Urban Traditions and Historic Environments in Sindh: A Fading Legacy of Shikarpoor, Historic City 9789048531257

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Urban Traditions and Historic Environments in Sindh

Publications The International Institute for Asian Studies (IIAS) is a research and exchange platform based in Leiden, the Netherlands. Its objective is to encourage the interdisciplinary and comparative study of Asia and to promote (inter)national cooperation. IIAS focuses on the humanities and social sciences and on their interaction with other sciences. It stimulates scholarship on Asia and is instrumental in forging research networks among Asia Scholars. Its main research interest are reflected in the three book series published with Amsterdam University Press: Global Asia, Asian Heritages and Asian Cities. IIAS acts as an international mediator, bringing together various parties in Asia and other parts of the world. The Institute works as a clearinghouse of knowledge and information. This entails activities such as providing information services, the construction and support of international networks and cooperative projects, and the organization of seminars and conferences. In this way, IIAS functions as a window on Europe for non-European scholars and contributes to the cultural rapprochement between Europe and Asia. IIAS Publications Officer: Paul van der Velde IIAS Assistant Publications Officer: Mary Lynn van Dijk

Asian Cities The Asian Cities Series explores urban cultures, societies and developments from the ancient to the contemporary city, from West Asia and the Near East to East Asia and the Pacific. The series focuses on three avenues of inquiry: evolving and competing ideas of the city across time and space; urban residents and their interactions in the production, shaping and contestation of the city; and urban challenges of the future as they relate to human well-being, the environment, heritage and public life. Series Editor Paul Rabé, International Institute for Asian Studies, Leiden Editorial Board Henco Bekkering, Delft University of Technology Charles Goldblum, University of Paris 8 Stephen Lau, University of Hong Kong Rita Padawangi, National University of Singapore Parthasarathy Rengarajan, CEPT University, Ahmedabad Neha Sami, Indian Institute of Human Settlements, Bangalore Hui Xiaoxi, Beijing University of Technology

Urban Traditions and Historic Environments in Sindh A Fading Legacy of Shikarpoor, Historic City

Anila Naeem

Amsterdam University Press

Publications

Asian Cities 4

Cover illustration: View of Popatmal Haveli courtyard; the delicate woodwork on upper floor balcony simultaneously contributes to the courtyard and the streetscape. Photographer: Mohammad Ali Quadri; January 2011 Cover design: Coördesign, Leiden Lay-out: Crius Group, Hulshout Amsterdam University Press English-language titles are distributed in the US and Canada by the University of Chicago Press. isbn 978 94 6298 159 1 e-isbn 978 90 4853 125 7 doi 10.5117/9789462981591 nur 901 © Anila Naeem / Amsterdam University Press B.V., Amsterdam 2017 All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the written permission of both the copyright owner and the author of the book. Every effort has been made to obtain permission to use all copyrighted illustrations reproduced in this book. Nonetheless, whosoever believes to have rights to this material is advised to contact the publisher.

To my parents: the cherished memories of my mother, the fostering support of my father



Table of Contents

List of Acronyms

15

Glossary of Local Terms

17

Acknowledgements 21 Author’s Note

23

1 Shikarpoor Historic Town

25

Introduction, Background and Development

Historical Background 28 The Daudpotas 28 The Kalhoras 29 The Afghans 29 The Talpurs 30 British Rule 32 The Shikarpoori Merchants and their Network 35 Development of Shikarpoor: Growth Pattern and Expansions Directions 37 The Walled City (Seventeenth-Eighteenth Century) 40 Early Extensions (Late Eighteenth and Mid-Nineteenth century) 41 Colonial Expansions (1843-1947) 43 45 Post-Independence Developments (1947 onwards) Administrative and Socioeconomic Aspects 47 Present Administrative Set-up 50 Socioeconomic Context and Demographics 54 Trade, Commerce and Industry 57 Connectivity to the City 58 Summary 59 2 The Character of Shikarpoor’s Historic Fabric 61 Layout of the City: Streets, Circulation and Composition 62 Circulation Pattern and Street Hierarchy within Walled Limits 62 ‘Mohallas’ or Neighbourhoods 65 Plot Parcels 66

Components of the Built Fabric: Open spaces, Urban elements and Buildings 67 67 Open Spaces and Natural Assets Parks/Public Gardens 69 Graveyards and Mukams 73 77 Small Squares within the Walled City (for Wells) Agricultural Lands and Orchards 77 Irrigation Canals 79 Water Tanks 81 Urban Elements 83 Archways 83 Entranceway to Streets or Open Space 85 Entrance Doors 87 Inscriptions 88 Fire Prevention 88 Pedestrian Bridge 90 Wells/Hand Pumps 91 Drinking-Water Fountains (Sabeel) 92 Buildings/Architecture 93 Types and Usage 93 Building Heights and Number of Storeys 95 Ownership and Occupancy 96 Materials and Construction Techniques 97 3 The Dominant Building Types

Residential, Commercial, Religious and Other Public Buildings

105

Residential: Havelis and Mansions 105 Commercial: Bazaars and Shops 121 Covered (Dhak) Bazaar 122 Stuart Gunj Bazaar 127 Religious: Temples, Mosques and Shrines 132 Other Landmark Buildings 142 4 Characteristic Architectural Features of Historic Buildings Balcony/Balconette Columns/Coupled Columns Arched or Decorative Windows/Ventilators Pediments/Broken Pediments Roundels/Rosettes Cornice/Mouldings

151 154 155 156 157 158 159

Entrance Portal 160 161 Festoons/Garlands Cupolas/Chatris 162 163 Colonnaded/Arcaded Portico or Verandah Grills/Iron Work 164 165 Carved Brackets 166 Projecting Timber Balcony/Gallery/Room 167 Openings with Fixed Openwork Panels/Masonry Carved Timber Doors 168 169 Timber Pelmet 170 Lamp Niche 171 Decorative Parapet 172 Stucco Ornamentation 173 Courtyard (Sehn)/Open Spaces Ornamented Soffit/Ceiling 174 175 Shiwala Temple Pitched Roof 176 177 Dome Sculpture 178 Marble/Stone Carved Panels 179 180 Pilasters 181 Room Bridging Over Street 182 Garbage chute

5 Typological Classification and Grouping Architectural and Period Styles Group I Group II Group IIa Group IIb Group III Group IIIa Group IIIb Group IV Group V Group VI Volumetric Principles and Design Variations: Plan Typology Value-Based Grouping

183 184 185 186 186 189 190 191 192 193 195 196 197 198

6 The State of Conservation and Related Issues Physical Condition and Threat Level Identified Threats: Causes and Impacts Demolitions Afghan Fort/Kaffila Serai Disappearing ‘Havelis’ and landmarks Underutilization and inappropriate use of buildings Inappropriate alterations Neglect and inadequate maintenance Property divisions Lack of development investments Degeneration of public, civic, institutional and recreational facilities From urban to rural character and pattern An ineffective municipality and an absence of a conservation masterplan Lack of trained professionals

207 207 211 211 212 216 220 224 226 227 228

7 Potentials and Prospects

233

Urban Revival – the Way Ahead

Identified potentials Way Ahead: Implementation Actions and Policies Proposed Actions for Implementation Policy Guidelines

229 229 231 231

235 238 240 249

Epilogue 255 Bibliography 259 Index 263

List of Tables and Figures Tables Table 1.1

Chronology of important developments in the history of Shikarpoor till the time of IndoPakistan Partition; compiled from different historical sources

33

Table 1.2

Population estimates and census figures for Shikarpoor 55

Figures Figure 1.1

Location of Sindh and Shikarpoor in the 26 context of the Region Figure 1.2 Map showing routes of Shikarpoori Merchants linking with Central Asia 36 Figure 1.3 Map of Shikarpoor showing its extent and growth from walled city to the present day 39 Figure 1.4 (A-E) Series of historic maps in the collection of Sindh Archives indicate changes in Shikarpoor’s administrative importance 48 Figure 1.5 Present boundaries of Shikarpur District 51 Figure 1.6 Boundaries of Shikarpoor’s Union Councils 53 Figure 2.1 Map showing street layout inside walled city and its early extensions on the eastern side 63 Figure 2.2 Open spaces in Shikarpoor 68 Figure 2.3 Shaheed Allah Buksh Municipal Park (Shahi Bagh) 70 Figure 2.4 Liaquat Park (Ganesh Bagh) 71 Figure 2.5 Plaque inside Ganesh Park 72 Figure 2.6 Satellite image showing extents of Manchar Shah Ghazi Graveyard 74 Figure 2.7 Shamshan Ghat 75 Figure 2.8 (A & B) The temple complex near Shamshan Ghat enclosure 76 Figure 2.9 Open spaces within the walled city area 78 Figure 2.10 Agricultural fields 79 Figure 2.11 The Sindh Wah 80 Figure 2.12 Historic map of 1915 showing water tanks 82 Figure 2.13 (A & B) Archways 84 Figure 2.14 Entranceway to streets 85 Figure 2.15 Bab-e-Ahmadi – entrance to a public open space 86 Figure 2.16 Ornate entrances of houses 87 Figure 2.17 Inscription panels 88 Figure 2.18 Fire-fighting hydrants 89 Figure 2.19 Sukpul – pedestrian bridge 90 Figure 2.20 (A & B) Public wells 91

Figure 2.21 (A & B) Water troughs in Shikarpoor 92 Figure 2.22 Usage map of historic buildings 94 Figure 2.23 (A & B) Motifs and patterns on façades 97 Figure 2.24 External plasterwork on historic structures 98 Figure 2.25 Ramdas Hall 99 Figure 2.26 Vault in ‘Old Sessions Court’ 100 Figure 2.27 (A-D) Figurative carvings over door tympanums 102 Figure 3.1 Schematic layout and section 106 Figure 3.2 Double height lounge 107 Figure 3.3 (A-C) Flooring patterns and dado tiles 108 Figure 3.4 (A & B) Decorative façades of traditional houses 109 Figure 3.5 (A & B) Basant Haveli 111 Figure 3.6 (A & B) Murlimal Haveli 113 Figure 3.7 Khanchand Haveli 116 Figure 3.8 Haveli street 117 Figure 3.9 Dead-end haveli street 118 Figure 3.10 Autaaq – guest house 119 Figure 3.11 Bungalow-style residences 120 Figure 3.12 Residence inspired by bungalow style 121 Figure 3.13 (A & B) Shikarpoor’s Dhak (Covered) Bazaar 123 Figure 3.14 Layout of the Dhak (Covered) Bazaar street 125 Figure 3.15 (A-D) Shops inside Dhak Bazaar 126 Figure 3.16 Stuart Gunj Bazaar 128 Figure 3.17 (A & B) Stuart Gunj Bazaar in morning hours 129 Figure 3.18 Street profile of the Main Bazaar Street 130 Figure 3.19 (A-D) A well-preserved cluster in Dhak Bazaar 131 Figure 3.20 (A & B) Gourmet delights of Diwan Hotel 132 Figure 3.21 (A & B) ‘Sheva Mandli Shanker Bharti Temple’ 133 Figure 3.22 (A & B) Khatwari Mandir and Dharamsala 134 Figure 3.23 (A & B) Haveli temples 136 Figure 3.24 (A-D) ‘Shiwala’ temples 137 Figure 3.25 Mosques inside Shikarpoor’s historic core 138 Figure 3.26 Early traditions of mosque 139 Figure 3.27 (A & B) Jamia mosques 140 Figure 3.28 Dargah Haji Fakirullah Alvi 141 Figure 3.29 (A & B) Government Boys’ High School #2 143 Figure 3.30 (A & B) Tourmal Mulchand Chhabria Budha Ashram (Old People’s Home) 145 Figure 3.31 (A & B) RBUT Hospital (Civil Hospital) 147 Figure 3.32 (A & B) Seth Chellasing and Sitaldas College 148

Figure 3.33 (A-C) Figure 4.1 Figure 4.2 Figure 4.3 Figure 4.4 Figure 4.5 Figure 4.6 Figure 4.7 Figure 4.8 Figure 4.9 Figure 4.10 Figure 4.11 Figure 4.12 Figure 4.13 Figure 4.14 Figure 4.15 Figure 4.16 Figure 4.17 Figure 4.18 Figure 4.19 Figure 4.20 Figure 4.21 Figure 4.22 Figure 4.23 Figure 4.24 Figure 4.25 Figure 4.26 Figure 4.27 Figure 4.28 Figure 4.29

Dewan Power House 149 Bar chart of architectural elements 152 Chimney of a rice mill 153 Some samples of balconies/balconettes from Shikarpoor’s listed historic buildings 154 Samples of columns/coupled columns from Shikarpoor’s listed historic buildings 155 Some samples of windows from Shikarpoor’s listed historic buildings 156 Some samples of pediments from Shikarpoor’s listed historic buildings 157 Samples of roundels/rosettes 158 Samples of cornice/mouldings 159 Samples of entrance portal 160 Samples of festoons/garlands 161 Samples of cupolas/chatris 162 Samples of colonnaded/arcaded portico or verandah 163 Samples of grilles/iron work 164 Samples of carved brackets 165 Samples of the mohari treatment of façade in different ways 166 Samples of openings with fixed openwork panels/masonry 167 Samples of carved timber doors 168 Samples of timber pelmet 169 Samples of niche for lamp 170 Samples of decorative parapet 171 Samples of stucco ornamentation 172 Samples of courtyard/open spaces within residences 173 Samples of patterns used in ornamented soffits of external projections 174 Samples of shiwala temple 175 Samples of pitched roof 176 Variety of domes used in mosques, shrines and temples 177 Samples of sculpture 178 Samples of marble or stone carved panels 179 Samples of pilasters 180

Figure 4.30 Figure 4.31 Figure 5.1 (A-C) Figure 5.2 (A-C) Figure 5.3 Figure 5.4 (A-C) Figure 5.5 (A-C) Figure 5.6 (A-C) Figure 5.7 (A-C) Figure 5.8 (A-C) Figure 5.9 (A & B) Figure 5.10 Figure 5.11 Figure 5.12 Figure 5.13 (A & B) Figure 5.14 (A-C) Figure 5.15 (A-C) Figure 5.16 (A & B) Figure 6.1 Figure 6.2 (A & B) Figure 6.3 (A & B) Figure 6.4 (A & B) Figure 6.5 (A & B) Figure 6.6 Figure 6.7 (A & B) Figure 6.8 Figure 6.9 (A & B) Figure 6.10 Figure 6.11 Figure 6.12 Figure 6.13 (A-C) Figure 6.14 Figure 6.15 (A & B) Figure 6.16 Figure 6.17 Figure 7.1 Figure 7.2 (A & B)

Samples of room bridging over street 181 Samples of garbage chute 182 Buildings representing group I 185 Buildings representing Group IIa 187 Group IIa example built in 1899 188 Buildings forming Group IIb 189 Representative cases of Group IIIa 191 Examples of Group IIIb 193 Representative cases of Group IV 194 Representative cases of Group V 195 Examples of Group VI 196 Typological grouping 197 Mapping of ‘degree of value’ groups 200 Comparative matrix of the buildings comprising the four ‘value based’ groups 201 1st degree value group 202 2nd degree value group 203 3rd degree value group 204 4th degree value group 205 Mapping of the present state of deterioration 210 Open spaces inside kafilaserai 214 The Afghan Kafilaserai 215 Murlidhar Haveli 217 Haveli near Nausharo Gate Road and Karan Gate Road junction 218 Antiques and artefacts shops 218 Lakhmichand Teckchand Municipal Dispensary 219 Dharamsala complex 220 A temple/dharamsala complex 221 The Old Municipality building 222 Hassaram Lala Mahal School 223 Haphazard alterations 224 Inappropriate alterations defacing façades 225 Neglect and disrepair 226 Dayal Singh Luni Singh Boys’ Hostel 227 Buffalo herd on Circular Road 230 Donkey carts – a common mode of transportation 230 Mapping of positive and negative components 234 Heritage inventories 242



List of Acronyms

AKTC – HCSP BL-IOR CDGK CIDF CIHB CoE DAP-NED DoE G+1 GoP GoS ICCROM

Aga Khan Trust for Culture – Historic Cities Support Program British Library – India Office Records City District Government Karachi Core Index Data Form Canadian Inventory of Historic Buildings Council of Europe Department of Architecture and Planning, N.E.D. University Department of Environment Ground plus one storey Government of Pakistan Government of Sindh International Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration of

Cultural Property International Council of Museums ICOM International Council of Monuments and Sites ICOMOS International Union for Conservation of Nature IUCN KBCA – KDA Karachi Building Control Authority – Karachi Development Authority N.A. Pakistan Northern Areas of Pakistan National Fund for Cultural Heritage NFCH Reinforced Cement Concrete R.C.C. Town Municipal Administration TMA Town Officer TO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization UNESCO Water and Power Development Authority WAPDA World Heritage Center WHC World Heritage Sites WHS



Glossary of Local Terms

Amils* Aqaf

Autaaq Badgirs

Bania* Bazaar

Cantonment

Chajjas Chatri Cheroli Dargah

Hindu sub-caste whose members had a strong tradition of acting as court officials; well represented in Sindh government during British period. A self-financing autonomous body under the Provincial Government; generating its financial resources from Waqf properties through collection of rents/ lease money, and incurs expenditure on maintenance and management of mosques and shrines under its administrative control, apart from other pious and charitable activities. A guest house or guest room attached to a residence but having a separated entrance. Wind catchers – a sail-shaped tower built in traditional constructions, especially in lower and central Sindh, for the purpose of ventilating the house interiors. The Sindhi term for these is ‘mangh’. Hindu trader, merchant; often associated with money-lending. A permanent merchandising area, marketplace, or street of shops where goods and services are exchanged or sold. The word originates from Persian word bahau-char meaning ‘the place of prices’. Originally, the term was used for temporary or semipermanent military quarters; in the South-Asian context, these developed into large, permanent military stations. In Pakistan, large cantonment areas are owned by the military and are civilian residential areas as well. Projecting eaves or shades usually supported on large carved brackets. In addition to providing shade, they act as heat sinks for buildings in hot regions. A domed kiosk on the roof of a temple, tomb or mosque. The domes are usually supported on four columns. Plaster made with gypsum. A shrine built over the grave of a revered religious figure, often a Sufi saint.

18 

Dharamsalas

Dhund Diya Fakirs Haveli

Hijri

Imambargah

Jagirs

Jalis Kaffila serai/ Caravanserai Katchi Abadis

Urban Tr aditions and Historic Environments in Sindh

‘Religious Abode’. A Hindi word referring to a shelter or rest house for spiritual pilgrims. Traditionally, such dharamshalas were constructed near pilgrimage destinations (often located in remote areas) to give visitors a place to sleep for the night. Term used for fresh water lakes. Term used for oil lamps made of terracotta. A sufi, especially one who performs feats of endurance; sometimes the term is used for beggars, particularly those at shrines. Term is used for a large mansion-like residential complex traditionally built for extended families, providing security and comfort in seclusion from the outside world. These were closed from all sides with one large main gate. Islamic calendar, calculated as starting from the year during which the emigration of the Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) from Mecca to Medina occurred. The holy days and festivals of Muslims are celebrated according to the Hijri calendar. A religious congregation place of the Shia sect among Muslims. These are used for mourning rituals during Moharram; sometimes combined with the function of mosque. Territory granted by the ruler to an army chieftain in recognition of his military service. As per law the jagir was granted only for the lifetime of the grantee; on his death it was at the discretion of the Ruler to either re-grant it to the heirs and successors, or to a total stranger. In practice, these are hereditary lands. Term used for openwork screen or panels made of wood, gypsum, c.c. or stone. Complexes built on primary trade routes and cities along these routes, providing facilities for camping or accommodation of trade caravans. Informal settlements, also called squatter settlements, which usually start as illegal land grabbing activities; in the context of Karachi, they have developed into large settlements, most of which are now legalized by the government.

Glossary of Local Terms

Khankha/Khanqah

Kutchery Lac/Lakh Madrassas Medinas

Minar Mohajirs

Mohallas Moharri Mukhtiarkar Musafirkhanas Pagri Pakka Pir* Qasabas Sabeel

19

Also known as ribat, zawiya or tekke; a building designed specifically for gatherings of a Sufi brotherhood; it is a place for spiritual retreat and character reformation, often adjoining a shrine, mosque or madrassa. Khanqahs serve as hospices for Sufi travelers and Islamic students. Means court in Urdu language. Amounts to one hundred thousand (100,000) Islamic institutions for religious teaching; mostly subjects leading to graduation as a cleric called maulvi, maulana or mulla. The historic city centres in Islamic cities built by Arabs as far back as the ninth century. These are typically walled with many narrow and maze-like streets that are devoid of vehicular traffic. Term used for a tower, especially those attached to mosques. One who performs hijrat; an immigrant. In the case of the subcontinent, it refers to Muslims who migrated from India to the newly created state, Pakistan. A term to describe a neighbourhood or locality in the cities and towns of Central and South Asia. Term used for timber decorative treatment covering the entire façade of traditional buildings in Sindh. Local revenue officer. Literally means travellers' house; term used for smallscale, traditional setups providing lodging facilities. Term of tenancy requiring an amount to be paid at an agreed time, and the monthly rent becomes a very nominal amount. Means permanent or firm. Spiritual guide, religious preceptor, a sufi or descendant of a sufi saint; in Sindh, powerful landholding religious figures, associated with sufi shrines. Term used to identify limits of urban settlements in the Mughal times. Kiosk or fountain, providing drinking water facility for the public. These are built as philanthropic contributions by individuals.

20 

Sanad Sehn Shahzada Nashin* Sharia Sufi* Syeds Takia Tanga Urs Waderos* Wah *

Source: Ansari (2005)

Urban Tr aditions and Historic Environments in Sindh

Official document issued by the rulers or emperors, granting a favour or rewards to an individual, or entitling them to a certain authority. The courtyard. Literally means one who sits on the carpet; head of pir family. Islamic law based on the teachings of Quran. Islamic mystic. An honorific title given to the direct descendants of the Prophet Mohammad (PBUH). Also spelt as tekke or tekye. Same meaning as khankah. Horse-drawn carriages. The anniversary of the death of a Sufi saint, usually held at the saint’s shrine or tomb. Sindhi term for a big landowner. A Sindhi term used for irrigation canal.

Acknowledgements My sincere gratitude goes to many colleagues and friends who became instrumental in creating the opportunities through which this research materialized and eventually took the shape of this book. The long period over which the various stages of this end product are spread makes the list a long one and also difficult to retrace in full. However, I wish to acknowledge and extend my thanks to each and every individual who has contributed and supported the realization of this research and its gradual progress from inception to publication. This book is based on the research outcomes of my PhD dissertation, sponsored by N.E.D. University of Engineering and Technology, Karachi. Without the full financial support of the Higher Education Commission of Pakistan’s ‘Faculty Development Grant’ undertaking this work would have been impossible. In particular, I thank the administrative authorities of my home institution, the N.E.D. University of Engineering and Technology, for the cooperation, support and encouragement extended at every phase of my work. Thanks are also due to Oxford Brookes University, Joint Centre for Urban Design (JCUD) for providing the required supervision and guidance throughout my PhD research; in particular, I thank my Director of Studies and my supervisors, Dr. Alan Reeve and Prof. Emeritus Brian Goodey. Special thanks are also extended to the editorial team at International Institute of Asian Studies and Amsterdam University Press – including Dr. Paul Rabé (Editor Asian Cities Series), Dr. Paul van der Velde (IIAS Publications Officer), Mary Lynn van Dijk (Assistant Publications Officer), Dr. Saskia Gieling (Commissioning Editor) and Drs. Jaap Wagenaar (Production Editor). Also my sincere thanks to the three anonymous reviewers whose comments helped improve my manuscript. This book has materialized as a product of continuing efforts, spread over seven years, during which the support of my colleagues and peers has been crucial. In particular, Prof. Noman Ahmed, Chairman of the Department of Architecture and Planning, to whom I extend my sincere gratitude. The dedicated team from Heritage Cell (HC-DAPNED), including Ar. Mahesh Kumar Jewani and Ar. Tahira Shoukat (during 2007 f ieldwork), Ar. Tania Ali Soomro, Ar. Wajeeha Laiq, Ar. Irfan Ali Syed, and Mr. Mohammad Ali Qadri (during the 2010-2011 survey), the contribution of my students (Mohammad Faizan Fazal, Durre Taiba, Sarah Niazi) and assistants (Kamran Baig, Anila Rahim and Samina Kamran), all of whom deserve special mention. I am grateful, too, to Irfan A. Syed, Mohammad

22 

Urban Tr aditions and Historic Environments in Sindh

Ali Qadri, Mahesh Kumar Jewani and Anila Naeem for the photographic images used in this publication. My sincere and very special thanks go to Ar. Hamir Soomro, who facilitated my access to Shikarpoor by extending his generous hospitality and arranging for a comfortable stay throughout the duration of all my fieldwork; in addition, he arranged local support through his various connections and links in the city. I express my sincere gratitude to the Soomro family for allowing me to use Saat-Serai-Soomro, and to the staff/caretakers of this guest house (Mr. Hadi Baksh Soomro, Deedar, Mazhar Ali and the cook Mumtaz). I would also like to extend my thanks to the various municipal/ district officers and residents of Shikarpoor, whose cooperation has allowed me to document and gain insights into the city in so much detail. Among others, I would like to mention Mr. Yasir Baloch, Mr. Naveed Alam Abro, Mr. Naseem Mughal, Mr. Attaulah Ahmadani, Mr. Maqsood Ahmed Sheikh and Mr. Agha Hussain M. Afridi for their valuable inputs, and Mr. Badar Abro for so patiently going through my collection of images on Hindu/Sikh iconography and educating me in interpreting their meanings. Additionally, I would like to extend my sincere thanks to all the residents of Shikarpoor who allowed me and my team to enter their homes and take photographs, sharing their stories and thoughts and always offering tea and refreshments. The warmth and generosity of these people is an experience I will cherish forever. And, last but not the least, my sincerest gratitude to my family for their unconditional support and encouragement at all times.



Author’s Note

Why Shikarpoor? During the long years of involvement with Shikarpoor, I was often asked this question by people obviously puzzled by my choice, given my lack of any personal link or family background associating me to the place. Reflecting on this, I presume that the fascination is not so much ‘place specific’, but rather with the larger issues connected to the place: the issues of historic environments being consistently subject to callous destruction, the insensitivity with which invaluable reminders of our historic links are being erased, and the ruthlessness with which we are made to dishonour and disconnect from our roots. Hence, I chose Shikarpoor, but it could have been any one of the many other historic cities that once were the pride of regional communities, but which, today, are looked down on as a result of the consciously inculcated colonial mindset that resonates in our society, even after almost seven decades of Independence. The preference for everything ‘modern’ – which equates with everything ‘Western’ – dominates the prevailing post-colonial psyche that makes us resist acknowledging the ingenuity of such places and their inherent compatibility with our socio-cultural needs, embedded in tradition. The seeds of such thoughts that forced me to break through the barriers of established norms came with exposures and experiences, including academic and international travel, during which I came across numerous examples of local traditions being appreciated as a source of pride, enriching the lives of all who come into contact with them. The disturbing state of apathy in Pakistan towards our traditional environments thus made it an inevitable choice to dedicate time and efforts for developing awareness and capacity building initiatives in the heritage conservation sector. My association with the Department of Architecture and Planning, N.E.D. University of Engineering and Technology, Karachi, since May 2000, has thus been a conscious decision. The technical support and research activities for heritage conservation through the platform of ‘Heritage Cell’ (HC-DAPNED), established in 2006, have continued to make visible contributions, most notably the ongoing conservation/restoration of NED City Campus (in spite of all the administrative and financial challenges), the ‘Karachi Historic Buildings Resurvey Project’, the ACHR-ACCA Community-Based Heritage Research in three pilot study areas of Karachi and the ongoing ‘Shikarpoor Heritage Safeguarding Campaign’. Shikarpoor first caught my attention in 1999, when I took my first tour around Sindh with a group of students. Even on a three-hour whistle-stop

24 

Urban Tr aditions and Historic Environments in Sindh

tour, the richness of bygone times was evident and the captured images left a lasting impression. Hence, in 2006, when I was awarded a PhD research grant, I already knew what my work was to be about. Since then, it has been a long and passionate involvement with Shikarpoor: revelations about its prestigious historical background; discovery of its hidden treasures and the agony of returning and not finding them there; understanding the city’s evolution and transformation as connecting factors linked together. It has all been a source of intrigue, excitement and enthusiasm, combined with a sense of frustration and anger about the prevailing indifference. The dominant trends in development, planning and (mis)management of the city today leave no imaginable possibility of urban revival; however, gained insights on this important historic towns’ unique urban fabric do not diminish my optimism. This book is intended to raise awareness about the historical and cultural significance of Shikarpoor’s built environment and to provide insights on the urban history of the region. In its published form, it will hopefully help inculcate a sense of pride among resident communities and other stakeholders, and inspire heritage conservation efforts. The general enthusiasm observed among a substantial number of the city’s residents is reason enough to believe that, in spite of present socioeconomic degeneration, the resident community still appreciates its historic fabric and feels a sense of loss at the continuing pillage of the city’s antiquarian valuables for the benefit of a privileged few. I hope that conservation initiatives that bring with them a socio-cultural and economic revival are soon initiated to secure the future of this unique and unrivalled example of Sindh’s urban history. Prof. Anila Naeem July 2015

1

Shikarpoor Historic Town Introduction, Background and Development

Many towns and cities across Pakistan have a profile built on centuries of history and traditions, but unfortunately they do not receive the attention they deserve. On the contrary, most historic towns in Pakistan today face an unfortunate erosion of their built environment, caused by ill-planned policies and careless management systems that disregard their intrinsic historic values. The internationally recognized concepts introduced through philosophies and principles in the arena of urban area or historic town conservation – more recently termed ‘Historic Urban Landscapes’ – offer a well-developed framework of management systems that help recognize historic environments in their entirety, not just as artefacts or monuments for the pleasure of the privileged few, but as living cities and live cultures providing opportunities for economic incentives to residents, and enriching experiences to visitors and other stakeholders. These concepts, however, have yet to find their way into common practices, perceptions of policymaking and administrative systems dealing with heritage assets within Pakistan. The consequence of a lack of capacities in this field is the consistent loss of traditional built environments in most historic centres within the country, particularly those left behind in the race for urbanization and development investments. A case in point is the city of Shikarpoor, today a small town in Upper Sindh with a population of less than 0.2 million1 (GoP 2009). Previously, it enjoyed the status of being the most populated and prestigious urban centre in the region, playing an important role as a hub for trade and commerce in the extensive network of caravan routes connecting Central Asia, Afghanistan and Iran with India. Its strategic location, south of the Bolan Pass, distinguishes it as a gateway and entreport to Afghanistan, Khelat and the Khorasan. Located about 15 miles west of the Indus, at 68049’19.18” E and 24044’52.93” N, Shikarpoor gained importance from the perspective of trade, commerce and, to a great extent, the political interests in the region, during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Towards the mid-eighteenth century, the city came under complete control of the Afghans, who encouraged Hindu merchants to settle there and carry on trade through Afghanistan 1 In the 1998 census, Shikarpoor’s population is shown as 134,883; and estimated as 155,400 in 2009.

26 

Urban Tr aditions and Historic Environments in Sindh

Figure 1.1 Location of Sindh and Shikarpoor in the context of the Region

to Central Asia and India. Shikarpoor soon became one of the two cities of Sindh with a Hindu majority (the other being the port town of Karachi), in an otherwise Muslim dominated region. Shikarpoori merchants developed their trade and banking networks in far flung areas, bringing international repute and fame for their city. In spite of the fact that Shikarpoor never had the distinction of being a capital, or a seat of administrative power, it enjoyed an influential position in the economic and political scene of the region from the time of its creation until Indo-Pakistan Partition in 1947. Shikarpoor’s historic built environment reflects the wealth and prosperity of its inhabitants, expressed through a residential fabric embellished with exclusively decorated havelis (mansions) and a multitude of public buildings commissioned as a result of the charitable and philanthropic contributions of the once affluent members of society. Towards the end of the nineteenth-century, Shikarpoor suffered a decline in its trade activities, largely owing to developments in communication links, losing

Shik arpoor Historic Town

27

its significance as Sindh’s trade hub. A final blow to the city’s prosperous times came with the mass exodus of its Hindu population at the time of Indo-Pakistan Partition and the demographic changes that occurred as a consequence. Today, Shikarpoor is considered to be among the third tier cities of Sindh, but well connected with other major urban centres in the region by the railways as well as a network of metalled roads. The National Highway (built during the 1990s), which serves as the major North-South artery, passes through the city’s periphery. However, in spite of this connectivity, Shikarpoor has lacked progressive developments after Partition in almost all aspects of life. This failure to provide satisfying prospects to residents has resulted in a socioeconomic degeneration, in turn causing rapid deterioration of its unique historic fabric. Recognizing Shikarpoor’s historic importance, in September 1998, the Department of Culture, Government of Sindh (GoS), designated the entire ‘City of Shikarpoor’ as a protected heritage site under the Sindh Cultural Heritage Preservation Act 1994. This official notification (notification #NO:OSD/CHC//CTS&YAD/1-4/98.Karachi, 8 August 1998) was meant as a step towards providing legal protection for the city’s historic fabric, but its implementation was never really exercised and thus unchecked demolitions of historic structures continued at a rapid pace. Concerned by an alarming rate of demolitions within Shikarpoor’s historic core in recent years, it was nominated2 and included in the World Monuments Fund (WMF) Watch List in 2008, 2010 and 2014. In March 2012, the Department of Culture, GoS embarked on another initiative to safeguard Shikarpoor’s historic fabric by officially declaring 1,203 properties (notification #NO-SO-I(CD)4-49/2012)3 as protected under the Provincial Heritage Act. 2 Nomination of Shikarpoor in the WMF Watchlist for three consecutive cycles was initiated by the author with institutional support from Department of Architecture and Planning, NED University, Karachi. The objective was to attract attention of international community and concerned local authorities towards this important issue, and seek support for initiatives to encourage heritage preservation activities. On 20 November 2014, a WMF Watch Site Day was organized to engage community interest in safeguarding the city’s heritage (more details on the ongoing Shikarpoor Heritage Safeguarding Campaign are available at http://www.neduet.edu.pk/arch_planning/Heritage/webpages/SHCC(2007-Ongoing).html http://www.neduet.edu.pk/arch_planning/Heritage/webpages/SHCC-WMF-WatchDay.html http://www.neduet.edu.pk/arch_planning/Heritage/webpages/SHCC-WMF-WatchDay-2016.html https://www.wmf.org/project/shikarpoor-historic-city-center. 3 Complete list of 1203 notified properties is available at http://web.culture.gos.pk/images/pdf/ dept-notification/premises_of_Shikarpur_City.pdf . More detailed information on all notified properties is available in the two volumes of published monographs ‘Shikarpoor: Historic City,

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Urban Tr aditions and Historic Environments in Sindh

Historical Background The foundations of Shikarpoor were laid in 16174 after a battle between the Daudpotas5 and the Mahars over possession of a stretch of hunting grounds lying between Lakhi and Khanpur.6 The battle was won by the Daudpotas, who in celebration and on the advice of a holy saint, Pir Ibrahim Shah, whose blessings had ensured their victory, cleared the forest to build Shikarpoor (‘Shikar’ means ‘to hunt’ in the native language). A detailed account of events leading to the creation of the city records two different legends; however, quoting Burnes (1834), Goldsmid confirms that the date attributed to the foundations is derived from the word ‫غوک‬, inscribed on a plaque at the mosque/tomb of Haji Fakirullah Alvi. This corresponds to the year 1026Hijri (1617AD). This plaque apparently survived till the mid-nineteenth century, as recorded by Goldsmid (1854); however, as a result of renovations undertaken in present times this no longer exists (Badwi 1996: 66). The Daudpotas The founders of Shikarpoor first established their supremacy in the area as jagirdars/muhafiz7 and later as rulers. They maintained this status for almost 128 years (with breaks in between), during which time three sovereigns are recorded by historians: Amir Bahadur Khan III s/o Amir Feroz Khan, Mohammad Mubarak Khan s/o Bahadur Khan Daudpota and Amir Mohammad Sadiq Khan s/o Mubarak Khan (Dhar 2004: 147-148). However, this period in Shikarpoor’s history remained turbulent and twice Sindh, Pakistan – Inventory and Mapping of Heritage Properties’ http://www.neduet.edu.pk/ arch_planning/Heritage/webpages/SHTownInventory&Mapping(Aug07-Feb11).html. 4 This date is disputed by some scholars. 5 The tribe takes this name from the word Daudpootras, meaning sons of Daud. They draw their lineage from the family of Abbasid Caliphs of Baghdad and Cairo who arrived in Sindh during the latter half of the fourteenth century, branching off as Kalhoras and Daudpotas. Daud (Bahadoor Khan), made a place for himself among those favored by the Governor of Bukkur under the reign of Aurangzeb Alamgir. He was rewarded a rent free state, stretching between Khanpur and Lakhi, the two main towns in the region at that time. Lakhi was the stronghold of Mahars (powerful and influential zamindars) who detested the growing power of Daudpotas. Bahadoor’s son, Moobarak Khan, in reward to his support and assistance to Mughals, was granted new land in the vicinity of Shikarpoor (Goldsmid, 1854). After their expulsion from Shikarpoor the Daudpotas settled in southern Punjab establishing the Bahawalpur State. 6 This decisive war was fought between Amir Bahadur Khan III and Karimdino Mahar (Badwi 1996). 7 Brohi (2004) has identified this period as being 1617-1702, during which the Barozai Afghans had supreme control during 1659-1702.

Shik arpoor Historic Town

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the Daudpotas were expelled and later reinstated to their territory. First by Bakhtiar Khan of Khanpur during Mubarak Khan’s period, who was returned to power with support from the Mughals, and later by the Kalhoras at the start of Sadiq Khan’s reign, who was reinstated by Nadir Shah (Badwi 1996). During his period of absence from Shikarpoor, Sadiq Khan laid the foundations of a new state with support from the Nawab of Multan and the Sheikh of Uuch, who had granted the Daudpotas with jagirs in the areas that later formed Bahawalpur State. Bahawalpur State was established by Bhawal Khan s/o Sadiq Khan, who renounced all claims on Shikarpoor after the death of his father. The Kalhoras The sole supremacy of the Daudpotas over Shikarpoor was contested by the Kalhoras, the local rulers of Sindh at that time.8 Consequently, the city was divided into three in 1722 and the Kalhoras and the Daudpotas each received quarter shares. The remaining half was given to the rightful jagirdar, Mir Abdood Wasa Khan. However, in 1726 the Kalhoras attacked Shikarpoor and took it under their complete command. In 1739, Nadir Shah, through a treaty drawn in Delhi, ceded Shikarpoor (among other cities in India) to the Persian Crown. On his return, Nadir Shah (said to have passed through Sindh and camped near Shikarpoor) left different parts of Sindh under the command of three parties: the exiled Daudpotas (led by Sadiq Mohammad Khan) were reinstated at Shikarpoor and Sehwan; Kalhora rule was restored in lower Sindh (with Thatta the capital at that time); and those areas adjoining Balochistan were under the control of Mohbat Khan Baloch (Badwi 1996). The Afghans In 1747, the Daudpotas were once again driven out of Shikarpoor by the Afghans. From this date onwards, the city remained under complete Afghan influence (Kandahar State) for 77 years. During this period, twelve consecutive Afghan sovereigns/rulers took charge of Kandahar State

8 According to Goldsmid (1854), the Kalhoras established their supremacy in Sindh since 1711; however, other scholars (Hughes 1876; Smyth 1919; Pithawala 1936) give 1701 as the start of Kalhora Dynasty in Sindh under Yar Mohammad Kalhora.

30 

Urban Tr aditions and Historic Environments in Sindh

and 359 different governors were appointed to look after the affairs of Shikarpoor (Goldsmid 1854; Figar 2004, 2004a; Moriani 2004). Goldsmid’s list of Afghan governors of Shikarpoor indicates the two appointed during the reign of Timor Shah (1773-1793AD), namely Goolam Sideek Khan and Saduk Khan, had the longest tenures with nine and twelve years, respectively. All subsequent governors had short duration appointments of a few months to a maximum of three years. The only exception was Munsoor Khan, appointed under Mahomed Shah (1810-1821AD), who served as the governor of Shikarpoor for eight years – he was reputed to have been very supportive towards the Sahookars of the city. The Afghans encouraged Hindu traders of India to settle in Shikarpoor and develop trade activities through Afghanistan into Central Asia and India. With the reassurance and protection of the Afghans, the Hindu community soon made Shikarpoor their base, from where they developed an intensive network of trade, commerce and money lending. Due to its strategic geographic location, Shikarpoor soon gained the position of an important commercial town in Sindh. Burton describes Shikarpoor as ‘the capital of merchants, bankers and money changers,’ commenting that its ‘position, south of the Bolan Pass and eminently favorable to commerce, soon made her the main entrepot of the Khorasan and Central Asian caravan-trade with Sindh and Western India’ (Burton 1877: 246, 242). The city in the second half of the eighteenth century is referred to as ‘a kind of bania ‘melting pot’, where merchants of different origins established a residence and over times developed a very specif ic sense of identity’ (Markovits 2000: 63). The Talpurs In 1824, the Talpur 10 Mirs of Sindh had peaceful possession of Shikarpoor, dividing its revenue shares between the Hyderabad and Khairpur families of their clan. The Talpurs were, however, required to pay an annual tribute to the Afghans, which they did, but with much irregularity. Thus, the Afghans, under Shah Shuja, returned in 1827 and 1833 to attack the city and claim their arrears from the Sindhi rulers. This unstable situation in Shikarpoor, in an otherwise quite controlled Sindhi domain, continued till 1834, when 9 Figar (2004a) mentions this figure to be 36; the first governor being Bogra Khan Nurozai and the last being Nawab Mansoor Ali Khan. 10 The Talpurs had established their sovereignty over Sindh since 1786; other scholars dispute this date and set it at 1783 (Burton 1851; Hughes 1876; Pithawalla 1936).

Shik arpoor Historic Town

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Shah Shuja, at that time a deposed ruler and planning a campaign to regain his territory, took a payment of seven lakhs from the Talpurs. In lieu of this payment, Shah Shuja signed an agreement that if he succeeded in regaining power, the Sindhi rulers would continue to pay this amount as an annual tribute; but, if he failed, it would be considered a donation and the Shah would withdraw from any future claims on Shikarpoor. The Shah failed in his attempts and the issue of Afghan claims remained settled till 1839, when the British used it as an excuse to extort money from the Sindh Mirs to fund their Afghan campaign, undertaken in alliance with Shah Shuja and Ranjit Singh (Duarte 1976: 338). For more than two decades from 1825, the Sikh ruler Ranjit Singh had his eyes on Shikarpoor and looked for a reason to take over the city, as it was reputed to be a place that could bring significant revenue. He blatantly confessed to having no desire for the territory per se. Rather, he wanted a rich country that would bring more revenue and wealth, and he viewed Sindh as a desirable option (Duarte 1976; Khera 1941). In 1833 and 1836, Ranjit Singh’s troops were at the Sindhian border, threatening to take over Shikarpoor, and even Sindh, if the Sikh ruler’s demand for annual tribute was not fulfilled. By the mid-1830s, the British interest in Sindh also started to grow, due to the prevailing international politics in Central Asia and Persia, where the Russians were becoming increasingly powerful. Ranjit Singh had been a close ally of the British, but the prospect of his territories extending towards Sindh was not welcome. Thus, it became increasingly crucial for the British to gain control of these areas. Taking advantage of their influence on Ranjit Singh, after long and repeated negotiations they were able to convince him to keep away from Sindh and Shikarpoor, a pressure to which he finally yielded albeit reluctantly and with much resentment. Nineteenth-century European accounts claim that, under the Talpurs, Shikarpoor trade declined. Burnes writes that with a ‘change of master, from the Afghans to the Sindians, its revenue has deteriorated to half a lac of rupees annually’ and the ‘duties exacted on goods forwarded by the Indus are so exorbitant […] [that] no merchandise [is] transported by that river’. On a contrary note, he also mentions that ‘some of the manufactures of Europe were to be purchased as cheap at Shikarpoor as in Bombay’ (Burnes 1834: 277, 218). A similar impression is given by Postans, who writes that the ‘vexatious transit and other duties on goods pursuing the Shikarpoor route towards Khorasan have tended to turn much of its former trade, especially European goods, received from its port of Kurrachee, into the channel of communication to the north-west by way of Someanee, Beila, and Khelat’ (Postans: 1840-1841: 91). However, in 1834, Burnes identified Shikarpoor as

32 

Urban Tr aditions and Historic Environments in Sindh

the largest town in Sindh, exceeding in size even the capital Hyderabad. Interestingly, even before the conquest of Sindh, Postans claims11 that the ‘[…] influence of the British Government, and the protection it has already afforded to trade in these countries, have had their effect at Shikarpoor, evinced in the increasing revenue, and settlement there of influential traders from Lodhiana, Umritsur, Bhawalpoor and other places’ (Ibid.: 93). In 1876, the Gazetteer of the Province of Sindh reported that: [A]t present the trade of Shikarpur, both local and transit, is believed to be very extensive, and it is still the great centre of commerce in upper Sind, though the town of Sukkur is believed to have drawn away much of its former trade with the Punjab, and in the event of a branch line of railway being constructed from that place to the entrance of Bolan Pass, will, it is thought, still further reduce its commerce (Hughes 1876: 794). The city has been described as having a mix of population including Hindus (responsible for all trade activities), Mosalmans (responsible for cultivation and artisanship) and Afghans (Zamindars who held important possessions during their reign). Hinting again at the atrocities of the Talpur Mirs, Postans mentions that the ‘Afghan Zamindars […] men of note and consideration, have been gradually stripped of their rights by the Talpoor Chiefs […] in consequence […] their number has considerably decreased’ (Postans 18401841: 90). Contrary to the negative degenerative remarks found in European accounts local authors trace out this period of Shikarpoor’s history as being in the prime heights of economic and cultural prosperity (Baloch 1996). British Rule During the 1839-1840 Afghan Campaign, the British troops used Shikarpoor as their military base, from where supplies and other provisions were secured for their sustenance. Finally, in 1843, with the conquest of Sindh, Shikarpoor became part of the British Empire. During the first two decades of their rule, the British saw Shikarpoor as an important city and many improvements were made due to its status as the District Headquarters and a Military Cantonment. As a significant cantonment, the city also contributed to the 1857 revolt that spread out simultaneously across the 11 This claim is probably based on results of the ‘Indus Navigation Treaty’ signed in 1832, through which Indus was opened for commercial navigation and all states along the course of the river were bound through the treaty to maintain peace and safe passage of goods and vessels.

Shik arpoor Historic Town

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entire subcontinent.12 On the night of 23 September 1857, the officers and sepoys of the 16th Native Inventory took up arms against the British soldiers. Combat ensued, but the mutineers were over powered and disarmed; some were captured on the spot and others, who managed to escape, were caught in Khairpur and Sukkur. On 9-10 October, a court hearing was conducted against two officers and six soldiers of the Shikarpoor infantry, who were then sentenced to death and executed (Butt 2004; Sindhi 1987; Mariwalla 1947). Local historians have also recorded the contribution and participation of eminent Muslim leaders13 from Shikarpoor and Sindh, who were actively involved in the Khilafat Movement and the freedom movement for an independent Muslim state (Sabir 2004). From 1860s onwards, the focus gradually shifted and Sukkur (in the south) as well as Jacobabad (in the north) superseded Shikarpoor as the administrative and military base, respectively. The Imperial Gazetteer of India (1908) indicates the construction of the North-Western Railway and its extension to Quetta as the cause for Shikarpoor’s loss of commercial importance. But Markovits is of the opinion that the Partition of 1947, which resulted in a massive exodus of Shikarpuri Hindus to Bombay and other parts of India, was the ‘death knell of a merchant community which, throughout the vicissitudes of a chequered history, always showed a capacity to rebound and to recreate itself’ (Markovits 2000: 108). The following table lists the benchmarks in Shikarpoor’s history in chronological order. Table 1.1 Chronology of important developments in the history of Shikarpoor till the time of Indo-Pakistan Partition; compiled from different historical sources 1617

1722

Foundation of Shikarpoor was laid by Daudpotas while they were settled near Bukkur. They were later pushed northwards founding the State of Bahawalpur. Shikarpoor was portioned out among three parties; Mir Abdood Wasa Khan as rightful Jageerdar (with 2/4 shares), Kalhoras (with ¼ share) and Moobarak Daoodpota (with ¼ share).

12 At this time there were three military cantonments in Sindh; Karachi, Hyderabad and Shikarpoor. Besides these there were regiments based in Jacobabad and Sukkur. 13 Among a number of eminent leaders is the name of Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah, born at Shikarpoor in 1879. He received his early education from Shikarpoor High School. He was appointed the first Chief Minister of Sindh when the province received an independent status, separated from Bombay Constituency in 1937; and also holds the distinction of being the only non-British governor of a province at the time of Independence.

34  1726 1739

1747

1786

1824

1827 and 1833

1833 and 1836

1839-40

1843 1855

1861 1883 1901 1906 1909 1920 1947

Urban Tr aditions and Historic Environments in Sindh

Attack was made on Shikarpoor by Kalhora rulers of Sindh: Daudpotas were completely expelled, and control of the city was taken over. In February, Nadir Shah entered Delhi; following month a treaty was drawn up through which all property westward of River Indus was ceded to the Persian crown; Shikarpoor among other cities was included in this transfer. On his return Nadir Shah is said to have passed through Sindh and camped at Shikarpoor. While leaving from Sindh the Persian monarch restored Daudpotas in Shikarpoor. Under Ahmed Shah Abdalee, Shikarpoor was annexed to Kandahar State and remained under Afghans for 77 years. Daudpotas were attacked by the Afghans. Putting up a fierce fight they were finally driven out of the city. Taymur Shah, the Afghan, raised Shikarpoor high above all the marts on Indus, by privileging Hindus to settle in it and do trade without dread of any extortion. On 24th August the Talpur Mirs of Sindh had a peaceful possession of Shikarpoor (from Afghans). On Annexation its revenue was divided into seven shares; 4/7 for Hyderabad Mirs and 3/7 for Khairpur Mirs. Shah Shuja (Afghan) returned to lay claims on Shikarpoor. In 1834, as a dethroned ruler planning an attack to regain his empire, he took a payment of 7 lakh from Talpurs, signing an agreement that if he succeeds they will keep paying that amount as an annual tribute, and if he failed this amount will be considered as voluntary contribution from the Mirs and the Shah will not have any further claims on Shikarpoor. Ranjit Singh, the Sikh Ruler of Punjab, made advances towards Sindh, with a keen interest especially in the city of Shikarpoor. Being a strong British ally at that time, they convinced him to refrain from doing this as it would have negative impact on the recently opened commerce through the treaty on ‘Navigation of Indus’; and also through their recent negotiations with Sindh, which bound the British to protect them against Sikh invasion. Shikarpoor served as an army base and frontier post throughout the British expedition in Afghanistan. The Talpur Mirs were made to provide for supplies necessary to maintain and sustain these troops. Conquest of Sindh by British Forces, after which Shikarpoor was used as a Cantonment; later shifted to Jacobabad. Municipality Act of 1850 brought into force, and city improvement schemes such as metalled roads, construction of water tanks and wells, extension of bazaar, roofing of old bazaar, etc. were undertaken. The British Military Cant was withdrawn from Shikarpoor and shifted to a larger military station (Jacobabad) 26 miles distant. District Headquarter was shifted from Shikarpoor to Sukkur. In August, Sukkur was made into a district with Shikarpoor coming under it. Removal of Prison. Removal of Civil Hospital. Russian Revolution and Fall of Khanate of Bukhara resulting in exodus of Shikarpoori merchants from Central Asia Mass exodus of Hindu inhabitants at the time of partition, replaced by immigrant Urdu speaking Muslim population.

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The Shikarpoori Merchants and their Network In an extensive exploration of the ‘Shikarpuri Merchant’s Network’, Markovits (2000) has traced the extent and influence of this enterprise, mapping the Shikarpoori network domain, which extended to Kirman (in southeast Iran) as its westernmost outpost, Keria (in eastern Kashgaria) as its easternmost, Chimkent (in Turkestan) as the northernmost and Aden (in Arabia) as its southernmost post. He remarks that ‘[…] for them the world, i.e., their world was divided into three areas: Hind, Khorrassan and Turkestan […] Shikarpur was the frontier between Hind and Khorrasan’ (Ibid. 108). Markovits describes it as a network that ‘developed during the period of the rise of Durrani Afghan Empire, and consolidated itself in the Central Asian Khanates between 1800 and 1870’. It played an important role in Russian Central Asia between 1880-1917, in Chinese Sinkiang and in southeastern Iran, where the presence of Shikarpoori merchants endured the longest. Hence, they were living in a highly Persianized cultural world. In the aftermath of the Russian Revolution, these merchants suffered heavy losses, but on their return they re-established their network in India proper during the 1920s and 1930s. Markovits identifies the period between 1917-1947,14 when the ‘Shikarpuri network went through a process of reorientation’ as having, in many ways, laid the basis for the post1947 diaspora of this Hindu community of traders. Research on the Bania Hindus of Sindh has established that they became the main beneficiaries of the socioeconomic transformations introduced in Sindh under the British administration (Cheesman 1982; Khuhro 1999; Markovits 2000). The position of Shikarpoor as a financial centre emerged as a result of its geographic location. The city did not have much of its own manufacturing, and could not compete with other trading and manufacturing centres of the day, such as Dera Ghazi Khan, Multan and Bahawalpur; but its merchants, without doubt, played a major role in the distribution of merchandise produced in these major emporiums to far off lands, by organizing and financing the caravan15 trade from India to Khorasan. Commenting on the Hindu merchants of Shikarpoor, Burton states that ‘having few or no homemanufactures […] devote[d] his energies to banking, and in less than half a century […] overspread the greater part of inner Asia’ (Burton 1877: 252). 14 Hindu traders returning from Central Asia started to settle in Karachi and other localities in India during this period (Markovits 2000). 15 Postans (1843) mentions that Kaffilas or caravans travelled from Kandahar in cold season reaching Shikarpoor in December-January and leaving around March; he estimates that upwards of 5000 camels, laden with merchandize pursued that route in one year.

36 

Urban Tr aditions and Historic Environments in Sindh

Figure 1.2 Map showing routes of Shikarpoori Merchants linking with Central Asia RUSSIAN EMPIRE

Batumi

Tashkent

Baku

Krasnovodsk

Aksu

Osh Bukhara

CASPIAN SEA

Kashgar

Maralbashi Markit Yengisar Yarkand Posgam Guma Marghalik Keriya Khotan

EMIRATE OF BUKHARA Termez Balkh

Mashad

Herat

PERSIA

SINKIANG

Feyzabad

Mazar-e-Sharif Kabul

AFGHANISTAN

Peshawar

CHINA

Kandahar

OTTOMAN EMPIRE

Kerman

PE

RS

IA

N

Quetta

Bandar Abbas

GU

Multan

Shikarpur Jaiselmer

LF Karachi

RUSSIAN CENTRAL ASIA

INDIA

Jodhpur Pokram Pali

ARABIAN SEA

Chimkent

GUBERNIIA OF TURKESTAN Tashkent Nurata Gizhduvan Bukhara Karakul

Kokand Margilan Khodjent Katerji Dzhizakt Fergana Kattakurgan Ura-Tyube Samarkand Chirakchi Kitab

Kermine

Ziadin

Karshi

Yakkabag Karabagt EMIRATE OF BUKHARA Guzar

The Shikarpuri Network c.1900 Source: Base Mondiale ESI (DWC), C. Markovits, M. Legrand and F. Pirot 1998

Osh

BATUMI, BAKU, KRASNOVODSK were transit points All other lcalities had colonies of Shikarpuri merchants

Main routes followed by Shikarpuri Merchants Source: (Markovits, 2000)

Traditional trade routes from Shikarpoor linked north-west, through Bolan Pass, Quetta, Khelat, Khojak Pass, Kandahar, Kabul, Balkh and Karshi to Bukhara; towards north with Mooltan, Peshawar, through Khyber Pass to Cabool, Bamean connecting with Samarkand and rest of Central Asia; in the east through Jaiselmer, Jodhpur, Pokram and Palee into India and in the south through Karachi and via the sea into Persian towns of Kerman and Mashad. These routes were in use till the end of 19th century, after which they were increasingly superseded (Pithawala 1936; Markovits 2000).

In a very short span of time, they made themselves quite indispensable in trade and financial transactions within the region, as evident from Postans’ remark that ‘[…] so essentially necessary are they to the wild Turcoman, the rude Afghan, and even the blood thirsty Beluchi, that they are, with trifling exceptions, warmly protected’ (Postans 1843: 66). The Hindus thus possessed an ‘unusual degree of influence at Shikarpoor’ and were considered ‘too valuable to the financial resources of the country not to be permitted to maintain it’ (Postans 1840-1841: 90). Hughes, quoting Masson’s remarks, calls these traders ‘acute financiers’, who have ‘amassed immense wealth’ through exorbitant interest rates on loans. He adds Conolly’s representation of these capitalists as ‘[…] enterprising, vigilant, and ravenous for gain, living

Shik arpoor Historic Town

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impersonations of heartless avarice, but, at the same time, specious, civil, and intelligent to an extraordinary degree’ (Hughes 1876: 789). The forte of Shikarpoor and its merchants was ‘banking and other branches of monetary traffic,’ carried out through a very sophisticated system of ‘bills of exchange’ called hundi (Thornton 1844; Ansari 2004). For almost one and a half centuries the banking houses of Shikarpoor ‘[…] dominate[d] the financial transactions over a vast area comprising not only Afghanistan, but parts of Iran and Central Asia’ (Markovits 2000: 38). Bills of exchange and discounts (hundi) were issued by the headquarters in Shikarpoor, and were accepted, without question, throughout the vast region that made up the network. These bills of exchange ensured traders and travellers the safe carriage of their money in times when dangers and the chances of being looted en route were very high. In spite of the fact that the commission charged was as high as almost 20% to 25%, they were still acceptable as a more secure mode of money transfer. To maintain a monopoly over hundis, these were not circulated widely outside the Shikarpoori network, thus they were difficult to procure from anybody except Shikarpoori merchants. Thornton mentions that their credit stood so high that these bills could be ‘negotiated in every part of India and Central and Western Asia, from Astracan to Calcutta’, a fact further authenticated by Burton who reports that they were ‘discounted, without question or demur, in places distant a six months’ march’ (Burton 1877: 252; Thornton 1844: 193). These bills of exchange were written in a script known only to the Sindhi Hindus, i.e., the writer and his correspondent and included marks that effectually prevented any chances of forgery (Burton 1877).

Development of Shikarpoor: Growth Pattern and Expansions Directions Shikarpoor’s political history and its position with reference to the terrain and surrounding topography are the two dominant contributors that dictated its growth pattern, physical form and urban morphology. Situated in a low-lying and level tract of country, its environs are flooded by irrigation canals of the Indus (Meyer et al. 1908; Thornton 1844). The extensive network of canals in the immediate vicinity of the city provides for rich alluvial soil, enriched every year by inundations. The surrounding lands thus have extensive agricultural fields, orchards and gardens. Given that these have been a major source of revenue since the establishment of the city, the built-up areas are limited to a compact and contained form,

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Urban Tr aditions and Historic Environments in Sindh

within controlled boundaries, unlike many other cities of Sindh that show sprawling growth patterns. The setting of agricultural fields and the irrigation canals as one approaches the city is the most impressive feature of the urban landscape within which the historic city of Shikarpoor is framed. The largest and most significant of these canals is the Sindh Wah, which flows less than a mile south of the town. Two branches of Sindh Wah, the Chotta Beggari Wah and Rais Wah, flow south and north-east of Shikarpoor, respectively (Meyer et al. 1908). These canals traditionally served not only irrigation purposes, but were also used for navigation and recreational activities. Recorded accounts from the nineteenth century mention the Sindh Wah being navigable for large boats during four months of the year (Burnes 1834; Thornton 1844). This also indicates the lack of maintenance and neglect that it had suffered, as a result of which it ‘nearly choked up at its mouth and [was] hardly capable of containing at the highest point of inundation of the river sufficient water for three or four months of the year.’ However, under the British administration it was cleaned, and revived as a major source of irrigation as well as navigation16 for almost nine months of the year (Postans 1843: 242, 243). The Chotta Beggari Wah and Rais Wah were not open for navigation, but both of these served for irrigation and additionally as places for recreation and festivities (Smyth 1919). These canals, though today a scene of neglect and desolation, still have significant charm as an integral part of the surrounding environs and an important and valuable environmental/natural asset. The city of Shikarpoor as it stands today has distinct areas representing different periods of its development and growth. The earliest parts are contained within the perimeter of what used to be the city walls. Later expansions, primarily eastward and a little in the other three cardinal directions, can be identified as the earliest phases of extension, as these areas have a similar pattern of narrow winding lanes as those inside the walled city. The third phase of extension (mid-nineteenth to early twentieth century), includes colonial period developments. Satellite images indicate that the city has actually not expanded much beyond these colonial limits. Thus, it may be stated here that in more than four and a half centuries of its history, Shikarpoor’s built-up areas have not expanded in proportion beyond three times its original walled city limits. The northern municipal boundaries of Shikarpoor were extended during the late nineteenth century from ‘Raiswah Canal and Mirzawah Band’ to 16 The 1876 Gazetteer of Sindh mentions ‘Thar Ferry’ being introduced on this canal.

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Figure 1.3 Map of Shikarpoor showing its extent and growth from walled city to the present day

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Urban Tr aditions and Historic Environments in Sindh

‘the tail of Kaziawah Canal up to the junction of old and new Sindh Roads’. In the south, the boundaries were expanded from ‘the right of Chota Beggari Canal, starting at mouth of Gowazwah up to the Collector’s office’ to ‘the right bank of Sind Canal from Kaziwah to new Sind Road’. In the east, they were extended from the ‘western side of the main road running from collector’s kutchery to the Raiswah’ to ‘mouth of Kaziwah up to its tail’ and in the west, from ‘Gowazwah starting at its junction with Mirzawah to the Chota Begari Canal’ to the ‘junction of the new and old Sind roads to the Sind Canal’ (Hughes 1876: 787, 788). These extended limits correspond almost exactly with the present municipal boundaries, whereas the previous limits correspond to the extents of the city recorded in a map dating 1915. Official accounts indicate that the old cantonments to the east of city were not included previously within municipal limits (Hughes 1876). The Walled City (Seventeenth-Eighteenth Century) The historic core of Shikarpoor comprises an area within the walled limits of the town. This walled form probably originated in response to the turbulent and unsettled political history of the town, which, from the time of its foundation, had a contested existence in terms of ownership and control. It is recorded in historic accounts that the ‘town and district fell into the hands of the Sindians about eight years ago, and is the only unsettled portion of their country, the Afghan family to whom it belonged making frequent attempts to recover it’ (Burnes 1834: 277, 278). Those in possession of the town built and strengthened the defences around the settlement. The enclosed boundaries of the settlement allowed controlled entry through eight gates, placed at the locations of roads coming from other major towns of that time. The gates were closed after sunset, and guarded at all times by armed men keeping a watch on all traffic entering and leaving. The existence of this early defence system in Shikarpoor during the nineteenth century, albeit in a highly dilapidated condition, is recorded in the accounts of European travellers and officials. In 1834, when Burnes visited the place, the wall apparently still existed, as he writes about Shikarpoor being surrounded by a mud wall. In the following decade, Postans wrote that the ‘walls […] of burnt brick, have been allowed to remain so totally without repairs, that they no longer deserve the name of a protection to the city; they enclose a space of 3800 yards17 in circumference’ (Postans 1840-1841: 87). By 1844, Thornton’s account mentions that the fortification 17 Thornton (1844) has estimated the circumference to be 3831 yards.

Shik arpoor Historic Town

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walls were ‘[…] in ruins, but eight gates may still be traced.’ Hughes (1876) mentions a particular large mound ‘[…] on which the market 18 now stands, said to have been mounted with guns by a former ruler of the town, as a defense for the city’ (Ibid.: 790). Burton has described the city gates as ‘eight big shady gates of Oriental type’ and also mentions the utter dilapidation of ancient mud-wall that ‘time broke into white mouldering fragments’ and ‘two forts’ that formerly formed the ‘rude defences’ of Shikarpoor (Burton 1877: 246). At present, there are no remaining traces of the wall, but its footprint is clearly preserved and well defined by the Circular Road, which was apparently built by clearing away the debris and remnants of the mud-brick wall at the time when extensive developments and improvement plans were proposed and implemented in Shikarpoor under the British administration, during the latter half of the nineteenth century. Location of the eight gates is also identifiable, as the streets/lanes today have the same names as those of the gates. Early Extensions (Late Eighteenth and Mid-Nineteenth century) Shikarpoor was initially built as a walled city, but its immediate precincts, beyond the walled limits, were closely connected with the city, its inhabitants and its activities. For security purposes, what needed protection at the time of a conflict or attack – life, property and the wealth of the inhabitants – was thus kept inside the walled limits. Activities related to agriculture/farming, and the visiting caravans associated with the city’s trading enterprise had their camping facilities outside the walled boundaries. The two Afghan forts (mentioned in European accounts) were located to the north-east and south-east. The one to the north-east was later converted into a Kaffila serai or caravanserai and is clearly drawn and shown in the 1915 map of the city (a few, last traces of this still exist). This fort was located away from the walled city, but the other, according to Burton’s account, was immediately outside one of the city gates. These locations make sense as the threat of apparent attacks came from these two directions, i.e., from the rulers of Punjab and Bahawalpur in the north and from Baluches and Sindh rulers in the south. Thus, as an Afghan frontier town, strong defences had to be placed in south-east and north-east directions, whereas on the western side (the Afghan domain) no such need existed. 18 This probably is the municipal ‘meat market’ on Station Road, near Lakhi Dar.

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Urban Tr aditions and Historic Environments in Sindh

Close observation of the street pattern and built fabric of areas immediately to the east of the walled city indicate that these must have been the earliest of the extensions, apparently coming within the sphere of protection provided by the two forts. These areas follow a similar street pattern, of narrow, winding lanes, to that of the walled city. Within this area, proper accommodation facilities for visitors and traders coming with caravans, must have developed at a later stage after the trade route was well established and the political situation in the region was more settled. A few (partially) surviving examples of musafirkhanas, and dharamsalas recorded during the heritage inventory survey in 2007 support this statement. The other direction of growth is indicated by extensions south of the walled city, towards Chotta Beggari Canal. The straight roads and grid-like street pattern suggests that these developments are of a later period and have colonial influences. But the existence of several old temples in this area indicate that developments related to religious activities started here much earlier. The obvious reason for this is the Chotta Beggari Wah – the nearest water channel. Since many religious activities of Hindus are focused around water bodies such as lakes, rivers or canals, it is very likely that, as the community grew into a predominant majority, they developed this area for religious and community activities. Postans mentioned in his accounts that the Shikarpoori Hindu community had ‘days of public rejoicing and festivity on the first appearance of inundation […] a large population of that faith always […] devoted their Sunday to a general fair, or Melah, on the banks of a large canal near the city’ (Postans 1843: 65, 139). He also mentions that the Hindus were only allowed to celebrate their festivals or religious rites at Shikarpoor, thus the place must have served as a regional magnet, especially at times of religious festivities (Ibid.; Dodeja 1982, 1996; Awan 1996: 262; Rashdi 1996a). Vast areas beyond the inhabited limits of the city are agricultural lands, within which small pockets of rural clusters exist, serving as feeders to the urban centre. Large tracts of agricultural land belonged to Afghan, Baluch, and other landlords or ‘zamindars’ as part of their inherited ‘jagirs’. In light of Shikarpoor’s political history”, it may be stated here that extension of permanent residential settlements in the east and south date from the early 1830s, when the Indus Navigation Treaty was signed and an agreement between the Talpurs and Shah Shuja regarding Afghan claims on the town were settled. Prior to this, the areas outside the walled city were used only for activities of the caravans under protection of Afghan guards at the forts.

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Colonial Expansions (1843-1947) British entry into Shikarpoor dates prior to the annexation of Sindh, when troops being mobilized for the Afghan War (1839-1840) were stationed here. The area east of the city was used for this purpose and referred to as Old Cantonments in historical accounts. The cantonment is described as being spread over a large area, having ‘broad roads and avenues’ with large bungalows ‘surrounded by extensive gardens’ (Hughes 1876: 788, 789; Meyer et al. 1908). Late nineteenth-century accounts report the dilapidated condition of most barracks and houses, and mention that many of the European officers’ bungalows were in a very ruinous condition (Hughes 1876; Meyer et al. 1908). By the early decades of the twentieth century, much of the European Quarter’s built fabric had disappeared; only a few traces of the old cantonment remained, among which were the European cemetery opened in 1851 and the Collectors Bungalow (converted into a circuit house)19 (Smyth 1919). Pearce, in his memoirs as an Indian Civil Service (ICS) officer in Sindh during 1938-1948, writes that ‘there were no Europeans in Shikarpur when we camped there in the Old Circuit House, and there were ruins all around of what had been the military cantonment’ (Pearce 2001: 25). Areas that comprised the European quarters are easily identifiable by the typical character of colonial planning features – the straight roads and large plot parcels having enormous open spaces surrounding the buildings placed within compounded areas. A major contribution of this period towards the development of the town was road improvements. Since this activity was more focused towards connecting European quarters with older parts of the city and other places around the region, the historic core inside the walled city areas largely remained untouched. These newer areas of the city were primarily developed to accommodate administrative offices, but, in addition, had residential areas for officers and institutional public buildings, including educational and healthcare facilities. When the railway extended to Shikarpoor, it passed near the city’s newly developed colonial period extensions. The area between this track and the old city became the zone for public buildings and offices, whereas the residential quarters of European officials were located on the other side of the tracks, literally dividing the city’s residential area into two defined zones. The European quarters were planned in such isolation that once the British interest moved 19 The term Circuit House is used for government residences built in various cities all over India during the British period for providing accommodation facilities to their officers travelling on duty.

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from the city these areas became desolate and soon deteriorated into a ruinous state. The colonial extensions of Shikarpoor are an interesting example of the direct relationship between political power and its impact on the growth and expansion of cities. Immediately after Sindh’s conquest, Shikarpoor became a focus of attention for the new administrators – designated as district headquarters and military station for Upper Sindh. But this interest was short lived and after only sixteen years their attention shifted to Sukkur and Jacobabad. Shikarpoor as a city gradually lost its administrative signif icance and importance. By the 1920s, Sukkur had completely overshadowed Shikarpoor; but, in spite of this, the city maintained regular growth, reflecting the economic dynamism linked to agriculture and important banking establishments (Markovits 2000). With a shift in British policies and the development of communication links in the region, particularly the railways and Indus Flotilla, 20 the centuries-old trading activities of the town disappeared. But the Hindu merchants of Shikarpoor, clinging to their city, managed to sustain its spirit till the time of Partition in 1947. Most public buildings built during colonial times were actually funded through philanthropic contributions by Hindus, including hospitals, schools, college, orphanages, ashrams and dharamsallas. Quite a few of these establishments, now under government administration, still retain their original names, reflecting their founding patrons’ identity. The case of Shikarpoor makes a unique example in the context of Sindh, where the colonial impact instigated a growth pattern and expansion, but this impetus did not sustain or continue once the administrative machinery was withdrawn. In fact, the policies and events that followed, especially the political turn of Indo-Pakistan Partition, caused a reversal, resulting in a rapid decline of the urban and socioeconomic configuration of Shikarpoor. The Hindu community, which had been a backbone of the city’s many institutions and had sustained these over a long period, itself became a victim of the larger political game, and was left with no choice but to give its place of identity and migrate to other parts of India.

20 The first steamer of the Indus Flotilla named ‘Indus’ was put on the river in 1835, operating between Karachi and Multan (Pithawalla 1939). The Indus Flotilla was joined with Sindh Railways in 1859; amalgamated as one company by 1870; and finally the Railway Flotilla was abolished in 1882-1883 (Hughes 1876; Meyer et al. 1908).

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Post-Independence Developments (1947 onwards) Even though Shikarpoor was among the most urbanized centres of Sindh at the time of Partition, it has remained un-influenced by the post-1947 urban expansion experienced by a few other cities in Sindh. Post 1947, the city has not experienced any signs of growth or expansion; the only apparent change being infill developments in large open spaces and un-built plots increasing only the proportion of built-up areas resulting in densification. The state of infrastructure even within government establishments such as the police lines compound, locally known as the faujdari, is below standards. Even main roads are in a poorly maintained state, some not even metalled properly. Areas beyond the historic core are in worse condition, bearing the look of a katchi abadi. Post-independence ‘refugee resettlement schemes’, introduced by the Government of Pakistan to cater to the huge demand for sheltering the migrant population, did not have any impact on Shikarpoor. Although it was one of the major cities of Sindh, a vacuum was created due to the exodus of the Hindu population and this gap was filled, to an extent, by incoming mohajirs during Partition; but, Shikarpoor did not remain a chosen destination21 for the newcomers, who re-oriented themselves to places offering better socioeconomic opportunities. The demographic change occurring as a result of this major population displacement is a primary factor in the transformation of the spirit and urban character of Shikarpoor, which never recovered from the economic and institutional collapse it suffered during the decades that followed Partition. Shikarpoor unfortunately has not received much attention in postPartition development policies, either at federal level or from provincial or local government. None of the large-scale development schemes, either for housing or for industrial development, have made their way to Shikarpoor. The lack of investments for improvement of infrastructure and other facilities has resulted in a decline or closure of pre-Partition establishments and private industries. These have, in turn, created major issues of unemployment and societal degeneration. This state of apathy is imprinted on the faces of the young and energetic segment of society, expressing their disappointment in the pursuit of professional advancement due to a lack of appropriate facilities. The chai khanas lining Circular Road 21 Preferred destinations for migrant population were Karachi, Hyderabad and Sukkur; the three cities of Sindh that have grown extensively due to huge numbers of migrant population. These cities also became the focus of post partition developments.

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and the main exits of the city connecting to the highway, endorse this crisis of ever-increasing unemployment as these are permanently filled with young men aimlessly passing their time sitting and watching TV or chatting with each other. In the absence of opportunities to channel their energies in positive directions, the community remains vulnerable to being enticed into negative activities. Unattended heaps of accumulating garbage inside the city are a common sight, reflecting the poor performance of the city municipality. Shikarpoor’s present image, as conceived from news alerts flashing on television channels or newspapers every now and then, are synonymous with disturbing law and order situations, incidences of tribal clashes leading to deaths of innocent victims, extortion of minorities by intolerant religious fanatics, rising crime resulting from ever increasing unemployment, and similar negative imagery (Phulpoto 2012; Memon 2010). The outskirts of the city, along with the scenic sights of Beggari Wah and Sindh Wah, which once served as a hub for evening recreation and annual festivities (Dodeja 1982, 1996; Rashdi 1996; Bukhari 1996) are now a declared ‘no-go’ zone after sunset. Prevailing animosity and ongoing tribal rivalries22 result in armed clashes. Lives are lost but often even a First Information Report (FIR) is not registered, proving the fact that the situation is beyond the control of city administrators. The spirit of cordial co-existence between different ethnic and religious entities that collectively formed the spirit of this dynamic urban centre, initially disturbed by the mass migrations of 1947, has worsened over decades as a result of the pursuit of political, religious or ethnic dominance. Shikarpoor, once famed for its public institutions and recreational activities, has now slumped into a city lacking even basic standards in essential sectors like education, healthcare, housing and recreation. The city offers no place for family recreation: outdoor eating facilities are limited; of the two cinemas, one has been demolished and the other has been vacant for many years awaiting demolition; the two public parks once famed for their collection of fragrant flowers, fruit orchards, and a mini zoo, now remain desolate and poorly maintained; and the theatre groups and performing art activities, about which many native authors have written elaborate eulogies, are no longer organized in the city. The healthcare sector is similarly under resourced, with only basic facilities available 22 The Mahar-Jatoi tribes have been at loggerheads with each other since decades; similarly, the Mangnejo-Meeral Kalhoro tribes have been clashing; resulting in loss of lives on both sides (Phulpoto 2012).

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to citizens – for more complicated treatments, people have to travel to Karachi. These facts reflect the declined status of this urban centre and are glaring indicators of the poor quality of life presently endured by its residents (Naeem 2012). The situation in terms of physical developments and management of urban infrastructure is presently no different in Shikarpoor. Heaps of garbage, broken and dug-up roads left unattended for years, failure of rain-water drainage during annual monsoon downpours, blocked and overflowing sewage water, a lack of street signage, chaotic traffic movements – all of this indicates a drastically failed and collapsed governance system desperately in need of a thorough overhaul. The issues of city planning and building regulations are not taken care of by any specialized division or team of professionals forming part of an existing administrative set-up. These are rather dealt with by officers employed in the Works and Services Department, often without the expertise to handle the complexities of urban/city administration, or lacking the technical knowledge to competently regulate building by-laws. An independent unit of the Sindh Building Control Authority is yet to open in Shikarpoor. The investments in the development of the housing sector during the post-independence decades, through which Sindh’s other urban centres, like Karachi, Hyderabad, Sukkur and, to some extent, Mirpurkhas experienced urban growth, did not happen in Shikarpoor, and the city’s urban limits have remained more or less within its colonial boundaries. New constructions are largely undertaken by petty contractors, without the involvement of any established architecture firms, and the city is yet to see an architectural project that establishes an iconic, trendsetting status as a result of the work of a nationally-internationally renowned architect-planner representing contemporary trends in architectural practice, as witnessed in other urban centres across the country.

Administrative and Socioeconomic Aspects Historically, the town of Shikarpoor never enjoyed importance as an administrative centre/capital of the region. It was only after the British conquest that, for a few decades during the latter half of the nineteenth century, the town gained administrative significance, as the headquarters of an eponymous collectorate and district. After 1853, Sindh was divided

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Figure 1.4 (A-E) Series of historic maps in the collection of Sindh Archives indicate changes in Shikarpoor’s administrative importance

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From being a Collectorate and a District in the earlier decades of second half of 19th century, it became a Subdivision/Taluka under the Sukkur Collectorate/ District; gradually starting to lose all administrative significance by end of the century. In 1883 headquarters of district were moved from Shikarpoor to Sukkur. The city of Shikarpoor re-gained its administrative importance as District Headquarters in 1977, when once again a district by this name was created.

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into collectorates, and a zamindar23 or wadera was appointed to each to collect taxes for the British. During 1856-1864, Shikarpoor Collectorate of Upper Sindh comprised five districts, namely, Jacobabad, Shikarpoor, Rohree, Larkhana and Mehar. An 1895 map of Shikarpoor Collectorate shows fifteen subdivisions/talukas, including Shikarpoor, Nausharo Abro, Sukkur, Ghotki, Mirpur Mathelo, Bahawalpur, Ubauro, Rohri, Ratodero, Qambar, Larkana, Nasirabad, Mehar and Kakar. During the second half of the nineteenth century, Shikarpoor served as ‘the headquarters of the Army of Sindh […] [and] the headquarters for the District of Upper Sindh’ (Pearce 2001: 2), but towards end of the century, Sukkur and Jacobabad gradually usurped Shikarpur’s position. The military troops stationed in Shikarpoor were withdrawn after 1861 (Hughes 1876: 788). In ‘1883 the headquarters of the district were transferred to Sukkur […] name of the district was changed in 1901 […] [and with] removal of the prison in 1906 […] [and] Civil Hospital in 1909 […] [the] last traces of Shikarpoor as the district headquarter disappeared’ (Smyth 1919: 29). The status gained by Shikarpoor as an important administrative centre during the early decades of British rule began to wane towards the end of the nineteenth century, and all establishments of importance were either transferred to Sukkur or Jacobabad. The district bearing Shikarpoor’s name was divided and adjusted within districts named after two rising administrative centres. Shikarpoor thus became a subdivision or a taluka under the Sukkur Collectorate and later the district of that name. The city of Shikarpoor regained its importance as a District Headquarters in 1977, when a district of this name was re-created. The present boundaries of Shikarpoor district cover approximately the same area as that of 1899 Shikarpoor subdivision of the Sukkur Collectorate. Present Administrative Set-up Between 2001 and 2010, the city of Shikarpoor was administered and managed under the ‘District Administration’ structure, which introduced a decentralization plan and provided it with legislative support from ‘Sindh Local Government Ordinance 2001’ (SLGO 2001). Under this system, the District Government is headed by a ‘Zila Nazim’ (elected representative) 23 The wadera of Shikarpoor was Bhagwandas Golani (1841-1899), a merchant born in the royal family of Golanis. After his death his eldest son Shobraj Bhagwandas Golani (1878-1919) took over as the landlord of Shikarpoor, Digri, Jamrao, Kachhelo, Tando Jam Mohammad, Ratnabad and Khairpur. Shobraj Golani was invited to Great Britain by the King along with all other Nawabs and Rajahs of India in 1900 to discuss participation of their respective provinces in the expansion of the British Empire (http://wikimapia.org/1509453/Shikarpur).

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Figure 1.5 Present boundaries of Shikarpur District

and a senior officer, a ‘District Coordinating Officer’ (appointed by the provincial government). Twelve departments were introduced through the District Government system, each working under an Executive District Officer. The District Government is responsible for all the management affairs and reports, through the Zila Nazim, to the Provincial Government of Sindh, which possesses an overall supervisory and administrative control of specific sectors, including heritage preservation, as per the constitution and existing legislative framework.24 The SLGO 2001 has, however, been repealed since 201025 and the administrative machinery is presently looked 24 At present, the Sindh Cultural Heritage Preservation Act 1994 is the most important legislation applicable throughout the province. 25 The SLGO 2001 was withdrawn through the Local Government (Amendment) Act 2010 Bill passed unanimously by the Sindh Provincial Assembly in January 2010. The Local Body Elections after being postponed several times were put off indefinitely till all coalition parties of existing government could reach a consensus on the revised law. This situation of uncertainty prevailed till the recent Local Bodies Elections held across the country in difference phases during the latter half of 2015.

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after through an ad hoc system enforced in February 2010. This replaced all elected nazims (on expiry of their tenure) with bureaucrats/civil servants appointed as administrators by the government. The present jurisdiction of Shikarpoor District, with its headquarters in Shikarpoor city, covers four subdivisions/tehsils, including Shikarpoor, Lakhi, Khanpur and Garhi Yasin. Parallel to the District Government, there is a ‘Town Municipal 26 Administration’ (TMA Town/Taluka/Tehsil level depending upon the size and population of the settlement). This is responsible for the: preparation of spatial plans for the town, including land-use, zoning and functions; enforcement of municipal laws on behalf of the District Government; execution and management of development plans; proposal and collection of taxes; preparation of budgets; organization of events; regulation of markets and services; management of its own properties; and the provision, management/operation/maintenance and improvement of the municipal infrastructure and services (including water supply, sewerage, solid waste disposal, street lights, firefighting, parks, playgrounds and open spaces and slaughter houses). The area under Shikarpoor ‘Town Municipal Administration’ is subdivided into eight city Union Councils (UCs) and seven rural UCs. Each Union Council works under a UC Nazim (member of the District Council) and a UC Naib Nazim (member of the Taluka Council). The city municipal limits of Shikarpoor include eight UCs. The unsatisfactory performance of the municipal administration and its union councils has been reflected in the prevailing state of affairs in the city for several decades, and there are calls for urgent steps to improve the professional capacity of this ineffective administrative set-up. Besides questionable professional capability, another reason for the administration’s poor performance identified by Ansari (2005) is that the Zamindars and other power brokers, such as mukhtiarkars and millers, dominate these local and district boards and Municipal Corporation.27 Thus, it is quite apparent that accountability on performance and deliverance is practically non-existent. The concept of a municipality was first introduced in Shikarpoor through enforcement of the Municipal Act in 1855. At this time, the ‘municipal 26 The first Municipal Commission for Shikarpoor was established in 1853, whereas the actual City Municipality came into being in 1878. 27 Ansari (2005) claims that an attempt to reduce their dominance during the military regime of 1958, brought about a noticeable change; city centers of Shikarpoor, Jacobabad and Sukkur became much more ‘cleaner’ and civic facilities better maintained. Observation on the present situation indicates a reversal, as most of the posts in city and district administration are still in the hold of influential families. This opinion is further reinforced through community’s feedback gained through open ended interviews of residents taken by the author.

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Figure 1.6 Boundaries of Shikarpoor’s Union Councils

Demarcation showing boundaries of the eight Union Councils (developed through on-site verifications with a municipal officer, since the map of boundaries obtained from census office had many overlaps as well as omissions)

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income […] [was] derived mostly from town duties, wheel tax and cattle pound fees; and the expenses [were] […] on establishment, conservancy, police, educational and medical grants-in-aid, and repairs to public buildings and roads’ (Hughes 1876: 792). At present, the municipal revenue from the district and the town is from tax levied on agricultural income and at the time that new houses are constructed. In addition, the provincial taxes on property, income and sales tax contribute to the provincial income. Provision of basic infrastructure and services is the responsibility of Shikarpoor Municipality, which provides for maintenance of roads, streets, lighting, solid waste removal and maintenance of the sewerage system. However, unlike other cities, Shikarpoor Municipality does not have to deal with provision of water supply within the city limits. Owing to a network of irrigation canals in the immediate vicinity of the city, the soil is completely saturated and sub-soil water has always been available in unlimited quantity, even by digging only to a depth of twelve or fifteen feet (Thornton 1844). This holds true today as the availability of sweet ground water suitable for drinking allows individual houses to have their own wells, independent of any centralized water supply system. The city also lacks a properly organized public transport system. All transportation facilities within the city or for inter city travel are operated by private companies or individuals. The existing standards of basic infrastructure and services in the city are a reflection of the poor performance of the local administration, which leaves much to be desired. Socioeconomic Context and Demographics The socioeconomics of the town was historically focused around trade and agriculture, the two main domains for income generation and professional pursuit. Prior to Partition, trade and commerce had the upper hand due to the fact that a predominantly merchant community resided within the city. In the post-Partition scenario, with the departure of Hindus, trade and commerce activities no longer flourished; however, agricultural activities have been sustained and now form the backbone of Shikarpoor’s only source of a weak economy. Towards the mid-nineteenth century, Shikarpoor was one of the largest towns in Sindh. According to census figures in the 1850s, two-thirds of its population belonged to the Hindu faith. Throughout the late nineteenth century, there was a gradual increase in the population, which reached its peak by 1921. The post-independence migrant influx and expansion of cities has not affected Shikarpoor in the way that it did for Karachi, Sukkur and

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Hyderabad. The post-Partition census figures for Shikarpoor do indicate an increasing population, but compared to other cities the growth rate was much lower. Table 1.2 Population estimates and census figures for Shikarpoor Year

Total

Hindus

Muslims

1841· 1851♣ 1854♦

22,000 24,000 30,000

(20,000)

(10,000)

38,107 42,496 43,000 42,004 49,491 54,641 55,503 -

(23,167)

(14,908)

British Period

1872◊ 1881◊ 1882+ 1891◊ 1901◊ 1911◊ 1921∗ 1931° 1941°

63.8% (31,589)

35.97% (17,804)

Post-Independence

1951° 1961° 1972° 1981° 1998°

45,335 53,910 70,924 88,138 1,34,883

Figure not available 1.37%

97.80% 98.08%

Pre-Colonial

Source: · Postans (1841); ♣ (Burton (1851); ♦ Goldsmid (1854); ◊ Smyth, J. W. (1919); + Ross (1882); ∗ Bombay Central Government, (1926); ° Government of Pakistan Statistics Division Population Census Organization

Demographically speaking, the India-Pakistan divide has been a major turning point in Shikarpoor’s history, as the exodus of its rich and affluent Hindu population created a void in community-based support systems that sustained the city’s many educational, health, and other welfare related facilities, offered on a philanthropic basis. The present official census figures indicate that the percentage of Hindus now residing in the city is less than 1.5%. A field survey undertaken in 2007, with the aim of compiling heritage inventory listings of Shikarpoor’s historic locations, included structured interviews with resident families. The socioeconomic data 28 on residents of properties identified for inclusion in the heritage listings reflects the 28 A total of 333 households were interviewed: of these, 78 families still residing in historic buildings belong to the Hindu faith, making more than 23% of the total interviewed households.

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Urban Tr aditions and Historic Environments in Sindh

fact that a sizeable Hindu community still resides in the city and has close associations with it (Naeem 2009, 2011). Historically, Shikarpoor has also been a city rated highly with respect to educational progress at a very early stage. In 1150 Hijri (hereafter H) (1737 AD), with the arrival of Haji Fakirullah Alvi in Shikarpoor, many madrassas and darsgahs were established, including those of Alvis, Chishtis, Ahmadis and Qureshis. These institutions imparted education in Arabic and Persian languages in subject areas ranging from religion, fiqh, and hadith to medicine, poetry and speech, literary writing, grammar and language (Figar 2004). This momentum for educational progress continued through the colonial period, during which a ‘large number of Government and private schools’ (Hughes 1876) combining Western and vernacular educational practices were opened in the city. The city claimed to have seventy graduates in the 1930s (recorded in that year’s official survey report), when the rest of Sindh had only seven (Wikipedia 2012; Sabir 2004). It also boasted of having the first degree college in Sindh, the C & S College, built between 1927-1932. Today, however, the city has only two schools of a higher secondary level, three degree colleges29 and no university30. The infrastructure and basic facilities in most schools established during the colonial period still exist, but they lack their earlier high standards due to administrative changes that occurred after 1947’s Partition and a dearth of supporting funds from the government. This decline in educational standards is also reflected in the socioeconomic data from the 2007 survey, according to which, less than 25% of interviewed households are associated with permanent jobs, and even less hold professional degrees for jobs such as doctors, engineers or bankers. More than 50% of interviewed households show an engagement with work for daily wages as labor, vendors, or similar menial jobs. This reflects the fact that a majority of Shikarpoor’s population belongs to lower income brackets. This is further reinforced from information collected on the property and assets of these families, which indicates that more than 75% of families do not have any other assets in the city or elsewhere, other than the residence they presently occupy. A District Revenue Officer explains the post-independence demography of the town as a transformation from

29 Besides the two higher secondary level schools, the city has 1235 primary, 63 middle and 50 secondary level schools (2007-2008) ‘Shikarpur Sindh’ (http://www40.brinkster.com/mribian/ db/index.html). 30 The Shah Abdul Latif University (SALU), Khairpur has recently opened its Shikarpoor Campus offering only a few basic degree programs.

Shik arpoor Historic Town

57

the ‘commercial, civil and urban lines’ to ‘rural, feudal and tribal lines’ (Baloch 2007). However, the collected socioeconomic data indicates that almost 60%31 of interviewed families have a long association of more than 35 years with the city. Many other families with ancestral ties to the city have opted to live in larger urban centres due to the better prospects, but they still maintain their family homes and spend at least a few months of the year in Shikarpoor. The remaining 40% of families are more recent migrants, with around 20% living there for less than fifteen years. These recent migrants mostly come from surrounding rural areas and smaller settlements or villages.

Trade, Commerce and Industry Till the mid-nineteenth century, Shikarpoor was one of the biggest contributors to Sindh’s trade revenue. As recorded in the Gazetteer of Sindh, during the 1850s almost 50% of import trade from Karachi came through the Shikarpoor Collectorate. Shikarpoor, however, did not have extensive industrial establishments as compared to other towns of the region at that time with reputations as manufacturing centres. However, small-scale industry for the manufacture of carpets and coarse cloth did exist in the city, and some entrepreneurial establishments, like the ice factory opened by a German engineer and a hosiery factory opened by Seth Dolatram, famous for its high quality woollen garments, are recorded by scholars (Ansari 2004). During the latter half of the nineteenth century, the jail contributed to developing craftsmanship skills among its prisoners. The products recorded as having been marketed from here include carpets (wool and cotton), cloths of different kinds, postins or winter coats, baskets, reed chairs covered with leather, tents, shoes, paper and superior embroidery on silk – some of these items were so high in quality that they received prizes at the 1869 Karachi Exhibition (Hughes 1876; Meyer et al. 1908; Smyth 1919). Trade links with Central Asia also provided an opportunity for Shikarpoori merchants to develop a reputation as ‘high quality gem’ dealers and, having established a monopoly in gems, Shikarpoor became known as the best place in Sindh to buy pearls and high quality gems at attractive prices (Markovits 2000; Smyth 1919). 31 From among the interviewed families, 25% have lived here since before Partition, i.e., more than 60 years; another 13% living there since Partition; and a further 20% living there for more than 35 years.

58 

Urban Tr aditions and Historic Environments in Sindh

Even now, Shikarpoor does not have many industrial establishments, other than a few related to agriculture-based products, including a couple of flour, sugar and rice mills on the outskirts of city. Crafts-based industry has not developed, in spite of the fact that a vast majority of post-Partition migrant refugees, which the authorities planned to resettle in smaller centres like Shikarpoor, were artisans with a background in various specialized skills (Ansari 2005).

Connectivity to the City As an important British Cantonment during the early decades after Sindh’s annexation, Shikarpoor was connected to all types of existing communication lines as early as the 1870s, including good roads, postal routes and telegraph. Around the mid-nineteenth century, Shikarpoor had bad approach roads due to the city being located in a low-lying tract of land, where large pools of water and watercourses formed during inundation season (Postans 1840-1841). As a remedy to this setback, extensive road improvement schemes were commissioned by the colonial administration, and ‘main lines of communication, both in and around this city’ were improved to standards as good as in any town of the province (Hughes 1876: 787). By the early twentieth century, the city was connected to the North-Western Railway as well (Meyer et al. 1908); the track – an offshoot of the main railway line going upcountry, branching off at Sukkur, connects with Shikarpoor and proceeds towards Jacobabad, and further north. As the focus started to shift towards other cities, further improvements in infrastructure during the latter decades of the colonial period were probably undertaken only if necessary, i.e., to facilitate the connection with Jacobabad. The transition of Shikarpoor from an active hub and primary node of the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century communication links by means of caravans, to a transit city on the National Highway is mainly attributed to nineteenth-century developments, particularly the introduction of railways (1858-1861) and the development of Karachi port (1870s). The current status of Shikarpoor is that of a short stop-over for those travelling upcountry by road, using the National Highway that passes through the city suburbs, thus enabling travellers to bypass the city if a stopover is not desired. Sukkur and Jacobabad have better facilities for visitors and are a more likely transit choice as both are also connected by air with Karachi.

Shik arpoor Historic Town

59

Summary The review of the historical background and developments of Shikarpoor gives clear insights into the growth and transformations of the city, particularly in the context of contributions from different administrative establishments and communities towards shaping the built environment. Early growth of the city under Afghan patronage, which encouraged Hindu traders to settle there and promote trade activities, established a base for Shikarpoor’s economic prosperity. This was further enhanced during the colonial period, when Hindus were given added protection and privileges through the newly introduced legal and administrative systems. Thus, Shikarpoor became a rare example of city in Sindh that had more than two-thirds of its population belonging to the Hindu faith, mostly involved in trade and banking activities. In addition to this very influential Hindu community, the city also had a large percentage of Muslim landowners who had a strong influence on the working-class masses. As a hub on the caravan trade route, linking Afghanistan, India, Persia and Central Asia, the city represented a multicultural and multi-ethnic community. For a short period, immediately after the annexation of Sindh, Shikarpoor also became a centre of colonial administration, but the focus soon shifted to Sukkur and Jacobabad. A dominant segment of the society through most of Shikarpoor’s history, however, was its rich Hindu community that made tremendous contributions to the formation of the unique built fabric that characterize Shikarpoor. These contributions were not only in terms of private residences, but also philanthropic contributions for the establishment of public institutions. The period that epitomizes the height of Shikarpoor’s prosperity is the eighteenth-nineteenth century. Following post-independence demographic changes, the city went through a drastic decline; but, in spite of these transformations, the remnants of Shikarpoor’s unique historic past are still evident and survive today.

2

The Character of Shikarpoor’s Historic Fabric

The historic city of Shikarpoor is a unique representation of Sindh’s built form traditions, which have evolved over centuries in response to the changing socioeconomic and political influences experienced by resident communities. In addition, the historic built environment represents adaptations responding to climatic factors. The descriptive analysis on the city’s urban form presented here is derived from an extensive literature review of historic accounts, comparative study of historical and current maps, and perceptions derived through primary field data. This analytical retrospect is aimed at stimulating sensitivity for the present state of affairs regarding Shikarpoor’s historic fabric. The review offers an understanding of the city’s morphological form – focusing on the street patterns, circulation, directions of expansion and the overall character of the historic built fabric, including open spaces, other elements of the urban environment and buildings. Shikarpoor was originally laid out as a walled city, built with burnt bricks, enclosing an area within walls stretching 3800 yards in circumference and with eight gated and guarded entry points. This historic core within the walled limits (presently what is contained within the Circular Road) has narrow, winding streets and alleys with a well-preserved form and layout and, even today, the inner streets can only accommodate pedestrian traffic. The dense built fabric retains much of its traditional architectural style, with constructions in timber, mud and brick. However, in recent years, this is rapidly changing and new constructions in cement concrete, which are ill-suited to the historic environment in terms of scale and proportion, are increasingly replacing traditional buildings. Within the city limits, the most important traffic artery is the Circular Road that goes around the historic core, following the original city walls and is the nerve centre of all vehicular movement. Beyond this point, vehicular traffic can only penetrate inside the inner city core at a few locations, and then only up to a certain point. The densely built walled city areas have in their immediate periphery some extensions of built-up areas that largely developed under the colonial regime, beyond which lie the extensive suburbs that comprise agricultural lands, parks and gardens, orchards, and other features such as canals, water tanks or ponds, which form an integral part of the irrigation system sustaining agricultural activities. Accounts in travelogues and gazetteers indicate that a great portion of the population,

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Urban Tr aditions and Historic Environments in Sindh

calculated as belonging to the city, lived outside the walled city and were referred to as Mahomedans and the working classes (Postans 1840-1841). The built fabric of Shikarpoor is predominantly residential, except for bazaar streets that form the core of commercial activities. Traditionally, these also had a character similar to that of the residential quarters. Largescale public buildings were introduced in Shikarpoor during the British rule. Nineteenth-century European travellers mostly define the city as crowded and unclean, with no public buildings of importance except for a few mosques, and no ancient buildings or antiquities worthy of mention (Burton 1877; Hughes 1876; Ross 1883); these, however, seem like perceptions based on a cursory observation and a notion of Western aesthetics and sense of built environment.

Layout of the City: Streets, Circulation and Composition The layout of the city as it exists today can be categorized into three distinct zones. Firstly, the inner walled city and its immediate extensions on the eastern side, with a circulation system that predominantly caters to pedestrian traffic. Secondly, the colonial period extensions, i.e., the areas with vehicle oriented circulation, but still at a scale and proportion that could sustain a certain degree of pedestrian movement. And thirdly, the extensive suburbs that are well connected with vehicular access roads that are on a scale that is not suitable for pedestrian circulation. The layout of the inner city core in particular illustrates the socio-cultural norms of the region’s inhabitants. Their social setting or lifestyle largely determines the ‘settlement pattern and individual family needs are fitted into a house plan at the end’, and narrow streets and tall buildings in the dense urban fabric are ‘designed to cast a shadow and thus maintain lower temperatures […] [in addition] provide privacy and security’ (Sabzwari 2003: 13, 14). Circulation Pattern and Street Hierarchy within Walled Limits The apparently chaotic, haphazard, narrow, winding lanes form a pattern that completely contrasts with those areas developed during the colonial period. When closely observed and analyzed, they have distinct hierarchical relationships that ensure the security and safety of residents and, in addition, create a sense of ownership and privacy at the ‘mohalla’ or neighbourhood/community level.

The Char ac ter of Shik arpoor’s Historic Fabric

63

Figure 2.1 Map showing street layout inside walled city and its early extensions on the eastern side

All listed properties are shown in red. Yellow dotted lines indicate primary vehicular circulation and its entry points with extent of penetration into the historic core. Orange arrows mark locations of the eight gates. Blue dotted lines show the second level hierarchy of streets. Cyan dotted line indicates the main covered bazaar. Besides these main thoroughfares the rest of the streets are neighbourhood level streets; quite a few terminating as dead-end lanes.

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Urban Tr aditions and Historic Environments in Sindh

As previously mentioned, the Circular Road, which serves as a ring road, allows penetration into the dense and closely packed internal road network at only a few locations. Although the former eight gates or entry points into the walled city are no longer physically existing, their locations still serve the same purpose in practice. The location of these gates is recognizable by the streets that bear the same names as the gates, each of which is known or named after the city towards which its road lead, or after a specific activity that occurred at that place or in that area. The gates of Shikarpoor, in sequence, from north clockwise are known as: Civi Dar (N), Khanpuri Dar (NE), Hathi Dar (E), Hazari Dar (SE), Lakhi Dar (S), Nausharo Dar (SW), Karan Dar (SW), and Wagun Dar (NW). The term ‘Dar’ means entrance or gate, and the names Lakhi, Nausharo, Civi, Khanpuri and Hazari correspond to the cities or small villages towards which the road from that specific gate leads. ‘Hathi’ means elephant in Urdu, while ‘Wagun’ means crocodile32 in the Sindhi language. Besides the eight gates, historical accounts also mention a window known as the Sidik Mari. A road with this name exists on the western periphery of the walled area, midway between Karan Dar and Wagun Dar and now serves as one of the vehicular accesses. During the mid-1850s, after the establishment of the municipality, road improvement schemes were implemented and, additionally, four vehicular accesses were created as entry points into the inner city core. Streets and lanes inside the walled city area have a distinct hierarchy defined by widths and level of accessibility for vehicles/pedestrians. On the whole, they do not allow for circulation as a thoroughfare. The first level in the hierarchy of streets is the Circular Road. This is the main traffic circuit, and has other vehicular roads branching off from it at various locations (Dadwai Road, Karan Gate Road, Sidik Mari Road, Nausharo Daro Road), penetrating inside the walled city. The second level of circulation is formed by roads that are primarily pedestrianized, but which can be accessed on bikes or motorcycles, and sometimes even with donkey carts and rickshaws. These second level streets or lanes link up the eight gates (via the shortest distance possible) and serve as the main pedestrian thoroughfares of the city. Most of these streets cut across the main bazaar, passing through the middle of the city, making the bazaar street a pedestrian interchange. The main spine of these second level streets is 32 On the satellite image of the city a large marshy water body is seen N-W of Wagun Gate, and it is possible that at some time in the past these natural marshes were inhabited by crocodiles, hence the name of the gate.

The Char ac ter of Shik arpoor’s Historic Fabric

65

formed by the stretch from Lakhi Dar end to Stuart Gunj Bazaar end and the entire Churigar and Boot Bazaar. These are the two main commercial arteries and most populated pedestrian streets. The third level hierarchy of roads within the inner city circulation is formed purely by pedestrian lanes, with widths that cannot accommodate any vehicular movement. Indeed, only a few motorcycles owned by residents can penetrate into these lanes. Accessibility inside these streets for outsiders is also automatically controlled by the proportions and the layout, which make those unfamiliar with the area hesitant about venturing inside. Many of these tertiary lanes culminate in dead-end streets that define entry into a ‘private space’, i.e., a ‘haveli’ or cluster of houses. The compactness of these lanes and their ambiance as an extension of adjoining residences ensures a certain degree of monitoring and checks by the neighbourhood community. Any strangers or newcomers spotted by resident community members are immediately stopped and asked about the purpose of their visit. Only after a satisfactory response are they allowed to proceed into these lanes, often escorted to their destination. ‘Mohallas’ or Neighbourhoods Besides the gates and street circulation patterns that typically define the historic characteristics of Shikarpoor’s inner city core, the definition of ‘mohallas’ also adds significantly to the traditional set-up. Each locality, neighbourhood or ‘mohalla’ was named after either a specific community living in that area or by a particular activity that took place in that locality. Shikarpoor retains much of its history and legends associated with various locations through the names of these mohallas, which are used even today, despite the fact that most of these activities no longer survive. Some of the old resident families still living in the city have specific ‘mohallas’ bearing their family’s names, such as Soomra Mohalla, Sheikh Mohalla, Awan Mohalla and Siddiqui Mohalla. Even though many of these families have their extended clans living in the city, they are not necessarily clustered together anymore. The mohallas bearing these family names are now home to a mixed community. Similarly, a number of streets are named after an important haveli or prominent building or known personality from the locality. Some interesting examples give insights into past associations with or activities at certain locations, throwing light on the socio-cultural aspects of the city in the past. An example worth mentioning here is the area known as the Lulla Mohalla – named after brothers living there, who, according to oral history narrative by residents, were famous local

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Urban Tr aditions and Historic Environments in Sindh

bandits and neighbourhood bullies. A building located in UC2, off Khabar Ji Khuhi Lane, bearing the inscription ‘Seth Gulabsingh Gobindsingh Lulla Contractors’ still exists in this area. Another interesting example is the small open space known as Khatko Maho – meaning the place for washermen – and Kamangar Mohalla – the neighbourhood of wood carvers and craftsmen. Similarly, street names like Seth Chamansingh Haveli Lane and Khanchand33 Haveli Lane (named after a large haveli complex, the entrance of which still holds its inscription) indicate the location of important sites. Many of these names are not familiar to newer residents as signage for the streets does not exist, but the city survey records and maps used by city administrators still retain these names. There is, however, a growing trend, as in other cities in Pakistan, to rename the streets, particularly those not appreciated by or fitting with Islamized ideology. Thus, older names reflecting historic aspects of the city are gradually fading from record and memory. Plot Parcels Important elements forming the morphology of cities are the plot parcels. In Shikarpoor, the pre-colonial historic areas are clearly distinguished by the division of plot parcels without a consistent standard pattern. Particularly in the walled city, the shape and size of plots have large variations, which might be due to an incremental development and division of individual properties. The figure-ground ratio of open space to built-up area of plots also varies according to the different plot sizes and individual needs or preferences of occupant families. Only the bazaar streets have a standardized size of rectangular plots. Comparative analyses of a 1915 map with present city survey records indicate that the inner city areas largely retain their original plot parcel divisions, except for a few locations where new constructions of massive proportions have been allowed after the amalgamation of several small plots. Within the inner city core, only a few large sized amenity plots, such as schools, exist on the outer periphery of the walled area on both sides of the Circular Road or the vehicular access roads introduced under the British administration. Areas of the city that developed during the colonial period are distinguishable by a different size and proportion of plot division in comparison to the walled city areas and its immediate extensions, i.e., they have wider streets and follow a grid-iron 33 Historic records mention Khanchand as the Congress Committee’s Secretary for Shikarpoor in 1934-1935.

The Char ac ter of Shik arpoor’s Historic Fabric

67

pattern. These large plot parcels either have a single building block or a cluster of several buildings within areas enclosed inside a boundary wall, within which are large open spaces used as lawns, gardens, or, nowadays, mostly lying as unused open areas. Most of the public buildings, including schools, colleges, dharamsallas, hospitals and official/administrative establishments developed during the colonial period are all laid out in this pattern.

Components of the Built Fabric: Open spaces, Urban elements and Buildings Streets and land parcels are the primary elements constituting the morphology of cities, determining the basis for the evolution of the built environment. However, the tangible units that actually form the image of a city are the components that form the basis of activity patterns, the means of easy referencing, the source of visual imagery, and the stage for experiential insights. The most impressive of these components are the open spaces, urban elements and buildings and, indeed, Shikarpoor’s historic fabric has its own unique range that helps define the character and spirit of the city in its historic context. Although most of what remains of the historic fabric’s representative components is no longer clearly recognizable, their muffled reminiscences still bear witness to their past grandeur. Open Spaces and Natural Assets An important component contributing to the historic urban landscape of Shikarpoor is its open spaces and natural assets; of which there is a variety in scale and usage. Set within the alluvial plains of Sindh, the city’s suburbs are irrigated by canals, supporting an agricultural landscape with extensive cultivated fields and orchards. These not only provide a serene and picturesque environmental setting to the city, but are also the backbone of the prime economy for the area. Within the walled city limits and its immediate surroundings there is also a variety of open spaces including parks, graveyards and small squares that, in addition to having an important functional objective, also provide essential respite to the densely populated neighbourhoods.

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Urban Tr aditions and Historic Environments in Sindh

Mukhtiarkari Road

Figure 2.2 Open spaces in Shikarpoor

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Open spaces and squares Graveyards Parks Animal pens

Open spaces make an important integral part of the urban morphology of Shikarpoor. Within the walled city area the dense street network is punctuated with small squares/open spaces used as community interaction areas at neighbourhood level. The size of open spaces magnifies in outer limits of the city; particularly noticeable due to their large size are the Shahi Bagh on the southern and the graveyard of Manchar Shah Ghazi on the northern edge of city.

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Parks/Public Gardens Historically, Shikarpoor was known for its gardens and public parks, described in historical accounts as popular recreational attractions by both European (Burton 1877; Hughes 1876; Postans 1840-1841; Ross 1883; Thornton 1844) and native scholars (Dodeja 1982, 1996; Rashdi 1996). These numerous gardens, mostly lined along the banks of Sindh Canal, had several indigenous species of trees, including Neem, Pipal, Gulmohar, etc., providing cool shaded groves for visitors. There were also fruit trees in abundance, including species of dates, mangoes, mulberries and oranges. Many of these private gardens also had spacious bungalows, huts and wells, and the soil in these areas was naturally enriched due to annual inundations, to the extent that no manure of any kind was required for fertilizing the land (Postans 1840-1841; Smyth 1919). Some of these private gardens mentioned by various authors include: Lal Baksh’s Bagh, known for the sweetness of its dates; Bhai Talo’s Bagh, famed for its delicious guavas, apricots and peaches; and Jalal’s Bagh recognized for its mulberries (Dodeja 1996: 190). The largest and most superior of all the gardens was the Shahi Bagh, now known as the Shaheed Allah Baksh Municipal Park, located south of the city at Alif Shah Road and Beggari Wah Road junction, stretching along the southern banks of the Chotta Beggari Canal. In reference to a mid-nineteenth-century Persian manuscript written by Munshi Atta Mohammad34 Shikarpuri, titled ‘Tareekh Taza Nawai Maruk’, Figar (2004) mentions that, in 1806, the Afghan emperor Shah Shuja-ul-Mulk came to Sindh with his vizier Sher Mohammad, and camped at the Shahi Bagh outside Shikarpoor. His son Taimur Shah35 was born here and this event is recorded to have been celebrated with much fervor and festivities throughout the city. Writing about the Shahi Bagh, Burton (1877) mentions that a ‘little zoo with tiger, monkeys and parah [red heifer]’ was maintained here, and the gardens were lined with beds of roses and other varieties of fragrant flowers. People from the city visited the park in large numbers 34 Mirza Atta Mohammad Shikarpuri (1786-1863AD) was born at Shikarpoor in the family of Mian Shah Mohammad. He received the title of ‘Mirza’ and started his career as a munshi in 1819 at the court of Afghan ruler Shah Shuja-ul-Mulk at the time when he was camped at Shahi Bagh, who appointed him to record his official accounts. Additionally, Mirza Atta Mohammad also served at the court of Talpur Mirs dealing with official correspondence. He had command over Persian language and is the author of the famous manuscript ‘Tarikh Taza Nawai Maruk’, which was completed in 1854 at the request of E.B. Eastwick (Figar 2004; Mohammad 1854). 35 Taimur Shah was crowned in 1818 as the ruler of Afghan Empire including Shikarpoor city (Figar 2004).

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Figure 2.3 Shaheed Allah Buksh Municipal Park (Shahi Bagh)

Shaheed Allah Buksh Municipal Park (originally the Shahi Bagh) is among the few remaining recreational facilities for the citizens of Shikarpoor. Much reduced in size and poorly maintained its present state reflects on incompetence of city administration. The Merewether Pavilion built in 1871, on the north-eastern edged of Shahi Bagh serves as a landmark and an icon for Shikarpoor. Although maintained by Municipality to a certain degree the pavillion shows signs of gradual deterioration in the form of disintegrated/ damaged portions of wooden latticework and metal roofing. Yet it is among the favourite playing and hanging-out spots for children of adjoining areas.

in the evenings, and especially on weekends – enjoying the fragrant atmosphere and relaxing with a game of ‘chauser’ or cards. Located at the north-western corner of Shahi Bagh is the Merewhether Pavilion, forming a focal point for the entrance from Alif Shah Road. The Merewhether Pavilion is a small structure built on a cross plan, with a metal-riveted spirelet on an octagonal base that covers the central part of the cross plan. The four wings of the cross are spanned by steep, pitched extensions jutting out of

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the base of the central spire. These form the four entrances of the pavilion, with an ogee arched form created within the timber trellised sides of the structure. This colonial period monument added to the precincts of the Shahi Bagh was designed by Captain Peyton Phelp. Its foundation stone was laid on 24 May and completed by September 1871, commemorating Colonel Sir W. Merewhether, Commissioner of Sindh. This once illustrious public garden spread over several hectares of land is now much reduced in size, and devoid of its fragrant flower beds and fruit orchards. However a couple of dysfunctional Victorian fountains still adorn the park. The zoo has been closed and its animals shifted to Karachi. Only a small area of the park around the Merewhether Pavilion is now maintained properly and visited by the local population. A small cricket stadium is also maintained in the vicinity, albeit with only very basic provisions. A few unsightly new structures, including an entrance portal and a concrete pavilion, apparently recent additions by the municipality, are the only contributions of present Figure 2.4 Liaquat Park (Ganesh Bagh)

Liaquat Park (Ganesh Bagh) located at the junction of Cicular Road and Station Road is much obscured from vision due to encroachments and high boundary walls around it. The entrance is not much noticeable and the park inside usually has a deserted look.

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Figure 2.5 Plaque inside Ganesh Park

A marble plaque inside entrance structure of Ganesh Park briefly gives a historical profile on Allah Buksh Soomro, after whom the Shahi Bagh has been renamed. Allah Baksh Soomro (1900-1943) was born in Shikarpoor and received his primary education at the Hopeful Academy (now High School #2). He represented Upper Sindh in Bombay Legislative Council from 1926-1936; where he played an instrumental role in the initiation of Sukkur Barrage Project. He was appointed as the Chief Minister of Sindh in 1938 and chosen as the first President of All India Azad Muslim Conference held in 1940 at Delhi. In recognition of his services he was awarded the title of Khan Bhadur and also nominated to the Defence Council of Thirty – both of these titles he relinquished in 1942 as a protest against British policies. Allah Baksh Soomro was assassinated in Shikarpoor on 14th May 1943; this assassination attack was claimed by the ‘Hurs’- planned and conducted by one of their leading fakirs Mohabat Bihan (Lambrick 1972, p. 178). Giving a detailed sketch on his life and political ideology Rashdi (1966) describes him as someone who led a simple life, never displaying the pomp and glamour he was entitled to in the capacity of a minister (Rashdi 1966, p. 199; Bhagio 2011).

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administration. The poor state of the lawns and vegetation today is an unwelcoming and pathetic sight. Ganesh Bagh, now known as Liaquat Park, located near Lakhi Dar, is another public garden mentioned in historical accounts as a popular recreational spot. This space is also now under the control of the municipal administration. The park is completely obscured from vision due to high boundary walls built around its periphery. The entrance of the park is marked by an arched entrance portal, but the area around this entrance has been encroached on by extensions of the shops and other commercial activities in the vicinity. A few plaques on this entrance vestibule give brief information, with one indicating an inauguration in 1997, apparently marking the year of renovations that appear to be ongoing, and another presenting a profile of Allah Buksh Soomro (1900-1943) one of the renowned personalities of the city. An abandoned marble canopy near the entrance of the park bears an inscription saying ‘Imam ji Sabeel’ and is said to have originally contained a sculpture of the Hindu deity Ganesha. The park is usually deserted, possibly due to an entrance ticket charged by the municipality or because it is not very inviting for passers-by due to the fact that it is obscured from view and not easily spotted from the road. Graveyards and Mukams Another important category of open spaces existing in large numbers within the walled city and its adjoining vicinity are the graveyards and mukams identified as an important component of the socio-cultural traditions. In addition to having a utilitarian value as an important civic amenity, they also serve as a city’s lungs if properly maintained and provided with appropriate planting. The graveyards and mukams in Shikarpoor vary substantially in size, but they have similar common features that reflect the religious and socio-cultural practices of the community. There are several graveyards within the city limits of Shikarpoor, mostly on its outer periphery. Some of these are smaller family graveyards, while others are for the general public and spread over large areas. Among these are a few historic graveyards – the largest and most well-known is the Manchar Shah Ghazi Graveyard, located on the northern edge of the city. The graveyard has dense vegetation including an abundance of old indigenous species of trees, under whose shade hundreds of graves are scattered. Generally, the graveyard appears rather overgrown, and some parts appear inaccessible. Located in the south-eastern quadrant of the graveyard is a cluster of small structures including the Tomb of Manchar

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Figure 2.6 Satellite image showing extents of Manchar Shah Ghazi Graveyard

Inside the graveyard are two prominent shrines, a mosque in ruinous condition and a newer mosque still in use having a small rectangular prayer chamber and an area in front, enclosed within low boundary wall defining its courtyard. The Tomb of Syed Ghazi Bukhari Manchar has a small glazed tile panel inside its chamber having the date 1146Hijri (1733AD) inscribed on it. The tomb is even today visited by devotees. Having undergone continuous conservation interventions it is a well maintained structure.

Shah Ghazi, the Tomb of Rakhail Shah, a small mosque, a partially existing structure of an abandoned mosque that seems to be of great antiquity and the remains of a well. Other smaller historic graveyards include one near Nausharo Dar, Pir Hajna Shah Bukhari, Lutuf Shah and Pir Kamal Shah. In addition to these graveyards there are numerous mukams – small open spaces associated with

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Figure 2.7  Shamshan Ghat

The entrance of Shamshan Ghat has an inscription written in Hindi script mentioning ‘Seth Mohandas Seth Kishandas Seth Dolatram… Nara Revakarai’. The year mentioned is 2008, which might be referring to the Hindu Lunisolar calendar.

some saints or pirs, usually with a small tomb or grave chamber of a revered saint and several other graves outside, in the open spaces surrounding the tomb. These graves generally belong to the close kin of the saint or associated important devotees. More popularly known mukams inside the walled city area are Punj Pir and Shah Hussain Bukhari Autar, with a plaque on its entrance portal inscribed with the date 1162H (1748). Among many others are Pir Jabal Shah, Pir Nabi Shah and Meher Shah. Besides the graveyards for Muslims, Shikarpoor also has a Shamshan Ghat (cremation ground) for the Hindus, located south of Manchar Shah Ghazi Graveyard and enclosed within a boundary wall def ined by an entrance portal. Near the enclosed area of Shamshan Ghat there is a small temple complex, now in a ruinous condition, with several interlinked vaulted and domed chambers. One of these vaulted chambers has fresco paintings inside. The Imperial Gazetteer of India (1908) also mentions a European cemetery established in 1851. It would appear that this is the present Christian Graveyard, located on the eastern side of railway tracks near the Jacobabad Road flyover.

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Figure 2.8 (A & B) The temple complex near Shamshan Ghat enclosure

Partially collapsed structures of the temple complex near Shamshan Ghat enclosure. The ruins indicate existence of a fairly large complex having several interlinked spaces, some of which are rectangular in proportion having vaulted roofs while others are small square proportioned rooms having either a shallow or conical dome typically used in temple structures in the region. The construction is primarily load bearing arched systems, using bricks as the main building material. Use of mud brick or mud mortar is also seen alongside as infill material for thicker wall sections. Among the ruins are a few spaces where the vaulted roof is still intact. One of the spaces has fresco paintings depicting the Hindu deity – the goddess Shakti in the form of Sinhawasni riding a lion going for war against rakshas.

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Small Squares within the Walled City (for Wells) The dense street circulation of the walled city area has a series of small open spaces punctuating the culmination of several lanes, serving as breathers and intersection nodes. These small squares or open spaces seem to have historically been the community’s hub for social interaction as most of them are marked as having wells in old city survey maps. Currently, no traces of these wells survive, except at one or two locations where evidence of abandoned wells or water pumps still exist. Most of these open spaces now have cemented surfaces, completely obscuring their original brick pavements, but their space and form is well preserved and there are no encroachments or building extensions. The small squares, although devoid of any street furniture or hard landscaping elements, have remained in active use by the residents. For children, these serve as playing and gathering spaces during the day; for the elderly these are places to come out from the house and sit to observe the neighbours, children and passers-by; and for the young men of the community, these are spaces to meet and chat with friends in the evenings. In some cases, these squares open up in front of a mosque or a shrine/ mukam. In the event of large-scale family gatherings, such as a wedding, the families living around these squares use them as an extension of their house – organizing the cooking of the festival meal, the seating of their guests, and serving of the food in this public space. Agricultural Lands and Orchards Located in a fertile tract of land, Shikarpoor is surrounded by extensive agricultural lands, which, according to official figures, spread over 185,000 hectares. A large population that settled in the suburbs, but which is counted as belonging to the city, has always been involved with agriculture and its related activities (Postans 1840-1841). Census figures from 1998 indicate that 80.3% of the population of Shikarpoor District are employed in the agricultural sector. The main crops of the district include rice, wheat, cotton, oil seeds and pulses and these are harvested bi- annually – the Rabi (April-May) and Kharif (October-November) crops. Present satellite images confirm the existence of this vast agricultural landscape surrounding Shikarpoor. As an important environmental asset and an integral feature of the historic urban landscape, these agricultural fields should be acknowledged as an essential component of sustainable development and planning schemes, and geared towards their enhanced utility as a primary source of economic uplift for

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Figure 2.9 Open spaces within the walled city area

Layout of walled city area and its immediate vicinity showing open areas marked with green. Some of these open spaces remain unused turning into garbage dumping areas; however more commonly these are in active use by residents of adjoining areas, claimed for ad-hoc use when extra space is required for any activities – such as large gatherings for weddings or funerals, or for storage of materials while construction/repairs are being made to any property. If properly developed these spaces have an immense potential for turning into interactive outdoor activity pockets, providing an interface between residents and visitors. These small squares and sometimes even streets within the walled city area practically serve as extensions of the house when the need arises.

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Figure 2.10 Agricultural fields

Extensive agricultural fields starting from the very edge of city form an integral part of Shikarpoor’s urban landscape.

their associated communities. The agricultural lands are largely privately owned and cultivated or managed under the land tenure system. This is seen as a major hindrance in promoting improved farming techniques to increase the yields and developing means for marketing the produce to the direct benefit of farmers/growers. Irrigation Canals The backbone of Shikarpoor’s agricultural economy are its irrigation canals, which form an important feature of the landscape and its suburban setting. The main canal flowing south of the city is the Sindh Wah and its branches, the Chotta Beggari Wah and Rais Wah, flow south and north-east and serving as the major source of water for cultivation in the area. In addition to their utilitarian value, these canals add to the environmental and recreational aspects of the city. Historically, they are known to have been a place for evening leisure and activities related to the celebration of harvest as well as religious festivities. Annual fairs and religious festivals specifically mentioned in historical texts include: the ‘Naoroza’ in July held for nine days; ‘Chaliho’ celebrated in the fourth month of the Hindu

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Figure 2.11 The Sindh Wah

The Sindh Wah once navigable by boats and serving as a prime recreational hang-out for Shikarpuris now presents a forlorn situation due to the continuing lack of maintenance. The prevailing law and order situation in the region has also contributed to the abandonment of these scenic sites’ in the outskirts of city earlier used as recreational spots.

calendar for forty days; and the spring festival of ‘Holi’, during which the ‘All India Music Festival’ was also organized, inviting famous singers and musicians from across the subcontinent (Smyth 1919; Dodeja 1982, 1996; Awan 1996; Rashdi 1996a). As the nearest canal, Chotta Beggari Wah flows south of the Shahi Bagh. Despite being poorly maintained by the city administration, it still provides a scenic setting to the city’s approach and is frequented by visitors from the city. A section of it, in front of Shahi Bagh, has been developed for public recreation purposes, with sitting platforms and stepped areas along the two banks, leading into the canal water. Recorded accounts mention pukka ghats with walled enclosures of burnt brick masonry for ladies (Dedeja 1996). It is possible that this is the area now developed with unsightly concrete platforms and out of proportion metal structures used to provide shade. The entire area adjoining the south bank of the canal has extensive gardens and agricultural fields. The Sindh Wah, located almost a mile and a half south of the city, was traditionally the more popular recreational and picnic venue. Historical

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texts describe the road leading to the canal as being lined on both sides with trees that offered cool shade, even through the hot summer season. The Sindh Wah is about 150ft. in width and 15ft. in depth and used to be a primary attraction during monsoons and summer month (June-August). Large-scale picnics were organized for family and friends, and the river festival was celebrated with a fair organized along the canal’s banks where an ‘improvised bazaar quarter of a mile long’ appeared, offering food, music and other recreational attractions to the visitors. On moonlit nights, boat rides were also available for those seeking leisure. From Lakhi Dar a tanga ride to the Sindh Wah would cost one ‘anna’, i.e., one sixteenth of a rupee (Dodeja 1996: 192). Today, the Sindh Wah is in a sorry state. Its banks are heavily silted and choked with wild vegetation; the dusty pathways along its banks are extremely uninviting, particularly due the lack of law and order in the area. Water Tanks The terrain within which Shikarpoor is located has an abundance of natural hollows and marshes. Using this feature to advantage, during the colonial period three large tanks were created in the vicinity of the city, managed and maintained by the municipality to serve as water reservoirs. Hughes (1876) mentions these tanks as being built on the eastern side of the city, at municipal expense, and he records a detailed description: Sarvar Khan’s – situated near the Khanpuri gate and has an island in the middle covered with tamarisk trees, Gillespie – rectangular in shape, is near the Hathi gate and was excavated in 1868-69. It has two flights of steps, 40ft. wide, on its northern and western sides […] has recently been enlarged, with the object of providing earth for filling in a hollow at the Lakhi gate, Hazari – supplied with water from the Chota Beggari canal, and has its sides lined with pine trees. To allow of a proper drainage of this tank, the surplus water is made to fall into what is known as the Aminshahi hollow (Hughes 1876: 791).

From these descriptions, it seems that these water reservoirs were a pleasant spot, adding a leisurely landscaping feature to the city. Based on information from a historic 1915 map regarding the possible location of these tanks, a map regression exercise was undertaken. A visit to these locations revealed that none of these tanks exist anymore. The location marked as ‘Fulton Tank’ on

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Figure 2.12 Historic map of 1915 showing water tanks

The historic map of 1915 marks four water tanks on the eastern outskirts of city. It also shows two hollows; one on north western edge of city near Wagun Dar and another on the north between Civi Dar and Khanpuri Dar. This map does not indicate the location of Hazari Tank, but its description in the 1876 gazetteer suggests that the un-named tank east of Sarvar Khan’s Tank is possibly the Hazari Tank. Location marked as Gillipse Tank in map is presently an open ground used for garbage dumping. Some puddles of water still exist. No traces of Fulton Tank exist anymore; the site presently has new constructions. Site of Sarvar Khan’s Tank is levelled out probably for new constructions. The area marked as a ‘hollow’ in the historic map still has a large water body.

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the historic map has been completely filled in and the land, seemingly sold to private builders, now has new constructions and multi-storey buildings. The location of Sarvar Khan’s Tank is now filled with a garbage dump. During my visit, I observed a bulldozer levelling the land, which suggests that the municipality intends to sell off this piece of public land, almost certainly to private builders. The site of Gillipse Tank presents a similar situation. While it is not yet completely filled in, some parts are being used as a garbage dumping area by the adjoining settlements. There are, however, some signs of a water body still remaining – the area still has some water puddles and wild vegetation. On the western side of the city, another hollow is marked on the historic map. A visit to this location revealed the existence of a large water body, seemingly frequented by migratory and local species of birds.

Urban Elements Another component of interest that has contributed to the urban character of Shikarpoor’s historic fabric is the various elements/features of the built environment that cannot be classified or evaluated as buildings. Rare and unique in nature, these are identified for recognition as an entity distinctly defined as ‘urban elements’ – that is, special features of the historic environment that contribute to the character of the street or public spaces in terms of defining space or giving identity to specific functions or utilities in the public domain. The changes in societal values and norms have, in recent times, resulted in making some of these identified elements redundant or largely unrecognized features of the urban scene, thus pushed to a state of threatened demolition or gradual disappearance. Yet, as an integral part of the historic urban environment, it is strongly recommended that they be recorded and given due protection. Archways Archways defining or emphasizing entry to an area of public importance were seen at two locations in Shikarpoor: one on Lakhi Gate Road, marking the entry point to the main commercial or bazaar street, and the second defining the entry point of the Stewart Gunj Bazaar area. Both of these are semi-circular arches with a simple design, ornamentation and decoration, but their scale makes an impact and defines these important entry points into the commercial zone of city. The character of traffic movement through

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Figure 2.13 (A & B) Archways

(A) Near Lakhi Dar defining entry point to the main bazaar street. This one spans over Lakhi Gate Road which is primarily pedestrian in nature. (B) Defining entry to Stuart Gunj Bazaar area. This spans over the Circular Road, the primary vehicular circulation artery of Shikarpoor. Heavy vehicles moving to and from Dhaan Mandi and other wholesale market areas in the vicinity have significantly damaged the archway.

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the two archways is strikingly different. The Lakhi Dar archway takes in primarily pedestrian traffic – vehicular movement on this road is restricted to motorbikes, donkey carts, pushcarts or sometimes rickshaws and occasionally private cars. This archway is partially obscured by encroachments around it. By contrast, the archway at the Stuart Gunj Bazaar end is subject to heavy vehicular movement. This often includes heavily loaded trucks that barely get clearance through the arch and the soffit of this archway is frequently damaged. The archways are almost identical in design, construction and their poor state of maintenance. Both are heavily defaced by graffiti, pasted advertisement hand-bills and banners, and damaged due to a general lack of care. Their brick masonry and lime plaster is also in need of repairs and proper restoration. Entranceway to Streets or Open Space Those streets within the walled city area not meant as thoroughfares or serving as private lanes of haveli clusters quite frequently have a well-defined entrance, either in the form of a small archway or of a proper entrance with Figure 2.14 Entranceway to streets

Example of entranceway to tertiary streets or dead-end lanes forming the haveli composition within.

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Figure 2.15 Bab-e-Ahmadi – entrance to a public open space

Bab-e-Ahmadi defining entrance to a public open space is an imposing entrance portal with carved doors and elaborately decorated structure. Recent new constructions in front of this doorway have however, diminished its grandeur.

a door. Examples seen in Shikarpoor vary in design and detail. A variety of decorative features have been used, including pediments, painted frescos, cornices, lamp niches and carved doors. Those entrances with a door work especially well in terms of preventing strangers from entering into these semi-private lanes. Only those familiar with the peculiar arrangement venture inside. One rather unique example is a gateway to a public open space. This elaborately decorated gate known as the ‘Bab-e-Ahmadi’ leads into a large open space, presently used by children of the neighbourhood as a playground. The gateway has an arched entrance portal built in brick and decorated with cornices, mouldings and a lamp niche at both sides. Heavy wooden door panels with richly carved details are fixed to the arched portal. In 2007, this gateway was more visible from the Circular Road, but recent constructions obscuring the abutments on the two sides have substantially defaced the structure.

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Entrance Doors Some of the simple houses, completely devoid of any decorations or ornamentation on their external façades, have elaborate and ornate entrance doors, emphasizing the entry point to the house. Such entrances usually embellish the courtyard wall and contribute to the overall character of the street. They provide a focal point and a feature of interest for passers-by. This type of entrance door is also seen in cases where the actual plot on which the residence is built does not have any sides or façades directly on the street. The approach to such plots is only through a narrow pathway or alley in the private use of that particular property, and leading to the actual unit located deeper inside the residential cluster. In such cases, the entrance that is the only part exposed to public eye is given importance and emphasized with highly ornate and decorated entrance doors. Figure 2.16 Ornate entrances of houses

Example of ornate entrances to otherwise very simple houses.

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Inscriptions Inscription panels on several historic buildings in Shikarpoor provide useful insights and primary information on specific properties. Besides inscriptions on buildings, a few panels were also noticed embedded on street walls or above entrances to a lane or haveli cluster. These in particular are identified as important urban elements contributing historic information on a particular location. Some of the inscription panels use more than one language indicating a multi-linguistic society. The scripts used include Devanagri and Gurmukhi and the variety of languages used includes Hindi, Sindhi, Guajarati and sometimes English. Figure 2.17 Inscription panels

Samples of inscription panels not belonging to specific properties but general area. In various examples the same text is written simultaneously in two or three different languages. Some of the used scripts are unknown to present residents.

Fire Prevention Located at a few major junctions of the main bazaar street are remnants of an old and elaborate fire-fighting system, probably installed during

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Figure 2.18 Fire-fighting hydrants

Only a few hydrants remain of the fire fighting system installed along the covered bazaar, probably under the colonial administration when the bazaar was re-roofed. The system is now in complete disuse, partially embedded inside the raised cement platforms of shop fronts. (A) Located inside Bhittai (Main) Bazar at Bagasher Lane junction. (B) Located outside southern entrance of Covered (Dhak) Bazaar at Boot Bazaar (Khubsingh Lane) junction. (C) Located a bit further from the northern end of Covered Bazaar. (D) Located inside Covered (Dhak) Bazaar at Nanda Dawara Lane junction.

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the last decade of the nineteenth century, when the municipality took on infrastructure development projects and also built the timber-trussed roof over the bazaar street. Old residents of the city recall that, in earlier times, a hydrant for fire-fighting existed at every junction of the streets from Dhak Bazaar. These were linked by an underground pipe made of china, running along the entire length of the covered bazaar street. Four of these redundant water hydrants still exist: one is located inside the covered bazaar, another at its southern entrance, and the remaining two are outside the covered bazaar. Pedestrian Bridge A unique example of a pedestrian bridge is located near Khanpuri Gate, linking two residential areas in the north-eastern quadrant of the city, separated by the Circular Road, which crosses through as an underpass. The pedestrian bridge forms part of Khanpuri Gate Lane that links up the two parts as a main connecting street for the two areas. As the only pedestrian bridge, it serves as a major landmark reference for the city. The bridge is Figure 2.19 Sukpul – pedestrian bridge

Sukpul – unique as being the only pedestrian bridge in city spans across Circular Road connecting Khanchand Haveli Lane with Khanpuri Gate Lane.

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known as ‘Sukpul’, which can have two meanings in the local language – ‘Dry Bridge’ or ‘Peace Bridge’. Some people also call it ‘Sikhpul’. The two elevated sides along the slope of the underpass have iron grills similar in pattern to those used on the balustrades of the bridge, giving a particular character to the passage. These grills, although mostly intact, were unfortunately removed in 2008 by the municipality in the name of beautification, and replaced with a grill design that lacks any coherence with the original style. In addition, glazed tile cladding has also been added recently along the railings, further deviating from the original character. A staircase access at Sukhpul that once provided a vertical connection between the two levels is now completely blocked by accumulating garbage heaps. Wells/Hand Pumps Water supply for domestic consumption in Shikarpoor continues to be on traditional lines, i.e., pumping ground water through wells. The ground water has a mineral content considered suitable for health and meets the consumption needs of the city. Consequently, the municipality is relieved of the responsibility of providing water for daily use to households within Figure 2.20 (A & B) Public wells

A

B

Only two remaining examples of public use wells were found. (A) hand pump system, and (B) hand wheel system.

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the city limits. Most households have their own individual wells or pumps placed in their courtyards. These have been switched over from hand pumping to an electrical system. Under the British administration, public wells were maintained and built by the municipality and 130 such wells and three water tanks were provided to the city at municipal expense (Hughes 1876). The historic map of Shikarpoor dated 1915 indicates common use wells in almost all the small public squares/open spaces inside the walled city area. All of these are now in disuse and not traceable due to the cement paving of open spaces. The traces of only one were visible till 2007, but these have also disappeared after recent reconstruction of an adjoining temple. Two other examples of largely intact community wells/water pumps still exist in the city: one using the hand wheel system and the other with a hand pump – seemingly in use by some families, but lately starting to show signs of disuse. Many private use wells inside houses still exist. Drinking-Water Fountains (Sabeel) Providing water troughs or drinking fountains for travellers and visitors has been a common cultural and traditional practice. They were often donated as a gift to the city by philanthropists or rich families in honour of a family Figure 2.21 (A & B) Water troughs in Shikarpoor

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B

Variety of water troughs in Shikarpoor. (A) ‘Imam ji Sabeel’ near Lakhi Gate at the entrance of Ganesh Park, and (B) located at Hathi Dar.

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member or as a goodwill deed. A resident explained that water in earthen pots was placed under these canopies; the pots were covered with plates filled with roasted grams, sweets, and other such dry edibles for travellers or visitors to the city in need of refreshment. These were either located at main roads or near the entry gates of the city or in front of public buildings, particularly mosques or temples. Four such sabeels found in Shikarpoor include two that have fallen into disuse and two that remain in active use.

Buildings/Architecture The most tangible and visually impressive unit of a city’s built fabric is its buildings – their architectural form and features; the differences in scale and design vocabulary that reflect varying usages; their heights and proportions that create an impression on human psychology; and the materials/ technologies employed in their construction – all of these aspects come together to form a holistic impression of what is conceived as the image of any city’s fabric. As a living and evolving phenomenon, historic cities have a variety of expressions, reflecting the changing trends over different periods of their history. Shikarpoor’s historic buildings also tell the stories of its past and the transformations the city has undergone over more than three centuries of its existence. Types and Usage Statistical analysis on the basis of a broad building type categorization and taking into consideration the original use, regardless of whether it continues or has changed, indicates that a major percentage of properties identified as representative of Shikarpoor’s historic fabric primarily consist of residential units. This includes a small percentage of properties that have a combined residential-commercial usage. These are followed by commercial buildings, mostly comprising of shops – with only a few being used as offices. Besides these, other representative building types include religious, civic amenities, educational and healthcare facilities. There is only one example belonging to the category of industrial type building. Detailed information on present usage, recorded specifically for each floor of the building, is used at a later stage to identify the extent and suitability of the usage, and as an indicator for establishing the maintenance and threat levels. The most prominent building type, i.e., residential buildings, form 80% of properties included in the heritage inventory listing. Among these, 62%

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Figure 2.22 Usage map of historic buildings

Map of Shikarpoor indicating the usage of historic buildings included in the inventory of historic properties.

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(721 properties) are purely residential, of which four are categorized as haveli types and three among these have a combined religious usage with a small private temple within the premises. The remaining 18% (213 properties) have a combined residential-commercial use; that is to say, they are primarily residential, but are also the site of one or more small shops. These are followed by purely commercial buildings (114 properties), forming 9.5% of the entries in the list. These are mostly shops located along the main bazaar street. Religious buildings make up 4.5% (including 30 mosques, 21 temples, 9 shrines/tombs and 1 Imambargah). Civic amenities and public monuments including cinemas, public halls, orphanages, old peoples’ homes, dharamsalas, drinking water fountains/sabeel, police check posts, libraries and a railway station make up a small group of 2.5%; educational buildings form 1.4% (including 13 schools and three colleges) and healthcare facilities (including four hospitals and two clinics) account for 0.5% of the identified heritage list. Mapping of the usage of properties identified as representative of Shikarpoor’s built heritage indicates that the residential and religious building type categories have an evenly scattered pattern; whereas the commercial buildings form a concentrated zone, i.e., located only on the major circulation arteries of the city. At present, much of the Circular Road has also become commercial in character, but these newly developed commercial activities, which have no heritage value, are not indicated on the map. The identified traditional commercial activity clearly marks a zone along the main bazaar street that cuts through almost the centre of the city along a north-south axis. Other than this primary commercial zone, some scattered commercial activity is seen along the vehicular access roads of the first-level circulation hierarchy. The educational and civic amenities, primarily introduced during the colonial period, are mostly located along the Circular Road and other vehicular access roads introduced into the city fabric at that time. Building Heights and Number of Storeys Shikarpoor has low-rise suburbs (with only ground level or ground plus one structures), but the inner city core has buildings of up to three storeys. Traditional houses can sometimes have floors higher than three storeys, but these are mostly partial floors (loft-like space) or roof terrace spaces with one or two rooms on one side. Such partial floors are often not recognizable from the street, and thus not accounted for in this analysis. The heritage inventory listing reveals that 32% (353) of properties having only a ground floor; 52.7% (589) have a ground floor plus one; 13.4% (154)

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have ground plus two; and only 1.9% (21) of properties have ground plus three storeys. Most traditional houses have a high ceiling on the ground floor, with a series of ventilators above the windows. The ground floor height can be between 13ft. to 15ft. Consequently, it is often not possible to distinguish from outside whether the building has a separate mezzanine floor. Only a few buildings have a clearly identifiable mezzanine floor. Besides the original number of storeys, 9.4% (105) of listed properties have additional floor/s added as later extensions. These later additions are disregarded in the given statistical figures on the number of storeys profile of listed heritage; but the separately recorded data on these added storeys indicates the percentage of listed buildings that have undergone major alterations. The recent trend of new constructions, particularly along the Circular Road, indicates a shift towards building higher. If this particular trend is allowed to continue, spreading along the entire Circular Road, it will have irreversibly damaging consequences to the historic fabric of the city. Infrastructure within the historic core of the city does not have the capacity to sustain this additional densification – and such development trends would lead to a further collapse of the municipal systems that are already poorly maintained and on the verge of collapse. Absence of planning regulations to support preservation of the city’s unique historic fabric has already resulted in massive destruction of Shikarpoor’s built environment. The zone for new high-rise constructions should be kept strictly outside the sphere of the historic core. Ownership and Occupancy Ownership and occupancy of buildings is based on data only for residential properties, for which structured interviews were conducted, and for those public buildings that were identified as government property. Out of the 525 buildings for which information on ownership was collected, a majority are privately owned (90.2%), with a further break-up of 87% having single owners and 3.2% having multiple owners. Only 3.2% buildings are Waqf or Trust properties, and 6.5% belong to the provincial government. This last group of buildings includes all public sector educational, health and other facilities. The occupancy status of these properties shows 92.2% buildings are owned, i.e., in use by the owners themselves. Only 7.2% buildings are being used on a rental basis and 0.6% are occupied on a pagri basis. The percentages of ownership and occupancy status of listed buildings indicates that a majority of these are being used and maintained by a single owner, thus having a less complex authority of control.

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Materials and Construction Techniques The materials and construction techniques used in Shikarpoor’s historic buildings show an evolution from mud-brick and timber, to brick and highquality fired brick, and lately to reinforced cement concrete. The earliest of buildings are constructions of completely mud and timber, but very few such Figure 2.23 (A & B) Motifs and patterns on façades

An interesting variety of motifs and patterns are seen on the façades of buildings. These surviving examples reflect on the high quality of craftsmanship available for these ingenuously creative masterpieces; expressing expertise and command in the use of fine stucco plaster.

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examples have survived. A number of traditional houses belonging to the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, built in brick, still have mud and straw plaster as their external rendering. In finer examples, the finishing layer is of a very high-quality stucco plaster decorated with elaborate carvings and ornamentation details. Examples of this type of construction are common within the walled city area. Examples of a variety of traditional mortars and plasters, from early mud and straw to later lime and gypsum, are observed as having been extensively employed in historic constructions. However, most of these are currently in a serious state of deterioration due to a lack of maintenance and non-availability of craftsmen with the knowledge and experience to work with these traditional materials. Repairs or renovations in cement plaster are very common – many buildings have already undergone a change from traditional mortars to modern cement mortar and plasters. With the advancement in construction techniques using high-quality fired bricks, a shift is seen towards buildings built completely with brick, eliminating external rendering, keeping exposed brick surfaces. In many Figure 2.24 External plasterwork on historic structures

External plasters on historic structures have different compositions using mud, thatch, lime and gypsum. In most cases these original plasters have undergone extensive damage due to rising damp and lack of maintenance. A common trend observed in buildings that have undergone repairs or renovations is the replacement of original historic plasters with cement plaster.

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Figure 2.25 Ramdas Hall

Ramdas Hall built in 1928, located at Wagno Gate Lane, off Circular Road, displays some remains of fine brick masonry work. The pediments and pilaster details have custom made bricks shaped particularly to the specification of the detailed design. These details might have originally been plastered and probably also painted with frescos. In its presently deteriorated state it is difficult to establish this with surety, because the entire series of pediments is devoid of any traces of plaster finish. Similar detailing with specially shaped bricks is observed in cornices of several buildings.

examples even decorative architectural details like pilasters, cornices or mouldings, are produced with specially shaped and designed bricks. A unique form of brick construction is observed in the partially collapsed and now abandoned Old Session’s Court building, also known as the ‘Garho Bungalow’. The vault of this structure is built with octagonal-shaped hollow bricks, producing a lightweight vaulted form. The octagonal bricks used in this building have a fine quality indicating an expertise and refined knowledge of brick production. It could, however, not be established whether these bricks were locally produced or brought from another place; and whether other vaulted or domical constructions have the same type of hollow brick used in their construction.

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Figure 2.26 Vault in ‘Old Sessions Court’

A portion of vault in the abandoned structures of ‘Garho Bugalow’ or the ‘Old Sessions Court’ located inside the walled boundaries of new Sessions Court Building; reveals a unique and ingenuous method used for the construction of these vaulted structures. The use of octagonal hollow bricks gives better interlocking thrusts for the vault and additionally provide for a light weight structure.

Towards the mid-twentieth century, use of cement concrete became common. In many examples, a combination of traditional and new building materials can be seen. A complete shift to modern building materials (RCC, steel and glass) has not so far been observed in Shikarpoor. The construction materials and techniques employed after the mid-twentieth century no longer adhere to traditional materials and especially the use of mud plaster, mud-brick and timber framing has become completely obsolete. Of the traditional building materials, only baked brick is still in use. This is also quite often seen as a recycled building material – recovered from old, demolished houses and re-used in new constructions. Recent constructions are built either completely with reinforced cement concrete with block masonry or partially using brick for filling in walls. In terms of scale and proportion, the new residential constructions are similar to the traditional

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houses, but their design vocabulary and aesthetics do not conform to the historic fabric and they do not complement the historic urban environment. New constructions for commercial usage show a gradual tendency towards multi-storeyed structures that have a visually disturbing scale and proportions that do not conform to the existing historic fabric. Sabzwari (2003) mentions that, in general, the structural principle and logic of use or preference for different building materials in traditional construction includes walls made of thick, sun-dried brick, while the foundations are of fired brick; additionally, double-banked walls were used where sun-dried bricks were placed on the interior and kiln-dried bricks on the exterior. Furthermore, the ‘sun­-dried bricks needed greater care and kept the interior cool in summers and warm in winters. This wall of sun-dried bricks was protected from the outside by the kiln-dried bricks. A mixture of lime and chalk was used as an insulating material between the two walls against the heat’ (Sabzwari 2003: 12). Although this generalized description holds true for a substantial number of traditional houses in Shikarpoor, it may not be true for all of them. It is quite apparent from the variety encountered during the heritage inventory documentation process that the use of traditional materials and construction techniques that evolved over three and a half centuries have distinct differences corresponding to period changes. It requires an in-depth research to establish a timeline-based classification of this transition and its evolution up to the present times. Scientific research on historic building materials through proper laboratory analysis of collected samples can provide a sound basis for authentication of these observations and help derive concrete conclusions on evolution and period style classifications, experimented with over three centuries of building experiences in the historic city of Shikarpoor and its contemporary cities of the region. Use of timber in traditional constructions is extensive. In earlier buildings it seems to be mostly timber from locally available indigenous trees, including Kikar (Acacia), Peelu (Salvadora) and Shishm (Indian Rosewood) used for structural reinforcement. Timber was also used for doors and windows in a decorative form. Earlier period buildings have a crude form of these details, where carvings are minimal and do not have a fine finish. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, extensive and elaborate use of timber details was introduced. This apparently was due to the availability of high-quality timber imported during the British period (mostly from Burma and the Malabar Coast of India) – a material in which fine and intricate carving could be done. The exterior façades of many late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century buildings are completely covered with timber

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Figure 2.27 (A-D) Figurative carvings over door tympanums

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B

C

D

Figurative carvings mostly from entrance door tympanums, depicting religious iconography of different beliefs – still intact in many houses. These depictions include Hindu deities representing both Vaishnavite and Shaivite followers, as well as Nanakpanthi and Daryapanthi traditions; (A) the elephant god ‘Ganesh’ or ‘Ganeshwar’ – symbol of wisdom and knowledge, especially that of geography; (B) representing Nanakpanthi tradition with the trio of Guru Nanak (centre), Bhai Bala (right) swaying ‘moorpankh’ (peacock feather fan) and Bhai Mardana (left) playing the musical instrument ‘Rabab’; (C) ‘Uderolal’ – the river god riding on ‘Pala’ (Indus fish species similar to Carp): this deity of Daryapanthi sect of Sindhi Hindus is also revered by Muslims as Khwaja Khizr; and (D) the indigenous god ‘Shiva’ with naga (serpent) around his neck (Abro 2011; Naeem 2014).

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details, including extensively carved doors, open work screens, brackets supporting projecting upper floors and many other forms of decorations. Besides timber, use of metal for these ornamental and figurative details is also extensively employed, including wrought iron grills and balustrades. The motifs used in these timber carvings and metalwork range from intricate geometric patterns and floral forms to figurative forms of both animals and human beings, and also include representations of religious iconography. The choice of artwork employed on the buildings depicted the religious inclination of its residents. The houses of Muslims are identifiable by the use of geometric, floral or, in a few cases, calligraphic motifs, whereas the houses originally commissioned by the Hindus (mostly belonging to the Nanakpanthi sect of Sindhi Hindus who believed in Guru Nanak) are clearly identifiable by figurative motifs expressing the mythological beliefs of the residents’ faith (Naeem 2014; Abro 2011).

3

The Dominant Building Types Residential, Commercial, Religious and Other Public Buildings

The historic fabric of Shikarpoor, representative of its built form traditions, is predominantly of the residential category; however, there is a variety of other building types present in the built environment and impacting the character of the city’s urban forms. As a hub of trade and commerce, the city’s commercial (bazaar) areas had an undeniable importance as the primary activity zone. Commercial activity was of such importance that a large number of residential buildings also had combined usage, accommodating small shops in the front of the property at ground level, opening directly onto the street. Besides residential and commercial buildings, structures associated with the religious activities of different communities also had a prominent place in the city’s urban fabric. The number and frequency of mosques and temples is evidence of the central place that religion holds in the lives and norms of associated communities. Other than these three main building type categories, there is also a variety of public buildings including educational, healthcare and other welfare facilities. A detailed descriptive analysis of these four major building types, which are a dominant presence within the historic fabric of Shikarpoor, is presented to give an insight into the variety that exists within each of these groups.

Residential: Havelis and Mansions The most characteristic feature of Shikarpoor’s historic fabric is its ‘havelis’, mansions and houses. Nineteenth-century European writers describe the havelis in a rather unadmiring tone, as ‘[...] large, massy, gloomy piles, enclosed and secluded by high brick walls’ (Thornton 1844). Postans (1840-1841) and Burton (1877), commenting on the materials and layout, mention that they are built of unburnt/sun-dried brick and woodwork, with low verandahs and the uppers rooms with little peepholes serving as windows. Houses belonging to wealthier soucars are mentioned as being of a respectable size and convenient. Ross (1883), commenting on height, writes of these as having four and five storeys. The residential unit became an expression of wealth for the merchants of Shikarpoor who started to

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Figure 3.1 Schematic layout and section

Schematic layout and section of a traditional house having a courtyard and a double height central lounge.

give considerable importance to their exterior appearance, a trend that was not so common in the region of Sindh at that time. Once this trend was introduced, it gradually became a status symbol for influential and wealthy residents and both Hindus and Muslims took this symbolic expressionism to an extreme, making it a statement of their status and position in the society. The general principles of design employed for the construction of these residences can be summarized as being planned around a central lounge, usually opening onto an open courtyard. Sometimes, an arcaded verandah acts as a buffer between the interior space and the open courtyard,

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Figure 3.2 Double height lounge

The double height lounge of a residence acts as a central foci – visually connecting the two levels of the house.

creating deep shadows to keep the interior cool against the severe heat. The ceilings were kept high, with a row of ventilators or latticework openings ( jalis) above the windows allowing for good air circulation. The houses commonly have a double-height lounge space on the ground floor, creating a visual link with the upper floor. The gallery of the upper floor serves as a circulation corridor onto which all upstairs rooms open. Thus, the entire house is planned to create a visual connectivity between the different interior levels and, in turn, connect the interior spaces with the outdoor courtyard. Courtyards are an important feature and are present in most of the houses regardless of plot size. They provide each family with its own private, open space where the light, sun and fresh air can be enjoyed. Houses without a courtyard compensate for this lack of open space with a roof terrace comprising a couple of rooms or a semi-covered shaded space on one side and high parapet walls all around, providing privacy to the users. The parapet walls are often elaborately designed and have openable windows allowing the users to peep outside if desired. The interiors of most residences are richly decorated, featuring: cement concrete or mosaic tile flooring, designed with vibrant colours

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Figure 3.3 (A-C) Flooring patterns and dado tiles

Vibrant flooring patterns designed with intricate geometric and floral motifs adorn the room interiors as well as verandahs and circulation corridors; and sometimes even parts of the courtyard. Glazed tiles having embossed textures are also used to enhance dado level band running around the room at approximately 3ft. height of walls.

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Figure 3.4 (A & B) Decorative façades of traditional houses

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A

Decorative façades are an important feature of traditional houses in Shikarpoor. (A) Houses built on small narrow plots have their façade opening directly on the street. (B) Larger plots allow space for a courtyard on to which the façade decorations are oriented, but these are also visible from street over the courtyard wall.

and intricate geometric patterns; carved timber doors; ventilators and windows; marble fire places; timber and glass decorations on ceilings; intricate railings along circulation corridors on the f irst floor that are visible from the double-height lounge on the ground floor; elaborately

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carved cupboards and shelves; and a range of other decorative details. Elaborately carved cupboards are a frequently used feature in the interior of houses and in some cases entire cupboards are made of wood and placed along the wall. However, a more common form is a wooden front panel that is fixed over the wall niche that has shelves and compartments. These cupboard fronts have elaborate carvings, inlay works, pictures or mirror panels, etc., sometimes covering the entire length of a particular wall in the room. The most fascinating feature of traditional houses in Shikarpoor is their exterior façade/s that contribute immensely to the character of the urban fabric and streetscape. It is a common occurrence for the façades of traditional houses to be richly decorated with extensive timber and metal details. The orientation of these decorative frontages is such that they either directly contribute to the street or, in a number of cases, they open onto the courtyard, but because they are higher than the courtyard wall, they are also visible from the street. The most intricate and exquisite details used on the façades are the timber latticework screens, which not only have a decorative purpose, but also a functional one in terms of providing privacy to the household from the street. Besides individual residential units, the concept of collective communal living is also prevalent as an intrinsic part of Shikarpoor’s built form and socio-cultural traditions. The locally understood concept of a ‘haveli’ takes shape in two distinctly different patterns and layout schemes – the ‘haveli mansion’ and the ‘haveli street’. The f irst type visually reads as a large mansion with a spacious central courtyard as its nucleus, onto which opens the main entrance gate from the street and from where access is given to different individual units. The second type has a linear format with a dead-end lane as its connecting spine through which individual units are linked. In this case, the lane itself has an entrance doorway that allows controlled access only to the inmates of residential units inside. The first type, i.e., the ‘haveli mansion’, is the most commonly understood pattern associated with the term haveli or a large house and has a central courtyard and various units for individual families arranged around a central space. The property is treated as a single building with multiple ownership, shared between all the resident family units, which may or may not be related to each other, but which usually have a shared ethnic or religious bond. This type of communal living seems to be a more common occurrence among the Hindu community in Shikarpoor. Very few surviving examples of the ‘haveli mansion’ presently exist in their original

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Figure 3.5 (A & B) Basant Haveli

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Basant Haveli shared by eight families has an insignificant exterior, except for an elaborately decorated entrance doorway, recessed into an arched portal. Intricate carvings in wood and stucco embellish the archway and the door panel and its tympanum. The eight family units are arranged around a large courtyard, most of which is now encroached with unplanned and haphazard additions that each family has built as extensions to their space. These additions and alterations have badly defaced the courtyard facing façades of the building. On one side of courtyard is the temple room – the only well maintained space inside the haveli. The temple is adorned with frescos, carved doors and niches. This haveli mansion is a G+1 storeyed structure located on Lohar Street in UC2, accommodating a total of thirty nine persons belonging to eight families. All the families residing in this building claim to be living here since more than 95 years. In spite of its highly deteriorated state at present this building is among the few surviving examples of this type of haveli still having its original layout intact and readable to a great extent.

form. It is certainly possible that they used to be more common and have subsequently undergone changes and transformations that means they are no longer recognizable in their original layout and format. Only three or four examples of this type that still retain their original character and shared central space concept were identified during the heritage inventory surveys. The examples seen had a worship space in the form of a room dedicated as a temple or a properly built temple structure placed to one

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Figure 3.6 (A & B) Murlimal Haveli

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Murlimal Haveli located in UC2 is jointly owned by three families accommodating a total of twenty one people. The main entrance of the haveli faces Lakhi Gate Lane. It has a few shops on the external periphery of property, facing the street. The exterior façades of this haveli are very simple as compared to elaborately decorated interior façades that open on to its huge courtyard. The brick masonry construction has external rendering of mud-thatch plaster. The courtyard has been subdivided into portions and also has several later added structures. Each family has also chosen to have a different colour scheme to paint the intricate timber latticework that adorns courtyard facing façade of the haveli. Intricate woodwork decorating the verandah along its courtyard reflects an interesting play of sunlight on the wall. Timber brackets supporting upper floor cantilever above verandah have carvings that range from purely floral to figurative motifs depicting characters from Hindu mythology.

side of the courtyard, serving as a common prayer area for all the resident families. There are a number of cases that seem to have originally belonged to the category of ‘haveli mansion’, but which have now been divided into

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separate units using bifurcating walls or other changes in the layout. As a result of these changes, their original format can no longer be envisioned by visitors. A few well-preserved examples of ‘haveli mansions’ currently existing in Shikarpoor and in use by their owners, have kept the shared, multiple-ownership concept. These include: Basant Haveli, Murlimal Haveli, Shutter Wari Darbar and a number of other examples not identifiable by specific names. The second type, i.e., the ‘haveli street’ is a more common format in Shikarpoor and comprises a row of small-sized dwellings that open up on to a lane, often culminating in a dead-end street. This lane has an entrance door at one end, where sometimes a small room or an open space, or a small shop might be provided, serving as a common meeting place for all the dwelling units on that street or in that ‘haveli’ enclosure, and where the residents can receive and meet any outsiders or visitors. The other end of street is either a dead-end or terminates with the façade of the end house, which is usually the only house with an additional exit onto the street on its other side. For the other houses in that row, the only access is through the haveli lane. This second type of haveli arrangement provides more privacy for each dwelling unit within the cluster, as the only common and shared space is the lane itself. Pramar (1989) calls this type of arrangement a ‘Khadki type’ and the entrance itself a khadki, adding that this room developed into a form of autaaq – a proper guest house serving multi purposes such as a barrier to halt strangers, a place to receive guests or clients, a shop rented to small traders, a workplace for artisans, or a place for business negotiations. The largest and most complex example of this type still existing in Shikarpoor is the Khanchand Haveli, identified by an inscription panel on its entrance, engraved with that name. This haveli has, however, undergone many changes, including extensive demolition and opening up of the dead-end streets to create through lanes; thus, its original layout is no longer intact. A few other haveli streets forming smaller clusters are still well preserved and may be identified by an entrance doorway or archway. A haveli of this second type is located in UC2 and has access from Acharij Lane. It has a small room on the side, currently not in use, but which is identified by some people as a temple. There is also the possibility that it is an autaaq. An intricately carved entrance gate besides this outer room leads the way into the haveli street. The notice above the doorway says, ‘entering without permission is prohibited’ and this helps to keep the unwanted venturer away from the street and clearly defines the beginning of private space.

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Figure 3.7 Khanchand Haveli

Khanchand Haveli located near Khanpuri Dar in UC4 is the most complex ‘haveli street’ in Shikarpoor, but now much altered. It seems that a few of the lanes belonging to the labyrinth of this haveli extended beyond presently identifiable limits. A number of lanes now terminate on open plots where once stood the residential units of the haveli lane. Only some rubble on site now bears witness to their existence. Some lanes also abruptly close with block masonry indicating that they extended beyond that point and the haveli was originally larger in area. Not all houses within this type of haveli arrangement have the same architectural quality and level of ornamental detailing. These internal lanes are an extension of family activity as well as social interaction among the residents. Some marks of vibrant colour on walls give evidence of playful sessions among residents celebrating Holi.

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Figure 3.8  Haveli street

Layout of a small haveli street located in UC7 having its entrance from Mughal Lane. In this particular example the haveli street terminates with entrance of the last house which is the only house in the cluster having additional exit on another lane; in this case the Singh Dharamsala Lane. Not all houses within this type of haveli arrangement have the same level of architectural detailing. In this particular haveli only the house at the end has ornamental architectural details. The façade facing Singh Dharamsala Lane had mohari woodwork on the first floor till 2007; however these were removed sometime between 2007 and 2010.

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Figure 3.9 Dead-end haveli street

Layout sample of ‘haveli street’ that terminates as a dead-end. This cluster located in UC1 has its access from Badani Lane and includes around ten residential units placed on both sides of the lane. Three of the houses inside the haveli lane had timber decorative details adorning their frontage; each having a different design vocabulary. The entrance of each unit has a sitting area where the women of the family sit and do their daily chores like cutting vegetables, etc. This semi-open verandah like space allows for easy interaction between members of the different households on the street. Being a dead-end street having proper entrance doorway, only residents of the street have free access inside. Thus the lane itself becomes an extension of households, and women or children freely move around using this space as a front yard. This extra space also provides a safe parking for the motorbikes of residents and also as a social interaction space, particularly for women of the households who can easily chat with each other just leaning over their verandah railing.

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Figure 3.10  Autaaq – guest house

One of the finest examples of autaaq seen in Shikarpoor. Such echoes of the lost fabric grandeur of city are rapidly becoming an image of the past. This autaaq after remaining for years in desperate need of maintenance works was finally demolished sometime during 2009-2010; lost forever in the pages of history. The above photograph is dated 2007, when the structure was still in use by the owners. A revisit to the site in 2010 confirmed its ongoing demolition, only the masonry wall of ground floor was remaining at that time.

The concept of autaaq in Shikarpoor seems to have developed from a small single room unit near the entrance of the haveli or house, into a completely separate unit with a very ornate exterior. This indicates that the autaaq has become a status symbol – the more ornate and the bigger the autaaq, the higher the owner’s social standing. A number of such autaaq houses are still maintained by families for lodging guests at family gettogethers or important family events like marriages, etc., when relatives and guests come from other cities and stay for a few days. Existing examples show a variety of sizes and architectural detail. These are either located at

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Figure 3.11 Bungalow-style residences

The bungalow style residences introduced during colonial period are few and located on the outer periphery of the city, in areas developed under the British administration. The railway rest house in UC3, located at the junction of Station Road and Mando Phatak Road today bears a desolate appearance.

the entrance of the haveli street, but with access from the outer street, or as single independent units near or opposite the main house of the owner. Examples of this second type are rare but most ornate. Besides the two haveli type arrangements in residential buildings, the standard single unit house commonly prevails in its different forms and plan typologies, as discussed in detail in Chapter 5. The bungalow-type residential units with large open spaces around them are found only in colonial period extensions of the city, where large residences were built for British officers. Most of the colonial bungalows do not exist anymore; the few surviving examples are in use as government guest houses or the official residences of high-ranking government officers, such as the Deputy Collector’s Bungalow located in UC5, now in use as the Irrigation Inspector’s Bungalow having been completely renovated or rebuilt. A few private residences on the outskirts of the city are also inspired by the colonial bungalow, but represent a hybrid typology that integrates both colonial and vernacular influences. Apartment type dwelling units are very rare in Shikarpoor, but there are a couple of examples inside the city from the 1940s and 1950s and built in cement concrete.

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Figure 3.12 Residence inspired by bungalow style

Example of a residence inspired by the bungalow style introduced during colonial period, yet on the other hand retaining details and architectural vocabulary used in traditional houses. Such examples are very rare, and the few surviving ones are fast disappearing. Located in UC3, on Road to Kadirpir this fine example of bungalow was demolished in September 2012. A new uninspiring construction now stands in its place.

Commercial: Bazaars and Shops The city’s commercial buildings (the second highest percentage of building types), are concentrated within the bazaar area. Shikarpoor, a centre for traders and merchants, was famous for its Covered (Dhak) Bazaar, considered the largest in the region of Sindh and known for the availability of a variety of products from different parts of the world. The main bazaar street cuts through the centre, along the entire length, on a North-South axis of the walled city area, dividing it into two almost equal halves. This main commercial street connects to Lakhi Dar in the south and Civi Dar in the north. Its oldest and most famous part is known as the ‘Dhak Bazaar’ or ‘Covered Bazaar’ and is approximately one-third the length of the entire bazaar street. The commercial activity later extended southwards (Bhitai Bazaar) and northwards (Stuart Gunj Bazaar). Presently, in addition to

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this main North-South artery, the commercial activities are branching off along transverse through streets and forming major junctions with the main bazaar. Covered (Dhak) Bazaar The Great Bazaar, also known as the ‘Covered (Dhak) Bazaar’, has been called the ‘bonne bouche of Shikarpur’ – the centre of all trade and banking transactions for which the city was celebrated (Burton 1877). It stretches over a length of 800 yards across the centre of the city, and even today is thronged with people throughout the day. Descriptions of the ‘covered bazaar’ in historic accounts include the hustle and bustle of activities taking place inside it. Burnes (1837) writes that it had 844 shops; Postans (1840-1841) mentioned 923 Hindu shops; and Burton (1877) mentions 900 establishments belonging to Shikarpoori Hindus. Sabzwari (2003) writes that the bazaar once contained ‘eighty different banks lined together.’ Pearce (2001) mentions it to be the ‘biggest and only covered bazaar’ in all Sindh. The bazaar has been described as a ‘long narrow passage’ darkened and protected from oppressive heat by ‘mats resting upon chevron-shaped beams, which spring from the house-tops on either side: […] [with] flying ventilator-roof’; furthermore, the shops or ‘booths’ are described as ‘open boxes fronted with Chabutarahs, or mud-seats’ (Burton 1877: 247; Postans 1840-1841). Thorton (1844) describes the roofing of the bazaar as ‘rafters thatched with palm leaves.’ These descriptions of the ‘Covered Bazaar’ are visually recorded in an undated photograph from the British Library’s India Off ice Records showing the original roof ing. This supports claims that the bazaar was perhaps originally built during the eighteenth century. In 1876, Hughes mentions the ‘Great Bazaar being roofed by the municipality’, which indicates that, around that time, the original roof ing was replaced with the present timber trusses using more refined joinery techniques and high-quality wood, as part of the various development schemes introduced by the British administration. Besides elaborate descriptions in historical texts about the physical appearance of the Great Bazaar street, much has also been written about the character and ambiance of the place, portraying a multi-ethnic and cosmopolitan community of traders/merchants frequenting this commercial hub. Around four o’clock the business activities reached their peak and merchants from both Central Asia and Eastern and Western India frequented the bazaar and one could see

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Figure 3.13 (A & B) Shikarpoor’s Dhak (Covered) Bazaar

An undated picture of Shikarpoor’s Covered Bazaar (source: BL-IOR) shows original roofing made of indigenous materials, having crude workmanship. Even this indigenous roof design ensured natural light and ventilation inside the densely populated bazaar street, additionally providing shade against scorching sun during daytime. Lanterns hanging from the roof truss ceiling provided for light during evenings, indicating that the bazaar might have continued its activities into the evening hours as well. Present British period timber trussed roofing introduced during late 19th century in principle follows a profile similar to original, but has a very different character due to use of superior quality timber for the new roof and also the quality of workmanship, employing more refined joinery techniques for construction. Intact and surviving in a well preserved state, however badly disfigured by an unsightly tangle of electrical wiring (probably a result of the ad-hoc kunda system of electricity thefts that rampantly prevails in all cities), ceiling fans and tube lights. Numerous signboards and hoardings are also suspended indiscriminately by the shopkeepers all along its length. The roof is presently covered with corrugated metal sheets, but most probably it originally had terracotta roofing tiles. The original shop fronts having timber doors are now mostly replaced with rolling shutters and huge hoardings – only a few shops in the entire length have retained their original doors giving a pleasing visual impact when the bazaar closes down; providing an opportunity to visualize its grandeur in the hay days.

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[…] amidst clouds of dust; in an atmosphere of the most stifling closeness, […] the most characteristic features of the society of the East. The haughty Moslem, mounted on his fine Khorassan steed, decorated with rich tappings, himself wearing the tall Sindhian cap of rich brocade, and a scarf of gold and silk, jostles through the crowd, between whom a way is opened by the Sindhian soldiers, who precede and follow him; then follows the Afghan with a dark blue scarf cast over his breast, his long black hair falling over his shoulders, his olive cheek tinted by the mountain breeze, and his eye full of fire and resolve. We have also the Syed of Pishin in his goat’s-hair cloak, the fair Herati, the merchant of Candahar, with flowing garments and many colored turban, the tall Pathan with heavy sword and mein calculated to court offence; while among the rest is the filthy Sindhian, and the small miserable looking cringing Hindu, owing perhaps lacs in the neighbouring street, but fearing the extractions of the Amirs (Postans 1840-1841: 35).

The shops in the Dhak (Covered) Bazaar are said to have been f illed with things not available in other cities, including the finest shawls from Cashmere; cloth of gold from Mooltan, Hindustan and the Deccan; furs from Astracan; swords from Persia and Damascus; cloths of all kind and at all prices; ripe and dry fruits with all kinds of groceries (Langley 1860: 163; Rashdi 1966: 194). They are also reported as selling grains; confectionary; a variety of drugs and medicinal herbs; spices; variety of silks and cottons; perfumes; European piece goods; vegetables; milk; ivory; metal; indigo; opium; saffron; dry fruit from Kabul and Qandahar; and all sorts of dyes (Hughes 1855: 89, 93; Rashdi 1966). The Shikarpoor bazaar also had goldsmith’s shops and was particularly famed for its monopoly of the trade in silks and precious stones, especially the latter, as [T]he men who best understood the business’ were from this town and dealt with pearls from the Persian Gulf and Basra, rubies and garnet from Burma (Rangoon), diamonds from Africa, emeralds from Brazil, topaz from Srilanka, mother-of-pearl from Italy and other gems of all kinds, having a reputation for quality and affordability due to their fair price (Smyth 1919: 20; Javeri 2004).

This vibrant range of products is no longer available in the Dhak Bazaar, which has been reduced to the status of a local market, catering to the basic demands of city residents and buyers from adjoining small towns shopping for the needs of their families. Most of the shops now deal in ordinary cloths

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Figure 3.14 Layout of the Dhak (Covered) Bazaar street

Insets (A) and (B) show samples of original interiors with loft areas. (C), (D) and (E) show examples of shop exterior with elaborate carvings and timber doors. The twenty three shops (as of 2009) that still retain some or all of these original features of the traditional shops are marked with orange.

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Figure 3.15 (A-D) Shops inside Dhak Bazaar

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C

D

B

The finest and best preserved example of shop inside Dhak Bazaar still intact in its original state is located at junction of first cross road from its northern entrance. The shop has two portions, one facing the side street deals in plastic wares and household items, and the other facing inside Dhak Bazaar deals with fabric/cloth. (A) Detail of timber openwork panels used above the door openings. Although surviving in a well preserved state the accumulated cobwebs indicate the present users’ unheeding attitude towards its value. (B) View of the shop from side street. The upper floor having access from the side street is presently in use as a warehouse, but apparently it originally had residential usage. (C) Interior of Maulvi Azeem and Sons Bookstore. (D) View of the bookstore exterior when closed. Only few shops now remain with this type of folding wood doors. Most shop owners have opted to remove the original doors, replacing them with roll-down metal shutters.

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or fabrics, ready-made garments, household utensils, plasticware, spices, grains, and groceries. At present, Shikarpoor’s commercial claim to fame is its ‘pickle’ industry and old time confectioners, but their shops are outside the Covered Bazaar. From historical accounts (Thornton 1844), it appears that the shops were attached to residential units behind or above them, but currently the main bazaar street is completely commercial. The residential activities exist only inside the various dead-end streets that off-shoot from this main commercial artery. Presently, the bazaar, covered with timber-trussed roofing, has approximately 100 shops on each side. Only 23 of these still retain their original character in a well-preserved form, either in terms of interior layouts and/or external façades with timber doors or sometimes decorated with timber open work and carved panels. Twenty of these shops have only a ground floor; some have an internal loft/mezzanine area. The remaining three have a ground floor plus one storey, and the upper floor is used for warehousing and storage. The most elaborately decorated and wellpreserved cluster of four shops is at the first crossroads when entering from the northern entrance of the Covered Bazaar. The first shop in this group deals in ready-made garments; the second is a plasticwares/miscellaneous household items and cloth shop; the third one sells bundles of jute ropes; and the fourth is a book store with the name ‘Maulvi Mohammad Azeem and Sons’. The interiors of the second, third and fourth shops have builtin cupboards and shelves decorated with rich inlay works and delicately carved wood panels. Stuart Gunj Bazaar The Stuart Gunj Bazaar is an extension of the north end of the Dhak Bazaar. It is named after a ‘popular collector and magistrate’, and described as ‘very commodious and serviceable,’ greatly contributing to the appearance of city (Hughes 1876). There are numerous ad hoc structures as well as vendors with push carts that crowd this space, especially every morning when an open bazaar of fresh fruits and vegetables is held here. The road width of this section of the bazaar is more than double that of the Dhak Bazaar. The Stuart Gunj Bazaar culminates on the northern side in a large square, which is now partly covered with shops in the centre, known as the ‘Circular Bazaar’. The entire stretch from the end of the Dhak Bazaar to the tip of the square is, however, popularly identified as the ‘Staurt Gunj’ and currently is a scene of neglect and decay. Various sections indicative of its original character are now in disuse and an advanced state of disrepair. Both sides

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Figure 3.16 Stuart Gunj Bazaar

Layout plan of Stuart Gunj Bazaar. The width of street becomes more than double at the point where Stuart Gunj Bazaar starts. Fresh fruit and vegetable sellers in large numbers arrive from adjoining rural areas early in the morning forming an informal wholesale open market. The original arcades of shops along the street are now in a deteriorated state and mostly obscured by encroachments and vendors or in a partially collapsed state. This original form and layout is intact only in a small portion of the street at its northern end.

of the road were probably lined with a series of arcaded shops, apparent from some portions that now survive in a partially demolished state. Much of the original character has been lost due to excessive encroachments and demolitions. The only clearly identifiable structure of the Stuart Gunj Bazaar is its north-west quadrant, with the Municipal Mutton Market inside it; this market is now considered as a separate entity. This entire stretch of bazaar is a chaotic hustle and bustle of activities and has immense potential for an attractive urban design and regeneration

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Figure 3.17 (A & B) Stuart Gunj Bazaar in morning hours

Stuart Gunj Bazaar during morning hours serves as vegetable and fruits market, however later in the day this area acts as a thoroughfare for small vehicles and donkey carts accessing the walled city area. At northern end of Stuart Gunj Bazaar is the square around Circular Bazaar which acts as the main local transport stand; especially for rickshaws.

project that aims to restore the characteristic features of the historic Stuart Gunj Bazaar. A small segment of the bazaar, between the end of the Dhak Bazaar and the beginning of the Stuart Gunj Bazaar (marked with a dotted ring in Figure 3.16), has the highest concentration of well-preserved, ground plus one (G+1) storey buildings, with an interesting variety of traditional façade treatments on both sides of the street. This cluster of 24 individual units forms a continuous street profile with only a few infill gaps having new constructions. With the exception of two buildings in this group, all are G+1 storey structures. The original use of their upper floors cannot be

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Figure 3.18 Street profile of the Main Bazaar Street

Street profile of the Main Bazaar Street, having a concentration of commercial buildings included in the inventory list.

ascertained, but information on their present usage indicates that they are used either as warehouses or are vacant, as is evident from their dilapidated condition. Besides the northern extension of the bazaar street towards the Stuart Gunj Bazaar, the southern end of the dhak bazaar also extends as a commercial street right up to Lakhi Dar. This stretch, known as the Bhittai Bazaar, is mostly filled with new buildings, other than two or three exceptions. However, this segment of bazaar extending towards Lakhi Dar currently attracts most of the visitors to the city as it has shops selling the infamous Shikarpoori achaar,36 and also the famous Diwan Hotel, popular for its variety of confectionery and the ‘not to be missed’ sumptuous kulfi and soft drink sold under the name ‘white rose’ – both of which are a must while visiting the city.

36 A list of traditionally available variety of pickles includes those of lemon, mango, berries, different vegetables, etc. These made a compulsory item at every Shikarpoori hosts’ table (Rashdi 1966 p.194).

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Figure 3.19 (A-D) A well-preserved cluster in Dhak Bazaar

The well preserved cluster of G+1structures immediately after the northern exit of Dhak Bazaar has an interesting variety of traditional façades. The upper floors are mostly obscured of vision for passer-by due to the fabrics (mostly in tatters) stretched across the street to provide shade against the glaring sun.

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Figure 3.20 (A & B) Gourmet delights of Diwan Hotel

A

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The celebrated gourmet delights served at Diwan Hotel are prepared in a small factory set-up inside the walled city. (A) A primitive hand operated machine used for bottling of ‘White Rose’ drink. (B) The kulfi as it comes out of the freezer is rolled on a plate of crushed dry-fruits and wrapped in paper – ready to be served.

Religious: Temples, Mosques and Shrines Besides residential and commercial buildings, the built fabric of Shikarpoor’s inner city is filled with numerous small mosques, and a close study of a historical map dating from 1915 reveals a similar number of temples, only 26 of which now survive or have some remaining traces. Survey sheets of Shikarpoor, available in the records of the city government and the Survey of Pakistan (1921: 1985-1986), indicate the location of temples using the letter ‘T’. When these locations marked on the available maps were checked with the sites of existing temples, it resulted in the discovery of 26 surviving temple sites identified for inclusion in the list of protected heritage. Only eight of these are now in active use by the Hindu community, others are either occupied by Muslim families or in an abandoned state. Quite a few places marked with a ‘T’ on the historic maps, showed no remaining signs of the temple. However, due to a lack of good quality

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Figure 3.21 (A & B) ‘Sheva Mandli Shanker Bharti Temple’

‘Sheva Mandli Shanker Bharti Temple’ – the largest temple complex in Shikarpoor located at the south-eastern suburbs of city is a fine example of the first type. The complex is built over a large area having several structures within a walled enclosure. The white domes of Shankar Bharti Temple complex set within extensive agricultural fields are seen from a distance – standing in isolation. The temple now receives very few visitors (only on Fridays and Saturdays) because of the security concerns among the community (Memon 2010) due to its very remote location. The courtyard of Shankar Bharti Temple paved with black and white marble wears a deserted look due to the lack of visitors or worshipers frequenting the place. The various spaces inside Shankar Bharti Temple complex include a main hall for worship known as the ‘samadhi’, a separate place for Guru Granth Sahib (holy book of Sikhs), a place for worship of Shiv Ling, a room reserved for the ‘path of Granth Sahib’ where Hindus sit and recite the holy book, and a small room with a marble arch where an earthen lamp of ‘Lal Sain’s jot’ (light of Lal Sain) is placed and kept lit round the clock (ibid.). Rooms around the forecourt of Shankar Bharti Temple complex have a deep arcaded verandah along the entire length. Lack of sufficient funds has resulted in poor state of maintenance; but on the other hand the occasional repairs and construction works previously undertaken on the building indicate a lack of sensitivity towards historic materials.

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Figure 3.22 (A & B) Khatwari Mandir and Dharamsala

Khatwari Mandir and Dharamsala is another example of a large temple complex, located inside the old walled city limits of Shikarpoor; off main bazaar street. A bridging room above the street links the buildings of the complex on the two sides of the street. The courtyard inside Khatwari Mandir complex has colonnaded verandah running along the sides providing access to different rooms for worship. This marble colonnade on ground floor serves the dual purpose of covered circulation and a buffer between the actual prayer area and the open to sky courtyard. In recent repairs a brick wall has been built to close some part of the marble colonnade on the ground floor. The first floor has timber colonnade along its circulation verandah that overlooks the courtyard. The second floor has intricate timber latticework along its parapet and upper terrace. Interior spaces are richly decorated with iconographic frescoes and carvings.

images of historic maps, the exact number of marked temples existing in the city in earlier times could not be calculated. Figures between 300 and 500 have been quoted by different local scholars in their interviews

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or writings, but this seems somewhat exaggerated. A classif ication of three types can be derived from the variety of temples now present in Shikarpoor. The first are the large temple complexes such as the Shiva Mandli Shanker Anand Bharti Temple and the Khatwari Mandir. These were built as a large complex with several buildings within its boundary or cluster, including the main temple and worship rooms as well as a few residential or other usage building blocks. Partially ruined remains of a few such temple complexes exist in the outer periphery of the city, now mostly occupied by Muslim families or abandoned ruins. The second type comprises examples where the worship area is placed inside a residential haveli, serving as a private temple for residents. These are sometimes in the form of a conical ‘shiwala’ or otherwise as a small room placed on one side of the haveli’s courtyard and reserved for worship and religious rituals. Since these are primarily residential properties, a number of such examples are now in use by Muslim families. The third type is the isolated conical, pyramid-like structure with a small chamber at the base, inside which offerings to the deity are placed. This type is present both inside the walled city area as well as along (Beggari Wah Road) the canal flowing south of the city. Some of these are clearly meant to be isolated structures, but a few seem to be part of a larger complex, of which only these structures now remain. The mosques in Shikarpoor follow a similar pattern to that of temples in pre-Partition times, with each street having a mosque of its own or sometimes even two mosques just a few paces away from each other. This pattern is quite surprising, and also contrary to the general belief of the Islamic faith that discourages fragmented and individual or small group prayers, giving preference to collective prayers, on at least a mohalla or neighbourhood level. An attempt to map the existing mosques in the city identified and marked more than 130 mosques, mostly located inside the historic city core. Of these, less than 30 retain their original historic character. The remaining are either newly built or completely renovated, without any traces left of the old structure. Except for three or four large-scale mosques, the rest are very small in size, but almost all of these have a similar layout with a courtyard immediately behind the entrance portal and a prayer hall at the far end of the courtyard. Looking at the pattern and frequency of these mosques, it seems almost as if these were built in competition with and to out-number the temples in city. Two unique examples of traditional old mosques built with mud brick and plaster were recorded during a mapping in 2009, but unfortunately both were heavily altered in 2010-2011, almost to the point of new construction.

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Figure 3.23 (A & B) Haveli temples

A

B

Examples of the second type – haveli temples. (A) Located inside a private residence on Dadwai Road, a small room built with marble, near the entrance of the courtyard, originally dedicated as a private worship area for the haveli residents. (B) A haveli temple in one corner of the courtyard, built in shiwala style. In both the cases these spaces are no longer in use as a temple but maintained as part of the house by resident Muslim families.

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Figure 3.24 (A-D) ‘Shiwala’ temples

B

A

C

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The conical spire-like structures commonly known as ‘shiwala’; are categorized as third type – isolated single temple structures. (A) and (B) Located on the south of city on roads linking the Circular Road with Beggari Canal. (C) and (D) Located inside limits of old walled city; near Sukpul and on Singh Dharamsala Lane respectively.

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Figure 3.25 Mosques inside Shikarpoor’s historic core

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Layout of Shikarpoor’s historic core mapping over one hundred and thirty mosques, indicated in purple colour. Only thirty of these retain original features of their historic structure. (A) Masjid Noor located on Dadwai Road and (B) Mohammadi Masjid located in UC3 represent the typical architectural style of mohalla mosques, having a small courtyard in front of the prayer hall and a high portal indicating the entrance in otherwise low enclosure wall. The latter was recently replaced with a new structure.

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Figure 3.26 Early traditions of mosque

An example of small mosques, representing earlier traditions of mosque architecture in the city. This structure no longer retains its original features. Located on Dhurdwia Lane in UC3, this example had a small open space enclosed with a low mud brick wall having crenelated top. A high entrance portal marked the entrance. At the far end of side some traces indicate there might have been a prayer room at that end. In 2011 the height of walls was raised with brick masonry and the entrance portal above the height of door was removed. A corrugated metal sheet was placed to cover the entire space.

Besides the numerous small-scale mohalla mosques in Shikarpoor, there are a few that have a more significant presence and serve as jamia mosques. The Jamia Masjid located near Lakhi Dar is probably the largest, but is not very impressive for passers-by as it is completely obscured from the street due to the large shops signage and billboards as well as other encroachments around it. The other prominently located mosque is the Markazi Jamia Masjid Karbala (1376H/1956AD), just a little distance from the Jamia Masjid and adjoining the large grounds of Imambargah Karbala. Other, better known mosques include the Haji Fakirullah Alvi Mosque, the Jamia Mosque Punj Pir (1327H/1909AD), the Shah Hussain Mohalla

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Figure 3.27 (A & B) Jamia mosques

A

B

(A) Jamia Masjid located near Lakhi Dar. (B) Markazi Jamia Masjid Karballa (1376H/1956AD) located at the junction of Lakhi Gate Road and Bhittai Bazaar.

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Figure 3.28 Dargah Haji Fakirullah Alvi

The Dargah of Haji Fakirullah Alvi located on Haji Fakirullah Lane in UC2 is part of a large complex including a mosque.

Mosque (1344H/1926AD), and the Quba Wari Mosque. These are mostly associated with an adjoining or nearby shrine of a saint/pir. The oldest of these shrines, which dominates Shikarpoor’s skyline, is the Dargah Haji Fakirullah Alvi, dating from 1791AD (1195H). There are numerous other shrines of saints/pirs located inside the old walled city area, including the Shah Hussain Bukhari Shrine/Autar/Mukam (1162H/1748AD), the open space outside of which serves as an evening gathering place and is popular among the resident community who come to pay their respects and also enjoy the special thadal or thandai (a refreshing local drink made of milk, khashkhash (poppy seeds) and almonds and is flavoured with peppercorns, dried rose petals and cardamom), prepared during summer afternoons throughout May-July and offered to visitors.

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Other Landmark Buildings Besides religious and commercial properties, a variety of other buildings form the group of public monuments and civic amenities and serve as major landmarks of the city. These include educational buildings (including schools and colleges), health facilities (including dispensaries, clinics and hospitals), cinemas, public halls, dharamsalas, and one-off examples of an orphanage, old peoples’ home, clock tower and a public library. The most famous landmark of the city is the clock tower at Lakhi Dar, erected in memory of Seth Hiranand Nandramdas Bajaj in 1935 by his sons Seth Rjharam Bajaj and Seth Kanayalal Bajaj, on the occasion of the Silver Jubilee of King George VI (Mughal 2012). Nearby is the Naz Cinema, originally known as ‘Capital Talkies’, which has been in disuse for many years (Khan 2014). The majority of this group of landmark public buildings are educational buildings, mostly built in colonial times and sharing a layout of colonnaded arcades on the ground floor and similarly arcaded verandahs on the first floor, located within a compounded area with ample open spaces around or in between the different blocks of the same complex. This concept of placing public buildings on large plots was introduced into the fabric of Shikarpoor during the latter half of the nineteenth century, and examples of such constructions are mostly seen outside the historic walled city limits. Among the many schools, the most esteemed and well-known are the high schools #1 and #2. The Government Boys’ High School #1, located in UC6 on Station Road, was built in 1874. The main building stands afront a vast playground and its compound has several blocks, some in disuse and in a dilapidated condition. The Government Boys’ High School #2, built in 1900, was originally known as the Hopeful Academy High School and was affiliated with Bombay University. Its alumni include many distinguished personalities of Pakistan, including Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah, the first Chief Minister of Sindh after the province’s separation from Bombay. Many of the landmark buildings have undergone a change of use after 1947, especially the dharamsalas, which were largely built and supported by the charitable institutions and philanthropic contributions of the Hindu community. The disruption in the demography of the city caused by IndoPakistan Partition, resulted in a disruption of these institutions. Some of the properties previously used for institutional or public purposes were taken over by the Government of Pakistan and have remained in use as public amenities, but not necessarily catering to the same purpose for which they were originally built. For instance, the Khalsa Orphanage is now a Montessori school, the Central Bank of India building has been converted

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Figure 3.29 (A & B) Government Boys’ High School #2

The Government Boys High School #2 (originally named as the Hopeful Academy) built in 1900 is located off Station Road, in UC6. The main hall is named after Diwan Wadhumal Verhomal Goklani, a founding member of the institution who also served as the manager from its beginning in 1900 up to his retirement in 1938. The hall (now known as Latif Hall) presently indicates a poorly maintained state, and a portion of the building is under threat of possible demolition (Khan 2014).

into a girls’ school and the old peoples’ home named ‘Tourmal Mulchand Chhabria Budha Ashram’, one of the most architecturally significant public buildings in Shikarpoor, has been taken over by various government departments and institutions, including the Government Commercial College, the Excise and Taxation Department, the Co-operative Society and the Labour Department. The Budha Ashram, located near Lakhi Dar and facing the Circular Road, was built in 1936 in memory of Seth Tourmal Moulchand Chhabria (General Iron Merchants) by Radhakishandas Parsram and Hasanand to provide a welfare facility – free lodging and board for the destitute senior citizens of the city. The entire structure is built with burnt

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bricks, finished with external rendering of lime-stucco plaster and decorative carvings emphasizing the elliptical and circular arched profiles used at the entrances as well as the first floor balcony openings. The building itself is ground floor plus one storey high, but its three entrances from the road side are emphasized with portals raised to an additional height. The two side entrances have staircases giving access to the upper floor, while the central entrance opens on to the inner, oval-shaped courtyard, paved with terracotta tiles and surrounded by a colonnaded verandah. According to an un-named document attached to a petition filed by a group of residents with the Department of Antiquities, the building was converted into the Shikarpur Hotel after 1947 and functioned in that capacity till 1980. In 1990, the Excise and Taxation Department was moved into the building, followed by the Commercial Vocational Training Center. Those spaces in possession of Excise and Taxation as well as the Labour Department are no longer in active use, thus lacking proper maintenance. Due to negligence on the part of its present users/occupants this important historic landmark has suffered severe damage in recent years, including the collapse of some portions of the roof and balconies, particularly in areas facing the inner courtyard. A number of other examples of public buildings in the city no longer have their original name or usage and only their scale and layout indicates their prior public purpose. However, not all public buildings have suffered the same fate and changed their name – some examples still exist in the city where their original names are still intact, such as the Rao Bahadur Udhawdas Tarachand Hospital (popularly referred to as RBUT Hospital or the Civil Hospital Shikarpur), Seth Chellasing & Sitaldas College (C & S College) and the Henry Holland37 Christian Eye Hospital. All of these institutions, 37 Sir Henry Tristram Holland (12 February 1875-19 September 1965) received his medical education from Edinburgh University, graduating in 1899 and obtaining F.R.C.S.Ed. in 1907. He joined the Punjab Mission of the Church Missionary Society in 1900 remaining with it for 48 years. His main life’s work was at C.M.H. Hospital Quetta. Inspired by his fame as an eye surgeon, a Hindu philanthropist Shri Hiranand Mendha, in 1910 built the eye hospital in Shikarpur on the condition that Dr. Henry Holland would work there with a team for six weeks every year. He is said to have himself performed over 6000 operations for cataract only. Sir Henry Holland was a founder member of the Royal Commonwealth Society for the Blind. He served as Secretary C.M.S. Punjab Medical Executive Committee for 32 years. He received the Kaisar-i-Hind Silver Medal in 1910, Gold Medal in 1925 and a bar to it in 1931. He was appointed C.I.E. in 1929 and knighted in 1936. After officially retiring from C.M.S. Missionary Service in 1948 he returned several times at invitation to perform cataract operation at Quetta and Shikarpur. In 1960 Sir Henry Holland and his son Dr. Ronald Holland were awarded Ramon Magsaysay Award – its citation mentioning that the father and son had saved the sight of about 150,000 tribesmen (BMJ 1965). See more on Henry Holland Eye Hospital Shikarpur at http://www.dawn.com/news/1183148/.

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Figure 3.30 (A & B) Tourmal Mulchand Chhabria Budha Ashram (Old People’s Home)

The Tourmal Mulchand Chhabria Budha Ashram (Old People’s Home) is unique in its design and architectural vocabulary, as well as its original use – which no longer continues. Notified as a protected heritage under Sindh Cultural Heritage Protection Act 1994 the building requires urgent action for its restoration, before its claimed owners subject it to further damage. On the façade facing Circular Road one of the cantilevered balconies is badly damaged and its grill iron works have been removed. The inner courtyard in a picture dated 2008 had pitched roof at the far end and parapets along the right side still intact – these features unfortunately no longer exist on site.

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although functioning in their intended capacity, have suffered a decline in management and maintenance standards. The worst case is the eye hospital, where several building blocks have been vandalized over the years. The Udhawdas Tarachand Hospital located on Station Road is a large complex comprising several buildings. The foundation stone of the main block was laid by S.T. Sorley, Collector of Sukkur, on 30 April 1933. The driving force behind the establishment of this institution was Rao Bahadur Udhawdas Tarachand Chhabria Idnani, who dedicated several years of his life to this cause, collecting contributions from philanthropists, not only from Shikarpoor, but also from Karachi and Bombay. He died at the age of 73 on 18 January 1943, while on a visit to Bombay fundraising for his hospital. His empathy for the suffering poor are reflected in a prayer inscribed in Sindhi at the entrance lobby of the hospital, which translates as ‘Remove everyone’s suffering and pain, Work for wellbeing of all, Listening to pleas of the oppressed, O Lord be kind, Forgive my Lord us humans full of faults, Accept the request of Udho, Grant health to all’. A long list mentioning the names and respective contributions is displayed on the inscription plaques hanging in the lobby of the hospital. To the rear of the complex, there are several blocks displaying the name of an individual or company whose contribution enable the building of that specific structure. The hospital now functions as a government hospital and it is the largest medical facility in the city. The C & S Government Degree College Shikarpur (or Seth Chellasing and Sitaldas College), located on Sukkur Road, is another example where both the original name and function continue. It was built between 1927-1932 with the generous donations of Seth Chellasing and Sitaldas, and inaugurated by the Governor of Bombay, because Sindh was under the administrative control of Bombay at that time. The college complex comprises a vast area, enclosed within a low boundary wall, with several blocks including the main building, the staff reading rooms, an engineering block, a hostel, a mosque and a water tank tower. A plaque on one of the buildings indicates that Mr. Kishandas Parumal Gajria was the honorary architect and engineer (apparently the same person as the Mr. Kishinchand Parumal Gajria who is recorded as the honorary engineer of RBUT Hospital). Further plaques in the complex indicate other sponsor’s names, including ‘Seths Jetaram, Newandram, Chhugomal, Dendomal, Pessumal, Dholandas – Sons of Manghoomal Achhipalia Physics Laboratory’, ‘Seth Lunidasing and Seth Narainsing Bajaj Assembly Hall’, Seth Hurbhagwandas Dhanumal Batheja Library’ and the ‘Shreemati Sitabai w/o Maharaj Dandumal Tube Well’. Presently, some of the buildings are not in use and have suffered severe

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Figure 3.31 (A & B) RBUT Hospital (Civil Hospital)

The RBUT Hospital in its former years not only offered free treatment to patients but also provided them with medicines, fruit and milk without any charge. The entrance portal of main building faces Station Road. There are several other blocks inside the hospital complex. These ancillary buildings and residential quarters of the staff are in dire need of restoration and proper maintenance.

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Figure 3.32 (A & B) Seth Chellasing and Sitaldas College

The main block of Seth Chellasing and Sitaldas College sits within vast open spaces. This block is in relatively better state of preservation than other structures within the compound, probably because it is the only premises actively in use for academic activities. The surrounding open spaces are also poorly maintained, requiring a proper landscaping plan. Other blocks within the compound are in a dilapidated condition and one of these (apparently used earlier as boys hostel) even has a partially collapsed roof along first floor corridor. The ground floor walls show signs of heavy deterioration due to rising damp.

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Figure 3.33 (A-C) Dewan Power House

The historic Dewan Power House inside a walled compound is now owned by WAPDA. Inside the massive pitched roof structure the original equipments of the power generation plant are lying unused, but seemingly in a reasonable good state of preservation. The roof of the structure is however badly damaged, which in turn is causing serious damage to equipment due to rain water penetration. Equipment of the power generation plant was a product of GEC England, imported for Dewan Power House.

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damage due to neglect. The vast open spaces around the buildings are also in a poorly maintained state with wild vegetation growing in many areas and buffalos can often be seen grazing. A unique and interesting example of a public landmark building is the historic Dewan Power House, now owned by Water and Power Development Authority (WAPDA), having changed hands, first as Sukkur Electric Power Company (SEPCO) and then as Hyderabad Electric Supply Company (HESCO). Originally, this power plant was a privately owned enterprise providing uninterrupted power supply to the entire city. The power generating equipment produced by the General Electric Co. Ltd. Witton was imported from England. This landmark structure is currently only partially in use as a warehouse and, unfortunately, is in serious state of deterioration. The metal sheets covering the iron trusses of the pitched roof are severely damaged and old equipment has been left lying unused and prone to damage by rainwater that penetrates the premises through the damaged roof. In the current situation, with the country in an extreme power crisis, it could be a worthwhile exercise to seek possible regeneration of this historic power plant and provide the city with a small-scale facility of its own, which would provide city dwellers with some respite from consistent power failures.

4

Characteristic Architectural Features of Historic Buildings

The architectural features adorning historic buildings in Shikarpoor reflect the distinct character of the city’s traditional urban fabric. It is likely that similar features prevail in other historic towns of the region, but an absence of detailed documentation and methodical research on other case studies does not allow for them to be established as characteristic features of the region’s traditional architecture. Twenty-nine features observed in repeated use on Shikarpoor’s historic buildings are identified here as the most significant external architectural elements contributing to the character of the city’s built urban fabric. Some of these identified features can be defined using standard architectural terminology (Pevsner 1902-1991; Haris 2009; Ching 2012), but these have a distinct character that differs from the general perception or prior understanding of these architectural elements. Thus, a redefinition is required in accordance with design vocabulary and detailing employed specifically to the examples in Shikarpoor. In addition, some features are identified as unique to this specific context and may not have an equivalent in standard architectural vocabulary. Each of these recurring architectural features of historic buildings are briefly explained here through a range of representative samples and descriptions of their use, frequency, material and/or design characteristics. The objective is to illustrate the variety or derivatives that exist and to develop a useful guide for better identif ication and interpretation of characteristic features that need to be acknowledged or recognized as important contributing features of Shikarpoor’s historic urban fabric and which must be protected against any destruction or vandalism. Among the 29 identified architectural elements used in Shikarpoor’s historic buildings, the most common are the varied decorative forms of window/ventilator openings, cornices and mouldings, timber carved brackets and carved timber doors. As a group, these four features, found in more than 300 historic buildings, represent an extensive variety of designs, detailing and use of materials. The second tier of elements in terms of their frequency of use includes: balconies; roundels or rosettes; colonnaded or arcaded porticos or verandahs; grills or iron work; openings with fixed latticework panels or openwork masonry (jali); timber pelmets; niches for lamps (diya); decorative parapets;

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Figure 4.1 Bar chart of architectural elements

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Bar chart for the twenty nine features included in the list of architectural elements contributing to the historic built fabric of Shikarpoor.

stucco ornamentation, courtyards (sehn) or open spaces; and ornamented ceilings. These features were observed in more than 100 historic buildings. The remaining 13 elements in the identified list of characteristic features, found in less than 60 buildings, include: columns; pediments; entrance portals; festoons or garlands; cupolas or chatris; projecting timber balconies, galleries or rooms (mohari); shiwala temples; pitched roofs; domes; sculptures; marble or stone carved panels; pilasters; rooms bridging streets; and garbage chutes. Among these, the most frequently occurring are mohari and pilasters, found in more than 50 buildings. This is followed by columns and entrance portals, found in more than 20 examples. The rest of the features are found infrequently, but having at least two or more occurrences. Any features occurring only once were not considered for inclusion in this list.

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Figure 4.2 Chimney of a rice mill

The chimney of a rice mill on the outer periphery of the city is an example of one time occurring feature – not included in the list of characteristic architectural elements.

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Balcony/Balconette A balcony is defined as a platform projecting from a wall and enclosed by a railing or balustrade, supported on brackets or columns or cantilevered out. By contrast, a balconette is a small decorative balcony projecting from a window sill. The range of variety in Shikarpoor includes single projecting types with a semi-circular or rectangular base, or the continuous types that either run partially or along the entire length of the street side façade and, in many cases, continues along the courtyard facing façade of the house. In some cases, the balcony projections are supported with timber brackets. Their parapets are usually very decorative, with elaborate ornamental motifs made of either timber or metal. In a few cases, the balcony is covered with a projecting timber sunshade. Use of balconies is quite common; indeed, more than 16% of the identified historic buildings have this feature. Balconies, however, do not have much utility in the cultural and climatic context and thus are meant more as a decorative feature, rather than a functional space. Figure 4.3 Some samples of balconies/balconettes from Shikarpoor’s listed historic buildings

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Columns/Coupled Columns Columns are def ined as a rigid, relatively slender structural member designed primarily to support compressive loads applied at the member ends. Those built with brick or stone, in the form of an upright shaft, are termed ‘pillars’. Columns commonly have a circular section, slightly tapering towards their top, and are usually intended as a support, but built independently as a monument. The use of columns or coupled columns as decorative architectural features is not very common in Shikarpoor’s historic buildings. However, a number of examples were observed where columns are used for framing or enhancing either the entrance or window openings. Use of coupled columns as a decorative feature to enhance the balcony projections was also observed in some cases. Most examples had a circular section, sometimes with a very bulky radius. Those columns observed appear to function partly as structural support for projections or roofing, but they also have decorative elements. Figure 4.4 Samples of columns/coupled columns from Shikarpoor’s listed historic buildings

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Arched or Decorative Windows/Ventilators There are a wide range of designs and detailing of window and ventilator openings, including arched and rectangular types. Arched profiles include semi-circular and a variety of pointed arches. In arched windows the tympanum area is either decorated with timber latticework or fixed with geometric patterns, often using coloured textured glass. Lower portions of window openings often have fixed grills or timber panels (sometimes carved) allowing for use as a balcony when shutters are opened. A wide variety of geometric, floral and figurative ornamentation is observed on windows. Rectangular openings are less frequent and seem to be from an older period with simple woodwork details. With proportions enhancing verticality, these rectangular openings have a fixed timber latticework panel with intricate geometric patterns at the upper and lower part of the opening. The central portion, which forms the actual opening, has an arched form with shutters opening inwards. The shutters are sometimes louvred or otherwise have solid timber panels.

Figure 4.5 Some samples of windows from Shikarpoor’s listed historic buildings

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Pediments/Broken Pediments In classical architecture, a pediment signifies a low pitched gable surmounting a colonnade or portico. A similar feature above doors, windows, etc., with decorative value is termed a ‘coronet’ or ‘pedimental ornament’. A variation of this latter type of pediment is a ‘broken pediment’. In respect of the historic buildings of Shikarpoor, only the pedimental ornament is observed above the window openings on main entrance doorways. Of particular note are public buildings, where this feature is used to enhance or decorate the entrance portal. The pedimental ornament is mostly seen on brick masonry, but a couple of examples in timber were also witnessed. Examples of broken pediments and semi-circular pediments were not observed in Shikarpoor, even though these are quite common in the colonial period architecture of Karachi. Generally, the pedimental ornament is not common; indeed, less than 1% of identified historic structures had this feature. A unique example is the use of a glazed tile inset within the pediment.

Figure 4.6 Some samples of pediments from Shikarpoor’s listed historic buildings

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Roundels/Rosettes Roundels are used extensively in historic structures in Shikarpoor, mostly placed in a series above windows or in spaces between the windows. Their purpose is to provide good ventilation or air circulation to interior spaces. In some cases, the use of a single roundel above the entrance was also observed. The examples noted provide a wide variety and range of designs and use of materials, including circular, oval or polygonal (examples noted were hexagonal) openings fixed with timber or cement concrete (c.c.)/ gypsum openwork (jali) with geometric or richly ornamented floral motifs. In a number of buildings, the roundel opening is inset with a six-pointed star motif. Some roundels are designed only as panels on masonry, decorated with either motifs carved in stucco, or painted, or with a colourful glazed tile inset within the circular panel. Use of rosettes, on the other hand, is very rare.

Figure 4.7 Samples of roundels/rosettes

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Cornice/Mouldings A cornice is a continuous moulded projection that finishes or crowns a wall, arch or any other element, or divides it horizontally for compositional purposes. Mouldings are long and narrow ornamental bands with a uniform cross-section and a profile shaped to produce modulations of light, shade and shadow. These are mostly prototypes or derivatives taken from Classical and Gothic architecture, used for ornamentation purposes and to achieve a finer finish. They are also used to define or enhance the dividing lines of different storeys in a building. They are used frequently on courtyard/ boundary walls to define the edge of the parapet. Elaborately detailed cornices and mouldings are an extensively used decorative feature, observed in 46% of the historic buildings of Shikarpoor, especially those with unrendered brick masonry construction. The variety of designs observed range from simple single line bands to a combination of multiple bands of geometric patterns, as well as more ornate motifs and complex designs. Examples of glazed tile bands used in combination with brick ornamentation were also observed. Figure 4.8 Samples of cornice/mouldings

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Entrance Portal An entrance portal is defined as an imposing doorway, gateway or entrance, emphasized by its size and stately architectural treatment. These are a common feature in public buildings, especially those with compounded areas or complexes with several structures inside them. Among Shikarpoor’s historic buildings, this feature is a common occurrence in temple complexes, mosques and government establishments – particularly those with educational and healthcare functions. The different examples observed emphasized their enclosure’s main entrance with an elaborately designed entrance portal, mostly with an arched entranceway, decorated with stucco plaster ornamentation, sculpture and other forms of fine detailing. Some entrance portals also have inscription panels providing information on the date of construction or the name of the complex or its patron. Government buildings built during the colonial period have simpler versions of entrance portals, defining the entrance to the building itself. In mosques – even in small-scale examples – these are used to define the courtyard entrance. Figure 4.9 Samples of entrance portal

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Festoons/Garlands These are a decorative representation of a string of flowers, foliage or fruit tied with a ribbon and suspended in a curved form. In the examples observed on Shikarpoor’s historic buildings, the festoons/garlands are used in a continuous band above the entrance area or, in one case, on the parapet wall. The observed examples include garlands carved in stucco plaster, cement plaster as well as in timber. This feature, however, does not occur very frequently – only three examples were observed among the recorded historic properties.

Figure 4.10 Samples of festoons/garlands

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Cupolas/Chatris Cupolas are defined as a small dome on a circular or polygonal base crowning a roof or a turret. Chatris, on the other hand, are pillared pavilions surmounted by a dome and attributed to Indo-Islamic architecture. This feature was not a common occurence in Shikarpoor. The few examples observed include small domical canopies surmounting the main entrance area of large public buildings, emphasizing their entrance or in use as viewing pavilions on terraces.

Figure 4.11 Samples of cupolas/chatris

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Colonnaded/Arcaded Portico or Verandah A portico or verandah is a partly enclosed space within the body of a building, created by regularly spaced columns supporting a roof, and open to the air on one side. This feature is a common occurence in colonial period public buildings, especially educational establishments, almost all of which have a colonnade with semi-circular arches running along their entire frontage, on the ground as well as upper floor/s. They are also frequently seen in residential buildings, where the construction material is commonly timber, rather than brick, as observed in public buildings. Residential units have a colonnaded verandah either on the ground or only on the upper floor, running along the entire length of the front façade – either directly facing the street or opening on to the courtyard. The ground floor colonnades opening directly onto the street are used by male members of the family during evenings, while the examples opening onto the courtyard are used as a family space. Upper floor loggia in residential buildings directly facing the street serve little or no functional purpose. Figure 4.12 Samples of colonnaded/arcaded portico or verandah

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Grills/Iron Work Decorative metal work is extensively employed on a large number of historic buildings in Shikarpoor. The different forms observed include wrought iron (a tough malleable, relatively soft iron that is readily forged and welded) or cast iron (a hard, brittle non-malleable iron-based alloy cast in a sand mould and machined) grills used in windows, ventilators and parapets. These are also seen mounted along the entire length of the boundary or courtyard wall. The wide range of observed ornamental designs includes complex figurative, floral and geometric patterns. Among the commonly repeated designs are Queen Victoria’s bust, the dancing apsara figures and the Hindu goddess Sinhawasni. A variety of other motifs depicting representations from Sikh and Hindu mythology are commonly observed. Examples of intricate geometric and floral patterns also present a wide range of designs and compositions. An interesting and rare example of metal work observed on one building was a panther-faced water spout.

Figure 4.13 Samples of grilles/iron work

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Carved Brackets Brackets are small supporting pieces of stone, timber or any other material, projecting horizontally from the wall to bear the weight of a cantilever or to strengthen an angle. The use of this feature in historic buildings of Shikarpoor is observed quite frequently and employed in a striking manner, revealing the creativity and imagination of the craftsmen. Even though primarily meant as supports for a projecting upper floor or simply the roof projection for a parapet wall, these bear an ornamental appearance due to the intricate carvings on them. Common themes for motifs include a wide range of animal depictions, including sea life, wild life, birds and reptiles. In some buildings, multiple patterns are also seen, placed alternately in a series. A variety of intricate floral motifs are also observed. Almost all noted examples made use of timber brackets, except for one or two cases using stone.

Figure 4.14 Samples of carved brackets

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Projecting Timber Balcony/Gallery/Room Known as a ‘mohari’ in native language, this feature refers to a façade treatment where the entire frontage is completely covered with highly ornate timber latticework and carved panels. The latticework, also known as fretwork or openwork fret, is produced by using thin panels of wood pierced with cut or sawn out patterns, mounted on a timber framework. This type of timber work, according to Sentence (2003), is a cheaper substitute to carving that was most popular during the nineteenth century, possibly an influence that came into the region from Persia. In some cases, only the upper floor is treated in this manner, but many examples also have their entire building from ground to all upper levels fully covered with the ornate decorations. The upper floors are often projecting, supported by brackets. The main framework is usually of arched forms and openings are either fixed with openable solid timber shutters or latticework. This feature is different from a projecting balcony with similarly intricate timber work, as the space within is actually part of the living area or the actual room itself. The solid shutters of openings or the lattice screens when kept closed provide the desired privacy for an interior space, without blocking air circulation or the view of outside for the users of the space. At the same time, they obscure the view of the private space from outside. Figure 4.15 Samples of the mohari treatment of façade in different ways

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Openings with Fixed Openwork Panels/Masonry This feature is defined as ornamental or masonry openwork with a latticelike character. When produced in delicate or intricate designs it is also known as ‘filigree’. Extensive use of delicate openwork or pierced-work panels is observed on the historic structures of Shikarpoor, either above doors or windows, often fixed within a separate frame or placed separately, i.e., not part of any other composition. These openwork panels, in addition to providing an ornamental appearance, contribute to effective air circulation. They act as ventilators, but do not have openable shutters, but rather are fixed with timber, gypsum plaster or c.c. openwork jalis. The observed openwork patterns include floral as well as geometric compositions. Use of traditional lattice or diagonally criss-crossing and overlapping timber slats, known as jafri, is also common. Another simpler form of such openings is brick or block masonry openwork, using voids in masonry to create different geometric patterns.

Figure 4.16 Samples of openings with fixed openwork panels/masonry

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Carved Timber Doors Carved and ornamented timber doors are an extensively used feature in the historic buildings of Shikarpoor. They are common both in public as well as residential buildings, particularly at the main entrance. In a few cases, such use of elaborately carved doors was also observed at the entrance to a dead-end street. The variety of compositions observed and the extent of the carvings employed range from simple borders to more elaborate details. In some cases, the carved panel is just the tympanum area of the arched opening, but there are quite a number of examples where the entire surface of the door shutters is filled with intricate carvings. The motifs include floral, geometric and figurative designs, often depicting Hindu and Sikh religious iconography. In simpler versions, only the door frame, and sometimes the shutter frame have carved bands. There are a number of examples where the elaborately carved entrance door is the singular decorative feature; the rest of the house is devoid of any ornamental details.

Figure 4.17 Samples of carved timber doors

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Timber Pelmet The timber pelmet or sideboards are nailed to the edge of any projecting elements including chajjas, balconies or projecting floors, giving the protruding edge a delicate and ornate finish. The sideboard itself is either a timber plank with carvings on it or it is made from small timber sections. The bottom edge is then decorated with either finely carved pieces of timber latticework, or a series of small, closely-spaced, spiked knob-like pendants. This feature is extensively used in almost all the historic buildings where timber detailing is employed for façade fenestration. The range of designs and compositions observed in existing examples include use of timber openwork in geometric and floral motifs. Some examples of interesting figurative art combined with interlacing floral or foliage motifs and graphic depictions of fruit bunches were also observed. However, the most commonly used designs are created using simple geometric forms.

Figure 4.18 Samples of timber pelmet

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Lamp Niche A niche is defined as a recess in a wall or pier, usually meant to contain a sculpture or an urn, and often semi-circular in plan and surmounted by a half dome. The examples of niches observed on the historic buildings of Shikarpoor, however, appear to be for placing small oil lamps, known as a diya, and they are a form of tradition as well as the practiced ritual of Hindu culture. Although no longer in use, their original purpose is indicative from the small size and particular placement of these niches. These small lamp niches are in extensive use on external walls of residences, especially on the two sides of entrance door. There are also a number of examples where residences have this feature on the sides of the windows on the upper floor/s. The variety of designs range from a simple arched recess within the masonry, to more ornate designs created with a combination of brick work and stucco plaster; examples of these latter types include both recessed as well as protruding design styles and ornate details.

Figure 4.19 Samples of niche for lamp

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Decorative Parapet A parapet is defined as a low protective wall at the edge of a terrace, balcony, roof or at any location where there is a sudden drop or change in level. The parapet walls observed in the historic buildings of Shikarpoor offer a large variety of designs and demonstrate the creative use of different materials producing ornate detailing. The range of variations includes use of ornate iron grills, timber latticework, stucco plaster decorations, geometric patterns created using voids in brick masonry and, in later period buildings, decorative detailing in cement concrete. The use of the terrace as a family space is very common in traditional houses, especially during summer evenings, and particularly in houses that do not have an internal courtyard. For reasons of privacy, the parapet walls in traditional residential buildings are often quite high and frequently provided with windows complete with timber shutters, allowing the users of terrace to have a view of the outside, if and when desired.

Figure 4.20 Samples of decorative parapet

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Stucco Ornamentation Stucco is a slow setting plaster composed primarily of gypsum, sand and slaked lime, with other substances added to facilitate modelling and to ensure durability. Stucco is used in historic structures as an external rendering, protective coating or for producing architectural features in lieu of stone. This form of artistic expression is extensively employed for external decoration of the historic façades in Shikarpoor. It is attributed to the Sikh architecture in Punjab, where Bhai Ram Singh (1820-1880) is credited with having introduced this process of ‘carving from plaster models into the school curriculum of the sub-continent and experimented with photo-zincography, a process of engraving on zinc by taking an impression by photography and then etching with acids’ (Sabzwari 2003: 11). The elaborate carvings, mostly in high relief and of superior quality craftsmanship, decorate many historic façades in Shikarpoor. The motifs produced include floral designs, figurative artwork and some rare illustrations of objects like a car, a plane and a weavers’ wheel. Impressions of cornices, pilasters, and even balconettes are observed to have been produced in this technique. Figure 4.21 Samples of stucco ornamentation

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Courtyard (Sehn)/Open Spaces The courtyard, defined as an open-to-sky court adjacent to or within a building, especially one enclosed on all four sides, is locally known as a sehn and forms a common feature in most of the residential as well as public historic buildings of Shikarpoor. The size and placement of a courtyard or open space varies, depending on the arrangement of buildings within a complex or the built-up area in the case of residential units. Most houses have their own private internal courtyards, enclosed on two or three sides by the building structure and on the road facing side by a high courtyard wall that incorporates within it the main entrance of the building. Some examples also had a communal courtyard, shared between different families living within a haveli complex. The courtyard in traditional houses serves as an extension of the living area, around which the service spaces like the kitchen, store and toilets are placed on one side and the main residence with its verandah is placed at the other end. The courtyards provide natural light and effective ventilation to the building interiors. Figure 4.22 Samples of courtyard/open spaces within residences

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Ornamented Soffit/Ceiling This feature refers to decorations on soffits of external projections designed with the use of intricate geometric patterns made in timber, plaster of Paris or glazed tiles. Traditionally, they are an ornamental feature on the ceilings of interior spaces; however, in Shikarpoor, this form of ornamentation is often employed for façade fenestration and to decorate the soffit of projections, such as chajjas, cantilevered balconies or projecting upper floors. The variety of decoration includes intricate geometric compositions produced using different types of wood to create a range of shades and patterns – a technique traditionally termed ‘tarseem bandi’ (Mughal 2012) or ‘qab-sazi’, as it is known in Persia (Floor 2006). This feature is known to have existed in Bijapur during the seventeenth century, from where it came to Gujarat (Pramar 1989). A number of examples using gypsum panels with embossed floral motifs or carved patterns, and also varieties of glazed tiles with vibrant and colourful patterns, were also observed, but these latter two materials are not in common use. The wide variety represented by the many examples of historic buildings in Shikarpoor with this feature demonstrate a high quality of workmanship and an extensive range of patterns. Many examples include simultaneous use of multiple patterns in different panels, further enhancing the design aesthetics. Figure 4.23 Samples of patterns used in ornamented soffits of external projections

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Shiwala Temple A spire or tower of a temple built over the sanctuary, usually tapered convexly and capped by an amalaka (a bulbous stone finial) is known as a shiwala or sikhara. This indigenous architectural feature is commonly used in the construction of Hindu temples throughout the region. The variety of examples surviving within Shikarpoor include isolated single spires, or those placed within a larger temple complex, or those meant as private temples placed inside the courtyard of residential havelis. A variety of decorative forms were observed among the recorded examples, including fresco paintings with colourful pigments on external as well as internal surfaces, use of sculpture on the exterior and intricate carvings using stucco ornamentation techniques. Figurative representation of Hindu deities and mythological characters are also observed in sculpted form, incorporated in the external decorations applied to these conical spires.

Figure 4.24 Samples of shiwala temple

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Pitched Roof The term pitched or gabled roof is referred to a roofing form that makes use of one or more slopes. Pitched roofs are not common on the historic buildings of Shikarpoor; nevertheless, a few examples were observed in public buildings built during the colonial period. It can be established, however, that the sloping roof form was known in the region prior to colonial times, due to the fact that the original roofing of the historic Covered (Dhak) Bazaar had a pitched roof profile, and its present colonial period version conceptually retains this and is designed on similar lines using timber trusses built with more refined joinery. None of the residential units had any form of pitched roof in their construction. Only six examples of pitched roofed systems were observed, each with a different profile and varied use of construction materials. Traditionally, a terracotta tile known as khaprail was used as external covering material for pitched roofing systems; however, the examples in Shikarpoor make use of metal sheets, which could be a later alteration, rather than part of the original design. Figure 4.25 Samples of pitched roof

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Dome Domes are defined as vaults of even curvature on a circular base, usually in the form of a portion of a sphere, and constructed in a way that exerts an equal thrust in all directions. The profile of a domical section can be segmental, semi-circular, pointed or bulbous. Domes are commonly used in the construction of tombs/shrines, temples and mosques in Shikarpoor. Examples include large domes spanning a single space, or interconnected spaces mounted with a series of smaller domes. Other than in these three types of religious structures, the use of domes was not observed in any other building typology. The primary construction material used in all of these domes is brick, but exterior finishes and interior treatment varies substantially. The domical forms observed in Hindu temples are decorated on their exterior surfaces with patterns and carved textures created using stucco plaster, and their interiors have colourful fresco paintings, sometimes with figurative patterns combined with geometric and floral motifs. The domes of shrines are also observed to have exquisitely painted interior surfaces. Figure 4.26 Variety of domes used in mosques, shrines and temples

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Sculpture The use of sculpture as part of the exterior decorations of building façades is a common practice in Hindu architecture, especially temples. However, the examples observed in Shikarpoor make very little use of this decorative art form. Long-time residents of the city informed about some public buildings that previously used to have life-size sculptures of animal forms, but these have since been removed and sold to antique dealers. Only one such example still exists on the entrance portal of a temple complex, which no longer serves its original religious purpose. The few examples of sculpture presently observed on a number of Hindu temples include only small-scale figures depicting the different Hindu deities Ganesha, Sinhawasni and Shiva. These are placed inside a small niche, either above the main entrance portal/door or on the shiwala spires, and one example is located on the courtyard-facing wall of a temple. A unique example is a house front with large, brightly-painted peacocks, sculpted in plaster of Paris and placed as brackets supporting a first-floor cantilever projection. Figure 4.27 Samples of sculpture

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Marble/Stone Carved Panels The use of carved stone panels for decorating buildings is not a common practice in Shikarpoor’s historic structures, largely due to the fact that stone or marble is not the prevailing building material in the city. Only a few examples were observed where carved marble or stone panels were used at important locations, such as on the main entrance or portal, and around the courtyard in the two large temple complexes. The panels observed are mostly carved with intricate floral motifs. In one case, a figurative depiction of winged angels was noted, carved on white marble panels mounted at the entrance doorway of a private residential-commercial building. A similar example was observed at the entrance of a private residence and has carved marble panels of red sandstone, now painted in white, giving the false impression of being carved panels of white marble. Similar effects are observed on carved panels of stucco plaster or terracotta, which are painted white giving the impression of being marble.

Figure 4.28 Samples of marble or stone carved panels

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Pilasters Pilasters are defined as a shallow pier or a rectangular column projecting only slightly from a wall and treated to give the impression of a column. In classical architecture, these are treated to conform to one of the orders – Doric, Ionic or Corrinthian, with a capital and a base designed to represent that particular order. The use of pilasters as ornamentation on building façades is observed on a substantial number of Shikarpoor’s historic buildings. This feature is mostly employed in exposed or unrendered brick constructions. Pilasters, as a design feature, break the monotony of long exterior walls, dividing them into smaller panels, tied together with a cornice band. The variety of designs recorded in Shikarpoor range from simple classical forms to more ornate indigenous representations. In some of the observed examples, the decorative form of the pilasters is also created using stucco technique. The wide variety of detailing, employing a range of different materials, bears witness to the creative genius of local craftsmen.

Figure 4.29 Samples of pilasters

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Room Bridging Over Street This particular feature was found in only four examples, where properties across a road belonged to the same owner. In one case, different blocks belonging to the same complex were interconnected by a room bridging across the street. Functionally, this room bridge provides internal access for the users to the different portions of the property located across the street.

Figure 4.30 Samples of room bridging over street

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Garbage chute This feature was observed in only six examples, placed on either the front façade or one of its side faces. It refers to a low opening with a deep recess, in some cases fixed with a shutter. These appear to be chutes from which a sweeper could collect a household’s garbage directly from the street. Alternately, it could be a niche for keeping earthen pots of drinking water for passers-by. In all observed cases these chutes were in a state of disuse and information on their original purpose could not be ascertained from interviews with property owners.

Figure 4.31 Samples of garbage chute

5

Typological Classification and Grouping

Shikarpoor’s history spans more than 350 years and has witnessed rule by the Daudpotas, the Kalhoras, the Afghans, the Talpurs, the British and, finally, the system introduced by the post-independence government of Pakistan. Each new period has ushered in new influences. In addition to the impact of political changes, and historically, the travelling merchants of Shikarpoor have been the primary contributors to the evolution of the urban fabric, bringing back ideas and inspirations (traditionally not practiced in Sindh) from Persia, Central Asia, Punjab and other places where they established the centres of their trading and financial networks. The rich urban fabric of Shikarpoor’s historic core reflects the community’s exposures to these influences, which have shaped the city’s urban environment. Following post-independence demographic changes, this historic urban environment has been subject to more than 60 years of weak planning and development controls. This has resulted in a drastic reversal of the city’s historically high standards of urban sophistication – transforming much of its original urban fabric. Yet, based on what remains, this research attempts to establish the prevailing period styles and value-based classification groups of Shikarpoor’s identified historic buildings. The information available about the construction dates of buildings, as recorded in field surveys, is insufficient to establish exact ‘period styles’ of architectural and construction trends. Only 71 of the 1163 identified historic buildings have construction dates inscribed on them. With the exception of three buildings, all the others belong to the late nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth century. Of the 71 buildings for which the construction date is known, 30 are residential. This means that only 4.4% of properties fall into this usage group. Similarly, for all other usage groups, the percentage of buildings with known construction dates is very small, making it difficult to comment or draw any conclusions on period style influences. Pictorial tables of buildings with known construction dates could be a useful tool for analyzing period styles where sufficient data is available. To build further information in this regard, other sources, such as official records from the revenue office, taxation departments or from the building control authority can be explored. However, in the case of Shikarpoor, this does not provide many fruitful results due to the unavailability of requested information from concerned departments, in spite of repeated attempts. 80% of the properties in Shikarpoor identified for inclusion in the protected heritage

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list are residential; thus, in attempting a generalized period style analysis, more emphasis is given to residential buildings in the analytical summary. Other building types are not comprehensively included in the analysis on stylistic influences due to their insignificant sample size.

Architectural and Period Styles On the basis of available information, a general categorization is attempted here to summarize possible development phases of architectural styles in Shikarpoor. The insights gained from the chronological tables of successive decades, especially in relation to the 30 residential buildings, indicate that the timber decorative style, combined with stucco plaster decorations and ornate iron grills, so characteristic of Shikarpoor’s residential ‘havelis’ or mansions reached the peak of refinement around the late nineteenth century and continued to remain in vogue to a certain degree till the 1930s. However, during the 1930s a parallel, less ornate style with brick detailing was introduced, which reflects a more pronounced influence of classical architecture, as employed in the colonial buildings observed and the gradual decline in popularity of elaborately decorated timber façades. Some elements of carved timber were still used occasionally in the less ornate buildings of 1930s; however, this was restricted to doors and windows, or sometimes brackets supporting upper cantilevered floors. From 1940 onwards, the ornate use of timber details seems to have been completely abandoned and simple decorations, either in baked brick or stucco plaster, became popular, but decorative iron grills in balconies were still incorporated in the composition of exterior façades. Public buildings introduced during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century had a completely different architectural vocabulary from those that are part of the traditional residential fabric. These include schools, colleges, hospitals, and other public amenities. The classification attempted here, however, is more focused on the development of architectural styles in residential buildings and does not include public buildings of the colonial period and representing the different usage categories due to their small sample size. Based on a general analysis of properties identified for inclusion in the protected heritage list and the insights gained from dated buildings, a broad classification of architectural/period styles is proposed here, categorized into six different groups on the basis of use of materials, quality of craftsmanship and the overall composition of architectural details. These are numbered in suggested chronological sequence, but without any specific time period due to insufficient information available on exact dates of

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construction. The method used for developing this classification is primarily based on the standard technique of interpretations in architectural historiography. It utilizes a close study of architectural components, materials, craftsmanship and design detail. This broad classification is proposed as a starting point for further research on period styles of historic architecture in Shikarpoor. Further data on construction dates from official records can be a useful resource for further refinement of this basic period style classification, making it possible to establish precise and conclusive statements. Group I This f irst group of buildings represents the oldest architectural style observed in Shikarpoor. Very few examples representing this group currently exist, and the few surviving examples are mostly in a serious state of deterioration; indeed, quite a few have been demolished since 2007. A rare example within this group (unfortunately now demolished) had a crude form of timber brackets, similar to the ones seen in the historic photograph of the Dhak Bazaar, supporting the upper floor cantilever. The salient features of this group of historic buildings include: – A simple façade composition; mostly dividing the frontage into three sections, each with rectangular window- and ventilator openings aligned vertically on the upper floors. The ground floor usually has a Figure 5.1 (A-C) Buildings representing group I

Buildings representing group I; identified as the oldest among the different architectural trends recorded within the historic buildings of Shikarpoor. These have simple architectural details with woodwork of crude workmanship quality.

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door opening in the centre and a window on each side. These openings at ground level may not be aligned with the openings on upper floors. An exceptional case using roundels was also observed in one example. Mud and straw plaster is used for external rendering, applied in two layers; the inner layer is coarse and thick, whereas the outer layer is fine and thin. The bricks used in masonry works have a thinner cross-section showing a more linear proportion on the outer facing side. In some examples, partial use of mud brick is also observed in some areas of the building. The woodwork employed in the observed examples is of a simple design and is of crude workmanship. The rectangular window openings have proportions that enhance verticality. Fixed panels of timber latticework screens are used on the upper and/ or lower part of the window opening. These are usually simple, but intricate geometric patterns. The parapet wall is simply brick masonry rendered with mud plaster, built on a cantilever supported by timber brackets. Carving motifs used in brackets, doors or windows are very simple, with only floral or geometric patterns. Carvings on doors or windows are only on the frame or the central wooden strip. The use of arched forms is not observed in this group of buildings, except in the detailing of window openings where the outer timber frame sometimes has an arched form. The openable shutters behind this outer fixed frame are rectangular.

Group II This second group represents the most elaborate and ornate architectural masterpieces, probably built during the peak of Shikarpoor’s prosperity, broadly between the last decade of the nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth century. Based on the difference in materials and decorative features of the identified historic buildings forming this group, two distinct sub-categories are suggested. Group IIa This sub-group represents an architectural style that employs extensive use of timber details in the treatment of external and/or courtyard-facing

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façades of the building. The characteristic features of this group of buildings are briefly described as follows: – The most salient feature that distinctly characterizes this architectural style is the use of a timber colonnaded arcade (known as a ‘mohari’) on one or more floor levels. When used on upper floors it often, but not necessarily always, cantilevers a couple of feet and is supported by a series of timber brackets. – When used on the ground floor, the mohari or colonnaded arcade creates a verandah that buffers between the living room area and the courtyard of the building. If used on the upper floor/s, it either creates a loggia overlooking the courtyard and/or a long, covered balcony running along the entire length of the street-facing façade. – A series of equally spaced slender timber posts and their lintels form the main framework of this architectural feature, whereas the divided panels are treated with a variety of details including timber trellis or latticework, iron grills and carved timber panels. – The walls are of brick masonry but without any decorative stucco work or any other rendering, except an occasional use of simple plaster. – The carving motifs on the timber latticework of the mohari are mostly composed of intricate geometric patterns, whereas those used on timber brackets or door/window tympanum have floral, animal or human figurative representations. – Extensive use of iron grills is observed in balcony or terrace parapets, using both floral and geometric patterns. Figure 5.2 (A-C) Buildings representing Group IIa

Examples of buildings representing Group IIa architectural style having extensive use of intricate woodwork adorning their façade/s. Examples include properties having a combination of residential and commercial usage.

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Figure 5.3 Group IIa example built in 1899

The earliest dated building belonging to Group IIa architectural style was built in 1899; and demolished in March 2008.

– The door, window or ventilator openings observed in this group of buildings mostly have arched forms. – The use of textured, coloured glass is quite common, particularly in the tympanum area of arched windows in rooms placed along courtyards or balcony/verandahs. – Some of the examples in this group have their entire façade (from ground to the top), completely covered with decorative timber details. Other examples only make use of timber decorations on the uppermost floor, while the remaining external masonry surfaces are left without any decoration and have arched window/ventilator openings. – Five buildings representing this architectural style have their construction dates inscribed on them. Of these, the earliest was built in 1899, followed by an example each from 1903, 1925, 1936 and 1939. Although this information is not sufficient to give any conclusive time period for this architectural style, it does suggest however, that this style remained popular during the f irst three decades of the twentieth century.

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Group IIb This sub-group, representing the ‘high period’ of architectural expression, is characterized by the use of stucco decorations on external façades, and possibly belongs to the latter decades of the peak period. Although introduced later than the first sub-group, there seems to be a possibility that both of these styles in group II (a and b) developed to the heights of refinement almost in tandem. The characteristic features of buildings in group IIb include: – Extensive use of stucco plaster, with ornate decorations and carvings on the entire façade. These decorations include architectural details like pilasters, cornices and mouldings. A vast range of floral and figurative motifs are used for surface decorations. Figure 5.4 (A-C) Buildings forming Group IIb

Representative cases of buildings forming the Group IIb architectural style. Examples include both residential and residential-commercial use properties. The façade decorations are predominantly in stucco work, with lesser use of timber details.

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– Less use of decorative woodwork; primarily employed only in the pelmet bands, ceiling decorations and sometimes brackets. Other than these, timber is used for making door/window frames and shutters. – The window shutters form a highly ornate feature. They are designed in a geometric form using colourful and textured glass that creates lively and complex patterns. In addition to being used in window shutters, such geometric motifs are also employed to decorate the tympanum area of the arched opening using fixed glass. – Ornate grill/iron work is also extensively used, especially on the lower part of window openings and also for parapets running along balconies. A vast range of designs are used for the patterns used in metal details, including floral, geometric and figurative expressions. – Many examples in this group have very ornate surface treatments on the soffits of external projections or cantilevered areas; these comprise intricate geometric patterns using different shades of timber or staining to produce a variety of patterns. – Use of timber brackets to support the projecting upper floors or balconies is observed in some cases, but this is not extensive. The brackets have both figurative and floral motifs. – The five buildings in this group have their dates of construction inscribed on them, indicating that this style was popular during the 1930s. The earliest dated building in this group is from 1915, followed by an example from 1930, 1933 and 1935. One example is from 1950, indicating that the style continued to be in use throughout the first half of the twentieth century. However, a lack of precise information on construction dates means that a conclusive timeframe for this architectural style cannot be established. Group III This third group represents an architectural style that employs high quality brick masonry in its construction, thus the external masonry surfaces are usually left unrendered. This group also has two sub-categories – the first subgroup comprises buildings with more ornate brickwork, whereas the second subgroup has simpler masonry details combined with modest timber detailing.

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Group IIIa This first subgroup comprises buildings with high quality brickwork that incorporates ornamentation produced through expert craftsmanship. This style was probably introduced through institutional and large-scale public buildings towards the beginning of the twentieth century, but became popular for residential constructions by the late 1920s and continued, albeit with lesser detailing, in the 1930s. The characteristic features of buildings belonging to this subgroup include: – The most representative feature of buildings in group IIIa is the ornate and exposed brick masonry, devoid of any external rendering/plaster, except in some small areas such as the entrance, to enhance it more with fresco or stucco ornamentation details. – The use of timber in external features is minimal, limited to door/ window frames and panels. – Simple floral ornamentation and moulding details are used around windows, balconies or entrances to frame and enhance the openings and create a more sophisticated finish.

Figure 5.5 (A-C) Representative cases of Group IIIa

Representative cases of Group IIIa architectural style having exposed brick work with ornate details created with specially moulded bricks.

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– Cornices, decorative mouldings, pediments, column capitals and pilasters are created with specially shaped bricks. Use of these details in large-scale buildings is extensive and used to break the monotony of long external surfaces devoid of plaster. – The level of detailing and ornamentation varies substantially in this group of buildings; residential examples have minimal and simple details, whereas public buildings have more extensive and ornamental detailing. – Use of metal grills in ornamental designs is observed in a number of examples. – In a few examples, the use of glazed tile panels/pieces is observed, either inset within the roundel opening/s or embedded under the cornice bands. – Most buildings in this group belong to the institutional/public usage category; but some examples of a purely residential type also exist. – Based on available information regarding construction dates of seven buildings in this group, it seems that this style was introduced through public buildings built during the early twentieth century. The earliest dated building in this group is the High School #2 built in 1900. Other examples are from 1903, 1927, 1928, 1932 and 1935. Group IIIb This subgroup is characterized as a hybrid between the styles of IIIa and IIb, where exposed brick masonry remains the prevalent feature, but it is employed in combination with simple timber details adorning the façade. This group of buildings is identified by the following characteristics: – Unrendered brick masonry, used with less and simpler details such as the cornice bands and the enframing details that enhance the profile of an arched opening. – Besides the use of timber in doors/windows, it is additionally used for simple woodwork details such as the brackets supporting any cantilevers, and the pelmet bands used for finer edging of projections such as balconies or upper floor. – The door/window openings have arched profiles. Observed examples include a variety of segmental, two-centred pointed and semi-circular arched profiles. These have some very simple carving details in the tympanum area of the arched opening. – In a few examples. the ventilator and/or windows are provided with a shade made of timber slats.

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Figure 5.6 (A-C) Examples of Group IIIb

Examples of buildings forming Group IIIb architectural style; a hybrid between IIIa and IIb using exposed brick work in combination with timber elements of simpler details.

– From the dates of construction available for three examples in this group (one from 1921 and two from 1927) it is clear that this style was common during the second decade of the twentieth century. The simpler details both in brickwork and woodwork suggest they were projects with a more restrained budget than previously. Group IV This fourth group comprises buildings representing an architectural style identified as a later period development, probably introduced towards

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Figure 5.7 (A-C) Representative cases of Group IV

Representative cases of Group IV architectural style.

the end of 1930s. The characteristic features of buildings belonging to this group are as follows: – The external façades of buildings in this group have simple compositions, adorned with minimal ornamentation and simpler detailing; some examples indicate an inclination or influence of the Art Deco style of the 1920s, revived in the 1960s. – External brick masonry surfaces are finished, either partially or completely with fine and smooth lime/gypsum-based plaster. Plastered surfaces in this group of buildings are simple and devoid of any carvings or ornamental stucco details. In a number of examples, the ground floor has exposed brick masonry, while the upper floors have external rendering. – The design and detailing of balconies and other features of exterior fenestration are simpler versions of their earlier period counterparts.

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– Curvilinear, elliptical or parabolic forms of decorations framing the window openings and balconies are observed to be in popular use. – The use of timber is reduced to a substantial degree – mostly restricted to door/window frames and shutters, and sometimes employing use of pelmet bands and other simple details designed with less ornate geometric or floral motifs. The use of carving details on timber elements is not observed on the examples included in this group. – The use of iron grills with very simple geometric patterns is observed in balcony parapets. Group V This fifth group of buildings represents an architectural style that probably developed during the late 1940s. The characteristic features of buildings belonging to this group are: – The structural system used in construction is either completely Reinforced Cement Concrete (RCC), or a combination of RCC slabs and load-bearing walls. – External decorations on building façades are created using cement plaster and includes elaborate details of festoons/garlands and columns/ pilasters emphasized by rustication and inspired by timber or stone carving motifs used in earlier period buildings. Figure 5.8 (A-C) Representative cases of Group V

Representative cases of Group V architectural style. The ornamental details used in this group of buildings reflect influences of Art Deco.

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– A variety of decorative parapets are observed, created by the innovative use of cement concrete blocks and plaster, provided at the roof terrace level. – Balconies enhanced with use of columns and decorative arch forms made in cement concrete are common. – Parapets on balconies sometimes have iron grills with intricate geometric/floral patterns. – Timber is used for doors/windows, sometimes with panels of geometric patterns created with coloured or textured glass. – The Art Deco influences identified in a few examples of the previous group are also observed in some buildings of this group. Group VI This last group comprises buildings built during late 1940s and through the 1950s. The characteristic features of buildings belonging to this group are: – The RCC post lintel frame is used as a structural system in their construction. – The composition of façades is simplistic, based on designs devoid of any decorative detailing. The primary focus of façade treatment remains the division of panels and the use of balconies that are sometimes cantilevered to create some variety. – The entire length of the façade is divided into multiple panels of a repetitive fixed module, created by using one or more prototypes of Figure 5.9 (A & B) Examples of Group VI

Examples of buildings representing the architectural style of Group VI.

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windows-ventilators or windows-balconies. In a few cases, the entrance is emphasized either through use of a door, entrance portal or a single balcony. – This group includes the few existing examples of apartment buildings present inside the historic core of Shikarpoor.

Volumetric Principles and Design Variations: Plan Typology The basic volumetric principles followed in traditional buildings, in terms of plot parcels and composition or relationship of solid-void spaces, and placement of decorative façade elements in the three prevalent standard plot types – sandwiched, corner and compounded – reveal repetitive design principles and a certain plan typology. The variations in the suggested Figure 5.10 Typological grouping

Proposed typological grouping within the three plot types. The diagonal hatching shows built-up areas; dotted lines indicate the placement of ornamented façades and the arrows indicate entrance to the property.

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schematic layouts indicate a simplified sub-classification of existing plan typologies, based only on external observation of building masses and a study of their site plans as marked on city survey sheets. This analysis, however, does not take into account all the properties identified for inclusion in the protected heritage list, as most of these have undergone major alterations. Only those properties identified as representing a typical or a unique plan typology as part of their historic significance/value are studied for developing this table of typological derivatives found within each category of the three main plot types. There is a possibility that each one of these groups may have further variations that can only be understood after a detailed study of internal layouts is undertaken. The grouping proposed here is a suggested starting point for further focused research in this domain.

Value-Based Grouping Inventories carried out at the city/town or national/regional level include large numbers of buildings or sites that are of varying degrees. These are graded according to their degree of signif icance for convenience. The method developed for the value-based grouping of Shikarpoor’s historic properties (applied only to buildings – open spaces and urban elements are excluded from the process due to their different nature and lesser numbers) – uses a pre-defined list of ‘parameters of merit’ for evaluation of each property in order to identify its specific list of intrinsic values. These are given a numeric value through a points-based calculation table, enabling each property to be placed in one of the following four valuebased groups: – 1st Degree Value (90-150 points); – 2nd Degree Value (70-89 points); – 3rd Degree Value (50-69 points); – 4th Degree Value (20-49 points). This analytical output provides an understanding of the potential and value of each property identified for designation as protected heritage, clarifying the reason for listing and pinpointing the aspects to be safeguarded. The numeric calculation of values is a 10pt base system (adopted for ease of calculation): each property’s total value is a sum of the total points it collects under two defined groups – ‘parameters of merit’ and ‘locational value’. The pre-defined list of ‘parameters of merit’ incorporates six main

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aspects: values of architectural interest (including external architectural features, plan typology, unique craftsmanship, and construction materials/ building technology); importance as an environmental or natural asset; contributing historic interest (including aspects of socioeconomic and cultural values, military history and innovations in engineering/technology); historic association with an important personality, event, or as a trendsetter; group value driven by a specif ic urban setting; and lastly, other additional aspects including landmark value, public significance or rarity. The second group adds points by taking into consideration the ‘locational value’ of an individual property and evaluating its placement in the context of the city’s circulation, based on its contribution to the built fabric in terms of visibility and accessibility. Sub-categories developed for this aspect are based on classification: firstly, on the basis of plot parcels and then on street patterns and the massing/placement of built-up areas on the plot. The three main categories in this group include those with an independent compound, properties with one or more façades on street/ road and properties located on the outskirts or periphery of the city. The detailed list of possibilities/potentials within each sub-category of the two identified groups has a numeric value assigned to it; this adds up to the total value points for each property in accordance with the identified merits. As a result of this value-based categorization, we see that similar properties in terms of architectural quality and significance group together. Each of the four value-based groups has a specified range of value points, but each property within this group can have a differing set of identified merit parameters. The method developed for this value-based analysis allows for an enhanced evaluation of each property, rather than restrictive pre-formed and generalized groups. This value driven analytical method provides an in-depth understanding of property values, making the inventory of each property a self-explanatory tool for professionals, managers, administrators and other associated individuals to understand its essence and take decisions accordingly, without compromising on the individuality of each case. The graded grouping can facilitate development of general guidelines, rules and policies for management and conservation, separately for specific groups, including incentives for property owners to encourage better maintenance and guidelines on the extent of permissible changes inside/ outside/around the buildings. Higher degree value groups require more restrictive regulations for changes/repairs, whereas lower degree value groups can have more flexible rules. The sieving of value-based groups can

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Figure 5.11 Mapping of ‘degree of value’ groups

Mapping of historic buildings in accordance to their ‘degree of value’ groups.

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Figure 5.12 Comparative matrix of the buildings comprising the four ‘value based’ groups

also be useful for management and conservation planning objectives. When mapped on a city scale, this set of information can prove particularly useful in identifying important clusters and areas of historic value. The evaluation of properties identified as Shikarpoor’s protected heritage reveals only 2.2% of properties as placed in the first degree value group, whereas 12.3%, 40.3% and 45.3% are in the second, third and fourth degree value groups, respectively.

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Figure 5.13 (A & B) 1st degree value group

Major landmarks of the city are included in the 1st Degree Value group of buildings.

1st Degree Value (90-150 pts): This group, including buildings of the most significant value, comprises only 25 (2.2%) listed properties. These are the primary landmarks and monuments of Shikarpoor, buildings largely used for public activities, such as schools, hospitals, or religious places. The 25 properties identified in this group enjoy an iconic status that can be considered on a par with the city’s visual imagery. Most properties in this group are government, trust- or waqf-owned. Some noteworthy examples include Lakhi Dar clock tower, the two mandirs (Khatwari and Shankar Bharti), the tomb of Haji Fakirullah Shah Alvi, the Markazi Jami Masjid Karbala, Boys High School #2, C & S Degree College, the Covered (Dhak) Bazaar, Stuart Gaunj Bazaar, Tourmal Mulchand Chabria Budha Ashraam, the Municipal Meat Market and the Merewether Pavilion.

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Figure 5.14 (A-C) 2nd degree value group

A few representative examples of buildings comprising the 2nd degree value group.

2nd Degree Value (70-89 pts): The second degree value group comprises 143 (12.3%) listed properties. These are primarily the finer examples of traditional residential buildings and also some less significant public use buildings. The private residences included in this group are among the most ornate and richly decorated examples of Shikarpoor’s traditional residential fabric and its unique architectural forms. The public buildings in this group include neighbourhood mosques, temples, schools and a small number of government offices. A few well-known landmark properties of the city that do not have significant architectural value also fall within this group.

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Figure 5.15 (A-C) 3rd degree value group

Buildings of more modest design and details form the 3rd degree value group.

3rd Degree Value (50-69 pts): The third degree value buildings form the largest group with 526 (45.3%) listed properties. These are primarily residential buildings forming the traditional fabric of Shikarpoor. The architectural character of buildings in this group is of modest standards, using simpler and less ornate details. A few public buildings including schools, mosques, and government offices with modest architectural qualities and which are located in less prominent areas of the city are included in this third degree category.

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Figure 5.16 (A & B) 4th degree value group

The buildings forming 4th degree value group are very modest in architectural character but have significance for their cluster/group value.

4th Degree Value (20-49 pts): The fourth degree value group has 684 (40.3%) listed her0itage properties. These buildings are of a very modest architectural quality, but are significant due to their group value within the historic fabric. Most of the properties in this group are private residences, with the exception of only a few public use buildings.

6

The State of Conservation and Related Issues

The city of Shikarpoor, although declared a protected heritage by the Department of Culture, GoS, in 1998 and officially given legislative protection under the Sindh Cultural Heritage Preservation Act 1994, still suffers from a rapid loss of its historic fabric due to a lack of effective planning and administrative policies to support or encourage continuity through conservation-sensitive development approaches. In the light of historical developments – events and socio-cultural transformations – it is evident that many threats posed to the city’s historic fabric today are a direct consequence of the political, economic and demographic changes that the city has undergone. A statistical analysis of the current state of conservation in Shikarpoor clearly reflects a prevailing apathy towards the city’s invaluable historic fabric. The identified range of threats and problems faced by Shikarpoor today are not only related to its physical fabric, but also connected to the socioeconomic factors concerning the city’s population. In addition, the existing by-laws and planning regulations do not provide sufficient guidelines and checks to ensure that the traditional fabric is maintained. The threats identified here seem to be more a consequence of unconcerned attitudes on the part of administrators as well as residents, lack of planning and monitoring tools, and a lack of awareness regarding the significance of heritage assets and the professional capacity to deal with these. However, none of these are issues that could not be tackled with a little effort on the part of the authorities with better implementation of existing regulations and some better, long-term measures for improving the critical professional capacities within the city administration.

Physical Condition and Threat Level The interpretations derived from the physical condition of properties are based on two primary considerations: the integrity of the physical fabric and the alterations they have undergone. For both of these aspects pre-defined categories are established to enable a standardized format through which identified heritage properties are evaluated to assess and establish their state of conservation.

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Based on the integrity of the physical fabric, the identified historic buildings are placed within one of the following pre-defined groups: Demolished – applied to properties for which prior information was available through historic documents, published sources or listing surveys carried out before demolition. Many properties included in this category are those identified during the first surveys undertaken in 2007, but which were found to have been demolished during a re-survey undertaken in 2010-2011. Partially Demolished – those buildings where there has been a partial structural collapse, including either a portion of the building façade, the roof (partly or completely collapsed), or structural collapse of some portion of/or an entire upper floor. Façade Only – those buildings where only the external shell remains intact; entire interior is completely demolished or collapsed. Highly Deteriorated – includes structurally intact properties, but with a high degree of disintegration of architectural elements, such as loss of door and window shutters, carving panels, timber/stone decorations. Also includes buildings that have suffered severely through various forms of vandalism. Partially Maintained – those generally maintained and in a habitable condition, but which have undergone changes affecting the external appearance to a certain degree. Includes those buildings without a homogeneous external façade due to haphazard alterations, including a lack of regular maintenance works and repairs. Well Maintained – buildings with a homogenous outer appearance and no alterations that damage or deface the external façades. Observations on the variety of alterations seen on the buildings led to a broad categorization in two pre-defined groups – major alterations and minor alterations. Major alterations include properties that have undergone a change in mass that affects its structural capacities. Within this category, four sub-groups are identified – three distinguishing different forms of additions and one identifying removals. Mass added – the floor, room or any other structural mass added to the building that directly adds to dead loads on existing structural system. Mass attached – i.e., a staircase, an extension or other such additions that do not have direct impact as added dead load, but which add transverse loads to existing structural system. Mass added on the lot – added structures on the plot occupying open spaces within the property line. This does not have a direct impact on the structural system and only affects open space – built-up area proportions and the overall profile of the site, especially if the additions have large-scale proportions. Mass removed – portions or part of the buildings have been removed or demolished, but are still identifiable by either the layout or any other traces existing on site or through old photographs of the place. Minor alterations

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include a range of changes in material finishes and or architectural features – such as changes in original design or materials of doors, windows, balconies, or addition of air-conditioning units/exhaust fans, or addition of grills/shutters/jalis, change in original external colour, external cladding with new materials such as tiles or cement plaster. The range of alterations indicate a response to the changing needs and requirements of residents, who, in the absence of effective regulatory systems and available technical support, implement required changes according to their available means, understanding and perceptions. Most alterations change the buildings’ external appearance and many have a negative/defacing impact. Some alterations are reversible, but more often they are of a permanent nature and impossible to revert without further damage to the structure or original materials. Some of the primary reasons that necessitate these alterations are: an increase in family sizes combined with a strong culture of living as extended families; changes in living standards and lifestyles requiring improvement of services – including plumbing, electrical and air-conditioning fixtures; the non-availability of craftsmen/labour well-versed in traditional building materials when regular maintenance or repairs is needed, resulting in tampering with original materials (particularly gypsum/lime mortars and plasters), which are often removed and replaced with cement). The use of inappropriate materials is due to a lack of sensitivity towards the original fabric and an absence of examples of good practice. The threat level to heritage properties is determined based on a correlation of data from the fields defining present usage and physical condition and is classified under three groups: High degree threat – properties that are 50% or more vacant and/or their physical condition can be identified under the sub-categories of ‘partially demolished’, ‘façade only’ or ‘highly deteriorated’. Second degree threat – properties that remain in use and come under the category of being ‘partially maintained’. Good state of condition – properties that are in use and in a ‘well maintained’ condition. The data on the physical condition and state of conservation of historic properties identified for inclusion in the heritage inventory indicates that only 35 (2.9%) of the buildings are in a ‘well maintained’ state. A majority of the buildings, i.e., 784 (65.2%), fall into the ‘partially maintained’ category, meaning that they are in use and being maintained to a certain degree, but that their external appearance is unkempt and lacking coherence. These buildings have been altered to various degrees, and their original materials are not in a very good state of repair and maintenance. The remaining buildings are in a high state of deterioration, including 103 (8.6%) categorized

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Figure 6.1 Mapping of the present state of deterioration

Mapping of the present state of deterioration in terms of physical condition of buildings, indicating that less than three percent of listed properties are in a well maintained condition.

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as highly deteriorated; 11 (0.9%) with only their façade standing; 121 (10.1%) partially demolished; and 153 (12.4%) of the recorded buildings already demolished between the first field survey undertaken in November 2007 and the re-survey of December 2010 and March 2011. A major cause for the high state of neglect and deterioration is disuse. Almost 19% of the listed buildings were found to be completely or partially vacant. Of these, almost 65% are completely abandoned and the remaining 35% are 50% or more vacant. Establishing a correlation between the data on physical condition and usage of buildings, it has been calculated that almost 332 (31.5%) listed buildings are under a ‘high degree threat’, requiring urgent measures to ensure their safety and survival into the future.

Identified Threats: Causes and Impacts This section elaborates the major threats that accelerate the pace of destruction and attempts to indicate their causes and express their impact on Shikarpoor’s historic fabric. In light of the findings from the analytical review of Shikarpoors’ existing historic fabric and its present state of conservation, several issues of urban conservation are identified that must be addressed at local as well as provincial level in terms of producing planning and administrative policies to ensure the survival of this unique historic environment. The primary threats to Shikarpoor’s historic fabric are: Demolitions Unchecked demolition of historic structures is occurring at a rapid pace. A disregard for their significance and value is presently the biggest threat to the historic built environment of Shikarpoor. These demolitions have been ongoing for decades, but a recent rise in demolition activities is extremely alarming and has already resulted in the disappearance of many ‘havelis’ and other historic landmarks. Even though the 1998 enlistment notification under Sindh Cultural Heritage Preservation Act clearly prohibits the destruction of ‘houses constructed up to 1950 and their wood and iron works’, a disregard of the law is in practice. Since this notification did not include any property specific list or inventory of protected places, the decision to allow demolitions remained the sole prerogative of individuals working for the Town Municipal Office (TMA), in the capacity of the the Town Officer (TO) for Infrastructure Engineering, who is responsible for issuing demolition permits for dangerous buildings. The absence of any

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guidelines or a committee to review these requests leaves the decision to the discretion of these TOs, who issues permits without any consideration for the historic significance of properties in question. Information available on Shikarpoor’s lost historic fabric includes two types of cases: the first type are historic monuments for which there is little or no physical trace or pictorial evidence, except possibly for some archaeological remains; and the second type comprises buildings demolished more recently and for which there are pictures from personal collections of residents/visitors available or, at least, they existed during the 2007 inventory survey but have since been demolished. Demolition of 150 properties (12.4%) included in 2007 heritage listing was onfirmed through a re-visit after three years. These include a majority of privately owned residential buildings (62%), followed by a substantial number of commercial and residential-cum-commercial buildings (19.4% and 11.4%, respectively). The remaining 25% of demolished properties include public places like mosques, temples, cinemas, and dispensaries that have been replaced with new structures, in most cases for the same purpose. Almost 87% of the demolished building sites now have new constructions, which has drastically changed the historic urban fabric. Even after the official enlistment notification in March 2012 clearly identified specific properties as protected, many buildings were not spared. Proof of this blatant disregard for the law was recorded in September 2015, when 53select residences from the heritage list were revisited by a team from Heritage Cell, Department of Architecure and Panning, NED University of Engineering and Technology, Karachi (HC-DAPNED), which found that 11 had been recently demolished and several more were facing the same fate. A brief discussion of a number of these demolished properties is included here with the aim of recording their existence for future reference. Afghan Fort/Kaffila Serai The Afghan Fort or Kaffila Serai, a historically important monument and landmark of Shikarpoor, mentioned repeatedly in Gazetteers of Sindh and other travelogues, remained largely intact till the first two decades of the nineteenth century. Burton (1877) mentions ‘the Afghan fort on Jacobabad Road has also been lately repaired for a Kafilah Serai or Caravan Bungalow’. A more detailed account that reveals the changing usage of the fort mentions that the […] district prison […] previously at Shikarpoor […] a somewhat picturesque structure, one account of its origin being that it was a fort built by

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Afghans before Shikarpoor came into the possession of the Talpurs [...] walls were constructed on a curious plan and consisted of two slanting tiles of katcha bricks with a basement of about eight feet and an intervening space packed with loose sand. It was modified to suit the purpose of a prison in 1847 […] but the chief characteristics of the original building have remained, […] extensions [were] carried out in 1864, […] south wall of the fort was broken down and thrown further back […] closed when the new prison at Sukkur was ready [...] opened again in 1910 as a special prison for the reception of persons sentenced to not more than six months imprisonment […] an excellent garden is attached to it (Smyth 1919: 26).

This fort is clearly drawn on a historic map of Shikarpoor dating from 1915; thus, through a process of map regression the location of the fort can be roughly identified and site visits around that locality were undertaken during the 2007 survey in order to confirm that no traces of the fort exist anymore. In the initial inventory record, the fort was listed as a demolished property. However, during the re-survey visit in March 2011, by coincidence, some remaining traces have been located with the help of a passerby who volunteered the information. The story of this chance discovery is worth recounting. Forced to accept a rather persistent invitation to take tea at a special road side ‘khoka’ (café) – known to locals for serving ‘gur ki chai’ (tea prepared with unprocessed brown sugar lumps) –members of the fieldwork team were discussing their work with their host and referring to the field reference copy of the inventory catalogue. Attracted by these bulky and colourful documents, an old man passing by invited himself into the conversation. After listening briefly to what the objective of the work was he became animated and asked if the Qilo Kaffila had been included in the inventory. The team conveyed their failure to locate any remains of the Kaffila Serai. At this, he insisted that, if the team could spare five minutes, he could guide them to the last of the remaining fortification walls. The excited team followed his lead, across the road through the ad hoc structures, and entered into an opening where they found the last of the remaining circular bastions built with mud brick, which define the entrance of the Kaffila Serai enclosure. In addition, there were a few more remnants of the fortification wall. The old man made a humble plea for inclusion of these remains in the document and walked off with tears in his eyes mumbling to himself that ‘this once was a great city with a proud history – look what we have done to it’. The area is still referred to as Kaffila Serai and the road leading to it known as Kaffila Serai Road. The few remaining traces of the ancient Afghan fort are

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Figure 6.2 (A & B) Open spaces inside kafilaserai

Open spaces inside the area demarcated by remains of mud walls and remaining bastion of kafilaserai are in use as yard for fuel wood. Existing remnants of the Kafilaserai fortifications include some portions of a circular bastion built with mud brick and presently existing in a partially collapsed state. The small surviving segments of original mud wall are seen crammed between new constructions and ad-hoc developments. A small indigenous mirror manufacturing workshop exists inside the circular bastion, spread on a small area around the entrance. The sheets of crude mirror produced here are cut into small circular shapes for use in traditional Sindhi embroidery.

almost completely obscured from outside due to the ad hoc structures and encroachments. The crumbling remains of the few surviving portions of the fort’s mud walls are only visible once inside the enclosure that defines its area. The area inside has largely remained an open space, but the activity

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Figure 6.3 (A & B) The Afghan Kaffila serai

A

B

(A) Portion of the historic 1915 map in which the Kafilaserai is clearly drawn and labelled. (B) Recent satellite image of the same area showing the location of fort as marked in 1915 map with red boundary. This area shows several built structures inside it, which mostly comprise of adhoc informal developments as observed on site. However, the area marked within green line is where the remains of mud walls and last remaining bastion were discovered during 2011 survey visit. This suggests that perhaps the boundaries of Kafilasrai actually extended beyond what is marked on 1915 map.

pattern observed within indicates ad hoc commercial ventures currently taking place. Some areas near the entrance, including the space within the partially collapsed circular bastion, are being used for the production of glass/mirrors used in traditional Sindhi embroidery. This is a small-scale informal industry, with two to three labourers, a small kiln and areas used

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for storage and a small work station for cutting glass into small pieces. The open area enclosed within the fort’s walls is being used as a timber yard for fuel wood. The peripheral walls have some portions of the original mud brick fortification still intact, but these are in a crumbling state and require urgent measures to curb further disintegration or destruction due to increasing ad hoc constructions around the area. Based on the knowledge gained from this chance discovery of the last remaining traces of the fortification walls and revisiting the map regression exercise to compare the 1915 map with present satellite image of the area, it is evident that the location where the remaining traces exist is the area immediately above that indicating the Kaffila Serai on the 1915 map. The satellite image still shows this area as an open space; hence, there is a possibility that the extent of the Kaffila Serai actually goes beyond what is marked on the 1915 map. Given the historic significance of the fort, this entire area should be considered for designation as an archaeological site, with preventive measures for safeguarding the surviving remains. Possible excavations to reveal the original extent of the fort and to explore the possibility of discovering foundations of the original structure should be attempted. The site could be developed into an archaeological park, displaying the history of the area, its Afghan connections and associations with caravan trade links. Disappearing ‘Havelis’ and landmarks The traditional houses and ‘havelis’ of Shikarpoor are vanishing at a rapid pace, seemingly due to a lack of maintenance; but, the primary reason for the accelerated destruction is the growing market and demand for the decorative/ornamental features adorning traditional havelis as a result of recent architectural trends in large cities like Karachi. In 2011, a re-visit of properties identified for the 2007 heritage listing confirmed demolition of 150 properties (12.4%) in just three years. Additionally, a substantial number of properties have lost their external woodwork. Even though the Sindh Cultural Heritage Preservation Act clearly prohibits the destruction of houses built prior and up to 1950 there is a complete disregard of the law in practice (Naeem 2011, 2012). The wooden ‘moharis’, glazed tile or timber ceilings, carved timber brackets, windows, iron works and other such elements that can no longer be produced with such refined quality are being extensively re-used in new residences and some commercial establishments in large cities. The elite circles so fashionably and flamboyantly claim these as their prized collector’s items, while architects/

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Figure 6.4 (A & B) Murlidhar Haveli

Murlidhar Haveli located on Dadwai Road as seen in a picture dated February 2000 from personal collection of author. This was demolished sometime after 2000. The situation on site as recorded during surveys in November 2007 and December 2010 show the brick masonry boundary wall as the only remaining part of original structure.

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Figure 6.5 (A & B) Haveli near Nausharo Gate Road and Karan Gate Road junction

This haveli located near Nausharo Gate Road and Karan Gate Road junction got demolished in September 2008. Having extensive woodwork and metalwork details it contributed immensely on the urban fabric of the street. The new structure that now replaces this traditional haveli has completely changed the architectural vocabulary of historic fabric. Figure 6.6 Antiques and artefacts shops

Antiques and artefacts ripped off from historic buildings are openly sold in the markets of Karachi and other cities of the country. The number of such shops is constantly on the increase because of the growing demand for these materials.

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Figure 6.7 (A & B) Lakhmichand Teckchand Municipal Dispensary

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Located on Circular Road the Lakhmichand Teckchand Municipal Dispensary built in 1920 was demolished in November 2008 for construction of a new 60 bed hospital, with an EPI and diagnostic centre. The new structure is planned as a two storey high building. (A) Photograph dated November 2007 as recorded during survey. (B) Picture dated January 2011 – only the entrance portal of the original structure is planned to be retained in the new design. That too has been severely damaged during the construction activities.

designers involved in promoting the trends are seemingly oblivious of their professional responsibilities. Ironically, those whose inheritance is being pillaged remain either ignorant or unconcerned about losing their wealth. Until recently, only a few specialized antique dealers were able to purchase of these features through local networks within Shikarpoor, obtaining the materials to cater to Karachi’s market and exports abroad. But in the past four to five years, a large number of showrooms/shops/ godowns have opened within Shikarpoor reflecting the apathy of the local

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administration that is conveniently shrugging off any responsibility to curb these illegal activities. The greatest irony is that it is not only privately owned properties facing the threat of indiscriminate demolitions, but government properties are also not spared. The demolition of the historic Lakhmichand Teckchand Municipal Dispensary by the city government, to make way for a new hospital, is glaring evidence of the unconcerned attitude of local authorities towards historic monuments and the traditional fabric of Shikarpoor. Underutilization and inappropriate use of buildings Many buildings, especially those laid out as large complexes for public purposes, including dharamsalas and musafirkhanas, originally owned and maintained by the Hindu community, have undergone not only a change in use, but many of these have also been altered and subdivided into smaller Figure 6.8  Dharamsala complex

Located on Circular Road near Awal Shah Lane junction, this seems like a dharamsala complex, but information on the original use could not be ascertained. The present occupants have subjected the premises to inappropriate usage; the resulting state of disrepair is obvious.

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Figure 6.9 (A & B) A temple/dharamsala complex

A temple/dharamsala complex located off the link road connecting Haji Latif Shah Road and New Faujdari Road, is now taken over by several families claiming occupancy of various structures inside this walled and gated complex. These historic structures are badly mutilated by haphazard alterations, misuse and neglect.

units. Information gained from the city’s older residents reveals that, in the aftermath of Partition, many abandoned complexes were illegally taken over by residents of adjoining rural localities. Large properties, especially those with compounded open areas, were also used by the government to temporarily shelter incoming migrants. Proper settlement of these people and appropriate utilization of these large public complexes never

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Figure 6.10 The Old Municipality building

The Old Municipality building – said to have been originally built as the Seth Duwarkadas Silk Mill; today left vulnerable at the hands of vandalism. Gradually losing its timber elements, the structure presents a sight of apathy. The front portion is in use by one family, whereas the back side has been leased to another family.

materialized. The new occupants, largely belonging to a lower income bracket, have been unable to maintain these properties. In addition, due to their rural occupational associations (livestock and agriculture) the premises of their properties are subjected to inappropriate usage, including keeping livestock inside the historic enclosures. Over the years, with growing family sizes, additional structures have haphazardly been added in the open spaces of these complexes. Thus, the large enclosures of public use buildings, mostly located on the outer periphery, along the Circular Road, are today extensively defaced structures in a state of serious deterioration and dilapidation. Underutilization of buildings is also apparent from detailed data on the usage of identified historic structures. Of those properties for which information on usage was recorded, almost 19% were partially or completely vacant, their continued disuse resulting in an advanced state of deterioration. Almost 150 of these properties, i.e., 65% of these under-utilized premises, were recorded as being completely vacant at the time of the field surveys.

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Figure 6.11 Hassaram Lala Mahal School

Abandoned structure of a traditional vernacular school, known as ‘Hassaram Lala Mahal School’ located on Dadwai Road (according to Mughal (2012) it was built in 1927). Part of this historic structure was demolished to build the new adjoining school building. The remaining portion was purposely left neglected; to gradually disintegrate and fade away into oblivion. Information update from residents is that sometime around the beginning of 2012 the approval for construction of another new block for existing school was given by the DCO of that time and overnight the wood work of this historic structure disappeared and demolition work for clearing the site of new construction got started. Alas the protected heritage notification by Department of Culture, Government of Sindh in April 2012 came a bit too late for this historic structure.

These include a majority of residential and residential-cum-commercial structures, followed by a small number of purely commercial properties. Additionally, a small number of buildings lying in complete disuse include religious properties (mostly temples) and government-owned properties like the old municipality building, the session’s court and a vernacular school building (Lala Mahal School). The remaining 35% of underutilized properties had 50% or more of their premises not in use; a few had a vacant ground floor but were in residential use on upper floors, whereas a majority of partially used properties had occupants only at the ground floor level while their upper floor/s remained in disuse. Of this latter category, a large

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number of properties are in the bazaar street, where ground floor shops are in use, but their upper floors are either vacant or being used for warehousing. For many of the vacant properties information about owners could not be ascertained and they have apparently been abandoned for a long time. In addition, many properties are used only occasionally as ancestral homes by families now settled in Karachi or other larger cities; thus, they are kept minimally or poorly maintained. Inappropriate alterations In the absence of regulatory or monitoring systems for historic buildings, the properties are subject to alterations without going through any process Figure 6.12 Haphazard alterations

Haphazard alterations on the external façades cause disfiguring of historic structures. Absence of implementation of building control regulations has led to indiscriminate changes on many structures.

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Figure 6.13 (A-C) Inappropriate alterations defacing façades

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Examples of inappropriate alterations defacing the external façade of buildings. (A) Plumbing line installed through a roundel and right across the window. (B) Alterations on upper floor have defaced the original architectural features of the building and an added toilet space on ground floor visually obstructs the timber colonnaded verandah. (C) Added toilet with a fibre glass tank on top completely obscuring the ground floor, and additionally defacing the upper floor.

of approval or evaluation of proposed changes. Approximately 40% of the listed buildings are recorded as having undergone major alterations including additional floors and rooms or service areas within the lot or courtyard, and sometimes alteration of the original layout by removal or demolition of certain areas. In addition to major alterations involving structural changes, almost all the buildings have undergone minor alterations such as sealing off doors/window openings, re-plastering of external walls with cement plaster, removal of the external timber decorative features, and other such changes in original materials. Alterations related to installation of plumbing and other services catering to present-day needs and desired levels of comfort are also very common. Such alterations are a necessity and part of the change in lifestyles, but, in the absence of proper professional advice, these changes are carried out by owners in a manner insensitive to the original character of the buildings, defacing their external appearance and often causing irreversible damage to the original layout and materials.

C

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Neglect and inadequate maintenance Besides properties in a high degree of disrepair and disuse, a large number of buildings are in use but still in a seriously deteriorated or even partially demolished condition. Collected data indicates that 20% of the properties recorded are in such a state. Of 132 properties indicating a high degree of deterioration, 57 were fully in use. Similarly, out of 92 properties marked as partially demolished, 26 were in use. Many of these properties are occupied by their owners. Data from interviews indicates socio-economic Figure 6.14 Neglect and disrepair

Traditional houses in use by occupants who do not have a sound financial standing are subject to neglect and disrepair due to a lack of substantial resources available to their owners to undertake any regular maintenance and upkeep measures.

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factors as the main cause for this neglect; that is to say, a lack of sufficient financial resources has prevented the owners from properly maintaining their properties. Property divisions Division of large properties as part of the shared inheritance of different family members is another cause of harm to the physical fabric of historic Figure 6.15 (A & B) Dayal Singh Luni Singh Boys’ Hostel

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B

Dayal Singh Luni Singh Boys Hostel on Station Road (some local residents also referred to this building as Bhaloomal Haveli) literally cut through the centre into two halves. Section on the left side has been demolished to build new structure for a clinic. (A) Complete picture of the building dating from 1998 – courtesy Mr. Naseem Mughal. (B) The remaining portion is in disuse and in a state of high degree deterioration.

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buildings. Large public buildings and havelis have been subjected to such divisions, even resulting in the subdivision of the plot itself, with different portions being sold off to owners with varying aspirations. Thus, if owner/s of any subdivisions decide to demolish their portion for new construction, it results in complete destruction of certain sections. An interesting case in this regard is the Dayal Singh Luni Singh Boys Hostel on Station Road. Another prominent example is the property known as the Haji Imam Baksh Sheikh Building, located at the junction of Circular Road and Pir Salih Lane. It is divided into two and each portion is further sub-divided and rented out to different users. The portion facing Pir Salih Lane accommodates the Hi-Tech Public School and the portion opening onto the Circular Road houses the Sindh Employees Social Security Institution. Some portions in both sub-divisions are being used for residential purposes. Havelis and public buildings that have undergone such subdivisions are, in most cases, no longer conceivable as part of a single larger property. In some cases, however, the owners of separate portions have been content with only a high dividing wall cutting across the courtyard. In these latter cases properties are still recognizable as part of the same complex. Lack of development investments Besides individual property level issues related to the physical condition of buildings, the overall degeneration of the historic urban environment in Shikarpoor is related to national and provincial level policies and development planning. A review of existing strategies and development patterns in the province indicates an imbalanced distribution of progressive investments or incentives. The provincial government has failed to maintain a balanced distribution of developmental budgets throughout the province, restricting their focus to certain cities or urban pockets (Dawn 2009; GoS/ADB 2009). Shikarpoor is among the most ignored cities, where programmes of economic or industrial growth have not been implemented. As a result of this lack of investment, the city fails to provide its residents with better educational, economic, social or recreational facilities; and the more educated or well-to-do inhabitants have been forced to look for opportunities elsewhere. A vast majority of families have male family members working or studying in Karachi, Hyderabad and other cities offering better economic opportunities. A lack of any initiatives to improve the working and living condition of inhabitants has resulted in a declining social configuration, causing an overall degeneration of urban qualities and living standards.

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Degeneration of public, civic, institutional and recreational facilities Prior to Partition, Shikarpoor had numerous institutions and establishments, created and run through the donations and philanthropic contributions of its rich and affluent community members. The post-Partition change in demography resulted in a complete collapse of this community-based system of welfare and other institutions. The infrastructure left by these establishments is the only evidence of their existence. Many of these buildings have suffered a high degree of deterioration. The rich Hindus migrated, and the well-to-do Muslims, despite their influence on the political structure of the province, chose to remain ineffective (Afridi 2007; Baloch 2007; Soomro 2008). Muslim families with strong political affiliations still maintain close links with the city and their ancestral properties, but they prefer permanent residence in Karachi and have failed to make substantial contributions or efforts for the revival of public institutions for which Shikarpoor had been famous. In the absence of newer initiatives and investments, either by residents or the government, the standard of remaining public facilities and institutions has declined and they suffer from a lack of patronage. From urban to rural character and pattern Shikarpoor had been an urban centre with predominantly agricultural suburbs and a rural character. In historic accounts, references are found mentioning the city gates as points of control, keeping rural life outside the city walls and in later periods, the city municipality is said to have enforced strict regulations to distinguish between urban and rural activities and their boundaries. Post-Partition demographic changes in the town’s population have been a major factor in its transformation from an urban to a rural character. The city has evidently undergone two cycles of migration since 1947: the vacuum created by the Hindu exodus was filled by the middle-class mohajirs, who, in pursuit of better job opportunities started to move out, and in the past two decades are being replaced by inhabitants with lesser education and belonging to lower income groups moving into the city from adjoining rural areas. Post-Partition migration patterns clearly indicate the rural population having moved into the city core; the present local administration has been unable to control these changes. A number of open spaces within the walled city area are being used as animal pens, especially for keeping large buffalo herds of dairy producers. These herds are taken to their grazing lands through the city streets, creating a chaotic situation on the main vehicular roads.

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Figure 6.16 Buffalo herd on Circular Road

A buffalo herd being taken out to the grazing lands and cattle pond, through the circular road. Figure 6.17 Donkey carts – a common mode of transportation

Donkey carts are a common mode of transportation, as these can easily manoeuvre through the narrow streets inside the walled city. These are particularly useful for transportation of construction materials.

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Similarly, tangas and donkey carts are a common mode of transportation, especially for goods and agricultural produce. Although these are a more sustainable and environmentally friendly mode of transportation, their uncontrolled and haphazard movement causes major conflicts with vehicular and pedestrian flow. Between 2011 and 2014 a huge influx of Compressed Natural Gas (CNG)-operated chingchi rickshaws resulted in the virtual disappearance of the tangas from Shikarpoor’s roads. However, a ban in September 2015 on these CNG rickshaws due to their poor design susceptible to overturning, might result in revival of the traditional mode of transportation. An ineffective municipality and an absence of a conservation masterplan Shikarpoor’s municipality, established in 1855, is among the oldest in Sindh. However, currently it is an almost defunct institution. Most of its sources of revenue have been transferred to the provincial income and this has left the municipality under-resourced and incapable of bearing the expenses of running the daily routines of city administration (Sheikh 2015). Consequently, it functions as an understaffed and ineffective unit. There is no town planning office within the city’s administrative structure. Town planning regulations, generally applied to the entire province, are considered as applicable to Shikarpoor as well. But, in the absence of a unit with professional expertise in this field, the implementation of these regulations is ineffective. There is a complete reliance on town and district officers working in revenue or infrastructure divisions for enforcing the town planning regulations. These officers usually have no background or professional training in town and regional planning, and are thus not able to properly understand or implement the regulations. Conservation planning or urban area conservation is a completely unknown field to all involved in the administration and management of the city. No conservation plans exist, either for Shikarpoor or any other historic city of Pakistan. Lack of trained professionals There is a complete lack of trained professionals, not only in the area of heritage conservation and management, but even competent professionals including architects or engineers do not have any established practice in the city. Even trained craftsmen, well-versed in traditional materials and construction techniques are no longer locally available. Enquiries in this

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regard indicate that experts well-versed in traditional crafts are difficult to find. Nevertheless, good craftsmen can be arranged to undertake restoration of historic buildings (Afridi 2007; Soomro 2008). The seriousness of the matter concerning local professional capacity and level of awareness can be understood by the fact that most of the officers working for the city administration ‘do not even have knowledge of the designated status of Shikarpoor historic city’ (Baloch 2007) and have actually been involved in the demolition of a number of historic structures themselves. A revisit to 53 listed properties in 2015 revealed that a couple of these actually had to be demolished because the owners were being evicted on the grounds that their properties posed a threat to public safety and must be demolished without delay. Without the professional guidance to repair or consolidate the dilapidating structures, the owners have no choice but to opt for their demolition.

7

Potentials and Prospects Urban Revival – the Way Ahead

The historic value and significance of Shikarpoor is explicitly defined; first as an important historic town within the regional context of Sindh, and secondly as an important trade town on the ancient caravan routes linking Central Asia, Persia and Afghanistan with India. On the regional level, Shikarpoor has an unmatched quality as a city that was created and grew under unique circumstances. Established by the Daudpotas – a tribe of Abbasid origins – and ruled for more than 80 years by Afghans, and embellished by a community of merchants and landlords for over two centuries, Shikarpoor is a representation of religious, political, social and cultural dialogue given expression through the media of built form. Reflecting upon these aspects of the city’s history, the surviving traditional fabric has a unique character and rare qualities that need to be recognized and appreciated. From a morphological analysis of the existing built fabric, it is deduced that the historic core, within walled city limits, is well preserved, retaining original layout of streets, overall proportions of scale and characterized by narrow, winding and dead-end alleys that are completely pedestrianized. Early extensions to the east of the city have similar characteristics; however, the late nineteenth-century colonial period developments introduced a distinct grid iron pattern in contrast to earlier morphological forms of the historic core. The growth and expansion of the city has not extended much beyond its colonial extensions. Shikarpoor’s built fabric, including buildings and urban elements, has unique architectural qualities indicative of traditional practices and values. The open spaces are an integral part of the urban environment enriched by their variety of uses, enhancing the quality of built environment. The historic buildings of Shikarpoor represent a variety of styles, high in quality of workmanship and artistic expression that seem to have been trendsetters in their day. The diversity observed in the variety of architectural styles indicates an evolution through centuries of external influences and a high degree of patronage to arts and building crafts, combined with experimentation using different materials and forms of expression that changed over time. These expressions often reflected the patrons’ social status, religious bindings, and political inclinations. Surviving examples of traditional building forms and crafts are now rare and unique; thus, they need to be acknowledged as important national assets.

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Figure 7.1 Mapping of positive and negative components

Map showing listed buildings, open spaces, demolished areas and new building façades. The buildings included in inventory list (marked in red), and existing open spaces (marked in green) together show that the inner city core still retains a substantial degree of its original historic fabric. Besides mapping of these two positive components, new building façades that are incoherent in terms of design and material with historic fabric (marked in purple lines) and areas with rubble of demolished structures (marked in blue) are mapped together to gauge the extent of damage inside the historic core. The map indicates demolished/rubble areas concentrating in various pockets, whereas the pattern of new constructions is generally more spread out, except along the eastern side of Circular Road where it seems most concentrated and high in occurrence.

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The historic city of Shikarpoor has been a victim of neglect resulting from geo-political, demographic and socio-economic changes in the region. The shift of emphasis in trading and production patterns; creation of new communication and transportation links – abandoning traditionally existing options; loss of internal revenue at local government level; and migration of the area’s elite to emerging urban centres such as Karachi, Hyderabad and Sukkur, are the primary causes for degeneration of the city’s urban characteristics. The process of decline has been gradual and over a long period, since before Partition. In the post-Partition years, and particularly during the past two decades, the pace of deterioration has accelerated, especially in terms of the demolition of historic structures due to the increased demand for their decorative architectural elements in new residential or commercial constructions by the ‘cultured elite’. A comprehensive map of the city marking historic buildings, urban elements and open spaces, in conjunction with elements of negative visual impact enables an overall understanding of presently prevailing condition within the historic core of Shikarpoor. The two most impressive aspects identified as distinctly negative contributors include: the façades of new constructions lacking quality, architectural design and detail – completely contrasting in materials or proportions to those of traditional buildings; and the areas lying in disuse with rubble of demolished or decayed structures gradually transforming into heaps of accumulated garbage. Mapped together, the identified features of historic values and negative aspects of the built fabric indicate the extent of the damage as well as the surviving historic environment. The systematic documentation and mapping of Shikarpoor’s historic core and its immediate vicinity reveals that, in spite of an ongoing destruction, there is still a substantial percentage of historic built fabric that retains its original characteristics. Based on the gained insights, the following potentials and prospects are identified and can be explored for instigating a possible revival of this historic town. Some policy guidelines are also suggested for city government and provincial administration to take up as possible remedial measures for addressing the present crisis faced by our historic cities and traditional built environments, particularly in reference to Shikarpoor and generally applicable to the entire region of Sindh. Identified potentials Insights derived from the analytical study of Shikarpoor’s historic fabric are indicative of the substantial potential for its urban, economic and

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socio-cultural revival and are itemized here in the context of existing regional and local needs. These propositions are in line with the guiding policies and trends followed as international standards adopted for undertaking conservation governed strategies to protect urban areas and historic districts. Additionally, these address the wider international debate about economic and environmental sustainability and the concerns for survival of traditional environments and their unique diversity. Approach to sustainable development: Evaluated in its regional context, the city still holds potential strengths that can be capitalized on to develop a comprehensive conservation masterplan with the objective of achieving possible urban revival. This corresponds with a key agenda on regional policies identified as the most pressing current need, i.e., sustainable development strategies for the region. Any efforts undertaken for the urban regeneration of this historic city centre (or in other similar cities of the region) will help reduce economic and development pressures on larger cities of the province, particularly Karachi, Hyderabad and Sukkur, which presently show trends that have been a cause for serious ecological, environmental and socio-cultural imbalance and disparity within the region. It is also an accepted and acknowledged fact that traditional built environments evolve and take shape in a manner most suited to the climatic and environmental conditions of any place. In this perspective, the surviving examples of Shikarpoor’s traditional architecture are a source for learning to seek local solutions for climatically responsive and environmental friendly building practices. Progressive research in these directions must be encouraged to support present global concerns for energy efficiency and eco-friendly designs for our built environments. Source for economic revival: Shikarpoor’s historic fabric has a character unique to the place, and within the regional context it is an invaluable example of localized diversity. As a product of unique circumstances that shaped this environment and a living testimony of historical developments that took place in the region, the city of Shikarpoor has substantial potential for regional or national level cultural heritage tourism that, in turn, could become a source of economic regeneration and socio-cultural revival for this historic city centre. In addition to the larger opportunities that arise from the built fabric, explorations of the smaller-scale local industries could provide supportive options for economic revival. One such indigenous cottage industry for which Shikarpoor is well known and acclaimed is the production of a wide variety of pickles available in the city market as

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specialist items. Similar options should be identified to support, promote, and develop the local industry as part of the revival process. Other sectors with great potential are the agricultural and natural resources that hold possibilities for eco-tourism. Resource for pedagogical developments in traditional building crafts: The consolidated inventory documentation and mapping provides a comprehensive data bank on regional variety and a range of traditional styles, methods, and construction materials that reflect the potential of the existing historic fabric as a source of learning. This information has immense potential as a starting point for further focused research on various aspects of traditional built environments in the region and for developing pedagogical modules with the objective of re-creating awareness, appreciation, and sensitivity towards traditional and socio-cultural values unique to the region. The wide variety of traditional materials and samples of building crafts still intact within the urban fabric, provide an opportunity for generating conservation activities that could become a source for training and professional capacity building at the community level. The entire process of urban and building conservation can be developed as an educational tool, in partnership with various national/international institutions and organizations whose mandate is to advocate, support, and promote traditional and cultural practices across the region. The available database makes it possible to easily identify selective pilot projects, particularly for public properties, and develop these as training worksites for local craftsmen. A possible revival of traditional building materials, crafts, and techniques can, in turn, ensure the availability of trained craftsmen and local expertise for restoration and repairs of privately owned properties. Existing infrastructure as a resource: Many historic buildings with an educational, institutional, or other public purpose use and owned by government organizations and departments or trusts are under-utilized and badly maintained, thus under threat of further deterioration. The inventory database gives readily available information that can facilitate the stocktaking of under-utilized and vacant government properties and identify potential sites for appropriate usage. This also includes assessing requirements with regard to public sector offices and other civic and public facilities that are currently absent due to a lack of resources. A general uplift of the community can be achieved by utilizing the existing infrastructure to provide much needed public sector facilities. The lack of f inancial resources in the public sector can be overcome by seeking public-private

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partnerships for finances and investments as well as long-term management on a contractual profit-sharing basis. This study highlights the potential for achieving urban regeneration in Shikarpoor. But such a process requires a political will that supports these objectives on a regional as well as a national level with policymaking initiatives. A lack of interest and awareness among local administrators and residents regarding the value of this important historic town leads to an indifferent attitude towards this important national asset. Statistics on the present state of the urban fabric indicate this lack of appreciation and recognition of the intrinsic values of the place as a cultural and historic resource. Socioeconomic data indicates a changed demography contributing to the overall deterioration in standards of the urban environment. The post-Partition lack of interest and investment by the establishment has added to the continued decline of Shikarpoor’s economic prospects and social or living standards. The results of a holistic approach to heritage inventory documentation, including the three identified components of the built fabric – buildings, urban elements and open space/natural assets – testify to the potential of the place as a unique historic environment that must be acknowledged as worthy of preservation, not only as evidence of history, but also for reasons of socio-cultural continuity, economic prosperity, and environmental sustainability. The intensive database gives an insight into the diversity and originality of regional or local styles, helping to recognize the unique qualities of the historic fabric that need to be safeguarded as rare and exceptional contributions in the region’s development. This documentary evidence provides a strong argument in support of the need for measures to instigate the process of urban revival for this historic city. The database, produced through systematic documentation and a mapping process, is a resource that can be efficiently used for developing effective management plans, conservation proposals, and long term policies for integrated heritage conservation within the development process, which can be implemented at the city government and community level to work towards socioeconomic revival and environmental protection of Shikarpoor’s historic town.

Way Ahead: Implementation Actions and Policies In spite of its poor state of conservation, a high rate of ongoing deterioration, and the continuing threat of demolition, the built fabric of Shikarpoor retains a substantial degree of its historic characteristics; but these are fast

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disappearing and require immediate action to curb their rapid destruction. Taking into consideration the constraints and shortcomings of the experiences and existing practices in the field of architectural and urban area conservation within Pakistan, this study has produced a comprehensive inventory that contributes to the practical initiation and implementation of conservation activities and stimulate policymaking decisions for heritage protection. With a holistic perspective in mind, further directional guidelines are proposed here to help overcome the present deficiencies regarding heritage management, and facilitate a conscious vision of longterm progressive programmes. In the absence of previously existing comprehensive documentation on historic towns, the adopted method for assessing historical and cultural built form traditions, applied at the town scale level, has given concrete results that contribute positively towards bridging the gap in existing knowledge on the region’s traditional environments. A thorough understanding of the traditional fabric of Shikarpoor is an important milestone, or rather a stepping stone, paving the way for a more insightful approach to development policies. The process clearly provides us with at least three tangible outcomes. Firstly, it provides precisely quantified statistics on surviving built heritage, in terms of traditional building types and forms, occupancy and ownership patterns of cultural property, present state of physical condition, and value based grading – supported by an analytical summary on each identified group. Secondly, the compilation of a comprehensive inventory of historic and culturally significant places provides a useful database elaborating in detail the variety of historic materials and the range of traditional styles that developed as part of the evolutionary process of Shikarpoor’s historic fabric. This database, in turn, identifies the characteristic features of the historic fabric and defines in detail the values that need to be recognized as invaluable heritage resources and that are recommended for protection to ensure their survival. Descriptive details explain the qualities and specific values of the traditional environment, which give a unique identity to the place. Lastly, the process has put into perspective the interdependency and close relationship between the core built fabric and its larger hinterland, indicating a need for sustainable development approaches to regain a balance in the disturbed ecosystem of the region. The adoption of internationally recognized methods used for analysis of historic towns is, in itself, a step towards introducing established practices in the field of heritage conservation within the Pakistani context. The multidisciplinary and holistic approach to documentation and assessment

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of the historic town ensured incorporation of different aspects shaping the built environment, i.e., the built form, socioeconomic, political, and cultural influences, and environmental factors. The adopted methodology facilitated the stitching together of all these factors, encouraging analytical evaluations to be drawn in closer association with each other. This integrated approach helped in gaining an in-depth understanding of issues and problems presently faced by the historic urban environment, and to identify the specific causes of these with a view to enabling formulation of directional guidelines to tackle identified issues at different levels of planning and policymaking. Proposed Actions for Implementation In light of the present state of conservation practices within the country, seeking solutions for better heritage management requires national and provincial level policymaking. The first step to effective policymaking is to develop an inventory database. In the words of Fielden (1982), the ‘inventory provides a basis for a forward looking policy, strategy or plan for conservation’ as it facilitates the setting up of priorities, identifying required programmes, calculating and allocating required budgets, developing a maintenance strategy, delegating the required workforce, and identifying training needs. Shikarpoor’s documentation indicates a need to develop proposals in all of these identified areas. The lack of existing institutional structures to support conservation activities is the biggest hurdle to overcome in this regard. Some suggestions for administrative authorities, with supportive action and decision-making by provincial government department/s responsible for heritage management in Sindh are outlined here. The most urgent actions inferred from this research to ensure the survival of Shikarpoor’s historic fabric are as follows: Official notification of listing as protected heritage: The Department of Culture, GoS, in a notification dated 8 August 1998, declared the ‘City of Shikarpoor including Houses Constructed up to 1950 and its Wood and Iron Works’ as protected under the Sindh Cultural Heritage Preservation Act 1994. This notification was not accompanied by any inventory listing and therefore proved ineffective in providing protection to specific properties. As a consequence, the city’s historic fabric continued to be threatened by rapid demolitions and thus suffered irreplaceable losses. Taking note of this situation a list of 1203 heritage properties identified through a systematic

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mapping and inventory process, in accordance with the listing criteria officially adopted by the province of Sindh, was developed by the Heritage Cell-DAPNED during 2007-2010 and submitted in April 2011 to the Heritage Advisory Committee, GoS for notification. After persistent follow-ups this list was finally declared as protected heritage through a gazette notification issued in March 2012 by the Department of Culture, GoS. This officially designated status now provides legislative protection to specific properties under the Sindh Cultural Heritage Preservation Act 1994, making it illegal to damage or demolish them without prior approval of the Heritage Advisory Committee. The Department of Culture, GoS, along with the Sindh Building Control Authority (SBCA), now shoulders the responsibility for administrative management and monitoring of these heritage properties, and must take immediate actions and strict measures to stop demolitions and encourage owners towards preventive conservation. The inadequacy of staff, both in terms of size of workforce as well as the professional capacity of appointed officials, must be resolved in order to achieve effective controls on the ground. Publication and dissemination of information: Practical utility of research outcomes can only be achieved through dissemination and sharing of information with the community and administrators. An inventory of Shikarpoor’s historic fabric consisting of 1203 properties (including 1163 buildings, 13 open spaces and 27 urban elements), produced through research undertaken at HC-DAPNED forms a comprehensive two volume monograph of essential database and a reference manual. This is a new knowledge base for understanding the nature and character of built historic environments in the region. Sponsored by the Endowment Fund Trust for the Preservation of Heritage in Sindh the ‘Shikarpoor Historic City, Sindh, Pakistan: Inventory and Mapping of Heritage Places – Vol. I & II’ (Naeem 2013) provides a comprehensive database on the city’s heritage assets and is now available for wider dissemination. Designed in a user-friendly format, this publication gives basic facts on each property, including pictures, a location map, and an overall key map giving contextual understanding of the entire city and its environs. The inventory form for individual properties provides all necessary primary data to identify and locate each specific case and, in addition, to gain basic knowledge of its physical condition as well as particular heritage values attached to it. It also provides evaluative value-based grading and specific parameters of merit for each listed property, highlighting those features that contribute to the character of the urban fabric. Through a systematic

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Figure 7.2 (A & B) Heritage inventories

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Sample sheets from the heritage inventory monograph ‘Shikarpoor: Historic City, Sindh, Pakistan’ published by Endowment Fund Trust for the Preservation of Heritage in Sindh in February 2013.

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sieving process for grading, each listed property is placed in one of the four value-based groups, allowing the possibility to deal with each group conforming to different levels of regulations, monitoring or policymaking initiatives at conservation planning stages. The identified parameters of merit incorporate architectural, environmental, historic and contextual values and associations, including a ‘locational value’ that provides a hierarchical value system to properties in respect of their location in the urban context and acknowledging their contribution to the overall environment and character of the built fabric. The numeric value assigned to the range of ‘locational value parameters’, increase or decrease in accordance with the property’s accessibility and visibility in the public eye. Inventory forms, tested for their practical applicability, received a positive response from government officials working for the Department of Culture, GoS, and involved in decision-making related to cultural properties. In its published form, the comprehensive monograph of heritage inventories including information on physical fabric as well as analytical outputs, is a novel way to present data, giving added utility to the document as an educational and awareness building tool – practically serving as a catalogue of listed properties providing useful information for administrators, decision makers, residents and the community at large. Publication of this document is a useful step towards better dissemination of compiled information on listed and protected properties. Availability of this reference material should be ensured at municipal administration offices as well as local public libraries for easy access by administrators, residents, and others interested in acquiring familiarity with and knowledge on the protected heritage of the city. It can also be used as an effective monitoring tool and a reference manual to facilitate decision-making related to specific properties. Preliminary interaction with a number of local organizations and city government officers has highlighted a keen interest in the research outcomes and a desire to gain access to and understanding of the documentation. Appointment of a heritage monitoring committee: Urgent measures are required to address the issue of demolitions, and to curb those trends supporting commercial comodification of historic building elements. To monitor and control future destruction or damage of listed properties the process for seeking proper permits before demolitions or new constructions within the historic core must be strictly implemented. A monitoring committee comprising of members representing concerned provincial and local departments as well as professionals/experts in the field should

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evaluate submitted applications before issuing any approvals. This is a system already in place for dealing with heritage properties in Karachi given protection under the same legislative cover; hence, there should be no issues in introducing a similar process in Shikarpoor with immediate effect, putting an end to the existing monopoly of single-handed decisionmaking presently practiced in the city. An important role in the monitoring process is that of the Building Control Authority. Since February 2011, the jurisdiction of the Karachi Building Control Authority (KBCA) has been extended to cover all of Sindh, with branch offices of the SBCA opened in different cities of the province. A unit of the heritage monitoring cell should thus become part of the active regulatory machinery in Shikarpoor without delay. Legal action must be initiated against all involved in unauthorized demolition of listed properties. As part of an effective monitoring process, the Department of Culture, GoS, and SBCA should jointly launch an online ‘Heritage Watch Volunteers’ programme inviting the resident community to register online complaints if they observe any unauthorized demolition activities at sites of protected heritage properties and they should devise efficient systems for responding to lodged complaints. Orientation and Training Workshops: Urban heritage mostly falls within the domain of local authorities who are responsible for their management and effective monitoring to safeguard its intrinsic characteristics. To overcome the professional inadequacies within local departments and their staff the Department of Culture, GoS, and city authorities should initiate orientation and training workshops for officers working in city government/municipality and district government offices, with the objective of acquainting them with the process of heritage management, monitoring of listed properties and the legislation attached to heritage properties. The level of ignorance found among concerned officials regarding listed properties in Shikarpoor reinforces the need for such workshops where appointed off icials are reminded of their responsibilities as protectors of heritage. Development of a Conservation Masterplan: A taskforce of professionals including architects, planners, infrastructure engineers and environmental specialists should be appointed to develop a comprehensive ‘conservation masterplan’ for the city of Shikarpoor, clearly stating the overall development planning policy and conservation strategies to direct future growth. An integrated planning approach should be adopted for developing this ‘masterplan’, advocating involvement from all stakeholders as part of the

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planning process – encouraging multidisciplinary inputs from a range of professionals including architects, planners, conservators, historians, archaeologists, urban designers, economists, tourism managers, etc. The ‘masterplan’ should not only incorporate present perspectives, but aim to envision a futuristic image of the city that helps tap its potentials for the collective benefit of the resident communities. To ensure proper implementation of the masterplan, it is essential that a separate ‘conservation planning and management’ unit is introduced within the existing city management structure, appointing professionals who collectively have the capacity of dealing with issues in a multidisciplinary manner. Conservation Pilot Projects: Using the available database pilot projects at building and area conservation level can instigate the process of heritage preservation. Properties under government ownership, presently lying vacant or under-utilized, can be identified through this process for restoration and introduction of a public purpose usage. The local authorities should seek financial assistance to support such projects through national and international sources of funding. Support for such initiatives can also be explored through support from multinational companies, international trusts, and other sponsors willing to support the cause of heritage conservation and cultural traditions. Revival of traditional building crafts: The knowledge and experience of working with historic building materials has dwindled significantly, with only a few old artisans and craftsmen familiar with these techniques now available and willing to share their expertise. The revival of traditional methods and techniques should be sought through sponsored workshops in which craftsmen identified as knowledgeable in historic building materials should be engaged to conduct interactive participation from young apprentices and professionals associated with heritage management and conservation – encouraging a progressive exchange of experiences. Worksites of initiated pilot projects could serve as an ideal opportunity for hands-on experience and exploration of traditional materials and building crafts, instigating a revival of these traditional practices. Professional Capacity Building: In the absence of well-established educational programmes within the country offering formal professional training in heritage conservation and management, it is difficult to find trained personnel technically competent to handle existing challenges in the field. Building professional capacities at a local level is one of the primary

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requirements to ensure well-sustained initiatives in heritage conservation and this can be effectively achieved through onsite training of young professionals from associated fields such as architecture, urban planning, engineering, urban design, environmental engineering, infrastructure management, etc. Worksite training programmes can be launched at identified pilot project sites encouraging an interactive exchange between craftsmen and professionals – together striving to experiment and develop improved techniques and methods for appropriate approaches to restoration works. Addressing the issue of locally available professional expertise, the provincial department/s can also take initiatives to organize ‘technical assistance and support programmes’ through mobilization of required experts and practitioners from larger cities, made available periodically to advise and train residents in smaller towns like Shikarpoor and other historic cities. Sponsorship of such programmes can be sought from national and international organizations supporting the cause of heritage conservation. To support and facilitate conservation activities, the public sector networks should also attempt to develop better coordination and exchange between various departments presently existing within the system, but unfortunately operating in isolation. Most importantly, closer collaboration should be sought between departments of culture, tourism, communications, archaeology, antiquities, planning and development, encouraging the development of closer interdepartmental coordination and interactive participation from local authorities. Such an approach will encourage multidisciplinary practice to heritage management, and ensure better utilization of resources and available professional/technical expertise. Incentives to Private Property Owners: The constraints imposed on owners of listed properties or other properties in conservation areas, such as ‘denial of full development value of site’ or restricted freedom for implementation of any desired changes or alterations, gives rise to financial loss or economic burdens on owners. To compensate for these losses, the government, in parallel to listing activities, must also take initiatives to introduce incentives and programmes that encourage private owners to participate in better maintenance and protection of their properties, while gaining economic benefits from the process. A diverse and complex array of financial aid to meet the shortfalls faced by owners is developed internationally to support conservation activities without any monetary loss to property owners. These methods largely fall within three principle groups (Pickard & Pickerill 2002), including subsidies (grants/aids), loans (low interest or interest free)

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and tax relief (VAT/property tax). Some of the ways that heritage property owners can benefit include: loans at favourable rates of interest and periods; capitals grants to reduce costs; reduction in costs by provision of staff and materials at low or zero costs; contributions to maintenance costs; property or services related tax waivers/benefits; tax increment financing for recycling into further projects; governmental patronage; revolving funds available to agencies wishing to rehabilitate and sell; authorizing charitable arrangements from industry and financial institutions in turn offering them tax rebates; introducing the concept of easement donations where part of the property (such as the façade) comes under public ownership in areas with officially recognized heritage values allowing tax relief on repair works; and implementing the concept of transferable development rights (TDR) to other properties outside conservation areas (Lichfield 1988; Pickard 1995). The idea of TDR as a compensational scheme is successfully practiced in the US, Canada, India and several other countries around the world. It facilitates the sale, transfer, or leasing of built area lost due to the need to preserve existing heritage structures. It provides owners with the authority to sell their unutilized area, within the allowed floor area ratio (FAR), to a developer in another area, giving them the possibility to build additional space in their development scheme, over and above what is permissible within standard regulations. The Karachi Building and Town Planning Regulations 2002 (KBTPR 2002), a revised version of 1979 regulations, incorporated the concept of ‘transferable development rights’ through its section 15-3.2; but this clause was removed through amendments in 2005 and 2008, limiting the option for utilization of unused FAR by allowing construction on available open spaces around heritage buildings within the same property limits. This change was done whimsically without even attempting to gauge the effects or benefits of TDR to property owners and the negative implications on the original setting of historic structures and their surroundings. Immediate action by concerned authorities is required to revert the present building and town planning regulations to their 2002 version. Since the jurisdiction of building control authority now extends to all of Sindh, similar clauses to those mentioned in Chapter fifteen of the 2002 regulations, dealing with historic areas, should be immediately imposed in Shikarpoor and other historic towns across the province. The only benefit presently offered to heritage property owners is limited to non-commercial properties given protection under the Sindh Cultural Heritage Protection Act 1994, exempting them of ‘property taxes’ under section 4(h) of the Sindh Urban Immovable Property Tax Act 1958; a clause

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added to the act through Sindh Finance Ordinance 2001. This needs to be further enhanced giving some percentage of relief to commercial properties too, as these form a large group among the listed properties. Other incentives successfully used by municipalities and city governments across the world to encourage owners to take initiatives for better maintenance and management of their heritage properties include regular awards (annual or biennial), heritage grants, competitions and other such prospects that acknowledge or give recognition to best practices in conservation and heritage management, in accordance to established international standards and principles. Awareness-Building and Inculcating Pride in Ownership: Cultural properties have a ‘public and social ownership’ besides their rightful legal ownership. This forms an important aspect of the integrated conservation planning approach and must be encouraged through ‘public participation’, invited by incorporating social research tools that allow opinions from different segments of the community be heard, appreciated and incorporated in policymaking. An important objective of public participation is to inculcate awareness and pride among stakeholders regarding the ‘reason for heritage designation’ and their ‘obligations and responsibilities’. Initiatives towards developing such programmes for the general public would help reinstate the significance and importance of the city at various levels of recognition. Programmes engaging varying degrees of professional or public interest could include: seminars; conferences; workshops inviting an interdisciplinary exchange of knowledge/information-sharing between researchers and the community at large; introductory presentations on history and background of the city at local schools and colleges; open house debates inviting community participation on heritage issues, including discussions on the listings and their monitoring process; sponsored events for installing ‘heritage plaques’ or ‘commemorative plaques’ on listed properties; organized heritage walks and tours; occasional special events like street festivals, heritage art or photography competitions and exhibitions; and orientation/advocacy campaigns to develop better understanding of the larger conservation plan and its benefits to the city. Policy Guidelines General guidelines that can be integrated within the policymaking framework at the regional and national level are proposed here for consideration. The situation requires a simultaneous top-down and bottom-up approach

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to formulate strategies for possible revival and urban regeneration of the historic towns. Directions and guidelines proposed here for the local and provincial authorities include both short- and long-term commitments. In a politically instable situation, as is the case in Pakistan, maintaining continuity in long-term strategies is one of the challenges requiring sensible and foresighted planning. This is where involvement of autonomous institutions, administratively uninfluenced by political upheavals must play a significant role. A Model for Replication: Insights on regional history indicate several important towns in Sindh, and across Pakistan, with a background and profile that should be acknowledged as an important asset representing regional values and cultural traditions. Detailed town-scale documentation undertaken in such identified historic places by replicating the developed model of systematic recording can help develop a national level standardized database, enabling easy exchange of information and research-enriched understanding of regional and national identities that can, in turn, influence better policymaking initiatives at a macro level. The main strength of the developed method is its use of existing information as a base, i.e., gaining knowledge on history of the place through literature review using secondary sources, existing listings, maps, survey sheets, satellite images; building upon whatever is available through a largely inductive approach – depending on field data developed by using predesigned ‘core data index form’, street-by-street survey and mapping of all properties that qualified under the pre-defined criteria as having heritage values. This allowed incorporation of different components of the built fabric, including buildings, open spaces and other urban elements. It enabled site data collection and its tabulation in a standard format, producing information on updated on-site conditions, in conjunction with socio-cultural and economic aspects. Another important aspect of the research methodology was the inclusion of lost fabric in the analytical process. In Shikarpoor, the approach of incorporating information gained through historic chronicles facilitated the discovery of the location of the Afghan Fort – a historic landmark previously lost in the chaos of unplanned developments in its locality. Similarly, the record of more recent demolitions raises attention about the intensity of this issue and providing evidence to allow visual comparisons with what replaces the historic structures and justify the cause of historic preservation on grounds of visual aesthetics. Based on this documentary evidence, the whole analytical process is structured and enables the entire city to be viewed in a holistic manner:

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from identification of its historical developments and growth to the various period contributions and influences as well as the changes that occurred due to socio-economic and political transformations. The morphological analysis allowed an understanding of the city’s evolution, helping identify its layers of development, providing an understanding of not just problems but also their causes, thus giving direction for possible remedies to instigate a revival process. The main focus of this systematic documentation process was geared towards identification of heritage values for a particular place and analysing these to establish the statement of significance for that place. The case study of Shikarpoor has demonstrated the importance of this systematic process for accurate recording of primary data, capturing representations of different socioeconomic and cultural aspects in the built fabric, and allowing an interpretation of the historical background, evolutionary developments and recent status of the city. The systematic data management, review, and analysis methods developed to achieve the research objectives; and the results produced in the process reinforce the need for detailed inventory listings as the first and most essential step towards heritage conservation and management of historic towns. The analysis of data on Shikarpoor, to develop an in-depth understanding of various aspects of its built environment, reflects the potential of the method as a source for identifying particular values of significance and serves as a data bank that could be used to initiate or identify further research directions. The key aspects highlighted as significant features of Shikarpoor’s historic fabric include the unique range of architectural details, and the representative examples of traditional housing typology and period styles, defining explicitly the values that contribute towards forming the unique qualities of a place making them worthy of preservation. The proposed actions for Shikarpoor can be undertaken as a model case, benefitting not only heritage within the, city but also raising awareness and capacity building amongst concerned stakeholders for other similar historic places in the region. Further research in a similar vein should be encouraged in different historic cities to help build a comprehensive knowledge base for the traditional environments within the region, spreading the inventory process, and conservation actions on a regional level. Practical Utility/Usability of Inventories: The inventory document/monograph has practical usability for government departments involved with heritage management existing within the administrative structure sharing the responsibility for monitoring and management of historic monuments

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and sites. Such documents produced for identified historic towns and made readily available in published form can enable smoother interdepartmental collaborations achieved through efficient exchange and dissemination of information. The comprehensive data compiled in a user-friendly format provides a ready reference source of understanding and can direct decisionmaking – facilitating all administrators and decision-makers involved in heritage management.38 In cities lacking existing administrative units responsible for heritage management, the process of practical applicability is much more challenging. However, published inventory documents available as a monitoring tool and a support resource for listed properties can help overcome this shortcoming in places where new set-ups are introduced. Political Support: Conservation of historic towns does not only concern individual buildings and their owners, but also involves larger town planning and administrative actions. Objectives of historic town conservation cannot be achieved unless the process is advocated and promoted through larger public policies, administrative backing and political support. Initiatives for policy implementation can only materialize if there is a political will to get them through official approvals, securing required funding for actual implementation. Seeking political support should become an essential part of any campaign undertaken for the conservation of Shikarpoor, or any other city, as a historic urban centre. Representatives from local government need to play an instrumental role in gaining political support for this cause. Political instability and frequent swings in the democratic process within the country are major factors that have hampered progressive developments in the field and continuity in the process. This is a major concern requiring foresighted planning. A possible approach to overcome these drawbacks is to seek institutionalization of the process by involving non-governmental set-ups or established autonomous organizations, such as universities and other educational/training institutions, which can ensure continuity of the established processes in the event of political upheavals. Seeking collaborations between government departments and educational institutions can be a way to establish continuity in management, training, and local capacity building for heritage conservation. Even ensuring appointments of relevant 38 Inventory documents produced using the same method of documentation and format of inventory through another research project initiated at DAP-NED for the historic quarters of Karachi, in collaboration with the Department of Culture, GoS, are now being used by the heritage monitoring committee as a source of reference to facilitate decision making on listed buildings.

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government officials on basis of their technocratic abilities rather than political affiliations would help in improving the professional capacities to deal with the present challenges and crisis of our historic environments. Institutionalizing the Conservation Process: Establishing a localized base that provides continuous technical support in all areas – training, professional capacity building, and managing of heritage assets through economically viable policies and approaches – is the key to achieving fruitful results in the revival of historic towns. Setting up a ‘heritage conservation liaison unit’ that provides regional level support to any city that shows an interest in developing heritage conservation programmes through local and community initiatives would help spread conservation activities, and gain momentum through popular support across the region and eventually develop as an engine for economic growth and prosperity. Seeking National and International Collaborations: In view of the limitations on professional capacities and other resources, conscious efforts are required to establish national and international collaborations for research, training, and implementation of conservation activities. This approach can be instrumental in sustaining ongoing activities on a long-term basis. Taking an initiative to gain support for activities related to heritage conservation HC-DAPNED, has taken voluntary steps to collaborate with the Department of Culture, GoS, providing them with technical support in different areas. The Department of Culture, GoS, now takes regular advice from HC-DAPNED in matters regarding review of applications and projects regarding listed properties in Karachi, preparation of technical reports, proposals on legislative reforms and developing guidelines for conservation/ restoration. Similar collaborations are being initiated with the City District Government Karachi, and other organizations involved with planning and development processes. In an attempt to seek international support for the safeguarding of ‘Shikarpoor Historic City’, the city was nominated for institutional support from NED University, for inclusion in ‘WMF Watch List’, in 2008, 2010, and 2014. A WMF Watch Day event organized on 24 November 2014 through collaboration between HC-DAPNED, the WMF and the Endowment Fund Trust for Preservation of Heritage in Sindh, helped instigate a renewed sense of pride among the resident community and momentarily engaged their interest in the city’s heritage assets. The 2014 Watch List cycle also ended with the approval of ‘Shikarpoor Project 2016’, stretching from 23 January-5 February 2016, including three components: a ten days

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‘Heritage Documentation Workshop’, launching of the ‘Heritage Plaques Programme’ and the ‘Heritage Watch Day’ (more details on the ongoing Shikarpoor Heritage Safeguarding Campaign are available at http://www. neduet.edu.pk/arch_planning/Heritage/webpages/SHCC(2007-Ongoing). html). These activities helped raise some level of awareness about the city’s heritage values at a national and international level. However, success of such events beyond a momentary impact can only be gauged if fruitful long-term results materialize in the form of co-operation and funding support for ongoing activities that help raise public awareness (publications, seminars, workshops, training programmes and conferences), interactive programmes involving local community’s participation in heritage conservation activities, and most importantly initiating pilot projects for actual restoration/conservation of historic places. For academic and researchbased institutions like HC-DAPNED, the sustenance of such self-initiated undertakings on a long-term basis is heavily dependent on availability of external funding and other supportive instruments, gained through national and international collaborations.

Epilogue The potential of traditional built environments is internationally acknowledged, not only as unique urban settings providing for exceptional human experiences, but also as a reflection on social, political, and economic history of associated communities – thus the only means of maintaining a link with the past and ensuring continuity in the evolution of human development. Additionally, these are a source of learning for environmentally-friendly and climatically responsive ways of shaping the built fabric; a knowledge base for traditional building materials and crafts. Shikarpoor is only one such case among several other neglected historic cities in Pakistan that represent regional history and socio-cultural traditions and which should be safeguarded as a national asset enriching regional experiences. Awareness-building programmes must be developed to involve community participation through educational institutions, community centres, and city government institutions. Given the historic significance of Shikarpoor, it is of utmost importance that the value of its surviving fabric is recognized, locally, nationally, and internationally, leading to efforts to prevent further destruction and, at the same time, encouraging revival and regeneration of the historic urban environment. In view of present realities and the level of awareness for heritage conservation in the country, especially at the scale of historic cities or urban areas, achieving this goal seems like an enormous undertaking. However, having documented the city in detail and having received a positive response from concerned authorities and a few residents, there is a ray of hope for getting community support and cooperation from city administrators for any conservation plans initiated for implementation. Lack of research-based existing documentation has been a major factor, retarding professional growth in the heritage conservation and management sector. This has resulted in weak national policies that fail to create a positive impact for protection and revival of historic towns and sites. The extent of city-scale detail incorporated in this work has enabled an in-depth interpretation and formulation of distinct definition of regional history, identities and characteristics of traditional built environment. The replication of such research could create comprehensive regional and national level heritage inventory databases, providing an opportunity for progressive and well directed actions to overcome the present inadequacies in the field. Its replication in different towns at the regional or national level, could lead to encouraging collaborations between government organizations,

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educational institutions and community-based co-operations across the country, helping to create a standardized national database and opportunities for local capacity building and professional training, and allowing the present deficiencies of trained heritage conservation professionals to be overcome. To conclude this work, it is desirable to end on a hopeful note, i.e., that this could actually be the beginning of an ongoing process. Given the realities on the ground, the hurdles of limited resources and the drawbacks of local professional capacity in the area of urban conservation, it would be realistic to say that this process may take many years to show any visible results. In fact, it may never reach the level of practical implementation. Nevertheless, the first steps have been taken and with defined directions clearly in view it is now a matter of taking these up one by one and pursuing the identified directions further. Only with continuity in the process, and a long-term commitment, can the deficiencies in the field of heritage conservation in the country be overcome. The outcomes of this work identify existing potentials within the region’s traditional built environments and reflect on the fact that the country lags behind in all aspects of heritage conservation. The poor management of heritage assets; the unconcerned attitude of authorities; the poor monitoring of identified cultural properties; the disregard of the importance of trained professionals; the lack of initiatives for proper training of professionals/craftsmen; the absence of scientific research on traditional materials – the list of identified deficiencies is long and indicates that safeguarding of heritage has never been a priority on the national agenda. There is a dire need to establish national level awareness to recognize local identities and acknowledge regional diversities and richness of cultures, traditions, and centuries of history that enrich our historic built environments. It is an unfortunate reality that the recognition and respect due to these historic traditions is not extended, as a result of which they face a threat of being lost in time. Developments in the political history of the region in past two centuries have created polarities along religious, ethnic, and linguistic lines that even today keep resurfacing in regional, national, and local politics, severing the socioeconomic dynamics and human relationships. The conflicting interests and ideals within national ideologies has decelerated and hampered progressive growth in many aspects of life and professional domains. Heritage conservation is one sector largely neglected or deliberately overlooked, to avoid the inconvenience of defining what should be acknowledged within the sphere of national heritage or simply because of a reluctance to accept the diversity of cultures and religions forming the shared national heritage.

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Adding to the uncertainties emerging from fragmented national ideologies regarding heritage assets is the emergence of an aspiration to absorb global trends. The traditional built environments have particularly been a victim to the indiscriminate imposition of policies and by-laws that are in no way compatible or complimenting to the traditional concepts and principles. The result is an unheeding destruction of environments with an extraordinary quality and character – unique and impossible to replicate anymore. With the growing trends for global perceptions, there is an urgent need to safeguard what remains as a representation of regional and local traditions. The only way to ensure the survival of these unique built environments is to seek policies developed on the lines of economic revival and sustainability, focusing on local communities and gaining their support for the cause of heritage conservation. The concept of urban areas or historic district conservation is an unexplored domain in Pakistan to date. The explicit directions and guidelines proposed here need to be considered for integration into national level policymaking to attempt progressive developments in the area. Recognition of historic area conservation, not only as a reminder of history, but also as a source of economic revival and sustenance of traditional communities, provides strong justification for supporting these activities. In the existing economically impoverished context, progress in this sector provides an opportunity for economic revival. Many countries and regions with rich diversity of cultural traditions recognize this potential and have successfully developed programmes that acknowledge such national resources, seeking benefits to support local communities and ensure their future sustenance. This approach has been tried and tested internationally, proving to be a successful concept providing an economic base for national and local revenues supporting primary stakeholders. There is no reason why a similar impact cannot be achieved by proper utilization of our historic national resources.

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Index Achaar 130 Afghan Campaign 31-32 Afghan Fort 41, 212-213, 250 Afghans 25, 28-32, 34, 183, 213, 233 Alif Shah 69-70 Allah Baksh 69, 72 Apsara 164 Ashram 44, 143, 145 Autaaq 17, 115, 119 Bab-e-Ahmadi 86 Bagh 68-73, 80 Bahawalpur State 28-29 Bania 17, 30, 35 Basant Haveli 111-112, 115 Bhai Bala 102 Bhai Mardana 102 Bolan Pass 25, 30, 32, 36 Boot Bazaar 65, 89 Brackets 56, 103, 114, 151, 154, 165-166, 178, 184-187, 190, 192, 216 British Empire 32, 50 C & S College 56, 144 Cantonment 32-34, 40, 43, 58 Caravans 35, 41-42, 58 Cast iron 164 Chai Khanas 45 Chajjas 169, 174 Chaliho 79 Chatris 152, 162 Chellasing 144, 146, 148 Chingchi 231 Chotta Beggari Wah 38, 42, 79-80 Churigar Bazaar 65 Circuit House 43 Circular Road 41, 45, 61, 64, 66, 84, 86, 90, 95-96, 99, 137, 143, 145, 219-220, 222, 228, 230, 234 Civi Dar 64, 82, 121 Civil Hospital 34, 50, 144, 147 Clock Tower 142, 202 Collector’s Bungalow 120 Colonnade 134, 142, 144, 151, 157, 163, 187, 225 Courtyard 74, 87, 92, 106-110, 112, 114, 133-136, 138, 144-145, 152, 154, 159-160, 163-164, 171, 173, 175, 178-179, 186-188, 225, 228 Covered Bazaar 63, 89-90, 121-125, 127 Crafts 58, 232-233, 237, 246, 255 Craftsmen 66, 98, 165, 180, 209, 231-232, 237, 246-247, 256 Dadwai Road 64, 136, 138, 217, 223 Daryapanthi 102 Daudpotas 28-29, 33-34, 183, 233 Dayal Singh Luni Singh 227-228

Devanagri 88 Dewan 149-150 Dhak Bazaar 89-90, 121-122, 124, 126-127, 129-131, 176, 185, 202 Dharamsalas 42, 95, 142, 220 District Headquarters 32, 44, 49-50 Diya 151, 170 Economic revival 24, 236, 257 European Quarters 43 Fakirullah Alvi 28, 56, 139, 141 Faujdari 45, 221 Filigree 167 Fresco 75-76, 175, 177, 191 Fretwork 166 Fulton Tank 81-82 Ganesh 71-73, 92, 102 Ganesh Bagh 71, 73 Garho Bungalow 99 Ghat 75-76, 80 Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah 33, 142 Gillipse Tank 82-83 Glazed tile 74, 91, 108, 157-159, 174, 192, 216 Grading 239, 241, 244 Gurmukhi 88 Guru Nanak 102-103 Gypsum 98, 158, 167, 172, 174, 194, 209 Hathi Dar 64, 92 Havelis 26, 105, 175, 184, 211, 216, 228 Hazari Dar 64 Hazari Tank 82 Henry Holland 144, 259 Heritage management 239-240, 245-247, 249, 251-252 High School 33, 72, 142-143, 192, 202 Hindu 17, 22, 25-27, 30, 32-37, 42, 44-45, 54-56, 59, 75-76, 79, 102-103, 106, 110, 114, 122, 124, 132-133, 142, 144, 164, 168, 170, 175, 177-178, 220, 229 Holi 80, 116 Hopeful Academy 72, 142-143 Hundi 37 Iconography 22, 102-103, 168 Imambargah 95, 139 Incentives 25, 199, 228, 247, 249 Indo-Pakistan Partition 26-27, 33, 44, 142 Indus Flotilla 44 Indus Navigation 32, 42 Inventory documentation 101, 237-238 Jacobabad 33-34, 44, 50, 52, 58-59, 75, 212 Jafri 167

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Jagirs 29, 42 Jali 151, 158 Jamia Masjid 139-140 Kaffila serai 18, 41, 212-216 Kaffilas 35 Kalhoras 28-29, 33, 183 Kandahar 29, 34-36 Karan Dar 64 Khadki 115 Khanates 35 Khanchand 66, 90, 115-116 Khanpuri Dar 64, 82, 116 Khaprail 176 Khatko Maho 66 Khatwari Mandir 134-135 Khilafat Movement 33 Khoka 213 Khorasan 25, 30-31, 35 Khwaja Khizr 102 Kikar 101 Kulfi 130, 132 Lakhi 28, 41, 52, 64-65, 73, 81, 83-85, 92, 114, 121, 130, 139-140, 142-143, 202 Lakhi Dar 41, 64-65, 73, 81, 84-85, 121, 130, 139-140, 142-143, 202 Lakhmichand Teckchand 219-220 Lala Mahal 223 Latticework 70, 107, 110, 114, 134, 151, 156, 166, 169, 171, 186-187 Liaquat Park 71, 73 Local Government 45, 50-51, 235, 252 Mahars 28 Manchar Shah 68, 73-75 Masterplan 231, 236, 245-246 Merchants 25-26, 30, 34-37, 44, 57, 105, 121-122, 143, 183, 233 Merewhether Pavilion 70-71 Mirpurkhas 47 Mirs 30-32, 34, 69 Mirza Atta Mohammad 69 Mohalla 62, 65-66, 135, 138-139 Mohari 117, 152, 166, 187, 216 Mukam 77, 141 Multidisciplinary 239, 246-247 Municipality 34, 46, 52, 54, 64, 70-71, 73, 81, 83, 90-92, 122, 222-223, 229, 231, 245 Murlimal Haveli 113-115 Musafirkhanas 19, 42, 220 Nanakpanthi 102-103 Naoroza 79 National Highway 27, 58 Nausharo Dar 64, 74 Naz Cinema 142

Openwork 126, 151, 158, 166-167, 169 Pala 102 Peelu 101 Pickle 127, 130 Pilaster 99 Pilot project 247 Pir Ibrahim Shah 28 Policymaking 25, 238-240, 244, 249-250, 257 Portal 71, 73, 75, 86, 112, 135, 138-139, 147, 157, 160, 178-179, 197, 219 Property tax 248 Punj Pir 75, 139 Qab-sazi 174 Rabab 102 Railway 32-33, 43-44, 58, 75, 95, 120 Ramdas Hall 99 Ranjit Singh 31, 34 Sabeel 73, 92, 95 Sarvar Khan’s Tank 82-83 Sehn 152, 173 Session’s Court 99, 223 Seth Dolatram 57, 75 Shah Hussain 75, 139, 141 Shah Shuja 30-31, 34, 42 Shahi Bagh 68-72, 80 Shamshan Ghat 75-76 Shankar Bharti Temple 133 Shikarpoor Collectorate 50, 57 Shikarpoori Hindus 122 Shikarpoori Merchants 26, 34-37, 57 Shishm 101 Shiva 102, 135, 178 Shiwala 135-137, 152, 175, 178 Shutter Wari Darbar 115 Sidik Mari 64 Sikhara 175 Sindh Building Control Authority 47, 241 Sindh Cultural Heritage Preservation Act 27, 51, 207, 211, 216, 240-241 Sindh Wah 38, 46, 79-81 Sinhawasni 76, 164, 178 Sitaldas 144, 146, 148 Soucars 105 Station Road 41, 71, 120, 142-143, 146-147, 227-228 Stuart Gunj Bazaar 65, 84-85, 121, 127-130 Stucco 97-98, 112, 152, 158, 160-161, 170-172, 175, 177, 179-180, 184, 187, 189, 191, 194 Subsidies 247 Sukkur 32-34, 44-45, 47, 49-50, 52, 54, 58-59, 72, 146, 150, 213, 235-236 Sukkur Collectorate 49-50 Sukpul 90-91, 137 Sustainable development 77, 236, 239

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Index

Talpurs 30-31, 34, 42, 183, 213 Tanga 81 Tank 81-83, 146, 225 Tarseem bandi 174 Terracotta 123, 144, 176, 179 Thadal 141 Tourmal Mulchand 143, 145, 202 Traditional materials 98, 100-101, 231, 237, 246, 256 Training 144, 231, 237, 240, 245-247, 252-254, 256 Tribal 46, 57 Tympanum 102, 112, 156, 168, 187-188, 190, 192 Typology 120, 177, 197-199, 251 Uderolal 102 Udhawdas Tarachand 144, 146 Union Councils 52-53 Urban regeneration 236, 238, 250

Verandah 106, 114, 118, 133-134, 144, 163, 173, 187, 225 Wadera 50 Wagun Dar 64, 82 Walled City 38-43, 61-64, 66-68, 73, 75, 77-78, 85, 92, 98, 121, 129, 132, 134-135, 137, 141-142, 229-230, 233 Watch Day 27, 253-254 Watch List 27, 253 White Rose 130, 132 Worksites 237, 246 World Monuments Fund (WMF) 27 Wrought iron 103, 164 Zamindars 28, 32, 42, 52

Publications / Asian Cities

Norman Vasu, Yeap Su Yin and Chan Wen Ling (eds): Immigration in Singapore 2014, ISBN 978 90 8964 665 1 Gregory Bracken (ed.): Asian Cities. Colonial to Global 2015, ISBN 978 90 8964 931 7 Lena Scheen: Shanghai Literary Imaginings. A City in Transformation 2015, ISBN 978 90 8964 587 6