþeȱwæteregesanȱwunianȱscolde, cealdeȱstreamas,ȱsiþðanȱCa[in]ȱwearð toȱecgbananȱanganȱbreþer,ȱ fæderenmæge;ȱheȱþaȱfagȱgewat,ȱ morþreȱgemearcodȱmandreamȱfleon,ȱ westenȱwarode.ȱ

(vv.ȱ1258bȬ65a)

[Grendel’sȱmother,ȱfearsomeȱfemale,ȱmindfulȱofȱherȱmisery,ȱheȱwhoȱmustȱliveȱinȱthe coldȱstreamsȱsinceȱtheȱtimeȱCainȱwasȱaȱsword–killerȱofȱhisȱonlyȱbrother,ȱaȱkinsmanȱby hisȱ ownȱ father;ȱ heȱ thenȱ wasȱ markedȱ byȱ murderȱ toȱ fleeȱ theȱ joysȱ ofȱ men,ȱ andȱ lived thereafterȱinȱtheȱwastelandsȱ[emphasisȱadded].ȱ

Thisȱextraordinaryȱpassage,ȱinȱwhichȱGrendel’sȱmother’sȱlineageȱandȱconnection toȱ theȱ raceȱ ofȱ Cainȱ isȱ mentionedȱ asȱ almostȱ anȱ aside,ȱ setsȱ theȱ stageȱ forȱ the discussionsȱ ofȱ theȱ remarkableȱ swordȱ Beowulfȱ usesȱ toȱ killȱ theȱ motherȱ and decapitateȱ Grendel’sȱ lifelessȱ body.ȱ Herȱ genderȱ identityȱ isȱ highlightedȱ byȱ the slippageȱ ofȱ genderedȱ pronouns.ȱ Sheȱ isȱ hisȱ mother;ȱ Grendel’sȱ fatherȱ was “unknown”ȱ accordingȱ toȱ Hrothgar.ȱ Theȱ “idesȱ aglæcwif,”ȱ (fearsomeȱ woman) significantlyȱreferredȱtoȱbyȱtheȱmasculineȱrelativeȱpronounȱse,ȱinȱfactȱsubstitutes

18

Weȱfindȱmiraculumȱomniumȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱauctorȱexstititȱ(ȱ“theȱauthorȱestablished[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱallȱmiracles”)ȱglossed byȱwundraȱgehuaesȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱorȱastelidæȱinȱtheȱNorthumbrian,ȱandȱwundraȱgehwæsȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱorȱonstealdeȱinȱthe WestȱSaxonȱversionsȱofȱBede’sȱtext.ȱTheȱsenseȱofȱorȱasȱ“origin,ȱbeginning”ȱdoesȱpredominateȱacross theȱcorpusȱofȱOldȱEnglish.ȱ

130

SeanȱPollack

forȱGrendel’sȱapparentlyȱnon–existentȱmaleȱkinsmen.19ȱCainȱisȱdescribedȱasȱkilling hisȱ kinsmenȱ byȱ hisȱ ownȱ father,ȱ whichȱ seemsȱ toȱ elideȱ Eve’sȱ equalȱ roleȱ in procreationȱ ofȱ theȱ firstȱ twoȱ brothersȱ inȱ theȱ worldȱ whileȱ alsoȱ limningȱ male prerogativeȱandȱmaleȱvulnerabilityȱtoȱcrimesȱofȱmurder,ȱfeud,ȱandȱfratricide.20ȱIn theȱ midstȱ ofȱ Beowulf’sȱ battleȱ withȱ theȱ mother,ȱ sheȱ attemptsȱ toȱ takeȱ specific vengeanceȱ forȱ Grendel,ȱ “herȱ ownȱ son”ȱ (“woldeȱ hireȱ bearnȱ wrecan,ȱ angan eafaran”).ȱ Butȱ herȱ initialȱ assumptionȱ ofȱ theȱ maleȱ prerogativeȱ ofȱ vengeanceȱ by swordȱviolenceȱmakesȱher—perhapsȱnotȱmonstrous—butȱsomewhatȱmoreȱhuman andȱintelligible,ȱevenȱifȱsheȱviolatesȱsomeȱofȱtheȱgenderȱcodesȱonȱdisplayȱinȱthe descriptionsȱofȱtwoȱotherȱqueens,ȱWealtheowȱandȱModthryth,ȱearlierȱinȱtheȱpoemȱ TheȱswordȱthatȱBeowulfȱseesȱinȱherȱlairȱisȱremarkableȱforȱitsȱenormousȱsizeȱand magical,ȱdemonicȱorigins:ȱ Geseahȱðaȱonȱsearwumȱsigeeadigȱbil, ealdsweordȱeotoniscȱecgumȱþyhtig, wigenaȱweorðmynd;ȱþætȱ[wæs]ȱwæpnaȱcyst,ȱ— butonȱhitȱwæsȱmareȱðonneȱænigȱmonȱoðer toȱbeadulaceȱætbaranȱmeahte,ȱ godȱonȱgeatolic,ȱgigantaȱgeweorc.ȱ

(vv.ȱ157–62)

[vv.ȱ1557–62;ȱHeȱsawȱamongȱtheȱtreasuresȱaȱswordȱreadyȱforȱbatltle,ȱanȱoldȱgiant’s bladeȱwithȱaȱpowerfulȱedge,ȱmostȱworthyȱofȱwar;ȱthatȱwasȱtheȱchoicestȱweapon,ȱexcept thatȱitȱwasȱgreaterȱthanȱanyȱman’sȱabilityȱtoȱwieldȱinȱwarfare,ȱalthoughȱgoodȱinȱbattle, thisȱworkȱofȱgiants.]

Theȱoldȱgiant’sȱswordȱcontainsȱnoȱevilȱnorȱdemonicȱqualitiesȱinȱitself,ȱdespiteȱits demonicȱownersȱandȱlineage.ȱPerhapsȱBeowulf’sȱuseȱofȱitȱinȱexigentȱcircumstances showsȱ thatȱ weaponry,ȱ likeȱ otherȱ technologies,ȱ isȱ neitherȱ inherentlyȱ goodȱ nor intrinsicallyȱevilȱbutȱcanȱbeȱusedȱforȱeitherȱgoodȱorȱevil.ȱThisȱparticularȱsword, however,ȱisȱsoȱenormousȱthatȱonlyȱaȱgiant,ȱorȱBeowulf,ȱcouldȱpossiblyȱwieldȱit (“hisȱwæsȱmareȱðonneȱænigȱmonȱoðer/toȱbeadulaceȱætbaranȱmeahte”).ȱThatȱisȱto say,ȱonlyȱoneȱofȱtheȱraceȱofȱgiantsȱwhoȱcreatedȱtheȱsword,ȱorȱaȱmanȱwhoseȱpower equalsȱ orȱ exceedsȱ thatȱ ofȱ aȱ giant,ȱ couldȱ makeȱ useȱ ofȱ it.ȱ Thusȱ theȱ swordȱ is

19

20

IsȱGrendelȱmonstrousȱnotȱbecauseȱheȱhasȱaȱmotherȱbutȱbecauseȱheȱhasȱnoȱfather?ȱHeȱisȱaȱsole creationȱ ofȱ maternalȱ energyȱ andȱ forceȱ embodiedȱ inȱ Grendel’sȱ mother.ȱ Hisȱ motherȱ mayȱ be nameless,ȱbutȱhisȱfatherȱisȱunknownȱaltogether.ȱOrȱareȱtheȱmenȱofȱBeowulfȱhisȱrightfulȱkinsmen? Grendel’sȱ lackȱ ofȱ aȱ fatherȱ invitesȱ comparisonsȱ toȱ theȱ fatherlessȱ orphanȱ Scyldȱ Scefingȱ asȱ the progenitorȱofȱtheȱDanes,ȱandȱBeowulfȱwhoȱgrowsȱupȱunderȱtheȱprotectionȱofȱHygelacȱbecauseȱof hisȱ ownȱ absent/deadȱ father.ȱ Seeȱ Christineȱ Alfano,ȱ “Theȱ Issueȱ ofȱ Feminineȱ Monstrosity:ȱ A ReevaluationȱofȱGrendel’sȱMother,”ȱComitatusȱ23ȱ(1992):ȱ1–16.ȱ Thereȱisȱanȱescalationȱofȱfeminineȱorȱfemaleȱpowerȱandȱagencyȱinȱtheȱtext:ȱHildeburh,ȱwhoȱweeps somewhatȱpassivelyȱasȱaȱfailedȱpeaceweaver;ȱWealtheow,ȱwhoȱtactfullyȱbutȱforcefullyȱassertsȱthe inheritanceȱ rightsȱ ofȱ herȱ sons;ȱ Grendel’sȱ motherȱ makesȱ herȱ firstȱ appearanceȱ immediately thereafter.ȱ

TheȱOriginsȱofȱWarȱinȱBeowulf

131

somethingȱthatȱtheȱGrendelkinȱandȱBeowulfȱhaveȱinȱcommon.ȱSuchȱcommonality21 constitutesȱneitherȱtheȱfirstȱnorȱtheȱonlyȱmentionȱofȱtheȱironicȱsymmetriesȱbetween heroȱandȱmonsterȱinȱthisȱpoem.22 AfterȱtheȱdecapitationȱofȱGrendel,ȱtheȱsword’sȱbladeȱbeginsȱtoȱmelt: ȱ .ȱ.ȱ.ȱÞaȱþætȱsweordȱongan æfterȱheathoswateȱhildegicelum, wigbilȱwanian;ȱþætȱwæsȱwundraȱsum þætȱhitȱealȱgemealtȱiseȱgelicost ðonneȱforstesȱbendȱfæderȱonlæteð, onwindeðȱwæalraþas,ȱseȱgewealdȱhafað sælaȱondȱmæla;ȱþætȱisȱsoðȱmetod.ȱ

(vv.ȱ1605b–11)

[Suddenlyȱtheȱswordȱbegan,ȱafterȱtheȱbattleȱsweat,ȱtoȱreduceȱtoȱbloodyȱicicles.ȱThatȱwas anȱamazingȱthing,ȱthatȱitȱmeltedȱlikeȱiceȱwhenȱtheȱFatherȱletsȱtheȱfrost’sȱbondsȱloose, andȱunwindsȱfetters,ȱHeȱwhoȱhasȱtimeȱandȱseasonȱinȱhisȱcontrol;ȱthatȱisȱtheȱtrueȱGod.]

Theȱ meltingȱ ofȱ theȱ swordȱ bladeȱ appearsȱ asȱ aȱ kindȱ ofȱ unexpectedȱ miracle.ȱ The blade’sȱ disappearanceȱ turnsȱ theȱ swordȱ fromȱ aȱ weaponȱ intoȱ anȱ objectȱ of commemoration,ȱstudy,ȱandȱwonder,ȱandȱapparentlyȱrendersȱtheȱtextualȱhistory ofȱ originsȱ ofȱ anȱ oldȱ conflictȱ noticeableȱ toȱ itsȱ newȱ owners.ȱ Theȱ bladeȱ becomes

21

22

WhenȱBeowulfȱandȱGrendelȱfightȱ“theyȱmeetȱinȱanȱatmosphereȱinȱwhichȱtheȱdistinctionsȱbetween manȱandȱmonsterȱhaveȱbeenȱdeliberatelyȱobscuredȱandȱinȱaȱtwilightȱdomainȱwhereȱtheȱmarkȱof anȱassailantȱisȱmeasuredȱasȱmuchȱinȱterrorȱandȱangerȱasȱinȱcorporealȱharm,”ȱAndyȱOrchard,ȱPride andȱProdigies:ȱStudiesȱinȱtheȱMonstersȱofȱtheȱ‘Beowulf’ȬManuscriptȱ(Toronto:ȱUniversityȱofȱToronto Press,ȱ 1995),ȱ 37.ȱ Thisȱ bookȱ byȱ Andyȱ Orchard,ȱ andȱ hisȱ Criticalȱ Companionȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 4),ȱ have influencedȱthisȱstudyȱconsiderably.ȱ Atȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱpoem,ȱweȱwillȱagainȱencounterȱtheȱentaȱgeweorcȱformulaȱinȱ2717bȱandȱWiglaf’s swordȱdescribedȱasȱealdȬsweordȱetoniscȱinȱ2616a,ȱreceivedȱfromȱOnelaȱ(ofȱtheȱSwedishȱwars).ȱThe dragonȱslain,ȱBeowulfȱnoticesȱheȱisȱnotȱinȱaȱmereȱbarrowȱmadeȱbyȱhumanȱhands,ȱbutȱaȱgreatȱhall builtȱwithȱstoneȱpillarsȱbyȱgiants:ȱ“seahȱonȱentaȱgeweorc/huȱðaȱstanȬboganȱstapulumȱfæste,/ȱece eorðȬrecedȱinnanȱhealde.”ȱBeowulf’sȱownȱhallȱhasȱbeenȱdestroyedȱbyȱtheȱfireȱofȱtheȱdragon,ȱas HeorotȱbeforeȱitȱwasȱdestroyedȱbyȱfeudȬflames.ȱHeȱnowȱfindsȱhimselfȱinȱtheȱlairȱofȱanȱapparently nonȬhumanȱenemy,ȱandȱasȱwithȱGrendel’sȱmother,ȱtheȱpoetȱtakesȱpainsȱtoȱdescribeȱitȱinȱstrikingly humanȱterms:ȱasȱaȱhall,ȱandȱaȱgreatȱoneȱatȱthat,ȱmoreȱancientȱthanȱanyȱworkȱofȱGeatȱorȱDane.ȱThe phraseȱ“workȱofȱgiants,”ȱwhetherȱasȱaȱfigurativeȱnameȱforȱRomanȬeraȱstoneȱworksȱ(asȱinȱthe elegiacȱpoemȱ“TheȱRuin”)ȱorȱaȱdescriptorȱforȱaȱmagicalȱswordȱforgedȱbyȱgiantsȱofȱBiblicalȱand Northernȱlore,ȱsignalsȱanȱintrusionȱofȱtheȱpastȱthatȱonlyȱseemsȱlostȱtoȱtheȱpresent.ȱTheȱshapingȱof theȱpresentȱbyȱtheȱpastȱinȱunexpectedȱwaysȱisȱaȱthematicȱprincipleȱofȱtheȱswordȱhiltȱepisode,ȱand theȱdragonȱepisode,ȱasȱwillȱbeȱdiscussedȱbelow.ȱIfȱtheȱbarrowȱinȱwhichȱtheȱLastȱSurvivorȱplaces hisȱtreasureȱisȱinȱfactȱtheȱworkȱofȱgiants,ȱitȱraisesȱquestionsȱaboutȱthoseȱwhoȱaccumulatedȱthe treasureȱandȱbuiltȱtheȱgreatȱundergroundȱhall.ȱAreȱtheyȱtheȱsameȱgiantȱfolkȱwhoȱmadeȱtheȱsword retrievedȱ byȱ Beowulfȱ fromȱ theȱ Grendelȱ lair?ȱ Thisȱ recurrenceȱ ofȱ theȱ formula,ȱ alongȱ withȱ the characterizationȱofȱWiglaf’sȱswordȱasȱealdȬsweordȱetoniscȱ(assumingȱetoniscȱmeansȱ“fromȱgiants” andȱnotȱ“Jutish”)ȱunderlinesȱandȱstrengthensȱtheȱhistoric,ȱmythic,ȱandȱevenȱethicalȱconnections betweenȱpastȱandȱpresentȱlives.

132

SeanȱPollack

“battleȱicicles”ȱ(“hildegicelum”),ȱasȱthoughȱitsȱmeltingȱwereȱpartȱofȱtheȱdivineȱplan asȱmanifestȱasȱtheȱseasonsȱofȱtheȱyear.ȱTheȱdestructionȱofȱthisȱdeadlyȱbladeȱrequires someȱkindȱofȱdivineȱinterventionȱtoȱrenderȱitȱharmless,ȱandȱturnȱitȱintoȱanȱobject ofȱknowledgeȱifȱitsȱnewȱownersȱareȱreadyȱtoȱunderstandȱwhatȱitȱhasȱtoȱteach.ȱThe comparisonȱofȱaȱbladeȱasȱmerelyȱephemeralȱiceȱformationsȱperhapsȱsignalsȱthe possibilityȱthatȱwarȱisȱnotȱandȱneedȱnotȱbeȱtheȱpermanentȱstateȱofȱaffairs,ȱbutȱthat possibilityȱ requiresȱ recognitionȱ ofȱ divineȱ power,ȱ orȱ perhapsȱ evenȱ divine intervention.ȱTheȱinvocationȱofȱtheȱ“Father,”ȱtheȱ“trueȱLord,”ȱisȱperhapsȱtellingȱin thatȱitȱsignalsȱanȱendȱtoȱtheȱlineȱofȱtheȱgiantsȱwhoseȱlineageȱisȱrecordedȱinȱtheȱhilt. ItȱdefinitelyȱsignalsȱanȱendȱtoȱtheȱlineȱofȱtheȱgreatȱmotherȱofȱGrendel,ȱwhoseȱfather wasȱunknown.ȱAlthoughȱthatȱoneȱfeud,ȱatȱleast,ȱwillȱnotȱreturn,ȱitȱalsoȱperhaps standsȱ forȱ allȱ feuds,ȱ whoseȱ implicationsȱ remainȱ toȱ beȱ analyzed.ȱ Suchȱ isȱ the functionȱ theȱ hiltȱ willȱ finallyȱ serve.ȱ Swordsȱ usedȱ asȱ weaponsȱ continuallyȱ fail Beowulfȱinȱtimesȱofȱneedȱperhapsȱbecauseȱtheyȱcannotȱbeȱusedȱtoȱstopȱtheȱcycles ofȱfeud,ȱkinȬstrife,ȱandȱfratricide—theyȱareȱalwaysȱsymbolicallyȱtaintedȱbyȱtheir historiesȱofȱviolence.ȱ Theȱswordȱhilt’sȱstory,ȱthen,ȱbeginsȱlongȱbeforeȱitȱisȱfirstȱshownȱtoȱHrothgarȱin theȱmomentȱofȱcontemplationȱfollowingȱtheȱvictoryȱoverȱtheȱmonsters.ȱTheȱpoem doesȱnotȱgiveȱtheȱspecificȱdetailsȱofȱtheȱoriginsȱofȱwar,ȱandȱitȱisȱnotȱclearȱthatȱeither BeowulfȱorȱHrothgarȱisȱableȱtoȱreadȱtheȱswordȱhilt’sȱinscribedȱtext.ȱHrothgarȱlooks atȱtheȱhilt,ȱbutȱitȱisȱclearȱthatȱheȱperceivesȱsomethingȱevidencedȱbyȱhisȱlengthy discourseȱonȱtheȱdangersȱofȱpride.ȱTheȱhiltȱitself,ȱhowever,ȱremainsȱaȱpuzzle.ȱDoes theȱexistenceȱofȱwritingȱonȱanȱobjectȱinȱtheȱpossessionȱofȱtheȱmonstrousȱprogeny ofȱCainȱsuggestȱaȱdeepȱconnectionȱbetweenȱmenȱandȱmonsters?ȱHrothgarȱdescribes Grendelȱasȱhavingȱtheȱshapeȱofȱaȱman;ȱGrendelȱisȱapparentlyȱableȱtoȱhearȱandȱreact toȱtheȱcreationȱsongȱbeforeȱhisȱfirstȱmurderousȱraidȱuponȱHeorot;ȱandȱnowȱwe haveȱtheȱmonsters’ȱpossessionȱofȱanȱobjectȱofȱwritingȱandȱcivilization.ȱAllȱofȱthese factorsȱcallȱtheirȱmonstrosityȱandȱalterityȱintoȱquestion.23ȱTheȱmonstrousȱprogeny ofȱCainȱareȱhaveȱaȱcultureȱofȱsomeȱkind,ȱitȱseems,ȱandȱthatȱcultureȱmakesȱuseȱof bothȱofȱtheȱmajorȱelementsȱthatȱtheȱpoemȱusesȱasȱitsȱobjectiveȱanalyses:ȱlanguage andȱitsȱpower,ȱviolenceȱandȱitsȱpower.ȱ AccordingȱtoȱSethȱLerer,ȱGrendel’sȱpossessionȱofȱtheȱhiltȱmarksȱhisȱalterityȱtoȱthe worldȱofȱHeorotȱbecauseȱheȱ“cannotȱparticipateȱinȱtheȱsharedȱexperienceȱofȱverbal oath,ȱpoeticȱhistoryȱorȱsocialȱdiscourse.”24ȱInȱotherȱwords,ȱheȱcannotȱunderstand

23

24

MarijaneȱOsborn,ȱ“TheȱGreatȱFeud:ȱScripturalȱHistoryȱandȱStrifeȱinȱBeowulf,”ȱPMLAȱ93ȱ(1978): 973–81,ȱalsoȱperceivesȱaȱtensionȱbetweenȱtheȱpoem’sȱbifurcatedȱperspectives—thatȱofȱtheȱChristian audience,ȱandȱofȱitsȱpaganȱ(andȱScandinavian)ȱheroesȱandȱvillains—ScyldȱScefingȱmayȱhaveȱbeen aȱ“goodȱking”ȱbutȱhisȱultimateȱfateȱisȱleftȱanȱopenȱquestion.ȱAsȱforȱtheȱswordȱhiltȱitself,ȱsheȱrightly notesȱ thatȱ theȱ scripturalȱ informationȱ itȱ impartsȱ isȱ knownȱ toȱ theȱ audience,ȱ butȱ leftȱ outȱ ofȱ the perspectiveȱofȱHrothgarȱandȱBeowulf. Lerer,ȱ“Hrothgar’sȱHilt,”ȱ175ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17).

TheȱOriginsȱofȱWarȱinȱBeowulf

133

theȱtextȱandȱitsȱimplications,ȱnorȱdoesȱheȱparticipateȱinȱanyȱkindȱofȱculture.ȱBut perhapsȱtheȱhiltȱoffersȱmultipleȱviewsȱofȱtheȱGrendelkin.ȱTheȱmonsters’ȱpossession ofȱthisȱobjectȱofȱwritingȱmeansȱthatȱtheyȱareȱliterallyȱwrittenȱintoȱtheȱtextualȱorigin ofȱviolence,ȱevenȱifȱtheyȱareȱaȱ“foreign”ȱtoȱtheȱChristianȱGod.ȱTheyȱareȱparticipants inȱtheirȱhistoryȱandȱtheȱlegacyȱofȱfeud,ȱfratricideȱandȱconflictȱsharedȱbyȱtheȱDanes, Geats,ȱandȱtheȱraceȱofȱgiants.ȱNotȱonlyȱareȱtheȱGrendelkinȱforeignȱtoȱtheȱGodȱof Christianityȱatȱthisȱpoint,ȱbutȱsoȱareȱtheȱDanesȱandȱGeats,ȱasȱnotedȱinȱtheȱlinesȱthat makeȱitȱclearȱthatȱtheyȱdidȱnotȱyetȱknowȱtheȱtrueȱGodȱ(vv.ȱ180bȬ183a).ȱTheȱgiant sword—orȱrather,ȱitsȱhiltȱandȱitsȱtext—servesȱnoticeȱthatȱtheȱfeudȱisȱbothȱancient andȱpresent,ȱandȱpotentiallyȱcontinuous:ȱtheȱreaderȱisȱtheȱoneȱ“forȱwhomȱitȱwas made.ȱ”ȱ Theȱswordȱhilt’sȱappearanceȱatȱthisȱpointȱinȱtheȱtextȱgivesȱbothȱtheȱcharactersȱin theȱstoryȱandȱtheȱaudienceȱaȱchanceȱtoȱconsiderȱtheȱnexusȱbetweenȱlanguageȱand conflict,ȱandȱtheirȱinvestmentȱinȱboth.ȱItȱisȱclearȱthatȱwhoeverȱmadeȱorȱpossessed thisȱ giantȱ swordȱ couldȱ read,ȱ andȱ madeȱ someȱ useȱ ofȱ language.ȱ Ifȱ Beowulfȱ and Hrothgarȱ couldȱ read,ȱ then,ȱ theyȱ wouldȱ understandȱ theȱ connectionȱ between themselves,ȱ Grendelȱ andȱ theȱ mother,ȱ andȱ theirȱ sharedȱ originsȱ inȱ warȱ and fratricide.ȱIfȱtheȱuseȱofȱlanguageȱencodedȱasȱwritingȱtoȱdetermineȱwhatȱisȱrightȱand wrong,ȱfittingȱandȱunfitting,ȱisȱwhatȱdistinguishesȱmanȱfromȱbeasts,ȱsoȱtooȱdoesȱthe useȱ ofȱ theȱ artificialȱ technologiesȱ ofȱ warfare.ȱ Bothȱ ofȱ theseȱ definingȱ human characteristicsȱareȱembodiedȱinȱtheȱhilt,ȱandȱHrothgar’sȱsermonȱbecomesȱmore directlyȱrelatedȱtoȱtheȱhilt’sȱtextualȱhistory.ȱ Augustine,ȱinȱBookȱ19ȱofȱtheȱDeȱcivitateȱDei,ȱspeculatesȱonȱtheȱoriginsȱofȱwar. AndȱheȱinterestinglyȱlocatesȱitȱnotȱonlyȱwithȱCainȱandȱAbel,ȱbutȱalsoȱinȱwhatȱwe recognizeȱasȱtheȱtowerȱofȱBabel:ȱtheȱfactȱthatȱmanȱisȱ“separatedȱbyȱtheȱdiversityȱof languages.”ȱ Heȱ speaksȱ ofȱ theȱ commonȱ tongueȱ ofȱ Latinȱ providingȱ aȱ “bondȱ of peace”ȱ betweenȱ peopleȱ ofȱ differentȱ cultures,ȱ butȱ byȱ noȱ meansȱ isȱ thisȱ peace permanentȱdueȱtoȱhostileȱbarbariansȱandȱcivilȱwars.ȱAugustineȱgoesȱonȱinȱBookȱ19 toȱexamineȱtheȱparadoxicalȱnatureȱofȱwarȱandȱpeace.ȱWarȱisȱaȱdesireȱforȱpeace misdirected.ȱ Evenȱ theȱ justȱ warȱ mustȱ beȱ lamentedȱ forȱ theȱ injuryȱ itȱ causes.ȱ As Augustineȱ notes,ȱ anyȱ manȱ whoȱ wagesȱ aȱ justȱ warȱ mustȱ alsoȱ regretȱ it,ȱ “ifȱ he remembersȱthatȱheȱisȱaȱman”—thatȱis,ȱifȱheȱremembersȱhisȱhumanityȱandȱdoesȱnot makeȱhimselfȱintoȱaȱmonsterȱwhoȱhasȱ“lostȱhumanȱfeeling.”25ȱSuchȱaȱmanȱbecomes dangerous,ȱespeciallyȱifȱheȱbecomesȱpowerfulȱthroughȱwarfare,ȱandȱplotsȱinȱsecret againstȱthoseȱaroundȱhim.ȱHrothgar’sȱsermonȱonȱtheȱdangersȱofȱprideȱechoesȱthese sentimentsȱthroughȱtheȱnegativeȱexampleȱofȱHeremodȱwho,ȱasȱheȱgainedȱpower, becameȱaȱdangerousȱkingȱwhoȱkillsȱhisȱownȱthegnsȱ(servants)ȱandȱcompanions.

25

ConcerningȱtheȱCityȱofȱGodȱAgainstȱtheȱPagans,ȱed.ȱandȱtrans.ȱHenryȱBettensonȱ(1972;ȱNewȱYork: Penguin.ȱ 2003),ȱ 862.ȱ Allȱ quotationsȱ fromȱ theȱ Deȱ civitateȱ Deiȱ areȱ takenȱ fromȱ thisȱ translation, henceforthȱ=ȱ”CityȱofȱGod.”

134

SeanȱPollack

Suchȱaȱpersonȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱaȱshortȱdistanceȱonȱaȱcontinuumȱfromȱtheȱtrueȱmonster likeȱCacusȱ(Virgil’sȱÆneid,ȱ8:ȱ258–64),ȱwhomȱAugustineȱdescribesȱatȱlength:ȱ Letȱus,ȱhowever,ȱsupposeȱsuchȱaȱmanȱasȱisȱdescribedȱinȱtheȱverseȱofȱepicȱlegends,ȱa creatureȱ soȱ unsociableȱ andȱ savageȱ thatȱ theyȱ perhapsȱ preferredȱ toȱ callȱ himȱ a semi–humanȱratherȱthanȱaȱhumanȱbeing.ȱNowȱalthoughȱhisȱkingdomȱwasȱtheȱsolitude ofȱaȱdreadfulȱcavern,ȱandȱalthoughȱheȱwasȱunequalledȱinȱwickednessȱthatȱaȱnameȱwas foundȱforȱhimȱderivedȱfromȱthatȱqualityȱ(heȱwasȱcalledȱCacus,ȱandȱkakosȱisȱtheȱGreek wordȱforȱ‘wicked’);ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱalthoughȱheȱneverȱgaveȱanythingȱtoȱanyone,ȱbutȱtookȱwhatȱhe wantedȱfromȱanyoneȱheȱcould,ȱandȱremoved,ȱwhenȱheȱcould,ȱanyoneȱheȱwishedȱto remove,ȱdespiteȱallȱthis,ȱinȱtheȱveryȱsolitudeȱofȱhisȱcave,ȱtheȱfloorȱofȱwhich,ȱinȱtheȱpoet’s descriptionȱ‘reekedȱeverȱwithȱtheȱbloodȱofȱrecentȱslaughter’ȱhisȱonlyȱdesireȱwasȱforȱa peaceȱinȱwhichȱnoȱoneȱshouldȱdisturbȱhim,ȱandȱnoȱman’sȱviolence,ȱorȱtheȱdreadȱofȱit, shouldȱtroubleȱhisȱrepose.26

Augustine’sȱ descriptionȱ ofȱ Cacusȱ remindsȱ usȱ ofȱ Grendelȱ asȱ describedȱ byȱ the BeowulfȬpoet,ȱbothȱinȱhisȱpropensityȱforȱslaughter,ȱandȱalsoȱhisȱsolitaryȱnature: exiled,ȱbothȱdeprivedȱofȱandȱdeeplyȱpainedȱbyȱtheȱjoysȱofȱtheȱhall,ȱventuringȱout toȱplunderȱandȱkill.ȱButȱmoreȱimportantly,ȱbothȱAugustineȱandȱtheȱBeowulfȬpoet suggestȱthatȱsuchȱbloodȬthirstȱisȱentirelyȱwithinȱtheȱcapabilityȱofȱhumanȱbeingsȱas well.ȱFurthermore,ȱaȱmonsterȱsuchȱasȱCacusȱsharesȱaȱcommonȱimperativeȱand desireȱforȱpeaceȱdefinedȱasȱtheȱfreedomȱfromȱtheȱviolenceȱofȱothers;ȱheȱis,ȱdespite hisȱname,ȱevilȱneitherȱinȱessenceȱnorȱevenȱinȱintent,ȱbutȱratherȱinȱcircumstance.ȱ Theȱpoemȱdoesȱnotȱtellȱusȱtheȱexactȱwordsȱinscribedȱonȱtheȱhilt,ȱnorȱdoesȱitȱneed to.ȱTheȱhiltȱtellsȱtheȱreadersȱinȱtheȱpoemȱandȱtheȱaudienceȱforȱtheȱpoemȱtoȱlookȱfirst toȱourselvesȱforȱtheȱoriginsȱofȱwarȱandȱstrife.ȱItȱshouldȱcomeȱasȱnoȱsurpriseȱthatȱthe monstrousȱenemiesȱofȱHeorotȱappearȱtoȱbeȱjointȱinheritorsȱwithȱtheȱDanesȱand GeatsȱofȱtheȱlegacyȱofȱCain:ȱtheȱartsȱofȱbothȱcivilizationȱ(writing)27ȱandȱwarfare embodiedȱinȱtheȱswordȱhilt.28ȱInȱthisȱoneȱepisodeȱtheȱBeowulfȬpoetȱplacesȱatȱthe centerȱofȱhisȱpoemȱaȱChristianȬAugustinianȱdirectiveȱtoȱ“takeȱupȱandȱread”ȱthe

26 27

28

CityȱofȱGod,ȱ867ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ25).ȱ WeȱneedȱnotȱtroubleȱourselvesȱoverȱwhetherȱtheȱpoetȱhereȱrepresentsȱaȱpreȬliterate,ȱprimaryȱoral culture.ȱTheȱhiltȱcontainsȱrunstafas,ȱandȱrunicȱinscriptionsȱwereȱnotȱunknownȱinȱmigrationȱera Scandinavia,ȱtheȱworldȱthatȱtheȱpoetȱportrays. AugustineȱspendsȱanxiousȱinkȱinȱDeȱcivitateȱDeiȱwonderingȱifȱCainȱhadȱanyȱdescendantsȱ(Bookȱ15, ch.ȱ15)ȱandȱlinksȱtheȱCityȱofȱManȱandȱtheȱCityȱofȱGodȱasȱinheritorsȱofȱCainȱandȱSeth,ȱrespectively. Jeffreyȱ Jeromeȱ Cohen,ȱ Onȱ Giants:ȱ Sex,ȱ Monsters,ȱ andȱ theȱ Middleȱ Ages.ȱ Medievalȱ Cultures,ȱ 17 (MinneapolisȱandȱLondon:ȱUniversityȱofȱMinnesotaȱPress,ȱ1999),ȱ210,ȱnotesȱthatȱ“Whenȱnorthern mythologyȱ metȱ Christianȱ epistemology,ȱ theȱ resultantȱ clashȱ ofȱ meaningȱ systemsȱ ledȱ toȱ aȱ new systemizationȱbelief,ȱ oneȱinȱwhichȱtheȱgiantsȱandȱtheȱinstantiationȱofȱChristianȱdivinityȱwere coincipientȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱTheȱfateȱofȱtheȱgiantsȱofȱtheȱBibleȱwasȱalloyed,ȱlikeȱtheȱmetalȱofȱBeowulf’sȱsword, toȱtheȱfateȱofȱtheȱgiantsȱofȱnorthernȱcosmogony:ȱbothȱbecameȱpartȱofȱtheȱsymbolicȱstructureȱthat condensedȱaroundȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱaȱChristianȱfatherȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”ȱ

TheȱOriginsȱofȱWarȱinȱBeowulf

135

text,29ȱ andȱ considerȱ theȱ causesȱ andȱ consequencesȱ ofȱ evenȱ theȱ seemingly unavoidableȱandȱjustȱconflicts.ȱ InȱHrothgar’sȱexpositionȱofȱthatȱtext,ȱthatȱdirectiveȱbecomesȱaȱgnomicȱdiscourse onȱtheȱintoxicatingȱmixtureȱofȱviolence,ȱpower,ȱandȱpride.ȱAugustineȱpositsȱthe needȱ forȱ aȱ universalȱ languageȱ toȱ preventȱ theȱ spreadȱ ofȱ violence.ȱ Theȱ hiltȱ isȱ a flawedȱartifactȱofȱlanguageȱandȱanȱembodimentȱofȱtheȱtwoȱpracticesȱofȱcivilization (warȱandȱpeace,ȱwritingȱandȱweaponry)ȱworkingȱtogether.ȱAȱuniversalȱlanguage wouldȱ makeȱ peaceȱ moreȱ likely,ȱ butȱ universalȱ literacyȱ appearsȱ asȱ toȱ beȱ justȱ as important,ȱifȱweȱtakeȱtheȱtextȱwrittenȱuponȱtheȱswordȱhiltȱasȱcontainingȱimportant informationȱ forȱ Beowulfȱ andȱ Hrothgar.ȱ Theȱ hiltȱ itselfȱ offersȱ aȱ kindȱ ofȱ ironic prophecyȱofȱBeowulf’sȱeventualȱdoomȱinȱtheȱfightȱwithȱtheȱdragon.ȱItȱisȱdescribed asȱ “wyrm–fah”:ȱ adornedȱ withȱ serpents.30ȱ Theȱ placementȱ ofȱ thisȱ phraseȱ atȱ this fulcrumȱpointȱinȱtheȱstory,ȱextollingȱBeowulfȱatȱtheȱheightȱofȱhisȱpowers,ȱseems alsoȱmeantȱtoȱforeshadowȱhisȱeventualȱdownfall.ȱHrothgar’sȱwordsȱonȱtheȱdeadly arrowȱofȱpride,ȱorȱ“oferhyd,”ȱforcesȱusȱtoȱlookȱaheadȱtheȱtoȱtheȱnextȱandȱfinal episodeȱinȱwhichȱBeowulf,ȱfiftyȱyearsȱlater,ȱisȱovercomeȱbyȱthisȱveryȱprideȱasȱhe decidesȱtoȱfaceȱtheȱdeadlyȱ“wyrm”ȱalone.ȱ Hrothgar’sȱdiscourseȱonȱtheȱhilt’sȱmeaningȱrequiresȱcloserȱexaminationȱofȱthe line,ȱ “Hrothgarȱ maþelode,ȱ hyltȱ sceawode,”ȱ translatedȱ asȱ “Hrothgarȱ spoke, examinedȱ theȱ hilt,”ȱ inȱ twoȱ ofȱ theȱ mostȱ prominentȱ translations.31ȱ Oldȱ English sceawian’sȱetymologicalȱrelationshipȱtoȱpresentȬdayȱEnglishȱ“show”ȱandȱGerman schauenȱleavesȱusȱunsatisfiedȱwithȱverbsȱofȱlookingȱorȱvisionȱsuchȱasȱ“toȱgaze”ȱor “toȱexamine.”ȱTheȱpreponderanceȱofȱglossȱevidenceȱlinksȱsceawianȱstronglyȱwith considerareȱ(toȱinspect,ȱexamineȱorȱreflectȱupon).32ȱTheȱconnotationȱofȱreflectionȱis missingȱfromȱmostȱcurrentȱtranslationsȱofȱ“hyltȱsceawode.”ȱ

29

30

31

32

Thisȱisȱtheȱfamousȱ“voiceȱofȱaȱchild”ȱutteringȱ“tolleȱlege,”ȱtoȱAugustineȱinȱtheȱgarden,ȱcausingȱhim toȱtakeȱupȱandȱreadȱPaul’sȱEpistleȱtoȱtheȱRomansȱ13,ȱandȱtoȱconvertȱsoonȱthereafter,ȱasȱrecounted inȱAugustine’sȱConfessions,ȱBookȱ8,ȱch.ȱ12.ȱ AlbertȱCooke,ȱ“ThreeȱNotesȱonȱSwordsȱinȱBeowulf,”ȱMediumȱÆvumȱ72.2ȱ(2003):ȱ303–04,ȱnotes “Wyrm–fahȱmeansȱadornedȱwithȱoneȱorȱmoreȱserpents,ȱandȱthatȱisȱtheȱsafestȱgloss.”ȱNoteȱthe multipleȱ meaningsȱ availableȱ forȱ fah:ȱ adorned,ȱ patterned,ȱ butȱ alsoȱ “stained.”ȱ Theȱ latterȱ sense propheticallyȱpointsȱtoȱhisȱeventualȱdownfallȱbyȱtheȱdragon,ȱandȱalsoȱperhapsȱleavesȱopenȱthe interpretationȱforȱBeowulf’sȱultimateȱculpability.ȱ Inȱmostȱcontexts,ȱ“see”ȱorȱ“examine”ȱfitsȱquiteȱwell.ȱSometimesȱitȱcanȱbeȱaȱkindȱofȱpassive,ȱaweȬ struckȱgazeȱ(asȱwhenȱtheyȱlookȱatȱGrendel’sȱarm).ȱSometimesȱaȱmoreȱactive,ȱsearchingȱkindȱof looking,ȱasȱinȱwongȱsceawodeȱ(scoutedȱtheȱland).ȱInȱthisȱlatterȱcaseȱitȱisȱaȱveryȱdirectedȱkindȱofȱvision thatȱinvolvesȱcriticalȱfaculty,ȱalertness.ȱErkkiȱPenttillä,ȱTheȱOldȱEnglishȱVerbsȱofȱVision:ȱAȱSemantic Study.ȱMémoiresȱdeȱlaȱSociétéȱNéophilologique,ȱ18.1ȱ(Helsinki:ȱSociétéȱNéophilologique,ȱ1956), notesȱ thatȱ “sceawianȱ isȱ bothȱ intentionalȱ andȱ perceptionalȱ inȱ character,ȱ theȱ intentionalȱ uses, however,ȱclearlyȱpredominating”ȱ(107).ȱ OldȱEnglishȱCorpus,ȱhttp://quod.lib.umich.edu/o/oec/ȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱNov.ȱ1,ȱ2010).

136

SeanȱPollack

Theȱ halfȬlineȱ formulaȱ ([noun]ȱ +ȱ finiteȱ formȱ ofȱ sceawian)ȱ occursȱ elsewhereȱ in Beowulf;ȱfirstȱinȱlineȱ204b.ȱTheȱGeats,ȱencouragingȱBeowulfȱbeforeȱheȱleavesȱonȱhis missionȱtoȱDenmark,ȱconsultȱtheȱoraclesȱorȱauspices,ȱfindingȱthemȱtoȱbeȱfavorable: “hælȱsceawedon.”ȱAlthoughȱ“hæl”ȱisȱaȱwordȱlikelyȱusedȱonlyȱforȱgoodȱomens,33 theȱformulaȱstillȱimpliesȱaȱfacultyȱofȱinterpretationȱonȱtheȱpartȱofȱtheȱobserver: omensȱmustȱbeȱclassifiedȱandȱreadȱasȱgoodȱorȱill.ȱAndȱanyȱinstanceȱofȱreading impliesȱtheȱpossibilityȱofȱmisreading.ȱThereȱisȱnoȱmereȱseeingȱofȱanȱomen,ȱitȱmust beȱinterpretedȱandȱbroughtȱintoȱbeingȱbyȱthoseȱskilledȱinȱsuchȱinterpretations.ȱIt isȱprobableȱthatȱv.ȱ1687ȱhasȱ“maþelode”ȱandȱ“sceawode”ȱinȱaȱrhymingȱappositive pair,ȱratherȱthanȱinȱaȱsequenceȱofȱevents.ȱHrothgarȱisȱnotȱsimplyȱbeginningȱto speak,ȱstoppingȱtoȱexamineȱtheȱhilt,ȱandȱthenȱlaunchingȱintoȱhisȱgnomicȱdiscourse. Rather,ȱatȱleastȱinȱthisȱinstanceȱinȱBeowulf,ȱ“sceawode”ȱmayȱincludeȱsimultaneous orȱ quicklyȱ coordinatedȱ sensesȱ ofȱ observation,ȱ reflection,ȱ andȱ lectionȱ (variant reading).34ȱHrothgar’sȱpossessionȱofȱtheȱhiltȱputsȱhimȱonȱtheȱspot,ȱasȱitȱwere,ȱasȱthe rulerȱofȱtheȱDanes,ȱandȱtheȱoneȱforȱwhomȱBeowulfȱsettlesȱtheȱterribleȱfeudȱwithȱthe semiȬhumansȱofȱtheȱmere.

ȱ

Bebeorhȱþeȱðoneȱbealonið,ȱBeowulfȱleofa, secgȱbet[e]staȱondȱþætȱþeȱselreȱgeceos, eceȱrædas;ȱofer–hydaȱneȱgym,ȱ mæraȱcempa.ȱNuȱisȱþinesȱmægnesȱblædȱ aneȱhwileȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.] semningaȱbiðȱ þætȱðec,ȱdryhtguma,ȱdeaðȱoferswyðeð.ȱ (vv.ȱ1758–1761;ȱ1767b–1768) [Guardȱagainstȱtheȱperniciousȱenemy,ȱdearȱBeowulf,ȱbestȱofȱmen;ȱseeȱthatȱyouȱchoose better,ȱeternalȱcounsel.ȱGiveȱnoȱroomȱtoȱpride,ȱgreatȱvictor.ȱNowȱyourȱpowerȱisȱgreat. .ȱ.ȱbutȱsomedayȱitȱshallȱbeȱyouȱwhomȱdeathȱovercomes.]

BeowulfȱisȱwarnedȱthatȱitȱisȱaȱshortȱpathȱfromȱHeroȱtoȱHeremod;ȱtheȱaudienceȱis remindedȱ thatȱ Christianȱ teachingȱ requiresȱ ethicalȱ andȱ moralȱ awarenessȱ ofȱ the consequencesȱofȱevenȱdefensiveȱconflict.ȱHrothgar’sȱdiscourseȱonȱtheȱdangersȱof

33

34

TheȱnotesȱtoȱKlaeber’sȱBeowulf,ȱFourthȱEditionȱforȱv.ȱ204bȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9)ȱread:ȱ“Itȱisȱunderstoodȱthat theȱ omensȱ toȱ whichȱ theȱ menȱ attendȱ areȱ favorable.”ȱ Theȱ editorsȱ citeȱ Tacitus’sȱ noteȱ thatȱ the Germansȱ“attendȱtoȱauspices.”ȱButȱtheyȱalsoȱnoteȱtheȱOldȱHighȱGermanȱphraseȱ“heilȱskouwon.” Theseȱ linesȱ haveȱ beenȱ interpretedȱ asȱ “sieȱ hattenȱ dasȱ Wirkenȱ derȱ Schicksalsmachtȱ geschaut (erkannt)”—thatȱis,ȱtheyȱhadȱdetectedȱandȱrecognizedȱtheȱworkingȱofȱtheȱpowerȱofȱfateȱ(Fulk, Bjork,ȱandȱNilesȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9),ȱ“Commentary,”ȱ131.ȱ TheȱProtoȬIndoȬEuropeanȱrootȱofȱsceawianȱandȱotherȱGermanicȱverbsȱofȱvisionȱ(OHGȱskawia,ȱOS skawón,ȱONȱskoðar)ȱisȱgivenȱasȱ*sek(u):ȱ“notice,ȱshow,ȱspeak.”ȱSeeȱTheȱIndoȬEuropeanȱLexiconȱonline (http://www.utexas.edu/cola/centers/lrc/ielex/PokornyMasterȬX.html)ȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱNov.ȱ1, 2010),ȱwhichȱlistsȱtheȱPIEȱetymaȱfromȱJuliusȱPokorny’sȱIndogermanischesȱetymologischesȱWörterbuch (1959;ȱBernȱandȱTübingen:ȱFrancke,ȱ1989).ȱ

TheȱOriginsȱofȱWarȱinȱBeowulf

137

violence,ȱpower,ȱexcessiveȱpride,ȱandȱtheȱfailureȱtoȱanticipateȱanȱinevitableȱchange inȱ fortunesȱ becomesȱ allȱ theȱ moreȱ intelligibleȱ whenȱ setȱ againstȱ Beowulf’sȱ final momentsȱofȱlife,ȱandȱhisȱfinalȱwordsȱspokenȱonȱtheȱbattleȱwithȱtheȱdragonȱandȱthe goldȱwonȱinȱthatȱstruggle.ȱThatȱspeechȱfeaturesȱtheȱsameȱhalfȬlineȱformula:ȱ .ȱ.ȱ.ȱgomelȱonȱgiohðe,ȱgoldeȱsceawode:ȱ ‘Icȱðaraȱfrætweȱfreanȱeallesȱðanc,ȱ wuldurcyningeȱwordumȱsecge, ecumȱdryhtne,ȱþeȱicȱherȱonȱstarie,ȱ þæsȱðeȱicȱmosteȱminumȱleodum ærȱswyltdægeȱswylcȱgestrynan.’ȱ

(vv.ȱ2793–98)

[.ȱ.ȱ.ȱtheȱoldȱoneȱinȱsorrowȱconsideredȱandȱspokeȱofȱtheȱgold:ȱ“IȱthankȱtheȱLord,ȱeternal master,ȱforȱallȱthisȱtreasureȱthatȱIȱstareȱatȱnow,ȱwithȱmyȱwordsȱsaidȱtoȱtheȱgloryȱking, andȱbyȱthatȱIȱamȱableȱtoȱgiveȱsuchȱtreasureȱtoȱmyȱnationȱbeforeȱmyȱdeathȬday.”]

Beowulfȱhereȱoffersȱaȱreadingȱofȱtheȱdragon’sȱgoldȱandȱtreasureȱasȱtheȱsalvationȱof hisȱpeople.ȱAlthoughȱWiglafȱandȱtheȱremainingȱGeatsȱmournȱtheirȱlostȱleaderȱand speakȱ ofȱ himȱ withȱ highestȱ praise,ȱ theyȱ doȱ notȱ shareȱ hisȱ interpretationȱ ofȱ the treasure.ȱToȱthemȱitȱisȱaȱburden,ȱaȱcurse,ȱandȱanȱinvitationȱtoȱraidersȱandȱinvaders seekingȱrevengeȱforȱgrievancesȱincurredȱinȱBeowulf’sȱearlierȱwarsȱwithȱtheȱFranks, Frisians,ȱandȱSwedes.ȱTheyȱleaveȱtheȱtreasureȱinȱtheȱearth,ȱasȱuselessȱasȱitȱwas before.ȱ Beowulf,ȱ whenȱ facedȱ withȱ hisȱ ownȱ momentȱ ofȱ answerabilityȱ and interpretation,ȱseesȱonlyȱtheȱgloryȱofȱtheȱtreasureȱratherȱthanȱtheȱterribleȱburden ofȱvulnerabilityȱitȱimposesȱonȱaȱpeopleȱlostȱwithoutȱaȱleaderȱandȱwithoutȱaȱclear lineȱofȱsuccession.ȱBothȱHrothgarȱandȱBeowulfȱareȱofferingȱaȱdiscourseȱprompted byȱmeditationȱuponȱanȱobjectȱofȱtreasureȱgainedȱinȱbattleȱagainstȱsupernaturalȱfoes; theȱnarratorȱimpliesȱthatȱbothȱtheȱhiltȱandȱtheȱdragon’sȱgoldȱareȱobjectsȱthatȱcarry aȱgreatȱdealȱofȱsemanticȱweight,ȱanswerability,ȱandȱdualȱsignificationsȱofȱwealth, power,ȱandȱtheȱcurseȱthatȱattendsȱthem. Hrothgar,ȱinȱhisȱcounselȱtoȱBeowulf,ȱurgesȱhimȱtoȱseekȱ“eceȱrædas”ȱ(v.ȱ1760a), inȱwhichȱtheȱmasculineȱnounȱsignifiesȱcounsel,ȱadvice,ȱpower,ȱwhileȱtheȱfeminine rædeȱmeansȱ“reading.”ȱNoȱattentiveȱreaderȱorȱauditorȱofȱthisȱpoemȱcouldȱfailȱto missȱtheȱhomophoniesȱjoiningȱwordsȱlikeȱræd,ȱræde,ȱandȱtheȱverbȱrædan,ȱwhich comprisesȱaȱrangeȱofȱmeaningsȱfromȱ“toȱruleȱorȱcontrol”ȱandȱ“toȱscanȱaȱwritten text;ȱtoȱinterpret.”ȱHrothgar,ȱwhetherȱheȱisȱliterateȱinȱtheȱordinaryȱsenseȱofȱbeing ableȱtoȱreadȱandȱwrite,ȱoffersȱaȱreadingȱofȱtheȱhilt,ȱexhortingȱBeowulfȱnotȱonlyȱto guardȱagainstȱexcessiveȱpride,ȱandȱtheȱviolenceȱthatȱisȱitsȱinevitableȱproduct,ȱbut alsoȱ toȱ seekȱ better,ȱ moreȱ ancientȱ orȱ eternalȱ wisdomȱ overȱ theȱ temporary aggrandizementsȱofȱfameȱgainedȱbyȱviolence,ȱevenȱwhenȱperformedȱinȱaȱjustȱcause andȱmanner.ȱFameȱisȱdeterminedȱbyȱtheȱopinionsȱandȱwordsȱofȱothers,ȱbutȱhere HrothgarȱseemsȱtoȱenjoinȱBeowulfȱtoȱchooseȱamongȱpossibleȱinterpretationsȱofȱthe

138

SeanȱPollack

presentȱmoment,ȱandȱinȱsoȱdoingȱchooseȱtheȱbestȱpossibleȱfutureȱforȱhimselfȱand hisȱpeople.ȱ AfterȱBeowulf’sȱdeath,ȱhisȱfameȱwillȱbeȱofȱnoȱuseȱtoȱhisȱpeopleȱifȱheȱhasȱnotȱruled wisely.ȱTheȱhiltȱandȱtheȱheadȱofȱGrendel,ȱbothȱofȱwhichȱareȱobjectsȱattentionȱand interpretation,ȱofferȱtwoȱpossibleȱviewsȱofȱBeowulf’sȱfuture:ȱasȱaȱjustȱruler,ȱorȱas aȱmonster.ȱHrothgar’sȱsermonȱallowsȱtheȱBeowulfȬpoetȱtoȱimagineȱhimȱ(asȱOsborn notes)ȱasȱanȱAugustinianȱrighteousȱpagan,ȱ“scripturalizingȱtraditionalȱmaterial” untilȱheȱcanȱimagineȱaȱ“generousȱGodȱsuperiorȱtoȱwyrd,ȱaȱBoethianȱrulerȱofȱthe universe.”35ȱAlthoughȱheȱmayȱhaveȱrecognizedȱGod,ȱheȱmayȱalsoȱhaveȱrecognized hisȱpotentialȱenemyȱstandingȱbeforeȱhimȱinȱtheȱpersonȱofȱBeowulf.ȱYetȱheȱcannot seeȱhisȱownȱimpendingȱdoomȱ(Heorot’sȱdestruction),ȱnorȱapparently,ȱcanȱBeowulf seeȱhisȱownȱfutureȱembeddedȱinȱtheȱhiltȱ(wyrm–fah).ȱTheȱhiltȱposesȱlargerȱquestions thanȱtheȱfatesȱofȱHrothgarȱandȱBeowulf;ȱitȱasksȱwhereȱtoȱfindȱtheȱoriginsȱofȱwar itself,ȱ andȱ evenȱ tellsȱ itsȱ readerȱ thatȱ warȱ itselfȱ isȱ theȱ realȱ enemy.ȱ Asȱ theȱ Exeter Maximsȱ recognize,ȱ Cainȱ andȱ Abelȱ areȱ theȱ originȱ ofȱ allȱ enmity;ȱ theȱ question becomesȱwhetherȱthatȱfeudȱmayȱbeȱundone,ȱputȱ toȱrest,ȱorȱwhetherȱweȱareȱall doomedȱtoȱrepeatȱitȱandȱbeȱheldȱanswerableȱforȱit.ȱ

IV.ȱTheȱTerribleȱSwordȱinȱExeterȱMaximsȱIȱ(C) Theȱ gnomicȱ contentȱ ofȱ theȱ hiltȱ episodeȱ leadsȱ usȱ toȱ findȱ similarȱ resonancesȱ in wisdomȱ poetry.ȱ Thereȱ isȱ aȱ literaryȱ andȱ culturalȱ correspondenceȱ orȱ relation betweenȱHrothgar’sȱ“sermon”ȱ(so–calledȱforȱmanyȱyears)ȱandȱtheȱgnomicȱsayings ofȱwisdomȱliteratureȱthatȱhaveȱreceivedȱtooȱlittleȱattention.ȱTheȱorationȱisȱaȱsortȱof meldingȱ ofȱ Augustinianȱ speculationȱ onȱ war,ȱ prideȱ andȱ violence,ȱ andȱ the traditionalȱwisdomȱexpressedȱinȱgnomicȱpoetry:ȱtheȱsermonȱisȱdense,ȱallusive, oftenȱcryptic,ȱasȱareȱtheȱExeterȱMaxims.ȱ MaximsȱIȱdevelopsȱaȱparallelȱbetweenȱtheȱexileȱandȱtheȱbeast.ȱTheȱ“Wineleas, wonsæligȱmonȱginimeðȱwulfasȱtoȱgeferan/.ȱ.ȱ.ȱfulȱoftȱhineȱseȱgeferaȱsliteð”ȱ(vv. 9–10;ȱTheȱfriendlessȱexileȱhasȱonlyȱwolvesȱasȱhisȱcompanions,ȱandȱtheseȱbeastsȱwill turnȱuponȱhimȱandȱtearȱhimȱopen).ȱThisȱseemsȱaȱstandardȱgnomicȱpostulationȱof theȱ themeȱ ofȱ exileȱ andȱ community.ȱ Theȱ themeȱ isȱ revisitedȱ soonȱ afterȱ this pronouncement,ȱthisȱtimeȱexaminedȱfromȱtheȱperspectiveȱofȱfratricide.ȱRatherȱthan liveȱaloneȱandȱwretched,ȱitȱisȱbetterȱthatȱoneȱliveȱwithȱaȱbrotherȱwhoȱcanȱwatchȱout forȱhim,ȱandȱprotectȱhimȱfromȱsuchȱdangerousȱwildȱbeastsȱasȱtheȱboar.ȱ .ȱ.ȱ.ȱbegenȱhiȱanesȱmonnes, eorlesȱeaforanȱwæran,ȱgifȱhiȱsceoldanȱeoforȱonginnan

35

Osborn,ȱ“TheȱGreatȱFeud”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ23),ȱ978.ȱ

TheȱOriginsȱofȱWarȱinȱBeowulf oþþeȱbegenȱberan—ȱbiþȱþætȱsliþhendeȱdeor. Aȱscyleȱþaȱrincasȱgerædanȱlædan Ondȱhimȱætsomneȱswefan; næfreȱhyȱmonȱtomælde,ȱ ærȱhyȱdeaðȱtodæle.36ȱ

139

(vv.ȱ37b–43)

[.ȱ.ȱ.ȱtheyȱareȱbothȱofȱoneȱman,ȱtheyȱareȱasȱsonsȱ[eaforan]ȱofȱoneȱearl,ȱifȱtheyȱshould encounterȱ theȱ boarȱ [eofor]ȱ andȱ bothȱ protectȱ theȱ other—thatȱ isȱ aȱ ferociousȱ animal. Foreverȱshouldȱtheȱmenȱtakeȱcounsel,ȱandȱsleepȱatȱeachȱothers’ȱside,ȱneverȱseparated byȱtheȱwordsȱofȱmanȱ[monȱtomælde],ȱbeforeȱtheyȱareȱseparatedȱbyȱdeathȱ[deaðȱtodæle].]

Thisȱpassage,ȱthoughȱslightlyȱobscure,ȱmakesȱaȱclearȱconnectionȱbetweenȱtheȱideal ofȱbrotherlyȱloveȱandȱmutualȱprotection.ȱByȱitsȱuseȱofȱalliterationȱandȱassonance, itȱconnectsȱtheȱtreacheryȱofȱanimalsȱ(“eofor”)ȱandȱtheȱnecessityȱforȱtrustȱbetween menȱ whoȱ areȱ sonsȱ ofȱ theȱ sameȱ fatherȱ (“eaforan”).ȱ Theȱ idealȱ ofȱ brotherlyȱ love includesȱnotȱonlyȱrefrainingȱfromȱviolentȱaction,ȱbutȱalsoȱrefrainingȱfromȱviolent speechȱ(“tomælde”),ȱwhichȱcanȱleadȱtoȱuntimelyȱdeath.ȱHereȱthereȱareȱnoȱenemies amongȱmen,ȱbutȱinsteadȱbondsȱofȱbrotherhoodȱofferingȱmutualȱprotectionȱagainst theȱdangersȱofȱtheȱnon–human,ȱnon–civilizedȱworld. Notȱsurprisingly,ȱMaximsȱI(C)ȱfindsȱtheȱoriginsȱofȱwarȱwithȱCainȱandȱAbel,ȱand notesȱ thatȱ Cain’sȱ crimeȱ isȱ ultimatelyȱ responsibleȱ forȱ allȱ warfare,ȱ enmity,ȱ and indeedȱtheȱveryȱtechnologiesȱofȱwarfare,ȱsuchȱasȱtheȱsword.ȱItȱendsȱwithȱaȱnotice thatȱtheȱ“mean–mindedȱman”ȱ(“þæsȱheananȱhyge”)ȱwillȱneverȱfindȱhisȱtreasureȱto beȱlargeȱenough.ȱThisȱobservationȱparallelsȱtheȱwarningsȱagainstȱgreedȱandȱrage inȱHrothgar’sȱsermon,ȱandȱperhapsȱisȱaȱsimilarȱmeditationȱonȱtheȱproblematical natureȱofȱtreasureȱatȱtheȱcenterȱofȱBeowulf’sȱeventualȱdownfall.ȱ Gearaȱisȱhwærȱaræd—37 wearðȱfæhþoȱfyraȱcynne,ȱsiþþanȱfurþumȱswealg eorðeȱAbelesȱblod.ȱNæsȱþætȱandægeȱnið— ofȱþamȱwohtdropanȱwideȱgesprungon,ȱ micelȱmonȱældum,ȱmonegumȱþeodum bealoblondenȱniþ.ȱSlogȱhisȱbroðorȱswæsne

36

37

AllȱquotationsȱfromȱtheȱExeterȱMaximsȱareȱfromȱBernardȱMuir,ȱed.,ȱTheȱExeterȱAnthologyȱofȱOld EnglishȱPoetryȱVolumeȱI:ȱTextsȱ(Exeter:ȱExeterȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1994).ȱ IȱtranslateȱthisȱlineȱsimilarlyȱtoȱBerkhout’sȱ1975ȱedition:ȱ“geara”ȱasȱ“longȱago,”ȱandȱ“aræd”ȱas “established,ȱsettled,ȱresolute.”ȱShippeyȱandȱothersȱhaveȱtranslatedȱthisȱlineȱasȱpartȱofȱtheȱprevious section,ȱandȱtakenȱgearaȱasȱanȱadjectiveȱ(ready)ȱmodifyingȱ“aræd”=“aȱresoluteȱman.”ȱIȱbelieveȱthis lineȱspeaksȱasȱgnomicȱintroductionȱtoȱtheȱversesȱonȱtheȱoriginȱofȱwarȱandȱenmityȱinȱtheȱCainȱand Abelȱstory.ȱIȱwouldȱtranslateȱthisȱline,ȱsomewhatȱspeculativelyȱasȱ“Theȱpastȱisȱalwaysȱexerting influence.”ȱForȱnotesȱonȱBerkhout’sȱtranslation,ȱseeȱBernardȱMuir,ȱed.,ȱTheȱExeterȱAnthologyȱofȱOld EnglishȱPoetry,ȱVol.ȱII:ȱCommentaryȱ(Exeter:ȱExeterȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1994),ȱ539.ȱSeeȱalsoȱT[homas] A.ȱShippey,ȱPoemsȱofȱWisdomȱandȱLearningȱinȱOldȱEnglishȱ(Cambridge,ȱUK,ȱandȱTotowa,ȱNJ:ȱD.ȱS. Brewer,ȱ1976),ȱ73,ȱforȱtheȱmoreȱtraditionalȱrenditionȱofȱthisȱline.ȱ

140

SeanȱPollack Cain,ȱþoneȱcwealmȱnerede;38ȱcuþȱwæsȱwideȱsiþþan,ȱ þætȱeceȱniþȱældumȱscod,ȱswaȱaþolwarum, drugonȱwæpnaȱgewinȱwideȱgeondȱeorþan,ȱ ahogodanȱondȱahyrdonȱheoroȱsliþendne.ȱ (vv.ȱ54Ȭ63) [Theȱpastȱisȱsettledȱeverywhere.ȱThereȱwasȱalwaysȱstrifeȱamongȱkin,ȱeverȱsinceȱthe earthȱfirstȱswallowedȱAbel’sȱblood.ȱThatȱwasȱnotȱaȱone–dayȱconflict.ȱThatȱcriminal bloodshedȱspreadȱamongȱmen,ȱaȱperniciousȱenmityȱtoȱallȱnations.ȱ Cain,ȱtheȱoneȱsparedȱfromȱdeath,ȱslewȱhisȱdearȱbrother.ȱAfterwardsȱthatȱwasȱwidely known;ȱthatȱeternalȱconflictȱharmedȱtheȱageȱofȱmen,ȱsoȱthatȱthroughoutȱtheȱworld, dwellersȱinȱpestilenceȱenduredȱconflictȱwithȱweapons;ȱtheyȱdevisedȱandȱhardenedȱthe terribleȱsword.]

Theȱ exileȱ willȱ haveȱ treacherousȱ animalsȱ forȱ companyȱ thatȱ willȱ tearȱ intoȱ him (“sliteþ”),ȱandȱwho,ȱwithoutȱaȱbrotherȱtoȱwatchȱhisȱbackȱ(likeȱtheȱsolitaryȱexile Cain,ȱorȱGrendel)ȱhasȱnoȱoneȱtoȱdefendȱhimȱfromȱtheȱsharpȱ(“sliþhende”)ȱclaw. TheȱlegacyȱofȱCainȱforȱmankindȱisȱtheȱdeadlyȱswordȱ (“heoroȱsliþendne”).ȱThe artificialȱ humanȱ technologiesȱ ofȱ war—linkedȱ toȱ bestialȱ viciousnessȱ byȱ theȱ by alliterationȱandȱhomophony—paradoxicallyȱmakeȱusȱmoreȱbestialȱandȱmonstrous. Theȱ resultȱ ofȱ thisȱ spreadȱ ofȱ theȱ diseaseȱ (theȱ aþolȱ inȱ “aþolwarum”)ȱ ofȱ warfare amongȱmenȱisȱthatȱweȱcanȱneverȱrest,ȱneverȱletȱdownȱourȱguardȱforȱaȱmoment: ȱ Gearoȱscealȱguðbord,ȱgarȱonȱsceafte,ȱ ecgȱonȱsweordeȱondȱordȱspere,ȱ hygeȱheardumȱmen.ȱHelmȱscealȱcenum,ȱ ondȱaȱþæsȱheanenȱhygeȱhordȱunginnost.ȱ

(vv.ȱ64Ȭ67)

[Theȱshieldȱmustȱbeȱready,ȱtheȱspearȱmustȱhaveȱaȱshaft,ȱtheȱswordȱanȱedge,ȱaȱpointȱon theȱspear,ȱandȱmenȱfirmȱresolution.ȱTheȱkeenȱmanȱmustȱhaveȱaȱhelmet,ȱandȱforȱthe mean–spirited,ȱtheȱtreasureȱisȱneverȱgreatȱenough.]ȱ

Theseȱ lines,ȱ likeȱ manyȱ gnomicȱ poems,ȱ carryȱ theȱ familiarȱ scealȬformula,ȱ which expressesȱaȱvarietyȱofȱmeanings,ȱbutȱgenerallyȱrefersȱtoȱwhatȱmustȱbe,ȱorȱwhat oughtȱtoȱbeȱdone.ȱTheȱscealȱformulaȱcanȱbeȱbroadlyȱcontrastedȱwithȱtheȱbiðȱformula, whichȱcommonlyȱexpressesȱnaturalȱstates,ȱtheȱwayȱthingsȱareȱasȱinȱMaximsȱI(B) 48b–49a:ȱ“Rædȱbiðȱnyttost;ȱyfelȱunnyttost”ȱ(Goodȱcounselȱisȱmostȱuseful,ȱevilȱthe leastȱ useful).ȱ Inȱ thisȱ andȱ otherȱ cases,ȱ however,ȱ Iȱ wouldȱ suggestȱ thatȱ scealȱ here expressesȱnecessity,ȱbutȱnotȱdesirability;ȱtheȱwayȱthingsȱmustȱbeȱbutȱnotȱtheȱway

38

Again,ȱfollowingȱBerkhout,ȱIȱpreferȱtoȱpreserveȱtheȱmanuscriptȱreadingȱofȱ“nerede”ȱ(spared), ratherȱthanȱemendingȱtoȱseredeȱ(devised).ȱ“Inȱthisȱreadingȱ[“spared”],ȱtheȱpoetȱseemsȱtoȱalludeȱto theȱBiblicalȱ‘markȱofȱCain’ȱwhichȱprotectedȱhimȱfromȱbeingȱkilled”ȱ(Muir,ȱCommentary,ȱ539).ȱFor anȱoverviewȱofȱtheȱcaseȱforȱemendation,ȱseeȱJohnȱC.ȱPopeȱ“AȱSupposedȱCrux:ȱ‘aþolwarum’ȱin ‘MaximsȱI,’”ȱModernȱPhilologyȱ93ȱ(1995):ȱ204–13;ȱhereȱ205,ȱn.ȱ4.ȱ

TheȱOriginsȱofȱWarȱinȱBeowulf

141

thingsȱoughtȱtoȱbe.39ȱThisȱpassageȱinȱfact,ȱseemsȱtoȱlinkȱtheȱreadinessȱforȱwarȱand conflictȱ withȱ theȱ sorrowȱ andȱ pityȱ ofȱ “dear”ȱ Abel’sȱ murderȱ (Cain’sȱ “swæsne broðor”).ȱBecauseȱofȱthisȱ“wohtdropan”ȱ(bloodyȱcrime),ȱpeaceȱisȱforeverȱimperiled byȱtheȱconstantȱthreatȱofȱviolence,ȱandȱthereforeȱ“theȱshieldȱ[defensive]ȱmustȱbe ready,ȱ ...edgeȱ onȱ theȱ swordȱ ...[andȱ the]ȱ mindsȱ ofȱ men.”ȱ Theȱ poemȱ endsȱ byȱ an observationȱthatȱ“forȱtheȱmean–spirited,ȱtheȱtreasureȱwillȱneverȱbeȱbigȱenough” (“ondȱaȱþæsȱheanenȱhygeȱhordȱunginnost”).ȱThatȱis,ȱgreed,ȱmarriedȱwithȱviolence, willȱneverȱbeȱsatisfiedȱwithȱanyȱaccumulationȱofȱwealth.ȱTheseȱsentimentsȱareȱnot mereȱstoicȱexpressionsȱofȱcourage;ȱIȱthinkȱthereȱisȱanȱavailableȱreadingȱofȱthese lines,ȱandȱthisȱsectionȱofȱMaximsȱIȱ(C),ȱwhichȱstressesȱtheȱsorrowȱofȱwar,ȱandȱits pestilentialȱandȱcontagiousȱeffects. JohnȱC.ȱPope,ȱinȱaȱ1995ȱarticleȱthatȱlaysȱtoȱrestȱtheȱcruxȱinȱlineȱ198ȱ(“aþolwarum” =ȱ“dwellersȱinȱpestilence”),ȱoffersȱaȱmoreȱheroicȱinterpretationȱofȱtheseȱsameȱlines: theȱnarratorȱofȱthisȱpoemȱ isȱcontentȱtoȱhaveȱlookedȱintoȱtheȱpast,ȱuncoveredȱtheȱsourceȱofȱtheȱtrouble,ȱtracedȱits ever–wideningȱ spread,ȱ andȱ comparedȱ itȱ toȱ anȱ equallyȱ widespreadȱ [.ȱ .ȱ .]ȱ and presumablyȱuncontrollableȱafflictionȱ[...]ȱSinceȱhateȱandȱhostilityȱcannotȱbeȱwished away,ȱaȱbraveȱmanȱmustȱmakeȱtheȱbestȱofȱitȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱThisȱisȱaȱfightingȱman’sȱworld,ȱand weaponsȱ areȱ usefulȱ notȱ onlyȱ forȱ defenseȱ butȱ alsoȱ forȱ profitableȱ aggression.ȱ The humorouslyȱ negativeȱ lastȱ line,ȱ withȱ itsȱ uniquelyȱ recordedȱ unginnost—literally ‘unvastest’—suggestsȱthatȱvalorȱcanȱpayȱdividendsȱwhenȱtheȱchiefȱdividesȱtheȱspoils.40ȱ

WhileȱitȱisȱnotȱtoȱmyȱmainȱpurposeȱtoȱinsistȱonȱanȱalternativeȱreadingȱofȱMaxims I(C),ȱIȱdoȱthinkȱthatȱthatȱhean’sȱavailableȱsensesȱasȱ“mean,ȱlowly”ȱandȱitsȱsemantic oppositionȱtoȱheah,ȱwhenȱcollatedȱwithȱtheȱapparentlyȱironicȱlitotesȱunginnostȱoffers aȱpictureȱofȱaȱpersonȱwhoȱseeksȱenlargementȱbyȱaggression.ȱTheȱboldȱmanȱmust haveȱaȱhelmetȱ(“Helmȱscealȱcenum”:ȱaȱdefensiveȱbutȱmuscularȱ posture)ȱatȱthe ready,ȱbutȱtheȱgreedy,ȱlowȬmindedȱmanȱcanȱneverȱhaveȱenoughȱtreasure.ȱCainȱis directlyȱresponsibleȱforȱtheȱproliferationȱofȱweaponryȱandȱtheȱparadoxȱofȱlethal technology:ȱtheȱmoreȱrefinedȱandȱ“hardened”ȱourȱinstrumentsȱofȱwarfare,ȱtheȱless humanȱandȱmoreȱbestialȱweȱbecome.ȱTheȱmoreȱtreasureȱgainedȱinȱviolentȱconflict, theȱsmallerȱthatȱ“hord”ȱfeelsȱtoȱtheȱgreedy.ȱ Toȱ returnȱ toȱ theȱ swordȱ hilt,ȱ itȱ isȱ atȱ onceȱ archiveȱ ofȱ knowledgeȱ andȱ iconȱ for interpretation.ȱBeowulfȱretrievesȱtheȱhiltȱatȱgreatȱperil,ȱbutȱdoesȱnotȱnecessarily understandȱitsȱarchivalȱsignificanceȱ(theȱrunesȱandȱtheȱinformation)ȱandȱendows itȱ(alongȱwithȱGrendelȇsȱhead,ȱtheȱvanquishedȱenemyȱandȱtheȱfaceȱofȱtheȱmonster

39

40

SeeȱCarolyneȱLarrington,ȱAȱStoreȱofȱCommonȱSense:ȱGnomicȱThemeȱandȱStyleȱinȱOldȱIcelandicȱandȱOld EnglishȱWisdomȱPoetry.ȱOxfordȱEnglishȱMonographsȱ(Oxford:ȱClarendonȱPress,ȱ1993),ȱ7,ȱwhich citesȱNicholasȱHowe’sȱsuggestionȱthatȱweȱcanȱinadvertentlyȱrobȱtheȱtextsȱofȱtheirȱstatusȱasȱpoems byȱinsistingȱonȱaȱmonologicalȱtranslationȱofȱsceal.ȱ Pope,ȱ“AȱSupposedȱCrux”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ38),ȱ211–12.

142

SeanȱPollack

thatȱtheȱheroȱmayȱalwaysȱalreadyȱbecome)ȱwithȱiconicȱsignificance.ȱTheȱnarrative onȱtheȱhiltȱisȱnewȱhistoricalȱinformationȱ(forȱtheȱDanesȱandȱGeats)ȱaboutȱtheȱpast, butȱitȱbecomesȱanȱimage.ȱThisȱviewȱofȱtheȱhiltȱplacesȱHrothgarȇsȱ“sermon”ȱintoȱa differentȱdiscursiveȱregister.ȱHeȱreadsȱtheȱhiltȱwithȱaȱkindȱofȱurgency,ȱandȱitȱisȱnot atȱ allȱ clearȱ ifȱ Beowulfȱ getsȱ theȱ message.ȱ Hrothgar’sȱ answerabilityȱ isȱ notȱ the responsibilityȱforȱallȱwar,ȱbutȱtheȱresponsibilityȱtoȱcorrectlyȱinterpretȱthatȱwhich isȱwrittenȱcorrectlyȱ(rihteȱgemearcod).ȱHrothgar’sȱdiscursiveȱinterventionȱappears toȱ beȱ correct,ȱ ifȱ Beowulf’sȱ momentaryȱ lapseȱ intoȱ vauntingȱ prideȱ inȱ facingȱ the dragonȱsingleȬhandedly,ȱsignaledȱbyȱtheȱlineȱ“Oferhogodeȱðaȱhringaȱfengel”ȱ(v. 2245),ȱshouldȱbeȱtakenȱasȱaȱcriticalȱerror.ȱBeowulf’sȱpride—hisȱbeliefȱinȱhisȱown rectitudeȱandȱitsȱlastingȱeffects—thoughȱitȱdidȱnotȱcauseȱhimȱtoȱtakeȱtheȱlifeȱof kinsmen,ȱ causedȱ himȱ toȱ beȱ aȱ willingȱ participantȱ inȱ Hygelac’sȱ warȱ againstȱ the FranksȱandȱFrisiansȱandȱinvolveȱhimselfȱinȱSwedishȱwarsȱforȱsuccession.ȱAnd, facingȱtheȱembodimentȱofȱviolenceȱdrivenȱbyȱgreed,ȱBeowulfȱgoesȱonȱaloneȱasȱa hero,ȱratherȱthanȱasȱaȱleader.ȱWiglaf’sȱremarksȱuponȱBeowulf’sȱdeathȱclearlyȱshow theȱconsequencesȱthatȱflowȱfromȱsingleȱinstanceȱofȱimpulsiveȱpride:ȱ Oftȱsceallȱeorlȱmonigȱanesȱwillanȱ wræcȱadreogan,ȱswaȱusȱgewordenȱis.ȱ

(vv.ȱ3077–78)

[Oftenȱmanyȱsufferȱmisfortuneȱforȱtheȱwillȱofȱoneȱman:ȱsoȱitȱhasȱhappenedȱtoȱus.]

V.ȱChasingȱtheȱDragon:ȱorlegȱandȱørlo, g Theȱpoem’sȱtwoȱmajorȱepisodesȱthatȱrestȱuponȱtheȱfigureȱofȱtheȱswordȱhiltȱareȱa designȱportrayingȱandȱanalyzingȱtheȱtwoȱseeminglyȱintractableȱformsȱofȱconflict andȱwarȱinȱmedievalȱNorthernȱEuropeȱandȱpreȬNormanȱEngland:ȱfeudȱ(including fratricideȱandȱmurder),ȱandȱwarfareȱbetweenȱpeoplesȱ(asȱraidȱorȱconfrontations overȱresources).ȱTheȱGrendelȱepisodeȱ(vv.ȱ85–2199)ȱexaminesȱtheȱactsȱofȱviolence thatȱstart,ȱperpetuate,ȱandȱsometimesȱendȱfeuds.ȱTheȱultimateȱoriginsȱofȱviolence mayȱeitherȱexceedȱtheȱreachȱofȱmortalȱunderstandingȱorȱsurpassȱtheȱabilityȱofȱmen toȱremedy.ȱTheȱcrimeȱofȱCainȱcontinuesȱtoȱcirculate,ȱbutȱtheȱpossibilityȱofȱrelief fromȱ theȱ cyclicalȱ recursionȱ ofȱ conflictȱ remains.ȱ Whileȱ theȱ Grendelȱ sequence examinesȱheroismȱasȱtheȱcreationȱofȱnewȱalliancesȱofȱmutualȱpeaceȱandȱprotection andȱtheȱcessationȱofȱfeud,ȱitȱalsoȱpointsȱtoȱtheȱpotentialȱforȱheroicȱactionȱleading toȱmonstrousȱbloodȱthirstȱandȱgreed.ȱHrothgar’sȱwordsȱtoȱBeowulfȱbecomeȱan ethicalȱmandateȱtoȱmoderateȱtheȱinnerȱdirectiveȱandȱcollectiveȱimpulseȱtoȱboast, alongȱwithȱemotionsȱofȱprideȱandȱvengeanceȱwhich,ȱwhenȱprofitablyȱemployed, canȱbringȱpeace,ȱbutȱwhenȱabused,ȱcanȱleadȱtoȱruin.ȱTheȱdragonȱepisodeȱbecomes anȱexaminationȱofȱtheȱconsequencesȱofȱunavoidableȱwarsȱundertakenȱwithȱright intentions,ȱ ofȱ avoidableȱ andȱ unnecessaryȱ wars,ȱ andȱ conflictsȱ undertakenȱ and

TheȱOriginsȱofȱWarȱinȱBeowulf

143

enteredȱ withȱ dubiousȱ ethicalȱ mandates.ȱ Finally,ȱ theȱ poemȱ examinesȱ the inevitabilityȱofȱtheȱpast’sȱreturnȱtoȱdetermineȱtheȱpresentȱasȱtheȱenergiesȱunleashed inȱearlierȱwarsȱreturnȱwhenȱtheyȱareȱleastȱexpected,ȱandȱmostȱdamaging.ȱ IȱconcludeȱthisȱexaminationȱofȱtheȱoriginsȱofȱwarȱinȱBeowulfȱwithȱaȱdiscussionȱof theȱsomewhatȱobscureȱOldȱEnglishȱtermȱorlegȱ(“fight,”ȱ“warfare”;ȱalsoȱ“fate”)ȱin relationȱtoȱtheȱdragonȱepisode,ȱandȱhowȱitsȱdeliberateȱuseȱatȱthatȱpointȱinȱtheȱpoem pointsȱtoȱtheȱpossibilityȱthatȱallȱconflictȱinȱBeowulfȱisȱnotȱonlyȱtemporallyȱlinked, butȱalsoȱhowȱpast,ȱandȱevenȱancientȱforgottenȱbattlesȱcanȱbeȱethicallyȱimplicated inȱtheȱprosecutionȱofȱcurrent,ȱseeminglyȱunavoidableȱconfrontations.ȱBosworth andȱToller’sȱAngloȬSaxonȱDictionaryȱdefinesȱorȬlegeȱ(n.):ȱasȱ“war,ȱstrife,ȱhostility.”41 TheȱwordȱasȱusedȱinȱBeowulf,ȱhowever,ȱseemsȱtoȱtellȱusȱmuchȱaboutȱtheȱethicalȱand temporalȱ dimensionsȱ ofȱ war,ȱ strifeȱ andȱ hostility.ȱ Hrothgarȱ speaksȱ wordsȱ of mourningȱatȱlineȱ1323bȱfollowing,ȱtalkingȱaboutȱtheȱdeathȱofȱÆschere:ȱ .ȱ.ȱ.ȱSorhȱisȱgeniwod Denigeaȱleodum:ȱdeadȱisȱÆschere,ȱ Yrmenlafesȱyrldraȱbroþor, minȱrunwitaȱondȱminȱrædbora, eaxelgestellaȱðonneȱweȱonȱorlege hafelanȱweredon,ȱþonneȱhnitonȱfeþan, eoforasȱcnysedonȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.] Heoȱþaȱfæhðeȱwræc, þeȱþuȱgystranȱnihtȱGrendelȱcwealdest þurhȱhæstneȱhadȱheardumȱclammum, forþanȱheȱtoȱlangeȱleodeȱmine wanodeȱandȱwyrde.ȱHeȱætȱwigeȱgecrang ealdresȱscyldig,ȱondȱnuȱoþerȱcwom mihtigȱmanscaða,ȱwoldeȱhyreȱmægȱwrecan, geȱfeorȱhafaðȱfæhðeȱgestæled— þæsȱþeȱþinceanȱmægȱþegneȱmonegum, seȱþeȱæfterȱsincȬgyfanȱonȱsefanȱgreoteþ,ȱ hreþerbealoȱheardeȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ (vv.ȱ1323b–28a;ȱ1333b–43a) [Sorrowȱ isȱ renewedȱ forȱ theȱ Danishȱ people.ȱ Æschereȱ isȱ dead,ȱ Yrmenlaf’sȱ older brother—myȱcounselorȱandȱadvisor—shoulderȱcompanionȱwhenȱweȱinȱformerȱbattles protectedȱ[our]ȱheads,ȱwhenȱsoldiersȱonȱfootȱclashed,ȱandȱstruckȱtheȱboarȱhelmetsȱ[.ȱ. ..]ȱSheȱ[theȱmotherȱofȱGrendel]ȱtookȱvengeance,ȱbecauseȱyouȱkilledȱGrendelȱthrough theȱforceȱofȱaȱhardȱgripȱlastȱnightȱbecauseȱheȱhadȱtooȱlongȱdecimatedȱandȱdestroyed myȱpeople.ȱHeȱfellȱinȱbattle,ȱguiltyȱofȱmurder,ȱandȱnowȱanotherȱhasȱcome,ȱmightyȱin crimes,ȱ andȱ sheȱ wouldȱ avengeȱ herȱ kinsman,ȱ butȱ hasȱ goneȱ farȱ inȱ pursuingȱ [or

41

JosephȱBosworthȱandȱT[homas]ȱNorthcoteȱToller,ȱAnȱAngloȬSaxonȱDictionaryȱ(Oxford:ȱClarendon Press,ȱ1882–98;ȱrpt.ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1972).

144

SeanȱPollack establishing]42ȱtheȱfeud,ȱasȱitȱmayȱseemȱtoȱmanyȱofȱtheseȱthegns,ȱwhoȱmournȱdeeply inȱtheirȱsoulsȱforȱtheȱgiverȱofȱtreasure—aȱgrievousȱheartȱwoundȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.]

Hrothgarȱlooksȱbackȱfondlyȱuponȱhisȱdeadȱfriendȱandȱrecountsȱbrieflyȱtheirȱshared history.ȱ Thisȱ isȱ theȱ firstȱ appearanceȱ ofȱ “orleg”ȱ inȱ Beowulf,ȱ andȱ itȱ comesȱ inȱ this specificȱmomentȱofȱinsightȱandȱremembrance.ȱÆschereȱwasȱaȱfriendȱandȱcounselor toȱ Hrothgarȱ notȱ onlyȱ forȱ whatȱ weȱ assumeȱ wasȱ hisȱ wisdomȱ butȱ alsoȱ forȱ their mutualȱexperienceȱofȱbattle.ȱThroughoutȱtheȱpoemȱwar,ȱfeud,ȱandȱviolenceȱare constantlyȱhistoricized.ȱPresentȱstrifeȱisȱalmostȱneverȱwithoutȱanȱapposedȱhistorical precedent,ȱanalogue,ȱorȱpointȱofȱorigin.ȱViolenceȱandȱmemoryȱcreateȱtheȱentire structureȱuponȱwhichȱtheȱpoemȱisȱbuilt,ȱandȱeachȱmemoryȱofȱviolenceȱprompts newȱconflict,ȱbutȱalsoȱreflectionȱonȱtheȱmeaningȱofȱnewȱandȱformerȱstruggles.ȱAs withȱtheȱswordȱhiltȱthatȱmotivatesȱHrothgar’sȱreflectionȱonȱHeremodȱandȱtheȱperils ofȱviolent,ȱunethicalȱrule,ȱtheȱdeathȱofȱÆschereȱbringsȱtoȱmindȱtheȱfactsȱofȱhisȱown reign:ȱ thatȱ powerȱ isȱ wonȱ andȱ wieldedȱ inȱ war;ȱ thatȱ Æschere,ȱ hisȱ shoulder companionȱ(eaxelgestella,ȱperhapsȱimplyingȱaȱkindȱofȱequality)ȱcanȱdieȱatȱtheȱhands ofȱ aȱ feudȱ pursuedȱ byȱ aȱ monstrousȱ motherȱ meansȱ thatȱ Hrothgarȱ mayȱ meetȱ a comparableȱfate.ȱ Perhapsȱconsciousȱofȱhisȱownȱfallibilityȱforȱtheȱfirstȱtimeȱinȱhisȱreign,ȱHrothgar andȱ hisȱ peopleȱ experienceȱ aȱ rudeȱ awakeningȱ inȱ theȱ feudȱ withȱ Grendel.ȱ The episodeȱcallsȱnotȱonlyȱHrothgar’sȱpowerȱandȱruleȱintoȱquestion,ȱbutȱalsoȱprompts anȱexistentialȱcrisisȱforȱthoseȱwhoȱliveȱwithinȱtheȱwallsȱofȱHeorot.ȱTheȱmonsters’ raidsȱhaveȱnotȱonlyȱkilledȱwarriors,ȱbutȱHrothgarȱfeelsȱtheȱveryȱbeingȱofȱhisȱentire peopleȱ toȱ beȱ reducedȱ (“wanode”)ȱ byȱ theȱ experience.ȱ Whatȱ appearedȱ toȱ beȱ a conflictȱbetweenȱtheȱDanesȱandȱaȱsingleȱadversaryȱhasȱturnedȱintoȱanȱunexpected bloodȱfeudȱwithȱtheȱkinswomanȱofȱhisȱoriginalȱfoeȱ(despiteȱhisȱhearingȱrumorsȱand reportsȱofȱtwoȱborderȬstalkers).ȱ Hrothgarȱ linksȱ theȱ deathȱ ofȱ Æschereȱ quiteȱ logicallyȱ toȱ theȱ eventsȱ ofȱ the immediateȱpast,ȱandȱsaysȱthatȱtheȱmotherȱhasȱpushedȱtheȱconflictȱtoȱaȱnewȱlevel becauseȱ ofȱ theȱ actionsȱ ofȱ Beowulf.ȱ Hrothgarȱ laysȱ outȱ aȱ clearȱ causeȬandȬeffect relationshipȱ betweenȱ theȱ currentȱ crisisȱ andȱ priorȱ actions,ȱ placingȱ itȱ inȱ an immediateȱtemporalȱandȱrelationalȱcontext.ȱTheȱformulaȱ“[noun]ȱisȱgeniwod”ȱis usedȱhere,ȱasȱitȱwasȱatȱlineȱ1303bȱtoȱdescribeȱtheȱnightȱtimeȱraidȱofȱtheȱmotherȱand willȱbeȱatȱ2287bȱtoȱannounceȱtheȱawakeningȱofȱtheȱdragon.ȱTheȱuseȱofȱtheȱverb (ge)niwianȱ(toȱmakeȱnew,ȱtoȱstartȱagain)ȱperhapsȱsuggestsȱthatȱtheseȱinstancesȱof

42

Theȱlineȱ“geȱfeorȱhafaðȱfæhðeȱgestæled”ȱ(v.ȱ1340)ȱposesȱaȱtranslationalȱcrux.ȱIsȱGrendel’sȱmother establishingȱfeudȱ(fæhðo)ȱorȱpursuingȱit?ȱTheȱverbȱ“stellan”ȱ(put,ȱplace,ȱestablish?)ȱhereȱisȱnotȱquite theȱsameȱasȱ“onstellan”ȱ(toȱinstitute,ȱgiveȱriseȱto);ȱtheȱlineȱperhapsȱcallsȱtoȱmindȱtheȱissueȱthatȱwill beȱexploredȱthroughoutȱtheȱpoem—theȱdifficultyȱofȱunderstandingȱwhereȱandȱwhenȱoneȱactȱof violenceȱgivesȱriseȱtoȱanother,ȱandȱtheȱdifficultyȱofȱseparatingȱproximateȱandȱultimateȱcausesȱof conflict.ȱ

TheȱOriginsȱofȱWarȱinȱBeowulf

145

conflictȱcannotȱbeȱseparatedȱfromȱoneȱanother,ȱandȱthatȱfeudȱandȱwarfareȱexistȱin aȱkindȱofȱtemporalȱcontinuum:ȱneverȱceasingȱentirely,ȱonlyȱtoȱbeȱrenewedȱfrom timeȱ toȱ time.ȱ Wordsȱ suchȱ asȱ “sorh”ȱ andȱ phrasesȱ thatȱ characterizeȱ theȱ painȱ of mourningȱthatȱaccompaniesȱconflictȱ(“bealoȱhearde”)ȱthatȱoccursȱinȱtheȱheartȱand mindȱofȱtheȱwarriorȱ(“onȱsefan”)ȱdramatizesȱtheȱcollapseȱofȱpastȱuponȱpresent experiencedȱ byȱ theȱ individualȱ whoȱ isȱ orȱ whoȱ feelsȱ answerableȱ forȱ theȱ present irruptionȱofȱconflict,ȱandȱwhoȱintenselyȱfeelsȱtheȱbalefulȱeffectsȱofȱviolenceȱupon aȱcommunityȱ(“Denigeaȱleodum”).ȱItȱisȱpossibleȱthatȱHrothgar,ȱinȱlosingȱÆschere, sensesȱ aȱ connectionȱ betweenȱ historyȱ andȱ conflict—perhapsȱ forȱ theȱ first time—outsideȱofȱtheȱrealmȱofȱnarrativesȱwovenȱbyȱtheȱscopȱ(bard)ȱwithinȱtheȱsafety ofȱ theȱ hall,ȱ andȱ insteadȱ sensesȱ theȱ coldȱ realityȱ ofȱ feudȱ andȱ itsȱ immediate consequencesȱforȱthoseȱwhoȱareȱconnectedȱtoȱhimȱnotȱonlyȱbyȱbloodȱandȱkinship, butȱalsoȱbyȱvoluntaryȱaffiliationȱandȱsharedȱexperience.ȱTheȱdeathȱofȱÆschere, linkedȱtoȱtheȱpastȱbyȱdeliberateȱuseȱofȱ“orleg,”ȱcreatesȱanȱawarenessȱofȱcontinuities ofȱviolenceȱinȱpastȱandȱpresent.ȱOrleg,ȱthen,ȱappearsȱtoȱdenoteȱwarȱorȱconflictȱin historicizedȱterms.43ȱThisȱtermȱandȱtheȱcompoundȱorlegwhileȱbecomeȱaȱdefining semanticȱtropeȱforȱtheȱremainderȱofȱtheȱpoem,ȱpresentȱfromȱtheȱcomingȱofȱthe dragonȱuntilȱBeowulf’sȱdeath,ȱandȱinȱtheȱdireȱpredictionsȱofȱtheȱmessengerȱand Geatishȱwomanȱatȱtheȱpoem’sȱconclusion.ȱ Beowulfȱisȱtoldȱhowȱtheȱdragonȱwasȱawakened,ȱandȱisȱshownȱtheȱcupȱthatȱthe thiefȱtookȱfromȱitsȱlair.ȱTheȱthiefȱisȱdescribedȱasȱ“seȱðæsȱorlegesȱorȱonstealde”ȱ(v. 2407),ȱtheȱoneȱwhoȱfirstȱcausedȱtheȱconflict.ȱHereȱ“orleg”ȱisȱusedȱinȱaȱsenseȱthat denotesȱtheȱthief’sȱethicalȱresponsibilityȱforȱtheȱcurrentȱcrisis,ȱandȱplacesȱitȱinȱan immediateȱtemporalȱcontext.ȱTheȱpoemȱwillȱcomeȱtoȱrefineȱthisȱfirstȱimpressionȱof theȱbothȱtheȱhistoryȱandȱethicalȱdimensionsȱofȱtheȱdragon’sȱwrath,ȱhisȱtreasure, andȱtheȱGeats’ȱethicalȱanswerabilityȱasȱtheȱinheritorsȱofȱtheȱdragon’sȱhoard.ȱThe takingȱofȱtheȱcupȱfromȱtheȱhoardȱimplicatesȱtheȱthiefȱinȱtheȱimmediateȱassignment ofȱblameȱforȱtheȱdragon’sȱwrath,ȱbutȱtheȱsoȬcalledȱ“LastȱSurvivor’sȱspeech/lay” offersȱaȱdifferentȱperspective—oneȱthat,ȱasȱwithȱtheȱswordȬhilt,ȱseemsȱtoȱofferȱa countervailingȱnarrativeȱofȱtheȱsignificanceȱofȱtheȱtreasureȱthatȱBeowulfȱwinsȱin battleȱwithȱtheȱdragon.ȱ

43

AtȱleastȱitȱisȱinȱBeowulf,ȱperhaps.ȱComparativeȱlinguisticȱandȱetymologicalȱevidenceȱsuggestsȱthat whileȱtheȱOEȱwordȱcanȱhaveȱaȱgeneralȱsenseȱofȱ“hostility”ȱorȱ“war,”ȱtheȱwordȱappearsȱtoȱbeȱa compoundȱconstructionȱfromȱGermanicȱ“*lagja”ȱ(rest,ȱpeace)ȱandȱaȱnegativeȱprefix:ȱtheȱcessation ofȱpeace,ȱwhichȱmayȱpointȱtoȱitsȱcontextȱwithinȱBeowulf,ȱasȱtheȱrenewalȱofȱaȱpastȱorȱhistorical conflict.ȱThisȱviewȱofȱorleg,ȱfirstȱdiscussedȱbyȱFrancisȱA.ȱWood,ȱhowever,ȱdoesȱnotȱnoteȱorȱdevelop theȱpossibleȱconnectionȱtoȱONȱørlo, gȱandȱtheȱdifference,ȱifȱany,ȱbetweenȱOEȱorleg,ȱOEȱorlæg,ȱandȱits otherȱGermanicȱcognates;ȱmoreȱonȱthisȱbelow.ȱSeeȱFrancisȱA.ȱWood,ȱ“GermanicȱEtymologies,” ModernȱLanguageȱNotesȱ34ȱ(1919):ȱ203–08;ȱhereȱ205.ȱFurtherȱphilologicalȱevidenceȱforȱthisȱwordȱwill beȱdiscussedȱbelow.

146

SeanȱPollack

Inȱlinesȱ2247–66,ȱtheȱpoemȱrecountsȱtheȱdragonȬtreasure’sȱprehistory.ȱTheȱLast Survivor’sȱ speechȱ isȱ anȱ eventȱ thatȱ hasȱ noȱ apparentȱ directȱ relationshipȱ toȱ the present.ȱButȱbecauseȱtheȱGeats,ȱlikeȱtheȱotherȱnorthernȱpeoples,ȱparticipateȱinȱthe economyȱofȱfeudȱandȱraidȱcharacterizingȱBeowulf’sȱtimeȱ(andȱsinceȱtheȱdaysȱofȱthe forgottenȱ hoard),ȱ theyȱ areȱ connected.ȱ Theȱ dragonȱ isȱ theȱ embodimentȱ ofȱ that seeminglyȱendlessȱdesireȱforȱaccumulationȱandȱhoardingȱofȱwealth.ȱItȱisȱawakened inadvertently,ȱasȱtheȱthiefȱstealsȱitȱtoȱpayȱaȱdebtȱorȱwinȱfavorȱwithȱanȱangryȱlord. TheȱlongȬforgottenȱworldȱofȱtheȱLastȱSurvivor’sȱpeopleȱisȱforcedȱintoȱtemporal collisionȱwithȱBeowulf’sȱhistoricalȱpresentȱconnectedȱbyȱaȱnearlyȱunbrokenȱchain ofȱviolenceȱ(reifiedȱinȱtheȱepisodesȱofȱtheȱlastȱFrankishȱandȱSwedishȱconflicts)ȱthat makesȱupȱBeowulf’sȱhistoryȱofȱhisȱownȱlifeȱandȱofȱtheȱGeats.ȱ HowellȱD.ȱChickeringȱJr.,ȱinȱhisȱjustlyȱinfluentialȱeditionȱandȱtranslation,ȱnotes: ȱ [t]heȱimaginativeȱpressureȱbehindȱtheȱLayȱ[ofȱtheȱSurvivor]ȱisȱ[.ȱ.ȱ..]ȱ[to]ȱshowȱthatȱa manȱcannotȱholdȱtheȱpresentȱsecurelyȱagainstȱtheȱuncertaintiesȱofȱwyrd,ȱtheȱpoetȱwill nowȱdevelopȱtheȱthemesȱofȱHygelac’sȱFrisianȱraidȱandȱtheȱcomplicatedȱfeudsȱofȱthe SwedishȬGeatishȱwars.ȱHisȱperspectiveȱonȱtheȱpastȱwillȱbeȱasȱsomethingȱsupremely valuableȱbutȱalreadyȱirrevocablyȱlostȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.].44ȱ

Onȱtheȱcontrary,ȱhowever,ȱoneȱcanȱargueȱthatȱthisȱepisodeȱattestsȱnotȱthatȱtheȱpast isȱ“irrevocablyȱlost”ȱbutȱinsteadȱdemonstratesȱthat,ȱbecauseȱofȱtheȱconnectionȱit makesȱtoȱtheȱFrisianȱandȱSwedishȱwars,ȱtheȱpastȱreturnsȱwhenȱitȱisȱleastȱexpected, andȱitȱisȱunavoidable.ȱEvenȱChickeringȱhimselfȱgoesȱonȱtoȱsay,ȱinȱaȱminiȬessayȱon “Theȱ Narrativeȱ Methodȱ inȱ Partȱ II,”ȱ thatȱ theȱ temporalȱ structureȱ ofȱ theȱ poem changesȱ radicallyȱ fromȱ thisȱ pointȱ onward,ȱ movingȱ fromȱ standardȱ narrative chronologyȱintoȱwhatȱheȱcharacterizesȱasȱ“cyclicalȱtime”: Theȱpastȱisȱcontinuouslyȱoverlappingȱintoȱtheȱpresentȱasȱtheȱreaderȱgoesȱbetweenȱthe dragonȱfightȱandȱitsȱcomplexȱelegiacȱsettingȱdrawnȱfromȱtheȱGeats’ȱpastȱ[.ȱ.ȱ..]ȱthisȱtidal methodȱenlargesȱtheȱsignificanceȱofȱtheȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱsettingȱandȱactionȱinȱa uniqueȱ wayȱ [.ȱ .ȱ .ȱ .]ȱ Itȱ givesȱ aȱ hypostasizedȱ continuityȱ toȱ theȱ lostȱ pastȱ andȱ theȱ lost present.ȱTheȱslowȱwavesȱofȱnarrativeȱadvanceȱinȱtheȱdragonȱfightȱareȱbalancedȱagainst theȱincreasingȱregressionȱtowardȱdarknessȱinȱtheȱinterspersedȱmemoriesȱofȱbattlesȱ.ȱ. .ȱ.ȱ.45

Theȱpastȱnotȱonlyȱexertsȱitsȱinexorableȱinfluenceȱonȱtheȱpresent,ȱitȱconstitutesȱthe present.ȱJustȱasȱBeowulfȱisȱpreparingȱtoȱfaceȱtheȱdragonȱandȱmeetȱhisȱeventual demise,ȱtheȱnarrativeȱvoiceȱshiftsȱawayȱfromȱtheȱactionȱofȱtheȱimmediateȱstoryȱinto aȱflashbackȱonȱtheȱdeathȱofȱBeowulf’sȱformerȱlordȱHygelacȱinȱaȱwarȱofȱaggression undertakenȱ forȱ prideȱ againstȱ theȱ Frisians.ȱ Beowulfȱ isȱ forcedȱ toȱ retreatȱ into

44

45

HowellȱD.ȱChickering,ȱJr.,ȱtrans.ȱandȱed.,ȱBeowulf:ȱAȱDualȱLanguageȱEditionȱ(1977;ȱGardenȱCity, N.Y.:ȱAnchor,ȱ2006),ȱ358–59. Chickering,ȱBeowulfȱ(seeȱnoteȱ44),ȱ359.ȱ

TheȱOriginsȱofȱWarȱinȱBeowulf

147

Geatlandȱafterȱtheȱdeathȱofȱhisȱlord.ȱAsȱitȱcontinuesȱitsȱmeditationȱonȱviolenceȱand historyȱatȱtheȱmomentȱofȱtheȱdragonȱcrisis,ȱtheȱpoemȱoffersȱfurtherȱrefinementsȱof theȱethicalȱdimensionsȱofȱconflictȱthatȱattachȱtoȱmemoriesȱofȱwar.ȱWhileȱorlegwhil refersȱtoȱeitherȱaȱcomingȱorȱpastȱtimeȱofȱstruggleȱinȱtheȱcontextȱofȱaȱconflict,ȱorleg signifiesȱtheȱconsciousnessȱofȱaȱhistoricalȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱinstancesȱofȱwar andȱviolence,ȱasȱinȱtheseȱlines:ȱ“Felaȱicȱonȱgiogoðeȱguðræsaȱgenæsȱ/ȱorlegwhila;ȱic þætȱeallȱgemon”ȱ(v.ȱ2427;ȱManyȱtimesȱIȱsurvivedȱtheȱrushȱofȱbattleȱinȱwartimeȱin myȱyouth.ȱIȱrememberȱallȱthat).ȱ Beowulfȱisȱnearȱhisȱmomentȱofȱdeath.ȱThisȱisȱhisȱ“deathȱsong”ȱasȱcharacterized byȱJosephȱHarris.46ȱBeowulfȱsummarizesȱallȱthatȱhasȱhappenedȱtoȱhimȱasȱaȱman, warriorȱ andȱ ruler;ȱ hisȱ lifeȱ storyȱ beginsȱ andȱ willȱ endȱ inȱ violence.47ȱ Asȱ Beowulf recountsȱ hisȱ ownȱ personalȱ historyȱ ofȱ violence,ȱ heȱ confrontsȱ theȱ symmetries betweenȱhisȱownȱcareerȱandȱthatȱofȱHrothgar,ȱwhomȱBeowulfȱrescuedȱfromȱthe certainȱdestructionȱcreatedȱbyȱGrendel,ȱonlyȱforȱHrothgarȱdieȱatȱtheȱhandsȱofȱhis ownȱkinsmanȱHrothulf.ȱAndȱBeowulf,ȱlikeȱHrothgarȱbeforeȱhim,ȱperceivesȱsome connectionȱbetweenȱhisȱownȱpastȱinvolvementȱinȱwarfareȱandȱfeudȱandȱhisȱpresent situation.ȱBeowulfȱhimselfȱrecountsȱtheȱstoryȱofȱtheȱGeatishȱkingȱHrethelȱ who foundȱhimselfȱinȱanȱuntenableȱposition:ȱoneȱofȱhisȱsons,ȱHæthcyn,ȱkilledȱanother son,ȱHerebald,ȱbyȱanȱerrantȱshotȱwithȱanȱarrow.ȱUnableȱtoȱavengeȱtheȱdeathȱofȱone sonȱuponȱanother,ȱheȱdiesȱofȱgrief.ȱTheȱshotȱbyȱHæthcynȱwasȱnotȱaȱdeliberateȱact ofȱfratricide,ȱlikeȱthatȱofȱCain.ȱRather,ȱitȱisȱaȱ“fealesȱgefoht”—aȱfeudȱthatȱcannotȱbe expiatedȱbyȱrevengeȱorȱwergildȱ(moneyȱpaidȱinȱcompensationȱforȱaȱkilling).ȱThe fightȱwithȱGrendel,ȱasȱBeowulfȱhimselfȱrecounts,ȱwasȱoneȱheȱcouldȱtakeȱonȱwith aȱclearȱmoralȱmandate.ȱButȱ theȱloomingȱconflictȱwithȱtheȱdragon,ȱlikeȱtheȱwar againstȱtheȱFrisians,ȱandȱtheȱSwedishȱfeudsȱofȱsuccession,ȱdemandsȱaȱbitȱmore analysis.ȱMustȱtheȱdragonȱbeȱstopped?ȱYes.ȱButȱBeowulfȱisȱaȱheroȱofȱrareȱreflection whoȱdoesȱnotȱjoinȱaȱbattleȱwithoutȱaȱsenseȱofȱitsȱethicalȱdimensions.ȱWhoȱisȱat fault?ȱTheȱthiefȱwhoȱstoleȱtheȱcup?ȱBeowulf’sȱleadership?ȱWillȱhisȱentireȱkingdom faceȱannihilationȱbyȱaȱsequenceȱofȱeventsȱflowingȱfromȱaȱpettyȱtheft?ȱOrȱisȱtheȱtheft merelyȱaȱprecipitantȱactivatingȱandȱreȬenergizingȱaȱlongerȱhistoryȱofȱconflict?ȱCross

46 47

JosephȱHarris,ȱ“Beowulf’sȱLastȱWords,”ȱSpeculumȱ67ȱ(1992):ȱ1–32.ȱ StanleyȱGreenfield,ȱ“GeatishȱHistory:ȱPoeticȱArtȱandȱEpicȱQualityȱinȱBeowulf,”ȱNeophilologusȱ47 (1963):ȱ 211–17;ȱ rpt.ȱ inȱ Interpretationsȱ ofȱ Beowulf:ȱ Aȱ Criticalȱ Anthology,ȱ ed.ȱ Robertȱ Dennisȱ Fulk (Bloomington:ȱIndianaȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1991),ȱ120–26;ȱhereȱ125,ȱnotesȱtheȱshiftingȱtemporalities ofȱtheȱdragonȱepisodeȱasȱshiftsȱinȱnarrativeȱperspective:ȱthatȱofȱtheȱpoet,ȱthatȱofȱBeowulf,ȱandȱthat ofȱtheȱMessenger.ȱEachȱhasȱaȱdifferentȱtakeȱonȱtheȱSwedishȱfeudsȱandȱFrankishȱraidsȱthatȱareȱthe prehistoryȱofȱviolenceȱtoȱBeowulf’sȱ(andȱtheȱGeats’)ȱdemise.ȱBeowulf’sȱaccountȱtendsȱtoȱplaceȱthe blameȱforȱtheȱSwedishȱhostilitiesȱonȱOngentheow’sȱkinsmen,ȱand,ȱwhereȱBeowulfȱemphasizesȱhis ownȱ survivalȱ andȱ vengeanceȱ forȱ Hygelac’sȱ deathȱ inȱ theȱ Frisianȱ campaign,ȱ theȱ Messenger emphasizesȱ theȱ collectiveȱ consequencesȱ theȱ Geatsȱ willȱ faceȱ asȱ aȱ delayedȱ resultȱ ofȱ Beowulf’s participationȱ inȱ bothȱ conflicts:ȱ “[W]eȱ areȱ presentedȱ withȱ refractionsȱ ofȱ historicalȱ truthȱ seen throughȱtheȱprismsȱofȱtheȱspeaker’sȱperspectivesȱandȱstatesȱofȱmind.”ȱ

148

SeanȱPollack

concludesȱ thatȱ Beowulfȱ hasȱ “noȱ individualȱ guilt”ȱ forȱ hisȱ participationȱ inȱ the questionableȱ warsȱ ofȱ hisȱ lordȱ Hygelac’sȱ past.48ȱ Itȱ mayȱ beȱ thatȱ theȱ Geatsȱ seeȱ it somewhatȱdifferently. AfterȱtheȱbothȱBeowulfȱandȱtheȱdragonȱmeetȱtheirȱfate,ȱlinesȱ2910b–15ȱrecount theȱwordsȱofȱaȱmessenger:ȱ .ȱ.ȱ.ȱNuȱisȱleodumȱwen orlegwhile,ȱsyððanȱunder[ne] FroncumȱondȱFrysumȱfyllȱcyninges wideȱweorðeð.ȱWæsȱsioȱwrothȱscepen heardȱwiðȱHugas,ȱsyððanȱHigelacȱcwom faranȱflothergeȱonȱFresnaȱlandȱ.ȱ.ȱ.

(vv.ȱ2910b–15)

[Itȱwillȱnowȱlikelyȱbeȱaȱtimeȱofȱwarȱforȱourȱpeople,ȱonceȱtheȱfallȱofȱtheȱkingȱbecomes knownȱtoȱtheȱFranksȱandȱFrisians.ȱThatȱhardȱhatredȱwasȱmadeȱagainstȱthatȱHugas, afterȱHygelacȱcameȱtravelingȱwithȱwarshipsȱtoȱtheȱlandȱofȱtheȱFrisians.]

Theȱ messengerȱ thenȱ narratesȱ (fromȱ aȱ newȱ perspective)ȱ theȱ crucialȱ historyȱ of GeatishȱinvolvementȱinȱtheȱSwedishȱsuccessionȱfeudsȱinvolvingȱOngentheowȱand Hygelac,ȱandȱconcludesȱthatȱtheȱGeatsȱmayȱexpectȱnoȱpeaceȱfromȱtheȱSwedes. Translatingȱ “orlegwhile”ȱ asȱ “aȱ timeȱ ofȱ war”ȱ isȱ definitelyȱ correct,ȱ butȱ doesȱ not captureȱtheȱsenseȱofȱtemporalȱandȱcausalȱrelationȱimplicitȱhere.ȱTheȱtimeȱofȱwarȱto comeȱisȱinȱtheȱfuture,ȱandȱitȱwillȱbeȱdirectlyȱtraceableȱtoȱtheȱraidȱofȱHygelacȱonȱthe FranksȱandȱFrisians,ȱandȱtheȱSwedishȱconflicts.ȱIfȱorlegȱisȱwarȱinȱaȱhistoricalȱcontext, thenȱorlegwhileȱspecificallyȱseemsȱtoȱconnoteȱtheȱconsciousnessȱofȱwarȱandȱconflict withȱitsȱcauses,ȱlongȬtermȱconsequences,ȱandȱanswerabilityȱinȱmind.ȱTheȱconflation andȱcollisionȱofȱpastȱandȱpresentȱviolenceȱatȱworkȱinȱthisȱterm,ȱandȱinȱthisȱsection ofȱBeowulf,ȱweȱneedȱtoȱlookȱtoȱsomeȱofȱtheȱlinguisticȱevidenceȱforȱorleg,ȱandȱitsȱ(and Beowulf’s)ȱpossibleȱconnectionȱtoȱOldȱNorseȱpoetry. Philologistsȱ andȱ translatorsȱ fromȱ Jacobȱ Grimmȱ onwardȱ haveȱ poredȱ overȱ the evidenceȱforȱorlegȱandȱitsȱcognates.ȱBecauseȱtheȱwordsȱoccurȱonlyȱinȱtheȱstylized confinesȱ ofȱ poetry,ȱ weȱ assumeȱ themȱ toȱ beȱ partȱ ofȱ aȱ richȱ wordȬhoardȱ theȱ Old Englishȱ poetsȱ deployedȱ forȱ theȱ examinationȱ ofȱ warfareȱ andȱ conflicts.ȱ Grimm, JosephȱBosworthȱandȱT.ȱNorthcoteȱToller,ȱRichardȱJente,ȱandȱothersȱhaveȱnotedȱa closeȱsemanticȱassociationȱbetweenȱ“orleg”ȱandȱitsȱrelatedȱfromȱorlægȱasȱterms joiningȱconflictȱwithȱtheȱideaȱofȱfate,ȱorȱdestiny.ȱGrimmȱbelievedȱthatȱorlegȱwas originallyȱaȱtermȱforȱtheȱideaȱofȱaȱdestinyȱ“fixedȱfromȱtheȱfirst,”ȱbecauseȱofȱtheȱOld Norseȱ(henceforth:ȱON)ȱrootsȱörȱ+ȱlögȱ(ancientȱorȱoriginalȱlaws).ȱTheȱtermȱwasȱlater generalizedȱ toȱ meanȱ “war”ȱ inȱ ON,ȱ Oldȱ Englishȱ (OE),ȱ andȱ otherȱ Germanic languagesȱbecause,ȱaccordingȱtoȱGrimmȱ“theȱmostȱmomentousȱissueȱofȱfateȱforȱthe

48

Cross,ȱ“TheȱEthicȱofȱWarȱinȱOldȱEnglish”ȱȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5),ȱ278.

TheȱOriginsȱofȱWarȱinȱBeowulf

149

heathenȱwasȱthatȱofȱwar.”49ȱJenteȱdevelopsȱthisȱnotionȱfurther,ȱpositingȱthatȱorleg andȱorlægȱareȱreflexesȱofȱtwoȱdistinctȱProtoȬGermanicȱconceptsȱandȱwords:ȱtheȱidea ofȱFateȱasȱaȱkindȱofȱfirstȱorȱoriginalȱdecreeȱofȱtheȱgodsȱ(orlæg),ȱandȱtheȱideaȱofȱwar asȱaȱkindȱofȱlawlessȱcondition,ȱorȱasȱaȱstateȱthatȱexistsȱoutsideȱofȱtheȱnormalȱlaws governingȱhumanȱbehaviorȱ(orleg).ȱTheseȱtwoȱseparateȱbutȱrelatedȱnotionsȱwere mixedȱatȱaȱveryȱearlyȱdate,ȱaccordingȱtoȱJente.50ȱ Ifȱweȱviewȱtheȱpowerfulȱpoeticȱandȱmythicȱnotionȱofȱfateȱ(wyrd,ȱforȱexample)ȱas itȱappearsȱinȱBeowulfȱandȱotherȱOldȱEnglishȱtextsȱasȱtheȱholdȱorȱtheȱpressureȱthat theȱpastȱexertsȱuponȱtheȱpresentȱ(inȱJamesȱW.ȱEarl’sȱmemorableȱphrase),51ȱweȱsee thatȱaȱpoeticȱdiscussionȱofȱviolenceȱthatȱinvokesȱaȱtermȱlikeȱorlegȱmustȱincludeȱa historicizingȱimpulseȱasȱwellȱasȱaȱmythologizingȱone.ȱConsciousnessȱofȱtime,ȱofȱthe pastȱ andȱ present,ȱ andȱ ofȱ war’sȱ connectionȱ toȱ pastȱ conflictsȱ isȱ encodedȱ inȱ the language;ȱitȱisȱsoȱdeeplyȱwovenȱintoȱBeowulf’sȱpoeticȱfabricȱthatȱtheȱpoetȱneedȱnot explainȱwhatȱseemȱtoȱmodernȱreadersȱtoȱbeȱhisȱabruptȱtemporalȱcrossȬcutsȱinȱthe lastȱpartȱofȱtheȱpoem.ȱAnyȱexaminationȱofȱaȱpresentȱconflictȱnotȱonlyȱcompels examinationȱ ofȱ theȱ past,ȱ suchȱ examinationsȱ areȱ inȱ factȱ assumed.ȱ Inȱ poetry, whateverȱ theȱ actualȱ practiceȱ ofȱ AngloȬSaxonȱ Englandȱ andȱ Scandinavia,ȱ the prospectȱofȱaȱnewȱconflictȱpromptsȱreflectionȱonȱtheȱpartȱofȱthoseȱwarriorsȱand heroes—menȱofȱactionȱall—andȱsomeȱdearlyȱboughtȱawarenessȱofȱtrueȱcausesȱand consequencesȱofȱviolence.ȱTheȱsemanticȱconnectionȱbetweenȱwarȱ(orȱdeath)ȱand fateȱhasȱbeenȱlongȱestablishedȱinȱtheȱstudyȱofȱOldȱEnglishȱlanguageȱandȱliterature. Theȱwordȱwyrdȱexpressesȱmultipleȱfunctions,ȱincludingȱfateȱasȱanȱabstraction,ȱthe cycleȱofȱevents,ȱandȱtheȱmomentȱofȱdeath.ȱTheȱwordsȱorlegȱandȱorlegwhile,ȱhowever, deriveȱfromȱaȱpoeticȱandȱmythicȱbackgroundȱperhapsȱnearlyȱasȱrichȱasȱthatȱofȱwyrd.ȱ Grimm’sȱ emphasisȱ on—evenȱ celebrationȱ of—warȱ inȱ theȱ “heathen”ȱ orȱ preȬ ChristianȱGermanicȱworldȱimaginedȱinȱBeowulfȱandȱotherȱpoemsȱstillȱprofoundly influencesȱmodernȱdiscussionsȱofȱtheȱtextȱamongȱscholarsȱandȱinȱtheȱclassroom. DeutscheȱMythologieȱremainsȱanȱinvaluableȱresourceȱmoreȱthanȱaȱcenturyȱafterȱits initialȱpublication,ȱbutȱmoreȱrecentȱscholarshipȱhasȱrecognizedȱtheȱcomplexitiesȱof conflictȱandȱwarfareȱthatȱareȱalsoȱonȱdisplayȱinȱBeowulf.ȱThomasȱPrendergastȱoffers

49

50

51

DeutscheȱMythologie,ȱcitedȱfromȱitsȱlandmarkȱEnglishȱversion:ȱTeutonicȱMythology,ȱed.ȱandȱtrans. JamesȱStevenȱStallybrass,ȱ4ȱvols.ȱ(London:ȱGeorgeȱBell,ȱ1882–1888),ȱ2:ȱ854.ȱ RichardȱJente,ȱDieȱmythologischenȱAusdrückeȱimȱaltenglischenȱWortschatz:ȱEineȱkulturgeschichtlicheȬ etymologischeȱUntersuchung.ȱAnglistischeȱForschungen,ȱ50ȱ(Heidelberg:ȱCarlȱWinter,ȱ1921),ȱ215: “VielleichtȱmußȱmanȱinȱdieserȱGruppeȱzweiȱBedeutungenȱunterscheiden,ȱdieȱderȱWurzelformen beigelegtȱ wurden,ȱ erstensȱ ‘Zustandȱ außerhalbȱ desȱ Gesetzes,ȱ gesetzloserȱ Zustand,ȱ Krieg’ȱ und zweitensȱ ‘anfänglichesȱ Gesetz,ȱ Schicksal’.ȱ Fürȱ unsȱ kämeȱ alsoȱ nurȱ dieseȱ letzteȱ Bedeutungȱ in Betracht”ȱ(Perhapsȱoneȱmustȱdifferentiateȱtwoȱmeaningsȱthatȱwereȱestablishedȱinȱtheȱrootȱforms, firstȱ‘aȱstatusȱoutsideȱofȱtheȱlaw,ȱaȱlawlessȱstate,ȱwar.’ȱAndȱsecond,ȱ‘anȱoriginalȱlaw,ȱFate.’ȱOnly thisȱlastȱmeaningȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱrelevant). JamesȱW.ȱEarl,ȱThinkingȱAboutȱBeowulfȱ(Stanford,ȱCA:ȱStanfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1994),ȱ40.ȱ

150

SeanȱPollack

anȱanalysisȱofȱviolenceȱandȱmemoryȱthatȱemphasizesȱnotȱtheȱmereȱimportanceȱof warȱtoȱtheȱworldȱofȱBeowulf,ȱbutȱratherȱtheȱconflictingȱneedsȱofȱ“idolization”ȱof pastȱviolenceȱandȱproductiveȱandȱpositiveȱrecollectionȱofȱpastȱconflictȱtoȱinformȱthe present.ȱTheȱidolatrousȱpleasurableȱmemoryȱandȱspectacleȱofȱviolenceȱinȱBeowulf isȱoftenȱembodiedȱinȱtreasureȱandȱobjectsȱofȱwar:ȱswords,ȱjewelry,ȱandȱtheȱhoard ofȱtheȱdragonȱallȱhaveȱtheȱpotentialȱtoȱfosterȱaȱkindȱofȱ“obsessiveȱrememberingȱ[of conflict]ȱthatȱledȱtoȱtheȱdisastrousȱcycleȱofȱvengeanceȱthatȱplaguedȱthatȱAngloȬ Saxonȱworld.”52ȱ Hrothgar’sȱdiscourseȱuponȱtheȱcrimesȱofȱHeremodȱpromptedȱbyȱtheȱswordȱhilt, andȱ theȱ Geats’ȱ reburialȱ ofȱ theȱ dragon’sȱ treasureȱ offerȱ anȱ alternativeȱ meansȱ of creatingȱconstructiveȱlessonsȱfromȱtheȱpastȱandȱwaysȱtoȱdisclaimȱtheȱviolenceȱof theȱpastȱandȱthereforeȱabateȱfutureȱconflict.ȱInȱaȱsimilarȱmode,ȱJanetȱThormann offersȱanȱanalysisȱofȱtheȱremembranceȱofȱpastȱconflictsȱasȱaȱcritiqueȱofȱepicȱheroism andȱevidenceȱofȱaȱ“desireȱforȱaȱdiscourseȱofȱhistoryȱunderȱanȱauthorityȱthatȱwould controlȱtheȱseeminglyȱcontinuousȱrepetitionȱofȱviolence.”53ȱStanleyȱGreenfieldȱalso notesȱ aȱ startlingȱ tensionȱ producedȱ byȱ theȱ attemptȱ toȱ fashionȱ aȱ historical consciousnessȱoutȱofȱmythic/epicȱsignifiers.ȱHeȱdistinguishesȱBeowulfȱasȱepicȱfrom classicalȱtextsȱlikeȱtheȱÆneidȱ(andȱweȱcouldȱsayȱtheȱsameȱregardingȱtheȱdifference betweenȱBeowulfȱandȱNorseȱmyths):ȱtheȱgodsȱplayȱnoȱroleȱinȱtheȱachievementȱof “epicȱeffectȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱWyrdȱandȱGodȱmayȱbeȱrepeatedlyȱmentionedȱbutȱtheirȱforceȱis lessȱ personalȱ [.ȱ .ȱ .ȱ .]ȱ Beowulf’sȱ isȱ aȱ historicȱ destiny,ȱ asȱ areȱ allȱ theȱ doomȬladen movementsȱofȱtheȱpoem.”54ȱBeowulfȱisȱnotȱaȱclassicalȱepic,ȱandȱevenȱifȱtheȱBeowulfȬ poetȱdidȱknowȱhisȱVirgilȱandȱotherȱLatinȱauthors,ȱtheȱstruggleȱtowardȱaȱdiscourse ofȱhistoryȱ(inȱThormann’sȱterms)ȱstillȱmovesȱus,ȱwithoutȱpreȬemptingȱourȱsearch forȱmythicȱoriginsȱofȱviolence.ȱTheȱpoemȱseemsȱtoȱrecognizeȱwhatȱAngloȬSaxonists beganȱtoȱrealizeȱonlyȱrecently:ȱhistoricizeȱthoughȱweȱmust,ȱallȱpointsȱofȱoriginȱmust remainȱmythic.ȱSomeȱofȱtheȱbestȱsourcesȱforȱtheȱmythologyȱthatȱinformsȱBeowulf areȱinȱNorseȱpoetry,ȱsuchȱasȱtheȱPoeticȱEdda.ȱ Vo, luspáȱisȱanȱIcelandicȱpoemȱofȱmythicȱprophecy,ȱpartȱofȱ theȱpoeticȱEdda,ȱin manyȱ respectsȱ asȱ unlikeȱ Beowulfȱ asȱ isȱ T.ȱ S.ȱ Eliot’sȱ Theȱ Wasteȱ Land.ȱ Opaquely allusive,ȱevenȱcryptic,ȱandȱpunctuatedȱbyȱtheȱrefrainȱ“Vitoðȱérȱenn,ȱeðaȱhvat?”ȱ(Do youȱstillȱseekȱtoȱknow,ȱandȱwhat?),ȱVo, luspáȱisȱtheȱvisionȱofȱaȱsybilȱ(ON:ȱvo, lva)ȱwho narratesȱtheȱmythicȱcreationȱofȱtheȱworld,ȱtheȱfirstȱwarȱbetweenȱtheȱtwoȱfactions ofȱ Norseȱ godsȱ (Aesirȱ andȱ Vanir),ȱ andȱ theȱ endȱ ofȱ daysȱ forȱ theȱ Aesirȱ andȱ their middleȱearth.ȱItȱisȱgenerallyȱacceptedȱtheȱpoemsȱinȱtheȱMSSȱofȱtheȱPoeticȱEdda representȱ anȱ olderȱ traditionȱ thanȱ theȱ manuscripts,ȱ preservedȱ byȱ scribesȱ with antiquarianȱinterests.ȱTheȱoldestȱmanuscript,ȱCodexȱRegius,ȱisȱdatedȱca.ȱ1270ȱby

52 53 54

Prendergast,ȱ“’WantonȱRecollection’”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱ131.ȱ Thormann,ȱ“EnjoymentȱofȱViolence”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱ289.ȱ Greenfield,ȱ“GeatishȱHistory”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ47),ȱ125.ȱ

TheȱOriginsȱofȱWarȱinȱBeowulf

151

someȱestimates.ȱSoȱtheȱtextȱofȱVo, luspáȱthatȱweȱhaveȱtodayȱpostȬdatesȱthatȱofȱBeowulf byȱatȱleastȱ250ȱyears.ȱAnyȱcontactȱorȱsource/analogueȱrelationshipsȱwillȱbeȱdifficult ifȱ notȱ impossibleȱ toȱ positȱ persuasively.ȱ Nevertheless,ȱ bothȱ poemsȱ exhibitȱ an interestȱinȱtheȱmythicȱoriginsȱofȱwar,ȱviolence,ȱandȱconflict,ȱandȱbothȱareȱconcerned withȱgenealogiesȱandȱendings.ȱVo, luspáȱportraysȱtheȱgodsȱasȱsubjectȱtoȱtheȱdecrees ofȱtheȱNorns,ȱandȱprovidesȱaȱchillingȱportraitȱofȱtheirȱendȱinȱRagnaro, k.ȱBeowulf showsȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱGeatishȱpeople,ȱandȱtheȱdeathȱofȱtheirȱseeminglyȱinvincible hero.ȱBothȱhaveȱdragonsȱasȱsignifiersȱofȱtheȱEndȱofȱDays.ȱEarlȱhasȱdiscussedȱthe similaritiesȱbetweenȱtheseȱtwoȱpoemsȱasȱmeditationsȱonȱtheȱ“deathȱofȱcivilization,” notingȱthatȱBeowulf’sȱ“visionȱisȱasȱtotalȱandȱselfȬenclosedȱasȱthatȱofȱVo, luspá,ȱthough itȱisȱlessȱmythicalȱandȱmoreȱhistorical.”55ȱUrsulaȱDronkeȱalsoȱexaminesȱtheȱtwo textsȱtogether,ȱfindingȱaȱnumberȱofȱstructuralȱandȱincidentalȱsimilaritiesȱbetween BeowulfȱandȱtheȱNorseȱmythologicalȱpoems.ȱMostȱsalientȱforȱthisȱanalysisȱisȱher observationȱthatȱVo, luspáȱportendsȱtheȱcomingȱofȱ“disharmony,ȱwar,ȱandȱgrief.”56 AlsoȱasȱinȱBeowulf,ȱtheȱlaterȱepic’sȱtermȱørlo, gȱsignalsȱtheȱbothȱtheȱapproachȱofȱwar andȱitsȱhistoricalȱrelationshipsȱandȱorigins.ȱ Ørlo, gȱinȱVo, luspáȱisȱtheȱfirstȱlawȱinscribedȱbyȱtheȱNornsȱuponȱtheȱWorldȱTree (Yggdrasill).57ȱThisȱfirstȱcreationȱisȱdescribedȱinȱstanzaȱ17ȱasȱ“ørlo, glausr”:ȱ“without destiny.”ȱItsȱinvocationȱinȱVo, luspáȱ[stanzasȱ20–21]ȱpromptsȱtheȱVo, lvaȱtoȱremember theȱfirstȱwarȱinȱtheȱworld: Þaðanȱkomaȱmeyjarȱ margsȱvitandi, þriar,ȱórȱþeimȱsæ, erȱundȱþolliȱstendr. Urðȱhétoȱeina,ȱ aðraȱVerðandi —skároȱáȱskíði—ȱ Skuldȱenaȱþriðio.ȱ Þærȱlo, gȱlo, gðo, Þærȱlífȱkuro aldaȱbo, rnum ørlo, go, ȱseggia.ȱ Þatȱmanȱhónȱfolkvíg fyrstȱíȱheimiȱ.ȱ.ȱ.

55 56

57

58

Fromȱthereȱcameȱmaidens deepȱinȱknowledge, threeȱfromȱtheȱlake thatȱliesȱunderȱtheȱtree. Urðrȱtheyȱcalledȱone,ȱ‘Hadȱtoȱbe,’ȱ theȱsecondȱVerðandi,ȱ‘Comingȱtoȱbe’ȱ —theyȱincisedȱtheȱslipȱofȱwood— Skuldȱtheȱthird,ȱ‘Hasȱtoȱbe’. Theyȱlaidȱdownȱlaws, theyȱchoseȱoutȱlives forȱmankind’sȱchildren, men’sȱdestinies. Sheȱremembersȱtheȱwar,ȱ theȱfirstȱinȱtheȱworldȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.58

Earl,ȱThinkingȱAboutȱBeowulfȱ(seeȱnoteȱ51),ȱ46–47.ȱ UrsulaȱDronke,ȱ“BeowulfȱandȱRagnaro, k,”ȱeadem,ȱMythȱandȱFictionȱinȱEarlyȱNorseȱLands.ȱVariorum CollectedȱStudiesȱSeries,ȱCSȱ524ȱ(Aldershot,ȱHampshire,ȱandȱBrookfield,ȱVT:ȱVariorum,ȱ1996),ȱ308.ȱ TheȱNornsȱareȱtheȱthreeȱfatesȱofȱNorseȱmyth:ȱUrðrȱ(“whatȱwas”—theȱONȱcognateȱofȱOEȱwyrd), Verðandiȱ(“whatȱis”)ȱandȱSkuldȱ(“whatȱshallȱbe”).ȱ UrsulaȱDronke,ȱed.ȱandȱtrans.,ȱTheȱPoeticȱEdda,ȱII:ȱTheȱMythologicalȱPoemsȱ(Oxford:ȱClarendonȱPress, 1997),ȱ12.ȱ

152

SeanȱPollack

Theȱ soberȱ assessmentȱ ofȱ theȱ messengerȱ andȱ theȱ criesȱ ofȱ Geatishȱ womenȱ in Beowulf’sȱ finalȱ linesȱ becomeȱ “orlegwhile”:ȱ aȱ timeȱ ofȱ bothȱ violenceȱ andȱ worldȬ changingȱfate.ȱ

VI.ȱWarȱandȱRemembrance InȱBeowulf,ȱthereȱisȱnoȱwarȱwithoutȱremembrance.ȱTheȱnarrativeȱofȱtheȱdragonȱasks whetherȱtheȱviolenceȱthatȱunderwritesȱandȱdrivesȱtheȱraidingȱandȱtributeȱeconomy makesȱunnecessaryȱenemiesȱofȱpeoples,ȱandȱwhetherȱwealthȱaccumulatedȱinȱraid andȱwarfareȱcarriesȱtheȱcurseȱofȱitsȱviolentȱacquisition,ȱevenȱbeyondȱtheȱmemories ofȱthoseȱwhoȱ“find”ȱtreasure.ȱTheȱLastȱSurvivor’sȱSpeechȱ(vv.ȱ2247–2267)ȱexploits elegiacȱpoetryȱtoȱshowȱthatȱalthoughȱtheȱacquisitionȱofȱtreasureȱinȱwarȱmayȱlead toȱpersonalȱaggrandizementȱandȱcommunalȱwealth,ȱitȱcanȱalsoȱleadȱtoȱcommunal destruction.ȱSomeȱkeyȱelementsȱgiveȱdepthȱandȱcontextȱtoȱtheȱseeminglyȱelemental storyȱ ofȱ aȱ nonȬhumanȱ monster.ȱ Theȱ dragonȱ signifiesȱ aȱ numberȱ ofȱ things simultaneously:ȱtheȱgreedȱofȱtheȱlordȱorȱotherȱwhoȱhoardsȱwealth,ȱandȱrefusesȱto makeȱuseȱofȱitȱinȱstrengtheningȱaȱcommunity;ȱtheȱhorrorȱofȱraidȱandȱplunderȱisȱalso evokedȱinȱtheȱdescriptionsȱofȱtheȱhomesȱofȱtheȱGeatsȱburningȱfromȱtheȱfiredrake’s wrath,ȱ perhapsȱ depictingȱ anȱ imaginedȱ descriptionȱ ofȱ aȱ villageȱ burnedȱ toȱ the groundȱbyȱtheȱdeliberateȱdestructionȱofȱVikingȱraiders;ȱandȱfinally,ȱtheȱdragonȱacts aȱcommonlyȱrecognizedȱharbingerȱofȱtheȱpestilenceȱofȱwar.ȱ TheȱAngloȬSaxonȱChronicle,ȱdescribingȱtheȱinitialȱNorseȱraidsȱonȱNorthumbria inȱ793ȱnotesȱthatȱ“fieryȱdragons”ȱwereȱseenȱflyingȱinȱtheȱairȱinȱtheȱdaysȱpriorȱtoȱthe destructionȱofȱLindisfarne.ȱVo, luspáȱtooȱconcludesȱwithȱaȱ“shadowyȱdragonȱflying” (dimmiȱdrekiȱfliúgandi)ȱoverȱtheȱdestructionȱofȱmiddleȱearth,ȱafterȱaȱtimeȱofȱwarȱand fratricide.59 Beowulf’sȱclosingȱlinesȱmakeȱclearȱthatȱtheȱGeatsȱunderstandȱwhatȱBeowulfȱmay haveȱ failedȱ toȱ realize:ȱ violentȱ energiesȱ unleashedȱ inȱ priorȱ conflictsȱ areȱ never banished,ȱbutȱonlyȱheldȱtemporarilyȱinȱabeyance.ȱEventuallyȱthoseȱdestructive powersȱ returnȱ toȱ theirȱ placeȱ ofȱ origin.ȱ Inȱ thatȱ sense,ȱ weȱ mayȱ concludeȱ that Beowulf’sȱideasȱonȱtheȱoriginȱofȱwar,ȱembodiedȱinȱtheȱfigurationȱofȱtheȱhilt,ȱtellsȱus that,ȱ whateverȱ theȱ mythicȱ importȱ ofȱ Cain,ȱ Abel,ȱ giants,ȱ andȱ floods,ȱ conflict originatesȱwithinȱeachȱpersonȱatȱeachȱmoment,ȱweȱareȱeachȱanswerableȱforȱthe conflictsȱinȱwhichȱweȱparticipate,ȱandȱthoseȱaroundȱus,ȱandȱthoseȱwhoȱdepend uponȱusȱ(inȱtheȱcaseȱofȱkingsȱsuchȱasȱHrothgarȱorȱBeowulf)ȱpayȱtheȱprice.ȱThe messageȱisȱtheȱsameȱinȱallȱtextsȱaboutȱwarȱandȱmonstrousȱenemiesȱfromȱBeowulf toȱTheȱMonsterȱatȱtheȱEndȱofȱThisȱBook:ȱyouȱhaveȱmetȱtheȱenemyȱandȱheȱisȱyou,ȱno

59

Stanzaȱ62;ȱDronke,ȱed.,ȱPoeticȱEddaȱ(seeȱnoteȱ58),ȱ24.ȱ

TheȱOriginsȱofȱWarȱinȱBeowulf

153

matterȱ howȱ hardȱ youȱ tryȱ toȱ dehumanizeȱ him;ȱ weȱ areȱ jointlyȱ andȱ severally inheritorsȱofȱCain.ȱBeowulfȱexaminesȱtheȱquestionȱofȱwarȱandȱitsȱoriginsȱwithout offeringȱanyȱfacileȱsolutionȱbasedȱonȱreligionȱorȱideology—sinceȱitȱseesȱwarȱasȱthe problemȱitself.

Chapterȱ4ȱ AndrewȱBreeze (UniversityȱofȱNavarre,ȱPamplona)

WarlordsȱandȱDiplomatsȱinȱtheȱ FourȱBranchesȱofȱtheȱMabinogi

I.ȱTheȱNatureȱofȱtheȱText TheȱWelshȱFourȱBranchesȱofȱtheȱMabinogiȱareȱtwelfthȬcenturyȱromancesȱofȱmagicȱand adventure,ȱoccurringȱwithȱsevenȱotherȱtalesȱinȱaȱcollectionȱknownȱinȱmodernȱtimes asȱTheȱMabinogion.ȱButȱtheȱFourȱBranchesȱareȱtheȱfinestȱofȱtheȱeleven,ȱandȱhaveȱbeen celebratedȱandȱadmiredȱsinceȱtheȱearlyȱyearsȱofȱQueenȱVictoria’sȱreign,ȱwhenȱthey wereȱfirstȱtranslatedȱfromȱWelshȱbyȱCharlotteȱGuestȱ(1812–1895),ȱdaughterȱofȱan EnglishȱearlȱandȱwifeȱofȱaȱWelshȱindustrialist.1ȱNaturally,ȱthereȱhaveȱbeenȱdifferent approachesȱ toȱ theseȱ classicȱ storiesȱ ofȱ wondersȱ andȱ love,ȱ remarkableȱ forȱ their strangenessȱandȱsplendor.ȱThereȱisȱromanticȱidealismȱwithȱearlierȱcommentators, castingȱ itsȱ spellȱ untilȱ quiteȱ lately;ȱ moreȱ rigorousȱ interpretationsȱ byȱ twentiethȬ centuryȱwritersȱlikeȱKennethȱJacksonȱ(1909–1991)ȱofȱEdinburghȱUniversity,ȱwho hadȱexpertȱknowledgeȱofȱtheȱCelticȱlanguagesȱandȱmodernȱpopularȱtradition;ȱand moreȱrecentȱdebatesȱonȱpowerȱandȱgender,ȱwhichȱgainȱspecialȱinterestȱifȱ(asȱargued below)ȱtheȱstoriesȱareȱtheȱworkȱofȱaȱwomanȱauthor.ȱAsȱregardsȱtheȱfirst,ȱsome commentatorsȱ haveȱ followedȱ theȱ nineteenthȬcenturyȱ criticȱ Matthewȱ Arnoldȱ in findingȱtantalizingȱhintsȱofȱCelticȱpaganismȱandȱmythology.ȱTheȱleaderȱhereȱwas Williamȱ Johnȱ Gruffyddȱ (1881–1954)ȱ ofȱ theȱ Universityȱ ofȱ Wales,ȱ Cardiff.2ȱ He

1

2

Andrewȱ Breeze,ȱ “Someȱ Criticsȱ ofȱ theȱ Fourȱ Branchesȱ ofȱ theȱ Mabinogi,”ȱ Constructingȱ Nations, ReconstructingȱMyth:ȱEssaysȱinȱHonourȱofȱT.ȱA.ȱShippey,ȱed.ȱAndrewȱWawnȱ(Turnhout:ȱBrepols, 2007),ȱ155–66. WilliamȱJohnȱGruffydd,ȱMathȱvabȱMathonwy:ȱAnȱInquiryȱintoȱtheȱOriginsȱandȱDevelopmentȱofȱthe FourthȱBranchȱofȱtheȱMabinogiȱwithȱtheȱTextȱandȱaȱTranslationȱ(Cardiff:ȱUniversityȱofȱWalesȱPress, 1928).

156

AndrewȱBreeze

swallowedȱArnold’sȱviewȱthatȱtheȱstoriesȱareȱtheȱreassembledȱdebris,ȱnotȱfully understoodȱ byȱ theirȱ author,ȱ ofȱ lostȱ Celticȱ paganȱ myths,ȱ whichȱ mightȱ yetȱ be recoveredȱ inȱ theirȱ ancientȱ gloryȱ byȱ analysisȱ ofȱ theȱ text.ȱ Heȱ maintainedȱ this conceptionȱthroughoutȱhisȱcareer,ȱforȱitȱappearsȱ(withȱslightȱconcessionsȱtoȱcritics vocalȱevenȱduringȱhisȱlifetime)ȱinȱaȱfinalȱstudyȱpublishedȱshortlyȱbeforeȱhisȱdeath.3 Gruffyddȱunfortunatelyȱfoundedȱaȱschool;ȱandȱaȱschoolȱisȱalwaysȱaȱbadȱthing,ȱas A.ȱE.ȱHousmanȱobserved.4ȱBewilderingȱspeculationȱonȱtheȱunknownȱsourcesȱofȱthe Fourȱ Branchesȱ thusȱ appearsȱ inȱ collectedȱ essaysȱ byȱ hisȱ student,ȱ Rogerȱ Sherman LoomisȱofȱColumbiaȱUniversity.5ȱTheirȱlastȱstandȱmayȱbeȱfoundȱinȱtheȱwritingsȱof theȱlateȱProinsiasȱMacȱCanaȱofȱDublin.6 Others,ȱ however,ȱ hadȱ comeȱ toȱ suspectȱ orȱ realizeȱ thatȱ theȱ questȱ forȱ old mythologiesȱ ledȱ nowhere.ȱ Theȱ Chadwicksȱ pointedȱ outȱ earlyȱ onȱ thatȱ theȱ hero Manawydanȱ (ofȱ theȱ thirdȱ branch)ȱ andȱ Lleuȱ (ofȱ theȱ fourth),ȱ whoseȱ namesȱ are associatedȱwithȱtheȱIrishȱgodȱMannanánȱandȱGaulishȱgodȱLugus,ȱnevertheless haveȱlittleȱorȱnothingȱinȱcommonȱwithȱthem.7ȱKennethȱJacksonȱlikewiseȱrefusedȱto beȱenticedȱintoȱCelticȱmists.ȱHeȱusedȱhisȱfirstȬhandȱknowledgeȱofȱIrishȱandȱGaelic storytellingȱinȱtheȱWestȱofȱIreland,ȱNovaȱScotia,ȱandȱtheȱScottishȱHighlandsȱto demolishȱmanyȱofȱGruffydd’sȱsuppositionsȱonȱCelticȱtraditions.8ȱ Welshȱscholarsȱalsoȱfollowedȱwiserȱcouncils.ȱAlfredȱOwenȱHughesȱJarmanȱof Cardiffȱ (1911–1998),ȱ inȱ aȱ dispassionateȱ surveyȱ ofȱ scholarshipȱ onȱ theȱ subject, observedȱthatȱdelvingȱforȱpaganȱmythologiesȱinȱtheȱFourȱBranchesȱhadȱceasedȱtoȱbe fashionable.9ȱHeȱhasȱbeenȱechoedȱbyȱBrynleyȱRoberts,ȱmovingȱonȱfromȱaȱprofitless andȱoftenȱselfȬdeceivingȱsearchȱforȱmythologiesȱtoȱconsiderationȱofȱtheȱstoriesȱas theyȱare.10ȱHeȱhasȱmadeȱfurtherȱadvancesȱonȱthatȱpath,ȱrejectingȱ(forȱexample) flimsyȱattemptsȱtoȱdivideȱtheȱfourȱtalesȱamongstȱtwoȱorȱmoreȱauthors.ȱHeȱstresses thatȱtheyȱhaveȱtheȱ“handȱandȱvoice”ȱofȱaȱsingleȱauthor.ȱHeȱalsoȱnotesȱhowȱunusual theyȱareȱinȱdevotingȱattentionȱto,ȱandȱshowingȱknowledgeȱof,ȱmoreȱthanȱoneȱpart ofȱWales.ȱThereȱisȱnothingȱelseȱlikeȱthatȱinȱotherȱmedievalȱWelshȱprose,ȱwhere

3

4

5 6 7

8

9

10

W.ȱJ.ȱGruffydd,ȱRhiannon:ȱAnȱInquiryȱintoȱtheȱOriginsȱofȱtheȱFirstȱandȱThirdȱBranchesȱofȱtheȱMabinogi (Cardiff:ȱUniversityȱofȱWalesȱPress,ȱ1953). DavidȱButterfield,ȱ“Housman’sȱPublicȱUseȱofȱReproof,”ȱTheȱHousmanȱSocietyȱJournalȱ36ȱ(2010): 158–70. R.ȱS.ȱLoomis,ȱWalesȱandȱtheȱArthurianȱLegendȱ(Cardiff:ȱUniversityȱofȱWalesȱPress,ȱ1956). ProinsiasȱMacȱCana,ȱWritersȱofȱWales:ȱTheȱMabinogiȱ(Cardiff:ȱUniversityȱofȱWalesȱPress,ȱ1977). H.ȱM.ȱChadwickȱandȱNoraȱChadwick,ȱTheȱGrowthȱofȱLiterature:ȱTheȱAncientȱLiteraturesȱofȱEurope (Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1932),ȱ226. K.ȱH.ȱJackson,ȱTheȱInternationalȱPopularȱTaleȱandȱEarlyȱWelshȱTraditionȱ(Cardiff:ȱUniversityȱofȱWales Press,ȱ1961).ȱȱ A.ȱO.ȱH.ȱJarman,ȱ“PedairȱCaincȱyȱMabinogi,”ȱYȱTraddodiadȱRhyddiaithȱynȱyrȱOesauȱCanol,ȱed.ȱGeraint Bowenȱ(Llandysul:ȱGomerȱPress,ȱ1974),ȱ83–142. BrynleyȱF.ȱRoberts,ȱStudiesȱonȱMiddleȱWelshȱLiteratureȱ(Lewiston,ȱQueenston,ȱandȱLampeter:ȱEdwin Mellen,ȱ1992),ȱ95–113.

WarlordsȱandȱDiplomatsȱ

157

Gwynedd,ȱ Powysȱ (eastȬcentralȱ Wales),ȱ Gwentȱ (inȱ theȱ southȬeast),ȱ orȱ theȱ like monopolizeȱtheȱaffectionsȱandȱloyaltiesȱofȱoneȱauthorȱorȱanother.11ȱItȱwouldȱbe pleasantȱtoȱthinkȱthatȱsuchȱcarefulȱreasoningȱfromȱtheȱtextȱhasȱmarkedȱtheȱcoming ofȱtheȱdawnȱinȱMabinogiȱstudies.ȱButȱitȱhasȱnot.ȱHereȱoneȱmayȱquoteȱHousman again.ȱInȱeditingȱtheȱpoetȱLucan,ȱheȱremarkedȱthatȱtheȱartȱofȱunderstandingȱhim “makesȱnoȱsteadyȱandȱcontinuousȱprogress,ȱandȱrelapseȱaccompaniesȱadvance.”12ȱ WhatȱholdsȱforȱLucanȱholdsȱforȱrecentȱworkȱonȱtheȱFourȱBranchesȱfromȱHarvard University,ȱAberystwyth,ȱorȱOxford.ȱSomeȱofȱthisȱisȱmerelyȱephemeral.13ȱButȱsome ofȱitȱisȱperverse,ȱasȱinȱpressingȱtheȱclaimsȱofȱClynnogȱFawrȱinȱGwyneddȱforȱthe provenanceȱofȱtheȱtext,ȱandȱaȱclericȱofȱtheȱancientȱreligiousȱcommunityȱthereȱasȱits author.ȱThisȱsuffersȱfromȱtheȱdisadvantagesȱ(a)ȱthatȱClynnogȱisȱneverȱmentioned inȱtheȱstories,ȱandȱ(b)ȱthereȱisȱnotȱaȱshredȱofȱevidenceȱtoȱattributeȱthemȱtoȱaȱcleric.14 Threeȱ newȱ books,ȱ widelyȱ differingȱ inȱ theirȱ conclusionsȱ onȱ theȱ text,ȱ haveȱ now appeared.15ȱBesidesȱthemȱareȱotherȱstudiesȱchoosingȱbetweenȱdifferentȱkindsȱof error.ȱOneȱmerelyȱignoresȱwhatȱhasȱtakenȱplaceȱinȱMabinogiȱStudies.16ȱAnotherȱis inȱdenial.17ȱTheȱpresentȱgenerationȱandȱfutureȱonesȱwill,ȱtherefore,ȱhaveȱaȱsplendid opportunityȱofȱjudgingȱwhichȱofȱtheȱworksȱmentionedȱaboveȱshowȱevidenceȱof cogentȱthoughtȱandȱconsecutiveȱreasoning,ȱandȱwhichȱdoȱnot. Letȱusȱturnȱfromȱcommentaryȱonȱtheȱtalesȱtoȱtheȱfourȱtalesȱthemselves.ȱForȱallȱthe talkȱofȱmythology,ȱweȱhearȱnothingȱofȱgodsȱinȱheaven,ȱbutȱmuchȱofȱfightingȱmen onȱearth.ȱWeȱalsoȱhearȱ(whichȱweȱdoȱnotȱexpect)ȱofȱhowȱwarfareȱisȱresolvedȱby diplomacyȱ andȱ politicalȱ negotiation.ȱ Theȱ authorȱ ofȱ theȱ storiesȱ thoughtȱ (in Churchill’sȱexpression)ȱthatȱjawȬjawȱisȱbetterȱthanȱwarȬwar.ȱInȱaddition,ȱtheyȱare setȱinȱrealȱWelshȱgeography;ȱtheȱsocietyȱshownȱinȱthem,ȱalthoughȱnominallyȱofȱan

11

12 13

14

15

16

17

B.ȱF.ȱRoberts,ȱ“WhereȱWereȱtheȱFourȱBranchesȱofȱtheȱMabinogiȱWritten?,”ȱTheȱIndividualȱinȱCeltic Literatures,ȱed.ȱJosephȱF.ȱNagyȱ(Dublin:ȱFourȱCourts,ȱ2001),ȱ61–75. M.ȱAnnaeiȱLucaniȱBelliȱCivilisȱLibriȱDecem,ȱed.ȱA.ȱE.ȱHousmanȱ(Oxford:ȱBlackwell,ȱ1926),ȱvi. CatherineȱMcKenna,ȱ“LearningȱLordship:ȱTheȱEducationȱofȱManawydan,”ȱIldánachȱIldírech:ȱA FestschriftȱforȱProinsiasȱMacȱCana,ȱed.ȱJohnȱCarey,ȱJ.ȱT.ȱKoch,ȱandȱP.ȬY.ȱLambertȱ(Andover:ȱCeltic StudiesȱPublications,ȱ1999),ȱ101–20. PatrickȱSimsȬWilliams,ȱ“ClasȱBeunoȱandȱtheȱFourȱBranchesȱofȱtheȱMabinogi,”ȱ150ȱJahreȱ“Mabinogion”: DeutschȬWalisischeȱKulturbeziehungen,ȱed.ȱBernhardȱMaierȱandȱStefanȱZimmerȱ(Tübingen:ȱMax Niemeyer,ȱ2001),ȱ111–27. AndrewȱBreeze,ȱTheȱOriginsȱofȱtheȱ“FourȱBranchesȱofȱtheȱMabinogi”ȱ(Leominster:ȱGracewing,ȱ2009); NikolaiȱTolstoy,ȱTheȱOldestȱBritishȱProseȱLiteratureȱ(Lewiston,ȱQueenston,ȱandȱLampeter:ȱEdwin MellenȱPress,ȱ2009);ȱPatrickȱSimsȬWilliams,ȱIrishȱInfluenceȱonȱMedievalȱWelshȱLiteratureȱ(Oxford: OxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2010).ȱ ThomasȱCharlesȬEdwards,ȱ“TheȱDateȱofȱCulhwchȱacȱOlwen,”ȱBileȱósȱChrannaibh:ȱAȱFestschriftȱfor WilliamȱGillies,ȱed.ȱWilsonȱMcLeod,ȱAbigailȱBurnyeat,ȱD.ȱU.ȱStiùbhart,ȱT.ȱO.ȱClancy,ȱandȱRoibeard ÓȱMaolalaighȱ(CeannȱDrochaid:ȱClannȱTuirc,ȱ2010),ȱ45–56. Anon.,ȱ“GwenllianȱferchȱGruffuddȱapȱCynan,”ȱTheȱWelshȱAcademyȱEncyclopaediaȱofȱWales,ȱed.ȱJohn Davies,ȱNigelȱJenkins,ȱMennaȱBaines,ȱandȱPeredurȱLynchȱ(Cardiff:ȱUniversityȱofȱWalesȱPress, 2008),ȱ342–43.

158

AndrewȱBreeze

ȱancientȱpast,ȱisȱclearlyȱthatȱofȱearlyȱmedievalȱWales.ȱTheyȱhenceȱofferȱinformation onȱtheȱpoliciesȱandȱorderingȱofȱroyalȱadministrationȱinȱtwelfthȬcenturyȱGwynedd (northȬwestȱ Wales)ȱ andȱ Dyfedȱ (southȬwestȱ Wales),ȱ includingȱ warȱ andȱ the resolutionȱ ofȱ war.ȱ Theȱ secondȱ andȱ fourthȱ branches,ȱ respectivelyȱ theȱ talesȱ of BranwenȱandȱofȱMath,ȱsayȱmuchȱonȱthat.18ȱLetȱusȱlookȱatȱeachȱinȱturn,ȱseeingȱwhat theyȱ tellȱ usȱ onȱ conflictȱ andȱ itsȱ resolution,ȱ andȱ whatȱ thatȱ impliesȱ asȱ regards provenanceȱandȱauthorshipȱofȱtheȱnarratives.

II.ȱTheȱSecondȱBranch,ȱtheȱTaleȱofȱBranwen TheȱsecondȱbranchȱisȱtheȱstoryȱofȱBranwen,ȱwhoseȱbrotherȱBendigeidfranȱisȱruler ofȱtheȱIsleȱofȱtheȱMightyȱ(=ȱBritain),ȱalthoughȱtheȱseatȱofȱhisȱpowerȱisȱGwynedd, whereȱmostȱofȱtheȱactionȱtakesȱplace.ȱMatholwch,ȱKingȱofȱIreland,ȱcomesȱthere withȱ aȱ fleetȱ toȱ seekȱ Branwen’sȱ hand.ȱ Theyȱ marry,ȱ theȱ brideȱ andȱ groomȱ goȱ to Ireland,ȱandȱBranwenȱhasȱaȱson,ȱbutȱmattersȱturnȱsourȱwhenȱtheȱIrishȱpeopleȱbegin murmuringȱagainstȱher,ȱaȱforeignerȱinȱtheirȱmidst.ȱBranwenȱisȱbanishedȱtoȱthe royalȱkitchen,ȱwhereȱsheȱworksȱasȱaȱdrudgeȱandȱwhereȱeachȱdayȱtheȱbutcherȱ(his handsȱsmearedȱwithȱbloodȱafterȱcuttingȱupȱmeat)ȱboxesȱherȱonȱtheȱear.ȱYetȱsheȱis resourceful.ȱAȱstarlingȱcomesȱtoȱtheȱendȱofȱherȱkneadingȬtrough,ȱsheȱteachesȱit language,ȱandȱsendsȱitȱwithȱaȱmessageȱforȱBendigeidfranȱinȱBritain.ȱTheȱbirdȱlands onȱhisȱshoulderȱwhileȱheȱisȱinȱcouncilȱatȱCaernarfon,ȱtheȱletterȱisȱtaken,ȱread,ȱand heȱatȱonceȱpreparesȱanȱinvasionȱofȱIreland.ȱHeȱandȱhisȱforcesȱcrossȱtheȱsea,ȱhe advancesȱonȱDublin,ȱandȱtheȱIrishȱsueȱforȱpeace.ȱButȱallȱendsȱinȱdisaster.ȱIreland isȱdevastatedȱ andȱonlyȱBranwenȱandȱsevenȱothersȱescape,ȱbearingȱtheȱheadȱof Bendigeidfranȱ withȱ themȱ toȱ Britain.ȱ Whenȱ Branwenȱ reachesȱ theȱ riverȱ Alawȱ in Gwynedd,ȱsheȱmournsȱforȱtheȱsorrowȱsheȱhasȱbroughtȱabout. “OyȱaȱuabȱDuw,”ȱhebȱhi,ȱ“guaeȱuiȱo’mȱganedigaeth.ȱDaȱaȱdwyȱynysȱaȱdiffeithwytȱo’m achawsȱi.”ȱAȱdodiȱucheneitȱuawr,ȱaȱthorriȱyȱchalonȱarȱhynny.ȱAȱgwneuthurȱbedȱpetrual idi,ȱa’eȱchladuȱynoȱyGlanȱAlaw.19 [“Alas,ȱSonȱofȱGod,”ȱsaidȱsheȱ,ȱ“woeȱisȱmeȱthatȱeverȱIȱwasȱborn:ȱtwoȱgoodȱislandsȱhave beenȱlaidȱwasteȱbecauseȱofȱme!”ȱAndȱsheȱheavedȱaȱgreatȱsigh,ȱandȱwithȱthatȱbrokeȱher heart.ȱAndȱaȱfourȬsidedȱgraveȱwasȱmadeȱforȱher,ȱandȱsheȱwasȱburiedȱthereȱonȱtheȱbank ofȱtheȱAlaw.20]

18 19 20

TheȱMabinogion,ȱtrans.ȱSionedȱDaviesȱ(Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2007),ȱ22–34ȱandȱ47–64. BranwenȱUerchȱLyr,ȱed.ȱD.ȱS.ȱThomsonȱ(Dublin:ȱDublinȱInstituteȱforȱAdvancedȱStudies,ȱ1961),ȱ15. TheȱMabinogion,ȱtrans.ȱGwynȱJonesȱandȱThomasȱJonesȱ(NewȱYork:ȱDutton,ȱ1949),ȱ38.

WarlordsȱandȱDiplomatsȱ

159

Theȱtaleȱclosesȱbleakly,ȱwithȱtheȱpopulationȱofȱIrelandȱreducedȱtoȱfiveȱpregnant womenȱinȱtheȱwilderness,ȱandȱBritainȱinȱtheȱhandsȱofȱaȱusurperȱwhoȱconqueredȱthe islandȱwhileȱtheȱBritishȱwereȱonȱcampaign.

III.ȱTheȱFourthȱBranch,ȱtheȱTaleȱofȱMath Whenȱweȱgoȱonȱfromȱtheȱsecondȱtoȱtheȱfourthȱbranch,ȱweȱfindȱnewȱactors.ȱMath sonȱofȱMathonwyȱisȱkingȱofȱGwynedd.ȱHisȱnephewȱisȱGilfaethwy,ȱwhoȱfallsȱinȱlove withȱGoewin,ȱaȱmaidenȱinȱtheȱserviceȱofȱMath,ȱandȱseeksȱtoȱgainȱherȱbyȱforceȱand guile.ȱHeȱandȱhisȱbrotherȱGwydionȱ(aȱsorcerer)ȱgoȱtoȱtheȱcourtȱofȱDyfed,ȱwhere throughȱsupernaturalȱpowersȱtheyȱobtainȱtheȱmagicȱswineȱofȱPryderi,ȱprinceȱof Dyfed.ȱWhenȱPryderiȱfindsȱhowȱhisȱguestsȱhaveȱtrickedȱhim,ȱheȱpursuesȱthemȱwith anȱ army.ȱ Theȱ hostsȱ ofȱ Gwyneddȱ andȱ Dyfedȱ clashȱ onȱ theȱ southernȱ fringeȱ of Snowdonia,ȱtheȱmenȱofȱDyfedȱareȱdefeated,ȱandȱPryderiȱisȱkilledȱinȱsingleȱcombat withȱGwydion.ȱ Eȱ gwyrȱ hynnyȱ aȱ neilltuwyt,ȱ acȱ aȱ dechreuwytȱ gwiscawȱ amdanunt,ȱ acȱ ymladȱ a wnaethant.ȱAcȱoȱnerthȱgrymȱacȱangerd,ȱaȱhutȱaȱlledrith,ȱGuydyonȱaȱoruu,ȱaȱPhryderi aȱlas,ȱacȱyȱMaenȱTyuyawc,ȱuchȱyȱUelenȱRyd,ȱyȱcladwyt,ȱacȱynoȱyȱmayȱyȱued.21 [Thoseȱmenȱwereȱsetȱapartȱandȱtheȱequippingȱofȱthemȱbegun,ȱandȱtheyȱfought.ȱAndȱby dintȱofȱstrengthȱandȱvalorȱandȱbyȱmagicȱandȱenchantmentȱGwydionȱconquered,ȱand Pryderiȱwasȱslain.ȱAndȱatȱMaenȱTyriawg,ȱaboveȱYȱFelenrhyd,ȱwasȱheȱburied,ȱandȱhis graveȱisȱthere.22]

Math,ȱinȱcontrolȱofȱtheȱsituation,ȱreturnsȱtoȱhisȱcourt,ȱhearsȱfromȱGoewin’sȱown lipsȱ howȱ sheȱ hasȱ beenȱ rapedȱ byȱ hisȱ nephewȱ Gilfaethwy,ȱ andȱ punishesȱ those responsibleȱ inȱ aȱ novelȱ way,ȱ byȱ transformingȱ themȱ intoȱ animals.ȱ Heȱ marries Goewin.ȱTheȱlastȱpartȱofȱtheȱnarrativeȱtellsȱhowȱMathȱmakesȱprovisionȱforȱLleu (sonȱofȱGoewin’sȱwouldȬbeȱsuccessor),ȱwhoȱgovernsȱsouthȱGwyneddȱwithȱjustice andȱ order.ȱ Theȱ taleȱ closesȱ whenȱ Lleu,ȱ whoȱ hasȱ undergoneȱ someȱ interesting experiences,ȱincludingȱbetrayalȱbyȱhisȱwife,ȱattemptedȱmurderȱbyȱherȱlover,ȱand transformationȱintoȱanȱeagle,ȱfollowsȱMathȱasȱrulerȱofȱGwyneddȱandȱgovernsȱit prosperously. Theseȱareȱtheȱoutlinesȱofȱnarrativesȱwhichȱcombineȱlucidityȱinȱtheirȱproseȱstyle withȱcomplexityȱinȱtheirȱplots,ȱespeciallyȱinȱtheȱfourthȱbranch.ȱLetȱusȱnowȱlookȱat detailsȱofȱeachȱstory,ȱandȱbringȱoutȱwhatȱisȱsingularȱinȱtheirȱrepresentationȱofȱwar andȱtheȱendingȱofȱwar.

21 22

PedeirȱKeincȱyȱMabinogi,ȱed.ȱIforȱWilliamsȱ(Caerdydd:ȱGwasgȱPrifysgolȱCymru,ȱ1930),ȱ73. TheȱMabinogion,ȱtrans.ȱGwynȱJonesȱandȱThomasȱJones,ȱ60ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20).

160

AndrewȱBreeze

IV.ȱHowȱtheȱTalesȱRepresentȱWarȱandȱDiplomacy Oneȱmightȱsayȱparadoxicallyȱthat,ȱasȱregardsȱfighting,ȱtheȱauthorȱofȱtheseȱstories knewȱaȱgreatȱdealȱandȱalmostȱnothing.ȱAsȱaȱpoliticalȱmatter,ȱwarȱhasȱtowering importance.ȱ Butȱ theȱ authorȱ isȱ almostȱ completelyȱ silentȱ onȱ individualȱ combat, swords,ȱshields,ȱspears,ȱknives,ȱarrows,ȱandȱallȱtheȱparaphernaliaȱnecessaryȱto battleȱandȱsuddenȱdeath.ȱThereȱareȱnoȱdescriptionsȱofȱweaponsȱorȱaccountsȱofȱhow theyȱareȱused.ȱNoȱweaponȱisȱgivenȱaȱname.ȱWeȱareȱneverȱtoldȱanythingȱofȱtheir history.ȱEvenȱtheȱpoisonedȱspearȱwithȱwhichȱLleuȱisȱnearlyȱkilledȱbyȱhisȱwife’s loverȱisȱaȱmereȱprop.ȱThereȱisȱhenceȱaȱstrikingȱcontrastȱbetweenȱfightingȱinȱtheȱFour Branches,ȱandȱfightingȱasȱdweltȱonȱby,ȱforȱexample,ȱHomer,ȱAngloȬSaxonȱandȱOld Frenchȱheroicȱpoets,ȱLayamon,ȱorȱMalory.ȱTheȱimplicationȱmustȱbeȱthatȱtheȱauthor hadȱnoȱdirectȱexperienceȱofȱcombat,ȱandȱwasȱnotȱinterestedȱinȱthisȱageȬoldȱmale pursuit.ȱForȱreadersȱwhoseȱinterestȱinȱweaponryȱandȱbloodshedȱisȱofȱtheȱfaintest, thisȱaddsȱtoȱtheȱnarrativeȱcharm.

V.ȱConflictȱinȱtheȱTaleȱofȱBranwen Inȱboldȱcontrastȱtoȱthatȱareȱtheȱpoliticsȱandȱorganizationȱofȱwar,ȱandȱtheȱdiplomacy byȱwhichȱwarȱisȱavoided.ȱBothȱareȱseenȱandȱunderstoodȱwithȱanȱexpertȱeye.ȱHere, forȱexample,ȱisȱwhatȱhappensȱinȱtheȱsecondȱbranchȱafterȱgraveȱinsultȱisȱdoneȱto KingȱMatholwchȱwhenȱheȱisȱinȱWalesȱandȱhasȱmarriedȱBranwen.ȱHerȱquarrelsome brotherȱEfnysienȱseesȱtheȱking’sȱhorsesȱandȱhearsȱthatȱhisȱsisterȱhasȱwedȱwithout hisȱknowledge.ȱHeȱshowsȱhisȱwrathȱinȱaȱsingularȱmanner,ȱgoingȱtoȱtheȱhorsesȱand cuttingȱtheirȱlipsȱtoȱtheȱteeth,ȱtheirȱearsȱdownȱtoȱtheirȱheads,ȱtheirȱtailsȱtoȱtheir backs,ȱand,ȱwhereȱheȱcouldȱgetȱaȱgripȱonȱtheȱeyelids,ȱslicingȱthemȱtoȱtheȱbone,ȱso thatȱtheȱhorsesȱareȱgoodȱforȱnothing. Matholwchȱ learnsȱ ofȱ theȱ insultȱ andȱ preparesȱ anȱ immediateȱ returnȱ home. Bendigeidfranȱhearsȱthatȱheȱisȱleavingȱwithoutȱpermission.ȱHeȱsendsȱmessengers, andȱweȱareȱgivenȱtheȱdiscourseȱbetweenȱthemȱandȱtheȱIrishȱking.ȱTheyȱexplainȱthat theȱinsultȱwasȱnotȱdoneȱwithȱtheȱapprovalȱofȱBendigeidfranȱorȱanyȱofȱhisȱcouncil, andȱthatȱtheȱdisgraceȱisȱworseȱforȱhimȱthanȱforȱtheȱIrishȱparty.ȱMatholwchȱadmits thatȱthatȱmayȱbeȱso,ȱbutȱtheȱinsultȱremains.ȱTheȱmessengersȱreturn.ȱBendigeidran statesȱthatȱMatholwch’sȱgoingȱawayȱangryȱdoesȱnoȱgoodȱtoȱhim,ȱBendigeidfran, andȱheȱwillȱnotȱallowȱit.ȱHereȱweȱmayȱnoteȱanȱinterestingȱtouchȱofȱpoliticalȱrealism. Theȱ Irishȱ cannotȱ leaveȱ ifȱ theȱ Britishȱ (whoȱ outnumberȱ them)ȱ doȱ notȱ allowȱ it. Bendigeidfranȱsendsȱfurtherȱmessengersȱwhoȱofferȱcompensation:ȱaȱsoundȱhorse forȱeachȱoneȱmaimed,ȱaȱsilverȱrodȱasȱlongȱasȱMatholwchȱisȱtall,ȱandȱaȱplateȱofȱgold asȱbroadȱasȱhisȱface,ȱtogetherȱwithȱtheȱexplanationȱthatȱtheȱcrimeȱwasȱcommitted byȱBendigeidfran’sȱhalfȬbrotherȱonȱhisȱmother’sȱside,ȱwhomȱheȱcannotȱeasilyȱkill

WarlordsȱandȱDiplomatsȱ

161

orȱdestroy.ȱHeȱinvitesȱMatholwchȱtoȱparley,ȱandȱMatholwchȱtakesȱcouncil.ȱThey decidedȱthat,ȱwereȱtheyȱtoȱrefuseȱtheȱoffer,ȱtheyȱwouldȱbeȱmoreȱlikelyȱtoȱgetȱfurther shameȱthanȱfurtherȱcompensation.ȱ(Again,ȱtheȱnoteȱofȱrealismȱandȱawarenessȱof one’sȱbestȱinterestsȱisȱstriking.)ȱAȱdealȱisȱstruck;ȱnevertheless,ȱevenȱasȱtheȱtwoȱkings feastȱtogether,ȱBendigeidfranȱnoticesȱthatȱMatholwchȱisȱlistless.ȱTheȱcompensation hasȱnotȱbeenȱenough.ȱSoȱheȱoffersȱhimȱsomethingȱmore,ȱaȱcauldronȱofȱrebirth.ȱA deadȱwarriorȱthrownȱintoȱitȱwillȱcomeȱoutȱtheȱnextȱdayȱasȱgoodȱasȱever,ȱexceptȱthat heȱ willȱ beȱ unableȱ toȱ speak.ȱ Onȱ receiptȱ ofȱ soȱ remarkableȱ andȱ usefulȱ aȱ gift, Matholwchȱ cheersȱ up.ȱ Andȱ theirȱ conversationȱ onȱ theȱ historyȱ ofȱ theȱ cauldron providesȱusȱwithȱfurtherȱmaterialȱonȱsocialȱviolenceȱandȱcivilȱunrest. BendigeidfranȱobtainedȱitȱfromȱanȱIrishȱgiantȱcalledȱLlasar.ȱHeȱandȱhisȱwifeȱwere knownȱtoȱMatholwch.ȱHeȱhadȱmetȱthemȱinȱIrelandȱandȱmaintainedȱthemȱforȱaȱyear withoutȱincident.ȱButȱtheȱpeopleȱcameȱtoȱresentȱthem.ȱMatholwchȱexplainsȱwhy. Withinȱ sixteenȱ monthsȱ theyȱ wereȱ causingȱ peopleȱ toȱ hateȱ andȱ loatheȱ them throughoutȱtheȱland,ȱwhereȱtheyȱwereȱinsulting,ȱharassing,ȱandȱtormentingȱlords andȱladies.ȱHisȱpeopleȱroseȱagainstȱhim,ȱaskingȱhimȱtoȱgetȱridȱofȱthem,ȱandȱgiving himȱaȱchoiceȱbetweenȱhisȱkingdomȱorȱthoseȱpeople. Variousȱ thingsȱ areȱ implicitȱ here.ȱ Irelandȱ isȱ aȱ placeȱ whereȱ troubleȱ isȱ toȱ be expected.ȱTheȱauthorȱseesȱit,ȱnotȱasȱanȱisleȱofȱsaintsȱandȱscholars,ȱbutȱofȱviolence andȱ politicalȱ unrest.ȱ Theȱ Irishȱ kingȱ isȱ portrayedȱ asȱ weak.ȱ Aȱ truculentȱ nobility threatensȱtoȱdeposeȱhimȱifȱheȱcanȱofferȱnoȱsolutionȱtoȱtheȱoppressionȱthatȱthey sufferȱfromȱtheseȱoversizedȱandȱovermightyȱsubjects.ȱ(Inȱtheȱfirstȱbranch,ȱPwyllȱof Dyfedȱisȱalsoȱmenacedȱbyȱtheȱmagnatesȱofȱhisȱrealm,ȱbecauseȱhisȱwifeȱRhiannon hasȱhadȱnoȱchildȱafterȱthreeȱyearsȱofȱmarriage,ȱbutȱbyȱcarefulȱchoiceȱofȱwordsȱhe managesȱtoȱbuyȱtimeȱfromȱthem.)ȱOneȱnoticesȱasȱwellȱthatȱtheȱonlyȱpeopleȱwho countȱpoliticallyȱinȱtheseȱtalesȱareȱthoseȱofȱroyalȱorȱnobleȱblood,ȱbutȱthatȱtheȱkings andȱprincesȱoftenȱsufferȱhostilityȱfromȱtheirȱmagnates.ȱTroubleȱcomesȱnotȱfrom rightfulȱmonarchs,ȱbutȱfromȱtheirȱmagnates.ȱTheȱauthorȱnotȱonlyȱsharedȱtheȱviews ofȱ aȱ rulingȱ class,ȱ asȱ isȱ commonȱ inȱ medievalȱ andȱ otherȱ literature,ȱ butȱ also apparentlyȱbelongedȱtoȱthatȱclassȱatȱitsȱveryȱhighestȱlevel,ȱwhichȱisȱlessȱcommon. Matholwch’sȱ weaknessȱ isȱ implicitȱ whenȱ heȱ thenȱ statesȱ thatȱ heȱ leftȱ itȱ toȱ the councilȱofȱhisȱcountryȱtoȱdecideȱwhatȱshouldȱbeȱdoneȱaboutȱthem.ȱInȱthisȱrespect heȱdiffersȱfromȱBendigeidfran,ȱwhoȱregularlyȱtakesȱcouncil,ȱbutȱobviouslyȱbears aȱnaturalȱauthority.ȱTheȱgiantsȱwouldȱnotȱleaveȱfreely,ȱandȱcouldȱnotȱbeȱforcedȱto go,ȱbecauseȱtheyȱwereȱableȱtoȱfight.ȱButȱtheȱCouncilȱofȱIrelandȱthinksȱupȱaȱsecret weapon:ȱaȱchamberȱofȱironȱintoȱwhichȱtheȱgiantsȱareȱlured,ȱandȱwhich,ȱwithȱthem trappedȱinside,ȱisȱthenȱheatedȱbyȱaȱteamȱofȱsmithsȱwithȱcharcoalȱandȱbellowsȱuntil itȱisȱwhiteȬhot.ȱWithinȱthisȱironȱhouse,ȱtheȱfamilyȱofȱgiantsȱtakesȱcounselȱinȱtheir crisis,ȱ consultationȱ andȱ meetingsȱ ofȱ councilsȱ beingȱ aȱ constantȱ featureȱ ofȱ these stories.ȱTheȱfatherȱdecidesȱtoȱchargeȱtheȱwallȱwithȱhisȱshoulderȱand,ȱwithȱhisȱwife,

162

AndrewȱBreeze

isȱ ableȱ toȱ breakȱ throughȱ itȱ andȱ escape,ȱ evenȱ thoughȱ theȱ restȱ ofȱ theȱ family, overcomeȱbyȱtheȱheat,ȱperishesȱinȱaȱchamberȱofȱdeath.ȱ Llasarȱ comesȱ toȱ Britain,ȱ givesȱ Bendigeidfranȱ theȱ cauldron,ȱ andȱ thereȱ settles peacefullyȱwithȱhisȱpeople.ȱWithȱtheȱcauldron,ȱhorses,ȱgold,ȱsilver,ȱandȱBranwen hisȱnewȱwife,ȱMatholwchȱandȱhisȱpartyȱsailȱhomeȱfromȱnearȱCaernarfon,ȱonȱgood termsȱwithȱtheirȱhosts.ȱAsȱforȱtheȱcauldron,ȱthisȱisȱtoȱhaveȱaȱdramaticȱfunctionȱin theȱbattleȱofȱIrishȱandȱBritishȱnearȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱtale.ȱWhenȱtheȱIrishȱuseȱitȱto restoreȱlifeȱtoȱslainȱwarriors,ȱEfnysienȱentersȱitȱsecretlyȱandȱdestroysȱitȱbyȱbreaking itȱapart,ȱevenȱthoughȱtheȱeffortȱofȱdoingȱthatȱcostsȱhimȱhisȱlife.ȱ Theȱtwoȱstoriesȱofȱtheȱhorsesȱandȱtheȱgiantsȱshowȱcontrastingȱwaysȱofȱdealing withȱviolence.ȱAsȱregardsȱtheȱmaimingȱofȱMatholwch’sȱhorses,ȱanȱuglyȱsituation isȱrightedȱpeacefullyȱbyȱanȱappropriateȱcombinationȱofȱgiftsȱandȱnegotiation.ȱThe Irishȱrealizeȱthatȱleavingȱinȱhighȱdudgeonȱdoesȱthemȱnoȱgood;ȱtheyȱareȱoffered favourableȱterms;ȱandȱBendigeidfranȱisȱinȱaȱpositionȱtoȱpreventȱtheirȱdeparture. TheȱcrisisȱbroughtȱaboutȱbyȱtheȱIrishȱgiantsȱisȱsolvedȱbyȱaltogetherȱmoreȱdrastic andȱsinisterȱmeans,ȱwhichȱneverthelessȱareȱeffective.ȱTheȱpoliticsȱofȱGwyneddȱis presentedȱinȱpositiveȱtermsȱthroughȱtheseȱstories,ȱwhereȱBendigeidfranȱisȱfirmly inȱcontrol.ȱIrelandȱisȱseenȱinȱnegativeȱterms,ȱwithȱaȱweakȱkingȱandȱaȱturbulent, untrustworthyȱaristocracy. So,ȱdespiteȱtheȱunpleasantnessȱbroughtȱaboutȱbyȱEfnysien,ȱtheȱfirstȱpartȱofȱthe taleȱendsȱwithȱexcellentȱrelationsȱbetweenȱBritainȱandȱIreland,ȱandȱaȱcheeringȱscene ofȱtheȱIrishȱdepartureȱfromȱGwyneddȱinȱthirteenȱships.ȱBut,ȱinȱtheȱsecondȱyearȱof herȱmarriage,ȱthereȱisȱaȱmurmuringȱagainstȱBranwen.ȱMatholwch’sȱfosterȬbrothers andȱthoseȱclosestȱtoȱhimȱtauntȱhimȱforȱtheȱinsultȱthatȱheȱreceivedȱinȱWales.ȱHence theȱ oppressionȱ ofȱ Branwen,ȱ andȱ theȱ consequentȱ Britishȱ invasion.ȱ Whileȱ the incidentȱofȱtheȱhorsesȱshowsȱBendigeidfranȱasȱaȱconciliator,ȱtheȱoffenceȱdoneȱtoȱhis sisterȱshowsȱhimȱasȱaȱmanȱofȱaction.ȱWhatȱisȱrequiredȱnowȱisȱforce,ȱnotȱgifts,ȱor moreȱpreciselyȱtheȱabilityȱtoȱnegotiateȱfromȱaȱpositionȱofȱstrength: Aȱphanȱdarllewytȱyȱllythyr,ȱdoluryawȱaȱwnaethȱoȱglybotȱyȱpoenȱoedȱarȱUranwen,ȱa dechreuȱo’rȱlleȱhwnnwȱperiȱanuonȱkennadeuȱyȱdygyuoryawȱyrȱynysȱhonnȱyȱgyt.ȱAc ynaȱ yȱ perisȱ efȱ dyuotȱ llwyrȱ wysȱ pedeirȱ degwlatȱ aȱ seithugeintȱ hytȱ attaw,ȱ acȱ eȱ hun cwynawȱ wrthȱ hynny,ȱ botȱ yȱ poenȱ aȱ oedȱ arȱ yȱ chwaer.ȱ Acȱ ynaȱ kymrytȱ kynghor.ȱ Sef kynghorȱaȱgahat,ȱkyrchuȱIwerdon,ȱacȱadawȱseithwyrȱyȱdywyssogyonȱyma,ȱaȱChradawc uabȱBranȱyȱbenhaf,ȱacȱeuȱseithȱmarchawc.23 [Andȱwhenȱtheȱletterȱwasȱreadȱheȱ[Bendigeidfran]ȱgrievedȱtoȱhearȱofȱtheȱafflictionȱthat wasȱuponȱBranwen.ȱAndȱthereȱandȱthenȱheȱbeganȱtoȱhaveȱmessengersȱdispatched,ȱto musterȱ theȱ wholeȱ ofȱ thisȱ Island.ȱ Thenȱ thenȱ heȱ hadȱ comeȱ toȱ himȱ theȱ fullȱ levyȱ of sevenscoreȱ districtsȱ andȱ fourteen,ȱ andȱ heȱ complainedȱ toȱ themȱ inȱ personȱ thatȱ the

23

BranwenȱUerchȱLyr,ȱ9ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ19).

WarlordsȱandȱDiplomatsȱ

163

afflictionȱthereȱwasȱshouldȱbeȱonȱhisȱsister.ȱAndȱthenȱtheyȱtookȱcounsel.ȱTheȱcounsel thatȱwasȱdeterminedȱonȱwasȱtoȱsetȱoutȱforȱIreland,ȱandȱleaveȱsevenȱmenȱasȱoverlords here,ȱandȱCradawgȱsonȱofȱBrânȱasȱtheirȱchief,ȱandȱtheirȱsevenȱknights.24]

Bendigeidfranȱ(whoȱbearsȱaȱcuriousȱresemblanceȱtoȱGruffuddȱapȱCynan,ȱkingȱof Gwyneddȱinȱtheȱearlierȱtwelfthȱcentury)ȱisȱaȱpractical,ȱdecisiveȱman.ȱHeȱraises troopsȱfromȱhisȱwholeȱrealm,ȱwhereȱtheȱfigureȱofȱ154ȱdistrictsȱisȱcloseȱtoȱthatȱofȱthe 156ȱ commotsȱ orȱ regionsȱ intoȱ whichȱ medievalȱ Walesȱ wasȱ divided.ȱ Theȱ figure suggestsȱthatȱwhoeverȱwroteȱtheȱtalesȱhadȱpreciseȱknowledgeȱofȱWelshȱpoliticsȱand government.ȱBendigeidfranȱdescribesȱtheȱcrisisȱtoȱthoseȱassembled.ȱLikeȱaȱgood general,ȱheȱrealizesȱthatȱhisȱofficersȱandȱmenȱwillȱbeȱbetterȱsoldersȱifȱtheyȱknow whatȱtheyȱareȱfightingȱfor.ȱHeȱalsoȱtakesȱcounsel.ȱWhetherȱorȱnotȱheȱisȱobliged constitutionallyȱtoȱgainȱconsentȱfromȱhisȱadvisers,ȱheȱknowsȱitȱwouldȱbeȱunwise toȱgoȱagainstȱtheirȱrecommendations.ȱHeȱobservesȱnormsȱofȱconsultation,ȱlikeȱa goodȱ medievalȱ ruler.ȱ Yetȱ theȱ authorȱ ofȱ theȱ talesȱ isȱ notȱ soȱ interestedȱ inȱ those advisersȱasȱtoȱgiveȱusȱtheirȱnames.ȱBendigeidfranȱisȱtheȱdominantȱfigure.ȱOnceȱhe hasȱauthorityȱforȱaction,ȱheȱshowsȱprudenceȱinȱleavingȱsevenȱmenȱbehindȱhimȱto actȱasȱstewardsȱforȱhisȱterritoriesȱwhileȱheȱisȱoverseas.ȱAgain,ȱtheȱauthor’sȱpractical interestȱinȱtheȱproceduresȱofȱgovernmentȱisȱremarkable,ȱaddingȱtoȱtheȱnarrative’s senseȱofȱconvictionȱinȱwaysȱreminiscentȱofȱtheȱfictionsȱofȱSirȱThomasȱMoreȱand Jonathanȱ Swiftȱ (writersȱ who,ȱ likeȱ theȱ Welshȱ author,ȱ possessedȱ muchȱ political experience). Afterȱ theȱ makingȱ ofȱ war,ȱ theȱ makingȱ ofȱ peace.ȱ Hereȱ againȱ isȱ aȱ wealthȱ of circumstantialȱdetail,ȱpointingȱtoȱanȱauthorȱwithȱexpertȱknowledgeȱofȱgovernance andȱdiplomaticȱnegotiation.ȱWhenȱBendigeidfranȱinvadesȱIreland,ȱtheȱIrishȱsueȱfor peaceȱwithoutȱmeetingȱhimȱinȱbattle.ȱHisȱarmyȱbyȱtheȱLiffeyȱisȱenoughȱtoȱshowȱhis power.ȱAȱlesserȱwriterȱwouldȱhaveȱdescribedȱfullȬscaleȱbattleȱbetweenȱBritishȱand Irish,ȱwithȱaȱcrushingȱdefeatȱofȱtheȱlatter,ȱbutȱourȱauthorȱisȱmoreȱsubtleȱandȱless violent.ȱ Manyȱ armiesȱ haveȱ occupiedȱ foreignȱ territoryȱ andȱ achievedȱ theirȱ aims withoutȱdischargingȱaȱshot,ȱandȱthisȱnearlyȱoccursȱhere.ȱOnceȱBendigeidfranȱand hisȱforcesȱhaveȱcrossedȱtheȱLiffey,ȱtheȱIrishȱrealizeȱthatȱallȱisȱlost,ȱandȱemissaries comeȱfromȱtheirȱkingȱMatholwch,ȱBendigeidfran’sȱbrotherȬinȬlaw. Matholwch’sȱmessengersȱapproachedȱhim,ȱandȱgreetedȱhim,ȱandȱaddressedȱhim onȱbehalfȱofȱMatholwchȱhisȱkinsman,ȱwho,ȱtheyȱsaid,ȱwishedȱnothingȱbutȱgoodȱto comeȱBendigeidfran’sȱway.ȱTheyȱtellȱhimȱthatȱMatholwchȱwasȱgivingȱtheȱkingship ofȱIrelandȱtoȱGwern,ȱhisȱnephew,ȱhisȱsister’sȱson,ȱandȱwouldȱinvestȱhimȱinȱhis presence,ȱtoȱmakeȱupȱforȱtheȱinjusticeȱandȱinjuryȱdoneȱtoȱBranwen.ȱTheyȱalsoȱask himȱtoȱmakeȱprovisionȱforȱMatholwchȱwhereverȱheȱliked,ȱeitherȱthereȱorȱinȱtheȱIsle ofȱtheȱMightyȱ[=ȱBritain].ȱBendigeidfranȱrepliesȱwithȱcourtesyȱbutȱfirmly,ȱsaying

24

TheȱMabinogion,ȱtrans.ȱGwynȱJonesȱandȱThomasȱJones,ȱ32–3ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20).

164

AndrewȱBreeze

thatȱheȱexpectsȱaȱbetterȱanswer.ȱTheȱIrishȱtakeȱcounsel,ȱandȱdecideȱtoȱmakeȱaȱhouse whereȱMatholwchȱwillȱplaceȱhisȱkingdomȱatȱtheȱdisposalȱofȱBendigeidfranȱandȱdo homageȱtoȱhim. Suchȱdetailsȱofȱdiplomaticȱnegotiationȱhaveȱtheȱringȱofȱtruth.ȱSinceȱtheȱauthor mustȱhaveȱhadȱknowledgeȱofȱinternationalȱconflictȬresolutionȱatȱtheȱhighestȱlevel, whatȱisȱsaidȱdeservesȱminuteȱattention.ȱItȱunderlinesȱtheȱauthor’sȱrealismȱandȱskill inȱ narration,ȱ andȱ informsȱ usȱ onȱ powerȬdealingȱ inȱ twelfthȬcenturyȱ Walesȱ and Ireland.ȱ LetȱusȱgoȱbackȱtoȱtheȱIrishȱenvoys.ȱTheyȱareȱcivil,ȱassuringȱBendigeidfranȱthat Matholwchȱ wishesȱ nothingȱ butȱ goodȱ toȱ him.ȱ Butȱ theyȱ areȱ suingȱ forȱ peace. Bendigeidfran’sȱnephewȱisȱtoȱbeȱinvestedȱasȱkingȱofȱIrelandȱinȱhisȱuncle’sȱpresence. MatholwchȱisȱtoȱbeȱdealtȱwithȱasȱBendigeidfranȱdesires,ȱeitherȱinȱIrelandȱorȱBritain. Now,ȱsuchȱtermsȱasȱtheseȱareȱextraordinary.ȱTheyȱareȱbeyondȱtheȱdreamsȱofȱany invaderȱofȱIrelandȱthroughȱtheȱcenturies.ȱNaturally,ȱtheyȱflatterȱtheȱpatriotismȱof theȱstory’sȱWelshȱauthorȱandȱWelshȱreaders.ȱYetȱweȱremainȱinȱcontactȱwithȱreality. Bendigeidfran’sȱreplyȱhadȱhintedȱasȱhisȱexpectingȱhimselfȱtoȱbeȱkingȱofȱIrelandȱ(the classicȱgambitȱofȱinitiallyȱclaimingȱmoreȱthanȱoneȱexpects?),ȱandȱrefersȱtoȱtaking advice.ȱHisȱfurtherȱcommentȱshowsȱthat,ȱnowȱhisȱarmyȱhasȱcrossedȱtheȱLiffey,ȱhe knowsȱthatȱheȱisȱinȱaȱpositionȱofȱstrength.ȱ “Oȱhynȱhytȱbanȱdelȱamgen,ȱnyȱcheffwchȱyȱgenhyfȱiȱattep.”ȱ“Ie,”ȱhebȱwynteu,ȱ“yrȱatteb goreuȱaȱgaffomȱninheu.ȱattatȱtiȱyȱdownȱacȱef,ȱacȱaroȱditheuȱynȱkennadwriȱninheu.” “Arhoaf,”ȱhebȱef,ȱ“oȱdowchȱynȱehegyr.”25 [“Fromȱnowȱonȱuntilȱdifferentȱtermsȱcome,ȱnoȱanswerȱwillȱyouȱgetȱfromȱme.”ȱ“Why,” theyȱreplied,ȱ“theȱbestȱanswerȱweȱreceive,ȱweȱwillȱbringȱitȱthee,ȱandȱdoȱthouȱawaitȱour message.”ȱ“Iȱwill,”ȱsaidȱhe,ȱ“ifȱyouȱcomeȱquickly.”26]

Theȱexcellenceȱofȱthisȱdialogueȱdeservesȱtheȱhighestȱpraise.ȱOnȱtheȱoneȱhandȱwe mayȱnoteȱtheȱblandnessȱandȱsmoothnessȱofȱtheȱIrishȱemissaries;ȱonȱtheȱother,ȱthe somewhatȱmenacingȱauthorityȱofȱBendigeidfran,ȱwhoȱwillȱnotȱtolerateȱtheȱtactics ofȱdelay,ȱyetȱdoesȱnotȱresortȱtoȱmereȱthreats.ȱTheȱauthor’sȱskillȱinȱcharacterization andȱcreatingȱdialogueȱisȱofȱtheȱfirstȱorder. TheȱIrishȱthinkȱagain,ȱandȱdecideȱtoȱbuildȱtheȱhouseȱforȱBendigeidfran,ȱwhere MatholwchȱwillȱplaceȱtheȱkingshipȱofȱIrelandȱatȱhisȱdisposalȱandȱpayȱhimȱhomage. Soȱtheȱtermsȱareȱbetter.ȱThisȱtime,ȱMatholwchȱwillȱnotȱgiveȱtheȱkingshipȱofȱIreland toȱhisȱsonȱGwern.ȱHeȱinsteadȱplacesȱitȱinȱtheȱhandsȱofȱBendigeidfran,ȱtoȱdoȱwith asȱheȱwills.ȱAtȱtheȱsameȱtime,ȱMatholwchȱdoesȱnotȱmerelyȱplaceȱhimselfȱforȱthe Britishȱkingȱtoȱmakeȱprovisionȱof,ȱbutȱpromisesȱtoȱdoȱhimȱhomage.ȱMatholwchȱwill therebyȱbecomeȱBendigeidfran’sȱvassal.ȱAlthoughȱtheȱprecisionȱandȱrealismȱofȱthis

25 26

BranwenȱUerchȱLyr,ȱ11–12ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ19). TheȱMabinogion,ȱtrans.ȱGwynȱJonesȱandȱThomasȱJones,ȱ35ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20).

WarlordsȱandȱDiplomatsȱ

165

areȱ remarkableȱ enough,ȱ whatȱ comesȱ nextȱ isȱ stillȱ moreȱ extraordinary. Bendigeidfranȱtakesȱadviceȱandȱdecidesȱtoȱaccept,ȱandȱweȱareȱtoldȱthatȱthisȱwasȱall doneȱ onȱ Branwen’sȱ advice,ȱ becauseȱ sheȱ fearedȱ thatȱ theȱ countryȱ wouldȱ beȱ laid waste.ȱForȱallȱhisȱstrengthȱofȱcharacter,ȱtheȱBritishȱkingȱmakesȱdecisionsȱadvisedly. Againȱ andȱ againȱ inȱ theseȱ talesȱ weȱ hearȱ howȱ rulersȱ takeȱ counsel.ȱ Theyȱ areȱ not dictators;ȱtheȱwelfareȱofȱtheirȱrealmsȱisȱaȱconstantȱconcern,ȱandȱtheyȱknowȱthat theyȱwouldȱbeȱfoolishȱtoȱignoreȱtheȱopinionȱofȱtheirȱmagnates.ȱHowever,ȱtheȱdetail thatȱBranwenȱtookȱpartȱinȱtheȱnegotiationsȱdeservesȱspecialȱconsideration,ȱbecause itȱ isȱ soȱ strange.ȱ Theȱ authorȱ wishedȱ toȱ stressȱ thatȱ aȱ womanȱ hadȱ aȱ partȱ in internationalȱpowerȬbargaining,ȱyet,ȱevenȱnow,ȱtheȱimplicationsȱofȱwhatȱtheȱauthor wasȱhereȱsoȱcarefulȱtoȱmentionȱhaveȱnotȱbeenȱfullyȱunderstood.ȱOneȱnotices,ȱtoo, thatȱ Branwenȱ helpedȱ peaceȱ toȱ comeȱ betweenȱ Britishȱ andȱ Irishȱ byȱ meansȱ of compromise,ȱthatȱprosaicȱvirtue. AllȱbeginsȱwellȱwhenȱtheȱBritishȱcomeȱtoȱtheȱhouseȱpreparedȱforȱBendigeidfran, butȱmattersȱendȱinȱcatastrophe,ȱinȱpartȱthroughȱtheȱtreacheryȱofȱtheȱIrish,ȱwhoȱhave concealedȱ anȱ armedȱ warriorȱ inȱ aȱ leatherȱ bagȱ onȱ eachȱ ofȱ theȱ house’sȱ hundred pillars.ȱDespiteȱBranwen’sȱattemptsȱtoȱrestoreȱharmony,ȱtheȱtaleȱfinishesȱinȱdisaster forȱbothȱBritainȱandȱIreland.ȱEvenȱwhenȱtheȱfewȱBritishȱsurvivorsȱarriveȱhomeȱwith Bendigeidfran’sȱ head,ȱ theyȱ findȱ thatȱ theirȱ islandȱ hasȱ beenȱ lostȱ thanksȱ toȱ an enemy’sȱsecretȱweapon.ȱ Acȱarȱhynny,ȱkerdetȱaȱwnaethȱyȱseithwyrȱparthȱaȱHardlech,ȱa’rȱpennȱganthunt.ȱValȱy bydantȱyȱkerdet,ȱllymaȱgyweithydȱynȱkyuaruotȱacȱwynt,ȱoȱwyrȱaȱgwraged.ȱ“Aȱoes gennwchȱchwiȱchwedleu?”ȱhebȱyȱManawydan.ȱ“Nacȱoes”,ȱhebȱwynt,ȱ“onytȱgoresgyn oȱGaswallawnȱuabȱBeliȱYnysȱyȱKedyrn,ȱa’yȱuotȱynȱurenhinȱcoronawcȱynȱLlundein.”ȱ“Pa daruu,”ȱhenȱwynteu,ȱ“yȱGradawcȱuabȱBran,ȱa’rȱseithwyrȱaȱedewitȱyȱgytȱacȱefȱynȱyr ynysȱhonn?”ȱ“DyuotȱCaswallawnȱamȱeuȱpenn,ȱaȱlladȱyȱchwegwyr,ȱaȱthorriȱohonaw ynteuȱGradawcȱyȱgalonȱoȱaniuyget,ȱamȱweletȱyȱcledyfȱynȱlladȱyȱwyr,ȱacȱnaȱwydatȱpwy a’eȱlladei.ȱCaswallawnȱaȱdaroedȱidawȱwiscawȱllenȱhutȱamdanaw,ȱacȱnyȱweleiȱnebȱefȱyn lladȱyȱgwyr,ȱnamynȱyȱcledyfȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”27 [AndȱthereuponȱtheȱsevenȱmenȱmadeȱtheirȱwayȱtowardsȱHarddlechȱ[Harlech,ȱonȱthe Gwyneddȱcoast],ȱandȱtheȱheadȱwithȱthem.ȱAsȱtheyȱjourneyed,ȱlo,ȱthereȱmetȱthemȱa troopȱofȱmenȱandȱwomen.ȱ“Haveȱyouȱtidings?”ȱsaidȱManawydanȱ[Bendigeidfran’s brother].ȱ“Weȱhaveȱnot,”ȱsaidȱthey,ȱ“saveȱthatȱCaswallawnȱsonȱofȱBeliȱhasȱconquered theȱ Islandȱ ofȱ theȱ Mightyȱ andȱ isȱ aȱ crownedȱ kingȱ inȱ London.”ȱ “Whatȱ hasȱ befallen CradawgȱsonȱofȱBrân,”ȱtheyȱasked,ȱ“andȱtheȱsevenȱmenȱwhoȱwereȱleftȱwithȱhimȱinȱthis Island?”ȱ“Caswallawnȱfellȱuponȱthemȱandȱslewȱtheȱsixȱmen;ȱandȱCradawgȱbrokeȱhis heartȱwithȱconsternationȱatȱsightȱofȱtheȱswordȱslayingȱhisȱmen,ȱandȱheȱnotȱknowing

27

BranwenȱUerchȱLyr,ȱ15–16ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ19).

166

AndrewȱBreeze whoȱslewȱthem.ȱCaswallawnȱhadȱapparalledȱhimȱinȱaȱmagicȱmantle,ȱandȱnoȱoneȱcould seeȱhimȱslayȱtheȱmen,ȱbutȱonlyȱtheȱsword.”28]

ThisȱsecondȱbranchȱisȱhenceȱaȱWelshȱtragedy,ȱtheȱonlyȱoneȱofȱtheȱfourȱtoȱendȱin pessimism.ȱYetȱtheȱauthorȱlaterȱrelievesȱthisȱgloom.ȱTheȱthirdȱbranch,ȱtheȱstoryȱof Manawydan,ȱbeginsȱwithȱprovisionȱmadeȱforȱhimȱbyȱPryderi,ȱwhoȱhadȱmanaged toȱescapeȱtheȱbloodbathȱperpetratedȱbyȱCaswallawn.ȱManawydanȱwillȱruleȱover theȱsevenȱcantrefsȱofȱDyfed,ȱandȱwillȱmarryȱPryderi’sȱwidowedȱmother,ȱRhiannon. Asȱ regardsȱ Caswallawn,ȱ Pryderiȱ comesȱ toȱ terms.ȱ Heȱ goesȱ toȱ payȱ homageȱ to CaswallawnȱinȱOxford,ȱwhereȱheȱreceivesȱaȱgreatȱwelcomeȱandȱisȱthankedȱfor payingȱhomage. Thereȱareȱtwoȱimplicationsȱhere.ȱFirstȱisȱtheȱwholeȱhistoricalȱquestionȱofȱtheȱLoss ofȱBritain,ȱoneȱofȱincalculableȱimportance,ȱwithȱenduringȱconsequencesȱforȱWelsh andȱEnglishȱselfȬperceptionȱtoȱthisȱday.ȱAllȱWelshȱhistoriography,ȱincludingȱGildas inȱtheȱsixthȱcentury,ȱHistoriaȱBrittonumȱinȱtheȱninth,ȱtheȱFourȱBranchesȱinȱtheȱtwelfth, andȱnativeȱhistoriansȱfromȱtheȱsixteenthȱtoȱtheȱtwentyȬfirstȱcenturies,ȱisȱboundȱup withȱtheȱconceptionȱthatȱBritainȱwasȱonceȱunitedȱunderȱtheȱruleȱofȱtheȱBritons,ȱa unityȱdestroyedȱbyȱtheȱinvasionsȱofȱtheȱSaxons,ȱwhoȱrobbedȱtheȱBritishȱofȱtheir rightfulȱdomains.ȱAgeȬoldȱWelshȱfeelingsȱofȱinsecurityȱandȱnationalȱneurosisȱwere exacerbatedȱbyȱtheȱcomingȱofȱtheȱNormans.ȱTheirȱvigorousȱincursionsȱintoȱWales addȱpointȱtoȱtheȱstoryȱofȱCaswallawn.ȱInȱtheȱ1120sȱorȱso,ȱwhenȱtheȱtalesȱwere composed,ȱ theȱ Normanȱ Conquestȱ ofȱ Englandȱ wasȱ aȱ recentȱ andȱ disturbing memory.ȱTheȱConqueror’sȱownȱson,ȱHenryȱI,ȱkeptȱaȱtightȱgripȱonȱWales.ȱHenceȱthe negativeȱimpressionȱinȱtheseȱstoriesȱofȱnewsȱfromȱLondonȱandȱitsȱregion. TheȱsecondȱpointȱconcernsȱtheȱpoliticalȱrealismȱofȱPryderi’sȱrenderingȱhomage toȱCaswallawn,ȱmentionedȱatȱtheȱbeginningȱofȱtheȱthirdȱbranch.ȱCaswallawnȱisȱa usurper.ȱHeȱhasȱnoȱcolorȱofȱrightȱtoȱtheȱcrownȱofȱLondon.ȱWhenȱBendigeidfran wasȱinȱIrelandȱtoȱseekȱjusticeȱforȱhisȱsister,ȱCaswallawnȱseizedȱhisȱopportunityȱand stabbedȱtheȱBritishȱinȱtheȱback.ȱYetȱtheȱauthorȱhasȱtheȱwisdomȱtoȱmakeȱtheȱbestȱof aȱbadȱsituation.ȱWalesȱremainsȱinȱpossessionȱofȱlegitimateȱrulers.ȱPryderiȱgoes fromȱ Dyfedȱ toȱ Oxford,ȱ becomesȱ Caswallawn’sȱ vassal,ȱ andȱ therebyȱ receives recognitionȱ andȱ protectionȱ fromȱ him.ȱ Onceȱ again,ȱ theȱ politicalȱ wisdomȱ ofȱ the author,ȱsurelyȱbornȱofȱexperience,ȱdeservesȱnote.ȱ TheȱreferenceȱtoȱOxford,ȱincidentally,ȱhelpsȱusȱtoȱdateȱtheseȱstories,ȱsinceȱthe townȱhadȱlittleȱimportanceȱinȱtheȱdecadesȱafterȱtheȱNormanȱConquest.ȱDomesday Bookȱshowsȱthatȱinȱ1086ȱmuchȱofȱitȱwasȱderelict,ȱandȱitȱregainedȱimportanceȱonly inȱtheȱ1120s.ȱItȱwasȱthenȱthatȱHenryȱI,ȱwhoȱbearsȱaȱresemblanceȱtoȱCaswallawn, beganȱ issuingȱ chartersȱ fromȱ Oxford,ȱ whereȱ heȱ builtȱ Beaumontȱ Palace.ȱ Itȱ was locatedȱbetweenȱtheȱlaterȱWorcesterȱCollegeȱandȱAshmoleanȱMuseum;ȱitȱwasȱat

28

TheȱMabinogion,ȱtrans.ȱGwynȱJonesȱandȱThomasȱJones,ȱ38ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20).

WarlordsȱandȱDiplomatsȱ

167

Beaumontȱ Palaceȱ inȱ 1157ȱ thatȱ Richardȱ theȱ Lionheartȱ wasȱ born,ȱ asȱ aȱ modern inscriptionȱtellsȱpassersȬby.ȱThisȱinterestingȱallusionȱtoȱOxfordȱimpliesȱthatȱthe storiesȱwereȱcomposedȱlaterȱthanȱaboutȱ1120ȱ(beforeȱwhichȱOxfordȱlackedȱpolitical prestige),ȱwhileȱtheirȱtotalȱlackȱofȱreferenceȱtoȱKingȱArthurȱandȱhisȱmenȱpointsȱto aȱdateȱbeforeȱaboutȱ1136,ȱwhenȱGeoffreyȱofȱMonmouthȱpublishedȱHistoriaȱRegum Britanniae,ȱ pushingȱ Arthurianȱ epicȱ ontoȱ theȱ Europeanȱ stage,ȱ butȱ alsoȱ having immediateȱeffectȱonȱwritingȱbackȱinȱWales.ȱSoȱtheȱstoryȱofȱBranwenȱandȱopening ofȱthatȱofȱManawydanȱofferȱmuchȱmaterialȱonȱtheȱtragedyȱofȱwar,ȱandȱtheȱdifficult negotiationsȱthatȱareȱwar’sȱinevitableȱconsequence,ȱwhetherȱtoȱachieveȱsuccessȱor mitigateȱfailure.ȱ

VI.ȱConflictȱinȱtheȱTaleȱofȱMath Theȱlastȱofȱtheȱfourȱnarratives,ȱtheȱstoryȱofȱMath,ȱdescribesȱanotherȱarmedȱconflict, thisȱ timeȱ betweenȱ Gwyneddȱ andȱ Dyfed.ȱ Again,ȱ theȱ sensitivityȱ andȱ tactȱ ofȱ the authorȱcomeȱoutȱwithȱtheȱworstȱofȱallȱwars,ȱaȱcivilȱone,ȱasȱweȱshallȱseeȱfromȱthe text.ȱGwydionȱandȱGilfaethwyȱprovokeȱtheȱconflictȱbyȱgoingȱinȱdisguiseȱtoȱthe courtȱofȱPryderiȱinȱDyfed,ȱwhereȱtheyȱuseȱsorceryȱtoȱtrickȱhimȱoutȱofȱmagicȱpigs thatȱheȱpossessesȱ(theirȱmeatȱtastingȱbetterȱthanȱbeef).ȱWhenȱPryderiȱdiscoversȱhis loss,ȱheȱandȱhisȱmenȱmarchȱnorthwardȱafterȱtheȱrustlers,ȱbutȱMathȱcomesȱagainst himȱwithȱanȱarmy.ȱTheȱauthorȱdescribesȱmilitaryȱoperationsȱthus.ȱWhenȱGwydion andȱGilfaethwyȱreachȱGwyneddȱwithȱtheȱswineȱofȱPryderi,ȱtheyȱfindȱaȱstirȱatȱthe courtȱofȱMath.ȱLeviesȱareȱcomingȱtogether,ȱtrumpetsȱareȱsounding.ȱTheyȱhearȱthat PryderiȱisȱmusteringȱtheȱtwentyȬoneȱcantrefsȱorȱhundredsȱofȱDyfed.ȱTheyȱgoȱonȱto whereȱMathȱisȱwithȱtheȱmainȱpartȱofȱhisȱarmy.ȱWhenȱtheyȱarrive,ȱtheȱmenȱare aboutȱtoȱtakeȱcounselȱonȱwhereȱtheyȱwillȱawaitȱPryderiȱandȱtheȱforcesȱofȱDyfed. TheyȱtakeȱpositionȱinȱtheȱstrongestȱpartȱofȱGwyneddȱinȱArfon,ȱonȱtheȱwestȱfringe ofȱSnowdonia.ȱPryderiȱattacksȱthemȱthere,ȱthereȱisȱaȱgreatȱmassacreȱonȱeachȱside, theȱmenȱofȱDyfedȱareȱforcedȱtoȱretreatȱtoȱNantȱCallȱ(sixȱmilesȱsouthȱofȱCaernarfon), andȱthereȱisȱfurtherȱimmeasurableȱslaughter.ȱThenȱtheyȱfleeȱsouthȱtoȱDôlȱBenmaen, rallyingȱandȱattemptingȱtoȱmakeȱpeace,ȱwithȱPryderiȱgivingȱGwrgiȱGwastraȱand twentyȬthreeȱsonsȱofȱnoblemenȱasȱhostages. TheyȱtravelȱsouthȱagainȱtoȱYȱTraethȱMawr,ȱbutȱwhenȱtheyȱreachȱYȱFelenrhydȱthe infantryȱ cannotȱ beȱ restrainedȱ fromȱ shootingȱ atȱ oneȱ another.ȱ Pryderiȱ sends messengersȱrequestingȱthatȱbothȱarmiesȱbeȱcalledȱoff,ȱandȱthatȱtheȱmatterȱbeȱleftȱto himȱandȱGwydionȱsonȱofȱDôn,ȱsinceȱGwydionȱhadȱbroughtȱaboutȱtheȱwar.ȱThe decisionȱ toȱ resolveȱ mattersȱ throughȱ singleȱ combatȱ isȱ acceptedȱ byȱ Math,ȱ and Gwydionȱ(asȱmentionedȱabove)ȱbyȱhisȱstrengthȱandȱmagicȱisȱableȱtoȱkillȱPryderi. Theȱauthorialȱcommentsȱthatȱfollowȱare,ȱonceȱagain,ȱextraordinary.ȱWeȱhearȱthat theȱmenȱofȱDyfedȱsetȱoffȱforȱtheirȱlandȱlamentingȱbitterly,ȱandȱitȱwasȱnoȱwonder,

168

AndrewȱBreeze

becauseȱtheyȱhadȱlostȱtheirȱlord,ȱmanyȱofȱtheirȱbestȱmen,ȱtheirȱhorses,ȱandȱmostȱof theirȱ weapons.ȱ Theȱ menȱ ofȱ Gwyneddȱ returnedȱ homeȱ elatedȱ andȱ rejoicing. GwydionȱasksȱMathȱwhetherȱtheyȱshouldȱnotȱreleaseȱtoȱtheȱmenȱofȱDyfedȱtheir nobleman,ȱtheȱoneȱtheyȱgaveȱasȱhostageȱforȱpeace,ȱaddingȱthatȱtheyȱshouldȱnot imprisonȱhim.ȱMathȱgivesȱordersȱthatȱheȱshouldȱbeȱsetȱfree.ȱTheȱyoungȱman,ȱand theȱhostagesȱwhoȱwereȱwithȱhim,ȱwereȱthusȱreleasedȱtoȱfollowȱafterȱtheȱmenȱof Dyfed.ȱȱ Theȱpassageȱdeservesȱscrutinyȱforȱwhatȱitȱsaysȱandȱwhatȱitȱdoesȱnotȱsay,ȱwhere weȱmayȱdrawȱattentionȱtoȱfourȱpoints.ȱFirstȱisȱtheȱsingularȱregardȱpaidȱtoȱboth sides.ȱTheȱmenȱofȱDyfed,ȱwhoȱhaveȱbeenȱrobbedȱbyȱguestsȱtoȱwhomȱtheyȱgave hospitality,ȱareȱnoȱcowardsȱandȱfightȱbravely,ȱasȱtheȱauthorȱofȱtheȱtextȱmakesȱclear. Second,ȱtheȱbattlesȱareȱyetȱpassedȱoverȱinȱaȱperfunctoryȱway,ȱwithoutȱanyȱmention ofȱconspicuousȱactsȱofȱvalor,ȱorȱaccountsȱofȱfightingȱblowȱbyȱblow.ȱTheȱcontrast withȱauthorsȱfromȱHomerȱtoȱMaloryȱandȱbeyondȱisȱmadeȱplainȱbyȱtheȱduelȱof GwydionȱandȱPryderi,ȱwhichȱisȱoverȱinȱthreeȱlines,ȱevenȱthroughȱvictoryȱinȱtheȱwar dependsȱonȱit.ȱThirdȱisȱtheȱwayȱthatȱmattersȱareȱpresentedȱtoȱusȱasȱifȱfromȱthe general’sȱtent,ȱnotȱfromȱtheȱranks.ȱCounselȱisȱtakenȱthere;ȱpeaceȱtermsȱareȱagreed on.ȱMattersȱareȱruined,ȱnotȱbyȱtheȱhighȱcommand,ȱbutȱbyȱtheȱinfantryȱwhenȱtheir disciplineȱ breaksȱ downȱ andȱ theyȱ beginȱ skirmishing.ȱ Fourthȱ isȱ theȱ remarkable considerationȱpaidȱinȱtheȱaftermathȱofȱwarȱtoȱtheȱenemy,ȱtheȱmenȱofȱDyfed.ȱEven thoughȱtheirȱcauseȱwasȱjust,ȱtheyȱwereȱdefeated,ȱandȱweȱhearȱofȱtheirȱsorrow,ȱtheir princeȱandȱmanyȱofȱtheirȱbestȱmenȱhavingȱdiedȱinȱvain.ȱTheȱauthorȱmentionsȱnot onlyȱtheȱgriefȱofȱtheȱvanquishedȱbutȱalsoȱtheȱmagnanimityȱofȱtheȱvictors.ȱThey wereȱnotȱobligedȱtoȱreleaseȱtheȱhostages,ȱbutȱchoseȱtoȱdoȱso,ȱandȱletȱthemȱreturn home. Toȱgiveȱanȱaccountȱofȱeventsȱfromȱanȱenemy’sȱpointȱofȱviewȱisȱaȱrareȱfeature evenȱinȱtheȱbestȱwriters,ȱgivenȱtheȱnaturalȱprejudicesȱofȱmostȱhumanȱbeingsȱon suchȱmatters.ȱYetȱoneȱcanȱofferȱaȱreasonȱforȱtheȱtendernessȱshownȱtoȱtheȱdefeated atȱthisȱpoint,ȱwhichȱisȱnothingȱtoȱdoȱwithȱsimpleȱhumanity.ȱThereȱisȱaȱcontrast betweenȱtheȱfourthȱbranch’sȱattitudesȱtoȱDyfedȱandȱtheȱsecondȱbranch’sȱattitudes toȱIreland.ȱTheȱmenȱofȱDyfedȱareȱdealtȱwithȱgenerously,ȱbutȱnotȱsoȱtheȱIrish,ȱwho areȱmadeȱoutȱasȱgreedy,ȱcowardlyȱ(theyȱfearȱtoȱofferȱBendigeidfranȱbattle,ȱwhen Pryderiȱfightsȱbravely),ȱandȱtreacherous;ȱevenȱso,ȱBranwenȱlamentsȱtheȱdestruction ofȱIreland,ȱwhenȱsheȱhadȱtriedȱtoȱmakeȱpeaceȱbetweenȱBritonȱandȱIrishman.

VII.ȱConclusion AnalysisȱofȱtheȱFourȱBranchesȱofȱtheȱMabinogiȱpointsȱtoȱaȱclearȱand,ȱoneȱmightȱthink, unshakeableȱimplication.ȱTheȱstoriesȱhaveȱoneȱauthorȱonly.ȱThatȱauthorȱhadȱdirect knowledgeȱ ofȱ royalȱ politicsȱ inȱ Gwyneddȱ andȱ Dyfedȱ alike,ȱ bothȱ inȱ warȱ andȱ in

WarlordsȱandȱDiplomatsȱ

169

peace.ȱAȱconcernȱforȱgoodȱgovernmentȱisȱaȱconstantȱthemeȱofȱtheȱnarratives;ȱthe attemptsȱtoȱresolveȱorȱavoidȱconflictȱbyȱBendigeidfranȱandȱMathȱ(toȱsayȱnothing ofȱBranwen’sȱquietȱdiplomacy)ȱareȱpresentedȱforȱadmiration.ȱWhileȱtheȱtaleȱof Branwenȱ endsȱ inȱ universalȱ destruction,ȱ thatȱ ofȱ Mathȱ endsȱ withȱ Lleuȱ asȱ the prosperousȱandȱsuccessfulȱrulerȱofȱGwynedd.ȱ(Aȱrepeatedȱthemeȱinȱtheȱtales,ȱnot discussedȱhere,ȱisȱtheȱloveȱandȱregardȱthatȱgoodȱrulersȱreceiveȱfromȱthoseȱwhom theyȱ govern.)ȱ Likeȱ aȱ Shakespeareanȱ tragedy,ȱ despiteȱ terribleȱ thingsȱ thatȱ have happened,ȱtheȱFourȱBranchesȱendȱwithȱtheȱstate’sȱcontinuanceȱandȱstability.ȱWhat kindȱofȱauthorȱmightȱhaveȱpresentedȱmedievalȱWalesȱinȱthisȱway? Someȱreadersȱwillȱknowȱthatȱtheȱauthorȱofȱthisȱessayȱoffersȱaȱsensationalȱanswer here,ȱproposingȱthatȱtheȱauthorȱofȱtheȱtalesȱwasȱnotȱmerelyȱaȱmemberȱofȱtheȱroyal houseȱ ofȱ Gwyneddȱ andȱ then,ȱ byȱ marriage,ȱ ofȱ theȱ houseȱ ofȱ Dyfed,ȱ butȱ wasȱ a woman.ȱ Sheȱ canȱ beȱ identifiedȱ asȱ Princessȱ Gwenllianȱ (d.ȱ 1136),ȱ daughterȱ of GruffuddȱapȱCynanȱ(d.ȱ1137),ȱkingȱofȱGwynedd,ȱandȱwifeȱofȱGruffyddȱapȱRhysȱ(d. 1137),ȱprinceȱofȱDyfed.ȱAlthoughȱthisȱhypothesisȱhasȱbeenȱputȱforwardȱbyȱhim overȱmanyȱyears,ȱitȱhasȱbeenȱresisted,ȱasȱisȱoftenȱtheȱcaseȱwithȱnewȱideas. AnalysisȱofȱwarȱandȱpeaceȱinȱtheȱFourȱBranchesȱofȱtheȱMabinogiȱthusȱpossesses moreȱthanȱusualȱinterest.ȱItȱaidsȱunderstandingȱofȱaȱperennialȱandȱtragicȱaspectȱof theȱhumanȱcondition,ȱbutȱhasȱanotherȱfunctionȱasȱwell.ȱTheseȱclassicȱstoriesȱhave muchȱtoȱsayȱaboutȱfamilyȱlife,ȱmarriage,ȱchildȬrearing,ȱfosterage,ȱjustice,ȱlandscape, theȱrelationȱofȱWalesȱtoȱneighboringȱcountries,ȱfood,ȱjewelsȱandȱotherȱluxuries,ȱthe ceremoniesȱofȱcourtȱlife,ȱdecisionȬmaking,ȱhorses,ȱhunting,ȱagriculture,ȱadultery, theȱmanufactureȱofȱshoes,ȱshields,ȱandȱsaddles,ȱstoryȬtelling,ȱgiantsȱasȱaȱpolitical problem,ȱprovisionȱforȱyoungȱlords,ȱmagic,ȱrape,ȱtheȱunityȱofȱBritishȱsovereignty, lawȱandȱtheȱpunishmentȱofȱoffenders,ȱhowȱtoȱgetȱridȱofȱanȱunsuitableȱboyfriend, theȱdominanceȱbyȱDyfedȱofȱallȱSouthȱWales,ȱtheȱtechnologyȱofȱironȬsmelting,ȱthe organizationȱofȱaȱfleet,ȱandȱsoȱon.ȱAnalysisȱofȱtheseȱandȱotherȱmattersȱpointsȱto compositionȱbyȱanȱauthorȱwhoȱwasȱaȱgreatȱliteraryȱartist.ȱAllȱwillȱagreeȱonȱthat.ȱYet itȱaddsȱtoȱourȱappreciationȱofȱthatȱartȱifȱweȱcanȱbeȱsureȱthatȱtheȱauthorȱofȱtheȱFour BranchesȱofȱtheȱMabinogiȱwasȱaȱking’sȱdaughter,ȱaȱwife,ȱmother,ȱandȱpatriot,ȱwho paidȱ forȱ herȱ loveȱ ofȱ countryȱ withȱ herȱ blood,ȱ whenȱ sheȱ wasȱ executedȱ byȱ the NormanȱinvaderȱinȱJanuaryȱ1136,ȱatȱKidwellyȱinȱSouthȱWales.

Chapterȱ5 CharlesȱW.ȱConnell (NorthernȱArizonaȱUniversity,ȱFlagstaff)

OriginsȱofȱMedievalȱPublicȱOpinion inȱtheȱPeaceȱofȱGodȱMovement

PeaceȱandȱPublicȱOpinion Peace!ȱPeace!ȱPeace!ȱSoȱwent,ȱreportedȱRadolphusȱGlaber,ȱtheȱcriesȱofȱtheȱmasses attendingȱnumerousȱpeaceȱcouncilsȱinȱtheȱMidiȱ(southernȱFrance)ȱinȱtheȱlateȱtenth century.1ȱ“Splendidȱisȱtheȱnameȱofȱpeace!”ȱdeclaredȱaȱconciliarȱdecreeȱissuedȱby bishopsȱatȱaȱsynodȱheldȱatȱPoitiersȱnearȱtheȱyearȱ1000.2ȱTheseȱbishopsȱstatedȱthat theyȱ wereȱ meetingȱ “forȱ theȱ restorationȱ ofȱ peaceȱ andȱ justice,”ȱ asȱ didȱ those assembledȱforȱsimilarȱmeetingsȱthatȱtraceȱtheirȱoriginsȱatȱleastȱbackȱtoȱaȱprecursor gatheringȱconvenedȱbyȱtheȱBishopȱofȱLeȱPuyȱinȱ975.ȱCouncilsȱfollowedȱregularly atȱCharrouxȱinȱ989,ȱagainȱatȱbothȱLeȱPuyȱandȱLimogesȱinȱ994,ȱandȱatȱleastȱaȱhalf dozenȱotherȱplacesȱfromȱNarbonneȱtoȱBurgundyȱinȱtheȱdecadeȱfromȱ989ȱtoȱ1000. Thenȱthereȱwasȱapparentlyȱaȱhiatusȱuntilȱtheȱ1020sȱwhenȱaȱrevivalȱofȱregularlyȬ heldȱcouncilsȱoccurredȱandȱlastedȱthroughȱtheȱ1030s,ȱbeforeȱtaperingȱoff,ȱthough

1

2

RodulphusȱGlaber,ȱHistoriarum,ȱIV.v.16,ȱquotedȱinȱTomazȱMastnak,ȱCrusadingȱPeace:ȱChristendom, theȱMuslimȱWorld,ȱandȱWesternȱPoliticalȱOrderȱ(Berkeley,ȱCA:ȱUniversityȱofȱCaliforniaȱPress,ȱ2002), 35.ȱForȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱdevelopmentȱofȱtheȱPeaceȱofȱGodȱandȱtheȱTruceȱofȱGodȱupȱtoȱtheȱtimeȱof theȱ firstȱ crusade,ȱ seeȱ Mastnak,ȱ ch.ȱ 1.ȱ Mastnakȱ reliesȱ heavilyȱ inȱ hisȱ overviewȱ onȱ theȱ research reportedȱinȱtheȱcollectionȱofȱessaysȱeditedȱbyȱThomasȱHeadȱandȱRichardȱLandes,ȱTheȱPeaceȱofȱGod: Socialȱ Violenceȱ andȱ Religiousȱ Responseȱ Aroundȱ theȱ Yearȱ 1000ȱ (Ithaca,ȱ NY,ȱ andȱ London:ȱ Cornell UniversityȱPress,ȱ1992).ȱHenceforth,ȱ“HeadȱandȱLandes.” ThomasȱHead,ȱ“TheȱDevelopmentȱofȱtheȱPeaceȱofȱGodȱinȱAquitaineȱ(970–1005),”ȱSpeculumȱ74.3 (1999):ȱ656–86;ȱhereȱ656.

172

CharlesȱW.ȱConnell

continuingȱthroughȱtheȱ1040sȱandȱ1050s.3ȱFollowingȱtheȱmoreȱcelebratedȱcouncil atȱArlesȱinȱ1041,ȱtheȱpeaceȱmovementȱwentȱthroughȱsomeȱsignificantȱchanges, movingȱfromȱtheȱmoreȱregionalȱcouncilsȱtoȱonesȱproclaimingȱaȱbroaderȱpeaceȱand attemptingȱtoȱendȱfightingȱaltogether,ȱatȱleastȱonȱtheȱweekends,ȱandȱguaranteeing itȱbyȱoathsȱtakenȱtoȱenforceȱpactsȱofȱtheȱsoȬcalledȱTruceȱofȱGod. Althoughȱtheseȱeventsȱareȱknownȱthroughȱlimitedȱdocumentation,ȱtheȱliterary sourcesȱareȱconsistentȱaboutȱtheȱfactȱthatȱtheȱcouncilsȱwereȱattendedȱbyȱaȱgreat varietyȱ ofȱ individualsȱ whoȱ cameȱ inȱ largeȱ numbersȱ toȱ participate.ȱ Thus,ȱ Loren MacKinney,ȱ asȱ earlyȱ asȱ 1930,ȱ suggestedȱ thatȱ theseȱ Peaceȱ councilsȱ markȱ the beginningsȱofȱmedievalȱpublicȱopinion.4ȱLater,ȱR.I.ȱMooreȱ(1979)ȱremarkedȱthatȱthe eleventhȱcenturyȱmarkedȱtheȱ“appearanceȱofȱtheȱcrowdȱ onȱ theȱstageȱofȱpublic events;”5ȱwhileȱnumerousȱothersȱwhoȱhaveȱfocusedȱaȱrenewedȱinterestȱofȱstudyȱon theȱ peaceȱ movementȱ inȱ theȱ pastȱ twentyȱ yearsȱ haveȱ notȱ reallyȱ contestedȱ these opinions.6ȱRegardingȱtheȱpotentialȱconnectionȱbetweenȱtheseȱmassȱassembliesȱand theirȱinfluenceȱonȱcontemporaryȱevents,ȱSophiaȱMenacheȱnotedȱinȱherȱ1990ȱstudy ofȱmedievalȱcommunication:ȱ“TheȱsuccessȱofȱmassȱmovementsȱsuchȱasȱtheȱPeace ofȱGodȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱultimatelyȱdependedȱonȱtheȱChurch’sȱcapabilityȱtoȱachieveȱmassive identificationȱamongȱlargeȱsocialȱstrataȱwithȱtheȱgoalsȱitȱpropagated.”7ȱHowever, medievalȱscholarsȱhaveȱnotȱreallyȱexploredȱtheseȱassertionsȱtoȱtheȱpointȱofȱmore clearlyȱdefiningȱtheȱexistenceȱandȱoperationȱofȱ“publicȱopinion”ȱinȱtheȱMiddle Ages,ȱ orȱ triedȱ toȱ testȱ orȱ understandȱ theȱ claimsȱ ofȱ MacKinneyȱ thatȱ theȱ Peace Movementȱshouldȱbeȱseenȱasȱtheȱoriginsȱofȱmedievalȱpublicȱopinion.ȱTheȱpurpose ofȱthisȱessayȱisȱtoȱsuggestȱsomeȱimplicationsȱofȱpursuingȱthatȱlineȱofȱinquiry.

3

4

5

6

7

Forȱaȱlistȱofȱtheȱcouncils,ȱseeȱHansȬWernerȱGoetz,ȱ“ProtectionȱofȱtheȱChurch,ȱDefenseȱofȱtheȱLaw andȱReform:ȱOnȱtheȱPurposesȱandȱCharacterȱofȱtheȱPeaceȱofȱGod,ȱ989–1038,”ȱTheȱPeaceȱofȱGod,ȱed. HeadȱandȱLandes,ȱ259–79;ȱhereȱ262ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱHenceforth,ȱ“Goetz.” LorenȱMacKinney,ȱ“TheȱPeopleȱandȱPublicȱOpinionȱinȱtheȱEleventhȬCenturyȱPeaceȱMovement,” Speculumȱ5ȱ(1930):ȱ181–206. R.ȱI.ȱMoore,ȱpaperȱreadȱatȱtheȱRoyalȱHistoricalȱSociety,ȱ11ȱMayȱ1979,ȱandȱpublishedȱasȱ“Family, CommunityȱandȱCultȱonȱtheȱEveȱofȱtheȱGregorianȱReform,”ȱTransactionsȱofȱtheȱRoyalȱHistorical Society,ȱ5thȱser.,ȱ30ȱ(1980):ȱ49–69;ȱhereȱ49. Headȱ andȱ Landes,ȱ “Introduction,”ȱ 18ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 1),ȱ citingȱ Carlȱ Erdmann,ȱ Dieȱ Entstehungȱ des Kreuzzugsgedankens.ȱ Forschungenȱ zurȱ KirchenȬȱ undȱ Geistesgeschichte,ȱ 6ȱ (Stuttgart:ȱ W. Kohlhammer,ȱ1935),ȱ66,ȱwhoȱreferredȱtoȱtheȱPeaceȱofȱGodȱasȱtheȱfirstȱmassȱreligiousȱmovement. Similarly,ȱseeȱBernhardȱTöpfer,ȱVolkȱundȱKircheȱzurȱZeitȱderȱbeginnendenȱGottesfriedensbewegungȱin Frankreich.ȱNeueȱBeiträgeȱzurȱGeschichtswissenschaft,ȱ1ȱ(Berlin:ȱRüttenȱ&ȱLöning,ȱ1957),ȱ105.ȱSee alsoȱ theȱ broaderȱ historiographicalȱ overviewȱ providedȱ byȱ Frederickȱ S.ȱ Paxton,ȱ “History, Historians,ȱandȱtheȱPeaceȱofȱGod,”ȱTheȱPeaceȱofȱGod,ȱed.ȱHeadȱandȱLandes,ȱ21–40ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱ SophiaȱMenache,ȱTheȱVoxȱDei:ȱCommunicationȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges.ȱCommunicationȱandȱSociety (NewȱYork:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1990),ȱ3.ȱ

PeaceȱofȱGodȱMovement

173

IssuesȱofȱPublicȱOpinionȱ Numerousȱissuesȱmustȱbeȱaddressedȱinȱorderȱtoȱpursueȱthisȱstudy,ȱwithȱperhaps theȱ mostȱ difficultȱ beingȱ theȱ notionȱ ofȱ whatȱ weȱ meanȱ byȱ publicȱ opinionȱ inȱ the medievalȱcontext.ȱInȱthisȱarticle,ȱevenȱtheȱdefinitionȱofȱwhatȱweȱmeanȱbyȱ“peace” mustȱbeȱconfronted,ȱatȱleastȱbriefly.8ȱThus,ȱthereȱareȱsomeȱassumptionsȱthatȱguide thisȱparticularȱessay.ȱFirst,ȱpublicȱopinionȱisȱaȱcomplexȱmatter.ȱEvenȱinȱtheȱmodern socialȱscienceȱandȱhistoricalȱliterature,ȱthereȱisȱnoȱgenerallyȱacceptedȱdefinitionȱof theȱterm.ȱPublicȱopinionȱisȱdynamic,ȱandȱitȱisȱnotȱsimplyȱtheȱsoȬcalledȱscientific notionȱofȱwhatȱoneȱcanȱmeasureȱinȱaȱpollȱofȱwhateverȱsort.ȱPublicȱopinionȱexists whetherȱ weȱ measureȱ itȱ orȱ not.ȱ Itȱ isȱ notȱ uniform;ȱ itȱ isȱ volatile,ȱ andȱ thereȱ are numerousȱpublics,ȱnotȱoneȱmassȱpublic,ȱtoȱconsiderȱinȱdiscussingȱtheȱoperations ofȱ publicȱ opinion.9ȱ Givenȱ theseȱ issues,ȱ howȱ mightȱ oneȱ readȱ theȱ Middleȱ Ages withoutȱmeaninglessȱanachronism? Oneȱofȱtheȱmoreȱrecentȱtheoriesȱofȱtheȱoperationȱandȱroleȱofȱpublicȱopinionȱoffers aȱhypothesisȱthatȱmayȱallowȱusȱtoȱtranscendȱthatȱbarrierȱofȱtimeȱandȱculture.ȱInȱthe 1970sȱElisabethȱNoelleȬNeumannȱbeganȱtoȱdevelopȱaȱconceptȱofȱpublicȱopinionȱshe calledȱtheȱ“spiralȱofȱsilence,”ȱwhichȱhasȱbeenȱsingledȱoutȱbyȱSplichalȱasȱtheȱ“first integratedȱmodelȱofȱopinionȱformationȱinȱtheȱempiricalȱsociologicalȱtradition.”10 InȱtheȱeraȱofȱmedievalȱChurchȱreform,ȱreligiousȱenthusiasm,ȱandȱheresy,ȱNoelleȬ Neumann’sȱ modelȱ offersȱ potentialȱ insightȱ inȱ itsȱ assumptionsȱ thatȱ “society threatensȱ deviantȱ individualsȱ withȱ isolation,”ȱ whichȱ leadsȱ individualsȱ toȱ fear isolation,ȱtoȱbeȱmoreȱwillingȱtoȱlistenȱtoȱotherȱopinions,ȱandȱconstantlyȱtoȱ“assess theȱclimateȱofȱopinion.”11ȱInȱthisȱmodelȱtheȱfearȱofȱisolationȱleadsȱmanyȱintoȱsilence andȱ theȱ massȱ opinionȱ toȱ gainȱ momentum.ȱ Asȱ individualsȱ interactȱ withȱ their

8

9

10

11

ThisȱessayȱisȱaȱpreludeȱtoȱaȱbroaderȱbookȬlengthȱstudyȱofȱmedievalȱpublicȱopinionȱinȱwhichȱthe issuesȱofȱdefinitionȱwillȱbeȱexploredȱatȱgreaterȱlength.ȱ Thereȱhasȱbeenȱaȱresurgenceȱofȱstudiesȱonȱpublicȱopinionȱinȱtheȱpastȱtwentyȱyearsȱorȱso.ȱOneȱof theȱmostȱrecentȱoverviewsȱisȱfoundȱinȱJacobȱandȱMichalȱShamir,ȱTheȱAnatomyȱofȱPublicȱOpinion (Annȱ Arbor:ȱ Universityȱ ofȱ Michiganȱ Press,ȱ 2000).ȱ Seeȱ alsoȱ Slavkoȱ Splichal,ȱ Publicȱ Opinion: DevelopmentsȱandȱControversiesȱinȱtheȱTwentiethȱCenturyȱ(Oxford:ȱRowanȱ&ȱLittlefield,ȱ1999).ȱJoseph Strayer,ȱ“TheȱHistorian’sȱConceptȱofȱPublicȱOpinion,”ȱCommonȱFrontiersȱofȱtheȱSocialȱSciences,ȱed. MirraȱKomarovskyȱ(Glencoe,ȱIL:ȱFreeȱPress,ȱ1957),ȱ263,ȱlongȱagoȱpointedȱoutȱtheȱdifficultiesȱfor historiansȱseekingȱtoȱstudyȱtheȱphenomenonȱofȱpublicȱopinionȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱwhichȱhe likenedȱtoȱtheȱtaskȱofȱ“astronomersȱtryingȱtoȱproveȱtheȱexistenceȱofȱaȱnewȱheavenlyȱbodyȱwhich theyȱhaveȱnotȱyetȱseen.” ElisabethȱNoelleȬNeumann,ȱTheȱSpiralȱofȱSilence:ȱPublicȱOpinionȰOurȱSocialȱSkinȱ(1980;ȱChicago: UniversityȱofȱChicagoȱPress,ȱ1993);ȱSplichal,ȱPublicȱOpinion,ȱ169ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9). Summaryȱ ofȱ someȱ ofȱ NoelleȬNeumann’sȱ viewsȱ byȱ Splichal,ȱ Publicȱ Opinion,ȱ 171ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 9). Thoughȱ Splichalȱ (169–219)ȱ isȱ quiteȱ criticalȱ ofȱ NoelleȬNeumannȱ asȱ appliedȱ inȱ modernȱ public opinionȱresearch,ȱtheȱgeneralȱconceptȱdeservesȱconsiderationȱinȱtheȱmedievalȱcontext.

174

CharlesȱW.ȱConnell

environmentȱandȱassessȱtheȱclimateȱofȱopinion,ȱtheyȱdecideȱwhetherȱtoȱjoinȱthe massesȱorȱremainȱsilent. InȱNoelleȬNeumann’sȱassessment,ȱ“thereȱareȱindeedȱgoodȱhistoricalȱreasonsȱto adoptȱaȱconceptȱofȱpublicȱopinionȱwhichȱisȱbasedȱonȱfearȱofȱisolationȱandȱitsȱresult, theȱspiralȱofȱsilence.”ȱFor,ȱasȱsheȱcontinues,ȱ“societiesȱ[may]ȱdifferȱinȱtheȱdegreeȱto whichȱ its[sic]ȱ membersȱ fearȱ isolation,ȱ butȱ allȱ societiesȱ containȱ pressuresȱ to conform,ȱ theȱ fearȱ ofȱ isolationȱ makesȱ thoseȱ pressuresȱ effective.”12ȱ Thisȱ model thereforeȱ becomesȱ oneȱ whereinȱ publicȱ opinionȱ operatesȱ asȱ aȱ meansȱ ofȱ social control.ȱSoȱtheȱresearchȱquestionȱhereȱmightȱbe:ȱdidȱmedievalȱpublicȱopinionȱcome intoȱ beingȱ asȱ aȱ resultȱ ofȱ theȱ needȱ forȱ lateȬtenthȱ centuryȱ societyȱ inȱ theȱ Midiȱ to controlȱviolenceȱandȱinstituteȱpeace?ȱDidȱpeaceȱmotivateȱtheȱfirstȱpublicȱopinion agendaȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges? Ifȱourȱunderstandingȱofȱtheȱmedievalȱpublicȱmayȱnotȱbeȱasȱfarȱremovedȱfromȱthe modernȱasȱweȱmightȱthink,ȱhowȱdoȱweȱunderstandȱitsȱoperations?ȱForȱexample, whatȱconstitutedȱaȱ“public”ȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges?ȱWeȱbeginȱwithȱtheȱtermȱpopulus, aȱtermȱwhichȱwasȱusedȱoftenȱinȱtheȱtenthȱandȱeleventhȱcenturyȱinȱsuchȱaȱwayȱas toȱinferȱtheȱgeneralȱmasses.ȱInȱJeromeȱandȱAugustine,ȱtheȱauthoritiesȱmostȱoften cited,ȱtheȱtermȱhadȱdenotedȱaȱgroupȱwhoseȱdominantȱcharacteristicȱwasȱ“unity,” aȱunityȱwhichȱderivedȱeitherȱfromȱlawȱorȱ“someȱsortȱofȱpoliticalȱresponsibility.”13 Basedȱ onȱ theȱ studyȱ byȱ Jeremyȱ Adams,ȱ Augustine’sȱ conceptȱ wasȱ derivedȱ from Scipioȱwhoȱsawȱtheȱpopulusȱmostȱsimplyȱasȱaȱ“gatheringȱunitedȱinȱfellowshipȱby aȱcommonȱsenseȱofȱrightȱandȱaȱcommunityȱofȱinterest.”14ȱAugustineȱregardedȱthe populusȱasȱcuttingȱacrossȱandȱembracingȱsocialȱclassesȱasȱwell,ȱandȱheȱalmostȱnever usedȱtheȱtermȱtoȱreferȱtoȱjustȱtheȱ“commonȱpeople.”15 Inȱ theȱ eleventhȱ centuryȱ thereȱ appearedȱ atȱ leastȱ twoȱ viewsȱ ofȱ theȱ roleȱ ofȱ the populus,ȱbothȱofȱwhichȱinvolvedȱtheȱcommonȱpeopleȱactingȱasȱpartȱofȱaȱbroadȬ basedȱcommunity.ȱAdemarȱofȱChabannes,ȱforȱexample,ȱsawȱtheȱneedȱforȱhuman beingsȱtoȱworkȱtogetherȱ“inȱconcertȱwithȱtheȱsaintsȱandȱotherȱsupernaturalȱpatrons toȱsolveȱtheirȱproblems.”16ȱInȱcontrast,ȱAndrewȱofȱFleury,ȱenvisionedȱaȱlesserȱrole forȱ theȱ populus.ȱ Itȱ wasȱ permissibleȱ forȱ theȱ peopleȱ toȱ discussȱ theirȱ common problems,ȱbutȱitȱwasȱnotȱforȱtheȱpurposeȱofȱcommonȱaction;ȱratherȱitȱwasȱtheir

12 13

14 15 16

NoelleȬNeumann,ȱSpiralȱofȱSilence,ȱ88ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10). JeremyȱduȱQuesnayȱAdams,ȱTheȱPopulusȱofȱAugustineȱandȱJerome:ȱaȱStudyȱinȱtheȱPatristicȱSenseȱof Communityȱ(NewȱHaven,ȱCT:ȱYaleȱUniversityȱPress,1971),ȱ70.ȱCf.ȱtheȱdiscussionȱofȱpopulusȱbyȱJanet NelsonȱinȱherȱreviewȱofȱTheȱPeaceȱofȱGod,ȱed.ȱHeadȱandȱLandesȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱSpeculumȱ69ȱ(1994): 163–69. Adams,ȱTheȱPopulus,ȱ17ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ13). Adams,ȱTheȱPopulus,ȱ28ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ13). Thomasȱ Head,ȱ “Theȱ Judgmentȱ ofȱ God:ȱ Andrewȱ ofȱ Fleury’sȱ Accountȱ ofȱ theȱ Peaceȱ Leagueȱ of Bourges,”ȱTheȱPeaceȱofȱGod,ȱed.ȱHeadȱandȱLandesȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱ235.ȱHenceforthȱHead,ȱ“Judgment,”

PeaceȱofȱGodȱMovement

175

“prayerfulȱ dedicationȱ ofȱ themselvesȱ toȱ theȱ saintsȱ whichȱ offeredȱ aȱ solution.”17 AndrewȱandȱAdemarȱalsoȱdisagreedȱoverȱtheȱneedȱtoȱconnectȱnaturalȱdisasters, suchȱasȱtheȱoutbreakȱofȱtheȱpestilenceȱwhichȱruinedȱtheȱcropsȱinȱsouthernȱFrance inȱ theȱ earlyȱ eleventhȱ century,ȱ toȱ theȱ rationaleȱ forȱ theȱ renewalȱ ofȱ theȱ peace movementȱinȱthatȱperiod.ȱInȱeachȱcase,ȱhowever,ȱtheȱnotionȱofȱcommunityȱand collectiveȱactionȱofȱsomeȱsortȱappearsȱmoreȱandȱmoreȱimportantȱinȱconjunction withȱtheȱdevelopingȱpeaceȱmovement.18ȱToȱciteȱThomasȱHead’sȱaptȱsummary: AsȱorganizedȱbyȱtheȱbishopsȱofȱAquitaineȱandȱBurgundy,ȱtheȱPeaceȱatȱtimesȱallowed theȱpopulus–thatȱillȬdefinedȱcollectionȱofȱmembersȱofȱtheȱlowerȱordersȱwhoȱhadȱno independentȱ voiceȱ inȱ publicȱ affairs–toȱ becomeȱ involvedȱ inȱ politicalȱ eventsȱ asȱ a collectiveȱactor.19

Toȱ compareȱ withȱ theȱ modernȱ again,ȱ Iȱ useȱ theȱ exampleȱ foundȱ inȱ theȱ workȱ of TamotsuȱShibutani,ȱwhoȱwroteȱthatȱaȱ“public”ȱconsistsȱofȱ“peopleȱwhoȱregard themselvesȱ asȱ likelyȱ toȱ beȱ involvedȱ inȱ theȱ consequencesȱ ofȱ anȱ eventȱ andȱ are sufficientlyȱconcernedȱtoȱinterestȱthemselvesȱinȱtheȱpossibilityȱofȱcontrol.”20ȱHe furtherȱnotedȱthatȱtheȱreactionsȱofȱthoseȱwhoȱmakeȱupȱaȱpublicȱareȱnotȱuniform andȱthatȱtheyȱareȱhighlyȱsensitiveȱtoȱ“news.”ȱThus,ȱpublicȱopinionȱmayȱbeȱseenȱas theȱ expressionȱ orȱ perceivedȱ understandingȱ ofȱ andȱ potentialȱ expressionȱ ofȱ the viewsȱofȱpublicsȱthatȱareȱinvolvedȱinȱtheȱconsequencesȱofȱevents.ȱItȱis,ȱasȱJacobȱand Michalȱ Shamirȱ arguedȱ asȱ lateȱ asȱ 2000,ȱ “aȱ socialȱ systemȱ thatȱ mediatesȱ and accommodatesȱsocialȱintegrationȱandȱsocialȱchange.”ȱAnd,ȱmoreover,ȱitȱservesȱas aȱbridgeȱbetweenȱtheȱvalueȱsystemȱofȱaȱsocietyȱandȱpublicȱevents.21ȱInȱtheȱmedieval worldȱwhereinȱtheȱpeaceȱmovementȱarose,ȱthereȱappearsȱtoȱbeȱsufficientȱevidence toȱsuggestȱthatȱaȱpublicȱconsciousnessȱwasȱarisingȱwhereinȱaȱhypothesisȱusingȱthis modelȱofȱpublicȱopinionȱmightȱbeȱtested.

17 18

19

20

21

Head,ȱ“Judgment,”ȱ234–35ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ16). Regardingȱtheȱriseȱofȱcommunalȱand/orȱcollectiveȱaction,ȱseeȱHead,ȱibid.,ȱ235–37,ȱwhoȱdraws attentionȱtoȱtheȱworkȱofȱSusanȱReynolds,ȱKingdomsȱandȱCommunitiesȱinȱWesternȱEurope,ȱ900–1300 (Oxford:ȱClarendonȱPress,ȱ1984). Head,ȱ“Judgment,”ȱ236ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ16).ȱHeadȱreliesȱtoȱaȱgreatȱextentȱhereȱonȱtheȱearlierȱworkȱbyȱR.I. Mooreȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5),ȱesp.ȱtheȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱpopulusȱbyȱMoore,ȱ49–53ȱofȱhisȱarticle,ȱwhichȱfocuses moreȱonȱtheȱrevolutionaryȱpotentialȱofȱtheȱpopulusȱandȱtheȱdevelopingȱfearȱofȱsuch.ȱJanetȱNelson, inȱherȱreviewȱofȱHeadȱandȱLandesȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12),ȱcitesȱtheȱweaknessȱofȱtheȱarticlesȱinȱTheȱPeaceȱof Godȱasȱnotȱdevelopingȱmoreȱanalysisȱofȱtheȱdegreeȱtoȱwhichȱtheȱ“lowerȱclasses”ȱplayedȱanȱactive roleȱinȱtheȱsocialȱandȱreligiousȱchangesȱofȱtheȱera.ȱForȱexample,ȱthereȱisȱonlyȱoneȱpassingȱreference toȱMarxistȱhistoriographyȱinȱtheȱvolumeȱ(28–29),ȱevenȱthoughȱasȱNelsonȱpointsȱoutȱ(166–67), “muchȱofȱtheȱbookȱassumesȱaȱdirectȱcausalȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱdeterioratingȱsocialȱconditions forȱtheȱpeasantryȱandȱreligiousȱchange.”ȱ TamotsuȱShibutani,ȱImprovisedȱNews:ȱAȱSociologicalȱStudyȱofȱRumor.ȱAnȱAdvancedȱStudyȱinȱSociology (Indianapolis,ȱIN:ȱBobbsȬMerrill,ȱ1966),ȱ38. Shamir,ȱTheȱAnatomyȱofȱPublicȱOpinionȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9),ȱ2–3.

176

CharlesȱW.ȱConnell

TowardȱaȱDefinitionȱofȱPeace Peaceȱisȱalsoȱdifficultȱtoȱdefine,ȱmuchȱlessȱtoȱachieve,ȱinȱeitherȱtheȱmodernȱorȱthe medievalȱ worlds.ȱ Inȱ today’sȱ world,ȱ weȱ oftenȱ thinkȱ ofȱ achievingȱ peaceȱ inȱ the contextȱ ofȱ aȱ hopeȱ forȱ “worldȱ peace,”ȱ orȱ theȱ preventionȱ ofȱ largeȬscaleȱ warfare, especiallyȱnuclearȱwarfare.ȱInȱtheȱmedievalȱworld,ȱtheȱnotionȱwasȱalsoȱbroadly conceived,ȱand,ȱifȱoneȱfollowsȱAugustine,ȱevenȱthoughtȱnotȱpossibleȱinȱtheȱearthly city.22ȱ Moreȱ specifically,ȱ Augustineȱ conceivedȱ ofȱ peaceȱ asȱ theȱ “rightȱ order”ȱ of things,ȱȱi.e.,ȱeachȱpartȱofȱtheȱOrderȱ(man,ȱGod)ȱhavingȱaȱplaceȱandȱkeepingȱinȱthat place,ȱwithȱmanȱobeyingȱGod,ȱandȱcitizensȱrulingȱandȱobeyingȱaccordingȱtoȱtheir stationȱinȱthisȱlife.23ȱAmyȱRemensnyderȱpointsȱoutȱthatȱAugustineȱwasȱbeingȱcalled uponȱ moreȱ andȱ moreȱ inȱ theȱ contextȱ ofȱ anȱ “anxietyȱ aboutȱ purityȱ .ȱ .ȱ .ȱ [that] shimmeredȱinȱtheȱsourcesȱrelatingȱtoȱpeace,”ȱandȱusedȱtoȱdescribeȱwhatȱhistorians nowȱ preferȱ toȱ callȱ theȱ eleventhȱ centuryȱ “ecclesiasticalȱ reformȱ ratherȱ thanȱ as Gregorianȱreform.”24ȱManyȱmedievalȱchurchmenȱthoughtȱofȱpeaceȱasȱtheȱ“ultimate Christianȱlife,”ȱperhapsȱattainableȱinȱtheȱearthlyȱcityȱofȱAugustine,ȱbutȱmoreȱlikely notȱuntilȱunityȱwasȱachievedȱwithȱtheȱSaviorȱinȱtheȱheavenlyȱcity.ȱPeasantsȱlikely 22

23

24

Thomasȱ Renna,ȱ “Theȱ Ideaȱ ofȱ Peaceȱ inȱ theȱ West,”ȱ Journalȱ ofȱ Medievalȱ Historyȱ 6ȱ (1980):ȱ 143–67, describesȱthreeȱdimensionsȱofȱtheȱpeaceȱtradition,ȱnamelyȱtheȱmonastic,ȱtheȱecclesiastical,ȱandȱthe imperial.ȱInȱtheȱperiodȱunderȱconsiderationȱinȱthisȱessay,ȱRennaȱseesȱClunyȱbeingȱcalledȱuponȱto makeȱpeaceȱinȱtheȱmonasticȱtraditionȱwhereȱtheȱgoalȱwasȱtoȱachieveȱtheȱ“eternalȱsilenceȱofȱGod” inȱtheȱmidstȱofȱtheȱearlyȱtenthȱcenturyȱfeudalȱwarfare,ȱandȱthisȱledȱmanyȱtoȱmonasticȱvocations. Inȱ contrast,ȱ heȱ seesȱ theȱ lateȱ tenthȱ andȱ earlyȱ eleventhȱ centuryȱ asȱ beingȱ dominatedȱ byȱ the ecclesiasticalȱtraditionȱwhereȱtheȱbishopsȱareȱviewedȱasȱrespondingȱtoȱlayȱattemptsȱtoȱseizeȱchurch property.ȱHere,ȱheȱreliesȱuponȱtheȱearlierȱworkȱofȱH.ȱE.ȱJ.ȱCowdrey,ȱ“TheȱPeaceȱandȱTruceȱofȱGod inȱtheȱEleventhȱCentury,”ȱPastȱandȱPresentȱ46ȱ(1970):ȱ42–67;ȱHartmutȱHoffmann,ȱGottesfriedeȱund Treugaȱ Dei.ȱ Monumentaȱ Germaniaeȱ Historica,ȱ 20ȱ (Stuttgart:ȱ Aȱ Hiersemann,ȱ 1964);ȱ Lubomir Gleiman,ȱ“SomeȱRemarksȱonȱtheȱOriginȱofȱtheȱTreugaȱDei,”ȱUniversitéȱdeȱMontréalȱ:ȱPublications deȱl’institutȱd’étudesȱmédiévalesȱ16ȱ(1961),ȱ117–37;ȱandȱRogerȱBonnaudȬDelamare,ȱ“Fondementȱdes institutionsȱdeȱpaixȱauȱXIeȱsiècle,”ȱMélangesȱd’histoireȱduȱmoyenȱâgeȱdédiésȱàȱlaȱmémoireȱdeȱLouis Halphenȱ,ȱpréf.ȱdeȱCharlesȬEdmondȱPerrinȱ(Paris:ȱPressesȱUniversitairesȱdeȱFrance,ȱ1951),ȱ19–26. ForȱAugustineȱonȱpeace,ȱseeȱTheȱCityȱofȱGod,ȱtranslationȱbyȱHenryȱBettenson,ȱed.ȱDavidȱKnowles PelicanȱClassicsȱSeriesȱ(Harmondsworth,ȱMiddlesex,ȱUK:ȱPenguinȱBooks,ȱ1972),ȱBookȱ19,ȱch.ȱ13; esp.ȱ19.11–12,ȱ14,ȱ15,ȱandȱ27,ȱinȱwhichȱAugustineȱemphasizesȱtheȱunlikelihoodȱofȱachievingȱpeace onȱthisȱearth,ȱandȱthatȱultimateȱpeaceȱisȱtheȱachievementȱofȱtheȱSupremeȱGood.ȱSeeȱalsoȱAmyȱG. Remensnyder,ȱ“Pollution,ȱPurity,ȱandȱPeace:ȱAnȱAspectȱofȱSocialȱReformȱbetweenȱtheȱLateȱTenth Centuryȱandȱ1076,”ȱTheȱPeaceȱofȱGod,ȱed.ȱHeadȱandȱLandes,ȱ280–307ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ16).ȱRemensyder prefersȱnotȱtoȱcapitalizeȱtheȱtermȱ“peace”ȱorȱuseȱtermsȱlikeȱ“theȱPeaceȱofȱGod”ȱasȱdoȱmostȱwho discussȱtheȱactivitiesȱofȱtheȱsoȬcalledȱPeaceȱcouncilsȱofȱtheȱlateȱtenthȱandȱeleventhȱcenturiesȱprior toȱtheȱcallingȱofȱtheȱfirstȱcrusadeȱinȱ1076.ȱSheȱdoesȱnotȱevenȱreferȱtoȱtheseȱeventsȱasȱaȱ“movement,” becauseȱ“suchȱusagesȱcreateȱfalselyȱanȱimageȱofȱoneȱunified,ȱcoherentȱmovementȱ(280ȱn.ȱ2).”ȱFor thisȱessay,ȱIȱwillȱnotȱengageȱinȱthisȱdebate. Remensnyder,ȱ“Pollution.ȱ.ȱ.andȱPeace,”ȱ282–83ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ23).ȱAlsoȱsee,ȱElisabethȱMagnouȬNortier, “TheȱEnemiesȱofȱtheȱPeace:ȱReflectionsȱonȱaȱVocabulary,ȱ500–1100,”ȱTheȱPeaceȱofȱGod,ȱed.ȱHeadȱand Landes,ȱ58–79ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ16).ȱ

PeaceȱofȱGodȱMovement

177

thoughtȱofȱitȱasȱtheȱabsenceȱofȱviolenceȱonȱtheirȱpersonȱorȱtheȱsafetyȱtoȱworkȱinȱthe fields.ȱInȱtheȱcaseȱofȱtheȱmedievalȱPeaceȱcouncils,ȱhowever,ȱpeaceȱhadȱaȱnarrower connotation.ȱModernȱscholarsȱhaveȱinterpretedȱitȱsometimesȱmoreȱspecificallyȱas “containmentȱofȱtheȱfeud,”25ȱorȱmoreȱromanticallyȱinȱtheȱnineteenthȱcenturyȱas savingȱmedievalȱEuropeȱfromȱtheȱ“barbarieȱfeodaleȱ(feudalȱbarbarians).”26ȱFocused readingȱ byȱ theȱ scholarsȱ ofȱ theȱ pastȱ twoȱ decades,ȱ thoughȱ seeminglyȱ moreȱ in agreementȱthatȱtheȱPeaceȱmovementȱwasȱmuchȱmoreȱimportantȱthanȱbelievedȱin theȱlateȱnineteenthȱcentury,ȱstillȱhasȱnotȱreachedȱaȱconsensusȱonȱtheȱoriginsȱand significanceȱofȱtheȱPeaceȱmovement.ȱTheseȱmoreȱrecentȱscholarsȱmostȱcompletely agreeȱonȱtheȱdetailsȱofȱvariousȱcouncils,ȱbutȱnotȱonȱwhoȱwasȱreallyȱresponsibleȱfor theȱmovement.ȱWasȱitȱtheȱsecularȱlords,ȱtheȱecclesiasticalȱlords,ȱorȱtheȱ“public”ȱat largeȱ –evenȱ God,ȱ asȱ someȱ ofȱ theȱ convenersȱ thoughtȱ whoȱ receivedȱ “heavenly letters”ȱinstructingȱthemȱtoȱconveneȱtheȱcouncils?27ȱ Toȱclarifyȱforȱtheȱpurposesȱofȱthisȱessay,ȱweȱareȱnotȱtalkingȱaboutȱ“peace”ȱas meaningȱ theȱ achievementȱ ofȱ theȱ absenceȱ orȱ preventionȱ ofȱ largeȬscaleȱ warfare amongȱ nations,ȱ thoughȱ weȱ canȱ speakȱ ofȱ aȱ proclamationȱ againstȱ “allȱ violence amongȱChristians”ȱatȱtheȱCouncilȱofȱClermontȱinȱ1095ȱwhenȱUrbanȱIIȱproclaimed aȱgeneralȱTruceȱofȱGodȱsoȱasȱtoȱencourageȱwidespreadȱparticipationȱinȱtheȱFirst Crusade.ȱInȱthisȱessay,ȱIȱwillȱtryȱtoȱillustrateȱwhatȱ“peace”ȱmeantȱinȱtheȱcontextȱof theȱ Peaceȱ movementȱ andȱ somethingȱ aboutȱ theȱ roleȱ ofȱ Peaceȱ councilsȱ inȱ the developmentȱofȱmedievalȱpublicȱopinion.28

FirstȱStageȱofȱtheȱPeaceȱMovementȱ(975–1020s) CurrentȱresearchȱindicatesȱthatȱtheȱearliestȱPeaceȱcouncilsȱupȱtoȱaboutȱtheȱyear 1000ȱ wereȱ focusedȱ onȱ achievingȱ theȱ protectionȱ ofȱ Churchȱ property,ȱ Church personnel,ȱandȱtheȱpoorȱfromȱunfairȱplundering.ȱPriorȱtoȱtheȱlateȱtenthȱcentury, especiallyȱinȱtheȱheightȱofȱtheȱCarolingianȱera,ȱtheȱpeacekeepingȱfunctionȱhadȱbeen inȱtheȱhandsȱofȱtheȱking.ȱHowever,ȱitȱisȱstillȱdebatableȱwhetherȱtheȱChurchȱwas actuallyȱtakingȱonȱaȱnewȱroleȱinȱtheȱpeaceȬkeepingȱfunctionȱorȱsimplyȱresumingȱan

25

26

27

28

AugustȱKluckhohn,ȱGeschichteȱdesȱGottesfriedensȱ(Leipzig:ȱHahn,ȱ1857;ȱrpt.ȱAalen:ȱScientiaȱVerlag, 1966),ȱ37–42.ȱForȱfurtherȱdiscussionȱofȱthisȱhistoriography,ȱseeȱPaxton,ȱ“History,ȱHistorians,” 21–25ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6). ErnestȱSemichon,ȱLaȱpaixȱetȱlaȱtrêveȱdeȱDieu:ȱHistoireȱdesȱpremiersȱdéveloppementsȱduȱtiersȬétatȱpar l’Égliseȱetȱlesȱassociationsȱ(Paris:ȱDidier,ȱ1857),ȱ356–55.ȱForȱfurtherȱdiscussion,ȱseeȱPaxton,ȱ“History, Historians,”ȱ22–25. SeeȱMastnak,ȱCrusadingȱPeace,ȱ35ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱforȱtheȱinitiatorsȱofȱpeaceȱcouncilsȱreceivingȱletters fromȱtheȱheavens. ForȱaȱlistȱofȱPeaceȱofȱGodȱcouncilsȱfromȱ989–1038,ȱseeȱGoetz,ȱ259–79;ȱhereȱ262ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).

178

CharlesȱW.ȱConnell

earlierȱassignedȱrole,ȱasȱtheȱresearchȱofȱKarlȬFerdinandȱWernerȱwouldȱsuggest.29 Althoughȱ theȱ degreeȱ ofȱ postȬCarolingianȱ chaosȱ hasȱ alsoȱ beenȱ moreȱ recently debated,30ȱtheȱroleȱofȱClunyȱhasȱnot.ȱAsȱtheȱroleȱofȱtheȱknightȱbecameȱmoreȱclearly definedȱasȱarmedȱwarrior,ȱissuesȱofȱviolenceȱbecameȱmoreȱcontestedȱbyȱchurchmen seekingȱmoreȱindependenceȱfromȱanyȱformȱofȱlayȱauthority.ȱInȱtheȱearlyȱstagesȱthis fightȱ wasȱ ledȱ byȱ Cluny.ȱ Abbotȱ Odo,ȱ forȱ example,ȱ framedȱ theȱ issueȱ asȱ oneȱ of resistanceȱtoȱthoseȱinȱpowerȱwhoȱ“layȱwasteȱtheȱbelongingsȱofȱtheȱchurchȱorȱthe poor.”ȱ Apparently,ȱ forȱ Odoȱ atȱ least,ȱ theȱ “poor”ȱ wereȱ anyȱ ofȱ thoseȱ deemed powerlessȱinȱthatȱsociety.31ȱ Inȱfact,ȱRosenweinȱandȱLittleȱarguedȱasȱearlyȱasȱ1974ȱthatȱ“Cluniacȱspirituality mayȱ beȱ seenȱ asȱ anȱ outgrowthȱ ofȱ thisȱ attitudeȱ againstȱ theȱ violenceȱ ofȱ theȱ lay knight.”32ȱThus,ȱtoȱviewȱtheȱpeaceȱcouncilsȱmoreȱsquarelyȱinȱtheȱcontextȱofȱfeudal customȱseemsȱcorrectȱasȱweȱseeȱtheȱchurchȱtryingȱtoȱbeȱ“free”ȱtoȱexerciseȱitsȱrights overȱchurchȱpropertyȱindependentȱofȱunjustȱinterferenceȱfromȱtheȱsecularȱrealm. Inȱparticularȱtheȱcanonsȱofȱtheseȱearlyȱpeaceȱcouncilsȱaddressȱtheȱissueȱofȱpillage ofȱChurchȱproperty.ȱCustomȱrecognizedȱtheȱrightȱofȱtheȱsoldiersȱtoȱrequisition goodsȱandȱfoodȱfromȱtheȱfieldsȱasȱtheȱkingȱcollectedȱarmies,ȱorȱasȱtheȱlocalȱlords visitedȱtheirȱestatesȱ(i.e.,ȱhospitality),ȱbutȱtheȱcustomȱmaintainedȱthatȱtheȱgoods

29

30

31

32

KarlȬFerdinandȱWerner,ȱ“Observationsȱsurȱleȱroleȱdesȱévêquesȱdansȱleȱmovementȱdeȱlaȱpaixȱau Xeȱ etȱ XIeȱ siècles,”ȱ Mediaevaliaȱ Christiana:ȱ XI–XIIIȱ siècles:ȱ Hommageȱ àȱ Raymondeȱ Foreville,ȱ ed. Colomoanȱ Étienneȱ Violaȱ (Tournai:ȱ Éditionsȱ Universitaires,ȱ 1989),ȱ 155–95,ȱ concludesȱ thatȱ the exerciseȱ ofȱ publicȱ powerȱ wasȱ moreȱ sharedȱ amongȱ secularȱ andȱ ecclesiasticalȱ lordsȱ inȱ the Carolingianȱera,ȱandȱthatȱtheȱtraditionȱwasȱsubjectȱtoȱrenewalȱinȱtheȱlateȱtenthȱandȱearlyȱeleventh century,ȱespeciallyȱsinceȱtheȱdistinctionȱamongȱlayȱandȱclericalȱwasȱthenȱnotȱsoȱclear.ȱHowever, thatȱchangedȱasȱtheȱcontestȱbetweenȱrulersȱandȱpopesȱevolved,ȱespeciallyȱduringȱtheȱpropaganda campaignsȱsurroundingȱtheȱInvestitureȱContest. HighlightsȱofȱtheȱdebateȱareȱcapturedȱbrieflyȱinȱPaxton’sȱreviewȱofȱtheȱhistoriographyȱofȱtheȱPeace movement,ȱinȱTheȱPeaceȱofȱGod,ȱed.ȱHeadȱandȱLandes,ȱ38–40.ȱInȱparticular,ȱheȱpointsȱoutȱthatȱHansȬ WernerȱGoetz,ȱ“Kirchenschutz,ȱRechtswahrungȱundȱReform:ȱzuȱdenȱZielenȱundȱzumȱWesenȱder frühenȱGottesfriedensbewegungȱinȱFrankreich,”ȱFranciaȱ2ȱ(1983):ȱ193–239,ȱarguesȱthatȱtheȱpeace movementȱwasȱnotȱaȱresponseȱtoȱchaos,ȱbutȱratherȱjustȱpartȱofȱwhatȱDubyȱcallsȱtheȱemergenceȱof theȱthreeȱordersȱ(=ȱ“thoseȱwhoȱfight,ȱthoseȱwhoȱpray,ȱandȱthoseȱwhoȱwork”).ȱThus,ȱforȱGoetz,ȱthe peaceȱmovementȱwasȱanȱattemptȱbyȱtheȱnewȱgroupsȱtoȱprotectȱtheirȱproperty.ȱForȱanȱEnglish versionȱofȱthisȱarticle,ȱseeȱTheȱPeaceȱofȱGod,ȱed.ȱHeadȱandȱLandes,ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱ259–79.ȱCf.ȱGeorges Duby,ȱTheȱThreeȱOrders:ȱFeudalȱSocietyȱImagined,ȱtrans.ȱArthurȱGoldhammerȱ(firstȱprint;ȱChicago: UniversityȱofȱChicagoȱPress,ȱ1980),ȱwhoȱsawȱtheȱpeaceȱmovementȱasȱbeingȱlinkedȱtoȱtheȱmonastic reformȱmovementȱandȱtheȱoppositionȱtoȱheresyȱwhichȱled,ȱinȱDuby’sȱview,ȱtoȱtheȱlinesȱbeing drawnȱmoreȱsharplyȱamongȱtheȱThreeȱOrders,ȱandȱespeciallyȱbetweenȱtheȱclergyȱandȱtheȱlaityȱin medievalȱsociety.ȱ Odo,ȱCollationes,ȱiii,ȱ34ȱ(PatrologiaȱLatinaȱ133,ȱcols.ȱ616–17;ȱiiȱ16,ȱcol.ȱ563),ȱasȱcitedȱinȱBarbaraȱH. RosenweinȱandȱLesterȱK.ȱLittle,ȱ“SocialȱMeaningȱinȱtheȱMonasticȱandȱMendicantȱSpiritualities,” PastȱandȱPresentȱ63ȱ(1974):ȱ4–32;ȱhereȱ11,ȱandȱ11ȱn.ȱ26. Odo,ȱcitedȱinȱRosenweinȱandȱLittle,ȱ12ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ31).

PeaceȱofȱGodȱMovement

179

shouldȱcomeȱfromȱone’sȱownȱfieldsȱandȱbeȱpaidȱfor;ȱandȱnotȱfromȱotherȱfieldsȱor inȱamountsȱbeyondȱtheȱcustomaryȱallotments,ȱevenȱonȱone’sȱownȱestates. PerhapsȱtheȱbestȱmodelȱofȱtheȱPeaceȱcouncilȱasȱaȱwayȱofȱrallyingȱtheȱpopulusȱis foundȱinȱtheȱCouncilȱofȱLimogesȱinȱ994.ȱLandesȱhasȱdescribedȱtheȱcouncilȱandȱour sourcesȱofȱknowledgeȱforȱitȱinȱanȱessayȱonȱtheȱroleȱofȱpopularȱparticipationȱinȱthe PeaceȱofȱGod.33ȱThereȱareȱtwoȱbasicȱtypesȱofȱsourcesȱforȱourȱreadingȱofȱtheȱpeace movementȱandȱitsȱimpact.ȱCharters,ȱchronicles,ȱandȱotherȱlegalȱdocumentsȱprovide theȱcoreȱofȱoneȱform,ȱwhileȱmiracleȱstoriesȱprovideȱtheȱother,ȱandȱtheȱlatterȱareȱthe onesȱ thatȱ provideȱ theȱ greatestȱ affirmationȱ ofȱ theȱ presenceȱ ofȱ crowdsȱ atȱ these events.ȱ Inȱhisȱanalysis,ȱLandesȱindicatesȱthatȱtheȱCouncilȱofȱLimogesȱofȱ994ȱcameȱasȱthe resultȱofȱaȱnaturalȱdisaster,ȱaȱplagueȱthatȱhadȱattackedȱtheȱLimousin,ȱandȱprompted theȱcallingȱofȱaȱcouncil,ȱwhichȱwasȱtoȱbeȱprecededȱbyȱaȱthreeȬdayȱfastȱandȱthe gatheringȱofȱrelicsȱfromȱtheȱregionȱtoȱbeȱbroughtȱtoȱLimogesȱforȱtheȱcouncil.ȱThis processȱemulatedȱtheȱecclesiasticalȱtraditionȱofȱdealingȱwithȱnaturalȱdisastersȱby holdingȱ publicȱ ceremoniesȱ thatȱ wouldȱ seekȱ toȱ appeaseȱ God.ȱ Yet,ȱ andȱ thisȱ is significantȱforȱourȱunderstandingȱofȱtheȱgrowingȱroleȱofȱpublicȱopinion,ȱtheȱuseȱof relicsȱasȱaȱmeansȱtoȱdrawȱlargeȱcrowdsȱwasȱinȱtheȱwordsȱofȱLandes,ȱaȱ“relatively newȱtechnique–pioneeredȱinȱtheȱAuvergneȱandȱmobilizedȱonȱsuchȱaȱgrandȱscale atȱCharrouxȱfiveȱyearsȱearlier–ofȱdrawingȱmassiveȱcrowdsȱofȱinspiredȱpeopleȱto Peaceȱcouncilsȱbyȱgatheringȱrelicsȱinȱopenȱfields.”34ȱ Landesȱ seesȱ connectionȱ andȱ overlappingȱ influenceȱ amongȱ threeȱ ofȱ earliest councils—Charroux(989),ȱLimogesȱ(994),ȱandȱPoitiersȱ(ca.ȱ1000)—inȱthatȱtheȱcanons ofȱsubsequentȱcouncilsȱseemȱtoȱdrawȱdirectlyȱfromȱthoseȱofȱCharrouxȱinȱcallingȱfor “peaceȱ andȱ justice.”ȱ Theȱ evidenceȱ forȱ thisȱ isȱ drawnȱ fromȱ theȱ worksȱ ofȱ both AndrewȱofȱFleuryȱandȱAdemarȱofȱChabannes.35ȱTheȱvalidityȱofȱAdemar’sȱaccount, whichȱhasȱlongȱservedȱasȱaȱmajorȱsourceȱforȱtheȱCouncilȱofȱLimoges,ȱhasȱbeen challenged.ȱHowever,ȱhisȱtestimonyȱregardingȱtheȱpresenceȱofȱlargeȱnumbersȱof peopleȱ atȱ thisȱ councilȱ hasȱ beenȱ “largelyȱ confirmedȱ byȱ anȱ unusualȱ numberȱ of independentȱhagiographicalȱaccounts.”36ȱ

33

34 35 36

RichardȱLandes,ȱ“BetweenȱAristocracyȱandȱHeresy:ȱPopularȱParticipationȱinȱtheȱLimousinȱPeace ofȱGod,ȱ994–1033,”ȱTheȱPeaceȱofȱGod,ȱed.ȱHeadȱandȱLandes,ȱ184–218.ȱHenceforth,ȱLandes,ȱ“Popular Participation.”ȱ Landes,”ȱPopularȱParticipation,”ȱ187ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ33). Landes,ȱ“PopularȱParticipation,”ȱ187,ȱesp.ȱnn.ȱ12ȱandȱ13ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ33). Landes,ȱ“PopularȱParticipation,”ȱ186,ȱandȱ186ȱnn.ȱ10ȱandȱ11ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ33).ȱEvenȱcharterȱevidence contributesȱ toȱ thisȱ testimony.ȱ Seeȱ theȱ foundationȱ charterȱ fromȱ Charroux,ȱ whichȱ indicatesȱ a “multitude”ȱofȱrelicsȱandȱpeopleȱatȱtheȱcouncil.ȱFullȱcitationȱinȱLandes,ȱ“PopularȱParticipation,” 186ȱn.ȱ11.ȱLandesȱhasȱdealtȱatȱlengthȱwithȱtheȱpurposeȱandȱroleȱofȱAdemar’sȱvariousȱwritings,ȱas wellȱasȱtheȱpoliticalȱclimateȱinȱwhichȱheȱoperated,ȱinȱhisȱRelics,ȱApocalypse,ȱandȱtheȱDeceitsȱofȱHistory: AdemarȱofȱChabannes,ȱ989–1034ȱ(Cambridge,ȱMA:ȱHarvardȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1995).

180

CharlesȱW.ȱConnell

Usingȱthisȱexample,ȱandȱthoseȱlikeȱitȱinȱotherȱearlyȱpeaceȱcouncils,ȱtheȱoperation ofȱpublicȱopinionȱmayȱbeȱseenȱasȱbeingȱbasedȱonȱaȱpublicȱwhoseȱcommonȱinterests wereȱidentifiedȱasȱ“peace”ȱandȱwhoseȱinfluenceȱisȱmeasuredȱinȱtheȱoutcomesȱof thoseȱ councils.ȱ Inȱ mostȱ cases,ȱ theȱ layȱ militesȱ (soldiers)ȱ wereȱ takingȱ oaths foreswearingȱtoȱprotectȱtheȱChurch,ȱitsȱproperty,ȱandȱtheȱpoor.ȱThoseȱwhoȱbroke theȱpeaceȱwouldȱhaveȱtoȱwitnessȱtoȱtheȱinfluenceȱofȱthatȱsameȱpublic,ȱbecauseȱthey wouldȱbeȱmarkedȱbyȱinterdictȱandȱexcommunicationȱasȱbeingȱexcludedȱfromȱthat community.ȱFromȱthisȱweȱmayȱdrawȱaȱparallelȱwithȱNoelleȬNeumnan’sȱnotionȱof theȱroleȱofȱfearȱinȱtheȱ“spiralȱofȱsilence.” Inȱ stageȱ oneȱ ofȱ theȱ postȬCarolingianȱ peaceȱ movement,ȱ theȱ focusȱ wasȱ on protectingȱtheȱunarmedȱfromȱtheȱarmedȱmilites,ȱnotȱonȱprohibitingȱallȱwarfareȱor evenȱ warfareȱ amongȱ theȱ armedȱ knightsȱ themselves.37ȱ Whereasȱ inȱ Carolingian times,ȱtheȱecclesiasticalȱlordsȱthemselvesȱhadȱoftenȱbeenȱarmedȱandȱthusȱbetter enforcersȱofȱtheȱPeace,38ȱtheȱChurch’sȱaggressiveȱreformȱtoȱprohibitȱclergyȱfrom bearingȱarmsȱmeantȱtheyȱhadȱtoȱshiftȱtheȱmilitaryȱburdenȱontoȱtheȱlaity.ȱForȱthis transition,ȱtheȱChurchȱfoundȱaidȱinȱtheȱforceȱofȱpublicȱopinion.ȱTheȱcouncilsȱwere calledȱ byȱ churchmenȱ toȱ protectȱ churchmenȱ andȱ Churchȱ propertyȱ firstȱ and foremost,ȱ butȱ theȱ additionȱ toȱ theȱ canonsȱ ofȱ theȱ referencesȱ toȱ theȱ “poor”ȱ may contributeȱtoȱourȱearliestȱinsightȱregardingȱtheȱdevelopingȱroleȱofȱpublicȱopinion. Forȱexample,ȱreportsȱindicateȱthatȱmanyȱpeople,ȱbothȱmenȱandȱwomen,ȱattended theseȱcouncilsȱfromȱallȱsectorsȱofȱtheȱsocialȱstructure.ȱInȱaddition,ȱweȱlearnȱthatȱthe meansȱofȱenforcingȱtheȱoathsȱtakenȱbyȱtheȱlayȱmilitesȱwasȱexcommunication,ȱaȱvery publicȱact,ȱwhichȱplacedȱmoreȱpressureȱonȱtheȱviolators.39 Byȱ1025ȱPeaceȱdecreesȱwereȱcommonȱinȱAuvergne,ȱBurgundy,ȱtheȱNarbonne, andȱCatalonia,ȱandȱevenȱnorthwardȱintoȱFlemishȱandȱNormanȱdioceses,ȱasȱwellȱas imperialȱGermanyȱpriorȱtoȱClermontȱinȱ1095.40ȱInterestingly,ȱthoughȱtheȱwordsȱpax etȱ justitaȱ (peaceȱ andȱ justice)ȱ appearȱ regularlyȱ throughoutȱ theȱ canonsȱ and descriptionsȱofȱtheseȱcouncils,ȱtheȱphraseȱPaxȱDeiȱ(PeaceȱofȱGod)ȱonlyȱbeginsȱto appearȱratherȱlateȱinȱtheȱdevelopingȱmovement,ȱthatȱis,ȱinȱtheȱyearȱ1033,ȱwhenȱthe movementȱwasȱalreadyȱinȱstageȱtwoȱandȱbecomingȱanȱintegralȱpartȱofȱtheȱoverall churchȱreformȱfirstȱinitiatedȱbyȱCluny.41ȱ

37

38 39

40

41

RosenweinȱandȱLittle,ȱ10.ȱSeeȱalsoȱGeorgesȱDuby,ȱ“LesȱLaïcsȱetȱlaȱPaixȱdeȱDieu,”ȱIȱLaiciȱnellaȱsocietà Christiana:ȱ Attiȱ dellaȱ terzaȱ Settimanaȱ internazionaleȱ diȱ studio,ȱ Mendola,ȱ 21–27ȱ agosto,ȱ 1965, UniversitàȱcattolicaȱdelȱSacroȱcuore,ȱContributi.ȱSerieȱ3,ȱVaria:ȱMiscellaneaȱdelȱCentroȱdiȱStudi Mediovali,ȱ5ȱ(Milan:ȱVitaȱeȱpensiero,ȱ1968),ȱ448–61;ȱhereȱ453.ȱ SeeȱWerner,ȱ“Observations,”ȱ170–72ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ29). Regardingȱ theȱ roleȱ ofȱ excommunicationȱ andȱ interdict,ȱ seeȱ theȱ insightfulȱ studyȱ byȱ Elisabeth Vodola,ȱExcommunicationȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱ(Berkeley:ȱUniversityȱofȱCaliforniaȱPress,ȱ1986).ȱ SeeȱtheȱusefulȱsummaryȱofȱtheȱspreadingȱofȱtheȱPeaceȱinȱDolorosaȱKennelly,ȱ“MedievalȱTownsȱand theȱPeaceȱofȱGod,”ȱMedievaliaȱetȱHumanisticaȱ15ȱ(1963):ȱ35–53;ȱhereȱ35. Landes,ȱ“PopularȱParticipation,”ȱ201ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ33).

PeaceȱofȱGodȱMovement

181

StageȱTwoȱofȱtheȱPeaceȱMovementȱ(ca.ȱ1020ȱtoȱca.ȱ1070) Duringȱtheȱ1020sȱandȱ1030sȱtheȱPeaceȱmovementȱunderwentȱsignificantȱchanges, fromȱwhichȱtimeȱthereȱisȱevidenceȱofȱaboutȱtwentyȱdifferentȱcouncilsȱoccurring.ȱIn thisȱphaseȱtheȱPeaceȱofȱGodȱbecameȱmuchȱmoreȱpenitentialȱinȱnature,ȱyetȱitȱalso becameȱmoreȱinfluencedȱbyȱlayȱlordsȱwithȱmoreȱofȱaȱ“peaceȱideology”ȱtoȱtheȱextent thatȱitȱmovedȱtoȱimposeȱaȱ“universalȱpeace”ȱviaȱtheȱproclamationȱofȱtheȱTruceȱof God.ȱ Regardingȱ itsȱ expansionȱ andȱ greaterȱ inclusiveness,ȱ inȱ Aquitaineȱ inȱ 1033 RadolphusȱGlaberȱremarkedȱthat: .ȱ .ȱ .ȱ bishops,ȱ abbots,ȱ andȱ otherȱ menȱ devotedȱ toȱ holyȱ religionȱ firstȱ beganȱ toȱ gather councilsȱofȱtheȱwholeȱpeopleȱ(populus).ȱAtȱtheseȱgatheringsȱtheȱbodiesȱofȱmanyȱsaints andȱ shrinesȱ containingȱ holyȱ relicsȱ wereȱ assembledȱ .ȱ .ȱ .ȱ .ȱ itȱ wasȱ proclaimedȱ inȱ the farthestȱcornersȱofȱFrankland,ȱitȱwasȱproclaimedȱinȱeveryȱdioceseȱthatȱcouncilsȱwould beȱsummonedȱinȱfixedȱplacesȱbyȱbishopsȱandȱbyȱtheȱmagnatesȱofȱtheȱwholeȱlandȱforȱthe purposeȱofȱreformingȱbothȱtheȱpeaceȱandȱtheȱinstitutionsȱofȱtheȱholyȱfaith.42

Inȱ1038,ȱimpatientȱadherentsȱofȱtheȱmovementȱevenȱtookȱupȱarmsȱtoȱenforceȱthe Peace,ȱ andȱ monasticȱ reformersȱ beganȱ toȱ attackȱ hereticsȱ asȱ partȱ ofȱ theȱ effortȱ to protectȱ monasticȱ property.ȱ Moreover,ȱ theȱ propagandaȱ inȱ thisȱ attackȱ revealed anotherȱshiftȱinȱtheȱattemptȱtoȱrespondȱtoȱtheȱgrowingȱinfluenceȱofȱpublicȱopinion, namelyȱaȱgrowingȱdistrustȱofȱtheȱreligiousȱenthusiasmȱofȱtheȱlaity.43 Someȱofȱtheȱmoreȱrecentȱresearchȱsuggestsȱthatȱtheȱmonksȱsoughtȱtoȱuseȱtheir growingȱpopularityȱtoȱpersuadeȱtheȱpopulusȱtoȱfocusȱmoreȱonȱtheȱattainmentȱof theirȱownȱultimateȱheavenlyȱpeace,ȱratherȱthanȱtoȱbecomeȱinvolvedȱinȱtryingȱto influenceȱtheȱpoliticalȱstructureȱofȱthisȱworld.ȱBernhardȱTöpfer,ȱforȱexample,ȱhas consideredȱtheȱquestionȱofȱhowȱ theȱmedievalȱChurchȱwasȱableȱtoȱ“implantȱits ideologyȱamongȱtheȱmassesȱandȱsecureȱcontrolȱoverȱthem.”44ȱHisȱstudyȱfocusedȱon theȱlateȱtenthȱandȱearlyȱeleventhȱcentury,ȱandȱuponȱtheȱdevelopmentȱofȱtheȱcults ofȱsaintsȱthatȱsprungȱfromȱtheȱbaseȱofȱreligiousȱenthusiasmȱthatȱalsoȱgenerated supportȱ forȱ Churchȱ reform,ȱ pilgrimageȱ andȱ theȱ Peaceȱ ofȱ Godȱ movement.ȱ The venerationȱ ofȱ relicsȱ wasȱ notȱ new;ȱ feastȱ daysȱ ofȱ theȱ patronȱ saintsȱ hadȱ been celebratedȱ beforeȱ largeȱ crowdsȱ asȱ earlyȱ asȱ theȱ eighthȱ century.45ȱ Inȱ addition,

42

43

44

45

Glaber,ȱHistoriarum,ȱ4.5.14,ȱasȱquotedȱandȱtranslatedȱbyȱHeadȱandȱLandes,ȱ“Introduction,”ȱ6–7ȱ(see noteȱ1). HeadȱandȱLandes,ȱ“Introduction,”ȱ7ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱForȱanȱanalysisȱofȱtheseȱdevelopments,ȱseeȱHead, “Judgment,”ȱregardingȱtheȱtakingȱofȱarms;ȱand,ȱGuyȱLobrichon,ȱ“TheȱChiaroscuroȱofȱHeresy: EarlyȱEleventhȬCenturyȱAquitaineȱasȱSeenȱfromȱAuxerre,”ȱTheȱPeaceȱofȱGod,ȱed.ȱHeadȱandȱLandes, 80–143ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱ SeeȱBernhardȱTöpfer,ȱ“TheȱCultȱofȱRelicsȱandȱPilgrimageȱinȱBurgundyȱandȱAquitaineȱatȱtheȱTime ofȱtheȱMonasticȱReform,”ȱTheȱPeaceȱofȱGod,ȱed.ȱHeadȱandȱLandes,ȱ41–57ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1). Töpfer,ȱ“CultȱofȱRelics,”ȱ43–45ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ44).

182

CharlesȱW.ȱConnell

accordingȱtoȱTöpfer,ȱtheȱpopularityȱofȱpilgrimageȱcentersȱwithȱcultȱrelicsȱgrew rapidlyȱinȱtheȱearlyȱeleventhȱcentury.ȱ Toȱaȱgreatȱextent,ȱheȱattributesȱthisȱtoȱtheȱmannerȱinȱwhichȱabbotsȱbecameȱaware ofȱwaysȱtoȱpublicizeȱtheirȱrelicsȱinȱorderȱtoȱattractȱtheȱmasses.ȱTöpferȱcitesȱthe exampleȱofȱtheȱmonasteryȱatȱAngelyȱwhoseȱmonks,ȱthroughȱtheȱ“spreadȱofȱthe newsȱandȱtheȱgoodȱadvertising”ȱwereȱableȱtoȱdrawȱevenȱfellowȱmonksȱfromȱSt. MartialȱofȱLimoges,ȱwhoȱbroughtȱtheirȱownȱrelicsȱ“accompaniedȱbyȱnoblesȱand innumerabilisȱpopulusȱinȱprocessionȱtoȱAngely.”46ȱLandesȱhasȱconductedȱanȱeven moreȱdetailedȱstudyȱofȱtheȱcultȱofȱSt.ȱMartialȱandȱestablishedȱanȱevenȱmoreȱdirect connectionȱ ofȱ theȱ rapidȱ growthȱ ofȱ theseȱ cultsȱ toȱ theȱ Peaceȱ movementȱ andȱ the growthȱofȱtheȱpowerȱofȱpublicȱopinion.47ȱHeȱargues,ȱthatȱbeforeȱtheȱPeaceȱCouncil atȱLimogesȱinȱ994,ȱtheȱcultȱofȱMartialȱhadȱbeenȱveryȱobscure,ȱthatȱis,ȱconfinedȱto theȱparishȱorȱtheȱdioceseȱatȱbest.ȱUsingȱtheȱtestimonyȱofȱAdemarȱofȱChabannes, whoȱwroteȱanȱaccountȱofȱtheȱCouncilȱinȱ1028ȱthatȱturnsȱoutȱtoȱbeȱaȱmajorȱpieceȱof propagandaȱ itself,ȱ Landesȱ describesȱ howȱ Limogesȱ wasȱ anȱ exampleȱ ofȱ a “sanctified”ȱ Peaceȱ council,ȱ “oneȱ inȱ whichȱ largeȱ crowds,ȱ miracles,ȱ andȱ great spiritualȱ enthusiasmȱ playedȱ aȱ majorȱ role.”48ȱ Whatȱ isȱ moreȱ importantȱ here, however,ȱisȱtheȱfactȱthat,ȱasȱtheȱsecondȱstageȱofȱtheȱPeaceȱmovementȱproceeded, andȱtheȱanxietyȱoverȱcontrolȱofȱtheȱpopulusȱgrew,ȱsuchȱmonksȱasȱAdemarȱhelped toȱshiftȱtheȱattentionȱofȱtheȱmassesȱawayȱfromȱdirectȱinvolvementȱinȱtheȱPeace movementȱtoȱtheȱcelebrationȱofȱtheȱsaintlyȱcults. Thisȱtellsȱusȱsomethingȱaboutȱtheȱoperationȱofȱmedievalȱpublicȱopinion.ȱThe PeaceȱCouncilȱatȱLimogesȱinȱ994ȱhadȱattractedȱcrowdsȱbyȱdisplayingȱrelicsȱinȱthe openȱfields.ȱIfȱoneȱlessensȱtheȱdisplaysȱatȱsuchȱcouncilsȱitȱlessensȱtheȱinvolvement ofȱtheȱlayȱpopulus.ȱTheȱworkȱofȱbothȱLandesȱandȱTöpferȱindicateȱhow,ȱasȱTöpfer putȱit: theȱdisplayȱofȱrelicsȱandȱsaintsȱkeptȱandȱdisplayedȱinȱtheȱabbeyȱchurchesȱdrewȱvisitors toȱtheȱmonasteriesȱfromȱallȱlevelsȱofȱsociety;ȱtheȱreportsȱareȱunanimousȱinȱtellingȱabout theȱlayȱcrowdsȱattendingȱtheȱabbeyȱchurches,ȱwhichȱgrewȱinȱnumberȱandȱimportance duringȱthisȱperiod.49ȱ

46 47 48

49

Töpfer,ȱ“CultȱofȱRelics,”ȱ49ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ44). Landes,ȱ“PopularȱParticipation,”ȱ184–218ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ33). Landes,ȱ“PopularȱParticipation,”ȱ187ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ33),ȱcitesȱtheȱworkȱofȱHoffmann,ȱGottesfriedeȱ(see noteȱ22),ȱ30,ȱandȱindicatesȱthatȱtwoȱaccountsȱfromȱtheȱMartialȱscriptoriumȱpredateȱAdemarȱand verifyȱhisȱaccountsȱofȱtheȱCouncilȱatȱLimoges.ȱLandes,ȱ“PopularȱParticipation,”ȱ186–87ȱnn.ȱ10ȱand 11ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ33),ȱalsoȱnotesȱthatȱmanyȱhagiographicȱaccounts,ȱaȱfoundationȱcharterȱfromȱCharroux, aȱmiracleȱstory,ȱandȱanotherȱaccountȱofȱrelicsȱbeingȱbroughtȱtoȱLimogesȱtoȱ“strengthenȱtheȱpeace” allȱtestifyȱtoȱtheȱpresenceȱofȱlargeȱcrowdsȱofȱpeopleȱinȱattendanceȱatȱtheseȱevents. Töpfer,ȱ“CultȱofȱRelics,”ȱ49ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ44).ȱ

PeaceȱofȱGodȱMovement

183

Moreover,ȱtheseȱlessonsȱregardingȱtheȱnatureȱofȱpublicȱopinionȱwereȱnotȱlostȱon theȱbishops.ȱAsȱtheȱmonksȱsoughtȱtoȱmoveȱpublicȱsupportȱtowardȱtheȱrelicȱcults atȱtheȱmonasteries,ȱtheȱbishopsȱworkedȱtoȱexpandȱtheȱinfluenceȱofȱtheirȱregional conciliarȱ actionsȱ soȱ asȱ toȱ includeȱ allȱ ofȱ Franceȱ inȱ theȱ attemptȱ toȱ curbȱ theȱ lay violence. Asȱearlyȱasȱ1027ȱatȱtheȱcouncilȱofȱElne,ȱthereȱwereȱattemptsȱtoȱpreventȱallȱfighting whatsoeverȱ onȱ daysȱ ofȱ religiousȱ significance.ȱ Accordingȱ toȱ theȱ canonsȱ ofȱ this council,ȱ “theȱ aforesaidȱ bishopsȱ (alongȱ withȱ theȱ clergyȱ andȱ faithfulȱ people) establishedȱthatȱnoȱoneȱdwellingȱinȱtheȱaforesaidȱcountyȱandȱdioceseȱwouldȱassail anyȱenemyȱofȱhisȱfromȱtheȱninthȱhourȱonȱSaturdayȱtoȱtheȱfirstȱhourȱonȱMonday,ȱso thatȱ everyoneȱ wouldȱ renderȱ theȱ honorȱ owedȱ toȱ theȱ Lord’sȱ day.”50ȱ Veryȱ soon thereafter,ȱthisȱoneȬdayȱprohibitionȱwasȱexpandedȱtoȱincludeȱtheȱentireȱweekend, fromȱduskȱonȱWednesdayȱtoȱdawnȱonȱMonday,ȱasȱwitnessȱtheȱactionsȱofȱtheȱsynod ofȱArlesȱinȱ1041.ȱThisȱproducedȱaȱgreaterȱtendencyȱtoȱuseȱtheȱTruceȱofȱGodȱasȱan attemptȱtoȱcurbȱviolenceȱforȱlongerȱperiodsȱofȱtimeȱandȱincludingȱallȱpersonsȱinȱits purview.ȱNonetheless,ȱtheseȱvariousȱattemptsȱtoȱattractȱpublicȱattentionȱhadȱtheir downside. Inȱ theȱ earlyȱ toȱ midȬeleventhȱ century,ȱ thereȱ wasȱ aȱ growingȱ awarenessȱ ofȱ the dangersȱofȱtheȱpowerȱofȱtheȱmasses,ȱwhichȱledȱlayȱandȱecclesiasticalȱleadersȱto withdrawȱtheȱuseȱofȱrelicsȱatȱtheseȱPeaceȱcouncilsȱinȱorderȱtoȱlessenȱtheȱattraction forȱ crowds.51ȱ Apparentlyȱ theȱ anxietyȱ ofȱ theȱ leadershipȱ wasȱ wellȬfounded,ȱ for religiousȱenthusiasmȱofȱtheȱmassesȱduringȱthatȱperiodȱledȱaȱsignificantȱnumberȱof peopleȱtoȱseeȱhereticalȱalternativesȱtoȱtheȱhierarchicalȱleadershipȱasȱbetterȱmodels forȱ themȱ toȱ followȱ inȱ pursuitȱ ofȱ theȱ ultimateȱ peace.52ȱ Hereȱ theȱ unintended consequencesȱofȱpublicȱopinion,ȱnamelyȱtheȱdifficultiesȱofȱ“socialȱcontrol,”ȱwere fullyȱexposed. Inȱ anotherȱ direction,ȱ theȱ peaceȱ movementȱ triedȱ toȱ expandȱ theȱ attackȱ onȱ the bearingȱofȱarms,ȱfirstȱbyȱprohibitingȱanyȱclergyȱfromȱbearingȱarms,ȱandȱthenȱby exertingȱtheȱpressureȱofȱimposingȱaȱmoreȱsevereȱpenanceȱforȱkillingȱbyȱtheȱlay milites.ȱ Atȱ Narbonneȱ inȱ 1054,ȱ aȱ canonȱ declaredȱ thatȱ “Noȱ Christianȱ shouldȱ kill anotherȱChristian,ȱsinceȱwhoeverȱkillsȱaȱChristianȱdoubtlessȱshedsȱtheȱbloodȱof Christ.”53ȱThisȱnotionȱofȱpeaceȱfitȱwellȱwithinȱtheȱAugustinianȱdefinitionȱasȱthe “orderedȱconcordȱbetweenȱmen,”54ȱandȱsocialȱorderingȱbecameȱmoreȱofȱaȱtheme inȱtheȱpeaceȱcouncils.ȱThisȱattemptȱatȱlimitingȱallȱviolence,ȱatȱleastȱagainstȱfellow

50

51 52

53 54

ActsȱofȱtheȱCouncilȱofȱElneȬToulougesȱ(1027).ȱMansiȱ19:ȱ483–84,ȱtrans.ȱPhilippeȱBuc,ȱinȱTheȱPeace ofȱGod,ȱed.ȱHeadȱandȱLandes,ȱAppendixȱA,ȱDocumentȱ7,ȱp.ȱ334. HeadȱandȱLandes,ȱ“Introduction,”ȱ7ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1). Seeȱ Lobrichon,ȱ “Theȱ Chiaroscuroȱ ofȱ Heresy,”ȱ 180–203ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 43);ȱ Landes,ȱ “Popular Participation,”ȱ207–13ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ33). Mansi,ȱ19:ȱ827,ȱasȱquotedȱinȱHeadȱandȱLandes,ȱ“Introduction,”ȱ8ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱ Remensnyder,ȱ“Pollutionȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱandȱPeace,”ȱ282ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ23).

184

CharlesȱW.ȱConnell

Christians,ȱmadeȱtheȱworkȱofȱtheȱpapacyȱsomewhatȱeasierȱasȱitȱturnedȱitsȱattention toȱtheȱproblemȱofȱtheȱHolyȱLandȱinȱtheȱlastȱquarterȱofȱtheȱeleventhȱcentury. Toȱ summarizeȱ briefly,ȱ inȱ thisȱ secondȱ stageȱ ofȱ theȱ Peaceȱ movement,ȱ public opinionȱshiftedȱfromȱparticipationȱandȱsupportȱforȱactionsȱofȱtheȱPeaceȱcouncils, toȱsupportȱforȱrelicȱcultsȱatȱmonasteries,ȱandȱthenȱturnedȱmoreȱattentionȱtoȱheresy asȱaȱpopularȱalternativeȱinȱtheȱquestȱforȱpeace.ȱHowever,ȱdespiteȱthisȱdynamicȱof aȱvolatileȱpublicȱopinion,ȱthereȱremainedȱconstantȱbothȱtheȱdesireȱforȱsomeȱform ofȱpeaceȱandȱtheȱinvolvementȱofȱlargeȱnumbersȱofȱtheȱpopulace.

StageȱThreeȱofȱtheȱPeaceȱMovement Inȱtheȱthirdȱstageȱofȱtheȱpeaceȱmovement,ȱPopeȱUrbanȱIIȱcompletedȱtheȱlogical extensionȱofȱecclesiasticalȱcontrolȱbyȱorderingȱtheȱmaintenanceȱofȱtheȱTruceȱofȱGod throughoutȱallȱofȱChristendomȱinȱorderȱthatȱpeaceȱmightȱbeȱmaintainedȱtoȱallow fightingȱ menȱ toȱ goȱ toȱ theȱ Holyȱ Landȱ onȱ theȱ Firstȱ Crusade.ȱ Thisȱ themeȱ was repeatedȱinȱallȱofȱtheȱecumenicalȱcouncilsȱ(i.e.,ȱLateranȱIV,ȱLyonsȱIȱandȱII)ȱduring theȱthirteenthȱcenturyȱasȱwell.ȱTheȱcouncilsȱofȱ1215ȱandȱ1241ȱalsoȱcontinuedȱthe banȱonȱtournaments,ȱanotherȱformȱofȱkillingȱfellowȱChristians,ȱandȱLyonsȱIIȱinȱ1274 extendedȱtheȱpeaceȱatȱhomeȱtoȱaȱsixȬyearȱperiod.55ȱ However,ȱitȱisȱclearȱthatȱtheȱattentionȱofȱtheȱChurchȱhadȱshiftedȱfromȱcriesȱfor peaceȱtoȱcriesȱofȱwar.ȱTheȱattemptȱtoȱdrawȱsupportȱforȱtheȱcrusadesȱwasȱanother wayȱinȱwhichȱtheȱroleȱofȱmedievalȱpublicȱopinionȱcanȱbeȱdemonstrated,ȱbutȱthat discussionȱmustȱbeȱleftȱforȱanotherȱtime.

PeaceȱCouncilsȱandȱPublicȱOpinion Thisȱbriefȱoverviewȱofȱtheȱresearchȱonȱtheȱpeaceȱcouncilsȱofȱtheȱtenthȱandȱeleventh centuriesȱ suggestsȱ aȱ numberȱ ofȱ implicationsȱ regardingȱ theȱ operationȱ ofȱ public opinionȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges.ȱTheȱcryȱofȱpeaceȱwasȱpersistentȱandȱlongȬstanding:ȱIt mightȱevenȱbeȱarguedȱthatȱ“peaceȱandȱjustice”ȱwasȱtheȱveryȱfirstȱ“bumperȱsticker,” onȱtheȱcartsȱofȱtheȱpoorȱasȱwellȱasȱinȱtheȱcourtsȱofȱtheȱlords,ȱbothȱecclesiasticalȱand lay.ȱAsȱsimplisticȱasȱthisȱmayȱsound,ȱitȱisȱperhapsȱaȱreallyȱfittingȱmetaphorȱthat

55

MaureenȱPurcell,ȱPapalȱCrusadingȱPolicy:ȱtheȱChiefȱInstrumentsȱofȱPapalȱCrusadingȱPolicyȱandȱCrusade toȱtheȱHolyȱLandȱfromȱtheȱFinalȱLossȱofȱJerusalemȱtoȱtheȱFallȱofȱAcre,ȱ1244–1291ȱ(Leiden:ȱBrill,ȱ1975),ȱ29. Also,ȱsee,ȱMastnak,ȱCrusadingȱPeace,ȱ143ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱforȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱdegreeȱtoȱwhichȱpeace wasȱseenȱasȱaȱnecessaryȱpreconditionȱforȱaȱcrusadeȱinȱtheȱtwelfthȱandȱthirteenthȱcenturies,ȱwith oneȱdecreeȱ(Adȱliberandam)ȱofȱInnocentȱIIIȱatȱLateranȱIVȱ(1215)ȱstatingȱthatȱprincesȱofȱtheȱChristian peopleȱmustȱkeepȱpeaceȱwithȱoneȱanother.ȱ

PeaceȱofȱGodȱMovement

185

linksȱ medievalȱ publicȱ opinionȱ toȱ ourȱ understandingȱ ofȱ theȱ operationsȱ ofȱ the modern. First,ȱtheȱobservationsȱhereinȱareȱnotȱtotallyȱnew,ȱbutȱtheyȱdoȱextendȱbeyondȱthe assertionȱofȱMacKinneyȱandȱothersȱthatȱdateȱfromȱalmostȱoneȱhundredȱyearsȱago now.ȱ Mostȱ ofȱ theȱ earlierȱ researchȱ regardingȱ theȱ Peaceȱ councilsȱ acceptsȱ the testimonyȱofȱmedievalȱcontemporariesȱregardingȱtheȱpresenceȱofȱtheȱmasses,ȱand assertsȱsomeȱratherȱvagueȱconnectionȱtoȱpoliticalȱaction,ȱbutȱdoesȱnotȱteaseȱoutȱa particularȱinterplayȱbetweenȱtheȱmassesȱandȱtheȱuseȱofȱpublicȱopinionȱtoȱexercise aȱroleȱinȱsocialȱcontrol.ȱNorȱdoesȱthatȱresearchȱsuggestȱanyȱnuancesȱinȱtheȱnature ofȱourȱunderstandingȱofȱmedievalȱpublics.ȱRatherȱitȱstillȱseemsȱmoreȱcaughtȱupȱin theȱnotionȱthatȱweȱmustȱmeasureȱonlyȱtheȱopinionȱofȱtheȱmassesȱperȱse,ȱandȱlook forȱ itsȱ influenceȱ inȱ veryȱ concreteȱ terms.ȱ Letȱ usȱ compare,ȱ viaȱ someȱ specific examples,ȱtheseȱapproachesȱatȱwork.ȱ Landesȱmostȱrecentlyȱheadlinesȱoneȱofȱtheȱsectionsȱofȱhisȱarticleȱonȱtheȱroleȱofȱthe populusȱinȱtheȱPeaceȱofȱGodȱasȱtheȱ“PowerȱofȱPublicȱOpinion.”56ȱHeȱarguesȱinȱthe traditionȱofȱearlierȱscholarsȱthatȱ“largeȱpublicȱarenas”ȱwereȱcreatedȱatȱtheȱPeace councilsȱandȱservedȱtoȱexerciseȱinfluenceȱbyȱofferingȱapprovalȱforȱtheȱactionsȱof thoseȱ lordsȱ whoȱ tookȱ theȱ oathsȱ toȱ enforceȱ theȱ Peace,ȱ andȱ inȱ contrast,ȱ offered disapprovalȱ ofȱ thoseȱ whoȱ continuedȱ toȱ breakȱ theȱ peaceȱ orȱ wouldȱ notȱ takeȱ the oaths.ȱInȱsoȱdoing,ȱhowever,ȱheȱunderminesȱtheȱpotentialȱimpactȱofȱpublicȱopinion, byȱrightfullyȱnotingȱtheȱlackȱofȱevidenceȱtoȱdutifullyȱquantifyȱtheȱsizeȱandȱextent ofȱtheȱnumbersȱofȱpeopleȱinvolvedȱinȱthoseȱ“masses”ȱorȱ“crowds.”ȱHeȱalsoȱpoints outȱthatȱtheȱcrowdsȱdidȱnotȱlastȱlong,ȱandȱthatȱtheȱnumberȱofȱcouncilsȱheldȱafter CharrouxȱorȱLimogesȱwereȱfewȱandȱfarȱbetween,ȱatȱleastȱuntilȱtheȱ1020sȱandȱ30s. Furthermore,ȱLandesȱnotesȱthatȱbyȱtheȱ1040sȱtheȱcommonersȱwereȱbeingȱ“pushed toȱtheȱmargins,”ȱthatȱis,ȱbarredȱfromȱparticipationȱinȱtheȱcouncils.57ȱUntilȱrecently, publicȱ opinionȱ researchersȱ mightȱ simplyȱ dismissȱ thisȱ setȱ ofȱ examplesȱ asȱ an insufficientȱ measureȱ ofȱ publicȱ opinionȱ becauseȱ ofȱ modernȱ measurement techniquesȱthatȱexcludeȱ“unscientificȱsamples.”ȱLandesȱhimselfȱdoesȱnotȱtakeȱup theȱissueȱofȱdefinitionȱorȱmeasurementȱperȱse. However,ȱitȱisȱmyȱcontentionȱthatȱtheȱPeaceȱmovementȱdidȱnotȱonlyȱestablishȱthe forumsȱ forȱ stagingȱ theȱ developingȱ roleȱ ofȱ medievalȱ publics,ȱ butȱ itȱ helpedȱ to establishȱmoreȱclearlyȱwhoȱtheȱpublicsȱwere,ȱi.e.,ȱwhoȱhadȱinterestsȱtoȱdefineȱand defend,ȱ namelyȱ theȱ moreȱ clearȱ distinctionȱ wasȱ madeȱ betweenȱ layȱ and ecclesiastical,ȱbetweenȱpoorȱandȱrich,ȱandȱbetweenȱmilitesȱandȱtheȱunarmed,ȱin particular.ȱ Moreover,ȱ theȱ peaceȱ movementȱ helpedȱ toȱ defineȱ moreȱ clearlyȱ the meansȱ byȱ whichȱ publicȱ opinionȱ wasȱ known,ȱ theȱ mediaȱ thoughȱ whichȱ itȱ was communicated,ȱandȱtheȱwaysȱinȱwhichȱitȱwasȱmadeȱeffective.ȱTheȱChurchȱfirst

56 57

Landes,ȱ“PopularȱParticipation,”ȱ194ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ33). Landes,ȱ“PopularȱParticipation,”ȱ194–95ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ33).

186

CharlesȱW.ȱConnell

controlledȱtheȱpublicȱopinionȱnetwork,ȱdevelopedȱitsȱsymbols,ȱitsȱrhetoric,ȱandȱits goals.ȱYet,ȱbyȱtheȱmidȬeleventhȱcenturyȱtheȱlayȱpropagandistsȱalsoȱunderstood theȱvalueȱofȱitsȱmanipulationȱandȱchallengedȱtheȱleadershipȱroleȱofȱtheȱChurchȱin theȱcontrolȱofȱpublicȱopinion.58ȱIntoȱtheȱthirteenthȱcentury,ȱtheȱChurchȱcontinued toȱholdȱtheȱhighȱground,ȱatȱleastȱinȱrelationshipȱtoȱtheȱissueȱofȱ“peace,”ȱbutȱthe secularȱworldȱbeganȱtoȱresumeȱitsȱroleȱasȱ“keeperȱofȱtheȱpeace”ȱandȱeventually recapturedȱ thatȱ roleȱ asȱ theȱ prestigeȱ ofȱ theȱ Churchȱ declinedȱ inȱ theȱ eyesȱ ofȱ the medievalȱpublic. Anotherȱaspectȱofȱtheȱgrowingȱmedievalȱunderstandingȱofȱtheȱnatureȱandȱuse ofȱpublicȱopinionȱisȱrevealedȱwhenȱweȱconsiderȱthatȱcouncilsȱandȱsynodsȱwereȱnot neededȱtoȱkeepȱtheȱpeace.ȱOtherȱmeans,ȱchieflyȱnegotiationȱandȱmediation,ȱhad beenȱwellȱentrenchedȱinȱtheȱcustomaryȱwaysȱofȱsettlingȱconflict,ȱfeuds,ȱorȱdisputes overȱproperty.59ȱSoȱwhyȱchooseȱaȱmoreȱpublicȱcouncil?ȱTheȱanswerȱmayȱlieȱinȱthe notionȱofȱtheȱsynodsȱandȱcouncilsȱasȱextensionsȱofȱlocal/regionalȱcommunities. “Communities”ȱareȱaȱplaceȱtoȱverifyȱand/orȱinfluenceȱtheȱclimateȱofȱopinion.ȱThe pastȱvalueȱofȱtheȱtribalȱcommunitiesȱinȱsolvingȱdisputesȱwithȱgreaterȱrecognition ofȱtheȱneedȱforȱparticipationȱbyȱtheȱmembersȱofȱtheȱcommunityȱwasȱnotȱlost,ȱand theȱbreakdownȱofȱcentralȱauthorityȱorȱatȱleastȱitsȱgreaterȱlossȱofȱpresenceȱinȱthe tenthȱcenturyȱhadȱcreatedȱaȱvacuum.ȱSynodsȱandȱcouncilsȱprovidedȱforaȱinȱwhich toȱbuildȱaȱsenseȱofȱtheȱ“publicȱgood.”ȱMassesȱofȱpeople,ȱapparentlyȱfeelingȱthis need,ȱ attendedȱ theseȱ peaceȱ synodsȱ andȱ councils.ȱ Asȱ theȱ galvanizingȱ of issues—peaceȱ andȱ justiceȱ toȱ overcomeȱ rampantȱ unjustȱ pillage—gradually pervadedȱaȱlargeȱspectrumȱofȱtheȱsocialȱnetwork;ȱaȱclimateȱofȱopinionȱandȱaȱsetȱof valuesȱwasȱemerging. Also,ȱtheseȱpublicȱspacesȱprovidedȱaȱmeansȱforȱcontrolȱofȱtheȱsymbolismȱneeded toȱconnectȱtheȱChurchȱtoȱtheȱissueȱofȱpeace.ȱInȱusingȱsaints’ȱrelicsȱtoȱattractȱthe masses,ȱtheȱChurchȱrecognizedȱtheȱreligiousȱenthusiasmȱbuildingȱaroundȱissues ofȱsinȱandȱtheȱpenanceȱforȱsin.ȱAtȱLimogesȱinȱ994,ȱforȱexample,ȱsaints’ȱrelicsȱwere displayedȱ inȱ openȱ fields—aȱ veryȱ publicȱ spectacle.ȱ Regardlessȱ ofȱ whetherȱ the eventsȱoccurredȱexactlyȱasȱportrayed,ȱoneȱofȱtheȱsaints,ȱMartial,ȱwhoseȱrelicsȱwere allegedlyȱ displayed,ȱ didȱ becomeȱ aȱ veryȱ popularȱ saintȱ overȱ theȱ nextȱ several decades.ȱHisȱlegendȱgrewȱtoȱtheȱpointȱwhereȱheȱwasȱputȱforthȱbyȱAdemarȱasȱone ofȱtheȱapostlesȱofȱChristȱhimself.ȱInȱtheȱdioceseȱofȱLimoges,ȱsemiannualȱsynods

58

59

Obviously,ȱ peaceȱ councilsȱ wereȱ notȱ theȱ onlyȱ battlegroundȱ forȱ publicȱ opinionȱ inȱ theȱ eleventh century.ȱTheȱInvestitureȱContestȱalsoȱprovidedȱtrainingȱandȱopportunitiesȱforȱpropagandistsȱwho soughtȱ toȱ masterȱ betterȱ techniquesȱ forȱ influencingȱ andȱ controllingȱ theȱ socialȱ order.ȱ See,ȱ for example,ȱI.ȱS.ȱRobinson,ȱAuthorityȱandȱResistanceȱinȱtheȱInvestitureȱContest:ȱtheȱPolemicalȱLiterature ofȱtheȱLateȱEleventhȱCenturyȱ(Manchester:ȱManchesterȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1978);ȱandȱR.I.ȱMoore,ȱThe OriginsȱofȱEuropeanȱDissentȱ(NewȱYork:ȱSt.ȱMartin’sȱPress,ȱ1977). Goetz,ȱ“ProtectionȱofȱtheȱChurch,”ȱ259–79ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3),ȱprovidesȱanȱoverviewȱandȱreferenceȱto appropriateȱliteratureȱregardingȱtheȱstudyȱofȱfeuds.

PeaceȱofȱGodȱMovement

187

wereȱconductedȱwithȱsermonsȱaboutȱpeace,ȱtheȱreceptionȱofȱviolatorsȱofȱtheȱpeace asȱpenitents,ȱaccompaniedȱbyȱtheȱsingingȱofȱtheȱappropriateȱpsalms.60ȱAllȱofȱthese andȱmanyȱmoreȱsuchȱeventsȱprovideȱevidenceȱofȱtheȱroleȱofȱpublicȱopinionȱinȱa modernȱ sense:ȱ theȱ collectiveȱ expressionȱ ofȱ largeȱ numbersȱ ofȱ peopleȱ actingȱ on behalfȱofȱaȱbelief,ȱaȱvalue,ȱinȱanȱattemptȱtoȱinfluenceȱaȱpoliticalȱoutcome. Anotherȱkeyȱtoȱunderstandingȱpublicȱopinionȱisȱtoȱexamineȱtheȱuseȱofȱsymbols inȱhighlyȬchargedȱemotionalȱsituations.ȱThisȱperiodȱexhibitsȱplentyȱofȱevidenceȱof aȱhighȱdegreeȱofȱreligiousȱenthusiasm,ȱmuchȱofȱwhichȱwasȱtiedȱtoȱtheȱyearȱ1000 andȱtheȱexpectationsȱsurroundingȱtheȱsecondȱcomingȱofȱChrist.ȱThusȱtheȱuseȱof relicsȱ byȱ theȱ clergyȱ toȱ mobilizeȱ popularȱ enthusiasmȱ inȱ itsȱ fightȱ toȱ protectȱ its propertyȱandȱpersonsȱagainstȱtheȱlayȱaristocracyȱdemonstratedȱaȱsophisticated insight,ȱasȱdidȱtheȱuseȱofȱtheȱtoolȱofȱexcommunicationȱagainstȱtheȱviolatorsȱofȱthe peace.ȱLandesȱsuggestsȱthatȱAdemar’sȱdescriptionȱofȱtheȱclergyȱandȱtheȱpopulusȱas alliesȱinȱaȱworkȱofȱ“socialȱjustice”ȱseemsȱveryȱmodern.61 Aȱfurtherȱexampleȱofȱtheȱgrowingȱmedievalȱsophisticationȱinȱtheȱunderstanding ofȱtheȱvalueȱofȱcontrollingȱtheȱpopulusȱisȱtheȱnotionȱthatȱtheȱboundaryȱbetween privateȱandȱpublicȱwasȱbeingȱcrossedȱinȱtheȱPeaceȱmovement.ȱFeudsȱwereȱprivate matters,ȱbutȱpillageȱwasȱaȱpublicȱone.ȱTheȱChurchȱseizedȱtheȱpublicȱgroundȱby declaring,ȱifȱonlyȱbyȱnotȱsoȱsubtleȱinference,ȱthatȱwhatȱwasȱgoodȱforȱtheȱChurch, namelyȱprotectionȱofȱChurchȱpropertyȱandȱChurchȱpersons,ȱwasȱalsoȱgoodȱforȱthe publicȱ(inȱthisȱcaseȱChristianȱsociety).ȱHowever,ȱitȱwasȱnotȱonlyȱtheȱpoorȱwhoȱwere definedȱ asȱ “protected”ȱ byȱ theȱ canonsȱ ofȱ theȱ earlyȱ peaceȱ councils,ȱ butȱ alsoȱ the milites,ȱ whoȱ wereȱ beingȱ givenȱ theȱ opportunityȱ toȱ improveȱ theirȱ chancesȱ for salvationȱ byȱ doingȱ penanceȱ andȱ takingȱ oathsȱ toȱ lessenȱ theȱ unintended consequencesȱofȱtheirȱfighting.ȱTheȱcanonsȱofȱtheseȱcouncilsȱinȱeffectȱdefinedȱthe classȱdistinctionsȱasȱwellȱasȱthoseȱofȱvirtue—“goodȱguys”ȱandȱ“badȱguys”—in society,ȱinȱaȱveryȱpublicȱway,ȱwhileȱallowingȱtheirȱ“equality”ȱasȱChristiansȱand thusȱasȱacceptedȱmembersȱinȱtheȱbroadestȱpossibleȱpublic,ȱtheȱpopulusȱChristianus. TheȱChurchȱtherebyȱtappedȱintoȱtheȱthenȱcurrentȱclimateȱofȱopinion. ThisȱrealizationȱbyȱtheȱChurchȱwasȱanȱimportantȱfirstȱstepȱforȱpeacekeeping.ȱBy seizingȱtheȱhighȱground,ȱtheȱChurchȱapparentlyȱrecognizedȱthatȱChurchȱfreedom fromȱsecularȱcontrol,ȱasȱwellȱasȱChurchȱselfȬreformȱinȱaccordanceȱwithȱtheȱCluniac ideals,ȱcouldȱbeȱpromulgatedȱasȱ“peaceȱandȱjustice,”ȱbringingȱtheȱpopulusȱtogether underȱ Churchȱ leadershipȱ inȱ aȱ commonȱ quest:ȱ toȱ insureȱ theȱ ultimateȱ peaceȱ in

60

61

Landes,ȱ“PopularȱParticipation,”ȱ189–90ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ33).ȱAlso,ȱforȱuseȱofȱsimilarȱpracticesȱinȱthe North,ȱ seeȱ Geoffreyȱ Koziol,ȱ “Monks,ȱ Feuds,ȱ andȱ theȱ Makingȱ ofȱ Peaceȱ inȱ EleventhȬCentury Flanders,”ȱTheȱPeaceȱofȱGod,ȱed.ȱHeadȱandȱLandes,ȱ239–258ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1). Landes,ȱ“PopularȱParticipation,”ȱ196–97ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ33).ȱAlso,ȱseeȱTöpfer,ȱVolkȱundȱKircheȱ(seeȱnote 6),ȱ90–99;ȱand,ȱEdwardȱB.ȱKrehbiel,ȱTheȱInterdict:ȱItsȱHistoryȱandȱItsȱOperationȱ(Washington,ȱDC: AmericanȱHistoricalȱAssociation,ȱ1909;ȱrpt.ȱMerrick,ȱNY:ȱRichwood,ȱ1977).

188

CharlesȱW.ȱConnell

heaven.ȱAsȱLandesȱhasȱpointedȱout,ȱtheȱrhetoricȱofȱtheȱPeaceȱwasȱsignificant,ȱbut hisȱascribingȱitȱtoȱtheȱroleȱofȱpublicȱopinionȱisȱnotȱquiteȱsoȱclear.ȱTheȱrhetoricȱof Peaceȱ wasȱ basedȱ onȱ theȱ medievalȱ readingȱ ofȱ Exodus,ȱ theȱ prophets,ȱ andȱ the Apocalypse.ȱItȱwasȱthusȱmessianicȱinȱtone,ȱwhichȱunfortunatelyȱbecameȱdangerous asȱ theȱ populusȱ beganȱ toȱ seeȱ theȱ eminenceȱ ofȱ theȱ secondȱ comingȱ asȱ perhapsȱ an indicationȱthatȱtheȱroleȱofȱtheȱChurchȱhierarchyȱwasȱnotȱsoȱcritical.ȱThus,ȱmass thinkingȱrespondedȱtoȱtheȱrhetoricȱbyȱgravitatingȱmoreȱtowardȱtheȱvitaȱapostolica andȱlessȱtowardȱaȱnewȱsocialȱorderȱunderȱtighterȱcontrolȱofȱtheȱclergy.ȱHereȱthe medievalȱworldȱlearnedȱsomethingȱaboutȱtheȱfickleȱnatureȱofȱpublicȱopinion. OneȱotherȱpossibleȱlessonȱlearnedȱemergesȱinȱtheȱprocessȱofȱoathȬtakingȱatȱthe Peaceȱcouncils.ȱOathsȱhadȱtoȱbeȱacceptableȱtoȱbothȱtheȱoathȬgiverȱandȱtheȱoathȬ taker,ȱ whileȱ stillȱ recognizingȱ theȱ needȱ forȱ popularȱ supportȱ inȱ orderȱ toȱ better enforceȱtheȱoathsȱthroughȱtheȱprocessȱofȱexcommunication.62ȱWitnessȱtheȱproposed PeaceȱoathȱbyȱBishopȱWarinȱofȱBeauvaisȱtoȱKingȱRobertȱtheȱPiousȱinȱ1023:ȱ“Iȱwill notȱ invadeȱ aȱ churchȱ forȱ anyȱ reason.ȱ Norȱ willȱ Iȱ invadeȱ theȱ storehousesȱ ofȱ the premisesȱofȱaȱchurchȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱunlessȱtoȱcatchȱ[someoneȱwhoȱhasȱcommitted]ȱaȱhomicide, orȱaȱwrongdoerȱwhoȱbrokeȱtheȱpeace.”63ȱHereȱtheȱbalanceȱofȱjusticeȱandȱpeaceȱis laidȱbareȱandȱmustȱbeȱacceptedȱbyȱbothȱparties.ȱSoȱtheȱroleȱofȱpublicȱopinion,ȱits impact,ȱcanȱbeȱmeasuredȱbyȱtheȱexaminationȱofȱsuchȱevidence.ȱWeȱdoȱnotȱneedȱa pollȱhere.ȱWeȱcanȱexamineȱtheȱwordsȱandȱtheȱbehaviorȱtoȱdetectȱtheȱclimateȱof opinion.ȱWithinȱtheȱchargedȱatmosphereȱofȱtheȱPeaceȱcouncils,ȱtheȱrelicȱcults,ȱand theȱ millenarianȱ rhetoric,ȱ oneȱ canȱ alsoȱ seeȱ aȱ commonȱ groundȱ toȱ uniteȱ several componentsȱofȱpublicȱopinionȱinȱtheȱmedievalȱcontext.ȱLaityȱandȱclergy,ȱrichȱand poor,ȱ wereȱ allȱ interestedȱ inȱ theȱ peaceȱ ofȱ eternalȱ salvation.ȱ Asȱ theȱ atmosphere becameȱmoreȱchargedȱwithȱthoseȱidealsȱofȱtheȱvitaȱapostolica,ȱhowever,ȱtheȱroleȱof publicȱopinionȱasȱanȱagentȱofȱsocialȱcontrolȱwouldȱhaveȱbecomeȱdiminished. Inȱsum,ȱtheȱpeaceȱmovementȱhadȱanȱinfluenceȱonȱseveralȱaspectsȱofȱmedieval publicȱopinion.ȱItȱcreatedȱandȱsolidifiedȱtheȱimportanceȱofȱpublicȱgatheringsȱin publicȱspace,ȱsuchȱasȱcouncilsȱandȱsynods,ȱwhichȱresultedȱinȱpublicȱproclamations spreadȱ widelyȱ byȱ meansȱ ofȱ highlyȱ visibleȱ processes,ȱ likeȱ interdictȱ and excommunication,ȱtoȱenforceȱtheȱconciliarȱdecreesȱandȱmaneuverȱpublicȱopinion toȱ supportȱ thoseȱ responsibleȱ forȱ enforcingȱ theȱ penaltiesȱ imposedȱ uponȱ peaceȬ breakers.ȱ Weȱ haveȱ alsoȱ notedȱ howȱ theȱ movementȱ developedȱ aȱ powerful symbolismȱthroughȱotherȱmoreȱbenignȱrituals,ȱsuchȱasȱdisplayingȱrelicsȱtoȱattract crowds,ȱandȱlater,ȱtheȱ“kissȱofȱpeace”ȱinȱsigningȱpeaceȱpacts.64

62 63 64

SeeȱtheȱdiscussionȱinȱLandes,ȱ“PopularȱParticipation,”ȱ202–03ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ33). Vatican.ȱReg.ȱlat.ȱ566,ȱf.ȱ38v,ȱtrans.ȱbyȱLandes,ȱTheȱPeaceȱofȱGod,ȱed.ȱHeadȱandȱLandes,ȱ332. SeeȱTimothyȱReuter,ȱinȱaȱcollectionȱofȱhisȱarticles,ȱMedievalȱPolitiesȱandȱModernȱMentalities,ȱed.ȱJanet Nelsonȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2006),ȱesp.ȱ182–83,ȱwhoȱfocusesȱonȱtheȱdispute

PeaceȱofȱGodȱMovement

189

Inȱ994,ȱtheȱclimateȱofȱopinionȱwasȱrecordedȱbyȱAdemarȱofȱChabannesȱasȱoneȱof “popularȱreligiousȱenthusiasm,”65ȱasȱtheȱassemblyȱatȱLimogesȱattractedȱ“massive crowds.”ȱ Theȱ atmosphereȱ reflectedȱ religiousȱ revivalȱ inȱ responseȱ toȱ aȱ natural disaster,ȱnamelyȱanȱoutbreakȱofȱtheȱ“fireȱplague,”ȱi.e.,ȱergotism,ȱorȱrottingȱofȱthe wheatȱcrops.ȱTheȱcouncilȱitselfȱwasȱprecededȱbyȱaȱthreeȬdayȱfastȱtoȱwhichȱwas drawnȱ“vastȱthrongsȱofȱpeople”ȱwhoȱwereȱattractedȱbyȱrelicsȱdisplayedȱinȱopen fields.66ȱ Asȱ Richardȱ Landes’ȱ detailedȱ analysisȱ ofȱ thisȱ eventȱ reveals,ȱ thereȱ isȱ a patternȱforȱtheseȱcouncilsȱwhichȱincludeȱpublicȱandȱcommunalȱactsȱofȱpenitence: “aȱmassȱmiracleȱproducingȱeuphoriaȱamongȱthoseȱgathered,”ȱand,ȱanȱ“allianceȱof peaceȱandȱjusticeȱswornȱbyȱallȱlordsȱpresent.”67ȱIȱwouldȱaddȱhereȱthatȱoneȱofȱthe keysȱ toȱ theȱ successfulȱ manipulationȱ ofȱ publicȱ opinionȱ layȱ inȱ capturingȱ the emotionalȱmoodȱofȱtheȱpublic.ȱLimogesȱseemedȱtoȱdoȱjustȱthat. Inȱ Ademar’sȱ descriptionȱ ofȱ theȱ events,ȱ Landesȱ arguesȱ thatȱ weȱ mayȱ see millenarianȱrhetoric,ȱthatȱis,ȱinȱtheȱtermsȱofȱIsaiah’sȱ“messianicȱvisionȱofȱpeace.” Peace,ȱinȱeffectȱhasȱbecomeȱaȱvisionȱofȱtheȱnextȱworld,ȱandȱpeaceȱforȱallȱofȱthe massesȱassembled,ȱaȱfulfillmentȱofȱtheȱtrueȱChristianȱlifeȱasȱl’anȱmilȱ(theȱyearȱ1000) approached.ȱEvenȱafterȱtheȱspecificȱyearȱpassed,ȱtheȱhopesȱandȱexpectationsȱdid not.ȱHowever,ȱasȱLandesȱpointsȱout,ȱthisȱ994ȱeventȱwasȱnotȱfollowedȱbyȱadditional councilsȱinȱLimogesȱforȱsomeȱtimeȱthereafter.ȱSoȱwasȱthisȱtheȱexaggeratedȱcreation ofȱaȱmythȱbyȱaȱsingleȱindividualȱ(Ademar),ȱandȱhowȱcanȱweȱseeȱitȱasȱanȱexpression ofȱpublicȱopinion? Partȱofȱtheȱanswerȱliesȱinȱtheȱrapidȱdevelopmentȱofȱ theȱcultȱofȱSaintȱMartial mentionedȱ above.ȱ Afterȱ 994ȱ pilgrimsȱ flockedȱ toȱ seeȱ hisȱ relicsȱ throughoutȱ the ensuingȱ decades.ȱ Moreover,ȱ thoughȱ thereȱ mayȱ notȱ haveȱ beenȱ manyȱ synods immediatelyȱ thereafter,ȱ thereȱ wasȱ anȱ extendedȱ effortȱ accordingȱ toȱ Landesȱ to promoteȱtheȱPeaceȱoathsȱtakenȱatȱLimogesȱinȱ994.ȱMoreover,ȱtheȱfactȱthatȱthere wereȱ noȱ recordedȱ councilsȱ inȱ theȱ periodȱ fromȱ ca.ȱ 1000ȱ toȱ theȱ 1020sȱ perhaps indicatesȱaȱpositiveȱimpactȱofȱpublicȱopinion,ȱnamelyȱthatȱtheȱpublicȱshameȱof excommunicationȱ wasȱ inȱ factȱ upholdingȱ theȱ termsȱ ofȱ theȱ peaceȱ oaths.ȱ Thus, additionalȱPeaceȱcouncilsȱwereȱnotȱneededȱforȱaȱwhile.ȱWeȱcanȱplaceȱtheȱcouncil ofȱLimogesȱintoȱaȱcontextȱofȱpopularȱreligiousȱenthusiasm;ȱinȱparticularȱitȱseems relatedȱ toȱ penitentialȱ anxiety,ȱ andȱ pilgrimage.ȱ Allȱ ofȱ theseȱ areȱ aspectsȱ ofȱ the creationȱofȱpublicȱforaȱforȱtheȱexpressionȱofȱpublicȱopinion—i.e.,ȱaȱsignificantly largeȬscaleȱclimateȱofȱopinionȱinȱwhichȱprevailingȱvaluesȱofȱthatȱsocietyȱareȱbeing bothȱ representedȱ andȱ influenced,ȱ inȱ thisȱ caseȱ primarilyȱ byȱ theȱ Churchȱ asȱ the

65 66 67

ofȱBecketȱandȱHenryȱIIȱandȱsuggestsȱthatȱbyȱtheȱtwelfthȱcentury,ȱwithoutȱtheȱkissȱofȱpeace,ȱ“no peaceȱagreementȱbetweenȱcontestingȱpartiesȱcouldȱeverȱbeȱconcludedȱ(183).” Forȱaȱfullȱdiscussion,ȱseeȱLandes,ȱ“PopularȱParticipation,”ȱ184–218ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ33). Landes,ȱ“PopularȱParticipation,”ȱ186–87ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ33). Landes,ȱ“PopularȱParticipation,”ȱ189ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ33).ȱ

190

CharlesȱW.ȱConnell

opinionȱleader.ȱEvenȱthoughȱtheȱ“crowds”ȱmayȱhaveȱbeenȱ“pushedȱtoȱtheȱmargins byȱtheȱ1040s,”68ȱmedievalȱpublicsȱperȱseȱdidȱnotȱdisappear. Inȱcontinuationȱofȱtheȱdevelopmentȱofȱanȱongoingȱpublicȱsupportȱforȱtheȱnotion ofȱpeace,ȱweȱearlierȱnotedȱtheȱspreadȱofȱsynodsȱandȱcouncilsȱforȱpeaceȱthroughout WesternȱEurope.ȱGeoffreyȱKoziol’sȱstudyȱofȱtheȱPeaceȱofȱGodȱinȱeleventhȱcentury Flanders,ȱ forȱ example,ȱ indicatesȱ thatȱ theȱ idealsȱ ofȱ theȱ Peaceȱ mayȱ beenȱ “fairly commonȱ atȱ localȱ assembliesȱ inȱ Flanders.”69ȱ Heȱ similarlyȱ observesȱ thatȱ other regionsȱofȱFranceȱwereȱregularlyȱaffirmingȱtheȱPeace,ȱwithȱpublicȱdamnationsȱof peaceȬbreakers.ȱInȱAireȬsurȬlaȬLys,ȱaroundȱtheȱtimeȱofȱtheȱpreachingȱofȱtheȱFirst Crusade,ȱtheȱburghersȱthereȱnegotiatedȱanȱagreementȱtoȱconfirmȱtheirȱcommunal organizationȱandȱcustomsȱwithȱtheȱlocalȱcount,ȱRobertȱII.ȱTheyȱreferredȱtoȱthisȱas anȱamicitia,ȱwithȱtheȱobligationsȱofȱtheȱmembersȱtoȱaidȱeachȱother,ȱespeciallyȱinȱthe activityȱofȱpeaceȬmaking,ȱinȱthisȱcaseȱtheȱcontrolȱofȱfeuds.ȱToȱKoziol,ȱthisȱinfersȱthe broadeningȱandȱongoingȱinfluenceȱofȱtheȱPeaceȱmovement.70ȱ Theȱquestionȱofȱsuchȱinfluencesȱbringsȱusȱtoȱtheȱsecondȱexample,ȱtheȱCouncilȱof Clermontȱinȱ1095.ȱKoziolȱaffirmsȱthatȱoneȱshouldȱnotȱbeȱsurprisedȱthatȱUrban’s proclamationȱofȱtheȱTruceȱofȱGodȱinȱ1095ȱreceivedȱwidespreadȱsupport,ȱespecially inȱFrance.71ȱHartmutȱHoffmann,ȱinȱhisȱstudyȱentitledȱGottesfriedeȱundȱTreugaȱDei (Onȱ theȱ Peaceȱ ofȱ Godȱ andȱ Truceȱ ofȱ God),ȱ hasȱ statedȱ thatȱ Urbanȱ didȱ not “reintroduceȱtheȱTruceȱafterȱaȱlongȱhiatus”ȱasȱsomeȱhadȱsuggested,ȱbutȱratherȱthat heȱsimplyȱreaffirmedȱtheȱlongstandingȱFrenchȱcustomȱtraceableȱtoȱCarolingian times.72ȱItȱisȱlikelyȱthatȱUrbanȱwasȱwellȱacquaintedȱwithȱtheȱclimateȱofȱopinion,ȱnot onlyȱinȱsouthernȱFrance,ȱbutȱinȱotherȱregionsȱofȱEuropeȱasȱwell.ȱPresumablyȱthen, heȱ usedȱ theȱ languageȱ ofȱ earlierȱ Peaceȱ councilsȱ inȱ developingȱ theȱ canonsȱ at Clermont.ȱAlthoughȱtheȱatmosphereȱwasȱperhapsȱnotȱasȱwarmlyȱpositiveȱinȱthe latterȱinstance,ȱtheȱmessageȱwasȱwellȬreceived,ȱevenȱperhapsȱviewed,ȱasȱreported inȱsomeȱaccounts,ȱasȱ“God’sȱwill,”ȱbyȱaȱpublicȱwellȱaccustomedȱtoȱtheȱmessageȱof Peace,ȱevenȱifȱpeaceȱitselfȱremainedȱelusiveȱandȱsubjectȱtoȱmuchȱlocalȱvariation. Equallyȱ importantȱ toȱ theȱ contextȱ ofȱ thisȱ essayȱ isȱ theȱ needȱ toȱ rememberȱ the apparentȱexistenceȱofȱaȱlongstandingȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱpeaceȱandȱtheȱpopulus thatȱbeganȱinȱtheȱlateȱtenthȱcenturyȱandȱcontinuedȱwellȱintoȱtheȱthirteenth.ȱWhen oneȱtriesȱtoȱmeasureȱtheȱimpactȱofȱpublicȱopinion,ȱoneȱcouldȱinterpretȱitsȱoutcome asȱaȱfailure,ȱmeaningȱthatȱtheȱeliminationȱofȱviolenceȱamongȱtheȱmilitesȱorȱbyȱthe militesȱagainstȱtheȱpersonȱandȱpropertyȱofȱtheȱChurchȱwasȱnotȱaccomplished.ȱBut thisȱ kindȱ ofȱ analysisȱ onlyȱ looksȱ atȱ theȱ moreȱ modernȱ connotationsȱ ofȱ theȱ term

68 69 70 71 72

Landes,ȱ“PopularȱParticipation,”ȱ194–97ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ33). Koziol,ȱ“Monks,ȱFeuds,ȱandȱtheȱMakingȱofȱPeace,”ȱ256ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ60). Koziol,ȱ“Monks,ȱFeuds,ȱandȱtheȱMakingȱofȱPeace,”ȱ257–58ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ60). Koziol,ȱ“Monks,ȱFeuds,ȱandȱtheȱMakingȱofȱPeace,”ȱ257ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ60). Hoffmann,ȱGottesfriedeȱ,ȱesp.ȱ195;ȱseeȱalso,ȱ146–52,ȱ169–75,ȱ186–89,ȱ195–205,ȱ219ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ22).

PeaceȱofȱGodȱMovement

191

publicȱopinionȱinȱattemptingȱtoȱ“measure”ȱtheȱopinionȱofȱtheȱmasses,ȱandȱthen looksȱtoȱseeȱifȱthatȱopinionȱhadȱanyȱimpactȱonȱpoliticalȱdecisions.ȱHowever,ȱas indicatedȱaboveȱinȱtheȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱmedievalȱmeaningȱofȱtheȱconceptȱofȱpeace, thereȱwereȱseveralȱaspectsȱofȱthatȱmeaning,ȱamongȱwhichȱtheȱ“public”ȱfocusȱwas shiftingȱduringȱeachȱphaseȱunderȱconsideration.ȱFirst,ȱthereȱwasȱtheȱmoreȱsimple “peace,”ȱmeaningȱtheȱabsenceȱofȱviolenceȱagainstȱaȱsegmentȱofȱtheȱpopulationȱand theirȱproperty.ȱThen,ȱtheȱideaȱofȱanȱapocalypticȱpeace:ȱaȱunityȱwithȱtheȱdivineȱat theȱsecondȱcoming.ȱThirdly,ȱbyȱtheȱtimeȱofȱtheȱcrusade,ȱpeaceȱwasȱconstructedȱas theȱ necessaryȱ outcomeȱ ofȱ war.ȱ Inȱ eachȱ case,ȱ oneȱ couldȱ argueȱ thatȱ theȱ public accomplishedȱitsȱobjectives,ȱatȱleastȱforȱsomeȱperiodȱofȱtime.ȱDuringȱtheȱfirstȱhiatus ofȱpeaceȱcouncils,ȱforȱexample,ȱtheȱabsenceȱofȱevidenceȱtoȱtheȱcontraryȱallowsȱus toȱargueȱthatȱthereȱwasȱaȱperiodȱwhenȱtheȱviolenceȱceasedȱorȱwasȱsignificantly mitigated.

Conclusion AtȱthisȱpointȱinȱtracingȱtheȱresearchȱonȱtheȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱtheȱPeaceȱofȱGod movementȱ andȱ theȱ developmentȱ ofȱ medievalȱ publicȱ opinion,ȱ aȱ fewȱ tentative conclusionsȱseemȱwarranted.ȱInȱseveralȱwaysȱtheȱmedievalȱpopulusȱseemsȱtoȱhave functionedȱinȱwaysȱthatȱfitȱtheȱNoelleȬNeumannȱmodelȱofȱtheȱfunctionsȱofȱpublic opinion.ȱ Forȱ example,ȱ itȱ wasȱ dynamic,ȱ itȱ respondedȱ bestȱ inȱ aȱ highlyȬcharged emotionalȱenvironment:ȱpublicȱopinionȱrespondedȱenȱmasseȱinȱanȱeffortȱtoȱaffect aȱ commonȱ politicalȱ outcome,ȱ andȱ itȱ wasȱ subjectȱ toȱ manipulationȱ inȱ fearȬladen situationsȱtoȱaffectȱsocialȱcontrol.ȱFinally,ȱitȱwasȱalsoȱfickleȱandȱvulnerableȱtoȱthe productionȱofȱunintendedȱconsequences.ȱInȱtheȱcaseȱofȱtheȱpeaceȱmovement,ȱwe alsoȱseeȱaȱratherȱsophisticatedȱunderstandingȱofȱtheȱnatureȱofȱpublicȱopinion.ȱ Weȱ seeȱ theȱ deliberateȱ useȱ ofȱ massȱ gatheringsȱ inȱ anȱ attemptȱ toȱ influenceȱ a politicalȱobjective,ȱinȱthisȱcaseȱ“peace.”ȱWeȱseeȱtheȱuseȱofȱsymbolsȱandȱrhetoric designedȱtoȱexploitȱtheȱemotionsȱofȱtheȱ“publics,”ȱbothȱlayȱandȱecclesiastical,ȱand includingȱmaleȱandȱfemaleȱmembers,ȱtoȱaccomplishȱthoseȱobjectives.ȱWeȱseeȱthe useȱofȱfearȱ(àȱlaȱNoelleȬNeumann’sȱconceptȱofȱtheȱspiralȱofȱsilence)ȱtoȱenforceȱthe outcomesȱ ofȱ thoseȱ manyȱ Peaceȱ councils,ȱ namelyȱ theȱ interdictȱ and excommunication,ȱbothȱofȱwhichȱrequireȱanȱunderstandingȱofȱtheȱpsychologyȱof publicȱinfluence.ȱFinally,ȱweȱareȱableȱtoȱobserveȱfromȱaȱconsiderableȱdistanceȱthe dynamicȱofȱthatȱmedievalȱpublicȱopinion,ȱasȱitȱshiftedȱitsȱfocusȱandȱobjectivesȱover aȱperiodȱofȱaboutȱaȱcentury.ȱ ThomasȱBissonȱhasȱcommentedȱonȱthisȱdynamicȱasȱfollows:ȱ“Itȱhasȱoftenȱbeen suggestedȱthatȱtheȱreligiousȱpeaceȱwasȱsecularizedȱinȱtheȱtwelfthȱcentury,ȱyetȱit mayȱ proveȱ instructiveȱ toȱ thinkȱ ofȱ pacificationȱ asȱ aȱ persistentlyȱ clerical—and

192

CharlesȱW.ȱConnell

cultural—influenceȱonȱtheȱremodelingȱofȱjusticeȱinȱtheȱtwelfthȱcentury.”73ȱInȱthe dynamicsȱ ofȱ theȱ emotionallyȬchargedȱ Peaceȱ movement,ȱ becauseȱ ofȱ aȱ crisisȱ of valuesȱandȱnorms,ȱattemptsȱatȱpeaceȱhadȱtoȱopposeȱtheȱnormsȱofȱviolence,ȱandȱas StephenȱJaegerȱobserves,ȱ“Theȱnormsȱdominateȱeitherȱinȱpublicȱopinion,ȱorȱinȱthe mechanismsȱofȱenforcement,ȱorȱboth.”ȱInȱthisȱsense,ȱweȱcanȱseeȱwhyȱtheȱadvocates forȱ Peaceȱ didȱ notȱ ultimatelyȱ succeed.ȱ Again,ȱ inȱ Jaeger’sȱ words,ȱ “Ifȱ theȱ vital interestsȱofȱaȱsocialȱgroupȱ[populus]ȱdependȱonȱorȱareȱperceivedȱasȱdependingȱon enforcementȱthroughȱrevenge,ȱthenȱtheȱadvocateȱforȱpeaceȱisȱaskingȱforȱtrouble.”74 Inȱ all,ȱ theȱ conceptȱ ofȱ peaceȱ hadȱ someȱ uniqueȱ connotationsȱ inȱ theȱ tenthȱ and eleventhȱcenturies.ȱPeaceȱfirstȱmeantȱprotectionȱofȱChurchȱpropertyȱandȱpersons, asȱwellȱasȱtheȱpoor,ȱfromȱunfairȱpillage.ȱItȱdidȱnotȱmeanȱtheȱendȱofȱallȱfightingȱuntil theȱ1040sȱwhenȱtheȱattemptȱwasȱmadeȱthroughȱtheȱcreationȱofȱtheȱTruceȱofȱGodȱto preventȱthisȱproblem,ȱatȱleastȱduringȱprescribedȱperiodsȱofȱtheȱweekȱand/orȱthe liturgicalȱ year.ȱ Theȱ frequentȱ invocationȱ ofȱ termsȱ likeȱ paxȱ etȱ justitiaȱ orȱ paxȱ Dei, indicatesȱthatȱperhapsȱtheseȱfunctionedȱmoreȱasȱslogans,ȱorȱasȱsignsȱofȱhope,ȱor evenȱofȱresignation,ȱthatȱpeaceȱwasȱnotȱinȱtheȱhandsȱofȱmenȱatȱall.ȱLongstanding customsȱ (e.g.,ȱ feudȱ andȱ hospitality)ȱ readilyȱ lentȱ themselvesȱ toȱ peaceȬbreaking practicesȱorȱabuses.ȱByȱtheȱlateȱeleventhȱcentury,ȱifȱ“peaceȱandȱjustice”ȱwasȱonly aȱreadyȬmadeȱsloganȱinȱtheȱhandsȱofȱbothȱsecularȱandȱecclesiasticalȱlords,ȱitȱwas likelyȱstillȱaȱhopeȱinȱtheȱmindsȱofȱmany.ȱRegardlessȱofȱwhetherȱpeaceȱwasȱreally attainableȱorȱnot,ȱtheȱPeaceȱmovementȱhadȱdoneȱmuchȱtoȱformȱtheȱessenceȱand initialȱoperationsȱofȱmedievalȱpublicȱopinion.

73

74

CulturesȱofȱPower:ȱLordship,ȱStatus,ȱandȱProcessȱinȱTwelfthȬCenturyȱEurope,ȱed.ȱThomasȱBisson.ȱMiddle AgesȱSeriesȱ(Philadelphia,ȱPA:ȱUniversityȱofȱPennsylvaniaȱPress,ȱ1995),ȱ“Conclusion,”ȱ330. C.ȱStephenȱJaeger,ȱ“CourtlinessȱandȱSocialȱChange,”ȱCulturesȱofȱPower,ȱed.ȱBisson,ȱ287–309;ȱhere 304–05ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ73).

Chapterȱ6 DenisȱCasey (UniversityȱofȱCambridge)

“AȱCompulsoryȱandȱBurdensomeȱImposition”:ȱ BilletingȱTroopsȱinȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱIreland1

InȱtheirȱDeclarationȱofȱIndependenceȱofȱ1776,ȱAmericanȱcolonistsȱwhoȱsoughtȱto repudiateȱtheirȱallegianceȱtoȱGeorgeȱIIIȱdrewȱupȱaȱlongȱlistȱofȱgrievances,ȱamong whichȱwasȱhisȱsupposedȱconsentȱtoȱactsȱofȱlegislationȱ“forȱquarteringȱlargeȱbodies ofȱarmedȱtroopsȱamongȱus:ȱforȱprotectingȱthem,ȱbyȱaȱmockȱtrial,ȱfromȱpunishment forȱanyȱmurdersȱwhichȱtheyȱshouldȱcommitȱonȱtheȱinhabitantsȱofȱtheseȱstates.”2 Theȱcolonists’ȱcomplaintsȱregardingȱtheȱpracticeȱofȱquartering/billetingȱandȱits attendantȱabusesȱwereȱfarȱfromȱnovelȱandȱechoȱgrievancesȱarticulatedȱbyȱtheir medievalȱ andȱ earlyȱ modernȱ forbearers,ȱ particularlyȱ inȱ Ireland.ȱ Quarteringȱ or billeting,ȱtheȱpracticeȱofȱlodgingȱtroopsȱorȱservantsȱinȱtheȱdwellingsȱ(andȱatȱthe expense)ȱofȱnonȬcombatants,ȱwasȱpartȱofȱlargerȱmilitaryȬsocioȬeconomicȱsystems thatȱ operatedȱ inȱ bothȱ theȱ Gaelicȱ andȱ AngloȬIrishȱ controlledȱ areasȱ ofȱ medieval Irelandȱ andȱ appearsȱ toȱ haveȱ antecedentsȱ inȱ theȱ periodȱ beforeȱ theȱ lateȱ twelfthȬ centuryȱ Englishȱ invasionȱ ofȱ thatȱ island.ȱ Theseȱ complexȱ andȱ oftenȱ illȬdefined systemsȱ incorporatedȱ ideasȱ ofȱ charity,ȱ loyalty,ȱ taxation,ȱ andȱ transactional arrangementsȱandȱwereȱfrequentlyȱopenȱtoȱabuse.ȱKings’ȱorȱlords’ȱclaimsȱtoȱthe rightȱtoȱbilletȱtroopsȱuponȱanyȱgivenȱsectionȱofȱtheȱpopulationȱoftenȱlayȱinȱthe morallyȱambiguousȱmarginsȱbetweenȱlegitimateȱexactionȱandȱarbitraryȱextortion,

1

2

TheȱquotationȱisȱtakenȱfromȱaȱletterȱbyȱOctavianȱdeȱPalatioȱ(datedȱ1495),ȱaȱnativeȱofȱFlorenceȱwho wasȱArchbishopȱofȱArmaghȱandȱPrimateȱofȱIrelandȱ(1479–1513).ȱForȱaȱtextȱandȱtranslationȱofȱthis letter,ȱ seeȱ Fr.ȱ Columcille,ȱ “Sevenȱ Documentsȱ fromȱ theȱ oldȱ Abbeyȱ ofȱ Mellifont,”ȱ Journalȱ ofȱ the CountyȱLouthȱArchaeologicalȱSocietyȱ13.1ȱ(1953):ȱ35–67;ȱhereȱ56ȱ(text)ȱandȱ58ȱ(translation). U.S.ȱNationalȱArchivesȱandȱRecordsȱAdministration: http://www.archives.gov/exhibits/charters/declaration_transcript.htmlȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱMarch 30,ȱ2011).

194

DenisȱCasey

whichȱKennethȱNichollsȱhasȱdescribedȱasȱ“aȱborderlineȱareaȱinȱwhichȱelementsȱof compulsion,ȱsocialȱpressure,ȱandȱvoluntaryȱhospitalityȱcomeȱtogether.”3ȱInȱthis articleȱpossibleȱfactorsȱinȱtheȱoriginsȱandȱdevelopmentȱofȱbilletingȱinȱtheȱperiod priorȱ toȱ theȱ lateȬtwelfthȬcenturyȱ Englishȱ invasionȱ willȱ beȱ investigated,ȱ before focusingȱuponȱissuesȱofȱconsentȱandȱdissent,ȱfirstlyȱasȱseenȱinȱthatȱsameȱperiodȱand thenȱinȱevidenceȱemanatingȱfromȱpostȬinvasionȱGaelicȱandȱAngloȬIrishȱterritories.

BilletingȱinȱPreȬInvasionȱIreland TheȱearlyȱhistoryȱofȱbilletingȱinȱmedievalȱIrelandȱisȱshroudedȱinȱuncertaintyȱand itȱisȱunclearȱhowȱwidespreadȱtheȱpracticeȱwasȱ(orȱevenȱwhatȱformsȱitȱtook)ȱduring theȱfirstȱmillennium.ȱScatteredȱsourcesȱtestifyȱtoȱitsȱpossibleȱpresence,ȱsuchȱasȱan OldȱIrishȱlegalȱcommentaryȱ(datingȱca.ȱ700–ca.ȱ900),ȱwhichȱstatesȱthatȱaȱclientȱmust provideȱcongbáilȱ(maintenance)ȱforȱmenȱhisȱkingȱhasȱassembledȱforȱimpending armedȱservice,4ȱbutȱevenȱtheȱnatureȱofȱthisȱmaintenanceȱisȱunclearȱandȱitȱisȱnot untilȱtheȱeleventhȱandȱtwelfthȱcenturiesȱthatȱreferencesȱtoȱbilletingȱbecomeȱmore common.5ȱTheȱreasonsȱforȱtheȱrelativeȱsilenceȱfromȱtheȱearlierȱperiodȱmayȱbeȱdue partiallyȱtoȱlossȱofȱearlierȱsourceȱmaterialsȱorȱmayȱsuggestȱthatȱIrishȱsocietyȱwas lessȱmilitarizedȱ(orȱratherȱthatȱitsȱmilitaryȱresourcesȱwereȱorganizedȱalongȱdifferent lines).ȱItȱhasȱlongȱbeenȱsuspectedȱ(thoughȱdifficultȱtoȱtrace)ȱthatȱtheȱorganization ofȱmedievalȱIrishȱsocietyȱmayȱhaveȱchangedȱsubstantiallyȱinȱtheȱimmediateȱpostȬ millenniumȱ periodȱ andȱ historiansȱ ofȱ medievalȱ Irelandȱ haveȱ notedȱ thatȱ byȱ the eleventhȬȱ andȱ twelfthȬcenturiesȱ aȱ smallȱ handfulȱ ofȱ strongȱ Irishȱ kingsȱ had maneuveredȱthemselvesȱintoȱaȱpositionȱinȱwhichȱtheyȱwereȱvyingȱforȱpowerȱonȱa IrelandȬwideȱ scale.ȱ Theȱ developmentȱ ofȱ aȱ nascentȱ nationalȱ kingship,ȱ toȱ which theseȱmenȱaspired,ȱwasȱfacilitatedȱbyȱincreasedȱmilitaryȱaction;ȱtheȱclaimantsȱtoȱthe

3

4

5

KennethȱW.ȱNicholls,ȱ“GaelicȱSocietyȱandȱEconomy,”ȱAȱNewȱHistoryȱofȱIrelandȱ2:ȱMedievalȱIreland, 1169–1534,ȱed.ȱArtȱCosgroveȱ(Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1987),ȱ397–438;ȱhereȱ426. FergusȱKelly,ȱAȱGuideȱtoȱEarlyȱIrishȱLaw.ȱEarlyȱIrishȱLawȱSeries,ȱ3ȱ(Dublin:ȱDublinȱInstituteȱfor AdvancedȱStudies,ȱ1988),ȱ31. AȱsubstantialȱnumberȱofȱtermsȱexistȱtoȱdenoteȱbilletingȱorȱrelatedȱexactionsȱinȱmedievalȱIreland. Fortunately,ȱtwoȱusefulȱglossariesȱexist:ȱC.ȱA.ȱEmpeyȱandȱKatharineȱSimms,ȱ“TheȱOrdinancesȱof theȱWhiteȱEarlȱandȱtheȱProblemȱofȱCoignȱinȱtheȱLaterȱMiddleȱAges,”ȱProceedingsȱofȱtheȱRoyalȱIrish Academyȱ 75Cȱ (1975):ȱ 161–87;ȱ hereȱ 183–85ȱ andȱ Katharineȱ Simms,ȱ Fromȱ Kingsȱ toȱ Warlords:ȱ the ChangingȱPoliticalȱStructureȱofȱGaelicȱIrelandȱinȱtheȱLaterȱMiddleȱAges.ȱStudiesȱinȱCelticȱHistory,ȱ7 (WoodbridgeȱandȱWolfeboro,ȱNH:ȱBoydellȱandȱBrewer,ȱ1987),ȱ170–78.ȱForȱaȱfurtherȱdiscussionȱof twoȱofȱtheseȱwords,ȱcoinneamhȱandȱcoinne,ȱseeȱThomasȱF.ȱO’Rahilly,ȱ“VariaȱII,”ȱCelticaȱ1ȱ(1950): 328–86;ȱ hereȱ 370–75.ȱ Definitionsȱ mayȱ alsoȱ beȱ foundȱ inȱ Ernestȱ G.ȱ Quin,ȱ Dictionaryȱ ofȱ theȱ Irish LanguageȱBasedȱMainlyȱonȱOldȱandȱMiddleȱIrishȱMaterials:ȱCompactȱEdition,ȱorig.ȱed.ȱbyȱCarlȱJ.ȱS. Marstranderȱ (Dublin:ȱ Royalȱ Irishȱ Academy,ȱ 1983).ȱ Thisȱ latterȱ resourceȱ isȱ nowȱ availableȱ at http://www.dil.ieȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱMarchȱ30,ȱ2011).

BilletingȱTroopsȱinȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱIreland

195

kingshipȱofȱIrelandȱraisedȱlargeȱarmies,ȱmaintainedȱthoseȱarmiesȱinȱtheȱfieldȱfor extendedȱperiodsȱandȱengagedȱinȱmilitaryȱcampaignsȱatȱgreaterȱdistancesȱfrom theirȱpoliticalȱandȱmilitaryȱheartlandsȱthanȱheretofore.ȱ Inȱ theȱ earlyȱ medievalȱ periodȱ armiesȱ appearȱ toȱ haveȱ beenȱ drawnȱ fromȱ the agriculturalȱ populationȱ who,ȱ oftenȱ inȱ theirȱ capacityȱ asȱ contractuallyȱ obliged clients,ȱ providedȱ theirȱ lords/kingsȱ withȱ limitedȱ militaryȱ service,ȱ duringȱ fixed campaigningȱ seasons.6ȱ Inȱ laterȱ centuries,ȱ however,ȱ theȱ increasedȱ useȱ of mercenariesȱ (particularlyȱ gallowglass)7ȱ andȱ developmentȱ ofȱ standingȱ armies8

6

7

8

InȱearlyȱmedievalȱIrelandȱitȱappearsȱthatȱfightingȱwasȱanȱobligationȱofȱstatusȱforȱalmostȱallȱlay,ȱfree individualsȱinȱsociety,ȱnotȱsimplyȱtheȱjobȱofȱprofessionalȱsoldiers:ȱThomasȱM.ȱCharlesȬEdwards, “IrishȱWarfareȱbeforeȱ1100,”ȱAȱMilitaryȱHistoryȱofȱIreland,ȱed.ȱThomasȱBartlettȱandȱKeithȱJeffery (CambridgeȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1996),ȱ26–51;ȱhereȱ26. Althoughȱ mercenariesȱ wereȱ almostȱ certainlyȱ employedȱ inȱ earlierȱ centuries,ȱ frequent contemporaryȱreferencesȱtoȱmercenariesȱandȱmercenaryȱactivityȱareȱonlyȱrecordedȱinȱtheȱannals fromȱtheȱlateȱtenthȱcenturyȱonwards.ȱAȱnumberȱofȱannalisticȱtextsȱwillȱbeȱcitedȱthroughoutȱthis discussion,ȱwhichȱwillȱbeȱcitedȱbyȱsiglum,ȱyearȱandȱentryȱnumberȱwhereȱapplicableȱ(forȱexample, AIȱ968.1).ȱTheȱfollowingȱsiglaȱandȱeditionsȱwillȱbeȱused.ȱALC:ȱWilliamȱM.ȱHennessy,ȱTheȱAnnals ofȱ Lochȱ Cé:ȱ aȱ Chronicleȱ ofȱ Irishȱ Affairsȱ fromȱ A.D.ȱ 1014ȱ toȱ A.D.ȱ 1590.ȱ Rollsȱ Series,ȱ 54,ȱ 2ȱ volumes (London,ȱ Oxford,ȱ Cambridge,ȱ andȱ Dublin:ȱ Longmanȱ andȱ Co.,ȱ 1871).ȱ AU:ȱ Seánȱ Macȱ Airtȱ and GearóidȱMacȱNiocaill,ȱTheȱ Annalsȱ ofȱ Ulsterȱ(toȱA.D.ȱ1131).ȱPartȱ1ȱTextȱandȱTranslationȱ(Dublin: DublinȱInstituteȱforȱAdvancedȱStudies,ȱ1983).ȱAI:ȱSeánȱMacȱAirt,ȱTheȱAnnalsȱofȱInisfallenȱ(MS. RawlinsonȱB.ȱ503)ȱ(Dublin:ȱDublinȱInstituteȱforȱAdvancedȱStudies,ȱ1944).ȱAFM:ȱJohnȱO’Donovan, AnnalaȱRioghachtaȱEireann:ȱAnnalsȱofȱtheȱKingdomȱofȱIrelandȱbyȱtheȱFourȱMasters,ȱfromȱtheȱEarliest PeriodȱtoȱtheȱYearȱ1616,ȱ7ȱvolumesȱ2ndȱed.ȱ(Dublin:ȱHodges,ȱSmithȱandȱCo.,ȱ1856).ȱATig:ȱWhitley Stokes,ȱ“AnnalsȱofȱTigernach,”ȱRevueȱCeltiqueȱ16ȱ(1895):ȱ374–419;ȱRevueȱCeltiqueȱ17ȱ(1896):ȱ6–33, 119–263,ȱandȱ337–420ȱandȱRevueȱCeltiqueȱ18ȱ(1897):ȱ9–59,ȱ150–97,ȱandȱ267–303.ȱReprintedȱinȱtwo volumesȱ(Felinfach:ȱLlanerchȱPublishers,ȱ1993).ȱCS:ȱGearóidȱMacȱNiocaill,ȱChroniconȱScotorum http://www.ucc.ie/celt/published/G100016/index.htmlȱ(edition), http://www.ucc.ie/celt/published/T100016/index.htmlȱ(translation)ȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱMarchȱ27, 2010).ȱACon:ȱAlexanderȱMartinȱFreeman,ȱAnnálaȱConnacht:ȱTheȱAnnalsȱofȱConnachtȱA.D.ȱ1224–1544) (Dublin:ȱDublinȱInstituteȱforȱAdvancedȱStudies,ȱ1944).ȱReferencesȱtoȱmercenariesȱmayȱbeȱfound atȱAIȱ968.1,ȱ983.2,ȱandȱ985.2;ȱCSȱ1030;ȱATigȱ1030ȱandȱ1158ȱ(twice);ȱAFMȱ1154.ȱKatharineȱSimms hasȱarguedȱthatȱ“duringȱtheȱhighȱMiddleȱAgesȱinȱIrelandȱtheȱsingleȱmostȱimportantȱdevelopment inȱwarfareȱwasȱaȱconstantlyȱincreasingȱrelianceȱonȱmercenaries,ȱmenȱwhoȱmadeȱsoldieringȱtheir soleȱoccupationȱinȱlife”:ȱKatharineȱSimms,ȱ“GaelicȱWarfareȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,”ȱAȱMilitaryȱHistory ofȱIreland,ȱed.ȱThomasȱBartlettȱandȱKeithȱJefferyȱ(CambridgeȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱCambridgeȱUniversity Press,ȱ1996),ȱ99–115;ȱhereȱ99.ȱGalloglassȱ(mercenariesȱfromȱtheȱHebrides)ȱareȱfirstȱmentionedȱin theȱIrishȱannalsȱinȱtheȱsecondȱhalfȱofȱtheȱthirteenthȱcentury,ȱbutȱtheirȱ“prehistory”ȱmayȱstretch backȱ toȱ aȱ centuryȱ earlier:ȱ Seánȱ Duffy,ȱ “Theȱ prehistoryȱ ofȱ theȱ Galloglass,”ȱ Theȱ Worldȱ ofȱ the Galloglass:ȱKings,ȱWarlordsȱandȱWarriorsȱinȱIrelandȱandȱScotland,ȱ1200–1600,ȱed.ȱSeánȱDuffyȱ(Dublin andȱPortland:ȱFourȱCourtsȱPress,ȱ2007),ȱ1–23. Permanentȱfightingȱforcesȱbasedȱaroundȱtheȱking’sȱhouseholdȱ(luchtȱtighe,ȱteaghlach)ȱappearȱinȱthe sourcesȱfromȱtheȱeleventhȱcenturyȱonwards:ȱSimms,ȱ“GaelicȱWarfareȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,”ȱ99ȱ(see noteȱ7).ȱInȱaddition,ȱtheȱannalsȱalsoȱsuggestȱanȱincreaseȱinȱtheȱuseȱofȱfortificationsȱduringȱthe eleventhȱandȱtwelfthȱcenturiesȱ(forȱexample,ȱAIȱ995.6ȱandȱ1012.5;ȱAUȱ1013.11ȱandȱ1129.5;ȱATig 1115,ȱ1124ȱandȱ1164;ȱCSȱ1115)ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).ȱInȱtheȱtwelfthȱcenturyȱaloneȱtheȱannalsȱtestifyȱtoȱthe constructionȱofȱthirteenȱfortifiedȱstructuresȱbyȱUíȱChonchobairȱkingsȱofȱConnacht:ȱMarieȱTherese

196

DenisȱCasey

requiredȱthatȱtheseȱnewȱtroopsȱhadȱtoȱbeȱcateredȱfor;ȱunlessȱtheyȱwereȱprovided withȱ landsȱ toȱ cultivateȱ themselvesȱ theyȱ wouldȱ haveȱ toȱ beȱ supportedȱ through measuresȱsuchȱasȱbilletingȱthemȱinȱtheȱhomesȱofȱindividualsȱorȱuponȱchurches.ȱ

IncreasedȱMilitaryȱNecessityȱandȱtheȱDevelopmentȱofȱBilleting Itȱisȱreasonableȱtoȱassumeȱthatȱinȱaȱsocietyȱwhereȱtheȱmajorityȱofȱtheȱsoldieryȱwas drawnȱfromȱtheȱagriculturalȱpopulationȱ(andȱinȱearlyȱmedievalȱIrelandȱgreatȱlords wereȱalsoȱgreatȱfarmers),ȱthereȱwasȱlittleȱneedȱforȱorganizedȱbilletingȱsystems.ȱSuch soldiersȱwouldȱhaveȱbeenȱselfȱsustaining;ȱlargerȱstandingȱarmies,ȱhowever,ȱwould haveȱprovedȱmoreȱdifficultȱtoȱsupport.ȱBilletingȱwasȱprobablyȱoriginallyȱemployed inȱextraordinaryȱcircumstances,ȱforȱexampleȱwhenȱexternalȱtroops,ȱsuchȱasȱexiled aristocraticȱ forcesȱ inȱ temporaryȱ allianceȱ withȱ aȱ givenȱ kingdom,ȱ neededȱ toȱ be accommodated.ȱ Aȱ literaryȱ exampleȱ mayȱ beȱ seenȱ inȱ theȱ openingȱ ofȱ theȱ first recensionȱofȱtheȱmedievalȱIrishȱepicȱTáinȱBóȱCúailngeȱ(TheȱCattleȱRaidȱofȱCooley), whereȱ theȱ rulersȱ ofȱ Connacht,ȱ Medbȱ andȱ Ailill,ȱ areȱ portrayedȱ spendingȱ time gatheringȱaȱlargeȱforceȱtoȱinvadeȱUlaid,ȱincludingȱtheȱexiledȱUlaidȱwarriorȱCormac CondȱLongasȱmacȱConchobairȱconaȱthríbȱcétaibȱboíȱforȱcondmiudȱlaȱConnachtaȱ(Cormac ConnȱLongasȱtheȱsonȱofȱConchobor,ȱwhoȱwasȱbilletedȱwithȱhisȱthreeȱhundredȱmen inȱConnacht).9ȱȱExceptionalȱcircumstances,ȱinȱwhichȱemergencyȱmilitaryȱexactions wereȱ necessary,ȱ mayȱ haveȱ providedȱ precedenceȱ forȱ further,ȱ regularȱ exactions. Alongȱtheseȱlines,ȱitȱmayȱbeȱspeculatedȱthatȱtheȱrightȱofȱcongbáilȱforȱaȱking’sȱtroops (asȱdescribedȱinȱtheȱaforementionedȱOldȱIrishȱlegalȱcommentary),ȱwhichȱappears toȱhaveȱbeenȱoriginallyȱintendedȱforȱuseȱinȱtimesȱofȱdireȱmilitaryȱnecessity,ȱmay haveȱ developedȱ intoȱ aȱ customaryȱ due.ȱ Indeedȱ theȱ jurists’ȱ outliningȱ ofȱ specific circumstancesȱ inȱ whichȱ aȱ kingȱ mightȱ claimȱ congbáilȱ mayȱ beȱ indicativeȱ ofȱ an increaseȱinȱthatȱpracticeȱandȱresultingȱanxietyȱonȱtheȱpartȱofȱmedievalȱlawyersȱwho wishedȱtoȱrestrictȱit. Regularȱ billeting,ȱ ifȱ itȱ occurred,ȱ probablyȱ onlyȱ becameȱ necessaryȱ whenȱ kings neededȱtoȱfindȱaȱmeansȱtoȱsupportȱnonȬfoodȱproducingȱfighters,ȱi.e.,ȱprofessional soldiers.ȱExiles,ȱmercenaries,ȱorȱprofessionalȱsoldiersȱwouldȱhaveȱrequiredȱsupport whileȱnotȱengagedȱinȱactiveȱserviceȱandȱbilletingȱthemȱuponȱtheȱgeneralȱpopulace mayȱhaveȱprovedȱlogisticallyȱeasierȱthanȱestablishingȱcentralizedȱsystemsȱforȱthe

9

Flanagan,ȱ“IrishȱandȱAngloȬNormanȱWarfareȱinȱtwelfthȬcenturyȱIreland,”ȱAȱMilitaryȱHistoryȱof Ireland,ȱed.ȱThomasȱBartlettȱandȱKeithȱJefferyȱ(CambridgeȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱCambridgeȱUniversity Press,ȱ1996),ȱ52–75;ȱhereȱ61. CecileȱO’Rahilly,ȱTáinȱBóȱCúailnge:ȱRecensionȱ1ȱ(Dublin:ȱDublinȱInstituteȱforȱAdvancedȱStudies, 1976),ȱ1ȱ(text)ȱandȱ125ȱ(translation).

BilletingȱTroopsȱinȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱIreland

197

provisionȱofȱaccommodationȱandȱsupplies.ȱSuchȱaȱpractice,ȱhowever,ȱmayȱnotȱjust haveȱbeenȱlimitedȱtoȱsimplyȱsupportingȱprofessionalȱwarriorsȱwhoȱwereȱnotȱon activeȱservice.ȱItȱmayȱbeȱhypothesizedȱthatȱbilletingȱmayȱhaveȱhadȱanȱimportant roleȱtoȱplayȱduringȱtheȱmusteringȱofȱforces,ȱalthoughȱadmittedlyȱweȱknowȱlittleȱof musteringȱ processesȱ andȱ whatȱ followsȱ mustȱ needsȱ beȱ speculative.10ȱ Careful planningȱwouldȱhaveȱbeenȱrequiredȱtoȱassembleȱallȱtroopsȱatȱaȱgivenȱplaceȱand timeȱbeforeȱbeginningȱanȱexpeditionȱandȱitȱisȱpossibleȱthatȱmenȱfromȱoutlying areasȱheadingȱtoȱassemblyȱpointsȱwouldȱhaveȱbeenȱbilletedȱwhileȱwaitingȱforȱmen fromȱotherȱareasȱtoȱarrive;ȱthisȱmayȱpartiallyȱexplainȱtheȱobligationȱtoȱprovide congbáil,ȱdescribedȱabove.ȱBilleting,ȱasȱaȱmeansȱofȱfacilitatingȱimpendingȱattacks, appearsȱ toȱ haveȱ beenȱ practicedȱ byȱ Ruaidríȱ Uaȱ Conchobairȱ (ob.ȱ 1118),ȱ kingȱ of Connacht,ȱ whenȱ heȱ billetedȱ Cenélȱ nEógainȱ andȱ Cenélȱ Conaillȱ forcesȱ under DomnallȱMacȱLochlainn,ȱbetweenȱtwoȱattacksȱonȱMunster,ȱinȱ1088.11ȱLikewise,ȱthe seventeenthȬcenturyȱ Annalsȱ ofȱ theȱ Fourȱ Mastersȱ claimȱ thatȱ Muirchertachȱ Mac Lochlainnȱ (Domnall’sȱ grandson)ȱ billetedȱ theȱ armyȱ ofȱ hisȱ Munsterȱ client TairdelbachȱUaȱBriainȱonȱhisȱsubordinatesȱinȱMide,ȱBréifne,ȱAirgíalla,ȱUlaid,ȱCenél ConaillȱandȱCenélȱnEógain.ȱThisȱwasȱpresumablyȱanȱexpedientȱmeasureȱdueȱto Tairdelbach’sȱsuddenȱillness,ȱasȱtheȱlatterȱappearsȱtoȱhaveȱrecoveredȱlaterȱinȱthe yearȱandȱmarchedȱhisȱforcesȱtoȱMunster.12 Itȱisȱmostȱlikelyȱthatȱincidentsȱofȱbilletingȱreportedȱinȱtheȱannalsȱwereȱnoteworthy forȱbeingȱoutsideȱtheȱnorm,ȱwhetherȱinȱformȱorȱextent.13ȱAlthoughȱbilletingȱhas generallyȱ beenȱ seenȱ asȱ anȱ Irishȱ institutionȱ whichȱ wasȱ laterȱ employedȱ inȱ the EnglishȬcontrolledȱ areasȱ ofȱ Ireland,ȱ itȱ isȱ arguableȱ thatȱ itsȱ “Irishness”ȱ hasȱ been overstatedȱ andȱ notȱ enoughȱ considerationȱ hasȱ beenȱ givenȱ toȱ Englishȱ influence, directȱandȱindirect,ȱonȱtheȱdevelopmentȱandȱexpansionȱofȱtheȱinstitution.ȱTheȱpreȬ invasionȱperiodȱsourcesȱinȱwhichȱweȱmightȱexpectȱbilletingȱreferencesȱtoȱoccurȱare surprisinglyȱsilentȱaboutȱtheȱtopic.ȱAȱnotableȱexampleȱisȱLeborȱnaȱCertȱ(TheȱBook ofȱRights),ȱaȱtextȱassociatedȱwithȱtheȱlateȬeleventhȬ/earlyȬtwelfthȬcenturyȱUíȱBriain kingsȱofȱMunsterȱandȱIreland,ȱwhichȱcontainsȱaȱlocalȱandȱnationalȱschemaȱforȱthe reciprocalȱ rightsȱ andȱ duesȱ ofȱ theȱ kingsȱ ofȱ Ireland.14ȱ Althoughȱ itȱ wouldȱ beȱ an

10

11 12 13

14

BriefȱreferencesȱmayȱbeȱfoundȱinȱtheȱlateȬeleventh/twelfthȬcenturyȱMunsterȱtextȱCogadhȱGáedhel reȱGallaibh:ȱJamesȱH.ȱTodd,ȱCogadhȱGaedhelȱreȱGallaibh:ȱtheȱWarȱofȱtheȱGaedhilȱwithȱtheȱGaill,ȱorȱthe InvasionsȱofȱIrelandȱbyȱtheȱDanesȱandȱotherȱNorsemen.ȱRollsȱSeries,ȱ48ȱ(London:ȱLongmans,ȱGreen, Reader,ȱandȱDyer,ȱ1867),ȱ104–05.ȱFlanagan,ȱ“IrishȱandȱAngloȬNormanȱWarfare,”ȱ53ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8). CSȱ1088ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7). AFMȱ1153ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7). Thisȱisȱreinforcedȱbyȱtheȱuseȱofȱtermsȱsuchȱasȱcoinnmheadhȱéiccneȱandȱtrénȱcoinnmheadhȱ(forcible guesting):ȱSimms,ȱFromȱKingsȱtoȱWarlords,ȱ132ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5). MylesȱDillon,ȱLeborȱnaȱCert:ȱtheȱBookȱofȱRights.ȱIrishȱTextsȱSociety,ȱ46ȱ(Dublin:ȱIrishȱTextsȱSociety, 1962).

198

DenisȱCasey

argumentumȱ exȱ silencioȱ toȱ claimȱ thatȱ theȱ absenceȱ ofȱ billetingȱ inȱ Leborȱ naȱ Certȱ is evidenceȱforȱitsȱabsenceȱinȱsociety,ȱitȱisȱcertainlyȱpuzzling,ȱconsideringȱdescriptions ofȱbilletingȱareȱpresentȱinȱotherȱUíȱBriainȱtexts,ȱsuchȱasȱCogadhȱGáedhelȱreȱGallaibh (TheȱWarȱofȱtheȱIrishȱwithȱtheȱForeigners).15ȱIsȱbilletingȱabsentȱfromȱLeborȱnaȱCert becauseȱitȱwasȱaȱlimitedȱpracticeȱorȱbecauseȱtheȱtextȱwasȱanȱideologicalȱstatement asȱopposedȱtoȱaȱfactualȱcatalogue? InȱtheȱpostȬinvasionȱperiodȱbilletingȱmayȱhaveȱbecomeȱmoreȱwidespread,ȱowing toȱ theȱ increasedȱ employmentȱ ofȱ galloglass.ȱ Inȱ theȱ thirteenthȱ centuryȱ these mercenaries,ȱ importedȱ fromȱ theȱ westernȱ islesȱ ofȱ Scotland,ȱ wereȱ frequently employedȱ toȱ combatȱ Englishȱ encroachmentȱ orȱ Irishȱ kingsȱ reliantȱ onȱ English support,ȱsuchȱasȱCathalȱCrobdergȱUaȱConchobair.16ȱSeánȱDuffyȱhasȱsuggestedȱthat increasedȱaccessȱtoȱsuchȱmercenariesȱmayȱhaveȱresultedȱfromȱtheȱfractioningȱof powerȱinȱpostȬinvasionȱIreland,ȱasȱsmallerȱrulersȱgainedȱgreaterȱfreedomȱofȱaccess toȱtheȱseaȱlanes,ȱfollowingȱtheȱdemiseȱofȱtheȱgreatȱkingshipsȱthatȱ hadȱ hitherto monopolizedȱaccessȱtoȱtheȱIsles.17ȱInȱtermsȱofȱdirectȱEnglishȱinfluenceȱonȱbilleting itȱoughtȱtoȱbeȱnotedȱthatȱtheȱearliestȱrecordsȱofȱwidespread,ȱcontinuous,ȱsystematic billetingȱofȱtroops,ȱrelateȱnotȱtoȱanȱIrishȱkingȱbutȱtoȱtheȱthenȱmostȱpowerfulȱEnglish lordȱinȱIreland.ȱRichardȱdeȱBurgh,ȱsecondȱearlȱofȱUlsterȱ(TheȱRedȱEarl),ȱformalized theȱserviceȱthatȱvariousȱIrishȱkingsȱowedȱhimȱandȱessentiallyȱcreatedȱaȱstanding armyȱknownȱasȱtheȱbonnachtȱofȱUlster,ȱwhichȱheȱbilletedȱuponȱtheȱlandsȱofȱthese kings.ȱ Withȱ theȱ demiseȱ (inȱ allȱ butȱ name)ȱ ofȱ theȱ earldomȱ ofȱ Ulsterȱ inȱ theȱ early fourteenthȱcentury,ȱUíȱNéillȱ(ÓȱNéill/O’Neill)ȱofȱTírȱEógainȱsteppedȱintoȱtheȱpower vacuumȱ andȱ adoptedȱ theȱ bonnachtȱ wholesaleȱ andȱ theirȱ kingdomȱ subsequently remainedȱ oneȱ ofȱ theȱ mostȱ powerfulȱ militaryȱ forcesȱ inȱ Ireland,ȱ untilȱ theȱ early seventeenthȱcentury.

SocialȱCustomsȱandȱtheȱDevelopmentȱofȱBilleting Theȱmostȱinfluentialȱinvestigationȱofȱtheȱsocialȱoriginsȱofȱbilletingȱtoȱdateȱisȱthat performedȱbyȱKatharineȱSimms,ȱinȱherȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱconceptsȱofȱ“guesting” andȱ“feasting”ȱinȱmedievalȱIreland.18ȱȱAccordingȱtoȱherȱdefinitions,ȱ“guesting”ȱis

15 16

17 18

SeeȱbelowȱforȱaȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱpassageȱreferringȱtoȱbilletingȱinȱCogadhȱGáedhelȱreȱGallaibh. ForȱtheȱuseȱofȱgalloglassȱinȱtheȱdynasticȱpoliticsȱofȱConnacht,ȱseeȱDuffy,ȱ“TheȱPrehistoryȱofȱthe Galloglass,”ȱ8–10ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7). Ibid.,ȱ11. Katharineȱ Simms,ȱ “Guestingȱ andȱ Feastingȱ inȱ Gaelicȱ Ireland,”ȱ Journalȱ ofȱ theȱ Royalȱ Societyȱ of AntiquariesȱofȱIrelandȱ108ȱ(1978):ȱ67–100.ȱInȱparticular,ȱbilletingȱisȱdiscussedȱhereȱ82–86.ȱItȱsetȱthe toneȱforȱfutureȱimportantȱworksȱonȱrelatedȱareas,ȱsuchȱasȱCatherineȱM.ȱO’Sullivan,ȱHospitalityȱin MedievalȱIreland,ȱ900–1500ȱ(DublinȱandȱPortland:ȱFourȱCourtsȱPress,ȱ2004).

BilletingȱTroopsȱinȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱIreland

199

intendȱ “toȱ conveyȱ theȱ ideaȱ ofȱ goingȱ toȱ someone’sȱ houseȱ andȱ exactingȱ or demandingȱhospitality,”ȱwhereasȱ“feasting”ȱ“refersȱtoȱentertainmentsȱwhereȱthe hostȱhasȱvoluntarilyȱissuedȱinvitations.”ȱBilleting,ȱsheȱsuggested,ȱwasȱpartȱofȱthe largerȱsocialȱconceptȱofȱ“guesting”,ȱwhichȱalsoȱencompassedȱtheȱrightȱofȱgeneral travellersȱtoȱfoodȱandȱlodgingȱandȱtheȱrightȱofȱaȱlordȱ(layȱorȱecclesiastical)ȱtoȱbe entertainedȱbyȱhisȱsubordinates.ȱ“Guesting”ȱwasȱshapedȱbyȱaspectsȱofȱChristian teachingȱandȱsocialȱcustomȱbutȱwasȱopenȱtoȱabuseȱbyȱtheȱmightyȱandȱSimmsȱnotes thatȱitȱbecame: anȱextraordinarilyȱsensitiveȱtopicȱinȱtheȱmedievalȱperiod,ȱevokingȱdeepȱandȱconfused emotions.ȱOnȱtheȱoneȱhandȱthereȱwasȱaȱgenuineȱidealismȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱneverthelessȱinȱpractice theȱcharacterȱandȱdemandsȱofȱtheȱguestȱentertainedȱmightȱchangeȱaȱsceneȱofȱgenerosity orȱcharityȱintoȱsomethingȱmoreȱsinister.19

TheȱambiguityȱwasȱencapsulatedȱinȱaȱpoemȱascribedȱtoȱtheȱfifteenthȬcenturyȱpoet TadhgȱÓgȱÓȱhUiginn,ȱinȱhisȱpraiseȱofȱÓrlaidh,ȱaȱprincessȱofȱUíȱMhaine.ȱInȱthat poem,ȱTadhgȱclaimsȱthatȱÓrlaidh’sȱprovisionȱforȱbilletedȱsoldiersȱwillȱresultȱinȱa concomitantȱrewardȱinȱtheȱafterlife: Beanȱreȱcobhairȱnaȱgcoinneamh, teaghȱfaȱaȱgcomhairȱdoȱcumadh; teaghȱDéȱdoȱuairȱónȱaingeal ainnearȱCéȱanȱuairȱbhusȱullamh.20 [Sheȱhelpsȱthoseȱonȱcoignyȱ[i.e.,ȱbilleted];ȱaȱhallȱhasȱbeenȱbuiltȱforȱthem;ȱ(andȱso)ȱthis ladyȱofȱCéȱhasȱanȱassuranceȱfromȱherȱangelȱofȱGod’sȱhallȱwhenȱherȱtimeȱcomes].

Similarȱ toȱ theȱ extensionȱ ofȱ congbáilȱ mentionedȱ above,ȱ billetingȱ inȱ preȬinvasion Irelandȱmayȱalsoȱhaveȱpartiallyȱderivedȱfromȱtheȱcommonȱpracticeȱofȱproviding hospitalityȱtoȱnotableȱfigures,ȱforȱexample,ȱkings,ȱleadingȱchurchmenȱandȱpoets whoȱwereȱallȱentitledȱtoȱbeȱaccompaniedȱbyȱretinuesȱ(whoseȱsizeȱwasȱdependent uponȱtheirȱleader’sȱrank),ȱwhileȱonȱofficialȱcircuitsȱofȱtheirȱjurisdictions/areasȱof practice.ȱEvenȱinȱtheȱearliestȱofȱsourcesȱitȱisȱapparentȱthatȱconcertedȱeffortsȱwere madeȱtoȱlimitȱtheȱextentȱtoȱwhichȱhighȱstatusȱfiguresȱmightȱobtainȱentertainment. CríthȱGablachȱ(BranchedȱPurchase),ȱanȱOldȱIrishȱlegalȱtextȱconcerningȱstatusȱ(dated toȱca.ȱ700ȱC.E.ȱ),ȱprescribesȱthatȱaȱkingdomȱneedȱonlyȱsupportȱaȱlimitedȱretinueȱfor kingsȱandȱbishops,ȱarȱníȱrucaiȱtúathȱdámradȱrígȱocusȱepscuipȱdiamȱdoȱgréssȱfosngelatȱ(for

19

20

Simms,ȱ“GuestingȱandȱFeastingȱinȱGaelicȱIreland,”ȱ68ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18).ȱO’Sullivanȱhasȱsuggestedȱthat “thereȱ seemsȱ toȱ haveȱ beenȱ aȱ clearȱ distinction,ȱ howeverȱ narrow,ȱ betweenȱ theȱ solicitationȱ of hospitalityȱ inȱ theȱ caseȱ ofȱ charityȱ andȱ anȱ overlord’sȱ claimȱ toȱ billetingȱ rightsȱ forȱ hisȱ servant”: O’Sullivan,ȱHospitalityȱinȱMedievalȱIreland,ȱ60ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18). LambertȱMcKenna,ȱAithdioghluimȱDána:ȱAȱMiscellanyȱofȱIrishȱBardicȱPoetry,ȱHistoricalȱandȱReligious, includingȱtheȱHistoricalȱPoemsȱofȱtheȱDuanaireȱinȱtheȱYellowȱBookȱofȱLecan.ȱIrishȱTextsȱSociety,ȱ37ȱand 40ȱ(Dublin:ȱIrishȱTextsȱSociety,ȱ1939–40),ȱtextȱvolumeȱ37,ȱ43;ȱtranslationȱvolumeȱ40,ȱ27.ȱ(Poemȱ11).

200

DenisȱCasey

aȱkingdomȱcannotȱbearȱtheȱretinueȱofȱaȱkingȱandȱbishopȱifȱtheyȱareȱconstantly grazingȱonȱit).21ȱ Similarly,ȱaȱpossiblyȱninthȬcenturyȱpoemȱdetailingȱanȱallianceȱbetweenȱUíȱNéill andȱ Airgíallaȱ statesȱ thatȱ theȱ fiveȱ royalȱ kindredsȱ ofȱ Uíȱ Néillȱ wereȱ entitledȱ to entertainmentȱbyȱtheȱAirgíalla,ȱexceptȱforȱaȱking’sȱretinue,ȱasȱitsȱsizeȱwasȱtooȱgreat toȱ support.22ȱ Entertainmentsȱ ofȱ theȱ typeȱ thatȱ involvedȱ lay/ecclesiasticalȱ lords visitingȱtheirȱtenantsȱforȱfixedȱperiodsȱatȱaȱtimeȱwereȱcalledȱcóeȱinȱtheȱOldȱIrish periodȱ andȱ cuidȱ oidhcheȱ (cuddy,ȱ cudihie)ȱ orȱ cóisirȱ (cosher,ȱ coshery)ȱ inȱ later periods.23ȱKatharineȱSimmsȱhasȱobservedȱthatȱtheseȱentertainmentsȱwereȱmainly dueȱfromȱcertainȱindividualsȱwhoȱheldȱoffices/privilegesȱfromȱtheirȱlordȱorȱwere relativelyȱ wellȱ toȱ do.24ȱ Itȱ isȱ probable,ȱ however,ȱ thatȱ suchȱ individualsȱ wereȱ not alwaysȱableȱtoȱentertainȱlargeȱretinuesȱunderȱoneȱroofȱandȱthereforeȱunloaded muchȱofȱtheȱburdenȱontoȱtheirȱsubordinates.ȱ ThisȱisȱhintedȱatȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱIrishȱtaleȱBóramaȱ(TheȱCattleȱTribute),ȱinȱwhichȱthe followersȱofȱaȱking’sȱson,ȱengagedȱuponȱanȱunrulyȱsaerchuairtȱmaccáemnachtaȱ(free circuitȱofȱyouth),ȱwereȱbilletedȱuponȱtheȱpopulation.25ȱItȱisȱmadeȱexplicitȱinȱthe earlyȱ fourteenthȬcenturyȱ Uíȱ Briainȱ textȱ Caithréimȱ Thoirdhealbhaighȱ (Theȱ Battle TriumphsȱofȱTairdelbach),ȱwhereȱtheȱAngloȬIrishȱlordȱEdmundȱButlerȱisȱsaidȱto haveȱ billetedȱ theȱ soldiersȱ ofȱ hisȱ Uíȱ Briainȱ guestsȱ uponȱ hisȱ AngloȬIrishȱ tenants duringȱChristmasȱ1313.26ȱFollowingȱtheȱevidenceȱofȱtheseȱtales,ȱitȱisȱpossibleȱto speculateȱthatȱtheȱrightȱtoȱbilletȱsoldiersȱoriginatedȱinȱtheȱrightsȱofȱentertainment orȱrendersȱaȱkingȱclaimedȱfromȱhisȱsubordinatesȱ(eitherȱbyȱvirtueȱofȱhisȱofficeȱor

21

22

23

24 25

26

DanielȱA.ȱBinchy,ȱCríthȱGablach.ȱMediaevalȱandȱModernȱIrishȱSeries,ȱ11ȱ(Dublin:ȱDublinȱInstitute forȱAdvancedȱStudies,ȱ1941),ȱ24ȱ(myȱtranslation).ȱTheȱuseȱofȱtheȱverbȱfoȬgeilȱ(grazes,ȱfeeds,ȱbattens on)ȱwasȱprobablyȱchosenȱtoȱemphasizeȱtheȱanimalistic,ȱdestructiveȱnatureȱofȱsuchȱconsumption, justȱasȱoneȱmightȱuseȱtheȱverbȱfressenȱinsteadȱofȱessen,ȱinȱmodernȱGerman. EdelȱBhreathnachȱandȱKevinȱMurray,ȱ“TheȱAirgíallaȱCharterȱPoem:ȱEdition,”ȱTheȱKingshipȱand LandscapeȱofȱTara,ȱed.ȱEdelȱBhreathnachȱ(DublinȱandȱPortland:ȱFourȱCourtsȱPress,ȱ2005),ȱ124–58; hereȱ132–33.ȱForȱaȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱdateȱofȱthisȱpoem,ȱseeȱDenisȱCasey,ȱ“ReviewȱofȱTheȱKingship andȱLandscapeȱofȱTaraȱ(Dublin,ȱ2005),”ȱEarlyȱMedievalȱEuropeȱ17.3ȱ(2009):ȱ344–47;ȱhereȱ345. TheȱOldȱIrishȱevidenceȱhasȱbeenȱdiscussedȱinȱDanielȱA.ȱBinchy,ȱ“AimserȱChue,”ȱFéilȬsgríbhinnȱEóin MhicȱNéillȱ.i.ȱTráctaisȱLéigheantaȱiȱnȬonóirȱdo’nȱollamhainȱEóinȱMacȱNéill,ȱD.Litt.ȱdoȱsgríobhȱcáirdeȱd’á cháirdibhȱiȱnȬamȱaȱdheichmhadhȱbliadhnaȱagusȱtríȱfichid,ȱanȱcúigmhadhȱláȱdéagȱdeȱmhíȱnaȱBealtaine,ȱ1938, ed.ȱJohnȱRyanȱ(Dublin:ȱSignȱofȱtheȱThreeȱCandles,ȱ1940),ȱ18–22. Simms,ȱ“GuestingȱandȱFeastingȱinȱGaelicȱIreland,”ȱ80–82ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18). WhitleyȱStokes,ȱ“TheȱBorama,”ȱRevueȱCeltiqueȱ13ȱ(1892):ȱ32–124ȱandȱ299–300;ȱhereȱ54–57.ȱInȱthis instance,ȱhowever,ȱitȱisȱtheȱkingȱuponȱwhomȱtheȱbandȱwillȱbeȱbilletedȱwhoȱsuggestsȱtheyȱshould beȱbilletedȱ(inȱorderȱtoȱkillȱthem).ȱThisȱriotousȱsaerchuairtȱmaccáemnachtaȱisȱremarkablyȱsimilarȱto theȱcoinnmhedhȱríoghdhamhnaȱ(royalȱheir’sȱfeastingȱvisitation)ȱmadeȱbyȱNíall,ȱtheȱsonȱofȱtheȱking ofȱIreland,ȱMuirchertachȱMacȱLochlainn,ȱinȱwhichȱNíallȱengagedȱinȱaȱsimilarȱcrossȱbetweenȱa “grandȱtour”ȱandȱaȱchevachee:ȱAFMȱ1163ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7). StandishȱH.ȱO’Grady,ȱCaithréimȱThoirdhealbhaigh:ȱtheȱTriumphsȱofȱTurlough.ȱIrishȱTextsȱSociety,ȱ26 andȱ27ȱ(London:ȱIrishȱTextsȱSociety,ȱ1929),ȱtextȱvolumeȱ26,ȱ77;ȱtranslationȱvolumeȱ27,ȱ69.

BilletingȱTroopsȱinȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱIreland

201

asȱaȱdirectȱpatronȱofȱclients)ȱandȱthatȱtheseȱrightsȱwereȱthenȱtransferredȱtoȱhis troopsȱorȱguests.27

ConsentȱandȱAbuseȱinȱPreȬInvasionȱIreland Theȱearliestȱextendedȱnarrativesȱconcerningȱbilletingȱareȱdominatedȱbyȱaȱtheme thatȱrecursȱthroughoutȱtheȱhistoryȱofȱtheȱinstitution:ȱtheȱforcibleȱtakingȱofȱlodging andȱprovisionsȱbyȱbilletedȱsoldiersȱagainstȱtheȱwillȱandȱtoȱtheȱdetrimentȱofȱthe providers.ȱProbablyȱtheȱearliestȱlengthyȱdescriptionȱofȱbilletingȱisȱfoundȱinȱCogadh GáedhelȱreȱGallaibh,ȱtheȱtwelfthȬcenturyȱencomiasticȱbiographyȱofȱBrianȱBóromaȱ(ob. 1014): Baȱheȱso,ȱdna,ȱtrumaȱcanachȱocusȱcisaȱnagallȱforȱErindȱuliȱcoȱforlethanȱocusȱcoȱcotcend .i.ȱriȱforȱcachȱtirȱuathib,ȱocusȱtoeseachȱforȱcachȱtuaith,ȱocusȱabbȱforȱcachȱcill,ȱocusȱmaeir forȱcachȱmbali,ȱocusȱsuartleachȱcachȱtigi,ȱconachȱrabiȱcommuisȱicȱduniȱderaibȱErendȱcet blegonȱ aȱ bó,ȱ naȱ comeisȱ liniȱ oenȱ chirciȱ dugaibȱ doȱ din,ȱ noȱ doȱ digraisȱ daȱ sinserȱ no donamcairt,ȱachtȱaȱmarthainȱdoȱmaeir,ȱnoȱdoȱreachtaire,ȱnoȱdoȱthuartleachȱgaill.ȱOcus cidȱoenȱgamnachȱnoȱbeithȱisonȱtaig,ȱnochoȱlemthaȱaȱblegonȱdoȱnaiginȱoenȱaidchi,ȱnoȱdo duniȱgalair,ȱachtȱaȱmarthainȱdoȱmaeirȱnoȱdoȱrechtairȱnoȱdoȱsuartleachȱgaill.ȱCidȱfataȱno beithȱinȱingnaisȱinȱtaigi,ȱniȱlemthaȱairbernadȱarȱaȱcudichȱnoȱarȱaȱritholmu,ȱcenȱcoȱbeith istaigȱachtȱoenȱbo,ȱcenȱaȱmarbadȱfriȱcuitȱnaȱhenȱaidchi,ȱminiȱfagthaȱacmaingȱaȱritholma cena.28 [Andȱsuchȱwasȱtheȱoppressivenessȱofȱtheȱtributeȱandȱrentȱofȱtheȱforeignersȱoverȱall Erinnȱ[Ireland]ȱatȱlarge,ȱandȱgenerally,ȱthatȱthereȱwasȱaȱkingȱfromȱthemȱoverȱevery territory,ȱandȱaȱtoísechȱoverȱeveryȱtúath,ȱandȱanȱabbotȱoverȱeveryȱchurch,ȱandȱaȱmaer overȱeveryȱbaile,ȱandȱaȱmercenaryȱinȱeveryȱhouse,ȱsoȱthatȱnoneȱofȱtheȱmenȱofȱErinnȱhad powerȱtoȱgiveȱevenȱtheȱmilkȱofȱhisȱcow,ȱnorȱasȱmuchȱasȱtheȱclutchȱofȱeggsȱofȱoneȱhen inȱsuccourȱorȱinȱkindnessȱtoȱanȱagedȱman,ȱorȱtoȱaȱconfessor,ȱbutȱwasȱforcedȱtoȱpreserve

27

28

Inȱadditionȱtoȱthisȱtransferȱweȱmayȱalsoȱseeȱaȱtransformationȱoverȱtimeȱinȱtheȱlegalȱbasisȱofȱthese rights,ȱ asȱ theyȱ changedȱ fromȱ beingȱ basedȱ primarilyȱ uponȱ theȱ legalȱ institutionȱ ofȱ personal clientshipȱtoȱbecomeȱobligationsȱuponȱspecificȱofficeȱholdersȱorȱgeographicalȱareas:ȱO’Sullivan, HospitalityȱinȱMedievalȱIreland,ȱ52–53ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18).ȱForȱaȱdiscussionȱofȱsomeȱofȱtheȱrightsȱclaimed byȱearlyȱIrishȱkings,ȱseeȱThomasȱM.ȱCharlesȬEdwards,ȱ“TheȱAirgíallaȱCharterȱPoem:ȱtheȱLegal Context,”ȱTheȱKingshipȱandȱLandscapeȱofȱTara,ȱed.ȱEdelȱBhreathnachȱ(DublinȱandȱPortland:ȱFour CourtsȱPress,ȱ2005),ȱ100–23. Todd,ȱCogadhȱGaedhelȱreȱGallaibh,ȱ48–51ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10).ȱIȱhaveȱalteredȱTodd’sȱtranslationȱtoȱretainȱthe termsȱtoísechȱ(chief),ȱtúathȱ(chieftainry),ȱbaileȱ(village),ȱmaerȱ(steward),ȱrechtaireȱ(bailiff).ȱIȱhaveȱalso renderedȱsuartleachȱasȱ“mercenary”ȱ(ratherȱthanȱ“soldier”)ȱandȱtakenȱdonamcairtȱtoȱreferȱtoȱan anmcharaeȱ (confessor)ȱ ratherȱ thanȱ simplyȱ “friend”.ȱ Aȱ versionȱ ofȱ thisȱ passageȱ isȱ alsoȱ foundȱ in CaithréimȱChellacháinȱChaisil:ȱAlexanderȱBugge,ȱCaithreimȱCellachainȱCaisil:ȱTheȱVictoriousȱCareerȱof CellachanȱofȱCashelȱorȱtheȱWarsȱbetweenȱtheȱIrishmenȱandȱtheȱNorsemenȱinȱtheȱmiddleȱofȱtheȱ10thȱCentury (Christianiaȱ[Oslo]:ȱJ.ȱChr.ȱGundersensȱBogtrykkeri,ȱ1905),ȱ1–2ȱ(text)ȱandȱ58ȱ(translation).

202

DenisȱCasey themȱforȱtheȱforeignȱmaerȱorȱrechtaire,ȱorȱmercenary.ȱAndȱthoughȱthereȱwereȱbutȱone milkȬgivingȱcowȱinȱtheȱhouse,ȱsheȱdurstȱnotȱbeȱmilkedȱforȱanȱinfantȱofȱoneȱnight,ȱnor forȱ aȱ sickȱ person,ȱ butȱ mustȱ beȱ keptȱ forȱ theȱ maer,ȱ orȱ rechtaire,ȱ orȱ mercenaryȱ ofȱ the foreigners.ȱAnd,ȱhoweverȱlongȱheȱmightȱbeȱabsentȱfromȱtheȱhouse,ȱhisȱshareȱorȱhis supplyȱdurstȱnotȱbeȱlessened,ȱalthoughȱthereȱwasȱinȱtheȱhouseȱbutȱoneȱcow,ȱitȱmustȱbe killedȱ forȱ theȱ mealȱ ofȱ oneȱ night,ȱ ifȱ theȱ meansȱ ofȱ supplyȱ couldȱ notȱ beȱ otherwise procured].

Thisȱdeliberatelyȱbiasedȱ accountȱwasȱintendedȱtoȱhighlightȱandȱaccentuateȱthe worstȱaspectsȱofȱtheȱprocessȱofȱbilletingȱandȱitsȱprimaryȱaimȱwasȱtoȱcontrastȱthe parasiticȱVikingsȱ(whoȱareȱportrayedȱlivingȱoffȱtheȱpopulation)ȱwithȱtheȱfugitive Brianȱ(whoȱsurvivedȱinȱwoodlandsȱandȱremoteȱareas).29ȱWhileȱostensiblyȱclaiming toȱrepresentȱconditionsȱinȱtenthȬcenturyȱMunster,ȱthisȱincidentȱprobablyȱbearsȱa closerȱresemblanceȱtoȱpracticesȱcurrentȱduringȱtheȱtimeȱofȱitsȱcompositionȱinȱthe lateȱeleventh/earlyȱtwelfthȱcenturies.ȱ O’Sullivanȱ arguesȱ thatȱ Cogadh’sȱ condemnationȱ ofȱ billetingȱ suggestsȱ itȱ was familiarȱenoughȱtoȱbeȱrecognizedȱbutȱnotȱpartȱofȱIrishȱkings’ȱpolicies.30ȱTheȱimpact ofȱthatȱpassageȱwouldȱcertainlyȱhaveȱbeenȱmitigatedȱifȱitȱwasȱnotȱcouchedȱinȱterms familiarȱ toȱ aȱ twelfthȬcenturyȱ readership.ȱ Itȱ isȱ moreȱ likelyȱ thatȱ theȱ authorȱ was indeedȱbasingȱhisȱdescriptionȱuponȱtheȱpracticesȱofȱIrishȱkingsȱandȱpossiblyȱeven theȱUíȱBriainȱkingsȱthemselves.ȱCircumstantialȱevidenceȱforȱthisȱmayȱbeȱadduced fromȱtheȱuseȱofȱtheȱpossiblyȱNorseȱtermȱsuartleachȱ(aȱnounȱseeminglyȱdenotingȱa billetedȱsoldier),ȱwhichȱisȱveryȱpoorlyȱattestedȱelsewhere;ȱaccordingȱtoȱoneȱofȱthe twoȱ survivingȱ annalisticȱ attestationsȱ (bothȱ ofȱ whichȱ areȱ foundȱ inȱ theȱ Munster AnnalsȱofȱInisfallen),ȱBrianȱhimselfȱappearsȱtoȱhaveȱemployedȱthem.31ȱWhatever theȱ originȱ ofȱ theȱ wordȱ suartleach,ȱ theȱ authorȱ appearedȱ toȱ haveȱ expectedȱ his audienceȱtoȱunderstandȱandȱdislikeȱtheȱconceptȱofȱbilleting. Mattersȱconcerningȱconsentȱandȱabuseȱalsoȱsurfaceȱinȱaȱshortȱtaleȱfoundȱinȱthe twelfthȬcenturyȱBookȱofȱLeinsterȱ(entitledȱbyȱitsȱmodernȱeditorȱTheȱQuarrelȱaboutȱthe Loaf),ȱ whichȱ alsoȱ illustratesȱ theȱ ambiguousȱ areaȱ betweenȱ charityȱ andȱ exaction mentionedȱabove.32ȱTheȱstoryȱtellsȱofȱaȱservantȱofȱtheȱkingȱofȱMunsterȱwhoȱwas billetedȱuponȱanȱoldȱwomanȱinȱMagȱDála,ȱinȱcloseȱproximityȱtoȱtheȱbordersȱofȱthe kingdomsȱofȱLaiginȱandȱMunster.ȱTheȱoldȱwoman,ȱwhoȱwasȱiȱmbiataigechtȱtoȱthe

29

30 31

32

CompareȱtheȱparasiticȱvikingsȱtoȱBrianȱinȱtheȱwilderness:ȱTodd,ȱCogadhȱGaedhelȱreȱGallaibh,ȱ48–51 andȱ60–63ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10). O’Sullivan,ȱHospitalityȱinȱMedievalȱIreland,ȱ51ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18). DochotarȱaȱshuatrichȱiarȱtírȱiȱnHúȱBriuinȱcoroȱladȱárȱmórȱettarruȱocusȱHuiȱBriuinȱ(Hisȱsuatrichȱwentȱby landȱintoȱUíȱBriúin,ȱandȱgreatȱslaughterȱwasȱmutuallyȱinflictedȱuponȱthemȱandȱuponȱtheȱUíȱBriúin) (AIȱ983.2).ȱTheȱotherȱreferenceȱisȱAIȱ972.1.ȱForȱotherȱuses,ȱseeȱDictionaryȱofȱtheȱIrishȱLanguage,ȱsub verbumȱsúaitrechȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5). TomásȱP.ȱO’Nowlan,ȱ“TheȱQuarrelȱaboutȱtheȱLoaf,”ȱÉriuȱ1ȱ(1904):ȱ128–37.

BilletingȱTroopsȱinȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱIreland

203

kingȱofȱLaigin,33ȱinitiallyȱbelievedȱthatȱtheȱservantȱhadȱmerelyȱcomeȱtoȱbegȱand thusȱgaveȱhimȱaȱcakeȱofȱbread.ȱWhenȱheȱdemandedȱanotherȱasȱhisȱdue,ȱúairȱisȱfor búannachtȱdoȱdechadusȱóȱrígȱMumanȱ(forȱitȱisȱonȱbilletȱfromȱtheȱkingȱofȱMunsterȱI haveȱcome),ȱsheȱrefused,ȱassertingȱthatȱtheȱsecondȱloafȱwasȱunderȱtheȱprotection ofȱ theȱ kingȱ ofȱ Laigin.34ȱ Theȱ initialȱ exploratoryȱ dispatchȱ ofȱ theȱ servantȱ from Munster:ȱcoȱtánicȱgillaȱrígȱMumanȱarȱbúannachtȱdaȱtigȬsi,ȱarȱnaȱchurȱdoȱrígȱMuman d’fhissȱaȱceta,ȱarȱbáȱbágachȱandiúitȱinȱchallechȱ(aȱservantȱofȱtheȱkingȱofȱMunsterȱcame onȱbilletȱtoȱherȱhouse,ȱhavingȱbeenȱsentȱbyȱtheȱkingȱofȱMunsterȱtoȱascertainȱher permission;ȱ forȱ theȱ oldȱ womanȱ wasȱ contentiousȱ andȱ stubborn)ȱ suggestsȱ the necessityȱofȱconsent.ȱTheȱhaughtinessȱofȱtheȱservant,ȱhowever,ȱdemonstratesȱa bullyingȱexpectationȱofȱtheȱwoman’sȱcomplianceȱandȱperhapsȱthatȱofȱsocietyȱin general.35 Itȱwasȱnotȱjustȱtheȱordinaryȱhouseholderȱwhoseȱconsentȱwasȱheldȱinȱlittleȱorȱno regard.ȱ Higherȱ upȱ theȱ socioȬpoliticalȱ ladderȱ itȱ isȱ clearȱ thatȱ kingsȱ couldȱ find themselvesȱ forcedȱ toȱ billetȱ theȱ troopsȱ ofȱ otherȱ (greater)ȱ kings,ȱ whoȱ soughtȱ to demonstrateȱorȱenforceȱtheirȱdominanceȱoverȱsubordinates.ȱTheȱeleventhȬcentury coinnmedhȱ morȱ (greatȱ billeting)ȱ imposedȱ byȱ Ardgarȱ Macȱ Lochlainnȱ ofȱ Cenél nEógainȱoverȱaȱwideȱswatheȱofȱterritory,ȱappearsȱtoȱhaveȱbeenȱofȱthisȱkindȱand resultedȱinȱtheȱsubmissionȱofȱtheȱkingsȱofȱConnachtȱandȱBréifne.36ȱAccordingȱtoȱthe seventeenthȬcenturyȱAnnalsȱofȱtheȱFourȱMasters,ȱMuirchertachȱMacȱLochlainn laterȱdidȱlikewise: Sluaighedhȱ eleȱ bheósȱ láȱ hUaȱ Lachlainnȱ iȱ Mídheȱ doȱ ionnarbadhȱ Uíȱ Ruairc.ȱ Ro coinnmhedhȱdaȱchathȱCenélȱConaillȱocusȱEoghainȱfríȱréȱmísȱforȱferaibhȱMidheȱ.i.ȱcath inȱiartharȱMidhe,ȱocusȱcathȱinaȱhairther.37 [AnotherȱarmyȱwasȱledȱbyȱUaȱ[Mac]ȱLochlainn,ȱintoȱMide,ȱtoȱexpelȱUaȱRuairc.ȱHe billetedȱtwoȱbattalionsȱofȱtheȱCenélȱConaillȱandȱ[Cenél]ȱnEógain,ȱforȱtheȱspaceȱofȱa month,ȱuponȱtheȱmenȱofȱMide,ȱi.e.,ȱaȱbattalionȱonȱwestȱMideȱandȱaȱbattalionȱonȱits east].

Minorȱ kingsȱ andȱ theirȱ noblesȱ mustȱ haveȱ oftenȱ feltȱ theȱ pinchȱ whenȱ itȱ cameȱ to accommodatingȱtroopsȱofȱmoreȱpowerfulȱoverlords.ȱInȱtheȱearlyȱdecadesȱofȱthe Englishȱ invasionȱ Cathalȱ Crobdergȱ Uaȱ Conchobair,ȱ kingȱ ofȱ Connacht,ȱ in conjunctionȱwithȱhisȱallyȱWilliamȱdeȱBurgh,ȱbilletedȱtheirȱtroopsȱuponȱtheȱnobility

33

34 35 36 37

Ibid.,ȱ132–33.ȱO’Nowlanȱtranslatesȱthisȱasȱ“inȱhospitallership”.ȱHowever,ȱitȱseemsȱlikelyȱthatȱthe authorȱwasȱsuggestingȱthatȱsheȱwasȱinȱaȱpositionȱofȱobligationȱtoȱprovideȱfoodȱrentȱtoȱherȱlord,ȱin thisȱcaseȱtheȱkingȱofȱLaigin. Ibid.,ȱ134–35. Ibid.,ȱ132–33. AUȱ1063.4;ȱALCȱ1063ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7). AFMȱ1159ȱ(myȱtranslation)ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).

204

DenisȱCasey

ofȱ Connacht,ȱ thoughȱ theȱ latterȱ tookȱ umbrageȱ andȱ areȱ saidȱ toȱ haveȱ killedȱ nine hundredȱofȱtheirȱguests.38

ChurchȱOppositionȱinȱPreȬInvasionȱIreland Greatȱchurchesȱalsoȱfoundȱthemselvesȱtheȱvictimsȱofȱunwantedȱbilletingȱbyȱkings seekingȱtoȱimposeȱthemselvesȱinȱbothȱtheȱecclesiasticalȱandȱpoliticalȱspheres,ȱas mayȱbeȱseenȱinȱtheȱactionsȱofȱÁedȱUaȱRuairc,ȱkingȱofȱUíȱBriúinȱBréifne,ȱinȱ1111. ÁedȱforciblyȱbilletedȱhisȱtroopsȱuponȱtheȱchurchȱofȱClonmacnoise,ȱinȱwhatȱappears toȱhaveȱbeenȱanȱattemptȱtoȱintimidateȱbothȱthatȱchurchȱandȱitsȱpoliticalȱsupporters, theȱUíȱMaílȱShechnaillȱkingsȱofȱMide.39ȱInȱthatȱyearȱMuirchertachȱUaȱBriain,ȱking ofȱIreland,ȱhadȱpresidedȱoverȱaȱnationalȱsynodȱatȱRáithȱBressail,ȱwhichȱhadȱcreated theȱ bishopricȱ ofȱ Ardagh/Ardcarnȱ forȱ Uíȱ Briúinȱ Bréifne/Conmaicneȱ andȱ the bishopricsȱofȱClonardȱandȱDuleekȱforȱMide.40ȱTheȱoutcomeȱofȱtheȱsynodȱofȱRáith BressailȱdoesȱnotȱappearȱtoȱhaveȱbeenȱtoȱtheȱlikingȱofȱMurchadȱUaȱMaílȱShechnaill (kingȱofȱMide)ȱandȱGillaȱChrístȱUaȱMaílȱEóinȱ(abbotȱofȱClonmacnoise),ȱwhoȱheld aȱsynodȱatȱUisnechȱinȱtheȱsameȱyear,ȱpresumablyȱinȱanȱattemptȱtoȱcounteractȱthe decreesȱofȱRáithȱBressail.ȱTheirȱsynodȱatȱUisnechȱalsoȱcreatedȱtwoȱbishopricsȱin Mide:ȱClonmacnoiseȱandȱClonard.41ȱPresumablyȱthisȱdidȱnotȱpleaseȱÁedȱUaȱRuairc, asȱheȱmayȱhaveȱdesiredȱtoȱuseȱArdaghȱ(inȱterritoryȱhisȱkingdomȱhadȱwrestedȱfrom Mide)ȱtoȱfurtherȱexpandȱatȱtheȱexpenseȱofȱtheȱailingȱUíȱMaílȱShechnaillȱdynasty andȱ soȱ heȱ madeȱ manifestȱ hisȱ intentionsȱ byȱ forciblyȱ billetingȱ hisȱ troopsȱ upon Clonmacnoise.42 ForcibleȱrefectionsȱlikeȱthoseȱexactedȱbyȱÁedȱUaȱRuaircȱareȱincreasinglyȱrecorded inȱ theȱ twelfthȬcenturyȱ annals.ȱ Theȱ Churchȱ appearsȱ toȱ haveȱ engagedȱ withȱ the questionȱ ofȱ billetingȱ fromȱ aȱ selfȬabsorbedȱ pointȱ ofȱ view,ȱ acceptingȱ itȱ asȱ an increasinglyȱinevitableȱoccurrenceȱbutȱpreferringȱthatȱitȱdidȱnotȱencroachȱupon

38 39 40

41 42

ALCȱ1202ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7). CSȱ1111ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7). TheȱextentsȱofȱtheȱdiocesesȱdefinedȱatȱRáithȱBressailȱareȱknownȱonlyȱthroughȱtheȱseventeenthȬ centuryȱtextȱForasȱFeasaȱarȱÉirinn.ȱForȱaȱmapȱofȱtheseȱdioceses,ȱseeȱTheodoreȱW.ȱMoody,ȱFrancis X.ȱMartinȱandȱFrancisȱJ.ȱByrne,ȱAȱNewȱHistoryȱofȱIrelandȱ9:ȱMaps,ȱGenealogies.ȱLists:ȱAȱCompanion toȱIrishȱHistory.ȱPartȱ2ȱ(Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1984),ȱ26. CSȱ1111ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7). Muirchertachȱ Uaȱ Briainȱ seemsȱ toȱ haveȱ beenȱ similarlyȱ unimpressedȱ andȱ Clonmacnoiseȱ was plunderedȱ thatȱ sameȱ yearȱ byȱ Dálȱ Caisȱ treȱ comuirleȱ Muircertaighȱ h.ȱ Bruinȱ (atȱ theȱ instigationȱ of MuirchertachȱUaȱBriain):ȱCSȱ1111ȱ(seeȱalsoȱATigȱ1111).ȱMuirchertachȱandȱÁedȱdoȱnotȱappearȱto haveȱbeenȱworkingȱinȱtandem,ȱhowever,ȱasȱMuirchertachȱalsoȱattackedȱÁedȱthatȱyear:ȱAIȱ1111.4; ATigȱ1111ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).

BilletingȱTroopsȱinȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱIreland

205

theirȱpropertyȱandȱinterests.ȱThisȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱtheȱpositionȱofȱtheȱauthorȱofȱthe MiddleȱIrishȱtextȱCertȱcechȱRígȱcoȱRéilȱ(Theȱtributeȱofȱeveryȱkingȱisȱclearlyȱdue).ȱThis text,ȱostensiblyȱaddressedȱtoȱÁedȱOirdnideȱ(ob.ȱ819)ȱbyȱtheȱecclesiastȱFothadȱna Canóineȱ(ob.ȱ819)ȱ(accordingȱtoȱtheȱoldestȱmanuscriptȱtoȱcontainȱit,ȱtheȱtwelfthȬ centuryȱ Bookȱ ofȱ Leinster),ȱ wasȱ probablyȱ intendedȱ forȱ Áed’sȱ descendantȱ and namesake,ȱÁedȱmacȱNéillȱmeicȱMaílȱShechnaillȱ(ob.ȱ1083).43ȱCertȱcechȱRígȱcoȱRéil,ȱa memberȱofȱtheȱSpeculumȱPrincipumȱgenre,ȱisȱanȱexhortationȱtoȱtheȱaddresseeȱtoȱrule firmly,ȱevenȱharshly,ȱinȱtheȱfurtheranceȱofȱhisȱaims.ȱAsȱByrneȱnoted,ȱinȱcontrastȱto otherȱ Irishȱ examplesȱ ofȱ thisȱ genre,ȱ itȱ possessȱ aȱ “starklyȱ realisticȱ andȱ unheroic tone”44ȱandȱwithȱregardȱtoȱbilletingȱandȱseekingȱprovisionsȱitȱadvises: dénaȱcoinmedȱcrúaidȱ doȱshlúaigȱarȱcechȱaiss. Cidȱbráthairȱdoȱríg óȱgebtharȱaȱgiall achtȱrothechtaȱthechȱ náȱsóerȱnechȱarȱbiad.45 [Makeȱaȱsternȱbilletingȱofȱyourȱtroopsȱonȱeveryȱside.ȱEvenȱtheȱbrotherȱofȱaȱking,ȱwhose hostageȱ hasȱ beenȱ accepted,ȱ providedȱ heȱ possessȱ aȱ dwelling,ȱ exemptȱ noȱ manȱ from givingȱprovisions].

Nonetheless,ȱwhileȱadvocatingȱthatȱaȱkingȱshouldȱbeȱ“ruthlessȱandȱeffective”ȱin secularȱaffairs,46ȱtheȱpoetȱarguedȱthatȱtheȱChurchȱshouldȱnotȱbeȱtreatedȱlikewise: Airchinnigȱnaȱcell oȱfhlaithȱcenȱiarair achtȱriagailȱaȱcend. .ȱ.ȱ. Naȱcellaȱcenȱcáinȱ ritȱreimesȱraithȱréil.47

43

44 45

46

47

Francisȱ J.ȱ Byrne,ȱ “Irelandȱ andȱ herȱ Neighbours,ȱ c.1014–c.1072,”ȱ Aȱ Newȱ Historyȱ ofȱ Irelandȱ 1: PrehistoricȱandȱEarlyȱIreland,ȱed.ȱDáibhíȱÓȱCróinínȱ(Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2005),ȱ862–98; hereȱ895–96. Ibid.,ȱ896. TadhgȱÓȱDonnchadha,ȱ“CertȱcechȱRígȱcoȱRéil,”ȱMiscellanyȱPresentedȱtoȱKunoȱMeyerȱbyȱSomeȱofȱHis FriendsȱandȱPupilsȱonȱtheȱOccasionȱofȱhisȱAppointmentȱtoȱtheȱChairȱofȱCelticȱPhilologyȱinȱtheȱUniversity ofȱBerlin,ȱed.ȱOsbornȱJ.ȱBerginȱandȱCarlȱMarstranderȱ(Halleȱa.ȱd.ȱSaale:ȱMaxȱNiemeyer,ȱ1912), 258–77;ȱhereȱ262–63. DonnchadhȱÓȱCorráin,ȱ“NationalityȱandȱKingshipȱinȱPreȬNormanȱIreland,”ȱNationalityȱandȱthe PursuitȱofȱNationalȱIndependence,ȱed.ȱTheodoreȱW.ȱMoody.ȱHistoricalȱStudies:ȱPapersȱReadȱbefore theȱIrishȱConferenceȱofȱHistorians,ȱ11ȱ(Belfast:ȱAppletreeȱPress,ȱ1978),ȱ1–35;ȱhereȱ17. ÓȱDonnchadha,ȱ“CertȱcechȱRígȱcoȱRéil,”ȱ260–63ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ45).

206

DenisȱCasey [TheȱrulersȱofȱtheȱchurchȬlands,ȱnoȱprinceȱmustȱseekȱfromȱthemȱaughtȱbeyondȱtheȱrule ofȱ theirȱ superiorsȱ .ȱ .ȱ .ȱ .ȱ Leaveȱ theȱ churchesȱ untaxedȱ duringȱ yourȱ courseȱ ofȱ clear success].

BilletingȱinȱPostȬInvasionȱGaelicȱIreland Itȱwasȱnotȱjustȱ(presumably)ȱclericalȱauthorsȱwhoȱencouragedȱkingsȱtoȱbilletȱtroops inȱsupportȱofȱtheirȱrule,ȱwhileȱstillȱclaimingȱimmunityȱforȱtheirȱownȱinterests.ȱA certainȱhypocrisyȱwithȱregardȱtoȱbilletingȱmayȱalsoȱbeȱdetectedȱinȱtheȱworksȱofȱthat otherȱ importantȱ socioȬpoliticalȱ group,ȱ theȱ poets.ȱ Forȱ example,ȱ theȱ sixteenthȬ centuryȱpoetȱTadhgȱDallȱÓȱhUiginnȱ(ob.ȱ1591)ȱinformedȱhisȱpatronȱCúȱChonnacht MagȱUidhirȱofȱtheȱlatter’sȱsupposedȱrightsȱregardingȱtheȱbilletingȱofȱkernȱ(native Irishȱmercenaryȱfootȱsoldiers): Dlighthearȱdhóibhséin—diaȱdoȱmhodh— óȱtháȱsamhainȱgoȱsamhrodh arȱchlárȱTheathbhaȱóȱthoighȱgoȱteagh aȱnȬeachraȱaȱgcoinnȱdoȱchoinnmheadh.48 [Theyȱareȱentitled—whatȱanȱachievement—fromȱNovemberȱtoȱsummerȱtoȱquarterȱtheir steedsȱandȱtheirȱhoundsȱfromȱhouseȱtoȱhouseȱonȱtheȱplainȱofȱTeathbha].

Yetȱwhenȱhisȱownȱhomesteadȱwasȱsubjectȱtoȱtheȱunwelcomeȱattentionȱofȱbilleted soldiersȱheȱwasȱquickȱtoȱcomplainȱtoȱMagȱUidhir: OraoidȱsunnȱgoȱsíolȱgColla dáȱiomchasaoidȱeatarra— anȱramhacraidhȱóȱMhoighȱMharr— aȱbhfoilȱd’anacraibhȱoram. Mórȱgceannȱbhfadháltaȱfeadhna, iomdhaȱcoinnmheȱisȱceithearna— mairgȱgaȱmbíȱadȱ(?)ȱcomharsaȱcóir— doȬníȱormsaȱanȱéagóir. Ceithearnȱanȱtigheȱremȱthaoibh, bídȱlánȱd’ulcȱagusȱd’anaoibh, gachȱreȱláȱagȱtoigheachtȱim’ȱtheagh, ’sanȱtȬoireachtȱatáȱim’ȱthimcheal.49

48

49

EleanorȱKnott,ȱAȱbhfuilȱaguinnȱdárȱchumȱTadhgȱDallȱÓȱhUiginn:ȱTheȱBardicȱPoemsȱofȱTadhgȱDallȱÓ hUiginnȱ(1550–1591).ȱIrishȱTextsȱSociety,ȱ22ȱandȱ23ȱ(London:ȱIrishȱTextsȱSociety,ȱ1922–1926),ȱtext volumeȱ22,ȱ59;ȱtranslationȱvolumeȱ23,ȱ39.ȱ(Poemȱ9). Ibid.,ȱtextȱvolumeȱ22,ȱ275–76;ȱtranslationȱvolumeȱ23,ȱ183.ȱ(Poemȱ42).ȱUncertaintiesȱinȱtheȱtextȱand translationȱareȱmarkedȱwithȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱandȱquestionȱmarks.

BilletingȱTroopsȱinȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱIreland

207

[ThisȱisȱanȱaddressȱtoȱtheȱraceȱofȱColla,ȱtoȱcomplainȱamongstȱthem,ȱtheȱmightyȱyouth fromȱtheȱPlainȱofȱMar,ȱofȱtheȱmisfortunesȱwhichȱafflictȱme. Manyȱscatteredȱcaptainsȱofȱbands,ȱmanyȱquarteringsȱandȱkern—alasȱforȱhimȱwhoȱ.ȱ.ȱ. wrongȱme. Theȱkernȱofȱtheȱhouseȱnextȱtoȱmeȱareȱfullȱofȱwickednessȱandȱsurliness,ȱenteringȱmy houseȱeveryȱotherȱday,ȱtheyȱandȱtheȱassemblyȱwhichȱisȱaroundȱmeȱ(?)].

Aȱ specificȱ exampleȱ ofȱ churchȱ oppositionȱ toȱ billeting,ȱ whichȱ raisesȱ issues concerningȱconsentȱandȱpossibleȱcontractualȱarrangements,ȱmayȱbeȱfoundȱinȱthe secondȱIrishȱLifeȱofȱMáedócȱofȱFerns.50ȱThisȱLifeȱcontainsȱaȱnumberȱofȱpoems,ȱthe lastȱ ofȱ whichȱ narratesȱ aȱ supposedȱ disputeȱ betweenȱ Conchoborȱ Óȱ Fairchellaig, comarbaȱ (ecclesiasticalȱ successor,ȱ literallyȱ heir)ȱ ofȱ Máedóc’sȱ churchȱ atȱ Druim Lethanȱ(Drumlane,ȱCo.ȱCavan)ȱandȱFergalȱUaȱRuairc,ȱkingȱofȱBréifne.51ȱTheȱpoem begins,ȱappropriatelyȱenough,ȱwithȱtheȱwordsȱMairccȱdanȱcomharsaȱnaomhȱgarcc (Woeȱtoȱtheȱmanȱwhoȱhasȱasȱneighbourȱanȱangryȱsaint)ȱandȱisȱclearlyȱmeantȱasȱa warningȱ toȱ Uíȱ Ruaircȱ notȱ toȱ overstepȱ theȱ boundariesȱ ofȱ hospitality.ȱ Fergalȱ Ua Ruairc,ȱweȱareȱtold,ȱcameȱtoȱDrumlaneȱdȇfagailȱaóighidechtaȱonȱairdȬcillȱ(toȱexact guestingȱ fromȱ theȱ highȱ church)ȱ andȱ Conchoborȱ (likeȱ theȱ oldȱ womanȱ inȱ The QuarrelȱaboutȱtheȱLoaf),ȱisȱportrayedȱasȱinitiallyȱacquiescent,ȱpossiblyȱoutȱofȱa senseȱofȱChristianȱcharity.ȱ Recognitionȱofȱanȱobligationȱtoȱprovideȱforȱguests,ȱwithinȱlimits,ȱisȱhintedȱatȱby Conchobor’sȱ statementȱ thatȱ heȱ wouldȱ notȱ provideȱ congbáilȱ taraȱ coinnmedhȱ féin (maintenanceȱbeyondȱhisȱproperȱrefection)ȱtoȱanyȱman.ȱNonetheless,ȱaȱprevious stanzaȱdescribingȱConchobor’sȱattendanceȱuponȱFergal’sȱtroopsȱasȱcruaidhȱcennaigh (aȱhardȱbargain)ȱandȱtheȱfactȱthatȱnoneȱofȱtheȱtroopsȱwasȱganȱdíolȱdáȱchuidȱ(without paymentȱ ofȱ hisȱ portion)ȱ impliesȱ aȱ transactionalȱ arrangementȱ orȱ atȱ leastȱ the appropriatenessȱofȱusingȱtransactionalȱvocabularyȱtoȱdescribeȱ theȱ provisionȱof entertainmentȱtoȱbilletedȱtroops.ȱItȱisȱpossibleȱthatȱtheȱchurchȱofȱDrumlaneȱowed FergalȱUaȱRuairc,ȱasȱtheirȱsecularȱlord,ȱaȱlimitedȱprovisionȱofȱhospitality,ȱalongȱthe linesȱofȱcóe/cóisir/cuidȱoidhche.ȱTheȱclearestȱindicationȱthatȱchurchesȱandȱkingsȱmight enterȱintoȱcontractualȱarrangementsȱmayȱbeȱseenȱinȱaȱsubsequentȱstanza,ȱattributed toȱConchobor:

50

51

Thisȱtextȱcontainsȱmaterialȱdatingȱbetweenȱtheȱtwelfthȱandȱsixteenthȱcenturies.ȱRaymondȱGillespie hasȱarguedȱthatȱtheȱLifeȱwasȱcompiledȱinȱitsȱcurrentȱformȱaroundȱtheȱtimeȱBrianȱBallachȱUaȱRuairc wasȱinauguratedȱinȱ1536:ȱRaymondȱGillespie,ȱ“TheȱMakingȱofȱO’Rourke,ȱ1536,”ȱCultureȱandȱSociety inȱEarlyȱModernȱBreifne/Cavan,ȱed.ȱBrendanȱScottȱ(DublinȱandȱPortland:ȱFourȱCourtsȱPress,ȱ2009), 48–68. CharlesȱPlummer,ȱBethadaȱNáemȱnÉrenn:ȱLivesȱofȱIrishȱSaints.ȱ2ȱvolumesȱ(Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversity Press,ȱ1922),ȱtextȱvolumeȱ1,ȱ286–89;ȱtranslationȱvolumeȱ2,ȱ278–81.ȱNeitherȱofȱtheseȱtwoȱindividuals canȱbeȱpositivelyȱidentified.

208

DenisȱCasey CionȱdoȱchurȱiȱnDruimȱLethan Doȱrioghaibhȱmarȱgnathachadh, Niȱthiubharȱamachȱgoȱbrath, Arȱconnradhȱcreachȱnaȱconách.52 [ToȱimposeȱaȱbenevolenceȱonȱDrumlane Asȱaȱcustomaryȱdueȱtoȱkings, Iȱwillȱneverȱgrant Forȱanyȱtreatyȱofȱspoils,ȱorȱforȱanyȱwealth].

Theȱimplicationȱthatȱchurchesȱdidȱindeedȱenterȱsuchȱarrangementsȱandȱthatȱthey couldȱbeȱmutuallyȱbeneficialȱisȱimplicitȱinȱConchobor’sȱrefusal.ȱItȱisȱlikelyȱthat churchesȱreceivedȱportionsȱofȱtheȱspoilsȱofȱwarȱfromȱpatrons,ȱpossiblyȱinȱexchange forȱotherȱconsiderations,ȱsuchȱasȱbilletingȱrights,ȱasȱimpliedȱbyȱConchoborȱinȱthe aboveȱstanza.53 SaintsȱsuchȱasȱMáedócȱwereȱnotȱalwaysȱasȱproactiveȱasȱtheirȱadherentsȱwouldȱhave likedȱandȱalthoughȱclericalȱsourcesȱfrequentlyȱdepictȱprovisionȱofȱbilletingȱasȱan odiousȱpracticeȱthatȱwasȱbestȱavoided,ȱrefusalȱtoȱbilletȱaȱking’sȱtroopsȱmayȱhave beenȱequallyȱhazardous.ȱRejectionȱofȱaȱking’sȱorȱlord’sȱbilletingȱdemandsȱmayȱhave resultedȱinȱtheȱchurchȱinȱquestionȱbeingȱplunderedȱorȱbeingȱforciblyȱbilletedȱupon, asȱthreatenedȱbyȱFergusȱinȱtheȱaforementionedȱpoem.ȱContractualȱarrangements wereȱrarelyȱbetweenȱequalsȱandȱwhileȱtheyȱcouldȱbeȱbeneficialȱtoȱbothȱpartiesȱin theȱshortȱterm,ȱthereȱcouldȱbeȱburdensomeȱconsequencesȱforȱtheȱweakerȱpartyȱin theȱlongȱrun.ȱForȱexample,ȱasȱKennethȱNichollsȱhasȱnotedȱwithȱregardȱtoȱtheȱninth earlȱofȱKildare’sȱexchangeȱofȱhorsesȱforȱtwoȱnightsȱentertainment: ifȱ theȱ timesȱ inȱ [theȱ earldomȱ of]ȱ Kildareȱ hadȱ notȱ changed,ȱ howȱ manyȱ ofȱ these entertainmentsȱwouldȱnotȱhaveȱbecomeȱpermanentȱobligationsȱonȱtheȱheirsȱofȱthose whoȱgaveȱthem,ȱlongȱafterȱtheȱhorseȱhadȱbeenȱforgotten?54

Whetherȱcontractingȱtoȱprovideȱ(orȱagainstȱproviding)ȱservicesȱsuchȱasȱbilletingȱthe longȬtermȱprospectsȱcouldȱbeȱequallyȱtroublesome.ȱThisȱcertainlyȱseemsȱtoȱhave beenȱtheȱconcernȱofȱArchbishopȱJohnȱMey,ȱwhoȱenteredȱintoȱaȱconcordatȱwith ÉinríȱÓȱNéillȱ(HenryȱO’Neill),ȱkingȱofȱTírȱEógain,ȱinȱtheȱmiddleȱofȱtheȱfifteenth century.55ȱItȱwasȱclaimedȱinȱCeartȱUíȱNéill,ȱaȱtextȱoutliningȱÓȱNéill’sȱrightsȱoverȱhis

52 53

54 55

Ibid.,ȱtextȱvolumeȱ1,ȱ288;ȱȱtranslationȱvolumeȱ2,ȱ280. AȱdivisionȱofȱbattleȱspoilsȱbetweenȱkingȱandȱsaintȱmayȱbeȱseenȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱIrishȱtaleȱTochmarc Becfholaȱ(TheȱWooingȱofȱBecfhola):ȱMáireȱBhreathnach,ȱ“AȱnewȱeditionȱofȱTochmarcȱBechfhola,”ȱÉriu 35ȱ(1984):ȱ59–91;ȱhereȱ76ȱ(text)ȱandȱ80ȱ(translation). Nicholls,ȱ“GaelicȱSocietyȱandȱEconomy,”ȱ426ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3). Katharineȱ Simms,ȱ “Theȱ Concordatȱ betweenȱ Primateȱ Johnȱ Meyȱ andȱ Henryȱ O’Neillȱ (1455),” ArchiviumȱHibernicumȱ34ȱ(1976–1977):ȱ71–82.

BilletingȱTroopsȱinȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱIreland

209

subordinates,ȱthatȱleȱlinnȱanȱÉnríȱsinȱdoȱríoghadhȱdoȱsaoradhȱnaȱheagluisiȱagusȱnaȱcealla leisȱóȱgachȱdaoirsiȱagusȱóȱgachȱdocharȱdáȱraibhȱorraȱríamhȱroimheȱsinȱ(whenȱthatȱHenry wasȱ madeȱ king,ȱ theȱ churchesȱ andȱ cellsȱ wereȱ freedȱ fromȱ everyȱ servitudeȱ and hardshipȱthatȱhadȱeverȱlainȱuponȱthemȱupȱtoȱthen).56ȱTheȱconcordatȱbetweenȱÉnrí andȱtheȱarchbishop,ȱhowever,ȱpaintsȱaȱquiteȱdifferentȱpicture.ȱItȱwasȱdrawnȱupȱby fourȱmediatorsȱ(twoȱrepresentingȱeachȱofȱÓȱNéill’sȱandȱtheȱarchbishop’sȱinterests) andȱ statesȱ thatȱ Óȱ Néillȱ wasȱ toȱ receiveȱ aȱ pensionȱ inȱ returnȱ forȱ adheringȱ toȱ the articlesȱofȱtheȱconcordat,ȱsuchȱasȱaȱprohibitionȱuponȱÓȱNéillȱimposingȱanyȱkindȱof servitudeȱuponȱtheȱchurchȱofȱArmaghȱorȱitsȱtenantsȱ(nonȱimponetȱaliquamȱspeciem servitutisȱecclesieȱvelȱtenentibusȱecclesiarum).57ȱTheȱwordingȱofȱtheȱagreementȱisȱrife withȱ ambiguityȱ (almostȱ certainlyȱ deliberatelyȱ so)ȱ andȱ issuesȱ ofȱ contractȱ and consentȱweighȱheavilyȱinȱanyȱattemptȱtoȱanalyseȱtheȱtext.ȱ Theȱuseȱofȱtheȱtermȱ‘pension’ȱsuggestsȱthatȱÓȱNéillȱwasȱboundȱtoȱperformȱcertain duties,ȱasȱrecipientsȱofȱpensionsȱinȱEnglishȱsocietyȱwere,ȱbutȱinȱrealityȱheȱappears toȱhaveȱbeenȱextortingȱciosȱcosantaȱ(protectionȱmoney)ȱorȱduibhchiosȱ(blackȱrent) fromȱtheȱarchbishop.ȱSinceȱtheȱgovernmentȬappointedȱarchbishopsȱwereȱlargely absenteeȱ landlordsȱ (preferringȱ toȱ liveȱ inȱ theȱ relativeȱ securityȱ ofȱ theȱ anglicized Pale—theȱareaȱaroundȱCoȱDublinȱinȱwhichȱtheȱking’sȱwritȱstillȱran,ȱratherȱthanȱthe GaelicȬcontrolledȱprimatialȱseatȱofȱArmagh),ȱMeyȱmayȱhaveȱbeenȱattemptingȱto bribeȱÓȱNéillȱnotȱtoȱimposeȱhimselfȱuponȱchurchȱlands,ȱasȱmuchȱasȱrequiringȱhim toȱdefendȱthem.ȱAsȱwithȱtheȱearlȱofȱKildare’sȱhorses,ȱtheȱpossibilityȱexistedȱthatȱÓ Néillȱ(orȱhisȱsuccessors)ȱwouldȱcontinueȱtoȱextractȱtheȱpensionȱlongȱafterȱhe/they hadȱstoppedȱhonouringȱhis/theirȱsideȱofȱtheȱbargainȱorȱafterȱtheȱconditionsȱbecame irrelevant.ȱMeyȱwasȱawareȱofȱthisȱdangerȱandȱtheȱfinalȱarticleȱofȱtheȱagreement madeȱitȱclearȱthatȱpaymentȱofȱtheȱpensionȱwasȱconditionalȱuponȱfullȱenforcement ofȱtheȱarticlesȱofȱagreement,ȱwhich,ȱinȱtheȱwordsȱofȱSimms, revealsȱ theȱ primate’sȱ fearȱ thatȱ byȱ promisingȱ anȱ annualȱ pensionȱ toȱ O’Neillȱ heȱ has simplyȱcutȱanotherȱrodȱforȱhisȱownȱback,ȱthatȱO’Neillȱwillȱbreakȱallȱtheȱarticlesȱofȱthe concordatȱandȱyetȱcontinueȱtoȱdemandȱpaymentȱofȱhisȱpension.58

56

57 58

MylesȱDillon,ȱ“CeartȱUíȱNéill,”ȱStudiaȱCelticaȱ1ȱ(1966):ȱ1–18;ȱhereȱ10–13.ȱThereȱexistȱaȱnumberȱof similarȱtractsȱconcerningȱtheȱrightsȱofȱIrishȱkingsȱinȱtheȱlaterȱMiddleȱAges.ȱTheseȱtractsȱcannotȱbe readȱasȱsimpleȱstatementsȱofȱexactionsȱdue,ȱowingȱtoȱtheirȱfrequentȱincorporationȱofȱanachronistic information,ȱ suchȱ asȱ theȱ inclusionȱ ofȱ extinctȱ familiesȱ amongȱ theȱ catalogueȱ ofȱ tributeȱ givers. Nonetheless,ȱtheseȱareȱimportantȱsources,ȱforȱasȱKatharineȱSimmsȱhasȱsuggested,ȱtheseȱtracts “wereȱwidelyȱacceptedȱbyȱpartisansȱinȱtheirȱownȱdayȱasȱanȱideologicalȱstatement,ȱaȱplatonicȱideal toȱwhichȱtheȱrightsȱandȱterritorialȱauthorityȱofȱtheȱexistingȱkingȱcorrespondedȱbutȱimperfectly”: Simms,ȱFromȱKingsȱtoȱWarlords,ȱ2ȱȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).ȱAsȱsuch,ȱtheyȱpresentȱaȱGaelicȱviewȱofȱhowȱsystems likeȱbilletingȱshouldȱbeȱorganized,ȱasȱopposedȱhowȱtheyȱactuallyȱoperatedȱandȱareȱnoȱlessȱvaluable forȱthat. Simms,ȱ“TheȱConcordatȱbetweenȱPrimateȱJohnȱMeyȱandȱHenryȱO’Neill,”ȱ78ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ55). Ibid.,ȱ77.

210

DenisȱCasey

Theȱ questionȱ ofȱ enforcementȱ layȱ veryȱ muchȱ atȱ theȱ whimȱ ofȱ Óȱ Néillȱ and presumablyȱMeyȱconsideredȱÓȱNéillȱcapableȱofȱkeepingȱhisȱsideȱofȱtheȱbargain,ȱbut whetherȱheȱwouldȱsoȱdoȱwasȱquiteȱanotherȱmatter.

BilletingȱinȱtheȱAngloȬIrishȱLordship:ȱCoignȱandȱLivery QuarteringȱtroopsȱwasȱnotȱaȱpracticeȱconfinedȱtoȱtheȱGaelicȱareasȱofȱlaterȱmedieval Ireland.ȱIncreasingȱinteractionȱbetweenȱGaelicȱandȱAngloȬIrishȱterritoriesȱprobably resultedȱinȱtheȱgradualȱdevelopmentȱofȱtheȱsystemȱknownȱasȱ“coignȱandȱlivery.”59 ItȱformedȱpartȱofȱtheȱmilitaryȱmodusȱoperandiȱofȱsomeȱofȱtheȱgreatestȱAngloȬIrish magnates,ȱ suchȱ asȱ theȱ powerfulȱ andȱ wellȬconnectedȱ Williamȱ liathȱ deȱ Burgh (Burke).ȱWilliamȱwasȱaȱgreatȬgrandsonȱofȱtheȱWilliamȱdeȱBurghȱmentionedȱearlier, heldȱtheȱpositionȱofȱdeputyȱtoȱtheȱjusticiarȱ(1308–9),ȱwasȱaȱcousinȱofȱearlȱRichard deȱBurghȱofȱUlsterȱ(whoȱoperatedȱtheȱbonnachtȱofȱUlster)ȱandȱwasȱtheȱancestorȱof theȱtwoȱMacȱWilliamȱlineagesȱthatȱdominatedȱConnachtȱforȱtheȱremainderȱofȱthe MiddleȱAges.60ȱAroundȱ1305ȱheȱobtainedȱaȱgrantȱofȱUíȱChonchobair’sȱcoreȱlands inȱSílȱMuiredaig;61ȱitȱisȱprobablyȱinȱconnectionȱwithȱthisȱenterpriseȱthatȱtheȱAnnals ofȱConnachtȱrecordȱthatȱheȱbilletedȱtwoȱhundredȱsoldiersȱamongȱSílȱMuiredaig,ȱso that niȱ raibiȱ bailiȱ iȱ Silȱ Muredaigȱ uliȱ cenȱ gnathbuana,ȱ naȱ tuathȱ cinȱ tabach,ȱ naȱ flaithȱ cin forrach,ȱreȱhedȱurrlamaisȱUilliamȱBurcȱforraȱtarȱesȱAeda.62 [thereȱwasȱnotȱoneȱofȱtheirȱtownlandsȱwithoutȱitsȱpermanentȱquartering,ȱnorȱaȱtúath freeȱfromȱexaction,ȱnorȱaȱprinceȱfreeȱfromȱoppression,ȱsoȱlongȱasȱWilliamȱBurkeȱwas inȱcontrolȱofȱthemȱafterȱtheȱdeathȱofȱÁedȱ(UaȱConchobair).]

59

60

61

62

Theȱphraseȱderivesȱfromȱ“Coign”ȱ(fromȱIrishȱcoinnmheadh—theȱbilletingȱofȱsoldiers)ȱandȱ“livery” (English—provenderȱforȱhorses)ȱandȱrefersȱtoȱtheȱbilletingȱofȱsoldiers,ȱhorsesȱandȱhorseboysȱupon theȱpopulationȱandȱtheȱexactionȱofȱprovisionsȱforȱthem. JamesȱF.ȱLydon,ȱTheȱMakingȱofȱIreland:ȱfromȱAncientȱTimesȱtoȱtheȱPresentȱ(LondonȱandȱNewȱYork: Routledge,ȱ1998),ȱ75. Seánȱ Duffy,ȱ “Burgh,ȱ Richardȱ de,ȱ secondȱ earlȱ ofȱ Ulsterȱ (b.ȱ inȱ orȱ afterȱ 1259,ȱ d.ȱ 1326),”ȱ Oxford DictionaryȱofȱNationalȱBiographyȱ(Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2004), http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/3995ȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱMarchȱ30,ȱ2011). AConȱ1310.6.ȱWilliam’sȱsoldiersȱwereȱmercenaries,ȱwhomȱheȱhadȱbribedȱtoȱdoublecrossȱtheir previousȱemployer,ȱÁed,ȱwhoȱhadȱalsoȱbilletedȱthem:ȱAConȱ1310.5ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).ȱTheseȱsoldiers wereȱ probablyȱ galloglass:ȱ Kennethȱ W.ȱ Nicholls,ȱ “Scottishȱ Mercenaryȱ Kindredsȱ inȱ Ireland, 1250–1600,”ȱ Theȱ Worldȱ ofȱ theȱ Galloglass:ȱ Kings,ȱ Warlordsȱ andȱ Warriorsȱ inȱ Irelandȱ andȱ Scotland, 1200–1600,ȱed.ȱSeánȱDuffyȱ(DublinȱandȱPortland:ȱFourȱCourtsȱPress,ȱ2007),ȱ86–105;ȱhereȱ89.

BilletingȱTroopsȱinȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱIreland

211

Inȱthisȱinstance,ȱdeȱBurghȱwasȱnotȱsimplyȱattemptingȱtoȱsupportȱpermanentȱforces whileȱsimultaneouslyȱdrainingȱtheȱresourcesȱofȱotherȱlordsȱ(likeȱMacȱLochlainn hadȱdoneȱinȱtheȱtwelfthȱcentury),ȱbutȱwasȱbilletingȱsoldiersȱasȱaȱmeansȱofȱconquest. AsȱinȱGaelicȱareas,ȱbilletedȱsoldiersȱinȱAngloȬIrishȱlordshipsȱwereȱpartȱofȱlarger socioȬmilitaryȱsystemsȱandȱindeed,ȱfrequentlyȱfromȱtheȱpointȱofȱviewȱofȱbothȱthe governmentȱ andȱ theȱ populace,ȱ partȱ ofȱ largerȱ socioȬmilitaryȱ problems.ȱ The thirteenthȱcenturyȱsawȱtheȱproliferationȱofȱtheȱociosusȱ(idleman),ȱdefinedȱbyȱRobin Frameȱasȱaȱ“manȱofȱgentleȱbirthȱandȱscantȱvisibleȱmeansȱofȱsupport,ȱwhoȱremained aboutȱtheȱhouseholdȱofȱtheȱrichȱmembersȱofȱhisȱkin,ȱorȱsoldȱhisȱserviceȱtoȱanother lord.”63ȱFurthermore,ȱAngloȬIrishȱlordsȱalsoȱemployedȱkern,ȱwhoȱwereȱlikewise supportedȱthroughȱbilleting.ȱRetainers,ȱwhetherȱAngloȬIrishȱidlemenȱorȱGaelic kern,ȱwereȱprotectedȱbyȱtheirȱlords,ȱtoȱsuchȱanȱextentȱthatȱthisȱresultedȱinȱ“the issuingȱ ofȱ whatȱ wereȱ inȱ effectȱ licensesȱ toȱ commitȱ crimeȱ throughȱ aȱ systemȱ of avowery,ȱ byȱ whichȱ theȱ lordȱ promisedȱ toȱ protectȱ themȱ andȱ compensateȱ their victimsȱifȱtheȱlawȱwasȱableȱtoȱtakeȱitsȱcourse.”64ȱ AȱtrialȱofȱkernȱemployedȱbyȱtheȱdeȱlaȱPoerȱfamilyȱinȱWaterfordȱatȱtheȱbeginning ofȱtheȱfourteenthȱcenturyȱdemonstratesȱtheȱdifficultyȱthatȱprosecutorsȱfaced.ȱThe deȱlaȱPoersȱwereȱtheȱlocalȱmagnatesȱandȱstoodȱbailȱforȱtheirȱkernȱandȱdeȱlaȱPaor membersȱ ofȱ theȱ trialȱ juriesȱ ensuredȱ thatȱ “notȱ guilty”ȱ verdictsȱ wereȱ returned.65 Nonetheless,ȱonȱrareȱoccasionsȱgoodȱoldȬfashionedȱmobȱjusticeȱsufficedȱwhereȱthe courtsȱprovedȱinadequate,ȱasȱwhenȱanȱangryȱmobȱslaughteredȱtheȱearlȱofȱLouth’s kernȱinȱ1329ȱandȱthenȱdidȱlikewiseȱtoȱtheȱearlȱandȱhisȱfamilyȱforȱtryingȱtoȱprotect them.66 Theȱgovernmentȱwasȱnotȱopposedȱtoȱtheȱpracticeȱofȱcoignȱandȱliveryȱonȱprinciple, butȱ ratherȱ toȱ theȱ mannerȱ inȱ whichȱ billetingȱ rightsȱ andȱ exactionsȱ wereȱ forcibly obtainedȱfromȱunwillingȱandȱfrequentlyȱhelplessȱcolonists.ȱTheȱexploitsȱofȱtheȱfirst earlȱofȱDesmondȱ(MauriceȱfitzȱThomasȱFitzGerald,ȱd.ȱ1356)ȱhaveȱbeenȱheldȱupȱas anȱ exampleȱ ofȱ theȱ worstȱ excessesȱ ofȱ theȱ system.ȱ Katharineȱ Simmsȱ described Desmond’sȱmodusȱoperandiȱasȱaȱ“systemȱofȱlicensedȱpillage,”ȱinȱwhich [his]ȱcasualȱpatronageȱwasȱanȱinvitationȱtoȱhighwayȱrobbery,ȱandȱensuredȱthatȱnotȱonly wereȱtheȱlord’sȱownȱtenantsȱsubjectedȱtoȱunlimitedȱextortion,ȱbutȱotherȱneighbouring

63

64 65 66

RobinȱFrame,ȱEnglishȱLordshipȱinȱIreland,ȱ1318–1361ȱ(OxfordȱandȱLondon:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress, 1982),ȱ37. Lydon,ȱTheȱMakingȱofȱIreland,ȱ79ȱȱ(seeȱnoteȱ60). Simms,ȱ“GuestingȱandȱFeastingȱinȱGaelicȱIreland,”ȱ78ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18). ThisȱincidentȱisȱdiscussedȱinȱJamesȱF.ȱLydon,ȱ“TheȱBraganstownȱMassacre,ȱ1329,”ȱJournalȱofȱthe CountyȱLouthȱArchaeologicalȱandȱHistoricalȱSocietyȱ19.1ȱ(1977–80):ȱ5–16.

212

DenisȱCasey territoriesȱsufferedȱinȱtheȱsameȱway,ȱevenȱchurchȱlands,ȱwhichȱwereȱnormallyȱentitled toȱimmunity.67

Similarly,ȱCatherineȱMarieȱO’Sullivanȱsuggestedȱthat theȱearlȱtookȱaȱveryȱcasualȱapproachȱtoȱorganizingȱtheȱmaintenanceȱofȱhisȱmercenary troops;ȱheȱissuedȱeachȱsoldierȱaȱletterȱpatentȱauthorizingȱtheȱmanȱtoȱlevyȱfoodȱand drinkȱfromȱinhabitantsȱofȱtheȱlandȱ“withinȱtheȱlordshipȱandȱoutsideȱit”.68

Suchȱviews,ȱhowever,ȱareȱbasedȱuponȱtheȱtestimonyȱofȱDesmond’sȱenemies,ȱwho broughtȱ legalȱ proceedingsȱ againstȱ himȱ andȱ theirȱ biasesȱ (andȱ possible exaggerations)ȱmayȱhaveȱinfluencedȱsubsequentȱhistoricalȱjudgement.69ȱDesmond’s enemiesȱwereȱnaturallyȱinclinedȱtoȱaccentuateȱtheȱworstȱaspectsȱofȱhisȱmethodsȱbut evenȱ ifȱ systemsȱ ofȱ billetingȱ andȱ exactionȱ wereȱ extortionateȱ theyȱ wereȱ not necessarilyȱ disorganized.ȱ Onȱ theȱ contrary,ȱ theȱ earl’sȱ issuingȱ ofȱ lettersȱ patent (documentsȱsimilarȱtoȱchartersȱandȱauthenticatedȱwithȱhisȱseal)ȱsuggestsȱthatȱhe employedȱanȱorganizedȱadministration,ȱwhichȱheldȱsomeȱresponsibilityȱinȱtheȱarea ofȱprovisioningȱofȱtheȱearl’sȱforces.ȱTheȱissuingȱofȱlettersȱpatentȱmayȱevenȱhave beenȱintendedȱtoȱensureȱthatȱonlyȱtroopsȱgenuinelyȱinȱtheȱearl’sȱemploymentȱ(as opposedȱ toȱ rovingȱ bandsȱ ofȱ brigands)ȱ wereȱ ableȱ toȱ obtainȱ supportȱ fromȱ the population.ȱAttentionȱtoȱtheȱorganisationȱofȱbilletingȱdoesȱnotȱappearȱtoȱhaveȱbeen peculiarȱtoȱtheȱearldomȱofȱDesmond,ȱasȱalreadyȱseenȱinȱCeartȱUíȱNéill. Theȱ government’sȱ initialȱ attemptsȱ toȱ outlawȱ billetingȱ uponȱ unwillingȱ and oppressedȱ populationsȱ wasȱ aimedȱ atȱ fetteringȱ theȱ magnates’ȱ abilityȱ toȱ wage privateȱwarȱasȱmuchȱasȱaȱmeasureȱintendedȱtoȱprotectȱtheȱcolonists.70ȱAsȱearlyȱas 1297ȱtheȱIrishȱparliamentȱlegislatedȱagainstȱtheȱAngloȬIrishȱlordsȱemployingȱkern “continuallyȱlivingȱatȱotherȱpeople’sȱexpenseȱasȱwellȱinȱtheȱmarchesȱasȱinȱlandȱof peace,ȱ wherebyȱ theȱ peopleȱ isȱ excessivelyȱ impoverished,”ȱ butȱ parliament nonethelessȱ acceptedȱ thatȱ theȱ magnatesȱ couldȱ quarterȱ theirȱ troopsȱ withȱ the permissionȱofȱthoseȱuponȱwhomȱtheyȱwereȱbilleted.71ȱTheȱclearestȱexampleȱofȱsuch tenantȱacquiescenceȱisȱprovidedȱinȱtheȱordinancesȱofȱJamesȱButler,ȱtheȱfourthȱearl ofȱOrmondȱ(TheȱWhiteȱEarl)ȱ(ob.ȱ1452).72ȱOrmondȱsoughtȱtoȱcreateȱaȱstandingȱarmy

67 68 69

70

71

72

EmpeyȱandȱSimms,ȱ“TheȱOrdinancesȱofȱtheȱWhiteȱEarl,”ȱ180–81ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5). O’Sullivan,ȱHospitalityȱinȱMedievalȱIreland,ȱ56ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18). ForȱtheȱtestimonyȱagainstȱtheȱEarlȱofȱDesmond,ȱseeȱGeorgeȱO.ȱSayles,ȱ“TheȱLegalȱProceedings AgainstȱtheȱFirstȱEarlȱofȱDesmond,”ȱAnalectaȱHibernicaȱ23ȱ(1966):ȱ1–47. Byȱtheȱfifteenthȱandȱsixteenthȱcenturiesȱmuchȱlesserȱlordsȱandȱgentlemenȱfreeholdersȱwereȱalso exactingȱsuchȱservicesȱfromȱtheirȱtenants:ȱSimms,ȱ“GuestingȱandȱFeastingȱinȱGaelicȱIreland,”ȱ85 (seeȱnoteȱ18). EdmundȱCurtisȱandȱRobertȱB.ȱMcDowell,ȱIrishȱHistoricalȱDocuments,ȱ1172–1922ȱ(London:ȱMethuen andȱCo.,ȱ1943),ȱ35. EmpeyȱandȱSimms,ȱ“TheȱOrdinancesȱofȱtheȱWhiteȱEarl”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).

BilletingȱTroopsȱinȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱIreland

213

toȱcombatȱhisȱGaelicȱandȱAngloȬIrishȱenemiesȱandȱinȱparticularȱcontrolȱfactions amongȱhisȱButlerȱkindred.73ȱ Itȱ isȱ aȱ testimonyȱ toȱ theȱ extentȱ toȱ whichȱ Gaelicȱ andȱ Englishȱ customsȱ were amalgamatedȱ inȱ theȱ Butlerȱ lordshipȱ thatȱ Ormond’sȱ solutionȱ toȱ hisȱ security problemsȱ wasȱ toȱ useȱ representativeȱ assembliesȱ ofȱ theȱ peopleȱ (anȱ English institution)ȱtoȱapproveȱtheȱimpositionȱofȱcoginȱ(anȱessentiallyȱIrishȱinstitution).74 Theȱassembliesȱgaveȱtheirȱconsentȱtoȱbilletingȱbyȱtheȱearl,ȱbutȱsoughtȱtoȱprevent Ormond’sȱsubordinateȱkinsmenȱfromȱalsoȱbilletingȱtroopsȱuponȱthem,ȱsavingȱthose whoȱhadȱlicenseȱfromȱtheȱearlȱtoȱdoȱso.ȱTheseȱconditionsȱprovedȱdifficultȱ(ifȱnot impossible)ȱ toȱ enforce,ȱ asȱ theȱ earlsȱ wereȱ oftenȱ absentȱ andȱ manyȱ ofȱ theȱ Butler factionȱleadersȱheldȱmilitaryȱpositionsȱderivedȱdirectlyȱfromȱtheȱearls’ȱauthority, whichȱcouldȱthenȱbeȱusedȱasȱjustificationȱforȱmaintainingȱtheirȱownȱmilitaryȱforces atȱtheȱpopulation’sȱexpense.75ȱForȱallȱtheȱcolonists’ȱcomplaintsȱtheyȱwereȱrarelyȱin aȱ positionȱ toȱ refuseȱ theȱ demandsȱ ofȱ theȱ magnatesȱ andȱ itȱ wouldȱ haveȱ beenȱ a recklesslyȱbraveȱorȱfoolhardyȱtenantȱwhoȱwouldȱrefuseȱsomeoneȱofȱtheȱstatureȱand powerȱofȱanȱearlȱofȱOrmondȱorȱKildare. Indeed,ȱalthoughȱtheȱadministrationȱwasȱuneasyȱwithȱaspectsȱofȱcoignȱandȱlivery inȱprinciple,ȱitȱoftenȱfoundȱitȱindispensableȱinȱpractice.ȱForȱmanyȱofȱtheȱLords Deputy/LordsȱLieutenantȱtheȱlimitedȱtaxableȱcapacityȱofȱtheȱcolony,ȱinefficient administrationȱandȱinadequateȱfinancialȱsupportȱfromȱEnglandȱmeantȱthatȱthey hadȱlittleȱchoiceȱbutȱtoȱrelyȱonȱsuchȱunpopularȱmeansȱtoȱmaintainȱtheirȱmilitary forces.76ȱ Whenȱ theȱ crownȱ engagedȱ inȱ theȱ expedientȱ measureȱ ofȱ employing individualȱAngloȬIrishȱmagnatesȱinȱtheȱroleȱofȱLordȱDeputyȱitȱwasȱonlyȱnatural thatȱthoseȱlordsȱwouldȱuseȱtheȱsystemsȱthatȱservedȱthemȱwellȱinȱtheirȱownȱaffairs. WhenȱtheȱearlȱofȱDesmond,ȱThomasȱfitzȱJamesȱFitzGeraldȱwasȱmadeȱLordȱDeputy byȱaȱgratefulȱEdwardȱIVȱinȱ1463,ȱheȱwasȱspecificallyȱorderedȱtoȱendȱtheȱimposition ofȱcoignȱandȱlivery,ȱthoughȱheȱactuallyȱextendedȱtheȱpracticeȱwellȱbeyondȱhisȱown Gaelicizedȱ earldomȱ andȱ intoȱ theȱ Pale.77ȱ Coignȱ andȱ livery,ȱ despiteȱ frequent oppositionȱfromȱEnglandȱandȱfromȱthoseȱinȱIrelandȱwhoȱsufferedȱbecauseȱofȱit (suchȱ asȱ theȱ Palesmenȱ andȱ townsmen),ȱ remainedȱ aȱ fundamentalȱ partȱ ofȱ the militaryȱ structureȱ ofȱ Gaelicȱ andȱ AngloȬIrishȱ lordshipsȱ throughoutȱ theȱ Middle Ages.ȱIndeed,ȱsoȱingrainedȱwasȱitȱthatȱwhenȱHenryȱVIIIȱappointedȱarbitersȱtoȱsolve

73 74 75 76

77

Ibid.,ȱ164. Lydon,ȱTheȱMakingȱofȱIreland,ȱ99–100ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ60). EmpeyȱandȱSimms,ȱ“TheȱOrdinancesȱofȱtheȱWhiteȱEarl,”ȱ167ȱandȱ175ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5). ArtȱCosgrove,ȱ“TheȱEmergenceȱofȱtheȱPale,ȱ1399–1447,”ȱAȱNewȱHistoryȱofȱIrelandȱ2:ȱMedievalȱIreland, 1169–1534,ȱed.ȱArtȱCosgroveȱ(Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1987),ȱ533–56;ȱhereȱ541.ȱIndeed, theȱthreatȱofȱsuchȱmeasuresȱhungȱoverȱparliament,ȱshouldȱtheyȱnotȱgrantȱtheȱannualȱparliamentary subsidyȱtoȱtheȱLordȱDeputy:ȱibid.,ȱ549. Lydon,ȱTheȱMakingȱofȱIreland,ȱ107–08ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ60).

214

DenisȱCasey

aȱseriesȱofȱongoingȱdisputesȱbetweenȱtheȱearlsȱofȱOrmondȱ(thenȱLordȱDeputy)ȱand Kildare,ȱoneȱofȱtheȱchiefȱprovisionsȱwasȱthatȱ(inȱtheȱwordsȱofȱD.ȱB.ȱQuinn) Ormondȱwasȱtoȱhaveȱwhatȱweȱmayȱdescribeȱasȱhisȱofficialȱrightsȱtoȱcoyneȱandȱlivery inȱCountyȱKildare;ȱ[theȱearlȱof]ȱKildareȱwhatȱweȱmayȱequallyȱcallȱhisȱunofficialȱrights, thoseȱheȱcouldȱscrewȱ“voluntarily”ȱfromȱhisȱtenants.78

ItȱisȱclearȱfromȱaȱconversationȱbetweenȱHenryȱDocwraȱ(ob.ȱ1631)ȱandȱNíallȱGarbh ÓȱDomhnaillȱ(ob.ȱ1626)ȱaȱcenturyȱlater,ȱthatȱlordsȱwereȱoftenȱinȱaȱpositionȱtoȱ‘screw’ theirȱtenants,ȱifȱnotȱactuallyȱengagedȱinȱoutrightȱtyranny.ȱInȱ1601ȱDocwra,ȱthe EnglishȱcommanderȱofȱtheȱDerryȱgarrison,ȱreportedȱaȱconversationȱinȱwhichȱNíall, anȱallyȱofȱtheȱEnglishȱduringȱtheȱNineȱYearsȱWar,ȱtoldȱhim: “Iȱwillȱcessȱmyȱpeople,”,ȱsaithȱhe,ȱ“uponȱtheȱchurls,ȱIȱwillȱtakeȱsuchȱthingsȱasȱIȱwant, andȱemployȱtheȱinhabitantsȱatȱmineȱownȱdiscretion.”ȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱEnnisowenȱisȱmine,ȱand wereȱthereȱbutȱoneȱcowȱinȱtheȱcountry,ȱthatȱcowȱwouldȱIȱtakeȱandȱuseȱasȱmineȱown.” “Andȱhowȱwouldȱyouȱprovideȱforȱtheȱpoorȱpeopleȱtoȱlive?”ȱsaidȱI.ȱ“Iȱcareȱnot,”ȱsaith he,ȱ“letȱ1,000ȱdie,ȱIȱpassȱnotȱofȱaȱpin;ȱandȱforȱtheȱpeople,ȱtheyȱareȱmyȱsubjects.ȱIȱwill punish,ȱexact,ȱcut,ȱandȱhang,ȱifȱIȱseeȱoccasion,ȱwhereȱandȱwhensoeverȱIȱlist.”79

Inȱcomparison,ȱDocwra’sȱandȱNíallȱGarbh’sȱenemy,ȱtheȱrebelȱAodhȱÓȱNéillȱ(Hugh O’Neill,ȱsecondȱearlȱofȱTyrone)ȱissuedȱaȱdocumentȱatȱDungannonȱ(datedȱ2ndȱof Februaryȱ1601),ȱinȱwhichȱconditionsȱofȱprovisioningȱandȱbilletingȱwereȱoutlined inȱdetail.80ȱTheȱconditionsȱwereȱundoubtedlyȱharshȱbutȱinȱnoȱwayȱcomparableȱto theȱindiscriminate,ȱsociopathicȱgreedȱexpressedȱbyȱNíallȱGarbh.ȱÓȱNéillȱemployed aȱseriesȱofȱcontrols,ȱinȱparticularȱaȱmarshalȱorȱlordȱwasȱobligedȱtoȱkeepȱaȱtightȱreign onȱ hisȱ soldiersȱ andȱ toȱ overseeȱ variousȱ aspectsȱ ofȱ theȱ procurementȱ ofȱ their provisions,ȱwhichȱwereȱstrictlyȱdelineatedȱinȱanyȱcase.ȱTheȱpopulationȱwereȱtoȱbe protectedȱandȱd’fhiachaibhȱarȱinȱmȬbuannaȱganȱurchóidȱdoȱdhenamhȱd’énȱduineȱarȱgach taophaȱdeȱganȱcheadȱspécialtaȱaȱthighearnaȱ(itȱisȱincumbentȱuponȱtheȱbilletedȱsoldier notȱtoȱdoȱharmȱtoȱanybodyȱonȱanyȱsideȱwithoutȱspecialȱpermissionȱofȱhisȱlord).81 Failureȱ toȱ complyȱ wouldȱ resultȱ inȱ lossȱ ofȱ Óȱ Néillȱ andȱ Óȱ Domhnaill’sȱ favor, banishmentȱ orȱ execution.82ȱ Itȱ isȱ clearȱ that,ȱ howeverȱ oppressiveȱ supportingȱ Ó Néill’sȱsoldiersȱmayȱhaveȱbeen,ȱÓȱNéillȱintendedȱtoȱrunȱaȱtightȱship.

78

79 80

81 82

DavidȱB.ȱQuinn,ȱ“TheȱReemergenceȱofȱEnglishȱPolicyȱasȱaȱMajorȱFactorȱinȱIrishȱAffairs,ȱ1520–34,” Aȱ Newȱ Historyȱ ofȱ Irelandȱ 2:ȱ Medievalȱ Ireland,ȱ 1169–1534,ȱ ed.ȱ Artȱ Cosgroveȱ (Oxford:ȱ Oxford UniversityȱPress,ȱ1987),ȱ662–87;ȱhereȱ671. QuotedȱinȱSimms,ȱFromȱKingsȱtoȱWarlords,ȱ146ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5). JohnȱO’Donovan,ȱ“MilitaryȱProclamation,ȱinȱtheȱIrishȱLanguage,ȱissuedȱbyȱHughȱO’Neill,ȱEarlȱof Tyrone,ȱinȱ1601,”ȱUlsterȱJournalȱofȱArchaeologyȱ6ȱ(1858):ȱ57–65. Ibid.,ȱ61ȱ(myȱtranslation). ThisȱÓȱDomhnaillȱwasȱAodhȱRuadhȱÓȱDomhnaillȱ(“Red”ȱHughȱO’Donnell—TheȱÓȱDomhnaill andȱEarlȱofȱTyrconnell),ȱNíallȱGarbh’sȱrival.

BilletingȱTroopsȱinȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱIreland

215

Conclusion Billetingȱsystemsȱlikeȱcoignȱandȱliveryȱwereȱundoubtedlyȱoppressiveȱbutȱthisȱwas aȱ featureȱ ofȱ medievalȱ taxationȱ inȱ general,ȱ forȱ asȱ T.ȱ S.ȱ R.ȱ Boaseȱ notedȱ inȱ his biographyȱofȱBonifaceȱVIII: Taxationȱ isȱ aȱ dangerousȱ wordȱ inȱ aȱ mediaevalȱ setting.ȱ Theȱ complexȱ machineryȱ of modernȱmethodsȱseemsȱtoȱlieȱbehindȱit,ȱandȱpresentȱassociationsȱoverpowerȱtheȱreality ofȱitsȱprimitiveȱuncertainȱmeaning,ȱgivingȱtooȱclearȱaȱformȱtoȱtheȱcustomaryȱdues, haphazardȱincidence,ȱandȱemergencyȱconfiscationsȱbyȱwhichȱearlierȱrulersȱsecured theirȱrevenues.83

Inȱsoȱfarȱasȱprovidingȱbilletingȱmayȱbeȱviewedȱasȱaȱformȱofȱtaxation,ȱitȱwasȱtreated asȱmostȱtaxesȱ(medievalȱandȱmodern)ȱare:ȱpeopleȱdidȱtheirȱbestȱtoȱavoidȱpaying themȱorȱpaidȱasȱlittleȱasȱpossible.ȱTheȱtownspeopleȱwhoȱpouredȱforthȱaȱlitanyȱof complaintsȱregardingȱtheirȱsufferingsȱwereȱrarelyȱaltruisticȱinȱtheirȱmotives,ȱwhich ledȱJ.ȱA.ȱWattȱtoȱnoteȱthat whenȱtheȱtownsȱprotestedȱtheirȱpovertyȱandȱdestructionȱtheyȱwereȱlookingȱforȱsome financialȱ concessionȱ fromȱ theȱ crown:ȱ exemptionȱ fromȱ finesȱ inflictedȱ byȱ aȱ justiciar, restraintȱ onȱ someȱ rivalȱ town,ȱ waivingȱ ofȱ arrearsȱ ofȱ feeȬfarms,ȱ overseasȱ trading privileges,ȱandȱsoȱon.84

Justȱasȱtheȱtownsmenȱsoughtȱreliefȱthroughȱconstituentȱassembliesȱorȱpetitions,ȱso tooȱinȱtheȱGaelicȱlordshipsȱaȱconsiderableȱamountȱofȱhardȱbargainingȱundoubtedly tookȱplace,ȱasȱdemonstratedȱbyȱvariousȱclausesȱdetailingȱexceptionsȱandȱamelioraȬ tionsȱfoundȱinȱdocumentsȱlikeȱCeartȱUíȱNéill.ȱNaturallyȱthereȱwereȱalwaysȱthose whoȱwouldȱfeelȱtheȱstrainȱandȱmoreȱoftenȱthanȱnotȱtheȱburdenȱfellȱheaviestȱonȱthe poorestȱinȱsociety.ȱForȱsomeȱtheȱChurchȱmayȱhaveȱofferedȱhopeȱofȱsuccor,ȱbutȱnot everyoneȱhadȱaȱprotectorȱsaintȱasȱpotentȱasȱMáedócȱorȱanȱarchbishopȱlikeȱMeyȱto bargainȱforȱthem.ȱForȱtheȱmajority,ȱwhenȱfacingȱtheȱlikesȱofȱNíallȱGarbh,ȱtheȱwords ofȱtheȱtwelfthȬcenturyȱAngloȬSaxonȱchroniclerȱinȱtheȱreignȱofȱKingȱStephenȱcould easilyȱhaveȱbeenȱonȱtheirȱlips:ȱ“theyȱsaidȱopenlyȱthatȱChristȱandȱhisȱsaintsȱwere asleep.”85

83

84

85

ThomasȱS.ȱR.ȱBoase,ȱBonifaceȱVIII,ȱMakersȱofȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱ(LondonȱandȱToronto:ȱConstableȱand Co.ȱandȱMacmillan,ȱ1933),ȱ131. JohnȱA.ȱWatt,ȱ“TheȱAngloȬIrishȱColonyȱunderȱStrain,ȱ1327–99,”ȱAȱNewȱHistoryȱofȱIrelandȱ2:ȱMedieval Ireland,ȱ1169–1534,ȱed.ȱArtȱCosgroveȱ(Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1987),ȱ352–96;ȱhereȱ370. DorothyȱWhitelock,ȱDavidȱC.ȱDouglas,ȱandȱSusieȱI.ȱTucker,ȱTheȱAngloȬSaxonȱChronicle:ȱaȱRevised Translationȱ(London:ȱEyreȱandȱSpottiswoode,ȱ1961),ȱ200ȱ(subȱannoȱ1137).

Chapterȱ7 JohnȱA.ȱDempsey (WestfieldȱStateȱUniversity,ȱWestfield,ȱMA)

FromȱHolyȱWarȱtoȱPatientȱEndurance:ȱHenryȱIV,ȱ MatildaȱofȱTuscany,ȱandȱtheȱEvolutionȱofȱ BonizoȱofȱSutri’sȱResponseȱtoȱHereticalȱPrinces

I.ȱBonizo:ȱAȱReformerȱandȱPolemicistȱ“Betrayed” TheȱtwoȱgreatȱpuzzlesȱinȱtheȱcareerȱofȱtheȱPatareneȱactivistȱandȱpolemicist,ȱBishop BonizoȱofȱSutri,ȱinvolveȱtheȱcompleteȱreversalȱinȱtheȱspanȱofȱfiveȱorȱsoȱyearsȱofȱhis estimationsȱ ofȱ theȱ rivalȱ potentates,ȱ theȱ emperorȱ Henryȱ IVȱ ofȱ Germanyȱ and CountessȱMatildaȱofȱTuscany.1ȱInȱhisȱLiberȱadȱamicumȱ(BookȱtoȱaȱFriend)ȱofȱlateȱ1085 orȱearlyȱ1086,ȱBonizoȱurgesȱhisȱPatareneȱcompanionsȱtoȱtakeȱupȱarmsȱagainstȱthe emperorȱ inȱ hisȱ conflictȱ withȱ reformȱ papacyȱ andȱ toȱ joinȱ Matildaȱ inȱ herȱ warȱ of resistanceȱ againstȱ Henryȱ andȱ hisȱ Italianȱ allies.ȱ Here,ȱ Bonizoȱ theȱ theological archaeologistȱpresentsȱtoȱhisȱamicus,ȱhisȱfriend,ȱtheȱallegedlyȱ ancientȱChristian

1

Bonizo’sȱmovement,ȱtheȱPataria,ȱaroseȱoutȱofȱtheȱreformistȱpreachingȱofȱtheȱdeaconȱArialdȱof VareseȱinȱMilanȱinȱtheȱlateȱ1050s.ȱArialdȱwonȱaȱpopularȱfollowingȱforȱhisȱagenda,ȱwhichȱassailed theȱtraditionalȱecclesiasticalȱpracticesȱofȱlayȱinvestitureȱandȱofȱclericalȱmarriageȱinȱtheȱMilanese church.ȱTheȱmovementȱspreadȱacrossȱLombardyȱtoȱotherȱcitiesȱwhereȱtheseȱsameȱpracticesȱwere equallyȱ wellȱ established.ȱ Bonizoȱ likelyȱ encounteredȱ theȱ movementȱ inȱ Cremona.ȱ Seeȱ Walter Berschin,ȱBonizoȱvonȱSutri:ȱLebenȱundȱWerkȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱWalterȱdeȱGruyter,ȱ1972),ȱ5–6. Whileȱ theȱ Lombardȱ ecclesiasticalȱ establishmentȱ absolutelyȱ detestedȱ theseȱ “ragȬwearers,”ȱ or Patarenes,ȱandȱtheirȱconfrontationalȱtactics,ȱtheȱpapalȱreformersȱinȱRomeȱsawȱtheȱPatariaȱasȱa valuableȱallyȱinȱitsȱownȱeffortsȱtoȱreformȱtheȱLombardȱchurches.ȱMattersȱcameȱtoȱaȱheadȱinȱMilan betweenȱtheȱPatariaȱandȱtheȱcity’sȱnobleȱfactionȱinȱtheȱearlyȱ1070sȱwhenȱtheȱtwoȱsidesȱproduced rivalȱclaimantsȱtoȱtheȱcity’sȱvacantȱepiscopalȱthrone.ȱTheȱstandoffȱbroughtȱtheȱpapacyȱintoȱconflict withȱHenryȱIVȱofȱGermany,ȱwhoȱsawȱtheȱecclesiasticalȱestablishmentsȱofȱLombardyȱasȱbulwarks ofȱimperialȱauthorityȱinȱhisȱItalianȱkingdom.ȱInȱtheȱopeningȱyearsȱofȱGregoryȱVII’sȱpontificate,ȱthe dispositionȱ ofȱ theȱ Milaneseȱ seeȱ continuedȱ toȱ beȱ aȱ soreȱ pointȱ inȱ theȱ pope’sȱ relationsȱ withȱ the Germanȱking.

218

JohnȱA.ȱDempsey

doctrineȱofȱholyȱcivilȱwar.ȱInȱtheȱlessonsȱofȱtheȱHolyȱFathersȱofȱtheȱChurch,ȱhe findsȱtheȱwarrantȱforȱtheȱphysicalȱpunishmentȱofȱhereticalȱChristianȱprinces.ȱInȱthe Adȱamicum’sȱperoration,ȱheȱextolsȱMatildaȱasȱaȱsecondȱDeborah,ȱtheȱfemaleȱjudge, whoȱledȱtheȱIsraelitesȱtoȱvictoryȱoverȱtheȱCanaanitesȱinȱJudgesȱ4.ȱMatildaȱisȱwilling toȱriskȱall,ȱevenȱherȱveryȱlifeȱinȱtheȱfightȱagainstȱtheȱheresy,ȱwhichȱwasȱsowingȱits seedȱwithinȱtheȱChurch.2 Yetȱaȱfewȱyearsȱlater,ȱinȱhisȱcanonicalȱtreatise,ȱtheȱLiberȱdeȱvitaȱchristianaȱ(Bookȱof Christianȱ Life,ȱ ca.ȱ 1090),ȱ Bonizoȱ teachesȱ thatȱ theȱ onlyȱ properȱ responseȱ toȱ the policiesȱ ofȱ aȱ wickedȱ princeȱ ofȱ anyȱ stripeȱ demandsȱ theȱ lossȱ ofȱ temporalȱ goods, imprisonment,ȱexile,ȱand,ȱifȱnecessary,ȱmartyrdom.3ȱMoreover,ȱinȱtheȱveryȱsame bookȱ ofȱ theȱ Deȱ vitaȱ christianaȱ inȱ whichȱ heȱ announcesȱ hisȱ newȱ attitudeȱ toward wickedȱprinces,ȱBonizoȱdenouncesȱfemaleȱrulers.ȱInȱhisȱdenunciationȱofȱfemale rulers,ȱheȱincludesȱaȱthinlyȱveiledȱbroadsideȱdirectedȱatȱMatilda.ȱHeȱnowȱinsists thatȱitȱwasȱnotȱtheȱwidowȱDeborahȱwhoȱdefeatedȱtheȱCanaanitesȱbutȱtheȱforeign marriedȱwoman,ȱJael.4ȱȱ WhatȱcouldȱhaveȱaccountedȱforȱBonizo’sȱdualȱvolteȬface?ȱUltimately,ȱtheȱanswer liesȱinȱBonizo’sȱPatareneȱidentity.ȱHeȱwasȱalwaysȱfirstȱandȱforemostȱaȱPatarene militant.ȱAȱcommoner,ȱheȱroseȱtoȱprominenceȱasȱanȱactivistȱinȱtheȱPataria,ȱtheȱoften violentȱpopularȱreformingȱmovement,ȱwhichȱaroseȱinȱMilanȱinȱtheȱlateȱ1050sȱand spreadȱthroughoutȱLombardy.ȱUndoubtedly,ȱitȱwasȱhisȱmeritoriousȱserviceȱtoȱthe reformȱcauseȱasȱaȱPatareneȱoperativeȱthatȱbroughtȱhimȱtoȱtheȱattentionȱofȱtheȱpapal reformersȱinȱRome.ȱElevatedȱtoȱtheȱseeȱofȱSutriȱ(inȱtheȱprovinceȱofȱViterbo,ȱjust northȱofȱRome)ȱsometimeȱbeforeȱ1078,ȱlikelyȱbyȱtheȱPatareneȱsympathizerȱPope GregoryȱVII,ȱBonizoȱwasȱchasedȱfromȱSutriȱbyȱHenryȱIV’sȱadvancingȱarmyȱinȱ1081 orȱ1082.5ȱSubsequently,ȱtheseȱimperialȱforcesȱcapturedȱhimȱoutsideȱofȱRomeȱand

2

3

4

5

BonizoȱofȱSutri,ȱLiberȱAdȱamicum,ȱed.ȱErnstȱDummler.ȱMonumentaȱGermaniaeȱHistoricaȱ[Henceforth =ȱ“MGH,”ȱwithȱappropriateȱsubȬseriesȱnamedȱafterȱcolon]:ȱLibelliȱdeȱLiteȱ1ȱ(Hanover:ȱHahn,ȱ1891), 8:ȱ620.ȱIȱhaveȱrecentlyȱexploredȱtheȱdimensionȱofȱfriendshipȱasȱdealtȱwithȱbyȱBonizoȱinȱhisȱLiber; seeȱJohnȱA.ȱDempsey,ȱ“IdeologicalȱFriendshipȱInȱTheȱMiddleȱAges:ȱBonizoȱofȱSutriȱandȱHisȱLiber Adȱ Amicum,”ȱ Friendshipȱ inȱ theȱ Middleȱ Agesȱ andȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ Times,ȱ ed.ȱ Albrechtȱ Classen. FundamentalsȱofȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱCulture,ȱ6ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱDeȱGruyter,ȱ2011), 395–428. BonizoȱofȱSutri,ȱLiberȱdeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱed.ȱErnstȱPerelsȱ(1930;ȱȱHildesheim:ȱWeidmannȱ1998),ȱ7.1: 231ȱ(pageȱreferencesȱareȱtoȱreprintȱedition). Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱ7:ȱ250.ȱSinceȱtheȱinvestigationsȱofȱHugoȱSaurȱinȱtheȱlate nineteenthȱcentury,ȱscholarsȱofȱvariousȱstripesȱhaveȱconcurredȱwithȱSaur’sȱassertionȱthatȱBonizo’s denunciationȱofȱfemaleȱrulersȱinȱBookȱ7ȱisȱprimarilyȱaimedȱatȱtheȱcountess.ȱHugoȱSaur,ȱ“Studien überȱBonizo,”ȱForschungenȱzurȱdeutschenȱGeschichteȱ8ȱ(1868):ȱ395–464. Bonizo’sȱfirstȱrecordedȱactȱasȱbishopȱofȱSutriȱdatesȱtoȱOctoberȱofȱ1078.ȱSeeȱBerschin,ȱ9ȱn.ȱ28.ȱInȱhis Chroniconȱentryȱforȱ1082,ȱBernoldȱofȱSt.ȱBlasienȱstatesȱthatȱHenryȱseizedȱBonizoȱoutsideȱofȱRome inȱ1082.ȱInȱhisȱentryȱinȱ1089ȱaboutȱBonizo,ȱBernoldȱrecallsȱthatȱBonizoȱhadȱbeenȱexpelledȱfrom SutriȱforȱhisȱfidelityȱtoȱSt.ȱPeter.ȱItȱisȱveryȱlikelyȱthatȱBonizoȱwasȱfirstȱexpelledȱinȱ1081,ȱtheȱyearȱof Henry’sȱfirstȱexpeditionȱtoȱItaly.ȱSeeȱBernoldȱofȱSt.ȱBlasien,ȱChronicon,ȱed.ȱG[eorg]ȱH[einrich]ȱPertz.

BonizoȱofȱSutri’sȱResponseȱtoȱHereticalȱPrinces

219

heȱ remainedȱ inȱ Henry’sȱ custodyȱ untilȱ hisȱ releaseȱ aroundȱ 1085.ȱ Heȱ thenȱ found refuge,ȱlikeȱsoȱmanyȱexiledȱreformers,ȱinȱtheȱcircleȱofȱtheȱpapalȱstalwartȱMatilda ofȱTuscany.6ȱThere,ȱheȱcomposedȱhisȱpapalȬimperialȱhistory,ȱtheȱAdȱamicum.ȱInȱhis history,ȱ Bonizoȱ defendsȱ theȱ recentlyȱ deceasedȱ Gregoryȱ VII’sȱ treatmentȱ ofȱ the emperorȱandȱcallsȱuponȱknightsȱassociatedȱwithȱtheȱPatariaȱtoȱtakeȱupȱarmsȱagainst HenryȱandȱhisȱantiȬpopeȱGuibertȱofȱRavennaȱinȱimitationȱofȱtheȱcountess.ȱTheȱchief purposeȱofȱhisȱhistoryȱwasȱtoȱconvinceȱhisȱPatareneȱcomradesȱthatȱGregory’sȱand Matilda’sȱstruggleȱagainstȱtheȱemperorȱwasȱrighteousȱandȱmostȱimportantly,ȱnot onlyȱaȱcontinuationȱofȱtheirȱownȱearlierȱstruggleȱagainstȱtheȱLombardȱecclesiastical establishmentȱbutȱanȱopportunityȱtoȱreviveȱtheirȱmovement,ȱwhichȱlayȱmoribund sinceȱtheȱmurderȱofȱitsȱlayȱleaderȱErlembaldȱCottaȱinȱ1075ȱinȱMilan.ȱ ItȱisȱnoȱaccidentȱthatȱErlembaldȱCottaȱisȱaȱmajorȱfigureȱinȱBonizo’sȱhistory.ȱHeȱis theȱ mostȱ importantȱ ofȱ threeȱ contemporaryȱ practitionersȱ ofȱ holyȱ violenceȱ that Bonizoȱholdsȱupȱtoȱhisȱaudienceȱforȱemulation.ȱErlembaldȱwasȱtheȱbrotherȱofȱthe MilaneseȱclericȱLandulfȱCottaȱwhoȱwasȱtheȱearliestȱcompanionȱofȱtheȱPataria’s founder,ȱtheȱdeaconȱArialdȱofȱVarese.ȱWeȱknowȱfromȱAndrewȱofȱStrumi’sȱVita sanctiȱArialdiȱ(LifeȱofȱAriald)ȱ(1075)ȱthatȱuponȱtheȱdeathȱofȱLandulf,ȱArialdȱasked theȱknightȱErlembaldȱtoȱforgoȱenteringȱtheȱmonasticȱlifeȱandȱtoȱtakeȱhisȱbrother’s placeȱtoȱdefendȱtheȱCatholicȱfaithȱandȱtoȱopposeȱhereticsȱandȱtheȱenemiesȱofȱChrist inȱ Milan.7ȱ Whileȱ Arialdȱ lived,ȱ Erlembaldȱ wasȱ theȱ secondȱ inȱ commandȱ ofȱ the MilaneseȱbranchȱofȱtheȱPataria.ȱAfterȱAriald’sȱmurderȱinȱ1066,ȱErlembaldȱtook controlȱofȱtheȱmovementȱinȱMilanȱandȱtransformedȱitȱintoȱaȱquasiȬurbanȱmilitia.8 Erlembald’sȱdeathȱinȱaȱstreetȱfightȱignitedȱaȱreactionȱagainstȱtheȱPatariaȱacross Lombardy,ȱwhichȱpushedȱtheȱmovementȱtoȱtheȱfringesȱofȱLombardȱsociety.ȱȱ Butȱ fromȱ theȱ timeȱ ofȱ theȱ Adȱ amicum’sȱ compositionȱ forward,ȱ Bonizoȱ was determinedȱtoȱresuscitateȱtheȱPatariaȱandȱtoȱrestartȱitsȱconflictȱwithȱtheȱLombard

6

7

8

MGH:ȱScriptoresȱ5ȱ(Hanover:ȱHahn,ȱ1844)ȱa.ȱ1082,ȱ437ȱandȱa.ȱ1089,ȱ449.ȱBernoldȱwasȱalsoȱknown asȱBernoldȱofȱConstanceȱorȱBernoldȱofȱAllȱSaints.ȱ WeȱknowȱthatȱBonizoȱwasȱfreeȱagainȱbyȱlateȱ1085ȱorȱearlyȱ1086ȱfromȱcertainȱdetailsȱofȱtheȱAd amicumȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2).Mostȱimportantly,ȱBonizo’sȱnarrativeȱendsȱwithȱGregoryȱVII’sȱdeathȱinȱMayȱof 1085ȱandȱheȱdoesȱnotȱmentionȱtheȱelectionȱofȱGregory’sȱsuccessor,ȱVictorȱIII.ȱHisȱminiȬpanegyric toȱMatildaȱinȱtheȱbook’sȱperorationȱandȱhisȱdenunciationsȱofȱHenryȱandȱtheȱantiȬpopeȱGuibertȱof Ravennaȱ stronglyȱ indicateȱ thatȱ heȱ composedȱ itȱ whileȱ underȱ theȱ countess’sȱ protection.ȱ See Berschin,ȱLebenȱundȱWerkȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱ23.ȱOtherȱevidenceȱbesidesȱtheȱAdȱamicumȱlocatesȱBonizoȱin Matildineȱterritoryȱinȱtheȱmidȱ1080s.ȱInȱadditionȱtoȱaȱnowȱlostȱMatildineȱdiplomaȱofȱ1086,ȱwhich mentionsȱBonizo,ȱbothȱVitaeȱofȱAnselmȱIIȱofȱLuccaȱplaceȱtheȱexiledȱbishopȱofȱSutriȱinȱtheȱMatildine cityȱofȱMantuaȱforȱAnselm’sȱfuneralȱinȱMarchȱofȱ1086.ȱSeeȱBerschin,ȱLebenȱundȱWerkȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1), 10,ȱn.ȱ33.ȱȱ AndrewȱofȱStrumi,ȱVitaȱsanctiȱArialdi,ȱed.ȱFriedrichȱBaethgen.ȱMGH:ȱScriptoresȱ30.2ȱ(Hanover: Antonȱ Hiersemann,ȱ 1934),ȱ Ch.ȱ 15,ȱ 1059.ȱ Andrewȱ relatesȱ thatȱ Erlembaldȱ hadȱ returnedȱ fromȱ a pilgrimageȱtoȱJerusalem. H[erbert].ȱE.ȱJ.ȱCowdrey,ȱ“TheȱPapacy,ȱTheȱPatarenesȱAndȱTheȱChurchȱOfȱMilan,”ȱTransactions ofȱtheȱRoyalȱHistoricalȱSociety,ȱ5thȱser.ȱ18ȱ(London:ȱPrintedȱforȱtheȱSociety,ȱ1968):ȱ25Ȭ48,ȱ35.

220

JohnȱA.ȱDempsey

ecclesiasticalȱestablishment.ȱThisȱdeterminationȱledȱhimȱbeyondȱtheȱboundsȱof Matilda’sȱ territoryȱ toȱ Piacenza.9ȱ There,ȱ sometimeȱ inȱ theȱ lateȱ 1080s,ȱ theȱ city’s Patareneȱfactionȱelectedȱhimȱbishopȱinȱaȱcontroversialȱrumpȱepiscopalȱelection.ȱ Unfortunately,ȱforȱBonizo,ȱhowever,ȱhisȱagendaȱofȱtheȱlateȱ1080sȱranȱcounterȱto thatȱofȱPopeȱUrbanȱIIȱasȱwellȱasȱapparentlyȱthatȱofȱMatilda.ȱAsȱPaulȱFournierȱlong agoȱpointedȱout,ȱinȱtheȱearlyȱyearsȱofȱhisȱpontificateȱUrbanȱsoughtȱdétenteȱwith HenryȱIV’sȱsupporters,ȱtheȱHenricians,ȱespeciallyȱtheȱHenriciansȱofȱtheȱnorthern Italianȱecclesiasticalȱestablishment,ȱwhoȱbelievedȱHenryȱhadȱgoneȱtooȱfarȱinȱhis conflictȱwithȱGregoryȱandȱwantedȱtoȱreturnȱtoȱtheȱpapalȱfold.10ȱInȱorderȱtoȱfacilitate theȱreturnȱofȱsomeȱofȱtheseȱHenriciansȱtoȱtheȱpapalȱcamp,ȱUrbanȱrelaxedȱtheȱrigor ofȱtheȱcanonsȱandȱofȱsomeȱofȱGregory’sȱpolicies.ȱMostȱimportantly,ȱFournierȱwas theȱfirstȱtoȱsuggestȱthatȱMatildaȱwasȱnotȱtheȱonlyȱtargetȱofȱBonizo’sȱireȱinȱtheȱDe vitaȱchristiana.ȱHeȱdiscoveredȱthatȱBonizoȱalsoȱesotericallyȱcensuresȱUrbanȱinȱhis canonicalȱ treatise.11ȱ Fournierȱ speculatedȱ thatȱ theȱ pope’sȱ rapprochementȱ with certainȱelementsȱofȱtheȱHenricianȱpartyȱhadȱdeeplyȱalienatedȱtheȱPatareneȱactivist andȱ exiledȱ bishopȱ ofȱ Sutri.ȱ Moreȱ specifically,ȱ Fournierȱ arguedȱ thatȱ Urban’s patronageȱofȱtheȱerstwhileȱHenrician,ȱBishopȱDaibertȱofȱPisa,ȱcombinedȱwithȱhis failureȱtoȱaidȱBonizoȱinȱhisȱownȱattemptȱtoȱsecureȱtheȱseeȱofȱPiacenzaȱforȱhimself ledȱtheȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana’sȱauthorȱtoȱbreakȱwithȱtheȱpontiff.ȱFurthermore,ȱFournier drewȱaȱconnectionȱbetweenȱBonizo’sȱantiȬpapalȱpolemicȱinȱtheȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana andȱ hisȱ aforementionedȱ esotericȱ criticismȱ ofȱ hisȱ formerȱ patronessȱ Matilda. FournierȱarguedȱthatȱitȱwasȱMatilda’sȱsteadfastȱloyaltyȱtoȱUrbanȱasȱwellȱasȱher sponsorshipȱofȱDaibertȱthatȱearnedȱherȱBonizo’sȱscorn.12ȱInȱaddition,ȱlikeȱUrban, MatildaȱtooȱfailedȱtoȱcomeȱtoȱBonizo’sȱaidȱinȱPiacenza.ȱAsȱitȱturnedȱout,ȱBonizo’s bidȱ forȱ theȱ bishopricȱ endedȱ inȱ totalȱ disaster.ȱ Hisȱ aristocraticȱ opponentsȱ there brutallyȱassaultedȱhimȱandȱforcedȱhimȱtoȱfleeȱtheȱcityȱaȱcrippledȱman.ȱ Inȱhisȱarticle,ȱhowever,ȱFournierȱonlyȱpartiallyȱunveiledȱtheȱnegativeȱpolemical lineȱofȱargumentȱagainstȱtheȱpopeȱandȱcountessȱinȱtheȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana.ȱBonizo censuresȱUrbanȱandȱMatildaȱforȱanȱadditionalȱreasonȱunexploredȱbyȱFournier.ȱOn

9

10

11

12

WeȱknowȱofȱBonizo’sȱpresenceȱinȱPiacenzaȱfromȱtheȱreportȱofȱBenzoȱofȱAlbaȱinȱBookȱ1ȱofȱhisȱAd Henricumȱ IVȱ imperatoremȱ libriȱ VIIȱ andȱ fromȱ Popeȱ Urbanȱ II’sȱ correspondenceȱ inȱ theȱ Collectio Britannica. PaulȱFournier,ȱ“BonizoȱdeȱSutriȱ,ȱUrbainȱIIȱetȱlaȱcomtesseȱMathildeȱd‘aprèsȱleȱLiberȱdeȱvitaȱchristiana deȱBonizo,”ȱBibliothèqueȱdeȱl’ÉcoleȱdesȱChartesȱ76ȱ(1915):ȱ265–98,ȱesp.ȱ283–86. TheȱtwoȱforemostȱBonizoȱscholarsȱofȱtheȱtwentiethȱcentury,ȱErnstȱPerelsȱandȱWalterȱBerschin,ȱdid notȱembraceȱFournier’sȱthesisȱconcerningȱtheȱriftȱbetweenȱBonizoȱandȱtheȱpope.ȱWhereasȱPerels essentiallyȱ ignoredȱ Fournier’sȱ analysis,ȱ Berschinȱ acknowledgedȱ thatȱ Bonizoȱ displaysȱ some antipathyȱtowardsȱUrbanȱinȱtheȱDeȱvitaȱchristianaȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3)ȱbutȱheȱdidȱnotȱthinkȱtheȱriftȱbetween theȱpairȱwasȱasȱseriousȱasȱFournierȱbelieved.ȱSeeȱBerschin,ȱLebenȱundȱWerk,ȱ17ȱn.ȱ62ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1). Fournier,ȱ“BonizoȱdeȱSutri,”ȱ295–96ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10).

BonizoȱofȱSutri’sȱResponseȱtoȱHereticalȱPrinces

221

aȱnumberȱofȱgrounds,ȱBonizoȱlambastesȱtheȱduoȱforȱMatilda’sȱabandonmentȱofȱher vowȱofȱholyȱwidowhoodȱforȱmarriageȱtoȱtheȱteenagedȱWelfȱVȱofȱBavariaȱinȱ1089. Thisȱnegativeȱpolemicalȱlineȱofȱargumentȱagainstȱpopeȱandȱcountessȱisȱcentral toȱtheȱpurposeȱofȱtheȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana.ȱEspeciallyȱafterȱhisȱexperienceȱinȱPiacenza, Bonizoȱwasȱconvincedȱthatȱtheȱmenȱtoȱwhomȱtheȱpopeȱwasȱextendingȱanȱolive branchȱ wereȱ leopardsȱ whoȱ couldȱ notȱ changeȱ theirȱ spotsȱ soȱ toȱ speak.ȱ Urban’s détenteȱ policyȱ andȱ relaxationȱ ofȱ theȱ canonsȱ wereȱ thusȱ anathemaȱ toȱ him. Unbelievably,ȱGregory’sȱgreatestȱlayȱally,ȱtheȱcountessȱofȱTuscany,ȱsupportedȱthe rapprochementȱwithȱerstwhileȱHenriciansȱbyȱembracingȱtheȱlikesȱofȱDaibertȱof Pisa.ȱFundamentally,ȱtheȱDeȱvitaȱchristianaȱconstitutesȱaȱtreasureȱchestȱintoȱwhich BonizoȱtheȱPatareneȱdoctorȱplacesȱtheȱprinciplesȱofȱ“true”ȱreligionȱforȱsafekeeping againstȱtheȱrecklessȱdétenteȱofȱpopeȱandȱcountessȱthatȱthreatenedȱtoȱresultȱinȱthe restorationȱofȱtheȱpreȬPatareneȱecclesiasticalȱstatusȱquoȱinȱLombardyȱandȱbeyond. Theȱtreatiseȱisȱtheȱcomplaintȱofȱaȱpopularȱreformerȱwhoȱbelievedȱtheȱcauseȱofȱthe gospelȱ betrayedȱ byȱ theȱ papalȱ reformers.ȱ Bonizoȱ hadȱ givenȱ upȱ onȱ theȱ struggle againstȱemperorȱandȱantiȬpope.ȱSoȱdisillusionedȱwasȱtheȱbishopȱofȱSutriȱthatȱhe anticipatedȱtheȱarrivalȱofȱtheȱAntichrist.13

II.ȱTheȱSummonsȱtoȱHolyȱCivilȱWarȱinȱtheȱAdȱamicum InȱorderȱtoȱconvinceȱhisȱsidelinedȱPatareneȱcompatriotsȱtoȱjoinȱforcesȱwithȱthe papalȱ reformȱ partyȱ andȱ Matildaȱ againstȱ Henryȱ andȱ hisȱ antiȬpope,ȱ heȱ hadȱ to persuadeȱthemȱtoȱseeȱthisȱpresentȱstruggleȱasȱaȱcontinuationȱofȱtheirȱownȱstruggle ofȱtheȱ1060sȱandȱ1070s.ȱThus,ȱinȱtheȱAdȱamicum,ȱheȱhadȱtoȱsetȱtheseȱstrugglesȱwithin aȱbroaderȱcontext,ȱexplainingȱwhereȱtheȱpapalȱreformȱmovementȱandȱtheȱPataria fitȱinȱChristianȱhistory.ȱBonizoȱexplainsȱthatȱtheȱpapalȱreform,ȱespeciallyȱinȱtheȱlife andȱministryȱofȱHildebrand/Gregory,ȱandȱtheȱactivityȱofȱtheȱPatariaȱandȱitsȱgreatest leadersȱ (Arialdȱ ofȱ Vareseȱ andȱ Landulfȱ andȱ Erlembaldȱ Cotta)ȱ formedȱ partȱ ofȱ a seamlessȱgarmentȱofȱrighteousȱactivityȱthatȱextendedȱbackȱtoȱtheȱapostolicȱage.ȱTo thisȱend,ȱheȱgreatlyȱromanticizesȱtheȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱtheȱRomanȱreformers andȱHildebrand/GregoryȱonȱtheȱoneȱhandȱandȱtheȱPatariaȱonȱtheȱotherȱhandȱinȱhis history.ȱBonizo’sȱnarrativeȱcoversȱoverȱallȱtheȱroughȱspotsȱandȱambiguitiesȱthat existedȱinȱtheȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱtheȱtwoȱmovements.ȱAccordingȱtoȱBonizo,ȱfor theirȱefforts,ȱtheȱpapalȱreformers,ȱespeciallyȱHildebrand/Gregory,ȱandȱtheȱPataria incurredȱtheȱwrathȱofȱtheȱsameȱsetȱofȱvillainsȱandȱagentsȱofȱtheȱdevil:ȱprincipally HenryȱandȱtheȱLombardȱaristocracy.ȱInȱaȱmannerȱofȱspeaking,ȱBonizo’sȱhistory constitutesȱanȱexerciseȱinȱtheȱpurificationȱ(alongȱpartisanȱlines)ȱofȱhisȱcomrades’

13

Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ2.ȱ40:ȱ54ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).

222

JohnȱA.ȱDempsey

collectiveȱmemoryȱconcerningȱtheȱministryȱofȱHildebrand/Gregoryȱandȱtheȱorigin, purpose,ȱ andȱ historyȱ ofȱ theirȱ ownȱ movement.ȱ Heȱ wantsȱ themȱ toȱ recallȱ the connectionȱbetweenȱtheirȱmovementȱandȱtheȱlateȱpopeȱandȱconcludeȱthatȱtheir armedȱ defenseȱ ofȱ theȱ Gregorianȱ causeȱ isȱ tantamountȱ toȱ defendingȱ theirȱ own formerȱcauseȱandȱitsȱvaluesȱwithȱtheȱprospectȱthatȱtheirȱoldȱlostȱcauseȱmightȱyetȱbe retrieved. ButȱbyȱwhatȱdeviceȱmightȱBonizoȱprodȱhisȱfellowȱPatarenesȱtoȱtakeȱupȱtheȱsword onceȱmore?ȱAsȱheȱhimselfȱtellsȱus,ȱitȱwasȱtheȱinquiriesȱofȱhisȱamicus,ȱhisȱfriendȱthat presentedȱhimȱwithȱtheȱopportunityȱtoȱstirȱhisȱcolleaguesȱtoȱaction.ȱAtȱtheȱvery startȱofȱhisȱhistory,ȱtheȱbishopȱofȱSutriȱrelatesȱthatȱtwoȱquestionsȱposedȱtoȱhimȱby hisȱfriendȱnecessitatedȱhisȱwork’sȱcomposition.ȱHisȱfriendȱwantedȱtoȱknowȱwhyȱit wasȱ thatȱ inȱ aȱ timeȱ ofȱ tribulationȱ theȱ criesȱ ofȱ Motherȱ Churchȱ seeminglyȱ go unansweredȱasȱtheȱsonsȱofȱobedienceȱandȱpeaceȱlieȱprostrate,ȱwhileȱtheȱsonsȱof Belialȱrejoiceȱwithȱtheirȱking.14ȱGivenȱtheȱwayȱtheȱrestȱofȱtheȱAdȱamicumȱunfolds, itȱisȱvirtuallyȱcertainȱthatȱtheȱkingȱinȱquestionȱhereȱisȱHenry.ȱBonizo’sȱfriendȱalso askedȱhimȱifȱthereȱwasȱanyȱwarrantȱinȱtheȱancientȱlessonsȱofȱtheȱholyȱfathersȱforȱa Christianȱinȱtheȱpastȱorȱinȱtheȱpresentȱtoȱfightȱforȱreligiousȱtruthȱwithȱmilitary arms?15ȱBonizoȱandȱhisȱcompanionȱclearlyȱdesiredȱsomethingȱmoreȱthanȱjustȱa spiritualȱvictoryȱoverȱtheȱsonsȱofȱBelialȱandȱtheirȱking.ȱNoticeȱtooȱthatȱtheȱaccent onȱtheȱfriend’sȱinquiryȱisȱonȱtheȱindividualȱChristian’sȱ(presumablyȱtheȱindividual Christianȱ knight’s)ȱ abilityȱ toȱ defendȱ dogmaȱ withȱ theȱ swordȱ andȱ notȱ onȱ the institutionalȱChurch’sȱabilityȱtoȱdemandȱsuchȱservices.ȱInȱproducingȱhisȱanswerȱto hisȱcolleague’sȱquestion,ȱBonizoȱsimilarlyȱaccentuatesȱtheȱabilityȱofȱtheȱCatholic faithfulȱ toȱ riseȱ upȱ inȱ defenseȱ ofȱ religiousȱ truthȱ andȱ notȱ onȱ theȱ papacy’sȱ orȱ the hierarchy’sȱ powerȱ toȱ summonȱ suchȱ aȱ service.ȱ Thisȱ isȱ somewhatȱ inȱ contraȬ distinctionȱtoȱtheȱapproachȱofȱBonizo’sȱmoreȱfamousȱcontemporary,ȱAnselmȱIIȱof Lucca,ȱ who,ȱ inȱ hisȱ Collectioȱ canonumȱ (Collectionȱ ofȱ Canons),ȱ emphasizesȱ the authorityȱ ofȱ theȱ institutionalȱ Churchȱ toȱ summonȱ theȱ faithfulȱ toȱ holyȱ war.ȱ No doubt,ȱtheirȱPatareneȱorientationȱcontributedȱgreatlyȱtoȱBonizo’sȱandȱhisȱfriend’s moreȱ popularȱ perspectiveȱ onȱ theȱ issueȱ ofȱ holyȱ war.ȱ Afterȱ all,ȱ theȱ Patariaȱ was engagedȱinȱreligiousȱviolenceȱbeforeȱtheȱreformȱpapacyȱsetȱitsȱsealȱonȱitsȱmartial activityȱinȱ1065ȱwhenȱPopeȱAlexanderȱIIȱbestowedȱtheȱvexillumȱsanctiȱPetriȱ(banner ofȱSt.ȱPeter)ȱonȱErlembaldȱCotta.

14 15

Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ1:ȱ571ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2). Bonizo,ȱ Adȱ amicum,ȱ 1:ȱ 571ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 2):ȱ “Estȱ etȱ aliud,ȱ undeȱ deȱ veteribusȱ sanctorumȱ partum exemplisȱ aȱ meȱ petisȱ auctoritatem:ȱ Siȱ licuitȱ velȱ licetȱ christianoȱ proȱ dogmateȱ armisȱ decertare.” (Thereȱisȱanotherȱ[question],ȱyouȱseekȱfromȱmeȱverificationȱfromȱtheȱancientȱlessonsȱofȱtheȱholy FathersȱasȱtoȱwhetherȱitȱwasȱlawfulȱorȱisȱnowȱlawfulȱforȱaȱChristianȱtoȱfightȱforȱdoctrineȱwith weapons).ȱAllȱtranslationsȱofȱtheȱAdȱamicumȱareȱmyȱown.

BonizoȱofȱSutri’sȱResponseȱtoȱHereticalȱPrinces

223

Inȱ Bookȱ 1,ȱ inȱ answerȱ toȱ hisȱ friend’sȱ secondȱ question,ȱ Bonizoȱ willȱ unveilȱ the “ancient”ȱChristianȱdoctrineȱofȱholyȱcivilȱwar.ȱBasically,ȱheȱwillȱargueȱinȱtheȱAd amicumȱthatȱinȱtheȱ1060sȱandȱ70sȱtheȱPatarenesȱwereȱunknowingȱpractitionersȱof thisȱ doctrine.ȱ Inȱ Bookȱ 1ȱ itself,ȱ however,ȱ Bonizoȱ willȱ produceȱ aȱ scriptural justificationȱforȱtheȱallegedlyȱantiqueȱdogmaȱofȱholyȱcivilȱwar.ȱHere,ȱheȱobserves thatȱAbrahamȱhadȱtwoȱsons:ȱoneȱbyȱhisȱslaveȱHagarȱandȱanotherȱbyȱhisȱfreeborn wife,ȱ Sarah.ȱ Inȱ anȱ allusionȱ toȱ St.ȱ Paul’sȱ reasoningȱ inȱ Romansȱ 9ȱ thatȱ notȱ all descendantsȱofȱAbrahamȱbyȱbirthȱareȱhisȱtrueȱspiritualȱchildren,ȱBonizoȱwritesȱthat Hagar’sȱsonȱIshmaelȱrepresentsȱallȱthoseȱwhoȱareȱdescendantsȱofȱAbrahamȱbyȱthe fleshȱ aloneȱ andȱ Sarah’sȱ sonȱ Isaacȱ representsȱ theȱ trueȱ spiritualȱ descendantsȱ of Abraham.ȱAccordingȱtoȱBonizo,ȱwhereasȱtheȱfreebornȱsonȱIsaacȱrepresentsȱthe Catholicȱ peoples,ȱ theȱ concubine’sȱ sonȱ representsȱ allȱ heretics.16ȱ Inȱ Abraham’s banishmentȱandȱdisinheritanceȱofȱIshmaelȱandȱhisȱmotherȱatȱSarah’sȱrequestȱin Genesisȱ 21ȱ forȱ theirȱ tauntingȱ ofȱ littleȱ Isaac,ȱ Bonizoȱ findsȱ theȱ warrantȱ forȱ the physicalȱ suppressionȱ ofȱ belligerentȱ heretics.17ȱ Inȱ Isaac’sȱ subsequentȱ patient enduranceȱofȱhisȱmistreatmentȱatȱtheȱhandsȱofȱhisȱPhilistineȱneighborsȱinȱGenesis 26,ȱ heȱ findsȱ theȱ justificationȱ forȱ theȱ passiveȱ enduranceȱ byȱ Christiansȱ ofȱ the persecutionsȱofȱnonȬChristians.18ȱTheseȱtwoȱepisodesȱdemonstrateȱclearlyȱtoȱBonizo thatȱwhenȱpersecutionȱcomesȱfromȱthoseȱoutsideȱtheȱChristianȱcommunity,ȱitȱmust beȱovercomeȱbyȱpatientȱenduranceȱofȱit;ȱbutȱwhenȱbelligerentȱfellowȱChristians ignoreȱtheȱevangelicalȱscytheȱofȱpreaching,ȱtheyȱmustȱbeȱovercomeȱbyȱarms.19

16 17

18 19

Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ1:ȱ572. Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ1:ȱ572.ȱBonizoȱwasȱhardlyȱtheȱfirstȱChurchmanȱtoȱfindȱaȱrationaleȱforȱthe punishmentȱofȱoneȱgroupȱofȱChristiansȱbyȱanotherȱinȱtheȱantagonismȱbetweenȱIsaacȱandȱIshmael. InȱGalatiansȱ4:21–5:1,ȱPaulȱemploysȱtheȱbanishmentȱofȱIshamelȱinȱGenesisȱ21ȱasȱaȱrationaleȱforȱthe GalatianȱChristiansȱtoȱcutȱoffȱrelationsȱwithȱJudaizingȱChristians,ȱwhoȱinsistedȱthatȱportionsȱofȱthe MosaicȱLawȱwereȱobligatoryȱforȱChristians.ȱMuchȱlaterȱinȱtime,ȱinȱhisȱLetterȱ185,ȱAugustineȱof HippoȱfoundȱinȱtheȱbanishmentȱofȱIshmaelȱandȱhisȱmotherȱaȱjustificationȱforȱtheȱRomanȱstate’s suppressionȱofȱtheȱDonatistȱheretics.ȱSeeȱAugustine,ȱLetters,ȱ4:ȱ163–203,ȱtrans.ȱWilfridȱParsons S.N.D.ȱTheȱFathersȱOfȱTheȱChurch:ȱAȱNewȱTranslation,ȱed.ȱRoyȱJ[oseph]ȱDeferrariȱ(NewȱYork: FathersȱofȱtheȱChurch,ȱ1955),ȱ12:ȱ152.ȱSinceȱheȱcitesȱaȱfewȱlinesȱfromȱthisȱletterȱinȱAdȱamicum,ȱ8, Bonizoȱwasȱobviouslyȱsomewhatȱfamiliarȱwithȱitsȱcontents.ȱSeeȱBonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ8:ȱ619.ȱAnselm IIȱofȱLuccaȱalsoȱcitedȱportionsȱofȱthisȱAugustinianȱtextȱinȱBookȱ13ȱofȱhisȱCollectioȱcanonum.ȱLike Augustine,ȱ Anselmȱ employedȱ Sarah’sȱ banishmentȱ ofȱ Hagarȱ asȱ aȱ rationaleȱ forȱ militaryȱ action againstȱ deviantȱ Christians.ȱ Seeȱ Anselmȱ ofȱ Lucca,ȱ Collectioȱ canonum,ȱ ed.ȱ Friedrichȱ Thaner (Innsbruck:ȱLibrariaeȱAcademicaeȱWagnerianae,ȱ1906–1915).ȱ Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ1:ȱ572. Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ1:ȱ572:ȱ“luceȱclariusȱdemonstrans:ȱcumȱpersecutioȱabȱhisȱquiȱforisȱsuntȱnobis infertur,ȱ tolerandoȱ devincendam,ȱ cumȱ veroȱ abȱ hisȱ quiȱ intusȱ sunt,ȱ evangelicaȱ falceȱ prius succidendamȱetȱposteaȱomnibusȱviribusȱetȱarmisȱdebellandam.”ȱ(Thisȱprovesȱmoreȱclearlyȱthan lightȱthatȱpersecutionȱbyȱnonȬChristiansȱmustȱbeȱovercomeȱbyȱenduringȱit.ȱHowever,ȱpersecution byȱfellowȱChristiansȱmustȱfirstȱbeȱcutȱdownȱbyȱtheȱscytheȱofȱpreaching,ȱandȱthereafter,ȱitȱmustȱbe vanquishedȱwithȱallȱvigorȱandȱarms).

224

JohnȱA.ȱDempsey

NotablyȱinȱtheȱfinalȱsectionȱofȱBookȱ1,ȱfollowingȱtheȱunveilingȱofȱthisȱancient teaching,ȱBonizoȱturnsȱasideȱfromȱallegoryȱandȱfocusesȱonȱhowȱtheȱChristianȱfaith expandedȱ inȱ theȱ Romanȱ Empire.ȱ Theȱ basicȱ themeȱ ofȱ thisȱ segmentȱ isȱ patient enduranceȱ ofȱ persecutionȱ leadsȱ toȱ victory.ȱ Theȱ greatestȱ exampleȱ ofȱ suffering leadingȱtoȱvictoryȱwasȱofȱcourseȱtheȱpassion,ȱdeath,ȱandȱresurrectionȱofȱJesus.ȱThe Adȱ amicum’sȱ authorȱ pointsȱ outȱ thatȱ theȱ apostlesȱ andȱ martyrsȱ tooȱ triumphed throughȱsuffering.ȱButȱforȱBonizo,ȱasideȱfromȱtheȱresurrectionȱofȱJesus,ȱtheȱbest historicalȱexampleȱofȱChristianȱsufferingȱleadingȱtoȱvictoryȱwasȱtheȱconversionȱof theȱ emperorȱ Constantine.ȱ Heȱ teachesȱ thatȱ theȱ preȬConstantinianȱ Church,ȱ and especiallyȱtheȱRomanȱsee,ȱhadȱfoughtȱtheȱdevilȱthroughȱtheȱpatientȱenduranceȱof persecutionȱandȱfinallyȱtriumphedȱoverȱ“theȱancientȱEnemy”ȱwhenȱConstantine receivedȱbaptismȱatȱPopeȱSylvester’sȱhands.ȱWithȱtheȱRomanȱemperor’sȱbaptism, theȱ Romanȱ Seeȱ hadȱ subjectedȱ theȱ imperialȱ officeȱ toȱ itsȱ authority.20ȱ Thus,ȱ the emperorȱ wasȱ thenceforthȱ aȱ memberȱ ofȱ Jesus’sȱ flockȱ andȱ subjectȱ toȱ theȱ Roman pontiff.ȱPresumably,ȱthen,ȱanȱincorrigibleȱhereticalȱemperorȱwhoȱpersecutesȱthe RomanȱpontiffȱandȱtheȱtrueȱfaithȱwouldȱwarrantȱcorrectionȱbyȱtheȱCatholicȱfaithful withȱtheȱmaterialȱsword.ȱThisȱisȱpreciselyȱhowȱinȱtheȱrestȱofȱhisȱworkȱBonizoȱwill portrayȱtheȱsituationȱbetweenȱHenry,ȱGregory,ȱandȱtheȱlayȱ(i.ȱe.,ȱtheȱPatarene) faithful.ȱOfȱcourse,ȱitȱshouldȱbeȱnotedȱthatȱWalterȱBerschinȱhasȱarguedȱthatȱBonizo onlyȱ singlesȱ outȱ theȱ antiȬpopeȱ Guibertȱ ofȱ Ravennaȱ forȱ punishmentȱ inȱ theȱ Ad amicumȱ andȱ notȱ Henry.21ȱ However,ȱ asȱ willȱ beȱ demonstrated,ȱ theȱ evidenceȱ is overwhelmingȱthatȱtheȱbishopȱofȱSutriȱwantedȱbothȱmenȱpunished. Inȱfact,ȱBonizo’sȱindictmentȱofȱHenryȱasȱaȱwickedȱprinceȱbeginsȱinȱearnestȱin Booksȱ2–5.ȱInȱtheseȱBooks,ȱtheȱbishopȱofȱSutriȱpresentsȱtheȱdocumentaȱandȱexempla ofȱvariousȱ“good”ȱChristianȱemperorsȱandȱkingsȱfromȱtheȱageȱofȱConstantineȱup toȱthatȱofȱHenryȱIV’sȱfather,ȱHenryȱIII.ȱHeȱalsoȱdiscussesȱtheȱpoorȱexampleȱsetȱby differentȱ wickedȱ Christianȱ princesȱ inȱ thisȱ sameȱ timeȱ period.ȱ Bonizoȱ neatly summarizesȱ theȱ qualitiesȱ ofȱ aȱ goodȱ Christianȱ prince:ȱ namely,ȱ deferenceȱ toȱ the adviceȱofȱbishops,ȱobedienceȱtoȱtheȱRomanȱpontiff,ȱprotectionȱofȱchurches,ȱesteem forȱtheȱclergy,ȱhonoringȱofȱpriests,ȱandȱtheȱgovernanceȱofȱtheȱresȱpublicaȱ(theȱpolity)

20

21

Bonizo,ȱ Adȱ amicum,ȱ 1:ȱ 573:ȱ “Quiȱ aȱ beatoȱ [Petro]ȱ apostolorumȱ principeȱ sumensȱ exordiumȱ per ducentosȱfermeȱannosȱusqueȱadȱpiiȱConstantiniȱtemporaȱcontinuisȱbellorumȱsuccessibusȱdiebus noctibusqueȱ cumȱ antiqueȱ hosteȱ decertans,ȱ XXXIIIȱ vicibusȱ deȱ eodemȱ veternosoȱ serpente triumphans,ȱnonȱanteȱdesiitȱtolerandoȱcertare,ȱsubiciensȱsibiȱprincipatusȱetȱpotestates,ȱquamȱipsum Romaniȱimperiiȱducemȱchristianaeȱsubiceretȱreligioni.”ȱ(Whichȱ[episcopalȱcrown]ȱfromȱtheȱtime ofȱBlessedȱPeterȱtheȱprinceȱofȱtheȱApostlesȱandȱforȱnearlyȱtwoȱhundredȱyearsȱfoughtȱforȱdaysȱand nightsȱinȱaȱcontinuousȱsuccessionȱofȱwarsȱwithȱtheȱAncientȱEnemy.ȱAfterȱthirtyȬthreeȱsuccessions (toȱthatȱsee),ȱtheȱRomanȱepiscopateȱtriumphedȱoverȱthatȱPoisonousȱSerpent.ȱYetȱnotȱbeforeȱit ceasedȱ toȱ contendȱ throughȱ toleratingȱ abuse,ȱ thisȱ episcopateȱ subjectedȱ theȱ principateȱ andȱ the magistratesȱtoȱitself,ȱwhenȱitȱsubjectedȱtheȱveryȱleaderȱofȱtheȱRomanȱEmpireȱtoȱtheȱChristian religion). BerschinȱLebenȱundȱWerk,ȱ110,ȱn.ȱ502ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).

BonizoȱofȱSutri’sȱResponseȱtoȱHereticalȱPrinces

225

inȱpeace.22ȱConversely,ȱtheȱpersecutionȱofȱtheȱclergy,ȱtheȱspreadȱofȱheresy,ȱand militaryȱdisastersȱareȱtheȱchiefȱcharacteristicsȱofȱtheȱreignsȱofȱBonizo’sȱbadȱprinces. ItȱisȱallȱtooȱclearȱintoȱwhatȱcolumnȱBonizoȱwantedȱhisȱPatareneȱaudienceȱtoȱplace Henry.ȱToȱborrowȱanȱexpressionȱfromȱKarlȱMorrison,ȱoneȱcouldȱsayȱthatȱinȱthese booksȱBonizoȱemploysȱbothȱaȱmethodȱofȱassociationȱbyȱcontrastȱ(visȬàȬvisȱHenry andȱtheȱgoodȱrulers)ȱandȱbyȱlikenessȱ(visȬàȬvisȱHenryȱandȱtheȱwickedȱprinces).23 IfȱhisȱaudienceȱstillȱhadȱanyȱdoubtsȱaboutȱHenry’sȱwickednessȱafterȱhearingȱBooks 2–5,ȱthenȱhisȱsubsequentȱnarrativeȱofȱHenry’sȱreignȱinȱBooksȱ6–9ȱmakesȱitȱclearȱthat theȱGermanȱemperorȱqualifiedȱasȱaȱbadȱChristianȱprince.ȱInȱthisȱregard,ȱperhaps theȱmostȱdamningȱchargeȱthatȱheȱlevelsȱatȱHenryȱisȱtheȱlatter’sȱcomplicityȱinȱthe Lombardȱaristocracy’sȱcampaignȱagainstȱtheȱPataria. InȱbuildingȱhisȱcaseȱagainstȱHenryȱandȱinȱfavorȱofȱholyȱcivilȱwarȱagainstȱhim, Bonizoȱalsoȱemploysȱbothȱancientȱandȱmodernȱexemplaȱofȱwhatȱheȱdeemsȱrighteous holyȱ violence.ȱ Inȱ Bookȱ 2,ȱ heȱ citesȱ severalȱ episodesȱ takenȱ fromȱ Cassiodorus’s HistoriaȱEcclesiasticaȱTripartitaȱ(TripartiteȱEcclesiasticalȱHistory).ȱHeȱapplaudsȱthe CatholicsȱofȱConstantinople,ȱwho,ȱoutȱofȱzealȱforȱtheȱdivineȱlaw,ȱburnedȱtoȱdeath theȱ imperialȱ prefectȱ Hermogenesȱ andȱ hisȱ entireȱ householdȱ whenȱ theȱ latter attemptedȱ toȱ expelȱ Bishopȱ Paulȱ ofȱ Constantinopleȱ atȱ theȱ behestȱ ofȱ theȱ wicked emperorȱConstantius.ȱSignificantly,ȱBonizoȱlaudsȱtheȱMilaneseȱfaithfulȱforȱtheir armedȱ resistanceȱ againstȱ Constantiusȱ whenȱ heȱ attemptedȱ toȱ arrestȱ aȱ groupȱ of orthodoxȱbishopsȱwhoȱlayȱhiddenȱinȱaȱchurch.24 Modernȱ exemplaȱ ofȱ righteousȱ violenceȱ existȱ asȱ well.ȱ Moreȱ precisely,ȱ Bonizo presentsȱhisȱaudienceȱwithȱthreeȱexemplaȱofȱcontemporaryȱmartyredȱholyȱwarriors. HeȱpraisesȱtheȱheroicȱsacrificeȱofȱtheȱsoldiersȱwhoȱfoughtȱandȱdiedȱunderȱPopeȱLeo IX’sȱcommandȱatȱCivitateȱ(1053)ȱagainstȱtheȱNormans,25ȱtheȱRomanȱprefectȱand GregorianȱallyȱCenciusȱIohannis,26ȱandȱtheȱPatareneȱknight,ȱErlembaldȱCotta.27ȱOf theȱthreeȱexempla,ȱErlembaldȱisȱbyȱfarȱtheȱmostȱimportant.ȱBonizoȱhasȱlittleȱmore toȱsayȱaboutȱtheȱotherȱtwoȱexceptȱthatȱmiraclesȱtookȱplaceȱatȱtheirȱtombs.28ȱOnȱthe otherȱhand,ȱasȱstatedȱbefore,ȱErlembaldȱisȱaȱmajorȱfigureȱinȱtheȱAdȱamicum.ȱTo Bonizo,ȱErlembaldȱwasȱtheȱoneȱ“protectedȱbyȱGod”,ȱ“theȱbraveȱsoldierȱofȱGod”, aȱsecondȱJudasȱMaccabeus,ȱwhoȱstoodȱatȱtheȱheadȱofȱaȱ“multitudeȱofȱtheȱarmyȱof

22 23

24 25 26 27 28

Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ2:ȱ575. KarlȱF.ȱMorrison,ȱ“PeterȱDamianȱonȱKingȱandȱPope:ȱAnȱExerciseȱinȱAssociationȱbyȱContrast,” KingsȱandȱKingship,ȱed.ȱJoelȱRosenthal.Actaȱ(StateȱUniversityȱofȱNewȱYorkȱatȱBinghamton.ȱCenter forȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱRenaissanceȱStudies)ȱ11.ȱ(Binghamton:ȱCEMERS,ȱ1984),ȱ89–112,ȱ90.ȱ Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ2:ȱ574. Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ5:ȱ589. Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ8:ȱ611. Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ6:ȱ598. OnȱtheȱfallenȱatȱCivitate,ȱseeȱBonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ5:ȱ589.ȱOnȱCenciusȱIohannis,ȱseeȱBonizo,ȱAd amicum,ȱ8:ȱ611.

226

JohnȱA.ȱDempsey

God”ȱandȱfoughtȱtheȱ“enemiesȱofȱGod”29ȱandȱ“theȱwarȱofȱtheȱLord”.30ȱHeȱrecalls andȱcelebratesȱvariousȱepisodesȱinȱwhichȱErlembaldȱledȱtheȱPatareneȱfaithfulȱin battleȱagainstȱMilan’sȱaristocraticȱfaction.31 TheȱAdȱamicum’sȱauthorȱinformsȱhisȱPatareneȱaudienceȱaboutȱthoseȱactorsȱwho bothȱ supportedȱ andȱ opposedȱ theirȱ movementȱ inȱ itsȱ epicȱ struggleȱ againstȱ the LombardȱaristocracyȱinȱgeneralȱandȱtheȱMilaneseȱcapitaneiȱandȱvavassours,ȱ“the sellersȱ ofȱ theȱ churches,”ȱ inȱ particular.32ȱ Bonizoȱ makesȱ itȱ clearȱ thatȱ theȱ Roman reformersȱwereȱstaunchȱsupportersȱofȱtheȱPatariaȱinȱMilanȱandȱelsewhere.33ȱBut, noneȱ ofȱ theȱ Romanȱ reformersȱ wasȱ asȱ PatareneȬlikeȱ asȱ Hildebrand/Gregory. Hildebrand/GregoryȱisȱaȱmajorȱfigureȱinȱBonizo’sȱhistory.ȱSomeȱhaveȱgoneȱsoȱfar asȱtoȱcallȱtheȱAdȱamicumȱaȱlifeȱofȱGregory.34ȱBonizoȱportraysȱHildebrand/Gregory asȱsomethingȱmoreȱthanȱjustȱaȱPatareneȱallyȱorȱpatron.ȱByȱhighlightingȱthoseȱpoints ofȱstrongȱideologicalȱagreementȱbetweenȱHildebrand/GregoryȱandȱtheȱPatariaȱas wellȱasȱbyȱemployingȱcharacteristicȱPatareneȱturnsȱofȱphraseȱinȱhisȱdescriptionȱof hisȱecclesiasticalȱcareer,ȱBonizoȱpresentsȱtheȱpopeȱtoȱhisȱcolleaguesȱasȱaȱfellow Patarene.35ȱForȱGregoryȱwasȱtheȱPatareneȱpope. WhileȱBonizoȱdoesȱnotȱlinkȱCountessȱMatildaȱtoȱtheȱPatareneȱcauseȱdirectly,ȱhe doesȱweaveȱintoȱhisȱnarrativeȱepisodesȱhighlightingȱtheȱhouseȱofȱCanossa’sȱservice toȱtheȱreformȱpapacy.36ȱTheȱcountessȱisȱtherebyȱaȱPatareneȱbyȱassociation. Theȱ bishopȱ ofȱ Sutriȱ presentsȱ Henryȱ asȱ theȱ enemyȱ ofȱ theȱ Pataria.ȱ Thisȱ fact stronglyȱ indicatesȱ thatȱ Bonizoȱ indeedȱ wantedȱ hisȱ oldȱ comradesȱ toȱ wageȱ war againstȱHenryȱasȱwellȱasȱtheȱantiȬpope.ȱWhyȱelseȱwouldȱBonizoȱrouseȱhisȱaudience againstȱtheȱGermanȱmonarchȱunlessȱheȱwantedȱhimȱpunished?ȱBonizoȱrelatesȱthat atȱoneȱpoint,ȱGodfrey,ȱoneȱofȱtheȱconservativeȱcandidatesȱtoȱsucceedȱArchbishop GuidoȱofȱMilan,ȱofferedȱtheȱGermanȱkingȱaȱdeal:ȱifȱHenryȱwouldȱinvestȱhimȱas archbishop,ȱ heȱ promisedȱ thatȱ theȱ Patariaȱ wouldȱ beȱ destroyedȱ andȱ Erlembald

29 30 31 32 33

34 35

36

Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ6:ȱ598–599. Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ7:ȱ605. Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ6:ȱ598–99. Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ7:ȱ604. InȱBookȱ6,ȱBonizoȱincludesȱaȱletterȱwrittenȱtoȱCremona’sȱPatareneȱfactionȱbyȱPopeȱAlexanderȱII. SeeȱBonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ6:ȱ597–98. I[an]ȱS[tuart]ȱRobinson,ȱ“TheȱFriendshipȱNetworkȱOfȱGregoryȱVII,”ȱHistoryȱ63ȱ(1978):ȱ1–22,ȱ14.ȱ OnȱBonizo’sȱportrayalȱofȱHildebrand/GregoryȱasȱaȱPatarene,ȱseeȱJohnȱAndrewȱDempsey,ȱ“Bonizo ofȱSutri:ȱLifeȱandȱWork,”ȱPh.D.ȱdiss.,ȱBostonȱUniversity,ȱ2006,ȱ220–27.ȱBonizoȱalsoȱdrawsȱuponȱa PatareneȱhagiographicalȱtraditionȱaboutȱArialdȱofȱVareseȱasȱtheȱgoodȱdiscipleȱwhoȱmirrorsȱthe holyȱmasterȱJesusȱinȱhisȱportrayalȱofȱGregory.ȱSeeȱAndrew,ȱVita,ȱCh.ȱ14,ȱ1059ȱandȱBonizo,ȱAd amicum,ȱ7:ȱ606.ȱ Berschin,ȱLebenȱundȱWerk,ȱ8ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱInȱtheȱAdȱamicum,ȱBonizoȱrecallsȱthatȱMatilda’sȱmother, Beatrice,ȱ didȱ winȱ theȱ releaseȱ ofȱ aȱ numberȱ ofȱ Patarenesȱ fromȱ Piacenza,ȱ whoȱ hadȱ fallenȱ into HenricianȱhandsȱafterȱErlembald’sȱmurderȱinȱ1075.ȱSeeȱBonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ7:ȱ605.

BonizoȱofȱSutri’sȱResponseȱtoȱHereticalȱPrinces

227

broughtȱbackȱoverȱtheȱAlpsȱasȱHenry’sȱprisoner.37ȱSimilarly,ȱtheȱMilaneseȱcapitanei metȱwithȱHenryȱandȱpromisedȱtoȱdestroyȱtheȱPatariaȱandȱkillȱErlembald:ȱallȱof whichȱdelightedȱtheȱGermanȱkingȱandȱheȱpromisedȱtheȱMilaneseȱwhateverȱthey asked.38ȱTheȱcapitaneiȱdidȱinȱfactȱkillȱErlembaldȱinȱaȱstreetȱbattleȱinȱ1075ȱandȱBonizo relatesȱthatȱmiraclesȱ“upȱtoȱtoday”ȱoccurȱatȱhisȱtomb.ȱAfterȱErlembald’sȱmurder, Bonizoȱ informsȱ hisȱ audienceȱ thatȱ Henryȱ dispatchedȱ hisȱ previouslyȱ excomȬ municatedȱ counselor,ȱ Countȱ Eberhard,ȱ toȱ Lombardy.ȱ Atȱ Roncaglia,ȱ theȱ count presidedȱoverȱanȱassemblyȱandȱthankedȱtheȱMilaneseȱforȱErlembald’sȱdeathȱand invitedȱthemȱtoȱcomeȱoverȱtheȱAlpsȱtoȱchooseȱanȱarchbishopȱforȱtheirȱcity.ȱThen, theȱcountȱdeclaredȱallȱPatarenesȱpublicȱenemiesȱofȱtheȱking.39 ItȱisȱmostȱinstructiveȱthatȱBonizoȱclearlyȱdidȱnotȱthinkȱhisȱpictureȱofȱHenryȱasȱthe Pataria’sȱenemyȱwasȱsufficientȱtoȱmobilizeȱhisȱalliesȱbehindȱtheȱGregorianȱcause. Heȱ alsoȱ believedȱ itȱ absolutelyȱ necessaryȱ toȱ justifyȱ theȱ lateȱ pope’sȱ treatmentȱ of Henry.ȱThisȱtestifiesȱtoȱhowȱcontroversialȱtheȱpope’sȱdealingsȱwithȱtheȱkingȱwere evenȱamongȱstaunchȱreformers.ȱFirst,ȱBonizoȱbelievedȱitȱnecessaryȱtoȱexplainȱin goodȱ Patareneȱ fashionȱ withȱ documentaȱ andȱ exemplaȱ thatȱ Gregory’s excommunicationȱ andȱ quasiȬdepositionȱ ofȱ Henryȱ inȱ 1076,ȱ whichȱ followedȱ the pope’sȱcondemnationȱbyȱtheȱGermanȱbishopsȱatȱtheȱSynodȱofȱWorms,ȱwasȱneither newȱ norȱ reprehensible.40ȱ Bonizoȱ alsoȱ judgedȱ itȱ necessaryȱ toȱ explainȱ toȱ his colleaguesȱhowȱandȱwhyȱGregoryȱabsolvedȱHenryȱatȱCanossa.41ȱQuiteȱcorrectly, BonizoȱdoesȱnotȱassociateȱtheȱpopeȱwithȱtheȱelectionȱofȱRudolphȱofȱRheinfeldenȱas antiȬkingȱbyȱtheȱrebelliousȱGermanȱprincesȱatȱForchheimȱinȱMarchȱofȱ1077.ȱBonizo portraysȱtheȱpopeȱasȱaȱfrustratedȱwouldȱbeȱpeacemakerȱbetweenȱtheȱtwoȱclaimants toȱtheȱGermanȱthroneȱandȱtoȱtheȱimperialȱtitleȱthatȱwentȱwithȱit.ȱBonizoȱisȱonce againȱonȱtarget.ȱInȱtheȱperiodȱ1077–1080,ȱbothȱsidesȱofȱtheȱGermanȱcivilȱwarȱwere vexedȱbyȱtheȱpope’sȱrefusalȱtoȱdeclareȱinȱfavorȱofȱoneȱofȱtheȱcandidatesȱuntilȱhe wasȱabsolutelyȱcertainȱofȱwhichȱclaimantȱwasȱtheȱmoreȱrighteouslyȱobedientȱto ecclesiasticalȱauthorityȱandȱthusȱmoreȱworthyȱofȱtheȱtitleȱofȱChristianȱprince.ȱThe acceptanceȱ ofȱ papalȱ arbitrationȱ ofȱ theȱ disputeȱ constitutedȱ aȱ necessaryȱ preȬ conditionȱforȱeachȱclaimant’sȱeligibilityȱtoȱwinȱpapalȱapprobation. BonizoȱalsoȱhadȱtoȱexplainȱGregory’sȱsecondȱexcommunicationȱandȱdeposition ofȱHenryȱinȱ1080.ȱThisȱpapalȱjudgmentȱcameȱseeminglyȱoutȱofȱnowhere.ȱBonizo’s

37 38 39 40

41

Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ6:ȱ598. Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ7:ȱ602. Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ7:ȱ605. Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ7:ȱ607.ȱBonizo’sȱevidenceȱhereȱisȱnotȱveryȱconvincing.ȱOfȱtheȱeightȱexemplaȱof popesȱexcommunicatingȱandȱevenȱdeposingȱkingsȱthatȱheȱproduces,ȱfiveȱofȱthemȱareȱfictitious. AnotherȱoneȱconcernsȱAmbrose’sȱexcommunicationȱofȱTheodosius.ȱInterestingly,ȱfourȱofȱBonizo’s exemplaȱappearȱasȱwellȱinȱGregoryȱVII’sȱfamousȱdefenseȱofȱhisȱactionsȱinȱhisȱletterȱtoȱHermannȱof Metz. Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ8:ȱ610.

228

JohnȱA.ȱDempsey

presentationȱofȱthisȱfinalȱbreachȱbetweenȱpopeȱandȱkingȱisȱespeciallyȱkeyȱtoȱhis justificationȱ ofȱ holyȱ warȱ againstȱ Henry.ȱ Bonizo’sȱ narrativeȱ makesȱ itȱ clearȱ that Henryȱisȱindeedȱtheȱarchitectȱofȱtheȱrebellionȱagainstȱhisȱdivinelyȱappointedȱpastor andȱthatȱtheȱantiȬpopeȱGuibertȱisȱsimplyȱhisȱcreature.ȱTheȱAdȱamicum’sȱauthor explainsȱ thatȱ Henryȱ initiatedȱ theȱ finalȱ conflict.ȱ Heȱ writesȱ thatȱ byȱ “deliberate design”ȱ(deliberatoȱconsilio)ȱHenryȱsentȱrepresentativesȱtoȱGregoryȱwithȱaȱproud andȱ unprecedentedȱ ultimatum:ȱ ifȱ theȱ popeȱ excommunicatedȱ Rudolph,ȱ Henry wouldȱ obeyȱ him.ȱ Otherwiseȱ Henryȱ wouldȱ acquireȱ aȱ popeȱ ofȱ hisȱ ownȱ to excommunicateȱhisȱrival.ȱTheȱpope,ȱofȱcourse,ȱrefusedȱtoȱexcommunicateȱRudolph andȱinsteadȱexcommunicatedȱtheȱarrogantȱHenry. Bonizo’sȱ Synodȱ ofȱ Brixenȱ (Juneȱ 1080)ȱ isȱ aȱ congressȱ ofȱ malefactorsȱ underȱ the presidencyȱofȱHenry.ȱTogetherȱwithȱhisȱloyalȱGermanȱprincesȱandȱbishopsȱandȱthe bishopsȱ andȱ princesȱ ofȱ Lombardy,ȱ theȱ Germanȱ kingȱ cameȱ toȱ Brixenȱ afterȱ his secondȱexcommunicationȱandȱdepositionȱforȱtheȱprovisionalȱelectionȱofȱGuibertȱof RavennaȱasȱtheȱantiȬpopeȱClementȱIII.ȱWithȱnoȱRomanȱclericȱorȱlaymanȱinȱgood standingȱ present,ȱ Guibertȱ wasȱ provisionallyȱ electedȱ bishopȱ ofȱ Rome.42ȱ Inȱ an allusionȱtoȱDanielȱ12:1,ȱBonizoȱwritesȱthatȱsuchȱaȱdiabolicalȱdeedȱwasȱunheardȱof fromȱtheȱtimeȱtheȱnationsȱbeganȱuntilȱthatȱday.43 Significantly,ȱDanielȱ12:1ȱdiscussesȱtheȱappearanceȱofȱtheȱArchangelȱMichaelȱat aȱtimeȱofȱunequaledȱdistressȱsinceȱtheȱbeginningȱofȱtheȱnations,ȱwhichȱwillȱprecede theȱLastȱJudgment.ȱInȱDanielȱ11,ȱtheȱprophetȱforeseesȱtheȱriseȱofȱaȱnorthernȱking, whoȱwillȱexaltȱhimselfȱaboveȱeveryȱgodȱandȱtheȱGodȱofȱgods,ȱutteringȱmonstrous blasphemiesȱ (Danielȱ 11:36).ȱ Heȱ willȱ desecrateȱ theȱ sanctuaryȱ ofȱ theȱ Jerusalem Templeȱandȱsetȱupȱthereȱtheȱabominationȱofȱdesolationȱ(Danielȱ11:31).ȱHeȱwill overrunȱ landȱ afterȱ landȱ andȱ tensȱ ofȱ thousandsȱ willȱ fallȱ victimȱ toȱ himȱ (Daniel 11:40–41).ȱHeȱwillȱdoȱwhateverȱheȱchooses,ȱhonoringȱanȱunknownȱgodȱwithȱgifts ofȱgold,ȱsilver,ȱandȱcostlyȱgiftsȱ(Danielȱ11:36ȱandȱ38);ȱandȱallȱwillȱgoȱwellȱforȱhim untilȱtheȱtimeȱofȱwrathȱendsȱ(Danielȱ11:36).ȱThen,ȱMichaelȱwillȱappearȱtoȱdeliver theȱfaithfulȱandȱtheȱdeadȱofȱtheȱearthȱwillȱriseȱeitherȱtoȱeternalȱlifeȱorȱeternalȱdeath (Danielȱ12:1–3). FromȱBrixenȱonward,ȱBonizo’sȱHenryȱproceedsȱlikeȱDaniel’sȱgodlessȱkingȱofȱthe north.ȱ Atȱ Brixen,ȱ Henryȱ supplantedȱ theȱ Holyȱ Spiritȱ byȱ choosingȱ aȱ popeȱ for himself.44ȱTogetherȱwithȱallȱthoseȱpresent,ȱheȱworshippedȱprostrateȱonȱtheȱground aȱ kindȱ ofȱ unknownȱ god,ȱ aȱ “pseudoȬprophet,”ȱ Guibert/Clement.45ȱ Afterȱ Duke Rudolph’sȱdeathȱinȱanȱengagementȱalongȱtheȱElsterȱRiverȱinȱSaxonyȱ(15ȱOctober

42 43 44 45

Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ8:ȱ612. Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ8:ȱ613. Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ8:ȱ613:ȱ“elegitȱsibiȱrexȱinȱpontificem”ȱ(Theȱkingȱchoseȱforȱhimselfȱaȱpontiff). Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ8:ȱ613.ȱTwiceȱmoreȱinȱBookȱ8,ȱBonizoȱsaysȱthatȱHenryȱworshippedȱGuibert. SeeȱBonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ8:ȱ614.ȱ

BonizoȱofȱSutri’sȱResponseȱtoȱHereticalȱPrinces

229

1080),ȱHenryȱledȱhisȱ“beast”ȱtheȱfollowingȱspringȱintoȱItaly.46ȱInitially,ȱtheȱRomans rebuffedȱHenryȱandȱhisȱ“pseudoȬpope”.ȱEventually,ȱhowever,ȱHenryȱworeȱdown theȱRomansȱwithȱhisȱsiegeȱofȱtheirȱcityȱandȱfinallyȱwonȱthemȱoverȱwithȱbribes.ȱTo theȱdisgraceȱandȱshameȱofȱtheȱentireȱChurch,ȱHenryȱplacedȱGuibert/Clementȱon theȱchairȱofȱSt.ȱPeter.47ȱAfterȱreceivingȱtheȱimperialȱcrownȱfromȱhim,ȱHenryȱledȱhis “threeȬbodiedȱchimera”ȱtoȱtheȱLateranȱpalace.48ȱThus,ȱinȱtheȱmannerȱofȱDaniel’s kingȱofȱtheȱnorth,ȱHenryȱestablishedȱanȱabominableȱthingȱ(Danielȱ11:31)ȱinȱGod’s sanctuary. BonizoȱendsȱhisȱhistoricalȱnarrativeȱbyȱrecountingȱRobertȱGuiscard’sȱrescueȱof aȱbesiegedȱGregoryȱfromȱtheȱCastelȱSant’ȱAngeloȱandȱGregory’sȱdeathȱinȱexileȱin Salerno.ȱHe,ȱthen,ȱconcludesȱhisȱapologiaȱforȱGregoryȱbyȱacquittingȱtheȱpopeȱof severalȱchargesȱbeingȱleveledȱbyȱHenry’sȱsupporters.ȱHeȱrefutesȱtheȱchargesȱthat Gregoryȱ wasȱ illegallyȱ electedȱ pope,49ȱ thatȱ heȱ wasȱ aȱ falseȱ prophet,ȱ andȱ thatȱ he excommunicatedȱHenryȱuncanonically. Finally,ȱBonizoȱbeginsȱhisȱperorationȱbyȱreturningȱtoȱhisȱfriend’sȱquestionȱabout fightingȱforȱdogma.ȱMoreȱprecisely,ȱheȱwritesȱthatȱwhenȱhisȱfriendȱaskedȱhimȱifȱit isȱlicitȱforȱaȱChristianȱtoȱfightȱforȱtruth,ȱheȱwasȱseekingȱaȱhistory.50ȱReasoningȱa fortiori,ȱBonizoȱassertsȱthatȱifȱitȱhasȱeverȱbeenȱlawfulȱforȱaȱChristianȱtoȱserveȱasȱa soldierȱforȱanyȱcause,ȱitȱisȱlawfulȱtoȱfightȱagainstȱtheȱGuibertistasȱ(theȱsupporters ofȱ theȱ antiȬpopeȱ Guibertȱ ofȱ Ravenna)ȱ inȱ everyȱ way.51ȱ Heȱ thenȱ paraphrasesȱ a statement,ȱattributedȱtoȱGregoryȱtheȱGreatȱandȱpopularȱwithȱtheȱPatarenes,ȱthat everyoneȱmustȱfightȱagainstȱsimonyȱandȱtheȱheresyȱofȱneophytesȱaccordingȱtoȱhis station.52ȱBonizoȱasksȱthatȱifȱwhatȱGregoryȱwritesȱisȱtrue,ȱthen,ȱhowȱmuchȱmore trueȱ mustȱ itȱ beȱ toȱ fightȱ thisȱ heresyȱ (Guibertism),ȱ theȱ motherȱ ofȱ allȱ heresies?53 Bonizoȱthenȱlaunchesȱintoȱaȱminiȱapologiaȱofȱtheȱfightingȱprofessionȱperȱse.ȱHere, theȱbishopȱofȱSutriȱborrowsȱheavilyȱfromȱAugustine’sȱLetterȱ189ȱtoȱtheȱRoman

46

47 48

49 50 51

52 53

Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ8:ȱ613:ȱ“HisȱelatusȱsuccessibusȱderepenteȱItaliamȱintravit,ȱetȱpostȱpasca,ȱducens secumȱbestiam,ȱRomamȱtendit.”ȱ(Elatedȱbyȱtheseȱsuccesses,ȱHenryȱsuddenlyȱenteredȱItalyȱand afterȱEaster,ȱleadingȱaȱbeastȱwithȱhimself,ȱheȱreachedȱRome).ȱ Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ8:ȱ613–14. Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ8:ȱ614:ȱ“Dehincȱinȱpaschaȱaȱtaliȱbenedictionemȱaccepitȱimperialem;ȱsicque civitatemȱ intravit,ȱ ducensȱ secumȱ triformemȱ Chimeram,ȱ etȱ adȱ Lateranenseȱ usqueȱ pervenit palacium.”ȱ(Then,ȱonȱEaster,ȱHenryȱreceivedȱtheȱimperialȱblessingȱfromȱsuchȱaȱmanȱ[asȱGuibert]; andȱthusȱheȱenteredȱtheȱcity,ȱleadingȱwithȱhimselfȱtheȱtripleȱChimeraȱ[i.ȱe.,ȱGuibert],ȱandȱheȱarrived atȱtheȱLateranȱPalace). Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ8:ȱ615–16.ȱ Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ8:ȱ616–18. Bonizo,ȱ Adȱ amicum,ȱ 8:ȱ 618:ȱ “siȱ licuitȱ umquamȱ christianoȱ proȱ aliquaȱ reȱ militare,ȱ licetȱ contra Guibertistasȱomnibusȱmodisȱbellare.”ȱ(ifȱitȱhasȱeverȱbeenȱlicitȱforȱaȱChristianȱtoȱforȱanyȱcause,ȱit isȱlicitȱtoȱfightȱagainstȱtheȱGuibertistasȱinȱeveryȱway). Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ8:ȱ618.ȱSeeȱGregoryȱI,ȱRegister,ȱ12:ȱ9. Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ8:ȱ618.

230

JohnȱA.ȱDempsey

commander,ȱBoniface,ȱandȱcitesȱseveralȱNewȱTestamentȱepisodesȱthatȱcastȱsoldiers inȱaȱfavorableȱlight.54ȱThen,ȱheȱasksȱthatȱifȱitȱisȱlawfulȱtoȱfightȱforȱanȱearthlyȱking, willȱ itȱ notȱ beȱ lawfulȱ toȱ fightȱ forȱ aȱ celestialȱ one?ȱ Ifȱ itȱ wasȱ lawfulȱ toȱ fightȱ forȱ a republic,ȱwillȱitȱnotȱbeȱlawfulȱtoȱfightȱforȱrighteousness?ȱIfȱitȱwasȱlawfulȱtoȱfight barbarians,ȱwillȱitȱnotȱbeȱlawfulȱtoȱfightȱheretics?55 TheȱseriesȱofȱquestionsȱaboveȱintroducesȱBonizo’sȱarmadaȱofȱpatristicȱsnippets thatȱsupposedlyȱproveȱthatȱtheȱfathersȱofȱtheȱChurchȱsanctionedȱreligiousȱcivilȱwar. HeȱpresentsȱbriefȱstatementsȱculledȱfromȱtheȱworksȱofȱGregoryȱtheȱGreat,ȱGregory ofȱ Tours,ȱ Augustine,ȱ pseudoȬAugustine,ȱ Jerome,ȱ andȱ Ambrose.ȱ Noneȱ ofȱ these snippetsȱprovidesȱanyȱrealȱjustificationȱforȱhisȱproposition,ȱandȱinȱfactȱhisȱuseȱof someȱofȱthemȱbordersȱonȱtheȱludicrous.ȱAnȱexaminationȱofȱtheȱoriginalȱcontextȱof someȱofȱtheseȱstatementsȱrevealsȱthatȱtheyȱreallyȱdoȱnotȱaddressȱtheȱissueȱatȱhand atȱall.ȱThisȱgivesȱtheȱimpressionȱthatȱBonizo’sȱarrayȱofȱpatristicȱsententiaeȱfunctions moreȱasȱaȱgarnishȱtoȱhisȱhistoricalȱargumentȱthanȱanythingȱelse.ȱIronically,ȱthe greatȱdefenderȱofȱecclesiasticalȱlawȱcouldȱnotȱproduceȱaȱsingleȱcanonȱinȱdefenseȱof hisȱproposal. Afterȱ hisȱ presentationȱ ofȱ theȱ patristicȱ documenta,ȱ Bonizoȱ rehearsesȱ theȱ listȱ of ancientȱ andȱ modernȱ exemplaȱ ofȱ fightingȱ forȱ truth,ȱ includingȱ theȱ exampleȱ of Erlembaldȱ Cotta.56ȱ He,ȱ then,ȱ beginsȱ theȱ finalȱ sectionȱ ofȱ hisȱ peroration,ȱ which constitutesȱaȱminiȬpanegyricȱtoȱCountessȱMatilda.ȱHeȱproclaimsȱthatȱ“theȱsoldiers ofȱ theȱ mostȱ gloriousȱ God”ȱ shouldȱ fightȱ forȱ truth;ȱ theyȱ shouldȱ fightȱ for righteousness.57ȱInȱaȱglossȱofȱ2ȱThessaloniansȱ2:4,ȱheȱwritesȱthatȱGod’sȱsoldiers shouldȱfightȱinȱspiritȱagainstȱtheȱheresyȱthatȱexaltsȱitselfȱagainstȱeverythingȱthatȱis calledȱ orȱ worshippedȱ asȱ aȱ god.58ȱ Furthermore,ȱ theseȱ soldiersȱ ofȱ Godȱ should emulateȱ“theȱmostȱexcellentȱCountessȱMatilda,”ȱwhoȱfightsȱinȱeveryȱmannerȱthe heresy,ȱwhichȱnowȱsowsȱitsȱseedȱinȱtheȱChurch.59ȱBonizoȱequatesȱMatildaȱwithȱthe 54

55 56 57

58

59

BonizoȱcitesȱJohnȱtheȱBaptist’sȱinjunctionȱtoȱaȱgroupȱofȱsoldiersȱinȱLukeȱ3ȱtoȱharassȱnoȱmanȱand beȱcontentȱwithȱtheirȱpay.ȱHeȱalsoȱcitesȱJesus’sȱpraiseȱofȱtheȱcenturion’sȱfaithȱinȱMatthewȱ8ȱand Peter’sȱbaptismȱofȱtheȱcenturionȱCorneliusȱandȱhisȱhouseholdȱinȱActsȱ10. Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ8:ȱ618. Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ8:ȱ619–20. Bonizo,ȱ Adȱ amicum,ȱ 8:ȱ 620:ȱ “Igiturȱ pungentȱ gloriosissimiȱ Deiȱ militesȱ proȱ veritate,ȱ certentȱ pro iusticia.”ȱ(ThereforeȱtheȱsoldiersȱofȱtheȱmostȱgloriousȱGodȱshouldȱfightȱforȱtruth,ȱtheyȱshouldȱfight forȱrighteousness). Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ8:ȱ620:ȱ“pungentȱveroȱanimoȱadversusȱheresim,ȱextollentemȱseȱadversusȱomne, quodȱdiciturȱvelȱquodȱcoliturȱdeus”ȱ(theyȱshouldȱfightȱinȱspiritȱagainstȱtheȱheresyȱwhichȱexalts itselfȱagainstȱeverythingȱthatȱisȱcalledȱorȱthatȱisȱworshippedȱasȱaȱgod). Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ8:ȱ620:ȱ“EmulenturȱinȱbonumȱexcellentissimamȱcomitissamȱMatildam,ȱfiliam beatiȱPetri,ȱqueȱviriliȱanimo,ȱomnibusȱmundanisȱrebusȱposthabitis,ȱmoriȱparataȱestȱpotiusȱquam legemȱDeiȱinfringereȱetȱcontraȱheresim,ȱqueȱnuncȱsevitȱinȱecclesia,ȱproutȱviresȱsuppetunt,ȱomnibus modisȱimpugnare.”ȱ(TheyȱshouldȱemulateȱinȱmoralȱgoodnessȱtheȱmostȱexcellentȱCountessȱMatilda, theȱdaughterȱofȱBlessedȱPeter,ȱwhoȱwithȱaȱvirileȱspirit,ȱwithȱallȱworldlyȱconcernsȱhavingȱbeen neglected,ȱhasȱbeenȱpreparedȱforȱdeathȱratherȱthanȱbreakȱtheȱlawȱofȱGodȱandȱagainstȱtheȱheresy,

BonizoȱofȱSutri’sȱResponseȱtoȱHereticalȱPrinces

231

HebrewȱjudgeȱDeborahȱwhenȱheȱalludesȱtoȱDeborah’sȱvictoryȱoverȱtheȱCanaanite generalȱSiseraȱandȱhisȱkingȱJabinȱwhenȱheȱwritesȱthatȱheȱisȱconfidentȱinȱMatilda’s successȱbecauseȱSiseraȱisȱhandedȱoverȱ(Judgesȱ4:9)ȱandȱJabinȱisȱdrownedȱinȱthe riverȱKishonȱ(Psalmȱ83:10).60ȱBonizoȱconcludesȱtheȱAdȱamicumȱbyȱurgingȱhisȱfriend toȱpray,ȱasȱbefitsȱtheirȱoffice,ȱthatȱthisȱheresyȱmightȱperishȱmostȱquickly.61 Significantly,ȱ Berschinȱ hasȱ interpretedȱ Bonizo’sȱ useȱ ofȱ theȱ impersonalȱ term heresy/heresimȱaboveȱinȱhisȱglossȱofȱ2ȱThessaloniansȱ2:4ȱtoȱdescribeȱwhatȱheȱwants theȱsoldiersȱofȱGodȱtoȱfightȱasȱevidenceȱthatȱBonizoȱdoesȱnotȱtargetȱHenryȱperȱse inȱtheȱAdȱamicum.62ȱToȱBerschin’sȱwayȱofȱthinking,ȱtheȱbishopȱofȱSutri’sȱinvocation ofȱ theȱ evilȱ Canaaniteȱ figuresȱ Siseraȱ andȱ Jabinȱ fromȱ Judgesȱ 4ȱ aȱ fewȱ linesȱ later representsȱhisȱpersonificationȱofȱtheȱimpersonalȱheresy,ȱwhichȱheȱcensures.ȱYet, givenȱhisȱdepictionȱofȱHenryȱinȱBooksȱ6–9,ȱespeciallyȱasȱthatȱofȱanȱenemyȱofȱthe Pataria,ȱitȱseemsȱmuchȱmoreȱreasonableȱtoȱassumeȱthatȱHenryȱisȱtheȱpersonificaȬ tion/embodimentȱ ofȱ thisȱ horribleȱ heresyȱ andȱ thatȱ Siseraȱ andȱ Jabinȱ areȱ biblical archetypesȱofȱtheȱwickedȱpaganȱgeneralȱandȱhisȱking,ȱwhomȱGuibert/Clementȱand Henryȱrespectivelyȱresemble.ȱInȱtheȱsameȱwayȱheȱresemblesȱoneȱofȱtheȱwicked ChristianȱemperorsȱofȱBooksȱ2–5,ȱHenryȱalsoȱresemblesȱtheȱCanaaniteȱkingȱwho triedȱtoȱwipeȱoutȱtheȱIsraelites.ȱAlso,ȱtheȱauthorȱofȱ2ȱThessalonians’sȱdescription ofȱtheȱcrimeȱofȱtheȱ“Enemy”ȱwhoȱwillȱappearȱinȱtheȱlastȱdaysȱseemsȱtoȱresemble thatȱcommittedȱbyȱHenryȱinȱtheȱAdȱamicum.ȱThisȱ“Enemy”ȱisȱtheȱauthorȱofȱtheȱfinal rebellionȱ (2ȱ Thessaloniansȱ 2:3).ȱ Heȱ willȱ notȱ onlyȱ riseȱ inȱ prideȱ againstȱ everyȱ so calledȱgodȱandȱallȱthatȱisȱworshippedȱasȱgod,ȱbutȱheȱwillȱalsoȱtakeȱhisȱseatȱinȱthe templeȱofȱGod,ȱclaimingȱtoȱbeȱaȱgodȱhimselfȱ(2ȱThessaloniansȱ2:4).ȱFundamentally, doesȱBonizoȱnotȱaccuseȱHenryȱofȱplayingȱGodȱbyȱdrivingȱaȱvalidlyȱelectedȱpopeȱoff theȱchairȱofȱPeterȱandȱchoosingȱaȱcandidateȱofȱhisȱownȱtoȱtakeȱhisȱplace?ȱGranted, HenryȱdidȱnotȱtakeȱaȱseatȱinȱtheȱtempleȱofȱGodȱhimself.ȱStill,ȱBonizo’sȱnarrative makesȱitȱquiteȱclearȱthatȱGuibert/Clementȱisȱhisȱ“beast,”ȱhisȱproxy,ȱandȱthatȱHenry isȱtheȱoneȱwhoȱhasȱusurpedȱGod’sȱrole.ȱBonizoȱwantedȱbothȱtheȱbeastȱandȱtheȱbeast masterȱpunished.ȱ

60 61

62

whichȱnowȱsowsȱitsȱseedȱinȱtheȱChurch,ȱasȱmenȱareȱavailable,ȱsheȱfightsȱinȱeveryȱmanner). Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ8:ȱ620.ȱ Bonizo,ȱAdȱamicum,ȱ8:ȱ620:ȱ“Nosȱautemȱsecundumȱofficiiȱnostrilȱtenoremȱoremus,ȱut,ȱincenseȱigni etȱsuffossaȱabȱincrepationeȱvultusȱtui,ȱcitissimeȱpereat.”ȱ(However,ȱasȱisȱaccordingȱtoȱtheȱnature ofȱourȱoffice,ȱletȱusȱpray,ȱthatȱitȱ(theȱvineȱofȱtheȱLord)ȱhavingȱbeenȱsetȱablazeȱbyȱfireȱandȱuprooted, itȱ[theȱheresy]ȱmightȱperishȱmostȱquicklyȱfromȱtheȱrebukeȱofȱYourȱcountenance).ȱGivenȱthatȱthe canonsȱforbidȱaȱclericȱtoȱfightȱwithȱarms,ȱitȱwouldȱseemȱthatȱBonizo’sȱlanguageȱhereȱaboutȱthe tenorȱofȱhisȱandȱhisȱfriend’sȱsharedȱofficeȱindicatesȱthatȱhisȱfriendȱwasȱaȱclericȱlikeȱhimself.ȱ Berschin,ȱLebenȱundȱWerk,ȱ110ȱn.ȱ502ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱ

232

JohnȱA.ȱDempsey

III.ȱAȱTaleȱofȱTwoȱBishops:ȱBonizoȱofȱSutriȱandȱDaibertȱofȱPisaȱ Asȱmentionedȱearlier,ȱBonizoȱalmostȱcertainlyȱissuedȱhisȱsummonsȱtoȱwarȱagainst emperorȱ andȱ antiȬpopeȱ fromȱ theȱ safetyȱ ofȱ theȱ territoryȱ ofȱ theȱ newȱ Deborah, MatildaȱofȱTuscany.ȱByȱtheȱmidȬ1080s,ȱMatilda’sȱcourtȱhadȱbecomeȱaȱsafeȱhaven forȱaȱnumberȱofȱnorthernȱItalianȱandȱGermanȱreformȬmindedȱChurchmen,ȱwhom Henry’sȱmilitaryȱsuccessesȱofȱ1080–1084ȱhadȱdrivenȱfromȱtheirȱdioceses.ȱThrough theȱ countess’sȱ sponsorship,ȱ severalȱ ofȱ theseȱ recipientsȱ ofȱ herȱ protection subsequentlyȱobtainedȱbishopricsȱinȱnorthernȱandȱcentralȱItaly.ȱ ThanksȱtoȱtheȱreportȱofȱtheȱexiledȱconservativeȱbishopȱofȱAlba,ȱBenzo,ȱweȱknow aboutȱBonizo’sȱaforementionedȱadventuresȱbeyondȱtheȱboundariesȱofȱMatildine territory.ȱBenzo’sȱreportȱonȱBonizo’sȱactivityȱappearsȱinȱChapterȱ21ȱofȱBookȱ1ȱofȱhis AdȱHenricumȱIVȱimperatoremȱlibriȱVIIȱ(SevenȱBooksȱtoȱEmperorȱHenryȱIV).ȱInȱthe opinionsȱ ofȱ bothȱ theȱ mostȱ recentȱ editorȱ ofȱ Benzo’sȱ tome,ȱ Hansȱ Seyffert,ȱ and Berschin,ȱtheȱreferenceȱtoȱBonizoȱdatesȱtoȱ1085ȱorȱlater.63ȱByȱthisȱtime,ȱBenzoȱhad beenȱinȱexileȱforȱaboutȱeightȱorȱnineȱyears.ȱInȱcircaȱ1077,ȱAlba’sȱPatareneȱfaction droveȱhimȱoutȱofȱtheȱcityȱforȱgood.ȱInȱhisȱveryȱbriefȱChaptersȱ21ȱandȱ22,ȱBenzo sharesȱwithȱtheȱnewlyȱcrownedȱemperorȱtheȱnewsȱofȱwhatȱappearsȱtoȱhaveȱbeen aȱPatareneȱcounterȬoffensiveȱinȱtheȱecclesiasticalȱprovincesȱofȱMilanȱandȱRavenna. InȱChapterȱ21,ȱheȱpraisesȱHenryȱforȱhavingȱpunishedȱcertainȱtroublemakers,ȱbut thenȱ informsȱ Henryȱ thatȱ allȱ disapproveȱ ofȱ theȱ factȱ thatȱ theȱ “threeȱ demons, Bonizellus,ȱArmanellus,ȱandȱMorticiellus”ȱhaveȱavoidedȱsimilarȱfates.64ȱBerschin, Seyffert,ȱandȱotherȱscholarsȱbeforeȱthem,ȱagreeȱthatȱ“Bonizellus”ȱrefersȱtoȱBonizo ofȱSutri.ȱSeyffertȱhasȱsurmisedȱthatȱ“Armanellus”ȱrefersȱtoȱArmanus,ȱi.ȱe.,ȱHerman, theȱPatareneȱcardinalȬpriestȱofȱSS.ȱQuattroȱCoronati,ȱwhoȱwasȱlaterȱelectedȱbishop ofȱBresciaȱinȱ1087ȱwithȱMatilda’sȱaidȱandȱalsoȱservedȱasȱPopeȱUrbanȱII’sȱlegateȱin Lombardy.65ȱNoȱoneȱseemsȱtoȱknowȱtoȱwhomȱ“Morticiellus”ȱrefers.ȱAboutȱBonizo, BenzoȱreportsȱthatȱheȱisȱengagedȱinȱaȱgreatȱshamȱorȱdeceptionȱinȱPiacenza.ȱThere, heȱpreachesȱdiabolicalȱsermonsȱtoȱtheȱpeopleȱandȱhasȱcondemnedȱandȱconsecrated churches.66 ItȱisȱfromȱtheȱcorrespondenceȱofȱUrbanȱIIȱcontainedȱinȱtheȱCollectioȱBritannica (henceforth:ȱ“CB”)ȱthatȱweȱknowȱaboutȱBonizo’sȱaforementionedȱrumpȱepiscopal electionȱ inȱ Piacenza.67ȱ Again,ȱ theȱ city’sȱ Patareneȱ factionȱ wasȱ almostȱ certainly

63

64 65 66 67

BenzoȱofȱAlba,ȱAdȱHenricumȱIVȱimperatoremȱlibriȱVII,ȱed.ȱHansȱSeyffert.ȱMGH:ȱScriptorumȱRerum Germanicarumȱ(Hannover:ȱHahnscheȱBuchhandlung,ȱ1996),ȱ8.ȱSeeȱalsoȱBerschin,ȱLebenȱundȱWerk, 95ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1). Benzo,ȱAdȱHenricum,ȱ1.ȱ21:ȱ158–60. Benzo,ȱAdȱHenricum,ȱ1.ȱ21:ȱ160ȱn.ȱ328. Benzo,ȱAdȱHenricum,ȱ1.ȱ21:ȱ160. RobertȱSomerville,ȱinȱcollaborationȱwithȱStephanȱKuttner,ȱPopeȱUrbanȱII,ȱTheȱCollectioȱBritannica andȱtheȱCouncilȱofȱMelfiȱ(1089)ȱ(Oxford:ȱClarendonȱPress,ȱ1996).ȱHenceforthȱ=ȱ“Somerville.”

BonizoȱofȱSutri’sȱResponseȱtoȱHereticalȱPrinces

233

responsibleȱforȱhisȱelection.ȱThreeȱtextsȱofȱUrban’sȱtellȱusȱallȱweȱknowȱaboutȱthis affair.ȱWhereasȱtheȱpopeȱaddressedȱCBȱ5ȱtoȱBonzio,ȱheȱaddressedȱtwoȱotherȱletters, CBȱ 6ȱ andȱ 7,ȱ toȱ Cardinalȱ Hermanȱ andȱ “M”ȱ respectively.ȱ Robertȱ Somervilleȱ has suggestedȱ thatȱ Mȱ likelyȱ refersȱ toȱ Bonizo’sȱ erstwhileȱ benefactor,ȱ Matildaȱ of Tuscany.ȱ Oneȱ imaginesȱ thatȱ Urbanȱ composedȱ hisȱ messagesȱ inȱ responseȱ toȱ a requestȱfromȱBonizoȱforȱpapalȱconfirmationȱofȱhisȱelection.ȱMoreȱthanȱlikely,ȱthe bishopȱelectȱofȱPiacenzaȱsentȱhisȱrequestȱtoȱUrbanȱviaȱMatilda.ȱThisȱwouldȱexplain whyȱtheȱpopeȱalsoȱinformedȱMȱofȱhisȱrulingȱonȱBonizo’sȱrequest.ȱPerhaps,ȱBonizo mayȱalsoȱhaveȱreachedȱoutȱtoȱhisȱPatareneȱcompatriot,ȱHerman,ȱforȱhisȱhelpȱin winningȱUrban’sȱconfirmationȱofȱtheȱelectionȱinȱPiacenza.ȱ Inȱallȱthreeȱofȱtheȱtexts,ȱtheȱpopeȱoffersȱonlyȱlukewarmȱapprovalȱofȱBonizo’s electionȱwithȱtheȱimportantȱprovisoȱthatȱitȱcanȱbeȱsecuredȱwithoutȱdisturbingȱthe peaceȱinȱPiacenza.68ȱInȱCBȱ5ȱandȱ6,ȱUrbanȱfurtherȱstipulatesȱthatȱBonizo’sȱelection mustȱalsoȱpassȱcanonicalȱmuster.69ȱItȱisȱobviousȱfromȱtheȱpapalȱtextsȱthatȱBonizo’s electionȱhadȱindeedȱupsetȱmanyȱinȱPiacenza.ȱInȱCBȱ5,ȱUrbanȱremarksȱthatȱheȱhad heardȱthatȱnumerousȱclergyȱandȱlayȱpeopleȱhadȱdissentedȱfromȱhisȱelectionȱand hadȱ evenȱ swornȱ anȱ oathȱ againstȱ him.70ȱ Inȱ hisȱ messageȱ toȱ Herman,ȱ theȱ pope observesȱthatȱBonizoȱwasȱneitherȱunanimouslyȱelectedȱnorȱsupportedȱbyȱtheȱupper clergyȱ andȱ laity.71ȱ Theȱ widespreadȱ dissentȱ andȱ threatȱ ofȱ violenceȱ surrounding

68

69

70

71

Somerville,ȱ50:ȱ“Volumusȱenimȱetȱamamus,ȱsiȱfieriȱulloȱmodoȱcanoniceȱetȱpaceȱecclesiaeȱpotest, electionemȱtuamȱpermanere,ȱetȱquantumȱinȱnobisȱestȱconfirmare.”ȱ(TranslationsȱofȱtheȱCollectio BritannicaȱtextsȱareȱthoseȱofȱSomerville:ȱIfȱinȱanyȱwayȱitȱcanȱbeȱaccomplishedȱcanonicallyȱand preservingȱtheȱpeaceȱofȱtheȱChurch,ȱweȱwishȱandȱdesireȱthatȱyourȱelectionȱstand,ȱand,ȱasȱfarȱasȱwe can,ȱtoȱconfirmȱit);ȱ51:ȱ“SiȱpotestȱfieriȱutȱinȱPlacentinoȱepiscopatuȱpermaneatȱBonizo,ȱquamvisȱnon abȱ universitateȱ illiusȱ aecclesieȱ nequeȱ aȱ melioribusȱ tamȱ clericisȱ quamȱ laicisȱ electusȱ sit,ȱ salva reverentiaȱ ecclesiaeȱ canoniceȱ etȱ cumȱ pace,ȱ laudamus.”ȱ (Ifȱ itȱ canȱ beȱ arrangedȱ canonicallyȱ and peacefully,ȱwithȱrespectȱforȱtheȱChurchȱbeingȱpreserved,ȱthatȱBonizoȱcanȱremainȱinȱtheȱbishopric ofȱPiacenza,ȱalthoughȱheȱwasȱnotȱelectedȱbyȱtheȱunanimityȱofȱthatȱchurchȱnorȱbyȱtheȱbetterȱclerics andȱbetterȱlaity,ȱweȱapprove);ȱ52:ȱ“Sutrinusȱepiscopus,ȱquiȱmultumȱinȱecclesiaȱlaborasseȱdicitur, siȱcumȱpaceȱetȱcleriȱpopuliqueȱconcordiaȱfieriȱpotest,ȱvolumusȱetȱproȱeiusȱreverentiaȱdesideramus utȱinȱepiscopatuȱPlacentino,ȱsicutȱolimȱelectusȱest,ȱsollempniterȱintronizetur.”ȱ(Weȱwishȱandȱfor theȱsakeȱofȱhisȱrespectȱweȱdesireȱthat,ȱjustȱasȱheȱwasȱpreviouslyȱchosen,ȱbishopȱofȱSutri,ȱwhoȱisȱsaid toȱhaveȱlaboredȱgreatlyȱinȱtheȱChurch,ȱbeȱsolemnlyȱenthronedȱinȱtheȱbishopricȱofȱPiacenza,ȱifȱitȱcan beȱdoneȱpeacefullyȱandȱwithȱtheȱagreementȱofȱtheȱclergyȱandȱpeople).ȱ Somerville,ȱ50:ȱ“siȱfieriȱulloȱmodoȱcanonice”ȱ(ifȱinȱanyȱwayȱitȱcanȱbeȱaccomplishedȱcanonically).ȱ Somerville,ȱ51:ȱ“Siȱpotestȱfieri…..salvaȱreverentiaȱecclesiaeȱcanoniceȱetȱcumȱpace.”ȱ(Ifȱitȱcanȱbe arrangedȱcanonicallyȱandȱpeacefully,ȱwithȱtheȱrespectȱofȱtheȱChurchȱbeingȱpreserved). Somerville,ȱ50:ȱ“Audivimusȱundeȱcontristamurȱplurimosȱvidelicetȱtamȱclericosȱquamȱlaicosȱde electioneȱtuaȱinȱPlacentinumȱepiscopatumȱdisentireȱetȱcontraȱteȱiurasse.”ȱ(Weȱhaveȱheardȱandȱthus areȱ saddenedȱ thatȱ manyȱ people,ȱ bothȱ clericsȱ andȱ laity,ȱ dissentedȱ fromȱ yourȱ electionȱ toȱ the bishopricȱofȱPiacenza,ȱandȱhaveȱtakenȱanȱoathȱagainstȱyou). Somerville,ȱ51:ȱ“quamvisȱnonȱabȱuniversitateȱilliusȱecclesiaeȱnequeȱaȱmelioribusȱtamȱclericisȱquam laicisȱelectusȱsit”ȱ(althoughȱheȱwasȱnotȱelectedȱbyȱtheȱunanimityȱofȱthatȱchurchȱnorȱbyȱtheȱbetter clericsȱandȱbetterȱlaity).

234

JohnȱA.ȱDempsey

Bonizo’sȱ elevationȱ likelyȱ constitutedȱ theȱ sourceȱ ofȱ Urban’sȱ concernȱ aboutȱ the legalityȱofȱtheȱproceedings.ȱCanonicalȱtraditionȱrequiredȱtheȱfreeȱassentȱofȱboth clergyȱ andȱ peopleȱ toȱ aȱ candidate’sȱ election.ȱ Althoughȱ thisȱ assentȱ didȱ not necessarilyȱhaveȱtoȱbeȱunanimous,ȱitȱnonethelessȱwasȱsupposedȱtoȱbeȱwidespread andȱincludeȱthatȱofȱtheȱseniorȱclergy.ȱ Urbanȱsurelyȱcouldȱhaveȱissuedȱaȱdispensationȱfromȱtheȱcanonicalȱnormȱoutȱof considerationȱforȱBonizo’sȱsituation.ȱThisȱsupposition,ȱhowever,ȱpresupposesȱthat theȱpopeȱsawȱBonizo’sȱenterpriseȱasȱusefulȱandȱnecessary;ȱyetȱheȱsawȱitȱasȱneither. Whileȱ veryȱ Patareneȱ inȱ character,ȱ Bonizo’sȱ rumpȱ electionȱ wasȱ justȱ theȱ kindȱ of controversialȱandȱhighlyȱpartisanȱaffairȱthatȱtheȱpopeȱmostȱwantedȱtoȱavoidȱin northernȱItaly.ȱHeȱwantedȱtoȱtoneȱdownȱtheȱpartisanshipȱofȱGregory’sȱfinalȱyears inȱthisȱregion.ȱAgain,ȱasȱstatedȱpreviously,ȱheȱknewȱthatȱsomeȱofȱtheȱimperialȱallies inȱ Germany,ȱ andȱ especiallyȱ inȱ Italy,ȱ hadȱ graveȱ doubtsȱ aboutȱ theȱ proprietyȱ of Henry’sȱactionsȱtowardȱGregory.ȱMoreover,ȱUrbanȱrecognizedȱthatȱsomeȱofȱthese ItalianȱalliesȱinȱparticularȱhadȱbegunȱtoȱdreadȱtheȱprospectȱofȱaȱrevitalizedȱandȱreȬ assertiveȱempire.ȱUrbanȱalsoȱknewȱthatȱtheȱpapalȱcauseȱcouldȱnotȱprosperȱinȱthe longȱrunȱgivenȱtheȱwayȱtheȱbattleȱlinesȱwereȱdrawnȱatȱhisȱelection.ȱTheȱRoman reformersȱwereȱpinnedȱsouthȱofȱRomeȱbyȱtheȱantiȬpope’sȱforcesȱandȱreliantȱonȱthe unreliableȱNormansȱforȱtheirȱimmediateȱprotection.ȱDespiteȱsomeȱrecentȱmoderate militaryȱ successes,ȱ Matildaȱ wasȱ stillȱ largelyȱ restrictedȱ toȱ herȱ territoryȱ northȱ of Tuscany.ȱForȱtheirȱpart,ȱtheȱGermanȱGregoriansȱwereȱgreatlyȱweakenedȱmilitarily byȱ1088.ȱHenryȱwasȱdominantȱinȱhisȱGermanȱkingdom.ȱ Thusȱtheȱpopeȱshrewdlyȱbeganȱtoȱpeelȱawayȱsupportersȱfromȱtheȱemperorȱand hisȱantiȬpopeȱbyȱhisȱaforementionedȱtemporizingȱofȱcanonicalȱrigorȱandȱofȱthe Gregorianȱ line.ȱ Inȱ theȱ casesȱ ofȱ certainȱ keyȱ prelatesȱ andȱ theirȱ churches,ȱ he demonstratedȱanȱeagernessȱtoȱforgiveȱtheirȱpreviousȱsupportȱofȱtheȱemperorȱand theȱantiȬpopeȱandȱtoȱmakeȱtheirȱreturnȱtoȱtheȱpapalȱfoldȱasȱeasyȱasȱpossible.ȱNew papalȱallies,ȱparticularlyȱinȱnorthernȱItaly,ȱwouldȱhaveȱrelievedȱtheȱGuibertistas’ pressureȱonȱRomeȱitself,ȱstrengthenedȱtheȱeverȱfaithfulȱCountessȱMatilda’sȱposition inȱ herȱ ownȱ territory,ȱ andȱ potentiallyȱ interruptedȱ theȱ flowȱ ofȱ informationȱ and suppliesȱbetweenȱHenryȱinȱGermanyȱandȱGuibert/ClementȱinȱRavenna.ȱ InȱPiacenza,ȱthereȱwasȱnoȱErlembaldȱCottaȱtoȱshieldȱBonizoȱfromȱhisȱenemies andȱatȱsomeȱpoint,ȱprobablyȱinȱtheȱsecondȱhalfȱofȱ1089ȱorȱmaybeȱearlyȱ1090,ȱthose whoȱhadȱswornȱanȱoathȱagainstȱhimȱmadeȱgoodȱonȱtheirȱvow.ȱInȱhisȱChronicon entryȱforȱ1089,ȱtheȱchroniclerȱBernoldȱofȱSt.ȱBlasienȱrelatesȱthatȱBishopȱBonizoȱof Sutriȱ wasȱ blinded,ȱ dismembered,ȱ andȱ martyredȱ byȱ schismaticsȱ inȱ Piacenza.72 BernoldȱwasȱwrongȱaboutȱBonizo’sȱdyingȱinȱPiacenza,ȱasȱevidencedȱbyȱBonizo’s commentsȱinȱtheȱDeȱvitaȱchristianaȱprovingȱthatȱheȱsurvivedȱtheȱbrutalȱassault.ȱFor

72

BernoldȱofȱSt.ȱBlasien,ȱChronicon,ȱa.ȱ1089,ȱ449ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).

BonizoȱofȱSutri’sȱResponseȱtoȱHereticalȱPrinces

235

instance,ȱinȱBookȱ5,ȱheȱcommentsȱthatȱnoȱfastingȱlawsȱhaveȱbeenȱestablishedȱfor cripplesȱlikeȱhimself.73 AtȱroughlyȱtheȱsameȱtimeȱthatȱBonizoȱhadȱbeenȱcampaigningȱinȱtheȱenvironsȱof Piacenza,ȱtheȱstarȱofȱoneȱerstwhileȱHenricianȱrecentlyȱreconciledȱtoȱtheȱpapalȱcause wasȱenjoyingȱaȱmeteoricȱrise.ȱSometimeȱinȱ1088,ȱUrbanȱpersonallyȱreȬordainedȱthe subdeaconȱDaibertȱtoȱtheȱdiaconateȱandȱthenȱsoonȱafterwardsȱconsecratedȱhim bishopȱofȱPisa.ȱWhatȱmadeȱthisȱremarkableȱwasȱtheȱfactȱthat,ȱjustȱfourȱorȱfiveȱyears earlier,ȱ theȱ newȱ Pisanȱ bishopȱ hadȱ firstȱ beenȱ ordainedȱ toȱ theȱ diaconateȱ byȱ the excommunicatedȱ Henricianȱ archbishopȱ ofȱ Mainzȱ andȱ imperialȱ chancellor, Wezilo.74ȱItȱappearsȱthatȱDaibertȱbelongedȱtoȱoneȱofȱtheȱmanyȱnorthernȱItalian episcopalȱandȱmunicipalȱdelegationsȱthatȱfollowedȱHenryȱIVȱbackȱintoȱGermany afterȱhisȱimperialȱcoronationȱinȱtheȱhopesȱofȱobtainingȱanȱimperialȱprivilege.75ȱThat heȱreceivedȱordinationȱatȱWezilo’sȱhandsȱdemonstratesȱDaibert’sȱinitialȱdesireȱto climbȱtheȱclericalȱcursusȱhonorumȱasȱaȱHenrician.ȱItȱisȱnotȱunimaginableȱthatȱhe hopedȱatȱsomeȱfutureȱtimeȱtoȱparleyȱhisȱordinationȱatȱtheȱhandsȱofȱoneȱofȱHenry’s episcopalȱfavoritesȱintoȱaȱbishopric.ȱ However,ȱatȱsomeȱpointȱnotȱlongȱafterȱhisȱordination,ȱDaibertȱevidentlyȱforswore hisȱallegianceȱtoȱtheȱHenriciansȱandȱcrossedȱbackȱintoȱItaly.ȱMichaelȱMatzkeȱhas commentedȱthatȱhisȱsubsequentȱelevationȱtoȱtheȱPisanȱseeȱstronglyȱhintsȱthatȱwhen heȱdefectedȱtoȱtheȱpapalȱcampȱDaibertȱenteredȱtheȱcircleȱofȱclericsȱsurrounding MatildaȱofȱTuscany.ȱPisaȱlayȱwithinȱherȱpatrimonyȱandȱsheȱwasȱcloselyȱassociated withȱDaibert’sȱlastȱtwoȱpredecessorsȱthere,ȱLandulfȱandȱGerard.ȱFurthermore,ȱjust aȱyearȱbeforeȱDaibert’sȱelectionȱandȱconsecration,ȱMatildaȱhadȱcoȬsponsoredȱthe jointȱ PisanȬGenoeseȱ militaryȱ expeditionȱ toȱ Mahdia,ȱ inȱ modernȬdayȱ Tunis.ȱ The flotilla’sȱspiritualȱleader,ȱaȱbishopȱnamedȱBenedict,ȱwasȱalmostȱcertainlyȱBenedict ofȱModena,ȱanotherȱoneȱofȱtheȱcountess’sȱepiscopalȱclients.ȱTherefore,ȱitȱappears thatȱ Matildaȱ didȱ indeedȱ introduceȱ Daibertȱ toȱ theȱ popeȱ andȱ thatȱ togetherȱ the countessȱandȱtheȱpopeȱpresentedȱhimȱtoȱtheȱPisansȱasȱaȱcandidateȱforȱtheirȱthen vacantȱepiscopalȱsee.ȱ Likeȱ Urban,ȱ Matildaȱ tooȱ probablyȱ realizedȱ thatȱ sheȱ couldȱ notȱ holdȱ out indefinitelyȱagainstȱaȱhostileȱemperorȱandȱequallyȱhostileȱneighborsȱinȱItaly.ȱIn

73 74

75

Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ5.ȱ80:ȱ206. Michaelȱ Matzke,ȱ Daibertȱ vonȱ Pisa:ȱ Zwischenȱ Pisa,ȱ Papstȱ undȱ erstemȱ Kreuzzug,ȱ Vorträgeȱ und Forschungen,ȱSonderbandȱ44ȱ(Sigmaringen:ȱJanȱThorbeckeȱVerlag,ȱ1998),ȱ35–36.ȱTheȱprincipal basisȱofȱMatzke’sȱchronologyȱisȱaȱcommentȱmadeȱbyȱUrbanȱIIȱinȱhisȱletterȱofȱlateȱ1088ȱtoȱBishop PeterȱofȱPistoiaȱandȱAbbotȱRusticusȱofȱVallombrosa.ȱInȱit,ȱtheȱpopeȱwritesȱthat,ȱpriorȱtoȱhisȱ“reȬ ordination,”ȱDaibertȱhadȱbeenȱlaboringȱgreatlyȱonȱbehalfȱofȱtheȱChurch.ȱGivenȱthatȱWeziloȱwas consecratedȱarchbishopȱinȱOctoberȱofȱ1084ȱandȱthatȱbyȱlateȱ1088,ȱDaibertȱhadȱalreadyȱdefectedȱto theȱpapalȱcamp,ȱMatzkeȱhasȱsuggestedȱthatȱDaibertȱmustȱhaveȱbeenȱordainedȱbyȱWeziloȱfairly closeȱinȱtimeȱtoȱWezilo’sȱepiscopalȱconsecration. Matzke,ȱDaibertȱvonȱPisa,ȱ11–36ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ74).

236

JohnȱA.ȱDempsey

particular,ȱtheȱcountessȱneededȱtoȱmendȱfencesȱwithȱtheȱtownsmenȱofȱherȱown patrimony,ȱmanyȱofȱwhomȱhadȱdefectedȱtoȱHenryȱinȱtheȱcourseȱofȱhisȱfirstȱtwo Italianȱexpeditions.ȱTheȱMahdiaȱcampaignȱandȱtheȱpresentationȱofȱDaibertȱwere keyȱcomponentsȱinȱtheȱcountess’sȱattemptedȱreconciliationȱwithȱtheȱPisans.ȱForȱher part,ȱ Matildaȱ tookȱ furtherȱ stepsȱ toȱ demonstrateȱ herȱ goodwillȱ towardsȱ Pisa. Increasingly,ȱsheȱabstainedȱfromȱherȱrightsȱandȱprivilegesȱinȱthatȱcity.ȱInȱ1103,ȱshe wentȱsoȱfarȱasȱtoȱdonateȱherȱresidenceȱatȱtheȱChurchȱofȱSt.ȱNicolaȱtoȱtheȱcathedral canons.76 UrbanȱalsoȱlavishedȱfavorsȱuponȱDaibertȱandȱhisȱsee.ȱInȱ1091,ȱUrbanȱconfirmed DaibertȱasȱpapalȱlegateȱinȱCorsica.ȱAȱyearȱlater,ȱinȱtheȱpresenceȱofȱMatildaȱand someȱ ofȱ herȱ Pisanȱ allies,ȱ theȱ popeȱ issuedȱ aȱ privilegeȱ thatȱ elevatedȱ Daibertȱ to archbishopȱandȱmadeȱhimȱmetropolitanȱofȱCorsicaȱandȱpapalȱlegateȱtoȱneighboring Sardinia.77ȱ Inȱ addition,ȱ Daibertȱ alsoȱ enjoyedȱ jurisdictionalȱ authorityȱ overȱ the churchesȱofȱtheȱmineralȱrichȱTyrrhenianȱislandsȱofȱElbaȱandȱGiglio.ȱAsȱMichael Matzkeȱ hasȱ remarked,ȱ theȱ pope’sȱ gradualȱ extensionȱ ofȱ Daibert’sȱ jurisdictional powersȱ alsoȱ markedȱ outȱ theȱ extensionȱ ofȱ Pisanȱ influenceȱ inȱ theȱ western Mediterranean.78 Urban’sȱsponsorshipȱofȱDaibertȱsentȱshockȱwavesȱthroughȱtheȱpapalȱcampȱin Italy.ȱTheȱmostȱdirectȱevidenceȱthatȱweȱpossessȱofȱtheseȱwavesȱisȱtheȱletterȱthatȱthe popeȱaddressedȱtoȱBishopȱPeterȱofȱPistoiaȱandȱAbbotȱRusticusȱofȱVallombrosaȱin theȱfallȱorȱwinterȱofȱ1088.79ȱUrban’sȱlanguageȱmakesȱitȱclearȱthatȱheȱwasȱresponding toȱanȱearlierȱmessageȱfromȱtheȱpair.ȱHeȱremindsȱthemȱthatȱtheyȱhadȱwrittenȱtoȱhim aboutȱtheȱmostȱseriousȱscandalȱthatȱhadȱarisenȱamongȱthemȱdueȱtoȱhisȱconsecration ofȱDaibert,ȱwhoȱhadȱbeenȱordainedȱaȱdeaconȱbyȱtheȱhereticȱWezilo.80ȱ TheȱcontentȱofȱUrban’sȱletterȱindicatesȱthatȱPeterȱandȱRusticus’sȱconcernȱwas twofold.ȱOnȱtheȱoneȱhand,ȱtheyȱwereȱapparentlyȱtakenȱabackȱthatȱUrbanȱwould haveȱelevatedȱtoȱtheȱepiscopacyȱaȱmanȱwhoȱhadȱreceivedȱdiaconalȱordersȱfromȱan excommunicant.ȱMatzkeȱhasȱnotedȱthatȱthereȱcirculatedȱinȱsomeȱreformȱcirclesȱof theȱeraȱtheȱlegalȱopinionȱthatȱreconciledȱhereticsȱcouldȱnotȱadvanceȱbeyondȱtheȱlast officeȱthatȱtheyȱhadȱheldȱpriorȱtoȱtheirȱseparationȱfromȱtheȱChurch.81ȱAlso,ȱgiven

76 77 78 79

80

81

Matzke,ȱDaibertȱvonȱPisa,ȱ59ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ74) Matzke,ȱDaibertȱvonȱPisa,ȱ75–76ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ74). Matzke,ȱDaibertȱvonȱPisa,ȱ100–101ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ74). Somerville,ȱ105–9ȱandȱEpistolae,ȱDiplomataȱetȱSermones,ȱbeatiȱUrbaniȱII,ȱPatrologiaȱLatina,ȱed.ȱJacquesȬ Paulȱ Migne,ȱ 217ȱ vols.ȱ (Paris:ȱ Imprimerieȱ Catholique,ȱ 1844–55;ȱ rpt.ȱ Paris:ȱ Garnier,ȱ 1880–) [Henceforthȱ=ȱPL],ȱ151:ȱ11:ȱ294–95.ȱ Somerville,ȱ105Ȭ6:ȱ“ScripsistisȱnobisȱmaximumȱapudȱvosȱscandalumȱemerisseȱquodȱPisianum episcopumȱconsecraverimus,ȱquiȱaȱGuezeloneȱhereticoȱdiaconusȱfueratȱordinates.”ȱ(Youȱwroteȱto usȱthatȱaȱmostȱgrievousȱscandalȱhadȱarisenȱamongȱyouȱbecauseȱweȱconsecratedȱtheȱbishopȱofȱPisa, whoȱhadȱbeenȱordainedȱaȱdeaconȱbyȱtheȱhereticȱWezilo).ȱ Matzke,ȱDaibertȱvonȱPisa,ȱ34ȱandȱ34ȱn.ȱ59ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ74).ȱMatzkeȱpointsȱoutȱthatȱsuchȱaȱprovisionȱcan beȱfoundȱinȱtheȱfamousȱcollectionȱofȱcanonsȱentitledȱtheȱCollectionȱinȱ74ȱTitles.ȱBonizoȱtooȱwas

BonizoȱofȱSutri’sȱResponseȱtoȱHereticalȱPrinces

237

thatȱUrbanȱdedicatesȱtheȱfinalȱtenȱlinesȱofȱhisȱfortyȬfiveȬlineȱletterȱspecificallyȱtoȱa defenseȱ ofȱ hisȱ reȬordinationȱ ofȱ Daibert,ȱ Peterȱ andȱ Rusticusȱ mustȱ haveȱ also questionedȱtheȱproprietyȱofȱthisȱparticularȱmaneuver.ȱUrbanȱseemsȱtoȱhaveȱbeen especiallyȱanxiousȱtoȱacquitȱhimselfȱofȱtheȱchargeȱthatȱheȱhadȱillegallyȱrepeatedȱthe bestowalȱofȱaȱsacrament.ȱHeȱinsistsȱinȱhisȱmessageȱthatȱwhatȱheȱhadȱdoneȱdidȱnot constituteȱaȱrepetitionȱofȱtheȱsacramentȱofȱholyȱorders,ȱbutȱinsteadȱaȱtrueȱbestowal ofȱit.82ȱMostȱinterestingly,ȱinȱdefenseȱofȱthisȱaction,ȱUrbanȱadoptedȱtheȱrigorist argumentȱofȱCardinalȱHumbertȱofȱSilvaȱCandidaȱonȱtheȱquestionȱofȱtheȱvalidityȱof theȱsacramentsȱofȱhereticalȱclergy.ȱMoreȱprecisely,ȱheȱutilizesȱaȱsententiaȱofȱPope Innocentȱ I,ȱ wellȱ knownȱ byȱ rigorists,ȱ toȱ denyȱ theȱ validityȱ ofȱ suchȱ sacraments. Accordingȱ toȱ Innocent’sȱ ruling,ȱ aȱ hereticȱ ordainedȱ byȱ hereticsȱ cannotȱ validly ordainȱanotherȱmanȱbecauseȱheȱhasȱnothingȱtoȱbestowȱuponȱhim.83ȱ Atȱfirstȱinspection,ȱthen,ȱitȱwouldȱappearȱthatȱUrbanȱwasȱaȱtheologicalȱhardȱliner onȱtheȱquestionȱofȱtheȱvalidityȱofȱtheȱsacramentsȱofȱtheȱGuibertineȱhierarchy.ȱYet, asȱ Matzkeȱ hasȱ remarked,ȱ aȱ politicalȱ motiveȱ layȱ behindȱ theȱ nullificationȱ ofȱ the consecrationsȱandȱordinationsȱofȱtheȱGuibertistas.ȱTheȱpoliticalȱgoalȱwasȱtoȱstrike atȱtheȱspiritualȱauthorityȱandȱprestigeȱofȱtheȱHenricianȱparty.ȱParadoxically,ȱatȱthe sameȱtime,ȱtheȱpope’sȱreȬordinationȱofȱDaibertȱsignaledȱhisȱreadinessȱtoȱwelcome backȱintoȱtheȱpapalȱfoldȱallȱthoseȱwhoȱhadȱstrayedȱintoȱtheȱHenricianȱcamp.ȱUrban employedȱaȱrigoristȱtheologicalȱargumentȱinȱDaibert’sȱcaseȱinȱorderȱtoȱachieveȱa moderateȱpoliticalȱgoal.84ȱHeȱusedȱaȱradicalȱrationaleȱtoȱjustifyȱdétenteȱwithȱan erstwhileȱHenrician. AnotherȱcontroversialȱaffairȱthatȱbroughtȱBonizo’sȱwrathȱdownȱuponȱtheȱpope andȱtheȱcountessȱinȱtheȱDeȱvitaȱchristianaȱwasȱMatilda’sȱdecisionȱinȱ1089ȱtoȱremarry. Inȱthatȱyear,ȱtheȱfortyȬthreeȬyearȬoldȱcountessȱmarriedȱtheȱseventeenȬyearȬoldȱheir toȱ theȱ duchyȱ ofȱ Bavaria,ȱ Welfȱ V.ȱ Sinceȱ Welf’sȱ fatherȱ (Welfȱ IV)ȱ alsoȱ claimed extensiveȱlandsȱinȱItaly—hisȱgrandfatherȱhadȱfoundedȱtheȱHouseȱofȱEste—Welf’s unionȱwithȱMatildaȱthreatenedȱtoȱcreateȱaȱpowerfulȱprincipalityȱstretchingȱfrom Tuscanyȱ toȱ southernȱ Germanyȱ andȱ wouldȱ haveȱ alsoȱ placedȱ bothȱ sidesȱ ofȱ the AlpineȱBrennerȱPassȱsystemȱintoȱantiȬimperialȱhands.ȱLikeȱtheȱdefectionȱofȱPisa fromȱtheȱimperialȱcamp,ȱthisȱdevelopmentȱwouldȱhaveȱimpededȱHenry’sȱability

82

83

84

awareȱofȱthisȱopinionȱandȱattributedȱitȱtoȱaȱdecreeȱofȱPopeȱInnocentȱI.ȱSeeȱBonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana, 1.ȱ43:ȱ32. Somerville,ȱ 106:ȱ “quodȱ nonȱ reiteracionemȱ estimariȱ censemusȱ sedȱ tantumȱ integramȱ diaconii dationem”ȱ(weȱdeclareȱthatȱthisȱisȱnotȱtoȱbeȱdeemedȱaȱrepetition,ȱbutȱonlyȱtheȱtrueȱgrantȱofȱthe diaconate). Somerville,ȱ106:ȱ“etȱbeatiȱInnocentiȱpapaeȱconstatȱsententiaȱdeclaratumȱquodȱGuezelo,ȱhereticus abȱ hereticisȱ ordinatus,ȱ quiaȱ nilȱ habuitȱ dareȱ nilȱ potuitȱ eiȱ (Daibert),ȱ cuiȱ manusȱ imposuit”ȱ (and declaredȱbyȱtheȱjudgmentȱofȱblessedȱPopeȱInnocent,ȱthatȱWezilo,ȱaȱhereticȱordainedȱbyȱheretics, wasȱableȱtoȱgiveȱnothingȱtoȱhimȱ[Daibert]ȱonȱwhomȱheȱimposedȱhandsȱbecauseȱheȱhadȱnothing). Matzke,ȱ32–33.ȱ

238

JohnȱA.ȱDempsey

toȱcommunicateȱwithȱandȱdefendȱhisȱantiȬpopeȱandȱhisȱotherȱItalianȱalliesȱandȱthus itȱwouldȱhaveȱimprovedȱMatildaȱandȱUrban’sȱstrategicȱpositions.ȱOfȱcourse,ȱthe strategicȱconsiderationsȱbehindȱMatilda’sȱdecisionȱtoȱremarryȱmatteredȱveryȱlittle toȱ theȱ Patareneȱ activistȱ Bonizo.ȱ Basedȱ onȱ someȱ ofȱ hisȱ remarksȱ inȱ theȱ Deȱ vita christiana,ȱtheȱbishopȱofȱSutriȱclearlyȱopposedȱMatilda’sȱremarriage.ȱOnȱtheȱone hand,ȱBonizoȱobjectedȱtoȱMatilda’sȱreȬmarriageȱonȱreligiousȱgrounds.ȱBasedȱupon someȱofȱhisȱlanguageȱinȱtheȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱitȱappearsȱthatȱsometimeȱafterȱthe deathȱ ofȱ herȱ firstȱ husbandȱ inȱ 1076,ȱ Matildaȱ hadȱ enteredȱ intoȱ aȱ stateȱ ofȱ holy widowhood,ȱwhichȱentailedȱaȱvowȱofȱchastity.85ȱCinzioȱViolanteȱpointedȱoutȱsome timeȱ agoȱ thatȱ manyȱ eleventhȱ centuryȱ Churchmenȱ consideredȱ widowhoodȱ a spirituallyȱsuperiorȱstateȱofȱlifeȱtoȱthatȱofȱmarriage.86ȱViolanteȱalsoȱnotedȱthatȱin eleventhȱcenturyȱItalianȱreformȱcirclesȱtheȱnotionȱexistedȱthatȱpiousȱwidowedȱor unmarriedȱ laity,ȱ particularlyȱ maleȱ aristocrats,ȱ couldȱ betterȱ serveȱ theȱ Church’s needsȱ byȱ leadingȱ asceticalȱ livesȱ ofȱ serviceȱ inȱ theȱ worldȱ thanȱ byȱ enteringȱ the cloister.ȱViolanteȱhasȱpointedȱoutȱthatȱErlembaldȱCotta,ȱandȱtheȱRomanȱprefect, CenciusȱIohannis,ȱtheȱstaunchȱlayȱallyȱofȱGregoryȱVIIȱinȱRome,ȱareȱtwoȱofȱtheȱmore famousȱ representativesȱ ofȱ theseȱ eleventhȱ centuryȱ “contemplativesȱ inȱ action.”87 Eachȱman,ȱatȱtheȱrequestȱofȱaȱcleric,ȱsetȱasideȱhisȱownȱdesireȱtoȱenterȱtheȱmonastery inȱorderȱtoȱwieldȱtheȱmaterialȱswordȱinȱdefenseȱofȱecclesiasticalȱreformȱagainstȱits opponents.ȱAsȱfarȱasȱweȱknow,ȱneitherȱmanȱremarried.ȱ Itȱisȱinstructiveȱthat,ȱinȱhisȱTractatusȱinȱCanticaȱCanticorumȱ(TreatiseȱonȱtheȱSong ofȱSongs)ȱofȱca.ȱ1081–1083,ȱanotherȱMatildineȱfavorite,ȱJohnȱofȱMantua,ȱassuresȱthe countessȱ thatȱ herȱ militaryȱ serviceȱ againstȱ theȱ Henricianȱ partyȱ constitutesȱ an extensionȱofȱherȱprayerȱlife.88ȱOneȱofȱtheȱchiefȱpurposesȱofȱJohn’sȱcommentaryȱwas toȱconvinceȱMatildaȱnotȱtoȱtakeȱtheȱveilȱinȱaȱformalȱsense,ȱbutȱratherȱtoȱremain activelyȱ opposedȱ toȱ antichristȱ (i.ȱ e.,ȱ Henryȱ IV)ȱ withȱ “consilioȱ etȱ armis”ȱ (wise judgmentȱandȱarms).89ȱThus,ȱitȱseemsȱthatȱtheȱcircleȱofȱclericsȱgatheredȱaroundȱthe countessȱinȱtheȱearlyȱandȱmidȬ1080s,ȱamongȱwhomȱnumberedȱBonizoȱofȱSutri,ȱhad presentedȱtoȱherȱtheȱideaȱthatȱsheȱcouldȱbetterȱserveȱGod’sȱchurchȱasȱaȱholyȱwidow engagedȱagainstȱitsȱenemiesȱbothȱspirituallyȱandȱmilitarilyȱthanȱasȱaȱcloisteredȱnun.ȱ

85 86

87 88

89

Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ7.29:ȱ250.ȱ CinzioViolante,ȱ“Iȱlaiciȱnelȱmovimentoȱpatarino,”ȱIȱlaiciȱnellaȱsocietàȱcristianaȱdeiȱsecoliȱXIȱeȱXII:ȱAtti dellaȱ terzaȱ settimanaȱ internazionaleȱ diȱ studio,ȱ Mendolaȱ 21Ȭ27ȱ agostoȱ 1965,ȱ Pubblicazioneȱ dell’ UniversitàȱcattolicaȱdelȱSacroȱCuore,ȱContributiȱȬȱSerieȱ3,ȱVariaȱȬ5,ȱMiscellaneaȱdelȱCentroȱdiȱStudi Medioevaliȱ5ȱ(Milan:ȱVitaȱeȱpensiero,ȱ1968),ȱ597–687;ȱrepr.ȱidem,ȱStudiȱsullaȱCristianitàȱmedioevaleȱ (Milan,ȱ1975),ȱ154–55. Violante,ȱ682–83. ValerieȱEads,ȱ“MightyȱinȱWar:ȱTheȱCampaignsȱofȱMatildaȱofȱTuscany,”ȱPh.D.ȱdiss.,ȱCityȱUniversity ofȱNewȱYork,ȱ2000,ȱ221.ȱ H[erbert]ȱE.ȱJ.ȱCowdrey,ȱTheȱAgeȱofȱAbbotȱDesiderius:ȱMontecassino,ȱtheȱPapacy,ȱandȱtheȱNormansȱin theȱEleventhȱandȱEarlyȱTwelfthȱCenturiesȱ(Oxford:ȱClarendonȱPress,ȱ1983),ȱ300.

BonizoȱofȱSutri’sȱResponseȱtoȱHereticalȱPrinces

239

Onȱ aȱ moralȱ level,ȱ whatȱ seemsȱ toȱ haveȱ mostȱ upsetȱ Bonizoȱ aboutȱ Matilda’s remarriageȱwasȱthatȱheȱbelievedȱthatȱsheȱhadȱforsakenȱherȱvowȱofȱchastityȱandȱhad engagedȱinȱconjugalȱrelationsȱwithȱWelf.ȱImplicitly,ȱheȱalsoȱblamesȱUrbanȱforȱher folly.90ȱ Toȱ beȱ sure,ȱ theȱ pope’sȱ fingerprintsȱ wereȱ allȱ overȱ theȱ affair.ȱ Inȱ his announcementȱofȱMatilda’sȱremarriageȱinȱhisȱChroniconȱentryȱofȱ1089,ȱBernold reportsȱthatȱtheȱcountessȱdidȱnotȱremarryȱbecauseȱofȱanyȱsexualȱincontinenceȱon herȱpartȱbutȱinȱobedienceȱtoȱtheȱRomanȱpontiffȱtoȱhelpȱtheȱRomanȱChurchȱagainst theȱexcommunicatedȱ(i.ȱe.,ȱHenryȱandȱGuibert/Clement).91ȱ Onȱ theȱ ecclesioȬpoliticalȱ level,ȱ Matilda’sȱ remarriage,ȱ likeȱ herȱ patronageȱ of Daibert,ȱangeredȱBonizoȱbecauseȱitȱsignaledȱherȱagreementȱwithȱUrbanȱtoȱpursue aȱ strategyȱ thatȱ didȱ notȱ entailȱ anȱ acrossȱ theȱ boardȱ counterȬoffensiveȱ againstȱ all ostensibleȱHenriciansȱinȱnorthernȱItaly.ȱInȱotherȱwords,ȱitȱindicatedȱtoȱBonizoȱthat sheȱwasȱnotȱsimplyȱgoingȱtoȱfightȱallȱtheȱPataria’sȱoldȱbattlesȱoverȱagain.ȱWhile bothȱrenewedȱfriendshipȱwithȱPisaȱandȱtheȱsubsequentȱmarriageȱtoȱWelfȱwere potentiallyȱ toȱ theȱ countess’sȱ greatȱ advantage,ȱ neitherȱ diplomaticȱ maneuver avengedȱtheȱPataria’sȱsuffering.

IV.ȱTheȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana:ȱCanonicalȱTreatiseȱasȱ EcclesioȬPoliticalȱPolemic Scholarsȱ haveȱ groupedȱ theȱ Deȱ vitaȱ christianaȱ withȱ theȱ contemporaneousȱ canon collectionsȱ ofȱ Bonizo’sȱ fellowȱ reformers,ȱ Anselmȱ IIȱ ofȱ Luccaȱ andȱ Cardinal Deusdedit.ȱLikeȱhisȱfellowȱreformers’ȱpieces,ȱBonizo’sȱtextȱisȱlessȱofȱanȱacademic treatiseȱthanȱitȱisȱaȱpolemicalȱtract.ȱScholarsȱhaveȱlongȱbeenȱawareȱofȱtheȱpolemical qualityȱ ofȱ Bonizo’sȱ canonisticȱ work.ȱ Theȱ bitterȱ polemicȱ directedȱ atȱ Matildaȱ in Bonizo’sȱ ownȱ sententia,ȱ whichȱ concludesȱ Bookȱ 7,ȱ wasȱ firstȱ decipheredȱ inȱ the nineteenthȱ century.92ȱ Inȱ theȱ introductionȱ toȱ hisȱ editionȱ ofȱ theȱ Deȱ vitaȱ christiana (1929),ȱErnstȱPerelsȱacknowledgedȱtheȱpolemicalȱqualityȱofȱBonizo’sȱtreatise.ȱWhile heȱneitherȱembracedȱnorȱdeniedȱFournier’sȱassertionsȱaboutȱtheȱantiȬpapalȱpolemic inȱtheȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱPerelsȱreadilyȱadmittedȱthatȱtheȱbook’sȱcanonicalȱcitations seemȱ intendedȱ toȱ validateȱ Bonizo’sȱ ownȱ assertionsȱ inȱ hisȱ introductionsȱ and sententiae.93ȱToȱhisȱwayȱofȱthinking,ȱtheȱDeȱvitaȱchristianaȱpossessedȱaȱdefiniteȱtractȬ likeȱquality.ȱHeȱconcurredȱwithȱWilhelmȱvonȱGiesebrecht’sȱearlierȱopinionȱthat Bonizo’sȱworkȱconstitutedȱaȱcrossȱbetweenȱaȱcanonȱcollectionȱandȱaȱtheological

90 91 92 93

Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ7.29:ȱ250.ȱ Bernold,ȱChronicon,ȱa.ȱ1089,ȱ449ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5). Saur,ȱȱ“StudienȱüberȱBonizo,”ȱ395–464ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4). ErnstȱPerels,ȱed.,ȱ“Introduction,”ȱLiberȱdeȱvitaȱChristiana,ȱxxiiȱ(seeȱnoteȱ3).ȱ

240

JohnȱA.ȱDempsey

tract.94ȱTheȱmostȱrecentȱreconnoitererȱofȱtheȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱWalterȱBerschin,ȱhas likewiseȱacknowledgedȱtheȱidiosyncraticȱqualitiesȱofȱtheȱtreatise.ȱHeȱtooȱhasȱdrawn attentionȱtoȱtheȱdiatribeȱagainstȱMatildaȱinȱBookȱ7ȱasȱwellȱasȱtoȱthoseȱpointsȱinȱthe bookȱwhereȱBonizoȱseemsȱopenlyȱtoȱlamentȱhisȱownȱdifficultȱsituationȱatȱtheȱtime ofȱ itsȱ composition.ȱ Unlikeȱ Perels,ȱ Berschinȱ grantsȱ thatȱ Bonizoȱ demonstratesȱ a certainȱ antipathyȱ towardsȱ Urban.ȱ Butȱ heȱ doesȱ notȱ thinkȱ thatȱ theȱ riftȱ between BonizoȱandȱtheȱpopeȱwasȱasȱwideȱasȱFournierȱhadȱbelieved.95 Inȱactuality,ȱnoneȱofȱtheȱpreviousȱdistinguishedȱstudentsȱofȱtheȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana hasȱpursuedȱtheȱpolemicalȱelementsȱinȱtheȱtextȱfarȱenough.ȱPerelsȱwasȱabsolutely correctȱtoȱidentifyȱBonizo’sȱownȱsententiaeȱandȱintroductionsȱasȱtheȱmostȱimportant elementsȱ ofȱ theȱ Deȱ vitaȱ christiana.ȱ Theyȱ constituteȱ theȱ chiefȱ lociȱ ofȱ Bonizo’s polemicalȱ arguments.ȱ Throughoutȱ hisȱ treatise,ȱ heȱ subordinatesȱ hisȱ canonical materialȱ toȱ theȱ pursuitȱ ofȱ theseȱ arguments.ȱ Hisȱ sententiaeȱ andȱ introductions constituteȱtheȱlensȱthroughȱwhichȱtheȱcanonicalȱexcerptsȱmustȱbeȱread.ȱIronically, hisȱpolemicalȱmotivationsȱleadȱhimȱinȱplacesȱtoȱechoȱtheȱHenricianȱpolemicȱofȱthe 1080s:ȱmostȱnotablyȱinȱBookȱ7,ȱonȱtheȱquestionȱofȱarmedȱresistanceȱtoȱaȱwayward Christianȱprince.ȱInȱeffect,ȱheȱabandonsȱtheȱideaȱadvancedȱinȱtheȱAdȱamicumȱofȱholy civilȱwarȱagainstȱhereticalȱorȱschismaticȱkings,ȱinȱfavorȱofȱtheȱmoreȱAugustinian notionȱ thatȱ theȱ Churchȱ mayȱ callȱ uponȱ Christianȱ publicȱ authoritiesȱ toȱ enforce ecclesiasticalȱdiscipline. Fundamentally,ȱtheȱDeȱvitaȱchristianaȱisȱeveryȱbitȱasȱpolemicalȱasȱtheȱAdȱamicum. ItȱisȱaȱpolemicalȱpieceȱcomposedȱbyȱaȱsidelinedȱPatareneȱactivistȱwoundedȱinȱbody byȱecclesiasticalȱrivalsȱbutȱinȱspiritȱbyȱUrbanȱII’sȱdétenteȱpolicy.ȱTakenȱtogether withȱ hisȱ ownȱ brutalȱ experienceȱ inȱ Piacenza,ȱ itȱ wasȱ thisȱ détenteȱ policyȱ that convincedȱ Bonizoȱ ofȱ hisȱ work’sȱ necessity.ȱ Thisȱ shiftȱ inȱ papalȱ strategyȱ had endangeredȱ theȱ principlesȱ ofȱ trueȱ religionȱ asȱ understoodȱ fromȱ aȱ Patarene perspective.ȱUltimately,ȱitȱmakesȱmostȱsenseȱtoȱsituateȱtheȱDeȱvitaȱchristianaȱwithin theȱcontextȱofȱtheȱliteratureȱofȱthoseȱdisaffectedȱbyȱUrban’sȱdétenteȱpolicyȱofȱthe earlyȱ1090s,ȱasȱexemplifiedȱbyȱLandulfȱofȱSt.ȱPaul’sȱHistoriaȱmediolanensisȱ(History ofȱMilan)ȱandȱtheȱaforesaidȱletterȱofȱPeterȱofȱPistoiaȱandȱRusticusȱofȱVallombrosa, thanȱtoȱplaceȱitȱwithinȱtheȱcontextȱofȱtheȱcanonicalȱcollectionsȱofȱAnselmȱIIȱand Deusdedit.ȱ YetȱforȱallȱofȱhisȱstingingȱcriticismȱofȱUrban,ȱBonizoȱneverȱformallyȱbreaksȱwith him,ȱletȱaloneȱwithȱtheȱRomanȱChurchȱitself.ȱTheȱBonizoȱofȱtheȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana certainlyȱsawȱtheȱpopeȱasȱaȱvain,ȱimprudentȱfigureȱandȱperhapsȱevenȱasȱtheȱdevil’s stooge.ȱRegardless,ȱBonizoȱalsoȱmaintainsȱaȱheroicȱallegianceȱtoȱtheȱRomanȱChurch ofȱcanonicalȱtraditionȱandȱheȱobviouslyȱwantedȱhisȱaudienceȱtoȱimitateȱhim.ȱThe woundedȱandȱhumiliatedȱPatareneȱactivistȱwouldȱnot,ȱcouldȱnot,ȱturnȱhisȱbackȱon

94 95

Perels,ȱ“Introduction,”ȱxxiiiȱ(seeȱnoteȱ93). Berschin,ȱLebenȱundȱWerk,ȱ17,ȱn.ȱ62ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).

BonizoȱofȱSutri’sȱResponseȱtoȱHereticalȱPrinces

241

theȱlessonȱlearnedȱasȱaȱyoungȱmanȱinȱhisȱPatareneȱcommunityȱthatȱtheȱRoman Churchȱwasȱtheȱguarantorȱofȱallȱtrueȱreligion.ȱ Ostensibly,ȱBonizoȱopensȱhisȱworkȱonȱtheȱChristianȱlife,ȱlogicallyȱenough,ȱwith aȱdiscussionȱofȱbaptism.ȱTheȱcanonicalȱexcerpts,ȱwhichȱcompriseȱfortyȬtwoȱofȱBook 1’sȱfortyȬfourȱchapters,ȱdominateȱBonizo’sȱtext.ȱAllȱofȱtheseȱcitations,ȱwhichȱhe drawsȱfromȱpatristicȱliteratureȱandȱpapalȱandȱconciliarȱlegislation,ȱconcernȱsome aspectȱofȱbaptism.ȱSignificantly,ȱfifteenȱofȱtheseȱcitationsȱconcernȱtheȱvalidityȱof baptismsȱ performedȱ byȱ hereticsȱ orȱ wickedȱ men.ȱ Elevenȱ ofȱ theseȱ comeȱ from Augustine’sȱDeȱbaptismoȱcontraȱDonatistasȱ(OnȱBaptism,ȱagainstȱtheȱDonatists).ȱ However,ȱasȱhisȱownȱsententiae,ȱcomprisingȱChaptersȱ43ȱandȱ44ȱofȱBookȱ1,ȱattest, Bonizo’sȱrealȱconcernȱinȱBookȱ1ȱisȱnotȱbaptismȱatȱall.ȱHeȱemploysȱtheȱcanonical citationsȱonȱbaptismȱtoȱsetȱupȱhisȱownȱargumentȱinȱtheȱBook’sȱfinalȱtwoȱchapters onȱ theȱ relatedȱ butȱ distinctȱ subjectȱ ofȱ ordination.ȱ Moreȱ precisely,ȱ asȱ Fournier recognizedȱlongȱago,ȱBonizo’sȱrealȱconcernȱinȱBookȱ1ȱisȱtoȱtakeȱissueȱwithȱUrban II’sȱimplementationȱofȱtheȱecclesioȬpoliticalȱlineȱthatȱnecessitatedȱtheȱreȬordination ofȱclericsȱsacramentallyȱtaintedȱbyȱtheȱhereticalȱGuibertineȱhierarchy.ȱBonizoȱis furtherȱobviouslyȱdisturbedȱbyȱtheȱfactȱthatȱsomeȱofȱtheseȱclericsȱproceededȱto obtainȱ higherȱ offices.ȱ Whileȱ heȱ neverȱ mentionsȱ Daibertȱ byȱ name,ȱ Bonizo’s complaintsȱinȱhisȱownȱChaptersȱ43ȱandȱ44ȱaboutȱtheȱreȬordinationȱandȱpromotion ofȱerstwhileȱGuibertinesȱclearlyȱmirrorȱthoseȱevidentlyȱraisedȱbyȱPeterȱofȱPistoia andȱ Rusticusȱ ofȱ Vallombrosaȱ withȱ Urbanȱ concerningȱ Daibert.ȱ Theȱ canonical citationsȱrelatingȱtoȱbaptism,ȱwhichȱmakeȱupȱtheȱprecedingȱfortyȬtwoȱchapters, especiallyȱthoseȱtakenȱfromȱAugustine’sȱDeȱbaptismoȱlargelyȱserveȱasȱproofȱmaterial forȱhisȱlightlyȱdisguisedȱpolemicȱagainstȱUrbanȱinȱtheȱBook’sȱfinalȱtwoȱchapters. InȱthisȱlatterȱportionȱofȱBookȱ1,ȱBonizoȱindirectlyȱdenouncesȱtheȱpope’sȱactionsȱas contraryȱ toȱ papalȱ law;ȱ andȱ evenȱ worse,ȱ heȱ impliesȱ thatȱ Urban’sȱ reȬordination policyȱbordersȱonȱDonatism.ȱStill,ȱheȱstopsȱshortȱofȱaccusingȱtheȱpontiffȱofȱheresy andȱevenȱoffersȱaȱcanonicalȱfigȱleafȱforȱhisȱbehavior.ȱȱȱ InȱChapterȱ43,ȱtheȱfirstȱofȱhisȱtwoȱsententiaeȱthatȱconcludeȱBookȱ1,ȱBonizoȱlaysȱthe legalȱgroundworkȱforȱhisȱmoreȱrhetorical,ȱthinlyȱveiledȱcomplaintȱaboutȱDaibert’s (andȱperhapsȱothers’)ȱreȬordinationȱandȱpromotion,ȱwhichȱfollowsȱinȱChapterȱ44. InȱChapterȱ43,ȱBonizoȱmakesȱtheȱcaseȱthatȱwhileȱtheȱdirtȱofȱtheȱoneȱwhoȱbaptizes cannotȱstainȱtheȱoneȱbaptized,ȱtheȱdirtȱofȱtheȱconsecratorȱsulliesȱtheȱconsecrated. Theȱ oneȱ whoȱ knowinglyȱ receivesȱ ordinationȱ fromȱ aȱ heretic,ȱ andȱ byȱ hereticȱ he meansȱ anyoneȱ whoȱ hasȱ sufferedȱ excommunicationȱ andȱ hasȱ risenȱ inȱ rebellion againstȱtheȱChurch,ȱisȱaȱhereticȱhimself.96ȱIfȱsuchȱanȱindividualȱwereȱtoȱrepentȱand returnȱtoȱtheȱChurch,ȱthen,ȱaccordingȱtoȱaȱdecreeȱofȱPopeȱInnocentȱI,97ȱheȱmust

96 97

Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ1.ȱ43:ȱ32. DecretaȱInnocentiiȱI,ȱCh.ȱ21,ȱPL,ȱ67:ȱ246.ȱ

242

JohnȱA.ȱDempsey

remainȱinȱtheȱclericalȱrankȱthatȱheȱheldȱpriorȱtoȱhisȱapostasy.98ȱInȱtheȱcaseȱofȱone whoȱ wasȱ unwittinglyȱ ordainedȱ byȱ theȱ excommunicatedȱ orȱ aȱ heretic,ȱ and afterwardsȱlearnsȱofȱhisȱconsecrator’sȱwickedness,ȱthen,ȱifȱheȱisȱaȱgoodȱman,ȱhe mayȱoutȱofȱutilityȱorȱnecessity,ȱcontinueȱtoȱholdȱ hisȱ officeȱbutȱcanȱadvanceȱno furtherȱ inȱ theȱ clericalȱ hierarchy.99ȱ Thus,ȱ evenȱ byȱ allowingȱ Daibertȱ toȱ remainȱ a deacon,ȱUrbanȱwasȱstretchingȱtheȱlimitsȱofȱtheȱcanons.ȱHisȱpromotionȱofȱDaibert toȱtheȱepiscopacyȱwentȱstillȱfartherȱbeyondȱtheȱcanonicalȱpale.ȱȱ BonizoȱconcludesȱhisȱveryȱacademicȱsententiaȱwithȱanotherȱswipeȱatȱUrban’s decisionȱ byȱ citingȱ aȱ letterȱ ofȱ Popeȱ Anastasiusȱ II’sȱ toȱ theȱ Byzantineȱ emperor, Anastasius,ȱ aboutȱ theȱ sacramentsȱ performedȱ byȱ theȱ hereticalȱ patriarchȱ of Constantiniple,ȱ Acacius.100ȱ Anastasiusȱ statesȱ unequivocallyȱ thatȱ thoseȱ either baptizedȱbyȱAcaciusȱorȱcanonicallyȱordainedȱbyȱhimȱshouldȱnotȱworryȱaboutȱthe validityȱofȱtheirȱsacraments—forȱjustȱasȱtheȱsun’sȱraysȱpassȱthroughȱtheȱfoulest placesȱwithoutȱdefilement,ȱsoȱtooȱtheȱpowerȱofȱtheȱHolyȱSpiritȱcannotȱbeȱweakened byȱtheȱunworthinessȱofȱhisȱministers.101ȱBonizoȱhereȱmakesȱtheȱpointȱthatȱUrban’s reȬordinationȱ ofȱ Daibertȱ hadȱ violatedȱ bothȱ papalȱ lawȱ andȱ soundȱ Augustinian theology.ȱItȱwasȱillegalȱandȱperhapsȱevenȱheretical. Yetȱ heȱ thenȱ backsȱ awayȱ fromȱ theȱ fullȱ implicationsȱ ofȱ hisȱ presentationȱ and providesȱUrbanȱwithȱaȱlegalȱcoveringȱjustificationȱinȱChapterȱ44.ȱHeȱwritesȱthatȱhe knowsȱ thatȱ atȱ thatȱ timeȱ someȱ men,ȱ whoȱ inȱ theȱ daysȱ ofȱ pollutionȱ voluntarily allowedȱthemselvesȱtoȱbeȱpolluted,ȱhaveȱreceivedȱpromotions,ȱandȱevenȱworse, theseȱsameȱmenȱhaveȱbeenȱreȬordainedȱandȱhaveȱreȬordainedȱothers.102ȱWhileȱwe haveȱnoȱrecordȱofȱanyȱreȬordinationsȱperformedȱbyȱDaibert,ȱthereȱisȱnoȱreasonȱto doubtȱthatȱBonizoȱhasȱDaibertȱprimarilyȱinȱmindȱhere.103ȱItȱisȱquiteȱlikelyȱthatȱafter

98

99 100 101 102

103

Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ1,ȱ43:ȱ32:ȱ“Siȱveroȱtalisȱadȱunitatemȱecclesiaeȱcognoscensȱdelictumȱsuum aliquandoȱredierit,ȱsecundumȱdecretaȱpapaeȱInnocentiiȱproȱmangoȱilliȱsit,ȱutȱeaȱcareensȱdignatate, quamȱsuperbeȱacquisierat,ȱinȱeoȱmaneatȱgradu,ȱquemȱinȱcatholicaȱsusceperat,ȱpromovendiȱvero ulteriusȱsibiȱsciatȱomnemȱcanonicaȱauctoritateȱsublatamȱesseȱpotestatem.”ȱ(Allȱtranslationsȱofȱthe Deȱvitaȱchristianaȱareȱmyȱown:ȱTrulyȱifȱsuchȱaȱoneȱrecognizingȱhisȱownȱoffenseȱeverȱshallȱhave returnedȱtoȱtheȱunityȱofȱtheȱChurch,ȱaccordingȱtoȱtheȱdecreeȱofȱPopeȱInnocentȱaccordingȱtoȱthat greatȱmanȱletȱitȱbeȱtoȱthatȱmanȱsoȱthatȱdevoidȱofȱthatȱofficeȱwhichȱheȱhadȱarrogantlyȱacquired,ȱin thatȱsameȱrankȱletȱhimȱremainȱwhichȱheȱhadȱreceivedȱinȱtheȱCatholicȱChurch,ȱofȱadvancingȱabove [thatȱ grade]ȱ letȱ himȱ knowȱ thatȱ allȱ powerȱ [ofȱ advancing]ȱ hasȱ beenȱ abolishedȱ byȱ canonical authority). Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ1.ȱ43:ȱ32.ȱȱ Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ1.ȱ43:ȱ32–33.ȱSeeȱDecretaȱAnastasiiȱII,ȱCh.ȱ7,ȱPL,ȱ67:ȱ313ȱff.ȱ Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ1.ȱ43:ȱ33.ȱ Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱI,ȱch.ȱ44,ȱ33:ȱ“Scioȱautemȱnostrisȱtemporibusȱquosdamȱpromotos,ȱqui voluntarieȱ coinquinatiȱ suntȱ temporibusȱ coinquinationis,ȱ etȱ quodȱ peiusȱ est,ȱ reordinatosȱ et reordinasse.”ȱ(Iȱknow,ȱhowever,ȱthatȱinȱourȱdaysȱsomeȱcertainȱmenȱhaveȱbeenȱpromotedȱwho voluntarilyȱwereȱpollutedȱinȱtheȱdaysȱofȱpollutionȱandȱwhatȱisȱworseȱtheyȱhaveȱbeenȱreȬordained andȱhaveȱreȬordained). UrbanȱlikelyȱreȬordainedȱandȱthenȱpromotedȱotherȱerstwhileȱHenricianȱclerics,ȱbutȱDaibert’sȱwas

BonizoȱofȱSutri’sȱResponseȱtoȱHereticalȱPrinces

243

havingȱ beenȱ rehabilitatedȱ byȱ Urban,ȱ Daibertȱ wouldȱ haveȱ towedȱ theȱ pope’s ecclesioȬpoliticalȱlineȱinȱhisȱdioceseȱandȱreȬordainedȱanyȱtaintedȱclergy.ȱBonizo addsȱthat,ȱevenȱthoughȱsuchȱpromotionsȱandȱreȬordinationsȱviolateȱtheȱlawȱofȱthe canons,ȱheȱwillȱnotȱcriticizeȱthemȱbecauseȱheȱhasȱlearnedȱthatȱtheyȱhaveȱtaken placeȱbyȱtheȱauthorityȱofȱtheȱRomanȱChurch.104ȱHeȱthenȱproceedsȱtoȱofferȱwhatȱwe mightȱcallȱhisȱlegalȱfigȱleafȱforȱUrban’sȱactionsȱinȱtheȱformȱofȱaȱparaphraseȱofȱa remarkȱ madeȱ byȱ Popeȱ Nicholasȱ Iȱ inȱ hisȱ Letterȱ 88,ȱ addressedȱ toȱ theȱ Byzantine emperor,ȱ Michael.105ȱ Paraphrasingȱ Nicholas,ȱ Bonizoȱ recordsȱ thatȱ outȱ of considerationȱforȱtheȱtimes,ȱtheȱRomanȱpontiffsȱcanȱforgeȱnewȱcanonsȱandȱalterȱold ones.106ȱThen,ȱhowever,ȱBonizoȱimmediatelyȱaddsȱthatȱnotȱeverythingȱpermissible isȱadvantageous.107ȱHeȱcurtlyȱattributesȱUrban’sȱcontroversialȱdeedsȱtoȱnecessity, butȱ thenȱ heȱ remarksȱ that,ȱ accordingȱ toȱ theȱ decreesȱ ofȱ Innocentȱ I,ȱ whenȱ the necessityȱ endsȱ soȱ tooȱ shouldȱ theȱ extraordinaryȱ measure.ȱ Whileȱ heȱ leavesȱ itȱ to othersȱtoȱformȱtheirȱownȱconclusionsȱaboutȱwhatȱhasȱhappened,ȱheȱstatesȱhisȱown opinionȱwithȱaȱcitationȱtakenȱfromȱaȱdecreeȱofȱLeoȱI:ȱ“withȱdifficultyȱdoȱmatters comeȱtoȱaȱgoodȱconclusionȱwhichȱhadȱaȱbadȱbeginning.”108 InȱcitingȱLeo’sȱoriginalȱstatement,ȱBonizoȱimpliesȱthatȱheȱisȱnotȱatȱallȱoptimistic aboutȱtheȱfutureȱbehaviorȱofȱthoseȱwithȱwhomȱUrbanȱhadȱbeenȱmakingȱpeace.ȱOne stronglyȱsuspectsȱthatȱBonizoȱbelievedȱthatȱLeo’sȱdictumȱappliedȱmostȱofȱallȱto DaibertȱofȱPisa.ȱUltimately,ȱthen,ȱtheȱexiledȱbishopȱofȱSutriȱchoosesȱtoȱchargeȱthe popeȱwithȱpoliticalȱimprudenceȱorȱnaivetéȱratherȱthanȱwithȱheresy.ȱOnȱthisȱscore, itȱisȱimportantȱtoȱnoteȱthat,ȱinȱBookȱ1ȱofȱhisȱtome,ȱBonizoȱproceedsȱconverselyȱfrom theȱwayȱinȱwhichȱUrbanȱproceededȱinȱhisȱdétenteȱpolicyȱwithȱtheȱlikesȱofȱDaibert.

104

105

106

107

108

theȱmostȱfamousȱofȱtheseȱcasesȱinȱItalyȱandȱwouldȱhaveȱbeenȱofȱtheȱgreatestȱinterestȱtoȱBonizo. Bonizo,ȱ Deȱ vitaȱ christiana,ȱ I,ȱ ch.ȱ 44,ȱ 33:ȱ “Quodȱ licetȱ nonȱ approbemȱ canonibusȱ interdicentibus, omnioȱtamenȱvituperareȱnonȱaudio,ȱquiaȱaudioȱetȱhocȱRomanaeȱecclesiaeȱfactumȱesseȱauctoritate.” (ThatȱwhichȱisȱnotȱlawfulȱwhichȱtheȱcanonsȱforbidȱIȱshouldȱnotȱapprove,ȱnevertheless,ȱIȱdoȱnotȱat allȱdareȱtoȱfindȱfaultȱwithȱitȱbecauseȱIȱhearȱthatȱitȱhasȱbeenȱdoneȱbyȱtheȱauthorityȱofȱtheȱRoman Church).ȱȱ LaterȱinȱBookȱ4,ȱBonizoȱwillȱciteȱalmostȱtheȱentireȱletterȱforȱtheȱpurposeȱofȱcensuringȱUrban’s indifferenceȱtoȱhisȱownȱplight.ȱ Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ1.ȱ44:ȱ33:ȱUtȱenimȱbeatusȱNicholausȱscribensȱadȱMichaelemȱimperatorem ait,ȱlicuitȱsemperȱsemperqueȱlicebitȱRomanisȱpontificibusȱnovosȱcanonesȱcudereȱetȱveteresȱpro considerationeȱtemporumȱimmutare.ȱ(ForȱasȱblessedȱNicholasȱwhenȱheȱwroteȱtoȱtheȱemperor MichaelȱheȱsaysȱitȱhasȱbeenȱpermittedȱandȱforeverȱwillȱbeȱpermittedȱtoȱtheȱRomanȱpontiffsȱtoȱforge newȱcanonsȱandȱtoȱchangeȱoldȱonesȱoutȱofȱconsiderationȱofȱtheȱtimes). Bonizo.ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ1.ȱ44:ȱ33:ȱSetȱnonȱomneȱquodȱlicetȱexpedit.ȱ(But,ȱnotȱeverythingȱthatȱis permittedȱisȱadvantageous.).ȱ Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ1.ȱ44,ȱ33:ȱ“Videantȱalii,ȱquidȱdicant,ȱquidȱsentientȱdeȱtalibus.ȱMeaȱautem sententiaȱdeȱrecassatisȱhaecȱest:ȱ‘Difficileȱbonoȱconsumanturȱexitu,ȱquaeȱmaloȱsuntȱinchoateȱinitio.’” (Letȱothersȱconsiderȱwhattheyȱshouldȱsay,ȱwhatȱtheyȱshouldȱthinkȱaboutȱsuchȱthings.ȱMyȱopinion, however,ȱaboutȱrecentȱeventsȱisȱthis:ȱ“Withȱdifficultyȱareȱthingsȱcompletedȱinȱaȱgoodȱendingȱwhich haveȱbeenȱstartedȱwithȱaȱbadȱbeginning).ȱSeeȱLeonȱI,ȱDecreta,ȱCh.ȱ49,ȱPL,ȱ67:ȱ298.

244

JohnȱA.ȱDempsey

For,ȱwhereasȱUrbanȱemployedȱtheȱradicalȱtheologicalȱargumentȱofȱHumbertȱof SilvaȱCandidaȱinȱorderȱtoȱachieveȱtheȱmoderateȱpoliticalȱgoalȱofȱreconcilingȱformer adversariesȱlikeȱDaibert,ȱBonizoȱemploysȱaȱmoderateȱneoȬAugustinianȱtheological argumentȱtoȱmaintainȱaȱpoliticalȱhardȱlineȱagainstȱtheseȱsameȱindividuals. Bonizo’sȱpolemicismȱinȱBookȱ1ȱshouldȱalertȱtheȱcarefulȱreaderȱtoȱtheȱtwinȱfacts thatȱtheȱDeȱvitaȱchristianaȱpossessesȱaȱsubtextȱandȱthatȱhisȱownȱsententiaeȱareȱits chiefȱloci.ȱInȱBookȱ2,ȱBonizoȱexpandsȱtheȱscopeȱofȱhisȱcriticismȱtoȱincludeȱMatilda ofȱTuscany.ȱOnȱtheȱsurface,ȱBookȱ2ȱconcernsȱtheȱfigureȱofȱtheȱdiocesanȱbishop. Givenȱtheȱrelativelyȱlargeȱnumberȱofȱhisȱownȱsententiaeȱwithinȱitsȱpages,ȱBonizo obviouslyȱ tookȱ greatȱ personalȱ interestȱ inȱ thisȱ subjectȱ matter.ȱ Onȱ oneȱ level,ȱ it constitutesȱaȱPatareneȬinspiredȱmirrorȱforȱbishops.ȱThroughȱtheȱBook’sȱcanonical citationsȱandȱhisȱownȱsententiae,ȱBonizoȱlaysȱoutȱallȱtheȱnecessaryȱcriteria,ȱincluding requisiteȱ personalȱ qualities,ȱ forȱ prospectiveȱ bishops.ȱ Butȱ inȱ soȱ doing,ȱ Bonizo simultaneouslyȱadvancesȱhisȱpolemicalȱarguments. TheȱrubricȱtoȱChapterȱ40ȱofȱBookȱ2ȱreads:ȱ“Aboutȱavoidingȱtheȱevilȱofȱhypocrisy andȱaboutȱguardingȱagainstȱhypocrites.”109ȱBehindȱtheȱchapter’sȱmoralȱinjunctions, however,ȱlayȱaȱwoundedȱPatarene’sȱblisteringȱcritiqueȱofȱMatilda,ȱandȱtheȱpope. Specifically,ȱheȱseverelyȱcensuresȱMatildaȱforȱherȱabandonmentȱofȱtheȱstateȱofȱholy widowhoodȱandȱenteringȱintoȱanȱunchasteȱunionȱwithȱWelfȱV.ȱBonizo’sȱcriticism ofȱtheȱpopeȱinȱChapterȱ40ȱisȱlargelyȱimplicit.ȱHeȱandȱhisȱintendedȱaudienceȱknew allȱtooȱwellȱthatȱUrbanȱwasȱintimatelyȱinvolvedȱinȱtheȱcountess’sȱmarriageȱtoȱWelf. InȱChapterȱ40,ȱBonizoȱexcoriatesȱfoolishȱwidows.ȱHeȱalsoȱlamentsȱthatȱhypocrites orȱpseudoȬdisciples/pseudoȬChrists/pseudoȬprophetsȱhaveȱappearedȱsignalingȱthe adventȱofȱantichrist.110ȱTheseȱhypocritesȱoftenȱtakeȱadvantageȱofȱmiserableȱwomen weighedȱdownȱbyȱtheirȱpastȱsinsȱ(2ȱTimothyȱ3:6–7.).111ȱBonizoȱbelievesȱthatȱthese womenȱareȱtheȱwidowsȱwhomȱPaulȱdescribesȱasȱtheȱlivingȱdeadȱinȱ1ȱTimothyȱ5:6: “aȱ widowȱ givenȱ overȱ toȱ selfȬindulgenceȱ isȱ asȱ goodȱ asȱ dead.”112ȱ Initially,ȱ the hypocritesȱdespoilȱsuchȱwomenȱofȱtheirȱchastity,ȱthen,ȱtheyȱrobȱthemȱofȱallȱtheir worldlyȱwealthȱandȱintegrity.113ȱTheseȱunchasteȱwidowsȱactȱmoreȱlikeȱadulteresses

109

110 111

112

113

Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ2.ȱ40:ȱ53:ȱ“Deȱvitandoȱmaloȱypocrisisȱetȱdeȱcavendisȱhypocritis”ȱ(About avoidingȱtheȱevilȱofȱhypocrisyȱandȱaboutȱguardingȱagainstȱhypocrites). Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ2.ȱ40:ȱ54. Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ2.ȱ40:ȱ54:ȱ“Hiiȱsunt,ȱquiȱspoilantȱmulierculasȱhoneratasȱpeccatis,ȱsemper discentesȱetȱnumquamȱadȱnotitiamȱveritatisȱpervenientes.”ȱ(Theseȱareȱtheȱonesȱwhoȱrobȱmere womenȱadornedȱwithȱsins,ȱwhoȱalwaysȱsearchȱandȱneverȱarriveȱatȱaȱknowledgeȱofȱtheȱtruth). Bonizo,ȱ Deȱ vitaȱ christiana,ȱ 2.ȱ 40:ȱ 54:ȱ “illasȱ credoȱ honeratasȱ peccatis,ȱ quasȱ apostolusȱ viventes mortuasȱnotat,ȱdicens:ȱ‘Viduaȱinȱdelitiisȱvivensȱmortuaȱest.’”ȱ(Iȱbelieveȱthatȱthoseȱwomenȱadorned withȱsinsȱareȱthoseȱwhichȱtheȱApostleȱdescribesȱasȱtheȱlivingȱdead,ȱwhenȱheȱsays:ȱ“theȱwidow livingȱ inȱ indulgenceȱ isȱ dead”).ȱ Seeȱ Theȱ Newȱ Englishȱ Bibleȱ Withȱ Theȱ Apocryphaȱ (Oxfordȱ and Cambridge:ȱOxfordȱandȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPresses,ȱ1970),ȱ269.ȱȱ Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ2.ȱ40:ȱ54:ȱ“Quasȱhypochriteȱpriusȱspoilantȱcastitate,ȱdehincȱomnibus mundanisȱdivitiisȱetȱprobitate.”ȱ(Whichȱwomenȱtheȱhypocritesȱdespoilȱofȱ(their)ȱchastity,ȱthenȱthey

BonizoȱofȱSutri’sȱResponseȱtoȱHereticalȱPrinces

245

byȱcrossingȱoverȱremoteȱmountainsȱandȱriversȱandȱseekingȱoutȱstrangeȱcitiesȱfor theȱ chanceȱ ofȱ conversationȱ underȱ theȱ pretextȱ ofȱ religionȱ andȱ atȱ theȱ devil’s instigationȱ theyȱ sometimesȱ exchangeȱ impureȱ embracesȱ withinȱ chapels.114ȱ Inȱ a partialȱglossȱofȱPaul’sȱstatementȱinȱGalatiansȱ1:8–9,ȱthatȱanyoneȱwhoȱteachesȱa gospelȱotherȱthanȱtheȱoneȱthatȱheȱhasȱreceivedȱisȱanathemaȱtoȱhim,ȱBonizoȱthen remarksȱthatȱanyone,ȱwhoȱthinksȱanyȱdifferentlyȱfromȱhimȱandȱPaulȱaboutȱthese widows,ȱisȱanathemaȱtoȱhim.115ȱInȱtheȱveryȱnextȱline,ȱwhichȱconcludesȱChapterȱ40, theȱauthorȱominouslyȱintonesȱthatȱheȱisȱnotȱatȱallȱcertainȱthatȱtheȱ“vicarȱofȱthe devil”ȱisȱnotȱthereȱwhenȱtheȱsolitaryȱmanȱconversesȱwithȱtheȱsolitaryȱwomanȱat night.116 Itȱisȱquiteȱlikelyȱthatȱtheȱ“hypocrites”ȱinvokedȱinȱChapterȱ40ȱrefersȱtoȱallȱthe erstwhileȱHenricianȱclerics,ȱwhoȱacceptedȱUrban’sȱinvitationȱtoȱreturnȱtoȱtheȱpapal foldȱinȱtheȱopeningȱyearsȱofȱhisȱpontificate.ȱToȱanȱextent,ȱAnselmȱIIIȱofȱMilanȱfits Bonizo’sȱbill.ȱAnselmȱhadȱbeenȱinvestedȱwithȱhisȱarchbishopricȱbyȱHenry,ȱbutȱhe wentȱoverȱtoȱtheȱpapalȱcampȱatȱroughlyȱtheȱsameȱtimeȱUrbanȱreȬordainedȱand promotedȱDaibert.ȱWeȱknowȱthatȱMilan’sȱPatareneȱfactionȱmistrustedȱAnselm,ȱand fromȱ Bonizo’sȱ perspective,ȱ Anselm’sȱ abandonmentȱ ofȱ theȱ emperor,ȱ whoȱ had investedȱhim,ȱandȱhisȱsubsequentȱreconciliationȱwithȱRome,ȱmustȱhaveȱlookedȱlike rankȱopportunism.ȱByȱrepairingȱhisȱrelationshipȱwithȱtheȱpope,ȱAnselmȱwasȱable toȱretainȱhisȱarchbishopricȱwithoutȱhavingȱtoȱdealȱwithȱanȱoverȬbearingȱGerman monarchȱandȱhisȱRavenneseȱantiȬpope.117ȱ

114

115

116

117

robȱ(them)ȱofȱallȱ(their)ȱworldlyȱrichesȱandȱgoodness).ȱ Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ2.ȱ40:ȱ54:ȱ“Videasȱeasȱmaritorum,ȱimmoȱmechorumȱsequentesȱvestigia, alpesȱdeviasȱsuperareȱetȱfluminiaȱtransmeareȱetȱurbesȱignotasȱquerereȱstudioȱorationisȱetȱsub pretextuȱreligionis,ȱutȱeorumȱreleventurȱalloquioȱetȱnocturnisȱvigiliisȱdiaboloȱinstiganteȱaliquando intraȱsacellaȱinpudicoȱfoveanturȱamplexu.”ȱ(Youȱshouldȱseeȱthoseȱwomenȱofȱmarriedȱmen,ȱrather theyȱfollowȱtheȱfootstepsȱofȱadulterers,ȱtoȱgoȱoverȱdesolateȱmountainsȱandȱtoȱcrossȱriversȱandȱto seekȱoutȱunknownȱcitiesȱinȱpursuitȱofȱconversationȱandȱunderȱtheȱpretextȱofȱreligionȱsoȱthatȱthey areȱcomfortedȱbyȱtalkȱandȱnocturnalȱvigilsȱbyȱtheȱDevil’sȱinstigationȱsometimesȱtheyȱareȱexcited byȱanȱimpureȱembraceȱwithinȱchapels). Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ2.ȱ40:ȱ54–55:ȱ“Setȱutȱverbisȱutarȱapostoli,ȱsiȱquisȱaliterȱmichiȱpredicaverit, quamȱpredicatumȱest,ȱanathemaȱsit;ȱetȱsiȱquisȱaliterȱsenseritȱdeȱtenellisȱviduis,ȱquamȱapostolus docuit,ȱanathemaȱmihiȱsit.”ȱ(But,ȱsoȱthatȱIȱmightȱemployȱtheȱwordsȱofȱtheȱApostle,ȱifȱanyoneȱshall haveȱpreachedȱotherwiseȱfromȱmeȱwhichȱhasȱbeenȱpreached,ȱletȱhimȱbeȱanathema;ȱandȱifȱanyone shallȱhaveȱthoughtȱotherwiseȱaboutȱdaintyȱwidowsȱwhomȱtheȱApostleȱhasȱtaught,ȱheȱisȱanathema toȱme). Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ2.ȱ40:ȱ55:ȱ“Egoȱautemȱnonȱsumȱillisȱcredulousȱvicariumȱibiȱdeesseȱdiaboli, ubiȱsolusȱcumȱsolaȱnocturnisȱhorisȱconfabulatur.”ȱ(Iȱamȱnotȱfullȱofȱconfidence,ȱmoreover,ȱthatȱthe vicarȱofȱtheȱDevilȱisȱabsentȱfromȱthoseȱpeopleȱwhereȱtheȱsolitaryȱmanȱconversesȱwithȱtheȱsolitary womanȱinȱtheȱnocturnalȱhours). AnotherȱfactorȱthatȱmadeȱAnselmȱsoȱcontroversialȱwithȱreformersȱisȱthatȱheȱwasȱconsecrated archbishopȱbyȱonlyȱoneȱbishopȱinsteadȱofȱbyȱtheȱcanonicalȱstandardȱofȱthree.ȱFournierȱbelieved Bonizoȱ alludesȱ toȱ thisȱ irregularityȱ inȱ Anselm’sȱ consecrationȱ inȱ Booksȱ 2ȱ andȱ 3ȱ ofȱ theȱ Deȱ vita christiana.ȱSeeȱFournierȱ“BonizoȱdeȱSutri,”ȱ292,ȱn.ȱ4ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10).ȱȱ

246

JohnȱA.ȱDempsey

Thereȱisȱlittleȱreasonȱtoȱdoubtȱthatȱtheȱwidowȱwhoȱtraversesȱmountainsȱand riversȱunderȱtheȱpretextȱofȱreligionȱtoȱmeetȱwithȱandȱembraceȱherȱlover,ȱrepresents MatildaȱwhoȱwouldȱhaveȱhadȱtoȱjourneyȱgreatȱdistancesȱtoȱmeetȱupȱwithȱWelf. Bonizo’sȱ subsequentȱ harangueȱ inȱ Bookȱ 7ȱ inȱ whichȱ heȱ deridesȱ widowsȱ who associateȱ withȱ curlyȬhairedȱ boys,ȱ wouldȱ seemȱ toȱ supportȱ thisȱ interpretation.118 Moreover,ȱlikeȱtheȱmiserableȱwomenȱofȱ2ȱTimothyȱ3:7,ȱMatildaȱtooȱevidentlyȱfelt weighedȱdownȱbyȱherȱsins.ȱWeȱcatchȱaȱglimpseȱofȱthisȱsideȱofȱtheȱcountessȱinȱJohn ofȱMantua’sȱaforementionedȱTractatusȱinȱCanticaȱCanticorum.ȱJohn’sȱchiefȱpurpose wasȱtoȱeaseȱMatilda’sȱanxietyȱaboutȱremainingȱinȱtheȱactiveȱlife.ȱLikeȱotherȱpious layȱrulers,ȱsheȱapparentlyȱstruggledȱtoȱreconcileȱherȱdesireȱforȱtheȱspiritualȱlife withȱ theȱ exigenciesȱ ofȱ politicalȱ office.ȱ Formerly,ȱ Bonizoȱ hadȱ probably demonstratedȱgreatȱsolicitudeȱforȱtheȱcountess’sȱsituation.ȱYetȱMatildaȱcouldȱnot settleȱonȱsimplyȱoneȱsetȱofȱspiritualȱdirectors.ȱSheȱhadȱalwaysȱwishedȱtoȱbeȱtaught byȱthoseȱwithinȱherȱhousehold,ȱbutȱthisȱprovedȱunsatisfactory,ȱsinceȱsheȱ“never arrivedȱ atȱ theȱ truth.”119ȱ Norȱ hadȱ sheȱ beenȱ contentȱ withȱ theȱ religiousȱ truth presentedȱtoȱherȱbyȱBonizo,ȱJohnȱofȱMantua,ȱandȱtheȱothers,ȱwhoȱhadȱcounseled herȱtoȱliveȱinȱaȱstateȱofȱchaste,ȱholyȱwidowhood.ȱInȱBookȱ2,ȱChapterȱ40,ȱoneȱofȱher erstwhileȱspiritualȱcounselorsȱseeminglyȱmocksȱMatilda’sȱreligiousȱscruplesȱand disparagesȱherȱthirstȱforȱspiritualȱknowledge.120 TheȱentireȱchapterȱconstitutesȱanȱimplicitȱindictmentȱofȱUrban’sȱpapacy.ȱAfter all,ȱhisȱdétenteȱpolicyȱunleashedȱtheȱpestilentȱhypocrites/pseudoȬChrists/pseudoȬ prophetsȱwhoȱmarkȱtheȱadventȱofȱtheȱAntichrist.ȱFurthermore,ȱBonizoȱknewȱthat Urbanȱwasȱintimatelyȱinvolvedȱinȱtheȱwidowedȱcountess’sȱimmoralȱ(byȱprevailing Churchȱstandards)ȱdecisionȱtoȱremarry.ȱHisȱstatementȱthatȱanyoneȱwhoȱthinks differentlyȱ thanȱ heȱ andȱ Paulȱ (1ȱ Timothyȱ 5:6)ȱ aboutȱ selfȬindulgentȱ widowsȱ is anathemaȱtoȱhim,121ȱraisesȱtheȱpossibilityȱthatȱtheȱaforesaidȱ“vicarȱofȱtheȱdevil”ȱmay inȱfactȱreferȱtoȱtheȱpope,ȱtraditionallyȱtheȱ“vicarȱofȱSt.ȱPeter.”122 Bookȱ7,ȱwhichȱaddressesȱtheȱreligiousȱdutiesȱofȱtheȱupperȱechelonsȱofȱtheȱlay rank,ȱcontainsȱtheȱtwoȱgreatȱreversalsȱinȱBonizo’sȱjudgmentȱofȱMatildaȱandȱofȱthe

118 119 120

121 122

Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ7.29:ȱ250. Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ2.40:ȱ54.ȱ Theȱphraseȱ“underȱtheȱpretextȱofȱreligion,”ȱwhichȱBonizoȱemploysȱtoȱderideȱtheȱallegedȱrationale forȱtheȱtraversingȱofȱmountainsȱandȱriversȱbyȱtheȱadulterousȱlovers,ȱfurtherȱindicatesȱthatȱthe bishopȱofȱSutriȱhadȱMatildaȱinȱmindȱhere.ȱRecallȱthatȱinȱhisȱChroniconȱentryȱforȱ1089,ȱBernold offeredȱanȱecclesioȬpoliticalȱjustificationȱofȱtheȱcountess’sȱremarriage.ȱHeȱrecordedȱthatȱMatilda marriedȱWelfȱVȱnotȱbecauseȱofȱanyȱsexualȱincontinenceȱonȱherȱpartȱbutȱinȱobedienceȱtoȱtheȱRoman pontiffȱtoȱhelpȱtheȱRomanȱChurchȱagainstȱtheȱexcommunicatedȱ(i.ȱe.,ȱHenryȱandȱtheȱantiȬpope Guibert/Clement).ȱBernold’sȱpresentationȱlikelyȱechoedȱtheȱpapal/Matildineȱpartyȱlineȱonȱthis matter.ȱItȱwouldȱappearȱthatȱBonizoȱisȱmockingȱthisȱlineȱofȱargumentȱinȱChapterȱ40.ȱToȱhim,ȱsuch piousȱplatitudesȱmerelyȱmaskedȱimmoralȱbehavior.ȱSeeȱBernold,ȱChronicon,ȱa.ȱ1089ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).ȱ Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ2.40:ȱ54. Theȱtermȱ‘vicarȱofȱChrist’ȱdevelopedȱonlyȱinȱtheȱlaterȱMiddleȱAges.

BonizoȱofȱSutri’sȱResponseȱtoȱHereticalȱPrinces

247

wickedȱprinceȱHenry.ȱTheȱmoreȱimportantȱofȱtheȱtwoȱreversals,ȱhisȱdenunciation ofȱ femaleȱ rulers,ȱ appearsȱ inȱ hisȱ ownȱ sententia,ȱ whichȱ comprisesȱ Chapterȱ 29. Bonizo’sȱrepudiationȱofȱCountessȱMatildaȱcausedȱhisȱadditionalȱrepudiationȱof armedȱrebellionȱagainstȱwickedȱChristianȱprincesȱlikeȱHenry.ȱThisȱveryȱexplicit rejectionȱappearsȱinȱhisȱintroductoryȱsententiaȱtoȱBookȱ7,ȱprovidingȱtheȱcontextȱfor theȱfourteenȱcanonicalȱexcerptsȱthatȱfollowȱit.ȱInȱaȱrealȱsense,ȱtheȱinfamyȱofȱone femaleȱpotentateȱledȱhimȱtoȱargueȱforȱtheȱinviolabilityȱofȱallȱmonarchs,ȱevenȱofȱbad onesȱlikeȱHenry.ȱItȱalsoȱledȱhimȱtoȱadoptȱaȱmoreȱgenuinelyȱAugustinianȱstanceȱon theȱ issueȱ ofȱ religiousȱ coercion.ȱ Inȱ Bookȱ 7,ȱ heȱ abandonsȱ theȱ ideaȱ originally enunciatedȱ inȱ theȱ Adȱ amicumȱ ofȱ religiousȱ civilȱ warȱ againstȱ waywardȱ Christian princesȱwhileȱinsistingȱthatȱtheȱChurchȱmayȱinvokeȱtheȱarmedȱassistanceȱofȱpublic authoritiesȱinȱtheȱsuppressionȱofȱheresyȱandȱschism.123ȱ EachȱofȱtheȱaboveȬmentionedȱreversalsȱinȱBonizo’sȱopinionsȱformsȱpartȱofȱthe polemicȱagainstȱUrbanȱandȱMatildaȱandȱstemsȱfromȱhisȱperceptionȱofȱtheirȱbetrayal ofȱtrueȱreligionȱandȱtheȱPataria.ȱItȱisȱnotȱanȱaccidentȱthatȱBookȱ7,ȱinȱwhichȱBonizo announcesȱ hisȱ newfoundȱ reverenceȱ forȱ princesȱ ofȱ allȱ types,ȱ marksȱ the reappearanceȱofȱtheȱselfȬindulgentȱwidowsȱofȱBookȱ2,ȱChapterȱ40ȱandȱofȱ1ȱTimothy (i.ȱe.,ȱMatilda).124ȱForȱgoodȱmeasure,ȱheȱaddsȱcurlyȬhairedȱandȱlightlyȬbeardedȱboys (i.ȱe.,ȱWelfȱV)ȱtoȱhisȱcastȱofȱcharactersȱinȱBookȱ7.125ȱThisȱlastȱreferenceȱconstitutes oneȱofȱseveralȱindications,ȱinȱthisȱportionȱofȱtheȱDeȱvitaȱChristiana,ȱthatȱtheȱbishop ofȱSutriȱhadȱsouredȱonȱtheȱGermanȱGregoriansȱasȱwell. InȱBookȱ7,ȱBonizoȱpurportedlyȱdiscussesȱtheȱroleȱandȱplaceȱofȱtheȱhigherȱranks ofȱtheȱlaityȱinȱtheȱChristianȱordo.ȱHeȱbeginsȱwithȱtheȱplaceȱofȱkings,ȱthenȱproceeds toȱdiscussȱjudges/magnatesȱandȱknights.ȱLastly,ȱalmostȱasȱanȱafterthought,ȱheȱlays outȱhisȱtheologicalȬhistoricalȱargumentȱagainstȱfemaleȱrulers.ȱHowever,ȱtheȱsection onȱfemaleȱrulersȱisȱtheȱmostȱimportantȱpartȱofȱtheȱBook.ȱBonizoȱprefacesȱitȱwithȱa traditionallyȱconservative,ȱbiblicallyȱbasedȱargumentȱthatȱallȱkings,ȱwhetherȱgood orȱevil,ȱderiveȱtheirȱauthorityȱfromȱGodȱandȱareȱthereforeȱinviolable.126ȱInȱmany ways,ȱhisȱopeningȱsententiaȱinȱBookȱ7,ȱChapterȱ1ȱreadsȱlikeȱaȱpieceȱofȱHenrician polemicȱfromȱtheȱ1080s.ȱHeȱfocusesȱonȱmanyȱofȱtheȱsameȱbiblicalȱepisodesȱand citationsȱemployedȱbyȱHenricianȱpropagandistsȱsomeȱtenȱyearsȱearlierȱtoȱassail Gregoryȱ VII’sȱ behaviorȱ towardsȱ theȱ Germanȱ king.ȱ Still,ȱ hisȱ sententiaȱ hardly qualifiesȱasȱaȱpanegyricȱtoȱHenry.ȱHisȱestimationȱofȱtheȱcontemporaryȱstateȱofȱthe Westernȱ Empireȱ reflectsȱ poorlyȱ onȱ theȱ Germanȱ king.ȱ Itȱ wasȱ notȱ Henry’sȱ good behaviorȱ thatȱ ledȱ Bonizoȱ toȱ hisȱ conclusion,ȱ butȱ insteadȱ theȱ behaviorȱ ofȱ twoȱ of

123 124 125 126

Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ7.16:ȱ243.ȱ Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ7.28:ȱ250.ȱ Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ7.28:ȱ250.ȱȱ Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ7.1:ȱ230–34.ȱInȱthisȱregard,ȱBonizoȱmakesȱaȱgreatȱdealȱofȱDavid’sȱrefusal toȱkillȱhisȱpersecutor,ȱtheȱwaywardȱKingȱSaul,ȱwhenȱgivenȱtheȱchance,ȱinȱ1ȱSamuelȱ26:6–12.

248

JohnȱA.ȱDempsey

Henry’sȱsubjectsȱ(i.ȱe.,ȱMatildaȱandȱUrban),ȱwhichȱheȱdeemedȱevenȱworseȱthanȱthe king’s.ȱ InȱChapterȱ29,ȱwhichȱconcludesȱBookȱ7,ȱBonizoȱsetsȱhisȱsightsȱonȱhisȱrealȱtarget: theȱ countessȱ herself.ȱ Heȱ revealsȱ thatȱ Matilda’sȱ entranceȱ intoȱ theȱ stateȱ ofȱ holy widowhoodȱ sometimeȱ afterȱ theȱ deathȱ ofȱ herȱ firstȱ husband,ȱ Godfrey,ȱ inȱ 1076, apparentlyȱentailedȱaȱsolemnȱvowȱofȱchastity.ȱBonizoȱbeginsȱtheȱchapterȱwithȱthe observationȱthatȱtheȱlegalȱprohibitionȱofȱtheȱpaganȱRomansȱagainstȱfemaleȱmilitary commandersȱandȱjudgesȱcoincidesȱwithȱtheȱMosaicȱlaw,ȱandȱtheȱcommandȱofȱGod himself,ȱthatȱaȱwomanȱshouldȱdesireȱaȱmanȱandȱbeȱsubjectȱtoȱhimȱ(Genesisȱ3:16).127 For,ȱheȱobserves,ȱevenȱthoughȱinȱtheȱallegoryȱoneȱlearnsȱthatȱtheȱfleshȱshouldȱbe subjectȱ toȱ theȱ spirit,ȱ inȱ reality,ȱ theȱ womanȱ hasȱ rarelyȱ beenȱ subservientȱ toȱ the man.128ȱFurthermore,ȱBonizoȱcontends,ȱwheneverȱwomenȱhaveȱruled,ȱitȱhasȱalways spelledȱdisasterȱforȱtheirȱsubjects.129ȱHeȱproceedsȱtoȱmentionȱaȱfewȱfemaleȱpagans, whoȱwereȱeitherȱdirectlyȱorȱindirectlyȱresponsibleȱforȱtheirȱhusbands’ȱruinȱand/or nationalȱcatastrophes.ȱShiftingȱmoodȱslightly,ȱBonizoȱconcedesȱthatȱMoses’sȱsister, Miriam,ȱwasȱaȱleaderȱofȱherȱpeopleȱandȱservedȱasȱaȱjudge.130ȱInȱanȱallusionȱtoȱthe eventsȱofȱNumbersȱ12,ȱhowever,ȱheȱaddsȱthatȱbecauseȱsheȱwasȱmadeȱaȱleaderȱshe becameȱproudȱandȱthusȱwasȱafflictedȱwithȱleprosyȱandȱforcedȱtoȱremainȱawhile outsideȱ theȱ Hebrews’ȱ camp.131ȱ Next,ȱ heȱ turnsȱ toȱ theȱ exampleȱ ofȱ theȱ widowed

127

128

129

130 131

Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ7.29:ȱ249:ȱ“deȱmulieribusȱveroȱRomanisȱlegibusȱsanccitumȱest,ȱutȱnon ducatusȱteneantȱnecȱiudicatusȱregant.ȱQuamvisȱenimȱRomanumȱimperiumȱaȱpaganisȱsumpisse exordium,ȱlegesȱtameȱnabȱeisȱpromulgateȱlegibusȱMoysiȱetȱipsiusȱDominiȱvidenturȱquodammodo concordare.ȱLexȱenimȱabȱipsoȱDominoȱmulieriȱpromulgateȱhaecȱest,ȱutȱadȱvirumȱsitȱconversionȱsua etȱsubȱpotestateȱviriȱsit.”ȱ(aboutȱwomenȱitȱhasȱbeenȱforbiddenȱbyȱRomanȱlawsȱsoȱthatȱtheyȱshould notȱpossessȱmilitaryȱleadershipȱnorȱshouldȱtheyȱholdȱtheȱofficeȱofȱaȱjudge.ȱForȱalthoughȱtheȱRoman Empireȱwasȱfoundedȱbyȱpagans,ȱneverthelessȱtheȱlawsȱpromulgatedȱbyȱtheseȱpagansȱappearȱin aȱwayȱtoȱbeȱinȱagreementȱwithȱtheȱlawsȱofȱMosesȱandȱhisȱLord.ȱForȱtheȱlawȱpromulgatedȱbyȱthe Lordȱhimselfȱforȱaȱwomanȱisȱthis:ȱthatȱherȱownȱdesireȱshouldȱbeȱforȱaȱmanȱandȱsheȱshouldȱbe underȱtheȱauthorityȱofȱaȱmanȱ[Genesisȱ3:16]).ȱȱȱ Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ7.29:ȱ249:ȱ“Etȱlicetȱsecundumȱallegoriamȱcarnemȱvelitȱesseȱsubiectam spiritui,ȱsecundumȱistoriamȱveroȱuxoremȱviro,ȱtamenȱraroȱaudivimus.”ȱ(Andȱalthoughȱaccording toȱtheȱallegoryȱjustȱasȱtheȱfleshȱisȱsubjectȱtoȱtheȱspiritȱaccordingȱtoȱhistoryȱtheȱwomanȱisȱsubjectȱto aȱman,ȱneverthelessȱweȱhaveȱrarelyȱheardȱitȱso).ȱ Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ7.29:ȱ249:ȱ“legimusȱveroȱnusquamȱmulieresȱimperasseȱsineȱmirabilis dampnoȱsubditorum”ȱ(butȱweȱhaveȱreadȱthatȱwomenȱhaveȱneverȱruledȱwithoutȱterrificȱdamage toȱtheirȱsubjects).ȱ Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ7.29:ȱ250.ȱ Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ7.29:ȱ250:ȱ“setȱaudioȱeamȱfemineaȱlicentiaȱinȱsuperbiamȱelatam.ȱSiȱenim duxȱ nonȱ esset,ȱ necȱ superbiretȱ necȱ extraȱ castraȱ mansissetȱ adȱ breveȱ leprosa.”ȱ (butȱ Iȱ hearȱ with feminineȱlawlessnessȱsheȱbecameȱproud.ȱForȱifȱsheȱwasȱnotȱaȱleader,ȱneitherȱwouldȱsheȱbeȱproud norȱwouldȱsheȱhaveȱremainedȱoutsideȱtheȱcampȱforȱaȱshortȱtimeȱasȱaȱleper).ȱInȱNumbersȱ12,ȱthe LordȱpunishesȱMiriamȱwithȱaȱskinȱdiseaseȱthatȱturnedȱherȱskinȱasȱwhiteȱasȱsnowȱforȱgrumbling againstȱ Moses’sȱ marriageȱ toȱ aȱ Cushiteȱ woman.ȱ Afterȱ sevenȱ daysȱ ofȱ confinementȱ outsideȱ the Hebrewȱcamp,ȱtheȱLordȱhealedȱher.ȱ

BonizoȱofȱSutri’sȱResponseȱtoȱHereticalȱPrinces

249

Hebrewȱjudge,ȱDeborah.ȱHeȱgoesȱoutȱofȱhisȱwayȱtoȱattributeȱtheȱIsraeliteȱvictory overȱtheȱCanaanitesȱJabinȱandȱSiseraȱ(Judgesȱ4)ȱnotȱtoȱtheȱwidowedȱjudgeȱDeborah butȱtoȱtheȱmarriedȱKeniteȱwoman,ȱJael,ȱwhoȱassassinatesȱaȱsleepingȱSiseraȱwithȱa tentȱpegȱinȱJudgesȱ4:21.ȱBonizoȱspeculatesȱthatȱperhapsȱbecauseȱtheȱIsraelitesȱwere beingȱruledȱbyȱaȱwomanȱinȱtheȱfirstȱplaceȱKingȱJabinȱhadȱbeenȱableȱtoȱoppress them.132ȱHeȱmakesȱsureȱtoȱnoteȱthat,ȱevenȱthoughȱDeborahȱhadȱprophesiedȱthat Siseraȱ wouldȱ fallȱ intoȱ theȱ handsȱ ofȱ aȱ womanȱ (Judgesȱ 4:9),ȱ itȱ wasȱ theȱ married foreignȱ woman,ȱ Jael,ȱ whoȱ finishedȱ theȱ Canaaniteȱ offȱ withȱ herȱ ownȱ hands,ȱ not Deborahȱherself.133ȱHeȱsurmisesȱthatȱthisȱwasȱtoȱmakeȱsureȱthatȱDeborahȱwouldȱnot serveȱasȱanȱexampleȱtoȱanyȱfutureȱwidows,ȱwhoȱmightȱcovetȱmilitaryȱcommand.134 BonizoȱinsistsȱthatȱhisȱopinionȱaboutȱfemaleȱrulersȱdoesȱnotȱariseȱfromȱanyȱantiȬ femaleȱbias.ȱWomenȱareȱmostȱdevout,ȱextremelyȱgenerous,ȱandȱstrongȱinȱpurpose. Onȱtheȱcontrary,ȱheȱgroundsȱhisȱopinionȱonȱtheȱwordsȱofȱPaulȱinȱ1ȱCorinthians 14:34–35,ȱthatȱwomenȱshouldȱremainȱsilentȱinȱchurchȱandȱnotȱteach.ȱReasoningȱa fortiori,ȱheȱclaimsȱthatȱifȱitȱisȱwretchedȱforȱaȱwomanȱtoȱteach,ȱitȱisȱevenȱworseȱfor womenȱtoȱgovern.ȱTherefore,ȱaȱgirlȱshouldȱeitherȱtakeȱtheȱveilȱasȱaȱnunȱorȱremain withȱherȱparentsȱuntilȱsheȱmarries.ȱIfȱsheȱisȱwidowedȱandȱrecognizesȱthatȱtheȱlaw ofȱtheȱfleshȱisȱragingȱagainstȱtheȱlawȱofȱherȱmind,ȱthenȱsheȱshouldȱremarry.135ȱBut ifȱ sheȱ hasȱ takenȱ aȱ vowȱ ofȱ widowhood,ȱ thenȱ sheȱ shouldȱ hearȱ theȱ wordsȱ ofȱ the Apostle:ȱ“theȱwidowȱlivingȱinȱpleasuresȱhasȱdiedȱ(1ȱTimothyȱ5:6).”136ȱSuchȱaȱwidow mustȱeschewȱadorningȱherȱhair,ȱpaintingȱherȱface,ȱparadingȱaroundȱinȱelegant dressȱ andȱ decoratingȱ herselfȱ withȱ gold,ȱ gems,ȱ silks,ȱ andȱ exoticȱ fleeces.137ȱ She shouldȱnotȱloveȱcurlyȬhairedȱorȱlightlyȬbeardedȱboysȱnorȱsurroundȱherselfȱwith

132

133

134

135 136

137

Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ7.29:ȱ250:ȱ“QuodsiȱdixeritȱmihiȱDeborra,ȱqueȱapisȱinterpretatur,ȱrelicta Lapidot,ȱqueȱiudicabatȱIsrael,ȱforsanȱquiaȱmuliebriȱregebanturȱarbitrio,ȱideoȱserviebantȱIabin.”ȱ(But ifȱoneȱwereȱtoȱspeakȱtoȱmeȱaboutȱDeborah,ȱwhoseȱnameȱisȱtranslatedȱasȱ“bee,”ȱhavingȱbeenȱleft behindȱ byȱ Lappidoth,ȱ usedȱ toȱ judgeȱ Israel,ȱ perhapsȱ becauseȱ theyȱ wereȱ beingȱ ruledȱ byȱ the judgmentȱofȱaȱwomanȱthatȱthereforeȱtheyȱwereȱslavesȱtoȱJabin). Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ7.29:ȱ250:ȱ“Etȱlicetȱprophetasset,ȱquodȱinȱmanuȱmulierisȱtradendusȱesset Sisara,ȱinȱmanuȱsuaȱtamenȱnonȱlegiturȱfactaȱfuisseȱvictoria,ȱsetȱinȱmanuȱmulierisȱlicetȱalienigene, habentisȱtamenȱvirum.”ȱ(AndȱalthoughȱsheȱhadȱprophesiedȱthatȱSiseraȱwouldȱbeȱhandedȱoverȱto theȱhandsȱofȱaȱwoman,ȱneverthelessȱitȱisȱnotȱreadȱthatȱtheȱvictoryȱwasȱaccomplishedȱbyȱherȱown hand,ȱbutȱhoweverȱ[heȱwasȱhandedȱover]ȱintoȱtheȱhandȱofȱaȱforeignȱwoman,ȱneverthelessȱintoȱthe handȱofȱaȱwomanȱwhoȱhadȱaȱhusband). Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ7.29:ȱ250:ȱ“neȱexemplumȱdaretȱposterisȱviduisȱambiendiȱducatum.”ȱ(lest sheȱserveȱasȱanȱexampleȱtoȱfutureȱwidowsȱcovetingȱmilitaryȱleadership).ȱ Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ7.29:ȱ250.ȱȱ Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ7.29:ȱ250:ȱ“Quodsiȱviduitatemȱvovereȱdecreverit,ȱaudiatȱnonȱme,ȱset apostolum:ȱ‘Viduaȱinȱdeliciisȱvivensȱmortuaȱest’.”ȱ(Butȱifȱsheȱhasȱdecidedȱtoȱvowȱherȱvirginity,ȱlet herȱhearȱnotȱme,ȱbutȱtheȱApostle:ȱ“Theȱwidowȱlivingȱinȱpleasureȱhasȱdied”). Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ7.29:ȱ250.ȱȱ

250

JohnȱA.ȱDempsey

lewdȱ maleȱ attendants.138ȱ Sheȱ shouldȱ castȱ asideȱ unchasteȱ priestsȱ andȱ quasiȬ bridegroomsȱandȱinsteadȱobeyȱhonestȱpriestsȱasȱtheȱangelsȱobeyȱGod.139 Inȱthisȱsameȱchapterȱ(29),ȱBonizoȱexpandsȱuponȱtheȱmainȱlineȱofȱhisȱnegative polemicȱinȱtwoȱways.ȱFirst,ȱhisȱlanguageȱclearlyȱindicatesȱthatȱMatildaȱhadȱtaken someȱ sortȱ ofȱ formalȱ vowȱ ofȱ holyȱ widowhoodȱ andȱ thatȱ herȱ counselorsȱ (Urban perhaps?)ȱ hadȱ influencedȱ herȱ toȱ breakȱ thisȱ vow.ȱ Presumably,ȱ hadȱ sheȱ obeyed honestȱ priestsȱ (i.ȱ e.,ȱ Bonizoȱ andȱ hisȱ comrades)ȱ sheȱ wouldȱ notȱ haveȱ doneȱ such thingsȱasȱpaintȱherȱfaceȱandȱmarryȱandȱloveȱaȱmereȱboyȱlikeȱWelf.ȱThusȱoneȱcould argueȱthatȱBonizo’sȱsenseȱofȱtheȱdegreeȱofȱtransgressionȱescalatesȱinȱBookȱ7.ȱThe countessȱ clearlyȱ hadȱ brokenȱ aȱ solemnȱ vowȱ andȱ herȱ newȱ counselorsȱ had encouragedȱ herȱ toȱ doȱ so.ȱ Itȱ isȱ importantȱ toȱ note,ȱ though,ȱ thatȱ Bonizoȱ failsȱ to presentȱanyȱhardȱevidenceȱthatȱtheȱcountessȱhadȱbrokenȱherȱvowȱofȱchastity.ȱHe assumesȱasȱmuchȱbasedȱonȱtheȱfactȱthatȱsheȱwasȱevidentlyȱtravelingȱconsiderable distancesȱ toȱ rendezvousȱ withȱ Welf,140ȱ whileȱ wearingȱ jewelry,ȱ cosmetics,ȱ and expensiveȱfurs.141ȱȱȱ Secondly,ȱ Bonizo’sȱ choiceȱ ofȱ “historical”ȱ exemplaȱ ofȱ ruinousȱ femaleȱ rulersȱ in Chapterȱ 29ȱ seemsȱ toȱ constituteȱ aȱ clearȱ warningȱ toȱ Welfȱ Vȱ andȱ hisȱ familyȱ to abandonȱtheȱallianceȱthatȱtheyȱhadȱforgedȱwithȱtheȱcountess.ȱOfȱtheȱsevenȱruinous femaleȱrulersȱcited,ȱfiveȱofȱthem—Cleopatra,ȱtheȱwifeȱofȱDariusȱofȱPersia,ȱCornelia, Fredegunda,ȱandȱtheȱLombardȱRosalinda—broughtȱdisasterȱuponȱtheirȱhusbands asȱwellȱasȱtheirȱnations.142ȱTheȱcanonicalȱinjunctionsȱinȱearlierȱchaptersȱofȱBookȱ7 againstȱplottingȱtheȱoverthrowȱofȱkingsȱreinforceȱtheȱimpressionȱthatȱBonizoȱis lobbyingȱtheȱWelfsȱhereȱtoȱbreakȱranksȱwithȱtheȱcountessȱbeforeȱitȱisȱtooȱlate.143ȱIf

138

139

140 141 142

143

Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ7.29:ȱ250:ȱ“nonȱcalamistratosȱvelȱbarbatulosȱpuerosȱdiligat,ȱnonȱlascivas pedissequasȱsecumȱhabeat.”ȱ(sheȱshouldȱnotȱloveȱcurlyȱhairedȱorȱlightlyȱbeardedȱboys,ȱnorȱshould sheȱhaveȱlewdȱmaleȱattendantsȱwithȱher). Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ7.29:ȱ250:ȱ“impudicosȱsacerdotesȱetȱsemisponsosȱaȱseȱproculȱabiciat, honestisȱveroȱsacerdotibusȱvelutȱangelisȱDeiȱpareat”ȱ(sheȱshouldȱcastȱunchasteȱpriestsȱandȱquasi bridegroomsȱawayȱfromȱherself,ȱbutȱsheȱshouldȱobeyȱhonestȱpriestsȱasȱdoȱtheȱangelsȱtoȱGod). Bonizoȱstatesȱthatȱforȱherȱpart,ȱtheȱmarriedȱwomanȱshouldȱtrembleȱunderȱtheȱruleȱofȱherȱhusband. Sheȱshouldȱrearȱchildren,ȱmanageȱherȱhousehold,ȱfearȱwarsȱandȱdreadȱarmedȱmen.ȱSheȱshould cherishȱpeaceȱandȱbeȱinȱtheȱhabitȱofȱcarryingȱaroundȱdressȱmakingȱinstrumentsȱandȱmaterialsȱin herȱarms.ȱSheȱshouldȱnotȱhaveȱanyȱinterestȱinȱmilitaryȱexpeditions.ȱSeeȱBonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana, 7.29:ȱ251.ȱMatildaȱclearlyȱfailedȱtoȱpassȱmusterȱasȱbothȱaȱwidowȱandȱaȱwife. Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ2.ȱ40:ȱ54–55. Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ7.29:ȱ250.ȱ BonizoȱlikelyȱpassedȱoverȱtheȱgoryȱdetailsȱofȱFredegunda’sȱcrimesȱbecauseȱheȱwasȱconfidentȱthat hisȱaudienceȱwasȱfamiliarȱwithȱGregoryȱofȱTours’sȱrecitationȱofȱthemȱinȱhisȱHistoriaȱFrancorum. Fredegundaȱ supposedlyȱ engineeredȱ theȱ assassinationsȱ ofȱ herȱ husbandȱ Kingȱ Chilperic,ȱ three stepsons,ȱandȱaȱbrotherȬinȬlaw.ȱȱ Bonizo,ȱofȱcourse,ȱcouldȱnotȱhaveȱexpectedȱthatȱWelfȱVȱwouldȱhaveȱreadȱtheȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana himself.ȱMuchȱmoreȱlikely,ȱheȱhopedȱthatȱthisȱlineȱofȱargumentȱmightȱreachȱGermanȱreformȱcircles alongȱtheȱclericalȱgrapevine.ȱȱ

BonizoȱofȱSutri’sȱResponseȱtoȱHereticalȱPrinces

251

theseȱsuspicionsȱareȱtrue,ȱthenȱweȱcanȱsuggestȱthatȱBonizoȱcomposedȱtheȱDeȱvita Christiana,ȱorȱatȱleastȱBookȱ7ȱofȱit,ȱinȱtheȱearlyȱstagesȱofȱtheȱemperor’sȱthirdȱItalian expedition,ȱbetweenȱtheȱsummerȱofȱ1090ȱandȱSeptemberȱofȱ1092,ȱwhenȱheȱenjoyed considerableȱ militaryȱ success.ȱ Whenȱ elseȱ wouldȱ Bonizoȱ haveȱ feltȱ soȱ confident aboutȱtheȱineptitudeȱofȱfemaleȱrulers?ȱWhenȱelseȱwouldȱheȱhaveȱfeltȱconfident enoughȱtoȱtauntȱtheȱhousesȱofȱCanossaȱandȱWelf?

V.ȱConclusion BonizoȱwasȱnotȱsimplyȱaȱwildȬeyedȱradical.144ȱInȱaȱnumberȱofȱplacesȱinȱtheȱDeȱvita christianaȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ inȱ someȱ ofȱ hisȱ otherȱ works,ȱ heȱ demonstratesȱ aȱ nuanced understandingȱofȱtheȱcanonicalȱtradition.ȱIndeed,ȱevidenceȱexistsȱinȱhisȱcanonical treatiseȱthatȱUrban’sȱadoptionȱofȱHumbertȱofȱSilvaȱCandida’sȱargumentȱonȱthe sacramentsȱ ofȱ hereticsȱ alarmedȱ himȱ inȱ partȱ becauseȱ itȱ providedȱ fodderȱ for reformers,ȱperhapsȱfellowȱPatarenes,ȱmoreȱextremeȱinȱtheirȱthinkingȱthanȱhe.ȱ Maybe,ȱ if,ȱ likeȱ theȱ Patareneȱ Cardinalȱ Hermanȱ ofȱ Brescia,ȱ heȱ hadȱ enjoyed professionalȱsuccessȱinȱtheȱlateȱ1080s,ȱBonizoȱmightȱhaveȱbeenȱableȱtoȱacceptȱthe pope’sȱandȱtheȱcountess’sȱbreakȱwithȱtheȱPatareneȱhardȱlineȱagainstȱHenriciansȱof allȱstripes.ȱTragically,ȱthough,ȱhisȱhorrificȱexperienceȱinȱPiacenzaȱonlyȱconfirmed hisȱ longstandingȱ prejudiceȱ againstȱ anyoneȱ associatedȱ withȱ theȱ ecclesiastical establishment.ȱItȱtaughtȱhimȱthatȱtheȱclassȱofȱmenȱwhoȱhadȱvehementlyȱopposed theȱPatariaȱinȱtheȱ1060sȱandȱ1070sȱwereȱstillȱinveterateȱopponentsȱofȱaȱpurified Christianityȱinȱtheȱlateȱ1080sȱandȱearlyȱ1090s.ȱForȱBonizo,ȱonlyȱoneȱkeyȱvariableȱin theȱecclesioȬpoliticalȱequationȱofȱtheȱ1060sȱandȱ1070sȱhadȱchangedȱbyȱtheȱearly 1090s:ȱtheȱprincipleȱleadersȱofȱhisȱpartyȱhadȱlostȱtheirȱsenses.ȱIronically,ȱatȱtheȱend ofȱhisȱlife,ȱBonizo’sȱdiagnosisȱforȱwhatȱailedȱbothȱtheȱpapacyȱandȱtheȱempireȱwas theȱsame.ȱBothȱinstitutionsȱhadȱsuccumbedȱtoȱlawlessness.ȱInȱBookȱ7ȱofȱtheȱDeȱvita christiana,ȱheȱregretsȱthatȱtheȱWesternȱRomanȱEmpire,ȱseniorȱRome,ȱhadȱbecome theȱslaveȱofȱbarbariansȱ(i.ȱe.,ȱHenryȱIVȱandȱhisȱcounselors)ȱandȱnoȱlongerȱlivedȱby itsȱownȱlaws.145ȱInsteadȱofȱdefendingȱGod’sȱchurch,ȱtheȱimperialȱgovernmentȱwas persecutingȱit.ȱBonizoȱfurtherȱdecriesȱtheȱextensionȱofȱthisȱlawlessnessȱtoȱtheȱupper echelonsȱofȱtheȱlaity.ȱHeȱlamentsȱtheȱdefectionȱofȱjudgesȱfromȱtheȱranksȱofȱthe Church’sȱdefenders.ȱHavingȱgivenȱthemselvesȱoverȱtoȱtheirȱdesiresȱandȱcaprice, judgesȱnoȱlongerȱhelpȱbishopsȱenforceȱgoodȱecclesiasticalȱdiscipline.146ȱForȱtheir part,ȱtheȱvicarȱandȱdaughterȱofȱSt.ȱ Peterȱ(i.ȱe.,ȱUrbanȱandȱMatilda)ȱhadȱshown

144 145 146

Fournierȱmakesȱthisȱsameȱpointȱinȱhisȱarticle.ȱSeeȱFournier,ȱ“BonizoȱdeȱSutri,”ȱ296–97ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10) Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ7.1:ȱ233.ȱ Bonizo,ȱDeȱvitaȱchristiana,ȱ7.16:ȱ243.ȱ

252

JohnȱA.ȱDempsey

themselvesȱtoȱbeȱasȱcontemptuousȱofȱGod’sȱlawȱasȱtheȱGermanȱemperor,ȱhisȱantiȬ pope,ȱandȱtheirȱpartisans.ȱWithinȱthisȱcontext,ȱtheȱPatareneȱdoctorȱreadȱtheȱancient lessonsȱofȱtheȱHolyȱFathersȱonȱholyȱviolenceȱinȱaȱdifferentȱlight.ȱTheyȱnoȱlonger sanctionedȱholyȱcivilȱwarȱagainstȱaȱhereticalȱprince.ȱȱȱ TheȱlargerȱsignificanceȱofȱBonizo’sȱdualȱreversalȱliesȱinȱtheȱfactȱthatȱitȱreveals howȱheterogeneousȱtheȱpapalȱreformȱpartyȱthatȱopposedȱHenryȱIVȱreallyȱwas. Whileȱ aȱ fundamentalȱ unityȱ ofȱ purposeȱ existedȱ betweenȱ theȱ popularȱ Patarene movementȱandȱtheȱRomanȱreformers,ȱincludingȱCountessȱMatilda,ȱtheȱspecific ecclesioȬpoliticalȱgoalsȱofȱeachȱgroupȱdivergedȱsomewhatȱfromȱoneȱanother.147ȱWe knowȱfromȱH.ȱE.ȱJ.ȱCowdrey’sȱresearchȱthatȱtheȱPatariaȱitselfȱwasȱnotȱmonolithic. InȱMilan,ȱforȱinstance,ȱUrbanȱwasȱableȱtoȱwinȱoverȱsomeȱofȱtheȱcity’sȱPatarenes whileȱaȱsecondȱPatareneȱfactionȱledȱbyȱErlembaldȱCotta’sȱchaplainȱLuitprandȱkept itsȱdistanceȱfromȱbothȱtheȱpopeȱandȱtheȱMilaneseȱecclesiasticalȱestablishment.148ȱ Bonizo’sȱ storyȱ alsoȱ deepensȱ one’sȱ appreciationȱ ofȱ theȱ difficultȱ situationȱ that awaitedȱUrbanȱIIȱuponȱhisȱpapalȱelection.ȱHeȱnotȱonlyȱhadȱtoȱcontendȱwithȱthe ScyllaȱofȱaȱhostileȱemperorȱandȱantiȬpope,ȱbutȱalsoȱwithȱtheȱCharybdisȱofȱreformers moreȱ politicallyȱ radicalȱ thanȱ himself.ȱ Inȱ navigatingȱ theȱ papacyȱ betweenȱ these extremes,ȱUrbanȱwasȱboundȱtoȱalienateȱsomeȱofȱhisȱcoalitionȱpartners.ȱInȱBonizo ofȱSutri,ȱthisȱalienationȱhasȱaȱnameȱandȱaȱface.ȱ

147

148

Cowdreyȱ firstȱ usedȱ thisȱ phraseȱ toȱ describeȱ theȱ relationshipȱ betweenȱ Peterȱ Damianȱ and Hildebrand/Gregory.ȱSeeȱH.ȱE.ȱJ.ȱCowdrey,ȱTheȱCluniacsȱandȱtheȱGregorianȱReformȱ(Oxford:ȱOxford UniversityȱPress,ȱ1970). Cowdrey,ȱ“TheȱPapacy,ȱTheȱPatarenesȱAndȱTheȱChurchȱOfȱMilan,ȱ25Ȭ48,ȱ47–48ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8).

Chapterȱ8 SusanȱSmall (King’sȱUniversityȱCollege,ȱUniversityȱofȱWesternȱOntario)

CligésȱUnȬcut:ȱSomeȱNotesȱonȱtheȱBattlefieldsȱinȱ ChrétienȱdeȱTroyes’ȱCligés

Neȱsaiȱqueȱplusȱvosȱdevisasseȱ Comantȱilȱavintȱaȱchascun Neȱlesȱcosȱtozȱparȱunȱaȱun,ȱ Maisȱlaȱbatailleȱduraȱmoltȱ Etȱliȱcopȱfurentȱmoltȱestoutȱ.ȱ.ȱ. (vv.ȱ2170–74)1

1.ȱAimsȱandȱMethodology ChrétienȱdeȱTroyes’ȱOldȱFrenchȱpoem,ȱCligésȱ(ca.ȱ1176),ȱalthoughȱbestȱknownȱas aȱcourtlyȱromanceȱinvolvingȱaȱGreekȱheroȱaffiliatedȱwithȱArthur’sȱcourt—someȱsay anȱ“antiȬTristan,”ȱbecauseȱofȱsimilarȱelementsȱyetȱaȱhappyȱending—alsoȱcontains severalȱextremelyȱsignificantȱbattleȱscenesȱcomplementingȱitsȱoverallȱmessageȱon loveȱ andȱ chivalry.ȱ Thisȱ essayȱ isȱ intendedȱ asȱ aȱ compendiumȱ ofȱ notesȱ towardȱ a

1

IȱwishȱIȱknewȱ/ȱtheȱbestȱwayȱtoȱdescribeȱtheȱfight,ȱ/ȱtoȱtellȱwhatȱhappenedȱtoȱeachȱknight,ȱ/ȱhow eachȱoneȱfought,ȱandȱtoȱrecountȱ/ȱaȱdetailedȱblowȱbyȱblowȱaccount,ȱ/ȱbutȱsinceȱbothȱknightsȱwere veryȱstrong,ȱ/ȱtheȱblowsȱwereȱhard,ȱandȱtheȱfightȱwasȱlong.”ȱChrétienȱdeȱTroyes:ȱRomans,ȱed.ȱMichel Zink,ȱLeȱConteȱduȱGraalȱouȱLeȱRomanȱdeȱPerceval,ȱed.ȱandȱtrans.ȱCharlesȱMéla.ȱLettresȱgothiques (Paris:ȱLivreȱdeȱPoche,ȱ1994),ȱ937–1212;ȱhereȱ1007.ȱEnglishȱtrans.ȱPercevalȱ:ȱorȱtheȱStoryȱofȱtheȱGrail, trans.ȱRuthȱHarwoodȱClineȱ(NewȱYork:ȱPergamonȱPress,ȱ1983),ȱ63.ȱAllȱFrenchȱquotations,ȱline numbersȱandȱEnglishȱtranslationsȱfromȱPercevalȱareȱfromȱtheseȱeditionsȱunlessȱotherwiseȱcredited. Henceforth,ȱtheȱpageȱnumberȱofȱtheȱFrenchȱeditionȱwillȱbeȱgivenȱfirst,ȱfollowedȱbyȱ/ȱandȱtheȱpage numberȱofȱtheȱEnglishȱtranslation.

254

SusanȱSmall

redescriptionȱofȱtheȱbattlefieldsȱinȱthisȱromance;2ȱitȱisȱanȱattemptȱtoȱreturnȱtoȱthe sceneȱofȱChrétien’sȱbattles,ȱcollectȱandȱtagȱtheȱvariousȱpartsȱlyingȱdecomposedȱ(as itȱ were)ȱ onȱ theȱ battlefieldȱ andȱ reȬmapȱ theȱ relationships—reȬrouteȱ theȱ severed connections—betweenȱthem.ȱInȱotherȱwords,ȱitȱseeksȱtoȱproduceȱaȱnewȱ“cut”—as filmmakersȱmightȱsay—ofȱtheseȱbattleȱscenes,ȱaȱversionȱuneditedȱbyȱtheȱconstraints ofȱsequenceȱandȱtime. InȱviewȱofȱPhilippeȱHamon’sȱveryȱusefulȱdistinctionȱbetweenȱdescriptionȱand narrative,ȱdeclaringȱthatȱ“aȱdescriptionȱdescribesȱthings,ȱaȱnarrativeȱdescribesȱacts” (emphasisȱ his),3ȱ thisȱ essayȱ shouldȱ beȱ consideredȱ categoricallyȱ theȱ former:ȱ an attemptȱnotȱtoȱoutȬChrétienȱChrétienȱandȱrecountȱ“allȱtheirȱblowsȱoneȱbyȱone”ȱ(the battleȱasȱaȱseriesȱofȱacts),ȱbutȱinsteadȱtoȱgatherȱupȱtheȱbitsȱandȱbobsȱlitteringȱthe killingȱ fieldsȱ ofȱ Cligés—theȱ snippetsȱ leftȱ onȱ theȱ cuttingȬroomȱ floor—andȱ to recomposeȱ themȱ intoȱ aȱ cohesive,ȱ contingentȱ whole,ȱ inȱ whichȱ theȱ battlefield emergesȱasȱanȱamalgamȱofȱthings.ȱItȱisȱbecauseȱofȱsuchȱaȱheteroclite,ȱmaterialȱreȬ compositionȱthatȱthisȱessayȱisȱbestȱtermedȱaȱredescription. Inȱtermsȱofȱitsȱmethodology,ȱtheȱdescriptive,ȱor,ȱperhapsȱmoreȱprecisely,ȱmetaȬ descriptive,ȱ projectȱ ofȱ thisȱ essayȱ willȱ beȱ aȱ compositeȱ ofȱ theȱ twoȱ modesȱ of descriptionȱalsoȱlaidȱoutȱbyȱHamon:ȱ1)ȱMathesis:ȱtheȱ“horizontal,”ȱinȱwhichȱthe objectȱtoȱbeȱdescribed—inȱthisȱcase,ȱtheȱbattlefield—isȱperceivedȱasȱaȱsurfaceȱand theȱ descriptionȱ itselfȱ rootedȱ inȱ “uneȱ esthétiqueȱ duȱ ‘fragment’”ȱ (“coupure,” “morceau,”ȱ “tableau,”ȱ “détail,”ȱ etc.);ȱ anȱ aesthesticsȱ ofȱ theȱ ‘fragment’ȱ (“cut,” “piece,”ȱ“tableau,”ȱ“detail,”ȱetc.);ȱandȱ2)ȱSemiosis:ȱ“theȱvertical”ȱ(“décryptiveȱplutôt queȱdescriptive”;ȱdecryptiveȱratherȱthanȱdescriptive):ȱinȱwhichȱtheȱdescriptiveȱfield isȱminedȱonȱaȱseriesȱofȱlevelsȱleadingȱfromȱthatȱsurfaceȱ“sousȱleȱréel,ȱderrièreȱleȱréel” (beneathȱtheȱreal,ȱbehindȱtheȱreal;ȱemphasisȱHamon’sȱthroughout).4ȱWeȱcanȱread Hamon’sȱ“surface”ȱasȱaȱvariantȱofȱwhatȱMiekeȱBalȱtermsȱ“flatness”ȱandȱwhichȱshe situatesȱinȱtheȱtensionȱbetweenȱitsȱmanifestationsȱasȱanȱ“absenceȱofȱdepthȱand volume”ȱandȱasȱ“theȱbanal,”5ȱforȱthisȱisȱtheȱspaceȱofȱChrétien’sȱbattlefield,ȱwhere

2

3

4

5

Douglasȱ Kelly,ȱ “Theȱ Artȱ ofȱ Description,”ȱ Theȱ Legacyȱ ofȱ Chrétienȱ deȱ Troyes,ȱ ed.ȱ Norrisȱ J.ȱ Lacy, DouglasȱKellyȱandȱKeithȱBusby.ȱFauxȱTitres,ȱ31ȱ(Amsterdam:ȱRodopi,ȱ1987),ȱ1:ȱ191–221;ȱhereȱ191, notesȱChrétien’sȱexceptionalȱmasteryȱofȱmedievalȱtheoriesȱofȱdescription,ȱincludingȱstereotypes ofȱ“stagesȱinȱcombat.”ȱ[Ed.ȱnote:ȱForȱanȱanalysisȱofȱloveȱandȱwarȱinȱtheȱProseȱCligés,ȱwithȱmore discussionȱofȱtheȱstory’sȱgeneralȱplotȱandȱcontext,ȱseeȱtheȱessayȱbyȱJoanȱGrimbertȱinȱthisȱvolume] PhilippeȱHamon,ȱ“WhatȱisȱaȱDescription?”ȱFrenchȱLiteraryȱTheoryȱToday,ȱed.ȱTzvetanȱTodorov, (Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1982),ȱ147–78;ȱhereȱ147;ȱrpt.ȱNarrativeȱTheory:ȱCritical ConceptsȱinȱLiteraryȱandȱCulturalȱStudies,ȱed.ȱMiekeȱBalȱ(LondonȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱRoutledge,ȱ2004), 309–40.ȱ Orig.:ȱ “Qu’estȬceȱ qu’uneȱ description?,”ȱ Poétiqueȱ 12ȱ (1972):ȱ 465–85.ȱ Allȱ otherwise unattributedȱtranslationsȱinȱthisȱessayȱareȱmyȱown. SeeȱPhilippeȱHamon,ȱIntroductionȱàȱl’analyseȱduȱdescriptif.ȱLangue,ȱlinguistique,ȱcommunication (Paris:ȱHachette,ȱ1981),ȱ61–63. MiekeȱBal,ȱTheȱMottledȱScreen:ȱReadingȱProustȱVisually,ȱtrans.ȱAnnaȬLouiseȱMilneȱ(Stanford,ȱCA: StanfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1997),ȱ3;ȱorig.ȱImagesȱlittéraires,ȱou,ȱCommentȱlireȱvisuellementȱProust

CligésȱUnȬcut

255

theȱexpanseȱofȱtheȱsuperficiesȱ(theȱbattlefieldȱasȱterrain)ȱclashesȱwithȱtheȱminutiae ofȱmedievalȱwarfareȱ(theȱbattlefieldȱasȱrepositoryȱofȱdetritusȱandȱdebris). InȱhisȱCameraȱLucida,ȱRolandȱBarthesȱformulatesȱthisȱrelationȱasȱtheȱplayȱbetween theȱstudiumȱ(orȱbackground)ȱandȱtheȱpunctum:ȱ“thisȱelementȱwhichȱrisesȱfromȱthe scene,ȱshootsȱoutȱofȱitȱlikeȱanȱarrow,ȱandȱpiercesȱmeȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱthisȱwound,ȱthisȱprick, thisȱmarkȱmadeȱbyȱaȱpointedȱinstrumentȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”6ȱButȱofȱcourseȱitȱisȱChrétienȱde Troyesȱhimselfȱwhoȱfirstȱusesȱthisȱstrategy—andȱthisȱinstrument—whenȱheȱscatters throughoutȱ theȱ semanticȱ fieldsȱ ofȱ Cligésȱ theȱ seedsȱ ofȱ anȱ alreadyȱ overȬripeȱ and rampantlyȱoverȬdeterminedȱlexeme:ȱ“cut.”7

6

7

(Montreal:ȱXYZ/Toulouse:ȱPressesȱUniversitairesȱduȱMirail,ȱ1997). RolandȱBarthes,ȱCameraȱLucida:ȱReflectionsȱonȱPhotography,ȱtrans.ȱRichardȱHowardȱ(NewȱYork:ȱHill andȱWang,ȱ1981),ȱ26;ȱorig.ȱLaȱChambreȱclaire:ȱnoteȱsurȱlaȱphotographieȱ(Paris:ȱCahiersȱduȱCinéma, 1980).ȱUnfortunately,ȱthereȱisȱnoȱextantȱilluminatedȱmanuscriptȱofȱCligésȱtoȱhelpȱusȱseeȱhowȱthe medievalȱeyeȱinterpretedȱ theseȱ scenesȱtoȱfindȱoutȱwhatȱwas,ȱatȱleastȱtoȱoneȱmedievalȱreader, studiumȱandȱwhatȱwasȱpunctum.ȱOnȱthis,ȱseeȱSandraȱHindman,ȱSealedȱinȱParchment:ȱRereadingsȱof KnighthoodȱinȱtheȱIlluminatedȱManuscriptsȱofȱChrétienȱdeȱTroyesȱ(Chicago:ȱUniversityȱofȱChicago Press,ȱ1994),ȱ3.ȱReadingȱtheseȱandȱotherȱbattleȱscenesȱinȱCligésȱinȱtheȱlightȱofȱilluminationsȱinserted inȱmanuscriptsȱofȱChrétien’sȱotherȱworksȱwouldȱhaveȱbeenȱinstructive––Hindmanȱdiscusses,ȱfor example,ȱaȱminiatureȱinȱErecȱetȱEnideȱwhichȱ“vividlyȱdepictsȱtheȱmomentȱwhenȱ[Erec]ȱ‘strikesȱthe foremostȱofȱ[hisȱopponents]ȱthroughȱtheȱeyeȱsoȱdeepȱintoȱtheȱbrainȱthatȱbloodȱandȱbrainsȱspurtȱout theȱbackȱofȱhisȱneck’”ȱ(131),ȱalthoughȱtheȱscopeȱofȱthisȱessayȱdoesȱnotȱpermitȱsuchȱanȱinvestigation. Weȱdoȱlearn,ȱhowever,ȱthatȱtheȱmanuscriptȱwasȱ“noȱdoubtȱintendedȱtoȱincludeȱaȱshortȱseriesȱof illustrations,ȱasȱindicatedȱbyȱtheȱnineȱblankȱspaces,”ȱasȱobservedȱbyȱMariaȱColomboȱTimelli’ȱin theȱintroductionȱtoȱherȱeditionȱofȱtheȱProseȱCligés:ȱLeȱLivreȱdeȱAlixandreȱempereurȱdeȱConstentinoble etȱdeȱCligésȱsonȱfilz:ȱRomanȱenȱproseȱduȱXVeȱsiècle.ȱTextesȱlittérairesȱfrançais,ȱ567ȱ(Geneva:ȱDroz, 2004):ȱ“étaitȱsansȱdouteȱdestinéȱaȱrecevoirȱuneȱpetiteȱsérieȱd’illustrations,ȱcommeȱenȱtémoignent lesȱneufsȱespacesȱblancs”ȱ(9).ȱTheȱpositionȱofȱtheseȱblanksȱindicatesȱthat,ȱapartȱfromȱtheȱtwoȱblanks markingȱtheȱbeginningȱofȱtheȱnovelȱ(f.ȱ2v)ȱandȱtheȱtransitionȱbetweenȱtheȱfirstȱandȱsecondȱparts (f.ȱ40v),ȱallȱsevenȱremainingȱblanksȱwereȱtoȱhaveȱmarkedȱbattleȱscenes,ȱincludingȱtheȱfollowing, asȱ annotatedȱ byȱ Colomboȱ Timelliȱ (20–21):ȱ “siègeȱ auȱ châteauȱ deȱ Guinesores”ȱ (f.ȱ 19v;ȱ siegeȱ at Windsorȱcastle),ȱ“assautȱduȱchâteau”ȱ(f.ȱ22v;ȱassaultȱonȱtheȱcastle),ȱ“batailleȱdesȱBretonsȱcontre l’arméeȱdeȱGuinesores”ȱ(f.ȱ27r;ȱtheȱBretonsȱagainstȱtheȱarmyȱofȱWindsor),ȱ“batailleȱentreȱCligésȱet Archadés,ȱattaqueȱd’ArchadésȱcontreȱCligés”ȱ(f.ȱ55v;ȱbattleȱbetweenȱCligésȱadȱArchadés;ȱArchadés attacksȱCligés),ȱ“attaqueȱdeȱCligésȱcontreȱlesȱSaxons”ȱ(f.ȱ60v;ȱCligés’sȱattackȱagainstȱtheȱSaxons), “défiȱdeȱVligsȱauȱducȱdeȱSax”ȱ(f.ȱ63r;ȱVligs’sȱchallengeȱtoȱtheȱdukeȱofȱSaxony)—aȱdistribution which,ȱasȱColomboȱTimelliȱobserves,ȱmarksȱaȱdecidedȱpreferenceȱforȱbloodȱoverȱsentiment.ȱAll quotationsȱfromȱtheȱProseȱCligésȱareȱfromȱthisȱedition.ȱ ForȱformsȱofȱthisȱwordȱappearingȱinȱCligés,ȱseeȱChrétienȱdeȱTroyes:ȱCligés,ȱed.ȱStewartȱGregoryȱand ClaudeȱLuttrellȱ(Cambridge:ȱD.ȱS.ȱBrewer,ȱ1993),ȱ“Glossaire.”ȱFormsȱbeginningȱwithȱtheȱprivative prefixȱde/desȱ(decolé,ȱdepartir,ȱderonpre,ȱderote,ȱ,ȱdesasanbler,ȱdesairdre,ȱdesbaraté,ȱdesconfire,ȱdesmaillier, desmantir,ȱdetaillier,ȱdetranchier,ȱdesveier)ȱareȱespecially,ȱthoughȱnotȱexclusively,ȱevident.ȱNoteȱalso esclicier,ȱespee,ȱfandre,ȱfleche,ȱfraindre,ȱfroissier,ȱlance,ȱetc.ȱ

256

SusanȱSmall

2.ȱTopographyȱofȱtheȱBattlefield 2.1ȱTheȱFieldȱItself Theȱagriculturalȱmetaphorȱisȱnotȱgratuitous,ȱforȱtheȱbattlefieldȱisȱalso,ȱofȱcourse,ȱa typeȱofȱfield.ȱIndeed,ȱtheȱillustriousȱeighteenthȬcenturyȱphilologistȱLaȱCurneȱde SainteȬPalaye,ȱinȱhisȱDictionnaireȱhistoriqueȱdeȱlȇancienȱlangageȱfrançois,ȱnotesȱthat “[c]hampȱsignifieȱencoreȱchampȱdeȱbataille”(“field”ȱalsoȱsignifiesȱbattlefield)8;ȱand bothȱGodefroiȱandȱGreimasȱgiveȱ“bataille”ȱitselfȱasȱanȱacceptationȱofȱtheȱword, “champ.”9ȱ“Champ”ȱisȱderivedȱfromȱtheȱLatinȱcampus,ȱ“plaineȱetȱterreȱcultivée” (cultivatedȱ plainȱ andȱ terrain);ȱ moreover,ȱ ifȱ weȱ look,ȱ forȱ example,ȱ atȱ Sirȱ Philip Preston’sȱ detailedȱ andȱ informativeȱ descriptionȱ ofȱ theȱ topographyȱ ofȱ aȱ French medievalȱbattlefieldȱsomewhatȱlaterȱthanȱChrétien’s,ȱthatȱofȱtheȱbattleȱofȱCrécy (1346),ȱweȱseeȱtheȱextentȱtoȱwhichȱtheȱtwoȱconceptsȱintersect.ȱ10ȱForȱChrétien,ȱtoo, theȱ battlefieldȱ isȱ fertileȱ groundȱ metaphorically,11ȱ andȱ also,ȱ asȱ weȱ seeȱ inȱ the followingȱpassage,ȱaȱkillingȱfieldȱinȱtheȱmostȱliteralȱsenseȱofȱtheȱterm:ȱanȱexpanse ofȱarableȱland,ȱirrigatedȱwithȱbloodȱandȱbrains,ȱentrenchedȱinȱaȱcycleȱofȱrazing (“essartent”),ȱthreshingȱ(“derompent”),ȱandȱdisseminationȱ(“departent”):

8

9

10

11

Jean–BaptisteȱdeȱLaȱCurneȱdeȱSainte–Palaye,ȱDictionnaireȱhistoriqueȱdeȱlȇancienȱlangageȱfrançoisȱou Glossaireȱdeȱlaȱlangueȱfrançoiseȱdepuisȱsonȱorigineȱjusquȇauȱsièc#leȱdeȱLouisȱXIVȱ(Paris:ȱChampion,ȱ1878), 3:ȱ347ȱn.ȱ4.ȱSainte–Palayeȱalsoȱnotesȱthatȱ“[c]hampȱseȱditȱencore,ȱenȱtermesȱdeȱblason,ȱpourȱleȱfond d’unȱécuȱarmorié”ȱ(fieldȱisȱalsoȱaȱheraldicȱtermȱforȱtheȱbackgroundȱofȱanȱarmoredȱshield),ȱan acceptationȱwhoseȱrelevanceȱweȱwillȱaddressȱlaterȱinȱthisȱessay.ȱ FrédéricȱGodefroy,ȱDictionnaireȱdeȱl’ancienneȱlangueȱfrançaiseȱetȱdeȱtousȱsesȱdialectesȱduȱIXeȱauȱXVe siécle,ȱvol.ȱ2ȱ(Paris:ȱF.ȱVieweg,ȱ1883);ȱA[lgirdas]ȱJ[ulien]ȱGreimas,ȱDictionnaireȱdeȱlȇancienȱfrançais jusquȇauȱmilieuȱduȱXIVeȱsiècleȱ(1968;ȱParis:ȱLarousse,ȱ1974),ȱ102. SirȱPhilipȱPreston,ȱ“TheȱTraditionalȱBattlefieldȱofȱCrécy,”ȱTheȱBattleȱofȱCrecy,ȱ1346,ȱed.ȱAndrew Aytonȱ andȱ Philipȱ Preston.ȱ Warfareȱ inȱ Historyȱ (Woodbridge,ȱ UK:ȱ Boydellȱ andȱ Brewer,ȱ 2005), 109–38,ȱ esp.ȱ 122–33.ȱ Aȱ noteȱ onȱ terminology:ȱ Prestonȱ observesȱ aȱ distinctionȱ betweenȱ a “battlefield”—onȱwhichȱaȱbattleȱisȱknownȱtoȱhaveȱtakenȱplace—andȱaȱ“battleȱsite”—onȱwhichȱone isȱbelievedȱtoȱhaveȱtakenȱplace,ȱnotingȱthatȱCrécyȱis,ȱaccordingȱtoȱtheseȱcriteria,ȱactuallyȱaȱbattleȱsite. TheȱbattlesȱinȱCligés,ȱhowever,ȱbeingȱfictionalȱandȱthereforeȱcontextuallyȱverifiable,ȱwouldȱbe foughtȱonȱbattlefields,ȱtheȱtermȱbyȱwhichȱChrétienȱhimselfȱrefersȱtoȱthemȱandȱwhichȱis,ȱasȱwell, theȱtermȱusedȱinȱtheȱProseȱCligés,ȱed.ȱColomboȱTimelliȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6).ȱ InȱtheȱPrologueȱtoȱhisȱPercevalȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱChrétienȱ(likeȱMarieȱdeȱFranceȱinȱtheȱPrologueȱtoȱher Lais)ȱusesȱtheȱsameȱextendedȱmetaphorȱinȱrelationȱtoȱtheȱromanceȱitself:ȱ“Quiȱpetitȱseimeȱpetit quiaut,ȱ/ȱEtȱquiȱauquesȱrecoillirȱviaut,ȱ/ȱEnȱtelȱleuȱsaȱsemenceȱespandeȱ/ȱQueȱfruitȱaȱcentȱdobleȱli rande,ȱ/ȱCarȱenȱterreȱquiȱrienȱneȱvaut,ȱ/ȱBoneȱsemenceȱseicheȱetȱfaut.ȱ/ȱCrestiensȱseimeȱetȱfait semenceȱ/ȱD’unȱromanzȱqueȱilȱencommenceȱ/ȱEtȱsiȱloȱseimeȱenȱsinȱbonȱleuȱ/ȱQu’ilȱneȱpuetȱestreȱsanz grantȱpreu”ȱ(vv.ȱ1–10,ȱ943ȱ/ȱ1;ȱHeȱlittleȱreapsȱwhoȱlittleȱsows.ȱ/ȱTheȱmanȱwhoȱwantsȱgoodȱharvest strows/hisȱseedsȱonȱsuchȱaȱkindȱofȱfield.ȱ/ȱGodȱgrantsȱaȱhundredfoldȱinȱyield;ȱ/ȱonȱbarrenȱground goodȱseedsȱbutȱlieȱ/ȱuntilȱtheyȱshrivelȱupȱandȱdie.ȱ/ȱSoȱChrétienȱsows,ȱdisseminatingȱ/ȱthisȱstory he’sȱinitiating,ȱ/ȱandȱsowsȱitȱinȱsuchȱfertileȱsoil,ȱ/ȱheȱcanȱbutȱprofitȱbyȱhisȱtoil).

CligésȱUnȬcut Siȱcompeignonȱresontȱmoltȱlarge Deȱsancȱetȱdeȱcerveleȱespandre: Bienȱiȱseventȱlorȱcousȱdespendre, Etȱliȱroialȱtantȱenȱessartentȱ Qu’ilȱlesȱderompentȱetȱdepartent Comeȱvilsȱgenzȱetȱesgarees.

257

(vv.ȱ1757–63)

[Andȱhisȱcompanionsȱwereȱasȱfreeȱ/ȱwithȱbloodȱandȱbrainsȱtheyȱspreadȱabout.ȱ/ Theyȱknewȱhowȱblowsȱshouldȱbeȱdealtȱout.ȱ/ȱTheȱking’sȱmenȱbattledȱandȱcoerced. Theirȱfoesȱbrokeȱupȱandȱwereȱdispersedȱ/ȱlikeȱsenileȱmenȱwithȱwitsȱastray.]12ȱ

Theȱimageȱisȱstartling,ȱnotȱonlyȱbecauseȱitȱreducesȱtheȱhumanȱbodyȱtoȱaȱsackȱof blood,ȱbrains,ȱandȱbitsȱofȱflesh,ȱbutȱalsoȱbecauseȱitȱthenȱscattersȱthoseȱremains acrossȱtheȱfield,ȱnot,ȱasȱweȱmightȱexpectȱinȱthisȱcontext,ȱlikeȱseeds,ȱbutȱinsteadȱ“like senileȱmenȱwithȱwitsȱastray.”13ȱTheȱsimileȱtoo,ȱisȱcompelling,ȱbecauseȱitȱpresents theȱimageȱofȱaȱkindȱofȱmovementȱonȱtheȱbattlefieldȱ(Greimasȱnotesȱthatȱ“gent”ȱalso meansȱ“troop”ȱorȱ“army”),14ȱwhichȱisȱarbitraryȱandȱerraticȱandȱunrelatedȱtoȱthe

12

13

14

Cligès,ȱed.ȱandȱtrans.ȱCharlesȱMélaȱandȱOlivierȱCollet,ȱChrétienȱdeȱTroyesȱ:ȱRomans,ȱed.ȱMichelȱZink. Classiquesȱmodernes/LaȱPochothèqueȱ(Paris:ȱLivreȱdeȱPoche,ȱ1994),ȱ285–494;ȱhereȱ343–34.ȱEnglish trans.ȱCligès,ȱtrans.ȱRuthȱHarwoodȱClineȱ(Athens:ȱUniversityȱofȱGeorgiaȱPress,ȱ2000),ȱ52–53.ȱAll Frenchȱquotations,ȱlineȱnumbersȱandȱEnglishȱtranslationsȱfromȱCligésȱareȱfromȱtheseȱeditions unlessȱotherwiseȱnoted.ȱHenceforth,ȱtheȱpageȱnumberȱofȱtheȱFrenchȱeditionȱwillȱbeȱgivenȱfirst, followedȱby/andȱtheȱpageȱnumberȱofȱtheȱEnglishȱtranslation.ȱAlthoughȱCline’sȱtranslationȱofȱCligés vibrantlyȱcapturesȱtheȱexcitementȱofȱChrétien’sȱpoetry,ȱitȱdoesȱnotȱalwaysȱtranslateȱitȱwordȬforȬ word;ȱitȱisȱthereforeȱgivenȱhereȱasȱaȱtestimonyȱtoȱtheȱenergyȱofȱChrétien’sȱtextȱandȱaȱguideȱtoȱits meaningȱratherȱthanȱasȱaȱpreciseȱrenderingȱofȱtheȱlinguisticȱstructuresȱthatȱformȱandȱdriveȱthat meaningȱinȱtheȱOldȱFrenchȱoriginal.ȱ CharlesȱMélaȱandȱOlivierȱColletȱtranslateȱv.ȱ1763ȱintoȱModernȱFrenchȱasȱ“commeȱdeȱlaȱracaille désorientée”ȱ(likeȱdisorientedȱrabble);ȱLaurenceȱHarfȬLancner,ȱed.ȱandȱtrans.,ȱChrétienȱdeȱTroyes: Cligèsȱ(Paris:ȱChampion,ȱ2006)ȱtranslatesȱ“commeȱunȱvilȱtroupeauȱéperdu”ȱ(likeȱaȱlowlyȱlostȱherd); PhilippeȱWalter,ȱed.ȱandȱtrans.,ȱCligès,ȱChrétienȱdeȱTroyes:ȱŒuvresȱcomplètesȱ(Paris:ȱGallimard,ȱ1994), givesȱ“commeȱunȱtroupeauȱéperduȱdeȱvauriens”ȱ(likeȱaȱstrayȱherdȱofȱne’erȬdoȬwells);ȱBurton Raffel,ȱCligèsȱ(NewȱHavenȱandȱLondon:ȱYaleȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1997),ȱrendersȱitȱ“likeȱaȱmobȱof confusedȱpeasants”;ȱWilliamȱKibler,ȱtrans.,ȱChrétienȱdeȱTroyes:ȱArthurianȱRomances:ȱCligèsȱ(London: PenguinȱBooks),ȱ1991),ȱgivesȱ“likeȱcommon,ȱdisorientedȱmen”;ȱandȱDavidȱStaines,ȱCliges,ȱThe CompleteȱRomancesȱofȱChrétienȱdeȱTroyesȱ(BloomingtonȱandȱIndianapolis:ȱIndianaȱUniversityȱPress, 1990),ȱhasȱ“likeȱbaseȱandȱsenselessȱpeople.”ȱItȱshouldȱbeȱnotedȱthatȱtheȱreferentȱofȱthisȱsimileȱ(the menȱtoȱwhomȱtheȱphraseȱ“vilsȱgensȱetȱesgarees”ȱrefers)ȱisȱnot,ȱasȱtheȱsyntaxȱofȱaȱtranslationȱmight sometimesȱindicate,ȱtheȱroyalȱtroops,ȱbut,ȱrather,ȱtheȱtraitorsȱtheyȱmassacre.ȱInȱtheȱglossaryȱtoȱtheir editionȱofȱCligés,ȱClaudeȱLuttrellȱandȱStewartȱGregoryȱrenderȱ“esgaré”ȱasȱ“goneȱastray”ȱinȱthis contextȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).ȱ LuttrellȱandȱGregory,ȱed.,ȱChrétienȱdeȱTroyes:ȱCligésȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7),ȱnoteȱnumerousȱinstancesȱinȱwhich “gens/genz”ȱ(people)ȱisȱusedȱinȱCligésȱinȱtheȱsenseȱofȱ“hommesȱd’uneȱtroupeȱmilitaire,ȱd’une armée”ȱ(353;ȱmenȱofȱaȱmilitaryȱtroop,ȱanȱarmy).ȱSee,ȱforȱexample:ȱ“Deȱtoutȱiceȱrienȱneȱsavoientȱ/ Lorȱgenzȱquiȱestoientȱdefors,ȱ/ȱMesȱlorȱescuzȱentreȱlesȱcorsȱ/ȱOrentȱtrovéȱlaȱmatinee,ȱ/ȱQuantȱla batailleȱfuȱfinee”ȱ(vv.ȱ2028–32,ȱ351–52ȱ/ȱ60;ȱTheȱroyalȱtroopsȱoutsideȱtheȱplaceȱ/ȱwereȱunaware; whenȱitȱwasȱday,ȱ/ȱatȱtheȱconclusionȱofȱtheȱfray,ȱ/ȱtheȱshieldsȱborneȱbyȱtheȱGreeksȱwereȱfoundȱ/

258

SusanȱSmall

moreȱchoreographedȱchaosȱofȱtheȱbattleȱitself.15ȱItȱintroducesȱanȱunpredictability factor,ȱanȱelementȱofȱ“errance,”16ȱformulatedȱhere,ȱquiteȱliterally,ȱasȱaȱdisturbance inȱtheȱfield.

2.2ȱTheȱRiver Thisȱdisturbanceȱpresentsȱitselfȱinȱotherȱwaysȱasȱwell.ȱ“Weȱtend,”ȱasȱWilliamȱIan Millerȱ notes,ȱ “[t]oȱ perceiveȱ violenceȱ whenȱ bloodȱ runsȱ outsideȱ itsȱ normal channels,”17ȱ andȱ thisȱ violationȱ ofȱ orderȱ isȱ graphicallyȱ illustratedȱ asȱ thisȱ scene continues.ȱTheȱriverȱThamesȱbecomesȱanȱarteryȱinȱbothȱtheȱliteralȱandȱfigurative sensesȱofȱtheȱwordȱasȱtheȱheapsȱofȱcorpsesȱonȱtheȱfieldȱfloodȱtheȱriverȱandȱbanks whichȱborderȱit:ȱ“Tantȱgistȱdesȱmorzȱparȱcezȱareesȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱQueȱ.V.ȱliuesȱduraȱlaȱrouteȱ ȱȱȱDesȱmorzȱcontrevalȱlaȱriviere”(vv.ȱ1764–69,ȱ344/53;ȱSoȱmanyȱdeadȱinȱploughed fieldsȱlayȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱthatȱtheȱdeadȱlayȱinȱaȱlineȱthatȱwentȱ/ȱforȱfiveȱleaguesȱdownȱthe riverbanks).ȱTheȱriverȱandȱitsȱbanksȱfunctionȱhere,ȱthen,ȱasȱtheȱdumpingȱground ofȱtheȱbattlefield,ȱasȱwhatȱwasȱatȱtheȱepicȱcenterȱofȱtheȱfieldȱisȱcarriedȱoverȱontoȱits margins.ȱ Thisȱ river,ȱ nowȱ swollenȱ withȱ corpses,ȱ standsȱ inȱ markedȱ contrastȱ toȱ theȱ dry riverbedȱ dottedȱ withȱ deadȱ fishȱ thatȱ Cligés’sȱ fatherȱ Alexandreȱ andȱ hisȱ army marchedȱacrossȱbeforeȱtheȱbattleȱbegan: EtȱTamiseȱfuȱdescreüe,ȱ Qu’ilȱn’otȱpleüȱdeȱtoustȱesté, Einzȱotȱtelȱsecheresceȱesté Queȱliȱpoissonȱestoientȱmort Etȱlesȱnésȱfenduesȱauȱport.

15

16

17

amongȱtheȱbodiesȱonȱtheȱground). WeȱseeȱaȱmoreȱmotivatedȱversionȱofȱtheȱsameȱactionȱinȱtheȱbattleȱbetweenȱtheȱGreeksȱandȱthe Saxons:ȱ “Lorsȱ seȱ mestentȱ tuitȱ aȱ laȱ fuieȱ /ȱ Liȱ Sesne,ȱ quiȱ moltȱ seȱ redoutent,ȱ /ȱ Parmiȱ laȱ forestȱ se desrotent”ȱ(vv.ȱ3384–86,ȱ393ȱ/ȱ100;ȱThenȱallȱtheȱSaxonsȱtookȱtoȱflight.ȱ/ȱTheyȱheldȱCligèsȱinȱsoȱmuch dreadȱ/ȱthatȱthroughȱtheȱforestȱboundsȱtheyȱfled).ȱ SeeȱMichelȱStanesco,ȱJeuxȱd’erranceȱduȱchevalierȱmédiéval:ȱAspectsȱludiquesȱdeȱlaȱfonctionȱguerriereȱdans laȱlittératureȱduȱMoyenȱAgeȱflamboyant.ȱBrill’sȱStudiesȱinȱIntellectualȱHistory,ȱ9ȱ(LeidenȱandȱBoston: Brill,ȱ1988).ȱDespiteȱsomeȱlimitationsȱhere,ȱweȱmightȱalsoȱusefullyȱrelateȱtheȱconceptȱofȱ“errance” (wandering),ȱ asȱ “égarement”ȱ (straying)ȱ onȱ Chrétien’sȱ battlefield,ȱ toȱ thatȱ ofȱ theȱ “nomadic trajectory,”ȱasȱlaidȱoutȱbyȱGillesȱDeleuzeȱandȱFélixȱGuattari,ȱ“1227:ȱTreatiseȱonȱNomadology—The Warȱ Machine,”ȱ id.,ȱ Aȱ Thousandȱ Plateaus:ȱ Capitalismȱ andȱ Schizophrenia,ȱ trans.ȱ Brianȱ Massumi (Minneapolis:ȱUniversityȱofȱMinnesotaȱPress,ȱ1987;ȱrpt.ȱLondonȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱContinuum,ȱ2004), 351–423,ȱesp.ȱ380–81;ȱorig.ȱCapitalismeȱetȱschizophrénie:ȱmilleȱplateauxȱ(Paris:ȱMinuit,ȱ1980).ȱ QuotedȱinȱMarilynnȱDesmond,ȱandȱPamelaȱSheingorn,ȱMyth,ȱMontage,ȱ&ȱVisualityȱinȱLateȱMedieval ManuscriptȱCulture:ȱChristineȱdeȱPizan’sȱEpistreȱOtheaȱ(AnnȱArbor,ȱMI:ȱUniversityȱofȱMichigan Press,ȱ2006),ȱ165.

CligésȱUnȬcut Siȱpooitȱenȱpasserȱaȱgué Laȱouȱeleȱavoitȱplusȱdeȱlé.ȱ OutreȱTamiseȱestȱl’ozȱalee.

259

(vv.ȱ1476–83,ȱ334ȱ/ȱ43–44)

[Becauseȱitȱhadȱnotȱrainedȱallȱsummerȱ,ȱtheȱThamesȱhadȱfallenȱinȱitsȱbed,ȱ/ȱsoȱinȱthe riverȱfishȱwereȱdeadȱ/ȱbecauseȱofȱtheȱtremendousȱdrought;ȱ/ȱboatsȱlayȱagroundȱwithin theȱport.ȱ/ȱSoȱwhereȱtheȱriverȱwasȱmostȱwideȱȱitȱcouldȱbeȱfordedȱsideȱtoȱside.ȱ/ȱȱAcross theȱThamesȱtheȱarmyȱspilled].

Ifȱweȱgoȱbackȱfartherȱstill,ȱweȱseeȱtheȱsameȱfieldsȱandȱtheȱsameȱriverȱflowingȱand flamingȱwithȱcolorȱandȱlight:ȱ L’ozȱestȱsorȱTamiseȱlogie, outeȱlaȱpreeȱestȱherbergie Deȱpaveillonsȱverzȱetȱvermeuz. Esȱcolorsȱseȱfiertȱliȱsoleuz, S’enȱreflamboieȱlaȱriviere Plusȱd’uneȱgrantȱliueȱplaniere.

(vv.ȱ1255–60,328ȱ/ȱ37)

[Theȱ armyȱ campedȱ byȱ riverside.ȱ /ȱ Thatȱ dayȱ theyȱ wouldȱ notȱ haveȱ theirȱ fightȱ /ȱ but pitchedȱtheirȱtentsȱtoȱlodgeȱtheȱnightȱ/ȱandȱcampedȱalongȱtheȱThames’sȱbed.ȱ/ȱTheir tentsȱ ofȱ greenȱ andȱ goldenȱ redȱ /ȱ filledȱ allȱ theȱ meadowȱ onȱ thatȱ day.ȱ /ȱ Theȱ sunlight broughtȱtheseȱhuesȱinȱplay;ȱ/ȱtheyȱblazedȱalongȱtheȱriverȱshoreȱ/ȱȱforȱoneȱfullȱleagueȱand evenȱmore].ȱ

Thisȱisȱchampȱasȱarmyȱcamp.ȱHere,ȱtheȱtentsȱareȱgreenȱlikeȱtheȱfields,ȱandȱtheirȱred isȱtheȱvermillionȱofȱsunȱandȱflamesȱonȱtheȱriver—heralding,ȱperhaps,ȱbutȱnotȱyet hereȱreflecting,ȱtheȱbloodȱitȱwillȱbecome. Therefore,ȱwhatȱChrétienȱgivesȱus,ȱinȱeffect,ȱisȱaȱsortȱofȱtimeȬlapseȱphotographic viewȱofȱtheȱriverȱandȱtheȱfieldsȱthatȱitȱborders:ȱfieldsȱthatȱhave,ȱatȱtheȱbeginning, notȱyetȱbecomeȱbattlefields.ȱYetȱitȱisȱnotȱlongȱbeforeȱthisȱborderȱisȱcrossedȱandȱthe armyȱentersȱtheȱriver:ȱ“Auȱguéȱtuitȱaȱ.I.ȱfroisȱs’esleissent”ȱ(v.ȱ1311,ȱ329ȱ/ȱ39;ȱAnd towardȱtheȱfordȱbeganȱtoȱride).18ȱ Weȱareȱleft,ȱatȱtheȱendȱofȱthisȱscene,ȱwithȱtheȱdeadȱandȱtheȱwoundedȱlyingȱonȱthe field:ȱ“Etȱliȱmortȱgisentȱenȱl’araine,ȱ/ȱQu’asezȱiȱotȱdesȱdecolez,ȱ/ȱDesȱplaiezȱetȱdes afolez”ȱ(vv.ȱ1338–40,ȱ330ȱ/ȱ39;ȱWhileȱotherȱdeadȱlayȱscattered,ȱ/ȱandȱmanyȱwere beheaded,ȱbatteredȱ,ȱorȱinjuredȱseriously,ȱorȱmaimed),ȱbutȱinȱtheȱmidstȱofȱallȱthis

18

Theȱvisualȱimpactȱofȱtheȱmomentȱwouldȱbeȱscientificallyȱarticulatedȱsomeȱ350ȱyearsȱlaterȱinȱthe followingȱexcerptȱfromȱLeonardoȱdaȱVinci’sȱnotesȱonȱ“Howȱtoȱrepresentȱaȱbattle“:ȱ“[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱandȱyou shouldȱshowȱaȱ river,ȱwithinȱwhichȱhorsesȱareȱgalloping,ȱstirringȱtheȱwaterȱallȱaroundȱwithȱa heavingȱmassȱofȱwavesȱandȱfoamȱandȱbrokenȱwater,ȱleapingȱhighȱintoȱtheȱairȱandȱoverȱtheȱlegs andȱbodiesȱofȱtheȱhorses,”ȱ“TheȱWayȱtoȱRepresentȱaȱBattle,”ȱTheȱNotebooksȱofȱLeonardoȱdaȱVinci,ȱed. andȱtrans.ȱEdwardȱMacCurdyȱ(NewȱYork:ȱGeorgeȱBraziller,ȱ1958),ȱ1:ȱ894–96;ȱhereȱ895.

260

SusanȱSmall

butchery,ȱ weȱ canȱ alreadyȱ seeȱ theȱ bloodȱ beginningȱ toȱ overflowȱ ontoȱ theȱ river Thames,ȱasȱweȱnotedȱaboveȱinȱvv.ȱ1764–69.19

3.ȱDismemberȱtoȱRemember:ȱDrawingȱandȱQuartering Letȱusȱleaveȱtheseȱbodiesȱforȱaȱmoment,ȱhowever,ȱandȱfollowȱtheȱbodilyȱfatesȱofȱthe knightsȱtakenȱprisonerȱbyȱAlexandre,ȱafterȱcombatȱagainstȱtheirȱleader,ȱtheȱrebel countȱAngrés:ȱ“MaisȱAlixandresȱenȱotȱleȱpris,ȱ/ȱQueȱparȱsonȱcorsȱliezȱetȱprisȱ/ȱQatre chevaliersȱenȱameine”ȱ(vv.ȱ1335–37,ȱ330/39;ȱbutȱAlexandreȱledȱhisȱband,ȱ/ȱforȱhe tiedȱupȱandȱtookȱinȱhandȱȱȱfourȱknights)—forȱtheȱquestionȱofȱwhatȱtoȱdoȱwithȱthem isȱmoreȱpressing.ȱObviously,ȱtheyȱmustȱdie.20ȱButȱhow?ȱInterestingly,ȱamongȱthe manyȱoptionsȱavailableȱtoȱhim—“Liȱunȱdientȱqu’escorchiéȱsoient,ȱ/ȱLiȱautreȱqu’an lesȱpendeȱouȱarde”ȱ(vv.ȱ1432–33,ȱ333ȱȱ42;ȱSomeȱknightsȱdeclaredȱtheyȱshouldȱbe flayedȱ/ȱandȱothersȱwishedȱthemȱhangedȱorȱburned)—theȱkingȱchoosesȱtoȱhave themȱdrawnȱandȱquarteredȱ(“Amenéȱsont,ȱlierȱlesȱfet,ȱ/ȱEtȱditȱqu’ilȱneȱserontȱdetret /ȱJusqu’antorȱleȱchastelȱserontȱ/ȱEtȱqueȱcilȱdedenzȱleȱverront”ȱ(vv.ȱ1437–40,ȱ333ȱ/ȱ42; Heȱhadȱthemȱfetched;ȱheȱhadȱthemȱboundȱ/ȱandȱsaidȱtheyȱwouldȱbeȱdrawnȱaroundȱ theȱcastleȱwalls.ȱandȱallȱinsideȱ/ȱcouldȱwatchȱandȱseeȱtheȱwayȱtheyȱdied)ȱ Whyȱisȱthis?ȱTheȱtextȱtellsȱusȱsimplyȱthatȱ“Etȱliȱroisȱmeïsmesȱesgardeȱ/ȱQu’enȱdoit traïtorȱtraïner”ȱ(vv.ȱ1434–35,ȱ333ȱ/ȱ42;ȱTheȱkingȱhimselfȱsaidȱthoseȱwhoȱturnedȱ/ȱto treasonȱshouldȱbeȱdrawnȱapart),ȱbutȱtheȱwordsȱ“doit”ȱandȱ“traitor”ȱareȱrevealing; theȱfourȱknightsȱcapturedȱbyȱAlexandreȱareȱofȱcourseȱtraitors,ȱandȱweȱknowȱthat drawingȱandȱquarteringȱwasȱtheȱcustomaryȱpunishmentȱforȱtreasonȱatȱtheȱtime. Moreȱtellingly,ȱhowever,ȱitȱisȱalsoȱaȱmethodȱreplicatingȱwhatȱweȱhaveȱseenȱonȱthe battlefield:ȱdismemberment.ȱEquallyȱremarkableȱisȱthatȱChrétien’sȱdescriptionȱof theȱdrawingȱandȱquarteringȱisȱitself,ȱinȱeffect,ȱaȱsymmetricalȱrepresentationȱofȱwhat isȱhappeningȱonȱtheȱbattlefield:ȱfourȱknights,ȱdrawnȱbyȱfourȱhorses,ȱquarteredȱ(torn intoȱfourȱparts,ȱandȱbeheaded),ȱandȱleftȱlyingȱinȱtheȱfieldsȱaroundȱtheȱcastle.ȱ(“.ȱ. .ȱliȱquatreȱtraïnéȱfurentȱ/ȱEtȱliȱmembreȱparȱlesȱchansȱjurent”ȱ(vv.ȱ1507–8,ȱ335ȱ/ȱ44; .ȱ.ȱ.ȱtheȱfourȱwereȱdrawnȱapart,ȱ/ȱandȱinȱtheȱfieldȱtheirȱlimbsȱlayȱtossed).21ȱThe

19

20 21

WeȱagainȱreadȱinȱLeonardo’sȱnotebooks:ȱ“Makeȱtheȱdead,ȱsomeȱhalf–buriedȱinȱdust,ȱothersȱwith theȱdustȱallȱmingledȱwithȱtheȱoozingȱbloodȱandȱchangingȱintoȱcrimsonȱmud,ȱandȱletȱtheȱlineȱof bloodȱ beȱ discernedȱ byȱ itsȱ colour,ȱ flowingȱ inȱ aȱ sinuousȱ streamȱ fromȱ theȱ corpseȱ toȱ theȱ dust,” “RepresentȱaȱBattle,”ȱ1:ȱ895–96ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18). Theȱqueen,ȱwhoȱwouldȱseeȱthemȱsimplyȱthrownȱinȱprison,ȱisȱofȱcourseȱoutvoted. Theȱ detailȱ (bothȱ topographicalȱ andȱ clinical)ȱ inȱ theȱ Proseȱ Cligésȱ isȱ evenȱ moreȱ striking:ȱ “Et,ȱ a mesuresȱqu’ilsȱsontȱloiés,ȱilȱchasseȱlesȱchevaulxȱauȱloingz;ȱsiȱs’enȱvontȱcourantȱciȱlezȱungzȱlaȱles aultresȱ parȱ montaignes,ȱ rociers,ȱ chardons,ȱ ronces,ȱ ortiez,ȱ espines,ȱ tantȱ queȱ lezȱ IIIIȱ meschans hommesȱ furentȱ executézȱ aȱ mortȱ etȱ qu’ilzȱ furentȱ tellementȱ deffigurésȱ qu’ilȱ neȱ leurȱ demoura membreȱnulȱentier”ȱ(86,ȱSect.ȱ16;ȱAnd,ȱasȱtheyȱareȱbeingȱbound,ȱheȱchasesȱawayȱtheȱhorses;ȱthey

CligésȱUnȬcut

261

punishmentȱisȱstagedȱasȱanȱexampleȱtoȱtheȱenemy,ȱasȱjustȱnotedȱinȱvv.ȱ1437–40.ȱBut itȱisȱalsoȱpresentedȱasȱaȱpreludeȱtoȱtheȱcarnageȱofȱtheȱbattleȱitself,ȱasȱevidencedȱby “Lorsȱ encomençaȱ liȱ assauz”ȱ (v.ȱ 1509,ȱ 335ȱ ȱ 44;ȱ Aȱ newȱ offenseȱ beganȱ toȱ start), cappingȱtheȱversesȱonȱdrawing,ȱquarteringȱandȱdraggingȱaroundȱcitedȱabove.22

4.ȱTheȱTournament Thisȱ sameȱ typeȱ ofȱ recursivity—thatȱ is,ȱ inȱ whichȱ certainȱ themesȱ replicateȱ and enlargeȱbyȱdrawingȱuponȱorȱreferringȱtoȱthemselves—isȱfoundȱinȱtheȱtournaments inȱ Cligés.23ȱ Ifȱ weȱ look,ȱ forȱ example,ȱ atȱ theȱ tournamentȱ inȱ whichȱ Cligésȱ meets Gauvain,ȱweȱseeȱtheȱsameȱdescriptorsȱthatȱweȱencounteredȱfirstȱonȱtheȱbattlefield andȱ thenȱ againȱ atȱ theȱ drawingȱ andȱ quarteringȱ ofȱ theȱ prisoners.ȱ Inȱ fact,ȱ the tournamentȱ itselfȱ isȱ described,ȱ repeatedly,ȱ inȱ thisȱ scene,ȱ asȱ aȱ battle (“bataille”)—“Environȱ suntȱ lesȱ genzȱ venuesȱ ȱ Porȱ laȱ batailleȱ regarder”(v. 4877)—althoughȱ Cline’sȱ translation,ȱ perhapsȱ forȱ reasonsȱ ofȱ rhythmȱ orȱ rhyme, translatesȱtheȱword,ȱ“bataille”ȱvariously,ȱasȱ“swordplay,”ȱ“brawl,”ȱ“battle”ȱand “assault”ȱ forȱ thisȱ andȱ relatedȱ passages:ȱ (438ȱ /ȱ 144;ȱ Theȱ peopleȱ gatheredȱ round aroundȱtheȱlordsȱȱtoȱwatchȱtheȱswordplayȱinȱtheirȱbrawl);ȱ “Queȱ laȱ batailleȱfust

22

23

runȱaway,ȱsomeȱhere,ȱtheȱothersȱthroughȱtheȱmountains,ȱrocks,ȱthistles,ȱbrambles,ȱnettlesȱand thornsȱsoȱthatȱtheȱfourȱprisonersȱwereȱexecutedȱandȱwereȱsoȱdisfiguredȱthatȱnotȱoneȱofȱtheirȱlimbs wasȱleftȱwhole.) IȱamȱgratefulȱtoȱNadiaȱMargolisȱforȱremindingȱmeȱofȱtheȱresonanceȱbetweenȱtheȱdismemberment inȱthisȱsceneȱandȱthatȱinȱtheȱepicȱChansonȱdeȱRolandȱ(SongȱofȱRoland),ȱinȱparticularȱtheȱmortally woundedȱ Oliver’sȱ heroicȱ battleȱ againstȱ theȱ enemyȱ Saracens,ȱ hereȱ inȱ Burgess’sȱ veryȱ faithful translation:ȱ“Inȱtheȱthickȱofȱtheȱfrayȱheȱstrikesȱlikeȱaȱbaron,ȱ/ȱSlicingȱthroughȱtheȱlanceȱshaftsȱand theȱ bucklers,ȱ /ȱ Throughȱ feetȱ andȱ fists,ȱ saddlesȱ andȱ sides.ȱ /ȱ Anyoneȱ whoȱ hadȱ seenȱ him dismemberingȱtheȱSaracens,ȱ/ȱPilingȱupȱtheirȱbodiesȱonȱtheȱground,ȱ/ȱWouldȱhaveȱremembered whatȱ aȱ goodȱ vassalȱ heȱ was,”ȱ vv.ȱ 1967–72)ȱ andȱ theȱ traitorȱ Ganelon’sȱ deathȱ byȱ drawingȱ and quarteringȱ(“TheyȱhaveȱfourȱwarȬhorsesȱbroughtȱforward;ȱ/ȱThenȱtheyȱbindȱhimȱbyȱhisȱhandsȱand feet.ȱ/ȱTheȱhorsesȱareȱmettlesomeȱandȱswift;ȱ/ȱFourȱservantsȱgoadȱthemȱonȱ/ȱTowardsȱaȱstream whichȱflowsȱthroughȱaȱfield.ȱ/ȱGanelonȱwasȱgivenȱoverȱtoȱtotalȱperdition.ȱ/ȱAllȱhisȱligamentsȱare stretchedȱtautȱ/ȱAndȱheȱisȱtornȱlimbȱfromȱlimb,ȱ/ȱHisȱclearȱbloodȱspillsȱoutȱonȱtoȱtheȱgreenȱgrass,” vv.ȱ3964–72;ȱcitedȱhereȱfromȱTheȱSongȱofȱRoland,ȱtrans.ȱGlynȱBurgessȱ(LondonȱandȱNewȱYork: Penguin,ȱ1990),ȱ91–92,ȱ155–56;ȱforȱaȱrecentȱcriticalȱeditionȱofȱtheȱoriginalȱversion,ȱseeȱLaȱChanson deȱRoland,ȱed.ȱIanȱShort,ȱ2ndȱed.,ȱLettresȱGothiquesȱ(Paris:ȱLivreȱdeȱPoche,ȱ1990).ȱHere,ȱasȱinȱCligés and,ȱasȱweȱshallȱsee,ȱinȱChristineȱdeȱPizan’sȱpoliticalȱlamentȱofȱ1410,ȱphysicalȱdismembermentȱcan beȱreadȱasȱaȱmetaphorȱforȱtheȱdisintegrationȱofȱtheȱbodyȱpolitic.ȱ(Seeȱnoteȱ41.) PhilippeȱContamine,ȱforȱexample,ȱobservesȱthatȱtournamentsȱwereȱusedȱasȱtrainingȱgroundsȱfor war,ȱinȱWarȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱtrans.ȱMichaelȱJonesȱ(Oxford:ȱBasilȱBlackwell,ȱ1984);ȱorig.ȱLaȱGuerre auȱMoyenȱâge.ȱNouvelleȱClio,ȱ24ȱ(Paris:ȱPressesȱUniversitairesȱdeȱFrance,ȱ1980),ȱ215–16.ȱJohan Huizinga,ȱinȱhisȱHomoȱLudens,ȱarguesȱasȱwellȱthatȱ“ȱ[t]heȱrulesȱofȱwarfareȱ[itself]ȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱwereȱbuilt upȱonȱplayȬpatterns,”ȱasȱquotedȱinȱDianeȱAckerman,ȱDeepȱPlayȱ(NewȱYork:ȱRandomȱHouse,ȱ1999), 11.ȱJohanȱHuizinga,ȱHomoȱLudensȱ(1938;ȱBoston:ȱTheȱBeaconȱPress,ȱ1955),ȱ173.ȱ

262

SusanȱSmall

otree,”ȱ(v.ȱ4897,ȱ439ȱ/ȱ144;ȱuntilȱtheirȱbattleȱreachedȱitsȱend);ȱandȱ“Mesȱfaitesȱpais, soiezȱami!ȱ/ȱBeausȱniésȱGauvain,ȱjeȱvosȱenȱpri,ȱ/ȱQueȱsanzȱquereleȱetȱsanzȱhaïneȱ/ Neȱfaitȱ batailleȱn’ataïneȱ/ȱAȱnulȱprodomeȱaȱmaintenir.”ȱ(vv.ȱ4903–07,ȱ439ȱ/ȱ144; Gawain,ȱdearȱnephew,ȱpleaseȱdoȱcease.ȱ/ȱAȱgentlemanȱwouldȱbeȱatȱfault,ȱȱifȱhe continuedȱanȱassault/withȱquarrelȱorȱhatredȱofȱnoȱsort)ȱ(emphasesȱmine).ȱ Moreover,ȱ withinȱ theȱ frameȱ ofȱ theȱ battle,ȱ weȱ findȱ theȱ fieldȱ (“champ”ȱ or ”chanp”)ȱ :ȱ “Gauvainsȱ liȱ proz,ȱ liȱ alosez,ȱ /ȱ N’estȱ gairesȱ elȱ champȱ reposez,”ȱ (vv. 4853–54,ȱ438ȱȱ143;ȱThereonȱbrave,ȱgloriousȱGawain,ȱ/ȱwhoȱscarcelyȱpausedȱupon theȱplain);ȱ“Parȱtensȱserontȱenȱchanpȱandui,ȱ/ȱCarȱCligésȱn’aȱd’aresterȱcure,”ȱ(vv. 4858–59,ȱ 438ȱ ȱ 143)ȱ [Uponȱ theȱ field,ȱ there’llȱ soonȱ beȱ two,ȱ becauseȱ Cligésȱ was undeterred);ȱandȱ“Cligés,ȱquiȱlaȱparoleȱentent,/Enmiȱleȱchampȱversȱluiȱseȱlance” (vv.ȱ4864–65,ȱ438ȱ/ȱ143;ȱCligèsȱheardȱthatȱandȱheȱwasȱgone.ȱHeȱhurledȱtowardȱthem inȱmidfield].24ȱ ForȱMichelȱStanesco,ȱtheȱtournamentȱisȱtheȱludicȱversionȱofȱtheȱbattle,ȱandȱitȱis certainlyȱ trueȱ thatȱ weȱ seeȱ theȱ sameȱ playersȱ onȱ theȱ field—knights,ȱ withȱ their shields,ȱtheirȱlancesȱandȱtheirȱmounts—playingȱtheȱsameȱgame:25 Lesȱlancesȱesȱescuzȱflatissent, Etȱliȱcopȱdonnentȱtelȱescrois Queȱtotesȱjusquesȱesȱcamois Esclicentȱetȱfendentȱetȱfroissent. Liȱarçonȱdesȱselesȱesloissent Etȱrompentȱcenglesȱetȱpoitral.ȱ

(vv.ȱ4870–75,ȱ438ȱ/ȱ143)

[Theȱlancesȱaimedȱatȱshieldsȱandȱhit.ȱ/ȱThenȱatȱbothȱhandles,ȱleatherȱwrapped,ȱ/ȱthe lancesȱshattered,ȱsplitȱandȱsnapped.ȱ/ȱTheyȱgaveȱeachȱotherȱsuchȱhardȱblowsȱ/ȱthey fragmentedȱtheirȱsaddleȱbowsȱandȱsnappedȱtheȱbreastȱstrapȱandȱtheȱgirth].26ȱ

24

25

26

TheȱProseȱCligésȱusesȱ“praerie”ȱ:ȱ“Sagramorsȱs’advançaȱsurȱlaȱpraerieȱpourȱjouster”ȱ(127,ȱSect.ȱ48; Sagremoreȱwentȱoutȱontoȱtheȱmeadowȱtoȱjoust.),ȱandȱ“plaine”:ȱ“quantȱveciȱCligézȱauxȱarmez verdez,ȱcourantȱetȱbatant,ȱquiȱarriveȱenȱlaȱplaine,”ȱ(129,ȱSect.ȱ50;ȱwhenȱalongȱcomesȱCligèsȱinȱhis greenȱarmor,ȱrunningȱandȱfighting,ȱarrivingȱonȱtheȱplain.). Stanesco,ȱJeuxȱd’erranceȱ,ȱ71ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ16),ȱrefersȱtoȱtheȱtournamentȱasȱaȱ“jeuȱguerrier”ȱ(warȱgame). Witness,ȱforȱexample,ȱtheȱfollowingȱsceneȱfromȱCligés,ȱjustȱbeforeȱtheȱbattleȱbetweenȱtheȱGreeks andȱtheȱSaxonsȱinȱtheȱfieldsȱalongȱtheȱDanube:ȱ“Laȱouȱilȱertȱenȱsonȱesgartȱ/ȱVitȱCligésȱchevauchier luiȱquartȱ/ȱDeȱvallezȱquiȱseȱdeportoient,ȱ/ȱQuiȱlancesȱetȱescuzȱportoientȱ/ȱPorȱbohorderȱetȱpor deduire”ȱ(vv.ȱ3361–65,ȱ392ȱ/ȱ99;ȱTheȱyouthȱwasȱatȱhisȱguardȱpostȱwhenȱ/ȱheȱsawȱCligèsȱandȱfour youngȱmenȱ/ȱrideȱoutȱdisportingȱinȱtheȱfields.ȱ/ȱTheyȱboreȱtheirȱlancesȱandȱtheirȱshieldsȱ/ȱsoȱthey couldȱ joustȱ andȱ haveȱ someȱ fun).ȱ Seeȱ alsoȱ Dasȱ ritterlicheȱ Turnierȱ imȱ Mittelalter:ȱ Beitragȱ zuȱ einer vergleichendenȱFormenȬȱundȱVerhaltensgeschichteȱdesȱRittertums,ȱed.ȱJosefȱFleckensteinȱ(Göttingen: Vandenhoeckȱ&ȱRuprecht,ȱ1986).ȱ Suchȱaȱwarȱgame’sȱplayers,ȱpiecesȱandȱaimȱweȱfindȱsimilarlyȱenvisionedȱbyȱtroubadourȱBertran deȱBorn:ȱ“Massasȱeȱbrans,ȱelmsȱdeȱcolorȱ/ȱEscutsȱtraucaurȱeȱdesgarnirȱ/ȱVeiremȱaȱl’intrarȱdeȱl’estor .ȱ.ȱ.ȱ/ȱEȱqandȱerȱenȱlȇestorȱintratz,ȱ/ȱChascusȱhomȱdeȱparatgeȱ/ȱNonȱpensȱmasȱd’asclarȱcapsȱeȱbratz.” (“Atȱtheȱbeginningȱofȱtheȱbattleȱweȱshallȱseeȱclubsȱandȱswords,ȱcolorfulȱhelmets,ȱshieldsȱpierced andȱsmashed,ȱandȱmanyȱvassalsȱstrikingȱtogether,ȱsoȱthatȱhorsesȱofȱtheȱdeadȱandȱwoundedȱwill

CligésȱUnȬcut

263

However,ȱifȱwarȱisȱplay,ȱitȱisȱ“deepȱplay,”ȱthatȱis,ȱ“playȱinȱwhichȱtheȱstakesȱareȱso highȱthatȱitȱbecomes,ȱfromȱ[a]ȱutilitarianȱstandpoint,ȱirrationalȱforȱmenȱtoȱengage inȱitȱatȱall,”27ȱwhereasȱitȱisȱnot,ȱfromȱaȱutilitarianȱstandpoint,ȱirrationalȱtoȱengage inȱaȱtournament:ȱtheȱprizesȱareȱquiteȱvaluableȱandȱtheȱstakesȱareȱrelativelyȱlow.ȱIf theȱplayingȱfieldȱofȱtheȱtournamentȱis,ȱlikeȱtheȱbattlefield,ȱlitteredȱwithȱbitsȱand piecesȱofȱthings,ȱitsȱlitterȱisȱmetalȱandȱleatherȱandȱwood,ȱnotȱflesh.28 LetȱusȱtakeȱaȱbriefȱrompȱthroughȱtheȱtournamentȱonȱtheȱplainsȱofȱOxfordȱinȱorder toȱseeȱhowȱthisȱtheoryȱplaysȱout:ȱIȱhaveȱmentionedȱthatȱtheȱjoustȱbetweenȱCligés andȱ Gauvainȱ isȱ theȱ fourthȱ inȱ aȱ series;ȱ itȱ isȱ alsoȱ theȱ last,ȱ forȱ theȱ tournament, organizedȱ byȱ Kingȱ Arthurȱ onȱ theȱ plainsȱ aroundȱ Oxford,ȱ nearȱ Wallingford,ȱ is scheduledȱtoȱlastȱfourȱdays: EsȱpleinsȱdevantȱOxenefort, QuiȱpresȱestȱdeȱGalinguefort, Einsintȱestȱemprisȱliȱestors Quiȱdevoitȱdurerȱquatreȱjors

27

28

(vv.ȱ4527–30,ȱ428ȱ/ȱ133–34)

wanderȱaimlessly.ȱAndȱwhenȱheȱentersȱtheȱfray,ȱletȱeveryȱmanȱofȱrankȱthinkȱonlyȱofȱhackingȱheads andȱarms,ȱforȱaȱdeadȱmanȱisȱworthȱmoreȱthanȱaȱliveȱloser.”),ȱBertranȱdeȱBorn,ȱ“Be.mȱplaiȱloȱgais tempsȱdeȱpascor,”ȱhttp://www.trobar.org/troubadours/bertran_de_born/ȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱNov. 1,ȱ2010);ȱTheȱPoemsȱofȱtheȱTroubadourȱBertranȱdeȱBorn,ȱtrans.ȱWilliamȱD.ȱPaden,ȱJr.,ȱTildeȱSankovitch, andȱPatriciaȱH.ȱStäbleinȱ(Berkeley:ȱUniversityȱofȱCaliforniaȱPress,ȱ1986),ȱ338Ȭ45;ȱhereȱ340.ȱFor anotherȱEnglishȱtranslationȱandȱaȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱpoemȱinȱrelationȱtoȱtheȱ“psychologyȱofȱknights onȱtheȱbattlefield,”ȱseeȱJ.ȱF.ȱVerbruggen,ȱTheȱArtȱofȱWarfareȱinȱWesternȱEuropeȱDuringȱtheȱMiddle Ages:ȱFromȱtheȱEighthȱCenturyȱtoȱ1340,ȱtrans.ȱSumnerȱWillardȱandȱS.ȱC.ȱM.ȱSouthernȱ(Amsterdam: North–HollandȱPublishing,ȱ1977);ȱorig.ȱKrijgskunstȱinȱWestȬEuropaȱinȱdeȱMiddeleeuwenȱ(Brussels: PaleisȱderȱAcademiën,ȱ1954),ȱ39–40. SeeȱCliffordȱGeertz,ȱ“DeepȱPlay:ȱNotesȱonȱtheȱBalineseȱCockfight,”ȱTheȱInterpretationsȱofȱCultures: SelectedȱEssaysȱ(NewȱYork:ȱBasicȱBooks,ȱ1973).ȱGeertzȱnotesȱthatȱtheȱconceptȱofȱ“deepȱplay”ȱcomes fromȱJeremyȱBentham’sȱTheȱTheoryȱofȱLegislation.ȱSeeȱalsoȱDianeȱAckerman,ȱDeepȱPlay,ȱ199,ȱwho conceivesȱofȱ“deepȱplay”ȱasȱtheȱsortȱofȱrapturousȱengagementȱinȱfantasy–playȱweȱmightȱascribe toȱtheȱsceneȱdescribingȱCligésȱbeforeȱconfrontingȱtheȱSaxonsȱ(vv.ȱ3361–65,ȱseeȱnoteȱȱ25).ȱOnȱthe extentȱofȱtheȱrisksȱinvolvedȱinȱmedievalȱwarfare,ȱseeȱContamine,ȱWarȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱ255–59 (seeȱnoteȱ23). ErichȱKöhlerȱsuggests,ȱhowever,ȱthatȱ“laȱquêteȱd’aventureȱneȱseȱjustifieȱpasȱd’elle–mêmeȱpuisqu’[. .ȱ.]ȱenȱtantȱqueȱsimpleȱactionȱguerrièreȱdépourvueȱdeȱsignificationȱmorale,ȱelleȱestȱenȱcontradiction avecȱleȱcodeȱdeȱl’“ordo”ȱmédiéval,ȱquiȱconçoitȱl’étatȱpositifȱdeȱlaȱsociétéȱcommeȱorganisationȱde toutȱceȱquiȱexiste.ȱ.ȱ..”ȱErichȱKöhler,ȱL’Aventureȱchevaleresque:ȱIdéalȱetȱréalitéȱdansȱleȱromanȱcourtois: Étudesȱ surȱ laȱ formeȱ desȱ plusȱ anciensȱ poèmesȱ d’Arthurȱ etȱ duȱ Graal,ȱ trans.ȱ Elianeȱ Kaufholzȱ (Paris: Gallimard,ȱ1974);ȱorig.ȱIdealȱundȱWirklichkeitȱinȱderȱhöfischenȱEpik:ȱStudienȱzurȱFormȱderȱfrühenȱArtusȬ undȱGraldichtung.ȱBeihefteȱzurȱZeitschriftȱfürȱromanischeȱPhilologie,ȱ97ȱ(Tübingen:ȱNiemeyer, 1956),ȱ82.ȱContamine,ȱWarȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱ(seeȱnoteȱ23ȱ),ȱobservesȱthatȱtheȱpapacyȱand,ȱinȱsome cases,ȱtheȱmonarchy,ȱtriedȱtoȱbanȱorȱcurtailȱtournamentsȱasȱearlyȱasȱ1130,ȱ“whichȱtheyȱconsidered dangerousȱ andȱ vainȱ exercises,ȱ aȱ wasteȱ ofȱ energy,ȱ whichȱ workedȱ toȱ theȱ detrimentȱ ofȱ proper militaryȱactivitiesȱoverȱwhichȱtheyȱwishedȱtoȱpreserveȱaȱmonopoly”ȱ(216).

264

SusanȱSmall [UponȱtheȱplainȱbyȱOxford,ȱtowardȱ/ȱtheȱnearbyȱtownȱofȱWallingfordȱ,ȱtheȱtourney wouldȱbeȱheldȱandȱlastȱȱuntilȱfourȱdaysȱhadȱcomeȱandȱpassed].ȱ

Onȱtheȱsecondȱdayȱofȱtheȱtournament,ȱCligés,ȱ“Plusȱvertȱqueȱn’estȱherbeȱdeȱpré,” (v.ȱ 4705,ȱ 433ȱ /ȱ 139)ȱ [asȱ greenȱ asȱ grassȱ /ȱ thatȱ growsȱ inȱ meadowȱ orȱ inȱ mead]), unhorsesȱLancelotȱofȱtheȱLakeȱwithȱaȱsingleȱblow,ȱthenȱthrowsȱhimselfȱevenȱmore violentlyȱintoȱtheȱfray,ȱknockingȱhisȱopponentsȱoffȱtheirȱhorses:ȱ“Queȱdelȱ[cheval] aȱterreȱviegne”ȱ(v.ȱ4742,ȱ434ȱ/ȱ140;ȱȱtheyȱfellȱfromȱchargersȱtoȱtheȱground).ȱHis violenceȱhasȱescalated,ȱindeed,ȱdoubled:ȱ Cligésȱsiȱbienȱcelȱjorȱleȱfist, Tantȱenȱiȱabatiȱetȱprist Queȱdosȱtanzȱasȱsuensȱpleü Etȱ.II.ȱtanzȱiȱaȱlosȱeü Queȱl’autreȱjorȱdevantȱn’iȱout.

(v.ȱ4743,ȱ434ȱȱ140)

[ThatȱdayȱCligèsȱperformedȱsoȱwellȱ/ȱsoȱmanyȱofȱhisȱprisonersȱfellȱ/ȱheȱpleasedȱhisȱown sideȱ twoȱ timesȱ more,ȱ /ȱ andȱ doubleȱ fromȱ theȱ dayȱ beforeȱ /ȱ wasȱ theȱ prestigeȱ Cligès acquired].ȱ

Resplendentȱinȱwhiteȱonȱtheȱthirdȱday,ȱCligésȱfightsȱPerceval.ȱLancesȱbendȱand breakȱ andȱ Cligésȱ dealsȱ Percevalȱ suchȱ aȱ stunningȱ blowȱ “.ȱ .ȱ .ȱ qu’ilȱ l’abatȱ jusȱ del cheval”ȱ(v.ȱ4784,ȱ435ȱȱ141)ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱthatȱheȱknockedȱhimȱoffȱhisȱhorse].ȱThen,ȱonceȱagain, heȱ headsȱ intoȱ battle,ȱ unhorsingȱ everyoneȱ heȱ comesȱ acrossȱ (“Cligésȱ aȱ chevalier n’asembleȱ/ȱQu’aȱterreȱnelȱfaceȱchaoir”ȱ(vv.ȱ4790–92,ȱ436ȱ/ȱ141)ȱ[Cligèsȱcollidedȱwith noȱ knightȱ /ȱ heȱ failedȱ toȱ hurtleȱ toȱ theȱ ground],ȱ hisȱ shieldȱ shatteredȱ underȱ the onslaughtȱofȱblows.ȱ Theȱtournamentȱendsȱonȱtheȱfourthȱday,ȱwhenȱCligésȱandȱGauvainȱfallȱtoȱthe groundȱatȱtheȱsameȱtime:ȱ“Aȱterreȱviennentȱparȱigal”ȱ(v.ȱ4876,ȱ438ȱ/ȱ143)ȱ[Asȱequals, bothȱknightsȱfellȱtoȱearth]ȱandȱKingȱArthurȱintercedes,ȱseparatesȱthem,ȱandȱorders themȱtoȱmakeȱpeace,ȱ Porȱdepartirȱetȱacorder VintȱliȱroisȱArtusȱdevantȱtoz, Mesȱmoltȱorentȱançoisȱderoz Lesȱhaubersȱblansȱetȱdesmailliez, Etȱporfenduzȱetȱdetailliez Lesȱescuzȱetȱlesȱhialmesȱfraiz Queȱparoleȱfustȱdeȱlaȱpaiz.

(vv.ȱ4880–86,ȱ438–39ȱ/ȱ144)

[KingȱArthur,ȱthough,ȱdidȱnotȱintendȱ/ȱtoȱhaveȱmoreȱdoneȱthanȱtheyȱhadȱdonȱȱtheȱking advancedȱandȱtoldȱeachȱone,ȱtoȱseparateȱthemȱ:ȱ‘’Backȱyouȱgo!ȱ/ȱDon’tȱdareȱtoȱstrike anotherȱblow!ȱInstead,ȱbeȱfriends,ȱandȱmakeȱaȱpeace!”]

Thisȱfinalȱassaultȱis,ȱthen,ȱtheȱculminationȱofȱaȱseriesȱofȱencountersȱwhoseȱviolence escalatesȱthroughȱtheȱfourȱdaysȱofȱtheȱtournament.ȱHowever,ȱasȱChrétienȱpoints

CligésȱUnȬcut

265

out,ȱifȱtheȱtournamentȱdoesȱnotȱendȱbeforeȱCligésȱandȱGauvainȱhaveȱtornȱand piercedȱtheirȱhauberks,ȱslitȱandȱslashedȱtheirȱshields,ȱandȱbrokenȱtheirȱhelmets,ȱit doesȱ endȱ inȱ peace.ȱ Allȱ ofȱ theȱ participants—fromȱ theȱ principalȱ playersȱ (Cligés, Sagremore,ȱLancelot,ȱPercevalȱandȱGauvain)ȱtoȱtheȱwalkȬonsȱ(squires,ȱvalets,ȱand theȱ like),ȱ theȱ bitȱ playersȱ (variousȱ opponents),ȱ cameosȱ (Arthur),ȱ extrasȱ (other jousters),ȱ andȱ spectators:ȱ “.ȱ .ȱ .ȱ lesȱ genzȱ venuesȱ /ȱ Porȱ laȱ batailleȱ regarder”ȱ (vv. 4878–79,ȱ438ȱ/ȱ144;ȱTheȱpeopleȱgatheredȱroundȱaroundȱtheȱlordsȱ/ȱtoȱwatchȱthe swordplayȱ inȱ theirȱ brawl)—stillȱ remainȱ alive:ȱ aȱ littleȱ shaky,ȱ aȱ littleȱ shattered, perhaps,ȱbutȱalive.ȱTheȱtournamentȱisȱthusȱaȱgame,ȱaȱspectacle;ȱifȱitȱresemblesȱa battle,ȱifȱitȱusesȱtheȱlanguageȱofȱbattle,ȱifȱitȱisȱ(asȱweȱshallȱseeȱnext)ȱwhatȱcouldȱbe characterizedȱasȱaȱmiseȱenȱabymeȱofȱbattleȱ(aȱbattleȱendlesslyȱreplicatingȱitselfȱfrom within),ȱitȱisȱnotȱaȱbattle;ȱitȱisȱnotȱdeepȱplay.

5.ȱTheȱShield Letȱusȱstopȱforȱaȱmomentȱandȱhaveȱaȱcloserȱlookȱatȱwhatȱisȱleftȱonȱtheȱfieldȱwhen thisȱgameȱisȱover,ȱandȱletȱusȱlook,ȱspecifically,ȱatȱtheȱroleȱofȱtheȱshieldsȱasȱChrétien invokesȱthem: CligésȱandȱSagremore: Cligésȱfiertȱsiȱqu’ilȱliȱacoste L’escuȱauȱbraz,ȱleȱbrazȱauȱcors. TouzȱestenduzȱchietȱSegremorsȱ

(vv.ȱ4624–26,ȱ431ȱ/ȱ136)

[Cligèsȱstruckȱsoȱhardȱthatȱheȱpressedȱ/ȱaȱshieldȱtoȱarmȱandȱarmȱtoȱchest.ȱPinnedȱbyȱthe blowȱCligèsȱhadȱlaidȱ/ȱdownȱSagremoreȱhadȱfallen,ȱsplayed].ȱ

CligésȱandȱLancelot: Cligésȱliȱvaitȱtelȱcopȱdonnerȱ Sorȱl’escuȱd’orȱauȱlionȱpeint Queȱjusȱdeȱlaȱseleȱl’enpeintȱ

(vv.ȱ4730–32,ȱ434ȱ/ȱ139)

[Cligésȱdealsȱhimȱsuchȱaȱblowȱ/ȱonȱhisȱgold,ȱlionȬpaintedȱshieldȱ/ȱthatȱheȱunhorsesȱhim onȱtheȱbattlefield]

CligésȱandȱPerceval: Deȱsonȱescuȱaȱfaitȱenclume, Queȱtuitȱiȱforgentȱetȱmartelent, Siȱleȱfendentȱetȱesquartelent.

(vv.ȱ4798–800,ȱ436ȱ/ȱ141)

[Heȱmadeȱanȱanvilȱofȱhisȱshield.ȱ/ȱAllȱforgedȱandȱhammeredȱtillȱitȱsplitȱ/ȱandȱshattered fromȱtheirȱpoundingȱit].ȱ

266

SusanȱSmall

CligésȱandȱGauvain: Mesȱmoltȱorentȱançoisȱderoz Lesȱhaubersȱblansȱetȱdesmailliez, Etȱporfenduzȱetȱdetailliez Lesȱescuzȱetȱlesȱhialmesȱfraiz

(vv.ȱ4882–85,ȱ438ȱ/ȱ144)

[Butȱtheyȱinflictedȱgreatȱabuseȱ:ȱ/ȱbrightȱmailȱwasȱtorn,ȱtheȱlinksȱwereȱcracked,ȱ/ȱthe shieldsȱtheyȱboreȱwereȱpiercedȱandȱhacked].

Ifȱtheȱcollocationȱofȱ“escu”ȱ(shield)ȱandȱ“anclume”ȱ(anvil),ȱ“forgent”ȱ(theyȱforge), andȱ“martelent”ȱ(theyȱhammer)ȱrecallsȱHomer’sȱVulcanȱ(Hephaestus)ȱforgingȱthe ShieldȱofȱAchillesȱ(Iliad,ȱ18:ȱ478–608),ȱitȱisȱperhapsȱnotȱonlyȱbecauseȱofȱitsȱlinguistic echoesȱ(thoughȱtheseȱareȱveryȱclear),ȱbutȱalsoȱbecauseȱtheȱshieldsȱinȱCligésȱare themselvesȱaȱkindȱofȱekphrasisȱ(usingȱpoetryȱtoȱdescribeȱtheȱvisual)ȱinȱtheȱsense inȱ whichȱ theȱ termȱ isȱ usedȱ byȱ Andrewȱ Spragueȱ Becker,ȱ thatȱ is,ȱ asȱ aȱ “miseȱ en abime[sic]ȱofȱtheȱpoetics,ȱnotȱjustȱofȱtheȱthemes,”ȱofȱtheȱworkȱasȱaȱwhole.29ȱInȱthis sense,ȱtheȱshieldȱandȱtheȱexploitsȱtheyȱdepictȱkeepȱmirroringȱeachȱother.

5.1ȱAȱReturnȱtoȱtheȱField Theȱapplicationȱofȱaȱtheoryȱofȱrecursivityȱtoȱmedievalȱtexts,ȱespeciallyȱtheȱaspect ofȱ mirroringȱ orȱ specularity,ȱ isȱ notȱ new,ȱ ofȱ course,30ȱ butȱ perhapsȱ itsȱ linguistic

29

30

Andrewȱ Spragueȱ Becker,ȱ Theȱ Shieldȱ ofȱ Achillesȱ andȱ theȱ Poeticsȱ ofȱ Ekphrasis.ȱ Greekȱ Studies: Interdisciplinaryȱ Approachesȱ (Lanham,ȱ MD.:ȱ Rowmanȱ &ȱ Littlefield,ȱ 1995),ȱ 5.ȱ Becker’s “Prolegoma”ȱdefinesȱekphrasisȱinȱitsȱmodernȱsenseȱasȱ“theȱ[literary]ȱdescriptionȱofȱaȱworkȱof visualȱart”ȱ(2).ȱHeȱthenȱgoesȱonȱtoȱexplainȱhowȱtheȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱthisȱdescriptionȱandȱthe workȱ itȱ describesȱ canȱ beȱ seenȱ asȱ analogousȱ toȱ theȱ relationshipȱ betweenȱ theȱ readerȱ andȱ the descriptionȱitself.ȱEkphrasisȱwouldȱfunctionȱinȱthisȱsenseȱasȱaȱmiseȱenȱabymeȱorȱprocessȱofȱpoetic replicationȱandȱrecursivity.ȱBeckerȱ(4)ȱusesȱtheȱdefinitionȱofȱmiseȱenȱabimeȱ[sic]ȱappearingȱin GeraldȱPrince’sȱAȱDictionaryȱofȱNarratologyȱ(Lincoln,ȱNeb.:ȱUniversityȱofȱNebraskaȱPress,ȱ1987;ȱrev. ed.ȱ2003),ȱ53:ȱ“aȱminiatureȱreplicaȱofȱaȱtextȱembeddedȱwithinȱthatȱtext;ȱaȱtextualȱpartȱreduplicating, reflecting,ȱ orȱ mirroringȱ (oneȱ orȱ moreȱ thanȱ oneȱ aspect)ȱ ofȱ theȱ textualȱ whole.”ȱ Chrétien’s descriptionsȱofȱtheȱshieldsȱinȱCligésȱcanȱbeȱseenȱasȱekphrasticȱinȱthisȱsense;ȱtheyȱfunctionȱforȱthe readerȱasȱaȱmirrorȱimageȱofȱtheȱshieldsȱinȱtheirȱphysicalȱcompositionȱinȱtheȱsameȱwayȱasȱtheȱpoetic compositionȱofȱtheȱdescriptionsȱthemselvesȱ(theȱinsistentȱmovementȱfromȱwholeȱtoȱpart,ȱi.ȱe.,ȱthe processȱofȱ“decomposition”)ȱmirrorsȱforȱtheȱreaderȱtheȱsynecdochicȱstructureȱofȱtheȱentireȱpoem. [Ed.ȱ note:ȱ seeȱ alsoȱ Haikoȱ Wandhoff,ȱ Ekphrasis:ȱ Kunstbeschreibungenȱ undȱ virtuelleȱ Räumeȱ inȱ der LiteraturȱdesȱMittelalters.ȱTrendsȱinȱMedievalȱPhilology,ȱ3ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYorkȱWalterȱdeȱGruyter, 2003).] InȱtheȱintroductionȱtoȱhisȱFictionsȱofȱIdentityȱinȱMedievalȱFrance.ȱCambridgeȱStudiesȱinȱMedieval Literature,ȱ43ȱ(CambridgeȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2000),ȱ15,ȱDonaldȱMaddox notesȱanȱemergingȱinterestȱinȱtheȱapplicationȱofȱDällenbach’sȱtheoriesȱofȱspecularityȱtoȱmedieval texts,ȱandȱlaterȱ(84–86)ȱhimselfȱdiscussesȱthemȱinȱrelationȱtoȱseveralȱ“specularȱencounters”ȱin Cligés.ȱ (Maddoxȱ definesȱ thisȱ termȱ asȱ aȱ criticalȱ momentȱ inȱ theȱ narrativeȱ inȱ whichȱ “medieval

CligésȱUnȬcut

267

associationsȱareȱespeciallyȱrelevantȱinȱrelationȱtoȱtheȱworksȱofȱChrétienȱdeȱTroyes, andȱ toȱ Cligésȱ inȱ particular.ȱ Asȱ mentionedȱ earlier,ȱ Laȱ Curneȱ deȱ Sainte–Palaye’s Dictionnaireȱhistoriqueȱnotesȱthatȱchampȱ(field)ȱcanȱdenote,ȱasȱitȱalsoȱdoesȱinȱEnglish heraldicȱterms,ȱtheȱbackgroundȱofȱanȱarmoredȱshieldȱ(seeȱn.ȱ8).ȱWeȱhave,ȱtherefore, inȱCligés,ȱaȱlineȱofȱlexicalȱrecursivityȱrunningȱthroughȱtheȱ“champȱdeȱbataille,”ȱ(the battlefield)ȱtheȱ“champȱduȱtournoi”ȱ(theȱfieldȱonȱwhichȱtheȱtournamentȱisȱheld) andȱ theȱ “champȱ (fond)ȱ deȱ l’écu”ȱ (theȱ fieldȱ [orȱ background]ȱ ofȱ theȱ shield). Moreover,ȱ miseȱ enȱ abymeȱ isȱ itselfȱ aȱ heraldicȱ term:ȱ “aȱ deviceȱ inȱ heraldryȱ that involvesȱputtingȱaȱsecondȱrepresentationȱofȱtheȱoriginalȱshieldȱ‘enȱabyme’ȱwithin it,”31ȱ withȱ “enȱ abyme”ȱ meaningȱ aȱ selfȬperpetuatingȱ “abyss”ȱ ofȱ selfȬreflecting imagesȱorȱideas,ȱdeepeningȱtheȱmoreȱtheȱreaderȱ/ȱviewerȱcontemplatesȱit.ȱWhatȱwe wouldȱsee,ȱthen,ȱonȱtheȱshield,ȱwouldȱbeȱaȱchainȱofȱmirrorȱimagesȱofȱtheȱ“field”ȱas coloredȱbackground,ȱthenȱsymbolȱofȱtheȱbattleȱ/ȱtournamentȱfield(s),ȱandȱsoȱforth, asȱtheȱviewer’sȱmind’sȱeyeȱkeepsȱconnectingȱthem. WhatȱisȱinterestingȱinȱCligés,ȱandȱwhatȱmakesȱofȱtheȱshieldȱaȱ“miseȱenȱabymeȱofȱthe poetics,ȱ notȱ justȱ ofȱ theȱ themes”ȱ ofȱ theȱ work,ȱ isȱ that,ȱ timeȱ afterȱ time,ȱ Chrétien crossesȱthisȱlineȱofȱrecursivity,ȱshattersȱthisȱmirrorȱimage,ȱsubvertsȱourȱfieldȱof vision.ȱ Thisȱ heȱ doesȱ throughȱ recourseȱ toȱ somethingȱ Iȱ mentionedȱ earlier:ȱ a disturbanceȱinȱtheȱfield.ȱThatȱisȱtoȱsayȱthatȱheȱpresentsȱaȱpristineȱimageȱofȱaȱfield andȱthenȱprogressivelyȱsulliesȱit;ȱheȱmakesȱusȱthinkȱthatȱweȱknowȱsomeoneȱand thenȱpullsȱtheȱrugȱoutȱfromȱunderȱourȱfeet;ȱheȱshowsȱusȱaȱbodyȱ(orȱaȱlanceȱorȱa shield)ȱ andȱ thenȱ blowsȱ itȱ toȱ bits.ȱ Andȱ everyȱ time,ȱ heȱ makesȱ usȱ watch.ȱ Why? BecauseȱwhatȱChrétienȱisȱultimatelyȱtryingȱtoȱshowȱus,ȱwithȱhisȱbeheadingsȱand hisȱbetrayalsȱandȱhisȱriversȱandȱshieldsȱandȱ“senileȱmenȱwithȱwitsȱastray”ȱisȱthat knowledgeȱisȱnotȱaȱsystematicȱtrackingȬdownȱofȱaȱtruthȱthatȱisȱhiddenȱbutȱmayȱbe found.ȱItȱisȱratherȱtheȱfieldȱ“ofȱfreeplay,ȱthatȱisȱtoȱsayȱaȱfieldȱofȱinfiniteȱsubstitutions inȱtheȱclosureȱofȱaȱfiniteȱensembleȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”32

31

32

storytellersȱtendedȱtoȱconfrontȱtheirȱownȱprotagonistsȱwithȱdramaticȱaccountsȱorȱevocationsȱof theirȱownȱstory,”ȱ3).ȱTheȱbattleȱnotȱbeing,ȱinȱthisȱsenseȱatȱleast,ȱaȱspecularȱencounter,ȱMaddoxȱdoes notȱdiscussȱreflexivityȱinȱtermsȱofȱitsȱbattleȱscenes.ȱDouglasȱKelly,ȱ“TheȱArtȱofȱDescription,”ȱ221 (seeȱnoteȱȱ2),ȱnotesȱChrétien’sȱuseȱofȱtopicalȱdescriptionsȱasȱ“comparisonsȱenȱabysmeȱ[sic]”ȱbutȱdoes notȱdiscussȱtheseȱinȱtermsȱofȱtheȱ“stagesȱofȱcombat”ȱmentionedȱearlier.ȱ LucienȱDällenbach,ȱTheȱMirrorȱinȱtheȱText,ȱtrans.ȱJeremyȱWhiteleyȱandȱEmmaȱHughesȱ(Oxford: PolityȱPress/Chicago:ȱUniversityȱofȱChicagoȱPress,ȱ1989),ȱ8;ȱorig.ȱLeȱRécitȱspéculaire:ȱessaiȱsurȱlaȱmise enȱabymeȱ(Paris:ȱSeuil,ȱ1977).ȱ Gayatriȱ Chakravortyȱ Spivak,ȱ “Translator’sȱ Preface,”ȱ toȱ herȱ trans.ȱ ofȱ Jacquesȱ Derrida,ȱ Of Grammatologyȱ(Baltimore:ȱJohnsȱHopkinsȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1997),ȱxix;ȱorig.ȱDeȱlaȱgrammatologie (Paris:ȱMinuit,ȱ1967).ȱTheȱenclosedȱfieldȱonȱwhichȱtheȱtournamentȱisȱplayedȱoutȱwould,ȱinȱthis sense,ȱconstituteȱtheȱ“closureȱofȱaȱfiniteȱensemble,”ȱtheȱsiteȱofȱaȱmultiplicityȱofȱintersectingȱplays andȱreplays.

268

SusanȱSmall 5.2ȱIdentity

Theȱmostȱobviousȱexampleȱofȱthisȱis,ȱofȱcourse,ȱtheȱwayȱinȱwhichȱChrétienȱplays withȱidentity:ȱtheȱconstantȱshufflingȱbetweenȱsuchȱ linesȱasȱ“Porȱsonȱescuȱqu’il reconoissent”ȱ(v.ȱ2035,ȱ352,ȱ60)ȱ[Hisȱshield,ȱwhichȱallȱcouldȱrecognize];ȱandȱ“Par lesȱ escuzȱ sontȱ deceü”ȱ (v.ȱ 2069,ȱ 353ȱ ȱ 61)ȱ [Byȱ theȱ shieldsȱ theyȱ wereȱ misled].ȱ In addition,ȱ identityȱ isȱ aȱ deviceȱ thatȱ weȱ haveȱ justȱ seenȱ atȱ workȱ inȱ Chrétien’s descriptionȱofȱtheȱtournament:ȱaȱfourȬdayȱexerciseȱinȱrecursivity.ȱHowever,ȱthe sequenceȱ ofȱ theȱ fourȱ colorsȱ ofȱ Cligés’sȱ armsȱ couldȱ beȱ saidȱ toȱ replicateȱ lessȱ a muddyingȱofȱtheȱfieldȱthanȱtheȱreverse:ȱaȱprocessȱofȱdistillationȱinvolvingȱfirstȱa blackȱsetȱofȱarms—blackȱbeingȱtheȱsumȱofȱallȱcolors—(“Unesȱnoires”);ȱanother goldenȬredȱ(“autresȱvermoilles”);ȱtheȱthirdȱoneȱgreenȱ(“lesȱtiercesȱverz”),ȱtheȱgreen ofȱtheȱfieldsȱbeforeȱtheȱcarnageȱ(sinceȱvermoilleȱoftenȱalsoȱisȱtheȱadjectiveȱforȱblood’s color);ȱand,ȱfinally,ȱwhite—theȱabsenceȱofȱallȱcolorȱ(vv.ȱ4540–43,ȱ428)—orȱtheȱgold ofȱtheȱsun,ȱreturningȱusȱtoȱtheȱpreȬbattleȬfield,ȱfestoonedȱwithȱgreenȱandȱgoldenȬ redȱtentsȱ(vv.ȱ1255–60)ȱasȱquotedȱaboveȱ(Partȱ2).33ȱ Moreȱprosaically,ȱhowever,ȱweȱmightȱsuggestȱthatȱtheȱsightȱlineȱisȱsimplyȱbroken andȱthatȱwhatȱconnectsȱtheȱfourȱshieldsȱisȱnot—orȱatȱleastȱnotȱprimarily—their color,ȱbutȱratherȱtheȱfactȱthatȱtheyȱare,ȱoneȱafterȱtheȱother,ȱexposed,ȱhammered (“marteler”),ȱsplitȱ(“fender”),ȱandȱshatteredȱ(“esquarteler”).ȱFurthermore,ȱthese shards,ȱandȱthoseȱofȱtheȱbrokenȱlances,ȱswords,ȱstirrups,ȱgirths,ȱharnesses,ȱhelmets andȱhauberksȱclutteringȱtheȱgroundȱatȱtheȱtournament,ȱmirrorȱthoseȱleftȱlyingȱon theȱbattlefield.34 Letȱusȱfocusȱagainȱforȱaȱmomentȱonȱtheseȱshields,ȱforȱtheyȱare,ȱasȱweȱhaveȱseen, markersȱofȱidentity.ȱButȱwhatȱhappensȱwhenȱtheȱrelationȱbetweenȱtheȱshieldȱas signifierȱandȱitsȱsignifiedȱisȱseveredȱorȱshattered?ȱWhen,ȱasȱweȱhaveȱsuggested, knowledgeȱliesȱinȱtheȱplayȱbetweenȱ“byȱhisȱshieldȱwhichȱtheyȱrecognize”ȱandȱ“by theȱshieldsȱtheyȱareȱdeceived,”ȱcitedȱabove?ȱ Chrétienȱ presentsȱ usȱ withȱ threeȱ testȱ casesȱ forȱ thisȱ signifierȬsignified manipulationȱofȱknowledge:ȱ 1)ȱAlexandre,ȱCligésȱfather,ȱdevisesȱaȱstratagemȱ“[d]’unȱhardemantȱmoltȱperilleusȱ Etȱd’unȱafereȱmerveilleus”ȱ(vv.ȱ1795–96,ȱ344ȱ/ȱ53)ȱ[anȱideaȱdangerousȱtoȱuse,ȱ/ȱa wonderfullyȱcleverȱruse],ȱforȱgainingȱentryȱtoȱAngrés’ȱcastle:ȱ

33

34

EachȱofȱtheseȱphasesȱofȱcolorȱdistillationȱrecallsȱLeonardo’sȱrecommendationsȱforȱpaintingȱbattle scenes,ȱasȱquotedȱaboveȱinȱhisȱTheȱNotebooksȱ(seeȱnoteȱ19).ȱ ThisȱwasȱtheȱbattlefieldȱasȱLeonardo,ȱTheȱNotebooksȱ,ȱ895ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18),ȱalsoȱwouldȱpaintȱit:ȱ“Putȱall sortsȱofȱarmourȱlyingȱbetweenȱtheȱfeetȱofȱtheȱcombatants,ȱsuchȱasȱbrokenȱshields,ȱlances,ȱswords, andȱotherȱthingsȱlikeȱthese.”ȱ

CligésȱUnȬcut

269

Prenonsȱdesȱescuzȱetȱdesȱlancesȱ Auȱtraïtorsȱqu’ocisȱavons. Einsintȱversȱleȱchastelȱirons,ȱ Siȱcuiderontȱliȱtraïtorȱ Dedenzȱqueȱnosȱsoiomȱdesȱlor,ȱ Etȱquexȱqueȱsoientȱlesȱdesertes,ȱ Lesȱportesȱnosȱserontȱovertesȱ

(vv.ȱ1808–14,ȱ345ȱȱ54)

[Nowȱourȱinsigniaȱwe’llȱchangeȱ/ȱbyȱcarryingȱaȱlanceȱandȱshieldȱ/ȱborneȱbyȱtheȱtraitors hereȱrevealed.ȱ/ȱWeȱwillȱgoȱintoȱtheȱcastleȱthus.ȱ/ȱTheȱtraitorsȱwillȱbelieveȱofȱusȱ/ȱthat weȱareȱalliesȱonȱtheirȱside.ȱ/ȱThen,ȱcomeȱwhateverȱmayȱbetide,ȱ/ȱwithinȱthey’llȱopenȱup theȱgate].ȱ

2)ȱTheȱGreeksȱfindȱAlexandre’sȱshieldȱonȱtheȱbattlefieldȱoutsideȱtheȱcastle,ȱnot knowingȱthatȱheȱhasȱdefeatedȱAngrésȱwithin:ȱ Deȱtotȱiceȱrienȱneȱsavoientȱ Lorȱgenzȱquiȱestoientȱdefors.ȱ [.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱ PorȱlorȱseignorȱliȱGreuȱaȱtort.ȱ Pourȱsonȱescuȱqu’ilȱreconoissent,ȱ Deȱduelȱfereȱtrestuitȱs’angoissent,ȱ Siȱseȱpasmentȱsorȱsonȱescuȱ Etȱdientȱqueȱtropȱontȱvescuȱ

(vv.ȱ2028–29,ȱ2034–38,ȱ351–52ȱ/ȱ60)

[Theȱroyalȱtroopsȱoutsideȱtheȱpalaceȱ/ȱwereȱunaware;ȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱMistakenȱinȱtheirȱgrief,ȱthe Greeksȱȱ/ȱȱmournedȱforȱtheirȱlordȱwithȱanguishedȱshrieks.ȱȱ/ȱȱHisȱshield,ȱwhichȱallȱcould recognize,ȱȱ/ȱȱmadeȱthemȱlamentȱandȱagonizeȱȱ/ȱȱandȱfaintȱuponȱtheirȱshieldsȱandȱsay /ȱtheyȱruedȱthey’dȱlivedȱtoȱseeȱthatȱday].ȱ

and,ȱwithȱaȱslightlyȱmoreȱmacabreȱtwist: 3)ȱCligésȱtakesȱaȱdeadȱSaxon’sȱhead,ȱhelmet,ȱandȱshieldȱtoȱfrightenȱtheȱSaxonsȱwith andȱendsȱupȱfrighteningȱhisȱuncle,ȱwhoȱthinksȱtheyȱareȱCligés’sȱown:ȱ N’otȱpasȱbienȱenȱsonȱchiefȱasis Cligésȱsonȱhiaumeȱetȱl’escuȱpris, Nonȱpasȱleȱsuen,ȱmaisȱleȱcelui Quiȱs’estoitȱconbatuzȱaȱlui, [.ȱ.ȱ.] Etȱcilȱdeȱluiȱchacierȱs’angoissent Quiȱporȱlesȱarmesȱnelȱconoissent, Etȱsesȱonclesȱseȱdesconforte Quiȱlaȱtesteȱvoitȱqu’ilȱemȱporte; Neȱn’estȱmerveilleȱs’ilȱenȱdouteȱ (vv.ȱ3469–72,ȱ3485–3488,ȱ395–96,ȱ102–03)

270

SusanȱSmall [Cligès]ȱdisarmedȱtheȱSaxonȱknight,ȱrearmedȱȱ/ȱȱwithȱarmorȱofȱtheȱknightȱdisarmed,ȱ /ȱȱcutȱoffȱhisȱhead,ȱandȱusedȱtheȱbladeȱ/ȱtheȱknightȱownedȱforȱtheȱblowȱheȱlaid.ȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱHis ownȱ troopsȱ failedȱ toȱ recognizeȱ /ȱ Cligèsȱ attiredȱ inȱ Saxonȱ guise.ȱ /ȱ Hisȱ uncleȱ was distressedȱtheȱmoreȱ/ȱtoȱseeȱtheȱheadȱhisȱlanceȱtipȱbore,ȱ/ȱforȱheȱbelievedȱandȱthought withȱdreadȱ/ȱitȱwasȱhisȱnephew’sȱseveredȱhead].ȱ

Theȱresultȱofȱallȱthreeȱtestsȱis,ȱofȱcourse,ȱtheȱsame:ȱtheȱ“shieldȱasȱsignifierȬknight asȱsignified”ȱrelationȱisȱsoȱdeeplyȱentrenchedȱinȱconventionȱthatȱitȱisȱtakenȱasȱtruth, andȱtoȱbreakȱthatȱrelationȱwhileȱmaintainingȱtheȱillusionȱofȱtruthȱisȱtoȱhold,ȱonȱthe battlefield,ȱtheȱpowerȱtoȱwin:ȱ Mesȱausiȱcomeȱcilȱquiȱsonge Quiȱporȱveritéȱditȱmençonge, Lesȱfesoientȱliȱescuȱcroirre Queȱcesteȱmençongeȱfusteȱvoire. Parȱlesȱescuzȱsontȱdeceüȱ

(vv.ȱ2065–68,ȱ353ȱȱ61)

[Butȱlikeȱtheȱsleepingȱmanȱwhoȱdeemsȱ/ȱaȱlieȱisȱtruthȱwhenȱplungedȱinȱdreams,ȱȱ/ȱthe shieldsȱgaveȱriseȱtoȱaȱdelusion,ȱ/ȱandȱforȱtheȱtruthȱtheyȱtookȱillusion.ȱ/ȱThusȱbyȱthe shieldsȱtheyȱwereȱmisled].

Weȱmightȱsay,ȱthen,ȱthatȱtheȱshieldȱfunctionsȱasȱaȱratherȱlargeȱmedievalȱdogtag, andȱweȱhaveȱonlyȱtoȱreadȱContamineȱtoȱrealizeȱitsȱimportanceȱinȱtheȱserviceȱof truthȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ lies.ȱ Weȱ haveȱ seenȱ theȱ Greeks,ȱ theȱ morningȱ afterȱ theȱ battle, returningȱtoȱtheȱbattlefield,ȱandȱfindingȱshieldsȱamongȱtheȱbodiesȱlyingȱthereȱ(vv. 2030–31,ȱ352ȱȱ60—seeȱnoteȱ14).ȱInȱfact,ȱhowever,ȱnumerousȱsourcesȱindicateȱthat theȱdeadȱwereȱnotȱleftȱlyingȱinȱnamelessȱheapsȱonȱtheȱbattlefield,ȱbut,ȱrather,ȱthat everyȱpossibleȱattemptȱwasȱmade,ȱafterȱtheȱbattle,ȱtoȱidentifyȱthemȱandȱgiveȱthem aȱproperȱburial.35ȱTheȱshieldȱwasȱaȱclueȱinȱtheȱsearchȱforȱtheȱtruthȱofȱaȱcombatant’s identity.ȱAsȱContamineȱnotes,ȱ“[theȱshield]ȱconstitutedȱtheȱwarrior’sȱ“weapon”ȱpar excellence,ȱtheȱsymbolȱofȱhisȱstatusȱandȱfunctionȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱIfȱheȱdiedȱinȱcombat,ȱthe warriorȱwasȱcarriedȱawayȱonȱhisȱshield.”36 Toȱshatterȱanȱopponent’sȱshieldȱis,ȱthen,ȱmoreȱthanȱanȱactȱofȱaggression;ȱitȱisȱan actȱofȱsubversion.

35

36

Contamine,ȱ Warȱ inȱ theȱ Middleȱ Ages,ȱ 257–58ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 23).ȱ Seeȱ alsoȱ Preston,ȱ “Theȱ Traditional BattlefieldȱofȱCrécy,”ȱ120ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10),ȱwhoȱobservesȱthat,ȱespeciallyȱinȱtheȱheatȱofȱhighȱsummer, theȱbodiesȱofȱbothȱmenȱandȱhorsesȱwouldȱhaveȱbeenȱburiedȱasȱquicklyȱasȱpossible.”ȱEditor’sȱnote: SeeȱalsoȱtheȱtremendousȱeffortȱbyȱMiddleȱHighȱGermanȱpoetsȱtoȱaddressȱthisȱissue,ȱsuchȱasȱby Wolframȱ vonȱ Eschenbachȱ inȱ hisȱ Willehalm,ȱ orȱ byȱ theȱ anonymousȱ poetȱ ofȱ Diuȱ Klageȱ (seeȱ my commentsȱinȱtheȱIntroduction).ȱ Contamine,ȱ Warȱ inȱ theȱ Middleȱ Ages,ȱ 178ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 23).ȱ Contamineȱ doesȱ noteȱ elsewhereȱ (257), however,ȱthatȱ“[l]istingȱtheȱdeadȱ(andȱeventuallyȱtheȱprisoners)ȱwasȱoneȱofȱtheȱvictor’sȱtasks” (emphasisȱmine).

CligésȱUnȬcut

271

6.ȱTheȱRiderlessȱHorse ChrétienȱnotesȱthatȱCligésȱnotȱonlyȱappropriatesȱtheȱheadȱandȱ“arms”ȱofȱtheȱdead Saxon,ȱbutȱhisȱhorseȱasȱwell,ȱandȱletsȱhisȱownȱhorseȱlooseȱtoȱsowȱmayhemȱonȱthe battlefield:ȱ“Etȱremontezȱestoitȱlorsȱprimesȱ/ȱSorȱleȱchevalȱceluiȱmeïsmes,ȱ/ȱEtȱlessa leȱsuenȱestraierȱ/ȱPorȱlesȱGrezoisȱfereȱesmaier”ȱ(vv.ȱ3473–76,ȱ395ȱ/ȱ103;ȱHeȱdidȱthat firstȱandȱinȱdueȱcourseȱ/ȱremountedȱonȱtheȱSaxonȱhorseȱ/ȱwhileȱlettingȱhisȱown chargerȱstray;ȱ/ȱtoȱcauseȱtheȱGreeksȱintenseȱdismay),ȱandȱIȱwouldȱlikeȱbrieflyȱto presentȱhereȱwhatȱweȱmightȱcallȱtheȱproblemȱofȱtheȱriderlessȱhorse.ȱ ThereȱareȱtwoȱtypesȱofȱriderlessȱhorseȱinȱCligés:ȱthatȱwhichȱroamsȱacrossȱthe battlefieldȱsowingȱmayhemȱandȱthatȱfoundȱlyingȱamongȱtheȱdebris.ȱBothȱtypes existȱinȱoppositionȱtoȱaȱbasicȱpreceptȱofȱtheȱchivalricȱcode:ȱaȱknightȱandȱhisȱhorse formȱaȱsingleȱunit,ȱor,ȱasȱpostȬmedievalȱlogicȱwillȱputȱit:ȱ“forȱridingȱisȱrequiredȱa horse”ȱ (Adȱ equitandumȱ requiriturȱ equus)ȱ andȱ itsȱ corollary:ȱ aȱ horseȱ isȱ “aȱ being requiredȱforȱriding”ȱ(ensȱrequisitumȱadȱequitandum).37ȱThatȱisȱtoȱsayȱthat,ȱifȱaȱknight losesȱ hisȱ horseȱ inȱ battle,ȱ heȱ canȱ substituteȱ anotherȱ one,ȱ butȱ aȱ horseȱ withoutȱ a knightȱisȱtheȱliteralȱrepresentationȱofȱtheȱDerrideanȱ“dangerousȱsupplement.”38 Thatȱisȱwhy,ȱwhenȱCligésȱtakesȱtheȱSaxon’sȱhorseȱandȱletsȱhisȱownȱlooseȱtoȱroam aroundȱ theȱ battlefield,ȱ theȱ riderlessȱ horseȱ isȱ theȱ analogueȱ ofȱ theȱ “vilȱ genzȱ et esgarees”ȱwhichȱweȱdiscussedȱatȱtheȱbeginningȱofȱthisȱessay;ȱitsȱtrajectoryȱisȱno longerȱ thatȱ ofȱ theȱ horseȱ andȱ riderȱ asȱ aȱ singleȱ unit,39ȱ butȱ ratherȱ (ifȱ Iȱ mightȱ be 37

38

39

Seeȱ E.ȱ J.ȱ Ashworth,ȱ Studiesȱ inȱ Post–Medievalȱ Semantics.ȱ Variorumȱ Reprint,ȱ CS227ȱ (London: VariorumȱReprints,ȱ1985),ȱpassim.ȱCf.ȱJacquesȱDerrida:ȱ“theȱhorseȱisȱforȱman,ȱinȱtheȱserviceȱofȱman, andȱ perceivedȱ byȱ manȱ onlyȱ inȱ itsȱ adherentȱ beauty.ȱ Suchȱ isȱ itsȱ internalȱ destination:ȱ the external”—TheȱTruthȱinȱPainting,ȱtrans.ȱGeoffȱBenningtonȱandȱIanȱMcLeodȱ(ChicagoȱandȱLondon: Universityȱ ofȱ Chicagoȱ Press,ȱ 1987);ȱ orig.ȱ Laȱ véritéȱ enȱ peintureȱ (Paris:ȱ Flammarion,ȱ 1978),ȱ 107; emphasisȱbyȱDerrida SeeȱOfȱGrammatology,ȱ“ThatȱDangerousȱSupplement,”ȱ141–64ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ32).ȱTheȱtermȱ“dangerous supplement,”ȱ takenȱ fromȱ JeanȬJacquesȱ Rousseau,ȱ refersȱ toȱ anȱ elementȱ whichȱ isȱ bothȱ partȱ of somethingȱ andȱ externalȱ toȱ it,ȱ “occup[ying]ȱ theȱ middleȱ pointȱ betweenȱ totalȱ absenceȱ andȱ total presence.”ȱ(157).ȱItȱisȱinȱthisȱsenseȱthatȱtheȱriderlessȱhorseȱcanȱbeȱseenȱasȱtransgressive;ȱitȱcanȱbe saidȱ toȱ existȱ onlyȱ inȱ theȱ spaceȱ betweenȱ theȱ lossȱ (“absence”)ȱ ofȱ itsȱ legitimateȱ functionȱ onȱ the battlefieldȱ(asȱ“aȱbeingȱrequiredȱforȱriding”)ȱandȱitsȱcontinued,ȱunregulatedȱpresence. TheȱperceptionȱisȱneitherȱexclusivelyȱmedievalȱnorȱEuropean.ȱTheȱarrivalȱofȱtheȱSpanishȱcavalry underȱCortés,ȱforȱexample,ȱprovedȱtoȱbeȱaȱturningȱpointȱinȱaȱdesperateȱbattleȱ(theȱBattleȱofȱCintla, Marchȱ25,ȱ1519)ȱsinceȱtheȱIndians’ȱperceptionȱthatȱ“theȱhorseȱandȱitsȱriderȱwasȱallȱoneȱanimal,ȱfor theyȱhadȱneverȱseenȱhorsesȱupȱtoȱthisȱtime”ȱignitedȱtheirȱfearȱofȱtheȱsupernaturalȱandȱcausedȱthem toȱbreakȱranksȱandȱflee,ȱaccordingȱtoȱBernalȱDíazȱdelȱCastillo,ȱTheȱConquestȱofȱNewȱSpain,ȱtrans. GenaroȱGarcíaȱandȱAlfredȱPercivalȱMaudslayȱ(1908;ȱNendeln:ȱKrausȱReprint,ȱ1967;ȱorig.ȱTheȱTrue HistoryȱofȱtheȱConquestȱofȱNewȱSpain,ȱ5ȱvols,ȱ1908–1916);ȱCHAPTERȱXXXIV:ȱ“HowȱallȱtheȱCaciques ofȱTabascoȱandȱitsȱdependenciesȱattackedȱus,ȱandȱwhatȱcameȱofȱit,ȱ118–21;ȱhereȱȱ120ȱ(hereȱquoted fromȱtheȱelectronicȱbook:ȱhttp://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.06852.0001.001,ȱlastȱaccessedȱonȱNov.ȱ1, 2010).ȱInȱfact,ȱinȱmedievalȱEurope,ȱitȱwasȱtheȱ“deconstruction”ȱofȱtheȱcoherenceȱofȱtheȱmounted enemyȱcavalry—“toȱreachȱtheȱhorsesȱandȱthusȱunseatȱtheirȱriders”ȱ(Contamine,ȱWarȱinȱtheȱMiddle

272

SusanȱSmall

permittedȱ anȱ anachronism)ȱ thatȱ ofȱ aȱ strayȱ bullet,ȱ and,ȱ asȱ such,ȱ itȱ constitutesȱ a threatȱtoȱtheȱintegrityȱbothȱofȱtheȱarmyȱasȱaȱfightingȱmachineȱandȱofȱtheȱbattlefield asȱaȱdefinableȱspace.40ȱ Theȱfallenȱhorse,ȱonȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱhasȱitsȱoneȱthuddingȱmomentȱofȱfameȱ(“Li destriersȱchietȱsorȱluiȱenversȱ/ȱSiȱroidemantȱqueȱenȱtraversȱ/ȱL’uneȱdesȱjanbesȱli peçoie”ȱ(vv.ȱ3455–47,ȱ395ȱ/ȱ102;ȱTheȱhorseȱfellȱbackward,ȱaȱhardȱtossȱ/ȱthatȱbroke theȱrider’sȱlegȱacross)ȱandȱthenȱbecomesȱjustȱsoȱmuchȱbattlefieldȱdebris.ȱ

7.ȱDeconstructedȱBodies Butȱwhatȱofȱtheȱbodyȱwithȱtheȱbrokenȱlegȱlyingȱunderȱtheȱhorse?ȱCligésȱquickly finishesȱoffȱtheȱworkȱofȱ“deconstruction”ȱbegunȱbyȱtheȱhorseȱbyȱcuttingȱoffȱthe body’sȱ head.ȱ Iȱ useȱ theȱ wordȱ “deconstruction”ȱ hereȱ not—orȱ notȱ only—inȱ the Derrideanȱsense,ȱbutȱratherȱinȱtheȱmoreȱliteralȱsenseȱinȱwhichȱMarcellaȱL.ȱMunson usesȱitȱtoȱdescribeȱ“theȱbodiesȱofȱFrenchȱsubjectsȱ(subjiez)—thoseȱwhoȱareȱlying, literallyȱ ‘deconstructed’ȱ onȱ France’sȱ battlefields”ȱ inȱ Christineȱ deȱ Pizan’s Lamentacionȱsurȱlesȱmauxȱdeȱlaȱguerreȱcivileȱ(Lamentȱonȱ[France’s]ȱIllsȱinȱtheȱCivil War).41ȱ Munsonȱ establishesȱ aȱ metaphoricalȱ relationshipȱ betweenȱ the deconstructionȱofȱtheseȱbodiesȱandȱtheȱdisintegrationȱofȱtheȱFrenchȱbodyȱpolitic, andȱ itȱ isȱ clearȱ thatȱ thisȱ metaphorȱ couldȱ beȱ appliedȱ toȱ theȱ bodiesȱ lyingȱ onȱ the battlefieldsȱinȱCligésȱasȱwell.ȱ However,ȱIȱshouldȱlikeȱhereȱtoȱpropose,ȱinȱtheȱguiseȱofȱaȱconclusion,ȱanother typeȱofȱrelationshipȱwhichȱmightȱbetterȱdescribeȱtheȱmannerȱinȱwhichȱtheseȱbodies functionȱinȱCligés,ȱandȱ thatȱ relationshipȱisȱaȱmetonymic—or,ȱmoreȱprecisely,ȱa synecdochic—one.42ȱTheȱexcerptsȱthatȱweȱhaveȱexaminedȱinȱthisȱessayȱhaveȱshown usȱthatȱtheȱgrammarȱofȱwarȱinȱCligésȱisȱwhatȱweȱmightȱcallȱaȱgenericȱmedieval grammarȱofȱabsolutes:ȱsubjectȱmeldedȱtoȱattribute—andȱtoȱverb:ȱshieldsȱshatter,

40

41

42

Ages,ȱ 230ȱ [seeȱ noteȱ 23])––whichȱ constitutedȱ theȱ mainȱ aimȱ ofȱ theȱ cavalryȱ itself.ȱ (Tacticsȱ for destroyingȱtheȱthenȬdismountedȱenemyȱcavalryȱfollowed). CompareȱLeonardo,ȱTheȱNotebooks,ȱ896ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18):ȱ“andȱletȱaȱriderlessȱhorseȱbeȱseenȱgalloping withȱmaneȱstreamingȱinȱtheȱwind,ȱchargingȱamongȱtheȱenemyȱandȱdoingȱthemȱgreatȱmischiefȱwith hisȱhoofs.”ȱ MarcellaȱL.ȱMunson,ȱ“Destruireȱetȱdisperser:ȱViolenceȱandȱtheȱFragmentedȱBodyȱinȱChristineȱde Pizan’sȱProseȱLetters,”ȱViolenceȱinȱMedievalȱCourtlyȱLiterature:ȱAȱCasebook,ȱed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassen (NewȱYorkȱandȱLondon:ȱRoutledge,ȱ2005),ȱ269–295,ȱ272–73. Althoughȱtheȱdistinctionȱbetweenȱmetonymyȱandȱsynecdocheȱisȱopenȱtoȱdebate,ȱIȱtakeȱitȱhereȱin theȱsenseȱinȱwhichȱitȱisȱusedȱbyȱtheȱgroupȱofȱmidȬlateȱ20thȬcenturyȱBelgianȬFrenchȱsemioticians callingȱ themselvesȱ “Groupeȱ ΐ”:ȱ i.ȱ e.ȱ that,ȱ inȱ metonymy,ȱ theȱ twoȱ elementsȱ involvedȱ are independentȱ ofȱ eachȱ other,ȱ andȱ thatȱ theȱ synecdochicȱ relationȱ involvesȱ twoȱ elementsȱ which togetherȱformȱaȱwhole.ȱSeeȱGroupeȱΐ,ȱAȱGeneralȱRhetoric,ȱtrans.ȱPaulȱB.ȱBurrellȱandȱEdgarȱM. Slotkinȱ(BaltimoreȱandȱLondon:ȱJohnsȱHopkinsȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1981),ȱ120.

CligésȱUnȬcut

273

43

bodiesȱfall,ȱbloodȱspurts,ȱsplattersȱandȱsprays. ȱHowever,ȱthisȱisȱtrueȱonlyȱinȱterms ofȱitsȱsurfaceȱstructure.ȱForȱalthoughȱtheȱtoposȱseemsȱrootedȱinȱtheȱaxiomatic,44ȱits deepȱstructureȱis,ȱinȱfact,ȱfragmentary,ȱrhizomaticȱand,ȱaboveȱall,ȱsynecdochic:ȱthe partȱquiteȱliterallyȱstandsȱforȱtheȱwhole.45ȱInȱotherȱwords,ȱweȱareȱforced,ȱinȱthe aftermathȱofȱbattle,ȱtoȱdoȱtheȱworkȱofȱreconstruction,ȱtoȱreadȱinȱtheȱpartȱtheȱwhole thatȱitȱrepresents.ȱ Thisȱ is,ȱ ofȱ course,ȱ aȱ hermeneuticȱ process,ȱ butȱ itȱ alsoȱ involvesȱ aȱ problematic whichȱChrétienȱpresentsȱinȱrhetoricalȱterms—lessȱexplicitlyȱasȱmetonymyȱinȱthe battleȱscenes,ȱperhaps,ȱthanȱasȱmetaphorȱinȱtheȱloveȱscenesȱinȱCligés,ȱbutȱovertly nonetheless.ȱ

8.ȱTheȱLance Oneȱlastȱexampleȱmightȱserveȱtoȱillustrateȱtheȱextentȱtoȱwhichȱthisȱprocessȱofȱwhat theȱGroupeȱΐȱwouldȱtermȱ“addition,”ȱ“suppression,”ȱandȱ“disjunction”ȱisȱinherent inȱtheȱlinguisticȱmakeupȱofȱCligés,ȱforȱtheirȱanalysisȱofȱtheȱ“poignard,ȱarme,ȱobjet” (dagger,ȱarmȱ/ȱweapon,ȱobject)ȱsynecdochicȱseriesȱisȱparticularlyȱinstructiveȱinȱthis regard.46ȱ WeȱhaveȱseenȱthatȱChrétienȱoftenȱ(andȱpredictably)ȱusesȱtheȱword,ȱ“lance”ȱinȱthe battleȱscenesȱinȱCligés.ȱTherefore,ȱsinceȱbothȱ“lance”ȱandȱ“poignard”ȱareȱaȱtypeȱof

43

44

45

46

SeeȱDesmondȱandȱSheingorn,ȱMyth,ȱMontage,ȱ&ȱVisuality,ȱesp.ȱCh.ȱ4,ȱ“EngenderingȱViolence,” 157–160ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17). ElaineȱScarryȱsuggestsȱthatȱ“[t]heȱconstruction,ȱ‘Warȱisȱx,’ȱhas,ȱoverȱtheȱcenturies,ȱinvitedȱanȱarray ofȱpredicateȱnominativesȱȱ.ȱ.ȱȱ.ȱ.”ȱ(ElaineȱScarry,ȱTheȱBodyȱinȱPain:ȱTheȱMakingȱandȱUnmakingȱofȱthe Worldȱ[NewȱYorkȱandȱOxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1985],ȱ63),ȱaȱconstructionȱwhichȱcould,ȱin Cligés,ȱ beȱ formulatedȱ asȱ ‘warȱ isȱ bloodshed’,ȱ ‘warȱ isȱ butchery’,ȱ warȱ isȱ ‘carnage’,ȱ etc.ȱ These nominativesȱare,ȱasȱScarryȱnotes,ȱnotȱthemselvesȱmodernȱ—JohnȱMiltonȱ(ParadiseȱLost,ȱ9.30),ȱfor example,ȱrefersȱtoȱtheȱ“longȱandȱtediousȱhavoc”ȱofȱ‘warrs’ȱandȱ‘battels’”—butȱtheyȱpersistȱinȱour modernȱreadingsȱofȱmedievalȱandȱpre–modernȱtexts;ȱLucieȱPolak,ȱforȱexample,ȱidentifiesȱinȱCligés theȱpresenceȱofȱ“endlessȱconventionalȱunhorsingsȱandȱspillingȱofȱbrains,”ȱChrétienȱdeȱTroyes:ȱCligés (London:ȱ Grantȱ &ȱ Cutler,ȱ 1982),ȱ 22.ȱ Peterȱ Haiduȱ observesȱ thatȱ “[w]ar’sȱ destructivenessȱ itself becomesȱ[inȱCligés]ȱaȱtopos,ȱaȱnarrativeȱconventionȱ.ȱ.ȱ.,”ȱAestheticȱDistanceȱinȱChrétienȱdeȱTroyes (Geneva:ȱDroz,ȱ1968),ȱ42.ȱTheȱpointȱisȱthatȱweȱlookȱatȱ(or,ȱtoȱuseȱRolandȱBarthes’sȱterm,ȱ“read”) aȱbattlefieldȱandȱexpectȱtoȱseeȱbutchery.ȱButȱperhapsȱtheseȱexpectationsȱblindȱusȱtoȱtheȱparticular formȱwhichȱthatȱbutcheryȱtakesȱandȱthereforeȱtoȱhowȱthatȱformȱworksȱtoȱarticulateȱaȱpervasive processȱofȱdeconstructionȱatȱworkȱinȱtheȱnovel. Or,ȱasȱMauriceȱBlanchot,ȱinȱTheȱInfiniteȱConversation,ȱtrans.ȱSusanȱHanson.ȱTheoryȱandȱHistoryȱof Literature,ȱ82ȱ(Minneapolis:ȱUniversityȱofȱMinnesotaȱPress,ȱ1993);ȱorig.ȱL’entretienȱinfiniȱ(Paris: Gallimard,ȱ1969),ȱ307,ȱputsȱit:ȱ“theȱseveredȱfingerȱrefersȱbackȱtoȱtheȱhand.” Groupeȱΐ,ȱAȱGeneralȱRhetoric,ȱ104–06ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ42).ȱFrenchȱtermsȱusedȱareȱtakenȱfromȱtheȱoriginal Frenchȱeditionȱofȱtheȱbook:ȱGroupeȱΐ,ȱRhétoriqueȱgénéraleȱ(Paris:ȱSeuil,ȱ1982),ȱ104–06.

274

SusanȱSmall

objectȱusedȱforȱstabbingȱandȱcutting,ȱletȱusȱsubstituteȱ“lance”ȱforȱ“dagger”ȱinȱthe Groupeȱΐ’sȱanalysisȱandȱseeȱwhatȱhappens.ȱ Ifȱweȱsubstitute,ȱbyȱsynecdoche,ȱ“arme”ȱforȱ“ȱlance,”ȱweȱretainȱwhatȱareȱcalled “essentialȱsemes”ȱbutȱloseȱothers.ȱInȱotherȱwords,ȱ“arme”ȱcontainsȱtheȱessential semeȱ(whichȱtheȱGroupeȱΐȱcallsȱ“agressifȬmeurtrier,”ȱbutȱwhichȱweȱmightȱsimply callȱ“warfare”),ȱwhileȱcertainȱotherȱnonȬessentialȱsemesȱareȱsuppressed.ȱ Inȱaȱbattleȱscene,ȱweȱmightȱcallȱtheȱweaponȱusedȱaȱ“lance,”ȱanȱ“arme”ȱorȱsimply anȱ“object.”ȱTheȱessentialȱsign,ȱorȱseme—“warfare”—isȱpresentȱinȱtheȱfirstȱtwo termsȱ butȱ notȱ inȱ theȱ third.ȱ Inȱ fact,ȱ asȱ theȱ Groupeȱ ΐȱ pointsȱ out,ȱ theȱ firstȱ term (“lance”)ȱcontainsȱwhatȱtheyȱcallȱ“supplementary,ȱnonessentialȱinformation,ȱnot redundantȱ butȱ lateral.”ȱ Andȱ itȱ isȱ thisȱ thatȱ isȱ particularlyȱ interestingȱ forȱ our purposes,ȱforȱitȱisȱpreciselyȱthisȱsupplementary,ȱlateralȱinformationȱwhichȱmakes theȱlanceȱanȱessentialȱpartȱofȱtheȱprocessȱofȱsuppressionȱandȱdisjunctionȱoperating inȱCligés:ȱitsȱcategorizationȱasȱanȱ“arme”ȱthatȱcuts.ȱ(Aȱswordȱorȱanȱarrowȱwould, ofȱcourse,ȱalsoȱfallȱunderȱthisȱcategory).ȱ ItȱisȱatȱthisȱpointȱthatȱtheȱGroupeȱΐ’sȱanalysisȱdivergesȱfromȱourȱown,ȱbutȱwhat isȱ importantȱ toȱ noteȱ isȱ thatȱ Chrétien’sȱ pervasiveȱ useȱ ofȱ theȱ “particularizing synecdoche”—notȱonlyȱ“lance,”ȱbutȱ“epee”ȱorȱ“escu”ȱforȱ“arme”—hasȱtheȱeffect ofȱ anaesthetizingȱ usȱ toȱ aȱ certainȱ degreeȱ toȱ theȱ sophisticationȱ ofȱ hisȱ art.ȱ (To paraphaseȱtheȱGroupeȱΐ:ȱ“Toȱwriteȱ‘lance’ȱwhereȱ‘arme’ȱwouldȱsuffice,ȱisȱthisȱa figureȱorȱnot?”).ȱBombardedȱasȱweȱareȱinȱCligésȱwithȱanȱarsenalȱofȱweapons,ȱwe tendȱtoȱattributeȱChrétien’sȱuseȱofȱthemȱtoȱaȱ“standardizedȱatrocityȱaesthetic”ȱand toȱoverlookȱtheirȱastoundingȱspecificity.47 Moreover,ȱthatȱspecificityȱisȱitselfȱspecular.ȱIȱhaveȱmentionedȱonlyȱoneȱinstance ofȱChrétien’sȱuseȱofȱoneȱtypeȱofȱsynecdocheȱhere;ȱtheȱGroupeȱΐȱgoesȱonȱtoȱidentify, aroundȱtheȱtermȱ“poignard”ȱ(Chrétien’sȱ“lance”),ȱtwoȱtypesȱofȱ“decomposition” andȱthreeȱendocentricȱseriesȱwhichȱwould,ȱwereȱweȱtoȱfollowȱthem,ȱtakeȱusȱback toȱtheȱ“champ”ȱwhereȱourȱessayȱbegan.ȱ Andȱfinally,ȱbyȱwayȱofȱconclusion,ȱitȱisȱperhapsȱforȱthisȱreasonȱthatȱChrétienȱcan say,ȱasȱheȱdoesȱinȱhisȱlaterȱromance,ȱPercevalȱouȱleȱConteȱduȱGraalȱ(Perceval,ȱor,ȱthe StoryȱofȱtheȱGrail): Assezȱvosȱdeïsseȱcommant,ȱ Siȱjeȱm’enȱvosisseȱantremetre, Maisȱporȱceȱn’iȱvoilȱpaineȱmetreȱ Q’autantȱvautȱunsȱmozȱcommeȱ.XX.ȱ (Perceval,ȱvv.ȱ2618–21,ȱ1020ȱ/ȱ74)

47

TheȱtermȱisȱusedȱbyȱRogerȱLuckhurstȱinȱTheȱTraumaȱQuestionȱ(NewȱYorkȱandȱLondon:ȱRoutledge, 2008),ȱ168.

CligésȱUnȬcut

275

[Now,ȱifȱIȱwishedȱandȱhadȱtheȱstrength,ȱȱ/ȱȱIȱwouldȱdescribeȱitȱblowȱbyȱblowȱ/ȱandȱtell youȱallȱyouȱwantȱtoȱknow.ȱ/ȱWhyȱshouldȱIȱworkȱsoȱdiligently?ȱ/ȱOneȱwordȱisȱworthȱas muchȱasȱtwenty].

Chapterȱ9 ZanȱKocher (UniversityȱofȱLouisianaȱatȱLafayette)

PeaceȱandȱLove: CommunitiesȱandȱCouplesȱinȱOldȱFrenchȱRomanceȱPlots

Francophoneȱromancesȱfromȱtheȱperiodȱ1150–1300ȱtendȱtoȱendȱ“happily”ȱwithȱa communityȱatȱpeaceȱandȱaȱcoupleȱreconciled.ȱItȱisȱworthȱtakingȱaȱcloserȱlookȱat theirȱrepresentationȱofȱpeace,ȱbecauseȱitȱrevealsȱpatternsȱthatȱmightȱnotȱotherwise beȱapparent:ȱfirst,ȱthatȱpeacemakingȱisȱasȱimportantȱasȱplotlinesȱaboutȱprotagonists andȱoftenȱinseparableȱfromȱthem1;ȱand,ȱsecond,ȱthatȱtheȱcommunityȬwideȱnature ofȱ peaceȱ andȱ war,ȱ affectingȱ allȱ theȱ inhabitantsȱ ofȱ aȱ country,ȱ givesȱ meaningȱ to episodesȱaboutȱindividualȱheroesȱandȱheroinesȱandȱtheirȱaristocraticȱdynasties.ȱIf aȱloveȬrelationship,ȱorȱtheȱabsenceȱofȱone,ȱcausesȱaȱwar,ȱthenȱthoseȱwhoȱwillȱhave toȱ riskȱ theirȱ livesȱ andȱ livelihoodsȱ areȱ theȱ peopleȱ ofȱ thatȱ land;ȱ ifȱ itȱ strengthens peace,ȱthenȱthoseȱwhoȱenjoyȱgreaterȱstabilityȱareȱalsoȱtheȱinhabitantsȱofȱthatȱland. Aȱconsiderationȱofȱpeaceȱdemonstratesȱtheȱinterconnectednessȱofȱprotagonistsȱwith theirȱcommunitiesȱandȱlands.ȱIȱcontendȱthatȱmanyȱOldȱFrenchȱromanceȱplotsȱhave aȱstrongȱinterestȱinȱpeacemaking—evenȱpacifism—despiteȱ(andȱinȱtandemȱwith) theirȱrepresentationsȱofȱmilitaryȱsports,ȱorganizedȱcombat,ȱandȱwarfare.2ȱThese

1

2

Theȱ Oldȱ Frenchȱ feminineȱ nounȱ paisȱ (alsoȱ spelledȱ paiz,ȱ pes)ȱ meansȱ notȱ onlyȱ “peace,”ȱ “conflict resolution,”ȱ “reconciliation,”ȱ butȱ alsoȱ “tranquility,”ȱ andȱ “silence”ȱ inȱ contrastȱ toȱ speech,ȱ and “satisfaction”ȱinȱcontrastȱtoȱunfulfilledȱdesire;ȱfurtherȱmeaningsȱincludeȱ“permission,”ȱandȱ“a kiss.”ȱForȱbriefȱdefinitions,ȱseeȱA[lgirdas]ȱJ[ulien]ȱGreimas,ȱDictionnaireȱdeȱl’ancienȱfrançais,ȱ3rdȱed. (1979;ȱParis:ȱLarousseȬBordas/HER,ȱ2001),ȱ434.ȱ Iȱamȱnotȱincludingȱtournaments,ȱjousts,ȱorȱjudiciaryȱcombatsȱinȱmyȱcommentaryȱhere,ȱbecauseȱOld Frenchȱfictionȱdepictsȱthemȱasȱmoreȱcontrolled,ȱandȱinvolvingȱsmallerȱnumbersȱofȱpeople,ȱwith arguablyȱdifferentȱpoliticalȱconsequences,ȱthanȱwhenȱarmiesȱgoȱtoȱwar.ȱAdmittedlyȱtheȱdistinction isȱnotȱtidy,ȱsinceȱsomeȱdescriptionsȱofȱbattleȱscenesȱfocusȱonȱhandȬtoȬhandȱcombatsȱinȱaȱrelatively organizedȱliteraryȱmanner,ȱwhereasȱcharactersȱcanȱbeȱkilledȱorȱinjuredȱevenȱinȱorganizedȱgames,

278

ZanȱKocher

textsȱsometimesȱdoȱrepresentȱwarȱasȱglorious,ȱasȱwellȱasȱdangerousȱandȱwasteful ofȱlifeȱandȱhealth;ȱbutȱultimatelyȱtheyȱrepresentȱpeaceȱasȱpreferableȱtoȱwarȱoverȱthe longȱterm.ȱAȱhappilyȱresolvedȱromanceȱendingȱdoesȱnotȱforeshadowȱcontinued warfare.ȱPassagesȱthatȱglorifyȱbattleȱtendȱtoȱbeȱinȱtheȱmiddleȱportionsȱofȱtheȱtext ratherȱthanȱatȱtheȱbeginningȱorȱtheȱend,ȱwithȱtheȱexceptionȱofȱendȬgameȱjudiciary combatsȱthatȱpredictablyȱbringȱvictoryȱtoȱaȱpersonȱwhoȱhasȱalreadyȱbeenȱshown toȱbeȱinȱtheȱright.3ȱPeaceȱisȱaȱmajorȱobjectiveȱinȱtheȱresolutionȱofȱmanyȱmedieval romanceȱplots,ȱsometimesȱmoreȱimportantlyȱthanȱprotagonists’ȱloveȱrelationships. Iȱwouldȱcontendȱthatȱpeaceȱinȱcommunitiesȱ(notȱonlyȱamongȱnobles)ȱisȱrepresented asȱaȱdesideratumȱinseparableȱfromȱdynasticȱcontinuity.ȱTheȱresolutionȱofȱlargeȬ scaleȱconflictsȱtendsȱnotȱtoȱbeȱtheȱmatterȱofȱanȱisolatedȱsubplot;ȱrather,ȱinȱmostȱOld Frenchȱromancesȱwhoseȱendingsȱsurvive,ȱpeaceȱattainsȱaȱsignificantȱplaceȱclearly assuredȱbyȱtheȱnarrative’sȱfinalȱarrangementȱofȱcharacters,ȱrelationships,ȱland,ȱand revenue.ȱ Theȱ peacemakingȱ tendencyȱ inȱ Oldȱ Frenchȱ romancesȱ isȱ historically significantȱpartlyȱbecauseȱtheyȱtransmitȱliteraryȱpatternsȱthatȱareȱpreservedȱand intensifiedȱinȱlaterȱcenturies,ȱparticularlyȱinȱtheȱcomicȱgenresȱofȱtheater,ȱopera,ȱand film.ȱ Ofȱcourse,ȱthereȱisȱconsiderableȱvariationȱamongȱtheȱfullȬlengthȱromancesȱand theirȱplotȱresolutionsȱ(orȱlackȱthereof).4ȱFurthermore,ȱinterpretationȱisȱcomplicated byȱtheȱmixtureȱofȱparodicȱandȱseriousȱelementsȱthatȱweȱfindȱevenȱinȱtheȱinfluential earlyȱ(twelfthȬcentury)ȱromancesȱsuchȱasȱChrétien’s.ȱManyȱmoreȱexamplesȱcould beȱgivenȱthanȱtheȱonesȱthatȱIȱwillȱprovideȱinȱthisȱessay,ȱandȱthisȱlargeȱbodyȱofȱOld Frenchȱliteratureȱoffersȱsoȱmanyȱexamplesȱthatȱitȱisȱnotȱeasyȱtoȱbalanceȱtheȱrisksȱof generalizingȱ andȱ theȱ potentialȱ benefitȱ ofȱ noticingȱ patterns.ȱ Whereasȱ Anne HargroveȱandȱMaurineȱMaglioccoȱreferȱtoȱoneȱofȱtheseȱpatternsȱasȱ“theȱoldȱplot, combiningȱmarriageȱandȱromance,”5ȱIȱwouldȱaddȱthatȱinȱtwelfthȬȱandȱthirteenthȬ centuryȱFrancophoneȱfictionȱthereȱisȱnotȱjustȱoneȱ“oldȱplot”ȱandȱitȱdoesȱnotȱalways resolveȱitselfȱinȱtheȱsameȱway.ȱNotȱallȱtheȱtextsȱhaveȱhappyȱendings:ȱsomeȱare

3

4

5

andȱ largeȱ tournamentsȱ canȱ becomeȱ battleȬlikeȱ suchȱ asȱ theȱ oneȱ inȱ Gliglois.ȱ Gliglois,ȱ Aȱ French Arthurianȱ Romanceȱ ofȱ theȱ Thirteenthȱ Century,ȱ ed.ȱ Charlesȱ H.ȱ Livingston.ȱ Harvardȱ Studiesȱ in RomanceȱLanguages,ȱ8ȱ(Cambridge,ȱMA:ȱHarvardȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1932;ȱrpt.ȱNewȱYork:ȱKraus, 1966),ȱ137–43,ȱvv.ȱ2441–639.ȱ Iȱknowȱofȱonlyȱoneȱexception,ȱinȱwhichȱaȱjudiciaryȱcombatȱisȱwonȱbyȱtheȱcombatantȱwhoȱisȱinȱthe wrong;ȱunsurprisingly,ȱitȱisȱpositionedȱnotȱatȱtheȱendȱofȱaȱstoryȱbutȱnearȱtheȱbeginningȱwhereȱit motivatesȱfurtherȱintrigue,ȱinȱLiȱRomansȱdeȱWitasseȱleȱMoine,ȱed.ȱDenisȱJosephȱConlon.ȱUniversity ofȱNorthȱCarolinaȱStudiesȱinȱtheȱRomanceȱLanguagesȱandȱLiteratures,ȱ126ȱ(ChapelȱHill:ȱUniversity ofȱNorthȱCarolinaȱPress,ȱ1972),ȱ48–49,ȱvv.ȱ358–71.ȱ WhenȱIȱtalkȱaboutȱ“endings”ȱhereȱIȱamȱreferringȱtoȱdénouementsȱandȱconcludingȱactions,ȱthough notȱ necessarilyȱ toȱ texts’ȱ finalȱ lines,ȱ whichȱ canȱ concludeȱ onȱ otherȱ notes,ȱ suchȱ asȱ narrators’ epilogues,ȱorȱscribalȱcolophons.ȱ Anneȱ C.ȱ Hargroveȱ andȱ Maurineȱ Magliocco,ȱ ed.ȱ andȱ intro.,ȱ Portraitsȱ ofȱ Marriageȱ inȱ Literature (Macomb:ȱWesternȱIllinoisȱUniversity,ȱ1984),ȱ11.

CommunitiesȱandȱCouplesȱinȱOldȱFrenchȱRomanceȱPlots

279

unfinished,ȱperhapsȱdeliberatelyȱso,ȱwhereasȱothersȱhaveȱincompleteȱresolutions.6 Manyȱ romanceȱ endingsȱ doȱ combineȱ peace,ȱ love,ȱ marriage,ȱ and/orȱ theȱ birthȱ of children.ȱHowever,ȱtheseȱfourȱelementsȱareȱnotȱnecessarilyȱallȱpresent,ȱandȱindeed weȱfindȱvariousȱpermutations,ȱsuchȱasȱmarriagesȱwithȱorȱwithoutȱlove,ȱloveȱwith orȱwithoutȱmentionȱofȱchildbearing,ȱandȱsoȱon.7ȱEvenȱifȱweȱcanȱgeneralizeȱtoȱsay thatȱmanyȱOldȱFrenchȱromancesȱendȱhappily,ȱtheyȱdoȱnotȱnecessarilyȱhaveȱwhat weȱmightȱcallȱ“fairyȬtale”ȱendings.ȱTheȱgenre’sȱtraditionsȱdoȱnotȱrequireȱthatȱallȱthe narrativeȱ threadsȱ remainȱ continuousȱ toȱ theȱ end,ȱ norȱ isȱ itȱ imperativeȱ thatȱ all conflictsȱ beȱ resolved—theȱ latterȱ usuallyȱ beingȱ almostȱ impossible,ȱ inȱ anyȱ case, becauseȱ ofȱ manyȱ ofȱ theseȱ texts’ȱ complex,ȱ episodicȱ structuresȱ withȱ multiple subplotsȱandȱsometimesȱmultipleȱheroes.ȱHowever,ȱtwoȱtypesȱofȱplotlinesȱthatȱdo tendȱ toȱ beȱ resolvedȱ atȱ theȱ endȱ ofȱ aȱ romance,ȱ ifȱ notȱ sooner,ȱ areȱ anȱ unmarried protagonist’sȱquestȱforȱaȱmutualȱloveȱrelationship,ȱandȱaȱforeignȱarmy’sȱadvance onȱ oneȱ ofȱ theȱ characters’ȱ lands.ȱ Theseȱ twoȱ kindsȱ ofȱ intriguesȱ tendȱ toȱ beȱ more closelyȱrelatedȱtoȱoneȱanotherȱthanȱmightȱappearȱatȱfirstȱglance,ȱevenȱcoinciding suchȱthatȱaȱsingleȱseriesȱofȱeventsȱcanȱhelpȱresolveȱbothȱsimultaneously. MuchȱproductiveȱattentionȱhasȱbeenȱdevotedȱtoȱtheȱwaysȱinȱwhichȱOldȱFrench romancesȱprovideȱliteraryȱgroundȱforȱtheȱdevelopmentȱofȱ“theȱindividual,”8ȱof characters’ȱ psychologyȱ andȱ emotionalȱ expression,9ȱ andȱ ofȱ familyȱ relationships withinȱaristocraticȱlineages.10ȱWhileȱacknowledgingȱtheȱusefulnessȱofȱthatȱwork, Iȱwouldȱlikeȱtoȱconsiderȱalsoȱtheȱlargerȱcommunitiesȱsurroundingȱtheȱdynastiesȱof

6

7

8

9

10

Inȱtheȱunusualȱcaseȱofȱaȱtragicȱending,ȱsuchȱasȱthatȱofȱtheȱMortȱArtuȱatȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱVulgate Cycle,ȱtheȱnarrativeȱbuildsȱaȱsenseȱofȱimpendingȱdoomȱbyȱtheȱapproachȱofȱtheȱRomanȱarmy,ȱand ofȱMordred’sȱarmy,ȱasȱwellȱasȱtheȱcontinuedȱthreatȱofȱinternecineȱviolence.ȱLaȱmortȱleȱroiȱArtu, romanȱduȱXIIIeȱsiècle,ȱed.ȱJeanȱFrappierȱ(GenevaȱandȱParis:ȱDroz,ȱ1964).ȱ Someȱtalesȱendȱwithȱpeaceȱbutȱnotȱwithȱlove,ȱsuchȱasȱtheȱRomanȱdeȱSilenceȱandȱLeȱBelȱInconnu;ȱAmi andȱAmileȱloveȱeachȱotherȱbutȱdoȱnotȱmarryȱeachȱotherȱinȱtheirȱeponymousȱtale,ȱAmiȱetȱAmile, chansonȱdeȱgeste,ȱed.ȱPeterȱF.ȱDembowskiȱ(Paris:ȱChampion,ȱ1987);ȱandȱaȱfewȱromancesȱendȱwith neitherȱloveȱnorȱmarriage,ȱ suchȱasȱtheȱMortȱArtu.ȱHeldrisȱdeȱCornualle,ȱSilence:ȱAȱThirteenthȬ CenturyȱFrenchȱRomanceȱ[LeȱRomanȱdeȱSilence],ȱed.ȱSarahȱRocheȬMahdi.ȱMedievalȱTextsȱandȱStudies, 10ȱ(EastȱLansing,ȱMI:ȱColleaguesȱPress,ȱ1992);ȱRenautȱdeȱBâgéȱ[Beaujeu],ȱLeȱBelȱInconnuȱ(LiȱBiaus Descouneüs;ȱ Theȱ Fairȱ Unknown),ȱ ed.ȱ andȱ intro.ȱ byȱ Karenȱ Fresco.ȱ Garlandȱ Libraryȱ ofȱ Medieval Literature,ȱ77,ȱSeriesȱAȱ(NewȱYorkȱandȱLondon:ȱGarland,ȱ1992).ȱAllȱcitationsȱofȱtheseȱtextsȱwillȱbe takenȱfromȱtheseȱeditions. Onȱ theȱ developmentȱ ofȱ “theȱ individual”ȱ inȱ medievalȱ cultureȱ andȱ literature,ȱ seeȱ forȱ example Camilleȱ Bérubé,ȱ Laȱ connaissanceȱ deȱ l’individuelȱ auȱ Moyenȱ Âgeȱ (Paris:ȱ Pressesȱ Universitairesȱ de Franceȱ/ȱMontréal:ȱPressesȱdeȱl’UniversitéȱdeȱMontréal,ȱ1964);ȱColinȱMorris,ȱTheȱDiscoveryȱofȱthe Individual,ȱ1050–1200ȱ(NewȱYork:ȱHarperȱ&ȱRow,ȱ1972);ȱandȱRobertȱHanning,ȱTheȱIndividualȱin TwelfthȬCenturyȱRomanceȱ(NewȱHaven:ȱYaleȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1977).ȱ Forȱexample,ȱJeanȱFrappier,ȱinȱhisȱÉtudeȱsurȱLaȱmortȱleȱroiȱArtu,ȱcallsȱthatȱromance’sȱunknown authorȱ“unȱromancierȱpsychologue”ȱandȱinterpretsȱtheȱtextȱasȱaȱ“romanȱpsychologique”ȱ(Geneva: Droz,ȱ1972),ȱ289ȱandȱ343ȱresp.ȱ Amongȱstudiesȱthatȱemphasizeȱlineage,ȱseeȱforȱexampleȱSharonȱKinoshita,ȱ“HeldrisȱdeȱCornuälle’s RomanȱdeȱSilenceȱandȱtheȱFeudalȱPoliticsȱofȱLineage,”ȱPMLAȱ110ȱ(1995):ȱ397–409.ȱ

280

ZanȱKocher

heroinesȱandȱheroes.ȱInȱtheȱrepresentationȱofȱpeaceȱandȱwarȱitȱbecomesȱclearȱthat nobleȱprotagonistsȱandȱtheirȱimmediateȱfamiliesȱareȱnotȱtheȱonlyȱonesȱwhoȱmatter inȱaȱtale’sȱoutcomeȱandȱimplications;ȱtheyȱareȱcloselyȱconnectedȱtoȱlargeȱnumbers ofȱ otherȱ characters,ȱ includingȱ vassals,ȱ courtiers,ȱ knights,ȱ ladies,ȱ merchants, soldiers,ȱandȱpeasants.ȱAlthoughȱinȱOldȱFrenchȱromanceȱ“common”ȱpeopleȱare notablyȱunderȬrepresentedȱandȱrarelyȱmentionedȱbyȱname,ȱtheirȱpresenceȱisȱat leastȱimplicit.ȱAfterȱall,ȱsomebodyȱhasȱtoȱproduceȱtheȱnobles’ȱfoodȱandȱclothing. Sometimesȱcommonersȱareȱreferredȱtoȱmoreȱdirectly,ȱforȱinstanceȱinȱcrowds,ȱsuch asȱatȱtournaments,ȱweddings,ȱmeetings,ȱbattles,ȱandȱreligiousȱceremonies,ȱand especiallyȱinȱtimesȱofȱcollectiveȱrejoicingȱorȱcollectiveȱgrief.ȱIȱbelieveȱthatȱitȱisȱworth notingȱtheȱdepictionȱofȱcrowdsȱandȱtheirȱemotionalȱstates,ȱwhichȱcanȱserveȱasȱa barometerȱforȱevents’ȱsocialȱimplications.11ȱEvenȱthoughȱcrowdsȱofȱcommonersȱare typicallyȱdepictedȱinȱanȱundifferentiated,ȱfacelessȱway,ȱtheirȱfeelings’ȱintensityȱis nonethelessȱsignificant.ȱSuchȱcrowdsȱmakeȱupȱaȱcollectiveȱemotionalȱandȱeconomic backgroundȱwithoutȱwhichȱtheȱforegroundȱwouldȱhaveȱlittleȱmeaning. Inȱ general,ȱ romancesȱ followȱ theȱ actionsȱ ofȱ youngȱ aristocratsȱ andȱ their entourages;ȱJamesȱA.ȱSchultzȱhasȱcoinedȱtheȱusefulȱtermȱ“aristophilia”ȱforȱtheȱlove ofȱ nobleȱ characters.12ȱ Romancesȱ makeȱ nobles’ȱ fictionalȱ adventuresȱ meaningful becauseȱ theȱ destiniesȱ ofȱ “lands”ȱ andȱ theirȱ inhabitantsȱ areȱ harnessedȱ toȱ the outcomes.ȱTheȱtwentiethȬcenturyȱfeministȱdictumȱthatȱ“theȱpersonalȱisȱpolitical” appliesȱratherȱnicelyȱtoȱnobleȱheroesȱandȱheroinesȱwhoseȱindividualȱproblemsȱand theirȱ solutionsȱ haveȱ meaningȱ partlyȱ becauseȱ theyȱ influenceȱ theȱ livesȱ ofȱ allȱ the peopleȱlivingȱinȱtheirȱlands.13ȱTheȱmoreȱprestigiousȱtheȱmainȱcharacters,ȱandȱthe largerȱ theirȱ land,ȱ theȱ greaterȱ theȱ populationȱ thatȱ willȱ feelȱ theȱ effectsȱ ofȱ their actions.ȱSomewhatȱtheȱwayȱweȱmayȱnowȱuseȱtheȱtermȱ“ecologicalȱfootprint”ȱto describeȱtheȱareaȱofȱlandȱaffectedȱbyȱaȱhumanȱactivity,ȱIȱwouldȱsayȱthatȱtheȱheroes andȱheroinesȱofȱromanceȱprojectȱaȱlargeȱsocialȱandȱeconomicȱ“footprint.”ȱNotȱonly

11

12

13

Countlessȱexamplesȱcouldȱbeȱgiven;ȱIȱwillȱmentionȱjustȱaȱfew.ȱInȱChrétien’sȱErecȱetȱEnide,ȱatȱtheȱtitle characters’ȱwedding,ȱ“Anȱlaȱsaleȱmoutȱgrantȱjoieȱot,”ȱandȱ“Moutȱfuȱgranzȱlaȱjoieȱelȱpalés”ȱ(“Inȱthe hallȱthereȱwasȱgreatȱrejoicing”ȱandȱ“Inȱtheȱpalaceȱtheȱjoyȱwasȱveryȱgreat”).ȱChrétienȱdeȱTroyes, ErecȱetȱEnide,ȱed.ȱMichelȱRousse.ȱCollectionȱGFȱ,ȱ763ȱ(Paris:ȱGFȬFlammarion,ȱ1994),ȱ152,ȱv.ȱ2039, andȱ154,ȱv.ȱ2069ȱrespectively.ȱInȱtheȱmostȱfamousȱexampleȱofȱthatȱconsummateȱstateȱofȱcollective bliss,ȱtheȱjoieȱdeȱlaȱcortȱ(ȈjoyȱofȱtheȱcourtȈ),ȱlaterȱinȱtheȱsameȱromance,ȱeveryoneȱfeelsȱaȱsupernatural waveȱofȱjoyȱatȱhearingȱtheȱsoundȱofȱtheȱhornȱthatȱErecȱblowsȱ(366,ȱvv.ȱ6162–82).ȱAsȱforȱcollective grief,ȱ forȱ instance,ȱ inȱ theȱ Romanȱ deȱ Silenceȱ theȱ titleȱ character’sȱ abruptȱ departureȱ fromȱ court provokesȱ(parodically?)ȱintenseȱdisplays:ȱSilence,ȱ140–46,ȱvv.ȱ3009–114ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).ȱ JamesȱA.ȱSchultz,ȱCourtlyȱLove,ȱtheȱLoveȱofȱCourtliness,ȱandȱtheȱHistoryȱofȱSexualityȱ(Chicagoȱand London:ȱUniversityȱofȱChicagoȱPress,ȱ2006),ȱ93–94ȱandȱ169–72.ȱ CarolȱHanisch’sȱ1969ȱessay,ȱtitledȱ“TheȱPersonalȱisȱPolitical,”ȱNotesȱfromȱtheȱSecondȱYear:ȱWomen’s Liberation,ȱMajorȱWritingsȱofȱtheȱRadicalȱFeminists,ȱed.ȱShulamithȱFirestoneȱandȱAnneȱKoedtȱ(New York:ȱ Radicalȱ Feminism,ȱ 1970),ȱ isȱ availableȱ withȱ aȱ 2006ȱ introductionȱ byȱ theȱ authorȱ at http://carolhanisch.org/CHwritings/PIP.htmlȱonlineȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱJanuaryȱ30,ȱ2011).ȱ

CommunitiesȱandȱCouplesȱinȱOldȱFrenchȱRomanceȱPlots

281

doȱkingsȱandȱqueensȱleaveȱsuchȱaȱfootprint,ȱbutȱalsoȱdukesȱandȱduchesses,ȱcounts andȱcountesses,ȱasȱwellȱasȱtheirȱheirsȱapparentȱandȱunapparent.ȱPlotlinesȱabout nobleȱadventurersȱwouldȱhaveȱveryȱdifferentȱmeaningȱifȱtheȱcharacters’ȱfamilies ownedȱnoȱland.ȱInȱliteraryȱreferencesȱtoȱtheȱ“socialȱfootprint”ȱofȱromances’ȱheroes andȱheroines,ȱweȱoftenȱfindȱaȱconceptȱofȱ“land”ȱthatȱrefersȱtoȱbothȱtheȱplaceȱand itsȱinhabitantsȱcollectively,ȱyetȱwithoutȱrepresentingȱindividualȱpeople.ȱTheȱOld Frenchȱnounsȱmeaningȱ“land,”ȱsuchȱasȱter[r]eȱandȱco[u]ntree,ȱdoȱnotȱatȱallȱmeanȱa “nation”ȱinȱaȱmodernȱsenseȱofȱthatȱwordȱhavingȱtoȱdoȱwithȱgovernment,ȱbutȱrather theseȱtermsȱreferȱtoȱbothȱaȱplaceȱandȱitsȱinhabitantsȱcollectively.ȱ Theȱ choicesȱ madeȱ byȱ romanceȱ protagonistsȱ determineȱ theirȱ communities’ destiniesȱtoȱaȱgreatȱextent,ȱratherȱthanȱonlyȱbeingȱdeterminedȱbyȱthem.ȱThusȱeven heroes’ȱ andȱ heroines’ȱ smallestȱ gestures,ȱ statements,ȱ andȱ thoughtsȱ canȱ takeȱ on collectiveȱsignificance,ȱforȱlittleȱisȱultimatelyȱprivateȱorȱindividualȱinȱtheirȱtextual world.ȱEspeciallyȱwhereȱpeaceȱandȱloveȱareȱcausallyȱrelated,ȱconsiderationsȱthat mightȱ otherwiseȱ seemȱ privateȱ orȱ personalȱ forȱ aristocraticȱ loversȱ alsoȱ directly influenceȱnotȱonlyȱtheirȱfutureȱlineageȱbutȱalsoȱtheȱdestinyȱofȱtheȱland’sȱmany inhabitants.14ȱ Theseȱ textsȱ areȱ fascinatingȱ partlyȱ becauseȱ ofȱ complex interrelationshipsȱ amongȱ plotlines,ȱ andȱ connectionsȱ betweenȱ aristocratic characters’ȱexperienceȱandȱitsȱoutcomesȱorȱeffectsȱonȱtheȱrestȱofȱtheirȱfamiliesȱand onȱtheȱpeopleȱofȱtheirȱland. Theȱcitizensȱofȱaȱ“land”ȱrarelyȱtakeȱcenterȱstageȱforȱlong,ȱbutȱcollectivelyȱtheyȱare neverthelessȱimaginedȱtoȱhaveȱstrongȱemotionsȱandȱevenȱunanimousȱopinions.ȱFor instance,ȱnearȱtheȱendȱofȱLeȱBelȱInconnuȱtheȱprincessȱnamedȱBlondeȱEsmereeȱtravels homeȱtoȱWalesȱwithȱherȱhandsomeȱfiancéȱGuinglainȱjustȱbeforeȱtheȱtwoȱmarryȱand areȱcrowned,ȱwithȱtheȱnarratorȱreporting, Orȱvosȱpuisȱbienȱdireȱporȱvoir,ȱ puisȱqueȱDiusȱfistȱetȱmainȱetȱsoir neȱfuȱnusȱhomȱplusȱbienȱvenus n’aȱplusȱgrantȱjoieȱreceüsȱ conȱGuinglainsȱfuȱenȱceleȱtere.15ȱ [NowȱIȱcanȱtellȱyouȱwellȱandȱtrulyȱ(that)ȱ everȱsinceȱGodȱcreatedȱmorningȱandȱevening,ȱ nobodyȱhadȱ(ever)ȱbeenȱmoreȱwelcome

14

15

Inȱthisȱconsiderationȱofȱpeaceȱandȱlove,ȱIȱamȱthinkingȱofȱloveȱwithinȱcouples.ȱThereȱisȱalsoȱmuch materialȱ forȱ studyingȱ theȱ connectionsȱ ofȱ warȱ andȱ peaceȱ withȱ otherȱ kindsȱ ofȱ loveȱ andȱ family relationshipsȱinȱOldȱFrenchȱromances.ȱForȱexample,ȱweȱsometimesȱfindȱsiblings,ȱparentsȱand children,ȱ orȱ knightsȱ andȱ theirȱ bestȬlovedȱ companions,ȱ inȱ episodesȱ convergentȱ withȱ aȱ peaceȬ plotline.ȱ LeȱBelȱInconnu,ȱ370,ȱvv.ȱ6231–35ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).ȱ

282

ZanȱKocher norȱreceivedȱinȱthatȱland withȱgreaterȱjoyȱthanȱGuinglainȱwas.16]ȱ

HereȱtheȱpoetȱRenautȱdeȱBâgéȱusesȱtheȱpassiveȱverbsȱ“fuȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱbienȱvenus”ȱandȱ“fu [.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱreceüs”ȱinȱaȱwayȱthatȱdoesȱnotȱspecificallyȱmentionȱtheȱpeopleȱwhoȱjoyfully welcomeȱ theirȱ queenȬtoȬbeȱ andȱ kingȬtoȬbe.ȱ Thisȱ isȱ typicalȱ ofȱ representationȱ of communalȱemotionȱinȱromances:ȱtheȱcommunityȱthatȱfeelsȱisȱnotȱreallyȱportrayed. Withȱ efficientȱ andȱ spareȱ wording,ȱ theȱ poemȱ refersȱ obliquelyȱ toȱ aȱ community whoseȱgoodȱopinionȱhasȱconsiderableȱeffectȱonȱtheȱyoungȱcouple’sȱfuture,ȱjustȱas theȱfiancés’ȱdecisionsȱreciprocallyȱaffectȱtheȱcommunity.ȱTheȱphraseȱ“thatȱland” (“celeȱtere”)ȱrefersȱnotȱonlyȱtoȱWalesȱinȱaȱgeographicȱsense,ȱbutȱalsoȱtoȱitsȱunnamed inhabitantsȱwhoȱfeelȱ“grantȱjoie”ȱ(”greatȱjoy”)ȱwhenȱwelcomingȱtheirȱnewȱroyal couple.ȱ Similarly,ȱ inȱ theȱ Romanȱ deȱ Silenceȱ weȱ findȱ wartimeȱ Norwayȱ described metonymicallyȱ asȱ “overcomeȱ byȱ hunger,”ȱ whereasȱ moreȱ literallyȱ theȱ hunger wouldȱbeȱfeltȱbyȱtheȱpeopleȱlivingȱthere.17ȱTheseȱexamplesȱillustrateȱtheȱtendency ofȱOldȱFrenchȱromanceȱwritersȱtoȱattributeȱfeelingȱtoȱaȱland’sȱpeopleȱcollectively, whileȱhardlyȱrepresentingȱtheȱpeopleȱthemselvesȱatȱall. Theȱ congruenceȱ ofȱ protagonists’ȱ personalȱ wishesȱ andȱ politicalȱ expediencies makeȱsomeȱOldȱFrenchȱromancesȱgoodȱexamplesȱofȱwhatȱFrankȱKermodeȱcalls “concordȬfictions.”18ȱTheyȱoftenȱcombineȱaȱweddingȱandȱaȱformȱofȱinheritance,ȱand sometimesȱalsoȱtheȱcrowningȱofȱyoungȱmonarchs.ȱForȱexample,ȱLoriȱWaltersȱnotes thatȱ “Marriagesȱ andȱ coronationsȱ areȱ theȱ stockȬinȬtradeȱ ofȱ romance.”19ȱ Oftenȱ a (fictional)ȱyoungȱheir’sȱorȱheiress’sȱweddingȱisȱcloselyȱfollowedȱbyȱtheȱdeathȱofȱone orȱbothȱparents,ȱusuallyȱbyȱnaturalȱcauses.ȱIfȱonlyȱoneȱparentȱdies,ȱitȱtendsȱtoȱbe notȱ aȱ mother,ȱ butȱ mostȱ frequentlyȱ aȱ fatherȱ orȱ uncle,ȱ whoȱ bequeathsȱ landȱ and revenueȱ toȱ theȱ youngerȱ generation.ȱ Whenȱ consideringȱ theȱ lifeȱ expectanciesȱ of fictionalȱ charactersȱ inȱ Oldȱ Frenchȱ romances,ȱ Iȱ noticeȱ thatȱ oneȱ ofȱ theȱ most dangerousȱoccasionsȱinȱtheȱlifeȱofȱanȱelderȱmaleȱaristocratȱisȱtheȱweddingȱofȱhis heir.ȱ Forȱ example,ȱ inȱ theȱ twelfthȬcenturyȱ romanceȱ ofȱ Floireȱ etȱ Blancheflor,ȱ itȱ is duringȱtheȱweddingȱdinnerȱpartyȱthatȱFloireȱreceivesȱnewsȱofȱhisȱfather’sȱdeath.20 InȱFloireȱetȱBlancheflor,ȱunsurprisingly,ȱtheȱloyalȱyoungȱlovers’ȱ weddingȱ occurs moreȱorȱlessȱsimultaneouslyȱwithȱsocialȱpromotion,ȱinheritance,ȱandȱtheȱconclusion

16 17 18

19

20

Allȱtranslationsȱareȱmine.ȱ “Atainteȱdeȱfaim”:ȱSilence,ȱ8,ȱv.ȱ158ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).ȱ FrankȱKermode,ȱTheȱSenseȱofȱanȱEnding:ȱStudiesȱinȱtheȱTheoryȱofȱFiction,ȱwithȱaȱNewȱEpilogue.ȱ2ndȱed. (1967;ȱOxford,ȱNewȱYork,ȱAthens,ȱetȱal.:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2000),ȱ190.ȱ LoriȱWalters,ȱ“AȱLoveȱThatȱKnowsȱNoȱFalsehood”:ȱMoralȱInstructionȱandȱNarrativeȱClosureȱin theȱBelȱInconnuȱandȱBeaudous,”ȱSouthȱAtlanticȱReviewȱ58ȱ(1993):ȱ21–39;ȱhereȱ22.ȱ LeȱConteȱdeȱFloireȱetȱBlancheflor,ȱed.ȱJeanȬLucȱLeclanche.ȱClassiquesȱFrançaisȱduȱMoyenȱÂge,ȱ105 (Paris:ȱChampion,ȱ1980),ȱ103,ȱv.ȱ3203.ȱ

CommunitiesȱandȱCouplesȱinȱOldȱFrenchȱRomanceȱPlots

283

ofȱbothȱcharacters’ȱmutualȱloveȬquest,ȱwithȱaȱprofitableȱunionȱofȱtwoȱfamilies,ȱas wellȱasȱanȱendȱtoȱthreatsȱofȱviolence,ȱbothȱexternalȱandȱinternecine.ȱ Aȱconsiderationȱofȱpeaceȱasȱaȱdesideratumȱforȱaȱromance’sȱplotȱresolutionȱshows thatȱtheȱinhabitantsȱofȱtheȱprotagonists’ȱlandsȱareȱessentialȱtoȱcreatingȱorȱresolving conflict,ȱevenȱifȱcitizensȱrarelyȱappearȱonȱtheȱnarrative’sȱequivalentȱofȱcenterȱstage. Ifȱromancesȱareȱaboutȱfantasyȱworlds,ȱmanyȱareȱparticularlyȱaboutȱtheȱfantasyȱof havingȱ theȱ sameȱ (statisticallyȱ unlikely)ȱ actsȱ resolveȱ multipleȱ problems:ȱ the conditionsȱ forȱ successȱ converge.ȱ Protagonists’ȱ personalȱ wishesȱ turnȱ outȱ toȱ be compatibleȱ withȱ political,ȱ dynastic,ȱ andȱ militaryȱ (or,ȱ rather,ȱ shouldȱ weȱ say, pacifist)ȱexpedienciesȱinȱOldȱFrenchȱromancesȱwithȱ“happy”ȱendings.ȱSometimes theȱbestȱinterestȱofȱaȱlargerȱcommunity,ȱandȱofȱitsȱeconomy,ȱisȱalsoȱbestȱforȱthe individualsȱinȱtheȱaristocraticȱcoupleȱthatȱwillȱeventuallyȱstandȱatȱitsȱhead. However,ȱinȱotherȱplotlines,ȱpeaceȱandȱloveȱdivergeȱtemporarilyȱorȱpermanently, havingȱbecomeȱsubjectsȱofȱincompatibleȱdesiresȱorȱdivergentȱcriteriaȱforȱsuccess. WhenȱtheȱneedȱforȱpeaceȱoutranksȱtheȱvalueȱofȱaȱchosenȱloveȬmatch,ȱthenȱone solution,ȱinȱfictionȱasȱwellȱasȱinȱhistoricalȱreality,ȱisȱintermarriageȱbetweenȱwarring families,ȱusuallyȱbyȱsendingȱaȱbrideȱ(calledȱinȱAngloȬSaxonȱaȱ“freoðuwebbe”ȱ= “peaceȬweaver”)ȱtoȱmarryȱanȱenemy,ȱasȱmoreȱaȱcareerȱdiplomatȱthanȱaȱlover.ȱFor example,ȱ atȱ theȱ beginningȱ ofȱ theȱ Romanȱ deȱ Silence,ȱ theȱ wartimeȱ destructionȱ of Norwayȱmotivatesȱitsȱleadersȱtoȱproposeȱaȱpoliticalȱmarriageȱforȱtheirȱcountry’s princessȱregardlessȱofȱherȱwishes.ȱ TheȱprincipalȱstatedȱrationaleȱforȱEbainȱandȱEufemeȱtoȱmarryȱisȱnotȱaffection (glaringlyȱabsentȱonȱtheȱbride’sȱpart),ȱnorȱeitherȱroyalȱfamily’sȱwishȱforȱanȱheir,ȱbut ratherȱtheȱNorwegians’ȱcollectiveȱneedȱtoȱendȱtheȱdevastationȱcausedȱbyȱtheȱwar. ImmediatelyȱafterȱtheȱPrologue,ȱKingȱEbainȱandȱhisȱwarlikeȱcountryȱ(England)ȱare theȱ firstȱ subjectȱ treatedȱ byȱ theȱ narrator:ȱ Ebainȱ “firmlyȱ maintainedȱ theȱ landȱ in peace,”21ȱwhileȱwagingȱwarȱagainstȱKingȱBegeȱofȱNorwayȱoverȱaȱlongȱtime.ȱThis longȱwarȱbeginsȱoverȱsomeȱunspecifiedȱminorȱdispute.22ȱTheȱEnglishȱinvaders’ destructionȱofȱNorwayȱisȱvividlyȱdescribed:

21

22

“Maintintȱbienȱenȱpaisȱlaȱterre”:ȱSilence,ȱ6,ȱv.ȱ108ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).ȱItȱisȱcommon,ȱifȱsomewhatȱformulaic, forȱfictionalȱdescriptionsȱofȱgoodȱkingsȱtoȱmentionȱthatȱtheyȱmaintainȱpeaceȱinȱtheirȱlands.ȱWeȱfind aȱsimilarȱverseȱinȱHueȱdeȱRotelande,ȱIpomedon,ȱpoèmeȱdeȱHueȱdeȱRotelandeȱ(finȱduȱXIIeȱsiècle),ȱed. A[nthony]ȱJ.ȱHoldenȱ(Paris:ȱKlincksieck,ȱ1979),ȱ64,ȱvv.ȱ49–54,ȱatȱv.ȱ52.ȱAllȱquotationsȱwillȱbeȱfrom thisȱedition. Silenceȱ 8,ȱ v.ȱ 149ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 7).ȱ Similarly,ȱ theȱ mainȱ plotȱ ofȱ Aucassinȱ etȱ Nicoletteȱ beginsȱ withȱ an unexplainedȱwar,ȱthisȱtimeȱbetweenȱBougarȱofȱValenciaȱandȱGarinȱofȱBeaucaire:ȱtheȱformerȱ“li argoitȱ saȱ terreȱ etȱ gastoitȱ sonȱ païsȱ etȱ ocioitȱ sesȱ homes”ȱ (“wasȱ burningȱ hisȱ [enemy’s]ȱ landȱ and destroyingȱhisȱcountryȱandȱkillingȱhisȱsubjects”).ȱAucassinȱetȱNicolette,ȱed.ȱJeanȱDufournetȱ(Paris: GFȬFlammarion,ȱ1984),ȱ44,ȱlinesȱ5–6.ȱLikewiseȱunexplainedȱisȱtheȱfeudȱbetweenȱIlle’sȱfamilyȱand Hoial’sȱinȱGautierȱd’Arras,ȱIlleȱetȱGaleron,ȱed.ȱFrederickȱA.ȱG.ȱCowper.ȱSociétéȱdesȱAnciensȱTextes Françaisȱ(Paris:ȱA.ȱ&ȱJ.ȱPicard,ȱ1956),ȱ7,ȱv.ȱ90.ȱEditor’sȱnote:ȱSeeȱalsoȱtheȱcommentsȱonȱAucassinȱet NicoletteȱinȱAlbrechtȱClassen’sȱ“Introduction”ȱtoȱthisȱvolume.

284

ZanȱKocher Puisȱenȱarstȱonȱmainteȱmaison, Tanteȱvileȱenȱfuȱmiseȱenȱflamme, Etȱcolpéȱtantȱpié,ȱtanteȱhance, Etȱtanteȱgensȱcaitiveȱesparse Dontȱlaȱcontreëȱenȱestȱarse Queȱnelȱvosȱpuisȱdemiȱconter. Liȱmalsȱseȱpristȱsiȱaȱmonter QueȱNorouegeȱenȱfuȱpriésȱgaste, Atainteȱdeȱfainȱetȱdeȱlaste. Etȱmorteȱenȱfuȱlaȱgensȱmenue Etȱliȱautreȱpriésȱconfundueȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.23 [Thenȱtheyȱburnedȱmanyȱofȱtheirȱhouses. Soȱmanyȱofȱtheirȱfarmsȱwereȱsetȱonȱfire, Andȱsoȱmanyȱfeetȱandȱhipsȱwounded, Andȱsoȱmanyȱpeopleȱpitiablyȱdisplaced Whoseȱlandȱhadȱbeenȱburnedȱ[inȱtheȱwar], ThatȱIȱcannotȱtellȱyouȱtheȱhalfȱofȱit. Theȱdisasterȱwasȱbecomingȱsoȱmuchȱworse ThatȱNorwayȱwasȱalmostȱlaidȱwasteȱbyȱit, Strickenȱbyȱhungerȱandȱmisery. Andȱtheȱcommonȱpeopleȱhadȱdiedȱfromȱit Andȱtheȱothersȱwereȱalmostȱdestroyedȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.]

Theȱpassageȱmentionsȱnumerousȱspecificȱproblems:ȱhunger,ȱevacuations,ȱstress; harmȱtoȱhumanȱhealth;ȱdamageȱtoȱbuildings;ȱandȱenvironmentalȱandȱagricultural concerns,ȱ inȱ additionȱ toȱ unspecificȱ complaintsȱ ofȱ theȱ landȱ beingȱ “laidȱ waste” (gaste).ȱAlthoughȱitȱdescribesȱcollectiveȱproblems,ȱitȱhasȱsomeȱpersonalȱtouches, suchȱasȱtheȱreferenceȱtoȱ“feetȱandȱhipsȱwounded.”24ȱNotablyȱtheȱ“commonȱpeople” areȱdescribedȱasȱdyingȱfirstȱandȱbeforeȱtheȱnoblesȱtakeȱaction.ȱ25ȱ Immediatelyȱafterȱthisȱpassageȱandȱinȱtheȱcontextȱofȱtheȱwar,ȱonȱtheȱadviceȱof Norway’sȱwisestȱadvisers,ȱKingȱBegeȱofȱNorwayȱoffersȱhisȱdaughter’sȱhandȱto Ebain,ȱwithȱtheȱprincipalȱandȱexplicitȱintentionȱofȱmakingȱpeace.ȱKingȱBege,ȱfrom hisȱpositionȱofȱweakness,ȱagreesȱtoȱtheȱproposedȱmatchȱforȱtheȱnamedȱreason:ȱas theȱpoetȱHeldrisȱrhymesȱredundantly,ȱ

23 24

25

Silence,ȱ8,ȱvv.ȱ150–60ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).ȱ TheȱpoetȱHeldrisȱevidentlyȱdidȱnotȱmerelyȱchooseȱtheȱwordȱ“hance”ȱforȱreasonsȱofȱrhymeȱ(Silence 8,ȱv.ȱ152),ȱasȱitȱoddlyȱdoesȱnotȱformȱanȱendȬrhymeȱwithȱ“flamme”ȱinȱtheȱpreviousȱverseȱofȱthe coupletȱ(v.ȱ151)ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7). “Laȱgensȱmenue”:ȱSilence,ȱ8,ȱv.ȱ154ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).ȱ

CommunitiesȱandȱCouplesȱinȱOldȱFrenchȱRomanceȱPlots

285

Porȱacordeȱetȱporȱaliänce, Qeȱlaȱpaisȱsoiëȱaȱfiänce.26 [ForȱreconcilationȱandȱforȱallianceȬbuilding Soȱthatȱpeaceȱcanȱbeȱagreedȱon.]

and Porȱacordanceȱdeȱlaȱguerre, Etȱqu’ilȱaitȱmisȱenȱpaisȱlaȱterre.27 [Forȱresolvingȱtheȱwar, Andȱsoȱheȱcouldȱsetȱtheȱlandȱatȱpeace.]ȱ

Theȱ nounȱ fiänceȱ carriesȱ bothȱ theȱ maritalȱ meaningȱ andȱ theȱ implicationȱ ofȱ oathȬ takingȱforȱtheȱpurposeȱofȱpoliticalȱstability.ȱPeaceȱisȱaȱparamountȱneed.ȱFromȱthe beginningȱofȱtheȱplotline,ȱpeacemakingȱisȱrepresentedȱasȱaȱpowerfulȱmotivator, moreȱimportantȱthanȱgivingȱtheȱprincessȱtimeȱandȱopportunityȱtoȱseekȱaȱmore pleasingȱorȱconsensualȱmatch.ȱItȱisȱinȱthisȱsenseȱthatȱBrunhildȱdeȱlaȱMotteȱpoints outȱthat,ȱinȱShakespeare’sȱplays,ȱ“marriageȱisȱnotȱaȱsymbolȱofȱloveȱbutȱofȱlawȱand order.”28ȱInȱSilenceȱtheȱarrangedȱmarriageȱisȱdiametricallyȱopposedȱtoȱtheȱloveȬ match,ȱbothȱinȱtheȱwaysȱitȱisȱdepicted,ȱandȱalsoȱinȱtheȱromance’sȱveryȱstructure: thisȱromanceȱsurveysȱthreeȱgenerations’ȱmarriages,ȱtheȱmiddleȱgeneration’sȱbeing aȱreciprocalȱloveȬmatch,ȱandȱtheȱfirstȱandȱlastȱarranged.ȱItȱshowsȱhowȱpoliticsȱcan workȱatȱtheȱexpenseȱofȱnobles’ȱpersonalȱhappiness. Aȱpolitical/military/economic/foodȱcrisisȱdeprivesȱtheȱNorwegianȱprincessȱofȱthe opportunityȱtoȱchooseȱherȱfutureȱhusband.ȱTheȱweddingȱofȱEbainȱandȱEufemeȱis arrangedȱforȱpoliticalȱpurposes,ȱincludingȱpeacemaking,ȱbutȱwithoutȱemotional symmetryȱ norȱ evenȱ anyȱ convincingȱ displayȱ ofȱ love,ȱ asȱ Sharonȱ Kinoshitaȱ has rightlyȱ pointedȱ out.29ȱ Theȱ passagesȱ onȱ thisȱ arrangedȱ marriageȱ depictȱ Ebain’s emotionsȱlittleȱandȱEufeme’sȱnotȱatȱall.ȱEbainȱdoesȱmentionȱ“love,”30ȱbutȱwhatȱhe saysȱhasȱmainlyȱtoȱdoȱwithȱotherȱmattersȱonȱhisȱmind,ȱnamelyȱlust,ȱpeacemaking, andȱpoliticalȱalliance.31ȱ

26 27 28

29

30

31

Silence,ȱ10,ȱvv.ȱ171–2ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).ȱ Silence,ȱ10,ȱvv.ȱ175–6ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).ȱ BrunhildȱdeȱlaȱMotte,ȱ“Shakespeare’sȱ‘HappyȱEndings’ȱforȱWomen,”ȱNature,ȱSociety,ȱandȱThought 1ȱ(1987):ȱ27–36;ȱhereȱ32.ȱ Kinoshita,ȱ“HeldrisȱdeȱCornuälle’sȱRomanȱdeȱSilenceȱandȱtheȱFeudalȱPoliticsȱofȱLineage,”ȱ398ȱ(see noteȱ10). TheȱkingȱclaimsȱthatȱheȱhasȱlovedȱEufemeȱforȱaȱlongȱtime:ȱ“Pieceȱaȱl’amorsȱdeȱliȱmeȱpoinst.” (Silence,ȱ10,ȱv.ȱ185;ȱseeȱnoteȱ7),ȱbutȱthisȱstatementȱisȱweakenedȱbyȱitsȱpositionȱafterȱtheȱpoliticalȱand sexualȱconsiderations,ȱandȱbyȱtheȱabsenceȱofȱloveȬtalkȱorȱanyȱconversationȱatȱallȱbetweenȱtheȱtwo charactersȱwhoȱareȱaboutȱtoȱmarryȱoneȱanother. HeȱrefersȱtoȱhisȱwifeȬtoȬbeȱinȱtermsȱofȱpossession:ȱtheȱwordȱ“avoir”ȱfunctionsȱasȱbothȱverbȱand nounȱinȱtheȱhomographȱendȬrhymeȱofȱvv.ȱ181–2,ȱ“toȱhave”ȱherȱasȱhisȱwife,ȱandȱasȱaȱ“possession,

286

ZanȱKocher

AlthoughȱtheȱEnglishȱfareȱbetterȱinȱtheȱwarȱthanȱtheȱNorwegians,ȱbothȱsides alikeȱwishȱtoȱendȱtheȱviolence,ȱandȱEbain’sȱcountrymenȱheartilyȱapproveȱofȱthe Norwegianȱcouncil’sȱpeacemakingȱplan.ȱTheȱEnglishȱkingȱsummonsȱquiteȱaȱlarge crowdȱ includingȱ messengers,ȱ archbishops,ȱ clerics,ȱ bishops,ȱ barons,ȱ counts,32 dukes,33ȱ andȱ sailorsȱ whoȱ prepareȱ andȱ equipȱ boatsȱ toȱ sailȱ toȱ Norway.34ȱ (Ebain himselfȱdoesȱnotȱgoȱtoȱmeetȱhisȱbride.)ȱTheirsȱisȱaȱdiplomaticȱmission,ȱbutȱalsoȱa showȱofȱwealthȱandȱpower;ȱperhapsȱtheȱshipsȱboundȱforȱScandinaviaȱareȱtheȱsame onesȱtheȱEnglishȱrecentlyȱusedȱthereȱinȱtheȱwar.ȱTheȱenvoysȱfeelȱpleasedȱtoȱlearn thatȱtheirȱmissionȱwillȱbeȱtoȱescortȱtheirȱfutureȱqueenȱtoȱEngland: Ilȱn’iȱaȱceluiȱcuiȱenȱpoise,ȱ Qu’avoirȱenȱcuidentȱgrantȱredos Etȱdeȱlaȱguerreȱestreȱenȱrepos.35 [Noneȱofȱthemȱareȱtroubledȱbyȱthis,ȱ Becauseȱtheyȱexpectȱtoȱgetȱgreatȱhelpȱfromȱit Andȱtoȱgainȱreliefȱfromȱtheȱwar.]ȱ

Theirȱresponseȱshowsȱthatȱevenȱtheȱcharactersȱonȱtheȱwinningȱsideȱofȱaȱwarȱare gladȱtoȱanticipateȱpeace.ȱNext,ȱasȱplanned,ȱtheȱdelegatesȱbringȱtheȱbrideȬtoȬbeȱto England;ȱonlyȱthreeȱdaysȱlaterȱbeginsȱtheȱlarge,ȱexpensiveȱwedding.36ȱTheȱwedding episodeȱisȱnotablyȱunromantic,ȱbutȱwithoutȱfallingȱoutsideȱtheȱrangeȱofȱsubjects typicalȱofȱOldȱFrenchȱromances.ȱInȱtheȱforegroundȱisȱbothȱsides’ȱdesireȱtoȱendȱthe drawnȬoutȱwar.ȱInȱtheȱbackgroundȱisȱtheȱmuddiedȱquestionȱofȱwhetherȱtheȱbride consentsȱ toȱ marryȱ Ebain,ȱ andȱ mattersȱ ofȱ lineageȱ thatȱ neitherȱ theȱ kingȱ norȱ the narratorȱraisesȱdirectly.ȱTheȱweddingȱepisodeȱdoesȱnotȱspecificallyȱforeshadow thatȱ theȱ brideȱ mightȱ turnȱ outȱ toȱ beȱ unhappy—notȱ toȱ mentionȱ unpleasantȱ and unethical,ȱ extraȬmaritallyȱ involved,ȱ andȱ alsoȱ childless.37ȱ Theȱ arrangement

32 33 34 35

36

37

valuableȱthing”ȱasȱaȱnounȱ(Silence,ȱ10).ȱ Silence,ȱ10,ȱvv.ȱ192–5ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).ȱ Silence,ȱ12,ȱv.ȱ223ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).ȱ Silence,ȱ12,ȱv.ȱ225ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).ȱ Silence,ȱ12,ȱvv.ȱ210–12ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).ȱIȱamȱinterpretingȱ“redos”ȱfromȱv.ȱ211ȱasȱtheȱnounȱrados,ȱdefined asȱ“shelter,ȱhelp,ȱdefense,ȱsupport,ȱguarantee”;ȱGreimas,ȱDictionnaire,ȱ495ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1). Silence,ȱ12,ȱv.ȱ247ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).ȱAtȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱromance,ȱSilence’sȱweddingȱtoȱEbainȱlikewiseȱtakes placeȱatȱtheȱsameȱcourtȱafterȱaȱspaceȱofȱjustȱthreeȱdaysȱ(312,ȱvv.ȱ6669–77).ȱ Inȱ Oldȱ Frenchȱ romances,ȱ adulterousȱ queensȱ areȱ usuallyȱ childless,ȱ asȱ Peggyȱ McCrackenȱ has pointedȱoutȱinȱTheȱRomanceȱofȱAdultery:ȱQueenshipȱandȱSexualȱTransgressionȱinȱOldȱFrenchȱLiterature, Middleȱ Agesȱ Seriesȱ (Philadelphia:ȱ Universityȱ ofȱ Pennsylvaniaȱ Press,ȱ 1998),ȱ 26,ȱ following ChristianeȱMarchelloȬNizia,ȱ“Amourȱcourtois,ȱsociétéȱmasculine,ȱetȱfiguresȱduȱpouvoir,”ȱAnnales: Économies,ȱSociétés,ȱCivilisationsȱ36ȱ(1981):ȱ969–82;ȱhereȱ980.ȱSeeȱalsoȱMollyȱRobinsonȱKelly,ȱ“Sex andȱFertilityȱinȱMarieȱdeȱFrance’sȱLais,”ȱSexualityȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱtheȱEarlyȱModernȱAge:ȱNew ApproachesȱtoȱaȱFundamentalȱCulturalȬHistoricalȱandȱLiteraryȬAnthropologicalȱTheme,ȱed.ȱAlbrecht Classen.ȱFundamentalsȱofȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱCulture,ȱ3ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱWalter deȱGruyter,ȱ2008),ȱ241–56.

CommunitiesȱandȱCouplesȱinȱOldȱFrenchȱRomanceȱPlots

287

establishesȱnotȱanȱabsoluteȱpeaceȱbutȱaȱcompromise,ȱearlyȱinȱtheȱromance,ȱthat generatesȱconflicts,ȱwhichȱinȱturnȱmotivateȱfurtherȱplotlines. AnotherȱpeaceȬweavingȱnoblewoman,ȱinȱHueȱdeȱRotelande’sȱIpomedon,ȱisȱthe motherȱofȱLaȱFiere,ȱmarriedȱoffȱinȱorderȱtoȱresolveȱaȱconflictȱbetweenȱherȱbrother andȱhisȱenemyȱtheȱdukeȱofȱCalabria,ȱwhoȱbecomesȱherȱhusband.38ȱPerhapsȱthis familyȱhistoryȱhelpsȱtoȱexplainȱtheȱstrongȬmindedȱwayȱinȱwhichȱLaȱFiere,ȱwhose nameȱportentouslyȱmeansȱ“TheȱProudȱWoman,”ȱrefusesȱtoȱenterȱintoȱanȱarranged marriageȱlikeȱherȱmother’s.ȱDuringȱtheȱheroȱIpomedon’sȱtwoȬyearȬlongȱabsence, LaȱFiereȱrefusesȱallȱotherȱsuitors,ȱdespiteȱrepeatedȱeffortsȱbyȱherȱduchy’sȱpeersȱto makeȱherȱagreeȱtoȱanȱengagementȱwithȱsomeoneȱelse.ȱHerȱcontinuedȱrefusalȱto marryȱcreatesȱaȱdiplomaticȱcrisisȱmarkedȱbyȱrepeatedȱoutbreaksȱofȱviolence: CilȱdeȱCalabreȱuntȱsouventȱguerre, Suventȱestȱtrubleeȱlaȱterre, Karȱlurȱveisinsȱtuzȱlesȱplusurs Lurȱrendirentȱmultȱgransȱestursȱ; EscharȱlurȱsemblaȱdeȱlaȱFiere, Multȱlaȱheentȱdeȱgrantȱmanere, K’eleȱoutȱrefuséȱplusursȱd’eus, Siȱenȱuntȱmultȱgransȱiresȱeȱdols.39 [TheȱCalabriansȱareȱoftenȱatȱwar,ȱ (And)ȱtheirȱlandȱisȱoftenȱdisturbed Becauseȱsoȱmanyȱofȱtheirȱneighbors Madeȱmanyȱmajorȱattacksȱagainstȱthem. TheyȱdesiredȱLaȱFiereȱ(oneȬsidedly). Manyȱhateȱherȱaȱgreatȱdeal,ȱ Becauseȱsheȱhadȱrefusedȱseveralȱofȱthem;ȱ Theyȱareȱveryȱenragedȱandȱupsetȱaboutȱit.]

Hopingȱtoȱsolveȱthisȱmilitaryȱandȱeconomicȱproblem,ȱallȱtheȱCalabrianȱbaronsȱthen decideȱtoȱmeet,ȱinȱorderȱtoȱtryȱtoȱpersuadeȱtheȱorphanedȱyoungȱduchessȱtoȱchoose aȱ husbandȱ andȱ thusȱ stopȱ theȱ violenceȱ thatȱ damagesȱ theȱ “land”ȱ andȱ theȱ larger communityȱinȱseveralȱways: Neȱvolentȱplusȱsuffrirȱneȱatendre, Karȱtropȱiȱperdentȱleidement Deȱlurȱterresȱeȱdeȱlurȱgent, Eȱsiȱnelȱpoentȱplusȱsuffrir, Ffortȱlurȱestȱsiȱterreȱtenir

38 39

Ipomedon,ȱ65–66,ȱvv.ȱ87–99ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21).ȱ Ipomedon,ȱ146,ȱvv.ȱ1809–16ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21).ȱ

288

ZanȱKocher Senzȱcunseil,ȱsenzȱmeintenement, Nelȱvolentȱmesȱsuffrirȱneent.40 [Theyȱdoȱnotȱwantȱtoȱwaitȱorȱdelayȱanyȱlonger,ȱ Becauseȱtheyȱareȱlosingȱtooȱterriblyȱmuch Ofȱtheirȱlandȱandȱtooȱmanyȱofȱtheirȱpeople,ȱ Andȱindeedȱtheyȱcannotȱtolerateȱitȱanyȱlonger. Itȱisȱhardȱforȱthemȱtoȱholdȱtheirȱlandsȱ Withoutȱhelp,ȱ(and)ȱwithoutȱsupport. Theyȱdoȱnotȱwantȱtoȱtolerateȱitȱanyȱmore.ȱ

TheȱnoblesȱblameȱLaȱFiereȱforȱtheȱdelayȱandȱresultantȱsuffering,ȱbothȱconcepts expressedȱbyȱtheȱverbȱsuffrirȱ(usedȱthreeȱtimesȱinȱthisȱshortȱpassage).ȱIȱnoteȱthatȱthe baronsȱdoȱnotȱholdȱtheȱheroȱresponsibleȱforȱit,ȱdespiteȱhisȱlongȱabsencesȱandȱhis habitȱofȱmisrepresentingȱhimself.ȱEvenȱthoughȱtheȱaboveȱpassageȱisȱangledȱfrom theȱ barons’ȱ selfȬinterestedȱ pointȱ ofȱ view,ȱ theȱ landȱ andȱ peopleȱ matterȱ where questionsȱofȱwarȱandȱpeaceȱareȱconcerned.ȱTheȱmilitaryȱproblemȱinȱCalabriaȱaffects notȱonlyȱtheȱyoungȱduchessȱandȱherȱvassals,ȱbutȱalsoȱ“theirȱpeople.”41ȱHere,ȱasȱin manyȱotherȱtexts,ȱtheȱconceptȱofȱ“lands”ȱincludesȱbothȱaȱkindȱofȱsocialȱfootprint andȱ anȱ ecologicalȱ one,ȱ almostȱ conflatingȱ theȱ placesȱ withȱ theȱ communitiesȱ of unnamedȱcitizensȱwhoȱliveȱthere.ȱ Nextȱ followsȱ anȱ intensifiedȱ phaseȱ ofȱ theȱ conflict:ȱ becauseȱ ofȱ theȱ hero’sȱ long absenceȱandȱcomicallyȱcruelȱdisguises,ȱLaȱFiereȱcannotȱ(yet)ȱhaveȱtheȱloveȬmatch thatȱsheȱwants,ȱbutȱsheȱrefusesȱtoȱacceptȱanȱarrangedȱmarriage;ȱthenȱsheȱmust confrontȱaȱthirdȱprospect,ȱofȱpotentiallyȱhavingȱtoȱsurrenderȱtoȱaȱforcedȱmarriage withoutȱ aȱ peaceȬweavingȱ function.ȱ Aȱ cruelȱ andȱ skilledȱ foreignȱ warriorȱ named LeoninȱattacksȱLaȱFiere’sȱduchy,ȱbutȱnoȱlocalȱknightȱdaresȱtoȱstandȱupȱtoȱhim.ȱKing EgeonȱtellsȱIpomedonȱthatȱtheȱattackerȱ“hasȱnearlyȱconqueredȱallȱofȱCalabria”42 andȱisȱseizingȱlandsȱandȱcastles.43ȱLaȱFiere’sȱenvoyȱIsmeineȱlamentsȱthatȱ“Calabria hasȱbeenȱdestroyedȱbyȱwar.”44ȱLeoninȱthreatensȱtheȱyoungȱduchessȱpersonallyȱas wellȱasȱpolitically:ȱEgeonȱdescribesȱtheȱstandoffȱoutsideȱtheȱcapital,ȱ PresȱdeȱCandresȱestȱjaȱvenuz, Surȱleȱboisȱadȱsesȱtresȱtenduzȱ; IlȱadȱjaȱmandéȱaȱlaȱFiere Keȱameeȱl’adȱdeȱgrantȱmanere Eȱkeȱilȱlaȱvoltȱprendreȱaȱmuiller, Kiȱkeȱs’enȱdeiveȱcurucer,

40 41 42 43 44

Ipomedon,ȱ147,ȱvv.ȱ1822–28ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21). “Lurȱgent”:ȱIpomedon,ȱ147,ȱv.ȱ1824ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21).ȱ “TuteȱCalabreȱadȱpresȱcunquise”:ȱIpomedon,ȱ400,ȱv.ȱ7679ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21).ȱ “Lurȱterres,ȱlurȱchateausȱpurprent”:ȱIpomedon,ȱ400,ȱv.ȱ7684ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21).ȱ “DestruiteȱestȱCalabreȱdeȱguerre”:ȱIpomedon,ȱ413,ȱv.ȱ7992ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21).ȱ

CommunitiesȱandȱCouplesȱinȱOldȱFrenchȱRomanceȱPlots

289

Eȱkeȱelȱleȱdeitȱprendreȱaȱbarun Mutȱtost,ȱqueȱqeȱliȱpeistȱuȱnun.45ȱ [HeȱhasȱalreadyȱarrivedȱnearȱCandre46ȱ (And)ȱhasȱsetȱupȱhisȱtentsȱbyȱtheȱforest;ȱ Heȱhasȱalreadyȱsentȱ(aȱmessage)ȱtoȱLaȱFiere (Claiming)ȱthatȱheȱ“loves”ȱherȱaȱgreatȱdeal Andȱthatȱheȱwantsȱtoȱtakeȱherȱasȱhisȱwife,ȱ Noȱmatterȱwhoȱmayȱobjectȱangrily,ȱandȱ(heȱinsists) Thatȱsheȱmustȱtakeȱhimȱasȱherȱhusband Veryȱsoon,ȱwhetherȱsheȱlikesȱitȱorȱnot.]ȱ

Theȱimmediateȱprospectsȱareȱthreateningȱinȱmultipleȱways.ȱLeoninȱthreatensȱto “take”ȱLaȱFiereȱbyȱforce;ȱclearlyȱsheȱwouldȱnotȱconsentȱtoȱhisȱadvances.ȱTheȱthreat againstȱtheȱyoungȱduchessȱisȱfarȱmoreȱintimidatingȱbecauseȱitȱisȱemblematicȱofȱthe army’sȱparallelȱpotentialȱtoȱharmȱlargeȱnumbersȱofȱherȱsubjects.ȱLater,ȱIpomedon makesȱthatȱlikenessȱexplicitȱwhenȱheȱchallengesȱLeonin,ȱ Vusȱvolezȱparȱforceȱcunquere Eȱaȱnunȱresunȱcesteȱterre, Aȱforceȱvolezȱfemmeȱprendre, Joȱparȱresunȱlaȱvoilȱdefendreȱ.ȱ.ȱ.47 [Youȱareȱtryingȱtoȱconquerȱthisȱland Byȱforce,ȱnotȱbyȱright.ȱ Youȱareȱtryingȱtoȱtakeȱaȱwifeȱbyȱforce; Iȱamȱtryingȱtoȱdefendȱherȱbyȱrightȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.]

Theseȱlinesȱestablishȱaȱparallelȱbetweenȱtheȱlandȱ(“terre”)ȱandȱtheȱvirginȱduchess whoȱinheritsȱit;ȱLeoninȱisȱattemptingȱtoȱtakeȱbothȱ“byȱforce”ȱwhereasȱIpomedon intendsȱtoȱdefendȱbothȱ“byȱright.”ȱInȱadditionȱtoȱtheȱexplicitȱthreatȱthatȱ“Leonin” (hereȱactuallyȱIpomedonȱinȱdisguise)ȱmayȱtakeȱLaȱFiereȱawayȱtoȱIndia,48ȱthereȱis alsoȱanȱimplicitȱthreatȱofȱrapeȱextendingȱtoȱtheȱ“ladiesȱandȱmaidens”ȱcollectively.49 RobertaȱKruegerȱrightlyȱpointsȱoutȱthatȱnearȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱtaleȱwhenȱIpomedon disguisesȱhimselfȱwithȱLeonin’sȱinsignia,ȱclaimingȱtoȱhaveȱbeatenȱIpomedonȱand threateningȱtoȱcarryȱherȱoffȱtoȱIndia:ȱ“Theȱimplicationsȱofȱthisȱ‘joke’ȱareȱseriousȱfor LaȱFièreȱandȱtheȱwomenȱofȱherȱrealm.”50ȱAlsoȱgrievingȱareȱtheȱtownspeopleȱin

45 46

47 48 49 50

Ipomedon,ȱ400–401,ȱvv.ȱ7685–92ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21).ȱ “Candre”ȱisȱCatanzaro,ȱtheȱcapitalȱofȱCalabriaȱ(Holden,ȱIpomedon,ȱ611),ȱlocatedȱnearȱtheȱcoastline ofȱtheȱGulfȱofȱSquillace.ȱ Ipomedon,ȱ483,ȱvv.ȱ9717–20ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21).ȱ Ipomedon,ȱ491,ȱvv.ȱ9934–40ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21).ȱ “Damesȱeȱpuceles”:ȱIpomedon,ȱ492,ȱv.ȱ9954ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21).ȱ RobertaȱL.ȱKrueger,ȱ“Misogyny,ȱManipulation,ȱandȱtheȱFemaleȱReaderȱinȱHueȱdeȱRotelande’s Ipomedon,”ȱCourtlyȱLiterature:ȱCultureȱandȱContext:ȱSelectedȱPapersȱfromȱtheȱ5thȱTriennialȱCongressȱof

290

ZanȱKocher

generalȱ(“burgeis”),ȱincludingȱmen51;ȱtheȱnarratorȱstatesȱthatȱtheyȱareȱafraidȱboth forȱtheirȱladyȱandȱforȱthemselves.52ȱAllȱofȱtheȱcitizensȱimplicitlyȱriskȱenslavement, overȬtaxation,ȱoppression,ȱfamine,ȱviolence,ȱeconomicȱruin,ȱandȱlossȱofȱcontrol overȱtheirȱland.53ȱTheȱmilitaryȱthreatȱcomesȱtoȱbearȱonȱmultipleȱlevelsȱofȱLaȱFiere’s lifeȱandȱtheȱsocietyȱaroundȱher:ȱtheȱattackerȱintendsȱtoȱdepriveȱherȱdynastyȱof controlȱ ofȱ theȱ landȱ andȱ itsȱ flowȱ ofȱ taxȱ revenue;ȱ heȱ alsoȱ threatensȱ theȱ lady personally,ȱandȱtheȱriskȱofȱrapeȱimpliesȱnotȱonlyȱpersonalȱviolationȱandȱdishonor, butȱ alsoȱ theȱ possibilityȱ thatȱ sheȱ mightȱ giveȱ birthȱ toȱ theȱ invader’sȱ heir.ȱ Atȱ this juncture,ȱratherȱthanȱsubmitȱtoȱ“Leonin,”ȱLaȱFiereȱquicklyȱleavesȱtheȱcountryȱby boat,ȱabandoningȱherȱpositionȱofȱleadershipȱandȱleavingȱbehindȱherȱvassalsȱtoȱcope withȱtheȱforeignȱinvasion.54 Justȱ asȱ theȱ problemȱ inȱ Calabriaȱ isȱ aȱ collective,ȱ militaryȱ matterȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ a personalȱ oneȱ forȱ theȱ longȬsufferingȱ nobleȱ lovers,ȱ soȱ tooȱ isȱ itsȱ solution.ȱ When IpomedonȱandȱLaȱFiereȱareȱfinallyȱreunitedȱandȱmarried,ȱthisȱleavesȱthemȱvery pleased.55ȱ Joyȱ isȱ alsoȱ feltȱ byȱ everyoneȱ elseȱ anticipatingȱ theȱ weddingȱ and coronation,ȱpartlyȱbecauseȱthisȱnewȱconfigurationȱofȱtheȱduchess’sȱrelationship withȱIpomedonȱpresagesȱpeaceȱinȱtheirȱcountries:ȱ Laȱjoieȱestȱgranzȱenzȱelȱchastel, Ilȱn’iȱadȱnulsȱneȱseitȱmutȱbel Enȱlaȱterre,ȱenȱlaȱcité, Keȱorȱquidentȱestreȱaȱpesȱtorné. Parȱtutȱenȱvetȱlaȱrenomee, Grantȱjoieȱfuntȱenȱlaȱcuntree, Heitezȱsuntȱtutȱcilȱdeȱl’honur, Mutȱleȱdesirentȱaȱseignur,ȱ Mutȱliȱrendentȱmercizȱeȱgrez, Deȱservageȱlesȱadȱostez.56ȱ [Inȱtheȱcastleȱtheȱjoyȱisȱintense.ȱ Inȱtheȱcountryȱ(and)ȱinȱtheȱcity,ȱthereȱis Nobodyȱwhoȱisȱdispleased, Becauseȱnowȱtheyȱexpectȱtoȱbeȱbroughtȱtoȱpeace.

51 52 53 54 55

56

theȱInternationalȱCourtlyȱLiteratureȱSociety,ȱDalfsen,ȱTheȱNetherlands,ȱ9–16ȱAugustȱ1986,ȱed.ȱKeith Busbyȱ andȱ Erikȱ Kooper.ȱ Utrechtȱ Publicationsȱ inȱ Generalȱ andȱ Comparativeȱ Literature,ȱ 25 (AmsterdamȱandȱPhiladelphia:ȱBenjamins,ȱ1990),ȱ395–409;ȱhereȱ404.ȱ Ipomedon,ȱ492,ȱv.ȱ9953ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21).ȱ “Purȱlurȱdameȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ/ȱEȱpurȱeusȱmeisme”:ȱIpomedon,ȱ492,ȱvv.ȱ9948–49ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21).ȱ Ipomedon,ȱ492–93,ȱvv.ȱ9965–80ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21).ȱ Ipomedon,ȱ492–493,ȱvv.ȱ9961–70ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21).ȱ Itȱextendsȱtoȱtheȱobscene,ȱasȱIȱhaveȱobservedȱelsewhere:ȱ“Desire,ȱParody,ȱandȱSexualȱMoresȱinȱthe EndingȱofȱHueȱdeȱRotelande’sȱIpomedon:ȱAnȱInvitationȱThroughȱtheȱLookingȱGlass,”ȱSexualityȱin theȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱTimes,ȱ429–48ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ37).ȱ Ipomedon,ȱ512,ȱvv.ȱ10445–54ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21).ȱ

CommunitiesȱandȱCouplesȱinȱOldȱFrenchȱRomanceȱPlots

291

Theȱnewsȱofȱitȱtravelsȱeverywhere;ȱ Inȱtheȱcountryȱtheyȱareȱveryȱjoyful;ȱ Everyoneȱinȱtheȱempireȱisȱhappy. Theyȱreallyȱwantȱhimȱtoȱbeȱtheirȱlord; Theyȱthankȱhimȱandȱareȱveryȱgrateful. Heȱhasȱsavedȱthemȱfromȱenslavement.]

Thisȱpassageȱexpressesȱtheȱextentȱofȱtheȱcelebrationȱnotȱsoȱmuchȱbyȱmentioning peopleȱasȱbyȱnamingȱinclusivelyȱtheirȱlocations:ȱ“inȱtheȱcastle,”ȱ“Inȱtheȱcountry [and]ȱ inȱ theȱ city,”ȱ “Everywhere,”ȱ “Inȱ theȱ country,”ȱ “[in]ȱ theȱ empire.”ȱ (“enzȱ el chastel,”ȱ“Enȱlaȱterre,ȱenȱlaȱcité,”ȱ“Parȱtut,”ȱ“enȱlaȱcuntree”ȱandȱ“l’honur”).ȱThe generalȱ happinessȱ ofȱ “everyoneȱ inȱ theȱ empire”ȱ seemsȱ toȱ includeȱ notȱ onlyȱ the CalabriansȱbutȱalsoȱtheȱpeopleȱwhoȱliveȱinȱIpomedon’sȱland,ȱPúglia,ȱnearbyȱin southernȱItaly.ȱTheȱtwoȱlandsȱnowȱcomeȱunderȱtheȱdominionȱofȱaȱsingleȱfamily.ȱIn thisȱcontextȱofȱsocialȱinterdependence,ȱtheȱlovers’ȱfinallyȱestablishingȱaȱstableȱand advantageousȱmarriageȱrelationshipȱisȱsignificantȱonȱmultipleȱlevels:ȱitȱreducesȱthe militaryȱthreatȱandȱincreasesȱtheȱchancesȱofȱeconomicȱstabilityȱ(notȱtoȱmentionȱa steadyȱfoodȱsupply)ȱforȱtheȱlargerȱcommunityȱofȱpeopleȱinȱtheirȱland.ȱBecauseȱthe loveȱ relationshipȱ bringsȱ peace,57ȱ likelyȱ everyoneȱ inȱ theȱ landȱ willȱ benefitȱ from greaterȱ stabilityȱ andȱ prosperityȱ thanȱ inȱ wartime.ȱ Theirȱ nowȱ assuagedȱ fearȱ of enslavementȱ(“servage”)ȱmakesȱsenseȱinȱlightȱofȱtheȱdangerȱofȱinvasionȱbyȱangry, spurnedȱpretendantsȱfromȱotherȱlands,ȱandȱtheȱeconomicȱandȱpersonalȱrisksȱfaced byȱordinaryȱpeopleȱunderȱhostileȱrule. InȱtheȱaestheticsȱofȱOldȱFrenchȱromance,ȱwithȱitsȱcrystallineȱfictionalizationsȱof personalȱ desiresȱ andȱ socioȬeconomicȱ tensions,ȱ theȱ elementȱ ofȱ peaceȱ inȱ plot resolutionsȱ isȱ arguablyȱ asȱ importantȱ asȱ theȱ elementȱ ofȱ love.ȱ Theȱ valuesȱ and possibilitiesȱinȱtension,ȱbetweenȱwarlikeȱelementsȱandȱpacifistȱones,ȱandȱbetween collectiveȱchaosȱandȱcollectiveȱorder,ȱhelpȱtoȱdriveȱtheȱepisodicȱplotlines.ȱInȱthese fictions,ȱpeaceȱisȱrepresentedȱasȱaȱnecessaryȱgood;ȱitȱisȱcollectiveȱandȱaȱsubjectȱof powerfulȱemotion;ȱitȱisȱfragileȱandȱnotȱtakenȱforȱgranted;ȱitȱisȱaȱgoalȱthatȱunitesȱand motivatesȱcharactersȱofȱeachȱsocialȱstatus.ȱThisȱsetȱofȱpatternsȱandȱassumptions seemsȱ toȱ constituteȱ partȱ ofȱ theȱ literaryȱ genreȱ ofȱ romance,ȱ withoutȱ necessarily simplyȱreflectingȱhistoricalȱrealityȱnorȱmerelyȱproposingȱchangesȱtoȱit.ȱForȱtheȱOld Frenchȱromances,ȱoneȱconnectionȱbetweenȱmarriageȱandȱorder,ȱifȱallȱgoesȱwell,ȱis peace,ȱaȱnecessaryȱpreconditionȱforȱeconomicȱstabilityȱandȱaȱsteadyȱfoodȱsupply. Inȱ theseȱ narratives,ȱ loveȱ canȱ motivateȱ war,ȱ orȱ loveȱ canȱ motivateȱ peace,ȱ orȱ the absenceȱofȱloveȱcanȱmotivateȱwar,ȱbutȱtheȱabsenceȱofȱloveȱdoesȱnotȱmotivateȱpeace.ȱ Individualȱ andȱ dynasticȱ concernsȱ aloneȱ doȱ notȱ explainȱ theȱ romances’ representationȱ ofȱ warȱ andȱ peace.ȱ Importantȱ elementsȱ ofȱ romancesȱ neither ultimatelyȱconcernȱaristocratsȱnorȱevenȱindividualsȱafterȱall,ȱbutȱratherȱtheyȱdeal 57

“pes”:ȱIpomedon,ȱ512,ȱv.ȱ10448ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21).ȱ

292

ZanȱKocher

withȱtheȱwellȬbeingȱofȱcommunities,ȱusuallyȱdescribedȱasȱallȱtheȱinhabitantsȱofȱa land,ȱinȱwhichȱtheȱconceptȱofȱ“land”ȱincludesȱbroadlyȱtheȱsocial,ȱagricultural,ȱand economicȱwellȬbeingȱofȱcommonȱpeopleȱandȱtheirȱenvironment.ȱOneȱcannotȱgoȱso farȱasȱtoȱcallȱOldȱFrenchȱromanceȱaȱpopulistȱgenre,ȱbutȱaȱconsiderationȱofȱpeaceȱin theseȱtextsȱshowsȱaȱcertainȱpreoccupationȱwithȱcollectiveȱwellȬbeing.ȱWhileȱrarely placingȱ“common”ȱpeopleȱatȱtheȱcenterȱofȱwholeȱepisodes,ȱromancesȱnonetheless presupposeȱaȱsocialȱandȱeconomicȱcontextȱthatȱgivesȱmeaningȱtoȱplotlinesȱabout theirȱ aristocraticȱ protagonists’ȱ adventures.ȱ Theȱ metonymyȱ movesȱ inȱ both directions:ȱaȱfictionalȱpopulaceȱisȱaȱusefulȱbarometerȱofȱlargerȱforcesȱthatȱmatterȱfor aristocraticȱheroesȱandȱheroines,ȱwhileȱconversely,ȱnobleȱcharacters’ȱactionsȱalso haveȱmeaningȱpartlyȱbecauseȱtheyȱaffectȱeveryoneȱwhoȱinhabitsȱtheirȱland.ȱEven thoughȱ romancesȱ placeȱ aristocratsȱ onȱ centerȱ stage,ȱ andȱ theȱ populaceȱ usually occupiesȱ marginsȱ ofȱ theirȱ imaginedȱ socialȱ world,ȱ theȱ representationȱ ofȱ peace showsȱhowȱnecessaryȱsuchȱmarginsȱare,ȱsinceȱtheyȱformȱandȱpositionȱtheȱcenter andȱgiveȱitȱsignificance.ȱ

Chapterȱ10ȱ KirilȱPetkov (UniversityȱofȱWisconsinȬRiverȱFalls)

KissȱandȱMakeȱUp?ȱRitualȱPeacemakingȱ inȱFrankishȱMoreaȱandȱItsȱNarrativeȱReflections

Anȱepistemologicalȱissueȱhasȱgarneredȱmuchȱattentionȱinȱtheȱprofessionȱasȱofȱlate: isȱritualȱaȱfunctionȱofȱtheȱnarrativeȱstrategiesȱofȱtheȱaccountsȱthroughȱwhichȱwe reconstructȱit?ȱThis,ȱofȱcourse,ȱisȱpartȱofȱtheȱlongstandingȱquest,ȱasȱlaunchedȱbyȱthe greatȱ historianȱ Leopoldȱ vonȱ Ranke’sȱ provocativeȱ dictumȱ (1824),ȱ toȱ determine whetherȱweȱcanȱknowȱmedievalȱhistoryȱ“wieȱesȱeigentlichȱgewesenȱist”ȱ(asȱitȱtruly, essentiallyȱwas).ȱStudyȱofȱform,ȱespeciallyȱinȱconflictȱresolutionȱandȱpeacemaking, hasȱtakenȱthisȱperennialȱhistoricalȱanxietyȱtoȱnewȱheights.ȱTheȱoldȱpositionȱthat modernȱheuristicȱtoolsȱallowȱusȱtoȱ“know”ȱmedievalȱritualȱhasȱbeenȱcounteredȱby aȱ rigorousȱ claimȱ thatȱ allȱ weȱ canȱ knowȱ areȱ theȱ discoursesȱ throughȱ whichȱ we endeavorȱtoȱlearnȱaboutȱitsȱexistence.1ȱAȱcaseȱstudyȱofȱaȱspecificȱconflictȱandȱits ritualȱresolutionȱinȱthirteenthȬcenturyȱFrankishȱGreeceȱshedsȱsomeȱlightȱonȱthe coreȱofȱthisȱcontroversy:ȱtheȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱritualȱandȱnarrative.ȱItȱoffersȱthe advantageȱofȱhalfȱaȱdozenȱaccountsȱofȱaȱritualȱpracticeȱthatȱhaveȱbeenȱthoroughly scrutinizedȱ recentlyȱ fromȱ aȱ varietyȱ ofȱ perspectives,ȱ includingȱ myȱ own.2ȱ The

1

2

Mostȱ notablyȱ byȱ Philippeȱ Buc,ȱ Theȱ Dangersȱ ofȱ Ritual:ȱ Betweenȱ Earlyȱ Medievalȱ Textsȱ andȱ Social ScientificȱTheoryȱ(Princeton,ȱNJ:ȱPrincetonȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2001).ȱ Forȱdifferentȱperspectivesȱonȱtheȱpeacemakingȱritual,ȱseeȱworksȱbyȱBuc,ȱTheȱDangersȱofȱRitualȱ(see noteȱ1);ȱalso:ȱGeoffreyȱKoziol,ȱBeggingȱPardonȱandȱFavor:ȱRitualȱandȱPoliticalȱOrderȱinȱEarlyȱMedieval Franceȱ (Ithaca,ȱ NY:ȱ Cornellȱ Universityȱ Press,ȱ 1992);ȱ Gerdȱ Althoff,ȱ Spielregelnȱ derȱ Politikȱ im Mittelalter:ȱKommunikationȱinȱFriedenȱundȱFehdeȱ(Darmstadt:ȱPrimus,ȱ1997);ȱPatrickȱGeary,ȱ“Vivre enȱconflitȱdansȱuneȱFranceȱsansȱÉtat,”ȱAnnales,ȱÉconomies,ȱSociétés,ȱCivilizationsȱ41ȱ(1986):ȱ1107–33; StephenȱD.ȱWhite,ȱ“FeudingȱandȱPeaceȬMakingȱinȱtheȱTouraineȱaroundȱtheȱYearȱ1100,”ȱTraditio 45ȱ(1986):ȱ195–26,ȱid.,ȱ“Pactumȱȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱȱlegemȱvincitȱetȱamorȱjudicium.ȱTheȱSettlementȱofȱDisputesȱin EleventhȬCenturyȱWesternȱFrance,”ȱTheȱAmericanȱJournalȱofȱLegalȱHistoryȱ22ȱ(1978):ȱ281–308,ȱand

294

KirilȱPetkov

juxtapositionȱ ofȱ twoȱ epistemologicalȱ approachesȱ focusing,ȱ respectively,ȱ onȱ the significanceȱofȱritualȱinȱnarrativeȱstrategiesȱonȱtheȱoneȱhand,ȱandȱonȱtheȱinquiryȱof itsȱmeaningȱandȱfunctionȱasȱaȱreconstructedȱpastȱpracticeȱonȱtheȱother,ȱsuggests thatȱtheȱcontroversyȱmightȱhaveȱgoneȱtooȱfar.ȱOnȱaȱfunctionalȱlevel,ȱritualȱasȱa narrativeȱ deviceȱ appearsȱ toȱ resembleȱ closelyȱ whatȱ ritualȱ wasȱ asȱ aȱ socialȱ and culturalȱinstrumentȱofȱconflictȱresolution.3ȱ

1.ȱTheȱConflictȱasȱHistory Moreaȱ(orȱ“theȱMorea”;ȱadj.ȱ=ȱMoreot)ȱwasȱtheȱmedievalȱnameȱforȱtheȱPeloponnese peninsulaȱinȱsouthernȱGreece,ȱoccupiedȱbyȱtheȱFranksȱsinceȱtheȱFourthȱCrusade conqueredȱConstantinopleȱ(1204).ȱInȱ1255,ȱCarintanaȱdalleȱCarceri,ȱtheȱsecondȱwife ofȱGuillaume,ȱPrinceȱofȱAchaiaȱ(1246–1278),ȱandȱbaronessȱinȱherȱownȱrightȱofȱthe northernȱthirdȱofȱtheȱnearbyȱislandȱofȱEuboea,ȱdiedȱwithoutȱmaleȱissue.ȱTheȱprince, feudalȱoverlordȱofȱtheȱisland,ȱimmediatelyȱclaimedȱtheȱbaronyȱforȱhimselfȱand evenȱ mintedȱ coinsȱ withȱ theȱ legendȱ “Triarchȱ (lordȱ ofȱ oneȬthird)ȱ ofȱ Negroponte (nowȱChalkis)”ȱtoȱlegitimizeȱhisȱclaim.ȱThisȱstepȱsynchronizedȱwithȱhisȱprogram ofȱsubduingȱGreekȱoppositionȱinȱtheȱMoreaȱandȱunitingȱallȱtheȱFrankishȱbaronies byȱ meansȱ ofȱ requestingȱ homageȱ forȱ allȱ fiefsȱ underȱ hisȱ control.ȱ Inȱ viewȱ ofȱ his aggressiveȱ policiesȱ onȱ theȱ mainland,ȱ theȱ baronsȱ ofȱ theȱ otherȱ twoȱ thirdsȱ ofȱ the island,ȱGuilelmoȱdaȱVeronaȱandȱNarzottoȱdalleȱCarceri,ȱdisregardedȱbothȱtheir liegeȱobligationsȱandȱpersonalȱbondsȱwithȱtheȱprince.ȱFollowingȱanȱagreementȱthey hadȱ madeȱ someȱ yearsȱ before,ȱ theyȱ rejectedȱ Guillaume’sȱ claimȱ forȱ Euboea’s

3

KirilȱPetkov,ȱTheȱKissȱofȱPeace:ȱRitual,ȱSelf,ȱandȱSocietyȱinȱtheȱHighȱandȱLateȱMedievalȱWest.ȱCultures, Beliefs,ȱandȱTraditions,ȱ17ȱ(LeidenȱandȱBoston:ȱBrill,ȱ2003).ȱOnȱtheȱkissȱofȱpeace,ȱseeȱalsoȱHanna Vollrath,ȱ“TheȱKissȱofȱPeace,”ȱPeaceȱTreatiesȱandȱInternationalȱLawȱinȱEuropeanȱHistory,ȱed.ȱRandall Lesafferȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2004),ȱ162–83.ȱSeeȱalsoȱKlausȱSchreiner,ȱ“‘Er küsseȱmichȱmitȱdemȱKußȱseinesȱMundes’ȱ(Osculeturȱmeȱosculoȱorisȱsui,ȱCantȱ1,ȱ1).ȱȱMetaphorik, kommunikativeȱ undȱ herrschaftlicheȱ Funktionenȱ einerȱ symbolischenȱ Handlung,”ȱ Höfische Repräzentation:ȱDasȱZeremonielȱundȱdieȱZeichen,ȱed.ȱHeddaȱRagotzkyȱandȱHorstȱWenzelȱ(Tübingen: MaxȱNiemeyerȱVerlag,ȱ1990),ȱ89–132;ȱid.,ȱ“GerechtigkeitȱundȱFriedenȱhabenȱsichȱgeküßtȱ(Psȱ84: 11):ȱFriedensstiftungȱdurchȱsymbolischenȱHandeln,”ȱTrägerȱundȱInstrumentarienȱdesȱFriedensȱim hohenȱ undȱ spätenȱ Mittelalter,ȱ ed.ȱ Johannesȱ Fried.ȱ Vorträgeȱ undȱ Forschungen.ȱ Konstanzer Arbeitskreisȱ fürȱ Mittelalterlicheȱ Geschichte,ȱ 43ȱ (Sigmaringen:ȱ Thorbecke,ȱ 1996),ȱ 37–85;ȱ and YannickȱCarré,ȱȱLeȱbaiserȱsurȱlaȱboucheȱauȱMoyenȱAge:ȱRites,ȱsymboles,ȱmentalités,ȱàȱtraversȱlesȱtextes etȱlesȱimages,ȱXIe–XVeȱȱsièclesȱ(Paris:ȱLeȱLéopardȱd’Or,ȱ1992). [Noteȱbyȱtheȱeditor:ȱCf.ȱnowȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱCodierungenȱvonȱEmotionenȱimȱMittelalter,ȱed.ȱC. StephenȱJaegerȱandȱIngridȱKasten.ȱTrendsȱinȱMedievalȱPhilology,ȱ1ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱWalter deȱGruyter,ȱ2003);ȱAlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ“MaiȱundȱBeaflor:ȱFamilientragödien,ȱdieȱMachtȱderȱGefühle undȱrationalesȱKalkülȱinȱeinemȱ‘sentimentalen’ȱRomanȱdesȱspätenȱ13.ȱJahrhunderts,”ȱFutharkȱ4 (2009):ȱ 85–107;ȱ ȱ Peterȱ Dinzelbacher,ȱ Warumȱ weintȱ derȱ König?ȱ Eineȱ Kritikȱ desȱ mediävistischen Panritualismusȱ(Badenweiler:ȱWissenschaftlicherȱVerlag,ȱ2009).]

KissȱandȱMakeȱUp?ȱ

295

northernȱbaronyȱandȱhisȱsovereignty,ȱtransferredȱtheirȱallegianceȱtoȱVenice,ȱand installedȱNarzotto’sȱnephew,ȱGrapella,ȱinȱtheȱbarony.ȱ Thisȱunfortunateȱact,ȱforȱwhichȱtheȱbaronsȱwereȱsoonȱdulyȱsummonedȱtoȱthe prince’sȱ courtȱ andȱ arrested,ȱ setȱ inȱ motionȱ aȱ trainȱ ofȱ eventsȱ thatȱ pittedȱ two coalitionsȱofȱFranksȱagainstȱeachȱother.ȱTheȱVenetianȱrepresentativeȱwhoȱdealt withȱsuchȱmatters,ȱknownȱasȱaȱbailo,ȱMarcoȱGradenigo,ȱurgedȱbyȱtheȱwivesȱand relativesȱ ofȱ theȱ arrestedȱ feudatories,ȱ weighedȱ theȱ meritsȱ ofȱ theȱ caseȱ andȱ the interestsȱofȱhisȱgovernmentȱandȱdecidedȱthatȱtheȱprinceȱhadȱgoneȱtooȱfar.ȱVenice mobilizedȱ itsȱ fleetȱ andȱ groundȱ forcesȱ and,ȱ asȱ theȱ warȱ stalledȱ andȱ theȱ princes’ offensiveȱprovedȱquiteȱeffective,ȱcastȱaboutȱforȱallies.ȱTheȱVenetiansȱdidȱnotȱneed toȱlookȱfar.ȱPromptedȱbyȱhisȱolderȱbrotherȱGuillaume,ȱlordȱofȱVeligosti,ȱGuyȱdeȱla Roche,ȱ theȱ greatȱ lordȱ ofȱ Athens,ȱ joinedȱ theȱ fray,ȱ apparentlyȱ afterȱ Guillaume requestedȱhisȱhomage.ȱGuyȱhadȱreceivedȱtheȱlordshipȱofȱAthensȱinȱ1225,ȱwhen OthonȱdeȱlaȱRoche,ȱtheȱconquerorȱbaronȱofȱcentralȱGreece,ȱtransferredȱitȱtoȱhim andȱdepartedȱtoȱhisȱbelovedȱFrancheȬComtéȱtoȱspendȱhisȱlastȱdaysȱinȱpeace.ȱGuy wasȱGuillaume’sȱdirectȱvassalȱforȱArgosȱandȱNauplionȱbyȱthisȱinheritance,ȱbutȱhe ruledȱoverȱaȱprincipalityȱthatȱrivaledȱtheȱprince’sȱdomain.ȱHeȱmustȱhaveȱbeen alarmedȱbyȱGuillaume’sȱcentralizingȱpolicies.ȱSoȱmustȱhaveȱbeenȱotherȱgreatȱlords, suchȱasȱThomasȱII,ȱlordȱofȱSalona,ȱUbertinoȱPalavicini,ȱmarquisȱofȱBoudonitza,ȱand Geoffreyȱ deȱ Bruyères,ȱ lordȱ ofȱ Karytaina,ȱ nephewȱ andȱ swornȱ liegemanȱ toȱ the prince,ȱandȱaȱmanȱinȱtheȱmoldȱofȱtheȱheroicȱconquerorsȱofȱold,ȱwhoȱwasȱalsoȱGuy’s sonȬinȬlaw.ȱTheyȱallȱsidedȱwithȱGuyȱdeȱlaȱRocheȱagainstȱGuillaume.ȱ Toȱcounterȱthem,ȱGuillaumeȱmusteredȱhisȱloyalȱvassals,ȱenlistedȱtheȱhelpȱofȱthe Genoese,ȱandȱinȱtheȱsummerȱofȱ1258ȱinflictedȱaȱcrushingȱdefeatȱonȱtheȱcoalitionȱof hisȱ opponentsȱ atȱ theȱ battleȱ ofȱ Mountȱ Karydi.ȱ Theȱ greatȱ lordȱ ofȱ Athensȱ sought refugeȱ inȱ Thebesȱ alongȱ withȱ theȱ baronsȱ whoȱ hadȱ supportedȱ him.ȱ Intentȱ on completingȱtheȱbusinessȱonceȱheȱattainedȱtheȱmomentum,ȱGuillaumeȱinvestedȱthe fortressȱandȱlaidȱwasteȱtoȱtheȱarea.ȱMenȱonȱbothȱsides,ȱhowever,ȱmostȱofȱthem relatives,ȱwereȱnotȱhappyȱtoȱobserveȱtheirȱrichȱdomainsȱdespoiledȱandȱburned. WithȱtheȱassistanceȱofȱtheȱarchbishopȱofȱThebes,ȱnegotiationsȱbeganȱthroughȱwhich Guyȱandȱhisȱbaronsȱagreedȱtoȱseekȱreconciliation.ȱTheyȱtookȱaȱsolemnȱoathȱnever againȱtoȱbearȱarmsȱagainstȱtheȱprinceȱandȱtoȱsubmitȱtoȱsuchȱpunishmentȱasȱheȱsaw fit.ȱGuillaumeȱagreedȱandȱwithdrewȱtoȱhisȱheadquartersȱatȱNikli.ȱ Aȱfewȱdaysȱlater,ȱGuyȱdeȱlaȱRocheȱandȱhisȱfollowersȱrodeȱthereȱtoȱofferȱtheir homage.ȱInȱaȱritualȱsubmission,ȱtheȱgreatȱlordȱpleadedȱfor,ȱandȱreceived,ȱmercy, andȱthenȱdidȱhomageȱtoȱtheȱprince.ȱThisȱgaveȱGuillaumeȱtheȱformalȱsuzeraintyȱthat heȱsought,ȱbutȱapparentlyȱdidȱnotȱeliminateȱtheȱfactȱthatȱGuyȱhadȱborneȱarms againstȱ hisȱ rightfulȱ lord:ȱ anȱ offenseȱ normallyȱ punishedȱ byȱ disinheritance. Guillaume’sȱ council,ȱ however,ȱ wasȱ hesitantȱ toȱ punishȱ suchȱ aȱ greatȱ lordȱ so severely.ȱToȱwashȱtheirȱhandsȱofȱit,ȱtheyȱreferredȱtheȱcaseȱtoȱKingȱLouisȱIX,ȱthe futureȱSt.ȱLouis.ȱGuyȱagreed,ȱandȱinȱtheȱspringȱofȱ1259,ȱtookȱtheȱlongȱjourneyȱto

296

KirilȱPetkov

France.ȱLouis’sȱcourtȱheardȱhisȱcaseȱandȱacquittedȱhim.ȱTheȱkingȱwasȱimpressed withȱGuyȱandȱtreatedȱhimȱwithȱhonor.ȱTheȱgreatȱlordȱseizedȱtheȱoccasionȱand askedȱtoȱbeȱgrantedȱtheȱtitleȱofȱduke.ȱHisȱargumentȱwasȱshaky—heȱclaimedȱAthens hadȱtraditionallyȱbeenȱaȱ“dukedom”—butȱtheȱkingȱgraciouslyȱagreed.4 Whileȱallȱthisȱwasȱhappening,ȱandȱGuyȱwasȱdelayedȱinȱFranceȱbyȱanotherȱsuit, eventsȱbackȱinȱtheȱMoreaȱalsoȱtookȱanȱunfortunateȱturnȱforȱtheȱprinceȱofȱAchaia. ForȱinȱSeptemberȱ1259,ȱduringȱtheȱbattleȱofȱPelagonia,ȱtheȱonlyȱencounterȱinȱa misconceivedȱ andȱ poorlyȱ executedȱ attemptȱ toȱ haltȱ theȱ Byzantineȱ advancesȱ in continentalȱ Greece,ȱ Guillaumeȱ sufferedȱ aȱ disastrousȱ setbackȱ atȱ theȱ handsȱ ofȱ a Nicaeanȱcoalitionȱandȱwasȱtakenȱprisoner.ȱGuyȱdeȱlaȱRocheȱreturnedȱtoȱhisȱdomain toȱfindȱGuillaumeȱinȱaȱByzantineȱprisonȱandȱFrankishȱGreeceȱinȱdisarray.ȱWhatȱthe twoȱ hadȱ plannedȱ forȱ theȱ futureȱ weȱ willȱ neverȱ know.ȱ Theȱ situationȱ thatȱ the FrankishȱlordsȱinȱGreeceȱnowȱfacedȱmadeȱtheirȱconflictȱirrelevant.ȱWhatȱweȱdo knowȱisȱthatȱwhenȱtheȱwivesȱandȱwidowsȱofȱtheȱ knightsȱkilledȱorȱcapturedȱat PelagoniaȱconvenedȱtoȱdecideȱtheȱfutureȱofȱFrankishȱGreeceȱandȱpressedȱtoȱhave theirȱ capturedȱ husbandsȱ returnedȱ toȱ them,ȱ Guyȱ deȱ laȱ Rocheȱ arguedȱ against Guillaume’sȱreleaseȱatȱtheȱexpenseȱofȱsurrenderingȱthreeȱofȱhisȱprincipalȱcastlesȱto MichaelȱVIIIȱPalaeologos.ȱGuyȱalsoȱofferedȱtoȱtakeȱGuillaume’sȱplaceȱinȱprisonȱor mortgageȱhisȱprincipalityȱtoȱraiseȱtheȱprince’sȱransom.ȱWhenȱallȱsuchȱoffersȱfailed, heȱacquiescedȱtoȱtheȱladies’ȱsentimentsȱandȱsurrenderedȱtheȱfortressesȱtoȱfreeȱthe knights.ȱSometimeȱlater,ȱwhenȱGuillaumeȱfinallyȱreturnedȱhome,ȱGuyȱwelcomed himȱ toȱ Euboeaȱ withȱ honor,ȱ escortedȱ himȱ toȱ hisȱ capitalȱ ofȱ Thebes,ȱ andȱ there brokeredȱaȱpeaceȱbetweenȱtheȱprince,ȱtheȱVenetians,ȱandȱtheȱbaronsȱofȱEuboea.5ȱ

4

5

TheȱtitleȱofȱdukeȱelevatedȱGuyȱdeȱlaȱRocheȱontoȱaȱlevelȱwithȱtheȱDukeȱofȱNaxosȱand,ȱtechnically, withȱtheȱprinceȱofȱMorea.ȱHowever,ȱitȱisȱnotȱclearȱwhetherȱGuyȱdidȱindeedȱgainȱtheȱtitleȱofȱduke inȱ1259.ȱItȱwasȱonlyȱhisȱsonȱandȱsecondȱsuccessor,ȱGuillaumeȱdeȱlaȱRoche,ȱwhoȱisȱdocumentedȱin numismaticȱevidenceȱasȱaȱdukeȱca.ȱ1280.ȱIfȱso,ȱtheȱtitleȱmightȱhaveȱbeenȱgivenȱtoȱhimȱbyȱCharles d’Anjou,ȱwho,ȱasȱPrinceȱofȱMorea,ȱwasȱsuzerainȱofȱtheȱlordsȱofȱAthens.ȱSeeȱtheȱconjecturesȱof Longnonȱinȱworksȱcitedȱinȱnoteȱ4,ȱbelow.ȱ ForȱnarrativeȱoverviewsȱofȱtheȱbattleȱofȱPelagoniaȱandȱitsȱconsequences,ȱseeȱSirȱRennellȱRodd,ȱThe PrincesȱofȱAchaiaȱandȱtheȱChroniclesȱofȱMorea:ȱAȱStudyȱofȱGreeceȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱ(London:ȱEdward Arnold,ȱ1907),ȱesp.ȱ192–97,ȱandȱWilliamȱM.ȱMiller,ȱTheȱLatinsȱinȱtheȱLevant:ȱAȱHistoryȱofȱFrankish Greeceȱ(1204–1566)ȱ(London:ȱJohnȱMurray,ȱ1908),ȱ97–108.ȱForȱtheȱruleȱofȱGuillaumeȱVillehardouin (1246–1278)ȱtoȱ1259:ȱJeanȱLongnon,ȱL’EmpireȱlatinȱdeȱConstantinopleȱetȱlaȱprincipautéȱdeȱMoréeȱ(Paris: Payot,ȱ1949),ȱ217–51,ȱ222,ȱandȱid.,ȱ“Problèmesȱd’histoireȱdeȱlaȱprincipautéȱdeȱMorée,”ȱJournalȱdes Savantsȱ(1946):ȱ77–93,ȱ147–61,ȱandȱesp.ȱ90–91ȱforȱtheȱgrantingȱofȱtheȱtitleȱofȱdukeȱtoȱGuillaumeȱII deȱlaȱRoche,ȱpossiblyȱinȱ1280.ȱForȱtheȱduchyȱofȱAthensȱandȱThebes,ȱthoughȱratherȱsketchy:ȱPeter Lock,ȱTheȱFranksȱinȱtheȱAegean,ȱ1204–1500ȱ(LondonȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱLongman,ȱ1995),ȱ86–87.ȱ

KissȱandȱMakeȱUp?ȱ

297

2.ȱTheȱConflictȱasȱChronicle:ȱSources TheȱprincipalȱsourcesȱforȱtheseȱeventsȱareȱtheȱChronicleȱofȱMoreaȱandȱtheȱhistoryȱby Marinoȱ Sanudoȱ Torcello,ȱ Istoriaȱ diȱ Romaniaȱ (composed,ȱ mostȱ likely,ȱ ca.ȱ 1336; HistoryȱofȱtheȱKingdomȱofȱRomania).ȱTheȱChronicle—alsoȱgenerallyȱreferredȱtoȱas theȱMoreotȱchronicle—narratesȱtheȱFrankishȱconquestȱandȱruleȱofȱcentralȱGreece andȱtheȱPeloponnesus,ȱasȱpreservedȱinȱfourȱparallelȱaccounts,ȱeachȱwrittenȱinȱa differentȱlanguage:ȱGreek,ȱOldȱFrench,ȱAragonese,ȱandȱItalian.6ȱNoneȱofȱtheȱabove isȱ theȱ originalȱ chronicleȱ andȱ thereȱ isȱ aȱ greatȱ dealȱ ofȱ disagreementȱ aboutȱ the primaryȱlanguageȱofȱtheȱoriginalȱtextȱandȱwhatȱthisȱprototypeȱmightȱhaveȱlooked like.ȱThis,ȱhowever,ȱneedȱnotȱconcernȱusȱhere.ȱWhatȱmattersȱtoȱthisȱinquiryȱisȱthat theȱversionsȱdifferȱinȱtheirȱrenditionsȱofȱtheȱconflictȱbetweenȱGuillaumeȱandȱGuy deȱlaȱRocheȱandȱtheȱmannerȱofȱitsȱresolution.ȱTheȱItalianȱversionȱisȱaȱcaseȱinȱpoint. Itȱappearsȱtoȱbeȱaȱcondensedȱtranslationȱofȱtheȱprototypeȱandȱisȱhabituallyȱseenȱas aȱ“careless”ȱorȱ“badlyȱexecuted”ȱtranslation.7ȱ Beȱthatȱasȱitȱmay,ȱcloserȱexaminationȱrevealsȱthatȱtheȱItalianȱtextȱfollowedȱitsȱown logicȱ inȱ renderingȱ theȱ conflictȱ andȱ peacemaking.ȱ Theȱ sameȱ appliesȱ toȱ the Aragoneseȱversion.ȱAȱratherȱthoughtfulȱreflection,ȱitȱwasȱcomposedȱinȱ1393ȱby JuanȱFernandezȱdeȱHeredia,ȱMasterȱofȱtheȱKnightsȱHospitallers.ȱHerediaȱpossessed considerableȱexperienceȱinȱtheȱaffairsȱofȱFrankishȱGreeceȱbutȱheȱwroteȱaȱcentury andȱaȱhalfȱafterȱtheȱevents,ȱwith,ȱitȱseems,ȱAragoneseȱcustomȱequallyȱonȱhisȱmind andȱonȱtheȱtipȱofȱhisȱpen.ȱ Theȱversionsȱwithȱstrongestȱclaimsȱforȱprimacy—theȱGreekȱandȱtheȱOldȱFrench texts—whileȱcloserȱtoȱeachȱotherȱthanȱtoȱeitherȱofȱtheȱotherȱtwoȱversions,ȱdiffer sufficientlyȱtoȱallowȱusȱtoȱdetectȱaȱdiscreteȱlogicȱofȱpeacemakingȱinformingȱtheir accounts.ȱAlthoughȱbothȱderiveȱfromȱaȱcommonȱsource,ȱtheȱtextsȱasȱweȱhaveȱthem nowȱareȱindependentȱandȱareȱatȱaȱconsiderableȱdistanceȱfromȱtheȱincident.ȱThe

6

7

TheȱChronicleȱofȱtheȱMorea,ȱTOȱXPONIKONȱTOYȱMORE̛:ȱAȱHistoryȱinȱPoliticalȱVerseȱRelatingȱthe Establishmentȱ ofȱ Feudalismȱ inȱ Greeceȱ byȱ theȱ Franksȱ inȱ theȱ Thirteenthȱ Century,ȱ ed.ȱ Johnȱ Schmitt (London:ȱMethuen,ȱ1904);ȱEnglishȱtranslationȱinȱHaroldȱE.ȱLurier,ȱCrusadersȱasȱConquerors:ȱThe ChronicleȱofȱMorea,ȱtranslatedȱfromȱtheȱGreekȱwithȱnotesȱandȱintroductionȱ(NewȱYorkȱandȱLondon: ColumbiaȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1964)ȱ[Henceforthȱ=ȱ“Lurier”];ȱLivreȱdeȱlaȱConquesteȱdeȱlaȱPrincéeȱde l’Amorée.ȱChroniqueȱdeȱMoréeȱ(1204–1305),ȱed.ȱJeanȱLongnon,ȱSociétéȱdeȱl’histoireȱdeȱFrance,ȱ353 (Paris:ȱRenouard,ȱ1911)ȱ[Henceforthȱ=ȱ“Longnon,ȱLivreȱdeȱlaȱConqueste”];ȱChroniquesȱgrécoȬromanes inéditesȱouȱpeuȱconnuesȱavecȱnotesȱetȱtablesȱgénéalogiques,ȱed.ȱCharlesȱH.ȱF.ȱJ.ȱHopfȱ(ParisȱandȱBerlin: Weidmann,ȱ1873)ȱ[Henceforthȱ=ȱ“Hopf”];ȱLibroȱdeȱlosȱfechosȱetȱconquistasȱdelȱPrincipadoȱdeȱlaȱMorea compiladoȱporȱcomandamientoȱdeȱDonȱFrayȱJohanȱFerrandezȱdeȱHeredia,ȱmaestroȱdelȱHospitalȱdeȱS.ȱJohan deȱJerusalem;ȱChroniqueȱdeȱMoreeȱauxȱXIIIeȱetȱXIVeȱsièclesȱpubliéeȱ&ȱtraduiteȱpourȱlaȱpremièreȱfoisȱpour laȱSociétéȱdeȱl’OrientȱLatin,ȱed.ȱAlfredȱMorelȬFatioȱ(Geneva:ȱJulesȬGuillaumeȱFick,ȱ1885)ȱ[Henceforth =ȱ“MorelȬFatio”].ȱSeeȱalsoȱTeresaȱShawcross,ȱTheȱChronicleȱofȱMorea:ȱHistoriographyȱinȱCrusader Greece,ȱOxfordȱStudiesȱinȱByzantiumȱ(OxfordȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2009). ȱSee,ȱforȱexample,ȱLurier,ȱCrusadersȱasȱConquerors,ȱ35ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).

298

KirilȱPetkov

prototypeȱofȱtheȱFrenchȱversionȱmustȱhaveȱbeenȱcompletedȱbyȱtheȱfirstȱdecadeȱof theȱfourteenthȱcentury.ȱTheȱGreekȱversion,ȱforȱitsȱpart,ȱcanȱbeȱdatedȱtoȱitsȱlast quarterȱandȱbetraysȱaȱdifferentȱspirit.ȱTheȱsecondȱmajorȱnarrative,ȱtheȱIstoriaȱby MarinoȱSanudoȱTorcelloȱ(henceforthȱ=ȱSanudo),ȱisȱconsiderablyȱcloserȱtoȱtheȱevents itȱdescribes.ȱSanudoȱhadȱevenȱinterviewedȱsomeȱofȱtheȱFrankishȱknightsȱcaptured duringȱtheȱVenetianȬMoreotȱconflictȱofȱ1256.ȱ Sanudo,ȱhowever,ȱtreatsȱtheȱincident fromȱaȱVenetianȱpointȱofȱview.ȱWhileȱquiteȱusefulȱforȱreconstructingȱtheȱpolitical eventsȱthatȱsparkedȱtheȱformalȱconflictȱamongȱtheȱFrankishȱbarons,ȱhisȱaccount omitsȱtheirȱinternalȱarrangementsȱandȱmostȱofȱtheȱcircumstancesȱofȱtheȱspecificȱact ofȱpeacemakingȱalmostȱentirely.8ȱFinally,ȱtheȱinstitutionalȱpartȱofȱtheȱcontroversy isȱcoveredȱbyȱcontemporaryȱlegalȱprovisions.9

3.ȱCausalityȱandȱAgencyȱinȱConflict:ȱLaw,ȱPolitics,ȱEmotions,ȱ andȱtheȱDivineȱinȱtheȱChronicles Whenȱverifiedȱagainstȱeachȱother,ȱtheȱaccountsȱofȱourȱsourcesȱallowȱforȱaȱfairly logicalȱreconstructionȱofȱtheȱconflictȱinȱwhichȱtheȱgreatȱfeudatoriesȱofȱFrankish Greeceȱbecameȱembroiledȱinȱ1258–1259ȱandȱtheȱmannerȱinȱwhichȱtheyȱresolvedȱit. AsȱisȱusuallyȱtheȱcaseȱwithȱlargeȬscaleȱconflicts,ȱtheȱconfrontationȱbetweenȱthe Frankishȱlordsȱwasȱaȱcomplexȱphenomenonȱwithȱseveralȱdimensions.ȱTheȱsources areȱnotȱequallyȱsensitiveȱtoȱallȱofȱthem.ȱEachȱofȱtheȱaccountsȱisȱfinelyȱattunedȱtoȱa specificȱculturalȱsphere,ȱdeploysȱaȱspecificȱtypeȱofȱhistoricalȱcausation,ȱandȱaccords thatȱtypeȱofȱcausationȱprimacyȱamongȱallȱotherȱcausalȱexplanationsȱofȱtheȱevents. Scholarsȱhaveȱnotedȱsomeȱofȱtheseȱdifferencesȱinȱtheirȱattemptsȱtoȱreconstructȱthe genealogyȱofȱtheȱMoreotȱchronicleȱandȱitsȱprototype;ȱforȱexample,ȱtheȱwidelyȬ traveledȱ Venetianȱ merchantȱ Sanudo’sȱ emphasisȱ onȱ theȱ affairsȱ ofȱ Veniceȱ is transparent.ȱAnotherȱexampleȱisȱdifferingȱinterpretationsȱweȱfindȱofȱtheȱmeeting atȱNikli.ȱWeȱshallȱdiscussȱtheseȱandȱotherȱaspectsȱinȱdetailȱlater,ȱbutȱinȱgeneral,

8

9

PublishedȱinȱHopf,ȱChroniquesȱgrécoȬromanes,ȱ99–170ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5),ȱandȱrecentlyȱinȱaȱcriticalȱnew editionȱwithȱcommentary:ȱMarinȱSanudoȱTorsello,ȱIstoriaȱdiȱRomania,ȱed.ȱEutychiaȱPapadopoulou. NationalȱHellenicȱResearchȱFoundation,ȱSources,ȱ4ȱ(Athens:ȱInstituteȱforȱByzantineȱResearch,ȱ2000) withȱcorrectionsȱtoȱHopf’sȱeditionȱfromȱtheȱuniqueȱmanuscriptȱinȱBibliotecaȱMarciana,ȱVenice. TheȱlegalȱcodeȱofȱMoreaȱwasȱcontainedȱinȱtheȱAssizesȱofȱRomania,ȱpublishedȱbyȱGeorgesȱRecoura, LesȱAssisesȱdeȱRomanie.ȱÉditionȱcritiqueȱavecȱuneȱintroductionȱetȱdesȱnotesȱ(Paris:ȱChampion,ȱ1930); EnglishȱtranslationȱinȱPeterȱTopping,ȱFeudalȱInstitutionsȱasȱRevealedȱinȱtheȱAssizesȱofȱRomania,ȱtheȱLaw CodeȱofȱFrankishȱGreeceȱ(Philadelphia:ȱUniversityȱofȱPennsylvaniaȱPress,ȱ1949).ȱContemporaryȱand muchȱmoreȱdetailedȱdiscussionȱofȱfeudalȱlawȱisȱprovidedȱinȱtheȱAssizesȱofȱJerusalem:ȱseeȱJohnȱof Ibelin,ȱLeȱLivreȱdesȱAssises,ȱed.ȱPeterȱW.ȱEdbury.ȱTheȱMedievalȱMediterranean,ȱ50ȱ(Leidenȱand Boston:ȱBrill,ȱ2003)ȱ[Henceforthȱ=ȱ“Edbury”].ȱ

KissȱandȱMakeȱUp?ȱ

299

eachȱ version’sȱ particularȱ socioȬpoliticalȱ preoccupationȱ informsȱ itsȱ narrative strategy.ȱ Theȱmostȱconspicuousȱinterpretativeȱdimensionȱofȱtheȱconflictȱderivesȱfromȱthe fieldȱofȱfeudalȱlawȱandȱcustom.ȱForȱtheȱtwoȱprimaryȱversionsȱofȱtheȱChronicleȱof Moreaȱ(theȱGreekȱandȱtheȱOldȱFrench),ȱtheȱconflictȱbetweenȱGuillaumeȱandȱGuy isȱaboveȱallȱaȱlegalȱissue.ȱTheȱlegalȱframeworkȱsubsumesȱevenȱthatȱofȱpolitics.ȱAs HaroldȱLurierȱpointsȱout,ȱtheȱauthorȱofȱtheȱprototypeȱofȱtheȱChronicleȱofȱMoreaȱ(a Frankishȱclerk,ȱaccordingȱtoȱLurier’sȱreconstruction)ȱmanifestsȱanȱintenseȱinterest inȱfeudalȱcustomȱandȱcourtȱprocedure.10ȱTheȱFrenchȱversionȱdoesȱindeedȱbetrayȱa markedlyȱlegalisticȱmind,ȱacutelyȱconsciousȱofȱtheȱpresenceȱofȱtheȱlegalȱcomponent ofȱtheȱconflictȱandȱitsȱresolutionȱandȱdeeplyȱfamiliarȱwithȱtheȱsignificanceȱofȱlegal formalism.ȱToȱtheȱFrenchȱauthor,ȱtheȱconflictȱaroseȱfromȱaȱlegalȱissueȱgoneȱawry andȱ wasȱ resolvedȱ withinȱ theȱ sameȱ framework.ȱ Theȱ accountȱ makesȱ feudalȱ law almostȱ anȱ agentȱ ofȱ itself,ȱ anȱ envelopingȱ edificeȱ thatȱ promptedȱ andȱ structured men’sȱactionsȱinȱaȱmannerȱthatȱleftȱlittleȱroomȱforȱpoliticalȱinitiativeȱorȱanyȱother. Withinȱthisȱframework,ȱmenȱfunctionedȱasȱautomatonsȱreactingȱratherȱthanȱacting, likeȱobjectsȱsetȱinȱmotionȱandȱnavigatedȱbyȱlegalȱguidelines.ȱ Theȱauthorȱintroducesȱtheȱincidentȱasȱheȱdoesȱallȱofȱhisȱmaterial,ȱbeginningȱeach withȱ“Andȱnowȱweȱwillȱstopȱtalkingȱaboutȱ[ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ]ȱandȱwillȱtellȱyouȱhowȱbeganȱthe warȱbetweenȱPrinceȱGuillaumeȱandȱLordȱGuyȱdeȱlaȱRoche,ȱwhoȱlaterȱbecameȱduke ofȱAthens.”11ȱTheȱFrenchȱauthorȱdrawsȱnoȱconnectionȱtoȱtheȱprince’sȱquarrelȱwith theȱ baronsȱ ofȱ Euboeaȱ andȱ Venice.ȱ Thereȱ isȱ alsoȱ noȱ indicationȱ thatȱ theȱ legal formalismȱofȱtheȱfeudalȱarrangementȱhadȱaȱsocialȱandȱpoliticalȱcore.ȱInȱbeginning hisȱaccountȱbyȱestablishingȱitsȱlegalȱbackground,ȱtheȱauthorȱnotesȱthatȱBonifaceȱde Monferrat,ȱtheȱLatinȱkingȱofȱThessalonikiȱ(1205–1207),ȱbestowedȱtheȱhomageȱofȱthe lordsȱofȱAthens,ȱofȱtheȱmarquisȱofȱBoudonitza,ȱandȱofȱtheȱbaronsȱofȱEuboeaȱtoȱthe “Champenois,”ȱ thatȱ is,ȱ theȱ conqueringȱ lordsȱ Guillaumeȱ deȱ Champlitteȱ and GeoffreyȱIȱdeȱVillehardouin.ȱTheȱaccountȱconfusesȱtwoȱgenerationsȱofȱFrankish lordsȱ andȱ aȱ goodȱ manyȱ feudalȱ arrangementsȱ notȱ pertinentȱ toȱ thisȱ study.ȱ The authorȱ thenȱ proceedsȱ toȱ introduceȱ Guillaume’sȱ requestȱ toȱ Guyȱ deȱ laȱ Rocheȱ to performȱ theȱ homageȱ dueȱ toȱ himȱ onȱ theȱ groundsȱ ofȱ Boniface’sȱ grant.ȱ Guy’s response,ȱhowever,ȱisȱaȱlegalȱchallenge.ȱHeȱstatedȱthatȱheȱheldȱhisȱdomainȱbyȱright ofȱconquest,ȱjustȱasȱGuillaumeȱdid.12ȱ

10

11

12

Lurier,ȱCrusadersȱasȱConquerors,ȱ55ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5),ȱconcludesȱthatȱtheȱauthorȱmightȱhaveȱbeenȱaȱclerk orȱnotaryȱinȱtheȱcourtȱofȱtheȱPrinceȱofȱAchaia.ȱ Asȱinȱallȱversions,ȱtheȱtextȱhasȱGuyȱasȱ“GuillaumeȱdeȱlaȱRoche,”ȱLongnon,ȱLivreȱdeȱlaȱConqueste, 80,ȱparagraphȱ220ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5). “ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱȱetȱqueȱilȱluiȱestoitȱdeȱriensȱentenusȱsenonȱd’amourȱetȱdeȱbonneȱcompaignie”ȱ(andȱheȱowed himȱnothingȱbutȱfellowshipȱandȱcompanionship),ȱLongnon,ȱLivreȱdeȱlaȱConqueste,ȱ81ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5). Ofȱcourse,ȱ“amour”ȱisȱaȱhighlyȱtechnicalȱterm,ȱimplyingȱthatȱGuyȱconsideredȱhimselfȱliableȱto maintainȱfriendlyȱrelationsȱwithȱGuillaume,ȱbutȱitȱwasȱaȱliabilityȱfreelyȱtakenȱbyȱhimȱandȱnotȱtied

300

KirilȱPetkov

Heȱ hadȱ receivedȱ Argosȱ andȱ Nauplionȱ fromȱ him,ȱ butȱ heȱ hadȱ helpedȱ inȱ the conquestȱofȱCorinthȱandȱMonemvasia,ȱimplying,ȱagain,ȱthatȱevenȱtheseȱfiefsȱhe heldȱbyȱrightȱofȱconquest.13ȱConvenedȱtoȱofferȱcounsel,ȱGuillaume’sȱbaronsȱdenied theȱlegalityȱofȱtheȱclaim.ȱTheyȱdeclaredȱthatȱGuy’sȱanswerȱwasȱdisdainful,ȱthatȱhe wasȱthereforeȱaȱrebelȱandȱtheȱprinceȱcouldȱwageȱwarȱonȱ himȱ asȱonȱhisȱmortal enemy.14ȱ Guillaumeȱ promptlyȱ didȱ justȱ that.ȱ Theȱ lordȱ ofȱ Athens,ȱ forȱ hisȱ part, mobilizedȱhisȱfollowersȱtoȱdefendȱhisȱlandsȱandȱhonor.ȱAccordingȱtoȱtheȱauthor, GodȱdecidedȱtheȱvictoryȱbelongedȱtoȱGuillaume.ȱAsȱtheȱprinceȱfollowedȱupȱwith destructiveȱ raidsȱ onȱ Guy’sȱ domainȱ someȱ ofȱ theȱ baronsȱ convincedȱ theȱ lordȱ of Athensȱ toȱ submitȱ andȱ offerȱ amends.ȱ Atȱ theȱ meetingȱ ofȱ theȱ lords,ȱ Guillaume pardonsȱhim,ȱbutȱcommandedȱGuyȱtoȱgoȱtoȱtheȱkingȱofȱFranceȱtoȱbeȱjudgedȱforȱhis legalȱtrespassȱasȱaȱliegemanȱwhoȱhadȱfailedȱhisȱlord,ȱhadȱborneȱarmsȱagainstȱhim, andȱ hadȱ foughtȱ againstȱ him.ȱ Geoffreyȱ ofȱ Karytainaȱ tooȱ wasȱ pardoned,ȱ butȱ on harsherȱ terms.ȱ Hisȱ fiefȱ wasȱ confiscatedȱ andȱ thenȱ returnedȱ toȱ himȱ onȱ theȱ new conditionȱofȱinheritanceȱonlyȱthroughȱheirsȱofȱhisȱbody.ȱ TheȱauthorȱisȱsimilarlyȱconsciousȱofȱlegalȱtechnicalitiesȱinȱhisȱrenderingȱofȱGuy’s appearanceȱ beforeȱ Louisȱ IX.ȱ Theȱ king,ȱ heȱ says,ȱ immediatelyȱ realizedȱ thatȱ the princeȱofȱAchaiaȱwasȱaccordingȱhimȱgreatȱhonorȱbyȱsendingȱhisȱliegemanȱtoȱhim forȱtrial.ȱTheȱimplicationȱisȱthatȱLouisȱhadȱnoȱformalȱrightȱtoȱpassȱsentenceȱonȱGuy. Theȱauthorȱisȱcarefulȱtoȱnoteȱthatȱitȱwasȱtheȱking’sȱreputationȱratherȱthanȱlegal customȱthatȱhadȱguidedȱGuillaume’sȱactions.ȱHeȱthenȱproceedsȱtoȱgiveȱaȱdetailed accountȱofȱtheȱcourt’sȱdeliberationsȱandȱGuy’sȱacquittalȱonȱaȱtechnicality.ȱSince Guyȱhadȱnotȱdoneȱhomageȱtoȱtheȱprinceȱnorȱperformedȱanyȱservicesȱpriorȱtoȱhis bearingȱarmsȱagainstȱhim,ȱnorȱhadȱhisȱancestors,ȱheȱcouldȱnotȱbeȱconsideredȱhis liegeman.ȱHowever,ȱsinceȱhisȱhomageȱwasȱtransferredȱbyȱBonifaceȱofȱMonferrat, whomȱheȱknewȱheȱhadȱtoȱobey,ȱheȱwasȱliableȱtoȱdoȱhomageȱandȱnotȱbearȱarms againstȱtheȱprince,ȱandȱthisȱwasȱanȱoffenseȱthatȱputȱhimȱatȱtheȱprince’sȱmercyȱand pardon.ȱYet,ȱsinceȱheȱhadȱundergoneȱtheȱhardshipȱofȱaȱlongȱjourneyȱfromȱGreece toȱParisȱtoȱsubjectȱhimselfȱtoȱLouis’sȱjudgmentȱandȱtherebyȱincreasedȱtheȱking’s honor,ȱheȱhadȱalreadyȱsufferedȱenoughȱofȱaȱpunishmentȱforȱhisȱtrespass,ȱinȱLouis’s estimation.ȱ

13

14

toȱanyȱdutyȱonȱhisȱpartȱasȱhomageȱwouldȱhaveȱdemanded.ȱ ArgosȱandȱNauplionȱwereȱgrantedȱbyȱGeoffreyȱIȱtoȱOthonȱdeȱlaȱRoche,ȱwhoȱhadȱassistedȱhimȱin capturingȱbothȱinȱ1210–1212.ȱGuyȱwasȱinȱGreeceȱbyȱ1208ȱand,ȱalthoughȱveryȱyoung,ȱmightȱhave accompaniedȱhisȱuncleȱinȱtheseȱcampaignsȱbutȱheȱheldȱthemȱasȱheȱheldȱeverythingȱelseȱexceptȱhis half–shareȱofȱThebes,ȱasȱinheritanceȱfromȱOthon.ȱThisȱexplainsȱwhyȱheȱhadȱnotȱdoneȱhomageȱto GuillaumeȱofȱAchaiaȱforȱtheseȱtwoȱfiefs.ȱAsȱforȱtheȱbaroniesȱofȱEuboea,ȱtheȱsuzeraintyȱoverȱthem wasȱgrantedȱtoȱGeoffreyȱVillehardouinȱinȱ1232ȱbyȱEmperorȱBaldwinȱII.ȱ TheȱlegalȱprovisionsȱareȱinȱEdbury,ȱJohnȱofȱIbelin,ȱ433,ȱparagraphȱ174,ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8)ȱandȱTopping, FeudalȱInstitutions,ȱ25–26,ȱparagraphȱ6ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8).

KissȱandȱMakeȱUp?ȱ

301

Theȱ accountȱ endsȱ withȱ oneȱ lastȱ legalȱ touch,ȱ notingȱ thatȱ allȱ thisȱ wasȱ duly explainedȱinȱlettersȱtoȱGuillaume,ȱcertifiedȱbyȱtheȱking’sȱandȱhisȱbarons’ȱseals.ȱ TheȱGreekȱversion’sȱnarrativeȱunfoldsȱinȱaȱsimilarȱveinȱandȱopensȱbyȱobserving that,ȱwithȱMonemvasiaȱinȱhisȱhands,ȱGuillaumeȱ“hadȱnoȱreasonȱtoȱfightȱwithȱany manȱinȱtheȱworld.”ȱHavingȱtheȱrightȱofȱhomage,ȱasȱtheȱGreekȬspeakingȱchronicler explainsȱ inȱ theȱ sameȱ wayȱ asȱ inȱ theȱ Frenchȱ text,ȱ Guillaumeȱ nowȱ exercisedȱ it, requestingȱitȱfromȱallȱtheȱchiefȱfeudatories.ȱBecauseȱtheyȱdemurred,ȱGuillaume’s councilȱdeclaredȱthemȱrebelsȱandȱtraitors,ȱandȱtheȱprinceȱthenȱgatheredȱhisȱloyal vassalsȱandȱmarchedȱagainstȱthem.ȱHeȱwasȱclearlyȱinȱtheȱright,ȱtheȱGreekȱversion avers,ȱsinceȱGod,ȱtheȱhighestȱjudge,ȱ“castȱforȱtheȱprinceȱandȱheȱwonȱtheȱbattle”ȱof MountȱKarydi.ȱLegalisticȱlanguageȱpervadesȱtheȱremainderȱofȱtheȱaccount.ȱWhen GuillaumeȱblockadedȱtheȱsurvivorsȱinȱThebesȱandȱbeganȱraidingȱandȱdespoiling theirȱfiefs,ȱGuyȱhadȱtoȱswearȱanȱoathȱtoȱdoȱhomageȱandȱmakeȱrestitution,ȱasȱjustice required,ȱforȱwhateverȱfelonyȱheȱhadȱcommittedȱagainstȱtheȱprince.ȱAsȱthisȱversion recountsȱ it,ȱ afterȱ Guy’sȱ ritualȱ humiliation,ȱ Guillaume,ȱ nowȱ theȱ acknowledged suzerain,ȱorderedȱGuyȱtoȱredressȱhisȱfelonyȱbyȱsubmittingȱtoȱtheȱkingȱofȱFrance’s judgment.ȱSimilarly,ȱGeoffreyȱofȱKarytaina,ȱwhoseȱritualȱsubmissionȱwasȱeven moreȱconspicuous,ȱreceivedȱpardonȱforȱdesertingȱhisȱrightfulȱlord,ȱbutȱasȱhisȱcrime wasȱsoȱgreat,ȱheȱlostȱhisȱfiefȱandȱthenȱwasȱreȬinvestedȱonȱrestrictiveȱconditions.ȱThe authorȱthenȱnarratesȱhowȱGuyȱdulyȱfulfilledȱGuillaume’sȱorderȱandȱhowȱLouis’s courtȱacquittedȱhimȱofȱtheȱaccusationȱofȱfelonyȱsinceȱheȱhadȱnotȱdoneȱhomageȱto Guillaumeȱ beforeȱ takingȱ armsȱ againstȱ him.ȱ Asȱ inȱ theȱ Frenchȱ version,ȱ theȱ last technicality,ȱ theȱ factȱ thatȱ Guy’sȱ homageȱ hadȱ beenȱ transferredȱ toȱ theȱ princeȱ of Achaia,ȱthusȱmakingȱhimȱstillȱguiltyȱofȱtrespass,ȱwasȱremediedȱbyȱGuy’sȱarduous journeyȱtoȱParis.15 TheȱanonymousȱItalianȱrenditionȱlaysȱtheȱgroundworkȱbyȱsuccinctlyȱrecounting theȱstoryȱofȱtheȱtransferȱofȱhomageȱamongȱtheȱgreatȱlordȱofȱAthens,ȱtheȱbaronsȱof Euboea,ȱandȱtheȱmarquisȱofȱBoudonitsa,ȱtogetherȱwithȱGuillaume’sȱrequestȱandȱthe barons’ȱ disdainȱ ofȱ it.ȱ Nevertheless,ȱ thisȱ versionȱ omitsȱ theȱ indicationȱ thatȱ God grantedȱ theȱ victoryȱ toȱ theȱ manȱ whoȱ hadȱ theȱ betterȱ legalȱ claim.ȱ Thisȱ account appearsȱtoȱhaveȱaȱdifferentȱemphasis,ȱsinceȱitȱmentionsȱtheȱinterventionȱofȱthe metropolitanȱofȱThebes,ȱtheȱpardon,ȱandȱtheȱformalȱreconciliation.ȱLegalityȱenters theȱ narrativeȱ withȱ Guyȱ havingȱ toȱ makeȱ redressȱ forȱ hisȱ trespassȱ byȱ presenting himselfȱtoȱtheȱjudgmentȱofȱtheȱkingȱofȱFrance:ȱhowȱthatȱdecisionȱwasȱreached, however,ȱtheȱItalianȱauthorȱdoesȱnotȱconsiderȱimportantȱenoughȱtoȱreport.ȱThe formalitiesȱofȱtheȱsubmissionȱofȱGeoffreyȱofȱKarytainaȱandȱhisȱpardonȱreceiveȱa shortȱ description,ȱ followedȱ byȱ thatȱ ofȱ Guillaume’sȱ decisionȱ toȱ pardonȱ his contumaciousȱ vassalȱ onȱ theȱ conditionȱ ofȱ restrictingȱ hisȱ rightȱ toȱ hisȱ fief.ȱ Guy’s

15

Lurier,ȱCrusadersȱasȱConquerors,ȱ166–74ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).

302

KirilȱPetkov

journeyȱtoȱParisȱmeritsȱasȱmuchȱattentionȱasȱtheȱcourt’sȱdecisionȱtoȱacquit.ȱThis accountȱ isȱ shortenedȱ andȱ somewhatȱ confusingȱ afterȱ that,ȱ butȱ theȱ main argument—thatȱtheȱlackȱofȱhomageȱjustifiedȱGuy’sȱactionsȱandȱheȱdidȱnotȱtherefore deserveȱtoȱbeȱdisinherited—isȱdulyȱstated.16 TheȱauthorȱofȱtheȱAragoneseȱversion,ȱHeredia,ȱisȱsimilarlyȱwellȱawareȱofȱdue legalȱprocessȱandȱitsȱimportanceȱinȱtheȱconflict.ȱHeȱmentionsȱthatȱGuillaume’s requestȱ forȱ homageȱ wasȱ accordingȱ toȱ customȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ Guy’sȱ legalȱ reasonȱ to decline:ȱtheȱfactȱthatȱhisȱfatherȱhadȱnotȱdoneȱthisȱhomage.ȱHerediaȱisȱalsoȱtheȱonly chroniclerȱtoȱreportȱthat,ȱuponȱGuy’sȱanswer,ȱGuillaume’sȱcourtȱissuedȱaȱcitation accordingȱtoȱtheȱestablishmentsȱofȱtheȱEmpire,—theȱAssizesȱofȱRomania—thatȱGuy disregarded.ȱFurthermore,ȱHerediaȱisȱtheȱonlyȱsourceȱthatȱputsȱdirectȱspeechȱinȱthe mouthȱofȱGuillaumeȱdeȱVillehardouinȱatȱtheȱpeaceȬmakingȱmeeting,ȱinȱhisȱaddress toȱGuyȱdeȱlaȱRocheȱandȱGeoffreyȱofȱKarytaina,ȱandȱtheȱonlyȱtimeȱweȱareȱopenly informedȱthat,ȱthroughȱthisȱoffense,ȱGuyȱandȱGeoffreyȱhadȱforfeitedȱnotȱonlyȱthe fullȱcontrolȱofȱtheirȱfiefsȱandȱtheȱrightȱtoȱbequeath,ȱbutȱalsoȱtheirȱlivesȱasȱwell.ȱ YetȱHerediaȱdoesȱnotȱreduceȱtheȱconflictȱtoȱaȱlegalȱconfrontationȱnorȱisȱlawȱto himȱaȱsubjectȱwithȱagency.ȱLegalȱinjunctionsȱstructureȱtheȱinteractionȱbetweenȱthe feudatoriesȱandȱprovideȱthemȱwithȱformalȱreasonsȱtoȱjustifyȱactions.ȱHisȱemphasis onȱtheȱneedȱforȱsuchȱjustification,ȱhowever,ȱcastsȱaȱshadowȱofȱdoubtȱonȱtheȱroleȱof feudalȱ lawȱ asȱ “primaryȱ mover.”ȱ Legalȱ customȱ operatesȱ asȱ aȱ parallelȱ force, sometimesȱfacilitating,ȱsometimesȱobstructing,ȱpoliticalȱandȱpersonalȱrelations.17 Afterȱlegalȱcausality,ȱtheȱsecondȱcausationȱchainȱarisesȱfromȱtheȱdistributionȱof politicalȱpowerȱandȱtheȱmajorȱfigures’ȱpositionsȱwithinȱtheȱdelicateȱwebȱofȱthe Frankishȱconquerors’ȱpoliticalȱsociety.ȱHereȱtoo,ȱtheȱsourcesȱdifferȱinȱtheȱextentȱto whichȱtheyȱemphasizeȱorȱengageȱdiscussionȱofȱpower,ȱpoliticalȱaction,ȱmotivation, andȱagencyȱasȱcomponentsȱofȱtheȱconflictȱandȱitsȱresolution.ȱ ForȱSanudo,ȱtheȱconfrontationȱwasȱprovokedȱbyȱtheȱEuboea’sȱItalianȱbarons, basedȱ onȱ aȱ mutualȱ agreement,ȱ andȱ triggeredȱ theȱ disputeȱ withȱ Guillaume. Thereafter,ȱ officialȱ Venetianȱ involvementȱ dominatesȱ theȱ account.ȱ Withȱ the Venetiansȱnowȱportrayedȱasȱtheȱmainȱactors,ȱtheȱdeȱlaȱRocheȱbrothersȱappearȱas merelyȱtheirȱallies.ȱSanudoȱattributesȱtheȱfirstȱstepȱtoȱtheȱelderȱsibling,ȱGuillaume, whoȱhadȱbeenȱgrantedȱaȱguaranteeȱagainstȱlossȱofȱhisȱfiefs.ȱGuyȱisȱonlyȱmentioned incidentallyȱ alongsideȱ hisȱ brotherȱ withȱ noȱ explanationȱ forȱ hisȱ involvement provided.ȱHavingȱdetailedȱtheȱmilitaryȱconfrontationȱonȱtheȱisland,ȱSanudoȱthen movesȱ toȱ coverȱ brieflyȱ eventsȱ unfoldingȱ elsewhere,ȱ thatȱ is,ȱ theȱ clashȱ between GuillaumeȱofȱAchaiaȱandȱGuyȱonȱtheȱmainlandȱandȱtheȱbattleȱatȱMountȱKarydi. Afterȱhisȱvictory,ȱGuillaumeȱcalledȱhisȱcouncil,ȱinvokedȱtheȱgreatȱexpenseȱincurred inȱtheȱwarȱwhichȱGuyȱhadȱstarted,ȱtheȱlatter’sȱbreachȱofȱfealty,ȱandȱrequestedȱthat

16 17

Hopf,ȱChroniquesȱgréco–romanes,ȱ438–40ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).ȱ MorelȬFatio,ȱLibroȱdeȱlosȱfechos,ȱfol.ȱ49–52ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).

KissȱandȱMakeȱUp?ȱ

303

onȱtheseȱgroundsȱGuyȱshouldȱloseȱhisȱprincipalityȱandȱbeȱdisinherited.ȱTheȱbarons respondedȱtheyȱcouldȱnotȱpassȱaȱsentenceȱsinceȱtheyȱwereȱnotȱGuy’sȱpeersȱand thereforeȱcouldȱnotȱtryȱhim;ȱheȱwasȱtoȱgoȱtoȱFranceȱandȱsubjectȱhimselfȱtoȱthe judgmentȱofȱtheȱkingȱofȱFranceȱandȱhisȱcourt.18ȱThisȱisȱSanudo’sȱonly,ȱthoughȱquite important,ȱreferenceȱtoȱtheȱkeyȱroleȱofȱFrankishȱlawȱinȱtheȱconflict.ȱBecauseȱofȱhis preoccupationȱ withȱ Venetianȱ affairs,ȱ Sanudoȱ doesȱ notȱ evenȱ hintȱ atȱ theȱ power struggleȱbetweenȱGuillaumeȱandȱGuyȱasȱtheȱpossibleȱmotiveȱbehindȱtheȱconflict. Instead,ȱtheȱclashȱbetweenȱGuillaumeȱandȱGuyȱisȱalmostȱanȱafterthoughtȱtoȱhim, aȱsideȱeffectȱofȱtheȱlargerȱpowerȱstruggleȱofȱVeniceȱtoȱcontrolȱherȱdomainȱoverseas andȱ assertȱ herȱ roleȱ asȱ overlord.ȱ Sanudoȱ doesȱ notȱ inscribeȱ theȱ politicalȱ agency controllingȱGuillaumeȱandȱGuy’sȱrivalryȱwithinȱtheȱlatterȱconfrontation.ȱ Similarly,ȱforȱJuanȱdeȱHeredia,ȱtheȱAragoneseȱchronicler,ȱtheȱincidentȱwasȱclearly aȱpoliticalȱissue.ȱHowever,ȱinȱhisȱnarrative,ȱtheȱagencyȬproducingȱenvironmentȱlies squarelyȱwithinȱtheȱFrankishȱlords’ȱpowerȱcontest.ȱHerediaȱsetsȱtheȱbackground byȱbeginningȱhisȱaccountȱwithȱGuillaumeȱdeȱVillehardouin’sȱcampaignȱagainstȱthe GreekȬheldȱ portionsȱ ofȱ theȱ peninsulaȱ immediatelyȱ afterȱ heȱ tookȱ overȱ the principalityȱofȱAchaia.ȱTheȱprinceȱdidȱnotȱwantȱtoȱrestȱ“masȱquisoȱrecobrarȱtoda laȱtierraȱdeȱlaȱMoreaȱ&ȱferlaȱvnaȱsenyoria”ȱ(butȱsoughtȱtoȱtakeȱoverȱtheȱentireȱland ofȱtheȱMoreaȱandȱturnȱitȱintoȱ(his)ȱdomain).19ȱInȱthis,ȱGuillaumeȱwasȱaidedȱbyȱGuy deȱ laȱ Roche,ȱ whomȱ heȱ rewardedȱ withȱ theȱ cityȱ ofȱ Argosȱ andȱ theȱ castleȱ of Nauplion.20ȱAsȱsoonȱasȱtheȱcampaignȱwasȱoverȱandȱtheȱprinceȱhadȱfinishedȱhis buildingȱprogram,ȱheȱsentȱtoȱGuyȱtoȱrequestȱhisȱhomage,ȱasȱwasȱtheȱcustom.ȱGuy demurred,ȱrespondingȱthatȱheȱwouldȱnotȱdoȱhomageȱsinceȱhisȱfatherȱhasȱnotȱdone homageȱtoȱGuillaume’sȱfatherȱandȱbrother.ȱ HerediaȱskipsȱtheȱepisodeȱwithȱBonifaceȱofȱMonferrat’sȱtransferȱofȱtheȱhomage ofȱtheȱlordsȱtoȱtheȱprince.ȱAgainstȱthisȱbackgroundȱGuillaume’sȱrequestȱappears asȱ politicallyȱ motivatedȱ asȱ Guy’sȱ refusal.ȱ Theȱ confrontationȱ acquiresȱ aȱ legal dimensionȱ onlyȱ whenȱ Guillaumeȱ askedȱ hisȱ baronsȱ toȱ citeȱ Guy.21ȱ Forȱ Heredia, therefore,ȱpoliticalȱcausalityȱinformedȱtheȱconflict.ȱHeȱmakesȱitȱclearȱthatȱtheȱprince soughtȱtoȱtransformȱhisȱnominalȱauthorityȱintoȱeffectiveȱsuzerainty.ȱLegalȱcustom wasȱanȱinstrumentȱofȱtheȱparties’ȱpoliticalȱwill.ȱPoliticsȱmotivatedȱtheȱconflict’s resolutionȱ asȱ well.ȱ Guillaume’sȱ baronsȱ initiatedȱ theȱ reconciliationȱ sinceȱ they

18

19 20

21

Hopf,ȱChroniquesȱgréco–romanes,ȱ103–06;ȱforȱreferenceȱtoȱpeerage,ȱseeȱ105ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).ȱTheȱAssizes ofȱRomaniaȱandȱIbelin’sȱlawȱbookȱprovideȱtheȱlegalȱbackgroundȱshoringȱupȱtheirȱdecision;ȱsee Topping,ȱFeudalȱInstitutions,ȱ41ȱandȱ43ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8).ȱ MorelȬFatio,ȱLibroȱdeȱlosȱfechos,ȱ48,ȱparagraphȱ210ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).ȱ MorelȬFatio,ȱLibroȱdeȱlosȱfechos,ȱ48,ȱparagraphȱ212ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).ȱSimilarlyȱtoȱtheȱotherȱversions, HerediaȱconfusesȱtwoȱgenerationsȱofȱFranksȱandȱtheȱnamesȱofȱtheȱdeȱlaȱRocheȱbrothers.ȱ SeeȱDavidȱJacoby,ȱLaȱFéodalitéȱenȱGrèceȱmédiévale:ȱLes”AssisesȱdeȱRomanie”:ȱsources,ȱapplication,ȱet diffusionȱ(ParisȱandȱTheȱHague:ȱMouton,ȱ1971),ȱ24;ȱforȱtheȱaboveȱcitation,ȱMorelȬFatio,ȱLibroȱdeȱlos fechos,ȱ50,ȱparagraphȱ220ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).

304

KirilȱPetkov

“greatlyȱlovedȱGuyȱdeȱlaȱRoche,ȱandȱamongȱhisȱfollowersȱthereȱwereȱsomeȱofȱtheir relatives.”ȱFeudalȱ“love”ȱwasȱnotȱaȱtenderȱsentiment,ȱofȱcourse,ȱbutȱaȱtechnical termȱforȱestablishedȱpoliticalȱrelations.ȱThisȱwasȱtheȱinspirationȱbehindȱtheȱbaron’s pleaȱtoȱGuillaumeȱonȱtheȱlordȱofȱAthens’sȱbehalf.ȱPerceivingȱthatȱ“grantȱamor” (greatȱlove),ȱGuillaumeȱinȱturnȱsetȱtheȱconditionsȱforȱGuy’sȱpardon.ȱ Theȱbarons’ȱ“grantȱamor”ȱwasȱsimilarlyȱdecisiveȱinȱtheȱpardonȱofȱGeoffreyȱof Karytaina.ȱFromȱthenȱon,ȱHerediaȱfollowsȱtheȱlegalȱandȱritualȱtwistsȱandȱturnsȱof theȱ reconciliationȱ untilȱ itsȱ resolutionȱ andȱ Guy’sȱ acquittalȱ byȱ theȱ Frenchȱ High Court.ȱThroughout,ȱhowever,ȱheȱisȱawareȱofȱtheȱroleȱofȱpoliticalȱconsiderations, whichȱ clearlyȱ outweighedȱ legalȱ technicalities.ȱ Whenȱ Guyȱ andȱ Geoffreyȱ threw themselvesȱatȱhisȱfeetȱrequestingȱmercy,ȱtheȱprinceȱstatedȱthatȱoutȱofȱ“love”ȱforȱhis baronsȱheȱhadȱgrantedȱGuyȱhisȱlife.ȱAccordingȱtoȱtheȱlaw,ȱhowever,ȱGuyȱwasȱto loseȱhisȱfief,ȱunlessȱKingȱLouis’sȱcourtȱdecidedȱotherwise.ȱTheȱsameȱconsiderations appliedȱforȱGeoffreyȱdeȱKarytaina,ȱonlyȱhereȱtheȱprinceȱdefinedȱhisȱpunishment himself.ȱTheȱprinceȱactsȱandȱspeaksȱthroughout;ȱthereȱisȱnoȱindicationȱthatȱheȱwas constrainedȱandȱhisȱroleȱwasȱthatȱofȱhisȱcourt’sȱspokesman.ȱAgencyȱisȱthusȱentirely his.ȱHerediaȱadds,ȱasȱdoȱtheȱotherȱversions,ȱthatȱtheȱlordȱofȱAthensȱwasȱcontentȱto hearȱthatȱandȱdidȱhomage;ȱtheȱlegalȱdevelopmentsȱseemedȱpoliticallyȱacceptable toȱhim.ȱ TheȱItalianȱabridgmentȱtooȱincorporatesȱpoliticalȱlogicȱintoȱitsȱaccount,ȱalthough onȱ aȱ differentȱ level.ȱ Itȱ beginsȱ withȱ Boniface’sȱ transferȱ ofȱ homageȱ toȱ the Champenoisȱoutȱofȱhisȱ“love”ȱforȱthemȱandȱGuillaume’sȱrequestȱimmediatelyȱupon hisȱtakingȱover,ȱpassingȱoverȱallȱtheȱeventsȱinȱbetween.ȱThisȱpromisesȱaȱlegally informedȱ account.ȱ Theȱ barons’ȱ replyȱ however,ȱ immediatelyȱ introduces interpersonalȱ politics:ȱ theyȱ toldȱ Guillaumeȱ theyȱ “nonȱ loȱ volerȱ conoscerȱ per superior,ȱnèȱdegnarsiȱdaȱlui”ȱ(wouldȱnotȱacknowledgeȱhimȱasȱtheirȱsuperiorȱor lowerȱthemselvesȱbeforeȱhim).22ȱReconciliationȱtooȱisȱpoliticallyȱtingedȱsinceȱthe baronsȱonȱbothȱsidesȱinitiatedȱitȱandȱtheȱgreatȱlordsȱagreed.ȱTheȱprinceȱisȱtheȱmajor protagonist,ȱactingȱonȱtheȱsupplicationȱofȱtheȱculpritsȱandȱtheȱmediationȱofȱhis barons,ȱ butȱ makingȱ decisionsȱ byȱ himself.ȱ Theȱ Italianȱ textȱ disregardsȱ the importanceȱofȱfeudalȱlegalȱprovisionsȱdetailedȱinȱhisȱprototype,ȱtoȱtheȱextentȱof statingȱthatȱGeoffreyȱofȱKarytaina’sȱpunishmentȱentailedȱeschewingȱtheȱrightȱto bequeathȱ hisȱ fiefs.ȱ Evenȱ moreȱ pronouncedȱ isȱ theȱ politicalȱ logicȱ ofȱ Guy’s submissionȱtoȱtheȱFrenchȱking’sȱcourt.ȱ Theȱpassageȱisȱmangled,ȱbutȱtheȱlogicȱbehindȱitȱemergesȱasȱquiteȱlucid.ȱTheȱcourt foundȱthat,ȱasȱGuyȱhadȱnotȱdoneȱhomageȱtoȱGuillaumeȱbeforehandȱasȱheȱhadȱto theȱkingȱofȱThessaloniki,ȱheȱwasȱnotȱtheȱprince’sȱliegemanȱandȱwasȱnotȱtoȱlooseȱthe rightȱtoȱbequeathȱhisȱfief.ȱTheȱthinkingȱis,ȱasȱinȱtheȱcaseȱofȱGeoffreyȱofȱKarytaina,

22

Hopf,ȱChroniquesȱgrécoȬromanes,ȱ438ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).

KissȱandȱMakeȱUp?ȱ

305

thatȱbreakingȱtheȱfeudalȱcontractȱentailsȱtheȱtransformationȱofȱhereditaryȱfiefȱinto aȱlifeȬonlyȱgrant.ȱRightȱafterward,ȱtheȱtextȱaddsȱ“maȱperȱgrandezzaȱdeȱessoȱRèȱse liȱperdonava”ȱ(butȱforȱtheȱhonorȱofȱtheȱkingȱpardonedȱhim).23ȱTheȱphraseȱseems outȱofȱcontext,ȱsinceȱtheȱItalianȱhadȱomittedȱhisȱprototype’sȱdetailȱaboutȱGuyȱstill beingȱliableȱtoȱofferȱhomageȱandȱthusȱliableȱforȱpunishmentȱforȱnotȱdoingȱit.ȱThe logicȱbehindȱretainingȱtheseȱwords,ȱhowever,ȱisȱconsistentȱwithȱtheȱtext’sȱinsistence onȱtheȱimportanceȱofȱinterpersonallyȱdefinedȱpoliticalȱconsiderations.ȱGuyȱhad humbledȱhimselfȱbeforeȱLouis’sȱcourtȱandȱthusȱincreasedȱtheȱking’sȱhonor.ȱHe surelyȱ deservedȱ pardonȱ forȱ that,ȱ legalȱ technicalitiesȱ andȱ reasonȱ ofȱ state notwithstanding. InȱtheȱGreekȱversion,ȱwhenȱGuillaumeȱissuedȱhisȱrequestȱforȱhomage,ȱtheȱfive chiefȱbaronsȱmetȱtogether,ȱdiscussedȱtheȱrequest,ȱandȱrespondedȱthatȱtheyȱonly recognizedȱhimȱasȱtheirȱpeer,ȱowedȱhimȱnothing,ȱandȱwouldȱnotȱcondescendȱtoȱdo himȱhomage.ȱAsȱinȱtheȱFrenchȱversion,ȱGuillaume’sȱcouncil,ȱdeclaringȱtheȱbarons rebelsȱandȱtraitors,ȱadvisedȱwagingȱwar.ȱTheȱpoliticalȱovertonesȱhereȱareȱclearer, butȱthenȱagain,ȱjustȱasȱinȱtheȱotherȱtexts,ȱtheȱGreekȱversionȱdoesȱnotȱforegroundȱthe powerȱcontest,ȱnorȱdoesȱitȱincludeȱitȱinȱanyȱpoliticallyȱinformedȱcausalityȱchain withinȱtheȱconflict.ȱInȱtheȱcourseȱofȱhisȱnarration,ȱtheȱauthorȱinsertsȱaȱfewȱclues indicatingȱthatȱpurelyȱpoliticalȱfactorsȱinfluencedȱhisȱtrainȱofȱthought.ȱToȱbegin with,ȱalthoughȱfiveȱmajorȱfeudatoriesȱopposedȱGuillaume,ȱGuyȱdeȱlaȱRocheȱand GeoffreyȱofȱKarytainaȱareȱtheȱonlyȱonesȱwhoȱhaveȱtoȱmakeȱredress,ȱritualȱand factual.ȱSecondly,ȱasȱthisȱaccountȱhasȱit,ȱtheȱprinceȱthenȱcommandsȱGuyȱtoȱgoȱto France.24ȱInȱfact,ȱtheȱprinceȱcouldȱnotȱhaveȱissuedȱsuchȱaȱcommandȱunilaterally. Theȱ chronicleȱ completelyȱ neglectsȱ theȱ legalȱ facet—theȱ decisionȱ ofȱ Guillaume’s court—andȱfocusesȱonȱtheȱpowerȱrelationshipȱreflectedȱinȱGuillaume’sȱorderȱand Guy’sȱacquiescence. InȱtheȱFrenchȱversion,ȱafterȱcompletingȱtheȱpacificationȱofȱtheȱMorea,ȱGuillaume requestsȱhomageȱtoȱbeȱdulyȱperformedȱbyȱallȱlesserȱlords.ȱThereȱisȱnoȱindication ofȱwhyȱtheȱrequestȱwasȱmadeȱatȱthisȱpoint.ȱTheȱauthorȱmakesȱnoȱcausalȱconnection betweenȱ theȱ requestȱ andȱ theȱ prince’sȱ policyȱ toȱ restructureȱ theȱ distributionȱ of powerȱinȱFrankishȱGreece.ȱGuy’sȱreplyȱisȱasȱlegalȱasȱitȱisȱpolitical.ȱTheȱphrasingȱof theȱ textȱ placesȱ hisȱ positionȱ visȬàȬvisȱ Guillaumeȱ notȱ withinȱ theȱ legallyȱ and hierarchicallyȱ structuredȱ feudalȱ relationshipȱ butȱ ratherȱ withinȱ theȱ realmȱ of practicalȱpolitics.ȱTheyȱwereȱcomradesȱinȱarmsȱandȱpeers,ȱGuyȱstated,ȱfightingȱfor aȱcommonȱcause.ȱGuillaumeȱhadȱwonȱhisȱlandȱbyȱtheȱsword,ȱandȱsoȱhadȱhe.ȱHe owesȱtheȱprinceȱnothingȱbutȱ“amourȱetȱdeȱbonneȱcompaignie”ȱ(friendshipȱand companionship).25ȱTheȱprince’sȱreactionȱtoȱthisȱrevealsȱtheȱpoliticalȱcoreȱofȱhisȱlegal

23 24 25

Hopf,ȱChroniquesȱgrécoȬromanes,ȱ440ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).ȱ Lurier,ȱCrusadersȱasȱConquerors,ȱ170ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).ȱ Longnon,ȱLivreȱdeȱlaȱConqueste,ȱ81,ȱparagraphȱ223ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).ȱ

306

KirilȱPetkov

move.ȱEnraged,ȱGuillaumeȱsworeȱthatȱheȱwouldȱnotȱrestȱ“jusquesȱqueȱilȱauroitȱmis sotȱluiȱleȱseigneurȱd’Atthenes”ȱ(untilȱheȱputȱtheȱlordȱofȱAthensȱunderȱhimself). Fromȱthisȱpointȱon,ȱwithȱtheȱexceptionȱofȱGeoffreyȱofȱKarytaina’sȱdecisionȱtoȱdesert Guillaume,ȱtheȱeventsȱareȱgovernedȱaccordingȱtoȱtheȱprovisionsȱofȱfeudalȱlaw.ȱThe realmȱ ofȱ politicsȱ andȱ powerȱ appearsȱ againȱ duringȱ theȱ Frankishȱ barons’ preparationsȱ toȱ makeȱ peace:ȱ Guyȱ ridingȱ toȱ Nikliȱ inȱ fullȱ splendor,ȱ theȱ prince succumbingȱtoȱtheȱpleadingȱofȱtheȱprelatesȱandȱbaronsȱandȱpardoningȱhim,ȱandȱthe princeȱactingȱasȱsoleȱauthorityȱwhenȱcommandingȱGuyȱtoȱappearȱbeforeȱtheȱking ofȱFranceȱforȱtrial.ȱ Theȱthirdȱlayerȱinȱtheȱnarrativesȱisȱthatȱofȱpersonalȱfeelings,ȱgrievances,ȱand considerations:ȱ aȱ multiȬlayeredȱ levelȱ inȱ itsȱ ownȱ right.ȱ Inȱ theȱ firstȱ place,ȱ terms signifyingȱemotionȱareȱpositionalȱandȱthusȱemployedȱtoȱdenoteȱtheȱcharacters’ stanceȱ onȱ legalȱ andȱ politicalȱ issues.ȱ Whatȱ seemsȱ atȱ firstȱ toȱ beȱ conventional languageȱ inȱ theseȱ textsȱ isȱ actuallyȱ aȱ codeȱ language,ȱ lacedȱ withȱ someȱ technical terms,ȱsoȱthatȱwordsȱsuchȱasȱ“love,”ȱ“anger,”ȱandȱ“grief”ȱacquireȱnewȱmeaningȱin thisȱcontext.26ȱTheȱFrenchȱandȱtheȱAragoneseȱversionsȱfrequentlyȱlimitȱthemselves toȱ codedȱ languageȱ throughȱ emotionalȱ terms,ȱ apparentlyȱ takingȱ themȱ asȱ selfȬ explanatory.ȱInȱbothȱtexts,ȱforȱexample,ȱasȱweȱhaveȱobservedȱinȱanotherȱcontext, theȱ prince’sȱ baronsȱ wereȱ displeasedȱ andȱ deeplyȱ grievedȱ toȱ seeȱ Guy’sȱ domain ruinedȱandȱintervenedȱtoȱmakeȱpeaceȱoutȱofȱ“love”ȱforȱtheȱlordȱofȱAthens.ȱThe Greekȱtextȱcitesȱemotionsȱjustȱasȱfrequentlyȱbutȱseeksȱtoȱrationalizeȱthemȱasȱwell, suggestingȱaȱdistanceȱbetweenȱitsȱauthor’sȱ thinkingȱandȱtheȱmentalityȱandȱthe vocabularyȱ ofȱ theȱ Westernȱ texts.ȱ Itȱ notesȱ thatȱ theȱ baronsȱ soughtȱ toȱ restoreȱ the “love”ȱbetweenȱtheȱprinceȱandȱtheȱlordȱofȱAthens;ȱbyȱcontrast,ȱtheȱFrenchȱversion usesȱ“peace”ȱonȱthisȱoccasion.ȱHowever,ȱtheȱGreekȱtextȱspecifiesȱthatȱtheȱbarons wereȱ promptedȱtoȱactȱwhenȱtheyȱsawȱtheirȱrelativesȱwhoȱsidedȱwithȱGuyȱ and whomȱtheyȱ“loved”ȱlosingȱtheirȱvillages.ȱ Noȱlessȱtechnicalȱisȱtheȱmeaningȱofȱ“anger.”ȱInȱtheȱFrenchȱversion,ȱGuy’sȱrefusal toȱ doȱ homageȱ angeredȱ theȱ princeȱ mightily;ȱ inȱ hisȱ anger,ȱ heȱ sworeȱ toȱ haveȱ no comfortȱuntilȱtheȱlordȱofȱAthensȱwasȱsubdued.ȱTheȱGreekȱtext’sȱtermȱtranslatesȱas “enraged.”ȱTheȱItalianȱredactionȱusesȱ“offended”ȱ(“sdegnato”),ȱasȱitȱdoesȱwhen reportingȱ onȱ theȱ prince’sȱ reactionȱ toȱ theȱ newsȱ thatȱ Geoffreyȱ ofȱ Karytainaȱ had desertedȱhim,ȱaddingȱthatȱheȱwasȱseizedȱbyȱ“grief”ȱasȱwell.ȱFartherȱon,ȱtheȱFrench textȱrelatesȱthatȱtheȱbaronsȱtoo,ȱagreedȱthatȱGuy’sȱdenialȱofȱprince’sȱauthorityȱover himȱwasȱaȱmarkȱofȱutterȱdisdain.ȱGeoffreyȱofȱKarytaina,ȱforȱhisȱpart,ȱwasȱseizedȱby griefȱwhenȱtheȱlordȱofȱAthensȱrequestedȱhisȱhelp,ȱsinceȱheȱwasȱunableȱtoȱdecide whomȱheȱwasȱtoȱjoin:ȱhisȱuncleȱandȱliegeȱlordȱGuillaumeȱorȱhisȱfatherȬinȬlaw,ȱGuy.

26

Longnon,ȱLivreȱdeȱlaȱConqueste,ȱ81,ȱparagraphȱ221,ȱ223,ȱetcȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).ȱOnȱanger,ȱseeȱAnger’sȱPast: Theȱ Socialȱ Usesȱ ofȱ anȱ Emotionȱ inȱ theȱ Middleȱ Ages,ȱ ed.ȱ Barbaraȱ H.ȱ Rosenweinȱ (Ithaca,ȱ NY,ȱ and London:ȱCornellȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1998).

KissȱandȱMakeȱUp?ȱ

307

Theȱsourceȱsadlyȱremarksȱthatȱhisȱdecision,ȱwhichȱheȱhadȱdebatedȱandȱmadeȱby himself,ȱturnedȱoutȱtoȱbeȱtheȱwrongȱone.ȱTheȱproperȱlegalȱwayȱwouldȱhaveȱbeen toȱseekȱcounsel.ȱ Secondly,ȱemotionalȱtermsȱareȱusedȱtoȱindicateȱwhatȱweȱwouldȱproperlyȱcall emotionsȱinȱtheȱconventionalȱsense:ȱfeelingsȱemancipatedȱfromȱtechnicalȱmeaning. SeeingȱthatȱtheȱlordȱofȱKarytainaȱhadȱchosenȱtoȱjoinȱhimȱatȱThebes,ȱGuyȱdeȱla Rocheȱwasȱallȱjoyȱandȱgladness.ȱConversely,ȱtheȱprinceȱofȱAchaiaȱwasȱnotȱjoyful atȱallȱatȱhisȱnephew’sȱandȱliegeman’sȱbetrayal.ȱTheȱwordingsȱofȱtheȱItalianȱand FrenchȱversionsȱimplyȱthatȱGuyȱwasȱquiteȱpleasedȱwithȱtheȱdecisionȱofȱtheȱprince’s barons,ȱ asȱ wasȱ Louisȱ IXȱ withȱ hisȱ appearanceȱ atȱ hisȱ courtȱ andȱ theȱ honorȱ this accordedȱhim. Thirdly,ȱemotionsȱareȱinvokedȱasȱprimeȱmovers.ȱTheȱFrenchȱandȱtheȱAragonese versionsȱ informȱ usȱ thatȱ theȱ lordȱ ofȱ Karytaina,ȱ tornȱ betweenȱ hisȱ competing loyalties,ȱfinallyȱsuccumbedȱtoȱhisȱ“love”ȱforȱhisȱwife,ȱGuyȱdeȱlaȱRoche’sȱdaughter. TheȱGreekȱversion,ȱonȱtheȱcontrary,ȱpersistsȱinȱcold,ȱpragmaticȱreasoning:ȱGeoffrey figuredȱthatȱifȱthingsȱwentȱwrongȱhisȱuncleȱwouldȱpardonȱhimȱanyway.ȱWhenȱit cameȱ toȱ that,ȱ theȱ Frenchȱ versionȱ reportsȱ thatȱ Guillaume’sȱ “anger”ȱ atȱ Geoffrey madeȱhimȱ“moultȱfiersȱetȱdurs”ȱ(veryȱangryȱandȱstubborn)ȱandȱquiteȱunwillingȱto pardonȱhim;ȱitȱtookȱaȱgoodȱdealȱofȱpleadingȱuntilȱheȱgaveȱin.ȱ Theȱfourthȱdimensionȱinȱtheȱaccountsȱofȱtheȱconflictȱisȱtheȱinvolvementȱofȱthe supernatural.ȱTheȱsourcesȱareȱsparingȱinȱtheirȱinvocationȱofȱtheȱdivineȱandȱnotȱall ofȱthemȱattributeȱmuchȱagencyȱtoȱit.ȱInȱtheȱFrenchȱversion,ȱtheȱbattleȱofȱMount KarydiȱwasȱdecidedȱbyȱGod,ȱwhoȱgrantedȱtheȱvictoryȱtoȱtheȱprinceȱofȱAchaia.ȱThe princeȱrealizedȱitȱwasȱGod’sȱdeedȱandȱacknowledgedȱitȱbyȱgivingȱthanksȱtoȱthe Lord.ȱ Theȱ chroniclerȱ doesȱ notȱ elaborateȱ onȱ whyȱ Godȱ hadȱ inclinedȱ toward Guillaume.ȱTheȱGreekȱversionȱisȱmoreȱdetailedȱandȱoffersȱtheȱrationale:ȱsinceȱGod isȱtheȱjudge,ȱtheȱchroniclerȱnotes,ȱheȱjudgesȱonȱtheȱright,ȱandȱheȱcastȱforȱtheȱprince. TheȱsecondȱreferenceȱoccursȱsolelyȱinȱtheȱFrenchȱversion,ȱincludedȱinȱtheȱbarons’ pleaȱwithȱGuillaumeȱtoȱpardonȱGeoffreyȱofȱKarytainaȱforȱGod’sȱsakeȱandȱbecause ofȱ hisȱ nobleȱ stationȱ andȱ character.ȱ Theȱ divineȱ alsoȱ intervenedȱ indirectly.ȱ The negotiationsȱthatȱledȱtoȱtheȱreconciliationȱbetweenȱtheȱgreatȱlordsȱwereȱinitiated byȱ aȱ representativeȱ ofȱ God,ȱ theȱ archbishopȱ ofȱ Thebes.ȱ Finally,ȱ anȱ indirect connectionȱtoȱreligiousȱpracticeȱtranspiresȱinȱGuy’sȱacquittalȱbyȱtheȱFrenchȱHigh Court.ȱTheȱinvocationȱofȱtheȱhardshipȱthatȱheȱhadȱsufferedȱonȱhisȱjourneyȱtoȱParis suggestsȱaȱlinkȱtoȱpenanceȱandȱtheȱimpositionȱofȱpilgrimageȱasȱaȱformȱofȱpenance.ȱ

4.ȱConflictȱResolution:ȱPeacemakingȱasȱRitual TheȱpeacemakingȱatȱNikliȱwasȱthusȱdesignedȱtoȱaddressȱmattersȱlegal,ȱpolitical, emotional,ȱandȱdivine.ȱTheȱroleȱofȱeachȱofȱtheseȱaspectsȱwasȱassignedȱitsȱrelative

308

KirilȱPetkov

weightȱinȱtheȱprocessȱaccordingȱtoȱeachȱaboveȬdescribedȱMoreotȱchronicle’sȱlogic. Thatȱ is,ȱ whileȱ allȱ theseȱ versionsȱ identifyȱ inȱ commonȱ fourȱ componentsȱ inȱ the process—supplication,ȱ(reȬ)creationȱofȱtheȱfeudalȱbond,ȱpardon,ȱlegalȱamend,ȱand interpersonalȱpeace—eachȱversionȱemphasizesȱaȱdifferentȱone.ȱ Exceptȱforȱsomeȱslightȱdifferences,ȱtheȱFrenchȱandȱtheȱGreekȱversionsȱfollowȱthe sameȱscenario.ȱPeacemakingȱforȱthemȱwasȱstructuredȱaroundȱtheȱ(reȬ)creationȱof theȱfeudalȱbond.ȱAfterȱswearingȱtoȱsubjectȱhimselfȱtoȱGuillaume’sȱjudgment,ȱGuy deȱlaȱRocheȱrodeȱintoȱGuillaume’sȱcamp.ȱThereȱtheȱgreatȱlordȱofȱAthensȱpresented himselfȱtoȱtheȱprince,ȱfellȱonȱhisȱknees,ȱandȱaskedȱhisȱforgivenessȱforȱcarryingȱarms againstȱhimȱandȱfightingȱhimȱonȱtheȱfieldȱofȱbattle.ȱSwayedȱbyȱtheȱpleasȱofȱhis prelatesȱandȱbarons,ȱtheȱprinceȱagreed,ȱpardonedȱhim,ȱandȱreceivedȱGuy’sȱhomage andȱfealty.ȱGuillaumeȱthenȱcommandedȱGuyȱtoȱmakeȱamendsȱforȱtheȱoffenseȱhe hadȱcommittedȱagainstȱhimȱbyȱgoingȱtoȱtheȱFrenchȱcourt,ȱwhereȱhisȱpunishment forȱcarryingȱarmsȱagainstȱhisȱliegeȱlordȱwasȱtoȱbeȱdetermined.ȱWithȱthis,ȱpeaceȱand accordȱwereȱmadeȱbetweenȱGuyȱandȱGuillaume.ȱ ThenȱcameȱtheȱritualȱsupplicationȱofȱtheȱlordȱofȱKarytaina.ȱGeoffreyȱwasȱled beforeȱtheȱprince,ȱaȱropeȱaroundȱhisȱneck,ȱwhileȱallȱtheȱhighȱbaronsȱfellȱtoȱtheir knees,ȱpleadingȱonȱhisȱbehalf.ȱYetȱmoreȱentreatiesȱwereȱrequiredȱforȱGuillaumeȱto giveȱ in.ȱ Eventuallyȱ heȱ didȱ pardonȱ Geoffrey,ȱ thoughȱ notȱ withoutȱ curtailingȱ his feudalȱrights.ȱTheȱauthorȱrepeats,ȱ“inȱthisȱmanner,ȱasȱyouȱhaveȱheard,ȱpeaceȱand accordȱwasȱmadeȱbetweenȱtheȱlordȱdeȱlaȱRocheȱandȱprinceȱGuillaume,”ȱand,ȱas soonȱtheȱpeaceȱwasȱdoneȱandȱcompleted,ȱtheȱyoungȱknightsȱstagedȱaȱgrandȱfeast withȱjousts,ȱbreakingȱofȱlances,ȱandȱcarousing.27ȱ Theȱlegalȱformȱthusȱreignsȱsupremeȱinȱtheȱaccountȱofȱtheȱpeacemakingȱasȱitȱdid inȱtheȱnarrativeȱofȱtheȱconflict.ȱTheȱtwoȱchroniclersȱ(FrenchȱandȱGreek)ȱunderstood peaceȱasȱtheȱexistenceȱofȱaȱperfectlyȱorganized,ȱallȬencompassingȱfeudalȱstructure inȱwhichȱeveryȱmanȱdidȱhisȱpartȱandȱfulfilledȱhisȱfeudalȱobligations.ȱTheȱfocusȱof theȱnarrativeȱisȱtheȱriteȱthatȱ(reȬ)establishedȱtheȱlegalȱrelation,ȱtheȱactsȱofȱhomage andȱfealty:ȱproceduresȱsoȱwellȱknownȱthatȱtheȱFrenchȬspeakingȱauthorȱdoesȱnot evenȱdwellȱonȱhowȱtheyȱwereȱperformed.ȱTheȱGreekȱversionȱaddsȱaȱnuanceȱhere, mentioningȱthat,ȱafterȱhavingȱbeenȱforgiven,ȱGuyȱ“didȱtheȱhomageȱthatȱheȱowed andȱ kissedȱ himȱ uponȱ hisȱ mouthȱ andȱ theȱ twoȱ restoredȱ theȱ loveȱ between themselves.”28ȱInȱbothȱcases,ȱtheȱpeacemakingȱactȱwasȱaccomplishedȱthroughȱeach agentȱorȱparty’sȱfullȱandȱunconditionalȱacknowledgmentȱofȱtheȱfeudalȱprincipleȱof

27 28

Longnon,ȱLivreȱdeȱlaȱConqueste,ȱ87–88,ȱparagraphȱ242ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5). Schmitt,ȱTheȱChronicleȱofȱtheȱMorea,ȱ223,ȱll.ȱ3337–41ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5):ȱLurier,ȱCrusadersȱasȱConquerors,ȱ170 (seeȱnoteȱ5),ȱtranslatesȱitȱ“andȱtheyȱwereȱreconciled;”ȱliterallyȱtheȱphraseȱreads,ȱ“theyȱrestoredȱthe loveȱ(betweenȱthemselves).”ȱTheȱkissȱasȱaȱgestureȱofȱfealtyȱisȱrecordedȱbyȱIbelin;ȱseeȱEdbury,ȱJohn ofȱIbelin,ȱ443,ȱparagraphȱ176ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8),ȱandȱbyȱtheȱAssizesȱofȱMorea,ȱTopping,ȱFeudalȱInstitutions, 22–24,ȱparagraphȱ3,ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8).

KissȱandȱMakeȱUp?ȱ

309

interdependenceȱandȱitsȱlegalȱimplications.ȱWithinȱthisȱethicalȱsystem,ȱfighting, legalȱcontest,ȱandȱperpetrationȱofȱviolenceȱdoȱnotȱconstituteȱbreachȱofȱtheȱpeace. Acceptingȱ punishmentȱ forȱ one’sȱ transgressionȱ amountedȱ toȱ recognitionȱ ofȱ the sameȱprovision.ȱ Theȱ Aragoneseȱ version,ȱ whileȱ adheringȱ toȱ theȱ sameȱ scheme,ȱ differsȱ inȱ one importantȱrespect.ȱPeacemakingȱforȱHerediaȱcenteredȱprimarilyȱonȱtheȱprince’s pardonȱofȱhisȱrecalcitrantȱvassals.ȱHeȱstressesȱtheȱhumbleȱpleasȱofȱGuillaume’s baronsȱonȱbehalfȱofȱGuyȱandȱGeoffreyȱbeforeȱThebesȱandȱtheȱprince’sȱconditions forȱpardon.ȱAtȱGuy’sȱ(andȱGeoffrey’s)ȱritualȱsupplication,ȱtheȱprinceȱassertedȱthat theyȱdeservedȱtoȱlooseȱbothȱtheirȱlivesȱandȱtheirȱfiefs.29ȱHeȱsparedȱtheirȱlives,ȱbut imposedȱtheȱconditionȱofȱredressȱinȱtakingȱGuy’sȱfiefȱbeforeȱtheȱhomageȱwasȱdone. TheȱlordȱofȱAthensȱheardȱtheȱprince’sȱverdict,ȱacceptedȱit,ȱ“Etȱdichoȱaquesto,ȱmicer GuillemȱdeȱlaȱRociaȱfueȱcontento”ȱ(andȱlordȱGuyȱdeȱlaȱRocheȱwasȱsatisfiedȱwith whatȱwasȱsaid),ȱroseȱtoȱperformȱhisȱhomage,ȱandȱwasȱkissedȱonȱtheȱmouth.ȱThe lordȱofȱKarytainaȱwasȱtreatedȱinȱsimilarȱmanner.ȱHeȱofferedȱhisȱsupplication,ȱheard theȱ verdictȱ restrictingȱ hisȱ feudalȱ rights,ȱ andȱ expressedȱ satisfactionȱ withȱ it,ȱ “Et micerȱJufreȱfueȱmuchoȱcontento”ȱ(andȱlordȱGeoffreyȱwasȱveryȱsatisfied).ȱThenȱthe princeȱliftedȱhimȱtoȱhisȱfeet—unlikeȱGuy,ȱwhoȱroseȱbyȱhimself—andȱkissedȱhimȱon theȱmouth.30ȱAfterȱtheseȱceremonies,ȱthereȱwasȱrejoicingȱandȱgreatȱfeastingȱfor manyȱdays.ȱHeredia’sȱsensitivityȱtoȱrankȱandȱlevelsȱofȱtransgressionȱisȱevidentȱin hisȱ detailedȱ attentionȱ toȱ themȱ whenȱ describingȱ theȱ differentȱ waysȱ inȱ which GuillaumeȱinteractedȱwithȱtheȱlordsȱofȱAthensȱandȱKarytaina.ȱButȱforȱHeredia,ȱthe resolutionȱofȱtheȱconflictȱlayȱinȱtheȱpardon:ȱaȱconditionalȱandȱdiscretionaryȱactȱby theȱprinceȱofȱAchaia;ȱneitherȱpeaceȱnorȱaccordȱisȱmentioned.ȱGuillaume’sȱposition isȱoneȱofȱsovereigntyȱlimitedȱbyȱpeerȱpressureȱandȱtheȱnecessityȱofȱconsentȱfrom thoseȱinvolved.ȱHeȱcouldȱexerciseȱdiscretionȱinȱregardȱtoȱtheȱlawȱandȱenforceȱit directlyȱorȱconditionally,ȱbutȱnotȱvisȬàȬvisȱhisȱbaronsȱandȱevenȱhisȱcontumacious vassals.ȱGuyȱandȱGeoffreyȱwereȱsubjectsȱinȱtrespass,ȱbutȱtheyȱwereȱboundȱbyȱtheir willȱandȱtheȱwillȱofȱtheirȱpeersȱratherȱthanȱbyȱtheȱprovisionsȱofȱinstitutionalized law.ȱConditionalityȱisȱthusȱbuiltȱintoȱpeacemakingȱbyȱdefault.ȱ TheȱanonymousȱItalianȱversionȱnotȱonlyȱcondensesȱtheȱaccountȱbutȱfollowsȱa differentȱsequenceȱasȱwell.ȱTheȱreconciliationȱbeginsȱwithȱGuyȱridingȱtoȱNikliȱand sendingȱhisȱbaronsȱaheadȱtoȱplacateȱGuillaume.ȱTheȱprinceȱheardȱthem,ȱreceived theȱgreatȱlord,ȱpardonedȱhim,ȱkissedȱhim,ȱandȱmadeȱhimȱdoȱhomage.ȱAlthough thisȱversionȱdepictsȱmattersȱasȱhavingȱbeenȱplacatedȱbyȱtheseȱgestures,ȱtheȱgreat

29

30

Theȱlegalȱtextsȱmakeȱnoȱspecificȱreferenceȱtoȱconditionsȱinȱwhichȱoneȱforfeitedȱone’sȱlifeȱasȱwell, butȱ theȱ provisionȱ mustȱ haveȱ implicitlyȱ followedȱ fromȱ theȱ court’sȱ decisionȱ toȱ declareȱ both feudatoriesȱasȱhavingȱbrokenȱtheirȱfealtyȱandȱbeingȱ“traitors.”ȱSeeȱtheȱdetailedȱnotesȱofȱIbelinȱin Edbury,ȱJohnȱofȱIbelin,ȱ433,ȱparagraphȱ180ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8). MorelȬFatio,ȱLibroȱdeȱlosȱfechos,ȱ52ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).ȱ

310

KirilȱPetkov

lordȱstillȱhadȱtoȱgoȱtoȱFranceȱtoȱbeȱtriedȱforȱhisȱtrespass.ȱToȱtheȱItalian,ȱtherefore, theȱproperȱpeacemakingȱact—theȱpardonȱandȱtheȱkissȱofȱpeace—wereȱcentralȱto theȱfoundationȱofȱtheȱrestorationȱofȱtheȱfeudalȱbondȱandȱGuy’sȱfurtherȱfate,ȱwhile theȱjourneyȱtoȱParisȱseemsȱsecondary.ȱPeaceȱtoȱhimȱisȱanȱinterpersonalȱactȱbetween twoȱgreatȱmen,ȱunencumberedȱandȱunrestrainedȱagents.ȱAccordingly,ȱsortingȱout theirȱdifferencesȱwasȱaboveȱallȱaȱmatterȱofȱpersonalȱreconciliation,ȱwithȱallȱother provisionsȱfollowingȱsuit.ȱ Sanudo,ȱinȱhisȱIstoria,ȱdoesȱnotȱmentionȱpeacemakingȱatȱall.ȱAccordingȱtoȱhim, theȱ victoriousȱ Guillaumeȱ requestedȱ thatȱ hisȱ baronsȱ considerȱ theȱ trespassȱ and breachȱofȱfealtyȱcommittedȱbyȱGuyȱandȱtheȱgreatȱexpenseȱincurredȱinȱtheȱwar,ȱand demandedȱthatȱGuyȱbeȱdisinherited.ȱAsȱweȱalreadyȱknow,ȱtheȱbaronsȱmadeȱthe politicalȱdecisionȱtoȱwashȱtheirȱhandsȱofȱtheȱmatterȱandȱadvisedȱsendingȱGuyȱto France.ȱ Theȱ greatȱ lordsȱ agreedȱ toȱ subjectȱ themselvesȱ toȱ thisȱ judgment.ȱ Once acquittedȱandȱbackȱinȱtheȱMoreaȱafterȱtheȱbattleȱofȱPelagoniaȱandȱGuillaume’s capture,ȱGuyȱdeȱlaȱRocheȱwasȱconcernedȱtoȱnotȱletȱhisȱpastȱactionȱbeȱheldȱagainst him;ȱheȱservedȱGuillaumeȱloyally,ȱevenȱatȱtheȱexpenseȱofȱagreeingȱtoȱtheȱpolitically disastrousȱ decisionȱ ofȱ theȱ ladies’ȱ parliamentȱ toȱ surrenderȱ Mistra,ȱ Maina,ȱ and Monemvasiaȱ toȱ Michaelȱ VIIIȱ Palaeologos.31ȱ Toȱ Sanudo,ȱ allȱ theȱ trappingsȱ of interpersonalȱ interaction—theȱ supplication,ȱ pardon,ȱ actȱ ofȱ homage,ȱ andȱ ritual kiss—appearȱimmaterialȱtoȱconflictȱresolution.ȱHisȱhallmarkȱtendencyȱlooksȱtoȱthe interestsȱ ofȱ theȱ state,ȱ withinȱ whoseȱ overarchingȱ metaphysicalȱ yetȱ tangible frameworkȱallȱlegalȱprovisionsȱandȱdiscretionaryȱhumanȱactsȱoccurred.ȱ

5.ȱTheȱLessonsȱofȱPeacemaking:ȱ RitualȱPracticeȱandȱChronicleȱNarrative ȱ Canȱ theȱ roleȱ ofȱ ritualȱ inȱ thisȱ conflictȱ andȱ itsȱ resolutionȱ addȱ somethingȱ toȱ our understandingȱ ofȱ theȱ incident?ȱ Theȱ questionȱ wasȱ askedȱ recently—and emphatically—byȱPhilippeȱBuc.ȱHeȱanswersȱthatȱdiscussionȱofȱritualȱcanȱaddȱvalue onlyȱifȱritualsȱareȱseenȱasȱautonomousȱpracticesȱquiteȱdivorcedȱfromȱtheȱroleȱof epiphenomenaȱ (secondaryȱ phenomena)ȱ inȱ powerȱ relationships.32ȱ Wereȱ ritual practicesȱenmeshedȱinȱandȱreproductiveȱofȱpowerȱrelationshipsȱinȱtheȱpeaceȱof Nikli?33ȱCertainly.ȱEnoughȱworkȱhasȱbeenȱdoneȱonȱritualȱreconciliationȱtoȱwarrant thatȱconclusion.ȱTwoȱthings,ȱhowever,ȱshouldȱbeȱnoted.ȱFirst,ȱtheȱquestionȱofȱhow

31 32

33

Hopf,ȱChroniquesȱgrécoȬromanes,ȱ108ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5). PhilippeȱBuc,ȱ“Theȱmonsterȱandȱtheȱcritics:ȱAȱritualȱreply,”ȱEarlyȱMedievalȱEuropeȱ15ȱ(2007):ȱ441–52, atȱ452.ȱBuc’sȱconclusionȱappliesȱtoȱlaterȱmedievalȱritualȱasȱwell.ȱ Theȱmajorȱworksȱinȱtheȱfieldȱconcur;ȱsee,ȱforȱexample,ȱKoziol,ȱBeggingȱPardonȱandȱFavor,ȱpassim (seeȱnoteȱ2).

KissȱandȱMakeȱUp?ȱ

311

exactlyȱ ritualȱ playedȱ theȱ roleȱ ofȱ powerȱ epiphenomenonȱ hasȱ beenȱ farȱ from thoroughlyȱexplored.ȱElsewhereȱIȱhaveȱarguedȱthatȱtheȱclusterȱofȱritesȱcenteredȱon theȱkissȱofȱpeaceȱworkedȱasȱaȱcrossȬcuttingȱdeviceȱlinkingȱdistinctȱparadigmatic fieldsȱ ofȱ beingȱ inȱ theȱ medievalȱ worldȱ andȱ openedȱ aȱ windowȱ forȱ conditional negotiationȱofȱfutureȱstatusȱquo.34ȱInȱtheȱpresentȱcase,ȱtheȱkissȱefficiently—and economically—consolidatedȱ feudalȱ customȱ (theȱ bondȱ ofȱ fealty),ȱ pardon,ȱ and reconciliationȱ intoȱ aȱ singleȱ act.ȱ Theȱ reconciliationȱ atȱ Nikliȱ fitsȱ neatlyȱ intoȱ that interpretation.ȱ Iȱ seeȱ noȱ reasonȱ toȱ elaborateȱ furtherȱ onȱ theȱ functionalityȱ of peacemakingȱritesȱinȱthatȱcontext.ȱ Second,ȱifȱthatȱconclusionȱcanȱbeȱtakenȱasȱaȱconditionalȱpremiseȱforȱscrutinizing theȱjuxtapositionȱofȱritualȱ“asȱitȱreallyȱwas”ȱtoȱdescriptionsȱofȱritualȱasȱnarrative strategy,ȱIȱwouldȱargueȱthatȱaddedȱvalueȱmaterializesȱitselfȱonȱanȱepistemological level.ȱWhatȱthisȱdiscussionȱexploresȱisȱnotȱtheȱmeaningȱandȱfunctionȱofȱritualȱinȱthe actȱ ofȱ peaceȱ butȱ theȱ epistemologicalȱ valueȱ ofȱ itsȱ presenceȱ (orȱ absence)ȱ andȱ its significanceȱinȱtheȱdiscursiveȱstrategiesȱofȱtheȱchronicleȱnarrativesȱonȱwhichȱwe baseȱ ourȱ understandingȱ andȱ reconstructionȱ ofȱ peacemaking.ȱ Asȱ oneȱ ofȱ my premisesȱisȱstrictlyȱfunctionalist,ȱtheȱcomparisonȱhasȱtoȱbeȱnarrowedȱdownȱtoȱthat levelȱifȱitȱisȱtoȱremainȱvalid.ȱNarrowingȱdownȱtoȱcompatibility,ȱofȱcourse,ȱdoesȱnot meanȱreduction.ȱOtherȱlevelsȱofȱanalysisȱapply;ȱitȱisȱjustȱnotȱmyȱaimȱtoȱaddress themȱhere.ȱMyȱinterestȱisȱinȱhighlightingȱtypologicalȱsimilaritiesȱinȱtheȱfunctioning ofȱpastȱpracticeȱandȱitsȱroleȱinȱnarrative. Fourȱconclusionsȱpresentȱthemselvesȱinȱthisȱrespect.ȱFirst,ȱritualȱisȱonlyȱpresent inȱtheȱnarrativesȱthatȱlocateȱagencyȱinȱcompetingȱnodesȱofȱpower,ȱarbitrarinessȱand conditionality.ȱAccountsȱbuildingȱtheirȱnarrativeȱstrategiesȱaroundȱcausalityȱvested inȱstructuralȱphenomenaȱwithȱhegemonicȱstatusȱinȱtheȱlogicȱofȱtheȱnarrationȱefface ritual.ȱSecond,ȱwhereȱritualȱisȱpresent,ȱtheȱreasonȱforȱitsȱinclusionȱappearsȱtoȱhave beenȱtheȱneedȱofȱaȱmetaȬdiscursiveȱinterface.ȱTheȱdetailedȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱlogic ofȱtheȱaccountsȱIȱhaveȱofferedȱonȱtheȱprecedingȱpagesȱdemonstratesȱthat,ȱalthough eachȱ authorȱ prefersȱ toȱ locateȱ agencyȱ withinȱ differentȱ paradigms,ȱ allȱ authors eschewedȱmonoȬcausality.ȱHereinȱliesȱtheȱneedȱtoȱbringȱritualȱintoȱtheȱdescription. Theȱ descriptionȱ ofȱ theȱ ritualȱ supplicationȱ andȱ theȱ kissȱ thatȱ characterizeȱ the peacemakingȱactȱcollapsesȱtheȱtypologicalȱdistinctionsȱbetweenȱtheȱmultipleȱlevels ofȱcausalityȱexplicitlyȱorȱlatentlyȱpresentȱevenȱinȱtheȱmostȱfocusedȱofȱtheȱnarratives. Asȱaȱcomponentsȱofȱnarrativeȱstrategy,ȱdescriptionsȱofȱritualȱallowȱauthors—and presumably,ȱtheirȱaudience—toȱintegrate,ȱthroughȱritual’sȱcrossȬcuttingȱvalence andȱreferentialȱcapacity,ȱtheȱchiefȱstrandsȱofȱcausalityȱonȱwhichȱtheyȱhaveȱbased theirȱaccounts.ȱ

34

Petkov,ȱTheȱKissȱofȱPeace,ȱpassimȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2).ȱ

312

KirilȱPetkov

Asȱaȱsortȱofȱ“prop”ȱofȱnarrativeȱstrategy,ȱtherefore,ȱdescriptionȱofȱritualȱisȱa crucialȱdeviceȱupholdingȱtheȱprincipleȱofȱeconomyȱofȱtheȱrepresentationȱofȱpractice inȱ narrative.ȱ Third,ȱ sinceȱ theȱ peacemakingȱ ritualȱ isȱ anȱ integratedȱ sequence,ȱ its rearrangementȱinȱtheȱnarrativesȱpermitsȱaȱhierarchyȱofȱcausality,ȱhighlightingȱthe oneȱassigningȱagencyȱwhileȱstillȱaccountingȱforȱcomplexity.ȱFourth,ȱthisȱdoesȱnot necessarilyȱmeanȱthatȱritualȱandȱitsȱdescriptionȱareȱreducedȱtoȱtheȱroleȱofȱ(metaȬ) communicativeȱdevices.ȱTheȱmeaningȱandȱfunctionȱofȱtheȱpeacemakingȱpractice overlappedȱtypologicallyȱwithȱtheȱmeaningȱandȱfunctionȱofȱitsȱdescription.ȱAs practice,ȱritualȱworkedȱbyȱestablishingȱcrossȬcuttingȱtiesȱbetweenȱparadigms.ȱAs plotȱdevice,ȱdescriptionȱofȱritualȱworksȱbyȱestablishingȱcrossȬcuttingȱlinksȱbetween differentȱ strandsȱ ofȱ causality.ȱ Fromȱ aȱ functionalistȱ pointȱ ofȱ viewȱ inȱ whichȱ the source’sȱnarrativeȱstrategyȱpermittedȱitsȱexistence,ȱritualȱandȱitsȱdescriptionȱwere theȱsameȱthing.

Chapterȱ11ȱ AlbrechtȱClassen (TheȱUniversityȱofȱArizona,ȱTucson)

TheȱPowerȱofȱSermonsȱinȱWarȱandȱPeace:ȱ TheȱExampleȱofȱBertholdȱofȱRegensburg

WeȱareȱeasilyȱdeceivedȱbyȱtheȱhistoryȱofȱtheȱCrusadesȱandȱotherȱmilitaryȱconflicts inȱourȱassessmentȱofȱhowȱmedievalȱsociety,ȱandȱalsoȱtheȱChristianȱChurch,ȱjustified violentȱmeasuresȱtoȱachieveȱtheirȱgoalsȱinȱtheȱbroadestȱsenseȱofȱtheȱword:ȱthatȱis, toȱrealizeȱtheirȱvalues,ȱideals,ȱandȱmaterialȱobjectives.ȱThisȱproblemȱalsoȱconcerns, perhapsȱ somewhatȱ surprisingly,ȱ theȱ institutionȱ ofȱ chivalry.ȱ Forȱ usȱ itȱ seems considerablyȱeasier,ȱandȱalsoȱmuchȱmoreȱattractive,ȱtoȱdiscussȱtheȱhistoryȱofȱwars, weapons,ȱbattles,ȱfortresses,ȱsieges,ȱandȱtheȱlikeȱthanȱtoȱturnȱtoȱtheȱveryȱopposite: theȱ absenceȱ ofȱ authorized,ȱ largeȬscale,ȱ organizedȱ violence.1ȱ Notȱ surprisingly, becauseȱofȱtheirȱbroad,ȱmultiȬlevelȱoriginsȱandȱimpact,ȱwarȱandȱpeaceȱhaveȱbeen regardedȱfromȱratherȱcontrastiveȱperspectivesȱthroughoutȱtime,ȱasȱtheȱvastȱbody ofȱpertinentȱscholarship,ȱliteraryȱdocuments,ȱandȱartȱworkȱindicates.2ȱAlthough knighthoodȱ(chivalry)ȱboreȱtheȱgreatestȱpracticalȱandȱsymbolicȱmeaningȱinȱthe MiddleȱAges,ȱweȱwouldȱbeȱmistakenȱinȱassumingȱthatȱentireȱmedievalȱsocieties wereȱdeterminedȱbyȱmilitaristicȱthinkingȱandȱbrutal,ȱviolentȱbehaviorȱasȱaȱresult.3ȱ

1

2

3

Malteȱ Prietzel,ȱ Kriegȱ imȱ Mittelalterȱ (Darmstadt:ȱ Wissenschaftlicheȱ Buchgesellschaft,ȱ 2006),ȱ 8, correctlyȱarguesȱthatȱtheȱstudyȱofȱwarȱcanȱrevealȱmuchȱaboutȱtheȱparticularȱsocietyȱinȱwhichȱit occurs.ȱHowever,ȱtheȱsameȱcouldȱbeȱsaidȱforȱitsȱopposite—peace—thoughȱpeaceȱisȱlessȱreadily definable,ȱexceptȱforȱbyȱwhatȱitȱisȱnot. See,ȱforȱexample,ȱDominiqueȱBarthélémy,ȱL’AnȱmilȱetȱlaȱpaixȱdeȱDieu:ȱLaȱFranceȱchrétienneȱetȱféodale 980–1060ȱ(Paris:ȱFayard,ȱ1999).ȱSeeȱalsoȱtheȱcontributionȱtoȱthisȱvolumeȱbyȱCharlesȱW.ȱConnell. Theȱdegreeȱtoȱwhichȱmedievalȱsocietyȱreliedȱonȱritualsȱandȱperformativeȱactionsȱtoȱovercome conflictsȱandȱtoȱhandleȱdifficultȱpoliticalȱtensionsȱhasȱbeenȱthoroughlyȱexaminedȱbyȱGerdȱAlthoff inȱaȱnumberȱofȱstudies,ȱsee,ȱforȱinstance,ȱhisȱcollectionȱofȱseminalȱarticlesȱinȱSpielregelnȱderȱPolitik imȱMittelalter:ȱKommunikationȱinȱFriedenȱundȱFehdeȱ(Darmstadt:ȱPrimus,ȱ1997).ȱThereȱis,ȱofȱcourse, alsoȱaȱcertainȱdangerȱinȱoveremphasizingȱtheȱrelevanceȱofȱrituals,ȱasȱifȱtheyȱwereȱallȱhollowȱacts

314

AlbrechtȱClassen

Inȱfact,ȱnotȱevenȱtheȱdiscourseȱofȱpeaceȱcanȱbeȱdeemedȱaȱproductȱofȱmodern times;ȱratherȱitȱcanȱbeȱtracedȱmuchȱfartherȱbackȱatȱleastȱtoȱlateȱAntiquity,ȱthough thoseȱ voicesȱ addressingȱ theȱ needȱ toȱ containȱ warȱ andȱ establishȱ peaceful communicationsȱwere,ȱperhapsȱjustȱlikeȱtoday,ȱfewȱandȱfarȱbetween.ȱYetȱthese voicesȱremainȱmeaningfulȱforȱusȱtoday,ȱnotȱonlyȱasȱincidentalȱprecursors,ȱbutȱalso, moreȱpreciselyȱandȱsignificantly,ȱasȱinstructiveȱmodelsȱforȱspeakingȱoutȱstrongly forȱpeaceȱagainstȱaȱdominantȱmilitaryȱframeworkȱwithinȱtheirȱsociety,ȱamidstȱthe overwhelming,ȱgloriousȱauraȱofȱtheȱCrusadesȱandȱmanyȱotherȱwarȱcampaigns.4ȱ Knighthoodȱandȱrelatedȱmilitaryȱendeavorsȱwereȱnotȱnecessarilyȱtheȱultimate idealȱofȱtheȱaristocraticȱclass,ȱthoughȱtheyȱcertainlyȱfunctioned,ȱasȱtheyȱdoȱtoday, asȱanȱexpedientȱmeansȱtowardȱgainingȱpower,ȱmoney,ȱandȱinfluence.5ȱHowever, weȱhaveȱtoȱbeȱcarefulȱnotȱtoȱconfuseȱnaivelyȱtheȱmodernȱtermȱ“peace”ȱwithȱits medievalȱ conceptualȱ counterpart.ȱ Theȱ latterȱ mayȱ bestȱ beȱ definedȱ viaȱ detailed examinationȱofȱtheȱvariousȱcontextsȱinȱwhichȱtheȱwordȱappears.ȱWeȱcanȱbeȱcertain, forȱinstance,ȱthatȱknightlyȱdiscourseȱtreatedȱtheȱconceptȱofȱpeaceȱdifferentlyȱfrom thatȱofȱclerklyȱdiscourse—toȱciteȱoneȱofȱtheȱmostȱcommonȱdichotomiesȱgoverning medievalȱwritingȱstyle—andȱsoȱforth.6ȱ AlreadyȱSt.ȱAugustine,ȱwho,ȱasȱaȱfoundingȱtheologian,ȱmayȱthusȱbeȱconsidered aȱ prototypeȱ forȱ theȱ clerklyȱ voice,ȱ appealedȱ toȱ hisȱ contemporariesȱ toȱ pursueȱ a peacefulȱwayȱofȱlifeȱbecause,ȱasȱheȱsawȱit,ȱviolenceȱcanȱonlyȱengenderȱviolence, leadingȱ toȱ anȱ endlessȱ andȱ viciousȱ cycleȱ ofȱ aggressionȱ thatȱ wouldȱ victimize everyone:ȱ“Whyȱdoȱyouȱtreatȱthoseȱwhoȱareȱbadȱviolently?”ȱToȱwhich,ȱheȱanswers himself:ȱ “Asȱ soonȱ asȱ youȱ treatȱ themȱ violently,ȱ youȱ addȱ yourselfȱ toȱ them.”

4

5

6

withoutȱ specificȱ meaningȱ orȱ wouldȱ notȱ reflectȱ trueȱ motifs,ȱ emotions,ȱ andȱ desires;ȱ seeȱ Peter Dinzelbacher,ȱWarumȱweintȱderȱKönig?:ȱeineȱKritikȱdesȱmediävistischenȱPanritualismusȱ(Badenweiler: WissenschaftlicherȱVerlagȱBachmann,ȱ2009).ȱSeeȱalsoȱtheȱcontributionȱtoȱtheȱpresentȱvolumeȱby KirilȱPetkov. Oneȱofȱtheȱharshestȱcriticismsȱagainstȱmilitaryȱviolenceȱcanȱbeȱfoundȱinȱtheȱheroicȱtext,ȱDiuȱKlage, inȱwhichȱtheȱdevastatingȱconsequencesȱofȱtheȱdesperateȱbattleȱinȱtheȱNibelungenliedȱareȱbitterly commentedȱ on;ȱ seeȱ Albrechtȱ Classen,ȱ “Diuȱ Klageȱ –ȱ Aȱ Modernȱ Textȱ fromȱ theȱ Middleȱ Ages?” NeuphilologischeȱMitteilungenȱ96ȱ(1995):ȱ315–29;ȱid.,ȱ“RitualeȱdesȱTrauernsȱalsȱSinnstiftungȱund ethischeȱ Transformationȱ desȱ eigenenȱ Daseinsȱ imȱ agonalenȱ Raumȱ derȱ höfischenȱ Welt.ȱ Zwei Fallstudien:ȱDiuȱKlageȱundȱMaiȱundȱBeaflor,”ȱZeitschriftȱfürȱLiteraturwissenschaftȱundȱLinguistikȱ36 (2006):ȱ30–54.ȱSeeȱalsoȱElisabethȱLienert,ȱ“DerȱKörperȱdesȱKriegers:ȱErzählenȱvonȱHeldenȱinȱder ‘Nibelungenklage’,”ȱZeitschriftȱfürȱDeutschesȱAltertumȱundȱDeutscheȱLiteraturȱ130.2ȱ(2001):ȱ127Ȭ42. LudwigȱQuidde,ȱHistoireȱdeȱlaȱpaixȱpubliqueȱenȱAllemagneȱauȱmoyenȱâge,ȱTheȱHagueȱAcademyȱof InternationalȱLaw,ȱRecueilȱdesȱcours,ȱ1929,ȱ3ȱ(Paris:ȱs.ȱn.,ȱ1930);ȱKriegȱundȱFriedenȱimȱÜbergangȱvom Mittelalterȱ zurȱ Neuzeit:ȱ Theorie,ȱ Praxis,ȱ Bilder,ȱ ed.ȱ Heinzȱ Duchhardtȱ andȱ Patriceȱ Veit. Veröffentlichungenȱ desȱ Institutsȱ fürȱ europäischeȱ Geschichteȱ Mainz.ȱ Beiheft,ȱ 52ȱ (Mainz:ȱ von Zabern,ȱ2000);ȱNicolasȱOffenstadt,ȱFaireȱlaȱpaixȱauȱMoyenȱÂge:ȱdiscoursȱetȱgestesȱdeȱpaixȱpendantȱla GuerreȱdeȱCentȱAnsȱ(Paris:ȱO.ȱJacob,ȱ2007). Albrechtȱ Hagenlocher,ȱ Derȱ guoteȱ vride:ȱ Idealerȱ Friedeȱ inȱ deutscherȱ Literaturȱ bisȱ insȱ früheȱ 14. Jahrhundert.ȱHistorischeȱWortforschung,ȱ2ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱdeȱGruyter,ȱ1992),ȱ1–33.

TheȱPowerȱofȱSermonsȱinȱWarȱandȱPeace

315

Althoughȱheȱdidȱnotȱrejectȱallȱauthorities,ȱtheȱmilitary,ȱandȱtheȱpenalȱsystem,ȱhe stillȱinsistedȱonȱaȱpeacefulȱframeȱofȱmind,ȱorȱconceptualȱapproachȱtoȱlife:ȱ“Iȱurge you,ȱplease,ȱbyȱtheȱLordȱandȱhisȱgentleness,ȱtoȱliveȱgentlyȱandȱpeaceably;ȱandȱto allowȱ theȱ authoritiesȱ toȱ doȱ theirȱ jobȱ inȱ peace.”7ȱ Otherȱ theologiansȱ and philosophers,ȱ poetsȱ andȱ artistsȱ formulatedȱ similarȱ ideas,ȱ thoughȱ theyȱ have remainedȱmostlyȱhiddenȱinȱtheȱshadowȱofȱmedievalȱhistory,ȱasȱifȱtheyȱdidȱnot belongȱtoȱtheȱmainstreamȱofȱtheȱpublicȱdiscourse.8ȱ Inȱ orderȱ toȱ bringȱ toȱ lightȱ oneȱ ofȱ theȱ manyȱ voicesȱ arguingȱ forȱ peaceȱ andȱ to contributeȱ toȱ Peaceȱ Studiesȱ scholarshipȱ fromȱ aȱ medievalȱ perspective,9ȱ Iȱ have chosenȱtoȱexamineȱoneȱofȱtheȱmostȱpopularȱlateȬmedievalȱpreachers,ȱtheȱFranciscan BertholdȱofȱRegensburgȱ(ca.ȱ1210–1272)ȱwhoȱutilizedȱhisȱmanyȱopportunitiesȱasȱa publicȱspeaker/preacherȱtoȱremindȱhisȱaudiencesȱofȱtheȱgraveȱdangersȱresulting fromȱviolenceȱandȱaggressiveȱbehavior:ȱthatȱis,ȱtheȱlackȱofȱpeace.10ȱButȱheȱmeant “peace”ȱinȱaȱsomewhatȱdifferentȱcontextȱfromȱwhatȱweȱmightȱassume,ȱandȱalso fromȱ whatȱ manyȱ ofȱ hisȱ contemporariesȱ mightȱ haveȱ expected.ȱ Ifȱ weȱ turn,ȱ for instance,ȱtoȱtheȱvastȱcorpusȱofȱdidacticȱpoetry,ȱsuchȱasȱtheȱratherȱpopularȱgnomic stanzasȱbyȱtheȱfourteenthȬcenturyȱVienneseȱpoetȱHeinrichȱderȱTeichner,ȱweȱwould discoverȱ manyȱ parallelȱ positionsȱ andȱ argumentsȱ againstȱ war,ȱ thoughȱ there expressedȱinȱmuchȱmoreȱconcrete,ȱspecificȱtermsȱdirectedȱagainstȱmilitaryȱthreats againstȱ theȱ civilianȱ population.11ȱ Inȱ fact,ȱ aȱ carefulȱ examinationȱ ofȱ medieval literatureȱquicklyȱyieldsȱnumerousȱusagesȱofȱtheȱtermȱ‘peace’ȱinȱaȱwideȱvarietyȱof contexts,ȱ forcingȱ usȱ toȱ modifyȱ ourȱ notionȱ ofȱ ‘peace’ȱ considerably.12ȱ Berthold 7

8

9

10

11

12

QuotedȱfromȱAlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ“Introduction:ȱViolenceȱinȱtheȱShadowȱofȱtheȱCourt.ȱViolenceȱin theȱ Pastȱ andȱ Present:ȱ Theoreticalȱ andȱ Literaryȱ Investigations,”ȱ Violenceȱ inȱ Medievalȱ Courtly Literature:ȱ Aȱ Casebook,ȱ ed.ȱ Albrechtȱ Classen.ȱ Routledgeȱ Medievalȱ Casebooksȱ (Newȱ Yorkȱ and London:ȱRoutledge,ȱ2004),ȱ1–36,ȱatȱ6. SeeȱtheȱexcellentȱanthologyȱofȱrelevantȱtextsȱcompiledȱinȱTheȱEthicsȱofȱWar:ȱClassicȱandȱContemporary Readings,ȱed.ȱGregoryȱM.ȱReichberg,ȱHenrikȱSyse,ȱandȱEndreȱBegbyȱ(Malden,ȱMA,ȱOxford,ȱand Carlton,ȱVictoria,ȱAustralia:ȱBlackwellȱPublishing,ȱ2006).ȱ A[rthur]ȱ C[harles]ȱ F[rederick]ȱ Beales,ȱ Theȱ Historyȱ ofȱ Peace:ȱ Aȱ Shortȱ Accountȱ ofȱ theȱ Organised MovementsȱforȱInternationalȱPeaceȱ(London:ȱG.ȱBell/Newȱ York:ȱDialȱPress,ȱ1931);ȱLindaȱRennie Forcey,ȱ“IntroductionȱtoȱPeaceȱStudies,”ȱPeace:ȱMeanings,ȱPolitics,ȱStrategies,ȱed.ȱeademȱ(NewȱYork, Westport,ȱConn.,ȱandȱLondon:ȱPraeger,ȱ1989),ȱ3–14;ȱatȱ4,ȱdefinesȱPeaceȱStudiesȱasȱ“Learningȱhow weȱshouldȱchangeȱourȱthinking….”ȱSheȱcontinues:ȱ“Peaceȱstudiesȱattractsȱthoseȱwhoȱseekȱaȱmore liberatingȱeducation,ȱoneȱthatȱdemandsȱaȱwillingnessȱofȱbothȱteachersȱandȱstudentsȱtoȱassume personalȱandȱsocialȱresponsibilityȱforȱlifelongȱeducation.”ȱSeeȱalsoȱBenjaminȱZiemann,ȱPerspektiven derȱhistorischenȱFriedensforschung.ȱFriedenȱundȱKrieg:ȱBeiträgeȱzurȱhistorischenȱFriedensforschung, 1ȱ(Essen:ȱKlartext,ȱ2002);ȱRanabirȱSamaddar,ȱPeaceȱStudies:ȱAnȱIntroductionȱtoȱtheȱConcept,ȱScopeȱand Themesȱ(London:ȱSage,ȱ2005)ȱ Forȱaȱbriefȱoverview,ȱseeȱDebraȱL.ȱStoudt,ȱ“BertholdȱvonȱRegensburg,”ȱMedievalȱGermany:ȱAn Encyclopedia,ȱed.ȱJohnȱM.ȱJeepȱ(NewȱYorkȱandȱLondon:ȱGarland,ȱ2001),ȱ52–53. AlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ“HeinrichȱderȱTeichner:ȱCommentatorȱandȱCriticȱofȱtheȱWorldsȱofȱtheȱCourtȱand theȱAristocracy,”ȱOrbisȱLitterarumȱ63.3ȱ(2008):ȱ237Ȭ61. StefanȱHohmann,ȱFriedenskonzepte:ȱDieȱThematikȱdesȱFriedensȱinȱderȱdeutschsprachigenȱpolitischenȱLyrik

316

AlbrechtȱClassen

pursuedȱoneȱofȱtheseȱinȱgreatȱdetailȱandȱinȱaȱsophisticatedȱmethod,ȱemployingȱhis peculiarȱFranciscanȱperspectives.ȱ Byȱwayȱofȱintroduction,ȱhowever,ȱIȱwouldȱfirstȱlikeȱtoȱdiscussȱtheȱhistoryȱof sermonsȱasȱaȱliteraryȱgenreȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱwithȱanȱemphasisȱonȱtheȱsituation inȱ medievalȱ Germany.ȱ Iȱ shallȱ thenȱ turnȱ toȱ Berthold’sȱ remarksȱ themselvesȱ as containedȱ inȱ someȱ ofȱ hisȱ sermons,ȱ whichȱ willȱ allowȱ usȱ toȱ gainȱ aȱ solid understandingȱ ofȱ howȱ warȱ andȱ peaceȱ wereȱ discussedȱ atȱ leastȱ inȱ clerical, specificallyȱFranciscan,ȱcircles. Contraryȱtoȱcommonȱassumptions,ȱtheȱmedievalȱmanuscriptȱtraditionȱyielded enormousȱnumbersȱofȱtextsȱofȱalmostȱanyȱconceivableȱgenre,ȱcontent,ȱandȱformat, thoughȱonlyȱaȱfractionȱofȱthoseȱhaveȱactuallyȱsurviveȱtoday.ȱTheȱprintingȱpress tookȱdecadesȱbeforeȱitȱreallyȱdevelopedȱintoȱaȱseriousȱcompetitorȱwithȱmanuscript ateliersȱinȱtextualȱproductionȱandȱgainedȱinȱmomentumȱonlyȱbyȱtheȱendȱofȱthe fifteenthȱ century,ȱ whereasȱ theȱ worldȱ ofȱ handwrittenȱ texts,ȱ especiallyȱ sinceȱ the thirteenthȱ century,ȱ experiencedȱ anȱ astonishingȱ proliferation,ȱ generatingȱ entire librariesȱthroughoutȱEurope.13ȱNotȱsurprisingly,ȱsermonsȱprovedȱtoȱbeȱsomeȱofȱthe mostȱpopularȱandȱinfluentialȱtextualȱgenres,ȱevenȱbyȱtheȱearlyȱMiddleȱAges,ȱboth inȱ Latinȱ andȱ inȱ theȱ variousȱ vernaculars,14ȱ suchȱ asȱ theȱ Exhortatioȱ adȱ plebem christianamȱ(ExhortationȱtoȱtheȱtheȱChristianȱPopulace)ȱfromȱtheȱninthȱcentury,ȱthe Venerableȱ Bede’sȱ sermonsȱ inȱ AngloȬSaxonȱ (ninthȱ century),15ȱ andȱ fragmentsȱ of sermonsȱfromȱtheȱtwelfthȱcentury.ȱAȱcollectionȱofȱseventyȱsermonsȱisȱcontainedȱin theȱSpeculumȱecclesieȱ(MirrorȱforȱtheȱChurch)ȱinȱaȱBenediktbeurenȱmanuscriptȱfrom theȱ middleȱ ofȱ theȱ twelfthȱ century.ȱ Sinceȱ then,ȱ theȱ productionȱ ofȱ sermonsȱ and correspondingȱcollectionsȱincreasedȱdramatically,ȱsuchȱasȱtheȱLeipzigȱSermons,ȱthe OberaltaichȱSermons,ȱtheȱSt.ȱPaulerȱSermons,ȱandȱtheȱSt.ȱGeorgeȱSermons.ȱAllȱofȱthem wereȱbased,ȱoneȱwayȱorȱtheȱother,ȱonȱLatinȱsources,ȱfromȱwhichȱtheyȱexpanded andȱ extrapolated,ȱ eachȱ sermonȱ contributingȱ inȱ itsȱ ownȱ wayȱ toȱ theȱ explosive

13

14

15

desȱMittelalters.ȱ Ordo.ȱStudienȱzurȱLiteraturȱundȱGesellschaftȱdesȱMittelaltersȱundȱderȱfrühen Neuzeit,ȱ3ȱ(Cologne,ȱWeimar,ȱandȱVienna:ȱBöhlau,ȱ1992);ȱseeȱalsoȱHagenlocher,ȱDerȱguoteȱvrideȱ(see noteȱ6).ȱForȱtheȱlateȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱearlyȱmodernȱtimes,ȱseeȱHorstȱBrunner,ȱetȱal.,ȱDulceȱbellum inexpertis:ȱBilderȱdesȱKriegesȱinȱderȱdeutschenȱLiteraturȱdesȱ15.ȱundȱ16.ȱJahrhunderts.ȱImaginesȱMedii Aevi,ȱ11ȱ(Wiesbaden:ȱReichert,ȱ2002). UweȱNeddermeyer,ȱVonȱderȱHandschriftȱzumȱgedrucktenȱBuch.ȱSchriftlichkeitȱundȱLeseinteresseȱim Mittelalterȱ undȱ inȱ derȱ frühenȱ Neuzeit.ȱ Quantitativeȱ undȱ qualitativeȱ Aspekte.ȱ 2ȱ vols.ȱ BuchwissenȬ schaftlicheȱ Beiträgeȱ ausȱ demȱ deutschenȱ Bucharchivȱ München,ȱ 61ȱ (Wiesbaden:ȱ Harrassowitz, 1998). SeeȱnowȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱConstructingȱtheȱMedievalȱSermon,ȱed.ȱRogerȱAndersson,ȱSermo,ȱ6 (Turnhout:ȱBrepols,ȱ2008).ȱNowȱseeȱalsoȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱDieȱPredigtȱimȱMittelalterȱzwischen Mündlichkeit,ȱBildlichkeitȱundȱSchriftlichkeit,ȱed.ȱRenéȱWetzelȱandȱFabriceȱFlückiger,ȱtogetherȱwith RobertȱSchulz.ȱMedienwandelȱ–ȱMedienwechselȱ–ȱMedienwissen,ȱ13ȱ(Zürich:ȱChronos,ȱ2010). See,ȱforȱinstance,ȱMiltonȱMc[Cormick]ȱGatch,ȱPreachingȱandȱTheologyȱinȱAngloȬSaxonȱEngland:ȱAelfric andȱWulfstanȱ(TorontoȱandȱBuffalo:ȱUniversityȱofȱTorontoȱPress,ȱ1977).

TheȱPowerȱofȱSermonsȱinȱWarȱandȱPeace

317

disseminationȱofȱvernacularȱreligiousȱliteratureȱduringȱtheȱhighȱandȱlateȱMiddle Ages.ȱ Bertholdȱ vonȱ Regensburgȱ emergedȱ asȱ aȱ famousȱ preacherȱ ofȱ theȱ thirteenth century,ȱfollowedȱbyȱtheȱbetterȬknownȱmysticȱandȱphilosopherȱMeisterȱEckhart (ca.ȱ 1260–ca.ȱ 1328).ȱ Someȱ ofȱ theȱ mostȱ famousȱ sermonȱ collectionsȱ wereȱ the SchwarzwälderȱPredigten,ȱheraldingȱtheȱfourteenthȬcenturyȱfloweringȱasȱevidenced inȱsermonsȱbyȱJohannesȱTauler,ȱNikolausȱvonȱStraßburg,ȱNikolausȱvonȱLandau, HartwigȱvonȱErfurt,ȱHermannȱvonȱFritzlar,ȱJordanȱvonȱQuedlinburg,ȱHeinrichȱvon Egwint,ȱMarquardȱvonȱLindau,ȱandȱintoȱtheȱfifteenthȱcenturyȱviaȱNikolausȱvon Dinkelsbühl.16ȱTheseȱauthors’ȱsermonsȱdeserveȱtoȱbeȱstudiedȱfromȱmanyȱdifferent perspectivesȱbecauseȱtheyȱrepresentȱtheȱmoralȱandȱethicalȱperspectivesȱpursued byȱtheȱChurch,ȱthenȱbecauseȱtheyȱcontainȱpersonalȱopinionsȱandȱreflectionsȱofȱlocal conditions,ȱandȱfinallyȱbecauseȱtheyȱrevealȱmuchȱinformationȱaboutȱtheȱhistoryȱof mentality,ȱasideȱfromȱtheirȱliterary,ȱrhetorical,ȱandȱofȱcourse,ȱreligiousȱqualities.17 Irrespectiveȱofȱtheȱpreacher’sȱindividualȱpositionȱregardingȱanyȱparticularȱtopicȱof publicȱrelevance,ȱhisȱcommentsȱillustrateȱinȱoneȱwayȱorȱanotherȱcertainȱstrandsȱof theȱgeneralȱdiscourse.ȱThisȱcanȱbeȱdemonstrated,ȱforȱinstance,ȱwithȱregardȱtoȱthe discourseȱonȱlove,ȱmarriage,ȱandȱsexuality,18ȱbutȱsoȱalsoȱconcerningȱpolitics,ȱthe laws,ȱethics,ȱmorality,ȱandȱhenceȱalsoȱwarȱandȱpeace. Withȱ theȱ foundingȱ ofȱ theȱ preachingȱ orders—theȱ Franciscansȱ andȱ the Dominicans—inȱ theȱ earlyȱ thirteenthȱ century,ȱ theȱ sermonȱ asȱ aȱ rhetoricalȱ genre gainedȱconsiderablyȱinȱweightȱandȱsignificance.19ȱAlthoughȱtheyȱdidȱnotȱinventȱthe genreȱofȱsermonsȱasȱsuch,ȱtheȱFriars,ȱaboveȱall,ȱprovedȱtoȱbeȱsoȱeffectiveȱinȱtheir effortsȱtoȱreachȱoutȱtoȱtheȱlaityȱbyȱwayȱofȱsermonsȱbecauseȱtheyȱintensifiedȱthe

16

17

18

19

DieȱdeutscheȱLiteraturȱimȱspätenȱMittelalterȱ1250–1370.ȱSecondȱPart:ȱReimpaargedichte,ȱDrama,ȱProsa, ed.ȱIngeborgȱGlier,ȱGeschichteȱderȱdeutschenȱLiteraturȱvonȱdenȱAnfängenȱbisȱzurȱGegenwart,ȱ3, 2ȱ (Munich:ȱ Beck,ȱ 1987),ȱ 318–20.ȱ Forȱ aȱ detailedȱ studyȱ ofȱ oneȱ majorȱ corpus,ȱ seeȱ HansȬJochen Schiewer,ȱ‘DieȱSchwarzwälderȱPredigten’:ȱEntstehungsȬȱundȱÜberlieferungsgeschichteȱderȱSonntagsȬȱund Heiligenpredigten.ȱMitȱeinerȱMusteredition.ȱMünchenerȱTexteȱundȱUntersuchungenȱzurȱdeutschen LiteraturȱdesȱMittelalters,ȱ105ȱ(Tübingen:ȱNiemeyer,ȱ1996). Seeȱ theȱ fascinatingȱ approachȱ toȱ sermonsȱ byȱ Aaronȱ J.ȱ Gurjewitschȱ [Gurevich],ȱ Mittelalterliche Volkskultur,ȱtrans.ȱbyȱMatthiasȱSpringerȱ(Munich:ȱC.ȱH.ȱBeck,ȱ1987);ȱorig.ȱProblemyȱsrednevekovoi narodnoiȱkul’turyȱ(Moscow:ȱIzkusstvo,ȱ1981). AlbrechtȱClassen,ȱDerȱLiebesȬȱundȱEhediskursȱvomȱhohenȱMittelalterȱbisȱzumȱfrühenȱ17.ȱJahrhundert. Volksliedstudien,ȱ5ȱ(Münster,ȱNewȱYork,ȱMunich,ȱandȱBerlin:ȱWaxmann,ȱ2005). D.ȱL.ȱD’Avray,ȱTheȱPreachingȱofȱtheȱFriars:ȱSermonsȱDiffusedȱfromȱParisȱPriorȱtoȱ1300ȱ(Oxfordȱand NewȱYork:ȱClarendonȱPress,ȱ1985),ȱ25,ȱemphasizes:ȱ“Theȱsuccessȱofȱbothȱhereticalȱpreachersȱand JacquesȱdeȱVitry’sȱ‘pseudoȬpreachers’ȱsuggestsȱthatȱtheȱperiodȱaroundȱ1200ȱwasȱaȱcriticalȱpoint inȱtheȱhistoryȱofȱtheȱrelationsȱbetweenȱpopularȱreligionȱandȱtheȱinstitutionalȱChurch.ȱAlmostȱany kindȱofȱwanderingȱpreacher,ȱitȱwouldȱseem,ȱhadȱaȱchanceȱofȱwinningȱaȱfollowingȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”ȱSeeȱalso H.ȱLeithȱSpencer,ȱEnglishȱPreachingȱinȱtheȱLateȱMiddleȱAgesȱ(OxfordȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱClarendon Press,ȱ1993).

318

AlbrechtȱClassen

religiousȱandȱmoralȬethicalȱteachingsȱandȱtheȱemotionalȱemphasis.20ȱMoreover, theyȱmadeȱitȱobligatoryȱforȱallȱmembersȱofȱtheȱOrdersȱtoȱofferȱsermons.ȱWeȱknow ofȱca.ȱ200ȱFranciscansȱinȱtheȱperiodȱbetweenȱ1226ȱandȱ1526ȱwhoȱcomposedȱca.ȱ350 majorȱcollectionsȱofȱsermons,ȱofȱwhich,ȱunfortunately,ȱstillȱaȱvastȱmajorityȱhasȱnot beenȱpublishedȱinȱmodernȱtimes.ȱOnlyȱbyȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱthirteenthȱcenturyȱdid thoseȱ corporaȱ pursueȱ specificȱ themes,ȱ suchȱ asȱ theȱ discussionȱ ofȱ theȱ structure, obligations,ȱandȱdutiesȱofȱtheȱthreeȱestates,ȱsuchȱasȱbyȱJacquesȱdeȱVitryȱ(d.ȱ1240), GuibertȱofȱTournaiȱ(d.ȱ1284),ȱandȱHumbertȱofȱRomansȱ(d.ȱ1277).ȱGuibertȱofȱTournai preachedȱonȱtheȱsubjectsȱofȱdeathȱandȱtheȱSevenȱLastȱWordsȱofȱChrist;ȱGiovanni daȱGemignanoȱ(ca.ȱ1260/1270–1333)ȱsoughtȱtoȱfosterȱcontemptȱforȱtheȱmaterial world,ȱwhileȱurgingȱhisȱlistenersȱprovideȱassistanceȱtoȱtheȱdyingȱandȱconsolation toȱtheȱliving.ȱThereȱwereȱsermonsȱonȱfasting,ȱonȱspecialȱbooksȱorȱpassagesȱinȱthe Bible,ȱandȱonȱmysticalȱvisions,ȱnotȱtoȱmentionȱtheȱcountlessȱaspectsȱofȱdailyȱlife requiringȱreligiousȱregulation,ȱasȱtheȱclericsȱsawȱit.21 Ofȱcourse,ȱsermonsȱinȱtheȱvariousȱvernacularsȱhadȱbeenȱpreachedȱalreadyȱinȱthe earlyȱMiddleȱAges,ȱasȱdocumentedȱbyȱCharlemagne’sȱlegislationȱinȱ813ȱregarding theȱneedȱtoȱhaveȱpreachersȱaddressȱtheȱlaityȱinȱtheirȱownȱlanguage.ȱButȱtheȱreal importanceȱofȱsermonsȱsurfacedȱonlyȱbyȱtheȱearlyȱthirteenthȱcentury.ȱTheȱtenth canonȱofȱtheȱFourthȱLateranȱCouncilȱ(1215)ȱinsisted,ȱforȱinstance,ȱthatȱtheȱbishops hadȱtheȱresponsibilityȱtoȱfindȱandȱappointȱtrustworthyȱpreachers.ȱSomeȱofȱtheȱbestȬ knownȱpreachersȱwereȱPopeȱInnocentȱIIIȱ(1198–1216),ȱStephenȱLangton,ȱtheȱlater archbishopȱofȱCanterburyȱ(d.ȱ1228),ȱPeterȱtheȱChanterȱ(d.ȱ1197),ȱRobertȱofȱCourson (d.ȱ1219),ȱandȱJohnȱofȱAbbevilleȱ(d.ȱ1237).ȱManyȱsermonsȱwereȱobviouslyȱdelivered inȱtheȱvernacular,ȱbutȱtheyȱwereȱthenȱwrittenȱdownȱinȱLatin,ȱsuchȱasȱthoseȱby MauriceȱdeȱSully,ȱbishopȱofȱParisȱ(d.ȱ1196).ȱBernardȱofȱClairvauxȱaddressedȱmonks inȱLatin,ȱtheȱordinaryȱpeople,ȱhowever,ȱinȱtheirȱownȱlanguage.ȱQuiteȱcommonly, aȱparticipantȱinȱtheȱaudienceȱevenȱcopiedȱdownȱexcerptsȱfromȱtheȱsermonȱand laterȱdevelopedȱthoseȱintoȱtheȱfullyȬfledgedȱtext.22 BertholdȱvonȱRegensburgȱ(ca.ȱ1210–1272),ȱtheȱfocusȱofȱourȱattentionȱhere,ȱenjoyed someȱ ofȱ theȱ greatestȱ popularityȱ asȱ aȱ preacherȱ andȱ leftȱ behindȱ anȱ impressive

20

21

22

Forȱaȱbroaderȱperspective,ȱseeȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱEmotionsȱandȱSensibilitiesȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱed. C.ȱStephenȱJaegerȱandȱIngridȱKasten.ȱTrendsȱinȱMedievalȱPhilology,ȱ1ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱde Gruyter,ȱ2003).ȱForȱFranciscanȱpreaching,ȱseeȱDanielȱR.ȱLesnick,ȱPreachingȱinȱMedievalȱFlorence:ȱThe SocialȱWorldȱofȱFranciscanȱandȱDominicanȱSpiritualityȱ(Athens,ȱGA:ȱTheȱUniversityȱofȱGeorgiaȱPress, 1989). J.ȱLongère,ȱ“Predigt:ȱUrsprüngeȱundȱRecht,”ȱLexikonȱdesȱMittelalters,ȱ7ȱ(Munich:ȱLexmaȱVerlag, 1995),ȱ171–74.ȱSeeȱalso,ȱinȱthisȱsameȱvolume,ȱH[ans]ȬJ[ochen]ȱSchiewer,ȱ“Predigt:ȱVolkssprachliche LiteraturenȱdesȱWestens,”ȱ174–75,ȱusefullyȱcitingȱtheȱrelevantȱresearch. PhyllisȱB.ȱRoberts,ȱ“PreachingȱandȱSermonȱLiterature,ȱWesternȱEurope,”ȱDictionaryȱofȱtheȱMiddle Ages,ȱed.ȱJosephȱR.ȱStrayer.ȱVol.ȱ10ȱ(NewȱYork:ȱCharlesȱScribner’s,ȱ1988),ȱ75–82.

TheȱPowerȱofȱSermonsȱinȱWarȱandȱPeace

319

numberȱofȱsermonsȱinȱLatinȱandȱMiddleȱHighȱGerman.23ȱThoughȱweȱknowȱhardly anythingȱaboutȱhisȱyouth,ȱitȱseemsȱprobableȱthatȱheȱstudiedȱinȱMagdeburg,ȱalong withȱ Davidȱ vonȱ Augsburg,ȱ hisȱ laterȱ companionȱ (socius).24ȱ Heȱ beganȱ withȱ his preachingȱcareerȱinȱAugsburgȱinȱ1240.ȱSinceȱ1253ȱheȱworkedȱinȱBohemia,ȱthenȱin Landshutȱ(Bavaria),ȱinȱ1254ȱandȱ1255ȱweȱfindȱhimȱactiveȱinȱSpeyer,ȱColmar,ȱthen inȱvariousȱcitiesȱinȱSwitzerland,ȱandȱinȱAustria.ȱHisȱsuccessȱasȱaȱpreacherȱmust haveȱ beenȱ stupendous,ȱ thoughȱ claimsȱ thatȱ heȱ attractedȱ upȱ toȱ 200,000ȱ people appearȱexaggerated.ȱInȱ1263ȱPopeȱUrbanȱIVȱappointedȱhim,ȱalongȱwithȱAlbertus Magnus,ȱasȱaȱpreacherȱagainstȱtheȱheretics,ȱandȱthisȱcommissionȱledȱhimȱthrough Germany,ȱFrance,ȱandȱSwitzerland.ȱHeȱdiedȱinȱ1272,ȱbutȱfurtherȱdetailsȱaboutȱhis lifeȱescapeȱus. HisȱLatinȱsermons,ȱwhichȱheȱcompiledȱandȱeditedȱhimselfȱbetweenȱ1250ȱand 1255,ȱseemȱtoȱbeȱauthentic,25ȱwhereasȱhisȱGermanȱsermonsȱwereȱassembledȱonly posthumouslyȱ inȱ ca.ȱ 1275ȱ byȱ theȱ sameȱ groupȱ ofȱ Franciscansȱ whoȱ copiedȱ the DeutschenspiegelȱandȱtheȱSchwabenspiegel,ȱimportantȱcustumalsȱ“mirroring,”ȱthat is,ȱdocumentingȱlegalȱpracticesȱandȱestablishingȱfundamentalȱsetsȱofȱlaws.26ȱThe necessaryȱdistinctionȱbetweenȱtheȱpreacherȱwhoȱactuallyȱdeliveredȱtheȱsermons andȱ theȱ composersȱ ofȱ theȱ writtenȱ versions—bothȱ couldȱ beȱ oneȱ andȱ theȱ same personȱ dependingȱ onȱ theȱ specificȱ case—indicatesȱ howȱ influentialȱ aȱ successful sermonȱcouldȱhaveȱbeen,ȱinvolvingȱmostlyȱaȱteamȱofȱintellectualsȱworkingȱtogether onȱtheȱcreationȱandȱpublicationȱofȱtheȱtextȱthatȱservedȱmultipleȱfunctionsȱbothȱfor theȱlearnedȱandȱlayȱaudiences.27ȱBertholdȱwasȱhighlyȱsoughtȱafterȱandȱseemsȱto

23

24

25

26

27

Forȱ aȱ moreȱ recentȱ bibliography,ȱ aȱ biography,ȱ andȱ someȱ textȱ excerptsȱ online,ȱ see http://www.bertholdȬvonȬregensburg.deȱȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱAprilȱ11,ȱ2011). ForȱDavidȱvonȱAugsburg,ȱseeȱKurtȱRuh,ȱGeschichteȱderȱabendländischenȱMystik.ȱVol.ȱ2:ȱFrauenmystik undȱFranziskanischeȱMystikȱderȱFrühzeitȱ(Munich:ȱBeck,ȱ1993),ȱ524–37;ȱClaudiaȱRüegg,ȱDavidȱvon Augsburg:ȱhistorische,ȱtheologischeȱundȱphilosophischeȱSchwierigkeitenȱzuȱBeginnȱdesȱFranziskanerordens inȱDeutschland.ȱDeutscheȱLiteraturȱvonȱdenȱAnfängenȱbisȱ1700,ȱ4ȱ(BernȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱPeterȱLang, 1989). Laurentiusȱ Casutt,ȱ Dieȱ Handschriftenȱ mitȱ lateinischenȱ Predigtenȱ Bertholdsȱ vonȱ Regensburg,ȱ ca. 1210–1272ȱ(Freiburg,ȱSwitz.:ȱUniversitätsverlag,ȱ1961);ȱidem,ȱ“DieȱBeziehungȱeinerȱFreiburger Handschriftȱ zumȱ lateinischenȱ Predigtwerkȱ Bertholdsȱ vonȱ Regensburg,”ȱ Zeitschriftȱ für schweizerischeȱKirchengeschichteȱ56ȱ(1962):ȱ73–112;ȱ215–61. FrankȱG.ȱBanta,ȱ“BertholdȱvonȱRegensburg,”ȱDieȱdeutscheȱLiteraturȱdesȱMittelalters:ȱVerfasserlexikon. 2nd,ȱcompletelyȱrev.ȱed.ȱKurtȱRuhȱetȱal.ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱdeȱGruyter,ȱ1978),ȱ1:ȱ817–23.ȱSee alsoȱ Dieterȱ Richter,ȱ Dieȱ deutscheȱ Überlieferungȱ derȱ Predigtenȱ Bertholdsȱ vonȱ Regensburg. UntersuchungenȱzurȱgeistlichenȱLiteraturȱdesȱSpätmittelalters.ȱMünchenerȱTexteȱundȱUntersuchungen zurȱdeutschenȱLiteraturȱdesȱMittelalters,ȱ21ȱ(Munich:ȱBeck,ȱ1969). BertholdȱvonȱRegensburg,ȱDeutscheȱPredigtenȱ(Überlieferungsgruppeȱ*Z),ȱed.ȱDieterȱRichter.ȱKleine deutscheȱProsadenkmälerȱdesȱMittelalters,ȱ5ȱ(Munich:ȱWilhelmȱFink,ȱ1968),ȱ16–20.ȱSeeȱalsoȱtheȱstill seminalȱstudyȱbyȱAntonȱE.ȱSchönbach,ȱStudienȱzurȱGeschichteȱderȱaltdeutschenȱPredigt,ȱIV–VI:ȱDie ÜberlieferungȱderȱWerkeȱBertholdsȱvonȱRegensburg,ȱSitzungsberichteȱderȱkaiserlichenȱAkademieȱder WissenschaftenȱinȱWien,ȱphilosophischȬhistorischeȱKlasse,ȱ153ȱ(Vienna:ȱGerold,ȱ1906).

320

AlbrechtȱClassen

haveȱconsiderablyȱinfluencedȱhisȱcontemporaries,ȱsomeȱofȱwhomȱwereȱsoȱmoved byȱhisȱpreachingȱthatȱtheyȱradicallyȱchangedȱtheirȱlivesȱandȱrelinquishedȱproperty toȱwhichȱtheyȱwereȱallegedlyȱnotȱentitled.28ȱNumerousȱchroniclersȱreportedȱon Berthold’sȱoutstandingȱtalentȱforȱarousingȱhisȱlistenersȱthroughȱtheȱforceȱofȱhis words,ȱviaȱsuchȱlaudatoryȱLatinȱandȱGermanȱtermsȱas:ȱ“hetteȱgrosseȱgnadenȱin seinenȱpredigen”ȱ(1253);ȱ“reversusȱestȱfraterȱBertoldus”ȱ(1255);ȱ“derȱguotȱsêlig landprediger”ȱ(1255);ȱ“egregiusȱpredicator”ȱ(1255);ȱ“eximiusȱpredicator”ȱ(1255), or:ȱ “omniumȱ suaȱ ætateȱ fuitȱ opinioneȱ celeberrimus.ȱ Magnusȱ eoȱ prædicante hominumȱconcursusȱfiebat”ȱ(1266).29 Asȱisȱtoȱbeȱexpectedȱfromȱsuchȱaȱprolificȱandȱpopularȱpreacher,ȱBerthold’sȱmany sermonsȱaddressedȱaȱwideȱrangeȱofȱtopicsȱthatȱdealȱwithȱtheologicalȱandȱethical issues.ȱForȱinstance,ȱheȱdiscussedȱgoodȱbehaviorȱ(sermonȱ1),ȱtheȱsevenȱplanetsȱ(4), angelsȱ (7),ȱ murderersȱ (9),ȱ heavenȱ (10),ȱ sinȱ (14),ȱ theȱ Tenȱ Commandmentsȱ (19), marriageȱ(21),ȱconfessionȱ(22),ȱgoodȱheartsȱ(25),ȱvirtuesȱ(28),ȱholyȱmassȱ(31),ȱbodily sicknessȱandȱdeathȱ(32)—allȱinȱtheȱfirstȱvolume,ȱandȱmanyȱofȱthoseȱandȱothersȱare repeatedȱinȱtheȱsecondȱvolume,ȱwhereȱheȱalsoȱaddressedȱfastingȱ(38),ȱtheȱsickness ofȱtheȱsoulȱ(41),ȱtheȱservantsȱofȱtheȱdevilȱ(51),ȱtheȱmeaningȱofȱtheȱsevenȱplanets (61),ȱetc.,ȱthoughȱneitherȱverbatimȱnorȱevenȱinȱtheȱsameȱstructuralȱpattern.30ȱInȱfact, weȱmightȱidentifyȱhimȱasȱoneȱofȱtheȱmostȱencyclopedicȱandȱpopularȱoratorsȱofȱthe entireȱGermanȱMiddleȱAges,ȱstirringȱtheȱheartsȱandȱmindsȱofȱmassiveȱaudiences throughoutȱnorthernȱEurope.31ȱAsȱscholarsȱhaveȱrepeatedlyȱconfirmed,ȱbothȱhis writingȱ styleȱ andȱ probablyȱ hisȱ oralȱ deliveryȱ asȱ wellȱ mustȱ haveȱ beenȱ most impressive,ȱasȱheȱseemsȱtoȱhaveȱleftȱhisȱhugeȱcrowdȱofȱavidȱlistenersȱvirtually spellbound.32 Theȱ seventeenthȱ sermonȱ specificallyȱ addressesȱ peace,ȱ thatȱ is,ȱ theȱ idealȱ and dreamȱofȱpeaceȱasȱitȱisȱimplantedȱinȱallȱpeople:ȱ“Derȱfrideȱistȱeinȱdinc,ȱdesȱalliuȱdiu werltȱbegertȱundȱandersȱnihtȱdanneȱdesȱfrides.ȱUndȱallezȱdazȱderȱmenscheȱbegert undeȱtuot,ȱdazȱtuotȱerȱandersȱnihtȱdanneȱdurchȱdenȱfride”ȱ(236;ȱPeaceȱisȱaȱthing thatȱ theȱ entireȱ worldȱ yearnsȱ for,ȱ andȱ nothingȱ elseȱ butȱ peace.ȱ Althoughȱ many scholarsȱhaveȱporedȱoverȱBerthold’sȱsermons,ȱtheȱparticularȱthemeȱofȱpeaceȱdoes

28

29 30

31

32

BertholdȱvonȱRegensburg:ȱVollständigeȱAusgabeȱseinerȱdeutschenȱPredigtenȱmitȱEinleitungenȱund Anmerkungenȱ vonȱ Franzȱ Pfeifferȱ undȱ Josephȱ Strobl.ȱ Mitȱ einerȱ Bibliographieȱ undȱ einem überlieferungsgeschichtlichenȱ Beitragȱ vonȱ Kurtȱ Ruh.ȱ Deutscheȱ Neudrucke.ȱ Reihe:ȱ Texteȱ des Mittelaltersȱ(Berlin:ȱdeȱGruyter,ȱ1965),ȱ“Einleitung,”ȱ1:ȱ13–14.ȱHenceforthȱ=ȱBerthold,ȱed.ȱRuh. Berthold,ȱed.ȱRuh,ȱ1:ȱ22–27ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28). Regardingȱheavenlyȱmattersȱinȱhisȱsermons,ȱseeȱChristaȱOechslinȱWeibel,ȱ“Einȱübergüldeȱallerȱder sælikeitȬȬ”:ȱDerȱHimmelȱundȱdieȱanderenȱEschataȱinȱdenȱdeutschenȱPredigtenȱBertholdsȱvonȱRegensburg. DeutscheȱLiteraturȱvonȱdenȱAnfängenȱbisȱ1700,ȱ44ȱ(BernȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱPeterȱLang,ȱ2005). Christianȱ Wilhelmȱ Stromberger,ȱ Bertholdȱ vonȱ Regensburg,ȱ derȱ grössteȱ Volksrednerȱ desȱ deutschen Mittelalters.ȱRpt.ȱ(1877;ȱWallufȱbeiȱWiesbaden:ȱSändig,ȱ1973). BertholdȱdeȱRastisbonne,ȱPéchésȱetȱVertus:ȱScènesȱdeȱlaȱvieȱduȱXIIIeȱsiècle.ȱTextesȱprésentés,ȱtraduits etȱcommentésȱparȱClaudeȱLecouteuxȱetȱPhilippeȱMarcoȱ(Paris:ȱEditionsȱDesjonquères,ȱ1991),ȱ13–16.

TheȱPowerȱofȱSermonsȱinȱWarȱandȱPeace

321

notȱseemȱtoȱhaveȱattractedȱsignificantȱinterest.33ȱEverythingȱwhatȱmanȱdesiresȱand does,ȱ heȱ doesȱ onlyȱ inȱ orderȱ toȱ achieveȱ piece).ȱ Bertholdȱ comparesȱ theȱ needȱ for peaceȱwithȱtheȱsameȱinstinctȱthatȱdrivesȱmanȱtoȱeatȱwhenȱheȱisȱhungry,ȱtoȱdrink whenȱheȱisȱthirsty,ȱorȱaȱfireȱtoȱwarmȱhimselfȱwhenȱsufferingȱfromȱcold.ȱPeace, likewise,ȱemergesȱasȱaȱfundamentalȱnecessityȱforȱwhichȱmanȱwillȱdoȱanythingȱto fulfill.ȱForȱtheȱpreacher,ȱpeaceȱcanȱbeȱdefinedȱasȱaȱmeansȱtoȱovercomeȱaȱdeficiency orȱ afflictionȱ andȱ toȱ achieveȱ individualȱ happiness.ȱ Inȱ thisȱ senseȱ peaceȱ canȱ be characterized,ȱaccordingȱtoȱBerthold,ȱasȱtheȱessentialȱbasisȱofȱallȱexistence:ȱ“Und alsôȱbegertȱalliuȱdiuȱwerltȱehtȱnihtȱwanȱfrides,ȱnochȱderȱvogelȱinȱdemȱlufteȱnoch derȱvischȱinȱdemȱwâgeȱnochȱdazȱtierȱinȱdemȱwaldeȱnochȱderȱwurmȱinȱderȱerden, undȱalliuȱdiuȱgeschaftȱdieȱgotȱieȱgeschuofȱdiuȱbegertȱdesȱfrides”ȱ(237;ȱthusȱthe entireȱworldȱdesiresȱnothingȱbutȱpeace,ȱbothȱtheȱbirdȱinȱtheȱairȱandȱtheȱfishȱinȱthe water,ȱbothȱtheȱanimalȱinȱtheȱforestȱandȱtheȱwormȱinȱtheȱsoil;ȱallȱcreaturesȱthatȱGod hasȱeverȱcreatedȱneedȱpeace).ȱMoreover,ȱtheȱentireȱcreationȱisȱdefinedȱbyȱpeace,ȱas theȱpreacherȱemphasizes.ȱHeȱconnectsȱChrist’sȱbirthȱwithȱtheȱcomingȱofȱpeace, citingȱtheȱpassageȱinȱtheȱNewȱTestamentȱinȱwhichȱtheȱangelsȱsingȱtheirȱpraiseȱof GodȱinȱfrontȱofȱChrist’sȱmanger:ȱ“‘gloriaȱinȱexcelcisȱdeoȱetȱinȱterraȱpaxȱhominibus bonaeȱvoluntatis’”ȱ(237).ȱ BertholdȱrefersȱhisȱlistenersȱtoȱChrist’sȱcommonȱgreetingȱhereȱonȱearth:ȱ“‘pax vobis’”ȱ(237),ȱbothȱbeforeȱandȱduringȱHisȱPassion,ȱandȱevenȱatȱtheȱmomentȱofȱHis ascensionȱtoȱheaven.ȱGodȱorderedȱmanȱtoȱobeyȱ peace,ȱtherebyȱenablingȱmany moreȱpeopleȱtoȱjoinȱChristȱinȱtheȱafterworld.ȱPeace,ȱhowever,ȱneedsȱtoȱbeȱdivided intoȱ threeȱ aspects,ȱ andȱ onlyȱ thoseȱ whoȱ canȱ realizeȱ allȱ threeȱ wouldȱ beȱ granted accessȱtoȱheaven.ȱBertholdȱdoesȱnotȱidentifyȱtheseȱatȱfirst;ȱinsteadȱheȱrefersȱtoȱthe devilsȱ thatȱ striveȱ toȱ undermineȱ God’sȱ effortsȱ atȱ rescuingȱ mankindȱ byȱ evoking humanity’sȱ naturalȱ desireȱ forȱ peaceȱ andȱ pretendingȱ toȱ honorȱ it.ȱ Theȱ devils’ strategyȱinvolvesȱcreatingȱfalseȱcoinsȱonȱtheȱnobleȱpeace,ȱonȱtheȱjustȱpeace,ȱandȱon theȱmercifulȱpeace.34ȱ

33

34

Theȱ aspectsȱ inȱ Berthold’sȱ sermonsȱ havingȱ attractedȱ theȱ mostȱ attentionȱ pertainȱ toȱ rhetorical elements,ȱhisȱconnectionsȱwithȱotherȱsermonȱwriters,ȱeditorialȱissues,ȱtheȱconceptȱofȱsin,ȱhisȱappeal toȱ theȱ audience,ȱ andȱ criticismȱ ofȱ theȱ feudalȱ system.ȱ See,ȱ forȱ instance,ȱ Dagmarȱ Neuendorff, “BruoderȱBertholdȱsprichetȱ–ȱaberȱsprichtȱerȱwirklich?ȱZurȱRhetorikȱinȱBertholdȱvonȱRegensburg zugeschriebenenȱdeutschenȱPredigten.”ȱNeuphilologischeȱMitteilungenȱ101.2ȱ(2000):ȱ301–12;ȱVolker Mertens,ȱ“‘DerȱimpliziteȱSünder’:ȱPrediger,ȱHörerȱundȱLeserȱinȱPredigtenȱdesȱ14.ȱJahrhunderts: MitȱeinerȱTextpublikationȱausȱdenȱ‘BerlinerȱPredigte’,”ȱZurȱdeutschenȱSpracheȱundȱLiteraturȱdesȱ14. Jahrhunderts,ȱed.ȱWalterȱHaug,ȱTimothyȱR.ȱJackson,ȱandȱJohannesȱJanota.ȱBeiträgeȱzurȱLiteraturȬ undȱSprachwissenschaft,ȱ45ȱ(Heidelberg:ȱWinter,ȱ1983),ȱ76–114.ȱBothȱHohmann,ȱ57–60ȱ(seeȱnote 12),ȱandȱHagenlocher,ȱDerȱguoteȱvride,ȱ117–22ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6),ȱofferȱbriefȱdiscussionsȱofȱBerthold’s aproachȱtoȱpeace;ȱtheȱfirstȱemphasizingȱtheȱinfluenceȱofȱAugustinianȱthinkingȱonȱthisȱpreacher, theȱlatterȱunderscoringȱtheȱnoteworthyȱdistinctionȱbetweenȱgoodȱandȱbadȱpeace. Hagenlocher,ȱDerȱguoteȱvride,ȱ119ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6).

322

AlbrechtȱClassen

ThisȱmetaphorȱobviouslyȱworkedȱwellȱbecauseȱBertholdȱwasȱalreadyȱawareȱof theȱprevalenceȱofȱcoins,ȱmanyȱofȱwhichȱboreȱlesserȱvalueȱorȱwereȱevenȱworthless becauseȱ theyȱ wereȱ composedȱ ofȱ cheapȱ copperȱ insteadȱ ofȱ silverȱ orȱ gold,ȱ asȱ the resultȱofȱanȱinflationary,ȱdeceptiveȱfiscalȱpolicyȱpromotedȱbyȱterritorialȱlordsȱand others:35ȱ“alsȱderȱrehteȱvalscheȱkupferîneȱpfenningeȱsleht,ȱdieȱvalschȱundeȱkupferîn sint,ȱûfȱguoteȱpfenninge”ȱ(237;ȱjustȱasȱtheȱtrueȱcheaterȱcoinsȱcopperȱcoinsȱthatȱare falseȱandȱmadeȱoutȱofȱcopper,ȱasȱifȱtheyȱwereȱgoodȱcoins).ȱTheȱreferenceȱtoȱcoins hasȱprimarilyȱethicalȱandȱmoralȱmeaning,ȱyetȱitȱalsoȱindicatesȱtheȱextentȱtoȱwhich aȱmonetaryȱsystemȱhadȱalreadyȱbeenȱestablished—andȱalsoȱbeenȱabusedȱbyȱthe dishonest.36ȱAlthoughȱBertholdȱdoesȱnotȱspecifyȱitȱoutright,ȱheȱstillȱequatesȱthe unholyȱallianceȱofȱlustȱforȱmoneyȱwithȱlustȱforȱviolence,ȱsinceȱthoseȱwhoȱaccept money,ȱparticularlyȱfalseȱcoins,ȱorȱdistributeȱit,ȱcannotȱreachȱheaven,ȱ“dazȱinȱgot geheizenȱhete”ȱ(238;ȱthatȱGodȱhadȱofferedȱthem).37ȱ Onlyȱthenȱdoesȱtheȱpreacherȱpresentȱaȱdetailedȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱthreeȱtypesȱof peace:ȱpeaceȱwithȱGod,ȱpeaceȱwithȱoneself,ȱandȱpeaceȱwithȱone’sȱneighbor.ȱThe firstȱprotectsȱmanȱfromȱtheȱdevil’sȱtemptationsȱandȱfromȱGod’sȱownȱwrathȱtoward man.ȱ Thisȱ peaceȱ canȱ beȱ achievedȱ byȱ avoidingȱ allȱ deadlyȱ sins,ȱ sinceȱ Godȱ had alreadyȱexpelledȱthousandsȱofȱangelsȱwhoȱhadȱfailedȱtoȱupholdȱtheirȱpledgeȱto Him.ȱThoseȱwhoȱbreakȱtheȱpeaceȱwithȱGodȱcanȱneverȱhopeȱtoȱregainȱit.ȱAdamȱwas alsoȱbannedȱfromȱParadiseȱonceȱheȱhadȱbetrayedȱGod’sȱtrust,ȱbutȱsinceȱheȱhad beenȱseducedȱintoȱdoingȱsoȱbecauseȱofȱhisȱignorance,ȱChristȱcameȱdownȱtoȱearth andȱrescuedȱmanȱagain.ȱByȱcontrast,ȱtheȱangelsȱhadȱdeliberatelyȱturnedȱagainst Godȱoutȱofȱhubris,ȱwhichȱrenderedȱtheirȱredemptionȱimpossible.ȱBertholdȱutilizes thisȱcriticismȱagainstȱtheȱfallenȱangelsȱalsoȱasȱaȱwarningȱforȱtheȱpowerfulȱleaders ofȱhisȱtimeȱwhoȱalsoȱhaveȱbecomeȱguiltyȱofȱarroganceȱandȱhenceȱbreakȱtheȱpeace withȱGod:ȱ“dieȱsintȱsâȱzehantȱfridebrecher;ȱoderȱswelherȱleieȱsündeȱezȱist,ȱdaz houbetsündeȱsîn,ȱsôȱistȱfrideȱûz”ȱ(238;ȱtheyȱareȱtheȱdestroyersȱofȱpeace;ȱirrespective ofȱwhatȱmajorȱsinȱitȱmightȱbe,ȱitȱendsȱtheȱpeace).ȱTheȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱman andȱGodȱisȱpredicatedȱonȱpeace,ȱandȱallȱpeopleȱcouldȱeasilyȱmaintainȱit,ȱifȱthey

35

36

37

InȱGermanȱthisȱisȱcalledȱ“Münzverrufung,”ȱorȱdenigrationȱofȱcoins,ȱseeȱBerndȱSprenger,ȱDasȱGeld derȱDeutschen:ȱGeldgeschichteȱDeutschlandsȱvonȱdenȱAnfängenȱbisȱzurȱGegenwartȱ(Paderborn,ȱMunich, etȱal.:ȱFerdinandȱSchöningh,ȱ1991),ȱ64–67. Albrechtȱ Classen,ȱ “Theȱ Roleȱ ofȱ Wealthȱ andȱ Moneyȱ inȱ Medievalȱ andȱ LateȬMedievalȱ German Literature,”ȱNeuphilologischeȱMitteilungenȱ101ȱ(2000):ȱ415–28;ȱid.,ȱ“DieȱBedeutungȱvonȱGeldȱinȱder Weltȱ desȱ hohenȱ undȱ spätenȱ Mittelalters.ȱ Mitȱ besondererȱ Berücksichtigungȱ vonȱ Zeugenȱ der mittelhochdeutschenȱLiteraturgeschichte:ȱWaltherȱvonȱderȱVogelweideȱbisȱSebastianȱBrantȱund Fortunatus,”ȱ Studiȱ Medievaliȱ 42ȱ (2001):ȱ 565–604.ȱ Seeȱ alsoȱ Dieterȱ Kartschoke,ȱ “Reginaȱ pecunia, dominusȱnummus,ȱherȱphenning.ȱGeldȱundȱSatireȱoderȱdieȱMachtȱderȱTradition,”ȱGeldȱimȱMittelalter, ed.ȱKlausȱGrubmüllerȱandȱMarkusȱStockȱ(Darmstadt:ȱWissenschaftlicheȱBuchgesellschaft,ȱ2005), 182–203. Forȱhisȱuseȱofȱmetaphorsȱinȱhisȱsermons,ȱseeȱEugenieȱNussbaum,ȱMetapherȱundȱGleichnisȱbeiȱBertold vonȱRegensburgȱ(Vienna:ȱselfȬpublished,ȱ1902).

TheȱPowerȱofȱSermonsȱinȱWarȱandȱPeace

323

wereȱnotȱconstantlyȱtemptedȱbyȱtheȱdevilȱtoȱtransgressȱethicalȱandȱmoralȱnorms andȱvalues:ȱ“Undeȱdarȱumbeȱsôȱhântȱdieȱtiuvelȱvalschȱgeslagenȱûfȱdenȱedelnȱfride, denȱ einȱ ieglichȱ menscheȱ habenȱ solteȱ mitȱ gote”ȱ (238;ȱ Thereforeȱ theȱ devilsȱ have coinedȱfalselyȱtheȱnobleȱpeaceȱwhichȱeachȱpersonȱshouldȱhaveȱwithȱGod).ȱ Theȱ secondȱ typeȱ ofȱ peace,ȱ peaceȱ withȱ oneselfȱ (“frideȱ mitȱ dirȱ selber”)ȱ (238), impliesȱanȱintrospectiveȱapproachȱtoȱtheȱthornyȱissueȱatȱstake,ȱwhileȱtheȱthirdȱtype, toȱ whichȱ theȱ preacherȱ turnsȱ immediatelyȱ afterward—peaceȱ withȱ one’s neighbor—isȱ peaceȱ ofȱ aȱ social,ȱ andȱ thusȱ moreȱ externalȱ kind.ȱ Lookingȱ around, Bertholdȱtellsȱus,ȱheȱobservesȱonlyȱfalseȱpeaceȱeverywhereȱonȱearth,ȱbutȱheȱblames theȱdevilsȱforȱthisȱwrongdoingȱandȱunderminingȱofȱtheȱdivineȱcommand.ȱInȱfact, lifeȱhasȱbecomeȱtopsyȬturvy,ȱwithȱmanȱmakingȱpeaceȱwithȱtheȱdevilȱinsteadȱofȱwith Godȱ(239),ȱmakingȱpeaceȱwithȱtheȱflesh,ȱorȱlustfulness,ȱinsteadȱofȱwithȱoneself,ȱand makingȱpeaceȱwithȱtheȱmaterialȱpleasuresȱofȱthisȱworldȱinsteadȱofȱpeaceȱwithȱone’s fellowȱhumanȱbeings.ȱ Peaceȱwithȱtheȱselfȱisȱdefinedȱasȱaȱharmoniousȱbalanceȱbetweenȱtheȱneedsȱofȱthe soulȱandȱtheȱneedsȱofȱtheȱbody:ȱ“alsôȱdazȱderȱlîpȱnihtȱbegernȱsolȱdanneȱdazȱderȱsêle guotȱist”ȱ(239;ȱsoȱthatȱtheȱbodyȱshouldȱnotȱdesireȱforȱanythingȱbutȱwhatȱisȱgoodȱfor theȱsoul).ȱSimilarly,ȱpeaceȱwithȱone’sȱneighborsȱimplies,ȱinȱreality,ȱpeaceȱwithȱthe entireȱmaterialȱexistenceȱ(“derȱwerlteȱsüezekeit,”ȱ239,ȱtheȱsweetnessȱofȱtheȱworld). Again,ȱBertholdȱdoesȱnotȱrejectȱmundaneȱlife,ȱasȱlongȱasȱmoderation,ȱharmony, andȱbalanceȱprevail.ȱProblemsȱalwaysȱarise,ȱasȱtheȱpreacherȱemphasizes,ȱbecause ofȱtheȱinfluenceȱexertedȱbyȱtheȱdevil,ȱwhereasȱGodȱhadȱoriginallyȱcommanded peopleȱtoȱpursueȱpeaceȱwithȱeachȱother.ȱ Addingȱ aȱ suddenȱ socialȬcriticalȱ perspective,ȱ heȱ metaphoricallyȱ underscoresȱ mankind’sȱunequalȱchancesȱforȱsalvationȱbyȱcomparingȱitȱtoȱwhenȱoneȱperson unnecessarilyȱwearsȱtwoȱorȱthreeȱcoats,ȱwhileȱanother,ȱwithoutȱsuchȱprotection, mightȱ freezeȱ inȱ theȱ coldȱ wind.ȱ Thisȱ injusticeȱ couldȱ onlyȱ leadȱ toȱ theȱ lossȱ ofȱ all worldlyȱpleasuresȱonȱbothȱsides.ȱOnlyȱthoseȱwhoȱwouldȱpracticeȱloveȱforȱGodȱand forȱ one’sȱ neighbor—analogousȱ toȱ coatsȱ againstȱ sinfulȱ winds—couldȱ countȱ on gainingȱaccessȱtoȱheaven.ȱHowever,ȱBertholdȱquicklyȱdiscriminatesȱandȱwarnsȱof following,ȱorȱloving,ȱthoseȱneighborsȱwhoȱareȱguiltyȱofȱsinfulȱbehavior,ȱaȱdeceptive strategyȱinitiatedȱbyȱtheȱdevil.ȱ Theȱirony,ȱthen,ȱwouldȱbeȱthatȱthoseȱwhoȱdoȱhaveȱtheȱcarelessȱmindȱofȱaȱrobber, wouldȱfollowȱothersȱproneȱtoȱsuchȱcriminalȱbehavior.ȱThusȱlovingȱone’sȱneighbor unconditionallyȱdoesȱnotȱsuffice,ȱsinceȱs/heȱcouldȱbeȱanȱevilȱperson.ȱToȱsolveȱthis dilemma,ȱ Bertholdȱ emphasizesȱ thatȱ allȱ peopleȱ areȱ brothers,ȱ andȱ theyȱ should embraceȱthisȱconceptȱwithȱlove,ȱwhereasȱtheȱdevilȱmisleadsȱeveryoneȱwithȱhis deceptive,ȱfalseȱcoinsȱ(240).ȱOfȱcourse,ȱthereȱdoesȱnotȱseemȱtoȱbeȱanȱeasyȱformula forȱresolvingȱtheȱintricaciesȱofȱhumanȱrelationshipsȱasȱprojectedȱbyȱtheȱpreacher, sinceȱ heȱ neverȱ instructsȱ usȱ asȱ toȱ howȱ toȱ distinguishȱ betweenȱ goodȱ andȱ bad neighborȱmodels,ȱwithoutȱwhichȱoneȱrisksȱsuchȱundesirableȱdilemmasȱasȱpeace

324

AlbrechtȱClassen

amongȱ criminals.ȱ Berthold’sȱ sermonȱ onlyȱ admonishesȱ usȱ againstȱ takingȱ the Christianȱcommandȱtoȱloveȱone’sȱneighborȱtooȱliterally. Similarly,ȱregardingȱloveȱforȱoneself,ȱtheȱpreacherȱemphasizesȱtheȱneedȱtoȱavoid allȱ sinsȱ toȱ achieveȱ thatȱ goal,ȱ thoughȱ heȱ doesȱ notȱ specifyȱ howȱ toȱ discriminate betweenȱ theȱ wrongȱ andȱ theȱ rightȱ approachȱ whichȱ isȱ soȱ relevantȱ forȱ him. Counteringȱsomeȱarguments,ȱBertholdȱinsistsȱthatȱtheȱsoulȱisȱtheȱmasterȱofȱhuman life,ȱ andȱ ifȱ itȱ acceptsȱ sinfulness,ȱ theȱ bodyȱ alsoȱ failsȱ andȱ losesȱ theȱ peaceȱ heȱ so ardentlyȱseeksȱ(240).ȱOfȱcourse,ȱsinsȱhappenȱallȱtheȱtimeȱandȱdoȱnotȱnecessarily causeȱtheȱdownfallȱofȱmanȱbecauseȱthereȱareȱjustȱtooȱmanyȱ(241).ȱTheȱonlyȱideal solutionȱconsistsȱinȱallowingȱtheȱselfȱ(bodyȱandȱsoul)ȱtoȱbeȱgovernedȱbyȱtheȱmore virtuousȱsoul:ȱ“sôȱistȱehtȱeinȱganzerȱfrideȱzwischenȱlîbeȱundeȱsêle”ȱ(241;ȱthenȱthere willȱbeȱcompleteȱpeaceȱbetweenȱbodyȱandȱsoul).ȱInȱrealȱlife,ȱhowever,ȱtheȱsituation isȱ justȱ theȱ opposite,ȱ withȱ theȱ bodyȱ determiningȱ theȱ courseȱ ofȱ theȱ individual, irrespectiveȱofȱtheȱsoul’sȱdesiresȱ(241).ȱTheȱreasonsȱforȱthisȱareȱplainȱtoȱseeȱfor Bertholdȱbecauseȱtheȱbodyȱisȱmadeȱoutȱofȱmatter,ȱsoȱitȱdesiresȱmaterialȱthingsȱthat threatenȱtheȱwellȬbeingȱofȱtheȱsoul.ȱOnlyȱtheȱoppositeȱcourseȱcouldȱachieveȱthe divineȱpeace:ȱ“Dazȱistȱderȱfride,ȱdâȱmiteȱderȱunedelȱlîpȱderȱedelenȱsêleȱvolgenȱsol, undeȱsolȱirȱgehôrsamȱundȱuntertænicȱsîn”ȱ(242;ȱThatȱisȱtheȱpeaceȱaccordingȱto whichȱtheȱignobleȱbodyȱshouldȱfollowȱtheȱnobleȱsoul,ȱandȱmustȱbeȱobedientȱand submissiveȱtoȱher).ȱ Ofȱcourse,ȱtheseȱsuggestionsȱareȱofȱnoȱpracticalȱapplicabilityȱandȱmustȱhaveȱleft theȱaudienceȱwonderingȱhowȱtoȱrealizeȱthoseȱidealsȱextolledȱbyȱBertholdȱregarding peaceȱinȱitsȱthreefoldȱmanifestation.ȱWhenȱturningȱtoȱtheȱthirdȱkindȱofȱpeace,ȱpeace withȱGod,ȱtheȱpreacherȱidentifiesȱfirstȱallȱthoseȱwhoȱhaveȱturnedȱtheirȱbackȱtoȱHim: hereticsȱand,ȱgenerallyȱspeaking,ȱrecalcitrantsȱwhoȱrefuseȱtoȱbeȱconvertedȱorȱhave turnedȱawayȱfromȱgodlyȱbehavior;ȱadamantlyȱrejectingȱallȱeffortsȱtoȱrescueȱthose whomȱtheȱdevilȱhasȱmisledȱ(243).ȱSignificantly,ȱforȱBerthold,ȱhardenedȱhereticsȱcan neverȱbeȱrescuedȱforȱChristianityȱandȱstayȱtheirȱownȱcourse,ȱblindȱtoȱallȱofȱGod’s commandsȱ(243),ȱunlessȱtheyȱhaveȱturnedȱintoȱhereticsȱonlyȱrecentlyȱandȱstillȱcould beȱreached.ȱ Theȱthirdȱgroupȱofȱsinnersȱwhoȱhaveȱblockedȱtheirȱmindsȱandȱdoȱnotȱwantȱto obeyȱGod’sȱlawsȱareȱthoseȱwhoȱareȱfightingȱevenȱagainstȱtheȱHolyȱSpirit,ȱaȱthreat toȱtheȱsoulȱofȱwhichȱtheȱpreacherȱdoesȱnotȱevenȱdareȱtoȱspeak:ȱ“dâȱengetürrenȱwir nihtȱvonȱgereden,ȱwanȱdazȱistȱehtȱunsȱverboten”ȱ(243;ȱweȱdoȱnotȱdareȱtoȱspeak aboutȱitȱbecauseȱitȱisȱforbiddenȱtoȱus).ȱButȱheȱcharacterizesȱsomeȱofȱthemȱasȱgreedy peopleȱ(“gîtigenȱliute,”ȱ243)ȱwhoȱactȱcontraryȱtoȱGod’sȱlawsȱbyȱpracticingȱusury, committingȱbribery,ȱrobbery,ȱandȱtheft,ȱmakingȱdeceptiveȱpurchases,ȱorȱengaging inȱanyȱotherȱkindȱofȱmisbehaviorȱpurelyȱforȱmonetaryȱgainȱ(243).ȱWhereasȱallȱother sinners,ȱwhetherȱmurderersȱorȱadulterers,ȱgamblersȱorȱsorcerers,ȱoccasionallyȱtake respiteȱandȱthusȱdoȱnotȱsinȱconstantly,ȱtheȱavariciousȱneverȱrestȱasȱtheyȱceaselessly pursueȱtheirȱevilȱgoalsȱbecauseȱtheyȱhaveȱsignedȱanȱagreementȱwithȱtheȱdevil:

TheȱPowerȱofȱSermonsȱinȱWarȱandȱPeace

325

“Dazȱistȱdâȱvon,ȱdazȱsieȱfrideȱmitȱdemȱtiuvelȱhabent”ȱ(244;ȱTheȱreasonȱisȱthatȱthey haveȱestablishedȱpeaceȱwithȱtheȱdevil).ȱ Inȱ otherȱ words,ȱ thereȱ isȱ goodȱ peaceȱ andȱ badȱ peace,ȱ andȱ theȱ formerȱ leadsȱ to ultimateȱhappiness,ȱtheȱlatterȱtoȱdestruction,ȱstrife,ȱconflict,ȱgreed,ȱandȱviolence. ParticularlyȱtheȱusurersȱirritateȱBerthold,ȱwhoȱlashesȱoutȱagainstȱtheirȱgreedȱand theirȱinabilityȱtoȱunderstandȱGod’sȱcommandsȱbecauseȱtheyȱdestroyȱpeaceȱamong peopleȱasȱaȱresultȱofȱtheirȱexclusivelyȱmaterialisticȱthinking.ȱTheȱmoreȱtheyȱsinȱthe moreȱtheyȱenjoyȱpursuingȱtheirȱtradeȱ(245)ȱinsofarȱasȱtheȱcapitalisticȱprofitȱmargin growsȱforȱthemȱthroughȱeveryȱmonetaryȱtransaction.ȱSurprisingly,ȱBertholdȱdetails hisȱ chargeȱ inȱ thoseȱ specificȱ terms,ȱ indicatingȱ howȱ muchȱ heȱ wasȱ awareȱ ofȱ the impactȱthatȱmoneyȱexertedȱoverȱhisȱsocietyȱandȱofȱtheȱdisruptingȱconsequencesȱof usuryȱforȱtheȱpeacefulȱrelationshipsȱamongȱpeople:ȱ“Pfî,ȱgîtiger,ȱwieȱgarȱgelîchȱdû demȱtiuvelȱbist”ȱ(245;ȱYuck,ȱyouȱgreedyȱperson,ȱyouȱareȱsoȱsimilarȱtoȱtheȱdevil). Butȱevenȱmoreȱsurprisingly,ȱcontraryȱtoȱgeneralȱstereotypingȱofȱJewsȱasȱbeingȱthe onlyȱusurers,ȱheȱneverȱevenȱmentionsȱthemȱandȱonlyȱaccusesȱpeople,ȱwhether ChristiansȱorȱJews,ȱofȱcommittingȱaȱdeadlyȱsinȱifȱtheyȱtakeȱinterestȱonȱaȱfinancial loan.38ȱNevertheless,ȱcomparingȱotherȱsermonsȱproducedȱinȱtheȱthirteenthȱcentury, usuryȱ generallyȱ arisesȱ asȱ oneȱ ofȱ theȱ worstȱ sinsȱ andȱ wasȱ systematicallyȱ and radicallyȱcondemned,ȱasȱJacquesȱleȱGoffȱhasȱalreadyȱobserved:ȱ“Withȱvirtuallyȱno excusesȱavailable,ȱtheȱusurerȱremained,ȱduringȱtheȱthirteenthȱcentury,ȱoneȱofȱthe fewȱmenȱwhoseȱtradeȱwasȱcondemnedȱsecundumȱse,ȱ‘inȱitself,’ȱdeȱnatura,ȱ‘byȱitsȱvery nature.’ȱHeȱsharedȱthisȱunhappyȱfateȱwithȱprostitutesȱandȱacrobats.”39 Bertholdȱmightȱhaveȱalsoȱrealizedȱthatȱhisȱwordsȱwouldȱnotȱnecessarilyȱreach theirȱtarget,ȱsinceȱheȱassumesȱthatȱthoseȱwhomȱheȱhasȱidentifiedȱasȱgreedyȱwould notȱbeȱableȱtoȱfeelȱanyȱremorse,ȱjustȱlikeȱtheȱhereticsȱandȱthoseȱwhoȱsinȱagainstȱthe HolyȱGhostȱ(245).ȱNevertheless,ȱheȱappealedȱtoȱthemȱtoȱrelinquishȱtheirȱpeaceȱwith theȱdevilȱandȱtoȱturnȱinsteadȱtoȱhavingȱpeaceȱwithȱGod.ȱOnlyȱthenȱwouldȱsomeȱof theȱmostȱburningȱissuesȱinȱsocietyȱbeȱresolved,ȱinȱhopesȱthatȱwidespreadȱpeace wouldȱfindȱgeneralȱacceptance.ȱTheȱfirstȱstepȱtowardȱpeaceȱwouldȱbeȱifȱtheȱrich wouldȱreturnȱsomeȱofȱtheirȱillȬgottenȱwealthȱ(246).ȱTheȱonlyȱtrueȱgoalȱshouldȱbe

38

39

MarkusȱJ.ȱWenninger,ȱ“JudenȱundȱChristenȱalsȱGeldgeberȱimȱhohenȱundȱspätenȱMittelalter,”ȱDie JudenȱinȱihrerȱmittelalterlichenȱUmwelt,ȱed.ȱAlfredȱEbenbauerȱandȱKlausȱZatloukalȱ(Vienna,ȱCologne, andȱ Weimar:ȱ Böhlau,ȱ 1991),ȱ 281–99;ȱ Winfriedȱ Frey,ȱ “zehenȱ tunneȱ goldes:ȱ Zumȱ Bildȱ des ‘Wucherjuden’ȱinȱdeutschenȱTextenȱdesȱspätenȱMittelaltersȱundȱderȱfrühenȱNeuzeit,”ȱSôȱwoldȱich inȱ fröidenȱ singen:ȱ Festgabeȱ fürȱ Anthoniusȱ H.ȱ Touberȱ zumȱ 65.ȱ Geburtstag,ȱ ed.ȱ Carlaȱ DauvenȬvan KnippenbergȱandȱHelmutȱBirkhan.ȱAmsterdamerȱBeiträgeȱzurȱälterenȱGermanistikȱ43–44ȱ(1995): 177–94.ȱ Seeȱ alsoȱ HansȬJörgȱ Gilomen,ȱ “Wucherȱ undȱ Wirtschaftȱ imȱ Mittelalter,”ȱ Historische Zeitschriftȱ250ȱ(1990):ȱ265–301. JacquesȱleȱGoff,ȱYourȱMoneyȱorȱYourȱLife:ȱEconomyȱandȱReligionȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱtrans.ȱPatricia Ranumȱ(NewȱYork:ȱZoneȱBooks,ȱ1988),ȱ50;ȱorig.ȱLaȱBourseȱetȱlaȱvie:ȱéconomieȱetȱreligionȱauȱMoyenȱâge (Paris:ȱHachette,ȱ1986).

326

AlbrechtȱClassen

divineȱloveȱ(minne),ȱwhichȱwouldȱneverȱexpireȱandȱthusȱbeȱthereȱforever.ȱNext, BertholdȱurgesȱthemȱtoȱconsiderȱtheirȱloveȱforȱGodȱasȱtheȱprerequisiteȱforȱchanging theirȱavariciousȱbehavior,ȱtherebyȱestablishingȱaȱbasisȱforȱaȱpeacefulȱinteraction withȱ allȱ people.ȱ Theȱ naturalȱ gratitudeȱ forȱ theȱ lifeȱ givenȱ byȱ Godȱ shouldȱ also convinceȱtheȱusurersȱtoȱabandonȱtheirȱoldȱhabitsȱandȱtoȱceaseȱtheirȱsinfulȱdealings (247).ȱ Finally,ȱremindingȱthemȱofȱtheȱVirginȱMary,ȱheȱappealsȱtoȱtheȱsinnersȱtoȱreturn toȱaȱlifeȱwithoutȱsinning:ȱ“Nûȱlâtȱhiuteȱunrehtezȱguotȱdurchȱallerȱderȱêreȱwillen,ȱdie mînȱfrouweȱsantȱMarîâȱhâtȱbîȱirȱheiligemȱtrûtkinde,ȱundeȱdazȱirȱdieȱiemerȱmitȱir niezetȱêwiclîchen”ȱ(248;ȱNowȱletȱgoȱofȱallȱsinfullyȱacquiredȱgoodsȱinȱtheȱnameȱof allȱtheȱhonorȱwhichȱmyȱLady,ȱSaintȱMary,ȱenjoysȱwithȱherȱbelovedȱchildȱsoȱthat youȱcanȱenjoyȱitȱtogetherȱwithȱherȱforever).ȱFinally,ȱhowever,ȱBertholdȱseemsȱto despairȱbecauseȱheȱhasȱlostȱallȱhopeȱofȱconvertingȱtheȱgreedyȱawayȱfromȱtheir sinfulȱbehavior:ȱ“Wanȱswazȱichȱmitȱdisenȱgîtigenȱliutenȱgerede,ȱdazȱistȱverlorn: wanȱezȱistȱeinȱsôȱstæterȱfride,ȱdenȱsieȱmitȱdemȱtiuvelȱhabentȱgesichert,ȱdazȱerȱnû niemerȱmêrȱzerbrochenȱwirt”ȱ(248;ȱWhateverȱIȱamȱtalkingȱaboutȱwithȱtheȱgreedy peopleȱwillȱbeȱwasted.ȱItȱisȱsuchȱaȱstrongȱpeaceȱthatȱtheyȱhaveȱestablishedȱwithȱthe devilȱthatȱitȱneverȱwillȱbeȱbroken).ȱByȱcontrast,ȱallȱotherȱsinners,ȱthoseȱwhoȱareȱin loveȱwithȱtheȱpleasuresȱofȱtheȱfleshȱandȱwithȱtheȱpleasuresȱofȱthisȱworld,ȱcould easilyȱ developȱ trueȱ repentanceȱ andȱ changeȱ theirȱ habitsȱ andȱ minds.ȱ Having accomplishedȱthis,ȱtheyȱwouldȱalsoȱbeȱableȱtoȱworkȱtowardȱpeaceȱwithȱGod,ȱwith themselves,ȱandȱwithȱtheirȱneighbors.ȱ Bertholdȱ examinesȱ peaceȱ fromȱ aȱ religiousȱ perspectiveȱ andȱ identifiesȱ asȱ its premisesȱtheȱrejectionȱofȱsinfulȱbehavior,ȱofȱtheȱdevil,ȱandȱofȱtheȱtemptationsȱofȱthis world.ȱHeȱdoesȱnotȱdiscussȱpracticalȱaspectsȱwithinȱsociety,ȱsuchȱasȱviolence,ȱwar, theȱmilitaryȱclass,ȱetc.ȱInstead,ȱheȱappealsȱtoȱhisȱaudienceȱtoȱconsiderȱhisȱteachings regardingȱ loveȱ ofȱ God,ȱ loveȱ forȱ oneself,ȱ andȱ loveȱ forȱ one’sȱ neighbor.ȱ Most interestingly,ȱ basicȱ peaceȱ isȱ not,ȱ asȱ heȱ seesȱ it,ȱ threatenedȱ byȱ physicalȱ violence, robbery,ȱtheft,ȱorȱwar,ȱthoughȱheȱdoesȱnotȱignoreȱthoseȱaspectsȱeither.ȱTheȱtrue dangerȱrestsȱinȱusuryȱandȱitsȱhorrificȱconsequencesȱforȱthoseȱwhoȱpracticeȱitȱand thoseȱ whoȱ sufferȱ fromȱ it.ȱ Ofȱ course,ȱ Bertholdȱ reliesȱ deeplyȱ onȱ theȱ allegorical interpretationȱ ofȱ theȱ termȱ “peace,”ȱ butȱ hisȱ discussionȱ equallyȱ addresses fundamentalȱconflictsȱinȱsocietyȱthatȱcanȱbeȱdealtȱwithȱconstructivelyȱifȱproperly approachedȱ withȱ Godȱ inȱ one’sȱ heart.ȱ Afterȱ all,ȱ ifȱ weȱ returnȱ toȱ Berthold’s preliminaryȱruminations,ȱpeaceȱisȱtheȱmostȱbasicȱneedȱallȱpeopleȱstriveȱtoȱfulfill, andȱpeaceȱisȱwhatȱGodȱgrantedȱhumankindȱwhenȱheȱsentȱHisȱsonȱdownȱtoȱearth (237).ȱ Ofȱcourse,ȱhereȱweȱidentifyȱsomeȱofȱtheȱfundamentalȱconcernsȱofȱtheȱChurch expressedȱsinceȱtheȱearliestȱdays,ȱperhapsȱbestȱformulatedȱbyȱSt.ȱAugustine.ȱFor him,ȱdeeplyȱinfluencedȱbyȱSt.ȱPaul,ȱtheȱtrue,ȱeternalȱpeaceȱcanȱonlyȱbeȱhopedȱfor inȱtheȱfuture,ȱafterȱthisȱsaeculumȱ(era).ȱButȱpeaceȱcanȱalsoȱbeȱachievedȱhereȱinȱthis

TheȱPowerȱofȱSermonsȱinȱWarȱandȱPeace

327

world:ȱ“paxȱinȱrebusȱterrenis.”ȱNevertheless,ȱearthlyȱpeaceȱcanȱonlyȱbeȱtheȱbasis forȱtheȱeternalȱpeaceȱinȱGod’sȱcity,ȱtheȱcivitasȱDei,ȱwhichȱfindsȱmanyȱparallelsȱin Berthold’sȱteachings.40 Significantly,ȱ ourȱ preacherȱ returnedȱ toȱ theȱ sameȱ issueȱ atȱ aȱ laterȱ timeȱ and discussedȱpeaceȱinȱaȱsecondȱsermonȱ(2:ȱ49).ȱInȱaȱmannerȱveryȱsimilarȱtoȱhisȱfirst sermon,ȱ hereȱ heȱ insistsȱ onȱ theȱ naturalȱ desireȱ forȱ peaceȱ foundȱ inȱ allȱ creatures, animalsȱandȱpeopleȱalike:ȱ“Fride,ȱfride,ȱseht,ȱalsôȱheizetȱez.ȱWanȱesȱistȱdiuȱwerlt begerndeȱundȱalliuȱkrêatiure,ȱezȱsîȱvogelȱoderȱtier,ȱdazȱtuotȱezȱallezȱdurchȱden fride”ȱ(126;ȱPeace,ȱpeace,ȱsee,ȱthat’sȱtheȱwordȱforȱit.ȱTheȱworldȱandȱallȱcreatures desireȱit,ȱwhetherȱbirdsȱorȱanimals,ȱtheyȱdoȱeverythingȱforȱpeace).ȱSoȱforȱhim,ȱas wellȱasȱforȱAugustine,ȱpeaceȱrepresentedȱtheȱhighestȱideal,ȱtheȱrealizationȱofȱwhich madeȱpossibleȱtheȱentryȱintoȱheaven.ȱPeaceȱrepresents,ȱasȱinȱtheȱformerȱsermon, theȱoppositeȱof—indeedȱtheȱremedyȱto—allȱneed,ȱwhetherȱfoodȱagainstȱhunger, waterȱ againstȱ thirst,ȱ moneyȱ againstȱ povertyȱ (thief)ȱ orȱ greed,ȱ clothingȱ against externalȱcold,ȱetc.ȱAgain,ȱasȱBertholdȱemphasizes,ȱtheȱdevilsȱdecidedȱtoȱintervene andȱpreventȱpeopleȱfromȱstrivingȱforȱheavenȱbyȱcreatingȱconflictsȱandȱdiscord amongȱthem,ȱasȱexpressedȱthroughȱtheȱimageȱofȱtheȱfalseȱcoinsȱhereȱasȱwellȱ(127). ThoseȱwhoȱupholdȱtheȱthreeȱtypesȱofȱdivineȱpeaceȱareȱgrantedȱaccessȱtoȱHeaven, whereasȱallȱothersȱareȱcondemnedȱforȱeternityȱtoȱhell:ȱ“Wanȱalleȱdieȱdenȱvalschen frideȱhaltent,ȱdieȱsintȱverdamptȱzuoȱderȱêwitenȱmarter,ȱaberȱalleȱdieȱdenȱrehten frideȱhaltent,ȱdieȱsintȱdesȱrîchenȱkünigesȱgesinde,ȱderȱeinȱsôȱschœnezȱhimelrîche hât”ȱ(127;ȱAllȱwhoȱsubscribeȱtoȱtheȱfalseȱpeaceȱareȱcondemnedȱtoȱsufferȱeternal torture,ȱbutȱallȱthoseȱwhoȱsubscribeȱtoȱtheȱrightȱpeaceȱareȱservantsȱofȱtheȱrichȱking whoȱownsȱsuchȱaȱbeautifulȱkingdom). Theȱwrongȱtypesȱofȱpeace,ȱintroducedȱbyȱtheȱdevils,ȱareȱnowȱcalledȱ“ungeordent fride”ȱ (127;ȱ disorderlyȱ peace),ȱ whichȱ heȱ definesȱ moreȱ specifically,ȱ inȱ theȱ first category,ȱasȱexcessiveȱlustȱforȱfood,ȱorȱgluttony,ȱforȱdrink,ȱandȱforȱsexȱ(“mitȱandern bœsenȱgelusten,ȱsôȱlântȱsieȱdiuȱougenȱfliegenȱhinȱundȱher”ȱ(127;ȱalongȱwithȱother evilȱ desires,ȱ andȱ theyȱ allowȱ theirȱ eyesȱ toȱ roamȱ aroundȱ everywhere).ȱ Sexual transgressionsȱ threatenȱ theȱ peacefulȱ interactionsȱ amongȱ people,ȱ expressedȱ by grabbingȱ andȱ gropingȱ (nowadaysȱ sexualȱ harassment),ȱ evilȱ gestures,ȱ sexual promiscuity,ȱandȱalsoȱlackȱofȱserviceȱtoȱGodȱ(127).ȱInȱcontrastȱtoȱtheȱfirstȱsermon, Bertholdȱhereȱincludesȱanȱinterlocutorȱwhoȱwondersȱwhetherȱtheȱsoulȱwouldȱnot beȱfreeȱofȱguiltȱwhenȱtheȱbodyȱturnsȱtoȱlustfulnessȱandȱsinfulȱbehavior,ȱbutȱthis manȱisȱimmediatelyȱtoldȱthatȱtheȱsoulȱisȱlikeȱtheȱmasterȱinȱtheȱhouseȱandȱinȱcharge

40

WolfgangȱHuber,ȱ“Friede.ȱV.ȱKirchengeschichtlichȱundȱethisch,”ȱTheologischeȱRealenzyklopädieȱ (BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱdeȱGruyter,ȱ1983),ȱ11:ȱ618–46;ȱhereȱ621.ȱAugustine’sȱconceptȱofȱpeaceȱis discussedȱ numerousȱ timesȱ byȱ theȱ otherȱ contributorsȱ toȱ theȱ presentȱ volume.ȱ Seeȱ alsoȱ my Introduction.

328

AlbrechtȱClassen

ofȱeverythingȱtheȱbodyȱdoes,ȱhenceȱjustȱasȱguiltyȱinȱthatȱcaseȱasȱtheȱbody,ȱifȱnot moreȱsoȱ(127–28).ȱ Theȱsecondȱtypeȱofȱpeace,ȱasȱinȱtheȱfirstȱsermon,ȱconcernsȱtheȱinteractionȱwith allȱ people,ȱ andȱ hereȱ Bertholdȱ differentiatesȱ amongȱ peopleȱ above,ȱ nextȱ to,ȱ and belowȱoneself.ȱTheȱinterlocutorȱintervenesȱagainȱandȱprovidesȱaȱconcreteȱexample ofȱ howȱ conflictsȱ arise.ȱ Sinceȱ heȱ isȱ servingȱ aȱ lord,ȱ andȱ theȱ latterȱ forcesȱ himȱ to participateȱ inȱ warfareȱ andȱ battles,ȱ whichȱ resultsȱ inȱ burningȱ andȱ pillaging,ȱ he wouldȱnotȱknowȱhowȱtoȱpreserveȱpeace.ȱRefusingȱthatȱserviceȱwouldȱresultȱin imprisonmentȱorȱpermanentȱbanishmentȱfromȱtheȱlord’sȱfavorȱ(128).ȱInȱfact,ȱthe preacherȱ hereȱ bringsȱ upȱ oneȱ ofȱ theȱ mostȱ commonȱ dilemmasȱ forȱ mostȱ ofȱ his audienceȱ sinceȱ suchȱ peopleȱ earnedȱ theirȱ livingȱ byȱ followingȱ ordersȱ and participatingȱinȱallȱkindsȱofȱmilitaryȱcampaigns.ȱ Berthold’sȱreplyȱisȱfirstȱpredicatedȱonȱtheȱnotionȱthatȱthereȱisȱaȱhigherȱlord,ȱGod, andȱthatȱtheȱindividualȱshouldȱworkȱtoȱachieveȱpeaceȱwithȱHimȱratherȱthanȱwith worldlyȱ noblemen,ȱ theirȱ employers,ȱ soȱ toȱ speak.ȱ Heȱ thenȱ invokesȱ man’sȱ most preciousȱbasicȱattributesȱforȱsurvival:ȱhisȱeyes,ȱhands,ȱandȱfeet.ȱYet,ȱifȱoneȱofȱthese wereȱtoȱseduceȱmanȱtoȱcommitȱaȱdeadlyȱcrime,ȱitȱwouldȱbeȱbetterȱtoȱremoveȱthe offendingȱmember,ȱinsteadȱofȱendingȱupȱinȱHellȱintact.ȱSimilarly,ȱifȱaȱlordȱtriesȱto forceȱaȱservantȱtoȱcommitȱaȱcrimeȱandȱtherebyȱdestroyȱpeace,ȱitȱwouldȱbeȱmuch better,ȱnay,ȱnecessary,ȱforȱtheȱservantȱtoȱrefuseȱthatȱrequest:ȱ“Gotȱderȱnertȱdich dochȱwol.ȱErȱsîȱritterȱoderȱkneht,ȱfrouweȱoderȱman,ȱsôȱsultȱirȱdochȱkeinemȱiuwern übergenôzenȱwederȱdurchȱliebeȱnochȱdurchȱleideȱnochȱvorhteȱniemerȱtœtliche sündeȱgetuon”ȱ(129;ȱGodȱwillȱcertainlyȱsustainȱyou.ȱWhetherȱyouȱareȱaȱknight,ȱa squire,ȱ aȱ womanȱ orȱ aȱ man,ȱ neverȱ commitȱ aȱ deadlyȱ sinȱ againstȱ yourȱ superiors neitherȱbecauseȱofȱloveȱnorȱsorrowȱandȱfear).ȱFromȱthisȱitȱfollowsȱthatȱitȱwouldȱbe mostȱpreferableȱforȱaȱvassalȱtoȱascendȱtoȱheavenȱatȱlife’sȱendȱwithoutȱone’sȱlord thanȱtoȱdescendȱtoȱHellȱtogetherȱwithȱhim.ȱ Asȱ toȱ interactionsȱ withȱ one’sȱ fellowȱ man,ȱ accordingȱ toȱ Berthold’sȱ second categoryȱ theseȱ includeȱ brothers,ȱ relatives,ȱ andȱ friends.ȱ Butȱ thisȱ wouldȱ not necessitateȱobeyingȱtheirȱrequestsȱtoȱcommitȱaȱdeadlyȱsin;ȱrather,ȱinȱthatȱcaseȱbetter toȱdeclineȱandȱseverȱthatȱrelationshipȱinȱfavorȱofȱpreservingȱone’sȱpeaceȱwithȱGod. Theȱthirdȱgroupȱofȱpeopleȱwithȱwhomȱoneȱoughtȱtoȱenjoyȱpeaceȱconsistsȱofȱone’s childrenȱandȱwife.ȱBertholdȱwarnsȱthatȱtheȱeconomicȱdemandsȱofȱsupportingȱone’s familyȱcouldȱleadȱtoȱsinfulȱbehavior,ȱwhileȱemphasizingȱthatȱitȱwouldȱbetterȱto remainȱpoorȱandȱcontinueȱtoȱworkȱasȱaȱservantȱthanȱtoȱloseȱpeaceȱwithȱGodȱ(130). Fittingly,ȱheȱsummarizesȱhisȱteachingsȱupȱtoȱthatȱpoint:ȱ“Undȱalsôȱhüetetȱiuchȱalle samtȱvorȱdemȱvalschenȱfride,ȱdenȱderȱtiuvelȱhâtȱgeworfenȱinȱdenȱrehtenȱfride” (130;ȱProtectȱyourselfȱfromȱtheȱfalseȱpeaceȱwhichȱtheȱdevilȱhasȱthrownȱintoȱthe rightȱpeace). Afterȱhavingȱexaminedȱvariousȱtypesȱofȱsinfulȱbehavior,ȱtheȱpreacherȱonceȱagain turnsȱtoȱgreedȱandȱusuryȱwhichȱheȱcharacterizesȱasȱtheȱworstȱsinȱmanȱcanȱcommit,

TheȱPowerȱofȱSermonsȱinȱWarȱandȱPeace

329

sinceȱtheseȱfunctionȱasȱcatalystsȱinȱdisrupting,ȱifȱnotȱdestroyingȱpeace,ȱparticularly becauseȱavariceȱdrivesȱpeopleȱrelentlessly,ȱinȱcontrastȱtoȱallȱotherȱallȱotherȱsinners, whoȱatȱleastȱallowȱGodȱsomeȱrest:ȱ“Irȱandernȱsünder,ȱirȱlâtȱdochȱgotȱetewenne geruowenȱdochȱdieȱwîleȱirȱslâfent”ȱ(131;ȱallȱyouȱotherȱsinnersȱgrantȱGodȱsomeȱrest whileȱ youȱ areȱ sleeping).ȱ Asȱ illustrativeȱ examples,ȱ heȱ mentionsȱ murderersȱ and adulterers,ȱ asȱ above,ȱ whoȱ areȱ notȱ constantlyȱ workingȱ towardȱ theirȱ evilȱ goal, whereasȱtheȱusurersȱkeepȱworkingȱallȱtheȱtime:ȱ“dînȱpfluocȱgâtȱalleȱzît”ȱ(131;ȱyour plowȱworksȱconstantly).ȱInȱthisȱsenseȱtheyȱproveȱtoȱbeȱlikeȱdevils,ȱwhoȱsowȱstrife amongȱ peopleȱ andȱ causeȱ discontent,ȱ especiallyȱ becauseȱ theyȱ destroyȱ theȱ basic peaceȱthatȱisȱsupposedȱtoȱexistȱinȱsociety.ȱMuchȱmoreȱconcretelyȱthanȱinȱhisȱfirst sermon,ȱBertholdȱhereȱspecifiesȱwhatȱusuryȱmeansȱforȱtheȱordinaryȱperson:ȱ“dû bistȱaberȱsîtȱêȱvierȱeirȱrîcherȱworden:ȱsôȱhâtȱjenemȱsînȱknehtȱouchȱvierȱpfenninge zeȱ ungelteȱ genomen”ȱ (133;ȱ youȱ haveȱ sinceȱ thenȱ becomeȱ richerȱ byȱ fourȱ eggs; anotherȱone’sȱservantȱhasȱtakenȱawayȱunlawfullyȱfourȱpennies).ȱInȱotherȱwords, forȱtheȱpreacherȱtheȱtrueȱproblemȱrestsȱwithȱdishonestȱhandlingȱofȱmoneyȱandȱits devastatingȱ impactȱ onȱ humanȱ relationships,ȱ destroyingȱ theȱ basicȱ peaceȱ thatȱ is supposedȱtoȱruleȱamongȱthemȱall.ȱForȱthisȱFranciscanȱpreacher,ȱearlyȱformsȱof capitalismȱhaveȱalreadyȱbecomeȱnoticeable,ȱandȱheȱharshlyȱattacksȱthemȱasȱbeing mostȱdestructiveȱtoȱhumanȱlifeȱandȱthusȱtheȱmostȱsevereȱthreatȱtoȱpeaceȱonȱaȱsocial level.ȱ Notȱ unlikeȱ aȱ modernȬdayȱ Southernȱ Baptistȱ preacher,ȱ Bertholdȱ thenȱ triesȱ his hardestȱtoȱconvinceȱtheȱgreedyȱonesȱamongȱhisȱaudienceȱtoȱcastȱoffȱtheirȱsinfulness atȱleastȱonceȱthatȱdayȱinȱconsiderationȱofȱGodȱasȱtheȱkingȱoverȱheavenȱandȱearth. Heȱpromisesȱthemȱthatȱtheyȱwouldȱbeȱableȱtoȱkeepȱtheirȱlivelihoodȱandȱwouldȱgain theirȱsalvation.ȱIfȱthatȱdoesȱnotȱwork,ȱtheyȱshouldȱthinkȱofȱtheȱVirginȱMaryȱasȱthe mostȱbeautifulȱwomanȱeverȱ(135),ȱwhichȱshouldȱmellowȱtheirȱheartsȱasȱaȱresult, sinceȱmostȱmenȱwouldȱnotȱbeȱableȱtoȱresistȱsuchȱaȱwoman’sȱrequest.ȱRaisingȱhis voiceȱandȱintensifyingȱtheȱfervorȱofȱhisȱsermon,ȱheȱgoesȱsoȱfarȱasȱtoȱaskȱtheȱangels whetherȱtheyȱhaveȱeverȱseenȱsuchȱrecalcitrantȱsinners,ȱheȱthenȱturnsȱtoȱtheȱwives toȱrequestȱtheirȱhelp,ȱandȱ finallyȱaddressesȱtheȱchildren,ȱadvisingȱthemȱtoȱrun awayȱfromȱtheirȱparentsȱifȱtheyȱareȱsoȱenmiredȱinȱtheirȱsinfulȱbehaviorȱthatȱthey mightȱendangerȱtheirȱownȱeternalȱlivesȱ(135).ȱ Subsequently,ȱhavingȱadmittedȱthatȱheȱhadȱextendedȱhisȱsermonȱonȱtheȱgreedy sinnersȱatȱtooȱgreatȱaȱlength,ȱBertoldȱneverthelessȱcontinuesȱtoȱdiscourseȱonȱthe peaceȱ betweenȱ manȱ andȱ God,ȱ stressingȱ itsȱ attainmentȱ throughȱ confessionȱ and repentanceȱ(135).ȱSignificantly,ȱheȱalsoȱdrawsȱuponȱaȱwellȬknownȱmilitaryȱimage whenȱoneȱsideȱinȱaȱwarȱrealizesȱthatȱitȱhasȱlostȱandȱcanȱnoȱlongerȱcontinueȱtoȱfight. Inȱthatȱsituationȱtheȱloserȱisȱforcedȱtoȱaskȱforȱpeace:ȱ“sôȱsendetȱerȱanȱiuchȱumb einenȱfride”ȱ(135;ȱheȱisȱsendingȱemissaryȱforȱpeaceȱtoȱyou).ȱFromȱhereȱtheȱsermon quicklyȱreachesȱitsȱconclusion,ȱaddressingȱonlyȱtheȱpeaceȱbetweenȱtheȱsoulȱandȱthe bodyȱtoȱavoidȱfurtherȱsinningȱbyȱtheȱlatter,ȱandȱthenȱpeaceȱamongȱallȱpeople,ȱyet

330

AlbrechtȱClassen

withȱ theȱ importantȱ proviso:ȱ “dazȱ dirȱ keinȱ menscheȱ alsôȱ liepȱ solȱ sîn,ȱ dazȱ dû tœtlîcheȱsündeȱdurchȱsîneȱliebeȱtuost”ȱ(136;ȱyouȱshouldȱnotȱloveȱanyoneȱsoȱmuch thatȱyouȱareȱwilling,ȱinȱreturnȱforȱhisȱlove,ȱtoȱcommitȱaȱdeadlyȱsin).ȱFinally,ȱthough onlyȱasȱaȱfleetingȱthoughtȱforȱtheȱconclusion,ȱBertholdȱalsoȱunderscoresȱthatȱone shouldȱnotȱseekȱrevengeȱforȱwrongdoing;ȱinsteadȱforgivenessȱwouldȱbeȱtheȱonly rightȱ answer,ȱ andȱ toȱ beȱ happyȱ forȱ theȱ otherȱ ifȱ heȱ gainedȱ whatȱ heȱ hadȱ sought, legallyȱorȱnotȱ(136). Althoughȱhisȱsecondȱsermonȱfollowsȱtheȱfirstȱoneȱfairlyȱcloselyȱinȱstructure,ȱin arguments,ȱ languageȱ andȱ imagery,ȱ hereȱ Bertholdȱ goesȱ intoȱ muchȱ moreȱ detail, significantlyȱelaboratingȱonȱhisȱinvectiveȱagainstȱusuryȱandȱallȱthoseȱwhoȱgreedily collectȱmoney.ȱHeȱalsoȱrefersȱtoȱactualȱsituationsȱinȱwar,ȱtherebyȱremindingȱhis audienceȱthatȱheȱisȱnotȱonlyȱtalkingȱinȱallegoricalȱterms.ȱMostȱimportantȱforȱhim, however,ȱisȱtoȱassertȱhowȱpeaceȱcanȱfunctionȱasȱtheȱallȬpervasiveȱforceȱbothȱin humanȱ lifeȱ andȱ inȱ theȱ relationshipȱ betweenȱ theȱ soulȱ andȱ theȱ Godhead.ȱ Inȱ this regard,ȱusuryȱturnsȱoutȱtoȱbeȱdestructiveȱandȱdestabilizingȱforȱallȱinvolved,ȱcausing theȱvictimsȱtoȱsufferȱmateriallyȱandȱtheȱperpetratorsȱtoȱsufferȱspiritually.ȱBecause Bertholdȱ wasȱ certainlyȱ awareȱ ofȱ hisȱ ownȱ limitations,ȱ heȱ doesȱ notȱ attemptȱ to addressȱanyȱpoliticalȱorȱmilitaryȱissuesȱasȱpotentiallyȱinstrumentalȱinȱestablishing peace.ȱ Insteadȱ heȱ appealsȱ toȱ hisȱ audienceȱ toȱ considerȱ whereȱ peaceȱ restsȱ inȱ its essentialȱformȱandȱdiscernsȱitsȱrootsȱinȱtheȱmostȱprivateȱrelationshipsȱbetween people,ȱasȱwellȱasȱthatȱmostȱspecialȱoneȱbetweenȱmanȱandȱGod.ȱ ForȱBerthold,ȱthereȱwasȱnoȱneedȱtoȱconsiderȱpeaceȱonȱaȱlarger,ȱpolitical,ȱlevel becauseȱheȱheldȱnoȱofficialȱpowerȱinȱthoseȱdomains,ȱorȱsimplyȱdidȱnotȱwantȱto interveneȱ inȱ thoseȱ matters.ȱ Butȱ bothȱ hisȱ sermonsȱ serveȱ asȱ fascinatingȱ textual documentsȱ ofȱ theȱ profoundȱ discourseȱ onȱ peaceȱ alreadyȱ flourishingȱ inȱ the thirteenthȱ century.ȱ Notȱ thatȱ Bertholdȱ wasȱ theȱ firstȱ orȱ theȱ mostȱ important spokespersonȱ forȱ peace.ȱ Manyȱ politicalȱ theoristsȱ throughoutȱ theȱ Middleȱ Ages addressedȱthisȱtopicȱinȱloftyȱphilosophicalȱtermsȱasȱpartȱofȱaȱseriousȱeffortȱtoȱalert theȱmightyȱrulersȱofȱtheirȱtimeȱtoȱtheȱcatastrophicȱconsequencesȱofȱwar,ȱinjustice, andȱcivilȱunrestȬȬallȱinvolvingȱtheȱabsenceȱofȱpeace.41ȱAsȱaȱpreacher,ȱandȱthusȱas oneȱ speakingȱ inȱ simplerȱ language,ȱ Bertholdȱ aimedȱ forȱ broaderȱ impactȱ by attemptingȱtoȱinstillȱaȱsenseȱofȱempowermentȱwithinȱhisȱaudienceȱbyȱtouchingȱeach listenerȱ personallyȱ throughȱ hisȱ sermons’ȱ skilful,ȱ passionate,ȱ yetȱ unadorned rhetoric.ȱ Withoutȱ peaceȱ withinȱ themselves,ȱ withoutȱ rejectingȱ deadlyȱ sins, especiallyȱgreed,ȱwhichȱthenȱleadsȱtoȱusury,ȱandȱwithoutȱpeaceȱwithȱGodȱthere wouldȱnotȱbe,ȱasȱheȱsuggested,ȱanyȱpeaceȱatȱall.ȱ

41

SeeȱtheȱstudiesȱbyȱHagenlocher,ȱDerȱguoteȱvrideȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6),ȱandȱHohmann,ȱFriedenskonzepte,ȱ(see noteȱ12),ȱforȱaȱbroaderȱoverview.

TheȱPowerȱofȱSermonsȱinȱWarȱandȱPeace

331

Nevertheless,ȱinȱanotherȱsermon,ȱ“VonȱdrinȱMûren”ȱ(no.ȱ23,ȱ1:ȱ357Ȭ72),ȱheȱalso appealedȱtoȱtheȱworldlyȱlordsȱtoȱdoȱtheirȱjobȱandȱguaranteeȱjusticeȱandȱpeaceȱin theirȱlands:ȱ“Irȱkünigeȱundȱirȱherzogen,ȱalleȱdie,ȱdenȱderȱalmehtigeȱgotȱdenȱgewalt gebenȱhâtȱundeȱdazȱgerihteȱbevolhenȱhât,ȱswâȱirȱnihtȱguotenȱfrideȱmachetȱalse verreȱalsȱirȱmügetȱundeȱnihtȱrehtȱgerihteȱhabet,ȱdâȱverfluochetȱiuchȱgotȱumbe” (364;ȱYouȱkingsȱandȱdukes,ȱallȱyouȱwhomȱGodȱAlmightȱhasȱgivenȱtheȱrulership andȱtheȱpowerȱoverȱtheȱcourts,ȱifȱyouȱdoȱnotȱrealizeȱtheȱgoodȱpeaceȱasȱfarȱasȱit mightȱbeȱpossibleȱforȱyou,ȱandȱdoȱnotȱhaveȱjustȱcourts,ȱGodȱwillȱcondemnȱyou). Fromȱaȱgoodȱjusticeȱsystemȱcomesȱpeaceȱforȱallȱ(365).ȱHowever,ȱinȱreflectingȱupon reality,ȱBertholdȱlamentsȱthatȱthoseȱveryȱrulersȱcareȱonlyȱforȱmonetaryȱenrichment whileȱneglectingȱtheirȱresponsibilityȱtoȱensureȱpeaceȱforȱallȱtheirȱsubjects. Thoughȱinȱotherȱwords,ȱreflectingȱaȱdistinctlyȱmoreȱsecularȱperspective,ȱWalther vonȱderȱVogelweideȱhadȱvoicedȱtheȱsameȱconcernȱinȱhisȱdidacticȱstanzaȱ“Ichȱsaz ûfȱeimeȱsteine”ȱ(8.4)ȱinȱwhichȱheȱmuses:ȱ“gewaltȱvertȱûfȱderȱstrâzeȱ/ȱfrideȱundeȱreht sintȱsêreȱwuntȱ/ȱdiuȱdriuȱenhabentȱgeleitesȱnihtȱdiuȱzweiȱenwerdenȱêȱgesunt”ȱ(vv. 20–22;ȱ“Violenceȱonȱtheȱroadwayȱriding.ȱ/ȱPeaceȱandȱJusticeȱwoundedȱsore.ȱ/ȱThose threeȱshallȱnotȱhaveȱsafeȱpassageȱtillȱtheȱtwoȱareȱwholeȱonceȱmore”).42ȱTragically, however,ȱ theseȱ linesȱ referȱ toȱ aȱ previousȱ dilemmaȱ concerningȱ howȱ toȱ achieve harmonyȱandȱunityȱamongȱthreeȱaspectsȱmostȱimportantȱinȱhumanȱlife:ȱhonorȱand materialȱwealthȱonȱtheȱoneȱhand,ȱGod’sȱloveȱonȱtheȱother.ȱOneȱisȱtemptedȱtoȱdeem thisȱtriangularȱrelationshipȱimpossible,ȱforȱevenȱifȱpeaceȱandȱjusticeȱwereȱtoȱrule inȱpublic,ȱoneȱofȱtheȱthreeȱsidesȱwouldȱnotȱfitȱtheȱpattern.ȱManyȱotherȱpoetsȱjoined thisȱdiscourseȱbyȱrepeatedlyȱpresentingȱasȱanȱidealȱcharacterȱaȱrulerȱsuccessfulȱin establishingȱpeaceȱandȱjusticeȱinȱhisȱcountry,ȱsuchȱasȱinȱtheȱlateȬthirteenthȬcentury anonymousȱromanceȱMaiȱundȱBeaflor: Mitȱvrideȱstaltȱerȱsinȱlant. Vrliugeȱvndȱhazȱerȱshlihte vndȱschuefȱguteȱgerihte, dazȱmanȱninderȱanderswa [.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱsoȱgutȱgerihtȱvantȱalsȱda.43

(vv.ȱ3814–18)ȱ

[Peaceȱheȱestablishedȱinȱhisȱcountry. Feudingȱandȱhatredȱheȱovercame

42

43

Waltherȱ vonȱ derȱ Vogelweide,ȱ Theȱ SingleȬStanzaȱ Lyrics,ȱ ed.ȱ andȱ trans.,ȱ withȱ introductionȱ and commentaryȱbyȱFrederickȱGoldinȱ(NewȱYorkȱandȱLondon:ȱRoutledge,ȱ2003),ȱ140,ȱno.ȱ27. MaiȱundȱBeaflor.ȱHerausgegeben,ȱübersetzt,ȱkommentiertȱundȱmitȱeinerȱEinleitungȱvonȱAlbrecht Classen.ȱBeihefteȱzurȱMediaevistik,ȱ6ȱ(FrankfurtȱamȱMain,ȱBerlinȱetȱal.:ȱPeterȱLang,ȱ2006);ȱthereȱare manyȱ otherȱ allusionsȱ andȱ referencesȱ toȱ peaceȱ inȱ thisȱ text,ȱ seeȱ theȱ Salzburgȱ databankȱ at: http://mhdbdb.sbg.ac.at:8000/mhdbdb/App?action=TextQueryModule&string=vride&texts=!& startButton=Start+search&contextSelectListSize=1&contextUnit=1&verticalDetail=3&maxTable Size=100&horizontalDetail=3&nrTextLines=4ȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱDec.ȱ15,ȱ2010).

332

AlbrechtȱClassen andȱsetȱupȱsuchȱgoodȱcourts thatȱnoȱbetterȱonesȱ couldȱbeȱfoundȱanywhere.]

Byȱ theȱ sameȱ token,ȱ Berthold’sȱ vehementȱ attacksȱ againstȱ usurersȱ seemingly unwillingȱtoȱchangeȱtheirȱwayȱofȱlifeȱandȱdestinedȱtoȱendȱinȱHellȱasȱaȱresultȱofȱtheir greed,ȱasȱheȱenvisionsȱitȱinȱbothȱofȱhisȱsermons,ȱreflectȱaȱcertainȱsenseȱthatȱpeace representsȱaȱworthwhileȱandȱnobleȱgoal,ȱperhapsȱevenȱutopian,44ȱbutȱperhapsȱalso, likeȱutopia,ȱunattainable.ȱHowever,ȱsuchȱreflectionsȱdoȱnotȱneedȱtoȱbeȱpartȱofȱour investigationsȱbecauseȱtheȱessentialȱandȱmoreȱorȱlessȱinnovativeȱaspectsȱproveȱto beȱ Berthold’sȱ exclusiveȱ dedicationȱ toȱ theȱ issueȱ ofȱ peaceȱ andȱ itsȱ religious interpretationȱinȱtwoȱofȱhisȱmanyȱsermons.ȱSignificantly,ȱifȱheȱdoesȱnotȱopenly discussȱ peaceȱ inȱ theȱ widerȱ politicalȱ andȱ militaryȱ context,ȱ heȱ doesȱ notȱ entirely ignoreȱitȱeither.ȱInsteadȱheȱprimarilyȱprobesȱtheȱmeaningȱofȱpeaceȱinȱaȱspiritual, moral,ȱandȱethicalȱsense,ȱtherebyȱlayingȱanȱimportantȱfoundationȱforȱsubsequent discussionsȱaboutȱpeaceȱinȱotherȱcontexts.ȱForȱhim,ȱpeaceȱbetweenȱsoulȱandȱbody, thenȱbetweenȱtheȱindividualȱpersonȱandȱtheȱcollectiveȱother,ȱandȱfinally,ȱandȱmost importantly,ȱpeaceȱbetweenȱmanȱandȱGod,ȱrepresentȱtheȱessenceȱofȱallȱlife.ȱInȱthis regardȱBerthold’sȱlengthyȱdiscussions,ȱthatȱis,ȱhisȱtwoȱsermonsȱdedicatedȱtoȱthis topic,ȱrepresentȱimportantȱcontributionsȱtoȱaȱratherȱextensive,ȱheretoforeȱassuredly underestimatedȱdiscourseȱonȱpeaceȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges.45ȱ

44

45

Enȱquêteȱd’Utopies,ȱed.ȱClaudeȱThomassetȱetȱDanièleȬRaoul,ȱCulturesȱetȱCivilisationsȱMédièvales (Paris:ȱPressesȱdeȱl’UniversitéȱParisȬSorbonne,ȱ2005).ȱSurprisingly,ȱnoneȱofȱtheȱcontributorsȱeven considersȱtheȱtopicȱofȱpeaceȱasȱaȱutopianȱnotion. Forȱsomeȱspecializedȱapproaches,ȱseeȱBruceȱR.ȱO’Brien,ȱGod’sȱPeaceȱandȱKing’sȱPeace:ȱTheȱLawsȱof EdwardȱtheȱConfessor,ȱTheȱMiddleȱAgesȱSeriesȱ(Philadelphia:ȱUniversityȱofȱPennsylvaniaȱPress, 1999);ȱRandallȱLesaffer,ȱed.,ȱPeaceȱTreatiesȱandȱInternationalȱLawȱinȱEuropeanȱHistory:ȱFromȱtheȱLate MiddleȱAgesȱtoȱWorldȱWarȱOneȱ(CambridgeȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2004).ȱSee alsoȱLesȱfondementsȱdeȱlaȱpaix:ȱdesȱoriginesȱauȱdébutȱduȱXVIIIeȱsiècle,ȱed.ȱColetteȱBeauneȱandȱPierre Chaunuȱ(Paris:ȱPressesȱUniversitaires,ȱ1993).

Chapterȱ12 GlennȱKumhera (AshlandȱUniversity,ȱAshland,ȱOhio)

PromotingȱPeaceȱinȱMedievalȱSiena:ȱ PeacemakingȱLegislationȱandȱItsȱEffectsȱ

I.ȱPrivateȱPeacemakingȱinȱJudicialȱProcedure OnȱaȱSundayȱnightȱinȱtheȱsummerȱofȱ1345,ȱonȱaȱstreetȱinȱtheȱsmallȱvillageȱofȱResta toȱ theȱ southeastȱ ofȱ Siena,ȱ Jacobinusȱ Thureȱ wasȱ involvedȱ inȱ aȱ fightȱ withȱ two brothers,ȱMinocciusȱandȱJannellinusȱScelti.1ȱTheȱbrothersȱpunchedȱJacobinusȱaȱfew timesȱinȱtheȱface.ȱJacobinusȱretaliatedȱbyȱstrikingȱMinocciusȱinȱtheȱfaceȱandȱbiting Jannellinus’sȱnose,ȱwhichȱwasȱtheȱonlyȱinjuryȱtoȱcauseȱbleeding.2ȱTwoȱdaysȱlater (Tuesday),ȱtheyȱconcludedȱaȱformalȱpeaceȱagreement—anȱinstrumentumȱpacis.ȱOn Friday,ȱtheȱlocalȱsindicusȱ(theȱofficialȱresponsibleȱforȱreportingȱcrimes),ȱVanninus Janniniȱ ofȱ Percena,ȱ reportedȱ theȱ eventsȱ beforeȱ theȱ podestà’sȱ judge,ȱ withȱ two witnesses.3ȱ Immediatelyȱ afterward,ȱ Jacobinus,ȱ Minoccius,ȱ andȱ Jannelinus presentedȱtheirȱpeaceȱagreementȱtoȱtheȱjudge.ȱTheȱjudgeȱorderedȱtheȱthreeȱtoȱpay theȱgabelleȱ(tax)ȱforȱregisteringȱtheȱpeace,ȱwhichȱwasȱlessȱthanȱoneȱpercentȱofȱthe

1

2

3

Archivioȱ diȱ Statoȱ diȱ Sienaȱ (henceforthȱ =ȱ ASS)ȱ Podestàȱ 41,ȱ fol.ȱ 28rv.ȱ Thisȱ isȱ theȱ recordȱ ofȱ the podesterialȱinquestȱintoȱthisȱincident.ȱ ASSȱPodestàȱ41,ȱfol.ȱ28rȱrecountsȱtheseȱmen’sȱdeedsȱthus:ȱ“quodȱdictusȱMinocciusȱetȱJannellinus inȱipsaȱrixaȱmanibusȱvacuisȱpercusserantȱdictumȱJacobumȱinȱfaciemȱipsiusȱJacobiȱduabisȱvicibus proȱ quolibetȱ sineȱ sanguinisȱ effusione.ȱ Etȱ tuncȱ exȱ adȱ versoȱ dictusȱ Jacobusȱ percuxeritȱ dictum MinocciumȱinȱvultumȱipsiusȱMinocciiȱmanuȱvacuaȱsemelȱsineȱsanguinisȱeffusioneȱetȱmomordit nasumȱdictiȱJannelliniȱcumȱsanguinisȱeffusioneȱsemel.”ȱ Theȱpodestàȱwasȱaȱforeignerȱ(i.ȱe.,ȱnonȬSienese)ȱhiredȱforȱaȱsixȬmonthȱtermȱasȱtheȱcommune’sȱchief judicialȱofficialȱ(and,ȱatȱtimes,ȱchiefȱmilitaryȱofficer).ȱChargedȱwithȱenforcingȱtheȱstatutes,ȱheȱwas closelyȱ watchedȱ toȱ preserveȱ hisȱ immunityȱ fromȱ theȱ influenceȱ ofȱ localȱ familiesȱ andȱ political factions.ȱHeȱbroughtȱwithȱhimȱhisȱownȱjudgesȱandȱpoliceȱforce.

334

GlennȱKumhera

penaltyȱprescribedȱinȱtheȱstatutesȱforȱassault,ȱandȱthenȱpronouncedȱthatȱtheȱinquest wouldȱproceedȱnoȱfurther.ȱ Toȱ modernȱ observers—historiansȱ definitelyȱ amongȱ them—thisȱ useȱ of peacemakingȱseemsȱtoȱrunȱcontraryȱtoȱtheȱgoalsȱofȱaȱjudicialȱsystem;ȱitȱlacksȱa harshȱ retributionȱ toȱ punishȱ orȱ deter,ȱ diminishesȱ claimsȱ thatȱ anȱ offenseȱ also constitutesȱ anȱ injuryȱ toȱ theȱ resȱ publicaȱ (polity),ȱ andȱ wouldȱ seemȱ toȱ erodeȱ the commune’sȱ ownȱ authority.ȱ Ifȱ theȱ communeȱ couldȱ notȱ enforceȱ theȱ statutesȱ on assault,ȱwhatȱauthorityȱdidȱitȱhave?ȱButȱitȱwasȱtheseȱsameȱstatutesȱthatȱdeveloped andȱelucidatedȱtheȱprocedureȱwhichȱJacobinusȱandȱtheȱSceltiȱbrothersȱemployed. Theirȱdoingȱsoȱcanȱbeȱseenȱasȱaȱvictoryȱforȱtheȱcommune’sȱjusticeȱsystem.ȱThey madeȱpeaceȱquicklyȱafterȱaȱviolentȱepisode,ȱprocuredȱaȱnotarizedȱdocumentȱthat placedȱfutureȱoffensesȱunderȱsevereȱpenalties,ȱventuredȱintoȱSiena’sȱhallsȱofȱpower andȱ paidȱ aȱ fee,ȱ thusȱ recognizingȱ communalȱ authorityȱ asȱ legitimateȱ atȱ several stagesȱinȱtheȱprocess. Theȱ communeȱ ofȱ Sienaȱ employedȱ privateȱ peacemakingȱ asȱ partȱ ofȱ aȱ broad attemptȱ toȱ preventȱ violenceȱ andȱ restoreȱ peacefulȱ relations,ȱ anȱ effortȱ thatȱ also introducedȱ weaponsȱ restrictions,ȱ curfews,ȱ graduatedȱ fines,ȱ sentencesȱ of banishment,ȱandȱstateȬinitiatedȱinquests.4ȱTheȱcommune,ȱhowever,ȱusedȱprivate 4

Aȱgrowingȱliteratureȱnowȱaddressesȱmanyȱofȱtheseȱviolenceȱpreventionȱmeasures,ȱthoughȱusually individuallyȱandȱinȱspecificȱcontexts.ȱOnȱtheseȱtopics,ȱseeȱMarioȱAscheri,ȱ“Laȱpenaȱdiȱmorteȱa Sienaȱ(sec.ȱXIIIȱ–ȱXV):ȱtraȱnormativaȱeȱprassi,”ȱBullettinoȱSeneseȱdiȱStoriaȱPatriaȱ110ȱ(2003):ȱ489–505; MarcoȱBellabarba,ȱ“Paceȱpubblicaȱeȱpaceȱprivate:ȱlinguaggiȱeȱinstituzioniȱprocessualiȱnell’Italia moderna,”ȱCriminalitàȱeȱgiustiziaȱinȱGermaniaȱeȱinȱItalia:ȱPraticheȱgiudiziarieȱeȱlinguaggiȱgiuridiciȱtra tardoȱmedioevoȱedȱetàȱmoderna,ȱed.ȱMarcoȱBellabarba,ȱGerdȱSchwerhoff,ȱandȱAndreaȱZorzi.ȱAnnali dell’IstitutoȱStoricoȱItaloȬGermanicoȱinȱTrento:ȱContributiȱ11ȱ(Bologna:ȱIlȱMulino,ȱ2001),ȱ189–213; Osvaldoȱ Cavallarȱ “Regulatingȱ Armsȱ inȱ Lateȱ Medievalȱ andȱ Renaissanceȱ Italianȱ CityȬStates,” Privilegesȱ andȱ Rightsȱ ofȱ Citizenship:ȱ Lawȱ andȱ theȱ Juridicalȱ Constructionȱ ofȱ Civilȱ Society,ȱ ed.ȱ Julius Kirshnerȱ andȱ Laurentȱ Mayali.ȱ Studiesȱ inȱ Comparativeȱ Legalȱ Historyȱ (Berkeley,ȱ CA:ȱ Robbins Collection,ȱ 2002),ȱ 57–126,ȱ andȱ id.,ȱ “Ledereȱ Remȱ Publicam:ȱ Ilȱ trattatoȱ ‘Deȱ portacioneȱ armorum’ attribuitoȱaȱBartoloȱdaȱSassoferratoȱeȱalcuneȱquaestionesȱdiȱMartinoȱdaȱFano,”ȱIusȱCommuneȱ25 (1998):ȱ1–38;ȱTrevorȱDeanȱ“Violence,ȱVendetta,ȱandȱPeacemakingȱinȱLateȱMedievalȱBologna,” Crime,ȱGender,ȱandȱSexualityȱinȱCriminalȱProsecutions,ȱed.ȱLouisȱA.ȱKnafla.ȱCriminalȱJusticeȱHistory, vol.ȱ17ȱ(Westport,ȱCT,ȱandȱLondon:ȱGreenwood,ȱ2002):ȱ1–18,ȱandȱid.,ȱCrimeȱandȱJusticeȱinȱLate Medievalȱ Italyȱ (Cambridge:ȱ Cambridgeȱ Universityȱ Press,ȱ 2007);ȱ Gabrielleȱ Guarisco,ȱ Ilȱ conflitto attraversoȱleȱnorme:ȱGestioneȱeȱrisoluzioneȱdelleȱdisputeȱaȱParmaȱnelȱXIIIȱsecolo.ȱItinerariȱmedievali,ȱ9 (Bologna:ȱCLUEB,ȱ2005);ȱPeterȱPazzaglini,ȱTheȱCriminalȱBanȱofȱtheȱSieneseȱCommune:ȱ1225–1310. Quaderniȱdiȱ“StudiȱSenesi,”ȱ45ȱ(Milan:ȱA.ȱGiuffrè,ȱ1979);ȱMassimoȱVallerani’sȱmanyȱworks,ȱin particular,ȱIlȱsistemaȱgiudiziarioȱdelȱcomuneȱdiȱPerugia:ȱConflitti,ȱreatiȱeȱprocessiȱnellaȱsecondaȱmetàȱdel XIIIȱsecolo.ȱBollettinoȱdellaȱDeputazioneȱdiȱStoriaȱPatriaȱperȱl’ȱUmbria:ȱAppendici,ȱ14ȱ(Perugia: Deputazioneȱdiȱstoriaȱpatriaȱperȱl’Umbria,ȱ1991),ȱ“Paceȱeȱprocessoȱnelȱsistemaȱgiudiziarioȱdel comuneȱdiȱPerugia,”ȱQuaderniȱstoriciȱ101ȱ(1999):ȱ315–53,ȱandȱid.,ȱLaȱgiustiziaȱpubblicaȱmedievale (Bologna:ȱIlȱMulino,ȱ2005);ȱandȱAndreaȱZorzi,ȱ“TheȱJudicialȱSystemȱinȱFlorenceȱinȱtheȱFourteenth andȱFifteenthȱCenturies,”ȱCrime,ȱSocietyȱandȱLawȱinȱRenaissanceȱItaly,ȱed.ȱTrevorȱDeanȱandȱK.ȱJ.ȱP. Loweȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1994),ȱandȱ“Negoziazioneȱpenale,ȱlegittimazione giuridicaȱeȱpoteriȱurbaniȱnell’Italiaȱcomunale,”ȱCriminalitàȱeȱgiustiziaȱinȱGermaniaȱeȱinȱItaliaȱ(see

PromotingȱPeaceȱinȱMedievalȱSiena

335

peaceȱagreementsȱtoȱlinkȱfines,ȱbanishment,ȱandȱinquestsȱinȱanȱinterconnected system.ȱSienaȱlegislatedȱthatȱaȱpeaceȱagreementȱwithȱtheȱvictimȱwasȱneededȱforȱa sentenceȱofȱbanishmentȱtoȱbeȱremoved.5ȱMoreȱimportant,ȱtheȱcommuneȱallowed anyoneȱbroughtȱbeforeȱtheȱpodestà’sȱjudgesȱtoȱavoidȱprosecutionȱifȱtheyȱpresented aȱ peaceȱ agreementȱ withȱ theȱ allegedȱ victimȱ withinȱ aȱ narrowȱ timeȱ frame.ȱ Both proceduresȱloweredȱtheȱexorbitantȱfinesȱprescribedȱinȱtheȱstatutesȱtoȱmanageable amounts.ȱ Steepȱ fines,ȱ bansȱ andȱ inquestsȱ representedȱ extensionsȱ ofȱ communal authorityȱunknownȱinȱtheȱearlyȱthirteenthȱcentury.ȱMakingȱaȱprivateȱcontractȱto keepȱ theȱ peaceȱ thusȱ actedȱ toȱ mitigateȱ theȱ extensionȱ ofȱ publicȱ authorityȱ while achievingȱambitiousȱcommunalȱgoalsȱforȱviolenceȱprevention.6ȱOrȱatȱleastȱsuchȱwas theȱintent.ȱ Butȱ whatȱ wereȱ theȱ effectsȱ ofȱ thisȱ legislation?ȱ Didȱ Siena’sȱ attemptȱ toȱ control violenceȱwithȱlittleȱincreaseȱinȱstateȱexpenditureȱorȱpersonnelȱreallyȱbringȱpeace? Didȱitȱmodifyȱtheȱdisputeȱprocess?ȱWereȱtheȱcommune’sȱincentivesȱtoȱmakeȱpeace enoughȱtoȱencourageȱrapidȱpeacemakingȱafterȱactsȱofȱviolence?ȱTheseȱareȱwideȬ ranging,ȱdifficult,ȱandȱinȱsomeȱcases,ȱunanswerableȱquestions.ȱIȱwill,ȱhowever, attemptȱtoȱanswerȱthemȱasȱmuchȱasȱtheȱsourcesȱallow.ȱIȱwillȱdetailȱhowȱSiena’s legislationȱ onȱ peacemakingȱ developedȱ duringȱ theȱ thirteenthȱ andȱ fourteenth centuries,ȱcomparingȱitȱtoȱtheȱstatutesȱofȱotherȱcommunities,ȱandȱthenȱassessȱtheir effectsȱasȱtheyȱappearȱinȱcriminalȱcourtȱrecords.7ȱ

II.ȱSieneseȱPeacemakingȱLegislation TheȱearliestȱstatuteȱredactionȱinȱSiena,ȱfromȱ1262,ȱrequiredȱtheȱpodestàȱandȱcapitano delȱpopoloȱ(anotherȱcommunalȱofficialȱwhoȱcompetedȱforȱjudicialȱauthorityȱfrom 1252–1271)ȱ toȱ enforceȱ theȱ pacificationsȱ ofȱ theirȱ predecessors;ȱ thisȱ statuteȱ also outlinedȱ theȱ benefitsȱ andȱ restrictionsȱ ofȱ peacemakingȱ forȱ theȱ parties.8ȱ The

5 6

7

8

aboveȱinȱthisȱnote),ȱ13–34.ȱThisȱlistȱisȱfarȱfromȱbeingȱexhaustive. Pazzaglini,ȱTheȱCriminalȱBan,ȱ87–88ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4). Thisȱisȱtheȱprimaryȱargumentȱinȱmyȱdissertation,ȱ“MakingȱPeaceȱinȱMedievalȱSiena:ȱInstruments ofȱPeace,ȱ1280–1400,”ȱPh.D.ȱdiss.,ȱUniversityȱofȱChicago,ȱ2005. Iȱhaveȱlimitedȱmyȱinvestigationȱhereȱtoȱtheȱperiodȱimmediatelyȱfollowingȱtheȱcommissionȱofȱa crime.ȱTheȱfollowingȱweekȱwasȱtypicallyȱwhenȱdenunciationsȱwereȱmadeȱandȱinquestsȱinitiated. Thoseȱwhoȱdidȱnotȱmakeȱpeaceȱandȱwereȱfoundȱguiltyȱwereȱsentencedȱtoȱbanishment—inȱfact nearlyȱallȱpresentedȱaȱpeaceȱorȱfledȱinȱanticipationȱofȱtheȱban.ȱPeacemakingȱwasȱanȱessential elementȱofȱtheȱliftingȱofȱtheȱbanȱ(rebannimentum)ȱandȱoffersȱofȱamnesties.ȱNeitherȱofȱtheseȱuses laterȱinȱtheȱdisputeȱprocessȱwillȱbeȱexaminedȱhere. IlȱconstitutoȱdelȱcomuneȱdiȱSienaȱdell’annoȱ1262,ȱed.ȱLodovicoȱZdekauerȱ(Milan:ȱU.ȱHoepli,ȱ1897),ȱ79, dist.ȱI,ȱrubr.ȱclxxxviiii.ȱFromȱtheȱmidȬthirteenthȱcenturyȱbothȱofficesȱplayedȱsignificantȱrolesȱinȱlaw enforcement.ȱTheȱresponsibilitiesȱofȱtheȱofficeȱofȱcapitanoȱdelȱpopolo,ȱwhichȱwasȱrevivedȱinȱ1289, wentȱthroughȱnumerousȱandȱdrasticȱchangesȱduringȱtheȱ followingȱcentury,ȱwithȱtheȱpodestà

336

GlennȱKumhera

mitigationȱofȱpenaltiesȱwasȱsubstantial:ȱallȱfinesȱandȱpenaltiesȱcouldȱbeȱavoidedȱif theȱpeaceȱwasȱconcludedȱbeforeȱtheȱquerimonia:ȱaȱcriticalȱstageȱinȱtheȱproceeding duringȱwhichȱtheȱpartiesȱexpressedȱtheirȱdesireȱtoȱpressȱonȱwithȱtheȱaccusation.9 Evenȱifȱtheȱcomplaintȱcameȱquickly,ȱaȱpeaceȱmadeȱwithinȱthreeȱdaysȱofȱtheȱoffense, however,ȱstillȱreducedȱtheȱstatutoryȱpenaltiesȱbyȱoneȱhalf.ȱThisȱappliedȱevenȱin casesȱofȱhomicide,ȱifȱtheȱpeaceȱincludedȱtheȱvictim’sȱfather,ȱsonsȱandȱbrothers—a tallȱorderȱforȱjustȱthreeȱdays.10ȱ Theȱ Consiglioȱ Generale,ȱ aȱ councilȱ ofȱ 300ȱ involvedȱ inȱ approving—ifȱ not formulating—nearlyȱeveryȱpolicyȱtheȱcommuneȱadopted,ȱrevisedȱtheȱbenefitsȱand limitationsȱofȱuseȱofȱpeaceȱagreements.ȱTheyȱdidȱsoȱprimarilyȱduringȱtheȱ1290sȱand theseȱpoliciesȱremainedȱinȱeffectȱthroughoutȱtheȱfourteenthȱcentury.ȱTheȱConsiglio adoptedȱaȱmeasureȱinȱ1298ȱthatȱemphasizedȱaȱshorterȱtimeȱforȱtheȱbenefitsȱofȱa peace:ȱtheȱoffenderȱnowȱhadȱtenȱdaysȱfromȱtheȱoffenseȱinȱwhichȱtoȱmakeȱpeace, afterȱwhichȱtimeȱtheȱpodestàȱmustȱimposeȱtheȱfullȱpenalty.ȱAȱsecondȱwindowȱof opportunityȱwasȱcreatedȱifȱthereȱwasȱaȱsignificantȱgapȱbetweenȱtheȱoffenseȱand judicialȱproceedings.ȱIfȱtheȱpeaceȱwasȱmadeȱwithinȱthreeȱdaysȱofȱtheȱ“accusation andȱdenunciationȱorȱtheȱinquest,ȱcountingȱfromȱtheȱdayȱofȱtheȱinquest,ȱorȱfromȱthe causeȱofȱtheȱdenunciation,”ȱtheȱpodestàȱcouldȱimposeȱnoȱmoreȱthanȱhalfȱofȱthe penalty,ȱthoughȱinȱpracticeȱthisȱmeantȱnoȱfineȱwasȱcollectedȱexceptȱforȱaȱgabelleȱon registeringȱtheȱpeace.11ȱTheseȱparametersȱwereȱincludedȱinȱtheȱ1309–1310ȱstatutes andȱretainedȱinȱtheȱ1337ȱredaction.12ȱ Byȱtheȱmiddleȱofȱtheȱfourteenthȱcentury,ȱtheȱprocedureȱatȱtheȱpodesterialȱcourt wasȱwellȱestablished.ȱAsȱweȱobservedȱinȱtheȱcaseȱbeginningȱthisȱessay,ȱtheȱsindicus (aȱrepresentativeȱofȱtheȱcontradaȱtoȱtheȱcommune)ȱreportedȱcrimesȱhavingȱcomeȱto hisȱattentionȱtoȱtheȱjudgeȱofȱtheȱpodestà,ȱasȱheȱwasȱlegallyȱboundȱtoȱdo.13ȱThe sindicusȱdenouncedȱthoseȱinvolved,ȱgivingȱanȱaccountȱofȱwhatȱhadȱhappenedȱand presentingȱ witnesses,ȱ thusȱ triggeringȱ theȱ inquest.ȱ Ifȱ theȱ denouncedȱ wereȱ not present,ȱtheȱjudgeȱorderedȱthemȱtoȱbeȱnotifiedȱ(theȱcitatio)ȱatȱtheirȱhomesȱbyȱa communalȱofficialȱandȱtheyȱhadȱthreeȱdaysȱinȱwhichȱtoȱappear.ȱAtȱthatȱtime,ȱifȱthey failedȱtoȱappear,ȱtheȱaccusedȱwereȱplacedȱunderȱaȱtemporaryȱcondemnationȱand

9

10 11

12 13

typicallyȱinȱaȱmoreȱpowerfulȱposition.ȱForȱanȱexcellentȱoverviewȱofȱSieneseȱlegislation,ȱseeȱMario Ascheri,ȱ“Legislazione,ȱstatutiȱeȱsovranità,”ȱAnticaȱLegislazioneȱdellaȱRepubblicaȱdiȱSiena,ȱed.ȱIdem. Documentiȱdiȱstoriaȱ7ȱ(Siena:ȱIlȱLeccio,ȱ1993),ȱ1–40. Lodovicoȱ Zdekauer,ȱ “Ilȱ frammentoȱ degliȱ ultimiȱ dueȱ libriȱ delȱ piùȱ anticoȱ costitutoȱ senese (1262–1270),”ȱBullettinoȱSeneseȱdiȱStoriaȱPatriaȱ1ȱ(1894):ȱ271–84;ȱhereȱ275,ȱrub.ȱLXV.ȱ Zdekauer,ȱ“Ilȱframmento”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9),ȱ275,ȱrubr.ȱLXIIII. IlȱcostitutoȱdelȱcomuneȱdiȱSienaȱvolgarizzatoȱnelȱMCCCIX–MCCCX,ȱed.ȱAlessandroȱLisiniȱ(Siena: SordomutiȱdiȱL.ȱLazzeri,ȱ1903),ȱvol.ȱ2,ȱdist.ȱVȱrubr.ȱXCVII,ȱ275. ASSȱStatutiȱdiȱCittàȱ26,ȱfol.ȱ169v. TheȱSieneseȱcontadoȱwasȱdividedȱintoȱthreeȱsections,ȱknownȱasȱterzi,ȱwhichȱreflectedȱtheȱdivision ofȱtheȱcityȱitselfȱintoȱthreeȱterzi.ȱTheseȱcontadoȱterziȱwereȱfurtherȱsubdividedȱintoȱdistrictsȱcalled contrade.ȱThisȱisȱnotȱtoȱbeȱconfusedȱwithȱtheȱseventeenȱmodernȱcontradeȱdivisionsȱofȱtheȱcity.

PromotingȱPeaceȱinȱMedievalȱSiena

337

ban.ȱTheȱpartyȱthenȱhadȱthreeȱdaysȱinȱwhichȱtoȱappearȱbeforeȱtheȱbanȱbecame officiallyȱregistered.ȱIfȱtheȱdenouncedȱpresentedȱanȱinstrumentumȱpacisȱwithȱthe victimȱatȱanyȱpointȱfromȱtheȱstartȱofȱtheȱinquestȱuntilȱtheȱbanȱbecameȱpermanent, theȱproceedingsȱwereȱhalted.ȱTheȱaccusedȱwasȱorderedȱtoȱpayȱanȱadministrative feeȱ toȱ theȱ Bicchernaȱ (theȱ financialȱ magistratureȱ whichȱ alsoȱ maintainedȱ the banishmentȱlists)ȱtypicallyȱfourteenȱsoldiȱbyȱtheȱ1340s,ȱandȱtheȱinquestȱended.ȱIn practice,ȱ theȱ “noȱ moreȱ thanȱ half”ȱ penaltyȱ wasȱ subsumedȱ byȱ theȱ “allȱ penalties removed,”ȱandȱtheȱquestionȱbecameȱwhetherȱoneȱwasȱenrolledȱonȱtheȱbanishment listsȱorȱproducedȱaȱpeaceȱandȱpaidȱtheȱgabelle. Theȱstatutesȱclearlyȱcreatedȱaȱfinancialȱincentiveȱtoȱmakeȱpeace.ȱTheȱtotalȱcosts involvedȱ includedȱ theȱ paymentȱ ofȱ fourteenȱ soldiȱ toȱ theȱ Bicchernaȱ forȱ the registrationȱofȱtheȱpeaceȱandȱtheȱdismissalȱofȱtheȱinquestȱandȱtheȱpaymentȱtoȱthe notary,ȱtypicallyȱlessȱthanȱfiveȱsoldi.ȱSoȱforȱlessȱthanȱoneȱlibraȱSieneseȱ(twentyȱsoldi), theȱ partyȱ couldȱ avoidȱ finesȱ ofȱ 100ȱ toȱ 400ȱ libraeȱ forȱ theȱ variousȱ categoriesȱ of assault.14ȱThisȱwasȱstillȱnotȱpocketȱchange.ȱToȱputȱtheȱamountȱinȱcontext,ȱtheȱvery sameȱsemester,ȱtheȱartistȱGiovanniȱdiȱSeraȱwasȱpaidȱ13ȱsoldiȱnineȱdenariȱtoȱpaintȱ33 coatsȱofȱarmsȱonȱtheȱbooksȱofȱtheȱpodestà.15ȱAtȱ14ȱsoldiȱperȱaccusedȱ(notȱperȱpeace), theȱ numbersȱ fromȱ theȱ 1340sȱ indicateȱ thatȱ incomeȱ fromȱ registeringȱ peace agreementsȱcoveredȱaboutȱoneȬtenthȱofȱsalaryȱpaidȱtoȱtheȱpodestàȱandȱhisȱstaff. Sienaȱ wasȱ notȱ unusualȱ inȱ itsȱ attemptsȱ toȱ promoteȱ peace,ȱ thoughȱ itȱ mayȱ have allowedȱgreaterȱeffectsȱwithȱfewerȱrestrictionsȱthanȱotherȱcommunes.ȱ Theȱeffectsȱofȱpresentingȱaȱpeaceȱagreementȱwereȱsignificant,ȱdespiteȱvariations. Inȱtheȱ1314ȱstatutesȱofȱSanȱGimignano,ȱforȱthoseȱcrimesȱwhichȱwereȱallowedȱtoȱbe coveredȱ byȱ aȱ peace,ȱ aȱ peaceȱ reducedȱ theȱ penaltyȱ toȱ oneȬquarterȱ ofȱ whatȱ the statutesȱ prescribed.ȱ Itȱ eliminatedȱ theȱ penaltyȱ inȱ theȱ casesȱ ofȱ offensesȱ which occurredȱbetweenȱrelatives,ȱupȱtoȱtheȱthirdȱdegree.ȱLikewise,ȱmembersȱofȱtheȱcasati (thoseȱdefinedȱasȱmagnateȱfamilies)ȱwhoȱmadeȱpeaceȱwithinȱtheseȱtenȱdaysȱwere heldȱtoȱnoȱpenalty.16ȱInȱPoggibonsiȱ(1332)ȱtheȱpeaceȱalsoȱreducedȱtheȱpenaltyȱtoȱone quarter,ȱbutȱrequiredȱfourȱwitnesses.17ȱSomeȱstatutesȱcarriedȱevenȱmoreȱbenefits forȱaȱpeace.ȱAsȱinȱSiena,ȱtheȱentireȱpenaltyȱwasȱremittedȱinȱParmaȱ(1266)ȱandȱin Grossetoȱ(1421).18

14

15

16

17

18

Byȱestablishingȱsuchȱhighȱstatutoryȱfinesȱforȱassault,ȱtheȱcommuneȱwasȱencouragingȱoffendersȱto makeȱpeace.ȱTheȱhighȱfinesȱalsoȱallowedȱtheȱcommuneȱflexibilityȱtoȱreduceȱsignificantlyȱtheȱfines paidȱinȱtimesȱofȱamnesty,ȱwhileȱstillȱcollectingȱsubstantialȱsums. HaydenȱMaginnis,ȱTheȱWorldȱofȱtheȱSieneseȱPainterȱ(UniversityȱPark:ȱPennsylvaniaȱStateȱUniversity Press,ȱ2001),ȱ285. GliȱalboriȱdelȱComuneȱdiȱSanȱGimignanoȱeȱloȱstatutoȱdelȱ1314,ȱed.ȱMarioȱBrogi.ȱDocumentiȱdiȱstoriaȱ13 (Siena:ȱEdizioniȱCantagalli,ȱ1995),ȱdist.ȱIII,ȱrubr.ȱ82,ȱ153. UnaȱcomunitàȱdellaȱValdelsaȱnelȱMedioevo:ȱPoggibonsiȱeȱilȱstatutoȱdelȱ1332,ȱed.ȱSilvioȱPucci.ȱLinee storicheȱ(Poggibonsi:ȱLalli,ȱ1995),ȱdist.ȱIII,ȱrubr.ȱ55,ȱ195. StatutaȱcommunisȱParmaeȱdigestaȱannoȱMCCLV,ȱed.ȱAmadioȱRonchini.ȱMonumentaȱhistoricaȱad

338

GlennȱKumhera

Theȱmandatoryȱtimeȱlimitȱwithinȱwhichȱtheȱpartiesȱwereȱtoȱmakeȱpeaceȱoverȱthe offenseȱ inȱ orderȱ toȱ receiveȱ proceduralȱ benefitsȱ variedȱ asȱ well,ȱ beingȱ counted usuallyȱfromȱtheȱdayȱtheȱoffenseȱoccurred:ȱinȱSanȱGimignanoȱ(1314)ȱandȱGrosseto (1421),ȱitȱwasȱtenȱdays,ȱnotȱcountingȱtheȱdayȱofȱtheȱoffense;19ȱinȱTodiȱ(1275)ȱfour days20;ȱinȱParmaȱ(1266),ȱitȱwasȱwithinȱeightȱdaysȱofȱtheȱoffense.21ȱLessȱfrequently, theȱ timeȱ givenȱ referredȱ notȱ toȱ theȱ offense,ȱ butȱ toȱ aȱ particularȱ stageȱ inȱ the inquisitorialȱ process.ȱ Inȱ Poggibonsiȱ (1332),ȱ theȱ windowȱ forȱ makingȱ peaceȱ was significantlyȱlargerȱthanȱSiena’s,ȱallowingȱforȱupȱtoȱfifteenȱdaysȱfromȱ“theȱdayȱof theȱexaminationȱmadeȱafterȱtheȱaccusationȱorȱdenunciation.”22ȱ Certainȱoffensesȱfellȱoutȱofȱtheȱboundsȱofȱtheȱbenefitsȱforȱaȱpeaceȱ(atȱleastȱfor reducedȱorȱeliminatedȱfines).ȱEachȱstatuteȱonȱwhatȱaȱpeaceȱagreementȱcouldȱcover displaysȱaȱbalancingȱactȱinȱwhichȱtheȱcommuneȱdecidedȱwhichȱconflictsȱcouldȱnot beȱresolvedȱwithȱaȱpeace,ȱwhichȱrepresentedȱaȱgreaterȱoffenseȱtoȱtheȱpublicȱgood thanȱtoȱanyȱprivateȱparty,ȱandȱinȱwhichȱcasesȱofferingȱaȱreducedȱpenaltyȱmightȱbe viewedȱ asȱ anȱ encouragementȱ toȱ commitȱ suchȱ acts.ȱ Inȱ Grossetoȱ (1421)ȱ aȱ peace agreementȱcouldȱnotȱbeȱusedȱtoȱlessenȱtheȱpenaltiesȱforȱsodomy.23ȱInȱBergamo’s statutesȱofȱ1331,ȱaȱpeaceȱwasȱnotȱallowedȱforȱtheȱhigherȱrangesȱofȱtheft.ȱCityȱor districtȱ residentsȱ whoȱ stoleȱ 100ȱ soldiȱ orȱ moreȱ wereȱ notȱ ableȱ toȱ benefitȱ fromȱ a peace.24ȱ Foreigners,ȱ whoȱ wereȱ typicallyȱ subjectȱ toȱ harsherȱ penaltiesȱ andȱ more severeȱrestrictions,ȱcouldȱnotȱbenefitȱfromȱpeaceȱforȱanyȱtheftȱofȱ20ȱsoldiȱorȱmore. Inȱ1353,ȱtheȱstatutesȱofȱBergamoȱalsoȱspecifiedȱthatȱaȱpeaceȱcouldȱnotȱbeȱemployed inȱcasesȱofȱhomicideȱorȱrobbery.25ȱThisȱwasȱalsoȱtheȱpracticeȱinȱSiena.ȱInȱPadua,ȱa rubricȱfromȱtheȱ1275ȱredaction,ȱdatingȱbackȱtoȱ1236,ȱallowedȱforȱaȱpeaceȱtoȱbeȱmade withinȱ aȱ monthȱ inȱ casesȱ involvingȱ aȱ capitalȱ sentence,ȱ butȱ aȱ rubricȱ fromȱ 1266 excludedȱcasesȱofȱvoluntaryȱhomicide.26ȱInȱPerugiaȱ(1279),ȱlawmakersȱexcludedȱthe

19

20 21 22 23

24

25

26

provinciasȱParmensemȱetȱPlacentinamȱpertinentiaȱ(Parma:ȱexȱofficinaȱP.ȱFiaccadorii,ȱ1856),ȱ268. Statutoȱ delȱ comuneȱ diȱ Grossetoȱ delȱ 1421,ȱ ed.ȱ Mauraȱ Mordiniȱ (Grosseto:ȱ Iȱ Porticiȱ Editori,ȱ 1995), 183–84,ȱrubr.ȱ94. Brogi,ȱSanȱGimignanoȱ1314ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ16),ȱ153,ȱdist.ȱIII,ȱrubr.ȱ82;ȱMordini,ȱGrossetoȱ1421ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18), 183–84,ȱrubr.ȱ94. StatutoȱdiȱTodiȱdelȱ1275,ȱed.ȱGetulioȱCeciȱandȱGiulioȱPensiȱ(Todi:ȱA.ȱTrombetti,ȱ1897),ȱ86,ȱrubr.ȱLIV. Ronchini,ȱParmaȱ1255ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18),ȱ268. Pucci,ȱPoggibonsiȱ1332ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ17),ȱ143,ȱdist.ȱIII,ȱrubr.ȱ55. Mordini,ȱGrossetoȱ1421ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18),ȱ180,ȱrubr.ȱ81.ȱOnȱsodomyȱinȱwarȱandȱpeace,ȱseeȱScottȱTaylor’s essayȱinȱthisȱvolume. LoȱstatutoȱdiȱBergamoȱdelȱ1331,ȱed.ȱClaudiaȱStortiȱStorchi.ȱFontiȱstoricoȬgiuridicheȱ/ȱStatuti,ȱ1ȱ(Milan: A.ȱGiuffre,ȱ1986),ȱdistȱIX,ȱrubr.ȱxxi,ȱ170–71.ȱ LoȱstatutoȱdiȱBergamoȱdelȱ1353,ȱed.ȱGiulianaȱForgiarini.ȱFontiȱstoricoȬgiuridicheȱ/ȱStatuti,ȱ2ȱ(Spoleto: Centroȱitalianoȱdiȱstudiȱsull’altoȱMedioevo,ȱ1996),ȱdist.ȱIX,ȱrubr.ȱxxxiiȱ&ȱxxxiiii,ȱ204–05. Vallerani,ȱ“Paceȱeȱprocesso,”ȱ321ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).

PromotingȱPeaceȱinȱMedievalȱSiena

339

crimesȱofȱhomicide,ȱforgery,ȱbreakingȱofȱaȱtruce,ȱassaultsȱtoȱtheȱfaceȱwhichȱleft scars,ȱtheȱdebilitationȱofȱaȱlimb,ȱtheft,ȱandȱrobberyȱonȱtheȱroads.27ȱȱ Theȱ seriousnessȱ withȱ whichȱ theȱ communalȱ governmentsȱ viewedȱ peace agreementsȱisȱevidentȱinȱtheȱstatutesȱregardingȱtheȱviolationȱofȱtheseȱagreements. Earlyȱinȱtheȱthirteenthȱcentury,ȱwhenȱpeaceȱagreementsȱwereȱoftenȱmadeȱorally andȱasȱyetȱhadȱfewȱstatutoryȱbenefits,ȱtheȱpenaltiesȱtendedȱtoȱbeȱlessȱsevere.ȱFor instance,ȱtheȱstatutesȱofȱVolterraȱsetȱtheȱfineȱforȱbreakingȱaȱpeaceȱatȱfifteenȱlibrae inȱ1210,ȱthoughȱthisȱamountȱhadȱincreasedȱtoȱ50ȱlibraeȱonlyȱfourteenȱyearsȱlater.28 Byȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱcentury,ȱpenaltiesȱthroughoutȱItalyȱ hadȱ becomeȱsteeperȱand eventuallyȱ appliedȱ onlyȱ toȱ peaceȱ agreementsȱ redactedȱ byȱ notaries.ȱ Inȱ Bologna (1288),ȱ theȱ penaltyȱ forȱ breakingȱ theȱ peaceȱ withȱ homicideȱ orȱ aȱ physicalȱ assault includedȱtheȱseizureȱofȱtheȱoffender’sȱgoods,ȱwhichȱwereȱthenȱdividedȱbetweenȱthe communeȱandȱtheȱvictimȱorȱhisȱheirs.29ȱInȱPerugiaȱ(1279),ȱtheȱoffenderȱfacedȱa capitalȱsentenceȱwithȱaȱperpetualȱbanȱandȱtheȱdestructionȱofȱhisȱgoods.30 Severalȱ otherȱ communesȱ wereȱ notȱ quiteȱ asȱ severe,ȱ thoughȱ theyȱ didȱ punish offensesȱthatȱresultedȱinȱbreakingȱaȱpeaceȱmoreȱharshlyȱthanȱtheȱsameȱoffenseȱthat didȱnot.ȱInȱSanȱGimignanoȱ(1314),ȱtheȱbreakingȱofȱaȱpeaceȱwasȱpunishedȱwithȱaȱfine ofȱ200ȱlibrae.31ȱInȱBergamoȱ(1353),ȱtheȱpodestàȱaddedȱ100ȱlibraeȱtoȱtheȱfineȱofȱanyone whoȱbrokeȱaȱpeaceȱbyȱphysicalȱassaultȱ(50ȱlibraeȱforȱpropertyȱdamage),ȱwhichȱwas thenȱsharedȱbetweenȱtheȱcommuneȱandȱtheȱvictim.32 SinceȱSiena’sȱstatutesȱprovidedȱsomeȱofȱtheȱmostȱgenerousȱbenefitsȱtoȱmaking peace,ȱitȱisȱnotȱsurprisingȱthatȱtheȱmostȱdetailedȱsectionȱonȱtheȱbreakingȱofȱpeace, andȱoneȱofȱtheȱharshest,ȱcomesȱfromȱSiena.ȱInȱ1262,ȱtheȱpenaltyȱforȱbreakingȱa peaceȱwasȱsimplyȱdoubleȱtheȱnormalȱstatutoryȱpenaltyȱforȱtheȱoffenseȱcommitted.33 AȱmeasureȱpassedȱbyȱtheȱConsiglioȱGeneraleȱinȱ1292ȱandȱincludedȱinȱtheȱstatute redactionsȱofȱbothȱ1310ȱandȱ1337ȱincreasedȱtheȱpenalties.34ȱForȱtheȱbreakingȱofȱthe 27 28

29

30

31 32 33 34

Vallerani,ȱ“Paceȱeȱprocesso,”ȱ332ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4). StatutiȱdiȱVolterraȱIȱ(1210–1224),ȱed.ȱEnricoȱFiumiȱ(Florence:ȱDeputazioneȱdiȱstoriaȱpatriaȱperȱla Toscana,ȱ1951).ȱForȱ1210:ȱdist.ȱI,ȱrubr.ȱxxxvii,ȱ21;ȱForȱ1224:ȱdist.ȱII,ȱrubr.ȱclxixBclxx,ȱ197–98. Statutiȱ diȱ Bolognaȱ dell’annoȱ 1288,ȱ ed.ȱ Ginaȱ Fasoli.ȱ Studiȱ eȱ testiȱ no.ȱ 73ȱ (Vaticanȱ City:ȱ Biblioteca ApostolicaȱVaticana,ȱ1937),ȱ215,ȱdist.ȱIV,ȱrubr.ȱlvi. Vallerani,ȱ“Paceȱeȱprocesso,”ȱ321ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).ȱThoughȱtheȱpenaltiesȱofȱdeathȱandȱaȱperpetualȱban mayȱseemȱredundant,ȱitȱdidȱhaveȱitsȱuses.ȱByȱissuingȱmultipleȱharshȱsentencesȱtheȱcommuneȱcould negotiateȱforȱtheȱsurrenderȱofȱfugitives,ȱallowingȱaȱlesserȱsentenceȱinȱexchangeȱbyȱbeginningȱwith anȱextremelyȱhighȱpenalty.ȱPlacingȱtheȱcriminalȱunderȱtheȱbanȱalsoȱengagedȱpenaltiesȱforȱthose whoȱassistedȱhim. Brogi,ȱSanȱGimignanoȱ1314ȱ,152B53ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ16),ȱdist.ȱIII,ȱrubr.ȱlxxxi. Forgiarini,ȱLoȱstatutoȱdiȱBergamoȱdelȱ1353,ȱ203–04ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ25),ȱdist.ȱIX,ȱrubr.ȱxxxi. Zdekauer,ȱ“Ilȱframmento,”ȱ275ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9),ȱrubr.ȱLXV.ȱ TheseȱmeasuresȱareȱincludedȱinȱLisini,ȱIlȱcostitutoȱdiȱSienaȱ1309–1310ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11),ȱvol.ȱ2,ȱdist.V rubr.ȱL,ȱ253ȱforȱtheȱ1310ȱredaction.ȱTheȱ1337ȱredactionȱofȱthisȱrubricȱisȱinȱASSȱStatutiȱdiȱCittàȱ26, fols.ȱ149v–150r,ȱthoughȱtheȱcontentȱisȱunchangedȱfromȱtheȱ1310ȱversion.ȱAȱLatinȱversionȱofȱthe rubricȱexistsȱfromȱtheȱfirstȱdecadeȱofȱtheȱfourteenthȱcenturyȱinȱASSȱStatutiȱ17ȱandȱASSȱStatutiȱ18

340

GlennȱKumhera

peaceȱbyȱhomicideȱorȱwounding,ȱtheȱpodestàȱwasȱtoȱimposeȱaȱcapitalȱsentenceȱand seizeȱ allȱ ofȱ theȱ offender’sȱ goodsȱ forȱ theȱ communeȱ ofȱ Siena.ȱ Inȱ addition,ȱ ifȱ the offenderȱ andȱ hisȱ sonsȱ wereȱ notȱ ableȱ toȱ beȱ apprehended,ȱ thenȱ theyȱ wereȱ toȱ be placedȱunderȱaȱperpetualȱbanȱwithȱnoȱpossibilityȱofȱrebannimentum.ȱFollowingȱthe legalȱ commentariesȱ onȱ thisȱ point,ȱ theȱ statutesȱ stateȱ thatȱ “theȱ peaceȱ isȱ not understoodȱtoȱbeȱbrokenȱbyȱinjuriousȱwordsȱorȱotherȱoffenses,ȱinsults,ȱandȱinjuries [.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱifȱnoȱblowȱtoȱtheȱbodyȱintervenes.”35ȱSuchȱactions,ȱhowever,ȱwereȱpunished: theȱpodestàȱimposedȱaȱ100ȱlibraeȱfineȱforȱinjuriousȱwordsȱforȱthoseȱinvolvedȱinȱa peaceȱandȱtripleȱtheȱnormalȱpenaltyȱforȱallȱotherȱoffensesȱwhichȱdidȱnotȱleadȱto blows.36 Theȱ statutesȱ ofȱ communitiesȱ withinȱ Sieneseȱ territoryȱ reducedȱ theȱ Sienese penaltiesȱ inȱ theirȱ ownȱ statutes,ȱ reinforcingȱ theȱ factȱ thatȱ Siena’sȱ penaltiesȱ were amongȱtheȱmostȱsevere.ȱTheȱstatutesȱofȱGrosseto,ȱforȱinstance,ȱwhichȱmimicked thoseȱ ofȱ Siena,ȱ whileȱ keepingȱ theȱ harshȱ penaltyȱ forȱ homicide,ȱ decreasedȱ the penaltiesȱ forȱ allȱ otherȱ violationsȱ toȱ aȱ mereȱ fiveȱ libraeȱ forȱ injuriousȱ wordsȱ and double,ȱratherȱthanȱtriple,ȱtheȱusualȱpenaltyȱforȱallȱotherȱoffenses.37ȱSienaȱalone penalizedȱadvocatingȱtheȱbreakingȱofȱaȱpeace.ȱTheȱmeasureȱ(1310)ȱestablishedȱa fineȱofȱtenȱlibraeȱforȱanyoneȱadvocatingȱbreakingȱaȱpeace,ȱbutȱspecificallyȱsingled outȱthoseȱinȱpositionsȱofȱgreatestȱinfluenceȱoverȱaȱparty’sȱlegalȱoptions,ȱmentioning judgesȱandȱadvocatesȱinȱparticular.38ȱ

35

36

37 38

andȱisȱtranscribedȱinȱEnzoȱMecacci,ȱCondanneȱpenaliȱnellaȱSiena:ȱtraȱnormativeȱeȱprassi.ȱDocumenti diȱStoria,ȱ33ȱ(Siena:ȱUniversitàȱdegliȱstudiȱdiȱSiena,ȱ2000),ȱ118ȱandȱ120. Lisini,ȱIlȱcostitutoȱdiȱSienaȱ1309–1310ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11),ȱvol.ȱ2,ȱdist.ȱVȱrubr.ȱL,ȱ253ȱfromȱ1310;ȱASSȱStatuti diȱCittàȱ26,ȱfol.ȱ150r:ȱ“Salvoȱquodȱpaxȱvelȱtreuguaȱnonȱintelligaturȱruptaȱvelȱfractaȱnisiȱcorporalis percussioȱintervenerit”ȱfromȱ1337,ȱwhichȱwasȱshortenedȱfromȱtheȱ1310ȱtext.ȱMecacci,ȱCondanne penaliȱ nellaȱ Sienaȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 34)ȱ 120ȱ transcribesȱ theȱ Latinȱ textȱ fromȱ 1310:ȱ “Salvoȱ quodȱ paxȱ vel treuguaȱnonȱintelligaturȱruptaȱvelȱfractaȱproȱaliquibusȱverbisȱiniuriosisȱnecȱproȱaliisȱoffensionibus contumeliisȱetȱiniuriisȱquocumqueȱmodoȱfactisȱvelȱcomissis,ȱaliterȱquamȱdeȱpersonaȱinȱpersonam etȱdeȱcorporeȱinȱcorpus.ȱEtȱintelligaturȱdeȱpersonaȱinȱpersonamȱetȱdeȱcorporeȱinȱcorpusȱsiȱpercussio interveneritȱetȱnonȱaliter.”ȱOnȱtheȱdebateȱinȱlegalȱcommentariesȱonlyȱwhatȱconstitutedȱbreaking aȱpeace,ȱseeȱKumhera,ȱMakingȱPeace,ȱ52–56ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6).ȱ Lisini,ȱIlȱcostitutoȱdiȱSienaȱ1309–1310ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11),ȱvol.ȱ2,ȱdist.ȱVȱrubr.ȱL,ȱ254;ȱASSȱStatutiȱdiȱCittà 26,ȱ fol.ȱ 150r:ȱ “Sedȱ proȱ verbisȱ iniuriosisȱ puniaturȱ quiȱ iniuriamȱ dixeritȱ illiȱ cumȱ quoȱ pacemȱ vel treuguamȱhabuitȱinȱcentumȱlibrisȱdenariorumȱproȱqualibetȱvice.ȱEtȱproȱaliisȱoffensionibus,ȱiniuriis velȱ contumeliisȱ quocunqueȱ modoȱ commissisȱ etȱ factisȱ extraȱ corpusȱ interȱ predictosȱ pacemȱ vel treuguamȱhabentesȱpuniaturȱfaciensȱvelȱcommittensȱinȱtripliciȱpenaȱquaȱaliusȱpuniretur.”ȱMecacci, CondanneȱpenaliȱnellaȱSienaȱ(seeȱnoteȱ34),ȱ120,ȱforȱtheȱ1310ȱLatinȱtext. Mordini,ȱGrossetoȱ1421,ȱ175ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18),,ȱrubr.ȱLXVII. Lisini,ȱ Ilȱ costitutoȱ diȱ Sienaȱ 1309–1310,ȱ vol.ȱ 2,ȱ dist.Vȱ rubr.ȱ L,ȱ 253:ȱ “etȱ cheȱ neunoȱ giudiceȱ oȱ vero advocatoȱoȱveroȱalcunaȱpersonaȱdebiaȱadvocareȱperȱquelloȱcotaleȱelȱqualeȱlaȱpaceȱrompesse.ȱEtȱchi contrafaràȱsiaȱpunito,ȱperȱciascunaȱvolta,ȱalȱcomuneȱdiȱSiena,ȱinȱX.ȱlibreȱdiȱdenari”;ȱTheȱspecific mentionȱofȱadvocatesȱandȱjudgesȱisȱleftȱoutȱinȱtheȱ1337ȱtext.ȱASSȱStatutiȱdiȱCittàȱ26,ȱfols.ȱ149v–150r: “Etȱnullaȱpersonaȱadvocetȱproȱtaliȱquiȱpacemȱfrangeretȱpenaȱlibrisȱdecemȱdenariorumȱproȱqualibet inȱvice.”

PromotingȱPeaceȱinȱMedievalȱSiena

341

Sieneseȱlegislatorsȱhadȱconstructedȱaȱsystemȱinȱwhichȱideallyȱthoseȱinvolvedȱin criminalȱactivities,ȱbothȱoffendersȱandȱvictims,ȱ wouldȱquicklyȱresolveȱtoȱmake peace.ȱThisȱpeaceȱwouldȱobligateȱthemȱnotȱtoȱharmȱeachȱotherȱfurtherȱunderȱthe seriousȱpenaltiesȱofȱdeathȱandȱconfiscationȱofȱproperty.ȱTheȱsecondȱpenaltyȱwould alsoȱharmȱheirsȱand,ȱwhileȱtheȱindividualȱcouldȱrunȱaway,ȱtheirȱpropertyȱcould not.ȱTheȱridiculouslyȱhighȱfinesȱinȱtheȱstatutesȱpromotedȱaȱchoiceȱbetweenȱmaking thisȱpeaceȱandȱpayingȱaȱrelativelyȱsmallȱfeeȱandȱflightȱfromȱtheȱcommune’sȱreach inȱanticipationȱofȱbanishment,ȱwhichȱwouldȱalsoȱserveȱtoȱprecludeȱfurtherȱviolence betweenȱ theȱ sameȱ individuals.ȱ Inȱ theȱ caseȱ ofȱ someȱ ofȱ theȱ moreȱ heinous crimes—homicideȱandȱarson,ȱinȱSiena—theȱchoiceȱwasȱtoȱturnȱoneselfȱinȱorȱflee. Ifȱpeaceȱagreementsȱwereȱpromotedȱsuccessfullyȱandȱactuallyȱworked,ȱthenȱthe systemȱrequiredȱaȱminimalȱamountȱofȱstaffȱtoȱfunction:ȱtheȱjudgesȱandȱcourtȱstaff, theȱsindiciȱwhoȱreportedȱcrime,ȱandȱaȱreliableȱsystemȱforȱreportingȱtheȱbreakingȱof aȱpeace.ȱ

III.ȱTheȱEffects:ȱLegislationȱinȱPractice Theȱfrequencyȱwithȱwhichȱnotariesȱredactedȱpeaceȱagreementsȱinȱtheȱfourteenth centuryȱ indicatesȱ thatȱ theȱ benefitsȱ ofȱ aȱ peaceȱ outlinedȱ inȱ Sieneseȱ legislation providedȱ ampleȱ incentive.ȱ Peaceȱ agreementsȱ accountȱ forȱ almostȱ fiveȱ percent (4.82%)ȱ ofȱ allȱ documentsȱ containedȱ inȱ theȱ eighteenȱ notarialȱ imbreviatureȱ thatȱ I sampledȱ forȱ theȱ century.39ȱ Eachȱ year,ȱ theseȱ notariesȱ redactedȱ severalȱ peace agreements.ȱOnȱoccasionȱaȱnotaryȱredactedȱonlyȱthreeȱorȱfourȱperȱyear,ȱbutȱmore oftenȱtheȱnumberȱroseȱintoȱtheȱteens,ȱwithȱtheȱmostȱIȱencounteredȱinȱaȱsingleȱyear beingȱ 21ȱ (Laurentiusȱ Giacomiȱ inȱ 1399–1400),ȱ thoughȱ Francescoȱ Petriȱ redacted twentyȬthreeȱoverȱaȱfourteenȬmonthȱperiodȱfromȱ1360ȱtoȱ1361.40ȱTheȱsurviving podesterialȱrecordsȱfromȱtheȱ1340sȱshowȱthatȱtheȱpodestà’sȱjudgesȱwereȱpresented withȱ atȱ leastȱ 250ȱ peaceȱ agreementsȱ eachȱ year.41ȱ Theȱ Consiglioȱ Generaleȱ was 39

40

41

Imbreviatureȱwereȱtheȱregistersȱkeptȱbyȱnotariesȱofȱtheȱactsȱtheyȱredacted.ȱWhileȱtheȱdocuments wereȱ oftenȱ abbreviatedȱ (excludingȱ theȱ mostȱ formulaicȱ elements),ȱ theȱ imbreviatureȱ versions constitutedȱtheȱofficialȱrecordȱinȱcaseȱofȱaȱlaterȱdispute,ȱandȱthereforeȱwereȱpreservedȱbyȱtheȱguild afterȱaȱnotary’sȱdeath.ȱTheȱimbreviatureȱsampledȱwereȱchosenȱforȱaȱnumberȱofȱreasons.ȱIȱselected aȱsamplingȱfromȱaȱnumberȱofȱdifferentȱnotariesȱoverȱtheȱcourseȱofȱtheȱfourteenthȱcentury,ȱbutȱalso usedȱseveralȱimbreviatureȱbyȱtheȱsameȱnotaryȱtoȱexamineȱvariationsȱfromȱyearȱtoȱyearȱforȱtheȱsame regionȱandȱclientele.ȱAlso,ȱIȱexaminedȱseveralȱimbreviatureȱfromȱtheȱHospitalȱofȱSantaȱMariaȱdella Scalaȱ toȱ compareȱ themȱ toȱ thoseȱ byȱ otherȱ notaries.ȱ Theseȱ eighteenȱ areȱ ASSȱ Archivioȱ Notarile antecosimianoȱ12,ȱ13,ȱ14,ȱ16,ȱ19,ȱ20,ȱ53,ȱ69,ȱ70,ȱ75,ȱ89,ȱ119,ȱ120,ȱ121,ȱ141,ȱ147,ȱ165ȱandȱ234. TheseȱareȱASSȱNotarileȱantecosimianoȱ234ȱforȱLaurentiusȱJacomoȱ(21ȱofȱ262ȱdocuments,ȱ8.02%) andȱASSȱNotarileȱantecosimianoȱ75ȱforȱFrancescoȱPetriȱ(23ȱofȱ408ȱdocuments,ȱ5.64%).ȱ Theȱ correspondingȱ recordsȱ forȱ theȱ capitanoȱ delȱ popoloȱ doȱ notȱ survive.ȱ Iȱ wouldȱ expectȱ the numbersȱofȱpeaceȱagreementsȱthereȱtoȱbeȱsubstantial,ȱthoughȱlessȱthanȱwhatȱtheȱpodesterialȱjudges

342

GlennȱKumhera

routinelyȱpresentedȱwithȱpeaceȱagreementsȱasȱpartȱofȱreleasesȱfromȱincarceration andȱtheȱliftingȱofȱbanishment.ȱWhenȱtheȱConsiglioȱofferedȱamnesties,ȱtheyȱwere presentedȱwithȱseveralȱhundredȱinȱaȱperiodȱofȱaȱfewȱmonthsȱ(overȱ500ȱinȱlessȱthan threeȱmonthsȱinȱ1329).42 Whenȱitȱcameȱtoȱpeacemakingȱtoȱprecludeȱanȱinquest,ȱtheȱlegislationȱexertedȱa surprisinglyȱprofoundȱimpactȱonȱtheȱoperationsȱofȱtheȱcourt.ȱThereȱareȱtwoȱextant volumesȱ ofȱ podesterialȱ inquestsȱ fromȱ Sienaȱ whichȱ includeȱ bothȱ thoseȱ cases prosecutedȱ fullyȱ andȱ thoseȱ dismissedȱ becauseȱ ofȱ peaceȱ agreements.ȱ These volumes,ȱcontainingȱinquestsȱ(noȱaccusations)ȱfromȱtheȱsecondȱsemestersȱofȱ1343 andȱ1345ȱareȱquiteȱilluminating.ȱInȱtheȱsecondȱhalfȱofȱ1343,ȱtheȱcourtȱofȱtheȱpodestà heardȱ197ȱcasesȱandȱofȱthese,ȱ125ȱwereȱdismissedȱuponȱtheȱpresentationȱofȱaȱpeace (63.5%).43ȱInȱ1345,ȱthereȱwereȱ133ȱcases,ȱofȱwhichȱ98ȱ(73.7%),ȱwereȱconcludedȱwith aȱ peaceȱ agreement.44ȱ Thisȱ largeȱ numberȱ ofȱ dismissals,ȱ 223ȱ ofȱ 330ȱ totalȱ cases (67.6%),ȱisȱstartling.ȱTheȱcaseȱofȱJacobinusȱandȱtheȱSceltiȱbrothersȱwithȱwhichȱI beganȱwasȱoneȱofȱtheseȱcases.ȱItȱwasȱtypicalȱinȱthatȱpeaceȱagreementsȱwereȱmost utilizedȱ inȱ unarmedȱ assaultȱ cases:ȱ 62ȱ ofȱ 75ȱ (82.7%).ȱ Otherȱ casesȱ fromȱ the podesterialȱ recordsȱ alsoȱ demonstrateȱ howȱ theȱ processȱ dictatedȱ byȱ theȱ statutes workedȱinȱpractice.ȱ Onȱ7ȱNovemberȱ1343,ȱtheȱsindicusȱofȱRoccastrada,ȱJohannesȱSini,ȱdenouncedȱthree menȱofȱthatȱcommune—MeusȱFerragonis,ȱNellusȱGhezzi,ȱandȱCioneȱChelis—toȱthe podestà’sȱjudgeȱforȱincidentsȱduringȱtheȱfirstȱthreeȱdaysȱofȱthatȱmonth.45ȱTwoȱofȱthe threeȱseparateȱdenunciationsȱconstructȱtheȱpictureȱofȱaȱsingleȱongoingȱconflict.ȱIn theȱfirst,ȱMeus,ȱ“movingȱfromȱplaceȱtoȱplaceȱwithȱbadȱintentions,ȱmadeȱinsults, threats,ȱandȱaggressionsȱtowardȱNellusȱGhezzi,ȱsayingȱ‘I’llȱpayȱyouȱback’.”46ȱNellus wasȱdenouncedȱforȱlikewiseȱblockingȱ theȱ pathȱofȱJohannesȱFerragonis,ȱMeus’s brother,ȱ andȱ makingȱ insultsȱ andȱ threatsȱ againstȱ himȱ atȱ aȱ laterȱ time.ȱ Nellus, however,ȱwasȱarmedȱwithȱaȱknifeȱandȱaȱlance.ȱHeȱstruckȱJohannes’sȱleftȱhandȱwith

42

43

44

45 46

heardȱbyȱtheȱ1340s,ȱreflectingȱtheȱdeclineȱinȱjudicialȱauthorityȱofȱtheȱcapitanoȱdelȱpopoloȱinȱthe previousȱdecades. SuchȱamnestyȱpetitionsȱareȱcontainedȱinȱASSȱBicchernaȱ731ȱandȱ732ȱforȱtheȱamnestiesȱofȱ1321ȱand 1329.ȱ FromȱASSȱPodestàȱ36.ȱFiveȱofȱtheseȱcasesȱwereȱhomicidesȱorȱarsonsȱandȱnoȱpeaceȱwasȱpresented forȱthem.ȱ FromȱASSȱPodestàȱ41.ȱTenȱofȱtheȱcasesȱthatȱdidȱnotȱresultȱinȱtheȱpresentationȱofȱaȱpeaceȱagreement wereȱhomicidesȱandȱarson,ȱresultingȱinȱanȱevenȱhigherȱpercentageȱwhenȱtheyȱareȱremovedȱfrom theȱpotentialȱpoolȱofȱdefendants.ȱInȱneitherȱsemesterȱdidȱanyoneȱsummonedȱbyȱtheȱpodestàȱchoose anȱoptionȱotherȱthanȱpresentationȱofȱaȱpeaceȱorȱnonȬappearance.ȱ ASSȱPodestàȱ36,ȱfols.ȱ261v–263r. ASSȱ Podestàȱ 36,ȱ fol.ȱ 261v:ȱ “movendoȱ seȱ deȱ locoȱ adȱ locum,ȱ iratoȱ animoȱ etȱ maloȱ modo,ȱ fecet insultum,ȱimpetumȱetȱagressionemȱadversusȱetȱcontraȱNellumȱquondamȱGheççiȱdeȱdictoȱloco, dicendoȱ‘ioȱteȱneȱpagarò’.”

PromotingȱPeaceȱinȱMedievalȱSiena

343

theȱlance,ȱcausingȱbleeding.47ȱTheȱthird,ȱseeminglyȱunrelated,ȱcaseȱinvolvedȱCione threateningȱoneȱNerusȱUgucciiȱonȱtheȱstreet,ȱsayingȱ”youȱareȱlyingȱthroughȱyour teeth.”48ȱ Followingȱ theȱ denunciations,ȱ aȱ procuratorȱ forȱ allȱ threeȱ ofȱ theȱ men presentedȱtheȱjudgeȱwithȱtwoȱinstrumentaȱpacis,ȱbothȱredactedȱbyȱtheȱsameȱnotary onȱ4ȱNovember,ȱthreeȱdaysȱearlier.ȱTheȱinstrumentȱthatȱnamedȱtheȱprocuratorȱto goȱtoȱcourtȱwasȱalsoȱredactedȱonȱtheȱfourth,ȱindicatingȱthatȱtheȱmenȱwereȱwell awareȱthatȱtheȱsindicusȱwouldȱbeȱdenouncingȱthem.ȱ Anotherȱreportȱbyȱaȱsindicusȱtoȱtheȱpodestà’sȱjudgesȱrelatesȱanȱincidentȱthatȱtook placeȱonȱtheȱstreetȱoutsideȱtheȱAbbeyȱofȱBerardenga,ȱnortheastȱofȱSiena.49ȱThisȱwas aȱbrawlȱoccurringȱonȱ11ȱNovemberȱ1343,ȱinvolvingȱaȱBrotherȱFilippusȱfromȱthe monasteryȱonȱoneȱside,ȱandȱaȱBrotherȱBlaxius,ȱalsoȱofȱtheȱmonastery,ȱandȱhisȱown brotherȱGuerinusȱGori,ȱalongȱwithȱtwoȱotherȱmen—CecchusȱNeriiȱofȱColamagna andȱGorusȱAndreiniȱofȱBerardenga—onȱtheȱother.ȱTheȱbackgroundȱtoȱtheȱfightȱis notȱprovidedȱinȱtheȱtestimony,ȱbutȱtheȱconsistentȱjuxtapositionȱofȱbrothersȱFilippus andȱBlaxiusȱindicateȱthatȱthisȱwasȱlikelyȱtheȱcontinuationȱofȱaȱdisputeȱfromȱwithin theȱ monasteryȱ whichȱ escalatedȱ whenȱ Blaxiusȱ enlistedȱ theȱ helpȱ ofȱ familyȱ and friends.ȱ Givenȱ theȱ four–to–oneȱ odds,ȱ Brotherȱ Filippusȱ tookȱ theȱ worstȱ ofȱ it, “screamingȱandȱshoutingȱbecauseȱofȱaȱwoundedȱbleedingȱleftȱhand.”50ȱTheȱmatter wasȱbroughtȱbeforeȱtheȱjudgeȱtheȱnextȱday.ȱThoseȱinvolved,ȱhowever,ȱhadȱalready concludedȱaȱpeaceȱagreementȱtheȱsameȱdayȱofȱtheȱincident.ȱBrotherȱBlaxiusȱandȱhis brotherȱGuerinusȱappearedȱimmediatelyȱfollowingȱtheȱdenunciationȱtoȱpresentȱthe agreement;ȱbrotherȱFilippusȱtheȱfollowingȱdayȱ(13ȱNovember),ȱandȱfinallyȱCecchus andȱGorusȱonȱtheȱfifteenth.ȱTheȱinvestigationsȱofȱallȱofȱthemȱwereȱorderedȱbrought toȱaȱhaltȱ(andȱtheȱcommuneȱgainedȱ56ȱsoldi). TheȱConsiglioȱGenerale’sȱemphasisȱonȱquicklyȱmakingȱpeaceȱhadȱaffectedȱthe disputeȱprocess.ȱInȱeveryȱcaseȱinȱwhichȱitȱisȱrecordedȱthatȱaȱpeaceȱwasȱpresented toȱtheȱjudge,ȱtheȱpeaceȱhadȱbeenȱmadeȱbefore,ȱorȱonȱtheȱday,ȱtheȱinquestȱbegan.ȱIn

47

48

49 50

ASSȱ Podestàȱ 36,ȱ fol.ȱ 262r:ȱ “quodȱ Nellusȱ quondamȱ Ghezziȱ deȱ dictoȱ loco,ȱ armatusȱ armis offendilibusȱetȱdefendilibusȱvidelicetȱlancea,ȱtabulaccioȱetȱcultelloȱdeȱferro,ȱiratoȱanimoȱetȱmalo modo,ȱmovendoȱseȱdeȱlocoȱadȱlocum,ȱfecitȱinsultum,ȱimpetumȱetȱagressionemȱadversusȱetȱcontra JohannemȱFerragonisȱdeȱdictoȱloco,ȱetȱipsumȱpercussitȱetȱvulneravitȱinȱmanuȱsinistraȱdictiȱJohannis cumȱdictaȱlanceaȱcumȱsanguinisȱeffusione.” ASSȱ Podestàȱ 36,ȱ fol.ȱ 262r:ȱ “Cioneȱ filiusȱ Chelisȱ quondamȱ Pieriȱ deȱ dictoȱ locoȱ fecitȱ insultumȱ et agressionemȱ adversusȱ etȱ contraȱ Nerumȱ quondamȱ Ugucciiȱ deȱ Lateraiaȱ comitatusȱ Senarum, dicendoȱ‘mentiȱperȱlaȱgola’.”ȱAȱliteralȱtranslationȱwouldȱbeȱ“youȱareȱlyingȱinȱyourȱthroat.”ȱSee Dean,ȱCrimeȱandȱJusticeȱinȱLateȱMedievalȱItaly,ȱ113ȱandȱ116ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4),ȱforȱotherȱexamplesȱofȱthe sameȱinsult. ThisȱcaseȱisȱcontainedȱdescribedȱinȱASSȱPodestàȱ36,ȱfols.ȱ272r–273r.ȱ ASSȱPodestàȱ36,ȱfol.ȱ272r:ȱ“similiterȱetȱadinvicemȱfeceruntȱrixamȱetȱmeschiamȱinȱmercatoȱdeȱSancto MartinoȱergaȱabbatiamȱpredictamȱetȱpredictiȱfraterȱBlaxius,ȱGuerinus,ȱCecchus,ȱetȱGorusȱeundem fratremȱ Filippumȱ percusseruntȱ inȱ manuȱ eiusȱ sinistraȱ cumȱ sanguinisȱ effusioneȱ exclamandoȱ et gridando.”

344

GlennȱKumhera

atȱleastȱsixteenȱinstancesȱ(outȱofȱ171)ȱtheȱpeaceȱwasȱactuallyȱredactedȱonȱtheȱsame dayȱasȱtheȱoffense.51ȱMoreȱthanȱone–fifthȱofȱtheȱagreementsȱpresentedȱwereȱmade theȱdayȱofȱtheȱoffenseȱorȱtheȱfollowingȱdayȱandȱtwo–thirdsȱwereȱmadeȱwithinȱa week—theseȱwereȱmostlyȱassaultȱcases.ȱSuchȱfiguresȱindicateȱpeople’sȱawareness that,ȱafterȱtheȱcommissionȱofȱanȱoffense,ȱoneȱneededȱtoȱmakeȱaȱpeaceȱagreement.52 Theȱ Sieneseȱ legislatorsȱ hadȱ placedȱ aȱ greatȱ emphasisȱ onȱ quicklyȱ movingȱ from offenseȱtoȱpeace,ȱbothȱatȱtheȱtimeȱofȱtheȱcrimeȱand,ȱifȱthatȱdidȱnotȱoccur,ȱatȱtheȱtime whenȱaȱdenunciationȱwasȱmade;ȱtheirȱincentivesȱdidȱnotȱgoȱunnoticed. Thoughȱtheȱnecessityȱofȱmakingȱaȱpeaceȱagreementȱafterȱtheȱcommissionȱofȱa crimeȱ seemsȱ toȱ haveȱ beenȱ wellȱ known,ȱ theȱ exactȱ processȱ wasȱ probablyȱ less understood.ȱAnȱinstructiveȱexampleȱisȱtheȱcaseȱofȱPietrusȱGonzini,ȱwho,ȱinȱApril ofȱ1350,ȱpetitionedȱtheȱConsiglioȱGeneraleȱforȱtheȱcancellationȱofȱhisȱsentenceȱof banishmentȱinȱtheȱamountȱofȱ200ȱlibrae.53ȱPietrusȱhadȱbeenȱfightingȱwithȱtwoȱmen whenȱheȱstruckȱoneȱwithȱaȱstoneȱandȱwasȱhimselfȱstabbedȱwithȱaȱknifeȱseveral times.ȱTheȱpartiesȱhadȱquicklyȱmadeȱpeaceȱandȱtheȱotherȱpartyȱhadȱpresentedȱtheir peaceȱtoȱtheȱpodestà,ȱbutȱPietrus,ȱ“inȱhisȱgoodȬnaturedȱsimplicityȱandȱignorance,” hadȱnotȱdoneȱsoȱandȱwasȱsubsequentlyȱsentenced.ȱTheȱpetitionȱwasȱsuccessfulȱand theȱ Consiglioȱ Generaleȱ liftedȱ hisȱ sentence.ȱ Williamȱ Bowskyȱ usedȱ thisȱ caseȱ to illustrateȱ theȱ concernȱ forȱ equityȱ byȱ theȱ governmentȱ ofȱ theȱ Nine,ȱ butȱ itȱ also demonstratesȱhowȱwidespreadȱtheȱknowledgeȱofȱpeaceȱagreementsȱwas.54ȱPietrus, despiteȱbeingȱsimpleȱandȱignorant,ȱknewȱthatȱheȱneededȱaȱpeaceȱagreement;ȱheȱjust didȱnotȱknowȱwhatȱtoȱdoȱwithȱit.ȱ

IV.ȱTheȱEffectivenessȱofȱPeacemakingȱLegislation DidȱSiena’sȱpoliciesȱmakeȱtheȱcityȱmoreȱpeaceful?ȱThatȱisȱtheȱnaggingȱquestion. Andȱ givenȱ theȱ typesȱ ofȱ recordsȱ keptȱ andȱ theirȱ survival,ȱ anȱ answerȱ thatȱ truly 51

52

53 54

Mostȱofȱtheȱpodesterialȱrecordsȱfromȱtheseȱtwoȱsemestersȱ(171,ȱoutȱofȱ223)ȱincludeȱtheȱdateȱofȱthe originalȱoffenseȱandȱtheȱdateȱofȱtheȱpeace,ȱbutȱtheȱrestȱindicateȱonlyȱtheȱmonthȱandȱhaveȱnotȱbeen factoredȱintoȱtheseȱfigures.ȱAllȱdoȱincludeȱtheȱdatesȱrelevantȱtoȱtheȱstagesȱofȱtheȱinquest.ȱThose casesȱinȱwhichȱtheȱpresentationȱofȱaȱpeaceȱwasȱnotȱrecordedȱmayȱneverthelessȱhaveȱyieldedȱpeace agreementsȱonceȱtheȱtimeȱofȱtheȱinquestȱhadȱended. Iȱamȱonlyȱexaminingȱtheȱcasesȱhereȱinȱwhichȱpeaceȱagreementsȱwereȱpresentedȱtoȱtheȱpodestà. Thoseȱ casesȱ inȱ whichȱ theȱ partiesȱ didȱ notȱ presentȱ aȱ peaceȱ usuallyȱ provokedȱ aȱ sentenceȱ of banishment,ȱwhichȱoftenȱresultedȱinȱpeaceȱpactsȱbeingȱmadeȱyearsȱlater.ȱOnȱpeaceȱmadeȱforȱthe liftingȱofȱbanishmentȱsentencesȱinȱtheȱcaseȱofȱBolognaȱandȱpossibleȱmotivationsȱregardingȱthe timingȱseeȱShonaȱKellyȱWray,ȱ“InstrumentsȱofȱConcord:ȱMakingȱPeaceȱandȱSettlingȱDisputes throughȱaȱNotaryȱinȱtheȱCityȱandȱContadoȱofȱLateȱMedievalȱBologna,”ȱJournalȱofȱSocialȱHistory (2009):ȱ733–60;ȱhereȱ747–48. ASSȱConsiglioȱGeneraleȱ146,ȱfols.ȱ32v–33r. WilliamȱBowsky,ȱAȱMedievalȱItalianȱCommune:ȱSienaȱunderȱtheȱNine,ȱ1287–1355ȱ(BerkeleyȱandȱLos Angeles:ȱUniversityȱofȱCaliforniaȱPress,ȱ1981),ȱ104.

PromotingȱPeaceȱinȱMedievalȱSiena

345

satisfiesȱmodernȱdesiresȱtoȱseeȱaȱquantifiableȱdropȱinȱreportedȱcrimesȱisȱbeyond reach.ȱTheȱmanyȱstatutesȱandȱtheirȱrepeatedȱuseȱdefinitelyȱspreadȱknowledgeȱof peacemakingȱandȱproducedȱmoreȱpeaceȱagreements.ȱButȱthatȱdoesȱnotȱproduceȱa validȱanswer;ȱitȱwouldȱbeȱnaïveȱtoȱassumeȱthatȱpeaceȱagreementsȱwereȱsomehow immuneȱfromȱtheȱsameȱproblemsȱandȱchallengesȱfacingȱotherȱcontracts.ȱBesides, anȱincreaseȱinȱpeacemakingȱcouldȱreflectȱanȱincreaseȱinȱviolenceȱasȱmuchȱasȱaȱdrop inȱit.ȱ MattersȱareȱnotȱhelpedȱwhenȱoneȱlooksȱforȱevidenceȱofȱpeaceȬbreakingȱtoȱjudge effectiveness.ȱToȱensureȱthatȱviolationsȱofȱpeaceȱagreementsȱwereȱpunished,ȱthe Nineȱ requiredȱ theȱ sindicusȱ toȱ reportȱ breachesȱ ofȱ peaceȱ agreementsȱ andȱ also selectedȱtwoȱmembersȱofȱeachȱcompanyȱofȱtheȱSocietyȱofȱtheȱpopolo—whoȱserved asȱ theȱ nightȱ watchȱ andȱ assistedȱ inȱ quellingȱ riots—toȱ serveȱ asȱ paciarii (peacekeepers).ȱTheseȱpeaceȱofficials,ȱchosenȱforȱaȱsixȬmonthȱterms,ȱwereȱrequired toȱreportȱtoȱhighȱcommunalȱofficials—byȱtheȱlateȱ1330sȱtheȱWarȱCaptain—any infractionsȱ ofȱ privateȱ peaceȱ agreementsȱ amongȱ membersȱ ofȱ theirȱ companies.55 Unfortunatelyȱ thoseȱ recordsȱ areȱ notȱ extant.ȱ Theȱ survivingȱ podesterialȱ records includeȱnoȱcasesȱofȱpeaceȬbreakingȱbroughtȱbyȱaȱsindicus.ȱTheȱonlyȱevidenceȱIȱhave foundȱofȱsomeoneȱbeingȱpunishedȱforȱbreakingȱaȱpeace—andȱindeedȱwithȱaȱcapital sentenceȱandȱperpetualȱbanishment—comesȱfromȱaȱsecondȱpeaceȱagreementȱmade toȱreleaseȱtheȱpeaceȬbreakerȱfromȱtheȱsentence.56 Perhaps,ȱthen,ȱtheȱbestȱwayȱtoȱassessȱtheirȱeffectiveness,ȱparticularlyȱsinceȱthe standardȱofȱwhatȱwasȱeffectiveȱcouldȱbeȱsaidȱtoȱvaryȱoverȱtime,ȱisȱtoȱlookȱatȱwhat contemporariesȱchangedȱaboutȱpeacemakingȱlegislationȱwhenȱtheyȱhadȱtheȱchance. Thereȱareȱtwoȱsuchȱinstancesȱfromȱtheȱ1350s. Inȱtheȱfirst,ȱoccurringȱinȱ1350,ȱtheȱConsiglioȱGeneraleȱpassedȱaȱmeasureȱrequiring thoseȱusingȱpeaceȱagreementsȱtoȱendȱinquestsȱtoȱpayȱfiveȱpercentȱofȱtheȱfineȱforȱthe crimesȱofȱwhichȱtheyȱhadȱbeenȱaccused.57ȱThisȱwasȱquiteȱanȱincreaseȱfromȱsolely theȱpaymentȱofȱtheȱgabelle.58ȱWilliamȱBowskyȱinterpretedȱthisȱmeasureȱasȱaȱway

55

56

57 58

WilliamȱBowsky,ȱ“TheȱMedievalȱCommuneȱandȱInternalȱViolence:ȱPoliceȱPowerȱandȱPublicȱSafety inȱSiena,ȱ1287–1355,”ȱAmericanȱHistoricalȱReviewȱ78ȱ(1967):ȱ11–12,ȱcitingȱASSȱStatutiȱ26,ȱfol.ȱ195rv. Itȱ isȱ importantȱ toȱ noteȱ that,ȱ unlikeȱ theȱ Florentineȱ officialsȱ alsoȱ calledȱ paciarii,ȱ theȱ Sienese peacekeepers’ȱsphereȱwasȱlimitedȱtoȱtheȱmembersȱofȱtheȱmilitaryȱcompaniesȱprotectingȱtheȱregime.ȱ ASSȱDiplomatico,ȱArchivioȱGeneraleȱdeiȱcontrattiȱ25ȱMarchȱ1339.ȱAntoniusȱVannisȱofȱVignaglia brokeȱtheȱpeaceȱbyȱstrikingȱSozzoȱPorconisȱofȱQuerciagrossaȱinȱtheȱface,ȱcausingȱbleeding.ȱThe secondȱpeaceȱwasȱmadeȱwithȱSozzo’sȱson. ASSȱConsiglioȱGeneraleȱ147,ȱfol.ȱ23v. Inȱtheȱcaseȱofȱunarmedȱassaultȱthatȱdidȱnotȱcauseȱbloodshed,ȱtheȱstatutoryȱpenaltyȱwasȱ100ȱlibrae. Thisȱwouldȱraiseȱtheȱpenaltyȱforȱtheȱmostȱpopularȱuseȱofȱpeacemakingȱatȱtheȱpodesterialȱcourt fromȱ14ȱsoldiȱtoȱ100ȱsoldi,ȱmoreȱthanȱaȱsevenȬfoldȱincrease.ȱThatȱpeaceȱagreementsȱcontinuedȱto representȱtheȱsameȱpercentageȱofȱoverallȱdocumentsȱredactedȱbyȱnotariesȱprobablyȱindicatesȱthat

346

GlennȱKumhera

“toȱ preventȱ theȱ stateȱ fromȱ beingȱ deprivedȱ ofȱ itsȱ fineȱ byȱ collusionȱ betweenȱ the offenderȱandȱoffended.”59ȱBowsky’sȱinterpretationȱwasȱbasedȱuponȱhisȱview—by farȱtheȱprevailingȱoneȱatȱtheȱtime—thatȱtheȱuseȱofȱpeaceȱagreementsȱwasȱaȱsignȱof weaknessȱonȱtheȱpartȱofȱtheȱcommune.ȱ Thereȱis,ȱhowever,ȱaȱbetterȱexplanationȱforȱthisȱlegislationȱandȱitsȱtiming.ȱInȱthe wakeȱ ofȱ theȱ Blackȱ Death,ȱ Sienaȱ enactedȱ legislationȱ designedȱ toȱ raiseȱ income withoutȱoverburdeningȱitsȱownȱcontado.ȱInȱearlyȱ1349,ȱtheȱConsiglioȱGenerale offeredȱtoȱcancelȱdeathȱsentencesȱuponȱpaymentȱofȱ600ȱflorinsȱandȱtoȱcompound otherȱfinesȱatȱ10ȱtoȱ25%.60ȱTheyȱalsoȱincreasedȱindirectȱtaxesȱandȱrequiredȱmore forcedȱ loansȱ inȱ theȱ yearsȱ afterȱ theȱ plague,ȱ measuresȱ thatȱ actuallyȱ producedȱ a nearlyȱbalancedȱbudgetȱbyȱ1353.61ȱRequiringȱtheȱpeacemakingȱpartiesȱtoȱpayȱa largerȱportionȱofȱtheirȱfinesȱfitsȱmoreȱfirmlyȱwithinȱtheȱcommune’sȱpostȬplague financialȱ policiesȱ thanȱ itȱ reflectsȱ concernsȱ aboutȱ collusionȱ ofȱ theȱ parties.ȱ Ifȱ the Consiglioȱ hadȱ beenȱ concernedȱ withȱ collusionȱ ofȱ theȱ parties,ȱ theyȱ couldȱ have enactedȱ theȱ fineȱ decadesȱ earlierȱ orȱ atȱ aȱ steeperȱ rate.ȱ Theirȱ motivationȱ inȱ this instanceȱwasȱtoȱfindȱaȱdelicateȱbalanceȱenablingȱthemȱtoȱincreaseȱrevenueȱwithout raisingȱtheȱfineȱtoȱaȱprohibitiveȱlevel.ȱAȱsteeperȱfineȱwouldȱhaveȱdeterredȱpeople fromȱ availingȱ themselvesȱ ofȱ theȱ benefitsȱ ofȱ peaceȱ andȱ wouldȱ thusȱ haveȱ been counterproductiveȱ inȱ theȱ commune’sȱ effortsȱ toȱ restrainȱ andȱ preventȱ violence throughȱpeaceȱagreements. Theȱsecondȱinstanceȱinȱwhichȱpeacemakingȱwasȱaddressedȱinȱtheȱ1350sȱtook placeȱinȱ1355.ȱUponȱtheȱfallȱofȱtheȱgovernmentȱofȱtheȱNineȱinȱthatȱyear,ȱtheȱstatutes wereȱrevised.62ȱTheȱrevisionȱofȱ1355ȱrepresentsȱtheȱonlyȱsignificantȱchangeȱinȱthe statutesȱofȱSienaȱfromȱtheȱredactionȱofȱ1337ȱuntilȱtheȱmidȬsixteenthȱcentury.ȱThese revisionsȱaddressedȱpeaceȱagreementsȱtwiceȱconcerningȱtheȱissueȱofȱratification, aȱtopicȱrarelyȱtreatedȱinȱpreviousȱstatutes.ȱTheȱfirstȱofȱtheseȱconcernedȱpeaceȱmade throughȱfriends,ȱamici.ȱTheȱstatutesȱofȱ1262,ȱ1310,ȱandȱ1337ȱbrieflyȱmentionedȱthis procedureȱwhenȱdiscussingȱpeace,ȱallowingȱtheȱbenefitsȱofȱpeaceȱtoȱbeȱextended toȱpartiesȱmakingȱpeaceȱwithȱeachȱotherȱorȱthroughȱamici.ȱTheȱrevisionȱofȱthis

59

60

61 62

theȱbenefitsȱwereȱstillȱfarȱtooȱlucrativeȱtoȱbeȱaffectedȱbyȱtheȱmeasure. Bowsky,ȱ“MedievalȱCommuneȱandȱInternalȱViolence,”ȱ13ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ55).ȱTheȱmeasureȱprovedȱto beȱeffective,ȱsinceȱ635ȱindividualsȱtookȱadvantageȱofȱtheȱreducedȱpenaltiesȱbyȱmid–1349,ȱpaying 23,600ȱlibraeȱinȱfines. Williamȱ Bowsky,ȱ “Theȱ Impactȱ ofȱ theȱ Blackȱ Deathȱ uponȱ Sieneseȱ Governmentȱ andȱ Society,” Speculumȱ39ȱ(1964):ȱ1–34;ȱhereȱ22.ȱ Bowsky,ȱAȱMedievalȱItalianȱCommune,ȱ306ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ54). Whileȱtheȱsecondȱhalfȱofȱtheȱfourteenthȱcenturyȱsawȱtheȱriseȱandȱfallȱofȱseveralȱgovernmentsȱin Sienaȱ(theȱDodici,ȱtheȱRiformatori,ȱandȱtheȱPrioriȱwereȱtheȱmajorȱthree)ȱthereȱwasȱmuchȱmore consistencyȱinȱpolicyȱandȱmethodȱthanȱchangesȱinȱgovernmentȱwouldȱotherwiseȱsuggest.ȱ

PromotingȱPeaceȱinȱMedievalȱSiena

347

rubricȱaddedȱthat,ȱifȱtheȱpeaceȱwereȱtoȱbeȱconsideredȱvalid,ȱtheȱinstrumentumȱpacis madeȱbyȱtheȱfriendsȱmustȱbeȱratifiedȱbyȱtheȱpartiesȱwithinȱtenȱdays.63ȱ Theȱsecondȱrubricȱ revisionȱrequiredȱthat,ȱforȱanyȱpeaceȱtoȱbeȱvalid,ȱallȱmale relatives—maternalȱifȱnoȱpaternalȱonesȱexisted,ȱtoȱtheȱfourthȱdegreeȱ(usingȱtheȱcivil lawȱreckoningȱofȱdegrees),ȱorȱtheȱmajorityȱofȱthem—hadȱtoȱratifyȱit.ȱFailureȱto obtainȱthisȱratificationȱresultedȱnotȱonlyȱinȱtheȱpartiesȱbeingȱdeniedȱtheȱbenefitsȱof peace,ȱbutȱalsoȱinȱaȱfineȱofȱ500ȱlibrae.64ȱ Theȱ revisionsȱ madeȱ inȱ 1355ȱ addressedȱ onlyȱ aȱ smallȱ portionȱ ofȱ theȱ existing statutes.65ȱTheseȱwereȱclearlyȱareasȱofȱconcernȱwhichȱtheyȱperceivedȱtoȱhaveȱbeen abused.ȱTheȱissueȱofȱratificationȱwasȱviewedȱasȱproblematicȱbecauseȱitȱwasȱopen toȱfraudulentȱuse.ȱAlthoughȱtheȱvalidityȱofȱanȱinstrumentumȱpacisȱmadeȱbetween theȱpartiesȱmayȱhaveȱbeenȱdifficultȱtoȱchallengeȱwhenȱpeaceȱwasȱbroken,ȱoneȱthat hadȱbeenȱmadeȱthroughȱamiciȱandȱneverȱratifiedȱwouldȱnotȱhaveȱbeen.ȱLikewise, familyȱmembersȱwhoȱhadȱnotȱratifiedȱaȱpeaceȱcouldȱuseȱthisȱloopholeȱtoȱpursue vengeanceȱinȱwhichȱtheȱprincipleȱfiguresȱwereȱexcludedȱbyȱaȱpeaceȱwithoutȱbeing subjectȱ toȱ theȱ harshȱ finesȱ forȱ peaceȬbreaking.ȱ Suchȱ usageȱ circumventedȱ the commune’sȱgoals,ȱparticularlyȱwhenȱtheȱpeaceȱhadȱalreadyȱbeenȱusedȱtoȱobtainȱa reductionȱinȱpenalties.ȱTheirȱprofoundȱconcernȱwithȱverifyingȱthatȱtheȱpartiesȱwere subjectȱtoȱanȱinstrumentumȱpacisȱalsoȱattestsȱtoȱtheirȱcontinuedȱfaithȱinȱtheȱability ofȱtheseȱagreementsȱtoȱpreventȱfurtherȱconflicts. Didȱtheseȱstatuteȱrevisionsȱaffectȱtheȱpracticeȱofȱpeacemaking?ȱIȱhaveȱfoundȱno evidenceȱtoȱsupportȱtheȱinclusionȱofȱaȱwiderȱrangeȱofȱfamilyȱmembersȱinȱtheȱextant peaceȱagreementsȱforȱtheȱremainderȱofȱtheȱfourteenthȱcentury;ȱtheȱfiguresȱremain consistentȱwithȱaroundȱthreeȬfifthsȱofȱpeaceȱagreementsȱconcludedȱbetweenȱtwo individuals.ȱTheȱrevisionȱregardingȱamiciȱdidȱhaveȱanȱeffect.ȱTheȱuseȱofȱfriendsȱto makeȱ peaceȱ wasȱ extremelyȱ rareȱ beforeȱ theȱ statuteȱ revisions.ȱ Fromȱ 1355–1400, however,ȱ18%ȱofȱallȱpeaceȱagreementsȱthatȱIȱhaveȱexaminedȱuseȱfriendsȱtoȱmake peace.ȱSuchȱaȱdrasticȱchangeȱseemsȱtoȱindicateȱthatȱtheȱuseȱofȱfriendsȱtoȱmake

63

64

65

ASSȱStatutiȱdiȱCittàȱ26,ȱfol.ȱ275vȱ(revisionȱtoȱtheȱrubricȱdeȱremissioneȱetȱmitigationeȱpeneȱpropter pacem):ȱ“quodȱsiȱpaxȱquocunqueȱmodoȱfietȱperȱamicos,ȱquamvisȱnonȱapareatȱdeȱassensuȱsiȱinfra decemȱdiesȱratificatiȱsubsequentur,ȱvaleatȱtalisȱpaxȱetȱbeneficiumȱpacisȱconsequatur.” ASSȱStatutiȱdiȱCittàȱ26,ȱfol.ȱ275vȱ(alsoȱaȱrevisionȱtoȱtheȱrubricȱdeȱremissioneȱetȱmitigationeȱpeneȱpropter pacem):ȱ“quodȱsiȱsuperessentȱautȱfiliiȱvelȱfratresȱcarnalesȱetȱsuccessiveȱaliiȱconsanguineiȱusqueȱad quartumȱ gradumȱ vulgariterȱ intellectumȱ etȱ ipsiȱ consanguineiȱ velȱ maiorȱ parsȱ inȱ eodemȱ gradu existentesȱdictamȱpacemȱratificarent.ȱEtȱsiȱexȱlatereȱpatrisȱnonȱsuperessentȱtuncȱetȱeodemȱcasu consanguineiȱproximiorum,ȱexȱlatereȱmatrisȱvelȱmaiorȱparsȱeorumȱsimiliȱmodoȱpossintȱpacem predictamȱratificareȱetȱvaleatȱdictaȱpaxȱetȱratificatioȱetȱpacisȱbeneficiumȱconsequatur.ȱEtȱsiȱex utroqueȱparenteȱconsanguineiȱnonȱsuperessent,ȱquodȱtuncȱeoȱcasuȱconde[m]pneturȱinȱquingentis librarumȱdenariorumȱsenensium.” Theyȱaddressedȱonlyȱ83ȱofȱ1502ȱrubricsȱbyȱrevisingȱorȱcancelingȱthem.ȱMyȱownȱcountȱisȱtakenȱfrom DonatellaȱCiampoli,ȱIlȱCapitanoȱdelȱpopoloȱaȱSienaȱnelȱprimoȱTrecento.ȱDocumentiȱdiȱstoriaȱ1ȱ(Siena: ConsorzioȱuniversitarioȱdellaȱToscanaȱmeridionale,ȱ1984),ȱ121.

348

GlennȱKumhera

peaceȱhadȱbeenȱconsideredȱsoȱopenȱtoȱchallengeȱbeforeȱ1355ȱthatȱpartiesȱlooked unfavorablyȱuponȱitsȱlegitimacyȱandȱoptedȱinsteadȱforȱmoreȱformalȱprocurators.ȱ WhatȱwereȱtheȱeffectsȱofȱSiena’sȱpeacemakingȱlegislation?ȱTheyȱunquestionably generatedȱanȱimpressiveȱnumberȱofȱpeaceȱagreements.ȱTheyȱalsoȱinfluencedȱthe behaviorȱofȱthoseȱinvolvedȱinȱviolence,ȱparticularlyȱinȱcasesȱofȱassault,ȱinȱtheȱhours andȱ daysȱ afterȱ theȱ incident.ȱ Theyȱ broughtȱ inȱ aȱ steadyȱ streamȱ ofȱ revenueȱ and requiredȱcontadoȱresidentsȱtoȱreiterateȱtheirȱsubjugationȱtoȱSieneseȱjurisdiction, evenȱifȱtheyȱwereȱpayingȱlessȱthanȱaȱpercentȱofȱtheȱstatutes’ȱstatedȱfines.ȱDidȱthis bringȱaboutȱaȱmoreȱpeacefulȱstate?ȱ Thatȱsoȱmanyȱofficialsȱwereȱinvolvedȱinȱreportingȱbrokenȱpeaceȱcontractsȱshows thatȱtheȱdocumentsȱwereȱfarȱfromȱperfect.ȱButȱifȱtheirȱmethodsȱofȱapplyingȱpeace agreementsȱ hadȱ failedȱ miserably,ȱ theȱ legislatorsȱ wouldȱ haveȱ madeȱ significant changesȱinȱtheȱbenefitsȱofȱpeacemaking—particularlyȱsinceȱwhoȱtheȱlegislators wereȱchangedȱsignificantlyȱoverȱtheȱcentury.ȱȱConsideringȱtheȱnatureȱofȱtheȱ1355 revisions,ȱevenȱthoseȱconcernedȱwithȱfixingȱloopholesȱandȱshortcomingsȱinȱthe commune’sȱpoliciesȱregardingȱpeaceȱagreementsȱdidȱsoȱwithȱaȱbeliefȱinȱtheirȱability toȱpreventȱfutureȱviolence.ȱInȱthisȱtheyȱwereȱsimilarȱtoȱtheȱSieneseȱlegislatorsȱofȱa centuryȱbefore,ȱwhoȱdesignedȱtheȱbenefitsȱandȱrestrictionsȱtoȱpromoteȱ aȱ quick resolutionȱtoȱconflict,ȱpersuadingȱoffenderȱandȱvictim—orȱmoreȱoftenȱoffenderȱand offender—toȱagreeȱtoȱforegoȱfutureȱviolenceȱorȱtoȱfaceȱaȱsentenceȱofȱbanishment, whichȱitselfȱwouldȱeventuallyȱrequireȱaȱpeaceȱtoȱbeȱlifted.ȱTheȱcommuneȱwasȱnot willingȱtoȱexpendȱitsȱfewȱresourcesȱtoȱapprehendȱandȱpunishȱmostȱcriminalsȱwith steepȱfinesȱandȱharshȱsentences,ȱbutȱitȱwasȱeagerȱtoȱpromoteȱaȱmethodȱthatȱrelied onȱprivatelyȬinitiatedȱandȱpubliclyȬenforcedȱsettlementsȱtoȱpreventȱviolence.ȱBy avoidingȱaȱwarȱonȱcrime,ȱSienaȱtriedȱtoȱwinȱtheȱpeace.

Chapterȱ13 YuriȱFuwa (KeioȱUniversity,ȱJapan)

Aȱ“JustȱWar”?ȱAȱFurtherȱReassessmentȱofȱ theȱAlliterativeȱMorteȱArthure1

TheȱremarkablyȱgraphicȱbattlefieldȱdescriptionsȱinȱtheȱimportantȱMiddleȬEnglish romanceȱknownȱasȱtheȱAlliterativeȱMorteȱArthureȱ(ca.ȱ1375–1400)ȱhaveȱrecently attractedȱmuchȱcriticalȱattention,ȱwhoseȱstrikingȱvarietyȱhasȱseeminglyȱborneȱout Chaucer’sȱmaxim,ȱ“Diverseȱfoolkeȱdiverselyȱtheyȱspeke.”ȱSomeȱregardȱtheseȱscenes asȱglorificationȱofȱheroicȱdeedsȱinȱtheȱageȱofȱchivalry;ȱothersȱseeȱthemȱasȱpolitical criticism,ȱaimedȱatȱEdwardȱIIIȱorȱRichardȱII.ȱLarryȱD.ȱBensonȱnotesȱthatȱtheȱpoem presentsȱ “contradictoryȱ viewpoints,ȱ sincerelyȱ admiringȱ andȱ justȱ asȱ sincerely rejectingȱworldlyȱideals,”ȱandȱmostȱrecentȱcriticismȱsimilarlyȱpointsȱoutȱthatȱthe AlliterativeȱMorteȱArthureȱbothȱinvitesȱandȱfrustratesȱopposingȱinterpretationsȱof itsȱmeaning.2ȱ Indeed,ȱ theȱ poemȱ defiesȱ aȱ simpleȱ interpretation,ȱ andȱ itȱ allowsȱ ambivalent viewpoints.ȱThisȱcouldȱbeȱintentionallyȱauthorial:ȱantiȬwarȱsentiment,ȱifȱthereȱis anyȱ asȱ suchȱ inȱ thisȱ poem,ȱ mayȱ haveȱ requiredȱ caution.ȱ Theȱ caseȱ ofȱ Geoffrey Chaucer,ȱvariouslyȱandȱcontradictorilyȱassessedȱasȱ“aȱfirmȱsupporterȱofȱchivalry,

1

2

ThisȱisȱaȱrevisedȱversionȱofȱmyȱpaperȱreadȱatȱtheȱInternationalȱCongressȱonȱMedievalȱStudies, Kalamazooȱ2007.ȱIȱamȱgratefulȱtoȱvariousȱpeopleȱwhoȱhelpedȱmeȱinȱrevisingȱmyȱpaperȱinȱvarious stages:ȱProfessorsȱEdwardȱD.ȱKennedy,ȱAndrewȱLynch,ȱandȱPeterȱJ.ȱC.ȱField,ȱwhoȱkindlyȱsupplied meȱ withȱ theirȱ preȬpublishedȱ papersȱ forȱ myȱ perusal;ȱ asȱ didȱ Marcoȱ Nievergelt,ȱ Universitéȱ de Lausanne,ȱwithȱhisȱpaperȱreadȱatȱtheȱ22eȱCongrèsȱdeȱlaȱSociétéȱInternationaleȱArthurienne,ȱRennes 2008,ȱandȱfinally,ȱDr.ȱNeilȱMcLynn,ȱwhoseȱcriticalȱreadingȱhelpedȱmeȱgreatlyȱclarifyȱmyȱEnglish, asȱdidȱtheȱeditorsȱofȱthisȱvolume. LarryȱD.ȱBenson,ȱ“TheȱAlliterativeȱMorteȱArthureȱandȱMedievalȱTragedy,”ȱTennesseeȱStudiesȱin Literatureȱ11ȱ(1966):ȱ75–89;ȱhereȱ76–77;ȱDorseyȱArmstrong,ȱ“RewritingȱtheȱChronicleȱTradition:ȱThe AlliterativeȱMorteȱArthureȱandȱArthur’sȱSwordȱofȱPeace,”ȱParergonȱ25.1ȱ(2008):ȱ81–101;ȱhereȱ81ȱn. 1.ȱMyȱthanksȱgoȱtoȱProfessorȱAndrewȱLynchȱforȱkindlyȱsendingȱmeȱthisȱarticle.

350

YuriȱFuwa

aȱsharpȱcriticȱofȱchivalry,ȱorȱaȱshrewdȱcourtierȱattemptingȱtoȱincludeȱsomethingȱfor everyoneȱinȱhisȱworks,”3ȱindicatesȱtheȱconstraintsȱonȱcandidȱexpression.ȱInȱthis paper,ȱhowever,ȱIȱshallȱcontendȱthatȱaȱconsistentȱcritiqueȱcanȱbeȱidentifiedȱinȱthe poem,ȱdirectedȱnotȱatȱindividualȱkingsȱbutȱcontemporaryȱideology.ȱByȱpresenting theȱdevastatingȱaspectsȱofȱwarȱsoȱvividly,ȱinȱmyȱview,ȱtheȱpoetȱseeksȱtoȱquestion theȱvalidityȱofȱtheȱconceptȱofȱJustȱWar—aȱparticularlyȱpertinentȱquestionȱduring theȱlaterȱMiddleȱAges,ȱespeciallyȱgivenȱtheȱongoingȱHundredȱYearsȱWarȱbetween FranceȱandȱEngland.

1.ȱFormulatingȱtheȱConceptȱofȱJustȱWar “TheȱdieȱforȱtheȱmedievalȱjustȱwarȱwasȱcastȱbyȱSt.ȱAugustine,”ȱasȱFrederickȱH. RussellȱexplainsȱtheȱcontributionȱtoȱtheȱformationȱofȱtheȱJustȱWarȱconceptȱmade byȱAugustine,ȱ whoȱcombinedȱRomanȱandȱJudaeoȬChristianȱelementsȱinȱaȱmodeȱofȱthoughtȱthatȱwas toȱinfluenceȱopinionȱthroughoutȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱbeyondȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱ[and]ȱformulated theȱ firstȱ newȱ definitionȱ ofȱ justȱ warȱ sinceȱ Cicero,ȱ oneȱ thatȱ becameȱ theȱ singleȱ most importantȱstatementȱofȱtheȱlaterȱmedievalȱtheories:ȱ‘iustaȱbellaȱulciscunturȱinjurias’ȱjust warsȱavengeȱinjuries.ȱWarȱwasȱjustifiedȱwhenȱaȱpeopleȱorȱaȱcityȱneglectedȱeitherȱto punishȱwrongsȱdoneȱbyȱitsȱmemberȱorȱtoȱrestoreȱwhatȱitȱhadȱunjustlyȱseized.4ȱ

ThisȱconceptȱofȱJustȱWarȱwasȱmodifiedȱbyȱsubsequentȱtheologians,ȱnotablyȱby Gratianȱ inȱ hisȱ massiveȱ compilationȱ ofȱ canonȱ law,ȱ theȱ Concordiaȱ Discordantium Canonumȱ (ca.ȱ 1140)ȱ orȱ moreȱ simply,ȱ theȱ Decretum.ȱ Thisȱ wasȱ soonȱ acceptedȱ as authoritative,ȱandȱbothȱcanonȱlawyersȱandȱtheologiansȱusedȱtheȱDecretumȱasȱtheir pointȱofȱdepartureȱ(55).ȱGratian’sȱmodificationȱofȱAugustine’sȱdefinitionȱofȱJust Warȱwasȱtoȱlimitȱtheȱpartyȱwhoȱcanȱwageȱwar:ȱAȱjustȱwarȱmustȱbeȱwagedȱonȱthe basisȱofȱanȱauthoritativeȱedictȱ(“quodȱexȱedictoȱgeritur.”).5ȱ Gratian’sȱ wasȱ theȱ firstȱ attemptȱ afterȱ Isidoreȱ ofȱ Sevilleȱ (†636)ȱ toȱ defineȱ the characteristicsȱofȱJustȱWar:ȱNoȱwarȱcouldȱbeȱconsideredȱjustȱunlessȱinitiatedȱbyȱan authoritativeȱedict,ȱandȱevenȱso,ȱaȱjustȱwarȱmustȱfulfillȱtheȱsecondȱrequirementȱthat

3

4

5

R[obert]ȱF.ȱYeager,ȱ“PaxȱPoetica:ȱonȱtheȱPacifismȱofȱChaucerȱandȱGower,”ȱStudiesȱinȱtheȱAgeȱof Chaucerȱ9ȱ(1987):ȱ97–121;ȱhereȱ97. FrederickȱH.ȱRussell,ȱTheȱJustȱWarȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress, 1975),ȱ16–18.ȱSeeȱalsoȱtheȱelectronicȱversionȱonlineȱatȱgoogle.booksȱ(transferredȱtoȱdigitalȱprintȱin 2003).ȱ Theȱ followingȱ summaryȱ ofȱ theȱ Justȱ Warȱ formulationȱ dependsȱ principallyȱ onȱ Russell’s argument.ȱ[Ed.ȱnote:ȱforȱotherȱperspectivesȱonȱJustȱWar,ȱseeȱtheȱessaysȱbyȱBenȱSnookȱandȱJohn Campbellȱinȱthisȱvolume.] Russell,ȱJustȱWar,ȱȱ64ȱn.ȱ30ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).ȱCorpusȱIurisȱCanonici,ȱEditioȱLipsiensisȱSecundaȱpostȱAemilii LudouiciȱRichteri.ȱParsȱPriorȱDecretumȱMagistriȱGratianiȱ(Union,ȱNJ:ȱLawbookȱExchange,ȱ2000),ȱ895.ȱ

Aȱ“JustȱWar”?ȱ

351

warȱshouldȱonlyȱbeȱwagedȱtoȱredressȱaȱlegalȱwrongȱorȱinjury.ȱTheȱphraseȱiniuriae ulcisunturȱ (injuriesȱ toȱ beȱ avenged),ȱ “perpetuatedȱ theȱ ambiguitiesȱ inherentȱ in Augustine’sȱtreatment,ȱforȱitȱcouldȱbeȱmercilessȱandȱunrestrainedȱrevengeȱforȱa trivialȱinjury,ȱrestrainedȱdefenseȱagainstȱhostileȱattack,ȱrecoveryȱofȱstolenȱgoods, orȱ evenȱtheȱpunishmentȱ ofȱevilȬdoers.”6ȱGratianȱtriedȱtoȱrestrainȱtheȱdegreeȱof violenceȱ inȱ warȱ byȱ allowingȱ onlyȱ theȱ legitimateȱ authorityȱ toȱ startȱ war.ȱ Onȱ his interpretationȱultio,ȱorȱ“vengeance,”ȱcouldȱnotȱbeȱlegitimateȱifȱitȱwasȱunrestrained orȱinvolvedȱneedlessȱcruelty.ȱAccordinglyȱ“certainȱattitudesȱassociatedȱwithȱwar, suchȱasȱtheȱdesireȱtoȱharm,ȱtheȱlustȱforȱdomination,ȱandȱtheȱcrueltyȱofȱpunishment wereȱtoȱbeȱreprehended,ȱbutȱnotȱwarȱitself”ȱ(Causaȱ23,ȱquaestioȱ1ȱc.ȱ4).7ȱ St.ȱ Thomasȱ Aquinasȱ (†1274)ȱ furtherȱ developedȱ whatȱ weȱ canȱ considerȱ the “formula”ȱ forȱ Justȱ Warȱ basedȱ onȱ Aristotelianȱ theoryȱ andȱ theȱ traditional Augustinianȱteachingsȱofȱhisȱpredecessors.ȱSomeȱargueȱthatȱhisȱthoughtȱdidȱnot reallyȱ becomeȱ influentialȱ untilȱ theȱ sixteenthȱ century,ȱ butȱ itȱ isȱ undeniableȱ that Aquinasȱwasȱregardedȱasȱaȱmajorȱfigureȱofȱhisȱdayȱandȱimmediatelyȱafterward. Canonizedȱinȱ1323,ȱThomas’sȱmajorȱwork,ȱtheȱmonumentalȱSummaȱTheologicaȱ(or Theologiae)ȱwasȱparticularlyȱfavoredȱbyȱhisȱorder,ȱtheȱDominicans,ȱasȱaȱgeneral handbookȱ forȱ theologyȱ students.8ȱ Theȱ secondȱ partȱ ofȱ Summaȱ Theologiae,ȱ which includesȱtheȱsectionȱdealingȱwithȱwar,ȱwasȱwidelyȱavailableȱinȱvariousȱlibraries throughoutȱEurope.9ȱ AquinasȱelaboratedȱAugustine’sȱtheoryȱofȱJustȱWarȱviaȱGratianȱandȱexplained thatȱ aȱ justȱ warȱ isȱ aȱ justifiableȱ warȱ (viaȱ iusȱ bellorum).ȱ Aquinasȱ considersȱ three conditionsȱ asȱ essentialȱ forȱ aȱ justȱ war:ȱ properȱ authority,ȱ justȱ cause,ȱ andȱ just intention,ȱasȱheȱstatesȱhere: Threeȱ thingsȱ areȱ requiredȱ forȱ anyȱ warȱ toȱ beȱ just.ȱ Theȱ firstȱ isȱ theȱ authorityȱ ofȱ the sovereignȱonȱwhoseȱcommandȱwarȱisȱwaged.ȱNowȱaȱprivateȱpersonȱhasȱnoȱbusiness declaringȱwar;ȱheȱcanȱseekȱredressȱbyȱappealingȱtoȱtheȱjudgmentȱofȱhisȱsuperiorsȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ Secondly,ȱaȱjustȱcauseȱisȱrequired,ȱnamelyȱthatȱthoseȱwhoȱareȱattackedȱareȱattacked becauseȱtheyȱdeserveȱitȱonȱaccountȱofȱsomeȱwrongȱtheyȱhaveȱdone.ȱAugustine,ȱWe usuallyȱdescribeȱaȱjustȱwarȱasȱoneȱthatȱavengesȱwrongs,ȱthatȱis,ȱwhenȱaȱnationȱorȱstateȱhasȱto beȱpunishedȱeitherȱforȱrefusingȱtoȱmakeȱamendsȱforȱoutragesȱdoneȱbyȱitsȱsubjects,ȱorȱtoȱrestore whatȱitȱhasȱseizedȱinjuriously. Thirdly,ȱtheȱrightȱintentionȱofȱthoseȱwagingȱwarȱisȱrequired,ȱthatȱis,ȱtheyȱmustȱintend toȱpromoteȱtheȱgoodȱandȱtoȱavoidȱevil.ȱHenceȱAugustineȱwrites,ȱAmongȱtrueȱworshippers ofȱGodȱthoseȱwarsȱareȱlookedȱonȱasȱpeaceȬmakingȱwhichȱareȱwagedȱneitherȱfromȱaggrandizement

6 7 8

9

Russell,ȱJustȱWar,ȱ67ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4). CitedȱinȱRussell,ȱJustȱWar,ȱ67ȱn.ȱ37ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4). JohnȱMarenbon,ȱMedievalȱPhilosophy:ȱAȱHistoricalȱandȱPhilosophicalȱIntroductionȱ(LondonȱandȱNew York:ȱRoutledge,ȱ2007),ȱ246. Giovannaȱ Murano,ȱ Opereȱ Diffuseȱ perȱ Exemplarȱ eȱ Peciaȱ (Turnhout:ȱ Brepols,ȱ 2005),ȱ 758–60.ȱ My thanksȱgoȱtoȱDr.ȱYuichiȱAkae,ȱKeioȱUniversity,ȱforȱthisȱreference.

352

YuriȱFuwa norȱcruelty,ȱbutȱwithȱtheȱobjectȱofȱsecuringȱpeace,ȱofȱrepressingȱtheȱevilȱandȱsupportingȱthe good.ȱNowȱitȱcanȱhappenȱthatȱevenȱgivenȱaȱlegitimateȱauthorityȱandȱaȱjustȱcauseȱfor declaringȱwar,ȱitȱmayȱyetȱbeȱwrongȱbecauseȱofȱaȱperverseȱintention.ȱSoȱagainȱAugustine says,ȱTheȱcravingȱtoȱhurtȱpeople,ȱtheȱcruelȱthirstȱforȱrevenge,ȱtheȱunappeasedȱandȱunrelenting spirit,ȱtheȱsavagenessȱofȱfightingȱon,ȱtheȱlustȱtoȱdominate,ȱandȱsuchlike—allȱtheseȱareȱrightly condemnedȱinȱwars.ȱ(SummaȱTheologiae,ȱ2a2a,ȱQuestionȱ40:ȱ“War.”ȱItalicsȱoriginal.)10ȱ

FromȱAugustineȱtoȱAquinas,ȱtheologiansȱaimedȱatȱconfiningȱtheȱpracticeȱofȱwarfare toȱtheȱparametersȱenunciatedȱinȱtheȱJustȱWarȱformula.ȱMostȱnotably,ȱGratianȱand hisȱ successorsȱ triedȱ toȱ sustainȱ inȱ theirȱ formulaȱ aȱ delicateȱ balanceȱ between respectingȱ theȱ pragmaticȱ requirementsȱ ofȱ contemporaryȱ militaryȱ cultureȱ and excludingȱanyȱpassionateȱorȱunrestrainedȱviolence.ȱ Toȱensureȱthis,ȱGratianȱinȱparticularȱlinkedȱ“theȱmoralȱimperativesȱgoverningȱthe motivationsȱofȱtheȱbelligerentsȱtoȱtheȱlegalȱgroundsȱforȱwagingȱaȱjustȱwar.”ȱByȱthus associatingȱsubjectiveȱandȱobjectiveȱcriteria,ȱheȱsoughtȱtoȱrequireȱthatȱaȱjustȱwarȱbe wagedȱ byȱ soldiersȱ whoȱ exhibitedȱ “theȱ virtues.”ȱ However,ȱ asȱ Gratianȱ realized, “relianceȱ onȱ theȱ virtuesȱ ofȱ theȱ Christianȱ soldierȱ wasȱ onlyȱ aȱ fragileȱ meansȱ of ensuringȱthatȱaȱwarȱwasȱjustifiedȱinȱitsȱoriginȱandȱconduct.”11ȱ EvenȱwithȱAquinas’sȱthreeȱconditionsȱforȱJustȱWar,ȱandȱhisȱemphasisȱonȱthe thirdȱpoint,ȱrightȱintention,ȱwithoutȱwhichȱtheȱJustȱWarȱcriteriaȱcannotȱbeȱachieved evenȱifȱtheȱwarȱwereȱwagedȱunderȱtheȱauthorityȱofȱaȱsovereignȱcommanderȱwith aȱjustȱcause,ȱtheȱmoralityȱofȱwarfareȱfindsȱitselfȱdefendedȱbyȱaȱdangerouslyȱfeeble fortress,ȱinȱwhichȱtheȱboundaryȱbetweenȱaȱjustȱandȱanȱunjustifiableȱwarȱwillȱeasily blur. Ifȱ weȱ considerȱ theȱ historicalȱ sentimentsȱ ofȱ theȱ Alliterativeȱ Morteȱ Arthure (henceforthȱ=ȱAMA)ȱagainstȱthisȱbackground,ȱweȱnoticeȱitȱposesȱseveralȱquestions informingȱtheȱvalidityȱofȱtheȱJustȱWarȱconcept.ȱFirstȱofȱall,ȱIȱwillȱlookȱcarefullyȱat theȱ AMA’sȱ openingȱ passageȱ onȱ theȱ Romanȱ war,ȱ andȱ itsȱ presentationsȱ of justificationsȱ forȱ thisȱ warȱ inȱ theȱ lightȱ ofȱ theȱ contemporaryȱ ideasȱ ofȱ Justȱ War sketchedȱabove;ȱthenȱIȱwillȱanalyzeȱtheȱvividȱyetȱthematicallyȱambiguousȱusageȱof animalȱimagery,ȱandȱtheȱpoet’sȱcharacterizationȱofȱArthur,ȱGawain,ȱandȱMordred; finally,ȱIȱwillȱdiscussȱtheȱpoet’sȱuniqueȱcombinationȱofȱtheȱWheelȱofȱFortuneȱand theȱtoposȱofȱNineȱWorthies.

10

11

St.ȱ Thomasȱ Aquinas,ȱ Summaȱ Theologiae,ȱ variousȱ trans,ȱ ed.ȱ Thomasȱ Gilby,ȱ 60ȱ vols.ȱ (London: Blackfriars/Eyre,ȱandȱSpottiswoode;ȱNewȱYork:ȱMcGraw–Hill,ȱ1964–1973);ȱvol.ȱ35ȱed.ȱandȱtrans. ThomasȱR.ȱHeathȱ(1972),ȱ81–83.ȱ CitedȱinȱRussell,ȱJustȱWar,ȱ68ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).

Aȱ“JustȱWar”?ȱ

353

2.ȱTheȱAuthorityȱofȱtheȱSovereignȱCommanderȱandȱ theȱCausesȱofȱWar TheȱpoemȱopensȱwithȱaȱrollȬcallȱofȱterritoriesȱArthurȱhasȱconquered:ȱArgyllȱand Orkney,ȱtheȱwholeȱofȱIreland,ȱScotland,ȱWales,ȱandȱonȱtheȱcontinent,ȱFlandersȱand France,ȱ Burgundy,ȱ Brittanyȱ andȱ Bordeaux.ȱ Furthermore,ȱ theȱ poetȱ continuesȱ to affirmȱthatȱArthurȱobtainedȱNavarre,ȱNorwayȱandȱNormandy,ȱthroughȱ“conqueste fullȱcruell”ȱ(v.ȱ43;ȱveryȱdestructiveȱconquest).12ȱMoreȱextensively,ȱhisȱterritories extendȱ toȱ Austriaȱ andȱ Germany,ȱ toȱ Denmarkȱ andȱ beyond;ȱ fromȱ Sluysȱ upȱ to Swedenȱ heȱ subduedȱ ”withȱ hisȱ swerdeȱ kene”(v.ȱ 47;ȱ byȱ hisȱ keenȱ sword).ȱ In consistentlyȱreferringȱtoȱArthurȱasȱ“theȱconqueror,”ȱratherȱthanȱ“theȱking,”ȱthe poetȱthusȱemphasizesȱArthur’sȱmilitaryȱachievementȱbyȱfeatsȱofȱarms.ȱSuchȱisȱthe empireȱofȱArthurȱtheȱpoetȱpresentsȱbeforeȱtheȱaudience/reader.ȱ Thenȱ onȱ Newȱ Year’sȱ Day,ȱ aȱ senatorȱ arrivesȱ asȱ ambassadorȱ fromȱ Lucius,ȱ the emperorȱofȱRome.ȱTheȱembassyȱposesȱthreeȱquestions:ȱfirst,ȱwhyȱArthurȱoccupies theȱ landsȱ whichȱ oweȱ traditionalȱ homageȱ toȱ Romeȱ (vv.ȱ 98–99);ȱ secondly,ȱ why Arthurȱhasȱraided,ȱrobbed,ȱandȱheldȱpeopleȱforȱransom,ȱandȱkilledȱtheȱanointed kings,ȱtheȱemperor’sȱcousinsȱ(vv.ȱ100–1);ȱthirdly,ȱwhyȱArthurȱrebelsȱagainstȱRome, andȱdoesȱnotȱpayȱdueȱtributeȱ(vv.ȱ103,ȱ114–15).ȱAsȱJulietȱValeȱnotes,ȱtheȱlanguage ofȱtheȱRomanȱembassyȱisȱlegallyȱbinding:ȱtheȱpoetȱappealsȱtoȱtheȱauthenticityȱand authorityȱofȱtheȱRomanȱdemandȱbyȱtheȱphrasesȱ“vndyreȱhisȱseleȱryche”ȱ(v.ȱ87;ȱby hisȱsealȱofȱroyalty),13ȱ“hisȱtargeȱesȱtoȱschewe”ȱ(v.ȱ89;ȱhisȱtrueȱsealȱprovesȱit)ȱand “withȱnotariesȱsygne”ȱ(v.ȱ90;ȱbyȱnotaries’ȱwarrant).ȱ ThenȱheȱspecifiesȱtheȱdateȱandȱevenȱtheȱtimeȱforȱArthurȱtoȱpayȱaȱvisitȱtoȱRome: onȱtheȱfirstȱdayȱofȱAugustȱatȱprimeȱ(6ȱa.ȱm.).ȱAsȱforȱtheȱtribute,ȱtheȱRomanȱembassy remindsȱArthurȱofȱanotherȱlegalȱdocument:ȱ“Thyȱfadyrȱmadȱfewtee,ȱweȱfyndeȱin oureȱrollez,/ȱInȱtheȱregestreȱofȱRome”ȱ(vv.ȱ112–13;ȱYourȱfatherȱacknowledgedȱhis feudalȱ obligationȱ toȱ Romeȱ andȱ weȱ findȱ theȱ rollsȱ inȱ ourȱ registry).ȱ Geoffreyȱ of Monmouth,ȱWace,ȱLa‡amon,ȱandȱRobertȱMannyng,ȱtheȱknownȱchronicleȱsources ofȱtheȱpoem,ȱmentionȱsimilarȱitems,ȱbutȱnoneȱofȱthemȱappealsȱspecificallyȱtoȱthe

12

13

Allȱ citationsȱ fromȱ thisȱ textȱ areȱ takenȱ fromȱ Morteȱ Arthure:ȱ Aȱ Criticalȱ Edition,ȱ ed.ȱ Maryȱ Hamel. GarlandȱMedievalȱTexts,ȱ9ȱ(NewȱYorkȱandȱ London:ȱGarlandȱPublishing,ȱ1984).ȱHenceforthȱ= “Hamel,ȱMorteȱArthure.” JulietȱVale,ȱ“LawȱandȱDiplomacyȱinȱtheȱAlliterativeȱMorteȱArthure,”ȱNottinghamȱMedievalȱStudies 23ȱ(1979):ȱ31–46.ȱHamelȱalsoȱnotesȱthatȱ“theȱsenator’sȱmessageȱisȱcarefullyȱlegalistic,ȱespeciallyȱin itsȱemphasisȱonȱcredentialsȱandȱdocumentation,”ȱHamel,ȱMorteȱArthure,ȱ256ȱnȱ88–115ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12). Unlessȱcreditedȱotherwise,ȱallȱtranslationsȱareȱmine,ȱinȱconsultationȱwithȱHamel’sȱannotations,ȱand Kingȱ Arthur’sȱ Death:ȱ Alliterativeȱ Morteȱ Arthureȱ andȱ Stanzaicȱ Leȱ Morteȱ Arthur,ȱ trans.ȱ with introductionsȱBrianȱStoneȱ(LondonȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱPenguin,ȱ1988).ȱHenceforthȱ=ȱ“Stone.”ȱWhere myȱtranslationȱdiffersȱconsiderablyȱfromȱStone,ȱIȱhaveȱnotȱprovidedȱpp.ȱnos.ȱtoȱhisȱversion.

354

YuriȱFuwa

documentsȱ andȱ seals,ȱ orȱ recordsȱ theȱ dateȱ andȱ timeȱ Arthurȱ shouldȱ appearȱ in Rome.14ȱ AllȱtheseȱchronicleȱsourcesȱemphasizeȱprimarilyȱtheȱthirdȱpointȱofȱtheȱRoman claims,ȱnamelyȱArthur’sȱneglectȱofȱpayingȱtributeȱtoȱRome.ȱArthurȱcountersȱthat itȱwasȱwrongfullyȱdemandedȱbecauseȱtheȱRomanȱclaimȱisȱbasedȱonȱtheȱoutcome ofȱaȱwarȱ“inȱtymȱofȱmynȱelders”ȱ(v.ȱ272;ȱinȱtheȱtimeȱofȱmyȱancestors)ȱwagedȱon commonersȱwhileȱtheȱmenȱofȱarmsȱwereȱabsent.ȱArthur’sȱmainȱpointȱisȱtoȱquestion theȱauthorityȱonȱwhichȱtheȱRomans’ȱclaimȱtoȱsovereigntyȱoverȱBritainȱwasȱbased. IfȱweȱrememberȱthatȱAugustine,ȱGratian,ȱandȱAquinasȱallȱregardȱtheȱauthorityȱof aȱsovereignȱcommanderȱasȱessentialȱforȱanyȱwarȱtoȱbeȱjustȱ(mostȱnotablyȱAquinas, inȱ hisȱ firstȱ replyȱ toȱ Questionȱ 40),ȱ theȱ Romansȱ wagedȱ warȱ onȱ Britainȱ byȱ the authorityȱofȱtheȱsovereignȱcommander,ȱJuliusȱCaesar,ȱandȱthereforeȱapparently metȱwithȱthisȱcriterion.ȱ However,ȱthereȱisȱnoȱmentionȱofȱinjuriesȱbyȱtheȱancientȱBritons,ȱwhichȱprovoked theȱRomanȱinvasionȱandȱconquestȱofȱBritain,ȱtheȱsecondȱconditionȱofȱtheȱJustȱWar. Towardȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱfourteenthȱcentury,ȱmoreover,ȱwarȱagainstȱnonȬcombatants becameȱ lessȱ justifiable.ȱ Theȱ Frenchȱ chroniclerȱ Jeanȱ Froissartȱ disparagingly describesȱtheȱdestructionȱandȱkillingsȱofȱnonȬcombatantsȱinȱLimogesȱbyȱtheȱarmy ofȱtheȱBlackȱPrinceȱinȱ1370,ȱwhileȱmilitaryȱtheoristȱHonoratȱBovetȱclaimedȱinȱthe 1380sȱ thatȱ soldiers’ȱ pillageȱ andȱ robberyȱ againstȱ nonȬcombatantsȱ wasȱ not permissible.15ȱTheȱreferenceȱtoȱtheȱabsenceȱofȱproperȱmilitaryȱforcesȱandȱtoȱwar againstȱ“commoners”—theȱnonȬcombatants—whichȱhasȱnoȱparallelȱinȱtheȱpoem’s sources,ȱcastsȱhereȱsomeȱdoubtȱonȱtheȱvalidityȱofȱtheȱRomanȱwar.ȱInȱthisȱsense,ȱthe RomanȱwarȱonȱancientȱBritainȱisȱlessȱjustifiable,ȱandȱRomanȱdemandȱforȱtheȱtribute basedȱonȱtheȱresultȱofȱthisȱwarȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱgroundless.ȱYetȱstrangely,ȱArthur’s contentionȱisȱnotȱfullyȱendorsedȱeither. Arthurȱ derivesȱ hisȱ ownȱ authorityȱ fromȱ aȱ chronicleȱ (274).ȱ Toȱ theȱ Romans’ demandȱforȱtribute,ȱArthurȱretortsȱthatȱheȱshouldȱhaveȱtheȱrightȱtoȱreceiveȱtribute fromȱRomeȱbecauseȱhisȱancestors,ȱ“BelynȱandȱBrenne”ȱhadȱbeenȱRomanȱemperors

14

15

GeoffreyȱofȱMonmouth,ȱTheȱHistoryȱofȱtheȱKingsȱofȱBritain,ȱtrans.ȱLewisȱThorpeȱ(PenguinȱBooks, 1966),ȱ230;ȱGeoffreyȱofȱMonmouth,ȱTheȱHistoryȱofȱtheȱKingsȱofȱBritain,ȱanȱEditionȱandȱTranslationȱof DeȱgestisȱBritonum,ȱed.ȱMichaelȱD.ȱReeve,ȱtrans.ȱNeilȱWright.ȱArthurianȱStudies,ȱ69ȱ(Woodbridge, UK:ȱBoydellȱPress,ȱ2007),ȱ214–15;ȱWace’sȱRomanȱdeȱBrut:ȱAȱHistoryȱofȱtheȱBritish,ȱtrans.ȱJudithȱWeiss. Exeterȱ Medievalȱ Englishȱ Textsȱ andȱ Studiesȱ (Exeter:ȱ Universityȱ ofȱ Exeterȱ Press,ȱ 1999),ȱ 269; La‡amon’sȱArthur,ȱtheȱArthurianȱSectionȱofȱLa‡amon’sȱBrut,ȱed.ȱandȱtrans.ȱW.ȱR.ȱJ.ȱBarronȱandȱS.ȱC. Weinbergȱ(Harlow:ȱLongman,ȱ1989),ȱ159.ȱHenceforthȱ=ȱ“BarronȱandȱWeinberg”;ȱRobertȱMannyng ofȱBrunne,ȱTheȱChronicle,ȱed.ȱIdelleȱSullens.ȱMedievalȱandȱRenaissanceȱTextsȱandȱStudies,ȱ153 (Binghamton:ȱSUNY,ȱ1996),ȱll.ȱ11211–90. SocietyȱatȱWar:ȱTheȱExperienceȱofȱEnglandȱandȱFranceȱDuringȱtheȱHundredȱYearsȱWar,ȱed.ȱC[hristopher] T.ȱAllmand.ȱEvidenceȱandȱCommentary:ȱHistoricalȱSourceȱBooksȱȱ(NewȱYork:ȱBarnesȱandȱNoble, 1973),ȱ39,ȱ131–32.

Aȱ“JustȱWar”?ȱ

355

(278).ȱ Arthurȱ appealsȱ toȱ theȱ antiquityȱ ofȱ hisȱ Britishȱ ancestryȱ andȱ basesȱ the justificationȱofȱhisȱclaimȱuponȱwhatȱtheȱ“awldeȱmenȱtelles”ȱ(279;ȱoldȱmenȱtell).ȱIn contrastȱtoȱtheȱRomans’ȱfrequentȱappealȱtoȱlegalȱdocumentsȱandȱseals,ȱArthur’s claimȱtoȱsupremacyȱoverȱRome,ȱbecauseȱofȱitsȱshakier,ȱevenȱdubious,ȱfoundations, isȱnoȱmoreȱconvincingȱthanȱtheȱRomans’ȱcase.ȱ ThereȱthenȱfollowsȱaȱcouncilȱtoȱdecideȱwhetherȱArthurȱshouldȱobeyȱtheȱRomans’ demand.ȱ Hereȱ theȱ poetȱ presentsȱ variousȱ reasonsȱ forȱ goingȱ toȱ war.ȱ Cador,ȱ for example,ȱarguesȱtheȱdefectsȱofȱbeingȱatȱpeace:ȱPeaceȱcausesȱlazinessȱandȱexcludes anyȱchanceȱtoȱgainȱfame.ȱCador,ȱinȱWace’sȱandȱLa‡amon’sȱnarratives,ȱalsoȱpoints outȱtheȱnegativeȱaspectsȱofȱpeace,ȱandȱsaysȱthatȱpeaceȱcausesȱtheȱdegenerationȱof morality.16ȱOnlyȱLa‡amon’sȱGawainȱseriouslyȱrebutsȱCador’sȱargument,ȱasserting thatȱpeaceȱallowsȱaȱgoodȱmanȱtoȱdoȱgoodȱdeedsȱwherebyȱallȱmenȱareȱtheȱbetterȱand theȱlandȱtheȱhappier.17ȱThusȱGawainȱvaluesȱpeaceȱforȱitsȱownȱsake,ȱanȱideaȱalso foundȱ inȱ Aquinas,ȱ whoȱ rejectedȱ theȱ opinionȱ thatȱ peaceȱ gaveȱ riseȱ toȱ various lasciviousȱacts.18ȱ HereȱtheȱalliterativeȱpoemȱomitsȱGawain’sȱoppositionȱtoȱCador,ȱandȱcontinues withȱanotherȱvoiceȱinȱfavorȱofȱwar,ȱheighteningȱtheȱbelligerentȱmoodȱinȱArthur’s council:ȱtheȱKingȱofȱScotlandȱwantsȱwarȱtoȱavengeȱtheȱvillainyȱcommittedȱbyȱthe RomansȱduringȱtheirȱruleȱofȱBritainȱinȱtheȱtimeȱofȱJuliusȱCaesar.ȱNext,ȱtheȱWelsh kingȱdeclaresȱheȱwillȱavengeȱtheȱpersonalȱwrongdoingȱheȱsufferedȱonȱaȱpilgrimage inȱItalyȱbyȱmeansȱofȱaȱdeathȱblowȱtoȱtheȱoffender.ȱTheȱWelshȱking’sȱcomplaints cameȱunderȱtheȱcategoryȱofȱ“aȱdenialȱofȱpassage,”ȱanȱinjuryȱconsideredȱaȱjustifiable basisȱforȱgoingȱtoȱwar.19ȱ Interestingly,ȱ theȱ AMAȱ poetȱ seemsȱ toȱ questionȱ theȱ validityȱ ofȱ bothȱ parties’ contentions.ȱBothȱArthurȱandȱtheȱRomanȱembassyȱreferȱtoȱtheȱauthenticityȱandȱthe antiquityȱofȱtheirȱclaimȱfromȱanȱhistoricalȱperspective.ȱInȱtheȱimmediateȱpast,ȱwe hearȱofȱArthur’sȱconquestȱofȱtheȱlandȱandȱterritoriesȱinȱandȱsurroundingȱBritain andȱonȱtheȱContinent.ȱButȱweȱareȱtoldȱthatȱpriorȱtoȱthisȱconquest,ȱinȱtheȱgeneration immediatelyȱprecedingȱArthur’s,ȱRomeȱhadȱbeenȱsovereignȱlordȱofȱBritain,ȱand thatȱUtherȱPendragon,ȱArthur’sȱfather,ȱwasȱobligedȱtoȱpayȱtribute.ȱ Inȱ Arthur’sȱ retortȱ toȱ theȱ Romans,ȱ weȱ areȱ remindedȱ ofȱ Constantine’sȱ double identity,ȱasȱaȱBritishȱ“ayere”ȱ(heir)ȱandȱaȱRomanȱemperor.ȱFurthermore,ȱArthur tracesȱ hisȱ sovereignȱ legitimacyȱ backȱ toȱ hisȱ ancestorsȱ inȱ theȱ mistsȱ ofȱ legendary

16 17 18

19

Weiss,ȱ2ȱWace’sȱRomanȱdeȱBrut,ȱȱ71ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ14). BarronȱandȱWeinberg,ȱ163ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ14). Russell,ȱ Justȱ War,ȱ 262ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 4).ȱ Aquinasȱ alsoȱ pointsȱ outȱ theȱ benefitsȱ ofȱ peaceȱ becauseȱ “it inhibitedȱtheȱworseȱevilsȱofȱhomicideȱandȱsacrilege.”ȱSummaȱTheologiae,ȱ2–2,ȱq.123,ȱart.ȱ5ȱ(seeȱnote 10). Gratianȱconsideredȱdenialȱofȱpassageȱanȱinjuryȱtoȱbeȱavenged.ȱSeeȱRussell,ȱJustȱWarȱ64ȱ(seeȱnote 4).

356

YuriȱFuwa

antiquity.ȱTheseȱargumentsȱoverȱterritorialȱrightsȱandȱtributeȱobligationsȱreveal, intentionallyȱorȱnot,ȱtheȱconflictingȱinterestsȱbetweenȱtheȱoldȱ(i.ȱe.,ȱRoman)ȱandȱthe newȱ (i.ȱ e.,ȱ Arthur’s)ȱ governingȱ bodies.ȱ Theȱ impressiveȱ expansionȱ ofȱ Arthur’s kingdomȱalludedȱtoȱatȱtheȱoutsetȱofȱtheȱpoem,ȱandȱtheȱimmediateȱcounterȬclaim madeȱbyȱitsȱpreviousȱruler,ȱimpliesȱtheȱhistoricalȱrelativityȱofȱtheȱrightȱtoȱclaim territories.ȱ Ifȱtheȱboundaryȱofȱaȱnationȱisȱsubjectȱtoȱchange,ȱtheȱeffectiveȱextentȱofȱJustȱWar mustȱbeȱsoȱtoo.ȱJustȱwars,ȱasȱdefinedȱbyȱAugustineȱandȱhisȱfollowers,ȱareȱfought toȱ avengeȱ injuries.ȱ Redrawingȱ theȱ boundariesȱ ofȱ theȱ empire/nationȱ means redefiningȱtheȱextentȱofȱ“injuries,”ȱtransformingȱdefensiveȱwarsȱtoȱoffensiveȱwars andȱ viceȱ versa.ȱ Accordingly,ȱ theȱ poetȱ firstȱ questionsȱ theȱ authorizationȱ ofȱ the “rightful”ȱsovereignȱcommander,ȱandȱsecondlyȱimpliesȱthatȱthereȱareȱambiguities inȱtheȱdefinitionȱofȱtheȱtermȱ“injuries.” Theȱ AMAȱ isȱ alsoȱ notableȱ forȱ itsȱ referenceȱ toȱ theȱ destructivenessȱ ofȱ Arthur’s ancestors’ȱwarsȱagainstȱRome,ȱinȱwhichȱcityȱwallsȱwereȱdestroyedȱandȱleaders hangedȱ byȱ hundreds.ȱ Noȱ otherȱ versionȱ includesȱ theseȱ details.ȱ Moreover, comparisonȱwithȱtheȱpoem’sȱsourcesȱrevealsȱthatȱnotȱonlyȱArthur’sȱancestors’ȱbut alsoȱ Arthur’sȱ ownȱ conquestsȱ involveȱ excessiveȱ violenceȱ duringȱ theȱ military operations:ȱraiding,ȱrobbingȱandȱseizingȱciviliansȱforȱransom.ȱItȱisȱtrueȱthatȱall theseȱ practicesȱ wereȱ conspicuousȱ inȱ theȱ characteristicallyȱ fourteenthȬcentury Englishȱmethodȱofȱwarfare,ȱtheȱchevauchéeȱ(horseȱcharge;ȱhere,ȱhighlyȱdestructive raidȱthroughȱenemyȱterritory),ȱpracticedȱespeciallyȱduringȱtheȱreignȱofȱEdwardȱIII: inȱ1370,ȱSirȱJohnȱKnollȱcarriedȱoutȱanȱunsuccessfulȱchevauchée;ȱinȱtheȱsameȱyear,ȱthe BlackȱPrinceȱsackedȱtheȱcityȱofȱLimoges;ȱinȱ1373,ȱJohnȱofȱGauntȱstartedȱtheȱlargest andȱ longestȱ Englishȱ chevauchéeȱ ofȱ theȱ Hundredȱ Yearsȱ War,20ȱ andȱ laterȱ inȱ 1374, attemptedȱaȱmarchȱrightȱfromȱtheȱChannelȱportȱofȱCalaisȱallȱtheȱwayȱdownȱto Bordeaux.21ȱ Thisȱparticularȱmentionȱinȱtheȱpoemȱofȱdestructiveȱmilitaryȱcampaigningȱinȱthe distantȱpastȱ(Beli’sȱconquestȱofȱRome,ȱandȱCaesar’sȱconquestȱofȱBritain),ȱinȱmore recentȱhistoryȱ(Constantine’sȱtime),ȱandȱinȱtheȱpresentȱ(Arthur’sȱtime),ȱsuggests thatȱ conquestȱ alwaysȱ entailsȱ destruction.ȱ Takenȱ inȱ considerationȱ withȱ the conflictingȱ viewsȱ overȱ theȱ validityȱ ofȱ lordshipȱ ofȱ territories,ȱ thisȱ reflectsȱ an intentionȱtoȱquestionȱArthur’sȱmartialȱachievementsȱfromȱtheȱveryȱoutsetȱofȱthe

20

21

JohnȱA.ȱWagner,ȱEncyclopediaȱofȱtheȱHundredȱYearsȱWarȱ(Westport,ȱCT,ȱandȱLondon:ȱGreenwood Press,ȱ2006),ȱ183.ȱȱ ChristopherȱAllmandȱcommentsȱthatȱnoneȱofȱtheseȱattacksȱachievedȱmilitaryȱadvantage:ȱ“The daysȱofȱCrécyȱandȱPoitiersȱwereȱover.”ȱIfȱso,ȱtheȱcontemporaryȱfeelingȱtowardȱtheȱwarȱmayȱhave graduallyȱwaned.ȱChristopherȱAllmand,ȱTheȱHundredȱYearsȱWar:ȱEnglandȱandȱFranceȱatȱWarȱc.ȱ1300 –c.ȱ 1450.ȱ Cambridgeȱ Medievalȱ Textbooksȱ (Cambridgeȱ andȱ Newȱ York:ȱ Cambridgeȱ University Press,ȱ1988),ȱ22.ȱ

Aȱ“JustȱWar”?ȱ

357

poem.ȱSimultaneously,ȱBritishȱatrocitiesȱinȱtheȱconquestȱofȱRomeȱcanȱbeȱcompared toȱtheȱRomanȱwrongdoing.ȱViolenceȱperpetuatedȱinȱconquestȱlinksȱArthurȱwith Rome,ȱ historicizingȱ Arthur’sȱ conquestȱ withinȱ aȱ patternȱ ofȱ conquestȱ thatȱ has continuedȱsinceȱlegendaryȱtimes.ȱ Inȱtheȱhistoryȱofȱwarsȱforȱterritorialȱdominationȱandȱalsoȱinȱthatȱofȱreligiousȱwars motivatedȱbyȱtheȱdesireȱtoȱdominate,ȱtheȱpoetȱseemsȱtoȱdoubtȱtheȱvalidityȱofȱany justificationȱforȱwar.ȱItȱisȱnoticeableȱthatȱArthurianȱknightsȱmakeȱvowsȱbyȱChrist andȱ byȱ holyȱ relicsȱ suchȱ asȱ St.ȱ Veronica’sȱ Vernacleȱ (orȱ vernicle)—theȱ imageȱ of Christ’sȱfaceȱasȱitȱappearedȱonȱVeronica’sȱcloth,ȱrecallingȱtheȱviaȱdolorosaȱandȱthus, forȱtheȱpilgrimȬknights,ȱchivalricȱselfȬsacrifice—inȱdeclaringȱthatȱtheyȱshouldȱfight onȱ againstȱ theȱ Romans.ȱ Duringȱ theȱ warȱ council,ȱ Arthur’sȱ knightsȱ areȱ making pledgesȱinȱturnȱbyȱtheȱnameȱofȱChristȱandȱbyȱtheȱmiracleȱofȱVeronica’sȱcloth:ȱKing Aungers,ȱ Kingȱ ofȱ Scotlandȱ makesȱ aȱ vowȱ “deuotlyȱ toȱ Cristeȱ /ȱ Andȱ toȱ þeȱ haly Vernacle”ȱ(v.ȱ297).ȱ ToȱSirȱEwan’s,ȱsonȱofȱUrienȱpledge,ȱhelpȱtoȱKingȱArthur,ȱArthurȱhimselfȱavows: “Theretoȱ makeȱ Iȱ mynȱ avoweȱ devottlyȱ toȱ Crysteȱ /ȱ Andȱ toȱ þeȱ holyȱ Vernacle, vertuousȱandȱnoble”ȱ(vv.ȱ347–48),ȱandȱtheȱWelshȱkingȱisȱthankfulȱtoȱChristȱwho hasȱgivenȱhimȱaȱchanceȱtoȱ“wrekeȱfullȱweleȱ/ȱþeȱwretheȱofȱoureȱelders”ȱ(v.ȱ321; wreakȱfullyȱtheȱwrathȱofȱourȱancestors).ȱAndȱagain,ȱSirȱLottȱrepeatsȱtheȱinjuries theirȱforefathersȱhadȱreceived:ȱ“Nowȱheȱ[Lucius]ȱwylnezȱþeȱwere,ȱhysȱwanedrethe begynnys!ȱ/ȱItȱesȱowreȱweredesȱtoȱwrekeȱȱtheȱwretheȱofȱoureȱelders.ȱIȱmakeȱmy avoweȱtoȱGodeȱandȱtoȱþeȱholyȱVernacle”ȱ(vv.ȱ384–86;ȱNowȱheȱ[Lucius]ȱdesiresȱthe war,ȱhisȱtroubleȱbegins!ȱ/ȱItȱisȱourȱfateȱtoȱwreakȱtheȱwrathȱofȱourȱancestorȱonȱhim. IȱmakeȱmyȱvowȱtoȱGodȱandȱtoȱtheȱHolyȱVernacle).22ȱThisȱfrequentȱappealȱtoȱChrist andȱtheȱholyȱrelicsȱimpliesȱthatȱtheȱwarȱtheyȱareȱgoingȱ toȱ wageȱisȱaȱholyȱwar. Curiously,ȱtheȱAMAȱalludesȱinȱpassingȱtoȱConstantine’sȱdiscoveryȱofȱholyȱrelics duringȱhisȱcampaign: BelynȱandȱBrenne,ȱȱȱthatȱborneȱwereȱinȱBretayne, TheyȱocupyedeȱþeȱEmpyreȱȱȱaughteȱscoreȱwynnttyrs, Ilkaneȱayereȱaftyreȱoþer,ȱȱȱasȱawldeȱmenȱtelles;ȱȱȱ TheiȱcouerdeȱþeȱCapitoileȱȱȱandȱkesteȱdounȱþeȱwalles, HyngedeȱofȱþeireȱheddysȬmenȱȱȱbyȱhunndrethesȱatȱones. SeynȱConstantyneȱourȱkynsmaneȱȱȱconqueridȱitȱaftyre, þatȱayereȱwasȱofȱYnglandeȱȱȱandȱEmperourȱofȱRome— HeȱþatȱconqueredȱþeȱCrosseȱȱȱbeȱcraftezȱofȱarmes ThatȱCristeȱwasȱonȱcrucifiede,ȱȱȱþatȱKyngȱesȱofȱHeuen. (vv.ȱ277–85)

22

OnȱSt.ȱVeronica’sȱVernacleȱandȱitsȱsignificanceȱinȱtheȱAMA,ȱalongȱwithȱotherȱCrusadesȬrelated motifsȱ andȱ themes,ȱ seeȱ Geraldineȱ Heng,ȱ Empireȱ ofȱ Magic:ȱ Medievalȱ Romanceȱ andȱ theȱ Politicsȱ of CulturalȱFantasyȱ(NewȱYorkȱandȱChichester,ȱUK:ȱColumbiaȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2003),ȱesp.ȱ148–49.

358

YuriȱFuwa [BelinusȱandȱBrennius,ȱwhoȱwereȱbornȱinȱBritain,ȱ/ȱoccupiedȱtheȱEmpireȱforȱeightȱscore winters./Eachȱheirȱafterȱtheȱother,ȱasȱoldȱmenȱtell.ȱ/ȱTheyȱgainedȱtheȱCapitolȱandȱcast downȱtheȱwalls.ȱ/ȱHangedȱtheirȱheadȱmenȱbyȱhundredsȱatȱonce.ȱ/ȱThenȱConstantineȱour kinsmanȱconqueredȱitȱafterwards,ȱ/ȱwhoȱisȱheirȱofȱEnglandȱȱandȱEmperorȱofȱRome.ȱ/ HeȱwhoȱconqueredȱtheȱCrossȱbyȱforceȱofȱarms/onȱwhichȱChristȱwasȱcrucified,ȱtheȱKing ofȱHeaven.]

Constantineȱ“conquered”ȱbyȱ“craftezȱofȱarmes”ȱtheȱcrossȱonȱwhichȱChristȱwas crucified,ȱasȱtheȱalliterationȱruns.ȱ Holyȱrelicsȱareȱembeddedȱinȱtheȱtextȱnotȱonlyȱforȱtheȱsakeȱofȱtheȱalliterationȱbut alsoȱtoȱimplyȱthatȱmilitaryȱconquestȱofȱlandȱandȱtheȱrecoveryȱofȱholyȱrelicsȱare almostȱsynonymous.ȱInȱfact,ȱArthurȱcallsȱhimselfȱaȱpilgrimȱwhenȱheȱgoesȱtoȱMontȬ SaintȬMichelȱtoȱfightȱtheȱgiant,23ȱandȱobtainsȱtheȱclubȱandȱtheȱmantleȱasȱtheȱrelics ofȱfeatsȱofȱarms.ȱCradockȱsaysȱheȱwillȱgoȱtoȱpilgrimageȱ“þisȱpasȱvntoȱRome,ȱ/ȱTo purcheseȱmeȱpardonneȱofȱtheȱPapeȱselfen”ȱ(vv.ȱ3496–97;ȱthisȱwayȱtoȱRomeȱ/ȱToȱbuy orȱobtainȱmyselfȱanȱindulgenceȱfromȱtheȱPopeȱhimself),ȱwhileȱArthurȱisȱtoȱheadȱfor aȱmortalȱwarȱwithȱMordred.24ȱAsȱJamesȱA.ȱBrundageȱpointsȱout,ȱpilgrimageȱwas oneȱofȱtheȱcanonicalȱfoundationsȱforȱtheȱCrusades,ȱandȱpilgrimageȱandȱtheȱholy warȱconceptȱwereȱcloselyȱconnectedȱinȱtheȱideaȱofȱtheȱcrusadeȱbyȱtheȱeleventh century.25ȱ“Ifȱtheȱcrusadeȱwasȱaȱpilgrimageȱandȱtheȱcrusaderȱaȱpilgrim,”ȱBrundage says,ȱ“itȱwasȱatȱtheȱsameȱtime,ȱparadoxically,ȱaȱholyȱwar,ȱandȱtheȱcrusaderȱaȱmuch blessedȱwarrior”(192).ȱ ByȱtheȱtimeȱofȱtheȱreignȱofȱInnocentȱIVȱ(1243–1254),ȱtheȱpilgrimageȱmotifȱhad “fadedȱinȱtoȱtheȱbackground,”ȱandȱtheȱcrusadeȱstartedȱtoȱchangeȱitsȱnature:ȱ“from beingȱ aȱ specificȱ typeȱ ofȱ holyȱ war,ȱ directedȱ againstȱ aȱ particularȱ groupȱ ofȱ nonȬ Christiansȱinȱaȱparticularȱarea,”ȱitȱwasȱtransformedȱintoȱ“anȱallȬpurposeȱholyȱwar, anȱinstrumentȱtoȱserveȱtheȱpoliticoȬreligiousȱpolicyȱofȱtheȱpapacyȱinȱitsȱcombats withȱallȱsortsȱofȱenemiesȱinȱallȱcornersȱofȱtheȱknownȱworld”ȱ(Brundage,ȱ193).ȱ Asȱweȱhaveȱseen,ȱtheȱJustȱWarȱconceptȱwasȱredefinedȱbyȱAugustineȱasȱoneȱthat avengedȱ injuries.ȱ Inȱ hisȱ notionȱ ofȱ trueȱ justice,ȱ injuriesȱ doneȱ toȱ Godȱ couldȱ be avenged:ȱ “Godȱ couldȱ authorizeȱ wars,ȱ andȱ theȱ churchȱ hadȱ theȱ authorityȱ to

23

24

25

AȱDominicanȱfriar,ȱJohnȱBromyard,ȱcomplainsȱaboutȱtheȱcontemporaryȱpracticeȱofȱwarȱinȱca.ȱ1390 andȱpointsȱoutȱtheȱformerȱ“exemplary”ȱpracticeȱofȱEdwardȱIII,ȱwhoȱmadeȱitȱaȱruleȱtoȱgoȱonȱa personalȱpilgrimageȱbeforeȱaȱwarȱtoȱtakeȱadvice.ȱHere,ȱbyȱhalf–jokinglyȱcallingȱArthurȱaȱ“pilgrim toȱkillȱtheȱgiant,”ȱtheȱpoetȱseemsȱtoȱmakeȱArthurȱaȱcrusaderȱwhoȱaimsȱtoȱdestroyȱaȱmarginalȱthreat toȱorthodoxy,ȱpartlyȱrepresentedȱbyȱtheȱgiant.ȱȱȱ TranslatedȱaccordingȱtoȱtheȱMED.ȱHereȱtheȱpoetȱmayȱhaveȱincludedȱaȱdoubleȱconnotation:ȱtoȱgo onȱaȱpilgrimageȱtoȱtheȱpope,ȱorȱtoȱpurchaseȱanȱindulgenceȱissuedȱbyȱtheȱpopeȱtoȱraiseȱwarfare fundingȱforȱcrusading.ȱ JamesȱA.ȱBrundage,ȱMedievalȱCanonȱLawȱandȱ theȱ Crusaderȱ(Madison,ȱWI,ȱMilwaukee,ȱWI,ȱand London:ȱUniversityȱofȱWisconsinȱPress,ȱ1969),ȱ30,ȱpassim.ȱHenceforthȱ=ȱ“Brundage.”

Aȱ“JustȱWar”?ȱ

359

commandȱ imperialȱ persecutionȱ ofȱ heretics.”26ȱ Augustineȱ wasȱ seminalȱ in developingȱ theȱ conceptȱ ofȱ Justȱ War,ȱ inȱ conjunctionȱ withȱ whichȱ wasȱ bornȱ the conceptȱofȱcrusade.ȱ MaryȱHamelȱobservesȱthat,ȱ“theȱthemeȱofȱtheȱpoetȱisȱbattleȱitself”ȱ(321),ȱasȱthe alliterativeȱpoetȱraisesȱfundamentalȱquestionsȱaboutȱwar.ȱSomeȱcriticsȱhaveȱnoticed thatȱ Arthur’sȱ campaignȱ onȱ theȱ continentȱ assumesȱ aȱ crusadingȱ veneer:ȱ “Inȱ the AlliterativeȱMorteȱandȱMaloryȱtheȱRomanȱwarsȱtakeȱonȱsomethingȱofȱtheȱfeelingȱof Crusade;ȱitȱhasȱbeenȱsuggestedȱthatȱtheȱSaracenȱalliesȱofȱRomeȱ areȱ invokedȱto encourageȱgenocide.”27ȱRomanȱarmiesȱareȱmoreȱcloselyȱassociatedȱwithȱforeigners, pagansȱ(theȱSaracens)ȱandȱunnaturalȱalliesȱ(giants).ȱNevertheless,ȱtheȱpoemȱdoes notȱnecessarilyȱdemonizeȱArthur’sȱopponents.ȱLucius’sȱspeechȱonȱtheȱbattlefield isȱasȱstirringȱasȱArthur’s.ȱ EvenȱMordredȱtheȱtraitorȱemergesȱasȱuniquelyȱsympatheticȱcomparedȱwithȱother charactersȱpopulatingȱtheȱArthurianȱtradition.ȱKnightsȱofȱbothȱpartiesȱfightȱfiercely onȱtheȱbattlefieldȱandȱdieȱamidstȱindiscriminateȱslaughter.ȱThorlacȱTurvilleȬPetre agreesȱthatȱtheȱpoetȱportraysȱ“theȱrapidȱactionȱandȱmultifariousȱbrutalitiesȱofȱthe battlefield”ȱwithȱconsiderableȱskill,ȱespeciallyȱinȱtheȱfollowingȱlines:28ȱȱ Soȱfeleȱfayȱesȱinȱfyghteȱȱȱapponȱþeȱfeldeȱleuydeȱȱȱȱȱ Thatȱicheȱaȱfurtheȱinȱtheȱfirtheȱȱȱofȱredeȱblodeȱrynnys!ȱ Byȱthat,ȱswyftelyȱoneȱswartheȱȱȱþeȱswettȱesȱbyleuede;ȱ Swerdezȱswangenȱinȱtwoȱȱȱsweltandȱknyghtez— Lyesȱwydeȱopynȱwelterandeȱȱȱoneȱwalopandeȱstedez— Wondesȱofȱwaleȱmen,ȱȱȱwerkandeȱsydys;ȱȱ Facezȱfeteledȱvnfaireȱȱȱȱinȱfilteredeȱlakes,ȱȱȱ Allȱcraysed,ȱfortrodynȱȱȱwithȱtrappedeȱstedez: TheȱfairesteȬfyguredȱfeldeȱȱȱthatȱfyguredeȱwasȱeuer—ȱȱ Allsȱferreȱallsȱaȱfurlange,ȱȱȱaȱthosandeȱatȱones!ȱ ȱ (vv.ȱ2143–52/Stone,ȱ100) [(Thus)ȱfelledȱonȱtheȱfieldȱofȱthatȱfightȱwereȱleftȱsoȱmanyȱ/ȱThatȱeveryȱrunnelȱranȱwith redȱ bloodȱ inȱ theȱ forest.ȱ /ȱ Byȱ thenȱ lifeȬbloodȱ layȱ inȱ poolsȱ onȱ theȱ lovelyȱ grassland;ȱ / Swordsȱ wereȱ smashedȱ inȱ two,ȱ dyingȱ knightsȱ /ȱ Giddilyȱ lurchedȱ unguardedlyȱ on gallopingȱsteeds.ȱ/Gashesȱaggrievedȱtheȱbodiesȱofȱgallantȱmen;ȱ/ȱTheirȱfaces,ȱdisfigured underȱtheȱfoamingȱwaters,ȱ/ȱWereȱsmashedȱbyȱtheȱstampingȱofȱsteedsȱinȱarmour.ȱ/ Hamel,ȱ321;ȱTheȱfairestȬappearingȱfieldȱthatȱhasȱeverȱbeenȱdescribed—ȱ/ȱasȱfarȱasȱa furlongȱ[oneȱcanȱsee]ȱaȱthousandȱ(bodiesȱlyingȱthere)ȱatȱonce!]

26

27

28

FrederickȱH.ȱRussell,ȱ“ConceptȱofȱCrusade,”ȱDictionaryȱofȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱed.ȱJosephȱR.ȱStrayer, (NewȱYork:ȱCharlesȱScribner’sȱSons,ȱ1984),ȱ4:ȱ15–18;ȱhereȱ15. DavidȱWallace,ȱ“Imperium,ȱCommerceȱandȱNationalȱCrusade,”ȱNewȱMedievalȱLiteraturesȱ8ȱ(2006): 45–66;ȱhereȱ60. ThorlacȱTurville–Petre,ȱTheȱAlliterativeȱRevivalȱ(CambridgeȱandȱTotowa,ȱNJ:ȱD.ȱS.ȱBrewer,ȱRowan &ȱLittlefield,ȱ1977),ȱ102.ȱ

360

YuriȱFuwa

Hereȱ thereȱ isȱ noȱ specificȱ distinctionȱ toȱ indicateȱ whetherȱ theseȱ “disfigured”ȱ (“feteledȱvnfaire”)ȱknightsȱbelongȱtoȱtheȱRomanȱarmyȱorȱArthur’s.ȱTheyȱareȱsimply fineȱyoungȱmen,ȱkilledȱandȱtrampledȱbyȱhorses,ȱminglingȱwithȱeachȱotherȱtoȱform “theȱfairestȬfiguredȱfield”ȱ(vv.ȱ2151;ȱTheȱfairesteȬfyguredȱfelde).29 ȱ Someȱ mayȱ argueȱ thatȱ theȱ graphicȱ battleȱ picturesȱ areȱ dueȱ toȱ theȱ poet’sȱ high literaryȱdictionȱandȱtoȱhisȱtendencyȱtoȱfocusȱuponȱgrotesqueȱandȱgruesomeȱdetails. Yetȱ byȱ lingeringȱ overȱ theseȱ detailsȱ theȱ poetȱ hasȱ succeededȱ inȱ recreatingȱ the savageryȱofȱtheȱbattlefield,ȱwhichȱwillȱaffectȱbothȱArthurȱandȱGawainȱalike.ȱ

3.ȱTransformingȱCharacter Theȱ poet’sȱ characterizationȱ ofȱ Mordredȱ isȱ unique:ȱ Mordredȱ startsȱ outȱ asȱ a respectableȱyoungȱknight,ȱtrustedȱbyȱbothȱArthurȱandȱGuinevere.ȱMordredȱatȱfirst courteouslyȱdeclinesȱwhenȱArthurȱappointsȱhimȱwarden,ȱandȱthereȱisȱnoȱtraceȱof theȱsuspiciousȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱMordredȱandȱGuinevereȱemphasizedȱbyȱWace andȱ La‡amon.ȱ La‡amonȱ saysȱ thatȱ Mordredȱ isȱ aȱ sheerȱ villainȱ andȱ traitor,ȱ with Guinevereȱcomplicitȱinȱhisȱvillainy.ȱMordred’sȱhonorableȱstandingȱatȱcourtȱderived mainlyȱfromȱtheȱgoodȱreputationȱofȱGawain,ȱhisȱbrother.ȱInȱtheȱalliterativeȱMorte Arthure,ȱthisȱfraternalȱrelationȱisȱalmostȱreversed:ȱMordredȱisȱcourteous,ȱwhile Gawainȱisȱrecklesslyȱvengeful.ȱGawainȱisȱquicklyȱtransformedȱinȱtheȱheatȱofȱbattle: likeȱaȱsenselessȱwildȱmanȱ(v.ȱ3817;ȱ“allsȱvnwyseȱwodewyse”),ȱhisȱreasonȱhaving leftȱhim,ȱheȱfellȱintoȱaȱfierceȬheartedȱfrenzyȱ(vv.ȱ3825–26;ȱ“hisȱresonȱwasȱpassede, /ȱHeȱfellȱinȱaȱfransyeȱforȱfersenesseȱofȱherte”).ȱAsȱaȱresult,ȱtheȱpoetȱconcludesȱthat Gawainȱhasȱ“wastedȱhimself”: ‡itȱsirȱWawayneȱforȱwoȱȱȱwondisȱbotȱlyttill, Botȱwoundisȱofȱthasȱwedirwynnsȱȱȱwithȱwondirfullȱdyntes, Allsȱheȱþatȱwoldȱwilfullyȱȱȱwastenȱhymȱselfen. Andȱforȱwondsomȱandȱwillȱȱȱallȱhisȱwitȱfailede, Thatȱwodeȱallsȱaȱwyldeȱbesteȱȱȱheȱwenteȱatȱtheȱgayneste.ȱ (vv.ȱ3833–37/Stone,ȱ152) [Andȱstillȱheȱ(SirȱGawain)ȱwouldȱnotȱstopȱinȱhisȱsavageȱgrief,ȱ/ȱButȱwithȱbloodyȱblows batteredȱtheȱenemyȱ/ȱAsȱifȱheȱwereȱwishingȱforȱhisȱownȱdeath,ȱ/ȱHisȱwitsȱastrayȱwith woeȱandȱwillfulness/ȱAsȱheȱwentȱlikeȱaȱwildȱbeastȱatȱtheȱwarriorsȱnearest.]

Theȱpoet’sȱtechniqueȱofȱzoomingȱinȱonȱtheȱdeadȱservesȱtoȱcreateȱaȱsenseȱofȱthe realities:ȱtheȱanonymousȱsoldiers’ȱ“disfiguredȱfacesȱinȱwater,”ȱorȱtheȱsilentȱgazeȱon

29

Hamel,ȱ Morteȱ Arthure,ȱ 321ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 12),ȱ findsȱ theȱ ironyȱ inȱ v.ȱ 2151ȱ toȱ beȱ directedȱ towardȱ the battlefieldȱasȱaȱwhole.

Aȱ“JustȱWar”?ȱ

361

Gawain’sȱdeathȱmask.ȱTheȱarrestingȱdescriptionȱofȱtheȱdeathȱofȱGawain,ȱoneȱofȱthe mostȱpopularȱArthurianȱheroes,ȱmustȱalsoȱhaveȱtouchedȱtheȱcontemporaryȱreader deeply: AndȱsirȱGawayneȱtheȱgudeȱȱȱinȱhisȱgayeȱarmesȱȱȱ Vmbegrippedeȱtheȱgirse,ȱȱȱandȱoneȱgrouffeȱfallen— Hisȱbanersȱbraydenȱdown,ȱȱȱbetynȱofȱgowlles,ȱ Hisȱbrandȱandȱhisȱbradeȱscheldeȱȱȱalȱblodyȱberonen.ȱȱ (vv.ȱ3943–46/Stone,ȱ156) [AndȱSirȱGawainȱtheȱGoodȱinȱhisȱglitteringȱarmourȱ/ȱFallenȱonȱhisȱface,ȱfingers clutchingȱtheȱgrass,ȱ/ȱHisȱbannerȱofȱbrilliantȱscarletȱbeatenȱdown,ȱ/ȱHisȱblade andȱbroadȱshieldȱbloodiedȱallȱover.] And:ȱ“Hisȱlippisȱlikeȱtoȱþeȱledeȱandȱhisȱlireȱfalowede”ȱ(v.ȱ3954/Stone,ȱ156;ȱHisȱlips likeȱleadȱandȱhisȱcomplexionȱpallid.) Theseȱexpressionsȱmightȱbeȱconventionalȱelsewhere,ȱbutȱtoȱmyȱknowledge,ȱno Arthurianȱ chroniclesȱ orȱ romancesȱ beforeȱ theȱ AMAȱ containȱ anyȱ parallel descriptionsȱofȱGawain’sȱdeathȱinȱsuchȱdetail.ȱFroissartȱtellsȱusȱthatȱmanyȱknights, archersȱandȱothersȱwereȱkilledȱorȱdrowned.ȱOurȱalliterativeȱpoetȱpresentsȱtheȱdeath sceneȱfarȱmoreȱvividly,ȱasȱifȱreportingȱtheȱoutcomeȱofȱaȱrealȱbattle.ȱByȱportraying Gawain’sȱmadnessȱandȱuntimelyȱdeath,ȱtheȱpoetȱdemonstratesȱhowȱwarȱaffects evenȱaȱnobleȱandȱcourteousȱknightȱlikeȱSirȱGawainȱtheȱgood,ȱandȱmightȱthusȱimply theȱimpossibilityȱinȱactualȱwarfareȱofȱmaintainingȱtheȱ“rightȱintention”ȱexpounded byȱAquinas.ȱ Gawain’sȱstyleȱofȱcombatȱhingesȱonȱchivalryȱinȱitsȱpotentȱsavageryȱandȱonȱthe conceptȱofȱJustȱWarȱwhichȱitselfȱcontainsȱaȱfragileȱbalanceȱbetweenȱobjectivityȱand subjectivity.ȱInȱhisȱJustȱWarȱformulaȱThomasȱAquinasȱwarnsȱparticularlyȱagainst “theȱ cruelȱ thirstȱ forȱ revenge”ȱ andȱ “theȱ savageryȱ ofȱ fightingȱ on.”ȱ Hamelȱ aptly remarks,ȱ“inȱhisȱdriveȱforȱrevengeȱGawainȱhasȱabandonedȱchivalry,ȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱ[and] withȱitȱallȱjudgmentȱandȱcivilization”ȱ(379).ȱ Gawain’sȱ reputationȱ asȱ aȱ courtlyȱ andȱ nobleȱ knightȱ wasȱ especiallyȱ well establishedȱinȱGawainȱromancesȱinȱtheȱnorthȱofȱEnglandȱbyȱtheȱfourteenthȱcentury. Althoughȱtheȱargumentȱsurroundingȱtheȱdateȱandȱtheȱlocationȱofȱtheȱalliterative poemȱisȱnotȱquiteȱconclusive,ȱaȱstudyȱofȱtheȱdialectȱindicatesȱthatȱtheȱpoetȱmay haveȱcomeȱfromȱtheȱnortheasternȱMidlands.30ȱTheȱalliterativeȱpoetȱcallsȱGawain

30

Hamel,ȱMorteȱArthure,ȱ62ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12).ȱTheȱlanguageȱofȱtheȱThorntonȱtextȱofȱtheȱAMAȱshowsȱa mixtureȱ ofȱ dialects.ȱ Angusȱ McIntosh,ȱ “Theȱ Textualȱ Transmissionȱ ofȱ theȱ Alliterativeȱ Morte Arthure,”ȱEnglishȱandȱMedievalȱStudiesȱPresentedȱtoȱJ.ȱR.ȱR.ȱTolkien,ȱed.ȱNormanȱDavisȱandȱC[harles] L[eslie]ȱWrennȱ(London:ȱGeorgeȱAllenȱ&ȱUnwin,ȱ1962),ȱ231–40.

362

YuriȱFuwa

“Gawainȱtheȱgood,”ȱsevenȱtimes,ȱonceȱ“wiseȱandȱstrong”ȱandȱonceȱ“graciousȱand noble.”31ȱ Evenȱ Mordred,ȱ inȱ hisȱ movingȱ eulogy,ȱ praisesȱ Gawainȱ forȱ hisȱ extraordinary qualities:ȱ“heȱwasȱmatchless,ȱtheȱgreatestȱofȱallȱofȱmen,ȱtheȱmostȱgraciousȱknight, hardiestȱ ofȱ handȬstroke”ȱ andȱ moreover,ȱ “mostȱ courteousȱ inȱ court;”ȱ allȱ these epithetsȱ stronglyȱ attestȱ theȱ poet’sȱ familiarityȱ withȱ Gawain’sȱ goodȱ reputation. What,ȱthen,ȱwasȱtheȱpoet’sȱintentionȱinȱchangingȱGawainȱintoȱaȱwildȬbeastȬlike figureȱatȱtheȱend?ȱItȱshouldȱbeȱnotedȱthatȱthisȱsameȱpoetȱalsoȱtransformsȱArthur himselfȱintoȱaȱbestialȱfigure.ȱInȱtheȱsecondȱdreamȱofȱFortune,ȱArthurȱisȱhorrified toȱseeȱaȱwildȱbeastȱroamingȱandȱlionsȱdevouringȱhisȱownȱknights:ȱ Thareȱlyounsȱfullȱlothelyȱȱȱlykkydeȱþeireȱtuskes, Allȱforeȱlapyngeȱofȱbludeȱȱȱȱofȱmyȱleleȱknyghtez. [vv.ȱ3234–35/Stone,ȱ134)ȱ [Loathsomeȱlionsȱwereȱlickingȱtheirȱfangs/ȱAndȱlongingȱtoȱlapȱtheȱbloodȱofȱmyȱloyal knights).

Andȱafterȱthisȱnightmare,ȱwhenȱArthurȱfindsȱGawainȱdead,ȱheȱholdsȱhisȱbloodȬ soakedȱbody:ȱ .ȱ.ȱ.ȱandȱswetlyȱhymȱkyssesȱ Tillȱhisȱburlicheȱberdeȱȱȱȱwasȱblodyȱberown, Allsȱheȱhadȱbestesȱbirtenedeȱȱȱandȱbroghteȱowtȱofȱlife.ȱ (vv.ȱ3970–72) [andȱlovinglyȱ(Arthur)ȱkissesȱhimȱ/ȱTillȱhisȱstatelyȱbeardȱwasȱdrenchedȱinȱbloodȱ/ȱAs ifȱheȱhadȱbeenȱbatteringȱandȱkillingȱbeasts.]

ȱ AtȱthisȱpointȱweȱrealizeȱthatȱArthurȱisȱdestroying—“asȱifȱheȱhadȱbeenȱbattering beastsȱtoȱdeath”—notȱonlyȱhisȱenemiesȱbutȱalsoȱhisȱownȱknights.ȱTheȱoverlapping imageryȱvariouslyȱappliedȱtoȱtheȱdragon,ȱtheȱbear,ȱandȱtheȱgiantȱisȱnowȱconflated andȱconcentratedȱinȱtheȱpersonȱofȱArthur.ȱIndeedȱheȱwasȱaȱdragonȱtoȱdrenschenȱhis people. Fromȱtheȱoutset,ȱtheȱpoemȱindicatesȱthatȱtheȱdivisionȱofȱlandȱitselfȱisȱarbitrary. Inȱtheȱchaosȱofȱtheȱbattlefield,ȱevenȱifȱaȱwarȱfulfillsȱtheȱfirstȱtwoȱconditionsȱofȱthe JustȱWarȱformula,ȱthisȱturnsȱoutȱtoȱbeȱineffectualȱtoȱstopȱexcessiveȱviolence,ȱthus nullifyingȱtheȱdivisionȱbetweenȱlegitimateȱselfȬdefenseȱandȱcriminalȱaggression.ȱIn thisȱsituation,ȱthereȱisȱnoȱroomȱforȱglorificationȱofȱchivalricȱbattle.ȱAccordingly,ȱthe poetȱhasȱshownȱthatȱtheȱJustȱWarȱformula,ȱdespiteȱvariousȱattemptsȱtoȱuseȱitȱtoȱcap theȱintensityȱofȱviolenceȱbyȱsuchȱtheologiansȱasȱGratianȱandȱAquinas,ȱcannotȱfully

31

AȱConcordanceȱtoȱtheȱAlliterativeȱ‘MorteȱArthure’,ȱed.ȱKiyokazuȱMizobataȱ(Tokyo:ȱShohakusha,ȱ2001).

Aȱ“JustȱWar”?ȱ

363

containȱviolenceȱwithinȱitsȱlimits.ȱIfȱso,ȱtheȱpoemȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱraisingȱaȱgenuinely subversiveȱquestionȱaboutȱtheȱvalidityȱofȱtheȱJustȱWarȱconceptȱitself.ȱȱȱȱȱ

4.ȱAmbiguityȱofȱAnimalȱImagery Similarly,ȱ theȱ presenceȱ ofȱ animalȱ imageryȱ inȱ theȱ poemȱ contributesȱ toward underminingȱtheȱidealȱofȱJustȱWar.ȱByȱblurringȱtheȱdivisionȱbetweenȱtheȱjustȱand unjustȱparties,ȱtheȱpoetȱexcludesȱanyȱsimpleȱblackȬandȬwhite,ȱbinaryȱjudgment.ȱ TheȱdescriptionsȱofȱtheȱdragonȱandȱtheȱbearȱthatȱappearedȱinȱArthur’sȱdreamȱjust beforeȱheȱlaunchedȱtheȱRomanȱwarȱareȱmostȱremarkableȱandȱfarȱmoreȱdetailed thanȱinȱtheȱpoem’sȱsources,ȱdespiteȱwhichȱtheirȱinterpretationȱremainsȱambiguous: Hymȱdremydȱofȱaȱdragonȱȱȱdredfullȱtoȱbeholde,ȱ Comeȱdryfandeȱouerȱþeȱdepeȱȱȱtoȱdrenschenȱhysȱpople, Ewenȱwalkandeȱ[oneȱwynge]ȱȱȱowteȱofȱtheȱwesteȱlandez,ȱ Wanderandeȱvnworthylyȱȱȱouereȱtheȱwaleȱythez.ȱ (vv.ȱ760–63) [Heȱdreamedȱ ofȱ aȱdragonȱdreadfulȱtoȱbehold,/ȱthatȱcameȱdrivingȱoverȱtheȱdeepȱto drownȱhisȱpeople,ȱ/ȱinȱfactȱmoving(onȱwing)ȱoutȱofȱtheȱlandsȱofȱtheȱWest,ȱȱȱ/ȱWandering ignoblyȱoverȱtheȱsurgingȱwavesȱofȱtheȱsea.]

Whenȱlaterȱtheȱdragonȱreappears: Theȱdragonȱþatȱþowȱdremydeȱofȱȱȱsoȱdredfullȱtoȱschewe, Thatȱcomeȱdryfandeȱouerȱþeȱdeepeȱȱȱtoȱdrynchenȱthyȱpople, Sothelyȱandȱcertayneȱȱȱthyȱseluenȱitȱes. Thatȱthusȱsaillezȱouerȱþeȱseeȱȱȱwithȱthyȱsekyreȱknyghtez;ȱ (vv.ȱ815–18) [Theȱdragonȱthatȱyouȱdreamedȱofȱsoȱdreadfulȱtoȱgazeȱuponȱ/ȱthatȱcomeȱdrivingȱover theȱdeepȱtoȱdrownȱthyȱpeople,ȱ/ȱSoothlyȱandȱcertainlyȱitȱisȱthyself.ȱ/ȱThatȱthusȱsailsȱover theȱseaȱwithȱthyȱtrustworthyȱknights.]ȱ

Thenȱweȱlearn:ȱ Theȱbereȱthatȱbryttenedeȱwasȱȱȱabowenȱinȱþeȱclowdezȱȱ Betakynsȱtheȱtyrauntezȱȱȱþatȱtourmentezȱthyȱpople;ȱȱȱ (vv.ȱ823–24) [Theȱbearȱthatȱwasȱbatteredȱaboveȱinȱtheȱcloudsȱ/ȱbetokensȱtheȱtyrantsȱthatȱtormentȱthy people.]

Theȱdreadfulȱdragonȱappears,ȱbizarrely,ȱtoȱdrownȱ(ratherȱthanȱsettingȱafire,ȱper moreȱconventionalȱstereotype)ȱhisȱpeople,ȱandȱwandersȱ“vnworthily.”ȱTheȱverb “drenschen”—“toȱdrown”ȱorȱ“toȱdestroy”—conveys,ȱwithinȱ theȱcontextȱofȱthe

364

YuriȱFuwa

poem,ȱ thatȱ Arthurȱ fightsȱ bothȱ onȱ landȱ andȱ onȱ sea,ȱ thusȱ destroyingȱ andȱ also literallyȱdrowningȱknightsȱasȱaȱconsequence.ȱLater,ȱtheȱphilosopherȱinȱtheȱpoem repeatsȱthisȱreferenceȱandȱidentifiesȱArthurȱasȱtheȱdragonȱthatȱwillȱdestroyȱhisȱown peopleȱignobly.ȱ ThisȱisȱaȱratherȱillȬsuitedȱdescriptionȱforȱ Arthurȱifȱtheȱpoetȱwasȱintendingȱto endorseȱArthur’sȱachievement.ȱItȱisȱunderstoodȱthatȱtheȱtextȱofȱtheȱcurrentȱAMA hasȱgoneȱthroughȱseveralȱstagesȱofȱ“revisions”ȱfromȱtheȱoriginalȱbutȱtheseȱlinesȱare notȱconsideredȱtoȱbeȱaȱlaterȱinterpolation.32ȱInsteadȱweȱshouldȱperhapsȱreadȱthis, asȱwithȱotherȱdetailsȱofȱtheȱdragonȱandȱtheȱbearȱ(seeȱbelow),ȱasȱevidenceȱofȱthe poet’sȱamplificationȱandȱelaborationȱofȱhisȱsources. Theȱbear,ȱasȱtheȱopposingȱpower,ȱseeminglyȱsymbolizesȱtheȱtyrantȱArthurȱisȱto encounter.ȱ Inȱ thisȱ case,ȱ theȱ tyrantȱ couldȱ meanȱ hisȱ immediateȱ enemy,ȱ the cannibalisticȱgiantȱatȱMontȬSaintȬMichel,ȱtheȱemperorȱLucius,ȱwhoȱ“tyrannically” challengesȱ Arthur,ȱ orȱ both.33ȱ Later,ȱ theseȱ bestialȱ images’ȱ attributesȱ start intertwiningȱ withȱ eachȱ other:ȱ firstȱ theȱ bear’sȱ uglyȱ figureȱ withȱ crookedȱ legs correspondsȱtoȱtheȱgiant’sȱappearanceȱwhichȱhasȱfeetȱshapedȱlikeȱshovelsȱ(v.ȱ1098; “SchouellȬfotede”)ȱ andȱ isȱ disparagedȱ asȱ “foulȱ asȱ aȱ bear”ȱ (v.ȱ 1089;ȱ “fowlyȱ asȱ a bere”),ȱandȱparallelsȱbetweenȱtheȱgiantȱandȱArthur’sȱbehaviorȱhaveȱbeenȱnoticed.34ȱ TheȱgiantȱfeastsȱonȱChristianȱchildrenȱchoppedȱupȱandȱservedȱ“inȱaȱchargourȱof chalkeȬwhyttȱsyluer,ȱ/Withȱpekillȱandȱpowdyreȱofȱpreciousȱspycez,ȱ/ȱAndȱpyment fullȱplenteuousȱofȱPortyngaleȱwynes.”(vv.ȱ1026–28;ȱinȱaȱchargerȱofȱchalkȬwhite silver,ȱ/ȱWithȱpickleȱandȱpowderȱofȱpreciousȱspices,ȱ/ȱAndȱpymentȱplentifullyȱlaced withȱPortugueseȱwines).ȱ ThisȱfeastȱechoesȱArthur’sȱfeastȱbeforeȱtheȱwar,ȱwhichȱendsȱwithȱtheȱdestruction ofȱhisȱownȱpeople.ȱTheȱgiantȱisȱaȱhideousȱmirrorȱofȱArthurȱandȱaȱmetaphorȱforȱa bloodȬstainedȱconqueror.ȱItȱhasȱbeenȱpointedȱoutȱthatȱtheȱAMAȱpoetȱisȱindebted toȱtheȱSiegeȱofȱJerusalemȱ(ca.ȱ1370–1380;ȱhenceforthȱ=ȱ“Siege”)ȱinȱvariousȱways.35ȱ Alsoȱanȱalliterativeȱpoem,ȱtheȱSiegeȱcontainsȱmotifsȱsimilarȱtoȱthoseȱinȱtheȱAMA: St.ȱVeronica’sȱclothȱ(theȱ“HolyȱVernacle”),ȱmomentsȱofȱmiraculousȱhealingȱasȱin theȱAMAȱepisodeȱofȱPriamus,ȱEmperorȱNero’sȱangerȱatȱtheȱJews’ȱrefusalȱtoȱpay tribute.ȱNeroȱthenȱsummonsȱhisȱbaronsȱtoȱprepareȱforȱwarȱonȱtheȱJews,ȱandȱpoints

32

33

34 35

Hamel,ȱMorteȱArthure,ȱ50ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12).ȱSheȱconsidersȱtheȱreferencesȱtoȱtheȱgoldenȱdragonȱasȱlater interpolation,ȱbutȱtheseȱtwoȱlinesȱareȱnotȱregardedȱasȱsuchȱinȱtermsȱofȱitsȱalliterationȱandȱcontext. Forȱthisȱconfirmation,ȱmyȱthanksȱtoȱProfessorȱPeterȱJ.ȱC.ȱFieldȱforȱkindlyȱprovidingȱmeȱwithȱa pre–publicationȱcopyȱofȱhisȱarticle,ȱ“MorteȱArthure,ȱtheȱMontagus,ȱandȱMilan,”ȱMediumȱÆvumȱ78 (2009):ȱ125–44. Traditionally,ȱtheȱphilosopher’sȱinterpretationsȱofȱArthur’sȱdreamȱareȱoftenȱconfusinglyȱdiverse: theȱbear’sȱsymbolicȱmeaningȱdiffersȱaccordingȱtoȱchronicles,ȱandȱthereȱareȱalsoȱdifferencesȱinȱhow Arthurȱhimselfȱinterpretsȱandȱreactsȱtoȱtheȱphilosopher’sȱreading.ȱ Hamel,ȱMorteȱArthure,ȱ292ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12). Hamel,MorteȱArthure,ȱ47ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12).

Aȱ“JustȱWar”?ȱ

365

outȱthatȱtheirȱwarȱisȱaȱjustȱwarȱonȱbothȱpoliticalȱ(cessionȱofȱtribute)ȱandȱreligious (vengeanceȱforȱChrist’sȱdeath)ȱgrounds.ȱ IfȱweȱreadȱtheȱSiegeȱasȱaȱsubtextȱofȱtheȱAMA,ȱaȱmoreȱgruesomeȱconnectionȱalso emerges.ȱTheȱgiant’sȱcannibalismȱremindsȱusȱofȱtheȱJewishȱmotherȱwhoȱroasted herȱownȱchildȱbecauseȱofȱtheȱfamineȱduringȱtheȱsiege.ȱInȱfact,ȱcrusadeȱliterature suchȱasȱRichardȱCoerȱdeȱLyonȱcontainsȱaȱnumberȱofȱunpalatableȱcannibalisticȱstories: RichardȱtheȱLionȬHeartedȱdelightsȱinȱeatingȱtheȱSaracensȱinsteadȱofȱpork.36ȱAsȱthe AMAȱpoetȱconvertsȱtheȱvictimsȱofȱtheȱgiant’sȱsupperȱintoȱChristianȱchildren,ȱhe underlinesȱtheȱparallelȱofȱthisȱcannibalisticȱemphasisȱinȱtheȱpoem.ȱLikeȱtheȱgiant, Arthurȱ metaphoricallyȱ devoursȱ peopleȱ byȱ wagingȱ warȱ outsideȱ andȱ insideȱ his country.ȱAsȱweȱshallȱsee,ȱthisȱcannibalisticȱimageȱofȱChristiansȱkillingȱeachȱother mayȱhaveȱresonatedȱinȱaȱspecialȱwayȱwithȱcontemporaryȱreaders. Theȱ giant’sȱ anthropophagousȱ eagernessȱ inȱ swallowingȱ men,ȱ womenȱ and childrenȱcanȱbeȱseenȱfurtherȱinȱtheȱdragonȱemblemȱofȱ“aȱvaliantȱviscount”: Heȱdrissideȱinȱaȱderfeȱsheldeȱȱȱendenttydȱwithȱsable, Withȱaȱdragonȱengowlledeȱȱȱdredfullȱtoȱschewe, Deuorandeȱaȱdolphynȱȱȱwithȱdolefullȱlates, Inȱseyneȱthatȱoureȱsoueraygneȱȱȱsuldeȱbeȱdistroyede Andȱallȱdonȱofȱdawezȱȱȱwithȱdynttezȱofȱswerddez; Forȱthareȱesȱnoghteȱbotȱdedeȱȱȱthareȱtheȱdragoneȱesȱraissede.ȱ (vv.ȱ2052–57/Stone,ȱ97)ȱ [(modified)ȱHeȱ(theȱViscount)ȱheldȱupȱhisȱhatefulȱshieldȱedgedȱwithȱsableȱ/ȱȱOnȱwhich aȱdragonȱghastlyȱtoȱbeholdȱwithȱitsȱgapingȱmawȱ/ȱWasȱdevouringȱaȱdolphinȱofȱdoleful aspectȱ/ȱAsȱaȱsignȱthatȱourȱsovereignȱwouldȱbeȱdestroyedȱ/ȱAndȱdoneȱoutȱofȱhisȱdays withȱdreadȱswordȬstrokes;ȱ/ȱForȱnothingȱbutȱdeathȱensuesȱwhenȱtheȱdragonȱisȱraised.]

Thisȱ emblemȱ isȱ similarȱ toȱ thatȱ ofȱ theȱ manȬswallowingȱ serpentȱ (biscione) distinguishingȱtheȱcoatȱofȱarmsȱofȱtheȱfourteenthȬcenturyȱMilaneseȱVisconti,ȱthe eminentȱItalianȱfamily,ȱagainstȱwhomȱtheȱpopeȱsummonedȱaȱcrusadeȱseveralȱtimes, aȱtopicȱtoȱbeȱcontinuedȱlaterȱinȱthisȱstudy.ȱSimultaneously,ȱtheȱdragonȱadornsȱthe battleȱstandardȱforȱbothȱtheȱRomanȱemperorȱandȱArthur.ȱHamelȱconsidersȱtheȱgold dragonȱstandardȱasȱaȱlaterȱpatchworkȱonȱtheȱoriginalȱtext,ȱwhichȱalsoȱmentionsȱan eagleȱ standardȱ forȱ theȱ Romanȱ emperor.ȱ Sheȱ arguesȱ thatȱ theȱ goldenȱ dragon

36

MaryȱHamel,ȱ“TheȱSiegeȱofȱJerusalemȱasȱaȱCrusadingȱPoem,”ȱJourneysȱTowardȱGod:ȱPilgrimageȱand Crusade,ȱed.ȱBarbaraȱN.ȱSargent–Baur.ȱMedievalȱInstituteȱPublications,ȱSMC,ȱ30ȱ(Kalamazoo,ȱMI: WesternȱMichiganȱUniversity,ȱ1992),ȱ177–94;ȱhere,ȱ180;ȱseeȱalsoȱHeng,ȱEmpireȱofȱMagic,ȱchpts.ȱ1–2 (seeȱ noteȱ 22).ȱ [Ed.ȱ note:ȱ forȱ theȱ evocationȱ ofȱ cannibalismȱ inȱ accountsȱ ofȱ theȱ conquestsȱ ofȱ the Americas,ȱseeȱtheȱessayȱbyȱScottȱTaylorȱinȱthisȱvolume;ȱforȱaȱstudyȱonȱRichardȱCoerȱdeȱLion,ȱsee LeonaȱF.ȱCordery,ȱ“CannibalȱDiplomacy:ȱOthernessȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱEnglishȱTextȱRichardȱCoerȱde Lion,”ȱ Meetingȱ theȱ Foreignȱ inȱ theȱ Middleȱ Ages,ȱ ed.ȱ Albrechtȱ Classenȱ (Newȱ Yorkȱ andȱ London: Routledge,ȱ2002),ȱ153–71].

366

YuriȱFuwa

assignedȱtoȱRomanȱemperorȱcameȱonlyȱlateȱinȱtheȱprocessȱofȱcompositionȱbecause theȱchangeȱisȱincomplete,ȱandȱ“itȱcreatesȱaȱcertainȱambiguityȱaboutȱtheȱsignificance ofȱtheȱdragonȱinȱtheȱpoemȱasȱaȱwhole,ȱambiguityȱthatȱfurtherȱrevisionȱmightȱhave clarified.”37ȱ ButȱifȱtheȱpoetȱcomposedȱtheȱAMAȱonȱtheȱbasisȱofȱtheȱnarrativeȱfoundȱinȱhis versionȱofȱtheȱSiege,ȱheȱcouldȱsimplyȱrelyȱonȱtheȱdetailsȱnarratedȱinȱtheȱlatter.ȱAll survivingȱmanuscriptsȱofȱtheȱSiegeȱspecifyȱaȱgoldenȱdragonȱasȱEmperorȱNero’s insignia.38ȱSinceȱtheȱSiegeȱisȱoneȱofȱtheȱprimeȱsourcesȱforȱtheȱAMAȱpoet,ȱtheȱstark imageȱ ofȱ theȱ goldenȱ dragonȱ isȱ appropriateȱ enoughȱ toȱ inspireȱ theȱ poetȱ to amalgamateȱitsȱvoraciousȱgreedinessȱwithȱmilitaristicȱrulers’ȱdesireȱforȱlandȱand power.ȱ Forȱ additionalȱ parallelsȱ betweenȱ theȱ AMAȱ andȱ theȱ Siegeȱ inȱ their presentationsȱ ofȱ crusadingȱ fervorȱ onȱ theȱ battlefield,ȱ weȱ noticeȱ thatȱ theyȱ share thinlyȱveiledȱ“opponents”:ȱsinceȱArthur’sȱopponentsȱareȱtheȱJewsȱofȱtheȱSiege,ȱthe RomanȱemperorȱassociatedȱwithȱpaganȱalliesȱcanȱbeȱArthurȱhimself.ȱ ChristineȱChismȱalsoȱcallsȱourȱattentionȱtoȱhow,ȱbyȱvirtueȱofȱtheȱsharedȱemblems, “theȱ poemȱ shattersȱ theȱ ideologicalȱ boundariesȱ betweenȱ differentȱ sidesȱ ofȱ the conflict.”39ȱ Theȱ ambiguityȱ ofȱ theȱ dragonȱ insigniaȱ thusȱ itselfȱ functions,ȱ viaȱ the translatioȱimperiiȱ(translationȱofȱempire)ȱtopos,ȱtoȱassociateȱtheȱRomanȱEmpireȱwith Arthur’sȱsovereignty,ȱtherebyȱincreasingȱtheȱking’sȱprestigeȱandȱmoreȱimportantly, itsȱaftermath.ȱȱ AsȱtheȱmodernȱeditorȱofȱtheȱSiegeȱstates,ȱtheȱJewsȱwereȱaȱtrueȱ“other”ȱinȱtheȱlate MiddleȱAges,ȱandȱtheȱSiegeȬpoet’sȱ“Jews”ȱmightȱbeȱ“interpretedȱtoȱsignifyȱany numberȱofȱmarginalȱthreatsȱtoȱorthodoxy.”40ȱRalphȱHannaȱinterpretsȱtheȱroleȱofȱthe Jewsȱ asȱ “symbolsȱ forȱ anyȱ communityȱ ofȱ unbelieversȱ orȱ heretics,ȱ includingȱ the Lollards.”41ȱNorȱshouldȱoneȱforgetȱthat,ȱalthoughȱsoȬcalledȱpoliticalȱcrusadesȱhad beenȱpromulgatedȱbyȱpapalȱedictȱforȱcenturies,ȱtheȱcrusadingȱmovement,ȱrenewed inȱtheȱlateȱfourteenthȱcentury,ȱbecameȱmoreȱcontroversialȱafterȱtheȱGreatȱSchism, thatȱis,ȱafterȱ1378.

37 38

39

40 41

Hamel,ȱMorteȱArthure,ȱ54;ȱField,ȱ“MorteȱArthure,”ȱ128ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ32).ȱ SiegeȱofȱJerusalem,ȱed.ȱMichaelȱLivingston.ȱMiddleȱEnglishȱTextsȱSeriesȱ(Kalamazoo,ȱMI:ȱMedeival InstituteȱPublications,ȱ2004),ȱseeȱtextualȱnotes,ȱ115–36.ȱ Christineȱ Chism,ȱ Alliterativeȱ Revivals.ȱ Middleȱ Agesȱ Seriesȱ (Philadelphia:ȱ Universityȱ of PennsylvaniaȱPress,ȱ2002),ȱ210. Livingston,ȱSiegeȱofȱJerusalem,ȱ17ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ38). Livingston,ȱSiegeȱofȱJersusalem,ȱ15ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ38);ȱRalphȱHannaȱIII,ȱ“ContextualizingȱTheȱSiegeȱof Jerusalem,”ȱYearbookȱofȱLanglandȱStudies,ȱ6ȱ(1992):ȱ109–21;ȱhereȱ119.

Aȱ“JustȱWar”?ȱ

367

5.ȱDateȱofȱComposition TheȱdateȱofȱtheȱAMA’sȱcomposition,ȱlongȱaȱmatterȱofȱdispute,ȱalsoȱinfluencesȱour readingȱ ofȱ itsȱ messageȱ concerningȱ Justȱ War.ȱ Untilȱ recentlyȱ theȱ mostȱ widely acceptedȱdateȱofȱcompositionȱwasȱaroundȱ1400,ȱtheȱdateȱputȱforwardȱbyȱBenson andȱHamel.ȱOneȱofȱtheirȱcontentionsȱisȱthatȱtheȱRomanȱemperor’sȱgoldenȱdragon inȱtheȱAMAȱwasȱderivedȱfromȱtheȱSiegeȱofȱJerusalem,ȱwhichȱrecentȱeditorsȱargueȱcan beȱdatedȱtoȱtheȱ1370s–1380sȱorȱlater42ȱYetȱmostȱrecently,ȱP.ȱJ.ȱC.ȱFieldȱquestionsȱthe dateȱofȱ1400ȱagain,ȱafterȱaȱcloseȱexaminationȱofȱBenson’sȱandȱHamel’sȱarguments, andȱproposesȱaȱdateȱofȱ1375–1385.ȱ Thisȱrange,ȱifȱnotȱnecessarilyȱhisȱmoreȱexactȱproposalȱofȱbetweenȱ1375ȱandȱ1378, seemsȱ toȱ beȱ moreȱ convincing:ȱ asȱ earlyȱ asȱ 1967,ȱ Johnȱ Finlaysonȱ noticedȱ the resemblanceȱofȱdescriptionsȱandȱplaceȬnamesȱmentionedȱbothȱinȱtheȱpoemȱand ChandosȱHerald’sȱLifeȱofȱtheȱBlackȱPrince,ȱandȱidentifiedȱChandosȱHerald’sȱLifeȱas oneȱofȱtheȱAMAȱpoet’sȱsources.ȱSinceȱChandosȱHerald’sȱLifeȱofȱtheȱBlackȱPrinceȱis supposedȱtoȱhaveȱbeenȱwrittenȱtwentyȱyearsȱafterȱtheȱSpanishȱwar,ȱthisȱdatesȱits compositionȱ sometimeȱ betweenȱ 1376ȱ andȱ 1387.ȱ Incidentally,ȱ thisȱ timeȱ frame generallyȱagreesȱwithȱField’sȱproposal,ȱasȱseeminglyȱcorroboratedȱbyȱatȱleastȱone intriguingȱreferenceȱinȱtheȱpoem,ȱasȱfollows.ȱ Amongȱvariousȱallusionsȱpeculiarȱtoȱtheȱpoem,ȱthereȱisȱaȱmentionȱofȱMordred’s sword.ȱBearingȱtheȱunusualȱnameȱofȱClaret,ȱthisȱweaponȱisȱspecificallyȱsaidȱtoȱhave beenȱkeptȱatȱWallingford,ȱaȱplaceȬnameȱpeculiarȱtoȱtheȱpoem,43ȱwithinȱitsȱroyal castle,ȱusedȱmainlyȱbyȱJoanȱofȱKent,ȱtheȱwifeȱofȱtheȱBlackȱPrince,ȱfromȱ1361ȱtillȱher deathȱ inȱ Augustȱ 1385.ȱ Itsȱ relevanceȱ asȱ aȱ royalȱ connectionȱ accordinglyȱ willȱ fall betweenȱtheseȱperiodsȱandȱperhapsȱatȱmostȱforȱaȱfewȱmoreȱyears.ȱTheȱmentionȱof WallingfordȱinȱtheȱAMA,ȱandȱtheȱpoem’sȱindebtednessȱtoȱChandosȱHerald’sȱLife bothȱstronglyȱleadȱusȱtoȱbelieveȱthatȱtheȱAMAȱwasȱwrittenȱnotȱtooȱmuchȱlaterȱthan 1385.ȱ Theȱyearȱ1385ȱmarksȱtheȱdeathȱofȱBernabòȱVisconti,ȱLordȱofȱMilan.ȱTheȱVisconti familyȱwasȱwellȱknownȱforȱtheirȱintriguesȱandȱambitions,ȱwhichȱmadeȱthemȱa constantȱenemyȱtoȱtheirȱneighboringȱcitiesȱandȱtheȱpope.ȱTheȱVisconti’sȱheraldic device,ȱaȱdragon/serpentȱdevouringȱaȱhuman,44ȱisȱpeculiarȱandȱbecameȱominously

42

43

44

TheȱSiegeȱofȱJerusalem,ȱed.ȱRalphȱHannaȱandȱDavidȱLawton.ȱEarlyȱEnglishȱTextsȱSociety,ȱo.ȱs.,ȱ320 (Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2003),ȱxxxvii;ȱLivingston,ȱSiegeȱofȱJerusalem,ȱ13ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ38).ȱ JohnȱFinlayson,ȱ“MorteȱArthure:ȱDateȱandȱaȱSourceȱforȱtheȱContemporaryȱReferences,”ȱSpeculum 42ȱ (1967):ȱ 624–38;ȱ hereȱ 628.ȱ Finlaysonȱ seemsȱ neverthelessȱ toȱ preferȱ theȱ laterȱ date.ȱ William Matthews,ȱ notingȱ theȱ poem’sȱ uniqueȱ referenceȱ toȱ Wallingford,ȱ thusȱ proposesȱ theȱ dateȱ of compositionȱtoȱbeȱshortlyȱafterȱ1375,ȱinȱTheȱTragedyȱofȱArthur:ȱAȱStudyȱofȱtheȱAlliterativeȱMorte Arthureȱ(BerkeleyȱandȱLosȱAngeles:ȱUniversityȱofȱCaliforniaȱPress,ȱ1960),ȱ192.ȱȱ Field,ȱ“MorteȱArthure,”ȱ132ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ32),ȱpointsȱoutȱtheȱsimilarityȱbetweenȱaȱdragonȱandȱaȱserpent, andȱarguesȱthatȱ“dragonsȱandȱserpentsȱswallowingȱotherȱcreaturesȱareȱsoȱrareȱinȱheraldryȱthat

368

YuriȱFuwa

topicalȱwhenȱGiangaleazzoȱseizedȱpowerȱfromȱhisȱuncleȱBernabòȱandȱbecameȱsole lordȱofȱMilanȱonȱ5ȱMayȱ1385.ȱGiangaleazzoȱhadȱbeenȱcarefulȱnotȱtoȱuseȱtheȱVisconti serpentȱarms,ȱtoȱavoidȱtheȱimpressionȱofȱimproperȱdynasticȱambition.ȱYet,ȱwhen heȱdisplacedȱhisȱuncleȱinȱ1385,ȱheȱopenlyȱassumedȱtheȱViscontiȱemblem.ȱTheȱdeath ofȱ Bernabòȱ inȱ Decemberȱ ofȱ theȱ sameȱ yearȱ wasȱ reportedȱ toȱ haveȱ beenȱ by Giangaleazzo’sȱorders.45ȱ ThisȱwasȱundoubtedlyȱsensationalȱenoughȱtoȱreachȱEngland,ȱasȱChaucerȱmade mentionȱofȱitȱinȱhisȱCanterburyȱTales,ȱanotherȱworkȱwhoseȱdateȱcanȱonlyȱbeȱfixed byȱitsȱhistoricalȱallusionsȱandȱbyȱitsȱauthor’sȱdeathȱinȱ1400.ȱInȱanyȱevent,ȱtheȱpoet’s elaborationȱ ofȱ theȱ dragonȱ descriptionȱ inȱ Arthur’sȱ dream,ȱ theȱ cannibalistic ChristianȬeatingȱgiantȱandȱtheȱheraldicȱdeviceȱofȱaȱmanȬeatingȱdragonȱmustȱhave gainedȱpotencyȱasȱtheȱimpactȱofȱtheȱGreatȱSchismȱincreasedȱinȱscope.ȱ

6.ȱChronicle,ȱCrusadeȱandȱSchism Noȱ longerȱ theȱ religious/martialȱ styleȱ ofȱ engagementȱ ofȱ someȱ centuriesȱ earlier, fourteenthȬcenturyȱ crusadingȱ becameȱ moreȱ rampantȱ whileȱ narrowingȱ itsȱ geoȬ politicalȱtargets.ȱTheȱfirstȱsuchȱcrusadeȱeruptedȱinȱItalyȱinȱ1317;ȱinȱ1321ȱPopeȱJohn XXIIȱ preachedȱ hisȱ crusadesȱ againstȱ theȱ Viscontiȱ inȱ Milanȱ andȱ theȱ Ghibellines, supportersȱ ofȱ theȱ Holyȱ Romanȱ Emperor,ȱ whomȱ theȱ popeȱ consideredȱ heretics. ThoughȱBenedictȱXII,ȱJohnȱXXII’sȱsuccessor,ȱadoptedȱaȱmoreȱconciliatoryȱpolicy, Benedict’sȱ successorsȱ atȱ Avignon,ȱ Innocentȱ VIȱ andȱ Urbanȱ V,ȱ wagedȱ several crusadesȱagainstȱtheȱGhibellinesȱandȱtheȱmercenaryȱcompaniesȱthreateningȱpapal lands.46ȱ Notȱonlyȱtheȱmercenaryȱcompanies,ȱbutȱalsoȱtheȱViscontiȱfamilyȱwasȱanȱobject ofȱcontinuousȱpapalȱconcern:ȱinȱ1360ȱBernabòȱViscontiȱwasȱdeclaredȱaȱhereticȱby InnocentȱVIȱatȱAvignon;ȱinȱ1363ȱheȱwasȱexcommunicatedȱbyȱtheȱnewȱpopeȱUrban V,ȱandȱinȱ1368,ȱindulgencesȱwereȱissuedȱforȱtheȱrenewalȱofȱtheȱcrusadeȱagainst Bernabòȱ Visconti,ȱ inȱ connectionȱ withȱ theȱ Italianȱ expeditionȱ ofȱ Charlesȱ IV.47 Furthermore,ȱinȱ1373,ȱBernabòȱandȱGaleazzoȱwereȱbothȱexcommunicated.ȱThis seriesȱofȱpapalȱinitiativesȱagainstȱtheȱViscontiȱandȱtheȱmercenariesȱhadȱpavedȱthe

45 46

47

similarityȱ onȱ itsȱ ownȱ wouldȱ establishȱ aȱ probableȱ connectionȱ betweenȱ theȱ viscountȱ andȱ the Visconti,ȱ butȱ theȱ factȱ thatȱ theȱ Viscontiȱ serpentȱ canȱ lookȱ soȱ likeȱ aȱ dragonȱ putsȱ theȱ connection beyondȱreasonableȱdoubt.”ȱ Field,ȱ“MorteȱArthure,”ȱ133ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ32). NormanȱHousely,ȱȈTheȱMercenaryȱCompanies,ȱtheȱPapacy,ȱandȱtheȱCrusades,ȱ1356–1378,ȈȱTraditio 38ȱ(1982):ȱ253–80;ȱhereȱ263.ȱ “AppendixȱIII:ȱAȱScheduleȱofȱIndulgences,ȱ1368,”ȱNormanȱHousely,ȱTheȱAvignonȱPapacyȱandȱthe Crusades,ȱ1305–1378ȱ(Oxford:ȱClarendonȱPress,ȱ1986),ȱ310.

Aȱ“JustȱWar”?ȱ

369

wayȱforȱ“politicalȱcrusade”ȱbeforeȱtheȱGreatȱSchismȱofȱtheȱpapacyȱthatȱbeganȱin Septemberȱ1378.ȱ ClearlyȱtheȱSchismȱcreatedȱanȱexplicitȱdivisionȱamongȱChristianȱnations,ȱmaking Franceȱ theȱ allyȱ ofȱ Avignon’sȱ Popeȱ Clementȱ VIIȱ andȱ Englandȱ theȱ Romanȱ Pope UrbanȱVI’sȱsupporter.ȱEachȱpopeȱsanctionedȱ“holy”ȱwarsȱagainstȱlayȱChristians, labelingȱ theȱ otherȱ partyȱ “schismatic”ȱ andȱ thusȱ equatingȱ themȱ almostȱ with “heretics,”ȱ raisingȱ nationalȱ warȱ toȱ theȱ levelȱ ofȱ crusading,ȱ andȱ doubling indulgences.ȱAȱcampaignȱagainstȱoneȱpopeȱcouldȱbeȱaȱ“holyȱwar”ȱwhileȱtheȱother popeȱcouldȱwageȱanotherȱ“holyȱwar”ȱagainstȱfellowȱChristians,ȱtherebyȱmaking bothȱopponentsȱvirtuallyȱindistinguishable.ȱArthurianȱstoriesȱareȱafterȱallȱstories ofȱfratricide.ȱIfȱthereȱwasȱanyȱcontemporaryȱsourceȱofȱinspirationȱforȱtheȱpoet’s choiceȱofȱArthurianȱstories,ȱthisȱriftȱwithinȱtheȱChristianȱpopulationȱmustȱsurely haveȱcontributedȱinȱsomeȱwayȱtoȱtheȱAMA’sȱpsychologicalȱbackground.ȱ HenryȱKnightonȱrecordsȱcrusadingȱactivitiesȱinȱhisȱeponymousȱEnglishȱchronicle ofȱ1337–1396.ȱOneȱofȱtheȱmostȱcontroversialȱconfrontationsȱheȱdescribesȱwasȱthat conductedȱ byȱ theȱ bishopȱ ofȱ Norwich,ȱ Sirȱ Henryȱ Despenser,ȱ who,ȱ inȱ 1383, campaignedȱagainstȱFlanders,ȱwhichȱtheȱFrenchȱhadȱwonȱoverȱtoȱtheȱAvignonȱside duringȱtheȱpapalȱSchismȱcontroversy.ȱTheȱcostȱofȱtheȱcampaign,ȱwhichȱPopeȱUrban VIȱhadȱgrantedȱtheȱstatusȱofȱaȱcrusade,ȱwasȱdefrayedȱbyȱalmsȱcollectionȱandȱthe sellingȱofȱindulgences.ȱKnightonȱaffirmsȱthisȱcontemporaryȱ“fervor”ȱforȱcrusading butȱalsoȱnotesȱtheȱdissatisfactionȱofȱtheȱEnglishȱpeople.ȱ Itȱwasȱbelievedȱthatȱ“veryȱmanyȱgaveȱmoreȱthanȱtheyȱcouldȱafford,”ȱandȱthe “hiddenȱ treasureȱ ofȱ theȱ kingdomȱ (.ȱ .ȱ .)ȱ wasȱ putȱ atȱ risk.”ȱ Someȱ ofȱ theȱ bishop’s commissariesȱassertedȱthatȱindulgencesȱwouldȱsecureȱ“theȱbenefitȱofȱabsolution forȱ theirȱ friendsȱ whoȱ hadȱ died,ȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ forȱ theirȱ ownȱ sins,”ȱ andȱ evenȱ that “angelsȱwouldȱdescendȱfromȱtheȱskiesȱatȱtheirȱ[commissaries’]ȱbiddingȱandȱsnatch soulsȱinȱpurgatoryȱfromȱtheirȱplacesȱofȱpunishment,ȱandȱleadȱthemȱtoȱHeaven withoutȱdelay.”48ȱ TheȱprimaryȱpurposeȱofȱcrusadingȱwasȱtoȱreclaimȱtheȱHolyȱLand,ȱtogetherȱwith holyȱrelicsȱsuchȱasȱtheȱcrownȱandȱnailsȱusedȱforȱtheȱCrucifixion.ȱTheȱAMAȱincludes bothȱofȱtheseȱitems,ȱwhichȱareȱalsoȱmentionedȱinȱtheȱpoem’sȱsources,ȱandȱadds anotherȱ item,ȱ Longinus’sȱ spear,ȱ thusȱ emphasizingȱ theȱ crusadingȱ aspectȱ ofȱ the AMA’sȱwar.49ȱTheȱoutcomeȱofȱSirȱHenryȱDespenser’sȱcrusadingȱresultedȱinȱmuch

48

49

Knighton’sȱChronicleȱ1337–1396,ȱed.ȱandȱtrans.ȱG[eoffrey]ȱH[award]ȱMartin.ȱOxfordȱMedievalȱTexts (OxfordȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱClarendonȱPress,ȱ1995),ȱ325. MaryȱBanksȱnotesȱthatȱlegendȱassignedȱaȱnumberȱofȱEasternȱrelicsȱtoȱCharlemagne,ȱbutȱthatȱthe mentionȱ ofȱ Longinus’sȱ spearȱ amongȱ theȱ holyȱ relicsȱ obtainedȱ byȱ Charlemagneȱ isȱ particularly meaningfulȱhere,ȱinȱMorteȱArthure:ȱAnȱAlliterativeȱPoemȱofȱtheȱ14thȱCenturyȱfromȱtheȱLincolnȱMs.,ȱed. MaryȱMacleodȱBanksȱ(LondonȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱLongmans,ȱGreen,ȱ1900;ȱrpt.ȱNewȱYork:ȱAMSȱPress, 1974),ȱ151.

370

YuriȱFuwa

bloodshed.ȱKnightonȱrecordsȱheȱkilledȱsomeȱ3,000ȱinȱNordȱandȱFlandersȱwhile Despenser’sȱnewsletterȱputȱtheȱtotalȱatȱ10,000ȱatȱleast.50ȱAnotherȱEnglishȱchronicler, ThomasȱWalsinghamȱ(†ȱca.ȱ1422)ȱrecordsȱthatȱthisȱbishop’sȱhandlingȱofȱtheȱbulls sentȱbyȱPopeȱUrbanȱVIȱcausedȱthemȱtoȱbeȱreadȱoutȱinȱParliamentȱandȱcopiesȱwidely circulated,ȱevenȱaffixedȱtoȱtheȱdoorsȱofȱchurchesȱandȱmonasteries.ȱTheȱAMAȱpoet mayȱthusȱhaveȱhadȱampleȱexposureȱtoȱtheseȱedicts.ȱ ThreeȱbullsȱwereȱissuedȱbyȱPopeȱUrbanȱVIȱinȱ23ȱMarchȱ1381,ȱ25ȱMarchȱ1381,ȱand 15ȱMayȱ1382,ȱandȱallȱpublishedȱinȱEnglandȱonȱ17ȱSeptemberȱ1382.ȱWalsingham depictsȱ theȱ warfareȱ inȱ aȱ moreȱ proȬcrusadeȱ manner:ȱ theȱ bishopȱ andȱ Sirȱ Hugh CalveleyȱexhortedȱtheirȱEnglishȱforcesȱ“toȱattackȱtheȱenemiesȱofȱtheȱCross,ȱdestined asȱtheyȱwereȱtoȱreceiveȱasȱgreatȱaȱrewardȱforȱtheȱkillingȱofȱsuchȱdogsȱasȱifȱtheyȱhad killedȱasȱmanyȱJewsȱorȱSaracens.”51ȱSuchȱpromisesȱencouragedȱthemȱtoȱseekȱtoȱkill theȱFrench,ȱandȱspecificallyȱtheȱinhabitantsȱofȱtheȱportȱofȱGravelines,ȱ“allȱright downȱtoȱtheȱlastȱman.”52ȱThroughȱwhatȱWalsinghamȱandȱprobablyȱtheȱmajorityȱof hisȱ readersȱ mustȱ haveȱ deemedȱ divineȱ justice,ȱ theȱ antiȬpopeȱ Clementȱ andȱ his followersȱmetȱtheȱsameȱfateȱasȱJewsȱorȱSaracensȱinȱCrusadesȱhistory;ȱthisȱdoesȱnot meanȱ thatȱ allȱ theȱ contemporariesȱ wholeheartedlyȱ endorsedȱ theseȱ bloody campaignsȱlaunchedȱbyȱchurchȱorȱbyȱstate.ȱItȱshouldȱbeȱnotedȱthatȱlaterȱduringȱthe 1380s,ȱcriticalȱvoiceȱtoȱjustificationȱofȱwarȱbecameȱmoreȱexplicitlyȱheard.53ȱȱ Theȱnextȱcrusadingȱcampaignȱtookȱplaceȱwithinȱaȱfewȱyears,ȱthisȱtimeȱledȱby JohnȱofȱGauntȱinȱ1386.ȱWalsinghamȱcommentsȱwrylyȱonȱtheȱdukeȱofȱLancaster’s methodȱofȱcollectingȱmoneyȱandȱpardonsȱforȱtheȱSpanishȱexpedition: Theȱdukeȱ[JohnȱofȱGaunt,ȱdukeȱofȱLancaster]ȱhimselfȱseemedȱtoȱhaveȱchangedȱfromȱa princeȱintoȱaȱpardoner.ȱIndeedȱtheȱpardonsȱtheȱdukeȱreceivedȱfromȱtheȱpopeȱwereȱin sumȱ andȱ inȱ detailȱ theȱ sameȱ asȱ theȱ bishopȱ ofȱ Norwichȱ [Henryȱ Despenser]ȱ had previouslyȱreceivedȱwhenȱheȱwentȱonȱcrusadeȱagainstȱtheȱFrenchȱandȱtheȱFlemish.ȱBut theȱveryȱfrequencyȱofȱtheȱhandingȱoutȱofȱpardonȱandȱforgivenessȱhadȱsoȱcheapened andȱsoiledȱtheȱsystemȱinȱtheȱeyesȱofȱtheȱpeopleȱthatȱthereȱwereȱfewȱwhoȱmadeȱany contributionȱtoȱthisȱlatestȱcrusade.54

ȱȱ Thisȱcrusadeȱrepeatedȱtheȱusualȱpatternȱofȱwarfare,ȱwithȱsiegeȱoperations,ȱinjury andȱdeathȱtoȱtheȱlocalȱpopulation,ȱalongȱwithȱplunderȱandȱtheȱtakingȱofȱprisoners, butȱwasȱ“notȱwithoutȱgriefȱatȱsomeȱlossȱonȱtheirȱownȱside,ȱforȱtheyȱlostȱthereȱsome goodȱmenȱandȱtrue”ȱ(239).ȱClearlyȱtheȱchroniclerȱwasȱawareȱofȱtheȱnatureȱofȱthis

50 51

52

53 54

Knighton’sȱChronicle,ȱ326–27ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ48). Similarly,ȱinȱtheȱAMAȱbeforeȱtheȱseaȱbattle,ȱArthurȱcheersȱhisȱknights,ȱderidingȱhisȱenemiesȱas “bloodhounds”ȱ(v.ȱ3640)ȱandȱ“heathenȱdogs”ȱ(v.ȱ3642). TheȱChronicaȱMaioraȱofȱThomasȱWalsinghamȱ1376–1422,ȱtrans.ȱDavidȱPreest,ȱintroductionȱandȱnotes JamesȱG.ȱClarkȱ(Woodbridge,ȱUK:ȱTheȱBoydellȱPress,ȱ2005),ȱ199–200. Allmand,ȱSocietyȱatȱWar,ȱ37–40ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15). Walsingham,ȱChronicaȱMaiora,ȱ238ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ52).

Aȱ“JustȱWar”?ȱ

371

crusadeȱandȱtheȱpapalȱandȱroyalȱcomplicityȱinȱthisȱmatter.ȱThisȱbackgroundȱmay throwȱsomeȱlightȱonȱwhyȱtheȱpoemȱcombinedȱtheȱtopoiȱofȱtheȱWheelȱofȱFortune andȱNineȱWorthies.ȱ

7.ȱTheȱWheelȱofȱFortuneȱandȱtheȱNineȱWorthies Theȱ toposȱ ofȱ theȱ Wheelȱ ofȱ Fortuneȱ isȱ oftenȱ associatedȱ withȱ theȱ transienceȱ and unpredictableȱ fateȱ ofȱ worldlyȱ glory,ȱ whileȱ theȱ themeȱ ofȱ theȱ Nineȱ Worthies—a tripartiteȱpantheonȱunitingȱthreeȱpaganȬantique,ȱthreeȱOldȱTestament,ȱandȱthree ChristianȬmedievalȱheroes,ȱmythicalȱandȱhistorical—fosteredȱchivalricȱcontinuity asȱwellȱasȱreverenceȱforȱgreatȱmenȱofȱtheȱpast.55ȱBothȱthemesȱwereȱcommonplace byȱ theȱ endȱ ofȱ theȱ fourteenthȱ century,ȱ butȱ whatȱ strikesȱ usȱ hereȱ isȱ theirȱ unique combinationȱinȱtheȱAMA.ȱWeȱnote,ȱforȱexample,ȱthatȱtheȱNineȱWorthiesȱlament collectivelyȱbeforeȱeachȱofȱthemȱappearsȱinȱArthur’sȱdream: ThatȱeuerȱIȱrengnedeȱonȱthornȱrog,ȱȱȱmeȱrewesȱitȱeuer! Wasȱneuerȱroyeȱsoȱricheȱȱȱthatȱregnedeȱinȱerthe; WhenȱIȱrodeȱinȱmyȱrowte,ȱȱroughteȱIȱnoghteȱells Botȱreuayeȱandȱreuellȱȱȱandȱrawnsonȱtheȱpople, AndȱthusȱIȱdrifeȱforȱtheȱmyȱdaysȱȱȱwhillsȱIȱdregheȱmyghte; AndȱthereforeȱderflycheȱIȱamȱȱȱdampnedeȱforȱeuer!ȱ (vv.ȱ3272–77/Stone,ȱ135ȱ) [modified:ȱ“HowȱIȱregretȱthatȱIȱeverȱruledȱonȱthisȱroundȱwheel!ȱ/ȱNeverȱwasȱroyalȱking soȱrich,ȱreigningȱonȱearth!ȱ /ȱWhenȱridingȱatȱtheȱheadȱofȱallȱIȱhadȱnoȱthoughtȱ/ȱBut hunting,ȱ havingȱ pleasureȱ andȱ holdingȱ folkȱ toȱ ransom.ȱ /ȱ Thusȱ didȱ Iȱ withȱ myȱ days, enduringȱwhileȱIȱcould,ȱ/ȱAndȱsoȱtoȱdireȱperditionȱIȱamȱdamnedȱforever.]

55

InterestinglyȱPriamusȱclaimsȱhisȱdescentȱfromȱfourȱofȱtheȱNineȱWorthiesȱtoȱconfuseȱhisȱGreek ancestry,ȱbutȱafterȱaȱfightȱwithȱGawain,ȱasksȱhimȱforȱtheȱlastȱrites:ȱ“With–thyȱþatȱthoweȱsufferȱme,ȱ forȱsakeȱofȱthyȱCryste,ȱ/ȱToȱscheweȱschortlyȱmyȱschrifteȱȱandȱschapeȱforȱmyȱende”ȱ(2587–88). HamelȱnotesȱthatȱPriamus’sȱrequestȱȱforȱtheȱlastȱritesȱshowsȱthatȱheȱisȱChristianȱalready,ȱandȱonly theȱwordȱȱ“thyȱCryste”ȱsuggestsȱtheȱdifferenceȱbetweenȱtheȱtwoȱandȱidentifiesȱPriamusȱasȱan EasternȱSchismatic.ȱToȱargueȱthisȱepisodeȱinȱtheȱcontextȱofȱtheȱGreatȱSchism,ȱitȱwouldȱbeȱplausible toȱ assumeȱ thatȱ Priamusȱ representsȱ aȱ schismaticȱ opponent,ȱ whoȱ couldȱ beȱ easilyȱ convertedȱ to Gawain’sȱside.ȱSeeȱalsoȱMaryȱHamel,ȱ“Theȱ‘Christening’ȱofȱSirȱPriamusȱinȱtheȱAlliterativeȱMorte Arthure,”ȱViatorȱ13ȱ(1982):ȱ295–307.ȱForȱtheȱvastȱhistoryȱofȱtheȱNineȱWorthies,ȱseeȱHorstȱSchroeder, DerȱToposȱderȱNineȱWorthiesȱinȱLiteraturȱundȱbildenderȱKunstȱ(Göttingen:ȱVandenhoeckȱ&ȱRuprecht, 1971).ȱContemporaneousȱtoȱtheȱAMAȱandȱoneȱofȱitsȱsourcesȱwas,ȱforȱexample,ȱtheȱalliterative poem,ȱ Theȱ Parlementȱ ofȱ theȱ Threȱ Ages,ȱ ed.ȱ M.ȱ Y.ȱ Offord.ȱ Earlyȱ Englishȱ Textsȱ Society,ȱ o.ȱ s.,ȱ 246 (Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1959).ȱProbablyȱstillȱtheȱbestȱoverviewȱofȱtheȱequallyȱsizeable themeȱofȱFortuneȱandȱherȱwheelȱinȱtextȱandȱimageȱisȱAlfredȱDoren,ȱ“FortunaȱimȱMittelalterȱund inȱderȱRenaissance,”ȱVorträgeȱdesȱWarburgȱInstitutsȱ2ȱ(1922–1923):ȱ70–145.

372

YuriȱFuwa

Unlikeȱtheȱtraditionalȱrepresentations,ȱtheȱNineȱWorthiesȱinȱtheȱAMAȱareȱneither symbolsȱ ofȱ militaryȱ glory,ȱ norȱ theȱ ubiȱ suntȱ topos,ȱ aȱ commonȱ medievalȱ motif lamentingȱtheȱephemeralȱnatureȱofȱmortalityȱandȱtheȱruthlessnessȱofȱDeath.56ȱȱThe poet’sȱemphasisȱliesȱonȱ“theȱsinfulnessȱofȱtheȱWorthies.”57ȱTheȱphilosopher,ȱin providingȱtheȱinterpretationȱofȱArthur’sȱdreamȱofȱtheȱfallȱofȱtheȱNineȱWorthies, ascribesȱArthur’sȱcondemnationȱtoȱhisȱspillingȱofȱmuchȱinnocentȱbloodȱ“sakeles” (v.ȱ3399;ȱwithoutȱjustȱcause).ȱInȱotherȱwords,ȱtheȱpoetȱsubtlyȱavers,ȱthroughȱthe philosopher’sȱprophecy,ȱthatȱArthurȱisȱnotȱwagingȱaȱjustȱwar. Theȱpoet’sȱoriginalityȱliesȱalsoȱinȱtheȱendingȱofȱtheȱpoem:ȱthereȱisȱnoȱmentionȱof Arthur’sȱreturn.ȱHisȱapproachingȱdeathȱisȱconfirmedȱbyȱaȱsurgeonȱofȱSalerno—at thatȱ timeȱ aȱ highlyȱ renownedȱ schoolȱ ofȱ medicine—andȱ Arthurȱ diesȱ after repentance.ȱ Byȱ erasingȱ theȱ Bretonȱ hope,ȱ theȱ messianicȱ expectationȱ ofȱ Arthur’s returnȱtoȱsaveȱtheȱpeopleȱinȱaȱcriticalȱmoment,ȱwhichȱisȱclearlyȱmentionedȱinȱall precedingȱArthurianȱchroniclesȱfromȱGeoffreyȱofȱMonmouthȱtoȱRobertȱMannyng, theȱpoemȱleavesȱnoȱprospectȱofȱKingȱArthur’sȱsecondȱcoming.ȱ Becauseȱofȱthisȱomission,ȱthereȱseemsȱnothingȱleftȱinȱtheȱwakeȱofȱArthur’sȱbattle butȱhumanȱdestruction.ȱWhen,ȱonȱtheȱbattlefield,ȱArthurȱcallsȱoutȱhisȱdeadȱknights’ namesȱoneȱbyȱone,ȱheȱlamentsȱ“likeȱaȱwidowȱbewailingȱherȱhusband,ȱhelplessly leftȱaloneȱonȱtheȱheath/ȱwilderness”ȱ(vv.ȱ4284–85),ȱaȱsimileȱthatȱsharpensȱtheȱsense ofȱlossȱandȱdestruction.ȱSuchȱallusionȱtoȱbereavementȱisȱrareȱinȱArthurianȱpoems. ItȱisȱundeniableȱthatȱtheȱAMAȱevokesȱnegativeȱaspectsȱofȱwarfare:ȱifȱweȱbelieveȱthe philosopher’sȱ interpretations,ȱ Arthurȱ mustȱ repentȱ forȱ allȱ hisȱ misdeeds,ȱ like sheddingȱinnocentȱblood,ȱtoȱavertȱhisȱownȱdamnation.ȱ CertainlyȱArthurȱrepentsȱinȱtheȱmannerȱofȱaȱtrulyȱChristianȱwarrior:ȱheȱcalledȱa confessorȱ andȱ presumablyȱ receivedȱ theȱ sacrament.ȱ However,ȱ despiteȱ the philosopher’sȱwarning,ȱweȱareȱnotȱtoldȱthatȱArthurȱhasȱrepentedȱtheȱbloodshedȱhe caused.ȱArthurȱregretsȱtheȱlossȱofȱhisȱknightsȱbutȱheȱsolelyȱblamesȱitȱonȱMordred. Ifȱweȱrememberȱtheȱpoet’sȱalmostȱcompassionateȱdescriptionȱofȱMordred’sȱlament overȱ theȱ deathȱ ofȱ Gawainȱ andȱ overȱ theȱ warfareȱ heȱ incited,ȱ weȱ cannotȱ totally attributeȱtheȱdisastrousȱconsequencesȱofȱArthur’sȱwarfareȱtoȱaȱsingleȱperson.ȱIn fact,ȱMordred’sȱsinfulȱmisbehaviorsȱareȱarguablyȱanalogousȱtoȱArthur’s.58ȱ EvenȱbeforeȱtheȱcivilȱwarȱagainstȱMordredȱthatȱclaimedȱtheȱlivesȱofȱmanyȱknights fromȱbothȱsides,ȱArthurȱhadȱalreadyȱtransgressedȱbyȱwagingȱhisȱprolongedȱand bloodyȱcontinentalȱwar,ȱdespiteȱtheȱphilosopher’sȱtimelyȱwarnings.ȱIfȱMordredȱis thereforeȱnotȱsolelyȱtoȱblameȱforȱthisȱtragedy,ȱtheȱsameȱreasoningȱholdsȱtrueȱinȱthe caseȱofȱanotherȱopponent,ȱLucius.ȱAsȱVinaverȱnotes,ȱMaloryȱtendsȱtoȱmakeȱhis

56 57

58

TheȱParlementȱofȱtheȱThreȱAges,ȱxlȱ(seeȱnoteȱ55).ȱ MaryȱHamel,ȱ“TheȱDreamȱofȱaȱKing:ȱTheȱAlliterativeȱMorteȱArthureȱandȱDante,”ȱChaucerȱReview 14ȱ(1980):ȱ298–312;ȱhereȱ301. Hamel,ȱ“TheȱDreamȱofȱaȱKing,”ȱ305ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ57).

Aȱ“JustȱWar”?ȱ

373

opponentsȱ“unnecessarilyȱcruel”ȱwhereasȱtheȱAMAȱpoetȱsimplyȱwritesȱofȱLucius asȱ“Heȱayerezȱouteȱwithȱalyenez,ȱostesȱfullȱhuge”ȱ(heȱ[Lucius]ȱmarchesȱwithȱaliens, veryȱhugeȱhosts”).59ȱItȱisȱgenerallyȱtrueȱthatȱthisȱpoemȱdepictsȱArthurȱasȱaȱChristian heroȱsinceȱArthur’sȱarmyȱisȱassumedȱtoȱconsistȱmostlyȱofȱChristians.ȱByȱcontrast, theȱarmiesȱofȱArthur’sȱopponents,ȱLuciusȱandȱMordred,ȱincludeȱmoreȱpaganȱallies. Butȱwhatȱifȱtheseȱpagansȱandȱheathensȱareȱ“thinlyȱveiledȱopponents”:ȱschismatic Christianȱfellows? InȱtheȱwakeȱofȱArthur’sȱdeath,ȱdoublyȱconfirmedȱbyȱaȱdoctorȱfromȱSalernoȱand byȱ theȱ poet’sȱ assuranceȱ thatȱ Arthurȱ “passedȱ hisȱ spirit”(v.ȱ 4327;ȱ “passesȱ his speryt”),ȱweȱhaveȱtheȱsingularȱfeelingȱthatȱthisȱisȱsimplyȱtheȱendȱofȱArthur’sȱage, notȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱkingdom.ȱTheȱnextȱkingȱisȱsoonȱappointedȱandȱtheȱnewȱeraȱwill begin,ȱandȱperhapsȱanotherȱwarȱofȱconquest.ȱThisȱcyclicalȱsenseȱofȱhistoryȱcanȱalso beȱ relatedȱ toȱ theȱ poet’sȱ depictionȱ ofȱ theȱ Nineȱ Worthiesȱ inȱ conjunctionȱ with Fortune’sȱ Wheel.ȱ Theȱ confirmationȱ ofȱ Arthur’sȱ deathȱ enablesȱ himȱ toȱ be commemoratedȱamongȱtheȱNineȱWorthies.ȱ Theȱ philosopher,ȱ inȱ hisȱ interpretationȱ ofȱ Arthur’sȱ secondȱ dream,ȱ detailsȱ the accomplishmentsȱ ofȱ theȱ Nineȱ Worthies,ȱ especiallyȱ twoȱ ofȱ theȱ Christianȱ ones: CharlemagneȱandȱGodfreyȱofȱBouillon.ȱHeȱsaysȱthatȱCharlemagneȱwillȱrecoverȱthe crownȱofȱJesus,ȱtheȱlanceȱofȱLonginus,ȱandȱtheȱnailsȱusedȱforȱtheȱCrucifixion—the holiestȱChristianȱrelics.ȱGodfreyȱofȱBouillonȱinȱtheȱfirstȱCrusadeȱwillȱgainȱtheȱHoly CrossȱandȱbeȱcrownedȱinȱJerusalem,ȱthusȱbecomingȱanotherȱidealȱcrusadingȱhero. Ifȱso,ȱtheirȱwarsȱcouldȱbeȱvalidatedȱasȱJustȱWar.ȱHowever,ȱtheȱpoetȱaddsȱanȱevil portent:ȱ“Sallȱnoȱdukeȱinȱhisȱdaysȱȱsicheȱdestanyeȱhappyn—/ȱneȱsicheȱmyschefe dreghe,ȱwhenȱtrewtheȱsallȱbeȱtryede!”(vv.ȱ3436–37ȱ/ȱStoneȱ140:ȱSuchȱdestinyȱno otherȱdukeȱinȱhisȱdayȱshallȱhave,ȱ/ȱNorȱundergoȱsuchȱharmȱ[mischief]ȱwhenȱthe wholeȱtruthȱisȱtold).ȱ Theȱpoetȱstopsȱhereȱbeforeȱ“theȱwholeȱtruth”ȱisȱdisclosed.ȱItȱwasȱalreadyȱknown thatȱcrusadingȱwasȱaccompaniedȱbyȱbloodshed,ȱasȱrecountedȱinȱsuchȱcrusading literatureȱasȱtheȱSiegeȱofȱJerusalem,ȱinȱwhichȱGodfreyȱofȱBouillonȱsubduesȱJerusalem withȱ muchȱ bloodshed.ȱ Likewiseȱ Charlemagneȱ isȱ alsoȱ celebratedȱ forȱ having “launchedȱ numerousȱ warsȱ ofȱ conquestȱ andȱ conversionȱ againstȱ pagansȱ onȱ the bordersȱofȱhisȱempire.”60ȱCharlemagneȱwasȱ“theȱidealȱmilesȱChristi”ȱ(soldierȱof Christ).61ȱ Byȱ addingȱ Arthurȱ toȱ theȱ listȱ ofȱ theseȱ Christianȱ Worthies,ȱ theȱ poet arguablyȱseeksȱnotȱsoȱmuchȱtoȱaccentuateȱArthur’sȱrenownȱbutȱratherȱtoȱrecallȱthe savageȱwarfareȱinȱwhichȱtheseȱheroesȱparticipated.ȱWeȱshouldȱnote,ȱasȱmentioned

59

60 61

TheȱWorksȱofȱSirȱThomasȱMalory,ȱed.ȱEugèneȱVinaver,ȱrev.ȱP[eter]ȱJ.ȱC.ȱFieldȱ(Oxford:ȱClarendon Press,ȱ1990),ȱ3:ȱ617. FrederickȱH.ȱRussell,ȱ“ConceptȱofȱCrusade,”ȱ4:15ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ26). ThorlacȱTurville–Petre,ȱEnglandȱtheȱNation:ȱLanguage,ȱLiterature,ȱandȱNationalȱIdentityȱ1290–1340 (1996;ȱOxford:ȱClarendonȱPress,ȱ2002),ȱ124.ȱ

374

YuriȱFuwa

above,ȱthatȱtheseȱChristianȱheroesȱinȱtheȱNineȱWorthiesȱareȱcloselyȱassociatedȱwith pastȱcrusades,ȱandȱfurthermore,ȱthatȱcrusadingȱcampaignsȱfoundȱcontemporary approbation.ȱPopeȱUrbanȱIIȱinitiatedȱtheȱFirstȱCrusade;ȱPopeȱUrbanȱVIȱrenewed theȱ ideaȱ ofȱ theȱ Crusadesȱ afterȱ theȱ Greatȱ Schism,ȱ endorsingȱ theȱ warȱ against Christiansȱinȱ1378.ȱ TheȱAMAȱpoetȱalsoȱskillfullyȱdrawsȱsubtle,ȱmeaningfulȱparallelsȱbetweenȱthe ChristianȱheroesȱinȱtheȱNineȱWorthiesȱandȱtheirȱbizarreȱfates.ȱAsȱaȱmemorable example,ȱ immediatelyȱ beforeȱ theȱ emulationȱ ofȱ theseȱ twoȱ crusadingȱ heroes, CharlemagneȱandȱGodfreyȱofȱBouillon,ȱtheȱpoet,ȱinȱdescribingȱhorribleȱfigures clingingȱ ontoȱ Fortune’sȱ Wheel,ȱ tellsȱ usȱ thatȱ bothȱ ofȱ themȱ willȱ sufferȱ aȱ terrible downfall.ȱSuperficiallyȱitȱisȱaȱmoralȱlessonȱthatȱeveryoneȱshouldȱrepentȱbefore meetingȱdeath;ȱoneȱmoreȱpossibleȱimplicationȱisȱthatȱthereȱisȱnoȱ“JustȱWar.”ȱEven theseȱtwoȱChristianȱheroes,ȱwhoȱgainedȱpossessionȱofȱtheȱsupremeȱChristianȱrelics, willȱreceiveȱtheȱtormentȱofȱdeath,ȱperhapsȱdespiteȱindulgences.ȱ Byȱforetellingȱtheȱdamnationȱinȱtheȱafterlifeȱevenȱofȱthoseȱwhoȱobtainedȱtheȱholy relicsȱbyȱcrusading,ȱtheȱpoemȱseverelyȱdiminishesȱtheȱvalueȱofȱindulgencesȱthat shouldȱ haveȱ guaranteedȱ theirȱ salvation.ȱ Theȱ poemȱ thusȱ subvertsȱ Christian orthodoxy:ȱ aȱ particularlyȱ daringȱ endeavorȱ givenȱ theȱ contemporaryȱ crusading movementȱduringȱtheȱGreatȱSchism,ȱasȱwitnessedȱbyȱHenryȱKnighton,ȱThomas Walsinghamȱ andȱ otherȱ chroniclers.ȱ Thisȱ implication,ȱ essentiallyȱ invalidating crusadingȱindulgencesȱandȱcastingȱdoubtȱthatȱallȱwarsȱwagedȱinȱtheȱnameȱofȱthe Church,ȱwhetherȱbyȱsuchȱofficialsȱasȱtheȱBishopȱofȱNorwich,ȱSirȱHenryȱDespenser, orȱbyȱroyalsȱlikeȱJohnȱofȱGaunt,ȱareȱnecessarilyȱJustȱWars,ȱlikelyȱincurredȱgrave politicalȱriskȱforȱtheȱpoet,ȱasȱisȱwellȱknown.62ȱThisȱdespiteȱtheȱpoet’sȱoftenȱguarded style,ȱparticularlyȱinȱhisȱintentionallyȱambiguousȱimagery.ȱ Similarly,ȱinȱtheȱpoet’sȱtechniqueȱofȱheroicȱportraiture,ȱalthoughȱArthur,ȱGawain andȱ Mordredȱ retainȱ conventionalȱ rolesȱ withinȱ theȱ narrativeȱ framework,ȱ their characterizationȱremainsȱambivalent:ȱtheȱvirtuousȱGawainȱisȱalsoȱaȱbadȱleader, sacrificingȱ hisȱ ownȱ knights,ȱ losingȱ hisȱ sanityȱ inȱ warringȱ frenzy;ȱ whileȱ weȱ are shownȱtheȱ“evilȬbranch”ȱofȱtheȱfamily,ȱMordredȱ(henceȱhisȱfullȱname,ȱMordred Malbranche),ȱasȱalsoȱaȱsympatheticȱleaderȱandȱcaringȱhusband.ȱEvenȱLucius,ȱthe initialȱenemy,ȱisȱnotȱunequivocallyȱvillainous.ȱHisȱspeechȱatȱtheȱbeginningȱofȱthe warȱisȱasȱheroicȱasȱArthur’s,ȱjustȱasȱtheȱdevastationȱresultingȱfromȱhisȱcampaign rivalsȱthatȱfromȱArthur’s.ȱ Weȱmightȱthereforeȱconcludeȱthatȱtheȱpoet’sȱpurposeȱinȱcombiningȱtheȱNine WorthiesȱthemeȱandȱthatȱofȱFortune’sȱWheelȱmanifestsȱitselfȱwhenȱtheȱphilosopher presagesȱArthur’s,ȱCharlemagne’sȱandȱGodfrey’sȱdownfallȱinȱtheȱfutureȱtense.ȱThis avoidanceȱofȱanachronismȱcanȱbeȱattributedȱtoȱtheȱpoet’sȱmanipulativeȱhistoricism, 62

JohnȱBarnie,ȱWarȱinȱMedievalȱSociety:ȱSocialȱValuesȱandȱtheȱHundredȱYearsȱWarȱ1337–99ȱ(London: WeidenfeldȱandȱNicolson,ȱ1974),ȱ120.ȱ

Aȱ“JustȱWar”?ȱ

375

which,ȱmoreȱprecisely,ȱIȱwouldȱthink,ȱservesȱasȱtheȱpoet’sȱshrewdȱreminderȱtoȱthe reader/audienceȱ ofȱ theȱ comingȱ fate:ȱ thatȱ theȱ sameȱ crueltiesȱ marringȱ Arthur’s conquestsȱwillȱrecurȱinȱfutureȱwars.ȱInȱhindsight,ȱweȱareȱtoldȱthatȱArthur’sȱsteps asȱWorthyȱwillȱbeȱfollowedȱbyȱtheȱtwoȱotherȱChristianȱWorthies,ȱCharlemagneȱand GodfreyȱofȱBouillon.ȱThusȱtheȱWheelȱofȱFortuneȱisȱalsoȱaȱmetaphorȱofȱrepetition, wherebyȱ historyȱ becomesȱ cyclicalȱ ratherȱ thanȱ linear.ȱ Accordingly,ȱ theȱ poem’s closingȱ lines,ȱ invokingȱ theȱ Nineȱ Worthiesȱ (includingȱ Arthur’sȱ ownȱ statusȱ of Worthy)ȱmayȱhelpȱtoȱlegitimizeȱArthur’sȱBritainȱasȱtheȱhonorableȱdescendantȱof Troyȱviaȱheroicȱlineageȱ(“Hector’sȱblood”):ȱ ThusȱendisȱKyngȱArthure,ȱȱȱasȱauctorsȱalleges, ThatȱwasȱofȱEctoresȱblude,ȱȱȱtheȱkyngeȱsonȱofȱTroye, AndȱofȱsirȱPryamousȱtheȱprynce,ȱȱȱpraysedeȱinȱerthe: FroȱthethenȱbroghteȱtheȱBretonsȱȱȱallȱhisȱboldeȱeldyrs IntoȱBretayneȱtheȱbrode,ȱȱȱasȱþeȱBruytteȱtellys. (vv.ȱ4342–46) [ThusȱendedȱKingȱArthur,ȱasȱauthorsȱ/ȱauthoritiesȱclaim,ȱ/ȱThatȱwasȱofȱHector’sȱblood, theȱking’sȱsonȱofȱTroy,ȱ/ȱAndȱofȱSirȱPriamȱtheȱprince,ȱpraisedȱinȱthisȱworld:ȱ/ȱFromȱthere theȱBritonsȱbroughtȱallȱhisȱboldȱancestors,ȱ/ȱToȱBritainȱtheȱgreater,ȱasȱtheȱBrutȱtells.]

WhileȱseemingȱtoȱenshroudȱhisȱaccountȱinȱtheȱgloryȱofȱpastȱBritonsȱasȱhonorable descendantsȱ ofȱ Trojanȱ blood,ȱ theȱ poetȱ neverthelessȱ carefullyȱ distancesȱ himself fromȱitsȱtraditionalȱmessageȱbyȱinsertingȱtheȱphraseȱ“asȱauctorsȱalleges”:ȱalluding toȱ theȱ veryȱ authorities—whetherȱ Roman,ȱ Arthurianȱ orȱ Trojan—heȱ hasȱ subtly questionedȱ throughoutȱ byȱ remindingȱ usȱ ofȱ theȱ bloodyȱ chainȱ ofȱ history,ȱ “a historiographyȱofȱrecurrence”63ȱinheritedȱbyȱBritainȱthroughȱtheȱbodyȱofȱArthur. SuchȱisȱtheȱAMAȱpoet’sȱambivalentlyȱfatalisticȱvisionȱofȱtheȱallȱtooȱoftenȱsenseless bloodshedȱlurkingȱbehindȱtheȱhallowedȱidealȱofȱ“JustȱWar.”ȱȱȱ

63

LeeȱPatterson,ȱNegotiatingȱtheȱPast:ȱTheȱHistoricalȱUnderstandingȱofȱMedievalȱLiteratureȱ(Madison,ȱWI, andȱLondon:ȱUniversityȱofȱWisconsinȱPress,ȱ1987),ȱ225.

Chapterȱ14 CarolynȱP.ȱCollette (MountȱHolyokeȱCollege)

WagingȱSpiritualȱWar:ȱ PhilippeȱdeȱMézières,ȱTheȱOrderȱofȱtheȱPassionȱandȱthe PowerȱofȱPerformance

Aȱvisionary,ȱutopianȱthinkerȱwhoseȱwritingsȱsiftȱtheȱcomplicatedȱrelationships betweenȱ individualȱ moralityȱ andȱ theȱ fatesȱ ofȱ nations,ȱ Philippeȱ deȱ Mézières (1327–1405),ȱwasȱaȱfamiliarȱfigureȱinȱtheȱcourtsȱofȱfourteenthȬcenturyȱEuropeȱand theȱEast.ȱAfterȱmakingȱaȱ lifeȬtransformingȱpilgrimageȱtoȱtheȱHolyȱLandȱatȱage twenty,ȱ heȱ servedȱ asȱ chancellorȱ toȱ Peterȱ ofȱ Cyprusȱ andȱ traveledȱ throughout Europeȱasȱpapalȱlegate.ȱHeȱlaterȱbecameȱaȱtrustedȱadviserȱtoȱKingȱCharlesȱVȱof Franceȱandȱtutorȱtoȱhisȱson,ȱtheȱprinceȱwhoȱwouldȱbecomeȱCharlesȱVI.ȱHeȱalso championedȱtheȱcauseȱofȱtheȱlastȱkingȱofȱArmenia.ȱThroughoutȱtheseȱandȱhisȱother servicesȱandȱaccomplishmentsȱinȱtheȱlaterȱyearsȱofȱtheȱfourteenthȱcentury,ȱPhilippe wasȱrelentlessȱinȱhisȱeffortsȱtoȱinspireȱtheȱwarringȱkingsȱofȱEnglandȱandȱFranceȱto makeȱpeace,ȱlayȱdownȱtheirȱarmsȱinȱEurope,ȱandȱtoȱtakeȱtheȱCrossȱtoȱrecoverȱthe HolyȱCityȱofȱJerusalem.1ȱTheȱprojectȱofȱaȱnewȱcrusadeȱtoȱrecoverȱtheȱHolyȱLand hadȱbeenȱ proposedȱandȱconsideredȱbyȱvariousȱfactionsȱandȱpowersȱinȱEurope

1

OnȱPhilippeȱdeȱMézières’sȱpositionȱandȱpropagandaȱinȱsupportȱofȱaȱcrusade,ȱseeȱNicolasȱJorga [NicolaeȱIorga],ȱPhilippeȱdeȱMézièresȱ1327Ȭ1405ȱetȱlaȱcroisadeȱauȱXIVeȱsiècle.ȱBibliothèqueȱdeȱlȇécole desȱhautesȱétudes.ȱSciencesȱphilologiquesȱetȱhistoriques,ȱ110ȱ(Paris:ȱE.ȱBouillon,ȱ1896),ȱesp.ȱ348–52, 454–58.ȱ Christopherȱ Tyermanȱ describesȱ Philippeȱ inȱ God’sȱ War:ȱ Aȱ Newȱ Historyȱ ofȱ theȱ Crusades (Cambridge,ȱ MA:ȱ Belknapȱ Pressȱ ofȱ Harvardȱ University,ȱ 2006),ȱ asȱ organizingȱ aȱ “corpsȱ of propagandistsȱ“ȱandȱsupplyingȱ“aȱstreamȱofȱpamphletsȱandȱlongerȱworks.”ȱHeȱpointsȱoutȱthatȱthe medievalȱ equivalentȱ ofȱ lobbyistsȱ likeȱ Philippeȱ “inhabitedȱ theȱ circlesȱ theyȱ wantedȱ to influence”(827).

378

CarolynȱP.ȱCollette

throughoutȱtheȱfourteenthȱcentury,2ȱbutȱtheȱideaȱofȱaȱcrusadeȱremainedȱjustȱthat: anȱideaȱwidelyȱendorsedȱinȱaȱseriesȱofȱculturalȱritualsȱcenteredȱinȱecclesiastical practiceȱasȱwellȱasȱsolicitationsȱforȱfinancialȱsupport,ȱbutȱonlyȱindifferentlyȱand sporadicallyȱsupportedȱbyȱactualȱdeeds.ȱInȱretrospect,ȱitȱisȱclearȱthatȱtheȱeconomic andȱhumanȱresourcesȱnecessaryȱforȱsuchȱanȱundertakingȱwereȱscarceȱinȱaȱculture burdenedȱbyȱdiseaseȱandȱfamine,ȱasȱwellȱasȱbyȱtheȱdestabilizingȱdevelopmentȱof aȱpapalȱschism.ȱChristopherȱTyermanȱarguesȱthat,ȱbyȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱfourteenth century,ȱtheȱideaȱofȱtheȱCrusadeȱhadȱundergoneȱaȱculturalȱtransposition:ȱitȱceased toȱbeȱaȱrealisticȱundertakingȱandȱbecameȱinsteadȱaȱmetaphorȱofȱstruggleȱagainstȱthe corruptionȱofȱsociety,ȱ“somethingȱtoȱbeȱbelievedȱinȱratherȱthanȱsomethingȱtoȱdo.”3 Inȱanȱuncertainȱatmosphereȱofȱconstantȱexpectationȱandȱdelayedȱaction,ȱPhilippe tirelesslyȱadvocatedȱhisȱvisionȱofȱaȱcrusadeȱwhoseȱmeansȱwouldȱbeȱitsȱend,ȱand whoseȱvictoryȱwouldȱbeȱachievedȱbyȱperformanceȱofȱspiritualityȱinȱpreferenceȱto martialȱconquest.4ȱ ȱPhilippeȱdeȱMézières’sȱplanȱforȱaȱcrusadeȱsetȱforthȱinȱLaȱSustanceȱdeȱlaȱChevalerie deȱlaȱPassionȱdeȱJhesuȱCristȱenȱfrançoisȱ(DigestȱofȱtheȱChivalricȱOrderȱofȱtheȱPassionȱof JesusȱChristȱinȱFrench,ȱ1396),ȱasȱcontainedȱinȱBritishȱLibraryȱAshmoleȱMSȱ813,ȱisȱhis FrenchȱversionȱofȱhisȱLatinȱtextsȱ(Novaȱpassionisȱreligio:ȱTheȱNewȱReligionȱofȱthe Passion)ȱonȱtheȱsubjectȱ(1368–1394).ȱLaȱSustanceȱcontainsȱaȱdetailedȱexpositionȱof anȱ internationalȱ chivalricȱ orderȱ devotedȱ toȱ aȱ reinvigoratedȱ Christianityȱ and designedȱtoȱproduceȱanȱarmyȱofȱfaithfulȱknightsȱwhoȱwouldȱprepareȱtheȱwayȱfor theȱ kingsȱ ofȱ Franceȱ andȱ Englandȱ toȱ takeȱ possessionȱ ofȱ Jerusalem.5ȱ Theȱ later fourteenthȱcenturyȱisȱaȱperiodȱknownȱforȱtheȱestablishmentȱofȱchivalricȱordersȱin 2

TheȱfourteenthȱcenturyȱproducedȱanȱalmostȱcontinualȱseriesȱofȱcampaignsȱagainstȱnonȬChristian nationsȱandȱpeoplesȱinȱEuropeȱasȱwellȱasȱtheȱMiddleȱEast.ȱChaucer’sȱdescriptionȱofȱhisȱKnightȱin theȱ Generalȱ Prologueȱ toȱ Theȱ Canterburyȱ Talesȱ isȱ aȱ genericȱ compositeȱ ofȱ theȱ majorȱ theatersȱ of crusadingȱactivitiesȱinȱwhichȱanȱEnglishȱknightȱmightȱhaveȱfoughtȱduringȱtheȱmiddleȱyearsȱofȱthe fourteenthȱcentury.ȱSeriousȱproposalsȱforȱcrusadesȱwereȱbroachedȱca.ȱ1311–1312,ȱca.1336,ȱandȱca. 1362.ȱ

3

Tyerman,ȱGod’sȱWar,ȱ825–26ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱOnȱtheȱebbȱandȱflowȱofȱsupportȱforȱaȱmilitaryȱCrusade campaign,ȱseeȱNormanȱHousley,ȱTheȱLaterȱCrusades,ȱ1274–1580:ȱFromȱLyonsȱtoȱAlcazarȱ(Oxford: OxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1992),ȱCh.ȱ13,ȱ“CatholicȱSocietyȱandȱtheȱCrusade,ȱ1274–1580.” PhilippeȱexplicatesȱthisȱsentimentȱinȱhisȱLetterȱconcerningȱtheȱFeastȱofȱtheȱPresentationȱofȱtheȱBlessed Maryȱinȱtheȱtempleȱ.ȱ.ȱ.,ȱPhilippeȱdeȱMézières,ȱFigurativeȱRepresentationȱofȱtheȱPresentationȱofȱtheȱVirgin MaryȱinȱtheȱTemple,ȱed.ȱandȱtrans.ȱRobertȱS.ȱHaller,ȱintroductionȱbyȱM.ȱCatherineȱRuppȱ(Lincoln, NE:ȱUniversityȱofȱNebraskaȱPress,ȱ1971),ȱ51–52. TheȱthreeȱmajorȱversionsȱofȱtheȱOrderȱweȱcurrentlyȱpossessȱareȱDeȱlaȱChevallerieȱdeȱlaȱPassionȱde JhesuȱCrist,ȱParis,ȱBibliothèqueȱdeȱl’Arsenal,ȱMSȱ2251;ȱNovaȱreligioȱmilicieȱPassionisȱJhesuȱChristiȱpro acquisicioneȱsancteȱcivitatisȱJherusalemȱetȱTerreȱSancte,ȱParis,ȱBibliothèqueȱMazarine,ȱMSȱ1943,ȱpt.ȱ2, ff.ȱ1–44ȱandȱff.ȱ45–123;ȱLaȱSustanceȱdeȱlaȱchevalerieȱdeȱlaȱPassionȱdeȱJhesuȱCristȱenȱfrançois,ȱOxford, BodleianȱLibrary,ȱMSȱAshmoleȱ813.ȱAȱtranscriptionȱofȱthisȱlastȱisȱfoundȱinȱAbdelȱHamidȱHamdy, “TranscriptionȱofȱtheȱAshmoleȱMS.ȱ813,ȱLaȱSustanceȱdeȱlaȱChevalerieȱdeȱlaȱPassionȱdeȱJhesuȱCristȱen françois,”ȱpartȱ3ȱofȱidem,ȱPhilippeȱdeȱMézièresȱandȱtheȱNewȱOrderȱofȱtheȱPassion,ȱBulletinȱofȱtheȱFaculty ofȱArts,ȱAlexandriaȱUniversityȱ18ȱ(1964):ȱ1–104.

4

5

WagingȱSpiritualȱWar

379

Europe,ȱ butȱ amongȱ themȱ Philippe’sȱ Orderȱ ofȱ theȱ Passion,6ȱ ofȱ whichȱ theȱ aboveȬ namedȱSustanceȱisȱbutȱoneȱversion,ȱstandsȱapartȱ(henceforthȱallȱversionsȱwillȱbe discussedȱunderȱtheȱsingleȱabbreviatedȱtitle,ȱ“theȱOrder”).ȱSeizingȱonȱtheȱfashion forȱestablishingȱchivalricȱordersȱwithȱtheirȱattendantȱinsigniasȱandȱritual,ȱPhilippe wentȱbeyondȱconfraternalȱorȱmartialȱaims,ȱturningȱtheȱvogueȱforȱsuchȱcompanies toȱmoralȱends,ȱwhichȱheȱlinkedȱtoȱspiritualȱrenewal.7ȱFromȱtheȱbeginningȱofȱthe Order,ȱheȱmovesȱbetweenȱtheȱphysicalȱrecoveryȱofȱJerusalemȱandȱaȱconceptȱofȱthe NewȱJerusalemȱasȱaȱspiritualȱandȱmoralȱstateȱthatȱhisȱknightsȱmustȱachieveȱbefore theyȱcanȱretakeȱtheȱHolyȱLand.ȱTheȱactualȱgeographyȱofȱPalestineȱbecomesȱthe stageȱonȱwhichȱmembersȱofȱtheȱOrderȱperformȱtheȱveryȱspiritualityȱthatȱwillȱenable themȱtoȱrecoverȱtheȱCityȱofȱGod.ȱTheȱOrderȱoutlinesȱaȱplanȱofȱconquestȱthatȱbegins withȱ healingȱ theȱ selfȱ andȱ theȱ spiritualȱ woundsȱ ofȱ Christianȱ Europe,ȱ andȱ looks forwardȱtoȱreclaimingȱJerusalemȱasȱaȱphysicalȱprizeȱofȱvictoryȱwonȱinȱtheȱbattle againstȱtheȱforcesȱofȱtheȱdevilȱandȱtheȱenemiesȱofȱtheȱtrueȱfaithȱthatȱinhereȱinȱthe humanȱwill.ȱBecauseȱitȱisȱbasedȱonȱhealthyȱspiritualȱtransformation,ȱtheȱcrusade heȱ proposesȱ willȱ beȱ constructive.ȱ Itȱ willȱ buildȱ aȱ newȱ societyȱ whoseȱ righteous virtuesȱandȱpolityȱwillȱbeȱaȱshiningȱexampleȱmanifestȱinȱfaith,ȱworks,ȱdressȱand architecture.ȱItȱwillȱfightȱsinȱandȱitsȱcorruptingȱfruitsȱinȱhumanȱsociety.ȱWithinȱthe pagesȱ ofȱ hisȱ apology,ȱ Philippeȱ delineatesȱ aȱ utopianȱ visionȱ ofȱ Christianȱ society whoseȱradicalȱhumilityȱchallengesȱtheȱprideȱofȱlateȱmedievalȱchivalryȱandȱwhose focusȱonȱinteriorityȱreflectsȱanȱevolvingȱawarenessȱofȱtheȱmultipleȱtheatresȱofȱwar thatȱconstituteȱaȱtrueȱCrusade.8

EnvisioningȱCrusade TheȱOrderȱisȱaȱvisionaryȱdocumentȱinȱitsȱemphasisȱonȱperception,ȱperformance, andȱ theȱ visibleȱ world.ȱ Philippeȱ calculatesȱ theȱ impactȱ ofȱ spectacleȱ asȱ aȱ central elementȱofȱhisȱplanȱofȱconquest.ȱThisȱisȱnotȱsurprising,ȱforȱtheȱvisualȱimpression createdȱbyȱactionsȱandȱmaterialȱwealthȱwereȱcentralȱelements,ȱreceivingȱmeticulous attentionȱ inȱ theȱ lateȱ fourteenthȬcenturyȱ courtȱ cultureȱ inȱ whichȱ heȱ lived.ȱ His 6

7

8

Onȱ theȱ variousȱ chivalricȱ ordersȱ ofȱ theȱ laterȱ Middleȱ Ages,ȱ seeȱ Theȱ Knightsȱ ofȱ theȱ Crown:ȱ the Monarchicalȱ Ordersȱ ofȱ Knighthoodȱ inȱ Laterȱ Medievalȱ Europe,ȱ 1325–1520,ȱ D’Arcyȱ Jonathanȱ Dacre Boultonȱ(NewȱYork:ȱSt.ȱMartin’s,ȱ1987);ȱonȱPhilippe’sȱthinkingȱinȱregardȱtoȱchivalry,ȱseeȱPhilippe Contamine,ȱLaȱGuerreȱauȱMoyenȱAgeȱ(Paris:ȱPressesȱUniversitairesȱdeȱFrance,ȱ1980),ȱ389.ȱ Onȱthisȱdifference,ȱseeȱTheȱMilitaryȱOrders:ȱFightingȱforȱtheȱFaith,ȱCaringȱforȱtheȱSick,ȱed.ȱMalcolm Barberȱ(Aldershot,ȱUK,ȱandȱBrookfield,ȱVT:ȱVariorum,ȱ1994),ȱxxiv. OnȱtheȱutopianȱvisionȱofȱtheȱOrder,ȱseeȱJoanȱB.ȱWilliamson,ȱ“Theȱ‘ChevalerieȱdeȱlaȱPassionȱJhesu Crist’:ȱ Philippeȱ deȱ Mézières’ȱ Utopia,”ȱ Gesellschaftsutopienȱ imȱ Mittelalterȱ /ȱ Discoursȱ etȱ figuresȱ de l’Utopieȱ auȱ Moyenȱ Age:ȱ V.ȱ Jahrestagungȱ derȱ ReinekeȬGesellschaftȱ (Mallorca,ȱ 20.Ȭ23.ȱ Mai,ȱ 1994), GreifswalderȱBeiträgeȱzumȱMittelalter,ȱed.ȱDanielleȱBuschingerȱandȱWolfgangȱSpiewok,ȱvol.ȱ45, JahrbücherȱderȱReinekeȬGesellschaft,ȱserieȱ4ȱ(Greifswald:ȱReinekeȬVerlag,ȱ1994),ȱ165–73.

380

CarolynȱP.ȱCollette

youngerȱcontemporary,ȱChristineȱdeȱPizan,ȱinȱherȱLivreȱdesȱTroisȱVertusȱ(Bookȱof theȱThreeȱVirtues,ȱ1405–1406),ȱprovidesȱaȱtextbookȱexampleȱofȱtheȱwaysȱinȱwhich womenȱmustȱbeȱcarefulȱtoȱperformȱpubliclyȱtoȱachieveȱprivateȱends.9ȱGeoffroiȱde Charny’sȱKnight’sȱOwnȱBookȱofȱChivalryȱanatomizesȱtheȱmeansȱbyȱwhichȱknights canȱachieveȱfameȱandȱreputation.10ȱTheȱAristotelianȱvirtueȱofȱmagnificenceȱemerges inȱthisȱperiodȱasȱaȱroyalȱvirtue,ȱandȱcodesȱofȱfinȱamorsȱ(“fineȱlove”;ȱi.e.,ȱ“courtly love”)ȱ areȱ predicatedȱ onȱ performanceȱ asȱ anȱ indexȱ ofȱ devotion.ȱ Richardȱ of Maidstone’sȱ Concordiaȱ celebratesȱ theȱ 1392ȱ reconciliationȱ betweenȱ theȱ cityȱ of LondonȱandȱRichardȱIIȱasȱperformedȱthroughȱaȱseriesȱofȱtableauxȱandȱextravagant performanceȱsitesȱinȱtheȱstreetsȱofȱLondon.11ȱThisȱpublicȱdemonstrationȱofȱrenewed concordȱmanifestsȱlateȱmedievalȱAngloȬFrenchȱinterestȱinȱpublicȱspectaclesȱwhich bothȱinstantiateȱaȱcurrentȱevent,ȱsuchȱasȱaȱcoronationȱorȱreconciliation,ȱandȱalso representȱbroader,ȱmoreȱabstractȱvaluesȱcentralȱtoȱtheȱculture.12ȱ Philippe’sȱwritingȱisȱaȱperfectȱexpressionȱofȱthisȱcultureȱofȱperformanceȱandȱits relianceȱ onȱ theȱ visual.ȱ Hisȱ majorȱ allegory,ȱ Leȱ Songeȱ duȱ Vieilȱ Pelerinȱ (Theȱ Old Pilgrim’sȱDreamȬVision,ȱ1389),ȱtoȱedifyȱCharlesȱVIȱonȱgoodȱgovernment,ȱranges acrossȱtheȱworldȱinȱsearchȱofȱjustȱsocieties,ȱrevealingȱEuropeanȱspiritualȱcorruption throughȱaȱkaleidoscopeȱofȱcomparisonsȱandȱvisualȱmetaphors.ȱQueens,ȱforges, besantsȱ(Byzantineȱcurrencyȱofȱthatȱtime),ȱshipsȱofȱstate,ȱOldȱTestamentȱfigures, jewelsȱandȱanimalsȱareȱbutȱaȱfewȱofȱtheȱmaterialȱelementsȱheȱinvokesȱasȱsymbols andȱmetaphors.ȱHisȱlateȱwork,ȱUneȱEpistreȱLamentableȱetȱConsolatoireȱ(AnȱEpistleȱof LamentȱandȱConsolation,ȱ1397),ȱaddressedȱtoȱDukeȱPhilipȱtheȱBoldȱofȱBurgundy afterȱ theȱ disastrousȱ defeatȱ ofȱ Christianȱ chivalryȱ (ledȱ byȱ Philip’sȱ sonȱ Johnȱ the Fearless)ȱbyȱanȱIslamicȱarmyȱatȱNicopolisȱinȱ1396,ȱcombinesȱspiritualȱallegoryȱwith vividȱspatialȱimaginationȱinȱtheȱsameȱmannerȱasȱtheȱOrder.ȱNowhereȱisȱthisȱmore evidentȱthanȱinȱtheȱEpistreȱLamentable’sȱextendedȱdescriptionȱofȱanȱidealȱchurch, whichȱfunctionsȱasȱtheȱ“palace”ȱofȱtheȱNewȱJerusalem.ȱ Inȱthisȱ“egliseȱtresȱsolempnelleȱetȱdeȱouvrageȱtresȱprecieuxȱetȱmerveilleux”ȱ(very solemnȱchurchȱadornedȱwithȱpreciousȱandȱmarvelousȱwork),ȱheȱlocatesȱaȱseriesȱof queens,ȱfiguresȱrepresentingȱessentialȱChristianȱvirtuesȱandȱelementsȱofȱfaith.13 Chiefȱamongȱthese,ȱatȱtheȱhighȱaltar,ȱisȱtheȱVirginȱofȱsorrowsȱandȱcompassion,ȱa 9

10

11

12

13

Christineȱ deȱ Pizan,ȱ Leȱ Livreȱ desȱ Troisȱ Vertus,ȱ ed.ȱ Charityȱ Cannonȱ Willard,ȱ andȱ Ericȱ Hicks. BibliothèqueȱduȱXVeȱsiècle,ȱ50ȱ(1989;ȱParis:ȱChampion,ȱ1996). GeoffroiȱdeȱCharny,ȱAȱKnight’sȱOwnȱBookȱofȱChivalry,ȱed.ȱandȱtrans.ȱElspethȱKennedyȱandȱRichard W.ȱKaeuper.ȱTheȱMiddleȱAgesȱSeriesȱ(Philadelphia:ȱUniversityȱofȱPennsylvaniaȱPress,ȱ2005). RichardȱofȱMaidstone,ȱConcordia:ȱtheȱReconciliationȱofȱRichardȱIIȱwithȱLondon,ȱed.ȱDavidȱR.ȱCarlson, trans.ȱA.ȱG.ȱRigg.ȱTeamsȱMiddleȱEnglishȱTextsȱSeriesȱ(Kalamazoo,ȱMI:ȱMedievalȱInstitute,ȱ2003). Onȱ theȱ lateȬmedievalȱ fashionȱ forȱ civicȱ triumphsȱ andȱ allegoricalȱ representations,ȱ seeȱ Gordon Kipling,ȱ Enterȱ theȱ King:ȱ Theatre,ȱ Liturgy,ȱ andȱ Ritualȱ inȱ theȱ Medievalȱ Civicȱ Triumphȱ (Oxford: ClarendonȱPress,ȱ1998). PhilippeȱdeȱMézières,ȱUneȱEpistreȱLamentableȱetȱConsolatoire,ȱed.ȱPhilippeȱContamineȱandȱJacques Paviot.ȱSociétéȱdeȱl’HistoireȱdeȱFrance,ȱ535ȱ(Paris:ȱSociétéȱdeȱl’HistoireȱdeȱFrance;ȱGeneva:ȱDroz, 2008),ȱ153.ȱAllȱquotationsȱtoȱtheȱEpistreȱLamentableȱareȱtakenȱfromȱthisȱedition.

WagingȱSpiritualȱWar

381

representationȱ ofȱ deepȱ spiritualȱ valuesȱ whoȱ isȱ describedȱ inȱ termsȱ ofȱ spatial organizationȱandȱvisualȱdetail:ȱ“Etȱsurȱl’autelȱprincipalȱdeȱladicteȱegliseȱauraȱune roineȱmoultȱpiteuseȱetȱdouloureuseȱassiseȱsurȱuneȱchaiere,ȱlaquelleȱroineȱtendra entreȱ sesȱ brasȱ sonȱ doulxȱ Filzȱ crucefix,ȱ etȱ enȱ lamentantȱ etȱ plourantȱ luiȱ priera doulcementȱqu’ilȱaitȱpitiéȱdeȱlaȱcrestientéȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”ȱ(EpistreȱLamentable,ȱ153;ȱAndȱonȱthe principalȱaltarȱofȱthisȱchurchȱwillȱbeȱaȱqueen,ȱfullȱofȱpityȱandȱcompassion,ȱseated uponȱaȱchair,ȱwhoȱwillȱholdȱinȱherȱarmsȱherȱsweetȱcrucifiedȱson,ȱand,ȱinȱsorrowing andȱcryingȱsheȱwillȱprayȱsoftlyȱtoȱhimȱthatȱheȱhaveȱpityȱonȱChristianityȱ.ȱ.ȱ.). Philippeȱportraysȱtheȱspiritualȱjourneyȱofȱknightsȱseekingȱtoȱrehabilitateȱtrue faithȱandȱreformȱtheirȱlivesȱbyȱenvisioningȱthemȱmovingȱthroughȱthisȱchurch,ȱfrom oneȱqueenȱtoȱtheȱnext,ȱdrinkingȱfromȱtheȱchalicesȱeachȱoffers,ȱuntilȱtheyȱcomeȱto theȱVirginȱandȱperformȱtheirȱrenewedȱfaithȱbyȱvisibleȱactionsȱandȱwords: Quantȱlesȱchevaliersȱetȱcombatansȱdeȱlaȱchevalerieȱaurontȱestéȱdevotementȱdesȱgalices abruvéȱȱvenerablesȱdamesȱdeȱlaȱnefȱetȱduȱcuerȱdeȱl’egliseȱaȱgrantȱdoubtanceȱde DieuȱetȱbienȱcomfortéȱdeȱmadameȱEsperance,ȱlaȱtesteȱenclinee,ȱilsȱvendrontȱdevantȱle grantȱautelȱetȱtantostȱqu’ilsȱapparcevrontȱlaȱpiteuseȱroineȱCompassionȱsurȱl’autelȱetȱson doulxȱFilzȱ[ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱlorsȱenȱparfondeȱreverenceȱilsȱmetrontȱlaȱtesteȱaȱterre,ȱadorantȱaȱgrans soupirsȱleȱbenoitȱCrucefix,ȱetȱdemanderontȱpardonȱdeȱleursȱpechezȱ.ȱ.ȱ. (EpistreȱLamentable,ȱ159) [WhenȱtheȱknightsȱandȱwarriorsȱofȱtheȱOrderȱhaveȱdevoutlyȱdrunkȱfromȱtheȱchalices ofȱtheȱvenerableȱladiesȱofȱtheȱnaveȱandȱchoir,ȱwithȱgreatȱfearȱofȱtheȱLordȱandȱwell comfortedȱbyȱourȱladyȱHope,ȱwithȱbowedȱheadsȱtheyȱwillȱcomeȱbeforeȱtheȱgreatȱaltar andȱasȱsoonȱasȱtheyȱperceiveȱtheȱqueenȱCompassion,ȱfullȱofȱpity,ȱonȱtheȱaltarȱandȱher sweetȱsonȱ[ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱthenȱinȱprofoundȱreverenceȱtheyȱwillȱbendȱtheirȱheadsȱtoȱtheȱground, adoring,ȱwithȱgreatȱsighs,ȱtheȱblessedȱCrucified,ȱandȱaskȱpardonȱforȱtheirȱsinsȱ.ȱ.ȱ.].

Inȱ aȱ momentȱ thatȱ seemsȱ excerptedȱ fromȱ aȱ playȱ script,ȱ Philippeȱ recordsȱ the dialogueȱthatȱfollowsȱsuchȱaction:ȱ LorsȱlaȱpiteuseȱroineȱdiraȱainsiȱaȱsonȱdoulxȱFilz:ȱ“Maȱdoulceȱamour,ȱcesteȱchevalerie parȱtaȱgraceȱaȱprinsȱleȱnom,ȱlaȱvieȱetȱlesȱarmesȱdeȱtaȱsainteȱpassionȱpourȱvengierȱla honteȱquiȱt’estȱcontinuelmentȱfaicte,ȱenȱtaȱsainteȱcitéȱdeȱJherusalem,ȱetȱpourȱreparerȱla foyȱcatholiqueȱquiȱaȱpresentȱestȱfortȱblecieeȱenȱHongrieȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”ȱ (EpistreȱLamentable,ȱ163) [Thenȱtheȱpityingȱqueenȱwillȱsayȱthusȱtoȱherȱsweetȱson,ȱ“Myȱsweetȱlove,ȱbyȱyourȱgrace thisȱ chivalricȱ movementȱ hasȱ takenȱ theȱ name,ȱ theȱ life,ȱ andȱ theȱ armsȱ ofȱ yourȱ holy passionȱinȱorderȱtoȱavengeȱtheȱshameȱwhichȱisȱcontinuallyȱvisitedȱuponȱyouȱinȱyour holyȱ cityȱ ofȱ Jerusalem,ȱ andȱ inȱ orderȱ toȱ repairȱ theȱ Catholicȱ faithȱ whichȱ isȱ now grievouslyȱwoundedȱinȱHungaryȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”].

ȱ Jesus’sȱreplyȱisȱaȱsimpleȱstatementȱofȱtheȱVirgin’sȱpowerȱasȱwellȱasȱofȱHisȱmercy: “Maȱdoulceȱmere,ȱilȱmeȱplaistȱtoutȱceȱqueȱteȱplaist”ȱ(EpistreȱLamentable,ȱ164;ȱMy sweetȱmother,ȱallȱthatȱpleasesȱyouȱpleasesȱme).ȱTheȱdescriptionsȱPhilippeȱoffersȱare

382

CarolynȱP.ȱCollette

simultaneouslyȱ illustrative,ȱ figurativeȱ andȱ performative;ȱ theyȱ areȱ meantȱ toȱ be guidesȱtoȱactionȱthatȱwillȱultimatelyȱrecoverȱtheȱHolyȱLandȱandȱbuildȱtheȱNew Jerusalem.14 Givenȱhisȱfertileȱcapacityȱtoȱenvisionȱscenes,ȱdialogue,ȱandȱsettings,ȱasȱwellȱasȱhis talentȱforȱcombiningȱdescriptionȱwithȱdirection,ȱitȱisȱnotȱsurprisingȱthatȱPhilippe’s nameȱisȱfrequentlyȱlinkedȱtoȱcontemporaryȱdramaticȱpresentationsȱwhichȱenact highlyȱprizedȱculturalȱvirtuesȱorȱhistoricalȱevents.ȱHeȱisȱwidelyȱbelievedȱtoȱhave beenȱtheȱauthorȱofȱEstoireȱdeȱGriseldisȱ(StoryȱofȱGriselda),ȱaȱdramaticȱversionȱofȱthe Griseldaȱstoryȱthatȱexploresȱpoliticalȱrelationshipsȱwithinȱaȱpastoralȱcontext.ȱD.ȱA. Bulloughȱ hasȱ proposedȱ thatȱ Philippeȱ producedȱ theȱ famousȱ 1378ȱ Frenchȱ court banquetȱ entertainmentȱ ofȱ theȱ Firstȱ Crusade,ȱ aȱ seriesȱ ofȱ tableauxȱ depictingȱ the deedsȱ ofȱ Godfreyȱ deȱ Bouillonȱ andȱ theȱ takingȱ ofȱ Jerusalem,ȱ anȱ elaborate constructionȱofȱcrusadeȱpropagandaȱdesignedȱtoȱentertainȱCharlesȱVȱandȱhisȱguest, theȱEmperorȱCharlesȱIV.15ȱ Whileȱ theseȱ attributionsȱ areȱ uncertain,ȱ weȱ doȱ knowȱ thatȱ Philippeȱ was responsibleȱforȱcreatingȱatȱleastȱoneȱdramaticȱtext,ȱTheȱPresentationȱofȱtheȱVirginȱin theȱTempleȱ(lateȱ1372),ȱinȱLatin.ȱThisȱplayȱwasȱpartȱofȱaȱmajorȱcampaignȱtoȱpersuade theȱRomanȱChurchȱtoȱadoptȱtheȱEasternȱChurch’sȱobservationȱofȱ21ȱNovemberȱas theȱfeastȱdayȱofȱtheȱPresentationȱofȱtheȱVirgin.ȱTheȱprojectȱengagedȱhisȱattention almostȱ asȱ fullyȱ asȱ hisȱ concurrentȱ campaignȱ forȱ aȱ crusade,ȱ andȱ theȱ detailed instructionȱ heȱ providesȱ forȱ costuming,ȱ movement,ȱ useȱ ofȱ space,ȱ propsȱ and gesturesȱinȱtheȱplayȱoffersȱanȱimportantȱcontextȱinȱwhichȱtoȱreadȱhisȱplanȱforȱhis Order.ȱ Inȱ hisȱ “Note”ȱ followingȱ aȱ 1385ȱ presentationȱ ofȱ theȱ playȱ asȱ partȱ ofȱ a pontificalȱMassȱcelebratedȱinȱAvignon,ȱheȱrecordsȱtheȱimpressionȱthatȱtheȱvisual experienceȱofȱtheȱplayȱmadeȱonȱitsȱaudience,ȱwhichȱincludedȱMasterȱJohnȱofȱBasilia whoȱpreachedȱanȱimpassionedȱsermonȱonȱtheȱVirginȱatȱtheȱMass.ȱ Afterȱtheȱservice,ȱPopeȱUrbanȱVI,ȱ“kindledȱwithȱdevotionȱtoȱtheȱVirginȱMaryȱand herȱdevoutȱfeast,ȱmercifullyȱgrantedȱforȱtheȱaforesaidȱdivineȱofficeȱandȱfeastȱtoȱall presentȱthreeȱyearsȱandȱthreeȱtimesȱfortyȱdaysȱofȱindulgence,ȱandȱoneȱwhoȱheard andȱsawȱnarratedȱgivesȱtestimony,ȱandȱthisȱtestimonyȱisȱtrueȱinȱtheȱpraiseȱofȱthe

14

15

TheȱtitlesȱofȱvariousȱchaptersȱandȱsectionsȱthatȱcompriseȱtheȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱjourneyȱtoȱtheȱNew Jerusalemȱandȱtoȱaȱhigherȱstateȱofȱchivalryȱfeatureȱtheȱwordȱportative,ȱwhichȱimpartsȱtheȱdouble senseȱofȱexemplaryȱillustration,ȱandȱconduct. D[avid]ȱ A.ȱ Bullough,ȱ “Gamesȱ Peopleȱ Played:ȱ Dramaȱ andȱ Ritualȱ asȱ Propagandaȱ inȱ Medieval Europe,”ȱTransactionsȱofȱtheȱRoyalȱHistoricalȱSociety,ȱFifthȱSeries,ȱ24ȱ(1974):ȱ97–122;ȱhereȱ119.ȱOn dramaȱ andȱ theȱ performanceȱ ofȱ propagandaȱ inȱ theȱ courtȱ ofȱ Charlesȱ V,ȱ seeȱ also:ȱ Cultural PerformancesȱinȱMedievalȱFrance:ȱEssaysȱinȱHonorȱofȱNancyȱFreemanȱRegalado,ȱed.ȱEglalȱDossȬQuinby, Robertaȱ L.ȱ Krueger,ȱ andȱ E.ȱ Janeȱ Burnsȱ (Cambridge:ȱ D.ȱ S.ȱ Brewer,ȱ 2007),ȱ esp.ȱ Loriȱ J.ȱ Walters, “PerformingȱtheȱNation:ȱTheȱPlayȱPerformedȱatȱtheȱGreatȱFeastȱinȱChristineȱdeȱPizan’sȱBiography ofȱCharlesȱV,”ȱ219–32.

WagingȱSpiritualȱWar

383

MotherȱofȱGodȱandȱherȱblessedȱSon,ȱwhoȱisȱblessedȱinȱtheȱworldȱwithoutȱend.”16 Imagesȱofȱdivineȱtruthȱhaveȱaȱparticularlyȱvitalȱenergy,ȱtheyȱcanȱbecomeȱpartȱofȱthe spiritualȱeconomy,ȱaffectingȱtermsȱofȱpurgatoryȱandȱsalvation.ȱThroughoutȱhis retirementȱatȱtheȱconventȱofȱtheȱCelestines,17ȱPhilippeȱcontinuedȱtoȱcampaignȱboth forȱtheȱFeastȱandȱforȱtheȱOrder,ȱsubjectsȱheȱregardedȱasȱcloselyȱintertwined,ȱand whichȱallowedȱhimȱtheȱmeansȱofȱexpressingȱhisȱownȱvisionȱbyȱengagingȱtheȱvisual imaginationȱofȱvariousȱaudiencesȱtoȱachieveȱhisȱpurposes.

TheȱSiegeȱofȱJerusalemȱBeginsȱwithȱaȱBattleȱforȱtheȱSelf TheȱOrderȱbeginsȱwithȱaȱletterȱaddressedȱtoȱallȱloyalȱCatholicȱChristians,ȱlivingȱand toȱcome,ȱwhoȱdesireȱtoȱviewȱtheȱbeautyȱofȱtheȱhouseȱofȱGodȱinȱJerusalem,ȱtheȱholy placeȱ whereȱ Jesusȱ choseȱ toȱ sufferȱ forȱ theȱ redemptionȱ ofȱ theȱ world.ȱ Philippe lamentsȱtheȱfactȱthatȱChrist’sȱmagnanimousȱsacrificeȱisȱaȱgiftȱnoȱlongerȱproperly valuedȱbecauseȱofȱprevailingȱspiritualȱcorruption.ȱTheȱmodernȱworld,ȱheȱcontends, hasȱfallenȱthrallȱtoȱtheȱthreeȱgreatȱsinsȱofȱpride,ȱavariceȱandȱlust.ȱPrideȱandȱher eldestȱ daughter,ȱ ingratitude,ȱ bothȱ flourishȱ inȱ aȱ timeȱ whenȱ Christiansȱ have forgottenȱChrist’sȱsacrificeȱandȱbecomeȱidolatersȱwhoseȱheartsȱlieȱwithȱtheirȱearthly treasures.ȱTheȱpleasuresȱofȱtheȱfleshȱcurseȱtheȱWest,ȱinspiringȱdestructiveȱwars:ȱ“Il fontȱ souventȱ guerreȱ pourȱ laȱ pechiéȱ deȱ luxureȱ etȱ destruientȱ l’unȱ l’autreȱ pour acomplirȱleursȱfolzȱdelisȱcharnelz,ȱdontȱilȱsontȱdevenusȱdelicatis,ȱglousȱetȱaussi commeȱtousȱeffeminés,ȱcommeȱilȱappertȱparȱlaȱdiversitéȱetȱabhominationȱdeȱleurs habisȱetȱrobesȱdevantȱDieuȱdeshonnestes”ȱ(Frequentlyȱtheyȱwageȱwarȱforȱtheȱsin ofȱ lustȱ andȱ destroyȱ eachȱ otherȱ inȱ orderȱ toȱ accomplishȱ theirȱ wantonȱ carnal pleasures,ȱfromȱwhichȱtheyȱhaveȱbecomeȱsoft,ȱgluttonousȱandȱeffeminate,ȱasȱis

16

17

Haller,ȱed.,ȱFigurativeȱRepresentation,ȱ68ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).ȱSeeȱalsoȱnotesȱtoȱPhilippeȱdeȱMézières’ȱCampaign forȱtheȱFeastȱofȱMary’sȱPresentation,ȱed.ȱWilliamȱE.ȱColeman.ȱTorontoȱMedievalȱLatinȱTexts,ȱ11 (Toronto:ȱUniversityȱofȱTorontoȱPress,ȱ1981),ȱ1–22. Heȱ“retired”ȱtoȱthatȱconventȱonȱtheȱdeathȱofȱCharlesȱVȱinȱ1380.

384

CarolynȱP.ȱCollette

apparentȱfromȱtheȱdiversityȱandȱabominationȱofȱtheirȱhabitsȱandȱrobes,ȱwhichȱare disgracefulȱinȱtheȱsightȱofȱGod).18ȱAnyȱwarȱforȱtheȱheavenlyȱJerusalemȱmustȱfirst beȱengagedȱwithȱthisȱenemy,ȱonȱEuropeanȱsoil,ȱinȱChristianȱhearts.ȱ ȱ Heȱ likensȱ Europeanȱ chivalryȱ toȱ theȱ Israelitesȱ ofȱ theȱ Oldȱ Testamentȱ who delightedȱ inȱ theȱ fleshpotsȱ ofȱ Egypt.ȱ Contemporaryȱ knighthood,ȱ becauseȱ itȱ is sybariticȱinȱspiritȱasȱwellȱasȱinȱbody,ȱisȱunableȱtoȱachieveȱtheȱPromisedȱLandȱeither figurativelyȱorȱphysically: Helas,ȱilȱontȱtropȱmieuxȱaméȱetȱdesireȱplusȱardammentȱdemourerȱenȱlaȱcuisineȱetȱpres deȱlaȱchar,ȱvivantȱdelicieusementȱouȱpaysȱd’Egipteȱesȱpartiesȱd’occident,ȱenȱservantȱau royȱPharaon,ȱqu’ilȱn’ontȱaméȱesterȱrepeüȱetȱsaouleȱdeȱlaȱmanneȱduȱcielȱetȱqueȱdeȱsoy avancierȱd’alerȱetȱparvenirȱaȱlaȱSainteȱTerreȱdeȱPromissionȱetȱnetoierȱetȱpurgirȱlesȱsains lieusȱdeȱnostreȱredemption,ȱenȱexcersantȱleurȱvraiȱchevalerieȱauȱserviceȱduȱdoulzȱJhesuȱ Crist. (Order,ȱ46)

[Alas,ȱtheyȱhaveȱlovedȱmoreȱandȱmoreȱardentlyȱdesiredȱtoȱresideȱinȱtheȱkitchenȱand closeȱtoȱtheȱflesh,ȱlivingȱluxuriouslyȱinȱEgyptȱratherȱthanȱinȱlandsȱofȱtheȱwestȱwhile servingȱ Pharaohȱ ratherȱ thanȱ beingȱ fedȱ theirȱ fillȱ ofȱ heavenlyȱ mannaȱ andȱ coming forwardȱtoȱgoȱtoȱtheȱholyȱPromisedȱLandȱtoȱcleanseȱandȱpurgeȱtheȱholyȱplacesȱofȱour redemptionȱwhileȱexercisingȱtheirȱtrueȱknightlyȱvirtueȱinȱtheȱserviceȱofȱsweetȱJhesus Christ].

18

AllȱcitationsȱofȱTheȱOrderȱofȱtheȱPassionȱbyȱPhilippeȱdeȱMézièresȱare,ȱwithȱsomeȱmodificationsȱas toȱdiacriticalȱmarks,ȱfromȱAbdelȱHamidȱHamdy,ȱed.,ȱ43–101;ȱhereȱ45ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6).

WagingȱSpiritualȱWar

385

InȱconstructingȱtheȱrecoveryȱofȱJerusalemȱasȱspiritualȱmetaphor,ȱheȱassertsȱthat, throughȱ pride,ȱ avariceȱ andȱ luxury,ȱ Europeansȱ haveȱ abandonedȱ theȱ cityȱ of Jerusalemȱtoȱ“mescreansȱSarrasins;ȱsesȱmursȱsontȱtrebuchiésȱetȱsesȱportesȱ sont destruites,ȱetȱneȱseȱtreuveȱquiȱliȱfaiceȱconfort”ȱ(Order,ȱ46;ȱmiscreantȱSaracens;ȱits wallsȱareȱknockedȱdownȱandȱitsȱgatesȱareȱdestroyedȱandȱthereȱisȱnoȱoneȱtoȱgiveȱit comfort).ȱTheȱWestȱhasȱfailedȱtoȱsecureȱtheȱtempleȱofȱtheȱLord,ȱbothȱliterallyȱand spiritually.ȱ Inȱ thisȱ way,ȱ individualȱ weaknessȱ andȱ sinȱ attackȱ theȱ commonȱ goodȱ by fragmentingȱit,ȱdebasingȱitsȱmasculineȱenergy,ȱandȱrenderingȱitȱeffeminate.ȱEarlier crusadesȱhadȱsuccumbedȱtoȱtheȱdangerȱposedȱbothȱbyȱindividualȱvulnerabilityȱand byȱtheȱpleasuresȱofȱtheȱOrient:ȱ Maisȱquantȱorguelȱetȱenvie,ȱavariceȱetȱluxureȱentreȱlesȱcrestiensȱd’orientȱreprirentȱleur signourie,ȱetȱlaȱchoseȱpubliqueȱdeȱladicteȱcrestientéȱfuȱjaȱdeviseeȱenȱparties,ȱetȱqueȱles princes,ȱenȱmultipliantȱleurȱsignouriesȱs’estudioientȱplusȱauȱbienȱparticulerȱqueȱauȱbien communȱdeȱlaȱcrestienté,ȱetȱqu’ilȱdevindrentȱdelicatis,ȱeffeminesȱenȱleurȱboucheȱnon gardansȱverité,ȱlorsȱlesȱdivisionsȱsourdoientȱentreȱlesȱprincesȱseculers,ȱgentȱd’egliseȱet commun,ȱsicommeȱplusȱclerementȱappertȱouȱlivreȱdeȱlaȱconquestȱetȱdeȱparteȱdeȱla SainteȱTerre.ȱ (Order,ȱ57) [Butȱwhenȱprideȱandȱenvy,ȱavariceȱandȱlecheryȱregainedȱtheirȱswayȱamongȱtheȱEastern Christians,ȱandȱtheȱpolityȱofȱthisȱChristianityȱwasȱdividedȱintoȱparts,ȱandȱtheȱprinces, multiplyingȱtheirȱpossessionsȱandȱpower,ȱwereȱmoreȱintentȱonȱadvancingȱtheirȱprivate interestsȱ ratherȱ thanȱ theȱ commonȱ interestȱ ofȱ Christianity,ȱ andȱ theyȱ becameȱ soft, effeminateȱandȱdidȱnotȱspeakȱtheȱtruth,ȱthenȱdivisionsȱaroseȱbetweenȱprinces,ȱmenȱof theȱChurch,ȱandȱtheȱcommons,ȱasȱappearsȱmoreȱclearlyȱinȱtheȱbookȱofȱtheȱconquestȱand ofȱtheȱlossȱofȱtheȱHolyȱLand].

WithȱtheȱhelpȱofȱJesusȱandȱtheȱVirginȱMary,ȱtheȱOrderȱofȱtheȱPassionȱwillȱextirpate suchȱ viciousȱ indolence.ȱ Itsȱ purposeȱ isȱ toȱ “reparerȱ enȱ bien”ȱ (transformȱ into goodness)ȱtheȱthreeȱrootȱdeadlyȱsinsȱbyȱinstillingȱwithinȱitsȱmembersȱtheȱvirtues ofȱ humility,ȱ obedienceȱ andȱ gratitudeȱ toȱ Godȱ forȱ Hisȱ goodness.ȱ Asȱ aȱ meansȱ of spiritualȱ cleansingȱ andȱ succorȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ proofȱ ofȱ suchȱ grace,ȱ theȱ Orderȱ will

386

CarolynȱP.ȱCollette

demonstrateȱ theȱ powerȱ ofȱ Godȱ toȱ theȱ world.ȱ Itsȱ membersȱ willȱ beȱ aȱ shining reflectionȱofȱspiritualȱgrace:ȱ“unȱbiauȱmiroirȱdeȱtouteȱlaȱcrestienté”ȱ(Order,ȱ46;ȱa beautifulȱmirrorȱof/forȱallȱChristianity).ȱ TheȱvirtuesȱofȱScipioȱAfricanus—dedicationȱtoȱtheȱcommonȱwealȱandȱtoȱtheȱideal ofȱservice19—will,ȱPhilippeȱhopefullyȱasserts,ȱbeȱrevivedȱinȱtheȱpresent,ȱ“afinȱqu’il peustȱracheterȱaȱl’espeeȱlaȱchoseȱpubliqueȱdesȱcrestiens”ȱ(Order,ȱ56;ȱtoȱredeemȱby theȱ swordȱ theȱ republicȱ ofȱ Christianity);ȱ theyȱ willȱ helpȱ cleanseȱ chivalryȱ ofȱ its fundamentalȱsinȱofȱoverweeningȱpride.ȱThroughoutȱtheȱexplicationȱofȱtheȱOrder, Philippeȱreassertsȱhisȱconvictionȱthatȱtheȱfirstȱbattleȱtoȱbeȱfoughtȱinȱreclaimingȱthe HolyȱLandȱandȱtheȱcityȱofȱJerusalemȱisȱtheȱbattleȱwithin:ȱtheȱbattleȱwithȱpride, avariceȱandȱlustȱtoȱbeȱwonȱbyȱappealȱtoȱtheȱBible,ȱtoȱJesus,ȱtoȱMary,ȱandȱtoȱthe virtuesȱofȱEurope’sȱClassicalȱpast.ȱEuropeȱcannotȱattainȱtheȱcityȱofȱJerusalemȱeither inȱfactȱorȱfigurativelyȱwithoutȱaȱmoralȱregenerationȱthatȱtransformsȱitsȱdeepȬseated carnalȱweaknessȱintoȱequallyȱprofoundȱspiritualȱstrength.ȱ Toȱ discussȱ theȱ natureȱ ofȱ Westernȱ sinȱ andȱ itsȱ effectsȱ onȱ individuals,ȱ Philippe adoptsȱtheȱmetaphorȱofȱsicknessȱandȱhealth,ȱaȱcommonȱandȱpowerfulȱtropeȱinȱlate fourteenthȱcenturyȱFrenchȱliteratureȱthatȱappearsȱprominentlyȱinȱallȱhisȱwriting.20 InformingȱthisȱtropeȱisȱtheȱthenȬwidespreadȱhumoralȱtheoryȱofȱmedicine,ȱdating fromȱtheȱancientȱGreekȱphysicianȱHippocratesȱandȱpredicatedȱonȱtheȱexistenceȱof fourȱessentialȱfluids,ȱcalledȱ“humors,”ȱinȱtheȱhumanȱbody—blackȱbile,ȱyellowȱbile, phlegmȱandȱblood.ȱAccordingȱtoȱthisȱtheory,ȱgoodȱhealth,ȱandȱevenȱsoundȱmental outlookȱresultȱfromȱtheȱrightȱbalanceȱofȱtheseȱhumors,ȱwhileȱanyȱimbalanceȱcauses diseaseȱandȱevenȱpersonalityȱflaws.ȱHumoralȱimbalanceȱcanȱbeȱalsoȱintroducedȱby aȱdestabilizingȱexternalȱforceȱsuchȱasȱaȱwound.ȱForȱtheȱsick,ȱwounded,ȱdepressed orȱevenȱenraged,ȱhealthȱisȱaȱrecovery,ȱaȱrestorationȱofȱfundamentalȱandȱoriginal equilibriumȱamongȱtheseȱhumors;ȱanȱailingȱbodyȱorȱorganismȱisȱhealedȱwhenȱitȱis restoredȱtoȱitsȱproperȱstate.ȱThusȱitȱisȱnotȱsurprisingȱthatȱPhilippeȱrefersȱtoȱthose whoȱ areȱ “orguelleux,ȱ avaricieux,ȱ luxurieuxȱ etȱ impaciens”ȱ (proud,ȱ avaricious, lustful,ȱ andȱ hasty)ȱ asȱ thoseȱ who,ȱ beingȱ ill,ȱ requireȱ “doulzȱ electuaireȱ nouvelȱ et delicatifȱ parȱ maniereȱ deȱ medicine,ȱ pourȱ garirȱ lesȱ desȱ pechiez”ȱ (Order,ȱ 52;ȱ the medicineȱofȱsweetȱandȱdelicateȱnewȱelectuariesȱtoȱcureȱthemȱofȱsins).ȱ Theȱ metaphorȱ ofȱ healingȱ asȱ restorationȱ ofȱ balanceȱ evolvesȱ intoȱ aȱ broader metaphor,ȱthatȱofȱindividualȱorȱcollectiveȱliberation.ȱWithinȱtheȱhumoralȱmodel, toȱbeȱcuredȱisȱtoȱbeȱridȱofȱexcessesȱorȱfreedȱfromȱtheȱconstraintsȱofȱdeficiency. Withinȱaȱlargerȱpoliticalȱvision,ȱPhilippeȱarguesȱforȱretakingȱtheȱHolyȱLandȱasȱa 19

20

ForȱexamplesȱofȱtheȱculturalȱinterestȱinȱtheȱvirtuesȱofȱtheȱlegendaryȱRomanȱgeneralȱandȱstatesman Scipioȱ(235–183ȱB.ȱC.ȱE.)ȱinȱlateȱfourteenthȬcenturyȱliterature,ȱseeȱChaucer,ȱParliamentȱofȱFowls,ȱand Petrarch’sȱLatinȱepicȱcelebratingȱhisȱcareerȱasȱaȱpresageȱofȱItaly’sȱfutureȱglory,ȱAfrica. ForȱanȱanalysisȱofȱhowȱthisȱmetaphorȱisȱusedȱinȱthisȱperiodȱseeȱJeanȬLouisȱG.ȱPicherit,ȱLaȱmétaphore pathologiqueȱ etȱ thérapeutiqueȱ àȱ laȱ finȱ duȱ Moyenȱ Age.ȱ Beihefteȱ zurȱ Zeitschriftȱ fürȱ romanische Philologie,ȱ260ȱ(Tübingen:ȱMaxȱNiemeyerȱVerlag,ȱ1994).

WagingȱSpiritualȱWar

387

healthfulȱ stepȱ towardȱ aȱ cureȱ forȱ Europe’sȱ socioȬpoliticalȱ “illness.”ȱ Tacitly underlyingȱthisȱhealingȬcrusadeȱvisionȱisȱtheȱ“bodyȱpolitic”ȱimage,ȱsoȱomnipresent inȱ medievalȱ politicalȱ thoughtȱ sinceȱ theȱ twelfthȱ century,ȱ becauseȱ ofȱ itsȱ apt representationȱ ofȱ theȱ interrelatedȱ functionsȱ ofȱ aȱ kingdom’sȱ socioȬpolitical hierarchy:ȱtheȱrulerȱrepresentingȱtheȱhead,ȱtheȱknightsȱtheȱarmsȱandȱhands,ȱthe bourgeoisieȱtheȱtorso,ȱtheȱpeasantsȱtheȱlegs—toȱwhichȱtheȱtherapeuticȱmetaphor isȱmoreȱcommonlyȱappliedȱbyȱhisȱcontemporaries,ȱeachȱreactingȱtoȱtheȱpolitical turmoilȱofȱtheȱtimes.21ȱ AsȱaȱnewȱChristianȬspiritualȱextrapolationȱfromȱthisȱpreȬexistingȱsecularȱconcept ofȱpoliticalȱorder,ȱPhilippe’sȱnewȱchivalricȱorderȱwillȱsetȱtheȱexampleȱforȱrefreshing andȱrenewingȱtheȱidealȱofȱcompassionȱamongȱChristiansȱasȱsoldiersȱofȱtheȱsoulȱand notȱmerelyȱasȱarmsȱandȱhandsȱwieldingȱswords.ȱThisȱnewȱorderȱwillȱthusȱliberate soulsȱinȱEuropeȱandȱinȱtheȱEast:ȱ“ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.seloncȱlesȱphilosophesȱmoraulx,ȱchascunȱserf desireȱestreȱafranchis.ȱEtȱquantȱilȱestȱafranchis,ȱilȱaimeȱceluyȱqueȱdeȱservageȱl’a delivré”ȱ(Order,ȱ53;ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.accordingȱtoȱtheȱmoralȱphilosophers,ȱeachȱserfȱdesiresȱtoȱbe free.ȱ Andȱ whenȱ heȱ isȱ setȱ free,ȱ heȱ lovesȱ theȱ oneȱ whoȱ hasȱ deliveredȱ himȱ from servitude).ȱJustȱasȱbodilyȱhealthȱcanȱbeȱachievedȱbyȱrestoringȱhumoralȱbalance,ȱso, too,ȱpeopleȱnaturallyȱyearnȱtoȱbeȱrelievedȱofȱunbalancedȱpoliticalȱandȱspiritual burdens.ȱLargerȱEuropeanȱinstitutions,ȱnotablyȱtheȱpapacy,ȱsufferȱfromȱmortal illnessȱthatȱrequiresȱhealingȱrestorationȱ(Order,ȱ62).ȱTheȱremedyȱforȱthisȱcurrent afflictionȱisȱaȱradicalȱhealingȱofȱenmityȱbasedȱonȱanȱAristotelianȱreconciliationȱof opposites,ȱaȱvisionȱofȱlambȱandȱlionȱatȱpeaceȱtogether.ȱHealing,ȱliberation,ȱand unityȱ inȱ Europeȱ areȱ necessaryȱ precursorsȱ toȱ anyȱ successfulȱ attemptȱ toȱ retake Jerusalem.

TheȱLightȱofȱConquest TheȱprofessedȱgoalȱofȱtheȱOrderȱisȱtoȱrecoverȱtheȱHolyȱLand,ȱtoȱestablishȱtheȱtrue Catholicȱ faithȱ inȱ theȱ East,ȱ andȱ toȱ spreadȱ thatȱ faith.ȱ Philippeȱ envisionsȱ aȱ new Christendomȱwhoseȱexampleȱandȱinfluenceȱextends .ȱ.ȱ.ȱenȱorientȱjusquesȱenȱIndeȱetȱNubieȱetȱTartarie,ȱenȱrapellantȱetȱattrainantȱdeȱtoutes parsȱ lesȱ anemisȱ duȱ Crucifixȱ aȱ laȱ foyȱ catholique:ȱ lesȱ unsȱ parȱ sainteȱ predication,ȱ les

21

Onȱtheȱbodyȱpolitic,ȱwhoseȱailments,ȱasȱperceivedȱinȱlateȬmedievalȱFrenchȱpoliticalȱliterature includedȱtheȱHundredȱYearsȱWar,ȱCharlesȱVI’sȱboutsȱofȱinsanityȱbeginningȱ1392,ȱtheȱGreatȱSchism ofȱtheȱPapacy,ȱNicopolis,ȱandȱrelatedȱproblems,ȱseeȱPicherit,ȱMétaphoreȱpathologique,ȱpassimȱ(see noteȱ21)ȱThoughȱmostȱrecentȱpertinentȱworkȱonȱtheȱmetaphorȱappearsȱtoȱfocusȱonȱChristineȱde Pizan,ȱitȱoftenȱcanȱprofitablyȱbeȱappliedȱtoȱPhilippe;ȱsee,ȱe.ȱg.,ȱHealingȱtheȱBodyȱPolitic:ȱTheȱPolitical ThoughtȱofȱChristineȱdeȱPizan,ȱed.ȱKarenȱGreen,ȱandȱConstantȱJ.ȱMews.ȱDisputatio,ȱ7ȱ(Turnhout, Belgium:ȱBrepols,ȱ2005),ȱesp.ȱessaysȱbyȱBarryȱCollett,ȱCaryȱJ.ȱNederman,ȱandTsaeȱLanȱLeeȱȱDow.ȱ

388

CarolynȱP.ȱCollette autresȱparȱl’exampleȱdeȱsainteȱvie,ȱetȱenȱmetantȱlesȱresistansȱetȱobstinésȱparȱl’espee materieleȱaȱsubjectionȱdeȱlaȱfoy.ȱ (Order,ȱ90) [toȱtheȱEastȱasȱfarȱasȱIndia,ȱNubiaȱandȱTartary,ȱcallingȱandȱdrawingȱoutȱallȱtheȱenemies ofȱtheȱCrucifiedȱoneȱfromȱallȱpartsȱofȱtheȱworldȱtoȱtheȱCatholicȱfaith,ȱsomeȱbyȱholy preaching,ȱandȱothersȱbyȱtheȱexampleȱofȱholyȱliving,ȱandȱsubjectingȱthoseȱresistantȱand obstinateȱtoȱtheȱfaithȱbyȱtheȱsword].ȱ

Heȱenumeratesȱaȱseriesȱofȱtwentyȱcausesȱoutliningȱtheȱgoodȱthatȱhisȱorderȱwill achieve,ȱforȱindividuals,ȱforȱEurope,ȱandȱforȱtheȱHolyȱLand.ȱWhatȱweȱmightȱregard asȱtheȱprimaryȱstrategicȱpurposeȱofȱhisȱchivalricȱorderȱdedicatedȱtoȱrecoveringȱthe HolyȱLandȱappearsȱinȱtheȱfourthȱcauseȱthat,ȱ“laȱTerreȱSainteȱsoitȱacquiseȱetȱdelivree deȱlaȱmainȱdesȱanemisȱdeȱlaȱfoy,ȱetȱacquiseȱenȱlaȱfoy,ȱfermementȱretenue”ȱ(Order, 48;ȱtheȱHolyȱLandȱbeȱacquiredȱandȱdeliveredȱfromȱtheȱhandȱofȱtheȱenemiesȱofȱthe faith,ȱandȱsecuredȱinȱtheȱfaith,ȱfirmlyȱheld). TheȱlistȱalsoȱencompassesȱtheȱexpectedȱgoalsȱofȱspreadingȱtheȱCatholicȱfaithȱand helpingȱtoȱhealȱtheȱpapalȱSchism.ȱAtȱleastȱtwelveȱcausesȱfocusȱonȱhowȱtheȱOrder willȱprepareȱtheȱwayȱforȱRichardȱII’sȱandȱCharlesȱVI’sȱarrivalȱinȱtheȱHolyȱLand. PhilippeȱimaginesȱtheȱOrderȱgoingȱinȱadvanceȱofȱtheȱmonarchsȱasȱJohnȱtheȱBaptist wentȱinȱadvanceȱofȱJesus,ȱ“apparellierȱlaȱvoie”ȱ(Order,ȱ66;ȱtoȱprepareȱtheȱway)ȱby itsȱperformanceȱofȱfaithȱandȱrectitude,ȱanȱalignmentȱofȱprofessionȱandȱactionȱto inspireȱonlookers:ȱ“parȱl’exampleȱd’uneȱsiȱnovelleȱetȱsiȱsolempneleȱdevotionȱles crestiens,ȱetȱparȱespecialȱlezȱhommesȱd’armes,ȱsoientȱesmeuȱdeȱlaissierȱleurȱpechiés etȱdeȱleurȱvieȱamander.ȱ(Order,ȱ48;ȱbyȱexampleȱofȱsoȱnewȱandȱsoȱsolemnȱaȱdevotion [that]ȱChristiansȱandȱespeciallyȱmenȱofȱarms,ȱareȱmovedȱtoȱturnȱawayȱfromȱtheir sinȱandȱtoȱamendȱtheirȱlives). Throughoutȱ theȱ firstȱ halfȱ ofȱ hisȱ apologia,ȱ Philippeȱ usesȱ theȱ themeȱ ofȱ lightȱ to conveyȱhisȱconvictionȱthatȱperformanceȱandȱperceptionȱareȱelementsȱcentralȱto success.ȱAboveȱallȱelseȱtheȱOrderȱwillȱbeȱvisible;ȱwithȱtheȱhelpȱofȱJesus,ȱ“etȱparȱla vertuȱdeȱsaȱsainteȱPassion,ȱaveucȱl’intercessionȱdebonnaireȱdeȱlaȱtresdoulceȱVierge Marie,ȱnotreȱsainteȱChevalerieȱdeȱlaȱPassionȱJhesuȱCristȱseraȱproduiteȱetȱesleveeȱen lumiere”ȱ (Order,ȱ 46;ȱ andȱ byȱ theȱ powerȱ ofȱ Hisȱ holyȱ Passion,ȱ withȱ theȱ gracious intercessionȱofȱtheȱsweetȱVirginȱMary,ȱourȱholyȱKnighthoodȱofȱtheȱPassionȱofȱJesus Christȱshallȱbeȱformedȱandȱraisedȱupȱinȱlight).ȱItȱwillȱshineȱaȱlightȱoverȱtheȱHoly Landȱwhichȱwillȱillumineȱtheȱworld:ȱ“parȱlaȱvertuȱdeȱsonȱfondement,ȱc’estȱdeȱla PassionȱduȱdoulzȱAigneletȱochis,ȱenȱconquestantȱlaȱTerreȱSainteȱmervelleusement d’uneȱnouvelleȱlumiereȱenlumineraȱlaȱsainteȱcitéȱdeȱJherusalem,ȱmilitantȱetȱles regionsȱnonȱtantȱseulementȱd’orientȱmaisȱd’austre,ȱouȱmidi,ȱdeȱseptentrionȱetȱde touteȱoccident,ȱvoireȱd’uneȱflambeȱdeȱcharitéȱetȱd’amourȱtresperchant”ȱ(Order,ȱ47; byȱtheȱpowerȱofȱitsȱfoundation,ȱthatȱisȱtheȱPassionȱofȱtheȱsweetȱlambȱwhoȱwas killed,ȱinȱconqueringȱtheȱHolyȱLandȱmarvelouslyȱaȱnewȱlightȱwillȱilluminateȱthe

WagingȱSpiritualȱWar

389

HolyȱCityȱofȱJerusalem,ȱandȱthoseȱregionsȱnotȱonlyȱofȱtheȱeast,ȱbutȱofȱtheȱsouth,ȱthe north,ȱandȱallȱtheȱwest,ȱverilyȱbyȱaȱpiercingȱflameȱofȱcharityȱandȱlove).ȱ Onceȱreleasedȱfromȱtheȱbondsȱofȱsin,ȱtheȱmembersȱofȱtheȱOrder,ȱandȱthoseȱwho followȱtheirȱinspiration,ȱwillȱbeȱlikeȱthoseȱaddressedȱbyȱPaul,ȱ“vousȱfusteȱtenebre, maisȱaȱpresentȱvousȱestesȱdevenusȱlumiereȱenȱDieu.”22ȱThisȱnewȱOrderȱofȱchivalry inȱwhichȱheart,ȱword,ȱandȱdeedȱareȱalignedȱwithȱaȱsingleȱpurposeȱwillȱshineȱasȱa beaconȱfromȱaȱcityȱonȱaȱhill:23ȱ“uneȱnouvelleȱlumiereȱseȱtrouveraȱesterȱmiseȱenȱce monde,ȱ nonȱ pasȱ soubzȱ leȱ muyȱ mussié,ȱ maisȱ surȱ unȱ chandeler,ȱ rendantȱ clere lumiereȱaȱtousȱceulzȱquiȱenȱlaȱmaisonȱdeȱDieuȱhabitent.”ȱ(Order,ȱ54;ȱaȱnewȱlightȱwill beȱfoundȱinȱthisȱworld,ȱnotȱhiddenȱunderȱaȱbushel,ȱbutȱonȱaȱchandelier,ȱshining brightȱlightȱonȱallȱthoseȱwhoȱdwellȱinȱtheȱhouseȱofȱtheȱLord). Adoptingȱaȱnewȱcharacterȱgroundedȱinȱpenitence,ȱabsolution,ȱandȱreformation, membersȱofȱtheȱOrderȱmoveȱacrossȱaȱvastȱstageȱconstructedȱbyȱPhilippeȱandȱon whichȱ heȱ envisionsȱ theseȱ knights’ȱ movementsȱ andȱ deeds.ȱ Performingȱ true Christianityȱinȱtheȱlightȱtheirȱownȱredemptionȱhasȱcreated,ȱtheyȱwillȱconquerȱby example.ȱAnxiousȱtoȱhealȱdivision,ȱtoȱpracticeȱaȱmedicineȱofȱunity,ȱheȱenvisionsȱa conversionȱofȱChristianȱschismaticsȱbackȱtoȱtheȱfaith: ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱquantȱ[ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱgenerationsȱdezȱcrestiensȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱscismatiquesȱverrontȱesȱpartiesȱd’orient siȱ grantȱ secoursȱ queȱ Dieuȱ leurȱ auraȱ mandé,ȱ c’estȱ assavoirȱ deȱ cesteȱ Chevalerie,ȱ en laqualleȱ ilȱ verrontȱ etȱ congnoistrontȱ siȱ grantȱ maturitéȱ etȱ debonnaireté,ȱ siȱ grantȱ foy, esperanceȱetȱcharité,ȱprudence,ȱtemperance,ȱforceȱetȱdiligance,ȱjusticeȱetȱveritéȱ[ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱil estȱdoulcementȱaȱcroi(r)eȱqueȱlesdisȱscismatiquesȱdeȱtantȱdeȱvertusȱenluminés,ȱenȱDieu seȱconvertirontȱetȱretour(ne)rontȱaȱlaȱsainteȱfoyȱdeȱRommeȱcatholique.ȱ (Order,ȱ60) [whenȱtheȱgenerationsȱofȱschismaticȱChristiansȱinȱtheȱEastȱseeȱwhatȱgreatȱsuccorȱGod hasȱsentȱthem,ȱinȱthisȱchivalricȱorder,ȱinȱwhichȱtheyȱwillȱ seeȱandȱknowȱsuchȱgreat maturityȱandȱgenerosity,ȱsuchȱgreatȱfaith,ȱhope,ȱandȱcharity,ȱprudence,ȱtemperance, powerȱandȱdiligence,ȱjusticeȱandȱtruthȱ(ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.)ȱitȱisȱsweetȱtoȱbelieveȱthatȱtheseȱschismatics, enlightenedȱbyȱsuchȱgreatȱvirtues,ȱwillȱconvertȱtoȱGodȱandȱreturnȱtoȱtheȱholyȱfaithȱof RomanȱCatholicism]. ȱ

Conquestȱasȱwellȱasȱconversionȱcanȱbeȱrealizedȱbyȱtheȱpowerfulȱforceȱofȱexemplary Christianȱ behavior,ȱ byȱ theȱ swordȱ ofȱ theȱ spiritȱ andȱ byȱ goodȱ example,ȱ gentle admonition,ȱandȱreason.ȱOnlyȱinȱcasesȱwhereȱsuchȱperformanceȱofȱvirtuesȱfailsȱwill thereȱbeȱrecourseȱtoȱ“l’espeeȱtemporeleȱetȱroiale”ȱ(Order,ȱ66;ȱtheȱtemporalȱandȱroyal sword).ȱ Butȱ Philippeȱ hopesȱ primarilyȱ toȱ effectȱ conversionȱ withoutȱ shedding humanȱblood,ȱthroughȱ“justiceȱetȱequité,ȱesȱeuvresȱdeȱmisericordeȱetȱenȱverité humblementȱexcersansȱetȱenȱtoutesȱsesȱeuvresȱnouvelleȱlumiereȱrendans”ȱ(Order,

22 23

SeeȱEphesians,ȱ5:8:ȱ“Forȱyeȱwereȱsometimesȱinȱdarkness,ȱbutȱnowȱareȱyeȱlightȱinȱtheȱLord.” AȱconceptȱbasedȱonȱMatthew,ȱ5:14:ȱ“Yeȱareȱtheȱlightȱofȱtheȱworld.ȱAȱcityȱthatȱisȱsetȱonȱaȱhillȱcannot beȱhid.”ȱ

390

CarolynȱP.ȱCollette

67;ȱjusticeȱandȱequity,ȱinȱworksȱofȱmercyȱandȱinȱtrueȱhumility,ȱinȱallȱtheirȱworks shiningȱforthȱaȱnewȱlight).

BuildingȱtheȱNewȱJerusalem InȱcomposingȱhisȱplayȱaboutȱtheȱpresentationȱofȱtheȱVirginȱinȱtheȱTemple,ȱandȱin imaginingȱtheȱspiritualȱpathȱaȱdevoutȱknightȱmustȱfollowȱinȱtheȱEpistreȱLamentable, Philippeȱ describesȱ andȱ directsȱ actionȱ withinȱ aȱ definedȱ andȱ detailedȱ space.ȱ His sensitivityȱtoȱtheȱrelationshipȱbetweenȱspaceȱandȱperformance,ȱperhapsȱstimulated byȱ hisȱ participationȱ inȱ variousȱ royalȱ courtsȱ andȱ presentations,ȱ permeatesȱ the sectionȱ ofȱ theȱ Orderȱ describingȱ theȱ materialityȱ ofȱ conquest.ȱ Asȱ detailedȱ inȱ the Order,ȱ heȱ envisionsȱ bothȱ theȱ meansȱ ofȱ conquestȱ andȱ itsȱ realizationȱ inȱ material culture.ȱ Inȱ outliningȱ theȱ buildingsȱ theȱ Orderȱ willȱ constructȱ andȱ inhabitȱ heȱ is alwaysȱcarefulȱtoȱdeviseȱsetsȱthatȱprovideȱmaximumȱopportunityȱforȱtheȱpower andȱ theȱ gloryȱ ofȱ theȱ Orderȱ toȱ appear.ȱ Hisȱ visionȱ isȱ ofȱ peopleȱ andȱ space hierarchicallyȱorganized.ȱAȱprinceȱfromȱamongȱthisȱassemblageȱofȱknightsȱwillȱlive inȱtheȱmainȱconventȱofȱtheȱOrder,ȱaȱcastleȱinȱaȱprincipalȱcity,ȱ“tressollempnelzȱetȱde grantȱ magnificence”ȱ (mostȱ solemnlyȱ andȱ inȱ greatȱ magnificence),ȱ attendedȱ by variousȱmembersȱofȱtheȱOrderȱofȱvariousȱdegrees,ȱalongȱwithȱtheirȱretainers.ȱ Threeȱdiningȱhallsȱprovideȱspacesȱforȱsecularȱmeetings.ȱOneȱwillȱbeȱtheȱprincipal chamberȱforȱtheȱprinceȱofȱtheȱorder;ȱecclesiastsȱwillȱhaveȱtheirȱownȱtinelȱ(dining andȱ meetingȱ rooms),ȱ asȱ willȱ theȱ commanderȱ ofȱ theȱ horse—eachȱ groupȱ withȱ a separateȱ spaceȱ inȱ whichȱ toȱ feast,ȱ hostȱ guests,ȱ and,ȱ inȱ theȱ mannerȱ ofȱ medieval courts,ȱenactȱtheȱsocialȱritualsȱthatȱsurroundedȱcommunalȱdining.ȱTheȱspaceȱwithin theȱ outerȱ wallsȱ ofȱ thisȱ castleȱ isȱ similarlyȱ imagined,ȱ comprisingȱ aȱ hospital,ȱ a baptistery,ȱaȱcouncilȱchamber,ȱaȱcloister,ȱandȱaȱcourtȱforȱreceivingȱguests.ȱItȱisȱa homeȱforȱwomenȱasȱwellȱasȱmen,ȱincludingȱapartmentsȱforȱtheȱvariousȱ“chevaliers, frèresȱ etȱ sergansȱ [ȱ .ȱ .ȱ .]ȱ etȱ pourȱ leursȱ femmes”ȱ (Order,ȱ 84;ȱ knights,ȱ monksȱ and officersȱ[ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱandȱforȱtheirȱwives).ȱ Theȱ castleȱ outbuildingsȱ includeȱ wineȱ cellars,ȱ barns,ȱ granaries,ȱ stables,ȱ and communalȱbaths.ȱPhilippeȱdevotesȱaȱgreatȱdealȱofȱattentionȱtoȱtheȱcastleȱchapelȱas aȱvisuallyȱremarkableȱspace:ȱ“uneȱegliseȱsiȱnotableȱetȱsiȱmervelleuseȱqueȱonques semblabeȱ enȱ fourmeȱ neȱ fuȱ veüe”ȱ (Order,ȱ 83;ȱ aȱ churchȱ soȱ noteworthyȱ andȱ so marvelousȱthatȱnothingȱlikeȱitȱinȱformȱhasȱeverȱbeenȱseen).ȱItȱwillȱbeȱfiftyȱcubits wide,ȱ andȱ aȱ hundredȱ cubitsȱ long,ȱ twentyȬfiveȱ cubitsȱ high;ȱ itȱ willȱ containȱ no columns.ȱThoseȱwhoȱattendȱthisȱchurch,ȱwithoutȱmovingȱfromȱtheirȱownȱseats,ȱwill beȱableȱtoȱseeȱwithoutȱobstructionȱthreeȱgrandȱaltars,ȱsetȱinȱtheȱeast,ȱwithȱother altarsȱandȱchapelsȱsituatedȱinȱtheȱwest,ȱorȱsouth,ȱorȱnorthȱ(Order,ȱ83).ȱThisȱspace is,ȱ ofȱ course,ȱ theȱ placeȱ ofȱ theȱ ultimateȱ Christianȱ performance—theȱ Mass—and Philippeȱisȱcarefulȱtoȱsayȱthatȱeveryoneȱwillȱthusȱbeȱableȱtoȱ“veoirȱlesȱprestres

WagingȱSpiritualȱWar

391

chantansȱ etȱ leverȱ leȱ precieuxȱ corpsȱ Nostreȱ Segneur”ȱ (Order,ȱ 83;ȱ seeȱ theȱ priests chantingȱandȱraisingȱtheȱpreciousȱbodyȱofȱOurȱLordȱ[theȱEucharist]). Theȱ peopleȱ whoȱ inhabitȱ theȱ spacesȱ heȱ imaginesȱ andȱ whoȱ enactȱ hisȱ idealȱ of Christianȱfaithȱdisplayȱtheirȱvirtueȱinȱtheirȱdress.ȱTheȱgeneralȱhabitȱofȱtheȱOrderȱis describedȱnotȱonlyȱinȱgreatȱdetailȱwithȱrespectȱtoȱspecificȱfabricsȱandȱdesigns,ȱbut alsoȱthroughȱaȱmoralȱvocabularyȱcenteredȱinȱformsȱofȱtheȱwordȱhonnesteȱwithȱits connotationsȱofȱpropriety,ȱmoralȱtransparencyȱandȱauthenticity.ȱThisȱdiscourse underscoresȱtheȱimpressionȱPhilippeȱintendsȱtheȱhabitȱtoȱimpart:ȱtheȱknightsȱofȱthe OrderȱhaveȱliterallyȱtakenȱupȱtheirȱcrossȱandȱfollowedȱJesus.ȱTheirȱclothing—of respectableȱfabricȱandȱplainȱhue,ȱcomplementedȱbyȱredȱhats,ȱsymbolicȱofȱChrist’s blood—proclaimsȱtheirȱdedicationȱtoȱserviceȱandȱfealty.ȱOverȱtheȱrobeȱtheyȱwill wearȱaȱmantelȱ“honestȱdeȱdrapȱblanc”ȱ(plain,ȱhonest,ȱofȱwhiteȱsheeting)ȱadorned withȱaȱredȱcross:ȱinȱall,ȱ“unȱmantelȱtreshonnesteȱetȱhabile”ȱ(Order,ȱ85–86;ȱaȱmost honorableȱandȱappropriateȱmantel).ȱTheirȱclothesȱthusȱcompriseȱaȱliveryȱofȱfaith andȱdevotion. Women,ȱ noȱ lessȱ thanȱ men,ȱ areȱ essentialȱ performersȱ accordingȱ toȱ Philippe’s scheme.ȱTheȱdescriptionȱofȱtheȱOrderȱinȱAshmoleȱMSȱ813ȱrefersȱtoȱtheȱnecessityȱof womenȱtoȱitsȱsuccess,ȱlinkingȱtheirȱpresenceȱtoȱtheȱfactȱthatȱ“chastetéȱvirginaleȱest tropȱforteȱaȱgarderȱesȱpartiesȱd’orient”ȱ(Order,ȱ58;ȱvirginalȱchastityȱisȱtooȱdifficult [forȱmen]ȱtoȱpreserveȱinȱEasternȱlands),ȱandȱtoȱpastȱexperience,ȱwhichȱhasȱproven thatȱknightsȱresistȱcallsȱtoȱjoinȱaȱcrusadeȱinȱpartȱbecauseȱtheyȱfearȱtheyȱwillȱnotȱbe ableȱtoȱkeepȱtheirȱvowsȱofȱchastetéȱvirginaleȱinȱtheȱabsenceȱofȱwomen,ȱpresumably theirȱwives.ȱToȱpreserveȱmaleȱvirtue,ȱPhilippeȱenvisionsȱaȱcadreȱofȱwomenȱwho willȱaccompanyȱtheȱknights,ȱasȱwivesȱandȱasȱsemiȬvowessesȱ(wivesȱwhoseȱlivesȱare dedicatedȱtoȱservingȱGod).ȱ TheirȱfunctionȱisȱtwoȬfold:ȱfirstȱandȱmostȱimportant,ȱtoȱhelpȱpreserveȱtheȱchastity ofȱtheȱknights,ȱwho,ȱlivingȱinȱaȱwarmȱclimate,ȱwillȱbeȱsubjectȱtoȱ temptationȱof “touteȱfornicationȱetȱpechieȱdeȱchar,ȱsoitȱenȱnatureȱouȱcontreȱnature,ȱauquelȱnature humaineȱparȱl’instigationȱduȱdyableȱaujourduyȱestȱmoultȱencline”ȱ(Order,ȱ81;ȱall fornicationȱandȱsinȱofȱtheȱflesh,ȱwhetherȱnaturalȱorȱunnatural,ȱtoȱwhichȱhuman nature,ȱbyȱtheȱdevil’sȱinstigation,ȱisȱmuchȱinclinedȱtoday).ȱTheseȱknightsȱtherefore shouldȱ followȱ Paul’sȱ adviceȱ toȱ marry,ȱ ratherȱ thanȱ burn.24ȱ Theȱ secondȱ purpose womenȱcanȱfulfill,ȱsomewhatȱconversely,ȱoffersȱanȱexampleȱtoȱthoseȱwishingȱtoȱdo God’sȱ workȱ withoutȱ suchȱ extremeȱ abstinenceȱ butȱ rather,ȱ byȱ observingȱ marital chastity—i.ȱe.,ȱcouplingȱonlyȱwithȱtheirȱhusbands—suchȱwomenȱwillȱserveȱthe Orderȱbyȱprocreatingȱchildren:ȱ“parȱprocreationȱpourontȱlessierȱlignieȱauȱservice deȱDieu”ȱ(Order,ȱ81;ȱbyȱprocreationȱtheyȱwillȱbeȱableȱtoȱleaveȱaȱlineageȱinȱservice toȱGod).ȱTheirȱissueȱwillȱhelpȱcolonizeȱtheȱHolyȱLandȱandȱrenewȱtheȱmembership ofȱtheȱOrder,ȱtherebyȱguaranteeingȱitsȱcontinuity. 24

IȱCorinthians,ȱ7:9.

392

CarolynȱP.ȱCollette

BecauseȱtheȱconquestȱandȱconversionȱofȱtheȱHolyȱLandȱwillȱentailȱbattleȱand, inevitably,ȱdeathȱforȱsomeȱmembersȱofȱtheȱOrder,ȱwidowsȱareȱexpectedȱtoȱremarry withinȱ theȱ Christianȱ community.ȱ Preventingȱ propertyȱ transferȱ outsideȱ the Europeanȱ communityȱ seemsȱ toȱ beȱ aȱ goalȱ ofȱ thisȱ departureȱ fromȱ European convention:ȱ“lesȱveuvesȱdeȱyȬceulz,ȱparȱleȱconseilȱdeȱlaȱchevalerieȱseȱpourrontȱbien marierȱleȱseconde,ȱlaȱtierceȱfoisȱouȱplus;ȱlequelȱconseilȱauraȱgrantȱdiligenceȱde marierȱenȱnostreȱChevalerie,ȱetȱpauȱdehorsȱlaȱChevalerie,ȱlesȱfilzȱetȱlesȱfillesȱdeȱnos chevaliersȱetȱcombatansȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”ȱ(Order,ȱ87;ȱtheȱwidowsȱofȱtheseȱ[fallenȱknights],ȱby counselȱ[permission]ȱofȱtheȱOrderȱmayȱwellȱmarryȱaȱsecondȱorȱthirdȱtime,ȱorȱmore; whichȱcounselȱwillȱdiligentlyȱadviseȱtheȱsonsȱandȱdaughtersȱofȱourȱknightsȱand warriorsȱtoȱmarryȱwithinȱtheȱOrderȱandȱnotȱoutsideȱofȱit).ȱWidowsȱandȱchildren ofȱknightsȱwhoȱloseȱtheirȱlivesȱwillȱbeȱsolicitouslyȱcaredȱfor,ȱaȱfactȱwhichȱPhilippe imaginesȱasȱaȱfurtherȱattractionȱtoȱnewȱmembersȱ(Order,ȱ53).ȱ Forȱtheirȱpart,ȱtheȱwomenȱwhoȱjoinȱtheȱOrderȱasȱwivesȱareȱexpectedȱtoȱperform aȱnewȱkindȱofȱidealȱwomanhood,ȱrootedȱinȱcontemporaryȱgenderȱexpectationsȱof modestyȱ andȱ obedience,ȱ butȱ designedȱ toȱ blurȱ theȱ lineȱ betweenȱ religiously professedȱ andȱ layȱ women.ȱ Heȱ describesȱ theȱ womenȱ asȱ “femmesȱ legitimesȱ de religieuseȱ vie”ȱ withȱ whomȱ itȱ willȱ beȱ possibleȱ toȱ liveȱ andȱ loveȱ “chastementȱ et honnestement”ȱinȱtheȱfearȱofȱtheȱLord.ȱLikeȱtheȱmen,ȱthey,ȱtoo,ȱpromiseȱtoȱliveȱin anȱ“honneste”ȱfashion:ȱmoderateȱwithȱrespectȱtoȱlifeȱstyleȱandȱclothing;ȱeschewing excessȱ(Order,ȱ88). Inȱ largeȱ partȱ becauseȱ heȱ viewsȱ womenȱ asȱ vectorsȱ ofȱ lustȱ andȱ sensuality,25 Philippeȱapparentlyȱrevisitedȱtheȱroleȱofȱwomen,ȱtheirȱdress,ȱdeportmentȱandȱplace withinȱ theȱ communityȱ ofȱ Godȱ heȱ envisioned.ȱ Modernȱ historianȱ Philippe ContamineȱhasȱcompiledȱaȱseriesȱofȱdetailsȱfromȱvariousȱmanuscriptsȱofȱtheȱOrder revealingȱthatȱtheȱkindȱofȱattentionȱthatȱPhilippeȱdeȱMézièresȱdevotedȱtoȱtheȱdress ofȱhisȱknightsȱ(andȱtoȱtheȱclothingȱofȱarchbishops,ȱbishops,ȱecclesiastsȱandȱsergans ofȱ theȱ order)ȱ extendedȱ toȱ aȱ concernȱ thatȱ women—whoȱ otherwiseȱ couldȱ well becomeȱ theȱ devil’sȱ instruments,ȱ particularlyȱ inȱ anȱ Easternȱ climateȱ withȱ its inducementsȱtoȱsensuality—dressȱinȱsuchȱaȱwayȱthatȱtheirȱclothingȱwouldȱproclaim andȱsignifyȱtheirȱmoralȱvirtueȱratherȱthanȱtheirȱsexuality.26ȱTheyȱwouldȱbeȱdressed inȱ plainȱ clothing,ȱ nunȬlikeȱ habitsȱ devoidȱ ofȱ luxuriousȱ trimming,ȱ lackingȱ any 25

26

SeeȱCarolynȱP.ȱCollette,ȱ“ChaucerȱandȱtheȱFrenchȱTraditionȱRevisited:ȱPhilippeȱdeȱMézièresȱand theȱGoodȱWife,”ȱMedievalȱWomen:ȱTextsȱandȱContextsȱinȱLateȱMedievalȱBritain.ȱEssaysȱforȱFelicity Riddy,ȱed.ȱJocelynȱWoganȬBrowne,ȱRosalynnȱVoaden,ȱArlynȱDiamond,ȱAnnȱHutchinson,ȱCarol Meale,ȱandȱLesleyȱJohnsonȱ(Turnhout,ȱBelgium:ȱBrepols,ȱ2000),ȱ151–68. PhilippeȱContamine,ȱ“Laȱplaceȱdesȱfemmesȱdansȱlesȱdeuxȱpremièresȱrèglesȱ(1367–1368ȱetȱ1384)ȱde l’OrdreȱdeȱlaȱchevalerieȱdeȱlaȱPassionȱdeȱJésusȬChristȱdeȱPhilippeȱdeȱMézières,”ȱAuȱcloîtreȱetȱdans leȱ monde:ȱ femmes,ȱ hommesȱ etȱ sociétésȱ (IXȱ Ȭȱ XVeȱ siècle),ȱ ed.,ȱ Pauletteȱ L’HermiteȬLeclercq,ȱ Patrick Henriet,ȱandȱAnneȬMarieȱLegrasȱ(Paris:ȱPressesȱdeȱl’UniversitéȱdeȱParis–Sorbonne,ȱ2000),ȱ79–88. Theȱmouvanceȱofȱthisȱtopicȱfromȱmanuscriptȱtoȱmanuscriptȱsuggestsȱthat,ȱwhileȱPhilippeȱregarded itȱasȱaȱcentralȱelementȱofȱhisȱplan,ȱcopyistsȱmayȱnotȱhave.ȱ

WagingȱSpiritualȱWar

393

ornamentationȱofȱsilkȱofȱgold,ȱsilver,ȱorȱpearls,ȱclothingȱspecificallyȱdesignedȱnot toȱarouseȱmaleȱdesire.ȱTheirȱdressȱwasȱtoȱbeȱ“honnête,ȱcommeȱcelleȱdesȱchevaliers” whoseȱclothingȱContamineȱcomparesȱtoȱthatȱofȱFranciscansȱandȱCarmelites.ȱ Aȱwoman’sȱoverȬtunicȱwasȱdesignedȱtoȱfallȱfreelyȱwithoutȱrevealingȱ“laȱforme niȱdesȱseinsȱniȱd’aucunȱmembre”ȱ(neitherȱtheȱformȱofȱtheȱbreasts,ȱnorȱanyȱpartȱof theȱbody).27ȱWithȱaȱhighȱneck,ȱandȱadornedȱwithȱaȱcross,ȱthisȱclothingȱproclaimed aȱwoman’sȱdevotionȱandȱstatusȱfromȱaȱdistance.ȱInȱmanyȱwaysȱwomen’sȱdressȱis theȱultimateȱcostumeȱofȱtheȱplayȱPhilippeȱimaginesȱasȱheȱwritesȱofȱhisȱutopian visionȱofȱtheȱOrderȱandȱwhatȱitȱcanȱachieve.ȱTheȱwomenȱofȱtheȱOrderȱareȱutterly transformedȱfromȱhumanȱindividualsȱintoȱpropsȱinȱaȱplay;ȱthroughȱtheȱlayersȱof clothȱthatȱobscureȱthem,ȱunderȱtheirȱveilsȱadornedȱwithȱaȱredȱcross,ȱtheyȱcarryȱa richȱsemioticȱmessageȱaboutȱgenderȱroles,ȱsexualȱattraction,ȱtheȱdangersȱofȱthe flesh,ȱandȱotherȱformsȱofȱanxietyȱaboutȱgenderȱwithinȱtheȱbrandȱofȱChristianity thatȱPhilippeȱpracticesȱandȱforȱwhichȱheȱstrivesȱtoȱproselytize.ȱNotȱcoincidentally, theȱ sexualȱ temptationȱ theȱ Order’sȱ womenȱ mightȱ offerȱ isȱ alsoȱ conqueredȱ and contained.

AȱContinuingȱCrusade? MauriceȱKeenȱconcludesȱhisȱstudyȱofȱchivalryȱwithȱreflectionsȱonȱwhyȱtheȱideaȱof anotherȱcrusadeȱtoȱtheȱHolyȱLand,ȱthoughȱintermittentlyȱproposedȱwellȱintoȱthe sixteenthȱcentury,ȱwasȱeffectivelyȱdeadȱbyȱtheȱearlyȱfifteenthȱcentury.ȱAmongȱthe reasonsȱ heȱ citesȱ areȱ theȱ expansionȱ ofȱ Europeanȱ reachȱ beyondȱ theȱ East,ȱ toȱ the AmericasȱandȱintoȱtheȱEastȱIndies,ȱwhereȱcrusadingȱenergyȱwasȱredirected:ȱ“At leastȱinȱtheȱearlyȱdaysȱofȱtheȱconquestȱofȱAmerica,ȱtheȱimpactȱofȱtheȱoldȱcrusading idealȱuponȱthisȱnewȱkindȱofȱventureȱisȱveryȱclear.”28ȱFromȱwhatȱweȱknowȱofȱthe historyȱ ofȱ Europeanȱ spiritualityȱ andȱ itsȱ connectionsȱ toȱ expansionȱ asȱ wellȱ as colonialism,ȱitȱisȱhardȱnotȱtoȱconnectȱtheȱperformativeȱandȱexemplaryȱfunctionȱof theȱ crusadeȱ Philippeȱ advocatesȱ withȱ laterȱ apologists’ȱ ideasȱ forȱ appropriating territoryȱinȱtheȱnameȱofȱreligionȱandȱtheȱhopeȱofȱprovidingȱexemplaryȱexperience bothȱtoȱconvertȱtheȱAmericasȱandȱtoȱinspireȱEuropeansȱtowardȱholierȱwaysȱofȱlife. JohnȱWinthrop’sȱcityȱonȱaȱhill,ȱinvokedȱandȱenvisionedȱinȱhisȱsermon,ȱ“AȱModel ofȱ Christianȱ Charity,”ȱ preachedȱ toȱ hisȱ bandȱ ofȱ religiousȱ Puritansȱ asȱ theyȱ were aboutȱtoȱdebarkȱfromȱtheȱArbellaȱinȱ1630ȱontoȱtheȱwildȱcoastȱofȱwhatȱwouldȱbecome Massachusettsȱ Bayȱ Colony,ȱ sharesȱ muchȱ withȱ theȱ aspirationȱ ofȱ Philippe’s crusadingȱorder.ȱInȱbothȱcasesȱaȱvisionȱofȱchange,ȱmoralȱrevolution,ȱandȱdesireȱto

27 28

AllȱquotationsȱfromȱContamine,ȱ“Placeȱdesȱfemmes,”ȱ82ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ27).ȱ MauriceȱKeen,ȱChivalryȱ(NewȱHaven:ȱYaleȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1984),ȱ251–52.

394

CarolynȱP.ȱCollette

serveȱGodȱproperlyȱsoughtȱaȱsiteȱonȱwhichȱtoȱeraseȱanȱimpureȱpast,ȱandȱcreateȱa lightȱtoȱshineȱonȱtheȱworldȱandȱattractȱothersȱtoȱitsȱrighteousȱpaths.ȱ Inȱ viewȱ ofȱ contemporaryȱ thinkingȱ aboutȱ theȱ connectionsȱ betweenȱ European crusadingȱandȱEuropeanȱpresenceȱinȱtheȱAmericas,ȱweȱmightȱwellȱreadȱPhilippe’s proposalȱasȱaȱharbingerȱofȱwarsȱandȱambitionsȱtoȱcome.ȱHisȱvisionȱofȱaȱunitedȱbut hierarchicallyȱstructuredȱsociety,ȱremovedȱfromȱEuropeȱasȱmuchȱasȱeconomically feasible—sited,ȱbutȱnotȱrooted,ȱinȱtheȱHolyȱLand—wasȱdesignedȱtoȱinspireȱand healȱ theȱ countriesȱ ofȱ Europe,ȱ plaguedȱ asȱ theyȱ wereȱ byȱ corrosiveȱ divisions, especiallyȱwithinȱtheȱknightlyȱclass.ȱHisȱOrderȱwasȱdesignedȱtoȱfunctionȱasȱaȱnew state:ȱitȱwouldȱadministerȱjustice,ȱbothȱcivileȱandȱcriminelleȱ(Order,ȱ79);ȱitȱwould issueȱmoney;ȱitȱwouldȱworshipȱChristȱandȱhisȱMotherȱwithȱaȱrenewedȱpurity.29ȱIt wouldȱenlistȱthoseȱwhoȱwishȱtoȱcreateȱnewȱcharactersȱandȱnewȱlives,ȱtoȱliveȱaȱlife ofȱpublicȱperformanceȱbasedȱonȱspiritualȱdevotion.ȱPhilippe’sȱgoalȱisȱconquestȱand expansionȱofȱEuropeanȱChristianity—preferablyȱbyȱpersuasiveȱpiousȱexample,ȱbut byȱ theȱ swordȱ ifȱ needȱ be.ȱ Theȱ Orderȱ ofȱ theȱ Passionȱ thusȱ buildsȱ onȱ theȱ European crusadingȱpast,ȱandȱenvisionsȱtheȱwayȱtoȱaȱcolonizingȱfuture.30

29

30

HeȱproposesȱannualȱsurrenderȱofȱpossessionsȱtoȱtheȱOrder,ȱthatȱeachȱmemberȱmightȱbeȱfunded accordingȱtoȱhisȱneeds,ȱforgoingȱsuperfluity,ȱaȱstrictȱrenderingȱofȱaccounts,ȱandȱcarefulȱattention toȱtheȱinheritanceȱrightsȱofȱwidowsȱandȱchildrenȱ(Order,ȱ88–89).ȱSuchȱspoilsȱofȱwarȱasȱareȱgained willȱbeȱdividedȱequallyȱ(Order,ȱ90).ȱPerhapsȱmostȱradicalȱisȱtheȱexpectationȱthatȱtheyȱwillȱholdȱtheir wealthȱinȱcommonȱ(Order,ȱ82).ȱ IȱwishȱtoȱthankȱSaraȱSturmȱMaddoxȱforȱherȱgenerousȱhelpȱinȱreadingȱandȱcommentingȱonȱthis essayȱinȱdraft.ȱEditor’sȱnote:ȱSeeȱalsoȱtheȱcontributionȱtoȱthisȱvolumeȱbyȱScottȱL.ȱTaylor.

Chapterȱ15 AngusȱJ.ȱKennedy (UniversityȱofȱGlasgow)

ChristineȱdeȱPizan’sȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreine:ȱ AȱWoman’sȱPerspectiveȱonȱWarȱandȱPeace?

GeneralȱOverview:ȱAȱCareerȱForgedȱoutȱofȱWarȱandȱPeace Whileȱ rightlyȱ celebratedȱ todayȱ forȱ theirȱ vigorousȱ andȱ oftenȱ wittyȱ defenseȱ of woman’sȱstatusȱandȱroleȱwithinȱsociety,ȱtheȱextensiveȱverseȱandȱproseȱwritingsȱof ChristineȱdeȱPizan,ȱFrance’sȱfirstȱprofessionalȱfemaleȱauthorȱ(1364?–1430?),1ȱare alsoȱinseparableȱfromȱtheȱmilitaryȱconflictsȱthatȱmarkedȱtheȱcalamitousȱeraȱthrough whichȱ sheȱ lived.2ȱ Theseȱ conflictsȱ involvedȱ primarilyȱ theȱ continuingȱ Hundred

1

2

Forȱ bibliographicalȱ guidesȱ toȱ Christine’sȱ works,ȱ seeȱ Angusȱ J.ȱ Kennedy,ȱ Christineȱ deȱ Pizan:ȱ A BibliographicalȱGuide.ȱResearchȱBibliographiesȱandȱChecklists,ȱ42ȱ(London:ȱGrantȱandȱCutler,ȱ1984), SupplementȱIȱ(London:ȱGrantȱandȱCutler,ȱ1994),ȱSupplementȱ2ȱ(Woodbridge:ȱTamesis,ȱ2004);ȱEdith Yenal,ȱChristineȱdeȱPizan:ȱAȱBibliography.ȱScarecrowȱAuthorȱBibliographies,ȱ63ȱ(Metuchen,ȱNJ: ScarecrowȱPress,ȱ1989);ȱNadiaȱMargolis,ȱChristineȱdeȱPizanȱNewsletter,ȱissuesȱ1–8ȱ(Sept.ȱ1991–Dec. 1996);ȱissueȱ9ȱ(Marchȱ1999),ȱed.ȱEarlȱJeffreyȱRichards;ȱChristineȱdeȱPizanȱ2000:ȱStudiesȱonȱChristine deȱPizanȱinȱHonourȱofȱAngusȱJ.ȱKennedy,ȱed.ȱJohnȱCampbellȱandȱNadiaȱMargolis.ȱFauxȱTitre,ȱ196 (Amsterdam:ȱ Rodopi,ȱ 2000),ȱ 359–412;ȱ Lilianeȱ Dulac,ȱ “Étatȱ présentȱ desȱ travauxȱ consacrésȱ à ChristineȱdeȱPizan,”ȱPerspectivesȱmédiévales,ȱed.ȱJeanȬRenéȱValette,ȱnuméroȱjubilaireȱ(2005):ȱ167–90. Forȱaȱbiography,ȱseeȱCharityȱC.ȱWillard,ȱChristineȱdeȱPizan:ȱHerȱLifeȱandȱWorks:ȱAȱBiographyȱ(New York:ȱPerseaȱBooks,ȱ1984). WritingȱWar:ȱMedievalȱLiteraryȱResponsesȱtoȱWarfare,ȱed.ȱCorinneȱSaunders,ȱFrançoiseȱLesauxȱand NeilȱThomasȱ(Cambridge:ȱD.ȱS.ȱBrewer,ȱ2004)ȱprovidesȱaȱgoodȱintroductionȱtoȱtheȱgeneralȱtopic ofȱ literatureȱ andȱ war.ȱ Onȱ Christineȱ deȱ Pizanȱ andȱ war,ȱ goodȱ startingȱ pointsȱ areȱ providedȱ by: BereniceȱA.ȱCarroll,ȱ“OnȱtheȱCausesȱofȱWarȱandȱtheȱQuestȱforȱPeace:ȱChristineȱdeȱPizanȱandȱEarly PeaceȱTheory,”ȱAuȱchampȱdesȱescriptures:ȱIIIeȱColloqueȱinternationalȱsurȱChristineȱdeȱPizan,ȱLausanne, 18–22ȱjuilletȱ1998,ȱed.ȱEricȱHicks.ȱÉtudesȱchristiniennes,ȱ6ȱ(Paris:ȱChampion,ȱ2000),ȱ337–58;ȱTania vanȱHemelryck,ȱ“ChristineȱdeȱPizanȱetȱlaȱpaix:ȱlaȱrhétoriqueȱetȱlesȱmotsȱpourȱleȱdire,”ȱAuȱchamp desȱescriptures,ȱ663–89.

396

AngusȱJ.ȱKennedy

Years’ȱWarȱbetweenȱEnglandȱandȱFranceȱ(1337–1453),ȱtheȱpowerȱstrugglesȱbetween theȱHousesȱofȱOrleansȱandȱBurgundyȱthatȱresultedȱfromȱtheȱmentalȱinstabilityȱof Charlesȱ VIȱ (r.ȱ 1380–1422),ȱ andȱ theȱ everȬpresentȱ threatȱ ofȱ theȱ encroachmentȱ on ChristendomȱofȱIslam.ȱInteractingȱwithȱandȱoftenȱintensifyingȱtheseȱstrugglesȱwere theȱ divisionsȱ causedȱ bothȱ byȱ theȱ Greatȱ Schismȱ (1378–1417),ȱ andȱ byȱ frequent popularȱuprisingsȱduringȱtheȱlastȱyearsȱofȱtheȱfourteenthȱandȱtheȱbeginningȱofȱthe fifteenthȱcentury.3ȱTheȱinterlockingȱnatureȱofȱallȱofȱtheseȱconflictsȱcanȱbeȱillustrated byȱtheȱfactȱthatȱtheȱrivalȱpopes,ȱinsteadȱofȱmakingȱthemselvesȱavailableȱtoȱplayȱthe roleȱofȱintermediaryȱandȱpeacemaker,ȱdidȱtheirȱbestȱtoȱenlistȱEnglishȱorȱFrench supportȱforȱtheirȱrespectiveȱclaims,ȱthusȱprolongingȱtheȱinternationalȱwarȱforȱtheir ownȱselfishȱends.ȱSimilarly,ȱwithȱregardȱtoȱtheȱcivilȱwar,ȱaȱwarringȱdukeȱcould formȱtemporaryȱalliancesȱwithȱEngland,ȱorȱmanipulateȱpopularȱinsurrectionȱfor partisanȱpurposes:ȱitȱisȱlikely,ȱforȱexample,ȱthatȱJeanȱsansȱPeurȱ(JohnȱtheȱFearless), seenȱbyȱ manyȱ Parisiansȱasȱaȱreformer,ȱtriedȱtoȱexploitȱtheȱCabochienȱrevoltȱto furtherȱhisȱownȱambitionsȱ(unsuccessfully,ȱasȱitȱturnedȱout).4ȱ ToȱChristineȱandȱherȱcontemporaries,ȱtherefore,ȱwarȱmustȱhaveȱsimplyȱseemed partȱandȱparcelȱofȱlifeȱ(asȱindeedȱitȱstillȱdoesȱtoday).ȱItȱisȱlittleȱwonderȱthatȱinȱone ofȱherȱworks,ȱtheȱLivreȱduȱcheminȱdeȱlongȱestudeȱ(BookȱofȱtheȱPathȱofȱLongȱStudy; 1402–1403),ȱChristineȱshouldȱobserveȱthatȱ“Dessoubsȱleȱcielȱtoutȱmainneȱguerre” (Beneathȱtheȱfirmament,ȱeverythingȱisȱengagedȱinȱwar).5ȱNorȱisȱitȱsurprisingȱtoȱnote thatȱmilitaryȱconflictȱsignificantlyȱaffectedȱChristine’sȱlifeȱandȱwork,ȱonȱoccasion inȱ quiteȱ dramaticȱ ways:ȱ forȱ example,ȱ theȱ tensionsȱ ofȱ civilȱ warȱ interruptedȱ the compositionȱ ofȱ herȱ Livreȱ deȱ paixȱ (Bookȱ ofȱ Peace)ȱ forȱ aȱ periodȱ ofȱ nineȱ months betweenȱ 30ȱ Novemberȱ 1412ȱ andȱ 3ȱ Septemberȱ 14136;ȱ andȱ theȱ Burgundian occupationȱofȱParis,ȱonȱ29ȱMayȱ1418,ȱforcedȱChristineȱtoȱleaveȱtheȱcityȱforȱgoodȱand takeȱupȱresidenceȱelsewhere,ȱprobablyȱatȱtheȱroyalȱabbeyȱofȱtheȱDominicansȱat Poissy,ȱwhereȱChristine’sȱdaughterȱhadȱtakenȱordersȱinȱca.ȱ1396.7ȱ ThroughoutȱChristine’sȱprofessionalȱcareerȱasȱaȱwriter,ȱfromȱtheȱ1390sȱtoȱca. 1430,ȱwarȱandȱpeaceȱareȱinevitablyȱamongȱherȱmostȱpervasiveȱpreoccupations. Thereȱareȱechoesȱofȱmilitaryȱconflictȱevenȱinȱherȱlyricȱcorpusȱ(forȱexample,ȱinȱthree poemsȱonȱtheȱ“CombatȱdeȱseptȱFrançaisȱetȱseptȱAnglais”).8ȱSheȱdealsȱwithȱmilitary

3

4 5

6 7

8

ErnestȱLavisse,ȱHistoireȱdeȱFranceȱ(Paris:ȱHachette,ȱ1911),ȱ4:ȱ267–87,ȱ343–52;ȱJeanȱFavier,ȱDictionnaire deȱlaȱFranceȱmédiévaleȱ(Paris:ȱFayard,ȱ1993),ȱ196ȱ(Cabochiens),ȱ605ȱ(Maillotins),ȱ934ȱ(Tuchins). JosephȱCalmette,ȱLesȱgrandsȱducsȱdeȱBourgogneȱ(1949;ȱParis:ȱAlbinȱMichel,ȱ1997),ȱ144–47. LeȱCheminȱdeȱlongueȱétude,ȱed.ȱAndreaȱTarnowski.ȱLettresȱgothiquesȱ4558ȱ(Paris:ȱLibrairieȱGénérale Française,ȱ2000),ȱv.ȱ331. TheȱLivreȱdeȱlaȱpaixȱofȱChristineȱdeȱPisan,ȱed.ȱCharityȱC.ȱWillardȱ(TheȱHague:ȱMouton,ȱ1958),ȱ57. DitiéȱdeȱJehanneȱd’Arc,ȱed.ȱAngusȱJ.ȱKennedyȱandȱKennethȱVarty.ȱMediumȱAevumȱMonographs, n.ȱs.ȱ9ȱ(Oxford:ȱSocietyȱforȱtheȱStudyȱofȱMediaevalȱLanguagesȱandȱLiterature,ȱ1977),ȱ28,ȱ60.ȱ ŒuvresȱpoétiquesȱdeȱChristineȱdeȱPisan,ȱed.ȱMauriceȱRoy,ȱ3ȱvols.ȱSociétéȱdesȱAnciensȱTextesȱFrançais (Paris:ȱFirminȬDidot,ȱ1886–1896),ȱ1:ȱ240–44.

ChristineȱdeȱPizan’sȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreine

397

educationȱinȱherȱsoȬcalledȱ“mirrorsȱforȱtheȱprince,”ȱsuchȱasȱherȱFaisȱetȱbonnesȱmeurs duȱsageȱroyȱCharlesȱVȱ(DeedsȱandȱGoodȱCustomsȱofȱtheȱWiseȱKingȱCharlesȱV,ȱ1404), theȱLivreȱduȱcorpsȱdeȱpolicieȱ(BookȱofȱtheȱBodyȱPolitic;ȱ1406–1407),ȱtheȱLivreȱdesȱfais d’armesȱetȱdeȱchevalerieȱ(BookȱofȱFeatsȱofȱArmsȱandȱChivalry;ȱ1410)ȱandȱtheȱaboveȬ mentionedȱLivreȱdeȱpaix.9ȱOfȱthese,ȱtheȱFaisȱd’armesȱisȱofȱparticularȱinterestȱinȱthe presentȱcontext,ȱinȱthat,ȱinȱadditionȱtoȱaddressingȱmilitaryȱtacticsȱandȱweaponry, ChristineȱtreatsȱtheȱquestionȱofȱtheȱJustȱWarȱandȱtheȱproperȱconductȱofȱtroopsȱonce warȱhasȱbeenȱdeclared.ȱOtherȱtexts,ȱsuchȱasȱtheȱMutacionȱdeȱFortuneȱ(Fortune’s Mutationsȱ1403),ȱincorporateȱuniversalȱhistoryȱandȱtheȱriseȱandȱfallȱofȱkingdoms “parȱguerresȱetȱbatailles”ȱ(v.ȱ8761),ȱcoveringȱnotȱonlyȱpastȱwarsȱbutȱevenȱmore recentȱfactionalȱstrugglesȱsuchȱasȱthoseȱbetweenȱtheȱGuelphsȱandȱGhibellines.10 TwoȱallegoricalȱvoyagesȱofȱselfȬdiscovery,ȱtheȱaboveȬmentionedȱLivreȱduȱcheminȱde longȱ estudeȱ andȱ theȱ Advisionȱ Cristineȱ (Christine’sȱ Vision;ȱ 1405)ȱ addressȱ the deterioratingȱsituationȱinȱFranceȱcausedȱbyȱducalȱrivalryȱandȱtheȱmoralȱdeclineȱof theȱFrenchȱnobility,ȱbothȱtextsȱexploitingȱtheȱimageȱofȱFranceȱasȱtearfulȱmother beingȱtornȱapartȱbyȱtheȱselfȬdestructivenessȱofȱherȱchildren.11ȱ Inȱallȱofȱtheseȱcompositions,ȱwarȱisȱusuallyȱmadeȱsubordinateȱtoȱsomeȱother centralȱ theme,ȱ forȱ example:ȱ theȱ workingsȱ ofȱ Fortune,ȱ education,ȱ and/orȱ selfȬ discovery.ȱDistinctȱfromȱthese,ȱhowever,ȱisȱaȱhomogeneousȱseriesȱofȱfourȱworksȱof circumstanceȱwhoseȱexclusiveȱpriorityȱisȱtoȱengageȱdirectlyȱwithȱwarfareȱinȱthe present,ȱtoȱrespondȱasȱquicklyȱasȱpossibleȱtoȱtheȱchangingȱmilitaryȱcircumstances inȱFrance,ȱwithȱtheȱshortȬtermȱaimȱofȱinfluencingȱtheȱconflictȱandȱitsȱparticipants, orȱconsolingȱtheȱbereaved.ȱTheseȱfourȱtextsȱareȱtheȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreineȱ(Epistleȱtoȱthe Queen;ȱ 1405)ȱ andȱ theȱ Lamentacionȱ surȱ lesȱ mauxȱ deȱ laȱ Franceȱ (Lamentationȱ on France’sȱIlls;ȱ1410),ȱwhichȱdealȱwithȱseparate,ȱkeyȱmomentsȱinȱtheȱcivilȱwar;ȱthe Epistreȱdeȱlaȱprisonȱdeȱvieȱhumaineȱ(EpistleȱonȱtheȱPrisonȱofȱHumanȱLife;ȱ1416–1418), aȱconsolatoryȱtreatiseȱthatȱaddressesȱtheȱspecificȱneedsȱofȱwomenȱbereavedȱbyȱthe

9

10

11

Leȱ Livreȱ desȱ faisȱ etȱ bonnesȱ meursȱ duȱ sageȱ royȱ Charlesȱ V,ȱ ed.ȱ Suzanneȱ Solente,ȱ 2ȱ vols.ȱ Sociétéȱ de l’HistoireȱdeȱFranceȱ(Paris:ȱChampion,ȱ1936–40);ȱLeȱLivreȱduȱcorpsȱdeȱpolicie,ȱed.ȱAngusȱJ.ȱKennedy. Étudesȱchristiniennes,ȱ1ȱ(Paris:ȱChampion,ȱ1998);ȱTheȱBookȱofȱtheȱBodyȱPolitic,ȱed.ȱandȱtrans.ȱKate LangdonȱForhan.ȱCambridgeȱTextsȱinȱtheȱHistoryȱofȱPoliticalȱThoughtȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridge Universityȱ Press,ȱ 1994);ȱ theȱ Frenchȱ textȱ ofȱ theȱ Livreȱ desȱ faisȱ d’armesȱ isȱ availableȱ inȱ Christine MoneeraȱLaennec,ȱ“Christineȱantygraphe:ȱAuthorshipȱandȱSelfȱinȱtheȱProseȱWorksȱofȱChristineȱde PizanȱwithȱanȱeditionȱofȱB.N.ȱMs.ȱ603,ȱLeȱLivreȱdesȱFaisȱd’ArmesȱetȱdeȱChevallerie,”ȱPh.D.ȱdiss.,ȱYale University,ȱ1988;ȱTheȱBookȱofȱDeedsȱofȱArmsȱandȱofȱChivalry,ȱtrans.ȱSumnerȱWillard,ȱed.ȱCharityȱC. Willardȱ(UniversityȱPark:ȱPennsylvaniaȱStateȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1999);ȱPaixȱed.ȱWillardȱ(seeȱnote 6);ȱTheȱBookȱofȱPeaceȱbyȱChristineȱdeȱPizan,ȱed.ȱandȱtrans.ȱKarenȱGreen,ȱConstantȱJ.ȱMews,ȱandȱJanice Pinderȱ(UniversityȱPark:ȱPennsylvaniaȱStateȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2008). LeȱLivreȱdeȱlaȱmutacionȱdeȱFortune,ȱed.ȱSuzanneȱSolente,ȱ4ȱvols.ȱSociétéȱdesȱAnciensȱTextesȱFrançais (Paris:ȱPicard,ȱ1959–1966). Longueȱetudeȱ,ȱed.ȱTarnowski,ȱ240–47ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5);ȱLivreȱdeȱl’AdvisionȱCristine,ȱed.ȱChristineȱReno andȱLilianeȱDulac.ȱÉtudesȱchristiniennes,ȱ4ȱ(Paris:ȱChampion,ȱ2001),ȱ25–26.

398

AngusȱJ.ȱKennedy

catastropheȱatȱAgincourtȱinȱ1415;ȱandȱtheȱDitiéȱdeȱJehanneȱd’Arcȱ(TaleȱofȱJoanȱofȱArc) ofȱ1429.12ȱ Thisȱlastȱworkȱinterestsȱusȱespeciallyȱbecauseȱitȱfixesȱinȱtimeȱaȱuniqueȱmoment ofȱtriumph,ȱsituatedȱbetweenȱtheȱbeginningȱofȱJoan’sȱmissionȱandȱbeforeȱherȱ(at thisȱpointȱunforeseen)ȱcapture.ȱChristine’sȱDitiéȱcelebratesȱtheȱirruptionȱofȱJoanȱof Arcȱontoȱtheȱpoliticalȱandȱmilitaryȱstage,ȱurgesȱJoan’sȱenemiesȱnotȱtoȱresistȱand thusȱavoidȱfurtherȱbloodshed,ȱandȱpredictsȱnotȱonlyȱtheȱfinalȱoverthrowȱofȱthe Englishȱ andȱ theirȱ alliesȱ butȱ alsoȱ theȱ reȬconquestȱ ofȱ theȱ Holyȱ Landȱ andȱ the restorationȱofȱpeaceȱinȱallȱofȱChristendom.13ȱ Indeed,ȱ allȱ fourȱ texts,ȱ inȱ drawingȱ usȱ immediatelyȱ intoȱ Christine’sȱ direct experienceȱ ofȱ theȱ dramaȱ andȱ turmoilȱ ofȱ war,ȱ giveȱ usȱ aȱ feeling,ȱ asȱ Ericȱ Hicks expressesȱit,ȱ“forȱtheȱrealityȱofȱconcreteȱevents”14;ȱandȱpreciselyȱbecauseȱtheyȱare closelyȱ tiedȱ toȱ particularȱ historicalȱ circumstances,ȱ itȱ seemsȱ likelyȱ thatȱ the contemporaryȱ relevanceȱ ofȱ suchȱ documentsȱ mayȱ wellȱ haveȱ beenȱ shortȬlived. Confirmationȱofȱthisȱisȱprovidedȱbyȱtheȱsmallȱnumberȱofȱmanuscriptsȱinȱwhich theyȱ survive,ȱ relativeȱ toȱ theȱ numberȱ ofȱ manuscriptsȱ survivingȱ forȱ major compositionsȱsuchȱasȱtheȱEpistreȱOtheaȱ(EpistleȱofȱOthea;ȱ1400)ȱorȱtheȱCitéȱdesȱdames (CityȱofȱLadies;ȱ1405).15ȱ Weȱ canȱ noteȱtooȱthatȱwhenȱChristineȱputȱtogetherȱher 12

13

14

15

Forȱ editions,ȱ seeȱ Angusȱ J.ȱ Kennedy,ȱ “Christineȱ deȱ Pizan’sȱ Epistreȱ àȱ laȱ reineȱ (1405),”ȱ Revueȱ des LanguesȱRomanesȱ92ȱ(1988):ȱ253–64;ȱAngusȱJ.ȱKennedy,ȱ“LaȱLamentacionȱsurȱlesȱmauxȱdeȱlaȱFranceȱde ChristineȱdeȱPisan,”ȱMélangesȱdeȱlangueȱetȱdeȱlittératureȱfrançaisesȱduȱMoyenȱAgeȱetȱdeȱlaȱRenaissance offertsȱàȱCharlesȱFoulonȱ(Rennes:ȱInstitutȱdeȱFrançais,ȱUniv.ȱdeȱHauteȬBretagne,ȱ1980),ȱ2:ȱ177–85; Epistreȱdeȱlaȱprisonȱdeȱvieȱhumaine,ȱed.ȱAngusȱJ.ȱKennedyȱ(Glasgow:ȱFrenchȱDepartmentȱofȱthe Universityȱ ofȱ Glasgow,ȱ 1984);ȱ Ditié,ȱ ed.ȱ Kennedyȱ andȱ Vartyȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 7).ȱ Unlessȱ otherwise indicated,ȱallȱsubsequentȱreferencesȱwillȱbeȱtoȱlineȱorȱpageȱnumbersȱofȱtheseȱeditions.ȱReference willȱalsoȱbeȱmadeȱtoȱChristineȱdeȱPizan,ȱTheȱEpistleȱofȱtheȱPrisonȱofȱHumanȱLifeȱwithȱAnȱEpistleȱtoȱthe QueenȱofȱFranceȱandȱLamentȱonȱtheȱEvilsȱofȱtheȱCivilȱWar,ȱed.ȱandȱtrans.ȱJosetteȱWisman.ȱGarland LibraryȱofȱMedievalȱLiterature,ȱ21Aȱ(NewȱYork:ȱGarland,ȱ1984);ȱDitiéȱed.ȱKennedyȱandȱVartyȱ(see noteȱ7).ȱAllȱtranslationsȱnotȱotherwiseȱacknowledgedȱforȱtheseȱandȱotherȱtextsȱareȱmyȱown. Forȱtheȱ“darkerȱsides”ȱorȱ“potentiallyȱdarkerȱsides”ȱtoȱtheȱmilitantȱnationalismȱandȱcrusadingȱzeal expressedȱinȱtheȱDitié,ȱed.ȱKennedyȱandȱVartyȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7),ȱseeȱEarlȱJeffreyȱRichards,ȱ“French CulturalȱNationalismȱandȱChristianȱUniversalismȱinȱtheȱWorksȱofȱChristineȱdeȱPizan,”ȱPolitics, Gender,ȱ&ȱGenre:ȱTheȱPoliticalȱThoughtȱofȱChristineȱdeȱPizan,ȱed.ȱMargaretȱBrabantȱ(Boulder,ȱCO: Westviewȱ Press,ȱ 1992),ȱ 171–91,ȱ whereȱ itȱ isȱ arguedȱ (75,ȱ 86)ȱ thatȱ Christine’sȱ linkingȱ ofȱ French identityȱandȱsalvationȱhistory,ȱ“legitimizedȱcategoriesȱofȱnationalȱandȱreligiousȱdifferencesȱthat inȱourȱcenturyȱhaveȱhadȱdevastatingȱconsequences”ȱ(75).ȱIfȱthatȱisȱso,ȱweȱjustȱhaveȱtoȱacceptȱthat Christine,ȱsoȱfarȱaheadȱofȱherȱtimeȱonȱgenderȱissues,ȱalsoȱexpressedȱviewsȱconsonantȱwithȱthe overarchingȱideologiesȱofȱherȱday.ȱ EricȱHicks,ȱ“TheȱPoliticalȱSignificanceȱofȱChristineȱdeȱPizan,”ȱPolitics,ȱed.ȱBrabant,ȱ7–15,ȱhereȱ9ȱ(see noteȱ13).ȱHicksȱrefersȱtoȱthreeȱofȱourȱfourȱtexts,ȱtheȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreineȱed.ȱKennedyȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12),ȱthe Lamentacionȱed.ȱKennedyȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12)ȱandȱtheȱDitié,ȱed.ȱKennedyȱandȱVartyȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).ȱ ThereȱareȱsixȱmanuscriptsȱforȱtheȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreine:ȱBrussels,ȱBRȱIVȱ1176,ȱ8ff.;ȱChantilly,ȱMusée Condéȱ493,ȱff.ȱ427v–29v;ȱOxford,ȱAllȱSoulsȱ182,ȱff.ȱ230d–32d;ȱParis,ȱBnFȱfr.ȱ580,ȱff.ȱ53r–54v;ȱ604,ȱf. 314r–v;ȱ605,ȱff.ȱ1–2v.ȱ(IȱamȱgratefulȱtoȱJamesȱC.ȱLaidlawȱandȱChristineȱRenoȱforȱkindlyȱanswering queriesȱonȱBnFȱfr.ȱ580);ȱpartȱofȱanȱerasedȱcopyȱcanȱstillȱbeȱseenȱinȱLondon,ȱBLȱHarleyȱ4432,ȱf.ȱ255;

ChristineȱdeȱPizan’sȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreine

399

collectedȱworksȱinȱtheȱsoȬcalledȱQueen’sȱManuscriptȱ(completedȱearlyȱinȱ1414),16 sheȱdidȱnotȱincludeȱtwoȱofȱtheȱfourȱthatȱwouldȱhaveȱbeenȱavailableȱtoȱherȱatȱthe time,ȱnamely,ȱtheȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreineȱandȱtheȱLamentacion,ȱtheȱimplicationȱbeingȱthat theirȱrelevanceȱhadȱsimplyȱbeenȱovertakenȱbyȱevents.ȱThereȱisȱsomeȱevidenceȱto suggestȱthatȱsheȱhesitatedȱoverȱwhetherȱorȱnotȱtoȱincludeȱtheȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreine,ȱbut sheȱdidȱinȱtheȱendȱdecideȱnotȱtoȱincludeȱtheȱtext,ȱasȱitȱmayȱhaveȱseemedȱpointless toȱ includeȱ aȱ letterȱ soȱ closelyȱ tiedȱ toȱ particularȱ historicalȱ circumstancesȱ thatȱ no longerȱobtainedȱinȱ1414.17ȱ Theȱremainderȱofȱthisȱstudyȱwillȱnowȱfocusȱonȱoneȱofȱtheseȱworksȱinȱparticular, theȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreine.ȱAfterȱaȱbriefȱintroduction,ȱtheȱtextȱwillȱbeȱsituatedȱinȱitsȱprecise historicalȱcontext,ȱandȱthenȱassessedȱinȱtermsȱofȱtheȱeffectivenessȱofȱChristine’s discourseȱofȱpersuasion,ȱandȱtheȱcontributionȱthatȱthisȱmayȱhaveȱmadeȱtoȱresolving theȱmilitaryȱsituation;ȱtheȱfinalȱpartȱofȱtheȱarticleȱwillȱaskȱwhetherȱtheȱtextȱcanȱbe saidȱtoȱofferȱtheȱreaderȱ“aȱwoman’sȱperspectiveȱonȱwar.”ȱ

TheȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreine’sȱCriticalȱReceptionȱHistory Christine’sȱepistleȱtoȱtheȱqueenȱofȱFranceȱofȱ1405ȱwasȱoneȱofȱtheȱfirstȱofȱChristine’s textsȱ toȱ beȱ madeȱ availableȱ inȱ theȱ modernȱ era,ȱ beingȱ publishedȱ byȱ Raimond ThomassyȱinȱhisȱpioneeringȱstudyȱandȱanthologyȱofȱChristine’sȱpoliticalȱwritings ofȱ1838.18ȱThisȱwasȱfollowedȱbyȱeditionsȱbyȱMirotȱ(1914),ȱLeggeȱ(1941),ȱWisman (1984)ȱandȱKennedyȱ(1988).19ȱAȱtranslationȱintoȱEnglishȱwasȱmadeȱavailableȱin

16

17

18

19

oneȱ forȱ theȱ Lamentacion:ȱ Paris,ȱ BnFȱ fr.ȱ 24864,ȱ ff.ȱ 14r–18r;ȱ oneȱ forȱ theȱ Epistreȱ deȱ laȱ prisonȱ deȱ vie humaine:ȱBnFȱfr.ȱ24786,ȱff.ȱ36–97r;ȱthreeȱforȱtheȱDitié:ȱBerne,ȱBibliothecaȱBongarsiana,ȱ205,ȱff.ȱ62–68r, Carpentras,ȱBibliothèqueȱInguimbertineȱ390,ȱff.ȱ81–90v,ȱGrenoble,ȱBibliothèqueȱMunicipaleȱU.ȱ909 Rés.,ȱff.ȱ98r–102r.ȱTheȱEpistreȱOtheaȱhasȱsurvivedȱinȱfortyȱsevenȱmanuscripts,ȱtheȱCitéȱdesȱdamesȱin twentyȱseven.ȱForȱtheseȱmanuscripts,ȱseeȱEpistreȱOthea,ȱed.ȱGabriellaȱParussa.ȱTextesȱLittéraires Français,ȱ517ȱ(Genève:ȱDroz,ȱ1999),ȱ87–108;ȱKennedy,ȱBibliographicalȱGuideȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1);ȱYenal, Bibliographyȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱsub.ȱmanuscriptsȱofȱtheȱtexts. Jamesȱ Laidlaw,ȱ “Theȱ Dateȱ ofȱ theȱ Queen’sȱ MSȱ (London,ȱ Britishȱ Library,ȱ Harleyȱ 4431,” http://www.pizan.lib.ed.ac.uk/harley4431date.pdfȱ1–7ȱ(lastȱaccessed,onȱNov.ȱ1,ȱ2010). AsȱevidencedȱbyȱanȱerasedȱsectionȱofȱthisȱtextȱinȱLondon,ȱBLȱHarleyȱ4431,ȱtheȱQueen’sȱManuscript, f.ȱ255,ȱstillȱvisibleȱunderȱultraȬvioletȱlight.ȱseeȱAngusȱJ.ȱKennedy,ȱ“EditingȱChristineȱdeȱPizan’s Epistreȱ àȱ laȱ reine,”ȱ Theȱ Editorȱ andȱ theȱ Text,ȱ ed.ȱ Philipȱ E.ȱ Bennettȱ andȱ Grahamȱ A.ȱ Runnalls (Edinburgh:ȱEdinburghȱUniversityȱPress/ModernȱHumanitiesȱResearchȱAssociation,ȱ1990),ȱ70–82, hereȱ78–79;ȱseeȱalsoȱLaidlawȱ“Date,”ȱ2,ȱ4ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ16).ȱ RaimondȱThomassy,ȱEssaiȱsurȱlesȱécritsȱpolitiquesȱdeȱChristineȱdeȱPisan,ȱsuiviȱd’uneȱnoticeȱlittéraireȱet deȱpiècesȱinéditesȱ(Paris:ȱDebécourt,ȱ1838),ȱ133–40. Léonȱ Mirot,ȱ “L’enlèvementȱ duȱ dauphinȱ etȱ leȱ premierȱ conflitȱ entreȱ Jeanȱ sansȱ Peurȱ etȱ Louis d’Orléans,”ȱ Revueȱ desȱ Questionsȱ Historiquesȱ 95ȱ (1914):ȱ 329–55;ȱ 96ȱ (1914):ȱ 47–68,ȱ 369–419;ȱ here 415–19;ȱAngloȬNormanȱLettersȱandȱPetitionsȱfromȱAllȱSoulsȱMSȱ182,ȱed.ȱM.ȱDominicaȱLegge.ȱAngloȬ NormanȱTextȱSociety,ȱ3ȱ(Oxford:ȱBlackwell,ȱ1941),ȱ144–50;ȱEpistle,ȱed.ȱWisman,ȱ70–83ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12);

400

AngusȱJ.ȱKennedy

Wisman’sȱedition,ȱandȱinȱaȱmodernȱselectionȱofȱChristine’sȱworkȱbyȱWillard;ȱa translationȱ intoȱ Modernȱ Frenchȱ wasȱ publishedȱ byȱ Moreauȱ andȱ Hicks.20ȱ The Epistre’sȱimportanceȱasȱaȱliteraryȱandȱhistoricalȱdocumentȱhasȱemergedȱinȱtheȱsheer diversityȱofȱcriticalȱresponsesȱthatȱitȱhasȱattracted,ȱonlyȱaȱsampleȱofȱwhichȱcanȱbe indicatedȱhere.ȱWillard’sȱdiscoveryȱthatȱoneȱofȱtheȱmanuscriptsȱofȱtheȱtext,ȱParis, BnFȱfr.ȱ580,ȱwasȱpossiblyȱanȱautographȱmanuscriptȱlaunchedȱaȱwholeȱnewȱlineȱof enquiryȱintoȱChristine’sȱmanuscriptsȱandȱtheȱtopicȱofȱmanuscriptȱproductionȱand illustrationȱgenerally.21ȱ SinceȱthenȱtheȱEpistreȱhas,ȱfiguredȱprominentlyȱinȱstudiesȱofȱitsȱauthor’sȱentry intoȱtheȱdomainȱofȱpolitics,22ȱofȱhowȱitȱexemplifiesȱwoman’sȱroleȱasȱmediator,23 medievalȱ rhetoricȱ andȱ epistolography,24ȱ alongȱ withȱ itsȱ strikingȱ imagery,ȱ for example,ȱthatȱofȱtheȱmotherȬfigure,ȱandȱtheȱuseȱofȱmedicalȱmetaphorsȱrelatingȱto theȱsufferingȱbodyȱpolitic.25ȱMoreȱrecently,ȱSamuelȱMcCormickȱhasȱsubmittedȱthe

20

21

22

23

24

25

Epistre,ȱed.ȱKennedy,ȱ70–82ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12). Epistle,ȱed.ȱWisman,ȱ70–83ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12);ȱTheȱWritingsȱofȱChristineȱdeȱPizan,ȱed.ȱCharityȱC.ȱWillard (NewȱYork:ȱPerseaȱBooks,ȱ1994),ȱ269–74;ȱThérèseȱMoreauȱandȱEricȱHicks,ȱ“L’Epistreȱàȱlaȱreineȱde ChristineȱdeȱPizanȱ(1405),”ȱClioȱ5ȱ(1997):ȱ177–84. CharityȱC.ȱWillard,ȱ“AnȱAutographȱManuscriptȱofȱChristineȱdeȱPizan?,”ȱStudiȱFrancesiȱ27ȱ(1965): 452–57.ȱForȱanȱexcellentȱétatȱprésentȱofȱChristine’sȱmanuscripts,ȱseeȱJamesȱC.ȱLaidlaw,ȱ“Christine andȱ theȱ Manuscriptȱ Tradition,”ȱ Christineȱ deȱ Pizan:ȱ Aȱ Casebook,ȱ ed.ȱ Barbaraȱ K.ȱ Altmannȱ and DeborahȱL.ȱMcGradyȱ(NewȱYorkȱandȱLondon:ȱRoutledge,ȱ2003),ȱ231–49. Forȱfullȱdetailsȱonȱallȱtopics,ȱconsultȱbibliographiesȱlistedȱinȱnoteȱ1,ȱbutȱseeȱinȱparticular,ȱ(onȱwriter andȱpolitics):ȱJoëlȱBlanchardȱandȱJeanȬClaudeȱMühlethaler,ȱÉcritureȱetȱpouvoirȱàȱl’aubeȱdesȱtemps modernesȱ(Paris:ȱPressesȱUniversitairesȱdeȱFrance,ȱ2002);ȱKateȱLangdonȱForhan,ȱTheȱPoliticalȱTheory ofȱChristineȱdeȱPizanȱ(Aldershot,ȱUK,ȱandȱBurlington,ȱVT:ȱAshgate,ȱ2002). Forȱtheȱfigureȱofȱtheȱmediator,ȱsee:ȱEricȱHicks,ȱ“Uneȱfemmeȱdansȱleȱmonde:ȱChristineȱdeȱPizanȱet l’écritureȱdeȱlaȱpolitique,”ȱL’Hostellerieȱdeȱpensée:ȱétudesȱsurȱl’artȱlittéraireȱduȱMoyenȱ Âgeȱoffertesȱà DanielȱPoirionȱparȱsesȱanciensȱélèvesȱ(Paris:ȱPressesȱdeȱl’UniversitéȱdeȱParisȬSorbonneȱ1995),ȱ233–43; TracyȱAdams,ȱ“Moyennerresseȱdeȱtraictiéȱdeȱpaix:ȱChristineȱdeȱPizan’sȱMediators,”ȱHealingȱTheȱBody Politic:ȱ Theȱ Politicalȱ Thoughtȱ ofȱ Christineȱ deȱ Pizan,ȱ ed.ȱ Karenȱ Greenȱ andȱ Constantȱ J.ȱ Mews. Disputatio,ȱ7ȱ(Turnhout:ȱBrepols,ȱ2005),ȱ177–200;ȱTracyȱAdams,ȱ“IsabeauȱdeȱBavièreȱdansȱl’œuvre deȱChristineȱdeȱPizan:ȱuneȱréévaluationȱduȱpersonnage,”ȱChristineȱdeȱPizan:ȱuneȱfemmeȱdeȱscience, uneȱfemmeȱdeȱlettres,ȱed.ȱJulietteȱDor,ȱMarieȬÉlisabethȱHenneau,ȱandȱBernardȱRibémont.ȱÉtudes christiniennes,ȱ10ȱ(Paris:ȱChampion,ȱ2008),ȱ133–46;ȱTracyȱAdams,ȱ“IsabeauȱdeȱBavièreȱetȱlaȱnotion deȱrégenceȱchezȱChristineȱdeȱPizan,”ȱDesireuseȱdeȱplusȱavantȱenquerreȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱActesȱduȱVIeȱ Colloque internationalȱsurȱChristineȱdeȱPizanȱ(Paris,ȱ20–24ȱjuilletȱ2006),ȱvolumeȱenȱhommageȱàȱJamesȱLaidlaw,ȱed. LilianeȱDulac,ȱAnneȱPaupert,ȱChristineȱReno,ȱandȱBernardȱRibémont.ȱÉtudesȱchristiniennes,ȱ11 (Paris:ȱChampion,ȱ2008),ȱ33–44. Forȱmedievalȱrhetoricȱandȱepistolography:ȱEarlȱJeffreyȱRichards,ȱ“‘Seuletteȱaȱpart’—‘TheȱLittle Womanȱ onȱ theȱ Sidelines’ȱ Takesȱ upȱ herȱ Pen:ȱ Theȱ Lettersȱ ofȱ Christineȱ deȱ Pizan,”ȱ Dearȱ Sister: MedievalȱWomenȱandȱtheȱEpistolaryȱGenre,ȱed.ȱKarenȱCherewatukȱandȱUlrikeȱWiethaus.ȱMiddle Agesȱser.ȱ(Philadelphia:ȱUniversityȱofȱPennsylvaniaȱPress,ȱ1993),ȱ139–70;ȱNadiaȱMargolis,ȱ“‘The CryȱofȱtheȱChameleon’:ȱEvolvingȱVoicesȱinȱtheȱEpistlesȱofȱChristineȱdeȱPizan,”ȱDisputatioȱ1ȱ(1996): 37–70. Forȱimageryȱinȱherȱpoliticalȱworks,ȱsee:ȱNatalieȱNabert,ȱ“Laȱmèreȱdansȱlaȱlittératureȱpolitiqueȱà laȱfinȱduȱMoyenȱÂge,”ȱBienȱDireȱetȱBienȱAprandreȱ16ȱ(1998):ȱ191–202;ȱBernardȱRibémont,ȱ“Christine

ChristineȱdeȱPizan’sȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreine

401

Epistreȱtoȱanȱuncompromisingȱtechnicalȱanalysis,ȱfocusingȱonȱ“theȱexemplumȱas aȱstrategicȱresourceȱofȱambiguity,”26ȱwhileȱTracyȱAdamsȱhasȱinjectedȱcontroversy intoȱanȱareaȱwhereȱthereȱwasȱlittleȱorȱnoneȱbefore,ȱnamely,ȱcriticalȱdiscussionȱofȱthe intentionȱunderlyingȱtheȱletter,ȱthisȱbeingȱtraditionallyȱregardedȱasȱanȱattemptȱto rouseȱ Queenȱ Isabeauȱ toȱ action.27ȱ Thisȱ argument,ȱ andȱ someȱ ofȱ theȱ otherȱ issues raisedȱ inȱ theseȱ studiesȱ relevantȱ toȱ theȱ presentȱ article,ȱ willȱ beȱ addressedȱ inȱ the analysisȱ ofȱ Christine’sȱ discourseȱ ofȱ persuasionȱ andȱ itsȱ possibleȱ impactȱ onȱ the militaryȱsituationȱthatȱformsȱtheȱbackdropȱtoȱherȱletter.ȱ

TheȱEpistre’sȱHistoricalȱContext Theȱ historicalȱ contextȱ ofȱ theȱ Epistreȱ aȱ laȱ reineȱ hasȱ nowȱ beenȱ wellȱ established, particularlyȱsinceȱtheȱpublicationȱofȱMirot’sȱremarkableȱstudyȱalreadyȱreferredȱto.28 Itȱisȱimportantȱtoȱaddressȱthisȱtopicȱinȱsomeȱdetailȱhere,ȱifȱweȱareȱtoȱhaveȱanyȱhope ofȱ assessingȱ theȱ efficacyȱ ofȱ theȱ letterȱ withinȱ theȱ preciseȱ militaryȱ situationȱ that prevailedȱatȱtheȱtime.ȱInȱdoingȱthis,ȱweȱshouldȱbearȱinȱmindȱthatȱweȱareȱdealing hereȱwithȱcivilȱwar,ȱaȱkindȱofȱwarfareȱthatȱChristineȱwouldȱnotȱhaveȱregardedȱas fallingȱwithinȱtheȱdefinitionȱofȱtheȱJustȱWarȱ(oneȱtoȱbeȱwagedȱonlyȱbyȱaȱsovereign princeȱ whetherȱ inȱ defenseȱ ofȱ hisȱ realm,ȱ inȱ orderȱ toȱ obtainȱ justice,ȱ orȱ forȱ the recoveryȱofȱhisȱlostȱterritory):ȱselfȬinterest,ȱvengeanceȱorȱconquestȱareȱthereforeȱnot

26

27

28

deȱPizanȱetȱlaȱfigureȱdeȱlaȱmère,”ȱChristineȱ2000,ȱed.ȱCampbellȱandȱMargolis,ȱ149–61ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1); JeanȬLouisȱPicherit,ȱ“Lesȱréférencesȱpathologiquesȱetȱthérapeutiquesȱdansȱl’œuvreȱdeȱChristine deȱPizan,”ȱUneȱfemmeȱdeȱLettresȱauȱMoyenȱÂge:ȱétudesȱautourȱdeȱChristineȱdeȱPizan,ȱed.ȱLilianeȱDulac etȱBernardȱRibémont.ȱMedievalia,ȱ16ȱ(Orléans:ȱParadigme,ȱ1995),ȱ233–44;ȱonȱtheȱimageryȱofȱthe “corpsȱsouffrant,”ȱseeȱalsoȱLilianeȱDulac,ȱ“Aȱproposȱdesȱreprésentationsȱduȱcorpsȱsouffrantȱchez Christineȱ deȱ Pizan,”ȱ Mélangesȱ deȱ langueȱ etȱ deȱ littératureȱ françaisesȱ duȱ Moyenȱ Ageȱ offertsȱ àȱ Pierre Demarolle,ȱed.ȱCharlesȱBruckerȱ(Paris:ȱChampion,ȱ1998),ȱ313–24.ȱ SamuelȱMcCormick,ȱ“MirrorsȱforȱtheȱQueen:ȱAȱLetterȱfromȱChristineȱdeȱPizanȱonȱtheȱEveȱofȱCivil War,”ȱQuarterlyȱJournalȱofȱSpeechȱ94ȱ(2008):ȱ273–96. Adams,ȱ“Moyennerresse,”ȱ190,ȱ198ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ23);ȱAdams,ȱ“Réévaluation;”ȱAdams,ȱ“Régenceȱ(see noteȱ23).” Mirotȱ“Enlèvement,”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ19).ȱOnȱtheȱhistoricalȱbackground,ȱseeȱalsoȱ(editions)ȱPolicie,ȱed. Kennedy,ȱ xx–xxiiiȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 9);ȱ Paix,ȱ ed.ȱ Willard,ȱ 19–22ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 6);ȱ Peace,ȱ ed.ȱ Green,ȱ Mews, Pinder,ȱ8–9ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9);ȱWritings,ȱed.ȱWillard,ȱ249–53ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28);ȱ(chronicles)ȱReligieuxȱdeȱSaintȬ Denys,ȱChroniqueȱduȱrègneȱdeȱCharlesȱVIȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ,ȱed.ȱLouisȱBellaguet.ȱCollectionȱdeȱdocumentsȱinédits surȱl’HistoireȱdeȱFrance,ȱ6ȱvols.ȱ(Paris:ȱCrapelet,ȱ1839–52),ȱ3:ȱ237–345;ȱJeanȱJuvénalȱdesȱUrsins, HistoireȱdeȱCharlesȱVI,ȱed.ȱMichaudȬPoujoulat.ȱNouvelleȱcollectionȱdeȱmémoiresȱrelatifsȱàȱl’Histoire deȱFranceȱ(Paris:ȱDidier,ȱ1857),ȱ2:ȱ339–569,ȱhereȱ431–38ȱforȱtheȱyearȱ1405;ȱJournalȱd’unȱbourgeoisȱde Parisȱdeȱ1405–1449,ȱed.ȱColetteȱBeaune.ȱLettresȱgothiques,ȱ4522ȱ(Paris:ȱLibrairieȱGénéraleȱFrançaise, 1990).ȱForȱcriticalȱstudies,ȱsee:ȱRichardȱC.ȱFamiglietti,ȱRoyalȱIntrigue:ȱCrisisȱatȱtheȱCourtȱofȱCharles VIȱ (1392–1420)ȱ (Newȱ York:ȱ AMSȱ Press,ȱ 1986);ȱ Richardȱ Vaughan,ȱ Johnȱ theȱ Fearlessȱ (London: Longman,ȱ1966;ȱrpt.ȱWoodbridge,ȱUK:ȱBoydellȱPress,ȱ2002).ȱ

402

AngusȱJ.ȱKennedy

legitimateȱmotivesȱforȱdeclaringȱwar.29 Forȱaȱperiodȱafterȱtheȱonsetȱinȱ1392ȱofȱCharlesȱVI’sȱintermittentȱmadness,ȱthe rivalryȱbetweenȱtheȱHousesȱofȱOrleansȱandȱBurgundyȱhadȱbeenȱtoȱaȱlargeȱextent keptȱinȱcheckȱbyȱtheȱdiplomaticȱstatesmanshipȱofȱCharlesȱV’sȱbrother,ȱPhilippeȱle Hardiȱ(PhilipȱtheȱBold),ȱDukeȱofȱBurgundy.ȱOnȱtheȱlatter’sȱdeathȱonȱ26ȱAprilȱ1404, however,ȱtheȱconflictȱbetweenȱLouis,ȱDukeȱofȱOrleansȱ(brotherȱofȱCharlesȱVI)ȱand JeanȱsansȱPeurȱ(sonȱofȱPhilippeȱleȱHardiȱandȱthereforeȱaȱcousinȱofȱLouis)ȱimpacted onȱ everyȱ majorȱ topicȱ ofȱ theȱ day:ȱ theȱ questionȱ ofȱ theȱ regency,ȱ administration, taxation,ȱdynasticȱmarriage,ȱtheȱwarȱwithȱEnglandȱandȱtheȱGreatȱSchism.ȱWhile JeanȱsansȱPeurȱwasȱpreoccupiedȱwithȱdealingȱwithȱhisȱsuccessionȱtoȱtheȱdukedom, LouisȱdidȱeverythingȱtoȱconsolidateȱhisȱpowerȱinȱParisȱandȱbeyond.30 Heȱincreasedȱtheȱalreadyȱinfluentialȱstatusȱheȱenjoyedȱatȱcourtȱasȱbrotherȱofȱthe king,ȱputtingȱhisȱownȱsupportersȱinȱkeyȱpositions.ȱLouisȱalsoȱfulfilledȱaȱnumberȱof hisȱterritorialȱambitionsȱinȱtheȱRhinelandȱandȱLuxembourg,ȱthusȱthreateningȱto isolateȱJean’sȱFlemishȱpossessionsȱfromȱtheȱDuchyȱofȱBurgundy.ȱToȱfinanceȱthese actions,ȱ andȱ hisȱ ownȱ loveȱ ofȱ pleasure,ȱ Louisȱ wasȱ quickȱ toȱ levyȱ taxesȱ and appropriateȱmoneyȱfromȱtheȱroyalȱtreasury.ȱTheseȱactions,ȱorȱrumorsȱofȱthem, madeȱhimȱunpopularȱwithȱtheȱpeopleȱofȱParis.ȱItȱisȱlikelyȱthatȱbyȱ1405ȱtheȱqueen tooȱsharedȱinȱthisȱunpopularity,ȱpartlyȱbecauseȱofȱherȱrapprochementȱwithȱLouis orȱbecauseȱofȱtheȱnewsȱthatȱsheȱhadȱsentȱsixȱhorsesȱladenȱwithȱmoneyȱtoȱBavaria.31 Aboveȱall,ȱheȱarrangedȱforȱtheȱmarriageȱofȱhisȱsonȱCharlesȱtoȱIsabelleȱdeȱFrance, elderȱ daughterȱ ofȱ Charlesȱ VIȱ andȱ widowȱ ofȱ Richardȱ IIȱ ofȱ England,ȱ thus counterbalancingȱ theȱ marriagesȱ arrangedȱ betweenȱ theȱ Dauphinȱ Louisȱ and Margaretȱ ofȱ Burgundy,ȱ daughterȱ ofȱ Jeanȱ sansȱ Peur,ȱ andȱ betweenȱ Michelleȱ de France,ȱCharlesȱVI’sȱdaughter,ȱandȱPhilippeȱleȱBonȱ(PhilipȱtheȱGood)ȱofȱBurgundy, sonȱofȱJeanȱsansȱPeur.ȱLouisȱofȱOrleansȱnowȱenjoyedȱoneȱofȱtheȱmostȱpowerful positionsȱatȱcourt. Atȱaboutȱthisȱsameȱtime,ȱinȱAugustȱ1405,ȱJeanȱsansȱPeurȱforȱhisȱpartȱsawȱtheȱneed toȱactȱdecisivelyȱandȱputȱonȱaȱshowȱofȱstrengthȱinȱParisȱifȱheȱwasȱnotȱtoȱbeȱisolated entirelyȱfromȱpower.ȱAȱnumberȱofȱrespectableȱreasonsȱofȱstateȱjustifiedȱthisȱattempt

29

30 31

Faisȱd’armes,ȱed.ȱLaennecȱ(text),ȱ23–28ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9);ȱDeedsȱofȱArms,ȱed.ȱWillard,ȱ6,ȱ13–18ȱ(seeȱnote 9).ȱOnȱtheȱJustȱWar,ȱseeȱalsoȱMauriceȱH.ȱKeen,ȱTheȱLawsȱofȱWarȱinȱtheȱLateȱMiddleȱAgesȱ(London: Routledge,ȱ1965);ȱCharityȱC.ȱWillard,ȱ“ChristineȱdeȱPizan’sȱConceptȱofȱtheȱJustȱWar,”ȱ“Riensȱne m’estȱseurȱqueȱlaȱchoseȱincertaine”:ȱÉtudesȱsurȱl’artȱd’écrireȱauȱMoyenȱÂgeȱoffertesȱàȱEricȱHicks,ȱed.ȱJeanȬ ClaudeȱMühlethalerȱetȱDenisȱBillotteȱ(Geneva:ȱSlatkine,ȱ2001),ȱ253–60;ȱForhan,ȱPoliticalȱTheory, 133–54ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ22);ȱJohnȱMarkȱMattox,ȱStȱAugustineȱandȱtheȱTheoryȱofȱJustȱWarȱ(LondonȱandȱNew York:ȱContinuum,ȱ2006),ȱandȱbibliographyȱ180–90.ȱSeeȱalsoȱtheȱarticlesȱbyȱJohnȱCampbellȱandȱBen Snookȱinȱthisȱvolume. Forȱwhatȱfollows,ȱseeȱMirot,ȱ“Enlèvement,”ȱ330–35ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ19);ȱReligieux,ȱ3:ȱ294–97ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28). Famiglietti,ȱ Royalȱ Intrigue,ȱ 39–40ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 28),ȱ whoȱ showsȱ thatȱ theȱ chargeȱ wasȱ probably unfounded;ȱReligieux,ȱ3:ȱ267ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28);ȱforȱJacquesȱLegrand’sȱaccusatoryȱsermonȱtoȱIsabeau, deliveredȱonȱ27ȱMayȱ1405,ȱseeȱReligieux,ȱ3:ȱ269–71ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28).

ChristineȱdeȱPizan’sȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreine

403

toȱseizeȱtheȱinitiative:ȱJeanȱandȱhisȱbrothersȱwereȱrequiredȱtoȱdoȱhomageȱtoȱthe kingȱforȱtheȱestatesȱthatȱhadȱfallenȱtoȱthemȱonȱtheȱdeathȱofȱtheirȱmother,ȱMargaret ofȱFlanders,ȱonȱ21ȱMarchȱ1405;ȱinȱJulyȱ1405ȱtheȱkingȱhadȱsummonedȱallȱtheȱprinces toȱaȱmeetingȱofȱhisȱCouncilȱ(Jeanȱhadȱreceivedȱhisȱsummonsȱtoȱattendȱonȱ26ȱJuly andȱplannedȱtoȱbeȱinȱParisȱonȱ19ȱAugust);32ȱJeanȱwishedȱtoȱprotestȱtooȱagainstȱaȱtax toȱbeȱleviedȱtoȱcontinueȱtheȱwarȱwithȱEngland.ȱJeanȱleftȱArrasȱonȱ15ȱAugustȱ1405, andȱ reachedȱ theȱ outskirtsȱ ofȱ Paris,ȱ atȱ LouvresȬenȬParisis,ȱ onȱ 18ȱ August, accompaniedȱ byȱ anȱ armyȱ largeȱ enoughȱ toȱ revealȱ whatȱ mayȱ haveȱ beenȱ his unexpressedȱintentionȱ(i.ȱe.,ȱaȱdisplayȱofȱpower).ȱ OnȱhearingȱofȱJean’sȱapproach,ȱLouisȱandȱtheȱqueenȱhadȱleftȱParisȱonȱ17ȱAugust, onȱtheȱpretextȱofȱgoingȱoutȱtoȱhunt,ȱbutȱwithȱtheȱintentionȱofȱheadingȱforȱPouillyȬ leȬFort,ȱnoȱdoubtȱafraidȱthatȱParisȱmightȱwelcomeȱJeanȱsansȱPeurȱasȱsomeoneȱwho mightȱreformȱtheȱadministrationȱandȱtaxes.ȱLouisȱandȱtheȱqueenȱhadȱleftȱorders thatȱtheȱdauphinȱandȱtheȱotherȱroyalȱchildrenȱwereȱtoȱbeȱremovedȱtoȱPouillyȬleȬ Fort,ȱwhereȱtheyȱcouldȱserveȱifȱnecessaryȱasȱhostages,ȱcontrolȱofȱtheȱdauphinȱbeing theȱ requisiteȱ forȱ retainingȱ effectiveȱ power.ȱ Asȱ soonȱ asȱ newsȱ ofȱ theseȱ plansȱ to kidnapȱtheȱdauphinȱreachedȱJeanȱsansȱPeur,ȱheȱsetȱoffȱwithȱhisȱmenȬatȬarmsȱonȱthe nightȱ ofȱ 18ȱ toȱ 19ȱ Augustȱ noȱ doubtȱ alreadyȱ suspectingȱ thatȱ partȱ ofȱ theȱ plan underlyingȱtheȱkidnappingȱwasȱanȱattemptȱtoȱannulȱtheȱmarriagesȱarrangedȱfor Jean’sȱsonȱandȱdaughter.33ȱJeanȱmetȱupȱwithȱtheȱdauphinȱandȱhisȱescortsȱatȱJuvisy onȱ 19ȱ August,ȱ andȱ returnedȱ theȱ dauphinȱ toȱ Paris,ȱ whereȱ allȱ wereȱ honorably welcomedȱbyȱtheȱkingȱofȱNavarreȱandȱtheȱdukesȱofȱBerryȱandȱBourbon—perhaps suggestingȱthatȱtheseȱprincesȱhadȱviewedȱLouisȱofȱOrleans’sȱrapidȱriseȱtoȱpower withȱsomeȱdisquiet.ȱLouisȱandȱtheȱqueenȱwithdrewȱtoȱtheȱsafetyȱofȱMelunȱcastle.34ȱ Thereȱthenȱfollowedȱaȱperiodȱofȱintenseȱactivity,ȱeachȱsideȱbuildingȱupȱtroops andȱ weaponsȱ inȱ andȱ aroundȱ Paris,ȱ andȱ eachȱ engagingȱ inȱ whatȱ canȱ onlyȱ be describedȱasȱaȱpropagandaȱorȱpamphletȱwar,ȱdesignedȱtoȱjustifyȱtheȱrespective actionsȱ thatȱ hadȱ beenȱ taken.ȱ Theȱ mainȱ documentsȱ circulatedȱ wereȱ primarily draftedȱbyȱDukesȱLouisȱofȱOrleansȱandȱJeanȱsansȱPeurȱtoȱotherȱhighȬrankingȱnobles andȱChurchȱofficials.35ȱItȱisȱclearȱfromȱtheseȱdocumentsȱthatȱitȱwasȱtheȱdukes’ȱaims toȱgiveȱtheirȱclaimsȱandȱcounterȬclaimsȱregardingȱtheȱlegalityȱofȱtheirȱactionȱas wideȱaȱcirculationȱasȱpossible:ȱforȱexample,ȱJeanȱsansȱPeur’sȱletterȱofȱ8ȱSeptember isȱ describedȱ asȱ anȱ openȱ letterȱ (“lettresȱ patentes”),ȱ andȱ oneȱ byȱ Louisȱ contains

32 33 34 35

Famiglietti,ȱRoyalȱIntrigue,ȱ46ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28). Mirot,ȱ“Enlèvement,”ȱ400,ȱ407ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ19);ȱFamiglietti,ȱRoyalȱIntrigue,ȱ48ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28).ȱ Religieux,ȱ3:ȱ295–97ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28). Mirot,ȱ“Enlèvement,”ȱ395–419ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ19)ȱprintsȱtheȱfollowing:ȱletterȱfromȱJeanȱsansȱPeurȱinȱParis toȱtheȱinhabitantsȱofȱMâconȱ(19ȱAugust);ȱrequestsȱforȱreformȱbyȱJeanȱandȱhisȱbrothersȱAnthonyȱof Burgundy,ȱDukeȱofȱLimbourg,ȱandȱPhilip,ȱCountȱofȱNeversȱ(26ȱAugust);ȱletterȱfromȱLouisȱin MelunȱtoȱtheȱinhabitantsȱofȱMâconȱ(2ȱSeptember);ȱlettersȱpatentȱfromȱJeanȱandȱhisȱbrothersȱinȱParis (8ȱSeptember);ȱletterȱfromȱJeanȱinȱParisȱtoȱtheȱbishop,ȱdeanȱandȱchapterȱinȱMâconȱ(17ȱSeptember).

404

AngusȱJ.ȱKennedy

instructionsȱthatȱitȱshouldȱbeȱreadȱpublicly,ȱforȱeveryoneȱtoȱhear.36ȱSomeȱeighteen daysȱafterȱtheȱlastȱofȱtheseȱexchanges,ȱChristine’sȱletterȱtoȱtheȱqueenȱwasȱdrafted onȱ5ȱOctoberȱ1405. InȱadditionȱtoȱtheȱcirculationȱofȱpamphletsȱandȱtheȱbuildȬupȱofȱtroops,ȱAugustȬ Septemberȱhadȱalsoȱseenȱunsuccessfulȱattemptsȱatȱaȱnegotiatedȱpeace,ȱinvolving atȱvariousȱtimesȱtheȱdukeȱofȱBourbon,ȱGuillaumeȱdeȱTancarville,ȱJeanȱdeȱMontaigu, theȱUniversityȱofȱParis,ȱKingȱLouisȱofȱSicily,ȱKingȱCharlesȱofȱNavarre,ȱandȱtheȱduke ofȱ Berry.37ȱ Althoughȱ Charlesȱ VI,ȱ inȱ oneȱ ofȱ hisȱ lucidȱ phasesȱ onȱ 26ȱ August,ȱ had forbiddenȱeitherȱsideȱtoȱhaveȱrecourseȱtoȱarms,38ȱbothȱdukesȱrefusedȱtoȱdisperse theirȱ troops,ȱ whoȱ wereȱ thusȱ givenȱ theȱ opportunityȱ toȱ continueȱ “pillagingȱ and stealingȱ everything”ȱ inȱ theȱ countryside,ȱ “muchȱ toȱ theȱ greatȱ displeasureȱ ofȱ the king”ȱ(“gensȱd’armesȱquiȱpilloientȱetȱdestroussaientȱtout,ȱàȱlaȱdesplaisanceȱduȱroy bienȱgrande”).39ȱ However,ȱgivenȱthatȱperhapsȱtheȱapproachȱofȱwinterȱandȱtheȱenormousȱcostsȱof maintainingȱtheȱrespectiveȱarmiesȱhadȱhelpedȱconcentrateȱminds,ȱaȱnegotiated peaceȱ wasȱ eventuallyȱ agreedȱ atȱ Vincennesȱ onȱ 16ȱ October—elevenȱ daysȱ after Christineȱdraftedȱherȱletter—theȱqueenȱmakingȱuseȱofȱtheȱauthorityȱgrantedȱtoȱher inȱMarchȱ1402ȱtoȱactȱasȱmediatorȱinȱquarrelsȱbetweenȱtheȱprincesȱofȱtheȱblood.40 Theȱpeace,ȱofȱcourse,ȱprovedȱillusory,ȱandȱthisȱphaseȱofȱtheȱcivilȱwarȱwasȱtoȱend inȱtheȱassassinationȱofȱLouisȱofȱOrleansȱonȱ23ȱNovemberȱ1407,ȱonȱtheȱordersȱof JeanȱsansȱPeur.ȱ Perhapsȱ itȱ wouldȱ beȱ appropriateȱ toȱ endȱ thisȱ historicalȱ contextualizationȱ by givingȱtheȱlastȱwordȱtoȱoneȱofȱChristine’sȱcontemporariesȱorȱnearȬcontemporaries (orȱpossiblyȱChristineȱherself?).41ȱThreeȱofȱtheȱsixȱmanuscriptsȱgiveȱanȱexplanation ofȱtheȱcircumstancesȱinȱwhichȱtheȱletterȱwasȱwritten.42ȱThisȱexplanationȱmayȱnot beȱentirelyȱaccurate—itȱisȱimplied,ȱforȱexample,ȱthatȱtheȱqueenȱisȱstillȱtakingȱshelter atȱMelun,ȱwhenȱitȱseemsȱmoreȱlikelyȱsheȱwasȱnot—43ȱbutȱitȱdoesȱconveyȱsomething ofȱtheȱtenseȱatmosphereȱofȱtheȱtime:ȱ

36 37 38 39

40 41

42 43

Mirot,ȱ“Enlèvement,”ȱ405ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ19).ȱ Mirot,ȱ“Enlèvement,”ȱ372–76ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ19);ȱReligieux,ȱ3:ȱ311–17(seeȱnoteȱ28). JuvénalȱdesȱUrsins,ȱ432ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28). JuvénalȱdesȱUrsins,ȱ432ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28).ȱAlthoughȱBurgundianȱtroopsȱinȱParisȱinitiallyȱpaidȱforȱwhat theyȱtookȱ(BourgeoisȱdeȱParis,ȱ30ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28),ȱtheȱReligieuxȱdeȱSaintȬDenisȱrefersȱfrequentlyȱto pillagingȱandȱkillingȱonȱtheȱpartȱofȱbothȱsides,ȱ3:ȱ337,ȱ339,ȱ343ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28). Famiglietti,ȱRoyalȱIntrigue,ȱ51ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28);ȱReligieux,ȱ3:ȱ345ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28). IfȱChristineȱherselfȱdraftedȱtheȱpreliminaryȱexplanation,ȱweȱhaveȱtoȱassumeȱthatȱsheȱwasȱsimply mistakenȱinȱthinkingȱthatȱIsabeauȱwasȱstillȱinȱMelun.ȱSeeȱWritings,ȱed.ȱWillard,ȱ252ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20). Brussels,ȱBRȱIVȱ1176;ȱChantilly,ȱMuséeȱCondéȱ493;ȱParis,ȱBnFȱfr.ȱ604.ȱ Mirot,ȱ“Enlèvement,”ȱ384–85ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ19),ȱindicatesȱthatȱLouisȱandȱtheȱqueenȱleftȱMelunȱonȱ27 September,ȱtheȱqueenȱgoingȱtoȱCorbeilȱandȱLouisȱtoȱVincennes.ȱTheȱqueenȱwasȱstillȱinȱCorbeilȱon 9ȱOctober,ȱbutȱjoinedȱLouisȱinȱVincennesȱbyȱ11ȱOctoberȱatȱtheȱlatest.ȱ

ChristineȱdeȱPizan’sȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreine

405

EnsuitȱuneȱepistreȱqueȱChristineȱdeȱPisanȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱenvoiaȱàȱlaȱroyneȱdeȱFranceȱàȱMeleunȱou avecquesȱ elleȱ estoitȱ monseigneurȱ d’Orleansȱ quiȱ làȱ faisoitȱ grantȱ assembléeȱ deȱ gens d’armesȱàȱl’encontreȱdesȱducsȱdeȱBourgoingneȱetȱdeȱLembourchȱetȱduȱconteȱdeȱNevers, freres,ȱquiȱestoientȱàȱParis,ȱquiȱpareillementȱassembloientȱgensȱdeȱtoutesȱparsȱetȱestoient queȱd’unȱcostéȱqueȱd’autreȱbienȱxmȱcombatans,ȱpourȱlaquelleȱcauseȱlaȱbonneȱvilleȱdeȱParis etȱtoutȱleȱroyaumeȱfurentȱenȱgrantȱaventureȱd’estreȱdestruisȱàȱcelleȱfois,ȱseȱDieuȱn’yȱeust remedié.ȱAussiȱfistȬil,ȱcarȱàȱl’aideȱdesȱroysȱdeȱSecileȱetȱdeȱNavarreȱetȱde[s]ȱducsȱdeȱBerry etȱdeȱBourbonȱavecquesȱeulxȱleȱconseilȱduȱroyȱbonneȱpaixȱyȱfuȱtrouvée,ȱetȱseȱdepartirent lesȱgensȱd’armesȱd’unȱcostéȱetȱd’autreȱsansȱnulȱmalȱfaireȱàȱleurȱpartement.44ȱ [HereȱfollowsȱaȱletterȱthatȱChristineȱdeȱPizanȱȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱȱwroteȱtoȱtheȱqueenȱofȱFranceȱatȱMelun, whereȱsheȱhadȱbeenȱaccompaniedȱbyȱmyȱlordȱofȱOrleans,ȱwhoȱhadȱthereȱassembledȱa greatȱnumberȱofȱmenȬatȬarms,ȱinȱoppositionȱtoȱtheȱdukesȱofȱBurgundyȱandȱLimbourg andȱtheȱcountȱofȱNevers,ȱbrothersȱwhoȱwereȱatȱthatȱtimeȱinȱParisȱlikewiseȱassembling menȬatȬarmsȱfromȱallȱquarters.ȱAndȱthereȱwereȱonȱtheȱoneȱsideȱandȱtheȱotherȱaȱgoodȱten thousandȱsoldiers,ȱaȱsituationȱfraughtȱwithȱdangerȱofȱdestructionȱforȱtheȱgoodȱcityȱof Parisȱandȱtheȱrealmȱatȱlarge,ȱhadȱnotȱGodȱseenȱfitȱtoȱsupplyȱaȱremedy,ȱbutȱwithȱtheȱaid ofȱtheȱkingsȱofȱSicilyȱandȱNavarre,ȱandȱwithȱthemȱtheȱdukesȱofȱBourbonȱandȱBerry,ȱand theȱgoodȱcounselȱofȱtheȱking,ȱaȱrightȱandȱpeacefulȱsolutionȱwasȱachieved,ȱtheȱmenȬatȬ armsȱ onȱ bothȱ sidesȱ dispersing,ȱ withȱ noȱ harmfulȱ incidentȱ occurringȱ uponȱ their departure.]

TheȱDiscourseȱofȱPersuasion ToȱreturnȱtoȱtheȱEpistre’sȱcriticalȱreceptionȱhistoryȱasȱaȱpreambleȱtoȱitsȱstylistic analysis,ȱoneȱobservesȱthatȱtheȱfirstȱstudiesȱinȱtheȱmodernȱeraȱdidȱnotȱaccordȱaȱvery favorableȱpressȱtoȱChristine’sȱEpistre,ȱparticularlyȱfromȱtheȱpointȱofȱviewȱofȱform andȱstyle,ȱtheȱnotableȱexceptionȱbeingȱthatȱofȱThomassy,ȱwhoȱdescribedȱtheȱtextȱas “vraimentȱadmirable”(trulyȱadmirable).45ȱThoughȱconsciousȱofȱtheȱletter’sȱ“accents vraimentȱémus”ȱ(trulyȱmovingȱrhythms),ȱMirotȱfeltȱthatȱtheseȱwereȱundermined byȱ“unȱverbiageȱetȱuneȱphraséologieȱpénibles”ȱ(tediousȱverbiageȱandȱphrasing) andȱthatȱtheȱletterȱasȱaȱwholeȱwasȱ“longueȱetȱfastidieuse”ȱ(longȱandȱlaborious). Interestinglyȱenough,ȱheȱdoesȱnotȱmakeȱtheȱsameȱchargesȱagainstȱtheȱmaleȱwriters whoseȱ equallyȱ longȱ ifȱ notȱ longerȱ documentsȱ heȱ alsoȱ reproduces.46ȱ More sympathetically,ȱMarieȬJosèpheȱPinetȱnotedȱtheȱletter’sȱemotionȱandȱpatriotism, butȱalso,ȱspecificallyȱinȱregardȱtoȱaȱcomparisonȱChristineȱmakesȱatȱtheȱendȱofȱthe letterȱbetweenȱaȱmanȱbeingȱconstantlyȱandȱpubliclyȱreprimandedȱforȱhisȱbehavior andȱ aȱ dogȱ beingȱ noisilyȱ pursued,ȱ declaredȱ herȱ imageryȱ inelegantȱ andȱ trivial,

44 45 46

Epistre,ȱed.ȱKennedy,ȱ259ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12);ȱWritings,ȱed.ȱWillard,ȱ269ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20). Thomassy,ȱÉcritsȱpolitiques,ȱxxiiȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18). Mirot,ȱ“Enlèvement,”ȱ384ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ19).ȱ

406

AngusȱJ.ȱKennedy

displayingȱ noȱ concernȱ forȱ goodȱ tasteȱ orȱ questionsȱ ofȱ rhetoric.47ȱ Basedȱ onȱ a rereadingȱ ofȱ theȱ textȱ andȱ drawingȱ onȱ moreȱ recentȱ scholarship,ȱ theȱ following paragraphsȱ willȱ reassessȱ theseȱ earlyȱ judgments,ȱ whichȱ convenientlyȱ polarize responsesȱtoȱtheȱtext.ȱItȱshouldȱbeȱnotedȱthatȱtheȱsectionȱbelowȱonȱtheȱappealȱto Isabeau’sȱ reasonȱ willȱ simultaneouslyȱ provideȱ aȱ usefulȱ reminderȱ ofȱ theȱ text’s contents.ȱ AsȱRichardsȱhasȱshown,48ȱtheȱoverallȱstructureȱofȱtheȱletterȱfollowsȱ(withȱsome variation)ȱtheȱbasicȱrhetoricalȱmodelȱofferedȱbyȱmedievalȱdictaminalȱLatinȱwriting basedȱonȱtheȱrulesȱofȱtheȱarsȱdictaminisȱ(artȱofȱletterȬwriting).ȱItȱwouldȱbeȱsafeȱto assumeȱthatȱitȱwasȱherȱhusband,ȱÉtienneȱdeȱCastel,ȱwhoȱmadeȱChristineȱfamiliar withȱ theȱ artȱ ofȱ letterȬwritingȱ inȱ general:ȱ heȱ wouldȱ haveȱ beenȱ responsible,ȱ asȱ a secretaryȱofȱCharlesȱVI,ȱforȱtheȱregularȱdraftingȱofȱroyalȱlettersȱandȱacts.ȱTheȱfive partsȱ ofȱ theȱ dictaminalȱ modelȱ consistȱ ofȱ theȱ salutatio,ȱ captatioȱ benevolentiae,ȱ the narratioȱ(i.ȱe.,ȱtheȱstatementȱofȱtheȱletter’sȱpurpose),ȱpetitioȱandȱconclusio,ȱChristine’s variationȱhereȱ(anȱextendedȱseriesȱofȱnarrations,ȱwithȱtheȱpetitioȱattachedȱtoȱeach ofȱtheȱnarratio’sȱsuccessiveȱparts)ȱbeingȱaȱpracticeȱalreadyȱanticipatedȱinȱtheȱars dictaminiȱandȱcodifiedȱasȱtheȱcommutatioȱpartium.49ȱWhatȱisȱparticularlyȱinteresting inȱChristine’sȱhandlingȱofȱthisȱinheritedȱmodelȱisȱtheȱwayȱinȱwhichȱtheȱstructure isȱunderpinnedȱbyȱaȱnumberȱofȱdeftȱrhetoricalȱstrategies:ȱtheȱfirstȱofȱtheseȱblends logicȱandȱemotion,ȱtheȱsecond,ȱdeferenceȱandȱbluntness,ȱwhileȱtheȱthirdȱisȱaimed atȱestablishingȱtheȱauthorityȱofȱherȱdidacticȱmessage.ȱ InȱorderȱtoȱgiveȱherȱappealȱtoȱIsabeau’sȱreasonȱanyȱhopeȱofȱsuccess,ȱChristineȱis carefulȱtoȱflatterȱtheȱqueenȱthatȱsheȱisȱpreciselyȱtheȱkindȱofȱpersonȱwhoȱwouldȱbe responsiveȱtoȱlogicalȱargument:ȱthisȱsheȱdoesȱbothȱatȱtheȱbeginningȱofȱtheȱletterȱ(ll. 18–19),ȱwhereȱIsabeau’sȱ“sens”ȱ(reason,ȱmind,ȱorȱjudgement)ȱisȱdescribedȱasȱ“tout advertiȱ etȱ advisiéȱ deȱ ceȱ qu’ilȱ appartient”ȱ (wiseȱ andȱ wellȱ informedȱ asȱ toȱ what shouldȱbeȱdone),ȱandȱalsoȱatȱtheȱendȱ(l.ȱ142)ȱwhereȱChristineȱrefersȱtoȱtheȱqueen’s “bonȱsens”ȱ(perspicacity,ȱgoodȱjudgment)ȱregardingȱallȱtheȱ“infiniesȱraisons”ȱ(l. 140;ȱinnumerableȱreasons)ȱthatȱcouldȱbeȱadducedȱforȱintervention.ȱ Withinȱ theseȱ framingȱ complimentaryȱ remarksȱ onȱ theȱ queen’sȱ intelligence, Christineȱdeploysȱaȱcatalogueȱofȱincreasinglyȱtellingȱpointsȱthatȱappealȱrationally toȱIsabeau’sȱsenseȱofȱpublicȱduty,ȱfamilyȱduty,ȱandȱprivateȱinterest.ȱIsabeauȱis,ȱ“au ditȱetȱoppinionȱdeȱtous”(ll.ȱ12–13;ȱinȱtheȱopinionȱofȱall),ȱtheȱoneȱpersonȱ(asȱqueen andȱmother),ȱwhoȱcanȱsupplyȱtheȱsovereignȱremedyȱtoȱFrance’sȱsufferingsȱcaused byȱtheȱquarrelsȱbetweenȱherȱownȱ“children.”ȱTheȱissuesȱconcernȱtheȱqueen’sȱown

47

48 49

MarieȬJosèpheȱPinet,ȱChristineȱdeȱPisanȱ1364–1430:ȱÉtudeȱbiographiqueȱetȱlittéraire.ȱBibliothèqueȱdu XVeȱSiècle,ȱ35ȱ(Geneva:ȱSlatkineȱReprintsȱ1974,ȱreprintȱofȱ1927ȱedition),ȱ130–32. Richards,ȱ“‘Seulette’”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ24). Richards,ȱ“‘Seulette,’”ȱ160,ȱ163ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ24);ȱMargolis,ȱ“Chameleon,”ȱ56ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ24).ȱMargolis seesȱalsoȱaȱsubstantiveȱmodelȱinȱtheȱlettersȱandȱchançonsȱroyaulxȱofȱDeschamps.ȱ

ChristineȱdeȱPizan’sȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreine

407

realm,ȱ notȱ someȱ foreignȱ countryȱ (ll.ȱ 15–17).ȱ Theȱ quarrelȱ isȱ betweenȱ twoȱ royal princes,ȱcousinsȱbyȱblood,ȱwhoȱshouldȱbyȱallȱtheȱlawsȱofȱnatureȱbeȱfriendsȱ(“.ii. haulzȱprincesȱgermainsȱdeȱsangȱnaturelmentȱamis;”ȱl.ȱ28)ȱ butȱ whoȱ areȱnowȱin contentionȱwithȱeachȱother.ȱQuarrelsȱwithinȱaȱfamilyȱareȱtoȱbeȱexpected,ȱbutȱto allowȱthisȱoneȱtoȱcontinueȱwouldȱbeȱ“diabolique”ȱ(l.ȱ32;ȱtheȱdevil’sȱwork).ȱIfȱthe quarrelȱdoesȱcontinue,ȱtwoȱmisfortunesȱwillȱafflictȱtheȱcountry:ȱtheȱkingdomȱwill beȱ destroyed,ȱ since,ȱ asȱ Scriptureȱ pointsȱ out,ȱ aȱ realmȱ dividedȱ withinȱ itselfȱ will inevitablyȱcomeȱtoȱgrief,ȱandȱthereȱisȱtheȱriskȱthatȱperpetualȱdiscordȱwillȱbeȱpassed downȱfromȱgenerationȱtoȱgenerationȱamongȱtheȱprincesȱofȱtheȱblood,ȱwhoseȱvery taskȱshouldȱbeȱtoȱprotectȱtheȱrealmȱ(ll.ȱ32–40).ȱ Ifȱ byȱ contrastȱ Isabeauȱ wereȱ toȱ obtainȱ aȱ reconciliationȱ betweenȱ theȱ warring parties,ȱthreeȱgreatȱbenefitsȱwouldȱaccrueȱtoȱtheȱqueen:ȱherȱimmortalȱsoulȱwould gainȱgreatȱmerit,ȱasȱsheȱwouldȱhaveȱpreventedȱtheȱfurtherȱspillingȱofȱblood;ȱshe wouldȱbeȱtheȱrestorerȱofȱpeaceȱandȱwelfareȱamongȱherȱ“nobleȱoffspring”ȱandȱher loyalȱsubjects;ȱsheȱwouldȱenjoyȱposthumousȱfameȱandȱgloryȱinȱtheȱchroniclesȱofȱthe nation,ȱbeingȱrememberedȱinȱperpetuityȱwithȱloveȱandȱgratitudeȱ(ll.ȱ41–53).ȱIfȱone orȱ otherȱ ofȱ theȱ opposingȱ partiesȱ hadȱ injuredȱ theȱ queen’sȱ dignityȱ inȱ anyȱ way, makingȱherȱlessȱinclinedȱtoȱintervene,ȱChristineȱasksȱifȱitȱwouldȱnotȱbeȱbetterȱfor herȱtoȱsetȱasideȱherȱownȱrightsȱforȱtheȱcauseȱofȱaȱgreaterȱgood.ȱTheȱdistantȱand moreȱ recentȱ pastȱ provideȱ historicalȱ andȱ scripturalȱ exemplarsȱ ofȱ wiseȱ female mediationȱ inȱ situationsȱ ofȱ conflictȱ thatȱ Isabeauȱ wouldȱ doȱ wellȱ toȱ emulate:ȱ a powerfulȱ Romanȱ princessȱ whoȱ isȱ notȱ namedȱ [Veturia],ȱ Esther,ȱ Bathshebaȱ and QueenȱBlanche,ȱtheȱmotherȱofȱSaintȱLouis,ȱwhoȱareȱcontrastedȱhereȱwithȱJezebel andȱlaterȱwithȱOlympias,ȱwhoȱbothȱembodyȱperversityȱandȱcrueltyȱandȱconstitute reprehensibleȱmodelsȱofȱbehaviourȱtoȱbeȱavoidedȱ(ll.ȱ54–94).ȱ TheȱexampleȱofȱtheȱVirgin,ȱasȱmotherȱofȱGodȱandȱQueenȱofȱHeaven,ȱprovidesȱthe supremeȱmodelȱofȱtheȱqueenlyȱmediatorȱparȱexcellenceȱ(ll.ȱ95–103),ȱandȱlikeȱthe Virgin,ȱtherefore,ȱanyȱqueenȱshouldȱbeȱcalledȱ“mereȱetȱconffortarresseȱetȱadvocate deȱsesȱsubgiezȱetȱdeȱsonȱpueple”ȱ(l.ȱ98;ȱmotherȱandȱcomforterȱandȱadvocateȱofȱher subjectsȱandȱpeople).ȱContinuingȱconflictȱwithinȱFranceȱwouldȱmakeȱtheȱcountry vulnerableȱtoȱforeignȱinterventionȱandȱthusȱexposeȱitsȱpeopleȱtoȱfurtherȱsuffering (ll.ȱ 104–08).ȱ Givenȱ thatȱ Fortuneȱ canȱ turnȱ itsȱ wheelȱ inȱ anȱ instantȱ (witnessȱ the exampleȱofȱOlympias),ȱaȱpersonȱprovenȱguiltyȱofȱbadȱconductȱwouldȱdoȱwellȱto makeȱhisȱorȱherȱpeaceȱwithȱGodȱandȱavoidȱhisȱorȱherȱreputationȱbeingȱsullied foreverȱ(ll.ȱ124–39).ȱJustȱasȱitȱisȱmoreȱcharitableȱtoȱgiveȱaȱpieceȱofȱbreadȱtoȱtheȱpoor inȱtimesȱofȱfamineȱratherȱthanȱaȱwholeȱloafȱinȱtimesȱofȱplenty,ȱsoȱIsabeauȱshould giveȱherȱpoorȱpeopleȱinȱthisȱtimeȱofȱtribulationȱsomeȱevidenceȱofȱherȱcareȱand concernȱ(ll.ȱ145–51).ȱInȱreturnȱforȱIsabeau’sȱhelp,ȱherȱgratefulȱsubjectsȱwillȱoffer prayersȱtoȱGodȱonȱherȱbehalf.ȱAtȱthisȱpoint,ȱChristineȱclosesȱtheȱletterȱwithȱtheȱwish thatȱtheȱqueenȱwillȱbeȱgivenȱlongȱlifeȱand,ȱatȱitsȱend,ȱeverlastingȱglory,ȱ“gloire perdurable”ȱ(ll.ȱ151–53).ȱ

408

AngusȱJ.ȱKennedy

Thisȱlatterȱpoint,ȱtheȱreferenceȱtoȱ“everlastingȱglory,”ȱpositionedȱsignificantlyȱas theȱ culminationȱ ofȱ theȱ argument,ȱ deservesȱ aȱ briefȱ commentȱ here,ȱ given McCormick’sȱ recentȱ remarksȱ thatȱ tendȱ toȱ playȱ downȱ itsȱ importance:ȱ “‘Eternal remembrance”ȱ[scil.ȱinȱtheȱchronicles]ȱandȱ“perpetualȱglory”ȱ[scil.ȱtheȱrewardȱthat IsabeauȱwillȱreceiveȱifȱChristine’sȱconcludingȱwishȱisȱanswered]ȱareȱtheȱlasting earthlyȱrewardsȱforȱherȱinterventionȱinȱtheȱOrleansȬBurgundyȱconflictȱȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱȱFame andȱglory,ȱnotȱcommunionȱwithȱtheȱeternal—.ȱ.ȱ.ȱtheseȱareȱtheȱqueen’sȱincentives toȱfollowȱinȱtheȱfootstepsȱofȱherȱnobleȱpredecessors.”50ȱThereȱisȱnoȱdoubtȱthatȱthe letterȱasȱaȱwholeȱbreathesȱsomethingȱofȱtheȱnewȱspiritȱofȱearlyȱfourteenthȬcentury humanismȱ inȱ Franceȱ (theȱ choiceȱ ofȱ letterȬwritingȱ itselfȱ asȱ aȱ meansȱ of communicationȱonȱaȱseriousȱtopicȱisȱaȱreflectionȱofȱthat,ȱasȱisȱtheȱconcernȱwith posthumousȱrenown).ȱ WhileȱChristineȱ undoubtedlyȱsharedȱtheȱearlyȱhumanistȱpreoccupationȱwith earthlyȱ glory,51ȱ thereȱ isȱ noȱ evidenceȱ toȱ suggestȱ thatȱ sheȱ sawȱ earthlyȱ gloryȱ and heavenlyȱ gloryȱ asȱ alternatives,ȱ eitherȱ forȱ herselfȱ orȱ Isabeau:ȱ theȱ oneȱ was compatibleȱwithȱtheȱother,ȱandȱoneȱcouldȱaspireȱtoȱboth.ȱInȱshort,ȱtherefore,ȱIȱthink itȱ importantȱ toȱ acceptȱ that,ȱ onȱ theȱ questionȱ ofȱ glory,ȱ Christineȱ isȱ holdingȱ out incentivesȱthatȱincludeȱbothȱposthumousȱrenownȱhereȱonȱearthȱandȱalsoȱeternal gloryȱinȱtheȱlifeȱtoȱcome,ȱtheȱlatterȱaccordedȱspecialȱimportanceȱbyȱitsȱkeyȱposition rightȱatȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱletter. Christineȱdoesȱnotȱrelyȱsolely,ȱhowever,ȱonȱtheȱappealȱtoȱreasonȱandȱenlightened selfȬinterest:ȱsheȱworksȱintoȱtheȱrelentlessȱsequenceȱofȱlogicalȱpointsȱjustȱexamined anȱemotionalȱchargeȱthatȱgivesȱtheȱletterȱitsȱvibrancyȱandȱurgency.ȱRightȱatȱthe beginning,ȱ theȱ author’sȱ selfȬpresentationȱ asȱ theȱ lachrymose,ȱ unworthy,ȱ and ignorantȱsupplicant,ȱstressingȱtheȱdisproportionȱbetweenȱherȱlowlyȱstatusȱandȱthat ofȱtheȱqueen,ȱparadoxicallyȱallowsȱChristineȱtoȱplayȱaȱnumberȱofȱkeyȱrhetorical cards.ȱ Letȱusȱlookȱfirstȱofȱallȱatȱtheȱmotifȱofȱtears,ȱwhichȱisȱusedȱextensivelyȱthroughout Christine’sȱ workȱ andȱ hasȱ beenȱ theȱ subjectȱ ofȱ muchȱ criticalȱ discussion.52ȱ The referenceȱtoȱChristine’sȱweepingȱforȱherȱcountryȱimplicitȱinȱ“laȱvoixȱplourableȱde

50 51

52

McCormick,ȱ“MirrorsȱforȱtheȱQueen,”ȱ287ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ26).ȱSquareȬbracketedȱwordsȱareȱmine. SeeȱLeȱLivreȱdesȱtroisȱvertus,ȱed.ȱCharityȱCannonȱWillardȱandȱEricȱHicks.ȱBibliothèqueȱduȱXVe Siècle,ȱ50ȱ(Paris:ȱChampion,ȱ1989),ȱ225;ȱPolicie,ȱed.ȱKennedy,ȱ110–11ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9). Forȱ example,ȱ Margolis,ȱ “Chameleon,”ȱ 53ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 24);ȱ theȱ followingȱ threeȱ articlesȱ areȱ allȱ in Politics,ȱ ed.ȱ Brabantȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 13):ȱ Margareteȱ Zimmermann,ȱ “Voxȱ Femina,ȱ Voxȱ Politica:ȱ The LamentacionȱsurȱlesȱmauxȱdeȱlaȱFrance,”ȱ113–27,ȱhereȱ118;ȱLindaȱLeppig,ȱ“TheȱPoliticalȱRhetoricȱof Christineȱ deȱ Pizan:ȱ Lamentacionȱ surȱ lesȱ mauxȱ deȱ laȱ guerreȱ civile,”ȱ 141–156,ȱ hereȱ 144–45;ȱ Mary McKinley,ȱ“TheȱSubversiveȱ‘Seulette’,”ȱ157–69.ȱLouiseȱd’Arcens,ȱ“Petitȱestatȱvesval:ȱChristineȱde Pizan’sȱGrievingȱBodyȱPolitic,”ȱHealingȱtheȱBodyȱPolitic,ȱed.ȱGreenȱandȱMews,ȱ201–26,ȱhereȱ214–21 (seeȱnoteȱ23).ȱ[Editor’sȱnote:ȱForȱcomparison’sȱsake,ȱseeȱalsoȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱCryingȱinȱthe Middleȱ Ages:ȱ Tearsȱ ofȱ History,ȱ ed.ȱ Elinaȱ Gertsmanȱ (Newȱ Yorkȱ andȱ London:ȱ Routledge,ȱ 2011, forthcoming).]

ChristineȱdeȱPizan’sȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreine

409

moy”ȱ(l.ȱ4;ȱmyȱtearfulȱvoice)ȱconstitutesȱofȱcourseȱanȱappealȱtoȱIsabeau’sȱsenseȱof compassion,ȱ but,ȱ moreȱ importantly,ȱ itȱ isȱ alsoȱ oneȱ thatȱ isȱ designedȱ toȱ ensure maximumȱemotionalȱimpact.ȱTheȱtearsȱthatȱChristineȱisȱnowȱsheddingȱserveȱto remindȱtheȱqueenȱofȱtheȱdistanceȱthatȱChristineȱhasȱtraveledȱsinceȱtheȱtimeȱwhen herȱownȱlifeȱwasȱgivenȱoverȱentirelyȱtoȱpersonalȱgrief,ȱonȱtheȱlossȱofȱherȱfather’s patronȱ(CharlesȱV),ȱofȱherȱfather,ȱandȱfinallyȱofȱherȱhusband.ȱNowȱtheȱ“seulette” associatedȱwithȱherȱlyricȱpoetry,ȱandȱtheȱtearsȱofȱtheȱweepingȱwidow,ȱwhoseȱown experienceȱ ofȱ adversityȱ hasȱ madeȱ herȱ readilyȱ sympatheticȱ toȱ theȱ sufferingȱ of others,ȱareȱtheȱemblemȱnotȱofȱpersonalȱgriefȱbutȱofȱtheȱcollectiveȱgriefȱofȱFrance itself.ȱ Furthermore,ȱ Christine’sȱ stanceȱ hasȱ echoesȱ ofȱ oneȱ ofȱ theȱ bestȬknown scripturalȱlamentsȱthatȱserveȱtoȱintensifyȱherȱappeal.ȱTheȱopeningȱsentencesȱof Lamentationsȱ(1:ȱ1–2)ȱpresentsȱtheȱcityȱofȱJerusalemȱasȱaȱsolitaryȱwidowȱweeping overȱtheȱdestructionȱallȱaroundȱ(“Howȱdoesȱtheȱcityȱsitȱsolitaryȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱHowȱisȱshe becomeȱ asȱ aȱ widow!ȱ ȱ .ȱ .ȱ .ȱ Sheȱ weepethȱ soreȱ .ȱ .ȱ .ȱ ”).ȱ Theȱ motifȱ ofȱ tearsȱ recurs explicitlyȱatȱtwoȱotherȱpointsȱinȱtheȱletter,ȱtheȱfirstȱindicatingȱthatȱChristineȱsees herselfȱ asȱ aȱ spokespersonȱ actingȱ onȱ behalfȱ ofȱ allȱ thoseȱ alreadyȱ sufferingȱ and pleadingȱforȱpeaceȱ“quiȱaȱhumbleȱvoixȱplaineȱdeȱploursȱcrientȱaȱvous”ȱ(l.ȱ25;ȱwho withȱhumble,ȱtearȬfilledȱvoiceȱcryȱtoȱyou);ȱtheȱsecondȱpresentsȱtheȱletterȱasȱaȱwhole asȱaȱ“plourableȱrequeste”ȱ(l.ȱ144;ȱaȱtearȬfilledȱrequest)ȱpresentedȱtoȱtheȱqueenȱinȱthe hopeȱofȱherȱfavorableȱresponse.ȱ Thereȱ isȱ noȱ doubt,ȱ therefore,ȱ thatȱ theȱ motifȱ ofȱ tearsȱ performsȱ anȱ important rhetoricalȱ functionȱ withinȱ theȱ letterȱ asȱ aȱ whole,ȱ positioningȱ Christineȱ asȱ a powerless,ȱ tearfulȱ intermediaryȱ actingȱ onȱ behalfȱ ofȱ aȱ tearfulȱ people—who,ȱ by implicationȱdeserveȱanȱactiveȱsympatheticȱresponseȱonȱtheȱpartȱofȱtheȱqueen—ȱand positioningȱtheȱpowerfulȱqueenȱasȱaȱpotentialȱmediatorȱwhoȱcouldȱwipeȱaway theseȱtearsȱ(andȱwhoȱisȱbeingȱurgedȱelsewhereȱinȱtheȱletterȱ(ll.ȱ95–99)ȱtoȱemulate theȱ supremeȱ exemplarȱ ofȱ compassionȱ andȱ intercession,ȱ theȱ Queenȱ ofȱ Heaven, “advocateȱdeȱsesȱsubgiez”ȱ(l.ȱ98;ȱadvocateȱofȱherȱsubjects),ȱandȱmotherȱofȱGod.ȱThis titleȱremindsȱus,ȱatȱleastȱimplicitly,ȱofȱherȱroleȱasȱmaterȱdolorosa,ȱherȱtearsȱatȱthe crucifixion,ȱ andȱ herȱ tearsȱ ofȱ continuingȱ intercessionȱ forȱ allȱ mankind).ȱ The alignmentȱofȱtheseȱthreeȱwomenȱofȱveryȱdifferingȱstatusȱ(powerless,ȱpowerful,ȱallȬ powerful)ȱputsȱtheȱrealȱfocusȱonȱIsabeau,ȱdramatizingȱtheȱmomentȱofȱchoiceȱnow confrontingȱ her:ȱ sheȱ isȱ beingȱ urgedȱ toȱ makeȱ upȱ herȱ mind,ȱ inȱ responseȱ to Christine’sȱintercessionȱandȱinȱemulationȱofȱtheȱVirgin’sȱeternalȱintercedingȱrole, asȱ toȱ whetherȱ sheȱ tooȱ willȱ (orȱ willȱ not)ȱ followȱ theirȱ exampleȱ andȱ assumeȱ the functionȱofȱmediator. Christine’sȱhandlingȱofȱtheȱmotifȱofȱtearsȱisȱnot,ȱhowever,ȱtheȱonlyȱfactorȱthat explainsȱ theȱ emotionalȱ chargeȱ ofȱ theȱ letter.ȱ Someȱ ofȱ theȱ otherȱ devices,ȱ the sustainedȱuseȱofȱ(polite)ȱimperativesȱ(ll.ȱ5,ȱ12,ȱ22–23,ȱ41,ȱ95),ȱexclamationsȱ(ll.ȱ67, 106,ȱ108–118,ȱ129),ȱandȱsequencesȱofȱquestionsȱ(ll.ȱ67–70,ȱ99–105,ȱ118–20,ȱ129–32, 133–34)ȱ areȱ straightforwardȱ enoughȱ notȱ toȱ requireȱ discussionȱ here,ȱ thoughȱ of

410

AngusȱJ.ȱKennedy

courseȱ theyȱ needȱtoȱbeȱtakenȱintoȱaccount.ȱOneȱadditionalȱdeviceȱmeritsȱmore detailedȱcomment,ȱasȱitȱveryȱeffectivelyȱensuresȱtheȱcompleteȱinteractionȱofȱlogic andȱemotionȱinȱtheȱdeploymentȱofȱChristine’sȱargument.ȱInȱtheȱpresentationȱofȱher appealȱ toȱ theȱ Queen’sȱ reason,ȱ Christineȱ naturallyȱ accumulatesȱ quiteȱ aȱ large numberȱofȱabstractȱwordsȱassociatedȱwithȱtheȱsemanticȱfieldȱofȱsufferingȱ(e.ȱg. affliccion,ȱ tristesse,ȱ desolation,ȱ misere;ȱ ll.ȱ 24,ȱ 27).ȱ However,ȱ asȱ sheȱ deploysȱ her arguments,ȱ Christineȱ isȱ carefulȱ toȱ fleshȱ outȱ occasionally,ȱ forȱ emotionalȱ effect, exactlyȱ whatȱ someȱ ofȱ theseȱ abstractionsȱ meanȱ orȱ wouldȱ meanȱ inȱ practice.ȱ For example,ȱ atȱ oneȱ pointȱ sheȱ evokes,ȱ inȱ veryȱ concreteȱ terms,ȱ theȱ likelyȱ impactȱ of foreignȱinvasionȱonȱordinaryȱpeople,ȱparticularlyȱwomen:ȱ“Etȱqueȱlesȱpovresȱpetiz alaittansȱ etȱ enfansȱ criassentȱ apresȱ leursȱ lassesȱ deȱ meresȱ vesvesȱ etȱ adouloues, mouransȱdeȱfaimȱetȱelles,ȱdesnuéesȱdeȱleursȱbiens,ȱn’eussentȱdeȱquoyȱlesȱappaisier” (ll.ȱ110–13;ȱ[Itȱwouldȱbecomeȱnecessary]ȱforȱpoorȱlittleȱnurslingsȱandȱotherȱsmall childrenȱtoȱcryȱafterȱtheirȱwearyȱmothers,ȱwidowedȱandȱgriefȬstricken,ȱdyingȱof hunger,ȱwho,ȱdeprivedȱofȱtheirȱpossessions,ȱwouldȱhaveȱnothingȱwithȱwhichȱto comfortȱthem).53ȱ Inȱ theȱ followingȱ passage,ȱ whichȱ seesȱ aȱ dramaticȱ changeȱ ofȱ tenseȱ awayȱ from conditionalsȱandȱsubjunctivesȱtoȱtheȱpresent,ȱChristineȱhighlightsȱtheȱfactȱthat,ȱfor manyȱpeople,ȱtheȱcivilȱwarȱhadȱinȱrealityȱalreadyȱstartedȱ(itȱwillȱbeȱremembered thatȱtheȱdukes’ȱrefusalȱtoȱdisperseȱtheirȱtroopsȱresultedȱinȱdeathȱandȱdestruction, particularlyȱinȱtheȱcountryside):ȱ“Etȱcertes,ȱnobleȱdame,ȱnousȱveonsȱàȱpresentȱles apprestesȱdeȱcesȱmortelzȱinconveniensȱquiȱjaȱsontȱsiȱavanciezȱqueȱtresȱmaintenant enȱyȱaȱdeȱdestruizȱetȱdesersȱdeȱleursȱbiens,ȱetȱdetruitȬonȱtouzȱlesȱjoursȱdeȱpizȱenȱpiz, tantȱqueȱquiȱestȱcrestienȱenȱdoitȱavoirȱpitié”ȱ(ll.ȱ120–24;ȱ“Indeed,ȱnobleȱlady,ȱweȱcan seeȱnowȱtheȱpreparationsȱforȱtheseȱdisasters,ȱwhichȱareȱsoȱwellȱunderȱwayȱthat thereȱareȱatȱpresentȱmanyȱpeopleȱruinedȱandȱdeprivedȱofȱtheirȱpossessions,ȱand everyȱdayȱworseȱandȱworseȱisȱdone,ȱsoȱmuchȱsoȱthatȱwhoeverȱisȱaȱChristianȱmust feelȱ pity).54ȱ Theȱ deliberateȱ andȱ repeatedȱ emphasisȱ onȱ theȱ presentȱ momentȱ (a present,ȱja,ȱtresȱmaintenant,ȱtousȱlesȱjours)ȱclearlyȱservesȱtoȱintensifyȱtheȱemotional pressureȱonȱIsabeauȱtoȱtakeȱactionȱnow,ȱtoȱavoidȱfurtherȱsufferingȱbeingȱcausedȱto innocentȱpeople.ȱ Alsoȱconstitutingȱanȱimportantȱelementȱinȱtheȱrhetoricalȱstrategyȱofȱblending logicȱandȱemotionȱisȱChristine’sȱuseȱofȱimagery.ȱThereȱareȱsomeȱfaintȱechoesȱof Franceȱasȱtheȱafflictedȱmotherȱ(alreadyȱnotedȱasȱoccurringȱelsewhereȱinȱChristine’s work),ȱwhenȱChristineȱfollowsȱupȱherȱevocationȱofȱtheȱVirginȱasȱtheȱarchetypal motherȱfigureȱwithȱtheȱfollowingȱquestion,ȱphrasedȱimpersonallyȱbutȱwithȱIsabeau

53 54

Writings,ȱed.ȱWillard,ȱ272ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20).ȱ Epistreȱ ed.ȱ Wisman,ȱ 81ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 12).ȱ Wisman’sȱ translationȱ ofȱ “lesȱ apprestesȱ deȱ cesȱ mortelz inconveniens”ȱ(theȱpreparationȱforȱtheseȱdisasters)ȱseemsȱmoreȱappropriateȱinȱcontextȱthanȱthat ofȱWillardȱinȱWritings,ȱ272ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20):ȱ“theȱeffectȱofȱtheseȱmortalȱjudgements.”ȱ

ChristineȱdeȱPizan’sȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreine

411

clearlyȱinȱmind:ȱ“Helasȱdonquesȱquiȱseroitȱsiȱdureȱmereȱquiȱpeustȱsouffrir,ȱseȱelle n’avoitȱleȱcuerȱdeȱpierre,ȱveoirȱsesȱenfansȱentreȬoccireȱetȱespendreȱleȱsangȱl’unȱà l’autreȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ?”ȱ(ll.ȱ99–101;ȱButȱalas,ȱwhereȱisȱtheȱmotherȱsoȱhardȬhearted,ȱifȱsheȱdidn’t haveȱaȱveritableȱheartȱofȱstone,ȱwhoȱcouldȱbearȱtoȱseeȱherȱchildrenȱkillȱeachȱother, spillingȱeachȱother’sȱbloodȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ?).55ȱChristineȱprojectsȱaȱviewȱofȱIsabeauȱhereȱas queen/Franceȱtornȱapartȱbyȱher/itsȱwarringȱchildrenȱinȱanȱimageȱreminiscentȱof thatȱfoundȱinȱtheȱLivreȱduȱcheminȱdeȱlongȱestudeȱandȱtheȱAdvisionȱCristine.56ȱ Anotherȱimage,ȱhowever,ȱdevelopedȱatȱgreaterȱlengthȱhereȱandȱwidelyȱusedȱby Christineȱinȱherȱotherȱworks,57ȱunderpinsȱtheȱletterȱasȱaȱwhole,ȱi.ȱe.,ȱtheȱimageryȱof theȱbodyȱpolitic.ȱItȱwillȱbeȱrecalledȱthatȱtheȱconstituentsȱofȱthisȱimageryȱareȱas follows:ȱtheȱhealthy,ȱwellȬfunctioningȱbodyȱpoliticȱdependsȱforȱitsȱcohesionȱon eachȱpartȱactingȱonȱbehalfȱofȱtheȱwhole,ȱwithȱtheȱkingȱatȱitsȱhead,ȱtheȱknightsȱasȱthe armsȱ andȱ handsȱ usedȱ inȱ defenceȱ ofȱ theȱ realm,ȱ andȱ theȱ ordinaryȱ peopleȱ asȱ the stomach,ȱfeetȱandȱlegsȱwhoseȱfunctionȱisȱtoȱsustainȱtheȱotherȱtwoȱestates.ȱWhatȱwe areȱ presentedȱ withȱ inȱ theȱ Epistreȱ isȱ notȱ atȱ allȱ aȱ modelȱ ofȱ theȱ bodyȱ politicȱ asȱ a cohesive,ȱharmoniousȱunit,ȱwithȱeachȱpartȱorȱlimbȱworkingȱtowardȱtheȱcommon good.ȱ Atȱtheȱtimeȱofȱwriting,ȱKingȱCharlesȱVI,ȱasȱheadȱofȱtheȱbodyȱpolitic,ȱisȱhimself mentallyȱillȱ(henceȱChristine’sȱrequirementȱtoȱaddressȱtheȱqueenȱinȱhisȱstead);ȱand sinceȱtheȱhealthȱofȱtheȱstateȱreflectsȱthatȱofȱtheȱking,ȱtheȱrestȱofȱtheȱrealmȱisȱacutely sufferingȱtheȱharmfulȱeffectsȱofȱtheȱking’sȱindisposition;ȱtheȱknights,ȱwhoȱasȱthe armsȱofȱtheȱbodyȱpoliticȱshouldȱbeȱ“unȱpropreȱcorpsȱetȱpilierȱaȱlaȱdeffenseȱdeȱcestui royame”ȱ(ll.ȱ37–38;ȱlikeȱaȱveryȱbodyȱandȱpillarȱforȱtheȱdefenseȱofȱthisȱrealm)58ȱare tearingȱitȱapartȱinȱtheirȱstruggleȱforȱpowerȱandȱdismemberingȱtheirȱownȱbodiesȱin theȱ processȱ (ll.ȱ 101–2);ȱ thisȱ irresponsibleȱ conductȱ onȱ theȱ partȱ ofȱ theȱ knightsȱ is evokedȱ againȱ inȱ theȱ referenceȱ toȱ theȱ sufferingsȱ inflictedȱ onȱ theȱ thirdȱ estate, ordinaryȱ people,ȱ byȱ “ceulzȱ quiȱ garderȱ lesȱ devoient”ȱ (l.ȱ 118;ȱ thoseȱ whoȱ were supposedȱtoȱprotectȱthem).ȱWhatȱChristineȱpresentsȱusȱwithȱhere,ȱtherefore,ȱisȱthe imageȱ ofȱ anȱ unhealthy,ȱ dysfunctionalȱ bodyȱ politicȱ inȱ whichȱ selfȬinterest,ȱ not mutualȱrespectȱandȱcooperation,ȱplaysȱtheȱdominantȱrole.ȱThisȱimageryȱclearly constitutesȱaȱcrucialȱingredientȱofȱChristine’sȱrationalȱandȱemotionalȱappealȱto Isabeau,ȱallowingȱherȱasȱitȱdoesȱtoȱpresentȱtheȱqueenȱasȱtheȱ“medecineȱetȱsouverain remedeȱdeȱlaȱgarisonȱdeȱceȱroyameȱàȱpresentȱplayéȱetȱnavréȱpiteusementȱetȱenȱperil

55 56 57

58

Writings,ȱed.ȱWillard,ȱ272ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20). Seeȱnoteȱ11ȱabove.ȱ SeeȱinȱparticularȱPolicie,ȱed.ȱKennedy,ȱxxxv,ȱ1,ȱ57,ȱ91–92ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9);ȱForhan,ȱPoliticalȱTheory,ȱ45–75 (seeȱnoteȱ22);ȱAngusȱJ.ȱKennedy,ȱ“TheȱImageȱofȱtheȱBodyȱPoliticȱinȱtheȱChristineȱdeȱPizan’sȱLivre duȱcorpsȱdeȱpolicie,”ȱL’Offrandeȱduȱcoeur:ȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱStudiesȱinȱHonourȱofȱGlynnis Cropp,ȱed.ȱMargaretȱBurrellȱandȱJudithȱGrantȱ(Christchurch:ȱCanterburyȱUniversityȱPress/Massey University,ȱ2004),ȱ18–29;ȱHealingȱtheȱBodyȱPolitic,ȱed.ȱGreenȱandȱMewsȱ(seeȱnoteȱ23). Writings,ȱed.ȱWillard,ȱ270ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20).

412

AngusȱJ.ȱKennedy

deȱpiz”ȱ(ll.ȱ13–15;ȱtheȱmedicineȱandȱsovereignȱremedyȱtoȱcureȱthisȱrealm,ȱatȱpresent sorelyȱandȱpiteouslyȱwoundedȱandȱinȱperilȱofȱworse”).59 Letȱusȱturnȱfromȱaȱrhetoricalȱstrategyȱbasedȱonȱblendingȱlogicȱandȱemotionȱto considerȱoneȱ thatȱ subtlyȱinterminglesȱdeferenceȱandȱbluntness.ȱItȱwasȱclaimed earlierȱthatȱChristine’sȱselfȬpresentationȱasȱtheȱlachrymose,ȱunworthyȱandȱignorant supplicantȱallowedȱherȱtoȱplayȱaȱnumberȱofȱkeyȱrhetoricalȱcards.ȱLetȱusȱlookȱnow atȱanotherȱoneȱofȱthese:ȱChristine’sȱhandlingȱofȱtheȱsoȬcalledȱhumilityȱorȱinferiority topos,ȱaȱdeviceȱwhichȱChristineȱemploysȱfrequentlyȱinȱherȱwork.60ȱByȱstressingȱthe disproportionȱbetweenȱherȱownȱlowly,ȱignorantȱandȱunworthyȱstatusȱandȱthatȱof theȱqueen,ȱChristineȱadoptsȱanȱappropriateȱdeferentialȱstanceȱthatȱisȱsustainedȱin theȱrestȱofȱtheȱletter,ȱfirstly,ȱbyȱtheȱuseȱofȱtheȱrespectfulȱformȱ“vous”ȱ(asȱopposed toȱtheȱ“tu”ȱformȱfavoredȱinȱearlyȱhumanistȱcorrespondenceȱasȱaȱmarkerȱofȱrespect betweenȱ scholars),ȱ andȱ secondly,ȱ byȱ theȱ useȱ ofȱ repeated,ȱ extremelyȱ courteous formsȱofȱaddressȱsuchȱasȱ“excellent,”ȱorȱ“tresȱexcellent,”ȱ“tresȱredoubtée,”ȱ“tres haulte,”ȱ “honnourée,”ȱ andȱ soȱ on.ȱ Itȱ willȱ beȱ notedȱ inȱ passingȱ thatȱ theȱ motifȱ of allegedȱinferiority,ȱwhileȱservingȱtoȱflatterȱtheȱqueen,ȱparadoxicallyȱalsoȱdraws Isabeau’sȱ attentionȱ toȱ Christine’sȱ selfȬconsciousȱ skillȱ andȱ authorityȱ asȱ a professionalȱ writer,ȱ authorityȱ beingȱ aȱ vitalȱ ingredientȱ ofȱ theȱ discourseȱ of persuasion.ȱ Withinȱ thisȱ deferentialȱ framework,ȱ Christineȱ managesȱ toȱ beȱ quite bluntȱandȱaudaciousȱinȱsomeȱofȱtheȱpointsȱthatȱsheȱmakes.ȱAȱfewȱexamplesȱwill illustrateȱthis,ȱallȱatȱtheȱlevelȱofȱtheȱsentenceȱorȱindividualȱword.ȱ Letȱusȱlookȱcloselyȱatȱoneȱsentenceȱnearȱtheȱbeginningȱofȱtheȱletter:ȱ Tresȱhauteȱdameȱetȱmaȱtresȱredoubtée,ȱnonȱobstantȱqueȱvostreȱsensȱsoitȱtoutȱadvertiȱet advisiéȱdeȱceȱqu’ilȱappartient,ȱtoutesfoizȱestȬilȱvrayȱqueȱvous,ȱseantȱenȱvostreȱtrosne royalȱavironnéȱdeȱhonneurs,ȱneȱpovezȱsavoirȱforsȱparȱautruyȱrapporsȱlesȱcommunes besoingnesȱtantȱenȱparollesȱcommeȱenȱfaiz,ȱquiȱqueurentȱentreȱlesȱsubgiez”ȱ (ll.ȱ18–22)61ȱ [Mostȱworthyȱandȱreverendȱlady,ȱevenȱthoughȱyourȱsoundȱjudgmentȱmayȱbeȱaware andȱwellȱadvisedȱofȱwhatȱtheȱproperȱactionȱis,ȱitȱisȱnonethelessȱtrueȱthatȱyou,ȱseatedȱin royalȱmajestyȱandȱsurroundedȱbyȱhonors,ȱcanȱonlyȱknowȱbyȱtheȱreportȱofȱothers,ȱeither inȱwordȱorȱdeed,ȱtheȱcommonȱneedsȱofȱyourȱsubjects.]

ȱ Weȱcanȱnoteȱhereȱthatȱtheȱmainȱpointȱofȱtheȱsentenceȱ(i.ȱe.,ȱtheȱfactȱthatȱtheȱqueen knowsȱofȱherȱsubjects’ȱconcernsȱonlyȱatȱsecondȱhand)ȱisȱpostponedȱuntilȱtheȱvery

59 60

61

Writings,ȱed.ȱWillard,ȱ270ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20). LilianeȱDulac,ȱ“Laȱfigureȱdeȱl’écrivainȱdansȱquelquesȱtraitésȱenȱproseȱdeȱChristineȱdeȱPizan,” Figuresȱdeȱl’écrivainȱauȱmoyenȱâge:ȱActesȱduȱcolloqueȱduȱcentreȱd’étudesȱmédiévalesȱdeȱl’Universitéȱde Picardieȱ(Amiens,ȱ18–20ȱmarsȱ1988),ȱed.ȱDanielleȱBuschinger.ȱGöppingerȱArbeitenȱzurȱGermanistik, 510ȱ(Göppingen:ȱKümmerle,ȱ1991),ȱ113–23. Epistre,ȱed.ȱKennedy,ȱ254–55ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12);ȱWritings,ȱed.ȱWillard,ȱ270ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20).

ChristineȱdeȱPizan’sȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreine

413

lastȱ moment,ȱ andȱ isȱ deliberatelyȱ precededȱ byȱ respectfulȱ formsȱ ofȱ address,ȱ by complimentsȱonȱtheȱqueen’sȱwisdomȱslippedȱintoȱtheȱconcessiveȱclauseȱintroduced byȱ“nonȱobstant,”ȱandȱbyȱtheȱinterruptionȱofȱtheȱprincipalȱclauseȱ(“toutesfoizȱestȬil vrayȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ”)ȱtoȱallowȱforȱtheȱinsertionȱofȱfurtherȱcomplimentsȱonȱherȱloftyȱstatus (“seantȱenȱvostreȱtrosneȱetc”).ȱ“Youȱdon’tȱreallyȱknow,ȱbutȱI’mȱgoingȱtoȱtellȱyou” couldȱnotȱbeȱmoreȱdiplomaticallyȱphrased. Aȱsimilarȱimpressionȱemergesȱfromȱaȱpassageȱtowardȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱletterȱ(ll. 124–28)ȱinȱwhichȱChristineȱremindsȱtheȱqueenȱofȱtheȱfactȱthatȱifȱsheȱremainsȱhard ofȱheartȱandȱindifferentȱtoȱGodȱorȱsuffering,ȱsheȱwillȱbeȱpersistingȱinȱsin;ȱsheȱought, therefore,ȱ unlessȱ sheȱ isȱ completelyȱ mad,ȱ toȱ bearȱ inȱ mindȱ thatȱ Fortuneȱ could interveneȱandȱchangeȱherȱlifeȱcompletely,ȱtheȱimplicationȱpresumablyȱbeingȱthat theȱ queenȱ wouldȱ thenȱ haveȱ noȱ opportunityȱ toȱ repent.ȱ Inȱ theȱ deliveryȱ ofȱ this message,ȱ however,ȱ Christineȱ doesȱ notȱ quiteȱ phraseȱ thingsȱ inȱ thisȱ way.ȱ She attenuatesȱ theȱ effectȱ ofȱ someȱ ofȱ theseȱ potentiallyȱ disrespectfulȱ commentsȱ by evokingȱ aȱ hypotheticalȱ situationȱ inȱ whichȱ someȱ imaginaryȱ princeȱ orȱ princess mightȱ“findȱhimself,”ȱasȱsheȱrendersȱit,ȱtoȱourȱinitialȱpuzzlement.ȱHerȱuseȱofȱthe indefiniteȱ “someȱ princeȱ orȱ princess,”ȱ togetherȱ withȱ theȱ masculineȱ personal pronounȱ ilȱ toȱ coverȱ bothȱ words,ȱ isȱ clearlyȱ deliberate,ȱ deflectingȱ someȱ ofȱ the directnessȱofȱChristine’sȱcommentsȱawayȱfromȱtheȱqueenȱherself,ȱwhoȱremains,ȱof course,ȱtheȱrealȱtarget.ȱWeȱfindȱaȱsimilarȱexampleȱinȱherȱuseȱofȱtheȱadjectivesȱfol andȱfolleȱafterȱtheȱpronounȱilȱinȱll.ȱ26–27.ȱSomeȱlinesȱfartherȱonȱshowȱexactlyȱthe sameȱprincipleȱatȱwork: Maisȱqu’enȱadvientȬilȱquantȱFortuneȱaȱainsiȱacqueilliȱaucunȱpuissant?ȱSeȱsiȱsaigement n’aȱtantȱfaitȱleȱtempsȱpasséȱparȱleȱmoyenȱd’amors,ȱdeȱpitiéȱetȱcharitéȱqu’ilȱaitȱacquiz Dieuȱpremierementȱetȱbienȱvueillansȱauȱmonde,ȱtouteȱsaȱvieȱetȱsesȱfaizȱsontȱracontez enȱpubliqueȱetȱtournezȱàȱrepprouche.ȱEtȱtoutȱainsiȱcommeȱàȱunȱchienȱquiȱestȱchacié tousȱ luiȱ queurentȱ sus,ȱ etȱ estȱ celliȱ deȱ tousȱ deffoulez,ȱ enȱ criantȱ susȱ luiȱ qu’ilȱ estȱ bien employez.”ȱ (ll.ȱ133–39) [Whatȱhappensȱtoȱsomeȱpowerfulȱmanȱ[orȱwoman]ȱthusȱvisitedȱbyȱFortune?ȱIfȱthis personȱhasȱnotȱlivedȱwiselyȱinȱtheȱpast,ȱaccordingȱtoȱtheȱpreceptsȱofȱlove,ȱpityȱand charityȱandȱsoȱearningȱGod’sȱgraceȱandȱeveryone’sȱgoodȱwill,ȱhisȱwholeȱlifeȱandȱdeeds areȱdiscussedȱinȱpublicȱandȱbecomeȱtheȱsubjectȱofȱreproach.ȱThisȱpersonȱisȱpursuedȱas thoughȱheȱwereȱaȱdog,ȱeveryoneȱchasesȱhimȱaway,ȱshoutingȱatȱhim,ȱmistreatingȱhim, andȱproclaimingȱthatȱhisȱpunishmentȱisȱwellȱdeserved].ȱ

Whileȱmuchȱofȱtheȱcontentȱhereȱisȱagainȱpotentiallyȱdisrespectful,ȱChristine’sȱuse ofȱindefiniteȱandȱmasculineȱpronounsȱallowȱherȱtoȱremainȱjustȱwithinȱtheȱbounds ofȱdeference:ȱweȱcanȱnoteȱaucunȱpuissant,ȱwhichȱcanȱreferȱtoȱbothȱmaleȱandȱfemale, andȱtheȱuseȱofȱil,ȱcelli,ȱluiȱasȱpronounsȱtoȱreferȱtoȱaucunȱpuissant.ȱItȱwillȱbeȱrecalled thatȱtheȱlastȱfewȱlinesȱofȱthisȱ passageȱcontainȱtheȱimageȱdismissedȱbyȱPinetȱas trivialȱandȱinelegant,ȱlackingȱinȱgoodȱtasteȱandȱanyȱregardȱforȱrhetoricalȱskills.

414

AngusȱJ.ȱKennedy

Whileȱ weȱ canȱ concedeȱ thatȱ Christine’sȱ syntaxȱ hereȱ isȱ somewhatȱ involved,ȱ the imageȱhasȱanȱimportantȱfunctionȱtoȱplayȱwithinȱthisȱsection,ȱgraphicallyȱevoking asȱitȱdoesȱtheȱdisgraceȱthatȱawaitsȱsomeoneȱwhoȱhasȱleftȱitȱtooȱlateȱtoȱrepentȱand nowȱhasȱtoȱendureȱshameȱinȱthisȱlife.ȱTheȱboldȱimplicationȱhereȱisȱthatȱthisȱisȱaȱfate thatȱpotentiallyȱawaitsȱtheȱqueenȱshouldȱsheȱnotȱembarkȱonȱtheȱproperȱcourseȱof actionȱbeingȱheldȱoutȱbyȱChristine;ȱandȱconversely,ȱtheȱqueenȱisȱbeingȱreminded ofȱ theȱ posthumousȱ renownȱ inȱ thisȱ lifeȱ thatȱ wouldȱ followȱ aȱ wiseȱ decisionȱ to interveneȱinȱtheȱconflict.ȱWhatȱweȱareȱconfrontedȱwithȱhere,ȱtherefore,ȱthanksȱto Christine’sȱrhetoricalȱskill,ȱisȱaȱveryȱdeftȱblendingȱofȱcourtesyȱandȱbluntness.ȱ Itȱremainsȱforȱusȱnowȱtoȱconsiderȱtheȱthirdȱofȱtheȱrhetoricalȱstrategiesȱmentioned earlier,ȱtheȱcreationȱofȱtheȱauthorityȱunderlyingȱChristine’sȱdidacticȱmessage.ȱThis isȱanȱimportantȱissueȱinȱtheȱdiscourseȱofȱpersuasion,ȱinȱthatȱChristineȱhasȱtoȱconvey toȱ theȱ queenȱ thatȱ theȱ adviceȱ beingȱ profferedȱ inȱ theȱ letterȱ deservesȱ toȱ beȱ taken seriously.ȱItȱwillȱbeȱrecalledȱthatȱtheȱissueȱofȱauthorityȱwasȱtouchedȱuponȱinȱthe discussionȱofȱtheȱhumilityȱtopos,ȱtheȱ(alleged)ȱinferiorityȱofȱtheȱwriter:ȱitȱwasȱstated thenȱthatȱthisȱtoposȱparadoxicallyȱalsoȱdrawsȱIsabeau’sȱattentionȱtoȱChristine’sȱselfȬ consciousȱ skillȱ andȱ authorityȱ asȱ aȱ professionalȱ writer.ȱ Christineȱ couldȱ have followedȱthisȱupȱbyȱgivingȱaȱreminderȱinȱtheȱletterȱofȱherȱalreadyȱconsiderable contributionȱtoȱtheȱliteratureȱofȱCharlesȱVI’sȱcourt,ȱsinceȱindeedȱ1405ȱhadȱbeenȱone ofȱherȱmostȱproductiveȱyears.62ȱHowever,ȱsheȱchoosesȱnotȱtoȱdoȱthis,ȱandȱaddresses theȱissueȱofȱauthorityȱinȱaȱmoreȱindirectȱway.ȱWhatȱsheȱdoesȱinȱtheȱletterȱisȱensure thatȱtheȱcentralȱelementsȱofȱherȱadviceȱareȱsanctionedȱbyȱmoreȱthanȱmerelyȱher statusȱandȱcredentialsȱasȱanȱestablishedȱcourtȱwriter. Ifȱweȱtake,ȱforȱexample,ȱoneȱofȱtheȱcentralȱargumentsȱdeployedȱinȱtheȱletter, Christine’sȱwarningȱthat,ȱifȱnoȱaccordȱisȱachieved,ȱcivilȱwarȱwillȱbringȱaboutȱthe ruinȱ ofȱ theȱ kingdom,ȱ weȱ willȱ seeȱ thatȱ Christine’sȱ adviceȱ isȱ sanctionedȱ and confirmedȱ byȱ Scriptureȱ (inȱ thisȱ caseȱ Matthewȱ 12:ȱ 25):ȱ “siȱ commeȱ ditȱ Nostre Seigneurȱenȱl’Euvangile:ȱLeȱroyameȱenȱsoyȱdiviséȱseraȱdésolé”ȱ(ll.ȱ34–36;ȱasȱOur LordȱsaysȱinȱtheȱGospel:ȱaȱkingdomȱdividedȱagainstȱitselfȱisȱbroughtȱtoȱdesolation). Similarly,ȱChristine’sȱevocation,ȱinȱveryȱconcreteȱterms,ȱofȱtheȱadditionalȱsuffering thatȱcouldȱbeȱinflictedȱonȱtheȱpopulationȱinȱtheȱeventȱofȱforeignȱinterventionȱrefers toȱ theȱ factȱ thatȱ theȱ lamentationsȱ ofȱ theȱ womenȱ andȱ childrenȱ willȱ pierceȱ the heavens,ȱ“commeȱracontentȱenȱpluseursȱlieuxȱlesȱEscriptures”ȱ(ll.ȱ113–14;ȱasȱthe Scripturesȱrelateȱinȱseveralȱplaces).ȱTheȱimplicationȱisȱthatȱChristine’sȱprediction thatȱGod’sȱvengeanceȱwillȱfallȱonȱtheȱperpetratorsȱ(ll.ȱ114–15)ȱisȱnotȱtoȱbeȱseenȱas

62

Theȱfollowingȱallȱbelongȱtoȱ1405:ȱCitéȱdesȱdames,ȱLivreȱdesȱtroisȱvertus,ȱAdvisionȱCristine,ȱandȱpossibly Prudence/Prod’hommieȱ(seeȱPolicie,ȱed.ȱKennedy,ȱxviii–xix,ȱxxivȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9)).ȱInȱ1404,ȱChristine’s biographyȱCharlesȱVȱhadȱconfirmedȱherȱalreadyȱimportantȱstatusȱatȱcourt.ȱ

ChristineȱdeȱPizan’sȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreine

415

mereȱ scareȬmongering,ȱ butȱ asȱ aȱ seriousȱ warningȱ legitimizedȱ byȱ thisȱ scriptural reference. Inȱtheȱlargestȱsectionȱofȱtheȱletterȱ(ll.ȱ59–139),63ȱChristineȱexploitsȱtheȱauthority notȱonlyȱofȱscriptureȱbutȱofȱhistoryȱasȱwell.ȱWhileȱtheȱuseȱofȱtheȱpast,ȱparticularly theȱ classicalȱ past,ȱ toȱ commentȱ onȱ theȱ presentȱ isȱ oftenȱ associatedȱ withȱ early humanistȱpractice,ȱChristine’sȱmodelȱhereȱisȱaȱtypeȱofȱexegesisȱthatȱisȱatȱleastȱasȱold asȱ Christianityȱ itself.ȱ Amongȱ itsȱ earliestȱ representativesȱ areȱ theȱ epistlesȱ ofȱ the apostleȱ Paul:ȱ aȱ goodȱ illustrationȱ ofȱ thisȱ deviceȱ isȱ providedȱ byȱ hisȱ ministryȱ of encouragementȱinȱHebrewsȱ11:ȱ32–40,ȱwhichȱmakesȱextensiveȱuseȱofȱexemplary figuresȱfromȱOldȱTestamentȱhistoryȱsuchȱasȱSamson,ȱwhoseȱexploitsȱareȱdescribed inȱJudgesȱ16:ȱ23–31.64ȱ Adoptingȱaȱsimilarȱkindȱofȱapproach,ȱChristineȱhereȱconfrontsȱIsabeauȱwithȱa choiceȱsheȱhasȱtoȱmakeȱwithȱregardȱtoȱtwoȱtypesȱofȱconduct:ȱoneȱcommendable,ȱthe otherȱ reprehensible.ȱ Onȱ theȱ oneȱ hand,ȱ sheȱ enumeratesȱ forȱ theȱ queen’s considerationȱaȱwholeȱlineȱofȱdistinguishedȱfemaleȱmediatorsȱthatȱextendsȱfrom Biblicalȱtimesȱ(Esther,ȱBathsheba),ȱthroughȱtheȱclassicalȱperiodȱ(Veturia,ȱnotȱnamed inȱtheȱtext),ȱupȱtoȱtheȱrelativelyȱrecentȱmedievalȱpastȱ(Blanche,ȱtheȱmotherȱofȱSaint Louis);ȱonȱtheȱother,ȱtwoȱexamplesȱofȱperversity,ȱselfȬinterestȱandȱcruelty:ȱtheȱfirst fromȱtheȱBibleȱ(Jezebel),ȱtheȱsecondȱfromȱclassicalȱhistoryȱ(Olympias,ȱmotherȱof AlexanderȱtheȱGreat).ȱOlympias’sȱcareer,ȱweȱrecall,ȱisȱalsoȱusedȱinȱtheȱletterȱasȱa warningȱaboutȱtheȱmutabilityȱofȱFortune.ȱFormulatingȱtheȱchoiceȱthatȱIsabeauȱhas toȱmakeȱinȱtermsȱofȱscripturalȱandȱhistoricalȱexamples,ȱChristineȱpartiallyȱconceals herselfȱ asȱ theȱ primaryȱ sourceȱ ofȱ adviceȬgiving,ȱ interposingȱ theȱ authorityȱ of scriptureȱandȱhistoryȱbetweenȱherselfȱandȱtheȱqueen.ȱ Inȱotherȱwords,ȱtheȱauthorityȱofȱtheȱdidacticȱmessageȱseemsȱtoȱemergeȱfrom withinȱtheȱexempla,ȱnotȱdirectlyȱfromȱChristineȱasȱauthor.ȱWeȱcanȱillustrateȱthis brieflyȱifȱweȱconsiderȱtheȱqualitiesȱthatȱChristineȱworksȱintoȱtheȱmoralȱportraitsȱof theȱpositiveȱandȱnegativeȱroleȱmodels.ȱVeturia,ȱEsther,ȱBathsheba,ȱandȱBlanche, eachȱofȱwhomȱprovidesȱanȱ“exempleȱdeȱbienȱvivre”ȱ(l.ȱ61;ȱanȱexampleȱofȱhowȱto liveȱwell),ȱareȱcollectivelyȱvaliant,ȱwiseȱorȱveryȱwise,ȱcharitable,ȱdevotedȱtoȱthe causeȱofȱpeaceȱandȱmediation.ȱByȱcontrast,ȱJezebelȱandȱOlympiasȱareȱdescribedȱas “perverses,ȱcrueusesȱetȱennemiesȱdeȱnatureȱhumaine”ȱ(l.ȱ85;ȱperverse,ȱcruel,ȱthe enemiesȱofȱhumanȱnature),ȱandȱareȱdestinedȱneverȱtoȱenjoyȱposthumousȱfameȱbut toȱbeȱrememberedȱinȱperpetuityȱ(l.ȱ87;ȱ“perpetuellement”)ȱonlyȱforȱtheirȱshameful behavior.ȱChristineȱmanipulatesȱherȱmaterialȱinȱsuchȱaȱway,ȱtherefore,ȱthatȱthe polarizedȱchoicesȱfacingȱIsabeauȱseemȱtoȱemergeȱfromȱwithinȱaȱcontextȱthatȱhasȱa weightȱandȱauthorityȱofȱitsȱown,ȱnamely,ȱtheȱscripturalȱandȱhistoricalȱexempla,

63

64

McCormick,ȱ“MirrorsȱforȱtheȱQueen,”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ26)ȱprovidesȱanȱimportantȱanalysisȱofȱtheȱwhole issueȱofȱexemplarity. ForȱotherȱPaulineȱechoes,ȱseeȱMcCormick,ȱ“MirrorsȱforȱtheȱQueen,”ȱ289,ȱ290ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ26).

416

AngusȱJ.ȱKennedy

whichȱtherebyȱexertȱevenȱgreaterȱpressureȱonȱherȱtoȱbecomeȱtheȱ“moyennerresse deȱtraictiéȱdeȱpaix”ȱ(ll.ȱ73–74;ȱtheȱmediatorȱ[noteȱfeminizingȱsuffix:ȱ“esse”]ȱofȱa treatyȱofȱpeace). Inȱtheȱlightȱofȱallȱtheȱabove,ȱitȱisȱclearȱthatȱChristine’sȱletterȱisȱanȱinfinitelyȱmore complexȱ documentȱ thanȱ Mirotȱ orȱ Pinetȱ wouldȱ everȱ haveȱ beenȱ preparedȱ to concede.ȱBearingȱwitnessȱinȱpartsȱtoȱtheȱnewȱspiritȱofȱearlyȱhumanismȱinȱFrance, theȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreineȱisȱaȱhighlyȱsophisticatedȱworkȱthatȱreflectsȱnotȱonlyȱChristine’s literaryȱskillsȱbutȱalsoȱherȱveryȱadmirableȱhumanȱqualities:ȱsheȱbringsȱtoȱbearȱon theȱformalȱaspectsȱofȱtheȱworkȱherȱerudition,ȱherȱsenseȱofȱstructure,ȱherȱdidactic preoccupations,ȱandȱaboveȱallȱherȱrhetoricalȱskills;ȱbutȱsheȱalsoȱimprintsȱonȱthe contentȱherȱcontinuingȱvalorizationȱofȱwomen,ȱherȱdeepȬfeltȱsenseȱofȱmoralityȱand herȱ genuineȱ commitmentȱ toȱ peace.ȱ Pinet’sȱ judgmentȱ thatȱ theȱ letterȱ wasȱ justȱ a commissionȱcarriedȱoutȱforȱmaterialȱgainȱseemsȱunjust,ȱespeciallyȱwhenȱweȱsee thatȱthereȱisȱconsiderableȱcontinuityȱbetweenȱChristine’sȱantiȬwarȱprotestsȱhere andȱthoseȱthatȱweȱhaveȱseenȱelsewhereȱinȱherȱwork.ȱTheȱquestionȱweȱnowȱhaveȱto addressȱisȱwhetherȱtheseȱqualities,ȱliteraryȱandȱhuman,ȱhadȱanyȱeffectȱonȱtheȱqueen andȱtheȱmilitaryȱsituationȱofȱtheȱtime.ȱ

TheȱDiplomaticȱandȱMilitaryȱImpactȱofȱtheȱEpistre Theȱfollowingȱ paragraphsȱwillȱexamineȱtheȱpossibleȱdiplomaticȱefficacyȱofȱthe letterȱbyȱaddressingȱthreeȱquestionsȱinȱturn.ȱWhatȱwasȱtheȱpurposeȱofȱtheȱletter? Howȱwasȱtheȱletterȱdeliveredȱtoȱtheȱqueenȱandȱwhen?ȱWhatȱeffectȱ(ifȱany)ȱdidȱit haveȱonȱtheȱqueen,ȱandȱhenceȱonȱtheȱmilitaryȱsituationȱofȱtheȱtime?ȱ Upȱuntilȱ(andȱevenȱbeyond)ȱtheȱpublicationȱinȱ2005ȱofȱTracyȱAdams’sȱarticleȱon mediators,65ȱitȱhasȱbeenȱtraditionalȱtoȱassume,ȱfirstly,ȱthatȱChristineȱwroteȱherȱletter toȱencourageȱIsabeauȱtoȱintervene,ȱquiteȱliterally,ȱinȱtheȱducalȱquarrel,ȱinȱorderȱto bringȱaboutȱtheȱreconciliationȱofȱtheȱwarringȱparties;ȱsecondly,ȱitȱhasȱsometimes beenȱtheȱtendencyȱtoȱassumeȱalsoȱthatȱChristineȱwasȱwritingȱtoȱaȱslothful,ȱselfȬ interestedȱIsabeauȱwhoȱneededȱtoȱbeȱshakenȱoutȱofȱherȱinactivity.ȱWhileȱtheȱsecond partȱofȱtheseȱassumptionsȱwouldȱnowȱbeȱdifficultȱtoȱuphold,ȱIȱwillȱsuggestȱthatȱthe firstȱstillȱdeservesȱtoȱbeȱregardedȱasȱperfectlyȱreasonable.ȱIȱshallȱtryȱtoȱresumeȱhere theȱgistȱofȱAdams’sȱargumentȱinȱsoȱfarȱasȱitȱconcernsȱtheȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreine.ȱDrawing onȱ Famiglietti’sȱ rehabilitationȱ ofȱ Isabeau,66ȱ Adamsȱ takesȱ asȱ oneȱ ofȱ herȱ starting

65

66

Adams,ȱ“Moyennerresse”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ23),ȱtoȱwhichȱpageȱreferencesȱwillȱbeȱgivenȱinȱwhatȱfollows. Thisȱ articleȱ wasȱ followedȱ upȱ byȱ Adams,ȱ “Réévaluation”;ȱ Adams,ȱ “Régenceȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 23)” McCormick,ȱ“MirrorsȱforȱtheȱQueen,”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ26),ȱdatedȱ2008,ȱstillȱtakesȱliteralȱinterventionȱfor granted. Famiglietti,ȱRoyalȱIntrigue,ȱ42–45ȱandȱpassimȱ(seeȱhisȱindexȱunderȱIsabeau,ȱ348–49;ȱseeȱnoteȱ28).

ChristineȱdeȱPizan’sȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreine

417

pointsȱthatȱmuchȱofȱtheȱqueen’sȱreputationȱforȱscandalousȱbehaviorȱisȱtheȱproduct ofȱmythmakingȱbyȱlaterȱwritersȱandȱhistorians,ȱwhoseȱtestimonyȱthereforeȱshould beȱdisregarded.ȱItȱisȱsuggestedȱ(186–88;ȱ198–99)ȱthatȱtheȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreineȱshouldȱbe rereadȱinȱtheȱlightȱofȱtheȱchapterȱinȱChristine’sȱLivreȱdesȱTroisȱvertusȱ(Bookȱofȱthe Threeȱ Virtues;ȱ 1405–1406)ȱ onȱ womenȱ asȱ naturalȱ mediators,67ȱ andȱ alsoȱ ofȱ the inconclusiveȱ endingȱ ofȱ theȱ Cheminȱ deȱ longȱ estude,ȱ inȱ whichȱ conflictsȱ remain unresolved.ȱOnceȱthatȱisȱdone,ȱitȱwillȱbeȱclear,ȱaccordingȱtoȱAdams,ȱthatȱwhile womenȱ haveȱ talentsȱ forȱ mediation,ȱ theyȱ areȱ inȱ practicalȱ termsȱ powerlessȱ to interveneȱeffectively:ȱwhatȱtheseȱtextsȱpresentȱtoȱusȱisȱ“theȱfutilityȱofȱmediation” (200).ȱ Christine,ȱtherefore,ȱisȱnotȱcounselingȱliteralȱinterventionȱ(181),ȱsinceȱ“Christine hadȱnoȱfaithȱinȱtheȱactivityȱofȱmediatingȱasȱaȱliteralȱwayȱofȱsolvingȱconflict.ȱForȱher, theȱmediatorȱwasȱnotȱatȱallȱlikelyȱtoȱsucceed.ȱRather,ȱtheȱmediatorȱservedȱaȱcrucial emotionalȱ function,ȱ offeringȱ theȱ peopleȱ aȱ powerlessȱ andȱ yetȱ righteousȱ figure behindȱwhomȱtoȱpositionȱthemselvesȱasȱtheyȱawaitedȱtheȱreturnȱtoȱpowerȱofȱtheir leader”ȱ(198).ȱAgain,ȱaccordingȱtoȱAdams,ȱtheȱpointȱofȱtheȱletterȱ“wasȱnotȱtoȱspur theȱqueenȱtoȱaction:ȱIsabeauȱwasȱactivelyȱmediatingȱalready”ȱ(190).ȱChristine’s purposeȱratherȱisȱ“toȱpromoteȱanȱimageȱofȱIsabeauȱasȱuntaintedȱbyȱtheȱnarrow politicalȱ interestȱ ofȱ theȱ ducalȱ faction”ȱ (180),ȱ asȱ aȱ reveredȱ figureȱ whoȱ “stands beyondȱ theȱ conflict”(196).ȱ Forȱ thisȱ programȱ toȱ succeed,ȱ asȱ Adamsȱ herself acknowledgesȱ(178–79),ȱitȱwouldȱbeȱnecessaryȱtoȱassumeȱthatȱtheȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreine andȱtheȱtwoȱotherȱtextsȱdealtȱwithȱinȱherȱarticleȱ(theȱLamentacionȱandȱtheȱLivreȱde paix)ȱcouldȱbeȱreadȱandȱdiscussedȱbyȱmoreȱthanȱjustȱtheȱaddressees.ȱ Whileȱitȱisȱhighlyȱpossibleȱthatȱthisȱbriefȱsummaryȱdoesȱnotȱdoȱjusticeȱtoȱthe subtletyȱofȱtheȱprecedingȱarguments,ȱIȱwouldȱlikeȱtoȱsuggest,ȱinȱwhatȱfollows,ȱthat theȱonesȱconcerningȱtheȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreineȱmayȱpossiblyȱraiseȱasȱmanyȱproblemsȱas theyȱtryȱtoȱsolve,ȱandȱthatȱthereȱisȱstillȱaȱcaseȱforȱretainingȱtheȱtraditionalȱview, withȱsomeȱmodification,ȱthatȱChristineȱisȱurgingȱliteralȱinterventionȱinȱtheȱducal quarrel.ȱInȱdoingȱthis,ȱIȱstressȱthatȱIȱamȱnotȱmakingȱanyȱexclusiveȱclaimsȱtoȱthe truth,ȱmindfulȱasȱIȱamȱthatȱ“determiningȱtheȱtruthȱaboutȱwhatȱhappenedȱwhenȱyou weren’tȱthereȱisȱaȱtrickyȱbusiness.”68 AȱnumberȱofȱclaimsȱmadeȱbyȱAdamsȱseemȱcontradictedȱbyȱwhatȱweȱknowȱofȱthe historicalȱ andȱ literaryȱ contextȱ ofȱ theȱ letter.ȱ Letȱ usȱ look,ȱ forȱ example,ȱ atȱ the suggestionȱthatȱChristineȱhadȱnoȱfaithȱinȱmediationȱinȱaȱliteralȱsense,ȱ andȱthat Isabeauȱwasȱ“powerless.”ȱTheȱclaimȱthatȱtheȱqueenȱwasȱ“powerless”ȱmayȱbeȱtrue inȱaȱtechnical,ȱlegalȱsense,ȱbutȱthereȱisȱplentyȱofȱhistoricalȱevidenceȱtoȱsuggestȱthat notȱonlyȱwasȱIsabeauȱdeemedȱfitȱtoȱplayȱtheȱroleȱofȱliteralȱmediator,ȱbutȱalsoȱthat

67

68

Troisȱvertus,ȱed.ȱWillard,ȱHicks,ȱI,ȱchapterȱix,ȱ33–36ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ51),ȱdevotesȱaȱlengthyȱsectionȱtoȱthe roleȱofȱwomenȱasȱmediators. SandiȱToksvig,ȱSundayȱTelegraphȱ(22ȱFeb.ȱ2009),ȱSevenȱMagazineȱ(4,ȱcol.ȱ2).

418

AngusȱJ.ȱKennedy

sheȱactuallyȱdid.69ȱInȱtheȱwinterȱofȱ1401–1402,ȱIsabeauȱhadȱplayedȱaȱpart,ȱalong withȱ Louisȱ ofȱ Anjou,ȱ Kingȱ ofȱ Sicily,ȱ andȱ theȱ dukesȱ ofȱ Berryȱ andȱ Bourbon,ȱ in defusingȱaȱconflictȱbetweenȱPhilipȱtheȱBoldȱandȱLouisȱofȱOrleans.70ȱPerhapsȱinȱthe lightȱofȱthisȱsuccess,ȱIsabeauȱwasȱgivenȱauthorityȱinȱMarchȱ1402ȱbyȱCharlesȱVIȱto mediateȱinȱducalȱdisputesȱduringȱhisȱsoȬcalledȱ“absences”ȱ(hisȱintermittentȱbouts ofȱmentalȱillness),ȱanȱauthorityȱconfirmedȱonȱ1ȱJulyȱofȱtheȱsameȱyear.71ȱ Itȱseemsȱsomewhatȱunreasonable,ȱtherefore,ȱtoȱsayȱthatȱbyȱ1405ȱChristineȱwould haveȱlostȱfaithȱinȱliteralȱmediation.ȱWithȱregardȱtoȱtheȱpassagesȱinȱtheȱCheminȱde longȱestudeȱandȱtheȱTroisȱvertusȱmentionedȱabove,ȱitȱcanȱsimplyȱbeȱcounteredȱthat oneȱneedȱnotȱreadȱthemȱinȱtheȱwayȱthatȱhasȱbeenȱsuggested:ȱtheyȱcanȱstillȱbeȱread asȱ aȱ genuineȱ expressionȱ ofȱ Christine’sȱ beliefȱ thatȱ womenȱ canȱ interveneȱ inȱ a beneficialȱwayȱinȱsituationsȱofȱconflict.ȱForȱher,ȱtheȱfactȱthatȱinterventionȱisȱlikely toȱ beȱ ineffectiveȱ needȱ notȱ beȱ aȱ discouragementȱ fromȱ trying.ȱ Surelyȱ oneȱ of Christine’sȱownȱqualitiesȱisȱherȱdoggedȱrefusalȱtoȱgiveȱupȱtheȱhopeȱofȱpeace,ȱeven whenȱeveryȱtruceȱthatȱisȱsignedȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱmoreȱshortȬlivedȱthanȱtheȱlast.ȱ Itȱ isȱ difficultȱ tooȱ toȱ seeȱ Isabeauȱ inȱ 1405ȱ asȱ aȱ figureȱ whoȱ “standsȱ beyondȱ the conflict,”ȱ“untaintedȱbyȱtheȱnarrowȱpoliticalȱinterestȱofȱtheȱducalȱfaction.”ȱForȱwe haveȱ toȱ recallȱ thatȱ theȱ queenȱ andȱ Louis’sȱ attemptȱ toȱ retainȱ controlȱ overȱ the dauphinȱbyȱremovingȱhimȱfromȱParisȱcouldȱnotȱhaveȱbeenȱtooȱreassuringȱtoȱthe otherȱparticipantsȱinȱtheȱconflict,ȱtheȱsupportersȱofȱJeanȱsansȱPeur,ȱwhoȱviewedȱthe collusionȱofȱLouisȱandȱtheȱqueen,ȱasȱweȱhaveȱseen,ȱasȱaȱpossibleȱattemptȱtoȱdisrupt hisȱownȱdynasticȱmarriageȱprojects.ȱForȱtheseȱreasons,ȱitȱisȱdifficultȱtoȱenvisage IsabeauȱinȱOctoberȱ1405ȱasȱ“anȱemblemȱofȱsolidarityȱbetweenȱtheȱroyalȱfamilyȱand theȱcommunityȱ[of]ȱFrenchȱmenȱandȱwomen”ȱ(192).ȱȱ Forȱ Christine’sȱ presentationȱ ofȱ Isabeauȱ asȱ anȱ iconicȱ figureȱ toȱ takeȱ root,ȱ itȱ is arguedȱthatȱtheȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreineȱwouldȱrequireȱtoȱbeȱreadȱandȱdiscussedȱbyȱmore thanȱjustȱtheȱaddressees—and,ȱIȱwouldȱadd,ȱduringȱaȱperiodȱbeyondȱtheȱdateȱof compositionȱ ofȱ eachȱ ofȱ theȱ threeȱ worksȱ discussedȱ byȱ Adams.72ȱ Yetȱ theȱ small numberȱofȱsurvivingȱmanuscriptsȱdoesȱnotȱprovideȱclearȱproofȱofȱwideȱcirculation. Wouldȱinterestȱinȱthemȱbeȱmaintainedȱonceȱtheȱcontentȱwasȱovertakenȱbyȱevents? CanȱweȱassumeȱthatȱChristine’sȱletterȱwasȱintendedȱforȱwideȱcirculationȱ(likeȱthe pamphletsȱcirculatedȱbyȱJeanȱsansȱPeurȱandȱLouisȱofȱOrleans,ȱwhoseȱexplicitȱaim

69

70 71 72

Adamsȱisȱofȱcourseȱawareȱofȱthis,ȱnotingȱ(“Moyennerresse,”ȱ189ȱ[seeȱnoteȱ23])ȱthatȱtheȱqueen presidedȱoverȱtheȱVincennesȱnegotiationsȱonȱ12ȱOctoberȱ1405ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ23).ȱ Famiglietti,ȱRoyalȱIntrigue,ȱ25ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28). Famiglietti,ȱRoyalȱIntrigue,ȱ26–27ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28).ȱ TheȱsituationȱofȱtheȱLivreȱdeȱpaixȱ(discussedȱbyȱAdams)ȱisȱdifferentȱfromȱthatȱofȱtheȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreine andȱ theȱ Lamentacion,ȱ inȱ thatȱ itȱ isȱ bothȱ aȱ workȱ ofȱ circumstanceȱ andȱ aȱ “mirrorȱ forȱ theȱ prince,” composedȱasȱaȱlongȬtermȱmanualȱofȱgovernment.ȱForȱthatȱreason,ȱitȱwasȱmoreȱlikelyȱtoȱretain interest.ȱ

ChristineȱdeȱPizan’sȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreine

419

wasȱtoȱreachȱasȱwideȱanȱaudienceȱasȱpossible)?ȱTheseȱquestionsȱdoȱnotȱadmitȱof easyȱanswers. Onȱ theȱ questionȱ ofȱ theȱ queen’sȱ reputation,ȱ traditionallyȱ seenȱ inȱ unfavorable terms,ȱAdamsȱisȱundoubtedlyȱright.ȱInȱtheȱlightȱofȱFamiglietti’sȱrehabilitation,ȱit hasȱtoȱbeȱacceptedȱthatȱmuchȱofȱIsabeau’sȱnegativeȱreputationȱ(forȱexampleȱher allegedȱadulteryȱwithȱLouisȱofȱOrleans)ȱisȱaȱconstructȱofȱlaterȱwritersȱandȱcritics.73 Thatȱsaid,ȱprovingȱthatȱrumorsȱwereȱillȱfoundedȱdoesȱnotȱnecessarilyȱdisproveȱthe existenceȱofȱtheȱrumorsȱthemselves.ȱItȱmightȱstillȱbeȱpossibleȱtoȱargueȱ(thoughȱI shallȱ notȱ embarkȱ onȱ thatȱ courseȱ here)ȱ thatȱ thereȱ wasȱ aȱ perception—rightȱ or wrong—datingȱfromȱ1405,ȱthatȱIsabeau’sȱcourtȱwasȱindeedȱassociatedȱwithȱselfȬ interestȱandȱtheȱcultȱofȱpleasure.74ȱ Toȱsumȱup:ȱonȱtheȱviewȱthatȱChristineȱisȱnotȱaskingȱforȱIsabeau’sȱdirectȱmediation butȱpresentingȱIsabeauȱasȱanȱexemplaryȱfigureȱ“untaintedȱbyȱtheȱnarrowȱpolitical interestȱofȱtheȱducalȱfaction,”ȱaȱverdictȱstillȱallowedȱbyȱtheȱScottishȱjudiciaryȱwould seemȱappropriate:ȱ“caseȱnotȱproven.” Whenȱ weȱ attemptȱ toȱ identifyȱ Christine’sȱ purposeȱ inȱ writingȱ toȱ Isabeau,ȱ due allowanceȱshouldȱperhapsȱbeȱmadeȱforȱtheȱpossibilityȱthatȱtheȱletterȱmayȱhaveȱbeen commissioned,ȱ andȱ thatȱ theȱ purposeȱ underlyingȱ theȱ letterȱ mayȱ haveȱ been suggestedȱtoȱorȱimposedȱonȱChristineȱbyȱtheȱpersonȱmakingȱtheȱrequest.ȱTheȱmost likelyȱcandidateȱinȱthisȱrespectȱisȱtheȱunidentifiedȱ“nobleȱseigneur”ȱmentionedȱin theȱrondeauȱcontainedȱonlyȱinȱBnFȱfr.ȱ580:ȱheȱmayȱsimplyȱhaveȱaskedȱChristineȱto applyȱallȱherȱprofessionalȱtalentsȱasȱaȱwriterȱtoȱsecureȱIsabeau’sȱliteralȱmediation inȱ theȱ dispute.ȱ Inȱ carryingȱ outȱ thisȱ task,ȱ Christineȱ wouldȱ naturallyȱ haveȱ the opportunityȱtoȱvoiceȱtheȱconcernsȱthatȱpreoccupiedȱherȱinȱ1405.ȱWhileȱIȱdoȱnot wishȱtoȱargueȱthatȱChristineȱwasȱawareȱofȱandȱsharedȱinȱtheȱrumorsȱofȱIsabeau’s allegedȱimmoralityȱ(partȱofȱtheȱtraditionalȱview),ȱIȱdoȱwishȱtoȱsuggestȱthatȱinȱ1405 Christineȱwouldȱbeȱextremelyȱconcernedȱatȱtheȱqueen’sȱrapprochementȱwithȱLouis ofȱOrleansȱandȱtheirȱcollusionȱinȱtheȱattemptedȱabductionȱofȱtheȱdauphin.ȱIndeed, ChristineȱmustȱhaveȱfeltȱthatȱIsabeau’sȱhonorȱandȱreputationȱwouldȱriskȱbeing tarnishedȱ simplyȱ throughȱ herȱ associationȱ withȱ Louisȱ ofȱ Orleans,ȱ already unpopularȱ inȱ Parisȱ becauseȱ ofȱ hisȱ extravagantȱ lifeȬstyleȱ andȱ rumorsȱ ofȱ his misappropriationȱofȱfunds.ȱ Theseȱconsiderationsȱmayȱpartlyȱexplainȱtheȱimportanceȱaccordedȱtoȱreputation inȱ someȱ ofȱ theȱ moreȱ outspokenȱ partsȱ ofȱ theȱ letterȱ (e.ȱ g.,ȱ ll.ȱ 133–39).ȱ Iȱ believe, therefore,ȱthatȱChristine’sȱpurposeȱwasȱnotȱsoȱmuchȱtoȱrouseȱIsabeauȱtoȱactionȱfor theȱfirstȱtime,ȱbutȱtoȱencourageȱher,ȱatȱaȱmomentȱwhenȱherȱreputationȱriskedȱbeing

73

74

ForȱaccusationsȱlevelledȱagainstȱIsabeau,ȱseeȱReligieux,ȱ3:ȱ267–69ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28);ȱJuvénalȱdesȱUrsins, 434ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28).ȱSeeȱalsoȱFamiglietti,ȱRoyalȱIntrigue,ȱ42–45ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28). Famiglietti,ȱRoyalȱIntrigue,ȱ42ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28).

420

AngusȱJ.ȱKennedy

adverselyȱaffectedȱbyȱherȱrapprochementȱwithȱLouisȱofȱOrleans,ȱtoȱreassertȱher trueȱprioritiesȱasȱqueen,ȱtoȱuseȱherȱtalentsȱforȱmediation,ȱtoȱinterveneȱ(inȱaȱliteral sense)ȱinȱtheȱdispute,ȱandȱreȬestablishȱpeaceȱinȱtheȱkingdom. Turningȱfromȱquestionsȱofȱpurpose,ȱletȱusȱaskȱnowȱhowȱandȱwhenȱtheȱletter mightȱhaveȱbeenȱdeliveredȱtoȱtheȱqueen.ȱOfȱallȱtheȱmanuscriptsȱofȱtheȱletter,ȱBnF fr.ȱ580ȱaloneȱcontainsȱanȱincompleteȱrondeau,ȱwhichȱmayȱprovideȱsomeȱclues.ȱIn thisȱ rondeau,ȱ Christineȱ indicatesȱ thatȱ sheȱ completedȱ theȱ letterȱ atȱ oneȱ inȱ the morning,ȱhavingȱcopiedȱitȱherselfȱsinceȱthereȱwasȱnoȱotherȱscribeȱtoȱbeȱfoundȱat thatȱearlyȱhour.ȱAsȱweȱhaveȱseen,ȱsheȱhadȱundertakenȱthisȱtaskȱforȱsomeȱ“noble seigneur”ȱ whomȱ sheȱ doesȱ notȱ identify.ȱ Criticsȱ haveȱ suggestedȱ aȱ numberȱ of possibleȱcandidates,ȱincludingȱtheȱnamesȱofȱLouisȱofȱOrleansȱandȱJeanȱsansȱPeur, thusȱreplicatingȱtheȱpatternȱofȱtheȱoriginalȱconflict.75 InȱadditionȱtoȱsuggestingȱJeanȱsansȱPeur,ȱWillardȱhasȱalsoȱproposedȱtheȱkingȱof Navarre,76ȱwhoȱisȱlistedȱinȱtheȱpreliminaryȱrubricȱinȱthreeȱofȱtheȱmanuscriptsȱas oneȱofȱtheȱnegotiatorsȱofȱtheȱVincennesȱpeaceȱtreaty.ȱWhileȱtheȱ identityȱofȱthe “nobleȱseigneur”ȱisȱlikelyȱtoȱremainȱtheȱsubjectȱofȱspeculation,ȱweȱcanȱretainȱfrom theȱrondeauȱtheȱfactȱthatȱChristineȱwasȱnotȱactingȱentirelyȱonȱherȱownȱinitiative. Inȱ theȱ circumstances,ȱ itȱ seemsȱ notȱ unreasonableȱ toȱ assumeȱ thatȱ theȱ letterȱ was deliveredȱthroughȱtheȱgoodȱofficesȱofȱthisȱnoblemanȱsomeȱtimeȱbetweenȱ5ȱOctober (theȱdateȱofȱtheȱletter)ȱandȱ17ȱOctoberȱ(theȱdateȱofȱtheȱpeaceȱtreaty).ȱ AȱsuggestionȱputȱforwardȱbyȱKarenȱGreenȱprovesȱextremelyȱvaluableȱinȱthis context:ȱsheȱadvancesȱtheȱveryȱplausibleȱviewȱthatȱaȱmemberȱofȱtheȱfinalȱembassy toȱIsabeauȱ(whoseȱconstituentsȱareȱlistedȱinȱtheȱpreliminaryȱrubric)ȱwasȱtheȱperson whoȱdeliveredȱtheȱmessageȱtoȱtheȱqueenȱherself.77ȱItȱwillȱbeȱnotedȱtooȱthatȱthis suggestionȱcircumventsȱtheȱdifficultyȱofȱenvisioningȱhowȱtheȱbearerȱofȱtheȱletter wouldȱhaveȱsafelyȱpenetratedȱtheȱlinesȱofȱsoldiersȱoutsideȱtheȱcity.ȱ Didȱtheȱletterȱachieveȱitsȱdiplomaticȱpurpose,ȱandȱdidȱitȱhaveȱanyȱeffectȱonȱthe militaryȱsituationȱatȱtheȱtime?ȱFromȱwhatȱweȱknow,ȱIȱthinkȱaȱpositiveȱanswerȱcan beȱgivenȱtoȱbothȱquestions.ȱOneȱofȱtheȱpurposesȱofȱtheȱdetailedȱdiscussionȱofȱthe historicalȱcontextȱofȱtheȱletterȱwasȱtoȱoutlineȱtheȱunfoldingȱofȱevents,ȱalmostȱonȱa dayȬtoȬdayȱbasis,ȱsoȱthatȱweȱcouldȱmoreȱeasilyȱassessȱitsȱlikelyȱimpact.ȱByȱtheȱtime theȱletterȱwasȱreceivedȱbetweenȱOctoberȱ5ȱandȱ16,ȱaȱnumberȱofȱfactorsȱwasȱalready bringingȱpressureȱonȱbothȱsidesȱtoȱnegotiateȱforȱpeace:ȱtheȱperennialȱdifficultyȱof

75

76 77

Louisȱ d’Orléansȱ isȱ suggestedȱ byȱ Thomassy,ȱ Écritsȱ politiques,ȱ 140,ȱ noteȱ 1ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 18),ȱ Mirot, “Enlèvement,”ȱ384ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ19),ȱandȱSuzanneȱSolente,ȱ“ChristineȱdeȱPisan,”ȱHistoireȱlittéraireȱde laȱFrance,ȱ40ȱ(Paris:ȱImprimerieȱNationale,ȱ1974),ȱ335–422;ȱalsoȱasȱpreȬprintȱ(Paris:ȱImprimerie Nationaleȱ andȱ C.ȱ Klincksieck,ȱ 1969),ȱ 1–88;ȱ hereȱ 57.ȱ Jeanȱ sansȱ Peurȱ isȱ suggestedȱ byȱ Willard, “AutographȱManuscript,”ȱ456ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21),ȱwhoȱtakesȱupȱPinet’sȱcaseȱforȱBurgundianȱinfluence, ChristineȱdeȱPisan,ȱ133ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ47).ȱ Willard,ȱWritings,ȱ252ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ20). Peace,ȱed.ȱGreen,ȱMews,ȱ8ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9).

ChristineȱdeȱPizan’sȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreine

421

providingȱforȱstandingȱarmies,ȱtheȱdepletionȱofȱresourcesȱthroughȱtheȱpillagingȱof troopsȱonȱbothȱsides,ȱandȱtheȱapproachȱofȱwinter.78ȱ Inȱaddition,ȱtheȱqueen’sȱgeographicalȱmovesȱfromȱMelunȱtoȱCorbeil,ȱandȱfrom Corbeilȱ toȱ Vincennes,ȱ wereȱ takenȱ toȱ beȱ anȱ indicationȱ ofȱ diplomatic rapprochement.79ȱWeȱcanȱconcludeȱfromȱthisȱthatȱtheȱletterȱdidȱhaveȱaȱpositive effectȱ sinceȱ Christine,ȱ asȱ itȱ were,ȱ wasȱ knockingȱ atȱ aȱ doorȱ thatȱ wasȱ already beginningȱtoȱopen.ȱOnȱ12ȱOctober,ȱmakingȱuseȱofȱtheȱauthorityȱgrantedȱtoȱherȱin Marchȱ 1402ȱ toȱ actȱ asȱ mediatorȱ inȱ ducalȱ quarrels,ȱ theȱ queenȱ announcedȱ the prohibitionȱofȱwarȱbetweenȱtheȱtwoȱdukesȱandȱtheȱrequirementȱtoȱdisbandȱthe respectiveȱarmies,ȱaȱdecreeȱratifiedȱonȱ16ȱOctoberȱinȱtheȱPeaceȱofȱVincennes.ȱAsȱwe know,ȱtheȱpeaceȱdidȱnotȱlastȱlong,ȱLouisȱwasȱtoȱbeȱassassinatedȱbyȱJeanȱsansȱPeur’s menȱonȱ23ȱNovemberȱ1407,ȱandȱtheȱconflictȱcontinuedȱonȱitsȱcourse,ȱtakenȱupȱon theȱOrleanistȱsideȱbyȱLouis’sȱson,ȱCharlesȱd’Orléans.ȱByȱ1410,ȱtheȱwarringȱprinces wereȱonceȱagainȱonȱtheȱbrinkȱofȱcivilȱwar,ȱandȱChristineȱwasȱobligedȱtoȱtakeȱupȱher penȱyetȱagainȱinȱaȱpassionateȱappealȱforȱpeace.ȱ

AȱWoman’sȱPerspectiveȱonȱWar Inȱtheȱfinalȱanalysis,ȱdoesȱtheȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreineȱreflectȱ“aȱwoman’sȱperspectiveȱon war?”ȱAȱshortcutȱintoȱthisȱissueȱcanȱbeȱprovidedȱbyȱreferringȱtoȱtwoȱnowȱclassic textsȱonȱanotherȱandȱmuchȱgreaterȱconflict,ȱWorldȱWarȱIȱ(1914–1918),ȱoneȱwritten byȱaȱman,ȱtheȱotherȱbyȱaȱwoman,ȱwhoȱbothȱaddressȱwarȱonȱaȱscaleȱthatȱcouldȱnot haveȱbeenȱenvisagedȱinȱChristine’sȱownȱday:ȱRobertȱGraves’sȱGoodbyeȱtoȱAllȱThat (1929)ȱ andȱ Veraȱ Brittain’sȱ Testamentȱ ofȱ Youthȱ (1933).ȱ Itȱ isȱ quiteȱ clearȱ thatȱ the respectiveȱ authorialȱ voicesȱ retainȱ theȱ inflexionsȱ notȱ onlyȱ ofȱ class,ȱ family background,ȱandȱeducation,ȱbutȱalsoȱthoseȱofȱgenderȱ(notȱleastȱbecauseȱoneȱisȱa soldierȱandȱtheȱotherȱisȱaȱnurse,ȱconfronting,ȱinȱtheirȱownȱwayȱbutȱinȱveryȱdiffering spheres,ȱtheȱharrowingȱandȱdehumanizingȱeffectsȱofȱtrenchȱwarfare).ȱHowever,ȱthe voicesȱthatȱspeakȱtoȱusȱtodayȱacrossȱtheȱyearsȱspeakȱnotȱtoȱourȱgenderȱbutȱtoȱour humanity:ȱ bothȱ authors’ȱ experienceȱ ofȱ extraordinaryȱ adversityȱ allowsȱ themȱ to speakȱtoȱusȱandȱforȱus,ȱnotȱasȱmaleȱorȱfemale,ȱbutȱasȱfellowȬhumanȱbeings.ȱThe

78

79

AccordingȱtoȱtheȱReligieuxȱdeȱSaintȬDenis,ȱitȱwasȱissuesȱofȱthisȱkindȱ(inȱparticularȱtheȱthreatȱof townsȱbeingȱransacked)ȱthatȱpromptedȱtheȱqueenȱandȱLouisȱtoȱmoveȱeventuallyȱtoȱVincennes:ȱ“Ce futȱleȱdésirȱd’éviterȱunȱtelȱscandaleȱquiȱdécidaȱenfinȱlaȱreineȱetȱleȱducȱd’Orléansȱàȱseȱrendreȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱà laȱmaisonȱroyaleȱduȱboisȱdeȱVincennes”ȱ(3:ȱ343ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ28);ȱItȱwasȱaboveȱallȱtheȱdesireȱtoȱavoid aȱscandalȱofȱthisȱkindȱthatȱdecidedȱtheȱqueenȱandȱtheȱdukeȱofȱOrleansȱtoȱgoȱtoȱtheȱroyalȱresidence inȱtheȱwoodsȱofȱVincennes). Seeȱnoteȱ43ȱabove,ȱandȱMirot,ȱ“Enlèvement,”ȱ385ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ19).

422

AngusȱJ.ȱKennedy

sameȱobservationsȱareȱapplicable,ȱIȱbelieve,ȱtoȱChristine’sȱauthorialȱvoiceȱinȱthe Epistreȱaȱlaȱreine. Inȱoneȱobviousȱsense,ȱtheȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreineȱhasȱtoȱbeȱseenȱnotȱonlyȱasȱtheȱworkȱof aȱwomanȱauthor,ȱbutȱofȱaȱveryȱexceptionalȱwomanȱauthorȱaboutȱwhomȱweȱknow aȱgreatȱdealȱ(whichȱisȱnotȱalwaysȱtheȱcaseȱforȱwritersȱofȱtheȱmedievalȱperiod,ȱmany ofȱwhomȱremainȱanonymous).ȱTheȱletterȱreveals,ȱasȱweȱhaveȱseen,ȱmanyȱqualities thatȱwouldȱbeȱpossessedȱbyȱfewȱotherȱ(ifȱany)ȱwomenȱofȱherȱtime:ȱtheȱbreadthȱand depthȱofȱherȱerudition,ȱherȱprofessionalȱskillsȱasȱaȱwriter,ȱandȱherȱcommitmentȱto theȱcauseȱofȱwomen.ȱThatȱmuchȱisȱselfȬevidentlyȱtrue.ȱLetȱusȱimagine,ȱhowever, thatȱweȱdidȱnotȱknowȱthatȱtheȱauthorȱwasȱfemale:ȱwouldȱweȱstillȱbeȱableȱtoȱidentify theȱauthorialȱvoiceȱasȱfemale?ȱFromȱtheȱevidenceȱofȱtheȱtext,ȱitȱisȱpossibleȱtoȱgive aȱpositiveȱanswerȱtoȱthisȱquestionȱtoo.ȱWeȱhaveȱalreadyȱnotedȱtheȱimportanceȱthe letterȱplacesȱonȱvalorizingȱwomenȱandȱtheirȱpotentialȱroleȱinȱpublicȱlife.ȱToȱthatȱcan beȱaddedȱChristine’sȱownȱcommentȱinȱtheȱletterȱonȱqualitiesȱthatȱsheȱassociates withȱwomenȱinȱparticular:ȱ Helas,ȱhonnouréeȱdame,ȱdoncquesȱquantȱilȱavendraȱqueȱpitié,ȱcharité,ȱclemenceȱet benignitéȱneȱseraȱtrouvéeȱenȱhauteȱprincesse,ȱouȱseraȬelleȱdoncquesȱquise?ȱCar,ȱcomme naturelmentȱenȱfemeninesȱcondicionsȱsointȱlesȱdictesȱvertus,ȱplusȱparȱraysonȱdoivent habonderȱetȱestreȱenȱnobleȱdame;”ȱ (ll.ȱ67–71) [Alas,ȱgreatȱlady,ȱifȱpity,ȱcharity,ȱclemency,ȱandȱbenignityȱareȱnotȱtoȱbeȱfoundȱinȱaȱgreat princess,ȱwhereȱthenȱcanȱtheyȱbeȱexpected?ȱAsȱtheseȱvirtuesȱareȱaȱnaturalȱpartȱofȱthe feminineȱconditionȱtheyȱshouldȱrightfullyȱaboundȱinȱaȱnobleȱlady).ȱWeȱrememberȱtoo theȱspecialȱattentionȱthatȱChristineȱdevotesȱtoȱtheȱsufferingȱofȱmothersȱandȱchildren afflictedȱbyȱwar; (ll.ȱ110–13);ȱ

andȱ finallyȱ inȱ thisȱ respect,ȱ weȱ canȱ emphasize,ȱ atȱ theȱ microȬlevel,ȱ Christine’s attemptsȱtoȱcreateȱwordsȱthatȱdoȱjusticeȱtoȱfemaleȱagencyȱthroughȱtheȱadditionȱof feminineȱendingsȱ(here:ȱ“Ȭesse”):ȱtheȱqueenȱcanȱpotentiallyȱbeȱtheȱ“pourchacerresse deȱpaix”ȱ(l.ȱ47;ȱtheȱseekerȱafterȱpeace)ȱorȱ“theȱmoyennerresseȱdeȱtraictiéȱdeȱpaix” (ll.ȱ73–74;ȱtheȱinstrumentȱorȱmediatorȱofȱaȱpeaceȱtreaty).ȱCollectively,ȱtheseȱmarkers wouldȱinclineȱoneȱtoȱtheȱviewȱthatȱtheȱauthorȱwasȱfemale. Thatȱ said,ȱ itȱ needsȱ toȱ beȱ stressedȱ thatȱ Christineȱ devotedȱ herȱ careerȱ to demonstratingȱ thatȱ thereȱ areȱ noȱ “essentialist”ȱ differencesȱ betweenȱ menȱ and women.ȱInȱAristotelianȱterms,ȱgenderȱdifferencesȱareȱ“accidental”ȱratherȱthanȱan “essential”ȱfeatureȱofȱhumanȱidentity.80ȱWhileȱcombatingȱmisogynistȱassumptions, sheȱwasȱenlightenedȱenoughȱnotȱtoȱtryȱtoȱreplaceȱtheseȱwithȱanȱopposingȱsetȱof

80

Forȱtheȱimportanceȱofȱseeingȱbeyondȱgender,ȱseeȱRosalindȱBrownȬGrant,ȱChristineȱandȱtheȱMoral DefenceȱofȱWomen:ȱReadingȱBeyondȱGenderȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1999),ȱ119–21.

ChristineȱdeȱPizan’sȱEpistreȱaȱlaȱreine

423

othersȱbasedȱonȱfemaleȱsuperiority,ȱknowingȱasȱsheȱdoesȱthatȱneitherȱsexȱhasȱthe monopolyȱonȱabsoluteȱvirtueȱorȱvice:ȱsomeȱmenȱandȱwomenȱareȱgood;ȱsomeȱmen andȱwomenȱareȱbad.ȱThoughȱherȱauthorialȱvoiceȱinevitablyȱbearsȱtheȱinflexionsȱof herȱgender,ȱitȱisȱlikelyȱthatȱChristineȱwouldȱwishȱtoȱbeȱrememberedȱasȱsomeone whoȱtranscendedȱgenderȱissuesȱandȱwhoȱappliedȱherȱtalentsȱtoȱspeakingȱforȱall humanity,ȱmaleȱandȱfemale.ȱ Onȱtheȱparticularȱscourgeȱofȱwar,ȱstillȱunsolvedȱinȱourȱdayȱandȱgeneration,ȱshe emergesȱasȱoneȱofȱtheȱfirstȱ“engagé(e)”ȱwriters,ȱprovidingȱusȱwithȱtheȱadmirable exampleȱofȱsomeoneȱwhoȱsteadfastlyȱspokeȱoutȱagainstȱtheȱevilsȱofȱwarȱandȱthe desirabilityȱ ofȱ peace,ȱ atȱ aȱ timeȱ whenȱ violenceȱ wasȱ theȱ norm,ȱ andȱ whenȱ peace treatiesȱseemedȱtoȱbeȱmadeȱonlyȱtoȱbeȱimmediatelyȱbroken.ȱThoughȱmostȱofȱthe conflictsȱsheȱaddressedȱinȱherȱwritingȱremainȱunresolvedȱtillȱwellȱafterȱherȱown death,ȱsheȱdeservesȱcreditȱforȱherȱunflinchingȱfaithȱinȱhumanȱagencyȱtoȱaffect,ȱfor theȱ better,ȱ disastersȱ thatȱ humanȱ beingsȱ themselvesȱ haveȱ caused,ȱ andȱ forȱ her pragmaticȱconcernȱtoȱmitigateȱtheȱworstȱeffectsȱofȱviolenceȱ(whetherȱtheȱwarȱcould beȱdescribedȱasȱjustȱorȱnot).81ȱThatȱsheȱmanagedȱtoȱdoȱallȱofȱthisȱasȱaȱwomanȱauthor livingȱandȱwritingȱwithinȱaȱmaleȬdominated,ȱmisogynistȱcontextȱisȱnothingȱshort ofȱmiraculous.ȱ ToȱmisquoteȱandȱturnȱDr.ȱJohnson’sȱcelebratedȱmisogynistȱdictumȱ(onȱwomen preaching)ȱagainstȱhimself,ȱitȱisȱaȱwonderȱnotȱonlyȱthatȱChristineȱdidȱitȱwell,ȱbut thatȱsheȱdidȱitȱatȱall.82ȱ

81

82

EvenȱinȱherȱmilitantȱDitié,ȱsheȱrefersȱtoȱtheȱneedȱtoȱavoidȱgratuitousȱviolence:ȱDitié,ȱed.ȱKennedy, andȱVarty,ȱvv.ȱ457–64ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7). TheȱtextȱofȱtheȱoriginalȱquotationȱwillȱbeȱfoundȱinȱBoswell’sȱLifeȱofȱJohnson,ȱed.ȱGeorgeȱBirbeckȱHill, 6ȱvols.ȱ(Oxford:ȱClarendonȱPress,ȱ1887),ȱ1:ȱ463:ȱ“Sir,ȱaȱwoman’sȱpreachingȱisȱlikeȱaȱdog’sȱwalking onȱhisȱhinderȱlegs.ȱItȱisȱnotȱdoneȱwell,ȱbutȱyouȱareȱsurprizedȱtoȱfindȱitȱdoneȱatȱall.”

Chapterȱ16 WilliamȱC.ȱMcDonald (UniversityȱofȱVirginia,ȱCharlottesville)

ArmedȱConflictȱasȱDeadlyȱSin: MichelȱBeheim’sȱVersesȱonȱWrathȱ(1457–ca.1470)

Inȱ aroundȱ 1470,ȱ Michelȱ Beheim,ȱ theȱ wanderingȱ poetȱ andȱ composerȱ whoȱ had servedȱ renownedȱ patrons,ȱ Emperorȱ Frederickȱ IIIȱ ofȱ Habsburgȱ amongȱ them, decidedȱ toȱ composeȱ aȱ concludingȱ songȬpoemȱ forȱ hisȱ Buchlinȱ vonȱ denȱ sibenȱ tat sundenȱ(“LittleȱBookȱonȱtheȱSevenȱDeadlyȱSins”)—henceforthȱtheȱLittleȱBook.1ȱHe calledȱitȱsimply:ȱ“TheȱClosingȱStatementȱofȱthisȱBookȱ“(SongȬPoemȱ202:ȱDerȱbesluss überȱ disȱ buch).2ȱ Beheim’sȱ Littleȱ Bookȱ hadȱ beenȱ finishedȱ overȱ aȱ fullȱ decade

1

2

OnȱMichelȱBeheim’sȱartisticȱcareerȱandȱplaceȱinȱliteraryȱhistory,ȱseeȱBurghartȱWachinger,ȱ“Michel Beheim.ȱ ProsabuchquellenȬLiedvortragȬBuchüberlieferung,”ȱ Poesieȱ undȱ Gebrauchsliteraturȱ im deutschenȱMittelalter.ȱWürzburgerȱColloquiumȱ1978,ȱed.ȱVolkerȱHonemann,ȱKurtȱRuh,ȱBernhard Schnell,ȱ andȱ Wernerȱ Wegsteinȱ (Tübingen:ȱ Maxȱ Niemeyerȱ Verlag,ȱ 1979),ȱ 37–75;ȱ Williamȱ C. McDonald,ȱ “Whoseȱ Breadȱ Iȱ Eat”:ȱ Theȱ SongȬPoetryȱ ofȱ Michelȱ Beheim.ȱ Göppingerȱ Arbeitenȱ zur Germanistik,ȱ318ȱ(Göppingen:ȱKümmerleȱVerlag,ȱ1981);ȱFriederȱSchanze,ȱMeisterlicheȱLiedkunst zwischenȱ Heinrichȱ vonȱ Mügelnȱ undȱ Hansȱ Sachs.ȱ Bandȱ I:ȱ Untersuchungen.ȱ Münchenerȱ Texteȱ und UntersuchungenȱzurȱdeutschenȱLiteraturȱdesȱMittelalters,ȱ82ȱ(MunichȱandȱZürich:ȱArtemisȱVerlag, 1983),ȱ182–246;ȱManfredȱG.ȱScholz,ȱZumȱVerhältnisȱvonȱMäzen,ȱAutorȱundȱPublikumȱimȱ14.ȱundȱ15. Jahrhundert:ȱWilhelmȱvonȱÖsterreichȬRappolsteinerȱParzifalȬMichelȱBeheimȱ(Darmstadt:ȱWissenschaftȬ licheȱ Buchgesellschaft,ȱ 1987);ȱ Albrechtȱ Classen,ȱ Autobiographischeȱ Lyrikȱ desȱ europäischen Spätmittelalters.ȱ Studienȱ zuȱ Hugoȱ vonȱ Montfort,ȱ Oswaldȱ vonȱ Wolkenstein,ȱ Antonioȱ Pucci,ȱ Charles d’Orléans,ȱ Thomasȱ Hoccleve,ȱ Michelȱ Beheim,ȱ Hansȱ Rosenplütȱ undȱ Alfonsoȱ Alvarezȱ deȱ Villasandino. AmsterdamerȱPublikationenȱzurȱSpracheȱundȱLiteratur,ȱ91ȱ(AmsterdamȱandAtlanta,ȱGA:ȱEditions Rodopi,ȱ 1991),ȱ 347–424;ȱ andȱ Friederikeȱ Niemeyer,ȱ Ich,ȱ Michelȱ Pehn:ȱ Zumȱ KunstȬȱ und RollenverständnisȱdesȱmeisterlichenȱBerufsdichtersȱMichelȱBeheim.ȱMikrokosmos,ȱ59ȱ(Frankfurtȱa.ȱM., NewȱYork,ȱBerlin,ȱandȱBern:ȱPeterȱLang,ȱ2001).ȱ NoteȱthatȱBeheimȱincludesȱsongȬpoemȱ202,ȱDerȱbeslussȱüberȱdisȱbuch,ȱonlyȱinȱmanuscriptȱDȱ(=ȱCod. Pal.ȱgerm.ȱ382,ȱHeidelberg).ȱThisȱmanuscriptȱisȱanȱabridgedȱversionȱofȱhisȱworks,ȱfocusingȱonȱthe Deadlyȱ Sins,ȱ Jews,ȱ andȱ heretics.ȱ Theȱ orderȱ ofȱ theȱ sins,ȱ whichȱ differsȱ fromȱ Beheim’sȱ other

426

WilliamȱC.ȱMcDonald

previously,ȱbutȱheȱdesiredȱconcludingȱremarksȱonȱsinȱandȱredemptionȱwhichȱhe framesȱinȱaȱvividȱimage.ȱHeȱconstructsȱinȱverseȱandȱsongȱaȱManȱofȱSin,ȱassigning theȱsevenȱcapitalȱvicesȱtoȱbodilyȱmembers.ȱForȱexample,ȱhairȱonȱtheȱheadȱheȱlikens toȱ pride,ȱ because,ȱ “itȱ hoversȱ overȱ humanȱ limbsȱ andȱ membersȱ withȱ shameful unruliness”ȱ(dazȱswebtȱallwegȱenbare/ȱüberȱallerȱmenschenȱgelit;ȱ202,ȱ9–10).ȱOurȱinterest hereȱisȱanger,ȱbecauseȱBeheimȱdirectlyȱlinksȱitȱtoȱstrifeȱandȱwarfare.ȱHisȱremarks onȱfightingȱareȱaddressedȱtoȱlayȱnoblemen,ȱspecificallyȱtheȱpoliticalȱelite—asȱhe saysȱinȱoneȱverseȱonȱconflict:ȱ“Youȱemperor,ȱkings,ȱprinces,ȱ[and]ȱlords”ȱ(Irȱchaiser, chunig,ȱfursten,ȱherrn;ȱ178,ȱ1).ȱViewingȱhisȱfunctionȱprimarilyȱasȱreligiousȱeducator throughȱliterature,ȱBeheimȱsetȱhisȱversesȱtoȱmusic,ȱpermittingȱhisȱaudienceȱthe choiceȱofȱreadingȱhisȱwordsȱinȱprivateȱasȱaȱdevotionalȱtext,ȱorȱofȱlisteningȱtoȱthem inȱpublicȱperformanceȱasȱgroupȱsongȬtext.3ȱTheseȱversesȱonȱtheȱcapitalȱvicesȱare dense,ȱbuttressedȱwithȱreferencesȱtoȱScripture,ȱclassicalȱtexts,ȱandȱtoȱhisȱsourceȱtext fromȱtheȱpreviousȱcentury,ȱtheȱproseȱpenitentialȱmanualȱErchantnuzzȱderȱsundȱ(ca. 1390),ȱ attributedȱ toȱ Heinrichȱ vonȱ Langenstein.4ȱ Forȱ hisȱ Littleȱ Book,ȱ Beheim versifiedȱandȱsetȱtoȱmusicȱportionsȱofȱHeinrich’sȱsecondȱhalfȱofȱtheȱmanual,ȱcalled VonȱdenȱsiebenȱHauptsündenȱ(ConcerningȱtheȱSevenȱDeadlyȱSins).ȱTheȱErchantnuzz derȱ sund,ȱ forȱ itsȱ part,ȱ isȱ indebted,ȱ inȱ itsȱ secondȱ halfȱ onȱ theȱ capitalȱ vices,ȱ toȱ the

3

4

manuscriptsȱisȱhere:ȱpride,ȱenvy,ȱwrath,ȱsloth,ȱgluttony,ȱlustȱandȱavarice—hence,ȱavariceȱandȱsloth exchangeȱplaces.ȱBeheim’sȱGermanȱquotationsȱareȱinȱthisȱpaperȱcitedȱaccordingȱtoȱtheȱcritical editionȱDieȱGedichteȱdesȱMichelȱBeheim,ȱed.ȱHansȱGilleȱandȱIngeborgȱSpriewald.ȱDeutscheȱTexteȱdes Mittelalters,ȱ60,ȱ64,ȱ65ȱ(Berlin:ȱAkademieȱVerlag,ȱ1968–1972).ȱTheȱfirstȱnumberȱisȱtheȱsongȬpoem, theȱsecondȱtheȱverses.ȱEnglishȱtranslationsȱareȱmyȱown. ForȱaȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱmodesȱofȱsingingȱandȱreadingȱinȱBeheim’sȱwork,ȱseeȱScholz,ȱZumȱVerhältnis vonȱMäzen,ȱesp.ȱ174–80ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1);ȱandȱIngeborgȱSpriewald,ȱLiteraturȱzwischenȱHörenȱundȱLesen: WandelȱvonȱFunktionȱundȱRezeptionȱimȱspätenȱMittelalter:ȱFallstudienȱzuȱBeheim,ȱFolzȱundȱSachsȱ(Berlin: AufbauȬVerlag,ȱ1990),ȱesp.ȱ40–55. TheȱcriticalȱeditionȱisȱbyȱP.ȱRainerȱRudolf,ȱHeinrichȱvonȱLangenstein:ȱErchantnuzzȱderȱsund.ȱTexteȱdes spätenȱ Mittelaltersȱ undȱ derȱ frühenȱ Neuzeit,ȱ 22ȱ (Berlin:ȱ Erichȱ Schmidtȱ Verlag,ȱ 1969).ȱ Rudolf includes,ȱforȱpurposesȱofȱcomparison,ȱexcerptsȱfromȱWilliamȱPeraldus’sȱSummaȱdeȱvitiis.ȱHeinrich vonȱLangensteinȱ(alsoȱknownȱasȱHenricusȱdeȱHassia,ȱd.1397),ȱaȱconfidantȱofȱtheȱHabsburgȱdukes, wasȱaȱprominentȱtheologian,ȱChurchȱdiplomat,ȱprofessorȱandȱrectorȱofȱtheȱUniversityȱofȱVienna. ScholarsȱusuallyȱspeakȱofȱHeinrichȱinȱconjunctionȱwithȱtheȱsoȬcalledȱVienneseȱSchoolȱ(Wiener Schule),ȱaȱgroupȱofȱscholarsȱandȱpastoralȱtheologiansȱcloselyȱalliedȱwithȱtheȱUniversityȱofȱVienna whoȱcontributedȱtoȱpopularizingȱtheologyȱbyȱtranslatingȱLatinȱtexts,ȱthusȱmakingȱthemȱavailable toȱ aȱ Germanȱ readingȱ public.ȱ Authorsȱ mentionedȱ inȱ thisȱ regardȱ areȱ Ulrichȱ vonȱ Pottenstein, NikolausȱvonȱDinkelsbühl,ȱThomasȱEbendorfer,ȱandȱThomasȱPeuntner.ȱMichelȱBeheimȱdrew heavilyȱ onȱ literatureȱ ofȱ theȱ Vienneseȱ School,ȱ whichȱ heȱ propagatedȱ decadesȱ afterȱ itȱ hadȱ first appeared.ȱSeeȱThomasȱHohmann,ȱ“DeutscheȱTexteȱausȱderȱ‘WienerȱSchule’ȱalsȱQuelleȱfürȱMichel BeheimsȱreligiöseȱGedichte,”ȱZeitschriftȱfürȱdeutschesȱAlterumȱ107ȱ(1978):ȱ319–30.ȱRecentlyȱonȱthe VienneseȱSchool,ȱseeȱHelmutȱPuff,ȱSodomyȱinȱReformationȱGermanyȱandȱSwitzerland,ȱ1400–1600. ChicagoȱSeriesȱonȱSexuality,ȱHistoryȱandȱSocietyȱ(ChicagoȱandȱLondon:ȱUniversityȱofȱChicago Press,ȱ2003),ȱesp.ȱ58–60.

MichelȱBeheim’sȱVersesȱonȱWrathȱ

427

Summaȱdeȱvitiisȱ(ca.ȱ1250)ȱbyȱtheȱFrenchȱDominicanȱWilliamȱPeraldusȱ(Perault).5ȱLet itȱbeȱclearȱwhatȱBeheim’sȱartisticȱcontributionȱwas.ȱHeȱeditedȱtextsȱinȱGerman, mainlyȱ inȱ prose,ȱ convertingȱ theseȱ toȱ songȬpoemsȱ withȱ tightȱ rhymeȬschemes. Beheimȱwasȱanȱactiveȱ“editor,”ȱwhoȱworkedȱfreelyȱwithȱhisȱsources,ȱinterjecting manyȱasidesȱandȱaddingȱhisȱownȱcommentary.ȱHeȱwasȱthusȱreviser,ȱcomposer, poet,ȱandȱreviverȱofȱpastȱliteratureȱinȱoneȱperson. BeheimȱlocatesȱangerȱonȱtheȱManȱofȱSinȱinȱtheȱhumanȱmouth,ȱbecauseȱthisȱpart ofȱtheȱanatomyȱreleasesȱaȱstreamȱofȱinjuriousȱwordsȱandȱproducesȱclamor.ȱInspired perhapsȱbyȱSt.ȱPaul’sȱBiblicalȱattackȱonȱtheȱmouth,ȱtheȱplaceȱofȱoriginationȱfor “angryȱshoutingȱandȱcursing,ȱandȱbadȱfeelingȱofȱeveryȱkind”ȱ(Eph.ȱ4:31),6ȱBeheim brandsȱ theȱ mouthȱ theȱ organȱ thatȱ bothȱ takesȱ God’sȱ nameȱ inȱ vainȱ andȱ swears perjuryȱinȱtheȱcourtroom.ȱTheȱmouthȱisȱthusȱaȱmediumȱforȱblasphemy,ȱaggression, belligerence,ȱandȱrage—theȱperfectȱimageȱforȱsinfulȱanger: Herȱabȱczumȱmundȱseczȱichȱdenȱczorn, derȱausserȱdemȱneidȱwürtȱgeborn. mitȱwiderȱbellenȱsoȱverȱworn brichtȱerȱaussȱczuȱdemȱmunde Mitȱmanchemȱgifftiglichenȱwort. daȱdurchȱgestifftȱwurtȱmainȱundȱmort, raben,ȱbrennenȱdyȱlantȱczerȱstort, criegen,ȱstreiten,ȱmanȱslahteȱ

(202,ȱ27–34)

[Iȱassignȱanger,ȱwhichȱisȱ bornȱ ofȱ envy,ȱtoȱtheȱmouth.ȱWrathȱbreaksȱforthȱfromȱthe mouthȱ withȱ muddled,ȱ loudȱ outcry,ȱ shapingȱ manyȱ aȱ pestilentȱ word.ȱ Angerȱ brings aboutȱ falseȱ oathsȱ andȱ murder,ȱ robberyȱ andȱ arsonȱ thatȱ destroyȱ countries,ȱ warfare, altercations,ȱ[and]ȱmanslaughter.]

ȱListingȱtheȱcrimesȱofȱanger,ȱBeheimȱchoosesȱtheȱwordȱczorn/czorenȱforȱangerȱitself, modernȱ Germanȱ Zornȱ whichȱ hasȱ aȱ veryȱ wideȱ semanticȱ fieldȱ inȱ English:ȱ bile, indignation,ȱcholer,ȱfury,ȱire,ȱdander,ȱenragement,ȱpassion,ȱrage,ȱtemper,ȱspleen, wrath,ȱetc.ȱ(TheȱLatinȱequivalentȱinȱtreatmentȱofȱtheȱSinsȱisȱmostȱoftenȱira.)ȱAnger isȱaȱcomplexȱemotion,ȱandȱaȱsin,ȱbecauseȱitȱdividesȱintoȱthreeȱparts,ȱaccordingȱto whetherȱ itȱ isȱ usefulȱ andȱ defensible.7ȱ Firstȱ isȱ divineȱ wrath,ȱ God’sȱ justifiable

5

6

7

SeeȱRichardȱNewhauser,ȱTheȱTreatiseȱonȱVicesȱandȱVirtuesȱinȱLatinȱandȱtheȱVernacular.ȱTypologieȱdes sourcesȱduȱmoyenȱâgeȱoccidental,ȱ68ȱ(Turnhout:ȱBrepols,ȱ1993),ȱ85. AllȱreferencesȱtoȱtheȱBibleȱinȱEnglishȱareȱtoȱTheȱNewȱEnglishȱBibleȱwithȱtheȱApocryphaȱ(NewȱYork: OxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1971).ȱ Onȱtheȱsignificanceȱofȱangerȱasȱemotionȱandȱsin,ȱseeȱGeorgeȱMalcolmȱStrattton,ȱAnger:ȱItsȱReligious andȱMoralȱSignificanceȱ(NewȱYork:ȱMacmilan,ȱ1923);ȱStanfordȱM.ȱLyman,ȱTheȱSevenȱDeadlyȱSins: SocietyȱandȱEvilȱ(NewȱYork:ȱSt.ȱMartin’sȱPress,ȱ1978),ȱ110–34;ȱGenevieve,ȱBühlerȬThierry,ȱ“‘Just Anger’ȱorȱ‘VengefulȱAnger’?ȱTheȱPunishmentȱofȱBlindingȱinȱtheȱEarlyȱMedievalȱWest,”ȱAnger’s Past:ȱTheȱSocialȱUsesȱofȱanȱEmotionȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱed.ȱBarbaraȱH.ȱRosenweinȱ(Ithaca,ȱNY,ȱand London:ȱCornellȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1998),ȱ75–91;ȱandȱRichardȱE.ȱBarton,ȱ”GenderingȱAnger:ȱIra,

428

WilliamȱC.ȱMcDonald

indignationȱthatȱcommonlyȱresultsȱinȱretributive,ȱsacredȱpunishment.ȱTheȱprime examplesȱofȱtheȱwrathfulȱGodȱareȱtheȱannihilationȱofȱSodomȱandȱGomorrahȱand Christ’sȱdrivingȱmoneyȬchangersȱfromȱtheȱtemple.ȱNoteȱthatȱGodȱisȱpatient,ȱand slowȱtoȱangerȱ(Psalmȱ145:48),ȱreservingȱtheȱrightȱtoȱpunishȱonlyȱwhenȱallȱother measuresȱhaveȱfailed.8ȱ Second,ȱ isȱ justifiableȱ angerȱ inȱ humanȱ beings,ȱ asȱ cogentlyȱ summarizedȱ by SolomonȱSchimmel:ȱ“Aristotleȱ[NichomacheanȱEthics,ȱIV:11]ȱhadȱalreadyȱsetȱforth theȱ doctrineȱ ofȱ justifiableȱ angerȱ thatȱ wasȱ laterȱ accepted,ȱ withȱ significant modifications,ȱ byȱ mostȱ Christianȱ andȱ Jewishȱ moralistsȱ .ȱ .ȱ .ȱ .ȱ Catholicȱ moral theology,ȱwhileȱincludingȱangerȱasȱoneȱofȱtheȱsevenȱcapitalȱsins,ȱmaintainsȱthatȱit isȱnotȱalwaysȱsinful.ȱItȱmayȱbeȱrighteousȱwhenȱitȱisȱarousedȱagainstȱevilȱorȱforȱthe sakeȱofȱjustice.”9ȱAȱbranchȱofȱjustifiableȱangerȱisȱwhatȱBeheimȱcallsȱ“goodȱwrath” (czorenȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱgut;ȱ177,ȱ5),ȱzealousȱangerȱwhenȱtheȱsinnerȱgetsȱangryȱwithȱhimselfȱon accountȱof,ȱandȱinȱrecognitionȱof,ȱhisȱownȱvice.ȱTheȱthirdȱvarietyȱofȱangerȱisȱsinful wrath,ȱ thatȱ isȱ toȱ say,ȱ unrighteousȱ anger,ȱ oneȱ branchȱ ofȱ whichȱ isȱ man’sȱ anger againstȱGodȱ(177,ȱ51–2),ȱandȱanotherȱofȱwhichȱisȱangerȱagainstȱhisȱfellowȬmanȱ(177, 34–38).ȱThinkȱinȱthisȱlatterȱcaseȱofȱChrist’sȱadmonitionȱthatȱeveryoneȱwhoȱisȱangry withȱhisȱbrotherȱwillȱbeȱsubjectȱtoȱjudgmentȱ(Matt.ȱ5:22).ȱ ForȱMichelȱBeheimȱangerȱhasȱalmostȱaȱfullyȱdarkȱside.ȱItȱbringsȱforthȱhatred,ȱand heȱinterpretsȱbothȱangerȱandȱhatredȱmoreȱasȱaȱmoralȱqualityȱthanȱasȱanȱemotion. Claimingȱnotȱonlyȱthatȱangerȱcausesȱmoreȱharmȱthanȱanyȱotherȱsin,ȱheȱargues:ȱ”All theȱevilȱthatȱoneȱmightȱimagineȱisȱsparkedȱbyȱwrath”ȱ(wazȱmanȱubelsȱerȱdenken künd,/ȱ dazȱ nymptȱ allezȱ daȱ durchȱ enczünd,ȱ 202,ȱ 37–38).ȱ Allowingȱ hereȱ forȱ some hyperbole,ȱ hisȱ statementȱ onȱ theȱ negativeȱ prominenceȱ ofȱ wrathȱ asȱ theȱ most grievousȱofȱsinsȱisȱnoteworthy.ȱRecallȱthatȱThomasȱAquinas,ȱsearchingȱoutȱthe causeȱ ofȱ sin,ȱ asksȱ whetherȱ prideȱ orȱ covetousness—notȱ anger—ȱ isȱ theȱ root,ȱ or beginning,ȱofȱeveryȱsin.10

8

9 10

FurorȱandȱDiscoursesȱonȱPowerȱandȱMasculinityȱinȱtheȱEleventhȱandȱTwelfthȱCenturies,”ȱInȱthe GardenȱofȱEvil:ȱTheȱVicesȱandȱCultureȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱed.ȱRichardȱNewhauser.ȱPapersȱinȱMedieval Studies,ȱ18ȱ(Toronto:ȱPontificalȱInstituteȱofȱMediaevalȱStudies,ȱ2005),ȱ371–92.ȱItȱmightȱstrikeȱusȱthat modernȱinquiriesȱaboutȱangerȱpayȱveryȱlittleȱattentionȱtoȱtheȱconceptȱofȱsin,ȱreplacingȱitȱwith biology,ȱpsychology,ȱandȱpsychotherapy.ȱSee,ȱforȱexample,ȱStephenȱA.ȱDiamond,ȱAnger,ȱMadness, andȱ theȱ Daimonic:ȱ Theȱ Psychologicalȱ Genesisȱ ofȱ Violence,ȱ Evil,ȱ andȱ Creativityȱ (Albany,ȱ NY:ȱ State UniversityȱofȱNewȱYorkȱPress,ȱ1996). SeeȱRenéȱGirard,ȱViolenceȱandȱtheȱSacred,ȱtrans.ȱPatrickȱGregoryȱ(BaltimoreȱandȱLondon:ȱTheȱJohns HopkinsȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1984).ȱSt.ȱPaulȱspeaksȱofȱtheȱwrathȱofȱGodȱ(iraȱDei)ȱinȱRomansȱ1:18,ȱfor example.ȱOnȱangerȱinȱtheȱOldȱTestament,ȱseeȱBarbaraȱGreen,ȱ“ProfoundȱAngerȱasȱanȱOpticȱfor ReadingȱtheȱProphetȱJonah,”ȱStudiesȱinȱSpiritualityȱ16ȱ(2006):ȱ1–20. SolomonȱSchimmel,ȱTheȱSevenȱDeadlyȱSinsȱ(NewȱYork:ȱTheȱFreeȱPress,ȱ1992),ȱ89. ThomasȱAquinas,ȱSummaȱtheologiae,ȱed.ȱInstitutumȱStudiorumȱMediavaliumȱOttaviensisȱ(Ottawa: StudiumȱGenerallisȱOrdinisȱPraedicatorum,ȱ1941),ȱ2,ȱ1:ȱQuestionȱ84.ȱThomasȱdeniesȱthatȱangerȱis theȱmostȱgrievousȱofȱsins,ȱ2:2,ȱ158:4.ȱ

MichelȱBeheim’sȱVersesȱonȱWrathȱ

429

Inȱbrandingȱangerȱaȱvileȱsin,ȱBeheimȱisȱguidedȱbyȱScripture,ȱforȱexample,ȱverses onȱvengefulȱangerȱinȱEcclesiasticusȱ(LiberȱIesuȱFiliiȱSirach): Rageȱandȱanger,ȱtheseȱalsoȱIȱabhor, butȱaȱsinnerȱhasȱthemȱreadyȱatȱhand. TheȱvengefulȱmanȱwillȱfaceȱtheȱvengeanceȱofȱtheȱLord, whoȱkeepsȱstrictȱaccountȱofȱhisȱsins. Forgiveȱyourȱneighborȱhisȱwrongdoingȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ. Ifȱaȱmanȱharboursȱaȱgrudgeȱagainstȱanother, isȱheȱtoȱexpectȱhealingȱfromȱtheȱLord? .ȱ.ȱ.ȱȱIfȱaȱmereȱmoralȱcherishesȱrage, whereȱisȱheȱtoȱlookȱforȱpardon? Thinkȱofȱtheȱendȱthatȱawaitsȱyou,ȱandȱhaveȱdoneȱwithȱhateȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ Toȱavoidȱaȱquarrelȱisȱaȱsetbackȱforȱsinȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ (27:30–28:8)

Here,ȱinȱoutlineȱform,ȱisȱtheȱdoctrineȱthatȱBeheimȱpromotes.ȱUnjustifiedȱangerȱis anȱ abomination,ȱ andȱ theȱ punishmentȱ forȱ havingȱ offendedȱ one’sȱ neighborȱ and one’sȱGodȱisȱdivineȱjudgment.ȱAngerȱisȱanȱactionȱthatȱrecoilsȱonȱitsȱoriginator,ȱnot unlikeȱaȱboomerang.ȱAngerȱbegetsȱanger,ȱsinceȱGodȱanswersȱvengefulȱangerȱwith divineȱwrath,ȱmetingȱoutȱpunishmentȱinȱkind.ȱ JustȱasȱthereȱareȱsevenȱDeadlyȱSins,ȱthereȱare,ȱaccordingȱtoȱBeheim,ȱsevenȱhigh crimesȱ ofȱ anger:ȱ perjury,ȱ homicide,ȱ robbery,ȱ arson,ȱ warfare,ȱ quarrels,ȱ and manslaughter.ȱThisȱgreatȱnumberȱallowsȱtheȱpoetȱtoȱjustifyȱtheȱprominentȱstatus heȱ accordsȱ angerȱ asȱ theȱ sourceȱ ofȱ evil.ȱ Whatȱ theseȱ weightyȱ crimes—and sins—shareȱisȱthatȱeachȱillustratesȱtheȱabsenceȱofȱreason.ȱNoȱrationalȱpersonȱkills another,ȱorȱsetsȱfireȱtoȱaȱdwelling.ȱToo,ȱeveryȱactȱofȱrageȱdemonstratesȱ aȱ clear nexusȱ betweenȱ anger,ȱ aggression,ȱ andȱ deedsȱ ofȱ violence,ȱ whetherȱ verbalȱ or physical.ȱFromȱtheȱearliestȱtimes,ȱtheȱangryȱmanȱisȱdepictedȱinȱliteratureȱandȱart ifȱ notȱ asȱ aȱ militaryȱ man,ȱ thenȱ withȱ aȱ weaponȱ inȱ hisȱ handȱ orȱ atȱ hisȱ command. AchillesȱinȱtheȱIliadȱisȱaȱmanȱofȱwhatȱRobertȱVaccaȱlabelsȱ“destructiveȱwrath.”11 Kingȱ Saul,ȱ aȱ rulerȱ ofȱ formidableȱ temper,ȱ is,ȱ inȱ theȱ phraseȱ ofȱ Garretȱ Keizer,ȱ a propheticȱwarningȱtoȱ“rash,ȱbrooding,ȱandȱirascibleȱmen.”12ȱ Kingȱ Herod,ȱ “exceedingȱ wroth”ȱ (Mattȱ 2:16;ȱ Kingȱ Jamesȱ version),ȱ ordersȱ the massacreȱofȱmaleȱchildren.ȱInȱtheȱRomanȱworld,ȱSeneca,ȱinȱtheȱwordsȱofȱWilliam S.ȱAnderson,ȱ“againȱandȱagainȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱrevertsȱtoȱtheȱimageȱofȱtheȱangryȱmanȱasȱa soldierȱorȱgeneral.”13ȱPrudentiusȬmanuscriptsȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱdepictȱangerȱas

11

12

13

RobertȱVacca,ȱ“TheȱTheologyȱofȱDisorderȱinȱtheȱ‘Iliad’,”ȱReligionȱ&ȱLiteratureȱ23ȱ(1991):ȱ1–22;ȱhere 18.ȱSee,ȱalso,ȱSimoneȱWeil,ȱ“Theȱ‘Iliad,’ȱorȱtheȱPoemȱofȱForce,”ȱOnȱViolence:ȱAȱReader,ȱed.ȱBruceȱB. LawrenceȱandȱAishaȱKarimȱ(Durham,ȱNC,ȱandȱLondon:ȱDukeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2007),ȱ378–90. GarretȱKeizer,ȱTheȱEnigmaȱofȱAnger:ȱEssaysȱonȱaȱSometimesȱDeadlyȱSinȱ(SanȱFrancisco:ȱJosseyȬBass, 2002),ȱ156. WilliamȱS.ȱAnderson,ȱAngerȱinȱJuvenalȱandȱSeneca.ȱUniversityȱofȱCaliforniaȱPublicationsȱinȱClassical Philology,ȱv.ȱ19,ȱno.ȱ3ȱ(BerkeleyȱandȱLosȱAngeles:ȱUniversityȱofȱCaliforniaȱPress,ȱ1964),ȱ166.ȱSeneca

430

WilliamȱC.ȱMcDonald

theȱallegoricalȱfigureȱiraȱ(wrath,ȱanger,ȱire),ȱaȱcreatureȱeverȱreadyȱandȱeagerȱtoȱhurl arrowsȱandȱspearsȱatȱitsȱenemy.14ȱAngerȱappearsȱagainȱallegoricallyȱshortlyȱafter Beheim’sȱdeathȱinȱHieronymusȱBosch’sȱpaintingȱtheȱ“SevenȱDeadlyȱSinsȱandȱFour LastȱThings”ȱ(ca.ȱ1485).ȱHereȱtheȱimageȱofȱangerȱisȱaȱviolentȱpeasantȱbrawl.ȱInȱfront ofȱaȱshabbyȱtavern,ȱmenȱfightȱwithȱknivesȱinȱtheirȱhands.ȱOneȱman,ȱhavingȱbeen hitȱbyȱaȱstool,ȱisȱbleeding;ȱtheȱotherȱfellowȱisȱreadyȱtoȱhitȱhimȱwithȱaȱbeerȱstein,ȱor toȱstabȱhimȱwithȱhisȱblade.ȱAȱwomanȱ(theȱwifeȱofȱone?)ȱunsuccessfullyȱtriesȱto intervene.ȱ Clothesȱ areȱ strewnȱ overȱ whatȱ Lauraȱ D.ȱ Gelfandȱ callsȱ theȱ “fieldȱ of battle.”15ȱTheseȱireful,ȱbattlingȱpeasantsȱareȱthusȱrepresentativeȱofȱwarriors,ȱtheir drunkenȱbrawlȱanȱironicȱreflectionȱofȱwarfareȱitself—stupefied,ȱpointlessȱviolence inȱ theȱ thrallȱ ofȱ wrath.ȱ Asȱ lateȱ asȱ theȱ Baroqueȱ theaterȱ inȱ Spain,ȱ angerȱ is emblematizedȱbyȱaȱRomanȱsoldier.16ȱ ReturningȱtoȱBeheim’sȱsevenȱcrimesȱofȱanger,ȱoneȱseesȱtheyȱencompassȱaȱwide judicial,ȱreligious,ȱandȱsocietalȱrange.ȱWrathȱisȱaȱlegalȱissueȱ(perjury,ȱmurder),ȱa breachȱofȱtheȱDecalogueȱ(Thouȱshaltȱnotȱkill),ȱhumanȱinteractionȱ(strife),ȱaȱnational andȱ internationalȱ concernȱ (war),ȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ aȱ matterȱ ofȱ theȱ individualȱ and communityȱrightȱofȱproprietorshipȱ(robbery,ȱrape,ȱpillaging,ȱtheȱdestructionȱof buildingsȱandȱcities).ȱThisȱisȱnotȱtoȱspeakȱofȱinnocentȱvictims,ȱcaughtȱbetweenȱthe

14

15

16

composedȱaȱmajorȱmoralȱessayȱonȱanger,ȱDeȱira,ȱtrans,ȱbyȱJohnȱW.ȱBasore,ȱSeneca:ȱMoralȱEssays (LondonȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱG.ȱP.ȱPutnam’sȱSons,ȱ1928),ȱ106–355.ȱPlutarchȱalsoȱwroteȱonȱangerȱand itsȱcontrol.ȱOnȱtheȱtreatmentȱofȱwrathȱinȱtheȱclassicalȱworld,ȱseeȱSolomonȱSchimmel,ȱ“Angerȱand itsȱ Controlȱ inȱ GrecoȬRomanȱ andȱ Modernȱ Psychology,”ȱ Psychiatry:ȱ Journalȱ forȱ theȱ Studyȱ of InterpersonalȱProcessesȱ42ȱ(1979):ȱ320–37.ȱ Forȱ example,ȱ seeȱ Richardȱ Stettiner,ȱ “Dieȱ illustriertenȱ Prudentiushandschriften,“ȱ Ph.D.ȱ diss. Strassburg,ȱ1895,ȱ157.ȱTheȱRomanȱChristianȱpoetȱandȱhymnȬwriterȱAureliusȱClemensȱPrudentius (d.ȱca.ȱ405),ȱisȱbestȱknownȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱforȱhisȱhexameterȱworkȱPsychomachia,ȱtheȱallegorical depictionȱofȱtheȱvirtuesȱandȱvices.ȱSeeȱAdolfȱKatzenellenbogen,ȱAllegoriesȱofȱtheȱVirtuesȱandȱVices inȱMediaevalȱArtȱfromȱEarlyȱChristianȱTimesȱtoȱtheȱThirteenthȱCentury,ȱtrans.ȱAlanȱJ.ȱP.ȱCrickȱ(1939; Toronto:ȱUniversityȱofȱTorontoȱPress,ȱ1989). “SocialȱStatusȱandȱSin:ȱReadingȱBosch’sȱPradoȱSevenȱDeadlyȱSinsȱandȱFourȱLastȱThingsȱPainting,” Theȱ Sevenȱ Deadlyȱ Sins:ȱ Fromȱ Communitiesȱ toȱ Individuals,ȱ ed.ȱ Richardȱ Newhauser.ȱ Studiesȱ in MedievalȱandȱReformationȱTraditions,ȱ123ȱ(LeidenȱandȱBoston:ȱBrill,ȱ2007),ȱ243. HilaireȱKallendorf,ȱ”DressedȱtoȱtheȱSevens,ȱorȱSinȱinȱStyle:ȱFashionȱStatementsȱbyȱtheȱDeadlyȱVices inȱSpanishȱBaroqueȱAutosȱSacramentales,”ȱTheȱSevenȱDeadlyȱSins,ȱed.ȱNewhauser,ȱ161ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15). Kallendorfȱidentifiesȱtypologiesȱofȱtheȱviceȱofȱanger,ȱonȱtheȱevidenceȱofȱstageȱplays.ȱAngerȱappears asȱ aȱ birdȬbeast,ȱ aȱ maleȱ banditȱ withȱ aȱ gunȱ beltȱ andȱ pistol,ȱ aȱ breastplate,ȱ andȱ aȱ sword.ȱ Three theatricalȱfiguresȱrepresentingȱangerȱareȱKingȱHerodȱslayingȱtheȱinfants,ȱSaintȱPaulȱbeforeȱhis conversion,ȱ andȱ aȱ Romanȱ whoȱ helpsȱ Jewsȱ toȱ crucifyȱ Christȱ (152).ȱ Kallendorfȱ includesȱ an illustrationȱfromȱCesareȱRipa’sȱinfluentialȱcatalogȱofȱemblemsȱandȱsymbols,ȱIconologiaȱ(Padua, 1611;ȱfirstȱpublishedȱinȱ1593),ȱshowingȱanȱemblemȱofȱwrathȱ(ira)ȱthatȱdepictsȱaȱsoldierȱinȱaȱhelmet andȱbreastplate,ȱaȱswordȱinȱhisȱrightȱhandȱandȱaȱburningȱtorchȱinȱtheȱotherȱ(p.166).ȱTheȱburning torchȱappears,ȱtoo,ȱinȱBeheim’sȱversesȱonȱwrath,ȱasȱwillȱbeȱclearȱbelow.ȱTheȱpoetȱcastigatesȱsoldiers whoȱsetȱfiresȱduringȱwarfare,ȱidentifyingȱburningȱwithȱtheȱDeadlyȱSinȱofȱanger.ȱSeeȱSongȬPoem 179,ȱWasȱubelsȱvonȱprennenȱkumȱ(TheȱEvilsȱofȱMaliciousȱBurning),ȱpartȱofȱtheȱLittleȱBook,ȱwhose firstȱverseȱisȱanȱapostropheȱtoȱwarriorsȱtoȱlayȱdownȱtheȱtorch.

MichelȱBeheim’sȱVersesȱonȱWrathȱ

431

armies.ȱTheyȱareȱBeheim’sȱconcernȱwhenȱheȱspeaksȱofȱtheȱeffectsȱofȱwar:ȱpoverty, suffering,ȱanxietyȱatȱnight,ȱhunger,ȱthirst,ȱandȱfreezingȱcoldȱ(178,ȱ54–57).ȱViolence andȱdestructionȱareȱtheȱleitmotifsȱofȱthisȱsavageȱgrouping,ȱtheȱwantonȱruinȱofȱlife andȱproperty.ȱBeheimȱhereȱdescribesȱtheȱ“deadlyȱpoisonȱofȱanger”ȱofȱwhichȱSt. Johnȱ Cassianȱ (d.ȱ ca.ȱ 435)ȱ spoke,ȱ theȱ sinȱ preventingȱ menȱ fromȱ acquiringȱ right judgment,ȱdiscretion,ȱandȱinsight.17ȱ Angerȱmakesȱmenȱblind.ȱItȱmustȱstrikeȱourȱattentionȱthatȱBeheimȱnumbersȱwar itselfȱamongȱtheȱcrimesȱofȱanger.ȱRousedȱtoȱanger,ȱbrothersȱbecomeȱenemies,ȱand groupsȱ becomeȱ combatants.ȱ Whatȱ betterȱ vehicleȱ thanȱ warfare,ȱ heȱ suggests,ȱ to demonstrateȱtheȱfullȱconsequenceȱofȱragingȱanger?ȱStirredȱtoȱwrath,ȱsoldiersȱburn, pillage,ȱmaimȱandȱkill,ȱmakingȱapparentȱinȱaȱsingleȱtableauȱallȱtheȱbloodyȱmalice andȱbelligerenceȱthatȱinsensateȱfuryȱbringsȱforth.ȱForȱtheȱpoet,ȱwarȱisȱtheȱultimate quarrel.ȱ Ifȱtheȱwarriorȱisȱtheȱveryȱimageȱofȱtheȱangryȱman,ȱwho,ȱthen,ȱisȱhisȱopposite number?ȱSt.ȱJohnȱCassianȱ(ca.ȱ360–435),ȱaȱfoundationalȱfigureȱinȱliteratureȱonȱthe DeadlyȱSins,ȱtellsȱusȱitȱisȱtheȱtranquilȱmonk,ȱtheȱmanȱwhoȱwagesȱspiritual,ȱnot earthlyȱcombatȱ(Deȱspirituȱirae,ȱVIII:5).ȱTheȱmonk,ȱwhoȱcultivatesȱcalmness,ȱstrives toȱbeȱfreeȱfromȱallȱanger,ȱwrath,ȱclamorȱandȱevilȱspeaking.ȱHeȱseeksȱtoȱridȱhisȱsoul ofȱanyȱvestigeȱofȱanger,ȱsinceȱthisȱsinȱbattlesȱprudenceȱandȱplacesȱmanȱatȱoddsȱwith hisȱcreator.ȱAllȱmenȱareȱenjoinedȱbyȱGodȱtoȱreconciliationȱwithȱtheirȱbrothers;ȱand inȱ thisȱ effortȱ theȱ monkȱ willȱ placidlyȱ showȱ theȱ way.ȱ Inȱ short,ȱ theȱ monkȱ is everythingȱ theȱ warriorȱ isȱ not.ȱ Purgedȱ ofȱ anger,ȱ thisȱ counterȬwarriorȱ seeksȱ a calmnessȱofȱsoulȱthatȱallowsȱhimȱtoȱbattleȱevil,ȱnotȱtoȱcontributeȱtoȱit.ȱ ToȱtheȱangryȱsoldierȱBeheimȱturnsȱinȱhisȱtreatmentȱofȱwrathȱasȱpartȱofȱhisȱcycle onȱ theȱ Deadlyȱ Sins.ȱ Thereȱ heȱ devotesȱ fiveȱ songȬpoemsȱ toȱ theȱ topicȱ ofȱ anger: ConcerningȱWrathȱandȱWhyȱitȱisȱtoȱbeȱAvoided;ȱConcerningȱtheȱKindsȱofȱWrath; Concerningȱ Makingȱ War;ȱ Theȱ Evilsȱ ofȱ Maliciousȱ Burning;ȱ andȱ Concerning HomicideȱandȱManslaughter.18 InȱtheseȱsongȬpoemsȱitȱisȱplainȱthatȱangerȱhasȱprofoundȱtheologicalȱimplications, inȱthatȱwrathȱnotȱonlyȱdrivesȱoutȱtheȱTrinity,ȱbutȱallowsȱtheȱdevilȱtoȱresideȱinȱthe placeȱofȱGodȱtheȱFather,ȱSonȱandȱHolyȱGhostȱ(176,70–71).ȱ Wrathȱisȱtheȱdevil’s plaything,ȱbecauseȱitȱcausesȱthoseȱinȱaȱstateȱofȱrageȱtoȱharmȱtheirȱfellowȱChristians. Andȱ whenȱ aȱ wrathfulȱ manȱ takesȱ theȱ nameȱ ofȱ Godȱ inȱ vain,ȱ theȱ devilȱ findsȱ his pleasure:ȱ

17

18

Cassianus,ȱ Deȱ institutisȱ coenobiorum,ȱ Deȱ incarnationeȱ contraȱ Nestorium,ȱ ed.ȱ Michaelȱ Petschenig.ȱ CorpusȱScriptorumȱEcclassiasticorumȱLatinorumȱ(Vienna:ȱVerlagȱderȱösterreichischenȱAkademie derȱWissenschaften,ȱ2004),ȱVIII:ȱl,ȱDeȱspirituȱirae.ȱTheȱfirstȱsentenceȱreads:ȱQuartoȱquoqueȱcertamine estȱiraeȱmortiferumȱuirusȱdeȱrecessibusȱanimaeȱnostraeȱfunditusȱeruendumȱ(151;ȱInȱourȱfourthȱ[combat] theȱfatalȱpoisonȱofȱangerȱmustȱbeȱfullyȱrootedȱoutȱfromȱtheȱrecessesȱofȱourȱsoul). TheȱsongȬpoems,ȱinȱorder,ȱare:ȱVonȱzornȱundȱwarumbȱderȱczeȱmeidenȱseyȱ(176);ȱVonȱmangerlayȱzorenn (177);ȱVonȱchriegenȱ(178);ȱWasȱubelsȱvonȱprennenȱkumȱ(179);ȱandȱVonȱtodslagȱundȱmanȱslachtȱ(180).

432

WilliamȱC.ȱMcDonald Derȱczornȱliebtȱauchȱdemȱteufel,ȱwan erȱwirtȱdesȱmenschenȱherȱdaran undȱderȱmenschȱwirtȱseinȱundertanȱ

(176,ȱ105–07)

[Wrathȱlovesȱtheȱdevil,ȱbecauseȱheȱbecomesȱtheȱmasterȱofȱmenȱandȱȱmanȱbecomesȱhis servant]

Theȱ devilȱ hasȱ anȱ evenȱ moreȱ prominentȱ roleȱ toȱ play,ȱ whenȱ Beheimȱ wishesȱ to correlateȱtheȱwilesȱofȱSatanȱwithȱmilitaryȱforce.ȱTwiceȱBeheimȱspecificallyȱmentions soldiersȱasȱbeingȱinȱleagueȱwithȱtheȱdevil.ȱFirst,ȱheȱarguesȱthat,ȱifȱsoldiersȱand mercenariesȱ(chriegerȱundȱsoldner)ȱwereȱonlyȱwillingȱtoȱdoȱasȱmuchȱforȱGod’sȱsake asȱ theyȱ doȱ inȱ theȱ serviceȱ ofȱ theȱ devil,ȱ thenȱ theirȱ recompenseȱ wouldȱ notȱ beȱ so meagerȱ(178,ȱ58–61).ȱMenȬatȬarmsȱareȱthus,ȱforȱtheȱpoet,ȱtheȱveryȱsameȱtypeȱof angryȱservantsȱofȱtheȱdevilȱjustȱmentioned,ȱwhoȱcallȱSatanȱtheirȱmasterȱandȱwho obeyȱ hisȱ everyȱ command.ȱ Second,ȱ Beheimȱ devotesȱ anȱ entireȱ songȬpoemȱ to destructiveȱfires,ȱblazesȱthatȱheȱattributesȱtoȱwarriors.ȱItȱbegins: Irȱchrieger,ȱmerkentȱalleȱsant undȱhutetȱeuchȱvorȱabȱvorȱprant. wannȱvilȱsunden,ȱschadenȱundȱschant allainȱchumenȱvonȱprennenȱ

(179,ȱ1–4)

[Youȱsoldiers,ȱtakeȱheedȱandȱbewareȱofȱdestructiveȱfiresȱsinceȱmanyȱsins,ȱȱharmȱand shameȱcomeȱfromȱconflagration]

Flatlyȱtheȱpoetȱstatesȱthatȱsettingȱfiresȱisȱaȱsin;ȱbutȱmoreȱthanȱthis,ȱitȱoffendsȱthe HolyȱSpiritȱ(179,ȱ35–36).ȱTheȱbeneficiaryȱofȱmaliciousȱburningȱbyȱarmiesȱisȱthe devilȱhimself,ȱwhoȱisȱamusedȱatȱtheȱwarrior’sȱattemptȱtoȱreȬcreateȱhellȱwithȱhis ownȱangryȱflames.ȱInasmuchȱasȱtheȱmilitaryȱfirebrandsȱhaveȱcreatedȱhellȱonȱearth withȱtheirȱblazes,ȱBeheimȱnotȱonlyȱcallsȱtheirȱbehaviorȱdevilish,ȱheȱequatesȱthose whoȱburnȱandȱtherebyȱpunishȱpeopleȱinȱwarȱwithȱdevilsȱinȱtheȱinfernalȱregions. Theȱdevilȱhasȱnowȱfoundȱhisȱpartner,ȱwarriorsȱwhoȱreplicateȱtheȱlandscapeȱofȱhell. Toȱhealȱ“theȱangryȱman”ȱ(derȱczornigȱmensch;ȱ176,ȱ129),ȱtheȱpersonȱwhoȱfully embodiesȱthisȱDeadlyȱSin,ȱoneȱmustȱfirstȱidentifyȱhim,ȱandȱthisȱBeheimȱattempts toȱdoȱforȱhisȱaudienceȱwithȱexemplars,ȱmetaphors,ȱandȱproverbs,ȱrelyingȱmainly onȱScripture.ȱAsȱmightȱbeȱexpected,ȱCainȱ(Gen.ȱ4:8)ȱisȱtheȱnegativeȱarchetypeȱof anger,ȱhavingȱmurderedȱhisȱbrotherȱAbelȱinȱaȱblindȱrageȱ(180,ȱ53–65).ȱAbsalomȱand Samson,ȱtoo,ȱareȱmenȱofȱwrath,ȱthisȱtimeȱasȱangryȱarsonists,ȱburningȱcropsȱasȱacts ofȱvengeanceȱ(179,ȱ47–55).ȱ Usingȱtheȱtraditionalȱassociationȱofȱanimalsȱandȱsins,ȱBeheimȱlikensȱangerȱtoȱa madȱdogȱwhich,ȱbyȱspreadingȱitsȱpoison,ȱcausesȱfatalȱwoundsȱ(176,ȱ1–4).19ȱWrath

19

Theȱ standardȱ treatmentȱ ofȱ theȱ associationȱ ofȱ animalsȱ andȱ theȱ Deadlyȱ Sinsȱ isȱ byȱ Mortonȱ W. Bloomfield,ȱTheȱSevenȱDeadlyȱSins:ȱAnȱIntroductionȱtoȱtheȱHistoryȱofȱaȱReligiousȱConcept,ȱwithȱSpecial

MichelȱBeheim’sȱVersesȱonȱWrathȱ

433

isȱalsoȱlikeȱaȱserpent,ȱorȱdragon,ȱexpellingȱfireȱandȱburningȱeverythingȱinȱitsȱpath (176,129–33).ȱAndȱtheȱangryȱmanȱremindsȱtheȱpoetȱofȱaȱbearȱwhoȱendsȱitsȱlifeȱon theȱbladeȱofȱaȱswordȱ(176,ȱ186–88).20ȱAȱfurtherȱimageȱofȱangerȱisȱtheȱsurgingȱwaters thatȱsubjectȱharborsȱtoȱrepeatedȱbatteringȱ(176,ȱ174–85).ȱWhenȱBeheimȱcomesȱto speakȱ ofȱ humansȱ thatȱ symbolizeȱ anger,ȱ theseȱ areȱ theȱ foolȱ andȱ theȱ warrior, althoughȱtheȱtwoȱtypesȱtendȱtoȱblend.ȱTheȱfoolȱisȱsillyȱenoughȱtoȱcastȱstonesȱhigh aboveȱhimself,ȱforȱtheseȱinevitablyȱcomeȱcrashingȱdownȱonȱhisȱownȱheadȱ(177, 63–65).ȱThisȱisȱmeantȱtoȱinstructȱhisȱaudienceȱthatȱactsȱofȱangerȱbackfireȱonȱthe perpetrator,ȱtheȱclassicȱformulationȱbeingȱChrist’sȱwords:ȱ”Allȱwhoȱtakeȱtheȱsword dieȱbyȱtheȱsword”ȱ(Matt.ȱ26:ȱ52),ȱwhichȱBeheimȱrephrasesȱ(180,ȱ36–38).ȱOurȱpoet claimsȱ thatȱ wrathȱ makesȱ aȱ personȱ foolishȱ andȱ blind.ȱ Itȱ tossesȱ reasonȱ aside, preventingȱus,ȱbyȱbefuddlingȱtheȱmind,ȱfromȱforgivingȱoffensesȱofȱotherȱpersons.ȱ Sinceȱtheȱwrathfulȱpersonȱis,ȱinȱBeheim’sȱeyes,ȱtheȱveryȱimageȱofȱirrationality (176,ȱ174–75),ȱandȱsinceȱangerȱisȱharmfulȱtoȱtheȱsoulȱ(176,ȱ167),ȱplacingȱtheȱwrathful manȱinȱdangerȱofȱhellȬfire,ȱhowȱcanȱoneȱjustify,ȱorȱhopeȱtoȱreconcile,ȱarmedȱconflict thatȱhasȱnoȱbenefitȱofȱdivineȱsanction?ȱTheȱfightingȱmanȱisȱforemostȱaȱwrathful man,ȱengulfedȱinȱvengefulȱanger,ȱandȱbearingȱallȱtheȱnegativeȱtraitsȱofȱtheȱsinȱof wrath—lossȱ ofȱ rationality,ȱ temperȱ andȱ selfȱ control,ȱ proclivityȱ toȱ senseless aggressionȱ andȱ violence,ȱ dangerȱ toȱ otherȱ personsȱ andȱ creatures.ȱ Theseȱ factors placeȱtheȱangryȱwarriorȱveryȱfar,ȱindeed,ȱfromȱChrist’sȱmessageȱofȱpeace.ȱ Robertȱ A.ȱ F.ȱ Thurmanȱ remindsȱ usȱ thatȱ Christȱ soughtȱ noȱ lessȱ thanȱ theȱ very “conquestȱofȱanger”ȱandȱ“freedomȱfromȱangerȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱdemandingȱthatȱsinsȱandȱvices beȱconfrontedȱandȱovercomeȱinȱtheȱmind,ȱnotȱonlyȱinȱoutwardȱaction.”21ȱBefore exploringȱtheȱimplicationsȱofȱBeheim’sȱunderstandingȱofȱwarfareȱasȱanȱexpression ofȱ vengefulȱ anger,ȱ andȱ notȱ justifiedȱ anger,ȱ thatȱ is,ȱ ofȱ identifyingȱ theȱ warfare stemmingȱfromȱangerȱasȱaȱvice,ȱitȱisȱnecessaryȱtoȱconsiderȱtheȱtextȱofȱhisȱsongȬpoem onȱwagingȱwar,ȱVonȱchriegenȱ(ConcerningȱMakingȱWar),ȱheretoforeȱnotȱrendered intoȱEnglish,ȱwhichȱheȱplacesȱsquarelyȱinȱaȱdiscussionȱofȱtheȱcapitalȱsinȱofȱwrath. Itȱshouldȱbeȱclearȱthatȱhisȱpleaȱagainstȱwarȱandȱforȱpeaceȱisȱaȱgeneralȱone.ȱThis

20

21

ReferenceȱtoȱMedievalȱEnglishȱLiteratureȱ(EastȱLansing,ȱMI:ȱMichiganȱStateȱCollegeȱPress,ȱ1952), 245–49.ȱOnȱtheȱcomparisonȱofȱwarriorsȱtoȱanimalsȱinȱtheȱIliad,ȱaȱlinkageȱthatȱdevolves,ȱagainstȱthe backdropȱofȱviolence,ȱtoȱtheȱmotifsȱofȱtheȱ“feralȱspiritȱofȱcombat”ȱ(1)ȱandȱwarriorsȱasȱ“carnivorous, predatoryȱanimals”ȱ(8),ȱseeȱVacca,ȱ“TheȱTheologyȱofȱDisorderȱinȱtheȱ‘Iliad’”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱHe highlightsȱtheȱthemeȱofȱtheȱdesecrationȱofȱcorpsesȱbyȱcombatantsȱ(9). Beheimȱhereȱfollowsȱhisȱsourceȱtext,ȱHeinrichȱvonȱLangenstein’sȱErchantnuzzȱderȱsundȱ(seeȱnote 4),ȱwhichȱalsoȱlikensȱtheȱangryȱmanȱtoȱaȱbearȱthatȱstubbornlyȱattacksȱtheȱ(metaphorical)ȱswordȱof angerȱandȱhateȱ(58:98–99).ȱWilliamȱPeraldus,ȱhowever,ȱhadȱreferredȱinȱhisȱSummaȱdeȱvitiisȱtoȱthis animalȱ asȱ aȱ wildȱ boar:ȱ “Homoȱ etiamȱ iracundusȱ estȱ velutȱ aperȱ inȱ gladioȱ ireȱ velȱ odijȱ seipsum inpingens”ȱ(189;ȱTheȱangryȱmanȱisȱlikeȱaȱboarȱfallingȱuponȱtheȱswordȱofȱrage).ȱ RobertȱA.ȱF.ȱThurman,ȱAnger:ȱTheȱ SevenȱDeadlyȱSinsȱ(Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2005), 36–37.ȱ Aȱ renownedȱ Buddhistȱ scholar,ȱ Thurmanȱ exploresȱ angerȱ mainlyȱ fromȱ thisȱ religious perspective.

434

WilliamȱC.ȱMcDonald

meansȱhisȱapostropheȱtoȱsecularȱrulersȱ(emperor,ȱkings,ȱprinces,ȱandȱlords)ȱisȱnot toȱbeȱreadȱasȱhistory;ȱheȱisȱneitherȱappealingȱtoȱidentifiableȱnoblemen,ȱnorȱisȱhe addressingȱaȱspecificȱfifteenthȬcenturyȱmartialȱconflict.ȱItȱwouldȱbeȱwrongȱtoȱread hisȱpleaȱagainstȱwarȱasȱmerelyȱrhetorical,ȱhowever.ȱTheȱbestȱinterpretationȱisȱthat MichelȱBeheimȱreȬworksȱtimelessȱnonȬviolentȱsentimentsȱfromȱpreviousȱcenturies (Peraldus,ȱHeinrichȱvonȱLangenstein),ȱreȬenvisioningȱtheȱcallȱforȱpeaceȱandȱthe condemnationȱofȱviolence.ȱ Vonȱchriegen:ȱ Irȱchaiser,ȱchunig,ȱfursten,ȱherrn, chertȱeuchȱvonȱhader,ȱchriegȱundȱwerrn. czuȱdemȱfridenȱsoltȱirȱeuchȱchern. aintrachtȱirȱmachenȱsolte. Latȱeuchȱunfritȱverfurenȱnit. wannȱwoȱmanȱhaltetȱsunȱundȱfrit, daȱistȱgotȱselberȱallczeitȱmit. unfritȱistȱwiderȱgote. Denȱfridenȱerȱliebȱhote. desȱhabenȱwirȱvilȱmanchȱurkund. zuȱdemȱersten,ȱalsȱgotȱpegund zuȱchumenȱaufȱdieȱerdenȱund dieȱmenschaitȱnemenȱwolte, Dasȱdieȱweltȱwasȱgestilletȱgar. einȱgemainerȱfridȱwasȱzwelfȱjar, alsȱYsaiasȱoffennbar machtȱvonȱdesȱfridesȱnucze. Dasȱstetȱimȱandern:ȱ‘ireȱswert czuȱphlugȱeisenȱwerdenȱgekert, irȱspiesȱzuȱsicheln.’ȱaufȱderȱert wartȱdieȱweissagȱerfullet. Nochȱmerȱirȱhorenȱsullet. alsȱunserȱherrȱgeporenȱwart,ȱ wartȱauchȱderȱfridȱgeoffennpart ȱvonȱdenȱengelnȱauffȱsnellerȱvart, stetȱinȱdemȱandernȱLuce. Dasȱsprichet:ȱ‘lobȱundȱerȱseyȱhie gotȱinȱdemȱhachstenȱgsagetȱye, denȱleütenȱfridȱaufȱerden,ȱdie daȱgutesȱwillenȱseine.’ Vonȱfridenȱistȱunsȱmerȱpekant. doȱunserȱherrȱseinȱjungerȱsant, dasȱsyȱpredigtenȱdurchȱdieȱlant, denȱfridenȱoffenpere. Daȱgabȱerȱinȱdieȱlere, alsȱMatheusȱpeschribenȱhot,

MichelȱBeheim’sȱVersesȱonȱWrathȱ undȱsprach:ȱ‘woȱirȱinȱeinȱhausȱgot, soȱgrussetȱesȱundȱsprichetȱdrot ‘fridȱseyȱdemȱhausȱmitȱeine.’ Denȱfridȱirȱmerȱverhorenȱsolt. daȱgotȱvonȱseinenȱjungernȱwolt, daȱliesȱerȱinȱdenȱfridȱzuȱsolt undȱczuȱeinemȱerbteile Undȱsprach:ȱ‘meinȱfridȱlaßȱichȱeuch.ȱmer sendȱichȱeuȱmeinenȱfrideȱher.’ nachȱseinerȱurstent,ȱdaȱchamȱer undȱwasȱseinȱjungernȱmide Undȱenphalchȱinȱdenȱfride, inȱdemȱczehendenȱJohannis. ichȱauchȱanȱzwaienȱstetenȱlis, dasȱunserȱherrȱJhesusȱjachȱdis: ‘mitȱeuchȱseyȱfridesȱheile.’ Irȱchrigenȱauchȱvermeidenȱsolt durchȱgrosseȱarmut,ȱdyȱmanȱtolt anȱchriegȱmanchȱvaltigcleichȱerholt. manchȱnachtȱwachentȱallȱsande, Gwapent,ȱmitȱhunger,ȱdurstȱundȱfrust. soltenȱchriegerȱundȱsoldnerȱsust durchȱgotȱleidenȱsolcheȱverlust alsȱinȱdesȱteufelsȱdinste. Irȱlonȱwerȱnichtȱderȱmynste. alsȱ[sic]ȱDavidȱhatȱgesprochen:ȱ‘groß reuȱundȱunseldȱistȱanȱirnȱstroß. desȱfridesȱwegȱinȱkainerȱmoß syȱnichtȱhabenȱerkande.’ [ConcerningȱMakingȱWarȱ(TheȱtitleȱisȱBeheim’sȱown)ȱ Youȱemperor,ȱkings,ȱprinces,ȱlords: Turnȱawayȱfromȱstrife,ȱwarȱandȱfighting. Turnȱtoȱpeace; makeȱconcord. Beȱnotȱledȱastrayȱbyȱforcesȱthatȱdivideȱyou. Whereverȱreconciliationȱandȱpeaceȱareȱtoȱbeȱfound, there,ȱtoo,ȱisȱGod. HumanȱconflictȱrepresentsȱhostileȱoppositionȱtoȱGod. PeaceȱHeȱloves. Ofȱthisȱweȱhaveȱampleȱdocumentation. Inȱtheȱbeginning,ȱGodȱ cameȱtoȱearth, wishingȱtoȱtakeȱonȱhumanȱformȱ inȱorderȱthatȱtheȱworldȱmightȱhaveȱaȱtimeȱofȱpeace. Aȱcommonȱpeaceȱlastedȱ12ȱyears,

435

ȱ(178,ȱ1–65)

436

WilliamȱC.ȱMcDonald asȱIsaiahȱprophesiedȱ whenȱspeakingȱofȱtheȱrewardsȱofȱpeace. Soȱitȱisȱwrittenȱinȱtheȱsecondȱ(chapterȱofȱIsaiah):ȱYourȱswords shouldȱbeȱmadeȱintoȱironȱploughsȱand yourȱspearsȱshouldȱbecomeȱreapingȱhooks.ȱOnȱearth thisȱprophecyȱwasȱfulfilled. Moreȱyouȱshouldȱhear. WhenȱourȱLordȱwasȱborn peaceȱwasȱimmediatelyȱprophesied byȱtheȱangels. ThisȱyouȱcanȱfindȱinȱLuke,ȱChapterȱTwo. Thereȱitȱsays:ȱ‘Praiseȱandȱhonor evermoreȱtoȱGodȱinȱtheȱhighest. Grantȱtoȱthoseȱofȱgoodȱwill hisȱpeaceȱonȱearth.’ Ofȱpeaceȱmoreȱisȱknownȱtoȱus whenȱourȱLordȱsentȱhisȱdisciplesȱforth soȱthatȱtheyȱmightȱpreachȱthroughoutȱallȱlands, makingȱpeaceȱmanifest. Thereuponȱheȱtaughtȱthem, asȱMatthewȱhasȱwritten andȱsaid:ȱ‘Whereverȱyouȱgoȱintoȱaȱhouse, giveȱgreetingsȱandȱsayȱquickly: ‘Mayȱpeaceȱdwellȱinȱthisȱhouse.’ Youȱshallȱhearȱmoreȱaboutȱpeace. ThisȱGodȱdesiredȱfromȱhisȱdisciples; peaceȱwasȱtoȱbeȱtheirȱrewardȱfromȱhim. Itȱwasȱtheirȱinheritance. Heȱspoke:ȱ‘Iȱbequeathȱpeaceȱtoȱyou. Iȱsendȱyouȱmyȱpeace.’ AfterȱHisȱresurrectionȱHe wasȱinȱtheȱpresenceȱofȱhisȱdisciples. Inȱ10ȱJohn Heȱcommendedȱpeaceȱtoȱthem. Inȱtwoȱotherȱplacesȱ(inȱScripture)ȱIȱread, thatȱourȱLordȱJesusȱavowedȱthis: ‘MayȱtheȱhealingȱpowerȱofȱPeaceȱabideȱwithȱyou.’ Youȱshouldȱsteerȱclearȱofȱwar,ȱ mindfulȱofȱtheȱconditionȱofȱpovertyȱitȱbrings. Inȱtheȱabsenceȱofȱwar,ȱsomeȱgetȱwell. (Inȱwar)ȱsomeȱwatchȱthroughȱtheȱnight, armedȱ[notȱwithȱweapons,ȱbut]ȱwithȱhunger,ȱthirstȱandȱfrost. ȱIfȱonlyȱsoldiersȱandȱmercenaries wereȱwillingȱtoȱdoȱasȱmuchȱforȱGod’sȱsakeȱasȱtheyȱdoȱinȱtheȱserviceȱ ofȱtheȱdevil,

MichelȱBeheim’sȱVersesȱonȱWrathȱ

437

thenȱtheirȱrewardȱwouldȱnotȱbeȱsoȱmeager. AsȱDavidȱsaid:ȱ‘Great destructionȱandȱmiseryȱlieȱinȱtheirȱpath. Inȱnoȱmeasureȱhaveȱtheyȱ knownȱtheȱwayȱofȱpeace.’] ȱ

Beheim’sȱVonȱchriegenȱisȱoneȱofȱtheȱstrongestȱantiȬwarȱpoemsȱofȱtheȱearlyȱmodern period,ȱshowingȱaȱmoralȱabhorrenceȱtowardȱwarȱtoȱaȱstartlingȱdegree.22ȱHisȱisȱthe voiceȱofȱtheȱBiblicalȱprophetȱandȱmediatorȱofȱtruthȱtoȱtheȱsecularȱnobility.ȱWithin aȱveryȱcompressedȱspace,ȱheȱsuccessfullyȱlaunchesȱaȱferociousȱassaultȱonȱpersons engagedȱinȱwarfare,ȱonȱwarȱitself,ȱandȱonȱthoseȱrulersȱwhoȱpermitȱbloodshed.ȱHe rejectsȱ violenceȱ asȱ aȱ meansȱ ofȱ resolvingȱ disputes,ȱ strippingȱ thoseȱ inȱ secular authorityȱ ofȱ anyȱ justificationȱ forȱ conductingȱ warfare.ȱ Whatȱ excuseȱ mightȱ they possiblyȱhaveȱforȱangerȱandȱfighting,ȱinasmuchȱasȱGodȱlovesȱandȱestablishesȱpeace andȱprosperityȱ(Isaiahȱ26:ȱ3ȱandȱ12)ȱandȱregardsȱvengefulȱconflictȱwithȱloathing? Peace,ȱBeheim’sȱideal,ȱisȱordainedȱbyȱheaven,ȱandȱcomesȱaboutȱwhenȱthoseȱin chargeȱofȱarmamentsȱandȱcombatantsȱrecognizeȱthatȱtrueȱauthorityȱregardingȱany matterȱofȱwarȱandȱpeaceȱrestsȱwithȱheaven.ȱ VonȱchriegenȱisȱconstructedȱasȱanȱinnerȬBiblicalȱdialogue,ȱcitingȱoneȱreference afterȱanotherȱtoȱScriptureȱfromȱtheȱOldȱTestamentȱandȱtheȱNew—theȱPsalms,ȱthe propheciesȱofȱIsaiah,ȱtheȱNativity,ȱandȱJesus’ȱcallȱtoȱhisȱdisciplesȱtoȱspreadȱpeace. Eachȱquoteȱ speaksȱtoȱpeace,ȱforȱexample,ȱtheȱbirthȱofȱtheȱMessiahȱofȱpeace,ȱat whichȱtheȱangelsȱsingȱtheȱGloriaȱinȱExcelsis,ȱwhoseȱrefrainȱcallsȱforȱpeaceȱonȱearth (Lukeȱ2:ȱ14).ȱChristȱinstructsȱhisȱdisciples,ȱwhenȱspreadingȱtheȱGospel,ȱtoȱexpress theȱwishȱthatȱpeaceȱmightȱdescendȱonȱthoseȱhouseholdsȱthatȱwelcomeȱthemȱ(Matt 10:12).ȱ Peaceȱ isȱ theȱ inheritanceȱ (erbteile;ȱ 178,ȱ 43)ȱ thatȱ Christȱ bequeathsȱ toȱ his followers.ȱAfterȱtheȱCrucifixion,ȱhisȱ wordsȱtoȱhisȱdisciplesȱare:ȱ“Peaceȱbeȱwith you!”ȱ(Johnȱ20:ȱ21).ȱFromȱtheȱprophetȱIsaiahȱBeheimȱgleansȱarguablyȱtheȱmost famousȱ sentimentȱ onȱ peacefulȱ behaviorȱ underȱ witness,ȱ thisȱ accordingȱ toȱ the familiarȱ Kingȱ Jamesȱ version:ȱ toȱ “beatȱ theirȱ swordsȱ intoȱ plowshares,ȱ andȱ their spearsȱintoȱpruningȱhooks”ȱ(Isaiahȱ2:4).ȱHeȱcitesȱtheseȱversesȱfromȱtheȱmatrixȱof Isaiah’sȱcomprehensiveȱvisionȱofȱtheȱreignȱofȱpeace,ȱaȱliteralȱshakingȱupȱofȱthe earthȱwhenȱtheȱMessiahȱcomes.ȱ TheȱremainderȱofȱtheȱverseȱinȱIsaiahȱassertsȱthatȱnationsȱwillȱnotȱtakeȱupȱthe swordȱagainstȱnations,ȱnorȱwillȱtheyȱtrainȱforȱwarȱanyȱmore.ȱTheȱframeworkȱisȱthus anȱoverarching,ȱpassionateȱargumentȱforȱpeace,ȱbuiltȱuponȱGod’sȱhatredȱforȱwar.

22

SeeȱalsoȱtheȱremarkableȱcontributionsȱtoȱthisȱtopicȱbyȱtheȱsixteenthȬcenturyȱNurembergȱpoetȱHans Sachs,ȱcf.ȱAlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ“PoetischeȱProtesteȱgegenȱdenȱKrieg:ȱDerȱMeistersängerȱHansȱSachs alsȱfrüherȱKriegsgegnerȱimȱ16.ȱJahrhundert,”ȱAmsterdamerȱBeiträgeȱzurȱälterenȱGermanistikȱ63ȱ(2007): 235–56;ȱseeȱalsoȱhisȱcontributionȱtoȱthisȱvolume.

438

WilliamȱC.ȱMcDonald

AsȱmuchȱasȱGodȱlovesȱpeace,ȱsoȱBeheim’sȱsourceȱtextȱmaintains,ȱHeȱhatesȱwar.23 Thoseȱwhoȱwageȱwar—thoseȱwhoȱliveȱandȱdieȱbyȱtheȱsword—areȱtheȱchildrenȱof anger,ȱinsensibleȱsoulsȱwhoȱignoreȱtheȱfamineȱandȱpovertyȱthatȱtheyȱbringȱforth. Theirȱcrime,ȱandȱsin,ȱJeffrieȱG.ȱMurphyȱdiscussesȱunderȱtheȱheading:ȱ“TheȱKilling ofȱtheȱInnocent.”24ȱExpressedȱbetweenȱtheȱlinesȱinȱBeheim’sȱversesȱisȱtheȱfactȱthat warriorsȱ inculcateȱ graveȱ fear,ȱ evenȱ panic,ȱ inȱ theȱ innocentȱ population,ȱ those guiltlessȱcitizensȱwhoȱ“watchȱthroughȱtheȱnight”ȱ(manchȱnachtȱwachentȱallȱsande;ȱ56). Inȱmodernȱterms,ȱBeheimȱacknowledgesȱtheȱeffectȱofȱarmedȱconflictȱonȱtheȱmorale ofȱtheȱhomeȬfront.ȱHeȱsketchesȱtheȱeffectsȱofȱbattleȱonȱhelplessȱnoncombatants, thoseȱindividualsȱcaughtȱinȱtheȱcrossfireȱofȱviolence,ȱhavingȱnoȱpowerȱtoȱendȱit. Theȱwagesȱofȱwarȱforȱtheseȱinnocentsȱisȱterror,ȱloss,ȱandȱfamine.ȱNowadays,ȱsome sadlyȱcallȱsuchȱbystandersȱonȱtheȱfieldȱofȱwarȱ“incidentalȱcausalities,”ȱorȱ“collateral damage.” Althoughȱ thisȱ songȬpoemȱ bearsȱ theȱ titleȱ “Concerningȱ Makingȱ War”ȱ (Von chriegen),ȱ itȱ isȱ muchȱ moreȱ occupiedȱ withȱ makingȱ peace:ȱ theȱ wordsȱ “peace” (frit/aintracht)ȱandȱ“absenceȬofȬpeace”ȱ(unfrit)ȱappearȱsomeȱ20ȱtimesȱinȱ65ȱlines. Beheimȱhasȱcomposedȱaȱhymnȱtoȱpeaceȱand,ȱsketchingȱtheȱevilsȱofȱwarȱagainstȱthe backdropȱofȱsalvationȱhistory,ȱhasȱsharplyȱcontrastedȱtheȱharmonyȱofȱdivineȱlove withȱ wrathfulȱ disharmony.ȱ Constructedȱ onȱ theȱ premiseȱ thatȱ thereȱ isȱ an indisputableȱcausalȱconnectionȱbetweenȱvengefulȱanger,ȱviolenceȱandȱdestruction, Beheim’sȱthesisȱcanȱbeȱsummedȱupȱinȱaȱsingleȱverse:ȱ“Humanȱconflictȱrepresents hostileȱoppositionȱtoȱGod”ȱ(unfritȱistȱwiderȱgote;ȱ8).ȱSinceȱGodȱlovesȱpeaceȱandȱhates war,ȱitȱthenȱfollowsȱthatȱanyoneȱwhoȱwagesȱwarȱbehavesȱinȱflagrantȱantagonism toȱdivineȱinjunction.ȱThisȱlogicȱnotȱonlyȱplacesȱsoldiers—whoȱtheȱspeakerȱclaims areȱinȱtheȱserviceȱofȱtheȱdevil—inȱdangerȱofȱdamnation,ȱitȱconfersȱonȱwarȱallȱthe negativeȱpropertiesȱofȱsinfulȱangerȱitself—madness,ȱidiocy,ȱirrationality,ȱblindness, hatred,ȱandȱapostasy.ȱToȱwageȱwarȱisȱthereforeȱtoȱdeclareȱwarȱonȱGodȱhimself;ȱit isȱnotȱbyȱaccidentȱthatȱChristȱisȱcalledȱtheȱPrinceȱofȱPeace. Theȱ“wayȱofȱpeace”ȱ(desȱfridesȱweg;ȱ64)ȱthatȱBeheimȱpropagatesȱthroughoutȱasȱa counterforceȱtoȱarmedȱconflictȱisȱaȱborrowedȱmetaphorȱfromȱPsalmȱ13,ȱtheȱviaȱpacis ofȱtheȱVulgate.25ȱThisȱpsalmȱaffordsȱaȱtemplate,ȱandȱanȱanalogy,ȱforȱinterpreting

23

24

25

HeinrichȱvonȱLangenstein:ȱErchantnuzzȱderȱsund,ȱ60:8–9ȱ(194)ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).ȱTheȱultimateȱsourceȱis Peraldus’sȱSummaȱdeȱvitiisȱ(citedȱalsoȱonȱp.ȱ194):ȱDominusȱamatȱpacemȱetȱperȱcontrariumȱguerramȱodit. JeffrieȱG.ȱMurphy,ȱ“TheȱKillingȱofȱtheȱInnocent,”ȱWar,ȱMorality,ȱandȱtheȱMilitaryȱProfession,ȱed. MalhamȱM.ȱWakinȱ(Boulder,ȱCO:ȱWestviewȱPress,ȱ1981),ȱ343–69. CitationsȱfromȱtheȱVulgateȱareȱaccordingȱtoȱtheȱedition,ȱBibliaȱsacra:iuxtaȱVulgatamȱversionem,ȱed. RobertusȱWeber,ȱ2ndȱed.ȱ(1969;ȱStuttgart:ȱWürttembergischeȱBibelanstalt,ȱ1975).ȱPsalmȱ13ȱinȱthe Septuagintȱversion,ȱbeginningȱDixitȱinsipiensȱinȱcordeȱsuoȱnonȱestȱDeus,ȱisȱcalledȱPsalmȱ14ȱinȱthe Masoreticȱversion.ȱIȱciteȱDavidȱhereȱasȱtheȱauthorȱofȱPsalmȱ13ȱbecauseȱMichelȱBeheimȱdoesȱso;ȱthe authorshipȱofȱPsalmȱ13ȱis,ȱhowever,ȱdisputed.ȱTheȱviaȱpacisȱpassage,ȱtheȱendingȱofȱverseȱ3,ȱis corruptȱandȱisȱnotȱcarriedȱoverȱintoȱmostȱpublishedȱversionsȱofȱPsalmȱ13ȱ(14).ȱTheȱkeyȱphraseȱis:

MichelȱBeheim’sȱVersesȱonȱWrathȱ

439

Vonȱ chriegen,ȱ invitingȱ theȱ audienceȱ toȱ makeȱ theȱ connectionȱ betweenȱ theȱ angry sinnersȱ ofȱ Psalmȱ 13ȱ andȱ theȱ angryȱ makersȱ ofȱ warȱ inȱ theȱ songȬpoem.ȱ Beheim exploitsȱtheȱparallelȱbyȱadoptingȱtheȱpsalmist’sȱinvectiveȱtoȱconcludeȱhisȱownȱtext: “AsȱDavidȱsaid:ȱ‘Greatȱdestructionȱandȱmiseryȱlieȱinȱtheirȱpath.ȱInȱnoȱmeasureȱhave theyȱknownȱtheȱwayȱofȱpeace’“ȱ(groß/reuȱundȱunseldȱistȱanȱirnȱstroß.ȱ/ȱdesȱfridesȱweg inȱ kainerȱ moßȱ /ȱ syȱ nichtȱ habenȱ erkande;ȱ 62–65).ȱ Theȱ vagueȱ pronounsȱ “their”ȱ and “they”ȱtoȱwhichȱbothȱDavidȱandȱBeheimȱreferȱare,ȱhowever,ȱaddressedȱtoȱdifferent audiences—withȱaȱshockingȱresult.ȱ DavidȱattacksȱtheȱimpiousȱfoolsȱwhoȱdenyȱtheȱexistenceȱofȱGod,ȱcallingȱsuch personsȱcorruptȱandȱabominableȱgoodȬforȬnothingsȱwithȱdeceitfulȱtonguesȱand poisonȱunderȱtheirȱlips.ȱHavingȱnoȱfearȱofȱGod,ȱtheyȱbitterlyȱcurseȱandȱblaspheme, andȱ areȱ swiftȱ toȱ shedȱ blood.ȱ Thenȱ theȱ psalmistȱ claimsȱ suchȱ peopleȱ liveȱ in destructionȱ andȱ unhappiness,ȱ notȱ knowingȱ theȱ pathȱ ofȱ peaceȱ (viamȱ pacisȱ non cognoveruntȱ 13:3).ȱ Beheimȱ nowȱ takesȱ David’sȱ generalȱ theologicalȱ lamentȱ on corrupt,ȱ irreligiousȱ personsȱ andȱ appliesȱ theȱ pronounȱ “they”ȱ specifically,ȱ and pointedly,ȱtoȱ“warriorsȱandȱmercenaries”ȱ(chriegerȱundȱsoldner;ȱ58).ȱ Inȱaȱstunningȱindictmentȱofȱbelligerents—andȱofȱthoseȱnoblemenȱwhoȱengage them—Beheimȱallows,ȱthroughȱanalogyȱonȱtheȱmodelȱofȱPsalmȱ13ȱ(andȱitsȱreceived versionȱ inȱ Romansȱ 3:10–18),ȱ theȱ inferenceȱ thatȱ theȱ unjust,ȱ theȱ degenerate,ȱ and soldiersȱareȱindistinguishable:ȱallȱtheirȱnumbersȱareȱungodly,ȱchurlishȱfoolsȱand blasphemers,ȱhavingȱbecomeȱabominableȱinȱtheirȱways.ȱTheyȱareȱdeceitful,ȱangry, bitter,ȱ cursingȱ menȱ whoȱ areȱ eagerȱ toȱ spillȱ blood.ȱ Inȱ theirȱ wakeȱ liesȱ aȱ trailȱ of destruction,ȱ unfamiliarȱ asȱ theyȱ areȱ withȱ theȱ pathȱ ofȱ peace.ȱ Byȱ thisȱ logic—and applicationȱofȱDavidicȱtheologyȱtoȱBeheim’sȱverses—warriorsȱareȱsimpleȬminded sinnersȱwhoȱdoȱnotȱregulateȱangerȱwithȱreason.ȱConsequently,ȱwarȱisȱidioticȱand isȱwaged—andȱpromotedȱbyȱsecularȱrulers—underȱtheȱpowerȱofȱsin.ȱAȱharsher critiqueȱwouldȱbeȱdifficultȱtoȱimagine.ȱ ItȱisȱplainȱthatȱBeheimȱhereȱadvancesȱanȱextremistȱpositionȱonȱwagingȱwar.ȱIn denyingȱtheȱlegitimacyȱofȱarmedȱconflict,ȱhisȱstanceȱisȱabsolutist,ȱevenȱextremist

etȱviamȱpacisȱnonȱcognoveruntȱ(13:3).ȱBecauseȱitȱwasȱquotedȱinȱRomansȱ3:17,ȱhowever,ȱtheȱphrase becameȱcanonicalȱforȱchastisingȱthoseȱwhoȱfailȱtoȱpromoteȱpeaceȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges.ȱTheȱverses bracketingȱviaȱpacisȱappear,ȱforȱexample,ȱinȱPiersȱPlowmanȱ(BȱVersion),ȱPassusȱIV:ȱ36–37:ȱContricio etȱinfelicitasȱinȱviisȱeorumȱ&cȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱNonȱestȱtimorȱDeiȱanteȱoculosȱeorumȱ&c.ȱCitedȱinȱPiersȱPlowman:ȱThe BȱVersion,ȱed.ȱGeorgeȱKaneȱandȱE.ȱTalbotȱDonaldsonȱ(London:ȱAthlone,ȱ1975),ȱ295.ȱCf.ȱtheȱsimilar referencesȱtoȱignoranceȱofȱtheȱ“wayȱofȱpeace”ȱbyȱPeraldus,ȱSummaȱdeȱvitiisȱ(etȱviamȱ pacisȱ non cognoscunt)ȱ andȱ Heinrichȱ vonȱ Langenstein,ȱ Erchantnuzzȱ derȱ sundȱ (desȱ fridsȱ wegȱ habentȱ syȱ nicht erchant),ȱbothȱappearingȱinȱtheȱlatterȱeditionȱonȱp.195.ȱTheȱversesȱinȱquestionȱinȱPsalmȱ13ȱ(14)ȱand Romansȱ3:ȱ13–18ȱreferȱtoȱtheȱfoolȱwhoȱlacksȱreligiousȱreverenceȱasȱhavingȱaȱthroatȱlikeȱanȱopen sepulcher;ȱhisȱtongueȱisȱdeceitful;ȱtheȱpoisonȱofȱaspsȱisȱunderȱhisȱlips;ȱhisȱmouthȱisȱfilledȱwith cursingȱandȱbitterness;ȱhisȱfeetȱareȱquickȱtoȱshedȱblood;ȱhisȱwayȱisȱdestructionȱandȱunhappiness; heȱdoesn’tȱknowȱtheȱwayȱofȱpeace;ȱandȱheȱdoesn’tȱfearȱGod.ȱTheȱNewȱEnglishȱBibleȱ(seeȱourȱnote 6)ȱrendersȱtheȱviaȱpacisȬverseȱas:ȱ“TheyȱareȱstrangersȱtoȱtheȱhighȬroadȱofȱpeace”ȱ(Romansȱ3:17).

440

WilliamȱC.ȱMcDonald

andȱutopian.ȱItȱisȱstrikingȱthatȱinȱtheseȱversesȱheȱshowsȱnoȱinterestȱinȱtheȱlegalȱand theologicalȱfineȱpointsȱasȱtoȱwhatȱconstitutesȱaȱjustȱwar.ȱThatȱtraditionȱisȱsketched neatlyȱbyȱTheodoreȱCaplowȱandȱLouisȱHicks: Christianityȱwasȱoriginallyȱpacifistȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱEarlyȱChristiansȱcouldȱnotȱbeȱsoldiers.ȱThis changedȱafterȱChristianityȱbecameȱtheȱstateȱreligionȱofȱRomeȱinȱtheȱfourthȱcentury.ȱSt. AmbroseȱandȱSt.ȱAugustineȱelaboratedȱCicero’sȱdoctrineȱofȱtheȱjustȱwar:ȱȱitȱmustȱbe declaredȱbyȱlegitimateȱauthority,ȱhaveȱaȱjustȱcause,ȱrightȱintention,ȱbeȱaȱlastȱresort,ȱhave aȱ highȱ probabilityȱ ofȱ success,ȱ provideȱ immunityȱ forȱ noncombatants,ȱ andȱ be proportionalȱtoȱtheȱends.26ȱ

InȱVonȱchriegenȱBeheimȱleavesȱnoȱroomȱforȱtheȱtwoȱbranchesȱofȱtheȱjustȱwarȱtheory, eitherȱtheȱdoctrineȱofȱjusȱadȱbellumȱ(theȱrightȱtoȱgoȱtoȱwar),ȱorȱjusȱinȱbelloȱ(correct conductȱinȱtheȱwar),ȱexposingȱeachȱasȱhollow.ȱThereȱisȱnoȱjustificationȱinȱhisȱverses hereȱ forȱ warȱ underȱ anyȱ conditions,ȱ andȱ theȱ conductȱ ofȱ theȱ soldiersȱ and mercenariesȱtoȱwhomȱheȱrefersȱisȱexecrable.ȱActingȱlikeȱmaraudingȱwildȱbeasts, theyȱterrorizeȱinnocentsȱandȱserveȱtheȱdevil’sȱendsȱofȱdeathȱandȱprivation.ȱBut Beheimȱwasȱunableȱtoȱsustainȱthisȱpristineȱvisionȱofȱpeace,ȱaȱvariationȱonȱIsaiah’s dreamȱofȱeternalȱpeace,ȱthroughoutȱhisȱpoeticȱwork.27ȱToȱuseȱtwoȱexamples,ȱhe onceȱseeksȱtoȱjustifyȱtheȱmilitaryȱactionsȱofȱtheȱHabsburgȱemperorȱduringȱtheȱsiege ofȱViennaȱ(beginningȱinȱ1462),ȱaȱsiegeȱheȱwitnessed.28ȱAnd,ȱagain,ȱheȱlamentsȱthe failureȱofȱChristianȱrulersȱtoȱpreventȱtheȱconquestȱofȱConstantinopleȱbyȱtheȱTurks inȱ1453.29ȱQuestionsȱofȱwhatȱmakesȱaȱwarȱjustȱBeheimȱwrestlesȱwithȱoutsideȱthe

26

27

28

29

TheodoreȱCaplowȱandȱLouisȱHicks,ȱSystemsȱofȱWarȱandȱPeace,ȱ2ndȱed.ȱ(1995;ȱLanham,ȱMD,ȱNew York,ȱandȱOxford:ȱUniversityȱPressȱofȱAmerica,ȱ2002),ȱ22.ȱOnȱtheȱjustȱwarȱtradition,ȱseeȱMichael Walzer,ȱ Justȱ andȱ Unjustȱ Wars:ȱ Aȱ Moralȱ Argumentȱ withȱ Historicalȱ Illustrationsȱ (Newȱ York:ȱ Basic Books,ȱ1977);ȱDonaldȱA.ȱWells,ȱ“HowȱMuchȱCanȱtheȱ‘JustȱWar’ȱJustify?”ȱWar,ȱMorality,ȱandȱthe MilitaryȱProfession,ȱed.ȱMalhamȱM.ȱWakinȱ(Boulder,ȱCO:ȱWestviewȱPress,ȱ1981),ȱ259–71;ȱWilliam R.ȱStevenson,ȱChristianȱLoveȱandȱJustȱWar:ȱMoralȱParadoxȱandȱPoliticalȱLifeȱinȱSt.ȱAugustineȱandȱhis ModernȱInterpretersȱ(Macon,ȱGA:ȱMercerȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1987);ȱPaulȱChristopher,ȱTheȱEthicsȱof WarȱandȱPeace:ȱAnȱIntroductionȱtoȱLegalȱandȱMoralȱIssuesȱ(EnglewoodȱCliffs,ȱNewȱJersey:ȱPrenticeȬ Hall,ȱ1994);ȱJohnȱMarkȱMattox,ȱSaintȱAugustineȱandȱtheȱTheoryȱofȱJustȱWarȱ(LondonȱandȱNewȱYork: Continuum,ȱ 2006);ȱ andȱ Howardȱ M.ȱ Hensel,ȱ Theȱ Legitimateȱ Useȱ ofȱ Militaryȱ Force:ȱ Theȱ Justȱ War TraditionȱandȱtheȱCustomaryȱLawȱofȱArmedȱConflictȱ(Aldershot,ȱUK,ȱandȱBurlington,VT:ȱAshgate, 2008).ȱConcerningȱmedievalȱwarfareȱitself,ȱseeȱMauriceȱH.ȱKeen,ȱLawsȱofȱWarȱinȱtheȱLateȱMiddle Agesȱ(London:ȱRoutledge,ȱ1965);ȱandȱPhilippeȱContamine,ȱWarȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱtrans.ȱMichael Jonesȱ(1980;ȱOxford:ȱBlackwell,ȱ1984).ȱ[Ed.ȱNote:ȱonȱJustȱWar,ȱseeȱalsoȱtheȱarticlesȱbyȱBenȱSnook inȱtheȱpresentȱvolume.] OnȱIsaiahȱandȱpeace,ȱseeȱIsaiah’sȱVisionȱofȱPeaceȱinȱBiblicalȱandȱModernȱInternationalȱRelations:ȱSwords intoȱ Plowshares,ȱ ed.ȱ Raymondȱ Cohenȱ andȱ Raymondȱ Westbrook.ȱ Cultureȱ andȱ Religionȱ in InternationalȱRelationsȱ(NewȱYork:ȱPalgraveȱMacmillan,ȱ2008). SeeȱtheȱdiscussionȱbyȱChristophȱPetzsch,ȱ“MichelȱBeheimsȱ‘BuchȱvonȱdenȱWienern’,”ȱMitteilungen derȱKommissionȱfürȱMusikforschungȱ23ȱ(1973):ȱ266–315. SongȬPoemȱ 446:ȱ Vonȱ denȱ Türkenȱ undȱ demȱ adelȱ sagtȱ disȱ (Thisȱ tellsȱ aboutȱ theȱ Turksȱ andȱ our noblemen).ȱSongsȱonȱtheȱTurksȱareȱdiscussedȱbyȱSenolȱÖzyurt,ȱDieȱTürkenliederȱundȱdasȱTürkenbild

MichelȱBeheim’sȱVersesȱonȱWrathȱ

441

frameȱ ofȱ hisȱ Littleȱ Book.ȱ Andȱ itȱ isȱ fairȱ toȱ sayȱ heȱ showsȱ elsewhereȱ aȱ modified supportȱforȱtheȱtheoryȱofȱaȱjustȱwar.ȱHeȱwouldȱnoȱdoubtȱargueȱthatȱtheȱviews expressedȱinȱVonȱchriegenȱareȱanȱideal,ȱareȱinȱconcordȱwithȱaȱBiblicalȱvision,ȱandȱare thereforeȱwhatȱshouldȱcomeȱtoȱpass,ȱnotȱwhatȱexistsȱinȱtheȱearthlyȱsphere.ȱInȱany event,ȱtheȱwarfareȱthatȱBeheimȱarguesȱagainstȱinȱVonȱchriegen,ȱconflictȱunderȱthe signȱofȱsinfulȱangerȱthatȱbringsȱpoverty,ȱhunger,ȱthirstȱandȱcoldȱtoȱinnocents,ȱhas noȱconnectionȱwhatsoeverȱtoȱjustȱwars.ȱHeȱalludesȱtoȱarmiesȱasȱinȱleagueȱwithȱthe devil,ȱdevastatingȱlandscapesȱandȱterrorizingȱnoncombatants.ȱ Ifȱwarȱisȱangerȱbyȱanotherȱname,ȱthenȱthatȱangerȱmustȱbeȱseenȱasȱaȱsin—and purged.ȱAtȱtheȱsameȱtimeȱBeheimȱpromotesȱIsaiah’sȱvisionȱofȱpeaceȱonȱearthȱand anȱ endȱ toȱ maliciousȱ andȱ destructiveȱ behavior,ȱ hisȱ hiddenȱ modelȱ isȱ theȱ man withoutȱanger,ȱthatȱpersonȱwhoȱwillȱshutȱhisȱmouthȱinsteadȱofȱopeningȱitȱinȱstrife, cursing,ȱblaspheming,ȱandȱinjuringȱhisȱneighborȱwithȱpoisonousȱwords.ȱThisȱman isȱtheȱcounterpartȱtoȱtheȱmilitaryȱmanȱand,ȱifȱheȱapproachesȱanyȱprofessionȱon earth,ȱ itȱ isȱ theȱ monkȬfigureȱ ofȱ Johnȱ Cassian’sȱ writingsȱ onȱ theȱ Deadlyȱ Sins mentionedȱabove.ȱTheȱtaskȱofȱtheȱpeacefulȱman,ȱlikeȱthoseȱleadingȱtheȱcenobitical life,ȱisȱtoȱ ridȱhimselfȱofȱanger,ȱforgiveȱhisȱenemies,ȱtrustȱinȱGod,ȱandȱobeyȱthe divineȱinjunctionȱthatȱpeace,ȱnotȱwar,ȱisȱtoȱprevail.ȱToȱfollowȱtheȱpathȱofȱpeaceȱis toȱrecognizeȱthatȱweaponsȱandȱwarȱareȱanȱextremeȱsolution,ȱtoȱbeȱusedȱonlyȱforȱthe propagationȱofȱtheȱfaithȱinȱaȱcauseȱblessedȱbyȱheaven.ȱTheȱonlyȱwarȱforȱwhich ChristiansȱareȱtoȱprepareȱisȱtheȱstruggleȱagainstȱSatan,ȱandȱnoȱother.

inȱderȱdeutschenȱVolksüberlieferungȱvomȱ16.ȱbisȱzumȱ20.ȱJahrhundert.ȱMotive,ȱ4ȱ(Munich:ȱW.ȱFink, 1972);ȱandȱBertrandȱBuchmann,ȱTürkenlieder:ȱZuȱdenȱTürkenkriegenȱundȱbesondersȱzurȱzweitenȱWiener Türkenbelagerungȱ(Vienna:ȱH.ȱBöhlau,ȱ1983).

Chapterȱ17 JoanȱTaskerȱGrimbert (CatholicȱUniversityȱofȱAmerica,ȱWashington,ȱDC)

LoveȱandȱWarȱinȱtheȱFifteenthȬCenturyȱBurgundianȱ ProseȱCligés:ȱTheȱDukeȱofȱSaxony’sȱPassionȱforȱFenice

1.ȱIntroduction:ȱTheȱCourtȱofȱPhilipȱtheȱGood Duringȱtheȱturbulentȱfourteenthȱandȱfifteenthȱcenturies,ȱtheȱdukesȱofȱBurgundy wereȱengagedȱinȱongoingȱpowerȱandȱterritorialȱstrugglesȱwithȱEngland,ȱFrance, andȱtheȱduchy’sȱneighborsȱtoȱtheȱnorthȱandȱeastȱforȱasȱlongȱasȱtheirȱrealmȱlasted. Theȱ apogeeȱ ofȱ Burgundyȱ wasȱ reachedȱ duringȱ theȱ reignȱ ofȱ Philipȱ theȱ Good (1419–1467);ȱ atȱ itsȱ heightȱ itsȱ domainsȱ includedȱ theȱ twoȱ Burgundies,ȱ Artois, Flanders,ȱ Hainault,ȱ Holland,ȱ Zeeland,ȱ Brabant,ȱ Limburg,ȱ Lothier,ȱ Namur,ȱ and Luxembourg.1ȱ Forȱ theirȱ armedȱ conflicts,ȱ theȱ dukesȱ hadȱ accessȱ toȱ theȱ most sophisticatedȱ weaponry,ȱ andȱ Philipȱ theȱ Good,ȱ inȱ particular,ȱ assembledȱ an impressiveȱstoreȱofȱartillery.2ȱPhilipȱactuallyȱshowedȱaȱpreferenceȱforȱdiplomacy (includingȱ aȱ varietyȱ ofȱ politicalȱ marriages)ȱ overȱ warȱ inȱ orderȱ toȱ createȱ and reinforceȱ alliances.ȱ Nevertheless,ȱ combatȱ hadȱ greatȱ appealȱ forȱ theȱ Burgundian nobility,ȱandȱmanyȱtournamentsȱwereȱorganizedȱforȱtheirȱentertainment.ȱPhilip himselfȱwasȱaȱgreatȱjouster,ȱanȱactivityȱheȱenjoyedȱevenȱmoreȱthanȱhuntingȱand falconry.3ȱ Theȱduke’sȱabidingȱinterestȱinȱchivalryȱaccountsȱforȱhisȱcreation,ȱinȱ1430—atȱthe weddingȱfeastȱofȱhisȱmarriageȱtoȱIsabelȱofȱPortugal—ofȱtheȱOrderȱofȱtheȱGolden

1

2

3

SeeȱespeciallyȱRichardȱVaughan’sȱclassicȱwork,ȱPhilipȱtheȱGood:ȱTheȱApogeeȱofȱBurgundyȱ(NewȱYork: Barnesȱ&ȱNoble,ȱ1970). Robertȱ Douglasȱ Smithȱ andȱ Kellyȱ DeVries,ȱ Theȱ Artilleryȱ ofȱ theȱ Dukesȱ ofȱ Burgundyȱ 1363–1477. ArmoursȱandȱWeapons,ȱ1ȱ(Woodbridge,ȱUK,ȱandȱRochester,ȱNY:ȱBoydell,ȱ2005).ȱ Onȱtheseȱrecreations,ȱseeȱespeciallyȱVaughan,ȱPhilipȱtheȱGood,ȱ145–49ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).

444

JoanȱTaskerȱGrimbert

Fleece.ȱReminiscentȱofȱtheȱKnightsȱofȱtheȱRoundȱTableȱinȱArthurianȱliterature,ȱand, inȱrealȱlife,ȱlikeȱtheȱOrderȱofȱtheȱGarter,ȱitsȱEnglishȱcounterpart,ȱPhilip’sȱorderȱmet inȱsolemnȱassemblyȱonceȱaȱyear.ȱItȱnumberedȱnotȱtwelveȱbutȱtwentyȬfourȱknights: “menȱofȱnobleȱandȱlegitimateȱbirthȱandȱwithoutȱreproach,ȱchosenȱbyȱtheȱdukeȱfrom amongȱtheȱgentryȱofȱArtois,ȱFrenchȬspeakingȱFlanders,ȱandȱtheȱtwoȱBurgundies.”4 Eventually,ȱthough,ȱitȱincludedȱknightsȱfromȱallȱpartsȱofȱtheȱrealm,ȱsinceȱoneȱofȱits mostȱimportantȱfunctionsȱwasȱ“toȱuniteȱtheȱnobilityȱofȱtheȱdifferentȱterritoriesȱand bindȱthemȱinȱcloseȱpersonalȱdependenceȱonȱtheȱduke.”5ȱTheȱOrderȱofȱtheȱGolden Fleeceȱalsoȱhelpedȱtoȱconsolidateȱtheȱduke’sȱalliancesȱwithȱneighboringȱprinces,ȱfor membershipȱwasȱopenȱtoȱthemȱasȱwell. Burgundyȱwasȱknownȱnotȱonlyȱforȱitsȱmilitaryȱmight,ȱofȱcourse,ȱbutȱalsoȱforȱits flourishingȱ culture.ȱ Philipȱ theȱ Goodȱ presidedȱ overȱ theȱ mostȱ splendidȱ courtȱ in Europeȱandȱwasȱtheȱgreatestȱartȱpatronȱofȱhisȱtime.ȱNoȱlessȱaȱpersonageȱthanȱJan vanȱ Eyckȱ wasȱ hisȱ officialȱ courtȱ painterȱ andȱ valetȱ deȱ chambreȱ (highlyȬesteemed manservant).ȱAȱgreatȱbibliophile,ȱPhilipȱhadȱaȱparticularlyȱimpressiveȱlibrary,ȱand inȱ theȱ courseȱ ofȱ hisȱ reignȱ heȱ quadrupledȱ theȱ 250Ȭbookȱ collectionȱ thatȱ heȱ had inherited.ȱAsȱheȱwasȱparticularlyȱfondȱofȱillustratedȱbooks,ȱheȱformedȱgroupsȱof scribesȱ andȱ illuminatorsȱ toȱ produceȱ them.ȱ Heȱ alsoȱ maintainedȱ writersȱ and chroniclersȱatȱhisȱcourtȱandȱpossessedȱanȱunusualȱnumberȱofȱchivalricȱepicsȱand romances.ȱForȱhisȱlibraryȱheȱcollectedȱtheȱworksȱofȱearlierȱauthorsȱlikeȱChrétienȱde Troyes,ȱandȱalsoȱcommissionedȱmanyȱworks,ȱincludingȱentirelyȱnewȱones,ȱasȱwell asȱproseȱversionsȱofȱexistingȱverseȱworks.6 Chrétien’sȱErecȱetȱEnideȱandȱCligésȱwereȱamongȱthoseȱthatȱwereȱrenderedȱinto proseȱatȱPhilip’sȱcourt.ȱOfȱhisȱfiveȱromances,ȱCligésȱisȱtheȱoneȱthatȱcontainsȱthe mostȱscenesȱofȱcombatȱandȱtheȱonlyȱoneȱthatȱfeaturesȱaȱwar—twoȱwars,ȱinȱfact:ȱthe oneȱthatȱArthurȱwagesȱagainstȱtheȱtraitorȱAngrésȱandȱtheȱoneȱthatȱtheȱdukeȱof SaxonyȱinitiatesȱagainstȱtheȱemperorsȱofȱGermanyȱandȱConstantinople.ȱInȱeach war,ȱaȱprominentȱroleȱisȱgrantedȱtheȱheroȱofȱthatȱpartȱofȱtheȱromance,ȱAlixandre andȱCligés,ȱrespectively.ȱGivenȱtheȱkeenȱinterestȱthatȱbattlesȱandȱtournamentsȱhad

4

5 6

Vaughan,ȱPhilipȱtheȱGood,ȱ57ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱItȱisȱamusingȱthatȱalthoughȱtheȱGoldenȱFleeceȱbecameȱa popularȱmotifȱinȱBurgundianȱartȱandȱliterature,ȱtheȱdukeȱwasȱforcedȱtoȱsubstituteȱ“theȱimpeccably biblicalȱGideon”ȱasȱtheȱmainȱprotagonistȱofȱtheȱquestȱforȱtheȱGoldenȱFleeceȱforȱJason,ȱsinceȱthe latter’sȱdesertionȱofȱMedeaȱmadeȱhimȱaȱlessȱthanȱexemplaryȱpatronȱ(Vaughan,ȱ162). Vaughan,ȱPhilipȱtheȱGoodȱ161ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1), GeorgesȱDoutrepont,ȱLaȱLittératureȱfrançaiseȱàȱlaȱcourȱdesȱDucsȱdeȱBourgogne:ȱPhilippeȱleȱHardi,ȱJean sansȱPeur,ȱPhilippeȱleȱBon,ȱCharlesȱleȱTéméraireȱ(Paris:ȱChampion,ȱ1909;ȱrpt.ȱGeneva:ȱSlatkine,ȱ1970), 10,ȱ66–67,ȱ480–94.ȱVaughan,ȱPhilipȱtheȱGood,ȱ155,ȱ157ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1).ȱTheȱducalȱlibraryȱincludedȱa volumeȱthatȱcontainedȱthreeȱofȱChrétien’sȱromancesȱinȱverse:ȱLeȱChevalierȱauȱlion,ȱLeȱChevalierȱde laȱ charrette,ȱ andȱ Cligés.ȱ Seeȱ Patrickȱ M.ȱ Deȱ Winter,ȱ Laȱ Bibliothèqueȱ deȱ Philippeȱ leȱ Hardi,ȱ ducȱ de Bourgogneȱ(1364–1404):ȱÉtudeȱsurȱlesȱmanuscritsȱàȱpeintureȱd’uneȱcollectionȱprincièreȱàȱl’époqueȱduȱ“style gothiqueȱinternational.”ȱDocuments,ȱétudesȱetȱrépertoires.ȱInstitutȱdeȱRechercheȱetȱdȇHistoireȱdes Textes,ȱ50ȱ(Paris:ȱCentreȱNationalȱdeȱRechercheȱScientifique,ȱ1985),ȱ250–51.ȱ

LoveȱandȱWarȱinȱtheȱFifteenthȬCenturyȱBurgundianȱProseȱCligés

445

forȱtheȱBurgundianȱcourt,ȱitȱisȱlogicalȱthatȱPhilipȱshouldȱhaveȱbeenȱattractedȱtoȱthis particularȱromance.ȱAnotherȱreasonȱforȱthatȱattractionȱmayȱhaveȱbeenȱthatȱCligés isȱtheȱonlyȱoneȱofȱChrétien’sȱromancesȱthatȱisȱcenteredȱinȱtheȱMediterranean,ȱan areaȱonȱwhichȱtheȱduke’sȱdreamsȱofȱterritorialȱexpansionȱwereȱfocusedȱstartingȱin aboutȱ 1440.ȱ Indeed,ȱ Philipȱ evenȱ attemptedȱ toȱ launchȱ aȱ crusadeȱ toȱ free Constantinople,ȱwhichȱhadȱfallenȱtoȱtheȱTurksȱinȱ1453.7

2.ȱLoveȱandȱWarȱinȱChrétien’sȱCligésȱandȱtheȱProseȱCligés Datingȱfromȱ1454–1455ȱandȱpreservedȱinȱaȱsingleȱmanuscriptȱinȱtheȱUniversitätsȬ bibliothekȱofȱLeipzigȱ(Rep.II.108),ȱtheȱanonymousȱproseȱCligésȱfirstȱbecameȱknown throughȱtheȱtranscriptionȱthatȱWendelinȱFoersterȱappendedȱtoȱhisȱ1884ȱeditionȱof Chrétien’sȱCligés.8ȱGeorgesȱDoutrepontȱwasȱamongȱtheȱfirstȱscholarsȱtoȱexamine theȱromance,ȱinitiallyȱinȱtheȱcontextȱofȱtheȱliteratureȱproducedȱatȱtheȱcourtsȱofȱthe dukesȱofȱBurgundyȱandȱthenȱasȱpartȱofȱtheȱwaveȱofȱ“prosifications”ȱthatȱwere producedȱinȱtheȱlateȱMiddleȱAges.9ȱHisȱfirstȱjudgmentȱ(1909)ȱofȱtheȱproseȱCligés wasȱthatȱitȱlackedȱoriginality:ȱtheȱauthorȱhadȱbarelyȱmodifiedȱhisȱmodelȱ(Chrétien’s

7

8

9

OnȱPhilip’sȱinitiativesȱinȱtheȱMediterranean,ȱseeȱVaughan,ȱPhilipȱtheȱGood,ȱchs.ȱ9ȱandȱ11ȱ(seeȱnote 1).ȱItȱisȱtrueȱthat,ȱasȱMariaȱColomboȱTimelliȱnotes,ȱtheȱConstantinopleȱmentionedȱinȱtheȱromance isȱonlyȱtheȱdistantȱandȱsketchilyȱdescribedȱcapitalȱofȱaȱGreekȱempireȱwhoseȱprotagonistsȱyearnȱto leaveȱinȱorderȱtoȱfulfillȱtheirȱchivalricȱaspirationsȱatȱArthur’sȱcourt;ȱseeȱtheȱintroductionȱtoȱher editionȱofȱtheȱproseȱCligés,ȱ12ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8ȱbelow).ȱColomboȱTimelliȱobservesȱthatȱcontemporary eventsȱatȱtheȱduke’sȱcourtȱmayȱhaveȱmovedȱtheȱproseȱwriterȱtoȱexploitȱcertainȱmotifsȱandȱepisodes foundȱinȱhisȱmodelȱ(40–41).ȱSeeȱalsoȱherȱarticle,ȱ“LeȱCligèsȱenȱproseȱ(1455),ȱouȱl’actualisationȱd’un ancienȱ conteȱ enȱ vers,”ȱ Actesȱ duȱ IIeȱ Colloqueȱ Internationalȱ surȱ laȱ Littératureȱ enȱ Moyenȱ Français: L’Analisiȱlinguisticaȱeȱletterariaȱ8ȱ(2000):ȱ327–40. WendelinȱFoerster,ȱChristianȱvonȱTroyesȱsämtlicheȱWerke:ȱNachȱallenȱbekanntenȱHandschriften.ȱVol.ȱ1: Cligésȱ(Halleȱa.ȱd.ȱS.:ȱNiemeyer,ȱ1884).ȱTheȱproseȱErecȱwasȱcompletedȱaroundȱtheȱsameȱtimeȱforȱthe sameȱcourt,ȱthoughȱprobablyȱnotȱbyȱtheȱsameȱwriter.ȱFoersterȱalsoȱpublishedȱaȱtranscriptionȱinȱthe appendixȱofȱhisȱ1890ȱeditionȱofȱChrétien’sȱErecȱetȱEnide.ȱFortunately,ȱMariaȱColomboȱTimelliȱhas producedȱexcellentȱcriticalȱeditionsȱofȱboth:ȱL’Histoireȱd’ErecȱenȱProse.ȱRomanȱduȱXVeȱSiècle.ȱTextes littérairesȱfrançais,ȱ524ȱ(Geneva:ȱDroz,ȱ2000),ȱandȱLeȱLivreȱdeȱAlixandreȱEmpereurȱdeȱConstentinoble etȱdeȱCligésȱsonȱfilz:ȱRomanȱenȱproseȱduȱXVeȱsiècle.ȱTextesȱlittérairesȱfrançais,ȱ567ȱ(Geneva:ȱDroz, 2004).ȱCarolȱJ.ȱChaseȱandȱIȱhaveȱtranslatedȱbothȱproseȱromances,ȱErecȱandȱCligés,ȱrespectively, whichȱwillȱbeȱpublishedȱinȱaȱsingleȱvolumeȱbyȱBoydellȱandȱBrewerȱ(currentlyȱinȱpress:ȱChrétien deȱTroyesȱinȱProse:ȱTheȱBurgundianȱErecȱandȱCligés).ȱForȱtheȱpassagesȱinȱMiddleȱFrenchȱcitedȱhere, Iȱ useȱ Colomboȱ Timelli’sȱ edition;ȱ allȱ translationsȱ intoȱ Englishȱ areȱ myȱ own.ȱ Quotationsȱ from Chrétien’sȱromanceȱareȱfromȱCligès,ȱed.ȱStewartȱGregoryȱandȱClaudeȱLuttrell.ȱArthurianȱStudies, 28ȱ(Cambridge,ȱUK,ȱandȱRochester,ȱNY:ȱD.ȱS.ȱBrewer,ȱ1993);ȱtheȱEnglishȱtranslationsȱareȱmyȱown. Georgesȱ Doutrepont,ȱ Laȱ Littératureȱ française,ȱ andȱ Lesȱ Misesȱ enȱ proseȱ desȱ épopéesȱ etȱ desȱ romans chevaleresquesȱduȱXIVeȱauȱXVIeȱsiècle.ȱAcadémieȱroyaleȱdeȱBelgique.ȱClassȱdesȱlettresȱ[etȱdesȱsciences moralesȱetȱpolitiques].ȱMémoires.ȱCollectionȱinȬ8.ȱ[2ndȱsér.]ȱt.ȱXL,ȱfasc.ȱuniqueȱ(Brussels:ȱPalaisȱdes Académies,ȱ1939;ȱrpt.ȱGeneva:ȱSlatkine,ȱ1969).ȱ

446

JoanȱTaskerȱGrimbert

romance)ȱand,ȱwhenȱitȱhadȱoccurredȱtoȱhimȱtoȱaddȱanȱepisode,ȱitȱwasȱscarcely moreȱthanȱanȱembellishment.10ȱHowever,ȱthreeȱdecadesȱlaterȱ(1939),ȱtheȱBelgian criticȱ wasȱ willingȱ toȱ admitȱ thatȱ theȱ authorȱ hadȱ putȱ someȱ effortȱ intoȱ thisȱ “free translation,”ȱmakingȱchanges—addingȱorȱomittingȱdetails—thatȱheȱthoughtȱwould resonateȱwithȱhisȱaudienceȱinȱaccordanceȱwithȱaȱprocessȱthatȱJaneȱH.ȱM.ȱTaylorȱhas calledȱ“acculturation.”11ȱThus,ȱheȱamplifiedȱpassagesȱdealingȱwithȱwarȱorȱ“war games”ȱ (tournaments)ȱ andȱ courtȱ entertainmentsȱ andȱ condensedȱ theȱ love monologuesȱ andȱ psychologicalȱ analysesȱ thatȱ wouldȱ haveȱ hadȱ lessȱ appealȱ for fifteenthȬcenturyȱ audiencesȱ thanȱ forȱ aȱ publicȱ likeȱ Chrétien’sȱ steepedȱ inȱ the casuistryȱofȱfin’amorȱ(“fineȱlove,”ȱi.ȱe.,ȱcourtlyȱlove).ȱDoutrepontȱadmitted,ȱthough, thatȱtheȱproseȱwriter’sȱoriginalityȱdidȱextendȱtoȱtheȱadditionȱofȱseveralȱpassages thatȱdealtȱwithȱlove—theȱtenderȱsceneȱofȱ“adieux”ȱbetweenȱAlixandreȱandȱhis mother,ȱaȱwholeȱnewȱepisodeȱinȱwhichȱCligésȱcomesȱuponȱaȱforlornȱladyȱhiding outȱinȱtheȱwoodsȱtoȱescapeȱanȱunwantedȱmarriageȱwhileȱawaitingȱtheȱreturnȱofȱher lover,ȱandȱpassagesȱinȱwhichȱtheȱauthorȱactuallyȱimitatedȱChrétien’sȱstyle.12 Sinceȱ Doutrepont,ȱ however,ȱ veryȱ littleȱ hasȱ beenȱ madeȱ ofȱ theȱ proseȱ writer’s apparentȱinterestȱinȱsentimentalȱmatters.ȱScholarsȱwhoȱhaveȱcomparedȱtheȱprose CligésȱwithȱChrétien’sȱverseȱnarrativeȱseemȱgenerallyȱtoȱagreeȱthat,ȱofȱtheȱtwoȱmain themesȱstructuringȱtheȱoriginalȱromance—loveȱandȱprowess—theȱproseȱwriter, apparentlyȱmuchȱmoreȱinterestedȱinȱtheȱmilitaryȱaspects,ȱgaveȱshortȱshriftȱtoȱthe loveȱ intrigue.ȱ Norrisȱ J.ȱ Lacyȱ hasȱ surmisedȱ thatȱ heȱ mayȱ haveȱ foundȱ theȱ love monologuesȱ“tedious”,ȱwhichȱcausedȱhimȱtoȱ“abridgeȱthemȱdrastically,ȱeffacing muchȱ ofȱ theȱ psychologicalȱ subtletyȱ ofȱ theȱ originalȱ andȱ consequentlyȱ placing greaterȱemphasisȱonȱadventuresȱandȱwarfare.”13ȱInȱfurtherȱsupportȱofȱtheȱprose writer’sȱfascinationȱwithȱwar,ȱColomboȱTimelliȱhasȱobservedȱthatȱtheȱblankȱspaces inȱtheȱmanuscriptȱthatȱwereȱsetȱasideȱtoȱbeȱcompletedȱbyȱtheȱilluminatorȱwere

10 11

12

13

Doutrepont,ȱLittératureȱfrançaise,ȱ67ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9). Doutrepont,ȱLesȱMisesȱenȱprose,ȱ335,ȱ503,ȱ659–60,ȱ672–74ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9);ȱJaneȱH.ȱM.ȱTaylor,ȱ“The SignificanceȱofȱtheȱInsignificant:ȱReadingȱReceptionȱinȱtheȱBurgundianȱErecȱandȱCligés,”ȱFifteenthȬ CenturyȱStudiesȱ24ȱ(1998):ȱ183–97.ȱSeeȱalsoȱMarthaȱWallen,ȱ“TheȱArtȱofȱAdaptationȱinȱtheȱFifteenthȬ CenturyȱErecȱetȱEnideȱandȱCligès,”ȱPh.D.ȱdiss.,ȱUniversityȱofȱWisconsinȬMadison,ȱ1972. Doutrepont,ȱLesȱMisesȱenȱprose,ȱ505–06,ȱ526–27,ȱ532,ȱ550,ȱandȱ612ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9).ȱOnȱtheȱepisodeȱof theȱforlornȱlady,ȱseeȱColomboȱTimelli,ȱCligés,ȱ37–38ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8),ȱandȱmyȱanalysisȱofȱitsȱfunction inȱ“TheȱFifteenthȬCenturyȱProseȱCligés:ȱBetterȱthanȱJustȱCuttingȱtoȱtheȱChase,”ȱArthurianaȱ18ȱ(2008): 62–72.ȱ Seeȱhisȱsectionȱonȱ“ArthurianȱBurgundy:ȱTheȱPoliticsȱofȱArthur,”ȱinȱ“LateȱMedievalȱArthurian Literature,”ȱTheȱArthurȱofȱtheȱFrench.ȱTheȱArthurianȱLegendȱinȱMedievalȱFrenchȱandȱOccitanȱLiterature, ed.ȱ Glynȱ S.ȱ Burgessȱ andȱ Karenȱ Pratt.ȱ Arthurianȱ Literatureȱ inȱ theȱ Middleȱ Ages,ȱ 4ȱ (Cardiff: UniversityȱofȱWalesȱPress,ȱ2006),ȱ494–96;ȱhereȱ496.ȱSeeȱalsoȱCharityȱCannonȱWillard’sȱparticularly harshȱ assessmentȱ ofȱ theȱ proseȱ Cligés,ȱ whichȱ sheȱ thoughtȱ seemedȱ “faded”ȱ withoutȱ theȱ love analyses:ȱ“TheȱMisfortunesȱofȱCligésȱatȱtheȱCourtȱofȱBurgundy,”ȱArturusȱRexȱ2:ȱActaȱConventus Lovaniensisȱ 1987,ȱ ed.ȱ Willyȱ Vanȱ Hoecke,ȱ Gilbertȱ Tournoy,ȱ andȱ Wernerȱ Verbeke,ȱ 2ȱ vols. MediaevaliaȱLovaniensia,ȱ17ȱ(Louvain:ȱLeuvenȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1991),ȱ2:ȱ397–403;ȱhereȱȱ402–03.

LoveȱandȱWarȱinȱtheȱFifteenthȬCenturyȱBurgundianȱProseȱCligés

447

clearlyȱintendedȱforȱscenesȱofȱcombat.ȱTheseȱincludeȱ(inȱadditionȱtoȱtheȱbeginning ofȱtheȱromanceȱandȱtheȱtransitionȱbetweenȱtheȱtwoȱparts):ȱtheȱsiegeȱofȱWindsor Castle,ȱtheȱassaultȱonȱtheȱcastle,ȱtheȱbattleȱbetweenȱArthur’sȱknightsȱandȱtheȱarmy ofȱtheȱCountȱofȱWindsor,ȱtheȱcombatȱbetweenȱCligésȱandȱArchadés,ȱArchadés’s attackȱonȱCligés,ȱCligés’sȱattackȱonȱtheȱSaxons,ȱandȱCligés’sȱchallengeȱtoȱtheȱduke ofȱ Saxony.14ȱ Inȱ theȱ analysisȱ thatȱ follows,ȱ weȱ shallȱ seeȱ howȱ theȱ proseȱ writer amplifiedȱsomeȱofȱtheseȱveryȱmoments,ȱbutȱinȱaȱwayȱthatȱactuallyȱcontributesȱto theȱelaborationȱofȱtheȱloveȱintrigue. Ifȱ theȱ illuminatorȱ didȱ notȱ haveȱ theȱ opportunityȱ toȱ exerciseȱ hisȱ virtuosityȱ in depictingȱ combat,ȱ theȱ proseȱ writerȱ did,ȱ andȱ heȱ didȱ soȱ muchȱ more—andȱ with arguablyȱmoreȱsuccess—thanȱdidȱChrétien.ȱAlthoughȱheȱdulyȱfollowedȱtheȱgeneral schemeȱthatȱheȱfoundȱinȱhisȱmodel,ȱheȱ“filledȱinȱtheȱspaces,”ȱsoȱtoȱspeak,ȱthat Chrétienȱleftȱ“onȱtheȱbattlefield.”ȱForȱitȱmustȱbeȱsaidȱthatȱtheȱChampenoisȱpoet showedȱ littleȱ realȱ interestȱ inȱ describingȱ realisticallyȱ theȱ variousȱ combatsȱ that confrontȱhisȱheroesȱinȱhisȱromances.ȱIndeed,ȱheȱoftenȱchoseȱtoȱfilterȱthemȱthrough theȱeyesȱofȱtheȱspectators,ȱwhoȱmarveledȱaloudȱatȱwhatȱtheyȱsawȱunfoldingȱbefore them,ȱ describingȱ theȱ actionȱ likeȱ soȱ manyȱ sportsȱ commentators.ȱ Thereȱ are numerousȱexamplesȱofȱthisȱnarrativeȱtactic:ȱweȱneedȱonlyȱthinkȱofȱtheȱspeculation thatȱ greetsȱ Cligés’sȱ successiveȱ joustsȱ withȱ Arthur’sȱ bestȱ knights,ȱ orȱ thatȱ ofȱ the ladiesȱwhoȱmarvelȱatȱYvain’sȱprowessȱinȱhisȱcombatȱagainstȱCountȱAlier,ȱorȱthat ofȱtheȱtwoȱsistersȱwhoȱwitnessȱGauvain’sȱcombatȱwithȱMeliantȱdeȱLisȱinȱLeȱConte duȱGraalȱ(StoryȱofȱtheȱGrail).ȱChrétienȱalsoȱenjoyedȱoverlayingȱscenesȱofȱcombat withȱnarratorialȱcommentary,ȱsuchȱasȱwhen,ȱinȱLeȱChevalierȱauȱlionȱ(TheȱKnightȱof theȱLion),ȱtheȱtwoȱheroesȱYvainȱandȱGauvain,ȱbestȱfriendsȱinȱreality,ȱconfrontȱeach otherȱ incognitoȱ asȱ mortalȱ enemiesȱ inȱ theȱ judicialȱ duelȱ designedȱ toȱ resolveȱ the disputeȱbetweenȱtheȱtwoȱdaughtersȱofȱtheȱLordȱofȱNoireȱEspine.15 InȱCligés,ȱweȱmightȱhaveȱexpectedȱChrétienȱtoȱtakeȱaȱdifferentȱattitude,ȱfor,ȱas LucieȱPolakȱonceȱnoted,ȱthisȱromanceȱdealsȱmuchȱmoreȱextensivelyȱthanȱtheȱothers withȱ“realȱwarfare.”ȱAccordingȱtoȱherȱcalculations,ȱtheȱsectionsȱonȱwarfareȱaccount forȱ 38%ȱ inȱ theȱ storyȱ ofȱ Cligés’sȱ fatherȱ Alixandre,ȱ whileȱ thoseȱ onȱ warfareȱ and joustingȱaccountȱforȱnearlyȱ30%ȱinȱCligés’sȱstory.16ȱButȱtheseȱstatisticsȱareȱquite

14

15

16

Colomboȱ Timelli,ȱ Cligés,ȱ 20–21ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 8).ȱ Seeȱ alsoȱ Michelleȱ Szkilnik’sȱ analysisȱ ofȱ howȱ the adaptorȱreworkedȱtheȱsiegeȱofȱWindsorȱtoȱportrayȱAlixandreȱasȱaȱmoreȱimposing,ȱauthoritative leader,ȱ withȱ whomȱ hisȱ readersȱ couldȱ identifyȱ moreȱ easily;ȱ “Leȱ Princeȱ etȱ leȱ félon:leȱ siègeȱ de Guinesoresȱ dansȱ leȱ Cligèsȱ deȱ Chrétienȱ etȱ dansȱ laȱ proseȱ bourguignonne,”ȱ Cahiersȱ deȱ recherches médiévalesȱ14ȱ(2007):ȱ61–74.ȱ SeeȱJoanȱTaskerȱGrimbert,ȱYvain’ȱdansȱleȱmiroir:ȱlaȱpoétiqueȱdeȱlaȱréflexionȱdansȱleȱ‘Chevalierȱauȱlion’ deȱChrétienȱdeȱTroyes.ȱPurdueȱUniversityȱMonographsȱinȱRomanceȱLanguages,ȱ25ȱ(Amsterdamȱand Philadelphia:ȱBenjamins,ȱ1988). LucieȱPolak,ȱChrétienȱdeȱTroyes:ȱCligés.ȱCriticalȱGuidesȱtoȱFrenchȱTexts,ȱ33ȱ(London:ȱGrantȱ&ȱCutler, 1982),ȱ22–35.

448

JoanȱTaskerȱGrimbert

misleading,ȱfor,ȱasȱPeterȱHaiduȱdemonstratedȱinȱhisȱclassicȱstudyȱonȱironyȱinȱtwo ofȱChrétien’sȱromances,ȱtheȱthemeȱofȱreality/illusionȱisȱsoȱpredominantȱinȱCligésȱ(as itȱisȱinȱallȱofȱChrétien’sȱromances)ȱthatȱmuchȱofȱtheȱsuccessȱinȱcombatȱenjoyedȱby bothȱAlixandreȱandȱCligésȱderivesȱfromȱtheirȱextensiveȱuseȱofȱruse,ȱdisguise,ȱand otherȱformsȱofȱdeception.17ȱȱ TheseȱsameȱformsȱofȱdeceptionȱareȱdulyȱpreservedȱinȱtheȱproseȱCligés,ȱbutȱthe author,ȱunlikeȱhisȱpredecessor,ȱclearlyȱrelishedȱdescribingȱtheȱscenesȱofȱcombat andȱ warȱ inȱ quiteȱ intricateȱ “military”ȱ detail.ȱ Hisȱ depictionȱ ofȱ Arthur’sȱ siegeȱ at Windsorȱcastleȱevenȱgaveȱhimȱtheȱchanceȱtoȱdescribeȱtheȱkindsȱofȱartilleryȱamassed byȱtheȱdukesȱofȱBurgundy,ȱparticularlyȱPhilipȱtheȱGood.ȱThus,ȱColomboȱTimelli, whileȱagreeingȱwithȱDoutrepontȱthatȱtheȱproseȱversionȱisȱgenerallyȱfaithfulȱtoȱthe verseȱversion,ȱnotesȱexceptionsȱtoȱtheȱruleȱthatȱsheȱfindsȱquiteȱunderstandable, particularlyȱexpansionsȱofȱtheȱpassagesȱconcernedȱwithȱwarȱorȱ“chivalricȱgames.”18 Yetȱdoesȱtheȱproseȱwriter’sȱfascinationȱwithȱwarȱnecessarilyȱentailȱhisȱneglectȱof theȱ loveȱ intrigue?ȱ Itȱ certainlyȱ cannotȱ beȱ deniedȱ thatȱ heȱ hasȱ littleȱ useȱ forȱ the elaborateȱrhetoricȱinȱwhichȱChrétien’sȱloversȱengageȱbeforeȱtheyȱhaveȱsummoned theȱ courageȱ toȱconfessȱtheirȱfeelingsȱforȱeachȱother.ȱHeȱreducesȱtheseȱvirtuoso passagesȱtoȱtheȱminimumȱneededȱtoȱdescribeȱtheȱsituation.19ȱNevertheless,ȱheȱfinds other,ȱmoreȱsubtle,ȱwaysȱtoȱhighlightȱthisȱtheme,20ȱoneȱofȱtheȱmostȱinnovativeȱof whichȱ isȱ hisȱ characterizationȱ ofȱ theȱ dukeȱ ofȱ Saxony’sȱ loveȱ forȱ Fenice.ȱ Inȱ the ensuingȱanalysis,ȱIȱwillȱendeavorȱtoȱshowȱhowȱtheȱduke’sȱpassionȱunfolds,ȱfrom hisȱrageȱatȱlosingȱherȱtoȱAlixȱthroughȱeachȱofȱhisȱattemptsȱtoȱrecoverȱher,ȱallȱof whichȱpitȱhimȱandȱhisȱbestȱknightsȱagainstȱCligésȱandȱculminateȱinȱtheȱduke’sȱfinal confrontationȱwithȱtheȱhero.21

17

18

19

20

21

Peterȱ Haidu,ȱ Aestheticȱ Distanceȱ inȱ Chrétienȱ deȱ Troyes:ȱ Ironyȱ andȱ Comedyȱ inȱ ‘Cligés’ȱ etȱ ‘Perceval’ (Geneva:ȱDroz,ȱ1968),ȱ87–89. ColomboȱTimelli,ȱCligés,ȱ29ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8),ȱwithȱexamplesȱcomparingȱtheȱverseȱandȱproseȱtextsȱcited onȱ30–37. NorrisȱJ.ȱLacy,ȱ“AdaptationȱasȱReception:ȱtheȱBurgundianȱCligés,”ȱFifteenthȬCenturyȱStudiesȱ24 (1998):ȱ198–207.ȱLacyȱconcentratesȱhisȱanalysisȱonȱtheȱrelationsȱbetweenȱAlixandreȱandȱSoredamor. InȱGrimbert,ȱ“TheȱFifteenthȬCenturyȱProseȱCligés,”ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12).ȱIȱanalyzeȱtheȱproseȱwriter’s considerableȱ artistryȱ inȱ hisȱ depictionȱ ofȱ theȱ relationsȱ betweenȱ Cligésȱ andȱ Fenice.ȱ Twoȱ other scholarsȱhaveȱviewedȱtheseȱrelationsȱfromȱaȱpoliticalȱandȱideologicalȱstandpoint,ȱshowingȱhow theȱredactorȱsoughtȱtoȱ“legitimize”ȱaȱloveȱthatȱwasȱadulterousȱandȱevenȱboreȱtheȱtaintȱofȱincest. SeeȱCatherineȱDeschepper,ȱ“Deȱl’adultèreȱcommeȱrésistanceȱàȱl’empereurȱusurpateurȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱLa convergenceȱdesȱintriguesȱamoureusesȱetȱpolitiquesȱdansȱleȱCligèsȱenȱprose,”ȱLaȱLittératureȱdeȱla courȱ deȱ Bourgogne,ȱ Actualitésȱ etȱ perspectivesȱ deȱ recherche,ȱ ed.ȱ Claudeȱ Thiryȱ andȱ Taniaȱ Van Hemelryck.ȱ Leȱ Moyenȱ françaisȱ 57–58ȱ (2005–2006):ȱ 67–86;ȱ andȱ Rebeccaȱ Dixon,ȱ “Theȱ Wedding Reception:ȱRewritingȱtheȱIdeologicalȱChallengeȱinȱtheȱproseȱCligésȱ(1454),”ȱCahiersȱdeȱrecherches médiévalesȱ14ȱ(2007):ȱ315–26. IȱdisagreeȱwithȱtheȱviewȱespousedȱbyȱWallen,ȱ“TheȱArtȱofȱAdaptation,”ȱ345ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11),ȱwho contendsȱthatȱtheȱdukeȱofȱSaxonyȱfeelsȱonlyȱlustȱforȱFenice.ȱAsȱtheȱanalysisȱbelowȱwillȱprove,ȱhe isȱtrulyȱenamoredȱofȱher.

LoveȱandȱWarȱinȱtheȱFifteenthȬCenturyȱBurgundianȱProseȱCligés

449

3.ȱLoveȱandȱWarȱinȱtheȱProseȱCligés:ȱAȱNewȱLoveȱTriangle WeȱfirstȱhearȱaboutȱtheȱdukeȱwhenȱtheȱemperorȱofȱGermany,ȱuponȱacceptingȱAlix’s bidȱtoȱmarryȱhisȱdaughter,ȱwarnsȱhimȱthat,ȱsinceȱtheȱdukeȱhasȱalsoȱrequestedȱher hand,ȱAlixȱwillȱhaveȱtoȱcomeȱtoȱCologneȱwithȱaȱforceȱlargeȱenoughȱtoȱfightȱhimȱif heȱshouldȱthreatenȱwar,ȱaȱpredictionȱthatȱisȱindeedȱrealizedȱwhenȱtheȱdukeȱhears theȱnews.ȱInȱChrétien’sȱversion,ȱtheȱSaxonȱleaderȱisȱactuallyȱbetrothedȱtoȱFenice, andȱhisȱfierceȱbattleȱtoȱwrestȱtheȱmaidenȱawayȱfromȱAlixȱisȱclearlyȱdictatedȱbyȱher father’sȱfailureȱtoȱhonorȱthatȱpriorȱarrangementȱandȱtheȱduke’sȱconsequentȱlossȱof aȱveryȱadvantageousȱpoliticalȱandȱeconomicȱalliance.ȱ TheȱproseȱversionȱdiffersȱfromȱChrétien’sȱinȱtwoȱsignificantȱdetails.ȱFirst,ȱthe dukeȱisȱpresentedȱnotȱasȱFenice’sȱbetrothedȱbutȱasȱaȱpersistentȱsuitorȱwhoȱhas askedȱseveralȱtimesȱforȱherȱhandȱandȱbeenȱrefused.ȱHisȱangerȱisȱthusȱmotivatedȱby hisȱfrustrationȱatȱthisȱserialȱrejection,ȱandȱexacerbatedȱbyȱtheȱgallingȱknowledge thatȱaȱrivalȱhasȱwonȱout.ȱSecond,ȱthereȱisȱanother,ȱapparentlyȱmoreȱcompelling, reasonȱforȱtheȱintensityȱofȱtheȱduke’sȱfury:ȱtheȱamorousȱpassionȱheȱhasȱnurtured forȱFeniceȱsinceȱearlyȱadolescence.ȱHence,ȱhisȱimpulseȱtoȱpitȱhimselfȱagainstȱCligés, inȱaȱjoustȱwitnessedȱbyȱhisȱbeloved,ȱisȱmotivatedȱnotȱjustȱbyȱhisȱwillȱtoȱavengeȱthe deathȱofȱhisȱnephewȱbutȱalsoȱbyȱhisȱdesireȱforȱtheȱmaiden.ȱTheȱduke’sȱpassion makesȱ himȱ aȱ moreȱ worthyȱ opponentȱ forȱ Cligésȱ inȱ theȱ proseȱ versionȱ thanȱ he appearsȱinȱtheȱoriginalȱromance,ȱaȱfactȱthatȱtheȱproseȱwriterȱunderscoresȱbyȱfirst mentioningȱ theȱ duke’sȱ infatuationȱ directlyȱ afterȱ hisȱ descriptionȱ ofȱ theȱ initial meetingȱofȱCligésȱandȱFenice:ȱȱ D’unȱparfaitȱvouloirȱetȱd’uneȱseuleȱpenceeȱtournentȱleurzȱyeuxȱetȱentendemensȱCligés etȱFeniceȱaȱremirerȱlaȱdoulceur,ȱbeaultéȱetȱhaultainȱouvrageȱdontȱchascunȱdeȱeulzȱest parfaitȱquantȱaȱformeȱcorporelle;ȱmésȱatantȱnotreȱcompteȱlesȱlaisseraȱentreregarderȱet maintenantȱvendraȱaȱparlerȱdesȱfaisȱauȱducȱdeȱSaxonne,ȱquiȱestoitȱtantȱamoureuxȱde Feniceȱque,ȱnonobstantȱqu’ilȱeustȱparȱpluseurzȱfoisȱestéȱescondit,ȱilȱavoitȱtransmisȱson nepveuȱetȱbienȱVcȱȱhommesȱavecȱluiȱpourȱvenirȱencoresȱdeȱrechiefȱparlerȱaȱl’empereur duȱmariageȱdeȱsaȱfille. (106) [Imbuedȱwithȱaȱperfectȱdesireȱandȱaȱsingleȱthought,ȱCligésȱandȱFeniceȱturnȱtheirȱeyes andȱattentionȱtoȱadmiringȱtheȱsweetness,ȱbeauty,ȱandȱloftyȱworkȱofȱwhichȱeachȱisȱthe perfectȱbodilyȱform.ȱButȱnowȱourȱaccountȱwillȱleaveȱthemȱgazingȱuponȱeachȱotherȱand proceedȱtoȱspeakȱofȱtheȱactionsȱofȱtheȱdukeȱofȱSaxony,ȱwhoȱwasȱsoȱenamoredȱofȱFenice that,ȱalthoughȱheȱhadȱbeenȱrefusedȱseveralȱtimes,ȱheȱhadȱsentȱhisȱnephewȱandȱatȱleast fiveȱhundredȱmenȱwithȱhimȱtoȱspeakȱtoȱtheȱemperorȱyetȱagainȱaboutȱhisȱdaughter’s marriage].

Theȱproseȱwriter’sȱchangesȱareȱreflectedȱasȱwellȱinȱtheȱdifferingȱaccountsȱofȱthe nephew’sȱreportȱofȱhisȱuncle’sȱthreat.ȱInȱbothȱversionsȱtheȱnephewȱ(whoseȱname

450

JoanȱTaskerȱGrimbert

isȱrevealedȱasȱArchadésȱonlyȱinȱtheȱprose)ȱdulyȱreportsȱhisȱuncle’sȱthreatȱtoȱthe Germanȱemperor,ȱbutȱtheȱproseȱwriterȱrecordsȱtheȱduke’sȱchallengeȱinȱaȱmore elaborateȱspeechȱtranscribedȱinȱdirectȱdiscourse: “Sire,ȱDieuȱteȱsaultȱetȱacroisseȱtonȱhonneur,ȱseȱtuȱveulzȱcondescendreȱaȱlaȱsupplicacion queȱteȱfaitȱleȱducȱdeȱSaxonne.ȱCommeȱilȱsoitȱainsiȱqueȱparȱpluseurzȱfoisȱilȱaitȱrequisȱtaȱfille aȱ mariage,ȱ veullantȱ exaucierȱ leȱ bienȱ etȱ prosperitéȱ d’icelle,ȱ etȱ tuȱ neȱ luiȱ enȱ ayesȱ voulu donnerȱresponce,ȱadȱcesteȱfoisȱveultȱilȱsavoirȱleȱfaireȱouȱleȱlaissier.ȱEtȱseȱtuȱlaȱmeȱdaignes ottroyerȱilȱt’aymera,ȱouȱsiȱnonȱilȱmouveraȱguerreȱcontreȱtoiȱetȱtonȱpeuple.”ȱ (106–07) [“Sire,ȱmayȱGodȱsaveȱyouȱandȱincreaseȱyourȱhonorȱifȱyouȱwouldȱcondescendȱtoȱaccept theȱsupplicationȱthatȱtheȱdukeȱofȱSaxonyȱhasȱmadeȱtoȱyou.ȱSinceȱitȱisȱtheȱcaseȱthatȱheȱhas askedȱseveralȱtimesȱforȱyourȱdaughterȱinȱmarriage,ȱwishingȱtoȱincreaseȱherȱassetsȱand wealth,ȱandȱyouȱhaveȱrefusedȱtoȱgiveȱyourȱconsent,ȱthisȱtimeȱheȱwishesȱtoȱknowȱifȱyou willȱdoȱitȱorȱnot.ȱAndȱshouldȱyouȱdeignȱtoȱgiveȱherȱtoȱme,ȱheȱwillȱloveȱyou,ȱand,ȱifȱnot, heȱwillȱwageȱwarȱagainstȱyouȱandȱyourȱpeople”].

Disappointingly,ȱtheȱnephewȱreceivesȱnoȱresponse.ȱInȱChrétien’sȱversionȱheȱleaves courtȱdefiantlyȱandȱimmediatelyȱchallengesȱCligésȱtoȱaȱjoust;ȱasȱtheyȱmount,ȱthey areȱsupportedȱbyȱequalȱnumbersȱofȱtheirȱknights—300ȱonȱeachȱside.ȱButȱinȱthe proseȱitȱisȱCligésȱwho,ȱreactingȱtoȱtheȱthreatȱandȱwishingȱtoȱproveȱhisȱprowess, challengesȱArchadésȱtoȱfightȱhim,ȱproposingȱtoȱbeȱsupportedȱbyȱ200ȱknights—even choosingȱ hisȱ leastȱ experiencedȱ onesȱ (“deuxcȱ desȱ moindres”;ȱ 107)—againstȱ his opponent’sȱ300. TheȱjoustȱbetweenȱCligésȱandȱtheȱduke’sȱnephewȱisȱquicklyȱdispatchedȱinȱaȱmere thirtyȬsixȱlinesȱ(vv.ȱ2900–35)ȱbyȱChrétien,ȱwhoȱdevotesȱalmostȱexactlyȱtheȱsame numberȱofȱlinesȱtoȱdescribingȱFenice’sȱreactionsȱasȱsheȱobservesȱtheȱcombatȱ(vv. 2864–99).ȱTheȱproseȱwriter,ȱhowever,ȱamplifiesȱconsiderablyȱtheȱdescriptionȱofȱthe combatȱbetweenȱCligésȱandȱArchadésȱandȱtheȱensuingȱconfrontationȱbetweenȱtheir menȱ whileȱ barelyȱ acknowledgingȱ Fenice’sȱ presence.ȱ Heȱ doesȱ takeȱ theȱ timeȱ to alludeȱtoȱitȱtowardȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱbattleȱbutȱdevotesȱaȱsingleȱlineȱtoȱitȱthatȱseems almostȱ likeȱ anȱ afterthought:ȱ “Laȱ belleȱ demoiselleȱ Feniceȱ estȱ auxȱ creniaux,ȱ qui voulentyersȱregardeȱCligésȱetȱdistȱbienȱenȱsoyȱqueȱouȱcorpzȱdeȱluiȱaȱungȱvaillant champion”ȱ (109;ȱ Theȱ beautifulȱ youngȱ ladyȱ Feniceȱ isȱ onȱ theȱ battlementsȱ and willinglyȱwatchesȱCligésȱandȱtellsȱherselfȱthatȱhereȱisȱaȱvaliantȱchampion).ȱ AlthoughȱtheȱproseȱwriterȱcondensesȱdrasticallyȱFenice’sȱroleȱinȱthisȱpassage,ȱhe makesȱupȱforȱitȱatȱtheȱmomentȱtheȱnephewȱtakesȱbackȱtoȱtheȱdukeȱtheȱnewsȱthatȱhis bidȱhasȱonceȱagainȱbeenȱrejected.ȱChrétien,ȱafterȱdescribingȱAlix’sȱmarriageȱand howȱThessala’sȱpotionȱdupedȱhimȱintoȱthinkingȱheȱwasȱmakingȱloveȱtoȱFenice, notesȱonlyȱthatȱtheȱemperorȱhadȱbetterȱbeȱonȱhisȱguard,ȱforȱtheȱdukeȱwillȱnotȱrest sinceȱtheȱmaidenȱwasȱgivenȱfirstȱtoȱhim.ȱTheȱpoetȱthenȱinformsȱusȱthatȱtheȱSaxon leader,ȱwhoȱcommandedȱaȱlargeȱforce,ȱstationedȱhisȱmenȱatȱallȱtheȱfrontiersȱand

LoveȱandȱWarȱinȱtheȱFifteenthȬCenturyȱBurgundianȱProseȱCligés

451

placedȱspiesȱatȱtheȱGermanȱcourtȱtoȱinformȱhimȱofȱallȱtheȱGreeks’ȱmovementsȱ(vv. 3353–65).ȱTheȱproseȱwriterȱlikewiseȱseguesȱimmediatelyȱfromȱanȱaccountȱofȱAlix’s deceitfulȱdreamsȱincludedȱinȱchapterȱ39ȱ(“CommentȱAlixȱsongeaȱqu’ilȱbaisoitȱet acoloitȱFenice”)ȱ(114;ȱHowȱAlixȱdreamedȱthatȱheȱwasȱkissingȱandȱcaressingȱFenice) toȱtheȱmatterȱofȱtheȱduke’sȱdisappointmentȱinȱtheȱfollowingȱchapter,ȱbutȱheȱthen insertsȱ mentionȱ ofȱ theȱ nephew’sȱ reportȱ withȱ strongerȱ emphasisȱ onȱ theȱ duke’s distress:ȱ UngȱpetitȱseȱtairaȱnostreȱcompteȱdesȱfaisȱdeȱFeniceȱetȱAlix,ȱetȱmaintenantȱvendraȱa parlerȱduȱducȱdeȱSaxonne. 40.ȱCommentȱArchadézȱracomptaȱsaȱmalheurtéȱauȱducȱsonȱoncle. Distȱl’istoireȱdoncquezȱqueȱArchadéz,ȱaprésȱsaȱdesconfiture,ȱs’enȱretournaȱenȱSaxonne dolantȱ etȱ marri,ȱ etȱ racomptaȱ auȱ ducȱ sonȱ oncleȱ qu’ilȱ neȱ s’atendistȱ plusȱ aȱ Fenice,ȱ et qu’elleȱ estoitȱ promiseȱ etȱ ottroieeȱ aȱ l’empereurȱ deȱ Constantinople,ȱ “quiȱ moultȱ est puissantȱetȱaȱungȱnepveuȱenȱsaȱcompaignieȱquiȱmoultȱestȱvaillantȱdeȱsonȱcorpz,ȱetȱde faitȱil,ȱenȱbatailleȱarresté,ȱaȱoccisȱpluseurzȱdeȱmesȱchevaliers,ȱetȱtantȱdurementȱnous malmenaȱqu’ilȱfutȱenȱsonȱvouloirȱdeȱfaireȱsonȱplesirȱdeȱmoy.”ȱO,ȱcommeȱestȱceȱduc marriȱetȱdolant!ȱIlȱneȱscetȱsonȱsensȱetȱjureȱqu’ilȱmourraȱouȱilȱauraȱvenganceȱdeȱceulzȱde Grece.ȱ (115) [WeȱshallȱnowȱsuspendȱforȱaȱbitȱourȱaccountȱofȱtheȱrelationsȱbetweenȱFeniceȱandȱAlix andȱproceedȱtoȱspeakȱofȱtheȱdukeȱofȱSaxony. 40.ȱHowȱArchadésȱrecountedȱhisȱmisfortuneȱtoȱhisȱuncle,ȱtheȱduke. Theȱ storyȱ tellsȱ thenȱ thatȱ Archadés,ȱ afterȱ hisȱ defeat,ȱ returnedȱ sorrowfulȱ andȱ sadȱ to Saxonyȱ andȱ toldȱ hisȱ uncle,ȱ theȱ duke,ȱ thatȱ heȱ shouldȱ haveȱ noȱ moreȱ expectations regardingȱ Fenice,ȱ forȱ sheȱ hadȱ beenȱ promisedȱ andȱ grantedȱ toȱ theȱ emperorȱ of Constantinople,ȱ“whoȱisȱveryȱpowerfulȱandȱhasȱinȱhisȱcompanyȱaȱnephewȱwhoȱisȱmost valiant,ȱandȱinȱfactȱwhenȱweȱmetȱinȱpitchedȱbattleȱheȱkilledȱmanyȱofȱmyȱknightsȱand manhandledȱusȱtoȱsuchȱanȱextentȱthatȱheȱwasȱableȱtoȱdoȱhisȱwillȱwithȱme.”ȱOh,ȱhowȱsad andȱsorrowfulȱwasȱtheȱduke!ȱHeȱwasȱoutȱofȱhisȱmindȱandȱsworeȱthatȱheȱwouldȱdieȱif heȱdidȱnotȱtakeȱvengeanceȱonȱtheȱGreeks.]

Theȱ “malheurté”ȱ (misfortune)ȱ referredȱ toȱ inȱ theȱ titleȱ ofȱ Chapterȱ 40ȱ isȱ bothȱ the duke’sȱandȱhisȱnephew’s.ȱGivenȱitsȱjuxtapositionȱwithȱtheȱaccountȱofȱtheȱpreceding chapter,ȱitȱisȱalmostȱasȱifȱtheȱproseȱwriterȱ(orȱtheȱscribe)22ȱwereȱemphasizingȱthat theȱdukeȱhadȱendedȱupȱinȱtheȱsameȱsituationȱasȱAlix,ȱwhoȱpossessesȱFeniceȱonly inȱdreams—withȱnothing.ȱIf,ȱthanksȱtoȱThessala’sȱpotion,ȱtheȱemperorȱisȱblissfully

22

Itȱisȱnotȱcertainȱwhetherȱtheȱchapterȱtitlesȱareȱtheȱworkȱofȱtheȱauthorȱorȱofȱtheȱscribe.ȱSeeȱMaria ColomboȱTimelli,ȱ“Pourȱuneȱ‘defenseȱetȱillustration’ȱdesȱtitresȱdeȱchapitres:ȱanalyseȱd’unȱcorpus deȱromansȱmisȱenȱproseȱauȱXVeȱsiècle,”ȱDuȱromanȱcourtoisȱauȱromanȱbaroque.ȱActesȱduȱcolloqueȱdes 2–5ȱjuilletȱ2002,ȱed.ȱEmmanuelȱBuryȱandȱFrancineȱMoraȱ(Paris:ȱLesȱBellesȱLettres,ȱ2004),ȱ209–32; hereȱ213.

452

JoanȱTaskerȱGrimbert

ignorantȱofȱhisȱloss,ȱtheȱduke,ȱonȱtheȱcontrary,ȱisȱkeenlyȱawareȱofȱhis.ȱTheȱparallel thusȱ establishedȱ betweenȱ theseȱ twoȱ equallyȱ haplessȱ rivalsȱ alsoȱ highlightsȱ the duke’sȱroleȱinȱaȱsecondȱtriangleȱinvolvingȱtheȱlovers. Undauntedȱbyȱthisȱinitialȱsetback,ȱtheȱdukeȱpersistsȱinȱhisȱstruggleȱtoȱrecover Fenice:ȱheȱlosesȱnoȱtimeȱsendingȱArchadésȱbackȱtoȱdoȱbattleȱwithȱCligés,ȱandȱagain theȱcombatȱbetweenȱtheȱtwoȱisȱgreatlyȱamplifiedȱinȱtheȱprose,23ȱasȱisȱthatȱofȱthe subsequentȱbattleȱbetweenȱtheȱheroȱandȱanotherȱknight,ȱTerri,ȱwhoȱvolunteersȱto avengeȱArchadés’sȱdeath.ȱByȱnamingȱtheȱduke’sȱnephewȱandȱhisȱavenger,ȱbothȱof whomȱ meetȱ Cligésȱ inȱ singleȱ combatȱ andȱ areȱ killedȱ byȱ him,ȱ theȱ proseȱ writer highlightsȱtheȱprotractedȱstruggleȱbetweenȱtheȱdukeȱandȱtheȱheroȱforȱpossession ofȱ Fenice.24ȱ Moreover,ȱ inȱ theȱ descriptionȱ ofȱ bothȱ combats,ȱ heȱ addsȱ detailsȱ that demonstrateȱthatȱtheȱmaidenȱisȱneverȱoutȱofȱtheȱhero’sȱthoughts.ȱForȱexample, CligésȱisȱthinkingȱaboutȱhisȱloveȱatȱtheȱmomentȱthatȱArchadésȱapproaches,ȱ(116), andȱwhen,ȱfollowingȱhisȱdefeatȱofȱArchadés,ȱheȱisȱchallengedȱbyȱTerri,ȱwhoȱboasts thatȱheȱwillȱcutȱoffȱCligés’sȱheadȱandȱpresentȱitȱtoȱtheȱduke,ȱtheȱheroȱanswersȱinȱa wayȱthatȱunderscoresȱtheȱroleȱthatȱLoveȱplaysȱinȱhisȱcombat: “Vassal,”ȱdistȱCligés,ȱ“quantȱdeȱtaȱmainȱtuȱaurasȱoccisȱleȱserviteurȱquiȱparȱl’entreprise d’Amourzȱs’entremetȱaȱl’exerciseȱd’armez,ȱlorsȱseraȱilȱenȱtoiȱdeȱtaȱplaisanceȱfaireȱdu chief,ȱmésȱainsoisȱilȱteȱconvendraȱconquerreȱauȱcoursȱdeȱlanceȱouȱtrenchantȱdeȱl’espee, et,ȱseȱjeȱpuis,ȱjeȱteȱgarderaiȱdeȱceȱfaire.”ȱ (117) [“Vassal,”ȱsaidȱCligés,ȱ“whenȱbyȱyourȱhandȱyouȱhaveȱslainȱtheȱservantȱwhoȱforȱthe sakeȱofȱLoveȱundertakesȱtheȱexerciseȱofȱarms,ȱthenȱwillȱyouȱbeȱinȱaȱpositionȱtoȱdoȱwhat youȱpleaseȱwithȱhisȱhead,ȱbutȱfirstȱyouȱwillȱhaveȱtoȱprevailȱwhileȱwieldingȱlanceȱor sword,ȱand,ȱifȱIȱcan,ȱIȱwillȱpreventȱyouȱfromȱdoingȱso”].25

Inȱ Chrétien’sȱ version,ȱ Cligés’sȱ terseȱ threeȬlineȱ replyȱ (vv.ȱ 3472–74)ȱ makesȱ no mentionȱofȱhisȱloveȱservice. Soȱ farȱ weȱ haveȱ seenȱ that,ȱ althoughȱ theȱ proseȱ writerȱ takesȱ muchȱ moreȱ ofȱ an interestȱinȱtheȱdetailsȱofȱcombatȱthanȱdoesȱChrétienȱandȱeschewsȱtheȱpoet’sȱrhetoric inȱtheȱscenesȱinvolvingȱtheȱlovers,ȱheȱneverthelessȱfindsȱinnovativeȱwaysȱtoȱpresent theȱloveȱtheme.ȱWhereasȱinȱtheȱoriginalȱpoem,ȱtheȱduke’sȱdeterminationȱtoȱmarry Feniceȱseemsȱmotivatedȱentirelyȱbyȱhisȱknowledgeȱofȱtheȱeconomicȱandȱpolitical 23

24

25

Doutrepont,ȱLesȱMisesȱenȱprose,ȱ612ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9),ȱnoticedȱthatȱoneȱofȱtheȱproseȱwriter’sȱadditions wasȱtoȱhaveȱCligésȱkillȱtwoȱofȱArchadés’sȱcompanions. Doutrepont,ȱLesȱMisesȱenȱproseȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9),ȱdulyȱmentionsȱthatȱtheȱproseȱwriterȱaddedȱtheseȱtwo names,ȱbutȱheȱapparentlyȱdoesȱnotȱseeȱitȱasȱanyȱmoreȱsignificantȱthanȱanȱadditionȱofȱtheȱkindȱused byȱproseȱwritersȱinȱgeneral. Inȱbothȱtheȱverseȱandȱproseȱversions,ȱmuchȱisȱmadeȱofȱtheȱSaxon’sȱintentionȱofȱpresentingȱCligés’s headȱtoȱtheȱduke.ȱItȱisȱamusingȱthatȱwhenȱCligésȱdefeatsȱtheȱSaxon,ȱheȱdonsȱhisȱvictim’sȱarmorȱand affixesȱhisȱheadȱtoȱtheȱendȱofȱhisȱlance.ȱBothȱarmies,ȱmisledȱbyȱtheȱarmsȱCligésȱbears,ȱbelieveȱthat itȱisȱhisȱownȱhead.

LoveȱandȱWarȱinȱtheȱFifteenthȬCenturyȱBurgundianȱProseȱCligés

453

benefitsȱthatȱwouldȱaccrueȱtoȱhim,ȱinȱtheȱproseȱversion,ȱheȱisȱquiteȱenamoredȱofȱthe maiden.ȱTheȱproseȱwriterȱunderscoresȱparticularlyȱwellȱthisȱpassionȱforȱFeniceȱin theȱinventiveȱwayȱheȱreworksȱtheȱepisodeȱinȱwhichȱsheȱisȱabductedȱbyȱtheȱSaxons, weavingȱtheȱduke’sȱobsessiveȱdesireȱintoȱtheȱactualȱdescriptionȱofȱtheȱwarȱwithȱthe Greeks. Theȱ attemptedȱ abductionȱ takesȱ placeȱ afterȱ Cligésȱ hasȱ killedȱ bothȱ theȱ duke’s nephewȱ andȱ theȱ knightȱ heȱ sentȱ toȱ avengeȱ thatȱ death.26ȱ Althoughȱ Cligésȱ then deceivesȱbothȱarmiesȱasȱtoȱhisȱidentityȱ(seeȱn.ȱ24ȱabove),ȱheȱeventuallyȱreveals himselfȱtoȱtheȱdukeȱandȱchallengesȱhim.ȱIfȱtheȱheroȱsucceedsȱonlyȱinȱunhorsingȱthe dukeȱbeforeȱtheȱSaxonsȱrescueȱhim,ȱheȱdoesȱmanageȱtoȱseizeȱtheȱduke’sȱArabian charger.ȱAtȱthatȱpointȱinȱChrétien’sȱversion,ȱaȱspyȱcomesȱtoȱtellȱtheȱdukeȱthat,ȱsince Feniceȱisȱmomentarilyȱunguarded,ȱtheyȱcouldȱeasilyȱseizeȱherȱandȱbringȱherȱto him.ȱTheȱdukeȱrespondsȱbyȱsendingȱoneȱhundredȱknightsȱtoȱabductȱher,ȱandȱwhen heȱhearsȱofȱtheirȱsuccessȱandȱknowsȱheȱhasȱattainedȱhisȱgoal,ȱheȱquicklyȱforgesȱa truceȱwithȱtheȱGreeks.ȱ MuchȱmoreȱelaborateȱisȱtheȱproseȱreȬworkingȱofȱthisȱepisode,ȱwhichȱisȱskillfully insertedȱ intoȱ theȱ accountȱ ofȱ theȱ battleȱ toȱ underscoreȱ itsȱ simultaneityȱ withȱ it. Moreover,ȱtheȱabductionȱisȱshownȱtoȱbeȱtheȱduke’sȱidea;ȱcomingȱtoȱhimȱduringȱhis combatȱ withȱ Cligés,ȱ whileȱ heȱ isȱ catchingȱ hisȱ breathȱ afterȱ hisȱ opponentȱ has unhorsedȱhim!ȱOnceȱtheȱdukeȱhasȱgivenȱtheȱorderȱtoȱseizeȱtheȱmaiden,ȱheȱperforms better,ȱspurredȱonȱbyȱtheȱdeliciousȱprospectȱofȱbeingȱableȱtoȱsleepȱwithȱFeniceȱthat veryȱnight.ȱHeȱrejoicesȱwhenȱhisȱmenȱreturnȱtoȱreportȱtheirȱsuccess,ȱafterȱwhichȱthe sunȱsetsȱandȱtheyȱsoundȱretreatȱforȱtheȱnight.ȱTheȱepisodeȱbothȱbeginsȱandȱends withȱaȱviewȱofȱCligés: QuantȱCligésȱestȱmontéȱdesus,ȱilȱtireȱlaȱbonneȱespeeȱetȱenȱlaȱplusȱgrantȱmerleeȱs’embat, faisantȱlezȱrensȱtremblerȱdevantȱlui.ȱEtȱatantȱlaisseronsȱnousȱungȱpetitȱaȱparlerȱdeȱcelle bataille,ȱ quiȱ moultȱ estȱ fiereȱ etȱ orguilleuse,ȱ etȱ ungȱ petitȱ vendronsȱ aȱ parlerȱ d’une adventureȱquiȱdurantȱl’estourȱadvintȱaȱlaȱpucelleȱFenice,ȱlorsȱestantȱseulleȱdemouree avecȱlesȱdamesȱetȱdamoiselles. 42.ȱCommentȱFeniceȱfuȱembleeȱetȱbaillieȱaȱXIIȱchevaliersȱenȱgarde. Commeȱdoncquesȱleȱduc,ȱquiȱdeȱbaratȱetȱtricherieȱsavoitȱleȱstille,ȱveistȱceuxȱdeȱGrece eslongiézȱdeȱleurzȱtentezȱetȱpavillons,ȱlui,ȱquiȱnaguerezȱestoitȱchut,ȱenȱreprenantȱson allaineȱs’apençaȱd’envoierȱCȱchevaliersȱpourȱallerȱprendreȱetȱsaisirȱFeniceȱparȱamourz ouȱparȱforce.ȱLesquelzȱchevaliersȱmisȱaȱvoieȱpourȱaccomplirȱlaȱcautelleȱdeȱleurȱmaistre, iceulxȱarrivézȱauxȱtrefz,ȱilzȱadrescerentȱouȱestoitȱFeniceȱetȱoccirentȱtouxȱlesȱescuiers, varletzȱetȱsergansȱquiȱyȱestoient.ȱPuis,ȱbonȱgréȱmalȱgré,ȱchargerentȱFenice,ȱetȱdedans leȱ boisȱ l’enmenerentȱ parȱ voiezȱ inhabiteeȱ enȱ ungȱ lieuȱ ouquelȱ ilzȱ avoientȱ autreffois

26

Doutrepont,ȱLesȱMisesȱenȱprose,ȱnotedȱthatȱtheȱproseȱwriterȱdescribesȱtheȱduelȱbetweenȱCligésȱand TerriȱinȱtheȱformȱofȱaȱfifteenthȬcenturyȱjoust—thusȱupdatingȱitȱfromȱitsȱtwelfthȬcenturyȱorigins (503)ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9).

454

JoanȱTaskerȱGrimbert repairié.ȱLaquelleȱilleucȱenmenee,ȱcommeȱvousȱavésȱoÿ,ȱelleȱfuȱbailleeȱaȱgardeȱaȱXII chevaliers,ȱetȱlezȱaultresȱs’enȱretournerent,ȱetȱauxȱgardesȱdirentȱqueȱilzȱneȱseȱmeussent deȱcelleȱplaceȱjusquezȱilzȱorroientȱsonnerȱleȱcorȱauȱduc,ȱquiȱlorsȱestoitȱenȱlaȱbataille faisantȱ tresbienȱ sonȱ devoirȱ pourȱ l’esperanceȱ qu’ilȱ avoitȱ deȱ coucierȱ laȱ nuitȱ avecȱ la pucelle,ȱceȱdontȱDieuxȱ leȱsauraȱbienȱgarder.ȱQuantȱlezȱchevaliersȱsaxonnaisȱfurent revenusȱauȱlieuȱouȱestoitȱlaȱmerlleeȱetȱilzȱeurentȱcomptéȱleurȱexploitȱauȱduc,ȱilȱenȱfu joieuxȱaȱmerveilles.ȱAȱcelleȱheureȱs’esconsaȱleȱsoleil,ȱchascunȱfistȱsonnerȱlaȱretraicte disansȱqu’ilzȱrevendroientȱl’endemainȱl’unȱcontreȱl’aultre,ȱsiȱs’enȱretournerentȱtouxȱa leursȱpavillons,ȱexeptéȱCligés,ȱquiȱdemouraȱderriereȱpourȱsavoirȱs’ilȱtrouveroitȱquelque bonneȱadventure.ȱ (118–19)

ȱ

[OnceȱCligésȱisȱmounted,ȱheȱdrawsȱhisȱgoodȱswordȱandȱrushesȱintoȱtheȱpress,ȱmaking theȱranksȱtrembleȱbeforeȱhim.ȱAndȱnowȱletȱusȱleaveȱoffȱforȱaȱbitȱspeakingȱaboutȱthis battle,ȱwhichȱisȱveryȱfierceȱandȱbold,ȱandȱreturnȱtoȱtellȱaboutȱsomethingȱthatȱhappened duringȱtheȱcombatȱtoȱtheȱmaidenȱFenice,ȱwhoȱhadȱremainedȱaloneȱwithȱtheȱladiesȱand maidens. 42.ȱHowȱFeniceȱwasȱcarriedȱoffȱandȱentrustedȱtoȱtheȱguardȱofȱtwelveȱknights. Sinceȱtheȱduke,ȱwhoȱknewȱallȱmannerȱofȱfraudȱandȱtreachery,ȱsawȱtheȱGreeksȱaway fromȱtheirȱtentsȱandȱpavilions,ȱhe,ȱwhoȱhadȱjustȱbeenȱfelled,ȱthought,ȱwhileȱcatching hisȱbreath,ȱofȱsendingȱaȱhundredȱknightsȱtoȱgoȱseizeȱFeniceȱandȱtakeȱherȱbyȱloveȱor force.ȱTheȱknights,ȱhavingȱsetȱoutȱtoȱaccomplishȱtheirȱlord’sȱruse,ȱandȱhavingȱarrived atȱtheȱtents,ȱheadedȱtoȱwhereȱFeniceȱwasȱandȱkilledȱallȱtheȱsquires,ȱboys,ȱandȱservants whoȱ wereȱ there.ȱ Thenȱ theyȱ seizedȱ Feniceȱ againstȱ herȱ willȱ andȱ carriedȱ herȱ intoȱ the woodsȱalongȱdesertedȱpathsȱtoȱaȱplaceȱtoȱwhichȱtheyȱhadȱrepairedȱbefore.ȱOnceȱFenice hadȱbeenȱtakenȱthere,ȱjustȱasȱyouȱhaveȱheard,ȱsheȱwasȱhandedȱoverȱtoȱbeȱguardedȱby twelveȱknights,ȱandȱtheȱothersȱsetȱoffȱagain,ȱtellingȱtheȱguardsȱthatȱtheyȱshouldȱnot moveȱfromȱthatȱplaceȱuntilȱtheyȱheardȱtheȱsoundȱofȱtheȱduke’sȱhorn.ȱTheȱdukeȱwasȱin theȱfrayȱperformingȱveryȱwellȱowingȱtoȱtheȱhopeȱheȱhadȱofȱsleepingȱwithȱtheȱmaiden thatȱnight,ȱbutȱGodȱwillȱbeȱableȱtoȱpreventȱthis.ȱWhenȱtheȱSaxonȱknightsȱhadȱreturned toȱtheȱplaceȱofȱbattleȱandȱrecountedȱtheirȱexploitȱtoȱtheȱduke,ȱheȱrejoicedȱgreatly.ȱAt thatȱhour,ȱtheȱsunȱslippedȱoutȱofȱsight,ȱandȱeachȱoneȱsoundedȱtheȱretreatȱsayingȱthat theyȱwouldȱcomeȱbackȱtoȱfightȱeachȱotherȱtheȱnextȱday,ȱandȱtheyȱallȱreturnedȱtoȱtheir pavilionsȱ exceptȱ Cligés,ȱ whoȱ remainedȱ behindȱ toȱ seeȱ ifȱ heȱ couldȱ findȱ someȱ good adventure].

InȱtheȱdescriptionȱofȱCligés’sȱdiscoveryȱofȱFenice’sȱabduction,ȱhisȱrescueȱofȱher,ȱand theȱ duke’sȱ anguishȱ atȱ losingȱ herȱ again,ȱ theȱ proseȱ writerȱ illustratesȱ hisȱ skillȱ at callingȱourȱattentionȱtoȱeachȱman’sȱloveȱofȱtheȱheroine.ȱSinceȱCligésȱisȱmountedȱat thisȱpointȱonȱtheȱduke’sȱArabianȱsteed,ȱtheȱmenȱleadingȱFeniceȱawayȱbelieveȱheȱis theȱdukeȱhimself.ȱSixȱofȱthemȱapproachȱhimȱwhileȱtheȱotherȱsixȱremainȱbehind withȱtheȱmaiden.ȱOneȱofȱthemȱbreaksȱawayȱtoȱreportȱtheȱgoodȱnews.ȱInȱChrétien, theȱannouncementȱisȱsuccinctȱ(firstȱtextȱbelow),ȱwhileȱinȱtheȱproseȱ(secondȱtext below),ȱtheȱknightȱelaborates,ȱreflectingȱhisȱknowledgeȱofȱtheȱduke’sȱenduringȱlove ofȱFenice:

LoveȱandȱWarȱinȱtheȱFifteenthȬCenturyȱBurgundianȱProseȱCligés ȱȱ

“DusȱdeȱSessoigne,ȱDexȱteȱsaut!ȱ Dus,ȱrecovreeȱavonsȱt’amie.ȱ Orȱn’anȱmanrontȱliȱGrezoisȱmie,ȱ Carȱjaȱt’iertȱbailleeȱetȱrandue.”ȱ

455

(vv.ȱ3670–73)

[“DukeȱofȱSaxony,ȱmayȱGodȱsaveȱyou!ȱDuke,ȱweȱhaveȱrecoveredȱyourȱbeloved.ȱNowȱthe Greeksȱwillȱnotȱleadȱherȱaway,ȱforȱsheȱwillȱbeȱhandedȱoverȱandȱreturnedȱtoȱyou”]. “DucȱdeȱSaxonne,ȱDieuxȱteȱsaultȱetȱteȱdointȱceȱqueȱtonȱcuerȱdesire.ȱConforteȱtoi,ȱtuȱasȱbien causeȱd’estreȱjoieux,ȱcarȱleȱjourȱetȱl’eureȱestȱvenueȱqueȱnousȱteȱbailleronsȱenȱsaisineȱet possessionȱleȱcorpzȱdeȱcelleȱtantȱbelleȱdameȱqueȱtuȱasȱameeȱdésȱleȱcommencementȱdeȱta jeunesse.”ȱ (120) [“DukeȱofȱSaxony,ȱmayȱGodȱprotectȱyouȱandȱgrantȱyouȱyourȱheart’sȱdesire.ȱBeȱcomforted, asȱyouȱhaveȱgoodȱreasonȱtoȱbeȱjoyful,ȱforȱtheȱdayȱandȱhourȱhaveȱcomeȱwhenȱweȱwillȱplace inȱyourȱpowerȱandȱpossessionȱthatȱveryȱbeautifulȱladyȱwhomȱyouȱhaveȱlovedȱsinceȱthe beginningȱofȱyourȱadolescence”].

AlthoughȱinȱChrétien’sȱversion,ȱFeniceȱisȱreferredȱtoȱasȱtheȱduke’sȱ“amie”ȱ(v.ȱ3671), theȱspeakerȱseemsȱawareȱonlyȱthatȱtheȱdukeȱwillȱbeȱpleasedȱtoȱseeȱtheȱslightȱtoȱhis honorȱavenged,ȱwhileȱinȱtheȱproseȱthereȱisȱadditionalȱreferenceȱtoȱtheȱgreatȱjoyȱhe willȱfeelȱwhenȱhisȱheart’sȱdesireȱisȱgrantedȱandȱheȱentersȱintoȱpossessionȱofȱthe lovelyȱladyȱwhomȱheȱhasȱlongȱcherished. ByȱimbuingȱtheȱdukeȱwithȱanȱardentȱloveȱforȱFenice,ȱtheȱproseȱauthorȱgivesȱboth AlixȱandȱCligésȱaȱworthyȱrival,ȱandȱtheȱduke’sȱprowessȱlikeȱthatȱofȱtheȱheroȱis inspiredȱ byȱ hisȱ passionȱ forȱ aȱ beautifulȱ andȱ worthyȱ lady.ȱ Underȱ these circumstances,ȱtheȱproseȱwriterȱmustȱtakeȱcareȱtoȱdescribeȱCligés’sȱfeelings,ȱandȱthe mannerȱ inȱ whichȱ heȱ depictsȱ theȱ youth’sȱ recoveryȱ ofȱ Feniceȱ andȱ theȱ ensuing “reunion”ȱ isȱ anȱ excellentȱ exampleȱ ofȱ aȱ styleȱ thatȱ eschewsȱ Chrétien’sȱ virtuoso displaysȱofȱrhetoricȱwhileȱatȱtheȱsameȱtimeȱaddingȱcertainȱtouchesȱtoȱembellishȱthe depictionȱofȱtheȱlovers’ȱtenderȱrelations.ȱ Theȱ characterizationȱ ofȱ Cligés’sȱ furiousȱ reactionȱ toȱ theȱ abductionȱ isȱ almost identicalȱ inȱ bothȱ versions.ȱ Whenȱ theȱ youthȱ realizesȱ thatȱ theȱ duke’sȱ menȱ are carryingȱFeniceȱaway,ȱheȱfliesȱintoȱaȱrageȱdescribedȱbyȱbothȱauthorsȱasȱgreaterȱthan thatȱofȱaȱwildȱanimalȱdefendingȱitsȱyoung.ȱThen,ȱreflectingȱthatȱhisȱlifeȱwouldȱbe worthȱnothingȱwithoutȱhisȱbeloved,ȱheȱisȱspurredȱtoȱactionȱandȱdispatchesȱtheȱsix knights,ȱoneȱrightȱafterȱtheȱother.ȱWhereȱtheȱtwoȱversionsȱdivergeȱisȱinȱtheȱaccount ofȱ theȱ reunionȱ betweenȱ theȱ lovers.ȱ Inȱ Chrétien’sȱ version,ȱ theȱ two,ȱ though obviouslyȱpleasedȱtoȱbeȱtogetherȱagain,ȱareȱsingularlyȱincapableȱofȱverbalizing theirȱfeelingsȱandȱreturnȱinȱtotalȱsilenceȱtoȱtheȱcampȱofȱtheȱGreeksȱandȱGermans. Theȱnarrator,ȱforȱhisȱpart,ȱisȱhardlyȱsilent.ȱAsȱChrétienȱscholarsȱknowȱfullȱwell—for thisȱpassageȱisȱoneȱofȱtheȱmostȱfamousȱinȱtheȱentireȱromanceȱ(vv.ȱ3795–892)—he poursȱoutȱatȱlengthȱhisȱgreatȱastonishmentȱthatȱsuchȱaȱvaliantȱknightȱasȱCligés

456

JoanȱTaskerȱGrimbert

shouldȱbeȱafraidȱtoȱspeakȱhisȱmind.ȱItȱisȱ“leȱmondeȱàȱl’envers”ȱ(theȱworldȱgone topsyȬturvy),ȱthisȱnarratorȱdeclares,ȱbeforeȱexplainingȱthatȱtheirȱconductȱisȱactually typicalȱofȱtrueȱlovers.ȱLoveȱwithoutȱfear,ȱheȱclaims,ȱisȱnotȱloveȱatȱall. Theȱproseȱwriter’sȱnarratorȱtreatsȱthisȱreunionȱquiteȱdifferently,ȱactuallyȱallowing theȱloversȱtoȱshareȱaȱkissȱandȱtheȱmaidenȱtoȱutterȱprofuseȱthanksȱtoȱherȱsavior. AlthoughȱheȱnotesȱthatȱCligésȱbarelyȱdaresȱspeakȱtoȱFenice,ȱhisȱreticenceȱdoesȱnot haveȱtheȱsameȱmotiveȱasȱinȱtheȱoriginal:ȱrather,ȱhisȱdiscretionȱrecallsȱAlixandre’s refusalȱtoȱaskȱArthurȱforȱSoredamor’sȱhandȱforȱfearȱofȱdispleasingȱher.ȱTheȱdetail ofȱCligésȱunlacingȱhisȱhelmetȱaddsȱtoȱtheȱcourtlyȱflavorȱofȱtheȱscene: QuantȱCligésȱseȱvoitȱdelivréȱdeȱsezȱennemis,ȱlorsȱilȱdeslaceȱleȱheaulmeȱetȱs’aproceȱde Fenice,ȱdeȱlaquelleȱilȱprentȱdoulcementȱungȱbaisier.ȱO,ȱqueȱFeniceȱestȱjoieuseȱquantȱelle voitȱsonȱamiȱCligésȱquiȱl’aȱbaisie,ȱdurantȱlequelȱelleȱfistȱungȱgrantȱsoupirȱetȱremercia sonȱchierȱtenuȱcentȱmilleȱfois,ȱcommeȱcelleȱquiȱdésȱlorsȱluiȱeustȱvoulentiersȱottroiéȱson amourȱs’ilȱl’enȱeustȱrequise.ȱMaisȱCligésȱaȱpouȱn’oseȱpasȱparlerȱaȱelle,ȱtantȱcraintȱque parȱsezȱparollesȱilȱneȱlaȱcourrouce,ȱceȱqu’ilȱneȱferoitȱpasȱs’ilȱluiȱdescouvroitȱsaȱlealle pencee,ȱmaisȱavantȱl’esjouiroitȱetȱlaȱmetteroitȱauȱchiefȱd’uneȱgrantȱpaine.ȱ (121) [Whenȱ Cligésȱ seesȱ thatȱ heȱ isȱ deliveredȱ ofȱ hisȱ enemies,ȱ heȱ unlacesȱ hisȱ helmetȱ and approachesȱFenice,ȱfromȱwhomȱheȱtakesȱaȱsweetȱkiss.ȱOh,ȱhowȱjoyfulȱisȱFeniceȱwhen sheȱseesȱherȱsweetheartȱCligés,ȱwhoȱhasȱkissedȱher.ȱHeavingȱaȱgreatȱsighȱsheȱthanked herȱbelovedȱaȱhundredȱthousandȱtimes,ȱasȱoneȱwhoȱthenȱwouldȱhaveȱwillinglyȱgranted himȱherȱloveȱifȱheȱhadȱrequestedȱit.ȱButȱCligésȱbarelyȱdaresȱspeakȱtoȱher,ȱsoȱmuchȱdoes heȱfearȱthatȱwithȱhisȱwordsȱheȱwillȱangerȱher,ȱwhichȱheȱwouldȱnotȱhaveȱdoneȱifȱheȱhad revealedȱhisȱloyalȱthoughts;ȱrather,ȱitȱwouldȱhaveȱmadeȱherȱhappyȱandȱputȱanȱendȱto herȱgreatȱpain].

Fenice’sȱrescueȱisȱanȱ importantȱmilestone,ȱbutȱitȱdoesȱnotȱmarkȱtheȱendȱofȱthe struggleȱbetweenȱtheȱdukeȱandȱCligés.ȱTheȱwarȱstartedȱbyȱtheȱSaxonȱleaderȱwill continueȱforȱasȱlongȱasȱtheȱmainȱrivalsȱforȱtheȱmaiden’sȱaffectionȱhaveȱnotȱreached aȱfinalȱshowdown.ȱWhileȱCligésȱrecountsȱhisȱadventuresȱbackȱatȱcourt,ȱChrétien’s narratorȱnotes:ȱ“Etȱd’autreȱpartȱliȱdusȱenrage”ȱ(v.ȱ3924;ȱOnȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱthe dukeȱrages),ȱthenȱgoesȱonȱtoȱdescribeȱhowȱheȱimmediatelyȱdispatchesȱaȱmessenger toȱchallengeȱCligésȱtoȱaȱfinalȱcombatȱthatȱ willȱdecideȱwhoȱofȱtheȱtwoȱwillȱwin possessionȱ ofȱ Fenice.ȱ Theȱ proseȱ writer,ȱ forȱ hisȱ part,ȱ elaboratesȱ greatlyȱ onȱ the duke’sȱuncontrollableȱanger,ȱwhichȱaffordsȱaȱtellingȱcontrastȱinȱtheȱatmosphereȱat theȱtwoȱcourts:ȱ AtantȱseȱtaistȱnostreȱcompteȱdesȱconjoïssemensȱquiȱfurentȱfaisȱaȱCligés,ȱetȱmaintenant vientȱaȱparlerȱdeȱcelluiȱdeȱSaxonne,ȱqui,ȱoyantȱracompterȱlaȱmortȱdeȱsezȱXIȱchevaliers etȱlaȱdestoursseȱdeȱFenice,ȱilȱcuideȱsoubitementȱenragier,ȱetȱfutȱplusȱdeȱdemieȱheure sansȱsoiȱreleverȱdeȱlaȱterreȱouȱilȱchey,ȱvoireȱetȱtouteȱlaȱnuitȱneȱcessaȱilȱdeȱtirerȱsezȱcrins

LoveȱandȱWarȱinȱtheȱFifteenthȬCenturyȱBurgundianȱProseȱCligés

457

ȱetȱsaȱbarbe,ȱdeȱmaldireȱsaȱvieȱetȱdeȱmenerȱlesȱcontenancesȱd’unȱhommeȱfol.ȱTantȱque laȱnuitȱduraȱleȱducȱneȱpristȱrepos,ȱcommeȱhonmeȱtourbléȱenȱcuer,ȱpenceeȱetȱcorage. (122) [NowȱweȱshallȱleaveȱoffȱourȱaccountȱofȱtheȱovationsȱofȱwhichȱCligésȱwasȱtheȱobjectȱand speakȱofȱtheȱdukeȱofȱSaxonyȱwho,ȱuponȱhearingȱaboutȱtheȱdeathȱofȱhisȱelevenȱknights andȱFenice’sȱrescue,ȱthoughtȱsuddenlyȱthatȱheȱwouldȱgoȱoutȱofȱhisȱmindȱandȱwasȱmore thanȱaȱhalfȱhourȱwithoutȱgettingȱupȱfromȱwhereȱheȱhadȱfallenȱinȱaȱfaint;ȱindeed,ȱall nightȱheȱdidȱnotȱstopȱpullingȱonȱhisȱhairȱandȱbeard,ȱcursingȱhisȱlife,ȱandȱbehavingȱlike aȱcrazyȱman.ȱAsȱlongȱasȱtheȱnightȱlasted,ȱtheȱdukeȱhadȱnoȱrepose,ȱlikeȱaȱmanȱwhoȱwas troubledȱinȱhisȱheart,ȱthoughts,ȱandȱinnermostȱfeelings].

Thus,ȱwhileȱChrétienȱdepictsȱtheȱfuryȱofȱaȱproudȱwarrior,ȱtheȱproseȱwriterȱdetails theȱheartrendingȱanguishȱofȱaȱspurnedȱloverȱtemporarilyȱincapacitatedȱbyȱtheȱloss ofȱhisȱlove.ȱUnderȱtheseȱtryingȱcircumstances,ȱtheȱcourtȱisȱinȱsuspendedȱanimation untilȱmorning,ȱwhenȱtheȱdukeȱspringsȱatȱlastȱintoȱaction.27 Theȱ combatȱ betweenȱ Cligésȱ andȱ theȱ dukeȱ isȱ theȱ finalȱ episodeȱ inȱ thisȱ war. Althoughȱtheȱduke’sȱthreatȱwasȱoriginallyȱdirectedȱatȱtheȱtwoȱemperors,ȱitȱhas becomeȱincreasinglyȱclearȱthatȱtheȱoutcomeȱwillȱbeȱdecidedȱbetweenȱtheȱtwoȱrivals forȱFenice’sȱaffection.ȱInȱcomparingȱeachȱauthorȇsȱdescriptionȱofȱthisȱimportant joust,ȱitȱisȱeasyȱtoȱseeȱhowȱ muchȱ moreȱtheȱproseȱwriterȱ(secondȱtextȱbelow)ȱis interestedȱinȱtheȱcombatȱperȱse,ȱwhereasȱChrétienȱ(firstȱtextȱbelow)ȱindulgesȱinȱa ratherȱimpressionisticȱandȱmetaphoricalȱaccount,ȱresortingȱtoȱhisȱusualȱstratagem ofȱreȬcreatingȱhowȱtheȱcombatȱlooksȱtoȱtheȱonlookers: Qantȱelȱchanpȱfurentȱtuitȱvenu,ȱȱ Hautȱetȱbasȱetȱjueneȱetȱchenu, Lorsȱontȱanduiȱlorȱlancesȱprises,ȱ Etȱlesȱgardesȱiȱfurentȱmises, Siȱs’antrevienentȱsanzȱfeintise Siȱqueȱchascunsȱsaȱlanceȱbrise, Etȱdesȱchevaxȱaȱterreȱvienent Siȱqu’asȱselesȱneȱseȱretienent.

27

AlthoughȱsuchȱdisplaysȱofȱgriefȱwereȱcommonȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱitȱisȱinterestingȱtoȱseeȱhowȱthe BurgundianȱchroniclerȱGeorgesȱChastellainȱdescribesȱPhilip’sȱreactionȱtoȱtheȱnewsȱofȱhisȱfather’s murder.ȱAccordingȱtoȱVaughanȱ(seeȱnoteȱ1),ȱ2,ȱChastellainȱreportsȱthatȱtheȱyouthȱ“threwȱhimself ontoȱaȱbedȱgnashingȱhisȱteethȱandȱrollingȱhisȱeyesȱwithȱgrief.”ȱVaughanȱaddsȱthatȱ“theȱcoldȱbut clearerȱlightȱofȱhistoricalȱrecordȱdoesȱconfirmȱthatȱPhilip’sȱanguishȱwasȱrealȱenoughȱtoȱoccasion aȱ temporaryȱ breakdownȱ inȱ theȱ administration.”ȱ Seeȱ theȱ contributionsȱ toȱ Griefȱ andȱ Gender: 700–1700,ȱ ed.ȱ Jenniferȱ C.ȱ Vaughtȱ withȱ Lynneȱ Dicksonȱ Brucknerȱ (Houndmills,ȱ Basingstoke, Hampshire,ȱEngland,ȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱPalgraveȱMacmillan,ȱ2003).ȱForȱaȱdiscussionȱofȱmedieval displaysȱofȱemotionsȱversusȱtheirȱmodernȱinterpretationȱasȱritual,ȱseeȱPeterȱDinzelbacher,ȱWarum weintȱderȱKönig?:ȱeineȱKritikȱdesȱmediävistischenȱPanritualismusȱ(Badenweiler:ȱWissenschaftlicher VerlagȱBachmann.ȱ2009).

458

JoanȱTaskerȱGrimbert Mesȱtostȱresontȱanȱpiezȱdrecié, Carȱdeȱrienȱneȱfurentȱblecié, Siȱs’antrevienentȱsanzȱdelai. Asȱespeesȱnotentȱunȱlai Sorȱlesȱhiaumes,ȱquiȱretantissent Siȱqueȱlorȱgenzȱs’anȱesbaïssent. Ilȱsanbleȱaȱcesȱquiȱlesȱesgardentȱ Queȱliȱhiaumeȱespraignentȱetȱardent, Etȱquantȱlesȱespeesȱresaillent, Estancelesȱardanzȱanȱsaillent Ausiȱcomeȱdeȱferȱquiȱfume Queȱliȱfevresȱbatȱsorȱl’anclume Quantȱilȱleȱtretȱdeȱlaȱfavarge. Moltȱsontȱanduiȱliȱvassalȱlarge Deȱcosȱdonerȱaȱgrantȱplanté, S’aȱchascunsȱboeneȱvolanté Deȱtostȱrandreȱceȱqu’ilȱacroit; Neȱcilȱneȱcistȱneȱs’anȱrecroit Queȱtotȱsanzȱconteȱetȱsanzȱmesure Neȱrandeȱchetelȱetȱousure Liȱunsȱaȱl’autreȱsanzȱrespit. Mesȱleȱducȱvientȱaȱgrantȱdespit, Etȱmoltȱanȱestȱiriezȱetȱchauz, Qantȱilȱasȱpremerainsȱassauz N’avoitȱCligésȱconquisȱetȱmort. Unȱgrantȱcopȱmervelleusȱetȱfort Liȱdoneȱtelȱqueȱaȱsesȱpiezȱȱȱ Estȱd’unȱgenoilȱagenoilliezȱ

(vv.ȱ4037–72)

[Whenȱ everyoneȱ hadȱ assembledȱ onȱ theȱ field—nobleȱ andȱ commoner,ȱ youngȱ and old—andȱ theȱ guardsȱ wereȱ posted,ȱ thenȱ bothȱ menȱ seizedȱ theirȱ lancesȱ andȱ charged straightȱatȱoneȱanother,ȱbreakingȱtheirȱlancesȱandȱknockingȱoneȱanotherȱtoȱtheȱground, forȱtheyȱcouldȱnotȱstayȱinȱtheirȱsaddles.ȱButȱtheyȱimmediatelyȱleapȱtoȱtheirȱfeet,ȱfor neitherȱwasȱtheȱleastȱbitȱwounded,ȱandȱsetȱuponȱeachȱotherȱwithoutȱdelay.ȱTheirȱsword blowsȱechoȱfromȱtheirȱhelmetsȱwithȱaȱtuneȱthatȱmakesȱtheirȱcomradesȱmarvel;ȱtoȱthe onlookersȱitȱseemsȱthatȱtheirȱhelmetsȱsparkȱandȱareȱaflame.ȱAndȱwhenȱtheirȱswords rebound,ȱflamingȱsparksȱleapȱfromȱthemȱasȱfromȱtheȱsmokingȱironȱtheȱsmithȱstrikes uponȱhisȱanvilȱafterȱheȱpullsȱitȱfromȱhisȱforge.ȱBothȱknightsȱareȱgenerousȱinȱgiving blowsȱaplenty,ȱandȱeachȱisȱquiteȱwillingȱtoȱreturnȱwhatȱheȱisȱgiven.ȱNeitherȱofȱthem growsȱwearyȱofȱrepaying,ȱwithoutȱaccountingȱandȱwithoutȱmeasure,ȱbothȱcapitalȱand interestȱtoȱhisȱenemyȱunceasingly.ȱButȱtheȱdukeȱisȱtrulyȱvexedȱbyȱhisȱfailureȱtoȱconquer orȱkillȱCligésȱinȱtheȱfirstȱattackȱandȱheȱbecomesȱinflamedȱwithȱwrath.ȱHeȱgivesȱhim suchȱanȱastonishinglyȱstrongȱandȱmightyȱblowȱthatȱCligésȱfallsȱtoȱoneȱkneeȱatȱhisȱfeet].ȱ Quantȱ lesȱ deuxȱ chevaliersȱ seȱ voientȱ prestzȱ deȱ commencierȱ lesȱ armes,ȱ chascun ampoigneȱlaȱlance,ȱetȱtantȱasprementȱbrocentȱlesȱdestriersȱqu’ilȱsambleȱqueȱtoutȱdoibve

LoveȱandȱWarȱinȱtheȱFifteenthȬCenturyȱBurgundianȱProseȱCligés

459

fendreȱdevantȱeulz;ȱetȱs’entrefierentȱparȱtelȱvertuȱqueȱlezȱlancesȱbrisentȱetȱqueȱleȱduc wideȱlezȱarçons,ȱetȱCligésȱchietȱdeȱl’aultreȱlésȱparȱlezȱchanglesȱduȱdestrierȱquiȱrompent. Maisȱcombienȱqu’ilzȱsoientȱchutz,ȱilzȱsontȱhabillementȱsallisȱsurȱpiésȱetȱontȱtostȱsaisiez bonnesȱespees,ȱduȱtrençantȱdesquellezȱilzȱfierentȱl’unȱl’aultreȱenȱtelleȱmanièreȱqueȱdes heaulmesȱ etȱ haubersȱ ilzȱ fontȱ estincellerȱ feu,ȱ etȱ sambleȱ qu’ilzȱ doibventȱ occirreȱ l’un l’aultreȱaȱchascunȱcoup.ȱOrȱsententȱilzȱpluseursȱcoupzȱlourzȱetȱpesans;ȱchascunȱpence deȱsauverȱsaȱvie,ȱetȱCligés,ȱquiȱtresbienȱseȱacquitte,ȱungȱcoupȱdonneȱaȱsonȱennemiȱtel queȱclinerȱleȱfaitȱetȱdesmarcierȱungȱpas.ȱLeȱduc,ȱquiȱparȱorgoeulȱgringneȱlesȱdens,ȱlors cuideȱcreverȱdeȱgrantȱire,ȱilȱhaulceȱl’espeeȱetȱenȱbailleȱtelleȱentortillieȱaȱCligésȱsurȱle heaulmeȱqueȱparȱforceȱilȱluiȱfaitȱmettreȱungȱgenoulȱaȱterre.ȱ (123–24) [Whenȱtheȱtwoȱknightsȱseeȱthatȱtheyȱareȱreadyȱtoȱbeginȱtheirȱcombat,ȱeachȱoneȱseizes hisȱlance,ȱandȱtheyȱspurȱtheirȱsteedsȱsoȱhardȱthatȱitȱseemsȱasȱthoughȱeverythingȱwill splitȱbeforeȱthem;ȱthus,ȱtheyȱattackȱoneȱanotherȱwithȱsuchȱforceȱthatȱtheirȱlancesȱbreak andȱtheȱdukeȱfallsȱfromȱhisȱsaddle,ȱandȱCligésȱfromȱhisȱasȱhisȱsteed’sȱstrapsȱbreak.ȱBut althoughȱtheyȱareȱdown,ȱtheyȱgetȱupȱexpertlyȱandȱhaveȱsoonȱseizedȱtheirȱgoodȱswords, whoseȱbladesȱtheyȱuseȱtoȱstrikeȱeachȱotherȱinȱsuchȱaȱwayȱthatȱtheyȱmakeȱsparksȱofȱfire onȱtheirȱhelmetsȱandȱhauberks,ȱandȱitȱseemsȱasȱthoughȱtheyȱmustȱkillȱeachȱotherȱwith eachȱblow.ȱThenȱtheyȱfeelȱseveralȱheavyȱandȱweightyȱblows;ȱeachȱtriesȱtoȱsaveȱhisȱlife, andȱCligés,ȱwhoȱisȱacquittingȱhimselfȱveryȱwell,ȱstrikesȱhisȱenemyȱsuchȱaȱblowȱthatȱhe makesȱhimȱbowȱhisȱheadȱandȱretreatȱaȱbit.ȱTheȱduke,ȱwhoȱoutȱofȱprideȱgrindsȱhisȱteeth andȱ thinksȱ heȱ willȱ burstȱ fromȱ hisȱ greatȱ ire,ȱ raisesȱ hisȱ swordȱ andȱ deliversȱ suchȱ a stunningȱblowȱonȱCligés’sȱhelmetȱthatȱheȱcausesȱhisȱkneeȱtoȱtouchȱtheȱground].

Atȱthisȱcrucialȱpointȱinȱthisȱdecisiveȱduel,ȱFeniceȱletsȱoutȱaȱsingleȱcryȱandȱpromptly faints.ȱChrétienȱnotesȱthatȱCligésȱhearsȱherȱvoice,ȱwhichȱgivesȱhimȱheart;ȱheȱjumps upȱswiftlyȱandȱcomesȱangrilyȱtowardȱtheȱdukeȱ(vv.ȱ4098–102).ȱTheȱproseȱwriter expandsȱgreatlyȱCligés’sȱthoughtsȱonȱthisȱoccasion: CligésȱaȱentenduȱceȱdouxȱmotȱquiȱdeȱlaȱlangueȱdolenteȱdeȱFeniceȱestȱprocédé.ȱCuerȱet corageȱluiȱenȱcroit,ȱcarȱlorsȱcongnoistȱilȱqueȱFeniceȱl’aymeȱaulcunementȱet,ȱnonobstant qu’ilȱaitȱmisȱleȱgenoulȱaȱterre,ȱilȱleȱrelieveȱetȱleȱresourtȱvistement,ȱet,ȱcommeȱcilȱqui espoireȱd’avoirȱuneȱfoisȱguerredonȱdeȱsonȱserviceȱetȱquiȱneȱchasseȱqu’aȱavoirȱbruitȱet honneur,ȱilȱs’esvertue,ȱetȱd’estocȱouȱdeȱtailleȱcontreȱungȱcoupȱqu’ilȱruoitȱnaguerresȱil enȱdonneȱdeux.ȱ (124) [CligésȱhasȱheardȱthisȱsweetȱwordȱthatȱhasȱproceededȱfromȱFenice’sȱsorrowfulȱtongue. HeȱgainsȱheartȱandȱspiritȱbecauseȱheȱknowsȱthenȱthatȱFeniceȱlovesȱhimȱsomewhatȱand, althoughȱhisȱkneeȱhasȱtouchedȱtheȱground,ȱheȱquicklyȱliftsȱitȱupȱandȱinfusesȱitȱwith newȱstrengthȱand,ȱlikeȱoneȱwhoȱhopesȱoneȱdayȱtoȱhaveȱaȱrewardȱforȱhisȱserviceȱand whoȱpursuesȱonlyȱrenownȱandȱhonor,ȱheȱsummonsȱallȱhisȱstrengthȱand,ȱforȱeveryȱblow withȱtheȱswordȱpointȱorȱbladeȱthatȱheȱreturnedȱpreviously,ȱheȱnowȱgivesȱtwo].

SensingȱCligés’sȱrenewedȱvigor,ȱtheȱdukeȱquicklyȱdecidesȱthatȱheȱwillȱneedȱtoȱfind aȱmeansȱotherȱthanȱcombatȱtoȱresolveȱtheȱdispute.ȱInȱChrétien’sȱversion,ȱheȱsays

460

JoanȱTaskerȱGrimbert

thatȱifȱheȱdidȱnotȱfeelȱtheȱneedȱtoȱavengeȱhisȱnephew,ȱheȱwouldȱgladlyȱmakeȱpeace withȱhim.ȱWhenȱCligésȱtellsȱhimȱthatȱhisȱnephewȱwasȱwrongȱtoȱprovokeȱhimȱand thatȱheȱintendsȱtoȱdealȱhimȱtheȱsameȱfate,ȱtheȱdukeȱtriesȱanotherȱapproachȱsaying thatȱsinceȱheȱwouldȱgainȱnoȱhonorȱfromȱvanquishingȱsomeoneȱasȱyoungȱasȱCligés, heȱisȱwillingȱtoȱacknowledgeȱdefeat.ȱTheȱproseȱwriterȱoffersȱaȱvariationȱonȱthis exchange:ȱtheȱdukeȱsaysȱnothingȱaboutȱrevengeȱandȱinsteadȱevokesȱhisȱopponent’s greatȱyouth.ȱHeȱtellsȱCligésȱthatȱheȱpitiesȱhimȱbecauseȱheȱwillȱhaveȱtoȱkillȱhim, mentionsȱtheȱshameȱheȱmightȱbringȱuponȱhimselfȱbyȱslayingȱhim,ȱandȱsaysȱthat, ifȱtheȱyouthȱwereȱtoȱaskȱforȱmercy,ȱheȱmightȱtakeȱpityȱonȱhimȱandȱpardonȱhimȱfor theȱharshȱoffensesȱandȱtroublesȱthatȱheȱhasȱcausedȱhim.ȱHereȱagain,ȱCligésȱrefuses toȱ yield,ȱ andȱ theȱ dukeȱ hasȱ noȱ choiceȱ butȱ toȱ surrender.ȱ Chrétienȱ recordsȱ this importantȱmomentȱinȱindirectȱdiscourse:ȱ“Liȱdusȱoiantȱtozȱleȱrecorde”ȱ(v.ȱ4161;ȱThe dukeȱacknowledgedȱdefeatȱbeforeȱallȱpresent).ȱTheȱproseȱwriterȱturnsȱthisȱspeech intoȱdirectȱdiscourseȱandȱhasȱtheȱdukeȱsolemnlyȱsurrenderȱtoȱCligés,ȱbeggingȱhim toȱhaveȱmercyȱonȱhim:ȱ “Sireȱ chevalier,ȱ jeȱ meȱ rensȱ aȱ vous,ȱ congnoissantȱ queȱ j’ayȱ grandementȱ offenséȱ et mesprinsȱenversȱvostreȱhaulteȱnoblesse.ȱJeȱvousȱprieȱmerci,ȱsuppliantȱqueȱenȱfaveurȱde gentillesseȱetȱdeȱchevalerieȱvousȱaiésȱpitiéȱdeȱmoy,ȱetȱjeȱseraiȱvostreȱservantȱdurantȱma vie.”ȱCligésȱlors,ȱcommeuȱdeȱpitié,ȱleȱrelieveȱetȱluiȱdonneȱcongié.ȱ (125) [“SirȱKnight,ȱIȱsurrenderȱtoȱyou,ȱrecognizingȱthatȱIȱhaveȱgreatlyȱoffendedȱandȱwronged yourȱ greatȱ nobility.ȱ Iȱ askȱ mercyȱ ofȱ you,ȱ beggingȱ youȱ toȱ haveȱ pityȱ onȱ meȱ asȱ your nobilityȱ andȱ chivalryȱ wouldȱ dictate,ȱ andȱ Iȱ willȱ beȱ yourȱ servantȱ allȱ myȱ life.”ȱ Then Cligés,ȱmovedȱtoȱpity,ȱraisedȱhimȱupȱandȱletȱhimȱgo].

Thisȱscene,ȱfullȱofȱtenderȱgallantryȱinȱtheȱprose,ȱmarksȱtheȱpointȱatȱwhichȱtheȱtwo menȱ whoȱ haveȱ foughtȱ soȱ longȱ andȱ hardȱ forȱ possessionȱ ofȱ Feniceȱ become reconciled,ȱ andȱ itȱ bringsȱ undeniableȱ closureȱ toȱ thisȱ protractedȱ rivalryȱ thatȱ the proseȱauthorȱhasȱtakenȱsuchȱpainsȱtoȱdramatize.

4.ȱConclusion Scholarsȱ haveȱ longȱ claimedȱ thatȱ inȱ Chrétien’sȱ Cligésȱ loveȱ andȱ prowessȱ areȱ not linkedȱinȱtheȱwayȱtheyȱareȱinȱhisȱotherȱromances.ȱForȱexample,ȱAlixandreȱdoesȱnot winȱ Sordamors’sȱ loveȱ byȱ performingȱ greatȱ actsȱ ofȱ prowessȱ inȱ herȱ presence; instead,ȱtheyȱfallȱinȱloveȱonȱtheȱboatȱasȱtheyȱareȱheadedȱforȱBrittany.ȱButȱrecently, Peggyȱ McCrackenȱ hasȱ takenȱ issueȱ withȱ thoseȱ whoȱ seeȱ aȱ radicalȱ disjunction betweenȱtheȱsectionsȱdevotedȱtoȱloveȱandȱtoȱwarȱinȱCligés.ȱHerȱcloseȱreadingȱof certainȱ passagesȱ inȱ theȱ firstȱ partȱ ofȱ theȱ romanceȱ revealsȱ thatȱ theyȱ areȱ actually intertwinedȱ andȱ inȱ dialogueȱ withȱ oneȱ another,ȱ forȱ theyȱ shareȱ aȱ common

LoveȱandȱWarȱinȱtheȱFifteenthȬCenturyȱBurgundianȱProseȱCligés

461

vocabulary,ȱand,ȱasȱtheȱnarrativeȱalternatesȱbetweenȱtheȱbattlefieldȱandȱtheȱladies’ chamber,ȱ betweenȱ actionȱ andȱ stasis,ȱ eachȱ storyȬlineȱ helpsȱ toȱ moveȱ theȱ other forward.28ȱTheȱsituationȱisȱnotȱquiteȱtheȱsameȱinȱtheȱsecondȱpartȱofȱtheȱromance, althoughȱCligésȱandȱFeniceȱdoȱfallȱinȱloveȱatȱfirstȱsightȱwhenȱtheyȱmeetȱatȱcourt, andȱweȱwitnessȱtheȱsameȱalternationȱbetweenȱpassagesȱofȱloveȱandȱwar.ȱHowever, Cligésȱ getsȱ aȱ chanceȱ toȱ performȱ beforeȱ Fenice’sȱ eyes,ȱ andȱ herȱ esteemȱ forȱ this valiantȱ knightȱ (whoseȱ nameȱ isȱ unknownȱ toȱ her)ȱ growsȱ immeasurablyȱ asȱ she witnessesȱhisȱfeatsȱofȱprowess.ȱMoreover,ȱheȱputsȱhisȱprowessȱtoȱworkȱdirectlyȱfor herȱwhenȱheȱrescuesȱher.ȱInȱtheȱproseȱCligés,ȱcombatȱisȱevenȱmoreȱcloselyȱlinked toȱloveȱviaȱtheȱchangesȱthatȱtheȱauthorȱmakesȱinȱtheȱdukeȱofȱSaxony’sȱmotivation forȱrecoveringȱFenice.ȱ CriticsȱhaveȱgenerallyȱbeenȱunwillingȱtoȱcreditȱtheȱauthorȱofȱtheȱproseȱCligésȱwith muchȱoriginality.ȱAsȱweȱhaveȱseen,ȱGeorgesȱDoutrepontȱbelievedȱthatȱhisȱmain purposeȱ wasȱ toȱ presentȱ aȱ narrativeȱ thatȱ wasȱ naturalȱ andȱ clear,ȱ whichȱ would explainȱ hisȱ decisionȱ toȱ addȱ certainȱ detailsȱ orȱ amplifyȱ selectedȱ scenesȱ thatȱ he thoughtȱwouldȱresonateȱwithȱhisȱaudience.ȱScholarsȱstudyingȱtheȱromanceȱsince Doutrepontȱhaveȱtendedȱtoȱevaluateȱitȱlessȱinȱtermsȱofȱhowȱitȱmeasuresȱupȱtoȱits modelȱthanȱofȱhowȱitȱreflectsȱtheȱprocessȱofȱacculturation:ȱadaptationȱtoȱtheȱtastes ofȱ fifteenthȬcenturyȱ audiences.ȱ Theȱ generalȱ consensusȱ hasȱ beenȱ thatȱ theȱ prose writerȱandȱhisȱaudienceȱwereȱmoreȱinterestedȱinȱtheȱscenesȱofȱcombatȱthanȱinȱthe loveȱintrigue,ȱandȱtheȱimpressionȱleftȱbyȱvariousȱcriticalȱassessmentsȱisȱoneȱofȱa writerȱwhoȱwasȱnotȱparticularlyȱreflective.ȱYetȱtheȱforegoingȱanalysisȱdemonstrates thatȱheȱwasȱperfectlyȱcapableȱnotȱsimplyȱofȱmakingȱscatteredȱchangesȱtoȱ“update” theȱstoryȱbutȱalsoȱofȱintroducingȱaȱwholeȱnewȱdimensionȱintoȱtheȱbattleȱforȱFenice’s affectionȱthatȱservesȱ notȱonlyȱtoȱenhanceȱtheȱloveȱintrigueȱbutȱalsoȱtoȱgiveȱthe variousȱcombatȱscenesȱnewȱsignificance.ȱHisȱinnovativeȱtreatmentȱofȱtheȱdukeȱof Saxony’sȱdesireȱtoȱwinȱbackȱFeniceȱinvolvesȱtheȱheroȱinȱaȱsecondȱloveȱtriangleȱthat actuallyȱrivalsȱandȱevenȱoutshines,ȱforȱaȱtime,ȱtheȱoneȱthatȱincludesȱAlix.

28

PeggyȱMcCracken,ȱ“LoveȱandȱWarȱinȱCligés,”ȱArthurianaȱ18ȱ(2008):ȱ6–18.

Chapterȱ18 GeorgeȱArabatzis (ResearchȱCentreȱonȱGreekȱPhilosophy,ȱAcademyȱofȱAthens)

SailingȱAwayȱfromȱByzantium:ȱ RenaissanceȱCrusadeȱLiteratureȱandȱPeaceȱPlans

Introduction Theȱscienceȱofȱethnopsychiatryȱdistinguishesȱbetweenȱthreeȱdifferentȱstructuresȱof theȱimaginary:ȱutopianism,ȱmessianism,ȱandȱpossession.1ȱTheȱattainmentȱofȱpeace belongsȱtoȱtheȱutopianȱstructure,ȱitsȱaimȱbeingȱtoȱabolishȱtimeȱandȱcreateȱaȱmore orȱ lessȱ perpetualȱ peace,ȱ whileȱ theȱ appealsȱ forȱ aȱ (just)ȱ warȱ mayȱ beȱ aȱ formȱ of messianism.ȱ Althoughȱ theseȱ imaginaryȱ structuresȱ areȱ theoreticallyȱ distinct, politicalȱ historyȱ showsȱ usȱ thatȱ theyȱ areȱ neverȱ foundȱ inȱ aȱ pureȱ state,ȱ asȱ the ethnopsychiatristsȱthemselvesȱunderscore.ȱInȱstudyingȱEuropeanȱpeaceȱplansȱand theȱappealsȱforȱaȱJustȱWarȱagainstȱtheȱTurksȱafterȱtheȱfallȱofȱConstantinopleȱinȱ1453, theȱproblemȱseemsȱnotȱtoȱbeȱtheȱpureȱtheoryȱofȱpeaceȱandȱwar,ȱbutȱratherȱtheȱways inȱwhichȱparticularȱhistoricalȱperiodsȱshapedȱanȱunderstandingȱofȱpeaceȱandȱwar, especiallyȱamongȱtheȱintellectuals.2ȱ Theȱpurposeȱofȱthisȱpaperȱisȱthusȱnotȱtheȱstudyȱofȱinternationalȱrelationsȱbutȱan explorationȱofȱearlyȱmodernȱapproachesȱtoȱwarȱandȱpeace.ȱTheȱappealsȱbyȱthe Renaissanceȱintellectuals,ȱespeciallyȱfromȱGreekȱintellectualsȱtoȱtheirȱEuropean contemporariesȱtoȱhelpȱthemȱtoȱbecomeȱliberatedȱfromȱTurkishȱoccupationȱappear toȱconstituteȱaȱpreludeȱtoȱeffortsȱatȱEuropeanȱpeaceȱplanningȱinȱlaterȱcenturies.ȱThe practicalȱandȱconceptualȱlimitsȱofȱtheȱrationalȱchoiceȱbetweenȱJustȱWarȱandȱpeace

1

2

SeeȱFrançoisȱLaplantine,ȱLesȱtroisȱvoixȱdeȱl’imaginaire:ȱLeȱmessianisme,ȱlaȱpossession,ȱl’utopie.ȱÉtude ethnopsychiatriqueȱ(Paris:ȱÉditionsȱUniversitaires,ȱ1974). IstvanȱKende,ȱ“TheȱHistoryȱofȱPeace:ȱConceptȱandȱOrganizationsȱfromȱtheȱLateȱMiddleȱAgesȱto theȱ1870s,”ȱJournalȱofȱPeaceȱResearchȱ26.3ȱ(1989):ȱ233–47;ȱhereȱ233.

464

GeorgeȱArabatzis

wereȱ theȱ productȱ ofȱ theȱ politicalȱ situationȱ inȱ theȱ Westȱ andȱ theȱ theoretical limitationsȱofȱthatȱperiod,ȱi.e.,ȱtheȱyearsȱmarkingȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱand theȱbeginningȱofȱmodernity.

RenaissanceȱCrusadeȱLiteratureȱandȱPeaceȱPlanning Sinceȱ1453,ȱwhenȱConstantinopleȱfellȱintoȱtheȱhandsȱofȱtheȱTurks,ȱtheȱGreeksȱdid notȱ ceaseȱ toȱ hopeȱ forȱ aȱ Europeanȱ interventionȱ thatȱ wouldȱ deliverȱ themȱ from Turkishȱtyrannyȱandȱslavery.ȱTheȱfallȱofȱConstantinople,ȱdescribedȱasȱ“theȱsecond deathȱofȱHomerȱandȱPlato”3ȱbyȱPopeȱPiusȱIIȱ(1458–1464),ȱwasȱseenȱasȱaȱcultural catastrophe,ȱparticularlyȱforȱtheȱGreekȱintellectualsȱandȱscholarsȱwhoȱleftȱtheir countryȱandȱputȱthemselvesȱinȱtheȱserviceȱofȱEuropeanȱrulersȱ(ecclesiasticalȱor secular).ȱ Theyȱ wereȱ joinedȱ byȱ otherȱ humanistȱ scholarsȱ inȱ aȱ commonȱ effortȱ to liberateȱGreece.ȱInȱthisȱway,ȱtheȱhumanistȱmovementȱandȱRenaissanceȱCrusade literatureȱconvergedȱduringȱandȱafterȱtheȱreignȱofȱMehmedȱIIȱ(1451–1481).ȱHaving chosenȱtoȱactȱinȱfavorȱofȱGreece,ȱtheseȱscholarsȱwroteȱappealsȱtoȱtheȱPopeȱandȱthe monarchsȱofȱEurope,ȱincitingȱthemȱtoȱorganizeȱaȱJustȱWarȱagainstȱtheȱTurksȱforȱthe liberationȱofȱGreece.ȱ Theseȱ appealsȱ byȱ humanistsȱ ofȱ theȱ era,ȱ writtenȱ andȱ destinedȱ forȱ public dissemination,ȱespeciallyȱinȱprint,ȱformȱaȱdistinctȱliteraryȱgenre.ȱAsȱPaulȱOskar Kristellerȱaffirms,ȱ“compositionsȱinȱproseȱandȱinȱverseȱagainstȱtheȱTurksȱrepresent aȱconsiderableȱbodyȱofȱliteraryȱproductionȱinȱtheȱ15thȱandȱ16thȱCenturies.”4ȱThe genreȱ wasȱ foremostȱ aȱ typicalȱ formȱ ofȱ oratory:ȱ “atȱ diplomaticȱ congresses,ȱ the receptionȱofȱambassadors,ȱtheȱelevationȱofȱaȱpope,ȱtheȱmarriageȱofȱaȱprince,ȱor almostȱ anyȱ publicȱ occasionȱ anȱ oratorȱ trainedȱ inȱ theȱ newȱ rhetoricȱ shouldȱ step forwardȱandȱdeliverȱanȱExhortatioȱadȱbellumȱcontraȱbarbaros.”5ȱThisȱformȱofȱoratory evenȱ becameȱ aȱ schoolroomȱ exercise:ȱ Benedettoȱ Colucciȱ inȱ hisȱ Declamationes presentsȱFicinoȱ“asȱassigningȱtheȱcompositionȱofȱanȱappealȱforȱaȱcrusadeȱtoȱfiveȱof

3

4

5

SeeȱGeorgȱVoigt,ȱEneaȱSilvioȱde’ȱPiccolomini,ȱalsȱPapstȱPiusȱderȱZweiteȱundȱseinȱZeitalter.ȱVol.ȱ2ȱ(Berlin: GeorgȱReimer,ȱ1862),ȱ94,ȱn.1. PaulȱOskarȱKristeller,ȱStudiesȱinȱRenaissanceȱThoughtȱandȱLetters.ȱStoriaȱeȱletteratura,ȱVol.ȱ54ȱ(Rome: EdizioniȱdiȱStoriaȱeȱLetteraturaȱ1956),ȱ112,ȱn.ȱ51 RobertȱH.ȱSchwoebel,ȱ“Coexistence,ȱConversion,ȱandȱtheȱCrusadeȱAgainstȱtheȱTurks,”ȱStudiesȱin theȱRenaissanceȱ12ȱ(1965):ȱ164–87;ȱhereȱ165.

RenaissanceȱCrusadeȱLiteratureȱandȱPeaceȱPlans

465

hisȱpupils.”6ȱItȱisȱtheȱByzantineȱGreekȱCardinalȱBessarionȱwhoȱelevatedȱtheȱgenre toȱliteraryȱprominence.7 Atȱaroundȱtheȱsameȱtime,ȱaȱnewȱideaȱbeganȱtoȱspreadȱthroughoutȱEurope,ȱthat ofȱ aȱ perpetualȱ peaceȱ amongȱ theȱ nations,ȱ primarilyȱ theȱ Europeanȱ ones,ȱ which emergedȱthroughȱtheȱcompositionȱofȱ“PeaceȱPlans”ȱandȱalsoȱshapedȱaȱdistinct literaryȱ genre.ȱ Theȱ conditionsȱ thatȱ ledȱ toȱ theȱ developmentȱ ofȱ suchȱ anȱ idea included:ȱ(a)ȱtheȱRenaissanceȱandȱProtestantȱReformation;ȱ(b)ȱtheȱfearȱofȱTurkish invasion;ȱ (c)ȱ theȱ expansionȱ ofȱ printȱ culture;ȱ andȱ (d)ȱ theȱ birthȱ ofȱ theȱ modern intellectual.8ȱTheseȱfactors,ȱtheȱlastȱthreeȱatȱanyȱrate,ȱplayedȱaȱmajorȱroleȱinȱthe publicationȱofȱappealsȱforȱaȱJustȱWarȱagainstȱtheȱ Turksȱ byȱGreekȱintellectuals. Theseȱ intellectuals,ȱ afterȱ havingȱ leftȱ Byzantium,ȱ contributedȱ greatlyȱ toȱ the humanistȱmovementȱandȱwereȱheavilyȱengagedȱinȱtheȱpublishingȱbusinessȱofȱthe time;ȱforȱexample,ȱaȱGreek,ȱMarcusȱMusurusȱ(1470–1517),ȱwasȱtheȱfirstȱeditorȱofȱthe CompleteȱWorksȱofȱPlatoȱatȱAldusȱManutius’sȱprintingȱhouseȱinȱVenice.9 Inȱorderȱtoȱelucidateȱtheȱsignificanceȱofȱtheȱ“AppealsȱtoȱJustȱWars”ȱandȱ“Peace Plans,”ȱoneȱshouldȱconsiderȱthatȱthroughoutȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱChristianityȱhadȱnot avoidedȱschismsȱandȱwarsȱandȱthatȱhumanismȱisȱnotȱnecessarilyȱaȱhumanitarian movement.ȱHugoȱGrotiusȱ(1583–1645),ȱforȱinstance,ȱheldȱtheȱconvictionȱthatȱthe interiorȱpeaceȱofȱnationsȱisȱpossibleȱalthoughȱwarȱamongȱnationsȱisȱnatural.10ȱEven theȱdifferentȱpacifistȱmovementsȱemergingȱinȱEuropeȱdidȱnotȱexcludeȱwar.ȱThe greatȱErasmusȱofȱRotterdamȱ(1466–1536),ȱalthoughȱheȱdenouncedȱwarȱinȱwritings thatȱoneȱcouldȱcallȱirenicȱ(“peaceȬpromoting”),ȱneverthelessȱdidȱnotȱexcludeȱthe ideaȱofȱaȱwarȱagainstȱtheȱTurks11;ȱheȱwasȱthusȱpartakingȱinȱaȱgreatȱtraditionȱin

6

7

8

9

10 11

RobertȱSchwoebel,ȱ“Coexistence,”ȱ165ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).ȱForȱFicino’sȱantiȬTurkishȱorations,ȱseeȱOpera Omnia,ȱ1576ȱ(facsimileȱTurin:ȱBottegaȱd’Erasmo,ȱ1959),ȱI,ȱii,ȱ721,ȱ722,ȱ808–18.ȱForȱtheȱappealsȱas schoolroomȱ exercises,ȱ seeȱ Louisȱ Thuasne,ȱ DjemȬsultan,ȱ filsȱ deȱ Mohammedȱ II,ȱ frèreȱ deȱ Bayezidȱ II, 1459–1495ȱ(Paris:ȱLeroux,ȱ1892),ȱ434–37. ̏anoussosȱ ̌.ȱ Manoussakasȱ hasȱ greatlyȱ contributedȱ toȱ theȱ studyȱ ofȱ theȱ Appealsȱ ofȱ theȱ Greek scholarsȱforȱtheȱliberationȱofȱGreece;ȱseeȱhisȱAppealsȱ(1453–1535)ȱofȱtheȱGreekȱScholarsȱofȱRenaissance Addressedȱ toȱ theȱ Princesȱ ofȱ Europeȱ forȱ theȱ Liberationȱ ofȱ Greeceȱ (inȱ Greek)ȱ (Thessaloniki:ȱ Aristotle UniversityȱofȱThessaloniki,ȱ1965),ȱandȱid.,ȱ“AppealsȱofȱtheȱGreekȱScholarsȱtoȱtheȱPrincesȱofȱEurope forȱtheȱLiberationȱofȱGreece”ȱ(inȱGreek),ȱActsȱofȱtheȱAcademyȱofȱAthensȱ59.1ȱ(1984):ȱ196–249.ȱSeeȱalso VincenzoȱRotolo,ȱIlȱcarmeȱ“Hellas”ȱdiȱLeoneȱAllacci.ȱQuaderni,ȱ3ȱ(Palermo:ȱIstitutoȱSicilianoȱdiȱStudi BisantiniȱeȱNeoellenici,ȱ1966),ȱchapterȱII:ȱ“Appelli”ȱeȱ“Lamenti,,”ȱ13–48. SeeȱMiriamȱEliavȬFeldon,ȱ“GrandȱDesigns,ȱTheȱPeaceȱPlansȱofȱtheȱLateȱRenaissance,”ȱVivarium 27.1ȱ(1989):ȱ51–76. SeeȱGregorisȱM.ȱSifakis,ȱ“MarcusȱMusurus’sȱPoemȱtoȱPlatoȱ(inȱGreek),”ȱKretikaȱChronikaȱ8ȱ(1954): 366–88;ȱ onȱ Musurus,ȱ seeȱ Denoȱ Johnȱ Geanakoplos,ȱ Greekȱ Scholarsȱ inȱ Veniceȱ (Cambridge,ȱ MA: HarvardȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1962),ȱ111–66. SeeȱMiriamȱEliavȬFeldon,ȱ“GrandȱDesigns,”ȱ60ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8). SeeȱJamesȱHutton,ȱ“ErasmusȱandȱFrance:ȱtheȱPropagandaȱforȱPeace,”ȱStudiesȱinȱtheȱRenaissanceȱ8 (1961):ȱ103–27.ȱTheȱweaknessȱofȱtheȱErasmianȱpeaceȱplansȱconsistedȱinȱtheȱ“loophole,ȱgrudgingly openedȱbyȱErasmus,ȱforȱJustȱWars–aȱloopholeȱthatȱcouldȱeasilyȱgrowȱintoȱaȱwideȱgateȱtoȱadmit

466

GeorgeȱArabatzis

favorȱofȱholyȱorȱJustȱWar.ȱReligiousȱsectsȱspawnedȱbyȱtheȱReformation,ȱsuchȱasȱthe Anabaptists,ȱ supportedȱ theȱ ideaȱ thatȱ theȱ swordȱ isȱ exteriorȱ toȱ theȱ perfectionȱ of Christ;ȱthisȱdidȱnot,ȱhowever,ȱfullyȱconstituteȱaȱpeaceȱplanȱasȱthisȱsectȱdidȱnot attemptȱtoȱreformȱsocietyȱandȱinsteadȱsoughtȱtoȱformȱsmallȱislandsȱofȱresistanceȱto war.ȱ Onlyȱ theȱ Quakersȱ attemptedȱ toȱ putȱ theseȱ moralȱ prescriptionsȱ intoȱ action. ErasmusȱhadȱproclaimedȱthatȱviolenceȱisȱnotȱonlyȱantiȬChristianȱbutȱalsoȱagainst nature,ȱthusȱcontributingȱtoȱtheȱbirthȱofȱaȱ“newȱethosȱofȱtheȱEuropeanȱscholar.”ȱFor him,ȱ scienceȱ andȱ educationȱ wouldȱ provideȱ theȱ keyȱ toȱ theȱ universeȱ andȱ its management,ȱ andȱ theȱ ageȱ ofȱ bronzeȱ wouldȱ beȱ followedȱ byȱ theȱ ageȱ ofȱ gold. Gombrichȱ believedȱ thatȱ theȱ Renaissanceȱ Goldenȱ Ageȱ suggestsȱ theȱ Virgilian formulaȱofȱaȱparticularȱruler’sȱage.12ȱWhileȱVoltaireȱwasȱtheȱfirstȱtoȱintroduceȱthis symbolicȱimageȱintoȱhistoriography,ȱitȱalreadyȱexistedȱinȱtheȱRenaissanceȱnotion ofȱaȱmessianicȱruler.ȱOnȱthisȱpoint,ȱGombrichȱmadeȱaȱcrucialȱdistinctionȱbetween flatteryȱandȱpropaganda:ȱ“unlikeȱflattery,ȱpropagandaȱneedȱnotȱbeȱcynical,”ȱhe wrote,ȱsinceȱtheȱlatterȱrespondsȱtoȱtheȱ“mystiqueȱofȱancientȱpropheciesȱfulfilled.”13 Inȱreality,ȱtheȱageȱofȱironȱwasȱfirmlyȱpresentȱinȱRenaissanceȱandȱwasȱgovernedȱby theȱviriȱnovi;ȱPopeȱLeoȱII,ȱhowever,ȱwasȱaȱmanȱofȱlettersȱandȱErasmusȱcouldȱthus believeȱthatȱthisȱpresumedȱbronzeȱageȱwouldȱindeedȱbeȱfollowedȱbyȱtheȱgolden age. Now,ȱwereȱweȱtoȱdefineȱfurtherȱtheȱdevelopmentȱofȱthoseȱideasȱthatȱgaveȱbirth toȱsuchȱpeaceȱplans,ȱourȱresultsȱwouldȱbeȱasȱfollows:ȱ(a)ȱtheȱpacifismȱofȱsects;ȱ(b) Erasmianȱ humanismȱ andȱ irenism;ȱ (c)ȱ Hermeticism;ȱ andȱ (d)ȱ Nicodemism.14 Hermeticismȱrefersȱtoȱtheȱideaȱofȱaȱmysticalȱinterpretationȱofȱtheȱcosmos,ȱinspired byȱNeoplatonismȱandȱtheȱoccultȱsciences:ȱdivination,ȱoracles,ȱoccultism,ȱandȱall mannerȱ ofȱ signsȱ proclaimingȱ aȱ futureȱ peaceȱ belongȱ toȱ thisȱ category.15ȱ In Nicodemism,ȱ oneȱ mayȱ veilȱ hisȱ trueȱ religionȱ andȱ convictionsȱ oftenȱ withȱ the intentionȱofȱmakingȱthemȱmoreȱeffectiveȱpoliticallyȱ(i.e.,ȱbyȱformingȱsecretȱsocieties basedȱonȱtheseȱconvictions).ȱ16

12

13 14 15 16

practicallyȱeveryȱactȱofȱhostility,”ȱMiriamȱEliavȬFeldon,ȱ“GrandȱDesigns,”ȱ58ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8). ErnstȱH.ȱGombrich,ȱ“RenaissanceȱandȱGoldenȱAge,”ȱJournalȱofȱtheȱWarburgȱandȱCourtauldȱInstitutes 24.3ȱ(1961):ȱ306–09;ȱhereȱ306. ErnstȱH.ȱGombrich,ȱ“Renaissance,”ȱ307–08ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ12). SeeȱMiriamȱEliavȬFeldon,ȱ“GrandȱDesigns,”ȱ56–60ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8). SeeȱMiriamȱEliavȬFeldon,ȱ“GrandȱDesigns,”ȱ71–73ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8). TheȱtermȱNicodemism,ȱgenerallyȱdenotesȱaȱsecretȱorȱtimidȱadherent.ȱJohnȱCalvinȱappliedȱitȱtoȱthose convertsȱtoȱProtestantismȱinȱCatholicȱFranceȱwhoȱoutwardlyȱcontinuedȱRomanȱCatholicȱpractices. Inȱmodernȱtimes,ȱNicodemismȱcoversȱallȱformsȱofȱreligiousȱsimulation.ȱNicodemusȱ(eventually aȱsaint)ȱwasȱaȱlearnedȱJewȱwhoȱvisitedȱJesusȱandȱinitiatedȱtheȱdiscussionȱonȱChristianȱrebirth narratedȱinȱJohnȱ3:ȱ1–15;ȱalthoughȱoutwardlyȱremainingȱaȱpiousȱJew,ȱheȱcameȱtoȱJesusȱsecretlyȱby nightȱtoȱreceiveȱinstruction.ȱThisȱmeansȱthatȱhisȱbehaviorȱmayȱbeȱsomewhatȱsuspectȱasȱtoȱitsȱdual allegiance.ȱSeeȱCarlosȱM.ȱN.ȱEire,ȱ“CalvinȱandȱNicodemism:ȱAȱReappraisal,”ȱSixteenthȬCentury

RenaissanceȱCrusadeȱLiteratureȱandȱPeaceȱPlans

467

TheȱessentialȱargumentȱofȱpeaceȱadvocatesȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱwasȱthatȱwars shouldȱ occurȱ elsewhereȱ andȱ thatȱ peaceȱ concernedȱ solelyȱ theȱ Christians.ȱ Pierre Dubois,ȱaȱFrenchȱpublicistȱ(ca.ȱ1255–post–1321),ȱclaimedȱthatȱpeaceȱwouldȱcome withȱtheȱunificationȱofȱallȱtheȱChristianȱempiresȱunderȱtheȱauthorityȱofȱtheȱPope. Dante,ȱonȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱadvancedȱtheȱideaȱofȱaȱsecularȱmonarchyȱthatȱpromotes peace.17ȱTheȱwholeȱproblemȱofȱpeaceȱwasȱintimatelyȱintertwinedȱwithȱtheȱquestion regardingȱproperȱleadership.ȱPeace,ȱevenȱinȱsecularȱminds,ȱwasȱforȱtheȱChristians anȱaffairȱofȱtheȱmonarchȱ(whetherȱecclesiasticalȱorȱsecular).ȱTheȱpeaceȱplanning movementȱwasȱtoȱexpandȱwithȱErasmus’sȱfollowers.ȱNotȱallȱwarsȱwereȱcensured byȱtheȱpeaceȱplans:ȱthereȱwereȱalwaysȱplansȱthatȱproclaimedȱorȱhidȱaȱconflict.ȱ TheseȱwereȱtheȱvariousȱCrusadesȱprojects,ȱwhichȱpositedȱtheȱinaugurationȱofȱa newȱorderȱonlyȱatȱtheȱendȱofȱaȱJustȱWar.ȱThereȱwasȱalsoȱtheȱpeaceȱplanȱofȱtheȱduke ofȱSullyȱ(1559–1641),ȱadvisorȱtoȱtheȱFrenchȱKingȱHenryȱIV,ȱwho,ȱunderȱanȱirenic cover,ȱaimedȱtoȱhumiliateȱtheȱpowerfulȱHabsburgs.ȱSully’sȱplanȱechoedȱandȱfound aȱnaturalȱsuccessorȱinȱtheȱpoliticsȱofȱCardinalȱRichelieu.18ȱThereȱwere,ȱofȱcourse, plansȱ thatȱ concernedȱ allȱ theȱ nationsȱ ofȱ theȱ Westȱ and/orȱ theȱ East;ȱ theseȱ were foundedȱ onȱ freeȱ trade,ȱ asȱ inȱ theȱ Nouveauȱ Cynéeȱ byȱ Emericȱ Crucéȱ (orȱ Lacroix; 1590–1648).ȱItȱisȱhighlyȱsignificant,ȱhowever,ȱthatȱplansȱsuchȱasȱthisȱlastȱoneȱwere extremelyȱtolerantȱofȱtyrannyȱ–ȱasȱregards,ȱthatȱis,ȱinteriorȱwarfareȱ–ȱbecauseȱofȱthe fearȱthatȱanȱupsetȱofȱtheȱstatusȱquoȱmightȱgreatlyȱdisruptȱfreeȱtrade. PeaceȱasȱaȱhumanȱidealȱisȱsomethingȱmoreȱthanȱnonȬwar;ȱitȱinvolvesȱtheȱreform ofȱman’sȱeducationȱandȱculture.ȱSebastianȱFranckȱ(1499–1543)ȱwasȱinsistentȱinȱhis beliefȱthatȱhumanityȱisȱdignifiedȱonlyȱasȱaȱcommunityȱandȱthroughȱtheȱassertion ofȱ theȱ “common.”ȱ Heȱ didȱ notȱ considerȱ warȱ andȱ peaceȱ asȱ havingȱ aȱ dialectical relationship,ȱsinceȱwarȱcannotȱleadȱtoȱpeaceȱjustȱasȱpovertyȱcannotȱleadȱtoȱriches; hisȱviewȱofȱwarȱasȱsinȱwasȱtheȱfirstȱmanifestoȱofȱpureȱpacifism.ȱEmericȱCrucéȱseems toȱhaveȱfollowedȱtheȱGrandȱDesseinȱofȱtheȱdukeȱofȱSully.ȱHisȱpeaceȱplanȱpushedȱfor aȱ coalitionȱ againstȱ theȱ Habsburgsȱ andȱ partlyȱ againstȱ theȱ Turksȱ beforeȱ aȱ peace couldȱbeȱestablished,ȱbutȱCrucéȱwentȱfartherȱandȱinsistedȱonȱtheȱunderstanding betweenȱChristians,ȱMuslims,ȱandȱJews.ȱHeȱadvancedȱtheȱideaȱofȱanȱinternational authorityȱtoȱassureȱpeace,ȱwhereinȱmembersȱofȱbothȱEuropeanȱandȱnonȬEuropean statesȱ wouldȱ haveȱ equalȱ votingȱ rights.ȱ Furthermore,ȱ asȱ Crucéȱ claimed, internationalȱ relations,ȱ socialȱ equityȱ andȱ progressȱ areȱ necessaryȱ inȱ orderȱ to establishȱaȱpeaceȱthatȱwouldȱbeȱaccompaniedȱbyȱaȱgeneralȱdevelopment.ȱInȱhis view,ȱstatesȱbehaveȱlikeȱindividualsȱunitedȱforȱaȱcommonȱpurposeȱandȱwithȱthe communalȱacceptanceȱofȱaȱnumberȱofȱmutualȱvalues.ȱTheyȱareȱnotȱutopias,ȱasȱcan

17 18

Journalȱ10.1ȱ(1979):ȱ45–69. SeeȱIstvanȱKende,ȱ“TheȱHistoryȱofȱPeace,”ȱ234ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2). SeeȱMiriamȱEliavȬFeldon,ȱ“GrandȱDesigns,”ȱ67ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8).

468

GeorgeȱArabatzis

beȱfoundȱonlyȱinȱtheȱimaginaryȱrealm,ȱandȱnorȱshouldȱtheyȱbeȱopposedȱtoȱallȱforms ofȱviolence.19ȱ

TheȱEvolutionȱofȱJustȱWarȱTheoryȱinȱtheȱRenaissance ItȱhasȱbeenȱsaidȱthatȱRome’sȱantiȬTurkishȱstruggleȱisȱmoreȱproperȱtoȱbeȱdescribed asȱaȱholyȱwarȱthanȱaȱcrusadeȱbecauseȱtheȱcrusadeȱisȱaȱtypicalȱexpressionȱofȱthe feudalȱandȱchivalricȱworldȱandȱbecauseȱtheȱliberationȱofȱJesus’sȱsepulcherȱisȱthe centerȱofȱitsȱmysticalȱgoals.ȱTheȱCrusadeȱofȱtheȱRenaissance,ȱasȱpreachedȱbyȱthe papacy,ȱ wasȱ groundedȱ inȱ oppositionȱ toȱ theȱ Ottomanȱ Empire.20ȱ Theȱ difference betweenȱmedievalȱandȱhumanistȱcrusadingȱreflects,ȱinȱaccordanceȱwithȱpacifist communitarianism,ȱtheȱRenaissanceȱrefusalȱofȱtheȱpapacy’sȱambitionȱtoȱholdȱa monopolyȱofȱtheȱmeansȱofȱviolenceȱwithinȱChristendom.ȱAnotherȱdifferenceȱisȱthat theȱdominantȱissueȱhadȱnowȱbecomeȱnotȱtheȱrecoveryȱofȱtheȱHolyȱLandȱbutȱthe recoveryȱofȱConstantinople,ȱalthoughȱtheȱHolyȱLandȱdoesȱnotȱentirelyȱdisappear fromȱtheȱrhetoric.21ȱTheȱRenaissanceȱtreatmentȱofȱtheȱCrusadeȱreflectsȱaȱkindȱof balanceȱbetweenȱTurkishȱatrocitiesȱandȱsubmissionȱtoȱpapalȱrule.ȱAlthoughȱthe fifteenthȱcenturyȱwasȱaȱperiodȱofȱmoralȱbankruptcyȱforȱtheȱpureȱcrusadingȱideal, theȱhumanistsȱappearȱasȱtheȱprotagonistsȱofȱtheȱantiȬTurkishȱwar.22ȱContraryȱtoȱthe greatȱclericalȱpropagandaȱofȱtheȱHighȱMiddleȱAges,ȱtheȱaimȱofȱwhichȱwasȱtoȱcollect largeȱsumsȱofȱmoneyȱforȱtheȱCrusades,ȱtheȱhumanistsȱaddressedȱonlyȱreligiousȱand secularȱelites,ȱexhortingȱthemȱtoȱtakeȱmilitaryȱactionȱagainstȱtheȱTurks.ȱForȱthe clericalȱwriters,ȱaȱcommonȱtoposȱwasȱtheȱdemonizationȱofȱtheȱIslamicȱenemy.ȱThe humanistsȱmayȱhaveȱwrittenȱinȱanotherȱtoneȱandȱstyle,ȱbutȱonlyȱfewȱskepticsȱdared toȱ criticizeȱ theȱ subjectȱ ofȱ Justȱ War.ȱ “Inȱ theȱ 15thȱ centuryȱ itȱ wasȱ stillȱ considered shamefulȱtoȱspeakȱpubliclyȱagainstȱcrusadesȱ(…)ȱtheȱargumentsȱinȱfavorȱofȱaȱpolicy ofȱcrusadeȱcouldȱbeȱstated,ȱtheȱargumentsȱagainstȱitȱcouldȱnot.”23ȱ Theȱnewȱthemesȱofȱcrusadingȱrhetoricȱincludedȱtheȱ“necessity”ȱofȱtheȱwhole enterprise,ȱwhileȱtheȱlamentȱforȱGreeceȱwasȱalsoȱaȱrecurrentȱtopos.ȱTheȱreligious symbolismȱofȱmedievalȱclericalȱpropagandaȱwasȱreplacedȱinȱhumanistȱrhetoricȱby theȱdistinctionȱbetweenȱcivilizationȱandȱbarbarism,ȱandȱthusȱtheȱTurksȱappeared

19 20

21

22 23

SeeȱIstvanȱKende,ȱ“TheȱHistoryȱofȱPeace,”ȱ234ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2). MassimoȱPettrochi,ȱLaȱpoliticaȱdellaȱSantaȱSedeȱdiȱfronteȱall’invasioneȱottomanaȱ(1444–1718)ȱ(Naples: LibreriaȱScientificaȱEditrice,ȱ1955),ȱ20–21;ȱseeȱalsoȱGaetanoȱPlatania,ȱ“InnocentȱXIȱOdescalchiȱet l’espritȱdeȱ“croisade”,”ȱXVIeȱsiècleȱ199ȱ(1998):ȱ247–70;ȱhereȱ256.ȱ JamesȱHankins,ȱ“RenaissanceȱCrusaders:ȱHumanistȱCrusadeȱLiteratureȱinȱtheȱAgeȱofȱMehmedȱII,” DumbartonȱOaksȱPapersȱ(SymposiumȱonȱByzantiumȱandȱtheȱItalians,ȱ13thȱ–ȱ15thȱCenturies)ȱ49 (1995):ȱ111–207;ȱhereȱ113. JamesȱHankins,ȱ“RenaissanceȱCrusaders,”ȱ115ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21). JamesȱHankins,ȱ“RenaissanceȱCrusaders,”ȱ124ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21).

RenaissanceȱCrusadeȱLiteratureȱandȱPeaceȱPlans

469

asȱeoȱipsoȱbarbarians.24ȱTheȱByzantines,ȱsuchȱasȱtheȱscholarȱDemetriusȱKydones (1324–1398),ȱ hadȱ alreadyȱ identifiedȱ theȱ Turksȱ asȱ barbarians.25ȱ Theȱ Turksȱ were regardedȱasȱinfidelsȱbyȱwritersȱfromȱPetrarchȱtoȱGiovio.ȱLauroȱQuiriniȱ(ca.ȱ1420ȱ– ca.ȱ1480),ȱanotherȱRenaissanceȱwriterȱandȱaȱfriendȱofȱBessarion,ȱthoughtȱofȱthe Turksȱ asȱ “aȱ rudeȱ andȱ barbarousȱ race.”26ȱ Theyȱ wereȱ describedȱ thusȱ byȱ writers nostalgicȱforȱantiquity,ȱwithȱtheȱItaliansȱhavingȱthemselvesȱbecomeȱtheȱprotectors ofȱ culture,ȱ andȱ theȱ Turksȱ itsȱ enemies.27ȱ Thisȱ ledȱ toȱ anȱ increaseȱ inȱ crusading writingsȱduringȱtheȱRenaissanceȱera,ȱequalȱtoȱtheȱtotalȱoutputȱofȱsuchȱliteratureȱof theȱHighȱMiddleȱAges.ȱCanȱweȱsayȱthatȱtheȱhumanistsȱ“secularized”ȱcrusading literature?ȱTheȱsecularizationȱofȱcrusadingȱisȱanȱelementȱofȱtheȱgeneralȱarticulation ofȱaȱsecularȱidentityȱwithinȱtheȱWest,ȱandȱaȱWestȱthatȱisȱseenȱasȱhighȱcivilization.

TheȱByzantineȱOriginsȱofȱtheȱAppealsȱtoȱJustȱWar Thereȱ isȱ littleȱ doubtȱ thatȱ theȱ Byzantinesȱ contributedȱ toȱ theȱ formationȱ ofȱ the Crusadeȱideal.ȱPeterȱCharanis28ȱdistinguishesȱbetweenȱtwoȱcrusadingȱepochs:ȱthe firstȱcoversȱtheȱperiodȱfromȱtheȱfirstȱCrusadeȱinȱ1096ȱuntilȱ1291ȱandȱtheȱfallȱofȱAcre; theȱsecondȱepochȱfocusesȱespeciallyȱonȱtheȱdefenseȱofȱEuropeȱagainstȱtheȱTurks andȱendsȱwithȱtwoȱfailedȱcrusades:ȱtheȱbattleȱofȱNicopolisȱinȱ1395ȱandȱtheȱbattleȱof Varnaȱinȱ1444.29ȱTheȱdefeatȱofȱtheseȱtwoȱlastȱCrusadesȱsealedȱtheȱfateȱofȱByzantium.

24

25

26

27

28

29

TheȱMuslimsȱhadȱlongȱbeenȱviewedȱasȱbarbarians;ȱseeȱSvetlanaȱLoutchitskaja,ȱ“BarbaraeȱNationes: lesȱ peuplesȱ musulmansȱ dansȱ lesȱ chroniquesȱ deȱ laȱ Premièreȱ Croisade,”ȱ Autourȱ deȱ laȱ Première Croisade,ȱed.ȱMichelȱBalardȱ(Paris:ȱPublicationsȱdeȱlaȱSorbonne,ȱ1996),ȱ99–108;ȱhereȱ106–07. SeeȱAgostinoȱPertusi,ȱLaȱcadutaȱdiȱConstantinopoli,ȱvol.ȱIȱ(Verona:ȱFondazioneȱLorenzoȱValla,ȱ1976), xi. LauroȱQuirini,ȱ“OratioȱdeȱurbisȱConstantinopolisȱjacturaȱetȱcaptivitate,”ȱNotizieȱistoricoȬcritiche intornoȱlaȱvitaȱeȱleȱopereȱdegliȱscrittoriȱviniziani,ȱed.ȱG.ȱdegliȱAgostini.ȱVol.ȱIȱ(1752;ȱBologna:ȱForni, 1975),ȱ216–22;ȱhereȱ218,ȱwhereȱtheȱauthorȱpresentsȱtheȱTurksȱasȱbarbarianȱdestroyersȱofȱbooks.ȱSee Agostinoȱ Pertusi,ȱ “Leȱ epistoleȱ storicheȱ diȱ Lauroȱ Quiriniȱ sullaȱ cadutaȱ diȱ Constantinopoliȱ eȱ la potenzaȱdeiȱTurchi,”ȱLauroȱQuiriniȱumanista:ȱstudiȱeȱtesti,ȱed.ȱKonradȱKrautter.ȱSaggi,ȱ23ȱ(Florence: Civiltàȱveneziana,ȱ1977),ȱ163–259. SeeȱDenisȱHay,ȱ“ItalyȱandȱBarbarianȱEurope,”ȱItalianȱRenaissanceȱStudies:ȱAȱTributeȱtoȱtheȱLateȱCecilia M.ȱAdy,ȱed.ȱErnestȱFraserȱJacobȱ(NewȱYork:ȱBarnesȱandȱNoble,ȱ1960),ȱ48–68;ȱRobertȱSchwoebel, TheȱShadowȱofȱtheȱCrescent:ȱTheȱRenaissanceȱImageȱofȱtheȱTurkȱ(1453–1517)ȱ(Nieuwkoop:ȱB.ȱdeȱGraaf, 1967);ȱLudwigȱSchmugge,ȱDieȱKreuzzügeȱausȱderȱSichtȱhumanistischerȱGeschichtsschreiber.ȱVorträge derȱAeneasȬSilviusȬStiftungȱanȱderȱUniversitätȱBasel,ȱ21ȱ(BaselȱandȱFrankfurtȱa.ȱM.:ȱHelbingȱ& Lichtenhahn,ȱ1987). PeterȱCharanis,ȱ“AimsȱofȱtheȱMedievalȱCrusadesȱandȱHowȱTheyȱWereȱViewedȱbyȱByzantium,” ChurchȱHistoryȱ21.2ȱ(1952):ȱ123–34;ȱhereȱ123. SeeȱOscarȱHalecki,ȱTheȱCrusadeȱofȱVarna:ȱAȱDiscussionȱofȱControversialȱProblemsȱ(NewȱYork:ȱPolish InstituteȱofȱArtsȱandȱSciencesȱinȱAmerica,ȱ1943);ȱNormanȱHousley,ȱTheȱLaterȱCrusades:ȱFromȱLyons toȱAlcazar:ȱ1274–1580ȱ(Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1992).

470

GeorgeȱArabatzis

Yetȱweȱshouldȱmakeȱaȱclearȱdistinctionȱbetweenȱdefeatȱandȱfailureȱsince,ȱasȱwe saw,ȱtheȱcrusadingȱidealȱcontinuedȱtoȱpersist. TheȱfirstȱCrusadesȱfallȱintoȱtheȱcategoryȱofȱHolyȱWarȱalthoughȱthereȱisȱnoȱgeneral agreementȱ asȱ toȱ theirȱ exactȱ causes,ȱ andȱ theȱ attributeȱ ofȱ “holy”ȱ perhapsȱ only impliesȱthatȱthoseȱwhoȱparticipatedȱinȱtheȱCrusadeȱofȱ1095ȱwereȱabsolvedȱofȱtheir sins.ȱTheȱByzantines,ȱlikeȱtheȱtenthȬcenturyȱemperorȱNicephoreȱPhocas,ȱwereȱmore sincere:ȱtheyȱfoughtȱalsoȱforȱtheȱconquestȱofȱJerusalem.30ȱTheȱCrusadeȱidealȱwas obscuredȱbyȱtheȱdifficultȱrelationsȱbetweenȱByzantinesȱandȱWesternersȱandȱalsoȱby theȱecclesiasticalȱSchism.ȱManyȱGreeksȱsubsequentlyȱfeltȱthatȱtheȱinterventionȱof theȱPopeȱinȱGreekȱaffairsȱbroughtȱnothingȱbutȱdisaster. TheȱelementȱofȱtheȱByzantineȱappealȱforȱhelpȱisȱpresentȱfromȱtheȱbeginning,ȱhere withȱtheȱEmperorȱAlexiusȱIȱComnenusȱ(1056–1118):ȱatȱtheȱcouncilȱofȱPiacenzaȱin theȱspringȱofȱ1095ȱtheȱByzantinesȱpleadedȱwithȱtheȱCatholicsȱunderȱPopeȱUrban IIȱtoȱtakeȱtheȱoffensiveȱagainstȱtheȱTurks.ȱInȱtheirȱappeal,ȱtheȱambassadorsȱofȱthe ByzantineȱemperorȱreferredȱtoȱtheȱneedȱtoȱliberateȱtheȱHolyȱLands.ȱTheȱCrusade ofȱ1095ȱwasȱpartlyȱtheȱresultȱofȱthisȱplea.ȱButȱpietyȱandȱworldlyȱconsiderations cameȱtogetherȱinȱtheȱformationȱofȱtheȱnewȱinstitutionȱofȱCrusadeȱunderȱaȱsupreme authority:ȱthatȱofȱtheȱPapacy.ȱThisȱwasȱbyȱnowȱregardedȱasȱsynonymousȱwith generalȱChristianȱinterestsȱagainstȱtheȱinfidel,ȱasȱwellȱasȱagainstȱtheȱschismaticȱ(for example,ȱwithȱtheȱCrusadeȱofȱ1107ȱwhenȱPopeȱPaschalȱIIȱorderedȱthatȱtheȱNorman Bohemondȱ beȱ assistedȱ inȱ hisȱ campaignȱ againstȱ Alexiusȱ I).ȱ Inȱ thisȱ sense,ȱ the Crusadeȱbecameȱanȱinstrumentȱofȱabsolutism.ȱ TheȱByzantinesȱtookȱanȱactiveȱpartȱinȱtheȱcreationȱofȱtheȱinstitutionȱthatȱthey subsequentlyȱcameȱtoȱviewȱeitherȱasȱaȱpossibleȱsupportȱagainstȱtheȱTurksȱorȱasȱa potentialȱdanger.ȱTheȱByzantinesȱthusȱhadȱtoȱmakeȱaȱrationalȱandȱcalculatedȱuse ofȱtheȱCrusadesȱwithinȱtheȱcontextȱofȱaȱgrowingȱantagonismȱwithȱtheȱLatins,ȱat leastȱ untilȱ theȱ fourthȱ expeditionȱ whenȱ Constantinopleȱ wasȱ pillagedȱ with extraordinaryȱ crueltyȱ (1204).31ȱ Thisȱ initialȱ holyȱ warȱ resultedȱ inȱ theȱ Byzantines perceivingȱtheȱCrusadesȱasȱanȱinstrumentȱforȱownȱdefenseȱyetȱalsoȱasȱaȱreasonȱto

30

31

AthenaȱKoliaȬDermitzaki,ȱTheȱByzantineȱHolyȱWarȱ(inȱGreek)ȱ(Athens:ȱStephanosȱVassilopoulos, 1991);ȱTiaȱKolbaba,ȱ“FightingȱforȱChristianity:ȱHolyȱWarȱinȱtheȱByzantineȱEmpire,”ȱByzantionȱ68 (1998):ȱ194–221;ȱAngelikiȱLaiou,ȱ“OnȱJustȱWarȱinȱByzantium,”ȱToȱEllenikon:ȱEssaysȱinȱHonorȱof SperosȱVryonisȱJr.,ȱed.ȱJohnȱS.ȱLangdon,ȱStephenȱW.ȱReinert,ȱJelisavetaȱS.ȱAllen,ȱandȱChristosȱP. Ioannides.ȱ Vol.ȱ Iȱ (Newȱ Rochelle,ȱ NY:ȱ Caratzas,ȱ 1993),ȱ 153–74;ȱ Paulȱ Stephenson,ȱ “Imperial ChristianityȱandȱSacredȱWarȱinȱByzantium,”ȱBeliefȱandȱbloodshed.ȱReligionȱandȱviolenceȱacrossȱtime andȱtradition,ȱed.ȱJamesȱK.ȱWellmanȱ(Lanham,ȱMD:ȱRowmanȱandȱLittlefield,ȱ2007),ȱ81–93.ȱ SeeȱThomasȱF.ȱMaddenȱandȱDonaldȱE.ȱQueller.ȱTheȱFourthȱCrusade:ȱTheȱConquestȱofȱConstantinople. TheȱMiddleȱAgesȱSeriesȱ(Philadelphia,ȱPA:ȱUniversityȱofȱPennsylvaniaȱPress,ȱ1997);ȱJonathan Phillips,ȱTheȱFourthȱCrusadeȱandȱtheȱSackȱofȱConstantinopleȱ(NewȱYork:ȱViking,ȱ2004);ȱDonaldȱE. QuellerȱandȱSusanȱJ.ȱStratton,ȱ“AȱCenturyȱofȱControversyȱonȱtheȱFourthȱCrusade,”ȱStudiesȱin MedievalȱandȱRenaissanceȱHistoryȱ6ȱ(1969):ȱ237–77,ȱrpt.ȱinȱDonaldȱE.ȱQueller,ȱMedievalȱDiplomacyȱand theȱFourthȱCrusade.ȱCollectedȱStudiesȱSeries,ȱ114ȱ(London:ȱVariorumȱReprints,ȱ1980).

RenaissanceȱCrusadeȱLiteratureȱandȱPeaceȱPlans

471

hateȱ theȱ Latinȱ intrudersȱ andȱ asȱ aȱ permanentȱ sourceȱ ofȱ disunity.32ȱ Asȱ toȱ the specificityȱofȱtheȱappealȱgenre,ȱitȱmustȱbeȱunderlinedȱthatȱthisȱformȱofȱdiscourse expressedȱ theȱ typicalȱrelationȱofȱtheȱoftenȱpoorȱByzantineȱintellectualȱwithȱhis emperor.33ȱTheȱoriginsȱofȱtheȱappealȱgenre,ȱhowever,ȱareȱnotȱlimitedȱonlyȱtoȱthe Byzantines.ȱAfterȱtheȱfallȱofȱAcreȱinȱ1291,ȱthereȱwereȱrecuperatioȱtreatisesȱadvising secularȱprincesȱonȱhowȱtoȱregainȱtheȱHolyȱLandsȱonceȱmore.34ȱSuchȱtreatisesȱwere theȱdirectȱprecursorȱofȱRenaissanceȱcrusadingȱliterature.ȱ ManuelȱChrysolorasȱ(ca.ȱ1350–1415)ȱwasȱtheȱfirstȱofȱtheȱGreekȱscholarsȱinȱItaly beforeȱtheȱfallȱofȱConstantinopleȱtoȱmentionȱtheȱunityȱofȱtheȱtwoȱtraditions,ȱRome andȱConstantinople,ȱappealingȱtoȱtheȱsolidarityȱofȱaȱcommonȱheritageȱandȱwithȱa distinctȱRenaissanceȱstateȱofȱmind.ȱHeȱhadȱbeenȱcloseȱtoȱDemetriosȱKydones,ȱaȱkey figureȱinȱtheȱLatinophileȱPartyȱofȱConstantinople,ȱtranslatorȱofȱThomasȱAquinas inȱ Greek.ȱ Chrysoloras’sȱ work,ȱ Deȱ comparationeȱ veterisȱ etȱ novaeȱ Romae,35ȱ was designedȱ toȱ fosterȱ goodȱ relationsȱ betweenȱ Eastȱ andȱ West,ȱ andȱ elucidatesȱ his position:ȱheȱinsistedȱonȱtheȱGrecoȬRomanȱoriginsȱofȱByzantiumȱsinceȱtheȱtwoȱmost powerfulȱ andȱ wiseȱ nations,ȱ theȱ Romansȱ andȱ theȱ Greeks,ȱ hadȱ founded Constantinopleȱthroughȱaȱcommonȱeffort.ȱ ThisȱisȱhowȱheȱtranslatedȱemperorȱManuelȱPalaiologos’sȱ(1350–1425)ȱpoliticsȱof reconciliationȱ withȱ theȱ West.36ȱ Althoughȱ Chrysoloras’sȱ impactȱ onȱ theȱ Italian intellectualȱ sceneȱ cannotȱ beȱ doubtedȱ andȱ mostȱ ofȱ hisȱ studentsȱ wereȱ readyȱ to acknowledgeȱhisȱinfluence,ȱpraiseȱforȱhimȱwasȱlimitedȱasȱtheȱItaliansȱwereȱalso discoveringȱtheȱvalueȱofȱLatinityȱandȱprogressivelyȱfeelingȱmoreȱassuredȱasȱtoȱtheir ownȱknowledgeȱofȱGreekȱletters.ȱTheȱGreekȱscholarsȱwhoȱmigratedȱenȱmasseȱtoȱthe West,ȱprincipallyȱItaly,ȱafterȱtheȱcatastropheȱofȱByzantium,ȱwereȱnotȱinȱaȱposition toȱ dominateȱ theȱ Italianȱ intellectualȱ scene,ȱ andȱ theȱ humanists’ȱ solidarityȱ with Greeceȱwasȱnotȱguaranteed.37ȱ 32

33

34 35

36

37

PeterȱCharanis,ȱ“AimsȱofȱtheȱMedievalȱCrusades,”ȱ126ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ27).ȱSeeȱalsoȱM.ȱViley,ȱLaȱcroisade: essaiȱsurȱlaȱformationȱd’uneȱthéorieȱjuridiqueȱ(Paris:ȱVrin,ȱ1942). KarlȱKrumbacher,ȱGeschichteȱderȱbyzantinischenȱLiteraturȱvonȱJustinianȱbisȱzumȱEndeȱdesȱOströmischen Reichesȱ(Munich:ȱC.ȱH.ȱBeck,ȱ1897),ȱpassim. SeeȱJamesȱHankins,ȱ“RenaissanceȱCrusaders,”ȱ116ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21). Romaȱparteȱdelȱcielo.ȱConfrontoȱtraȱl’AnticaȱeȱlaȱNuovaȱRomaȱdiȱManueleȱCrisolora,ȱintro.ȱEnricoȱValdo Maltese,ȱtrans.ȱandȱnotesȱGuidoȱCortassaȱ(Turin:ȱUTET,ȱ2000);ȱseeȱLydiaȱThornȬWickert,ȱManuel Chrysolorasȱ(ca.ȱ1350ȱ–ȱ1415),ȱBonnerȱRomanistischeȱArbeiten,ȱ92,ȱ(Frankfurtȱa.ȱM.,ȱBerlin,ȱetȱal.: PeterȱLang,ȱ2006). YetȱtheȱreferenceȱtoȱaȱdoubleȱtraditionȱwasȱconstantȱinȱByzantiumȱandȱweȱcanȱseeȱitȱinȱtheȱwork ofȱ theȱ philosopherȱ Nicephoreȱ Blemmydesȱ (1197–1272)ȱ inȱ theȱ yearsȱ followingȱ theȱ sackȱ of Constantinopleȱ(1204);ȱseeȱHerbertȱHungerȱandȱIhorȱŠev²enko,ȱDesȱNikephorosȱBlemmydesȱBasilikos AndriasȱundȱdesenȱMetaphraseȱvonȱGeorgiosȱGalesiotesȱundȱGeorgiosȱOinaiotes.ȱWienerȱbyzantinische Studienȱ18ȱ(Vienna:ȱVerlagȱderȱösterreichischenȱAkademieȱderȱWissenschaften,ȱ1986),ȱ§§ȱ50,ȱ59. JamesȱHankins,ȱ“RenaissanceȱCrusaders,”ȱ131ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21)ȱwrites:ȱ“Theȱhypothesisȱthatȱthere existedȱsomeȱsecretȱaffinityȱbetweenȱtheȱstudiaȱhumanitatisȱandȱtheȱcrusadingȱidealȱisȱimplausible andȱunnecessary.ȱNorȱcanȱoneȱdefendȱtheȱargumentȱthatȱtheȱhumanistsȱfavoredȱcrusadeȱbecause

472

GeorgeȱArabatzis

TheȱAdvocatesȱofȱJustȱWar TheȱappealsȱtoȱaȱJustȱWarȱagainstȱtheȱTurksȱmadeȱbyȱvariousȱRenaissanceȱwriters haveȱ takenȱ differentȱ forms.ȱ Aȱ projectȱ ofȱ unitingȱ onlyȱ someȱ forcesȱ ofȱ the Christendomȱ–ȱFranceȱorȱVeniceȱforȱexampleȱ–ȱasȱopposedȱtoȱaȱgeneralȱallianceȱof theȱ Christianȱ forces,ȱ wasȱ theȱ solutionȱ promotedȱ byȱ menȱ likeȱ Franciscoȱ Filelfo (1398–1481).38ȱThisȱpartialȱforceȱcouldȱjoinȱtheȱBalkanȱpeoplesȱinȱaȱrevoltȱagainst theȱTurkishȱyokeȱinȱtheȱviewȱofȱtheȱapproachingȱChristianȱarmy.ȱFilelfo’sȱantiȬ Turkishȱwritingsȱcoverȱaȱperiodȱofȱmoreȱthanȱfortyȱyears,ȱandȱhisȱappealsȱtoȱKing Charlesȱ VIIȱ ofȱ France,ȱ theȱ councilȱ ofȱ Mantuaȱ (1459),ȱ andȱ toȱ severalȱ popesȱ are modelsȱofȱcrusadingȱrhetoric.39ȱOnȱtheȱlevelȱofȱemotionsȱandȱimages,ȱprejudice againstȱtheȱGreeksȱwasȱaȱstrongȱsentimentȱamongȱWesternersȱbeforeȱtheȱfallȱof Constantinople,ȱbutȱthisȱwasȱnotȱnecessarilyȱdamagingȱtoȱtheȱideaȱofȱJustȱWar:ȱit alsoȱ createdȱ aȱ guiltyȱ conscienceȱ andȱ theȱ senseȱ ofȱ aȱ moralȱ obligationȱ toȱ assist OrientalȱChristianity.ȱWritersȱlikeȱAeneasȱSilviusȱPiccolominiȱ(laterȱPopeȱPiusȱII, 1405–1464)ȱplayedȱtheȱpsychologicalȱfactor,ȱattemptingȱtoȱreinforceȱtheȱfeelingȱof blameȱandȱguiltȱinȱtheȱWestȱsoȱasȱtoȱprovokeȱaȱmilitaryȱreactionȱinȱfavorȱofȱthe Greeks.40ȱ Piusȱ IIȱ expressedȱ thisȱ sentimentȱ whenȱ heȱ stated,ȱ “likeȱ insolvent tradesmen,ȱ weȱ areȱ withoutȱ credit,”41ȱ positingȱ aȱ problemȱ ofȱ unfulfilledȱ moral obligationsȱinȱtheȱterminologyȱofȱtrade.ȱ AmongȱtheȱdefendersȱofȱJustȱWarȱwithȱtheȱTurks,ȱtheȱGreeksȱwereȱtheȱmost prominentȱ forȱ obviousȱ reasons.42ȱ Theȱ mostȱ significantȱ appealsȱ wereȱ thoseȱ of

38 39 40

41 42

ofȱaȱparallelismȱbetweenȱtheȱrecoveryȱofȱclassicalȱantiquityȱandȱtheȱrecoveryȱofȱConstantinople. FifteenthȬcenturyȱhumanismȱaimedȱoverwhelminglyȱatȱaȱrevivalȱofȱRomanȱantiquityȱandȱLatin literature.ȱThoughȱsomeȱhumanistsȱvaluedȱByzantiumȱandȱtheȱByzantinesȱforȱtheirȱroleȱinȱthe transmissionȱofȱancientȱlearning,ȱthisȱwasȱaȱsophisticatedȱattitudeȱthatȱemergedȱmostlyȱamongȱthe humanistȱelite.ȱTheȱmajorityȱofȱquattrocentoȱhumanistsȱhadȱlittleȱacquaintanceȱwithȱGreek.ȱSome ofȱthemȱevenȱhadȱstrongȱantiȬGreekȱprejudicesȱ(…)ȱ behindȱ theȱbroaderȱgeneralȱissueȱofȱhow valuableȱtheȱGreekȱheritageȱwasȱtoȱWesternȱLatinȱculture,ȱthereȱwasȱplentyȱofȱcareerism,ȱjealousy, andȱ backbiting.”ȱ Seeȱ alsoȱ Jamesȱ Hankins,ȱ “Theȱ Mythȱ ofȱ theȱ Platonicȱ Academyȱ ofȱ Florence,” RenaissanceȱQuarterlyȱ44.3ȱ(1991):ȱ429–75. JamesȱHankins,ȱ“RenaissanceȱCrusaders,”ȱ121ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21). RobertȱSchwoebel,ȱ“Coexistence,”ȱ182ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5). TheȱlamentȱofȱAeneasȱSilvius,ȱin:ȱDerȱBriefwechselȱdesȱEneasȱSilviusȱPiccolomini,ȱed.ȱRudolfȱWolkan. FontesȱrerumȱAustriacarum:ȱÖsterreichischeȱGeschichtsquellen.ȱ2teȱAbteilung,ȱDiplomatariaȱet Acta,ȱ68ȱ(Vienna:ȱA.ȱHölder,ȱ1918),ȱno.ȱ109,ȱp.ȱ200. SeeȱJamesȱHankins,ȱ“RenaissanceȱCrusaders,”ȱ115ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21). AmongȱthemȱweȱfindȱIsidoreȱofȱKievȱwhoȱhadȱnamedȱtheȱSultanȱaȱ“forerunnerȱofȱtheȱAntichrist.” HeȱwasȱaddressingȱnotȱonlyȱtheȱecclesiasticalȱandȱsecularȱrulersȱbutȱalsoȱtheȱChristianȱpeoplesȱin general,ȱ appealingȱ forȱ theȱ liberationȱ ofȱ theȱ “Newȱ Rome,”ȱ thatȱ is,ȱ Constantinople.ȱ Theȱ Greek scholarȱMichaelȱMarullusȬTarchanioteȱ(1454–1500)ȱwroteȱaȱpoemȱtoȱtheȱFrenchȱKingȱCharlesȱVIII pleadingȱforȱaȱcrusade,ȱbutȱtheȱkingȱpreferredȱtoȱengageȱinȱaȱpolicyȱofȱinvadingȱItaly,ȱthusȱending theȱtreatyȱofȱLodi.ȱJanusȱLascarisȱ(1445–1535),ȱaȱscholar,ȱalsoȱservedȱFrenchȱkingsȱandȱRoman

RenaissanceȱCrusadeȱLiteratureȱandȱPeaceȱPlans

473

Bessarion,ȱ Marcusȱ Musurus,ȱ Michaelȱ Apostolis,ȱ andȱ Ioannesȱ Gemistos.ȱ Inȱ his studiesȱ ofȱ theȱ Greekȱ appeals,ȱ Manoussosȱ Manoussakasȱ madeȱ twoȱ important remarks:ȱ heȱ distinguishesȱ betweenȱ appealsȱ addressedȱ toȱ oneȱ princeȱ andȱ those addressedȱtoȱmanyȱprinces.ȱHeȱalsoȱstatesȱthat,ȱgenerallyȱspeaking,ȱtheȱappeals couldȱ neverȱ beȱ successfulȱ sinceȱ theȱ Greekȱ nationȱ wasȱ notȱ autonomousȱ but enslaved.43ȱAfterȱtheȱdiscussionȱinȱthisȱchapter,ȱhowever,ȱtheseȱcriteriaȱshouldȱbe expandedȱtoȱcoverȱtheȱdifferentȱformsȱofȱappeal. CardinalȱBessarion,ȱaȱmajorȱfigureȱinȱtheȱhumanistȱmovement,ȱwriter,ȱeditor, patronȱofȱletters,ȱwhomȱLorenzoȱVallaȱcalledȱ“theȱmostȱLatinȱofȱtheȱGreeksȱandȱthe mostȱGreekȱofȱtheȱLatins,”44ȱmayȱbeȱconsideredȱtheȱtrueȱfounderȱofȱtheȱgenreȱon theȱbasisȱofȱtwoȱappealsȱthatȱheȱauthored:ȱtheȱfirst,ȱinȱtheȱformȱofȱaȱletterȱaddressed toȱtheȱVenetianȱDogeȱFrancescoȱFoscariȱonȱAugustȱ13,ȱ1453,ȱtheȱsameȱyearȱthat ConstantinopleȱwasȱsackedȱbyȱtheȱOttomanȱTurks.ȱButȱitȱisȱhisȱsecondȱappealȱthat hasȱbecomeȱaȱlandmarkȱofȱtheȱgenre:ȱafterȱlearningȱofȱtheȱfallȱofȱChalkisȱtoȱthe Ottomans,ȱ Bessarionȱ wroteȱ aȱ seriesȱ ofȱ lettersȱ toȱ theȱ princesȱ ofȱ Italy,ȱ imitating Demosthenes’sȱPhilippics,ȱandȱattachingȱ themȱ toȱ aȱLatinȱtranslationȱofȱtheȱfirst Olynthiac.ȱ Theseȱ wereȱ publishedȱ byȱ theȱ Frenchȱ humanistȱ andȱ rectorȱ ofȱ the UniversityȱofȱParis,ȱGuillaumeȱFichetȱinȱ1471,ȱandȱwereȱaȱhugeȱsuccessȱasȱtheir manyȱreprintsȱprove.45ȱBessarion’sȱOrationesȱadȱprincipesȱChristianosȱcontraȱTurcos wereȱpurelyȱliteraryȱcompositions,ȱintendedȱtoȱcirculateȱonlyȱinȱmanuscriptȱand printedȱform,ȱinȱtheȱtraditionȱofȱDemosthenes’sȱPhilippicȱandȱOlynthiacȱOrations. Theȱorationsȱwereȱneitherȱformalȱnorȱtypicalȱbutȱquiteȱpragmaticȱinȱtheirȱaddress toȱtheȱleadersȱofȱChristendom,ȱandȱtheȱfactȱthatȱtheyȱwereȱprintedȱmagnifiedȱthe forceȱofȱaȱpublicist’sȱoutput;ȱthisȱisȱaȱcharacteristicȱthatȱmarksȱtheȱantiȬutopianism ofȱtheȱappeals. ForȱHankins,ȱBessarion’sȱOrationsȱmeantȱnotȱaȱkindȱofȱmassȱpropaganda,ȱasȱother scholarsȱ haveȱ inȱ mindȱ butȱ ratherȱ soughtȱ toȱ persuadeȱ aȱ smallȱ elite.46ȱ Byȱ now,ȱ a

43 44

45 46

popes,ȱwritingȱappealsȱtoȱtheȱkingsȱofȱFrance,ȱCharlesȱVIIIȱandȱLouisȱXII,ȱtoȱtheȱGermanȱEmperor MaximilianȱI,ȱandȱtoȱPopesȱJuliusȱIIȱandȱLeoȱX.ȱHisȱmostȱimportantȱappealȱwasȱthatȱmadeȱto EmperorȱCharlesȱVȱinȱ1525,ȱwhenȱLascaris,ȱthenȱagedȱ80,ȱwasȱpresentedȱtoȱhimȱonȱaȱmissionȱfrom PopeȱClementȱVI.ȱLascaris’sȱappealsȱwereȱinȱtheȱnameȱofȱancientȱGreeceȱandȱtheȱChristianȱpeople ofȱGreece,ȱwhoȱwouldȱfaceȱanyȱdangerȱtoȱassistȱanȱimperialȱcampaignȱthatȱwouldȱactivelyȱfavor theirȱstruggle.ȱTheȱsonȱofȱMichaelȱApostolis,ȱArsenios,ȱMetropoliteȱofȱMonemvasia,ȱproducedȱan editionȱofȱHesiod’sȱpoemȱonȱHercules’sȱshieldȱandȱHomer’sȱdescriptionȱofȱtheȱshieldȱofȱAchilles. TheseȱtwoȱwouldȱmetaphoricallyȱarmȱpopeȱClement’sȱcampaignȱagainstȱtheȱTurks.ȱSubsequently, theȱideaȱofȱcrusadeȱdeclined.ȱAntoniosȱEparchosȱ(d.ȱ1571)ȱwasȱtoȱrestȱhisȱhopesȱforȱtheȱliberation ofȱGreeceȱonȱtheȱancientȱOlympianȱgods;ȱseeȱManoussosȱManoussakas,ȱAppealsȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7). SeeȱManoussosȱManoussakas,ȱAppeals,ȱ27–28ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7);ȱ“Appeals,”ȱ197ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7). SeeȱHenriȱVast,ȱLeȱcardinalȱBessarion,ȱ1403–1472:ȱÉtudeȱsurȱlaȱChrétientéȱetȱlaȱrenaissanceȱversȱleȱmilieu duȱXVeȱsiècleȱ(Paris:ȱHachette,ȱ1878),ȱVIIȱandȱ255. SeeȱManoussosȱManoussakas,ȱAppeals,ȱ13ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7). SeeȱJamesȱHankins,ȱ“RenaissanceȱCrusaders,”ȱ118ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21);ȱforȱaȱviewȱdefendingȱBessarion’s

474

GeorgeȱArabatzis

strategicȱtheoryȱwasȱtakingȱtheȱplaceȱofȱfaith:ȱasȱCardinalȱBessarionȱhasȱpointed out,ȱ theȱ unityȱ ofȱ Christianȱ nationsȱ couldȱ successfullyȱ andȱ totallyȱ reduceȱ the TurkishȱaggressorȱbeforeȱheȱcanȱbeginȱtoȱconquerȱWesternȱlands.ȱInȱhisȱletterȱto DogeȱFoscari,ȱBessarionȱdescribedȱtheȱTurkȱasȱaȱbarbarianȱandȱurgedȱtheȱDogeȱto stopȱtheȱTurkȱasȱheȱembarkedȱonȱhisȱmarchȱagainstȱEurope,ȱimploringȱthatȱthe antagonismsȱ betweenȱ theȱ Christianȱ princesȱ end.ȱ Suchȱ aȱ campaignȱ couldȱ only contributeȱtoȱtheȱgloryȱofȱtheȱVenetianȱDoge.ȱBessarion,ȱalthoughȱfamiliarȱwith classicalȱ religiousȱ crusadingȱ rhetoric,ȱ attemptedȱ toȱ combatȱ theȱ declineȱ of responsibilityȱbyȱprovokingȱoneȱWesternȱprinceȱtoȱstartȱfightingȱandȱthusȱrelieve theȱother,ȱpossiblyȱantagonistic,ȱChristianȱleadersȱfromȱtheȱburdenȱandȱlossesȱof initiatingȱ war.ȱ Theȱ ideaȱ ofȱ theȱ Turkȱ asȱ barbarianȱ wasȱ prominentȱ amongȱ the scholarȬpublishersȱinȱtheȱnewlyȱestablishedȱprintingȱbusiness,ȱinȱwhichȱweȱcan identifyȱ aȱ certainȱ protoȬideaȱ ofȱ journalism:ȱ theȱ printingȱ pressȱ advertisedȱ the TurkishȱthreatȱandȱrevivedȱtheȱCrusaderȱspiritȱwhileȱtheȱfallȱofȱNegroponteȱinȱ1470 facilitatedȱtheȱpublicist’sȱwork.ȱContraryȱtoȱtheȱmassȱpropagandaȱview,ȱBessarion hadȱratherȱanȱinstrumentalȱviewȱofȱliteratureȱandȱheȱwasȱtheȱfirstȱtoȱstandȱforȱa modelȱofȱappealingȱthatȱhadȱmanyȱrecipients.47 Theȱyearsȱfollowingȱ1454ȱwereȱaȱturningȱpointȱforȱEurope.ȱThoughȱItalyȱwasȱat peaceȱafterȱtheȱtreatyȱofȱLodi,ȱtheȱrestȱofȱEuropeȱdidȱnotȱenjoyȱsuchȱstabilityȱand theȱconditionsȱforȱanȱeffectiveȱantiȬTurkishȱcampaignȱwereȱthusȱabsent.ȱTheȱBalkan peoplesȱaloneȱstruggledȱtoȱstopȱtheȱadvancementȱofȱOttomanȱexpansion.ȱAtȱthe CongressȱofȱMantuaȱinȱ1459,ȱPiusȱIIȱgaveȱanȱinspiringȱspeechȱandȱwasȱfollowedȱby Bessarionȱ who,ȱ inȱ hisȱ ownȱ address,ȱ appearedȱ moreȱ realisticȱ andȱ pragmatic.48 AlthoughȱtheȱdecisionȱwasȱtakenȱtoȱinitiateȱtheȱholyȱwarȱagainstȱtheȱTurks,ȱitȱwas notȱpossibleȱtoȱconvinceȱGermanyȱandȱFrederickȱIIIȱtoȱparticipateȱinȱtheȱeffort.ȱThe newȱPopeȱPaulȱIIȱwasȱunwillingȱtoȱstartȱaȱnewȱCrusade,ȱandȱBessarionȱthusȱturned toȱpublicizingȱhisȱviews,ȱwithȱFichetȱpublishingȱhisȱcollectionȱofȱletters. BessarionȱwasȱaȱpioneerȱinȱthatȱheȱadoptedȱtheȱCrusadeȱprojectȱandȱaddressed theȱPrincesȱandȱtheȱPopes.ȱHeȱknewȱhowȱtoȱcombineȱhumanismȱwithȱaȱcoherent andȱ rationalȱ diplomacy.49ȱ Thisȱ wasȱ notȱ theȱ caseȱ withȱ hisȱ protégéȱ Michael Apostolis,ȱwhoȱwasȱnotȱableȱtoȱfindȱaȱjobȱinȱItaly.ȱApostolisȱaddressedȱanȱappeal

47

48

49

“massȱjournalism,”ȱseeȱRobertȱSchwoebel,ȱ“Coexistence,”ȱ184ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5). Theȱdiffusedȱmodelȱofȱappealing,ȱalthoughȱaȱpyramidalȱoneȱsinceȱitȱaddressesȱaȱhighȱauthority, distributesȱtheȱpleaȱtoȱmultipleȱcentresȱofȱcontrolȱ(princes).ȱSeeȱDanieleȱArchibugi,ȱ“Modelsȱof InternationalȱOrganizationȱinȱPerpetualȱPeaceȱProjects,”ȱReviewȱofȱInternationalȱStudiesȱ18.4ȱ(1992): 295–317.ȱSeeȱalsoȱManoussosȱManoussakas,ȱ“Appeals,”ȱ197ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7). SeeȱManoussosȱManoussakas,ȱAppeals,ȱ12ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7);ȱseeȱalsoȱRobertȱSchwoebel,ȱ“Coexistence,” 182ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5). OnȱBessarion,ȱseeȱalsoȱLudwigȱMohler,ȱKardinalȱBessarionȱalsȱTheologe,ȱHumanistȱundȱStaatsmann. QuellenȱundȱForschungenȱausȱdemȱGebietȱderȱGeschichte.ȱVol.ȱ20,ȱ22,ȱandȱ24ȱ(Paderborn:ȱF. Schöningh,ȱ1923,ȱ1927,ȱ1942;ȱrpt.ȱAalen:ȱScientiaȱVerlag,ȱ1967).

RenaissanceȱCrusadeȱLiteratureȱandȱPeaceȱPlans

475

toȱtheȱGermanȱEmperorȱFrederickȱIII,ȱfullȱofȱexaggeratedȱflatteryȱandȱdivinatory signsȱthatȱwereȱsupposedȱtoȱassureȱtheȱrulerȱaboutȱtheȱsuccessȱofȱtheȱventure.50 ApostolisȱhadȱneverthelessȱcorrectlyȱassessedȱtheȱimportanceȱofȱtheȱsoleȱGerman factor.ȱ Hisȱ Oratioȱ acclamatoria,ȱ adȱ religiosissimumȱ etȱ serenissimumȱ Romanorum imperatorem…ȱFridericumȱIII,51ȱwasȱanȱappealȱtoȱtheȱprincipleȱofȱnecessityȱ(inȱGreek adrasteia),ȱtheȱtheoryȱofȱcyclicalȱchangeȱandȱdivinatoryȱart,ȱinȱorderȱtoȱproveȱthat Frederick’sȱsonȱMaximilianȱwouldȱruleȱoverȱByzantiumȱafterȱhisȱfatherȱhadȱwon theȱwarȱwithȱtheȱTurks.52ȱ Asȱ toȱ Marcusȱ Musurusȱ (1470–1517),ȱ heȱ precededȱ hisȱ editionȱ ofȱ theȱ Complete WorksȱofȱPlatoȱwithȱaȱlongȱpoemȱinȱwhichȱheȱpleaded,ȱthroughȱtheȱvoiceȱofȱPlato himself,ȱwithȱtheȱnewȱpope,ȱLeoȱXȱ(r.ȱ1513–1521),ȱtoȱbringȱpeaceȱtoȱEurope,ȱbefore crusadingȱagainstȱtheȱTurks.ȱThanksȱtoȱvictoryȱ“allȱhumanityȱwillȱbeȱgolden,”53ȱhe wrote,ȱplacingȱhimselfȱinȱtheȱgreatȱErasmianȱvisionȱofȱaȱnewȱgoldenȱage.ȱThisȱwas entirelyȱ naturalȱ sinceȱ bothȱ Erasmusȱ andȱ Musurusȱ belongedȱ toȱ theȱ circleȱ of intellectualsȱaroundȱtheȱprinterȱAldusȱManutius.ȱ InȱtheȱwakeȱofȱMusurus,ȱIoannesȱGemistos,ȱpossiblyȱaȱgrandsonȱofȱtheȱByzantine philosopherȱGeorgiosȱGemistosȱPlethon,54ȱwroteȱaȱlongȱpoemȱalsoȱaddressedȱto PopeȱLeoȱXȱunderȱtheȱtitleȱProtrepticonȱetȱPronosticon.55ȱTheȱinterestȱinȱthisȱpoem residesȱinȱtheȱfactȱthatȱitȱexplicitlyȱcombinesȱanȱappealȱtoȱJustȱWarȱ(inȱtheȱsection calledȱProtrepticonȱorȱExhortation)ȱwithȱaȱpeaceȱplanȱafterȱvictoryȱ(inȱtheȱsection calledȱ Pronosticonȱ orȱ Prevision).ȱ Thisȱ workȱ wasȱ basedȱ onȱ theȱ astrologicalȱ and divinatoryȱpowersȱofȱtheȱwriter,ȱandȱIoannesȱGemistosȱjustifiedȱtheȱlogicȱinȱhis appealȱthroughȱreferenceȱtoȱhisȱimportantȱdivinatoryȱgifts.ȱAccordingȱtoȱGemistos, LeoȱX,ȱbyȱundertakingȱtheȱwarȱagainstȱtheȱTurks,ȱwouldȱrestoreȱtheȱancientȱrace ofȱ theȱ Greeksȱ toȱ itsȱ gloriousȱ heroicȱ past.ȱ Thisȱ isȱ theȱ Protrepticonȱ section.ȱ The Pronosticonȱsectionȱdescribesȱtheȱfutureȱcampaignȱwithȱoptimismȱandȱenthusiasm. Afterȱ liberatingȱ Greece,ȱ Leoȱ Xȱ willȱ giveȱ theȱ crownȱ ofȱ theȱ Greekȱ Empireȱ toȱ his brotherȱGiulianoȱde’ȱMedici.ȱButȱtheȱcampaignȱwillȱnotȱonlyȱstopȱhereȱbutȱwill continueȱtoȱAsia,ȱsoȱthatȱanyȱcounterȬattackȱbyȱtheȱTurksȱwouldȱnotȱbeȱpossible

50

51

52

53 54 55

SeeȱManoussosȱManoussakas,ȱAppeals,ȱ14–15ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7);ȱOnȱMichaelȱApostolis,ȱseeȱDenoȱJohn Geanakoplos,ȱGreekȱScholars,ȱ73–110ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ9). Publishedȱ in:ȱ Rerumȱ germanicarumȱ scriptores,ȱ ed.ȱ Burkardȱ Gotthelfȱ Struve.ȱ Vol.ȱ IIȱ (Strassburg: Dullsecker,ȱ1717),ȱcols.ȱ47–50. Seeȱ Denoȱ Johnȱ Geanakoplos,ȱ Greekȱ Scholars,ȱ 96–99ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 9).ȱ Theȱ principleȱ ofȱ immovable necessityȱwasȱaȱfirmȱconvictionȱofȱPlethon;ȱseeȱGeorgiosȱGemistosȱPlethon,ȱTraitéȱdesȱlois,ȱed. CharlesȱAlexandre,ȱtrans.ȱPierreȬAugustinȱPelissierȱ(1858;ȱAmsterdam:ȱAdolfȱM.ȱHakkert,ȱ1966), 64–78. ManoussosȱManoussakas,ȱAppeals,ȱ20ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7). SeeȱFrançoisȱMasai,ȱPléthonȱetȱleȱplatonismeȱdeȱMistraȱ(Paris:ȱLesȱBellesȱLettres,ȱ1956),ȱ53. AdȱsanctissimumȱdominumȱnostrumȱLeonemȱDecimum,ȱPontificemȱMaximum,ȱIoannisȱGemisti,ȱGraeci, secretariiȱAnconaeȱProtrepticonȱetȱPronosticonȱ(Ancona:ȱperȱBernardinumȱGuerraldumȱVercellensem, 1516).

476

GeorgeȱArabatzis

untilȱtheȱuniversalȱempireȱofȱtheȱPapalȱseatȱhasȱestablishedȱpeaceȱthroughoutȱthe worldȱforȱtheȱgloryȱofȱRome.ȱGemistosȱendsȱhisȱpoemȱbyȱexhortingȱtheȱHolyȱPastor toȱallowȱhimselfȱtoȱbeȱconvincedȱbyȱtheȱdivinatoryȱmanȱ(himself)ȱwhoȱspeaksȱthe truthȱandȱrevealsȱtheȱsecretsȱofȱGodȱinȱHomer’sȱlanguage.56 OtherȱscholarsȱimitatedȱthisȱmixtureȱofȱhumanismȱandȱappealȱtoȱtheȱJustȱWar. Weȱshouldȱnote,ȱhowever,ȱthatȱinȱtheȱfaceȱofȱtheȱCardinal’sȱpragmatismȱtheȱGreek humanistsȱinȱRichelieu’sȱentourageȱlimitedȱtheirȱappealsȱtoȱaȱfewȱevocativeȱlines.57 Facedȱwithȱtheȱsuccessiveȱfrustrationsȱandȱdeceptionsȱthatȱtheirȱappealsȱmetȱwith, theȱGreekȱintellectualsȱthenȱpleadedȱwithȱotherȱEuropeanȱprinces,ȱforȱexample,ȱthe SwedishȱorȱtheȱRussian.ȱWhenȱattemptingȱtoȱformȱsecretȱsocietiesȱinȱtheȱtradition ofȱ centralȱ Europe,ȱ theyȱ provedȱ theirȱ Nicodemismȱ andȱ attemptedȱ toȱ hideȱ their intimateȱbeliefs.ȱButȱinȱallȱtheseȱefforts,ȱtheȱGreeksȱwereȱNicodemistsȱasȱtheyȱspoke ofȱChristianityȱandȱnotȱofȱOrthodoxy.ȱOnlyȱMaximusȱtheȱGreekȱatȱtheȱtimeȱ(real name:ȱMichaelȱTrivolis,ȱ1470–1556),ȱaȱhumanistȱinȱRussianȱlands,ȱwasȱableȱtoȱrefer toȱtheȱByzantineȱreligionȱsinceȱhisȱappealȱaddressedȱtheȱGrandȱDukeȱofȱMuscovy, BasilȱIVȱ(1505–1533).58ȱ

TheȱPromotersȱofȱPeace AmongȱtheȱpromotersȱofȱtheȱinterȬreligiousȱpeace,ȱtheȱSpaniardȱJuanȱdeȱSegovia wasȱtoȱwrite:ȱ“IȱwantȱtoȱemphasizeȱthatȱIȱdoȱnotȱcondemnȱtheȱlawfulȱwarsȱagainst theȱMoslemsȱowingȱtoȱtheirȱinvasionȱofȱChristianȱlandsȱorȱotherȱsimilarȱcauses,ȱbut onlyȱ thoseȱ undertakenȱ withȱ religiousȱ motivesȱ inȱ mindȱ orȱ forȱ theȱ purposeȱ of conversion.”59ȱHereȱtheȱpeaceȱisȱconceivedȱinȱtermsȱofȱconvergingȱdoctrinesȱand asȱaȱnewȱintroductionȱtoȱconciliation.ȱLikeȱmostȱofȱhisȱGreekȱopponents,ȱSegovia wasȱ aȱ simpleȱ intellectualȱ withoutȱ aȱ positionȱ ofȱ powerȱ andȱ couldȱ thusȱ only advocateȱ hisȱ positionȱ byȱ writingȱ lettersȱ toȱ clericalȱ authorities.ȱ Oneȱ ofȱ his correspondentsȱwasȱNicholasȱCusanus,ȱwithȱwhomȱheȱhadȱpassionateȱdiscussions atȱtheȱCouncilȱofȱBasel.ȱCusanus,ȱwhoȱtraveledȱtoȱConstantinopleȱinȱ1437,ȱreported onȱhisȱmeetingsȱthereȱwithȱMuslimsȱwhoȱpraisedȱtheȱGospelȱandȱpreferredȱitȱtoȱthe Koran.ȱTheȱEasternȱquestionȱwasȱoneȱofȱhisȱstrongerȱinterestsȱandȱafterȱtheȱfallȱof theȱByzantineȱCapitalȱheȱproposed,ȱinȱhisȱworkȱDeȱpaceȱfideiȱ[=OnȱtheȱPeaceȱof

56 57 58

59

SeeȱManoussosȱManoussakas,ȱAppeals,ȱ20–22ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7). SeeȱManoussosȱManoussakas,ȱAppeals,ȱ217–19ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7). SeeȱManoussosȱManoussakas,ȱAppeals,ȱ225–26ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7).ȱItȱisȱtoȱbeȱnotedȱthatȱtheȱdukeȱofȱSully excludedȱtheȱRussiansȱfromȱhisȱpeaceȱplan;ȱseeȱMiriamȱEliavȬFeldon,ȱ“GrandȱDesigns,”ȱ65ȱ(see noteȱ8). RobertȱSchwoebel,ȱ“Coexistence,”ȱ176ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).

RenaissanceȱCrusadeȱLiteratureȱandȱPeaceȱPlans

477

Faith],ȱtheȱunityȱbetweenȱtheȱvariousȱfaiths.ȱHeȱwasȱ“governedȱbyȱtheȱideaȱofȱunity asȱtheȱharmoniousȱsynthesisȱofȱdifferences.”60ȱ HereticsȱlikeȱtheȱCatharsȱopposedȱtheȱideaȱofȱholyȱwarȱforȱpacifistȱreasonsȱwhile eschatologicalȱ thinkersȱ likeȱ Joachimȱ ofȱ Fioreȱ believedȱ thatȱ conversionȱ ofȱ the Muslimsȱ wasȱ necessary.ȱ Nicholasȱ Cusanus,ȱ althoughȱ notȱ anȱ opponentȱ ofȱ the Crusades,ȱalsoȱbelievedȱinȱtheȱpowerȱofȱpersuadingȱtheȱTurks.ȱHeȱadvocatedȱan ecumenicalȱstrategyȱthatȱwouldȱdemonstrateȱtoȱtheȱbelieversȱofȱotherȱreligionsȱthat theirȱfaithȱwasȱnotȱopposedȱtoȱtheȱChristianȱtruths.ȱThisȱstrategyȱwasȱsetȱoutȱinȱDe paceȱfidei,ȱwrittenȱinȱtheȱfourȱmonthsȱthatȱfollowedȱtheȱfallȱofȱConstantinople.ȱInȱhis workȱCribratioȱAlkoraniȱ(AȱScrutinyȱofȱtheȱKoran)ȱ(1461),ȱNeoplatonismȱwasȱused toȱfindȱChristianȱtruthsȱinȱtheȱfalseȱdogmasȱofȱtheȱKoran.ȱ Cusanus’sȱNeoplatonismȱfavoredȱtheȱOne,ȱtheȱhighestȱNeoplatonicȱPrinciple,ȱas theȱ unityȱ ofȱ different,ȱ evenȱ contradictory,ȱ positions,ȱ whileȱ Bessarion’s Neoplatonismȱwasȱexpressedȱwithȱaȱtraditionalȱtranscendentalȱandȱhierarchical flair,61ȱhighlyȱappropriateȱforȱappealingȱtoȱaȱprivilegedȱauthorityȱorȱaȱSupreme Makerȱ ofȱ war.ȱ Thisȱ conciliatoryȱ trendȱ finallyȱ influencedȱ Popeȱ Piusȱ IIȱ afterȱ the CouncilȱofȱMantua.62ȱAfterȱtheȱdisappointmentȱofȱthisȱCouncil,ȱPiusȱIIȱwroteȱa letterȱtoȱMehmedȱIIȱinvitingȱhimȱtoȱconvertȱtoȱChristianity.ȱAsȱRobertȱSchwoebel comments:ȱ“discouraged,ȱandȱfrustratedȱinȱhisȱeffortȱtoȱraiseȱtheȱgrandȱarmyȱof crusadersȱ necessaryȱ toȱ driveȱ theȱ Turksȱ fromȱ Europe,ȱ heȱ noȱ doubtȱ foundȱ it refreshingȱtoȱreflectȱforȱaȱmomentȱonȱtheȱapproachȱurgedȱbyȱthoseȱheȱnormally regardedȱasȱtheoreticians.”63ȱThus,ȱsinceȱtheȱdistinctionȱbetweenȱthoseȱintellectuals inclinedȱtowardsȱaȱcrusadeȱandȱthoseȱwhoȱwereȱmoreȱconciliatoryȱwasȱnotȱsoȱclear cut,ȱcommunicationȱbetweenȱthemȱwasȱnotȱimpossible.ȱ OthersȱalsoȱwroteȱtoȱtheȱSultan;ȱPaoloȱGiustinianiȱ(1444–1502)ȱinvitedȱhimȱto followȱ theȱ exampleȱ ofȱ Constantineȱ andȱ notȱ thatȱ ofȱ Alexander.ȱ Evenȱ aȱ Greek, Georgeȱ ofȱ Trebizond,ȱ wroteȱ inȱ aȱ conciliatoryȱ mannerȱ toȱ theȱ Sultan.64ȱ Georgios

60

61

62 63 64

FrederickȱCopleston,ȱAȱHistoryȱofȱPhilosophy.ȱVol.ȱIII:ȱLateȱMedievalȱandȱRenaissanceȱPhilosophy,ȱPart. IIȱ(NewȱYork:ȱDoubleday,ȱ1963),ȱ39.ȱSeeȱNicholasȱRescher,ȱ“NicholasȱofȱCusaȱonȱtheȱKoran:ȱA FifteenthȬCenturyȱ Encounterȱ withȱ Islam,”ȱ chapterȱ 2ȱ ofȱ id.,ȱ Scholasticȱ Meditations,ȱ Studiesȱ in Philosophyȱ andȱ theȱ Historyȱ ofȱ Philosophy,ȱ 44ȱ (Washington,ȱ DC:ȱ Theȱ Catholicȱ Universityȱ of AmericaȱPress,ȱ2005),ȱ49–57. Seeȱ Bessarion,ȱ Inȱ calumniatoremȱ Platonis,ȱ quotedȱ andȱ translatedȱ inȱ Raymondȱ Klibansky,ȱ The ContinuityȱofȱtheȱPlatonicȱTradition.ȱPlato’sȱParmenidesȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱtheȱRenaissanceȱ(New York,ȱLondon,ȱandȱNendeln,ȱLiechtenstein:ȱKrausȱInternationalȱPublications,ȱ1982),ȱ310–11.ȱWe knowȱofȱCusanus’sȱfriendshipȱwithȱBessarion,ȱbutȱitȱappearsȱthatȱhisȱknowledgeȱofȱGreekȱwas ratherȱlimited;ȱseeȱPaulȱOskarȱKristeller,ȱRenaissanceȱThoughtȱandȱItsȱSourcesȱ(NewȱYork:ȱColumbia UniversityȱPress,ȱ1979),ȱ160. JamesȱHankins,ȱ“RenaissanceȱCrusaders,”ȱ128ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21). RobertȱSchwoebel,ȱ“Coexistence,”ȱ179ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5). SeeȱAngeloȱMercati,ȱ“LeȱdueȱlettereȱdiȱGiorgioȱdaȱTrebisondaȱaȱMaomettoȱII,”ȱOrientaliaȱChristiana periodicaȱ9ȱ(1943):ȱ65–99.

478

GeorgeȱArabatzis

GemistosȱPlethon,ȱaȱsupporterȱofȱaȱuniversalȱreligionȱandȱaȱtranscendentalȱreturn toȱpaganȱsources,ȱwasȱperhapsȱtheȱoriginȱofȱwhatȱappearedȱtoȱGeorgeȱofȱTrebizond asȱ aȱ blendȱ ofȱ Christianityȱ andȱ Islam.65ȱ Thoseȱ inclinedȱ towardȱ peaceȱ included ErasmusȱandȱSebastianȱFranck.66ȱThisȱviewȱchallengedȱtheȱHumanistȱideaȱofȱthe Turksȱ asȱ barbariansȱ andȱ enemiesȱ ofȱ culture,ȱ asȱ theȱ peaceȬmindedȱ intellectuals grantedȱtheȱTurksȱandȱinȱgeneralȱtheȱMuslimsȱaȱ“rightfulȱplaceȱinȱGod’sȱcreation andȱinȱHisȱplanȱforȱhistory.”67

JustȱWar,ȱPeaceȱPlansȱandȱtheȱCultureȱofȱCoexistence Although,ȱPopeȱPiusȱIIȱpreferredȱaȱcrusadeȱinȱtheȱhopeȱthatȱthisȱwouldȱexpelȱthe Ottomansȱ fromȱ theȱ peninsula,ȱ theȱ alliedȱ Florentinesȱ andȱ Milaneseȱ wereȱ less enthusiasticȱaboutȱit.ȱBothȱtheȱGenoeseȱandȱtheȱVenetiansȱsoughtȱtoȱgainȱfromȱthe fallȱofȱtheȱByzantineȱEmpire.ȱThus,ȱaȱvarietyȱofȱpoliciesȱhadȱbeenȱintroducedȱand manyȱhumanistsȱwereȱcoolȱtowardsȱtheȱprospectȱofȱaȱholyȱwarȱwithȱtheȱTurks, followingȱtheirȱmaster’sȱ(ecclesiasticalȱorȱsecular)ȱwillsȱandȱdesigns.68ȱTheȱfallȱof ConstantinopleȱwasȱsaidȱtoȱbeȱaȱdivineȱpunishmentȱforȱallȱChristiansȱandȱonlyȱa crusadeȱwouldȱrestoreȱtheȱnobilityȱofȱChristendom;ȱbutȱthereȱwereȱperhapsȱalso someȱ humanȱ reasonsȱ forȱ theȱ fallȱ ofȱ theȱ city.ȱ Someȱ humanistsȱ impliedȱ thatȱ the Genoeseȱ betrayedȱ Constantinople,ȱ whileȱ theȱ Genoeseȱ blamedȱ theȱ Venetian defendersȱofȱtheȱcity.ȱEvenȱtheȱGreeksȱwereȱtoȱblame,ȱsinceȱtheȱrichȱhadȱhidden awayȱtheirȱfortunesȱinsteadȱofȱgivingȱthemȱtoȱsaveȱtheirȱcountry.ȱMoreover,ȱthe

65

66

67 68

GeorgeȱofȱTrebizondȱwrote:ȱ“̄udiuiȱegoȱipsumȱFlorentiae,ȱuenitȱenimȱadȱconciliumȱcumȱgraecis, asserentemȱunamȱeandemqueȱreligionem,ȱunoȱanimo,ȱunaȱmente,ȱunaȱpraedicatione,ȱuniuersum orbem,ȱpaucisȱpostȱannisȱesseȱsuscepturum.ȱCumqueȱrogassem,ȱchristineȱanȱmachumeti?ȱneutram inquit,ȱ sedȱ nonȱ àȱ gentilitate,ȱ differentem,”ȱ Comparationesȱ phylosophorumȱ Aristotelisȱ etȱ Platonis (Venice:ȱperȱIacobumȱPentiumȱdeȱLeuco,ȱ1523),ȱV6v. SebastianȱFrankȱcameȱtoȱconsiderȱtheȱTurksȱasȱspiritualȱindividualistȱandȱthroughȱhisȱpositive appraisalȱ ofȱ nonȬinstitutional,ȱ spiritualȱ religion;ȱ seeȱ Stephenȱ C.ȱ Williams,ȱ “Türkenchronik: Ausdeutendeȱ Übersetzug:ȱ Georgsȱ vonȱ Ungarnȱ Tractatusȱ deȱ moribus,ȱ conditionibusȱ etȱ nequicia TurcorumȱinȱderȱVerdeutschungȱSebastianȱFrancks,”ȱReisenȱundȱWelterfahrungȱ inȱ derȱdeutschen LiteraturȱdesȱMittelalters,ȱed.ȱDietrichȱHuschenbettȱandȱJohnȱMargettsȱ(Würzburg:ȱKönigshausen undȱNeumann,ȱ1991),ȱ189–95;ȱonȱFranck,ȱseeȱalsoȱPatrickȱHaydenȬRoy,ȱTheȱInnerȱWordȱandȱthe OuterȱWorld:ȱAȱBiographyȱofȱSebastianȱFranck.ȱRenaissanceȱandȱBaroque:ȱStudiesȱandȱTextsȱ7ȱ(New York:ȱ Peterȱ Lang,ȱ 1994);ȱ Geoffreyȱ L.ȱ Dipple,ȱ “Sebastianȱ Franckȱ andȱ theȱ Münsterȱ Anabaptist Kingdom,”ȱRadicalȱReformationȱStudies.ȱEssaysȱPresentedȱtoȱJamesȱM.ȱStayer,ȱed.ȱWernerȱO.ȱPackull andȱGeoffreyȱL.ȱDipple.ȱSt.ȱAndrewsȱStudiesȱinȱReformationȱHistoryȱ(London:ȱAshgate,ȱ1999), 91–105. RobertȱSchwoebel,ȱ“Coexistence,”ȱ181ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).ȱ SeeȱJamesȱHankins,ȱ“RenaissanceȱCrusaders,”ȱ125–27ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21).

RenaissanceȱCrusadeȱLiteratureȱandȱPeaceȱPlans

479

proȬTurkishȱGreeksȱmayȱevenȱhaveȱbetrayedȱtheȱcity.ȱTheȱGreeksȱmayȱevenȱhave deservedȱthisȱpunishment.ȱTheseȱwereȱcommonȱviewsȱafterȱ1453.69ȱ Theȱconciliatoryȱattitudesȱcameȱfromȱaȱwillȱtoȱcoexistȱasȱaȱresultȱofȱaȱgrowing senseȱofȱpoliticalȱrealism.ȱThisȱwasȱalsoȱseenȱasȱaȱreturnȱtoȱprimitiveȱChristianity andȱitsȱpacifisticȱcharacter.ȱBasedȱonȱtheȱdiplomaticȱrelationsȱwithȱtheȱOttoman Sublimeȱ Porte,ȱ thereȱ wasȱ aȱ willȱ toȱ treatȱ theȱ Turkȱ asȱ anȱ allyȱ soȱ asȱ toȱ weakenȱ a Westernȱ rival.ȱ Thereȱ wasȱ alsoȱ anȱ awarenessȱ thatȱ theȱ Turksȱ hadȱ managedȱ to conquerȱwithoutȱinterferingȱwithȱtheȱfaithȱofȱtheirȱsubjects.ȱTheȱcriticismȱofȱthe papalȱappealȱtoȱaȱcrusadeȱincludedȱaȱcritiqueȱofȱtheȱpapacyȱandȱitsȱindulgences andȱsuchȱcriticismsȱwereȱoftenȱintendedȱforȱaȱnonȬacademicȱaudience.ȱThus,ȱone couldȱbeȱledȱtoȱpacifismȱeitherȱthroughȱtheȱreturnȱtoȱaȱprimitive,ȱpoor,ȱandȱhonest Christianity,ȱ orȱ byȱ transcendingȱ religionȱ forȱ politicalȱ realism.ȱ Inȱ theory,ȱ the pacifismȱ ofȱ theȱ Christianȱ sectsȱ alsoȱ extendedȱ toȱ warȱ againstȱ theȱ Turks. Furthermore,ȱecstatic,ȱapocalyptic,ȱand/orȱmysticalȱvisionsȱmayȱhaveȱledȱtoȱthe beliefȱ inȱ anȱ imminentȱ conversionȱ ofȱ theȱ Turksȱ toȱ Christianity.ȱ Thisȱ helpedȱ to establishȱprogramsȱforȱtheȱpeacefulȱconversionȱofȱtheȱTurksȱbyȱtheȱapostlesȱof conciliation.ȱAȱcrusadeȱwasȱthusȱseenȱinȱsomeȱrespectsȱ asȱ contraryȱtoȱtheȱtrue natureȱofȱChristianity.70 InȱtheȱEpistolaȱMorbisaniȱMagniȱTurcaeȱadȱPiumȱPapamȱIIȱ(Mehmed’sȱanswerȱof doubtfulȱauthenticityȱtoȱPius’sȱletter)ȱitȱwasȱarguedȱthatȱthereȱwereȱnoȱgroundsȱfor aȱreligiousȱwarȱagainstȱtheȱTurks:ȱ“TheȱTurksȱareȱinnocentȱofȱtheȱbloodȱofȱChrist, theyȱdoȱnotȱpossessȱtheȱHolyȱLand,ȱtheyȱhateȱJewsȱasȱmuchȱasȱChristiansȱdo,ȱand theirȱwarȱisȱdirectedȱmainlyȱagainstȱtheȱarrogantȱVenetians,ȱwhoȱhadȱstolenȱislands inȱtheȱeasternȱMediterraneanȱwithoutȱimperialȱauthority.”71ȱBecauseȱotherȱcourts alsoȱ desiredȱ friendlyȱ relationsȱ withȱ theȱ Turksȱ inȱ thisȱ perspective,ȱ weȱ thus encounterȱexpressionsȱofȱpraiseȱforȱOttomanȱstateȱinstitutionsȱandȱevenȱindividual

69

70 71

TheȱLatinsȱwereȱsuspiciousȱofȱtheȱGreeksȱevenȱbeforeȱ1453,ȱalreadyȱbyȱtheȱFirstȱCrusade:ȱsee Williamȱ M.ȱ Daly,ȱ “Christianȱ Fraternity,ȱ theȱ Crusaders,ȱ andȱ theȱ Securityȱ ofȱ Constantinople, 1097–1204:ȱTheȱPrecariousȱSurvivalȱofȱanȱIdeal,”ȱMedievalȱStudiesȱ22ȱ(1960):ȱ43–91;ȱJeanȬCharles Payen,ȱ“L’imageȱduȱGrecȱdansȱlaȱchroniqueȱnormande:ȱsurȱunȱpassageȱdeȱRaoulȱdeȱCaen,”ȱImages etȱsignesȱdeȱl’Orientȱdansȱl’Occidentȱmédiéval,ȱed.ȱJeanȱArrouye.ȱSénéfiance,ȱ11ȱ(AixȬenȬProvence: PublicationsȱduȱCUERȱMA,ȱUniversitéȱdeȱProvenceȱ;ȱMarseilleȱ:ȱdiffusion,ȱÉditionsȱJeanneȱLaffite, 1982),ȱ269–80;ȱJonathanȱShepard,ȱ“WhenȱGreekȱmeetsȱGreek:ȱAlexiosȱComnenosȱandȱBohemond inȱ1097–1098,”ȱByzantineȱandȱModernȱGreekȱStudiesȱ12ȱ(1988):ȱ185–277.ȱTheȱgrowthȱofȱsuchȱsuspicion mayȱbeȱseenȱinȱtheȱmedievalȱreappraisalȱofȱVirgilianȱliterature:ȱseeȱBirgerȱMunkȱOlsen,ȱ“Virgile etȱlaȱrenaissanceȱduȱXIIeȱsiècle,”ȱLecturesȱmédiévalesȱdeȱVirgile:ȱActesȱduȱColloqueȱorganiséȱparȱl’Ecole françaiseȱdeȱRomeȱ(Rome,ȱ25–28ȱoctobreȱ1982),ȱed.ȱJeanȬYvesȱTilliette.ȱCollectionȱdeȱl’Écoleȱfrançaise deȱRome,ȱ80ȱ(Rome:ȱÉcoleȱfrançaiseȱdeȱRome,ȱ1985),ȱ31–48.ȱForȱtheȱtroubledȱrelationsȱbetween Greeks,ȱLatinsȱandȱTurksȱseeȱBasilȱG.ȱSpiridonakis,ȱGrecs,ȱOccidentauxȱetȱTurcsȱdeȱ1054ȱàȱ1453: Quatreȱsièclesȱd’histoireȱdeȱrelationsȱinternationalesȱ(Thessaloniki:ȱInstituteȱforȱBalkanȱStudies,ȱ1990). RobertȱSchwoebel,ȱ“Coexistence,”ȱ174–176ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5). SeeȱJamesȱHankins,ȱ“RenaissanceȱCrusaders,”ȱ140ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21).

480

GeorgeȱArabatzis

Turks,ȱwithȱMehmedȱIIȱpresentedȱasȱaȱphilosopherȱandȱaȱtolerantȱman.72ȱEvenȱso, aȱcampaignȱagainstȱtheȱTurksȱwasȱnotȱruledȱout;ȱcoexistenceȱwasȱnotȱmeantȱtoȱbe continuouslyȱpeaceful.ȱThisȱambiguityȱasȱtoȱtheȱpossibilityȱofȱwarȱwithȱtheȱTurks isȱwhatȱtheȱplansȱforȱpeaceȱinherited.ȱIfȱpressedȱbyȱTurkishȱmilitaryȱexpansion,ȱthe princesȱwouldȱappearȱfavorableȱtoȱaȱcrusade.ȱ InȱtheȱpeaceȱplansȱweȱcanȱseeȱtheȱaforementionedȱdialecticȱofȱtheȱNeoplatonic OneȱinȱrelationȱtoȱtheȱSupremeȱMakerȱofȱwarȱandȱpeaceȱandȱtheȱBarbarian.ȱProjects forȱperpetualȱpeaceȱareȱoftenȱcriticizedȱforȱtheirȱutopianismȱbutȱthoseȱofȱEmeric Crucé,ȱtheȱdukeȱofȱSully,ȱtheȱabbéȱdeȱSaintȬPierre,ȱofȱWilliamȱLadd,ȱandȱWilliam Jayȱreferȱtoȱaȱpyramidalȱmodelȱofȱinternationalȱorganization.ȱTwoȱcharacteristics ofȱ thisȱ pyramidalȱ formȱ ofȱ peaceȱ planningȱ wereȱ thatȱ theȱ membersȱ ofȱ an internationalȱ unionȱ wereȱ theȱ sovereignsȱ andȱ notȱ theȱ subjectsȱ andȱ alsoȱ thatȱ the causesȱofȱwarȱcouldȱbeȱtracedȱtoȱtheȱabsenceȱofȱaȱsupranationalȱauthorityȱtoȱwhich statesȱcanȱappeal.ȱInȱthisȱway,ȱanȱinternationalȱauthorityȱcomprisedȱofȱtheȱvoluntary unionȱofȱnationalȱsovereignsȱcouldȱachieveȱaȱperpetualȱpeace,ȱalthoughȱsuchȱan internationalȱunionȱrequiresȱthatȱnationalȱstatusȱquosȱbeȱformallyȱaccepted.ȱThe primaryȱ motionȱ ofȱ theȱ peaceȱ processȱ isȱ givenȱ byȱ theȱ abilityȱ toȱ persuadeȱ the differentȱsovereigns.73ȱThisȱleavesȱopenȱtheȱquestionȱofȱwhatȱhappensȱwithȱthe barbaricȱ nationsȱ andȱ whatȱ happensȱ toȱ slaveȱ subjectsȱ andȱ theirȱ rebellious insurrections.ȱThereȱwasȱaȱfearȱofȱbeingȱcontaminatedȱbyȱdecline,ȱwhichȱcaused bothȱ pityȱ andȱ repulsionȱ towardȱ theȱ Greeks.ȱ AntiȬbarbarismȱ shouldȱ beȱ set alongsideȱcounterȬrebellionȱinȱaȱloyalistȱviewȱofȱtheȱworldȱorder.ȱThusȱaȱpeaceȱplan mayȱbeȱnoȱmoreȱthanȱanȱinternationalȱorganizationȱofȱnationalȱpowers,ȱsuchȱasȱin theȱdukeȱofȱSully’sȱplan.ȱ YetȱduringȱtheȱRenaissance,ȱtheȱsecularȱandȱespeciallyȱtheȱhumanȱelementȱhad undoubtedlyȱprogressedȱfurtherȱandȱtheȱChristianȱpeaceȱwasȱatȱtimesȱtransformed intoȱ aȱ humanȱ ideal,74ȱ relatingȱ toȱ generalȱ humanityȱ regardlessȱ ofȱ religious differences.ȱTheȱideaȱofȱidentifyingȱChristianityȱwithȱjusticeȱandȱtruthȱwasȱlosing groundȱandȱtheȱgeneralizingȱdivisionȱbetweenȱChristiansȱwasȱnegatingȱtheȱproject ofȱaȱChristianȱantiȬinfidelȱpeace.ȱErasmusȱhavingȱbroughtȱtheȱsubjectȱofȱpeaceȱto theȱ foreground,ȱ Thomasȱ Münzerȱ claimedȱ thatȱ theȱ preconditionȱ forȱ peaceȱ was socialȱchange,ȱmeaningȱtheȱcompleteȱequalityȱofȱpeople.ȱPeaceȱshouldȱbeȱtheȱobject

72 73 74

SeeȱFranzȱBabinger,ȱ“MehmedȱIIȱundȱItalien,”ȱByzantionȱ21ȱ(1951):ȱ127–70. DanieleȱArchibugi,ȱ“ModelsȱofȱInternationalȱOrganization,”ȱ298ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ47). SeeȱMauriceȱMerleauȬPonty,ȱ“Christianismeȱetȱressentiment,”ȱLaȱvieȱintellectuelleȱ7/n.s.ȱ36ȱ(1935): 278–306,ȱrpt.ȱinȱid.,ȱParcoursȱ1935–1951ȱ(Lagrasse:ȱVerdier,ȱ1997),ȱ9–33.ȱMerleauȬPontyȱdiscusses Christianȱresentment,ȱinspiredȱbyȱNietzscheȱbutȱseenȱthroughȱaȱphilosophyȱofȱvalues;ȱseeȱalso, GillesȱLabelle,ȱ“MerleauȬPontyȱetȱleȱchristianisme,”ȱLavalȱThéologiqueȱetȱPhilosophiqueȱ58/2ȱ(juin 2002):ȱ317–40.

RenaissanceȱCrusadeȱLiteratureȱandȱPeaceȱPlans

481

ofȱaffirmativeȱaction.ȱInȱthisȱsense,ȱErasmusȱmayȱbeȱseenȱasȱaȱforerunnerȱofȱthe Enlightenmentȱcoexistenceȱofȱcosmopolitismȱandȱnationalȱpowers.75

War,ȱPeaceȱandȱEpisteme Theȱinvolvementȱofȱmedievalȱclericsȱandȱrenaissanceȱhumanistsȱwithȱtheȱideaȱof (Just)ȱwarȱimpliesȱtheȱideaȱofȱpoliticalȱacademismȱconceivedȱbyȱPlato.ȱThisȱlast advancedȱtheȱideaȱofȱphilosophersȱbecomingȱkingsȱor,ȱotherwise,ȱtheȱideaȱofȱa personȱcombiningȱphilosophicalȱknowledgeȱandȱethicsȱwithȱkinglyȱpower.76ȱThe caseȱ ofȱ Manuelȱ Chrysolorasȱ showsȱ inȱ anȱ archetypalȱ wayȱ theȱ inabilityȱ ofȱ the academicsȱ andȱ theȱ breakingȱ upȱ ofȱ theȱ intellectualsȱ intoȱ factions.ȱ Machiavelli establishedȱtheȱnonȬpracticalȱdimensionȱofȱscholarlyȱpoliticsȱinȱtheȱRenaissanceȱby distinguishingȱbetweenȱtwoȱkindsȱofȱviolence:ȱsocialȱandȱpolitical.ȱTheȱfirstȱmay includeȱtheȱacademicȱforceȱasȱpartȱofȱtheȱsocialȱstatusȱquo;ȱbutȱthisȱforceȱlacksȱa decisiveȱ politicalȱ influenceȱ sinceȱ politicalȱ violenceȱ isȱ farȱ moreȱ powerfulȱ and capableȱ ofȱ establishingȱ theȱ officialȱ historyȱ ofȱ aȱ particularȱ society.ȱ Theȱ prince, accordingȱtoȱthisȱview,ȱcanȱandȱoughtȱtoȱoverrideȱtheȱscholarlyȱelitesȱandȱtake mattersȱinȱhandȱonȱtheȱbasisȱofȱaȱlogicȱfarȱsurpassingȱscholarlyȱreasoning.ȱThe sameȱ behaviorȱ isȱ validȱ forȱ theȱ religiousȱ elites,ȱ soȱ longȱ asȱ theseȱ doȱ notȱ possess effectiveȱmeansȱofȱenforcement.77ȱ Inȱthisȱlight,ȱweȱmustȱenvisionȱtheȱhumanistȱtreatmentȱofȱtheȱquestionȱofȱTurkish originsȱasȱreflectingȱaȱdeeplyȱrootedȱbeliefȱinȱtheȱimportanceȱofȱorigins.ȱThisȱwas especiallyȱtrueȱforȱtheȱRenaissance,ȱsinceȱitȱwasȱthenȱthatȱitȱhadȱbecomeȱcrucialȱto traceȱ theȱ culturalȱ originsȱ ofȱ peoples.78ȱ Thisȱ ledȱ toȱ aȱ greatȱ numberȱ ofȱ works discussingȱ deȱ originibusȱ Turcarum.ȱ Theȱ Byzantinesȱ hadȱ alreadyȱ establishedȱ the practiceȱofȱreferringȱtoȱtheirȱenemiesȱbyȱusingȱancientȱnames.79ȱSuchȱdiscourseȱon thisȱ questionȱ owedȱ moreȱ toȱ prejudiceȱ thanȱ toȱ observation.ȱ Weȱ thusȱ seeȱ the emergenceȱ ofȱ expertsȱ onȱ ethnicȱ definitionȱ andȱ subsequentȱ errors:ȱ amateur

75 76

77 78

79

IstvanȱKende,ȱ“TheȱHistoryȱofȱPeace,”ȱ234ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2). Plato,ȱ Republic,ȱ VI;ȱ seeȱ C.ȱ D.ȱ C.ȱ Reeve,ȱ PhilosopherȬKings:ȱ Theȱ Argumentȱ ofȱ Plato’sȱ Republic (Princeton:ȱ Princetonȱ Universityȱ Press,ȱ 1988);ȱ inȱ recentȱ times,ȱ aȱ strongȱ opponentȱ ofȱ political academismȱwasȱMaxȱWeber;ȱseeȱMaxȱWeber,ȱTheȱVocationȱLectures,ȱ“ScienceȱasȱaȱVocation”,ȱ“Politics asȱaȱVocation”,ȱed.ȱandȱwithȱanȱintroductionȱbyȱDavidȱOwenȱandȱTracyȱB.ȱStrong,ȱtrans.ȱbyȱRodney Livingstoneȱ(Indianapolis,ȱIN,ȱandȱCambridge:ȱHackett,ȱ2004). SeeȱNiccolòȱMachiavelli,ȱTheȱPrince,ȱ§§ȱ6,ȱ12. SeeȱPaulȱOskarȱKristeller,ȱRenaissanceȱThought:ȱTheȱGreek,ȱScholastic,ȱandȱHumanistȱStrainsȱ(New York:ȱHarper,ȱ1961),ȱ75–82. Onȱ theȱ anachronismsȱ ofȱ Byzantineȱ enemyȱ naming,ȱ seeȱ Korayȱ Durak,ȱ “Definingȱ theȱ ‘Turk’: Mechanismsȱ ofȱ Establishingȱ Contemporaryȱ Meaningȱ inȱ theȱ Archaizingȱ Languageȱ ofȱ the Byzantines,”ȱJahrbuchȱderȱösterreichischenȱByzantinistikȱ59ȱ(2009):ȱ65–78.

482

GeorgeȱArabatzis

philologists,ȱasȱproofȱofȱtheirȱclassicalȱknowledge,ȱlikedȱtoȱassociateȱtheȱTurksȱwith theȱTrojans—TeucriȱinȱLatin—tracingȱthemȱbackȱtoȱtheȱhouseȱofȱPriam.80ȱThisȱled toȱtheȱbeliefȱthatȱtheȱobjectiveȱofȱtheȱ Turksȱ wasȱnoȱlongerȱworldȱconquestȱbut revengeȱandȱtheȱrestorationȱofȱTroy.81ȱ HumanistsȱlikeȱAndreaȱCambiniȱinȱhisȱDellaȱorigineȱde’ȱTurchiȱ(Venice,ȱ 1538) rejectedȱtheȱTrojanȱoriginȱtheory.ȱForȱtheȱGreekȱTheodoreȱofȱGazaȱ(ca.ȱ1400–1475) theȱ Turksȱ wereȱ theȱ descendantsȱ ofȱ anȱ ancientȱ Persianȱ tribe,ȱ continuingȱ the ByzantineȱanalogyȱofȱdefendingȱancientȱGreeceȱfromȱtheȱPersiansȱandȱmodern Greeceȱ fromȱ theȱ Turks.ȱ Georgeȱ ofȱ Trebizondȱ wasȱ ofȱ theȱ sameȱ opinionȱ while PlethonȱidentifiedȱthemȱwithȱtheȱParopamisadae,ȱaȱHinduȱtribeȱthatȱwasȱdefeated byȱAlexanderȱtheȱGreat.ȱThisȱwasȱaȱbadȱideaȱasȱtheȱconquestȱofȱGreeceȱcouldȱthen beȱrepresentedȱasȱtheȱrevengeȱofȱtheȱpeopleȱagainstȱwhomȱAlexanderȱhadȱwaged war.82ȱTheȱTrojansȱwereȱalsoȱseenȱasȱtheȱancestorsȱofȱtheȱRomansȱandȱevenȱthe Franks.ȱAeneasȱSilviusȱcomplainedȱaboutȱtheȱidentificationȱofȱtheȱTurksȱwithȱthe Trojans:ȱtheȱperceptionȱofȱtheȱTurksȱasȱTrojansȱcouldȱleadȱtoȱaȱpoliticalȱconciliation withȱ theȱ Italians,ȱ asȱ theȱ Trojansȱ andȱ theȱ Italiansȱ sharedȱ commonȱ origins. Furthermore,ȱtheȱconquestȱofȱtheȱlandȱofȱtheȱGreeks,ȱtheirȱancientȱenemies,ȱcould beȱseenȱasȱpartȱofȱtemporalȱjustice.83ȱ However,ȱ theȱ identificationȱ ofȱ Turksȱ withȱ Trojansȱ wasȱ notȱ alwaysȱ toȱ the advantageȱofȱproȬTurkishȱItalians.ȱWhenȱtheȱVenetianȱcolonyȱofȱNegroponteȱfell toȱtheȱTurksȱinȱ1470,ȱBessarionȱremindedȱtheȱsouthernȱItaliansȱthatȱthatȱcityȱhad beenȱknownȱinȱantiquityȱasȱChalkisȱofȱEuboeaȱandȱhadȱbeenȱtheȱmotherȱcityȱofȱthe ancientȱGreekȱcoloniesȱinȱNaplesȱandȱCumae.84ȱSuchȱheatedȱdisputeȱoverȱaȱname canȱbeȱeasilyȱunderstoodȱifȱweȱconsiderȱtheȱfactȱthatȱnameȬlabelingȱisȱaȱcentral operationȱofȱpoliticalȱidentification.85 TheȱGermanȱintellectual’sȱposition,ȱgivenȱhisȱperceptionȱofȱtheȱpapacyȱandȱthe GreekȱOrthodoxȱChurch,ȱmarkedȱaȱturningȱpointȱinȱtheȱcrusadingȱideal.ȱThereȱwas theȱTrojanȱargumentȱagainstȱtheȱGreekȱcaseȱbutȱforȱsomeȱGermanȱscholars,ȱthe TurksȱandȱtheȱGermansȱhadȱotherȱcommonȱancestors,ȱnamelyȱtheȱMacedonians. Theȱ Germanȱ humanistsȱ attemptedȱ toȱ distanceȱ themselvesȱ fromȱ anyȱ ideaȱ of retributiveȱphilhellenism.86ȱTheȱdiscoveryȱofȱtheȱByzantineȱGreeksȱbyȱtheȱGerman Lutheransȱ afterȱ 1540ȱ canȱ beȱ creditedȱ toȱ philologistsȱ likeȱ Martinȱ Crusius,

80 81 82 83 84 85 86

RobertȱSchwoebel,ȱ“Coexistence,”ȱ165ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5). JamesȱHankins,ȱ“RenaissanceȱCrusaders,”ȱ140ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21). JamesȱHankins,ȱ“RenaissanceȱCrusaders,”ȱ136–38ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21). SeeȱRobertȱSchwoebel,ȱ“Coexistence,”ȱ166,ȱ168ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5). JamesȱHankins,ȱ“RenaissanceȱCrusaders,”ȱ139,ȱ141ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21). SeeȱGeraldȱBruns,ȱ“LanguageȱandȱPower,”ȱChicagoȱReviewȱ34ȱ(1984):ȱ27–43. SeeȱAsaphȱBenȬTov,ȱLutheranȱHumanistsȱandȱGreekȱAntiquity:ȱMelanchthonianȱScholarshipȱbetween UniversalȱHistoryȱandȱPedagogy.ȱBrill’sȱStudiesȱinȱIntellectualȱHistory,ȱ183ȱ(LeidenȱandȱBoston:ȱBrill, 2009).

RenaissanceȱCrusadeȱLiteratureȱandȱPeaceȱPlans

483

HieronymusȱWolf,ȱWilhelmȱXylander,ȱJohannesȱLöwenklau,ȱandȱDavidȱHoeschel, whoȱwereȱambivalentȱinȱtheirȱattitudeȱtowardȱtheȱByzantines.ȱTheirȱinterestȱwas principallyȱ focusedȱ onȱ theȱ Greekȱ Orthodoxȱ Churchȱ andȱ Greekȱ manuscripts, aroundȱ whichȱ aȱ genuineȱ culturalȱ commerceȱ hadȱ evolvedȱ inȱ theȱ Renaissance. ByzantiumȱwasȱnotȱseenȱasȱsomethingȱdifferentȱfromȱGreeceȱandȱsoȱtheȱappealsȱfor aȱChristianȱCrusadeȱtoȱliberateȱGreeceȱwereȱperceivedȱasȱaȱsecularȱdemandȱrather thanȱasȱaȱChristianȱobligation.ȱ TheȱincommunicabilityȱofȱvaluesȱinȱtheȱculturalȱexchangeȱbetweenȱOrthodox GreeksȱandȱLutheranȱGermansȱprovokedȱanȱawkwardȱembarrassment:ȱtheȱfallȱof Byzantineȱ Greeceȱ wasȱ forȱ theȱ Lutheranȱ Germansȱ aȱ divineȱ retributionȱ andȱ in Byzantiumȱ theyȱ sawȱ Athensȱ inȱ inescapableȱ decline.ȱ Theȱ conquestȱ of ConstantinopleȱbyȱMehmedȱIIȱthusȱputȱanȱendȱtoȱtheȱAthenianȱgloryȱhavingȱbegun withȱSolonianȱlegislation.ȱTheȱremainingȱGreeksȱ wereȱ semiȬbarbarousȱandȱthe modernȱGreekȱlanguageȱwasȱaȱbarbarousȱidiom.ȱWeȱseeȱhereȱhowȱtheȱbarbarian themeȱhadȱacquiredȱnewȱmeaningȱinȱtheȱthinkingȱofȱtheȱGermanȱhumanists.ȱThe Greekȱ faithȱ wasȱ forȱ themȱ Greekȱ superstition;ȱ theȱ Greekȱ cultureȱ wasȱ aȱ culture whereȱoneȱreadsȱbutȱdoesȱnotȱunderstand.ȱ Theȱ Greekȱ Churchȱ didȱ notȱ conformȱ toȱ theȱ visionȱ ofȱ aȱ pureȱ earlyȱ Churchȱ in contrastȱ toȱ theȱ corruptȱ papacyȱ and,ȱ asȱ aȱ result,ȱ Greekȱ Orthodoxyȱ cameȱ toȱ be viewedȱasȱaȱformȱofȱpapism.ȱTurcoȬGraecia,ȱtheȱtitleȱofȱCrusius’sȱwork87ȱreflectsȱthe ideaȱthatȱTurkishȱruleȱwasȱatȱtheȱtimeȱaȱfaitȱaccompliȱforȱtheȱGreekȱnation.ȱThe emphasisȱwasȱnowȱplacedȱonȱtheȱGermanȱinheritanceȱofȱChristianȱwisdomȱand Greekȱphilosophy.88

TheȱMedievalȱTheoryȱofȱJustȱWarȱandȱtheȱ AugustinianistȱImpedimentȱtoȱtheȱGreekȱCase TheȱJustȱWarȱtheoryȱprovidesȱnotȱonlyȱaȱwarȱclauseȱbutȱalso,ȱandȱinȱsomeȱregards primarily,ȱaȱpeaceȱclause.ȱTheȱpresentȱsectionȱwillȱdealȱwithȱtheȱquestionȱasȱto whetherȱtheȱappealsȱofȱtheȱByzantineȱGreeksȱandȱotherȱRenaissanceȱscholarsȱwere rightȱinȱregardȱtoȱWesternȱJustȱWarȱtheory.ȱThisȱlastȱisȱsaidȱtoȱbeȱtheȱ“longestȬ

87

88

SeeȱAsaphȱBenȬTov,ȱ“TurcoȬGraecia:ȱGermanȱHumanistsȱandȱtheȱEndȱofȱGreekȱAntiquity,”ȱCrossing Boundaries:ȱ Newȱ Perspectiveȱ onȱ Culturalȱ Encountersȱ inȱ theȱ Mediterraneanȱ beforeȱ 1700,ȱ ed.ȱ Claire Norton,ȱ Annaȱ Contadini,ȱ andȱ Alanȱ Chongȱ (Pittsburgh:ȱ Periscope,ȱ forthcoming)ȱ retrievedȱ on 01/27/2011ȱfromȱhttp://hcc.haifa.ac.il/~medrens/BenȬTovȬTurcoȬGraecia.pdf.ȱ Thisȱ isȱoneȱofȱtheȱsourcesȱofȱHegel’sȱcontemptȱforȱByzantium,ȱtogetherȱwithȱtheȱinfluenceȱ of Enlightenmentȱhistoriography.ȱSeeȱGeorgȱWilhelmȱFriedrichȱHegel,ȱLecturesȱonȱtheȱPhilosophyȱof History,ȱtrans.ȱJ.ȱSibreeȱ(1837;ȱrpt.ȱNewȱYork:ȱCosimo,ȱ2007),ȱ336–40;ȱseeȱalsoȱGeorgeȱArabatzis, “HegelȱandȱByzantiumȱ(WithȱaȱNoticeȱonȱAlexandreȱKojèveȱandȱScepticism),”ȱPhilosophicalȱInquiry 25.1–2ȱ(2003):ȱ31–39.

484

GeorgeȱArabatzis

continuingȱstudyȱofȱmoralȱdecisionȱmakingȱknownȱinȱtheȱWesternȱWorld,”89ȱand consistsȱ ofȱ anȱ effortȱ toȱ bringȱ moralȱ considerationsȱ toȱ bearȱ uponȱ theȱ eternally vexingȱquestionȱofȱjustifyingȱwar.ȱFromȱtheȱChristianȱperspective,ȱJustȱWarȱmust beȱpartȱofȱtheȱdivineȱorderȱandȱtheȱcommandmentȱtoȱlove.ȱMedievalȱsocietyȱwas, allȱtheȱsame,ȱaȱsocietyȱofȱviolence.90ȱ“Theȱcynics”ȱJonathanȱBarnesȱwrites,ȱ“may remainȱ unimpressedȱ [byȱ theȱ Justȱ Warȱ theories];ȱ forȱ havingȱ decidedȱ toȱ take Constantinople,ȱtheȱCrusadersȱravagedȱtheȱcityȱwithȱunbridledȱferocity.”91ȱ TheȱconditionsȱforȱpursuingȱaȱjustȱwarȱwereȱcondensedȱduringȱtheȱMiddleȱAges intoȱaȱnomenclatureȱcomprisingȱtheȱcategoriesȱofȱauthorityȱ(auctoritas),ȱstateȱof mindȱ(affectus),ȱintentionȱ(intentio),ȱconditionȱ(conditio),ȱmeritȱ(meritum),ȱandȱcause (causa).ȱThisȱnomenclatureȱhadȱchangedȱslightlyȱthroughoutȱtheȱages.ȱForȱAquinas, theȱconditionsȱareȱthree:ȱauthority,ȱjustȱcause,ȱrightȱintention.ȱHeȱomitsȱcondition; hisȱcausaȱisȱtheȱmeritum;ȱwhileȱhisȱintentioȱembracesȱtraditionalȱintentioȱasȱwellȱas affectusȱandȱcausa.ȱWarȱcanȱbeȱdeclaredȱonlyȱbyȱsomeoneȱhavingȱtheȱauthorityȱto doȱso,ȱmeaningȱinȱpracticeȱnotȱimperialȱauthorityȱbutȱthatȱofȱtheȱdifferentȱprinces. Theȱ notionsȱ ofȱ fault,ȱ wrong,ȱ redressȱ orȱ rescueȱ inȱ theȱ relativeȱ discussionȱ may succumbȱtoȱaȱsemanticȱconfusion:ȱtheȱwrongȱtoȱbeȱredressedȱconcernsȱatȱleastȱtwo people,ȱtheȱwrongdoerȱandȱtheȱvictim.ȱForȱGratian,ȱwrongȱrefersȱalsoȱtoȱaȱperson’s associatesȱ(socii),ȱandȱforȱAmbrose,ȱifȱthisȱisȱnotȱtakenȱintoȱconsiderationȱthenȱthe wrongdoerȱandȱtheȱtolerantȱareȱtoȱbeȱblamedȱequally,ȱanȱideaȱwithȱwhichȱAquinas alsoȱconcurs.ȱ Theȱinjuredȱpeopleȱandȱtheirȱavengersȱdoȱnotȱhaveȱtoȱbeȱconnectedȱthroughȱa treatyȱorȱspecialȱfriendshipȱbutȱsimplyȱthroughȱmereȱhope.ȱInȱthisȱrespect,ȱthe appealsȱ forȱ Greeceȱ seemȱ toȱ beȱ sound,ȱ yetȱ otherȱ humanitarianȱ reasonsȱ doȱ not warrantȱconsideration,ȱas,ȱforȱexample,ȱinȱThomasȱMore’sȱUtopia,ȱwhichȱspecifies thatȱaȱhumanitarianȱwarȱmayȱbeȱundertakenȱforȱaȱpeopleȱoppressedȱbyȱaȱtyrant. Butȱinȱgeneral,ȱmedievalȱJustȱWarȱtheoryȱdoesȱnotȱaccountȱforȱtheȱplightȱofȱthe oppressed.ȱFearȱofȱimminentȱdangerȱisȱalsoȱaȱcauseȱforȱJustȱWarȱandȱtheȱappeals rightlyȱemphasizedȱtheȱthreatȱofȱaȱTurkishȱinvasionȱofȱWesternȱlands.ȱHowever, thisȱparticularȱthreatȱcanȱalsoȱbeȱansweredȱbyȱmilitaryȱpreparationȱandȱvigilance ratherȱthanȱbyȱengagingȱinȱimmediateȱwarȱaction.ȱTheȱselfȬdefenseȱclauseȱisȱnot elasticȱbutȱratherȱmustȱbeȱseenȱnarrowly,ȱasȱanalogousȱtoȱaȱprivateȱbattleȱagainst

89

90

91

PaulȱRamsey,ȱWarȱandȱChristianȱConscience:ȱHowȱShallȱModernȱWarȱBeȱConductedȱJustlyȱ(Durham, NC:ȱDukeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1961),ȱxxiii. SeeȱMarcȱBloch,ȱLaȱsociétéȱféodaleȱ(Paris:ȱAlbinȱMichel,ȱ1968),ȱ116ȱwhoȱclaimsȱthatȱtheȱdangersȱof everydayȱlifeȱ“donnaientȱàȱl’existenceȱcommeȱunȱgoûtȱdeȱperpetuelleȱprécarité.” JonathanȱBarnes,ȱ“TheȱJustȱWar,”ȱTheȱCambridgeȱHistoryȱofȱLaterȱMedievalȱPhilosophy,ȱed.ȱNorman Kretzmann,ȱ Anthonyȱ Kenny,ȱ andȱ Janȱ Pinborg,ȱ associateȱ ed.ȱ Eleonoreȱ Stumpȱ (Cambridge: CambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1982),ȱ771–84;ȱhereȱ784.ȱTheȱfollowingȱargumentȱonȱtheȱmedieval theoriesȱofȱJustȱWarȱisȱbasedȱonȱthisȱarticle.ȱ

RenaissanceȱCrusadeȱLiteratureȱandȱPeaceȱPlans

485

anȱ invaderȱ ofȱ one’sȱ house;ȱ aȱ people’sȱ selfȬdefenseȱ canȱ beȱ immediateȱ butȱ its magnitudeȱmustȱremainȱinȱproportionȱtoȱtheȱwrongfulnessȱofȱtheȱinvader. Sinceȱengagementȱinȱwarfareȱisȱrepresentedȱasȱappliedȱethics,ȱtheȱprerogativeȱof theȱjustȱcauseȱpointsȱtoȱaȱformȱofȱwarfareȱthatȱwillȱproduceȱmoreȱpositiveȱresults. Theȱcauseȱofȱwarȱdoesȱnotȱdependȱonȱtheȱdegreeȱofȱprovocativeȱwrongdoingȱbut onȱtheȱideaȱthatȱtheȱoutcomeȱofȱtheȱwarȱmustȱdoȱmoreȱgoodȱthanȱtheȱabstention fromȱwar.ȱForȱAquinas,ȱthereȱisȱnoȱcaseȱforȱtheȱpositiveȱwar;ȱgoingȱtoȱwarȱmust implyȱthatȱlessȱharmȱwillȱbeȱdoneȱthanȱinȱleavingȱmattersȱasȱtheyȱare:ȱevilȱcannot beȱ aȱ properȱ motivation.ȱ Moreover,ȱ doesȱ redressingȱ theȱ wrongsȱ ofȱ warȱ simply meanȱundoingȱtheȱwrongȱorȱprovidingȱaȱproperȱcompensationȱforȱtheȱcasualties andȱexpenseȱofȱtheȱwarȱinȱwarȱprogramming?ȱOnlyȱtheȱUtopiansȱadvocateȱtheȱfirst possibility.ȱInȱtheȱfaceȱofȱallȱtheseȱadditionalȱclauses,ȱtheȱappealsȱforȱtheȱliberation ofȱGreeceȱwereȱinȱaȱratherȱweakȱposition. TheȱfatherȱofȱJustȱWarȱtheoryȱinȱChristianityȱisȱAugustine.ȱRolandȱBaintonȱwrites thatȱAugustine’sȱviewȱ“continuesȱtoȱthisȱdayȱinȱallȱitsȱessentialsȱtoȱbeȱtheȱethicsȱof theȱ Romanȱ Catholicȱ Churchȱ andȱ ofȱ theȱ majorȱ Protestantȱ bodies.”92ȱ Augustine emphasizedȱtheȱmentalȱaspectsȱofȱwarfare93;ȱheȱdepartedȱfromȱtheȱpacifismȱofȱthe earlyȱ Church,ȱ beingȱ almostȱ militaristȱ inȱ someȱ ways.ȱ Forȱ Robertȱ Holmes,94 Augustineȱwasȱaȱ“politicalȱrealist”ȱandȱaȱpersonalȱpacifistȱinȱtreatingȱrelations betweenȱindividuals,ȱandȱinȱPeterȱBrown’sȱassessment,ȱAugustineȱshowedȱnoȱtrace ofȱpacifism,ȱatȱleastȱnotȱtowardȱheretics.95ȱAugustineȱcontinuedȱtheȱthinkingȱof Ambrose,ȱwhoȱexpresslyȱsupportedȱwarȱwhileȱlamentingȱit,ȱasȱdidȱotherȱChristian writers.ȱItȱhasȱoftenȱbeenȱobservedȱthatȱAugustine,ȱespeciallyȱinȱtheȱCityȱofȱGod, wasȱ attemptingȱ toȱ respondȱ toȱ theȱ criticsȱ whoȱ claimedȱ thatȱ Rome’sȱ fallȱ toȱ the VisigothsȱinȱADȱ410ȱwasȱlargelyȱdueȱtoȱChristianȱteachings.ȱ SuchȱtenetsȱofȱWesternȱChristianityȱdemonstrablyȱdifferȱmarkedlyȱfromȱEastern Christianity,ȱwhichȱwasȱdeȱfactoȱmilitarizedȱbyȱConstantineȱtheȱGreat.ȱThisȱgave wayȱtoȱquiteȱdifferentȱdevelopmentsȱregardingȱthinkingȱaboutȱwarȱand,ȱtoȱaȱgreat

92

93

94

95

ChristianȱAttitudesȱtowardȱWarȱandȱPeaceȱ(NewȱYork:ȱAbingdonȱPress,ȱ1960),ȱ99.ȱSeeȱalsoȱFrederick H.ȱRussell,ȱTheȱJustȱWarȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges.ȱCambridgeȱStudiesȱinȱMedievalȱLifeȱandȱThought,ȱ3d ser.,ȱ8ȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1975). Theȱ principalȱ passagesȱ whereȱ Augustineȱ discussesȱ Justȱ Warȱ theoryȱ areȱ compiledȱ byȱ David Lenihan,ȱ“TheȱJustȱWarȱTheoryȱinȱtheȱWorkȱofȱSaintȱAugustine,”ȱAugustinianȱStudiesȱ19ȱ(1980): 37–70:ȱDeȱliberoȱarbitrio,ȱ1–5;ȱContraȱFaustum,ȱ22;ȱEpistulaeȱ138:ȱtoȱMarcellinus;ȱEpistulaeȱ189:ȱto Boniface;ȱEpistulaeȱ222:ȱtoȱDarius;ȱQuaestionesȱinȱHeptateuchumȱ6.10;ȱDeȱsermoneȱDominiȱinȱmonte 1.30;ȱCityȱofȱGod.ȱ RobertȱL.ȱHolmes,ȱ“St.ȱAugustineȱandȱtheȱJustȱWarȱTheory,”ȱTheȱAugustinianȱTradition,ȱed.ȱGareth B.ȱ Matthews.ȱ Philosophicalȱ Traditions,ȱ 8ȱ (Berkeley,ȱ Losȱ Angeles,ȱ andȱ London:ȱ Universityȱ of CaliforniaȱPress,ȱ1999),ȱ323–44.ȱMuchȱofȱtheȱargumentȱhereafterȱisȱtakenȱfromȱHolmes’sȱarticle. AugustineȱofȱHippoȱ(NewȱYork:ȱDorsetȱPress,ȱ1967),ȱ291;ȱforȱPeterȱBrownȱtheȱAugustinianȱCityȱof GodȱpresentsȱanȱinȬtheȬworldȱphilosophyȱandȱnotȱanȱoutȬtheȬworldȱone;ȱitȱjustȱisȱaboutȱbeing otherworldlyȱinȱtheȱworldȱ(ibid.,ȱ324).

486

GeorgeȱArabatzis

extent,ȱ theseȱ reflectedȱ aȱ continuityȱ fromȱ Greekȱ andȱ Hellenisticȱ thoughtȱ onȱ the subject.96ȱInȱearlyȱByzantium,ȱhistoryȱwasȱalreadyȱbeingȱtheorizedȱnotȱonȱtheȱbasis ofȱ conflictȱ butȱ ratherȱ inȱ keepingȱ withȱ historicalȱ examples.ȱ Byȱ imitatingȱ these examples,ȱoneȱdepartsȱfromȱnaturalȱdeliberation,ȱtendsȱtowardȱdivinityȱandȱexists sociallyȱthroughȱmoralȱactions.97ȱWarȱwasȱseenȱasȱaȱlastȱresort:ȱ“aȱwarȱmustȱbe undertakenȱifȱallȱtheȱpacifistȱmeans,ȱevenȱtheȱmostȱexpensive,ȱareȱineffectiveȱand aȱvictoryȱmustȱbeȱreachedȱwithoutȱseriousȱlossesȱforȱitȱnotȱtoȱbeȱabsurd,”ȱsaysȱthe writerȱofȱaȱByzantineȱmilitaryȱtreatiseȱfromȱtheȱlateȱsixthȱorȱearlyȱseventhȱcentury.98 InȱByzantiumȱweȱseeȱaȱtradition,ȱinheritedȱfromȱancientȱGreece,ȱofȱaȱmeasured, gradual,ȱeffective,ȱandȱcaseȬbyȬcaseȱsmoothness.99 RelativeȱtoȱtheȱcontradictionsȱbetweenȱpacifismȱandȱmilitarismȱinȱAugustineȱis hisȱconceptionȱofȱanȱinwardȱChristianity,ȱemphasizingȱtheȱChristianȱsubject’sȱinner state.100ȱ Itȱ isȱ theȱ intentionȱ thatȱ determinesȱ whetherȱ praiseȱ orȱ blameȱ isȱ toȱ be accordedȱ toȱ eachȱ act,ȱ includingȱ war.ȱ Thisȱ distinctionȱ isȱ crucialȱ toȱ Augustine’s theoryȱ ofȱ war,ȱ whichȱ isȱ positedȱ againstȱ anyȱ simplisticȱ moralism.ȱ Augustine’s categoriesȱofȱJustȱWarȱareȱtheȱfollowing:ȱ(a)ȱaȱjustȱwarȱisȱeveryȱwarȱcommanded byȱGod,ȱwhichȱisȱthusȱfullyȱjustifiableȱandȱfurthermoreȱobligatory;ȱand,ȱ(b)ȱifȱaȱwar isȱnotȱcommandedȱbyȱGodȱthenȱoneȱmustȱhaveȱfullȱauthorityȱandȱaȱjustȱcauseȱfor declaringȱwar.101ȱ JustȱWarȱisȱprovokedȱbyȱtheȱsufferingsȱofȱoneȱstateȱthatȱareȱcausedȱbyȱanother state,ȱandȱthisȱmostlyȱexceedsȱselfȬdefenseȱasȱtheȱonlyȱclause;ȱthisȱwasȱaȱconvenient clauseȱforȱtheȱappealȱtoȱliberateȱGreece.ȱAȱproblemȱmayȱariseȱfromȱtheȱlegalismȱof medievalȱChristianityȱwhereȱitȱholdsȱthatȱtheȱrulerȱisȱalwaysȱrightȱsinceȱhisȱpower overȱhisȱsubjectsȱisȱbestowedȱonȱhimȱbyȱGodȱandȱevenȱanȱimpiousȱrulerȱisȱtoȱbe obeyed.ȱThisȱisȱnotȱtrueȱforȱtheȱByzantines,ȱwhoȱmaintainedȱaȱlongȱtraditionȱofȱthe

96

97

98

99

100

101

ForȱPlato,ȱwarȱbelongsȱtoȱallȱotherȱevilsȱofȱtheȱstateȱ(RepublicȱII).ȱForȱAristotle,ȱtheȱwarsȱwere justifiedȱagainstȱthoseȱwhoȱwereȱnaturallyȱbornȱslavesȱandȱyetȱnotȱreadyȱtoȱbeȱsubmittedȱtoȱthe naturalȱorderȱ(PoliticsȱI).ȱInȱPlotinus,ȱalthoughȱtheȱgentleȱdispositionȱisȱfairlyȱstrong,ȱtheȱmilitary metaphorsȱ areȱ abundant;ȱ seeȱ Lucienȱ Jerphagnon,ȱ “Douxȱ Plotin?ȱ Essaiȱ surȱ lesȱ métaphores militairesȱdansȱlesȱEnnéades,”ȱRevueȱphilosophiqueȱ2ȱ(1982):ȱ397–404. SeeȱGregoriiȱNysseni,ȱDeȱvitaȱMoysis.ȱOperaȱexegeticaȱInȱExodumȱetȱNovumȱTestamentum,ȱed.ȱHerbert Musurillo.ȱGregoriiȱNysseniȱOpera,ȱVol.ȱ7,ȱparsȱ1ȱ(LeidenȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱBrill,ȱ1991).ȱ Quotedȱ inȱ Andréȱ Guillou,ȱ Laȱ civilisationȱ byzantineȱ (Paris:ȱ Arthaud,ȱ 1990),ȱ 144;ȱ seeȱ Warren Treadgold,ȱ“Byzantium,ȱtheȱReluctantȱWarrior,”ȱNobleȱIdealsȱandȱBloodyȱRealities:ȱWarfareȱinȱthe MiddleȱAges,ȱed.ȱNiallȱChristieȱandȱMayaȱYazigi.ȱHistoryȱofȱWarfare,ȱ37ȱ(LeidenȱandȱBoston:ȱBrill, 2006),ȱ209–33. SeeȱJacquelineȱdeȱRomilly,ȱLaȱdouceurȱdansȱlaȱpenséeȱgrecque.ȱCollectionȱd’étudesȱanciennesȱ(Paris: LesȱBellesȱLettres,ȱ1979). HereȱalsoȱweȱcanȱseeȱaȱdifferenceȱwithȱHellenism,ȱwhich,ȱaccordingȱtoȱNietzsche,ȱemphasizesȱthe surfaceȱandȱnotȱinteriority.ȱSeeȱFriedrichȱNietzsche,ȱTheȱGayȱScience,ȱed.ȱBernardȱWilliams,ȱtrans. Josefineȱ Nauckhoff.ȱ Cambridgeȱ Textsȱ inȱ theȱ Historyȱ ofȱ Philosophyȱ (Cambridge:ȱ Cambridge UniversityȱPress,ȱ2003),ȱ8. ItȱisȱnotȱuntilȱAquinasȱthatȱrightȱintentionȱwasȱaddedȱtoȱChristianȱthinkingȱaboutȱJustȱWar.

RenaissanceȱCrusadeȱLiteratureȱandȱPeaceȱPlans

487

rightȱ toȱ resistȱ imperialȱ authority:ȱ especiallyȱ asȱ theyȱ wereȱ nowȱ subjectsȱ ofȱ the infidel.102ȱ YetȱinȱAugustine,ȱinteriorityȱdoesȱnotȱresolveȱtheȱproblemȱbecauseȱtheȱindividual isȱdivided.ȱHere,ȱtheȱradicalȱdualityȱofȱAugustine’sȱmetaphysicsȱbecomesȱobvious. Aȱ formallyȱ rightȱ intentionȱ isȱ notȱ sufficientȱ ifȱ theȱ adequateȱ rightȱ motivationȱ is lacking.ȱTherefore,ȱonlyȱtheȱmotivationȱcanȱshowȱtheȱadequacyȱtoȱlove.ȱButȱthe motivationȱisȱfundamentallyȱopaqueȱandȱsoȱweȱareȱinȱnoȱpositionȱtoȱknowȱwhat loveȱrequiresȱinȱeveryȱcase,ȱandȱrightȱconductȱisȱoftenȱinscrutable.ȱNeitherȱright intentionȱ norȱ temporalȱ loveȱ canȱ beȱ normative;ȱ onlyȱ Christianȱ agapeȱ can.ȱ So temporalȱjusticeȱcanȱbeȱtheȱsoleȱwarrantȱofȱactingȱjustly.ȱInȱtheȱclassificationȱofȱJust Wars,ȱexemptionȱforȱwagingȱwarȱwasȱcommandedȱbyȱGod;ȱtheȱtrulyȱJustȱandȱthe temporallyȱJustȱWarsȱbothȱfulfillȱtheȱrequirementsȱofȱlegitimateȱauthorityȱandȱjust cause,ȱwhileȱtheȱtrulyȱJustȱWarȱalsoȱdemandsȱtheȱrightȱintentionȱandȱtheȱrightȱkind ofȱ love.ȱ Butȱ theseȱ lastȱ twoȱ factorsȱ canȱ neitherȱ beȱ decisivelyȱ norȱ conclusively defined.ȱAsȱsuch,ȱtheȱtrulyȱJustȱandȱtheȱtemporallyȱJustȱWarsȱareȱmoreȱorȱless identifiedȱinȱtemporalȱterms,ȱifȱnotȱinȱGod’sȱtruth.ȱ InȱtheȱcaseȱofȱtheȱappealsȱforȱGreece,ȱthereȱisȱaȱformȱofȱheteronomyȱbetween legitimateȱauthorityȱandȱjustȱcause.ȱTheȱappealsȱhadȱaȱjustȱcauseȱbutȱtheȱGreeks wereȱnotȱanȱauthority.ȱThisȱisȱwhatȱManoussosȱManoussakasȱsuggests,103ȱbutȱthis mustȱ alsoȱ beȱ furtherȱ explainedȱ inȱ termsȱ ofȱ theȱ actionȱ ofȱ legitimateȱ authority accordingȱ toȱ Augustine.ȱ Trueȱ justiceȱ isȱ opaqueȱ toȱ usȱ butȱ itsȱ unknowability producesȱneverthelessȱaȱsortȱofȱguidanceȱforȱthisȱworld.ȱInȱthisȱregardȱAugustine providesȱ someȱ hintsȱ asȱ toȱ howȱ toȱ bridgeȱ theȱ gapȱ betweenȱ temporalȱ andȱ true justice.ȱObeyingȱtheȱrulerȱgivesȱtheȱsoldiersȱaȱsortȱofȱmoralȱadvantageȱconcerning trueȱjustice,ȱsinceȱforȱAugustineȱtheȱdutyȱtoȱobeyȱisȱalmostȱabsolute.ȱTheȱdutyȱto wageȱwarȱisȱaȱfact,ȱwhichȱmakesȱtheȱsoldiersȱparticipateȱsomehowȱinȱtrueȱjustice inȱtemporalȱterms.104ȱ Theȱcriteriaȱforȱtheȱpracticalitiesȱofȱwarȱareȱbasedȱonȱtheȱfactȱthatȱweȱcanȱknow whenȱweȱareȱactingȱforȱmotivesȱotherȱthanȱloveȱsuchȱasȱgreed,ȱmalice,ȱhate,ȱlove forȱviolence,ȱrevenge,ȱcruelty,ȱetc.ȱWeȱreadilyȱrecognizeȱsuchȱinnerȱstatesȱ(although weȱcanȱhideȱthemȱmoreȱeasilyȱfromȱothersȱthanȱfromȱGod).ȱIllicitȱmotivesȱsuchȱas theȱaboveȱcannotȱprovideȱtrueȱjusticeȱevenȱwhenȱtheyȱaccompanyȱtemporalȱjustice. Inȱorderȱtoȱbeȱtemporallyȱjust,ȱthen,ȱweȱmustȱavoidȱactingȱoutȱofȱidentifiablyȱevil motivesȱ andȱ committingȱ equallyȱ recognizableȱ sins.ȱ Soldiersȱ mustȱ thusȱ notȱ kill gratuitously,ȱforȱthisȱconstitutesȱactingȱoutȱofȱbaseȱmotives.ȱSuchȱconstraintsȱpoint

102

103 104

SeeȱIoannesȱE.ȱKarayannopoulos,ȱTheȱPoliticalȱTheoryȱofȱtheȱByzantinesȱ(inȱGreek)ȱ(Thessaloniki: Vanias,ȱ1992),ȱ35–37. SeeȱManoussosȱManoussakas,ȱTheȱAppeals,ȱ27–28ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ7). ForȱErasmus,ȱtheȱrulersȱputȱtheȱsoldierȱintoȱaȱterribleȱdilemma:ȱtoȱbecomeȱaȱmurdererȱorȱdie;ȱsee IstvanȱKende,ȱ“TheȱHistoryȱofȱPeace,”ȱ234ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2).

488

GeorgeȱArabatzis

toȱaȱpotentialȱpredicamentȱforȱthoseȱseekingȱtoȱavoidȱevilȱinȱtheȱabsenceȱofȱways forȱ securingȱ good.ȱ Rulersȱ mustȱ preserveȱ theirȱ temporalȱ powerȱ andȱ theȱ state’s order.ȱNoȱrulerȱhasȱmoreȱprivilegedȱaccessȱtoȱtrueȱjusticeȱthanȱanyȱotherȱofȱhis subjectsȱandȱalsoȱnoȱpriorityȱinȱtheȱfaceȱofȱnonȬChristianȱrulers.ȱYetȱAugustine doesȱnotȱsupportȱtheȱmoralȱrelativismȱofȱtheȱtwoȱwarringȱsides.ȱForȱhim,ȱChristian loveȱdoesȱnotȱentailȱtheȱrightȱtoȱselfȬdefense,ȱandȱevenȱtheȱdefenseȱofȱothersȱfrom aȱsingleȱwrongdoerȱdoesȱnotȱentailȱaȱChristianȱposition.ȱThereȱisȱnoȱharmȱother thanȱsin.ȱ TheȱByzantineȱGreeksȱareȱnotȱexemptȱfromȱsinȱandȱtheyȱcannotȱpretendȱtoȱhave anyȱ moralȱ superiorityȱ overȱ theirȱ Turkishȱ rulers.ȱ Theirȱ defenseȱ isȱ secondary comparedȱ toȱ theȱ necessityȱ ofȱ makingȱ theȱ wrongdoerȱ aȱ brotherȱ inȱ Christ.ȱ The Greeksȱ orȱ theȱ Turksȱ mustȱ fulfillȱ thisȱ standardȱ inȱ orderȱ toȱ acquireȱ theȱ rightȱ to allegiance.ȱInȱaȱway,ȱtoȱChristianizeȱtheȱTurksȱisȱaȱfarȱworthierȱaimȱthanȱsavingȱthe GreeksȱfromȱtheȱinfidelsȱandȱaȱfarȱgreaterȱproofȱofȱChristianȱlove,ȱwhichȱrequires usȱtoȱloveȱourȱenemiesȱmoreȱthanȱtheȱneedyȱandȱtheȱpoor.ȱFromȱthisȱperspective, itȱcannotȱbeȱascertainedȱthatȱaȱwarȱforȱtheȱsakeȱofȱtheȱByzantineȱGreeksȱwillȱavoid theȱevilȱingredientsȱofȱwarȱandȱobeyȱtheȱtenetsȱofȱChristianȱlove.ȱThisȱleadsȱtoȱa ratherȱhypocriticalȱcompromiseȱholdingȱthatȱanyȱwarfareȱinȱwhichȱaȱrulerȱmust engageȱshouldȱhaveȱreligiousȱmotives,ȱasȱwithȱtheȱCrusades.ȱTheseȱeternallyȱpious motivesȱ serveȱ toȱ maskȱ theȱ immoralȱ groundsȱ ofȱ theȱ entireȱ enterpriseȱ while affirmingȱ that,ȱ beyondȱ morality,ȱ theȱ rulersȱ mayȱ haveȱ correctlyȱ interpreted Augustine’sȱ positionȱ thatȱ onlyȱ God’sȱ commandȱ toȱ warȱ isȱ infallibleȱ andȱ thus irrefutable. Fromȱtheȱaboveȱanalysis,ȱitȱappearsȱthatȱAugustineȱisȱcloserȱtoȱaȱphilosophyȱof warȱsuchȱasȱthatȱofȱKantȱorȱHegel105ȱthanȱtoȱaȱformȱofȱappliedȱethics,ȱsuchȱasȱJust WarȱtheoryȱinȱtheȱlateȱMiddleȱAges.ȱAugustineȱshowsȱtheȱultimateȱinconsistency ofȱtheȱtrueȱjusticeȱofȱwarȱandȱtheȱprevalenceȱofȱtheȱsinȱofȱpride,ȱthusȱreturningȱthe wholeȱmatterȱtoȱtheȱrealmȱofȱmetaphysics.ȱTheȱmetaphysicalȱproblemȱisȱthatȱlove isȱnotȱalwaysȱgovernedȱbyȱlove.106ȱItȱisȱclearȱthenȱthatȱalthoughȱtheȱmedievalȱJust Warȱtheoryȱmayȱhaveȱbeenȱtoȱaȱcertainȱextentȱpositiveȱinȱlightȱofȱtheȱappealsȱto liberateȱ Greece,ȱ Augustinianismȱ couldȱ notȱ favorȱ theȱ claimsȱ forȱ aȱ privileged treatmentȱofȱtheȱGreeks.

105

106

Seeȱ Immanuelȱ Kant,ȱ Perpetualȱ Peace:ȱ Aȱ Philosophicalȱ Essay,ȱ trans.ȱ W.ȱ Hastieȱ (1795;ȱ Newȱ York: Cosimo,ȱ2010);ȱseeȱWalterȱBryceȱGallie,ȱPhilosophersȱofȱPeaceȱandȱWar:ȱKant,ȱClausewitz,ȱMarx,ȱEngels andȱTolstoy.ȱTheȱWilesȱLectures,ȱ1976ȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1978),ȱespecially 8–36ȱandȱ134–35.ȱGeorgȱWilhelmȱFriedrichȱHegel,ȱPhilosophyȱofȱRight,ȱtrans.ȱS.ȱW.ȱDydeȱ(1821; NewȱYork:ȱCosimo,ȱ2008),ȱ§§ȱ324,ȱ330–40. Everyoneȱisȱinȱaȱstateȱofȱinternalȱwarfareȱwithȱhimselfȱ(Plato,ȱLawsȱ626)ȱtranslatedȱintoȱaȱhostility ofȱone’sȱwillȱtowardȱhisȱfeelingsȱandȱinverselyȱ(CityȱofȱGod,ȱ19.28).

RenaissanceȱCrusadeȱLiteratureȱandȱPeaceȱPlans

489

Conclusion Inȱsum,ȱtheȱChristianityȱofȱtheȱGreeksȱwasȱaȱgoodȱbutȱnotȱcoerciveȱreasonȱtoȱincite toȱJustȱWar.ȱAsȱtoȱaȱpossibleȱexaminationȱofȱtheȱrelationsȱbetweenȱtheseȱappeals andȱpeaceȱplansȱandȱtheirȱpositionȱinȱtheȱEuropeanȱhumanism,ȱweȱcanȱsayȱthat historicallyȱtheyȱwereȱbothȱmarkedȱbyȱtheirȱimmediateȱfailure.ȱMostȱofȱtheȱpeace plansȱwereȱwrittenȱatȱaroundȱtheȱtimeȱofȱgreatȱwarsȱwhileȱtheȱappealsȱneverȱled toȱtheȱliberationȱofȱGreece.ȱHowȱthenȱcanȱoneȱavoidȱaȱfeelingȱthatȱsomethingȱhas beenȱdeferredȱforȱlater,ȱprovokedȱbyȱsoȱmanyȱsuccessiveȱfailures? Fromȱaȱformalȱpointȱofȱview,ȱaȱpeaceȱplanȱseemsȱmoreȱorganized,ȱarticulated, methodical,ȱalmostȱmoreȱgeometrico.ȱTheȱappealȱisȱratherȱfragmentary,ȱliterary,ȱand philological,ȱoftenȱinȱepistolaryȱorȱpoeticȱform.ȱTheȱplanȱisȱaȱviewȱtoȱtheȱmany possibilitiesȱthatȱitȱdesiresȱtoȱputȱinȱorder,ȱinȱthatȱitȱespousesȱGod’sȱpointȱofȱview. Itȱis,ȱthen,ȱaȱviewȱthatȱlooksȱ outȱ ontoȱtheȱhierarchicallyȱinferior.ȱTheȱappealȱis constructedȱ aroundȱ anȱ individualȱ (Pope,ȱ monarch,ȱ prince)ȱ viewedȱ asȱ the privilegedȱ Other:ȱ itȱ aimsȱ towardȱ theȱ superior.ȱ Weȱ mayȱ seeȱ inȱ theȱ relationship betweenȱplanȱandȱappealȱaȱdifferenceȱakinȱtoȱthatȱofȱformȱandȱexpression.ȱTheȱplan isȱtheȱformȱandȱtheȱreasoning,ȱwhileȱtheȱappealȱisȱtheȱexpressionȱandȱemotion. Doesȱthisȱprovideȱaȱsufficientȱreasonȱforȱsayingȱthatȱtheȱplanȱisȱmoreȱpositiveȱthan theȱappeal?ȱTheȱfactȱthatȱtheȱplanȱhidesȱsomethingȱprofoundlyȱnegativeȱisȱaȱresult ofȱtheȱhistoricalȱparadigmsȱgiven.ȱMoreover,ȱthisȱnegativityȱisȱtheȱgroundworkȱof theȱplan.ȱInȱsomeȱsense,ȱtheȱdeferredȱtotalityȱofȱtheȱplanȱisȱaȱcommonȱcharacteristic ofȱ allȱ metaphysicalȱ systems:ȱ Plato’sȱ Republic,ȱ displacedȱ inȱ theȱ worldȱ ofȱ ideas; Augustine’sȱ dividedȱ love,ȱ orȱ Kant’sȱ cosmopolitismȱ asȱ partȱ ofȱ theȱ worldȱ of disinterestedȱmorality.ȱFromȱhereȱstemsȱtheȱdeferredȱcharacterȱofȱtheȱplan:ȱitȱisȱthe deferralȱofȱtheȱgreatȱrationalȱsystems.ȱ Asȱforȱtheȱappeal,ȱitȱisȱalwaysȱaddressedȱtoȱanȱauthorityȱidentifiedȱasȱsuchȱby oneȱofȱtheȱtwoȱpartiesȱthatȱconfrontȱeachȱother,ȱanȱauthorityȱwhichȱconstitutesȱthe Supremeȱ Makerȱ ofȱ warȱ andȱ peaceȱ andȱ issuesȱ theȱ decisiveȱ argument,ȱ theȱ final supportȱtowardȱanȱagreementȱwithȱtheȱpleadingȱwriter.ȱBut,ȱwhoȱisȱtheȱpartyȱwith whomȱtheȱfateȱofȱtheȱappealȱisȱdisputed?ȱItȱcannotȱbeȱtheȱenemy,ȱsinceȱitȱisȱaȱpriori designatedȱasȱanȱopposingȱforce.ȱTheȱopposingȱpartyȱofȱanȱappealȱcannotȱbeȱother thanȱtheȱSupremeȱMakerȱofȱwarȱandȱpeaceȱtoȱwhomȱtheȱappealȱisȱaddressedȱand whoȱanswersȱinȱtheȱnegativeȱor,ȱmoreȱprecisely,ȱthroughȱtheȱnegativityȱofȱhisȱown planningȱorȱinabilityȱtoȱassist.ȱFromȱhereȱstemsȱtheȱparticularȱfeelingȱofȱdeferralȱin theȱappeal:ȱtheȱfrustrationȱfeltȱwithȱtheȱnegativeȱanswerȱofȱtheȱauthorityȱthrough whichȱtheȱSupremeȱMakerȱbecomesȱaȱBadȱMaker. Appealsȱandȱplansȱareȱpositiveȱgeneratorsȱofȱtimeȱandȱhistoryȱand,ȱatȱtheȱsame time,ȱ areȱ themselvesȱ history.ȱ Toȱ sayȱ whichȱ oneȱ precedesȱ theȱ otherȱ involvesȱ a searchȱforȱorigins.ȱToȱdefineȱthemȱwouldȱpresupposeȱaȱworkȱonȱnegativity.ȱTo makeȱthemȱrealȱorȱtoȱsupplantȱthemȱisȱaȱquestionȱofȱstrategy.ȱPeaceȱplansȱand

490

GeorgeȱArabatzis

appealsȱareȱnotȱasȱdistinctȱasȱoneȱmightȱthinkȱsinceȱthereȱisȱanȱappealȱfeltȱbyȱevery writerȱofȱaȱpeaceȱplanȱandȱaȱplanȱinherentȱtoȱeveryȱappeal.ȱInȱotherȱwords,ȱthe planȱisȱtheȱproductȱofȱanȱappealedȱwriterȱwhileȱeveryȱappealȱcontainsȱaȱlatentȱor manifestȱplan.ȱTheyȱbothȱpointȱtoȱtheȱhistoricalȱnonȬevidenceȱofȱpeace,ȱtheȱconstant proximityȱ ofȱ warȱ and,ȱ inȱ ourȱ case,ȱ toȱ theȱ adventȱ ofȱ nationalȱ statesȱ asȱ theȱ new makersȱofȱpeaceȱandȱwar.ȱTheȱpeaceȱplansȱandȱtheȱappealsȱfailedȱtoȱconvinceȱtheir royalȱaddresseesȱinȱtheȱcontextȱofȱChristianȱdiscordȱandȱtheȱprogressiveȱemergence ofȱnationalismȱwhileȱtheȱGreeksȱinȱparticularȱhadȱtoȱstrengthenȱtheirȱproperȱmeans ofȱnationalȱautonomyȱinȱorderȱtoȱgainȱfreedom.107ȱ

107

Seeȱ Paschalisȱ M.ȱ Kitromilides,ȱ “Warȱ andȱ Politicalȱ Consciousness:ȱ Theoreticalȱ Implicationsȱ of EighteenthȬCenturyȱ Greekȱ Historiography,”ȱ Eastȱ Centralȱ Europeanȱ Societyȱ andȱ Warȱ inȱ theȱ PreȬ RevolutionaryȱEighteenthȱCentury,ȱed.ȱGuntherȱErichȱRothenberg.ȱWarȱandȱSocietyȱinȱEastȱCentral Europe,ȱ2ȱ(NewȱYork:ȱColumbiaȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1982);ȱrptȱinȱid.,ȱEnlightenment,ȱNationalism, Orthodoxy:ȱ Studiesȱ inȱ theȱ Cultureȱ andȱ Politicalȱ Thoughtȱ ofȱ SouthȬEasternȱ Europe.ȱ Collected StudiesȱSeries,ȱ453ȱ(Aldershot,ȱHampshire,ȱandȱBrookfield,ȱVT:ȱVariorum,ȱ1994).ȱ

Chapterȱ19 JörnȱMünknerȱ (HumboldtȬUniversitätȱzuȱBerlin)

TheȱArtȱofȱDefyingȱtheȱEnemy:ȱ AlbrechtȱDürer’sȱConceptȱofȱtheȱArsȱfortificatoriaȱ

Theȱ supremeȱ powerȱ andȱ sovereignȱ authorityȱ arms themselvesȱ withȱ theȱ inventionsȱ ofȱ theȱ artsȱ and sciencesȱ toȱ meetȱ theȱ powerȱ turnedȱ violent.ȱ (Die GewaltȱrüstetȱsichȱmitȱdenȱErfindungenȱderȱKünste undȱ Wissenschaftenȱ aus,ȱ umȱ derȱ Gewaltȱ zu begegnen.) CarlȱvonȱClausewitz,ȱVomȱKriegeȱ(OnȱWar),ȱ1832–1834ȱ

WhileȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱhaveȱnotȱyieldedȱanȱindependentȱtheoryȱonȱwarfare,ȱthe pertinentȱknowledgeȱfromȱantiquityȱwasȱpassedȱonȱinȱmanuscriptsȱandȱlaterȱin print.1ȱTeachingsȱonȱwar,ȱespeciallyȱconsiderationsȱonȱfortification,ȱwhichȱbegan toȱappearȱinȱtreatisesȱatȱtheȱstartȱofȱtheȱsixteenthȱcentury,ȱwereȱmoreȱfirmlyȱfixed onȱnewȱdefenseȱstrategies.ȱTheȱmainȱreasonȱwasȱtheȱradicalȱchangeȱofȱtheȱmilitary reality,ȱ inȱ particularȱ theȱ extensiveȱ useȱ ofȱ firearmsȱ andȱ heavyȱ gunpowder weaponry:ȱtheȱstrategicȱsymmetryȱbetweenȱattackȱandȱdefenseȱonȱwhichȱtheȱfragile balanceȱ ofȱ powerȱ hadȱ hithertoȱ beenȱ restingȱ wasȱ eroding.ȱ Duringȱ thisȱ process, architectureȱbecameȱanȱissueȱofȱmainȱconcernȱwhenȱplacesȱandȱcitiesȱhadȱtoȱbe defended.ȱThroughȱtheȱdisseminationȱofȱtheȱrelevantȱtreatises’ȱknowledgeȱbyȱthe

1

Cf.ȱRainerȱLeng,ȱ“ZumȱVerhältnisȱvonȱKunstȱundȱKriegȱinȱdenȱillustriertenȱKriegslehrenȱdesȱ15. undȱ16.ȱJahrhunderts,“ȱMarsȱundȱdieȱMusen.ȱDasȱWechselspielȱvonȱMilitär,ȱKriegȱundȱKunstȱinȱder FrühenȱNeuzeit,ȱed.ȱbyȱJuttaȱNowosadtko,ȱMatthiasȱRogg,ȱandȱSaschaȱMöbius.ȱHerrschaftȱund SozialeȱSystemeȱinȱderȱFrühenȱNeuzeit,ȱ5ȱ(Münster:ȱLITȱVerlag,ȱ2008),ȱ33–57;ȱhereȱ33–40;ȱHartwig Neumann,ȱFestungsbauȬKunstȱundȱȬTechnik:ȱDeutscheȱWehrbauarchitekturȱvomȱXV.ȱbisȱXX.ȱJahrhundert (Augsburg:ȱ Weltbildȱ Verlag,ȱ 2000),ȱ 142–45,ȱ 162–64;ȱ Ulrichȱ Reinisch,ȱ “Maß,ȱ Zahlȱ und Kanonenkugel:.ȱ Thesenȱ zuȱ einemȱ neuenȱ Forschungsprojektȱ überȱ denȱ Zusammenhangȱ von Festungsplanung,ȱStädtebauȱundȱGartenkunst,“ȱKritischeȱBerichteȱ32.3ȱ(2004):ȱ84–96;ȱhereȱ88–90.ȱ

492

JörnȱMünkner

printingȱpress,ȱtheȱmilitaryȱdiscourseȱgraduallyȱgainedȱmoreȱattentionȱinȱtheȱEarly Modernȱperiod.ȱ BeforeȱdiscussingȱfortificationȱasȱpartȱofȱtheȱartesȱmilitaresȱinȱtheȱRenaissanceȱby referringȱmainlyȱtoȱAlbrechtȱDürer’sȱManifoldȱTeachingsȱonȱHowȱtoȱFortifyȱTowns, Castles,ȱandȱPlacesȱ(1527),2ȱIȱwillȱfirstȱglanceȱatȱaȱnovelȱfromȱtheȱtwentyȬfirstȱcentury: WinfriedȱGeorgȱSebald’sȱAusterlitz.ȱItsȱnarrativeȱprovidesȱaȱprismȱthroughȱwhichȱto recognizeȱtheȱlongȬlastingȱeffectsȱofȱtheȱfortificationȱeffortsȱandȱtheirȱcorresponding rhetoricȱuntilȱtoday.ȱConversely,ȱtheȱarticulationȱofȱtheseȱissuesȱmayȱraiseȱquestionsȱon theirȱoriginalȱmeaning,ȱintent,ȱandȱreceptionȱasȱwell.ȱ InȱAusterlitz,ȱWinfriedȱGeorgȱSebald’sȱfirstȬpersonȱnarratorȱmeetsȱtheȱeponymousȱand secondȱprotagonist,ȱJacquesȱAusterlitz,ȱinȱtheȱBelgianȱcityȱofȱAntwerpȱinȱtheȱlateȱ1960s. InȱtheȱCentraalȱStation,ȱtheȱtwoȱmenȱstartȱanȱextensiveȱconversationȱrevolvingȱaround architecture.ȱTheȱpassageȱisȱrevealingȱbecauseȱafterȱinformingȱhisȱinterlocutorȱthatȱthe station’sȱarchitect,ȱLouisȱDelacenserie,ȱtookȱrecourseȱtoȱtheȱItalianȱRenaissance’sȱpalaces asȱroleȱmodelsȱforȱhisȱedifice,ȱAusterlitzȱexpatiatesȱonȱfortifications.ȱWhileȱdelineating theȱmilitaryȱarchitectureȱfromȱtheȱRenaissanceȱtoȱVauban,ȱheȱwondersȱaboutȱ [.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱtheȱpersistenceȱwithȱwhichȱgenerationsȱofȱmastersȱofȱtheȱartȱofȱmilitaryȱarchitecture,ȱfor allȱ theirȱ undoubtedlyȱ outstandingȱ gifts,ȱ clungȱ toȱ whatȱ weȱ canȱ easilyȱ seeȱ todayȱ wasȱ a fundamentallyȱwrongȬheadedȱidea:ȱtheȱnotionȱthatȱbyȱdesigningȱanȱidealȱtracéȱwithȱblunt bastionsȱandȱravelinsȱprojectingȱwellȱbeyondȱit,ȱallowingȱtheȱcannonȱofȱtheȱfortressȱtoȱcover theȱentireȱoperationalȱareaȱoutsideȱtheȱwalls,ȱyouȱcouldȱmakeȱaȱcityȱsecureȱasȱanythingȱinȱthe worldȱcanȱeverȱbe.ȱNoȱoneȱtoday,ȱsaidȱAusterlitz,ȱhasȱtheȱfaintestȱideaȱofȱtheȱboundless amountȱofȱtheoreticalȱwritingȱonȱtheȱbuildingȱofȱfortifications,ȱofȱtheȱfantasticȱnatureȱofȱthe geometric,ȱtrigonometric,ȱandȱlogisticalȱcalculationsȱtheyȱrecord,ȱorȱtheȱinflatedȱexcessesȱof theȱ professionalȱ vocabularyȱ ofȱ fortificationȱ andȱ siegeȬcraft,ȱ noȱ oneȱ nowȱ understandsȱ its simplestȱterms,ȱescarpeȱandȱcourtine,ȱfaussebraie,ȱréduit,ȱandȱglacis,ȱyetȱevenȱfromȱourȱpresent standpointȱ weȱ canȱ seeȱ thatȱ towardsȱ theȱ endȱ ofȱ theȱ seventeenthȱ centuryȱ theȱ starȬshaped dodecagonȱbehindȱtrenchesȱhadȱfinallyȱcrystallized,ȱoutȱofȱtheȱvariousȱavailableȱsystems,ȱas theȱpreferredȱgroundȱplan:ȱaȱkindȱofȱidealȱtypicalȱpatternȱderivedȱfromȱtheȱGoldenȱSection, whichȱindeed,ȱasȱstudyȱofȱtheȱintricatelyȱsketchedȱplansȱofȱsuchȱfortifiedȱcomplexesȱasȱthose ofȱCoevorden,ȱNeufȬBrisach,ȱandȱSaarlouisȱwillȱshow,ȱimmediatelyȱstrikesȱtheȱlaymanȱasȱan emblemȱbothȱofȱabsoluteȱpowerȱandȱofȱtheȱingenuityȱtheȱengineersȱputȱtoȱtheȱserviceȱofȱthat power.ȱInȱtheȱpracticeȱofȱwarfare,ȱhowever,ȱtheȱstarȬshapedȱfortressesȱwhichȱwereȱbeingȱbuilt andȱimprovedȱeverywhereȱduringȱtheȱeighteenthȱcenturyȱdidȱnotȱanswerȱtheirȱpurpose,ȱfor intentȱasȱeveryoneȱwasȱonȱthatȱpattern,ȱitȱhadȱbeenȱforgottenȱthatȱtheȱlargestȱfortificationsȱwill naturallyȱattractȱtheȱlargestȱenemyȱforces,ȱandȱthatȱtheȱmoreȱyouȱentrenchȱyourselfȱtheȱmore

2

TheȱeditionȱIȱamȱreferringȱtoȱis:ȱAlbrechtȱDürer,ȱEtlicheȱvnderrichtȱ/ȱzuȱbefestigungȱderȱStettȱ/ȱSchlosz /ȱvndȱfleckenȱ(Nuremberg:ȱHieronymusȱAndrae,ȱ1527;ȱasȱaȱfacsimile:ȱNördlingen:ȱVerlagȱDr.ȱAlfons Uhl,ȱ1980);ȱcf.ȱalsoȱAlbrechtȱDürer,ȱEtlicheȱvnderricht/ȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.],ȱFaksimileȱ1971ȱderȱErstausgabeȱvon 1527,ȱmitȱderȱÜbertragungȱdesȱTextesȱinȱmodernesȱDeutschȱundȱeinemȱkritischenȱKommentarȱvon AlvinȱE.ȱJaeggliȱ(DietikonȱandȱZurich:ȱVerlagȱBibliophileȱDruckeȱvonȱJosefȱStocker,ȱ1971).

AlbrechtȱDürer’sȱConceptȱofȱtheȱArsȱfortificatoria

493

youȱmustȱremainȱonȱtheȱdefensive,ȱsoȱthatȱinȱtheȱendȱyouȱmightȱfindȱyourselfȱinȱaȱplace fortifiedȱinȱeveryȱpossibleȱway,ȱwatchingȱhelplesslyȱwhileȱtheȱenemyȱtroops,ȱmovingȱonȱto theirȱownȱchoiceȱofȱterrainȱelsewhere,ȱsimplyȱignoredȱtheirȱadversaries’ȱfortresses,ȱwhichȱhad becomeȱpositiveȱarsenalsȱofȱweaponry,ȱbristlingȱwithȱcannonȱandȱovercrowdedȱwithȱmen.3ȱ

Ofȱcourse,ȱAusterlitzȱisȱnotȱaȱsourceȱofȱpositive,ȱfactualȱinformation.ȱButȱtheȱanecdote underpinsȱtheȱinextricableȱinterrelatednessȱofȱpastȱandȱpresent,ȱasȱwellȱasȱtheȱcorrelation ofȱtheȱarchitecturaȱcivilisȱandȱmilitaris.ȱAusterlitz,ȱforȱinstance,ȱstatesȱcertainȱanalogiesȱthat canȱbeȱnoticedȱinȱtheȱutilizationȱofȱtheȱCentralȱStationȱasȱaȱsiteȱofȱrepresentationȱand pragmaticȱfunction.ȱInsteadȱofȱadorningȱtheȱedificeȱwithȱanȱarrayȱofȱdeitiesȱsoȱasȱto manifestȱaȱspecificȱhierarchicalȱorder,ȱtheȱbuildingȱdisplaysȱnewȱelements.ȱInȱtheȱ1960s, mining,ȱtheȱindustries,ȱtrafficȱandȱcommerce,ȱasȱwellȱasȱtheȱcapitalȱstocksȱareȱtheȱnew systemicȱ forcesȱ definingȱ theȱ normativeȱ catalogueȱ ofȱ values,ȱ virtues,ȱ andȱ powerȱ in society.ȱ Allȱofȱtheseȱareȱsurpassedȱbyȱtimeȱasȱtheȱomnipotentȱregulator.ȱTime,ȱrepresentedȱby theȱgrandȱclockȱhighȱupȱinȱtheȱcentralȱhall,ȱisȱfurthermoreȱcombinedȱwithȱaȱpanoptic device:ȱ everyȱ subjectȱ enteringȱ theȱ stationȱ canȱ beȱ monitored.ȱ Theȱ elaborationȱ on fortificationsȱsubsequentlyȱmirrorsȱaȱsensitiveȱawarenessȱofȱaȱlikewiseȱwillȱtoȱdisplay powerȱclaims.ȱItȱisȱimplicatedȱthatȱtheȱmilitaryȱarchitectureȱisȱaȱsiteȱofȱperturbationȱthat invitesȱaȱmultiȬlayeredȱinquiry.ȱItȱchallengesȱtoȱscrutinizeȱtheȱexactȱmilitaryȬstrategic purposesȱofȱearlyȱmodernȱfortifications,ȱbesidesȱacknowledgingȱtheirȱsymbolicȱfunction. Sebald’sȱdocumentaryȬstyleȱreflectionȱonȱtheseȱissuesȱpointsȱatȱsomethingȱthatȱmayȱbe calledȱtheȱ‘disposition/Dispositivȱofȱtheȱmilitary’.ȱThisȱdispositionȱcomprisesȱaȱspecific knowledgeȱandȱconcreteȱarchitecturalȱevidenceȱfacilitatingȱsovereignȱengagement. Theȱ editioȱ princepsȱ ofȱ Albrechtȱ Dürer’sȱ Manifoldȱ Teachingsȱ [.ȱ .ȱ .]ȱ wasȱ publishedȱ in Nuremberg,ȱinȱ1527.ȱTheȱbookȱholdsȱ26ȱfolios,ȱmostlyȱprintedȱrectoȱandȱverso.ȱThe pagesȱareȱdenselyȱfilledȱwithȱtextȱandȱdrawings.ȱAllȱtogetherȱweȱfindȱ21ȱwoodcuts, eitherȱ oversizedȱ andȱ foldedȱ in,ȱ fullȬpage,ȱ orȱ interspersedȱ inȱ theȱ flowȱ ofȱ the elaborationȱandȱdescriptions.ȱThereȱareȱbothȱblackȱandȱwhiteȱandȱcoloredȱeditions. InȱcomparisonȱtoȱotherȱGermanȬspeakingȱtreatisesȱonȱtheȱsubjectȱmatter,ȱallȱof whomȱappearedȱlater—toȱlistȱonly:ȱDanielȱSpecklin’sȱArchitecturaȱvonȱVestungen (1589,ȱStraßburg),ȱLeonhartȱFronsperger’sȱKriegßbuchȱ(1596,ȱFrankfurt),ȱandȱAdam Freitag’sȱ Architectvraȱ Militarisȱ (1631,ȱ Leiden)—Dürer’sȱ bookȱ isȱ ratherȱ thin, notwithstandingȱthatȱitȱisȱquiteȱcompendious.ȱItsȱsignificanceȱliesȱinȱtheȱfactȱthat itȱisȱtheȱfirstȱwritingȱonȱtheȱsubjectȱinȱGerman,ȱitȱisȱtheȱproductȱofȱtheȱtransition fromȱtheȱlateȱMiddleȱAgesȱtoȱtheȱearlyȱmodernȱperiod;ȱitȱemploysȱratherȱnovel representationalȱtechniques,ȱandȱitȱisȱentangledȱinȱaȱprecariouslyȱpoliticalȱsituation chargedȱwithȱmilitaryȱconflict.ȱFacingȱtheȱcontinuationȱofȱtheȱOttomanȱexpansion

3

WinfriedȱGeorgȱSebald,ȱAusterlitzȱ(NewȱYork:ȱTheȱModernȱLibrary,ȱ2001),ȱ14–16.

494

JörnȱMünkner

intoȱChristianȱEurope,ȱDürerȱdecidedȱtoȱcomeȱforwardȱwithȱhisȱownȱfortification concept.4ȱInȱtheȱbook’sȱdedicationȱtoȱtheȱembattledȱKingȱandȱgovernorȱofȱHungary andȱ Bohemia,ȱ andȱ theȱ laterȱ emperorȱ ofȱ theȱ Reich,ȱ Ferdinandȱ I,ȱ Dürerȱ states explicitlyȱthatȱtheȱmainȱimpetusȱforȱhisȱdeliberationsȱwasȱtheȱimminentȱthreatȱby theȱTurks.5ȱThisȱargumentȱisȱplausibleȱsinceȱonlyȱtwoȱyearsȱafterȱtheȱpublication theȱfirstȱsiegeȱofȱViennaȱtookȱplace.ȱ Althoughȱ theȱ dedicationȱ asȱ aȱ paratextȱ isȱ formulaic,ȱ itȱ isȱ neverthelessȱ telling. Whatȱweȱcanȱinferȱfromȱitȱisȱthat,ȱonȱtheȱoneȱhand,ȱitsȱauthorȱpraisesȱaȱsovereign whoȱholdsȱtheȱsupremeȱpowerȱandȱwhoȱisȱregardedȱasȱtheȱguaranteeȱforȱsecurity inȱaȱsituationȱofȱmilitaryȱescalationȱandȱculturalȱclash.ȱOnȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱaȱselfȬ confidentȱ artistȱ isȱ offeringȱ hisȱ serviceȱ toȱ theȱ regent.ȱ Throughoutȱ theȱ teaching, Dürerȱurgesȱanyȱpotentialȱsovereignȱtoȱenhanceȱexistingȱfortificationsȱinȱorderȱto counterȱtheȱmodernȱattackingȱforces.ȱInȱprincipalȱhisȱconcernȱisȱtwofold:ȱfirstly, howȱtoȱachieveȱtheȱbestȱpossibleȱupgradingȱofȱaȱfortificationȱsystem,ȱandȱsecondly toȱnameȱtheȱcriteriaȱforȱanȱurbanȱresidenceȱtoȱbeȱviablyȱsafeȱandȱsecureȱforȱits inhabitants,ȱandȱespeciallyȱforȱaȱprinceȱregent.ȱDürerȱdraftsȱanȱurbanȱsettingȱtoȱbe structuredȱinȱaȱperfectȱandȱhierarchicalȱorderȱasȱfarȱasȱtheȱformationȱandȱallotment ofȱtheȱsocialȱgroupsȱandȱfunctionalȱunitsȱareȱconcerned,ȱi.e.,ȱtheȱtradesȱandȱguilds; aȱ keywordȱ isȱ ‘idealȱ city’ȱ (“Idealstadt”).ȱ Dürer’sȱ elaborationȱ invitesȱ theȱ readerȬ observerȱtoȱconsiderȱtheȱhistoricalȱeffortȱtoȱorganizeȱspace,ȱnamelyȱasȱaȱcontested territoryȱofȱpowerȱwhichȱhasȱtoȱbeȱfortified,ȱasȱaȱresidentialȱplaceȱasȱwellȱasȱaȱsite for/ofȱrepresentation. Dürer’sȱthinkingȱisȱnotȱwithoutȱbeingȱgroundedȱinȱhisȱownȱpersonalȱsituation: theȱfortifiedȱcityȱofȱNurembergȱbeingȱtheȱcenterȱofȱhisȱlife,ȱhisȱtransmontaneȱand otherȱjourneys,ȱandȱalsoȱtheȱpoliticalȱsituationȱaroundȱ1500ȱconfrontedȱhimȱwith theȱmilitaryȱrealityȱofȱhisȱtime.ȱItȱisȱfairȱtoȱassumeȱthatȱheȱknewȱtheȱrelevantȱworks ofȱ thinkers,ȱ artists,ȱ andȱ engineersȱ ofȱ (late)ȱ antiquityȱ suchȱ asȱ Vitruviusȱ and

4

5

ThereȱhasȱbeenȱampleȱresearchȱonȱDürer’sȱtreatise,ȱcf.ȱWilhelmȱWaetzoldt,ȱDürersȱBefestigungslehre (Berlin:ȱVerlagȱJuliusȱBard,ȱ1916);ȱAlexanderȱvonȱReitzenstein,ȱ“Etlicheȱvnderricht/ȱzuȱbefestigung derȱ stett/ȱ schlosz/ȱ vndȱ flecken.ȱ Albrechtȱ Dürersȱ Befestigungslehre,“ȱ Albrechtȱ Dürersȱ Umwelt: Festschriftȱzumȱ500.ȱGeburtstagȱAlbrechtȱDürersȱamȱ21.ȱMaiȱ1971,ȱed.ȱbyȱtheȱVereinȱfürȱGeschichte derȱStadtȱNürnbergȱ(Nuremberg:ȱSelbstverlagȱdesȱVereinsȱfürȱGeschichteȱderȱStadtȱNürnberg, 1971),ȱ 178–92;ȱ Wolfgangȱ Neuber,ȱ “Sichtbareȱ Unterwerfung.ȱ Zuȱ denȱ herrschaftsstrategischen RaumvorstellungenȱinȱfrühneuzeitlichenȱIdealstadtentwürfenȱundȱUtopien,“ȱPolitischeȱRäume: StadtȱundȱLandȱinȱderȱFrühneuzeit,ȱed.ȱbyȱCorneliaȱJöchnerȱ(Berlin:ȱAkademieȱVerlag,ȱ2003),ȱ1–22; UlrichȱSchütte,ȱ“Militär,ȱHofȱundȱurbaneȱTopographie.ȱAlbrechtȱDürersȱEntwurfȱeinerȱköniglichen Stadtȱ ausȱ demȱ Jahreȱ 1527,“ȱ Derȱ Hofȱ undȱ dieȱ Stadt:ȱ Konfrontation,ȱ Koexistenzȱ undȱ Integrationȱ in Spätmittelalterȱ undȱ Früherȱ Neuzeit.ȱ 9.ȱ Symposiumȱ derȱ ResidenzenȬKommissionȱ derȱ Akademieȱ der Wissenschaftenȱ zuȱ Göttingenȱ veranstaltetȱ inȱ Zusammenarbeitȱ mitȱ derȱ Historischenȱ Kommissionȱ für SachsenȬAnhalt,ȱed.ȱWernerȱParaviciniȱandȱJörgȱWettlaufer.ȱResidenzenforschung,ȱ20ȱ(Ostfildern: Thorbecke,ȱ2006),ȱ131–54.ȱ Dürer,ȱEtlicheȱvnderrichtȱ|ȱManifoldȱTeachings,ȱAii,ȱrectoȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2).

AlbrechtȱDürer’sȱConceptȱofȱtheȱArsȱfortificatoria

495

Vegetius,ȱ heȱ shouldȱ haveȱ comeȱ acrossȱ Alberti,ȱ Filarete,ȱ diȱ Giorgioȱ Martini, Tartaglia,ȱLeonardo,ȱandȱMichelangelo,ȱallȱofȱwhomȱhadȱbeenȱorȱwereȱtoilingȱon fortifications.ȱInȱaddition,ȱsuggestionsȱandȱideasȱbyȱhumanistsȱsuchȱasȱWillibald PirckheimerȱhaveȱtoȱbeȱtakenȱintoȱaccountȱforȱDürer’sȱattentionȱtoȱtheȱsubject, includingȱhisȱdecisionȱtoȱproduceȱtheȱbook.ȱFurthermoreȱandȱeventually,ȱDürer wasȱnotȱjustȱanȱartist,ȱifȱtheȱtermȱartistȱbeȱunderstoodȱinȱitsȱmodernȱsense.ȱHis multifariousȱœuvreȱbespeaksȱhimȱasȱl’uomoȱuniversaleȱofȱtheȱRenaissance,ȱi.e.,ȱthe widelyȱ engagedȱ arteficei.ȱ Butȱ heȱ wasȱ neitherȱ aȱ trainedȱ engineerȱ norȱ a masterbuilder.ȱ However,ȱ heȱ putȱ hisȱ knowledgeȱ inȱ theȱ serviceȱ ofȱ architectural innovationȱ forȱ militaryȱ purposes.ȱ Inȱ comparisonȱ toȱ hisȱ contemporariesȱ and successorsȱwhoȱwereȱalsoȱseekingȱnewȱdefenseȱsolutionsȱlikeȱtheȱaboveȱmentioned, experiencedȱfortressȱbuilderȱandȱurbanȱplannerȱDanielȱSpecklinȱfromȱStrasbourg (1536–1589),ȱDürer’sȱworkȱshowsȱinconsistencies:ȱaȱtopicȱtoȱbeȱtreatedȱmoreȱfully laterȱinȱthisȱstudy. Toȱ outlineȱ theȱ historicalȱ contextȱ ofȱ Dürer’sȱ endeavorȱ moreȱ inȱ depth,ȱ itȱ is importantȱtoȱbringȱtoȱmindȱtheȱstateȱofȱtheȱartȱofȱtheȱmilitary,ȱandȱinȱparticular fortificationsȱatȱthatȱtime.ȱDürerȱpresentsȱusȱwithȱaȱpenȱdrawingȱ(Fig.1)ȱinȱwhich heȱcatchesȱtheȱsiegeȱandȱheavyȱbombardmentȱofȱtheȱHohenaspergȱfortressȱinȱ1519. TheȱsceneȱisȱbasedȱonȱtheȱhistoricalȱeventȱtoȱwhichȱDürerȱbecameȱaȱwitnessȱwhile onȱhisȱwayȱtoȱItaly.ȱTheȱartilleryȱshellingȱofȱtheȱverticalȱwallȱaroundȱtheȱmedieval settlementȱlocatedȱonȱtheȱhilltopȱspeaksȱforȱitself.ȱInȱanotherȱimage,ȱrenderedȱas aȱlargeȱwoodcutȱsevenȱtoȱeightȱyearsȱlaterȱ(Fig.ȱ2),ȱDürerȱdepictsȱtheȱfictitiousȱsiege ofȱ aȱ fictitiousȱ fortifiedȱ place.6ȱ Thereȱ areȱ novelȱ particularsȱ withȱ whichȱ Dürer modifiesȱtheȱmedievalȱfortificationȱsystem.ȱTheȱreducedȱverticalityȱofȱtheȱmain wallȱbehindȱwhichȱaȱwideȱtrenchȱopensȱupȱisȱnoteworthy.ȱFurthermore,ȱattention goesȱtoȱtheȱratherȱhorizontalȱspreadingȱofȱtheȱsystemȱintoȱtheȱdepthȱofȱspaceȱalong theȱlateralȱaxisȱofȱtheȱovalȬshapedȱgroundȱplan.ȱLikewiseȱstrikingȱtoȱtheȱ(modern) beholderȱisȱtheȱenormous,ȱdonjonȬlikeȱmainȱfortȱwhichȱDürerȱcallsȱ‘pastey’ȱ(Bastei) and/orȱ ‘Rondell.’ȱ Lastȱ butȱ notȱ least,ȱ thereȱ areȱ solitaryȱ strongholdsȱ dugȱ inȱ the trenchȬarea,ȱ soȬcalledȱ ‘Kaponniere.’ȱ Theyȱ areȱ toȱ beȱ accessedȱ throughȱ secret undergroundȱ pathwaysȱ fromȱ withinȱ theȱ pastey.ȱ Theyȱ serveȱ asȱ outpostsȱ from whichȱtoȱsaturateȱanȱattackerȱwithȱanȱenfiladeȱofȱfire.ȱ Theȱtransformationȱmanifestȱinȱtheȱtwoȱimagesȱcanȱbeȱsummarizedȱasȱfollows: withȱtheȱadventȱofȱtheȱmodernȱfireȱpower,ȱtheȱmedievalȱprotectiveȱcircumvallation getsȱmodified.ȱItȱisȱtakenȱdownȱsoȱthatȱitȱcannotȱbeȱtargetedȱbyȱtheȱenemyȱartillery soȱeasily.ȱTheȱwallȱisȱstrengthenedȱandȱitsȱdiameterȱenlargedȱbyȱmeansȱofȱearth andȱ stoneȱ works.ȱ Theȱ defenseȱ lineȱ isȱ furtherȱ enforcedȱ byȱ settingȱ upȱ artillery batteries.ȱToȱachieveȱthat,ȱcompactȱpasteyȬfortsȱprotrudingȱfromȱtheȱwallȱcircuit

6

Theȱwoodcutȱisȱpartȱofȱsomeȱeditionsȱofȱtheȱtreatiseȱwhereȱitȱisȱaddedȱasȱaȱsurplusȱonȱtheȱlastȱfolio.

496

JörnȱMünkner

areȱbuilt.ȱTheyȱserveȱasȱplatformsȱonȱwhichȱtheȱheavyȱcanonsȱareȱmounted.ȱTheir interiorȱprovidesȱprotectiveȱplacesȱforȱtheȱfightingȱsquadȱandȱstorageȱroomȱfor ammunitionȱandȱtheȱlike.ȱSinceȱtheȱfortsȱreachȱoutȱintoȱtheȱtrenchȱarea,ȱgroundȬ levelȱ casematesȱ areȱ establishedȱ insideȱ fromȱ whichȱ closeȬrangeȱ fireȱ canȱ be administered.7ȱAllȱsubsequentȱelaborationsȱonȱfortificationȱhadȱaȱcommonȱground inȱthisȱfundamentalȱadjustment.ȱ Theȱquestionȱthatȱensuedȱfromȱthisȱconstellationȱinȱtheȱsixteenthȱcenturyȱwas basicallyȱwhichȱshapeȱtheȱfortsȱinȱtheȱwallȱcircuitȱshouldȱhave,ȱi.e.ȱwhetherȱwith semiȬcircularȱfrontȱsidesȱorȱwhetherȱtheirȱformȱshouldȱresembleȱaȱpolygon,ȱfor instanceȱaȱtriangle.ȱTheȱlatterȱtypeȱcameȱtoȱbeȱnamedȱ‘bastion.’ȱAsȱaȱconsequence, theȱprimeȱcriterionȱtoȱdetermineȱtheȱfortificationȱsystemȱwasȱwhetherȱitȱemployed pasteyȬfortsȱorȱbastions.ȱTheȱprospectiveȱdiscussionȱinȱItaly,ȱFrance,ȱSpain,ȱthe Netherlands,ȱandȱtheȱGermanȱReichȱthroughoutȱtheȱsixteenthȱcenturyȱmoreȱorȱless revolvedȱaroundȱthisȱcrucialȱpoint.ȱDürerȱfavoredȱtheȱpasteyȬfortȱbutȱitȱwouldȱnot prevailȱbecauseȱitȱwasȱimperfect.ȱItsȱdisadvantageȱwasȱtheȱdeadȱangleȱcausedȱby theȱsemiȬcircularȱshape.ȱ(Fig.ȱ3)ȱAlthoughȱDürerȱattemptedȱtoȱcounterbalanceȱitȱby employingȱ theȱ Kaponniere,ȱ theȱ ‘Bastionaryȱ System’ȱ (Bastionärschema)ȱ proved superior.ȱItȱwasȱmoreȱqualifiedȱtoȱavoidȱblindȱanglesȱbecauseȱnoȱenemyȱtroops couldȱgatherȱatȱtheȱtipȱofȱtheȱbastionȱwithoutȱcomingȱunderȱfireȱfromȱitsȱstraight flankȱlinesȱ(Fig.ȱ4).ȱTheȱBastionaryȱSystemȱtriggeredȱaȱlongȱtraditionȱofȱfurther refinement.ȱ Toȱ demonstrateȱ theȱ changes,ȱ threeȱ sketchesȱ synopticallyȱ showȱ the transformationȱ processȱ fromȱ theȱ Middleȱ Agesȱ throughȱ theȱ lateȱ seventeenth century,ȱ focusingȱ onȱ oneȱ andȱ theȱ sameȱ placeȱ (Fig.ȱ 5a–c).ȱ Theȱ firstȱ schemeȱ (5a) rendersȱtheȱdefenseȱsystemȱofȱaȱmedievalȱcity:ȱtheȱmainȱgate,ȱaȱhighȱcircuitȱwall aroundȱtheȱcityȱwithȱthinȱintermediaryȱandȱaȱfewȱstouterȱguardingȱtowersȱatȱthe corners,ȱ plusȱ theȱ mainȱ entrance.ȱ Aȱ trenchȱ filledȱ withȱ waterȱ fromȱ aȱ river simultaneouslyȱprotectingȱtheȱrearȱrunsȱbeforeȱtheȱwall.ȱInȱtheȱsecondȱsketchȱ(5b), theȱplaceȱhasȱchanged.ȱInȱfrontȱofȱtheȱhighȱwallȱandȱtheȱwetȱtrenchȱanȱadditional, stouterȱwallȱhasȱbeenȱerected.ȱOneȱmassiveȱandȱoneȱlesserȱpasteyȱasȱwellȱasȱmore compactȱguardingȱtowersȱsubdivideȱtheȱmainȱwall.ȱInȱfrontȱofȱit,ȱaȱsecondȱwet trenchȱ hasȱ beenȱ excavated.ȱ Eventually,ȱ theȱ thirdȱ imageȱ (5c)ȱ demonstratesȱ a noticeableȱchange.ȱTheȱcrenelatedȱwallȱandȱroundȱtowersȱhaveȱgivenȱwayȱtoȱa polygonalȱwallȱcircuit,ȱfurnishedȱwithȱbastions.ȱTheȱfrontȱsidesȱofȱtheȱbastionsȱare shapedȱ likeȱ aȱ jigsaw,ȱ andȱ theyȱ reachȱ outȱ intoȱ theȱ prefieldȱ area,ȱ theȱ soȬcalled ‘rayon.’ȱ Theȱ cannonȱ ballȱ canȱ noȱ longerȱ strikeȱ againstȱ aȱ verticalȱ andȱ straight bulwark;ȱinsteadȱitȱwillȱhitȱaȱslantedȱandȱgeometricallyȱobliqueȱconstruct.ȱDueȱto

7

Cf.ȱChristofȱBaier,ȱMarionȱHilliges,ȱ“FestungsbauȱalsȱmathematischeȱKunst,“ȱMaß,ȱZahlȱundȱGewicht: Meisterwerkeȱ derȱ Sammlungȱ Architekturȱ derȱ Kunstbibliothek,ȱ ed.ȱ Elkeȱ Blauertȱ andȱ Karinȱ Rhein (Dresden:ȱSandsteinȱVerlag,ȱ2008),ȱ108–23;ȱhereȱ108.

AlbrechtȱDürer’sȱConceptȱofȱtheȱArsȱfortificatoria

497

theȱstarȬlikeȱshape,ȱtheȱprotectionȱofȱtheȱflanksȱofȱeachȱpartȱofȱtheȱwallȱisȱgreatly improved.ȱ Theȱ defenseȱ conceptȱ reactsȱ toȱ theȱ offensiveȱ powerȱ withȱ aȱ more rigorouslyȱmathematicalȬgeometricalȱconstruction.ȱSo,ȱtheȱgradualȱarchitectural adjustmentȱtoȱtheȱfireȱpowerȱandȱitsȱlogicȱbecomesȱobvious.ȱBallisticsȱshapesȱthe defenseȱmanner,ȱitȱshapesȱtheȱlandscapeȱinȱwhichȱtheȱfortificationȱisȱembedded, andȱlikewiseȱtheȱarrangementȱofȱtheȱaffectedȱcitiesȱandȱplaces.ȱWolfgangȱSchäffner, whoȱcharacterizesȱthisȱoutcomeȱasȱtheȱeffectȱofȱ“diagramsȱofȱpower”ȱ(powerful diagrams,ȱresp.),ȱstates:ȱ Insteadȱ ofȱ heavyȱ walls,ȱ theȱ mannerȱ becomesȱ theȱ decisiveȱ principleȱ ofȱ theȱ new fortificationȱdefenseȱandȱimpregnability[.ȱ.ȱ.].ȱNeitherȱheightȱnorȱsheerȱbulkȱmassȱofȱthe medievalȱwallȱguaranteeȱsafetyȱandȱsecurity,ȱbutȱtheȱgeometricalȱform.ȱThisȱ isȱthe principleȱofȱtheȱearlyȱmodernȱfortress.8

ȱ Dürer’sȱtreatiseȱcanȱbeȱdividedȱinȱfourȱmainȱpartsȱwithȱ26ȱsubȬchapters.ȱOfȱspecial interestȱ areȱ theȱ firstȱ twoȱ parts.ȱ Sinceȱ Dürerȱ isȱ primarilyȱ occupiedȱ withȱ the constructionȱofȱpasteyȬforts,ȱtheȱdeliberationsȱonȱtheȱtopicȱtakeȱupȱmostȱofȱthe treatise.ȱRightȱatȱtheȱbeginning,ȱheȱdevelopsȱthreeȱwaysȱtoȱconstructȱthem.ȱWhile theȱ circuitȱ defenseȱ line,ȱ inȱ whichȱ toȱ integrateȱ theȱ pasteyȬforts,ȱ oughtȱ toȱ be polygonalȱatȱbest,ȱtheȱfortsȱareȱtoȱbeȱsetȱupȱatȱtheȱcornerȱpointsȱofȱtheȱwall.ȱThe threeȱtypesȱresembleȱeachȱotherȱclosely.ȱOneȱtypeȱlooksȱlikeȱitȱisȱshownȱinȱ(Fig. 6a–c).ȱTheȱfloorȱplanȱofȱtheȱedificeȱ(6a),ȱincludingȱtheȱinstructiveȱinscriptionȱhow toȱ measureȱ andȱ placeȱ itȱ inȱ theȱ defenseȱ line,ȱ isȱ presented.ȱ Inȱ additionȱ toȱ the inscriptionsȱinȱtheȱdrawing,ȱtheȱindicesȱreferenceȱtoȱtheȱexplanationȱinȱtheȱtext.ȱ Here,ȱitȱisȱimportantȱtoȱpointȱoutȱthatȱDürer’sȱentireȱconceptȱappearsȱtoȱbeȱrather unrealisticȱinȱtermsȱofȱdimension.ȱOneȱmightȱsayȱthatȱitȱrunsȱcontraryȱtoȱcommon sense.ȱWhatȱdoesȱthatȱmean?ȱTheȱamountȱofȱbuildingȱmaterial,ȱhumanȱworkȱforce, expertȱ supervision,ȱ andȱ capitalȱ necessaryȱ toȱ implementȱ aȱ systemȱ ofȱ such monumentalȱproportionȱinȱrealityȱcanȱhardlyȱbeȱaffordedȱbyȱaȱking,ȱletȱaloneȱsome lowerȱnoble.ȱTheȱlength,ȱheight,ȱandȱstrengthȱofȱtheȱedifices,ȱtheȱdepthȱandȱwidth ofȱtheȱtrenches,ȱtheȱsheerȱquantityȱofȱallȱkindsȱofȱrequiredȱresourcesȱareȱalmost utopianȱandȱsurpassȱtheȱpotentialsȱgivenȱatȱtheȱtime.9ȱInterestingȱenough,ȱDürer himselfȱanticipatesȱsuchȱobjectionsȱandȱoffersȱanȱanalogyȱbyȱwhichȱtoȱlegitimize

8

9

WolfgangȱSchäffner,ȱ“DiagrammeȱderȱMacht.ȱFestungsbauȱimȱ16.ȱundȱ17.ȱJahrhundert,“ȱPolitische Räume,ȱed.ȱbyȱCorneliaȱJöchner,ȱ133–44;ȱhereȱ135ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4). Attemptsȱ haveȱ beenȱ madeȱ toȱ proveȱ theȱ feasibilityȱ ofȱ Dürer’sȱ conceptȱ withȱ regardȱ toȱ the contemporaryȱ reality,ȱ cf.ȱ Kerstenȱ Krüger,ȱ “Albrechtȱ Dürer,ȱ Danielȱ Speckleȱ undȱ dieȱ Anfänge frühmodernerȱStadtplanungȱinȱDeutschland,”ȱFormungȱderȱfrühenȱModerne.ȱAusgewählteȱAufsätze, ed.ȱKerstenȱKrüger.ȱGeschichte:ȱForschungȱundȱWissenschaft,ȱ14ȱ(Münster:ȱLITȱVerlag,ȱ2005) 285–308;ȱhereȱ286–91;ȱseeȱalsoȱSchütte,ȱ“Militär,ȱHofȱundȱurbaneȱTopographie,”ȱ135ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).

498

JörnȱMünkner

hisȱdecision.ȱInȱtheȱintroduction,ȱheȱremindsȱthoseȱwonderingȱifȱallȱthisȱeffortȱwas necessaryȱofȱtheȱEgyptianȱkings.ȱ Theirȱ expendituresȱ onȱ theȱ pyramidsȱ wereȱ evenȱ greater,ȱ andȱ inȱ contrastȱ toȱ a soundȱfortificationȱtheȱpyramidsȱwereȱnotȱuseful.ȱWhatȱmore,ȱthereȱareȱalways enoughȱpoorȱpeopleȱwhoȱareȱdependentȱonȱcharity.10ȱTheyȱshouldȱbeȱcalledȱupȱso thatȱtheyȱcanȱearnȱtheirȱlivings,ȱwhileȱatȱtheȱsameȱtimeȱbeȱpreventedȱfromȱstaging aȱrevolt.ȱOneȱwayȱtoȱinterpretȱthisȱstatementȱisȱtoȱseeȱDürerȱexpressȱaȱrigorously protestantȱworkȱethic,ȱcoupledȱwithȱanȱeconomicȱconsiderationȱofȱutilityȱratios.ȱHe furthermoreȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱwaryȱofȱinsurgentȱimpulsesȱpossiblyȱarisingȱfromȱwithin theȱcommunities.ȱInȱanyȱcase,ȱheȱelaboratesȱhisȱdraftȱwithȱgreatȱaccuracy.ȱOffering severalȱintermediateȱsketchesȱandȱvisualizingȱfurtherȱdetails,ȱheȱcomesȱupȱwith anotherȱ tableauȱ (6b):ȱ itȱ displaysȱ theȱ openingsȱ forȱ 20ȱ canonsȱ insideȱ theȱ pastey. BesidesȱshowingȱtheȱshapeȱofȱtheȱcrenelsȱandȱtwoȱstaircasesȱinȱtheȱrearȱofȱtheȱtwoȬ storeyȱfortȱwhichȱleadȱupȱtoȱtheȱartilleryȱramp,ȱitȱisȱstrikingȱthatȱanȱentireȱfiring lineȱisȱdirectedȱbackward,ȱintoȱtheȱcity.ȱ Eventually,ȱtheȱscaledȬdownȱfrontȱviewȱofȱtheȱedificeȱisȱpresentedȱ(6c).ȱHow closelyȱtextualȱexplanationȱandȱvisualizationȱcorrespondȱwithȱeachȱotherȱcanȱbe seenȱ inȱ anotherȱ example.ȱ Afterȱ spendingȱ greatȱ attentionȱ toȱ theȱ shapeȱ ofȱ the pastey’sȱinteriorȱ(design/strengthȱofȱtheȱvaultsȱtoȱbeȱsafeȱagainstȱmortar,ȱetc.),ȱand afterȱprescribingȱtheȱheight,ȱstrength,ȱandȱslopingȱofȱtheȱdifferentȱouterȱandȱinner wallȱ segments,ȱ Dürerȱ stressesȱ theȱ correctȱ environmentȱ ofȱ theȱ canons.ȱ He precautionsȱtoȱaddȱsufficientȱventsȱforȱtheȱresultingȱsmokeȱasȱwellȱasȱopeningsȱfor lightȱtoȱensureȱproperȱoperationsȱinȱtheȱcasemates.ȱTheȱopenings,ȱinȱreturn,ȱwill haveȱtoȱbeȱprotectedȱagainstȱtheȱenemyȱfire,ȱtoo.ȱWhenȱtheȱparagraphȱisȱcomplete, itȱgetsȱinterlinkedȱwithȱtheȱcorresponding,ȱthreeȬpartedȱdrawingȱ(Fig.ȱ7).ȱInȱthe figure,ȱaccordingȱtoȱDürer’sȱexplicitȱhint,ȱtheȱbeholderȱwillȱfindȱtheȱfloorȱplanȱin theȱmiddleȱpart,ȱaboveȱtheȱfrontȱviewȱandȱbelowȱtheȱcrossȱsectionȱprofileȱwhich runsȱfromȱBȱthroughȱAȱtoȱC. Dürerȱstrivesȱatȱfacilitatingȱtheȱinstructiveȱmomentumȱofȱhisȱteachings.ȱThe frequentlyȱ indexedȱ drawingsȱ notȱ simplyȱ illustrateȱ theȱ verbalȱ exposition.ȱ They assistȱtheȱperceptionȱofȱtheȱgeometrical,ȱmathematical,ȱandȱtechnicalȱdetails.ȱThe pictorialȱandȱdiagrammaticalȱ‘language’ȱisȱquintessentialȱinȱtheȱsignȬcombining effortȱtoȱgenerateȱandȱcommunicateȱaȱspecificȱknowledge.ȱNotȱfewȱofȱtheȱimages haveȱanȱartfulȱorȱartisticȱpotential.ȱDürerȱinauguratesȱaȱrepresentationalȱstrategy thatȱSimonȱStevinȱ(1548/1549–1620)ȱconceptualizesȱsomeȱ70ȱyearsȱlater.ȱTheȱDutch militaryȱengineerȱstressesȱtheȱnecessityȱthatȱeveryȱfortressȱmust,ȱorȱatȱleastȱought toȱ beȱ designedȱ beforeȱ theȱ buildingȱ isȱ erected.ȱ Toȱ doȱ so,ȱ theȱ twoȱ basicȱ levels,

10

Cf.ȱDürer,ȱEtlicheȱvnderrichtȱ|ȱManifoldȱTeachings,ȱAii,ȱrectoȱ(seeȱnotesȱ2ȱandȱ5).

AlbrechtȱDürer’sȱConceptȱofȱtheȱArsȱfortificatoria

499

namelyȱtopȱview/groundȱplanȱandȱprofile,ȱhaveȱtoȱbeȱproduced.ȱThisȱthenȱwas,ȱas WolfgangȱSchäffnerȱcomments,ȱtheȱCopernicanȱturnȱinȱtheȱarsȱfortificatoria,ȱwhich favoredȱfromȱthenȱonȱtheȱnewȱbasicȱdesignȱconcept:ȱInsteadȱofȱfrontȱview,ȱtop view/groundȱplan. Theȱ topographicalȱ sightȱ ofȱ theȱ topȱ viewȱ becomesȱ theȱ decisiveȱ principleȱ of construction.ȱ Theȱ mostȱ significantȱ trajectoriesȱ ofȱ theȱ artilleryȱ whichȱ are incorporatedȱinȱtheȱdefensiveȱbulwarkȱwillȱotherwiseȱbeȱinvisibleȱorȱdifficultȱto discern.ȱTheȱtopographicalȱplanȱthenȱengendersȱitsȱownȱlandscape;ȱtheȱgraphical linesȱ becomeȱ earthȱ walls,ȱ muralȱ defenseȱ lines,ȱ andȱ trenchesȱ thatȱ noticeably materializeȱtheȱarrangement.11ȱStevinȱalsoȱrecommendsȱtheȱbuildingȱofȱaȱminiature prototypeȱasȱaȱpalpableȱmodelȱ“[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱforȱevenȱasȱinȱdescribingȱtheȱworldȱitȱisȱgood besideȱtheȱglobe’sȱflatȱcounterfeitingȱtoȱhaveȱseveralȱcorporealȱglobes,ȱasȱthatȱofȱthe earth,ȱofȱtheȱfixedȱstars,ȱofȱtheȱplanetsȱandȱtheȱlike,ȱsoȱlikewiseȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱalsoȱtheȱbodily formsȱ ofȱ fortressesȱ [are]ȱ veryȱ usefulȱ toȱ knowȱ allȱ theirȱ particularsȱ more fundamentally.”12ȱ Thisȱ statementȱ revealsȱ Stevin’sȱ intentionȱ toȱ facilitateȱ the fortificationȱdesignȱevenȱfurther.ȱTheȱfortresses,ȱtoȱquoteȱSchäffnerȱagain,ȱareȱlike smallȱhomeȱplanetsȱaroundȱwhichȱtheȱcanonsȱrevolve. Dürer’sȱ fortificationȱ concept,ȱ asȱ alreadyȱ suggested,ȱ wasȱ tooȱ heavyȬweight,ȱ too expensive,ȱandȱitȱwasȱnotȱwellȱenoughȱadjustedȱtoȱtheȱrealitiesȱofȱcontemporary warfare.ȱNevertheless,ȱmodifiedȱformsȱofȱtheȱpasteyȱàȱlaȱDürerȱwereȱrealizedȱinȱthe yearsȱtoȱcome.ȱTheȱ‘nonȬBastionaryȱSystem’ȱdidȱnotȱentirelyȱvanish.ȱInȱtheȱcourse ofȱ time,ȱ theȱ engineersȱ realizedȱ thatȱ itȱ wasȱ notȱ theȱ fortȬtypeȱ aloneȱ which distinguishedȱtheȱBastionaryȱfromȱtheȱnonȬBastionaryȱSystem.ȱFortressȱmasters likeȱ Danielȱ Specklinȱ paidȱ muchȱ attentionȱ toȱ otherȱ aspectsȱ asȱ well.ȱ Dueȱ toȱ his expertiseȱasȱaȱmilitaryȱandȱcivilȱarchitectȱandȱdueȱtoȱhisȱparticipationȱinȱmilitary operations,ȱsuchȱasȱtheȱbesiegingȱandȱdefendingȱofȱplaces,ȱSpecklinȱknewȱthatȱnonȬ BastionaryȱSystemsȱcouldȱbeȱasȱdefensiveȱasȱBastionaryȱones.ȱHavingȱwitnessed theȱadvancedȱpragmaticsȱofȱsiegeȱwarfareȱwhichȱfavouredȱtheȱfarȬdistantȱshelling ofȱtheȱwallȱsectionsȱ(Kurtinen)ȱbetweenȱtheȱbastionȬforts,ȱinȱhisȱArchitectvraȱvon VestungenȱheȱdevotesȱhisȱinitialȱdeliberationsȱtoȱtheȱKurtinen.13ȱSixtyȱyearsȱafter Dürer,ȱtheȱrangeȱandȱfireȱpowerȱofȱtheȱartilleryȱhadȱgreatlyȱimproved,ȱsoȱtheȱcloseȬ distantȱdefenseȱfromȱwithinȱtheȱfortsȱcameȱtoȱbeȱofȱsecondaryȱimportance.ȱ

11

12 13

SimonȱStevin,ȱTheȱArtȱofȱWarȱ(1594),ȱed.ȱby.ȱW.ȱH.ȱSchukkingȱ=ȱPartȱIV,ȱTheȱPrincipalȱWorksȱofȱSimon Stevin,ȱed.ȱbyȱErnstȱCroneȱandȱE.ȱJ.ȱDijksterhuisȱ(Amsterdam:ȱC.V.ȱSwetsȱ&ȱZeitlinger,ȱ1964),ȱcited afterȱ Wolfgangȱ Schäffner,ȱ “Operationaleȱ Topographie.ȱ Repräsentationsräumeȱ inȱ denȱ NiederȬ landenȱumȱ1600,“ȱRäumeȱdesȱWissens.ȱRepräsentation,ȱCodierung,ȱSpur,ȱed.ȱHansȬJörgȱRheinberger, MichaelȱHagner,ȱandȱBettinaȱWahrigȬSchmidtȱ(Berlin:ȱAkademieȱVerlag,ȱ1997)ȱ63–90;ȱhereȱ74–76. Stevin,ȱTheȱArtȱofȱWar,ȱcitedȱafterȱSchäffnerȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11).ȱ DanielȱSpecklin,ȱAchitectvraȱvonȱVestungen.ȱWieȱsolcheȱzuȱunsernȱZeitenȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ(Straßburg:ȱBernhart Jobin,ȱ1589).

500

JörnȱMünkner

AllȱofȱSpecklin’sȱproposalsȱshowȱaȱhighȱdegreeȱofȱfeasibility,ȱandȱhisȱapproach isȱbasedȱonȱtheȱpreciseȱobservationȱofȱtheȱactualitiesȱofȱwarfare.14ȱToȱdoȱjusticeȱto Dürer,ȱheȱdidȱlikewise,ȱheȱalsoȱconsideredȱwaysȱtoȱreinforceȱtheȱmedievalȱwall. Dürerȱcameȱupȱwithȱratherȱoutdatedȱsolutions,ȱthough.ȱEvenȱifȱSpecklinȱproposes constructionsȱ onȱ aȱ grandȱ scale,ȱ hisȱ conceptualȱ workȱ isȱ moreȱ boundȱ toȱ his experienceȱasȱanȱengineerȱandȱfortressȱbuilder.ȱWhatȱmore,ȱheȱofferedȱhisȱservice toȱclientsȱwhoȱwouldȱpayȱhimȱforȱtangibleȱresults,ȱandȱhisȱdraftsȱandȱconcepts wereȱactuallyȱrealizedȱsoȱthatȱheȱwasȱableȱtoȱexamineȱandȱreviseȱthem.ȱHisȱmotto whichȱcouldȱbeȱexpressedȱasȱ‘Bewareȱtheȱappropriateness;ȱpayȱtheȱutmostȱeffort toȱ achieveȱ aȱ maximumȱ inȱ defenseȱ withȱ lowȱ costs.’ȱ bespeaksȱ anȱ engineerȬ theoreticianȱwhoseȱprofessionalȱ(andȱprobablyȱpersonal)ȱwellȬbeingȱdependedȱon theȱcloseȱreferenceȱtoȱtheȱconditionsȱandȱrequirementsȱofȱtheȱcontemporaryȱrealȬ lifeȱfeasibilities.15 Researchȱinȱtheȱhistoryȱofȱtheȱmilitaryȱarchitectureȱhasȱtriedȱtoȱdistinguishȱthe nonȬBastionaryȱ fromȱ theȱ Bastionaryȱ Systemȱ underȱ theȱ perspectiveȱ ofȱ their operationalȱandȱmedial,ȱi.e.,ȱtheȱsymbolicȬrepresentationalȱfunctions.ȱRecently, StephanȱHoppeȱraisedȱtheȱissueȱagainȱtoȱwhichȱextentȱeitherȱsystemȱanswersȱto theseȱtwoȱfunctions.ȱTakingȱupȱUmbertoȱEco’sȱsemioticsȱofȱarchitecture,ȱHoppe arguesȱthatȱinȱprincipalȱeachȱmanner/systemȱfulfilsȱbothȱfunctions.ȱDesignedȱas defenseȱbulwarks,ȱtheȱoperationalȱfunction—accordingȱtoȱEcoȱtheȱfirstȱandȱbasic function—ȱisȱtheȱprimaryȱintentȱofȱanyȱmilitaryȱbuildingȱeffort.ȱIfȱthisȱfunctionȱis underminedȱbecauseȱnovelȱmannersȱadvance,ȱsupersede,ȱandȱsetȱnewȱstandards inȱtheȱdefense,ȱtheȱpreviousȱconstructȱdoesȱnotȱceaseȱtoȱbeȱimportantȱandȱuseful. Itsȱ symbolicȱ functionȱ gainsȱ preponderance.ȱ Thatȱ meansȱ thatȱ itsȱ valueȱ asȱ an emblemȱofȱpowerȱcontinuedȱtoȱbeȱofȱsupremeȱimportance.ȱItȱisȱnotȱclearȱwhether thisȱvalueȱwasȱasȱhighȱasȱitȱwasȱbefore.ȱItsȱsymbolicȱperformance,ȱinȱanyȱcase,ȱwas notȱautomaticallyȱdiminishedȱbecauseȱitȱhadȱbecomeȱobsoleteȱasȱaȱbulwarkȱfor actualȱwarfare.16ȱ Thisȱinterpretationȱisȱsignificantȱbecauseȱitȱsuggestsȱthatȱfortificationsȱalwaysȱlive aȱdoubleȱlife:ȱtheyȱserveȱtheȱtwofoldȱpurposeȱofȱprotectingȱplacesȱandȱrepresenting power.ȱEvenȱifȱthatȱmayȱnotȱseemȱsurprising,ȱitȱcorroboratesȱtheȱtensionȱinȱwhich theȱfortificationȱeffortȱisȱentangled.ȱWhetherȱtheȱparticularȱendeavorȱinȱtheȱfield ofȱmilitaryȱarchitectureȱwasȱprecipitatedȱbyȱtheȱnecessityȱtoȱcomeȱupȱwithȱaȱviable designȱforȱactualȱwarfare,ȱorȱwhetherȱitȱwasȱanȱexerciseȱofȱtheȱauthor’sȱerudition

14

15

16

Stephanȱ Hoppe,ȱ “Artilleriewallȱ undȱ Bastion:ȱ Deutscherȱ Festungsbauȱ derȱ Renaissancezeitȱ im SpannungsfeldȱzwischenȱapparativerȱundȱmedialerȱFunktion,“ȱJülicherȱGeschichtsblätter:ȱJahrbuch desȱJülicherȱGeschichtsvereins,ȱ74/75ȱ(2006–2007),ȱ35–63;ȱhereȱ44–48. Cf.ȱAlbertȱFischer,ȱDanielȱSpecklinȱausȱStraßburgȱ(1536–1589):ȱFestungsbaumeister,ȱIngenieurȱund Kartograph.ȱ Veröffentlichungenȱ derȱ Kommissionȱ fürȱ geschichtlicheȱ Landeskundeȱ inȱ BadenȬ Württembergȱ(Sigmaringen:ȱJanȱThorbeckeȱVerlag,ȱ1996),ȱ59. Hoppe,ȱ“ArtilleriewallȱundȱBastion,”ȱ36–38ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ14).

AlbrechtȱDürer’sȱConceptȱofȱtheȱArsȱfortificatoria

501

andȱartisticȱdexterity,ȱtheȱpracticeȱofȱsuchȱanȱengagementȱnolensȱvolensȱimplicates aȱstanceȱtowardȱtheȱquestionȱofȱpower.ȱ Dürer’sȱtreatiseȱisȱaȱcombinationȱofȱfortificationȱtheoryȱandȱcityȱplanning,ȱandȱthe secondȱpartȱofȱtheȱbookȱmayȱbeȱtitledȱ“TheȱCapitalȱofȱaȱKingdom.”ȱThere,ȱDürer offersȱproposalsȱhowȱtoȱfortifyȱtheȱcityȱofȱaȱprinceȱand—ȱratherȱmisleadingly— callsȱ itȱ theȱ ‘fortifiedȱ castle’ȱ (“festȱ schloß”).ȱ Simultaneously,ȱ Dürerȱ draftsȱ a communalȱandȱurbanȱsettingȱthatȱshallȱbeȱperfectlyȱstructuredȱinȱeveryȱrespect (Fig.ȱ 8,ȱ twoȱ sketches,ȱ hereȱ aȱ andȱ b).ȱ Theȱ placeȱ toȱ beȱ chosenȱ byȱ aȱ princeȱ who possessesȱaȱwideȱandȱwellȬsituatedȱlandȱshallȱbeȱadvantageous.ȱTheȱsurrounding areaȱofȱtheȱcapitalȱcity,ȱtheȱsoȬcalledȱrayon,ȱwillȱbeȱofȱoneȱshortȱmileȱinȱdepth.ȱFor theȱ sakeȱ ofȱ reconnaissanceȱ andȱ theȱ sufficientȱ firingȱ range,ȱ thisȱ rayonȱ mustȱ be completelyȱlevelled.ȱNoȱoneȱisȱallowedȱtoȱsettleȱthere,ȱbuildingsȱofȱanyȱkindȱmust notȱ beȱ erected.ȱ Whileȱ thisȱ zoneȱ attractsȱ specialȱ attentionȱ andȱ authoritarian regulation,ȱitȱisȱalsoȱtheȱplaceȱwhichȱtheȱregentȱwillȱjettisonȱmostȱquicklyȱifȱtheȱcity comesȱunderȱattack.ȱTheȱrayon’sȱsignificanceȱseeminglyȱhingesȱuponȱaȱmonocausal usefulness.ȱTheȱchosenȱplace,ȱthen,ȱwillȱhaveȱspecificȱterritorialȱsupportȱinȱitsȱmain corners:ȱtoȱtheȱNorthȱthereȱisȱaȱmountainousȱwoodedȱareaȱwhileȱtoȱtheȱSouthȱthere isȱaȱstreamȱofȱfreshȱwaterȱwhichȱcannotȱbeȱdriedȱout.ȱTheȱNorthernȱcornerȱwill provideȱbuildingȱmaterialȱandȱsuitableȱpositionsȱforȱwatchȱtowersȱandȱoutposts, whereasȱtheȱSouthernȱenvironmentȱensuresȱtheȱdrinkingȱwaterȱforȱtheȱcityȱasȱwell asȱdrainageȱtoȱdisposeȱofȱtheȱmunicipalȱwaste.ȱ Bothȱtheȱfortificationȱsystemȱandȱtheȱcityȱwillȱbeȱofȱsquareȱshapeȱwithȱenormous proportions.ȱTheȱstreetsȱwillȱrunȱinȱaȱrectangularȱmanner.ȱInȱtheȱexactȱcenterȱofȱthe cityȱcomplexȱanotherȱfortifiedȱstructureȱwillȱbeȱsetȱup.ȱThisȱisȱtheȱactualȱresidence andȱpalaceȱofȱtheȱprinceȱwhichȱDürerȱtermsȱtheȱ‘royalȱhouse’ȱ(“königlichesȱHaus”). Itsȱdesignȱwillȱbeȱofȱtheȱsameȱkindȱasȱtheȱfortifiedȱcityȱalthoughȱitȱcontainsȱextra featuresȱfitȱforȱaȱprinceȱandȱhisȱcouncilors.ȱAfterȱdevelopingȱatȱgreatȱlengthȱthe multilevel,ȱwallȬtrenchȬpasteyȱsystemȱprotectingȱtheȱurbs,ȱDürerȱelaboratesȱthe city’sȱarrangementȱandȱtheȱsovereign’sȱselfȬcontainedȱpalace.ȱHeȱallotsȱtheȱspace ofȱtheȱclergyȱinȱtheȱEasternȱcornerȱofȱtheȱcity,ȱdefinesȱtheȱagoraȱofȱtheȱmunicipality (townȱhall,ȱmarketȱsquare,ȱetc.),ȱtheȱlivingȱquartersȱofȱtheȱplebs,ȱtheȱfoundriesȱand magazines,ȱtheȱworkingȱunits,ȱandȱsoȱon.ȱHeȱstressesȱthatȱtheȱprinceȱshallȱnotȱallow uselessȱpeopleȱtoȱdwellȱinȱtheȱcity.ȱOnlyȱskillful,ȱexperienced,ȱandȱotherwiseȱuseful menȱareȱtoȱbeȱgrantedȱpermissionȱtoȱliveȱthere.ȱMostȱofȱthemȱhaveȱtoȱbeȱreadyȱto takeȱupȱarmsȱwheneverȱthereȱisȱneed.ȱ Thatȱmeansȱthatȱallȱofȱthoseȱwhoȱdoȱnotȱfitȱintoȱtheȱdesiredȱgroupȱofȱpeopleȱwill faceȱ theȱ riskȱ ofȱ beingȱ expelledȱ fromȱ theȱ city.ȱ Asȱ monofocalȱ andȱ seemingly monofunctionalȱtheȱrayonȱcanȱbe,ȱasȱexclusiveȱtheȱcityȱhenceȱprovesȱtoȱbe:ȱtheȱright ofȱresidingȱinȱitȱdependsȱonȱtheȱcapabilityȱandȱwillingnessȱtoȱdefendȱtheȱcityȱand theȱsovereignȱatȱallȱcostsȱandȱtoȱsubmitȱunderȱhisȱauthoritarianȱrule.

502

JörnȱMünkner

Althoughȱtheȱconstructionȱandȱorganizationȱofȱtheȱcityȱcomplexȱstartsȱfromȱits periphery,ȱtheȱpalaceȱofȱtheȱprinceȱmarksȱtheȱcenterȱofȱgravity.ȱTheȱsymbolically chargedȱcityȱcenterȱisȱnoȱlongerȱoccupiedȱbyȱtheȱclergyȱandȱtheȱchurch,ȱbutȱbyȱthe royalȱpalace.ȱTheȱentireȱarrangementȱfocusesȱonȱtheȱmaintenanceȱofȱtheȱprince,ȱthe arrangementȱaimsȱprimarilyȱatȱrepresentingȱandȱfacilitatingȱtheȱsupremeȱpower. Theȱcityȱplanȱandȱtheȱsovereign’sȱpositionȱmayȱbeȱdescribedȱinȱtermsȱofȱtotalityȱor absoluteness:ȱasȱsquare,ȱcompact,ȱandȱseeminglyȱinexpugnableȱtheȱfortifiedȱcity, asȱcentralȱandȱomniscientȱtheȱsovereign.ȱHeȱholdsȱtheȱprivilegeȱofȱseeingȱbeyond theȱcity’sȱboundariesȱasȱwellȱasȱintoȱeveryȱcornerȱwithinȱfromȱaȱtowerȱsetȱupȱonȱthe palaceȱ grounds.ȱ Heȱ holdsȱ absoluteȱ authorityȱ overȱ hisȱ subjects,ȱ includingȱ the prerogativeȱtoȱsuspendȱtheirȱrightsȱatȱhisȱwill.ȱNotȱonlyȱisȱheȱprotectedȱagainstȱan outsideȱenemyȱbyȱtheȱcity’sȱfortificationȱandȱtheȱpeople’sȱmilitaryȱservice,ȱbutȱalso againstȱdangerȱarisingȱfromȱhisȱownȱpeople.ȱBecauseȱatȱallȱtimesȱmustȱheȱbeȱable toȱescapeȱfromȱtheȱcityȱbyȱmeansȱofȱsecretȱpassagesȱleadingȱfromȱtheȱpalaceȱout intoȱ theȱ rayon.ȱ Theȱ hierarchicalȱ orderȱ ofȱ theȱ differentȱ socialȱ entities,ȱ their correspondingȱ groupingȱ aroundȱ theȱ palace,ȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ theȱ emphasisȱ onȱ an administrativeȱ bodyȱ executingȱ sovereignȱ powerȱ provideȱ forȱ anȱ autopoietical disciplineȱofȱtheȱcommunity.ȱ Dürer’sȱconceptȱrestsȱuponȱpolarities:ȱtheȱbareȱlandȱoutsideȱtheȱcityȱvs.ȱtheȱwellȬ structuredȱ interiorȱ ofȱ theȱ city,ȱ anȱ amorphous,ȱ latentȱ enemyȱ forceȱ vs.ȱ the distinguishedȱ cityȱ community,ȱ theȱ usefulȱ vs.ȱ theȱ uselessȱ denizenȱ ofȱ theȱ city,ȱ a peopleȱunderȱsovereignȱruleȱvs.ȱaȱpeopleȱatȱtheȱdisposalȱofȱaȱselfȬcontainedȱand waryȱruler.ȱWhatȱcanȱbeȱassumedȱisȱthatȱtwoȱdifferentȱbutȱinterwovenȱconceptsȱof spaceȬdesignȱ informȱ theȱ draft:ȱ whileȱ theȱ conceptȱ reliesȱ onȱ Dürer’sȱ living experienceȱinȱmajorȱcitiesȱsuchȱasȱNuremberg,ȱVenice,ȱandȱAntwerpȱinȱtermsȱof fortification,ȱadministration,ȱmunicipalȱservices,ȱfraternitiesȱandȱtrades,ȱetc.,ȱitȱalso exhibitsȱelementsȱofȱutopianȱthinkingȱbyȱevokingȱanȱallȱbutȱperfectȱurbanȱsetting ofȱgiganticȱdimension.ȱDürerȱmayȱhaveȱregardedȱtheȱtaskȱtoȱdraftȱtheȱdesignȱasȱan artisticȱexercise,ȱaȱtheoreticalȱchallenge,ȱandȱanȱexperimentȱinȱsocialȱstructuring.ȱ Ifȱsovereignȱengagementȱcanȱbeȱunderstoodȱasȱsocialȱpracticeȱwhichȱisȱbasedȱon theȱcommunicationȱbetweenȱaȱsovereignȱandȱhisȱsubjects,ȱthisȱpracticeȱhasȱtoȱbe analyzedȱaccordingȱtoȱitsȱactualȱorȱprojected,ȱi.e.ȱimaginedȱimplementation.ȱThe communicativeȱrelationshipȱwillȱalwaysȱbeȱregulatedȱbyȱnormsȱwhichȱareȱsetȱand adjustedȱbyȱtheȱauthorities.ȱDürer’sȱplanȱisȱpartȱofȱtheȱsocialȱpracticeȱinsofarȱasȱhe envisionsȱaȱformȱofȱinteractionȱbetweenȱaȱcommunityȱandȱtheirȱprince.ȱByȱpaying greatȱattentionȱtoȱupholdingȱandȱrepresentingȱsovereignȱpower—namelyȱwhatȱthe sovereign’sȱplaceȱshouldȱbeȱlike,ȱhowȱhisȱsplendorȱandȱmightȱareȱrepresented,ȱand howȱheȱisȱtoȱbeȱprotectedȱagainstȱanȱenemy—manyȱofȱDürer’sȱconsiderationsȱare inȱlineȱwithȱmedievalȱreasoning.ȱInȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱpowerȱhasȱtoȱbeȱenactedȱand performedȱ soȱ thatȱ itȱ becomesȱ visibleȱ andȱ tangibleȱ toȱ itsȱ subjectsȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ to

AlbrechtȱDürer’sȱConceptȱofȱtheȱArsȱfortificatoria

503

others.ȱThisȱcanȱbeȱachievedȱbyȱ possessingȱaȱforceȱwhichȱwillȱensureȱruleȱand controlȱoverȱtheȱlandȱandȱtheȱpeople,ȱincludingȱtheȱabilityȱtoȱfendȱoffȱpowerȱclaims fromȱanȱoutsideȱenemy.ȱItȱcanȱalsoȱbeȱachievedȱthroughȱ“consensualȱmeansȱof representationalȱperformanceȱandȱpractice,”17ȱwhichȱcompriseȱtheȱmultimediaȱand multisensoryȱ demonstrationȱ ofȱ socialȱ status,ȱ i.e.,ȱ theȱ representational,ȱ public displayȱofȱaȱlegitimateȱandȱgivenȱorȱclaimedȱpowerȱstatus.ȱAgain,ȱtheȱstatusȱand rankȱmustȱbeȱmadeȱvisibleȱonȱtheȱsovereignȱhimselfȱandȱhisȱappearance,ȱinȱthe arrangementȱofȱhisȱterritory,ȱasȱwellȱasȱthroughȱemblematicȱconfigurationsȱsuch asȱ books,ȱ images,ȱ etc.ȱ Whileȱ Dürer’sȱ conceptȱ isȱ stillȱ implicatedȱ inȱ aȱ medieval traditionȱofȱpowerȱdisplayȱandȱrepresentation,ȱhisȱtreatiseȱnonethelessȱraisesȱthe questionȱasȱtoȱsovereignty,ȱwarfare,ȱandȱfortificationȱinȱtheȱearlyȱmodernȱtime. WolfgangȱNeuberȱopinesȱthatȱterritoriesȱofȱpowerȱinȱtheȱsixteenthȱcenturyȱwere stillȱconfinedȱinȱtermsȱofȱmovableȱborderlines.18ȱThatȱmeansȱthatȱaȱterritoryȱwould notȱyetȱbeȱdefinedȱfromȱtheȱperipheryȱtoȱaȱfixedȱcenterȱbutȱratherȱfromȱaȱmobile centerȱtowardȱaȱpotentiallyȱunlimitedȱspace.ȱ Theȱimplicationȱisȱthatȱtheȱterritoryȱunderȱsovereignȱruleȱdidȱnotȱnecessarily meanȱ aȱ deȱ factoȱ borderedȱ space.ȱ Sovereignȱ powerȱ wasȱ stillȱ seatedȱ inȱ aȱ feudal systemȱwithȱnoblesȱgrantingȱprivilegesȱtoȱpersonȬboundȱloyaltyȱgroupsȱthatȱwould upholdȱsovereignȱpowerȱwithinȱtheirȱreachȱofȱcontrol.ȱTheȱideaȱofȱindeterminate territorialȱ demarcationsȱ thusȱ challengesȱ anȱ assumptionȱ arisingȱ notȱ leastȱ from Dürerȱhimselfȱthatȱthereȱwasȱtheȱneedȱtoȱdefendȱdefinedȱterritoriesȱofȱpowerȱ(the GermanȱReichȱvs.ȱtheȱOttomanȱempire)ȱalreadyȱinȱtheȱearlyȱsixteenthȱcentury.ȱTo beȱsure,ȱurbanȱandȱotherȱplacesȱhadȱtoȱbeȱfortifiedȱsoȱthatȱtheyȱcouldȱbeȱprotected. However,ȱtheyȱmayȱnotȱhaveȱbeenȱintendedȱasȱaȱmeansȱtoȱsafeguardȱaȱfarȬreaching territoryȱunderȱsovereignȱrule;ȱinsteadȱtheyȱservedȱasȱfocalȱpointsȱforȱthatȱcentral powerȱtoȱpresentȱitselfȱinȱitsȱmilitaryȱmight.ȱ OnȱtheȱbasisȱofȱDürer’sȱtreatise,ȱitȱisȱhardȱtoȱdetermineȱwhatȱtheȱexactȱmilitaryȬ strategicȱfunctionȱofȱtheȱearlyȱmodernȱfortressȱwas,ȱandȱtheȱquestionȱremainsȱto whatȱextentȱDürerȱintendedȱtoȱconstructȱaȱbulwarkȱreadyȱforȱrealȬlifeȱwarfare. DespiteȱhisȱexplicitȱreferenceȱtoȱtheȱimminentȱthreatȱofȱtheȱChristianȱworldȱbyȱthe advancingȱTurks,ȱhisȱdesignȱholdsȱnumerousȱcontradictions.ȱWhatȱIȱdeemȱfairȱto suggestȱisȱthatȱoneȱofȱDürer’sȱprincipalȱgoalsȱwasȱtoȱrepresentȱsovereignȱpowerȱby anȱexcessivenessȱofȱmightȱandȱwealthȱthroughȱcolossalȱedifices.ȱTheȱexcessiveness isȱcombinedȱwithȱanȱoverabundanceȱofȱdefenseȱdevicesȱwhichȱcontributeȱtoȱthe representationalȱperformance.ȱ

17

18

HorstȱWenzel,ȱHörenȱundȱSehen,ȱSchriftȱundȱBild:ȱKulturȱundȱGedächtnisȱimȱMittelalterȱ(Munich:ȱBeck Verlag,ȱ1995),ȱ21.ȱ Neuber,ȱ“SichtbareȱUnterwerfung,“ȱ9ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4).

504

JörnȱMünkner

Sinceȱpowerȱisȱquintessentiallyȱdependentȱonȱtheȱabilityȱtoȱdisplayȱtheȱmightȱit isȱ restingȱ uponȱ alsoȱ throughȱ symbolicȱ means,ȱ militaryȱ architectureȱ becomesȱ a mediumȱofȱconcreteȱevidence.ȱItȱphysicallyȱincorporatesȱanȱactualȱorȱassumed statusȱofȱpower.ȱDürer’sȱfortificationȱconceptȱisȱcharacterizedȱbyȱaȱtension:ȱonȱthe oneȱhand,ȱtheȱmilitaryȱarchitectureȱisȱmeantȱtoȱdefyȱanȱenemy,ȱguaranteeȱsecurity, andȱupholdȱsovereignty.ȱOnȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱfortificationsȱimplicateȱaȱprecarious statusȱofȱsecurityȱandȱsovereignty.ȱWhatȱcanȱbeȱinferredȱinȱparticularȱfromȱDürer’s conceptȱ isȱ thatȱ measuresȱ areȱ takenȱ toȱ organizeȱ andȱ defendȱ aȱ placeȱ andȱ a communityȱ inȱ waysȱ thatȱ helpȱ toȱ ensureȱ sovereignȱ power.ȱ Atȱ theȱ sameȱ time, fortificationsȱ bespeakȱ anȱ illusionȱ ofȱ impregnableȱ defenseȱ measures.ȱ The architectureȱ seemsȱ toȱ beȱ theȱ answerȱ toȱ aȱ latentȱ powerȱ struggle.ȱ Againstȱ the historicalȱbackgroundȱfromȱaroundȱ1527,ȱDürer’sȱfortificationȱeffortȱmayȱindeed beȱinterpretedȱasȱhisȱdesignȱforȱaȱpotentialȱoutpostȱatȱtheȱfrontier.ȱTheȱtaskȱofȱsuch aȱstrongholdȱisȱtoȱdefineȱandȱsecureȱaȱdemarcationȱlineȱbetweenȱtwoȱreignsȱof imperialȱ andȱ religiousȱ power,ȱ andȱ atȱ theȱ sameȱ timeȱ toȱ structure,ȱ control,ȱ and disciplineȱtheȱsideȱtoȱwhichȱtheȱauthorȱofȱtheȱdesignȱbelongs.ȱTheȱfortifiedȱcity,ȱas envisionedȱbyȱDürer,ȱwillȱfurthermoreȱfacilitateȱtheȱcreationȱofȱaȱcollectiveȱbody withȱaȱstrongȱsenseȱofȱcohesion.19ȱ

19

Editor’sȱ note:ȱ Münkner’sȱ analysisȱ providesȱ anȱ importantȱ perspectiveȱ forȱ theȱ studyȱ ofȱ early modernȱcitiesȱwhichȱwasȱnotȱrepresentedȱinȱtheȱvolumeȱUrbanȱSpaceȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱthe EarlyȱModernȱAge,ȱed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassen.ȱFundamentalsȱofȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱCulture, 4ȱ(BerlinȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱWalterȱdeȱGruyter,ȱ2009).ȱThisȱconfirms,ȱonceȱagain,ȱhowȱfertileȱtheȱtopic ofȱ‘urbanȱspace’ȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱforȱtheȱcriticalȱanalysisȱofȱtheȱhistoryȱofȱmentality,ȱeverydayȱlife, historyȱofȱphilosophy,ȱandȱtheȱhistoryȱofȱideology.ȱSeeȱalsoȱMargueritaȱZ.ȱHerman,ȱRamparts: Fortificationȱ fromȱ theȱ Renaissanceȱ toȱ Westȱ Pointȱ (Gardenȱ Cityȱ Park,ȱ NY:ȱ Avery,ȱ 1992);ȱ Marzio Dall’Acqua,ȱLeȱcittàȱdeiȱsignoriȱ(Bologna:ȱAnalisi,ȱ1989);ȱConradȱDoose,ȱJürgenȱEberhardt,ȱHajo Lauenstein,ȱGuidoȱvonȱBüren,ȱandȱGünterȱBers,ȱDasȱ“italienische”ȱJülich:ȱGrundzügeȱimȱKonzept AlessandroȱPasqualinisȱfürȱdieȱStadtanlage,ȱdieȱZitadelleȱundȱdasȱResidenzschloss.ȱJülicherȱForschungen, 8ȱ(Jülich:ȱFischerȱOHGȱ;ȱGoch:ȱB.O.S.SȱDruckȱundȱMedien,ȱ2009).

AlbrechtȱDürer’sȱConceptȱofȱtheȱArsȱfortificatoria

505

Fig.ȱ1:ȱSiegeȱofȱtheȱFortressȱonȱtheȱHohenaspergȱ(PenȱDrawing,ȱ31,2ȱ×ȱ43,6ȱcm); AlbrechtȱDürer,ȱ1519;ȱBerlin,ȱStaatlicheȱMuseenȱzuȱBerlinȱ–ȱPreußischer Kulturbesitz,ȱKupferstichkabinettȱ–ȱSammlungȱderȱZeichnungenȱund Druckgraphik,ȱInv.–Nr.ȱ31

506

JörnȱMünkner

Fig.ȱ2:ȱWithoutȱtitle,ȱor:ȱfictitiousȱsiegeȱofȱaȱfortifiedȱplace.ȱ TheȱwoodcutȱisȱpartȱofȱsomeȱeditionsȱofȱtheȱtreatiseȱbyȱAlbrechtȱDürerȱEtliche vnderrichtȱ|ȱManifoldȱTeachingsȱ(Nuremberg,ȱ1527),ȱwhereȱitȱisȱpresentedȱasȱa surplusȱonȱtheȱlastȱfolio.ȱ

AlbrechtȱDürer’sȱConceptȱofȱtheȱArsȱfortificatoria

Fig.ȱ3:ȱSketch/TopȱviewȱofȱtheȱdeadȱangleȱinȱfrontȱofȱtheȱBastei/Rondell (stronghold)

507

508

JörnȱMünkner

Fig.ȱ4:ȱSketch/Topȱviewȱofȱtheȱbastionaryȱsystemȱandȱitsȱballisticȱlogic

AlbrechtȱDürer’sȱConceptȱofȱtheȱArsȱfortificatoria

509

Fig.ȱ5ȱa–c Threeȱsynopticȱsketchesȱdemonstratingȱtransformationsȱinȱfortification strategiesȱfromȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱ(a),ȱandȱtheȱearlyȱmodernȱperiod,ȱsixteenth centuryȱ(b)ȱ(seeȱbelow)ȱtillȱtheȱearlyȱmodernȱperiod,ȱandȱ theȱseventeenthȱperiodȱ(c)ȱ(seeȱbelow)

510

JörnȱMünkner

Fig.ȱ5ȱb

AlbrechtȱDürer’sȱConceptȱofȱtheȱArsȱfortificatoria

Fig.ȱ5ȱc

511

512

JörnȱMünkner

Fig.ȱ6ȱa–c:ȱThreeȱviewsȱofȱtheȱBastei/Rondellȱ(stronghold),ȱdraftedȱbyȱAlbrecht Dürer:ȱFig.ȱ6a:ȱFloorȱplanȱofȱaȱBastei/Rondellȱ(stronghold);ȱFig.ȱ6b:ȱTopȱviewȱon theȱinteriorȱandȱtheȱopeningsȱforȱ20ȱCanonsȱinsideȱtheȱBastei/Rondell (stronghold)

AlbrechtȱDürer’sȱConceptȱofȱtheȱArsȱfortificatoria

513

Fig.ȱ6b:ȱTopȱviewȱonȱtheȱinteriorȱandȱtheȱopeningsȱforȱ20ȱcanonsȱinsideȱthe Baste/Rondellȱ(stronghold)

Fig.ȱ6c:ȱScaledȬdownȱfrontȱviewȱofȱtheȱBastei/Rondellȱ(stronghold)

514

JörnȱMünkner

Fig.ȱ7:ȱThreeȬpartedȱdrawingȱpresentingȱaȱcombinationȱofȱseveralȱperspectives onȱtheȱBastei/Rondellȱ(stronghold)

AlbrechtȱDürer’sȱConceptȱofȱtheȱArsȱfortificatoria

515

Fig.ȱ8:ȱFloorȱplanȱofȱtheȱcityȱofȱaȱprinceȱandȱtheȱfortifiedȱcastleȱ(festȱschloß)ȱwith theȱroyalȱhouseȱ(königlichesȱHaus);ȱtwoȱsketchesȱ(aȱandȱb)

516

JörnȱMünkner

Fig.ȱ8b:ȱFloorȱPlanȱofȱtheȱCityȱofȱaȱPrince;ȱsketchȱb

Chapterȱ20ȱ AlbrechtȱClassenȱ (TheȱUniversityȱofȱArizona,ȱTucson)

SixteenthȬCenturyȱProtestsȱAgainstȱWarȱandȱItsȱTragic Consequences:ȱTheȱTestimonyȱofȱHansȱSachsȱandȱHis Contemporaries

I.ȱWar,ȱSuffering,ȱandȱtheȱIndividual Itȱseemsȱalmostȱcynicalȱtoȱsearchȱforȱvoicesȱagainstȱwarȱinȱpremodernȱliterature, consideringȱtheȱeverȬexpandingȱwarȱmachineryȱspanningȱtheȱentireȱglobeȱtoday, withȱ aȱ steadilyȱ growingȱ warȱ industryȱ andȱ correspondingȱ militaryȱ conflictsȱ on most,ȱifȱnotȱall,ȱcontinentsȱinȱtheȱlateȱtwentiethȱandȱearlyȱtwentyȬfirstȱcentury.ȱWhy wouldȱ anyoneȱ involvedȱ inȱ thisȱ internationalȱ warȱ businessȱ beȱ interestedȱ inȱ or troubledȱbyȱprotestsȱagainstȱtheȱwarȱvoicedȱhundredsȱofȱyearsȱago,ȱwhenȱevenȱthe mostȱvehementȱprotestsȱformulatedȱbyȱsomeȱofȱtheȱgreatestȱintellectualsȱandȱartists throughoutȱtheȱtwentiethȱcenturyȱhaveȱnotȱachievedȱtheirȱintendedȱpurposeȱof impactingȱgovernments,ȱcourts,ȱand,ȱaboveȱall,ȱtheȱmilitaryȬindustrialȱcomplex?1 Tragically,ȱtheȱhorrendousȱexperiencesȱinȱtheȱFirstȱandȱtheȱSecondȱWorldȱWars haveȱ notȱ changedȱ muchȱ inȱ humanȱ mentality,ȱ despiteȱ intensiveȱ effortsȱ by

1

PhilipȱMetres,ȱBehindȱtheȱLines:ȱWarȱResistanceȱPoetryȱonȱtheȱAmericanȱHomefrontȱSinceȱ1941ȱ(Iowa City:ȱ Universityȱ ofȱ Iowaȱ Press,ȱ 2007);ȱ Detlevȱ Münch,ȱ Derȱ Kriegȱ derȱ Zukunftȱ vorȱ 100ȱ Jahren: AntikriegsȬȱ undȱ Kriegsutopienȱ vonȱ P.ȱ Berendt,ȱ Carlȱ Grunert,ȱ Antonȱ Oskarȱ Klaussmann,ȱ Berthaȱ von Suttnerȱu.a.ȱausȱdenȱJahrenȱ1900ȱȬȱ1912.ȱBeiträgeȱzurȱBibliographieȱundȱRezensionȱderȱdeutschen ScienceȱFiction,ȱ9ȱ(Dortmund:ȱSynergenȱVerlag,ȱ2006);ȱKriegȱundȱLiteratur:ȱInternationalesȱJahrbuch zurȱKriegsȬȱundȱAntikriegsliteraturforschungȱ=ȱWarȱandȱLiterature:ȱInternationalȱYearbookȱonȱWarȱand AntiȬWarȱLiteratureȱ(Osnabrück:ȱErichȱMariaȱRemarqueȱArchiv,ȱ1999).ȱSeeȱalsoȱtheȱanthologyȱof recentȱantiȬwarȱpoemsȱcollectedȱbyȱSamȱHamillȱandȱSallyȱAndersen,ȱPoetsȱAgainstȱtheȱWarȱ(New York:ȱThunder’sȱMouthȱPress/NationȱBooks,ȱ2003).

518

AlbrechtȱClassen

individuals,ȱgroups,ȱorganizations,ȱandȱevenȱcountriesȱtoȱblock,ȱprevent,ȱavoid, andȱwarnȱagainstȱwarsȱandȱitsȱdevastatingȱconsequences.ȱ Atȱ theȱ sameȱ time,ȱ overȱ theȱ lastȱ decadesȱ theȱ callsȱ forȱ peaceȱ haveȱ grown exponentially,ȱ andȱ soȱ theȱ scholarlyȱ investigationsȱ ofȱ peaceȱ asȱ aȱ historical, sociological,ȱeconomical,ȱtechnological,ȱandȱreligiousȱphenomenon.2ȱTragically,ȱ throughoutȱtimeȱwarȱseemsȱtoȱhaveȱworkedȱlikeȱaȱmetastasizingȱcancer,ȱgreedily makingȱ itsȱ wayȱ throughȱ theȱ arteriesȱ andȱ lymphȱ nodesȱ ofȱ humanȱ existenceȱ at virtuallyȱallȱsocialȱlevels.ȱWheneverȱweȱbelieveȱthatȱweȱhaveȱsolvedȱoneȱmilitary conflictȱ andȱ patchedȱ theȱ woundsȱ tornȱ openȱ byȱ theȱ useȱ ofȱ deadlyȱ weapons, employedȱ forȱ theȱ establishmentȱ ofȱ lawȱ andȱ orderȱ withinȱ theȱ frameworkȱ of humanitarian,ȱdemocraticȱprinciples,ȱotherȱconflictsȱeruptȱelsewhere.ȱAlthough Europe,ȱforȱexample,ȱhasȱcurrentlyȱbeenȱenjoyingȱprobablyȱitsȱlongestȱperiodȱof peacefulȱ coexistenceȱ ever,ȱ atȱ leastȱ withinȱ theȱ boundariesȱ ofȱ theȱ European Community,ȱsinceȱtheȱendȱofȱWorldȱWarȱII,ȱitsȱownȱweaponsȱindustryȱandȱmilitary involvementȱinȱotherȱpartsȱofȱourȱglobeȱundermineȱthisȱillusion.ȱEvenȱthoughȱthe generalȱconditionsȱofȱWesternȱsocietiesȱmoreȱorȱlessȱpreventȱtheȱoutbreakȱofȱopen militaryȱaggression,ȱthereȱareȱplentyȱofȱsubstituteȱwarȱscenariosȱelsewhereȱbecause ofȱ religious,ȱ economic,ȱ cultural,ȱ andȱ politicalȱ conflictsȱ andȱ becauseȱ the internationalȱ weaponsȱ industryȱ continuesȱ toȱ makeȱ hugeȱ profitsȱ fromȱ human suffering.3 Whatȱcanȱanȱordinaryȱpersonȱdoȱtoȱfightȱeffectivelyȱagainstȱtheȱrecurrenceȱof war?ȱOurȱsurvivalȱasȱaȱcivilizedȱsocietyȱveryȱmuchȱdependsȱonȱit,ȱyetȱitȱprovesȱto beȱaȱneverȬendingȱstruggleȱtoȱrevisitȱandȱreȬexamineȱtheȱsameȱproblemȬsolving process,ȱprobablyȱbecauseȱpeopleȱare,ȱasȱaȱspecies,ȱjustȱtooȱaggressiveȱandȱprone toȱ findȱ productiveȱ andȱ satisfyingȱ responsesȱ toȱ primitiveȱ needsȱ andȱ urges. Demonstrationsȱandȱprotestsȱhaveȱneverȱachievedȱtheȱdesiredȱgoalsȱofȱestablishing peaceȱ onȱ aȱ largeȱ scale,ȱ unlessȱ theȱ quantityȱ ofȱ theȱ participantsȱ reachedȱ aȱ truly

2

3

Thoughȱ ofȱ anȱ olderȱ date,ȱ A.ȱ C.ȱ F.ȱ Beales’sȱ studyȱ Theȱ Historyȱ ofȱ Peace:ȱ Aȱ Shortȱ Accountȱ ofȱ the OrganisedȱMovementsȱforȱInternationalȱPeaceȱ (Newȱ York:ȱDialȱPress,ȱ1931),ȱstillȱrepresentsȱoneȱof theȱmanyȱadmirableȱeffortsȱtoȱoutlineȱwhatȱpeaceȱeffortsȱhaveȱbeenȱmadeȱinȱtheȱpastȱandȱwhich onesȱcontinueȱtoȱbeȱpursued.ȱSeeȱnowȱalsoȱTedȱGottfried,ȱTheȱFightȱforȱPeace:ȱAȱHistoryȱofȱAntiwar MovementsȱinȱAmericaȱ(Minneapolis:ȱTwentyȬFirstȱCenturyȱBooks,ȱ2006);ȱWhatȱIsȱaȱJustȱPeace?,ȱed. Pierreȱ Allanȱ andȱ Alexisȱ Kellerȱ (Newȱ Yorkȱ andȱ Oxford:ȱ Oxfordȱ Universityȱ Press,ȱ 2006),ȱ to mentionȱ justȱ twoȱ recentȱ titles.ȱ Hereȱ isȱ notȱ theȱ roomȱ toȱ coverȱ theȱ entireȱ scholarshipȱ ofȱ Peace Studies,ȱ butȱ seeȱ Charlesȱ F.ȱ Howlett,ȱ Historyȱ ofȱ theȱ Americanȱ Peaceȱ Movement,ȱ 1890–2000:ȱ the EmergenceȱofȱaȱNewȱScholarlyȱDiscipline.ȱStudiesȱinȱWorldȱPeace,ȱ18ȱ(Lewiston,ȱNY:ȱEdwinȱMellen Press,ȱ 2005);ȱ Schlüsseltexteȱ derȱ Friedensforschungȱ =ȱ Keyȱ Textsȱ ofȱ Peaceȱ Studiesȱ =ȱ Textosȱ clavesȱ deȱ la investigaciónȱ paraȱ laȱ paz,ȱ ed.ȱ Wolfgangȱ Dietrich,ȱ Josefinaȱ Echavarríaȱ Alvarezȱ andȱ Norbert Koppensteinerȱ(ViennaȱandȱMünster:ȱLit,ȱ2006). Seeȱ theȱ movieȱ “Lordȱ ofȱ War,”ȱ mostȱ impressiveȱ inȱ itsȱ criticismȱ againstȱ theȱ capitalisticȱ war machinery;ȱwrittenȱandȱdirectedȱbyȱAndrewȱNiccol,ȱreleasedȱinȱtheȱUnitedȱStatesȱonȱSeptember 16,ȱ2005,ȱhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lord_of_Warȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱAprilȱ13,ȱ2011).

SixteenthȬCenturyȱProtestsȱAgainstȱWar

519

criticalȱ mass,ȱ asȱ inȱ theȱ U.S.ȱ duringȱ theȱ waningȱ yearsȱ ofȱ theȱ Vietnamȱ War. Complaintsȱtoȱandȱprotestsȱagainstȱpoliticiansȱandȱtheȱmilitaryȱoftenȱseemȱutterly useless,ȱwhereasȱtheȱoutreachȱtoȱtheȱyoungȱgenerationȱthroughȱclassesȱatȱschools andȱ universityȱ seminarsȱ mightȱ beȱ theȱ idealȱ channelȱ necessaryȱ forȱ suchȱ an approach.ȱ Weȱmustȱbeȱawareȱofȱtheȱlongȱtraditionȱofȱfightingȱforȱpeaceȱandȱofȱopposing war,ȱandȱweȱmustȱholdȱupȱliteraryȱandȱvisualȱdocumentsȱfromȱtheȱpastȱtoȱour contemporariesȱtoȱremindȱthemȱofȱtheȱenormityȱofȱsufferingȱinȱhumanȱhistory.4 Thoseȱpastȱvoicesȱringȱthroughȱtheȱcenturiesȱandȱcontinueȱtoȱappealȱtoȱusȱtoday andȱ tomorrow.ȱ Hansȱ Sachsȱ (1494–1576)ȱ wasȱ oneȱ ofȱ thoseȱ poetsȱ whoȱ argued vehementlyȱagainstȱwar,ȱpowerfullyȱformulatingȱhisȱcriticismȱinȱaȱnumberȱofȱhis longerȱtexts.ȱȱTheȱanalysisȱofȱthisȱsixteenthȬcenturyȱGerman’sȱprotestsȱagainstȱthe baneȱofȱhumanȱlifeȱmightȱseemȱaȱsmallȱcontributionȱtoȱPeaceȱStudies,ȱbutȱevery smallȱeffortȱtoȱraiseȱtheȱbarȱagainstȱwarȱdeservesȱfullȱattention.ȱButȱbeforeȱIȱturn toȱHansȱSachsȱspecifically,ȱIȱshallȱsurveyȱtheȱhistoryȱofȱliteraryȱstrugglesȱforȱwar inȱtheȱGermanȱcontextȱfromȱtheȱtwelfthȱthroughȱtheȱfifteenthȱcenturies.

II.ȱLiteratureȱasȱaȱMediumȱtoȱProtestȱWar Literaryȱanalysisȱandȱtheȱsearchȱforȱvoicesȱinȱtheȱpastȱthatȱhadȱarguedȱexplicitly againstȱwarȱareȱmoreȱimportantȱtodayȱthanȱeverȱbefore,ȱparticularlyȱbecauseȱthey confrontȱ usȱ withȱ alternativeȱ perspectivesȱ ofȱ whichȱ theȱ currentȱ discourse increasinglyȱseemsȱtoȱloseȱsight,ȱpreciselyȱbecauseȱcomplacencyȱtendsȱtoȱsetȱin, alongȱ withȱ aȱ focusȱ onȱ theȱ self,ȱ one’sȱ personalȱ life,ȱ henceȱ theȱ comfortȱ ofȱ the ordinaryȱcitizenȱinȱaȱshelteredȱexistenceȱseeminglyȱfreeȱofȱandȱisolatedȱfromȱthe actualȱwarȱactivities.ȱ Notȱtoȱbeȱmistaken,ȱIȱamȱnotȱdiscountingȱtheȱvastȱfieldȱofȱPeaceȱStudies,ȱandȱI doȱnotȱwantȱtoȱbelittleȱantiȬwarȱprotests,ȱwhereverȱtheyȱmightȱtakeȱplace.ȱTheȱkey question,ȱhowever,ȱforȱusȱinȱtheȱareaȱofȱMedievalȱStudiesȱpertainsȱtoȱtheȱspecific strategiesȱthatȱweȱcanȱpursueȱwithinȱourȱprofessionalȱdomain,ȱtherebyȱdrawing fromȱtheȱgreatestȱstrengthȱthatȱweȱcanȱmuster,ȱspeakingȱupȱagainstȱwarȱwithȱa voiceȱofȱauthority.ȱByȱcontrast,ȱunlessȱweȱhaveȱspecificȱandȱreliableȱinformation about,ȱsay,ȱweaponsȱproductionȱandȱsales,ȱtheȱconcreteȱsituationȱinȱtheȱvarious warȱzones,ȱandȱcanȱaddressȱknowledgeablyȱtheȱpoliticalȱandȱeconomicȱconditions underlyingȱaȱwar,ȱliteraryȱscholarsȱareȱnotȱparticularlyȱwellȱqualifiedȱtoȱexamine suchȱglobalȱconcerns.ȱTheȱtrueȱstrength,ȱhowever,ȱofȱourȱresearchȱmaterialȱandȱthe appropriateȱinvestigativeȱtoolsȱavailableȱtoȱusȱrestsȱinȱidentifyingȱandȱanalyzing

4

SeeȱtheȱcontributionȱtoȱthisȱvolumeȱbyȱWilliamȱC.ȱMcDonald.

520

AlbrechtȱClassen

texts,ȱforȱexample,ȱthatȱdealȱwithȱtheȱissueȱatȱhand,ȱbringingȱtoȱbearȱtheȱvoicesȱof theȱpastȱforȱproblemsȱofȱtodayȱandȱtomorrow.ȱAfterȱall,ȱhumanȱsufferingȱhasȱnever beenȱ limitedȱ toȱ specificȱ cultures,ȱ people,ȱ religions,ȱ nations,ȱ orȱ periods.ȱ What appearsȱ constantlyȱ toȱ haveȱ changed,ȱ however,ȱ hasȱ beenȱ theȱ approachȱ to,ȱ and evaluationȱof,ȱmilitaryȱandȱotherȱtypesȱofȱviolence.ȱInȱthisȱsense,ȱweȱwouldȱbeȱfully justifiedȱ inȱ treatingȱ war,ȱ inȱ theȱ broadestȱ rangeȱ ofȱ meaning,ȱ asȱ aȱ reflectionȱ of culturalȱhistory,ȱthoughȱprobablyȱinȱitsȱdarkestȱhour.5ȱ

III.ȱAntiȬWarȱSentimentsȱinȱMedievalȱGermanȱLiterature Medievalȱliterature,ȱdespiteȱtheȱPeaceȬofȬGodȱmovements,6ȱdoesȱnotȱlendȱitself particularlyȱwellȱforȱaȱcriticalȱdiscussionȱofȱwarȱbecauseȱchivalryȱandȱknighthood wereȱpredicatedȱonȱwarȱandȱfundamentallyȱacceptedȱtheȱpositiveȱvalueȱofȱfighting andȱkillingȱanȱopponentȱinȱtheȱnameȱofȱGodȱ(crusades)ȱandȱasȱanȱexpressionȱof courtlyȱ valuesȱ whenȱ theȱ enemyȱ belongedȱ toȱ monstrousȱ racesȱ orȱ toȱ outsiders threateningȱtheȱwellȬbeingȱofȱaristocraticȱsociety—thisȱhasȱbeenȱcalledȱ“legitimate violence,”ȱorȱ“JustȱWar.”7ȱHannahȱArendtȱhasȱalreadyȱpointedȱoutȱtheȱendemic contradictionȱ toȱ theȱ wholeȱ notionȱ ofȱ war,ȱ thoughȱ fromȱ aȱ modernȱ perspective: “Violenceȱcanȱbeȱjustifiable,ȱbutȱitȱneverȱwillȱbeȱlegitimate.ȱItsȱjustificationȱlosesȱin plausibilityȱtheȱfartherȱitsȱintendedȱendȱrecedesȱintoȱtheȱfuture.”8ȱAndȱPeterȱHaidu correctlyȱunderscoredȱtheȱinescapableȱaporiasȱ(perplexingȱimpasses)ȱinȱEuropean civilizationȱbasedȱonȱtheȱconceptȱofȱknighthoodȱandȱchivalryȱthatȱhaveȱalways, includingȱ today,ȱ ledȱ toȱ everȱ newȱ formsȱ ofȱ violenceȱ eitherȱ inȱ theȱ nameȱ ofȱ the 9 Church,ȱtheȱkingdom,ȱorȱanyȱotherȱ“national”ȱentity. ȱNevertheless,ȱtheȱdiscourse

5

6

7

8 9

Violenceȱ inȱ Medievalȱ Courtlyȱ Literature:ȱ Aȱ Casebook,ȱ ed.ȱ Albrechtȱ Classen.ȱ Routledgeȱ Medieval Casebooksȱ(NewȱYorkȱandȱLondon:ȱRoutledge,ȱ2004). See,ȱforȱexample,ȱDominiqueȱBarthélémy,ȱL’Anȱmilȱetȱlaȱpaixȱdeȱdieu:ȱLaȱFranceȱchrétienneȱetȱféodale 980–1060ȱ(Paris:ȱFayard,ȱ1999);ȱThomasȱGergen,ȱPratiqueȱjuridiqueȱdeȱlaȱpaixȱetȱtrêveȱdeȱDieuȱàȱpartir duȱConcileȱdeȱCharroux,ȱ989–1250ȱ=ȱJuristischeȱPraxisȱderȱPaxȱundȱTreugaȱDeiȱausgehendȱvomȱKonzil vonȱCharroux,ȱ989–1250.ȱRechtshistorischeȱReihe,ȱ285ȱ(Frankfurtȱa.ȱM.:ȱPeterȱLang,ȱ2004).ȱ FrederickȱH.ȱRussell,ȱTheȱJustȱWarȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱ(Cambridge:ȱCambridgeȱUniversityȱPress, 1975),ȱ293,ȱconcludes:ȱ“theologiansȱoftenȱconflatedȱtheȱspiritualȱwarȱofȱvirtueȱagainstȱviceȱwith physicalȱ warfare.ȱ Thisȱ andȱ theȱ lackȱ ofȱ aȱ properȱ locusȱ classicusȱ forȱ theirȱ debatesȱ renderedȱ the theologyȱofȱtheȱjustȱwarȱdeficientȱuntilȱtheȱtheologiansȱwereȱemancipatedȱfromȱtheirȱdependence onȱ canonȱ lawȱ byȱ theȱ receptionȱ ofȱ Aristotle,ȱ whoseȱ definitionȱ ofȱ theȱ justȱ warȱ asȱ aȱ meansȱ of promotingȱ theȱ commonȱ goodȱ ofȱ aȱ societyȱ arrivedȱ atȱ justȱ theȱ rightȱ momentȱ toȱ beȱ appliedȱ to contemporaryȱsocieties.”ȱ[Ed.ȱnote:ȱonȱdifferentȱaspectsȱofȱJustȱWar,ȱseeȱalsoȱtheȱessaysȱbyȱJohn Campbell,ȱJohnȱDempsey,ȱAngusȱKennedy,ȱandȱespeciallyȱBenȱSnookȱinȱthisȱvolume]. HannahȱArendt,ȱOnȱViolenceȱ(1969;.ȱNewȱYork:ȱHarcourtȱBraceȱJovanovich,ȱ1970),ȱ52. Peterȱ Haidu,ȱ Theȱ Subjectȱ ofȱ Violence:ȱ Theȱ Songȱ ofȱ Rolandȱ andȱ theȱ Birthȱ ofȱ theȱ Stateȱ (Bloomington: IndianaȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1993),ȱ201.

SixteenthȬCenturyȱProtestsȱAgainstȱWar

521

onȱpeaceȱcanȱbeȱtracedȱbackȱatȱleastȱtoȱtheȱthirteenthȱcentury,ȱifȱnotȱearlier,ȱifȱwe considerȱ mendicantȱ sermonȱ literature,ȱ chronicles,ȱ lawȱ books,ȱ butȱ thenȱ also didactic,ȱgnomicȱpoetry.10 Theȱ entireȱ genreȱ ofȱ heroicȱ epics,ȱ specificallyȱ theȱ chansonsȱ deȱ geste,ȱ butȱ also countlessȱcourtlyȱromancesȱfromȱtheȱhighȱMiddleȱAges,ȱidealizesȱknightlyȱfighting, eitherȱoneȱpersonȱagainstȱanotherȱinȱaȱjoustȱorȱinȱaȱbattleȱsituation,ȱorȱaȱwhole armyȱagainstȱanother.11ȱOccasionallyȱweȱhearȱaȱpoetȱorȱaȱtheologicalȱwriterȱaddress hisȱ orȱ herȱ discomfortȱ withȱ war,ȱ polemicizingȱ againstȱ theȱ tragicȱ consequences, especiallyȱ whenȱ scoresȱ ofȱ worthyȱ knightsȱ succumbȱ toȱ death.12ȱ Wolframȱ von Eschenbachȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱoneȱofȱthoseȱfewȱauthorsȱwhoȱsuggestedȱwaysȱtoȱbridge theȱgulfȱbetweenȱpeopleȱofȱdifferentȱreligionsȱandȱraceȱbyȱmeansȱofȱglobalȱlove, perhapsȱevenȱdeterminedȱbyȱaȱdesireȱforȱpeaceȱforȱall,ȱbasedȱonȱmutualȱrespect andȱ tolerance.13ȱ Butȱ suchȱ voicesȱ didȱ notȱ haveȱ much,ȱ ifȱ any,ȱ bearingȱ onȱ their contemporariesȱinȱthisȱregard.ȱ Theȱonlyȱsignificantȱliteraryȱexampleȱinȱwhichȱanȱanonymousȱpoetȱisȱspeaking outȱagainstȱtheȱconsequencesȱofȱviolence,ȱhatred,ȱandȱwarȱwasȱtheȱstrangeȱdoomȬ sayingȱ text,ȱ Diuȱ Klageȱ (Theȱ Lamentation;ȱ ca.ȱ 1200–1220),ȱ aȱ followȬupȱ poem describingȱ theȱ consequencesȱ ofȱ theȱ eventsȱ inȱ theȱ Nibelungenliedȱ (Songȱ ofȱ the Nibelungs;ȱca.ȱ1200),ȱinȱwhichȱtheȱentireȱgroupȱofȱBurgundianȱwarriorsȱdiesȱinȱthe terribleȱapocalypticȱfightȱatȱtheȱHunnishȱcourt.ȱButȱwhereasȱtheȱNibelungenliedȱstill discussesȱwithȱsomeȱbitterȱfascinationȱtheȱslowȱbutȱsteadfastȱdyingȱofȱoneȱhero afterȱtheȱother,ȱandȱthisȱonȱbothȱsides,ȱinȱDiuȱKlageȱallȱfightingȱhasȱcomeȱtoȱanȱend, andȱonlyȱthreeȱsurvivorsȱareȱleftȱwhoȱmournȱtheȱtragicȱscene,ȱlamentȱtheȱdestiny ofȱeachȱindividualȱwarrior,ȱandȱburyȱtheȱfallenȱheroes.ȱInȱaȱpreviousȱstudy,ȱIȱhave

10

11

12

13

Hannesȱ Kästner,ȱ “‘Frideȱ undȱ Reht’ȱ imȱ ‘Helmbrecht’:ȱ Wernhersȱ Maereȱ imȱ Kontextȱ zeitgenösȬ sischerȱ Franziskanischerȱ GesellschaftsȬȱ undȱ Ordnungsvorstellungen,”ȱ Wernherȱ derȱ Gärtner: ‘Helmbrecht’:ȱ Dieȱ Beiträgeȱ desȱ HelmbrechtȬSymposionsȱ inȱ Burghausenȱ 2001,ȱ ed.ȱ Theodorȱ Nolteȱ and Tobiasȱ Schneiderȱ (Stuttgart:ȱ S.ȱ Hirzel,ȱ 2001),ȱ 25–43.ȱ Seeȱ alsoȱ Albrechtȱ Hagenlocher,ȱ Derȱ guote vride:ȱIdealerȱFriedeȱinȱdeutscherȱLiteraturȱbisȱinsȱfrüheȱ14.ȱJahrhundert.ȱHistorischeȱWortforschung,ȱ2 (Berlinȱ andȱ Newȱ York:ȱ deȱ Gruyter,ȱ 1992);ȱ Stefanȱ Hohmann,ȱ Friedenskonzepte:ȱ Dieȱ Thematikȱ des FriedensȱinȱderȱdeutschsprachigenȱpolitischenȱLyrikȱdesȱMittelalters.ȱOrdo:ȱStudienȱzurȱLiteraturȱund GesellschaftȱdesȱMittelaltersȱundȱderȱfrühenȱNeuzeit,ȱ3ȱ(Cologne,ȱWeimar,ȱandȱVienna:ȱBöhlau, 1992). HorstȱBrunner,ȱetȱal.,ȱDulceȱbellumȱinexpertis:ȱBilderȱdesȱKriegesȱinȱderȱdeutschenȱLiteraturȱdesȱ15.ȱund 16.ȱJahrhunderts.ȱImaginesȱMediiȱAevi,ȱ11ȱ(Wiesbaden:ȱReichert,ȱ2002). Seeȱ theȱ variousȱ contributionsȱ toȱ Warȱ andȱ Peaceȱ inȱ theȱ Middleȱ Ages,ȱ ed.ȱ Brianȱ Patrickȱ McGuire (Copenhagen:ȱ C.ȱ A.ȱ Reitzel,ȱ 1987).ȱ Particularlyȱ Karlȱ Heinzȱ Göller’sȱ studyȱ onȱ Middleȱ English romance,ȱ focusingȱ onȱ Chaucer,ȱ aboveȱ all,ȱ deservesȱ ourȱ attentionȱ inȱ thisȱ contextȱ (118–37).ȱ One particularlyȱ interestingȱ voiceȱ inȱ theȱ Middleȱ Agesȱ wasȱ Albertanusȱ ofȱ Brescia,ȱ seeȱ Jamesȱ M. Powell,ȱAlbertanusȱofȱBrescia:ȱTheȱPursuitȱofȱHappinessȱinȱtheȱEarlyȱThirteenthȱCentury.ȱMiddleȱAges Seriesȱ(Philadelphia:ȱUniversityȱofȱPennsylvaniaȱPress,ȱ1992),ȱ107. G.ȱRonaldȱMurphy,ȱS.ȱJ.,ȱGemstoneȱofȱParadise:ȱTheȱHolyȱGrailȱinȱWolfram’sȱParzivalȱ(Oxford,ȱNew York,ȱetȱal.:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2006),ȱ141–43.

522

AlbrechtȱClassen

arguedȱthatȱhereȱweȱfaceȱoneȱofȱtheȱmostȱpenetratingȱwarningsȱagainstȱhuman failingsȱ andȱ lackȱ ofȱ compassion,ȱ whichȱ ultimatelyȱ leadsȱ toȱ aȱ catastropheȱ of enormousȱ proportions.ȱ Butȱ itȱ wouldȱ beȱ difficultȱ toȱ claimȱ thatȱ theȱ poetȱ was radicallyȱandȱstrictlyȱopposedȱtoȱwarȱandȱknighthood.14ȱ Oneȱofȱtheȱfirst,ȱhowever,ȱtoȱthematizeȱtheȱghastlyȱconsequencesȱofȱwar,ȱwhich actuallyȱleadsȱtoȱanȱArmageddonȱentailingȱtheȱdeathȱofȱanȱentireȱpeople,ȱwasȱthe ConstanceȱpublicȱnotaryȱHeinrichȱWittenwilerȱ(ca.ȱ1400).ȱInȱhisȱRing,ȱanȱallegorical romanceȱ ofȱ surprisinglyȱ dialecticalȱ messagesȱ aboutȱ man’sȱ properȱ approachȱ to humanȱlifeȱandȱGod,ȱbasedȱonȱaȱsarcasticȱportrayalȱofȱtheȱignoranceȱofȱtheȱpeasant world,ȱtheȱoutcomeȱisȱdeadlyȱforȱtheȱentireȱvillageȱpopulationȱofȱLappenhausen. Onlyȱtheȱprotagonist,ȱBertschiȱTriefnas,ȱsurvivesȱyet,ȱbecauseȱofȱhisȱdesperation, heȱ withdrawsȱ intoȱ theȱ Blackȱ Forestȱ toȱ spendȱ theȱ restȱ ofȱ hisȱ lifeȱ asȱ aȱ hermit. Significantly,ȱheȱdoesȱnotȱseekȱtheȱconsolationȱofȱtheȱChurch;ȱinsteadȱatȱtheȱendȱhe simplyȱdespairsȱandȱdisappearsȱfromȱtheȱtheaterȱofȱhumanȱexistenceȱbecauseȱhe hasȱwitnessedȱtheȱworstȱaȱpersonȱcanȱbeȱconfrontedȱwith:ȱtheȱdeathȱofȱhisȱentire community,ȱincludingȱhisȱrecentlyȬmarriedȱwife.ȱBertschiȱsimplyȱdoesȱnotȱknow howȱ toȱ respondȱ toȱ itȱ andȱ doesȱ notȱ comprehendȱ theȱ reasonsȱ andȱ causesȱ ofȱ the devastatingȱfightingȱinȱhisȱvillageȱduringȱtheȱweddingȱceremonies.15ȱ

IV.ȱHansȱSachs:ȱAȱSixteenthȬCenturyȱPoetȱ ProtestsȱAgainstȱtheȱWar Ifȱweȱsearchȱfartherȱinȱlaterȱperiods,ȱweȱcomeȱacrossȱtwoȱsignificantȱexamplesȱof antiȬwarȱ poetry,ȱ theȱ bestȱ knownȱ beingȱ Andreasȱ Gryphius’sȱ extremelyȱ moving sonnetȱ“TrawerklageȱdesȱverwuestetenȱDeutschlands”ȱ(ElegyȱuponȱtheȱDestroyed Germany;ȱ1630),ȱinȱwhichȱheȱoutlinedȱtheȱhorrendousȱimpactȱofȱtheȱThirtyȱYears Warȱonȱallȱpeople.16ȱButȱlongȱbeforeȱhim,ȱtheȱNurembergȱshoemakerȬpoetȱHans Sachsȱhadȱalreadyȱcomposedȱaȱlargeȱnumberȱofȱmostȱremarkableȱpoemsȱinȱwhich heȱseriouslyȱwarnedȱhisȱaudienceȱagainstȱtheȱconsequencesȱofȱwar.ȱWhereasȱSachs isȱnormallyȱregardedȱwithȱsomeȱsuspicionȱandȱcontemptȱbecauseȱofȱhisȱhighly

14

15

16

AlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ“Trauerȱmüssenȱsieȱtragen:ȱPostklassischeȱÄsthetikȱdesȱ13.ȱJahrhundertsȱinȱder Klage,”ȱOstbairischeȱGrenzmarken.ȱPassauerȱJahrbuchȱfürȱGeschichte,ȱKunstȱundȱVolkskundeȱ41ȱ(1999): 51–68. Forȱ anȱ onlineȱ introductoryȱ article,ȱ seeȱ Albrechtȱ Classen,ȱ “Heinrichȱ Wittenwiler,”ȱ Literary Encyclopedia,ȱ http://www.litencyc.com/php/speople.php?rec=true&UID=11850ȱ (lastȱ accessedȱ on Nov.ȱ1,ȱ2010). AlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ395,ȱhereȱcitedȱfromȱidem,ȱ“AndreasȱGryphius.,”ȱTheȱLiteraryȱEncyclopedia.ȱ27 Sep.ȱ2007.ȱTheȱLiteraryȱDictionaryȱCompany.ȱ27ȱSeptemberȱ2007:ȱ http://www.litencyc.com/php/speople.php?rec=true&UID=5448ȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱNov.ȱ1,ȱ2010).

SixteenthȬCenturyȱProtestsȱAgainstȱWar

523

prolificȱfictionalȱoutput—automaticallyȱindicatingȱaȱratherȱlowȱliteraryȱqualityȱfor manyȱscholars—17ȱinȱsuchȱliteraryȱreflections,ȱthisȱMeistersingerȱdemonstratedȱnot onlyȱaȱgreatȱsensitivityȱregardingȱhumanȱtragedy,ȱbutȱalsoȱanȱastonishingȱskillȱin describingȱtheȱconcrete,ȱcruelȱimpactȱofȱwarȱonȱpeople’sȱlives.18 BeforeȱIȱturnȱtoȱsomeȱofȱtheseȱantiȬwarȱpoems,ȱletȱusȱfirstȱexamineȱtheȱhistorical conditions.ȱSixteenthȬcenturyȱGermanyȱwasȱnotȱaȱpeacefulȱplace;ȱonȱtheȱcontrary, particularlyȱbecauseȱofȱtheȱpeasantȱuprisingȱinȱ1524–1525,ȱthereȱalsoȱragedȱthe longȬtermȱ religiousȱ warsȱ betweenȱ theȱ Protestantsȱ andȱ Catholics,ȱ withȱ their attendantȱmilitaryȱconflicts,ȱnotȱtoȱmentionȱstrugglesȱamongȱmanyȱotherȱparties forȱideologicalȱandȱpoliticalȱinfluence. ȱIfȱtheȱreligiousȱwarsȱcameȱtoȱaȱpreliminary,ȱofficialȱconclusionȱbyȱ1555ȱwithȱthe signingȱofȱtheȱAugsburgȱPeaceȱTreaty,ȱtheȱtensions,ȱaggressions,ȱfearȱofȱtheȱother side’sȱretaliation,ȱhatred,ȱandȱenvyȱcontinuedȱeverȱthereafter,ȱultimatelyȱleading toȱtheȱhorribleȱThirtyȱYearsȱWarȱfromȱ1618ȱtoȱ1648.ȱȱInȱthisȱlargerȱcontext,ȱthe NurembergȱpoetȱHansȱSachsȱactuallyȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱaȱmostȱastuteȱobserverȱofȱhis culture,ȱmakingȱratherȱprofoundȱandȱinsightfulȱcommentsȱinȱhisȱhugeȱœuvre.ȱIn lightȱofȱtheȱdireȱconsequencesȱthatȱcouldȱresultȱforȱindividualȱcitiesȱifȱtheyȱwere caughtȱ inȱ theȱ everȬchangingȱ religiousȱ conflictsȱ inȱ Germany,ȱ withȱ theȱ emperor strictlyȱ pursuingȱ hisȱ Catholicȱ politics,ȱ whereasȱ manyȱ territorialȱ princesȱ toȱ the Northȱ pushedȱ forȱ aȱ transformationȱ ofȱ theȱ landsȱ intoȱ aȱ Protestantȱ world, Nurembergȱwasȱvacillatingȱandȱmovedȱveryȱcarefullyȱinȱallyingȱitselfȱwithȱneither sideȱinȱthisȱreligiousȱandȱmilitaryȱconflict.ȱ Inȱ fact,ȱ afterȱ havingȱ mostlyȱ movedȱ towardȱ theȱ Protestantȱ religion,ȱ theȱ city returnedȱtoȱaȱlargeȱextentȱbackȱtoȱCatholicȱritualsȱinȱ1548ȱagainstȱtheȱresistanceȱof itsȱownȱpreachers.ȱButȱsuchȱcalculationsȱprovedȱflawed,ȱsinceȱtheȱpoliticalȱand militaryȱallianceȱinȱnorthernȱGermanyȱroseȱupȱagainstȱtheȱemperorȱandȱhenceȱalso harboredȱ greatȱ suspicionȱ ofȱ Nuremberg,ȱ amongȱ otherȱ imperialȱ cities.ȱ ȱ First MargraveȱAlbrechtȱAlcibiades,ȱoneȱofȱtheirȱleaders,ȱdemandedȱfreeȱdeliveryȱofȱwar equipment,ȱfood,ȱandȱmoney,ȱaȱdemandȱwithȱwhichȱtheȱcityȱcomplied,ȱespecially becauseȱmuchȱofȱtheȱmoneyȱwasȱthenȱusedȱtoȱbuyȱfurtherȱmaterialȱfromȱtheȱurban merchants.ȱButȱsoonȱenoughȱAlcibiadesȱturnedȱaggressiveȱandȱattackedȱmerchants andȱrobbedȱthemȱofȱtheirȱwares.ȱTheȱMargraveȱletȱhisȱsoldiersȱloseȱaroundȱtheȱcity

17

18

Horstȱ Brunner,ȱ “Hansȱ Sachsȱ –ȱ Überȱ dieȱ Schwierigkeitenȱ literarischenȱ Schaffensȱ inȱ der Reichsstadtȱ Nürnberg,”ȱ Hansȱ Sachsȱ undȱ Nürnberg:ȱ Bedingungenȱ undȱ Problemeȱ reichsstädtischer Literatur.ȱ Hansȱ Sachsȱ zumȱ 400.ȱ Todestagȱ amȱ 19.ȱ Januarȱ 1976,ȱ ed.ȱ id.,ȱ Gerhardȱ Hirschmannn,ȱ and FritzȱSchnelböglȱ(Nuremberg:ȱVereinȱfürȱGeschichteȱderȱStadtȱNürnberg,ȱ1976),ȱ1–13. Iȱhaveȱworkedȱonȱtheȱsameȱtopicȱinȱaȱpreviousȱstudy,ȱ“PoetischeȱProtesteȱgegenȱdenȱKrieg:ȱDer MeistersängerȱHansȱSachsȱalsȱfrüherȱKriegsgegnerȱimȱ16.ȱJahrhundert,”ȱAmsterdamerȱBeiträgeȱzur älterenȱGermanistikȱ63ȱ(2007):ȱ235–56.ȱHere,ȱhowever,ȱIȱwillȱexamineȱSachs’sȱantiȬwarȱstatements inȱaȱbroaderȱcontextȱandȱwillȱalsoȱincorporateȱotherȱtextsȱbyȱhim,ȱcomparingȱhisȱstatementsȱwith viewsȱexpressedȱbyȱsomeȱofȱhisȱliteraryȱcontemporaries.

524

AlbrechtȱClassen

ofȱUlm,ȱandȱonceȱtheyȱhadȱplunderedȱtheȱterritoryȱempty,ȱheȱturnedȱthemȱagainst NurembergȱinȱMayȱofȱ1552.ȱAlthoughȱhisȱthreatsȱwereȱterrifying,ȱunderscoredȱby hisȱsoldiersȱwhoȱcreatedȱaȱscorchedȱareaȱaroundȱtheȱcity,ȱkillingȱtheȱpeasantsȱand rapingȱ theirȱ wivesȱ andȱ daughters,ȱ ultimatelyȱ Nurembergȱ couldȱ achieveȱ a compromiseȱpeaceȱsettlement,ȱpaidȱ200,000ȱguilders,ȱandȱwasȱletȱoffȱtheȱhook. Nevertheless,ȱtheȱresultsȱwereȱdevastatingȱforȱmanyȱpeopleȱinvolved,ȱandȱwhereas manyȱhadȱlostȱtheirȱlivesȱorȱfamilyȱmembers,ȱothersȱhadȱlostȱtheirȱestates,ȱfarms, mills,ȱandȱotherȱproperty.19ȱ ThisȱgaveȱriseȱtoȱSachs’sȱattemptȱtoȱdiscussȱwarȱasȱaȱdeplorableȱandȱhorrifying strategyȱthatȱforcedȱhimȱtoȱrejectȱitȱoutrightȱbyȱdemonstratingȱtheȱcruelȱreality behindȱallȱideologicalȱpretenses.ȱInȱhisȱ“ClagspruechȱderȱstatȱNürenbergȱobȱder unpillichenȱschwerenȱpelegrungȱmargraffȱAlbrechtzȱannoȱ1552”ȱ(LamentȱPoemȱof theȱCityȱofȱNurembergȱRegardingȱtheȱHeavyȱSiegeȱbyȱMargraveȱAlbrechtȱinȱthe Yearȱ1552)20—neverȱprinted,ȱprobablyȱforȱpoliticalȱreasons—itȱseemsȱatȱfirstȱasȱif heȱwereȱcopyingȱnothingȱbutȱtheȱgenreȱofȱtheȱmedievalȱallegoricalȱdreamȱpoem,21 asȱperhapsȱbestȱexemplifiedȱbyȱGuillaumeȱdeȱLorrisȱinȱhisȱRomanȱdeȱlaȱroseȱ(ca. 1230),ȱinsofarȱasȱtheȱnarratorȱwalksȱthroughȱaȱdewȬcoveredȱpastureȱonȱanȱearly Mayȱmorning.ȱBothȱtheȱplantsȱandȱtheȱbirdsȱprovideȱhimȱwithȱmuchȱpleasure,ȱand thenȱheȱencountersȱaȱbeautifulȱyoungȱwomanȱsittingȱonȱaȱrockȱnextȱtoȱaȱcreek,ȱas ifȱevokingȱtheȱclassicalȱlocusȱamœnusȱ(pleasantȱplace)ȱsetting.ȱ Butȱ becauseȱ Sachs’sȱ “Clagspruech”ȱ isȱ notȱ aȱ dreamȱ visionȱ ofȱ futureȱ love;ȱ the youngȱwoman,ȱasȱprincipalȱnarratorȱofȱtheȱlament,ȱinsteadȱexpressesȱdeepȱsorrow overȱtheȱsadȱstateȱofȱaffairsȱinȱGermanyȱandȱparticularlyȱofȱtheȱimperialȱcityȱof Nuremberg,ȱwhichȱsheȱrepresentsȱallegorically.ȱInȱtheȱensuingȱexchangeȱbetween herȱandȱtheȱnarrator,ȱidentifiedȱasȱanȱoldȱman,ȱsheȱincreasinglyȱraisesȱherȱvoiceȱin criticismȱandȱprotestȱagainstȱtheȱcity’sȱenemyȱwhoȱcanȱbeȱeasilyȱrecognizedȱas MargraveȱAlbrecht.ȱSheȱlamentsȱnotȱonlyȱtheȱprince’sȱcruelȱandȱunjustȱtreatment, sheȱalsoȱbitterlyȱcomplainsȱaboutȱhavingȱbeenȱabandonedȱbyȱallȱformerȱalliesȱand supportersȱ(544).ȱEvenȱtheȱneighborsȱhaveȱleftȱherȱalone,ȱwhichȱindicatesȱSachs’s criticismȱofȱtheȱutterȱselfȬcenterednessȱofȱallȱpoliticalȱandȱmilitaryȱentities,ȱinstead

19

20

21

EckhardȱBernstein,ȱHansȱSachsȱ(ReinbekȱbeiȱHamburg:ȱRowohlt,ȱ1993),ȱ66–69;ȱforȱaȱmoreȱdetailed historicalȱanalysis,ȱseeȱRudolphȱGenée,ȱHansȱSachsȱundȱseineȱZeit:ȱEinȱLebensȬȱundȱKulturbildȱaus derȱZeitȱderȱReformationȱ(orig.ȱLeipzig:ȱJ.ȱJ.ȱWeber,ȱ1894;ȱrpt.ȱWiesbaden:ȱDr.ȱMartinȱSändig,ȱ1971), 286–308;ȱ mostȱ recently,ȱ Horstȱ Brunner,ȱ Hansȱ Sachs.ȱ Aufȱ denȱ Spurenȱ derȱ Dichterȱ undȱ Denker durchȱ Frankenȱ (Gunzenhausen:ȱ SchrenkȬVerlag,ȱ 2009).ȱ Forȱ aȱ historyȱ ofȱ theȱ margrave,ȱ seeȱ Otto Kneitz,ȱ Albrechtȱ Alcibiades,ȱ Markgrafȱ vonȱ Kulmbach,ȱ 1522Ȭ1557.ȱ Dieȱ Plassenburg:ȱ Blätterȱ für HeimatkundeȱundȱKulturpflegeȱinȱOstfrankenȱ2ȱ(Kulmbach:ȱE.ȱC.ȱBaumann,ȱ1951;ȱ2ndȱed.ȱ1982).ȱ HansȱSachs,ȱed.ȱAdelbertȱvonȱKellerȱandȱEdmundȱGoetze.ȱ26ȱvols.ȱ(orig.ȱTübingen:ȱLitterarischer Verein,ȱ1870–1908;ȱrpt.ȱHildesheim:ȱGeorgȱOlms,ȱ1964),ȱ22:ȱ541–50.ȱAllȱquotationsȱfromȱSachsȱare citedȱfromȱtheȱrpt.ȱedition. Genée,ȱHansȱSachs,ȱ295ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18).

SixteenthȬCenturyȱProtestsȱAgainstȱWar

525

ofȱcollaboratingȱinȱaȱstrongȱfightȱagainstȱtheȱtyrannicalȱandȱbrutalȱMargraveȱwho obviouslyȱneverȱfeltȱboundȱbyȱanyȱpoliticalȱorȱreligiousȱagreementsȱandȱplundered theȱlandȱwhereverȱhisȱsoldiersȱcouldȱfindȱprofitsȱandȱfoodȱforȱthemselves.ȱ Onlyȱ herȱ ownȱ children,ȱ soȱ theȱ Ladyȱ tellsȱ us,ȱ wouldȱ standȱ byȱ herȱ without demandingȱanyȱpaymentȱorȱrewardsȱforȱthatȱserviceȱ(545),ȱimplyingȱthatȱtheȱcity hadȱtoȱrelyȱonȱitsȱownȱpeopleȱagainstȱaȱmuchȱstrongerȱenemy.ȱNevertheless,ȱasȱthe poemȱindicates,ȱevilȱrumorsȱareȱspreadingȱamongȱtheȱmembersȱofȱtheȱProtestant allianceȱconcerningȱtheȱcity’sȱfailingȱreliability,ȱasȱifȱaddingȱinsultȱtoȱinjuryȱ(546), thoughȱtheȱoldȱmanȱconsolesȱtheȱpoorȱwomanȱwithȱtheȱreferenceȱtoȱfoolishȱpeople asȱtheȱauthorsȱofȱthoseȱrumorsȱwhoȱwouldȱnotȱunderstandȱtrueȱvalueȱandȱhonor andȱ easilyȱ malignȱ others.ȱ Heȱ goesȱ evenȱ oneȱ stepȱ furtherȱ andȱ encouragesȱ the allegoricalȱlady,ȱtheȱcity,ȱtoȱeradicateȱthoseȱamongȱtheȱpopulationȱwhoȱendanger theȱgeneralȱsolidarityȱandȱspreadȱpoisonȱ(547),ȱperhapsȱevenȱcallȱforȱaȱriotȱbecause theyȱmightȱbeȱafraidȱofȱlosingȱallȱoutsideȱpropertyȱtoȱtheȱenemy.ȱ Warȱproducesȱmiseryȱandȱsuffering,ȱsoȱitȱisȱtime,ȱasȱtheȱoldȱmanȱemphasizes,ȱfor theȱrichȱpeopleȱtoȱhelpȱtheȱpoor,ȱandȱthenȱallȱshouldȱliveȱtogetherȱlikeȱbrothers (“Prüederlichȱlebenȱinȱdeimȱhaus,”ȱ547,ȱv.ȱ26;ȱliveȱbrotherlyȱinȱyourȱhouse).ȱInȱsuch anȱemergency,ȱselfishnessȱmustȱbeȱexpelledȱbecauseȱonlyȱcompleteȱcooperation andȱmutualȱassistanceȱcanȱavertȱtheȱcollapseȱofȱtheȱentireȱcommunity,ȱespecially whenȱtheȱwarȱdragsȱonȱandȱfamineȱbreaksȱout.ȱButȱaboveȱall,ȱSachsȱadvocates peaceȱ atȱ almostȱ anyȱ price,ȱ warningȱ theȱ cityȱ thatȱ evenȱ greaterȱ damage,ȱ ifȱ not destruction,ȱcouldȱresultȱfromȱaȱrecalcitrantȱattitudeȱagainstȱtheȱenemy:ȱ“Drumb handelȱumbȱfridȱinȱderȱgüet!”ȱ(548,ȱv.ȱ9;ȱthereforeȱnegotiateȱdemurelyȱforȱpeace).22ȱ Theȱladyȱimmediatelyȱagrees,ȱasȱallȱcitiesȱatȱthatȱtimeȱwouldȱhaveȱbecauseȱof theirȱdependenceȱonȱpeacefulȱconditionsȱwithinȱtheȱempire,ȱforȱwithoutȱstable conditionsȱtheyȱcouldȱnotȱcontinueȱdoingȱtheirȱbasicȱbusinessȱofȱtradingȱinȱgoods. However,ȱsheȱisȱfullyȱawareȱthatȱtheȱMargraveȱcouldȱblackmailȱNurembergȱwith everȱhigherȱdemandsȱforȱincreasedȱpayments,ȱwhereasȱtheȱcityȱmightȱrunȱoutȱof money,ȱfoodȱprovisions,ȱandȱammunition,ȱespeciallyȱbecauseȱallȱofȱitsȱneighbors haveȱabandonedȱitȱ(548).ȱ Atȱ thisȱ point,ȱ Sachs,ȱ throughȱ theȱ figureȱ ofȱ theȱ oldȱ man,ȱ ratherȱ naively,ȱ and certainlyȱhelplessly,ȱrefersȱtoȱtrustȱinȱGod:ȱ“Soȱhabȱdwȱdeinȱzwfluechtȱzwȱgot” (548,ȱv.ȱ32;ȱThusȱhaveȱyouȱyourȱrefugeȱwithȱGod),ȱandȱifȱeveryoneȱwereȱtoȱpray honestlyȱandȱsincerelyȱtoȱHim,ȱtheȱcityȱcouldȱbeȱsafeguardedȱandȱrescuedȱ(549).ȱ

22

Johannesȱ Rettelbach,ȱ “Zwischenȱ Gott,ȱ demȱ Kaiserȱ undȱ demȱ Markgrafen:ȱ Hansȱ Sachsȱ überȱ den Krieg,”ȱ Dulceȱ bellumȱ inexpertis,ȱ 602–66;ȱ hereȱ 609–11ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 10).ȱ Heȱ focusesȱ primarilyȱ onȱ the historicalȱconditionsȱandȱexaminesȱSachs’sȱreligiousȱperceptionȱofȱwar.ȱHisȱanalysisȱexcellently outlinesȱtheȱmajorȱpointsȱthatȱSachsȱaddressedȱinȱhisȱantiȬwarȱpoetry,ȱparticularlyȱwithȱregardȱto theȱquestionȱofȱJustȱWar.

526

AlbrechtȱClassen

Thisȱ poemȱ provesȱ toȱ beȱ soȱ significantȱ inȱ ourȱ contextȱ becauseȱ itȱ servesȱ asȱ an illustrationȱofȱhowȱSachs,ȱhereȱatȱfirstȱexpressingȱonlyȱglobalȱoppositionȱtoȱmilitary operations,ȱgraduallyȱandȱsurelyȱassumedȱaȱmoreȱaggressiveȱandȱnegativeȱattitude aboutȱwarȱinȱgeneralȱandȱfinallyȱfoundȱaȱstrongȱvoiceȱcondemningȱallȱmilitary methodsȱandȱactionsȱasȱcompletelyȱwrongȱwithinȱhumanȱsociety. Onlyȱshortlyȱthereafter,ȱforȱinstance,ȱheȱcomposedȱanotherȱpoem,ȱ“Unterscheid zwischenȱkriegȱundȱfried”ȱ(415–20,ȱv.ȱ7;ȱTheȱDifferenceȱbetweenȱWarȱandȱPeace), inȱ whichȱ weȱ comeȱ acrossȱ markedlyȱ moreȱ dramaticȱ imagesȱ concerningȱ the consequencesȱofȱwar.ȱCuriously,ȱtheȱpoetȱatȱfirstȱrevealsȱhisȱlongȬtimeȱinterestȱin war,ȱwhichȱheȱhadȱpreviouslyȱstudiedȱdiligentlyȱfromȱaȱlearnedȱperspectiveȱyet withoutȱanyȱpracticalȱexperienceȱinȱit.ȱNow,ȱhowever,ȱheȱcriticizesȱhimselfȱforȱthis “fürwitz”ȱ (415,ȱ v.ȱ 9;ȱ foolishȱ curiosity),ȱ asȱ theȱ subsequentȱ dreamȱ allegory demonstratesȱbyȱshowingȱhimȱsuddenlyȱconfrontedȱwithȱtheȱrealȬlifeȱhorrorsȱof war.ȱInȱhisȱsleep,ȱtheȱallegoricalȱfigureȱofȱwarȱappearsȱtoȱhim,ȱfrighteningȱhim mightilyȱwithȱherȱghastlyȱappearance.ȱBlamingȱhimselfȱforȱhisȱpreviousȱfascination withȱwarȱatȱaȱsafeȱremove,ȱheȱnowȱsuddenlyȱrealizesȱwhyȱeveryoneȱfearsȱitȱso,ȱand thusȱtriesȱtoȱfleeȱbothȱtheȱbadlyȱaffectedȱruralȱpopulationȱandȱtheȱurbanȱcitizens (415,ȱvv.ȱ22–27).ȱAlthoughȱSachsȱsubsequentlyȱoffersȱonlyȱaȱlistȱofȱbuildingsȱand sitesȱdestroyedȱinȱtheȱcourseȱofȱtheȱwar,ȱthisȱenumerationȱinȱitselfȱprovesȱtoȱbe frighteningȱenoughȱsinceȱitȱshowsȱundeniablyȱthatȱnothingȱisȱspared;ȱthatȱtotal destructionȱensues,ȱwhetherȱofȱpeasantȱfarmsȱorȱnobleȱestates.ȱ Theȱfuryȱofȱwarȱdoesȱnotȱspareȱanything,ȱnotȱevenȱgardensȱandȱtrees,ȱfishȱponds, andȱatȱtheȱend,ȱasȱtheȱnarratorȱcomments:ȱ“Strassenȱundȱlandtschafftȱsahȱichȱler, /ȱSamȱobȱkeinȱmenschȱauffȱerdenȱwer”ȱ(416,ȱvv.ȱ15–16;ȱIȱsawȱthatȱtheȱroadsȱandȱthe countrysideȱwereȱemptyȱasȱifȱthereȱwereȱnoȱpersonȱleftȱonȱearth).ȱThisȱapocalyptic perspectiveȱgrowsȱinȱintensityȱinȱtheȱfollowingȱlinesȱinȱwhichȱtheȱpoetȱdescribes howȱtheȱcropsȱinȱtheȱfieldsȱareȱburned,ȱandȱcorpsesȱofȱmurderedȱpeopleȱlitterȱthe landscape:ȱ“Irȱetlichȱhiengenȱanȱdenȱbaumen”ȱ(416,ȱv.ȱ21;ȱmanyȱwereȱhangingȱoff theȱtrees).ȱFromȱhereȱSachsȱturnsȱtoȱtheȱdamageȱsufferedȱbyȱtheȱcity,ȱfocusingȱon theȱdestroyedȱcityȱwallȱandȱhousesȱhitȱbyȱcanonȱballs.ȱAspiringȱtoȱachieveȱthe highestȱlevelȱofȱempathyȱamongȱhisȱaudienceȱinȱhisȱindictmentȱofȱtheȱwar,ȱtheȱpoet alsoȱincludesȱtheȱtimelessȱimageȱofȱtheȱsorrowfulȱmother:ȱ“DaȱsaßȱmanchȱmutterȬ hertzȱinȱtrawren”ȱ(416,ȱv.ȱ28;ȱThereȱsatȱmanyȱmothers’ȱheartsȱinȱsorrow),ȱinȱaȱway significantlyȱanticipatingȱseveralȱhundredȱyearsȱearlyȱtheȱmostȱmovingȱcharcoal drawingsȱbyȱKätheȱKollwitzȱ(1867–1945).23ȱ

23

See,ȱforȱinstance,ȱHommageȱanȱKätheȱKollwitz,ȱed.ȱMartinȱFritsch;ȱcatalogueȱcompiledȱandȱcollated byȱAnnetteȱSeeler;ȱwithȱcontributionsȱbyȱGudrunȱFritschȱandȱAnnetteȱSeeler;ȱtrans.ȱIngridȱand FredȱFlindellȱ(Leipzig:ȱE.A.ȱSeemann,ȱ2005);ȱforȱgoodȱimagesȱonline,ȱsee: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/K%C3%A4the_Kollwitzȱ(lastȱaccessedȱNov.ȱ1,ȱ2010).

SixteenthȬCenturyȱProtestsȱAgainstȱWar

527

Fartherȱon,ȱheȱbitterlyȱcommentsȱonȱtheȱconsequencesȱofȱwarȱforȱtheȱdailyȱlife ofȱallȱcitizens,ȱsinceȱeveryoneȱhasȱtoȱserveȱasȱaȱsoldier,ȱallȱworkshopsȱhaveȱbeen closed,ȱnoȱchurchȱservicesȱorȱschoolsȱareȱbeingȱheld,ȱandȱultimatelyȱhumanȱlifeȱand civilizationȱalsoȱseemȱtoȱhaveȱcomeȱtoȱanȱend:ȱ“Rhoȱundȱwildȱwarȱalterȱundȱjugent. /ȱ Gerichtȱ undȱ rechtȱ stundȱ stillȱ imȱ krieg.ȱ /ȱ Burgerlichȱ policeyȱ dieȱ schwieg,ȱ / Dergleichȱallȱstatutenȱundȱgsetz”ȱ(417,ȱvv.ȱ5–8;ȱBothȱoldȱandȱyoungȱwereȱrawȱand wild.ȱThereȱwereȱnoȱcourtsȱandȱlawȱduringȱtheȱwar.ȱTheȱcityȱpoliceȱwereȱquiet, likewiseȱallȱstatutesȱandȱlaws).ȱ Warȱalsoȱmeans,ȱasȱSachsȱunderscores,ȱthatȱbothȱpoorȱandȱrichȱsoonȱsufferȱbadly, famineȱbreaksȱout,ȱandȱallȱjoysȱandȱhappinessȱareȱlost.ȱTheȱentireȱpopulationȱis grippedȱbyȱfear:ȱ“Ichȱhörtȱkeinȱseitenspielȱnochȱsingen,ȱ/ȱSonderȱforcht,ȱangst, zitternȱundȱwemmern,ȱ/ȱEchtzen,ȱweheklagenȱundȱgemmern”ȱ(417,ȱvv.ȱ25–27;ȱI heardȱnotȱoneȱpersonȱplayingȱaȱstringedȱinstrumentȱorȱsinging;ȱinsteadȱeveryone wasȱfilledȱwithȱfear,ȱhorror;ȱtheyȱtrembledȱandȱwhimpered,ȱsighed,ȱlamented,ȱand screamed).ȱButȱsinceȱtheȱvisionȱisȱcomposedȱasȱonlyȱaȱdreamȱpoem,ȱinȱtheȱsecond partȱheȱallowsȱtheȱallegoricalȱfigureȱofȱpeaceȱtoȱenterȱtheȱstage,ȱwhoȱthenȱreturns everythingȱ toȱ itsȱ normalȱ conditionȱ asȱ inȱ theȱ past,ȱ withoutȱ anyȱ changeȱ inȱ the politicalȱandȱsocialȱstructure.ȱ However,ȱSachsȱstillȱusesȱtheȱopportunityȱtoȱargueȱagainstȱtheȱinternecineȱstrife amongȱtheȱcitizenryȱbeforeȱtheȱwarȱandȱadmonishesȱthemȱtoȱheedȱtheȱwarningȱand toȱstayȱawayȱfromȱabusingȱeachȱother:ȱ“Keinerȱdenȱandernȱmehrȱbeschwertȱ/ȱMit wucher,ȱauffschlagȱundȱgefert”ȱ(418,ȱvv.ȱ39–419,ȱv.ȱ1;ȱNoȱoneȱburdensȱtheȱother anymoreȱwithȱusury,ȱadditionalȱcosts,ȱandȱattacks).ȱForȱhim,ȱthen,ȱtheȱshocking warȱexperienceȱleadsȱhimȱtoȱreflectȱuponȱtheȱidealsȱofȱaȱharmoniousȱcommunity beforeȱtheȱwar,ȱalmostȱlikeȱaȱutopia,ȱinȱwhichȱeachȱpersonȱtreatsȱeveryoneȱelse withȱrespectȱandȱlove:ȱ“Einȱrechtesȱbrüderlichesȱleben”ȱ(419,ȱv.ȱ5;ȱaȱtrulyȱbrotherly life).ȱ Mostȱimportant,ȱSachsȱthenȱaddsȱtheȱsignificantȱobservationȱthatȱmightȱhaveȱa directȱimpactȱevenȱonȱusȱtodayȱasȱwell.ȱThoseȱcompletelyȱignorantȱofȱtheȱreality ofȱwarȱareȱeasilyȱcaughtȱupȱinȱtheȱillusionȱofȱitȱasȱaȱgloriousȱmeansȱbyȱwhichȱthe individualȱ canȱ gainȱ fameȱ andȱ respect,ȱ asȱ perhapsȱ bestȱ expressedȱ todayȱ byȱ the recruitersȱ forȱ theȱ U.S.ȱ military,ȱ orȱ anyȱ otherȱ professionalȱ army.ȱ Citingȱ from Erasmusȱ ofȱ Rotterdam’sȱ Querelaȱ pacisȱ undiqueȱ gentiumȱ eiectaeȱ profligataequeȱ (A ComplaintȱofȱPeaceȱSpurnedȱandȱRejectedȱbyȱAllȱtheȱWorld),ȱtheȱpoetȱalertsȱhis readersȱtoȱtheȱdanger,ȱparticularlyȱforȱtheȱyoungerȱgeneration,ȱifȱtheyȱareȱseduced byȱ militaristicȱ ideologyȱ intoȱ naivelyȱ thinkingȱ thatȱ itȱ representsȱ aȱ “süßȱ und angnem”ȱ(419,ȱ20ȱsweetȱandȱpleasant)ȱexperience.24ȱErasmusȱapparentlyȱhadȱhitȱa

24

ForȱSachs’sȱreceptionȱofȱErasmus,ȱseeȱMartinȱWalsh,ȱ“DieȱStultitiaȱmitȱiremȱHofgesind,”ȱMichigan Academicianȱ13ȱ(1980):ȱ17–29.ȱSeeȱalsoȱAngelikaȱWingenȬTrennhaus,ȱ“DieȱQuellenȱdesȱHansȱSachs. BibliotheksgeschichtlicheȱForschungenȱzumȱNürnbergȱdesȱ16.ȱJahrhunderts,”ȱPirckheimerȬJahrbuch

528

AlbrechtȱClassen

rawȱ nerveȱ amongȱ hisȱ audienceȱ withȱ hisȱ peaceȱ treatisesȱ whichȱ wereȱ quickly reprintedȱ manyȱ timesȱ andȱ thenȱ alsoȱ translatedȱ sinceȱ theirȱ firstȱ appearanceȱ in 1517.25ȱ Sachsȱ reformulatedȱ theȱ newȱ adageȱ asȱ follows:ȱ “.ȱ .ȱ .ȱ ,ȱ werȱ desȱ kriegsȱ ist unerfaren,ȱ/ȱDemȱseyȱderȱkrigȱsüßȱundȱangnem”ȱ(419,ȱvv.ȱ19–20;ȱheȱwhoȱknows nothingȱ ofȱ warȱ [inȱ practicalȱ terms]ȱ believesȱ thatȱ warȱ isȱ sweetȱ andȱ pleasant). Moreover,ȱ anyoneȱ whoȱ hasȱ everȱ beenȱ exposedȱ toȱ aȱ realȱ warȱ situationȱ would immediatelyȱ rejectȱ warȱ andȱ neverȱ defendȱ itȱ again:ȱ “Sonderȱ alleinȱ desȱ frieds begert!”ȱ(419,ȱv.ȱ24;ȱinsteadȱdesiresȱpeaceȱalone!).ȱ AtȱleastȱhereȱSachsȱdoesȱnotȱengageȱinȱanyȱdiscourseȱwithȱLuther’sȱteachings regardingȱ theȱ validityȱ ofȱ theȱ ‘justȱ war’ȱ toȱ defendȱ one’sȱ ownȱ cause,ȱ creed,ȱ or people26;ȱ henceȱ heȱ doesȱ notȱ considerȱ theȱ questionȱ whetherȱ theȱ authoritiesȱ are entitledȱtoȱdefendȱthemselvesȱagainstȱexternalȱenemies,ȱsuchȱasȱtheȱTurks,ȱand simply,ȱcategorically,ȱcondemnsȱwarȱaltogether:ȱ“Derhalbȱichȱinȱmeinȱjungenȱtagen /ȱDemȱkriegȱgentzlichenȱabȱthetȱsagen”ȱ(419,ȱvv.ȱ32–33;ȱThereforeȱIȱrenounceȱinȱmy youngȱdaysȱtheȱwarȱaltogether),ȱwithȱtheȱsmallȱprovisoȱthatȱoneȱhasȱtoȱdefend one’sȱfatherlandȱ(419,ȱvv.ȱ29–30).ȱȱPeaceȱemergesȱasȱtheȱabsoluteȱidealȱforȱSachs, andȱ heȱ obviouslyȱ aimsȱ forȱ peaceȱ bothȱ inȱ externalȱ affairsȱ andȱ withinȱ theȱ social community,ȱwhichȱseemsȱnotȱtoȱhaveȱexistedȱbefore,ȱasȱaȱbriefȱcommentȱindicates: “Irȱallerȱfreundtschafftȱwurȱerstȱnew”ȱ(418,ȱv.ȱ38;ȱTheirȱfriendshipȱwasȱonlyȱthen renewed).ȱ Interestingly,ȱSachsȱdidȱnotȱonlyȱrespondȱtoȱspecificȱmilitaryȱeventsȱthatȱeffected Nurembergȱandȱhisȱownȱpersonalȱexistenceȱinȱorderȱtoȱreflectȱuponȱwarȱandȱpeace. Alreadyȱinȱ1534ȱheȱhadȱcomposedȱaȱlengthyȱpoem,ȱ“DesȱverjagtnȱFridsȱklagred uberȱalleȱstendtȱderȱwelt”ȱ(vol.ȱ3:ȱ325–32;ȱComplaintȱbyȱRejectedȱPeaceȱagainstȱall EstatesȱofȱthisȱWorld),ȱobviouslyȱinȱcloseȱparallelȱto,ȱorȱrather,ȱborrowingȱfrom, Erasmus’sȱQuerelaȱpacis.27ȱAlreadyȱhereȱheȱhadȱresortedȱtoȱtheȱusualȱpracticeȱof

25

26

27

10ȱ (1995):ȱ 109–49;ȱ Niklasȱ Holzberg,ȱ “Möglichkeitenȱ undȱ Grenzenȱ humanistischerȱ AntikenȬ rezeption:ȱWillibaldȱPirckheimerȱundȱHansȱSachsȱalsȱVermittlerȱklassischerȱBildung,”ȱPirckheimerȬ Jahrbuchȱ10ȱ(1995):ȱ9–30. JoachimȱHamm,ȱ“Paxȱoptimaȱrerum:.ȱZuȱdenȱFriedensschriftenȱdesȱErasmusȱvonȱRotterdamȱund ihrerȱzeitgenössischenȱliterarischenȱRezeption,”ȱDulceȱbellumȱinexpertis,ȱ394–463ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10). Freimutȱ Löser,ȱ “Lutherȱ undȱ derȱ Kriegȱ gegenȱ dieȱ Türken,”ȱ Dulceȱ bellumȱ inexpertis,ȱ 332–93ȱ (see noteȱ10),ȱclearlyȱoutlinesȱLuther’sȱsignificantȱchangeȱofȱmindȱlaterȱinȱhisȱlifeȱwhenȱtheȱthreatȱby theȱ Turksȱ againstȱ theȱ Europeanȱ heartlandȱ increased,ȱ particularlyȱ sinceȱ theȱ battleȱ ofȱ Mohács (1526).ȱ Lutherȱ became,ȱ notȱ quiteȱ involuntarily,ȱ aȱ propagandistȱ forȱ theȱ secularȱ authorities, stronglyȱopposingȱtheȱlittleȱpeople’sȱoccasionalȱuprise.ȱHeȱconcludes,ȱ389:ȱ“WerȱderȱObrigkeitȱin einenȱ gerechtfertigtenȱ Kriegȱ folgt,ȱ kommtȱ seinerȱ Gehorsamspflichtȱ nach.ȱ Kriegȱ istȱ dannȱ nicht unrecht,ȱ wennȱ erȱ dieȱ gottgewollteȱ Ordnungȱ imȱ Innerenȱ wiederȱ herstelltȱ oderȱ sichȱ gegenȱ einen ungerechtfertigtenȱAngriffȱwendet”ȱ(Heȱwhoȱfollowsȱtheȱauthoritiesȱinȱaȱjustifiedȱwar,ȱmeetsȱhis obligationstȱtoȱobey.ȱWarȱisȱthenȱnotȱunjustȱwhenȱitȱreconstitutesȱtheȱpublicȱorder,ȱasȱGodȱwishes itȱtoȱbe,ȱonȱtheȱinside,ȱorȱwhenȱheȱturnsȱagainstȱanȱunjustifiedȱattack). Hamm,ȱ“Paxȱoptimaȱrerum,”ȱDulceȱbellumȱinexpertis,ȱ445–55ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10).

SixteenthȬCenturyȱProtestsȱAgainstȱWar

529

presentingȱaȱnarrativeȱvoiceȱwhoȱisȱwanderingȱoneȱdayȱintoȱtheȱwoodsȱduringȱthe monthȱofȱMay.ȱSearchingȱforȱrareȱherbs,ȱheȱsuddenlyȱreachesȱanȱoldȱdecrepitȱcastle onȱtheȱtopȱofȱaȱmountain,ȱbutȱitȱisȱalreadyȱinȱruinsȱandȱonlyȱaȱfarȱcryȱofȱtheȱold daysȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges,ȱobviouslyȱaȱmetaphorȱofȱtheȱlossȱofȱtraditionalȱvalues andȱideals:ȱ“Vielȱschetzȱwurdenȱauchȱdaȱgefunden”ȱ(325,ȱv.ȱ15;ȱmanyȱtreasures onceȱhadȱbeenȱfoundȱthere).28ȱTheȱnarratorȱvividlyȱcommentsȱonȱtheȱinaccessibility ofȱtheȱcastleȱbecauseȱofȱwildȱgrowthȱandȱtheȱcollapseȱofȱtheȱwallsȱandȱbridges. Afterȱ muchȱ effortȱ heȱ finallyȱ reachesȱ hisȱ goal,ȱ butȱ isȱ shockedȱ toȱ discoverȱ a grievouslyȱlamentingȱwoman,ȱmostȱimpressiveȱtoȱlookȱat,ȱdespiteȱherȱsorrowȱand weeping.ȱ Asȱinȱtheȱmuchȱlaterȱtextȱ(seeȱabove),ȱsheȱalsoȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱanȱallegoricalȱfigure whoȱrepresentsȱaȱmajorȱvalueȱinȱlife,ȱthatȱis,ȱLadyȱPeace:ȱ“FrawȱPax”ȱ(327,ȱv.ȱ3).ȱBut sheȱrevealsȱtoȱtheȱnarratorȱthatȱsheȱhasȱbeenȱexpelledȱfromȱtheȱentireȱworldȱ(326, v.ȱ39).ȱUponȱhisȱfrightenedȱinquiry,ȱsheȱrelatesȱthatȱfirstȱnoneȱofȱtheȱgreatȱlords toleratedȱherȱatȱtheirȱcourtsȱanyȱlonger:ȱ“Derȱvielȱlassenȱnachȱblutȱsichȱdürstenȱ/ Undȱfürenȱgroßȱverderblichȱkriegȱ/ȱInnȱwandelbaremȱglückȱundȱsiegȱ/ȱOnȱnot,ȱauß ubermutȱ allein”ȱ (327,ȱ vv.ȱ 9–12;ȱ manyȱ ofȱ whomȱ thirstȱ forȱ bloodȱ andȱ leadȱ great destructiveȱwars,ȱsubjectȱtoȱmutableȱfortuneȱandȱvictory,ȱwithoutȱanyȱneed,ȱsimply outȱofȱarrogance).ȱInȱfact,ȱsheȱaccusesȱtheȱrulersȱofȱhavingȱturnedȱintoȱtyrantsȱ(327, v.ȱ13)ȱwhoȱhaveȱchasedȱherȱawayȱfromȱtheirȱcountries.29ȱInȱherȱdesperationȱshe thenȱsoughtȱrefugeȱwithȱtheȱclergy,ȱyetȱthereȱsheȱhadȱtoȱrealizeȱveryȱquicklyȱthat theyȱwereȱenmiredȱinȱbitterȱinternecineȱstrifeȱagainstȱeachȱother—aȱclearȱreference toȱ theȱ conflictȱ overȱ theȱ Protestantȱ Reformationȱ andȱ theȱ resultantȱ multitudeȱ of splinterȱgroups.ȱ Remarkably,ȱSachs’sȱattackȱisȱnotȱoneȬsided—forȱexample,ȱagainstȱtheȱCatholics, asȱ weȱ wouldȱ assumeȱ consideringȱ hisȱ strongȱ adherenceȱ toȱ theȱ Protestant cause—butȱ ratherȱ heȱ reproachesȱ allȱ theȱ variousȱ theologiansȱ forȱ theirȱ radical sectarianismȱ andȱ Nicolaism:ȱ “Mitȱ schreybenȱ gehnȱ einanderȱ stürmbten,ȱ /ȱ Im glaubenȱalsoȱirrigȱschwirmbten.ȱ/ȱIeȱlengerȱwurdenȱmehrȱpartey,ȱ/ȱGriffenȱendtlich

28

29

Albrechtȱ Classen,ȱ “Mittelalterlicheȱ Chronistikȱ undȱ Literaturȱ imȱ Werkȱ vonȱ Hansȱ Sachs: Rezeptionshistorischeȱ Perspektivenȱ imȱ 16.ȱ Jahrhundert,”ȱ Colloquiaȱ Germanicaȱ 37.1ȱ (2004):ȱ 1–25; id.,ȱ“HansȱSachs’sȱReceptionȱofȱtheȱMedievalȱHeroicȱTradition:ȱSocialȱCriticismȱinȱtheȱCloakȱof NibelungeliedȱSourceȱMaterial,”ȱParergonȱ23.1ȱ(2006):ȱ93–117. Forȱaȱglobalȱhistoryȱofȱtyrannyȱinȱtheȱpast,ȱseeȱAlanȱAxelrodȱandȱCharlesȱPhillips,ȱDictatorsȱand Tyrants:ȱ Absoluteȱ Rulersȱ andȱ WouldȬBeȱ Rulersȱ inȱ Worldȱ Historyȱ (Newȱ York:ȱ Factsȱ onȱ File,ȱ 1995); LauraȱScandiffio,ȱEvilȱMasters:ȱtheȱFrighteningȱWorldȱofȱTyrantsȱ(Toronto:ȱAnnickȱPress,ȱ2005).ȱSee alsoȱFriedrichȱSchoenstedt,ȱDerȱTyrannenmordȱimȱSpätmittelalter:ȱStudienȱzurȱGeschichteȱdesȱTyranȬ nenbegriffsȱ undȱ derȱ Tyrannenmordtheorieȱ insbesondereȱ inȱ Frankreich.ȱ Neueȱ Deutscheȱ Forschungen, 198ȱ(Berlin:ȱJunkerȱundȱDünnhaupt,ȱ1938).ȱForȱaȱdiscussionȱofȱtyrannicideȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges, bothȱinȱphilosophicalȱ treatisesȱandȱinȱliteraryȱtexts,ȱseeȱAlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ“TheȱPeopleȱRiseȱUp againstȱtheȱTyrantsȱinȱtheȱCourtlyȱWorld:ȱJohnȱofȱSalisbury’sȱPolicraticus,ȱtheȱFablesȱbyȱMarieȱde FranceȱandȱtheȱAnonymousȱMaiȱundȱBeaflor,”ȱNeoheliconȱ35.1ȱ(2008):ȱ17–29.

530

AlbrechtȱClassen

zuȱmördereyȱ/ȱUnverschembtȱtyrannischerȱar”ȱ(327,ȱvv.ȱ18–21;ȱTheyȱfoughtȱagainst eachȱotherȱwithȱtracts;ȱtheyȱswarmedȱwithȱtheirȱ[different]ȱcreeds.ȱTheȱlongerȱit continuedȱtheȱmoreȱpartiesȱthereȱwere,ȱandȱinȱtheȱendȱtheyȱturnedȱtoȱmurderȱinȱan unabashedlyȱtyrannicalȱmanner).ȱTheȱreferenceȱtoȱtheȱnumerousȱconflicts,ȱnotȱonly betweenȱProtestantsȱandȱCatholics,ȱbutȱalsoȱtheȱmanyȱnonȬorthodoxȱgroupsȱsuch asȱ theȱ Anabaptistsȱ andȱ Schwenkfeldians,ȱ amongȱ others,ȱ isȱ quiteȱ obviousȱ and indicatesȱ howȱ muchȱ theȱ ordinaryȱ citizen,ȱ wellȱ representedȱ byȱ theȱ rather conservativeȱSachs,ȱviewedȱtheȱtheologicalȱchaosȱandȱwidespreadȱanimosityȱwith greatȱdismayȱandȱsuspicion.30 LadyȱPeaceȱsubsequentlyȱrelatesȱhowȱsheȱtriedȱtoȱfindȱrefugeȱamongȱtheȱurban class,ȱ butȱ quicklyȱ hadȱ toȱ realizeȱ howȱ muchȱ theȱ aristocracyȱ wasȱ fightingȱ the burghersȱ outȱ ofȱ envyȱ overȱ theirȱ materialȱ wealth,ȱ leadingȱ toȱ endlessȱ violent conflicts.ȱTheseȱconflicts,ȱhowever,ȱsheȱblamesȱprimarilyȱonȱtheȱnoblesȱbecauseȱof theirȱunprovokedȱattacks,ȱwhereasȱsheȱindirectlyȱdefendsȱtheȱburghersȱasȱsimply protectingȱ themselves.ȱ Theȱ specificȱ subgroupȱ ofȱ merchantsȱ facedȱ evenȱ more troubleȱaccordingȱtoȱtheȱallegoricalȱfigure,ȱbeingȱconstantlyȱunderȱattackȱagainst theirȱwaresȱwhileȱtransportingȱthemȱtoȱtheȱvariousȱmarkets:ȱ“Mörderȱundȱrauber inȱzuȱsetzen”ȱ(327,ȱv.ȱ36;ȱmurderersȱandȱrobbersȱhauntȱthem).ȱButȱLadyȱPeaceȱalso observedȱinternalȱfightingȱamongȱthem,ȱsoȱsheȱaccusesȱthemȱasȱwellȱofȱnotȱdoing theirȱpartȱinȱobservingȱbasicȱidealsȱandȱvaluesȱsoȱrelevantȱforȱtheȱmaintenanceȱof theȱcommunity.ȱTragicallyȱforȱSachs,ȱaȱshoemakerȱhimself,ȱtheȱsituationȱamongȱthe craftsmenȱwasȱevenȱworseȱbecauseȱofȱconstantȱenvyȱandȱjealousyȱ(328,ȱ2–7).ȱAnd whenȱLadyȱPeaceȱturnedȱtoȱtheȱpeasantȱclass,ȱtheȱdegreeȱofȱbickeringȱandȱfighting wasȱjustȱasȱbadȱasȱamongȱallȱotherȱpeople.ȱ Theȱcommentsȱbyȱthisȱpoeticȱfigureȱsoundȱalmostȱlikeȱaȱresponseȱtoȱtheȱfamous allegoricalȱromance,ȱDerȱRing,ȱbyȱHeinrichȱWittenwilerȱ(ca.ȱ1400),ȱwhereȱtheȱentire peasantȱcommunityȱultimatelyȱmeetsȱitsȱdeathȱbecauseȱtheyȱdoȱnotȱunderstand howȱtoȱlistenȱtoȱanyȱadvice,ȱareȱbetrayedȱfromȱwithin,ȱandȱthenȱbecomeȱvictimsȱof theirȱownȱarroganceȱandȱhubris.31ȱ

30

31

Seeȱ Philipȱ Broadhead,ȱ “Theȱ Contributionȱ ofȱ Hansȱ Sachsȱ toȱ theȱ Debateȱ onȱ theȱ Reformationȱ in Nuremberg:ȱAȱStudyȱofȱtheȱReligiousȱDialoguesȱofȱ1524,”ȱHansȱSachsȱandȱFolkȱTheatreȱinȱtheȱLate MiddleȱAges:ȱStudiesȱinȱtheȱHistoryȱofȱPopularȱCulture,ȱed.ȱRobertȱAylettȱandȱPeterȱSkrine.ȱBristol GermanȱPublicationsȱ5ȱ(Lewiston,ȱQueenston,ȱandȱLampeter:ȱEdwinȱMellenȱPress,ȱ1995),ȱ43–62; Berndȱ Hamm,ȱ Bürgertumȱ undȱ Glaube:ȱ Konturenȱ derȱ städtischenȱ Reformationȱ (Göttingen: Vandenhoeckȱ&ȱRuprecht,ȱ1996). AlbrechtȱClassen,ȱVerzweiflungȱundȱHoffnung:ȱDieȱSucheȱnachȱderȱkommunikativenȱGemeinschaftȱinȱder deutschenȱLiteraturȱdesȱMittelalters.ȱBeihefteȱzurȱMediaevistik,ȱ1ȱ(Frankfurtȱa.ȱM.,ȱBerlin,ȱetȱal.:ȱPeter Lang,ȱ 2002),ȱ 401–35.ȱ Seeȱ alsoȱ myȱ commentsȱ above,ȱ andȱ Horstȱ Brunner’sȱ commentsȱ on Wittenwiler’sȱcritiqueȱofȱwarȱinȱDulceȱbellumȱinexpertis:ȱBilderȱdesȱKriegesȱinȱderȱdeutschenȱLiteratur desȱ15.ȱundȱ16.ȱJahrhundertsȱ(seeȱnote).ȱ

SixteenthȬCenturyȱProtestsȱAgainstȱWar

531

Leavingȱtheȱpeasantsȱbehind,ȱLadyȱPeaceȱtriedȱherȱluckȱamongȱmarriedȱpeople, butȱfoundȱoutȱthatȱthoseȱwereȱinvolvedȱjustȱasȱmuchȱinȱfightingȱeachȱotherȱas everyoneȱelse.ȱTheȱlistȱofȱcondemnable,ȱifȱnotȱlamentable,ȱpeopleȱwhoȱdestroyȱtheir ownȱ existenceȱ becauseȱ theyȱ doȱ notȱ knowȱ howȱ toȱ striveȱ forȱ peaceȱ andȱ instead embraceȱ aȱ mostȱ aggressiveȱ formȱ ofȱ interactionȱ continuesȱ forȱ aȱ longȱ timeȱ and includesȱ neighbors,ȱ women,ȱ men,ȱ youngȱ people,ȱ judges,ȱ theȱ generalȱ public, players,ȱandȱsoȱforth.ȱUtterlyȱdistraughtȱandȱfrustratedȱsheȱfinallyȱturnedȱherȱback toȱallȱofȱhumanȱsocietyȱandȱfledȱintoȱtheȱlonelyȱcastleȱruins:ȱ“Verjagtȱvonȱallen menschenȬkinden,ȱ /ȱ Beyȱ denȱ ichȱ garȱ keinȱ rhuȱ mochtȱ finden”ȱ (329,ȱ vv.ȱ 22–23; ChasedȱawayȱbyȱallȱpeopleȱamongȱwhomȱIȱcouldȱnotȱfindȱanyȱrest).ȱTheȱparallel withȱ Bertschiȱ Triefnas’sȱ decisionȱ atȱ theȱ endȱ ofȱ Heinrichȱ Wittenwiler’sȱ Ringȱ is striking,ȱ butȱ hereȱ theȱ allegoricalȱ figureȱ explicitlyȱ commentsȱ onȱ theȱ essential shortcomingsȱ ofȱ societyȱ atȱ largeȱ andȱ criticizesȱ allȱ ofȱ itsȱ membersȱ forȱ not understandingȱandȱappreciatingȱtheȱextremeȱvalueȱofȱpeace.ȱBertschi,ȱonȱtheȱother hand,ȱnotȱhavingȱlearnedȱanythingȱfromȱtheȱcatastrophe,ȱsimplyȱleavesȱthisȱworld andȱdisappearsȱforȱgood,ȱremainingȱaȱpeasantȱinȱtheȱallegoricalȱsenseȱevenȱthen, thoughȱtheȱnarrativeȱitselfȱconveysȱtheȱsameȱmessageȱasȱSachs’sȱpoemȱregarding theȱimpactȱofȱviolence.ȱHowever,ȱwhereasȱWittenwilerȱhadȱdividedȱupȱtheȱworld intoȱthoseȱwhoȱunderstoodȱandȱembracedȱtheȱvalueȱofȱpeace,ȱandȱthoseȱwhoȱlusted forȱwarȱandȱhenceȱalsoȱdiedȱofȱit,ȱwithoutȱanalyzingȱfurtherȱtheȱconsequencesȱof humanȱaggression,ȱSachsȱoffersȱaȱcriticalȱanalysisȱofȱtheȱrootȱcausesȱofȱwar,ȱnot shyingȱawayȱfromȱholdingȱupȱaȱmirrorȱtoȱeveryoneȱinȱhisȱownȱsociety. Fromȱaȱreligiousȱperspective,ȱhereȱweȱareȱspecificallyȱinstructedȱtoȱremember Christ’sȱ teachingsȱ regardingȱ peaceȱ asȱ theȱ ultimateȱ foundationȱ forȱ allȱ human existence:ȱ“Erȱundȱseinȱjüngerȱdenȱfridȱallwegnȱ/ȱWünschtenȱdemȱvolckȱzuȱeynem segn”ȱ(329,ȱvv.ȱ34–35;ȱHeȱandȱHisȱdisciplesȱalwaysȱwishedȱforȱpeace,ȱgivingȱitȱas aȱ blessingȱ toȱ theȱ people).ȱ Nevertheless,ȱ asȱ Sachsȱ observes,ȱ peopleȱ everywhere continueȱtoȱidealizeȱwar:ȱ“Undȱthunȱdenȱkriegeȱfürȱmichȱliebn”ȱ(330,ȱv.ȱ2;ȱAndȱlove theȱwarȱinsteadȱofȱMeȱ[God]).ȱWhenȱwarȱthenȱbreaksȱout,ȱasȱtheȱpoetȱemphasizes, andȱsufferingȱfollowsȱasȱanȱunavoidableȱconsequence,ȱthisȱhasȱtoȱbeȱseenȱasȱdivine punishment.ȱFilledȱwithȱsadnessȱandȱfrustration,ȱtheȱpoetȱunderscoresȱhowȱblind peopleȱtendȱtoȱbeȱwithȱregardȱtoȱtheȱhorrorsȱofȱwar,ȱbutȱheȱattributesȱit,ȱthough onlyȱfleetingly,ȱinȱaȱtraditionalȱChristianȱapproachȱtoȱtheȱworkingsȱofȱtheȱdevil (330,ȱv.ȱ11).ȱ Prophetically,ȱandȱthisȱmightȱactuallyȱapplyȱevenȱtoȱourȱmodernȱworldȱasȱwell, Sachsȱ uttersȱ theȱ warningȱ thatȱ warsȱ haveȱ soȱ farȱ alwaysȱ destroyedȱ theȱ greatest empires,ȱwhetherȱChaldea,ȱAssyria,ȱEgypt,ȱCrete,ȱMedea,ȱPersia,ȱMacedonia,ȱand Judeaȱ(330,ȱvv.ȱ15–18),ȱandȱsoȱasȱwellȱtheȱmightiestȱcities,ȱTroy,ȱJerusalem,ȱand Romeȱ(330,ȱv.ȱ2).ȱLadyȱPeaceȱspecificallyȱwarnsȱtheȱsixteenthȬcenturyȱaudience: “Fürcht,ȱdesȱnochȱdemȱrömischenȱreichȱ/ȱGeschehenȱwerȱauchȱdeßȬgeleich,ȱ/ȱWie anderȱdurchȱkriegȱwerdȱzertrümert”ȱ(330,ȱvv.ȱ21–23;ȱIȱamȱafraidȱthatȱtheȱRoman

532

AlbrechtȱClassen

Empireȱ[German]ȱwillȱsufferȱtheȱsameȱdestinyȱandȱwillȱbeȱdestroyedȱlikeȱother empiresȱthroughȱwar).ȱAlthoughȱtheȱnarratorȱtriesȱtoȱinsistȱthatȱsomeȱrulersȱand governmentsȱlongȱforȱpeace,ȱheȱhasȱtoȱlearnȱfromȱhisȱfemaleȱcounterpartȱthatȱif thoseȱsameȱrulersȱexperienceȱonlyȱtheȱslightestȱoppositionȱtoȱtheirȱwishes,ȱwar immediatelyȱbecomesȱtheȱregularlyȱpursuedȱstrategyȱ(330,ȱvv.ȱ30–32).ȱTheȱLady doesȱnotȱdenyȱthatȱsomeȱpeopleȱproveȱtoȱbeȱpeaceȬloving,ȱindeed,ȱbutȱsheȱwarns herȱ interlocutorȱ thatȱ theȱ veryȱ sameȱ peopleȱ tendȱ toȱ haveȱ hatefulȱ neighbors, meaningȱthatȱtheyȱcannotȱavoidȱdefendingȱthemselves,ȱhenceȱthatȱpeaceȱhasȱno realȱchanceȱhereȱinȱthisȱworld:ȱ“Desȱhabȱichȱniergendȱkeinȱbestand”ȱ(331,ȱv.ȱ2). Evenȱifȱsheȱwereȱtoȱreturnȱandȱestablishȱpeaceȱandȱharmony,ȱallȱthatȱwouldȱbeȱof shortȱdurationȱbecause:ȱ“Verschreibung,ȱbündnußȱundȱaydsȬpflichtȱ/ȱDieȱweltȱso unverschemetȱpricht,ȱ/ȱDasȱesȱmichȱthutȱimȱherztenȱtrawren”ȱ(331,ȱvv.ȱ12–14;ȱThe worldȱbreaksȱcontracts,ȱalliance,ȱandȱoathsȱsoȱbrazenlyȱthatȱIȱfeelȱsorrowȱinȱmy heart).ȱ Inȱ hisȱ epimythionȱ Sachsȱ refersȱ toȱ Erasmus’sȱ treatiseȱ Querelaȱ pacis,ȱ asȱ heȱ was goingȱtoȱdoȱsoȱaȱnumberȱofȱyearsȱlaterȱonceȱagainȱ(seeȱabove),ȱwarningȱthatȱonly thoseȱwhoȱhaveȱnoȱfirstȬhandȱknowledgeȱofȱwarȱcouldȱglorifyȱit:ȱ“Kriegȱseyȱlüstig denȱ unerfaren”ȱ (332,ȱ v.ȱ 1),ȱ andȱ heȱ alsoȱ citesȱ Cicero,ȱ addingȱ aȱ significant qualification:ȱ “Keinȱ kriegȱ seyȱ löblichȱ anzufangen,ȱ /ȱ Dennȱ der,ȱ damitȱ friedȱ zu erlangen”ȱ(332,ȱvv.ȱ3–4;ȱNoȱlaunchingȱofȱwarȱcanȱbeȱpraisedȱexceptȱtheȱoneȱwith whichȱtoȱachieveȱpeace).ȱNevertheless,ȱforȱSachsȱpeaceȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱentirelyȱelusive andȱ notȱ possibleȱ forȱ peopleȱ toȱ achieve.ȱ Ofȱ course,ȱ heȱ idealizesȱ thoseȱ whoȱ can patientlyȱacceptȱeverythingȱhereȱinȱthisȱlifeȱandȱpursueȱpeaceȱatȱallȱcost,ȱfollowing theȱteachingsȱofȱSaintȱPeterȱandȱSaintȱAugustineȱ(332,ȱvv.ȱ9–13),ȱbutȱtrueȱpeaceȱcan, asȱheȱconcludes,ȱonlyȱbeȱrealizedȱinȱtheȱafterlife. Evenȱ thoughȱ theȱ literaryȱ qualityȱ ofȱ thisȱ poemȱ mightȱ beȱ lacking,ȱ theȱ critical analysisȱofȱpeople’sȱaggressivenessȱandȱinclinationȱtoȱturnȱviolentȱatȱeveryȱstage inȱlifeȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱimpressiveȱandȱfarȬsighted.ȱTheȱurbanȱcraftsmanȱandȱpoetȱdid notȱshyȱawayȱfromȱchallengingȱparticularlyȱhisȱownȱfellowȱcitizensȱandȱtoȱaccuse themȱallȱwithoutȱanyȱexceptionȱofȱdisplayingȱaȱdisastrousȱwillingnessȱtoȱenterȱa fightȱwithȱtheȱneighbors,ȱtheȱownȱmarriageȱpartner,ȱandȱtheȱauthorities.ȱInȱother words,ȱtrueȱandȱlastingȱpeaceȱcannotȱbeȱachievedȱinȱreality,ȱnotȱevenȱwithinȱthe frameworkȱofȱaȱpiousȱChristianȱsociety,ȱsoȱwarȱwillȱcontinueȱtoȱrageȱeverywhere eitherȱinȱlarge,ȱbloodyȱconflictsȱorȱonȱaȱpersonalȱlevel.32ȱInȱotherȱwords,ȱtheȱpoet drawsȱ anȱ importantȱ analogyȱ betweenȱ violenceȱ andȱ aggressionȱ affecting

32

Hamm,ȱ “Paxȱ optimaȱ rerum,”ȱ Dulceȱ bellumȱ inexpertis,ȱ 450–51ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 10),ȱ observesȱ thatȱ Sachs’s source,ȱ Erasmus’sȱ Querelaȱ pacis,ȱ significantlyȱ differsȱ inȱ thisȱ orientation,ȱ sinceȱ theȱ humanistȱ still appealsȱtoȱallȱofȱChristianityȱtoȱrealizeȱitsȱownȱgoalsȱandȱideals;ȱhenceȱpeaceȱisȱwithinȱreachȱfor everyoneȱ willingȱ toȱ listenȱ properly.ȱ Sachs,ȱ onȱ theȱ otherȱ hand,ȱ harborsȱ onlyȱ pessimismȱ inȱ this regard.

SixteenthȬCenturyȱProtestsȱAgainstȱWar

533

individualsȱandȱwarfareȱthreateningȱwholeȱpeoplesȱandȱnations.ȱIfȱoneȱwereȱto aspireȱseriouslyȱforȱpeace,ȱoneȱwouldȱhaveȱtoȱbeginȱoneselfȱonȱaȱpersonalȱlevelȱby establishingȱpeaceȱwithȱthoseȱpeopleȱinȱtheȱsmall,ȱindividual,ȱsocialȱenvironment. Sadly,ȱhowever,ȱasȱtheȱpoetȱconcludes,ȱthisȱseemsȱtoȱbeȱimpossible,ȱandȱtherefore theȱlarger,ȱdeadlyȱconflicts,ȱsuchȱasȱwars,ȱcanȱalsoȱnotȱbeȱpreventedȱsinceȱtheyȱare partȱ ofȱ humanȱ nature.33ȱ Judgingȱ fromȱ anȱ earlierȱ poem,ȱ “Wasȱ dasȱ nützestȱ und schedlichestȱthierȱauffȱerdenȱsey”ȱ(3:ȱ450–54;ȱWhatȱisȱtheȱmostȱusefulȱandȱmost destructiveȱcreatureȱonȱearth),ȱSachsȱharboredȱratherȱnegativeȱfeelingsȱregarding manȱinȱgeneralȱwhoȱusedȱtoȱbeȱanȱidealȱcopyȱofȱGodȱwhileȱstillȱinȱtheȱGardenȱof Eden,ȱ butȱ whoȱ turnedȱ sinceȱ thenȱ intoȱ aȱ vile,ȱ evilȬminded,ȱ ignorant,ȱ immoral, untrustworthy,ȱevenȱcriminalȱcreature:ȱ“Derȱmenschȱinȱsummaȱistȱeinȱschübelȱ/ Zusamenȱbundenȱallerȱübel”ȱ(453,ȱvv.ȱ32–33;ȱManȱis,ȱinȱsum,ȱaȱpileȱofȱallȱevils boundȱtogether). Inȱfact,ȱSachsȱprovesȱtoȱbeȱextremelyȱsoberingȱinȱthisȱtext,ȱifȱnotȱoverlyȱnegative, asȱ theȱ desperateȱ attemptsȱ byȱ theȱ narratorȱ himselfȱ indicateȱ whoȱ isȱ tryingȱ to convinceȱ theȱ Ladyȱ thatȱ thereȱ wouldȱ beȱ someȱ exceptionsȱ toȱ herȱ sweeping condemnations.ȱTheȱrelevantȱpoint,ȱhowever,ȱconsistsȱofȱSachsȱmakingȱaȱmost seriousȱ attemptȱ toȱ comprehend,ȱ throughȱ thisȱ extensiveȱ dialogueȱ betweenȱ the narratorȱandȱtheȱallegoricalȱfigure,ȱtheȱfundamentalȱnatureȱofȱviolence,ȱhenceȱof war.ȱ Insteadȱ ofȱ resortingȱ toȱ largeȱ political,ȱ religious,ȱ orȱ otherȱ ideological explanations,ȱheȱbasicallyȱpinpointsȱtheȱweaknessȱofȱtheȱhumanȱcharacterȱand humanȱsocietyȱasȱresponsibleȱforȱceaselessȱnewȱoutbreaksȱofȱaggression.ȱSachsȱhas noȱpositiveȱwordsȱleftȱforȱwar,ȱandȱcondemnsȱitȱoutright,ȱutterly,ȱandȱcompletely.ȱ Thisȱdoesȱnotȱmeanȱthatȱtheȱpoetȱwouldȱnotȱhaveȱdiscussedȱmilitaryȱeventsȱin futureȱpoemsȱasȱhighlyȱnewsȬworthyȱandȱexciting,ȱandȱthenȱwithoutȱcriticizing thoseȱinvolved,ȱdefendingȱthemselves,ȱforȱinstance,ȱagainstȱtheȱTurksȱoutsideȱof Viennaȱinȱ1534ȱ(22,ȱvv.ȱ155–57),ȱorȱinȱanȱattackȱagainstȱthemȱinȱNorthernȱAfricaȱin 1535,ȱandȱelsewhereȱinȱtheȱfollowingȱyearsȱ(22,ȱvv.ȱ174–82).ȱWeȱwouldȱalsoȱmistake Sachsȱ asȱ aȱ radicalȱ pacifist,ȱ despiteȱ theȱ earlierȱ text,ȱ soȱ whenȱ heȱ expressesȱ his unwaveringȱsupportȱforȱNuremberg’sȱdecisionȱtoȱprotectȱitselfȱagainstȱanȱexternal enemyȱbyȱdraftingȱaȱcivicȱarmyȱ(22,ȱvv.ȱ184–87).ȱHeȱalsoȱdidȱnotȱopposeȱJustȱWars andȱ legitimized,ȱ forȱ example,ȱ Queenȱ Maryȱ ofȱ Hapsburgȱ inȱ herȱ effortȱ toȱ fight againstȱtheȱDukeȱofȱClevesȱinȱaȱbattleȱonȱ24ȱMarchȱ1543ȱ(22,ȱvv.ȱ288–89),ȱalthough

33

Hamm,ȱ “Paxȱ optimaȱ rerum,”ȱ Dulceȱ bellumȱ inexpertis,ȱ 451ȱ (seeȱ noteȱ 10),ȱ seemsȱ toȱ placeȱ tooȱ much emphasisȱ onȱ twoȱ linesȱ inȱ Sachs’sȱ poemȱ inȱ whichȱ heȱ blamesȱ theȱ workingsȱ ofȱ Satanȱ forȱ man’s inclinationȱ toȱ embraceȱ violenceȱ andȱ war.ȱ Theȱ dominantȱ andȱ overarchingȱ argumentȱ consistsȱ in theȱplainȱobservationȱthatȱallȱpeopleȱleanȱtowardȱaggression,ȱandȱevenȱthoseȱwhoȱmightȱsupport peaceȱwouldȱquicklyȱfaceȱaȱsituationȱinȱwhichȱtheyȱareȱforcedȱbyȱothersȱtoȱturnȱviolentȱasȱwellȱin defenseȱofȱthemselves.ȱInȱotherȱwords,ȱSachsȱpursuedȱaȱhighlyȱrealisticȱconceptȱofȱwhatȱcaused violenceȱ andȱ warȱ inȱ thisȱ world,ȱ andȱ didȱ notȱ simplyȱ referȱ toȱ theȱ devilȱ asȱ theȱ oneȱ ultimately responsibleȱforȱallȱwrongsȱinȱhumanȱexistence.

534

AlbrechtȱClassen

hereȱheȱemphasizedȱatȱtheȱendȱthatȱtheȱgoalȱcouldȱonlyȱconsistȱofȱestablishing stableȱandȱsatisfyingȱpeace:ȱ“Aufȱdasȱnachȱdemȱplutigenȱsiegȱ/ȱFriedȱwerdȱgemacht außȱdiesemȱkrieg,ȱ/ȱEȱweitterȱschadȱdarausȱerwachs”ȱ(289,ȱvv.ȱ12–14;ȱsoȱthatȱafter theȱ bloodyȱ victoryȱ peaceȱ canȱ beȱ establishedȱ followingȱ thisȱ warȱ beforeȱ further damageȱmightȱresult).ȱ Criticismȱcomesȱup,ȱhowever,ȱoverȱandȱoverȱagainȱregardingȱinternalȱdiscord amongȱpeople,ȱagainstȱenvyȱandȱjealousy,ȱdisagreement,ȱlackȱofȱsubordination, greed,ȱrobbery,ȱarson,ȱandȱmurder,ȱsuchȱasȱinȱhisȱdialogueȱpoemȱ“Einȱclagred DewtschlandesȱundȱgesprechȱmitȱdemȱgetrewenȱEckhart”ȱ(22,ȱvv.ȱ352–58,ȱatȱ356; AnȱElegyȱonȱGermanyȱandȱaȱDialogueȱwithȱtheȱLoyalȱEckhart).ȱManyȱofȱthese poeticȱstatementsȱdoȱnotȱnecessarilyȱqualifyȱasȱextraordinarilyȱliterary,ȱandȱthey mightȱhaveȱactuallyȱcontributedȱtoȱtheȱgeneralȱcontemptȱthatȱSachsȱexperienced atȱtheȱhandȱofȱmodernȱscholarship.ȱHowever,ȱhisȱtextsȱproveȱtoȱbeȱfascinating particularlyȱbecauseȱofȱtheirȱplainȱcharacterȱandȱdirectȱaddressȱofȱspecificȱtopics andȱconcernsȱdominantȱatȱhisȱtime.ȱ Inȱ“GesprechȱvonȱderȱhimelfartȱmargraffȱAlbrechtzȱannoȱ1557”ȱ(23,ȱvv.ȱ113–21; TalkȱAboutȱMargraveȱAlbrecht’sȱAscensionȱtoȱHeavenȱinȱtheȱYearȱ1557)ȱheȱvoiced hisȱmostȱacrimoniousȱcondemnationȱofȱtheȱbyȱthenȱdeceasedȱenemyȱofȱNuremberg andȱ manyȱ otherȱ citiesȱ andȱ territoriesȱ thatȱ hadȱ sufferedȱ underȱ hisȱ military aggression.34ȱTheȱharshnessȱofȱSachs’sȱtoneȱandȱtheȱunmitigatedȱattackȱagainstȱthe princeȱ seemȱ toȱ haveȱ struckȱ aȱ veryȱ tenderȱ nerveȱ indeedȱ withȱ theȱ authorities, consideringȱtheȱfactȱthatȱtheȱcity,ȱimmediatelyȱafterȱSachs’sȱdeathȱonȱJanuaryȱ20, 1576,ȱorderedȱtheȱpagesȱcontainingȱthisȱpoemȱtoȱbeȱcutȱoutȱofȱhisȱcollectedȱworks, thoughȱcopiesȱbyȱotherȱhandsȱhaveȱpreservedȱtheȱtext.35 Expressingȱdeepȱfrustrationȱwithȱtheȱmiserableȱtimesȱinȱwhichȱtheȱthreatsȱfrom theȱTurksȱandȱvariousȱtyrants—specificȱnamesȱareȱnotȱmentioned,ȱthoughȱSachs certainlyȱhadȱAlbrechtȱAlcibiadesȱinȱmind—theȱnarratorȱunderscoresȱthatȱitȱwould beȱbetterȱtoȱdieȱthanȱtoȱkeepȱliving,ȱotherwiseȱoneȱwouldȱnotȱfindȱanyȱpeaceȱand quiet:ȱ“Soȱwürdȱdochȱainemȱrueȱgegeben,ȱ/ȱInȱseinemȱgrabȱmitȱfriedȱzuȱliegenȱ/ȱVor thiranney,ȱaufrurȱundȱkriegenȱ(113,ȱvv.ȱ14–16;ȱthenȱoneȱwouldȱfindȱpeace,ȱlyingȱin one’sȱgraveȱpeacefully,ȱ[freedȱfrom]ȱtyranny,ȱriots,ȱandȱwars).ȱAȱgeniusȱthenȱtakes

34

35

Theodorȱ Nolte,ȱ “Derȱ Nachrufȱ desȱ Hansȱ Sachsȱ aufȱ denȱ Markgrafenȱ Albrechtȱ Alcibiadesȱ von BrandenburgȬKulmbach,”ȱ Daphnisȱ 13ȱ (1984):ȱ 77–100;ȱ Stefanȱ Trappen,ȱ “Dasȱ ‘Gesprechȱ vonȱ der himelfartȱ Margraffȱ Albrechtz’ȱ vonȱ Hansȱ Sachs:ȱ zurȱ Rezeptionȱ derȱ menippeischenȱ Satireȱ imȱ 16. Jahrhundert,”ȱZeitschriftȱfürȱdeutschesȱAltertumȱundȱdeutscheȱLiteraturȱ121ȱ(1992):ȱ309–33. A.ȱvonȱKellerȱandȱE.ȱGoetze,ȱHansȱSachs,ȱ23:ȱ113ȱn.1ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ19).ȱSeeȱalsoȱ Genée,ȱ Hansȱ Sachs, 303–08ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18).ȱHeȱcommentsȱonȱthisȱpoemȱthatȱitȱ“durchȱkühneȱPhantasieȱundȱkraftvollen poetischenȱ Ausdruckȱ zuȱ denȱ bedeutendstenȱ undȱ merkwürdigstenȱ Schöpfungenȱ desȱ Dichters gehört”ȱ (304;ȱ belongsȱ toȱ theȱ mostȱ importantȱ andȱ unusualȱ creationsȱ byȱ theȱ poetȱ becauseȱ ofȱ the boldȱ fantasyȱ andȱ powerfulȱ poeticȱ expression).ȱ Heȱ correctlyȱ noticesȱ evenȱ someȱ parallelsȱ with Dante’sȱInferno.

SixteenthȬCenturyȱProtestsȱAgainstȱWar

535

himȱdownȱtoȱHellȱtoȱintroduceȱhimȱtoȱaȱwarlordȱresponsibleȱforȱtheȱdestructionȱof largeȱswathsȱofȱGermanyȱbyȱhisȱcruelȱandȱillegitimateȱactionsȱ(“mitȱgewaltiger hant,”ȱ114,ȱv.ȱ8;ȱwithȱviolentȱhand).ȱWhileȱtheyȱenterȱtheȱnetherȱland,ȱtheyȱhearȱthe ringingȱofȱbells,ȱwhichȱtheȱnarratorȱmistakesȱforȱtheȱsoundȱaccompanyingȱaȱsad funeralȱ ofȱ theȱ personȱ whoȱ isȱ walkingȱ aheadȱ ofȱ them,ȱ sighingȱ andȱ crying.ȱ The geniusȱ enlightensȱ him,ȱ however,ȱ thatȱ theseȱ areȱ bellsȱ ofȱ happinessȱ because everyoneȱisȱexceedinglyȱdelightedȱbyȱtheȱdeathȱofȱthatȱhorribleȱprince.ȱ AtȱfirstȱSachsȱcommentsȱthatȱheȱcouldȱfullyȱunderstandȱthatȱjoyȱamongȱtheȱcity dwellersȱandȱtheȱpeasantsȱwhoȱhadȱsufferedȱtheȱmostȱunderȱhim,ȱbutȱheȱwonders aboutȱ theȱ reactionȱ ofȱ theȱ otherȱ princesȱ whomȱ heȱ witnessesȱ inȱ Hellȱ (115,ȱ v.ȱ 6). Geniusȱ explains,ȱ however,ȱ thatȱ thoseȱ wereȱ ultimatelyȱ alsoȱ abhorredȱ byȱ that monsterȱofȱaȱmilitaryȱleaderȱ(115,ȱv.ȱ10)ȱandȱhadȱcompletelyȱturnedȱagainstȱhimȱas well.ȱWhenȱAlcibiades’sȱspiritȱthenȱentersȱtheȱgroupȱofȱsoldiersȱlingeringȱinȱthe neitherȱworld,ȱtheyȱallȱscreamȱforȱmoneyȱthatȱheȱmustȱhaveȱwithheldȱfromȱthem duringȱtheirȱexistenceȱonȱearthȱ(115,ȱvv.ȱ27–28),ȱaddingȱaȱghoulishȱatmosphereȱto theȱ entireȱ scene.ȱ Yetȱ worseȱ provesȱ toȱ beȱ theȱ welcomeȱ fromȱ women,ȱ children, citizens,ȱandȱpeasantsȱwhoȱfullȱofȱfuryȱyellȱatȱtheȱprinceȱandȱaccuseȱhimȱofȱhaving causedȱthemȱgreatestȱmisery:ȱ“‘Onȱursachȱhastuȱunsȱverderbt,ȱ/ȱWeibȱundȱkinder hungersȱgesterbt”ȱ(116,ȱvv.ȱ26–27;ȱ“Withoutȱanyȱreasonȱyouȱhaveȱruinedȱus,ȱyou madeȱwomenȱandȱchildrenȱdieȱofȱhunger).ȱWhenȱAlcibiadesȱarrivesȱatȱtheȱbankȱof riverȱStyx,ȱheȱisȱgreetedȱwithȱbitterȱcursesȱandȱaccusationsȱbecauseȱtheȱlargeȱgroup ofȱsoulsȱbelongsȱtoȱthoseȱsoldiersȱwhoȱhadȱcommittedȱcountlessȱcrimesȱagainst mankindȱonȱhisȱbehalfȱ(117).ȱGeniusȱresortsȱtoȱtheȱrevealingȱtermȱ“thiranney”ȱ(118, v.ȱ 3;ȱ tyranny)ȱ inȱ hisȱ characterizationȱ ofȱ theȱ Margrave’sȱ behaviorȱ duringȱ his lifetime,ȱespeciallyȱbecauseȱheȱwasȱguiltyȱofȱplunderingȱchurches,ȱmonasteries, andȱ convents.ȱ Portentously,ȱ theȱ Hellishȱ ferrymanȱ Charonȱ refusesȱ toȱ takeȱ him acrossȱtheȱriverȱuntilȱheȱhasȱthrownȱallȱofȱhisȱsinsȱandȱevilȱintoȱaȱhugeȱfire.ȱThese includeȱdrunkennessȱ(118,ȱ37),ȱtyrannyȱ(119,ȱ1),ȱenvyȱandȱhatredȱ(119,ȱ5),ȱperjury (119,ȱ8),ȱflatteryȱandȱdeceptionȱ(119,ȱ19),ȱdisloyaltyȱ(119,ȱ10),ȱthenȱmurder,ȱarson, andȱrobberyȱ(119,ȱ25),ȱandȱmanyȱotherȱvices.ȱ SubsequentlyȱAlcibiadesȱisȱintimatelyȱassociatedȱwithȱotherȱtyrantsȱfromȱworld history,ȱincludingȱNero,ȱCommodus,ȱandȱCaligulaȱ(120,ȱ12–14)ȱwhoȱ“allȱvergossen menschenblut”ȱ(120,ȱ16;ȱwhoȱallȱspilledȱhumanȱblood),ȱandȱtheȱpoemȱconcludes withȱmostȱfrighteningȱimagesȱofȱtheȱterrorsȱawaitingȱevilȱpeopleȱinȱHell.ȱHereȱthe poetȱdoesȱnotȱspecificallyȱargueȱforȱpeace;ȱinsteadȱheȱexpatiatesȱonȱtheȱdramatic consequencesȱofȱtyranny,ȱcruelty,ȱillegality,ȱandȱviolence,ȱpromoting,ȱifȱeȱnegativo (byȱnegativeȱexample),ȱ aȱ peaceful,ȱjust,ȱandȱfreeȱcoexistenceȱofȱallȱpeople.ȱThe Margrave,ȱwhomȱSachsȱobviouslyȱtargetedȱasȱhisȱpersonalȱenemy,ȱemergesȱasȱthe epitomeȱofȱthoseȱwhoȱbreakȱtheȱpeaceȱandȱ bringȱmiseryȱuponȱpeople.ȱButȱthe poemȱalsoȱindicatesȱthatȱtheȱfinalȱpunishmentȱforȱtheȱperpetratorȱawaitsȱhimȱonly inȱHell,ȱwhereasȱtrueȱhopeȱforȱaȱradicalȱreformȱandȱenergeticȱoppositionȱtoȱwar,

536

AlbrechtȱClassen

violence,ȱaggression,ȱandȱcrimesȱinȱrealȱlifeȱdoesȱnotȱseemȱtoȱexist.ȱTheȱvictims screamȱoutȱagainstȱtheȱdespisedȱruler,ȱandȱheȱalsoȱmeetsȱtheȱhatredȱofȱtheȱother princes,ȱbutȱtheȱpoemȱdoesȱnotȱofferȱanyȱhopeȱforȱaȱsignificantȱchangeȱonȱearth becauseȱitȱisȱentirelyȱsituatedȱinȱHell,ȱorȱtheȱafterlife.ȱIndirectly,ȱthen,ȱLadyȱPeace wouldȱ haveȱ confirmedȱ thisȱ observationȱ asȱ well,ȱ exceptȱ thatȱ hereȱ Sachsȱ only expressesȱhisȱutterȱcondemnationȱofȱtheȱMargraveȱwhoȱisȱpresentedȱasȱaȱveritable terroristȱandȱmonster. Butȱwar,ȱasȱimpliedȱbyȱthisȱpoem,ȱhasȱwiderȱimplications,ȱasȱeveryoneȱsuffers fromȱit,ȱincludingȱwomenȱandȱchildren.ȱInȱotherȱwords,ȱtoȱdrawȱfromȱmodern militaryȱparlance,ȱtheȱ“collateralȱdamage”ȱgainsȱaȱvoiceȱhereȱandȱisȱallowedȱto accuseȱthoseȱwhoȱareȱresponsibleȱforȱtheirȱmiseryȱandȱdeath.ȱNevertheless,ȱSachs doesȱnotȱknowȱofȱanyȱsignificantȱmeasuresȱthroughȱwhichȱtoȱfightȱback,ȱtoȱdefend theȱordinaryȱpeople,ȱandȱtoȱhelpȱtheȱinnocentȱvictimsȱofȱmilitaryȱaggression.ȱStill, andȱinȱthisȱsenseȱheȱdeservesȱourȱgreatestȱrespectȱafterȱall,ȱheȱutilizesȱhisȱpoetryȱas aȱmostȱpowerfulȱtoolȱtoȱembarkȱonȱaȱcrusadeȱagainstȱwarȱandȱtoȱpleadȱforȱpeace, asȱelusiveȱitȱultimatelyȱmightȱbe.ȱNotȱsurprisingly,ȱcertainȱtexts,ȱparticularlyȱthose “revolutionary”ȱpoemsȱaddressingȱtheseȱissues,ȱwereȱdeliberatelyȱremovedȱfrom Sachs’sȱcorpusȱafterȱhisȱdeath.ȱSuchȱexcisionsȱsignalȱhowȱmuchȱtheȱauthoritiesȱat thatȱtimeȱalreadyȱfearedȱanyȱrepercussionsȱwithinȱtheȱcommunityȱandȱforȱtheir ownȱwellȬbeingȱifȱtheyȱallowedȱsuchȱradicalȱvoicesȱtoȱ speakȱupȱandȱinsultȱthe livingȱrelativesȱofȱtheȱresponsibleȱperpetrators.ȱ Laterȱinȱlife,ȱSachsȱreturnedȱtoȱtheȱproblemȱofȱwarȱandȱaddressedȱsoldiersȱasȱa group,ȱformulatingȱinȱspecificȱtermsȱwhatȱtheirȱfunctionȱwouldȱhaveȱtoȱbe,ȱifȱthey wantedȱtoȱavoidȱcriminal,ȱillegalȱbehavior,ȱhurtingȱandȱkillingȱinnocentȱpeople.ȱIn hisȱ“Dieȱreimenȱuberȱainȱganczȱkriegsfolckȱzwȱfuesȱundȱzwȱroß”ȱ(23,ȱvv.ȱ435–36; VersesȱuponȱAllȱSoldiersȱonȱFootȱandȱonȱHorseback)ȱheȱadmonishesȱthemȱvery concretelyȱ thatȱ theyȱ mustȱ obeyȱ theȱ authoritiesȱ andȱ notȱ actȱ againstȱ theirȱ own conscienceȱ(1stȱstanza).ȱSoldiersȱoughtȱtoȱassistȱjustice,ȱpromoteȱtheȱcommonȱweal, andȱdefendȱtheȱcommunityȱfromȱexternalȱenemiesȱ(2ndȱstanza).ȱTheyȱmustȱhave trustȱinȱGodȱandȱrelyȱonȱHimȱinȱtheȱfirstȱplace,ȱwhereasȱhubrisȱwouldȱquicklyȱlead toȱ selfȬdestructionȱ (3rdȱ stanza).ȱ Mostȱ important,ȱ however,ȱ soldiersȱ haveȱ to subscribeȱtoȱbrotherlyȱlove,ȱmercy,ȱprotectȱtheȱinnocent,ȱwhetherȱrichȱorȱpoor,ȱthen widows,ȱ mothers,ȱ andȱ children:ȱ “Derȱ verschonȱ allȱ mitȱ trewerȱ handȱ /ȱ Mit schaczung,ȱraub,ȱmort,ȱgfencknus,ȱprand!”ȱ(436,ȱvv.ȱ6–7;ȱProtectȱthemȱloyallyȱfrom plunder,ȱrobbery,ȱmurder,ȱimprisonment,ȱandȱarson).ȱ Asȱisȱtoȱbeȱexpected,ȱneitherȱhereȱnorȱanywhereȱelseȱdoesȱSachsȱexplicitlyȱoutline howȱtoȱbringȱwarȱtoȱanȱendȱandȱtoȱallowȱpeaceȱtoȱruleȱthroughoutȱtheȱworld.ȱWe mightȱ evenȱ objectȱ thatȱ hisȱ poemȱ provesȱ toȱ beȱ nothingȱ butȱ aȱ feebleȱ attemptȱ to admonishȱtheȱpowerfulȱrulersȱandȱmilitaryȱleadersȱtoȱabstainȱfromȱfurtherȱviolence andȱ toȱ recognizeȱ allȱ theirȱ subjectsȱ andȱ subordinatesȱ asȱ brothersȱ andȱ sisters. Nevertheless,ȱhereȱonceȱagainȱSachsȱemergesȱasȱanȱenergeticȱdefenderȱofȱpeace,

SixteenthȬCenturyȱProtestsȱAgainstȱWar

537

thoughȱwithoutȱarguingȱforȱtheȱcompleteȱabandonmentȱofȱallȱmilitaryȱstructures. Butȱtheseȱneedȱtoȱbeȱincorporatedȱintoȱtheȱcommunityȱandȱoperateȱonȱitsȱbehalf; otherwiseȱhavocȱwouldȱbreakȱout,ȱasȱhadȱhappenedȱcountlessȱtimesȱthroughout Sachs’sȱ lifetime.ȱ Soȱ theȱ poetȱ indeedȱ deservesȱ ourȱ recognitionȱ forȱ aȱ consistent literaryȱ strategyȱ ofȱ opposingȱ warȱ andȱ strugglingȱ inȱ favorȱ ofȱ peace,ȱ however difficultȱitsȱactualȱattainment.ȱ Inȱaȱpoemȱcomposedȱinȱ1556,ȱSachsȱwentȱoneȱstepȱfurtherȱandȱidentified,ȱasȱhe sawȱit,ȱtheȱfourȱmajorȱcausesȱthatȱundermineȱpeaceȱandȱleadȱtoȱwarȱ(3,ȱvv.ȱ461–64). Relyingȱ onȱ anȱ imaginedȱ historicalȱ contextȱ involvingȱ anȱ exchangeȱ between EmperorȱCharlesȱIVȱandȱtheȱfourteenthȬcenturyȱItalianȱhumanistȱpoetȱPetrarch, Sachsȱisolatesȱfundamentalȱproblemsȱinȱhumanȱnatureȱrequiringȱconstructiveȱand unrelentingȱrectificationȱinȱorderȱtoȱcreateȱaȱsolidȱdefenseȱagainstȱtheȱdangerȱof war.ȱTheseȱproblemsȱareȱsoȱcommon,ȱhowever,ȱthatȱtheȱreaderȱmightȱwonderȱhow addressingȱthemȱpoeticallyȱmightȱrealisticallyȱachieveȱtheȱdesiredȱoutcome,ȱifȱthey canȱbeȱovercomeȱinȱtheȱfirstȱplace:ȱenvy,ȱmiserliness,ȱorȱgreed,ȱwrath,ȱandȱvanity.36 Althoughȱ Sachsȱ appearsȱ initiallyȱ toȱ haveȱ assumedȱ theȱ roleȱ ofȱ priestȱ in reprimandingȱandȱimploringȱtheȱsinnerȱtoȱshedȱtheseȱbasicȱvices,ȱtheȱpoetȱactually proposes,ȱthroughȱPetrarch’sȱwords,ȱpracticalȱstepsȱthatȱcouldȱleadȱtoȱstructural changesȱwithinȱtheȱpoliticalȱarena:ȱ“Mitȱgutenȱgsetzenȱsieȱverqualtenȱ/ȱUndȱauch statlichȱdarüberȱhaltenȱ/ȱBeyȱdesȱreichsȱstendenȱallenȱsander,ȱ/ȱWoȱeinȱherrschafft wiederȱ dieȱ anderȱ /ȱ Onȱ rechtȱ woltȱ kriegenȱ oderȱ rumorn”ȱ (464,ȱ vv.ȱ 12–16;ȱ to suppressȱthemȱwithȱgoodȱlawsȱandȱtoȱkeepȱaȱsolidȱcontrolȱoverȱthemȱinȱallȱsocial classesȱinȱtheȱentireȱempire,ȱwhereverȱaȱlord,ȱwithoutȱanyȱlegitimacy,ȱwantsȱto startȱaȱwarȱorȱraiseȱtroubleȱagainstȱanother).ȱ Ofȱcourse,ȱneitherȱhereȱnorȱelsewhereȱdoesȱSachsȱemergeȱasȱaȱpowerfulȱpolitician orȱleaderȱofȱwhomȱoneȱcouldȱexpectȱtheȱenergyȱandȱconcreteȱinfluenceȱtoȱcombat thoseȱwhoȱthreatenȱtheȱpeace.ȱButȱheȱdemonstratesȱsystematicallyȱthroughoutȱhis œuvreȱhowȱconcernedȱheȱwasȱwithȱwarȱasȱheȱstroveȱardentlyȱandȱconsistentlyȱto continueȱ formulateȱ newȱ poemsȱ inȱ whichȱ heȱ examinedȱ theȱ burningȱ issueȱ that torturedȱhimȱpersonallyȱandȱmostȱofȱhisȱcontemporariesȱwhoȱwereȱalsoȱvictimsȱof warfareȱinȱwhateverȱformȱandȱtoȱwhateverȱextent.ȱIfȱforȱnoȱotherȱreasonȱbutȱour growingȱadmirationȱforȱhisȱcourageȱandȱperceptivenessȱinȱhisȱtreatmentȱofȱthe topicsȱ ofȱ warȱ andȱ peace,ȱ weȱ canȱ layȱ toȱ restȱ anyȱ doubtȱ regardingȱ theȱ literaryȬ historicalȱsignificanceȱofȱSachs’sȱwork.ȱ Undoubtedly,ȱtheȱcivilianȱpopulationȱhasȱalwaysȱsufferedȱbadlyȱfromȱmilitary activities,ȱ andȱ hadȱ theyȱ receivedȱ theȱ opportunityȱ toȱ voiceȱ theirȱ concerns,ȱ they wouldȱhaveȱformulatedȱtheirȱoppositionȱandȱprotestȱinȱtheȱstrongestȱterms.ȱButȱthe survivalȱ ofȱ specificȱ textsȱ fromȱ theȱ pastȱ alsoȱ dependsȱ onȱ theȱ relevantȱ power

36

Iȱhaveȱdiscussedȱthisȱpoemȱalreadyȱextensivelyȱinȱ“PoetischeȱProtesteȱgegenȱdenȱKrieg”ȱ(seeȱnote 17),ȱbutȱforȱtheȱpresentȱpurposeȱIȱsummarizeȱtheȱkeyȱpointsȱhereȱbriefly.

538

AlbrechtȱClassen

structuresȱinȱplaceȱatȱspecificȱtimes.ȱWittenwiler’sȱRingȱhasȱcomeȱdownȱtoȱusȱinȱone manuscriptȱonly,ȱand,ȱasȱnotedȱabove,ȱseveralȱofȱSachs’sȱpoemsȱwereȱdeletedȱon purposeȱbyȱtheȱauthorities,ȱinȱadditionȱtoȱsustainingȱequallyȱdamagingȱattacksȱby MargraveȱAlcibiades.ȱPoliticalȱconcernsȱandȱconstraintsȱplayȱaȱsignificantȱroleȱin theȱdiscourseȱofȱpeace,ȱandȱpoetsȱlikeȱSachsȱwhoȱdaredȱtoȱspeakȱupȱpubliclyȱand vehementlyȱagainstȱtheȱrespectiveȱperpetratorsȱandȱagainstȱtheȱallegedȱgloryȱof warȱcertainlyȱfacedȱsevereȱcriticism.ȱTheȱmoreȱimportantȱpointȱthusȱemergesȱinȱthe factȱthatȱthisȱNurembergȱpoetȱraisedȱhisȱvoiceȱrepeatedlyȱinȱcomposingȱrather painful,ȱ atȱ timesȱ evenȱ desperate,ȱ statementsȱ againstȱ war,ȱ therebyȱ initiatingȱ a literaryȱ discourseȱ continuingȱ throughȱ todayȱ andȱ havingȱ actuallyȱ gained tremendouslyȱinȱstrengthȱsinceȱthen.ȱȱByȱrediscoveringȱSachs’sȱpoetryȱinȱlightȱof ourȱneedȱtoȱfendȱoffȱwarȱandȱstriveȱforȱpeace,ȱweȱgainȱargumentativeȱammunition fromȱtheȱpastȱandȱcanȱturnȱtoȱaȱvoiceȱthatȱalreadyȱhadȱexposedȱtheȱtragedyȱof warfareȱinȱtermsȱofȱhumanȱlife.ȱ

V.ȱHansȱWilhelmȱKirchhof’sȱCriticismȱofȱTyrantsȱasȱWarlords:ȱA Contemporary’sȱViewpoint ContemporaryȱGermanȱwritersȱsuchȱasȱHansȱWilhelmȱKirchhof,ȱwhoȱhadȱserved asȱaȱlansquenetȱ(mercenaryȱfootȱsoldier)ȱhimselfȱandȱbecameȱbestȱknownȱforȱhis voluminousȱ collectionȱ ofȱ facetiousȱ tales,ȱ hisȱ Wendunmuthȱ (1563;ȱ Cheerȱ Upȱ the Spirit),ȱtoȱsomeȱextentȱalsoȱpursuedȱthisȱagendaȱandȱcriticizedȱtheȱprincesȱbecause ofȱ theirȱ ruthlessȱ pursuitȱ ofȱ militaryȱ strategiesȱ forȱ personalȱ enrichmentȱ atȱ the expenseȱofȱtheirȱsubjectsȱandȱothers.ȱOneȱexampleȱmustȱsufficeȱhereȱtoȱillustrate howȱKirchhofȱcameȱtoȱtermsȱwithȱthisȱgeneralȱdissatisfactionȱandȱdevisedȱaȱprotest againstȱtheȱwarȱoperatedȱbyȱtyrantsȱpurelyȱforȱselfishȱinterests.ȱInȱ“Warumbȱund wieȱlangȱdieȱherrenȱfriedȱhalten”ȱ(no.ȱ31;ȱWhyȱandȱforȱHowȱLongȱtheȱLordsȱKeep Peace),ȱweȱlearnȱtheȱpoliticalȱnewsȱthatȱtheȱFrenchȱandȱtheȱSpanishȱkingsȱhave reachedȱaȱpeaceȱaccordȱinȱ1559.ȱButȱthisȱaccordȱwouldȱonlyȱlast,ȱasȱtheȱnarrator comments,ȱuntilȱoneȱofȱthemȱwouldȱfeelȱtheȱurgeȱtoȱgainȱtheȱupperȱhandȱagain: “DaȱhetztȱsieȱdoctorȱStolzȱweidlichȱan,ȱeinȱursachȱvonȱeimȱzaun,ȱdenȱbetteltantz widerumbȱanzufahen,ȱzuereissen,ȱbißȱsieȱentwederȱgarȱüberwunden,ȱgefangen oderȱdochȱinȱverderblichenȱunverwindlichenȱschadenȱgetriebenȱwerden”ȱ(Doctor Prideȱagitatesȱthemȱboldlyȱtoȱuseȱanyȱcause,ȱtheȱbeggar’sȱdanceȱ[idiomatic],ȱuntil theyȱareȱovercome,ȱimprisonedȱorȱbroughtȱintoȱirreversibleȱdamage).37ȱTheȱprinces,

37

Hansȱ Wilhelmȱ Kirchhof,ȱ Wendunmuth,ȱ ed.ȱ Hermannȱ Österley.ȱ 5ȱ vols.ȱ Bibliothekȱ des LitterarischenȱVereinsȱ95–99ȱ(1869;ȱHildesheimȱandȱNewȱYork:ȱGeorgȱOlms,ȱ1980),ȱ1:ȱ44.ȱForȱa moreȱ comprehensiveȱ studyȱ ofȱ Kirchhof’sȱ narratives,ȱ seeȱ Albrechtȱ Classen,ȱ Deutsche Schwankliteraturȱ desȱ 16.ȱ Jahrhunderts:ȱ Studienȱ zuȱ Martinȱ Montanus,ȱ Hansȱ Wilhelmȱ Kirchhofȱ und

SixteenthȬCenturyȱProtestsȱAgainstȱWar

539

onȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱareȱnotȱwillingȱevenȱtoȱconsiderȱpeaceȱunlessȱtheirȱsupplyȱof availableȱsoldiers,ȱmoney,ȱandȱpowerȱdwindles.ȱȱ Theirȱoverallȱmotivationȱconsistsȱonlyȱinȱgainingȱtheȱnecessaryȱrespiteȱuntilȱthey canȱembarkȱonȱtheȱnextȱmilitaryȱoperation,ȱobviouslyȱtheirȱexclusiveȱmodusȱvivendi: “alleinȱdarumb,ȱbißȱdaßȱsieȱsichȱwiderȱsterckenȱundȱmüntzȱzuewegenȱbringen mögen,ȱeinenȱanstandtȱoderȱfriedenȱbegerenȱundȱauffrichten”ȱ(44;ȱonlyȱuntilȱthey haveȱregainedȱstrengthȱandȱcanȱuseȱtheirȱmoney,ȱdoȱtheyȱdesireȱarmisticeȱorȱpeace andȱfollowȱupȱtoȱit).ȱKirchhofȱparticularlyȱcriticizedȱtyrannicalȱrulersȱandȱtheir ruthlessȱmethodȱofȱwagingȱwarȱforȱpersonalȱgainȱ(nos.ȱ7,ȱ27,ȱ56,ȱ57,ȱ58,ȱ59,ȱ60), whereasȱheȱoftenȱreflected,ȱquiteȱunderstandably,ȱmoreȱpositivelyȱonȱtheȱlifeȱof lansquenetsȱandȱotherȱsoldiers,ȱbutȱtheseȱlayȱoutsideȱtheȱhisȱprimaryȱconcern:ȱthe fundamentalȱimpactȱofȱwarȱonȱtheȱcivilianȱpopulation.

VI.ȱConclusion ItȱwouldȱbeȱtooȱfarȬfetchedȱtoȱclaimȱthatȱtheȱsixteenthȱcenturyȱsawȱaȱveritableȱantiȬ warȱ movementȱ inȱ textȱ andȱ image,ȱ henceȱ alsoȱ inȱ physicalȱ andȱ abstractȱ terms. Nevertheless,ȱwritersȱsuchȱasȱSachsȱandȱKirchhofȱclearlyȱoutlinedȱtheȱdevastating consequencesȱ ofȱ warȱ onȱ theȱ lifeȱ ofȱ ordinaryȱ peopleȱ andȱ presentedȱ shockingly contrastiveȱimagesȱofȱciviliansȱasȱtheȱinnocentȱvictimsȱofȱwar,ȱanticipatingȱbyȱmore thanȱhundredȱyearsȱtheȱ“classic”ȱantiȬwarȱnovelȱDerȱabentheurlicheȱSimplicissimus Deutschȱ(1668;ȱTheȱAdventurousȱMostȱSimpleton,ȱinȱGerman)ȱbyȱJohannȱJacob ChristophȱvonȱGrimmelshausen.ȱSachsȱinȱparticularȱemergesȱasȱaȱmostȱremarkable criticȱ ofȱ war,ȱ which,ȱ asȱ weȱ tooȱ haveȱ seen,ȱ heȱ representsȱ asȱ aȱ devastatingȱ and destructiveȱforceȱinȱhumanȱlife,ȱespeciallyȱifȱtheȱfightingȱwasȱnotȱdoneȱtoȱprotect aȱpeople,ȱandȱhenceȱdidȱnotȱadhereȱtoȱJustȱWarȱrationale.38ȱ Insofarȱasȱpeaceȱcanȱbeȱidentifiedȱasȱoneȱofȱtheȱmostȱurgentȱgoalsȱforȱmankind todayȱandȱtomorrow,ȱweȱalsoȱneedȱtoȱconsiderȱtheȱvoicesȱfromȱtheȱpastȱwhoȱhad alreadyȱaddressedȱthisȱissueȱandȱlaidȱtheȱfoundationȱforȱtheȱdevelopmentȱofȱthis criticalȱdiscourseȱthatȱwillȱhopefullyȱleadȱtoȱtheȱcontainmentȱofȱwarȱasȱtheȱultimate baneȱofȱallȱhumanity.ȱToȱexpectȱfromȱSachsȱanȱinsightfulȱandȱpenetratingȱanalysis ofȱtheȱsocial,ȱeconomic,ȱandȱpoliticalȱcircumstancesȱthatȱconditionedȱmanyȱofȱthe militaryȱoperations,ȱandȱtherebyȱtoȱjudgeȱhisȱpoemsȱaccordingȱtoȱtheirȱvalueȱas historiographicalȱmirrors,ȱwouldȱnotȱdoȱjusticeȱtoȱhimȱasȱaȱpoet.ȱHeȱwasȱneither aȱsociologistȱnorȱaȱpoliticalȱscientistȱinȱtheȱmodernȱsenseȱofȱtheȱword.ȱInstead,ȱhe deservesȱourȱrecognition,ȱasȱKirchhofȱdoesȱtoȱsomeȱextentȱinȱthisȱregardȱasȱwell,

38

MichaelȱLindener.ȱKoblenzȬLandauerȱStudienȱzuȱGeistesȬ,ȱKulturȬȱundȱBildungswissenschaften,ȱ4 (Trier:ȱWVTȱWissenschaftlicherȱVerlagȱTrier,ȱ2009),ȱ64–146. Rettelbach,ȱ“ZwischenȱGott,ȱdemȱKaiserȱundȱdemȱMarkgrafen,“ȱȱ664–66ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ21).

540

AlbrechtȱClassen

forȱaddressingȱtheȱissuesȱatȱhandȱandȱvoicingȱhisȱvehementȱoppositionȱagainstȱany andȱallȱmilitaryȱstrategies,ȱparticularlyȱwhenȱtheyȱwereȱturnedȱagainstȱtheȱown peopleȱwithinȱtheȱGermanȱEmpire.

Chapterȱ21 JohnȱCampbell (UniversityȱofȱGlasgow)

Racine’sȱHolyȱWars

Ifȱwarȱandȱtragedyȱmightȱseemȱtoȱbeȱnaturalȱbedfellows,ȱtheȱrelationshipȱbetween warȱandȱreligionȱhasȱprovedȱnoȱlessȱconstant,ȱandȱintimate.1ȱOnȱtheȱoneȱhand, tragicȱdramatistsȱsuchȱasȱEuripidesȱandȱShakespeareȱhaveȱusedȱwarȱasȱaȱnatural contextȱandȱvehicleȱforȱtheȱrepresentationȱofȱthoseȱmomentsȱwhenȱtheȱinvisible restraintsȱthatȱtieȱoneȱhumanȱbeingȱtoȱanotherȱareȱsundered,ȱopeningȱupȱanȱabyss ofȱ sufferingȱ andȱ evil:ȱ Theȱ Trojanȱ Womenȱ orȱ Macbethȱ areȱ onlyȱ twoȱ ofȱ theȱ more eloquentȱwitnesses.ȱOnȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱandȱperhapsȱmoreȱparadoxically,ȱtheȱneed toȱ convinceȱ othersȱ ofȱ oneȱ particularȱ religiousȱ truth,ȱ orȱ atȱ leastȱ preventȱ the expressionȱofȱanyȱother,ȱhasȱoftenȱledȱtoȱactsȱofȱbarbarityȱcommittedȱinȱtheȱname ofȱ theȱ Godȱ ofȱ love:ȱ onȱ thisȱ bloodstainedȱ holyȱ battlefield,ȱ theȱ Crusadesȱ areȱ an egregiousȱexample.ȱForȱtheȱmodestȱpurposesȱofȱthisȱpaper,ȱthereȱisȱthusȱnoȱneed toȱembarkȱonȱyetȱanotherȱanalysisȱofȱtheȱlinksȱbetweenȱviolence,ȱreligiousȱritual, andȱtragedy,ȱofȱtheȱsortȱthatȱRenéȱGirardȱandȱothersȱhaveȱpursuedȱsoȱbrilliantly.2 Forȱitȱseemsȱonlyȱnaturalȱforȱreligionȱandȱwar,ȱwhenȱplacedȱtogether,ȱtoȱprovide aȱfertileȱgroundȱforȱtragedy.ȱInȱparticular,ȱtheȱveryȱexistenceȱofȱtheȱsacredȱinvites transgressionȱofȱit,ȱwithȱtheȱconsequentȱmoveȱfromȱtransgressionȱofȱtheȱsacred

1

2

Onȱ theȱ relationshipȱ betweenȱ warȱ andȱ tragedy,ȱ note,ȱ however,ȱ theȱ caveatȱ enteredȱ byȱ Andrea Frisch,ȱ“FrenchȱTragedyȱandȱtheȱCivilȱWars,”ȱModernȱLanguageȱQuarterlyȱ67ȱ(2006):ȱ287–312,ȱwho arguesȱthatȱseventeenthȬcenturyȱFrenchȱtragedyȱcouldȱonlyȱcomeȱaboutȱbecauseȱofȱtheȱefforts madeȱtoȱ“obliterateȱtheȱmemories”ȱofȱtheȱpreviousȱcentury’sȱ(religious)ȱcivilȱwarsȱ(288). See,ȱforȱexample,ȱRenéȱGirard,ȱViolenceȱandȱtheȱSacred,ȱtrans.ȱPatrickȱGregoryȱ(Baltimore:ȱJohns HopkinsȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1977);ȱorig.ȱLaȱViolenceȱetȱleȱsacréȱ(Paris:ȱGrasset,ȱ1972),ȱandȱChristiane SourvinouȬInwood,ȱTragedyȱandȱAthenianȱReligion.ȱGreekȱStudiesȱ(Lanham,ȱMD:ȱLexingtonȱBooks, 2003).

542

JohnȱCampbell

towardsȱtransgressionȱinȱtheȱnameȱofȱtheȱsacred,ȱtheȱultimateȱtransgressionȱbeing war. OneȱcanȱspeculateȱthatȱsuchȱconsiderationsȱwereȱnotȱinȱtheȱmindȱofȱMmeȱde Maintenon,ȱtheȱmorganaticȱwifeȱofȱKingȱLouisȱXIVȱofȱFrance,ȱwhenȱinȱ1688ȱshe askedȱJeanȱRacineȱ(1639–1699)ȱtoȱcomposeȱaȱpiousȱdramaȱforȱpupilsȱofȱherȱvery religiousȱschoolȱforȱtheȱdisadvantagedȱdaughtersȱofȱtheȱnobility,ȱatȱSaintȬCyr,ȱnear Versailles.ȱThoughȱRacineȱhadȱgivenȱupȱwritingȱplaysȱinȱ1677,ȱafterȱPhèdre—this vulgarȱ functionȱ beingȱ incompatibleȱ withȱ hisȱ dazzlingȱ newȱ statusȱ as historiographerȱroyal—heȱdutifullyȱcompliedȱwithȱMmeȱdeȱMaintenon’sȱrequest. TheȱresultȱwasȱtheȱthreeȬactȱdrama,ȱEsther,ȱcraftedȱfromȱtheȱBiblicalȱbookȱofȱthat name,ȱwithȱmusicalȱaccompaniment.ȱThisȱventureȱwasȱsoȱsuccessfulȱthatȱRacine wasȱaskedȱforȱanotherȱplayȱofȱtheȱsameȱsort,ȱandȱsoȱitȱwasȱthatȱAthalie,ȱwithȱits sourceȱagainȱinȱtheȱOldȱTestament,ȱwasȱagainȱperformedȱatȱSaintȬCyrȱinȱ1691. Schoolȱ plays,ȱ forȱ genteelȱ schoolgirls,ȱ onȱ religiousȱ subjects,ȱ performedȱ inȱ the presenceȱofȱKingȱandȱcourtiers:ȱwhatȱcouldȱbeȱmoreȱinnocent?ȱAndȱyet,ȱasȱthis articleȱ willȱ attemptȱ toȱ show,ȱ inȱ bothȱ theseȱ worksȱ violenceȱ andȱ religionȱ mix explosivelyȱ toȱ produceȱ trueȱ tragicȱ combustion,ȱ andȱ aȱ senseȱ ofȱ uneaseȱ thatȱ is necessarilyȱsubversiveȱofȱanyȱtranquilȱacceptanceȱofȱreligionȱandȱitsȱexpression.ȱ Asȱaȱgenre,ȱtragedyȱisȱatȱhomeȱwithȱtransgression.ȱTheȱtragicȱheroȱtakesȱaȱstep tooȱfar,ȱgoesȱbeyondȱtheȱlimits.ȱInȱRacine’sȱnonȬreligiousȱtragediesȱtheseȱlimitsȱare connectedȱwithȱtheȱexerciseȱofȱpowerȱandȱtheȱpursuitȱofȱpassion.ȱAlreadyȱinȱthese plays,ȱhowever,ȱthereȱareȱhintsȱasȱtoȱsomeȱofȱtheȱquestionsȱtoȱwhichȱtheȱtwoȱlater religiousȱ dramasȱ willȱ giveȱ rise.ȱ Withȱ oneȱ exceptionȱ (Bajazet,ȱ withȱ itsȱ Turkish subject),ȱtheȱtragediesȱRacineȱcomposedȱwhileȱaȱpracticingȱplaywrightȱwereȱtaken, asȱconventionȱdemanded,ȱfromȱtheȱcommonȱGrecoȬRomanȱinheritanceȱofȱhistory andȱmyth.ȱHere,ȱarmedȱconflictȱisȱaȱnaturalȱpartȱofȱtheȱstory,ȱwhileȱ“God”ȱorȱ“the Gods”ȱ takeȱ aȱ greaterȱ orȱ lesserȱ placeȱ inȱ Racine’sȱ plays,ȱ dependingȱ onȱ whether notionsȱ ofȱ “fatality”ȱ orȱ theȱ playwright’sȱ supposedȱ Jansenismȱ areȱ thought importantȱbyȱdifferentȱspectatorsȱandȱreaders.3ȱHowever,ȱtheȱcohabitationȱofȱwar andȱreligionȱisȱgenerallyȱdiscreet.4ȱ

3

4

Forȱexample,ȱLucienȱGoldmann,ȱ“Béréniceȱouȱleȱtragiqueȱracinien”,ȱThéâtreȱpopulaire,ȱ1ȱSepȱ1956, 31–36ȱ(p.ȱ32),ȱcontendsȱthatȱ“Racinianȱtragedy”ȱspringsȱfromȱtheȱadaptationȱforȱnonȬreligious dramaȱofȱtheȱJansenistȱvisionȱofȱman.ȱForȱotherȱviews,ȱforȱmoreȱdetailedȱconsiderationȱofȱ’theȱGodȬ question’ȱinȱRacine’sȱtragedies,ȱandȱforȱtheȱbibliographyȱassociatedȱwithȱit,ȱseeȱJohnȱCampbell, QuestioningȱRacinianȱTragedy.ȱNorthȱCarolinaȱStudiesȱinȱtheȱRomanceȱlanguagesȱandȱLiteratures, 281ȱ(ChapelȱHill:ȱUniversityȱofȱNorthȱCarolinaȱPress,ȱ2005),ȱ151–204. Thisȱdiscretionȱexplainsȱtheȱlackȱofȱcnyȱcriticalȱcommentaryȱonȱthisȱcohabitationȱbeyondȱthatȱon Iphigénieȱandȱtheȱreligiousȱdramas,ȱwhichȱwillȱbeȱdiscussedȱinȱthisȱpaper.ȱOnȱeachȱtopicȱtaken separately,ȱseeȱMauriceȱDelcroix,ȱLeȱsacréȱdansȱlesȱtragediesȱprofanesȱdeȱRacineȱ(Paris:ȱNizet,ȱ1970), andȱMauriceȱDescotes,ȱRacine:ȱGuerreȱetȱPaix.ȱRéalitésȱetȱMythesȱ(Pau:ȱUniversitésȱdeȱPauȱetȱdes paysȱdeȱl’Adour,ȱ1991).

Racine’sȱHolyȱWars

543

ItȱisȱtrueȱthatȱmemoriesȱofȱtheȱTrojanȱWarȱareȱatȱtheȱveryȱcenterȱofȱAndromaque (1667):ȱtheȱeponymousȱheroine,ȱaskedȱtoȱchooseȱbetweenȱmarriageȱtoȱPyrrhusȱand theȱmurderȱofȱherȱson,ȱcannotȱforgetȱtheȱmassacreȱofȱherȱpeopleȱledȱbyȱtheȱvery manȱsheȱisȱbeingȱaskedȱtoȱmarry.ȱThatȱsaid,ȱRacineȱelidesȱtheȱreferencesȱtoȱthe Godsȱ thatȱ featureȱ soȱ largelyȱ inȱ Homer’sȱ andȱ Virgil’sȱ epics.ȱ Theȱ oneȱ indirect reference,ȱhowever,ȱhappensȱtoȱbeȱtoȱaȱtransgressionȱofȱtheȱsacred,ȱinȱaȱpassage directlyȱinspiredȱbyȱVirgil’sȱaccountȱofȱtheȱsackȱofȱTroyȱinȱtheȱsecondȱbookȱofȱthe Æneid:ȱ theȱ assassinationȱ ofȱ Kingȱ Priam,ȱ “Ensanglantantȱ l’Autelȱ qu’ilȱ tenait embrassé”ȱ(v.ȱ1000;ȱPouringȱoutȱhisȱbloodȱonȱtheȱaltarȱtoȱwhichȱheȱclung).5ȱ Theȱ mixȱ ofȱ warȱ andȱ religionȱ isȱ moreȱ explicitȱ inȱ Iphigénie,ȱ firstȱ performedȱ at Versaillesȱinȱ1674.ȱThisȱtragedyȱisȱagainȱdominatedȱbyȱtheȱTrojanȱWar,ȱthisȱtimeȱyet toȱtakeȱplaceȱbecauseȱtheȱGreekȱfleetȱliesȱbecalmed.ȱItȱisȱinȱthisȱplayȱthatȱtheȱfirst questionsȱ ariseȱ concerningȱ theȱ roleȱ humanȱ beingsȱ assignȱ toȱ theȱ divineȱ inȱ the pursuitȱofȱwar.ȱTheȱpriestȱCalchasȱisȱdemandingȱaȱhumanȱsacrifice,ȱinȱtheȱnameȱof theȱGods,ȱinȱorderȱforȱtheȱfleetȱtoȱbeȱgivenȱaȱfairȱwind.ȱInȱhisȱinterpretationȱofȱthe divineȱwill,ȱtheȱfleetȱwillȱbeȱableȱtoȱsail,ȱandȱtheȱwarȱtakeȱplace,ȱonlyȱifȱthereȱisȱa priorȱactȱofȱprimalȱviolence:ȱtheȱritualȱslaughterȱofȱIphigénie,ȱbelovedȱdaughterȱof theȱcommanderȬinȬchief,ȱKingȱAgamemnon.ȱTheȱheroineȱspellsȱitȱoutȱsimply: Ceȱchampȱsiȱglorieux,ȱoùȱvousȱaspirezȱtous, Siȱmonȱsangȱneȱl’arrose,ȱestȱstérileȱpourȱvous. TelleȱestȱlaȱloiȱdesȱDieuxȱàȱmonȱPèreȱdictée.ȱ

(vv.ȱ1543–45)

[Thisȱgloriousȱbattlefield,ȱforȱwhichȱyouȱallȱyearn,ȱ/ȱIfȱnotȱsoakedȱinȱmyȱblood,ȱwillȱbe sterileȱforȱyou.ȱ/ȱSuchȱisȱtheȱlawȱdictatedȱtoȱmyȱfatherȱbyȱtheȱGods].

ȱ ThisȱharshȱimageȱofȱtheȱGodsȱisȱcompoundedȱbyȱRacine’sȱplacingȱofȱtheȱlegendary deedsȱofȱtheȱTrojanȱWar,ȱasȱinȱAndromaque,ȱinȱaȱcontextȱofȱmurderȱandȱgenocide. AȱstrikingȱexampleȱisȱtheȱgentleȱIphigénie’sȱadmonitionȱtoȱherȱwarriorȱlover: Allez;ȱetȱdansȱsesȱmursȱvidesȱdeȱCitoyens, FaitesȱpleurerȱmaȱmortȱauxȱVeuvesȱdesȱTroyens. Jeȱmeursȱdansȱcetȱespoirȱsatisfaiteȱetȱtranquille.ȱ (vv.ȱ1555–57) [Go:ȱandȱinȱthatȱcityȱemptiedȱofȱitsȱmen,ȱ/ȱMakeȱtheȱTrojanȱwidowsȱweepȱforȱmyȱdeath. /ȱIȱdieȱinȱthisȱhope,ȱcontentȱandȱatȱpeace].

5

JeanȱRacine,ȱThéâtre,ȱPoésie,ȱed.ȱGeorgesȱForestier.ȱBibliothèqueȱdeȱlaȱPléiadeȱ(Paris:ȱGallimard, 1999),ȱwithȱlineȬreferencesȱsetȱinȱparenthesisȱinȱtheȱbodyȱofȱtheȱtext.ȱAllȱfurtherȱcitationsȱareȱtaken fromȱthisȱedition.ȱTheȱroughȱtranslationsȱofȱRacine’sȱtext,ȱandȱquotationsȱfromȱcriticalȱwritingsȱin French,ȱareȱmyȱown.

544

JohnȱCampbell

InȱlightȱofȱtheȱencouragementȱthatȱtheȱGodsȱmightȱseemȱtoȱbeȱgivingȱtoȱthis forthcomingȱ humanȱ slaughter,ȱ itȱ canȱ easilyȱ beȱ arguedȱ thatȱ Iphigénieȱ shows humankindȱinȱtheȱhandsȱofȱirrational,ȱimpersonalȱforcesȱwhich,ȱlikeȱtheȱrunaway troopȱtrainȱthatȱEmileȱZolaȱwouldȱrepresentȱtwoȱcenturiesȱlaterȱinȱtheȱparoxysmal conclusionȱ toȱ hisȱ novelȱ Laȱ Bêteȱ humaineȱ (1890),ȱ canȱ driveȱ humanȱ beingsȱ onȱ to violentȱcatastrophe,ȱwithoutȱthemȱhavingȱtheȱslightestȱcontrolȱoverȱfutureȱevents.6 Thisȱargumentȱisȱsupportedȱbyȱreferenceȱtoȱaȱcharacterȱwhoȱneverȱappearsȱon stage,ȱtheȱsinisterȱfigureȱofȱCalchas,ȱaȱpriestȱwhoȱinterpretsȱtheȱwillȱofȱtheȱGods, andȱcanȱbeȱseenȱtoȱpullȱallȱtheȱstrings,ȱbutȱoutȱofȱsight,ȱlikeȱGodȱhimself:ȱ“Ilȱsait toutȱceȱquiȱfutȱetȱtoutȱceȱquiȱdoitȱêtre”ȱ(v.ȱ458;ȱHeȱknowsȱeverythingȱthatȱwasȱand everythingȱthatȱmustȱbe).7ȱ Evidenceȱ forȱ thisȱ thesisȱ ofȱ divineȱ malevolenceȱ mayȱ alsoȱ beȱ foundȱ by extrapolatingȱ someȱ ofȱ theȱ bitterȱ phrasesȱ pronouncedȱ byȱ theȱ potentialȱ victim’s parents,ȱAgamemnonȱandȱClytemnestre.ȱWithȱdifferentȱdegreesȱofȱviolenceȱthey bothȱportrayȱtheȱGodsȱasȱalwaysȱreadyȱforȱmurderȱ(vv.ȱ921ȱandȱ1267),ȱasȱinciting menȱtoȱwageȱwarȱdespiteȱtheȱviolationȱofȱinnocenceȱandȱtheȱsanctityȱofȱlifeȱ(v.ȱ390), andȱasȱactingȱwithȱaȱvindictiveȱangerȱthatȱcanȱbeȱappeasedȱonlyȱbyȱhumanȱsacrifice (v.ȱ1494).ȱThereȱareȱseveralȱreferencesȱtoȱtheȱinjusticeȱofȱtheȱGodsȱ(v.ȱ574),ȱtoȱtheir bloodȬstainedȱritualsȱ(v.ȱ85),ȱasȱwellȱasȱtoȱtheirȱlackȱofȱpityȱandȱtoȱtheirȱthirstȱfor blood:ȱ“pourȱfléchirȱl’inclémenceȱdesȱDieuxȱ/ȱIlȱfautȱduȱsangȱpeutȬêtre,ȱetȱduȱplus précieux”ȱ(vv.ȱ18788;ȱToȱassuageȱtheȱpitilessȱGods,ȱ/ȱBloodȱisȱperhapsȱneeded,ȱand ofȱtheȱmostȱpreciousȱquality). Iphigénie,ȱhowever,ȱisȱmuchȱmoreȱthanȱaȱcomfortableȱdiatribeȱagainstȱtheȱGods ofȱwar.ȱAsȱGeorgesȱForestierȱinsists,ȱRacineȱcannotȱchangeȱtheȱbroadȱtermsȱofȱa subjectȱfamouslyȱtreatedȱbyȱEuripides:ȱoneȱthatȱinvolvesȱtheȱGoddessȱArtemis,ȱand theȱsacrificeȱtoȱappeaseȱherȱthatȱunblocksȱtheȱpathȱtoȱtheȱTrojanȱWar.8ȱThatȱsaid, andȱwithinȱtheȱboundariesȱofȱtheȱchosenȱsubject,ȱwhatȱactuallyȱhappensȱinȱIphigénie mayȱstillȱbeȱinterpretedȱasȱbeingȱtheȱresultȱofȱhumanȱagency.ȱForȱtheȱconflictȱis actuallyȱ resolvedȱ whenȱ theȱ Trojanȱ refugeeȱ Eriphile,ȱ unmaskedȱ byȱ theȱ priest Calchasȱ asȱ aȱ secretȱ daughterȱ ofȱ Helen,ȱ optsȱ toȱ commitȱ suicideȱ toȱ avoidȱ being rituallyȱslaughteredȱonȱtheȱaltar.ȱItȱisȱthisȱveryȱhumanȱact,ȱcoincidingȱwithȱaȱwind thatȱsuddenlyȱbeginsȱtoȱblow,ȱthatȱopensȱtheȱpathȱofȱTroyȱtoȱtheȱGreeks,ȱironically reassuredȱthatȱtheȱGodsȱareȱonȱtheirȱsideȱ(v.ȱ1700).ȱIndeed,ȱthroughoutȱtheȱplay, whatȱhappensȱcomesȱasȱaȱresultȱofȱhumanȱinitiative,ȱevenȱthough,ȱinȱtrueȱtragic

6

7

8

See,ȱforȱexample,ȱJeanȱRohou,ȱed.,ȱRacine,ȱThéâtreȱcompletȱ(Paris:ȱLivreȱdeȱPoche,ȱ1998),ȱ1029,ȱfor whomȱtheȱGodsȱareȱresponsibleȱforȱeverything.ȱTonyȱGheeraert,ȱ“VoixȱdeȱDieu,ȱvoixȱdesȱdieux: oracles,ȱvisionsȱetȱprophétiesȱchezȱJeanȱRacine,”ȱÉtudesȱÉpistémèȱ12ȱ(2007):ȱ83–115,ȱdevelopsȱthe hypothesisȱthatȱRacine’sȱgeneralȱpurposeȱinȱIphigénieȱandȱPhèdreȱwasȱtoȱdiscreditȱpaganismȱ(113). SeeȱRohou,ȱed.ȱRacine,ȱ1030ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6):ȱ“Quaranteȱfoisȱnommé,ȱCalchasȱobsèdeȱl’imagination” (namedȱfortyȱtimes,ȱCalchasȱobsessesȱtheȱimagination). Forestier,ȱed.ȱRacine,ȱ1576ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).

Racine’sȱHolyȱWars

545

fashion,ȱthereȱisȱanȱironicȱreversalȱofȱintention.ȱAsȱAgamemnonȱisȱreminded,ȱitȱwas heȱ whoȱ hadȱ soughtȱ toȱ haveȱ hisȱ honorȱ avenged,ȱ heȱ whoȱ hadȱ whippedȱ his compatriotsȱintoȱaȱwarlikeȱfury,ȱandȱheȱwhoȱhadȱsuccessfullyȱstrivenȱtoȱbecome commanderȬinȬchiefȱ(vv.ȱ297–318).ȱThatȱtheseȱdecisionsȱnowȱreboundȱonȱhimȱisȱnot theȱfaultȱofȱtheȱGods,ȱasȱClytemnestreȱpointsȱout: ȱ Cetteȱsoifȱdeȱrégner,ȱqueȱrienȱneȱpeutȱéteindre, L’orgueilȱdeȱvoirȱvingtȱRoisȱvousȱservirȱetȱvousȱcraindre, Tousȱlesȱdroitsȱdeȱl’Empireȱenȱvosȱmainsȱconfiés, Cruel,ȱc’estȱàȱcesȱDieuxȱqueȱvousȱsacrifiez.ȱ (vv.ȱ1289–93)

ȱ

[Thisȱunquenchableȱthirstȱforȱpower,ȱ/ȱTheȱprideȱofȱseeingȱtwentyȱkingsȱserveȱyouȱin fear,ȱ/ȱAndȱallȱtheȱprerogativesȱofȱimperialȱruleȱthatȱhaveȱbeenȱgivenȱtoȱyou,ȱ/ȱItȱisȱto theseȱGodsȱthatȱyouȱareȱmakingȱtheȱsacrifice).ȱ

And,ȱinȱtheȱend,ȱitȱisȱAgamemnonȱaloneȱwhoȱhasȱtoȱtakeȱtheȱdecisionȱasȱtoȱwhether orȱnotȱhisȱdaughter’sȱlifeȱisȱtheȱpriceȱtoȱpayȱforȱgloryȱinȱwar.ȱInȱthisȱdilemmaȱthere isȱ noȱ traceȱ ofȱ religiousȱ obligationȱ but,ȱ inȱ theȱ king’sȱ anguishedȱ admission,ȱ the realizationȱthat,ȱwithinȱfrighteningȱconstraints,ȱandȱinȱaȱfastȬdevelopingȱsituation, aȱchoiceȱbetweenȱtwoȱevilsȱisȱstillȱaȱchoiceȱthatȱmustȱbeȱmade,ȱdissolvingȱinȱtragic ironyȱ anyȱ easyȱ boundaryȱ betweenȱ freedomȱ andȱ fatality:ȱ “Ah!ȱ quelsȱ Dieuxȱ me seraientȱplusȱcruelsȱqueȱmoiȬmême!”ȱ(v.ȱ1450;ȱAh!ȱWhatȱGodsȱwouldȱbeȱcruelerȱto meȱthanȱIȱam?).ȱInȱotherȱwords,ȱ“theȱGods”ȱareȱaȱculturalȱcontext,ȱandȱaȱpersonal orȱnationalȱpretext:ȱwar,ȱandȱtheȱimpossibleȱchoicesȱitȱdemands,ȱareȱtheȱhuman realityȱ fromȱ whoseȱ implicationsȱ neitherȱ charactersȱ norȱ audiencesȱ canȱ easily extricateȱthemselves.ȱ ThisȱstrandȱofȱwarȱandȱviolenceȱrunsȱthroughȱRacine’sȱfinalȱtwoȱtragedies,ȱEsther andȱAthalie,ȱbothȱsetȱinȱtheȱcontextȱofȱaȱtraditionalȱChristianȱunderstandingȱofȱthe OldȱTestamentȱasȱprefiguringȱtheȱNew.ȱInȱthisȱperspective,ȱtheȱdifferentȱbooksȱof theȱOldȱTestamentȱareȱheldȱtoȱshowȱnotȱjustȱthatȱGodȱprotectsȱhisȱChosenȱPeople, beȱthisȱbyȱmeansȱofȱwarsȱandȱmassacres,ȱbutȱthatȱevenȱtheȱbloodiestȱeventsȱmay beȱviewedȱasȱformingȱpartȱofȱaȱprovidentialistȱdesignȱfromȱwhichȱtheȱChristian Redeemerȱwillȱcome.ȱItȱisȱthereforeȱunsurprisingȱthatȱbothȱtheseȱplaysȱdealȱwith theȱissueȱofȱreligiousȱfaithȱandȱtheȱviolenceȱneededȱtoȱsustainȱit.ȱMoreȱsurprising, perhaps,ȱ isȱ theȱ gapȱ openedȱ upȱ betweenȱ Racine’sȱ avowedȱ intentionsȱ andȱ the questionsȱprovoked,ȱatȱleastȱinȱaȱmodernȱmind,ȱbyȱtheȱworksȱthemselves.

Esther TheȱBookȱofȱEstherȱisȱtheȱstoryȱofȱhowȱtheȱJewishȱpeopleȱwereȱdeliveredȱfrom servitude,ȱandȱfromȱtheȱthreatȱofȱexterminationȱorderedȱbyȱKingȱXerxesȱ(Racine’s Assuérus).ȱ Theȱ piousȱ Racine,ȱ commissionedȱ byȱ theȱ equallyȱ piousȱ Mmeȱ de

546

JohnȱCampbell

Maintenon,ȱ assertedȱ inȱ theȱ Prefaceȱ toȱ hisȱ ownȱ Estherȱ thatȱ hisȱ intentionȱ wasȱ to “chanterȱlesȱlouangesȱduȱvraiȱDieu”ȱ(toȱsingȱtheȱpraisesȱofȱtheȱOneȱTrueȱGod),ȱand heȱ stroveȱ throughoutȱ toȱ remainȱ faithfulȱ toȱ theȱ biblicalȱ text,ȱ thusȱ givingȱ his schoolgirlȱperformersȱ“lesȱseulesȱScènes,ȱqueȱDieuȱluiȬmême,ȱpourȱainsiȱdire,ȱa préparées”ȱ(onlyȱscenesȱthatȱGodȱhimself,ȱsoȱtoȱspeak,ȱhasȱprepared).9ȱGod,ȱin otherȱwords,ȱwasȱtheȱscriptwriter.ȱThus,ȱifȱtheȱJewishȱpeopleȱareȱshownȱfighting toȱsurvive,ȱtheirȱwarȱwillȱbeȱGod’sȱwar: LeȱDieuȱqueȱnousȱservonsȱestȱleȱDieuȱdesȱcombats. Non,ȱnon,ȱilȱneȱsouffriraȱpas Qu’onȱégorgeȱainsiȱl’Innocence.ȱ

(vv.ȱ336–38)

[TheȱGodȱweȱserveȱisȱtheȱGodȱofȱbattles.ȱ/ȱNo,ȱno,ȱheȱwillȱnotȱallowȱ/ȱInnocentsȱtoȱbe slaughteredȱinȱthisȱway].

Thisȱ imageȱ ofȱ thisȱ Godȱ ofȱ victoriesȱ providedȱ inȱ Actȱ 1,ȱ withȱ whichȱ aȱ modern audienceȱmightȱnotȱbeȱentirelyȱcomfortable,ȱisȱallȱtheȱmoreȱunsettlingȱinȱthatȱitȱis prefaced,ȱ inȱ theȱ play’sȱ Prologue,ȱ byȱ theȱ celebrationȱ ofȱ theȱ militaryȱ exploitsȱ of anotherȱgodȬlikeȱfigure,ȱLouisȱXIV,ȱpresentedȱasȱaȱ“victoriousȱking”ȱdoingȱGod’s workȱ(Prologue,ȱv.ȱ9).ȱEvenȱmoreȱdisturbingȱisȱthatȱthisȱPrologueȱisȱdeliveredȱby theȱfigureȱofȱPiety,ȱwhoȱhasȱdescendedȱfromȱheavenȱforȱthisȱpurpose,ȱandȱwho presentsȱtheȱking’sȱwarsȱasȱhisȱchosenȱmeansȱofȱavengingȱtheȱinsultsȱprofferedȱto Godȱ(Prologue,ȱv.ȱ59).ȱTheȱchoiceȱofȱPietyȱtoȱdeliverȱtheseȱlinesȱmightȱbeȱdismissed asȱaȱpieceȱofȱrhetoricalȱsleightȱofȱhand,ȱdestinedȱtoȱpreȬemptȱtheȱsuggestionȱthat theȱauthorȱinȱmerelyȱindulgingȱinȱbaseȱflatteryȱofȱhisȱroyalȱmaster.ȱ Whateverȱ theȱ case,ȱ thisȱ Prologueȱ alsoȱ seemsȱ toȱ beȱ givingȱ aȱ divineȱ sealȱ of approvalȱ toȱ theȱ Frenchȱ king’sȱ long,ȱ ruinous,ȱ andȱ ultimatelyȱ futileȱ programȱ of nationalȱselfȬaggrandizement,ȱthatȱforȱaȱcriticalȱFrançoisȱFénelonȱ(1651–1715)ȱhad begunȱwithȱtheȱDutchȱwarsȱofȱ1672–1678,ȱandȱwasȱtoȱcontinue,ȱwithȱlittleȱrespite, forȱdecadesȱafter.10ȱRacineȱsomewhatȱbrazenlyȱconnectsȱtheseȱroyalȱwarsȱandȱthe bookȱ ofȱ Estherȱ byȱ usingȱ theȱ ideaȱ ofȱ Providence.ȱ Justȱ asȱ Godȱ savedȱ theȱ Jewish peopleȱ fromȱ destruction,ȱ andȱ thusȱ supportedȱ theȱ sometimesȱ bloodyȱ acts undertakenȱ toȱ thatȱ end,ȱ Pietyȱ asksȱ Godȱ thatȱ theȱ sameȱ supportȱ beȱ givenȱ toȱ the Frenchȱking,ȱwhoseȱwarsȱareȱwagedȱnotȱforȱhisȱownȱgloryȱbutȱforȱthatȱofȱGod:ȱ

9

10

OnȱRacine’sȱuseȱofȱtheȱLemaîtreȱdeȱSacyȱtranslationȱofȱtheȱBookȱofȱEsther,ȱpublishedȱinȱ1688,ȱsee Forestier,ȱed.ȱRacine,ȱ1683ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5). “LettreȱàȱLouisȱXIV,”ȱFénelon,ȱŒuvres,ȱed.ȱJacquesȱLeȱBrun,ȱ2ȱvols.ȱBibliothèqueȱdeȱlaȱPléiade (Paris:ȱGallimard,ȱ1983–1997),ȱ1:ȱ544.

Racine’sȱHolyȱWars

547

Queȱtousȱlesȱsoinsȱqu’ilȱprendȱpourȱsoutenirȱtaȱgloire SoientȱgravésȱdeȱtaȱmainȱauȱLivreȱoùȱsontȱécrits LesȱnomsȱprédestinésȱdesȱRoisȱqueȱtuȱchéris.ȱ (Prologue,ȱvv.ȱ16–18) [Mayȱallȱtheȱactionsȱheȱtakesȱtoȱupholdȱyourȱgloryȱ/ȱBeȱengravedȱbyȱyourȱhandȱinȱthe bookȱinȱwhichȱareȱinscribedȱ/ȱTheȱpredestinedȱnamesȱofȱthoseȱkingsȱthatȱyouȱcherish].

LouisȱXIVȱisȱthusȱpresentedȱtoȱGodȱbyȱtheȱfigureȱofȱPietyȱasȱtheȱonlyȱrulerȱonȱearth whoȱisȱonȱHisȱside:ȱ“Deȱtaȱgloireȱanimé,ȱluiȱseulȱdeȱtantȱdeȱRoisȱ/ȱS’armeȱpourȱta querelle,ȱetȱcombatȱpourȱtesȱdroits”ȱ(Prologue,ȱvv.ȱ29–30;ȱMotivatedȱbyȱyourȱglory, heȱaloneȱamongstȱsoȱmanyȱkingsȱ/ȱTakesȱupȱarmsȱinȱyourȱcause,ȱandȱfightsȱforȱyour rights).ȱAȱslightȱproblemȱhereȱisȱthatȱPopeȱInnocentȱXIȱhimselfȱhadȱcomeȱoutȱin supportȱ ofȱ thoseȱ Europeanȱ powersȱ which,ȱ inȱ 1686,ȱ hadȱ formedȱ theȱ Leagueȱ of AugsburgȱtoȱdefendȱtheȱPalatinateȱagainstȱtheȱFrenchȱking’sȱpredatoryȱcampaign ofȱnationalȱaggrandizement,ȱinȱwhatȱbecameȱtheȱNineȱYears’ȱWar.ȱTheȱfigureȱof Pietyȱtherefore,ȱstillȱaddressingȱGod,ȱdeclaresȱthatȱinȱwagingȱthisȱwarȱLouisȱXIV hasȱhadȱtoȱtakeȱonȱtheȱpapalȱroleȱasȱGod’sȱrepresentativeȱonȱearth,ȱsupportingȱthe oneȱtrueȱreligionȱwithȱtheȱsword,ȱsinceȱevenȱtheȱpopeȱhadȱbeenȱhoodwinkedȱbyȱthe devilȱintoȱopposingȱtheȱwholesomeȱpursuitȱofȱGod’sȱworkȱthroughȱwhatȱinȱeffect isȱaȱholyȱwar: Etȱl’enfer,ȱcouvrantȱtoutȱdeȱsesȱvapeursȱfunèbres, Surȱlesȱyeuxȱlesȱplusȱsaintsȱaȱjetéȱsesȱténèbres. Luiȱseul,ȱinvariableȱetȱfondéȱsurȱlaȱfoi, Neȱcherche,ȱneȱregardeȱetȱn’écouteȱqueȱtoi; Etȱbravantȱduȱdémonȱl’impuissantȱartifice, Deȱlaȱreligionȱsoutientȱtoutȱl’édifice.ȱ (Prologue,ȱvv.ȱ35–40) [Andȱhell,ȱshroudingȱeverythingȱinȱitsȱdismalȱfumes,ȱ/ȱHasȱfilledȱtheȱeyesȱofȱtheȱvery holiestȱmenȱwithȱdarkness.ȱ/ȱHeȱalone,ȱunchangingȱandȱrootedȱinȱfaith,ȱ/ȱSeeksȱonly you,ȱgazesȱonlyȱatȱyou,ȱlistensȱonlyȱtoȱyou;ȱ/ȱAnd,ȱdefyingȱtheȱdevilȱandȱhisȱvainȱwiles,/ Supportsȱtheȱwholeȱstructureȱofȱreligion).

God’sȱworkȱandȱLouisȱXIV’sȱwarsȱareȱthusȱmadeȱpartȱofȱaȱseamlessȱweb,ȱeach expressingȱtheȱother.ȱInȱthisȱcontext,ȱtheȱDauphin’sȱrecentȱcampaignȱinȱAlsace, whichȱhasȱvisitedȱonȱthisȱregion,ȱforȱnoȱgreatȱbenefit,ȱtheȱcustomaryȱdevastation ofȱwar,ȱcanȱbeȱpresentedȱinȱtheȱmostȱfavorableȱlight:ȱ“Quandȱsonȱroiȱluiȱdit:ȱ«Pars», ilȱs’élanceȱavecȱjoie,ȱ/ȱDuȱtonnerreȱvengeurȱs’enȱvaȱtoutȱembraser”ȱ(Prologue,ȱvv. 56–57;ȱ Whenȱ hisȱ kingȱ saysȱ “Go”,ȱ heȱ dashesȱ away,ȱ overjoyed,ȱ /ȱ Inȱ orderȱ toȱ set everythingȱablazeȱwithȱavengingȱthunder).ȱThisȱcelebrationȱofȱwarȱisȱevenȱmore strikingȱinȱthatȱitȱisȱwrappedȱupȱinȱpraiseȱforȱtheȱ“Innocence”ȱ(Prologue,ȱv.ȱ3)ȱthat reignsȱ inȱ Mmeȱ deȱ Maintenon’sȱ establishmentȱ forȱ quietȱ schoolgirls,ȱ thoseȱ very

548

JohnȱCampbell

“timidȱdoves”ȱ(Prologue,ȱv.ȱ11)ȱwhoȱareȱaboutȱtoȱperformȱtheȱsacredȱdrama:ȱ“tout respireȱiciȱDieu,ȱlaȱpaix,ȱlaȱvérité”ȱ(Prologue,ȱv.ȱ70;ȱEverythingȱhereȱbreathesȱGod, peace,ȱandȱtruth). Itȱ mightȱ beȱ imaginedȱ thatȱ onlyȱ aȱ postȬEnlightenmentȱ mindȱ couldȱ readilyȱ be disturbedȱbyȱaȱwarȱpresentedȱasȱGod’sȱwork,ȱandȱ thatȱ LouisȱXIV’sȱwarsȱwere greetedȱwithȱenthusiasmȱonȱtheȱhomeȱfront.ȱThisȱwouldȱbeȱtoȱtakeȱsomeȱlicense withȱtheȱhistoricalȱrecord,ȱallȱtheȱmoreȱsoȱinȱthatȱfreedomȱofȱexpressionȱwasȱnotȱthe outstandingȱfeatureȱofȱseventeenthȬcenturyȱFrenchȱsociety.ȱForȱaȱstart,ȱtheȱking’s constantȱmilitaryȱcampaignsȱwereȱimpoverishingȱFrance.ȱAtȱtheȱveryȱmomentȱthat theȱ lavishȱ setȱ forȱ Esther,ȱ personallyȱ supervisedȱ byȱ Louisȱ XIV,ȱ wasȱ being expensivelyȱcreatedȱatȱSaintȬCyrȱinȱ1689,ȱtheȱsilverwareȱcraftedȱbyȱCharlesȱLeȱBrun forȱ nearbyȱ Versaillesȱ wasȱ beingȱ meltedȱ downȱ forȱ anȱ overstretchedȱ exchequer, whileȱ someȱ monthsȱ laterȱ foodȱ riotsȱ wouldȱ beginȱ breakingȱ outȱ inȱ Paris.11ȱ And Fénelon,ȱforȱone,ȱthoughȱatȱthatȱtimeȱonȱtheȱbestȱofȱtermsȱwithȱMmeȱdeȱMaintenon andȱ stillȱ awaitingȱ anȱ episcopalȱ seatȱ unobtainableȱ withoutȱ royalȱ favor,ȱ stillȱ felt stronglyȱenoughȱtoȱdenounceȱLouisȱXIV’sȱseeminglyȱunquenchableȱappetiteȱfor war,ȱdeclaringȱitȱtoȱbeȱinȱcontradictionȱwithȱtheȱveryȱGodȱandȱreligionȱitȱpurported toȱdefend.ȱ Fénelon’sȱpictureȱofȱFrance,ȱcomposedȱjustȱfourȱyearsȱafterȱtheȱfirstȱperformance ofȱ Esther,ȱ providesȱ aȱ strikinglyȱ differentȱ pictureȱ fromȱ thatȱ givenȱ byȱ Racine’s Prologue.ȱHisȱletter,ȱinȱprincipleȱaddressedȱtoȱtheȱking,ȱbutȱmoreȱprudentlyȱsent toȱMmeȱdeȱMaintenon,ȱdeservesȱtoȱbeȱquotedȱatȱsomeȱlength.ȱForȱthisȱoneȱpriest atȱleast,ȱtheȱideaȱofȱholyȱwarȱadumbratedȱbyȱRacine’sȱfigureȱofȱPietyȱreceivesȱvery shortȱshrift:ȱ Vosȱpeuples,ȱqueȱvousȱdevriezȱaimerȱcommeȱvosȱenfants,ȱetȱquiȱontȱétéȱjusqu’iciȱsi passionnésȱpourȱvous,ȱmeurentȱdeȱfaim.ȱLaȱcultureȱdesȱterresȱestȱpresqueȱabandonnée, lesȱvillesȱetȱlesȱcampagnesȱseȱdépeuplent;ȱtousȱlesȱmétiersȱlanguissentȱetȱneȱnourrissent plusȱlesȱouvriers.ȱToutȱcommerceȱestȱanéanti.ȱParȱconséquentȱvousȱavezȱdétruitȱla moitiéȱdesȱforcesȱréellesȱduȱdedansȱdeȱvotreȱÉtat,ȱpourȱfaireȱetȱpourȱdéfendreȱdeȱvaines conquêtesȱauȬdehors.ȱAuȱlieuȱdeȱtirerȱdeȱl’argentȱdeȱceȱpauvreȱpeuple,ȱilȱfaudraitȱlui faireȱl’aumôneȱetȱleȱnourrir.ȱLaȱFranceȱentièreȱn’estȱplusȱqu’unȱgrandȱhôpitalȱdésoléȱet sansȱprovision.ȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱLaȱséditionȱs’allumeȱpeuȱàȱpeuȱdeȱtoutesȱparts.ȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱVousȱêtes réduitȱàȱlaȱhonteuseȱetȱdéplorableȱextrémité,ȱouȱdeȱlaisserȱlaȱséditionȱimpunieȱetȱde l’accroîtreȱparȱcetteȱimpunité,ȱouȱdeȱfaireȱmassacrerȱavecȱinhumanitéȱdesȱpeuplesȱque vousȱmettezȱauȱdésespoirȱenȱleurȱarrachant,ȱparȱvosȱimpôtsȱpourȱcetteȱguerre,ȱleȱpain qu’ilsȱtâchentȱdeȱgagnerȱàȱlaȱsueurȱdeȱleursȱvisages.ȱMais,ȱpendantȱqu’ilsȱmanquentȱde pain,ȱvousȱmanquezȱvousȬmêmeȱd’argent,ȱetȱvousȱneȱvoulezȱpasȱvoirȱl’extrémitéȱoù vousȱ êtesȱ réduit.ȱ Parceȱ queȱ vousȱ avezȱ toujoursȱ étéȱ heureux,ȱ vousȱ neȱ pouvezȱ vous

11

SeeȱL’ȱÉtatȱclassiqueȱ(1652ȱ–ȱ1715),ȱed.ȱHenryȱMéchoulanȱandȱJoëlȱCornetȱ(Paris:ȱVrin,ȱ1996),ȱ475–76.

Racine’sȱHolyȱWars

549

imaginerȱqueȱvousȱcessiezȱjamaisȱdeȱl’être.ȱVousȱcraignezȱd’ouvrirȱlesȱyeux.ȱToutȱle mondeȱleȱvoitȱetȱpersonneȱn’oseȱvousȱleȱfaireȱvoir.ȱ [Yourȱsubjects,ȱwhomȱyouȱshouldȱloveȱlikeȱyourȱchildren,ȱandȱwhoȱhaveȱuntilȱnow beenȱyourȱferventȱsupporters,ȱareȱdyingȱofȱhunger.ȱFarmingȱtheȱlandȱhasȱalmostȱbeen abandoned,ȱtownȱandȱcountryȱ alikeȱareȱbeingȱdepopulated;ȱtheȱvariousȱtradesȱare wastingȱawayȱandȱareȱnoȱlongerȱprovidingȱfoodȱforȱworkingȱmen.ȱAllȱcommerceȱhas beenȱwipedȱout.ȱAsȱaȱconsequence,ȱyouȱhaveȱdestroyedȱhalfȱtheȱrealȱstrengthȱwithin yourȱState,ȱinȱ orderȱtoȱmakeȱandȱtoȱdefendȱemptyȱconquestsȱoutsideȱit.ȱInsteadȱof extractingȱmoneyȱfromȱyourȱunfortunateȱpeople,ȱyouȱshouldȱbeȱfeedingȱthem,ȱand givingȱ themȱ charitableȱ relief.ȱ Theȱ wholeȱ ofȱ Franceȱ hasȱ beenȱ turnedȱ intoȱ oneȱ big, abandoned,ȱandȱunsuppliedȱhospital.ȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱLittleȱbyȱlittleȱseditionȱisȱstartingȱtoȱflareȱup onȱallȱsides.ȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱYouȱareȱreducedȱtoȱtheȱshamefulȱandȱdeplorableȱextremity,ȱeitherȱof lettingȱthisȱseditionȱcontinueȱwithȱimpunity,ȱorȱofȱcarryingȱoutȱinhumaneȱmassacres ofȱpeopleȱthatȱyouȱareȱdrivingȱtoȱdespairȱbyȱsnatchingȱfromȱthem,ȱwithȱyourȱtaxesȱfor thisȱwar,ȱtheȱbreadȱthey’reȱtryingȱtoȱearnȱbyȱtheȱsweatȱofȱtheirȱbrows.ȱButȱwhileȱthey lackȱbread,ȱyouȱyourselfȱlackȱmoney,ȱandȱyouȱchooseȱnotȱtoȱseeȱtheȱextremityȱtoȱwhich youȱareȱreduced.ȱBecauseȱyouȱhaveȱalwaysȱbeenȱhappy,ȱyouȱcannotȱimagineȱthatȱthis contentmentȱmightȱcease.ȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱYouȱareȱafraidȱtoȱopenȱyourȱeyes.ȱEveryoneȱcanȱseeȱit, andȱnoȱoneȱdaresȱpointȱitȱoutȱtoȱyou).12

TheȱuneaseȱproducedȱbyȱRacine’sȱassociationȱofȱwar,ȱLouisȱXIV,ȱandȱGodȱinȱEsther isȱnotȱentirelyȱdissipatedȱwhenȱtheȱFrenchȱkingȱisȱthenȱwithdrawnȱfromȱtheȱscene forȱtheȱcurtainȱtoȱgoȱupȱonȱtheȱbiblicalȱdrama.ȱOneȱreasonȱisȱthat,ȱinȱtheȱbodyȱofȱthe play,ȱGodȱisȱportrayedȱinȱtheȱsameȱwayȱasȱwasȱLouisȱinȱtheȱPrologue:ȱasȱaȱwarrior kingȱofȱkingsȱalwaysȱreadyȱtoȱpunishȱthoseȱwhoȱattackȱhisȱinterests.ȱIndeed,ȱthe firstȱreferenceȱtoȱGodȱinȱtheȱplayȱisȱasȱ“theȱGodȱofȱarmies”ȱ(vv.ȱ20–21),ȱnoȱheavenly DeusȱsabaothȱbutȱaȱGodȱofȱrealȱarmiesȱreadyȱforȱrealȱwars.13ȱThisȱisȱnotȱtoȱsuggest that,ȱ sinceȱ Louisȱ XIVȱ hadȱ beenȱ picturedȱ doingȱ God’sȱ work,ȱ Racineȱ was assimilatingȱthisȱwarriorȱGodȱtoȱtheȱFrenchȱking.ȱFlatteryȱisȱoneȱthing,ȱheresyȱquite another.ȱOnȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱtheȱenergeticȱGodȱinvokedȱbyȱtheȱChorusȱisȱpictured usingȱtheȱsameȱgunpowderȱasȱLouis,ȱagainstȱaȱleague,ȱnotȱofȱAugsburg,ȱbutȱof enemiesȱthatȱsimilarlyȱneedȱtoȱbeȱcrushed: QueȱpeuventȱcontreȱluiȱtousȱlesȱRoisȱdeȱlaȱTerre? Enȱvainȱilsȱs’uniraientȱpourȱluiȱfaireȱlaȱguerre.

12 13

Fénelon,ȱŒuvres,ȱ1:ȱ548ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10). Theȱphraseȱ“leȱDieuȱdesȱarmées”ȱisȱseenȱasȱmerelyȱreplicatingȱtheȱbiblicalȱ“Deusȱsabaoth”ȱ(“Lord ofȱ Hosts”),ȱ familiarȱ fromȱ theȱ Sanctusȱ ofȱ theȱ Catholicȱ Mass,ȱ byȱ Forestier,ȱ ed.ȱ Racine,ȱ 593,ȱ n.ȱ 5, followingȱfromȱRogerȱDuchêne,ȱed.,ȱMmeȱdeȱSévigné,ȱCorrespondance,ȱ3ȱvols.ȱBibliothèqueȱdeȱla Pléiadeȱ(Paris:ȱGallimard,ȱ1972–1978),ȱ3:ȱ503,ȱn.ȱ4.ȱHowever,ȱasȱnotedȱbyȱPascalȱParente,ȱBeyond Space:ȱAȱBookȱAboutȱtheȱAngelsȱ(Rockford,ȱIL:ȱTANȱBooks,ȱ1973),ȱ69,ȱ“theȱbiblicalȱphraseȱrefersȱnot toȱaȱtemporalȱbutȱtoȱaȱspiritualȱreality,ȱaȱwellȬorderedȱandȱwellȬorganizedȱmultitudeȱofȱheavenly spirits,ȱmostȱpowerfulȱandȱeverȱreadyȱtoȱobeyȱGod,ȱtheȱkingȱofȱheaven,ȱtheȱLordȱofȱHosts.”

550

JohnȱCampbell Pourȱdissiperȱleurȱligueȱilȱn’aȱqu’àȱseȱmontrer. Ilȱparle,ȱetȱdansȱlaȱpoudreȱlesȱfaitȱtousȱrentrer.ȱ

(vv.ȱ221–24)

[Whatȱcanȱallȱtheȱkingsȱofȱtheȱearthȱdoȱagainstȱhim?ȱ/ȱTheyȱwouldȱuniteȱinȱvainȱtoȱmake warȱonȱhim.ȱ/ȱToȱscatterȱtheirȱleagueȱheȱhasȱonlyȱtoȱappear.ȱ/ȱOneȱwordȱfromȱhim,ȱand theyȱallȱgoȱbackȱhomeȱtoȱtheȱsoundȱofȱgunpowder].

Itȱwillȱbeȱobjectedȱatȱonce,ȱandȱnotȱwithoutȱreason,ȱthatȱtheȱsubjectȱmatterȱofȱEsther isȱofȱanȱentirelyȱdifferentȱorderȱtoȱthatȱofȱLouisȱXIV’sȱwars.ȱForȱwhatȱisȱatȱstakeȱis notȱ theȱ destructionȱ ofȱ someȱ fortressesȱ onȱ theȱ Rhine,ȱ butȱ theȱ survivalȱ ofȱ God’s ChosenȱPeople.ȱIndeed,ȱitȱisȱonȱthisȱveryȱbasisȱthatȱLucienȬGillesȱBenguiguiȱhas claimedȱthatȱ“antiȬSemitismȱisȱtheȱrealȱsubjectȱbothȱofȱtheȱbookȱofȱEstherȱandȱofȱthe play.”14ȱ Andȱ itȱ isȱ trueȱ thatȱ theȱ riskȱ ofȱ extinctionȱ isȱ real.ȱ Theȱ Jewsȱ areȱ already scattered,ȱ exiled,ȱ andȱ enslaved,ȱ butȱ worseȱ isȱ threatened,ȱ imminently.ȱ King AssuérusȱhasȱbeenȱpersuadedȱbyȱhisȱschemingȱChiefȱMinisterȱAmanȱ(Haman)ȱthat thereȱshouldȱbeȱwhatȱtoȱaȱmodernȱearȱhasȱtheȱsinisterȱringȱofȱaȱfinalȱsolution.ȱThis isȱhowȱtheȱmatterȱisȱputȱtoȱEsther: OnȱdoitȱdeȱtousȱlesȱJuifsȱexterminerȱlaȱrace. AuȱsanguinaireȱAmanȱnousȱsommesȱtousȱlivrés. Lesȱglaives,ȱlesȱcouteauxȱsontȱdéjàȱpréparés. TouteȱlaȱNationȱàȱlaȱfoisȱestȱproscrite.ȱ

(166–70)

[TheȱwholeȱJewishȱraceȱisȱtoȱbeȱexterminated.ȱ/ȱWeȱhaveȱallȱbeenȱdeliveredȱupȱtoȱthe bloodthirstyȱAman.ȱ/ȱTheȱswordsȱandȱtheȱknivesȱareȱevenȱnowȱready.ȱ/ȱTheȱwhole nationȱisȱforbiddenȱtoȱexist].

Amanȱhimselfȱexpressesȱtheȱmatterȱsuccinctly: Queȱlesȱpeuplesȱentiersȱdansȱleȱsangȱsoientȱnoyés. Jeȱveuxȱqu’onȱdiseȱunȱjourȱauxȱsièclesȱeffrayés: IlȱfutȱdesȱJuifs.ȱ

(vv.ȱ475–77)

[Mayȱwholeȱpeoplesȱdrownȱinȱtheirȱblood.ȱ/ȱMyȱwishȱisȱthatȱagesȱtoȱcomeȱwillȱoneȱday say,ȱwithȱterror:ȱ/ȱOnceȱuponȱaȱtimeȱthereȱwereȱJews].

Sinceȱ theȱ resistanceȱ toȱ exterminationȱ mustȱ fallȱ withinȱ evenȱ theȱ mostȱ exacting criteriaȱforȱaȱjustȱwar,ȱisȱthereȱanyȱcauseȱtoȱquestionȱ“theȱGodȱofȱbattles”ȱ(v.ȱ326), “theȱ victoriousȱ God”ȱ (v.ȱ 342)ȱ portrayedȱ inȱ thisȱ particularȱ context?ȱ Inȱ the circumstances,ȱ couldȱ anyȱ humanȱ conscience,ȱ beforeȱ orȱ afterȱ theȱ Holocaust,ȱ be easilyȱscandalizedȱbyȱthisȱwarriorȱGod?15ȱ

14

15

LucienȬGillesȱBenguigui,ȱRacineȱetȱlesȱsourcesȱjuivesȱd’EstherȱetȱAtalie,ȱÉditionsȱduȱPavillonȱ(Paris: L’Harmattan,ȱ1995),ȱ40. SeeȱMichelȱCornot’sȱreactionȱtoȱaȱComédieȬFrançaiseȱperformance,ȱLeȱMonde,ȱ6ȱJuneȱ2003,ȱp.ȱ30: “ItȱisȱnaturallyȱimpossibleȱtoȱattendȱthisȱsoberȱandȱfaithfulȱperformanceȱofȱEstherȱhavingȱinȱyour mind,ȱatȱallȱtimes,ȱAuschwitz.”

Racine’sȱHolyȱWars

551

Thatȱthereȱisȱnoȱeasyȱanswerȱtoȱsuchȱaȱquestion,ȱinȱEsther,ȱisȱalreadyȱoneȱwayȱof showingȱthatȱRacine’sȱplayȱisȱnotȱquiteȱasȱstraightforwardȱasȱmightȱbeȱimagined fromȱ itsȱ originȱ asȱ aȱ schoolȱ drama.ȱ Theȱ roleȱ ofȱ Louisȱ XIVȱ isȱ certainlyȱ one complication.ȱAnotherȱisȱthatȱtheȱplayȱmayȱbeȱviewed,ȱasȱindeedȱitsȱBiblicalȱsource hasȱ been,ȱ merelyȱ asȱ anotherȱ episodeȱ inȱ theȱ bloodstainedȱ pagesȱ ofȱ theȱ Old Testament:ȱforȱJulesȱLemaître,ȱforȱexample,ȱtheȱBookȱofȱEstherȱwasȱnothingȱmore thanȱ“aȱstoryȱofȱbloodȱandȱpleasure.”16ȱAfterȱall,ȱAmanȱhasȱdescribedȱhowȱthe Israelites,ȱlockedȱintoȱ“anȱeternalȱhatred”ȱwithȱhisȱownȱrace,ȱtheȱAmalekites,ȱhad previouslyȱattemptedȱtoȱwipeȱthemȱfromȱtheȱfaceȱofȱtheȱearth,ȱtheirȱcattleȱincluded, andȱalmostȱsucceededȱ(vv.ȱ483–87).ȱItȱisȱtrueȱthat,ȱwhereasȱtheȱbookȱofȱEstherȱends withȱtheȱbloodyȱrevengeȱmetedȱoutȱbyȱtheȱIsraelitesȱtoȱAman,ȱhisȱfamily,ȱandȱthe Amalekiteȱpeople,ȱRacineȱdoesȱelideȱmostȱofȱtheȱviolence.ȱItȱisȱsimplyȱleftȱtoȱthe audience’sȱimaginationȱtoȱpieceȱoutȱtheȱking’sȱexplicitȱinstruction:ȱ“Jeȱleurȱlivreȱle sangȱdeȱtousȱleursȱEnnemis”ȱ(v.ȱ1183;ȱIȱamȱhandingȱoverȱtoȱthemȱtheȱbloodȱofȱall theirȱenemies).ȱThisȱisȱnotȱexactlyȱhowȱtheseȱrevengeȱkillingsȱareȱpresentedȱinȱthe finalȱ choralȱ scene:ȱ “Dieuȱ faitȱ triompherȱ l’Innocence,ȱ /ȱ Chantons,ȱ célébronsȱ sa puissance.”ȱ (vv.ȱ 1200–2;ȱ Godȱ makesȱ innocenceȱ triumph,ȱ /ȱ Letȱ usȱ sing,ȱ letȱ us celebrateȱhisȱpower).ȱModernȱaudiencesȱandȱreadersȱwillȱnotȱnecessarilyȱfindȱit easyȱtoȱescapeȱconferringȱsomeȱironicȱcoloringȱtoȱthisȱdenouement. Seenȱinȱthisȱlight,ȱtheȱplayȱitselfȱseemsȱnotȱtooȱfarȱremovedȱfromȱtheȱspiritȱofȱits Prologue.ȱIndeed,ȱitȱseemsȱaptȱthatȱtheȱpersonȱwhoȱtookȱonȱtheȱtaskȱofȱadmitting spectatorsȱ toȱ itsȱ fewȱ performancesȱ wasȱ Louisȱ XIVȱ himself:ȱ “Leȱ Dieuȱ queȱ nous servonsȱestȱleȱDieuȱdesȱcombats”ȱ(v.ȱ350;ȱTheȱGodȱweȱserveȱisȱtheȱGodȱofȱbattles). ForȱitȱisȱdifficultȱnotȱtoȱaskȱquestionsȱaboutȱtheȱidentityȱofȱaȱGodȱpresentedȱas exercisingȱhisȱoverwhelmingȱpowerȱinȱactsȱofȱwarȱagainstȱenemiesȱwho,ȱinevitably, areȱtoȱbeȱcrushed.ȱThisȱinȱturnȱraisesȱotherȱquestionsȱaboutȱthoseȱwhoȱuseȱ“God” toȱjustifyȱtheirȱwars,ȱandȱfashionȱanȱimageȱofȱdivineȱpowerȱthatȱreflectsȱtheirȱown appetitesȱ andȱ ambitions.ȱ Inȱ whatȱ circumstancesȱ canȱ thereȱ beȱ aȱ justȱ war?ȱ Isȱ it possibleȱforȱGodȱtoȱsupportȱoneȱparticularȱside,ȱasȱeachȱsideȱcanȱclaim,ȱandȱremain theȱGodȱofȱall?ȱMayȱanyȱdegreeȱofȱviolenceȱbeȱcommittedȱinȱtheȱnameȱofȱGod?17

Athalie TheseȱsameȱquestionsȱresurfaceȱinȱAthalie,ȱwhichȱfollowedȱtwoȱyearsȱafterȱEsther, sinceȱ thatȱ firstȱ playȱ had,ȱ perhapsȱ unsurprisingly,ȱ givenȱ visibleȱ pleasureȱ toȱ the

16 17

JulesȱLemaître,ȱJeanȱRacineȱ(Paris:ȱCalmannȬLevy,ȱ1908),ȱ279. [Editor’sȱnote:ȱForȱtheȱideaȱofȱJustȱWar,ȱseeȱotherȱarticlesȱinȱthisȱvolume,ȱe.ȱg.,ȱthoseȱbyȱBenȱSnook, JohnȱDempsey,ȱandȱAlbrechtȱClassen,ȱJohnȱDempsey,ȱamongȱothers].

552

JohnȱCampbell

warriorȱ kingȱ andȱ defenderȱ ofȱ theȱ faith.18ȱ Thisȱ time,ȱ however,ȱ thereȱ wasȱ no flatteringȱPrologue,ȱbutȱaȱfull,ȱfiveȬactȱtragedyȱwithȱreversalȱandȱrecognitionȱon recognizablyȱ Aristotelianȱ lines,ȱ endingȱ withȱ theȱ overthrowȱ andȱ deathȱ ofȱ the monarch.ȱIfȱtheseȱquestionsȱrecurȱwithȱgreaterȱintensity,ȱitȱisȱbecauseȱtheȱdrama itselfȱisȱmoreȱintense.ȱAthalie,ȱindeed,ȱwasȱlongȱconsideredȱtoȱbeȱtheȱcrowning achievementȱ ofȱ Racine’sȱ dramaticȱ career:ȱ “thisȱ conjunctionȱ ofȱ anȱ idealȱ tragic subject,ȱaȱperfectȱdramaticȱconstruction,ȱandȱsublimeȱpoeticȱwriting,ȱallowsȱoneȱto understandȱwhyȱAthalieȱcanȱbeȱconsideredȱtoȱbeȱtheȱquintessentialȱFrenchȱreligious tragedy.”19ȱThus,ȱalthoughȱtheȱoverthrowȱofȱQueenȱAthalieȱandȱtheȱcoronationȱof Joasȱhaveȱspecificȱbiblicalȱsources,ȱitȱisȱimportantȱtoȱnoteȱthatȱAthalieȱis,ȱfirstȱand foremost,ȱaȱwellȬworkedȱdramaticȱactionȱthatȱstirsȱemotionȱandȱkeepsȱaudiences involvedȱuntilȱtheȱfinalȱreversalȱandȱrecognition.20ȱFor,ȱasȱGeorgesȱForestierȱpoints out,ȱitȱisȱAthalie’sȱsuccessȱasȱaȱtragicȱdramaȱthatȱallowsȱtheȱreligiousȱdimensionȱto existȱindependentlyȱofȱit,ȱandȱbecomeȱaȱquestionȱofȱpersonalȱinterpretation.21 OnȱtheȱsubjectȱofȱtheȱwarȱbetweenȱtheȱHousesȱofȱDavidȱandȱAchab,ȱofȱwhich Athalieȱ providesȱ aȱ concentratedȱ episode,ȱ twoȱ opposingȱ perspectivesȱ offer themselves.ȱTheȱmostȱobviousȱisȱtoȱacceptȱthatȱallȱtheȱviolenceȱthatȱtakesȱplaceȱto defendȱtheȱHouseȱofȱDavidȱis,ȱasȱRacineȱstatesȱclearlyȱinȱhisȱPreface,ȱpartȱofȱthe historyȱofȱsalvation,ȱseenȱfromȱaȱChristianȱperspective.ȱItȱisȱimpossibleȱtoȱmissȱthe messianicȱdimensionȱofȱtheȱplay,ȱforȱexampleȱinȱtheȱrepeatedȱcallsȱforȱaȱredeemer, “ceȱRoiȱpromisȱauxȱNations”ȱ(v.ȱ734;ȱthisȱKingȱtheȱnationsȱhaveȱbeenȱpromised), whoȱwillȱdeliverȱtheȱJewishȱpeopleȱfromȱitsȱbondage,ȱasȱinȱtheȱhighȱpriest’sȱvision ofȱtheȱNewȱJerusalemȱ(vv.ȱ1159–74).ȱSinceȱfromȱDavid’sȱlineȱtheȱRedeemerȱmust come,ȱsoȱDavid’sȱlineȱmustȱbeȱprotected,ȱandȱhisȱenemiesȱcrushed.ȱThatȱexplains someȱapparentȱparadoxes.ȱTheȱHighȱPriestȱJoadȱcanȱthusȱexplainȱhowȱKingȱJehu, nowȱregardedȱasȱaȱfaithlessȱrenegadeȱ(vv.ȱ1083–92),ȱhadȱbeenȱpreviouslyȱusedȱas anȱinstrumentȱofȱdivineȱwrathȱtoȱeliminateȱGod’sȱenemies,ȱnotablyȱallȱtheȱfamily ofȱAchab.ȱJoadȱlingersȱoverȱoneȱfamousȱmomentȱinȱthisȱholyȱwar,ȱtheȱmurderȱof Jezabel,ȱprovidingȱsurprisinglyȱgraphicȱdetailsȱinȱorderȱtoȱshowȱGod’sȱunflinching responseȱtoȱanyȱthreatȱ(v.ȱ112): PrèsȱdeȱceȱchampȱfatalȱJézabelȱimmolée, Sousȱlesȱpiedsȱdesȱchevauxȱcetteȱreineȱfoulée, Dansȱsonȱsangȱinhumainȱlesȱchiensȱdésaltérés, Etȱdeȱsonȱcorpsȱhideuxȱlesȱmembresȱdéchirés;ȱ

18 19 20 21

MmeȱdeȱSévigné,ȱCorrespondance,ȱ3:ȱ520ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ13). Forestier,ȱed.ȱRacine,ȱ1713ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5). 2ȱKingsȱ11ȱandȱ2ȱChroniclesȱ22ȱandȱ23. Forestier,ȱed.ȱRacine,ȱ1720ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ5).

(vv.ȱ115–18)

Racine’sȱHolyȱWars

553

[NearȱthisȱfatalȱfieldȱtheȱslainȱJezabel,ȱ/ȱThisȱqueenȱthatȱhorsesȱtrampleȱon,ȱ/ȱWithȱher inhumanȱbloodȱinȱwhichȱdogsȱslakeȱtheirȱthirst,ȱ/ȱAndȱtheȱtornȱlimbsȱofȱherȱhideous body].ȱ22

Thereȱareȱthusȱgoodȱwars,ȱandȱbad.ȱWhenȱAthalie’sȱmotherȱorȱsonȱisȱkilled,ȱthisȱis divineȱvengeance.ȱWhenȱAthalie,ȱinȱrevenge,ȱattemptsȱtoȱannihilateȱtheȱHouseȱof David,ȱ whichȱ meansȱ attemptingȱ toȱ slaughterȱ allȱ herȱ grandchildren,ȱ thisȱ is necessarilyȱevil.ȱTheȱqueenȱdoesȱnotȱknow,ȱhowever,ȱthatȱoneȱchild,ȱtheȱfutureȱking Joas,ȱ hasȱ escaped,ȱ andȱ isȱ evenȱ nowȱ beingȱ hiddenȱ inȱ theȱ Temple.ȱ Itȱ therefore becomesȱGod’sȱwillȱtoȱdefendȱthisȱchild,ȱandȱthusȱtoȱeliminateȱAthalieȱinȱturn.ȱFor withoutȱtheȱchild,ȱthereȱcanȱbeȱnoȱMessiah.ȱEveryȱactȱofȱwarȱcommittedȱbyȱthe HouseȱofȱDavidȱisȱthereforeȱjustifiedȱasȱbeingȱpartȱofȱGod’sȱprovidentialȱdesignȱfor mankind.ȱThisȱsacredȱconflictȱinvolvesȱnotȱonlyȱaȱ“Dieuȱquiȱcombatȱpourȱnous”ȱ(v. 226;ȱ Godȱ whoȱ fightsȱ onȱ ourȱ side),ȱ butȱ alsoȱ aȱ strategyȱ ofȱ purification:ȱ “L’Ange exterminateurȱestȱdeboutȱavecȱnous”ȱ(v.ȱ1698;ȱTheȱexterminatingȱangelȱstandsȱby ourȱside).ȱInȱthisȱvision,ȱeverythingȱisȱimpelledȱbyȱ“anȱavengingȱGod”ȱ(v.ȱ1471).ȱ Onȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱalthoughȱthisȱGodȱisȱdescribedȱasȱtheȱarbiterȱofȱbattlesȱ(v. 1348),ȱtheseȱactsȱofȱwarȱare,ȱinȱAthalieȱasȱinȱEsther,ȱinȱeveryȱcaseȱcommitted,ȱnotȱby someȱdistantȱGodȱwhoȱtumblesȱEgyptianȱchariotsȱandȱhorsesȱintoȱtheȱsea,ȱbutȱby humanȱbeingsȱusingȱallȱtheȱingenuityȱandȱtrickeryȱatȱtheirȱcommand:ȱ“Laȱfoiȱqui n’agitȱpoint,ȱestȬceȱuneȱfoiȱsincère?”ȱ(v.ȱ71;ȱCanȱtheȱfaithȱthatȱdoesȱnotȱactȱbeȱa sincereȱfaith?)ȱTheȱorganizationȱofȱtheȱLevites,ȱtheȱstockpilingȱofȱweaponsȱinȱthe Temple,ȱtheȱfineȱdetailȱofȱtheȱtacticsȱforȱtheȱassault,ȱallȱcomeȱfromȱtheȱcreative generalshipȱofȱtheȱhighȱpriestȱ(vv.ȱ1445–55).ȱAthalieȱisȱthusȱovercome,ȱnotȱbyȱsome divineȱthunderbolt,ȱbutȱbyȱ“theȱsoldiersȱofȱtheȱlivingȱGod”ȱ(v.ȱ1730)ȱwhoȱcomeȱout ofȱhidingȱandȱseizeȱher.ȱ Theȱhighȱpriest’sȱschemeȱtoȱlureȱAthalieȱintoȱtheȱtemple,ȱandȱthenȱassassinate her,ȱ whichȱ formsȱ theȱ denouementȱ ofȱ theȱ play,ȱ isȱ partȱ ofȱ thisȱ grandȱ andȱ very humanȱ design.ȱ Inȱ isȱ inȱ thisȱ contextȱ thatȱ mayȱ beȱ understoodȱ Joad’sȱ advance absolutionȱofȱhisȱwarriors:ȱ“Dansȱl’infidèleȱsangȱbaignezȬvousȱsansȱhorreur”ȱ(v. 1360;ȱInȱinfidelȱbloodȱsteepȱyourselvesȱwithoutȱhorror).ȱThisȱgoesȱslightlyȱbeyond simpleȱselfȬprotection.ȱAllȱtheseȱactsȱareȱaccomplishedȱbyȱhumanȱbeingsȱwhose faithȱinȱtheȱOneȱTrueȱGodȱjustifiesȱanyȱlevelȱofȱviolenceȱtoȱdefendȱit.ȱOneȱmightȱask ifȱtheȱCrusadesȱorȱtheȱdragonnades,ȱLouisȱXIV’sȱinfamousȱmilitaryȱsweepsȱagainst theȱHuguenots,ȱwereȱundertakenȱonȱanyȱotherȱbasis.ȱInȱtheȱcauseȱofȱsalvation,ȱthe endȱseeminglyȱjustifiesȱtheȱmeans.ȱForȱtheȱhighȱpriestȱtheseȱmeansȱcanȱlegitimately

22

Theȱdescriptionȱisȱnotȱjustȱsurprisingȱbecauseȱitȱconcernsȱtheȱdeathȱofȱaȱwoman,ȱbutȱbecauseȱit contrastsȱmarkedlyȱwithȱtheȱlexicalȱrestraintȱofȱFrenchȱseventeenthȬcenturyȱtragedyȱasȱaȱgenre. Suchȱrestraint,ȱlaterȱpilloriedȱasȱanemicȱandȱnonȬpoeticȱbyȱRomanticsȱsuchȱasȱVictorȱHugo,ȱisȱmost inȱ evidenceȱ inȱ theȱ tragediesȱ ofȱ Racine,ȱ makingȱ theȱ levelȱ ofȱ detailȱ andȱ colorȱ inȱ thisȱ particular passageȱquiteȱexceptionalȱinȱhisȱworks.

554

JohnȱCampbell

beȱ extreme.ȱ Thusȱ hisȱ callȱ forȱ energeticȱ action:ȱ “Duȱ milieuȱ deȱ monȱ peuple exterminezȱ lesȱ crimes”ȱ (v.ȱ 91;ȱ Fromȱ theȱ midstȱ ofȱ myȱ peopleȱ exterminate wrongdoing). Theȱuseȱofȱtheȱtermȱ“exterminate”ȱmightȱhereȱagainȱgiveȱcauseȱforȱreflection,ȱthe moreȱsoȱinȱthat,ȱunlikeȱinȱEsther,ȱtheȱproposedȱactȱofȱwarȱisȱnotȱdirectedȱatȱthe Jewishȱpeople,ȱbutȱisȱtoȱbeȱcarriedȱoutȱbyȱthem.ȱForȱitȱgoesȱwithoutȱsayingȱthatȱthe highȱpriest’sȱvisionȱofȱholyȱwarȱhasȱnotȱgoneȱunopposed,ȱbeginningȱwithȱVoltaire, forȱwhomȱAthalie,ȱwhileȱbeingȱaȱmasterpieceȱofȱpoetry,ȱwasȱalsoȱ“theȱmasterpiece ofȱreligiousȱfanaticism.”23ȱSeenȱthroughȱthisȱEnlightenmentȱlens,ȱtheȱhighȱpriest becomesȱ theȱ epitomeȱ ofȱ intolerance,ȱ incitingȱ hisȱ menȱ notȱ toȱ layȱ downȱ their weaponsȱtillȱtheȱlastȱenemyȱisȱkilled,ȱandȱtoȱplaceȱtheirȱhopeȱinȱtheȱavengingȱfury ofȱGodȱ(vv.ȱ1375–78).ȱStrengtheningȱtheȱuneaseȱcausedȱbyȱviolenceȱcommittedȱin theȱnameȱofȱreligionȱisȱtheȱideaȱthatȱthereȱisȱnoȱreasonȱforȱaȱmodernȱaudienceȱto shareȱJoad’sȱreligiousȱbeliefs,ȱandȱthusȱtoȱprivilegeȱoneȱparticularȱholyȱwarȱover another.ȱIndeed,ȱQueenȱAthalieȱisȱregardedȱbyȱsomeȱasȱaȱ“benevolentȱdespot,”ȱand aȱ“worthyȱparticipantȱinȱaȱfierceȱpoliticalȱstruggle.”24ȱAndȱitȱisȱtrueȱthatȱAthalie,ȱthe perpetratorȱofȱoneȱmassacre,ȱhasȱherȱownȱtraumaticȱmemoriesȱofȱwhatȱsheȱseesȱas theȱwarȱcrimesȱofȱtheȱHouseȱofȱDavid: J’auraisȱvuȱmassacrerȱetȱmonȱPère,ȱetȱmonȱFrère,ȱ DuȱhautȱdeȱsonȱPalaisȱprécipiterȱmaȱMère, Etȱdansȱunȱmêmeȱjourȱégorgerȱàȱlaȱfois Quelȱspectacleȱd’horreur!ȱquatreȬvingtsȱfilsȱdeȱRois: Etȱpourquoi?ȱPourȱvengerȱjeȱneȱsaisȱquelsȱProphètes, Dontȱelleȱavaitȱpuniȱlesȱfureursȱindiscrètes. (vv.ȱ711–16) [Iȱhaveȱseenȱtheȱmassacreȱofȱmyȱfather,ȱandȱmyȱbrother,ȱ/ȱMyȱmotherȱhurledȱdown fromȱtheȱtopȱofȱherȱpalace,ȱ/ȱAndȱonȱtheȱsameȱdayȱtheȱsimultaneousȱmurderȱ/ȱ(What aȱspectacleȱofȱhorror!)ȱofȱeightyȱroyalȱchildren:ȱAndȱwhy?ȱToȱavengeȱsomeȱProphets orȱother,ȱ/ȱWhoseȱcrazedȱinquisitivenessȱsheȱhadȱpunished].

Inȱthisȱperspective,ȱAthalie’sȱfinalȱadmissionȱthatȱtheȱJewishȱGodȱhasȱwonȱthe battleȱ(v.ȱ1768)ȱisȱnotȱaȱconfessionȱofȱwrongdoing,ȱonlyȱaȱrecognitionȱthatȱtheȱbig battalionsȱareȱonȱGod’sȱside.ȱ WhateverȱinterpretationȱofȱAthalieȱisȱmade,ȱtheȱviolenceȱusedȱtoȱputȱJoasȱonȱthe throne,ȱandȱtheȱwarsȱwagedȱtoȱdefendȱtheȱHouseȱofȱDavid,ȱandȱthusȱtheȱmessianic line,ȱmustȱbeȱplacedȱinȱtheȱcontextȱofȱoneȱfinalȱdisturbingȱdetail:ȱtheȱsimpleȱfact, underlinedȱatȱdifferentȱpointsȱinȱtheȱplay,ȱthatȱtheȱnewȱkingȱJoasȱwillȱendȱupȱby

23

24

Voltaire,ȱŒuvresȱcomplètes,ȱed.ȱTheodoreȱBesterman,ȱ142ȱvols.ȱtoȱdateȱ(Geneva:ȱInstitutȱetȱMusée Voltaire,ȱ1968–),ȱ66:ȱ513.ȱOnȱVoltaire’sȱcomplexȱandȱvariedȱreactionsȱtoȱAthalie,ȱseeȱRonaldȱS. Ridgway,ȱ“AthalieȱvueȱparȱVoltaire,”ȱJeunesseȱdeȱRacineȱ(LaȱFertéȬMilon:ȱAssociationȱJeunesseȱde Racine,ȱ1969),ȱ108–17. PeterȱFrance,ȱed.ȱAthalie.ȱClarendonȱFrenchȱSeriesȱ(Oxford:ȱOxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1966),ȱ34–35.

Racine’sȱHolyȱWars

555

turningȱhisȱbackȱonȱGod,ȱtoȱtheȱpointȱofȱassassinatingȱhisȱownȱhighȱpriestȱinȱthe Temple.ȱInȱotherȱwords,ȱtheȱviolenceȱusedȱinȱtheȱnameȱofȱGodȱtoȱputȱaȱkingȱonȱthe throneȱwillȱbeȱusedȱbyȱthatȱsameȱkingȱagainstȱGod’sȱownȱpeople.ȱInȱaȱmessianic perspective,ȱthisȱbetrayalȱinȱnoȱwayȱdimsȱtheȱpromiseȱofȱaȱsavior,ȱsinceȱtheȱGodȱof Warȱwillȱalwaysȱbeȱready,ȱswordȱofȱrevengeȱinȱhand,ȱtoȱsmiteȱtheȱfaithlessȱand unworthy.ȱ Inȱ anyȱ otherȱ perspective,ȱ Joas’sȱ futureȱ betrayalȱ mightȱ beȱ seenȱ as suggestingȱaȱcycleȱofȱviolenceȱendlesslyȱbeingȱrenewed,ȱandȱendlesslyȱjustifiedȱby appealsȱtoȱGod. Noneȱofȱtheȱprecedingȱleadsȱinȱitselfȱtoȱneatȱconclusions:ȱaudiencesȱandȱreaders willȱhaveȱtheirȱownȱreactions,ȱinevitablyȱnourishedȱbyȱtheirȱownȱconvictions,ȱor lackȱofȱthem.ȱNorȱdoȱtheseȱworksȱleaveȱanyȱeasilyȱidentifiableȱmoralȱlandscape.ȱAs Girardȱhasȱexpressedȱit,ȱ“Theȱtragediansȱportrayȱmenȱandȱwomenȱcaughtȱupȱinȱa formȱofȱviolenceȱtooȱimpersonalȱinȱitsȱworkings,ȱtooȱbrutalȱinȱitsȱresults,ȱtoȱallow anyȱ sortȱ ofȱ valueȱ judgment,ȱ anyȱ sortȱ ofȱ distinction,ȱ subtleȱ orȱ simplistic,ȱ toȱ be drawnȱbetweenȱ‘good’ȱandȱ‘wicked’ȱcharacters.”25ȱAtȱtheȱveryȱleast,ȱhowever,ȱthe treatmentȱofȱGodȱandȱwarȱinȱsomeȱofȱRacine’sȱtragediesȱallowsȱsomeȱquestionsȱto beȱaskedȱaboutȱtheȱmotivesȱforȱhumanȱactsȱofȱviolence,ȱandȱtheȱidentityȱofȱtheȱGod inȱ whoseȱ nameȱ theseȱ actsȱ areȱ committed.ȱ Itȱ isȱ notȱ atȱ allȱ certainȱ thatȱ theȱ pious Racine,ȱwhenȱwritingȱEstherȱandȱAthalieȱforȱtheȱpupilsȱofȱSaintȬCyr,ȱhadȱanyȱnotion thatȱhisȱworksȱcouldȱbeȱreadȱinȱthisȱperspective.ȱHowever,ȱinȱaȱmoreȱimpiousȱage, moreȱthanȱthreeȱcenturiesȱlater,ȱhisȱmixtureȱofȱGodȱandȱwarȱwill,ȱtoȱmany,ȱseem potentiallyȱexplosive,ȱandȱnecessarilyȱunholy:ȱaȱmirrorȱofȱtheȱproblemȱofȱevilȱthat willȱalwaysȱremainȱanȱobstacleȱtoȱanyȱeasyȱacceptanceȱofȱaȱlovingȱGod.ȱItȱisȱtoȱthe creditȱofȱRacine’sȱworksȱthatȱtheyȱsimultaneouslyȱpermitȱenjoyment,ȱengagement, andȱambivalence.ȱ

25

Girard,ȱViolenceȱandȱtheȱSacred,ȱ47ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2)..ȱ

Chapterȱ22 MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock (BrighamȱYoungȱUniversity,ȱProvo,ȱUtah)

OutȱofȱtheȱKitchenȱandȱintoȱtheȱFire:ȱ TheȱDutchȱHeroineȱTraditionȱ

TheȱplethoraȱofȱartisticȱandȱliteraryȱeulogiesȱtoȱtheȱseveralȱheroinesȱofȱtheȱDutch Revoltȱ andȱ theirȱ descendantsȱ immediatelyȱ indicatesȱ theȱ distinctivenessȱ ofȱ this earlyȱ modernȱ republic’sȱ culturalȱ environmentȱ andȱ itsȱ abilityȱ toȱ powerfully transgressȱtraditionalȱgenderȱnorms.ȱIndeed,ȱtheȱheroȱtraditionȱinȱmostȱcultures wasȱratherȱstrictlyȱaȱmaleȱenterprise.ȱUsuallyȱculturalȱartifacts,ȱbothȱliteraryȱand visual,ȱconsistȱofȱmaleȱeulogiesȱtoȱotherȱmenȱwhoȱexecuteȱbrave,ȱnoble,ȱorȱglorious deeds.ȱThereȱwere,ȱofȱcourse,ȱsomeȱfemaleȱexceptionsȱtoȱthisȱconventionȱthatȱwere muchȱlessȱfrequentlyȱtransmittedȱinȱwesternȱcultureȱthroughȱaȱtypeȱofȱtextȱknown asȱ“CatalogsȱofȱGoodȱWomen.”ȱTheseȱcatalogs,ȱwhichȱfirstȱappearedȱinȱantiquity, wereȱ revivedȱ duringȱ theȱ Renaissanceȱ andȱ eachȱ newȱ textȱ addedȱ aȱ few contemporaryȱ figuresȱ toȱ theȱ listȱ ofȱ virtuous,ȱ wise,ȱ andȱ braveȱ women.ȱ Byȱ the seventeenthȱ century,ȱ variousȱ typesȱ ofȱ womenȱ wereȱ includedȱ inȱ suchȱ texts: mythologicalȱorȱancientȱfiguresȱincludingȱZenobia,ȱtheȱAmazons,ȱandȱLucretia; biblicalȱfiguresȱsuchȱasȱJudith,ȱSusanna,ȱandȱDeborah;ȱmoreȱcontemporaryȱfigures consistingȱ ofȱ royaltyȱ orȱ rareȱ womenȱ likeȱ Joanȱ ofȱ Arc.ȱ Aȱ fewȱ ofȱ theseȱ women achievedȱheroineȱstatusȱthroughȱtraditionalȱmeans—physicalȱstrengthȱandȱbravery inȱbattle—butȱmoreȱoftenȱtheyȱbecameȱreveredȱthroughȱtheirȱtraditionalȱfemale virtuesȱofȱmodesty,ȱcharity,ȱfaith,ȱandȱselfȬsacrifice.1

1

Forȱ anȱ overviewȱ ofȱ theseȱ catalogsȱ andȱ theirȱ contents,ȱ seeȱ Glendaȱ McLeod,ȱ Virtueȱ andȱ Venom: CatalogsȱofȱWomenȱfromȱAntiquityȱtoȱtheȱRenaissanceȱ(AnnȱArbor:ȱUniversityȱofȱMichiganȱPress, 1991).ȱIȱwouldȱlikeȱtoȱexpressȱmyȱdeepȱgratitudeȱtoȱDr.ȱNicolaasȱUnlandtȱforȱhisȱsuggestionsȱon theȱDutchȱtranslationsȱthroughoutȱtheȱtext.ȱ[Editor’sȱnote:ȱSeeȱnowȱtheȱcontributionsȱtoȱWarlike WomenȱinȱtheȱGermanȱLiteraryȱandȱCulturalȱImaginationȱsinceȱ1500,ȱed.ȱSarahȱColvinȱandȱHelen WatanabeȬO’Kelly.ȱWomenȱandȱDeath,ȱ2.ȱStudiesȱinȱGermanȱLiterature,ȱLinguistics,ȱandȱCulture

558

MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock

Dutchȱheroines,ȱinȱcontrast,ȱwereȱdistinctiveȱinȱmanyȱways.ȱFirst,ȱseveralȱcities ofȱtheȱnewlyȱformingȱrepublicȱproclaimedȱandȱmythologizedȱtheȱbraveȱdeedsȱof oneȱ orȱ moreȱ ofȱ theirȱ femaleȱ citizenry.ȱ So,ȱ ratherȱ thanȱ producingȱ aȱ singularly extraordinaryȱheroine,ȱtheȱDutchȱRevolutionȱgeneratedȱaȱtraditionȱthatȱallowedȱfor theȱmuchȱmoreȱcommonȱassimilationȱofȱheroicȱcapabilitiesȱbyȱwomen.ȱAnother unusualȱ featureȱ ofȱ theȱ Dutchȱ heroineȱ traditionȱ isȱ theȱ mannerȱ inȱ whichȱ these womenȱachievedȱtheirȱlegendaryȱstatus.ȱUnlikeȱtheȱmoreȱfamiliarȱselfȬsacrificing heroinesȱ ofȱ theȱ past,ȱ mostȱ ofȱ theseȱ womenȱ gainedȱ fameȱ throughȱ courageous struggleȱagainstȱtheȱSpanishȱenemy.ȱIndeed,ȱtheyȱpurportedlyȱcompetedȱwith,ȱand atȱtimesȱsurpassed,ȱtheirȱmaleȱcompatriotsȱinȱtermsȱofȱstrengthȱandȱbravery.ȱThus, theȱfutureȱabilityȱofȱwomenȱtoȱadoptȱtraditionallyȱmaleȱrolesȱandȱcharacteristics wasȱgreatlyȱenhanced.ȱFinally,ȱaȱfurtherȱdistinctiveȱfeatureȱofȱtheseȱheroinesȱwas theirȱcommonȱstatus;ȱtheyȱwereȱnotȱofȱroyalȱprivilegedȱstation,ȱbutȱwereȱinstead ordinaryȱburgherȱwomen.ȱThisȱaspectȱofȱtheȱDutchȱheroineȱalsoȱmadeȱherȱaȱmore accessibleȱroleȱmodelȱforȱtheȱfemaleȱcultureȱatȱlarge.ȱ Dutchȱheroinesȱdevelopedȱlegendaryȱstatusȱinȱbothȱwrittenȱandȱvisualȱculture fromȱtheȱlateȱsixteenthȱthroughȱtheȱseventeenthȱcenturyȱandȱbeyond.ȱSomeȱofȱthese eulogiesȱenvisionedȱlimitedȱaudiences,ȱbutȱothersȱwereȱveryȱpurposefullyȱintended toȱappealȱtoȱlargeȱnumbersȱofȱspectatorsȱandȱwereȱevenȱdesignatedȱatȱtimesȱforȱan internationalȱmarket.ȱTheseȱacclamationsȱareȱfoundȱinȱaȱwideȱvarietyȱofȱvisualȱand textualȱ genresȱ includingȱ paintingsȱ andȱ printsȱ (oftenȱ withȱ inscriptions),ȱ book illustrations,ȱdramas,ȱcatalogsȱofȱgoodȱwomen,ȱlistsȱofȱheroes,ȱdescriptionsȱofȱcities, poetry,ȱ publishedȱ journals,ȱ andȱ aȱ multitudeȱ ofȱ histories.ȱ Accordingȱ to contemporaries,ȱthisȱcelebrationȱofȱcourageousȱwomenȱinspiredȱlaterȱgenerations ofȱwomenȱalsoȱtoȱtakeȱupȱarmsȱinȱdefenseȱofȱtheȱrepublic.ȱTheȱcontinuedȱinterest inȱandȱelaborationȱonȱtheseȱheroineȱlegendsȱwasȱobviouslyȱmeantȱtoȱestablishȱa unifyingȱandȱepicȱnationalȱtradition,ȱwhileȱalsoȱengenderingȱpatrioticȱfervorȱinȱthe foundingȱofȱtheȱnewȱrepublic.ȱ Theȱ impact,ȱ however,ȱ ofȱ thisȱ heroineȱ legacyȱ wasȱ moreȱ extensiveȱ thanȱ the straightforwardȱ establishmentȱ ofȱ aȱ nationalistic,ȱ patrioticȱ tradition.ȱ Itȱ also provokedȱfurorȱoverȱestablishedȱdefinitionsȱofȱ“woman”ȱandȱherȱcharacterȱand capabilities.ȱ Asȱ aȱ result,ȱ aȱ heatedȱ debateȱ beganȱ toȱ emergeȱ overȱ women’sȱ roles generallyȱ andȱ theirȱ rightsȱ andȱ abilitiesȱ toȱ actȱ inȱ theȱ traditionallyȱ maleȱ public sphere.ȱOftenȱinȱdirectȱrelationȱtoȱtheȱheroineȱdiscourse,ȱthisȱlargerȱdialogueȱalso occurredȱinȱaȱvarietyȱofȱformatsȱandȱwasȱalsoȱveryȱpublic. InȱrelationȱtoȱtheȱtraditionȱofȱcelebratingȱtheseȱwomenȱofȱtheȱGoldenȱAge,ȱitȱis essentialȱtoȱintroduceȱtheȱmostȱsignificantȱcatalogȱofȱgoodȱwomenȱpublishedȱinȱthe seventeenthȬcenturyȱDutchȱRepublic.ȱJohanȱvanȱBeverwijck’sȱVanȱdeȱWtnementheyt

(Rochester,ȱNY:ȱCamdenȱHouse,ȱ2009.ȱSeeȱespeciallyȱHelenȱWatanabeȬO’Kelly’sȱcontribution, “WearingȱtheȱTrousers:ȱTheȱWomanȱWarriorȱasȱCrossȬDresserȱinȱGermanȱLiterature,”ȱ28–44.]

TheȱDutchȱHeroineȱTradition

559

desȱVrouwelickenȱGeslachtsȱ(OnȱtheȱExcellenceȱofȱtheȱFemaleȱSex)ȱdefendsȱtheȱcourage, abilities,ȱandȱintelligenceȱofȱwomenȱandȱevenȱarguesȱthatȱwomenȱareȱsuperiorȱto men.2ȱ Vanȱ Beverwijck’sȱ positiveȱ textȱ onȱ women,ȱ publishedȱ twiceȱ duringȱ the seventeenthȱ centuryȱ inȱ 1639ȱ andȱ 1643,ȱ incorporatedȱ manyȱ ofȱ hisȱ famousȱ female contemporariesȱ inȱ theȱ formȱ ofȱ descriptions,ȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ contributedȱ poemsȱ and eulogies.ȱ Inȱ thisȱ way,ȱ theȱ textȱ isȱ ratherȱ distinctȱ fromȱ mostȱ suchȱ textsȱ published elsewhere.ȱManyȱofȱtheȱanecdotesȱandȱhistoriesȱvanȱBeverwijckȱrelatesȱmustȱhave beenȱgatheredȱviaȱcontemporaryȱdiscourseȱinȱDutchȱsociety.ȱItȱhasȱbeenȱarguedȱthat theȱfactȱthatȱthisȱtextȱwasȱpublishedȱinȱDutchȱandȱnotȱinȱitsȱoriginallyȱintendedȱLatin indicatesȱitȱwasȱaimedȱatȱtheȱordinaryȱcitizenry,ȱandȱthatȱtheȱtextȱseemsȱtoȱhaveȱheld aȱparticularlyȱlocalȱappealȱdueȱtoȱtheȱuniqueȱaspectsȱofȱDutchȱculture.3ȱItȱappears, therefore,ȱ thatȱ vanȱ Beverwijck’sȱ textȱ laudingȱ womenȱ heldȱ littleȱ appealȱ forȱ other cultures;ȱthisȱmustȱhaveȱbeenȱdue,ȱinȱpart,ȱtoȱtheȱuniqueȱsituationȱofȱDutchȱpostȬ revolutionaryȱgenderȱcharacterizationsȱandȱtheȱresultingȱstatusȱofȱwomen. Significantly,ȱvanȱBeverwijckȱeulogizesȱmanyȱDutchȱfemaleȱsoldiersȱinȱhisȱtextȱand comparesȱtheirȱbraveryȱtoȱthatȱofȱmen.ȱIndeed,ȱinȱtheȱlaterȱeditionȱheȱdevotesȱanȱentire sectionȱofȱhisȱtextȱtoȱtheirȱcourageousȱdeeds.ȱTheȱsignificanceȱofȱtheȱheroineȱtradition inȱDutchȱcultureȱseemsȱparticularlyȱindicatedȱbyȱtheȱadditionȱofȱchaptersȱonȱwomen’s loveȱ ofȱ theȱ fatherlandȱ andȱ onȱ women’sȱ bravery.ȱ Theȱ impactȱ ofȱ thisȱ discussion, combinedȱwithȱotherȱhistories,ȱwasȱtremendous.ȱByȱtheȱtimeȱPetrusȱvanȱGelreȱwrote hisȱVrouwenȬLofȱ(PraiseȱofȱWomen)ȱinȱ1646,ȱheȱassertedȱthatȱgallantȱsoldieringȱhad beenȱ theȱ natureȱ ofȱ womenȱ forȱ soȱ longȱ inȱ theȱ Netherlands,ȱ itȱ noȱ longerȱ seemed unnatural.4ȱ Thisȱ heroineȱ discourseȱ directlyȱ contradictedȱ normativeȱ conceptsȱ of women’sȱrolesȱandȱmustȱhaveȱprofoundlyȱinfluencedȱpublicȱperceptionsȱofȱwomen’s characterȱandȱcapabilities.ȱInȱart,ȱbyȱusurpingȱtheȱvisualȱtraditionȱofȱtheȱmaleȱwarrior, imagesȱofȱheroinesȱalsoȱposedȱaȱchallengeȱtoȱaȱstrictȱbinaryȱsystemȱofȱgenderȱrolesȱand permanentlyȱalteredȱthisȱsociety’sȱpatriarchalȱdiscourse.

2

3

4

JohanȱvanȱBeverwijck,ȱVanȱdeȱWtnementheytȱdesȱVrouwelickenȱGeslachtsȱVerciertȱmetȱHistoryen,ȱende kopereȱPlaten:ȱalsȱoockȱLatijnsche,ȱendeȱNederlanscheȱVerssenȱvanȱMr.ȱCorn.ȱBoyȱ(Dordrecht:ȱHendrick vanȱEsch,ȱ1643).ȱ Corneliaȱ Niekusȱ Moore,ȱ “‘Notȱ byȱ Natureȱ butȱ byȱ Custom’:ȱ Johanȱ vanȱ Beverwijck’sȱ Vanȱ de wtnementheytȱdesȱvrouwelickenȱGeslachts,”ȱSixteenthȱCenturyȱJournalȱ25.3ȱ(1994):ȱ633–51.ȱUnlikeȱother contemporaryȱtexts,ȱsuchȱasȱthoseȱbyȱtheȱfamousȱJacobȱCats,ȱthisȱbookȱdidȱnotȱenjoyȱinternational fame. Pieterȱ vanȱ Gelre,ȱ Vrouwenȱ Lof:ȱ aenȱ meȬjuffrouw,ȱ meȬiuffrouw,ȱ C.K.ȱ (Leiden:ȱ Williamȱ Christiaens vanderȱBoxe,ȱ1646).

560

MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock

TheȱDutchȱRevolt InȱorderȱtoȱsituateȱtheȱDutchȱheroinesȱhistorically,ȱitȱisȱnecessaryȱtoȱbrieflyȱreviewȱthe eventsȱofȱtheȱrevoltȱagainstȱSpainȱandȱtoȱemphasizeȱthoseȱthatȱspecificallyȱrelateȱto women’sȱhistory.ȱTensionȱwasȱalreadyȱbrewingȱinȱtheȱLowȱCountriesȱlongȱbeforeȱthe actualȱ revoltȱ erupted.ȱ Whileȱ manyȱ explanationsȱ haveȱ beenȱ givenȱ forȱ theȱ conflict betweenȱtheȱpeopleȱofȱtheȱNetherlandsȱandȱtheirȱSpanishȱking,ȱPhilipȱII,ȱreligious differencesȱcertainlyȱplayedȱaȱkeyȱrole.ȱDuringȱtheȱsixteenthȱcentury,ȱtheȱurbanȱareas ofȱ theȱ Netherlandsȱ hadȱ becomeȱ increasinglyȱ attractedȱ toȱ variousȱ formsȱ of Protestantism.ȱAtȱtheȱsameȱtime,ȱtheȱInquisition,ȱsupportedȱbyȱtheȱdevoutlyȱCatholic Philip,ȱwasȱstrengtheningȱitsȱbattleȱagainstȱheretics.ȱTheseȱreligiousȱtensionsȱreached theirȱ heightȱ inȱ 1566ȱ asȱ iconȬdestroyingȱ crowdsȱ beganȱ wreakingȱ havocȱ inȱ many churchesȱ throughoutȱ citiesȱ inȱ bothȱ theȱ northernȱ andȱ southernȱ areasȱ ofȱ theȱ Low Countries.ȱOutraged,ȱPhilipȱsentȱanȱarmyȱnorthȱtoȱquellȱthisȱhereticalȱfury.ȱWhenȱthe troopsȱarrivedȱnearlyȱaȱyearȱlaterȱandȱafterȱpeaceȱhadȱbeenȱrestored,ȱtheȱcitizenry perceivedȱtheȱhugeȱarmyȱunderȱtheȱDukeȱofȱAlbaȱasȱaȱthreatȱtoȱtheirȱfreedomȱand religiousȱpractice. Conditionsȱ worsenedȱ underȱ theȱ harshȱ ruleȱ ofȱ Alba,ȱ whoȱ wasȱ madeȱ governorȬ generalȱinȱDecemberȱofȱ1567.ȱHisȱinfamousȱCouncilȱofȱBloodȱmetedȱoutȱpunishments againstȱhereticsȱandȱevenȱthoseȱwhoȱmerelyȱtoleratedȱProtestantism.ȱAsȱaȱresult,ȱthe CountsȱofȱEgmondȱandȱHorneȱwereȱexecuted,ȱsignalingȱtoȱtheȱpeopleȱaȱcompleteȱloss ofȱtheirȱrightsȱunderȱtheȱlaw.ȱInȱadditionȱtoȱissuingȱmanyȱdeathȱsentences,ȱtheȱcouncil alsoȱbanishedȱhereticsȱandȱconfiscatedȱtheirȱlands,ȱthusȱcausingȱaȱlargeȱexodusȱof Protestantsȱtoȱneighboringȱcountries.ȱLaterȱsomeȱofȱtheseȱindividuals,ȱwhoȱcameȱto beȱknownȱasȱSeaȱBeggars,ȱwouldȱreturnȱtoȱsupportȱtheȱrevoltȱandȱhinderȱtheȱSpanish army.ȱItȱwasȱatȱthisȱtimeȱthatȱWilliamȱofȱOrange,ȱstadholderȱ(highestȱexecutiveȱofficial) forȱ theȱ kingȱ inȱ Hollandȱ andȱ Zeeland,ȱ alsoȱ fledȱ theȱ Netherlands.ȱ Heȱ continued, however,ȱtoȱopposeȱSpanishȱpower,ȱandȱinȱ1568ȱattemptedȱanȱinvasionȱofȱBrabant. Evenȱthoughȱtheȱcoupȱwasȱunsuccessful,ȱthisȱimportantȱfirstȱphaseȱofȱarmedȱresistance markedȱtheȱbeginningsȱofȱaȱrevoltȱthatȱwouldȱsignificantlyȱchangeȱtheȱpoliticalȱface ofȱEurope. ResentmentȱagainstȱAlbaȱdeepenedȱwhenȱtheȱdukeȱinstitutedȱaȱnewȱtaxȱpolicyȱto helpȱeaseȱtheȱfinancialȱcrisisȱinȱSpain.ȱAlthoughȱtheȱsystemȱwasȱneverȱimposedȱdue toȱ publicȱ resentment,ȱ itsȱ emergenceȱ sufficedȱ toȱ encourageȱ theȱ firstȱ independent meetingȱofȱtheȱStatesȱofȱHolland.ȱTheȱassemblyȱdeclaredȱWilliamȱasȱtheirȱleaderȱand calledȱforȱreligiousȱfreedom—bothȱwereȱstatementsȱofȱrevoltȱagainstȱSpanishȱrule.ȱIn retaliation,ȱAlbaȱbeganȱattackingȱproȬOrangeȱcitiesȱsuchȱasȱMechelen,ȱZutphen,ȱand Naarden.ȱTheseȱmassacresȱfurtherȱfueledȱresentmentȱagainstȱSpain,ȱsoȱthatȱwhenȱAlba headedȱnorthȱtoȱextinguishȱthoroughlyȱtheȱrebellion,ȱheȱfoundȱcitizensȱthereȱfiercely tenaciousȱinȱtheirȱstruggleȱagainstȱSpanishȱtyranny.ȱ

TheȱDutchȱHeroineȱTradition

561

OneȱofȱtheȱmostȱfamousȱsiegesȱofȱtheȱrevoltȱtookȱplaceȱatȱHaarlem.ȱPriorȱtoȱthe arrivalȱofȱtheȱSpanishȱarmy,ȱtheȱProtestantsȱinȱHaarlemȱhadȱalreadyȱgainedȱcontrol ofȱtheȱcity.ȱCatholicȱandȱSpanishȱsympathizersȱhadȱbeenȱdrivenȱoutȱofȱpower,ȱandȱSt. Bavo’s,ȱtheȱmainȱchurch,ȱhadȱbecomeȱaȱhouseȱofȱProtestantȱworship.ȱTheȱsiege,ȱwhich beganȱ inȱDecemberȱofȱ1572,ȱdraggedȱonȱforȱseveralȱmonthsȱwithȱtheȱunrelenting citizensȱofȱHaarlemȱcontinuallyȱrefortifyingȱthemselvesȱandȱgenerallyȱharassingȱthe Spanishȱtroops.ȱTheȱwinterȱmonthsȱtookȱaȱheavyȱtollȱonȱtheȱSpanishȱarmyȱandȱitȱwas notȱ untilȱ Julyȱ ofȱ 1573ȱ thatȱ theyȱ wereȱ ableȱ toȱ elicitȱ surrenderȱ fromȱ theȱ citizensȱ of Haarlem.ȱ Again,ȱ storiesȱ regardingȱ Spanishȱ atrocitiesȱ andȱ Netherlandishȱ heroism emergedȱfromȱthisȱcampaignȱtoȱfurtherȱspurȱotherȱrevolutionariesȱinȱtheirȱdesireȱfor freedomȱfromȱSpanishȱoppression. AfterȱtheȱfallȱofȱHaarlem,ȱtheȱSpanishȱtroopsȱadvancedȱonȱtoȱtheȱcitiesȱofȱAlkmaar, Leiden,ȱ andȱ Middelburg.ȱ Thisȱ time,ȱ however,ȱ theȱ rebelsȱ barely,ȱ butȱ successfully, withstoodȱtheȱlengthy,ȱdifficultȱsieges,ȱandȱmuchȱofȱtheȱregionȱbecameȱunitedȱagainst theȱkingȱandȱhisȱpolicies.ȱInȱNovemberȱofȱ1576,ȱtheȱPacificationȱofȱGhentȱwasȱsigned inȱwhichȱallȱtheȱrebelȱprovincesȱagreedȱtoȱdriveȱoutȱtheȱSpanishȱarmyȱandȱtoȱsetȱup aȱprovisionalȱgovernmentȱunderȱtheȱStatesȬGeneral.ȱInȱretributionȱforȱtheirȱlosses,ȱthe SpanishȱtroopsȱturnedȱonȱAntwerp,ȱslaughteringȱandȱpillagingȱforȱseveralȱdaysȱin whatȱcameȱtoȱbeȱknownȱasȱtheȱSpanishȱFury.ȱThisȱeventȱincreasedȱpublicȱireȱagainst theȱcrownȱandȱalsoȱconvincedȱmanyȱthatȱtheȱonlyȱsolutionȱtoȱtheȱconflictȱwasȱarmed rebellion. EvenȱinȱtheȱcityȱofȱUtrecht,ȱwhereȱtheȱCatholicȱChurchȱremainedȱpowerful,ȱillȬ feelingȱtowardȱSpainȱwasȱincreasing.ȱInȱ1577,ȱtheȱcityȱbesiegedȱtheȱSpaniardsȱinȱtheir fortressȱ Vredenburgȱ untilȱ theyȱ surrendered.ȱ Thenȱ theȱ supportersȱ ofȱ Williamȱ of Orangeȱforcedȱoutȱtheȱstadholderȱandȱtookȱcontrolȱofȱtheȱcity.ȱInȱdefiance,ȱtheȱcitizenry thenȱfocusedȱitsȱwrathȱonȱtheȱfinalȱsymbolȱofȱSpanishȱoppressionȱandȱdestroyedȱthe Vredenburgȱfortress. InȱJanuaryȱofȱ1579ȱtheȱUnionȱofȱUtrechtȱalliedȱFlanders,ȱTournai,ȱHolland,ȱZeeland, andȱGueldersȱinȱanȱagreementȱthatȱtheyȱwouldȱallȱdefendȱeachȱother’sȱrightsȱand privilegesȱandȱthatȱtheyȱwouldȱnotȱmakeȱaȱseparateȱpeaceȱwithȱtheȱking.ȱIncreasingly, however,ȱthereȱwereȱdifferencesȱofȱopinionȱthatȱseparatedȱtheȱnorthernȱandȱsouthern provinces,ȱasȱeachȱareaȱtriedȱtoȱtakeȱaȱleadȱinȱtheȱrevolt.ȱEventually,ȱasȱtheȱcrown beganȱretakingȱmanyȱsouthernȱcities,ȱlargeȱnumbersȱofȱProtestantsȱfromȱtheȱsouth wouldȱfleeȱtoȱtheȱnorthȱseekingȱreligiousȱandȱotherȱfreedoms.ȱInȱJulyȱofȱ1581,ȱtheȱAct ofȱAbjurationȱaccusedȱtheȱkingȱofȱviolatingȱtheȱtraditionalȱandȱnaturalȱrightsȱandȱlaws ofȱtheȱLowȱCountries.ȱInȱlightȱofȱthisȱtyranny,ȱtheȱrebelsȱreasonedȱthatȱtheyȱnoȱlonger neededȱ toȱ obeyȱ theȱ king.ȱ Moreover,ȱ theyȱ assertedȱ thatȱ theȱ StatesȬGeneralȱ would chooseȱaȱnewȱsovereignȱforȱtheȱpeople.ȱAfterȱaȱfewȱunsuccessfulȱchoices,ȱhowever,ȱthe StatesȬGeneralȱfinallyȱcameȱtoȱtheȱconclusionȱthatȱaȱkingȱwasȱunnecessary,ȱandȱthat theȱ provincesȱ wouldȱ beȱ governedȱ byȱ aȱ representativeȱ body.ȱ Finally,ȱ inȱ 1588ȱ the northernȱprovincesȱdeclaredȱthemselvesȱaȱseparateȱrepublic.

562

MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock

Theȱ newȱ citizensȱ ofȱ theȱ Republicȱ ofȱ theȱ Unitedȱ Provincesȱ hadȱ littleȱ toȱ unite themselvesȱexceptȱforȱtheirȱsharedȱhatredȱandȱdistrustȱofȱbothȱSpainȱandȱtheȱCatholic Church,ȱ whichȱ was,ȱ however,ȱ enoughȱ toȱ triggerȱ theȱ futureȱ development.ȱ Asȱ the republicȱstroveȱnowȱtoȱdefineȱitselfȱandȱcreateȱaȱunifiedȱculture,ȱthereȱwereȱaȱnumber ofȱcompetingȱdiscoursesȱallȱclamoringȱforȱrecognition.ȱSomeȱofȱtheȱmostȱsignificant andȱenduringȱdiscoursesȱtoȱariseȱwereȱrelatedȱtoȱgenderȱandȱmoreȱspecificallyȱtoȱthe appropriateȱ rolesȱ forȱ womenȱ inȱ thisȱ new,ȱ nonȬCatholic,ȱ society.ȱ Byȱ thisȱ time, accordingȱtoȱvisualȱandȱwrittenȱaccounts,ȱwomenȱhadȱparticipatedȱinȱeverythingȱfrom iconoclasticȱ riotsȱ toȱ outrightȱ strugglesȱ againstȱ Spanishȱ soldiersȱ forȱ manyȱ years.5 Therefore,ȱasȱtheȱsocietyȱbeganȱlookingȱforȱpatrioticȱsymbolsȱtoȱuniteȱtheȱnewȱrepublic inȱitsȱcontinuedȱresistanceȱtoȱSpain,ȱtheȱdeedsȱofȱseveralȱheroinesȱreceivedȱaȱgreat amountȱofȱpublicȱattention.ȱTheȱsignificantȱpraiseȱextendedȱtoȱtheseȱwomenȱledȱtoȱa redefiningȱofȱwomen’sȱrolesȱandȱcharacterȱthatȱwasȱtoȱhaveȱlastingȱimportȱforȱwomen ofȱtheȱseventeenthȬcenturyȱDutchȱRepublic.

KenauȱSimonsȱHasselaerȱandȱtheȱWomenȱofȱHaarlem TheȱmostȱcelebratedȱheroineȱtoȱemergeȱfromȱtheȱDutchȱRevoltȱagainstȱSpainȱwas KenauȱSimonsȱHasselaer.ȱInȱfactȱsheȱisȱoneȱofȱtheȱmostȱfamousȱpatriotsȱofȱtheȱrevolt, maleȱ orȱ female.ȱ Hasselaerȱ wasȱ bornȱ inȱ Haarlemȱ inȱ 1526ȱ toȱ Simonȱ Hasselaarȱ and GrietjeȱCoenen.ȱSheȱcameȱfromȱanȱimportantȱandȱdistinguishedȱHaarlemȱfamily,ȱas didȱherȱshipȬbuildingȱhusbandȱNanningȱGerbrandszȱBorst,ȱandȱhadȱmotheredȱfour childrenȱbyȱtheȱtimeȱsheȱwasȱwidowedȱinȱ1571.ȱAlthoughȱsheȱdidȱnotȱcontinueȱwith theȱshipbuildingȱbusinessȱafterȱherȱhusband’sȱdeath,ȱsheȱdidȱcontinueȱtoȱtradeȱinȱship timber,ȱwhichȱsheȱsuppliedȱtoȱtheȱcityȱinȱ1573ȱforȱtheȱdefenseȱofȱHaarlemȱduringȱthe Spanishȱsiege.6 Theȱ earliestȱ mentionȱ ofȱ Hasselaer’sȱ roleȱ inȱ theȱ revoltȱ isȱ foundȱ inȱ theȱ diaryȱ of JohannesȱArceriusȱthatȱwasȱpublishedȱinȱDelftȱinȱ1573.7ȱArceriusȱdrawsȱattentionȱto 5

6

7

Forȱaȱdiscussionȱofȱwomen’sȱrolesȱinȱtheȱiconoclasticȱriots,ȱseeȱPeterȱJ.ȱArnade,ȱBeggars,ȱIconoclasts, andȱCivicȱPatriots:ȱTheȱPoliticalȱCultureȱofȱtheȱDutchȱRevoltȱ(Ithaca,ȱNY:ȱCornellȱUniversityȱPress, 2008),ȱ111–13. ThereȱareȱseveralȱexcellentȱsourcesȱonȱHasselaer’sȱlifeȱandȱtimes,ȱincluding:ȱJacquesȱFrançois Bosdijkȱ(publishedȱunderȱtheȱpseudonymȱJ.ȱvanȱdeȱCapelle),ȱBelangrijkeȱstukkenȱvoorȱgeschieden oudeidkunde;ȱzijndeȱbijlagenȱenȱaanteekeningenȱbetrekkelijkȱhetȱbelegȱenȱdeȱverdedigingȱvanȱHaarlemȱin 1572Ȭ73ȱ(Schoonhoven:ȱVanȱNooten,ȱ1843);ȱCorneliusȱEkama,ȱBelegȱenȱVerdedigningȱvanȱHaarlem inȱ 1572ȱ enȱ 1573ȱ (Haarlem:ȱ A.ȱ C.ȱ Kruseman,ȱ 1872);ȱ Gerdaȱ H.ȱ Kurtz,ȱ Kenuȱ Symonsȱ Dochterȱ van Haerlemȱ(Assen:ȱVanȱGorcum,ȱ1956);ȱElsȱKloek,ȱKenau:ȱdeȱheldhaftigeȱzakenvrouwȱuitȱHaarlemȱ(1526Ȭ 1588)ȱ(Hilversum:ȱVerloren,ȱ2001). JohannesȱArcerius,ȱHistorieȱendeȱeenȱwaerachtichȱverhaelȱvanȱalȱdieȱdinghenȱdieȱgheschietȱsijnȱvanȱdach totȱdachȱinȱdieȱlofweerdichsteȱendeȱvermaersteȱstadtȱvanȱHollandt,ȱHaerlemȱghenoemt,ȱinȱdienȱtytȱalsȱdie vandenȱHertogeȱvanȱAlbaȱbeleghertȱwasȱ(Delft:ȱAelbrechtȱHendricksz,ȱ1573).

TheȱDutchȱHeroineȱTradition

563

theȱwomenȱofȱHaarlemȱgenerallyȱinȱhisȱaccountȱofȱtheȱbattle.ȱFirst,ȱheȱdescribesȱhow theȱ womenȱ andȱ girlsȱ tookȱ careȱ ofȱ barricadeȱ reparationsȱ soȱ vigorouslyȱ thatȱ the Spaniardsȱcomposedȱaȱsatiricalȱsongȱaboutȱthemȱrecordedȱinȱthisȱtranslation: DieȱMeyskensȱvanȱHaerlem,ȱsyȱzijnȱsoȱmal, Syȱdraghenȱdieȱeerdȱalȱopȱdieȱwal [TheȱGirlsȱofȱHaarlem,ȱtheyȱareȱsoȱpeculiar,ȱ Theyȱcarryȱtheȱearthȱallȱupȱonȱtheȱwall]

Furthermore,ȱ heȱ reportsȱ thatȱ theȱ womenȱ pouredȱ tarȱ andȱ oilȱ onȱ theȱ headsȱ ofȱ the stormingȱ Spaniards,ȱ alongȱ withȱ allȱ elseȱ possibleȱ dayȱ andȱ nightȱ toȱ aidȱ inȱ combat. Finally,ȱ heȱ singlesȱ outȱ Hasselaer,ȱ aȱ middleȬagedȱ andȱ wellȬtoȬdoȱ womanȱ who providedȱweaponsȱandȱgunsȱandȱsawȱtoȱtheȱgeneralȱwelfareȱofȱtheȱrevolt.ȱSheȱalsoȱdid whatȱsheȱcouldȱtoȱaggravateȱandȱharassȱtheȱenemy.ȱArceriusȱclaimsȱherȱnatureȱwas soȱmasculineȱsheȱshouldȱrightlyȱbeȱcalledȱaȱ“manninne.”ȱ TheȱdiaryȱofȱN.ȱvanȱRooswijckȱwasȱalsoȱpublishedȱinȱ1573.8ȱVanȱRooswijckȱrecords howȱtheȱwomenȱofȱHaarlemȱhelpedȱtoȱbuildȱupȱtheȱcityȱwallȱduringȱtheȱsiegeȱby carryingȱmoundsȱofȱearthȱaroundȱtheȱclockȱtoȱfortifyȱtheȱbarricade.ȱInȱaddition,ȱthe publisherȱofȱtheȱdiary,ȱJanȱMoytȱJacobsz,ȱinsertedȱaȱwoodcutȱofȱHasselaerȱasȱtheȱfinal pageȱtoȱtheȱtextȱ(Fig.ȱ1).ȱThisȱprintȱsetsȱanȱimportantȱprecedentȱforȱfutureȱimagesȱof theȱheroineȱandȱisȱreminiscentȱofȱprintsȱlikeȱHendrickȱGoltzius’sȱfullȬlengthȱportrait ofȱ Haarlemȱ captainȱ Janȱ Dirckszȱ Schatter.ȱ Schatterȱ wearsȱ aȱ swordȱ andȱ sashȱ while holdingȱaȱstandingȱpikeȱinȱoneȱhandȱwithȱtheȱotherȱonȱhisȱhip.ȱSimilarly,ȱHasselaerȱis representedȱdressedȱasȱanȱordinaryȱwomanȱofȱtheȱeraȱbutȱevenȱmoreȱheavilyȱarmed thanȱSchatter.ȱHerȱimageȱmimicsȱtheȱcaptain’sȱwithȱtheȱinclusionȱofȱweaponsȱand sash.ȱ Asȱ inȱ Goltzius’sȱ print,ȱ theȱ poseȱ conveysȱ aȱ swaggeringȱ confidenceȱ inȱ the placementȱofȱherȱhandȱonȱherȱhipȱandȱinȱherȱboldȱmannerȱofȱgraspingȱtheȱpikeȱinȱher rightȱhand.ȱHerȱmanlyȱnatureȱisȱfurtherȱindicatedȱbyȱherȱsword,ȱpistol,ȱandȱpowder horn.ȱ Theȱ accompanyingȱ inscriptionȱ inȱ Latinȱ andȱ Dutchȱ assignsȱ herȱ theȱ rankȱ of captainȱandȱtellsȱhow,ȱwithȱmanlyȱintrepidity,ȱsheȱhuntedȱandȱfoughtȱtheȱtreacherous Spaniards.9ȱ Afterȱ this,ȱ aȱ numberȱ ofȱ diaries,ȱ Dutchȱ andȱ German,ȱ repeatȱ theȱ storiesȱ ofȱ the Haarlemȱwomenȱbuildingȱupȱandȱfortifyingȱtheȱwall,ȱbutȱsomeȱofȱthemȱalsoȱbeginȱto

8

9

N.ȱvanȱRooswijk,ȱCortȱendeȱwaerachtichȱverhaelȱvanȱalleȱgheschiedenissen,ȱhandelinge,ȱaenklage,ȱstorme, enȱschermutsingheȱinȱendeȱvoorȱderȱstadtȱHeerlemȱinȱHollandtȱgheschiet,ȱzedertȱdeȱbelegheringheȱvanȱdien, aengheteeckentȱendeȱbeschreuenȱbyȱN.ȱR.ȱburgerȱendeȱpoorterȱderȱvoornoemdeȱstadtȱHeerlemȱ(Leyden:ȱJan MoytȱJacobsz,ȱ1573). VanȱRooswijk,ȱCortȱendeȱwaerachtichȱverhael,ȱfinalȱpageȱ(seeȱnoteȱ8): HaecȱBatavaȱestȱKennau,ȱquamȱarmatȱsicȱmasculaȱvirtus, HaecȱMaurosȱhybridasȱHarlemiȱexercetȱetȱurget. DitȱisȱCapiteynȱKennou,ȱdeȱHollantsceȱvrou,ȱmanlijckȱonversaecht, DeȱSpansceȱMoorenȱontrou,ȱbijȱHeerlemȱnou,ȱdeesȱoeffentȱenȱjaecht.

564

MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock

mythologizeȱtheȱaccounts.ȱTheseȱdiariesȱdescribeȱtheȱwomenȱandȱHasselaerȱasȱbeing armedȱduringȱtheȱbattle,10ȱsuggestingȱhowȱsignificantlyȱtheȱlegendȱofȱtheseȱheroic womenȱ graduallyȱ participatedȱ inȱ popularȱ cultureȱ andȱ patrioticȱ propaganda,ȱ as individualsȱnotȱactuallyȱpresentȱduringȱtheȱsiegeȱwereȱrepeatingȱandȱenlargingȱupon theȱfirsthandȱrecords. Inȱadditionȱtoȱtheirȱappearanceȱinȱdiaries,ȱtheȱwomenȱofȱHaarlemȱareȱalsoȱdiscussed inȱmanyȱofȱtheȱhistoriesȱpublishedȱinȱtheȱlateȱsixteenthȱandȱtheȱseventeenthȱcenturies. First,ȱinȱEmanuelȱvanȱMeteren’sȱBelgischeȱofteȱNederlantscheȱhistorieȱvanȱonsenȱtijdenȱtot 1598ȱ(BelgianȱorȱDutchȱHistoryȱofȱOurȱTimesȱUntilȱ1598),ȱpublishedȱinȱ1599,ȱHasselaer isȱpraisedȱasȱaȱbraveȱandȱhonorableȱwidowȱofȱfortyȬsixȱyears.11ȱHereȱsheȱisȱidentified asȱtheȱleaderȱofȱtheȱwomenȱofȱHaarlemȱinȱfightingȱtheȱenemy,ȱdescribed,ȱsignificantly enough,ȱperformingȱmanlyȱdeedsȱsurpassingȱtheȱnatureȱofȱwomenȱasȱsheȱattacksȱwith spears,ȱguns,ȱandȱsword.ȱVanȱMeterenȱproclaimsȱthatȱHasselaerȱisȱlikeȱaȱmanȱdressed asȱaȱwoman. Inȱotherȱhistories,ȱsuchȱasȱFamianusȱStrada’sȱDeȱthienȱeersteȱboeckenȱderȱNederlandsche oorlogenȱ (Theȱ Firstȱ Tenȱ Booksȱ ofȱ theȱ Netherlandishȱ Wars),ȱ publishedȱ inȱ 1632ȱ but writtenȱca.ȱ1602,ȱsheȱisȱalsoȱidentifiedȱasȱtheȱleaderȱofȱaȱtroopȱofȱwomenȱwhoȱused gunsȱtoȱfightȱtheȱenemy.12ȱAndȱagain,ȱinȱanȱanonymouslyȱpublishedȱtractȱregarding theȱtyrannyȱofȱSpainȱ(1621),ȱtheȱwidowȱHasselaerȱisȱpraisedȱforȱherȱ“manly”ȱdeedsȱin leadingȱtheȱwomenȱwithȱweaponsȱagainstȱtheȱSpaniards.ȱTheȱauthorȱfurtherȱrecords thatȱherȱbraveryȱwonȱherȱtheȱnameȱofȱ“capiteynȱKenu.”13ȱIndeed,ȱbeginningȱearlyȱinȱthe seventeenthȱcentury,ȱwritersȱandȱartistsȱfrequentlyȱassignedȱtheȱrankȱofȱcaptainȱto Hasselaer,ȱasȱsheȱledȱherȱlegionȱofȱwomenȱwarriorsȱtoȱdefendȱtheȱcity. Increasingly,ȱHasselaer’sȱdeedsȱareȱexpandedȱuponȱandȱlaudedȱinȱhistoriesȱofȱthe revolt.ȱInȱSamuelȱAmpzing’sȱ1628ȱeditionȱofȱHaarlem’sȱhistory,ȱBeschrijvingeȱendeȱlof derȱstadȱHaerlemȱinȱHollandȱ(DescriptionȱandȱpraiseȱofȱtheȱCityȱofȱHaarlemȱinȱHolland), Hasselaer’sȱroleȱinȱtheȱbattleȱreceivesȱevenȱmoreȱnotorietyȱthroughȱaȱlengthyȱpoemȱin LatinȱandȱDutchȱentitledȱ“InȱKennaviam”:

10 11

12

13

Forȱanȱoverviewȱofȱtheseȱdiaries,ȱseeȱKurtz,ȱKenu,ȱ13Ȭ23ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6). Emanuelȱ vanȱ Meteren,ȱ Belgischeȱ ofteȱ Nederlantscheȱ historie,ȱ vanȱ onsenȱ tijden:ȱ Inhoudendeȱ hoeȱ de Nederlandenȱaendenȱanderenȱghehecht,ȱendeȱaenȱSpaengienȱghecomenȱzijn:ȱmetȱdeȱoorsakenȱderȱinlantsche beroerten,ȱendeȱoorlogenȱderȱselverȱ/ȱOockȱdeȱveranderingheȱvanȱPrincenȱ/ȱvanȱRegimentenȱendeȱvanȱReligie /ȱmetteȱscheuringhenȱ/ȱverbontenissenȱendeȱvredehandelinghen:ȱMedeȱvervattendeȱeenigheȱharerȱghebueren endeȱandereȱLandenȱhandelinghen.ȱMeestȱonderȱdeȱregeeringheȱvanȱPhilippusȱdeȱII.ȱconincȱvanȱSpaengien, totȱsynenȱdoot,ȱendeȱdenȱvvtgaendenȱIareȱ1598.ȱVerciertȱmetȱeenȱCaerteȱvanȱalleȱdeȱNederlanden,ȱendeȱaller RegeerdersȱafbeeldingheȱinȱCoperȱghesneden,ȱvol.ȱ4ȱ(Delft:ȱJacobȱCorneliszȱVennecool,ȱ1599),ȱ63ȱverso. P.ȱFamianusȱStrada,ȱDeȱthienȱeersteȱboeckenȱderȱNederlandscheȱoorlogen,ȱ7ȱ(Dordrecht:ȱJacobusȱSavry, 1655),ȱ519Ȭ24.ȱStrada’sȱoriginalȱtext,ȱDeȱBelloȱBelgico,ȱwasȱpublishedȱinȱRomeȱinȱ1632ȱandȱwas publishedȱ inȱ 1645ȱ inȱ Dutchȱ byȱ Guillaumeȱ vanȱ Aelst.ȱ Theȱ bookȱ drawsȱ uponȱ theȱ memoirsȱ of CardinalȱBentivoglioȱthatȱwereȱwrittenȱca.ȱ1602. Warachtigheȱ beschrijvingheȱ endeȱ levendigheȱ afbeeldingheȱ vanȱ deȱ meerȱ danȱ onmenschelijckeȱ ende barbarischeȱtyrannijeȱbedrevenȱbyȱdeȱSpaengiaerdenȱinȱdeȱNederlandenȱ(1621),ȱ141.

TheȱDutchȱHeroineȱTradition WanneerȱonsȱHaerlemȱgafȱseerȱdappreȱkloekeȱmannen, Bereydȱvoor’tȱVaderlandȱhunȱkragtenȱinȱteȱspannen, Enȱallerleijȱgevaerȱkloekmoedigȱuytȱteȱstaen, SprakȱHaerlem,ȱdatȱisȱniets,ȱikȱmoeterȱandersȱaen: Ikȱwilȱookȱinȱhetȱhertȱvanȱalleȱmijneȱwijven Eenȱmannelijkenȱmoedȱenȱheldenȱkloekheydȱschrijven. Syȱsprak’t,ȱsyȱdeedȱhetȱook,ȱenȱgafȱonsȱeenȱgeslacht Datȱindenȱquaedenȱtijdȱeenȱmannenȱaerdȱbetracht. WatȱmagȱdeȱSpanjaerdȱdoen?ȱWatȱmagȱhyȱ‘tvolkȱverstoren, Enȱtergenȱtotȱdenȱkrijg,ȱeenȱvolkȱtotȱkrijgȱgeboren? SietȱSpanjaerd,ȱhoeȱeenȱVrouȱsichȱtegensȱdijȱookȱspand: DitȱisȱderȱvrouwenȱaerdȱalhierȱinȱNederland. LooptȱSpanjaerdȱwayȱgyȱmeugt!ȱWatȱwiltȱnochȱmetȱdijȱworden, Wanneerȱdeȱmannenȱselfsȱhunȱswaerdenȱsullenȱgorden? WegȱSpanjaerdȱalȱdijnȱbest,ȱenȱliefstȱterȱeersterȱuer? WatȱsietȱgyȱHollandȱaen?ȱdieȱdruyvenȱsijnȱteȱsuer. WatȱwilȱdeȱSpaenscheȱbloedȱdenȱLeeuȱvanȱHollandȱquellen? Enȱtegenȱsulkȱeenȱvolkȱvanȱwap’nenȱsichȱgaenȱstellen? WelȱSpanjaerdȱsijtȱgyȱdul?ȱEnȱisȱhunȱmoed,ȱenȱlust, Enȱkloekheydȱinȱdenȱstrijdȱdijȱandersȱnietȱbewust? Looptȱwatȱgyȱlopenȱmeugt!ȱHierȱwonenȱRoomscheȱHelden, Enȱdieȱsichȱoytȱenȱoytȱmetȱmagtȱteȱwereȱstelden: Hierȱsijnȱd’Amazones,ȱhierȱwonndȱeenȱvrouwenȬaerd, Dieȱookȱinȱtijdȱvanȱnoodȱhaerȱereȱwelȱbewaerd. BewijstȱdatȱKennauȱnietȱmetȱhaereȱmanneȬdaeden? HaesȬopȱdan,ȱwegȱMaraen!ȱenȱwilȱdijȱsoȱberaden. Weg,ȱweg!ȱdaerȱisȱvoorȱdijȱinȱHollandȱnietȱgesaeijd. Weg,ȱweg!ȱdaerȱisȱvoorȱdijȱinȱHollandȱnietȱgemaeijd. WieȱseydȱmijȱdatȱhetȱvolkȱinȱNederlandȱgeboren Geenȱmannenȱsoudenȱsijn?ȱwieȱlochendȱvoorȱmijnȱoren DienȱroemȱderȱBataviers?ȱvoorwaer!ȱditȱwijfȱisȱmij Veelȱmeerderȱalsȱeenȱman,ȱenȱSpanjaerd,ȱmeerȱalsȱgy. [WhenȱourȱHaarlemȱprovidedȱveryȱvaliantȱandȱbraveȱmen, PreparingȱtoȱcontinueȱtheirȱfightȱforȱtheȱFatherland, Andȱinȱeverythingȱdangerous,ȱwithȱbraveryȱtoȱstand, SpokeȱHaarlem,ȱthatȱisȱnothing,ȱIȱmustȱalsoȱmentionȱsomethingȱelse: Iȱwantȱtoȱinscribeȱintoȱtheȱheartȱofȱallȱmyȱhousewives Aȱcourageousȱspiritȱandȱheroicȱbravery. Haarlemȱsaidȱthisȱandȱalsoȱdidȱso,ȱandȱgaveȱusȱaȱgenerationȱ Thatȱinȱthisȱdifficultȱtimeȱbehavedȱmanfully.ȱ WhatȱcanȱtheȱSpaniardsȱdo?ȱHowȱcanȱtheyȱdisturbȱtheȱpeople, Whenȱinȱprovokingȱthemȱtoȱwar,ȱtheyȱfindȱaȱpeopleȱbornȱtoȱbattle? Look,ȱSpaniard,ȱhowȱaȱwomanȱalsoȱfightsȱagainstȱyou: ThisȱisȱtheȱfemaleȱnatureȱhereȱinȱtheȱNetherlands.

565

566

MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock Go,ȱSpaniard,ȱtoȱyourȱliking!ȱWhatȱshallȱbecomeȱofȱyouȱ Whenȱtheȱmenȱbuckleȱonȱtheirȱswords? Giveȱway,ȱSpaniard,ȱtoȱtheȱutmost,ȱandȱpreferablyȱwithinȱtheȱfirstȱhour! WhatȱdoȱyouȱseeȱinȱHolland?ȱThoseȱgrapesȱareȱtooȱsour.ȱ WhyȱdoesȱSpanishȱbloodȱwantȱtoȱtortureȱtheȱDutchȱlion?ȱ Andȱtakeȱpositionȱagainstȱsuchȱaȱbraveȱnation?ȱ Well,ȱSpaniard,ȱareȱyouȱcrazy?ȱAreȱyouȱnotȱawareȱofȱtheirȱspirit,ȱandȱdesire, Andȱbraveryȱinȱbattle? Goȱdoȱyourȱduty!ȱHereȱliveȱRomanȱheroes, Andȱforeverȱandȱeverȱwillȱtheyȱbeȱpowerful: HereȱareȱtheȱAmazons,ȱhereȱdwellsȱaȱfemaleȱnature, Which,ȱinȱtimesȱofȱneed.ȱalsoȱprotectsȱtheirȱhonor. Don’tȱyouȱseeȱtheȱevidenceȱofȱKennauȱwithȱherȱmanlyȱdeeds? Hurryȱupȱthen,ȱbeȱgone,ȱMoors!ȱAndȱconsider. Getȱaway,ȱgetȱaway!ȱThereȱisȱnothingȱsownȱforȱyouȱinȱHolland. Getȱaway,ȱgetȱaway!ȱThereȱisȱnothingȱmownȱforȱyouȱinȱHolland. WhoȱsaidȱthatȱthereȱareȱnoȱmenȱbornȱinȱtheȱNetherlands? WhoȱdeniesȱbeforeȱmyȱearsȱthisȱfameȱofȱtheȱBatavians? Verily!ȱThisȱhousewifeȱisȱtoȱmeȱmuchȱmoreȱthanȱaȱman,ȱ And,ȱSpaniard,ȱmoreȱthanȱyou.]14

PieterȱC.ȱHooftȱalsoȱelaboratesȱonȱHasselaer’sȱlegendȱinȱDeȱNederlandscheȱhistorien, 1642.15ȱHeȱclaimsȱthatȱtheȱlegionȱofȱhousewivesȱunderȱtheȱcommandȱofȱHasselaer numberedȱoverȱthreeȱhundred.ȱAsȱinȱpreviousȱhistories,ȱheȱrecordsȱthatȱHasselaerȱwas aȱfortyȬsevenȱyearȱoldȱwidowȱfromȱaȱgoodȱfamilyȱinȱHaarlemȱandȱpraisesȱherȱasȱa braveȱ“mannin.”ȱAgainȱsheȱisȱdescribedȱasȱbeingȱarmedȱwithȱspear,ȱgun,ȱandȱrapier whileȱleadingȱwomenȱagainstȱtheȱenemy.ȱInȱHarlemias,ȱ1648,ȱTheodorusȱSchrevelius alsoȱspeaksȱofȱtheȱvaliantȱnatureȱofȱtheȱwomenȱofȱHaarlemȱwhoȱcameȱagainstȱthe enemyȱyellingȱwithȱstones,ȱtorches,ȱandȱpikes.16ȱAlso,ȱ“Capiteyn”ȱKenauȱledȱthem;ȱshe wasȱaȱwomanȱwithȱbothȱmanlyȱheartȱandȱmanlyȱcourageȱwhoȱfoughtȱtheȱenemyȱwith aȱspearȱandȱwouldȱnotȱbeȱdefeated.

14

15

16

SamuelȱAmpzing,ȱBeschrijvingeȱendeȱLofȱderȱStadȱHaerlemȱinȱHolland:ȱInȱRijmȱbearbeyd:ȱendeȱmetȱveele oudeȱendeȱnieuweȱstuckenȱbuytenȱDichtȱuytȱverscheydeȱKronijkenȱ/ȱHandvestenȱ/ȱBrievenȱ/ȱMemorienȱofte Geheugeniszenȱ/ȱendeȱdiergelijkeȱschriftenȱverklaerdȱ/ȱendeȱbevestigdȱ(Haarlem:ȱAdriaenȱRooman,ȱ1628), 161Ȭ62.ȱ PieterȱC.ȱHooft,ȱNeederlandscheȱHistoorien,ȱSeedertȱdeȱOoverdraghtȱderȱHeerschappyeȱvanȱKaizarȱKaarel denȱVyfdenȱopȱKooningȱPhilipsȱzynenȱZoonȱ(Amsterdam:ȱLouysȱElzevier,ȱ1642),ȱ286. TheodoreȱSchrevelius,ȱHarlemias,ȱOfte,ȱomȱbeterȱteȱseggen,ȱDeȱeersteȱstichtingheȱderȱStadtȱHaerlem,ȱHet toeȬnemenȱ enȱ vergrootingeȱ derȱ selfȬden;ȱ hareȱ seltsameȱ fortuynȱ enȱ avontuerȱ inȱ Vrede,ȱ inȱ Oorlogh, Belegeringe,ȱhardeȱbeginselenȱvanȱd’eersteȱReformatie,ȱPolitiqueȱRaedtslagen,ȱScheuringheȱinȱdeȱKercke, deȱtijdenȱvanȱLycester,ȱOudeȱkeuren,ȱgunstigeȱPrivilegienȱvanȱGraven,ȱRegeeringeȱinȱdeȱPolitieȱsooȱhooghe alsȱleeghe,ȱinȱ‘tȱKerckelijcke,ȱMilitaire,ȱScholaȬstijcke,ȱdeȱoeffeningheȱvanȱdeȱInghesetenen,ȱinȱalleȱWetenȬ schap,ȱ Kunstȱ endeȱ Gheleertheydt,ȱ Neeringheȱ enȱ Hanteringe,ȱ enȱ watȱ diesȱ meerȱ isȱ (Haarlem:ȱ Thomas Fonteyn,ȱ1648),ȱ100.ȱ

TheȱDutchȱHeroineȱTradition

567

Hasselaer’sȱ valiantȱ deedsȱ areȱ againȱ setȱ forthȱ inȱ vanȱ Beverwijck’sȱ textȱ Vanȱ de Wtnementheytȱ desȱ Vrouwelickenȱ Geslachts.17ȱ Heȱ describesȱ how,ȱ duringȱ theȱ siegeȱ of Haarlem,ȱ theȱ womenȱ ofȱ theȱ cityȱ actedȱ withȱ courageȱ underȱ theȱ directionȱ ofȱ an honorableȱwidowȱofȱfortyȬsixȱyearsȱoldȱnamedȱ“capiteynȱKennau.”ȱWithȱgunsȱand otherȱweapons,ȱtheseȱwomenȱinflictedȱmuchȱdamageȱonȱtheȱSpanish.ȱFurthermore, heȱinformsȱtheȱreaderȱthatȱherȱnameȱandȱimageȱareȱstillȱveryȱfamousȱandȱhaveȱbeen preservedȱbyȱloversȱofȱhistoryȱlikeȱBuchelȱandȱAmpzing.ȱHeȱthenȱgoesȱonȱtoȱquote AmpzingȱregardingȱHasselaer’sȱ“manly”ȱcourageȱinȱserviceȱofȱtheȱFatherland.ȱ TheȱlegendaryȱandȱpervasiveȱstatusȱofȱHasselaerȱisȱperhapsȱmostȱforcefullyȱevident inȱPetrusȱdeȱLange’sȱhistoryȱofȱtheȱBataviansȱentitledȱBatavisȱRomeynȱ1661.ȱInȱthisȱtext, deȱLangeȱpurportsȱtoȱlistȱallȱtheȱheroicȱdeedsȱdoneȱinȱHollandȱandȱZeelandȱfromȱ1492 toȱ1661.ȱHeȱincludesȱseveralȱengravedȱportraitsȱofȱtheȱvariousȱDutchȱheroesȱinȱhis text—theȱfirstȱisȱofȱWilliamȱofȱOrangeȱandȱtheȱsecondȱisȱaȱmonumentalȱimageȱof Hasselaerȱ(Fig.ȱ2).ȱAsȱinȱRooswijk’sȱtext,ȱHasselaerȱstrikesȱaȱboldȱposeȱwithȱaȱstanding pikeȱinȱherȱrightȱhandȱandȱaȱswordȱhangingȱfromȱherȱwaist.ȱNow,ȱhowever,ȱother womenȱareȱsportingȱgunsȱandȱpikesȱasȱtheyȱguardȱtheȱcityȱwallȱinȱtheȱbackground. Theȱinscriptionȱidentifiesȱ Hasselaerȱasȱaȱmodestȱyetȱbraveȱheroineȱwhoȱledȱthree hundredȱ womenȱ againstȱ theȱ Spaniards.18ȱ Thisȱ imageȱ wasȱ alsoȱ reproducedȱ inȱ a separateȱprintȱwithȱaȱsimilarȱinscriptionȱandȱimitatedȱinȱpaintings. DeȱLange’sȱaccompanyingȱtextȱdeclaresȱthatȱoldȱhistoryȱbooksȱareȱnoȱmoreȱreplete withȱ narrativesȱ concerningȱ Amazonsȱ thanȱ theȱ newȱ historyȱ booksȱ discussing Hasselaer.ȱHeȱalsoȱinformsȱtheȱreaderȱasȱtoȱherȱageȱandȱidentifiesȱherȱfatherȱandȱher husband.ȱHeȱthenȱrepeatsȱtheȱfamiliarȱnarrativeȱofȱhowȱsheȱledȱthreeȱhundredȱwives duringȱtheȱsiegeȱwithȱgun,ȱspear,ȱandȱsword.ȱImportantly,ȱheȱclaimsȱthatȱherȱbrave andȱvaliantȱspiritȱtranscendedȱfemaleȱnature.ȱFinally,ȱheȱrecountsȱtheȱstoryȱofȱhowȱthe Spaniards,ȱonȱseeingȱtheȱbraveryȱofȱthisȱ“manninne”ȱandȱherȱcompany,ȱburstȱforth cryingȱ thatȱ theȱ womenȱ hadȱ becomeȱ men.ȱ Thus,ȱ deȱ Langeȱ says,ȱ theyȱ shamedȱ the “womanly”ȱSpanishȱmen.19 TheȱpopularȱappealȱofȱHasselaerȱandȱherȱbattalionȱofȱwomenȱisȱperhapsȱevenȱmore forcefullyȱevidentȱinȱtheȱmanyȱvisualȱimagesȱproducedȱofȱherȱduringȱtheȱsixteenthȱand seventeenthȱ centuries.ȱ Theȱ heavilyȱ armedȱ Hasselaerȱ ofȱ theȱ woodcutȱ usedȱ in Rooswijck’sȱ diaryȱ seemsȱ toȱ haveȱ heraldedȱ futureȱ imagesȱ ofȱ theȱ heroine.ȱ The monumentalȱ fullȬlengthȱ femaleȱ soldierȱ isȱ aȱ typeȱ used,ȱ forȱ example,ȱ inȱ aȱ printȱ by

17 18

19

VanȱBeverwijck,ȱWtnementheyt,ȱ3:48ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2). PetrusȱdeȱLange,ȱBataviseȱRomeyn;ȱOfteȱAlleȱdeȱvoornaemsteȱHeldenȬdaden,ȱRidderlijkeȱfeytenȱenȱlistige OorlogsȬvonden,ȱinȱVeldȱenȱZeeȬslagen,ȱoverwinningeȱvanȱStedenȱenȱSchepen,ȱenȱinȱandereȱgelegentheden, byȱ deȱ Hollandersȱ enȱ Zeeuwenȱ verricht,ȱ zedertȱ denȱ Iareȱ 1492ȱ totȱ 1661ȱ (Amsterdam:ȱ Willemȱ van Beaumont,ȱ1661),ȱ10.ȱTheȱDutchȱinscriptionȱreads:ȱ“KenauȱSimonȱHasselaers,ȱeenȱZedigheȱdoch moedigheȱHedinneȱvanȱtreffelijckenȱhuyseȱbinnenȱHaerlem,ȱoutȱ46ȱjaren,ȱdieȱintȱbeleghȱ1572,ȱals Kapiteinȱmetȱbus,ȱspiesȱenȱgeweer,ȱdrieȱhondertȱVrouwen,ȱtegenȱdeȱSpagniaertsȱopvoerde.” DeȱLange,ȱBataviseȱRomeyn,ȱ10ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18).

568

MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock

MatthiasȱQuadȱ(Fig.ȱ3).20ȱAgain,ȱHasselaerȱisȱpicturedȱinȱaȱhandȬonȬhipȱposeȱwithȱsash andȱmedal.ȱSheȱholdsȱaȱstandingȱpike,ȱwhileȱaȱsword,ȱpistol,ȱandȱpowderȱhornȱhang fromȱherȱwaist.ȱSilhouettedȱagainstȱtheȱskyȱandȱidentifiedȱasȱ“CapitainȱKenou,”ȱshe looksȱeveryȱbitȱtheȱmanlyȱwarrior.ȱTheȱinscriptions,ȱinȱGermanȱandȱLatin,ȱobviously meantȱforȱanȱinternationalȱaudience,ȱtellȱusȱaȱgreatȱdealȱaboutȱtheȱperceivedȱcharacter ofȱ theȱ manlyȱ Hasselaerȱ andȱ herȱ followers,ȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ theirȱ growingȱ international reputation: DieseȱKennowȱJansenȱeinȱHarlemischeȱbergerinȱsoȱnunȱfastȱeinȱalteȱ Frawȱjresȱhandwerksȱeinȱschifzimmermanȱistȱinȱkaufhandlungȱundȱ vastȱallenȱmanlichenȱgescheftenȱzuȱwasserȱundȱzuȱlandȱselbsȱthatig.ȱ [ThisȱisȱKenauȱJansen,ȱaȱHaarlemerȱburgheress,ȱnowȱalmostȱanȱoldȱwoman,ȱherȱoccupation isȱaȱtraderȱinȱshipȱtimber,ȱandȱsheȱworksȱinȱalmostȱallȱmanlyȱaffairsȱonȱwaterȱasȱwellȱasȱon land.]

ȱ Theȱ inscriptionsȱ alsoȱ evidenceȱ herȱ quicklyȱ developingȱ legendaryȱ status,ȱ inȱ their identificationȱofȱherȱasȱ“CapitainȱKenou”ȱwho,ȱarmedȱasȱaȱman,ȱdroveȱtheȱSpanish Moorsȱ fromȱ Haarlemȱ inȱ defenseȱ ofȱ theȱ Fatherland.ȱ Furthermore,ȱ herȱ armyȱ is comparedȱtoȱtheȱAmazonsȱandȱsheȱisȱproclaimedȱaȱheroineȱwhoseȱfameȱisȱknownȱfar andȱwide. EquallyȱilluminatingȱareȱtheȱprintsȱthatȱcompareȱHasselaerȱtoȱJudith,ȱtheȱbiblical heroine,ȱwhoseȱbeheadingȱofȱtheȱwickedȱtyrantȱHolofernesȱsavedȱherȱpeople.ȱThis parallelsȱaȱmaleȱtraditionȱinȱwhichȱWilliamȱofȱOrangeȱwasȱidentifiedȱwithȱtheȱOld TestamentȱDavidȱorȱMosesȱand,ȱmoreȱgenerally,ȱtheȱDutchȱassociatedȱthemselvesȱwith God’sȱchosenȱpeopleȱofȱancientȱIsrael.21ȱThisȱcomparisonȱalsoȱsignificantlyȱelevates Hasselaerȱ toȱ theȱ statusȱ ofȱ anȱ historicalȱ “goodȱ woman”ȱ likeȱ Judith.ȱ Thus,ȱ inȱ an anonymousȱprint,ȱHasselaerȱisȱproclaimedȱtheȱvirtuousȱDutchȱJudithȱwhoȱovercame theȱSpanishȱtyrantȱ(Fig.ȱ4).22ȱTheȱhelmetedȱheadȱofȱaȱSpaniardȱsitsȱasȱaȱtrophyȱonȱthe tableȱnextȱtoȱanȱarmedȱHasselaer.ȱNowȱsheȱalsoȱwearsȱaȱmedalȱaroundȱherȱneck. TheseȱprintsȱrecallȱGoltzius’sȱimagesȱofȱheroes,ȱsuchȱasȱhisȱportraitȱofȱWilliamȱof Orange,ȱca.ȱ1581.ȱWilliamȱisȱalsoȱrepresentedȱhalfȬlengthȱnextȱtoȱaȱtableȱinȱtheȱmanner ofȱaȱheroicȱsoldier.ȱItȱisȱnowȱhisȱhelmet,ȱhowever,ȱwhichȱliesȱonȱtheȱtableȱratherȱthan

20

21 22

ȱ ȱ

Theȱdatingȱofȱtheȱimagesȱisȱratherȱdifficultȱsinceȱtheyȱallȱsetȱtheȱdateȱatȱ1573,ȱtheȱtimeȱofȱherȱheroic deeds.ȱQuad’sȱimage,ȱhowever,ȱappearsȱtoȱbeȱoneȱofȱtheȱearliest. SimonȱSchama,ȱTheȱEmbarrassmentȱofȱRichesȱ(NewȱYork:ȱAlfredȱA.ȱKnopf,ȱInc.,ȱ1987),ȱ110–13.ȱ OMINEȱFOLICIȱDVXȱKENNAVȱHOLLANDICA IudithȱHarlemoȱExcurensȱsauuosȱsicȱpulsatȱIberos Sieȱdaȱeijnȱfrauvȱgenamtȱkennauȱfrisȱwieȱeijnȱlanskuchtȱgut Siȱbraucktȱsichȱimȱharlemȱaenȱstormȱundȱslachtȱwolȱgemut InȱaȱseventeenthȬcenturyȱcopyȱofȱthisȱprint,ȱtheȱmagnitudeȱofȱherȱmanlyȱcourageȱisȱincreased throughȱtheȱadditionȱofȱtwoȱmoreȱSpanishȱheadsȱandȱmoreȱviciousȱlookingȱweapons—aȱhalberd andȱaȱspear.ȱ

TheȱDutchȱHeroineȱTradition

569

theȱheadȱofȱaȱSpaniard.ȱOldȱTestamentȱmetaphors,ȱhowever,ȱareȱstillȱpresent;ȱeach cornerȱcontainsȱaȱsceneȱdealingȱwithȱMosesȱleadingȱtheȱIsraelitesȱoutȱofȱbondage. Clearly,ȱtheseȱimagesȱindicateȱaȱnascentȱpatrioticȱdiscourseȱestablishingȱtheȱrighteous causeȱofȱtheȱnewȱrepublic,ȱwhileȱatȱtheȱsameȱtimeȱunifyingȱtheȱcitizenryȱbehindȱnew heroicȱlegends.ȱ AȱmonumentallyȱsilhouettedȱHasselaerȱsimilarȱtoȱthatȱinȱQuad’sȱengravingȱisȱalso usedȱinȱaȱprintȱattributedȱtoȱRemigiusȱHoogenbergȱ(Fig.ȱ5).ȱHereȱdepictionsȱofȱJudith areȱevenȱmoreȱvividlyȱrecalled,ȱsuchȱasȱthoseȱbyȱMartenȱdeȱVosȱandȱMartenȱvan Heemskerk,ȱasȱsheȱtriumphantlyȱdisplaysȱtheȱSpaniardȱ“DonȱPero”’sȱheadȱwhileȱblood spoutsȱfromȱhisȱlifelessȱbodyȱatȱherȱfeet.ȱTheȱinscriptionȱprobablyȱrefersȱtoȱaȱSpanish officer,ȱDonȱRodrigoȱPerez,ȱkilledȱinȱ1573.23ȱJudith’sȱHolyȱLandȱhasȱnowȱbeenȱreplaced byȱHasselaer’sȱHaarlemȱinȱtheȱdistance—itȱisȱinȱdefenseȱofȱthisȱFatherland,ȱweȱare told,ȱthatȱtheseȱmanlyȱwomenȱofȱHollandȱshamedȱtheȱSpanishȱandȱacquiredȱfameȱfor themselves.ȱAgainȱtheȱpikeȬbearingȱHaarlemȱsoldiersȱofȱGoltziusȱareȱrecalledȱinȱthe placementȱofȱaȱheroicȱfigureȱstandingȱonȱaȱmoundȱinȱtheȱforegroundȱwithȱaȱbird’sȬeyeȬ viewȱofȱtheȱlandscapeȱbehind.ȱNow,ȱinsteadȱofȱtheȱcoatȱofȱarmsȱfoundȱinȱSchatter’s portrait,ȱaȱplaqueȱidentifiesȱtheȱbraveȱ“CAPITAINȱKENOV.” ThisȱisȱalsoȱtheȱcompositionalȱtypeȱfoundȱinȱaȱseventeenthȬcenturyȱpaintingȱthat onceȱstoodȱinȱtheȱcaptain’sȱroomȱofȱtheȱcivicȱguardȱinȱHaarlemȱ(Fig.ȱ6).24ȱAȱheroic, largeȬscaleȱHasselaerȱisȱagainȱpresentedȱwithȱbanner,ȱpike,ȱandȱsword.ȱNearȱtheȱwall inȱtheȱbackgroundȱwomenȱgatherȱcarryingȱpikesȱandȱswords. Inȱanotherȱtypeȱofȱimage,ȱHasselaerȱisȱrepresentedȱinȱhalfȬlengthȱwithȱallȱherȱweapons andȱ theȱ Haarlemȱ landscapeȱ inȱ theȱ distanceȱ (Fig.ȱ 7).ȱ Althoughȱ aȱ likelyȱ sixteenthȬ centuryȱoriginalȱhasȱdisappeared,ȱthereȱareȱatȱleastȱfiveȱcopiesȱstillȱinȱexistence.ȱThree ofȱtheȱpaintingsȱsilhouetteȱtheȱheavilyȬarmedȱHasselaerȱagainstȱtheȱhorizonȱwithȱSt. Bavo’sȱChurchȱinȱtheȱbackground.ȱSheȱcarriesȱaȱhalberd,ȱpike,ȱpistol,ȱpowderȱhorn, andȱswordȱinȱeachȱversion.ȱThreeȱofȱtheȱpaintingsȱbearȱsimilarȱinscriptions: SietȱhierȱeenȱVrou,ȱ/ȱgenaemtȱKenou,ȱ/ȱVroomȱalsȱeenȱMan:ȱ/ DiefȱalderȬtijt,ȱ/ȱVromelijckȱbestrijtȱ/ȱDenȱSpaenschenȱTiran.ȱ [SeeȱhereȱaȱWomanȱcalledȱKenou,ȱBraveȱasȱaȱMan: Whoȱinȱthatȱtime,ȱGallantlyȱfoughtȱtheȱSpanishȱtyrant.]

AnȱengravingȱattributedȱtoȱRomeynȱdeȱHooghe,ȱ1688,ȱdepictsȱaȱmuchȱmoreȱactively involvedȱHasselaerȱ(Fig.ȱ8).ȱInȱthisȱimage,ȱsheȱstandsȱwithȱspearȱandȱswordȱonȱaȱhill inȱtheȱforeground.ȱBehindȱandȱbelowȱherȱtheȱwomenȱjoinȱtheȱmenȱinȱtheȱbattleȱcharge. Hasselaerȱturnsȱtoȱencourageȱtheȱarmedȱwomenȱbehindȱher,ȱasȱoneȱwomanȱbeatsȱa

23 24

EkamaȱsuggestsȱthisȱidentificationȱinȱBeleg,ȱ100ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ6). TheȱinscriptionsȱareȱlaterȱadditionsȱbutȱtheyȱdemonstrateȱhowȱlongȬlastingȱtheȱassociationsȱwith Amazonianȱwomenȱendured.

570

MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock

drumȱandȱanotherȱcarriesȱaȱvictoryȱwreath.ȱTheȱinscriptionȱspecifiesȱtheȱdateȱandȱthe event,ȱcomparableȱtoȱotherȱhistoricalȱprintsȱbyȱdeȱHooghe. Importantly,ȱHasselaer’sȱimageȱisȱalsoȱplacedȱonȱtheȱtitleȱplateȱtoȱaȱplayȱdatedȱ1660 withȱtheȱtitle,ȱ“HersteldeȱhongersȬdwangh,ȱofȱHaerlemsȱlanghȱenȱstrengheȱBelegeringhe,ȱEnde hetȱovergaenȱderȱselverȱstadt,ȱdoorȱhetȱscherpeȱswaerdtȱderȱellenden”ȱ(Fig.ȱ9).ȱHasselaer standsȱaboveȱtheȱcityȱinȱaȱmanlyȱposeȱwithȱbanner,ȱpistol,ȱpowderȱhorn,ȱandȱpike. Behindȱher,ȱaȱfemaleȱsoldierȱcarriesȱaȱflag.ȱAȱbattleȱragesȱinȱtheȱbackground.ȱTheȱplay reenactsȱHaarlem’sȱstruggleȱagainstȱSpainȱinȱwhichȱHasselaerȱplaysȱaȱmajorȱrole.ȱShe encouragesȱall—menȱandȱwomen—toȱkeepȱupȱtheȱfightȱthroughȱherȱdescriptionsȱof theȱwomen’sȱbraveȱdeeds.ȱToȱspurȱthemȱonȱsheȱremindsȱthemȱofȱtheȱmassacreȱat Naardenȱandȱclaimsȱthatȱwhileȱsheȱisȱbutȱaȱwoman,ȱsheȱhasȱnoȱfearȱofȱtheȱSpaniards.ȱ

TrijnȱvanȱLeemputȱandȱtheȱWomenȱofȱUtrechtȱ SecondȱinȱreputationȱamongȱtheȱDutchȱmilitaryȱheroinesȱwasȱTrijnȱvanȱLeemput,ȱas sheȱwasȱcalled.ȱSheȱwasȱtheȱdaughterȱofȱWillemȱClaeszȱvanȱVoornȱandȱaȱwoman namedȱ Geertruyt.ȱ Theȱ placeȱ andȱ dateȱ ofȱ herȱ birthȱ areȱ unknown.ȱ Sheȱ marriedȱ a Utrechtȱ brewerȱ byȱ theȱ nameȱ ofȱ Janȱ Jacobszȱ vanȱ Leemput,ȱ whoȱ diedȱ inȱ 1590.ȱ In additionȱtoȱtheȱnameȱvanȱLeemput,ȱsheȱwasȱalsoȱknownȱbyȱherȱfather’sȱname,ȱvan Voornen,ȱandȱherȱbrother’sȱname,ȱBerghes.ȱSheȱwasȱtheȱmotherȱofȱthreeȱchildrenȱand wasȱburiedȱonȱ2ȱJanuaryȱ1607.25 AsȱinȱHasselaer’sȱcase,ȱvanȱLeemputȱisȱfirstȱmentionedȱinȱtheȱdiaryȱofȱoneȱofȱher contemporaries,ȱ Arendȱ vanȱ Buchell.26ȱ Vanȱ Buchellȱ recordsȱ thatȱ sheȱ initiatedȱ the destructionȱofȱVredenburgȱcastle.ȱAdditionally,ȱheȱdescribesȱherȱasȱaȱwomanȱwith manlyȱcourage.ȱUnlikeȱHasselaer,ȱhowever,ȱvanȱLeemput’sȱdeedsȱareȱnotȱelaborated byȱnumerousȱhistoriansȱofȱtheȱera.ȱObviouslyȱtheȱfallȱofȱVredenburgȱcastleȱdidȱnot elicitȱtheȱsameȱpublicȱemotionȱasȱthatȱinspiredȱbyȱtheȱsiegeȱofȱHaarlem,ȱandȱcertainly thereȱareȱfewerȱdescriptionsȱofȱCatholicȱUtrecht’sȱroleȱinȱtheȱrevoltȱthanȱwasȱtheȱcase withȱHaarlem. Althoughȱherȱnameȱisȱnotȱasȱfrequentlyȱmentionedȱinȱhistoriesȱofȱtheȱrevolt,ȱshe neverthelessȱalsoȱinspiredȱlegendȱasȱevidencedȱinȱcertainȱtextsȱintendingȱtoȱglorify women,ȱ suchȱ asȱ vanȱ Beverwijck’sȱ history.ȱ Heȱ devotedȱ aȱ greatȱ dealȱ ofȱ spaceȱ to expandingȱtheȱlegendȱofȱvanȱLeemputȱinȱtremendousȱdetail.ȱInȱoneȱofȱtheȱillustrations toȱtheȱtext,ȱTrijnȱvanȱLeemputȱisȱdepictedȱwithȱherȱbandȱofȱwomenȱasȱtheyȱmarch forwardȱtoȱattackȱtheȱcastleȱseenȱinȱtheȱbackgroundȱ(Fig.ȱ10).ȱSheȱcarriesȱaȱflag,ȱand

25

26

AnȱimportantȱsourceȱonȱtheȱbiographyȱandȱhistoryȱofȱTrijnȱvanȱLeemputȱisȱJ.ȱG.ȱRiphaagen,ȱ“Een StandbeeldȱvoorȱTrijnȱvanȱLeemput,”ȱJaarboekȱOudȬUtrechtȱ(1977):ȱ85–112. DiariumȱvanȱArendȱvanȱBuchell,ȱpublishedȱthroughȱGisbertȱBromȱandȱLambregtȱA.ȱvanȱLangeraad (Amsterdam:ȱJohannesȱMuller,ȱ1907),ȱ240.

TheȱDutchȱHeroineȱTradition

571

oneȱofȱherȱcompatriotsȱbeatsȱaȱpotȬbecomeȬdrum.ȱHerȱlegionȱfollowsȱbehindȱarmed withȱvariousȱtools.ȱAccompanyingȱthisȱillustrationȱisȱaȱlengthyȱrecountingȱofȱherȱstory thatȱindicatesȱhowȱelaborateȱtheȱlegendȱhadȱbecomeȱbyȱtheȱseventeenthȱcentury.ȱVan Beverwijck’sȱnarrativeȱbeginsȱwithȱtheȱburghersȱofȱtheȱcityȱmeetingȱtogetherȱtoȱdecide howȱbestȱtoȱaccomplishȱtheȱdestructionȱofȱVredenburgȱcastle.ȱVanȱLeemput’sȱhusband comesȱhomeȱfromȱtheȱcouncilȱandȱrelatesȱtheȱdilemmaȱtoȱher.ȱThisȱ“braveȱheroine,” asȱvanȱBeverwijckȱcharacterizesȱher,ȱrespondsȱthatȱifȱtheȱmenȱcouldȱnotȱaccomplish it,ȱsheȱwouldȱimmediatelyȱgoȱandȱhelpȱwithȱtheȱdestruction.ȱHerȱworriedȱhusband begsȱherȱnotȱtoȱgo,ȱbutȱsheȱisȱsoȱovercomeȱwithȱvalorȱthatȱsheȱimmediatelyȱgoesȱout andȱgathersȱherȱfriends.ȱTheyȱarmȱthemselvesȱwithȱpickaxesȱandȱrushȱtoȱtheȱcastle. VanȱLeemputȱleadsȱthemȱwithȱaȱblueȱapronȱtiedȱtoȱaȱmopȱhandleȱasȱtheirȱstandard. Whenȱtheyȱreachȱtheȱcastle,ȱsomeȱbeginȱtoȱfearȱandȱretreat,ȱbutȱtheȱdauntlessȱvan Leemputȱ startsȱ smashingȱ theȱ firstȱ stonesȱ offȱ theȱ castle’sȱ walls.ȱ Uponȱ seeingȱ her courage,ȱtheȱothersȱcomeȱtoȱhelpȱuntilȱtheȱcastleȱisȱcompletelyȱdestroyed.27 VanȱBeverwijckȱdoesȱnotȱendȱhisȱnarrativeȱofȱvanȱLeemput’sȱdeedsȱthere;ȱheȱrelates anotherȱ episode,ȱ evenȱ moreȱ astoundingȱ inȱ itsȱ declarationȱ ofȱ herȱ fearlessness. Accordingȱ toȱ vanȱ Beverwijck,ȱ twoȱ Spaniards,ȱ whoȱ hadȱ beenȱ outȱ perpetrating unspeakableȱdeedsȱamongȱtheȱpeople,ȱcameȱtoȱstayȱatȱvanȱLeemput’sȱhouse.ȱThey alsoȱ haveȱ violenceȱ inȱ mindȱ forȱ her,ȱ butȱ sheȱ completelyȱ overcomesȱ themȱ byȱ first pushingȱoneȱofȱthemȱdownȱtheȱstairs.ȱSheȱknocksȱtheȱotherȱSpaniardȱover,ȱandȱwith herȱfootȱonȱhisȱchest,ȱthreatensȱhimȱwithȱaȱknife.ȱHeȱbegsȱforȱandȱreceivesȱmercy, goingȱawayȱstunnedȱthatȱaȱwomanȱcouldȱbeȱsoȱpowerful.ȱ VanȱLeemput’sȱnameȱandȱdeedsȱwereȱalsoȱpopularizedȱinȱtheȱpreviouslyȱmentioned proȬfemaleȱtextȱwrittenȱbyȱPetrusȱvanȱGelre.ȱVanȱGelre’sȱtextȱfirstȱlaudsȱhistorical womenȱandȱthenȱturnsȱtoȱtheȱwomenȱofȱtheȱrevolt.28ȱAsȱinȱvanȱBeverwijck’sȱtext,ȱvan Gelreȱ recountsȱ theȱ storyȱ ofȱ howȱ Hasselaer’sȱ braveȱ heartȱ andȱ formidableȱ fighting claimedȱtheȱlivesȱofȱmanyȱSpanishȱnoblemenȱandȱhaltedȱtheȱarmyȱforȱaȱtime,ȱbut claimsȱthatȱnoȱamountȱofȱwordsȱcanȱdoȱjusticeȱtoȱtheȱbraveȱandȱheroicȱdeedsȱofȱvan Leemput.ȱPerhapsȱevenȱmoreȱsignificantȱisȱtheȱmannerȱinȱwhichȱheȱendsȱthisȱeulogy toȱtheȱheroinesȱofȱtheȱDutchȱRepublic.ȱHeȱclaimsȱtoȱhaveȱseenȱwomenȱfightingȱand assaultingȱmenȱbothȱonȱlandȱandȱsea,ȱandȱheȱdeclaresȱthatȱbecauseȱsuchȱdeedsȱby womenȱinȱtheȱNetherlandsȱareȱsoȱcommon,ȱtheyȱnoȱlongerȱseemȱunnatural. InȱanȱanonymousȱmidȬseventeenthȬcenturyȱpainting,ȱvanȱLeemputs’sȱdeedsȱare furtherȱmemorializedȱasȱsheȱtriumphantlyȱsmilesȱatȱtheȱviewerȱ(Fig.ȱ11).ȱTheȱpainting hasȱ muchȱ inȱ commonȱ withȱ theȱ typesȱ composedȱ aroundȱ Hasselaerȱ inȱ thatȱ van Leemput,ȱdressedȱasȱaȱhousewife,ȱstandsȱhalfȬlengthȱwithȱherȱweapon,ȱaȱpickaxe,ȱover herȱshoulder.ȱInȱherȱleftȱhandȱsheȱholdsȱaȱstone,ȱasȱsheȱsupposedlyȱstruckȱtheȱfirst stoneȱ thatȱ demolishedȱ theȱ castle.ȱ Similarȱ toȱ theȱ paintingsȱ ofȱ Hasselaer,ȱ the

27 28

VanȱBeverwijck,ȱWtnementheyt,ȱ3:49–51ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2). VanȱGelre,ȱVrouwenȬLofȱ(seeȱnoteȱ4)ȱ.

572

MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock

geographicalȱlocaleȱofȱherȱdeedsȱisȱpinpointedȱbyȱaȱdepictionȱofȱVredenburgȱcastle visibleȱ throughȱ theȱ archȱ behindȱ her.ȱ Moreover,ȱ theȱ placementȱ andȱ toneȱ ofȱ the inscriptionȱareȱalsoȱcomparableȱtoȱtheȱimageȬtypeȱassociatedȱwithȱHasselaer: DitȱIsȱTrijnȱLeemputsȱBeeld,ȱ/ȱDiȱMoedigȱHeeftȱGedaan,ȱ/ DatȱBorgerȱNochȱSoldaat,ȱ/ȱOytȱDervenȱHadȱBestaan. [ThisȱisȱTrijnȱLeemputs’sȱimage,ȱwhoȱbravelyȱdid whatȱneitherȱburgherȱnorȱsoldierȱeverȱdaredȱdo.]

Importantly,ȱ thisȱ inscriptionȱ signifiesȱ thatȱ vanȱ Leemputȱ wasȱ alsoȱ consideredȱ to possessȱmanlyȱbravery,ȱwhichȱinȱherȱcaseȱevenȱsurpassedȱthatȱofȱmen.ȱFinally,ȱthis imageȱalsoȱrelatesȱtoȱtheȱHasselaerȱfullȬlengthȱimagesȱwithȱtheȱinclusionȱofȱherȱband ofȱwomenȱvigorouslyȱattackingȱtheȱcastleȱgatesȱwithȱhammers,ȱscythes,ȱandȱpickaxes. AȱcopyȱofȱthisȱpaintingȱincludesȱtheȱcoatȱofȱarmsȱofȱvanȱLeemput’sȱfamily,ȱasȱan obviousȱindicatorȱofȱherȱdescendants’ȱprideȱinȱherȱheroicȱactions.ȱInȱaddition,ȱthis basicȱposeȱofȱvanȱLeemputȱisȱrepeatedȱinȱaȱ1646ȱpaintingȱbyȱCornelisȱDroochsloot, alsoȱdepictingȱherȱwithȱpickaxeȱinȱhandȱ(Fig.ȱ12).ȱThisȱtime,ȱhowever,ȱsheȱisȱshown fullȬlengthȱandȱcentrallyȱplaced,ȱ fightingȱalongȱwithȱtheȱmenȱasȱtheyȱbarrageȱthe castle.ȱ Theȱ visualȱ andȱ textualȱ similaritiesȱ amongȱ Hasselaerȱ prototypesȱ attestȱ the popularityȱ ofȱ theȱ earlierȱ imagesȱ andȱ theirȱ continuingȱ influenceȱ throughoutȱ the seventeenthȱcentury.

TrijnȱRembrandsȱandȱtheȱWomenȱofȱAlkmaar TheȱwomenȱofȱAlkmaar,ȱwhereȱtheȱSpaniardsȱturnedȱafterȱtheȱfallȱofȱHaarlemȱinȱ1573, wereȱalsoȱcelebratedȱforȱtheirȱheroicsȱinȱcontemporaryȱtexts.ȱTheȱbraveryȱofȱthese womenȱwasȱfirstȱrecordedȱinȱ1573ȱbyȱoneȱofȱAlkmaar’sȱinhabitants,ȱNanningȱvan Foreest,ȱwhoȱwasȱpresentȱduringȱtheȱsiege.ȱInȱhisȱpamphlet,ȱEenȱcortȱverhaelȱvanȱde strengheȱbelegheringheȱendeȱaftreckȱderȱSpangiaerdenȱvanȱdeȱstadtȱAlcmaerȱgheleghenȱin Hollandtȱ(AȱShortȱTaleȱofȱtheȱHarshȱSiegeȱandȱDepartureȱLaidȱbyȱtheȱSpaniardsȱAgainstȱthe CityȱofȱAlkmaarȱinȱHolland),ȱForeestȱtellsȱofȱhowȱonȱSeptemberȱ18,ȱtheȱSpanishȱarmy beganȱtoȱattackȱtheȱcity.ȱHeȱfirstȱdescribesȱtheȱbraveryȱofȱtheȱburghers,ȱbutȱthenȱsays thisȱwasȱtrueȱofȱtheȱwomen,ȱboys,ȱandȱgirlsȱalso.ȱTheȱwomen,ȱheȱsays,ȱbroughtȱboiled fat,ȱtar,ȱandȱlimeȱwaterȱtoȱhurlȱatȱtheȱSpaniards.ȱHeȱalsoȱadmitsȱthatȱheȱheardȱsomeȱof theȱsoldiersȱsayȱthat,ȱhadȱtheȱwomenȱnotȱhelpedȱwithȱtheȱweapons,ȱtheyȱwouldȱhave hadȱtoȱyieldȱtoȱtheȱenemy.ȱForeestȱconcludesȱhisȱhistoryȱwithȱaȱsongȱonȱtheȱsiegeȱof Alkmaar,ȱcelebratingȱtheȱunflaggingȱcourageȱofȱallȱcitizens—men,ȱwomen,ȱboys,ȱand girls—strivingȱtoȱdoȱtheirȱbest.29

29

NanningȱvanȱForeest,ȱEenȱcortȱverhaelȱvanȱdeȱstrengheȱbelegheringheȱendeȱaftreckȱderȱSpangiaerdenȱvan

TheȱDutchȱHeroineȱTradition

573

Vanȱ Meterenȱ alsoȱ describesȱ theȱ crucialȱ roleȱ playedȱ byȱ theȱ womenȱ ofȱ Alkmaar duringȱtheȱsiege.ȱHeȱrecordsȱthatȱwomenȱandȱbraveȱboysȱbroughtȱstonesȱandȱboiling limewaterȱtoȱthrowȱatȱtheȱenemy.ȱFurthermore,ȱtheȱwomenȱandȱgirlsȱheatedȱpotsȱand kettlesȱtoȱprovideȱburningȱtarȱtoȱpourȱonȱtheȱSpaniards.30ȱInȱaddition,ȱHooftȱmentions theȱimportanceȱofȱwomenȱandȱgirlsȱinȱcombatingȱtheȱenemyȱapproachingȱtheȱcity wallsȱofȱAlkmaar.31ȱFinally,ȱvanȱBeverwijckȱrelatesȱthatȱduringȱtheȱsiegeȱofȱAlkmaar, theȱwomenȱhelpedȱtoȱdefeatȱtheȱenemyȱbyȱpreparingȱpitchȱandȱbyȱbringingȱstonesȱand mortarȱtoȱbuildȱupȱtheȱwallsȱofȱtheȱcity.32 Atȱsomeȱpointȱduringȱtheȱseventeenthȱcentury,ȱTrijnȱRembrandsȱwasȱsingledȱout fromȱthisȱgroupȱofȱAlkmaarȱheroinesȱandȱgivenȱparticularȱprominence.ȱOneȱofȱthe seventeenthȬcenturyȱsourcesȱtoȱmentionȱTrijnȱRembrandsȱisȱaȱhistoryȱofȱtheȱsiege writtenȱbyȱKornelisȱSchoonȱinȱ1673ȱentitledȱAlkmaarsȱBitterȱenȱZoetȱ(AlkmaarȱBitterȱand Sweet).ȱFirst,ȱheȱpraisesȱtheȱwomenȱgenerallyȱforȱremainingȱundauntedȱinȱhelping withȱtheȱweapons.ȱThenȱheȱsaysȱheȱwasȱtoldȱofȱaȱsixteenȬyearȱoldȱwoman,ȱRembrands, whoȱwithȱherȱgunȱdemonstratedȱherȱmanliness.33 AnotherȱsourceȱonȱRembrandsȱisȱdeȱLange’sȱBataviseȱRomeyn.ȱHeȱalsoȱintroduces theȱaccountȱwithȱaȱretellingȱofȱtheȱdeedsȱofȱtheȱwomenȱinȱgeneral.ȱTheȱwomen,ȱhe says,ȱprovedȱthemselvesȱasȱbraveȱasȱtheȱmen,ȱandȱtheyȱcarriedȱoutȱallȱmissionsȱand maneuversȱwithȱgreatȱdiligence.ȱWeȱareȱinformedȱthatȱofȱsixteenȬyearȱoldȱRembrands, however,ȱitȱisȱsaidȱthatȱsheȱevenȱfoughtȱwithȱtheȱspiritȱofȱaȱman.34ȱWhetherȱorȱnot Rembrandsȱ wasȱ anȱ actualȱ personȱ remainsȱ unknown.ȱ Inȱ theȱ eighteenthȱ century, GysbertȱBoomkampȱthoughtȱsheȱmayȱhaveȱbeenȱaȱcertainȱCatharinaȱRemme,ȱaȱgirlȱin Alkmaarȱatȱtheȱtimeȱofȱtheȱsiege,ȱbutȱheȱadmitsȱthatȱsheȱmightȱalsoȱbeȱanȱinventionȱby theȱcityȱtoȱcompeteȱwithȱHaarlem’sȱheroineȱKenauȱSimonsȱHasselaer.35ȱ Boomkampȱmentionsȱtheȱexistenceȱofȱmanyȱpaintingsȱofȱthisȱheroine,ȱbutȱonlyȱone appearsȱtoȱbeȱstillȱextantȱ(Fig.ȱ13).36ȱInȱtheȱeighteenthȱcentury,ȱthisȱpaintingȱhungȱinȱthe regent’sȱroomȱofȱtheȱPesthuisȱinȱAlkmaar.ȱTheȱpaintingȱprobablyȱdatesȱfromȱtheȱmidȬ seventeenthȱcenturyȱandȱisȱmodeledȱafterȱtheȱimagesȱofȱHasselaer.ȱRembrandsȱstands inȱtheȱsameȱheroicȱposeȱwithȱherȱleftȱhandȱonȱherȱhipȱandȱherȱrightȱhandȱgraspingȱa standingȱ pike.ȱ Sheȱ wearsȱ theȱ dressȱ ofȱ aȱ burgherȱ womanȱ exceptȱ forȱ herȱ sashȱ and sword.ȱBehindȱherȱareȱtheȱwallsȱofȱtheȱcityȱandȱaȱgroupȱofȱwomenȱwithȱoneȱcarrying

30 31 32 33 34 35

36

deȱstadtȱAlcmaerȱgheleghenȱinȱHollandtȱ(Delft:ȱAelbertȱHendricsz,ȱ1573). VanȱMeteren,ȱBelgische,ȱ4:69ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ11). Hooft,ȱNeederlandsche,ȱ324ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ15). VanȱBeverwijck,ȱWtnementheyt,ȱ2:358ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2). KornelisȱSchoon,ȱAlkmaarsȱBitterȱenȱZoetȱ(Alkmaar:ȱPieterȱdeȱWees,ȱ1673),ȱ26. DeȱLange,ȱBataviseȱRomeyn,ȱ16ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18). Gysbertȱ Boomkamp,ȱ Alkmaerȱ enȱ deszelfsȱ Geschiedenissenȱ uitȱ deȱ nagelateneȱ papierenȱ vanȱ Simon Eikelenberg,ȱenȱveeleȱandereȱechteȱstukkenȱenȱbescheidenȱ(Rotterdam:ȱPhilippusȱandȱJakobusȱLosel, 1747),ȱ26.ȱ Boomkamp,ȱAlkmaer,ȱ271ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ35).

574

MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock

aȱ flagȱ andȱ anotherȱ aȱ pike.ȱ Again,ȱ theȱ imitationȱ ofȱ Hasselaerȱ imagesȱ indicatesȱ the popularityȱofȱtheȱpatrioticȱdiscourseȱsurroundingȱthatȱmoreȱfamousȱheroine.ȱ

MoreȱWomenȱWarriors InȱadditionȱtoȱexaltingȱtheȱdeedsȱofȱwomenȱfromȱHaarlem,ȱUtrecht,ȱandȱAlkmaar,ȱvan Beverwijckȱ includesȱ storiesȱ ofȱ otherȱ braveȱ womenȱ ofȱ theȱ revolt.ȱ Forȱ example,ȱ he describesȱandȱillustratesȱtheȱgallantryȱofȱtheȱwomenȱofȱAmsterdamȱ(Fig.ȱ14).37ȱHe writesȱthatȱhavingȱtakenȱtheȱcityȱofȱHaarlem,ȱtheȱvictoriousȱSpanishȱtroopsȱturnedȱto Amsterdamȱonlyȱtoȱbeȱmetȱbyȱmoreȱshooting.ȱTheȱwomenȱofȱAmsterdamȱfought bravelyȱalongsideȱtheȱmenȱandȱonȱtheirȱownȱbroughtȱartilleryȱtoȱaȱcertainȱelevation inȱtheȱcity,ȱfromȱwhichȱtheyȱbombardedȱtheȱSpanish.ȱAfterȱaȱlongȱbattle,ȱtheȱSpanish acknowledgedȱdefeatȱandȱfledȱtoȱtheȱports. Anotherȱ woman,ȱ accordingȱ toȱ vanȱ Beverwijck,ȱ wonȱ acclaimȱ inȱ 1587ȱ afterȱ the surrenderȱ ofȱ theȱ Princeȱ ofȱ Parma.ȱ Whenȱ theȱ armyȱ cameȱ toȱ Dordrecht,ȱ itȱ was discoveredȱthatȱoneȱofȱtheȱsoldiersȱwasȱaȱwoman.ȱAllȱwereȱgreatlyȱastonishedȱthatȱfor twoȱ yearsȱ sheȱ hadȱ servedȱ asȱ aȱ famousȱ soldier.38ȱ Vanȱ Beverwijckȱ mentionsȱ thatȱ a similarȱcaseȱoriginatedȱinȱGelderlandtȱinȱ1589.ȱAfterȱtheȱbattleȱhadȱended,ȱaȱwoman wasȱ foundȱ amongȱ theȱ dead.ȱ Vanȱ Beverwijckȱ statesȱ thatȱ sheȱ hadȱ foughtȱ forȱ the republicȱforȱmanyȱyears,ȱperformingȱmanyȱfamousȱdeeds.39ȱTheseȱlastȱtwoȱexamples areȱ significantȱ andȱ differentȱ fromȱ theȱ otherȱ heroinesȱ becauseȱ theȱ womenȱ were disguisedȱ asȱ men.ȱ Inȱ spiteȱ ofȱ theȱ deceitȱ ofȱ theseȱ womenȱ inȱ becomingȱ men,ȱ van Beverwijckȱstillȱpraisesȱtheirȱbraveryȱandȱheroism. DeȱLangeȱalsoȱdiscussesȱotherȱbraveȱwomenȱsoldiers.ȱOneȱsuchȱwoman,ȱMargarita, heȱdubsȱaȱ“DutchȱAmazon”ȱandȱdescribesȱhowȱsheȱfoughtȱfearlesslyȱinȱaȱnumberȱof earlyȱseventeenthȬcenturyȱbattlesȱatȱOostende,ȱGroeningen,ȱandȱSteenwijck.ȱSheȱalso dressedȱinȱmen’sȱclothingȱandȱusedȱaȱspearȱandȱmusket.ȱHeȱwritesȱthatȱaȱsongȱwas composedȱ aboutȱ herȱ toȱ inspireȱ otherȱ youngȱ women.40ȱ Anotherȱ femaleȱ soldier describedȱbyȱdeȱLangeȱwhoȱtookȱonȱaȱmaleȱdisguiseȱwasȱTrijntjeȱSymons.ȱOnceȱagain heȱcomparesȱherȱheroicȱdeedsȱtoȱGreekȱandȱLatinȱdescriptionsȱofȱtheȱAmazons.ȱHe recordsȱthatȱsheȱfoughtȱduringȱtheȱ1620sȱdressedȱasȱaȱman,ȱlearnedȱtoȱuseȱweapons, andȱchangedȱherȱnameȱtoȱSymonȱPoort.ȱSymonsȱservedȱsoȱgallantlyȱasȱaȱsoldierȱthat sheȱgainedȱmuchȱfameȱandȱreceivedȱaȱcelebratedȱburial.41ȱFinally,ȱdeȱLangeȱdescribes theȱ valorȱ ofȱ twoȱ women,ȱ Joannaȱ Pietersȱ andȱ Annaȱ Jans,ȱ whoȱ foughtȱ againstȱ the

37 38 39 40 41

VanȱBeverwijck,ȱWtnementheyt,ȱ2:357–58ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2). VanȱBeverwijck,ȱWtnementheyt,ȱ2:358ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2). VanȱBeverwijck,ȱWtnementheyt,ȱ3:51ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2). DeȱLange,ȱBataviseȱRomeyn,ȱ103ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18). DeȱLange,ȱBataviseȱRomeyn,ȱ174–75ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18).

TheȱDutchȱHeroineȱTradition

575

Englishȱduringȱtheȱ1650s.ȱTheseȱtwoȱwomenȱwentȱtoȱseaȱandȱpreferredȱanȱhonorable deathȱtoȱsurrender.ȱItȱisȱsignificantȱthatȱonceȱagainȱanȱauthorȱcomparesȱcontemporary femaleȱfearlessnessȱtoȱthatȱofȱancientȱheroines—theȱAmazonsȱandȱtheȱBatavians.42ȱ ȱ Theseȱlaterȱexamplesȱofȱwomenȱwarriorsȱareȱnotable;ȱencouragedȱbyȱtheȱexample ofȱ theirȱ revolutionaryȱ predecessors,ȱ theyȱ tooȱ wantedȱ toȱ assumeȱ traditionalȱ male soldieringȱrolesȱtoȱprotectȱtheȱFatherland.ȱThey,ȱhowever,ȱtookȱthisȱdaringȱtoȱaȱnew levelȱ byȱ actuallyȱ disguisingȱ themselvesȱ asȱ menȱ andȱ trainingȱ asȱ fighters.ȱ Such anecdotesȱrelateȱdirectlyȱtoȱtheȱ1989ȱresearchȱofȱRudolfȱDekkerȱandȱLotteȱvanȱdeȱPol,43 whoseȱinvestigationsȱyieldedȱaȱsignificantȱnumberȱofȱcasesȱinȱwhichȱwomenȱdressed asȱ malesȱ andȱ enlistedȱ asȱ sailorsȱ andȱ soldiersȱ duringȱ theȱ seventeenthȱ andȱ early eighteenthȱcenturiesȱinȱtheȱNetherlands.ȱFurthermore,ȱtheȱtwoȱinvestigatorsȱpresume thatȱtheȱnumberȱofȱinstancesȱdiscoveredȱonlyȱrepresentsȱaȱsmallȱportionȱofȱactualȱcases inȱwhichȱwomenȱwereȱdonningȱarmor.ȱWhileȱtheȱmotivationsȱofȱtheseȱwomenȱwere mixed,ȱmanyȱofȱthemȱclaimedȱpatrioticȱjustificationsȱandȱexpressedȱaȱdesireȱforȱglory. Certainly,ȱ theȱ conflictingȱ opinionsȱ regardingȱ femaleȱ soldiers,ȱ particularlyȱ those extollingȱtheȱpatrioticȱforemothersȱofȱtheȱrevolt,ȱmustȱhaveȱinspiredȱmanyȱwomenȱto takeȱonȱtheseȱmaleȱroles.ȱAsȱwasȱtheȱcaseȱwithȱHasselaerȱandȱherȱarmy,ȱtheseȱwomen wereȱcalledȱAmazonsȱbyȱtheirȱcontemporariesȱandȱsomeȱwereȱevenȱreceivedȱatȱcourt andȱrewardedȱbyȱtheȱmonarchy.ȱWhileȱthereȱwereȱalsoȱnegativeȱreactionsȱtoȱwomen soldiers,ȱthisȱphenomenonȱcertainlyȱinspiredȱinȱtheseȱlaterȱcrossȬdressingȱheroinesȱa greaterȱdegreeȱofȱboldnessȱthatȱprovidedȱopportunityȱtoȱcompeteȱwithȱmenȱinȱtheir traditionalȱroles.ȱItȱalsoȱpubliclyȱraisedȱquestionsȱregardingȱtheȱnatureȱandȱroleȱof women. SeventeenthȬcenturyȱevidenceȱofȱwomenȱtakingȱinspirationalȱcuesȱfromȱtheȱactions ofȱ Hasselaerȱ andȱ theȱ otherȱ heroinesȱ isȱ alsoȱ foundȱ inȱ theȱ pseudoȬhistorical sensationalistȱnarrativesȱofȱauthorsȱlikeȱJacobȱvanȱdeȱVivereȱandȱSimonȱdeȱVries. TheseȱtextsȱalsoȱprovideȱovertȱevidenceȱofȱtheȱconnectionsȱmadeȱinȱtheȱDutchȱmale psycheȱbetweenȱfemaleȱsoldiersȱandȱtheȱdebateȱregardingȱmannishȱwomen. InȱJacobȱvanȱdeȱVivere’sȱDeȱWinterscheȱAvondenȱofȱNederlantscheȱvertellingenȱ(1615) theȱconflictingȱdiscoursesȱoverȱwomen’sȱrolesȱasȱassociatedȱwithȱheroinesȱisȱexpressly laidȱout.44ȱHeȱbeginsȱbyȱassertingȱthatȱbraveryȱinȱaȱmanȱisȱnoȱwonder,ȱbutȱthatȱmanly deedsȱamongȱtheȱfemaleȱsexȱareȱallȱtheȱmoreȱamazing.ȱThereafter,ȱheȱturnsȱtoȱtheȱfeats ofȱtheȱ“NederlandscheȱAmazones”ȱandȱspecificallyȱtoȱtheȱfamousȱstoryȱofȱHasselaer.ȱIn aȱ ratherȱ praisingȱ spirit,ȱ heȱ relatesȱ thatȱ duringȱ theȱ siegeȱ theȱ womenȱ conducted themselvesȱveryȱbravely.ȱHeȱdescribesȱhowȱHasselaer,ȱaȱcourageousȱandȱhonorable

42 43

44

DeȱLange,ȱBataviseȱRomeyn,ȱ395–96ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ18). RudolfȱM.ȱDekkerȱandȱLotteȱC.ȱvanȱdeȱPol,ȱTheȱTraditionȱofȱFemaleȱTransvestismȱinȱEarlyȱModern Europeȱ(Basingstoke:ȱMacmillan,ȱ1989).ȱ ȱJacobusȱvanȱdeȱVivere,ȱDeȱWinterscheȱAvondenȱofȱNederlantscheȱvertellingenȱ(Amsterdam:ȱDirck Pietersz,ȱ1615),ȱ117–19.

576

MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock

widowȱofȱfortyȬsixȱyearsȱold,ȱusedȱspears,ȱguns,ȱandȱswordsȱwhileȱleadingȱtheȱother womenȱinȱmanlyȱdeeds—beyondȱfemaleȱnature—againstȱSpain.ȱHeȱthenȱdiscussesȱthe severalȱwomenȱwarriorsȱwhoȱwereȱinspiredȱbyȱtheseȱearlyȱheroines,ȱbutȱcomplains thatȱitȱhasȱmadeȱwomenȱtooȱboldȱandȱridiculous.ȱ Theȱenduringȱqualityȱofȱthisȱdiscourseȱisȱattestedȱbyȱitsȱreappearanceȱinȱtheȱwritings ofȱSimonȱdeȱVriesȱatȱtheȱendȱofȱtheȱcentury.ȱInȱhisȱD’eedelsteȱtijdkoringȱderȱweetgierige verstanden:ȱ ofȱ deȱ grooteȱ historischeȱ rariteitenkamerȱ (1682),ȱ aȱ similarȱ intersectionȱ of conflictingȱviewsȱoverȱfemaleȱsoldiersȱandȱboldȱwomenȱisȱfound.45ȱOneȱofȱtheȱmale charactersȱinȱdeȱVries’sȱdebateȱcriticizesȱwomenȱwhoȱrepudiateȱtheirȱsexȱbyȱdressing inȱmen’sȱclothingȱandȱdoingȱbattle.ȱIf,ȱhowever,ȱtheyȱdoȱsoȱinȱwomen’sȱclothingȱfor loveȱofȱtheȱFatherlandȱandȱtheȱdefenseȱofȱtheirȱfellowȱcitizenry,ȱtheyȱareȱtoȱbeȱpraised. Heȱassertsȱthatȱthereȱareȱmanyȱexamplesȱofȱsuchȱwomen,ȱbutȱthatȱheȱwillȱonlyȱrelate one,ȱ theȱ storyȱ ofȱ Hasselaer.ȱ Citingȱ vanȱ Meteren’sȱ historyȱ ofȱ theȱ revolt,ȱ deȱ Vries recountsȱtheȱeventsȱofȱtheȱsiegeȱatȱHaarlemȱinȱwhichȱHasselaerȱledȱthreeȱhundred fullyȬarmedȱ womenȱ againstȱ theȱ Spaniards.ȱ Withȱ spear,ȱ musket,ȱ andȱ sword,ȱ she wishedȱtoȱhelpȱasȱaȱmanȱandȱexecutedȱmanyȱmanlyȱdeedsȱaboveȱtheȱfemaleȱnature. HeȱcallsȱHasselaerȱaȱ“mannin,”ȱandȱclaimsȱthatȱwhenȱtheȱSpaniardsȱsawȱherȱarmyȱof women,ȱtheyȱcriedȱthatȱtheȱwomenȱhadȱbecomeȱmen.ȱAnotherȱofȱtheȱmaleȱcharacters inȱdeȱVries’sȱdebateȱinterjectsȱthatȱheȱdoesȱnotȱthinkȱitȱadvisableȱtoȱtalkȱaboutȱthe valiantȱdeedsȱofȱheroinesȱinȱfrontȱofȱwomen.ȱHeȱthenȱrelatesȱaȱstoryȱaboutȱaȱman whoseȱshrewishȱwifeȱMargrietȱdevelopedȱaȱlustȱforȱfightingȱthroughȱlisteningȱtoȱtales ofȱwomen’sȱheroicȱdeeds. Thereȱwasȱthusȱaȱconsiderableȱamountȱofȱpublicȱattentionȱdevotedȱtoȱheroinesȱand theirȱlegacyȱinȱDutchȱculture.ȱTextsȱandȱimagesȱthatȱcelebratedȱtheȱdeedsȱofȱheroic womenȱsignificantlyȱaffectedȱpublicȱperceptionsȱofȱwomen’sȱcapabilitiesȱtoȱtakeȱon whatȱwereȱdeemedȱtoȱbeȱmaleȱcharacteristicsȱandȱroles.ȱSuchȱdiscoursesȱvehemently thrustȱthisȱdiscussionȱoverȱwomenȱandȱtheirȱabilitiesȱintoȱtheȱpublicȱsphere.ȱItȱisȱclear thatȱforȱmanyȱauthorsȱtheȱheroinesȱofȱtheȱrevoltȱdeservedȱadmirationȱandȱpraise.ȱFor vanȱBeverwijck,ȱdeȱLange,ȱandȱvanȱGelreȱinȱparticular,ȱwomen’sȱcourageȱrivaled,ȱor evenȱsurpassed,ȱthatȱofȱmen.ȱCharacteristicsȱsuchȱasȱbravery,ȱfortitude,ȱleadership, patriotism,ȱloyalty,ȱstrength,ȱandȱmilitaryȱskillȱwereȱnoȱlongerȱseenȱasȱexclusively male.ȱInȱaddition,ȱforȱsomeȱofȱtheseȱartistsȱandȱauthors,ȱtheȱbraveȱfemaleȱsoldierȱwas notȱsuchȱanȱunusualȱphenomenon.ȱItȱwas,ȱtherefore,ȱtheȱtypicalȱnatureȱofȱtheȱDutch heroineȱthatȱseparatedȱherȱfromȱsuchȱatypicalȱexamplesȱinȱotherȱsocieties.ȱ Inȱaddition,ȱtextsȱandȱimagesȱemphasizedȱtheȱfactȱthatȱtheȱmostȱnotableȱheroines wereȱneitherȱroyalȱnorȱlesserȱaristocrats,ȱbutȱwereȱalmostȱallȱordinaryȱburgherȱwomen. Becauseȱtheȱheroinesȱareȱrepresentedȱasȱcontemporaryȱwomenȱleadingȱotherȱfemales inȱtheȱprotectionȱofȱtheirȱcities,ȱsurelyȱotherȱDutchȱwomenȱwouldȱrelateȱtoȱthemȱas

45

SimonȱdeȱVries,ȱD’eedelsteȱtijdkortingȱderȱweetȬgierigeȱverstanden:ȱofȱdeȱgrooteȱhistorischeȱrariteitenkamer (Amsterdam:ȱJanȱBouman,ȱ1682),ȱ118–27.

TheȱDutchȱHeroineȱTradition

577

individualsȱlikeȱthemselves.ȱIndeed,ȱvanȱBeverwijckȱintermingledȱhisȱdiscussionȱof heroinesȱwithȱloftyȱpraiseȱforȱhousewives,ȱandȱbothȱwereȱacclaimedȱforȱtheirȱcharacter andȱ contributionsȱ toȱ Dutchȱ society.ȱ Thisȱ wasȱ importantȱ forȱ Dutchȱ womenȱ ofȱ the seventeenthȱcenturyȱinȱthatȱtheyȱobviouslyȱdevelopedȱaȱkinshipȱwithȱtheseȱheroines. Inȱotherȱwords,ȱtheȱheroines’ȱabilityȱtoȱgoȱbeyondȱtheȱtraditionalȱboundsȱofȱtheirȱsex andȱachieveȱpublicȱattentionȱandȱfameȱaffectedȱallȱwomenȱandȱmadeȱtheseȱtypesȱof opportunitiesȱ seemȱ possibleȱ forȱ otherȱ burgherȱ women.ȱ Thisȱ marksȱ aȱ typological turningȱpointȱinȱaffirmingȱthatȱwomenȱgenerally,ȱnotȱjustȱwomenȱwarriors,ȱcouldȱbe ascribedȱadmirableȱtraitsȱpreviouslyȱconsideredȱtoȱbeȱuniquelyȱmale.ȱAndȱsuchȱwas, ofȱcourse,ȱtheȱpurposeȱofȱtextsȱlikeȱthoseȱbyȱvanȱBeverwijckȱandȱvanȱGelre. Certainlyȱtheȱimmediateȱandȱprolificȱattentionȱgivenȱatȱhomeȱandȱabroadȱtoȱthese heroinesȱgaveȱwomenȱfromȱtheȱoutsetȱofȱtheȱrepublicȱaȱstrongerȱpositionȱfromȱwhich toȱ helpȱ shapeȱ futureȱ genderȱ statusȱ andȱ roles.ȱ Theirȱ deedsȱ wereȱ recountedȱ and enlargedȱuponȱinȱtheȱmanyȱseventeenthȬȱcenturyȱhistoriesȱofȱtheȱrevolt.ȱTheseȱlegends wereȱalsoȱadaptedȱandȱperformedȱinȱpatrioticȱdramasȱofȱtheȱera.ȱInȱparticular,ȱthe profusionȱ ofȱ widelyȬdisseminatedȱ printsȱ glorifyingȱ theȱ patriotismȱ andȱ braveryȱ of theseȱ womenȱ mustȱ haveȱ generatedȱ forcefulȱ depictionsȱ ofȱ futureȱ Dutchȱ women overall.ȱByȱusurpingȱtheȱvisualȱtraditionȱofȱtheȱmaleȱwarrior,ȱtheseȱimagesȱposedȱa challengeȱtoȱaȱstrictȱbinaryȱgenderȱdivision.ȱSpecifically,ȱtheȱmanlyȱportrayalȱofȱthe womenȱandȱtheȱinscriptionsȱequatingȱtheirȱbraveryȱandȱfortitudeȱwithȱthatȱofȱmen mustȱhaveȱinfluencedȱpublicȱperceptionsȱofȱwomen’sȱabilityȱtoȱengageȱinȱotherȱmale pursuits,ȱparticipateȱinȱtheȱpublicȱsphere,ȱandȱgainȱpublicȱreputations.ȱIndeed,ȱitȱwas notȱ onlyȱ heroinesȱ whoȱ wereȱ praisedȱ forȱ theirȱ maleȱ pursuits.ȱ Weȱ findȱ thatȱ van Beverwijck’sȱtextȱlaudsȱwomenȱwhoȱgainedȱpublicȱadulationȱthroughȱtheirȱscholarly, artistic,ȱpoetic,ȱandȱmusicalȱaccomplishments.ȱTheȱportrayalsȱofȱandȱrhetoricȱreferring toȱtheseȱwomenȱechoedȱthoseȱlavishedȱonȱheroines.ȱAllȱsuchȱvrouwenȱlof,ȱorȱpraiseȱof women,ȱ whoȱ engagedȱ inȱ maleȱ pursuitsȱ wasȱ quiteȱ revolutionaryȱ inȱ theirȱ viewȱ of womenȱ asȱ men’sȱ equal.ȱ Suchȱ recognitionȱ clearlyȱ establishedȱ aȱ discourseȱ that significantlyȱoverturnedȱtheȱprevailingȱpatriarchalȱhegemony. Itȱ hasȱ beenȱ suggestedȱ thatȱ aȱ woman’sȱ autonomousȱ abilityȱ toȱ “imagineȱ herself otherwise”ȱ inȱ aȱ maleȬdominatedȱ societyȱ isȱ onlyȱ possibleȱ whenȱ theȱ “cultural imaginary”ȱ containsȱ symbols,ȱ images,ȱ andȱ representationsȱ thatȱ allowȱ herȱ to deliberate,ȱ selfȬdefine,ȱ andȱ selfȬfashionȱ withoutȱ overwhelmingȱ restrictionsȱ toȱ this mentalȱprocess.46ȱTheȱDutchȱRepublicȱwasȱaȱsocietyȱinȱwhichȱthisȱtypeȱofȱimagining wasȱ certainlyȱ possibleȱ dueȱ toȱ theȱ earlyȱ overlappingȱ ofȱ genderȱ rolesȱ throughȱ the heroinesȱofȱtheȱrevoltȱagainstȱSpanishȱhegemony.ȱAsȱthisȱsocietyȱbeganȱredefining itselfȱinȱnumerousȱways,ȱimagesȱofȱtheseȱgenderȬcrossingȱheroinesȱbecameȱimportant

46

CatrionaȱMackenzie,ȱ“ImaginingȱOneselfȱOtherwise,”ȱRelationalȱAutonomy:ȱFeministȱPerspectiveȱon Autonomy,ȱAgency,ȱandȱtheȱSocialȱSelf,ȱed.ȱCatrionaȱMackenzieȱandȱNatalieȱStoljarȱ(Oxford:ȱOxford UniversityȱPress,ȱ2000),ȱ124–50.

578

MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock

modelsȱofȱinspirationȱforȱwomenȱwhoȱwereȱsimilarlyȱtryingȱtoȱrepresentȱthemselves inȱtheȱpublicȱsphere.ȱ

TheȱHeroineȱLegacy Theȱ impact,ȱ then,ȱ ofȱ thisȱ heroineȱ legacyȱ wasȱ moreȱ farȱ reachingȱ thanȱ the straightforwardȱestablishmentȱofȱaȱnationalistic,ȱpatrioticȱtradition.ȱItȱalsoȱprovoked furorȱoverȱestablishedȱdefinitionsȱofȱ“woman”:ȱherȱcharacterȱandȱcapabilities.ȱAsȱa result,ȱaȱheatedȱdebateȱbeganȱtoȱemergeȱoverȱwomen’sȱrolesȱgenerallyȱandȱtheirȱrights andȱabilitiesȱtoȱactȱinȱtheȱtraditionallyȱmaleȱpublicȱsphere.ȱOftenȱinȱdirectȱrelationȱto theȱheroineȱdiscourse,ȱthisȱlargerȱdialogueȱalsoȱoccurredȱinȱaȱvarietyȱofȱformatsȱand wasȱalsoȱveryȱpublic. Accordingly,ȱtheȱactionsȱofȱtheseȱheroinesȱandȱtheirȱeverȬenlargingȱlegendsȱenabled anotherȱtypeȱofȱfutureȱDutchȱheroine.ȱTheseȱwereȱwomenȱwhoȱcouldȱalsoȱactȱinȱthe publicȱ sphereȱ andȱ competeȱ withȱ maleȱ capabilities,ȱ dueȱ toȱ theȱ structuringȱ ofȱ new genderȱ normsȱ afterȱ theȱ revolt.ȱ Unlikeȱ theirȱ warriorȱ predecessors,ȱ however,ȱ these womenȱachievedȱheroicȱrecognitionȱandȱfameȱasȱscholars,ȱpoets,ȱartists,ȱandȱother publicȱroles.ȱButȱbecauseȱtheseȱtooȱwereȱwomenȱofȱconsequence,ȱthey,ȱlikeȱtheȱmilitant heroines,ȱacquiredȱsuchȱrenownȱthatȱlaterȱgenerationsȱofȱwomenȱwouldȱfollowȱinȱtheir footstepsȱasȱwell.ȱ Whileȱsomeȱhistoriansȱhaveȱbeenȱwillingȱtoȱallowȱthatȱthereȱwereȱcertainlyȱaȱfew exceptionalȱ seventeenthȬcenturyȱ Dutchȱ womenȱ whoȱ achievedȱ powerȱ and prominenceȱinȱtheȱpublicȱsphere,ȱtheyȱhaveȱbeenȱunwillingȱtoȱadmitȱthatȱthisȱaffected theȱfemaleȱpopulationȱgenerally.ȱAsȱmoreȱofȱtheseȱexamplesȱofȱaccomplishedȱwomen haveȱ comeȱ forward,ȱ however,ȱ theirȱ impactȱ onȱ Dutchȱ cultureȱ isȱ emergingȱ as significant.ȱWhileȱitȱisȱbeyondȱtheȱscopeȱofȱthisȱarticleȱtoȱdiscussȱtheseȱwomenȱin detail,ȱaȱfewȱexamplesȱwillȱbeȱdiscussedȱthatȱrelateȱdirectlyȱtoȱtheȱpreviouslyȱdiscussed heroineȱ images.ȱ Specifically,ȱ portraitsȱ ofȱ theseȱ womenȱ borrowȱ directlyȱ fromȱ the glorifyingȱimageryȱofȱHasselaerȱandȱvanȱLeemput.ȱThisȱisȱprobablyȱdueȱtoȱtheȱfact that,ȱlikeȱtheȱheroines,ȱmanyȱofȱtheseȱwomenȱdefinedȱrolesȱforȱthemselvesȱinȱeliteȱmale circles,ȱandȱtherebyȱgarneredȱprestigeȱinȱbothȱvisualȱandȱwrittenȱculture.ȱIndeed,ȱitȱis becomingȱincreasinglyȱevidentȱthatȱtheȱfreedomȱenjoyedȱandȱtheȱfameȱachievedȱby manyȱofȱtheseȱfemaleȱartists,ȱpoetesses,ȱandȱscholarsȱdidȱnotȱexistȱtoȱtheȱsameȱextent elsewhereȱinȱtheȱseventeenthȱcentury.47ȱFurthermore,ȱmanyȱofȱtheseȱwomenȱwere includedȱ inȱ vanȱ Beverwijck’sȱ catalogȱ ofȱ goodȱ women,ȱ thusȱ equatingȱ themȱ with ancientȱasȱwellȱasȱrecentȱDutchȱheroines.ȱ

47

ȱSeeȱtheȱvariousȱessaysȱinȱWomenȱofȱtheȱGoldenȱAge:ȱAnȱInternationalȱDebateȱonȱWomenȱinȱSeventeenthȬ Centuryȱ Holland,ȱ Englandȱ andȱ Italy,ȱ ed.ȱ Elsȱ Kloek,ȱ Nicoleȱ Teeuwen,ȱ andȱ Marijkeȱ Huisman (Hilversum:ȱVerloren,ȱ1994).

TheȱDutchȱHeroineȱTradition

579

Theirȱpublicȱfameȱspreadȱthroughȱvariousȱmeans,ȱincludingȱpaintedȱandȱprinted portraits,ȱpoems,ȱandȱencomiaȱinȱvariousȱpublishedȱsources,ȱandȱthroughȱtheirȱown artistic,ȱscholarly,ȱandȱliteraryȱcontributions.ȱAsȱwithȱtheȱheroines,ȱtheȱnonȬmilitant women’sȱ abilitiesȱ wereȱ oftenȱ paralleledȱ withȱ thoseȱ ofȱ men,ȱ causingȱ theirȱ public representationsȱ toȱ resembleȱ maleȱ prototypes.ȱ Indeed,ȱ fromȱ theȱ outsetȱ ofȱ the seventeenthȱ centuryȱ severalȱ womenȱ managedȱ toȱ negotiateȱ inȱ thisȱ provinceȱ and achieveȱpublicȱrecognitionȱandȱevenȱfame.ȱOnceȱagain,ȱthisȱopenedȱupȱtheȱpossibility forȱotherȱwomenȱthroughoutȱtheȱcenturyȱtoȱachieveȱsimilarȱrecognition.ȱ VanȱBeverwijckȱcomparesȱtheȱprominenceȱandȱmeritȱofȱtheseȱfemaleȱscholars,ȱpoets, writers,ȱ musicians,ȱ andȱ artistsȱ toȱ thatȱ ofȱ renownedȱ womenȱ fromȱ theȱ past,ȱ as exemplifiedȱinȱtheȱsecondȱbookȱofȱhisȱtext,ȱdedicatedȱtoȱtheȱmostȱfamousȱofȱallȱDutch womenȱscholars,ȱAnnaȱMariaȱvanȱSchurman.ȱ TheȱcelebrityȱofȱAnnaȱMariaȱvanȱSchurmanȱtrulyȱbecameȱanȱinternationalȱaffair,ȱas elitesȱfromȱaroundȱEuropeȱanxiouslyȱinitiatedȱcorrespondenceȱwithȱthisȱwomanȱof greatȱrenown.ȱGenerallyȱacceptedȱasȱtheȱmostȱinternationallyȱfamousȱwomanȱofȱthe seventeenthȬcenturyȱDutchȱRepublic,ȱAnnaȱMariaȱvanȱSchurmanȱprovidedȱaȱlasting imageȱofȱpossibilitiesȱforȱfemaleȱeducationȱandȱfame.ȱComparisonsȱwithȱthisȱlearned womanȱwouldȱbeȱmadeȱwithȱothersȱfollowingȱinȱherȱwakeȱthroughoutȱtheȱensuing century.ȱ VanȱSchurmanȱwasȱbornȱinȱCologne,ȱbutȱherȱfamilyȱmovedȱtoȱUtrechtȱinȱ1615ȱin orderȱtoȱescapeȱreligiousȱpersecution.ȱSheȱwasȱeducatedȱfromȱanȱearlyȱageȱbyȱher fatherȱandȱlaterȱbecameȱoneȱofȱtheȱmostȱcelebratedȱscholarsȱinȱEurope.ȱSheȱhadȱmany admirers,ȱ includingȱ Descartes,ȱ andȱ sheȱ keptȱ upȱ aȱ learnedȱ correspondenceȱ with illustriousȱmenȱandȱwomenȱthroughoutȱEurope.ȱInȱherȱhometownȱofȱUtrechtȱsheȱhad achievedȱfameȱatȱanȱearlyȱageȱdueȱinȱpartȱtoȱherȱlinguisticȱability.ȱSheȱcouldȱreadȱand writeȱinȱseveralȱdifferentȱlanguages:ȱDutch,ȱGerman,ȱFrench,ȱEnglish,ȱLatin,ȱItalian, Greek,ȱHebrew,ȱEthiopian,ȱArabic,ȱSyrian,ȱPersian,ȱandȱSamaritan.ȱInȱadditionȱtoȱa knowledgeȱofȱclassicalȱphilosophy,ȱherȱwritingsȱalsoȱindicateȱthatȱsheȱbecameȱwell versedȱinȱpoetry,ȱrhetoric,ȱdialectics,ȱandȱmathematics.ȱVanȱBeverwijckȱincludedȱa portraitȱofȱthisȱremarkableȱwomanȱinȱhisȱdedicationȱandȱanȱaccompanyingȱverseȱthat equatesȱherȱwithȱGreekȱgoddesses.ȱHeȱassertsȱthatȱvanȱSchurmanȱisȱasȱmagnificentȱas theȱgoddessesȱVenus,ȱJuno,ȱandȱPallasȱandȱthatȱsheȱshouldȱbeȱsimilarlyȱremembered andȱvenerated.48 Asȱaȱresultȱofȱherȱintelligenceȱandȱskill,ȱvanȱSchurmanȱwasȱaskedȱtoȱwriteȱaȱLatin poemȱforȱtheȱopeningȱofȱtheȱUniversityȱofȱUtrechtȱinȱ1636;ȱinȱ1641ȱsheȱwasȱadmitted toȱUtrecht’sȱGuildȱofȱSt.ȱLuke.ȱThatȱsameȱyearȱsheȱwroteȱanȱimportantȱtreatiseȱinȱLatin, theȱDissertatio,ȱinȱwhichȱsheȱdefendedȱaȱwoman’sȱrightȱtoȱeducation.ȱThisȱinfluential textȱwasȱtranslatedȱintoȱFrenchȱandȱEnglish.ȱTheȱDissertatioȱisȱremarkable,ȱforȱitsȱtime,

48

VanȱBeverwijck,ȱWtnementheyt,ȱ2:17ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2).

580

MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock

inȱitsȱlogicȱandȱstrongȱinsistenceȱthatȱwomenȱwereȱequalȱtoȱmenȱinȱtheirȱabilityȱto thinkȱandȱlearn.ȱInȱherȱlaterȱyears,ȱvanȱSchurmanȱcontinuedȱtoȱwrite.ȱSheȱjoinedȱa protestantȱsectȱunderȱtheȱdirectionȱofȱJeanȱdeȱLabadie;ȱthisȱgroupȱattractedȱaȱgreat numberȱ ofȱ femaleȱ supporters.ȱ Sheȱ publishedȱ Eucleria,ȱ documentingȱ herȱ spiritual enlightenmentȱwhileȱassociatedȱwithȱthisȱgroup. Vanȱ Schurmanȱ alsoȱ trainedȱ asȱ anȱ artistȱ underȱ Magdalenaȱ vanȱ derȱ Passe, experimentingȱwithȱseveralȱmediaȱincludingȱpaperȱcutting,ȱembroidery,ȱoilȱgouache, pencil,ȱ crayon,ȱ wax,ȱ boxwood,ȱ ivory,ȱ andȱ copper.ȱ Herȱ artisticȱ accomplishments attractedȱsoȱmuchȱattentionȱthatȱsheȱcontinuedȱtoȱbeȱlaudedȱinȱcollectionsȱofȱartist biographiesȱforȱseveralȱdecadesȱincludingȱthoseȱofȱCornelisȱdeȱBieȱinȱ1662ȱandȱArnold Houbrakenȱinȱ1718.ȱDeȱBieȱparticularlyȱpraisesȱvanȱSchurmanȱforȱengagingȱinȱthe “male”ȱpursuitȱofȱcreatingȱartȱandȱstatesȱthatȱthisȱ“manly”ȱendeavorȱhasȱwonȱher “manly”ȱ honor.49ȱ Houbrakenȱ includesȱ herȱ portraitȱ andȱ comparesȱ herȱ fameȱ toȱ a numberȱofȱancientȱwomenȱonȱtheȱfamedȱlist,ȱincludingȱSappho.50ȱTheȱeffectȱofȱthese veneratingȱimagesȱandȱbiographies,ȱofȱherȱwritingsȱonȱfemaleȱeducation,ȱandȱofȱher ownȱ achievementsȱ wasȱ toȱ haveȱ significantȱ implicationsȱ forȱ genderȱ discourse throughoutȱtheȱseventeenthȱcentury.ȱ Whileȱ thereȱ areȱ severalȱ portraitsȱ of,ȱ andȱ selfȱ portraitsȱ by,ȱ vanȱ Schurman,ȱ one particularȱexampleȱwillȱprovideȱevidenceȱofȱtheȱbenefitȱsheȱderivedȱfromȱtheȱDutch heroineȱlegacyȱinȱachievingȱfameȱinȱtheȱpublicȱsphere.ȱAnȱinfluentialȱselfȬportrait, designedȱ andȱ perhapsȱ engravedȱ byȱ vanȱ Schurman,ȱ isȱ includedȱ inȱ Jacobȱ Cats’s dedicationȱtoȱherȱatȱtheȱoutsetȱofȱhisȱtextȱ‘SȱWereltsȱBegin,ȱMidden,ȱEynde,ȱBeslotenȱinȱden TrouȬRingh,ȱMetȱdenȱProefȬSteenȱvanȱdenȱSelven.ȱ(TheȱWorld’sȱBeginning,ȱMiddleȱand End,ȱComprisedȱinȱtheȱWeddingȱRing,ȱWithȱtheȱTouchȱStoneȱofȱtheȱSame)ȱ(Fig.ȱ15).51

49

50

51

CornelisȱdeȱBie,ȱHetȱguldenȱcabinetȱvanȱdeȱedeleȱvryȱschilderȬconstȱontslotenȱdoorȱdenȱlanckȱghewenschten vredeȱ tusschenȱ deȱ tweeȱ machtigheȱ croonenȱ vanȱ Spaingnienȱ enȱ Vranckryckȱ (Antwerp:ȱ Juliaenȱ van Montfort,ȱ1662),ȱ557–58. ArnoldȱHoubraken,ȱDeȱgrooteȱSchouburghȱderȱNederlantscheȱkonstschildersȱenȱschilderessenȱwaarȱvan ‘erȱveleȱmetȱhunneȱbeeltenissenȱtenȱtooneelȱverschynen,ȱenȱhunȱlevensgedragȱenȱkonstwerkenȱbeschreven worden:ȱzyndeȱeenȱvervolgȱopȱhetȱschilderboekȱvanȱK.ȱv.ȱManderȱ(Amsterdam:ȱPublishedȱbyȱtheȱauthor, 1718Ȭ1721),ȱ313–16. JacobȱCats,ȱAlleȱdeȱWercken,ȱSoȱoudenȱalsȱnieuwe,ȱvanȱdeȱHeerȱIacobȱCats,ȱRidder,ȱoudtȱRaedtpensionaris vanȱHollandt,ȱ&c.ȱ(Amsterdam:ȱIanȱIacobszȱSchipper,ȱ1655),ȱForwardȱtoȱ‘SȱWereltsȱBegin,ȱMidden, Eynde,ȱBeslotenȱinȱdenȱTrouȬRingh,ȱMetȱdenȱProefȬSteenȱvanȱdenȱSelven.ȱInȱhisȱdedication,ȱCatsȱstates thatȱtheȱimageȱisȱaȱselfȬportrait,ȱbutȱitȱisȱnotȱknownȱifȱSchurmanȱengravedȱtheȱworkȱorȱwhether itȱwasȱsimplyȱdoneȱafterȱherȱdrawing.ȱAnotherȱengravedȱselfȬportraitȱbyȱSchurmanȱdoesȱexist. Cats’sȱinscriptionȱreads,ȱ“NuȱsooȱissetȱalsooȱdatȱnietȱalleenȱdeȱhoogheȱScholeȱvanȱhetȱStichtȱvan Utrecht,ȱmaerȱoockȱmenighȱgeleertȱmanȱinȱHollantȱmetȱvolleȱredenȱvanȱwetenschapȱkanȱgetuygen, datȱalȱhetȱgeneȱvorenȱisȱverhaelt,ȱgelijckelickȱisȱteȱvindenȱinȱdenȱpersoonȱvanȱJonckȬvrouȱAnna MariaȱSchuerrmans:ȱwiensȱbeeltȱnaȱ‘tȱlevenȱbyȱhaerȱselfsȱuytȱeenȱspiegelȱkunstelickȱgeteyckentȱwy denȱLeserȱhierȱinȱ‘tȱkoperȱghesnedenȱgunstelickȱmedeȬdeelen;ȱalsȱeenȱwonderȱnietȱalleenȱvanȱonse, maerȱoockȱvanȱdeȱvoorigeȱeeuwen.ȱEnȱdaerȱopȱbesluytende,ȱseggeȱick:ȱOȱlichtȱvanȱuwenȱtijt,ȱen Peerelȱvanȱdenȱdouck!ȱGhyȱdieȱonsȱEeuweȱciert,ȱverciertȱoockȱdesenȱBouck.

TheȱDutchȱHeroineȱTradition

581

Accompanyingȱtheȱimageȱisȱanȱinscriptionȱproclaimingȱherȱfameȱandȱgloryȱandȱalso aȱlengthyȱdescriptionȱofȱallȱherȱtalentsȱinȱlearning,ȱart,ȱandȱmusic.ȱTheȱsettingȱofȱthe portraitȱclearlyȱmimicsȱtheȱportrayalsȱofȱheroines.ȱTheȱviewȱofȱtheȱUtrechtȱchurchȱout theȱarchedȱwindowȱisȱreminiscentȱofȱtheȱsimilarlyȱrepresentedȱHaarlemȱcityscapeȱin imagesȱofȱHasselaer.ȱFurthermore,ȱinȱseveralȱprintsȱofȱHasselaerȱtheȱinstrumentsȱof herȱ fame—Spanishȱ headȱ orȱ heads—areȱ laidȱ out,ȱ likeȱ vanȱ Schurman’sȱ texts,ȱ onȱ a nearbyȱtable.ȱImportantȱhereȱisȱthatȱtheȱheroineȱimagesȱhadȱalreadyȱcrossedȱgender boundariesȱbyȱequatingȱHasselaer’sȱbraveryȱwithȱthatȱofȱmenȱinȱtheȱinscriptionsȱand byȱpicturingȱherȱarmedȱlikeȱaȱmanȱinȱaȱheroicȱhandȬonȬhipȱpose.ȱThus,ȱwhenȱvan Schurmanȱadoptsȱtheseȱaspectsȱandȱmanipulatesȱthemȱtoȱproclaimȱherȱownȱfame, thereȱ wereȱ alreadyȱ pictorialȱ precedentsȱ depolarizingȱ theȱ femaleȱ portraitȱ and bestowingȱfameȱonȱtheȱsitter.ȱ Significantly,ȱvanȱSchurman’sȱheroicȱportraitȱreappearedȱinȱmultipleȱeditionsȱof Cats’sȱ‘SȱWereltsȱBegin,ȱMidden,ȱEynde,ȱBeslotenȱinȱdenȱTrouȬRingh,ȱMetȱdenȱProefȬSteen vanȱdenȱSelvenȱ(firstȱpublishedȱinȱ1637)ȱandȱinȱhisȱcollectedȱworks,ȱthusȱdisseminating herȱpowerfulȱimageȱthroughoutȱtheȱDutchȱRepublic.ȱAsȱaȱresult,ȱthisȱcelebrationȱof vanȱSchurman’sȱaccomplishmentsȱinȱtheȱpublicȱsphereȱincreasinglyȱcreatedȱaȱculture thatȱ encouragedȱ womenȱ toȱ imitateȱ theseȱ behaviorsȱ ofȱ heroicȱ women,ȱ andȱ the influenceȱ ofȱ thisȱ astoundingȱ womanȱ resurfacesȱ timeȱ andȱ againȱ throughoutȱ the century.ȱ Aȱcompellingȱexampleȱofȱtheȱfortunateȱconsequencesȱofȱpreviousȱheroines’ȱfameȱis alsoȱdirectlyȱevidencedȱinȱanȱillustrationȱtoȱMatthijsȱvanȱBalen’sȱ1677ȱBeschrijvingeȱvan deȱ stadȱ Dordrechtȱ (Descriptionȱ ofȱ theȱ Cityȱ ofȱ Dordrecht)ȱ (Fig.ȱ 16).52ȱ Thisȱ illustration, engravedȱbyȱSamuelȱvanȱHoogstraten,ȱwasȱmadeȱafterȱaȱselfȬportraitȱbyȱtheȱDordrecht artistȱMargaretaȱGodewijk.ȱObviously,ȱHasselaer’sȱandȱvanȱSchurman’sȱportraitȱtype wasȱreferencedȱinȱtheȱsimilarȱsettingȱwithȱaȱdrapedȱclothȱofȱhonorȱandȱviewȱoutȱthe windowȱtoȱtheȱtowerȱofȱtheȱDordrechtȱchurch.ȱGodewijkȱholdsȱaȱbook,ȱsignifyingȱher eruditionȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ herȱ artisticȱ skillȱ inȱ thisȱ portrayal.ȱ Indeed,ȱ theȱ accompanying inscriptionȱpraisesȱbothȱtheseȱskills.ȱGodewijk,ȱbornȱinȱ1627,ȱwasȱtheȱdaughterȱofȱa schoolȱ teacherȱandȱhistorian.ȱThisȱ“DordrechtȱPearl,”ȱasȱvanȱBalenȱdescribesȱher, wroteȱpoetryȱandȱwasȱconversantȱinȱseveralȱlanguagesȱincludingȱGreek,ȱLatin,ȱItalian, French,ȱ English,ȱ Dutch,ȱ andȱ Hebrew.ȱ Sheȱ alsoȱ exhibitedȱ skillȱ inȱ suchȱ artsȱ as embroidery,ȱpainting,ȱdrawing,ȱglassȱengraving,ȱsinging,ȱandȱplayingȱtheȱclavichord. Inȱ hisȱ praiseȱ ofȱ Godewijck’sȱ artȱ andȱ learning,ȱ vanȱ Balenȱ comparesȱ herȱ toȱ van Schurman,ȱ andȱ heȱ suggestsȱ thatȱ Godewijk’sȱ accomplishmentsȱ rivalȱ thoseȱ ofȱ her

52

MatthijsȱvanȱBalen,ȱBeschrijvingeȱderȱstadȱDordrecht,ȱvervatendeȱhaarȱbegin,ȱopkomst,ȱtoeneming,ȱen verdereȱstant:ȱopgezocht,ȱinȱȇtlichtȱgebracht,ȱenȱvertoond,ȱmetȱveleȱvoornameȱvoorrechten,ȱhandȬvesten, keuren,ȱenȱoudeȱherkomen;ȱalsȱmedeȱeenȱverzamelingȱvanȱeenigeȱgeslachtboomen,ȱderȱadelijke,ȱaalȬoude,ȱen aanzienlijkeȱheerenȬgeslachtenȱvan,ȱenȱin,ȱDordrecht,ȱenz.;ȱzijndeȱderȱvoornoemdeȱbeschrijvinge,ȱgecierd, enȱverrijkt,ȱmetȱverscheijdeȱkopreȱkonstȬplatenȱ(Dordrecht:ȱSymonȱOnderȱdeȱLinde,ȱ1677),ȱ203–04.

582

MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock

famousȱpredecessor;ȱtheȱobviousȱintentionȱofȱthisȱimitationȱwasȱtoȱadvanceȱtheȱmerits ofȱDordrecht’sȱclaimȱtoȱfameȱviaȱtheirȱownȱfamousȱfemaleȱheroine. AsȱmoreȱDutchȱwomenȱlikeȱtheseȱwereȱaddedȱtoȱtheȱpantheonȱofȱ“goodȱwomen,” suchȱloftyȱstatusȱmustȱhaveȱseemedȱincreasinglyȱaccessibleȱtoȱfutureȱgenerations.ȱVan Beverwijck’sȱtextȱgaveȱsignificantȱattentionȱtoȱbothȱmilitaryȱheroinesȱandȱheroinesȱof artȱandȱlearning.ȱTheyȱareȱallȱcomparedȱtoȱlegendaryȱwomenȱofȱtheȱpastȱandȱaccorded muchȱpraiseȱforȱtheirȱaccomplishments.ȱButȱunlikeȱmostȱofȱtheȱwomenȱdiscussedȱin theseȱtraditionalȱcatalogs,ȱtheȱDutchȱwomenȱwereȱordinaryȱandȱtheirȱcontributions achievable.ȱInȱotherȱwords,ȱtheirsȱwasȱaȱfameȱtoȱwhichȱotherȱcommonȱwomenȱcould realisticallyȱaspire.ȱTheseȱrepresentationsȱofȱrenownedȱwomenȱwereȱessentialȱtoȱthis newȱsociety’sȱselfȱconstructionȱandȱtoȱtheȱwaysȱthatȱtheyȱbeganȱtoȱviewȱthemselves. Thusȱtheȱpublicȱsphere,ȱfromȱtheȱoutset,ȱwasȱdefinedȱbyȱwomenȱasȱwellȱasȱmen.ȱDutch womenȱwereȱanȱintegralȱpartȱofȱtheȱlegendsȱandȱmythsȱofȱtheȱnewȱrepublic.ȱAsȱthese influentialȱwomenȱcontinuedȱtoȱbeȱlinkedȱtoȱtheirȱfamousȱpredecessors,ȱandȱtoȱother wiseȱ andȱ talentedȱ “goodȱ women”ȱ examplesȱ ofȱ theȱ ancientȱ past,ȱ itȱ helpedȱ them achieveȱcelebrityȱforȱtheirȱownȱskills.ȱTheȱadditionȱofȱnewȱsecularȱgoddessesȱtoȱthe canonȱ ofȱ “goodȱ women”ȱ inȱ theȱ seventeenthȱ centuryȱ helpedȱ establishȱ alternative genderȱroles,ȱdefinitions,ȱandȱboundariesȱforȱtheȱDutchȱRepublic.ȱ

TheȱDutchȱHeroineȱTradition

583

Fig.ȱ1:ȱAnonymous,ȱKenauȱSimonsȱHasselaer,ȱIllustrationȱfromȱN.ȱvanȱRooswijk,ȱCort endeȱwaerachtichȱverhaelȱvanȱalleȱgheschiedenissen,ȱhandelinge,ȱaenklage,ȱstorme,ȱen schermutsingheȱinȱendeȱvoorȱderȱstadtȱHeerlemȱinȱHollandtȱgheschiet,ȱzedertȱde belegheringheȱvanȱdien,ȱaengheteeckentȱendeȱbeschreuenȱbyȱN.ȱR.ȱburgerȱendeȱpoorterȱder voornoemdeȱstadtȱHeerlem,ȱ1573ȱ

584

MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock

Fig.ȱ2:ȱAnonymous,ȱKenauȱSimonsȱHasselaer,ȱIllustrationȱfromȱPetrusȱdeȱLange, BataviseȱRomeyn;ȱOfteȱAlleȱdeȱvoornaemsteȱHeldenȬdaden,ȱRidderlijkeȱfeytenȱenȱlistige OorlogsȬvonden,ȱinȱVeldȱenȱZeeȬslagen,ȱoverwinningeȱvanȱStedenȱenȱSchepen,ȱenȱinȱandere gelegentheden,ȱbyȱdeȱHollandersȱenȱZeeuwenȱverricht,ȱzedertȱdenȱ Iareȱ1492ȱtotȱ1661,ȱ1661

TheȱDutchȱHeroineȱTradition

585

Fig.ȱ3:ȱMatthiasȱQuad,ȱKenauȱSimonsȱHasselaer,ȱRijksprentenkabinet,ȱRijksmuseum, Amsterdam

586

MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock

Fig.ȱ4:ȱAnonymous,ȱKenauȱSimonsȱHasselaer,ȱRijksprentenkabinet,ȱ Rijksmuseum,ȱAmsterdam

TheȱDutchȱHeroineȱTradition

Fig.ȱ5:ȱRemigiusȱHoogenberg,ȱKenauȱSimonsȱHasselaer,ȱRijksprentenkabinet, Rijksmuseum,ȱAmsterdam

587

588

MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock

Fig.ȱ6:ȱAnonymous,ȱKenauȱSimonsȱHasselaer,ȱStadhuis,ȱHaarlem

TheȱDutchȱHeroineȱTradition

Fig.ȱ7:ȱAdamȱWillaerts,ȱKenauȱSimonsȱHasselaer,ȱRijksmuseum,ȱAmsterdam

589

590

MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock

Fig.ȱ8:ȱRomeynȱdeȱHooghe,ȱKenauȱSimonsȱHasselaer,ȱRijksprentenkabinet, Rijksmuseum,ȱAmsterdam

TheȱDutchȱHeroineȱTradition

591

Fig.ȱ9:ȱAnonymous,ȱTitleȱPlateȱtoȱHersteldeȱhongersȬdwangh,ȱofȱHaerlemsȱlanghȱen strengheȱBelegeringhe,ȱEndeȱhetȱovergaenȱderȱselverȱstadt,ȱdoorȱhetȱscherpeȱ swaerdtȱderȱellenden,ȱ1660

592

MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock

Fig.ȱ10:ȱAnonymous,ȱTrijnȱvanȱLeemput,ȱIllustrationȱfromȱJohanȱvanȱBeverwijck’s VanȱdeȱWtnementheytȱdesȱVrouwelickenȱGeslachtsȱVerciertȱmetȱHistoryen,ȱendeȱkopere Platen;ȱalsȱoockȱLatijnsche,ȱendeȱNederlanscheȱVerssenȱvanȱMr.ȱCorn.ȱBoy,ȱ1643

TheȱDutchȱHeroineȱTradition

Fig.ȱ11:ȱAnonymous,ȱTrijnȱvanȱLeemput,ȱCentraalȱMuseum,ȱUtrecht

593

594

MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock

Fig.ȱ12:ȱCornelisȱDroochsloot,ȱTrijnȱvanȱLeemput,ȱCentraalȱMuseum,ȱUtrecht

TheȱDutchȱHeroineȱTradition

Fig.ȱ13:ȱAnonymous,ȱTrijnȱRembrands,ȱStedelijkȱMuseum,ȱAlkmaar

595

596

MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock

Fig.ȱ14:ȱAnonymous,ȱAmsterdamȱHeroines,ȱIllustrationȱfromȱJohanȱvanȱBeverwijck’s VanȱdeȱWtnementheytȱdesȱVrouwelickenȱGeslachtsȱVerciertȱmetȱHistoryen,ȱendeȱkopere Platen;ȱalsȱoockȱLatijnsche,ȱendeȱNederlanscheȱVerssenȱ vanȱMr.ȱCorn.ȱBoy,ȱ1643ȱ

TheȱDutchȱHeroineȱTradition

597

Fig.ȱ15:ȱAnnaȱMariaȱvanȱSchurman,ȱAfterȱaȱSelfȱPortrait,ȱIllustrationȱfromȱJacobȱCats, AlleȱdeȱWercken,ȱSoȱoudenȱalsȱnieuwe,ȱvanȱdeȱHeerȱIacobȱCats,ȱRidder, oudtȱRaedtpensionarisȱvanȱHollandt,ȱ&c.,ȱ1655

598

MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock

Fig.ȱ16:ȱSamuelȱvanȱHoogstraten,ȱMargaretaȱGodewijk,ȱAfterȱaȱSelfȱPortrait, IllustrationȱfromȱMatthijsȱvanȱBalen’sȱBeschrijvingeȱderȱstadȱDordrecht,ȱvervatende haarȱbegin,ȱopkomst,ȱtoeneming,ȱenȱverdereȱstant:ȱopgezocht,ȱinȱȇtlichtȱgebracht,ȱen vertoond,ȱmetȱveleȱvoornameȱvoorrechten,ȱhandȬvesten,ȱkeuren,ȱenȱoudeȱherkomen;ȱalsȱmede eenȱverzamelingȱvanȱeenigeȱgeslachtboomen,ȱderȱadelijke,ȱaalȬoude,ȱenȱaanzienlijkeȱheerenȬ geslachtenȱvan,ȱenȱin,ȱDordrecht,ȱenz.;ȱzijndeȱderȱvoornoemdeȱbeschrijvinge,ȱgecierd,ȱen verrijkt,ȱmetȱverscheijdeȱkopreȱkonstȬplaten,ȱ1677

Chapterȱ23 HeidiȱJ.ȱHolder (MountȱHolyokeȱCollege,ȱSouthȱHadley,ȱMA)

TheȱAnimalȱActorȱandȱtheȱSpectacleȱofȱWarfare: Lewis’sȱTimourȱtheȱTartarȱatȱCoventȱGarden

Inȱ1811,ȱBritishȱtheatergoersȱgleefullyȱobserved,ȱinȱMatthewȱLewis’sȱplayȱTimour theȱTartar,ȱtheȱdefeatȱofȱNapoleonȱbyȱaȱhorse.ȱThatȱNapoleonȱwasȱrepresentedȱby aȱstandȬin—anȱactorȱplayingȱaȱfourteenthȬcenturyȱtyrant—andȱtheȱhorseȱwasȱitself aȱstandȬinȱforȱnaturalȱ(readȱBritish),ȱmanly,ȱandȱmartialȱvirtues,ȱrequiresȱsome backgroundȱ explanation.ȱ Theȱ contextȱ hereȱ isȱ providedȱ byȱ theȱ lateȱ eighteenthȬ centuryȱriseȱofȱtheȱcircusȱandȱofȱtheȱhippodrama:ȱequestrianȱtheater.ȱTheȱappearance ofȱtheȱhorseȱonȱstageȱwasȱnotȱentirelyȱnew.ȱTheȱanonymousȱElizabethanȱdrama ThomasȱofȱWoodstockȱ(sometimesȱattributedȱtoȱShakespeare)ȱfeaturedȱtwoȱscenes callingȱforȱhorses,ȱincludingȱoneȱthatȱprovidesȱaȱdelightfulȱ“conversation”ȱbetween theȱtitleȱcharacterȱandȱtheȱequine;ȱSamuelȱPepys,ȱinȱaȱ1668ȱdiaryȱentry,ȱrecountsȱa tripȱtoȱKing’sȱTheatreȱtoȱseeȱaȱproductionȱofȱJamesȱShirley’sȱHydeȱPark,ȱinȱwhich horsesȱ wereȱ alsoȱ prominentlyȱ featured;1ȱ andȱ Alexanderȱ Popeȱ mockedȱ the appearanceȱofȱhorsesȱinȱaȱspectacularȱproductionȱofȱShakespeare’sȱHenryȱVIIIȱin Octoberȱ1727,ȱinspiredȱbyȱtheȱpompȱofȱtheȱrecentȱcoronationȱofȱGeorgeȱII:ȱ“The playȱstandsȱstill,ȱdamnȱactionȱandȱdiscourse;ȱ/ȱBackȱflyȱtheȱscenes,ȱandȱenterȱfoot andȱhorse.”2ȱButȱtheȱhippodrama,ȱwhichȱtakesȱholdȱofȱtheȱstageȱatȱtheȱendȱofȱthe eighteenthȱ andȱ beginningȱ ofȱ theȱ nineteenthȱ century,ȱ givesȱ theȱ animalsȱ aȱ more centralȱrole:ȱnotȱonlyȱdoȱtheyȱappearȱmoreȱfrequentlyȱinȱscenes,ȱbutȱtheseȱscenes areȱalsoȱcentralȱtoȱtheȱpurposeȱofȱtheȱdrama,ȱinȱwhichȱtheȱhorseȱisȱinȱfactȱcalled uponȱatȱkeyȱmomentsȱtoȱ“act.”

1

2

SamuelȱPepys,ȱDiary,ȱ11ȱJulyȱ1668.ȱTheȱDiaryȱofȱSamuelȱPepys:ȱAȱNewȱandȱCompleteȱTranscription,ȱed. RobertȱLathamȱandȱWilliamȱMatthewsȱ(London:ȱBell,ȱ1970–1983),ȱ9:ȱ137. Alexanderȱ Pope,ȱ “Imitationsȱ ofȱ Horace,”ȱ Theȱ Poemsȱ ofȱ Alexanderȱ Pope,ȱ ed.ȱ Johnȱ Buttȱ (Oxford UniversityȱPress,ȱ1962),ȱ626,ȱvv.ȱ314–15.

600

HeidiȱJ.ȱHolder

Aȱnumberȱofȱexplanationsȱmayȱbeȱofferedȱforȱtheȱemergenceȱofȱthisȱtheatrical hybrid.ȱ Oneȱ hasȱ toȱ doȱ withȱ theȱ law,ȱ specificallyȱ theatricalȱ regulationȱ afterȱ the restorationȱ ofȱ Charlesȱ IIȱ inȱ 1660.ȱ Theȱ returnedȱ monarchȱ wastedȱ noȱ timeȱ in reopeningȱtheȱtheatersȱthatȱhadȱbeenȱclosedȱbyȱtheȱPuritans.ȱWhenȱheȱdidȱsoȱhe grantedȱtwoȱlettersȱpatentȱpermittingȱtheȱstagingȱofȱspokenȱdrama:ȱoneȱtoȱThomas Killigrew,ȱwhoȱformedȱtheȱtroupeȱknownȱasȱtheȱKing’sȱCompany;ȱtheȱotherȱto WilliamȱDavenant,ȱwhoȱformedȱtheȱsoȬcalledȱDuke’sȱCompany.ȱAfterȱvariousȱups andȱdowns,ȱincludingȱaȱbriefȱmergerȱofȱtheȱtwoȱcompanies,ȱtwoȱpatentȱhouses stoodȱ thatȱ wouldȱ maintainȱ aȱ monopolyȱ onȱ spokenȱ dramaȱ untilȱ 1843:ȱ Theatre Royal,ȱDruryȱLane,ȱopeningȱinȱ1663ȱ(theȱcurrentȱtheaterȱisȱtheȱfourthȱstructureȱon theȱsite);ȱandȱTheatreȱRoyal,ȱCoventȱGarden,ȱopeningȱinȱ1732ȱ(theȱcurrentȱbuilding, theȱhomeȱofȱtheȱRoyalȱOpera,ȱisȱtheȱthirdȱonȱtheȱsite).ȱInȱ1766ȱSamuelȱFooteȱgained aȱpatentȱforȱaȱthirdȱvenue,ȱtheȱTheatreȱRoyalȱHaymarket,ȱtoȱperformȱtheȱspoken dramaȱduringȱtheȱsummerȱmonths.ȱRegulationȱwasȱfurtherȱtightenedȱinȱ1737ȱwith theȱpassageȱofȱtheȱTheatricalȱLicensingȱAct.ȱInstigatedȱbyȱtheȱFirstȱLordȱofȱthe Treasuryȱ Robertȱ Walpole,ȱ whoȱ hadȱ weariedȱ ofȱ beingȱ satirizedȱ inȱ theȱ playsȱ of HenryȱFielding,ȱtheȱactȱgrantedȱtheȱgovernmentȱexclusiveȱcontrolȱoverȱspoken dramaȱandȱassertedȱtheȱrightȱtoȱlicenseȱandȱthusȱcensorȱallȱnewȱplays.ȱPolitical satireȱ inȱ theȱ theaterȱ wasȱ quelled,ȱ andȱ moreȱ domesticȱ andȱ sentimentalȱ works movedȱtoȱtheȱforeȱ(theȱShakespeareanȱdramaȱalsoȱbenefittedȱfromȱanȱupsurgeȱin productions). Thisȱ forayȱ intoȱ mattersȱ ofȱ stateȱ controlȱ overȱ theȱ theaterȱ pointsȱ usȱ towardȱ a problem.ȱByȱtheȱlateȱ1800sȱLondon’sȱpopulationȱhadȱgrownȱtoȱaboutȱ950,000,ȱup fromȱaroundȱ700,000ȱatȱtheȱbeginningȱofȱtheȱcentury.ȱLimitingȱtheȱdramaȱtoȱtwo housesȱ(orȱtwoȱandȱaȱhalf,ȱincludingȱtheȱHaymarket)ȱleftȱmanyȱaudienceȱmembers outȱinȱtheȱcold.ȱTheseȱpeopleȱrequiredȱplacesȱofȱentertainment,ȱandȱtheyȱwouldȱget them.ȱTheȱlawȱpermittedȱopera,ȱdancing,ȱpantomimeȱandȱmelodramaȱ(initially,ȱas itsȱ nameȱ suggests,ȱ aȱ formȱ ofȱ musicalȱ theater)ȱ toȱ beȱ performedȱ atȱ nonȬpatent houses,ȱ andȱ Londonersȱ flockedȱ toȱ productionsȱ thatȱ mixedȱ theseȱ sanctioned elementsȱintoȱnew,ȱspectacularȱforms.ȱDuringȱtheȱeighteenthȱcentury,ȱvisualȱand musicalȱelementsȱwouldȱbecomeȱincreasinglyȱpopularȱinȱtheȱtheaters.ȱAlexander Pope,ȱ quotedȱ above,ȱ couldȱ perceiveȱ theȱ trendȱ towardȱ anȱ emphasisȱ onȱ visual elements:ȱ“Forȱtaste,ȱeternalȱwanderer,ȱnowȱfliesȱ/ȱFromȱheadsȱtoȱears,ȱandȱnow fromȱearsȱtoȱeyes.”3ȱ Itȱwasȱonlyȱaȱmatterȱofȱtimeȱuntilȱsomeoneȱarrivedȱatȱtheȱnotionȱthatȱanimals wouldȱbeȱidealȱperformersȱinȱanȱeraȱthatȱdrasticallyȱlimitedȱonȬstageȱspeech.ȱȱIn 1770,ȱ Astley’sȱ Amphitheatre,ȱ asȱ itȱ wouldȱ beȱ known,ȱ wasȱ openedȱ offȱ the WestminsterȱBridgeȱRoadȱinȱLambeth.ȱPhilipȱAstley,ȱtheȱmanȱwhoȱhitȱuponȱthe

3

Pope,ȱ“ImitationsȱofȱHorace,”ȱvv.ȱ312–13ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ2).

Lewis’sȱTimourȱtheȱTartarȱatȱCoventȱGarden

601

notionȱ(andȱwhoȱwouldȱlaterȱgainȱrenownȱasȱtheȱcreatorȱofȱtheȱmodernȱcircus),ȱwas bornȱinȱNewcastleȬunderȬLymeȱinȱ1742,ȱtheȱsonȱofȱaȱtemperamentalȱcabinetmaker whoȱwasȱfondȱofȱhorses.ȱEvidentlyȱpreferringȱaȱlifeȱmoreȱexcitingȱthanȱoneȱspent cuttingȱveneer,ȱyetȱmaintainingȱhisȱfather’sȱloveȱforȱhorses,ȱyoungȱPhilipȱleftȱhome toȱjoinȱtheȱcavalryȱregimentȱknownȱasȱtheȱ15thȱLightȱDragoons,ȱinȱwhichȱheȱhoned hisȱtalentsȱasȱaȱbrilliantȱhorsemanȱandȱswordsman.ȱAstleyȱpossessedȱaȱbooming voiceȱandȱstoodȱoverȱsixȱfeetȱtall—makingȱhimȱaȱvirtualȱgiantȱinȱthoseȱdaysȱand thusȱdestinedȱtoȱstandȱoutȱinȱaȱcrowd.ȱDuringȱtheȱSevenȱYears’ȱWarȱ(1756–1763), inȱ whichȱ Britainȱ alliedȱ withȱ Prussiaȱ againstȱ muchȱ ofȱ theȱ restȱ ofȱ Europe,ȱ thenȬ corporalȱAstleyȱdistinguishedȱhimselfȱbyȱaȱnumberȱofȱrescuesȱandȱescapes,ȱsuch asȱatȱtheȱBattleȱofȱEmsdorfȱ(inȱHesse,ȱ1760),ȱwhereȱheȱisȱrecordedȱasȱcapturingȱan enemyȱ(French)ȱstandard;ȱthen,ȱatȱFreibergȱ(Saxony,ȱ1762),ȱrescuingȱtheȱwounded PrinceȱFerdinandȱofȱBrunswickȱ(Braunschweig)ȱfromȱbehindȱenemyȱlines.ȱ TheseȱandȱotherȱexploitsȱearnedȱAstleyȱtheȱrankȱofȱSergeantȱMajorȱbyȱtheȱtime heȱleftȱtheȱarmyȱandȱreturnedȱ toȱ England.ȱLegendȱhasȱitȱthatȱAstleyȱhadȱbeen rewardedȱbyȱGeneralȱGranvilleȱElliottȱ(founderȱofȱtheȱDragoons)ȱwithȱtheȱgiftȱof aȱwhiteȱchargerȱnamedȱGibraltar,ȱandȱlaterȱknown,ȱinȱhisȱperformingȱdays,ȱunder theȱtitleȱ“theȱSpanishȱHorse.”ȱAstleyȱpromptlyȱputȱhisȱmilitaryȱtrainingȱtoȱgood use,ȱsettingȱhimselfȱupȱinȱSouthȱLondonȱasȱaȱtrickȱriderȱwhoseȱstuntsȱincluded standing,ȱkneeling,ȱorȱrecliningȱonȱtwoȱ(orȱthree)ȱgallopingȱhorsesȱ(oftenȱwhile playingȱtheȱpipe),ȱstandingȱonȱhisȱheadȱonȱaȱpintȬpotȱsetȱonȱhisȱsaddle,ȱandȱpicking upȱitemsȱfromȱtheȱgroundȱastrideȱhisȱhorseȱatȱfullȱgallop.ȱInitiallyȱthisȱinstitution wasȱknownȱasȱTheȱRidingȱSchool,ȱfoundedȱinȱaȱfieldȱinȱLambethȱMarshȱinȱ1768.ȱBy 1770ȱ theȱ Amphitheatreȱ wasȱ openedȱ offȱ Westminsterȱ Bridgeȱ Road.ȱ Additional constructionȱtookȱplaceȱinȱstagesȱduringȱtheȱfollowingȱyears,ȱandȱtheȱringȱitselfȱwas coveredȱinȱ1782;ȱtheȱsecondȱbuilding,ȱinȱ1784,ȱwasȱtheȱfirstȱtoȱofferȱaȱcompletely coveredȱauditorium,ȱring,ȱandȱstage.4ȱNorȱdidȱAstley’sȱlackȱrivals:ȱCharlesȱHughes andȱ Charlesȱ Dibdinȱ openedȱ theȱ Royalȱ Circusȱ onȱ Blackfriarsȱ Roadȱ inȱ 1782, inauguratingȱ aȱ periodȱ ofȱ intenseȱ competitionȱ betweenȱ theȱ twoȱ houses.ȱ Onȱ the otherȱsideȱofȱtheȱThames,ȱSadler’sȱWellsȱalsoȱstagedȱcircusȬtypeȱproductions,ȱbut switchedȱtoȱtheȱ“aquaticȱdrama”ȱwithȱtheȱinstallationȱofȱaȱlargeȱwaterȱtankȱinȱ1804;

4

Astley’sȱwentȱthroughȱvariousȱincarnationsȱuntilȱitsȱfinalȱdemiseȱinȱ1893,ȱwhenȱitȱwasȱunderȱthe managementȱ ofȱ Georgeȱ Sanger.ȱ Thereȱ wereȱ sixȱ buildingsȱ inȱ all,ȱ theȱ firstȱ fourȱ ofȱ whichȱ were destroyedȱbyȱfire.ȱForȱfurtherȱinformation,ȱsee:ȱDianaȱHoward,ȱLondonȱTheatresȱandȱMusicȱHalls, 1850–1950ȱ(London:ȱTheȱLibraryȱAssociation,ȱ1970),ȱ15–16;ȱA.ȱH.ȱSaxon,ȱEnterȱFootȱandȱHorse:ȱA HistoryȱofȱHippodramaȱinȱEnglandȱandȱFranceȱ(NewȱHaven,ȱCT:ȱYaleȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ1968);ȱMarius Kwint,ȱ “Theȱ Legitimizationȱ ofȱ theȱ Circusȱ inȱ Lateȱ Georgianȱ England,”ȱ Pastȱ andȱ Presentȱ 174 (Februaryȱ2002):ȱ72–115;ȱid.,ȱentriesȱonȱPhilipȱAstleyȱandȱhisȱsonȱJohnȱinȱtheȱOxfordȱDictionaryȱof NationalȱBiography,ȱed.ȱH.ȱC.ȱG.ȱMatthewȱandȱBrianȱHarrison,ȱ60ȱvols.ȱ(OxfordȱandȱNewȱYork: OxfordȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2004)ȱ(alsoȱonlineȱat:ȱwww.oxforddnb.com;ȱlastȱaccessedȱonȱAprilȱ15, 2011).

602

HeidiȱJ.ȱHolder

navalȱengagements,ȱcompleteȱwithȱbombardments,ȱappearedȱinȱworksȱsuchȱasȱThe SiegeȱofȱGibraltarȱ(1804). Astley’sȱhybridȱroleȱasȱsoldier/performerȱisȱemphasizedȱinȱtheȱearlyȱbillsȱforȱthe RidingȱSchool,ȱinȱwhichȱheȱisȱtoutedȱasȱ“Mr.ȱAstley,ȱtheȱoriginalȱEnglishȱwarrier [sic]ȱ fromȱ Gen.ȱ Eliott’sȱ [sic]ȱ Lightȱ Horse.”5ȱ Heȱ oftenȱ appearedȱ asȱ theȱ “English Hussar,”ȱ aȱ routineȱ “whichȱ showedȱ theȱ equestrianȱ inȱ hisȱ militaryȱ uniform,ȱ reȬ enactingȱ Generalȱ Eliot’sȱ chargeȱ ofȱ theȱ Frenchȱ troopsȱ inȱ Germanyȱ inȱ 1761.”6ȱ A clippingȱfromȱ1775ȱnotesȱhisȱaccessionȱtoȱrequestsȱfromȱgentlemenȱthatȱAstley provideȱdemonstrationsȱofȱmartialȱskill:ȱheȱwill ȱ displayȱtheȱdifferentȱAttitudes,ȱoffensiveȱandȱdefensive,ȱSwordȱinȱHand,ȱimitatingȱreal Action,ȱ asȱ practicedȱ byȱ Preston’sȱ Lightȱ Dragoonsȱ nowȱ onȱ theirȱ passageȱ toȱ North America,ȱ heȱ begsȱ leaveȱ toȱ informȱ theȱ Public,ȱ thatȱ inȱ orderȱ toȱ giveȱ everyoneȱ an opportunityȱ toȱ seeȱ itȱ displayed,ȱ heȱ intends,ȱ betweenȱ theȱ differentȱ exhibitionsȱ of HorsemanshipȱandȱActivity,ȱtoȱperformȱthatȱWarlikeȱDisciplineȱeveryȱEveningȱthe Week,ȱandȱabsolutelyȱnoȱlonger.7ȱ

TheȱvalorizationȱofȱtheȱEnglishȱmilitaryȱwasȱnotȱlimitedȱtoȱitsȱarmy;ȱdespiteȱits veryȱearthboundȱnature,ȱtheȱringȱatȱAstley’sȱwouldȱfeatureȱmanyȱheroicȱrolesȱfor theȱBritishȱsailor,ȱtheȱtar.ȱThisȱinstitutionȱwouldȱproveȱcrucialȱtoȱtheȱdevelopment ofȱoneȱofȱtheȱmoreȱunusualȱhybridȱdramaticȱforms,ȱtheȱhippodrama. AsȱAstley’sȱvenueȱprogressedȱfromȱridingȱschoolȱtoȱperformanceȱspace,ȱoneȱarea ofȱemphasisȱwasȱtrickȱriding.ȱAdvertisementsȱforȱtheȱRidingȱSchoolȱdisplayȱaȱrange ofȱentertainmentsȱincludingȱropeȬdancing,ȱlearnedȱpigs,ȱdancingȱdogs,ȱtumbling, fireworks,ȱbirdȬcalls,ȱandȱombresȱchinoisesȱ(shadowȬpuppetȱshows)—butȱhorsemanȬ shipȱwasȱtheȱkey.ȱAȱcoupleȱofȱperformers,ȱoneȱbeingȱAstley’sȱwifeȱPatty,ȱservedȱup theȱunlikelyȱcombinationȱofȱequestrianismȱandȱapiarism:ȱridingȱwhileȱcoveredȱin bees.ȱAȱfavoriteȱpiece,ȱplayedȱwellȱintoȱtheȱnextȱcentury,ȱshowedȱAstleyȱfeigning equestrianȱineptitudeȱasȱ“TheȱTaylorȱRidingȱtoȱBrentford”:ȱhisȱfoppishȱtailor,ȱBilly Buttons,ȱ endsȱ upȱ mountedȱ backwardsȱ onȱ hisȱ horse,ȱ ridingȱ throughȱ various obstaclesȱandȱdisasters,ȱculminatingȱinȱaȱleapȱthroughȱaȱwindow.8ȱOneȱversionȱof

5

6

7

8

PhilipȱAstley,ȱHorsemanship.ȱThisȱandȱeveryȱday,ȱatȱsixȱoȇclockȱinȱtheȱeveningȱ(Sundaysȱexcepted)ȱMr. Astley,ȱtheȱoriginalȱEnglishȱwarrierȱfromȱGen.ȱEliottȇsȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ[London],ȱ[1771?].ȱAdvertisingȱWoodcut. BritishȱLibrary.ȱEighteenthȬCenturyȱCollectionsȱOnlineȱȱ(lastȱaccessedȱonȱNov.ȱ1,ȱ2010,ȱUniversity ofȱMassachusetts,ȱAmherst). HelenȱBurke,ȱ“JacobinȱRevolutionaryȱTheatreȱandȱtheȱEarlyȱCircus:ȱAstley’sȱDublinȱAmphitheatre inȱtheȱ1790s,”ȱTheatreȱResearchȱInternationalȱ31.1ȱ(2006):ȱȱ1Ȭ16;ȱ2. EarlyȱLondonȱTheatres:ȱAȱCollectionȱofȱNewspaperȱClippings,ȱetc.,ȱonȱtheȱ18th–19thȱCenturyȱLondonȱStage, BillyȱRoseȱTheatreȱCollection,ȱNewȱYorkȱPublicȱLibrary,ȱNCOMȱ[RBS]ȱ97–1156,ȱ2. Seeȱ Jacquelineȱ S.ȱ Brattonȱ andȱ Janeȱ Traies,ȱ Theatreȱ inȱ Focus:ȱ Astley’sȱ Amphitheatreȱ (Cambridge: Chadwyck–Healey,ȱ1980),ȱ33.ȱ

Lewis’sȱTimourȱtheȱTartarȱatȱCoventȱGarden

603

thisȱroutineȱshowsȱtheȱtailorȱattemptingȱtoȱparticipateȱinȱaȱfoxhunt:ȱfailingȱtoȱtake aȱfence,ȱheȱstrewsȱtheȱstageȱwithȱbuttons,ȱthimbles,ȱmeasures,ȱandȱshears.9 TheȱfeatsȱatȱAstley’sȱwereȱnotȱalwaysȱthoseȱofȱtheȱrider.ȱInȱaȱforerunnerȱofȱthe “animalȱacting”ȱthatȱwouldȱbeȱusedȱinȱaȱmoreȱcomplexȱwayȱlater,ȱtheȱhorseȱwould alsoȱbeȱcalledȱuponȱtoȱassumeȱrolesȱandȱperformȱfeats.ȱAȱkeyȱfigureȱinȱsuchȱearly showsȱwasȱBilly,ȱtheȱfamedȱ“LittleȱLearnedȱMilitaryȱHorse”ȱpurchased,ȱaccording toȱlegend,ȱforȱfiveȱpounds.ȱBillyȱwas,ȱinȱDickens’sȱwordsȱ“aȱgreatȱpopularȱfavorite, playfulȱasȱaȱkittenȱwithȱthoseȱheȱknew,ȱandȱdeeplyȱversedȱinȱallȱtheȱlearningȱofȱthe circus.ȱBillyȱcouldȱfireȱoffȱpistols,ȱtakeȱaȱteaȬkettleȱoffȱaȱblazingȱfire,ȱlayȱtheȱcloth, arrangeȱcupsȱandȱsaucers,ȱandȱinviteȱtheȱclownȱtoȱtea.”10ȱInȱotherȱroutinesȱBilly wouldȱcount,ȱtellȱgoldȱfromȱsilverȱmoney,ȱdistinguishȱladiesȱfromȱgentlemenȱinȱthe audience,ȱandȱengageȱinȱ“thoughtȬreading”ȱwithȱanotherȱequineȱperformer,ȱthe “LittleȱTurk.”11ȱHeȱwasȱprominentlyȱfeaturedȱinȱpublicityȱforȱtheȱvenue,ȱandȱwas alsoȱknownȱasȱtheȱ“LittleȱConjuringȱHorse”;ȱaccordingȱtoȱoneȱreportȱfromȱ1781,ȱhe “possessesȱ aȱ wonderfulȱ memory,ȱ andȱ wasȱ veryȱ attentiveȱ toȱ hisȱ master.”12ȱ Inȱ a notableȱroutine,ȱBillyȱ“playedȱdead”ȱwhileȱAstley,ȱstandingȱoverȱtheȱ“corpse,” utteredȱtheseȱlines:ȱ Myȱhorseȱisȱdeadȱapparentȱatȱyourȱsight,ȱ ButȱIȇmȱtheȱmanȱcanȱsetȱtheȱthingȱtoȱright:ȱ Speakȱwhenȱyouȱplease,ȱIȇmȱreadyȱtoȱobey,ȱ MyȱfaithfulȱhorseȱknowsȱwhatȱIȱwantȱtoȱsay;ȱ Butȱfirstȱprayȱgiveȱmeȱleaveȱtoȱmoveȱhisȱfoot,ȱ Thatȱheȱisȱdeadȱisȱquiteȱbeyondȱdispute. Theȱhorseȱappearsȱquiteȱdead. ThisȱshewsȱthatȱbrutesȱbyȱHeavenȱwereȱdesignedȱ Toȱbeȱinȱfullȱsubjectionȱtoȱmankind:ȱ RiseȱyoungȱBill,ȱandȱbeȱaȱlittleȱhandyȱ ToȱserveȱthatȱwarlikeȱheroȱGranby!” Theȱhorseȱofȱhisȱownȱaccordȱrises.13ȱ

9 10 11

12

13

TheȱTimes,ȱ10ȱMayȱ1785. CharlesȱDickens,ȱ“PhilipȱAstley,”ȱAllȱtheȱYearȱRound,ȱ27ȱJanuaryȱ1872,ȱp.ȱ210. Mauriceȱ Willsonȱ Disher,ȱ Greatestȱ Showȱ onȱ Earth,ȱ Asȱ Performedȱ forȱ Overȱ aȱ Centuryȱ atȱ Astley’s (AfterwardsȱSanger’s)ȱRoyalȱAmphitheatreȱofȱArts,ȱWestminsterȱBridgeȱRoadȱ(NewȱYork:ȱBenjamin Blom,ȱ1971),ȱ26. EarlyȱLondonȱTheatres:ȱAȱCollectionȱofȱNewspaperȱClippings,ȱetc.,ȱonȱtheȱ18th–19thȱCenturyȱLondon Stage,ȱBillyȱRoseȱTheatreȱCollection,ȱNewȱYorkȱPublicȱLibrary.ȱNCOMȱ[RBS]ȱ97–1156,ȱ1. CharlesȱJohnȱSmith,ȱHistoricalȱandȱliteraryȱcuriosities,ȱconsistingȱofȱfacȬsimilesȱofȱoriginalȱdocuments; scenesȱ ofȱ remarkableȱ eventsȱ andȱ interestingȱ localities;ȱ andȱ theȱ birthȬplaces,ȱ residences,ȱ portraits,ȱ and monuments,ȱofȱeminentȱliteraryȱcharacters;ȱwithȱaȱvarietyȱofȱreliquesȱandȱantiquitiesȱconnectedȱwithȱthe sameȱsubjects.ȱSelectedȱandȱengravedȱbyȱtheȱlateȱCharlesȱJohnȱSmithȱ(London:ȱHenryȱG.ȱBohn,ȱ1847).

604

HeidiȱJ.ȱHolder

Theseȱearlyȱcasesȱofȱanimalȱactingȱwereȱdivorcedȱfromȱanyȱlargerȱdramaticȱcontext: theȱhorseȱengagesȱinȱextraordinaryȱactions,ȱbutȱcannot—yet—beȱsaidȱtoȱperform aȱdramaticȱroleȱinȱaȱlargerȱstory. TheȱamphitheatreȱdrewȱinȱaudiencesȱnotȱonlyȱwithȱitsȱtrickȬridingȱbutȱbyȱalso withȱ promptȱ recreationsȱ ofȱ majorȱ eventsȱ ofȱ theȱ day,ȱ particularlyȱ battles.ȱ The presentationȱofȱscenesȱofȱmilitaryȱconflict,ȱincreasinglyȱelaborateȱandȱtoutedȱas “authentic”ȱinȱdetail,ȱwasȱAstley’sȱotherȱgreatȱattraction.ȱOnȱtheȱoneȱhand,ȱthe horseȱactȱprovidedȱaȱtightȱfocusȱonȱaȱlivingȱimage,ȱaȱsignȱandȱsymbolȱofȱmilitary impulseȱandȱaction;ȱonȱtheȱotherȱhand,ȱtheȱstagingȱofȱparades,ȱtroopȱmovements, skirmishesȱandȱbattles,ȱwithȱ“soldiers”ȱandȱhorsesȱaccuratelyȱattiredȱandȱrecreating specificȱactionsȱonȱaȱreconstructedȱfieldȱofȱconflict,ȱofferedȱaȱlongȱviewȱofȱaȱdiscrete event.ȱThusȱAstley’sȱproductionsȱgeneratedȱbothȱaȱtelescopicȱandȱpanoramicȱview ofȱwar:ȱaȱdualȱimageȱthat,ȱsignificantly,ȱlargelyȱabandonedȱtheȱcharacterizationȱof individuals.ȱThisȱshiftȱinȱperspectiveȱalsoȱmadeȱpossibleȱaȱnewȱkindȱofȱexperience forȱaudiences,ȱnowȱencouragedȱtoȱfeelȱinvolvedȱinȱtheȱactionȱasȱneverȱbefore.ȱAs GillianȱRussellȱsuggests,ȱ“PeopleȱattendedȱAstley’sȱandȱSadler’sȱWellsȱnotȱbecause theirȱentertainmentsȱwereȱmoreȱorȱlessȱtheatricalȱbutȱbecauseȱtheȱtheatre,ȱlikeȱthe campȱandȱtheȱparadeȱground,ȱcateredȱtoȱtheȱdesireȱtoȱseeȱwar.”14ȱ Commentaryȱonȱsomeȱofȱtheȱproductionsȱdiscussedȱbelowȱillustratesȱthisȱpoint, emphasizingȱtheȱallureȱofȱtheȱaudience’sȱprivilegedȱperspective.ȱFromȱtheȱfirst, Astleyȱassuredȱhisȱcustomersȱthatȱtheyȱwereȱseeingȱaȱrealȱoldȱsoldierȱrecreating actualȱmilitaryȱfeats;ȱinȱlater,ȱmoreȱcomplexȱproductionsȱtheyȱwereȱpromisedȱtrue imagesȱofȱfarawayȱplacesȱandȱaction.ȱSuchȱspectaclesȱwereȱrelying,ȱofȱcourse,ȱon aȱlargerȱshiftȱinȱtasteȱandȱaestheticȱexperience.ȱInȱtheȱsecondȱhalfȱofȱtheȱeighteenth century,ȱ emergentȱ technologiesȱ allowedȱ thrillingȱ newȱ experiencesȱ ofȱ timeȱ and space:ȱPhilippeȱdeȱLoutherbourg’sȱshowsȱusingȱtransparenciesȱallowedȱviewers toȱ“see”ȱthatȱfamousȱtraditionalȱparadeȱofȱBritishȱnavalȱmight,ȱtheȱSpitheadȱNaval Review,ȱ inȱ theȱ 1773ȱ revivalȱ ofȱ Davidȱ Mallettȱ andȱ Jamesȱ Thomson’sȱ Alfred. Likewise,ȱRobertȱBarker’sȱPanorama,ȱopenedȱinȱLeicesterȱSquareȱinȱ1793,ȱoffered aȱcomprehensiveȱviewȱofȱaȱwideȱrangeȱofȱsubjects,ȱforeignȱandȱdomestic,ȱoften unfoldingȱnotȱonlyȱinȱspaceȱbutȱalsoȱinȱtime.15ȱConsumersȱofȱsuchȱentertainments inevitablyȱrevisedȱtheirȱnotionsȱofȱ“realistic”ȱeffect. Onȱ18ȱAugustȱ1789,ȱAstley’sȱproducedȱParisȱinȱanȱUproar;ȱor,ȱTheȱDestructionȱof theȱBastille.16ȱForȱthisȱspectacle,ȱtheȱfloorȱofȱtheȱamphitheatreȱwasȱlargelyȱtakenȱup

14

15

16

GillianȱRussell,ȱTheȱTheatresȱofȱWar:ȱPerformance,ȱPolitics,ȱandȱSociety,ȱ1793–1815ȱ(Oxford:ȱClarendon Press,ȱ2005),ȱ74. Forȱmoreȱinformationȱonȱsuchȱlateȱeighteenth–centuryȱentertainments,ȱseeȱRichardȱD.ȱAltick,ȱThe ShowsȱofȱLondonȱ(Cambridge:ȱBelknapȱPress,ȱ1978). Otherȱ“Bastilleȱplays”ȱappearedȱatȱAstley’sȱrivalȱhousesȱinȱtheȱsummerȱofȱ1789:ȱTheȱRoyalȱCircus offeredȱ Theȱ Triumphȱ ofȱ Liberty;ȱ or,ȱ Theȱ Destructionȱ ofȱ theȱ Bastilleȱ onȱ 5ȱ August;ȱ Sadler’sȱ Wells followedȱonȱ31ȱAugustȱwithȱGallicȱFreedom;ȱor,ȱViveȱlaȱLiberteȱ[sic].

Lewis’sȱTimourȱtheȱTartarȱatȱCoventȱGarden

605

withȱ aȱ modelȱ ofȱ centralȱ Paris,ȱ andȱ Astleyȱ andȱ othersȱ wore,ȱ accordingȱ toȱ the publicity,ȱgenuineȱNationalȱGuardȱUniformsȱsentȱfromȱParisȱbyȱhisȱsonȱJohnȱ(born inȱ 1768,ȱ Johnȱ hadȱ beenȱ aȱ performerȱ sinceȱ childhood).ȱ Asȱ wouldȱ beȱ typicalȱ of stagingsȱatȱthisȱvenue,ȱtheȱdrawȱlayȱinȱtheȱvisualȱdetail.ȱParisȱinȱanȱUproarȱpromised elaborateȱ interiorȱ andȱ exteriorȱ viewsȱ ofȱ theȱ Bastille,ȱ includingȱ dungeons,ȱ “the wholeȱformingȱanȱexactȱRepresentationȱofȱthatȱonceȱtremendousȱEdifice.”17ȱInitial depictionsȱofȱrevolutionaryȱactivityȱinȱFranceȱfollowedȱaȱcomfortingȱtemplate,ȱas ifȱtheȱeventsȱwereȱlikeȱanyȱotherȱmilitaryȱconflict.ȱGillianȱRussellȱhasȱnotedȱthat “TheȱfallȱofȱtheȱBastilleȱwasȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱrepresentedȱatȱtheȱminorȱtheatresȱinȱtheȱsame termsȱasȱaȱsiegeȱorȱbattle,ȱexceptȱthatȱtheȱpoliticsȱofȱthisȱparticularȱwarȱwereȱvery differentȱfromȱtheȱnorm”;ȱforȱtheȱaudienceȱtheȱtheaterȱbecameȱ“Paris”ȱinȱtheȱsame wayȱthatȱitȱwouldȱlaterȱ“become”ȱValenciennesȱandȱSeringapatamȱ(sitesȱofȱhistoric EnglishȱvictoriesȱinȱFranceȱandȱIndia,ȱrespectively),ȱwhenȱtheyȱtooȱwereȱrecreated onstage.18 Astley’sȱearlyȱdepictionsȱofȱtheȱFrenchȱRevolutionȱwereȱgenerallyȱfriendlyȱtoȱthe championsȱofȱtheȱpeople.ȱEnglishȱ(andȱIrish)ȱcharactersȱmightȱappearȱonȱtheȱscene inȱtheseȱworks,ȱhavingȱnotȱmuchȱtoȱdoȱotherȱthanȱsuggest,ȱwithȱbenevolentȱgood cheerȱandȱsong,ȱthatȱEnglishȱnotionsȱofȱlibertyȱwereȱatȱlastȱtakingȱholdȱacrossȱthe channel.ȱAȱstrikingȱexampleȱofȱthisȱapproachȱappearsȱinȱTheȱRoyalȱFugitives;ȱor, FranceȱinȱanȱUproarȱ(25ȱJulyȱ1791),ȱwhichȱrepresentedȱtheȱfailedȱescapeȱofȱtheȱroyal familyȱonȱ20–21ȱJuneȱofȱthatȱyear.ȱTheȱtoneȱisȱjocularȱfromȱtheȱopeningȱsong,ȱin whichȱweȱmeetȱanȱEnglishȱdancingȬmaster,ȱSmart,ȱwhoȱhasȱcomeȱtoȱFranceȱtoȱlearn newȱstepsȱonlyȱtoȱobserveȱaȱbiggerȱ“dance”:ȱ“Bothȱhighȱandȱlow,ȱbothȱgreatȱand small,ȱ/ȱToȱcaperȱareȱinclined.”ȱItȱisȱaȱjoke,ȱbutȱoneȱthatȱpointsȱupȱtheȱtheater’s relentlessȱviewȱofȱallȱeventsȱasȱbeingȱreducibleȱtoȱpatternsȱofȱspectacle.ȱSmartȱand hisȱIrishȱcompanion,ȱPatȱO’Rowe,ȱmingleȱinȱtheȱactionȱwithȱhistoricalȱfiguresȱinȱthe affair,ȱnotȱonlyȱtheȱKingȱandȱQueenȱbutȱalsoȱtheȱpostmasterȱDrouet,ȱwhoȱthwarted theirȱescapeȱatȱVarennes.ȱ Theȱpieceȱfeaturesȱnumerousȱequestrianȱmoments,ȱincludingȱaȱsceneȱinȱwhich theȱroyalȱparty,ȱeagerȱtoȱflee,ȱisȱthwartedȱbyȱtheȱsuspiciousȱpostmaster,ȱwhoȱinsists onȱwateringȱtheȱhorses.ȱTheȱmobȱscenesȱthatȱdelightedȱtheȱaudienceȱleadȱinȱthe endȱtoȱmoreȱjokesȱaboutȱmovement:ȱSmartȱgleefullyȱobservesȱthatȱ“theȱdanceȱis chang’d,”ȱ andȱ headsȱ offȱ toȱ observeȱ theȱ newȱ authorities:ȱ “Thenȱ let’sȱ withȱ the ASEMBLYȱ[sic]ȱunite,ȱ/ȱForȱIȱhearȱtheirȱnewȱstepsȱwillȱdelight,ȱ/ȱButȱif,ȱdoȱyouȱsee, there’sȱaȱROUT,ȱ/ȱWhy,ȱasȱweȱdanc’dȱin,ȱwe’llȱdanceȱout.”19

17 18 19

TheȱTimes,ȱ18ȱAugustȱ1789. Russell,ȱȱTheatresȱofȱWar,ȱ68ȱandȱ70ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ14). [JohnȱAstley],ȱTheȱRoyalȱFugitives;ȱor,ȱFranceȱinȱanȱUproar,ȱAȱBURLETTAȱAsȱPerformingȱwithȱApplause atȱTHEȱROYALȱGROVE,ȱWrittenȱaccordingȱtoȱtheȱInstructionsȱofȱAȱGENTLEMANȱOFȱDISTINCTION whoȱwasȱatȱParisȱduringȱtheȱlateȱCommotion.ȱThirdȱed.ȱ(London:ȱG.ȱAllen,ȱ1791),ȱ18.

606

HeidiȱJ.ȱHolder

WhenȱtheȱwarsȱbetweenȱEnglandȱandȱrevolutionaryȱFranceȱbeganȱinȱ1793,ȱAstley reȬenlistedȱinȱhisȱformerȱregiment.ȱHeȱwasȱfiftyȱatȱtheȱtime,ȱandȱfunctionedȱatȱonce asȱaȱcelebrityȱandȱaȱsolder.ȱThisȱrecursionȱtoȱmilitaryȱstatusȱcreatedȱaȱparticularly closeȱ relationshipȱ betweenȱ theȱ warȱ andȱ itsȱ representationȱ backȱ homeȱ atȱ the amphitheatre,ȱsinceȱPhilipȱAstley’sȱsonȱJohnȱcouldȱpromptlyȱstageȱ“authentic” versionsȱ ofȱ eventsȱ basedȱ uponȱ hisȱ father’sȱ lettersȱ fromȱ theȱ field.ȱ Asȱ theȱ circus historianȱMariusȱKwintȱhasȱnoted,ȱthisȱhighlyȱpublicizedȱuseȱofȱ“expert”ȱsources wouldȱsetȱaȱpatternȱforȱtheȱstagingȱofȱwarfare:ȱ“Astley’sȱandȱcompetingȱpopular theatresȱandȱcircusesȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱbecameȱprincipalȱsuppliersȱofȱvisualizedȱinformationȱon presentȱorȱrecentȱconflictsȱforȱmuchȱofȱtheȱnineteenthȱcentury.ȱHoweverȱcheap theirȱlyricsȱandȱplots,ȱtheyȱwereȱsometimesȱlavishlyȱfurnishedȱwithȱdetailedȱand purportedlyȱaccurateȱmaps,ȱpanoramasȱandȱmodelsȱworkedȱupȱbyȱtheȱsceneryȱand specialȱeffectsȱdepartments.”20ȱ Take,ȱforȱinstance,ȱtheȱproductionȱofȱTheȱSiegeȱofȱValenciennesȱ(1793).ȱDickens givesȱPhilipȱAstleyȱcreditȱforȱaȱcannyȱpublicȱrelationsȱgesture:ȱhisȱprovisionȱofȱfree seatsȱ(nextȱtoȱtheȱorchestra)ȱtoȱreturningȱveteransȱguaranteedȱthatȱtheȱshowȱwould extendȱintoȱtheȱaudienceȱitself:ȱ“Theȱaudienceȱcrowdedȱtheȱtheatreȱmerelyȱtoȱlook atȱtheȱtroopsȱfreshȱfromȱtheȱwar,ȱandȱtheȱspectacleȱofȱTheȱSiegeȱofȱValenciennes, producedȱwithȱgreatȱcompleteness,ȱattractedȱallȱLondon.”21 Theȱsiegeȱitselfȱlastedȱfromȱ24ȱMay–26ȱJulyȱ1793.ȱThirtyȱthousandȱalliedȱtroops, mostlyȱBritishȱandȱAustrian,ȱsuccessfullyȱbesiegedȱtheȱcity,ȱbeforeȱmovingȱonȱto Dunkirk—aȱmoreȱimportantȱtarget.ȱLessȱthanȱtwoȱmonthsȱlater,ȱAstleyȱstagedȱThe SiegeȱofȱValenciennes;ȱor,ȱTheȱEntranceȱofȱtheȱBritishȱTroopsȱintoȱFrance.ȱInȱanȱaddress toȱtheȱpublicȱsuppliedȱinȱtheȱpublishedȱtextsȱofȱtheȱsongsȱfromȱtheȱpiece,ȱAstley apologizesȱforȱnotȱproducingȱitȱsooner:ȱ theȱmultiplicityȱofȱmatterȱnecessaryȱforȱtheȱproductionȱofȱaȱpieceȱofȱsuchȱimportance asȱtheȱsiegeȱofȱValenciennes,ȱcouldȱnotȱbeȱcollectedȱinȱaȱday,ȱnorȱputȱtogetherȱinȱa week:ȱ –ȱ thisȱ hasȱ occasionedȱ thatȱ seemingȱ delay,ȱ whichȱ [Iȱ trust]ȱ willȱ beȱ entirely removed,ȱwhenȱtheȱpublicȱbeholdȱanȱentertainmentȱfounded,ȱnotȱonȱanȱimaginary event,ȱbutȱonȱoneȱasȱtrueȱasȱitȱwasȱglorious!ȱ–ȱtheȱrepresentationȱofȱwhich,ȱis,ȱheȱflatters himselfȱexecutedȱinȱaȱstileȱwhichȱwillȱdoȱcreditȱtoȱtheȱingenuityȱofȱtheȱartist,ȱandȱtoȱthe skillȱofȱtheȱcomposer.22

Astley’sȱpainstakingȱattentionȱtoȱdetailȱandȱhisȱsolemnȱinsistenceȱthatȱtheȱcareful constructionȱofȱtheȱpieceȱcontributeȱtoȱtheȱdocumentaryȱquality—orȱtheȱillusionȱof

20 21 22

MariusȱKwint,ȱ“TheȱTheatreȱofȱWar,”ȱHistoryȱTodayȱ53.6ȱ(Juneȱ2003):ȱ36Ȭ7;ȱhereȱ36. Dickens,ȱ“PhilipȱAstley,”ȱ209ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ10). Songs,ȱDuetts,ȱChorusses,ȱ&c.ȱwithȱaȱdescriptionȱofȱSceneryȱandȱMachineryȱinȱaȱNewȱMilitaryȱSpectacle calledȱTheȱSiegeȱofȱValenciennes;ȱor,ȱTheȱEntranceȱofȱtheȱBritishȱTroopsȱintoȱFrance.ȱNowȱperforming,ȱwith unboundedȱapplause,ȱatȱtheȱRoyalȱSaloon,ȱor,ȱAstley’sȱAmphitheatre,ȱWestminsterȱBridgeȱ(London:ȱH. Pace,ȱ1793).ȱCitedȱhereafterȱasȱ“SiegeȱofȱValenciennes.”

Lewis’sȱTimourȱtheȱTartarȱatȱCoventȱGarden

607

it—areȱ inherentȱ inȱ manyȱ ofȱ hisȱ productionsȱ fromȱ theȱ 1790s.ȱ Theȱ Siegeȱ of Valenciennesȱhasȱanȱepisodic,ȱpageantȬlikeȱeffect,ȱwithȱaȱveryȱlimitedȱattemptȱat characterization.ȱTheȱcastȱlistȱincludesȱBritish,ȱFrench,ȱHessian,ȱHanoverian,ȱand Imperialȱofficers;ȱFrenchȱcitizensȱandȱsansȱculottesȱ(workingȬclassȱFrenchȱduring theirȱrevolution);ȱgunners,ȱartillerymen,ȱsappersȱ(combatȱengineers),ȱminers,ȱand theȱlike.ȱTheȱshowȱbeginsȱatȱtheȱtentȱofȱtheȱdukeȱofȱYorkȱ(ourȱnominalȱhero,ȱto whomȱAstleyȱdedicatedȱtheȱpiece),ȱwhereȱtheȱduke,ȱasȱcommanderȬinȬchief,ȱisȱseen inȱpantomimeȱconsultingȱwithȱhisȱofficers.ȱWeȱthenȱswiftlyȱmoveȱtoȱtheȱoutskirts ofȱtheȱbesiegedȱcity,ȱwhereȱaȱskirmishȱtakesȱplaceȱ(theȱhorsesȱwouldȱhereȱmakeȱa promptȱ appearance).ȱ Theȱ pieceȱ presentsȱ aȱ seriesȱ ofȱ dumbȱ showsȱ (shorter, pantomimeȱ dramas)—theȱ Frenchȱ townȱ folkȱ pleadingȱ withȱ theirȱ Governor,ȱ for instance—scenesȱofȱcombat,ȱandȱsongs.ȱAtȱtheȱendȱappearȱaȱvictoryȱprocessionȱand paeanȱtoȱPrinceȱFrederick,ȱtheȱdukeȱofȱYork. Muchȱ ofȱ theȱ playȱ isȱ takenȱ upȱ withȱ imagesȱ ofȱ militaryȱ action,ȱ evenȱ extant summariesȱ ofȱ whichȱ revealȱ Astley’sȱ obsessionȱ withȱ accurateȱ detail.ȱ Take,ȱ for instance,ȱSceneȱVII: TheȱMajor’sȱBatteryȱonȱtheȱRightȱofȱBriquette,ȱandȱaȱSouthȱViewȱofȱtheȱCityȱofȱValenciennes, Redoubts,ȱGunȱandȱMortarȱBatteries,ȱ&c. SeveralȱofȱtheȱFrenchȱbatteries,ȱparticularlyȱthoseȱfromȱtheȱBasonȱRoyal,ȱlaȱPorteȱde Cambrai,ȱandȱpartȱofȱtheȱcitadel,ȱareȱseenȱdirectingȱtheirȱfireȱonȱtheȱEnglish,ȱwhoȱreturn itȱ soȱ vigorouslyȱ onȱ theȱ assailants,ȱ asȱ notȱ onlyȱ toȱ dismountȱ theirȱ guns,ȱ butȱ very materiallyȱinjureȱtheirȱtown,ȱbyȱdestroying,ȱamongȱotherȱedifices,ȱtheȱchurchȱdeȱSt. Nicholas,ȱandȱsettingȱfireȱtoȱvariousȱpartsȱofȱtheȱcityȱbyȱbombs,ȱtheȱeffectsȱofȱwhichȱare theatricallyȱrepresented,ȱasȱtheyȱappearedȱonȱtheȱ22ndȱdayȱofȱtheȱsiege.23ȱ

Thisȱscene’sȱdescriptionȱisȱbyȱnoȱmeansȱunusualȱinȱitsȱenergyȱ(theaterȬgoersȱat Astley’sȱgrewȱaccustomedȱtoȱtheȱsmokeȱfromȱsimulatedȱgunfireȱandȱexplosions). Theȱpartiesȱtoȱtheȱconflictȱare,ȱalmostȱwithoutȱexception,ȱdepictedȱenȱmasseȱorȱby type,ȱnationalityȱorȱmilitaryȱfunction.ȱAlmostȱeveryȱrankȱandȱfunctionȱendsȱup singingȱitsȱparticularȱsong:ȱ“theȱsappers,”ȱ“theȱminer,”ȱ“theȱgunner,”ȱandȱsoȱforth. Theȱdragoons,ȱsingingȱonȱhorseback,ȱofferȱupȱextendedȱpatrioticȱassurances,ȱone verseȱofȱwhichȱwillȱsuffice: Whenȱsentȱtheȱintrenchmentsȱtoȱcover, Eachȱdangerȱweȱboldlyȱdespise; Andȱoftȱisȱourȱtalkȱtoȱdiscover Whereȱtheȱforceȱofȱtheȱenemyȱlies: Stillȱforwardȱweȱdash; Whileȱbombsȱandȱballsȱclash, Andȱtheȱfoeȱonȱallȱsidesȱgivingȱway;

23

SiegeȱofȱValenciennes,ȱ12ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ22).

608

HeidiȱJ.ȱHolder Still,ȱstillȱweȱpursue, Andȱcutȱourȱwayȱthrough, AndȱtrueȱBritishȱvalourȱdisplay.24

Speakingȱinȱaȱunifiedȱvoice,ȱtheȱdragoonsȱmerelyȱformulateȱmuchȱofȱwhatȱweȱare actuallyȱseeingȱthemȱdoȱinȱtheȱring.ȱTheyȱbecomeȱsignsȱofȱmilitaryȱspecialization andȱprowessȱratherȱthanȱcharacters,ȱnotȱsoȱdifferentȱfromȱtheȱhorsesȱthemselves. Inȱsuchȱrepresentations,ȱtheȱdangerȱarisesȱthatȱanyȱmilitaryȱconflictȱmightȱbe reducedȱtoȱstrugglesȱbetweenȱgroupsȱdifferentiatedȱonlyȱbyȱlevelȱofȱskill.ȱHowȱcan aȱmoralȱdimension,ȱaȱsenseȱofȱtheȱidentitiesȱandȱvaluesȱatȱissueȱinȱanyȱbattle,ȱbe bodiedȱforth?ȱCertainlyȱtheȱflags,ȱcostumes,ȱandȱsongsȱaffordedȱaudienceȱmembers aȱ goodȱ senseȱ ofȱ whoȱ wasȱ who,ȱ butȱ theȱ deemphasizingȱ ofȱ rhetoricȱ madeȱ these contestsȱlessȱemotional,ȱlessȱcomprehensible.ȱJaneȱMoodyȱhasȱusefullyȱanalyzed theȱtreatmentȱofȱtheȱ“despot”ȱfigureȱinȱthisȱperiod,ȱparticularlyȱtheȱrelianceȱonȱthe “blowȬup”ȱeffect,ȱaȱspectacularȱexplosionȱthatȱdestroysȱtheȱtyrantȱenemy’sȱfortress orȱ redoubt:ȱ “Itȱ makesȱ representableȱ inȱ anȱ entirelyȱ newȱ wayȱ thatȱ irreducible confrontationȱ betweenȱ freedomȱ andȱ despotism,ȱ goodȱ andȱ evil.”25ȱ Moody’s observationsȱonȱtheȱrepresentationȱofȱdespotismȱinȱtheȱillegitimateȱtheatreȱpoint usȱtowardȱsomeȱinterestingȱdramaturgicalȱissuesȱinȱtheȱ1790s.ȱ Theȱ decadeȱ sawȱ aȱ numberȱ ofȱ playsȱ dealingȱ withȱ theȱ Mysoreȱ Wars,ȱ andȱ the seriousȱ resistanceȱ facingȱ theȱ British—particularlyȱ theȱ powerȱ ofȱ theȱ Eastȱ India Company—inȱsouthernȱIndia.ȱTipuȱSultan,ȱcalledȱbyȱtheȱBritishȱTippooȱSaib,ȱwas theȱsonȱofȱHyderȱAli,ȱaȱFrenchȱallyȱwhoȱhadȱdefeatedȱtheȱBritishȱinȱtheȱSecond MysoreȱWarȱinȱtheȱ1780s;ȱinȱtheȱ1790s,ȱTipuȱSultanȱfoughtȱtheȱBritishȱinȱtheȱThird andȱFourthȱMysoreȱWars.ȱAlthoughȱheȱlostȱbothȱwars,ȱandȱwasȱkilledȱinȱtheȱlast defendingȱhisȱcapitalȱofȱSeringapatamȱonȱ4ȱMayȱ1799,ȱTipuȱwasȱembodiedȱonȱstage asȱaȱfigureȱofȱrealȱpowerȱandȱdanger.ȱAstley’sȱ(alongȱwithȱSadler’sȱWellsȱTheatre) dramatizedȱtheȱnewsȱofȱtheȱwarsȱasȱquicklyȱasȱpossible,ȱstagingȱinȱAprilȱofȱ1792 TippooȱSultan;ȱor,ȱTheȱSiegeȱofȱBangalore;ȱinȱAugustȱofȱ1792ȱanȱEastȱIndiaȱMilitary Divertissement,ȱlaterȱcalledȱTippooȱSaib’sȱTwoȱSons;ȱandȱinȱSeptemberȱofȱ1799ȱThe Stormingȱ ofȱ Seringapatam;ȱ or,ȱ Theȱ Deathȱ ofȱ Tippooȱ Saib.ȱ Tipu,ȱ referredȱ toȱ asȱ an “EasternȱDespot”ȱandȱ“TheȱTigerȱofȱMysore”ȱwasȱcertainlyȱgivenȱhisȱdueȱinȱthese extravaganzas;ȱhowever,ȱcertainȱspectacularȱelementsȱpersistentlyȱundercutȱhis statusȱasȱaȱformidableȱfoeȱinȱwar. TheȱSiegeȱofȱBangaloreȱrepresentedȱeventsȱofȱtheȱpreviousȱyear,ȱinȱFebruaryȱand Marchȱofȱ1791,ȱwhenȱGeneralȱCornwallisȱbroughtȱtheȱBritishȱpublicȱsomeȱcomfort afterȱ theȱ defeatsȱ ofȱ theȱ 1780sȱ inȱ Americaȱ andȱ Mysore.ȱ Danielȱ O’Quinn characterizesȱtheȱpieceȱasȱ“anȱamalgamationȱofȱaction,ȱanimalȱhusbandry,ȱand

24 25

SiegeȱofȱValenciennes,ȱ12–13ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ22). JaneȱMoody,ȱIllegitimateȱTheatreȱinȱLondon,ȱ1770–1840ȱ(NewȱYorkȱandȱCambridge:ȱCambridge UniversityȱPress,ȱ2000),ȱ28.

Lewis’sȱTimourȱtheȱTartarȱatȱCoventȱGarden

609

complexȱscenicȱeffects”ȱtypicalȱofȱAstley’sȱproductions.26ȱO’Quinnȱalsoȱnotesȱthat commentatorsȱupholdȱAstley’sȱnotionȱofȱhisȱamphitheatreȱasȱitselfȱaȱkindȱofȱquasiȬ battlefield.ȱAȱreviewerȱforȱTheȱOracleȱobservesȱthat,ȱ“Mr.ȱAstley,ȱJun.ȱcommenced theȱ presentȱ campaignȱ lastȱ Mondayȱ evening.”ȱ Anotherȱ fromȱ theȱ Starȱ andȱ Daily Advertiserȱmarksȱtheȱclosingȱofȱtheȱproductionȱthus:ȱ“theȱSiegeȱofȱBangaloreȱtakes itsȱleaveȱofȱtheȱRoyalȱSaloonȱandȱtheȱpublic,ȱTippooȱSaibȱbeingȱcompelledȱtoȱfly. Itȱ isȱ reportedȱ thatȱ heȱ hasȱ bledȱ freely,ȱ asȱ youngȱ Astleyȱ canȱ testify.”27ȱ These referencesȱ toȱ theȱ martialȱ essenceȱ ofȱ theȱ representationsȱ themselves,ȱ however jocular,ȱdisplayȱaȱkeyȱpartȱofȱtheȱappealȱofȱAstley’sȱAmphitheatre,ȱwhich,ȱmore thanȱ anyȱ preexistingȱ venue,ȱ madeȱ performersȱ andȱ audienceȱ membersȱ quasiȬ participantsȱinȱtheirȱcountry’sȱmilitaryȱcampaignsȱandȱsuccesses.ȱ TheȱsequenceȱofȱscenesȱforȱTheȱSiegeȱofȱBangaloreȱsuggestsȱaȱcontrastȱbetween Britishȱ orderȱ andȱ disciplineȱ andȱ Easternȱ corruptionȱ andȱ indolence,ȱ theȱ whole concludingȱwithȱaȱdisplayȱofȱBritishȱtroopsȱatȱdrillsȱ(theȱseemingȱinevitabilityȱof BritishȱsuperiorityȱisȱnotȱinȱtheȱleastȱundercutȱhereȱbyȱtheȱfactȱthatȱTipuȱescaped fromȱtheȱvictoriousȱGeneralȱCornwallis).ȱTheȱlaterȱrepresentationȱinȱAugustȱofȱthe surrenderȱ ofȱ Tipu’sȱ twoȱ sonsȱ asȱ hostagesȱ toȱ theȱ Britishȱ likewiseȱ setsȱ upȱ an oppositionȱ betweenȱ theȱ failedȱ paternalȱ figureȱ ofȱ Tipu,ȱ framedȱ byȱ aȱ viewȱ of Seringapatamȱ(PhilipȱAstleyȱclaimedȱtoȱhaveȱobtainedȱaȱusefulȱdrawingȱofȱtheȱcity fromȱFrenchȱsources)ȱwithȱtheȱgraciousȱandȱvictoriousȱCornwallis,ȱseenȱatȱtheȱHill Fortȱwhereȱheȱoffersȱaȱ“nobleȱreception”ȱtoȱtheȱtwoȱprinces.28ȱ Inȱtheȱ1799ȱ“NewȱGrandȱandȱHistoricalȱSpectacleȱofȱAction,”ȱTheȱStormingȱof Seringapatam,ȱtheȱusualȱsongs,ȱdances,ȱandȱchorusesȱpunctuateȱanȱelaborateȱseries ofȱtenȱscenicȱeffects,ȱincludingȱ “theȱBanquetingȱGardenȱofȱTippooȱSultan”;ȱ“A Correctȱ Viewȱ ofȱ theȱ Cityȱ ofȱ Seringapatam,ȱ withȱ theȱ wholeȱ ofȱ Tippoo’sȱ Army, Elephants,ȱCamels,ȱ&c.ȱinȱMotion,ȱtogetherȱwithȱtheȱMysoreȱArmyȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱforming aȱCampȱnearȱFortȱPeriapatam”;ȱ“AȱBritishȱBatteryȱOpeningȱBriskȱFireȱonȱTippoo’s Piquetȱ[picket]ȱGuard,ȱparticularlyȱtheȱblowingȱupȱofȱaȱPowderȱMill”;ȱandȱthe “Zenanaȱ andȱ Cityȱ onȱ Fire,ȱ withȱ aȱ Varietyȱ ofȱ Circumstancesȱ thatȱ attendedȱ this importantȱConquest.”29ȱ DanielȱO’Quinnȱhasȱnotedȱtheȱtighteningȱofȱperspectiveȱhere:ȱ“theȱincreasing enlargementȱofȱscale—eachȱsuccessiveȱsceneȱcorrespondsȱtoȱaȱsmallerȱgeographical space—hasȱaȱtelescopicȱeffectȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱsuccessionȱofȱscenesȱeffectivelyȱgeneratesȱthe fantasyȱofȱ hurtlingȱintoȱtheȱspace.”30ȱTheȱpatternȱofȱtheseȱscenesȱemphasizesȱa

26

27 28 29 30

DanielȱO’Quinn,ȱStagingȱGovernance:ȱTheatricalȱImperialismȱinȱLondon,ȱ1770–1800ȱ(Baltimore,ȱMD: JohnsȱHopkinsȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2005),ȱ320. BothȱreviewsȱcitedȱinȱO’Quinn,ȱStagingȱGovernance,ȱ321ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ26). DetailsȱareȱfromȱtheȱadvertisementȱinȱtheȱTimes,ȱ23ȱAugustȱ1792,ȱ3. AdvertisementȱinȱtheȱTimes,ȱ30ȱSeptemberȱ1799. O’Quinn,ȱStagingȱGovernance,ȱ345ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ26).

610

HeidiȱJ.ȱHolder

Britishȱmilitaryȱsuperiorityȱinȱweapons,ȱtraining,ȱandȱadministrationȱthatȱwasȱfar fromȱ assuredȱ atȱ theȱ time;ȱ byȱ contrast,ȱ depictionsȱ ofȱ Tipuȱ tendȱ toȱ displayȱ his obesity,ȱtasteȱforȱluxury,ȱandȱgeneralȱpersonalȱweakness.ȱInȱbothȱTippooȱSaib’sȱTwo SonsȱandȱTheȱStormingȱofȱSeringapatamȱtheȱcollapseȱofȱtheȱSultan’sȱhomeȱandȱfamily areȱ pointedlyȱ depicted:ȱ inȱ theȱ formerȱ twoȱ ofȱ hisȱ sonsȱ areȱ handedȱ overȱ toȱ the British;ȱ inȱ theȱ latterȱ theȱ climacticȱ sceneȱ showsȱ notȱ onlyȱ hisȱ deathȱ butȱ the destructionȱofȱtheȱzenana,ȱorȱharem.ȱTheȱ“blowȬup”ȱeffectȱhereȱencompassesȱthe destructionȱofȱtheȱpowderȱmill,ȱtheȱzenana,ȱandȱtheȱcityȱitself.ȱ(ReadersȱofȱWilkie Collinsȱ willȱ recallȱ thisȱ destructionȱ asȱ theȱ backdropȱ forȱ theȱ openingȱ ofȱ his sensationalȱ1868ȱnovel,ȱTheȱMoonstone.)ȱThisȱdomesticationȱandȱannihilationȱofȱthe figureȱofȱanȱopposingȱtyrant,ȱcontrastedȱwithȱscenesȱofȱbattleȱinȱwhichȱhisȱenemies emergeȱvictorious,ȱwouldȱshortlyȱprovideȱanȱimportantȱtemplateȱforȱtheȱportrayal ofȱRomanticȬeraȱBritain’sȱfavoriteȱbugbear,ȱNapoleon. Asȱtheȱaboveȱdescriptionsȱsuggest,ȱhorsesȱ(andȱotherȱanimals)ȱwereȱneverȱkept longȱoffstage.ȱNotȱonlyȱdidȱtheyȱappearȱroutinelyȱinȱbattleȱscenes—beingȱoneȱof theȱ“sensational”ȱelements,ȱalongȱwithȱtheȱexplosions—butȱtheyȱalsoȱremainedȱa crucialȱcomponentȱofȱtheȱbill.ȱAȱprogramȱfromȱlateȱinȱ1791ȱfurnishesȱaȱgoodȱsense ofȱtheȱminglingȱofȱtricks,ȱexercises,ȱandȱmilitaryȱdrama,ȱofferingȱtheȱfollowing enticements:ȱ“EquestrianȱManeuversȱonȱaȱSingleȱHorseȱbyȱMasterȱGilesȱSutton. IncludingȱtheȱExerciseȱofȱtheȱSkippingȱRope,ȱtheȱForkȱandȱOranges,ȱCupsȬandȬ Saucersȱ&c.ȱAfterȱwhichȱwillȱbeȱgivenȱUsefulȱHintsȱtoȱBadȱHorsemen”;ȱ“AȱGrand HeroicȱandȱHistoricalȱPantomimeȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱTheȱSiegeȱofȱQuebec;ȱor,ȱTheȱDeathȱofȱGeneral Wolfe.”31ȱInȱtheȱintervalsȱbetweenȱdramasȱorȱacts,ȱtrickȱridingȱtroopsȱofȱjumpers, andȱ equestrianȱ exercisesȱ wereȱ offeredȱ upȱ alongsideȱ ventriloquistsȱ and ropewalkers.ȱTheȱhorses’ȱtricks,ȱtheirȱ“acting,”ȱwouldȱsoonȱbeȱincorporatedȱinto theȱdramaȱofȱwar. Itȱisȱinȱtheȱfirstȱdecadeȱofȱtheȱnineteenthȱcenturyȱthatȱweȱseeȱbroughtȱtogetherȱthe variedȱandȱsuccessfulȱelementsȱofȱtheȱillegitimateȱtheater’sȱdepictionȱofȱarmed conflict.ȱ Theȱ relianceȱ onȱ equestrianȱ scenesȱ andȱ expertise,ȱ theȱ stagingȱ ofȱ troop movementsȱ andȱ largeȬscaleȱ scenesȱ ofȱ conflict,ȱ andȱ theȱ increasinglyȱ cartoonish representationȱofȱtheȱtyrannicalȱenemyȱallȱmerge,ȱtoȱstrikingȱeffect.ȱAndȱtheyȱdo soȱ notȱ inȱ theȱ illegitimateȱ theaters,ȱ butȱ inȱ theȱ heartȱ ofȱ theȱ legitimateȱ drama,ȱ at CoventȱGarden.ȱInȱ1811,ȱPhilipȱKemble,ȱamidȱgreatȱdelightȱandȱoutrage,ȱbrought theȱ hippodramaȱ toȱ hisȱ theaterȱ inȱ aȱ productionȱ ofȱ Matthewȱ (“Monk”)ȱ Lewis’s “Grand,ȱRomanticȱMeloȬDrama,”ȱTimourȱtheȱTartarȱ(seeȱPlateȱ1).ȱAȱpeculiarȱplay onȱmanyȱlevels,ȱTimourȱisȱfirstȱofȱallȱaȱversionȱofȱtheȱlifeȱofȱtheȱgreatȱfourteenthȬ centuryȱ conquerorȱ Timurȱ (alsoȱ knownȱ asȱ Tamerlane).ȱ Toȱ anyȱ readerȱ of ChristopherȱMarlowe’sȱhairȬraisingȱtwoȬparter,ȱTamburlaineȱtheȱGreatȱ(1587–1588),

31

TheȱTimes,ȱ22ȱSeptemberȱ1791.

Lewis’sȱTimourȱtheȱTartarȱatȱCoventȱGarden

611

Lewis’sȱ Timourȱ looksȱ veryȱ wateredȱ downȱ indeed.ȱ Marlowe’sȱ Zenocrate, Tamburlaine’sȱ captiveȬturnedȬwife,ȱ isȱ nowȱ Zorilda,ȱ aȱ muchȱ lessȱ cooperative female;ȱCallapine,ȱtheȱtreacherousȱsonȱofȱtheȱTurkishȱsultanȱandȱTamburlaine’s captive,ȱisȱnowȱAgib,ȱZorilda’sȱimprisonedȱchild;ȱandȱwhileȱMarlowe’sȱbarbarian isȱwithoutȱfamily,ȱbuildingȱhisȱownȱinnerȱcircleȱbyȱconquestȱandȱseduction,ȱLewis’s versionȱisȱburdenedȱbyȱaȱcrankyȱoldȱfatherȱandȱaȱwhining,ȱsocialȬclimbingȱsister. Timourȱappearsȱaȱcomicallyȱreducedȱtyrant,ȱandȱneverȱonceȱinȱtheȱplayȱmanages toȱkillȱanyone,ȱdespiteȱabundantȱthreatsȱtoȱdoȱso.ȱ Thisȱdefangedȱterrorȱis,ȱasȱJaneȱMoodyȱobserves,ȱ“aȱNapoleonicȱBogeyman,”32 aȱconnectionȱreinforcedȱbyȱtheȱcastingȱinȱtheȱtitleȱroleȱofȱCharlesȱFarley,ȱwhoȱwas ratherȱshort.ȱReviewersȱimmediatelyȱpickedȱupȱonȱtheȱconnection.ȱTheȱMorning Chronicleȱsuggestedȱthatȱ“Someȱpartȱofȱtheȱpieceȱmayȱbeȱconsideredȱaȱsatireȱupon aȱneighboringȱEmperor.ȱTimourȱisȱanȱusurper,ȱandȱraisesȱhisȱneedyȱrelationsȱto princelyȱdignityȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.”33ȱBell’sȱWeeklyȱMessengerȱpraisedȱtheȱ“ingeniousȱallegorical interpretation”:ȱ“Bonaparteȱwasȱcertainlyȱneverȱinȱaȱmoreȱmiserableȱconditionȱthan heȱisȱatȱpresentȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱMr.ȱKembleȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱisȱmakingȱaȱmostȱspiritedȱcampaignȱagainst himȱatȱCoventȱGarden;ȱborrowingȱtheȱcavalryȱofȱAstley,ȱandȱbringingȱtoȱbearȱon himȱtheȱwholeȱparkȱofȱartilleryȱofȱtheȱPlayhouse.”34ȱ LeighȱHunt,ȱinȱTheȱExaminer,ȱexpressedȱmockȱsympathyȱforȱBonaparte,ȱ“whoȱis perfectlyȱshocked,ȱnoȱdoubt,ȱtoȱhearȱofȱtheseȱterribleȱproceedingsȱagainstȱhimȱin ‘theȱfinestȱtheatreȱinȱEurope!’”35ȱTheȱpracticeȱatȱtheȱlegitimateȱtheatersȱwasȱtoȱrely onȱ“analogicalȱdrama”ȱtoȱexploreȱcontemporaryȱpoliticalȱproblemsȱandȱfearsȱon stageȱwithoutȱalarmingȱtheȱcensor.ȱGillianȱRussellȱhasȱofferedȱaȱusefulȱreadingȱof Pizarro,ȱ byȱ Lewis’sȱ highlyȱ popularȱ earlierȱ contemporary,ȱ Richardȱ Brinsley Sheridan,ȱasȱoneȱsuchȱplay,ȱinȱthatȱitȱilluminatesȱEngland’sȱanxietyȱinȱtheȱfaceȱof possibleȱFrenchȱinvasionȱ(remarkably,ȱtheȱPeruvianȱIndiansȱareȱhereȱstandȬinsȱfor theȱBritish).36ȱThisȱtacticȱwouldȱseemȱtoȱundercutȱtheȱassertionȱofȱauthenticityȱand immediacyȱinȱtheȱdepictionȱofȱwarsȱatȱtheȱillegitimateȱhouses.ȱNonetheless,ȱthe audiencesȱ seemedȱ toȱ haveȱ noȱ troubleȱ acceptingȱ theȱ doubleȱ image,ȱ wherein contemporaryȱtroopȱmovementsȱofȱtheȱsortȱtheyȱmightȱseeȱatȱAstley’sȱappearȱin aȱconflictȱsetȱinȱanȱearlierȱcentury.ȱ NorȱwasȱTimourȱtheȱTartarȱentirelyȱanȱexerciseȱinȱcomicȱdeflation.ȱEquestrian spectacleȱprovidedȱaȱkeyȱcomponentȱofȱtheȱaction—andȱtheȱplay’sȱsuccess.ȱAstley’s troopȱ ofȱ horsesȱ wasȱ borrowed,ȱ importedȱ intoȱ theȱ sacredȱ precinctsȱ ofȱ Covent

32 33 34

35 36

Moody,ȱIllegitimateȱTheatreȱinȱLondonȱ99–100ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ25). TheȱMorningȱChronicle,ȱ30ȱAprilȱ1811,ȱp.ȱ2. Bell’sȱWeeklyȱMessenger,ȱ5ȱMayȱ1811;ȱcitedȱinȱTheȱBroadviewȱAnthologyȱofȱRomanticȱDrama,ȱed.ȱJeffrey N.ȱCoxȱandȱMichaelȱGamerȱ(Peterborough,ȱOntario:ȱBroadviewȱPress,ȱ2003),ȱ348–49.ȱHenceforth “CoxȱandȱGamer.” TheȱExaminer,ȱMayȱ1811;ȱcitedȱinȱCoxȱandȱGamer,ȱ349ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ34). Russell,ȱTheatresȱofȱWar,ȱ54–59ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ14).

612

HeidiȱJ.ȱHolder

Gardenȱ(oneȱwagȱprovidedȱanȱepigramȱnoddingȱtoȱSwift:ȱ“MayȱtheȱHouynhnhms noȱlongerȱbeȱreckon’dȱaȱfable,ȱ/ȱNowȱallȱourȱgreatȱactorsȱareȱbroughtȱfromȱthe stable”).37ȱTheyȱappearȱinȱtheȱveryȱfirstȱscene,ȱinȱZorilda’sȱarrivalȱatȱTimour’sȱcourt (seeȱPlateȱ2): (TheȱTartarsȱarriveȱonȱhorseȬback,ȱconductingȱZorilda,ȱdrestȱasȱanȱAmazon,ȱholdingȱanȱarrow, andȱwearingȱaȱquiver.ȱSheȱisȱmountedȱonȱaȱCourser,ȱrichlyȱcaparisoned,ȱandȱattendedȱbyȱfour AfricanȱboysȱinȱGoldenȱchains,ȱandȱholdingȱfansȱofȱpaintedȱfeathers—Twoȱofȱthemȱprostrate themselves;ȱtheȱothersȱthrowȱaȱtapestryȱoverȱthem;ȱtheȱCourserȱkneels,ȱandȱSheȱstepsȱonȱthe Slavesȱtoȱdismount,ȱAbdalecȱgivingȱherȱhisȱhand—TheȱHorsesȱwithdraw,ȱafterȱpayingȱtheir homageȱtoȱTimour)38

Zorilda,ȱ actuallyȱ aȱ Princessȱ fromȱ Georgia,ȱ isȱ hereȱ disguisedȱ asȱ anȱ Amazonȱ to rescueȱ herȱ kidnappedȱ sonȱ fromȱ Timour.ȱ Herȱ entranceȱ providesȱ aȱ stately introductionȱforȱtheȱhorses.ȱButȱbyȱtheȱendȱofȱActȱ1,ȱtheȱhorsesȱbeginȱtoȱreceive moreȱ attention.ȱ Inȱ fact,ȱ Actȱ 1,ȱ Sceneȱ 3,ȱ isȱ almostȱ entirelyȱ composedȱ ofȱ stage directionȱdepictingȱaȱcontestȱbetweenȱtwoȱknightsȱofȱTimour,ȱrivalȱsuitorsȱtoȱa youngȱladyȱofȱtheȱcourt:ȱ “Theȱ Lists,—theȱ Circleȱ isȱ formedȱ byȱ balconiesȱ filledȱ withȱ spectators—Onȱ eachȱ sideȱ isȱ a decoratedȱ throne.—Zorilda,ȱ Timour,ȱ andȱ Selimaȱ arriveȱ inȱ aȱ Carȱ ofȱ triumph,ȱ followedȱ by Bermeddin,ȱAbdalec,ȱandȱTartars;ȱTheyȱdescend;ȱTimourȱandȱZorildaȱoccupyȱoneȱthrone,ȱand Selimaȱtheȱother.—Agib’sȱTowerȱappearsȱasȱinȱtheȱfirstȱscene.—AȱTrumpetȱsounds,ȱandȱis answered;ȱtheȱBarriersȱareȱthrownȱopen,ȱandȱKerimȱandȱSanballatȱenterȱonȱhorseback,ȱfrom oppositeȱsides.ȱTheyȱchargeȱwithȱlances:ȱatȱlengthȱKerim’sȱhorseȱtakesȱpartȱinȱtheȱcombat,ȱseizes Sanballat,ȱandȱdragsȱhimȱtoȱtheȱground—Sanballatȱrises,ȱandȱattributesȱtheȱvictoryȱsolelyȱto theȱHorse.ȱKerimȱproposesȱtoȱrenewȱtheȱCombatȱonȱfoot.ȱTheȱhorsesȱareȱledȱawayȱandȱtheȱfight begins:ȱKerimȱfalls,ȱandȱlosesȱhisȱsword.ȱHisȱrivalȱrushesȱtoȱdispatchȱhim,ȱwhenȱKerim’sȱHorse leapsȱtheȱBarrier,ȱpreventsȱSanballatȱfromȱadvancing,ȱpicksȱupȱtheȱsword,ȱandȱcarriesȱitȱtoȱhis Master.ȱSanballatȱinȱfuryȱstabsȱtheȱhorse,ȱwhoȱfalls,ȱandȱexpires. Zorilda:ȱHold!ȱHold!ȱOh!ȱCoward! (Kerim’sȱdesireȱtoȱavengeȱtheȱfaithfulȱAnimalȱincreasesȱhisȱstrength.ȱHeȱdisarmsȱhisȱRival, dragsȱhimȱtoȱtheȱHorse,ȱandȱsacrificesȱhimȱonȱtheȱBody:ȱDuringȱwhichȱallȱdescend.ȱSelima embracesȱKerim:ȱZorildaȱcrownsȱhim:ȱButȱHeȱtakesȱoffȱtheȱwreath,ȱbreaksȱit,ȱstrewsȱtheȱflowers onȱtheȱHorse,ȱandȱfallsȱuponȱHimȱweeping—Selimaȱhangsȱoverȱthemȱgreatlyȱaffected).39

Inȱhisȱexploitsȱhere,ȱtheȱnobleȱhorseȱconjuresȱanȱechoȱofȱAstley’sȱBilly,ȱtheȱLittle Learnedȱ Militaryȱ Horse,ȱ soȱ goodȱ atȱ fetchingȱ andȱ carryingȱ andȱ feigningȱ death (“Thatȱ heȱ isȱ deadȱ isȱ quiteȱ beyondȱ dispute”).ȱ Butȱ hisȱ “tricks”ȱ haveȱ anȱ entirely differentȱeffectȱhere,ȱsinceȱheȱisȱinȱfactȱaȱcharacterȱinȱaȱplay.

37 38

39

TheȱPoeticalȱRegister,ȱJanuaryȱ1810,ȱ89. MatthewȱLewis,ȱTimourȱtheȱTartar,ȱinȱTheȱBroadviewȱAnthologyȱofȱRomanticȱDrama,ȱed.ȱCoxȱand Gamer,ȱ103ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ34).ȱAllȱfurtherȱreferencesȱareȱtoȱthisȱedition. TimourȱtheȱTartar,ȱ108ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ34).

Lewis’sȱTimourȱtheȱTartarȱatȱCoventȱGarden

613

Withinȱ thisȱ “lists”ȱ sceneȱ itself,ȱ theȱ horseȱ assumesȱ anȱ elevatedȱ character, embodyingȱ theȱ virtuesȱ ofȱ loyalty,ȱ bravery,ȱ andȱ selfȬsacrifice.ȱ Theȱ otherȱ key figures—Kerim,ȱSanballat,ȱandȱSelima,ȱtheȱwomanȱoverȱwhomȱtheyȱfight—have virtuallyȱnothingȱtoȱdoȱforȱtheȱrestȱofȱtheȱplay.ȱThisȱisȱ“their”ȱscene,ȱbutȱclearly theyȱareȱsecondaryȱfiguresȱevenȱhere.ȱTheȱhorseȱisȱallottedȱtheȱsignificantȱaction (heȱ holdsȱ theȱ centerȱ ofȱ theȱ stage,ȱ andȱ resistsȱ beingȱ confinedȱ toȱ theȱ side)ȱ that embodiesȱinȱminiatureȱtheȱcentralȱeventȱofȱtheȱplay:ȱtheȱprotectionȱofȱtheȱvirtuous andȱ goodȱ andȱ theȱ thwartingȱ ofȱ theȱ villain.ȱ However,ȱ Kerimȱ andȱ Sanballatȱ are barelyȱcharacters;ȱtheȱbeastȱhasȱmoreȱagency.ȱTheȱ“tricks”ȱofȱAstley’sȱBillyȱhere coalesceȱtoȱendowȱtheȱhorseȱwithȱaȱhigherȱfunction,ȱandȱheȱbecomesȱaȱsignȱofȱthe warriorȱhimself.ȱItȱisȱnotȱsimplyȱtheȱhorse’sȱownȱactionsȱthatȱcreateȱthisȱequine apotheosis.ȱWhenȱSanballat,ȱinȱaȱfury,ȱstabsȱtheȱanimal,ȱitȱisȱaȱwonderfulȱmoment ofȱdeflection:ȱtheȱhorseȱhasȱbecomeȱhisȱfoe,ȱnotȱKerim.ȱAndȱitȱisȱtheȱhorseȱthatȱgets theȱ greatȱ deathȱ scene,ȱ asȱ heȱ isȱ lavishlyȱ mournedȱ byȱ hisȱ comrades.ȱ Thisȱ is, strikingly,ȱ theȱ onlyȱ trueȱ battleȱ deathȱ describedȱ inȱ theȱ entireȱ play.ȱ Andȱ while Sanballatȱisȱreducedȱtoȱlosingȱaȱbattleȱwithȱanȱanimal,ȱTimourȱgetsȱonlyȱaȱcomic parodyȱofȱthatȱ“battle”:ȱinȱActȱIIȱheȱwrathfullyȱstabsȱaȱcouch,ȱwronglyȱimagining anȱenemyȱtoȱbeȱhidingȱtherein.ȱ Theȱ crowdsȱ atȱ Coventȱ Gardenȱ adoredȱ theȱ expandedȱ roleȱ ofȱ theȱ horses.ȱ The MorningȱChronicleȱgaveȱinȱtoȱtheȱtrend:ȱ“ifȱhorseȱactorsȱareȱtoȱbeȱtheȱrage,ȱwhy shouldȱnotȱthey,ȱasȱwellȱasȱbipedȱperformers,ȱhaveȱcharactersȱmadeȱforȱthemȱto showȱthemȱoffȱtoȱtheȱbestȱadvantageȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱHadȱtheȱaudienceȱbeenȱpolledȱuponȱthe subject,ȱweȱthinkȱthatȱweȱmayȱventureȱtoȱsayȱtheȱthreeȬfourthsȱofȱthemȱcameȱtoȱsee theȱhorses—theȱhorses—andȱnothingȱbutȱtheȱhorses.”ȱTheȱDramaticȱCensorȱproved moreȱgrudging:ȱ Theȱpieceȱis,ȱonȱtheȱwhole,ȱasȱshewyȱasȱitȱcouldȱbeȱmadeȱbyȱtheȱmostȱlavishȱprofusion ofȱ theatricalȱ pomp:ȱ butȱ theȱ horsesȱ areȱ theȱ principleȱ performers.ȱ Someȱ displeasure appearsȱtoȱhaveȱbeenȱpremeditatedȱonȱbyȱtheȱcriticsȱinȱtheȱpit:ȱbutȱtheȱunaffectedȱzeal andȱnaturalȱactingȱofȱtheȱhorsesȱgraduallyȱsoftenedȱtheȱasperityȱofȱtheirȱenemies;ȱand theȱmeloȬdramaȱconcludedȱwithȱaȱroarȱofȱapprobation.40ȱ

TimourȱtheȱTartar,ȱdespiteȱitsȱappearanceȱonȱaȱlegitimateȱstageȱwhereȱtheȱspoken wordȱmayȱbeȱexpectedȱtoȱdefineȱcharacter,ȱprivilegesȱspectacleȱoverȱspeechȱby concentratingȱinȱtheȱanimalȱpresenceȱtheȱissuesȱthatȱdriveȱtheȱdramaticȱaction.ȱThis quasiȬfetishizingȱofȱtheȱhorseȱaddsȱaȱnewȱtwistȱtoȱtheȱideaȱofȱtheȱanimalȱact,ȱone thatȱwouldȱgiveȱriseȱtoȱnewȱroutinesȱatȱAstley’sȱitself.ȱIfȱPhilipȱAstleyȱhadȱamused audiencesȱwithȱactsȱsuchȱasȱ“TheȱTaylorȱRidingȱtoȱBrentford,”ȱlaterȱperformersȱat hisȱamphitheatre,ȱsuchȱasȱtheȱgreatȱAndrewȱDucrow,ȱwouldȱamazeȱviewersȱwith

40

MorningȱChronicle,ȱ30ȱAprilȱ1811,ȱp.ȱ2;ȱTheȱDramaticȱCensor,ȱMayȱ1811,ȱcitedȱinȱCoxȱandȱGamer, 241–45ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ34).

614

HeidiȱJ.ȱHolder

moreȱcomplexȱvariantsȱofȱsuchȱsequentialȱequineȱminiȬdramas,ȱpantomimesȱon horseback.ȱTake,ȱforȱexample,ȱtheȱhitȱroutineȱfromȱtheȱ1820s,ȱ“TheȱVicissitudesȱof aȱTar”ȱ(Plateȱ3),ȱinȱwhichȱDucrow,ȱasȱaȱjollyȱsailor,ȱisȱseenȱundergoingȱaȱseriesȱof adventures,ȱ includingȱ battleȱ andȱ shipwreck,ȱ allȱ enactedȱ fromȱ theȱ backȱ ofȱ a gallopingȱhorseȱdeckedȱoutȱasȱaȱship,ȱcompleteȱwithȱ(atȱdifferentȱmoments)ȱgun ports,ȱanchor,ȱsails,ȱandȱtreasureȱchest.ȱTheȱhorseȱisȱnoȱlongerȱmerelyȱanȱanimal, butȱaȱlivingȱsignȱofȱwar,ȱoneȱnoȱlongerȱboundȱevenȱtoȱlandȱ(there’sȱsomething delightfullyȱabsurdȱinȱtheȱimageȱofȱtheȱhorseȬship). TheȱhorsesȱhaveȱoneȱmoreȱsceneȱinȱTimour.ȱNotȱsurprisingly,ȱtheyȱplayȱaȱkeyȱrole inȱtheȱconcludingȱscene,ȱwhichȱincorporatesȱtheȱarrivalȱofȱcavalry.ȱTimour,ȱever lessȱeffectualȱasȱaȱvillainȱasȱtheȱplayȱgoesȱon,ȱultimatelyȱ failsȱinȱhisȱattemptȱto marryȱorȱkillȱZorilda,ȱorȱtoȱmaintainȱhisȱgripȱonȱherȱson.ȱThisȱlastȱsceneȱcombines aȱnumberȱofȱeffects,ȱincludingȱlargeȬscaleȱbattleȱmaneuvers,ȱlighting,ȱhorses,ȱand water: SceneȱtheȱLast:ȱTheȱFortressȱbyȱMoonlight.ȱTheȱwholeȱofȱitȱisȱentirelyȱsurroundedȱbyȱwater, exceptȱaȱloftyȱTowerȱonȱoneȱside,ȱwithȱaȱTerraceȱbeneath,ȱofȱwhichȱonlyȱoneȱAngleȱisȱvisible:ȱa varietyȱofȱsmallerȱTowers,ȱandȱhangingȱTerracesȱappearȱbeyond.

Whileȱ hisȱ menȱ battleȱ theȱ forcesȱ arrivingȱ fromȱ Georgia,ȱ Timourȱ chasesȱ Zorilda throughȱtheȱfortress,ȱuntilȱsheȱisȱforcedȱtoȱthrowȱherselfȱintoȱtheȱsea: Timour:ȱHa!ȱSheȱsinks!—Thereȱletȱherȱperish. Agibȱ(Enteringȱonȱhorseback,ȱfollowedȱbyȱGeorgians):—NotȱwhileȱIȱliveȱtoȱsaveȱher—(He seizesȱaȱbanner,ȱleapsȱhisȱHorseȱoverȱtheȱParapet,ȱandȱdisappears.ȱTheȱGeorgiansȱgiveȱshouts ofȱadmiration,ȱandȱallȱrushȱtowardsȱtheȱWater)ȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱ(TheȱHorseȱrisesȱoutȱofȱtheȱWater,ȱbearing AgibȱandȱZorilda.ȱTheȱTartarsȱsallyȱfromȱtheȱFortress,ȱandȱendeavorȱtoȱreȬtakeȱtheȱPrincess;ȱthe Georgiansȱ comeȱ toȱ herȱ assistance;ȱ aȱ generalȱ engagementȱ takesȱ place,ȱ inȱ whichȱ Timourȱ is overthrown.41

TimourȱisȱdefeatedȱinȱtheȱendȱbyȱanȱallianceȱofȱpresumptiveȱnonȬcombatants:ȱthe oldȱ manȱ Oglouȱ (hisȱ father),ȱ theȱ womanȱ Zorilda,ȱ theȱ childȱ Agib,ȱ andȱ Zorilda’s horse,ȱfirstȱseenȱinȱActȱI.ȱThisȱhorseȱwasȱsingledȱoutȱbyȱcriticsȱforȱparticularȱpraise: “Theȱwhiteȱhorseȱwhichȱcarriedȱtheȱheroineȱ(Mrs.ȱH.ȱJohnston)ȱplaysȱadmirably. Heȱkneels,ȱleaps,ȱtumbles,ȱdances,ȱfights,ȱdashesȱintoȱwaterȱandȱupȱprecipices,ȱin aȱveryȱsuperiorȱstyleȱofȱacting,ȱandȱcompletelyȱastonishedȱtheȱaudience.”42ȱThe relentlessȱ diminutionȱ ofȱ Timour,ȱ andȱ theȱ roleȱ ofȱ theȱ animalȱ inȱ hisȱ defeat—the suggestionȱthatȱnatureȱitselfȱpowerfullyȱopposesȱhim—neatlyȱtiesȱinȱwithȱantiȬ NapoleonicȱimageryȱveryȱfamiliarȱtoȱBritishȱaudiences.ȱ

41 42

TimourȱtheȱTartar,ȱ116ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ38). TheȱEuropeanȱMagazine,ȱMayȱ1811,ȱcitedȱinȱCoxȱandȱGamer,ȱ377–78ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ34).

Lewis’sȱTimourȱtheȱTartarȱatȱCoventȱGarden

615

Theȱanonymousȱcaricatureȱofȱ1803,ȱ“AȱPeepȱatȱtheȱCorsicanȱFairy”ȱshowsȱaȱtiny Bonaparteȱ(smallerȱinȱfactȱthanȱtheȱhatȱheȱwears)ȱchainedȱupȱbyȱtheȱBritishȱNavy, andȱaȱlongȱparadeȱofȱcaricaturesȱshowsȱtheȱEmperorȱthwarted,ȱmocked,ȱandȱeven eatenȱbyȱaȱseriesȱofȱsymbolicȱanimals,ȱfromȱBiblicalȱwhalesȱtoȱRussianȱbearsȱand, ofȱcourse,ȱBritishȱbullsȱandȱbulldogs.43 TheȱcomplexȱuseȱofȱanalogicalȱandȱequestrianȱdramaȱinȱTimourȱtheȱTartarȱcreates aȱveryȱcontemporaryȱplay,ȱdespiteȱitsȱhistoricalȱandȱfantasticȱqualities.ȱWhileȱthe audienceȱisȱnotȱgetting,ȱasȱtheyȱwereȱinȱTheȱSiegeȱofȱValenciennesȱorȱtheȱTippooȱSaib plays,ȱaȱpseudoȬrealisticȱdepictionȱofȱcurrentȱevents,ȱtheyȱareȱgettingȱsomething arguablyȱmoreȱenticing.ȱTheȱfactȱthatȱviewersȱmustȱthemselvesȱengageȱinȱanȱactȱof interpretationȱsuggestsȱbothȱtheȱreceptionȱofȱexpertȱknowledgeȱ(partȱofȱAstley’s originalȱ advertisingȱ campaignȱ forȱ hisȱ amphitheatre)ȱ andȱ alsoȱ theȱ movement towardȱapplicationȱofȱthisȱknowledgeȱonȱtheȱpartȱofȱtheȱaudience,ȱbyȱnowȱtrained, overȱtheȱpreviousȱcoupleȱofȱdecades,ȱinȱnewȱwaysȱtoȱviewȱwar.ȱThatȱtheȱaudience isȱdeeplyȱinvolvedȱinȱthisȱtheatricalȱeventȱwasȱnotedȱbyȱTheȱDramaticȱCensorȱinȱa supposedȱletterȱfromȱoneȱ“OliverȱOldȱTimes”ȱ(likelyȱanȱinȬhouseȱcreation),ȱwho, theȱmorningȱafterȱattendingȱtheȱplay,ȱshakesȱhisȱheadȱoverȱtheȱimplicationsȱofȱits success: Weȱareȱbecomingȱaȱwarlikeȱpeople,ȱMr.ȱEditor.ȱWeȱhadȱwarsȱinȱQueenȱAnne’sȱtime,ȱbut thenȱweȱfoughtȱbyȱaȱsortȱofȱproxy—atȱpresentȱtheȱcaseȱisȱdifferent,ȱandȱtheȱmilitaryȱspirit isȱdiffusedȱfromȱtheȱcotȱtoȱtheȱthrone.ȱThanksȱtoȱBonaparte’sȱthreatsȱofȱinvasion,ȱevery manȱnowȱisȱaȱsoldier,ȱandȱthereforeȱnaturallyȱbecomesȱenamouredȱofȱ”theȱpomp,ȱthe pride,ȱandȱcircumstancesȱofȱgloriousȱwar,”ȱandȱamongstȱthemȱ“theȱneighingȱsteed”ȱof courseȱ holdsȱ aȱ conspicuousȱ placeȱ inȱ hisȱ affections—theȱ fieldȱ ofȱ battleȱ isȱ become “familiarȱtoȱhisȱthoughts,”ȱandȱwhatȱbeforeȱheȱwouldȱhaveȱturnedȱfromȱinȱdisgust,ȱhe nowȱcontemplatesȱwithȱpleasure.ȱItȱwasȱjustȱsoȱinȱRome,ȱitȱwasȱnotȱsoȱuntilȱafterȱthe timeȱofȱTerenceȱ[.ȱ.ȱ.]ȱthatȱtheȱRomansȱtookȱsoȱviolentlyȱtoȱgladiatorialȱexhibitionsȱ.ȱ.ȱ.ȱ.44

Theȱ“conspicuousȱplace”ȱofȱtheȱ“neighingȱsteed”ȱemergesȱhereȱasȱanȱemblemȱof gloriousȱwar—aȱsignȱaccessibleȱandȱfamiliarȱtoȱaudienceȱmembers.ȱTheȱhorseȱas prop,ȱequipment,ȱadjunctȱhasȱmoved,ȱalbeitȱbriefly,ȱfromȱaȱsecondaryȱroleȱtoȱone ofȱunexpectedȱpower.ȱInȱeffect,ȱtheȱhorseȱfunctionsȱasȱanȱanalogueȱofȱnationȱand warfare,ȱreassuringȱviewersȱwithȱitsȱvitalityȱ(evenȱinȱfeigningȱdeath),ȱskill,ȱand apparentȱsenseȱofȱnobility.ȱ“OliverȱOldȱTimes”ȱshuddersȱatȱtheȱ“pleasure”ȱthis transformed,ȱ elevatedȱ horseȱ bringsȱ toȱ theatergoers;ȱ inȱ readingȱ theȱ horse, theatergoersȱ likewiseȱ elevateȱ themselves,ȱ takingȱ onȱ aȱ roleȱ andȱ participating, howeverȱvicariously,ȱinȱtheȱactionȱofȱwar.

43

44

Forȱaȱveryȱfullȱsurveyȱofȱsuchȱimages,ȱseeȱA.ȱM.ȱBroadley,ȱNapoleonȱinȱCaricature,ȱ1795–1821,ȱ2ȱvols. (London:ȱJohnȱLane,ȱ1911). TheȱDramaticȱCensor,ȱMayȱ1811,ȱp.ȱ244n.ȱȱAlsoȱcitedȱinȱCoxȱandȱGamer,ȱ347Ȭ48ȱ(seeȱnoteȱ34).

616

HeidiȱJ.ȱHolder

Fig.ȱ1:ȱCharactersȱinȱTimourȱtheȱTartar,ȱincludingȱtheȱcombatantsȱKerimȱandȱ Sanballatȱonȱhorseback.ȱLondon:ȱA.ȱParks,ȱca.ȱ1820.ȱAuthor’sȱCollection

Lewis’sȱTimourȱtheȱTartarȱatȱCoventȱGarden

617

Fig.ȱ2:ȱMrs.ȱJohnston’sȱentranceȱasȱZorildaȱinȱTimourȱtheȱTartar.ȱȱ London:ȱDighton,ȱJuneȱ1811.ȱCourtesyȱofȱtheȱBillyȱRoseȱTheatreȱCollection,ȱThe NewȱYorkȱPublicȱLibraryȱforȱtheȱPerformingȱArts

618

HeidiȱJ.ȱHolder

Fig.ȱ3:ȱAndrewȱDucrowȱinȱtheȱequestrianȱsketchȱ‘TheȱVicissitudesȱofȱaȱTar.’ȱThe etching,ȱbyȱR.ȱLloyd,ȱfeaturesȱaȱslightlyȱalteredȱtitle.ȱȱ London:ȱM&MȱSkelt,ȱca.ȱ1840.ȱAuthor’sȱCollection

ListȱofȱIllustrations

IllustrationsȱforȱAlbrechtȱClassen’sȱIntroduction: Fig.ȱ1.:ȱFranciscoȱGoya’sȱLosȱDesastresȱdeȱlaȱGuerraȱ Fig.ȱ2:ȱFranciscoȱGoya’sȱLosȱDesastresȱdeȱlaȱGuerraȱ

IllustrationsȱforȱHeidiȱJ.ȱHolder’sȱarticle: Fig.ȱ 1:ȱ Charactersȱ inȱ Timourȱ theȱ Tartar,ȱ includingȱ theȱ combatantsȱ Kerimȱ and Sanballatȱonȱhorseback.ȱLondon:ȱA.ȱParks,ȱca.ȱ1820.ȱAuthor’sȱCollection Fig.ȱ2:ȱMrs.ȱJohnston’sȱentranceȱasȱZorildaȱinȱTimourȱtheȱTartar.ȱȱ London:ȱDighton,ȱJuneȱ1811.ȱCourtesyȱofȱtheȱBillyȱRoseȱTheatreȱCollection,ȱThe NewȱYorkȱPublicȱLibraryȱforȱtheȱPerformingȱArts Fig.ȱ3:ȱȱAndrewȱDucrowȱinȱtheȱequestrianȱsketchȱ‘TheȱVicissitudesȱofȱaȱTar.’ȱThe etching,ȱbyȱR.ȱLloyd,ȱfeaturesȱaȱslightlyȱalteredȱtitle.ȱLondon:ȱM&MȱSkelt,ȱca.1840. Author’sȱCollection

IllustrationsȱforȱJörnȱMünkner’ȱarticle: Fig.ȱ1:ȱSiegeȱofȱtheȱFortressȱonȱtheȱHohenaspergȱ(PenȱDrawing,ȱ31,2ȱ×ȱ43,6ȱȱcm); Albrechtȱ Dürer,ȱ 1519;ȱ Berlin,ȱ Staatlicheȱ Museenȱ zuȱ Berlinȱ –ȱ Preußischer Kulturbesitz,ȱ Kupferstichkabinettȱ –ȱ Sammlungȱ derȱ Zeichnungenȱ und Druckgraphik,ȱInv.ȬNr.ȱ31.ȱ Reproducedȱ in:ȱ Mythosȱ Burg.ȱ Begleitbandȱ zuȱ denȱ Ausstellungenȱ “Burgȱ und Herrschaft“ȱ (DHM,ȱ Berlin,ȱ 25.06.Ȭ24.10.2010)ȱ undȱ „Mythosȱ Burg“ȱ (GNM, Nürnberg,ȱ 8.07Ȭ7.11.2010),ȱ ed.ȱ byȱ G.ȱ Ulrichȱ Grossmannȱ andȱ Hansȱ Ottomeyer (Dresden:ȱSandsteinȱVerlag,ȱ2010),ȱ262,ȱFig.ȱ6.32

620

Illustrations

Fig.ȱ2:ȱWithoutȱtitle,ȱor:ȱfictitiousȱsiegeȱofȱaȱfortifiedȱplace.ȱ Theȱ woodcutȱ isȱ partȱ ofȱ someȱ editionsȱ ofȱ theȱ treatiseȱ byȱ Albrechtȱ Dürerȱ Etliche vnderrichtȱ |ȱ Manifoldȱ Teachingsȱ (Nuremberg,ȱ 1527),ȱ whereȱ itȱ isȱ presentedȱ asȱ a surplusȱonȱtheȱlastȱfolio.ȱ Reproducedȱ in:ȱ Hartwigȱ Neumann,ȱ FestungsbauȬKunstȱ undȱ ȬTechnik:.ȱ Deutsche WehrbauarchitekturȱvomȱXV.ȱbisȱXX.ȱJahrhundertȱ(Augsburg:ȱWeltbildȱVerlag,ȱ2000) 210 Fig.ȱ 3:ȱ Sketch/Topȱ viewȱ ofȱ theȱ deadȱ angleȱ inȱ frontȱ ofȱ theȱ Bastei/Rondell (stronghold) In:ȱHartwigȱNeumann,ȱFestungsbauȬKunstȱundȱȬTechnik,ȱ2000,ȱ132 Fig.ȱ4:ȱSketch/Topȱviewȱofȱtheȱbastionaryȱsystemȱandȱitsȱballisticȱlogic In:ȱHartwigȱNeumann,ȱFestungsbauȬKunstȱundȱȬTechnik,ȱ2000,ȱ39 Fig.ȱ5ȱaȬc Threeȱsynopticȱsketchesȱdemonstratingȱtransformationsȱinȱfortificationȱstrategies fromȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱ(a),ȱandȱtheȱearlyȱmodernȱperiod,ȱsixteenthȱcenturyȱ(b)ȱtill theȱearlyȱmodernȱperiod,ȱseventeenthȱperiodȱ(c)ȱ In:ȱHartwigȱNeumann,ȱFestungsbauȬKunstȱundȱȬTechnik,ȱ2000,ȱ129Ȭ31 Fig.ȱ 6ȱ aȬc:ȱ Threeȱ viewsȱ ofȱ theȱ Bastei/Rondellȱ (stronghold),ȱ draftedȱ byȱ Albrecht Dürer 6a:ȱFloorȱplanȱofȱaȱBastei/Rondellȱ(stronghold)ȱ In:ȱAlbrechtȱDürer,ȱEtlicheȱvnderrichtȱ|ȱManifoldȱTeachings,ȱNürnbergȱ1527,ȱAiii, recto 6b:ȱ Topȱ viewȱ onȱ theȱ interiorȱ andȱ theȱ openingsȱ forȱ 20ȱ Canonsȱ insideȱ the Bastei/Rondellȱ(stronghold) In:ȱAlbrechtȱDürer,ȱEtlicheȱvnderrichtȱ|ȱManifoldȱTeachings,ȱNürnbergȱ1527,ȱBiii, recto 6c:ȱScaledȬdownȱfrontȱviewȱofȱtheȱBastei/Rondellȱ(stronghold) In:ȱ Albrechtȱ Dürer,ȱ Etlicheȱ vnderrichtȱ |ȱ Manifoldȱ Teachings,ȱ Nürnbergȱ 1527,ȱ Ciii verso Fig.ȱ7:ȱThreeȬpartedȱdrawingȱpresentingȱaȱcombinationȱofȱseveralȱperspectivesȱon theȱBastei/Rondellȱ(stronghold)

Illustrations

621

In:ȱ Albrechtȱ Dürer,ȱ Etlicheȱ vnderrichtȱ |ȱ Manifoldȱ Teachings,ȱ Nürnbergȱ 1527,ȱ Cv, verso Fig.ȱ8:ȱFloorȱplanȱofȱtheȱcityȱofȱaȱprinceȱandȱtheȱfortifiedȱcastleȱ(festȱschloß)ȱwithȱthe royalȱ houseȱ (königlichesȱ Haus.ȱ )In:ȱ Albrechtȱ Dürer,ȱ Etlicheȱ vnderrichtȱ |ȱ Manifold Teachings,ȱNürnbergȱ1527,ȱDiii,ȱrectoȱandȱEi,ȱverso;ȱtwoȱsketchesȱ(aȱandȱb)

IllustrationsȱforȱMarthaȱMoffittȱPeacock’sȱarticle: Fig.ȱ1:ȱAnonymous,ȱKenauȱSimonsȱHasselaer,ȱIllustrationȱfromȱN.ȱvanȱRooswijk,ȱCort endeȱ waerachtichȱ verhaelȱ vanȱ alleȱ gheschiedenissen,ȱ handelinge,ȱ aenklage,ȱ storme,ȱ en schermutsingheȱ inȱ endeȱ voorȱ derȱ stadtȱ Heerlemȱ inȱ Hollandtȱ gheschiet,ȱ zedertȱ de belegheringheȱvanȱdien,ȱaengheteeckentȱendeȱbeschreuenȱbyȱN.ȱR.ȱburgerȱendeȱpoorterȱder voornoemdeȱstadtȱHeerlem,ȱ1573ȱ Fig.ȱ2:ȱAnonymous,ȱKenauȱSimonsȱHasselaer,ȱIllustrationȱfromȱPetrusȱdeȱLange, BataviseȱRomeyn;ȱOfteȱAlleȱdeȱvoornaemsteȱHeldenȬdaden,ȱRidderlijkeȱfeytenȱenȱlistige OorlogsȬvonden,ȱinȱVeldȱenȱZeeȬslagen,ȱoverwinningeȱvanȱStedenȱenȱSchepen,ȱenȱinȱandere gelegentheden,ȱbyȱdeȱHollandersȱenȱZeeuwenȱverricht,ȱzedertȱdenȱIareȱ1492ȱtotȱ1661,ȱ1661ȱ Fig.ȱ3:ȱMatthiasȱQuad,ȱKenauȱSimonsȱHasselaer,ȱRijksprentenkabinet,ȱRijksmuseum, Amsterdam Fig.ȱ4:ȱAnonymous,ȱKenauȱSimonsȱHasselaer,ȱRijksprentenkabinet,ȱRijksmuseum, Amsterdam Fig.ȱ 5:ȱ Remigiusȱ Hoogenberg,ȱ Kenauȱ Simonsȱ Hasselaer,ȱ Rijksprentenkabinet, Rijksmuseum,ȱAmsterdam Fig.ȱ6:ȱAnonymous,ȱKenauȱSimonsȱHasselaer,ȱStadhuis,ȱHaarlem Fig.ȱ7:ȱAdamȱWillaerts,ȱKenauȱSimonsȱHasselaer,ȱRijksmuseum,ȱAmsterdam Fig.ȱ 8:ȱ Romeynȱ deȱ Hooghe,ȱ Kenauȱ Simonsȱ Hasselaer,ȱ Rijksprentenkabinet, Rijksmuseum,ȱAmsterdam Fig.ȱ9:ȱAnonymous,ȱTitleȱPlateȱtoȱHersteldeȱhongersȬdwangh,ȱofȱHaerlemsȱlanghȱen strengheȱBelegeringhe,ȱEndeȱhetȱovergaenȱderȱselverȱstadt,ȱdoorȱhetȱscherpeȱswaerdtȱder ellenden,ȱ1660

622

Illustrations

Fig.ȱ10:ȱAnonymous,ȱTrijnȱvanȱLeemput,ȱIllustrationȱfromȱJohanȱvanȱBeverwijck’s VanȱdeȱWtnementheytȱdesȱVrouwelickenȱGeslachtsȱVerciertȱmetȱHistoryen,ȱendeȱkopere Platen;ȱalsȱoockȱLatijnsche,ȱendeȱNederlanscheȱVerssenȱvanȱMr.ȱCorn.ȱBoy,ȱ1643 Fig.ȱ11:ȱAnonymous,ȱTrijnȱvanȱLeemput,ȱCentraalȱMuseum,ȱUtrecht Fig.ȱ12:ȱCornelisȱDroochsloot,ȱTrijnȱvanȱLeemput,ȱCentraalȱMuseum,ȱUtrecht Fig.ȱ13:ȱAnonymous,ȱTrijnȱRembrands,ȱStedelijkȱMuseum,ȱAlkmaar Fig.ȱ14:ȱAnonymous,ȱAmsterdamȱHeroines,ȱIllustrationȱfromȱJohanȱvanȱBeverwijck’s VanȱdeȱWtnementheytȱdesȱVrouwelickenȱGeslachtsȱVerciertȱmetȱHistoryen,ȱendeȱkopere Platen;ȱalsȱoockȱLatijnsche,ȱendeȱNederlanscheȱVerssenȱvanȱMr.ȱCorn.ȱBoy,ȱ1643 Fig.ȱ15:ȱAnnaȱMariaȱvanȱSchurman,ȱAfterȱaȱSelfȱPortrait,ȱIllustrationȱfromȱJacobȱCats, Alleȱ deȱ Wercken,ȱ Soȱ oudenȱ alsȱ nieuwe,ȱ vanȱ deȱ Heerȱ Iacobȱ Cats,ȱ Ridder,ȱ oudt RaedtpensionarisȱvanȱHollandt,ȱ&c.,ȱ1655 Fig.ȱ 16:ȱ Samuelȱ vanȱ Hoogstratenȱ Margaretaȱ Godewijk,ȱ Afterȱ aȱ Selfȱ Portrait, IllustrationȱfromȱMatthijsȱvanȱBalen’sȱBeschrijvingeȱderȱstadȱDordrecht,ȱvervatende haarȱ begin,ȱ opkomst,ȱ toeneming,ȱ enȱ verdereȱ stant:ȱ opgezocht,ȱ inȱ ȇtlichtȱ gebracht,ȱ en vertoond,ȱmetȱveleȱvoornameȱvoorrechten,ȱhandȬvesten,ȱkeuren,ȱenȱoudeȱherkomen;ȱals medeȱeenȱverzamelingȱvanȱeenigeȱgeslachtboomen,ȱderȱadelijke,ȱaalȬoude,ȱenȱaanzienlijke heerenȬgeslachtenȱ van,ȱ enȱ in,ȱ Dordrecht,ȱ enz.;ȱ zijndeȱ derȱ voornoemdeȱ beschrijvinge, gecierd,ȱenȱverrijkt,ȱmetȱverscheijdeȱkopreȱkonstȬplaten,ȱ1677

Contributors

GeorgeȱArabatzis,ȱPh.ȱD.ȱinȱPhilosophyȱ(1995),ȱisȱAssistantȱDirectorȱofȱStudiesȱat theȱResearchȱCentreȱonȱGreekȱPhilosophyȱofȱtheȱAcademyȱofȱAthensȱandȱhasȱbeen recentlyȱelectedȱAssistantȱProfessorȱofȱByzantineȱPhilosophyȱinȱtheȱPhilosophical Departmentȱ ofȱ theȱ Universityȱ ofȱ Athens.ȱ Heȱ studiedȱ atȱ theȱ Universitéȱ Parisȱ 1Ȭ PanthéonȬSorbonneȱandȱtheȱÉcoleȱdeȱHautesȱÉtudesȱenȱSciencesȱSocialesȱinȱParis, France.ȱ Heȱ hasȱ beenȱ Fellowȱ researcherȱ atȱ Princetonȱ Universityȱ andȱ atȱ the Universityȱ ofȱ Texasȱ atȱ Austin.ȱ Heȱ authoredȱ theȱ booksȱ Éthiqueȱ duȱ bonheurȱ et orthodoxieȱ àȱ Byzanceȱ (IVeȬXIIeȱ s.)ȱ (1998)ȱ andȱ Paideiaȱ andȱ Epistemeȱ inȱ Michaelȱ of Ephesus.ȱInȱdeȱpart.ȱanim.ȱ1,3Ȭ2,10ȱ(inȱGreek)ȱ(2006),ȱalongȱwithȱnumerousȱarticles andȱchaptersȱinȱbooksȱonȱByzantineȱphilosophyȱandȱcultureȱinȱEnglish,ȱFrench, andȱGreek. Andrewȱ Breezeȱ (b.ȱ 1954),ȱ FRHistS,ȱ FSA,ȱ wasȱ educatedȱ atȱ theȱ Universitiesȱ of OxfordȱandȱCambridge,ȱandȱhasȱtaughtȱsinceȱ1987ȱatȱtheȱUniversityȱofȱNavarre, Pamplona.ȱMarriedȱwithȱsixȱchildren,ȱheȱisȱtheȱauthorȱofȱMedievalȱWelshȱLiterature (Dublin:ȱFourȱCourts,ȱ1997),ȱTheȱMaryȱofȱtheȱCeltsȱ(Leominster:ȱGracewing,ȱ2008), and,ȱ mostȱ controversially,ȱ Theȱ Originsȱ ofȱ theȱ ‘Fourȱ Branchesȱ ofȱ theȱ Mabinogi’ (Leominster:ȱGracewing,ȱ2009).ȱHeȱhasȱpublishedȱmanyȱpapersȱonȱEnglishȱand Celticȱphilology,ȱandȱisȱcoȬauthorȱwithȱProfessorȱRichardȱCoatesȱofȱCelticȱVoices, Englishȱ Placesȱ (Stamford:ȱ Shaunȱ Tyas,ȱ 2000),ȱ aȱ surveyȱ ofȱ theȱ Celticȱ elementȱ in EnglishȱplaceȬnames. JohnȱCampbellȱisȱProfessorȱofȱFrenchȱatȱtheȱUniversityȱofȱGlasgow.ȱAȱformer editorȱofȱSeventeenthȬCenturyȱFrenchȱStudies,ȱheȱhasȱwrittenȱonȱFrenchȱseventeenthȬ centuryȱ literature,ȱ comparativeȱ literature,ȱ andȱ contemporaryȱ France.ȱ His publicationsȱincludeȱRacine’sȱ‘Britannicus’ȱ(1990),ȱQuestionsȱofȱInterpretationȱinȱ‘La PrincesseȱdeȱClèves’ȱ(1996),ȱChristineȱdeȱPizanȱ2000ȱ(editor,ȱwithȱNadiaȱMargolis, 2000),ȱandȱQuestioningȱRacinianȱTragedyȱ(2005).ȱRecentȱworkȱhasȱbeenȱonȱVoltaire andȱRacineȱ(e.g.,ȱMLR,ȱ2009).ȱHeȱisȱChevalierȱdesȱArtsȱetȱdesȱLettresȱ(2004)ȱandȱOfficier desȱPalmesȱAcadémiquesȱ(2009). DenisȱCaseyȱisȱanȱhonoraryȱresearchȱassociateȱandȱteachesȱatȱtheȱDepartmentȱof AngloȬSaxon,ȱNorseȱandȱCeltic,ȱCambridgeȱUniversity,ȱwhereȱheȱcompletedȱhis

624

Contributors

Ph.D.ȱonȱtheȱexerciseȱofȱroyalȱpowerȱinȱearlyȱmedievalȱIrelandȱ(2009).ȱȱHeȱhas previouslyȱbeenȱaȱresearchȱassociateȱonȱtheȱParkerȱLibraryȱonȱtheȱWebȱmanuscript digitisationȱprojectȱandȱanȱhonoraryȱresearchȱfellowȱatȱMarsh’sȱLibrary,ȱDublin.ȱ Heȱhasȱpublishedȱonȱaȱvarietyȱofȱtopicsȱrelatingȱtoȱmedievalȱpolitical,ȱecclesiastical, literary,ȱandȱeconomicȱhistoryȱandȱrecentlyȱwonȱtheȱIrishȱChiefs’ȱEssayȱPrizeȱ(2010).ȱ HeȱalsoȱholdsȱaȱB.A.ȱinȱHistoryȱ(Modeȱ1)ȱandȱanȱM.A.ȱinȱMedievalȱStudiesȱfromȱthe UniversityȱCollegeȱDublin. AlbrechtȱClassenȱisȱUniversityȱDistinguishedȱProfessorȱofȱGermanȱStudiesȱatȱThe Universityȱ ofȱ Arizona.ȱ Heȱ hasȱ publishedȱ moreȱ thanȱ sixtyȱ scholarlyȱ booksȱ on medievalȱandȱearlyȱmodernȱGermanȱandȱEuropeanȱliteratureȱandȱculture.ȱMost recently,ȱheȱeditedȱtheȱthreeȬvolumeȱHandbookȱofȱMedievalȱStudiesȱ(2010),ȱaȱvolume onȱ Laughterȱ inȱ theȱ Middleȱ Agesȱ andȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ Timeȱ (2010),ȱ andȱ aȱ volumeȱ on FriendshipȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱAgeȱ(2010).ȱOtherȱtitlesȱwere,ȱfor example,ȱ Theȱ Powerȱ ofȱ aȱ Woman’sȱ Voiceȱ inȱ Medievalȱ andȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ Literature (2007);ȱTheȱMedievalȱChastityȱBelt:ȱAȱMythȬMakingȱProcessȱ(2007);ȱWordsȱofȱLoveȱand LoveȱofȱWordsȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱtheȱRenaissanceȱ(ed.,ȱ2008),ȱDeutscheȱSchwankȬ literaturȱdesȱ16.ȱJahrhunderts:ȱStudienȱzuȱMartinȱMontanus,ȱHansȱWilhelmȱKirchhofȱund Michaelȱ Lindenerȱ (2009),ȱ andȱ Liedȱ undȱ Liederbuchȱ inȱ derȱ Frühenȱ Neuzeitȱ (2010).ȱ A volumeȱonȱGesundheitȱundȱKrankheitȱimȱ16.ȱJahrhundertȱandȱaȱmonographȱonȱSexual ViolenceȱandȱRapeȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱareȱforthcoming.ȱHeȱisȱcurrentlyȱalsoȱreadying aȱmonographȱonȱsexȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱforȱpublication.ȱClassenȱisȱtheȱeditorȱofȱthe journalsȱTristaniaȱandȱMediaevistik.ȱInȱ2004ȱtheȱGermanȱgovernmentȱbestowedȱthe OrderȱofȱMeritȱ(BundesverdienstkreuzȱamȱBand)ȱuponȱhim;ȱinȱ2008ȱheȱwonȱthe Henryȱ&ȱPhyllisȱKofflerȱPrizeȱforȱResearchȱ(UniversityȱofȱArizona),ȱandȱinȱ2009ȱhe receivedȱtheȱFiveȱStarȱFacultyȱ Award.ȱHeȱȱisȱtheȱcurrentȱViceȱPresidentȱ ofȱ the RockyȱMountainȱMLAȱ(Presidentȱinȱ2012). CarolynȱP.ȱColletteȱisȱProfessorȱEmeritaȱofȱEnglishȱLanguageȱandȱLiteratureȱat Mountȱ Holyokeȱ Collegeȱ andȱ aȱ researchȱ associateȱ atȱ theȱ Centreȱ forȱ Medieval StudiesȱatȱtheȱUniversityȱofȱYorkȱinȱEngland.ȱHerȱrecentȱresearchȱhasȱfocusedȱon lateȱfourteenthȬcenturyȱAngloȬFrenchȱcourtȱculture,ȱtheȱvernacularȱlanguagesȱof England,ȱandȱEurope’sȱrelationshipȱwithȱtheȱEasternȱMediterranean,ȱparticularly Armenia.ȱȱHerȱrecentȱpublicationsȱincludeȱ“Aristotle,ȱTranslationȱandȱtheȱMean: ShapingȱtheȱVernacularȱinȱLateȱMedievalȱAngloȬFrenchȱCulture,”ȱLanguageȱand Cultureȱ inȱ Medievalȱ Britain:ȱ Theȱ Frenchȱ ofȱ England,ȱ c.ȱ 1100Ȭ1500,ȱ editedȱ by JocelynWoganȬBrowne,ȱ withȱ Carolynȱ Collette,ȱ Maryanneȱ Kowaleski,ȱ Linne Mooney,ȱAdȱPutter,ȱandȱDavidȱTrotterȱ(Boydell,ȱ2009),ȱ“TopicalȱandȱTropological Gower:ȱInvokingȱArmeniaȱinȱtheȱConfessioȱAmantis,ȱJohnȱGower,ȱTrilingualȱPoet: Language,ȱTranslation,ȱandȱTradition,ȱed.ȱElisabethȱDuttonȱȱwithȱJohnȱHinesȱandȱR. F.ȱYeagerȱ(D.ȱS.ȱBrewer,ȱ2010),ȱȱandȱTheȱLaterȱMiddleȱAges:ȱAȱSourcebook,ȱcoȬed.ȱwith

Contributors

625

HaroldȱGarrettȬGoodyear,ȱinȱPalgraveȱSourcebooksȱSeries,ȱed.ȱȱStevenȱMatthews (PalgraveȱMacmillan,ȱ2010).ȱȱ CharlesȱW.ȱConnellȱreceivedȱhisȱPhDȱinȱHistoryȱfromȱRutgersȱUniversityȱandȱis currentlyȱProfessorȱandȱChairȱofȱHistoryȱatȱNorthernȱArizonaȱUniversity.ȱȱPrior toȱresumingȱfullȬtimeȱteachingȱandȱresearchȱatȱNAUȱinȱ2000,ȱheȱservedȱasȱProvost atȱNAUȱfromȱ1995–1999;ȱasȱSeniorȱVPȱforȱAcademicȱAffairsȱatȱtheȱUniversityȱof SouthȱAlabamaȱ(1991–1995);ȱand,ȱinȱseveralȱacademicȱadministrativeȱpositionsȱat ASUȱfromȱ1986–1991.ȱHisȱresearchȱandȱpublicationȱareȱbasedȱinȱintellectualȱand culturalȱhistory,ȱandȱinȱmostȱrecentlyȱheȱpublishedȱarticlesȱsuchȱasȱ“FromȱSpiritual NecessityȱtoȱInstrumentȱofȱTorture:ȱȱWaterȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges”ȱ(2009),ȱandȱthree forthcomingȱarticles:ȱ“TheȱVoiceȱofȱtheȱPoorȱandȱtheȱTinȱEarȱofȱNineteenthȬCenȬ turyȱEnglishȱMedievalism;”ȱȱ“OriginsȱofȱMedievalȱPublicȱOpinionȱinȱtheȱPeaceȱof GodȱMovement;”ȱand,ȱ“IssuesȱofȱHumanityȱinȱtheȱRhetoricȱofȱCrusadeȱPreaching.”ȱ ȱJohnȱA.ȱDempseyȱisȱAssistantȱProfessorȱofȱHistoryȱatȱWestfieldȱStateȱUniversity inȱWestfieldȱMassachusettsȱUSA.ȱHisȱdoctoralȱdissertationȱexaminedȱtheȱlifeȱand timesȱofȱBishopȱBonizoȱofȱSutriȱ(BostonȱUniversity:ȱ2006).ȱHeȱisȱcurrentlyȱworking onȱaȱbiographyȱofȱBonizo.ȱDr.ȱDempsey’sȱbroaderȱresearchȱinterestsȱinȱmedieval historyȱincludeȱtheȱecclesiasticalȱreformȱmovementȱofȱtheȱeleventhȱcenturyȱand popularȱreligiousȱmovements.ȱHeȱisȱalsoȱaȱstudentȱofȱsportsȱinȱWorldȱHistoryȱand isȱatȱworkȱonȱaȱmonographȱexaminingȱtheȱreligiousȱoriginsȱofȱsport. YuriȱFuwaȱisȱProfessorȱofȱEnglishȱatȱKeioȱUniversity,ȱJapan.ȱHerȱinterestȱliesȱin medievalȱ Arthurianȱ literatureȱ asȱ wellȱ asȱ Tennysonȱ andȱ medievalismȱ inȱ the eighteenthȱandȱnineteenthȱcenturies.ȱCurrentlyȱsheȱisȱpreparingȱaȱreprintȱofȱearly editionsȱ ofȱ Malory’sȱ Morteȱ Darthurȱ whichȱ willȱ beȱ publishedȱ inȱ andȱ outsideȱ of Japan.ȱ Herȱ publicationsȱ includeȱ “Anȱ ‘Unhappy’ȱ Hero?ȱ Mordred,ȱ Arthur’s IncestuousȱSon,”ȱIRISȱ23ȱ(Grenoble,ȱ2002):ȱ27–36;ȱandȱ“Malory’sȱMorteȱDarthurȱin Tennyson’sȱLibrary”ȱStudiesȱinȱMedievalismȱ4ȱ(Cambridge,ȱ1992),ȱ165–69. JoanȱTaskerȱGrimbertȱisȱProfessorȱofȱFrenchȱandȱMedievalȱStudiesȱandȱformer Chairȱ ofȱ theȱ Departmentȱ ofȱ Modernȱ Languagesȱ &ȱ Literaturesȱ atȱ Theȱ Catholic UniversityȱofȱAmericaȱ(Washington,ȱDC).ȱSheȱisȱalsoȱtheȱinternationalȱtreasurerȱof theȱInternationalȱArthurianȱSociety.ȱSheȱearnedȱaȱPh.D.ȱinȱRomanceȱPhilologyȱat theȱUniversityȱofȱChicagoȱandȱsubsequentlyȱtaughtȱatȱHollinsȱCollegeȱandȱthe UniversityȱofȱOklahoma.ȱAȱspecialistȱinȱmedievalȱFrenchȱlanguageȱandȱliterature, sheȱhasȱpublishedȱchieflyȱonȱromanceȱbutȱalsoȱonȱOldȱFrenchȱandȱOldȱOccitan lyric.ȱHerȱbookȱpublicationsȱincludeȱ‘Yvain’ȱdansȱleȱmiroir:ȱuneȱpoétiqueȱdeȱl’ambiguïté dansȱleȱ‘Chevalierȱauȱlion’ȱdeȱChrétienȱdeȱTroyesȱ(1988),ȱTristanȱandȱIsolde:ȱAȱCasebook (1995;ȱ2002),ȱPhilologiesȱOldȱandȱNew:ȱEssaysȱinȱHonorȱofȱPeterȱFlorianȱDembowski

626

Contributors

(2001),ȱ Songsȱ ofȱ theȱ Womenȱ Trouvèresȱ (2001),ȱ Aȱ Companionȱ toȱ Chrétienȱ deȱ Troyes (2005),ȱandȱChrétienȱdeȱTroyesȱinȱProse:ȱTheȱBurgundianȱVersionsȱofȱErecȱandȱCligés (2011).ȱ Sheȱ hasȱ alsoȱ publishedȱ numerousȱ bookȱ chaptersȱ andȱ journalȱ articles, primarilyȱonȱChrétienȱdeȱTroyes,ȱArthurianȱfilm,ȱandȱtheȱTristanȱlegend. Heidiȱ J.ȱ Holderȱ isȱ Visitingȱ Associateȱ Professorȱ ofȱ Englishȱ atȱ Mountȱ Holyoke College.ȱWithȱresearchȱinterestsȱcenteringȱonȱtheaterȱhistoryȱandȱVictorianȱstudies, sheȱhasȱpublishedȱinȱsuchȱjournalsȱasȱTheatreȱHistoryȱStudies,ȱEssaysȱinȱTheatre,ȱand theȱJournalȱofȱModernȱLiterature.ȱCoȬeditorȱofȱaȱspecialȱsesquicentennialȱissueȱofȱthe ShawȱAnnualȱinȱ2006,ȱsheȱisȱnowȱcompletingȱanȱanthologyȱforȱBroadviewȱPress, Playsȱ fromȱ theȱ WorkingȬClassȱ Theatersȱ ofȱ Victorianȱ London.ȱ Herȱ currentȱ research focusesȱonȱtheȱdramaȱofȱLondon’sȱworkingȬclassȱEastȱEnd. AngusȱKennedy,ȱbornȱ9ȱAugustȱ1940,ȱPortȱCharlotte,ȱIsleȱofȱIslay,ȱScotland.ȱM.A. ClassȱIȱinȱFrenchȱandȱGerman,ȱUniversityȱofȱGlasgowȱ1963;ȱPh.D.ȱGlasgow,ȱ1969. Academicȱcareer:ȱUniversityȱofȱGlasgowȱ1965Ȭ2003,ȱretiringȱasȱStevensonȱProfessor ofȱFrenchȱLanguageȱandȱLiterature.ȱMainȱpublicationsȱonȱ(a)ȱFrenchȱArthurian Literature;ȱ(b)ȱChristineȱdeȱPizanȱandȱEarlyȱHumanismȱinȱFrance.ȱCreatedȱOfficier, thenȱCommandeur,ȱdansȱl’ȱOrdreȱdesȱPalmesȱAcadémiquesȱ(6ȱAugustȱ1991,ȱand 27ȱNovemberȱ2001);ȱChevalierȱdansȱl’OrdreȱdesȱArtsȱetȱdesȱLettresȱ(23ȱFebruary 2004),ȱ forȱ servicesȱ toȱ Frenchȱ culture.ȱ Formerȱ Bibliographicalȱ Secretaryȱ and SecretaryȱofȱtheȱBritishȱBranchȱofȱtheȱInternationalȱArthurianȱSociety.ȱEuropean PresidentȱofȱtheȱInternationalȱChristineȱdeȱPizanȱSocietyȱ2000Ȭ2003.ȱForȱfurther details,ȱseeȱChristineȱdeȱPizanȱ2000:ȱStudiesȱinȱHonourȱofȱAngusȱJ.ȱKennedy,ȱed.ȱJohn CampbellȱandȱNadiaȱMargolisȱ(Amsterdam:ȱRodopi,ȱ2000). ZanȱKocherȱisȱAssociateȱProfessorȱofȱFrenchȱandȱFrancophoneȱstudiesȱandȱCollege ofȱ Liberalȱ Arts/ȱ BORSFȱ Professorȱ inȱ Francophoneȱ Studiesȱ atȱ theȱ Universityȱ of LouisianaȱatȱLafayette.ȱHeȱisȱtheȱauthorȱofȱAllegoriesȱofȱLoveȱinȱMargueriteȱPoreteȇs MirrorȱofȱSimpleȱSoulsȱ(Turnhout:ȱBrepolsȱPublishers,ȱ2009),ȱandȱofȱaȱvarietyȱof articlesȱ onȱ religiousȱ andȱ secularȱ literaturesȱ ofȱ ȱ medievalȱ Francophoneȱ Europe, particularlyȱOldȱFrenchȱromances. Glennȱ Kumheraȱ teachesȱ medievalȱ andȱ earlyȱ modernȱ historyȱ atȱ Ashland UniversityȱinȱAshland,ȱOhio.ȱHeȱreceivedȱhisȱPh.D.ȱfromȱtheȱUniversityȱofȱChicago (2005)ȱwithȱaȱdissertationȱonȱMakingȱPeaceȱinȱMedievalȱSiena,ȱ1280–1400.ȱThisȱwas aȱstudyȱofȱtheȱuseȱofȱprivateȱpeaceȱagreementsȱandȱtheȱroleȱofȱviolenceȬprevention inȱtheȱextensionȱofȱtheȱauthorityȱofȱtheȱmedievalȱstate.ȱHeȱisȱcurrentlyȱcompleting anȱarticleȱonȱpeacemakingȱritualsȱinȱTrecentoȱandȱQuattrocentoȱItalyȱandȱonȱthe linksȱbetweenȱpenanceȱandȱvengeanceȱinȱthoseȱrituals.ȱHisȱnextȱproject,ȱforȱwhich

Contributors

627

heȱ recentlyȱ receivedȱ aȱ Renaissanceȱ Societyȱ ofȱ Americaȱ grant,ȱ isȱ aȱ studyȱ of amnestiesȱgrantedȱtoȱcriminalsȱinȱRenaissanceȱItaly. Nadiaȱ Margolisȱ (b.ȱ 1949,ȱ NeuillyȬsurȬSeine,ȱ France)ȱ wasȱ educatedȱ atȱ the UniversitiesȱofȱNewȱHampshireȱ(B.ȱA.),ȱDijon,ȱandȱParisȱ(E.P.H.E.),ȱreceivingȱher Ph.D.ȱ inȱ Frenchȱ atȱ Stanford.ȱ Herȱ primaryȱ researchȱ interestsȱ haveȱ centeredȱ on medievalȱwomen,ȱespeciallyȱChristineȱdeȱPizanȱandȱJoanȱofȱArcȱonȱwhomȱsheȱhas publishedȱ variousȱ studiesȱ andȱ translations,ȱ includingȱ Joanȱ ofȱ Arcȱ inȱ History, Literatureȱ andȱ Filmȱ (1990),ȱ coȬtranslatedȱ Theȱ Dukeȱ ofȱ Trueȱ Loversȱ (withȱ Thelma Fenster,ȱ1991),ȱcoȬeditedȱChristineȱdeȱPizanȱ2000ȱ(withȱJohnȱCampbell,ȱ2000)ȱand MedievalȱWomen:ȱAnȱEncyclopediaȱ(withȱKatharinaȱWilson,ȱ2004);ȱherȱgeneralȱstudy, AnȱIntroductionȱtoȱChristineȱdeȱPizan,ȱwillȱappearȱinȱSpringȱ2011.ȱSheȱhasȱtaught Frenchȱ andȱ medievalȱ toȱ earlyȱ modernȱ literatureȱ atȱ severalȱ institutionsȱ andȱ is currentlyȱVisitingȱProfessorȱinȱFrenchȱandȱMedievalȱStudiesȱatȱMountȱHolyoke College,ȱinȱSouthȱHadley,ȱMA,ȱUSA. Williamȱ C.ȱ McDonaldȱ isȱ Professorȱ ofȱ Germanȱ atȱ theȱ Universityȱ ofȱ Virginia. WidelyȱpublishedȱonȱArthurianȱandȱTristanȱliterature,ȱheȱhasȱalsoȱinvestigatedȱlate medievalȱGermanȱliteratureȱinȱdepth.ȱFormerȱeditorȱofȱtheȱjournalȱFifteenthȬCentury Studies,ȱ heȱ returnsȱ inȱ thisȱ essayȱ toȱ thatȱ centuryȱ andȱ toȱ aȱ poetȱ toȱ whomȱ heȱ has devotedȱmuchȱcriticalȱattention:ȱMichelȱBeheim.ȱHisȱbooksȱinclude:ȱWhoseȱBread IȱEat:ȱTheȱSongȬPoetryȱofȱMichelȱBeheimȱ(1981),ȱTheȱTristanȱStoryȱinȱGermanȱLiterature ofȱtheȱLateȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱEarlyȱRenaissance:ȱTraditionȱandȱInnovationȱ(1990),ȱand Arthurȱ andȱ Tristan:ȱ Onȱ theȱ Intersectionȱ ofȱ Legendsȱ inȱ Germanȱ Medievalȱ Literature (1991). JörnȱMünknerȱreceivedȱhisȱM.A.ȱinȱMedievalȱGermanȱLiteratureȱandȱAmerican StudiesȱfromȱtheȱHumboldtȬUniversitätȱzuȱBerlin;ȱfromȱ1999Ȭ2001ȱheȱwasȱlecturer ofȱ theȱ Robertȱ Boschȱ Foundationȱ atȱ universitiesȱ inȱ Polandȱ andȱ Russia;ȱ from 2001Ȭ2007ȱheȱwasȱresearchȱassistantȱatȱtheȱHermannȱvonȱHelmholtzȬȱZentrumȱfür Kulturtechnikȱ inȱ Berlin;ȱ inȱ 2008ȱ heȱ receivedȱ hisȱ Dr.ȱ phil.ȱ fromȱ theȱ HumboldtȬ UniversitätȱzuȱBerlinȱwithȱaȱmediaȬhistoricalȱstudyȱonȱinteractiveȱbroadsheetsȱof theȱearlyȱmodernȱperiod;ȱsinceȱ2008ȱheȱhasȱbeenȱcoordinatorȱofȱtheȱbiȬnational doctoralȱ programȱ “PhDȬNet:ȱ Dasȱ Wissenȱ derȱ Literatur/Theȱ Knowledgeȱ of Literature,”ȱ hostedȱ byȱ theȱ Institutȱ fürȱ deutscheȱ Literaturȱ atȱ theȱ Humboldt UniversitätȱzuȱBerlin.ȱSomeȱofȱhisȱrecentȱpublicationsȱareȱEingreifenȱundȱBegreifen: HandhabungenȱundȱVisualisierungenȱinȱFlugblätternȱderȱFrühenȱNeuzeitȱ(Berlin:ȱErich Schmidtȱ 2008);ȱ “Vonȱ AIDSȱ bisȱ Zombie:ȱ Figurationenȱ desȱ Todesȱ im zeitgenössischenȱComic,”ȱL’artȱmacabre.ȱ10.ȱJahrbuchȱderȱETVȱ(BambergȱETV,ȱ2009), 131–45;ȱandȱ“Handgreiflichesȱ–ȱFlugblätterȱbewegenȱihrȱPublikum,”ȱArbeitskreis BildȱDruckȱPapierȱ13ȱ(Münster:ȱWaxmann,ȱ2009),ȱ45–55.

628

Contributors

MarthaȱMoffittȱPeacockȱisȱProfessorȱofȱArtȱHistoryȱatȱBrighamȱYoungȱUniversity. SheȱreceivedȱherȱPh.D.ȱfromȱTheȱOhioȱStateȱUniversityȱinȱ1989,ȱspecializingȱinȱthe historyȱofȱseventeenthȬcenturyȱDutchȱart.ȱHerȱresearchȱhasȱparticularlyȱcentered onȱtheȱrelationshipȱofȱartȱtoȱtheȱlivesȱofȱwomen—bothȱasȱartistsȱandȱsubjectsȱin art—inȱtheȱDutchȱRepublic.ȱSheȱhasȱpublishedȱaȱnumberȱofȱarticlesȱandȱessaysȱin bothȱ internationalȱ andȱ nationalȱ artȱ historicalȱ journalsȱ andȱ booksȱ including: “DomesticityȱinȱtheȱPublicȱSphere,”ȱSaints,ȱSinners,ȱandȱSisters.ȱGenderȱandȱNorthern ArtȱinȱMedievalȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱEurope,ȱed.ȱJaneȱCarrollȱandȱAlisonȱStewart,ȱ2003; “Hoorndragersȱ andȱ Hennetasters:ȱ Theȱ Oldȱ Impotentȱ Cuckoldȱ asȱ Otherȱ in Netherlandishȱ Artȱ andȱ Farce,”ȱ Oldȱ Ageȱ inȱ theȱ Middleȱ Agesȱ andȱ Renaissance,ȱ ed. AlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ2007;ȱ“EarlyȱModernȱDutchȱWomenȱinȱtheȱCity,”ȱUrbanȱSpaceȱin theȱ Middleȱ Agesȱ andȱ theȱ Earlyȱ Modernȱ Age,ȱ ed.ȱ Albrechtȱ Classen,ȱ 2009;ȱ and “CompatibleȱCharactersȱinȱContrastingȱCultures:ȱHieronymusȱBoschȱandȱJacopo Bellini,”ȱNord/SudȱII,ȱUniversityȱofȱPaduaȱ(ȱ2008).ȱCurrently,ȱsheȱisȱworkingȱonȱa book,ȱHeroines,ȱHarpiesȱandȱHousewives:ȱWomenȱofȱConsequenceȱinȱtheȱDutchȱGolden Age. KirilȱPetkovȱisȱAssociateȱProfessorȱofȱMediterraneanȱHistoryȱatȱtheȱUniversityȱof WisconsinȬRiverȱ Falls.ȱ Heȱ hasȱ publishedȱ severalȱ articlesȱ inȱ medievalȱ Balkan, WesternȱEuropean,ȱandȱLevantineȱhistory,ȱandȱisȱtheȱauthorȱofȱInfidels,ȱTurks,ȱand Women:ȱTheȱSouthȱSlavsȱinȱtheȱGermanȱMindȱ(Frankfurtȱa.ȱM.ȱ,ȱBerlin,ȱandȱBern: PeterȱLang,ȱ1997),ȱTheȱKissȱofȱPeace:ȱRitual,ȱSelf,ȱandȱ SocietyȱinȱtheȱHighȱandȱLate MedievalȱWestȱ(LeidenȱandȱBoston:ȱBrillȱAcademicȱPublishers,ȱ2003),ȱandȱTheȱVoices ofȱMedievalȱBulgaria:ȱSeventhȱ–ȱFifteenthȱCentury:ȱTheȱRecordsȱofȱaȱBygoneȱCulture (LeidenȱandȱBoston:ȱBrillȱAcademicȱPublishers,ȱ2008).ȱHeȱisȱcurrentlyȱengagedȱin aȱstudyȱofȱmiracleȱpietyȱinȱfifteenthȬcenturyȱVenice.ȱȱȱ SeanȱPollackȱteachesȱmedievalȱandȱearlyȱmodernȱEnglishȱliteratureȱatȱPortland StateȱUniversityȱinȱPortland,ȱOregon.ȱHisȱresearchȱcentersȱonȱOldȱEnglishȱpoetry, especiallyȱBeowulfȱandȱtheȱOldȱEnglishȱelegiesȱofȱtheȱExeterȱBookȱmanuscript,ȱand onȱtheȱwaysȱmodernityȱusesȱtheȱmedievalȱpast.ȱHeȱhasȱwrittenȱonȱKingȱAlfred’s Boethius,ȱ “Theȱ Wanderer,”ȱ andȱ mostȱ recentlyȱ publishedȱ anȱ articleȱ onȱ parodic Arthurianȱromance.ȱObtainingȱaȱPh.D.ȱfromȱtheȱUniversityȱofȱMichiganȱinȱ1999, hisȱdissertationȱ(“‘ThyȱBodyȱisȱLikeȱaȱBoke’”:ȱNewȱEnglishȱAudiencesȱandȱLate MedievalȱPassionȱLiterature”)ȱfocusedȱonȱMiddleȱEnglishȱpoeticȱtextsȱandȱsermons thatȱconflateȱimageryȱofȱChristȇsȱbodyȱwithȱbooksȱandȱotherȱtexts.ȱHeȱisȱcurrently writingȱ onȱ theȱ seventeenthȬcenturyȱ poetȱ andȱ earlyȱ Chaucerȱ criticȱ Richard Brathwait.ȱ

Contributors

629

SusanȱSmallȱisȱanȱAssociateȱProfessorȱofȱFrenchȱatȱKing’sȱUniversityȱCollegeȱatȱthe Universityȱ ofȱ Westernȱ Ontario.ȱ Herȱ researchȱ interestsȱ includeȱ medievalȱ skin, metamorphosis,ȱ metaphor,ȱ metonymyȱ andȱ synecdoche,ȱ structuralȱ linguistics, RolandȱBarthes,ȱtheȱGroupeȱΐȱ(GroupeȱdeȱLiège),ȱChrétienȱdeȱTroyesȱandȱMarie deȱ France.ȱ Amongȱ herȱ recentȱ publicationsȱ areȱ “Theȱ Languageȱ ofȱ Philomena’s Lament,”ȱ Lamentsȱ forȱ theȱ Lostȱ inȱ Medievalȱ Literature,ȱ ed.ȱ Janeȱ Tolmie,ȱ andȱ M.ȱ J. Toswellȱ (Amsterdam:ȱ Brepols,ȱ 2010),ȱ 109Ȭ27;ȱ andȱ “Fairyȱ Taleȱ Fashionista,” PostmodernȱReinterpretationsȱofȱFairyȱTales:ȱHowȱApplyingȱNewȱMethodsȱGeneratesȱNew Meanings,ȱed.ȱAnnaȱKérchyȱ(NewȱYorkȱandȱLampeter,ȱCeredigion,ȱUK:ȱTheȱEdwin MellenȱPress,ȱ2011). Benȱ Snookȱ tookȱ hisȱ PhD,ȱ whichȱ heȱ wroteȱ onȱ AngloȬSaxonȱ charters,ȱ fromȱ the UniversityȱofȱCambridgeȱinȱ2009;ȱsinceȱthenȱheȱhasȱworkedȱonȱtheȱ‘Prosopography ofȱ AngloȬSaxonȱ England’ȱ projectȱ atȱ King’sȱ Collegeȱ London.ȱ Heȱ hasȱ taught medievalȱhistoryȱatȱCambridgeȱandȱatȱQueenȱMary,ȱUniversityȱofȱLondon.ȱHeȱhas publishedȱaȱseriesȱofȱarticlesȱonȱtheȱcultural,ȱintellectual,ȱandȱpoliticalȱhistoryȱof EnglandȱandȱScandinaviaȱinȱtheȱearlyȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱalsoȱhasȱactiveȱresearch interestsȱinȱOldȱEnglishȱandȱAngloȬLatinȱliterature. ScottȱL.ȱTaylor,ȱPh.D.,ȱJ.D.,ȱisȱaȱretiredȱattorney,ȱcurrentlyȱteachingȱhistoryȱand politicalȱscienceȱatȱPimaȱCommunityȱCollege,ȱTucson,ȱArizona.ȱȱHeȱhasȱauthored aȱnumberȱofȱpapersȱandȱarticlesȱdealingȱwithȱaspectsȱofȱmedievalȱlaw,ȱincluding “LawyersȱonȱtheȱMargins:ȱGenderedȱImagesȱofȱtheȱLegalȱVocationȱinȱMedieval France,”ȱ75thȱannualȱmeetingȱofȱtheȱMedievalȱAcademyȱofȱAmerica,ȱAustin,ȱTexas, Aprilȱ13Ȭ16,ȱ2000,ȱandȱ“Reason,ȱRhetoricȱandȱRedemption:ȱȱTheȱTeachingȱofȱLaw andȱ theȱ Planctusȱ Mariaeȱ inȱ theȱ Lateȱ Middleȱ Ages,”ȱ 20thȱ annualȱ Middleȱ Ages Conference,ȱ Fordhamȱ University,ȱ Marchȱ 24Ȭ25,ȱ 2000,ȱ publishedȱ inȱ Medieval Education,ȱed.ȱRonaldȱB.ȱBegleyȱandȱJosephȱW.ȱKoterski,ȱS.J.ȱȱFordhamȱSeriesȱin MedievalȱStudies,ȱ4ȱ(NewȱYork:ȱFordhamȱUniversityȱPress,ȱ2005),ȱasȱwellȱasȱhis dissertation,ȱ“MaryȱBetweenȱGodȱandȱtheȱDevil:ȱȱJurisprudence,ȱTheologyȱand SatireȱinȱBartoloȱofȱSassoferrato’sȱProcessusȱSathaneȱ(UniversityȱofȱArizona,ȱ2005).ȱ Hisȱ reviewsȱ haveȱ appearedȱ inȱ Theologicalȱ Studies,ȱ andȱ heȱ hasȱ contributedȱ toȱ a numberȱofȱotherȱDeȱGruyterȱpublications,ȱincludingȱOldȱAgeȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges: InterdisciplinaryȱApproachesȱtoȱaȱNeglectedȱTopic,ȱed.ȱAlbrechtȱClassen,ȱ2007,ȱLaughter inȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱTimes,ȱed.ȱAlbrechtȱ Classen,ȱ2010,ȱȱseveral entries,ȱincludingȱthoseȱonȱmedievalȱlawȱandȱpoliticalȱtheoryȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAges, inȱ theȱ Handbookȱ ofȱ Medievalȱ Studies,ȱ ed.ȱ Albrechtȱ Classenȱ (2010),ȱ andȱ the forthcomingȱCrimeȱandȱPunishmentȱinȱtheȱMiddleȱAgesȱandȱEarlyȱModernȱTimes,ȱed. AlbrechtȱClassenȱandȱConnieȱScarborough.

Index

AbsalomȱandȱSamson 433 Achab 552–53 Achaia 294,ȱ296, ȱ299–301,ȱ303,ȱ307,ȱ309 Achilles 473 Adȱamicum 53–54 AdȱHenricumȱIVȱimperatoremȱ libriȱVIIȱ 220,ȱ232 AdemarȱofȱChabannes 175,ȱ 180,ȱ182,ȱ189 AdrianȱIV 87 Adultery 287 ÁedȱmacȱNéillȱmeicȱMaílȱ Shechnaill 205 ÁedȱOirdnide 205 Afghanistan 7–9 Agamemnon 543–45 Agincourt 398 Ailill 197 AireȬsurȬlaȬLys 190 Airgíalla 198,ȱ200–01 AlanȱofȱLille 29 ȱAlanusȱAnglicus 92 Alberti 495 Albigensianȱcrusades 90 AlbrechtȱAlcibiades,ȱMargraveȱ 70, ȱ523–24,ȱ538 AlexanderȱtheȱGreat 415,ȱ482 AlexanderȱII 87,ȱ88 AlfredȱtheȱAtheling 86 Alfred 604 Alier,ȱCount 448 Alix 445–50,ȱ452,ȱ456–57,ȱ461–62

Alixandre 445–49,ȱ461 Alkmaar 561,ȱ572–74,ȱ595 AllȱTheȱPrettyȱHorses 121 AlliterativeȱMorteȱArthure 350,ȱ353, ȱ354,ȱ361–62,ȱ368,ȱ372 Alsace 548 Amalekites 551 Amanȱ(Haman) 550 Amazons 557,ȱ566–68,ȱ574,ȱ575 Ambrose,ȱbishopȱofȱMilan 112, ȱ484–85 America 194,ȱ393–94 AmiȱetȱAmile 279 amici 347,ȱ348 amicitia 190 Ampzing,ȱSamuel 566 Amsterdam 566–67,ȱ570,ȱ574–76, 580,ȱ585–87,ȱ589–90,ȱ596 Anabaptists 530 AndrewȱofȱStrumi 220 AndrewȱofȱFleury 174–75,ȱ179 Andromaque 543,ȱ544 anger 427–34,ȱ438–40,ȱ442 AngloȬIrish 194,ȱ201,ȱ210, ȱ211,ȱ213–14,ȱ216 AngloȬSaxon 122,ȱ127,ȱ143, ȱ149–50,ȱ152 AngloȬSaxonȱChronicle 216 Angrés 261,ȱ270,ȱ445 Anmcharaeȱ(confessor) 202 AnnalsȱofȱConnacht 196,ȱ211 AnnalsȱofȱtheȱFourȱMasters 198,ȱ204 AnnalsȱofȱInisfallen 196,ȱ203

632 AnselmȱIIȱofȱLucca

Index 219,ȱ223, ȱ224,ȱ240 88 403 550 561,ȱ580 473–75

AnselmȱofȱCanterbury AnthonyȱofȱBurgundy AntiȬSemitism Antwerp Apostolis,ȱArsenios Aquinas,ȱseeȱThomas Arcerius,ȱJohannes 562 Archadés 448,ȱ451–53 architecturaȱcivilisȱ andȱmilitaris 493 Argos 295,ȱ300,ȱ303 ArialdȱofȱVarese 218,ȱ220,ȱ222,ȱ227 Aristotle 30 Aristotle 380,ȱ387,ȱ429 Armagh 193,ȱ210 Armenia 378 arsȱfortificatoria 492,ȱ499 arsȱdictaminis 406 arteficei 495 Artemis 545 artesȱmilitares 492 Arthur 444–48,ȱ456 Arthur 353–59,ȱ361,ȱ363–68, ȱ371,ȱ373–76 artillery 444,ȱ449 Artois 444–45 Assemblies 213,ȱ216 Assuérus 546,ȱ550 Astley,ȱPhilipȱ 75,ȱ601–03, ȱ607,ȱ610,ȱ614 Astley’sȱAmphitheatre 601,ȱ603, ȱ607,ȱ610 Athalie 72,ȱ542,ȱ545,ȱ552–55 Athens 295–96,ȱ298–301, ȱ304,ȱ306–09 AucassinȱetȱNicolette 14–15 AugsburgȱPeaceȱTreaty 524 Augustine 14,ȱ35,ȱ39,ȱ40,ȱ46,ȱ47, ȱ 49,ȱ82–83,ȱ96–97,ȱ174–77,

ȱ

350–52,ȱ354,ȱ356,ȱ358, ȱ359,ȱ483,ȱ485–89 Austerlitz 492–93 AvignonȱPapacy 369 Ælfric 118,ȱ120 Æneid 543 ÆthelredȱUnræd 36 Baileȱ(village) 202 Bajazet 542 Bakhtin,ȱMikhailȱ 124 Balen,ȱMatthijsȱvan 581 Barak 107 Barbarity 541 BasilȱIV 476 BastionaryȱSystems 69 Bathsheba 407,ȱ415 BattleȱofȱCrécy 257 Beheim,ȱMichel 62,ȱ69–71,ȱ78 Be.mȱplaiȱloȱgaisȱtempsȱ deȱpascor 263 Bendigeidfran 159,ȱ161–67, ȱ169–70 BenedictȱXII,ȱpope 368 Beowulf 11,ȱ12,ȱ33,ȱ48,ȱ49, ȱ121–38,ȱ142–53 Bergamo 339,ȱ340 BernardȱofȱClairvaux 319 Berry,ȱDukeȱof 403–05,ȱ418 BerthaȱvonȱSuttner 64 BertholdȱofȱRegensburg 58, 314,ȱ316 BertranȱdeȱBorn 263–64 Bessarion,ȱCardinal 66,ȱ473–74, ȱ477,ȱ482 Beverwijck,ȱJohanȱvan 559 Bible 110,ȱ116 Bie,ȱCornelisȱde 580 Billeting 51–52, ȱ193–207,ȱ209–13,ȱ215 Billy,ȱtheȱ“LittleȱLearnedȱ MilitaryȱHorse” 603–04,

Index ȱ613–14,ȱ617 Bishop 193,ȱ200,ȱ209–10,ȱ216 BlackȱPrince 354,ȱ356,ȱ367 Blanche,ȱQueen 407,ȱ415 Blaxius 344 Blemmydes,ȱNicephore 471 bodyȱpolitic 400–01,ȱ408,ȱ411–12 BohemianȱBrethren 10 Bohemond 471,ȱ479 BonifaceȱVIII 215 BonifaceȱdeȱMonferrat 299 BonizoȱofȱSutri 53 BookȱofȱLeinster 52,ȱ203,ȱ205 Boomkamp,ȱGysbert 573 Bóramaȱ(TheȱCattleȱTribute) 201 Bóroma,ȱBrian 202 Borst,ȱNanningȱGerbrandsz 562 Boudonitza 295,ȱ299 Bourbon,ȱDukeȱofȱ 403–04, ȱ405,ȱ418 Bovet,ȱHonorat 354 Brabant 444 Branwen 158–59,ȱ161,ȱ163–66, ȱ168–70 Brecht,ȱBertolt 45 Bréifne 198,ȱ204–05,ȱ208 Britons 102,ȱ104 Brittain,ȱVera 421 Brittany 461 Britton 90 Buc,ȱPhilippe 293,ȱ310 Buchell,ȱArendȱvan 570 Buchlinȱvonȱdenȱsibenȱtatȱsunden 64 Burgh,ȱRichardȱde 211 Burgundy 443,ȱ445–46,ȱ448 Burgundy,ȱHouseȱofȱ 396,ȱ402 Cabochiens 396 Cador 356 Caernarfon 159,ȱ163,ȱ168 CainȱandȱAbel 133,ȱ138–40 CaithréimȱThoirdhealbhaigh 201

633 Calabria 287–89,ȱ291,ȱ292 Calchas 543–45 Caligula 535 Calveley,ȱSirȱHugh 371 Calvin,ȱJohn 44 Cambini,ȱAndrea 482 Campaigningȱseasons 195 CarintanaȱdalleȱCarceri 294 casemates 496,ȱ499 Cassian,ȱJohn,ȱSaintȱ 65,ȱ431,ȱ441 Caswallawn 166–67 Catanzaro 289 Catastrophe 544 CatholicȱChurch 561,ȱ562 Cats,ȱJacobȱ 559,ȱ580,ȱ597 Cauldronȱofȱrebirth 162 CecchusȱNeriiȱofȱColamagna 344 Celestines,ȱseeȱConventȱofȱthe CenélȱnEógain 197–98,ȱ204 CertȱcechȱRígȱcoȱRéil 205–06 Cesar,ȱJulius 354–56 ChansonȱdeȱRoland 11,ȱ12,ȱ23, ȱ33,ȱ262 Charity 194,ȱ199,ȱ203,ȱ208 Charlemagne 370,ȱ374–75 CharlesȱIV 368,ȱ537 CharlesȱVȱ(ofȱFrance) 377,ȱ382–83, ȱ402,ȱ409,ȱ414 CharlesȱVȱ(ofȱGermany) 473 CharlesȱVIȱ(ofȱFrance) 396,ȱ401, ȱ 402,ȱ404,ȱ406,ȱ411,ȱ414,ȱ418 CharlesȱVIIȱ(ofȱFrance) 472 Charlesȱd’Orléans 402,ȱ421 Chastity 391 Chaucer,ȱGeoffrey 36,ȱ349–50,ȱ368 Chevachee 201 Chevalierȱauȱlion 445,ȱ448 Chivalry 379–81,ȱ383,ȱ384, ȱ386,ȱ389,ȱ393 ChosenȱPeople 546,ȱ550 ChrétienȱdeȱTroyes 54,ȱ254,

634 ȱ256,ȱ258,ȱ268,ȱ274,ȱ281, ȱ 445–46,ȱ448–49 Christ 379,ȱ388,ȱ392,ȱ394 Christianȱsociety 380 Christianȱrulers 441 ChristineȱdeȱPizan 29,ȱ30,ȱ32,ȱ62, ȱ73,ȱ78,ȱ380, ȱ381,ȱ387,ȱ395–424 TheȱChronicle 350,ȱ355 ChronicleȱofȱMorea 56,ȱ297,ȱ299 Chronicles 33,ȱ37,ȱ38 Chronicon 219,ȱ235,ȱ239,ȱ246,ȱ247 ChroniqueȱduȱrègneȱdeȱCharlesȱVIȱ (ReligieuxȱdeȱSaintȬDenys) 401 Chrysoloras,ȱManuel 471,ȱ481 Church 202,ȱ204–10,ȱ212,ȱ216 Cicero 4,ȱ9,ȱ30,ȱ48,ȱ82,ȱ83,ȱ350 Ciosȱcosantaȱ(protectionȱmoney) 210 citatio 337 CityȱonȱaȱHill 389,ȱ393 ClagspruechȱderȱstatȱNürenberg 525 ClementȱVI,ȱPope 473 Clientship 201 Cligés 54–55,ȱ65–66,ȱ254,ȱ256–58, ȱ261–70,ȱ272–75,ȱ443–61 Clonard 205 Clonmacnoise 204–05 Clytemnestre 544–45 Cockaigne 15 CodexȱRegius 151 Coenen,ȱGrietje 562 CogadhȱGáedhelȱreȱGallaibh 197–98,ȱ202 Coignȱandȱlivery 210,ȱ212,ȱ214–15 coinnmheadhȱéiccne 198 Collins,ȱWilkie 611 Colluccio,ȱBenedetto 464 Cologne 450 combat 444–45,ȱ447–49,ȱ451,

Index ȱ453–55,ȱ457–58,ȱ460,ȱ462 “CombatȱdeȱseptȱFrançaisȱ etȱseptȱAnglais”ȱ (ChristineȱdeȱPizan) 396 ComédieȬFrançaise 551 Commentaryȱonȱ theȱMetaphysicsȱofȱAristotle 30 Commodus 536 Commoners 280–81 Communities 278–80,ȱ289,ȱ292 Conaill,ȱCenél 197–98,ȱ204 Conchobor 197,ȱ208,ȱ209 Concordia 381 Congbáilȱ(maintenance) 194 Conmaicne 205 Connacht 196–98,ȱ204,ȱ211 Constantine 358,ȱ359 Constantinople 294,ȱ296,ȱ441, ȱ445–46,ȱ452 ConteȱduȱGraal 448 ContraȱFaustumȱmanichaeum 105,ȱ113,ȱ117 contrada 337 ConventȱofȱtheȱCelestines 384 Conversion 389,ȱ392 Copernicanȱturnȱinȱ theȱarsȱfortificatoria 499 Corinth 111,ȱ300 CormacȱConnȱLongas 197 Cornwallis,ȱGeneral 608 CorpusȱGlossary 119 cosher,ȱcoshery 200,ȱ208 Cotta,ȱErlembald 220,ȱ222, ȱ 223,ȱ226,ȱ230,ȱ235,ȱ238,ȱ252 CouncilȱofȱBlood 560 CountȱBoniface 39 Couples 278,ȱ282 courtlyȱlove 447 Cradawg 164,ȱ166 Cradock 359 Crane,ȱStephen 45

Index Crécy,ȱseeȱBattleȱofȱCrécy CribratioȱAlcorani 477 CríthȱGablach 200 Crowds 280–81 Crucé,ȱEmeric 467,ȱ480 Crucifixion 438 Crusade 3,ȱ6–7,ȱ9,ȱ21,ȱ23, ȱ 61–62,ȱ71,ȱȱ359–60,ȱ365–66, ȱ369–71,ȱ374,ȱ541,ȱ554 Crusius,ȱMartin 482–83 cuddy,ȱcudihie 200 Cuidȱoidhche 200,ȱ208 Cusanus,ȱNicholas 476–77 Damian,ȱPeter 88 Dante 467 Davenant,ȱWilliam 601 David 106–07,ȱ115,ȱ552–55,ȱ568 DavidȱvonȱAugsburg 319 Deȱcivitate/ciuitateȱDeiȱ (Augustine) 39,ȱ103, ȱ 113,ȱ117,ȱ123,ȱ133–35 Deȱcomparationeȱveterisȱetȱ novaeȱRomae 471 DeȱexcidioȱBritanniaeȱ(Gildas) 48,ȱ115 Deȱofficiisȱ(Cicero) 108,ȱ110–12,ȱ117 Deȱofficiisȱministrorumȱ(Cicero) 107,ȱ111–12,ȱ116 Deȱpaceȱfideiȱ(Cusanus) 476 Deȱrepublicaȱ(Cicero) 108,ȱ110,ȱ117–18,ȱ120 Deȱsermoneȱdominiȱ inȱmonteȱ(Augustine) 113 DeȱVirtutibusȱ(AlanȱofȱLille) 30 Deȱspirituȱiraeȱ(JohnȱCassian) 65 deadȱangle 497,ȱ508 Deborah 107,ȱ557 Decalogue 431 DeclarationȱofȱIndependence 194 Decretum 350 defenseȱstrategies 492

635 Delacenserie,ȱLouis 492 Dellaȱorigineȱde’ȱTurchi 482 Demosthenes 473 Denmark 125,ȱ136 Derry 214 Descartes 579 Deschamps,ȱEustache 406 Despenser,ȱSirȱHenry,ȱ BishopȱofȱNorwich 369,ȱ374 Deusȱsabaoth 550 DeutscheȱMythologie 124,ȱ149,ȱ150 Deutschenspiegel 320 Devastation 548 Devil 547,ȱ548 diȱGiorgioȱMartini 495 diagrammaticalȱ‘language’ 499 Dibdin,ȱCharlesȱ 602 Dickens,ȱCharlesȱ 604 Dietrichepik 6 Dioceses 205 Diplomacy 283,ȱ286–87,ȱ444 dismemberment 261,ȱ262 DitiéȱdeȱJehanneȱd’Arcȱ (ChristineȱdeȱPizan) 396, ȱ398,ȱ423 DiuȱKlage 17,ȱ23–25,ȱ61,ȱ522 Dominium 90–94 Donatism 242 Dordrecht 559,ȱ564,ȱ574,ȱ581,ȱ598 Dragon 363–69 Dragonnades 554 Dragoons 601 drawingȱandȱquartering 261–62 Droochsloot,ȱCornelis 572,ȱ594 Duarte 93 Dublin 157,ȱ159 Dubois,ȱPierre 467 Ducrow,ȱAndrew 614,ȱ619 Duibhchiosȱ(blackȱrent) 210 DukeȱofȱAlba 73,ȱ560 DukeȱofȱSully 467,ȱ468,ȱ477,ȱ480

636 DukeȱofȱSaxony

Index 443–44,ȱ447–51, ȱ455,ȱ457,ȱ461 205 215 547 557,ȱ560,ȱ562 277,ȱ279–80 88

Duleek Dungannon Dutchȱwars DutchȱRevolt Dynasties Eadmer Ecgfrith,ȱkingȱofȱ theȱNorthumbrians 104 Edda,ȱseeȱPoeticȱEdda EdwardȱIII 350,ȱ357,ȱ359 EdwardȱIV 214 Efnysien 161,ȱ163 Egyptianȱkings 498 Eisenhower,ȱDwight 3 ekphrasis 267 ElisabethȱofȱtheȱPalatinate 72 Elliott,ȱGranville,ȱGeneral 601 Enemy 554 England 100–01, ȱ108–09,ȱ111,ȱ112,ȱ116–20,ȱ124, ȱ 142,ȱ149,ȱ284,ȱ286,ȱ287 Enlightenment 548,ȱ554 Eparchos,ȱAntonios 473 EpistolaȱMorbisaniȱMagniȱ TurcaeȱadȱPiumȱ PapamȱIIȱ(Mehmed) 480 Epistreȱdeȱlaȱprisonȱdeȱ vieȱhumaineȱ (ChristineȱdeȱPizan) 397,ȱ398–99 Epistreȱaȱlaȱreineȱ (ChristineȱdeȱPizan) 63,ȱ395–424 EpistreȱLamentableȱetȱConsolatoireȱ (PhilippeȱdeȱMézières) 381 EpistreȱOtheaȱ(ChristineȱdeȱPizan) 259,ȱ398–99 ErasmusȱofȱRotterdam 37,ȱ44, ȱ 70,ȱ78,ȱ465–66,ȱ475,ȱ478,ȱ481,ȱ488 Erchantnuzzȱderȱsundȱ 426

ErecȱetȱEnide 55,ȱ281,ȱ445–47 Erec,ȱprose 445 Esther 71–72,ȱ407,ȱ415,ȱ542,ȱ545–55 EstoireȱdeȱGriseldis 383 ÉtienneȱdeȱCastel 406 Etlicheȱvnderricht 68 Etymologiae 48,ȱ108,ȱ113,ȱ114, ȱ117–20 Euboea 294–96,ȱ299–302 EugeniusȱIV,ȱPope 93 Euripides 541,ȱ545 ExeterȱMaxims 123,ȱ138,ȱ139 Exhortatioȱadȱplebemȱchristianam 317 Exiles 197 Extermination 546,ȱ551 Eyck,ȱJanȱvan 65,ȱ444 Faith 546,ȱ548,ȱ552–54 Farley,ȱCharlesȱ 612 Fatality 545 Feasting 199,ȱ201,ȱ212,ȱ213 Fénelon 547–49 Fenice 444,ȱ449–57,ȱ460–62 FerdinandȱI 68 Ferragonis,ȱJohannes 343 Fichet,ȱGuillaume 473–74 Ficino,ȱMarsiglio 464–65 Fielding,ȱHenryȱ 601 Filarete 495 Filelfo,ȱFrancisco 472 Finȱamors 381 FinalȱSolution 550 FirstȱCrusade 172,ȱ177,ȱ178, ȱ184,ȱ190 FirstȱWorldȱWar 7,ȱ517 FlagellumȱChristi 105 Flanders 444–45,ȱ561 Fleta 90 FloireȱetȱBlancheflor 283 Foote,ȱSamuel 601 Foreest,ȱNanningȱvan 572 fortressȱonȱtheȱHohenasperg 506

Index Fortune 397,ȱ407,ȱ413,ȱ415 Foscari,ȱFrancesco,ȱ Venetian,ȱDoge 473–74 FothadȱnaȱCanóine 205 FourȱBranchesȱofȱtheȱMabinogi 49, ȱ 156–58,ȱ169,ȱ170 FourthȱCrusade 294 FourthȱLateranȱCouncil 319 FranceȱinȱanȱUproar 606 France 293–94,ȱ296,ȱ297,ȱ300, ȱ301,ȱ303,ȱ305–06,ȱ310 FrancheȬComté 295 FrancisȱofȱAssisi 14,ȱ78ȱ FranciscoȱdeȱVitoria 81 Frank,ȱSebastian 467,ȱ487 Franks 294–97,ȱ303 FrederickȱIII,ȱEmperorȱ 426,ȱ474–75 Frederick,ȱPrinceȱ 608 Freedom 545,ȱ548 frontier 505 Froschmeuseler 37 gabelle 334,ȱ337,ȱ346 GaelicȱIreland 195,ȱ199,ȱ201,ȱ206, ȱ212–13 Ganelon 262 Gautierȱd’Arras 284 Gauvain 262,ȱ264–66,ȱ448 Gawain 353,ȱ356,ȱ361–63, ȱ372–73,ȱ375 Gelderlandt 574 Gelre,ȱPetrusȱvan 559,ȱ571 Gemistos,ȱIoannesȱ 473,ȱ475–76 Genesis 126 Genoese 295 GeoffreyȱofȱMonmouth 168,ȱ354 GeoffreyȱIȱdeȱVillehardouin 299 GeoffreyȱdeȱBruyères,ȱ lordȱofȱKarytaina 295 GeoffroiȱdeȱCharny 381 GeorgeȱIII 194 GeorgeȱofȱTrebizond 478,ȱ482

637 GeraldȱofȱWales 81,ȱ87–88 GermanȱReich 497,ȱ504 Germany 445,ȱ450 “Gesprechȱvonȱder himelfartȱmargraffȱAlbrechtz” 534–37 Ghezzi,ȱNellus 343 Ghibellines 397 Giacomi,ȱLaurentius 342 Giant 359,ȱ363,ȱ365,ȱ366,ȱ369 Gideon 444 Gilda 48 Gildas 115–17,ȱ167 Gilfaethwy 160,ȱ168 GiovanniȱdaȱGemignano 319 Giovio,ȱPaolo 469 Giulianoȱde’ȱMedici 476 Giustiniani,ȱPaolo 477 Gliglois 278 “GloriaȱinȱExcelsis” 438 Glory 545,ȱ547 Godewijk,ȱMargareta 581,ȱ598 GodfreyȱofȱBouillon 374,ȱ375,ȱ383 Goewin 160 Goliath 106 Gonzini,ȱPietrus 345 GoodbyeȱtoȱAllȱThatȱ (RobertȱGraves) 421 GorusȱAndreiniȱofȱBerardenga 344 Goya,ȱFrancisco 45,ȱ77,ȱ79–80 Gradenigo,ȱMarco 295 Gratian 86–87,ȱ350–53,ȱ355, ȱ356,ȱ363,ȱ485 Graves,ȱRobert 421 Greece 293–98,ȱ300–01,ȱ305 Greekȱempire 446 Greeks 258,ȱ263,ȱ270–72 GregoryȱVII 85,ȱ88 Grimm,ȱJakob 123,ȱ148 Grimmelshausen,ȱJohannȱ JacobȱChristophȱvon 539

638 Groeningen 574 Grosseto 338,ȱ339,ȱ341 Grotius,ȱHugo 44,ȱ465 GruffuddȱapȱCynan 158,ȱ164,ȱ170 GruffyddȱapȱRhys 170 Gryphius,ȱAndreas 33,ȱ70,ȱ523 Guelders 561 Guelphs 397 Guesting 198,ȱ208 GuibertȱofȱTournai 319 GuilelmoȱdaȱVerona 295 Guillaume,Princeȱ 57ȱ GuillaumeȱdeȱTancarville 404 GuillaumeȱdeȱlaȱRoche 296 GuillaumeȱdeȱLorris 525 Guillaume,ȱPrinceȱofȱAchaia 294 Guinevere 361 Guiscard,ȱRichard 85 Guiscard,ȱRobert 85 GuyȱdeȱlaȱRoche 57,ȱ295–97, ȱ299,ȱ302–05,ȱ307–310 Gwenllian 170 Gwern 164–65 Gwydion 160,ȱ168–69 Gwynedd 157–60,ȱ163–64, ȱ166,ȱ168–70 Haarlem 561–70,ȱ572,ȱ574, ȱ576,ȱ581,ȱ588 Hainault 444 HartwigȱvonȱErfurt 318 Hasselaar,ȱSimon 562 Hasselaer,ȱKenauȱSimons 562,ȱ573, ȱ583–90 Heemskerk,ȱMartenȱvan 569 Hegel,ȱG.ȱW.ȱF. 483,ȱ488 HeinrichȱderȱTeichner 316 HeinrichȱvonȱEgwint 318 HeinrichȱvonȱLangenstein 426,ȱ434 HeldrisȱdeȱCornualle 279 helmet 270 HenryȱI 167

Index HenryȱII 87 HenryȱIV 53,ȱ90,ȱ467 HenryȱVIII 36,ȱ214 Herald,ȱChandosȱ 367 heraldry 268 Hercules 473 Heredia,ȱJuanȱFernandezȱde 297 Heretics 426 HermannȱvonȱFritzlar 318 Hesiod 473 HighȱPriest 553–55 “Hildebrandslied” 11,ȱ12,ȱ47 Hippodrama 600,ȱ602–03,ȱ611 HistoireȱdeȱCharlesȱVIȱ (JeanȱJuvénalȱdesȱUrsins) 401 HistoriaȱRegumȱBritanniae 167–68 TheȱHistoryȱofȱtheȱ KingsȱofȱBritain 354 Hoeschel,ȱDavid 483 Hohenasperg,ȱseeȱfortressȱon Holland 444,ȱ560–61,ȱ564–67, ȱ569,ȱ572,ȱ578 Holocaust 551 HolyȱVernacle 358 HolyȱSpirit 433 HolyȱLand 378,ȱ380,ȱ383, ȱ386–88,ȱ391–93 Homer 66,ȱ464 Hooft,ȱPieterȱC. 566 Hoogenberg,ȱRemigius 569,ȱ587 Hooghe,ȱRomeynȱde 569,ȱ590 Hoogstraten,ȱSamuelȱvan 581,ȱ598 horses 161,ȱ163,ȱ169,ȱ170,ȱ 260–63,ȱ265,ȱ271–72 Hospitality 194,ȱ199–201, ȱ203,ȱ208,ȱ212 Hostiensis 92 Houbraken,ȱArnold 580 HueȱdeȱRotelande 284 Hughes,ȱCharlesȱ 602 Huguenots 554

Index HumbertȱofȱRomans 319 humilityȱtopos 412,ȱ414 HundredȱYears/Years’ȱWar 2,ȱ7, ȱ34,ȱ60–62,ȱ351,ȱ355,ȱ357,ȱ375,ȱ395–96 Hunt,ȱLeighȱ 612 HyderȱAliȱ 609 Iconoclasticȱriots 562 Iliad 122 IlleȱetȱGaleron 284 India 290 Individual 279,ȱ281,ȱ291 IndoȬEuropean 136 Inheritance 282 innocence 544,ȱ551 InnocentȱIV,ȱPope 358 InnocentȱVI 368 InnocentȱXI,ȱPopeȱ 72 instrumentumȱpacis 334,ȱ337, ȱ347,ȱ348 Intolerance 554 Iphigénie 543–45 Ipomedon 56,ȱ284,ȱ287–92 Ireland 193,ȱ197–201,ȱ203–06, ȱ210–14,ȱ216 Ironȱhouse 162 IsabeauȱdeȱBavière,ȱQueen 63, ȱ395–424 IsabelleȱdeȱFrance,ȱQueen 402 IsidoreȱofȱSeville 82,ȱ84, ȱ108,ȱ113,ȱ351 IsidoreȱofȱKiev 473 Israelites 551 Italy 292 Jacobsz,ȱJanȱMoyt 563 JacquesȱdeȱVitry 89–90,ȱ319 Jans,ȱAnna 574 Jansenism 542 Jason 445 JeanȱdeȱLabadie 580 JeanȱJuvénalȱdesȱUrsins 401, ȱ404,ȱ419

639 JeanȱdeȱMontaigu 404 JeanȱdeȱLéry 95 JeanȱsansȱPeur 396,ȱ399,ȱ401–04, ȱ418–21 Jesus 379,ȱ384–86,ȱ388,ȱ391 Jews 426,ȱ431 Jezebel 407,ȱ415 jihad 2,ȱ8,ȱ10,ȱ71 JoachimȱofȱFiore 477 Joad 553 JoanȱofȱArc 398,ȱ557 JoanȱofȱKent 367 Joas 552,ȱ553,ȱ555 JohnȱofȱAbbeville 319 JohnȱofȱGaunt 357,ȱ371,ȱ375 JohnȱofȱMantua 239,ȱ246 JohnȱofȱSalisbury 87 JohnȱtheȱFearless 381 Johnson,ȱSamuel 423 JordanȱvonȱQuedlinburg 318 Jordanes 84 Journalȱd’unȱbourgeoisȱ deȱParisȱdeȱ1405–1449 401,ȱ404 joust 263,ȱ264 JuanȱFernandez,ȱseeȱHeredia Judith 557,ȱ568–69 JuliusȱII,ȱPope 473 JustȱWar 4–5,ȱ9–10,ȱ14,ȱ25, ȱ 33,ȱ36–37,ȱ39,ȱ42–44,ȱ46–48, 53,ȱ57,ȱ60,ȱ62,ȱ67,ȱ74, ȱ 78,ȱ397,ȱ401–02,ȱ423, ȱ 440–41,ȱ520–21,ȱ551–52 Kern 207,ȱ211–13 Killigrew,ȱThomasȱ 601 Kings 195–201,ȱ203–06, ȱ208–09,ȱ211,ȱ215 Kirchhof,ȱHansȱWilhelm 71, ȱ538–39 kissȱofȱpeace 189 knight 254,ȱ265,ȱ270–72

640 TheȱKnightȱofȱtheȱlion,ȱsee LeȱChevalierȱauȱlion Knight’sȱOwnȱBookȱofȱChivalry 381 Knighton,ȱHenryȱ 369–70,ȱ374 Knoll,ȱSirȱJohn 356 Kollwitz,ȱKäthe 527 KoreanȱWar 7 Kydones,ȱDemetrius 469,ȱ471 Kudrun 50 Laigin 203 Lamentacionȱsurȱlesȱmauxȱ deȱlaȱFranceȱ (ChristineȱdeȱPizan) 273,ȱ397,ȱ398, ȱ399,ȱ408,ȱ417,ȱ418 lance 256,ȱ262,ȱ268,ȱ270–71, ȱ274–75 Lancelot 265,ȱ266 LandulfȱCotta 220 LateranȱIV 184 Latini,ȱBrunetto 29 Law 195,ȱ212 LeagueȱofȱAugsburg 72,ȱ547 LeborȱnaȱCertȱ(TheȱBookȱofȱRights) 198 Leemput,ȱTrijnȱvan 570,ȱ592–94 Legrand,ȱJacques 402 Leiden 559,ȱ561 LeipzigȱSermons 317 LemaîtreȱdeȱSacy 546 LeoȱII,ȱPope 466 LeoȱIV,ȱPope 86 LeoȱIX,ȱPope 85 LeoȱX,ȱPope 473,ȱ475 Lethan,ȱDruim 208 Lettersȱpatent 212–13 Levites 553 Lewis,ȱMatthewȱ 613 LiberȱadȱAmicumȱ(Bonizo) 218 Liberȱdeȱvitaȱchristianaȱ(Bonizo) 218,ȱ220,ȱ240

Index LifeȱofȱtheȱBlackȱPrinceȱ (ChandosȱHerald) 367 Light 387–90,ȱ394 Limbourg,ȱDukeȱof 405 Limburg 444 Lindisfarne 152 Livreȱdeȱl’AdvisionȱCristineȱ (ChristineȱdeȱPizan) 397,ȱ411,ȱ414 Livreȱdeȱlaȱcitéȱdesȱdamesȱ (ChristineȱdeȱPizan) 398–99,ȱ414 LivreȱdeȱlaȱmutacionȱdeȱFortuneȱ (ChristineȱdeȱPizan) 397 Livreȱdeȱpaixȱ(ChristineȱdeȱPizan) 29,ȱ396–97,ȱ417–18 Livreȱdeȱprudence/prod’hommieȱ (ChristineȱdeȱPizan) 414 Livreȱdesȱfaisȱd’armesȱetȱde ȱchevalerieȱ(ChristineȱdeȱPizan) 397,ȱ402 Livreȱdesȱtroisȱvertusȱ (ChristineȱdeȱPizan) 380–81,ȱ408,ȱ414,ȱ417–18 Livreȱduȱcheminȱdeȱlongȱestudeȱ (ChristineȱdeȱPizan) 396,ȱ397,ȱ411,ȱ417,ȱ418 Livreȱduȱcorpsȱdeȱpolicieȱ (ChristineȱdeȱPizan) 397,ȱ411 Livreȱdesȱfaisȱetȱbonnesȱ meursȱduȱsageȱroyȱ CharlesȱVȱ(ChristineȱdeȱPizan) 397,ȱ414 LivreȱduȱTrésor 30 Llasar 162–63 Lleu 157,ȱ160–61,ȱ170 Locke,ȱJohn 44 Löwenklau,ȱJohannes 483 Longinus’sȱspear 370 LosȱDesastresȱdeȱlaȱGuerra 77,ȱ79,ȱ80 Lothier 444

Index LouisȱofȱAnjou,ȱKingȱofȱSicily 404–05,ȱ418 LouisȱdeȱGuyenne 402 LouisȱXII,ȱKing 473 LouisȱXIV,ȱKing 52, ȱ72–73,ȱ542,ȱ546–51 Louisȱd’Orléans 399,ȱ402–05, ȱ418–20 Loyalty 194 Lucan 157,ȱ158 Lucius 354,ȱ365,ȱ373–75 Lucretia 557 Lugus 157 Lurier,ȱHarold 299 Lust 384,ȱ386,ȱ392 Luther,ȱMartin 35,ȱ39,ȱ41,ȱ46 Luxembourg 444 LyonsȱIȱandȱII 184 Macbeth 541 Macchiavelli,ȱNiccolò 481 Maerȱ(steward) 202 MagdalenaȱvanȱderȱPasse 580 MaiȱundȱBeaflor 25,ȱ55–56,ȱ315,ȱ332 Maillotins 396 Maina 310 Maintenon,ȱMmeȱde 71 Malevolence 544 Mallett,ȱDavidȱ 604 ManȱofȱSin 426,ȱ428 Manawydan 157–58,ȱ166–68 ManifoldȱTeachingsȱonȱ HowȱtoȱFortifyȱTowns,ȱ Castles,ȱandȱPlacesȱ (A.ȱDürer,ȱ1527) 492,ȱ494–95,ȱ498,ȱ507 MannyngȱofȱBrune,ȱRobert 353–54,ȱ372 ManuelȱPalaiologos,ȱEmperorȱ ofȱByzantium 471 MargaretȱofȱBurgundy 402 MargaretȱofȱFlanders 403

641 Margarita 574 MarquardȱvonȱLindau 318 Marriage 278–79,ȱ282–83, ȱ285–88,ȱ291 Massacre 543,ȱ554–55 Math 156,ȱ158,ȱ160,ȱ168–70 Matholwch 159,ȱ161–65 MatildaȱofȱTuscany,ȱCountess 53,ȱ217–21,ȱ226,ȱ230–40, ȱ 244,ȱ246–48,ȱ251–52 Manutius,ȱAldus 465,ȱ475 MarullusȬTarchaniota,ȱMichael 472 MaximilianȱI,ȱEmperor 473,ȱ475 MaximsȱI 48,ȱ49 MaximusȱtheȱGreek 476 Medb 196 Medea 445 MehmedȱII 465,ȱ468,ȱ478,ȱ480,ȱ483 MeliantȱdeȱLis 448 Menno,ȱseeȱSimons mercenaries 195–98,ȱ211, ȱ433,ȱ437,ȱ441 Messiah 553 Meteren,ȱEmanuelȱvan 564 metonymy 273–74 MichelȱdeȱMontaigne 95 Michelangelo 495 MichelleȱdeȱFrance 402 Middelburg 561 Mide 198,ȱ204–05 Militaryȱservice 195 milites 180–81,ȱ184,ȱ186,ȱ188,ȱ191 millenarianȱrhetoric 188,ȱ189 minne 326 Minucci,ȱAntonio 93 mirroring 267 mirrorsȱforȱtheȱprince 397 miseȱenȱabyme 266–68 Mistra 310 Mohács 68

642 Monemvasia 300,ȱ301,ȱ310 Mordred 353,ȱ359–62,ȱ373–75 Morea 56–57,ȱ293–94, 296–99,ȱ303,ȱ305,ȱ308–10 More,ȱThomas 484 MorteȱArthure 60–61 Moses 568–69 mount 261 MountȱKarydi 295,ȱ301,ȱ303,ȱ307 Münzer,ȱThomas 480 Munster 197–98,ȱ202–03 Murder 543–44,ȱ553,ȱ555 Mustering 197 Musurus,ȱMarcus 465,ȱ473,ȱ475 MysoreȱWars 609 Namur 444 Napoleon 599,ȱ610–11,ȱ614 NarzottoȱdalleȱCarceri 295 NATO 8 Nauplion 295,ȱ300,ȱ303 Navarre,ȱKingȱCharlesȱof 403–05,ȱ420 Negroponte 294 Nero 535 NewȱJerusalem 553 Nibelungenlied 17,ȱ23–25, ȱ27,ȱ28,ȱ49,ȱ521 Nicaea 296 NiceneȱandȱPostȬNiceneȱFathers 39 NicephorosȱPhocas,ȱEmperor 470 NicholasȱI 84 Nicodemus,ȱSaint 466,ȱ476 Nicolaism 530 Nicopolis 381,ȱ387 Nikli 295,ȱ299,ȱ306,ȱ308–09,ȱ311 NikolausȱvonȱDinkelsbühl 318,ȱ427 NikolausȱvonȱLandau 318 NikolausȱvonȱStraßburg 318 NineȱWorthies 60,ȱ353,ȱ371–76 NineȱYears’ȱWar 547 NjalsȱSaga 17

Index NoireȱEspin,ȱLordȱof 447 Northumbria 129,ȱ152 Norway 283–86 Novaȱpassionisȱreligio 379 Nuremberg 492,ȱ494–95,ȱ503,ȱ507 oaths 172,ȱ180–81,ȱ185,ȱ188,ȱ190 OberaltaichȱSermons 317 Ociosusȱ(idleman) 211 OldȱEnglish 123–24,ȱ127, ȱ129,ȱ136,ȱ139–41,ȱ143,ȱ149 OldȱNorse 148,ȱ149 OldȱTestament 109,ȱ381,ȱ384,ȱ542, ȱ545–46,ȱ551 Olympias 407,ȱ415 OneȱTrueȱGod 546,ȱ554 Oostende 574 Opera 279 Oratioȱacclamatoriaȱ(Bessarion) 475 OrationesȱadȱprincipesȱChristianosȱ contraȱTurcosȱ(Bessarion) 474 OrderȱofȱtheȱGarter 445 OrderȱofȱtheȱGoldenȱFleece 444–45 Ordre 62 Órlaidh 200 Orleans,ȱHouseȱof 396,ȱ402 Orosius 83 OthonȱdeȱlaȱRoche 295,ȱ300 OttoȱIII 85 Ottomanȱempire 504 Ottomans 1,ȱ66,ȱ67 paciarii 346 PacificationȱofȱGhent 561 pacifism 2,ȱ10,ȱ12,ȱ14, ȱ16,ȱ18,ȱ41,ȱ77,ȱ277 Palacios,ȱseeȱRubios Palatinate 547 Palestine 380 Panaetius 111 Panorama 605,ȱ607 PaschalȱII,ȱPope 470 ParisȱinȱanȱUproar 605

Index Paris

294,ȱ296–98,ȱ301–03, ȱ307,ȱ310 TheȱParlementȱofȱtheȱThreȱAges 372 Parliament 213,ȱ214 Parma 335,ȱ338,ȱ339 Pataria 53–54,ȱ218–20,ȱ222, ȱ223,ȱ225–27,ȱ231,ȱ239,ȱ247, ȱ251,ȱ252 patrons 426 PaulȱII,ȱPope 470 Paul,ȱSaint 415,ȱ429 PeaceȱofȱGod 50–51, ȱ171–75,ȱ177–79, ȱ181–83,ȱ185,ȱ187–88,ȱ190–91 peaceȬweaver 283 Peasants’ȱWar 37 Peloponnesus 297 Pepys,ȱSamuelȱ 600 Peraldus,ȱWilliam 427,ȱ434 Perceval 254,ȱ257,ȱ265–66,ȱ275 Perez,ȱDonȱRodrigo 569 Performance 378–81,ȱ383, ȱ388–90,ȱ394 Petrarch 469,ȱ537 Perugia 335,ȱ339,ȱ340 PeterȱofȱCyprus 378 PeterȱtheȱChanter 89,ȱ319 Peter’sȱPence 86 Petrarch 469,ȱ537 PetrusȱdeȱLange 567,ȱ584 Pieters,ȱJoanna 574 Phèdre 544 Philip,ȱCountȱofȱNevers 403,ȱ405 PhilipȱII 560 PhilipȱtheȱGood/leȱBon 402, ȱ443–45,ȱ448 PhilippeȱdeȱMézières 378,ȱ379, ȱ381,ȱ384,ȱ392 PhilippeȱleȱBon 402 PhilippeȱleȱHardi 402,ȱ418 PhilippeȱdeȱMézières 61,ȱ62

643 Piccolomini,ȱAeneasȱSilvius,ȱ seeȱPiusȱII Picts 104–08 PiersȱPlowman 439 Piety 546,ȱ547,ȱ549 pilgrimage 356,ȱ359,ȱ366 PiusȱII,ȱPopeȱ 66,ȱ464,ȱ472 Pizan,ȱseeȱChristineȱdeȱPizan Plato 66,ȱ466,ȱ475,ȱ481,ȱ486,ȱ489 Plethon,ȱGeorgiosȱGemistos 475, ȱ478,ȱ482 Plutarch 430 PoemaȱdeȱMíoȱCid 12,ȱ33 PoeticȱEdda 150–52 Poets 200,ȱ206 Poggibonsi 338,ȱ339 Poissy,ȱDominicanȱAbbeyȱof 396 Pope,ȱAlexanderȱ 600–01 popolo 336,ȱ342,ȱ348 populus 51 Populus 174–75,ȱ179,ȱ181–82, ȱ185,ȱ187–88,ȱ191–92 Power 542,ȱ545,ȱ551,ȱ552 PresentationȱofȱtheȱVirginȱ inȱtheȱTemple 61,ȱ383,ȱ390 Priam/Priamus 365,ȱ372,ȱ482,ȱ543 Pride 380,ȱ384–86 PriestȱKonrad 12 PrinceȱofȱParma 574 printingȱpress 492 Property 392 ProseȱCligés 254,ȱ256,ȱ257,ȱ261,ȱ263 prosification 445 protestantȱworkȱethic 498 ProtestantȱReformation 67 ProtrepticonȱetȱPronosticon 476 Providence 547 prowess 448,ȱ451,ȱ456,ȱ461–62 Prudentius,ȱAureliusȱ Clemens 430 Pryderi 160,ȱ167–69

644 Psalms 38,ȱ43 Psalms 438 public/publicȱopinion 171–74,ȱ176, ȱ178–83,ȱ185,ȱ189–91 Púglia 292 punishment 261 Pwyll 162 Pyrrhus 543 Quad,ȱMatthias 568,ȱ585 TheȱQuarrelȱaboutȱtheȱLoaf 203,ȱ208 Querelaȱpacisȱundiqueȱgentiumȱ eiectaeȱprofligataeque 38,ȱ528 querimonia 336 Quirini,ȱLauro 469 Racine 71,ȱ542–47,ȱ550–55 rape 290,ȱ291 reȬordination 237–38,ȱ241–43 rebannimentum 336,ȱ340 Rechtaireȱ(bailiff) 202 Reconquista 6,ȱ91 reconstruction 274 recursivity 267–269 Redeemer 546,ȱ552,ȱ553 Reichston 71 relics 179–83,ȱ187,ȱ189,ȱ190 ReligieuxȱdeȱSaintȬDenys 401–04,ȱ421 Religion 541–43,ȱ547,ȱ548,ȱ554 Remarque,ȱErichȱMaria 45 Rembrands,ȱTrijn 572,ȱ573,ȱ595 Remme,ȱCatharina 573ȱ Renaissance 492,ȱ493,ȱ495,ȱ505 Republicȱofȱthe UnitedȱProvinces 562 Requeriemento 95 Retinue 200 RhetoricaȱadȱHerennium 30 Rhiannon 156,ȱ162,ȱ167 Rhine 550 RichardȱII 350,ȱ402 RichardȱofȱMaidstone 381

Index RichardȱCoerȱdeȱLyon 365 Richelieu,ȱCardinal 467,ȱ476 DerȱRingȱ(Heinrich Wittenwiler) 26,ȱ519,ȱ522, ȱ522,ȱ531,ȱ536–38 Ripa,ȱCesare 431 RobertȱofȱCourson 319 Roccastrada 343 Roland,ȱseeȱChansonȱdeȱRoland Rolandus 89 RomanȱdeȱSilence 279–81, ȱ283–84,ȱ286 Romanȱdeȱlaȱrose 525 Romania 297–98,ȱ302–03 TheȱRoyalȱFugitives 606 Rooswijck,ȱN.ȱvan 563 Rubios,ȱJuanȱLopezȱdeȱPalacios 93 RudolphȱofȱRheinfelden 228 Sachs,ȱHans 62,ȱ69,ȱ71,ȱ426, ȱ438,ȱ518–20, ȱ 523–26,ȱ528–30,ȱ535 Sacrifice 543–45 Sadler’sȱWellsȱTheatre 609 SaintȱMartial 182,ȱ186,ȱ190 SaintȬCyr 542,ȱ548,ȱ555 Salona 295 Samson 415,ȱ433 SanȱGimignano 338,ȱ340 Sanctity 544 Sappho 580 Saracens 262,ȱ385 Saxons 256,ȱ258,ȱ263, ȱ264,ȱ270,ȱ448,ȱ454 Scandinavia 128,ȱ133,ȱ135,ȱ149 Scelti,ȱJannellinus 334 Schatter,ȱJanȱDircksz 563 Schism 60,ȱ62,ȱ367,ȱ369,ȱ370, ȱ372,ȱ374,ȱ375,ȱ396,ȱ402 Schoon,ȱKornelis 573 Schrevelius,ȱTheodorus 566 Schurman,ȱAnnaȱMariaȱvan 579,

Index ȱ597 Schwabenspiegel 320 SchwarzwälderȱPredigten 317 Schwenkfeldians 530 ScipioȱAfricanus 386 Scotland 196,ȱ198,ȱ211 ScyldȱScefing 122,ȱ130 SeaȱBeggars 560 Sebald,ȱWinfriedȱGeorg 492–93 SecondȱWorldȱWar 7,ȱ517–18 sectarianism 530 Segovia,ȱJuanȱde 476 Seneca 30,ȱ430 Servitude 546 SevenȱYears’ȱWar 7,ȱ75,ȱ602 Shakespeare 541 TheȱSiegeȱofȱBangalore 608 SiegeȱofȱJerusalem 364–68,ȱ374 SiegeȱofȱVienna 440 SiegeȱofȱValenciennes 607,ȱ616 SiegeȱofȱQuebec 611 Siena 334–41,ȱ343–49 SílȱMuiredaig 211 SimonȱdeȱVries 575,ȱ576 Simons,ȱMenno 44 DerȱabentheurlicheȱSimplicissimus ȱ(Gryphius) 540 sindicus 334,ȱ337,ȱ343–44,ȱ346 Sini,ȱJohannes 343 Slaughter 543–44,ȱ553 SodomȱandȱGomorrah 428 Solon 483 Soredamors 448,ȱ456 Sothy,ȱRobert 45 SouthȱSaxons 106,ȱ108 sovereignȱpower 503–04 Spain 431,ȱ560–62, ȱ564,ȱ570,ȱ576 SpanishȱFury 561 Spectacle 380

645 Speculumȱecclesie 317 SpeculumȱPrincipum 205 spiralȱofȱsilence 174,ȱ192 Spirituality 379–80,ȱ393 Spoils 208–09 St.ȱPaulerȱSermons 317 St.ȱBavo’sȱChurch 569 St.ȱGeorgeȱSermons 317 StatesȬGeneral 561 Stedinger 91 Steenwijck 574 StephenȱofȱRipon 106–07,ȱ116,ȱ120 Stephen 216 Stephen,ȱKing 36 StigandȱofȱCanterbury 86 StoryȱofȱtheȱGrailȱ (seeȱConteȱduȱGraal) Strasbourg 496 Suarez,ȱFrancisco 44 Summaȱdeȱvitiisȱ 427 SummaȱTheologicaȱ (ThomasȱAquinas) 40,ȱ352 SunȬTzu 34 Survival 550 Susanna 557 Sussex 106–07 SustanceȱdeȱlaȱChevalerieȱ deȱlaȱPassionȱdeȱ JhesuȱCristȱenȱfrançoisȱ 379 synecdoche 273,ȱ275 Synod 205 TáinȱBóȱCúailngeȱ( TheȱCattleȱRaidȱofȱCooley) 197 Tartaglia 495 Taxation 194,ȱ215 Teathbha 207 Teichner,ȱseeȱ HeinrichȱderȱTeichner Temple 553–55 TenȱCommandments 321 Tenants 200–01,ȱ210,ȱ212–14

646 Tennyson,ȱAlfred 45 Terri 453–54 TestamentȱofȱYouthȱ (VeraȱBrittain) 421 TheȱStormingȱofȱSeringapatam 609–10 Theater 279 TheatreȱRoyal,ȱDruryȱLane 601 TheatreȱRoyal,ȱ CoventȱGarden 601 Thebes 295–96,ȱ300, ȱ301,ȱ307,ȱ309 TheodoreȱofȱGaza 482 theoryȱonȱwarfare 492 Thessala 451–52 Thevet,ȱAndré 95 ThirtyȱYears/Years’ȱWar 7,ȱ9, ȱ523–24 ThomasȱII,ȱLordȱofȱSalona 295 ThomasȱAquinas 35,ȱ40, ȱ352,ȱ353,ȱ362,ȱ471,ȱ484–85 ThomasȱofȱWoodstock 600 Thomson,ȱJames 604 Thure,ȱJacobinus 334 TimourȱtheȱTartar 599,ȱ610–17 TippooȱSultan 609 TippooȱSaib’sȱTwoȱSons 609–10 TírȱEógain 199,ȱ209 Todi 338,ȱ339 Toísechȱ(chief) 202 Tolstoy,ȱLeo 45 Torcello,ȱMarinoȱSanudo 297–98 Tournai 561 tournaments 444–45,ȱ447 TractatusȱinȱCanticaȱCanticorum 239,ȱ246 Tragedy 541–43,ȱ552,ȱ553 Transgression 542–43 “Trawerklageȱdesȱverwuesteten ȱDeutschlands” 522 ȱtreason 261

Index Treaty 416,ȱ420,ȱ422–23 trénȱcoinnmheadh 198 trenchȱarea 496 TrojanȱWar 543–45 TrojanȱWomen 541 Troy 375,ȱ543,ȱ545 TruceȱofȱGod 50–51,ȱ172,ȱ176,ȱ177, ȱ181,ȱ183–84,ȱ190,ȱ192 Truth 541,ȱ548 Túathȱ(chieftainry) 202 Tuchins 396 Turks 23,ȱ37,ȱ65–68,ȱ441, ȱ446,ȱ529,ȱ534–35 UíȱBriain 198,ȱ201,ȱ203 UíȱBriúinȱBréifne 204 UíȱMaílȱShechnaill 204 UíȱMhaine 200 Ulaid 197,ȱ198 UlrichȱvonȱPottenstein 427 ultio 82,ȱ85–86 UnionȱofȱUtrecht 73–74,ȱ561 UniversityȱofȱVienna 427 UrbanȱII,ȱPope 53,ȱ86, ȱ177,ȱ184,ȱ374,ȱ470 UrbanȱV,ȱPope 368 UrbanȱVI,ȱPope 369–71,ȱ374 UtherȱPendragon 356 utopia 333 Utopianȱvision 380,ȱ393 Utrecht 561,ȱ570,ȱ574, ȱ579–81,ȱ593–94 Valla,ȱLorenzo 469,ȱ473 VanninusȱJanniniȱofȱPercena 334 Vauban 492 Vegetius 495 Veligosti 295 VenerableȱBede 47 Vengeance 553 Venice 295,ȱ298–99,ȱ303 Veronica,ȱSt. 358,ȱ365 Versailles 542–43,ȱ548

Index Vespucci 94–95 Veturia 407,ȱ415 “TheȱVicissitudesȱofȱaȱTar” 615 VietnamȱWar 7 Vikings 1,ȱ4–5,ȱ33,ȱ202 vindicta 85–88 Violence 541–46,ȱ551–52,ȱ554–55 Virgil 150,ȱ466,ȱ479 Virginȱ(asȱqueenlyȱmodel) 407,ȱ409 VirginȱMary 327,ȱ330,ȱ380–82, ȱ385,ȱ388,ȱ390–91 Virginalȱchastity 391 Viscontiȱfamily 367–68 vitaȱapostolica 188–89 VitaȱS.ȱWilfridi 47 Vitruvius 68,ȱ495 Vivere,ȱJacobȱvanȱde 575 Vo, luspá 150–52 Voltaire 466,ȱ554 Volterra 339 Vonȱchriegen 434–41 VonȱdenȱsiebenȱHauptsünden 426 Vredenburg 561,ȱ570–72 Vulgate 439 Wace 353–55,ȱ360 Wales 282 Wallingford 264,ȱ367 Walsingham,ȱThomas 370 WaltherȱvonȱderȱVogelweide 71,ȱ323,ȱ332 Warȱcrimes 554 warfare 255,ȱ257,ȱ262,ȱ264,ȱ427, ȱ428,ȱ430–32,ȱ434,ȱ438,ȱ441–42 TheȱWasteȱLand 151 Waterford 212 weapons 275 weddings 280 WelfȱV 221,ȱ238,ȱ244,ȱ246–47,ȱ251 Wendunmuthȱ (H.ȱW.ȱKirchhof) 539 wergild 86,ȱ87

647 WheelȱofȱFortune

60,ȱ353, ȱ371,ȱ372,ȱ375

WhetherȱSoldiers,ȱToo,ȱ CanȱBeȱSaved 41 Whitby 105 WienerȱSchule 427 Willehalm 16,ȱ21–22,ȱ74 WilliamȱofȱOrange 560–61, ȱ567–68 WindsorȱCastle 448–49 Wittenwiler,ȱHeinrich 26,ȱ28, ȱ522,ȱ531 Wolf,ȱHieronymus 483 WolframȱvonȱEschenbach 16,ȱ21–22,ȱ522 Women’sȱdress 393 Wulfhere,ȱKingȱofȱtheȱMercians 107 Wyclif 90 Xerxes 546 Xylander,ȱWilhelm 483 Yvain 448 Zeeland 560–61,ȱ567 Zenobia 557 Zola 544